Memoir upon the late war in North America, between the French and English, 1755-60 : followed by observations upon the theatre of actual war, and by new details concerning the manners and customs of the Indians ; with topographical maps

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BETWEEN THE

FRENCH AND ENGLISH,

175 5-60;'

FOLLOWED BY

Observations upon the Theatre op Actuai> War, and by New

Details concerning the Manners and Customs op the

Indians ; with Topographical Maps.

BY M.

POUCHOT,

Chevalier qf the Royal and Military Order qf St. Louis; former Captain (if the
Regt. of Beam ; Commandant cf Forts Niagara and Levis in Canada.

TRANSLATED AND EDITED

FRANKLIN B. HOUGH.

WITH ADDITIONAL NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS.

VOL. I.

PRINTED FOR W. ELLIOT WOODWARD,

ROXBURY, MASS.

18G6.

Entered according to Act of Congress in the year 1866,

By Franklin B. Hough,

In the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the United States, for the
Korthern District of New York.

EDITION:

200 COPIES ARE PRINTED, OF 'WHICH 50 COPIES ARE QUARTO ; 143 COPIES

ARE ROYAL OCTAVO, AND 7 COPIES QUARTO, ON

WHATMAN'S DRAWING PAPER.

-^

PREFACE.

lu preparing an English translation from an authentic nar-
rative by an intelligent observer, of the events of the war of
1755-60,1 we hope to contribute a valuable addition to the lite-
rature of an interesting period of American history. Our
impressions of these events, have been chiefly derived from
English authors, who often evinced a partizan spirit in their
narratives unworthy of the historian, and who even when
they sought to leave a faithful record, could at most, present
but a partial statement of what they saw on their side. The
incidents of a battle or of a siege, as witnessed from an English
camp, might appear quite diiferent, if seen through the loop-
holes of a fort, or from behind the intrenchments of the
French, and a full and truthful knowledge of the whole subject
can only be attained by the study of the historians of both
parties.

The memoirs here presented, bear conclusive evidence of
having been written in a spirit of candor and truth, and being
chiefly founded upon personal observation, or the statements
of eye witnesses, they possess the merit of being original

iMemoires sur la derniere Guerre de I'Amerique Septentrionale,
entre la France et I'Angleterre, suivis d'Observations, dont plusieurs
sont relatives au theatre actuel de la guerre, de nouveaux details
sur les moeurs les usages des Sauvages, avec des Cartes Topograph-
iques. Par M. Pouchot, Chevalier de 1' oi'dre Royal & Militaire deSt.
Louis, ancien Captaine au Regiment de Beam, Commandant des forts
de Niagara de Levis, en Canada. — Yverdon, M.DCCpt LXXXI, \2mo,
3 vols., pp. 184, 308, cj- 380, u'ith three maps. f ^ ^Z

IV PREFACE.

authority. The narrative of" an Indian scout, or of a deserter,
even though partly or entirely erroneous, becomes itself a part
of history, when it leads to military movements or preparations,
and we cannot duly estimate the merit of events, without
understanding all the causes which operated in producing them.

The author doubtless prepared these memoirs as his own jus-
tification in the affairs with which he had been concerned, and
he freely presents his own merits upon every occasion ; yet we
find nothing inconsistent in his career as an honest, brave and
energetic ofiicer, inspired with honorable ambition, and an
earnest zeal for the success of the French arms. The entire
freedom with which he speaks of the corruptions of the adminis-
tration, is a sufiicient proof that he was not a partner to the
frauds which hastened the downfall of the French in Canada.

Although this work has been in the hands of historians
engaged upon the special period to which it relates, it is scarcely
known in our public libraries, or in private collections of Ameri-
can history. We are indebted to the library of Harvard Uni-
versity in Cambridge, for the use of the copy from which this
translation was prepared. Our especial thanks are due to Mr.
J. Langdon Sibley, the accomplished librarian of that institu-
tion, for facilities which have been of the greatest service.

It will be observed that the original edition was printed in
Switzerland, fourteen years after the author's death, under the
care of an editor whose name does not appear. It is probable
that some restriction of government, upon publications of this
class, may have occasioned its issue beyond the limits of France.

The notes of the original edition are in all cases designated,
and to those which we have added, we have usually given the
authorities upon which based, or from whence derived.

F. B. H.

LowviLLE, N. Y., Feb. 10, 18G6.

PREFACE OF THE ORIGINAL EDITION.

We may seek iu vain among the numerous period-
icals— the archives of falsehood and ignorance, for
the materials of history. Special memoirs can alone
supply them, and in now publishing those of M.
Pouchot upon the late war in North America, we
believe that we fulfill this important object at a happy
moment — that of the revolution, which has broken
the fetters of that continent, and changed the political
system of Europe.

Several works upon this war have appeared long
since in England, but their partizan tendency made it
desirable that we should have accounts more faithful
and better capable of transmitting to posterity those
traits of valor which in the new world sustained the
honor of the French nation, even in the midst of
reverses. These were so constant, that fortune in dis-
playing them in every part, seemed to contradict her
character.

If the prejudices of state appear sometimes to mis-
lead M. Pouchot, we venture the assurance, that they

2 PREFACE OF THE ORIGINAL EDITION.

are never so strong us to lead him to betray the
interests of truth, either by alteration or disguise.
This quality is impressed upon all his narratives, and
is expressed with a simplicity that often degenerates
into a too obvious negligence of style. We can easily
pardon this fault in an oflicer less careful in saying,
than in doing well. Besides this, the language of
camps is not always that of the tribunals of oratory.

Those parts of this work in which the sense might
appear unintelligible or obscure, are almost the only
ones we have ventured to correct. We have allowed
ourselves some light retrenchments. Perhaps the
author would have made himself a greater number if
he had found time to review his memoirs, in which it
was still necessary to change the order of several parts.

In fact a more careful reader would be impatient at
finding historical narratives placed after the excellent
geographical observations which they tend to illustrate,
and to which we have added some remarks upon the
Apalachian Mountains and the Falls of Niagara. We
have therefore with reason, placed these observations
at the end of the memoir, and before the precious
details upon the manners and customs of the Indians.
This latter essay, is the result of those relations which
our author as commander, was obliged to form with
the principal nations of the continent of Korth
America.

EULOGY UPON M. POUCIIOT.

A literary man identifies himself in his works ; their
merit is the measure of his praise, and their existence
alone sufiices for his glory. He, on the contrary, who
devotes himself to his comitry's service, more willing
to shed his blood for her than to perpetuate the memory
of his own exploits, leaves to posterity the care of
doing him justice. We are therefore under strong
obligations to collect these titles of honor where they
can be safe from the sponge of oblivion, especially
when the theatre of action was a distant country, and
they ran the greater risk of being buried. Of such
were the intrepid defenders of Canada, among whom,
M. Pouchot holds a distinguished rank.

In publishing his memoirs, we acquit his fellow citi-
zens of a debt, and in giving him here the just tribute
of our praise, we satisfy our own duty. The Truth
will never have occasion to reproach us. It is not
to do injury that we borrow his language. Simple and
precise, it rarely becomes deceitful — a quality that
always needs precedents.

4 EULOGY UPON M. POUCHOT.

M. Poiicliot was bora at Grenoble in 1712, of a
worthy father, who had not sought in commerce the
dangerous means of bequeathing scandalous luxuries,
and by enriching his heirs, to render them good-for-
nothing Sybarites. He left by a premature death, the
sad liberty to his widow of another marriage, which
she hastened to improve. The feelings of the mother
lost strength from day to day in the arms of her new
husband; the voice of interest became more powerful,
and plunged the children of the first marriage into
deepest gulf of misery from which they could scarcely
emerge. The author of these memoirs, to avoid the
sacrifice of his talents, like others less prudent but
more eager for profit, entered the service in 1733 as a
volunteer engineer, a position to which nature had
destined him. He lost nothing of his rights, when the
next year he passed to the regiment of Beam. Far
from believing that his new employment made appli-
cation needless, or that he could now live idly at rest,
he continued to study the great art of Vauban and
Cohorn in the midst of the tumult of camps.

His attainments were not long unobserved, but
attracted the notice of M. de Maillebois, who put M.
Pouchot in the way that his genius led him. This
, general directed him to labor under M. Bourcet, upon
the entrenchments of Borgo-Forte, in the Sarraglio,
and upon those of Ferrara upon Mount Baldo. The
war in Corsica furnished our author with other occa-
sions to gratify the irresistible desire always arising in

EULOGY ON M. POUCIIOT. O

strong minds of being usefully engaged. lie was
employed in fortifying these posts, and in laying out
roads in the interior of that unhappy island, whose
poverty could not save it from the yoke of those inflex-
ible tyrants, the republican and despotic Genoese.

We will not follow M. Pouchot through all the cam-
paigns of Italy, Flanders and Germany, whose glory
he shared with the French troops. In 1744, he was
charged by government with examining the route of
Tyrol, and in preparing a map which he accompanied
by an instructive memoir. In the last year but one of
this war, he entrenched the camp of Tournai, under
the orders of M. de Villemur.

These services obtained for our brave ofllcer a
reward, that of captain by brevet, and the cross of St.
Louis. These were to him as a due, and not as a /caw,
a ministerial term, in truth very improper in its origin,
but which unfortunately we may nowadays often justify
in the use.

The peace not being settled upon a solid basis, the
ambition of England soon sought to overthrow it. To
anticipate or stop her enterprises, France sent several
battalions to Canada. That of Beam, to which M.
Pouchot was attached, was one of these. The
memoirs we publish render it needless to enter here
upon any of the details, of the brilliant actions and
important services of this oflicer. The defense of
l^iagara called forth all those varied resources that
his genius did not fail to furnish him. He never

9

6 EULOGY ON M. POUCHOT.

yielded to liis wants which increased in proportion to
the superior forces of the ellem3^ He was not over-
whelmed at Fort Levis, iu the ashes of which it would
be due after death to place his tomb, and to erect a
monument worthy of his intrepidity.

If he there escaped the sword of his country's foes,
it was only to be exposed to the ])itter assaults of
falumny at home. M. Berryer, Minister of the Marine,
mindful of liaving been a lieutenant of police, thought
he should employ this civil inquisition so useful to
restrain a vile and corrupt populace, l)ut too often
turned against the peace of the good, — to hunt out the
authors of the many abuses and transgressions that
had occasioned the loss of Canada. In pursuance of
this, he engaged an informer to play the part of a para-
site, to the end that he might discover all those whose
relations with the commissary general might lead to
suspicion of their conduct. He had shared the hos-
pitality of M. Pouchot's table, having come to speak
of the provisioning of Fort Levis. This did not how-
ever prevent M. Kervisian, for that was the name of
the informer, from accusing this brave officer upon his
return to France.

M. Berryer had then left the ministry. His suc-
cessor without adopting his system of espionage,
wished nevertheless to profit by this unlucky circum-
stance where the truth had for its adversaries the
guilty, who sought to multiply their accomplices to
shield themselves from exemplary punishment. Se-

EULOGY ON M. POUCIIOT. 7

vertil letlrcs dc cachet were issued, ordering the accused
to be taken to the Bastile.^ M. Pouchot was reposing
in the bosom of" l^is family from the fatigues of war,
when he learned with surprise that they intended to
arrest liim. He did not wait for lliis, but instantly
repaired to the court.

In presenting himself to the minister, he spoke in
these words : " I have come from Canada, where I have
a thousand times exposed my life for the interests of
my country. Her enemies oftered me employment,
mone}', and an advantageous position, but I rejected
their offers. The loss of my patrimony is all the fruit
left me for my labors and my services. What do you
want? Of what do they accuse me?"

The thunder of Power ceased to mutter when the
Voice of Innocence was heard. They only replied to
M. Pouchot by praising him, and said they only needed
witnesses like him to convict the guilty. " I now see,"
he replied, "that some vile defamer, — an infamous
spy, whom you have shamefully raised to the grade of
an officer, is the soul of this proceedure. What affinity
could I have with M. Bigot ^ and his accomplices?

iBy a royal commission, issued in December, 1702, more than lifty
persons were ordered to be tried for frauds or misconduct in the atfairs
of Canada, including the Governor, Intendant, seventeen Command-
ants of Posts, two Commissaries of the Marine, and one Commissary of
the Superior Council of Quebec. The trial lasted three years, and the
court decreed that twelve millions of livres should be restored to the
king. — Ed.

2 Francois Bigot was accused by Cadet, Contractor General of
Canada, on his return to France, and thrown into the Bastile, where

» EULOGY ON M. POUCHOT.

"Would they cry down a witness Avho would refuse to
testify for them ? " M. Pouchot having promised to
report himself whenever they wanted him, was not
only permitted to go freely, but they furthermore
assured him that he should shortly enjoy the recom-
penses due to his services. But he received none. At
the court they imbibed constantly from the waters of
the stream of oblivion, to anticipate its eiiect. He
was there but for a moment, and the information only
prevented M. Pouchot from being seized.

After the affair of Carillon, M. de Montcalm had
asked for him a brevet of- Lieutenant Colonel. The
minister granted him only a moderate pension. The
man so distinguished in that memorable combat, and
who afterwards defended with such valor and intelli-
gence the forts of Niagara and Levis, could not break-
down the barriers which separated the employed sub-
alterns from the superior grades, an obstacle over
which intrigue would manage to triumph without dif-
ficulty.

Having obtained neither favor nor advancement,
and with only the satisfaction of being judged worthy
of them, M. Pouchot returned to Grenoble. He sought
no revenge for the ingratitude of his country but from
new services, and he seized with ardor upon the occa-
sion which the troubles in Corsica presented, and

he remained eleven months in close confinement. He was subse-
quently banished to Bordeaux, where he spent the remainder of his
life in ease and comfort. — JSf. T. Col. Hist, x, 112G. — Ed.

EULOGY ON M. POUCHOT. 9

which first begun by tyranny and then increased by
habits of license and terror, were destined to destroy
him by the first fire.

Three months before he left for this island, he
undertook at the solicitation of his friends, to write
his memoirs. This short space of time did not permit
him to arrange them with care, nor to use his materials
properly. They are not the less interesting nor less
useful, for, to a knowledge of his art, the author joined
that courage to tell the truth, which is so often
silenced by fortune, of which faint heartedness is a
striking attribute.

Upon arriving in Corsica, M. Pouchot was employed
after his taste, but this time with sad result. Having
received orders to advance, with a detachment of fifty
men, to reconnoitre a post, he was abandoned by his
own, and killed on the 8th of Alay, 1769, by some Cor-
sicans concealed in the bushes. Thus Death which he
had often braved, sought to gain his end, and by a
kind of revenge, had recourse to the hand of vile
assassins to give the final stroke.

His generals regretted him, and his loss was
lamented by his family which was very large. Among
all its members equally distinguished for their virtues
and their services, he had chosen before his departure,
for his heir, one of his brothers, who having passed a
long time in the employment of the finance, had never
breathed its contagious air, and who well deserved the
public esteem.

CERTIFICATE OF M. LE MARQUIS DE
VAUDREUIL.

We, Pierre cle Rigaud, Marquis cle Vaudreiul, of
the Grand Cross of the Royal and Military Order of
St. Louis, formerly governor and lieutenant general
for the king, of all 'Nevi France :

Certify, that vSieur Pouchot, captain of the regiment
of Beam, has conducted himself in the different com-
mands which we have entrusted to him, of Forts
Niagara and Levis, as well in their construction, with
which we charged him as in their defense, with all the
sagacity, zeal, intelligence and economy which could
be expected from an accomplished officer. We certify
the same of his talents in managing the Indians, and
in attaching them to the service, during the sieges
which unfortunate circumstances obliged him to sus-
tain, and in which he maintained the honor of the
king's arms with a rare valor, and which have gained
him merited esteem :

1st, At Niagara, where ho maintained himself nine-
teen days in an open entrenchment, with four hundred
and fifty men of the troops and militia, of whom one

CERTIFICATE OF DE VAUDREUIL. 11

liLindred and seventeen were killed or wounded,
against about live thousand English and Indians, of
whom the first two generals, Prideaux and Johnson
were killed.^ .9

2d, At Fort Levis, with two liunch-ed and fifty men,
soldiers and militia, where there were sixty men killed
and wounded. Among the first of these, was his
artillery officer. With this small force, he sustained
himself eleven days against General Amherst, who
had eleven thousand men, regular troops and Indians,
with formidable artillery; and especially when at-
tacked by a heavy force by land and water on the 22d
of August by the enemy. He then grounded and took
a brigantine of twenty-two guns, in which were three
hundred men. He then grounded two others, one of
eighteen pieces, and the other of ten pieces of twelves.
He behaved with equal distinction in the other opera-
tions in which he employed him, and in other occa-
sions where he was found, as at Oswego, where he
directed the siege of that place, and equally at the
atiair of Carillon, of which we gave an account to the
minister at the time.^ In testimony of which we have
signed for him this present certificate, and have
attached the seal of our arms, at Paris, the 6th of May,
1761. Signed,

Vaudreuil.

1 Prideaux only -was killed — Ed.
,2 See iY. Y. Col. Hist, x, 779. — Ed.

INTRODUCTION.

Notwithstanclmg a century and a half of possession,
the French never derived any profit from that vast
region of North America known under the name of
Canada. The colony so planted was, so to speak, still
in its infancy when it passed under a foreign yoke.
They might have doubtless come out from this state
of weakness, or rather of non-existence, and have
become in time, very useful to the mother country,
had they been better known, and had we not been so
often deceived by those who should have enlightened
us. We had in France such false ideas of this country,
that it was deemed only valuable for the fur trade, and
it was believed that there was no distinction between
the colonists proper and the Indians.' Ignorance and
blindness finally went so far as to cause congratula-
tions at its loss.

1 It was even supposed in France, that a Canadian had an extraor-
dinary tigure and still stranger manners. In New England, although
near Canada, they still in the late war, regarded the inhabitants of
that country as demi-savages, because they were persuaded that the
French took no wives except from among the Indians. — Note in
Original.

INTRODrCTION. 13

England, to prevent its rival from opening lier eyes
to the advantages of Canada, meditated an invasion of
the territory in time of peace. The court of London
at length became wearied of wasting its strength and
treasure, in fruitless attempts to injure the French by
succoring her enemies ; and soon after the conclusion
of the peace of Aix-la-Chapelle,^ it formed a project
to appropriate the French colony of Canada or ISTew
Frauce, which came to be regarded as the most solid
bulwark then opposed to its enterprises. It was from
the first, an object to carry upon the river St. Lawrence
the establishments which we had early formed on the
borders of Acadia, and those we had projected, as well
on the side of Hudson's Bay as beyond the Alleghanies,
toward the Ohio River, or upon the banks of lakes
Ontario and Erie, where we were not limited by bound-
aries. It would result from this plan, that whatever
remained to France would be useless to her, since they
could hold the entrance.

The council at St. James, gave good attention to
the complaints and reclamations on the part of France,
who proposed to nominate commissioners from each
nation to agree upon the boundaries of their respective
colonies. This proposition was accepted, and they
decreed as a preliminary, that nothing should be under-
taken in the country upon whose territory a decision
was to be made. This convention had scarcely been

.iQct. 7, 1748. — Ed.

14 INTRODUCTION^.

signed, when England made no scruple in violating it.
Her commissioners were never able to agree witli those
of France, because they were secretly ordered to con-
stantly excite difficulties and to agree upon nothing.
Louis XV meanwhile desired peace at whatever price,
and his ministers believed that they could secure and
maintain it upon conditions which England would not
have rejected under any other circumstances. But she
now availed herself of the preponderance of her naval
forces, to destroy the commerce of the French, whose
progress had aroused her hatred and excited her
jealousy.

Had we penetrated this motive, we should not have
been astonished tliat the British ministry did not
respond to the advantageous propositions of the court
of Versailles, except by inadmissible demands. Not-
withstanding this, they pretended to negotiate, and to
seek peace; "but they had no other object," as a
judicious statesman has observed, "than to concen-
trate their enterprises, and to inspire France with a
security which prevented her from preparing for war,
by calling out her full forces."^

Some philosophers, or rather those who thought
they merited this name, at every chance they could
find, have sought to impugn and turn to ridicule the
conduct of these princes, but they have been obstinate
in misconceiving the true causes of this war. They

^Public Laic of Europe, vol. iii, p. 194. iVbfe in Original.

INTRODUCTION. 15

have repeated to their mutual shame, that France had
exposed herself to so great reverses, and had shed so
much blood, only for the possession of some tracts of
ICC, and savage countries or luorthless deserts. Such was
the language of an ignorant cynic ! Such the ex-
pressions that pride and presumption would consecrate
as oracles of a sublime reason !

Persons better informed, have not, it is true, brought
so much reproach upon France, but the}^ have accused
her commissaries of incapacity and passion, and her
ministers of ambition, and of not having sincerely
desired peace. The author of the memoir which we
now publish, appears to have had some of these preju-
dices. We think we may assure his readers that they
will find in the manifestoes of France, numerous and ■
incontestable proofs, that the pretenisons of England
towards Canada, were not the cause, but the pretext
of the late war.

MEMOIR UPON THE LAST WAR.

Before entering upon tlie details of the war which
has resulted in the loss of Canada, it may be necessary
to say a few words of the claims of the two powerful
nations who had formed establishments upon a conti-
nent, where originally they had no rights, and were
respectively unable to acquire any, except what they
carried with them. We do not speak of the natives'
rights, which these powers counted as nothing,
although these natives thought it very strange that
they should be driven from the country in which the
Master of Life had, according to their belief, created
them; where they had always lived, and where the
bones of their forefathers formed almost their sole title
of possession. They wished to know no masters, as
they had none among themselves.

These foreigners therefore, established and main-
tained themselves by force. They found many points
of contact which became a subject of strife. The
English, penetrating upon the upper Hudson, met the

18 TROUBLES IN ACADIA.

French establishments upon Lake Champlain. The
colonies of Virginia and Pennsylvania became flourish-
ing, and wished to extend their Indian trade to beyond
the Alleghanies, where they found themselves upon
tracts already ours, and this led to complaints at both
courts. Each sent on parties to confirm their rights
by occupation, and jealousy soon led to troubles.

Let us begin with the claims of Acadia, or Nova
Scotia, without noticing the prior details of the peace
of Utrecht. The English in 1714, sent a regiment to
Annapolis, on Port Royal, to take possession of Acadia,
but made no farther effort to fix themselves on this
peninsula, of wdiich at least three fourths w^ere occu-
pied by the French and their Lidian allies. By the
treaty of 1748, it was agreed,^ that the limits of the
French and English should be fixed amicablj' by their
respective commissioners. In 1749 the English fixed
themselves at Ohibucton, and founded Halifax.^
Everything remained quiet till the war of 1740, during
which the Acadians, or French of Acadia, aided by
the Canadians, formed several parties against the
English, without its appearing that the latter pretended
to regard the Acadians as their subjects.

1 Article XVIII, of the treaty referred to. — Ed.

2 The scheme proposed for an Enghsh settlement in Nova Scotia
was so favorable that 3,700 adventurers witli their families embarked
in May 1743, under the Hon. Edward Cornwallis, and laid the found-
ation of Halifax. A civil government was organized on tlfe 14th of
July, and active operations were at once begun. — HaliburtorCs Kova
Scotia. — Ed.

TROUBLES IN ACADIA. 19

During the discussions of these commissioners, they
built Fort Beau-bassin, and the French, that of Beau-
sejour.' The English likewise called upon the Acadi-
ans to take the oath of allegiance, and upon their
refusing, they transported all except those that retired
to the domains of Canada, and scattered themselves
in the settlements. Although the English pretended
to claim to the St. Lawrence, it still seemed by the
erection of Beau-sejour, that they did not seriously
wish more than the possession of the peninsula of
Acadia. M. de la Jonquiere, commandant of the
Canadians, and Col. Lawrence of the English, were
entrusted with the settlement of the limits, but could
decide nothing without force, or the marked unity of
the two nations, and they did nothing butqnarrel. Law-
rence was more adroit, and Jonquiere, a seaman, was
the more frank, but the}- were easily ofi'ended, spoke
injuriously of each other, and soon came to open defi-
ance. These quarrels passing to the commanders of
the frontier posts led to the death of a commandant
of Beau-bassin, who was killed by one of our Indians,
at the instigation, as was charged, of one of our Sul-
pician missionaries, who was living with these people,
and who being afterwards taken by the English, was
allowed, through a natural but indiscreet policy, to

1 Beau-sejour was at the head of Shegnekto or Chignccto Bay, the
westerly head branch of the Bay of Fiindy. After its capture bj- Col.
Monckton in June, 1755, it was called Fort Cumberland, and the
locality still bears this name. Beau-bassin was lower doAvn on the
same bay. — Ed.

20 TROUBLES IN ACADIA.

perish in a dungeon.^ This act did not then lead to an
open rupture, although the treaty of 1748 did not end
the war.

The English meanwhile, wishing to post troops in
the village of Minas, which the French claimed, the
governor of Canada sent a detachment in the winter
to remove them. Coming to the king's village by
night, and being well acquainted with the place, they
separated so as to attack every house at once. It was
near midniglit, and the commandant having supped
with his officers, went out, upon some occasion, and
seeing a considerable fall of snow exclaimed, "Zounds !
what a fine time for a Canadian ! " He did not think
of speaking so near the truth. Our men in ambush
upon hearing him, raised a shout, and at once rushed
into the houses, where they captured three hundred
men, of whom the most wakeful were doubtless these
officers."

M. de la Jonquiere was succeeded by M. de la
Galissonniere, a man well fitted by his talents for com-
mand in tliese regions, but he did not stay long enough

1 The author doubtless refers to the Rev. Louis Joseph de hi Loutre,
a missionary of Acadia, and a most virulent partizau of the French
cause. After ruining his people by his rash councils, he abandoned
them in their distress, found his way to Quebec, was received by the
bishop with reproaches for his interference in secular atfairs, and in
August 1757, sailed for France. The vessel was captured, and the
Abbe was thrown into prison in Island of Jersey, where he remained
eio-ht years. After the peace of 1763, he was allowed to return to
France. — Mem. sur le Canada, in CoUee. of Lit. and Hist. S(Jc. of Quebec,
59, 60 ; Knox's Journal, i, 114 — Ed.

2 See Col. Hist. N. F., x, 91. — Ed.

CHANGES IN THE ADMINISTRATION. 21

to advance the negotiation in which neither power
would yield. He was relieved by M. du Quesne, who
was charged w^ith the same business. They were beset
by parties who were continually making a petty war
in Acadia, and involving the two nations more and
more against each other.

M. du Quesne upon his arrival, took a fancy for an
amiable dame, and formed connections with her family
and friends. As usual, the husband was placed in one
of the highest and best positions in the country.
About the same time, M. Bigot passed from the
intendency of Louisburgh, to that of Canada. He
likewise attached himself to Madam Pean, wife of the
Aid-major of the post of Quebec, and took great
interest in this family. The Intendant was charged
with everything relating to the hnances, — the pro-
visions, which were obtained by an excise, and the
supplies of merchandize for the trade. In order that
these two chiefs should mutually accommodate, it was
necessary for them to agree, as also their associates.
As these places were seldom held longer than from
three to five years, the gentlemen usually sought to
promote their own, and their friends' interests as much
as possible within the time. Whether the project of
an establishment upon the Ohio, was contrived among
them to aftbrd an occasion more favorable to their
interests,^ or whether the court had decided upon it,

1 M. Pouchot gives these events uuder a folsc light. The motives of
which he spealis may have determined the choice of the governor of
4

22 M. marin's expedition.

as tending to tlieir advantage, this project was exe-
cuted in the winter of 1753-4.

From seven to eight hundred Canadians were
equipped and provisioned,^ under the orders of M.
Marin. Several colonial officers were first stationed
at the-Niagara portage, and in the spring, provisions,
munitions of war, implements and merchandise, were
sent in abundance. The}' took into that region goods
of every kind, even to velvets, damask, shoes for
women, silk hose, &c., and a plenty of Spanish wines.
These goods were offered hy the parties of whom we
have spoken, and bought on the king's account. We
presume there was no difficulty in agreeing to the price
asked.

These goods were a long time in passing from the
portage of Niagara, and from Presque Isle- to the

Canada, for au officer to command on the Ohio, without haAnng
eno-as:ed to form there an estabUshment. His predecessor, M. de la
Jonquiere, had ah-eady projected that which M. du Quesne hastened
to execute, to anticipate the designs of the Enghsh, who sought to cut
the connection between Louisiana and Canada. They moreover,
made great preparations for attacking tlie French, under the pretext
of aiding the Indians whom they had drawn under their protection.

— Note in Original.

The French party sent to make a lodgment on the Ohio, in the
beginning of 1753, Avas under the orders of Legardeur de St. Pierre.

— Entick\,^Q. — ^T>.

1 Every time that the Canadian troops went on a campaign, they
were furnished with a soldier's overcoat, two shirts, a cap, mittens, a
blanket, and a pair of seal skin shoes each month. They moreover
gave to the officers, a bottle of wine daily, two kegs of lirandy a
month, a ham or a sheep, and powder and lead for hunting. — Note in
Original.

^ Now Erie, in Pennsylvania. — Ed.

FRAUDS IN THE GOVERNMENT. 23

Ohio, from want of horses and equipage, which caused
the loss of nearly four hundred men, from scurvy or
the fatigue of carrying the goods upon their backs.
During this interval, the officers drank Spanish wines,
and each one supplied himself as he pleased from the
stores, of velvets, &c., which were not certainly mer-
chandise for the Indians. Thus the provisions that
reached the post of Du Quesne were in small quan
titles, and still more reduced by pilfering, and exposure
to damage on the way. The officers and soldiers
returning to Canada were therefore well equipped, and
a verbal report of things used, made everything right.
Upon these expeditions, the Chevalier Pean, whom the
Intendant was quite willing to send away from his
wife, was charged with making a journey with four
hundred militia to Detroit and neighboring regions,
well supplied with all sorts of provisions and goods,
for presents to the Indians, under the pretext of attach-
ing them to our cause.

Such a mission was needless, since this part had long
been inhabited by the French, who had formed inti-
mate relations with the Indians of that countrj',
and besides, there were French officers at all the
posts, to secure this object; — but it got rid of a
husband, and a nice lot of goods for the company.
Pean returned in triumph to Canada after this fine
exploit.

M. de Contre-coeur remained commandant of Fort
Du Quesne, which M. Mercier, an artillery officer, had

24 DEATH OF JUMONVILLE.

laid oat and built. De Villiers, Juiuoiiyille aud several
other officers, were also left at this post.

During the summer they were informed, that a party
of English had passed from towards the Forks of the
Mouongahela, aud come to the Ohio to locate them-
selves. The council at Fort Du Quesne, determined to
send Jumonville with a detachment of thirty armed
men,' to require them to return, and he was the bearer
of a letter demanding a surrender from the command-
ant. The English officer, notified by friendly Indians,
of the approach of this detachment, awaited their
arrival in a kind of ambuscade. Jumonville, seeing
himself the weaker party, sought to show his letter,
of which he was the bearer. The English, who did not
wish to compromise themselves by a parley, hredupon
the party, killing Jumonville and some others, and
took the rest prisoners.- When news of this reached

^ According to Mante, this detaclimeut consisted of fortj'-five men.
Of these but one escaped. — Ed.

2 Did Pouchot licre ^vish to hint that Jumonville had hostile views ?
The weakness of his escort does not allow us to suppose this. The
Indians even, were not mistaken, and so esteemed the character of
this officer, that at the moment of his assassination, they threw them-
selves between the French and English to protect him. We regret to
know, that the celebrated General Washington commanded on this
occasion the murderers of Jumonville. He acted, onlj^, it is true,
under the exact orders of his government, but he might have exe-
cuted them in a manner less odious. — Xote in Orujinal.

The reader will find the subject of this afhiir with Jumonville fully
discussed in Spark's Life and Writings of Washington, i, 46; ii, 437, et
seq. The French had ten killed, one wounded, and twenty-one taken
prisoners, while the English one killed and two or three wounded.
The latter numbered one hundred and fifty when they set out from
Will's creek. — Ed.

WASHINGTON AT FOllT NECESSITY. 25

Fort Du Quesiie, Villiers grieved at the death of his
brother, asked leave to go and take vengeance in the
Indian fashion. A council of war was held, of which
the leading s})irit was Mercicr, and in which they
resolved in writing, that without wishing to impair
the treaty of Utrecht, Villiers should march with a
detachment of three hundred men, to seek the English,
who, to the number of five hundred, had begun a fort,
in a place they had christened Necessity} The French
coming to this fort, took post behind the trees, and a
little abattis built by the English. They had begun a
ditch, which was already excavated knee deep, as the
earth lay piled up, but the firing of the men, who
aimed well, soon disabled a considerable number.
The English, seeing themselves crippled by this mur-
derous fire, asked to capitulate. They were received
as prisoners on parole, upon condition that they should
at once return those whom they had taken, and that
they should give two officers as hostages.^ M. de Vil-

1 The site of Fort Necessity is in Fayette County, Pa., four miles
east of Laurel Hill, and about three hundred yards south of the
National road, on a creek emi^tyiug into the Yohiogany River. —
Pcnusylvnnid ArcMces, xii, 422, 423. — Ed.

2 The two hostages were Captains Jacob Van Braam and Robert
Stobo. The latter after a long captivity, and repeated attempts to
escape, finally succeeded with a few others in leaving Quebec in a
bark canoe, and in reaching the English fleet just before the fall of
Quebec in 1759. The memoirs of Stobo were republished in Pitts-
burgh in 1854 with notes by N. B. Craig. Van Braam, in 1770
claimed and received a share of the Virginia bounty lands, and in
1777, was made Major of the 60th Foot, or Royal Americans. — Ilid.
Braddock's Exped., p. 58. — Ed.

26 WASHINGTON AT FORT NECESSITY.

Hers furthermore required tlieni to give a statement ^
as to liow tliey had killed^ Jumonville so untimely,
and then sent them away. Tliey were obliged to do
this, because they had been troubled to support those
in their fort.^

1 This statement is not preserved. Washington still commanded
the fort when he surrendered to De Villiers. The relation of the
latter officer does not agree with that of Pouchot. See documents
in illustration, in Mem. de la France, No. ix. — Kote in Original,

2 The word used in the original is assassine. — Ed.

3 The battle of Great Meadows, fought July 3, 1754, is minutely
described in ^S/m?-^-s'a^ Was7ungfon,i, 55 ; ii, 456, ef seq. The terms of
surrender are given in the original, ib. 459. A hearsay rumor having
reference to this event, is contained in the following letter. It was
not confirmed, but on the contrary disapproved, and has never
before been printed. It was ascertained that the Indian suspected
had not been with Colonel Washington as confirmed by Mr. Crogan
and one John Davis.

Oneida Cahryixg Place, Aurjud 13, 1756.
Sir: Major Craven has tliought proper to send an Indian down to
you by Mr. Read, as we suspect him to be in the enemj^'s interest, for
while our cattle were feeding about half a mile behind Fort Newport,
one of the guard which had the care of the cattle, heard the bushes
behind him rattle. Upon this he lookt and saw this Indian coming
out of the bushes. He cocked his piece at him ; the Indian then
cryed "Johnson Brotheiy and wanted to shake hands with the
soldier. The soldier then asked him where he came from. The
Indian answered, " from the lake." The soldier [asked] what made
him come through the woods. lie said he was afraid the soldiers
would hurt him. When he came to the corporal of the guard, he
asked him where he came from. The Indian said, " from Cadaraqui,"
and that they had repaired the fort; that it was built of lime and
stone, eight foot thick. The place where the Indian was discovered
is the same where one of our sergeants and one private man were
scalped some time ago, and one sergeant taken prisoner. When he
came to Fort Williams he was again interrogated where he came
from. He said " from Cadaraqui," and that it was very strong ; that
last year we might have taken it, but now the French were twenty
times stronger than we. He said also, that there were twelve more

INDIAN ACCOUNT OF JUMONVILLE. 27

The French returned in triumph to their garrison,
and remained quiet the remainder of the campaign.
Several officers returned to Canada, among whom was
Mercier, who was there relieved by Lery, self styled
an engineer. Mercier and Pean were sent to France
to report the glorious and interesting events of their
campaign. We may guess whether they took care to

"n'ith liim, and that formerly they had rewards for scaljDS, but now
they were to take prisoners only. (On Sunday last, one of our men
was missing, and has not been heard of since. lie went out a fishing
up the river.)

Corporal Man, of General Shirley's regiment says he knew tliis
Indian in South Carolina, and that he then went by the name of
Samuel Harris, and when he was with Colonel Washington at the
Great Meadow, (Corporal Man then belonged to the Carolina Inde-
pendent companies, and was then with Captain Macoy,) this same
Indian and several others to about the number of fifty, went away on
pretence to bring down their wives and families, and went over to Fort
Du Quesne, and took the Half King, Silver Heels, Monekatuca,
Cutaway Jack, Monekatucarton, and Free Robin, prisoners to Fort
Du Quesne, and delivered them to the French. Three or four days
after the above mentioned Indians were prisoners, they got leave to
walk without the fort, and immediately came downlo Colonel Wash-
ington, and informed him that the French and Indians were coming
to attack them, and that this Sam. Harris, Delaware George, with
whom this Indian used always to keep company, and a great part of
the others had joined the French, and were coming witli tliem to
attack us.

James Battey, soldier in the Carolina Blues, was with Colonel
Washington at the same time, and confirms what Corporal Man says.
Corporal White, of my company, says that he knows this Indian to
be a Shawanese. I suppose Silver Heels is with you, and will be able
to inform whether what is said against this Indian is true or not.
jVIajor Craven desires his compliments.

Sir, your most obed't humble serv't.,
James De Lancey.
Sir William Johnson.

Another Indian account is given in the History of Braddock's Expe-
dition, p. 45. — Ed.

28 ' TROOPS SENT TO AMERICA.

inform tlie court, of the necessity of encouraging those
useful establishments, especially such as they foresaw
would occasion expense, and turn to the profit of their
company.

When the English learned of the events in this part
of America, they resolved to send, in the winter of
1754-5 Pepperell's, Shirley's, Halket's and Dunbar's
regiments to America, to maintain their establishments.
The first two were destined for Oswego, and the other
two for Virginia, and from thence to the Ohio.

1755. France, learning of the departure of these
regiments for America, likewise resolved to send the
Queen's regiment, and the regiments of Artois, Bur-
gundy, Languedoc, Guienne, and Beam, which re-
paired to Brest, at the beginning of April, 1755.^ They
found a fleet of twenty-two ships of war, ready to
receive the second battalions of these regiments, des-
tined for America.^

We here give the details of this fleet, the finest
which left our ports during the late war.^

1 Notwithstanding these active preparations for hostilities in Amer-
ica, war was not formally declared by England imtil May 18, 1756,
and by France on the 9th of Jnne of that year.

2That of the Marshal of Conflans was larger. — Note in Original.

3 The French sqnadron which came out of Brest Nov. 14, 1759,
under Admiral Conflans, consisted of 26 ships, mounting 1,612 guns,
and manned by nearly 20,000 men. A list is given in Entick's Hist.,
iv, 270. — Ed.

french fleet for canada. ' 29

Armed Vessels of War.

The Formidable, of 80 guns and a crew of 900 men,
under Commodore M. de Macnemara, commander of
tlic fleet, and M. de Kersaint, flag captain; M. Duchaf-
fault, second captain.

The Entreprenant^ of 74 guns and a crew of 700
men, under Commodore M. Dubois de la Mothe, and
M. de Sauzay, second captain, destined to conduct
the troops to Canada, having on board M. de Vaii-
dreuil, governor of Canada, M. Dieskau, field marshal,
commander of the French troops, and M. Daureil;
intendant commissary to the land forces.

The Palmier, of 74 guns and 750 men ; the Chevalier
de Beaufremont captain, d'Orvilliers, second captain.

The Heros, of 74 guns, 750 men, M. de Montlouet,
commodore; M. de Kermaban, second captain.

The Bizarre, of 64 guns and 500 men, M. de Salvert,
commodore ; de Marolles, second captain ; destined
for Louisburg.

The Alcide, of 64 guns and 500 men, M. Hocqart
captain ; M. de Paraveau, second captain. It had
on board Col. M. de Rostaing, second in command of
the French troops, and two engineers.^

1 This vessel was afterwards destroyed by the English on the cap-
ture of Louisburg in 1758. — 3Iante, p. 135. — Ed.

2 In de Vaudreuil's Journal, he says there were three engineers.
M. Rostaing was killed in an action that ended in the capture of this
vessel, June 8. — Ed.

5

30 FRENCH FLEET FOR CANADA.

Tlie Eveille, of 64 guns and 500 men, M. cle Fontes,
captain.

The Inflexible, of 64 guns and 500 men, M. de Guoe-
briant.

The Aigle, of 54 guns, M. de Cousage.

Frigates.

The Amedsihe, of 30 guns and 220 men, M. Dubois,
captain.

The Fleur de Lys, of 30 guns, 220 men, M. le Cheva-
Her de Marinniere.

The Sirene, of 30 guns, 220 men, M. de Tourville.

The Heroine, of 30 guns, 200 men, M. de Bory.

The Comette, of 30 guns, 200 men, M. de Ruis.

The Diane, of 30 guns, M. de I'Aiguelle.

The Fidele, of 30 guns, M. de Xa Jonquiere.

Armed Vessels in the Fleet, for the Transporta-
tion OF Land Troops.

The Defenseur, of 74 guns, reduced to 24 guns, M.
de Beausier, captain ; 9 companies of Artois, embarked
April 12tli.

The Dauphin Boycd, 74 guns, reduced to 24, M. de
Montalais, captain ; 9 companies of Burguud3\

The Algonquin, 74 guns, reduced to 24, M. de Ville-
leon, captain; 9 companies of the Queen's regiment
embarked the 14th.

The Espcrance, of 74 guns, reduced to 24, M. de
Bouville, captain ; a company of grenadiers, 3 sentinel
companies of Artois, and 3 of Burgundy.

FRENCU FLEET FOR CANADA. 31

The Acdf, of G7 guns, reduced to 22, M. dc Chau-
mont, captain ; 9 companies of Languedoc, embarked
on the Gth.

The lllustre, 64 guns, reduced to 22, M. de Choiseuil ;
9 companies of Guienne, embarked on the 4th.

The Opiniondtre, G4 guns, reduced to 22, M. de
Moleans, captain ; 9 companies of Beam, embarked on
the 8th.

The Z/?s, of 64 guns, reduced to 22, M. de Lorgerie,
captain ; 4 companies of the Queen's regiment, and
4 of Lauguedoc.

The Leopard, 60 guns, reduced to 22, M. de Chif-
reville, captain ; 4 companies of Guienne, and 4 of
Beam.

The Apollon of 60 guns, M. de Gomain. 4 compa-
nies destined to serve the hospital.

The AquiUo7i, do., M. de Rigaudieres, 4 companies.

We will not forget to notice that Mercier and Pean
embarked with M. de Vaudreuil. They had been
consulted as oracles at Versailles upon this war, and
were given to M. Dieskau as persons upon whose
advice everything depended for success.

The regiments on their arrival, passed the review of
M. de Creraille, inspector, who completed the com-
panies which were to pass, at the expense of others of
the same regiment, and these battalions were trans-
ferred to the marine corps. This change from land to
sea service, saddened these troops, without scarcely
knowing why. They looked upon the event as worse

32 VOYAGE OF THE FREXCII FLEET.

than passing under an absolute foreign prince, as well
on account of the usages, as in the manner of being
treated.^

The fleet lay at anchor till the 3d of May, with
adverse winds, but on that day, it having blown eight
hours from the N. jS". E., the geaeral gave the signal
to get ready. In ten hours and a half they were under
way.

The Formidable and the Enireprenant, having taken
the lead of the squadron, at noon were out of the har-
bor with a fresh wind, j^. ^ IST. E. The^^ then crowded
sail till six in the evening, when the scjuadron formed
an order of march in three columns, M. de Macne-
mara and the men-of-war to the windward, M. de Sal-
vert in the centre, and M. Dubois de la Mothe to the
leeward.

On the 5th, being in latitude 45° 47' and longitude
11° 21' west from Paris, in the afternoon, the general
made signal to crowd sail without particular order.
In the evening there appeared to the west three ships,
one of which disappeared in the night, and the other
two remained and followed in our wake. They were
thouo;ht to be Eno-lish frio-ates.

On the 7th, at 1 p. M., the Entreiirenant fired a
cannon and signaled the fleet to follow. The squad-
ron of M. de Macnemara lay to, and then sailed W.

^ This false manner of viewing things, is as opposed to the public
good as to the national glory, and happily these gloomy prejudices
are daily becoming less. — Note in Original.

VOYAGE OF THE FRENCH FLEET. 33

N. W. and I ]Sr. W. A 4 o'clock p. m. the squadron
was out of sight. It appeared that one of the frigates
which followed, had lost a spar, which had not been
noticed until this day. On the 25th, wind light from
the E. S. E. and foggy. At 6 a. m. the general lay
to, with the whole fleet. The wind turned to the S. S.
W. very fresh, and they again sailed W. N". W., being
in latitude 46° 9' and longitude 46° 29' from Paris,
which they made out as 47 leagues from the Grand
Bank. They saw icebergs of a quarter of a league in
circuit.

On the 26th the wind from the S. S. W. veered to
the W. and N. N. W. and the fleet was separated, and
each vessel sought to keep with such as it met. The
fog became so dense that the mainmast could not be
seen by the helmsman. On this day, passed between
fields of ice higher than a mast, and from a quarter to
half a league around. The fleet did not again assemble
until its arrival at Quebec.

The English, whose squadron ^ was cruising between
the Grand Bank and Newfoundland, discovered some
of our vessels on the lifting of the fog, and we recog-
nized the sound of the firing of the Alcide and the Lis^

' Yice Admiral Boscawen sailed for America on the 22d of April,
1755, -svith a squadron of eleven ships of the line and one frigate,
bearing in all five thousand nine hundred and forty-five men. There
■^-as on board a considerable land force, and he had orders to attack
the enemy's fleet wherever he should meet them. — Entick, i, 127. — Ed.

= These vessels were taken June 7th, off Newfoundland by Admiral
Boscawen's fleet. — Pichou's Lettrcs et Memoires siir Cape Breton, 248.
— ^ntick, i, 137. —Ed.

3-4 ARRIVAL OF THE FRENCH TROOPS.

The Enireprenant would have been also lost, if they
had not taken a false direction in the fog. They did
not go up the river higher than the Isle aux Coudres,
having fears about the safety of navigation in a place
where English ships of 110 guns have since sailed.
The OpinionCitre and the Algonquin, arrived first. They
anchored on the 19th of June at Quebec, and the
remainder were not long in coming up one by one.^

M. du Quesne^ saw theregiments upon their arrival,
and held interviews with M. M. de VaudreuiP and
Dieskau, upon the condition in which he left in their
hands the atfairs of the country. He assured them
that every thing was quiet, and that the English
w^ho were said to be threatening Fort Du Quesne,
could not cross the mountains with any considerable
force ; but of this did he have certain knowledge?

Although the country was destitute of everything,
as well in munitions and provisions as merchandise,
and had been drainedby the late operations, they never-

^ Six vessels, viz : the Bizarre, Ef:perance, BnnpMn-Rorjnl, Deffenseur,
Acquillon and Comefte, under the command of 31. de Salvert, and
having on board the battaUous of Artois and Burgundy, separated
near the Grand Bank to proceed to Louisburg, where they arrived on
the 12th. iV. Y. Col. Hist, x, 397. — Ed.

^ M. Du Quesne disappeared from tlie theatre of American History
at this period. In 1758, being in France, lie was appointed to the
command of all the forces, sea and land, in North America. In
March, he sailed from Toulon, in command of a small squadron,
which, however, was utterly discomtitted by the English. — Ed.

'Louis Phillippe Rigaud 3Iarquis de Vaudreuil. A concise bio-
graphical notice will be found in the iY. Y. Col. Hist., x, 385. He died
in Paris, Dec. 14, 1803. — Ed.

ARROGANCE OF M. DIESKAU. 35

theless thought it strange that such considerable forces
had been sent to a colony which claimed to be able to
defend itself. Some of our officers, however, whom
curiosity led to visit the king's magazines, were much
surprised in not finding over three hundred poor mus-
kets for trade, a ton and a half of balls, and a very
little powder, in a country threatened during four years
with a war, and against which preparations had been
made for an attack. They very naturally inferred that
everyone had been looking after their private interests,
instead of the public welfare.

M. Dieskau began to treat his troops after the Ger-
man style. He no longer could be seen by the com-
mon officers, and could receive no reports except from
the chiefs of the several corps, whom he never con-
sulted. This was a most troublesome practice for a
small army. He yielded himself to Peau and Mer-
cier, whom alone he saw and heard, and was not even
willing to take advice and opinions from M. de Yau-
dreuil, who being a native of the country, and the
chief of the colony, should have had a most intimate
knowledge concerning it. These two fellows, un-
skilled in everything outside of their own interests,
boasted after the Canadian fashion, that one of their
number could drive ten Englishmen, and favored by a
few unexpected successes, they grew more and more
in confidence, and persuaded to measures, the results
of which we shall have occasion to notice. Before
even beginning his operations, which were directed by

36 NEW MILITARY ASSOCIATIONS.

these persons, M. Dieskau found the secret of disaf-
fectingthe governor of the country, and his own troo})S.

The French regiments spent the remainder of June
at Quebec, and did not leave in bateaux for Montreal
until the first days of July. They remained there
until the 19th of that month.

During this interval, the officers formed an acquaint-
ance with those of their new companions of the Marine,
with whom they were to serve according to priority of
commission, under an order issued for that purpose.
The latter only rose above the grade of captain to fill
staft" ofiices. Those who had received the cross of St.
Louis, had as much consideration shown them there,
as Lieutenants General and Knights of the order of
tlie Holy Ghost in France, Those who had headed
armies of only three hundred men, were respected in
the colony as Marshals of France.^ A captain of the
king's fleet coming into the country, was looked upon
as a divinity, and carried himself with great haughti-
ness.

The Canadian ofiicers, although brave, knew but
little of the details of their profession, and Ramsay,
the Major of Quebec, could not even give the orders.
They knew but little about their men, who were
always scattered among the inhabitants. If they were
together at posts, as every one was looking after his
own little interests, differences would spring up
between the ofiicers and the soldiers, alienating the

^ All this is much exaggerated. — Note in Original.

CHARACTER OF CANADIAN TROOPS. 37

latter, and as the means for compelling obedience were
slight, rendering them insolent. Yet they were not
always at fault, and the quality most esteemed by an
officer or soldier in the country was, to be reputed as
having good legs. As they engaged in no war with-
out the help of the Indians, the latter directed all their
operations, as well on the march, as in an attack.^
With a better knowledge of the profession, and more
subordination, they would have made excellent com-
panies for light troops, both officers and men being
quite brave. Their manner of Avarftare made them
very proper for this service, and it would therefore
have been very well to employ in the legions, such
of these officers and troops as had gone to France, and
were mustered out on their arrival.

These troops were very poorly armed, because the
refuse arms of all the king's arsenals had been sent to
this country. It was the same with the artillery, the
cannon being all damaged by rust. He soon learned
of the capture of Beau-sejour, which was attacked by
six thousand English.^ The garrison was sent to
Canada, under parole not to serve within six months.
Vercors, who commanded that place, was brought
before a court martial, because the officer of artiller}'-

1 The author has here forgotten many fects, being often blinded by
the prejudices of the service. — Note in Original.

2 Col. Monckton captured this place on the IGth of June, 1755, after
a siege of four days, and without erecting a battery against it. The
place was named Fort Cumberland. — Mante, p 18, Entick, i, 139. — Ed.

6

38 TEOOPS SEXT TO FRONTENAC.

had protested against the capitulation. It cannot be
said that the forts built in this country are impregna-
ble, since they cannot depend upon prompt succor.^

The reo'iments of Guienne and Beam havino' been
equipped for the field, left on tlie 19tli of July for
Frontenac. The}- embarked at La Chine in bateaux
laden with provisions for that place, and Pean came
thither to distribute supplies. Some wrangling en-
sued, because the troops did not receive the legal
weight, which if wanted, could not be supplied in an
uninhabited country. An officer who had quarreled
with him a long time, because his men did not get
eighty or a hundred pounds of bread or pork, having
ended, Pean lightly shrugged his shoulders, to indi-
cate the freedom which the want of a load would rather
occasion.

The instructions of the troops going to Frontenac,
required them to march with the greatest caution, and
in case the enemy were found already there, they were
ordered to take and hold some favorable point near
La Presentation.- We may judge from this, how little
M. du Quesno knew of the enemy's movements, Avliile
he pretended that they had nothing to fear on their side.

^M. Pouchot should have here added that the Enghsh general
Monckton, m seizing the forts of Beau-sejour and Gaspareaux, took
advantage of the security formal]}^ promised by the court of London,
that nothing should be done or attempted in Acadia, before the
decision of the commissioners on boundaries, and which gave confi-
dence to M. Vercours. — Note in Original.

2 The present site of Ogdensburg. — Ed.

GENERAL BRADDOCK's DEFEAT. 39

On the 3d of August, these regiments arrived at
Frontenac' On the 1st, while lialting at a narrow
pass, they were met by some Indians with scalps, who
gave them the first news of an action that had been
fought near Fort Du Quesne, on the 13th of July.
We will here give an account, as received from some
Canadian officers who were present, of the order of
battle in which the English were found.

M. de Contre-coeur being apprised by the Indians,
of the march of a large body of English from Fort
Cumberland,^ who were opening the road from day to
day as they advanced; — sent a detachment of two
hundred Canadians and colonial troops, under Captains
Beaujeu and Dumas, with several other oflicers, having
under them Indians of the upper country, and our
domiciliated Indians, to the number of five hundred.
This detachment expected to meet the English at some
distance, and hoped by some surprise or check, to
retard their march, rather than to prevent them from
reaching Fort Du Quesne, as the oflicers were told
that the enemy was in greatly superior force.

But the latter, confident in their numbers, proposed
to come and form an establishment, feeling assured that
it would cost them little beyond the trouble of show-

^ Now Kingston, Cauuda. — Ed.

2 General Braddock, who commanded these troops, had arrived there
on the 10th of May, and the rest of his army on the 17th, after a veiy
fatiguing march. — Note in Original.

The post at Will's Creek, now Cumberland, Md., was 179 miles from
Baltimore. — Ed.

40 GENERAL BRADDOCK'S DEFEAT.

ing tliemelves, and convinced that they couki take the
fort in a day. They, however, marched with great
caution, and upon arriving within three leagues of
Fort Du Quesne, they halted after crossing a little
stream near the house of a blacksmith named J^'razer,^
a German who had settled there to begin his trade
with the Indians, but had left when the French began
to occupy upon the Ohio.^

About eleven o'clock in the morning, the English
began to defile over a hill forming a little mountain,
with twenty cavalrymen at the head,^ ten carpenters,
two companies of Halke's grenadiers, the seven com-
panies of that regiment, six recent companies of Vir-
ginia troops, three on the right and three on the left,
while the regiment, of Dunbar, and its grenadiers
formed the rear guard. Then followed the laborers
and twenty horsemen, forming the column under the
orders of General Braddock. The artillery was in the
centre, and the regimental baggage munitions and
provisions were in the rear. All these equipages were

' John Frazer, an English subject, had been driven off at the insti-
gation of the French. — Ed.

2 The site of Braddock's defeat was near the mouth of Turtle Creek,
eight miles in a direct line from Pittsburgh, or twelve by way of the
river. The stream which the army had forded a little before the
attack, was the Monongahela, which was here broad, shallow and
easily crossed. The bed of the stream is from three to four hundred
feet below the surrounding country. — /'?</;-i'f«fs Hid. of Braddock'' s
Exped., IX 220. — 'Ed.

3 The advance guard of the English was commanded by Lieutenant
Col. Gage, afterwards a general in the British army, in the revolution-
ary war. — Ed.

GENERAL BRADDOCK'S DEFEAT. 41

well protected by troops who were ranged by com-
panies in alternate order.^

The cavalry upon reaching the hill top, having dis-
covered the French who were marching down a hill,
fell back upon the advance guard, who were distant
from them a full musket shot.

The French, on their part, upon seeing the English,
threw themselves behind trees and began to fire, while
the Indians passed to the right and left of the hill.
They were thus exposed to a fire of musquetry and
artillery from the column, and were not accustomed
to hear such loud discharges, but seeing the French
remain firm, and noticing that the fire was not very
destructive, they with their accustomed cries, resumed
each a place behind every tree.

The English were not expecting this attack, yet
they held a firm aspect, facing to the front and flanks.

' The arrangement of the march from the river's bank had been
made as follows : The engineers and guides and six light horsemen
proceeded immediately before the advanced detachment under Gage,
and the -working party under St. Clair, who had with him two brass
six pounders and as manj- tumbrils or tool carts. On either flank,
parties to the number of eight were thrown out to guard against sur-
prises. At some distance behind Gage, followed the line, preceded by
the light horse, four squads of whom also acted as extreme flankers
at either end of the column. Next came the seamen, followed by a
subaltern with twenty grenadiers, a twelve pounder, and a company
of grenadiers. Then the vanguard succeeded, and the wagon and
artillcrv train, which began and ended with a twelve pounder ; and
the vanguard closed the whole. Numerous flanking parties, however,
protected each side ; and six subalterns, with twenty grenadiers and
ten sergeants, with ten men each, were detailed for this purpose." —
Sargent's Hist. Braddocl's Expcd., p. 226. — Ed.

42 GENERAL BRADDOCK'S DEFEAT.

but seeing that they covered too mucli ground, they
made a movement to advance, and returned a very
sharp lire, the officers on horseback, sword in hand,
animating their men. After the death of M. de
Beanjeu, who was killed on the first fire, M. Dumas ^
took command of the French, or rather, they continued
each one to do his best in the place they were in.

Soon afterward, the English abandoned two pieces
of artillery, and fell back toward the rear of their
column, which still pressed towards the front, to attack,
but they lost their cannon one by one, and were
thinned out l)y the musketry during a space of five
hours. The Indians taking this movement of the
column from the front towards the rear, as a tendency
to retreat, rushed upon them with their tomahawks,
as did the French also, when they disbanded, and a
great massacre follow^ed.

They pursued the English, who threw themselves
into the stream to swim, and many were killed in
crossing. They did not, however, pursue far, because
the Indians could not wait to plunder and drink.
They counted on the battle field six hundred, on the
line of retreat about four hundred, and along a little
stream three hundred men. The total loss w^as esti-
mated at 1,270.^ They abandoned their wounded, who

1 After the peace he avus made brigadier, and governor of tlie isles
of France and Bourbon. — Note in Original.

2 The most careful returns of the English showed the total number
as 4o6 killed, 431 wounded, and 583 safe. This did not include women
and servants. The French loss was reported at three officers killed

GENERAL BRADDOCK's DEFEAT. 43

mostly perished in tlie woods.^ Of one hundred and
sixty officers, only six escaped. They took two twelve
pounders, four six pounders, four howitzers, twelve
Cohorn mortars, their ammunition and provisions, a
hundred covered wagons, military chest, and all the
bagg-ag-e of the officers, who were well equipped, and
from whom the Canadians and Indians derived ^reat
profit,-

This action, the most important and glorious that
the Indians had ever witnessed, and which was partly
won by the accuracy of their own fire, only cost them
eleven killed, and twenty-nine wounded.

If on a battle field, with no natural advantage, this
event could happen to brave and well disciplined
troops, from not knowing how to fire steadily, and not
being acquainted with the kind of enemy they had to
deal with, it is an impressive lesson upon these two
points. This victory, which was received on the 9th
of July, put the whole country in good spirits for the

and two wounded ; two cadets wounded ; twenty -five soldiers and
Indians Ivilled, and as many more injured. — i?e«?. Bmd(lock''s Exped.,
p. 238. — Ed.

1 About 3,000 effective men were in tliis action, as shown by the
papers of Gen. Braddoclv, who h)st his life after having five horses
shot under him. — Xote in Origiiud.

2 The official return of captures reported 4 brass pieces of calibre of
11 lbs. ; 4 do. of 5^ lbs. ; 4 brass howitzers of 74- inches ; 3 grenade
mortars of 4^ inches; 175 balls of 11 lbs., 57 howitzers of 6f inches,
17 bbls. powder of 100 lbs. ; 19,740 musket cartridges, large quantities
of articles for a siege, 4 to 500 horses, about 100 head of cattle, a large
amou'it of flour and other stores, besides the booty and plunder of
money, utensils, clothing, etc. — iY. Y. Col. Hist., x, 311. — Ed.

44 ENGLISH PLANS OF THE CAMPAIGN.

campaign, and averted the project of a general inva-
sion of Canada. According to tlie plan which had
been concerted between Shirley and Lawrence,
governor of Acadia, who had formerly been sent on
this business to London, it was agreed:

1st. That Col. Monckton should at once attack the
French forts in Acadia, who executed without delay
these orders in the expedition of which we have
already noticed the success.

2d. It was agreed that Johnson, with an army of
about four thousand men, raised in the northern colo-
nies, should surprise Fort Frederic^ and render him-
self its master.

3d. That Shirley with his own and Pepperell's Regi-
ment, should attack Fort Niagara, that he should
receive a sufficient number of bateaux to transport his
troops and artillery by way of Lake Ontario, and that
he should reinforce the garrison of Oswego, so that it
might become a place of safety, in case it was necessary
to retreat under pursuit.

4th. Besides attacking Fort Frederic, Col. Johnson
was charged with important negotiations Avith the Five
ISTations, whom they wished to engage absolutely for
the war. lie was to deliver speeches already prepared,
and two thousand pounds were to be used as presents.

5th. The remainder of the expedition was reserved
by General Braddock for himself. It Avas agreed that
he should leave on the 20th of April for Fredericks-

' Since called Crowu Point, on Lake Champlain. — Ed.

ENGLISH AT OSWEGO. 45

town, SO US to reach the mountains early in May, in
order to finish in June, the business he proposed to
accomplish upon the Ohio, or the Beautiful Eiver.^

The regiments of Shirley and Peppcrell, with the
militia of ISTew York and N"ew Jersey,^ according to
the plan we have spoken, arrived at the end of June
at Oswego, from whence they could equally menace
both Frontenac and Niagara. Bad weather and a sick-
ness which prevailed among them, prevented the
execution of their designs. They employed them-
selves during this campaign, in forming an intrenched
camp around Oswego, and in building Fort Ontario
on the other side of the river. They also undertook
to build vessels to form a fleet upon the lake.=^

The reo-iments of Guienne and Beam on their part,
entrenched themselves near Frontenac, to cover their
camp, and protect the fort. As they had no engineers
among them, M. Pouchot, a captain of Beam, under-
took the work, and very easily brought everything to

iWe derive these details from the French Mcmorie Justificaiif pre-
pared from the papers of Gen. Braddock. We have deemed tliem
necessary to iUustrate the events of this campaign. — i\We «;i Original.

2 The Jersey Blues, commanded by Col. Schuyler. — Ed.

3 The first English schooner on Lake Ontario was launched this
summer. She had forty feet keel, mounted fourteen swivel guns,
and was made to row when necessary. The fleet fitted out by the
Eno-lish at Oswego in 1755, consisted of a decked sloop of eight four-
pounders and thirty swivels, a decked schooner of eight four pounders
and twenty-eight swivels, an undecked schooner of fourteen swivels
and fourteen oars, and another of twelve swivels and fourteen oars.
All of these were unrigged and laid up early in the M\. — Mantc. —

Ep.

7

46 DEFEAT OF M. DIESKAU.

favor his arrangements. The Canadian officers, who
had never seen the like, announced it throughout the
colony as an impregnahle work.

M. Dieskau left in August, with the Queen's regi-
ment, and that of Languedoc, twelve hundred Cana-
dians and three hundred Indians, for Fort Frederic,
from whence, in the first days of September, he set
out doubtless to establisli himself at the head of Lake
St. Sacrament, since called by the English Lake
George. He passed with his detachment b}' the Bay.^
Johnson had arrived a little before, w^ith a force of five
or six thousand militia, and was posted on the bank
of the lake. Learning of the movement of the French,
he threw up a -kind of breastwork with his bateaux,
around his army.

Being persuaded by Mercier and Pean, of the
superiority of Canadians and Lidians over the English,
as confirmed by the event of Fort Du Quesne, M.

1 Dieskau leaving 1,800 men at Carillon, took with him 300 Regulars
of the Queen's and Languedoc regiments, 600 Canadians, and 600
Indians, and on the 4th of September set out to attack the English at
Fort Edward carrying place. The army proceeded by -way of South
Bay to the Hudson, and upon arriving T\ithiu three miles of their des-
tination, learned that a detachment would soon l)e expected from
Johnson's army at the lake. He decided to intercept this, and then
to attack the camp.

The reenforcemeuts consisted of about a thousand men under Col.
Ephraim Williams, who fell into an ambuscade, and was speedily
routed with great loss. Col. Williams and King Hendrick, a famous
Mohawk chief, fell in this encounter.

In Baron Dieskau's apology for the disasters which followed, he
lays the greatest blame upon the Indians, and especially upon the
Iroquois, to whose influence he attributed every failure. — Ed.

DEFEAT OF M. DIESKAU. 47i

Dieskau advanced with an assured contidence of beat-
ing these troops. Leaving the two regiments to guard
his bateaux, as if unfit for this warfare, he took with
him but two piquets, and two companies of grenadiers.
In advancing from the lake, the Indians and Canadians
met a force of three hundred men wdio had left Fort
Lydius^ to join Johnson, and who were totally defeated
within sight of the intrenchments. M. Dieskau wish-
ing doubtless to profit by the surprise which this afiair
might give to the English, resolved at once to attack
them. In vain the Indians represented that they
needed a little rest, and time to rally, as did also the
Canadians, so that they could march together, but he
stubbornly resolved to at once attack the intrench-
ment, with his two piquets and the grenadiers. The
Indians upon seeing this, cried out, " Father ! you have
lost your reason, — listen to us! "

He appeared with his troops before the enemy, who
greeted him with heavy volleys of cannon, yet this
little force sustained itself very bravely, and lost ninety
men.^ M. Dieskau was thrown to the ground by a

1 Fort Edward. — Ed.

2 Some English writers have stated that the French on this day lost
from seven to eight hundred men killed, while .Johnson lost but two
hundred, including the first detachment under Col. Williams. —Note
in Ovtgindl.

The firing of Col. Williams's party was heard in Johnson's camp,
and from its growing louder indicated the retreat of the English. Lt.
Col, Cole was sent out with three hundred men, to cover the retreat.
The following account of the attack is given by Mante. " This well-
timed order, rescued many of them from destruction. He likewise

48 DEFEAT OF M. DIESKAU.

gunsliot wound. The Canadians and their officers
who ran to liis assistance, sustained themselves well,
but seeing that they were unable to drive the English
who were in great force, and advantageously posted,
they retired. M, de St. Pierre, an old Canadian officer
of the best reputation, Avas killed on the Urst attack.

ordered the stumps of some trees that had been burned down, to be
piled in his front; and most of his men being expert at the axe, such
■\vhole trees as stood convenient for the purpose were soon felled, and
added to the stumps so as to form with them a breastwork with as
much regularity as the confusion of the time would admit. Such as
it was, it was scarcely finished, when the remains of Col. Williams's
party soon arrived at the camp. That the French had beat them,
Avas the only certain account which they could give ; as to the num-
bers of the enemy in particular, they represented it so differently, as
to increase the confusion rather than lessen it. But soon the French
themselves made their appearance in front, moving up to the English
in one large column, and in good order, with their bayonets fixed,
and a steady countenance ; till discovering some cannon, they halted
for a moment, not without showing signs that their ardor was a little
abated l)y a sight so unexpected. However, the cannon of the English
did not appear more disagreeal)le to them, than that of their bayonets
to the English, who from some strange neglect, were not provided
with any. AYlien the French had recovered themselves a little, they
set forward again ; and about noon, at a distance of one hundred
yards from the breastwork, began a regular platoon firing ; but by this
time, the English troops, having equally recovered themselves, plied
their musketry and cannon so well, and thereby gave the French such
a shock, that their Canadians and Indians abandoned the front attack,
and crept behind the trees, upon the flanks of the English; and from
thence continued firing, ])ut with very little execution, as by this time
the flanks had received an additional security of a breastwork. The
French finding themselves thus deserted, thought proper to alter their
platoon firing to the Indian method, and take sheUer behind the trees.
In this manner they advanced their front attack to within fifty yards
of the breastwork, where they continued firing near two hours ; till
discovering they could not make the least impression on the front,
they again altered their plan, and made an effort, first on the right
wing, and then on the left : but these attacks proving equally unsuc-

ir? n^^;

48 DEFEAT OF M. DIESKAU.

gunshot wound. The Canadians and their officers
who ran to liis assistance, sustained themselves well,
but seeing that they were unable to drive the English
who were in great force, and advantageously posted,
they retired. M. de St. Pierre, an old Canadian officer
of the best reputation, was killed on the hrst attack.

ordered the stumps of some trees that had been burned down, to be
piled m his front ; and most of his men being expert at the axe, such
whole trees as stood convenient for the purpose were soon felled, and
added to the stumps so as to form with them a breastwork with as
much regularity as the confusion of the time would admit. Such as
it was, it was scarcely finished, when the remains of Col. Williams's
party soon arrived at the camp. That the French had beat them,
was the only certain account which they could give ; as to the num-
bers of the enemy in particular, they represented it so differently, as
to increase the confusion rather than lessen it. But soon the French
themselves made their appearance in front, moving up to the English
in one large column, and in good order, with their bayonets fixed,
and a steady countenance ; till discovering some cannon, they halted
for a moment, not without showing signs that their ardor was a little
abated by a sight so unexpected. However, the cannon of the English
did not appear more disagreeable to them, than that of their bayonets
to the English, who from some strange neglect, were not provided
with any. When the French had recovered themselves a little, they
set forward again ; and about noon, at a distance of one hundred
yards from the breastwork, began a regular platoon firing ; but by this
time, the English troops, having equally recovered themselves, plied
their musketry and cannon so well, and thereby gave the French such
a shock, that their Canadians and Indians abandoned the front attack,
and crept behind the trees, upon the flanks of the English; and from
thence continued firing, Init with very little execution, as by this time
the flanks had received an additional security of a breastwork. The
French finding themselves thus deserted, thought proper to alter their
platoon firing to the Indian method, and take shelter behind the trees.
In this manner they advanced their front attack to within fifty yards
of the breastwork, where they continued firing near two hours ; till
discovering they could not make the least impression on the front,
they again altered their plan, and made an effort, first on the right
w"ing, and then on the left : but these attacks proving equally uusuc-

_/5>j? i'T h'y(r:A(7EjS{i':yT.

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^_jSSl!^-

— f

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ac^' F",'^

/A/ M^"*^' ■'&

DEFEAT OF M. DIESKAU. 49

M. Dieskau was left on the field wounded in the thigh,
and was taken. An English volunteer who first
approached him, seeing him put his hand in his
pocket, thought he was taking a pistol, and to prevent
this, shot him in the lower part of his bowels.^ The
English also took his aid-de-camp.^

cessful with that upon the front, and numbers of men having fallen
on every side, the remainder abandoned their hopes, and retired about
four o'clock in the afternoon."

This author states that the French force consisted of two hundred
grenadiers, eight hundred Canadians and seven hundred Indians.
The English had one hundred and thirty killed, and the French two
hundred and sixty. A long letter from Baron Dieskau written by
him while a prisoner, a narrative by M. de Vaudreuil, the instructions
of M. Dieskau, examinations of prisoners, and other documents of
great interest will be found in the Brodhead Collection of JSf. Y.
Colonial Documents, vol. x, p. 316, 345,353, 360, 366, 423, 602.

Col. Ephraim Williams, who had served with reputation in several
previous campaigns just before leaving Deerfield, made his will,
giving a residue of his real estate for the establishment of a free
school, in the township west of Fort Massachusetts, which afterwards
became Williams's College.

Col. Williams at the time of his death was in his forty-first year.
His body was concealed by his men to prevent mutilation, and it was
afterwards buried at the foot of an old pine tree by the side of the
military road four miles from the head of Lake George. The rock
upon which he fell still stands by the ancient road. It is an irregular
quadrangle and about seven feet high. On this rock the Alumni of
Williams's College in 1854 erected a marble monument, about eleven
feet high,with appropriate inscriptions and surrounded by a substantial
iron fence. The land is secured by deed, and consecrated to the memory
of Col. Williams. — Z^Mz/ee's Hist. Williams's College, p. 46-269.— Ed.

1 While the battle was raging, M. Dieskau retired one side about
fifty paces from his troops He was first shot in his leg, and then in
the knee. The final wound received from the English soldier well
nigh proved fatal, and was for a time considered mortal as it passed
through both hips and the bladder. — A: Y. Col. Jlist., x, 317, 355.
Garneaii's Cancuhi, iii, 36. — Ed.

2 The name of this aid was De Bernier. Among the Johnson

60 DEFEAT OF M. DIESKAU.

It is quite probable that if M. Dieskau had taken
with him his two battalions, who alone conld hold
firmly against such an attack, and had been contented
with the aid of the Indians and Canadians who might
have guarded the boats, he would have succeeded in
his enterprise. We have since learned that these
English militia were very well prepared to be beaten,
and that they were with difficulty rallied to their own
defence.^

This affiiir, however, gave the Indians an excellent
opinion of tlie bravery of French troops, by the firm-
ness which they evinced in the ranks. They sought
after such Frenchmen as had not courage, and killed
all they could find.

M. Dieskau was taken to New York, where he was
healed of his two severe wounds by a good English
surgeon. He was long under treatment. We do not
know how he gained the ill will of the English, who
always kept him extremely close : perhaps it was, that
being obliged to leave much with his aid-dc-camp, the
indiscretion of the latter displeased them. They sent

papers in the N. Y. State Library is a letter from him thanking Sir
William for a loan of money in a time of great need. Baron Dieskau
in writing to Count d' Argenson June 22, 1756, acknowledges that
had it not been for the great influence he possessed over the Iroquois,
they would have persisted in a demand that he should be burned at
a slow fire in revenge for the death of their chief The Baron was
not exchanged until the peace of 1763. — Ed.

1 M. Pouchot has not thought proper to add, that notwithstanding
his success, .Johnson did not venture to pursue the French, and that
after their retreat, instead of attacking Fort Frederic, he retired to
Albany. — Jsote in Original.

CARILLON FORTIFIED. 51

him in the winter to France, wlicre he took occasion
to relate the great abuses which his sliort sojourn in
Canada had brought to his observation.

The court, to reward tliis man, son of a peasant of
Dauphiny, who from an instructor had become a lieu-
tenant in the royal Swedish regiment, sent him to
Canada, in the following campaign, as commissary of
war. In this office, he found occasion constantly
during the war, to make himself still more hated by
the English troops, while he was very little esteemed
by the French. On his return to France, his accusa-
tions, which he turned to his own merit, gained him
new favors from the court.

The French after this repulse, fell back upon Caril-
lon. M. de Montreui], aid-major-general, with the
brevet of lieutenant colonel, was left in command.
M. de Yaudreuil ordered a fort to be built. This work
was conducted by M. Lotbiniere a colonial engineer.^
The French troops retired to winter quarters in
Canada, leaving upon the frontier a detachment of
four hundred men, under M. d' Hebecourt, a captain
of the Queen's regiment.

The entrenchments of Frontenac, having, as we have
said, gained a great fame throughout Canada, M. de
Yaudreuil determined to write to M. Pouchot, captain
of Beam, requesting him to go to Niagara, in order

^He was assisted by Capt. Germain of the Queen's regiment, and
by Adj. Joannes of the Languedoc. Their work was a square fort
with four bastions, which was defended by a redoubt situated on a hill
which commands the work. — iY. T. Col. Hist, x, 414. — Ed.

52 NIAGAKA FORTIFIED.

to put these works in the best possible condition. lie
therefore left with the regiment of Guienne, which
had been destined to cover this post, menaced by the
English at Oswego. They would have found it easy
to make themselves its masters, as sixty Canadians
formed the sole garrison of this rotten stockade, with
no defensive works.^

The good of the service determined M. Pouchot to
undertake this commission. The regiment of Gui-enne
left on the 5th of October, but bad weather kept them
on the way until the 28th. Upon his arrival, M. Pou-
chot sought to put the place in a condition against
insult,' and sent his plan of fortiiication to M. de Vau-
dreuil. The regiment of Guienne left on the IGth of
ISTovember to return to Canada, and M. du Plessis,
iirst captain of the colony, about this time arrived
there to take command. There was left three piquets
of Guienne, and as many more colonial troops or
Canadians. It was at once necessary to build houses
for these troops in the Canadian manner, that is, huts
made of round logs of oak notched into each other at
the corners. In this wooded country, houses of this
kind are quickly constructed. They have a chimney
in the middle, some windows and a plank roof. The
chimney is made by four poles placed in the form of a
truncated pyramid, open from the bottom to a height

1 The French established a trading post at ISTiagara in 1678. In
1687, replaced this palisaded work by a small fort with four bastions.
It was subsequently abandoned for several years. — Ed.

SOLDIERS QUARTERS AT NIAGARA. 06

of three feet on the four sides, above wliicli is a kind
of basket work, plastered with mud. Tliey take
rushes, marsh grass or straw, which they roll in diluted
clay and drive in between the horizontal logs from top
to bottom, and then plaster the whole. This kind of
work might serve for European armies in wooded
countries, and form barracks sufficient for their want,
as these quarters may be built as large as necessary,
and all the soldiers could work in constructing them,
if they had some one to show them how.

They labored through the winter on the new fort,
as industriously as possible. The new engineer was
much opposed by the officers of his detachment, who
having no more knowledge of his business than of
their own, laughed with disdain at an undertaking
which according to their ideas could not be finished
within four or five years, with double the number of
troops, — but in this they were mistaken.^

1 M. Vaudreuil iu writing to France under date of Feb. 2, 1756,
says in speaking of Niagara :

u » * * ^Pq accelerate the works wluch M. Poucliot has
deemed necessary, in order to put tliat place in a state of defence, I
made the battalion of Guyenne sojourn there as long as the season
admitted. I ordered four platoons of that battalion to winter there.
These added to the colonial troops and the Canadians, compose a
force of about three hundred men who are continually at work. I
cannot express my praise of M. Pouchot's zeal and activity. I have
reason to hope that he will carry out his work to perfection. Niagara
will then be in a condition to resist the enemy. Its position is,
besides, very advantageous. But I shall be obliged to send consid-
erable forces and provisions there at the opening of the navigation,
for I may be well persuaded that the enemy will undertake its siege
very early, as he is making preparations for it a long time, and his
8

54 DE VAUDREUIL'S approbation or M. POUCHOT.

1756. The defeat of M. Diesktiu was perhaps a
happy event for Canada, because the home govern-
ment, relying upon the strength of the country would
have nedected it, aud it would not have been in con-
dition to resist the enterprises of its enemies. Upon

armj' may arrive at Chouaguen, when I shall dispatch the one I
intend to oppose it, inasmuch as the river of Orange is navigable a
month earlier than ours."

De Vaudreuil in writing June 8, 1756, again commends this engineer
in the strongest terms. In writing to the Count d'Argenson he saj's :
" I must render you the best report in particular of M. Pouchot, cap-
tain in the Beam regiment. He perfectly understands all the depart-
ments of engineering. He was so good as to take on himself the
direction of the fortifications I proposed constructing at Niagara, and
applied himself so closely thereto, from the time of the unfortunate
issue of the Baron Dieskau's campaign until now, that he has almost
entirely superintended them to their completion, and that fort which
was abandoned, and beyond making the smallest resistance, is now a
place of considerable importance, in consequence of the regularity,
sohdity and utility of its works. I add, my lord, that M. Pouchot
has surmounted all obstacles, and that his zeal has suggested
resources to accelerate his labors ; he has even accomplished all with
an economy whereat I cannot but feel agreeably surprised. He is
besides much experienced in all that concerns the service, and every
reason will engage me to unite with the Marquis de Montcalm, in
requesting you to procure for him such favors from the king as he
will deserve." — iV. T. Col. Hht., x, 391, 411.

De Vaudreuil in again writing August 20th, says of him : " He is
among the best officers known among the troops of the line. He
rendered himself very useful, and particularly distinguished himself
at Chouaguen. You will permit me my lord, in another dispatch,
to beg of you to procure for him the favors I shall have the honor to
ask of you in justice to him." — lb. 74.

The secretary of the War department to whom these letters were
addressed, replied : " I have not forgotten the favorable testimony you
bear of Captain Pouchot of the Regiment of Guyenne [Beam,] to
whom you have entrusted the direction of the fortifications of Fort
Niagara, and he will find some marks of his majesty's satisfaction in
the list of favors which will reach M. de Montcalm." — 7J.,535. — Ed.

THE MARQUIS DE MONTCALM SENT TO CANADA. 55

the representation of M. de Vaudrenil, it was deter-
mined to send in the spring of 1756, M. de Montcahii/
field marshal, M. de Levis ^ a brigadier, M. de Bour-
lamaque^ a colonel, Descombles* and Des Androins,
two engineers, with the two battalions of Sarre and
Eoyal-Roussillon, together with provisions, munitions
and merchandise.

Before relating the operations of this campaign, we
will give a sketch of the administration of the king's
magazines, which had been an object of the most
ruinous perversion, and had occasioned a suit against
the intendant. "We should at the outset notice that
the storekeeper rendered his accounts directly to the
intendant, so that we might regard* the magazine as
that of a merchant, of which his factor is required to
give an account.

^ Louis Joseph Marquis de Montcalm de Saint Veron, was born in
1712, entered tlie service at the age of fourteen, and in 1745 rose to
the rank of colonel. In 1756 he was appointed major general, and
in 1758 lieutenant general. He fell mortally wounded at Quebec, Sept.
13, 1759. His commission upon leaving France for C'anada, is given
in H. Y. Col. Jlifit, x, 394. He was buried on the premises of the Ur-
suline Convent at Quebec. — Servantes de Dieu en Canada, p. 28. — Ed

^ Since, the Marquis de Levis, chevalier of the king's orders, lieu-
tenant general of his armies, governor of the province of Artois, &c.
— Note in Original.

After the publication of the volume of M. Pouchot, the Chevalier
de Levis was created Marshal of France in 1783, and a Duke in 1784.
He died at Arras in 1787, and a monument was voted to be erected
in the Cathedral at that place. During the revolution, both church
and monument were destroyed. — Biog. Universelle. — Ed.

' Upon the peace, field marshal ; then governor of Gaudeloupe,
where he died. — Note in Original.
* Subsequently killed in the seige of Oswego. — Ed.

56 MANNER OF ISSUING STORES.

Upon property being sent to the magazines, it must
be verified as to its condition, in the presence of the
commandant, and a report is prepared, stating the
deficiency and waste, which is sent, signed by the com-
mandant and storekeeper to the intendant.

Everything delivered from the magazine, whether
provisions or equipage due to the troops, is issued
upon the order of the commandant, for each particular
article. The order always begins with these words:
"I pray the storekeeper, &c." with as much politeness
as in the marine service. When the commandant
wishes to deliver provisions, munitions or equipage to
the Indians for the king's service, as when they
are going to war, or when they come to hold a treaty,
or when new tribes come to negotiate, — it is done
upon his order. He has the power when the supply
is small, to arrest the delivery, and use it according
to the good of the service.

At many posts, if the articles needed in the service
are wanting, the commandant has power to purchase
through his storekeeper, upon his order, which being
signed by the governor of the country, is paid by the
intendant.

Every kind of supplies not being found for issue in
the public magazines, it was allowed to officers, sol-
diers and militia, to purchase whatever was necessary
or convenient, either for ready money, or with orders
upon whatever was duo them for services, or their pay.

As it was equally profitable to those furnishing sup-

FRAUDS IN THE ADMINISTRATION. 57

plies, and to the storekeepers to issue as mucli as pos-
sible, tliey spared nothing of what they had. If to
this we add goods sold for the Indian trade, and we
may easily see how the magazines would be soon
empty.

Whenever provisions were in excess, purchases were
not allowed, which led to a large false consumption.
The more they furnished, the more the stewards who
made the purchases would gain, so they bought on
every hand, good or bad, provided that the quantity
would fill the magazines. At length there was ap-
pointed a commissary, who drew his supplies from
France, paying the best of prices, as the more he pur-
chased, the greater were their profits. He allowed of
a re-sale, which was only to his profit, although he was
censured for having delivered in excess. All these
goods were increased to an excessive rate, on account
of captures by the English, although still obliged to be
furnished, and it took everything that could be found
in the country to pay these high prices. Although
the country was partly provisioned, the ships must still
supply from France, the assortments of merchandise
for trade, which were sold to the king, at the current
prices of the country. Since the supply was regu-
lated by the king, and could only be furnished at the
posts at these prices, they augmented the nominal
consumption, to indemnify themselves for the ditfer-
ence of prices. For instance : if a bottle of brandy
should be furnished at three livres, they would pre-

58 FRAUDS IN THE ADMINISTRATION.

sent an account for four bottles, to get back the price
paid, and so of other articles, which led to bills for a
most prodigious amount of consumption, and a bottle
of brandy would amount to a hundred crowns. ^ From
this we may judge of other items.

Individuals who traded among themselves, with the
profits of the goods that had been sold from the maga-
zines, would sell again at advanced prices to the same
storekeeper, upon the order of the commandant to
purchase, since this had become an absolute necessity
to the service.

We may well imagine that this speculation would
increase, as the country felt itself pressed by the
English, and impoverished by the withdrawal of its
stores by individuals, under the pretext that some ships
might still arrive during the summer from France, the
intendant made no purchases till the close of the sea-
son, when everything was consumed, and those who
had goods to sell wished to get a very high price, and
as they refused to yield, they sold everything at the
price they asked. The king believed he had a maga-
zine of sixty thousand livres worth of merchandize,
while he in reality did not have ten thousand, for
which he had paid very dearly. The surplus was to
him a clear loss, because it had been resold to the
French and Canadians at a great bargain, to the profit
of those who had made the sale, and who covered up
everything with their reports. The consequence was,
that the goods being increased in price, the French

OPERATIONS OF M. POUCHOT AT NIAGARA. 59

officers and soldiers who should, according to the
arrangement made in France, have found at a mode-
rate price, whatever was necessary for their use, could
get nothing from the magazines, and were obliged to
buy at a great price, the very articles that had been
sent from France for their use.^ ' .

Such was the origin of the disorders that bad come
to prevail in this part of the administration. We will
now return to the military operations. On the first
days of February, M. Pouchot sent from Niagara a
Memoir upon Oswego, in which he showed the way
of disturbing the English at that post, and of their
retarding their operations. On the 25th, a deputation
of the Five :N'ations arrived at Niagara, composed of
Cayugas and Senecas to the number of one hundred
and twelve persons, men, women and children. These
Indians who had taken up the hatchet against us,

1 The exports of Canada in 1753, amounted to £68,000, and the
imports to £208,000, of which the greater part was on government
account. In 1755, the colony exported 1,515,730 Uvrcs, and exported
5,203,273 livres. It was in view of this expense that Voltaire wrote
as follows :

" Canada costs much, and returns but little. If a tenth part of the
money swallowed up by this colony had been spent in improving the
waste lands in France, the gain would have been much greater ; but
they wished to keep up Canada, and have lost a hundred years of
trouble with all the money that has been lavished upon it without
returns. To crown the misfortune, they have detected many who had
been employed in the king's name in that unhappy colony, in the
most abominable career of plunder."

These irregularities are forcibly described by the author of the
Memoires sur le Canada, published by the Lit. and Hist. Soc. of Quebec.
— Ed.

60 CAPTURE OF FORT BULL.

came to talk of peace. Tliey sent their parole to the
general,^

In March, the artillery taken in Braddock's affair,
arrived at l^iagara. At the close of the same month,
a party of French, Canadians and Indians, to the num-
ber of three hundred men, under M. de Lery, who
had left Montreal, arrived at the portage to Oswego,
where the English had begun two forts, Stenvox and
Breuil.- They attacked and took the latter which was
the smallest. They captured sixty men, but the
Euo-lish suffered a greater loss in the destruction of
their provisions destined for Oswego,^ and which pre-
vented them from appearing as early in force at that
place as they had intended.^

On the 7th of May, two parties of Indians, Sauteurs
and Missisakes, the first of twenty-five, the other of
twenty-one men, left Niagara for Oswego. On the

1 A manner of expression used in this country by the Indians. —
Note in Original.

2 Stanvvix and Bull. Fort Stamvix was, however, not yet erected. —
Ed.

3 The explosion of a powder magazine, happening soon after the
fort was taken, prevented tlie French from using tlie provisions and
munitions which they found. — Xote in Orirjinal. — Jlemoires su)' le
Canada, iO. — Ev.

^Fort Bull on Wood Creek, was attacked by Lieut, de Lery of the
colonial troops on the morning of March 27, 1756, with a force of 265
men, who had come through the woods from Montreal, and fell upon
the fort by surprise. The garrison consisted of sixty men, and made but
a short resistance, when the gates were battered down and the whole
were massacred excepting one woman and a few soldiers. It is said
that but five souls escaped. The invaders returned as tliey came, by
the way of Black River. — iV: F. Doc. Hist., i, 509 ; N. T. Col nisi.,
X, 403 ; Eastman's Narrative of Captitity. — Ed.

SCARCITY AT NIAGARA. 61

15th, tliey returned with twelve scalps and three
English prisoners — ship carpenters Avho were working
upon some vessels near the fort.

These early successes determined the Five Illations
in our favor, and incited the Indians of the upper
country, who came, one after another to Niagara to
form war parties. It was necessary to feed and equip
them for the war. This cheerful prospect of a cam-
paign was balanced by prospects less agreeable. On
the 30th of May, M. Pouchot wrote from Niagara to
M. de Vaudreuil as follows:

" Our articles of subsistence must be well looked
after, as you may judge, sir, for there remains of our
whole stock not forty quarters of meal. We are
obliged to issue provisions and equipments to the
Indians. They have traded bread with the French
and Indians, which has so dangerous a tendency, that
it is mere chance that we are not now all dead with
hunger, or forced to abandon this post." These mise-
ries had been the same through the war, and M. Pou-
chot after having given a statement of his labors to
M. Vaudreuil continued as follows:

" Endeavor, sir, to compel those who are charged
with furnishing provisions, to be exact in rendering
faithful accounts, and in sending them in good con-
dition. Make those who carry them responsible, for
everything that arrives here, is more or less damaged.
One of the greatest pieces of economy which could be

attained in this country, would be to avoid this evil.
9

62 PREPARATIONS TO BESEIGE OSWEGO.

They give their charge no attention, and nothing is
more true, than that the provisions arriving here can
hardly sustain hfe, and they are but very little at that."

In the month of May, M. de Montcalm sent M. de
Levis with the Queen's battalion, and those of Lan-
guedoc and Royal-Roussillon, a corps of colonial troops,
and another of Canadians, to form a camp of observa-
tion at Carillon.

M. de Montcalm, accompanied by M. de Bourla-
maque and two engineers, went up to Frontenac with
the regiment of Sarres, Guienne and Beam, of whom
fifteen hundred men had wintered at that post. He
at once began preparations for the siege of Oswego,^
and placed a body of five hundred Canadians and
Indians under the orders of M. de Villiers upon the
peninsula of the Bay of Niaoure,^ to observe the move-

* A few months before the attack upon Oswego, a new fort was
begun west of the old one on the west side of the river. It was one
hundred and seventy feet square. The rampart was of earth and
stone, twenty feet thick and twelve high, besides the parapet. It was
surrounded by a ditch fourteen feet wide and ten deep, and had bar-
racks for two hundred men. — Gentleman's Magazine, xxvi, 6.

A very full journal of the siege of Oswego is given in N. Y. Col.
Hist. X, 440, as transmitted by M. de Montcalm. — Ed.

2 An intimate acquaintance with these shores, leads us to believe
that the place where de Villiers took post, was on what is now known
as Six Town Point, in Henderson, Jefferson Co., N. Y. The author of
the Memoires sur le Canada, published by the Literary and Historical
Society of Quebec, says : " Meanwhile M. de Yaudreuil, not content
with having destroyed the enemy's munitions, and thus disconcerting
his projects upon the lake, and tlie upper posts, resolved to capture
Oswe"-o, with the view of tranquilizing the colony in that quarter,
and thus resting more easily on the defensive while awaiting succors
from France. He sent in that direction, a detachment of eight hun-

ADVANCE TO THE BAY OF NIAOURE. ^3

ments of the enemy. He then sent about the 15th
of June, 'the regiment of Bearn to Niagara, where it
arrived on the 22d. Through the activity of M. Pou-
chot, the works of this place were nearly finished on
the 22d of July, and he left to return to Frontenac.

On the 5th of August, M. de. Montcalm left with
the Sarre and Guienne to encamp at the Bay of
Maoure,^ and on the 7th the regiment of Bearn fol-
lowed with the artillery. M. de Rigaud and M. de
Villiers went to take position in a creek, a quarter of
a league from Oswego, with five hundred Canadians
and Indians, and on the 9th, M. de Montcalm embarked
with the Sarre and Guienne to join them.

The regiment of Bearn left on the 10th, with the
artillery, and on the 12th arrived at the camp before

drecl men, to hold the enemy in check, and observe his movements.
It was led by S. de Villiers, captain of the marine, brother of M. de
Jumonville, a brave and prudent officer, capable of executing the
most perilous enterprises, and one who had on all occasions evinced
proofs of intrepidity. This officer went to encamp near a river named
Au Sables, where he built a little fort of upright timbers at the
place where this river foils into Lake Ontario. Its access was difficult
and hidden from view by the bushes around, so that they mi"-ht in
future depend upon it while there employed.
He often appeared before the enemy, pillaged
their munitions and obliged them to take great
precautions in sending provisions to their troops
at Oswego." P. 74.

The traces of a stockade supposed to be that
here described, may still be seen. The cut here
given is from a sketch made on the spot in 1853. The outlines can be
traced only by a depression representing the ditch as shown in the
section on the lower margin of the cut. — Hough's Hist. Jeffei-son Co.,
p. 156. — Ed.

' Point Peninsula, Jefferson Co., N. Y. — Ed.

64 SEIGE OF OSWEGO.

Oswearo. M. Descombles an old ens^ineer, was killed
by an Indian of his escort who had placed himself
close to the fort to see that none of the English came
out, and who mistook his dress. ^

This event somewhat depressed M. de Montcalm,
because he had left only a young engineer, who had
merit, but was a novice in these parts, having never
been in war.^ The general then employed M, Pouchot,
who had rejoined his regiment, to undertake this ser-
vice. Having accepted, he proceeded to reconnoitre
Fort Ontario, and upon his return, M. de IMontcalm
showed him some letters from the place which he had
intercepted. Although there were no fascines in
camp, and only a hundred gabions, M. Pouchot
induced the general to open trenches the same evening,
to profit by the surprise of the enemy. Orders were
given to labor with the greatest diligence upon the
gabions and saucissons, with every hand that was able.

On the night of the 12-13, at half past eleven
o'clock in the evening, M. Pouchot caused a parallel
to be opened, at sixty geometrical paces from Fort
Ontario, about ninety toises long, with an abattis of
very large trees, nearly all of which were to be cut.
It was however iinished by daybreak. On the thir-

1 This accident happened at 3 o'clock m the morning, by the hand
of Ochik, a Neppisseng Indian, who had escorted him out. — Ed.

' The surviving engineer was sieur Desandroins, who was super-
ceded by M. Pouchot on the 12th. — Montcalm'' s Journal; ^Y. T. Col.
^isi^., X, 443, 465. — Ed.

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gj <: ^- C- r:!?t ■'&:^

64 SEIGE OF OSWEGO.

Oswego. M. Descombles an old engineer, was killed
by an Indian of liis escort who had placed himself
close to the fort to see that none of the English came
out, and who mistook his dress. ^

This event somewhat depressed M. de Montcalm,
because he had left only a young engineer, who had
merit, but was a novice in these parts, having never
been in war.^ The general then employed M. Pouchot,
who had rejoined his regiment, to undertake this ser-
vice. Having accepted, he proceeded to reconnoitre
Fort Ontario, and upon his return, M. de Montcalm
showed him some letters from the place which he had
intercepted. Although there were no fascines in
camp, and only a hundred gabions, M. Pouchot
induced the general to open trenches the same evening,
to profit by the surprise of the enemy. Orders were
given to labor with the greatest diligence upon the
gabions and saucissons, with every hand that was able.

On the night of the 12-13, at half past eleven
o'clock in the evening, M. Pouchot caused a parallel
to be opened, at sixty geometrical paces from Fort
Ontario, about ninety toises long, with an abattis of
very large trees, nearly all of which were to be cut.
It was however iinished by daybreak. On the thir-

1 This accident happened at 3 o'clock m the morning, by the hand
of Ochik, a Neppisseng Indian, who had escorted him out. — Ed.

2 The surviving engineer was sieur Desandroins, who was super-
ceded by M. Foucliot on thcl2ih. — 3Ionf calm'' s Journal; JV. Y. Col.
^is^., X, 443, 465. — Ed.

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SEIGE OF OSWEGO. 65

teenth they worked in throwing up batteries, and at
three in the afternoon, the enemy surprised to see us
60 near them, abandoned the fort wliich they could
have hekl but a little longer, as the artillery had been
advantageously posted. They retired in the greatest
disorder across the river into the old fort.'

As soon as they had passed, they began an active
fire upon the abandoned fort, which was continued till
night, thinking thereby to greatly trouble us. M. de
Bourlamaque was this day slightly wounded in his
cheek. We occupied ourselves during the night, in
digging a long bayou to go to the river bank, and
established a battery for twenty pieces in barbette,
but mounted only eight. This batterj^ directed by M.
Mercier, had been placed to act fiivorably against the
wings of the fort, and would have escaped the incon-
venience that followed, had not a part of the operation
been neglected. But the ground having been softened
during the night by an abundant rain, and the pre-
caution not having been taken to build platforms, the
wheels of the carriages were forced into the ground,
and rendered the service of the guns very difficult.
There were no shelters, and munitions were there
wanted, so that we were obliged to place men at inter-
vals, to carry them — one powder, another the ball, and

^ The cletachment west of the river consisted of a part of Col. Pep-
perell's regiment. Before abandoning their post, they spiked their
guns and destroyed their ammunition and provisions. The retreat
was effected by the aid of whale boats sent by Col. Mercer for that
purpose. — Mante, p. 69. — Ed.

66 SEIGE OF OSWEGO.

another the rjimrod at each time of firing — and this
across a space enfiladed hy thirty pieces of cannon.

We may judge of the propriety of this arrangement,
and M. Pouchot had forewarned M. de Montcahn of
this inconvenience. He replied that he was ohliged
to defer to the opinions of an artillery oificer. M.
Pouchot sought to obviate the ditficulty, by a bayou
leading to the battery.

M. Pouchot thinking that the enemy could not
hold out more than twenty-four hours longer, saw in
what a bad position they would be placed in the rear
of their entrenchments if a body of troops were on
the other side of the river. M. de Montcalm therefore
ordered M. de Rigaud, with a party of Canadians and
Indians, to execute this movement at day break, by
crossing the ford above, without being perceived by
the enemy. ^

When the morning dawned, they opened a brisk
fire upon our battery, which although well served,
could not fire more than four pieces. At 9 o'clock
M. de Montcalm wished to send M. de Bougainville,
to summon the enemy to surrender, but M. Pouchot
induced the general not to do so, lest they should
gain rest by the delay. Half an hour later, they beat

' Col. Mercer having learned that a detachment had been sent to
ford the river above, ordered Col. Schuyler with live hundred men
to dispute the passage, but had scarcely given these orders, when,
going into the fort to give some others equally necessary, he was
killed by a cannon shot. Lieut. Col. Littlehales succeeded to the
command. — Mante, p. 70. — Ed.

SURRENDER OF OSWEGO. 67

the chamade, and the garrison, composed of the regi-
ments of Shirley and Pepperell, the Jersey militia,
and the employees of the fort to the number of 2,400
men, surrendered themselves as prisoners of war.'

1 The terms submitted by the French commander were as follows :
" The Marquis de Montcalm, army and field marshal, commander
in chief of his most Christian Majesty's troops, is ready to receive a
capitulation upon honorable conditions, surrendering to him all the
forts ; He requires them to be prisoners of war : They shall be
shown all the regard the politest of nations can show. I send my
aid-de-camp on my part, viz : Mons. de Bougainville, captain of
dragoons ; they need only send the capitulation to be signed ; I re-
quire an answer by noon. I have kept Mr. Drake for an hostage.

Montcalm.

August 14, 1756."

The following terms were agreed upon :

Tekms op Capitulation op Oswego.

" Art. 1. It has been agreed that the English Troops shall surrender
themselves prisoners of war : that the officers and soldiers shall be
allowed to preserve their effects : That the said forts shall be given
up at two o'clock in the afternoon, with generally all the effects, mu-
nitions of war, provisions, barks, rigging and other property in gene-
ral whatsoever, without any injury being done thereto by their
troops.

Art. 2. That all their arms shall be deposited in a store at the mo-
ment one-half the troops are embarked to cross the river ; that a
number of French troops are passed over by the returns to take
possession of the fort, and that the remainder of the troops shall re-
tire at the same time.

The flags and drums shall likewise be deposited in said store with
the officers' arms.

A new inventory shall be made of the property in the stores, and
of the artillery, powder, bullets, provisions, barks and rigging con-
formable to the returns made to me.

The officers shall in passing, each takeaway their effects with them.

These terms were signed at 11 o'clock A. m., on the 14th of August,
1756, by John Littlehales, It. col. comd't, and by the Marquis de
Montcalm, field marshal of the king's armies, and general of his
troops in France."— iV: Y. Doc. Uist., i, 495 ; A". Y. Col. Hist., x, 474 —
Ed.

68 SURRENDER OF OSWEGO.

Col. Mercer having been killed about eigbt o'clock,
the English regretted it greatly.

We found in the fort, a hundred and twenty pieces
of cannon, munitions of war, utensils, provisions and
merchandize in abundance, with nine vessels of war,
of which one carrying 18 guns was finished. The
others were upon the stocks, and all their rigging was
in the magazines.^ All these efi'ects were carefully
collected, as not being in the place best for the king's
service. We sent to IS'iagara a part of tlie flour and
pork, of which that place had been scantily supplied

' The eflFects found by the French at Oswego, not inchiding the pil-
lage, consisted of 7 brass cannon, of 19, 14 and 12 calibre ; 8 iron
guns of 9, 6, 5 and 3 ; 1 brass mortar 9J- inches; 13 others of 6 and 3
inches ; 44 patereros ; 23,000 lbs. of powder ; 8,000 of lead in balls
and shot ; 2,950 bullets of diverse calibres ; 150 bombs of 9, and 300
of 6 inches; 1,476 grenadoes; 730 grenadier's muskets; 340 grape
shot, and 12 pair of iron wheels for naval carriages.

Of vessels they captured 1 snow of 18 guns; 1 brigantine of 16 ;
1 sloop of 10 ; one bateau of 10 ; 1 of 8, and 2 stone guns ; 1 skiff
mounted with 8 patereros and 1 skiff in the stocks burnt ; 200 barges
and bateaux.

Of provisions they found 704 bbls. of biscuit ; 1,380 of beef and
pork; 712 of flour, 11 of rice, and 7 of salt; 200 sacks of flour, 33
live oxen, 15 hogs, 3 boxes of silver, and the military chest containing
£18,000, with a quantity of vegetables, liquors and wines. — K. Y. Doc.
mst.,i, 496 ; If. Y. Col. Hist, x,485, 520.

Notwithstanding the honorable pledges of Montcalm, it is said
that twenty of the garrison were delivered up to the Indians, by way
of atonement for the loss of their friends. Many of the garrison were
plundered and murdered. All the sick in the hospital were scalped,
and Lieut. Dc la Court was murdered as he lay wounded in his tent.
It is stated on good authority that a hundred men fell victims after
the surrender. Those who escaped this fate were sent to Montreal,
and most of them were exchanged. — Eniick, i, 452 ; Mantc, 72 ; Gar-
reau,]S.i, 67, 71. — Ed.

4/-'^ ' / \ Explanatiou .

m

iU

68 SURRENDER OF OSWEGO.

Col. Mercer liavino- been killed about eight o'clock,
the Englisli regretted it greatly.

We found in tbe fort, a hundred and twenty pieces
of cannon, munitions of war, utensils, provisions and
merchandize in abundance, with nine vessels of war,
of which one carrying 18 guns was finished. The
others were upon the stocks, and all their rigging was
in the magazines.^ All these effects were carefully
collected, as not being in the place best for the king's
service. We sent to Niagara a part of the flour and
pork, of which that place had been scantily supplied

' The cfFects found by the French at Oswego, not inckuling the pil-
lage, consisted of 7 brass cannon, of 19, 14 and 12 calibre ; 8 iron
guns of 9, G, 5 and 3 ; 1 brass mortar 9*- inches; 13 others of G and 3
inches; 44 patereros ; 23,000 lbs. of powder; 8,000 of lead in balls
and shot ; 2,950 bullets of diverse calibres; 150 bombs of 9, and 300
of G inches; 1,476 grenadoes; 730 grenadier's muskets; 340 grape
shot, and 13 pair of iron ^Yheels for naval carriages.

Of vessels they captured 1 snow of 18 guns ; 1 brigantine of 1 G ;
1 sloop of 10; one bateau of 10 ; 1 of 8, and 3 stone guns ; 1 skiff
mounted with 8 patereros and 1 skiff in the stocks burnt ; 800 barges
and bateaux.

Of provisions they found 704 bbls. of biscuit ; 1,38G of beef and
pork ; 713 of flour, 11 of rice, and 7 of salt ; 300 sacks of flour, 33
live oxen, 15 hogs, 3 boxes of silver, and the military chest containing
£18,000, with a quantity of vegetables, liquors and wines.— i\'. T. Doc.
Hist.,i, 49G ; N. Y. Col. Rist, x,485, 530.

Notwithstanding the honorable pledges of Montcalm, it is said
that twenty of the garrison were delivered up to the Indians, by way
of atonement for the loss of their friends. Many of the garrison were
plundered and murdered. All the sick in the hospital were scalped,
and Lieut. De la Court was murdered as he lay wounded in his tent.
It is stated on good authority that a hundred men fell victims after
the surrender. Those who escaped this fate were sent to Montreal,
and most of them were exchanged. — EiUick, i, 452 ; Mantc, 72 ; Gar-
rcaic, iii, 67, 71. — Ed.

The South View of OswectO on Lake Ontario q -v

emz<x //nfy tAe^ Onontlag'a River -vfi-rt/ i^^P'or^rtm^, o/nd

General Shirley/^/ /J.'jo Jhriu/t/ii't/W S^ in/tny/i-r/.^/t/.j Yo-ct

./itr .jMe if t/ir ^^jri,io?i,470 piirdl r/ijm i/r fii'Di t/if Wl
YoTx'rJ/ioJ ii'/iic/i i.J rff //// /-//^ .EaaFovt./,' /■iii/t r/' lr(/.i am/

EjqplanatioiL .

. TfieRwcr Oru:Tuiaffa- .

'.X

.\\> xav^Wx' .xV^t^^>Vs^^ %S<'i ^.

Jj-l-i-v .,Ji,S'-i.

.:imrmifl»^--^'^!^^^^'^''?i^i'^^B!m>^y-

• -,

- '^

-

'.

■:^

■ ^

ROBBERIES BY OFFICIALS.

69

during nearly two years. The artillery taken to
Frontenac, supplied that post, as well as Niagara, and
several pieces were transported to Montreal. The
implements which were very good, and in large quan-
tity, x)assed into the hands of Sieur Mcrcier command-
ant of artillery, and reappeared no more. The rig-
<r'ma- which should have been reserved to form a ma-
rine armament, was taken by the stewards, and like-
wise proved of no further use to the service. All the
refreshments were distributed to the Canadian officers
and the employees, including a large quantity of tea.
In short, there was left scarcely nothing for the king,
except what was difficult to remove. A single in-
stance will suffice to illustrate. M. Pouchot, being
one of the iirst to enter the fort, found a very tine
seine stretched along the ground, and wished to have
it o-uarded and sent to Niagara, where he was com-
mander, and where it woukl have been very useful, at
a post where provisions were often scarce. It was
promised very definitely, but it soon disappeared with
the rest. M. Pouchot was much surprised in 1758, at
seeing it at Carillon, employed in a fishery. It then
belonged to the king, to whom this same commissary
had sold it for 1,200 or 1,500 livres.

It would have been happy for the king, if he had also
resold the implements. They would have been at
least of better quality than those which M. Mercier,
this chief of artillery, furnished the king to his own
profit. These axes served only to ruin the forts of
10

70 LOSS OF osaveCtO becomes known.

Oswego, Choueguen, and another called Fort Bull,
distant a nuisket shot from the latter. This opera-
tion lasted from the loth to the 20th, when the army
returned to Montreal.'

The capture of Oswego produced the greatest ef-
fect upon all the Indian tribes, because the English
had aifected a decided superiority over us, and by
their bragadocio on their power and their courage
souo-ht to make the Indians believe that we should
not be able to resist them. The latter saw with what
ease we took a post which had as many defenders as
assailants, and that their brisk cannonade, of which
they had never heard the like, did not disturb the
French troops. We may say, that since this event,

' ' The first intelligence the English got of the capture of Oswego, was
probably by the following letter : —

Burnet's Field, Aug. \&h, 1756.
To Sir William Johnson.

Sir. Last night the two Indians you sent with a packett to
Oswego, returned hither : Say near the Three Rivers that three sol-
diers coming from Oswego with letters who gave an account that
the east and west fort were both beseig'd by the enemy ; that they
made a shift to steal out the garrison along the lake side ; that the
French were very numerous and told those Indians they had better
go back, upon which they returned in company with the three men
as far as the rift above the Three Rivers, where thej' left them with
an Ondagah woman. They suppose they may have been last night
at the Oneida carrying place. As these two Indians were returning,
were overtaken by an Oneida, who had been at Oswego. Gave them
a belt of wampum he rec'd from the French there, desiring the Five
Nations to keep out way, as were beseiging Oswego, for they did not
desire to hurt the Indians.

The kattle that were driving to Oswego are returning.

This moment arrived the soldiers mentioned above, who says
Oswego, that is, all the forts there are taken, together with the vessels.

ATTACHMENT OF INDIANS TO THE FllENCH. 71

thej have redoubled tlicir attachment and friendship
for the French, who in general they esteem more than
the English, on account of their easy habits of life
and their gayety ; but the principal motive of their
conduct came from this, that they knew very well
the advantage of iK'ing on the strongest side, for,
although some of them may have been very aflec-
tionate, they still loved Europeans according to their
interest.

The news of the siege of Oswego being carried to

Col. Mercer is killed. For the particulars, I refer you to Capt. Rich-
man who is going down, as I am teased with the Indians and cant
write more at present. The packet shall send you by Capt. Rich-

man.

I am yi" very Dutifull

andobedt Servtf,

Tiro. BuTi.EK.

(S';V Willidiu Johnson'' s MSB.

A letter from Lord Loudon Avritten from Albany, Sept. 10, 1750,
informs Sir William Johnson that the following disposition of troops
Avould be made in the Mohawk Valley in view of the recent disaster
at Oswego.

Gen. AVebb was ordered back with the 44tli Regt. and all the artil-
lery to Albany, leaving the rest of his force at the carrying place.

Instead of building a fort at the German Flatts, 220 men were left
to defend the fort at Herkimer's, and his house agauist scalping
parties, Major Dobbs was stationed at the Little Carrying Place.
The militia and Capt. Richmond's Co. at Canajoharie, Gate's Co. at
Ft. Herkimer, Capt. Wraxal's Co. at Johnson's, and the rest of Col.
Schuyler's Co. at Schenectady. The reader will find several distinct
accounts of the seige and capture of Oswego in the N. Y. Col. Hist.,
X, 440, 453, 457, 401, 465, 406, etc.

The Abbe Picquet, of La Presentation, ever zealous for the success
of the king's arms, accompanied the expedition, and erected a cross
there, to which was affixed, Li hoc signo Vincunt ; and a pole on
one side with the King's arms, and the inscription, — Manibus date
lilia plenis.— iY. Y. Col. Hist., x, 403.— Ed.

72 CAUSEWAY AT LA PllAIRE.

Sclienectady the English marched a body of troops^ to
endeavor to relieve the post, but learning at the port-
age that it had fallen, they obstructed with fallen trees
the little river called Wood Creek, and sought to put
Fort Stauwix in a state of defense, as they feared that
the conquerors would penetrate to their homes.^

M. de Montcalm, wishing to remove to Carillon as
soon as possible, the troops he had with him, engaged
M. Pouchot to open a road from La Praire, to facili-
tate their march. The latter therefore went on the
28th, with a battalion of Beam. It was necessary to
cross a swamp a league and a half wide, covered two
or three feet deep with water. At first sight he
judged that ho could use the remains of cedar and
fir trees which had burned and fallen to the ground
in this savanna. He caused the soldiers of this
regiment to draw them together, and they labored
three days with the greatest ardor, from morning till
night, half- thigh deep in water, as did this othcer
likewise. They thus constructed a bridge, which
being covered with rushes that grew on the spot,
enabled the array and its trains to pass over dry.

' The imbecile Colonel Weljb had charge of this expedition sent to
relieve Oswego. — Ed.

2 This name is prematurely applied to this post, which was then
called Fort Williams. Fort Stanwix was not begun until .July 23, 1758,
when Brigadier General John Stanwix of the royal army commenced
its erection. The author was taken past this fort in 1759 and 1760, as a
prisoner of war. The accompanying map, represents the topography
of the surrounding district correctly, and the military positions of the
seige by St. Leger twenty-one years later than this date. — Ed.

M. POUCIIOT RETURNS TO NIAGARA. 73

The campaign of Carillon, was spent in sending
out several parties of Canadians and Indians, wliicli
upon the whole Avcre to our advantage. The work
upon the fort of Carillon was also pressed with vigor,
and in JSToveniher, the army returned to Canada for
winter quarters.

M. Pouchot left on the 21st of September, with a
piquet ot the regiment of Beam, to take command
of Fort Niagara, and M^ork in finishing it. M. de
Blot, a captain, with a piquet of Guienne, and Captain
M. de la Ferte, with a piquet of Sarre, were also dis-
patched with him to that post, where M. de Montcalm
had at length persuaded M. de Vaudreuil to allow a
Frenchman to command, to the great disgust of several
colonial ofiicers, and especially of the Intendant. The
latter deemed M. Pouchot very little adapted to follow
the views of the "company," whose manoeuvres he
wished to expose.

This officer departed with M. deLignery, a colonial
captain, who went to relieve M. Dumas, commandant
at Fort Du Quesne, who had already relieved M. de
Contre-Ca?ur, as not sutficiently intelligent for a diffi-
cult post. The company, on the contrar}^ found M.
Dumas too sharp for them.

M. Pouchot endeavored to put Frontenac in a better
condition for use in winter. On the 4th of October he
left in boats with his troops for Niagara, and arrived
on the 12th.

In October, some Loups came to make an alliance

74 MISTAKEN ECONOMY OF MONTCALM.

with the French, and one after another, the Iroquois,
and all the nations that had heretofore taken part with
the English, began to waver, and to take np the hatchet
against them. Through the good treatment they
received from M. Pouchot, they determined positively
for the war. He was well seconded by M. Chabert, a
Canadian officer, commandant of a little fort at the
portage, who enjoyed the greatest consideration among
the Irocjuois, and was regarded by them as a member
of their nation. He was equally well known among
other tribes, and he was continually useful, as he spoke
their languages. At the time when he undertook the
works upon the fort, they had begun to lay some regu-
lar foundations.

When M. de Montcalm went to Canada, he bore an
order to retrench the officers in their extra supplies
allowed by the usages of the marine, except two pots
of brandy a month. They were reduced to two pounds
of bread, and half a pound of pork to an officer. It
is said that M. de ^Montcalm when in France had
solicited this, because he thought their treatment too
extravagant, but he Avas not long in repenting of this
error. It would have been better to retrench a part
of the equipment, which was of but little use to the
officers. The first expense would not have been con-
siderable, if it had been directed with economy by the
superior French officers to meet the actual necessities
of the case. This oversight betrayed a slender know-
ledge of the, country, and turned over the French offi-

ARRIVAL OF REINFORCEMENTS. 75

cers and troops to the discretion of the company of
the administration and commissariat, making all the
provisioning turns to their account ; making the offi-
cers pay as much as they pleased, and increasing this
at will, as we shall see in the end. The captures made
from the English, although quite considerable, proved
of but little benefit to the service for the reasons here-
tofore given. The magazines were poorly supplied,
and the posts still less, so that it became necessary to
ask supplies in abundance from France, M. de Mont-
calm also asked for a reinforcement of troops, because
the English had sent to America, after the siege of
Mahon,'^ some Scotch troops and the Royal American
regiment, of four battalions, which was raised for ser-
vice in the colonies.

During the winter, several war parties were sent
from Montreal upon Fort George, where they always
took some prisoners and scalps. The Indian Ochik,
who had had the misfortune to kill our engineer, dis-
tinguished himself there in these affairs, to gain his par-
don. More than thirty-three English fell under his

'The fortress of Fort St. Philip, whicli commanded the entrance to
the Port of ]\Iahon, on the island of Minorca, was surrendered to the
French by Lieut. Gen. Blakeney, on the 29th of June, 175G, after a
brave defense. The garrison consisting of 2,9G3 men, were trans-
ported to Gibraltar. The British ministry spared no measures to fasten
tlie blame and shame of this disaster upon Admiral Bjnig, who had
been beaten by the French fleet. He was tried, sentenced to death
and shot, on board his Majesty's ship Monarque, in Portsmouth har-
bor, on the 14th of March, 1757. — Entick. Minoi*ca was restored to
the English by the treaty of Paris, Feb. 10, 17C3. — Ed.

76 DESCENT UPON FORT GEORGE.

stroke during the ycar.^ In the month of March, a party
of three to four hundred men,^ under the orders of M.
Rigaud, went to Fort George to sur2:)rise it, hut heing
discovered, they contented themselves with hurning a
saw mill and some hatcaux.^ On the side of the

^ " Aouscliik, a Ncppissing chief, Avho had, at the commencement of
the siege of Clioueguen, killed the unfortunate Descomhles, then rose,
his looks, his gesture and expression denoting furious anguish.
' What need,' said he, ' of councils, deliberations, proposals, when
action is needed? I hate the Englishman. I thirst for his blood. I
am going to bathe in it,' — and chanted his war song at the same
time." — Account of a Treaty ; K Y. Col Hist., x, 560. — Ed.

- ]\Iante says this party consisted of twelve hundred. They made
four separate attacks, but were repulsed, ixfter burning several store
houses, all the huts of the Rangers, and a sloop on the stocks, p. 84.
A full account is given in N. Y. Col. Hist., x, 544, 548. — Ed.

3 To the number of one hundred and tifty, with four briganlines of
ten to fourteen cannon, and two galleys, each of fifty oars, Avithout
reckoning much wood for construction. — Note in Original.

" JSTotwithstanding the scarcity which prevailed in C'anada, hostili-
ties did not cease during the winter, which was intensely cold. In
January a detachment sent out from Fort William Henry was attacked
near Carillon and destroyed. In the following mouth. General Mont-
calm formed a project of sending eight hundred and tifty men to sur-
prise that fort and carry it by escalade. The governor deemed it
necessary to increase this detachment to fifteen hundred men, of whom
eight hundred Avere Canadians, four hundred and fifty regulars, and
three hundred Indians, and gave its command to M. de Rigaud, to the
great discontent of the officers and troops, and of Montcalm himself,
Avho Avished it conferred upon M. de Bourlamarque. This body
marched on the 23d of February, crossed lakes Champlain and St.
Sacrament, traveled sixty leagues on snoAV shoes, draAA'ing their jsro-
visions on sledges, and sleeping on the snow in bear skins or under
a simple tent. On the 18th of March, they arrived near William
Henry, but having been discovered, M de Rigaud thought it impos-
sible to carry it l)y assault, but resolved hoAvever to destroy all he
could outside of the Avorks, Avhich Avas done under the fire of the fort,
but with little loss, on the nights of the 18th to the 22d. Three hun-
dred and fifty bateaux, four brigautiues of ten to fourteen guns, all

EXPLOIT or LIEUTENANT WOLFS. 77

enemy, Volf/ a German officer came to burn a vessel
upon the stocks near Fort J^iagara, From this post
also, several parties were dispatched during the winter.

M. Pouchot having gained over all the Iroquois
nations and the Loups of upper Pennsylvania, they
often came to the fort with 8calps or prisoners.-

At the close of autumn, a party of thirteen English
and Catawbas, from Virginia, came to near Fort Du

the mills, magazines, and houses whicli Avere palisaded became a
prey to the flames. The garrison were surrounded, so to speak, by a
sea of tire during four days, yet ventured to make no sortie, or oppo-
sition to the devastations of the French, Avho, in the end, left nothing
but the naked structure of the fort." — Garneaa's Jlifit., iii, 86.

Pierre Frauciers Rigaud de Vaudreuil, who led this expedition, was
a brother of the governor. — Ed.

' It is thus in the original, but probably an error, as Wolfe was iu
the French service, and the event is spoken of by M. de Montcalm in
writing to Count d' Argenson, April 26, 1757, as having occurred
under the walls of Fort George, in connection with Eigaud's expe-
dition against that fort. He says :

" Sieur Wolfs, a second lieutenant after the affair of Bentheim,
whom Baron de Dieskau brought with him last year, undertook, with
the assistance of twenty of our soldiers, to burn a sloop pierced for
sixteen guns, which it was deemed proper not to touch, as it was within
fifteen paces of the fort, and under the protection of its cannon. He
eflPected his purpose with the loss of two men and three wounded."
— If. r. Col. Hist., X, 549, 572. — Ed.

2 General Montcalm, in writing to the Count d' Argenson, Minister
of War, April 24, 1757, says :

" All the news from Detroit, Forts Du Quesne and Niagara, assure
us of the dispositions of the Indians of the upper countries, which is
principally owing to the fall of Chouegucn. Captain Pouchot, of the
regiment of Bcarn, who commands at Niagara, is wonderfully liked
by the Indians, and conducts himself much to the satisfaction of the
Marquis de Vaudreuil, who has made considerable difficulty in grant-
ing that command to an officer of the troops of the line." — JV. T.
Col. Hid., X, 548. — Ed.

11

78 THE INDIANS FAVOR THE FRENCH,

Quesne, and scalped three Chaoiianons. M. de Lig-
nery caused them to be pursued by the French and
Indians, who killed three and took two prisonei^.' .
Eocheblave, acolonial cadet, who^Yas comingfrom Fort
Cumberland, met two of them and took them prison-
ers. One was an Englishman, who had a scalp taken
in the Indian foshion, and this was the common prac-
tice of these partisans, they ought surely not to
reproach the French, for the disguise under which
they deemed themselves more formidable.

1757. In January, the Iroquois and the Loups or
Chaouanons of Theogen,- assembled in great numbers
at Magara for a grand council. The Loups returned
to the Iroquois the machtcote,^ which they had sent
them when they had retired from the maritime regions
to live upon their frontiers. They announced that
henceforth they wished to be men, and to light against
the English, of whom they had killed or captured
from three to four hundred in the preceding campaign.
They also assured them that they wished to form an
alliance with th& French, whom they had not formerly
known, and advised them to hold the hand of their
French father as they were resolved themselves to do.
In April, they were obliged to send four men and a

' ^\ Y. Col. Hist, X, 548. — Ed.

2 Tioga. — Ed.

3 That is a petticoat, to indicate that they regarded them as women,
and were excused from making war. — Kote in Original.

THE INDIANS FAVOR THE FRENCH. 79

sergeant from Presque Isle to Niagara from tlie want
of provisions at that post. They came on foot.

There arrived soon after at Magara, some Renands
or Oatagumis, living with the Lonps and the Senecas,
who since the war they had had with the French, had
not frequented our ports. They came to the number
of thirt}', to assure the commandant that they also
wished to hold the French by the hand, and that they
had sent their young warriors with a war party of the
Loups. "We learned from them, that the English
were building many bateaux upon the Susquehannah
near Fort Shamokin.^ These Indians added, that
Johnson had sent belts by a Mohawk and an Onon-
daga, to the Senecas, and the Loups, for them to
bury the hatchet of their father, and that they could
no longer go out for their most pressing wants w^ith-
out fear of having tlieir scalps taken. These nations
replied, notwithstanding this, that their choice was
made, and that their father, the French, had marked
out for them a line road.- In consequence of this,
small parties of Indians and some French went out
from almost every post, from Frontenac to Fort du
Quesne, who desolated the frontiers of Xew York,
ISTew Jersey, Pennsylvania, Maryland and Virginia,

1 Fort Sliamokin was at -what is now Sunbuiy, Nortliumberlaud
Co., Pa. It was called by the English, Fort Augusta. — Penn. Archives,
xii, 329.— Ed.

2 The various rumors that reached the Governor of Canada, with
reference to the disposition of the Indians of Western New York are
stated in the K T. Col. Hid., x, 388. — Ed.

80 THE INDIANS FAVOR THE FllENCII.

from whence they brought ofi' many scalps and pri-
soners, and obliged the inhabitants all along their fron-
tiers, to abandon their homes, and build little forts at
all the passes.^

On the Gth of May, an Iroquois Indian and an Eng-
lishman who was dwelling among them, came to
Niagara, and told M. Pouchot that the king of France
had been killed, and that the king of Prussia had

' The following memorandum of intelligence found in the Johnson
MSS. confirms the statement of the text with regard to the feeling of
the Western Iroquois in favor of the French at this period :

" Information of Alexander M. Cluer of Pennsylvania Government,
who has l)een among the Senecas at Chenussio for these six months
past. He was an Indian trader, and falling in debt was afraid to
return, so went among those Indians of Chenussio alias Senekas.

He says that he thinks most of the Indians living at C'henussio,
will join the French, as also those Senecas dispersed in little towns
to the southward and westward of it ; that he had seen several
English scalps in said castle which he judges were taken or brought
from the Southern governments.

Jean Cour, with four French men came to Chenussio last October,
where he remained for 20 days ; was also at the Seneca castle called
Ganuyhsadagy, where he desired no English should be sutfered to
trade or build. If any came there he would have them knocked in
the head, and be very angry with the Senecas. He says that Jean
Cceur proposed building a fort at Chenussio in the spring, and be-
lieved they consented to it, as they are under some apprehensions of
danger from the Wawighttenhook Indians.

In the beginning of the winter he says that seventy Delawares called
at that castle in tlieir way to Niagara, Avhere they said they were
going to get cloths, arms, iVc, from their father. There was an En-
glishman accompanying them thither who on their return told the
informant that the Delawares spoke thus to the French :

' Father we are now at war with ye English. When we tirst be-
gun, we struck them with billets of wood, being very poor.' The
French Comd't told them he knew it to be time, and now gave them
a hatchet to strike them with, and desired them to tell any of the
Eno-lish who might ask them the reason of their striking them, it was

RUMORS FROM EUROPE. 81

taken the queen of Hungary prisoner, although no
vessel had yet arrived from France. The command-
ant thought this news so extraordinary that he sent it
to M. de Vaudreuil. It proved that the king liad
been wounded, and that the queen of Pohuid had
been arrested by the king of Prussia.

The commandants of all the upper posts, sent
Indians of different nations to Montreal to join the

because the}-, the English, did not keep their arms clean or in good
order. The French officers clothed them all, and gave them besides
14 laced coats, arms and ammunition, and several of the anns were
those taken at Oswego. He gave each man 150 rounds of powder
and balls. There was a number of the Delawares came to Chenussio.
As they were going last spring to Niagara, the Senecas spoke to
them, and desired they would stay a few days until they called the
chief man named Tayegheady from Gannyhsady — the old Seneca
castle which they consented to. He arrived in three days. Then
the Senecas advised the Delawares to return and not go to Niagara.
They refused, and said they would not be stopt and added furtlier
' We have been once women and ashamed to look down at our
petticoats, but as you have taken off our petticoats and encouraged
us to begin a quarrel with the English, we are determined never to
submit again to that ignominious state so long as there is one of us
alive, and it seems to us that you now want to tlirow all the blame
on us and make peace, which we will not hearken to, but will go to
our Father who will assist us, and protect us.'

My informant says that eight days before he left Chenussio w'ch is
now ab't thirty-four days ago, a Delaware named Shamokin Peter who
was then just come from Niagara, told this informant that it was
talked of there and agreed upon, that all the Indians in the French
interests from the north side of the lake were to join the French and
come down to destroy the Mohawk countiy in tlie spring, and the
Indians living on the South side of the Lakes, and those of Ohio,
Delawares, we were to go against Fort Cumberland and the Southern
Governments about the same time.

Further this informant saith not. Taken by me this 6th day of

March, 1757.

Wm. Johnson."

82 PLOT TO MURDER GARRISON AT TORONTO.

arn\y, bat the small pox wliicli raged in some places,
led many to retrace their steps, as they dreaded this
disease extremely. There, however, assembled 1,900
including those domiciled with ns. Such a nmnber
was never before collected in Canada.

General Loudon, had at this time arrived from
England. At Philadelphia he had held a great coun-
cil to engage the Quakers to furnish supplies, but they
refused, saying tliat they were not allowed to make
war.

The Missisakes wIjo were to go down to Montreal,
assembled to the number of ninety at Toronto, where
there was a garrison of ten men, although there was
a large supply of goods, the trade of this post being
in the hands of M. Varrin. The Indians formed a
plan of murdering this little garrison, and of pillaging
the fort. M. de Noyelle, who comnKinded there was
uotitied by a French domestic among them, that they
were only awaiting news from Detroit, to execute their
design, and dlspatchetl a canoe and two men to Ni-
agara, a distance of thirty leagues, to solicit help. M.
Pouchotat once sent M. de la Ferte, captain of Sarre,
and M. de Pinsun, an officer of Beam, with sixty-one
men, each having a swivel gun in his bateau. They
reached Toronto at four o'clock on the evening of the
next day. They found the Indians in their huts near
the fort and passing in front of them, saluted their
camp with artillery and musket balls, but tired only
into the air, as M. Pouchot had advised in his instruc-

LITTLE DEPENDENCE UPON INDIANS. 83

tions. They then called a council of the Missisakes,
who were greatly astonished at siicli an adventure,
and at being discovered in the fort. They confessed
every thing, and said they had no courage. They
added that the same one had given them had news,
how that the French troops were coming to kill them,
tliat we had made peace with the Flat-heads tlieir
enemies, that the English had beaten us, that we
were concealing ourselves, and otlier stuti"of this sort,
but the only reason was, they felt themselves in force,
and could get plenty of brandy for nothing. Without
foreseeing the consequences, they had contrived this
project.

We may judge from this plot, how much confidence
we could place in these people. This nation was
nevertheless the most devoted to the French, and
served w^ell and faithfully in the war. These Missi-
sakes are more dangerous than the Iroquois, because
they live by the chase alone. They all soon departed
for Montreal, and behaved themselves very well
during the campaign of Fort George. Their nation
disowned these warriors and was greatly chagrined at
this event.

Eaily in this year, the Cherokees, the Flat-Heads
and the Catabas, asked to make peace with the na-
tions allied with the French, and promised to strike
the English, if they could be let alone. This some of
them agreed to, but the Chicachas did not wish to
enter into this treaty.

84 AN INSTANCE OF PRESENTIMENT.

It would be too long, and too tedious, to give the
details of the expeditions that were made.^ We had
about this time three Canadian officers taken or killed,
their party of about a hundred Indians having aban-
doned them. Sieur Bellestre the younger, who was
taken by the Cherokees, became a considerable chief
among them, and linally gained them over to the in-
terests of the French,

We will here relate a singular instance of presenti-
ment. The mother of a war chief of the Missisakes
named Techicabavoui, came to see M. Pouchot, on
the 22d of June, and said: "Father I come to tell
you that my son has struck a blow." He asked her " if
some one of his troop had returned? " but she replied,
" no ; but that ten days before, she had felt her breasts
spring up, and that since then she had felt nothing."
This sign was to her not in the least equivocal, and
she had always found it sure. In fact, on the 5th of
July, Techicabavoui arrived at Niagara with five
scalps, having had but one man wounded on his side.

On the 1st of July, there was held a great council
at Niagara, at which the Iroquois informed by a fine
belt, the Ilurons, Ouias, Miamis and Outaouais, that
they had taken up the hatchet for their father, and
that they would not quit it again. These nations
always distrusted the Iroquois, and loved them not.
Each jealous of the superiority of the other, could

^ The reader will find many of these details, iu the iV'. Y. Col. Hist.,
X, 579, 580, 58G, 588, <kc. —Ed.

WESTERN INDIANS JOIN THE FRENCH ARMY. 85

only regard the Five nations as tlie allies of the En-
glish. Their relations and intercourse were distant.
M. Touchot regaled them together with brandy, but
with moderation.

On the next day, the Ouias replied to the Iroquois
by the same belt, but covered with vermillion, which
was an invitation to war. They advised them to follow
the will of their father, and not to listen to bad words ;
that they had been formerly deceived by following the
Hurons, who as well as the Iroquois sometimes made
line promises without being able to execute them, and
that by this belt they invited them to bring to their
father at Niagara, this bad meat that they loved so
well. By this they meant English prisoners.

To the Ilurons they said : "You have courage, the
Jesuits have given it to you. You pray and go to
mass. We advise you to make a good use of your
courage, and to follow the will of our father,' as we do,
although we have not courage.^

The Kickapous and Mascontens, joined them to go
down to Montreal. These several tribes left their
women and children at Niagara to the number of one
hundred and fifty, who staid till their return. Mean-
while there arrived scarcely any merchandise or
brandy, which made the Indians sad. All the posts
were drained by the great amount of equipments
which it was necessary to issue to the warriors, and by

1 Meaning the governor of Canada or the king. — aA'f ^<^ in Oricjinal.

2 They meant by this that tliey were not Christians. — lb.

12

86 ADVANCE UPON FORT GEORGE.

the presents which tliey had to make the Indians who
came to councils, and then often returned in numbers.

The regiments left about the 20th of May to go up
to Carillon, where they worked upon preparations for
the sieo-e of Fort Gcorc-e. M. de Montcalm arrived in
June. The four French battalions, who made about
sixteen hundred, the colonial troops about eight hun-
dred, the Canadians nine hundred, and the Indians
about nineteen hundred men, left on the first days of
August, from the Falls, to go to Fort George. The
Chevalier de Levis at the head of a large detachment
of Canadians and Indians, with some piquets of troops^
marched by land to the right of the lake, so as to cover
the landing of the army, which took passage in bateaux.

This ofBcer arrived near Fort George, without meet-
ing any obstacle except that of the country, which
was very rugged. M. de Montcalm had, as the
advance guard of the army by water, some Indians in
canoes. In coming around a point, they perceived an
English detachment of about one hundred and fifty
men in bateaux- who were out for observation. The
Indians, although in only bark canoes, attacked the
nearest bateaux with blows of their hatchets and guns,

^ Six companies of Grenadiers, seven pickets of fift}^ men each, ten
brigades of Canadians of four hundred each, another body of tliree
hundred Canadians, and seven or eight hundred Indians. — Mante, p.

89. — Ed.

2 The EngHsh accounts state that there were but two bateaux of
which one was captured, and those in it were massacred. — Manfe, p.

90. — Ed.

INVESTMENT OF FORT GEORGE. 87

and threw themselves into the water to swim to them.
The enemy were so thrown into disorder by this bold-
ness, that about sixty or seventy men were drowned
or captured. The others, avIio were a little to the rear,
hastily regained the beach by the fort, without trying^
to help their comrades.

The English had formed an entrenched camp upon
the height against which this fort was built. They
there had placed about two thousand men, ?nid from
four to five hundred in the fort. On the evening of
their arrival, they brought some batteries to bear upon
the fort and the camp, and opened a kind of bayou
which led to within one hundred and fifty toises of the
fort. Our Indians and Canadians scattered themselves
through the woods, upon the surrounding heights, to
prevent the enemy from retreating. The latter find-
ing themselves beaten in their intrenchmeiits and the
little fort, and seeing all their communications inter-
cepted, surrendered on the 10th of August.^ We

1 Although the place held out only six days from the openmg of the
treuches, Col. Monro who commanded, defended it with bravery.
General Webb at the head of an army of four thousand men, was not
far off, but did not venture to assist him. — Note in Original.

The French arrived before the fort on the 3d of August, and it sur-
rendered on the 9th. The first summons was made on the 4tli, but in
the reasonable hope of timely aid from Gen. Webb at Fort Edward,
Col. Monro held out till resistance was further impossible. The imbe-
cile Webb addressed a letter to Col. ]Monro, which Montcalm inter-
cepted and then sent with a new demand for surrender. This letter
informed him, that he did not think prudent to endeavor to relieve
the garrison until he could be reinforced by the militia of the colonies,
and advised a surrender upon the best terms that could be secured.

88 SURRENDER OF FORT WILLIAM HENRY.

have seen at tlie time, the details of tliis siege. We
will here mention a singular event to which the capi-
tulation ffave rise.

The terms agreed upon were as follows :

" 1. The garrison of Fort William Henrj-, and the troops which
are in the intrenched camp, sliall, after being joined, march out with
their arms, and the usual honors of war.

2. The gate of the fort shall be delivered up to the troops of his
most Christian Majesty, and the intrenched camp, immediately on the
departure of the British troops.

3. All the artillery, warlike stores, provisions, and in general, every-
thing except the private etfects of the officers and soldiers, shall, upon
honor, be delivered up to his Most Christian Majesty. Provided
always, that this article shall extend to the fort and the intrenchments,
and their dependencies.

4. The garrison of the fort, the troops in the intrenchments, and
the dependencies of both, shall not serve for the space of eighteen
months, neither against his Most Christian Majesty nor his allies.

5. All the officers and soldiers, Canadians, women and savages,
who have been made prisoners by land since the commencement of
the war in North America, shall be delivered up in the space of three
months at Carillon ; and according to a receipt which shall be given
by the French commanding officers to Avhom they shall be delivered,
an equal number of the garrison of Fort William Henry shall be
capacitated to serve, agreeable to the I'eturn given in by the English
officers of the prisoners he has delivered.

6. An officer shall be left as an hostage till the return of the detach-
ment,which shall be given for an escort to his Brittanic ]Maj esty's troops.

7. All the sick and wounded that are not in a condition to be tran-
sported to Fort Edward, shall remain under the protection of the
Marquis de Montcalm, who will take proper care of them, and return
them as soon as recovered.

8. There shall be issued provisions for the subsistence of the British
troops for this day and to-morrow only.

9. The Marquis de 3Iontcalm, being willing to show Colonel Monro
and the garrison under his command, marks of esteem, on account of
their honorable defence, gives them one piece of cannon, or six
pounder.

Done in the trenches before Fort William Henry, 9th August, 1757.

George Monro."

MASSACRE OP FORT "O-ILLIAM HENRY. 89

The English troops surrendered upon condition of
not again serving within eighteen months, against his
Christian Majesty and liis allies, and, of being sent to
New England.^ The French were to escort them half
way across the portage of Fort St. George, and they
accordingly started with their arms and baggage,
marching in a column with the detachment of escort.
The Indians whom curiosity had drawn around them,
although strictly forbidden by M. de Montcalm not to
molest them, still followed, scattering through the
woods of the gorge. As soon as the escort left the
English, some of the Indians tried to provoke them,
rather to try their endurance than with any other
design, and seized a part of their equipage. Seeing
that the troops were embarrassed at what was done,
and confused b}^ their shouts, they began to strip them,
perhaps incited to this by their French interpreters,
who could not bear to see the English depart without
their getting any such spoils, as they gained in Brad-
dock's atlair, and therefore encouraged the Indians to
seize their equipage. They soon attacked them from
every side, falling upon their equipage and stripping
them. Those who resisted were killed, and the rest
were taken prisoners, to the number of twelve or fifteen
hundred. M. de Montcalm caused to release nearly

1 There was another essential condition in this capitulation, which
was prepared by M. de Bourgainville, for a general exchange of all
prisoners taken by both parties in North America, since the beginnin"'
of the war. The garrison of Fort St. George was to be included in
this exchange. — Note in Original.

90 MASSACRE OF FORT "WILLIAM HENRY.

all, but in a naked condition. The French officers
and soldiers disrobed themselves to cover them, and
then sent them away better guarded.^

1 The exaggerated acconnts of the massacre which followed this sur-
render, became intensified in horror asthe}^ spread, and the event left
an indelible impression upon the minds of the colonists. Mante, the
excellent English historian of this war, after relating the horrid details
that Avere reported, says : " But the truth is, that as soon as the horrid
scene commenced, M. de Montcalm exerted his utmost endeavors to
put a stop to it. He laid bare his own bosom, and bade them kill
their father, but spare the English, who were now under his protection ;
lie even desired the English to defend themselves, and fire on the
savages ; but the English were seized with such an unaccountable
stupor, that they submitted to the tomahawk without resistance; nor
were M. de Montcalm's officers idle in the cause of humanity ; many
of them were wounded in endeavoring to rescue the persons of the
English from the barbarous rage of the savages ; and after they had
got them into their tents, stood themselves as sentries over them for
their preservation, till the fuiy of their savage allies had subsided.
Incidents of this kind are almost always exaggerated in the recital ;
for the impressions of fear are in general too stubborn to yield to the
clearest truths; and the prejudices of Avcak minds are not to be
removed by the eftbrts of reason, Avhich can operate on those alone
who possess it. Hence it is, that the ear of credulity is often imposed
on by the false representation of actions, which when related with
impartiality, are many times found deserving the highest approbation.

* * * Though we cannot help shuddering at the recollection of
this tragical event, yet candor requires that Ave should speak of it
as we have done. Let not then, the generositj- of the English, Avhcu
it can take place consistent Avith truth, suffer an undeserved blot to
remain and sully the reputation of a noble enemy, and aia excellent
soldier." — Mmife, 9o.

On the other hand. Carver Avho Avas present, and Avho escaped with
great difficulty, gives the most minute account, and insists that the
French oiEcers neglected, and even refused during the massacre to
take any of the measures stipulated in the surrender, or that either
the French officers or troops gave any protection. The English sur-
rendered to the number of two thousand, of whom fifteen hundred
were killed or carried off by the savages. — Carver's Travels, p. 204.
Memoires sur le Canada, Q7. — Eb.

MASSACRE OF FOllT WILLIAM HENRY. 91

The position of tlicsc troops was doubtless very
embarrassing, because they might readily believe that
the French would attack them if they fought against
the Indians. It is certain, that if they had shown
firmness to those who first insulted them, they would
have prevented the disaster which they could not at-
tribute to the French. Upon their return to England,
they made very loud complaints of this breach of faith,
and were unwilling to observe the terras of the capitu-
lation. It is demonstrated that without the protec-
tion given by the French, not one would have ever
returned to that country. The English knew by ex-
perience that there was no mastering of these men,
who behaved with the greatest bravery during the
siege. ISTotwith standing the cannonade, they ap-
proached in their way, close under the fort, and shot
the sentinels and those who went to communicate
from the fort to the entrenched camp. We destroyed
Fort St. George, and took all its munitions^ to Caril-
lon, where the army passed the rest of the campaign
in sending frequent parties upon those frontiers, and
in laboring to perfect that fort. The Indians as they
set out to return to their own country, carried with
them a disease with which many died. Some of them
seeing new graves, disinterred the dead to take their
scalps, but unfortunately found that they had died of
the small pox, and the infection was thus given to the

' These were very abiuKlant, and we took 3G,000 lbs. of powder, 23
cannous, 4 mortars, a howitzer and 17 swivel guns. — JS'otc in Original.

92 EVENTS rOLLOTVING THE SURRENDER.

Indians. The Pouteotamis nation, one of the bravest
and most strongly attached to the French, ahnost
entirely perished of this epidemic. We especially
regretted some of the chiefs whom the French highly
esteemed.

The two battalions of Berri, some engineers, artil-
lery officers and recruits, arrived in July at Quebec,
with fifteen vessels, laden as they said with provi-
sions.

The capture of Fort George spread consternation
through the province of J^ew York. It is certain,
that if M. de Montcalm had been able to take care of
his Indians, and make them rely upon him, he might
have ruined the whole of that country to its capital.
They were then without any defence, but he contented
himself in that quarter in forming parties of Cana-
dians, and of our domesticated Indians.

In August, M. de Vaudreuil sent to Niagara some
Abenakis, to make acquaintance with the Loups of
Theaogen, who were almost the same nations. They
took with them a Jesuit, their missionary. In their
council, the Abenakis gave to the Loups a tine belt to
engao-e them to hear and receive this father among
them. The Loups replied, that they were pleased
that the master of life had procured for them this
occasion to see each other, and to be bound together ;
that they heard with pleasure their words, and that
they would desire of the English some advantage
which he proposed them. Lastly, they added, that

AN INDIAN'S IDEA OF THE TRINITY. 93

they would cany this l^elt to their nation, and would
invite every body to hear the missionary, and in the
spring they would return bringing a reply to the
commandant. The Jesuit made them a speech upon
the excellence of religion. One of them told him,
that having been baptized, he was not ignorant, that
to enjoy a happy life a person should know, that
there once came into the world a little child, who
having sinned in his life, at the age of thirty years
was killed, and that they pierced his hands and feet.
It was him who had charge of the life of the other
world, and that nothing could be had without him.
In regard to the Trinity, he designated the first per-
son as a great chief, whom he compared to a king,
the second, to a captain, and the third to the church,
or prayer. These three persons had made men, as
we find them upon earth, as red, black and white,
and that they had destined one for praying, another
for hunting, and another for war, but beyond that
had left it to their will, without meddling Avith the
aflairs of the world. We have related this incident
to show, how much most of the Indians can conceive
of the grandeur and sublimity of our religion. This
man appears to have been taught by some English
missionar3^

About this time, there were brought to Niagara,.

two men, who were like hermits, and were taken by

a party of Outaouais, on the upper Monongahela. These

two men had lived there about twenty years, with the

13

v/

94 AN ENGLISH HERMIT BROUGHT TO NIAGARA.

consent of the nations on the Ohio. They told M.
Pouchot, that they followed the Romish ritual in
their prayers, that they had three convents in Penn-
sylvania composed of 1,500 religious persons, and that
their founder was Frisham Cotre-Chiete. They add-
ed that the English had tried to compel them to
serve in the war, and that they had been mostly
obliged to disperse in the woods. They said they
were three brothers, that the English had formerly
taken them from their solitude, and had kept them a
long time in prison, to discover if they had an}^ re-
lations with the French or their Indians, but having
found nothing they had let them go, except the third
brother who was still held as a prisoner at Williams-
burgh. These people appeared very simple and sincere,
and were held in the greatest veneration by the
Indians of these settlements.

The capture of Fort George confirmed all the posts
in Canada. In September, M. Pouchot sent word to
M. Yaudreuil that Fort x*[iagara and its buildings
were finished, and its covered ways stockaded. As
this post was the most important, as well from its
location, as on account of the great number of Indians

' These Avere the Dumblers, a ceuobite sect. See the account given
by the Able Raynal, Hist. Pol. & Phil., v, 445, d seq. — Note in Origi-
nal.

We are unable to verify the account given by the author of the dis-
persion of the Dunkers, or Dumblers. They settled at Ephrata,
Lancaster Co., Pa., in 1730, where a remnant of this sect still exists.
— Eupjfs Hist. Lancaster Co., chap. vi. Conynghct,m's Hist, of Bun-
kers.— Ed.

M. POUCHOT SUPERSEDED AT NIAGARA. 95

that traded tliere, and tliat came from all parts to hold
treaties, and to make up war parties, it soon became
the envy of all the Colonial officers. They were
furthermore very jealous'in seeing a Frenchman in
command of a place, Avhcre they thought they could
make mone}', M. de Vaudreuil could not resist their
solicitations, and against the advice of M. de Mont-
calm who well knew the importance of the post, he
removed M. Pouchot in October, and sent M. de Vas-
sau, one of the first and most accredited captains of
the colony to fill his place. M. Pouchot, who had
only been attached to Niagara, to fulfil objects for
the good of the service, and who never had thought
of making any profit of any kind from the position,
returned satisfied with his conduct, bringing with him
the French piquets he had taken out. The Indian
tribes were very discontented at seeing him leave,
because they had for him a very high regard, on ac-
count of the good treatment they had received, as
they were not accustomed to have officers so disin-
terested.

Two Iroquois warriors who returned from an expe-
dition just as the vessel was about to leave, and lay
at anchor in the offing waiting for the wind, plunged
in to swim and find M. Pouchot, to express to him
their keenest and tenderest grief at his departure.
They wished to give him some belts to remain, but
when he told them that the general had ordered him
to go, they replied, " Our father then does not love

96 ILL-TIMED ECONOMY OF M. VASSAN.

US, or lie would not abandon us, by taking away a
chief wliom we all love." He represented to them,
that the general needed him at Montreal, and that he
had charged all the chiefs to use them as well as he
had done, and that he would always hold them by the
hand. They were scarcely persuaded to go ashore,
as they declared they would never again revisit the
fort.

M. de Yassan, by a kind of ill-judged economy,
increased still further this discontent. Several war
parties who were out on a campaign, found themselves
coldly received on their return, and were dissatisfied
with the presents, which they thought meagre. It is
a great meanness among them for a chief to be ava-
ricious. He must affect an air of great generosity or
they will despise him. M. de Vassan, declaimed
against the prodigality of M. Pouchot,. whose conduct
was sufficiently justified, as we shall see in the end.

The trade at the post of Magara, M'as all made on
the king's account, and had quadrupled during this
campaign ; as well because the Indians were drawn
thither by curiosity, and reported to their people the
good treatment they received, as that they came to
form war parties which were there arranged. M.
Pouchot's chief attention was, that the store-keepers
should keep a good account with the Indians, and
during his sta}^, they did nothing but praise the exact-
ness of his employees. He rendered a precise account
to M. de Yaudreuil, of the quantity of presents which

ST. ELMO'S LIGHT OBSERVED ON LAKE ONTARIO. 97

he was obliged to make to the Indians for the service,
and of the condition of the stores, so that his conduct
might he corrected if not conformable to the inten-
tions of the general, who never failed to approve
them. M. Pouchot had prohibited all trade of the
French or Canadians with the store keepers, whether
of purchase or sale, and refused to take any foreign
merchandize on the king's account. ISTothina; was
received into the magazines except what the intend-
ant had sent in the vessels. This outside trade was
the source of all the depredations perpetrated at other
forts. But there were no fortunes made after the
fashion of the day at Niagara, during the sojourn of
M. Pouchot, but greatly to the disgust of the Cana-
dians under his orders.

"We have said that the vessels lay at anchor till the
wind favored. .It passed around to the IST. W. and at
four o'clock in the afternoon we left the river. As
the wind freshened constantly, we were obliged to
close reef the fore-sail. The wind blew in flaws very
violently, at intervals accompanied with lightning.

About eleven o'clock in the evening, as one of
these flaws was approaching, some electrical fires
appeared on the tops of the two masts, and at the
points of the yards. These lights were eight or ten
inches long, and appeared to be three or four wide,
and very brilliant. The sailors call them St. Elmo's
Lights. They greatly alarmed our crew, who at once
closed the hatchways, the pipes of the pumps, and

98 EXPEDITION OF M. BELLESTRE TO THE MOHAWK.

otber places where tliey imagined tliis fire conld pene-
trate. M. Poucbot Avas amused at all this, and reas-
sured the passengers. When another flaw came on
these lights reappeared again, and showed themselves^
twice afterwards. They disappeared as soon as the
clouds removed from the atmosphere the attraction of
the vessel, but rekindled as soon as the clouds came
over. They lasted about half an hour each time. At
daybreak the wind freshened, and blew so strong that
we were obliged to run with bare poles before the
wind, and it being in our stern, we arrived at Fronte-
nac in twenty-one hours from Niagara. Tliis was one
of the shortest passages that had been made, having
sailed about ninety leagues in this interval of time.
M. Pouchot and the oificers of his detachment, did not
occupy more than two days in going from Frontenac
to Montreal, where they were well received by the
two generals.^

On the 29th of N'ovember, M. Bcllestre, a colonial
captain, returned from an expedition to the Mohawk
or Agniers river.^ He had burned twelve or thirteen

' A letter written by Captain Poncliot, to M. Paulmy npon his re-
turn to Montreal, is given in the JSf. Y. Col. ITisf., x, 667. At the time
he left Niagara, he had completed that fort with the exception of sod-
ding a portion of the earth works. Here were then two large barracks,
a church, a powder magazine, a store for provisions and one for goods.

In this letter he presses his claim for promotion to the rank of Lieu-
tenant Colonel, upon the ground of long and efhcient service, and an
economical administration of the responsible duties with which he
had been charged. — Ed.

' The details of this attack upon German Flatts, are given in the iV".
Y. Col. Hist, X, 672.— Ed.

EXPEDITION BY THE ENEMY. 99

houses of a German village, near the fort which they
defended and brought back with them sixty prisoners,
men, women and children, having had in this aifair
only one colonial lieutenant badly wounded.^

1758. Early in January, a detachment of 150 Eng-
lish came to Carillon, where they killed sixteen of
our cattle.^ During this month, one of our cadets
was killed and another wounded, in an expedition
sent against Fort Cumberland in Virginia. Mouet, a
colonial cadet, whom M. Pouchot had sent with a
party of Indians, returned from Pennsylvania with
fourteen scalps and prisoners.

In Februar}^, M. de Langis, colonial officer, returned
to Carillon, from an expedition made to Fort Edward
or Lydius, where he took three prisoners and twenty-

^ Having finished tlie narrative of this campaign, M. Pouchot
should have spoken of the miscarriage of the English project against
Louisburgh, which was the task of M. de Machaut, minister of the
Marine. Several fleets which seemed to have different destinations,
assembled at the post of Loiiisburg, yet admiral Holbourne, could
attempt nothing against the place. On the 25th of September, while
cruising, he was beset by a south wind which dismasted eleven of his
ships, and cast the Tilbury upon the rocks. The French Squadron
under the orders of M. Dubois de la Mothe, would have profited by
this disaster, had not a sickness began to prevail among his crews.
This was more disastrous to our marine than the loss of a battle.
Some of the vessels onlj' arrived at Brest, as if bj' a miracle, and they
were so infected that liberty was promised to such galley slaves as
would undertake to unload them. — Note in Original.

Two hundred and twenty-five of the crew of the Tilbury were
drowned, and one hundred and seventy-five taken prisoners. — Mante.
— Ed.

^ This party was under Major Rogers, the Ranger. See his Journal,
p. 75. — Ed.

100 AN INSTANCE OF INDIAN JUGGLERY.

three scalps. These prisoners informed us that twenty
regiments had arrived from old England, and that they
meditated great projects during the coming campaign.
These troops were those who had capitulated at Clos-
ter-?even.^ They further added, that their general
Loudon, had quarrelled with Shirley, and that they
had sent a statement of their griefs to England.

On the 1st of March, a party of two hundred of
our domiciled Indians, and forty Canadians left
Montreal. These Indians coming to the fort, asked
of M. d' Hehecourt, the commandant, some provisions,
and said they wished to rest a few days before sotting
out on their march. He gave them some, with a little
brandy, and the Indians returned to their camp and
began to drink. One of them who did not wish to
join them, began a jugglerj^, and after some time he
called the rest to a council, and told them that he had
learned by this means, that the English had out a
party, who had come to Carillon, and that they could
not be far distant. He then exhorted his comrades to
set out the next day, which they in fact did. The
commandant was agreeably surprised at this prompt
resolution of relieving him, and granted all they asked.
Several officers and soldiers of the garrison wished to
join the expedition. They proceeded along the lake

I By the capitulation of Clostcr-Seveu (Sept. 8, 1757), 38,000 Hano-
verian auxiliaries of the army of the Duke of Cumberland, laid down
their arms, and dispersed into different quarters of cantonment. —
Smollett. — Ed.

(

DEFEAT OF MAJOR ROGERS's PARTY. 101

shore, and at three leagues beyond, their scouts noticed
the tracks of men in considerable numbers on the ice,
and reported this. It was determined at once to retire
into the woods near which the English would pass.
Our scouts, seeing the English troops descending a
little hill, ran to notify their people that they were
approaching. They arrived at a little elevation by
the time that the English were at the bottom of the
hill, and tliey at once attacked them, killing one hun-
dred and forty-six upon the spot. They did not save
more than the fifth part of the two hundred that they
had. Kobert Rogers, who commanded them, left his
clothes, his commission and his instructions, to enable
him the better to flee. Eleven oflicers or volunteers
had joined this detachment, of whom four belonged
to regiments that had lately arrived from England.
Five were taken prisoners to Carillon, and others were
lost in the woods where they perished of hunger. We
had in this aifair, five Iroquois of the Saut, killed, one
Neppissen, of the Lake, and three more Iroquois mor-
tally wounded.^ This was one of the most vigorous
actions of the Indians. They afterwards formed a

1 The statement is given in nearly the same language in the last
volume. Compare also another account given in J\". Y. Col. Hist, x,
703. 3Iajor Rogers's own account confesses a loss of one hundred and
twenty-six killed in a party of one hundred and eighty. He throws
severe blame upon Col. Haviland then at Fort Edward, for not giving
him a sufficient force. One Putnam, captain of a company of Con-
necticut provincials (afterwards General Putnam of the Revolution),
had a little before this expedition been on a scout towards the French
post. — Rogers's Journal,'^. 79. — Ed.
14

102 EXTRAORDINARY HALO AND AURORA BOREALIS.

select detachment of volunteers under the name of
Decouvirurs.

On the 1st of April, it was very pleasant. The sun
was surrounded by a circle almost as large as the
horizon, which was very bright at intervals through
the day. At about nine o'clock in the evening, there
was formed an arch of northern light, from east to
west, whose diameter was about nine leagues, one end
touching the lake of Two Mountains, and the other
the village of Chateaugay. IsTothing could bo more
majestic; the sky on both sides was very clear, and
the breadth of the arch was at least three times that
of a common rainbow. The light which was very
bright, increased from time to time, like a flame
flickered by the air. Its color was a pale white. Its
extremities formed a point, like the wood of a bow,
and it lasted half an hour. The northern lights which
attended it, reached from south to north, shining very
brightly and forming great rays, which lasted more
than two hours.

A party of Iroquois Indians of La Presentation, had
resolved to go on an expedition to the Palatine village
on the Mohawk river, but the greater part of them
desisted from the enterprise. One of their chiefs' still
wished to persist in it, and two other warriors joined
him. They arrived about night near the first house in
the villao-e, where there were eleven men as a guard,

iKouatagete, who is frequently noticed iu a subsequent part of tliis
work relating to La Presentation. —Ed.

CAPTURE OF MILITIA AT PALATINE VILLAGE. 103

who were quietly eujoyiiig themselves, having their
arms against the wall within the room by the side of
the window, where the Indians could see them. The
chief hid himself near this window which was very
low, and proposed to the two warriors to attack these
people, but they refused, as they saw so many men.
After some useless entreaty, the chief said to them :
" When I set out, I threw away my body, so that I
lose nothing in attacking them ; follow me if you will."
This man, who was about fi.ve feet nine inches, young
and vigorous, at once leaped through the window, all
naked and painted black, his gun in hand, and shout-
ing as usual. The English militia who did not expect
this apparition, arose and greatly frightened lied to a
corner of the room. The Indian made several yells,
and acted like a crazy person. Seeing the guns, he
took and threw them out of the window to his friends,
but took no notice of them. By this time, the two
other Indians seeing their comrade within, fighting
with the English, knife in hand, (they alwa^'s have one
hung to the neck), entered by the window with loud
cries. The English thinking them to be in numbers,
humbly asked quarters. Our three Indians took them
and brought them to Montreal. If everybody had
not seen these prisoners, they would not have believed
this adventure.

On the first days of May, a detachment of forty-five
soldiers and an oflicer, left Carillon in- bateaux to go
and bring some plank that had been sawed on the

104 DESTITUTIOjS- AKD high prices in CANADA.

other side of the river. As soon as they Landed, they
were fired upon by about forty Indians, and seventeen
men were killed or captured. "We learned about this
time, by a courier from Niagara, that the Indians
called Follcs-Avomcs, had killed twenty-two French,
and pillaged the magazine of the post at La Baye.^
They will soon make reparation for what they have

done.

Before beginning to relate the operations of this
campaign, we will say a word upon the situation of
Canada.

The various expeditions that had been formed in
many places, had occasioned a great consumption of
provisions and merchandise. The enemy had captured
fourteen or fifteen vessels destined for this country,
which still further reduced the supply, so that last
winter, wine sold at four hundred livres per cask in
silver, a minot of Indian corn a livrc, or six livres
the bushel, and everything else in proportion.^

The intendant was obliged to take goods from

1 jS^ow Green Bay, Wisconsiu. — Ed.

2 The extremities to -wliicli tlie French were brouglit at this period
are forcibly described by M. Daine in a letter to Marshal de Belle Isle,
dated Quebec, May 19, 1758. — iV: F. Col Hist., x, 704.

Garueai; in speaking of this period says :

" The harvest [of 1757] had entirely failed, and in some parishes
there was not enough saved for seed. The wheat which looked well
on the ground yielded nothing, on account of the heavy rains in mid-
summer, and the people in some villages had been reduced to four

ounces of bread daily since May From twelve to fifteen

hundi-ed horses were brought up by the intendant for food." —
Garnecni, iii, 98. — Ed.

FRAUDS UPON TIIE ADMINISTRATION. 105

individuals to supply the posts, and the Canadian offi-
cers, who commanded, imported from France upon
their own account the goods necessary for their trade
with the Indians, for their equipment, and for the
presents intended for them. They demanded of the
king a large price, and their accounts passed without
difficulty, because they were those of favorite officers,
and the details of these supplies were certified by
themselves. They well thought that they should lose
nothing by so doing, and in two or three years they
amassed great fortunes. The French troops who had no
other resources, suffered much in consequence of the
increased price of everything. They could no longer
buy from the king's stores, and found themselves
limited in their rations. As the officers and soldiers
were obliged to supply themselves from their pay, with
everything for the campaign, they could get no other
arms than what they had with them, while the Cana-
dian officers had the resources of their domain. Con-
sequently this campaign was very costly to the former.
On the 19th of May, eight vessels arrived at Quebec.^
Those for the commissary should have come in three
fleets, but the first vessels reported that the second
had been attacked by the English, and, as they thought,
many had been taken.

I These vessels arrived from Bordeaux, under convoy of the Sirenne.
Five were laden with flour, and a small English prize with flour
made the total of this article about eight thousand barrels. — iV. Y.
Col. Hiat.,^, 706. — Ed.

lOG PREPARATIONS FOR MEETING THE ENGLISH.

On the 5tli of June, some prisoners taken by a
party of ISTepissens,^ informed us, that the English army
had begun to assemble at Fort George. On the 7th,
the Languedoc left its quarters for Carillon, on the
12th the Guienne, on the 15tli the Royal-Rous-
sillon, on the 17th the Sarre, and on the 20th the
Beam.

The Berri, and the Queen also left Quebec to
repair to this fort, as also did M. M. de Montcalm and
de Bourlamaque.

M. de Levis was left at Montreal, because according
to the* plan of this campaign, he was to leave wdth a
detachment of three hundred French troops and
nine hundred Canadians, colonial troops and Indians,
to enter l!^ew England by way of Schenectady. The
French piquets belonged to the Sarre, Royal-Roussil-
lon and Beam, each of seventy-four men, with a cap-
tain and two lieutenants. M. Ponchot, as ranking
captain, commanded them. On the 28th, a courier from
Quebec brought news that Louisburg was invested,
and that five ships of the line had anchored in the
river, as they could not enter that port.^ They brought
some provisions, munitions and recruits. All the
officers had large ventures, and said they could sell
for a million.

On the 29th, a party of Indians returned to Carillon

1 Christian Indians who had been domiciled. — JS'ote in Original.

2 This was the squadron of M. de Chaffault. — lb.

UNHEEDED WARNING FOR DEFENCE OF FRONTENAC. 107

with twenty prisoners, of whom two were officers.
They rei)orted that tlieir army was about thirty-one
thousand strong and destined to attack Carillon. By
intercepted letters we learned, that they were to
make a false attack upon the Ohio. The arrival of
M. de Langis from Carillon, confirmed in part this
news.

On the 30th, the piquets destined for Schenectady
received orders to repair to Carillon, and they left the
next day in bateaux, under the orders of M. Pouchot.
On the 4th, in the evening, they arrived at St. John,
thirty leagues by water from Montreal, In studying
upon the intercepted letter which M. de Vaudreuilhad
ordered sent to him, he judged that Frontenac was
threatened. He wrote to M. de Vaudreuil, to induce
him to instantly arm the vessels which he found there,
and those that had been taken at Oswego, and that if
they could be got ready, to order them to blockade
the Oswego river, where the enemy could not have
more than a few small bateaux, and would find it im-
possible to enter upon the lake. He could not put
this project into execution, which would have certainly
saved that post, because Pean and company had carried
oS all the rigging of these vessels, and turned it to
their own profit. There arrived at St. John the same
evening, two hundred and forty Abenakis, with an
officer of the colonial troops. M. Pouchot invited
them to go with him the next day, but they said they
would wait for some more Indians, and for M. Rigaud

108 M. POUCHOT ARRIVES AT CARILLON.

wlio had command of some Canadians.^ On the 6th
M. Pouchot when about three leagues from the Isle
au Chapon in Lake Champlain, was met by a courier
sent by M. de Montcalm to M. de Vaudreuil, to
announce that the English army had disembarked at
the portage. A barque anchored near that island
informed M. Pouchot that they had heard many dis-
charges of cannon during the last three hours. This
decided him to stop only four hours, to allow his men
a little repose, as they had scarcely any wind, and had
rowed about twenty-four leagues. He left on the 7th
before day, and when at St. Frederic near Split Eock,
he met a courier from M. de Montcalm, who informed
him that the enemy were at the Falls, and that he was
charged to tell him to push forward with all diligence.
He enquired whether they had seen any of the enemy
along the lake, and the commandant told him that he
had not. M. Pouchot continued on his way, and at
half past seven in the evening arrived near Carrillon.
Seeing at this place some tents, he thought that our
army had retired, but he was told that the camp was
on the heights four hundred toises in front of the
place, and that the troops were there busy intrenching
themselves. He at once proceeded to the hill, to
observe their works. He found a plan of intrench-
ment very well drawn, for the character of the ground,

' These details, although mmute, became necessary to justify the
author in explaining the delay of his troops. — Note in Original.

'-;:i

|fl^,a^

%■

t:-

'■H-.i»

^^

^

n

108 M. POUCHOT ARRIVES AT CARILLON.

wlio had command of some Canadians.^ On the 6th
M. Ponchot when abont three leagues from the Isle
au Chapou in Lake Champlain, was met by a courier
sent by M. de Montcahxi to M. de Vaudreuil, to
announce that the English army had disembarked at
the portage. A barque anchored near that island
informed M. Pouchot that they had heard many dis-
charges of cannon during the last three hours. This
decided him to stop only four hours, to allow his men
a little repose, as they had scarcely any wind, and had
rowed about twenty-four leagues. He left on the 7th
before day, and when at St. Frederic near Split Rock,
he met a courier from M. de Montcalm, who informed
him that the enemy were at the Falls, and that he was
charged to tell him to push forward with all diligence.
He enquired whether they had seen any of the enemy
along the lake, and the commandant told him that he
had not. M. Pouchot continued on his waj', and at
half past seven in the evening arrived near Carrillon.
Seeing at this place some tents, he thought that our
army had retired, but he was told that the camp was
on the heights four hundred toises in front of the
place, and that the troops were there busy intrenching
themselves. He at once proceeded to the hill, to
observe their works. He found a plan of intrench-
ment very well drawn, for the character of the ground,

' These details, although minute, became necessary to justify the
author in explaining the delay of his troops. — Note in Original.

5- <» -p

,Si. .Si. a...

^- ^

il:^

>.,<& i^ ja i:-

er.fe '^^

^*.^.fl^-

^ ... "^W

PREPARATIONS FOR DEFENCE OF CARILLON. 109

and a great amount of work done for the short
time, which was only seven hours since the begin-
ning.^

The intrenchment was an ahattis of trees. The
parapet was covered by branches interwoven, present-
ing their points most difficult to tear from the palisade,
and affording shelter for a sudden movement. It was
difficult to distinguish this kind of intrenchment,
which the enemy might easily take for a simple ahattis.
M. Pouchot was well pleased with these arrangements.
Having met M. de Montcalm, who welcomed him as
one who bad brought three hundred chosen men, (the
same that had been selected for the expedition to
Schenectad}^), the general asked him how he found his
position ? He replied, " General, until the enemy have
driven you from the height, they cannot reconnoitre
your intrenchment." He appeared surprised and
pleased at this remark.

The enemy about twenty-two to twenty-five thous-
and strong,^ had been conmianded since the departure
of Lord Loudon, by Major General Abercrombie, an
old and very prudent officer. He had with him a

J The engineer Avho traced these works was Dupout Le Roy, engi-
neer-in-chief of C-dnada. ^- Memoires sur le Canada, p. 108. — Ed.

2 The English army consisted of the 27th, 42d, 44th, 46th and 56th
regiments, first battalion of Eoyal Americans, and a detachment of
the Royal xlrtillerj-, numbering about six thousand three hundred and
forty-seven of the king's troops, Avith nine thousand and twenty-four
provincials, amounting to fifteen thousand three hundred and ninety-
one men. — Ed.

15

110 MEASURES ADOPTED BY LORD HOWE.

young nobleman, Lord Ho, or Hau,^ of the greatest
enterprise, and a decided favorite in this army, to
which he fully imparted his tone. He had come in
April, with a detachment, to reconnoitre the position
of the fort at Carillon, and appeared to he charged
with the direction of every project of attack in the
campaign. He had induced all the officers to put
themselves on a level with the common soldier,
through fear of the event of Braddock's defeat, where
the officers were fired upon by preference. He
induced the army to cut their hair short, leaving it
not more than two fingers' breadth long, and all the
officers and soldiers were supplied with a kind of
gaiters like those worn by the Indians and Canadians
and called JJiiuzzes. Their haversacks were rolled up
in a blanket, which the}' carried as did the Indians
and Canadians. They had each thirty pounds of
meal, a pound of powder and four pounds of balls,
. besides their cartridge boxes full, so that an army thus
equipped would need no magazine for a month. Their
canteens were tilled with rum. Both officers and men
mixed their own meal with a little water, and baked
it in cakes, by putting it on a flat stone under the
ashes, an arrangement which did very well for a light
expedition. The soldier thus found everything neces-
sary for his use, and Avas no more loaded than ordi-

' The English accounts speak of Lord Howe and not of Ho. M.
Pouchot might be very easily deceived by the English pronunciation
of this word. — Note in Original.

ADVANCE OF THE ENGLISH ON LAKE GEORGE. Ill

narily. The officers and men had only one shirt
apiece, which was doubtless of cotton, and well made.
Lord H. set the example, by himself washing his own
dirty shirt, and drying it in the sun, while he in the
meantime wore nothing but his coat.

This army, which had expected to be able to de-
scend with but little difficulty to Montreal, had left
Fort George on the 6th. It set out at six in the morn-
ing upon the open lake.^ First there came five
barges, and then sixty, which formed the advance
guard of the army. Finally, the lake appeared covered
with barges, each holding twenty men or upwards.
These troops were soon perceived by a detachment of
800 of our troops under the orders of M. de Trepezec,
a captain of the regiment of Beam, who was ordered
to go as far as Mount Pelee, to oppose his strength to
such troops as might advance by land, as was then
expected. The enemy were, until about four hours
in the evening, exploring the right and left shores of
the lake, to find a place for disembarking, which they
did, and at once pitched camp at Coutre-Coeur and
the side of the lake opposite. By this manoeuvre the
detachment of Trepezec formed itself in the rear of
the enemy, and were obliged to strike into the woods
to return to our army. They went astray, and after
marching a long distance, they fell between the river

^ The English army embarked on nine hundred l)oats and one
hundred and thirty-five whale boats, with cannon mounted upon
rafts to cover the landing if necessary. — Ed.

112 DEFEAT OF THE FRENCH UNDER TREPEZEC.

Beriies and that of the t'all, where they found them-
selves between the enemy's avniy and its advance
guard under Lord IIo, wdio attacked them while
passing a dangerous rapid. The French detachment
was beaten, and not more than a score of men escaped,
with a captain of the Queen's regiment and Trepezec,
who was mortally wounded. The English took 110
men and 4 officers prisoners, the rest being left on the
battle field.^ Lord Ho was killed in this aiiair.^ Tiie
enemy regarded liis loss as irreparable, as he alone
understood the ground over which they were to pass
to reach Carillon.

The Queen's regiment, and those of Guienne and

^The enemy had near three hundred killed and one hundred and
forty-ei£?ht taken prisoners and wounded. The loss on the part of
the English did not exceed forty.— Mante, p. 146.— Ed.

The remains of Lord Howe were taken to Albany and buried under
the English church. It is believed that they Avere subsequently
removed to England. He was a brother of the British General and
Admiral of this name employed in America in the revolution.

A monument was erected by Massachusetts in Westminster Abbey
to the memory of Lord Howe. It represents that province as a figure
in mournful posture, lamenting the fall of this hero, and the family
arms ornamented with military trophies. Beneath, is the inscription-
following :

" The Province of Massachusetts Bay, in Kew England, by an
order of the great and general court, bearing date, February 1st,
1759, caused this monument to be erected to the memory of George,
Lord Viscount Howe, Brigadier General of his Majesty's forces in
North America, who was slain July 6th, 1758, on his march to Ticon-
dero'>a, in the 84th year of his age ; in testimony of the sense they
had of his services and military virtues, and of the affection their
officers and soldiers bore to his command.

He lived respected and beloved ; the public regretted his loss : to
his family it is irreparable," — Williams's Hist. Vermont, i, 505. — Ed.

THE FRENCH FALL BACK TO THEIR AVORKS. 113

Beam which were encamped at the portage, held in
presence of the enemy from the 6th to the 7th. As
they were obliged to be constantly in line of battle,
their pickets composed of grenadiers and volunteers,
skirmished with the enemy, losing their provisions
and camp, which the enemy seized, when they were
forced to join the rest of the army. They might
readily have escaped this misfortune had M. de Bour-
lamaque been willing that this camjj should be
removed while these regiments were engaged with
the enemy. But he refused to do this, saying that
this manoeuvre would discourage the soldiers. This
officer had so much confidence, that he wanted to
attack with his pickets and grenadiers, a body of
18,000 men who were before him, although M. de
Montcalm had given orders for him to remove this
camp.

This body of troops did not fall back till, the 7th,
when their advanced guards were mingled with those
of the enemy who pursued them with the greatest
order. The French army made a stand below the
Falls. M. de Bourlamaque could hardly wait, and M.
de Montcalm was not decided. All the officers
trembled at this position. They formed themselves
in a valley surrounded by knolls, and the enemy who
had beaten Trepezec could come at any moment upon
these hills and cut off our retreat to Carillon. Finally
the Chevalier de Bernes of the Royal-Koussillon and de
Montigny of Beam, experienced captains, represented

114 TOPOGRAPHY OF THE BATTLEFIELD.

to M. cle Montcalm the clanger of this position, where
they could have been taken without the least resist-
ance. He yielded to their advice, and they retired
400 toises from that place, to the end of a swell of
ground that slopes towards Carillon.

Upon reaching that place, they began at once to
form intrenchments, as we have above described.
The 8th being a day so memorable, as that on which
2,992 men repulsed more than 22,000 it deserves a de-
tailed account. We will first speak of the contour of the
ground, in order to better understand these operations.

The land which stretches from the Falls to Carillon,
formed an elevated peninsula, the summit of which
was rounded, and sinuous, with ridges and elevations
at intervals. The road from Carillon to the Falls, is
along this summit. There were three or four hills,
which run from this summit to the river at the Falls,
and the road passes between these hills which ren-
dered it susceptible of defence, for the distance of the
eighth of a league. The slope of the ground towards
the river was quite steep, but on the left side it was
more gentle. There were a few knolls near the
bottom of the slope, and then a fiat of about 200 toises
to the river.

The left of our intrenchments descended along this
steep slope to the river, and crowned the summit of
the ground. Our right was on the height, which
commanded the little fiat of 200 toises, where the
iutrenchment was scarcely traced.

PREPARATIONS FOR THE BATTLE. 115

The Colonial troops and Canadians occnpied this
plain. The Queen's and Bearn were upon the height
to the right, the Guienne, Royal-Roussillon, Languc-
doc, and a battalion of Berri, were upon the summit,
and a battalion of Berri, and the Sarre, were upon
the slope on our left. This intrenchment was about
980 paces in circumference.

On the night of the 7th, the enemy were employed
in opening roads, and in intrencliing their camp at
the portage, the burned camp and that of the Falls.
On the 8th they advanced to within 150 toises of our
intrenchments, where the}' formed an abattis of defence,
and several works of this kind extending to the falls,
to cover their retreat.

M. de Montcalm was all the morning quite irreso-
lute, as to whether he should receive the enemy or
fall back upon St. Frederic. It is certain, that if we
had been forced to take the latter alternative, the
whole army would have been killed or captured, as
having no means of retreat ; nor could they be con-
tained in the fort, or depend upon its protection,
because it was commanded entirely, and surrounded
by water. The general at 8 o'clock, even selected
two officers of Bearn, la Parquiere and Tourville, the
one to go and occupy Fort St. Frederic, and the
other to cook bread. As they were about to depart,
he consulted his officers. He asked M. Pouchot, if
he thought the enemy would attack him during the
day, and he replied ; " Sir, I think they will. The

116 PREPARATIONS FOR THE BATTLE.

enemy cannot know the work we have done, and
think they have nothing to do but to press forward
your troops who occupy the height. They feel that
if they dislodge you, they are masters of the day ; but,
sir, your intrenchments are proof against a hand
assault, they can be held, and you have great hope of
standing the shock. If they do not do it to-day, they
cannot within two or three days, because they must
open roads to bring up their artillery. Then, your
position will be changed, and you will have time to
decide as to what is best to be done." This decided
him to await the events of the day. The troops
worked incessantly in fortifying their intrenchments.

About 10 o'clock, a platoon of troops appeared
upon the Mountain Serpen t-a-Sonnette, who fired
into our camp, and at the soldiers busy at their work,
but did no damage. They were Johnson with some
Indians who had arrived that morning.^ "We caused
a flag to be put upon the intrenchmeut, with orders
that if any thing serious should happen, to place it
higher, and at the same time to fire a cannon as a
sio-ual to call the soldiers from labor to arms.

At half an hour past noon, the English attacked
our advanced guard of grenadiers and volunteers, who
were posted at the end of our covert, wliicli was not
more than 40 or 50 toises wide in front of the in-
trenchmeut. They replied in good order, and held

iFour liuudred and forty Indians under Sir William Johnson
joined the army at this time. — Mante, p. 148. — Ed.

BATTLE OF TICONDEKOGA. 117

tliG enemy in check for some time. As soon as the
troops, who were dispersed on their several labors
heard the musketry somewhat sharp, they ran to arms
without waiting for the signal, and just in time, as the
head of the enemy's columns had begun to emerge
from their covert of fliUen trees.

We cannot too highly praise the good conduct of
the soldiers who held themselves to their posts, and
there were none idle. Four columns of the enemy
advanced at about the same time, of which that on
the right, at once attacked the Sarre and Berri. The
center then advanced, and two from the left of the
enemy, who marched near each other, the one towards
the summit, and the other along the slope of the hill,
expecting under the fire of the upper column, to ap-
proach and drive from our works the Beam and
Queen's regiments, which the upper column saw some-
what from the rear. They became hotly engaged at
this place, as also on our left, where thej^ were able to
take the cover of a little bank that protected them.

We might therefore say, that all parts of the in-

trenchments, were in turn attacked with the greatest

fury. In the intervals between the columns, several

small bodies of troops were scattered, who, by their

lire, greatly incommoded those in the intrenchments.

The attack was pressed with vigor during four hours.

The fire of our regiments was more lively and active

than could be expected from a like number of troops.

If the abattis deranged somewhat the march of the
16

118 THE CRITICAL MOMENT OF THE BATTLE.

enemy's columns tliej also found tliem well manned
and covered. There occurred an event almost un-
paralleled in tlie hottest part of this assault, which
maj' serve as a lesson upon another occasion, M. de
Bassignac, a captain of Royal-Eoussillon, to amuse
himself, put his red handkerchief upon the end of his
gun, and made a sign to the enemy to advance. The
head of the enemy's column, which was opposite the
Guienne, seeing this kind of flag, thought it was a flag
of truce, and that we wished to surrender. Full will-
ing to be relieved from the position they w^ere in, the
enemy started upon a run for the intrenchments, hold-
ing their guns high and crosswise with both hands,
and crying quarter. Our soldiers who knew nothing
of the handkerchief adventure, thought they were
coming to surrender, and at once mounted upon the
trenches with their arms, to see them come in. This
occasioned a short cessation of the fire.
. M. Pouchot, who was very near this regiment, where
he held an angle that the enemy were trying to gain,
but was wanting powder and balls. He liad sent to
ask some of his neighbors, but as they were warmly
pressed by the enemy, they feared that their own stock
might be entirely exhausted, and he then allowed a
soldier to leave his post, and run to M. de Fontbonne,
commandant of the regiment of Guienne, to ask some
of him. He was in this condition at the moment of
this event. Surprised at seeing the soldiers perched
upon their intrenchments, he at the same time observed

FIRMNESS OP THE FRENCH TROOPS. 119

the forward movement of the enemy. At this moment
M. de Fontbonne cried out to his soldiers : " Tell them
to drop their arms and we will receive them." M.
Pouchotwho saw from themanner of the enemy, that
they thought quite differently, and that they only

wished to reach the intrenchments, cried out wdth

-t.

energy to his soldiers, " Fire ! Fire ! don't you see
these men will take you ! " The soldiers suddenly
recalled by this exclamation, at once discharged a vol-
ley, which laid two or three hundred upon the ground.
It is certain that this misunderstanding would hav«
otherwise lost us the advantage of the day. The
English quickly fled behind their abattis. The battle
had lasted three hours and a half, but we well perceived
that they only sought to maintain it till night. They
have since reproached us with having used an unpar-
donable deceit.

The enemy behaved in this attack with the greatest
bravery, standing without flinching before a terrible
fire of musketry. They had many killed within ten
or twelve paces from the intrenchments. Onr soldiers
behaved wath much gayety and coolness, and when
they heard the enemy's fire increase, they only cried
out, " Take care on the right ! Take care on the left ! "
M. M. de Montcalm, De Levis and De Bourlamaque,
by their attention in sending timely support to the
parts most strongly attacked, merited the highest
praise, as did also the several officers in causing their
soldiers to perform their respective parts. The same

120 CASUALTIES OF THE ENGLISH ARMY.

justice is due to the soldiers themselves, and to the
colonial and Canadian troops who occupied the in-
trenchments on the flat, who were even not in condition
for defence, but by continual sorties, they dissuaded
the English from attempting anything on their side,
where they could have easily turned their works had
they known their ground, and the facility of taking
them. The English lost in this battle from four to five
thousand men and many oificers.^ We had but forty-
two officers and five hundred soldiers killed or wounded.
M. de Bourlamaque received a dangerous wound in
the shoulder.

We passed the night under arms, fearing that the
English might wish to renew the battle in the morn-
ing, which was not very probable, because they had
lost at the head of their columns all the choice men
and officers of their army. The Royal Scotch regi-
ment, which attacked the angle on the right of four-
teen hundred men, lost nine hundred and fifty men.

iThc English admitted a loss of onlj- eight ci'ii hundred men, but
we can place little reliance upon their statements. The goyernmeut
having more to gain in spirits than France, only songht to deceive, as
well by augmenting its victories, as in diminishing its losses. Some
writers of that nation have accused General Abercrombie of having
failed in his duty, in not advancing his artillery with which to destroy
the intrenchments of the French. This is all wrong, as cannon could
have made but slight impression upon works of this kind, as the late
affair at Savannah is conclusive proof. — Note ia Original.

" In this unhappy attempt, the English lost four hundred and sixty-
four regulars killed, eleven hundred and seventeen wounded, and
twenty -nine missing ; and of the provincials, eighty-seven killed, two
hundred and thirty-nine wouuded, and eight missing." — i/(/?ife, p.
149. — Ed.

PANIC OF THE ENGLISH ARMY, 121

and nearly all its officers.^ On the morning of the next
clay, the enemy retired, and reembarked in great dis-
order. They abandoned seven hundred quarters of
meal, after having partially destroyed it. We found
in the mud, on the road to the Falls, more than live
hundred pairs of shoes with buckles, which strongly
indicated the precipitancy of their flight.^ We also
found many soldiers in the woods who were lost.

1" The Grenadiers and Scotch Highlanders coutiuued to charge for
three hours, without fliuching or breaking. The Highland regiment
especiallj' , under Lord John Murray, covered itself with glory. It
formed the head of a column almost in the face of the Canadians, and
its light and picturesque costume distinguished it from all the rest, in
the midst of the flame and smoke. This corps lost half of its men and
twenty-five officers killed or badly Avouuded." — Gunieau, iii, 131. — Ed.

'•^The panic which seized the English army was scarcely surpassed
by that of the Federals in the battle of Bull Run in July, 18G1. It
was unknown to the French until the next day, when a scouting
party of Gen. Levis discovered that they had repassed the lake. " If
he had been informed of the confusion that prevailed amongst them
and pursued them, he might, even with his inferior m;mbers, have
given them a severe blow. For when the disorder amongst the Eng-
lish troops began to increase to such a degree as to require the per-
sonal appearance of a commander-in-chief to restrain it eff'ectually,
the general, who had remained during the greatest part of the attack
at the saAV mills, two miles from the scene of action, was not to be
found; nor did there in fact, appear any other oflicer to do his dutj^,
though so fair an opportunity presented itself to the second in com-
mand to distinguish and recommend himself Notwithstanding all
this, it is a matter of astonishment, that troops, who had so resolutely
advanced to the attack, and who had so valiantl}' repeated it, should,
when broken, yet unpursued, and with daylight before them, be sus-
ceptible of so strong a panic. But it is still more surprising to think
of the steps taken by the general Aviien he resumed the command.
He ordered the artillery and ammunition to Albany. Nay, as though
he did not think them safe even at that place, measures were taken to
convey them to New York." — Ma ate, 151. Gen. Abercrombie's account
of the battle is given in Williams's Hist. Vermont, 2d Ed., i, 410. — Ed.

122 EXPEDITION SENT AGAINST FRONTENAC.

On the 11th, we began to correct our intreuchments,
having- had good occasion to know their faults. On
the 12th, M. Rigaiid arrived witli about three thousand
Canadians or colonial soldiers. He was followed on
the 13th by six hundred Indians. If these reinforce-
ments had arrived on the day of the battle, it might
have been possible, (since M. de Levis arrived in the
morning, and M. Pouchot had as we have said invited
the Indians at St. John to follow him,) to have pur-
sued the enemy on their retreat, as but few could
have reembarked, and their army would have run
the risk of perishing in scattered parties in the
woods.

We learned from a deserter, that on the da}^ after
the battle, the enemy sent ofi'a large detachment, and
that their Indians retired to the number of live hun-
dred men, all of them Iroquois. Johnson, who had
led them thither, had promised them that they should
not fight, but only look on and see how the English
should beat the French. They had not much occasion
to be pleased with the way in which this was done.
The detachment of which we have spoken, went to
' attack Frontenac, after failing in their, operations at
Carillon.

On the 25th a party of three hundred Indians and
two hundred French or Canadians, under the orders
of St. Luc, a colonial captain, set out. On the 1st of
August, it returned, having attacked a convoy of fifty-
four wagons, having some provisions and a large

ENCOUNTER BETWEEN PARTIES OF RANGERS. 123

amount of equipage which they pillaged. They
brought in sixty prisoners and one hundred and ten
scalps.^ A few days before, a detachment of five hun-
dred men, under the orders of M. de Courte-Manclie,
had taken forty scalps, and brought to camp iive pris-
oners.

The English, on their part, labored to form an in-
trenched camp. A party under M. Marin, a colonial
captain, encountered a body of their troops composed
of seven or eight hundred men, and commanded by
Rogers. M. Marin took prisoner a major of militia
from old England - with some others, and took only
two scalps. The loss of the English was estimated at
one hundred men, while the French had four Indians
killed, and four wounded, and six Canadians killed
and six wounded, among whom was an officer and a
cadet.

We may infer from the relation of M. de Longeuil,
who had been sent to the Five ISTations, that they were
then very little inclined in our behalf. They favored
the march of the English destined for Frontenac, who
concealed their purpose by saying that they were going

^ Major Rogers states that this attack was made ou the 27th, between
Fort Edward and Half- Way Brook, and that one hundred and sixteen
English were killed, of Avhom sixteen were rangers. He was imme-
diatelj^sent out with a large party, but the enemy escaped. — Bogers's
Journal, 117. — Ed.

2 This is probably an error. The major captured was Israel Putnam
of the provincial troops. Major Rogers states the loss of the English
as thirty-three, and that of the enemy as one hundred and ninety-
uine, including Indians. — Rogers's Journal, 119. — Ed.

124 CAPTURE OF FRONTENAC BY THE ENGLISH.

to rebuild the forts at the portage and on Oswego

. 1

river.

On the 27th the English, to the number of three
thousand militia, under the command of Bradstreet,
came by way of Schenectady, descended the Oswego
river, crossed Lake Ontario, and landed at Little
Cataracoui. On the next day, they placed a battery
behind an epanlmentof some oldintrenchments which
were left. They soon breached the wall, and the gar-
rison of ninety men and thirty voyageurs, surrendered
upon condition of being allowed to descend to Mont-
real.- The English took away a part of the artillery

1 Bradstrcct's force consisted of 135 regulars, 1,112 provincials
from Now York, 412 from New Jersey, 675 from jVIassachusetts, and
318 from Rhode Island, Avith 300 bateau men ; in all 2,952 men. He
encountered the greatest difficult}' in getting through the abattis of
timber which Col. Webb had felled into Wood Creek in 1756. —
Mante,\). 152. — Ed.

^ The fort mounted thirty cannon and sixteen small mortars, and
contained thirty more pieces. The English found nine vessels of from
eight to eighteen guns, two of which were sent to Oswego, one of
them richly laden. The rest were burned. The destruction of pro-
perty and aband<jnment of the fort, although in obedience to orders
of General Abercrombie, has been severeh' censured. It was thought
that everything might have been held, and that it would have given
the English a powerful advantage. — Mante, p. 154.

This post was commanded by M. Payau de Noyau, a gentleman
from Normandy, king's lieutenant, of Three Rivers. They had
given him tins command which was below his grade, to improve his
afiairs which were badly deranged. He was a philosopher, a poet,
and sometimes meddled with physic. His aim was to be a little spicy,
which had gained him some enemies. M. de Vaudreuil who was not
learned, detested him, although under some obligations. He was
sixty-eight years old, and infirm, luit at this advanced age, retained
the full freedom of his spirit, and was in condition to do honor to

DESTRUCTION OF FORT FRONTENAC. 125

which we had captured at Oswego, and destroyed
what they could not remove.^ They also took away
the harque Marquise and the brigantine. The rest of
our marine they burned. It is said they destroyed, or
delivered to the flames, nearly two millions of mer-
chandise, two thousand quarters of meal, and five
hundred quarters of pork^ also fell into their hands.
After this expedition they liastily retired. If we had
been in condition to equip our vessels, and had the
advice of M. Pouchot been followed, it is probable
that this expedition of the English would have been
checked.

On the oOth, M. du Plessis, with eighteen hundred
men, was detached to take post at La Presentation
and cover that frontier. M. de Longeuil who had
been sent to treat with the Five N"ations, could go no
further than to Oswego, the Indians having told him
not to go any further, because their people were all
out hunting, and that the English had six or seven
thousand men at the portage rebuilding the posts. They
informed him of the adventure at Carillon, of which
they had been witnesses, and added, that we were
Majiitous, and that they knew we had five guns apiece.

a post they had given him to defend, had he sufficient force. — 3fe-
moires sitr le Canada, 118.

This writer intimates tliat De Noyen was sacrificed to the resent-
me;it of the governor.— Ed.

1 The artillery of this fort consisted of sixty pieces of cannon and
sixteen small mortars. — iVo^e in Original.

2 Thus in Original. Probably barrels.— Ed.

17

126 MOVEMENTS OF THE ENGLISH ON LAKE GEORGE.

The Englisli built a small vessel of sixteen guns at
Fort George. From that time they would sometimes
come and explore the lake as far as the Isle au Mouton,
which had no other effect than to keep us on the
alert.

On the 26th we learned from a deserter, that the
camp at Fort George, was composed of the fourth
batallion of Eoyal Americans, of the 17th, the 35th,
a Scotch batallion, and two batallions of Boston
militia, with five hundred men of new companies,
amounting in all to six or seven thousand men. We
also learned, that there had arrived in Albany, five
thousand men from Louisburg, who were going into
camp. This deserter also added that they were going
to attack Carillon, and that they had mortars, and
twenty pieces of cannon, of which eight were 2'4's, a
large barque and two galleys of forty- eight oars each.

In the month of October, M. de Vaudreuil sent a
reinforcement of 1,300 Canadians to Carillon. On
the 26th, we learned from another deserter, that the
English had broken camp to go into winter quarters,
that they had evacuated Fort George, and sunk their
barques.^ Such was the end of this campaign, which
had not been particularly disastrous except in the
capture of Louisburg and Isle Royal.

The English fleet after leaving the harbor of Hali-

' The sloop Halifax, built during this season at Fort George and
sunii on the approach of winter, was got up, rigged and equipped in
the spring of 1759. — Ed.

FRENCH DISASTERS AT LOUISBURGH. 127

fax, appeared on the coast of that Island. They made
several attempts to land, but without success. Luckily
for the enemy, they observed a rock which had been
regarded as inaccessible and was not guarded. They
landed and reached the summit without meeting
with any other obstacle. The results of this enterprise
and most of its details are known to the world,^

For this reason, Ave will only here mention a few
anecdotes. The admiral Boscawen, was cruising be-
fore the place with his men-of-war and all the trans-
ports laden with provisions for the army. An officer
of the blue,^ of the French marine, asked for their
destruction, only two vessels fitted up as fire ships.
Although he ran the risk of being taken, he was still
quite confident of success, and of obliging the English
by this means to raise the siege of Louisburgh. M.
-Desgouttes who commanded the French fleet, did not

1 We find a very circumstantial journal of this siege in the Memoires
sur le cap Breton. One may also consult the Hist. Phil. & Polit. des
Etablissemens des Europeens, \\, p. 241, et seq. The condition > of the
fortifications at Louisburg so distant from Canada, and the weakness
of our marine, did not allow us to longer hold this place. It should
therefore have been evacuated, and its garrison transported to the
continent, where it might have been effectually employed in defence
against the English. Had this course been taken, we should also
have escaped the loss of several ships of the line. — Note in OrUjinal.

Louisburgh surrendered on the 26th of July, 1758, to Admiral Ed-
ward Boscawen, and General Jeffrey Amherst. The garrison was
transported to England. — Ed.

2 This was M. de Beaussier, captain of a vessel. They have given
him here very improperly, the rank of an officer of the blue, proba-
bly because he had begun by the port service, then in some way
distinct from the military marine. — Note in Original.

1-S rNFOKirXATE AFFAIR OF MAJOR GRANT.

relisli the project, and refused to furuisli the means
for its execution. This was. without doubt, in the
hope of preserving the king's ships. Several were
burned in the harbor by the English, who surprised
them even in their long-boats. They had taken their
armament on shore to use in the defence of the place.
AVhen they were about to capitulate, and at a time
when the wind kept the English trom entering the
port. M. de Yaucleiu wished that the French Squad-
ron might be allowed to depart. He did not succeed,
and he escaped with his own vessel and returned to
France. All the rest became a prey to the liames or
fell into the hands of the enemy.

The English also, during this campaign, sent a
detachment of il.OOO men to occupy ou the Ohio.

On the 14th of September, 800 Scotch and militia
under the orders of two majors, approached at day-
break the borders of the clearing made around Fort
Dn Quesne without being perceived. The militia
major hesitated to attack, but Major Grant, a Scotch-
man, not wishing to return vdthout achieving any
thing, set iire to a hovel near by, to begin an engage-
ment. The Canadians, and some Indians who were
lodged in huts around the fort, seeing this unusual fire
at daybreak, had the curiosity to run out into the
bushes to see what it could be. and so followed one
another. As the Indians and Canadians are com-
monly up in good season they were soon ready. The
first who came, perceiving the troops, began to fire.

DETAILS OF MAJOK GRANT's DEFEAT. 129

The English beat their drums, which pat those in the
fort on the alert, and they soon sent help to those who
had first gone out. They pursued this body of the
enemy so vigorously, that they took 250 scalps, and
100 prisoners, among whom were six ofiicers and the
two majors. The rest were pursued into the woods,
where most of them perished.^

On the 22d of September, M. Aubry, a captain on
the Illinois, left Fort Du Quesne, with a detachment
of Canadians and Loup Indians about 600 strong, to
reconnoitre the English who were encamped at Royal-

1 The army of General Forbes, destined for the attack upon Du
Quesne, consisted of 6,850 men ; Royal Americans, Montgomery's
Highlanders, Virginia and Pennsylvania provincials and wagoners.

"When the Brigadier got as far as Ray's Town, about ninety
miles east of Fort du Quesne, he halted with his main body, and de-
tached Lieut. Col. Bouquet, with two thousand men to take post at
Loyal Harming. The Colonel supposing that this force was sufficient
to reduce the tort, without any assistance from the General, and eager
to secure to himself, the honor of such an achievement, began to
think of forming a plan for that purpose. "With this view, he de-
tached about eight hundred Highlanders, under Major Grant, of
Montgomery's, to reconnoitre the fort and its outworks, and make
the best observations in his power. The Major, in the execution of
these orders, drew his men up on the heights near the fort ; and beat
a march by way of daring the French to come to an action, in which
if he had succeeded, in all probabiHty the fort must have fallen, and
then the whole glory would have been his own. The French ac-
cepted the challenge ; they detached a party to meet him ; and a
verv severe action was the consequence. The Highlanders fought
with great bravery for some time, till superior numbers obUged them
to give way ; and about three hundred of them, including nineteen
officers, having been either killed or taken prisoners, with the Major
among the latter, the rest fled in disorder, as tar back as Loyal Han-
ning." — Manti\ p. lo6.

Major James Grant, was wounded and taken prisoner upon this

130 AFFAIR AT LOYAL-ANON.

Anon.^ Thej found a little camp in front of some
intrenchments which would cover a body of 2,000
men. The advance guard of our detachment having
been discovered, the English sent a captain and fifty
men to reconnoitre, who fell in with the detachment
and were entirely defeated. In following the fugi-
tives, the French fell upon this little camp and sur-
prised and dispersed it.^ The fugitives scarcely
gained the principal intrenchment which M. Aubry
held in blockade two days. He killed two hundred
cattle and horses. Our people returned almost all
mounted. They estimated the loss of the enemy at 200
men, while ours was a corporal and two soldiei's.

The enemy had another camp at Raiston,^ where
General Forbes, Lieutenant Colonel of the Royal
Americans, was commander-in-chief. It came to pass
that by blundering at Fort Du Quesne they were
obliged from want of provisions to abandon it. In
the month of October, M. de Lignery, who com-

occasion. He was subsequently promoted through the intermediate
grades, to major general, and served in this capacity in the Avar
against the revolted English colonies that ended with their independ-
ence. He afterwards served in the West Indies. He died in Scot-
land, May 13, 1806.— J\^. Y. Col. Hist., x, 903.

The hill that overlooks the city of Pittsburgh is still known as
" Grant's Hill."— Ed.

^ Legonier. — Ed.

^A soldier having entered a tent found an officer taking his tea,
and said to him : " How is it your comrades are beaten and you here
so quiet? You deserve not to live !" He at once killed him with a
blow of his hatchet. — Note in Original.

2 Kaystowu, now Bedford, Pennsylvania. — Ed.

ENGLISH DEFEATED BY M. DE CORBIERE. 131

manded at Detroit, sent back some Indians and
French, and the Illinois who were there employed
to cover that post.

On the 27th of November, M. de Corbiere, a colo-
nial captain, was detached against Loyal-Anon, with
45 Indians, soldiers and Canadians. He jiiet an ad-
vance guard which he judged to embrace from 700 to
800 men and attacked them. They fled in disorder
to their camp. The French took a hundred scalps
and seven prisoners. They pursued the enemy into
their intrenchments, when they fired cannon upon
them. These events may appear extraordinary, but
we may believe them possible if we consider that the
English never went out but with trembling, and that
when attacked, they could form no judgment of the
number of their enemy as the latter were always
dispersed and hidden behind trees. The English, on
the contrary, did not dare to scatter in an unknown
country, and kept together in a body where they
were exposed to the lire of men who aimed very
steadily.

In a second sortie, M. de Corbiere met the enemy
three leagues from Fort Du Quesne. He returned
and notified M. de Lignery, who, finding himself
reduced in provisions and troops, embarked at once
with his artillery, and what remained of his munitions
for the Illinois, after distributing his merchandize
that was on hand to the Indians of the s.ettlement.
He retired himself with them, to Sonnioto, and the

132 THE FRENCH EVACUATE FORT DU QUESNE.

Rock Eiver. M. de Corbiere after burning Fort Du
Quesne, went up by land witb some Canadians and
soldiers to Fort Machault.

The enemy arriving at Fort Du Quesne found
everything destroyed.^ Having noticed in the ruins
some calcined bones, probably those of some animals,
they supposed that the French had amused them-
selves in burning their prisoners : — a calumny
the most horrible that the hatred of a nation could
invent."

"We may see by these details that there were many
people, as well French as Indians in those parts
during this campaign, which led to a great consump-

1 It Wi^s on the 25tli of November that the English took possession
of these ruins. Gen. Forbes, overcome with his labor, died some time
after. — Note in Original.

General John Forbes, came to America in 1757 as Lieutenant Colo-
nel in the 17th Regiment of Foot. He was promoted to a Brigadier,
Dec. 28, 1757, and died at Philadelphia, March 11, 1759, in the forty-
ninth year of his age. — Ed.

2 "As they approached the fort, the route fell into a long open
race-path, where the savage was wont to pass his prisoners through
the ordeal of the gauntlet ; and here a dismal prospect met their
eyes. On either side a long row of naked stakes were planted in the
ground, on each of which grinned in decaying ghastliness the severed
head of a Highlander killed or captured under Grant, while beneath
was insultingly displayed the wretches' kiUs. Disgusted and provoked
at the scene, the Americans quickened their pace and hastened on.
The next moment the 77th came suddenly upon the ground.

One who was present among the advanced provincials, relates,
that the first intimation given by the Scots of their discovery of the
insulted remains of their butchered brothers, was a subdued threaten-
ing murmur, like the angry buzzing of a swarm of bees. Rapidly
swelling in violence, it increased to a fierce continuous, low shriek of
rage and grief, that none who listened to, would willingly hear
ao-aiu. In this moment, officers as well as men seem to have aban-

GIIEAT,INCREASE OF PRICES. 133

tion of supplies. Goods and provisions were there-
fore always scarce. The commandant was often
obliged to buy and repurchase from soldiers and offi-
cers the property which had beou distributed or sold
from the magazine. Several canoe loads of merchan-
dize of different individuals who had received permis-
sion to trade, arrived. They were very dear, on ac-
count of the distance and scarcity, nevertheless, tliey
could not be better supplied. The loss of Frontenac
increased all this disorder, and this was followed by
that of Fort Du Quesne which had cost so many mil-
lions. We do not think it an exaggeration to say,
that the total expense of the past year had been

doued every sentiment but of quick and bloody vengeance, and in-
spired by a common fury, cast all discipline to the winds. Their
muskets were dashed upon the ground, and bursting from the ranks
the infuriated Gael, with brandished claymore, rushed madly forth
with hope to find an enemy on whom to accomplish retribution.
Startled at the sudden sound of swiftly tramping feet the amazed
provincial looked round to see the headlong torrent sweep hy, Ijur-
thening the air with imprecations, and foaming, said he, ' like mad
boars engaged in battle.' When we consider the provocation that
had excited their noble rage, it is almost a matter of regret, that of all
the cruel band there remained not one behind. The fort was in
flames, and the last boat of the flying Frenchmen was disappearing
in the evening mist that hung around Smoky Island." — Sargeiifs
Hist. Braddock's Defeat, p. 273.

General Forbes soon after his occupation of Fort Du Quesne, sent
out a party to give burial to the remains of Gen. Braddock's army.
Among these the skeleton of Sir Peter Halket was indentified by his
son, a major in thQ service, who accompanied the expedition. The
narrative of this incident is beautifully described by Gait in his Life
of Benjamin West, p. 83. A brother of this ccle)>rated painter was a
captain in the service, and was present upon the occasion. A bio-
graphical notice of Sir Peter Halket is given in Sargenffs Ilist. of
Braddock's Expedition, p. 294. — Ed.

18

134 THE FRENCH FORTIFY ISLE AUX NOIX.

twenty millions. Those who have verified the ac-
counts are in a condition to judge if we are far from
the truth. ^ The English recrossed the Alleghany
Mountains, leaving a body of 400 or 500 men at Fort
Du Quesne, where they began the erection of Fort
Pittsburgh, upon the extremity of the clearing of the
old fort. They still continued 250 men at Loyal-
Anon. They invited our Indians to remain quiet,
and let the English fight the French who were d}--
ing of hunger, and had no more goods to give them.
They replied that the}' would listen to them after
being assured of their own tranquility.

During the last months of this campaign, provisions
were already scarce in Canada, although more vessels
had arrived from France than in the preceding year.
The intendant oflered to give to captains 45 livres,
and to lieutenants 20 livres in commutation of rations,
having no more bread or pork to issue. At the end
of this compaign, M. de Levis took with him M. Pou-
chot in his bateau, and they visited with M. de Mont-
calm, the places where the best resistance could be
made. M. Pouchot proposed the River Borbue ; and
the}^ then examined the Isle aux Noix, upon which
they finally decided. The troops upon their return
to Canada at the end of I^ovember, were distributed
in the villages above and below Quebec, as far up as

^ M. Pouchot did not get this high enough. The expenses of this
year were the most considerable of the whole war, and amounted to
27,900,000 francs. — JSfoie in Original.

EXTREME SCARCITY IN CANADA. 135

the end of tlie Island of Montreal, leaving at Quebec
and Mon-treal only enough to mount guard.

During this winter, provisions were extrernely
scarce, and the rations of bread was reduced to a
pound and a half, and that of pork to a quarter of a
pound. The latter failing, the intendant proposed to
issue horse flesh to the troops, which they were
obliged to submit to without a murmur. With
economy, they were still able to furnish a little pork,
but when the ice melted, they were forced to throw it
away as spoiled. The contractor was therefore or-
dered to furnish horses, and he accordingly collected
all the jaded nags of the country to feed the troops,
so that whenever they saw a horse extremely thin,
they called him a Cadet}

All the generals served up horse at their tables for
sake of the example. M. de Montreuil also ate it
sometimes, and offered it to his guests. They asked
for it 20 sols the pound, which was only so much in
the pocket of M. Pean aid-major of Quebec, who had
the insolence to always put it on his own table. May
we not call this extremely audacious for a man who
had the disposal of every thing in the country, and

1 The name of the contractor, who was the most distinguished
rascal that ever appeared in America.— Note in Original.

General Montcalm in writing to M. Le Normand, says : " Sieur
Cadet, is only the prete-nom of an over-protected company," and al-
ludes to a concealed contract, and a mysterious management, by
which irregular expenses twenty-four millions had been drawn, in
1758.— N. Y. Col. Docs., x, 963.— Ed.

136 HIGH PRICES OF THE NECESSARIES OF LIFE.

who furnished provisions for the troops from the
king's millions, to aiFect this fashion in the presence
of officers and soldiers who were suffering in conse-
quence ?

Upon these tables there was only served a quarter
loaf of bread. If they wished to eat more, they must
bring it in their pockets. But otherwise these gentle-
men had very good cheer ; — but it was the fashion, and
they did accordingly.

The French officers sought industriously to find in
the homes of the inhabitants, something for their use,
and with the force of money procured it. A bushel
of grain sold at 45 livres, equal to 30 livres Tonrnois,
and wine, 900 to 1,200 livres the barrel of 220 bottles.
Such was the condition of Canada this winter, where
many Acadians had taken refuge after the capture of
Louisburg. Reduced to four ounces of bread a day,
they sought in the gutters of Quebec to appease their
hunger. Such was the lot of a party of these colo-
nists, whose attachment to their mother country Avas
only equaled by her indilierence. They were allowed
to perish miserably, while these odious and infamous
traders enriched themselves by the most unheard of
embezzlements.

The capitulation of Closter-Seven, and the capture
of Louisburg, enabled 27 regiments of veteran troops
to pass the winter in New England, including those
who had previously arrived.

We learned that the English were seriously en-

CONDUCT OF THE ENGLISU TOWARDS THE INDIANS. 137

gaged upon great projects for the ensuing campaign.
They hxbored to build new forts at Fort George,
Oswego and Pittsburgh.

The commandant of the hitter post, in a council
held with the Indians on the Ohio Eiver, made great
excuses for having got embroiled with them, and for
having ensanguined their country. He assured them
that henceforth he wished to live with them in peace,
and he begged them to forget the past, adding that
he was not angry at seeing them allied with the
French, and that since they had retired, he had no
orders to attack them. The English had, as he said,
only a little cabin among them, for holding trade, and
he wished them to come and see him, as he had little
resting places, and they would always find something
for their wants. This pathetic discourse greatly sur-
prised the Loups and Chaouanous who replied that
before giving an answer, they must ascertain the
sentiments of the other Indians, their allies. We may
judge from this, that the English did not intend to
make any great efforts in that direction.

Johnson also held a great council with the Five
Nations. He exorted them to withdraw the Indians
from our Missions. He tokl them that it would be
absolutely necessary for them in the spring, to kill
Onontio the king of France, and that they were coni-
ino- to Lake Ontario with ten thousand men to attack
all our posts.

To end our account of the events of this campaign,

138 MISFORTUNES OF THE SHIP l' AIGLE.

we will here speak of the unfortiiiiate adventure of
the ship L' Aigle which left France in June, laden with
arms and clothing for the French troops. This vessel
of 50 guns was wrecked at Mai-Catinat, at the mouth
of the St. Lawrence, after having passed the straits
of Belle Isle, although fortunately they saved much of
her provisions and effects. Being notified at Quebec
of this accident, they sent a vessel which was loaded
with the wrecked goods. The latter was lost with
all that had been saved, and there remained then but
a little flour. This was put into a vessel and sent to
the post of Mingan, but this vessel was also lost at
Kamarouska, and the crew, which from 280 men by
these different wrecks was reduced to 80 men, arrived
at Quebec nearly all sick.

The officer who commanded the Aigle, was in the
following campaign charged with a lire ship detached
against the English fleet. He, however, failed to harm
any vessel, and his crew all perished except five men.

At the beginning of spring, it was necessary to make
provision for flour and pork, as they had taken as
much as they could from the inhabitants of the
colony. Although they had paid very dearly for
these articles for the king, they could not replace
them with others, which caused a real distress among
them. Being employed in the war during the cam-
paign, they could not cultivate their lands as in com-
mon times, and they harvested but a small quantity
of grain.

SPECULATIONS AND FRAUDS AMONG OFFICERS. 139

1759. We have noticed in the preceding volume/
the fate of merchandize destined for the king at Fron-
tenac. They sought among the merchants and indi-
viduals, how to replace it. A little which had
escaped the English in its passage from France to
Canada, had been sold to merchants and private
parties, who had posts to supply in the upper country,
and they divided considerable profits among them-
selves. Finally, those into whose hands these goods
had come, sold them to the intendunt at the last price
current. We may well suppose that the company,
and their friends, had foreknowledge of what pur-
chases must be made, and bought up the goods, to
the end that they might take measures for being the
last to sell to the king. If, to this, we add the ma-
noeuvres which occurred at the posts, we may judge to
what extraordinary prices every thing must have
been carried, and how nice little fortunes must have
been made among these brokers. ^Notwithstanding
all these impediments, the means were found to pro-
vision the posts as well as could be expected, consider-
ing the scarcity of every thing.

We will now return to the military operations. In
all the little war parties that went out, they alwa3'S
brought in some English prisoners, who announced the
the most extensive preparations against Canada. The
commandants of the posts around Lake Ontario, and

' Vol. ii, of the original, begius at this place. — Ed.

140 M. POUCIIOT ASSIGNED TO NIAGARA.

on tlie Ohio, notified M. de Vandrcuil of the discon-
tent of the Five ]Srations, which determined him to
send M. Pouchot to take command at Niagara.

M. Pouchot undertook this charge with pain, as he
foresaw what must resuh from the meagre resources
of the country. M. de Montcahu was also of liis
opinion, yet he coukl not refuse this officer to M. de
VandreuiL They should have given to M. Pouchot
300 French troops, but foreseeing that they must be
captured, they only gave him three piquets, amount-
ing to 149 men. In taking leave of him, M. Pouchot
said: "It appears that we shall never meet again,
except in England."

He left Montreal on the 27th of March, with 157
Canadians, under the orders of M. de Repentegni, a
colonial officer. When they had passed four leagues
upon Lake St. Francis, he observed that the ice of the
lake had separated, and formed a channel in the mid-
dle, and at once wrote to M. de Vandreuil, as this fact
showed that the river would be soon broken up, and
the navigation free at an early day. He took all
possible pains to reach the upper end of the lake, but
the ice gave way under their feet, and more than
thirty Canadians went in, but fortunately by holding
on to the ice they got out. As if by miracle none
perished.

On the 2d of April, they had got above the Long
Saut, and at La Presentation they found bateaux that
had been sent to meet them. The}^ embarked, and

VESSELS BUILT AT POINT AU BARIL. 141

on the 4th they reached Point au Baril/ three leagues
above La Presentation. He at once visited the
creek where they were building two barques, each
for ten pieces of twelve pound cannon. They should
have been ready to launch, but he found one with its
planking, and the other with only the ribs up. He
at once caused the laborers to be doubled, and ordered
the work to be pushed day and night, while he
was himself busy in entrenching this post, which a
party might have easily burned with our vessels
there.

On the 9th they launched one of the barques, which
was named the Iroquois.

On the .10th, a courier passed from Detroit, who
announced that the Indians from the upper country
were coming down to Montreal.

On the 11th, all the bateaux bearing the convoys of
provisions and riggings arrived from Montreal, with
detachments of French troops.

On the 12th, the second vessel named the Outaouaise,
was launched. We may judge from this, what dili-
gence had been used in their con-

1 Near the present village of Maitland in Can-
ada. The annexed cut gives a plan of the de-
fensive works erected there by Sieiir de Cresee,
who had been sent thither at the close of 1758
to build two new schooners to replace those that
had been lost at Frontenac. He chose this jilace
on account of the convenience of timber. The
vessels building here were to be commanded by

La Force and La Broquiere, who continued in this service until the

final conquest in 1760.— Ed.

19

142 ARRIVAL OF M. POUCHOT AT NIAGARA.

structioii. They were soon equipped. By two French-
men and two Indians of a party which M. Yillejohn
had lately led towards the Oneida lake, M. Pouchot
learned that there was not then any troops at Oswego,
and that the English were already in force at the
Portage, where they were making all their prepara-
tions. The Oneidas told them that Johnson had in-
vited all the Five nations to a council at Onondaga,
where their council fire is kindled.^

On the 25th, MM. Pouchot, Yillars and Cervies,
captains of three piquets, departed in the corvettes,
with their detachments and with M. de Bonnafoux,
an artillerj^ officer.

On the 30th, they arrived at Niagara.

On the 2d and od of May, M. Pouchot questioned
some prisoners taken upon the Ohio, who gave very
clearly exact accounts of the position of the English
in those parts. They said that they had 400 to 500
men at Fort Pittsburgh, and 150 at Loyal- Anon, and
that all the regular troops had been recalled. These
prisoners gave a very good description of these forts.

On the 5th M. de Vassan, commandant at jSTiagara,
being relieved by M. Pouchot, took passage upon the
corvettes. On the 9th, M. Pouchot began to work
repairing the fort, to which nothing had been done
since he left it. He found the ramparts giving way,
the turfing all crumbled off", and the escarpment and
counter escarpment of the fosses much filled up. He

'This signifies their chief place. — JSotein Original.

EARLY MOVEMENTS OF THE CAMPAIGN. 143

also mounted two pieces, to keep up appearances in
case of a siege. On the 11th, a party returned from
Fort Bull Avith six scalps. Joncaire, who was with
the Five Nations, notified M. Pouchot that the Eng-
lish were on the march, and that the Indians had
totally declared themselves for them. During this
month, fourteen French ships arrived at Quebec for
the commissary, and four frigates.

Oii the 14th, Pakens, a Missisake, and forty warriors
came to form a party. On the 17th, a Sauteur of
Saguinan informed us, that the commandant, M. Bel-
lestre was there, and only waited an order from M.^
Pouchot to come from Detroit, and that he had
come to inform him. The succors expected were
greatly delayed, and still more than a hundred leagues
distant. Langlade, a colonial officer living in the
country, was to have come down to Montreal with
1,000 Indians. Of this number, there were some
Folles Avoines, who, as we have said, had killed two
Frenchmen. They brought with them two of those
most cdpable in this murder, and delivered them to
M. de Vandreuil, in an assembly where they covered
these bodies. M. de Vandreuil gave them back to do
justice, and they slew them with their arms, the first
event of the kind on the part of the Indians since
Europeans had lived in the country. Finally, all the
nations of Upper Canada decided to leave, and to
descend by way of the Great river and Presque isle.

On the 17th there arrived a large deputation of the

144 INDIAN AFFAIRS AT NIAGARA.

Senecas, composed of all tlieir chiefs. They brought
the words of the Loiips of Theaogen, who were our
friends in 1757, saying they were in the way to come
and see their father Saiegariouaen,^ but that a Seneca
chief had barred the road by a belt, — a ceremony to
deter them from coming to the French.

M. Pouchot reproached these chiefs for their little
zeal to serve the French, after all the care they had
taken of them, and which was ditferent from the
treatment they had received from Johnson. He re-
proached them for having sent belts to the Hurons
and Outaouais to separate them from the French.
These belts say: "My brothers,- and cousins^ we
see ourselves dead. The English and the French
have stained our thresholds with blood. They are so
great that we are crushed. Regard us as dead. But
the smoke of our bones shall spread over you, and
over all the nations of America, and you in your turn
shall mourn. We invited you to take us by the hand,
to defend your homes and your lives, but you counted
nothing upon us, we are dead."*

On the 18th, live Missisakes arrived from Carillon,
who brought a scalp, and reported that there were a

^ This word signifies '" the midst of good affairs," and had been given
to M. Pouchot bj' tlie Five Nations. — Xotc in Original.

»The Hurous.— i*.

5 The Outaouais.— Ih.

* They understood bj' this that they were restricted b}- the posts
and armies of the Frencli and Enghsh. — lb.

MOVEMENTS OF THE OPPOSING ARMIES. 145

great many people at Fort George, and a large num-
ber of bateaux. A prisoner taken on the 21st of April,
said, that the English were very weak in their posts
on the Ohio, having lost many by sickness caused by
bad provisions. At Loyal- Anon, there remained only
100 men fit for service. On the 20th, a courier of
the Illinois arrived, bearing from France dispatches
to our generals and the intendant.

During this month, M. de Langis, burned 500
barges and the English barque upon Lake George,
and took or killed forty men who were guarding them.

We had been notified from France, that an English
fleet had sailed on the first days of February, to be-
siege Quebec with 10,000 men, embarked under the
orders of General Wolf. An army of 25,000 was to
penetrate Canada by way of Lake George, under
General Amherst, who was to send a detachment by
way of Lake Ontario.

A force of 3,000 men, French, colonial soldiers and
militia, under the orders of M. de Bourlamaque was
detached to cover Carillon. The rest of our forces
under MM. de Vaudreuil, de Montcalm and de Levis,
went down to Quebec, to oppose the English fleet.
The posts on the lakes and the Ohio, had no other suc-
cor within reach, than such as we have above noticed.

We will begin our account of this campaign, with
the events at Carillon. Early in July, General Am-
herst left with a body of 12,000 to 14,000 men from
Fort George, and disembarked at camp of Contre-

146 GEN. AMHERST DETAINED ON LAKE CHAMPLAIN.

Cceur.^ He approaclied the entrenched camp at Caril-
lon which was abandoned, and M. de Boiirlamaque
fell back upon St. Frederic, leaving a garrison in Fort
Carillon to cover his retreat. The enemy took some
cannon to the heights near the intrenehments, and
battered the fort, which was soon evacuated after the
greater part had got out. Only a few men were cap-
tured in this retreat. M. de Bourlamaque, then blew
up Fort St. Frederic, and retired to the Isle aux l^oix
in the river St. John, where he had already in-
trenched.

General Amherst established himself at St. Frede-
ric, where he began a fort and entrenched camp.
This frontier remained very quiet during this cam-
paign, after this event, and only a few scalps were
taken from the English. In October, the English
attempted to come along down by the River St. John.
A body of 5,000 to 6,000 men landed, and advanced
below the Isles of Quatre Yents, where they were
struck so violently by a gale of wind, that the enemy
lost some bateaux, which so disgusted them that they
returned.^

M. Pouchot in leaving Montreal, had been ordered
to fall back upon the posts on the Ohio, in case he

' On the 21st of Julj', the force embarked was 11,133. The details
are given by Ifante, p. 210. — Ed.

2 The French had been forced to abandon the lake after having
lost two war vessels by shipwreck. Gen. Amherst also labored to
open a road leading from Carillon or Ticonderoga, to the provinces
of New Hampshire and Massachusetts. — Kote in Original.

UNCERTAINTY OF INDIAN AFFAIRS. 147

had certain knowledge that he would be attacked.
Having no news that the enemy had descended the
Oswego River, he thought there could be no danger in
sending some troops and officers with their provisions
and goods destined for the fort of Presque Isle, or
Machault, where M. de Lignery commanded. He
hastened the departure of a convoy for that portage,
having projected, upon the information he had re-
ceived of the state of the enemy, a plan for destroying
the Forts of Loyal-Anon and Pittsburgh. After
sending this expedition, this post had nothing to fear.
All the troops and succors destined for it were assem-
bled at Niagara to maintain that post. The minds of
the Indians were then in agitation, for or against the
French. Those of the Ohio, invited those of Detroit
to ally themselves with those of Sandusky, and the
latter wished to hear nothing without the consent of
M. de Vaudreuil.

Some Hurons and Iroquois, who had been at Fort
Pittsburgh, formerly Du Quesne, reported that they
had met four Indians of the Flat-Head nation, our
enemies, who told them to defy the English, who
sought only to ^ embroil them, and to destroy one
after another, after they had driven off the French,
and that several of them had gone to make up parties
against the English with whom they were then at war.^

' M. Pouchot here doubtless speaks of the general rising of the
Ohio Indians, and those of the upper country which happened in
1763-4, which was intended to drive the English from the interior of
North America. — Note in Original.

148 HAUGHTY TREATMENT OF INDIANS.

Several nations h^d been at Pittsburgh for council.
The commandant, (who was still Forbes^) had spoken
with arrogance. "When I came to this country,"
said he, " I thought some one would oppose me. But
those whom I found, lied like frogs when you throw
a stick at them. You ludians, have always let the
French cheat you for a piece of tobacco as long as
your finger. You have taken up the hatchet, and
when you lose a man you will weep a whole year.
That is not our way, and we learn to lose an army or
a battle, with as much cheerfulness as if we won.
"We wish to hold you with the same friendship we had
for your ancestors when we first came to your country,
but if you mingle again with the French, you will be
dead, and we shall strike on every side." The
Indians replied to him ; " The French, brothers,^ are
a hundred times braver than 3'ou are, your pride de-
serves no other reply," and at once left him.

Some Iroquois told the Hurons, that in the words
addressed to them,^ there were some things so well
enveloped, that they had not the sagacity to under-
stand them, and which got no further than to the
chiefs. They added that they had resolved to keep
their country quiet, and that they wished first to drive
off' the French, who were the bravest, and then the

1 This is an error, Gen. Forbes had died in March preceding. — Ed.

2 They always addressed the English by this term, while they used
that of father, in speaking to the French. — Note in Original.

^ We have made mention above of some belts. — Note in Original.

INDIAN AFFAIRS AT NIAGARA. 149

English. The Ilnrons replied ; " Take care what you
do, brother Iroquois: Who can hold the French, and
when you become strong enough to drive them, then
the northern nations will come, and say to you ' come,
get up, we have come with the hatchet which you
sent to kill our lathers' enemies.' Then what will
you reply ? Take care brothers and dont do any
thing foolish." M. Pouchot blamed this advice to the
Iroquois, who had carried the word to Sandusky be-
fore a great Huron chief. The Iroquois denied hav-
ing ever thought of such an explanation. The Hu-
ron chief replied : " He was not astonished that they
had made these proposals at Sandusky, which was a
fire kindled w^ithout any consent of the nation, and
that there were there only blunderers and evil doers
who are always engaged in mischief, but that his na-
tion had firmly promised to listen to nothing that
came from that place, as they could judge by the
belts which had been sent to M. Bellestre, and that
they did not wish to reply."

On the 28th of May, there came to Niagara four
Tonniac chiefs and 33 Cayugas, to council. M. Pou-
chot blamed them for having sent belts to turn the
nations from our friendship. They replied by a belt.
" It is true father, that we have no courage. We
thank you for recalling us. We well know all the
evil that we do, but no one is more embarrassed
than ourselves. The French draw us one way, and
the English the other. Both of you give us very
20

150 THE INDIANS PERPLEXED IN THEIR CHOICE.

plausible reasons. The Englisli tell us to defy the
French who are courageous, and who endeavor to
deceive us by adroit words. Each nation loads us
with presents. As for ourselves we know this, that
the Master of Life gave the Island of America to the
Indians who inhabit it. We do not understand the
pretensions of the English and the French, we do not
know the secret motive which leads them to make
war. Our true intention is, to remain neutral, you
are both so great that we see ourselves crushed how-
ever we may do. The English who are always want-
ing warriors, draw us to them by brandy and large
presents, yet we have positively forbidden to go with
them, and complain when we know that they do.
You French also wish us to go, but we are well con-
tent to remain. You may judge by our relations who.,
have all been to war for you." They could not have
expressed these sentiments in a more artless manner.
After having asked for some strings to mend their
implements they said : " Father, we know that the
English stole Cataracoui, but it was not our fault, as
we notified you of it. If we learn that the English
are planning any thing against you, we notify you at
once, so that you may not be surprised. "We beg you
to attach a blade of Indian corn round your nipples,
so that the milk shall not flow, and that we may talk
quietly upon good things."

This Tonniac was really attached to the French.
He was a man of much sense, and of influence with

M. pouchot's advice to m. de lignery. 151

his nation, but the bad general had gained him
over, and he was perverted. Fearing that some
Iroquois partisan of the English should do some-
thing foolish in the fort, he forbade his comrades
from drinking. It was the only time these Indians
had refused, and we gave it to them notwithstanding.

On the first of June, the detachments and muni-
tions for the Ohio, departed under the orders of
M. de Montigny. M. Pouchot sent by him a letter
to M. de Lignery, of which we here give an extract,
which will develop some of the events which follow :

" You observe that M. de Montigny now joins you.
The difficulties of the portage has delayed him until
now, but he has surmounted them. He carries with
him a supply of flour sufficient to enable you to pro-
vide for the succor of the Illinois. I have put it in
sacks, on account of the difficulty of carrying it at
the portages, where wagons might be stopped. I
have wished to send these provisions by M. de Mon-
tigny, so that each officer might have a part in charge
in each bateaux, and see that it was safely covered, so
that it might arrive in as good condition as it was
sent.

I have also sent an assortment of forty bales of
merchandize in good order, and ten cases of guns. ^ I
have added three hundred shovels, pick-axes and

^ M. Pouchot also added two 4 pound field guns, that they might
take with them by the Ohio river to Pittsburgh. They had draft
horses in that region. — iVc^fe m Original.

152 M. pouciiot's advice to m. de lignery.

axes, which are articles indispensable in war, and
of which I supposed you might have hut a small
supply, as they were carried from Fort Du Quesne
on foot.

You Avill find hut few blankets. I have sent but
two bales, as there has been considerable trade with
the nations who come to fight with us, and they
took them oft". The rest of the assortment is very
good. I have selected the bales least damaged, the
surplus being mostly spoiled. I flatter myself sir,
that you will maintain a frequent correspondence
with me. You know that I shall procure all the aid
that depends upon me, as well for the good of the
service, as to oblige you, but I am extremely poor at
present.

M. Pouchot also sent to M. de Lignery, Avhat he
had learned by the courier from the Illinois, that three
hundred men under the orders of M. Aubrey and the
Chevalier Villiers, had arrived, with two or three hun-
dred thousand of flour which they had left at the
Miami portage, and that they would ask of M. de
Port-neuf, commandant at Presque Isle, to take charge
of the portage, and send it constantly in his bateau.
He then came to the operations of the campaign,
according to the project which had been planned upon
the information had of the state of the English on the
Ohio.

"Upon the return, sir, of your war parties, you will
be informed of the actual condition of the enemy from

M. pouciiot's advice to m. de lignery. 153

Eaistou to Fort Pittsburgli. According to the repori;
of your last prisoners, I see they are more in disorder
than in this direction, and with very slight hope of
receiving any considerable aid.

I pray you to take what I have the honor to here say
to you as the advice of a true friend. If sometimes
they do not think of everything, they may at least have
some new idea.

"According to the accounts above noticed, it
appears, sir, that you may even be able to attempt an
offensive operation. I have asked M. de Montigny
upon his arrival at Presque Isle, to have you send a
French officer and some of the most active French
men you can find to make discoveries on the roads and
at the posts of Loyal-Anon^ and Pittsburgh, with the
view of action upon their report.

In his instructions, it would be proper to order him
to examine the routes, the places proper to encamp,
the defiles suitable for the ambuscade of convoys, the
slopes of mountains and the rivers which it would be
necessary to cross, or which would facilitate the false
movements of our detachments.

This officer should also examine with care, the extent
of their forts, the kind of works by which they are
defended,. the portions that may be unfinished, the
heio-hts which command them, or upon which it would

iLoyal-Hannon, afterwards Fort Legonier was on the east side of
the creek of that name in the town of Ligonier, AVestmoreland Co.,
Pa. — Peiin. ArcJiives, xii, 389. — Ed.

154 M. pouchot's advice to m. de ligneky.

be possible to gain position, either to fire into the fort,
or to blockade them. Should jou be in condition, sir,
to march with all your force, as I hope will be the case,
it will be convenient to carry with you the tools I send
you, so as to be able the first night to open entrench-
ments either an abattis of trees, or a trench in which
the earth should be thrown towards the fort. This
trench, as you know, should be as near as possible to
the fort, from whence it would be most easy to incom-
mode the enemy in his place, and at the same time cut
off all communication.

If the enemy is unprepared they will be surprised,
and probably would capitulate as soon as summoned,
especially when told that an attack would at once be
made, and that it would be impossible to restrain the
savages, who were excited as after the capitulation of
Fort George. The great number of Indians which
they would see with you, would doubtless give weight
to this demand. If you should be so fortunate as to
take Loyal-Anon, you ought to expect that all the
posts from Raiston to the Ohio would fall of them-
selves, as they would find themselves abandoned by
their own forces, and with no hope of receiving any
supplies.

" I believe, sir, in view of the state of things, that
this operation is very practicable at this juncture. If
I had the honor to command in that region, I would
certainly attempt to do something useful and brilliant.
If these posts are what we suppose they are, they

EUMORS or PARTIES BEING FORMED. 155

would doubtless fall. If troops should be sent into
those parts, it might even be well to go and fight them
in such places on their route as you might select, or if
they were too strong to attack, allow them to pass,
and then fall upon their convoys, which would reduce
them to the greatest misery. Such, in general, are the
reflections that I offer upon the operations of your
campaign, which, if attempted, should be done as
lightly and quickly as possible, as well to avoid the
defection of the Indians, as on account of the pro-
visions which are to come from this direction, which
is seriously menaced. The little movement which
the enemy has made, ought, it appears to me, to give
at least two months of rest. This is therefore the
time which we shall have to undertake whatever you
may deem most practicable."

An Iroquois coming from Albany notified Joncaire,^
who was among the Five Kations, that two parties of
those Indians were being formed to attack La Presen-
tation and Niagara, to avenge the death of two
Mohawks killed by our Indian parties. M. Pouchot
who was well convinced that the Iroquois had decided
against us, had wished to withdraw his friends and the
Canadians who were with them, but the anxiety they
felt to trade upon their ventures which his countryman,

1 This colonial captain was a half Indian Canadian living among
that nation, and possessing much influence. He and his brother
Chabert had more than sixty relatives and children which they or
their father had among them. — Note in Original.

156 RUMOES RECEIVED FROM THE INDIANS.

La Milticre, an officer of Langiiedoc, had brought, pre-
vented them from returning. La Miltiere and the
French were taken by these Indian parties, and Jon-
caire was forced to save himself at iSTiagara.

Some Cayuga chiefs notified M. Pouchot, that John-
son had decided tlieir nation by large belts to follow
him, and had invited our nations to imitate the
L'oquois, and that we could not let our soldiers go out
lest they should be taken by the parties which they
were going to send out. As they were going to make
up a considerable one to pillage the fort at the portage,
M. Pouchot sent one hundred men to cover it and
plant stockades. Meanwhile several families of Sene-
cas assured this officer that they wished to remain at
Niagara, as they were of that country. He was not
averse to this, as he regarded them as a kind of safe-
guard against parties of hostile Indians, Avho were
cautious about making reprisals upon their own race.

On the ITth, some Onondagas arrived with scalps
taken by a party of the Five ISTations in the direction
of Loyal-Anon, from a convoy of sixteen wagons laden
with provisions for the enemy, and escorted by one
hundred men, of whom twenty-seven were killed,
three taken prisoners, and the remainder dispersed in
the woods. The wagons were burned and eighty-four
horses were captured. This party was under the
orders of M. St. Blin. We may judge from this, how
much the Iroquois Indians retained their preference
for us, and that nothing but fear of the English had

^

EFFORTS TO SECURE FAVOR OF THE INDIANS. 157

determined these nations to declare for them. Mean-
while these Indians executed the general will of the
nation with as much order as the best governed
nations, and with more secresy. In May and June,
trade was very brisk from the arrival of Indians from
all parts of America, who came to visit their father
Sategariouaen. While the trade of Niagara had in
common years not exceeded one hundred and fifty
packets, it amounted in these two months to more than
seven or eight hundred. We may infer from this, how
much it would have been if the country had been tran-
quil ; because these Indians only came with hesitation,
and constantly stood in fear of the Five Nations, and of
the arrival of the English,

M. Pouchot dispatched a courier to notify M. de
Cobieres, who was at Frontenac, M. de la Corne at La
Presentation, and M. de Vaudreuil, of the affair with
La Miltiere, that they might be on their guard against
the Iroquois. Meanwhile the Senecas of Sonnechio
sent belts to M. Pouchot, making excuses for the
seizure of La Miltiere, among them. M. Pouchot
endeavored through M. Chabert, a colonial officer and
brother of Johcaire, who was highly esteemed by the
Iroquois, to induce the Iroquois chiefs to come to a
council at Niagara, and to break with Johnson. He
was advised about this time, that some Loups and
Chaouanons, seeing the arrival of the detachment sent
to join M. de Lignery, had asked that the French
should at once go and attack the Fort at Pittsburgh.
21

158 CRUISE OF THE FRENCH VESSELS.

He only detached M. Marin, Rocheblave, three Cana-
dians and two hundred and eighty Indians, to go and
insult these forts. They found them in very poor con-
dition, and could have taken them had they been
stronger in French.

On the 27th, a troop of Missisakes, whom M. Pou-
chot had sent to observe the English at Oswego,
returned. These Indians had gone upon the barque
Outaouaise, which was caught by a gale of wind, so
fiercely, that its main mast and bowsprit were broken.^
They were obliged to run down to La Presentation
for some time, which prevented them from cruising
before the Oswego river, to discover the movements
of the English. The Missisakes were with M. Blain-
ville a colonial cadet. They only went up three or
four leagues, and found nothing. Had they gone up
two leagues higher to the Falls, they would have found
the English busy in passing that portage. The news
that the enemy was not at Oswego, led M. Pouchotto
hope that he might still be quiet for some time, as he
supposed that the English before coming to Niagara,
would stop to form a depot at Oswego, and would be
obliged to entrench, but this they did not do.

^ It was remarkable that these Indians who had never encountered
a tempest in a vessel, were greatly frightened, and threw their orna-
ments, arms and tobacco overboard to appease the Manitou of the
lake. There happened to be a Canadian on board, who was a mere
dwarf in stature. The Indians wdio had never seen so small a man,
took him for a Manitou, and could scarcely be restrained from killing
and throwing him overboard like another Jonah. — iVbfe in Original.

APPROACH OF THE ENGLISH ARMY. 159

On the 29tli, a courier from Presque Isle announced
that one hundred French and one hundred and fifty
Indians would soon arrive from Detroit ; six or seven
hundred Indians with M. Lintot, a hundred Indians
with M. Rayeul, and also the convoy of M. Aubry
from Illinois, with a party of six or seven hundred
from the Mississippi. There would consequently be
required a large amount of provisions to receive them.
Some Indians from Michilimackinac arrived the same
evening, saying, that M. M. la Verranderie and Lan-
glade were coming down by the great river, with
twelve hundred Indians, Cristinaux, Sioux, Sakis,
FoUes-Avoines, Sauters and Reynards. If we attend
to all these details, we may judge that there ought
to be expected a happy reunion. We shall soon
see what they all amounted to.

On the 6th of July the Iroquoise, at four o'clock in
the afternoon, entered the river, and M. Pouchot
learned by this corvette, that there were then no Eng-
lish at Oswego. If they had cruised on the route, and
approached the southern shore of the lake, they would
surely have discovered the enemy who were moving
in barges close under the shore.^ If they had per-
ceived them, they might, with their ten or twelve guns,
have stopped or destroyed this army on its march.

1 General Prideaux's army consisted of the 44th and 46th Regi-
ments, 4th BattaUou of Royal Americans, two battalions of New
York troops, a detachment of the Royal Artillery, and a large body
of Indians under Gen. Johnson. — Ed.

160 INDICATIONS OF THE ENEMY'S ARRIVAL.

The English would have found it very difficult to fire,
and could neither have advanced or retreated. It was
unfortunate, as these vessels had only been armed for
this use. The gale of wind which had disabled the
other, also contributed to this failure. Although one
had to run out of its course, the other should have
remained to cruise.

The same day at six o'clock, a soldier hunting
pigeons in the clearing met some Indians, who seized
two of his comrades. He at once ran to notify M.
Pouchot, who sent out ten men to reconnoitre, sup-
ported by fifty men. These people marched carelessly,
as they thought it was only a party of Indians, when
several of them found themselves surrounded, and
exposed to the fire of more than two hundred muskets.
Five were taken and two wounded. M. Pouchot had
advised this piquet not to get too much engaged,
judging that the party was not eqnal. He called them
back, after having fired some volleys of cannon at the
enemy. They replied by regular volleys from behind
covert, which gave the impression that these troops
were regulars, and that they were in force. M. Pou-
chot this night posted guards to occupy the outposts.

It is necessary to here enter into some details upon
the condition of the place at the time of the siege.
M. Pouchot had then finished repairing the ramparts.
The batteries of the bastions which were en barbette,
had not yet been finished. They were built of casks
filled with earth. He had, since his arrival, constructed

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160 INDICATIONS OF THE ENEMY'S ARRIVAL.

The English would have found it very difficult to fire,
and could neither have advanced or retreated. It was
unfortunate, as these vessels had only been armed for
this use. The gale of wind which had disabled the
other, also contributed to this failure. Although one
had to run out of its course, the other should have
remained to cruise.

The same day at six o'clock, a soldier hunting
pigeons in the clearing met some Indians, who seized
two of his comrades. He at once ran to notify M.
Pouchot, who sent out ten men to reconnoitre, sup-
ported by fifty men. These people marched carelessly,
as they thought it was only a party of Indians, when
several of them found themselves surrounded, and
exposed to the fire of more than two hundred muskets.
Five were taken and two wounded. M. Pouchot had
advised this piquet not to get too much engaged,
judging that the party was not equal. He called them
back, after having fired some volleys of cannon at the
enemy. They replied by regular volleys from behind
covert, which gave the impression that these troops
were regulars, and that they were in force. M. Pou-
chot this night posted guards to occupy the outposts.

It is necessary to here enter into some details upon
the condition of the place at the time of the siege.
M. Pouchot had then finished repairing the ramparts.
The batteries of the bastions which were en barbette,
had not yet been finished. They were built of casks
filled with earth. He had, since his arrival, constructed

A.—GaUenestocommunicatewith J^^^ ONTARIO

the exterior worhs.
B. — Lake Ontario Bastion.
C.—Barracl-s, Stores and vestiges

of the old Fort.
D. — Niagara Gate.
E.— Bastion at the Gate of the

Five Nations

I. — Barhiitle Batlery of

5 Guns.
2.— Relief Gate.
3. — Another Barbette

Battery of 5 Guns.
4. — Indian Huts.

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STATE OF THE FRENCH GAimiSON. 161

some pieces of blindage of oak fourteen inches square
and fifteen feet long, which, extended behind the great
house on the lake shore, the place most sheltered for
a hospital. Along the faces of the powder magazine,
to cover the walls and serve as casemates, he had built
a large store house with the pieces secured at the top
by a ridge. Here the arms and gunsmiths were placed.
We may remark that this kind of work is excellent
for field forts in wooded countries, and they serve very
well for barracks and magazines. A bomb could only
fall upon an oblique surface, and could do little harm,
because this structure is very solid.

The garrison consisted of one hundred and forty-
nine men, detached from the regiments of Sarre,
Royal-Roussillon, Gruienne and Beam, under the orders
of M. Pouchot, captain of Beam, commandant of the
place, De Villars, captain of Sarre, De Cervies, captain
of Royal-Roussillon, De Morumbert, lieutenant of
Guienne, Salvignac, lieutenant of Bearn, La Miltiere,
lieutenant of Languedoc, and one hundred and eighty-
three men of colonial companies under the orders of
M. De La Roch, colonial captain, De Cornoyer and Lar-
minac, lieutenants, and one hundred and thirty-three
militia, and twenty-one cannoniers under the orders of
M. Bonnefoux, a lieutenant of the Royal corps. This
number was increased by M. Pouchot to a hundred
men drawn from the most skillful troops and militia,
the whole amounting to four hundred and eighty-six
soldiers and thirty-nine employees, of whom five were

162 THE ENGLISH ARMY ARRIVE.

women or children. They served in the infirmary, as
did also two Douville ladies, and sewed cartridge bags,
and made bags for earth.

On the 7th, seven barges appeared under the steep
shores of the lake to reconnoitre the place. We al-
lowed them to collect and approach, and when we
noticed that they were not coming any nearer, we
fired some cannon which quickly made them gain the
open lake. M. Pouchot at once sent a bateau to
make discoveries. It reported having observed fif-
teen or twenty barges, each with twenty men, enter-
ing the Little Marsh. M. Pouchot thought that this
might be an advance guard of the English army, and
immediately sent out a second scout under the orders
of the lieutenant of the barque. He reported having
seen a number of barges and a camp upon the shore
where there appeared a great numl^er of men, and
many fires upon the land. Another scout, sent out
two hours later, reported that it had seen about six-
teen barges and a single tent, but a great many
people who were walking on shore. The barges had
all entered the Little Marsh, and the army lay en-
camped in the woods.

M. Pouchot sent a courier immediately to M. Cha-
bert, commandant of the fort at the portage, ordering
him to fall back upon Chenondac,^ should he have
any knowledge of the enemy near his fort, lest he

' Chippewa creek, on the opposite side of the Niagara. — Ed.

MOVEMENTS OF THE ENGLISH ARMY. 163

should be taken oif. This courier also carried orders
to send hither all the detachments of French and
Indians that were then at Presque Isle, and orders, to
M. de Lignery at Fort Machault, to fall back to Ni-
agara with all the French and Indians he might have.
He directed them to form a small advance-guard, to
observe if the little fort was abandoned, and in that
event to pass by Chenondac to come and join at Ni-
agara, leaving only a detachment to cover their ba-
teaux and effects.

At noon, he sent out the corvette Iroquoise, with a
month's provisions, to cruise towards the Little Marsh.
The wind was S. and S. W. She cannonaded the
enemy's camp. During the day, some scouts ap-
peared near a copse, two or three feet high, although
M. Pouchot had caused a part of it to be cut away
since his arrival. Several Indians also appeared, who
sought opportunities to fire, but a few discharges of
cannon made them retire.

In the evening, a Pouteoutamis Indian and a Sauteur
arrived from the fort at the Portage, and M. Pouchot
proposed to them to go during the night on a scout.
He gave to them as a companion a Huron who was in
the fort. They went along the steep bank of the
lake to the great w^oods at the end of the clearing,^
and then returned across the middle of it, without
finding any thing.

1 They call tliese clearings deserts, in Canada. — Note in Original.

164 MOVEMENTS OF THE ENGLISH ARMY.

All hour before day, the Pouteoutamis, who was
very brave, returned thither alone. He followed the
steep bank of the lake to the bend which it takes in
front of that place, and met a canoe in which were
three men. lie fired upon the middle one and
wounded him. The other two fired their guns with-
out effect and fled. He made the tour of the clearing,
and defied the enemy's Indians by many bravados.

On the 8th, M. Pouchot sent him back with two
Frenchmen to M. Chabert with a letter. Being
troubled about the situation, they sent back one,
when a league off", to inform him that they had seen
the tracks of some forty men in the woods. As these
tracks came from up the river, M. Pouchot feared
that some of the enemy had crossed 'over, and was
concerned about those who were to come on that side.
He sent a scout to examine the woods, but they found
nothing for the distance of a league.

At noon, he signalled to the corvette to send ashore
tlie shallop. The lieutenant, who came, said, that the
enemy had formed a camp upon a little eminence on
this side of the Little Marsh to cover their bateaux,
and that the}^ appeared to be between three and four
thousand men, who were working much on the side
of the clearing by the lake shore, and were building
an abattis at which four hundred men appeared to be
engaged. M. Pouchot suspected that this might be
the place where they were making their depot for the
French. The artillery of the corvette so troubled

PREPARATIONS FOR THE SIEGE OF NIAGARA. 165

them that they were forced to quit their camp and
seek shelter. They fired twelve pound cannon at
that vessel. M. Pouchot ordered the corvette to take
position in front of the entrance of the Little Marsh,
as well to stop the convoys from entering, as the ba-
teaux, from coming out to carry their artillery to their
depot, distant a league and a quarter from the marsh,
which would prolong their labors. He ordered the
captain of the vessel, if overtaken by the wind, to come
into the river and approach the shoal under the fort.
These precautions would oblige the enemy to perform
all their operations by land, and would so cover the
place that it could not be easily insulted from the side
of the lake or the river.

In the afternoon some hundreds of Indians appeared
in the copse of the clearing, who came to fire upon
the fort. They were driven ofif by the artiller}^ loaded
with grape shot, and some of them were killed. At
sunset, M. Pouchot sent to take from the other side of
the river a Frenchman and two Indians. The former
was a brother of the store keeper, who had been sent
to raise some Missisake Indians, and returned with
only one. The others had gone away when they saw
the little fort burnt, which we supposed had been
done by the English. The other Indian was an
Iroquois sent by M. Chabert,^ Avho in a letter informed

1 M. Chabert had charge of the Niagara portage. The king should
have furnished goods at a suitable price to pay his expenses. This
officer had gained much by liaving at the market price, goods that

166 A DEMAND FOR SURRENDER.

that he would arrive the next day. He had removed
up Chenoudac river all the effects that he could, with
twenty horses which belonged to him and some cat-
tle that had been sent on his account from Detroit.
He burned the fort at the portage, as this post was no
longer tenable. His brother Joncaire had arrived in
the evening before, conducted by the Iroquois who
had brought the letter. M. Pouchot made him a
present.

About ten o'clock, a white flag appeared in the
clearing, and M. Pouchot sent out to meet it with
caution. They brought in a captain of the Royal
Americans,^ with his eyes bandaged, and led him
through the thickest and most encumbered brush
wood. He produced in the room of the com-
mandant, after the bandage was removed, a letter
from Brigadier general Prideaux, in which he said,
the king of England having given him the govern-
ment of Fort Niagara, had sent him thither, if neces-
sary to compel its surrender b}^ the superior forces he
had with him. M. Pouchot replied, that he did not
understand the English, and that he had no reply to
make.

He had, however, well understood the letter. The

cost the king more and more dailj^, which made his profits very
great. But otherwise we may be sure no officer has shown more
zeal for the good of tlie service, and he was a man well accredited
and essential in America for managing the Indians, and even above
Johnson in the confidence of the Five Nations. — 2\'ote in Original.

1 Named Blaine. — Ed.

PROGRESS OF THE SIEGE. 167

officer insisted upon the strength of his forces. M.
Pouchot replied, that the king had entrusted him
with the place, which he found himself in condition to
defend ; that he hoped M. Prideaux could never
enter it, and that at least before he made any terms
with him, he wished an opportunity of gaining their
esteem. He invited the officer to breakfast, and then
sent him back with his eyes bandaged and the way he
came.

In the afternoon, La Force, commandant of the
corvette, sent to say to M. Pouchot, that he saw
no more barges on the beach, nothing more of the
depot, and but few people on the bank. Upon
this information, M. Pouchot sent a sergeant in
a bateau, who went up on the other side of the river,
and reported having seen many men at work at La
Belle-Famille.^ From this it was thought they would
begin opening a trench that night. Li the evening,
some men appeared in their shirt sleeves upon the
edge of the clearing to the right of the place, who ap-
peared about to begin work on the trenches. We
fired three or four cannon and they retired, as this
showed them this was not the place where they
thought of beginning their trench.

The great tranquility of the enemy, this day, made
us suspect their operations. M. Pouchot therefore

' This place is a sliort eighth of a league from the fort, upon the
right bank of the river, above the fort, and very convenient to make
fascines, there not being any small wood among the larger trees of
the forest. — Note in the Original.

168 DISTRIBUTION OF THE FRENCH TROOPS.

placed M. Villars, captain of Sarre in the clemi-liine
with sixty men ; M. de Morambert, a lieutenant with
30 men in the strong hold entrenched by the covered
way on the left ; — M. Cornoyer, a lieutenant with 30
men in that on the right ; and M. de Cervies a cap-
tain with 76 men occupied from the salient angle of
the covered way of the lake bastion, to the salient an-
gle of the covered way to the demi-lune. M. de
Larminac, a lieutenant, with 40 men, occupied the
beach below the bank of the lake bastions, behind the
palisade and M. De la Roche, a captain, with 30 men
was posted at the salient angle of the covered way of
the bastion of the Five Nations. Upon the platoon
below this salient, behind the palisade which comes
from the river, M. Chabert was stationed with 60 men
and upon each bastion there were posted 25 men.

These difterent posts furnished all the sentinels
necessary. The hundred cannoniers were distributed
among the batteries. There remained only M. Bon-
nafoux, artillery officer, and M. de Salvignac, a lieu-
tenant of Be'arn, performing the duties of Major.
Such was the disposition of all parties during every
night of the siege. During the day, we sought to
relieve the soldiers, to enable them to gain a little
sleep, or they were occupied in the different fatigue
duties which the operations of the siege required.

During this night, M. Pouchot sent a detachment
of thirty volunteer scouts, of whom three or four were
Indians, who issued by the right center and left.

THE ENGLISH BEGIN THEIR PARALLELS. 169

They fired upon some enemy Indians who had creiDt
up to a cemetery about fifty toises from the glacis.
A Huron of the detachment from the right, getting
separated was wounded by one of our Indians in at-
tempting to rejoin his detachment.

On the 10th it rained, with a fog at daybreak, which
prevented us from observing the field most of the day.
We then perceived a parallel of more than 300 toises
which beginning at about the middle of the front of
the fortifications, extended to the left on the side
towards the lake. They began in a spot rather low,
and ordinarily covered by the lake, but now dry in
consequence of a great drouth which facilitated the
opening of the trench that the English would have
otherwise been obliged to begin further ofi'.

We battered both ends of this parallel with four
pieces of cannon, although it rained quite hard. The
enemy appeared to labor with ardor. In the night,
we fired cannon on the left, as we thought they would
try to prolong their work upon that side. At noon,
M. Chabert and Joncaire, his brother, arrived with
seventy persons, several of them women, and some
Indians. Three were Iroquois, among whom was the
chief Kaendae. The Indians were very quiet.

On the morning of the 11th, we observed that this
parallel was a little extended to the left, and we fired
upon it vigorously. They did not venture to push it
further, but during the day labored to perfect it, and
we observed that they were at work on the batteries.

170 MISTAKEN MOVEMENT OF THE FRENCH.

We incommoded them as much as possible with our
artillery.

In the afternoon, M. Pouchot, wishing to remove
some stockades which were between the parallel and
the glacis, to form some embrasures, detached a few
men to suj)port those who were to bring back these
pickets. They pressed forward of their own accord, as
far as the height at the head of the enemy's trenches,
and were followed by sixty men who escaped from the
covered way, and fired even into the boyau of the
trench. The enemy, who were counting upon our
small numbers, were not upon their guard, and
abandoned the head of their works. A man ran to
notify M. Pouchot, that they found no one there, but
knowing better than this he ordered him to go and
tell M. de la Roche, who was allowing himself to be
decoyed on, to return with .his troops. During this
interval, all the soldiers and militia sprang over the
palisades of the covered way to follow the others,
notwithstanding the efforts of their officers. The
garrison was on the point of being engaged with the
whole English army, for at this moment their Indians,
who were at least 900, and all their troops hastened to
put themselves in line of battle at the head of their
trench.

By the precaution of the officers, they were so for-
tunate as not to get too much engaged. We re-
strained the enemy by a very sharp artillery fire,
which prevented them from charging upon our people.

NEGOTIATIONS OF THE INDIANS, 171

The English, however, did not themselves fail to
sustain much loss, and were forced to find shelter.
This led them to again rest on their arms till night.

This adventure led to a very singular affair. Kaen-
dae the Iroquois chief, asked leave to go out to speak
to the Indians of his nation. M, Pouchot thought
he ought not to deny him, but rather hoped, through
the aid of this Indian, to at least induce some of the
Senecas to abandon their army. The Iroquois ac-
cepted this parley, at the end of the clearing, and the
result was, that the 1^'ive jSTations sent two deputies to
M. Pouchot, to learn his views concerning themselves.
They demanded a safe conduct upon the word of M,
Joncaire, whom they regarded as one of their chiefs.
They were led with their eyes blinded into the room
of the commandant, when he recognized the nephew
of Tonniac, who had left five or six days before the
arrival of the English. These deputies said they did
not know how they had got involved in this war, and
that they were ashamed of it, M, Pouchot asked
them what occasion for war he whom they had named
Sategariouaen ( The midst of good aflfairs ), had given
them, and said that he had never deceived them. He
expressed his surprise at seeing the Iroquois in the
English army, and among them many who had shown
him great affection ; that they could judge from his
manner of fighting that he would not spare his ene-
mies, and his heart bled at the thought that he might
strike some others besides the whites against whom

172 NEGOTIATIOXS OF THE INDIANS.

he fought. lie invited them to mingle no more in
their quarrels, and he assured them that nothing was
nearer his heart than this. He ended by saying, that
all the upper nations were coming constantly to his
aid, and should they find themselves bent upon shed-
ing their blood, he promised to interpose his authority
to induce them to make peace. He gave them a
great belt to carry these words to their nation.

The Missisakes who were present, wished also in
turn to speak. They expressed to the Iroquois the
pleasure they felt at hearing words of reconciliation,
that their nation which was numerous, would be
pleased with it, and they invited them never again to
quit the hand of their father. They were ready, on
their part to die with him, leaving to their nation to
avenge their deaths.

The Pouteotamis said to them, " Uncles,^ the
Master of Life has placed us all on this Island,
(America). Who has more spirit than our ancestors ?
Did they not first take the French by the hand?
Why are we not allied with them ? "We do not
know the .English. We are pleased to see you are
inclined to live well with our father. This is the way
for us to never quit each others hands." These
harangues lasted until nine o'clock in the evening,
when we sent the deputies out with their eyes band-

' A term of respect, marldng the degree of affinity between these
two nations. — Note in original.

NEGOTIATIONS BETWEEN THE INDIANS. 173

aged. They promised to return on the morrow and
bring their reply.

This interview had suspended the fire on both sides.
The enemy took advantage early in the night, to open
a boyau of about forty toises, which they would not
perhaps have otherwise attempted. This proved a
lesson for M. Pouchot.

On the 12th, we discovered at daybreak, at a dis-
tance of 200 toises, a mound of earth of considerable
size which appeared to have been formed for a bat-
tery. We battered it with eleven pieces of artillery
with considerable effect. They did not venture to
press any sap, as they were vigorously assailed when-
ever they wished to attempt it.

In the morning, Kaendae again asked leave to go
out and hold a council with the chiefs of his nation.
M. Pouchot did not offer to oppose him, but gave
notice, that he should not suspend any of his opera-
tions, because the whites would take advantage of
this interval to labor. He added, that if his associates
were determined to come to him, that they should
carry a little white flag, when if there was but a small
number, they would not lire upon them, and would
allow them to enter.

At three o'clock in the afternoon, Kaendae re-
turned with an Onondaga chief named Hanging Belt,
and two Cayugas. They presented a large white
belt^ to M. Pouchot, to reply to the one he had sent.

1 This was a sign of peace— Note in Original.

23

174 NEGOTIATIONS BETWEEN THE INDIANS.

They said : — " We have heard your words, and tliey
are true. Onr part is taken, we will quit the English
army, and to prove this, Ave will go and encamp at La
Belle-Famille." They thanked him for having given
them so good advice, and hoped there would be left
no rancor between them. They promised to be
henceforth quiet. The council of Kaendae with the
Iroquois was held in the presence of Johnson, to
whom this chief spoke fiercely, reproaching him for
having embarked his nation in a bad cause. Johnson
smiled and regarded this reproof as a joke.

By another belt, they asked tliat Kaendae, the
women and the children of the Iroquois who were in
the fort, should come out with Joncaire, whom they
regarded as one of themselves, so that the kettles^
should not fall on their heads. They were especially
anxious about Kaendae, who was charged with their
business with the Indians of other tribes, and spoke
all their languages.

M. Pouchot replied, that the women and Kaendae
were present and might answer as they "wished.
Kaendae had assured M. de Chabert that he did not
wish to leave. He made no reply. M. Pouchot
made the motion in presence of the chief deputies, of
covering his body in advance, in case that he should
be injured. This ceremony consisted of placing a belt
and an equipment before him, as they place them in

^They called the bombs by this name. — Note in Original.

NEGOTIATIONS BETWEEN THE INDIANS. 175

the grave. This manner of death not implying any
revenge, they were contented. The women and child-
ren then presented some strings to M. Pouchot to
assure him, that they wished to remain with us, who
were their fathers, and who had always taken pity on
them.

These deputies also presented some strings on the
part of the Loups or Moraiguns who were in the
council of the Iroquois, to engage the Outaouais and
other Indians, to retire to the head of the lake, and let
the white people fight, while they stood aloof. These
two words appeared to M. Pouchot, to have been
inspired by the English, to disgust these Indians who
were well affected towards us. M. Pouchot replied,
that he did not know these nations that had sent
these strings, and that he would send them back. He
said that as regarded the Outaouais and the other
nations, who were attached to us, they did not need
any advice to know how they should conduct them.-
selves towards their father, that they were at home at
Magara, and that they thought it very singular that
these people with whom they had no alliance, should
wish to induce them to quit their house. These
Outaouais replied, to the deputies, that they had
come to die with their father, and assured the Iro-
quois, that they were pleased to learn that they were
going to quit the English. M. Pouchot did not wish
to answer the word of the Loups, as he felt it had not
come from them.

176 M. POUCnOT'S policy towards the INDIANS.

The deputies themselves proposed to return in the
evening, but M. Pouchot forbade them, and told them
that if they kept quiet he should be contented. He
notified them, that in the night he knew nobody, and
would fire on every one, but that they might come by
daylight in small numbers, and without any condi-
tions he would receive them. He sent them back
each one with a loaf, because he knew that the En<r-
lish army had nothing to eat but flour cooked in cakes
under the ashes.

To explain all these parleys it should be observed,
that the English by night employed the Indians to
cover their laborers. Our fire from the covered way
disturbed them much. They had lost eight or nine of
their people. M. Pouchot who knew the character
of these nations, was not sorry to find the occasion
for relieving himself of nine hundred men, whose in-
sults he feared more than the English, on account of
their number, and the knowledge they had of the
place. In retaining some of their chiefs in the fort,
with the women, and several warriors of foreign tribes,
if they were harmed these same Indians would have
to answer to their nations, or those whom they might
have oftended. They were therefore pleased with the
idea which this occasion offered, of remaining neutral
awaiting events. The English, on their part, did not
dare to forbid these interviews of the Indians. They
only sought to turn them to the best account.

The Indians being gone, M. Pouchot at once sent

PROGRESS OF THE SIEGE. 177

eight volunteers under tlie orders of M. Cornoyer, who
went near the battery and heard them phice some
piquets. The trenches were otherwise very quiet.
On their return, we fired with artillery very sharply
upon the battery, and with musketry right and left
where they were to defile.

M. Pouchot ordered the corvette to sail for Oswego
to reconnoitre, and try to gain some news of M. dc la
Corne, and from Montreal. During the day, the cor-
vette cannonaded the trenches of the enemy with some
success, and then departed in the night.

On the 13th, MM. Pouchot and Bonnafoux exam-
ined at daybreak the enemy's works. They had only
finished a shell battery of six mortars. It fired all
day with but little effect. We did not fire much to-day
from our batteries, as the works of the enemy were
too far advanced to be injured.

In the evening we observed a white flag, and some
Indians on the other side of the river. Kaendae asked
permission to go and see them, and was allowed.
They were some Indians who had come to council,
and asked to come into the fort during the night, but
M. Pouchot would not allow them. The fire of our
batteries and of our musketry was very brisk, but not
so much as on the preceding nights, because there was
not so much occasion to impose upon the Indians who
covered their laborers. These Indians informed
Kaendae, that they had all retired to La Belle-Famille,
and that they would remain neutral. They said also

178 PROGRESS OF THE SIEGE.

that it was reported in the English camp, that the latter
had beaten M. la Corne at Oswego.

On the 14th, in the morning, we noticed a work of
forty to fifty toises in prolongation of the trench, run
from the side of the lake bank, the end of which was
a hundred toises from the covered way. They had
also thrown up a bomb battery from which they fired
in the afternoon. Kaendae and Chatacouen asked
leave to go and talk with their people. M. Pouchot
hesitated about refusing them, but the hope of getting
some news led him to consent. They repaired to the
camp of the Iroquois and to that of the English, and
reported having seen about eighteen hundred men ;
that one of their camps was at the Little Marsh, and
the other nearer the trench ; that they had seen ten
mortars, two batteries and fifteen cannon, of which
three were of large calibre, and that Johnson had
induced the Indians to remain by promising them
leave to pillage the place, of which they would make
an assault in two or three days. Lastl}^ that they had
only a small stock of provisions, and were expecting
a convoy.

From this day we saw no more Indians in the trench.
The Iroquois asked to be alloAved to cross the river
from fear of the bombs, of Avhich they threw a hun-
dred during the day, M. Pouchot sent them over with
their women well pleased to get rid of them. They
had gone to take at the Chenondac, the oxen and cows
of M. de Chabert, saying they thought it better that

PROGRESS OF THE SIEGE. 179

they should have them than others, and carried this
meat to the English camp. The enemy still labored
to perfect his works, and we continued a brisk fire
upon the part where we thought the^^ wished to come
out in their prolongation to the lake.

At day break (the 15th), they appeared to be work-
ing at another battery, and all day long threw many
bombs, from ten mortars,' and several of our men were
wounded by splinters. In the evening there came in
a deserter, a kind of Frenchman, who had been with
the Iroquois of Kunoagon, who reported that the Eng-
lish army was composed of the Royal American, Ilal-
ket, Loudon, York and Jersey regiments, and about
nine hundred Loups and Iroquois, who had formed
three camps, one at the Little Marsh, one near the
lake, and one in the interior, and that the Indians had
gon§ to La Belle-Famille. He said that on the morrow,
the English would bring their cannon, consisting of
fifteen pieces, into battery, and added that they were
short of provisions, that the Indians complained of
being hungry, and that they were expecting a convoy
from Oswego, where the}' had a large camp from which
M. de la Corne, in venturing to attack, had been
repulsed.

On the 16th, it rained constantly. Two barges
appeared on the open lake, but so far oft' that a twelve
pound cannon ball could scarcely reach them. They
were out to reconnoitre the place. The enemy began
to fire with musketry from the trenches. They had

180 THE ENEMY ACROSS THE RIVER.

crowned with saiicissons, the top of tlieir trenches to
cover their marksmen.

On the 17th, by reason of a fog which is very rare
in that country in summer, and which did not rise till
quite late, we did not observe that the enemy had
began to throw up new works. They unmasked their
artillery by a discharge of cannon fired from the other
side of the river at Montreal point, which entered the
chimney of the commandant's quarters, and rolled
down by the side of the bed where he had lain down.
They had planted in that place, a battery of two heavy
cannon and two howitzers, and at the same time un-
covered two other batteries, one of iive pieces, and
the other of two heavy guns and two howitzers. All
of these were served vigorously during the day. We
replied to them from our own in like manner. The
battery across the river obliged us to make epaule-
ments and blindages, because on that side we were
only protected by an intrenchment, as we have above
described, and the fire took us on the reverse of the
bastions and other defences of the fort. At night we
kept up a brisk musketry from within, and the enemy
replied in like manner till midnight, after which it
was more quiet. They fired at intervals from the
mortars and howitzers all through the night. M. de
Morambert was slightly wounded.

On the 18th, in the morning, we did not notice that
the enemy had pushed his works forward, and he ap-
peared to be busy repairing the damages that our

EZ—

"■'■nil/, iliio/ nl

!in!'!!!l!ll!!ll!!!!l!fl!!!!!'f!M!iii;!"

DEATH OF GENERAL PRIDEAUX. 181

artillery had occasioned. In the evening a great
smoke arose from their trenches, one of our shot hav-
ing set fire to one of their powder magazines. On
this day, general Prideaux was killed in the trench.^
The fire was very hrisk on both sides, and increased
towards evening, as well the cannon as the mortars
and howitzers, by which we were greatly distressed,
having many soldiers wounded and some killed. At
night, thinking the enemy were intending to advance
from the left by a zig-zag forward, or to open a paral-
lel, we fired upon them very sharply, and they replied
in like manner.

On the 19th, we discovered that the enemy had ad-
vanced their work about thirty toises along the bank
of the lake by a double sap, from which he opened a
boyau, in zig-zag, almost equal to the front of these
two batteries. They worked through the day merely
to perfect this, and fired heavily with cannon, mortars
and howitzers. We answered very fiercely with our
artillery.

In the afternoon, the corvette appeared, and beat
to the windward in the open lake. At sunset, M.
Pouchot sent out a bark canoe with seven men, who
ran the risk of being sunk by the enemy's cannon,

1 Brigadier General John Prideaux was accideutly liilled in the
trendies on tlie lOtli of July, by the carelessness of a gunner in dis-
charging a cohorn, the shell bursting instantly as the general was
passing by it. Word was at once sent to General Amherst, who sent
Brigadier General Gage to succeed him, but he did not reach the
place before the fort surrendered to Johnson.— i/rtw^c, p. 225.— Ed.
24

182 DISPATCHES FROM MONTREAL.

one of whose balls struck a paddle. As he supposed
that the enemy would push still further forward, we
continued an active fire from the covered wa}' and
corresponding works.

On the 20th, at day break, we observed that the
enemy had formed another branch to the zig-zag,
which they ran from our right to the left to the bank
of the lake very near a ravine, thirty toises in advance
of the left branch of the covered way. They fired
very briskly with musketry on every side till mid-
night, but ours somewhat slackened towards day-
break, on account of the exhaustion of our troops,
and the bad condition of our arms. Through the day
they were completing this trench, and much incom-
moded those who served the lake bastion, by their
marksmen, by whom we had several killed and
wounded.

During the night the canoe, sent to the corvette, re-
turned. The vessel had brought dispatches from
Montreal and Quebec. They were concerned about
us, but did not know we were besieged. They gave
us news of the operations of the English at Quebec.
At about ten o'clock in the morning, M. Pouchot sent
back the canoe with dispatches for MM. de Vandreuil
and de Montcalm.

On the 21st, at day break, we saw that the enemy
had turned their zig-zag from the left to the right,
and we fired towards the salient demi-lune. They
were not able to reach that point on account of the

* THE APPROACHES CONTINUED. 183

active fire we had kept up during the night, to which
they replied very briskly, until about an hour after
midnight. This work seemed to be about seventy
toises long. It appeared during the day, that they
wished to establish a battery at the end of this boyau,
or the side of the salient demi-lune. The firing was
not as active on the enemy's side during this day as
during the previous evening, because they were busy
in completing their trenches, and in working upon
their batteries. Their musketry, however, considera-
bly annoyed our batteries.

About seven o'clock in the evening, the enemy re-
doubled his fire from the last parallel, and continued
it heavily till after midnight. We had several men
killed and wounded at this place. We replied quite
actively with our fire from our works and the covered
way, where we had placed three cannon, which each
fired fifty charges of grape shot. A shower which
was too brief for us, and would have deluged their
trenches interrupted this firing.

On the 22d, at day break, we thought that the
enemy had extended a long parallel from the fosse
which was at the end of the glacis, but they were
only endeavoring to perfect these works, and the two
batteries. That on the left, of eight pieces, was more
advanced than that on the right. Their fire was very
strong from the trench on their right upon the lake
bastion, and upon our works on the left, which they
incommoded very much. They threw a few bombs.

184 THE FORT SET ON FIRE.

About nine o'clock in the morning, tliey began to
throw red hot shot from the battery on the other side
of the river. The battery where they had placed their
heaviest guns did the same. By the precaution that
M. Pouchot had taken, of having casks full of water
before all the buildings, and parties of carpenters ready
with axes to cut away the places exposed to the flames,
the tire did not commit any ravages, although it started
in several spots, even in the magazines of merchan-
dize, and this is still more remarkable from the build-
ings being all of wood. The enemy could never
understand it.

They directed their tire upon the bastion of the lake
battery to prevent us from serving it. It was very
sharp, and M. Bonnafoux artillery oflicer was lightly
wounded, and ten men were killed or wounded. The
cannon and howitzers dismounted three of the tive
pieces that were on the same bastion. They ruined
the flank angle of this bastion, so that one might have
descended upon the berm. The shell from howitzers
penetrated into the ground and there burst, tearing up
the newly arranged turf, and each time making holes
six or eight feet in extent.

During the night, the enemy, from their parallel,
made a very destructive tire upon our works, and fired
shot and grape upon the breach and the bastion
attacked.

We observed that our batteries upon the bastions,
which were at first only made of casks filled with earth

EXHAUSTION OF THE BESIEGED. 186

were ruined, and were obliged to replace them by
sacks filled with earth, which were put in cross wise?
forming very good merlons, and easy to change accord-
ing to the direction of the fire. This method is very
useful in case a place is pressed, if so fortunate as to
have many of these sacks, by the readiness with which
they might disconcert the enemy's batteries; but
unfortunately this resource was soon wanting. Those
we had used were torn, used or burnt up in the service. •
The material for cannon wads was also wanting, and
we had not even hay. The supply which M. Pouchot
had having all been spent, they took the mattrasses of
the beds, then the straw, and finally the linen.

The enemy on the night of the 22d and 23d, pressed
their trenches forward as far as to the end of the salient
of the covered way of the demi-lune, and through the
night fired heavily with their artillery, both grape
and balls upon the breach, as also with musketry, and
threw many bombs. We replied to them from our
fort, but our arms were in so bad a condition, that
- among ten guns scarcely one could be used, and on
the next day there remained not more than a hundred
fit for use, notwithstanding all the repairs daily made.
Seven smiths or armorers were constantly employed in
"mending them. The domestics and wounded were
employed in washing them. The women, as we have
said, attended the wounded and sick, or worked sewing
cartridges or sacks for earth. During this day, M.
Pouchot was compelled to leave only one little post of

186 NEWS FKOM MM. AUBRY AND DE LIGNERY.

soldiers in the branch of the covered way of the bas-
tion attacked. The Canadians no longer wished to
hold this place on account of the sharpness of the
enemy's fire. We tried to repair the breach, and the
palisades of the berm below, but with little success,
notwithstanding the good will of the soldiers who
worked upon them.

At ten o'clock in the morning, a white flag appeared
in the road from La Belle-Famille to the portage.
M. Pouchot answered by another flag. They were
four Indians sent by MM. Aubry and de Lignery.
Upon entering the fort, they produced two letters, one
dated July 17th and the other the 22d. In the former, ■
signed at Presque Isle, they acknowledged the receipt
of those of M. Pouchot of the 7th and 10th, and said
they were soon to leave Fort Machault, and thought
they might fight the enemy successfully, and compel
them to raise the siege.

By these letters, these gentlemen asked M. Pouchot's
advice upon what they could do to relieve him. The
Indians told M. Pouchot, that they had passed by
the camp of the enemy's Indians, with whom they had
held a council in the presence of Johnson, and that
they had sent five belts to the Iroquois on the part of
the nations who were coming with M. Lignery, to
induce them to retire. If not, they would strike them
as well as the English. The latter assured them that
they would not mingle in the quarrel. "We learned
also by the same means, that there were about six hun-

M. pouchot's advice to his allies. 187

dred French and one thousand Indians^ who, when
they passed the little rapid at the outlet of Lake Erie,
appeared like a floating island, as the river was covered
with their bateaux and canoes.

M. Pouchot replied immediately to these two letters,
after having deliberated in the presence of all the
officers of the garrison, with the view of profiting by
their advice. We will here recall the fact, that M.
Pouchot, by his letter of the 10th, had notified M. de
Lignery that the enemy might be four or five thousand
strong, without the Indians, and that if he did not find
himself in condition to attack so large a force, he
should pass by Chenondac to come to IsTiagara by the
other side of the river, where he would be in condition
to drive the English, who were only two hundred
strong on that side, and could not easily be reinforced.
This done, he could easily come to him, because after
the defeat of this body, they could send bateaux to
bring them to the fort.

M. Pouchot did not doubt but that the English
would read his reply upon the return of the Indians,
but he was satisfied if it should only be able to arrive
at its destination. By this letter he prayed M. de
Lignery to recall what he had formerly written. He

1 Of this number were three Imndred soldiers and militia whom M.
Aubry had brought from the Illinois, with six hundred Indians whom
he had engaged on the route to follow him. M. Aubry, after a very
difficult march, arrived at Fort Machault, where he joined M. de Lif-
nery. The latter had assembled the Ohio Indians at the Fort of
Presque Isle, from whence he left with M. Aubry. — Kote in Original.

188 LETTERS SENT THROUGH THE ENEMY'S LINES.

informed tliem that the enemy were in three corps,
one on the side of the Little Marsh, who were guard-
ing their bateaux, another in the middle of the woods
near their entrenched depot, and the third near La
Belle-Famille, wdiere there might be then about 3,900
Indians, and that if he thought himself strong enough
to attack either of these bodies, this would be the best
course to take, because the enemy was very near the
fort, and dare not give up their trench. He added,
that if they should succeed in taking one of these
posts, he had no doubt they would be forced to raise
the siege. He advised them to send out scouts be-
fore them, and upon their report would be better
able to decide upon the most proper course to pursue.
Although the enemy might see this letter, yet they
could not foresee the determination of these chiefs,
and take any other precaution, than that of being on
their guard. M. Pouchot left M. de Lignery to him-
self to decide according to his strength. According to
what M. de Portneuf, the commandant atPresque Isle,
had written to M. Pouchot, he could not believe that
they could show 2,800 men, of whom 1,200 were
Indians. M. Pouchot made four copies of this letter,
and sent one by each Indian, of whom one was an On-
ondaga, another a Loup from the Ohio, and the third
a Chaouanon, so that there should be no jealousy be-
tween them, and that in case the English in their
watching should seize one, they would save another,
which proved to be the case.

PROGRESS OF THE SIEGE. 189

After being refreshed tliese Indians left as they
came, bearing the flag, and the English and Indians
who saw them go out clid not molest them. M. Pou-
chot did not doubt but that they then held a council
with the Iroquois in the presence of Johnson.

About two o'clock in the afternoon, the Onondaga
returned, saying he had lost his wampum, — (as a Eu-
ropean who had lost his jewels), and that he had come
back to find them. He said he had charged another
Indian with carrying the letter. M. Pouchot then
thought that this Indian was a spy rather than a
friend, and accused him accordingly, but afterwards
found he was mistaken. Kaendae, being a little in-
toxicated every day, teased M. Pouchot, wishing to
hold sometimes the English side, and sometimes the
French. The Onondaga was very quiet. He, with
great boldness, examined all our works in the most
dangerous places, notwithstanding a considerable fire
of the enemy, and never sought shelter. He was per-
haps the only Indian who has evinced so decided a
bravery.

The enemy all day kept up a prodigious fire from
the best supplied of their batteries, Avhich ruined all
the battery of the flag bastion. There was left not
more than two feet high of its parapet, along its
whole length. We will remark that of late we had
been obliged to make our embrasures of packets of
peltries, for the want of other materials, and that we
used blankets and shirts from the magazines for can-
25

190 EXHAUSTION OF THE GARRISON.

non wads. We ciKleavored to place two cannon in
battery on the left side of the curtain, to lessen the
enemy's tire.

We conld no longer induce the Canadians to five
into the embrasures at the enemy, by which they
would have been greatly deranged. The fire was too
much for them. Those who were placed at any point
crouched down to cover themselves, and were soon
asleep, in spite of all that the officers and sergeants
could do to induce them stay posted and to fire. The
rest of the garrison notwithstanding the best of will,
were not less worn down. Since the 6th, no one had
gone to bed, and they were obliged to be in the works
as we have said, or were employed in various indis-
pensable labors. There remained so few men that
they found neither time nor convenience for sleeping.

In the evening, the enemy's fire considerably slack-
ened, especially the cannon, of which they fired only
two pieces of ball and grape upon the breach, to
prevent our rcpairiug it. This respite made M.
Pouchot suspect, either that they intended to raise
the siege, to go aud meet a reinforcement, or that
they were preparing for some great attack. They
held themselves on their guard as much as possible.
We had many wounded this night, aud several killed
in working to repair damages.

On the 24th, we heard some firing in the direction
of La Belle-Famille. It was that of some Indian
scouts of AI. de Lignery who had fallen npon a guard

♦ AN ENGAGEMENT NEAR THE FORT. 191

of English who were watching 22 bateaux which they
had carried over hy land to cross the river and com-
municate with the detachment upon Montreal Point.

They killed a dozen, and having cut off their heads,
set them upon poles. This event led to others. It
engaged the Indians to ask of MM. Aubry and do
Lignery, to wait until they had spoken to the Iro-
quois, to oblige US to make peace with the English.
M. de Lignery dissuaded them from it, and w^ishcd
them to follow him, being upon the point of attacking.
They refused to march, and thirty only of the most
resolute followed M. Marin.

M. Ponchot hearing these unusual reports of mus-
kets, at once repaired with M. Bonnafoux to the bas-
tion of the Five ITations. He observed some English
who fled very precipitately upon their main guards,
and some troops defiling from the central camp upon
the edge of the clearing to join them at the entrance
of the way, to La Belle-Famille, where we saw a
little in reverse, an entrenchment of fallen trees.
We aimed two cannon at it, and tired two or three
times. M. Pouchot at the same time noticed some
scattered Indians with a white flag, and then thought
this might be some Iroquois Indians who wish to
perform some bravado, or a trick, to induce some
one to come out. M. Pouchot ordered two cannon
to be tired between them and the English, to scatter
them, or if they were our friends, to make them
notice that they were near enemies, and to prevent

192 MYSTERIOUS MOVEMENTS OF THE ENEMY.

them from advancing because seeing so small a num-
ber, he feared they might fall into an ambuscade.
He warned M. Bonnafoux of this. This only led to
the display of a large white flag. We saw, at the
same time, a troop defiling with much confidence
along a path seven or eight feet wide, and well closed
up in front. It appeared as if they had perceived an
enemy near, and sought to put themself in readiness
to fight in close order and without ranks or files. On
their right appeared thirty Indians, who formed a
front on the left fiank of the enemy. This battalion
began by firing one or two volleys as they approached
the battery, Avho appeared to be making a movement
forward out of their abattis, but having been broken
at the third discharge, they retreated very precipi-
tately. The battalion then pressed forward to enter
the abattis, but was stopped by a volley of the enemy.
They immediately dropped upon one knee to fire into
the abattis. During this interval there fell a heavy
shower of rain, which wet their arms. While a half
of this battalion was firing, the other half appeared to
tall to the rear with haste, the enemy having fired
two volleys upon those who remained, and there were
but few left. About fifty appeai'ed to fire and retire,
and they often came to the ground upon one knee.
Then the English came out of their abattis almost in
a file with fixed bayonets and running, but by the lit-
tle firing we beard, we judged that all the battalion
had retired. It was to our eyes so small an affair,

PKOPOSED SORTIE FROM THE FORT. 193

that we tliouo;lit M. Marin or some other officer
might have come up in the shower to reconnoitre,
and that they had repulsed them thus far.

While this afiair was in progress, a sergeant in the
covered way, thought from the stillness that the
trench was evacuated, and asked leave of M. Pouchot
to make a sortie. Although he believed that this
trench might, on the contrary, be well defended, j^et
to excite the emulation of the soldiers, and to please
them, he called for 150 volunteers who were all that
could be found except the officers and sergeants. He
directed M. de A^illars to put himself at their head,
and ordered them to only leave the covered way with
the greatest caution, and when he should give the
signal but to make as much noise as possible. He
enjoined them to place people on the palisades, so that
they could not fail to discover the enemy and judge
of their condition. In fact, the English seeing our
people astride of our palisades, the whole trench at
once appeared full of men, who showed themselves
stripped to the waist, with companies of grenadiers at
the head of the trenches.^ We fired some cannon
which quickly made them reenter, and our sortie did

ft

not take place.

1 " The guard of the trenches was commanded by Major Beckwith,
and lest the garrison should sally out, and either attempt to surprise
or overpower that guard, and thereby hem in our troops between
two fires, Sir William very judiciously posted the 44th regiment un-
der Lieut. Col. Farquhar, in such a manner as to be able to sustain
the Major on the tirst alarm." — Knox's Journal, ii, 135. — Ed.

194 TOTAL DEFEAT OF THE REINFORCEMENTS.

Upon the arrival of succors, the Onondaga who had
returned, having recognized the troops of M. de Lig-
nerj, asked leave of M. Pouchot to go out and fight
with them, which was granted. He passed freely
through the English army, who doubtless did not
notice him. He joined our troops towards noon, and
returned about two o'clock. lie related the whole of
our disaster, which we could scarcely believe, and we
thought the English had invented the account. He
told us they had all fled, that MM. Aubry, de Lig-
nery, de Montiguy and de Repentigni were prisoners
and wounded, and that the rest of our ofiicers and
soldiers had been killed.^ We hoped this man was
telling a lie.

When M. Pouchot saw this retreat, he ordered all
the batteries that were still in condition to redouble
their fire against the enemy, to keep them in check.
They returned it very briskly, which occasioned us
the loss of many men. At four o'clock, p. m., the
enemy beat the rappel, in his trench, and then sent an
officer to parley, whom we admitted into the fort.
He was the bearer of a letter from Johnson, who com-
manded the army after the death of Prideaux.

Johnson asked in this letter to give credit to what
this officer, Major Hervey, son of Lord Bristol, should

1 It appears by this account of M. Pouchot, as well as by the Eng-
lish statement, that our forces had fallen into an ambuscade w hich
Johnson had prepared. — Note in Original.

DETAILS OF THIS DEFEAT. 195

say in his behalf. The latter gave the names of all
the Canadian officers who were their prisoners.
Although M. Pouchot had been before notified by the
Indian, he pretended to be ignorant of it, and did not
wish to believe it until they had shown these officers
to some one of his garrison, to the end that no one
should have cause to blame him. M. de Cervies, a
captain of the Royal-lxoussillon was sent to their camp.
He saw M. de Lignery wounded, and the others in an
arbor near Col. Johnson's tent. He could scarcely
speak to them, and returned to give an account to M.
Pouchot.^

This news which had first been given by the Indian,
and confirmed by this officer, so broke down the

1 Sir William Johnson was informed on the evening of the 23d
that the French troops under M. de Aubry were approaching to
relieve the fort. " Upon this, he ordered his light infantry and pickets
to take post on the left, on the road between Niagara Falls and the
fort; and then, after reinforcing them with the grenadiers, and
another party of the 4Gth regiment, commanded by Lieut-Col. Massey,
and the 44th regiment commanded by Lieut-Col. Farquhar, disposed
of them to such an advantage, as effectually to support the guard left
in the trenches.

" On the morning of the 24th, the French made their appearance ;
and the Indians of the English army advanced to speak to those of
the French ; but the latter declining the conference, the former gave
the war-wlioop, and the action commenced. The English regulars
attacked the French in front, Avhilst the English Indians gained their
flank. This threw the French into great disorder, and the English,
seizing so favorable an opportunity, Avith all the eagerness it naturally
inspired, charged the French with inexpressible fury, and totally
routed them with great slaughter, which continued without ceasing,
till mere fatigue obliged the conquerors to return. But the number of
the killed could not be precisely ascertained, their bodies being so
dispersed in the woods." — Mante, p. 226. — Ed.

lOG SURVEY OF THE RUIXS.

courage of the garrison, that M. Poiichot and the
other officers, could scarcely restrain the soldiers and
militia at their posts from abandoning everything as
if it were over. Had the enemy seen this disorder,
they would surely have taken advantage of it. The
German soldiers, of whom we had many in the colonial
troops, and who had come this year from France, as
recruits, were more mutinous than the rest.

M. Pouchot assembled all the officers of the garrison,
to deliberate upon the condition of the post, and as to
the course that should be taken. An examination was
made by M. Bonnafoux, as the most capable of judging.
He began with the covered way, and was convinced
that from its proximity to the enemy, it could not be
longer than two days before they would render them-
selves master of it, either by sap or assault. AVe had
only one hundred and ten men to guard the covered
way, from the bank towards the lake bastion, to the
salient angle of the demi-lune, and twenty-iive men in
the stronghold on the right, who guarded as far as the
salient of the covered way of the bastion of the Five
Kations. This gave more than eight or ten feet inter-
val between the men wlio were to face an attack. The
arms were in so l)ad a state, that we had not more
than one hundred and forty guns in proper condition
for service. The most of them were without bayonets.
The colonial soldiers and Canadians who were without
them, had litted wood cutter's knives on the end of
their guns, to serve in their place, and they carried

CASUALTIES OF THE GARRISON. 197

these with them to their posts. "We had hurned
24,000 lbs. of powder, and had 54,000 left in the fort.
Only a very few four and six pound balls were left,
and twelves were all used. We could not therefore
hope to defend the place with vigor. The fosses as
we have said had no escarpment. The earth crumbled
down and the ramp was so sloping that one could go up
or down on the run. To avoid this difficulty, we had
placed a palisade in the bottom of the fosse, but the
enemy might still descend everywhere, had the garrison
all been assembled between the palisade and the covered
way, because being mingled with them, they could not
be covered by the artillery on the flanks. Besides
this, there remained no more than sixty men in this
place, not including the cannoniers. The palisades
opposite the breach were all broken down, and it
would be very easy to descend from the breach, which
occupied two thirds of the face of the bastion in the
fosse. We had, lost or disabled, ten men of the Sarre,
nine of Beam, eight of Boyal-Roussillon, thirteen of
Guienne, forty-three of the colonial troops and twenty-
six militia; in all one hundred and nine men killed or
wounded, and thirty-seven sick.^ Besides these losses,
our small numbers, and the superiority of the enemy,
the fort might be easily insulted along the river and
lake shore.

' The garrison was composed of four hundred and eighty-six men,
of whom as we have seen, three hundred and forty were unable to
bear arms. According to English accounts they had six hundred and
seven effective men when they took the place. — NoU in Original.

26

198 THE FRENCH FORCED "TO CAPITULATE.

All these eircnmstances required the officers of the
garrison to ask M. Pouchot to sniTender. Until this
time he had said nothing. He begged the gentlemen
to examine carefiillj what resources they had left.
They represented the exhaustion of the garrison, which
had not slept for nineteen days, and had been con-
stantly under arms or at work, and that a delay of two
and even of eight days, although it might be possible,
could not save the place, and moreover that this would
occasion a still farther loss of brave men to no pur-
pose, as they could no longer hope for succor from any
quarter.

M. Pouchot feeling the truth of this conclusion,
called in the English officer, asked to capitulate, and
to be allowed to march out with the honors of war,
and that the garrison be sent to Montreal with their
effects, and those of the king at the expense of His
Britannic Majesty and with as little d'elay as possible.
Communications were passing to and from through
the night. M. Pouchot did not wish to abate from his
propositions, but Col. Johnson sent him word, that in
good faith he was not the master of the conditions,
or he otherwise would have granted them. At day-
break, M. Pouchot wished to send back the officer,
because, before becoming a prisoner, he wished to risk
the event, then the whole garrison demanded a sur-
render, the Germans who formed the greater part,
mutinied, and unfortunately the English officer seeing
this was more hrm. We will observe on this occasion.

CAPITULATION OF FORT NIAGARA. 199

that every commander who finds himself under a
necessity to capitulate, would do well to send back his
hostages, so that everything may be ready. M. Pou-
chot was finally compelled to accept the following
articles :

Articles of Capitulation.

Art. 1. The garrison shall march out Mvith arms and
baggage, the drums beating and match lighted at both
ends, and with one small cannon, to take passage upon
bateaux or other vessels, to be furnished by his Bri-
tannic Majesty's general, to be conducted to ^ew York
by the nearest route, and in the shol'test time.
[Granted.]

2. The garrison shall lay down their arms upon em-
barking, and shall retain their baggage. [Granted.]

3. The ofiicers shall retain their arms and equipages.

4. The French ladies and women, as well as the
chaplain who are here, shall be sent away, and shall be
furnished by the general of H. B. M. with the neces-
sary vessels and subsistence. They shall be sent as
soon as possible to the nearest French post. Those
who may wish to follow their husbands, shall be free
to do so. [Granted, except with regard to those women
who are Ilis Britannic Majesty's subjects.]

5. The sick and wounded obliged to be left in the

iTliey might have specified by the breach, which would have been
very easy, if the garrison had not to embark on the opposite side. —
Note ill Original.

200 CAPITULATION OF FORT NIAGARA.

fort, shall upon leaving, be alloAved to carry away all
that belongs to them, and as soon as able to bear the
journey, they shall be conducted in safety to the des-
tination of the rest of the garrison. In the meantime,
they shall be furnished with a guard to protect them
from the insults of Indians, and shall be fed and cared
for at the expense of His Britannic Majesty.

6. The commandant, the officers and troops, together
with all who pertain to the king's service, shall march
out without being subject to any act of reprisal of any
kind or under any pretext whatsoever. [Granted.]

7. There shall be prepared an inventory of the
munitions of war that are found in the magazines,
and of the artillery. They shall be left in good faith,
as well as the other effects belonging to the king,
and in the magazines at the time of capitulation.
[Granted, and the vessels and boats were included in
this article.]

8. The soldiers and militia shall not be pillaged, nor
separated from their officers. [Granted.]

9. When the garrison shall march out from the fort,
it shall not be allowed to debauch the soldiers to
induce them to desert.^

10. The garrison shall be conducted by an escort to
the place destined for their sojourn. The general
shall expressly order the escort to cover from the
Indians, and that they shall not be allowed to insult

' This article is not iucluded in English copies. — Ed.

CAPITULATION OF FORT NIAGARA. 201

the garrison, when they lay down their arms to embark.
The same care shall be given during the whole route.
[Granted.]

11. There shall bo prepared an exact list of names
and surnames of the soldiers of the different troops, as
well as of the militia and others in the king's service.
[Granted in the first article.]

12. The employees in whatever quality they may be,
shall retain their equipages and share the lot of the
garrison.^

13. All the Indians who maybe found in the place,
of whatever nation they may be, shall be free to retire
and without insult. [Granted, but it will be advisable
for them to depart as privately as possible.]

14. The post shall be surrendered to the Britannic
Majesty's general. [Granted, to-morrow at seven
o'clock in the morning.]

The exchanges of these articles were signed respect-
ively by the general, and all the officers of the garrison.
Before M. Pouchot had signed, the general proposed
to stipulate that the garrison should be conducted to
France. He did not wish to do this, but on the con-
trary resolved to insert the place most convenient for
being first exchanged, and this was done.

On the 25th, between ten and eleven o'clock, the
English sent four companies of grenadiers, four piquets,
and a regiment into the fort. M. Pouchot drew up

^This article is not included in English copies. — Ed.

i!02 PKECAUTIONS AGAINST INDIAN MASSACRE.

the garrison in line of battle upon the parade ground,
their arms in their hands, and haversacks between
their legs. He begged the officers to stay by their
troops, and they remained in this situation about thirty
hours. M. Pouchot had forewarned everybody of the
necessity of this course, in order to jDrotect themselves
from the insults of the Indians, reminding them of the
history of Fort George. He told them, that if any
Indian should come to strike them, or to take away
anything, to give them a good kick in the bowels, or
strike them with the list in their stomachs,^ as the surest
means of restraining them. If this would not check
them, it would be better to die with arms in their
hands, than be tortured by them. These orders were
fulfilled exactly.

The English had posted troops on every side to
prevent the Indians from entering. They wished to
induce the garrison to deliver their arms, under the
pretext that they would then be in a better condition
to defend us. M. Pouchot steadily refused this, and
assured them that they could not then restrain the
Indians from entering before we left. In fact, an
hour after the English had entered the fort, the
Indians scaled it on every side, and in half an hour
after, there were more than five hundred in the fort.
But they remained very quiet.

lit is of no consequence to an Indian to be struck iu 'tliis way.
The others would not take liis part as if lie were hit by a gun, sword
or bayonet. — Note in Original.

DISPOSITION TO PLUNDER. 203

The Frencli officers had taken the precaution of
putting a part of their equipages into the powder
magazine. Every thing not thus secured was taken,
either by the English officers or by detached soldiers.
M. Pouchot gave a dinner to Colonel Johnson and
some officers. After the dinner, these officers helped
themselves to all the utensils and movables.

The Indians had the discretion to take nothing in
the house where all the officers lodged, until they had
gone out. But soon after their departure, they took
every thing, even to the iron work and hinges of the
doors, and broke whatever they could not carry off.
They pillaged the magazine of the king's goods, of
which there were still about five or six hundred pack-
ets of peltries.^ We had used many of them as mer-
lons for the batteries. They broke open and wasted
all the barrels of flour.

In the first moments, they attempted to take the
arms from our soldiers and militia, which they w^ould
not give up, and were resolved at all events to defend
against them, as against the English. It is not certain
but they might have been worsted, notwithstanding
the armed enemy. M. Pouchot saw what would have
been done in case these terms had not been embraced
in the capitulation. Seeing our firmness, the Indians
came rather to console than to insult us. Almost all

1 These might prove of so much money to Johnson, who alone
being known by these Indians, could find moans to repurchase them
with the king's means. — Note in Original.

204 DEPARTURE OF THE FRENCH PRISONERS.

were known to the garrison. Some of the chiefs
said to M. Pouchot: "We have no designs against
you, be quiet; it is the English who are doing us
harm."

Some English officers remarked, that this would
be a good occasion to take revenge for Fort George ;
but we should do justice to the greater part, who in
the first moments did every thing they could, to dis-
perse the Indians. There was one even wounded by
the blow of a knife. The Indians did not however
spare them with their foolish words, among others
the Onondaga above mentioned, who, while he was at
Niagara, said among other things, some very hard
words to Colonel Johnson, which he did not dare to
resent.

Some English officers and soldiers, took away
several fowling pieces from our officers and men, but
rather by scuffling than by force. The wind blew so
strongly from the N'. W. during the first twenty-four
hours, that they could not get out a bateau. Had it
not been for this, M. Pouchot would have attempted
to get ofl:' a part of the garrison before giving up the
place, which would not have been absolutely dif-
ficult.

On the 26th, in the afternoon, the garrison marched
out of the fort to descend upon the beach, with guns
upon their shoulders, drums beating, and two pieces
of large cannon at the head of the column. As soon
as the troops reached the bateaux in which they were

TRAGIC DEATH OF MONCOURT. 205

to embark, they laid down their guns, and at once set
out, although the waves of the lake were yet high.^

We could not see the officers who were prisoners.
Johnson had given his word that he would ransom
from the hands of the Indians, those whom he had
taken, but having seen the departure of our people
they pursued and killed many. Upon this occasion
there happened a tragic adventure. Moncourt, a
colonial cadet, had formed a strong affection for an
Indian with whom he was amicably allied. This
Indian who was in the English army, seeing his friend
a prisoner, evinced much grief upon his condition,
and said ; " My brother ! I am in despair at thy
death ; but be quiet, I will prevent them from mak-
ing you suffer." He then killed him with a blow of
his tomahawk, thinking to release him from the tor-
tures to which prisoners among them were destined.

The remainder of these troops who escaped from
the combat, retired to an island above the fort at the
portage, where they had left Eocheblave with about
150 men to guard their canoes and bateaux. They

1 " The garrison of Niagara surrendered July 25th, at 7 in ye morn-
ing, the number of which consisted of 607 men and 11 officers, be-
sides a number of women, children, &c. The former to be sent to
England by the way of New York and escorted to Oswego by a
detachment of the 46th, consisting of 300 ; the latter to ye 1st French
Post. Officers named in garrison, Clievlr Pouchot, Captn of the
Regmt De Beam, comand't, * * [names of ten officers omitted.]
Cherugeon left to take care of ye sick." — Old JISS.

July 26tli,they embarked after grounding their arms and proceeded
to Oswego, — Ed.

27

206 COMIC ADVENTURE NEAR ONEIDA LAKE.

retired to Detroit, as did also the garrisons of all the
posts of Presqiie Isle and Fort Machault nnder the
orders of M. Belestre who had not been in the action
on account of sickness of 400 men, they had had more
than 250 killed, mostly colonial soldiers who were
very brave, and had served very well in these parts.
There were also several French who had served iu
the Illinois, killed or captured. All the prisoners
were taken to iSTew York, as were also the Niagara
garrison.

There happened to the latter a comic adventure
near Oneida lake. Their escort was composed of 100
men of the Royal Americans, 300 militia, and a
compfmy of rangers ov courenrs de hois. The soldiers
of this company, Avishing to make us think there were
some Indians with them, or to show their cleverness,
went one night and painted and dressed themselves
up as Indians. They then entered the French en-
campment, knife and tomahawk in hand, raising the
war whoop, after their manner when making an at-
tack. Our soldiers at once knew them by their awk-
ward airs, and began to dance and sing, yelling after
the manner of the Indians, and mingling with them
in the best of feeling.

The oflicers of the Royal Americans, were then at
'supper, with the French officers, and seeing the latter
smile and mock at this bravado, took it as an injury,
caused the drums to beat, and sent their soldiers to
bed, but little pleased with their amusement.

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206 COMIC ADVENTURE NEAR ONEIDA LAKE.

retired to Detroit, as did also the garrisons of all the
posts of Presqiie Isle and Fort Machault under the
orders of M. Belestre who had not been in the action
on account of sickness of 400 men, they had had more
than 250 killed, mostly colonial soldiers who were
very brave, and had served very well in these parts.
There were also several French who had served in
the Illinois, killed or captured. All the prisoners
w^ere taken to New York, as were also the jSTiagara
garrison.

There happened to the latter a comic adventure
near Oneida lake. Their escort was composed of 100
men of the Royal Americans, 300 militia, and a
compfmv of rangers ov coureurs de hois. The soldiers
of this company, wishing to make us think there were
some Indians with them, or to show their cleverness,
went one night and painted and dressed themselves
up as Indians. They then entered the French en-
campment, knife and tomahawk in hand, raising the
war whoop, after their manner when making an at-
tack. Our soldiers at once knew them by their awk-
ward airs, and began to dance and sing, yelling after
the manner of the Indians, and mingling with them
in the best of feeling.

The officers of the Royal Americans, were then at
'supper, with the French officers, and seeing the latter
smile and mock at this bravado, took it as an injurj^,
caused the drums to beat, and sent their soldiers to
bed, but little pleased with their amusement.

\ F'vt Sdaiyler

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I) ^ Easl 3d" 1 fMter) ot 5 Guiu

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G Lahtraton (Redcubts to cover

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INCIDENT AT FORT STANWIX. 207

The garrison having arrived near Fort Stanwix, the
English ordered tliat we should be taken around to
the Mohawk by a circuitous way, so that M. Pouchot
could not get a sight of their fort. As the water was
high, the escort wished to return past the fort, and
leave us to go around to the river by ourselves. M.
Pouchot, who had anticipated their intention, at once
plunged into the water, dressed as he was, and was at
once followed by his officers and troops. The English
were ashamed to recall them after this had been done,
and swore heartily at the precaution of the command-
ant of the fort. We will not here forget the courtesy
of M. Fech, a Swiss captain of the Royal Americans,
who commanded this escort. He loaned to M. Pou-
chot about twent^'-'five Louis, to aid the French offi-
cers to subsist. This was a very substantial service,
as upon this occasion, all the officers found themselves
out of money, and would have been forced to live
upon the English rations, which were very scarce, and
consisted of only a pound of flour and a pound of j)oor
pork. The English officers were supplied by their
commissaries who served as suttlers, and we had the
same resource.

Having said only a word upon the affiiir of M. le
Chevalier de la Corne, we will here give the details.
We have noticed that M. de la Corne was at Fronte-
nac and at La Presentation. He had with him there,
to cover the entrance of the river, from four to five
hundred Canadians, and some colonial soldiers.

208 ATTACK OF LA CORNE AT OSWEGO.

Early in July, he repaired to Oswego with his whole
force, and the Indians of that mission, accompanied by
the Abbe Picqiiet, a Sulpician, and noted missionary
in that country, whose zeal incited him to accompany
his converts. They landed at the same place where
M. de Montcalm had disembarked at the siege. The
English, upon going to Niagara, had left at the place
where Fort Ontario was, about five or six hundred
men, who had not as yet time to intrench themselves,
and they had only made a kind of wall around their
camp with the barrels of pork and flour, of which
this army corps had provided a great supply.^ As
this detachment felt itself very secure, the greater
portion were scattered in the neighboring forests, cut-
ting wood for intrenchments.

M. de la Corne pressed forward a large body of his
forces as fiir as the place where Fort Ontario had
stood, to reconnoitre the enemy. They fired upon the
workmen, who, on coming to their camp, found it in
confusion. The guard, aud those who remained in
camp, resisted these scouts. Had M. de la Corne fol-
lowed his advance-guard, the English would have lost
every thing. But the Abbe Picquet, who heard the
beginning of the firing, thought it was his duty, be-
fore his troops should attack, to make a short exhorta-

' The detachment left at Oswego, was under the command of Col.
Haldimand. The English lost two killed and eleven Avounded.
The French buried their dead, and took off their wounded. They
took neither a prisoner nor a scalp. — Mante, p. 231. — Ed.

DEFEAT OF LA COHNE'S PARTY. 209

tion, and give them absolution. This led to the loss
of their opportunity, and the English ran to arms, and
, placed themselves behind the barrels. M. de la
Corne arrived after his detachment, who were scat-
, tered around the English, but did not ajDproach nearer
on account of their superiority. He wished to have
them renew the attack, but some Canadians who would
rather retreat than fight, cried out that the blow had
failed, and in spite of their officers, regained their
boats as soon as possible.

The Abbe Picquet, who tried to rally them, was
thrown down, when he caught hold of one and called
out, "Save at least your chaplain ! " We had but a
small loss, as the English did not pursue. We were
convinced after the action, that if all our forces
had followed the first detachment, we might have
taken these English troops very easily, because they
were surprised and much disconcerted at the first
moment. Had this body been defeated, Niagara
would have been saved, as their army could not have
received the troops and supplies that were sent for
them,

M. Douville, a colonial captain, who commanded at
Toronto, only waited to hear the cannonade at Ni-
agara when he felt sure the fort was taken, and cleared
out from his post, which having set on fire he left for
Montreal, so that they could not catch him. This fort
as wehave said, could be only defended against Indians,
and had a garrison of only twelve or fifteen men.

210 THE ENGLISH ARRIVE BEFORE QUEBEC.

Such was the issue of the campaign in the upper
country. Let us now review the operations at Quebec.

The English fleet of twent3'-eiglit ships of war, of
which some had three decks, with transports laden
with ten thousand land troops under Gen. Wolfe,
arrived at the Isle aux Coudres in the month of June. ^
The enemy then seized and occupied the Isle of
Orleans.' They found none of the difficulties which
our Canadian mariners had so much anticipated.
When this fleet entered the bay of Quebec, they
launched some five ships against it without success.^

MM. de Vaudreuil and de Montcalm, placed the
Canadians and troops to the number of five or six
thousand men, namely, the Queen's, Languedoc, Sarre,

^ The English fleet consisted of tweut j-two ships of war bearing
an aggregate of fifteen liundred guns, and an equal number of frigates
and small vessels. The land force consisted of the 15th, 28th, ooth,
43d, 47th, 48th, 58th and 78th regiments, the 2d and 3d battalions of
Royal Americans, three companies of Rangers, a detachment of the
Royal Artillery, and a brigade of engineers. It was divided into
three brigades commanded by Generals Monckton, Townshend and
Murray. The grenadiers were under Col. Carlton, and the Rangers
under Major Scott. The whole were commanded by ]\Iajor General
James Wo]fe. — 3Ian(e, p. 236. —Ed.

^ On the 29th and 30th of that mouth. — Xote in Origiiud.

* The English fleet was then under the orders of Admiral Saunders.
It was assailed hj a violent gale of wind after the taking of the Isle
of Orleans, and several of the large vessels lost their anchors and a
number of transport vessels were sunk. Profiting by this moment
we sent in the night some fire ships, but the hurrj' that is unavoida-
ble in operations of this kiml, led to the failure of a plan which had
been very well contrived. — Note in Original.

There were seven of these fire ships. The English seamen boldly
made fast to them and towed them aground where they burned with-
out the least injury to the squadron. — Mante, p. 241. — Ed.

FAILURE OF THE ENGLISH BELOW QUEBEC. 211

Royal-Roiissillon and Beam, and the colonial troops
which numbered about eighteen hundred men in two
battalions, from the river St. Charles to the Falls of
Montmorency, leaving a garrison in Quebec. They
threw up some redoubts along this latter river, and
intrenched themselves there. The greater part of the
enemy landed on the other side with mmch artillery.

By various manoeuvres, aud aided by their artillery
which was of much strength, and further aided by that
of their vessels which were brought near the shore,
they endeavored to dislodge us from the banks of the
river St. Charles, and to pass us.

On the 31st of July, they landed a large force at low
tide below the falls, to take a redoubt which covered
the passage and centre of the intrenchments. Through
the day they kept up a very active fire from two hun-
dred cannon upon our whole camp to favor this body
of troops, who glided upon the beach to take the
redoubt, where we had twopiecesof artillery in so bad
a condition that they could not be served. Our troops
kept so good a front throughout, that the English could
not find a chance to hold any place. They could
scarcely find a spot to land on the beach with their
two thousand men as the tide was rising.^

They abandoned this enterprise, and placed a body
of about three thousand men opposite Quebec, on

1 The English by their own admissions, lost on this clay, more than
five hundred men and many brave oflBcers. — Note in Original.
The tide rises about twenty feet at Quebec. — Ed.

212 SIEGE OF QUEBEC.

the other side of the river. We sent a detach-
ment of Canadians under the orders of M. Dumas,
a colonial captain, to endeavor to dislodge them, but
this aflair resulted much like that of M. de la Corne.^

The enemy mounted several cannon and mortars at
this place, which ruined and burned a part of Quebec
during the month of August. Our army passed their
nights in bivouac, and the enemy almost every day
made some movement to dislodge them, and to gain a
footing on their side. Since they had taken their last
position, we were obliged to guard the river above
Quebec, where we had built some redoubts at places
thought practicable for landing. They were only
defended by piquets of fifty men. These places did
not appear to be in much danger on account of the
position of the enemy. These piquets remained there
almost three months in a fixed position, Avhich was a
very bad plan, because the length of their vigilance
made them weary of the service.

MM. de Yaudrenil and de Montcalm having learned
of the capture of Niagara in the month of August,
detached M. de Levis, with five or six hundred men,
to repair to La Presentation, and there establish a post
sufiicient to cover that frontier. Upon the reports of
those parts, he decided with M. de la Pause, aide-major

1 This lodgment Avas made ou Point Levi. The detachment sent
against the Euglisli consisted of sixteen hundred men, but it fell into
disorder, fired upon one another, and made a precipitate retreat. —
Mante, p. 241. — Ed.

FORT COMMENCED ON ORACONENTON ISLE. 213

of Giiienne, that the little island of Oraquointoii/
above the Galot Islands, would be the most proper to
fortify to defend the river. It was la Pause, who de-
cided M. de Levis, and wished himself to lay out the
fort, or redoubt according to his own fancy, notwith-
standing the opinion of M. des Androins, an engineer
whom they had charged with its construction. The
latter was left to command there. M. de Levis re-
mained there till into September, and observed the
movements of the enemy in that quarter. He occupied
his people in this interval, in hastening the construc-
tion of the new fort, and when he deemed it somewhat
advanced, he returned down to Quebec with a part of
liis forces to join the army there.^

During this interval, this city struggled so to speak,
with its artillery which was very numerous, against
that of the English, who were constantly moving here

1 Otherwise called Oracouentou, or Isle Hoy a}. — Smith's Canada, i,
.359 ; Memoires sur le Canada, 197. This island is now tlie property of
David C. .Judson of Ogdensburgli. — Ed.

2" The Chevalier de Levis returned from the rapids, where he had
ordered the construction of a fort, on an island named Oraconenton,
a league beyond the rapids. He gave orders that they should finish a
barque the building of which had been interrupted to scud the Avork-
men to Quebec. The arrangement made for the defence was, that the
barque with the Jacobite boats should form the first line, the Oracon-
enton and other islands the second, and the Galops where the rapids
begin the third ; then to defend from rapid to rapid. The plan would
have been good if they had men and boats enough to hold the river,
which is cpfite wide at La Presentation, and to guard the^ different
passages of the rapids." — Memoires sui' le Canada, 1G8. — Ed.
28

214 THE ENGLISH PASS ABOVE QUEBEC.

and tliere with their frigates and armed shallops, seek-
ing to penetrate at some point. The}^ then tried to
pass some of their frigates between their camp and
the city. They ascended the river, favored by wind
and tide, notwithstanding the fire from the place.
Then they passed dnring the night, a large number of
bateaux loaded with troops, and several large vessels.
M. do Vauclein, wlio had two frigates which barred
the river, had a fight witli three large vessels, which
lasted seven hours, when he w'as defeated and his ves-
sels were lost.^ The enemy, being now masters of the
river, burned the magazines at Jacques Ouartier, where
the greater part of the eftects of our otficers and army
were deposited.

M. de Montcalm detached M. dc Bougainville with
all the gienadiers and volunteers of the army, and
about two hundred cavahy, collected in haste. This
corps, amounting to a thousand picked men, repaired
to Point an Tremble, five leagues above Quebec, to
prevent the enemy from landing in that quarter, by
whicl] we would have been cut ofi:' from all communi-
cation with the rest of Canada. The regiment of
Guicmie was posted a quarter of a league above Que-
bec along the river, to be ready to support the redoubts
we have mentioned.

The enemy having passed more than four thousand

' Flat bottomed vessels should have l)cen built in Canada and not
ill France. They would have hindered the English tleet from ascend-
ing the river. —Note in Original.

THE ENGLISH EFFECT A LANDING. 215

men in bateaux above Quebec, sought, between roint
au Tremble and Quebec, for some place to land, but
always saw detachments of cavalry to oppose them.
On the 13th of September, at daybreak, these troops
were returning down the river in despair at not finding
the means for putting their plans into effect, when, as
they passed near the redoubt guarded by M. de Vercors,
they saw a very steep place ' which they thought had
no' guard. One or two bateaux then landed and
debarked their troops, who climbed up this bank.^
They met a Canadian sentinel, who fired his gun, but
unfortunately did not fall back upon his post. The
English arrived in file at the top of the bank. This
post was so confident of its own security, that the
greater part of its soldiers were off cutting hay or
corn. Captain Vercors was still in bed, when he
received a musket shot through his ankle. All his
men were scattered, and the regiment of Guienne was
not even notified of this event, until a considerable time
after, by some of the fugitives. The enemy, as we
may well believe, hastened to form themselves at this
place, and even brought up four pieces of cannon.
The Guienne soon posted itself to observe their move-
ments, after sending word to M. de Montcalm. It was
then about nine o'clock. Leaving the camp promptly

1 This war furnished many examples of this kind. Almost all the
attacks of the English were made at points where the situation
appeared to present a bar to any attempt. — Note in Original.

2 Colonel Howe at the head of the light infantry and Scotch High-
landers, climbed the clifl' with much ardor and courage. — lb.

21G IJATTLE ON THE PLAINS OF ABRAHAM.

Avitli the army under arms, M. de Montcalm took with
liim the regiments and the colonial troops, witli about
three or four hundred Canadians, leaving the rest to
observe the enemy lower down the river. M. de A^au-
dreuil wisiied that they should remain at Quebec, and
that the various detachments should be recalled. This
advice was doubtless the wisest, but M. de Montcalm
judged it more expedient to go and attack the enemy
who were making their landing. They had already
effected this, and had then drawn up in position. The
general sent orders to M. de Bougainville to rejoin
him and he marched with about tifteen hundred men,
amono- whom were manv Canadians scattered through
the reo'iments to make them more numerous. These
people were tit only for a petty warfare, and besides
this were but poorly armed, having no bayonets and
some only common fowling pieces, and produced a bad
effect in action.

Some lieutenant-colonels represented to M. de Mont-
calm that he ought at least to await the arrival of the
elite corps of Bougainville, as the enemy had already
landed. He took it in ill grace that they should make
these suggestions, and marched in very light order
against the enemy, still in line of battle and across a
thick wheat field, Avhile his troops were out of breath
from rapid mtu-ching. The otficers foreboded no good
from this hasty manoeuvre. The army meanwhile was
joined by the Guienne, and formed. The detached
Canadians threw themselves into the bushes, upon the

THE FRENCH DEFEATED BEFORE QUEREC. 217

flanks of the enemy's army, and in a sliort time tlieir
fire killed quite a number. Their general Wolfe was
mortally wounded.

Our army which advanced upon the enemy without
having rested on its rapid march, took position behind
the large walls which formed the enclosure of the fields,
with two pieces of cannon on their flanks. They were
received by two volleys of grape, and by musketry, to
which they replied once or twice as they marched, but
the enemy's fire which had increased, soon arrested
the advance and confused the Canadians who were
little accustomed to find themselves out of cover.
They quitted their ranks and fled. The soldiers in the
rear also disbanded. M. de Montcalm who was on
horseback, dashed ofl'to stop and rally them, when he
received a gunshot wound in his loins. Many oflicers
fell upon the field, and others were captured, but mostly
wounded. The English pursued briskly as far as to
Quebec.^

M. de Bougainville, who had marched at once, nt-

1 On the plains of Abraham is a monumciil to commemorate the
events of this clay. It is a Doric shaft, forty feet hiii'h, surmounted by
a Roman helmet and sword, of bronze, and upon the pedestal is en-
graved the time and circumstances of its erection, with the inscrip-
tion: Here DIED Wolfe Victorious, 1759. It is the second shaft
that has been erected at this place.

In a garden on Durham Terrace in Quebec, the Earl Dalhou?ie,
"•overnor of Canada in 1827, procured the erection of a mommicnt to
the memory of Wolfe and Montcalm. A Latin inscription recites
the date and origin of the monument, beginning with the classic and
sublime expression : " Military prowess gave them a common death :
History a common fame : Posterity a common monument." — Ed.

2L8 DEATH OF MONTCALxM.

tacked some guards of the eneni}' in the houses to the
rear, but upon hearing of the loss of the brittle, lie
awaited orders as to what lie should do. M, de Vau-
dreuil thought there was no better expedient than to
collect his army and ascend the river St. Charles a short
distance, and endeavor to gain Point an Tremble. The
whole camp was at once abandoned, as he wished to
divert none from this movement. The officers and
soldiers thus lost their effects and provisions, which
they might have carried wath them.

"We left in Quebec six hundred men of piquets for
a garrison, under the orders of M. de liamsay, major
of the place. M. de Montcalm died the next day of
his wounds, a real hero, — that is to say, a Christian
hero, after having written to General Townshend, who
had succeeded to the command of the English, recom-
mending the French prisoners to his clemency. The
intrepidity, of which M. de Montcalm had evinced so
many proofs, did not abandon him in his hist moments.
The love of glory did not with him eclipse his devotion
to the interests of his country. The purity of his
motives, and his disinterestedness always equalled his
valor, which he regarded too much in this last action.
His loss was keenly felt by his troops, and tlie officers
gave public evidence of their love and regret.^

lit was according to their request, and at the solicitation of M. de
Bougainville, that the Academy of Inscriptions and Belles-lettres, in
1761, prepared his epitaph. Some of these officers furnished the subject
of a print designed by young Watteau, and engraved by Mr. [Thomas]
Chambers, an Englishman, in honor of M. de Montcalm. The gen-

DEATH OF GENERAL WOLFE. 210

General Wolfe also died upon the field. ^ lie pos-
sessed the greatest ardor, and had asked the admiral
to make this attempt as his last, hecause the English
fleet wished to return, fearing to be caught with the
foul weatlier that usually begins at that season. The
general said as he was dying: '^ I die contented, since I
can see the French Jiec.''

The whole French army quietly assembled at Point
au Tremble, where M. de Levis arrived at the same
time. He saw himself still at the head of about five
thousand men, who had good courage, and no one was
blamed for this sad event. He resolved to march

eral is represented upon a camp bed, near bis tent, supported by M.
de Montreuil, field marsbal, bis friend, and tbe depositary of bis last
wisbes, and by M. de Bougainville, bis pupil and former aid-de-eamp
and wbo botb look upon bim witb tenderness. It is at tbe moment
wben be feels bimself ready to expire, and be asks bis officers and
friends to bury bim in a pit tbat bad been made by a bursting bomb
near bis side. Some Indians are busy tbrowing out of tbis bole tbe
fragments of tbe bomb. A group of officers and soldiers assembled
around bis bed, give tbe most decided expression to tbeir grief In
tbe second group, we recognize as officers. Generals Sonozergue and
Fontbonne, wbo commanded tbe two wings of bis army, and were
killed in tbe action. Tbey are being carried by tbe soldiers to tbe
tent of tbe general's beadquarters, wbere we already see many wounded
officers. In tbe distance, are seen a group of combatants and of tbe
dead and dying, among wbom we recognize young Wolfe, wbom
tbey would fain recall to life, and still beyond, tbe unbappy city of
Quebec, wasting under tbe flames tbat are belcbed fortb upon it by
tbe enemy's ficaX. — Kote in Origiitul.

A furtber account of tbe inscription to tbe memory of Montcalm is
given in tbe appendix. — Ed.

1 Official reports give tbe loss of tbe Englisb on tbe IBtb of Septem-
ber, as 664 of all ranks, killed, wounded and missing. — A'«<?j;'s Jour-
nal, ii, 81. — Ed.

220 CAPITULATION OF QUEBEC.

immediately to attack the English, and sent on M. de
la Roche a cavalry captain, and his troops, carrying
with them sacks of hiscuit, to enter Qnehec. He was
charged to notify M. de Ramsey of the arrival of M.
de Levis, Avho urged him to hold fast. His commander
replied that he was too late, and that he had already
capitulated, that his word was pledged, and that he
was out of provisions. M. de la Roche informed him
that he must return and await orders from M. de Levis.

The English after winning the battle, were so sur-
prised at this lucky event, that they were undecided
as to the course they should take, — whether to retire,
or lay siege to Quebec, which to them appeared a task
very long in view of the season. They were very
agreeably surprised to see that we proposed to capitu-
late the place. The commandant of Quebec could
not refuse the solicitations of the inhabitants, who
sought rather to save their goods than their country.
Tlie English therefore granted everything that they
asked.

M. de la Roche soon retarned to report to AI. de
Levis upon his mission, and found him already near.
The general hastened his march to forestall or fight
the English, but on arriving before the city was sur-
prised to see it already guarded hy the English army.
He was obliged to return to Point au Tremble with
all his forces, overwhelmed at this unexpected event. ^

iTlie capitulation was signed ou tlie IStli of Sci)tcmber. — Ed.

THE COURSE THAT SHOULD HAVE BEEN TAKEN. 221

We will here observe, that if M. de Montcalm had
chosen to come, and post himself with his troops, in
front of Quebec, under a part of the citadel, he might
have put upon the ramparts a great number of guns
to protect them, having at least two hundred pieces.
Then, with the detachment of M. de Bougainville
joined, the enemy would have neither been able to
dislodge him nor to besiege the place. They would
not have been able, in view of the season, to remain
much longer in their position, and should they at-
tempt to reembark, they would have run the risk of
receiving a heavy check. It was the same with M,
de Ramsey. His place, although bad, was proof
against an assault, and the enemy would have re-
quired at least three or four days to throw up bat-
teries. M. de Levis would meanwhile have attacked
them, or by taking position near by, \Yould have
stopped all their operations. They would even have
found it difficult to get away. Quebec being still
held, it is not probable that England would have
made new attempts, from which they could scarcely
hope for a happy result. The capture of this cit}^
occupied them still, including the etibrts they made
in 1760. They left a very large garrison at Quebec
under the orders of General Murray.^

The French formed their principal head quarters
for the winter at Point au Tremble" and Jacques

1 This garrison numbered 8,209 men. — Ed.
• Under M. de Repentigny. — Ed.

29

tlZZ RETURN or FRENCH PRISONERS TO CANADA.

Qiiartior/ wliicli posts tliey fortilicd. The regiments
and troops of the colony were distribntcd in the vil-
higes and at Montreal, where the generals and the
intendant remained. They then undertook an ex-
change of prisoners, and in November, the officers of
the Niagara garrison returned, with those of the de-
tachment of Trepezac, to the number of fifteen, witli
two hundred and fifty militia, fifty French soldiers,
and as many more of the colony. They excepted
Bonnafoux, an artillery officer, from this exchange,
under the pretext that he did not belong to this
corps.

Near Saratoga,- they met General Amherst, with
his army, who had gone into winter quarters. He
sent his aid-de-camp, Abercromby, to M. Pouchot, to
send by him some letters to Canada. The officers
who commanded at the English forts, they were
obliged to pass, received them witli the greatest pos-
sible politeness, and could have added nothing to the
attentions they bestowed.

At the Falls of Carillon, the French officers were
obliged to remain seven or eight days on account of
the trickery of the commandant of the fort. ]\Iajor
Rogers ai-rived in this interval. He had lieen with a
party of about four hundred men to oar mission at St.

1 Under M. Dumas, Major General of the Marine. — Ed.

^From this post the army, was hereafter to leave to tinisli the con-
quest of all the Canatlas, and here the British empire in America/has
in our day received a disastrous blow. Such are the results of
chance ! — JSote in Original.

DIFFICULTIES OF THE JOURNEY. 223

rran9ois upon Lake St. Peters. lie there found tliis
Abenakis village deprived of its warriors, and killed
thirty women and old meu, and took away some
young persons as prisoners. As he was short of pro-
visions, he separated his troops into several bands, to
return to Fort George. All perished of want and
famine in the woods except that of Rogers, who for-
tunately had a Moraigan Loup for a guide. There
returned only twenty-one men, all gaunt and haggard.
The ice having formed during the march of the
detachment, they found themselves caught in the
middle of lake Champlain, and it required the" utmost
care of all hands to reach the shore with the boats
which were thin, and cut hy the blades of ice. In
the evening, the French soldiers were obliged to con-
vert their bateaux into sledges, and travel with much
risk upon the newly formed ice, and had to surround
themselves with poles from four or eight feet long.
They arrived after much difficulty, on iTew Year's eve
at Montreal. They were well received, on account of
the roinforceLneuts they brought, and M. Pouchot
was warmly greeted by MM. de Vaudreuil and de

Levis.

During the winter, many parties of French, Cana-
dians and Indians were sent out, to molest the garri-
sons of St. Frederic and Quebec. They also labored
diligently upon preparations to retake that city at the
lii'st onset, and this being known to the English,
kept them in a state of continual apprehension, which

224 HIGH PRICES OF PROVISIONS.

tired out the garrison aiul occasioned the loss of fif-
teen hundred men.^

Meanwhile Canada was in a most deplorable condi-
tion from the want of provisions and merchandize of
every sort. Wine was valued during the winter, at
2,400 livres the cask of 240 bottles, brandy 1,500 livres
the quarter cask, salt at 800 to 400 livres the minot,
corn 30 to 48 livres the bushel of 45 pounds ; mutton
3 livres the pound ; horse, 1 liv. 4 sol ; an ox 400 to
500 livres ; a calf 50 to 60 livres ; a turkey 50 livres ;
a pair of shoes 30 Uvrcs, &c. Every thing had an ar-
l)itrary price, and a cord of wood, wbich commonly
sold for six livres, now sold at from 80 to 100 livres.
The intendant made money as much as he could, to
assist these prices, but never thought of taxing any
body for any thing, because he found his advantage,
and that of his associates in all these advances. They
had care to take up all the provisions and merchan-

' The garrisou suffered much from scurvy during the winter. The
troops were obliged to cut wood at a distance from the fort, and
draw it in by hand. • The cold was protracted and intense, and this
hardship proved almost unsupportable. — Mante, 273, 332.

Notwithstanding the English occupation of Quebec, eight or ten
vessels from jMontreal laden with peltries, attempted to run by on
the night of Nov. 14, and all but one succeeded in passing. Lemer-
cier, commandant of artillery, reached France in safety, and pre-
sented the most urgent claims for material aid to Canada. Instead of
an efficient reinforcement, the ministers addressed a patriotic letter,
which did not come to hand until the following .June, in which those
in charge of the defence of Canada were recommended " to dispute
the country foot by foot, and to maintain to the end the honor of the
French arms, to Avhat extremity soever they miglit come to be re-
duced." — Garneau, iii, 283.

PREVALENCE OF GAMBLING IN CANADA. 225

dize, which they re sold to the king and to individ-
uals. The inhabitants who had been under arms all
through the campaign, were at least half out of their
pay. They took from them their corn and their
cattle to feed the troops. For these articles, they
were, it is true, paid a large price, on paper, which
was plenty, but nevertheless did not buy articles of
necessity. The discredit it thus started, increased
every fortnight.^ This state of afiiurs increased more
and more until the surrender of the Canadas. A
cask of wine in the summer, arose to ten thousand
livres, and every thing else in proportion.

It may perhaps be asked how troops could get
along, as they got none of their pay ? Gaming sup-
plied it. The most one could imagine in France, is
nothing in comparison with what they played here.^
The intendant and the ladies of the company, as well

1 General Murray profited by this cruel coudition of atfairs, aud sold
provisions to the French, thereby gaining a great deal of money in a
short time. If the English beheved that relief so interested, deserved
a monument in Fox Hall, they are deceived, or their vanity has
■wished them to he— Note in Original.

2 In relation to this practice, M. de Montcalm in writing to the
Count d'Argenson, April 24th, 1757, says :

" I liave found that our officers were inclined to games of hazard.
I proposed to M. de Vaudreuil to prohibit them ; I even placed an
officer under arrest. There was no play either at Quebec or Montreal
until M. de Vaudreuil's arrival at Quebec. M. Bigot loves to gam-
ble. M. de Vaudreuil thought proper to permit a bank at M. Bigot's.
I said what I considered my duty, but did not wish to forbid our
officers playing at it; t'was displeasing to M. de Vaudreuil and M.
Bigot; the good of the service requires the contrary."— iV. F, Col.
i7i's^.,x, 551.— Ed.

226 nOSPITALITY OF A FRENCH LADY.

as tlic Canatliaii officers, the most of whom had
gained largx'ly hy tlicir trade ventures, lost these
sums by which the Frcncli officers profited, and some
of them sent large amounts of money to France.
The one part}' sold their brandy and goods very
dearly ; the other by their second-hand dealings,
amassed quite little fortunes. The easy citizens,
found a pleasure in feeding their defenders, and they
lived very cordially together. Common misfortunes
made their union more effective.

M. Pouchot is able to cite an example, and would
have been glad to name his benefactress. This lady
finding herself alone Avitli him one day said ; — " Sir,
provisions are very dear, and it is very difficult to get
any at any rate. Let us live together, you putting in
what you have, I will do the same, and we will get
along much more easily." M. Pouchot who had ar-
rived in heart of winter, and Inid not been able to
provide himself with provisions, thought himself
lucky if he escaped by paying for them the trouble of
hunting them up. During the two months and a half
that he staid at Montreal, he often urged her to take
money, but she always replied that they would reckon
up at the end of winter. AVhen he departed, he
wished to pay her, her share which amounted to two
thousand livres, but he could not by the most urgent
entreaties, induce this generous woman to accept this
sum. Many other officers might relate a similar
case.

M. POUCirOT SENT TO FORT LEVIS, 227

17G0. At the beginning of March, MM. de Vau-
drenil and de Levis, determined to send M. Pouchot
upon the ice, to take command of Fort Levis, upon
tlie Isle of Orakointon, near La Presentation, and to
recall M. dcs Androins, an engineer, who had re-
mained there since September.^ This engineer was
needed for the siege of Quebec, towards which the
most active preparations were made as rapidly as pos-
sible. M. Pouchot realized all the difficulties of this
commission with which he was now charged, on ac-

^ A German soldier who was captured, or who deserted from the
French at Oswego, gave the following statement of the condition of
affairs on the St. Lawrence during the summer of 17.59:

" Hennery Young, a German, born near the Rhine, came to this
country 2 years ago in a mercht ship with 20 of ye same comp'y s
colony troops. He was inhsted by one of Fisher's officers for 3 years.
Arrived at Quebec, there he served 2 mouths. From thence he was
sent to Mt Real Avhere he did duty as a soldier 2 mouths. From
thence he was ordered to La Galette in comp'y wtli 4 Bateaux loaded
with flour & brandy. They lay 10 days wind bound at a bay where
there stands a wind mill on the north side. They were a month by
the way to La Galette. Some of ye Cargoe was left at La Galette the
rest went to Cadaraqui. He has been a soldi' in ye fort of S^Vegatchy
from that time untill last Spring. The garrison consisted of 40 men
who were general!}' employed in cutting timber for 2 stone houses
wcb were built within yc fort, and were almost finished when he
left it. The one was for ye Commit the other for the Priests of whom
they have three. Before the snow was quite gone last spring he was
sent to work on the island called Isle Gallot and 25 of ye Garrison of
La Galette. The fort of La Galette is a square, wtt 4 good Block
houses, and Stockaded. Tlicy intended to have made some addtl
works round it early the last spring, but had not time. It is com-
manded by a rising ground Avch is not above 400 pases from ye fort.
No cannon nor mortar there. They had 1000 barrels of flower & Pork
at La Galette wch on hearing by ye Ind^s of an English army de-
signed that waj', was carried to Isle Galot, that ye English might not

228 GREAT WANT OF SUPPLIES.

eoniit of the scanty resources at liis command to do a
good work. But liis zeal for the good of the service,
led him to overlook all these difficulties. Tliey pro-
mised to send him, -when the summer opened, a corps
of 1,200 or 1,500 Canadians.

He was stripped of every thing. After having lost
a part of his equipage at Niagara, he had been
forced to abandon all the rest on his return fi'om ISTew
England, lie was therefore obliged to collect another
small equipment, and gather some provisions for this

find it. It laj' al)t 3 wt'cks on ye Island, "was tlien Shipped for Niagara
in 2 vessels, the third vessel not quite so laru'e (wtli-n-as designed for
Carrj'ing Stores Szc) was Avithin a little of being finished "v\'hen ye
carpenters were called to Quebec. The vessels "sv ere built at Pt Paris
[Baril] 3 leagues from La Gallette.

He never saw any of yf vessels come loAver down than the Point
where built, but heard ye French saj', they could come to ye beginning
of ye 0 islands, of which Isle Galot is the lower most. The water
begins to be rapid at ye first island, and grows more so downwards.
The 25 men of ye garrison of La Galete sent to Isle Galot last Spring,
were there a Month ; then joined by 200 men from Point Paris, began
to cut down the trees. The underwood they threw along ye banks of
ye Island. They then dug a trench of 9 feet deep, & the same broad,
and made a breastwork of logs filled with earth 12 feet broad, mounted
thereon 12 cannon, he thinks 12 p^rs and 2 small do, one of w^i the
informant says he carried. These guns are mounted so as to fire
upon the bateaux coming down, which must pass Avithin Musquet shot
of the intrenchment, the river not being very broad there. Bateaux
may pass any where between the Island and the ]Maine. He left
Isle Galot abt ye 24th of .lune last w^h Chevr La Corn, Avho was 18
days on the Island during wch time he emploj-ed all the men he
brought Avith him in strengthening ye Island, drawing stones from
near Swegatchy for Imilding oa'cus Powder Magazine and a dwelling
liouese. When La Corn marched for OsAvego, he left but 100 men on
Isle Galot, o at SAvegatchy, 12 at Point Paris, and a small guard at
Frontenack. He marched Avith 1,200 men here it 115 Ind* . In his

A BLANKET REFUSED BY THE COMMISSARY. 229

campaign, which cost him extremely, dear. As he
had still to travel on the ice, he asked of the in-
tendant a hlanket, but lie had the barbarity to re-
fuse him. The commissary presented him with a
keg of wine of twelve pots, a considerable affair as
things then stood. This was all that he received from
the king.

M. Pouchot left on the 17th of March, with the
Abbe Picquet, missionary at La Presentation, five men
and three sleds. But before noticing the success of

way he halted a day at Point Paris, wliere he gave the men some
necessary mounting tor the march, and sent to Isle Galot for 3 batcaux
of provisions.

At Point Paris there was a breastwork, but the cannon were carried
down to Isle Galot, and the few men left there had orders to level
it, as it was judged an improper place to make a stand on several
accts, besides, the river is so wide there, the boats may pass unmo-
lested [on] the other side of the river. He says he heard often, that
when the English were going down towards Canada, the vessels were
to "-o to Niagara. Further this Deponent knows not.

Tlie Informant says further, that he always heard and understood,
that in Case the English should Come by the way of La Galctte all the
other little posts on this side of it were to retreat and join tliem at La
Gallette. That Mr. La Corne, when coming here, ordered a quantity
of pitch ready to burn the vessel then on ye Stocks, in case of our
coming that way. They have also a guard of 13 men on Isle Chev-
reaux,°to give the alarm in case of our moving that way. The guard
were relieved every eight days from Frontenack. He also says that
Mr. Celerons Cook, who was here wth La Corne, told him that they
were to return to Quebec or Carillon after this affair of Oswego Avas over.

Oswego, 31s^ August, 1759.

[P. S.] He says that very few Swcgatchy Inds were wth Mr. La
Corne, and that few of them were seen at La Galette since last spring.
Sir Wm. Johnson'' s MSS.

The post at Isle Chevreaux [Buck Island, or Carlton Island] was
strou"-ly fortified by the English in the devolution. — Ed.
30

230 DESCENT UPON QUEBEC.

this journey, we will here relate that of the Quebec
expedition.

On the 23d of April, the ice began to go. Each
regiment, and the whole army received orders to
leave w^ith their supplies and artillery for the siege of
that place. Each troop carried its provisions in the
bateaux assigned them, and they were allowed a
quarter of pound of pork and a pound and a half of
bread per man for their subsistence.^ The bateaux
followed the ice, and arrived at a league above Quebec.
The enemy could not have expected such an arrival on
account of the state of the river. They were unfor-
tunately notified by three cannoniers who seeing their
bateaux caught and crushed between the ice, got upon
a large piece, and were carried down to Quebec, where
they were stopped. Upon this news, the enemy sent
out advance guards, with the design of making an
intrenched camp above the place. Their guards were
driven from the houses they occupied, and the army
passed the night within a quarter of a league of Quebec.
It rained and froze, and we ma}^ judge of the condition
of these troops in the fields covered with snow or in
the slop. On the morning of the 28th, the enemy
came to occupy the field they had intended for their
flanks covered by twelve cannon and howitzers, and
our troops found them in line of battle.

As our troops arrived, they formed from our left to

'This expedition cousisted of G,910 officers and meu. — Garneau,
iii, 240.

BATTLE OF SILLERY. 231

right ; first Guienne, then Beam, Berri, La Sarre,
Royal-Roussillon, the Colonials, Laiiguedoc, the Cana-
dians, the Queen's, the cavalry and a few Indians.
This was nearly the order in which they entered the
battle field. The English had caused Frazer's Scotch
regiment to occupy a house upon their right,^ who
found themselves opposite the Guienne and Beam,
and these began an engagement on our left. These
two battalions, with their grenadiers soon drove them
out, and it was retaken two or three times.

While the enemy was forming, the English fired
their artillery and howitzers with grape, which
killed quite a number of our people. M. de Bourla-
maque was wounded in his leg, and his horse was
killed.^ M. de Levis who saw that his right did not
promptly arrive, wished to fall back to a fence which
he saw in his rear, to await their arrival, and thus
charge together. The regiments of Guienne and
Bearn, upon being notified of this, and feeling them-
selves in a dangerous position if the enemy should
return and occupy this house, hesitated about execut-
ing this manoeuvre, while the enemy taking the move-
ment on our right as ordered by M. de Levis for a
retreat, advanced in front of their artillery to pursue
our troops. This left the Guienne and Beam upon a

1 Dumorit's mill, with the house, tannery and other buildings around
it. — Garnemi, iii, 250. — Ed.

^Bourlamaque commanded the left wing of the French army.
He was severely wounded by a cannon ball which killed his horse. —
Ed.

232 BATTLE OF SILLEUY.

liillock on their riu'ht Jiank, and the connnaiulants of
these two l)attalions Manneville and d' Al([nier, thonght
this a proper moment for them to eharge. It shoukl
be observed, that these two l)attalions had ak-eady
lost much in tlieir kohl attack n[>on the very brave
Scotch regiment in tlie liouse. They were aknost
entirely destroyed, as well as the grenadiers of onr two
battalions. The latter attacked the English, and all
our right nnirehed again u[»on them at the same time.
They were broken in an instant, and those who re-
mained behind soon came up and joined them. We
took their artillery and all their implements.

We pursued them nearly to Quebec, l)ut not vigor-
ously. Our troops were exhausted and in bad condi-
tion, being thinned down by their scanty nourishment.
We have seen that they had left their quarters on the
20th, and since then they had been constantly without
tents, and exposed to rain and snow. It is certain that
if they had attempted to run, very few of the English
would have got into Quebec, and the place would have
been ours, as there were left there only some sick and
lame.

The enemy's loss amounted to twelve hundred men
killed, wounded or captured. Our loss was one hun-
dred and thirty officers killed or wounded, and three
hundred and ninety soldiers. The Chevalier de Levis,
upon this occasion, conducted himself with great
intelligence and spirit. Seeing the forward movement
of the enemy, which made them lose a great advan-

BATTLE OF SILLERY. 233

tagc, he seized the moment to charge, which order
was executed by our troops with the greatest vigor.
There were quite a number of Indians in our army
but they woukl not " bite." They found this business
too hot, and they greatly admired the firmness of our
redments who were being pk^wed down by their
numerous artillery and were, notwithstanding this,
steadily advancing.^

On the next day, we opened trenches before Quebec
on the side of the citadel, but of this we will not give
the journal, because it is well enough known. After
intrenching eight or ten days, we battered tlie place
with our artillery, which was in small number, and the
pieces in such poor condition that they burst when a
littleheated. The cannon in the town, which was very
heavy and in fine condition, disabled and Idllcd many
of our men. The English were on the point of sur-
rendering. They had no other hope than from the

1 The Indians, who, with a few exceptions, had taken no part in this
action, kept themselves in the woods to the rear, but scattered oyer
the battle field while the French were pursuing the fugitives, and
knocked down many of the English wounded and took their scalps.
General Levis when informed of this, took vigorous measures to stop
these barbarians, and dispersed them as quickly as they came. The
rest of the English wounded, were collected and treated in the same
manner as the French.

The ground on which they had fought, presented a repulsive spec-
tacle. Three thousand men had been stricken down by the tiring in
a brief space of time, upon a very narrow spot. The snow and
water which covered the ground were reddened with blood, that the
frozen earth could not absorb, and these unfortunates were weltering
in these livid pools, and sunk half leg deep in many places." — Gar-
aeau, iii, 257.

23-1 THE FLEET ANXIOUSLY EXPECTED.

arrival of a fleet. It ^yas the same with the French
army. We said : "If our vessels of succor enter first,
Quebec is taken, and we shall be safe." Thus the two
parties were left in the most painful anxiety.^

On the l"2th we had knowledo-o of some Eno-Hsh
vessels in the nvcv. On the loth they sent up some
vessels, among which was one of seventy-four guns
and two frigates,' which attacked two of ours that
were covering our depots.^ They took them after a
long combat, which obliged us to raise the siege very

' " Thus all parties, besiegers and besieged, turned tljeir eyes doAvn
the river, from whence both hoped to sec their salvation come. The
powers upon land, in this distant country, were so evenly balanced,
that the one Avho should hold the sceptre of the seas, might by placing
it in his scale, incline the balance on his side, and the vast domains of
Xew France would become his glorious heritage. On the 9th of May
an English frigate entered the port. ' Such was the garrison's anxiety,'
says the writer we cite, ' that we remained some time in suspense, not
having eyes enough to look at it , but we were soon convinced that
she was British, although there were some among us, who having
their motives for appearing wise, sought to temper our joy by obsti-
nately insisting that she was French. But the vessel having saluted
the fort with twenty-one guns, and launched her small boat, all these
doubts vanished. It is impossible to describe the gayety that seized
upon the garrison. Officers and men mounted tiie ramparts, mocked
at the French, and for an hour raised continual hurras, and threw
their caps into the air. The city, the enemy's camp, the harbor, and
the country around, for miles in extent, reechoed our cries, and the
roar of our batteries.' " — J&io.r, ii, 310 ; Garncau, iii, 2G1.

The first vessel that arrived was the Leostoff frigate, Captain Deane.
The van guard ship-of-war and the Diana frigate arrived ]\Iav 15th,
and the naval action which followed, occurrecton the IGth. — Ed.

' This was the division of Commodore Swanton, which preceded
the squadron of Lord Colvill, that left Halifax on the '^id of April. —
Note in Original.

' This little French fleet was under the orders of M. Yauqueliu who
was wounded. — Ed.

THE FRENCH RETREAT UP THE RIVER. 235

precipitately.^ We sought to ruin tlie artillery, which
we could not remove for want of vehicles.^ Our army
fell back to Point au Tremble, and left its hospitals,
which were in the houses of the religious orders out-
side of Quebec.^ The English fleet brought five or
six thousand men, who landed, and with the marines
formed a force of eight or ten thousand men.

Our army could only dispute the ground at Point
au Tremble, and were obliged to fall back upon the
Island of Montreal. The English in August, sent up
their frigates and armed shallops, accompanied by
land forces, and dislodged us successively from our
posts, which we abandoned before allowing them to be
invested by troops. As the English came to a village,
they would make the inhabitants swear the oath of
allegiance. It is thought they would have come up

' On the night of May lG-17. — Ed.

2 This is sometimes known as the battle of Sillery. The movements
are related with great detail in Knox's Campaigns, ii, 293, 328. — Ed.

3 May 16. "Early this morning, the vanguard and frigates [Leostoff
and Diana] worked up with the tide of iiood, and attacked the French
squadron : At first M. Vauqeulin showed an appearance of engaging,
but soon made off. Our ships forced the Pomona ashore, and burned
her ; then pursued the others ; drove the Atlanta also ashore near
Point au Tremble and set her on tire; took and destroyed all the rest,
except la Marie, a small sloop of war, who, to avoid being taken,
threw her guns overboard, and escaped to St. Peter's Lake, above the
Three Rivers. After the commodore, eminent for his valor, great
abilities in naval affairs, faithful services, and long experience, had
performed this morning's notable business, he fell down to the chan-
nel off Sillery, laid his broadside to the right flank of the enemy's
trenches, and enfiladed them for several hours so warmly, that,
between his fire and that of the garrison, they were entirely driven

2;-)() DEATH OF M. LAXGIS,

faster, liad tlievnot awaited news from tlie other armies
whicli were to attack u[)Oii other frontiers.

That on tlie side of Lake Champhiin, liad not
attracted tlie iirst attention of tlie enemy. Ahout
three or four hundred of our men had wintered at the
Isle aux Xoix. where they lahored to put this place in
the hest condition for defence.^ From thence, during
the Avinter, they had sent out many parties, who
always returned with some prisoners. Langis liad
l)ecn very fortunate this spring. This officer, who was
the hest partisan of the colonial troops, and who had
served so Avell in the two last campaigns, was unfor-
tunately drowned in attempting to cross a river in a
canoe with two men. They were not actually taken
in at first, hut a cake of ice getting suddenly detached,
struck the canoe and drowned them.

from their works. 31. de Levis sent two tield pieces to play upon the
vanguard, but without any effect, for, by the shii)'s slieering in the
current, she brouglit some of her guns to bear upon those of the ene-
my, and obliged tliem to retire.

"Friday Afternoon, [10th.] We liave the pleasure to sec large
bodies of Canadians filing oflf towards Charlebourg and Beauport, and
others down the south country, that have found means to get across
the river; hence we Hatter ourselves that M. de Levis is going to raise
the siege. Sonic deserters, wiio are just arrived, confirm us in our
conjecture, by assuring us, that tlie militia are ordered to return lo
their respective parishes, and the regular and colony troops to inarch
back to .Jacques Cartier: they add, that our artillery has done
amazing execution to the enemy's camp; that the regiment de
Guienne hjst five hundred men in the late engagement, and near
three hundred since that day by our shot and shell — Knox' n Journal,
ii, ol8. — Ed.

'These works were entrusted to 31. de Lusignan. — Ed.

FRENCH RETIRE FROM ISLE AUX NOIX. 237

After the affair at Quebec, we sent M. de Bougain-
ville with a thousand men to the Isle aux Noix, where
he remained very quietly all summer. He sent out
but a few detachments, which went rather to recon-
noitre than to annoy. The force of the English at
St. Frederic, consisted of two regiments of militia,
forming three or four thousand men.^ In the month
of August, this corps left in bateaux and flat boats, to
enter the river St. John. We had placed a stockade
of piles across the channel, which was defended by the
Island. The English were obliged to raise their bat-
teries upon brands of wood in the grounds around the
island and above this stockade, because they were over-
flowed. At the end of two or three days of cannonade
on both sides, our garrison left the island, and by pass-
ing through the woods, and marching sometimes in
the water, arrived at La Prairie. They were doubtless
ordered by MM. de Vaudreuil and de Levis not to
allow themselves to be taken, but to come and rein-
force Montreal.

The English being masters of the Isle aux Noix,
advanced to St. John and Chambly. They had some
skirmishes in the woods between St. John and the
open fields of La Praire, and while the English were
passing these, the French crossed to the island of
Montreal.

It is now time to resume the operations upon the

^This army was under Brig. Gen. Haviland. Its organization is
described in Knox's Jounuil, ii, 392. — Ed.

31

238 CONSTRUCTION OF FORT LEVIS.

fi-ontior of tlie Upper St. Lawrence, from wlience a
large English army was coming down under general
Amherst. As the events which transpired there, have
been related by no one, we will here enter upon them
in great detail.*

M. des Androis having gone from Fort Levis, it
was left with ^[. Ponchot and a Innidix'd and iifty co-
lonial soldiers or nulitia, six Canadian officers, jSL
Bertrand, an officer of artillery, MAL Celerons,
brothers, La 3>oularderie, de Blenry and de Poilly,
cadets of the colony. There were there the captains
of the two corvettes, la Force, and la Brofpierie and
their crews of 180 men.

The fort had only been made as a rampart ri vetted
with sancissons. The barracks, magazines and offi-
cers' quarters, and other structures for use in the fort,
were finished of wood, piece upon piece, and covered
witli planks. M. Pouchot to render this post suscept-
ible of defence, built upon the parapet which was
eighteen feet wide, another of nine feet, of timber
piece upon piece, and filled with earth, which he was
obliged to bring from ofi" the island. In this parapet
he made embrasures. Under this parapet they left a
berm four feet wide on the outside, furnished with a

1 It might have been more brief, but the pleasure of speaking of
events in which one took a jirincipal part, always governs the authors
of historical memoirs. A part of these details possess however the
advantage of making us better acquainted witli the sjnrit and char-
acter of the Indians, than :dl the relations of travelers.^ ^ote in
Ori'jindl.

CONSTRUCTION OF PORT LEVIS. 239

fraise. What was left of the first parapet on the in-
side would serve as a banquette. The rampart was
thus made eleven feet high on the outside and eleven
withiii. This addition was indispensable to cover
somewhat the interior of the fort, which was com-
manded by grounds of twenty-four feet elevation
from the islands of la Cuisse and la Magdeleine.

M. Pouchot also caused to be made a gallery of
pieces of oak, fourteen inches square and ten feet
long. It extended along the rampart, and served
him as a terre-plein, and underneath as casemates.
The batteries were placed upon this gallery or plat-
form all around the island. He formed an epaulment,
four feet in thickness of earth, taken mostly from the
bed of the river, the island itself being only about two
feet above the water around the border. An abattis
of branches of trees was placed upon the outside of
this epaulment, and extended out as far as possible
into the water, to prevent boats from landing. At
the point of the island this epaulment w^as terminated
by a redoubt of timbers, laid piece upon piece and
pierced for five cannon. On both sides of the island,
there were left two places formed as quays, so that our
boats could there land.

All these works occupied the little garrison, which
was only increased by a hundred militia during the
whole campaign. As most of these militia had been
taken only to bring provisions, at least twenty de-
serted and returned down the river with the bateaux

240 CONSTRUCTION OF FORT LEVIS.

tlicy were using in the service of the island, bringing
articles from the shore, as there was found upon it
neither soil, stone nor timber. The ditches, which
were five toises wide, had to be only two feet deep to
be filled with water. We were obliged to form along
a part of the e})aulnient, ban(|uettcs from the oak
chips made in squaring the timbers.

The glacis was made of M. Pouchot's fire wood,
which he covered a little in front where it was ex-
posed, on the side towards the Isle de la Magdeleine.
They collected all the old iron that could be found in
tlie ruins of Fort Frontenac, and eight pieces of can-
non without their trunions, and for the latter nu^de
frames like mortar carriages, so that they could be
served.

Upon the arrival of M. Pouchot, all the Indians of
La Presentation with Ivouatagete, the famous Indian
who had seized the English guard l)y leaping through
a window, came to congratulate him. He had caused
himself to be instructed and baptized. Although he
had formerly served us well, M. Pouchot could not
now engage him to go on war parties, from religious
scruples which forbade him to kill. He understood
none of our distinctions.

On the 30tli of March, there arrived an Oneida
chief, named Tacoua Onenda, (Buried meat), a friend "
of the English. He asked to speak in council with
Sategarouacn, — M. Pouchot, and said :

" My father, I thank the Master of Life, for having

VISIT OF AN ONEIDA SACHEM. 241

i^iven me a fine clay to arrive here in health, so that I
might have the pleasure of seeing my father, and of
findina: him also in good health. I am not sent here
hy our chiefs. I have only come to see you. .

"I have always applied myself to labor for the
public good. I used to go often to Montreal to see
Onontio,^ and talk with him concerning good affairs.
When I returned to my cabin, I was all sweating and
tired, and they railed at me. Since then I have al-
ways remained quiet upon my mat, without going out
of my house. Some days ago I set out to come this
w^ay hunting, and our chiefs said to me; ' When you
o-o to the neighborhood of Onontio, carry a w-ord on
our behalf to the people of La Tresentation, and if
you do not meet them, go to see Onontio.^ You will
say to him, that our people have been to consult with
Johnson, how we might anticipate those who have
carried the words of twenty nations to know wdiat we
could best do for promoting the public good.' I have
been myself to hold this council, our chiefs being
absent having charged me with it. Johnson told me
that he thanked me for what we wished to do right
concerning the word of the nations, and advised us
not to go to the Saut,^ to our father's house. He
added, that those who had been to advise with, and

1 That is, the governor.— iVote in Original.

2 That is, to M. Pouchot. They confounded under this word, all
the commandants. — lb.

3 An Iroquois mission just above Montreal.— i&.

242 PROPOSED COUNCIL AT ONONDAGA.

report to him by message, liad spoken well, and as
well as the old chiefs who spoke of good aft'airs, but
he exhorted them to induce the people at the Saut,
and all the other nations who Avished to hold council,
to come to the village of the Onondagas, where was
the ancient tire place of the nations,^ from whence
they had taken brands to shine elsewhere. This was
the best way.

" He said also, that' the Outaouais of Detroit, had
sent them word, that they would come at an early day
to hold a council with the Senecas, and that if they
absented themselves by going down by the Saut, they
would find their cabins empty.

" If they held councils, in different places, they did not
know what would be the effect upon one anotlier.
The Five Nations were determined to follow the ad-
vice of Johnson, and sent to La Fonte des Glaces
some deputies to the Saut, to invite their brothers to
meet them at Onondaga, which they had decided
upon as being the best place to hold it."

We saw by this discourse, that Johnson was bent
on nothing so much as to turn off the j^'ive Nations
and our allies from following the sentiments of friend-
ship the}' had for us, and the wishes of M. de Vau-
dreuil.

M. Pouchot replied in these words : — "I thank the
Master of Life for havini'- led vou hither in u'ood

^He wished to designate the antiquit}- of the nation, and its superi-
ority to others. — Xote in Original.

*M. pouchot's advice to the oneidas. 243

health, and also that I am able to speak with you
quietly concerning good aftairs. I invite you ta open
your ears well, to hear what I am going to say. I
am surprised, if you come on the part of the chiefs,
that you have not at least brought strings, to make me
know that you come on their behalf.

" It is to you then that I address my words. The
nations that have sent this word^ to the Iroquois,
have no intentions of holding a council with them, or
with Johnson either, upon any thing. You know he
is the enemy of your father Onontio. In addressing
themselves to you, they thought you would still wish
to bo of the number of Ouontio's children. This
word would notify the Five JSTations, to let their Eng-
lish brother alone, as he was embroiling the land, and
they invited the Five ISTations to remain quiet, and
not get into difficulty with their father Onontio, nor
with them, as would surely happen, and if they did
not make terms with their father, they would kill
them as traitors, as well as their warriors, who had
raised their hand against him. This word came from
the nations of Dertroit, and the French commandants
in that country had taken a great deal of pains to
always retain these Indians, who wished to come and
strike you, but your father has still a tender heart for
his children, whose fear of the English has made

1 These words were sent by our Indians according to the intentions
of M. de Vaudreuil, who had decided them, in that course. — iSfote in
Original.

244 M. PorcnoT's advice to the oneidas.'

tlicni lose tlioir conran'c. TTc prevents tlieiii from
attuckini;!^ you. Vou may jiuli2;e by these words wliidi
were addressed to tlie Seiiecns, as to wlio were the
first to embroil tlie country, li'vou regard yourselves
still as the children of Onontio, you have no advice
to take from your brother Johnson, wlio is his enemy.
It is a bad road to take to Ijring })eace to the land.

"I know well enougli into what Sacannc,^ Jolmson
and your dear English brothers would throw you.
They will treat you, and your other Indian friends,
worse than their dogs and negroes. You will not
have leave to lie down in their forts. Thev will u-ive
you onl}- a little poor whiskey, and when you are
drunk, the English throw you out of doors. I know
tiiey would be glad to liang some, and cut otf the
heads of others. You cannot deny this truth, that all
tlie children of Onontio are free and tranquil in their
own country. They have only to make their neigh-
borhood the same.

" As for myself, wliom you liave named, " The-midst-
of-good-afiairs," althougli I have notice that you de-
ceived me, I have nevertheless notified you of what
will happen if you let go of our hand. This intelligence,
and all these belts which you have given me to assure
me of your alfection, would not prevent you from
striking me. Although you have killed me,- you see
that I have come here to make you resume your

'Muddy •water, or drowned prairie. — Xotc in Original.
= Captured at Niagara.— 7/j.

M. pouciiot's advice to the oneidas. 245

courage if I am able. Before two moons, yon will
repent for not liaving heard the words of a good friend
whom your father Onontio has always put forward to
speak to you upon good affairs. You say that you are
of those who depend only upon the Master of Life.
I am sorry you always take the bad way which
will lose you your liberty. If you wish to go and see
your brothers at the Saut, go there of your own accord
as free people, and your father Onontio will receive
you kindly. If you go there at the solicitation of
your English brother, to propose bad aitairs to our
Christian Indians, you will gain nothing, because their
resolution is fixed. You will see at Montreal, Indians
of all the nations in America, who are of the same
feeling. The French see well enough how you are
deceived, but they feign to be ignorant of it. You
will only become their dupes. In the end the English
and the French will come to terms, but all the nations,
friends of Onontio, who know all the injury you have
caused, will not let you remain any longer at rest, and
we shall leave all the roads open so that they can be
free to strike you.

" Say to the chiefs of the Five l^ations, that I shall
be very glad to see them here. I will give them a
medicine that will perhaps open their eyes."

This chief also informed M. Pouchot, that having
asked Johnson in the same council, to give him some
news, he replied, that he did not know any news at
present, and that the}" might all go out hunting until

240 INDIAN SCOUT SENT TO OSWEGO.

tlio Indian corn was as liigli as tlie hand,' when tliey
inii^'ht conic and sec liini, as then they wouhl have
sonic news iVoin tlie other side of the great hd<;e, and
lie wouhl tell tlieiii wliether to }ire})are to march or to
remain qnict. lie also gave tlieni notice to give up to
him all the English hlood,- they had among them, or
otherwise they would repent of it. Tn consequence of
this advice of Johnson, the Cayugas sent word to their
warriors, to conceal their luitchets till the middle of
summer, and sent word to the other villages to do
likewise.

]\r. do Vaudreuil having desired M. Pouchot to send
him all the news possihle concerning the eiiemj-, on
the first of April, he engaged a chief of La Presenta-
tion or Chouegatchi, named Charles, one of those who
went to France in 1752 with the Ahhe Picquet, to go
to Oswego to trade, as if coming in frcmi hunting, and
M. Pouchot sent by liim some peltries.

This Indian was very adroit, and spoke Frencli very
well. On the 19th, Charles returned. He reported
that on his arrival at Oswego, he landed at the old
fort, where they sent an interpreter to ask from
whence and for what he came. He replied, that he was
from Chouegatchi, that he had been hunting, and
wished to trade some peltries before returning to
his village. The commandant and some officers saw
him arrive, and said that he must not be allowed to

1 At the end of May. — Note in Oriqinal.

2 Prisoners. — Ih.

NEWS FROM OSWEGO. 247

come into the new fort, because that their interpreter
was sick, but that he and his comrades, mi^^it stay
quietly where they were, and trade with whom they
wished. The commandant told them that he very
much suspected that liaving come from near the
French, they were there to reconnoitre their forts.
They replied, that they had no other design but to
trade, and that according to the reception they met,
others were preparing to come, upon tlieir return from
the chase. If they had come to reconnoitre, they
would have passed to the other side of the river, and
would have examined all they wished to see, and after-
wards made some blow as in the last autumn.

They exchanged the news. The English appeared
to be apprehensive of molestation from our two vessels
at Fort Levis, and told Charles that they were going
to kindle a great fire at Oswego,^ and that when a
great army had assembled, they would propose to
descend to Montreal. They knew the French had a
little fort on an island, but they said they could pass it
like a beaver's hut, and they ridiculed the idea of our
trying to amuse ourselves by building it. Charles saw
also at Oswego some Cayuga chiefs, who told him
that though tlie whites designed to fight again tins
year, for themselves they intended to be quiet and
remain neutral. He did not observe at Oswego any
increase of troops, nor any building of vessels.

1 That is to say — hold a great council. — Note in Original.

248 INVITATION TO A COLNCIL AT OSWEtiATClIIE.

Oil the 27th, there arrived at the fort some Mis-
si.sakes, of wlioni M. Pouchot intended to make a party.
They informed him that Indians of other nations were
coming. Kouatagete was l)aptizL'd this day, Charles
representing M. de Vaudreuil as god-iathcr. lie then
came to the fort, accompanied l)y all the cliiefs and
women of the council who had assisted in the cere-
mony. M. Pouchot presented to the new Christian a
fine blanket. They held a great council, the object of
which was to send a large embassy to the Five Nations,
to make their uncles decide whether they wished to
continue to regard them as their relations or not, and
to announce to them that they had kindled a lire at
Chouegatchi, at the solicitation of the whole nation,
who had asked permission of the French generals, so
that they could be instructed in the Christian religion,
and have a fire on the way, where they could light
their pipes when they went to see their father the
French. They had been, they said, the lirst to come
and dwell in this place, and that since they liad gained
a knowledge of religion, they did not wisli to quit it,
and as a proof of this determination, they were going
to sow their fields as usual, and that if any one came
to disturb them, they would find some rne^i.

M. Pouchot approved of their resolution, and inti-
mated that while inviting them to return and live with
the Onondagas, they should observe that the English
had wished to entice them into a net that was already
thrown around the Five Nations, who had had great

A PARTY OF MISSISAKES SENT OUT. 249

reason to repent the bad treatment tliej had snffered
from the English.

It appeared from the report of many Indians and
women, who had prowled aronnd the fort at Oswego,
that they could not have there more than three or four
hundred English, and that their works were not being
increased. There was a rumor there, that the Indians
on the Ohio had destroyed the fort at Pittsburgh, hut
this proved false.

On the 28th, he sent two Indians to Oswego, and M.
Pouchot equipped a party of five Missisakes. Kouata-
gete wished to dissuade him from sending them out
from fear of an ambuscade, and because as their fort
was not finished, they might rather provoke the Eng-
lish to come and attack them. M. Pouchot made him
understand that these Indians left on their own account,
that they had nothing to do with his nation, and he
did not wish to stop any who showed their good will.

On the 30th, Kouatagete and three other chiefs came
to inform M. Pouchot, that there had been in their
cabins on the south side of the river, three enemy
Indians, Onondagas, two days before. Charles had
given notice of this party to the laborers, to be on their
guard against them, but they said they had seen nothing.
These Indians found everything so well guarded, that
they did not get an opportunity to strike. Koua-
tagete asked leave to go and speak with them, and
induced them to come and spend some days with an
aunt that lived in this mission. One of them, a son

250 ENGLISH VESSELS AT NIA(iAUA.

of Sononguicres, esteemed by the English, had come
the autumn before to take three laborers on the fort.
He reported that the C'lierakis had done the English
great damage in the direction of the Great Sabre/
and many other details that we Mill not repeat.

On the 4th, there came two Missisakes, who an-
nounced that the chiefs of their nation had a wish to
come and settle on this side of the lake. They
reported that the English had built a large vessel of
eighteen guns, last fall at Niagara, and that this spring
they w^ere going to build one still larger.

On the Tth of May, two St. Regis Indians arrived
from Oswego, where they had remained seven days.
The commandant had issued orders to hold all their
bateaux in readiness. Onoroagon, an Onondaga and
friend of the English had told them, that Charles had
undertaken to send them the news. Tiny announced
on their jiart, that the English army had begun to
assemble at Fort Stanwix, that the English vessel of
eiirhteen u'uns had arrived from Niai;-ara, that the other
was momentarily expected, and that Johnson was to
hold a ffreat council to assemble the Indians, but that

1 The Indians designated as belonging to Virginia or Carolina or
the C7icrolres, had begmi in 1759 to make incursions, and Governor
Littleton of the latter Provincehad not been al)le tosueceed in cheeking
them. Col. Montgomery nuirehed against them in 17(i(). After two
fruitless expeditions, and the loss of seven or eight liuiulrcd men, lie
was obhged to return. The Cherokees took advantage of this reh-t^at,
to seize Fort Loudon and some other posts, and to commil new rava-
ges. It was not till July ITOl, that Colonel Grant furced tlieui to sue
for peace. — Xote in Original.

SUSPECTED INDIANS AT LA PRESENTATION. 251

this time, they were resolved to let the English fight
alone.

On the 9th, all the chiefs of La Presentation came
to the fort to find M. Pouchot. They had there with
them, one named Saoten, a strong partisan of the Eng-
lish, of whom he boasted himself. He received them
at the house of the interpreter, and informed them
that he could not receive them at his own house
because they had with them there, some whom he did
not know, because they had painted their faces intwo
colors, and he did not know whether they were friends
or enemies. He added, that one of them had gone to
give the English an account of what was passing in
his fort, and had spoken ill of the French. They
inquired who this could be. He replied Saoten. The
latter at once said, that he had already heard that they
distrusted him, but that he did not wish to leave for
Oswego without being justified. He wished them to
name the one who had accused him. M. Pouchot said
it was some little birds.^ Then this Indian sought to
justify himself, and asked permission to return to
Oswego. He feared that he would be arrested.

Oratori, another chief whom they suspected, arrived
about this time from Oswego. He assured us, that
Onoroagon had come to find him and to say, that John-
son was ready to start to assemble the Five Nations,
and that they feared lest the Outaouais of Detroit

^ A term to express flying rumors. — JSfote in Original.

252 THE ENGLISH ASSEMBLING AT OSWEGO.

mi^'lit eoiiio and strike tlioni in tluMlireclion of Niagara,
which imlncHMl tliem to engage to remain on their mats.

On the 10th, M. roudiot, on bclialf of M.' do Van-
dreuil, assisted at the marriage of Kouatagete, and
made presents in tlie name of that generah

On the 14th, a Missisake wlio came from Oswego,
said tliat tliere was a hirgcr army tliere than had ever
been before. Onoroagon had eliarged liim to tell his
brothers at La Presentation, not to plant, because the
English would, destroy everything, and that those who
did not wish to die, should remove toToniata,^ an island
above Fort Levis. The intention of the English,
according to him, was not to stop long at Fort Levis.
They were making rafts to carry their artillery, and
intended to approach on both shores to batter tlie
fort, until their barges could land on every side to
take it. On the 16th, there arrived a party of five
ISIissisakes, with three soldiers of the Royal-Ameri-
cans, whom they liad taken while fishing near the
little rapid at Oswego, without its being noticed at
the fort. M. Pouchot sent the accounts given l)}- the
prisoners to tlie generals. They reported that there
were five thousand men at Osw^ego.

On the 18th, M. Pouchot held a grand council with
the chiefs and women of Chouegatchi, to induce them
to recall the families that had gone to establish them-
selves at Toniata. He said to them, "Your father

^ Grenadier IsluHd. — Eu.

INDIAN DELIBERATIONS AT FORT LEVIS. 253

Onontio, has sent me hither to guard you, and to do
a good work with yon, but I am pained to see among
the children of Onontio, some who do not love him.
I have detached some of your chosen people to
Oswego, to get the news. You have sent deputies to
the Five ISTations to know if they reject you ; hut I
see with pain, that they think only of going to
Oswego to get brandy, which occupies you so much,
that you do not think you are at war with the English.
I know of five who went to Toniata with an English
flag, planted doubtless for greater security. They are
continually drunk there, and when my party of Mis-
sisakes passed, they wished to persuade them to take
back their prisoners to Oswego, telling them they
would give them all the brandy they wanted."

They deliberated about sending to root out these
treacherous fellows, as well as those of the same class
at La Presentation, and to make them return after
planting time to the Isle Piquet,' where this mission
was established. They finallj'- decreed that those who
did not wish to come, should be allowed to do as they
wished, but that they should no longer be considere d
as belonging to their village.

An Iroquois named Sans-Souci, belonging to this
mission, who come from Oswego, did not wish to
attend this council. In the evening he came to find
M. Pouchot, who was looking around the fort. The

' Now known as the Galloo Island. — Ed.

33

2")4 RUMORED INTENTIONS OF THE ENtlLISII.

latter roi)roache(l liiin for liaviiig been to Oswego
without uotityiiiu- him. and I'oi' liaving there spoken
ill of the Freneh, in wishing them destroyed in these
parts. ]le denied every thing and added, that avc
could only reproach him for saying, that he was his
own master, lie said he had nothing in his heart
which he wished to hold, and that in speaking famil-
liarly with the commandant at Oswego, the latter had
said to him as follows : "Is it true that the com-
mandant of Xias^ara is at Orakointon ? He will then
die, as he did last year, and this time he will die
togetlier with all the Indians that are with him. In
six days the other vessel will arrive from Niagara, and
we shall then set out. Our army will consist of
twelve thousand men, and we will at once go and
establish ourselves at La Presentation. After having
surrounded it with our vessels and barges, we will
l)atter his fort, by turning all the shores and islands
near, and we will hold last. We will then go on
down to Montreal.'"

Sans-Souci also reported, that they had there more
than two hundred bateaux, which lay around the
great vessel. He asked M. Pouchot why he had not
yet put his cannon upon the ramparts. He replied,
that notlnng was wanting as he could see, and that
he would not put them in place until he was read}- to
tight the English, as he did not wish to inform them
hmv many he had, nor where he had placed them.
On the 10th, M. l*ouchot sent out a party of four-

AN INDIAN SPY AT FORT LEVIS. 255

teen Indians. Ilis Indian spies announced from the
Isle of Toniata, the return of their people who had
gone to establish themselves there, and that they had
given up their English flag. One of them from
Oswego said, that it was the governor of the Grand
Sabre,^ who was to command their army.

On the 27tli, La Broquerie, who was to command
the barque Outaouaise, arrived. On the 30th, Oratori
came from Toniata, and informed M. Pouchot, that
Sans-3ouci had gone back to Oswego, and that he
was paid by the English to come to the fort, to learn
what was going on. He informed also, that a party
of Iroquois would arrive in eight days by the South
river,^ not wishing to assemble their canoes, because
Sans-Souci would tell the English that they were
abroad. They expected to strike by Oneida lake.
The same day, an Indian arrived from Oswego say-
ing, that the commandant wished to engage the On-
ondagas to form a party for reprisal, but that they
had refused. If those at Chouegatchi should strike,
they would raise a band of the Bears, to strike at St.
Regis. Sans-Souci had informed the English that a
party of our Indians were out.

On the 13th, Kouatagete arrived at La Presenta-
tion, having in tow two bark canoes, which he had
taken from a party of eight Indians, and an English-

1 Gen. Amherst, governor of Virginia. — Note in Original.

2 Susquehannah river. — Ed.

250 THE INDIANS EXCHANGE NEWS.

man, who had to coine to strike near tlie fort. He
found himself alone with some women in his canoe,
having hmdcd ahove the rapids of the Chouegatchi
river. He met this party and entered into conversa-
tion with them, saying: "The Master of Life lias
sent me a good dream for yon and for me. Since I
have met you I am iVee to say, that you are all dead
men if you do not retire as soon as pc^ssible. You
thiidv you are quite a distance oft", but you are within
the French posts, and you are discovered, so I advise
you to get away as quick as you can."

The Indians replied to him; "We see ver>' well
that we have had a foolisli dream, and since we are
discovered, we will profit by your advice, l)ut lirst
tell us who you are, and give us some news, we will
imjiart to you all that we know."

The latter replied: "I am Kouatagete." They
asked him if they had many Outaouaise with them?
He replied that they had some, but that they had
mostly gone down to jNIontreal by the great river;
that their fort was finished, and that the commandant
only wanted the English to eome, to fight them.
They enquired if it was true that the French had
been unable to retake Quebec? He replied, ''yes."

They in their turn informed him that the English-
men who was with them, had fought three years in
the war on the great lake against Onontio,' that they
had taken twentj'-five ships, that Onontio had no

1 The kinLi: of Franco. — Xote in. Origlnnl.

INTELLIGENCE FROM INDIAN SOURCES. 257

more left except some that in going out they would
take ; that the French had heen in the country where
the king of England was, and had marched at once/
hut had returned. They always said to the king of
England, to take care of himself, and that they were
going to kill him, but that they had not yet marched.^
They were then waiting for their vessels to come up to
Quebec, and after that, the armj^ assembled at St.
Frederic, and that at Chouegen would march with-
out stopping at Fort Orakointon. They added that
the English only waited for their return, to bring
their arm}^ to Fort Stanwix, and tliat Bradstreet was
charged with bringing the cannon from Albany.
They also said that one of their parties had gone in
the direction of St. Regis, and that they had another
of Onondagas out who had met the fires of one of
ours.^ M. Pouchot thought this might be Thibaut ^ a
captain of Rangers, or eourcurs de hois, or an officer
of the marine who wished to reconnoitre the river
himself. They had left to guard their kettle, or
depot, two Indians and an Englishman. The chief of
the party called the lied-Squirrel, was a son of Hang-
ing-Belt. The others were Senecas, Mohawks, On-
ondagas and three Missisakes whom the English had
stopped and sent to Johnson.

1 The descent upon Ireland by Captain Tliurot. — Note in Original.
"^ This was a project for tlie invasion of England. — Ih.
»That of the thirty Abenalds.— i?*.
* Tiebout.— Ed.

258 SPEECH OF missisake chiefs.

On tlio 4tli, tour Missisakc cliiufs came to the fort,
and asked to hold a coiiiicil before the orator of La
Presentation. They presented four strings of wam-
pum. By the first, they said to AI. Pouchot as fol-
lows: "Since we have lost our father at Niagara,
wc have all become stupid. We don't know how to
undertake any thing, and we have no more courage.
We hear all kinds of stories without knowing upon
what to depend. In short, we who s})eak to you,
have come to our father who had pity on us ; we have
heard nothing since, and we' are not hindered by the
trees ^ that have been felled there across the path
which leads to our father's house, and we have come
to see what he thinks."

By the second : " Father, we need your pity. We
have no longer any ammunition, nor any thing to
cover us since we lost you. We hope you will have
pity on us. Our people will all die this winter.
Hunger has made us eat up some ten this winter (on
the side of lake Huron). We depend on you to take
pity on us."

By the third: "Father, we pray you to hear us.
We deserve your pity. We ask leave to come near
you, so that we can listen to your will, and that you
may tell us what we should do, and what we should
become. We wish to light our tire on this side."

By the fourth: "Father, we have spoken to the

' The difficulties tlrnt embarrassed the route. — Sotc in Original.

EEPLY OP THE ORATOR OF LA PRESENTATION, 259

Iroquois of Chougatchi. We are well pleased tlaat
you listened to what we said, and that you were able
•to unite us in feeling."

By a belt, the orator of La Presentation replied to
them : " Brother, we are worthy of pity. You see us
here reduced to a few people to make a village, but
if you will listen to us, it can become very large. Our
lot is wretched since we have lost our father. We
are like fools ; we do not know what to think. We
hear' all kinds of mischievous birds,^ who speak one
thing and another. We don't know what to trust
or to whom to listen. When we were with you, we
listened together to our father, and took him by the
hand. We knew what we ought to do, and we took
good councils."

By several strings they continued. " We ask you
to grant us a place where we can kindle our fire, and
where we can hunt and fish to support our families,
and listen'together to our father."

The Orator promised to present their requests in
full council, and to give his reply on the morrow.

They said to M. Pouchot, that they had come from
the little chief at the foot of the lake,^ who had sent
them to know his manner of thinking on their behalf,
and upon this he replied to them, that he was deter-
mined to come and see him. He said that last autumn

1 Public rumors. — Note in Original.

2 The Ena;lisli called him the kin<?. — Ih.

2G0 SPEEril ny .AIISSISAKK CHIEFS.

he hail hwn eliaru't'd \)\ rciiiiiiol.' to carry hclts to tlic
iip}K r nations, wliich had heen sent l)y M. dc Van-
drcuil, hut that thfv had made no rcjily, hccausc tlicy
were as fools and all scatti,M\'(h ami that they died in
c:veat nnndiers oi' the hrandy that had hecn sent hy
the Knuiisli. lie added that he had himscir ^\■ait^d
more than a month at the n}t[iei' part of the river
!Maehiaehie,- without any one apjiearing, and he
believed them all dead. As for the rest, he did not
conceal that there Avere many ^\■hose spirit the
Enirlish had spoiled, and who labored on bad affairs.
He confessed that he had been the fall before to
Xiagara, and that he had said to the commandant:
'-Brother: tor I am obli^'cd to call you so, we come
here to know what you think al)out us. You have
taken the land of our tathers, where we found every-
thing we needed. We Avisli to know how you intend
to treat ns. We have no more ammunition and noth-
ing to cover us."

The English commandant replied by throwing them
a string of wampum whieh they A\ei-e tempted not to
pick up : "You should look noA\here else. You Avill
find here all you need, but for the present we have
nothing for you. In the spring we Avill su}ii)lv you
with everything," and he then sent and gave them a
})ound of }»0A\'der and some balls, ^hhey retui'ned this
spring to Niagara to know the re>ult of his promises.

1 A VL'iy I'aillifiil chief. — J\W( i/i Oriijuiiil.

2Tiie place cliietly inliatiileil liy lliis nalidii. — 7/'.

HAUGHTY CONDUCT OF THE ENGLISH. 2G1

The commandant replied, that he had not yet received
the merchandize, but if they wanted some brandy he
had a fine lot. He ended by giving them the value of
a little kettle, which they consumed on the spot as they
had not enougli to get away with.

They informed us that the vessel which they were
building at Niagara was thirteen fathoms long, and
that the Sauteurs of Michiliraakinac had been at
Niagara to see how they would be treated, but that
they had returned very discontented, the commandant
having only allowed them to sell their merchandizes.
They also said that all the Indian nations around the
lakes had made a league together,^ and that the Mis-
sisakes alone had not as yet engaged in it, and that a
great Iroquois chief had come to bring the words to
the Little Chief, and to engage to come to council at
the homes of the Five Nations, to find the means of
making the land quiet. This chief had refused it,
saying to him that if they had any council to hold,
' they might come themselves and find them, and he
would hear them. Since then they had been much
cast down, and the Iroquois had resolved to come and
find him. They refused to inform the Little Chief
upon the object and result of this assembly. The
party of Iroquois sent out to Oneida Lake was met by
another of Onondagas. They agreed between them-
selves to return.

1 Under the chief Pondiac— -A^ofe in Original.

'2G2 SPEECH OF THE ORATOR OF LA PRESENTATION.

On tlie Gtlu the orator t-aine, attended by the chiefs
and women of the conncil, and said to M. Pouchot
that tliey had come to give an answer to the Missisakes
in his presence. They brought some strings," and a
line l)elt of iive tliousand beads.

By the first string he said: '" Brotliers, I thank tlie
Master of Life, wlio lias given us a tine day, to meet
you in good liealtli, and tliat Ave tind you enjoying the
same."

By the second string : " I open your ears so that you
can well understand what I am going to say to you."

By the third string : " This is to clear your stomachs
of that bad bile which gives a bhick humor, so that you
may listen quietly and with pleasure."

By the fourth : " I cover the dead bodies of all your
warriors, since we are on an occi^ion when all our
mats are together, so that you can, after leaving your
mourning, hear with cheerfulness and contentment."

By thebelt: " Brothers, we have listened well to your
word. We are pleased that you have not lent your ears
to the bad birds, and that you have remembered what
you were told of old, that you should have recourse
to your father. This is showing tlie same s^tirit as
our ancestors who have passed away, and who thought
of nothing but to labor upon good atfairs We have
great joy at seeing you of these sentiments, but we
pray you to speak from the heart, and not from the

1 These striiiij;s of Wiunpuiii are always the preamble of councils. ■
JS'otc in Ori'jiuiii.

REPLY OF THE MISSISAKES. 263

lips. In this case you may be able to come promptly.
We invite you to come very soon, and to make your
fire only with us, and here you will hear the words of
our father, as we who wish to die with him. We live
on the islands where you will find all you want to eat in
the waters and in the woods. As for the rest, our father
will furnish us the means of satisfying all your wants."

This was the substance of the orator's speech, which
was quite long. He was very famous among them.
He sent also some strings on behalf of the missionary,
to engage them to come and hear the words of the
Master of Life.

The Missisakes replied : " We thank you brothers.
We have never heard anything spoken like this, Ave do
not comprehend you. We thank you for having had
pity on us, and that you wish us to have but one dish and
one spoon with u^. I shall go full of joy at what we
have heard, and ± shall carry your words to our chief,
and if the Master of Life preserves me, will come to
you again in a little while."

The orator thanked him and said: " I am delighted
that you have used the expression of having the same
dish and spoon. It reminds me of the verj^ words of
our ancestors. Onontio had engaged by this expres-
sion the members of all the nations to regard themselves
as brothers and his children."

M. Pouchot also sent a belt to the Little Chief, to
assure him of his good intentions towards him, and
that he would receive him with pleasure. A father is

204 INDIAN COUNCIL AT LA niESLNTATION.

always pleased to sec liis family asscmbfcd, and to be able
to speak to them from his heart and to treat them well.

On the 0th, Sonnonguircs arrived from Oswego, and
infonaed that two regiments had arrived there. An
Oneida had reported that the Five Nations were intend-
ing to come at once to Oswego, and fi'om thence to scat-
ter themselves all along the river to La Presentation, to
cnt otf commnnication with Montreal. He pretended
that the French had assured him that they would
march in two months, to ravage the country of the
Five Nations; that since we were no longer allies, they
wished to come themselves, and that Onontio was no
longer what he formerly was when he used to speak
with them, and all the nations held him in fear. They
said that now, he had only a desire to strike them,
that formerly they had fought against them, although
he arose but once for that purpose, but now that their
turn had come. lie then said, that the English had
more than three thousand bateaux at Schenectady, and
that the}- were then aetually making the portage of
Oneida Lake with some large bateaux.

On the 12th, M. Pouchot held a council with the
Lidiansof La Presentation. He said to them reproach-
fully that he had witnessed with pain that the most of
them had let their hearts l)e spoiled liy the bad rum
which the English gave them; that their legs were
benumbed since they had amused themselves at
Oswego by talking only of bad news, instead of bring-
ing some living letters u})on which they could depend.

INDIAN DEPUTIES TO OSWEGO. 265

The Indians resolved among themselves, to send
Kouatagete, Oratori and four others to lay in wait at
Oswego, under the pretext of informing themselves
whether the Five Nations had rejected them, or if they
could better themselves by preferring the English to
the French. The real object was to know the part
they were going to take. Although they were attached
to the French, they wished nevertheless to inform their
ow^n people, in case the English should penetrate into
these parts. This brave Indian Kouatagete, since he
had become a Christian, thought of nothing but good
afiairs, and pretended that his religion was repugnant
to the profession of the warrior.

M. Pouchot felt that the English might either pre-
vent or arrest these Indians, did all he could to dis-
suade them from going to Oswego. He foresaw that
they would not be recognized by the whites, who
would take them for spies. He could not imagine that
they would be wanting on this point. M. Pouchot
had rather preferred to engage some war parties to
bring him prisoners. We will observe that before the
taking of Oswego Kouatagete was medal-chief;
strongly attached to the English, and employed by
them as a spy. When we were at Frontenac, the
commanders at that foi't used him when they wished
to buy from, or traffic with the English, such as calicos,
&c. This Indian was so oflended at this place being
lost, that he abandoned them, and gave himself entirely
up to the French.

2GG VESSELS SENT TO CRUISE BEFORE OSWEGO.

On the ITtli, renimo], a faithful Missisake chief,
arrived with several Iroquois and Ncpicings. He was
charged with a helt on hehalf of M. de Yandrenil, to
invite the nations to descend to Montreal to oppose
the English. All the Indians were undecided. Tliey
said that we and they were shut up hy the English as
if on an island, and that they did not know on what
side to strike to get away. This expressed our con-
dition very exactly. He promised to leave inmic-
diately to notify them, but said he was afraid he should
not succeed, because the Indians were all scattered so
as not to be taken. He added, that some Pouteotamis
who had come to trade at Niagara, had said to the
English : " We have come to see how you will treat
us, since you have driven out of here our father. We
ask some powder and balls to hunt, and to have some-
thing to sell to you, but we do not come to make alliance
with you, for we are always under the wings of our
father. We are at war with you, but necessity com-
pels us to ask for our wants."

On the 18th, M. Pouchot caused one hundred men
to embark upon the vessels with a month's provisions,
to go and cruise before Oswego. About this time
there appeared a prodigious quantity of that kind of
little millers that come in the nighttime to fly around
and burn themselves in a candle. They called them
Manne, and they fell like snow. They were very
annoying by getting into the food, and by night the
light attracted them so that we could scarcely write

INSECTS IN EXTRAORDINARY NUMBERS. 267

on account of tlie annoyance wliicli these insects
occasioned. They appeared for fifteen days, and of
different kinds, as grey, speckled, yellow and white.
To these succeeded a kind of white midge, very
troublesome from their numbers, but they did not
sting. The rains killed them, and the earth was cov-
ered so that they were two fingers-breadth deep on all
the ramparts, and three or four inches in the bateaux,
where their decay left a great infection. We were
obliged in the fort to shovel them away as we do snow.
These midges were nevertheless useful,^ as those that

1 Upon consulting Dr. As:i Fitcli, the cclebnited entomologist, with
reference to the above statements, we have received the following
reply :

Dr. Franklin B. Hough.

Dear Si)' : — The extract from Pouchot's Memoirs, which you have
kindly sent me.is quite interesting. And in answer to your query, —
What could these insects have been? — I would observe, that it can-
not be supposed such prodigious numbers of insects could liave
grown upon this island. They undoubtedly came from the waters
surrounding it. And the facts mentioned render it quite certain, I
tliink, that the " little millers " first spoken of, were some species of
the Fhryganea group, commonly called caddis-flies and water-moths.
Various kinds of these in their larvae state occur everywhere in our
rivers and lakes, as well as in our smallest streams and pools, inhabit-
ing rough cylindrical tubes which they form around themselves
from any fragments of decaj'ed wood, grass and other substances
which they meet with l^'ing loose on the bottom. Most persons have
noticed these larva? crawling in the margin of the water, with their
heads protruded from the end of the tube, and laboriously drawing
this along as they advance. It is probable that in June, 1760, a cool
spell of weather occurred to retard multitudes of these insects from
completing their transformations, and this being followed by hot,
sultry weather, caused them to suddenly issue from the water in such
immense numl)crs as M. Pouchot witnessed.

The other insects, spoken of as l)eiug white midges which did not

268 SOIL l'OVEKEI> WITH TOADS ANT) MTFHROOMF!.

JV'll intii tlu' river u'avo nourislmu'iit or Iciit to the fish,
wliicli gi\'\v to a large sizotliis season, aiultlie Tiidians
eauglit tlieiii in great quantities, cspeeially eels in tlic
vicinity of Toniata.

All the soil on that island, whieh is vcrv shallo\v,
was covered this season with thousands ol' little toads.
In the environs we found plenty of niushrooms live or
six inches apart and nearly three inches tliick at tlie
hasc, of a most luscious taste. M. dc Vaudreuil sent
up at that time, torty Abenakes from down tlie river,
to whom M. Pouchot gave the Isle des Galots to plant.

stinji', ■were evidently one or more species of tlie extensive irenus
Cltiroiiomiis, the larva' ofwliich likewise live in tiie water, and ■\vliich
in their perfect state are excessively numerous in damp, shaded
situations alonii- tlie mariiins of streams, where tiiey frecpiently asso-
ciate together to engage in tvrial dances, in swarms made up of such
immense numbers that at a short distance off they appear like clouds
of smoke. These midges are such tiny creatures, and so very soft
and delicate that they might appn)i)riately l)e termed flakes of ento-
mological nihil alljiiin, or the fishes' blanc-maiuje ( food for fish, being
the only purpose for which they appear to have been created).
Hence, although their numbers are so immense, I have never met
with an instance in which their perishing remains were strewed upon
the ground so profuselj' as to impart tlieir color to the surface ; and
the statement that they occurred on this island in such (piantities as
to cover the surface, in some jjlaces to a deiUh of two to four inches,
and requiring to be shovelled aside like newly fallen snow, appears
almost incredible, none of our accounts of these insects recording any
approach to a similar phenomenon.

In each of these groups of insects which I have mentioned, the
species are so numerous, and many of them so closely similar to each
other, that it is only by observations made at the locality referred to,
and al llic same period of the year, that llic particular siiecies to
which M. Pouclidt alludes can be ascertained.

Kespect hilly yours,

Asa Fitch.

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