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Sir Henry de Vic to Sir Richard Browne, 26th January . 6 

Foreign news. The Qaeen thinks of going to Ireland. 

Sir Thomas Fairfax to Colonel Hammond, 5th February . 7 

Precautions for the safe keeping of the King. 

Colonel Hammond to Lord Fairfax, 23rd June . . .8 

Requiring increased military force for the Isle of Wight. 

Colonel Overton to Mr. William Clarke, 11th February . 10 

Approval of the Parliament's treatment of the King. Lord Mayor^s 
dinner to Lord Fairfax. Scotch mists and Essex agues. 

Sir Henry de Vic to Sir Richard Browne, 2nd March . . 13 

Business at a stand-still in the Low Countries. Installation of 
Knights of the Golden Fleece. 

Sir Henry de Vic to Sir Richard Browne, 9th March . . 14 

Ceremonial of the Installation. 

Sir Richard Browne to Sir Edward Nicholas, 9th May • . 19 

State of affairs on the Continent. A glimpse of the councils at St. 

Colonel Horton to the Lord General, 12th May ... 22 

Account of the defeat of the Royalists at St. Fagan's, near Cardiff. 

Petition of Colonel Rich's regiment, — May ... 25 

E3q>lanation of their position and demands. 




G. Mabbott to Lord Fairfax, 17th May .... 28 

Proceedings in Parliament on the Kent disturbances, the militia 
ordinance^ the city riots, and the delinquents. 

Endymion Porter to Sir Richard Browne, 30th May . . 30 
Dull news from England. Why should the English hearken afler 
what other nations do ? 

Lord Fairfax to the Earl of Manchester, 4th June 

Account of an engagement with the Royalists at Maidstone. 

Colonel Whalley to Lord Fairfax, 10th June 

Movements in Essex. 

Proclamation to Colonel Bamardiston, 21st June . 

Proposals for the surrender of Colchester. 

Paper shot into Colchester, 22nd July . . . . . 

Containing terms for the surrender of the town, suppressed by the 
Royalist generals. 

Sir Charles Lucas to Lord Fairfax, 19th June 

Asserting his right to take up arms for the King. 

Account of the battle of Preston, 26th August 
[Written by Sir Marmaduke Langdale.] 

Sir Richard Browne to 

', 29th August 

The Battle of Lens. The barricades of the Fronde. 

•, 5th September 

Sir Richard Browne to 

Paris restored to tranquillity. 

M. de Oarde to Sir Richard Browne, 26th November 

The Delinquents. The King orders Lord Ormond to ^ desist. 

Sir Richard Browne to 

-, 28th November 

The proceedings of the French Parliament. Cardinal Mazarin 














Thomas Talbot [to, probably, Sir Edward Nicholas], 6th June 88 

Irish afiairs. 

Anonymous, 30th July 90 

Campaigning in Ireland. 

Thomas White [to, probably, Sir Richard Browne], 2nd August 91 

Forces shipped for Ireknd. Rumours of disasters. 

Thomas White to , 16th August .... 93 

Great defeat at Duhlin. Jones recompensed with a pension. 

Thomas White to , 20th August .... 96 

Further news from Duhlin. 

Thomas White to , 27th August .... 97 

Lord Ormond rallies. Scots ahout Londonderry. 

Thomas White to , 6th September . . . .100 

Life still remaining in the game of Ireland. 

Thomas White to , 13 th September . . . .102 

Help expected from Spain. The Covenant to he no hindrance to a 
composure with the King. 

Thomas White to , 13th November . . . .104 

Winter prospects. 

Thomas White to , 5th November .... 106 

Landing of Colonel King in Scothmd. Irish affiiirs. Treaty with 

Thomas White to , 9th November . . . .108 

Cromwell hefore Duncannon. Death of Horton. Prince Rupert 
at sea. 

Thomas White to , 15th November . . . .109 

Suhscription to the new government. Irish afiiairs. 

Bishpp Goodman to the Mayor of Gloucester, 23rd November 111 

A piteous appeal. 

Alderman Atkin to the Mayor of Norwich, 27th December 114 

Committee of ** plundered ministers.** 




Lord Fairfax to the Duke of Buokingham, 14th October . 221 

Plots and machinations against the monarchy. 



Lord Fairfax to [supposed to be Lady Clinton], 6th August . 223 

Inquiries about his daughter, the Duchess of Buckingham. 


Lady Vavasour to Mr. Henry Vavasour, 3rd March, 1644 . 229 

Remonstrating with him for having embraced the Roman Catholic 

Henry, Lord Fairfax, to the Lady Fairfax, 19th May, 1677 . 231 

Announcing his arrival in London. 

Henry, Lord Fairfax, to the Lady Fairfax, 19th June, 1677 . 232 

Is joined in town by Cousin Rokeby. Duke of Buckingham still in 

Henry, Lord Fairfax, to the Lady Fairfax, 26th June, 1677 . 232 

Weary of London, and anxious to get back into the country. 

Henry, Lord Fairfax, to the Lady Fairfax, 15th March, 1678 233 

Election of Speaker. Duke of York gone beyond seas. 

Lord Burlington to the Lord Fairfax, 29th June, 1683 . . 234 

The Rye-house Plot. Precautions for seizing suspected persons. 

Brian Fairfax to Henry, Lord Fairfax, 18th March, 1684 . 235 

Sick of attendance upon the King. Court life. 

Brian Fairfax to Henry, Lord Fairfax, 5th September, 1712 . 236 

Horses and fitmily estate. 



feian Fairfax to his Son, Charles Fairfax, 7th Sept., 1704 . 238 

Queen's proceesion to St. Paulas. 
Brian Fairfax to his S<m, Charles Fairfax, 2l8t October, 1706 240 

Death and character of the Dachess of Buckingham. 

R. Clajton to Ladj Fairfax, 23rd February, 1710 . . 241 

Sale of the Fairfax estates. Curious particukrs oonoeming the death 
of the fifth Lord Fairfax. 

Lady Fairfax to her Son, Lord Fairfax, 15th December, 1711 243 

Inquiries and advice. 

Robert Fairfax to Thomas, Lord Fairfax, 16th October, 1712 245 

Good wishes to his lordship, whose health he drinks. Commends 
Mr. Topham to a henefice. 

Thomas Fwrfax to , 18th September, 1792 . . 247 

A letter of business. Removing to a new house. 

The Duke of Buckingham to the King .... 249 

Setting forth his services, and praying to he restored to &vour. 

A Paper under the Duke of Buckingham's own hand, con- 
cerning my Lord Fairfax 253 

Stating that if Cromwell had lived three days longer he, the Duke, 
would have been put to death. 

The case between the Duke and Duchess of Buckingham and 

Henry, Lord Fairfax, 31st May, 1686 .... 254 

Opinion of Counsel on the entail. 

The Duchess of Buckingham to the Lord Fairfax, 2nd 

September, 1700 256 

Requesting that certain deeds in his lordship's possession may be 
shown to counsel. 

Brian Fairfax to the Lord Fairfax, 29th October [1700] . 257 

Advising him to take counsers opinion about the deeds. 

Brian Fairfax to the Lord Fairfax, 31st October, 1700 . . 258 

Disputing the Duchess of Buckingham's right to sell the estates. 

Brian Fairfax to the Lord Fairfax, 2nd November, 1700 . 260 

Ui^^ng him to do nothing but by the advice of counsel, and 
suggesting a letter to the Duchess. 

Brian Fairfax to the Lord Fairfax, 12th November, 1700 . 263 

Advising him to show all respect to the Duchess, but no writings. 



Copy of letter to be written to the Duchess .... 264 

Very willing to oblige her Grace, but determined to aasert his title. 

Entry of the Fifth Lord Fairfax, 11th Norember, 1700 . 265 

Claiming several manors after the death of the Duchess of 

Duchess of Buckingham to the Lord Fairfax, 31st Dec, 1700 265 

Asserting her full claim to the estates, and asking justice. 

Walter Sotheby to the Lord Fairfax, 10th December, 1700 267 

Enclosing a letter from her Grace^s solicitor. 

J. Gibson to Brian Fairfax, 27th February, 1707 . . 268 

Containing an account of the last moments of the Duke of 

Deposition of Ellen Stroude concerning the marriage of the 

Duke of York with Anne Hyde ..... 270 

That she was present at the marriage, in England. 

Deposition of Dr. Crowther concerning the marriage of the 

Duke of York with Anne Hyde 271 

That he married them according to the form of the Church of 

Deposition of the Earl of Ossory concerning the marriage of 

the Duke of York with Anne Hyde .... 272 

That he presented Anne Hyde in marriage to his Highness. 

Declaration of Anne Hyde respecting her marriage with the 

Duke of York 272 

Attesting the &ct. 

Declaration of James, Duke of York, respecting his marriage 

with Anne Hyde 273 

To the same effect. 

Anne Hyde to the Lady Cornbury, 14th August . . . 274 

In a great hurry — very affectionate. 

Anne Hyde to the Lady Cornbury, 30th August . , . 275 

Cannot get time to answer letters promptly — but full of affection for 
her correspondent. 

Anne Hyde to the Lady Henrietta Hyde, 2nd September . 276 

Gossip and loye. 



Anne Hyde to the Lady Henrietta Hyde, 12th September . 277 

A hunied note, rather than not write at all. 

The Princess Mary to the Lady Henrietta Hyde, 18th Feb. 277 

Begging her to write sometimes. 

Extracts from the Memorandum Book belonging to Anne Hyde 278 

Personal items — Jottings of idle moments. 

The Duchess of York's motives for embracing the Roman 

Catholic Faith, 20th August, 1670 . . . . 280 

History and grounds of her convei'sion. 

John Williams, Bishop of Lincoln, to the Earl of Arundel, 2nd 

October, 1640 284 

Detailing his case, and praying to be removed from the Tower. 

Curious Story related by Bishop Tillotson, 18th July, 1691 . 287 

About a mad-woman in Bedlam. 

Mr. Coleman to Father La Chaise [1678] .... 288 

Progress of conversions in England — A plan of secret writing. 

From the Council at Whitehall to Earl Danby, 30th Sep., 1678 291 

Orders for searching the houses of Papists. 

Officers appointed for the Popish Government by the Jesuitical 

party, 30th September, 1678 292 

List of names Mr. Beddow hath discovered concerned in the 

late Popish conspiracy, 7th November, 1678 . . 293 

Lord Danby to the Lord Fairfax, 3rd October, 1678 . . 294 

Order for seizing arms. 

Lord Danby to the Lord Fairfax and the Deputy-Lieutenants 

of the West Riding, 19th October, 1678 . . . 295 

Instructions for arrests. 

William Pahner to the Lord Fairfax, 28th October, 1678 . 296 

News about " the Popish Plot,*' and the murder of Grodfrey. 

J. Babington to the Lord Fairfax, 20th November, 1678 . 297 

Detaib of proceedings against Coleman and others. 

P. Sherrard to the Lord Fairfax, 26th November, 1678 . 299 

Hangings, trials, and imprisonments. 

Deposition of Francis Caryll concerning his imprisonment . 300 

Falsely accused of the murder of Sir Edmondsbury Godfrey. 



Relation touching the calumnies of Lord Hatton against Sir 

Richard Browne 305 

Detailing the statements at both sides, with extracts of letters from 
Mr. Secretary Nicholas. 

Thomas Tickell to , 11th June, 1717 . . .309 

Private official intelligence. 

Henry, Earl of Clarendon, to William Lowndes, 1 4:th May, 1 709 310 

Asking his intercession for an interview with the Lord Treasurer. 

Titus Gates to the Duke of Bolton, 8th September, 1694 . 311 

Confidential scraps of political news. 

John Cosins to Mr. Evelyn, 18th December, 1651 . 313 

Explaining and defending his conversion to the Reman Catholic 

Dean Cosins to Mr. Evelyn, 3rd April, 1652 . . .319 

Sale of a library. Indignant at his son's conversion. 

Thomas Barlow, afterwards Bishop of Lincoln, to Mr. Evelyn, 

17th March, 1654 320 

Acknowledging benefactions to the Bodleian Library. 

Sir Richard Browne to Mr. Evelyn, 29th September, 1659 . 321 

Hunting out books and gossip for him in Paris. 

Lord Combury to Mr. Evelyn, September, 1665 . . . 323 

News of the King's health, of the Parliament, and firiends in the North. 

Lord Combury to Mr. Evelyn, 17th January, 1666 . . 325 

Fears of the Plague. Progress of planting at Combury. 

Lord Combury to Mr. Evelyn, 24th January, 1666 . . 327 

Court movements. A printer^s piracy. 

Sir R. Moray to Mr. Evelyn, 14th January, 1667 . . 329 

A playful letter of compliment. 

N. Jameson to Mr. Evelyn, 11th April, 1670 . . .331 

Asking for some white mulberry seed. 

Mr. Evelyn to Mr. Jameson, 12th May, 1670 . . .333 

Telling him where the seed is to be got. 

The Countess of Clarendon to Mr. Evelyn, 22nd October, 1680 333 

Garden matters. 

Mr. Robert Berkeley to Mr. Evelyn, 21st March, 1684 . 334 

Condolence on his daughter's death. 



Mr. Robert Berkeley to Mr. Evelyn 336 

Complimenting him on his place at Court. Flowers and plants. 

Henry, Earl of Clarendon, to Mr. Evelyn, 2nd September, 1685 338 

Condolence on his daughter's death. 

Henry, Earl of Clarendon, to Mr. Evelyn, 3rd September, 1690 339 

Inviting him to Cornhury. 

Hemy, Earl of Clarendon, to Mr. Evelyn, Uth October, 1690 340 

It^rrets that he cannot come. 

Mr. Benede to Mr. Evelyn, 25th October, 1690 . . .341 

Offers to send a litter, or a sedan chair in a hoat, for a young 
invalid. News abroad and at home. 

Dr. Tenison to Mr. Evelyn, 4th November, 1693 . 343 

Colds in London. Universal discontent. 

Dr.WilliamatoMr. Evelyn, 1696 344 

Authorship of the Life of Boyle. 

Mr. James Qnin to Mr. Evelyn, 29th November . . . 346 

Desires to enter into a correspondence with Mr. and Mrs. Evelyn. 

Henry, Earl of Clarendon, to Mr. Evelyn, 19th April, 1698 . 347 

Acknowljsdgment of obligations. 

W. Nicholson (afterwards Bishop of Carlisle) to Mr. Evelyn, 

25th March, 1700 348 

Literary subjects. Mr. Pepys indisposed. 

Mr. Evelyn to [W. Nicholson] ..... 350 

Prevented from writing by Mr. Pepys' illness. 

Br. John Fell to Wm. G ^1, 1st December . 352 

Urging him to forgive a lady who had broken her promise of marriage 
to him. 

WaUamG ^1 to Dr. Fell 354 

Requiring an apology from the lady, or he will not stay proceedings. 

William Penn to the Lord Fairfax ..... 357 

Complaints of neglect in a matter of business. 

NiaRATivE OF Mb. Harrison 359 













Great changes have taken place at the opening of the 
year, all tending to that consummation which, whatever 
may happen, cannot now be long delayed. The Earl of 
Essex is dead — Sir Phihp Stapleton is dead — Glynn, the 
Recorder, is in the Tower: the rest of the Eleven 
Inc^idiaries are either dead, or out of the way 
" disabled," and ordered to be impeached. The ParUa- 
mentary Committee of Safety is re-^mpowered, and the 
Earl of Kent, Sir Jotm Evelyn, and Mr. Fiennes, are 
placed upon it to fill up vacancies. The rejection of 
the Pour Bills by his Majesty, who demanded a personal 
treaty in lieu of them, has coerced the Commons into a 
resolution which shuts the door for ever upon further 
negodation. The Scotch, after pocketing their money, 
instead of keeping &ith with Parliament, have helped 
to get both parties into this perplexity by sup- 
porting the King in his royal obstinacy. On the 
3rd January, the House of* Commons passes a vote 
that no more addresses shall be made from the Parlia- 
ment to the King, nor letters or messages received 
from him ; and that it shall be high treason for any 

person to deUver any letter or message to the King, or 


4 MEMORIALS OF [1648. 

to receive any from him, without leave from both Houses. 
The Parhament without more parley or waste of time 
has taken the affairs of the kingdom into its own 
hands ; and the army, in a pubUc declaration, founded 
on the King's rejection of the Four Bills, has sent in its 
adherence to the Parhament. " We do freely declare," 
are the words of Sir Thomas Fairfax, "for ourselves and 
the army, that we are resolved, through the grace of 
God, fiiTuly to adhere with and stand by the Parliament 
in the things voted concerning the King, and what shall 
be further necessary for prosecution thereof, and for the 
settling and securing of the Parliament and kingdom 
withotd the King and against him^ or any other that shall 
hereafter partake with him/' This is conclusive. The 
King's name is no longer a tower of strength, save such 
strength as may be found in the towers of Carisbrook. 

While Captain Burley, the ring-leader of the Newport 
riot, hes roaring in his dungeon,* the King is settling into 
a deep melancholy in the State apartments. Long con- 
versations are held daily between him and Hammond. 
He reproaches Hammond for breach of integrity in 
dismissing his attendants, and Hanmiond says that he 
has only done his duty. The King tells him that he 
shall one day be indebted to one of his sons for his life, 
and Hammond rephes that he is ready to answer for 
what he has done with his head. At last, finding he 
can make no impression on Hammond (who under the 
orders of Parhament, has sent away his own uncle, the 

* He was afterwards executed. 

1648.] THE CIVIL WAR. 5 

private chaplain), his Majesty becomes more contented, 
exercises in the grounds and on the ramparts, asks 
questions about what is doing in London, Windsor, 
Ireland, Scotland, and grows very merry at dinner. 

It is shrewdly suspected that there is a plot hatching 
under this smiling face of mischief Mysterious news 
reaches Carisbrook of a design to invade the island, 
Van Trump, with Dutch ships, joined by some Dun- 
kirkers and Irish, being at the bottom of it ; but wary 
Hammond keeps a vigilant look-out, landward and sea- 
ward. In confirmation of this news, a ship fiill of Irish 
rebels is seized on the south-west coast of Ireland, and 
Hammond lays by the heels one Major Bosville who 
had come in disguise under the roguish name of John 
Fox with letters which he endeavoured to convey 
privately to the King. One of them is from the Queen, 
and another from the young Princess ; they are all 
intercepted, and handed over to the Derby House Com- 
mittee. The following letter sheds a broken ray of 
light upon this business. The Queen and Prince Charles 
are at this time at St. Germains, and her Majesty has 
some thoughts of throwing herself into Ireland. The 
writer is Sir Harry de Vic or de Vies, who in the early 
part of this reign had been secretary to the French 
mission and agent to the king of Denmark. He also 
served at Rochelle with the Duke of Buckingham, and 
will be heard of in Hardwicke's Collection. He lived at 
Brussels, and was a staunch adherent of the Stuarts, 
keeping open house for them as they passed through ; 

6 MEMORIALS OF [1648. 

a great friend, too, of Clarendon's, receiving his letters 
under cover during his exile. This is the same Sir 
Harry de Vic whose courtship of a lady in Cologne, 
some five or six years later, is pleasantly alluded to 
by the handsome Queen of Bohemia in her letters to 
Secretary Nicholas. 


I WONDER very much at what you write in your 
last, of my sending of letters unto you to be conveyed to my 
wife under a bare cover, and without any to yourself, which 
I am certain is the first time I have been guilty of such a 
piece of uncivihty, and must have proceeded from some 
mistake in the making up of my letters; for I wrote one unto 
you at that time, and I remember it by this token, that by 
reason I was newly returned firom my Uttle journey into 
Flanders, and yet very weary of the same, I prayed you to 
excuse me if for that time I did not write any news unto 

you. The Duke of ^s journey into Germany grows every 

day more uncertain, and the rather for that the Archduke's 
coming hither, on which it depends, is not yet so fully resolved 
as not to admit of doubts and divers difficulties, which perhaps 
may stumble it. We have had here a great alarm of what 
the Marshal Bausan hath lately done betwixt Newport and 
Dixmuyde, which having proved but the cutting of a dike, 
that fear is now over. Monsieur le Brun, one of the King of 
Spain's plenipotentiaries at Munster, and the most acute able 
man amongst them, hath been here these eight or ten days, 
and is now returning, as it is thought, by the way of Holland, 
to hinder the further eflPects of Monsieur de Serment's great 

1648.] THE CIVIL WAR. 7 

endeavours to invalidate the treaty between the King of Spain 
and the Hollanders.* Some letters^ come with the last post 
from Paris^ speak of an intention in the Queen to go for 
Ireland. I pray you let me know what you know or tlnnk 
of that design^ and so in great haste^ I kiss your hands for 
your last^ and remain^ 

Your most affectionate humble servant^ 

Db Vic. 

BruxeUeSf 26^ Jawuary, 1647. IN. 8, 1648.1 

Your wonted favour I beg for the conveyance of the 

Resolutions having been adopted in Parliament for 
regulating the attendance upon his Majesty's person, 
Sir Thomas Fairfitx is entrusted with the task of seeing 
that they are carried out. 



You see by these enclosed votes how great a 
burthen the Parliament hath laid upon me. I do hereby 
send to you that you would instantly send me a list of such 
as are at present about the King, who are persons fit to be 
confided in. If you have any in the island worthy of that 
trusty I would desire you to send their names also in the 
same list ; and, if you cannot fill up the number of thirty 
with you, which I should be glad you could, then I desire 
you to send me the quality of those that will be wanting, 

* The treaty which M. de Serment desired to inyalidate, was signed at the 
Hague, without the concurrence of France, a few nights after this letter was 
written. f From Mr. Beutley's Collection. 

8 MEMORIALS OF [1648. 

that SO they may be supplied from hence. It will be neces- 
sary that you hasten this business^ seeing the Parliament 
expects a speedy and e£Pectual observance of their command 
herein. I purpose, so soon as I have received your list, to 
make the number up, and lay it before the Parliament to 
receive their approbation and allowance for my indemnity. 
You see by the votes that the number of thirty, of all sorts, 
gentlemen, their servants, cooks, butlers, &c., may not be 
exceeded, and therefore it will be fit that a respect be had 
to all occasions and necessities of the household. 

Wishing you all success in your great trust and charge, 

I rest 

Your assured friend, 

T. Fairfax. 

Quern Street, Feb. 5ih, 1647. IN. S: 1648.] 

A few months later we find a communication from 
Hammond, urging the necessity of increasing the mili- 
tary strength of the island. This throws us a little in 
advance of the personal proceedings of the General, 
to whom we shall presently return. 


My Lord, 

Your Excellency's great employments have been 
lately such that I have not troubled you with the affairs of 
this place ; but the concernment of them at this time is so 
considerable to the kingdom, that causeth me amongst other 
your great affairs, to acquaint you with the danger this 
island is in by reason of the late distemper of the navy, by 
the revolt of it ; whose design, as I am informed, and is very 
likely, is to bring over soldiers to invade this island, which. 

1«48.] THE CIVIL WAR. 9 

if they should do, I being not able to prevent or interrupt 
their landing, the islanders will be forced to join with them 
for their own preservation, which would impede the landing 
of any force for the relief of this castle for the future. My 
desire therefore is, that if the Parliament see fit to continue 
the person of the King in this place, a very considerable 
strength of horse and foot — 300 horse, 1500 foot at the least, 
may be speedily sent over hither, to keep an enemy from 
landing. Horse would be of excellent use here, because no 
Horse can be brought to oppose them. I have written to the 
committee of Derby House about this, and also that if they 
think it fit to send such a force, they be sure to provide a 
certain way for their pay, otherwise the country will immedi- 
ately be eaten up. I hear nothing from the officers of the 
second company I have formerly written for, though from 
London I have been informed that they have been long on 
their march hither. I hope they are the companies I for- 
merly named to your Excellency — Captain Humphreys's and 
Captain Wheeler's. It is of special concernment to have 
sure men in the employment. They must be used in it ; for 
if they be otherwise, it will be too much in their power to 
undo me and the kingdom also, as I was in danger of to have 
found by late experience. My lord, I thought it my duty 
to let your Excellency know our condition at present, it 
being of that general concernment, and do desire all further- 
ance from you which I cannot but expect, — as besides the 
public concernment of it, I have upon all occasions ever 
had so great testimony of your favour. My lord, that the 
direction and presence of God may carry you through all 
your great affairs, is the hearty prayer of, my lord. 

Your Excellency's most faithful humble servant, 

BoBEBT Hammond. 

Ca/i-ubrw^ CasOe, Jtme 2drdf 1648. 

10 MEMORIALS OF [1648. 

In February, Colonel Overton, Governor of Hull, writes 
to Fairfax's secretary in a strain that touches the pulse 
of the times quaintly enough. His style is odd, and 
occasionally a little cumbrous and grandiloquent, but the 
strong heart of the man is in every line. He thinks that 
if the King were " infiefed " in an eternal kingdom, it 
would be a happy thing for the three transitory kingdoms 
he rules over so bUndly — a strange foreshadowing of the 
coming event. The allusion to the City refers to a 
grand dinner given to the General by the Lord Mayor 
and Aldermen. Public affairs and public dinners were 
despatched much in the same way then as they are 
now. Fairfax himself had just given a dinner to his 
officers at Windsor upon their dispersion to their several 



I MUST acknowledge your pen pourtrays my best 
intelligence of the weekly occurrants, and provides the best 
spectacles that I can encounter in these parts. I shall be 
glad to continue your friendly correspondence though I 
cannot do it in an equal return j we are here dark-sighted 
and enlightened only by the spectacles we receive from the 
South. I, for my part, am well pleased with the Parliament's 
impartial proceedings touching the removal of our sovereign's 
servants; the declension of his state will in time pull down 
his spirit, which, perhaps, is too much exalted on earth to 

1648-J THE CIVIL WAB. 11 

ascend to heaven ; it would prove a happy privation if the 
Father would please to dispossess him of three transitory 
kingdoms to infeoff him in an eternal one. 

I am glad of his Excellency's particular respects firom the 
city magistrate the Lord Mayor; but I hope he wiU not 
encounter their common courtesy^ lest it prove a cruel kind- 
ness or a Roman festival. For the city designs^ I cannot 
account them considerable ; they having nothing left to 
hedge in the cuckoo^ or to head their headless multitudes. 
The militia^ Tower^ and army^ is all our own^ and nothing 
theirs^ except their wealth and voices^ aud that not unques- 
tionable ; for the present tumults they are as yet not timed^ 
but like lightning before the thunderclap of rage and ruin. 

When the 200^000/. Scots is paid^ I should desire once 
more to try whether his pulse beat peace or no. I doubt the 
Scotch mist expelled will turn to an Essex ague^ and fall 
into such hot and cold fits as the land of cakes cannot cure 
without an English antidote^ or a present mouth to kiss the 
King's hand. No doubt they are not uninterested in all 
foreign confederacies^ yet bounded by Him who spans the 
heavens, bounds the sea's proud waves, and rides upon the 
wings of the wind. 

Sir, I am also in post-haste ; you will, therefore, I hope, 
pardon all obliquities and accept all necessary returns. My 
engagements grow upon me, and yet I am constrained to 
encroach upon you for the continuation of your friendly 
favours in the mindfulness of our establishment of pay, 
garrison officers, and incident charges. 

Sir, I here inclose a list of officers, which, if his Excel- 
lency approve of, I desire commissions may be sent down ; 
if exceptions be taken to any, I desire some better may 
be introduced in their stead. I have no private ends or 

12 MEMORIALS OF [1648. 

aims in the preferment of any that are not public proof. 
In my opinion^ however^ his Excellency's positive commands 
shall be my sententia finalis, though I know his courtesy in 
letters is sometimes afforded to some who fall under such 
just exceptions^ as if foreknown^ he would not willingly have 
so far comported with. Sir, I pray you excuse my not writ- 
ing to Mr. Bushworth ; tell him I have forborne to insert 
Lieutenant Banks into the enclosed list ; in regard I hear 
him so much taxed for intemperance — a crime not to be 
comported with, nor connived at in any civil society. I have 
wearied myself with writing, and perhaps you with reading ; 
I shall therefore rest 

Your ready and real servant, 

B. Overton. 

ffvU, Feb, nth, 1647. [N. S. 1648.] 

In the midst of all the grave political business that 
troubled the Houses at this period, social and moral 
questions w^ere not overlooked. On the 9th of February 
the famous ordinance vras issued for the suppression of 
stage-plays. By this ordinance, stage-players w^ere 
denounced as common rogues, committed and fined for 
the first ofience, and vrhipped as incorrigible for the 
second ; magistrates w^ere authorised to pull down all 
stage-galleries, seats, and boxes ; and every person who 
was present as a spectator of plays or interludes was to 
be fined five shillings to be given to the poor. It must 
be said on behalf of this ordinance that it was not 
adopted from fear of any influence which might be 
worked through the stage upon public opinion, in refer- 
ence to matters pending between the King and the 

1648.] THE CIVIL WAB. 13 

Parliament, but from a strong sense of " the vices and 
disorders," and the " high provocation of God's wrath 
and displeasure," which were believed to flow from 
theatrical representations. 

We learn from the following letters, dated in the 
beginning of March, that scanty news had reached the 
Low Countries respecting Enghsh affairs, owing to the 
prevalence of easterly winds ; and that the King's ca- 
reer was beginning to be looked upon there as hopeless. 
In Bruxelles they were deep in the carnival, instaUing 
Knights of the Golden Fleece, and apparently thinking 
very Kttle about the imprisoned King and the ftigitive 
Royal Family. 



I HAVE received yours by the last orders, for which 
I render you many thanks, and for those that you sent me 
with them from my wife under Mr. Nicols, his cover, to 
whom I do pray you the adjoined may be deUvered. 

All businesses here are ahnost at a stand upon the news 
they have both from Germany and from Spain, that the 
Archduke Leopold is to come hither to govern these broken 
and shattered provinces, which would make the present chief 
ministers in them less careful of those preparations which 
the season of the year calls upon them for. 

The Duke of Lorraine is not yet gone though the greatest 
part of his forces ; namely, those which were between the 
Sambre and Meuse, are advanced, and have taken their 
quarters in the parts about the Moselle. 

14 MEMORIALS OF [1648. 

Madame de Meureuse is going to live at her new purchase 
of Carpen within three or four leagues of CuUen, where she 
hath already sent her household stuff. 

The Marquis of Castel Bodrigo hath lately declared him- 
self Captain-General of the Armies here^ a quality he hath 
long had in his power to take^ but never assumed it till now^ 
though he did appear something like such a one at the latter 
end of the last campaign. 

Four persons of the chiefest of this country are to-morrow 
to be installed knights of the order of the Golden Meece^ 
namely, the Prince of Ligny, the Duke d' Ham^, the Prince 

of S , and the Count of Evreux. Pray do me the favour 

to impart unto me the news you receive from England, in 
respect you have them better served than we ; and particu- 
larly for that it happens many times when the wind sets 
easterly, as it hath done of late, that we have none at all, 
which is a great discomfort unto us, not for any great good 
news we expect from thence for the King our master, but 
that we are held in uncertainties merely of what they are. 

I am ashamed to trouble you so much and so often with 
the conveyance of letters, but the necessity of it forces me 
unto it, and because I am 

Your ancient humble servant, 

Db Vic* 

BrmeOeSy Ma/rck 2fk/, 1647. \N. S, 1648.] 



This last week hath been wholly taken up and 
shared between the usual recreations and merriments, and 
the succeeding devotions of the time. Whatsoever the last 

* From Mr. Bentley's Collection. 

1648.] THE CIVIL WAE. 15 

have been^ I am not so great a frequenter of the chnrches 
here as to give you an account of them^ neither do I think 
you expect it firom me ; and of the latter^ though I might 
instance on many^ I shall forbear to mention any of them^ 
not so much as what passed^ or rather might have passed^ at 
the ball which the Countess of Nassau kept^ if the Countess 
of Hostrade^ daughter to the Prince of Barlancon^ had not 
been discounselled from using the freedom denied unto none^ 
of making part of such meetings j I shall only tell you in 
general that whatsoever they are at other times^ for which let 
them answer for themselves^ they have been more than 
usually mad all this carnival. Upon Sunday last the Count of 

Bossu^ the Prince of , the Prince of Ligny, and the Coimt 

of Evreux, were installed Knights of the Golden Fleece, in the 
order I do set them down ; the first because his patent was 
issued for it almost a whole year before the rest ; and as for 
the other three, whose patents were dated all of one day, the 
chance of the dice determined the difference between them 
for precedency, to which, notwithstanding that they did 

submit, the Prince of made a protest, and had it openly 

read in the church, against all prejudice that might accrue 
thereby unto him in the rank which his birth doth otherwise 
give him. The Duke of Hame had also that dignity offered 
unto him, with the patent for it, but would not submit to the 
chance of the dice in point of precedency, and so retired 
without accepting the same. Many other differences there 
have been on this occasion, which to relate, with their several 
reasons and circumstances, would require a herald at arms. 
After the cei^emony ended,, which lasted till 3 or 4 o^clock in 
the afternoon, the old and new knights were treated at the 

house of the youngest of them, the Duke of . The late 

courier from Spain, who arrived here upon Monday night. 

16 MEMORIALS OF [1648. 

was very welcome both for that he brought the ratification of 
the treaty of peace with the States of Holland^ which was 
sent immediately forward towards Munster^ and^ with all 
that^ by him came the so long expected Bills of Exchange 
which they so much wanted for the necessary preparations of 
the approaching campaign^ against which it is not so very 
certain whether the Archduke Leopold will be able to come 
hither. And so recommending the adjoined to your wonted 
courtesy^ with due thanks for yours of the 2nd of this months 
I remain^ 

Sir^ your most affectionate humble servant^ 

Db Vic* 

BruxeUea, this 9th March, 1647. {N, S, 1648.] 

About this time died Ferdinando, Lord Fairfitx, 
bequeathing Denton and all its "household stuflF" to 
Sir Thomas, who will henceforth be designated by his 
hereditary title. 

All prospect of a settlement being at an end, his 
Majesty attempted to make his escape. This was a 
memorable incident in the Carisbrook register, not set 
down in the Parliament books. "Intelligence," says 
Cromwell, in a letter to Hammond, dated 9th April, 
" came to the hands of a very considerable person, that 
the King attempted to get out of his window ; and that 
he had a cord of silk with him whereby to slip down, 
but his breast was so big the bar would not give him 
passage. This was done in one of the dark nights 
about a fortnight ago. A gentleman with you led him 
the way, and slipped down. The guard, that night, had 

* From Mr. Bentley's Collectioii. 

1648.] THE CIVIL WAR. 17 

some quantity of wine with them. The same party 
assm-es that there is aquafortis gone down from London, 
to remove that obstacle which hindered ; and that the 
same design is to be put in execution in the next dark 
nights.'^ I^iHyj the astrologer, according to his own 
account, had a principal hand in this attempt. " His 
Majesty,'' says Lilly, " laid his design to escape out of 
prison, by sawing the iron bars of his chamber window ; 
a small ship was provided, and anchored not far from 
the castle to bring him into Sussex ; horses were pro- 
vided to carry him through Sussex into Kent, so that 
he might be at the head of the army in Kent [at that 
moment in a state of disorder], and from thence to 
march immediately to London, where thousands then 
would have armed for him. The Lady Wherewood 
came to me, acquaints me therewith. I got Gr. Farmer 
(who was a most ingenious locksmith, and dwelt in Bow 
Lane) to make a saw to cut the iron bars in sunder, I 
mean to saw them, and aquafortis besides. His Majesty 
in a small time did his work : the bars gave Kberty for 
him go out ; he was out with his body till he came to 
his breast ; but then his heart failing, he proceeded no 
farther ; when this was discovered, as soon after it was, 
he was narrowly looked after, and no opportunity after 
that could be devised to enlarge him.'' * Lilly's version 
of the story differs from Cromwell's. The truth, perhaps, 
is midway between them. Lilly says that when the King 
got his head out his heart failed ; Cromwell says that he 

* Lill/s History of his Life and Times, 1715. 


was stopped by the bigness of his breast. A Vandyck 
portrait, from which the engravings are made, represents 
the King to have been so macilent that wherever his head 
could get through, there could have been no great diffi- 
culty in persuading his breast to follow. Such appears 
to have been his Majesty's own opinion before he made 
the attempt, for, says a local historian, he was confident 
he could get through the window, having tried with his 
head, and judging where the head could pass the body 
could pass also.* But these escapes, head foremost, 
with a long fall, are hazardous experiments, and require 
great presence of mind ; so that the likeUhood is, with 
Vandyck's thin portrait before us, that his Majesty was 
stopped, quite as much by failure of heart as exuberance 
of chest. It was his last chance ; for, from this time 
forth, plots were kept out by bars that were proof against 
saws and aquafortis, locksmiths and astrologers. 

The following epistle alludes directly to the state of 
affairs at St. Germains. A project was entertained of 
sending Prince Charles into Scotland ; but the Scotch 
coquetted, and were afraid to have him. Then there 
was a plan for sending Lord Hopton into Wales, and 
the Marquis of Ormond into Ireland, which looked 
more feasible ; for the Welsh were refractory, and 
Ireland was convulsed from Cape Clear to the Giant's 
Causeway, by the recent astounding defection of Lord 
Inchiquin, who had revolted from the ParUament. 

* Horsley's History of the Isle of Wight. 

1648.] THE CIVIL WAK. 19 



The Prince of Conde and Monsieur de Grammont 
are now at Peronne, where the general rendezvous and 
muster of the army is to be about this time. They do not 
here over confidently make the numbers as yet above 22,000 
foot and 10,000 horse, as if they expected more. The affairs 
of Naples seem not so desperate but that they still continue 
their intentions of sending the fleet thither, with 8000 men, 
to be commanded by Prince Thomas, who goes hence within 
few days, and is to be generalissimo by sea and land ; and 
under him, Lambert commands the militia, and the Duke de 
Richelieu the ships. Upon the news of the Duke of Guise^s 
captivity, there were three couriers despatched away, the one 
to Madrid with the King's letters, avowing the duke to have 
been employed by order and commission from hence; a 
second to Naples ; a third, by the Duke of Orleans to the 
Duke of Lorraine, demanding his intercession for the Duke 
of Guise ; and by letters intercepted between the Duke of 
Guise and mistress here, it appears he is still no less prisoner 
to Venus than to Mars. The Duke of Schomberg is sworn 
Viceroy of Catalonia, and prepares to carry thither 8000 or 
4000 fresh men. The verification of the edicts goes on but 
slowly, though the Grand Council and the Chambers of Par- 
liament meet often about it, their consultations tending 
more to combinations against, than any compliance with, the 
King's will and pleasure. A broflery hath been about 
Mademoiselle receiving some overtures of a marriage with 
the Archduke Leopold, and some other things for which she 
hath been chid, and is confined to her lodgings. Upoii 
Wednesday last, I acknowledged the receipt of yours of the 


20 MEMORIALS OF [lti48. 

2l8t of April, and sent you an answer from E. W. Yester- 
day I received your welcome letter of the 24th, for which I 
thank you, and desire you to continue to write frequently; 
matter I am sure you cannot want in our unhappy kingdom^ 
as fruitful as Africa itself in the production of monsters. By 
my cousin Keightly, who goes hence on Monday next, you 
you. will have answers from the womankind: in the mean 
time, I am in their name to give you thanks for your care in 
the delivery of the things in the box, desiring you the next 

time you see my Lady M , to let her ladyship know I am 

veiy mindful of the diamonds that are to be provided here. 
And I pray take an occasion to write, and in our names to 
acknowledge the kind tokens lately received from my Lady 
Clare and her daughters. Of bur Princess remove no cer- 
tainty till the return of Sir William Fleming, or the sending j 
somebody else out of Scotland. But there is a speech at St. \ 
Germains of sending my Lord Hopton with a commission ' 
into Wales, and perhaps my Lord Marquis Ormond into 
Ireland. I know not what to advise in the point of my , 
friends^ journey hither ; they can best judge of that where | 
they are. All I can say is, that they shall be heartily wel- 
come, and that it will concern Mr. B. Lane to look after his 
business herein : that part whereof that jointly concerns him 
with Mr. L. G. is in no very good condition. All here 
cordially salute you. God bless us, and turn His face merci- 
fully towards our miserable country, that we may meet happy 
at our own homes. So prays, &c.* 

Paris, May 9th, 1648. 

The state of the country during the imprisonment of 
the King, more especially after it was known that 

• From Mr. Bentley's Collection. 

1648.] THE CIVIL WAR. 21 

he had attempted his escape, and was put under closer 
watch, had become tumultuous. The county of Essex, 
torn by distractions, petitioned for a personal treaty 
with his Majesty ; which the Commons promised to 
take into serious consideration. The North rung with 
clamours and threatenings ; riots broke out in Colches- 
ter ; the town of Berwick was surprised and taken in 
the name of the Prince of Wales, by Sir Marinaduke 
Langdale, Sir Charles Lucas, and others ; and South 
Wales was in open rebellion. Rumours of skirmishes, 
and declarations, and risings in all parts of the country, 
poured in so thickly upon Parliament, that it soon became 
manifest that the work had to be done over again^ 

In South Wales the civil war was already renewed. 
The gentry were up in arms, most of them wearing 
blue and white ribands in their hats, with the motto 
" We long to see our King ; " and such was the deter- 
mination of the people, that wherever the ParHament 
forces appeared, the inhabitants would carry off their 
cattle and goods, and flying into the woods, leave their 
houses empty, the smiths cutting their bellows in the 
deserted forges, so that it was impossible to get a 
horse shod. " Their smiths are all gone,^^ says a con- 
temporary letter, " their ' bellows cut by themselves 
before they went. If one would give forty shillings for 
a horse-shoe, or a place to make it, it is not to be had. 
There is no possibihty df ending this trouble, but by 
such a power, and such a way, as is lamentable 
to think." Such a power was found in the person 

22 MBM0BIAL8 OF [1648. 

of Cromwell, who was hastily despatched with 8000 
horse and foot, into the insurgent districts ; and 
Colonel Horton, the Parliamentary officer who com- 
manded in Wales, prepared a brilUant prelude for his 
arrival by the signal defeat of a party of Royalists, at a 
place called St. Pagan's, near CardiflF. The particulars 
of the engagement are given in the* following letter, at 
greater length than they are to be found elsewhere. 
Colonel Horton is described by Cromwell as a person of 
great integrity and courage. He did not survive this 
important victory very long, dying of the "country 
disease,'^ in the October of the next year. 


May it please your Excellency, 

I SHALL give you a narration (according to my own 
observation, and the help of some of the officers with me) 
both of the manner and success of our late engagement with 
the enemy, near St. Fagan's. The enemy having drawn off 
from St. Nicholas to Lankarnan^ Penmark, and Fulmon 
Castle, Friday, the 5th of May; on the Lord's day, at 
night, they advanced towards us again, to St. Nicholas, by 
which we did presently apprehend that they intended to 
fight, and were induced to such a behef, the rather because 
they knew, two days before, that Lieutenant General Crom- 
well was coming towards us. This made us di*aw in all our 
horse close that night, as we had done divers nights before, 
and prepare for the worst in the morning; and about seven 
in the morning our scouts discovered their body about a mile 

1648.] THE GIVIL WAB. 23 

and half from our quarters, upon which we drew out and 
took the best ground we could. Major Boothell commanded 
the horse on the right wing. Major Barton on the left wing, 
and Colonel Okey and his majors, with the dragoons, on 
both wings, with the horse. The enemy advanced fast, with 
a strong forlorn of foot, and about six pickering horse. 
Lieutenant Godfrey, with a forlorn of thirty horse and twenty 
dragoons, charged and routed them, doing good execution, 
which gave us the advantage of a new ground; for we 
advanced with horse and foot upon them. Captain Garland, 
with the firelocks on foot, and Captain Nickles, this bearer, 
with Colonel Okey's troop of dragoons, with some troops of 
horse on the right wing, disputed the first encounter very 
hotly with much resolution, until the forlorn of foot, com- 
manded by Captain Leint, and more horse came from the 
left wing to their relief; and then they beat the enemy from 
hedge to hedge, half a mile before them, keeping very good 
order, considering the ground, until they came to a bridge 
and little brook, where the enemy's greatest body of foot 
were placed. The horse all this while and dragoons follow- 
hig this first success with much vigour, were constrained to 
stand the enemy's shot for some time before the foot (though 
they made great haste) could possibly get up to them ; and 
presently the first division of foot, commanded by Lieu- 
tenant-Colonel Beadfell, closed up to the enemy's front. 
Major Wadd, with the second division, got over the little 
brook, on the left flank of the enemy. Major Barton, like- 
wise, with the left wing of horse, with much celerity passed 
over a boggy place and the little brook, to second those foot ; 
and some of the enemy's horse coming on to charge the foot, 
were gallantly resisted and beaten back by Captain Hughes. 
By this time the horse on the right wing were gotten over 

24 MEMORIALS OF £1648. 

likewise ; the enemy's foot standing very stoutly to it, until 
our horse began to surround them, and then they presently 
all ran, and we cleared the field, our horse and dragoons 
pursuing them for seven or eight miles. The enemy's horse, 
which, they say, were 500, were employed in their rear to 
keep up their foot, and we never saw, after we were engaged, 
above sixty horse in a body, all the fight. Their whole num- 
ber of horse and foot are confirmed to be about 8000. They 
had about 2500 musketeers by their own confession, besides 
pikes, Welsh bills, and clubs. We took up, the day we 
fought, above 2000 fire-arms, with pikes, bills, and such like 
Welsh weapons great store ; ten barrels of powder, and all 
the rest of their ammunition in the field, and most, if not all 
their colours. The number of prisoners that were taken are 
about 3000. I have here inclosed a list of the officers, as 
they gave in themselves to the marshall. Some hundreds of 
them were disarmed, seven or eight 'miles from the place of 
the fight, which were let go. Captain Morgan, a member 
of the House of Commons, sent down by them into these 
parts, carried himself, from first to the last, with great reso- 
lution, encouraging the soldiers, and engaging himself in the 
heat of the service. Captain Jones, who came oflF from the 
enemy to me, long since, with a troop of 60 horse, behaved 
himself very well ; as also all other officers and soldiers, I 
can truly say, kept their order in the performance of this 
service, to the admiration of the enemy, as some of them 
confess. And that God's mercy may be the more magnified 
in this late happy success over our enemy, I think it now 
seasonable to make known unto your Excellency the straits 
we were in, and difficulties which compassed us about : we 
having a potent enemy lying within two miles (upon much 
advantage of ground) before us, the high mountains close to 

1648.] THE CIVIL WAR. 25 

US on the right hand^ the sea near unto us on the left^ 
Chepstow taken^ and Monmouthshire beginning to rise in 
our rear^ besides our great want of provisions^ and long and 
hard duty^ all which seemed to threaten our sudden ruin. 
That Gk)d should please^ in this condition^ so to own us^ as to 
make a way for us through the midst of our enemies^ and 
scatter them every way, is a mercy not to be forgotten, espe- 
cially by those who have more immediately tasted of it, 
witnessing the truth of those things as they are herein 
expressed, by 

Your Excellency's most humble and faithful servant, 

Thos. Horton.* 

Bridgmdy May \2ihy 1648. 

Some of the difficulties which arose to Lord Fairfax, 
upon his entrance into the renewal of the war, may be 
seen from a petition, addressed to him by the soldiers 
of a disbanded regiment. They still stood upon their 
right of petition, and required to be satisfied of the 
justice of the cause before they would consent to 
hazard their lives in the approaching hostilities. 


May it please youb Excellency, 

That honour which we deservedly owe to you 
obligeth us to render an account to you of our present actions, 
which may seem something irregular; but when the occasion 
of our motion, and the necessity urging us thereto, and our 
ends and intentions therein be well weighed, we are confident 
we shall be justified by every man free from prejudice. 

* From Mr. Bentley's Collection. 

26 MEMOBIALS OF [1648. 

We hope your Excellency remembers that in June last we 
were enforced^ for the preservation of ourselves and the 
nation^ to promote a petition^ without the consent^ and con- 
trary to the express orders of our officers ; and the freedom 
for which we hazarded our lives being then invaded^ and our 
common right of petition denied us^ we were constrained to 
associate together by a solemn engagement^ at Newmarket, 
and to continue in arms contrary to the Parliament's order, 
to see the liberties and natural rights of ourselves and the 
nation cleared and secured. And although your Excellency 
did not at first concur with us, but gave forth orders to sup- 
press our agents, and prevent their meetings, yet you were 
pleased afterwards to associate and engage with us in the 
common cause. 

Now, the ends of the first engagement being in no measure 
accomplished, but the whole army being rendered odious to 
the people by the breach of their engagement ; and the people 
being, since then, more enslaved to committees and other 
arbitrary powers, and their burdens increased, so that through 
the general discontent of the people and universal confusion 
is daily threatened a greater necessity than was in June last; 
constrained us to send some of our fellow-soldiers to St. 
Albans, to give us an account of the acting of those of other 
regiments, as to the presentation of oiur engagement : but to 
our amazement, not only contrary to the interests of our 
engagement, but to the undoubted freedom of every English- 
man, our agents were violently seized upon and imprisoned, 
whilst they were peaceably preparing the inclosed petition ; 
and although we have solicited your Excellency, by humble 
petitions, for their enlargement, yet they have been pro- 
ceeded against by censuring some to imprisonment, and some 
to death. And we desire, that not only the justice of the 

1648.] THE. CIVIL WAR. 27 

matter of our petition may be weighed, but also the absolute 
necessity of an immediate settlement of these things therein. 
The army is now commanded to hazard their lives in a new 
war, and therefore ought to be satisfied in the justice of the 
cause; and how that is possible we know not, while we 
understand not what the freedom is which we should expend 
our blood to defend. And our desires are, if possible, that 
there might be no more effusion of blood ; and we judge it 
necessary to that end, that the freedom which we challenge 
as our own native right might be particularly declared to 
all EngUshmen, that all that are now in arms against the 
army may know that we neither seek their blood, nor yet to 
enslave them, but they shall partake equally with ourselves 
of that freedom which we defend with our lives. For this 
end it is that those things which we esteem the price of our 
blood were summed up in the petition hereunto annexed, 
and unless our desires therein be speedily answered, we 
cannot satisfy our consciences in hazarding our own lives, or 
spilling the blood of our countrymen. 

These things we sadly offer to your Excellency's consi- 
derate thoughts, and th$; rather because your Excellency is 
more eminently concerned than any one of us, in all those 
reasons which have induced us to press for the perfecting of 
that work which, through Gk)d*s blessing upon your conduct, 
was so happily begun, to the several contentment, not only of 
the soldiery, but of all the well-affected people in England. 
May it therefore please your Excellency so to look upon 
Your Excellency's most faithful soldiers, 

And himible servants. 

Mcuy^ 1648. 

Wednesday, I7th May, was appointed thanksgiving 


28 MEMORIALS OF [1648. 

day for the victory in Wales. On this day, Mr. 
Mabbott, a member of the Commons, sends an account 
of the proceedings in the House to Lord Fairfax. 



May it please your Excellency, 

The House of Commons on Monday last, ordered 
that thanks should be given to the committee of Kent, for 
their great pains upon examining the business of the riot in 
that county, and to desire them to proceed in the further 
examination thereof. The House yesterday, ordered that 
thanks should be given to the commoners and gentlemen of 
the counties of Flint, Denbigh, Chester, and Lancaster, for 
what they had done in preserving the peace of their counties. 
Sir Wil&ed Lawson was acquitted of the charge laid against 
him, and ordered to repair into Cumberland for preservation 
of the peace of that county. The House then proceeded to 
debate the ordinance for the militia of London and approved 
of the Lord Mayor, Alderman Wollaston, Alderman Rey- 
noldson, Clarke, Gibbs, Chambers, Foote, Avery, Bid, and 
Viner ; Major Skippon, the two Sheriffs of London, Colonel 
West, Mr. Richard Glide, Mr. Edmond Browne, Peter Jones, 
Major Thomas Chamberlain, Colonel Thomas Player, Colonel 
John Bellamy, Mr. William Jesson, Lieutenant-Colonel 
Jackson, Mr. William Kendall, Mr. Thomas Arnold, Mr. 
Nathaniel Hall, Lieutenant-Colonel Edward Bellamy, Mr. 
Francis Waterhouse, Mr. Anthony Bateman, Mr. Thomas 
Andrews, Captain Richard Vennour, Mr. Peter Mills, Mr. 

1648.] THE CIVIL WAR. 29 

John Gace, Mr. John Iwim, to be the militia for the City of 
London. This day the House ordered thanks to Mr. Marshall 
and Mr. Bridge^ for preaching this day before them. A com- 
mittee was appointed to examine the matter of yesterday^s 
tumults^ and to state the business^ and to draw a declaration 
upon the whole, and therein to set forth the course that ought 
to be observed, by petitioning according to custom and ancient 
practice. That the city be desired not to suffer any multi- 
tudes to pass through the city upon any pretence whatsoever, 
and to give power to disarm such. They further ordered 
that the ordinance for putting delinquents out of the late 
lines be renewed for six months. That the late rioters of the 
city be speedily tried, and a speedy account thereof given to 
the House. That the horse yesterday seized of the 
petitioners of Surrey, be not disposed of tiU further order. 
That the committees of Kent and Surrey be desired to 
prevent all tumultuous meetings in their counties upon any 
pretence of petitioning or otherwise. A letter this day from 
Colonel Horton, and a particular enclosed, was this day read 
and ordered to be printed. The Lord Mayor and twelve 
companies did strictly, observe this day of thanksgiving, but 
all shops were open. The chief of the petitioners yesterday, 
of Surrey, expressed their hearty sorrow, and that they were 
ashamed of the incivilities and provocations of the petitioners 
to the soldiers. I have nothing further at present, but to 
subscribe myself 

Your Excellency's most humble servant, 

G. Mabbott. 

I7ih May, 1648. 

In a brief note from Endymion Porter to Sir Richard 
Browne, we have a glimpse of the disheartening effect 

30 MEMORIALS OP [1648. 

produced upon the Royalists abroad by the news of the 
unsettled state of affairs in England. The question of 
re-opening a treaty with the King was dragging slowly 
through the Commons, and from the preparations for a 
renewal of the war on all sides there was little hope of 
an amicable settlement of differences. Endymion Porter, 
a gentleman of the bed-chamber, high in favour with 
James and Charles I., was one of the most accomplished 
men of his time, a wit and a poet. He displayed much 
activity and dexterity during this period in the secret 
negociations and correspondence upon which he was 
employed in the service of the King. 


Most honoured Sib and my dear Resident^ 

I wrote unto thee last week, but we have a cooler 
from England this, and therefore I cannot be so merry as 
I thought to have been ; yet methinks Sir William Fleming 
and William Murray should not come thither empty handed. 
I hope they bring you chirping news, and that you will 
give William a vowee at the Spread Eagle, and not forget 
me, but dash me in one glass as you do an orange peel ; and 
I believe William will not like the wine the worse. We are 
here in state of grace with the taking of Courtraye, and 
are confident to reUeve Ypres, which if we do, let me tell you 
there will be foul breeks at Paris, for all the huge bang the 
Swedes have given the Emperor; but why should wer English 
hearken after what other nations do. I would we were quiet 
at home, and let them fight, dog, &c. ; kiss my sweet lady 

1648.] THE CIVIL WAR. 31 

and countrywoman for me, and assure her I love her with 
my whole heart ; and you may be confident that I am. 

Dear sir. 
Your faithful and most affectionate humble servant, 

Endymion Porter. 

Brutseh, May 30thf 1648. 

I Deseech you command this letter to be sent to my lord 
marquis of Newcastle.* 

The disturbances in Kent had now* assumed so 
menacing an aspect that the reduction of the county 
was confided, with fiill discretionary powers, to Lord 
Fairfax. He was suflFering fi-om severe indisposition 
when he received this order ; but we find the old spirit, 
notwithstanding, as energetic as ever. On the 29th 
May, he had a rendezvous at Blackheath, and marched 
at once towards Rochester. The people were rising in 
every direction, and the march is described in numerous 
letters, as a succession of flying skirmishes. Old Lord 
Goring had appeared amongst the insurgents, and been 
appointed Greneral-in-Chief. An account of the engage- 
ment at Maidstone is supplied in the following letter 
(omitted by Rushworth) from Lord Fairfax to the 
Speaker of the House of Peers. In this engagement. Lord 
Fairfax, undergoing tortures from a malignant attack 
of gout in his right foot, could not be prevailed upon, 
says a gentleman who was present, to remain with the 
body in the field, " but mounted and exposed himself to 
great danger, being one of the first in this action.'* 

* From Mr. Bentley*8 Collectioii. 

32 MEMORIALS OF [1648. 


My Lobd^ 

I SHALL^ according to my last, give your lordship 
this further account of our success at Maidstone. Upon 
Thursday in lj)ie evening, about seven of the clock, after 
very long marches, we got near the town ; and a troop of 
dragoons was sent to make good a pass, whilst the town was 
viewing at what place our men might best enter ; it being 
resolved upon to force our passage in case of resistance, the 
gaining of that town over the river being of great advantage 
to our affairs. But, before there could be a view taken of 
the town, the dragoons had engaged the enemy, and forced 
them from that ground which they kept; the dragoons, 
being very forward to engage, pursued ; and so the enemy 
drew forth a considerable party of horse and foot to main- 
tain a pass against us, which necessitated the drawing down 
of the greatest part of the foot, with some horse ; and 
though that part of the town was of the greatest difficulty 
to enter, yet, through the goodness of God, our men made 
their entrance, and became masters of the town, after four or 
five hours' hot service, the town being very strongly bar- 
ricaded; and, through the darkness of the night, and our 
ignorance of the town, they disputed the barricades and 
places of advantage with our men, playing hard with their 
cannon upon them ; in which service, both horse and foot 
did exceeding well; and particularly, I cannot but take 
notice of the valour and resolution of Colonel Hewson, 
whose regiment had the hardest task (Major Carter, his 

1648.] THE CIVIL WAR. 33 

major^ being hurt, and Captain Price, a deserving and faithful 
officer slain). The best of their men were there, whereof 
many were cavaliers and London apprentices. They looked 
upon the consequence of that place to be very great, and 
therefore did resolve to make what resistance they could; 
the old Lord Goring being that day proclaimed General, 
at the head of their army, upon the hill near Aylesford, 
where we saw their body drawn up, which, as their prisoners 
since do confess, and they themselves gave out, consisted of 
eight thousand, besides those in Maidstone and Aylesford, in 
both which places there were about three thousand men, those 
of Aylesford coming as a fresh supply to relieve those engaged 
in Maidstone. There were near three hundred slain, and 
about thirteen hundred prisoner ; many of them being taken 
next mormng early, in the woods, hop-yards and fields, 
whither they fled in the time of the fight ; amongst which 
were gentlemen of good quality. Sir Gamaliel Dudley, Sir 
WilHam Brockman, Squire Scott, Major Price, and others ; 
a list whereof is preparing to be sent. There were about 
five hundred horse, three thousand arms, nine foot-colours, 
and eight pieces of cannon, with store of ammunition also, 
taken in the first charge which our forlorn hope gave the 
enemies' horse, wherein our horse carried themselves very 
gallantly (as I since hear). Sir John Maney and divers 
others of quality were slain. After it pleased God to give 
us this great mercy in the gaining the town, their men 
received so great discouragement, that the greatest part of 
their army left them and were dispersed, and a great number 
of officers and gentlemen since fled to shift for themselves. 
Their word at the engagement was, ^'Eing and Kent.'' 
Ours, "Truth." Having thus possessed ourselves of the 
passes at Maidstone and Aylesford j the enemy being much 

TOL. n. D 

34 MEMORIALS OP [1648. 

confused with our success^ and their own men deserting 
them ; they at last marched over Rochester Bridge, towards 
Blackheath, with about three thor^and horse and foot, most 
of which were cavaliers, apprentices, and watermen. Our 
men not being able to make so speedy a march after them 
as was necessary, I sent Colonel Whalley, with a party of 
horse and dragoons after them ; upon whose approach, they 
have left Kent, and are fled over the water into Essex, by 
Woolwich and Greenwich. Colonel Whalley is in pursuit, and 
I doubt not but he will give a good account of that service. 

I have sent Colonel Rich, with a party of horse and foot, 
to relieve Dover, where I trust we shaU find the same 
presence of God as hitherto hath been. My prayer to the 
Lord is, that this great meicy may be further improved, to 
His glory and this kingdom^s good. I thought fit to present 
unto your lordships these papers inclosed, taken from the 
enemy, whereby you will receive the depth of their plot, and 
their engagements to pursue what they have undertaken. 
I remain. 

Your lordship's humble servant, 

T. Fairfax. 

Rochester f June i(k, 1648. 

I have secured the Mayor of Rochester, whose hand is to 
the commissions granted for raising of forces. 

The scene is now suddenly shifted to the low- 
grounds of Essex, where Goring, reinforced by Sir 
Charles Lucas, has established himself in considerable 
force. On the 10th June, Lord Fairfax prepared to 
cross the river. The following despatch is dated on the 
same day from the centre of the Essex camp. 

1648.] THE CIVIL WAB. 35 


My Lord^ 

The enemy hath quitted Chelmsford^ and marched 
to Lees^ ivhere^ as soon as he came^ he had 500 arms 
besides great ordnance^ without resistance. We marched 
close in the rear of him ; but he doth so overpower us with 
foot, that we cannot engage in this close country but with 
great disadvantage^ to the hazard of the brigade. We are 
endeavouring a conjunction with Sir Thomas Honniwood's 
forces, who is reported to be 1200 horse and foot. Sir, 
it behoves you to hsusten all the foot up you can, and to 
come yourself, otherwise the enemy wiU be suddenly formed 
into a considerable army, and will engage us. I shaU need 
to say no more to your Excellency, but that I am. 

My lord, 
Your lordship^s most humble and faithful servant, 

Edw. Whalley. 

WdUkamffive miles from Cfhdm^ford, 
June lOih, 1648. 

Our Mends report the enemy to be 5000 horse and foot, 
and, like a snow-ball, increasing. 

My lord — I desire to know which way and when your 
lordship comes, that I may take care to secure you; doubts 
the best way is by Gravesend. 

My lord — Since the writing and sealing of this, I received 
your express, and shajl desire your excellency's force may 
march by Gravesend to Tilbury, and so to Billericay. 

Edw. Whalley.* 

* Fxom Mr. Bentley*s Collection. 

36 MEMORIALS OF [1648. 

Before Fairfax crossed the river he reduced Kent to 
submission. Great show of preparation was on foot 
through the woods and villages of Essex, where the 
Royahsts were struggUng to make a stand — Goring at 
Bow, and the Earl of Norwich at Chelmsford. A meeting 
of the gentry of the county took place here, a sort of 
mixed council of war, which ended in a Babel of irrecon- 
cileable opinions. One thing alone was clear, that the 
attempt to resuscitate the King's cause was regarded by 
the majority of the King's friends who were present as a 
sheer piece of Quixotism. Some of them were for throw- 
ing down their arms : others for dispersing and dropping 
out of the town privately ; many of them withdrew, and 
sent in their adhesion to the Parliamentary Commissioners 
who were then in Chelmsford. Symptoms of disorder 
were breaking out also amongst the soldiers. Goring 
had beaten a retreat from Bow ; and the approach of 
Fairfax produced such a sensation at Chelmsford that 
Norwich was no longer able to keep his forces together 
there. In this crisis, Sh' Charles Lucas, who was asso- 
ciated in the command with the Earl of Norwich and 
Lord Capel, effectually bubbled the troops by desperate 
misrepresentations of the strength of the party, and of 
successes and succours invented for the occasion. 

Sir Charles Lucas belonged to that class of bullying, 
reckless, dare-devil adventurers who mixed largely in 
the ranks of the cavaUers, and were designated in their 
own day as soldiers of fortune. The campaigns of the 
Palatinate, the war with Spain, the siege of Rochelle, had 

1648.] THE CIVIL WAR. 37 

taken off, in the early of part this reign, shoals of street 
brawlers and tavern gasconaders ; and from these dregs 
of the Enghsh population was generated a new race of 
roarers and cut-purses, who returning home at the 
beginning of the Civil War, found ready employment 
in the King's service, which they disgraced by crimes 
and debaucheries. Sir Charles Lucas was distinguished 
by the unscrupulous passions and audacity of these 
people, with whom he had long associated abroad. 
Belonging, however, to a family of local consideration, 
he could not be regarded as a soldier of fortune in the 
ordinary sense, although his bearing assimilated him 
with that class. He was the second legitimate son (for 
the eldest was bom before marriage) of the sheriff of 
the county ; and his brother a zealous Royalist, from 
whose only child, a daughter, descends the noble house 
of De Grey, had been raised to the Peerage by the 
King in 1644. Sir Charles was bred up in stables and 
barracks ; fencing, wrestling, and shooting, were the 
fiivourite pastimes of his youth ; and his initial experi- 
ences of life were gathered under the Prince of Orange 
in the wars of the Low Countries. Daring and impetu- 
ous, having a high contempt for the refinements of 
courts and drawing-rooms, looking upon music, dancing, 
and such surface graces, as " too effeminate for mascu- 
line spirits ;* free quarters, the camp, and the saddle 

* ** A Relation of her Birth, &c." written by his sister Margaret, and quoted in 
a Memoir of Sir Charles Lucas, drawn up for private circulation by the 
present Earl De Grey. 

38 MEMORIALS OF [164«. 

were his glory. His manners took the coiour of his 
habits ; rude, bold and dissolute, the defects and vices 
of his education were equally conspicuous in his private 
intercourse. He was in his proper element amongst 
troopers and in the thick of a fight ; but, says Clarendon 
(a statement confirmed by sufficient authorities), «at all 
other times and places, of a nature scarce to be lived 
with ; of no good understanding, of a rough and proud 
humour, and very morose conversation." In this cha- 
racter WB discover traits of sensuality and coarseness 
which offer a broad contrast to the romantic ideal of the 
gallant and generous cavalier. But the King's service was 
put to extremities in replenishing its matSrid, and oom^ 
pelled to ami itself of aU the unappropriated muscles 
that could be procured, without exercising much delicacy 
of choice. And thus the Royal army, which boasted of 
such noble spirits as Falkland and Hopton, was freely 
recruited from the troops of roystering brigands who 
poured into England at the first trumpet-blast of the war. 
This mixture of chivalry and baseness was not to be found 
on the other side. The Puritans fought for a catese ; 
and this was the grand distinction between the two 
parties. Royalty made up its army, as Kings' armies 

time out of mind have been made up, by the standard 
of height and the seductions of pay ; but the army of 
the ParUament was enlisted by a principle, and every 
man had his heaxt in the struggle, and staked his 
fortune on the issue. Hence, if the Puritans lacked the 
picturesque accessories and poetical elements with which 

1648'] THE CIVIL WAM. 39 

the plumed and starred cavaliers have so plentifully 
supplied the pages of historical romance^ thej possessed 
purer and more earnest elements, steadfastness of pur* 
pose, devotion to the death, and a moral heroism less 
dazzling on the surface, but bequeathing to all time its 
soUd triumphs and imperishable example. 

In 1643, Sir Charles Lucas received a commission from 
the King, was present at Marston Moor, made an ineffec* 
tual attempt to biu*n Kottingham in 1644, and in 1645 
had the command of Berkeley Castle, which he was com- 
pelled to surrender. He was taken prisoner on several 
occasions, but how he recovered his liberty, through what 
agency, or on what cpndition, is not known. 

That he was a pian of resolute character, ready to 
carry his objects by the most flagitious means, may be 
seen in his conduct at Chelmsford. News had arrived 
of a rising in Colchester— (news was hourly arriving of 
risings in fifty places)— and, as his personal influence 
there was matter of notoriety, he turned the circum- 
stance to the most favourable account in working upon 
the vadUating hopes of the soldiers. This ^crap of 
intelligence was intensified by the addition of gratuitous 
delusions. The troops were assured that Norfolk and 
SuflFolk were preparing to join them ; that Dover Castle 
and other strong places were already in the hands of 
the cavaliers ; and that the King was actually on ship- 
board waiting for them in the Thames ! And so, says 
recording Rushworth, surprised by these mendacious 
proceedings into a sudden burst of contempt, " by lies 

40 MBMOBIALS OF [1648. 

and tricks they seduced the people exceedingly/' The 
"people" unfortunately are not always proof against "lies 
and tricks/' and Lucas was exactly the person to put their 
aggregate weakness to an irresistible test. He succeeded 
accordingly in whisking them off in a fit of insane 
enthusiasm to the gates of Colchester, carrying with 
them the Parliamentary commissioners who had been 
sent to Chelmsford to treat with the insurgents. The 
situation of the commissioners was awkward enough 
when they were afterwards stowed away in the town 
during the siege, the inn in which they were lodged 
being occasionally struck with shot, so that they were 
obhged to send a special message to Fairfax, advertising 
him of the position of their house, in order that he might 
shoot in some other direction. 

When Lucas reached Colchester the gates were shut. 
Fairfax was foUowing close upon him, and, in considera- 
tion of his desperate circumstances, the inhabitants 
consented to receive him upon a strict engagement that 
property should be respected, and no injury offered to 
the people. But he had no sooner secured himself in 
the possession of the town, than he abandoned it to the 
wanton licentiousness of the soldiers, set fire to streets 
and houses, plundered the citizens, and committed other 
excesses of a revolting kind, himself setting the example 
in person. Frightfiil scenes were acted in private houses, 
the men being forcibly sent out of the way to facilitate 
the infamous designs of the brutish troops. One lady 
had a pistol placed at her breast, which she preferred to 

164a] THE CIVIL WAB. 41 

dishonour ; and Lucas was saved from the commission 
of an unmanly crime by the opportune arrival of Lord 
Goring, who called him oflF to his duty.* The indignation 
of the people was heightened by the reflection that these 
atrocities were inflicted upon them by men to whom 
they had hospitably thrown open their town, as an 
asylum against a pursuing enemy. 

On the 13th June, two days after the arrival of the 
Royalists, Fairfax appeared before Colchester, and sum- 
moned it to surrender. The summons was treated with 
supercilious irony, the Earl of Norwich asking the 
trumpeter how the Greneral did, and adding " that he 
heard he was ill of the gout, but he would cure him of all 
diseases.'^ Such was the spirit of insolence with which 
the negociations were opened by the Cavahers. All 
Fairfaxes proposals were scornfully rejected. The nature 
of ihem may be seen from the following document : — 


Whereas, in answer to a letter sent out of Colches- 
ter, concerning a treaty, I have oflfered liberty to all private 
soldiers and persons of that rank, laying down arms, to 
depart to their own homes, and to be left free from the 
violence of the soldiers, together with other conditions to 
persons of other quality, I do therefore require and command 

* The facts are giyen in detail, in a contemporaneous tract, entitled ** Col- 
ehester's Teares : John Bellamy, Three Golden Lions, ComhiU, near the 
Sxchange. 1648." 

42 MEMORIALS OP [1648. 

all soldiers^ officers^ and c^hers^ whom these may concern^ 
that in case before acceptance of^ or agreement thereupon, 
the conditions tendered to all of the enemy's party for the 
surrender of the town, any private soldiers, or persons of that 
rank, shall come away from the enemy with their arms, or 
without, and shall peaceably come into the guards, rendering 
such arms as they have, or shall bring with them, that in 
such case no plunder nor violence be committed upon any such 
persons, and that they be quietly brought to the head quarters, 
there to receive passes for their repair to their own homes. 
Given under my hand ajjd sea), the Slst jFune, 1648. 

T, Fairfax, L. G. 

Jrnie 2l8t, 1648. 

The same system of deception which had been resorted 
to at Chelmsford was actively employed to conceal 
from the troops the terms which were offered by 
Fairfax, and to delude them by the promise of succours, 
which were well known to be hopeless. We have an 
evidence of this in a proclamation which was read at 
the head of each regiment : — 

All gentlemen and soldiers who have listed themselves 
under the immediate command of Sir Charles Lucas, Greneral 
of the King^s Forces, raised for the defence and preservation 
of his Majesty^s Royal Person, Crown and Kingdom, are 
required to stand firm, and to defend their town against all 
opposition, being assured that, within a few days, his High- 
ness, James, Duke of York, will come in to our assistance 
with a considerable army from Holland.* 

* " Bloody News from Colchester concerning tie late fight on Tuesday last 
between the Town, under the command of Sir Charles Lucas^ and the Suffolk 
forces, near the East Gate, &c., 1648.'* The "late fight," was a skirmish 

1648.] THE CIVIL WAB. 43 

The Duke of York from Holland and the King in the 
Thames, represent only. one class of the frauds that 
were practised on the soldiers. Another form of false- 
hood — ^the suppression of truth, which is very eflTective 
on most occasions — ^was also resorted to. The terms 
offered by Fairfax were either carefully concealed or 
falsified. When the troops asked what the trumpeters 
came so often about, they were told " that it was about 
a treaty ; and that the General offered fifty thousand 
pounds if he (Goring) would let him draw off quietly with 
his army, but that he would not grant it."^^ And all this 
time the provisions in the town were vanishing to famine 
point, without the remotest prospect of relief. "We 
had lived,** says one who was amongst them, " six weeks 
upon horseflesh, three days without bread, and remaining 
(as the chief oflScer of the store told us) but three 
barrels of powder in store.^'f When Lord Fairfax found 
that his offers were thus treacherously dealt with, and 
that Uie terms he had proposed were concealed from the 
soldiers and the townspeople, he caused copies of the 
folloTring paper to be shot over the wall ; so that the 
people should be apprised of the perils to which they 
were exposed by the perfidy of the commanders. 

between the Suffolk troops, entrenohed at the East Gate, aad some of the besieged. 
These Suffolk troops were amongst the allies, whose assistance Lucas had pro- 
miaed to his followers. * Rushworth. 

t * A Tme and Perfect Beiation of the Condition of those Noblemen and Gen- 
tlemen in Colchester : and their reason in yielding up the said towne to the Lord 
Fairfax. 1648." 

44 MEMORIALS OF [1648. 


The General the Lord Fairfax hath sent several 
summonses to the town^ in one of which^ he offered that 
all private soldiers and persons of that rank laying down 
arms^ and engaging not to bear arms any more against 
the Parliament^ should have liberty and passes to go to 
their several homes and there quietly to abide. The officers 
and gentlemen of quality^ should have liberty and passes 
to go beyond sea with equipage befitting their qualities^ 
engaging not to return unto this kingdom without leave firom 
the Parliament^ and all persons should have quarter and be 
free from plunder or violence of the soldiers. This being 
rejected and scornfully retorted by the Lord Norwich, Capel, 
and Sir Charles Lucas, the General yet offered to make good 
the same conditions to so many as should accept thereof, except 
those three persons themselves, which hath accordingly been 
performed with advantage to all such as have since come off. 
He hath lately summoned them again to surrender the town, 
and the officers to render themselves to the mercy, and the 
rest only to the future obedience of the Parliament. This 
also hath been rejected with scorn. Nevertheless, under- 
standing that the Lord Gt>ring, Capel, and Sir Charles Lucas, 
and some officers of their council, have concealed these over- 
tures both from the soldiers and townsmen, and firom many 
of the officers, and that they have given out as if they had 
good conditions offered to themselves if they would render 
up the soldiers, and perceiving that the soldiers and towns- 
men have been deluded by them and their chief agents with 
daily expectations of relief, while there is none at all towards 
them : the General is willing to make good the same con- 

1648.] THE CIVIL WAR. 45 

ditions to so many as shall timely accept thereof^ except the 
Lords Gk)riiig^ Capel^ and Lucas themselves^ with the Lord 
Loughborough^ Colonel Farr, Colonel Laurence, and Captain 
Lyon, and except all such soldiers as have been in the army 
since the siege, and are gone into the town.* 

:|e )|c 4c 9i( )|c 

And further adds, that if the soldiers shall lay down arms 
and deUver up the persons aforesaid, they shall have liberty 
and passes to go to their several homes free &om plunder 
and violence of the soldiers. 

My 22nd, 1648. 

The condition of affairs in the town became more de- 
plorable daily. In vain the inhabitants appealed to Lord 
Goring. He told them that they had no reason to com- 
plain until horseflesh had reached tenpence a pound, and 
that they might eat their children if they wanted food. 
Butter had risen to five shillings a pound, and other pro- 
visions in proportion ; but Goring and the rest still held 
out^ beguiling the troops by assurances that the London 
apprentices had risen and were coining to their succour ; 
that a 1000 horse were on the road to raise the siege ; 
that Parliament was up and many members cut to pieces, 
and similar monstrous fabrications. In the midst of 
their strait, surrounded by a famishing population, they 
continued to exhibit an inexplicable spirit of cruelty, 
setting fire to the streets, and committing lawless bru- 
talities in private houses ; and these drunken and 
ferocious acts were crowned with the most daring 

* The interTening lines struck out in the original. 

46 MEMORIALS OF [1648. 

insolence to the besiegers, returning to the repeated 
summonses of Fairfax such answers as this, — " That if 
any more letters of that kind were sent them, they 
would hang up the messenger." 

Obstinate in their resolution not to treat, they were, 
notwithstanding, so perfectly sensible of the impossibility 
of maintaining themselves much longer, that they kept 
their horses constantly saddled, and made many attempts 
to escape by night in which they were foiled by the 
activity of Fairfax. At last their situation became too 
desperate to admit of farther parley ; all communication 
with the country was intercepted ; the water was cut 
off; no suppUes of any kind could be procured ; from 
horseflesh they were obUged to come down to dogs ; 
and the few horses that were still kept for the use of the 
officers, were reduced to skeletons for want of food. In 
this miserable plight — ^but not till they had committed 
the most disgraceful violations of the usages of war by 
mixing sand with their small shot, and poisoning their 
bullets — ^they surrendered ; the private soldiers and 
officers under captains, to liave fair quarter, and the lords 
ajid superior officers to submit to mercy. On the 28th 
August, Norwich, Capel, Goring, Lucas, and the rest 
rendered themselves up, according to the articles, a* the 
King's Head Inn, (an ominous sign for such an occasion!) 
and Lord Fairfax took possession of Colchester. " This 
morning,^' says Rushworth in a letter to Lenthall, " we 
rode round about the wall of the town, and found it a 
very strong place in all parts of it ; where it was 

1648.] THE CIVIL WAR. 47 

weakest there they made strong works, and strengthened 
it with earth ; it was a sad spectacle to see so many 
fine houses burnt to ashes, and so many inhabitants 
made so sickly and weak, with living upon horses and 
dogs ; many had to eat the very draught and grains for 
preservation of life." 

After having inspected the town, Fairfax called a 
council of war, at which it was resolved that Sir Charles 
Lucas, Sir George Lisle, and Sir Bernard Gascoigne, 
should be shot to death.* Sir Bernard Grascoigne was 
afterwards reprieved — ^the other two were led out at 
seven o^clock in the evening to a green spot under the 
walls of the castle, where the sentence was carried into 
execution in the presence of Colonels Ireton, Rains- 
borough, and Whalley. Sir Charies Lucas was led out 
first. Being placed opposite the three files of mus- 
keteers, he said, " I have often looked death in the face 
in the field of battle ; you shall see I dare die.^' He 
then feU on his knees, and rising again he opened his 
doublets, and placing his hands by his sides, exclaimed, 
" See, I am ready ! Rebels, do your worst ! '^ They 
fired and he fell dead without a word. Sir Gewge 
Lisle on being brought out knelt down and kissed the 
body of his fiiend, then standing up, he desired the 

* In some of the Peerage Books it is caeeleasly stated that these cavaliers were 
shot by the orders of GromweU, who was at that moment annihilating the 
Scotch army in Lancashire. Such mistakes are of frequent occurrence in the 
loose compilations that bear upon this period, the Editors of them unhesitatingly 
ascribing to Cromwell every act for which they cannot inunediately find an 
authoriiy, just as unappropriated jokes are set down in the Jest Books to the 
ruling wit of the day. 

48 MEMORIALS OF [1648. 

musketers to draw near. "I warrant you, sir/' said 
one of them, ** we'll hit you ; " upon which he answered 
with a smile, «I have been nearer when you hare missed 
me." Then after a pause he said, " I *m ready ; traitors, 
do your worst ! " He had hardly spoken when he 
dropped down dead.* 

Great blame has been cast upon Lord Fairfax for the 
execution of these officers. But it is nowhere assumed 
that he exceeded the powers with which he was armed 
by the terms of the treaty. When he proposed that 
the superior officers should stdmit upon inercy^ the 
question was raised as to what waa meant by that 
phrase ; and it was finally accepted at both sides as 
reserving to him the right of suflTering some to go free, 
and of putting others to the sword. The agreement 
was perfectly explicit ; and, however deeply the 
necessity, or the execution, of such extreme measures 
may be deplored, the strict legality of the act, in this 
instance, is above impeachment. Perhaps this is not 
the highest ground of justification ; but so far as the 
honour of the soldier is involved it is complete. 

Censure has pressed somewhat hardly upon Lord 
Fair&x in this matter. The executions took place 

• A pamphlet of the time, entitled ^ A true and exact relation of the taking 
of Colchester, sent in a letter from an officer of the army to a member of the 
House of Conmions — 1648," has a curious vignette representing this scene, with 
Lucas lying dead, and lisle exclaiming ^ Shoot, rebels ! " while four Boldiers 
are pointing the muzzles of their guns close to his body. The rude design is 
enriched with an appropriate motto : 

« Your shot your shame, 
My fall my fame ! " 

1648.] THE CIVIL WAR. 49 

under the sentence of a Council of War, for whose deci- 
sion he was not responsible. So far even from desiring 
to influence that decision, he went into the court with 
reluctance, and would not have gone there at all, but at 
the request of the friends of the prisoners. His own 
account of the transaction is in these words : — " But it 
may be objected I went into the court during the trial ; 
to which I answer, it was at the earnest request of my 
Lord Capel's friends, who desired me to explain there 
what was meant by surrendering to mercy ; otherwise, 
I had not gone, being always unsatisfied with those 
courts/^* The noble biographer of Lucas, although he 
charges upon Fairfax the responsibility of exercising 
the power reposed in his hands, adding that "the 
course he pursued leaves a bloody stain upon his 
memory,^^ indirectly exonerates him to the extent of 
having been governed by the judgment of others rather 
than his own. " The manner of taking the hves of 
these worthy men,'^ he observes, " was new, and 
without example, and concluded by all men to be 
very barbarous, and was generally imputed to Ireton, 
who swayed the General, and was upon all occasions of 
an unmerciful and bloody nature.'^t Whatever effect 
Ireton^s opinion may have had at the trial, it is in the 
last degree unhkely that it exercised any undue weight 

* ^ort Memorial, p. 124. 

t Memoirs of Sir Charles Lucas, p. 57. That Ireton was not quite so san- 
goinary a person as he is sometimes represented may be credited from the bene- 
volence and forbearance he showed on many occasions ; such, for example, as 
his intercession for that poor, shrinking, friendless knight, Sir John Owen. — 
See Col. Hntchinson's Memoirs, Ludlow, &c. 


50 MEMORIALS OF [1648. 

with Fairfax, who, of all men, was the least accessible to 
private or personal influence. He had the warrant of a 
formal sentence for what he did, and acted upon it 
rigorously in the discharge of a public duty. As to 
the " manner of taking the lives of these worthy men " 
(whose worthiness, at least, we may be permitted to 
doubt), it was neither new nor unexampled, but in con- 
formity with the established custom of mihtary law. 

The actions of one party are not to be defended by 
reference to the actions of another ; but it is only rea- 
sonable, if a " bloody stain " rests upon the memory of 
Lord Fairfax for the execution of Sir Greorge Lisle and 
Sir Charles Lucas, that the examples of similar severity 
which were set on the other side should not be wholly 
overlooked. Such examples might be cited. One — 
that of Colonel Windebank — ^will suffice to show not 
only that the smnmary sentences of war councils were 
carried out with equal promptitude, but that the same 
mode of execution was also adopted by the Cavaliers. 
Colonel Windebank being surprised in April 1645 at 
Blechington House by Cromwell, and despairing of 
succour, capitulated on honourable terms, obtaining safe 
conduct for himself and his troops to Oxford, where the 
King lay. " But his Majesty," says Rushworth, "highly 
resented the surrender of this garrison so near Oxford 
in this manner, and Colonel Windebank was for the 
same called before a council of war, and condemned, 
and though by the interest of his father and friends 
great applications were made for saving his life, he was 

1648.] THE CIVIL WAR. . 51 

shot to death, and his brother, a Lieutenant-Colonel, laid 

down his commission/' All wars cast " bloody stains '^ 

.poo the ™.orie. of .Idier, ; .ad in judging .t thi, 

distance of time of actions such as these, we must keep 

in view the temper of the age and the pressure of events, 

and be careM, above all, not to single out circumstances 

common to the civil wars of all countries, and stamp them 

as exceptional instances. What express severity was 

there in reference to Lisle or Lucas which does not also 

show with heightened colours in reference to Winde- 

bank? In neither case must we look for any justification 

beyond the urgency of war, which crushes all appeals 

to temperate reason, and sometimes finds in individual 

sacrifices an excuse of mercy to thousands. But the 

justification, such as it is, appUes with equal force to 

both sides. 

In his ^^ Short Memorial/' Lord Fairfax says that Lisle 

and Lucas were ^^ soldiers of fortune, and falUng into our 

hands by chance of war, were executed ; " upon which 

the biographer of Lucas observes that this "is a gross 

misrepresentation of facts, at least so far as Sir Charles 

Lucas was concerned, who had a competent estate of 

his own, and was heir besides to the title and fortune 

of his brother, Lord Lucas.'' This is perfectly true. 

Sir Charles was not a soldier of fortune. But the 

question does not rest upon this fact, nor was it upon 

this ground tliat Sir Charles was put to death, although 

it might seem so fi'om that shambUng sentence. Sir 

Charles Lucas was amenable to the articles of war 


52 MEMORIALS OF [1648. 

on other and more serious grounds ; nor can the " Short 
Memorial/' which is a mere scanty outUne, never 
descending into details, written merely for private 
perusal, and not given to the world for nearly thirty 
years after the death of Lord Fairfax, be cited as an 
authority to fix responsibihty of any kind upon the 
writer. Lord Fairfax was a great soldier, but his 
laurels fade, and we are almost tempted to doubt that 
he really won them, the moment he appears as an 
author. We must seek elsewhere for authentic explana- 
tions of the circumstances which that unsatisfactory 
" Memorial " touches so obscurely. 

In a contemporary publication, already quoted, will 
be found the following passage : — " Sir Chailes Lucas 
was conceived (and too true) to be the cause of the 
ruine of the place, his interest in the town drawing the 
army thither. He was the head of all those that did 
rise in this county, and so brought the odium of the 
country upon him, and at last grew harsh to the towns- 
people (a thing contrary to his wonted disposition) when 
they complained of a want of bread, not regarding what 
miserie he brought upon that place where he was bom ; 
besides, it was affirmed unto to him by four persons at 
his death, that he put two men to the sword with his 
own hands, in cold blood, long after quarter granted. 
The other [Lisle], as was informed, was a great cause 
of burning of the houses about the town, and a person 
bent to much mischief"* These facts have not been 

* Colchester's Teares. 

1W8.] THE CIVIL WAR. 53 

controverted. The cruelty exercised towards the town, 
not only in holding out a protracted and utterly hopeless 
siege, but in the destniction of property and the 
infliction of brutal outrages, had a large share in the 
condemnation of Lucas. But there was another and 
still more special charge against him. 

This charge is thus alluded to by the noble biographer : 
— ^^ Baker, in his account of these transactions, says that 
Fairfax alleged in his letter to ParUament, that Lucas 
had falsified his word to him ; adding, in a note, that 
* this was alleged, but never proved.^ It does not appear, 
however, by any copy of Fairfax's letter that he did 
make the allegation, or give any such reason for his 
conduct.'^* In Fairfax's letter to Lord Manchester, 
published by Rushworth, no such allegation is stated ; 
but as Rushworth did not publish all the letters trans- 
mitted to Parliament by Fairfitx, the evidence on 
this point is defective. Not being able to find the 
allegation either in the letter to Lord Manchester, 
or in the " Short Memorial," the biographer concludes 
that no such allegation was ever made. "Fairfax's 
detail,'' he observes, speaking of the " Short Memorial," 
" enters into so many particulars [we must venture to 
suggest, on the contrary, that the Memorial is singularly 
crude and deficient in details], that it is impossible to 
beUeve he would accidentally have omitted such an 
event ; and as it was not published till after the time 
when he is said to have accused Lucas of his want of 

• Memoir, p. 64. 

54 MEMORIALS OF [1648. 

honour^ it must be looked upon aB certain that he 
never did so charge him."* A book published by 
Mr. Sprigge, Fairfax's chaplain, in which the writer 
speaks of Lucas as a " soldier of reputation and valour/' 
is cited in proof of the fact that the charge, even 
if it were made, was false. Is it possible, asks the 
biographer, that he (Sprigge) would have assigned this 
character "to one whom he had reason to believe 
capable of 'forfeiting his parole, his honour, and his 
faith f ' The book," he continues, " was published in 1 6 4 7 ; 
before the charge was alleged- to have been made (1648), 
but long after the time when the circumstances which 
alone could have given rise to it, had occurred, and when 
the accuracy or falsehood of any rumour must have 
been fiilly verified." f Now this evidence, granting 
all the circumstances assumed, does not really affect 
the point at issue. Sprigge might have been wholly 
ignorant of the fact that Lucas was out upon parole. 
Or, knowing the fact that he was out on parole, and 
not knowing that he had broken his parole (which 
as shall be shown presently, he could not have known) he 
may have had no reason for speaking otherwise of him 
than as a soldier of deputation. But, whether he knew 
the fact or not, it appears to have escaped the acute dis- 
crimination of the noble biographer that the dates upon 
which he reUes in this negative testimony in favour of 
Lucas, distinctly prove that Mr. Sprigge's book cannot 
be admitted in evidence at all. The book was pub- 

* Memoir, p. ^B, f lb. p. 66. 

J«^8.] THE CIVIL WAR. 55 

lished in 1647 — Lucas's violation of his parole took 
place in 1648, at the rising in Essex, when he joined 
the Earl of Norwich and led the troops to Colchester; 
so that when Mr. Sprigge pronounced Lucas to be a 
" soldier oi repuiation^'^ Lucas had not committed the act 
which disentitled him to that honourable designation. 
Sprigge, therefore, must be put out of court. The noble 
biographer, however, is not only convinced, on Sprigge^s 
testimonial to character, that the charge was &lse, but 
asserts his beUef that no such charge was ever made 
by Fair&x. " Li addition,'^ he observes, " to the want 
of foundation for such a charge, there is every reason 
to believe that such a message fiev&r was sent by Fair- 
faa?^ independent of the fact of his own silence on the 
subject. "5^ ^ ^t 4t Supposing, for argument's sake, 
that an insulting answer from Fair&x to Lucas had been 
suppressed by the latter, it is impossible to beUeve that 
it would long have remained unknown." * This argu- 
ment is extremely reasonable ; but if it can be shown 
that the '^insulting answer^ not only did not remain 
long unknown, but that it was made known immediately 
after it was sent, the argument fells to the groimd. 

Let us now turn to Rushworth. Under the date of 
the 20th June, upwards of two months before the 
surrender of the town, so that the besieged had ample 
notice of Lord Fairfax's opinions on this matter, we 
have the following record of the substance of letters 
from Colchester read before the House of Commons. 

* Memoir, p. 67. 

56 MEMORIALS OF [1648. 

"Sir Charles Lucas sent a Trumpet, proposing an 
exchange for prisoners, but oflFering private men for 
oflScers and gentlemen, it was rejected. The Lord 
General sent his letter to Colchester, to acquaint them, 
that Sir Charies Lucas had forfeited his parole, and 
therefore not capable of command or trust in martial 
affairs : to this an answer, or rather excuse was 
returned/'* The answer, or excuse, is not given ; but 
here is indisputable proof that within seven days from 
the day when he summoned the town to surrender, 
Lord Fairfax distinctly charged Sir Charles Lucas with 
having broken his parole, and that the fact was im- 
mediately afterwards announced in the House of Com- 
mons, and, it is to be presumed, published in the usual 
way through the " diumals/^ If this statement on the 
subject in Rushworth be not in itself considered final, 
the following letter, the original of which has been pre- 
served amongst the Fairfax Correspondence, places the 
fact beyond all further controversy. It is the "answer," 
or " excuse,^' sent by Sir Charles Lucas in reply to the 
charge made against him by Fairfax. 


My Lord, 

In your letter sent by your trumpeter to my Lord 
Capel, and another from your lordship to myself, you make 
exceptions to him concerning me, as being a prisoner still 

• Rushworth, P. IV. Vol. IL p. 1160. 

1648.] THE CIVIL WAR. 57 

unto your lordship. Sir^ I wonder that you should question 
me of any such engagement^ since I purchased my freedom 
and estate at a high rate^ by a great sum of money^ which I 
paid into Goldsmiths' Hall^ for which, according to the 
ordinances of the two Houses, I was to enjoy my freedom 
and estate. 

When I conceived myself in this condition, I sent a letter 
to your secretary, desiring him to advertise your lordship 
that I had punctually performed my engagements as they 
stood in relation to your lordship. Upon which I had notice 
from him that you accepted of my respects to you, which, 
truly, have never been wanting to your person. But, my 
lordj besides my inclinations and duty to the service I am in 
at present, be pleased to examine whether the law of nature 
hath not instigated me to take my sword again into my 
hand, for when I was in peaceable manner in London, 
there was a price set upon me by the Committee of Derby 
House, upon which I was constrained to retire myself into 
my own country, and to my native town, for refuge, where, 
my lord, I do remain, not your prisoner, but 

Your lordship's very humble servant, 

Charles Lucas. 

Cokketter^ Jime the 19^, 1648. 

This answer is important in two points of view. In 
the first place, it admits the fact, which seems to be 
more or less disputed, that Sir Charles Lucas had been 
a prisoner and under engagement of some kind, to 
Lord Fairfax — " You make exceptions concerning me, as 
being a prisoner stiU unto your lordship f and in the 
second place, it sets up a defence for having again 

58 MEMOBIALS OF [1648. 

taken arms in the royal service, upon the validitj of 
which the charge of having broken his parole must stand 
or fall. 

No doubt exists that Lucas was made prisoner at the 
battle of Marston Moor. His biographer admits the fact, 
adding that " circumstances, now for ever lost, may have 
given rise to some report of the nature which Whitelock 
and Rushworth [alluding to the passage just quoted] 
have recorded/' This is not clear. The statement in 
Rushworth is not a vague report, but an explicit 
statement of a charge pubhcly made by Lord Fairfax. 
Now it is not very probable that Lord Pairfiix would have 
made such a charge without being able to substantiate 
it if required ; and it is a mere begging of the ques- 
tion to attempt to set aside the charge because no 
proofs can now be traced of the circumstances under 
which the parole was entered upon. Proofs of that 
nature are superfluous. It is quite enough for all pur- 
poses to establish the &ct, that Lucas had been Lord 
Fairfax's prisoner, since, according to the usage which 
invariably prevailed in such cases, he could not have 
regained his hberty on any other conditions than a 
pledge not to bear arms again against the ParKament. 
The parole is an inevitable corollary from the fact of 
having been taken in arms, and subsequently liberated. 

Sir Charles Lucas's justification on the ground of 
having " purchased his fi^edom" is altogether untenable. 
The transaction at Goldsmiths' Hall simply ransomed 
his estate, but no more invested him with the right of 

1648.] THE CIVIL WAR. 59 

bearing arms against the Parliament than of committing 
any other act in open violation of their authority. 
This part of the case is too obvious to need argument 
or illustration. The composition for his estate was 
nothing more than an indemnity for the past, but 
clearly had no reference to the fixture, or all gentlemen 
who compounded in like manner would have been 
equally at liberty to re-enter the royal service, a pro- 
ceeding which would have again placed their estates 
in the same jeopardy fi'om which they had just 
redeemed them. 

Upon the whole, it may be fairly assumed that 
Lord Fairfax was justified in adopting the sentence of 
the Court, which confirmed the view he had himself 
expressed, when, so far back as June, he gave Lucas 
notice that he held him responsible for having forfeited his 
parole, his honour, and his faith, and that he considered 
him incapable of being treated witL But the question 
cannot be carried any farther. Posterity will pronounce 
its own judgment, according to its own lights, upon all 
such questions. It by no means follows that the course 
which is prescribed or defended by no higher warrant 
than military law or usage, is, therefore, the most just 
or wise ; and there can be no hesitation in closing the 
consideration of this case by an expression of regret at 
the imperious necessity which controlled its tragical 
issue. That this necessity was felt by the Parliament^ 
as it was by Lord Fairfex, is shown in the subsequent 
condemnation and execution of Lord Capel, who with 

60 MEMORIALS OF [1648. 

Goring and others was reserved by his lordship to be 
dealt with by the Parliament. 

The surrender of Colchester was contemporaneous 
with the victorious movements of Cromwell in Lan- 
cashire. The following letter gives a rapid view of the 
famous battle of Preston. It is without a signature, 
but bears internal evidence of having been written by 
Sir Marmaduke Langdale, who had recently seized 
Berwick and Carlisle, and, flushed with flying conquests 
and a reinforcement of Yorkshire recruits, had hastened 
to the Western Border to join the Scotch army under 
Duke Hamilton. At the time when this letter was 
written the whole force of the Royalists had been scat- 
tered Uke chaff at Preston ; and Langdale, endeavouring 
to make his escape as he could, and leaving his broken 
troops to shift for themselves, was made prisoner, as 
he tells us, and lodged in Nottingham Castle. 


This will give you a final account of my employ- 
ment, which is now ended, being a prisoner in Nottingham 
Castle, where I have civil usage. You have heard the con- 
dition I was in at Settle and Gigleswick, with about 3000 
foot and 600 horse, the 18th of August, where, hearing the 
Parliament forces were gathered together, and marching 
towards me, I went to acquaint Duke Hamilton therewith to 
Hornby, when he determined to march to Preston, where his 
army, being numerous in foot, he might have the greatest 
advantage upon his enemy in these inclosed countries. I 
marched near Clitherow towards Preston ; in the march I 


met with my Lord Calender^ and divers of the Scottish officers 
quartered in my way, with whom it was resolved to march to 
Preston; but for the present the intelligence was that the 
Parliament forces were divided, some part whereof were 
inarched to Colne, and so to Manchester, to relieve that 
town in case we should press upon it ; this made the officers 
of horse more negligent in repairing to Preston, but quartering 
wide in the country. The same night certain intelligence 
came that Lieutenant-Oeneral Cromwell, with all his forces, 
was within three miles of my quarters, which I immediately 
sent to the Duke, and told my Lord Leviston to acquaint 
Lieutenant-General Middleton therewith, and drew my forces 
together in a field, and so marched towards Preston betimes 
in the morning, where I found the Duke and Lord Calender, 
with most of the Scottish foot drawn up ; their resolution 
was to march to Wigan, giving little credit to the intelli- 
gence that came the night before ; but suffered their horse 
to continue in their quarters ten or twelve miles off within 
half an hour of our meeting, and by that time I was drawn 
into the closes near Preston; the enemy appeared with a 
small body of horse ; the Scots continued their resolution for 
Wigan, for which end they drew their foot over the bridge. 
The enemy coming the same way that I had marched, fell 
upon my quarters, where we continued skirmishing six hours, 
in all which time the Scots sent me no relief; they had very 
few horse, so as they sent me but few, which were soon beaten. 
I defended the pass with various success many times, gaining 
groimd of the enemy, and as the Scots acknowledge, they 
never saw any foot fight better than mine did. The Duke 
being incredulous that it was the whole army, sent Sir Lewis 
Dives to me, to whom I answered it was impossible any 
forces which were inconsiderable would adventure to press 

62 MEMORIALS OP [1648. 

upon so great an army as we had^ therefore he might conclude 
that it was all the power they could make, with which they 
were resolved to put all to the hazard : when I desired I might 
be seconded, and have more powder and ammunition. The 
Scots continued their march over the river, and did scour a 
lane near the bridge, whereby the Parliament forces came 
upon my flank ; neither did the forces that were left for my 
supply come to my reUef, but continued in the rear of mine : 
when most of the Scots were drawn over the bridge, the 
Parliament forces pressed upon me in van and flanks, and 
so drove me away into the town, where the Duke was in 
person, with some few horse ; but all being lost, retreated 
over a ford to his foot. After my forces were beaten, the 
Parliament forces beat the Scotch from the bridge pre- 
sently, and so came over into all the lanes, that we could 
not [rally] with the foot, but were forced to [retreat to 
Wigan] where we found Lieutenant-General Middleton, ready 
to advance towards Preston to the foot, which he did ; but 
not finding the foot there, retreated towards Wigan, where 
the Duke was with his foot ; mine totally lost ; there they 
took a resolution to go to my Lord Byron, for which end they 
would march that night to Warrington. In their march^ the 
Parliament forces fell so fast upon their rear that they could 
not reach Warrington that night ; and Lieutenant-General 
Middleton, finding himself unable to withstand their forces, 
left the foot in Warrington to make their own conditions, so 
as we marched towards Malpas ; six of the Scottish lords in 
this march left us, whereof my Lord Traquair was one ; most 
part submitted to the Sheriff of Shropshire, and they sent 
two gentlemen of that country to the Duke, to offer him. the 
same quarter that the Earl of Traquair had. From Malpas 
we marched to Drayton, and so to Stone; in our march firom 

1648.] THE CIVIL WAR. 63 

thence^ the Parliament forces fell upon the rear^ and took 
Lieutenant-Oeneral Middleton. The next mornings going to 
attend the Duke for his resolution^ I found him extremely 
sick^ not able to march; my Lord Calender seemed to refuse 
all wait of treaty, but rather to march northwards, where we 
had a considerable force^ and the whole kingdom of Scotland 
at our backs ; upon this we marched over the river. I had 
the van, and was marching : — ^presently my Lord Calender 
came to me, told he would march with me, but none of 
his forces would, and that he had much ado to escape them ; 
that he was come with himself alone, his horse pricked in the 
foot, without cloak. I persuaded his lordship that it was 
better to return to his forces, because I could not protect him, 
seeing the Scots had left me. I was resolved to sever and 
shift every man for himself; but to capitulate I could not 
with a safe conscience. After some little discourse he 
returned to his forces and I marched towards Nottingham, 
where those few I had took several ways, and I got that 
night over Trent, and came to a house six miles from 
NottinghajdQ, where myself. Colonel Owen, Lieutenant-Colonel 
Oallard, and Major Constable thought to have shrouded our- 
selves and so made no resistance, but were discovered, and 
so are in Nottingham Castle.* 

Avguit 2etk, 1648. 

The maimer in which poor Sir Maxmaduke was 
pounced upon is related in fiiU by Mrs. Hutchinson, 
and makes a tolerably striking, half-humorous, half- 
miserable, melodramatic episode in the grand narrative 
of this resuscitated war. '^ Sir Marmaduke Langdale/' 

• From Mr. BenUey's Collection. 

64 MEMORIALS OF [1648. 

says Mrs. Hutchinson, "after the rout of Hamilton, 
came with two or three other officers to a little ale- 
house which was upon Colonel Hutchinson's land, and 
there were so circumspect, that these country fellows 
who saw them by chance, suspecting they were no 
ordinary travellers, acquainted Mr. Windmerpoole, who 
lived within two or three miles, and had been Major to 
the Colonel [Hutchinson] in the first war ; whereupon 
he came forth, with some few others, and sent down 
to the Colonel to acquaint him that some suspicious 
persons were at the lodge. The Colonel, hearing of it, 
took his servants out, and some approaching near the 
house, when Major Windmerpoole, being beforehand in 
the house, had given Langdale some jealousy that he 
might be surprised ; thereupon one of his company went 
out to fetch out his horses, which were stopped for the 
present, and they seeing the Colonel coming up towards 
them, rendered themselves prisoners to Major Wind- 
merpoole, and were sent to Nottingham Castle, where 
they continued some months, till at last Langdale, find- 
ing an opportunity, corrupted one of the guard, who 
fiirnished him with a soldier's disguise, and ran away 
with him.^'^^ The subsequent fortunes of Sir Marmaduke 
are unknown. He was one of the seven who, in the 
November of the present year, were excepted from 
pardon ; on which occasion he fled with more success 
than when he hid himself in the alehouse. He fled into 
total oblivion. The Colonel Owen who was taken with 

* Memoirs of Colonel Hutchinson. 

1648.] THE CIVIL WAR. 65 

him has been confounded with the Sir John Owen on 
whose behalf (because he was friendless and had nobody 
to speak for him) Colonels Hutchinson and Ireton inter- 
ceded, obtaining a commutation of his sentence to 
banishment. But they were different persons, for at the 
time when the Colonel was taken prisoner with Lang- 
dale, Sir John was shut up in Windsor Castle, awaiting 
his trial for high treason. Concerning the other 
fugitive, Lieutenant-Colonel Gallard, history is silent. 

The contagious spirit of popular revolt was, perhaps, 
never more strikingly illustrated than in the incidents 
which were occurring in Paris during this period. We 
have a minute account of them in letters from Sir 
Richard Browne, addressed, probably, to De Vic. The 
barricades alluded to are those of the Fronde, a repro- 
duction of the barricades of the League, presenting the 
same features of suddenness and decision, and of com- 
plete calm when the work was done, which have been 
re-enacted so circumstantially in our own times. Much 
the same sort of struggle which was drawing to its 
conclusion in England, was now going forward in 
Prance between the Queen-Regent and the Parhament. 
Dismayed by the success of the English people, 
the Regent was beginning to give way, when the 
unexpected victory of Lens inspired her with fresh 
courage, and, imagining that despotism was once more 
secure under the laurels of Cond4 she rapidly seized 
the persons of six * of the most popular members of the 

* Sir Richard Browne mentions only two. 

66 MEMORIALS OP [1648. 

Assembly. This violent act was instantly followed by 
one of those revolutions in the streets which, in later 
times, have hurled dynasties in three hours fix>m the 
throne. Even Sir Richard Browne is so impressed by 
the extraordinary rapidity of the re-action, that while 
he feels it to be " a dangerous thing to let the many- 
headed monster know its strength/' he is compelled 
to confess, that " the safety of a Prince consists more 
in the love of his people than in the steel, or number of 
his guards." Great must have been the force of the events 
which wrung this apothegm from courtly Sir Bichard ! 

In that passage of his letter which describes the 
return of the ParUamentary deputies to the Queen 
with a fresh demand from the barricades, he omits 
to mention that the Queen of England was present. 
Whether the example of the calamities which she and 
her family were at that moment enduring, in con- 
sequence of their infatuated resistance to public opinion, 
had any eflFect, does not appear ; but we may infer so, 
from the only observation she is said to have made, 
that " the troubles in London were never more passionate 
nor more alarming." The situation of all parties con- 
cerned at this interview was highly dramatic : one 
Queen capitulating for her safety with an embassy from 
the people, in the presence of another Queen who was 
exiled for refusing to ent^tain similar appeals. A 
single false step — ^the slightest exhibition of obstinacy — 
a rash word, would have reduced the Royalty of France 
to the same forlorn condition. 

1648.] THE CIVIL WAR. 67 


The Prince of Condi's victory, mentioned in my 
last, proves true ; the second advices having not only con- 
firmed, but improved the first report ; for though the French 
were a third less in number, yet there were in this battle 
(now called the battle of Lens) thirty-eight pieces of cannon 
taken, with the carriages and ammunition thereunto belong- 
ing, the most part of their baggage, 120 ensigns and cornets, 
500 officers, amongst whom General Beck (since dead of his 
wounds at Arras), the Prince of Ligny, general of the 
horse, the Count de St. Amour, who commanded a brigade. 
Beck's son, and divers others of quality, 3000 killed upon 
the place, and 5000 prisoners taken ; a particular relation of 
all which is here amply set out in print. 

This victory hath certainly been one of the most wonder- 
ful and opportune successes that the French have had since 
this war. The consequences whereof woxdd doubtless prove 
of great advantage to this Crown — if a domestic cloud 
obscure not the glory of this foreign triumph ; for on Wed- 
nesday last a De profundis was improvidently begun in the 
town whilst the King and Queen were at Ndtre Dame cele- 
brating the Te Deum, under pretence whereof the Guards 
being, according to custom, disposed in the way between the 
Palais Cardinal and the Church, this opportunity was made 
use of for seizing of Monsieur de BrusseUs and Monsieur de 
Blameny, two of the forwardest members of the Parliament 
in their late undertaken work of reformation, who being 
violently surprised in their houses, and carried away pri- 
soners, the people began instantly to rise, to draw the chains, 


68 MEMORIALS OF [1648. 

and to nnpave and barricade the streets, in such sort that 
after the King's return from church the Guards were dis- 
persed in several parts of the city, and that night the bour- 
geois held council, and so combined, that the next morning 
they stopped the Chancellor's coach as he went to interdict 
the Parliament, and forced him to save himself in the Duke 
de Luyne's house, near the Pont St. Michael, which they 
violently and tumultuously entered and pillaged, but missed 
the Chancellor, who was hid under a bed, (or, as some say, 
in a cupboard,) from whence Marshal de La Meilleray, with 
some companies of the Guard, rescued and conducted him 
to the Palais Cardinal, the Chancellor (by reason of the 
chains being drawn) marching in the middle of the Guards 
afoot, holding his square cap in his hand, and in this, his 
recovery, many on both sides lost their lives, amongst whom 
a Swiss Captain, and the Chancellor Exempt, and coachman. 
Hereupon the Parliament went to the Queen Regent with 
humble remonstrances, to redemand their members, who 
being by the Queen treated with high language, and dis- 
missed unsatified, in their return coming to the first chain, 
not far from the Court gates, where the people stood in 
guard, and understanding that the restitution of the Parlia- 
ment was denied, they were by the people sent back again to 
Court, and told that there was no entrance for them into the 
city, unless they prevailed in their demand, which after a 
long attendance (during which the Queen gave them a colla- 
tion,) towards evening was granted unto them, upon condition 
that between this and their breaking up at the vintage vaca- 
tion, they should handle only those three points, the tariff, 
the officers' wages, and the rents upon the town-house ; and 
lettreS'de-cachet were immediately expedited for the enlarge- 
ment and bringing back of the members, who sat again 

1648.] THE CIVIL WAR. 69 

yesterday in Parliament, till performance whereof the whole 
town continued in arms, barricaded at every street ; and as 
the people have had their will in this, they will, it is feared, 
proceed to higher demands, so dangerous a thing it is to let 
this many-headed monster know its own strength; and if the 
provinces (as it is thought they will) should rise, this so 
absolute and self-confiding government may by woful expe- 
rience find that the safety of a Prince consists more in the 
love of his people than in the steel, or number of his Guards. 
Yours of the 14th is safe arrived. I congratulate, &c. 

A. B. 

Paris, August 29^, 1648. 



Upon the return of Monsieur de Bruxelles, the 
foul weather here, mentioned in my last, began suddenly to 
clear up; all the Corps de Gardes, as he passed along, 
entertaining him with volleys of shot and acclamations, the 
people crying nothing but Vive le Roy et Monsieur de 
Bruxelles, and the women running out of their houses to 
salute and embrace him; whereupon the chains were pre- 
sently let down, and the barricades taken away. Since 
when, the captains, sheriffs, and other officers of the City, 
and also the Corps de Marchands, have all been at the Palais 
Cardinal, to assure the Queen that their taking up arms and 
raising barricades was only in their own defence, and to 
secure the City fipom the violence and plunder of the meaner 
sort of people, who, being the greater number, are apt to lay 
hold of any occasion for rapine ; which hath passed for so 

70 MEMORIALS OF [1648. 

good pajrment; that the Queen remains well satisfied^ nseth 
them very civilly, and gives them thanks for their so great and 
so unanimous care in the conservation and safety of the public. 
And truly it is admirable to consider so high a going sea 
should so suddenly be appeased, and how so many, and so suffi- 
cient barricades (far exceeding, as our dnquanters tell us^ those 
of 588, in Henry the Third's time,) should in so few hours be 
erected and demolished. Some convidsions, it is true, have, 
since this hot fit appeared; and the people have taken an 
accoimt, in writing, of every family which, upon the like 
occasion, shall be enjoined to furnish a man. But in out- 
ward show, here is now no other face but that of peace and 
quiet ; and the Parliament doth work, forenoon and after- 
noon, upon three points, — ^the tariflF, the officers* wages, and 
the town rents, and are (in regard the finances are now dis- 
ordered, till they, by bringing their deliberations to matu- 
rity, settle some course for the coming in of the Crown 
revenue,) about to demand leave of the King to continue 
their session during this approaching vacation. The Chan- 
cellor is returned to his house; but Marshal de la Meilleraye 
keeps sanctuary in the Palais Cardinal, and talks of quitting 
his superintendancy, and retiring to his government, so 
guilty it seems he is of having irreconcileably exasperated 
the people. 

The siege of Tournay is assured, (I hear it capitulates) ; 
and it is said Dixmunde is likewise invested by the Prince of 
Conde, who, for certain, forbore any new engagement, till he 
saw whether his army would not be usefiil here, and be com- 
manded hither for the reduction of this city. 

The taking of Cremona is still expected ; but the French 
fleet, having lain many days near the Isle of Procyta, and 
finding no compliance or encouragement from the Neapoli- 

1648.] THE CIVIL WAR. 71 

tans, is returned to Porto Longone, from whence part is to be 
sent to Catalonia, where they hope for better success. 

The Duke of Anjou is fallen sick of the small-pox. The 
prisoners of note, taken in the battle of Lens, are brought to 
the Bois de Yincennes. 

An express hath newly brought the relation of a defeat 
the Marshal Bauzan should have given to M. Stendrate, 
near Toumay^ wherein 15Q0 were taken prisoners, with three 
pieces of cannon. 

The Queen^ two days since, sent for the Parliament, and 
told them that it was her act alone, contrary to the opinion 
of her Council, to seize upon those members, and that she, 
being very well satisfied of their good intention to the King 
and State, willed them to proceed in what manner they 
pleased, and bring their good intentions to a happy end. 

The yesterday's post not being yet come, I have received 
none from you this week, nor none from England, but one 
from W. Peters, which requires no answer. 

I pray communicate this to Sir A. H. And let the Earl 
of Anmdel know that I, yesterday, according to his lordship's 
commands, sent a post to Brussels, to his son, of which I 
here this day give his lordship an account in a letter. But 
as his lordship's came to me opened, so perhaps mine to his 
lordship may be intercepted. And, &c. 

% 6«A, 1648. 

A letter, upon English affairs, from one of Sir Richard 
Browne's correspondents, and another from Sir Richard 
touching upon French matters, throw more side lights 
upon the vital action of the times abroad and at home. 

72 MEMORIALS OF [1648. 

DE GARDE (pbobablt a psbudontmb) TO SIR R. BROWNE. 

The opportunity of sending now by a good hand^ 
makes me huddle up a letter in great haste to give you the 
inclosed, made at adventure, and, in truth, copy of the one 
was forgot ; but it is only half a dozen kind lines in behalf 

of Mr. , much to the substance of the recital 

in the other. Monday I shall have convenience of sending 
by another, for then the commissioners go up, if not stayed 

by a new prolongation, to the report of their work the 

and the last days. The sum this : the bishops and 

their lands, stood upon by the King, a form of service not 
insisted on, seeing the latitude of the directory. None 
suflfered to lose life or estate for delinquency ; some to be 
absented, if thought fit ; the rest that they may compound, 
and desired it may be easily. The like for new delinquents. 
None to be their councillors, judges, or other officers, but by 
consent of both Houses. Lord Ormond written to by the 
King to desist in Ireland, as the two. Houses here have 
desired ; and if he refuse, a declaration then to follow, as now 

demanded. This will note, and make quick use of. 

Yet the King keeps a good heart for the Marquis of Ormond. 
By my next you shall have, I hope, Mr. Fanshawe's business. 
P. W. will write, who stays (as doth N. O.) by order of the 
King, as long as may be. A prolongation is supposed may 
come for some Scottish concernments. I write you no 
London news, but am, sir, your humble servant, 

De Garde. 

November 26^A, 1648. 

1648. J THE CIVIL WAR. 73 


Notwithstanding that the late long conferences 
at Munster, between Monsieur de Serment and the Monsieur 
Le Bron^ seems to give some hopes of a peace between the 
two Crowns, yet they here begin their vigorous prepara- 
tions for the next campaign, towards the expense whereof 
Mademoiselle de Le Meilleraye pretends to have already got 
five-and-thirty of the fifty millions designed ; and the Parlia- 
ment goes briskly on in their pretended reformation, having 
lately given an arrest for the revocation of all the King's 
demesne lands engaged to particular persons : another for- 
bidding the taking to farm the tailles, or contracting with 
the King for them by way of advance : a third for reduction 
of the comptants to three millions a-year: and a fourth, 
that no money should be raised upon the subject by virtue 
of any edicts not first verified in Parliament. Cardinal 
Mazarin hath been a little indisposed with a swelling in his 
foot, since the great feast he made a week since to all the 
princes, among whom the Duke de Mercure, whose father 
hath leave to roam to Mercure in Auvergne, and there 
reside^ and not elsewhere. One Machon, Archdeacon of 
Toule, a learned man that heretofore lived in the Chancellor's 
house, is taken and imprisoned, for having counterfeited the 
Broad Seal. Monsieur D'Avaux, by some pensions, and by 
making a nephew of his captain in the regiment of Guards, 
is recompensed for his superintendent's place. The Abbe de 
la Riviere is Ministre d'Etat. 

R. B.* 

Paris, Novmber 28th, 1648. 

* All these letters connected with Sir R. Browne, are from Mr. Bentley's 

74 MEMORIALS OF [1648. 

In the subsequent transactions of this year, labouring 
with the great catastrophe which brought the struggle 
to a close on the scaflFold, Lord Fairfax bore an im- 
portant part. The main facts may be thus rapidly 


Parliament had rescinded their votes agamst holding 
fiirther negociation with the King, and agreed to enter 
upon the personal treaty demanded by his Majesty. 
The residence at Carisbrook was rendered more agreeable 
to the royal prisoner, who was permitted to ride about 
the island on his own personal engagement to Colonel 
Hammond, and then removed to the house of Sir 
William Hodges at Newport, where he held his court, if 
not with the pomp, at least with the semblance of rega- 
lity, ceremoniously receiving the commissioners appointed 
to treat with him, retiring from time to time into his 
closet with his three privy councillors, and issuing letters 
to the sheriff of London in the usual state form, as if they 
came from Whitehall or Windsor.* In the midst of 
this short gleam of kingly show, there was an incident 
which shook the superstitious heart of the multitude. 
Lilly, in his book of Astrological Predictions, published 
about this time, foretold that if his Majesty were suffered 

* Ruishworib, p. 1272. Looking a little in advance, the reader is struck with 
feelings of profound pity by his Majesty's letter to " Our trusty and well- 
beloved Richard Brown, sheriff elect," dated '* From our Court at Newport," 
desiring him to use his best endeavours to obtain the reprieve of the two sons 
of his Majesty's haberdasher, who were under sentence of death for robbery. 
Confident in his power to the last ! and how that power is shattered by the 
reception of this royal letter in the Commons-^^' The Commons ordered, * That 
the said prisoners be left to the justice of the Law ! ' '* 

1648.] THE CIVIL WAR. 75 

to be at liberty there would be danger to his person by 
inordinate horsemanship [symbolical, doubtless, of all 
other inordinatenesses], or by some fall from on high. 
The prophecy was literally fulfilled on the spot, as its 
larger meaning was afterwards realised at WhitehaU. 
" Eiding down a steep hilV^ says a private letter, " his 
Majesty's bridle broke, and the horse ran down with 
him, to the great terror of the beholders ; but God be 
praised, his exquisite skiU in riding (but Providence 
chiefly) prevented him/^ If his skill had enabled him 
to manage his treaties as weU as his horses, it might 
have preserved him from the worse dangers that lay yet 
before him. 

The progress of the treaty was slow ; his Majesty's 
answers were dilatory, and, for the greater part, as 
usual, unsatis&ctory. But Parliament in rescinding its 
resolution to trust no more to his Majesty's good feith, 
had abandoned the high ground which they had won at 
such expenditure of blood and suflfering, and were 
willing to yield up all the advantages they had gained 
at the moment when they had secured the means of 
dictating the rights and liberties for which they had 
struggled. It was finally resolved to accept his Majesty's 
" condescensions,*' as his answers were called. 

The whole of these proceedings were in direct oppo- 
sition to the solemn Remonstrance of the army; and 
Fairfax found it necessary once more to take the affairs 
of the kingdom into his own keeping. His first step was 
to supersede Hammond, and direct him to attend at 

76 MEMORIALS OP [1648. 

the head-quarters of the army at Windsor. Parliament 
countennanded this order, and desired him to remain 
where he was. But Hammond saw the Kne of his duty 
clearly, and repaired at once to Windson The next 
movement was to secure the person of the King. 
Troops were ordered into the Isle of Wight, the King's 
house surrounded, and his Majesty conveyed in his 
coach to Hurst Castle. This primary object gained, 
Fairfax advanced upon London, giving notice to the 
authorities that he should immediately require the pay- 
ment of the arrears due to the soldiery. 

Settling down, like a sudden shower of swords, in 
St. James's, Whitehall, Palace Yard, and the suburbs, 
the army was now in a position to carry out " its own 
demands." The City Trained Bands were removed from 
the service of Parliament, and the doors were guarded 
by regular troops under the command of Colonel Rich 
and Colonel Pride. All history is famihar with Pride's 
Purge. It was the most effectual of drastics. Forty- 
one members — " incendiaries " to a man, and amongst 
them some of the disabled Eleven who had been re- 
admitted into the house in defiance of the order for their 
expulsion, and through whose influence the Commons 
had been recently warped from its course — ^were seized 
and lodged at a house in Westminster called " Hell,'' 
and from thence drafted into two inns in the Strand, 
the King's Head and the Swan, where they were placed 
under a guard. Other members were warned not to 
attempt to take their seats. In vain the Commons 

1648.] THE CIVIL WAR. 77 

appointed Committees to confer with the army. Un- 
speakable consternation prevails in-doors and out-doors ; 
and in the height of the terror, through which nothing 
is clear but the steadfastness of the army, Cromwell 
comes to town crowned with victory jfrom the North. 

The House of Commons, relieved by Fairfax for the 
second time from faction and divided councils, pro- 
ceeded eagerly to the vindication of its independence. 
The rescinding votes were in turn rescinded. The 
personal treaty was annulled. It was declared that all 
ceremonies of state hitherto observed towards the King, 
even to presentations on the knee, should be abolished ; 
and an ordinance was passed for attainting his Majesty 
of High Treason, and for trying him by a Commission 
to be appointed for that purpose. 

Towards the close of December this great question 
was in debate between the two Houses. The Lords, 
appalled at the close approach of the popular power 
arrayed against hereditary dignities and divine right, 
hesitated and demurred. The King, in the meanwhile, 
stripped of attendance, despoiled of all royal state and 
circumstance, and reduced to the plain style and title 
of Charles Stuart, awaits the issue imder durance in 
Windsor Castle ; and the curtain of the year fells upon 
a scene of intense suspense and agitation, to rise in a 
few days upon the solemn tribunal in Westminster Hall, 
where the King stands at the bar to answer to the 
indictment which charges him with high treason against 
the Uberties of the country. 









The trial of the King was the act of the Commons. 
The Lords rejected the ordinance, and the Commons 
carried it out without them. The case was new, and 
new forms were called into existence for its adjudication. 

Heretofore when differences arose between the two 
Houses, the questions in debate became the subject of 
negociation, or were resumed in the Chamber where 
they originated, and sent back again. Up to this hour, 
the Commons had been tender of these usages ; and 
had shown on more than one occasion, a scrupulous 
anxiety to protect the privileges of the Lords. But 
they now no longer affected even to deliberate upon the 
vote of the Upper House. A crisis had arrived in 
which established usages, the types of unity of action 
in the Legislature, were over-ruled by a paramount 
necessity : — one of those crises which demand the 
suspension of old institutions to faciUtate some indis- 
pensable violation of the law. The Commons at once 
trampled down all precedents, shook off the Lords, and 
forming themselves into a " Grand Committee," agreed 
to the following Resolutions without a single dissentient 
voice. In these Resolutions we have the first authentic 


82 MEMORIALS OF [1649. 

enunciation of the principle, That the People abb the | 
Source of all Power. 

Resolved: — That the Commons of England in Parliament 
assembled do declare^ That the People^ under Ood^ are the 
original of all just Powers. 

They do likewise declare^ That the Commons of England 
assembled in Parliament, being chosen by, and representing 
the People, have the supreme authority of this Nation. 

They do likewise declare. That whatsoever is enacted and 
declared law by the Commons of England assembled in 
Parliament, hath the force of law, and all the People of this 
Nation are included thereby, although the consent and 
concurrence of the King and House of Peers be not had 

Under the power and authority thus declared, the 
House proceeded to the appointment of Commissioners 
to constitute a High Court of Justice " for trying and 
judging Charles Stuart, King of England/' At the head 
of the list of Commissioners stood the name of Thomas, 
Lord Fairfax. 

The Commissioners were called together on the 8th 
January. Lord Fairfax was present at that meeting. 
Proclamation was ordered to be made of the next 
sitting. The precept authorising the proclamation was 
not signed by Lord Fairfax. He never attended again. 

Several preliminary sittings were afterwards held for 
ordering the manner of the trial, which opened in the 
Painted Chamber at Westminster, on the 1 9th. It was 

1649.] THE CIVIL WAR. 83 

on this occasion that Lady Fairfax interrupted the 
proceedings of the Court when the name of her 
husband was called over, by declaring "that he had 
more wit than to be there ; ^^ adding in a loud voice, 
" that the proceeding had not the consent of half the 
people of England, and that Oliver Cromwell was a 
traitor/' * 

The opinions of Lord Fairfax in reference to these 
proceedings were undisguised, and he took the earliest 
and most conspicuous opportunity of making them 
known. His position was one of peculiar difficulty. 
Acting upon the remonstrance of the army, which had 
for its object the vindication of the liberties of the 
people through the independence of the Legislature, he 
cleared the House of Commons of the Malignants who 
had hitherto succeeded in fettering its free action and 
confounding its councils. Forty-one were swept away 
at a single motion; in a few days others were arrested or 
driven from the doors; upwards of a hundred altogether. 
The House was no sooner relieved from its incubus, than 
it rose to an ascendancy never contemplated within the 
scope of Fairfax's design. The waters were loosened, 
and no human power could stay the flood. He who 

* Furfiix Correspondence, I. cv. In the ^' Memonals of English Affairs/' 
dated 22nd January, 1648 [9], we find the foUowing account of this scene. 
"There were strict guards, many souldiers, and a great press of people at the 
trial of the King. The House sat only to adjourn. Some who sat on the 
scaffolds about the Court at the trial (particularly the Lady Fairfax, the Lord 
General's wife), did not forbear to exclaim aloud against the proceedings of the 
Court, and the irreverent usage of the King by his subjects, insomuch that the 
Court was interrupted, and' the souldiers and officers of the Court had much to 
do to ({uiet the ladies and others." 

G 2 

84 MEMORIALS OF [1649. 

had, hitherto, controlled the army and preserved the 
Parliament, was now himself coerced by both. 

The Court established for the trial of the King was 
miknown to the constitution of this country. Dimly as 
the constitution was defined in those days, one thing at 
least was certain, that the Commons had never possessed 
or exercised any separate power, judicial or legislative, 
apart from the Lords. The proceeding was a revolution 
in itself. One estate of the realm was extinguished in 
the person of the King, who was a prisoner, and was 
conveyed to the place of trial in a boat guarded by 
musketeers. The House of Lords was shut up. The 
Commons in the name of the People, usurped the whole 
functions of the State. Fairfax nominally at the head 
of the army, was really powerless, and suffered himself 
to be made the passive instrument of acts which his 
judgment and his conscience disapproved. Orders 
which he never saw were issued in his name ; measures 
against which he protested, were executed under the 
assumed sanction of his authority. His apology for 
adopting a Kne of conduct which so gravely compro- 
mised his personal credit was, that he submitted to one 
evil to avert a worse. Had he withdrawn from his 
command at this moment the consequences must un- 
doubtedly have been serious, and would have plunged 
the kingdom into greater distractions than ever. A 
portion of the army would have followed him imder any 
circumstances ; the Royalists would have risen afresh ; 
and the emotion of pity and sympathy with which the 

1649.] THE CIVIL WAR. 85 

people were beginning to be touched by the misfortunes 
of the Sovereign, would have broken out into demon- 
strations which neither* Parliament nor Army could 
hope to appease. It was true, as Lady Fairfax cou- 
rageously asserted in the face of the tribunal, that not 
half the people of England approved of the Bill of 
Attainder. The slightest excuse would have drawn 
out the latent remorse, the generous doubts, the desire 
for pardon and oblivion of the past, which lay in the 
heart of the people. On the other hand, the general 
body of the army, goaded by wrongs and insults, and 
impatient for such fierce restitution as the fiercest of 
measures alone could procure, were eager for extremi- 
ties. At the first defection in an influential quarter, 
faction would have sprung into renewed activity, the 
popular party would have been instantly broken up ; the 
army, rent by divisions, would have convulsed the king- 
dom by a Servile War ; and, without an intelligible prin- 
ciple to espouse on any side, the horrors of the last five 
years would have been re-enacted with tenfold violence, 
recklessness, and confiision. Fairfax saw the difficulties 
of his position, and shrank fi-om the responsibility of a 
step which must have precipitated such results. His 
friends in Parliament urged upon him the prudential 
comTse which he deemed it his duty to follow. They 
liad their own objects to serve, and he was so entirely 
uninfluenced by motives of personal ambition, that he 
was easily persuaded to sacrifice himself to the repose 
of his country. He desired earnestly to retire from his 

86 MEMORIALS OF [1«49. 

command ; but it would have exposed him to miscon- 
structions which he held to be fraught with imminent 
danger ; and he continued at the head of the troops till 
the dismal tragedy was over, and the helm of the State 
had passed into other hands. " So long as I acted their 
designs/* he tells us, " I might have attained to what 
height of power and other advantages I pleased/'* 
This was what he dreaded. On that feimous day when 
the House of Commons was invested, and Pride's infantry 
filled Westminster Hall, the sceptre was within his 
reach. On that day he was the foremost man in 
England. He was the idol of the army, who had it in 
their power to bear down all obstacles, and who did 
bear down aQ obstacles, notwithstanding his secession. 
His forbearance in both directions looks Uke weakness 
and inconsistency ; yet it must be allowed that the 
motives by which he was governed are entitled to con- 
sideration. It is by no means certain that if he had 
openly resisted the Commons he could have saved the 
Monarchy ; but it is quite certain that if he had saved 
it by such means he would have restored the deposed 
tyranny in greater strength than ever, exulting in its 
victory over popular principles, and devoting its re- 
covered power to the gratification of a wide and san- 
guinary revenge. Such was the dilemma in which 
Fairfax stood. Instead of meeting, he avoided its diffi- 
culties ; and in that hour of England's greatest peril he 
vanished from the page of history. 

* Short Memorial. 

1649.] THE CIVIL WAR. 87 

Betaining his shadowy command of the army mitil 
after the execution of the King, and, still unwilling to 
interfere publicly with actions which he could neither 
control nor modify, he satisfied his honour by protests 
in the Council Chamber, and then, overwhelmed by the 
Regicides, he reUnquished his commission, and retired to 
his estate at Nun Appleton, where he Uved in obscurity 
throughout the term of the Commonwealth. The sud- 
denness of his ecUpse was the most remarkable incident 
in his life— more remarkable than the piled-up glory of 
his breathless triumphs. He carried into his retreat 
the memory of a brilliant military career, a body scarred 
with wounds, and a pure conscience. No man, having 
such opportunities of personal aggrandisement, ever came 
out of them with cleaner hands. To him his country 
was mainly indebted for the vindication of its Uberties 
— ^he owed his country nothing. The course which he 
took upon the King's trial is open to much discussion ; 
but the worst that can be said of it is, that he faltered 
at a time when decision, either way, might have preci- 
pitated the ruin of the cause to which he was devoted. 
Paufex was a Soldier, not a Statesman ; and when the 
scene of action was removed from the entrenched field 
to the Painted Chamber, his genius was perplexed and 
baffled by elements with which he was unfit to deal. 

Throughout these years of retirement, from 1649 to 
the Restoration, the Fairfax Correspondence is silent 
upon public afiairs. The Parliamentary General had 
wholly withdrawn himself from the strife, and even its 

88 MEMORIALS OF £1649. 

echoes hardly reached him in his retreat, where physical 
ailments, the legacies of war, gave him occupation 
enough. But we are enabled, from other sources, to 
supply some original letters, which aflFord occasional 
illustrations of the history of the interval. 

The following relate chiefly to the afiairs of Ireland, 
and are fiiU of curious details respecting the movements 
of the RoyaUsts. We have here, also, some specimens 
of that cypher writing which was adopted in their secret 



I HAD more often presented my humble service 
unto you, but that these four months his Majesty is expected 
here; but now that Sir James Preston goeth hither with 
some dispatches, I should have much wronged myself and 
injured you had I not made some acknowledgment for the 
many obUgations and favours you have been pleased to 
honour me with ; and if in my power, or of any with whom I 
have credit here, we can serve you with much afiPection and 
reahty, you may command us all, — which, when God will be 
pleased that we shall meet in this kingdom^ I will endeavour 
to make demonstrations of my so great desire to serve you. 

Sir James Preston is one who extremely deserved to be 
countenanced and favoured by his Majesty ; for I can assure 
you he hath done several acceptable services, which, because 
already known, and by others — of greater credit than I am 
of— expressed, I will omit the particulars; only 'tis well 

* Probably Sir Edward Nicholas. 

1649.] THE CIVIL WAR. 89 

known^ had not his father^ Greneral Preston^ and himself^ 
laboured so faithfally to advance the King's service here^ 
this kingdom had been in a very sad condition^ and the work 
could not come to that perfection; and his Majesty will^ God 
willing^ find it at his arrival in this kingdom, which, I pray 
God, may be with all possible speed. I doubt not but that 
his Majesty will take to his consideration their services, and 
what hath been promised to them by the Lord-Lieutenant 
yielded to by his Majesty, with other advantages. I need 
not give you the trouble of any relation of mine, touching 
the state of this kingdom; for by the Lord-Lieutenant's 
dispatches, and by the relation of Sir James Preston, you 
will know more than I can advertise you. Notwithstanding, 
I can assure you I never could discover more resolution, more 
affection, and more emulation among all the considerable 
persons of this kingdom, to expose their lives and fortunes 
to restore his Majesty, and be revenged on the most brutish 
actors of so great and barbarous a villainy and parricide 
committed on so just and pious a king. 

As for mine own particular, nothing troubles me more 
than that I am not in a condition to express mine own zeal 
to forward his Majesty's service; and, indeed, I have not 
heen backward in any thing that came within the share of 
my activity, nor never will. I am appointed a Chaplain- 
General of the armies raised by the Roman Catholics ; and 
I will undertake no lawless excommunications nor ground- 
less censures shall have place in this army, to frighten the 
soldiers from their allegiance ; neither shall any thing which 
might any way disadvantage the service — which might be 
occasioned by the malevolent and malignant party, which 
showed themselves adverse to his Majesty's Government, 
and may, by their secret plots and undermining, endeavour to 




90 MEMOBIALS OF [1649. 

practise some foul design — be left undiscovered; for no such 
thing can be as much as thought of but I shall^ some way or 
other^ know it, and shall be a means to have it prevented. 

I may give you^ also^ assurance of a great likelihood of a 
full and perfect settlement in this kingdom^ and tliat sud- 
denly. We long to see his Majesty here. I pray let nothing 
be admitted touching a voyage into Scotland ; for this is the 
far more considerable nation^ (and so considerable^ when you 
will be here you will wonder how much some are deceived in 
their opinions of this nation)^ and have given to the world 
the far greater testimony of their loyalty. I conclude^ wish- 
ing you all happiness^ and that God may be pleased to send 
his Majesty safe into this kingdpm^ which will ever be the 
continual prayer of, Sir, 

Your most affectionate humble servant, 

Thomas Talbot. 

WaUrfwd^ Jme 6«A, 1649. 


I OWE you an account of each minute's stay in this 
place : and if my memory had not failed me in the most 
material part of your direction, it had not been omitted. I 
am sure my wishes can contribute nothing to you beyond 
what you do enjoy, you have so great an advantage already 
in the change of air. It will be of much satisfaction to me 
to receive the tidings of your welfare, and how, and by what 
name, and to what place, I am to continue my address to 
you. All considerations since you left us have been upon 
the Irish expedition. This inexhaustible magazine hath 

1649.] THE CIVIL WAR. 91 

furnished out great store of provisions^ great sums of money, 
plate, furniture, and other things suitable to the state of a 
Lord-Lieutenant, whose greatest want is ships for the trans- 
portation of his men, who this week rendezvous at Milford, 
though it be doubted that the bad success of Colonel Monk 
and Owen Boe O^Neale may alter his councils. Dundalk 
and CarUngford being both delivered, in the former was 
found a great magazine of clothes, and a large proportion of 
powder, which was conceived to be very acceptable to that 
party. Owen Eoe received the defeat upon his drawing up 
to Monk's relief, whose men forsaking him, and to the 
nmnber of 500 foot and horse coming in to my Lord Lichi- 
queene, who performed this service, he only conditioned for 
his own freedom to come for England, and is since gone to 
give an account of this business to the Lord-Lieutenant ; and 
his disaster at this season makes a great impression in the 
well aflfected, those parts lying upon the Scots' quarters, 
being at, as it is more than probably conceived, the places 
pretended for their landing, where they had some back and 

Here hath been some stories about the delivery of the Isle 
of Man, but not believed. 

Jut/y 30^, 1649. 


Mt dear Friend, 

This is the second I have adventured to you, partly 
out of an impatience to be informed of your safe arrival, and 
then to beg a line from you how and to what place I am to 

* These letters of Mr. White's were probably addressed to Sir Richard Browne. 

92 MEMORIALS OF [164a. 

continue my address to you ; but you want not a just and 
warrantable excuse for any neglect in this kind — only 
remember that you are not allowed your parole above a 
month. I may not divert your thoughts from your present 
contemplations^ I should else tell you what a sensible miss 
Fleet-street hath of you, and then relate the great score of 
services that are given me in charge. Be assured that nothing 
can lessen the esteem of your friends, which hath so pure a 
foundation as your own virtue. But my present business is 
to tell you how strangely we are at this minute confounded 
with variety of stories, touching the relief of Dublin with 
men and ammunition. That some foot and horse were shipped 
for that service is certain, but of their safe landing or recep- 
tion into the town is only grounded upon report ; the contrary 
being more probable ; in being conjectured they were designed 
for Dundalk, and shipped before the taking of it was known ; 
these, joining with Monk and Owen O^Neale, might have 
made a considerable diversion, whilst Cromwell's forces made 
good their footing in some other parts of that kingdom ; but 
being deceived in their design, they were, as it is believed, 
put upon a desperate hazard to land ; and that, before their 
gaining of the town, they were met, and many cut off; but 
for this I find little warrant but conjecture, by application of 
circumstances. But the defeat given Owen O'Neale, and the 
taking of Dundalk with some himdreds of barrels of powder, 
3000 suits, and several other provisions proportionable, you 
may build upon. The defeat of O'Neale's party was per- 
formed with 300 horse, under the command of Colonel 
M.Trevor, against 1200 foot and 300 horse; he is since 
made Governor of that town (Carlingford) and the county of 
Lowth, an excellent horse officer, and in election to be 
Lieutenant-General of the Lord of Ormondes horse. Monk, 

1W9.] THE CIVIL WAR. 93 

soon after his arriyal at Chester^ went to the Lord-Lieutenant 
to Milford^ where most of the forces are designed to be 
shipped^ if his coming alter not their course and counsels. 
Vast quantities of money are sent hence daily with great 
convoys^ and all designed for that expedition. The consults 
at home produce little of moment ; great debates^ and wise 
oppositions upon the matter of adjourning^ which will not 
yet be carried. The present business is of putting a test or 
oath upon the clergy first, and then all officers, for con- 
formity to the present government. The breach of the 
treaty, when given out to be so hopeful, hath struck a great 
damp on some, and raised the confidence of the men in 
power. The affairs of Scotland are best understood with 
you ; it will require a belief above sense to expect any good 
thence. Let me bespeak your pardon for this haste, which 
must only justify me ; and then let me subscribe myself. 

Your faithful friend and servant, 

Tho. White. 

TempUBar, August 2nd, 1649. 

Be pleased to entertain this gentleman's acquaintance; 
and if you meet with anything material to be known, that 
you will communicate to him. 



It is no small satisfaction to me to find by yours of 
the 21st, that mine are come to your hands ; having not then 
received any direction from you for my address, you have 
been so just to me in your returns, that you may challenge 

94 MEMORIALS OF [1649. 

this as a debt ; and I am resolved not to clear scores with 
you whilst I do continue my present station. I am sure that 
in my last I summed in short to you the story of the grand 
misfortune before Dublin ; it may be some allay to it to tell 
you some reason for it^ which in particular is alleged to be 
the escape of a town trumpeter from the camp^ who encour- 
aged the party to pursue the sally^ when their business was 
no more than to beat up a new guard. It is agreed on all 
hands that 3000 were killed upon the place^ and 1500 taken 
prisoners ; and it is as certain that a considerable part of the 
army marched off entire and unbroken ; the great loss fell 
upon Inchequeene's foot. Jones's horse were so broken 
in the business^ as unabled to make the best advantage of 
their victory, which hath given my Lord of Ormond oppor- 
tunity to rally, and by addition of his recruits grow into 
such a body as to be in condition to look upon the town 
again, which is the faith of the sanguine men he cannot want 
for numbers. Owen Roe (yNeale, the root of all this mis- 
chief, being immediately before this business come in, who 
endeavouring to make some disturbance in Munster, occa- 
sioned Inchequeene's drawing off with a body of horse, which 
was missed in the day of action. You know that what comes 
thence passes one way which puts us upon conjectures, and 
that begets variety of stories. Here they are very confident 
of the relief of Londonderry ; and at this whole series of mis- 
fortime the Presbyter seems pleased, not so much out of 
kindness to the prevalent party, as a judgment he makes of a 
necessity now put upon our chief of a compliance with the 
brethren, with whom his^ interest is so involved, as he is not 
to be wrought to join with any third ; which is sufficiently 
observed by his declaring against Ormond and his adherents, 
wherein Ards and Irish Scot are concerned. But if 246 do 

1649.] THE CIVIL WAR. 95 

succeed^ he will non rtovi vos ; and I may tell you he hath more 
than ordinaiy odds — ^they think they have little more to do 
than share stakes^ which seems by the Lieut.-Qeneral Crom- 
well sending for his wife to meet him at Dublin^ himself being 
ready to be shipped after many of his men. His business is 
looked upon as done to his hand^ which puts them upon 
thoughts of magnificent entertainments suitable to his pre- 
sent quality and place^ and that hath caused such prepara- 
tion of plate^ furniture^ and other regalias. Joneses ser- 
vice is recompensed with 1000/. per annum. But I have 
dwelt too long upon this story^ and you must cover my 
infirmity; for to deal truly with you^ it hath made a very 
great impression in me ; though I am not of their feeble faith 
whose confidence ebbs and flows according to accidents and 
events of fortune. You will find our pretended humility turned 
to arrogance^ for now we stick not to give out, 7, 37, 27, 7, 
1, 2, 31, 8, 5, 85, 1, 29, 81, 35, 1, 29, 5, 35, 6, 7, 31, 1, 

30, 2, 50, 6, 34, 27, 87, 37, 13, 30, 27, 5, 31, 7, 2, 6, 34, 

31, 37, 7, 31, 5, 7, 84, 81, 71, 36, 35, 1, 33, 26. From them 
I may improve this way upon practice, but you see by this 
we now resolve to stick at nothing. I shall be able to clear 
some doubts to you by my next, being now a little surprised. 
Your good opinion must justify me, which by all acts of 
Mendship and civility I shall ever study to preserve. I have 
something to say in answer to some particulars in yours ; be 
it only remembered you are not accountable to yourselves 
alone for what you do ; and therefore such as are obnoxious 
to the vulgar opinion (though perhaps otherwise innocent) 
may not be so proper for the new model, and all that are 
qualified for employment n^on possunt magnam conquere for- 
tunam ; but I neither pretend to the morals or politics at 
this time, being in some hazard to lose the post. If my 

96 MEMOBIALS OF [16^9. 

noble friend the knight be npon the place, you are to 
advocate for me to him. I cannot excuse myself without 
belieying him to be so good a husband as to be at Calais. 
Sir G, T. is your faithfiil servant ; is constant to the old 
quarters of our friends. I put myself upon your mercy, 
for this hasty scribbling will need. Adieu to the next, and 

ever yours, 

Thomas White. 

I cannot meet with anything of that kind you mention ; 
only I send you the close of one letter, which I doubt is not 
of that kind you seem to intend : 

'' That no prince in Christendom shall dare to shelter the 

Aug, 16, 1649. 



Since the receipt of yours of the 21st, I summed 
up the late disaster before Dublin in one from me to you, 
which I conceive may prove so hard of digestion, that I have 
not heard from you by this return; your own judgment will 
upon scrutiny tell you the great change that will be wrought 
by it, as well to counsel as action. Some disorder discovered 
in the camp upon the sally encouraged the besieged to attempt 
it. The report both of the prisoners and the slain lessens, 
and some are here so incredulous as to affirm the town to be 
still besieged, which I conceive not to be very probable, now 
that Cromwell^s army is at sea since the 14th of this month, 
there being then in readiness to the number of 130 sail, for 

1649.] THE CIVIL WAR. 97 

whom the wind hath served fair. If this blow had not come 
so seasonably they had fallen short of their numbers^ so little 
stomach they seemed to have to this expedition; now it 
passes for no more than reaping the &uits of other men's 
labours. Colonel Jones is rewarded by the gift of 1500/. per 
annum out of confiscated estates, whereof one Bates' estate, 
in the province of Leinster, becomes to be a part. 7, 34, 315, 
50, 2, 1, 31, 11, 9, 35, 37, 37, 30, 31, 37, 3, 72, 7, 34, 31, 5, 
in their work, by making purchase 2, 32, 6, 250, tSl, 2, 32, 7, 
34, 31, 33, 2, 2, 30, 73, 7, 2, 9, 1, 31, 6, 35, 1, 50, 2, 8, 1, 6, 
7, 5, 26, as it is supected, upon no light grounds. If the course 
lie for Dublin, then have at the Scot in the north, who are 
looked upon as a colony, fit to be extirpated or transplanted, 
having little more than possession to fortify their title to the 
place. This hath made such an impression on the Lord of 
the Ards, that we hear he is returned and resolved to join, 
and making good his footing by joining with his countrymen. 
173 was never so Ukely to be 3, 5, 2, 8, 35, 29, 35, 27, 7, 31, 
30, 26, if they have not the grace to apprehend their concern 
in time. We hear of some message sent &om Scotland to 
the King since this defeat, which, to speak to you in the 
Newcastle phrase, as it was written, put them into such a 
damp, as if they had been surprised by one in a coal-pit, 
which some conceive will put them upon you upon reasonable 
terms, and it is feared that, having thrown out at this stake, 
you may hearken to them ; yet we go as far as we can, for 
discontenting and disobliging our Mends, to satisfy that 
party. 95, 26, and a general pardon is to pass, in order to a 
compliance that way. We begin to divide and share stakes 
apace. The General is, upon Friday next, to have 4000/. per 
amium of the Duke of Buckingham's estate conferred upon 
Mm, and Colonel Martin 1000/. I must for this time close 


98 MEMORIALS OF [1649. 

with an account of your friend's health and welfare^ resemng 
you to this parcel of Mr. Mayes' poetry. If it be answered, 
that may occasion a reply^ but none here hath as yet under- 
taken it. 

I am, your faithful servant^ 

Tho. White. 

In my next you will be very like to hear of Cromwell 

4ugutt 20th, 1649. 



Our stock is grown so low that it will scarce 

keep up the trade of writing, our business being of two 
sorts; either the driving on the several ways of money, as 
that we owe much of our success to, or the right manage of 
the military power, which is found the more diflScult part, 
so apt the soldiery are to be tainted with the levelling prin- 
ciples, wherein this place abounds so much, that considera^ 
tions are taken at present to draw off the remaining parts of 
the army to a further distance, and supplying that foroe by 
an auxiliary of persons chosen, whose arms are to be pro- 
vided by the abler sort, and carried by those as the ni(»*e 
confiding. Some there are who conceive this remove to pro- 
ceed from a necessity of farther supplies for Ireland, the 
Lord of Ormond having rallied himself into a condition to 
face Dublin, though not to renew the siege. Of Ireton, 
and his attempts, or success, in Munster, we know nothing. 
Youghall was the place designed, but believed he was disap- 
pointed, if not deceived of his bargain, by one Peircy Smith 


the Grovernor, au officer of the Lord Inchiquin^s. Some 
farther discourse we have of au encounter at sea upon that 
coast with loss to our friends. The Scots about Londonderry 
have played their game as they used to do^ and been first to 
quit the siege^ to which Owen O'Neale contributed much by 
a cessation made with the Coots, which we (now having 
served our turn) do declare scandalous, and absolutely dis- 
claim ; but since our last success, both there and at Dublin, 
we have this day a whispering of some backblow, which is 
no way improbable, for that Colonel Jones his forwardness 
engaged him too soon upon Tredaith before Ormondes army 
were sufficiently broken, who it seems attacked them in the 
rear before they could recover Dublin ; but my next will give 
you more certainty. That which most imports your know- 
ledge is the sense we have here of your prohibiting the 
importation of our cloth, which we so far stomach that we 
mtend to quit scores with you by doing the like to your 
French wines. If this should end in a breach, it might very 
much hinder the settling of a very hopeful commonwealth. 
We still fear that the Scots, bating much of their high 
demands, and not involving the interest of England, or 
putting conditions upon you in reference to their party 
here, wiU be a strong motive to draw you to an agreement 
with them, which these friends, whidi are num^ous effeetu- 
aUy in the maritime towns, do very much gape, as giving 
them an opportunity to regain their power; for they see 
small hopes of any compliance from this way, there being a 
resolulion of giving a general liberty to any man of parts to 
exercise the ministry, thoiigh they have not the seal of 
ordinaticHi. And then the abolition of tithes is no way 
scropled, which makes the Presbytery very keen and bold 
in bis hmguage, and very vehement for an imiting with their 


100 MEMORIALS OF [1649. 

brethren, which is the only way of deliverance they propose 
to themselves ; but I know this string is not to be touched — 
it will jar so much in some ears with you, and render those 
obnoxious that incline to that sense, and malice will be a 
rule when they have forfeited their reason. Where monarchy 
takes root, it soon grows to afford a shelter against sun and 
storms. We know there is one condition to keep you from 
writing, which here is called self-interest ; but we are to be 
wise in aliend republicd. You have that within you that in 
all states and conditions will make you happy, which I desire 
may still receive new addition. I will not complain that I 
have not heard from you these four returns ; and I doubt I 
may by my absence fail you the next, but never to approve 

Your most faithful and affectionate, 

Thomas White. 

Aug, 27, 1649. 



The receipt of yours, both of the 1st and 4!th^ were 
by my former acknowledged, which afford so much of satis- 
faction, that I shall never balance the account. I must be 
still your debtor, what return soever I make. I find you are 
not planet-struck. I hope that unlucky affect is now over : 
it was only to put us in mind we were mortal, — our seeming 
success made us so apt to forget it. There is much life 
remaining in that game of Ireland, as may by several circum- 
stances be collected. When a force of 4000 horse is acknow- 
ledged, that goes far to the making of a good army. No 

1«49.] THE CIVIL WAR. 101 

matter of action as yet owned^ and that attributed to their ill 
passage and slender provision^ having continued above ten 
days at sea. My former mentioned a recruit of 6000 sent 
for^ intended to be placed into such garrisons as shall be 
taken^ for that must be but a winter work. You are not to 
expect much from that coast^ orders being given against all 
private communication by letters. 

I presume you will hear of a late proclamation^ touching 
the importation of French wines. We expect to understand 
how you do resent it, which will not be much valued ; for if 
9,31,31, 30,2,81, 2,8,5, 28,8,6,31,1,31, 6, 26, in 133, 
236, 6, 2, 8, 37, 30, 35, 31, 5, 11, 74, say 11, 2, 8, 5, 7, 8, 5, 1, 
31, will be 1, 31,10,7,72, to be 6,9,27, 37,2,9,31,30, 
which is to be seasonably thought upon. In the mean time, 
all courses are to be put in practice, that make for the pre- 
sent power, so far as engagements to be taken from all 
persons in trust and office for their conformity, which as it is 
relished will come in course to others. 

We hear of a message come, 238, 73, 37, that prays an 
assistance of foot and horse, upon apprehension of some fears 
from malignants, but yet do press for a proceeding against 
all such as have acted against the Covenant, which makes 
the meaning to be very mystical to such as understand the 
different inclinations, which agree only in this that, 236, 3, 
27, 3, 85, 6, 7, 33, 232, 29, 84, 27, 8, 27, 37, 35, 31, 5, 71, 
are the sole 8, 81, 5, 6, 2, 1, 6, to be confounded. Here we 
talk of Rupert being at liberty by the advantage of these 
boisterous winds ; and some losses are complained of. The 
most welcome tidings to you will be the welfare of your 
friends, who have entertained themselves with high solace in 
their several progresses. You enjoy more in yourself than 
all that can signify. I hear that you have been written to ; 

102 MEMORIALS OF [1649. 

but nothing hath passed my hands but per packet, which I 
hope you received. Adieu to the next, and 

Ever yours faithfully, 

Tho. White. > 

September 6th, 1649. | 



Be pleased to receive my acknowledgment of your 
last, which hath been some motive to the inclosed; all 
this omission having proceeded from the want of conve- 
nience. I am sure your absence loses you nothing in 
the estimation of your friends, so frequent mention I daily 
meet with to your advantage, in which number I am 
enjoined by the honourable widow to acknowledge the 
favour of your letter. They begin to consider of their winter 
quarters. Full satisfaction will be made you. This last 
week, with the discourse of a new motion of the levelling 
party, the scene was Oxford : the active and vigilant people 
of the times choked it in the conception. It had so short a 
being and continuance, that divers are persuaded there was 
nothing of earnest in it. That will be cleared if any execu- 
tion follow upon the prime actors, who are in custody. Some 
are induced to believe it was meant only to train on another 
party, whose fingers are sufficiently burnt already. There is 
a spirit reigns amongst those people that will never be con- 
jured down, though great endeavours are used to sweeten 
J. Lillbome ; and he begins to hearken, which is more than 
half the conquest. Their petty successes serve to confirm us 
in our ways. We expect greats countenance from Spain 
than we have as yet found from any other kingdom, it bdng 

1649.1 THE CIVIL WAR. 108 

confidently affirmed that an ambassador is to come thence to 
conclude a league, offensive and defensive, with our estate, 
and before the prohibition of French wines be revoked. 
The like must move from you : it must be composed by a 
negociation, which cannot be without owning our state. 
Since the army drew into the field, we know nothing of 
action. Tredaith must first be looked, which it seems is 
well provided for the time. The clearing of the North is 
the first in intention, the better to interrupt any correspond- 
ence between the two nations, it being yet believed that the 
interest or pretence of the Covenant will not hinder a com- 
posure with the King, if his affairs should proceed in Ireland. 
Our General, in reducing of the old regiments there, hath 
much discontented the old soldier, which in time may have 
an ill consequence, if the cause prove what is alleged, that 
they were not to be trusted. Strong apprehensions of inva- 
sion in Scotland, which hath occasioned the sending for men 
to the borders, to be at hand, if occasion do require. The 
merchant is grown malcontent upon the late tidings from 
Russia, whose Emperor hath prohibited all commerce with 
the subjects of this State, as a people of such high guilt as 
mifit to mingle with his : he hath allowed them time to get 
in their debts. I must for this time bate you the residue, 
having not allowed myself time in anything within my 
power. I fthall ever appear 

Your most faithful servant, 

Tho. White. 

SepiemherlZihf 1649. 

104 MEMORIALS OP [1649. 


My dear Friend^ 

Your last being of the 15th, together with one 
other of the 1st, came the same instant to my hands, which 
I confess have put me very far upon your account, as well 
for the number as weight, being so exact in relation of par- 
ticulars, which would not have found faith here if it had had 
not your stamp, for here they are possessed with an opinion 
that it is impossible to compose your intestine troubles, or to 
prevent thorough raptures ; but these late attempts not suc- 
ceeding will soon clear that doubt. However, we conceive 
you will have so much business of your own as will keep 
you from disturbing your neighbours. Though you begin 
the quarrel with us at sea, we mean very suddenly to quit 
scores with you, there being a resolution taken to grant out 
letters of marque to make ourselves savers of you for the 
losses already sustained, and for those ships of yours or 
Rupert^s that ply the Straits^ mouth. Ten very good sail are 
from hence designed to watch your course, there being a far 
greater number to be shortly in readiness to scour the 
neighbouring seas, there being a necessity on your part to 
keep a strong fleet in regard of the great scarcity of pro- 
vision that is in Ireland, which occasions the transporting of 
so much from hence; but that defect will be supplied by 
our late successes in Ireland, whereof this inclosed being the 
last that is made public, and being from the chief hand 
there, will give you a taste. I would have sent you more, 
but for swelling this into too great a bulk. Ormondes 
resolution or meaning cannot be discovered, unless he intend 
to wear out our force with winter sieges, and then at his own 

1649.] THE CIVIL WAR. 105 

time take advantage of our weakness^ for by several letters 
it is written that his army is numerous ; his delay may cost 
him dear if he mean fighting, for our recruits advance apace^ 
the GeneraVs second son being lately gone hence with a 
regiment of horse, and great numbers of foot are already 
as far as Chester; and at this rate do we wear out this 
winter, only find out some employment by turning all that 
is vendible of the late King's into ready money, finding out 
new ways of improving the excise, as extending it to men's 
ease, pleasures and conveniences, as putting it upon coaches, 
hawks^ and dogs, which is pretended a kindness to the 
gentry, that the high price of their pleasures may exclude 
the plebeian. Some thrift we pretend to in another kind by 
crying down the wearing of all gold and silver lace for which 
a bill is to pass. We would give the Scot no temptation 
to trouble us again, who we fear will not be confined to 
their own wilderness. His brother Presbyter expects still his 
deliverance that way, and so great a suspicion there is of a 
compliance, that one Penruddock, that came lately from 
Holland, is imprisoned upon a suspicion of being employed 
to negociate with that party, but all fear from thence is over 
if the King comply not, wherein it seems you as well as 
many others here are unsatisfied; all courtship and appli- 
cation is made to them to gain them ; the worst title that 
Cromwell's letter gives them are his angry friends. I find 
you understand the true reason of this intermission, your 
chief was put into a cold sweat, and your lawyer to his 
distinction touching the grand scruple by your awaking a 
sleeping conscience ; if you do not right us, you will scarce 
believe us to be such creatures as you left us ; I am sure 
nothing can make me lose your service. I hope, I shall 
keep myself still in a capacity to be so owned. This stopping 

108 MEMORIALS OP [1649. 


I AM very much satisfied to find that mine have 
found a clear passage to you. Though the materials are not 
the samC; I am glad to find you pleased to entertain the whole 
trouble. I diflfer not from the opinion signified to you in my 
last^ touching your inclination to confer a right on us ; there 
are several conveniences to invite you to it. You know best 
how to compute the expense and trouble of such a journey; 
but my desires must not carry me to your prejudice, who so 
well understand the compass of your own affairs, by the trial 
you have had of us. You know the worst ; and at the same 
rate you are still to find us, if you come. The scope of this 
is, to acknowledge the receipt of yours of the 13th. We are 
grown so barren, that there is not so much as a stock to fill 
up this paper. Our last tidings from Ireland were of 
Cromwell being before Duncannon, where he hath continued 
for ten days. You know they use not here to speak diffi- 
dently of their own success ; a strong place it is, and com- 
manded by Preston, who hath given a good account of a 
weaker, Ghinop-house. The disease of the country begins to 
work in the conquering army, so that the numbers do daily 
lessen. Some conceive a strong inclination in Cromwell to 
give us here a visit. Horton, a considerable officer of his, is 
lately dead there. We hear the Scota have had very ill luck 
at Coleraine, though Belfast and Lisnegarey were both 
recovered and burnt. We are pleased to find the truth of 
Mr. Trevor's success from you, he having marched thirty 
miles to perform that service. Here is much industry and 
care for clothes and recruits; and pay they cannot want, 

1649.] THE CIVIL WAR. 109 

whilst so many Milves are in motion. The present business 
is the choice of new sheriffs^ which we are not much con- 
cerned to inquire after. They have it also under considera- 
tion to proceed to the trial of Judge Jenkins^ Sir Jo. 
Stowell, and William Legg, but nothing certainly determined. 
Much expectation of what will be the issue of these animosi- 
ties in Holland ; the surfeit of peace and plenty makes those 
people so queasy stomached^ as now to affect a new diet. 
We hear of Prince Rupert being at sea with six sail : this 
hath not been confirmed by any matter of action. Sir^ if 
you have anjiihing to say to your chiefs you know the next 
week where to find him. If my request be not improper^ I 
desire you will communicate to me a calculation of your 
young master's nativity, for I make no question but have 
met with it, and the best skilled in that art are planted in 
your clime. Yours was delivered to the Eling. I presume 
to beg your trouble of the inclosed, which is occasioned 
by want of other means of conveyance. I shall add no more, 
but that I am most faithfully. 

Your very affectionate servant, 

Tho. White. 

November 9th, 1649. 



Since my return I only received one letter from 
you, which I do not instance to increase your trouble, only I 
gain a satisfaction to myself and your friends by it, whose 
constant inquiry of you doth very much evidence the esteem 
and value they hold of you, who seemed not a little pleased 

110 MSMOBIALS OF [1649. 

with the hopes of yoiix presence; it is possible since mj 
persuasion, jou may meet with some matters of discourage- 
ment from a resolution taken to make this new subsciiption 
to the present way and govemment to be pressed generally; 
if it be so pursued and prosecuted^ you will in that but take 
your fortune with your many other friends. The clergy 
do stumble at it^ and the universities have also manifested 
an averseness to it; but the logic of the sword that gives 
the law will be obeyed at long running. Being tendered to 
the assembly they took time of consideration, which is all 
the progress of that business, bating that the gown-men 
stuck not at it. All the present care is taken for the 
hastening of forces over into Ireland, which are unfor- 
tunately caUed for, and hastened ; for since the conjunction 
of Ormond and CVNeale, Cromwell begins to have some appre- 
hensions that he must suddenly fight to maintain his new 
conquests, which he professeth he will not decline, though 
his numbers fall far short of his enemies, which daily grow 
less by the country disease, besides some losses sustained by 
the siege of Duncannon, which hath and is like to find them 
picking work. Youghall and Cork they afKrm to be both 
declared for them, and their head quarters to be at Ross; 
so that considering the season, they have done much of 
their business in a short time, and yet, they may yet find 
too much for them to do. Here is some speech of their 
besieging Kilkenny. The apprehensions we have of more 
troubles from Scotland grow still greater, and here is 
nothing more believed and expected than that there will 
be an agreement with their King^ their commissionera 
having been long since with him ; but the success of these 
negociations must be expected from you. I Btni ytm the 
enclosed for the novelty of it, being the intended Irontis- 

1649.] THE CIVIL WAB. Ill 

piece of a book which was surprised in the press. You 
need no comment upon it when you examine it. Your 
friends enjoy perfect health, and have already had some 
seasoning of the town. I expect in your next to know 
something of your inclination this winter. I put some 
trouble upon you to convey a few lines from me to one 
Mr. Newton^ which I hope came safe to your hands. I 
shall not add to it by detaining you longer than to subscribe 

Your most faithful servant, 

Tho. White.* 

Novemher \Bthf 1649. 

The penury to which some of the Church dignitaries 
were reduced by the late convulsions, is pathetically 
illustrated in an appeal from Bishop Goodman to the 
civic authorities of Gloucester. The See was cut down 
to beggary. 



Right Wobshippul, 

Twenty-five years are now past since first I 
became your neighbour^ in which time I have received many 
tokens and kindnesses from you^ and I dare boldly say^ not 
any city and bishop in England did live and accord more 
lovingly and brotherly together than we did ; yet by the 
practice of some few (not a fiftieth part of your city, though 
they used the name of the city^) a petition was put up against 

♦ These letters are from Mr. Bentley's Collection. 

112 MEMORIALS OP [1649. 

me this Parliament (the like was not done by any other city 
against their bishop)^ and much money spent in prosecution 
thereof. Some things^ God knows^ were untrue ; but if all 
had been confessed^ yet they did not amount to the height 
of an accusation^ nor were the faults punishable by any law^ 
only they might argue some indiscretion. In regard hereof, 
seeing I was now become a petitioner to the Parliament, it 
was necessary that I should desire, not your certificate (for 
that had been a disparagement to the credit of my place and 
calling), but that you should write to your citizens in Parlia- 
ment, to fmijher my petition, whereby might appear the 
good correspondence ever held between us; and tliis very 
freely and lovingly you did, for which I return you many 
thanks, and if ever God shall enable me, I will requite it. 
Now I thought fit to give you an account of the business 
truly, Mr. Speaker, your Recorder and his son did very much 
respect your recommendation, and I pray return them many 
thanks for me, and desire their continuance of their favour. 
But when I consider you have better deserved of the Parlia- 
ment than any city in England, not only for the enduring of 
a great siege, but indeed the turning of the wheel for ever 
after the Parliament's forces prevailed, which before they did 
not; if now you should recommend my petition imme- 
diately to the Parliament, it cannot be ill taken, but rather 
it would serve to renew the memory of what is past ; and 
herein you shall do not only according to the former practice 
and precedent in law (as this bearer will inform you), but 
likewise observe your old custom ; for no city hath been more 
kind to their Bishops, to their lecturers, and to their 
widows, than you have ever been. The memory of Mr. 
Prior, our prebendary, and his wife, can testify it. If herein 
I may prevail/iyou shall still more and more oblige me. 

1649.] THE CIYIL WAR. 113 

And now I shall make a further motion unto you, which, 
God knows, I do not with any intent to put you to the least 
chai^^ much less to put you in mind what I have done ; but 
I do it only out of necessity, for as the case now stands with 
me, I live upon selling one thing after another, only to buy 
me bread. You may remember that I settled upon your 
hospital of St. Bartholomew the perpetual patronage of 
the parsonage of Keinerton, worth nearly 200/. per annum. 

Mr. H now enjoys it, by your presentation. It was 

settled with this condition: — That if any descended from 
my grandfather were capable thereof, he should be presented, 
otherwise it should go to the Mayor^s son, or to the alder- 
men or citizens, in their seniority, which might be a little 
encouragement put them to breed their sons scholars. Now 
my desire is, that we might refer ourselves to some skilful 
purcliaser, or let him set down a rate what it might be 
worth, to put out that clause of my grandfather's issue, and 
that it may be immediately settled upon the sons of citizeiis i 
and let him set down any reasonable rate between us, and it 
shall be accepted. Truly, the purchase did cost me above 
1000 marks. And whereas I know that your city is not in 
case tp purchase, for your payments are great, your trading 
is dead, the poor lie heavy upon you, &c., yet I shall expect 
no more than may be well paid out of the rents of the 
Hospital, and to be yearly paid as an annuity for term of my 
life, being now sixty-eight years aged, and you shall have it 
at an easy purchase. Or, if this motion do not please, if 
then I might know at what price you do estimate your own 
right, I should see whether I could procure a friend to lay 
out so much money, that I might sell the whole, and thereby 
make him satisfaction. Thus desiring you to take these 
things into consideration, that I may receive your answer, in 
VOL. n. I 

114 MEMORIALS OF [1649. 

my daily prayers beseeching God to bless the city and 
county of Gloucester, I rest. 

Your loving friend and servant, 

GoDFB. Goodman."*^ 

November 2drd, 1 649. 

Alderman Atkin, vrho will be remembered by former 
appeals to his constituents at Norwich, is still in Parlia- 
ment, and doing what he can to deserve a continuance 
of their favours. 


Bight Worshipful, 

My due respects remembered unto you and all 
your brethren. Your letter of the 24th dicto I have received, 
and understand that the money due to the army until the 
25th of December, is or will be ready when it is called for. 
I pray you hasten it all up, it will not come before it be 
welcome; and for that assessment from the 25th of this 
month for next three months, I pray you be mindful of it, 
lest free quarter come amongst you. I shall further the 
uniting of parishes what I can. We had a hearing this 
afternoon at committee of plundered ministers, and part 
of the prepared act was read; and when the parishes were 
named to be knit together, there was no church named for 
the people to meet in. Some reasons were given by some of 
your city, but not approved of; so we shall have a hearing 
again to-morrow afternoon. I have got an order for uniting 
the parishes in the city of Gloucester, which we shall make 
use of. I will not forget Christ Church; and I am not a 

* From Mr. Bentley's Collection. 

1»50.] THE CITIL WAR. 115 

little troubled that the business of the weavering trade is not 
yet passed. I know it is of great concernment to have 
something done in it. As for the money upon the tickets^ 
80 soon as the 1st of January is past^ I wiU see a return be 
made by the Committee of Indemnity^ as was appointed by 
the House. I sent you the order, and I being in the House 
at all the debate, wrote you the sense ; and if others send up 
all tickets of rich and poor, there will be a difference made 
here, and perhaps some poor indeed may suffer in it. I want 
a good partner to carry on your business, and so I take 
leave^ and rest, your worship^s to command, 

Tho. Atkin. 

I send herein the latest news from Ireland. God hath 

done wonderful things there, to admiration. Blessed be His 


La/w Deo : Lmdtm, Deoembw ^th, 1649. 



Bight Worshipful, 

My due respects remembered. Your letter of the 
7th dicto I have received. No news, since my last, from 
Scotland : they are there settling themselves in garrisons for 
a while ; and the Parliament being desirous to have a full 
relation of the condition of that place, upon a fiill debate in 
the House, last Tuesday, that the Lord-General Cromwell 
should come over to the service of the House, and before mid 
March to return thither again. God send him well hither 
and thithelr again. I shall not be wanting here to frtrther 
the City business, both for Church and weaving trade. A 
committee is appointed by the Committee for Plundered 


116 MBMORIALS OP [1650. 

Ministers^ to consider of the City petition^ and the desires 
about the Union^ which I shall further the speeding of it^ 
and also that for the trade of weaving, which I cannot yet 
get reported to the House^ although I have not been wanting 
to do my utmost in it. I send you here inclosed the Act for 
Subscribing to the Engagement. Yesterday it was agreed 
to in the House^ that the number of the new representa- 
tives shall not exceed 400 persons — there have been about 
SOS ; in Cornwall have been about 40 ; and I think 4 will be 
thought too many ; and the like in some such remote places. 
The further debate upon it is put off till next Wednesday ; 
and so I take leave^ and rest 

Your Worship^s to serve, 

Tho. Atkin. 

Do write. The engagement sent down is ( ) and 

then I expect some direction about the taking it. 

Jmu8 Deo : London, Jambory lOe^ 1649> [N,S. 1650.] 



Bight Worshipful, 

My due respects remembered to you and Mr. New- 
elect. You may please to understand I have received your 
letter of the 27th dicto ; and since then I have delivered the 
paper of the revenue of the hospital to the chairman of the 
Committee of the Army, as Mr. Speaker did this day advise 
me. I have delivered the account of the horse to Mr. Broad, 
who gave me the inclosed ordinances, for you to refuse^ and 
to consider whether your City is interested in any of them. 
Mr. Broad doth keep the accoimt, and saith he virill take care 

1650.] THE CIVIL WAR. 117 

that the City shall have no wrong when a dividend shall be 
made. I writ you formerly that the Committee of the Army 
told me they could order nothing concerning the difference 
between you and Thorpe. Order was given that the Council 
of State should take care to send the Act for the Sabbath^ 
and that for tlie day of humiliation^ to each sheriff^ to be 
dispersed abroad^ which^ I am told^ is done already. There 
is very good news from Scotland. The Lord-Greneral of 
Ireland is landed in England^ and expected here within few 
days. Gh*eat difiPerences in Scotland. On the 21st of this 
month;, Montrose was put to death in Scotland. And so I 
take leave^ and rest 

Your Worship's to command^ 

Tho. Atkin.* 

LaiuA Deo: Lovdcn^ May ZOth, 1650. 

More political gossip, in letters to the British Resident 
in Paris, is suppHed from the same source to which we 
are indebted for the rest of our gleanings from Sir 
Richard Browne's correspondence. 


My dear Fbiend^ 

Yours of the 22nd I received, which makes me more 
your debtor than I have stock to pay, unless the satisfaction 
your nearest friends receive by you may pass in the account, 
wherein you do in part repair the loss we have of the best 
piece of our conversation: we still keep up that staple, 
though not at the old rate. The more near approach of the 
spring gives assurance of fresh troubles. The fact will not 

* From Mr. Bentley's Collection. 

118 MEMORIALS OF [1650. 

be confined to his own country ; there pulpits are at work, 
and England must be the scene to play the second part: 
ours here are not backward to promote their interests accord- 
ing to the inclination of the several parties ; the Independent 
to preserve his present power^ and the Presbyterian to gam 
the ground he hath lost. It becomes admitted here that 
their King and they are agreed^ and that Mountrose, \m 
party is to be comprised, which some considering people 
cannot give any faith unto ; but that rather looks as if it 
were given out to disjoin the parties here from those in that 
kingdom, the interests being so inconsistent. The prepara- 
tions now in Scotland do put us upon the like considerations 
here, and is very like to occasion us to strike the first blow, 
and so be beforehand. Our grand confidence is in our great 
fleet, which is like to require many hands, and much more 
money than I doubt we are at present provided of. Some 
discourse we have here as if General Cromwell had received 
some loss about the 12th of this month, but nothing of this 
is publicly owned. His own coming over will cheer these 
doubts, though as yet we have no certainty of that ; but for 
his welcome the Parliament have voted and conferred all the 
Earl of Pembroke's places and offices upon him. He was 
the last week surprised by a violent fever, under which he 
languished for some few days, and died : his successor in the 
House of Commons is not yet designed. We have been full 
of debates touching a new representative ; but these alarms 
from Scotland will be like to put us off those resolutions. 
The Spanish Ambassador is leaving us. Some mistake there 
was, whereby he becomes a little disgusted. Where I faU 
short I must beg a further day, there being none more 

desirous to you than 

Thos. White. 

Jmuary 27t7i, 1649, [NJ3, 1660.] 

1650.] THE CIVIL WAR. 119 



YouBS of the 15 th was received to the very great 
great satisfaction of your friends, and as a special engage- 
ment upon your servant, who is not a little troubled that he 
can return you nothing suitable to so fiiU and judicious an 
account, which is more acceptable to us, many of the par- 
ticulars having been since confirmed from other hands. I 
did not find your divisions at Paris so great as they are here 
apprehended. The animosities of particular persons will not 
certainly set the whole frame on fire, if you needs must be 
falling out with us (as you have already begun the quarrel). 
Your divisions give us a confidence: we shall be able to 
watch you; though the truth is, ours at home begin to 
be already too visible, which will be soon discerned upon 
General Cromwefl^s arrival, who is sent for, and daily expected, 
though it may fall out unseasonably, as tending to a great 
discouragement of our army, which is reduced to a very weak 
condition. There is a work here of greater necessity, which 
is the quieting of some troubled spirits, who grow mutinous 
against the present power, and must be crushed in the shell. 
The choice of a new representative and a new council of 
state is the object of their present design. Some who take 
themselves fit to govern are unwilling to obey, and that may 
be the main ground of their quarrel : besides, another party 
is much stumbled with this engagement ; since it became to 
be generally imposed, they look upon it as a snare. And 
though it be declared that the obligation is to continue no 
longer than this power, yet that satisfies not those who are 
persuaded that the least deviation from it must be triable by 
a council of war, which is matter of terror to such as have 

120 MEMORIALS OF [1650. 

been under the rule, and obedience of known laws. Such as 
are out of office have been of consideration to the 20th of 
April. Here are strong apprehensions of the King's agree- 
ment with the Presbyterian sect^ though the terms proposed 
be as high and rigid as they have formerly proposed. What- 
ever may happen^ we provide against the worsts there being 
no less than 80 sail designed for the next summer's fleets 
and 8000 men to man them. There is it at present 12 sail 
in readiness for the Straits to find out Rupert and his 
'compHces^ whose doings^ and the piracy committed by the 
French, is like to make a rupture upon our exchange, for the 
losses by them were great. Since the loss of Carrickfergus 
we have not heard anything of Ireland : there are ways under 
consideration for the carrying on of that work at a lesser 
charge. The loss of Lieutenant-General Jones makes a great 
impression. We have not many such officers. We can find 
no guard secure enough against that country disease. My 
next will inform you of some other particulars, and satisfy 
you in the present of my Lady Arundel. You have very 
punctually pursued the desire of your friends, who have 
enjoined the return of their service to you, to which none is 
more obliged than 

Your most faithftil and affectionate. 

Jammy 13«», 1649, \N,S, 1650.] 



I HAVE received your dispatch by Mr. Progers, for 
which I give you many thanks ; and I assure you it is a great 

1«60.] THE CIVIL WAR. 121 

misfortune to me that the troubles of that now unhappy 
country deprive me of those weekly entertainments I received 
formerly from you. I shall entreat you, notwithstanding, to 
let me hear from you as often as you may ; and to be pleased, 
by the return of Mr. Pooley, and of this bearer, Mr. Armourer, 
to send me a continuation of all that hath passed since your 
letter of the 23rd of February last, by Mr. Progers. I 
presume you will have heard of the peace in Ireland before 
this come to your hands. We yet continue at the Hague, 
but the King will shortly endeavour to put himself into 
action for the revenge of the murder of his father, and 
vindication of his own right ; and, by the blessing of God, he 
hath one kingdom that will serve and assist him in the 
prosecution of that design. God Almighty will, I hope, give 
a blessing to his endeavours, and make him a prince as 
happy as his &ther was unfortunate. If there be any thing 
to be done for the renewing of your credentials, I pray let me 
hear from you concerning it, and be pleased to send me 
a copy of those you had last, with the style and address the 
late King then used. I pray present my service to your lady 
and daughter; and esteem me. 

Your most faithful and most humble servant, 


March the 9thy 1649, [N^, 1650.] 

The year 1651 opens with a plot to take the lives of 
two unknown persons lying at this time in the jail of 
Reading. The Tipstaff of Westminster is importuned, 
post-haste, to intercede. 

122 MEMORIALS OF [1650. 



I DEsiBE you to send down a messenger with all 
speed that I and my friend may clear our consciences, for there 
is one Thomas Walker, living in Bodmington in the coimty 
of Glocester, can discover a plot of a new rising, for there are 
divers gentlemen and clothiers that have their men and their 
sons and others in arms, to the number of 100 or more, and 
special good horses, and all other things necessary for war; 
and they say the first stirring that shall be, they will be 
ready and 1000 more that may be found out. And I desire 
you to take some speedy course for these men, that their 
horses and arms may be employed in the Staters service, for 
such delinquents do seek to take my life from me, and my 
friends which are in prison with me ; and they say if they do 
not hang us we shall undo all the country, which if God be 
pleased to dehver us forth, we will bring in money so much as 
shall pay a regiment. So with our prayers to God for you, 
we rest, yours to command till death, 

Robert Boboe. 

Beadinfff 23rd FSbrmry, 1650, [iV.5. 1651.1 

Haste, haste. Post haste. 

Mr. Leachman, I gave the man hs. and I did pro- 
mise him 7*. more, and I desire you to pay him the 7*.* 

The following letter conveys news from Ireland, where 
the adherents of the Stuarts kept the Parliamentary 
troops in a constant state of alarm and activity. In 

* From Mr. Bentley's Collection. 

1651.3 THE CIVIL WAB. 123 

the previous December, Lord Ormond had set sail for 
France, leaving the Marquis of Clanricarde as Lord 
Deputy behind him. It will be seen that the army was, 
as usual, suflFering severe privations. The writer of this 
letter was the Sir Charles Coote whose barbarities are 
still held in bitter remembrance by the Irish. One of 
his most savage acts was that of hanging a Catholic 
bishop whom he had taken prisoner, and to whom he 
had been indebted for his life a year before. 


May it please your Lordship, 

I NOW received your lordship's of the 21st of 
January last by Colonel Hill, in answer to a letter of the 
Commissioners of the Revenue here and mine, concerning 
some supply of provisions against the spring, by which I 
find the continued care of the state of their forces, which 
I most humbly and thankfully acknowledge, assuring your 
lordship that no endeavours, by the blessing of God, shall 
be wanting to promote their service ; whereof, I hope they 
shall have a good account this summer. The ship with 
the clothes long since arrived here, and I assure myself^ 
Colonel Yenables hath given you an account of the disaster 
which befell us by the surprisal of part of the goods, 
which were intended to that part of your forces about 
Londonderry, by a perfidious Scot, and neglect of some 
intrusted, notwithstanding the great care of Colonel 
Venables for prevention thereof: the want of which 

124 MEMOBIALS OF [1651. 

necessaries will very much trouble us^ yet our confidence 
of the State's care for our father supply^ gives us encour- 
agement to undergo our present sufferings with the greater 
cheerfulness. I conceive it necessary to inform your lord- 
ship that I have lately received some commands firom my 
Lord Deputy for the prosecution of the service in Connaught 
about the middle of May at farthest; not only for the 
reducement of that province, but for the facilitating of 
his lordship's passage over the Shannon, and more strait 
besieging of Limerick, which are works of weighty con- 
cernment. It's therefore my most humble suit, that as 
the State have been graciously pleased to give orders for 
our supply with money and provisions, so that it may 
be done seasonably, and with such expedition, that the 
summer's service may not be retarded; whereby we may 
be enabled to prosecute the service, and to render the 
State that account of our actions as befits ufi, and take 
leave to subscribe myself. 

My lord. 
Your most humble and faithful servant, 

Cha. Coote.* 

Carrkkfergusy ffte 11 of Ma/rch, 1650, IN,S. 1651.] 

In the letters of the Royalists, the immediate succes- 
sion of the Prince is invariably recognised. He is every 
where styled " his Majesty.'^ All the flying rumours — 
now inflated with hope, now collapsing into despair — 
are caught up, and thrown off* in their fugitive colours 
by the correspondents of Sir Richard Browne, who was 
the centre of the active negociations carrying on by the 
Prince's friends on the Continent. 

* From Mr. Bentley's CoUectioii. 

1651.] THE CIVIL WAR. 125 


Yours of the 13th (28rd) present, found us here in 
so great a distraction of thoughts, as we are not able to 
recollect ourselves, nor can any honest man's mind, I think, 
be so well composed (until there be some certainty of his 
Majesty's happy escape out of his malicious enemy's hands,) 
as to be able to think of any business, private or public ; for 
truly, if his Majesty (which Q-od of his infinite mercy forbid) 
shall perish, there will be but small hope left of recovering 
the monarch of England out of their hands, who are now 
masters of it, and so strongly fortified in it. God's provi- 
dence rules over all; because sentence against rebellion is 
not executed speedily, our hearts ought not,* therefore, to 
think or do evil ; for though a sinner do evil a hundred 
times, and his days be prolonged, yet surely I know it shall 
be well with them that fear Grod, and we must all submit our 
wills to His divine pleasure, and adore the justice we do not 
see. As concerning Monsieur Herault's papers, as far as I 
can call to mind, you gave them to me after you said you had 
acquainted his Majesty with the same, which was, I think, at 
Beauvais, and I never heard his Majesty ever express any the 
least indignation either against the papers, or the person that 
sent them ; but when at Breda, I asked his Majesty what he 
would have done thereupon, he commanded me to send a 
copy of them to Mr. Dean Stuart, who was then at Jersey, 
which accordingly I did, and wrote to him as his Majesty 
commanded me, and Mr. Dean can best tell you the effect 
thereof. This is all I can possibly at present call to mind of 
that business. Sir H. de Vic is, I hear, gone post for Paris, 

126 MEMORIALS OF [1651. 

upon the news of his lady's being so dangerously sick^ and 
will be with you, peradventure, as soon as this letter. I haye 
sent the letters you recommended to my care according to 
their several addresses, and thank you for your care in send- 
ing mine. We have a report here that oiir royal master is 
safe landed at St. Malo. I wish it were true, which, if it be, 
I presume your next letter will speak of it. I am now medi- 
tating where to fix my quarters this next winter, and shall to 
that purpose remove with my small company from this ill 
and unhealthy place this next week, and therefore I pray 
forbear writing any more letters to me until I shall send you 
another address for your letters, for I must retire, being so 
far exhausted as I know not how to subsist six months longer 
in the most parsimonious way I can possibly live. As soon 
as I shall have received my letters by your next post, I intend 
to retire hence. We hear that Cromwell is resolved the next 
spring, if not sooner, for certain to visit France with a very 
good army in assistance of Spain. What hear you there of 
it ? Sir John Marley's son is arriving here about three 
weeks since, affirmed that he left Mr. E. Fanshawe, Mr. 
Thomas Bray, and Mr. Harding, in Scotland, a week after the 
King was gone for England ; and yet to our amazement and 
great sorrow we perceive they are all prisoners. Some report 
that Duke Hamilton is dead of his wounds. The Duke of 
Buckingham is said to be with the £ing, whom God preserve 
and send safe out of his enemy's power. I much apprehend 
that those in England will now take an opportune season to 
fall on Jersey before the spring. I pray do me the kindness 
to cause the inclosed to be conveyed. 

You will much oblige. Sir, 

Your most humble servant, 

John Ap Gripfith. 

^6«1.] THE CIVIL WAR. 127 

My humble service to your good lady and &mily. You 
may assure those that informed you that the King expressed 
such indignation against Monsieur Herault and his papers^ 
as to throw the same at his feet^ that his Majesty is not 
at all subject to such passions^ but of a singular and exemplary 

Anhoerp, (\9thy) 29th September, 1651. 


I RBCKiYED yours of the 7th of this month as I was 
ready to take waggon at Antwerp to come for this town^ but 
I communicated it to my Lord Ambassador before I came 
thence^ from whom (it is possible) you may have heard of it 
before this comes to you. I have^ as you desired herein^ sent 
you a letter open to Mr. De Cos — , which, that it be to your 
mind^ be pleased to seal and present to him*. I think you 
shall do well not to be troubled at the vague reports of any 
that shall, from the performance of your duty in presenting 
of Mr. Fonteine's proposition, endeavour to infer you are 
affected to that hypocritical profession of religion called 
Presbytery ; if you had refused to have presented the same, 
or to have conveyed it to his Majesty, you may be sure those 
that sent it would have put it into some other hand to have 
done it, which probably might have been much more for their 
advantage. Those who call aspersions on you for that action, 
will do themselves most wrong. I hear Dr. Goff lurks in 
Amsterdam, upon some sinister employment; what that 
may be you may easier learn where you are, than we can 

128 MEMORIALS OP [1651. 


discover here. We have no certain news where the King 
is^ bnt the common report speaks him to be in the north of 
Scotland. God grant he be safe^ and send him free and out 
of the power of his enemies' hands. It is very strange that 
not one man that was in the fight at Worcester should in all 
this time come over either into France or these parts^ to give 
an account of that business. I pray let me know what you 
hear of their proceedings in England^ upon their late prodi- 
gious success at Worcester. If you please to write to me 
once in a wiU be enough^ since now there is little 
likelihood that I can do his Majesty any service in these 
parts^ and the truth is I must by degrees lessen my expenses^ 
being already drawn very low ; and if you think good^ I shall 
write but once in fifteen days also to you. The Marquis of 
Worcester was lately here, and is now at Dort. My Lord 
Ambassador Hill is very firmly your true friend, and will be 
ready on any occasion (I am confident) to express himself to 
be such. I pray, what becomes of Sir Jo. Berkeley if the 
Queen break up the house, and whither will the Lady 
Moreton, Mrs. Seymour, and Mrs. Gardiner go in such case? 
I hope the Duke of York will apply himself diligently to be 
with the French King altogether, for that, I conceive, will be 
most for his advantage. Is Monsieur de Belleisle preparing 
to go for England ? The French cannot send one that will 
do our master better service. I pray present my affectionate 
service to your good lady and children, and rest assured that 
I am constantly. 

Your most humble servant, 

Jo. Williams. 

Mr. Jane desires to know whether you received his letter 

1651.] THE CIVIL WAE. 129 

sent you about twelve days since. I pray direct your letters 
to me henceforth thus : — 

Aeu Mynheer, 
Mynheer Alderly, tot de juffervii Palmurt, 

inde Papestraet, inden 


I hear those in England have sent a squadron of ships to 
the northward, to take tribute of the Dutch vessels for their 
fishing there, which will much trouble the Hogon Mogons 

Hagut, Oct, m. (18^), 1661. 

Shortly ailer the execution of the King, Charles II. 
was proclaimed in Scotland, and in 1650 he appeared 
in the Frith of Cromarty, but was not allowed to land 
until he had taken the Covenant, which his father had 
so firmly resisted. Here he raised his standard, and 
here a new civil war was opened in the July following, 
when Cromwell entered Scotland at the head of 11,000 
horse and foot. 

The finst engagement took place in the level country 
beyond Dunbar, where Cromwell routed David Leslie, 
the commander of the Scotch army, and immediately 
afterwards invested Glasgow and Edinburgh. On the 
6 th January, 1651, Charles XL was ostentatiously 
crowned at Scone. 

Great eflforts were made to recruit the Scotch forces; 
and the suspension of military operations on the side of 
the Parliamentarians by the approach of winter, and by 

VOL. n. K 

130 MEMOKIALS OF [1651. 

a fit of the ague vhict temporarily disabled Cromwell, 
inspired Charles with so much confidence, that he pushed 
on to Carlisle and Worcester, at which latter place he 
was again proclaimed. 

The royal progress, however, by no means kept pace 
with the royal pretensions. The people were every- 
where lukewarm, and the Princess strength was reduced 
by desertions from day to day. In this condition 
Cromwell found the Royalists on the banks of the 
Severn, and siurounding them all on sides, obtained 
a conclusive victory over them under the walls of Wor- 
cester, driving their despairing, cohorts before him pell- 
mell into the town. The following piece of intelligence 
relates to the state of affairs at this period, and appears 
to have been written about the date of the battle of 


Good Doctor, 

This is now the third time that I am greeting of 
you by my letters. I heard by Dr. Short (whom I met here 
last week) that you had that which I sent about the passages 
at the commencement. I had, happily, written weekly, but 
that indeed the new and unexpected commotions disap- 
pointed my personal visit fully intended of you ; but, as the 
case stands here now, I can assure you, bene qui latuit, 
bene vixit. All horses are seized that are found here for 
the service, and no passage out any way, without a ticket 

1651.] THE CIVIL WAR. 131 

Had not this happened^ I guess that I had been now in 
those parts. I saw Mr. Love^ the minister^ beheaded^ on 
Friday, the 22nd instant; all men admired his christian 
and cheerful resolution in death. He died as not owning 
the present power. In his speech some passages went high, 
and became tender, insomuch that the speech was sup- 
pressed, and one press broken as I heard ; yet, in a very 
hasty manner : one very near to the all of what he spake is 
printed, which I have (hardly gotten) here sent you ; some* 
thing is omitted, but all that is here he said ; only the prayer 
is altered. His body was kept, being forbidden £rom an 
intended public burial. Upon Monday last (on which day 
here was a general muster and great appearance of all the 
City Bands, in Islington Fields, divers Parliament men riding 
among them) yet that night, about midnight, in a mighty 
throng of people, he was buried in his own church, St. 
Lawrence; Mr. Manton preaching till towards one or two 
in the morning. One told me they sent in his wife, from 
private collections, about a. thousand pounds. I hear not 
(hitherto) of any the other imprisoned ministers brought, as 
yet, to any public trial, but it is daily expected. A good sum 
offered (as I have been this week credibly and divers times 
informed) to discover the famous Mr. Marshall, the minister, 
who is withdrawed; also a large sum to bring in Jo. Lil- 
bume (the leveller), who they say is gone with a party to the 
Scots' army. We walk here as upon thorns, and look as if we 
were afraid one of another; iKpi^m TrepiTraretTc is now a very 
seasonable counsel. The King of Scots broke through a 
very dangerous pass, at Warrington Bridge, in Lancashire, 
by which means he got so far as Worcester, into which, 
after some opposition, he entered; which had he not done, his 
soldiers told him they could not march so far and much 


132 MEMORIALS OF [1651. 

without some rest and repose. I heard the last night 
that the Mayor of Worcester (for that admission) is voted 
to be hanged without mercy^ and that city fined 14^000/. 
There was a general report here that^ upon Sunday morning 
kst^ the King had stormed and got into Gloucester, but 
it is held very improbable by wise men. About 600 horse 
got safely to Oxford^ but stayed not; also^ upon Sunday last^ 
a troop or two were at Marlborough, and swept many horses 
in their return ; but so many stops in the way, it is supposed 
that the main body and strength lie together about Wor- 
cester. They say that Lieutenant Greneral Cromwell mustered 
30,000 men upon Dunsmore Heath in the beginning of the 
week. It is supposed 60,000 men from several parts are 
encountering or surrounding them. One Mr. Middleton, 
father-in-law to Colonel Whaley, told a friend of mine, about 
Wednesday night last, that the King^s army was compassed 
thirty miles round. The party sent from the Isle of Man 
fit)m the Earl of Derby is spoiled ; the report of his own 
being taken in person holds out. Sir Thomas Fairfax, 
through infirmity of body, desires to be excused from stirring 
in the work. Yet some speak highly of the Scottish strength, 
number, valour, and desperate resolutions. Some body (no 
mean one) had been blamed for sufTering them to come so 
far into the bowels of the nation. They say the King's motto 
is, " A crown or a coffin.^' They, who give him for lost here 
(as well as in Scotland, where for certain Stirling Castle is 
yielded) build on these grounds : — 1. His want of a retreat- 
ing place, or an outlet to escape, in case of a rout. 2. Whence 
should there be supply of ammunition or artillery, the seas 
and garrisons being in other powers. 3. Whither convey 
sick and wounded soldiers. 4. Most counties disarmed 
before his approach to them ; most of the gentry secured or 

1661.] THE CIVIL WAB. 133 

overawed by the High Court and the new proclamation : yet 
others think that desperate resolution is the strongest artil* 
lery. It is supposed the issue will not now be long in 
discovering. This is all I can leam^ as of the best probability^ 
and from the best hands^ being relieved very much till the 
storm be over, or fall another way. 

There passed divers letters very lately of compliment 
between your father and Dr. Colle of Cambridge. Through 
this conveyance I have adventured to send the last to you, 
which, I pray, reserve for me till I come in person. Present, 
I pray, my choicest regards to your virtuous consort : her 
doves bad been with her, as well as myself, had not this new 
storm risen. Remember me to your brother George, to old 
Mr. Hatch, and Creedy, when you see them ; to Mr. Monke, 
and Mr. Abraham. 

We had here the most ghastly lightning and thunder on the 
last Saturday, for about twelve hours' space, that ever was 
heard; divers turrets broke down.* 

It is said that Charles did not appear on the field on 
this occasion, and that the din of the firing roused him 
from a deep sleep. After the battle the Royalists fled 
out of the town in consternation, leaving behind them 
3000 slain and 10,000 prisoners. The unfortunate 
Prince, who had been thus twice fruitlessly proclaimed 
King, and who saw his last hopes and resources perish 
in this engagement, wandered about the country for 
six weeks, and, after a variety of perilous adventures, 
finally effected his escape to France. 

* From Mr. Bentley's Collection. 








Thb Fairfax Correspondence is silent during the 
intervening years from the battle of Worcester to the 
Restoration. The Greneral was nursing his wounds at 
Nun Appleton^ and appears to haye strictly avoided 
all correspondence on public aflFairs. The treatment 
he received from the hands of Cromwell, who omitted 
no opportunity of heaping indirect indignities upon 
him, fed from year to year his secret desire to recon- 
struct the monarchy ; and when the death of the Pro- 
tector opened the means of eflFecting that object, he 
threw the whole of his influence into the royal cause. 

In the meanwhile a few scattered letters, derived 
from the miscellaneous Collection which we have already 
drawn upon in other places, will incidentally illustrate 
some points of personal and public interest. 

The writers of the following letter were Americans 
who had just made their way in the year 1656 from 
England to the coast of France, apparently to convey 
intelligence to the Prince and enlist themselves in his 

138 MEMORIALS OF [1656. 



Being safely and well arrived hither^ oiir obliga- 
tions command our returns^ as well in point of observance to 
your commands^ as to satisfy our particular desires in the 
performance of those acknowledgments due to the civilities 
you were pleased to show to a couple of Americans^ (sncb 
individuum vagums) manumitted (we hope) to a better purpose 
than the hoe^ and another livelihood than potato slips^ or 
cane tops. 

And since you have under your hand reintituled us to 
our Christendom again^ be assured we shall act nothing 
ever to dissever your candour and acceptation^ or renounce 
our faith. 

We do therefore earnestly beg the continuance of your 
favour in your intimations to Court on our behalf^ that 
having got a little English fleece upon our backs^ we may 
there appear upon another score^ than either as forbidden or 
an useless commodity. 

We cannot give you any other account of England^ but 
what passes for vox populi^ namely^ that the House having 
been so long big of a Protector (as they call him)^ now 
His but high time it should be a preparing to resolve 'itself 
into a midwifery, for the delivery of that monstrous brat, 
King Oliver; or otherwise good Mr. Doctor Red Coat is 
once more to apply his skill to ease and facilitate the throes, 
or quite scare it to another abortion. 

We are sorry to see England daily, and cannot call it ours; 
God bless, prosper his Majesty, and restore him ; and then we 
think we have prayed sufficiently, believing ourselves so much 

^«*8-3 THE CIVIL WAR. 139 

the rather faithfal subjects^ by how much the more (we hope) 
we are, sir, your most humble and most obliged servants, 

Chb. Gardiner. 

CfedaiSy Ikcember IM, 1656. B. ThOMAS. 


We haye a rapid outline in the next letter of the 
doctrinal question, or questions, which at this period 
gave much occupation to the minds of Puritans and 
Papists. Sir William Morrice was a kinsman of Monk's, 
and was appointed at the Restoration, Secretary of State, 
an office for which he was ill qualified from his ignorance 
of foreign languages and foreign affairs. But he held 
it nevertheless for seven years, his general ability sup- 
plying the place of these special deficiencies. He spoke 
Latin fluently, and was a good Grecian, accomplish- 
ments of no great practical value to a Secretary of State. 
Monk was reported to have told the King that his 
cousin Morrice was qualified fi*om his knowledge of 
French, and his facility in writing shorlhhand ; but the 
statement is discredited. The mechanical faculty of 
short-hand would go a short way in the discharge of 
the responsibilities of statesmanship. 

The book to which Morrice alludes in this lengthy 
communication was called " The Common Right to the 
Lord's Supper asserted." It was originally published in 
1651, and the second edition, which he speaks of in 
1658 as nearly ready for the press, did not appear till 
1660. It is recorded of him that he would never suffer 
any man to say grace in his house except himself; there 
he considered himself both priest and king. 

140 MEMOBIALS OF [165& 



I HAD the felicity to receive those letters which you 
did me the favour to wiite ; how long since they issued firom 
your hands I know not^ because they bear no date^ but they 
arrived into mine about the beginning of the last months 
and an advertisement came with them that they had long 
slept or loitered by the way. I suspended the return of my 
answer till I had been at our assizes at Exeter^ where I hoped 
to have found out and fixed a shorter and surer way of inter- 
course with you than that of London^ which is far about^ 
and being by reason of miscarriages^ far also from the nearest 
home. But^ being there frustrate of my hopes^ I shall now 
render you my hearty thanks for that you have honoured me 
with a salutation from your hand^ which turn ultima laus est, 
and whereby you have made legible your very civil respects^ 
which spring not from my merit but your affection ; for love 
being an appetite of union^ there cannot but be some liking 
where is already a likeness by conjunction in the defence of 
one common cause^ though sequor a longe and non passibus 
tequis. And though that assertion hath had too great an 
influence upon your preface, yet the rest of your discourse is 
full of the ways of your excellent judgment. I have received 
letters from many parts of this nation^ and from their hands 
whose faces I never saw, but they have been rather compli- 
ments than instructions, but by yours I have profited, and 
when I read them I am the better. I shall now not animad- 
vert upon the particulars thereof, because most of them will 
be spoken to in the next edition of my book, which is now 
transcribing, and will ere long be ready for the press. And 

1658.] THE CIVIL WAR. 141 

into a second impression I have not only been strained by 
the gross faults in the former^ which have put me very much 
out of countenance^ but also prompted to it by the desires of 
many to translate the Latin quotations into English^ and not 
to speak an unknown tongue without interpreting; and 
since^ for aught I can hear or presage^ I am not likely to be 
called again into the arena, I have thought it expedient to 
explain and enlarge it (though it be crassa Minerva already^ 
and too corpulent), by publishing some other conceptions, 
which I travail to be delivered of, and by answering some 
objections which I have lately met with in our opposite's 
gravioris armatura, being not rich enough in time to 
squander it away in reading, much less in confuting trivial 
pamphlets. In the 30th section, which treats of eating 
and drinking unworthily, I may perchance speak some- 
thing suitable to your notions, and jump with you, though 
I cannot make so strong or large a leap; and by reasons 
collected from the text, and the authority of ancient and 
modem interpreters, endeavour to vindicate that expo^tion 
which you say Tympson attempted to make good; and I 
shall give some hint that as the hyperbolical expressions 
of the Fathers brought forth transubstantiation, so that pro- 
duced the opinion of the dignity of the Sacrament, and the 
greater degrees of preparation requisite to be partaken 
thereof; and that, notwithstanding in those Fathers is found 
as great express of speech concerning other ordinances, and 
the due partaking of them, and that they have said as much 
concerning hearing the Word, as you remind me that the 
Book of Common Prayer speaks concerning the Sacrament of 
the Lord's Supper ; and I shall also assay to show that this 
tended only to make men more prepared, yet aimed not to 
stave them off till they attained to such preparation. I 

142 MEMORIALS OF [1658. 

thank yon for admouUIiing me that I did not consider to the 
bottom what stress is put upon that distinction between the 
part of the receiver and the admitter; yet truly before I was 
reminded thereof by your letters^ I was sensible that a pas- 
sage of this concernment^ page 181^ might be liable to excep- 
tion, but as I alleged it out of Lessins and Yossine, ex 
hypothec and per concesaionem, so I have endeavoured to 
solve it by inserting a line in that place, and referring the 
reader for a right understanding of my proper sense therein 
to the foresaid section, where I labour to make good, that 
though it be true that none ought to receive without fSuth, 
repentance, and charity, yet it is false that none without 
faith, repentance, and charity, ought to be receivers ; and 
therefore in such way, I hope, we need not afflict ourselves 
with melancholy thought for prejudicing men's salvation by 
a free admission, but may rather keep comfort in our con- 
sciences for having endeavoured to reduce them to a freedom 
of partaking that ordinance which is an effectual means of 
salvation. You will find that I have read Themmoins* de 
Pneparatione, whom you quote, but yet that I cannot follow 
his tract all along. Concerning Mr. Baxter and Mr. Blake^ 
I have sadly looked upon it, too, for two such godly and 
learned men, contraria signis signa, pares aquilas, to contend 
Andabatarum more. Mr. Baxter will have it to be the profes- 
sion of a justifying faith which gives right to sacraments; 
Mr, Blake doth not deny that the faith is such objectively, 
and Mr. Baxter doth not affirm that it ought to be such 
subjectively. Mr. Baxter saith it must be the profession of 
a sound faith, and Mr. Blake tells us, that it need not be a 
sound profession of faith, and this Mr. Baxter contradicts 
not. Mr. Blake will grant it might be a profession serious 
in the opinion of charity, and Mr. Baxter contends not that 

1658.] THE CIVIL WAR. 143 

it ought to be faith in the judgment of verity. I have 
called under examination Mr. Sawdry's Distinction of Privi- 
leges and Duties^ and Moral and Positive Duties; but as 
the man is^ so is his strength; and if you had drawn 
forth your pen^ you would have given it a more mortal 
wound at the first coming out of that pamphlet. I said 
to some of Mr. Saunders^s friends that I durst to have 
undertaken to defend Mr. Saunders against him upon 
his own groimds. I am perfectly convinced of what you 
say^ that^ as St. Augustine speaks of the receptacles of 
souls^ there is no middle place ; and the Praetor of the Sam- 
nites said^ there is no middle way; so these pretendiag 
moderators might either fix upon the iadependent principles 
of convincing signs of regeneration, or come up fuU home to 
us for a dogmatical faith, there being in the middle way no 
firm ground to rest upon ; but truth will not let them stay 
and set among the other, and interest and glory suffer them 
not to advance and close with us, and so like Ught instable 
meteors, they hang suspended between heaven and earth. 
When the Prince of Parma had as good as taken Antwerp, 
La Novo wished him to hang up his arms over the gate, for 
his fortune was at the ascendant, and would thenceforth be 
in a declination ; even so after Mr. Sawdry had written his 
book of the Sabbath, he might have done consultly to have 
listened to a strange leves calamos, for he hath since only 
ascended downwards. Concerning that question, which you 
suppose the ground of all, whether the Church consist of the 
regenerate and unregenerate ? I think I have spoken to that 
point in the 16th section of my book, where I have showed 
that this was the subject matter of contest between the 
Catholics and the Donatists : the former asserting, the other 
gainsaying, that the Church consisted of good and evil ; but 

144 MEMOBIALS OF [1658. 

I have now discussed that question more largely^ and in a 
closer dispute^ and have showed there is no real controversy 
in this matter^ between us and the papists; that which 
seems to be^ being occasionally the homonymy of the word 
Churchy and their arguing from the Churchy materially 
taken^ to the Church understood formally^ absolutely^ 
simply, and univocally ; and I further prove, that the unre- 
generate men are so far parts of the Church, as to be capable 
of the Sacraments, and that the being in the Church in 
such way and manner as they be, is that which gives right 
to Sacraments. I have held you too long at so poor an enter- 
tainment, or rather at a bill of fare, only telling you how you 
are like to be hereafter entertained. I shall therefore, further, 
only tell you that your choicer gift and learned labours I 
much reverence and love, and I never read anything in your 
writings which I disliked, but that you say you will write no 
more. I shall for my part, always pay you my share of the 
thanks which you have justly merited, for that excellent salve 
which you have compounded and applied to the disease of 
this Church sick of solutio continui. I have an hearty desire, 
and shall reckon it a great advantage to keep a correspondency 
with you, and I shall put it upon the score of my felicities to 
spring or meet any occasion of doing you real service, whereby 
I may merit the name of 

Your very affectionate friend to serve you. 

Will. Morbice. 

Wermton, April Idih, 1658. 

The Mr. John Nichoks, who writes the following 
letter, was the son of the Secretary, and the person 
addressed was, no doubt, Sir Richard Browne. 

1658.] THE CIVIL WAR. 145 



I WRITE tliis by my father's command, that you 

may not be disappointed of a letter, he being unable to do it 

himself, having been taken violently ill two nights since; 

but he hath had such effects of the benefits of nature, as I 

hope the worst is past, and he finds himself pretty well this 

day. I am by this to acknowledge your favour of the 12th 

instant to my father, and to entreat you for the future to 

direct your letters to him in this place, as he desired by his 

former, having removed my mother and his family to this 

town, where they arrived the last night, Bruges being 

now a troublesome and insecure place. This day se^nnight 

5,000 of the French horse faced it, and took away some 

horses just without the portcullis, among which the Lord 

Newbrugh lost five. Their whole army lies still between 

Diamude and Nieuport, without attempting anything; and 

it is now believed they will not meddle with the latter, it 

being very well provided. The generals of this country as 

yet keep their posts, whither the last week^s letters told you 

they were retired ; and in this leisure from action the Duke 

of Gloucester, having left Don Juan at Bruges, came hither 

on Thursday to see his Majesty, and will stay with him till 

Tuesday, which day his Majesty goes to Antwerp for a week's 

time. My Lord Lieutenant meets him there, and my Lord 

Chancellor from Breda, who buried his father-in-law the last 

week. I have no more to add, but my father's service to 

you, with the assurance that I am with great respect, sir, 

Your most faithful and most humble servant, 

John Nicholas. 

BrusadSj Jvly ^Oth, 1658. 

146 MEMORIALS OP [1659. 

We are now approaching the avatar of Charles II. 
Cromwell died on the 3rd September, 1658. His son 
Richard succeeded to the government as quietly as if 
it had been a matter of fixed hereditary right. In 
January, 1659, he issued writs for a new Parlia- 
ment, which was broken up into fiswjtions in its first 
session. The formation of parties outside the walls 
soon became even more formidable than the c(mivu1- 
sions within. Six months had scarcely elapsed when 
the Royalists began to calculate with certainty, as the 
following fi'agment discloses, upon the restoration of 
the Prince : — 



The general opinion here is, that after the peace is 
settled, the two crowns will, in consideration of the common 
interest of monarchy, unanimously co-operate in the re- 
establishment of his Majesty, towards which here are generally 
great inclinations in the people. And I have good reason to 
beUeve also that this Court is of late better disposed thereunto 
than formerly ; whilst the rebels* disorders in England seem 
more and more to thicken into a dark chaos of confdsion^ oat 
of which we may speedily see some auspicious beam of light 
by a blessed fiat from above, break forth, discovering the my 
and means for his Majesty's entries into his kingdoms ; and 
illustriously re-investing his sacred person with his too long 
eclipsed inherent native royal splendour. This is, &c. 

^th Jwne, 1659. 

1«5»1 THE CIVIL WAR. 147 

The army was divided into three sections — one purely 
HepubUcan ; another devoted to the Court, such as it 
Av^as ; the third which, gradually uniting itself to the 
first, demanded, as the basis of future arrangements, the 
dissolution of the Parliament. Fleetwood was at the 
head of this section, which, meeting at his residence, 
was designated the Wallingford House party.* They 
insisted upon the formation of a council of oflSicers, to 
which Richard Cromwell gave a trembUng assent, under 
the fear of being deposed if he resisted. To the pro- 
ceedings of this council Fleetwood alludes in a letter to 
Vice- Admiral Lawson, one of the most remarkable men 
of his day. Lawson was a person of obscure origin, who 
entered the naval service as a common seaman, and by 
the force of his great merits ascended at last to the 
rank of admiral He served under Blake, and acquitted 
hijnself gallantly in the engagements with the Dutch. 
He distinguished himself also against the Algerines ; 
and succeeded Sandwich in the conamand of the fleet, 
from which, however, he was afterwards dismissed by 
the Parliament. Pledged all throughout to the Repub- 
lican cause, he abandoned it at the last moment, and, 
in common with Waller, Denbigh, Townsend, Popham 
and many others, rendered eflSicient help in carrying 
out the designs of the Royalists. Lawson died in 1665 
of a wound in the knee, which he received in an engage- 
ment with his old antagonists, the Dutch. 

^ It waa at Wallingford House the Duke of Buckingham was born. 


148 MEMOBIALS OF [1659. 



I PRESUME it is not unknown to you that the 
Council of Officers had resolved upon a Parliament to be 
called^ and sit the 24th of January, before they heard of your 
desires, as to the return of the Long Parliament, wherein 
they met with several difficulties, amongst which this was 
not the least, that they had engaged themselves to my Lord 
Lambert, and that part of the army in the North, that we 
would not consent to the return of the Long Parliament 
without their consent and freedom with us ; and since their 
being in those parts, the officers have received an account 
that they have declared against the Parliament return : this 
together with other reasons (which will be imparted to you), 
they conceive themselves obliged to continue in their former 
resolutions, for writs to issue for the election of a new 
Parliament, upon qualifications, the consideration of which, 
how they may be made practical, and thereby prevent the 
hazarding of anything wherein the true interest of our cause 
hath been, as also that there may be such principles laid 
down and asserted by us, for the preserving thereof as the 
armies and navies of this Commonwealth will stand by : the 
Council ia order to these two weighty considerations, have 
desired that you would please to appoint certain persons to 
consider with them about it, how both may be fixed imto 
mutual satisfaction; they being desirous to their utmost 
endeavours, for a happy composure of all diflFerence betwixt 
us, having so great a value and esteem for you and the rest 
of the officers with you, if it may stand with your conveniency. 
It will be advantage to our public afiairs, if you will appoint 

1«60.] THE CIVIL WAR. 149 

some persons to confer of these things upon the place here^ 
than for us to send down to the fleet. And believe it^ sir^ what- 
ever may be designedly objected against us, yet you will find 
this army fixed to anything which may preserve the interest 
of this cause, and ready upon all occasions to express affection 
to yourself, and the fleet with you, in which upon all occasions 
you shall find me ready to approve myself 

Your affectionate friend and humble servant, 

Charles Fleetwood. 

Deeemher 2lgt, 1659. 

The actual approach of the King, and the joy of the 
nation at the immediate prospect of his Restoration, 
form the subject of the following letter to Mr. Evelyn. 


Honoured Sib, 

Had I not been ever since my coming over in the 
country engaged in the embraces of a wife, I should have 
nothing left to plead my excuse for this silence. Yet rather 
late than never, I take this opportunity to present my services 
to you. Well, without any more ceremony, for it has cost 
me an hour's study to make this preamble, we are almost 
arrived to our great unexpected felicity, the arrival of our 
Most Dread Sovereign the King, who we suppose to be now 
at sea, in order to his coining hither. Never were people so 
overjoyed, nor so desirous of their Prince's presence, than 
this kingdom ; and as he intends to come with a noble train 

150 MEMORIALS OF [1660. 

of his own subjects^ so I doubt not but it will give an invita- 
tion to you to make us happy with your company. 

Sir, as I have been much engaged to you for the friendly 
offices you did me at Paris, so I shall now desire both your 
assistance and advice. At the coronation of the King, I 
suppose there will be a certain number of the Knights of the 
Bath made, and in regard some friends have advised me to 
be one, so I shall desire that favour of you, that if you come 
not over before the coronation yourself, you will be pleased to 
give me your letters of commendation to my Lord of Ormond, 
my Lord Culpepper, or whom else you shall think fit. I 
remember my father had a great friend of Sir Edward 
Nicholas, and I believe it will not be amiss to write to him 
in it j but I leave it to yourself, desiring you both to advise 
and help me in it ; and I shall be ready to serve you in any- 
thing you shall command. I assure you I am very unwilling 
to take this upon me, but that I am earnestly desired by 
some, whose interest, perhaps, may be good at Court ; but 
many strings to a bow of this nature cannot be amiss^ and 
may easier be done by those about his Majesty^s person than 
by those more remote. I have nothing of news to impart, 
only Cromwell, Bradshaw, Ireton, and Pride, are attainted for 
High Treason, and order gone forth from the Parliament to 
apprehend all the judges of our late Sovereign, shA. all iheir 
estates, real and personal, are forfeited to his Majesty. Seven 
of these murderers are excepted out of pardon, but none yet 
nominated. My Lord Scudamore asks very kindly for you, 
and often remembers you with much respect. A line, I pray, 
from you by the first post. 

I am, Sir, 

Your most devoted servant, 

John Scudamore. 

London, \7ih May, 1660. 

1««0.] THE CIVIL WAR. 151 

We now return to the Fairfax papers. 

The share which Lord Fairfax took in the Restoration 
was prompt and decisive. While Monk was yet in 
command of the army in Scotland (where he had been 
originally placed by Cromwell), and before any public 
movement was made towards the accomplishment of 
that object, Lord Fairfax declared himself for a Free 
Parliament, and the restoration of the Monarchy, and 
resolved to place himself at the head of the Yorkshire 
forces on the 1st January, 1660. It was necessary to 
communicate this resolution to General Monk ; and the 
task, which was beset with difficulties and perils, was 
entrusted to Brian Fairfax. Lambert's army lay 
between Monk and Fairfax, and the Border was infested 
with moss-troopers, who superadded to their political 
and religious intolerance something of the recklessness 
and savagery of a roving banditti. Brian Fair&x 
executed his dangerous undertaking with signal success, 
and left behind him the following remarkable account of 
his journey, his interview with Monk, and his return to 
Nmn Appleton. 


Hsec olim meminisae juvabit. 

I HAVE heard King Charles in his pleasant way of discourse 
tell how many pretenders there were to have been instru- 
mental^ besides those who really were so, in his escape from 
Worcester, and many more at his Restoration. In the lowest 

152 MEMORIALS OP [1660. 

form of those I may pretend to a place as helping to bring 
him out of Scotland who brought him^ the King^ into England^ 
which was more than some did at his Restoration^ who were 
made Lords for it. This I may say, if the service be little, 
the reward was less. My story is this : 

In the month of December 1659. My Lord Fairfax being 
at his house at Nun Appleton near York, received a letter 
from General Monk at Coldstream in Scotland, upon the 
river Tweed, ten miles above Berwick, by Dr. Clergis ; it was 
to desire him to join with him against Lambert^s army. He 
advised with few what answer to return, but there was with 
him the Duke of Buckingham, Mr. Henry Arthington, and 
Mr. Edward Bowles, minister of York, who had been his 
chaplain when he was General, a prudent man and dexterous 
in affairs, and Clergis applied to him to deliver the letter to, 
and my Lord Fairfax was easily persuaded to consent to it. 

Clergis could not return with the answer, having got a fall 
and hurt his leg; a gentleman of quality undertook it, but 
thinking to go the direct way into Scotland by Newcastle, 
he was stopped by Lambert's army. It troubled my Lord 
F. exceedingly that General Monk should not hear from him, 
nor was it safe for him to declare against Lambert, or stir 
from his house, till Monk had notice of the day when he 
intended to do it, that he might march into England, 
in case Lambert, or any part of his army should fall into 

Colonel Lilbume lay at York with his regiment watching 
my Lord Fairfax, but some of his friends had notice of his 
intentions, and such as had great reputation in the late war 
under his command, as Major Smythson, Colonel Bethell, 
and others ; but generally in the country, they had no notice, 
whereof his friends complained afterwards, that he should 

1660.] THE CIVIL WAB. 153 

engage in so h^ardons a design and not acquaint them ; but 
the time was so shorty it could not be done. 

It was now the 20th of December, and my Lord P. had 
fixed upon the 1st of January to leave his house, and appear 
at the head of such forces as in so short a time could be got 
together, but the most necessary business was yet to do, 
which was to give notice of it to General Monk. 

Now I come to tell my own story, the other being what I 
heard from those who best knew all particulars. 

December 20, 1659. I came accidentally from London 
and Cambridge to my relations in Yorkshire, and waiting on 
my Lord Fairfax at Appleton when his friends were with 
him, late at night he sent for me into his chamber, and the 
first words I heard him say, were, " Here is my cousin Brian, 
I will undertake he shall do it.^^ What he meant I knew not, 
but they asked me if I would go into Scotland. I said with 
all my heart, where my lord pleased. I little considered 
the trouble or danger of it ; and much less the politic part, 
being neither old nor wise enough, for only that I knew two 
armies were facing one another and ready to engage, and we 
were well-wishers to General Monk. 

[They told me I must go next morning; my equiqage was 
soon ready ; they would not let me go take leave of my father 
a mile off, lest he should hinder my going, and they obliged 
my brother then with us not to tell him till I was gone, and 
indeed a far less indulgent father would not easily have con- 
sented. My kind relation, Mr. Arthington, and Mr. Bents 
were to instruct me what way to go and what to say when I 
came to General M. They considered, I did not (the season 
of the year being a memorable one for frost and snow), the 
way I was to take, to avoid Lambert's army, were the hills of 
Westmoreland, Cumberland, Scotland, but more than all 

154 MEMORIALS OF [1660. 

that which they thought not of^ the moss-troopers upon the 

They told me I must begin my journey next morning. I 
was to carry no letter, but to tell General Monk, "That my 
Lord Fairfax had received his letter, and had sent an answer 
sooner, but the messenger was stopped in Lambert^s army. 
He would join with him against Lambert, who was against 
all Parliament, and oppressed the countries where he lay by 
free quarters and contributions. That he resolved, God 
willing, to appear at . the head of what force the country of 
Yorkshire would meet him with on the first day of January ; 
but desired him to consider the danger he was in from 
Lambert's army that lay between them, and therefore desired 
that if any part of it marched back towards Yorkshire, he 
would advance with his army, and watch them" 

This I could easily remember j the next thing was to be 
directed in my journey, and that my cousin Arthington under- 
took to do. They would not let me go a mile that night to 
take leave of my father at Bolton Percy, lest he should hinder 
my going, and they obliged my brother who was with us, not 
to tell him tiU I was gone. The Duke of Buckingham 
ordered what sort of disguise I should go in, which was like 
a young country clown, being little better. 

The keeper of the park furnished me with clothes, and 
with an excellent good horse, that seemed to be a very 
ordinary one. I have reason to remember him, for he was 
a means of saving my life. The Duke would not let me 
have sword nor pistol, but my brother put into my hand his 
cane, which had a rapier in it. My brother and Mr. 
Arthington went with me next morning to Mr. Bowles at 

* The substance of this passage enclosed in brackets appears to be repeated 
in other places ; but it is here given as it is found in the original M.5. 

l^^O] THE CIVIL WAR. 155 

York, who heard me say my lesson, and repeat the message 
I was to cany to General Monk. Then they considered the 
danger and difficulties of the voyage. I must not go the 
ordinary way into Scotland, nor come near Lambert^s army, 
which was quartered in Durham and Northumberland. And 
the other was a dreadful way, which nothing but frost and 
snow made passable, over the rivers and hills of Westmore- 
land, Cumberland, and Scotland. My greatest danger they 
foresaw not, which was the moss-troopers upon the borders. 

My cousin Arthington ordered it so that I should go that 
night to Sir Robert Strickland^s at Thornton Bridge, and he 
writ a letter to him who I was, and whither I was going, and 
recommended me to his care, who knew all those countries, 
and had an estate in Westmoreland, and took all the care of 
me imaginable. 

Sir B. Strickland kindly received me, and was more con- 
cerned for me than I was for myself. He writ by me to his 
steward Thomas Shepard at Natland, near Siser, in West- 
moreland, who knew those northern countries as well as any 
man, and had been employed on such Uke occasions by Sir 
M. Langdale, when Duke Hamilton entered England, com- 
manding him to go along with me into Scotland ; and if our 
horses failed upon the way, to call at Sir Philip Musgrave^s, 
and some others that he named, to furnish us. 

Sir R. Strickland sent his servant with me to his house at 

Siser, near Kendal, in Westmoreland, whither we came in 

two days, over the hills and dales of the West Biding of 

Yorkshire, leaving Richmond on our right hand, lodging 

the first night at a miserable place upon the moors, without 

a name. 
Mr. Shepard kindly entertained me at his house, and 

prepared to go with me next morning; but he told me of 

156 MEMORIALS OF [1660. 

more difficulties and dangers than I thought of; that troops 
and Lambert's army were quartered all the way, and the 
by-ways watched. But the great danger would be from the 
moss-troopers, who robbed and murdered on the borders. 
But he doubted not to tell a &ir story, so as to pass the 
soldiers ; and for the moss-troopers, he had an old acquain- 
tance, who had been the captain of them, who lived at 
Bewcastle, in Gilsland, and he would give us a pass that 
would secure us. 

We went away by moonshine next morning from Natland, 
and I came not into a bed till I returned thither. We went 
to Kendal and Penrith, which was full of Lambert's soldiers, 
so that we durst not tarry there. They examined Mm, but 
he satisfied them, and they let us pass.. Here I began to 
feel the cold air upon the hills beyond Penrith — I think they 
call it Inglewood Forest. My remedy against it was to run 
up or down hills with my horse in my hand. We came to 
a village at night, where we refreshed ourselves and our 
horses; but there came some of Lambert's army, and we 
had like to have been stopped by them, one of them saying 
my hands were whiter than ordinary ; but my guide pleased 
them by telling how to cure their sick horses, there being a 
general disease among them, and they asked no more questions. 

The next morning we crossed the river Eden several times, 
for all was frozen, and we never rid through water in all our 
voyage. We went near Sir Philip Musgrave's house, but 
had no occasion to call* Leaving Carlisle about six miles of 
our left hand, we came to Brampton, near Naworth, in 
Gilsland, where we rested, as well as we could, all night, 
to fit ourselves and our horses for the next day's journey 
into the borders of Scotland. Here was quartered a troop 
of horse, but most of their horses sick, and my guide was 

1660.] THE CIVIL WAB. 157 

their farrier. They asked whither we went ; he told them to 
my Lady Graham at Netherby, not far oflP. 

The next morning we went for Beweastle, which stands in 
a vale before we enter Scotland. It concerned ns to call here 
of the captain^ whose name I have forgot ; but we lost our 
labour^ for he was not at home^ which put us into some fear. 

We had now escaped Lambert's army, and were to steer 
our course on our right hand, north-east, to Coldstream, 
Liddesdale, and Tweedale. My guide knew the coast, 
tbough he knew not the way. We were to pass the hills of 
Liddesdale, and go to the banks of the river Tweed, which 
would bring us to Kelso and Coldstream. The moonshine 
and the snow made the nights as clear as day. About 
midnight we came to a village called Castletown, in Scotland, 
upon the hills. 

Here we had the misfortune to have my guide's horse fall 
lame, that he could but go foot pace, which would not do my 
business, and what to do without him I knew not. We went 
into a house, which we saw had a fire in it. I believe it was 
the best in the town. The firestead was in the middle of the 
room, the cows at one end, and hogs at the other. The folks 
lay near the fire, the smoke of which helped to keep them warm, 
and a flat stone over it to bake an oaten cake on. Here we 
rested two or three hours, hoping the horse would recover his 
lameness, but he was rather worse. I had got a nap in a 
chair by the fireside, and when I waked was impatient to 
be gone. I had computed my time so as if I did not get to 
Coldstream the next night, I could not be back again at 
Appleton by New Year's Day, which, though it was not neces- 
sary, yet I had a great mind to be with my Lord Fairfax when 
he left his house and took the field ; besides the satisfaction it 
would be to my lord to know General Monk's answer. 

158 MEMOBIALS OF [1660. 

I desired Thomas Shepard to try if he could hire another 
guide with a horse to bring me to Kelso, or any other town 
in my way. While we were talking, a man appears, ojBFering 
his service, saying he had a good horse, and would bring me 
to Kelso by next morning. I was glad of his offer, and told 
him I would reward him, and bid him get ready presently. 
He was a lusty, raw-boned fellow, and told us of feats he had 
done, and showed wounds in his arm, which he said he got at 
Wigan, in Lancashire. I began to suspect my new guide, 
and my old one liked him worse than I did. He earnestly 
dissuaded me from venturing with him, telling me he believed 
he was a moss-trooper. But I was so intent upon Cold- 
stream, and had no other way of getting thither in time, that 
I resolved to go with him. He was presently at the door a- 
horseback, and my old guide very unwillingly brought out 
my horse. I nmst here bless God for his merciful protection, 
though I tempted his providence by so foolish and rash an 
action. But I thought I was doing my duty, and that many 
men^s lives in Yorkshire might depend upon Greneral Monk's 
marching to their assistance. He had not gone far with me, 
but he began to play tricks with his horse, galloping and 
charging about me. I desiring him to mind his way, bnt he 
was at it again, and now I plainly saw my own folly, and fell 
to my prayers that God would bring me out of this danger. 

I considered what to do if he attacked me ; *I had no 
weapon, for the cane my brother gave me I was persuaded by 
Thomas Shepard to leave at his house, for fear it might 
betray me. I saw no weapon he had, but my old guide told 
me they are never without their daggers. I thought my best 
way would be, if he came up to me, to try to throw him off 
his horse, and this thought, by G^'s blessing, saved my Ufe. 
He had brought me then about three miles from Castleton, 

1660.] THE CIVIL WAR. 159 

where I had left my old guide^ and a contrary way (as I 
understood afterwards) from Coldstream^ whether he pro- 
mised to carry me. It was a clear moonshine nighty ice and 
snow nnder our feet. On a sudden he turns about his horse^ 
and came up to me^took me by the throaty and I think asked 
for money. I took hold of his throaty and stmgglmg toge- 
ther, I threw him off his horse. His horse ran away, and 
mine very willingly after him, and galloped back the same 
way ; we came to the very door where we took horse. T. 
Shepard came out, concluding I was murdered, but seeing 
me, he held up his hands, thanking God for my deliverance, 
for says he, I never expected to see you again alive. Since 
you went I have heard who this feUow is ; I interrupted him, 
desiring him to say to more, but get up upon his lame horse, 
and let us wander together any way upon the hUls till morning. 
He did so, and then told him what had passed. I had thrown 
him off his horse, but did not know but he might pursue us. 
I had not hurt him nor he me. Then he told me he had 
heard who he was. His name was Anthony EUott, the most 
notorious moss-trooper in all the country, and no man more 
famous for robberies and murders. I have reason to believe 
it from what I have since heard by Mr. Bonald Gr3rms, the 
countryman, that this very Anthony Ellott was hanged at 
Carlisle the year after, and said nothing troubled him more 
than that he designed to have robbed a countryman that was 
going from the King, as he thought, to General Monk, the 
year before. We found ourselves at a loss for want of a 
guide, but resolved to have no more horse guides, and wished 
for a town or a house to direct us. We came at last to a 
house, and hired the man to guide us to the next town, in 
the way to Kelso, which he said was Hawick ; thither he 
brought us, and from thence we took another to Kelso, a 

160 MEMORIALS OF [1660. 

pleasant town upon Tweedy and hither we came about sunset. 
Now we thought ourselves safe^ and hearing that Colonel 
Morgan commanded in the town^ I thought by his help I 
must come sooner to Coldstream^ which was^ I think^ about 
ten miles below upon the same river Tweedy than if I went on 
with my lame guide. The soldiers examining us^ I told them 
I desired to be brought to their Colonel. 

Colonel Morgan asked me from whence I came. I told 
him out of Yorkshire. He asked me my business. I told 
him^ being alone^ that I was going to General Monk on a 
message. He said he hoped it was from my Lord Fairfax. 
I told him it was^ and my time is very shorty for I was to be 
with him again the 1st of January^ and my guide^s horse was 
lame^ which had made me lose a day. He asked kindly how 
his old General did^ and told me I should have his horse^ and 
a groom to go with me to Coldstream^ for the way was very 
dangerous^ and slippery, and unless my horse was shod for 
the frost, I could not go upon the banks of the Tweed all the 
way. I have reason to think he did not conceal it from his 
officers and soldiers, that Lord Fairfax had sent to General 
Monk ; for when I returned the next day they all knew it, 
and made Lambert^s army know it too, which had a good 

Now I feared no moss-troopers, for I had a sword and 
pistols. The way was so slippery that my own horse could 
never have carried me. The very groom could tell me he 
hoped I came on a good errand from my Lord Fairfax in 
Yorkshire, which I perceived had been given out to encourage 
the soldiers. 

The Colonel told me he would take care of my horse and 
my guide till I returned the next day. I stayed not above 
an hour in Kelso, and came to Coldstream about midnight. 

1^6^] THE CIVIL WAR. 161 

I bid the groom go directly to the head-quarters. There I 
alighted^ and desired to be brought to the General, for I had 
a message to deliver to him. It was a poor little thatched 
house in a poor town upon the river Tweed upon a little 
brook that runs into the river, called by that name, over 
agaiast Wark Castle that gives title to my Lord Gray; and 
twelve miles above Berwick I was brought up into the room 
where General Monk was, with four or five persons with him. 
I knew none of them, nor they me, but since they them- 
selves have told me, there was Dr. Barrow the Judge 
Advocate, Colonel Knight, Mr. Lock, and I think Mr. Clerk 
his secretary, Messrs. Gumble and Price chaplains, and 
Major MiUer. I said to him, " If it please your Excellency, I 
desire to deliver a message to you in private.'^ He took me 
into a little hole — ^we must call it a closet — I told him I 
came from my Lord Fairfax " with an answer to his letter, 
that he would on the first day of January appear at the head 
of what force he could in Yorkshire and declare against 
Lambert's army. But he desired him to watch Lambert, 
that no part of his army came down upon him.'' General 
Monk embraced me, and thanked my Lord Fairfax, and said 
he wovld watch Lambert as a cat watches a numse — it was 
his own expression — and that a troop of horse should not 
move but he would follow .them. I had now done my errand, 
and received my answer, and desired his Excellency's leave 
to return immediately, telling him I had lost some time by 
reason of my guide's lame horse, and another guide I took 
upon the Borders that would have robbed me. He made me 
tell the story, and would have had me tell his name if I 
knew; but that I scrupled and concealed, after he had said 
he would send immediately to have him and others there- 
abouts hanged, for he had lost several men about that place. 


162 MEMORIALS OP [1660. 

I was with him an honr^ and he sent for a bottle of sack 
and a piece of roast beef, which his butler brought into the 
little room to us : he was afterwards bottle-man to King 
Charles, when I was equerry, and yeiy well he remembered 
me at Coldstream. 

He told me something of his friends at Portsmouth and ia 
Ireland, who, he hoped, would join with him, but what he 
meant I knew not till afterwards ; and when I told it my 
Lord Fairfax he did not much like it ; it was Haslerig, and 
they that declared for the old Parliament without the 
secluded members, which they after called the Bump. 

Q^neral Monk did not seem at all to suspect the truth of 
what I said, that I came from my Lord Fairfax. 

I told him I was a scholar in the University, and his kins- 
man, and that Colonel Fairfax was my uncle. He told me 
[he] was quartered at the next house, and I should see him 
if I pleased. He sent Major Miller with me, and gave him 
charge of me, to get me a bed; the Major offered me his 
own, but I only laid down upon it tiU towards the mommg. 
While I was with the General they brought him word that 
Major Creed of Lambert^s party gave an alarm to the out- 
guards; there was but the riyer between them, and that 
frozen. The General made nothing of it. It seems he was 
posted too securely with his foot,, that he feared not Lam- 
bert's horse. 

When I came from the General I looked them all in the 
face in the next room, and remembered some of them after- 
wards ; Major Knight, and Major Miller I knew yery well 
in the Guards, in that regiment of Coldstream ; an honest, 
stout gentleman. He went with me to beat up my unde 
Charles Fairfax, his quarters. I told him my lord and my 
father were well, and we hoped to see him shortly in York- 

1660.] THE CIVIL WAR. 163 

shire. He knew my business, and said little, but was over- 
joyed to see me. 

Then I went with the Major, and laid down on his bed 
for three or four hours. Early in the momingl returned to 
Kelso, where I found my guide and his horse ready ; and on 
we went for England, but not the way we came, though I 
had now got a sword, and thought myself a match for 
Anthony EUot. 

We went in sight of Hume Castle and Roxburgh Abbey, 
and by Hermitage, the seat of Bucdeugfa, now the Duchess 
of Monmouth. We went near Netherby, and to Brampton 
in Cumberland. 

And here we saw the effects of what I had observed, and 
my guide had told me all the soldiers at Kelso talked of. It 
was reported in both armies that Yorkshire was up in arms, 
and my Lord FairfiEa at the head of them, and declared for 
General Monk. 

We left a troop of horse of Lambert^s army at Brampton, 
six miles from Carlisle, but they were gone, and the people 
told us they went away in disorder. We found the same at 
Perth; and it was well the report made them more formidable 
than really they were, for want of time and notice. 

I got to my Lord Fairfax at Appleton, I think it was the 
eve of New Year's Day, and told him what General Monk 
said, that he would watch Lambert as a cat watches a mouse, 
and would march into England upon his first motion. 

In my absence, my Lord F. had sent my brother, Henry 
Fairfax (afterwards Lord F.) with a letter to Colonel Overton, 
Governor of Hull, to try his pulse, if he would declare against 
Lambert's army ; but he refused. There was less hopes of 
Lilbume and his-^regiment at York. The gentlemen of the 
country were not sent to, as was expected ; but for all those 


164 MEMORIALS OF [1660. 

discouragements my lord was resolved to keep lis word with 
General Monk ; and the very next morning after my return 
he went from his house at Appleton^ towards his other house 
at Denton^ in the West Biding of Yorkshire. The Duke of 
Buckingham went to Enaresborough^ to meet the troops under 
the command of Sir Henry Cholmely, Colonel Bethel, Colonel 
Smythson, Strangways, &c., who had promised to be ready. 

My Lord F. was very ill of a fit of the stone, but went in 
his coach. I think none [went] with him in the coach but my 
brother and Mr. Arthington, at whose house we intended to 
be that night. We were about ten horsemen attending him. 
I was one of them, being not at all weary with my Northern 
journey. My lord was forced to stop at a little house, called 
the Papermill, half way, where he voided a great stone, and 
went on towards Arthington. 

Soon after, about Harewood, we met a party of Idlbume^s 
regiment, that had been conducting some ammunition to 
Skipton Castle. They ask us whither my Lord F. was 
going. We told them, to his own house, at Denton. They 
said there was more in it than so, but let us pass. Then we 
met Captain Wilkinson, with a party of near one hundred, 
who came to meet my lord, and were at his service. 

At Arthington there came to us Sir Thomas Slingsby, and 
several other gentlemen of the country, with their friends 
and attendants, horse and arms; but not fit to oppose 
Lilbume's old regiment, which we expected would be upon 
us, next morning, from York ; much less Lambert's army. 
They had seized the powder and bullet that was going to 
Skipton, so the war was declared. 

When my lord was retired into his chamber, and none 
with him, as I remember, but my cousin Arthington, a man 
of great prudence and interest in his country, (who married 

1660.] THE CIVIL WAR. 165 

my lord's sister), my brother and myself, his lordship began 
to express himself as one that knew what war was better than 
we did. 

"I am beholden/' says he, ''to these gentlemen that come 
so willingly to venture their lives on this occasion ; but it 
troubles me that I should bring them into this danger ; for 
we have to do with old soldiers. And if I had but such a 
troop of horse as I had at the beginning of the war, I could 
march with them where I pleased.'' He resolved to go to 
Denton next morning, hoping by that time more of the 
country would come to him. They took pity on me, who 
had been so long mthout rest, and provided me mth a bed, 
though the house was so full. 

Before I fell asleep I heard great knocking at the gate. 
It was a gentleman, that seemed to be an officer in the army, 
who asked if Mr. Brian Fairfax was there, he desired to 
speak with him. I got up, and went to the gate to him. 
He told me he had been a scholar in Christ College in Cam- 
bridge, and knew me very well of Trinity College. He was 
now an officer (I think a comet) in the Irish brigade, under 
Colonel Kelsy, and desired to speak with my Lord Fairfax. 
I invited him into the house, and acquainted my lord, who 
bid me bring him to his bedside : he, poor man, was restless 
with the gout and stone. I think my brother and cousin 
Arthington were in the room. " My lord," says the officer, 
"I am sent from the Irish brigade, a body of 1200 horse in 
the rear of the army, to tell your lordship they are all at 
your service, and will obey your commands ; and I desire to 
know where you please to appoint them to meet and join 
with you." My lord thanked them and him, and told him 
he expected to meet some of his friends in a day or two upon 
Marston Moor, and desired that place might be the rendezvous. 

166 MEMORIALS OF [1660. 

It was not fit to discover to the officer how very welcome 
this news was to us in the condition we were in^ but we 
made much of him. I am sorry I have forgot his name ; but 
I had an opportunity of doing him a service, by the Duke of 
Buckingham's help, and other recommendations, upon this 
account. He had a command in the army in Ireland, where 
he and Captain Stroud, who, I think, was his captain, lived 
several years after. 

And now one regiment after another in Lambert's army, 
as they came away, declared for their old Qeneral, and there 
did not want some about him that would have persuaded 
him to take upon him the command; but he absolutely 
refused it, and bid them obey General Monk. 

The next day we went to Knaresborough, where we met 
some formed troops, under old officers, that had served in the 
war; and here we met the Buke of Buckingham, which gave 
occasion to some officers to say it was a Cavalier design, and 
they would not be satisfied till he went away from us. Nor 
did the jealousy cease then. 

The next day we met the Irish brigade upon Marston 
Moor, six miles of York. The officers, whose names and 
persons I remember, were Kelsy, Goodman, Stroud. They 
came with all civility and respect to my Lord Fairfea^ but 
they seemed to have a reserve to themselves, as if by con- 
versing with some of our own officers, or corresponding with 
Lilburne's regiment in York, they had the same jealousy 
of a Cavalier design. And I fancy, if they had not stood in 
awe of Monk, who was then marched into England^ we 
should have heard more of them. 

The next day we expected to march into York, but the 
gates were shut upon us, and there it was that some of the 
Irish brigade tendered a paper to my Lord Fairfax, declaring 

1660.] THE CIVIL WAR. 167 

against any gOTemment by a spigle person, &c. ; which I saw 
him tear before their face, and immediately went to the head 
of his own troops, and were drawn out in the fields towards 
Popleton, facing one another. 

I was now really afraid that we were going to charge one 
another, which was a new thing to me, and I did not like it. 
I nerer stirred from my Lord Fairfax, and I had an excellent 
horse that the Buke of Buckingham valued at 100/. under 
me, with suitable accoutrements. But my heart had failed 
me had not my Lord Fairfax's looks encouraged me. He 
began to be another man, his motions so quick, his eyes so 
sparkling, giving the word of command like a General, that I 
took heart, and I think could have charged with him. 

Thus &r I observed ; but know not the reason that hin- 
dered us from fighting. Our friends were all this while con- 
tending for us in York, Sir Philip Monckton and others, but 
no fighting. I am persuaded that General Monk^s hovering 
over us, and we declaring for him, kept these men in awe, who 
finding their own strength, had a mind to impose what laws 
they pleased upon us, but doubted the consequence. Their 
Colonel, Zanchy, was all this while with Lambert, and never 
left him, which makes me reflect upon the message I carried 
to General Monk, which was so punctually observed on both 
sides, and with so happy success ; for as the report of my 
Lord Fairfax rising in Yorkshire did alarm Lambert's army, 
and was a great occasion of their deserting him, so the 
report of General Monk's march into England, kept them in 
awe, that they durst not offer any affront, or violence to him, 
or the country gentlemen that were with him. 

We quartered at Fopleton that night, at my lord's sister's 
house, Mrs. Hutton. 

Jan. 4. — ^Now one great work was done, Lambert's army 

168 MEMORIALS OP [1660. 

routed without bloodshed^ and himself ran away with Zanchy 
and a few men with him into the south. But the greater 
work remained for Monk to do, which by degrees he did^ and 
had the honour and reward of it. 

Jau. 6. — ^The next morning I was sent post to London, 
with a letter* to Lenthall the Speaker, whom the army at 
London had owned for their General, aud placed him in his 
chair again, though but pro tempore. My lord was informed 
that a man was sent up the day before with a letter to him, 
from those officers, when we had no reason to trust, with a 
relation of what had passed in Yorkshire : these letters proved 
to be from Monk himself, and this man I was to endeavour 
to overtake upon the way to London, which I did, and got to 
London half a day before him. I delivered the letter to the 
Speaker at the Bolls in Chancery Lane, which looked like the 
head-quarters of a General rather than Speaker of the House 
of Commons. I was received coldly enough, for we were not 
thought his best friends in Yorkshire. And now I remember 
what General Monk said to me at Coldstream, concerning 
his friends at Portsmouth, meaning Haslerig, &c., whose life 
he afterwards saved, but surely they could not think we did 
all this for their sakes, though they would have the world 
believe we did. 

By this journey I took an opportunity of being with my 
Lord Fairfax when General Monk visited him, being lame 
of the gout, at Appleton, where I might have hoped to 
receive both their thanks together, but I was told they em- 
braced one another and Monk acknowledged the service be 
had done, and offered up the command of the army to him, 

* The letter was from my Lord F., Sir H. Cholmely, and Henry Arthing- 
ton, of their having declared against Lamhert, who had oppressed the country, 
and thanks were ordered. 

1660.] THE CIVIL WAR. 169 

which he refused^ but told him his opiniou. My lord 
told him his mind^ that there was no peace nor settlement 
to be expected in England but by a Free Parliament^ and 
upon the old foundation of Monarchy^ which was farther than 
any of the addresses went. The answer was not such as gave 
any great satisfaction^ but perhaps it was his reservedness^ 
for he had no reason to suspect my lord's sincerity, who had 
given him such testimony of his affection to him. The City 
of York was delivered up to my Lord Fairfax before General 
Monk came, and before he got to London the gentlemen of 
the country universally met at York, and agreed upon an 
address to him, declaring for a Free Parliament, and till that 
was chosen they would pay no taxes.* I know not but this 

* The following letter to the Editors of the Congregational Magazine, pub- 
lished in Febroary 1881, contains some curious particulars concerning the 
interviews at York between Fairfax and Monk, and also the account of Dr. 
Bowles to which reference has been made in a previous part of this work. 



In the ^ Historical Notices of Nonconformity at York," which appears 
in your Number for December last, The Rev. Edward Bowles is mentioned as 
harmg been ^ particularly active about the Restoration ; that he highly approved 
of that measure ; and that he accompanied Lord Fairfax to Breda." 

The following interesting anecdote concerning Mr. Bowles is related on very 
high authority. ^ At this city (York) the General (Monk) stud five days, one 
of which being Sunday, he went to the Cathedral, and heard a sermon by Mr. 
Bowles, chaplain and chief counsellor to Lord Fairfax. This Lord visited the 
General frequentiy, and had much secret discourse with him. One day they 
dined together privately in the General's own chamber, while the principal 
officers and others were invited and entertained at a public table by his chaplain 
deputed for that purpose. This chaplain was Dr. Price. It seems that the 
night of the day on which the Lord Fairfax and the General dined privately 
together, Mr. Bowles was sent for by his Lordship to confer with the General, 
and they were in dose conversation tiU after midnight, for about that time, Dr. 
Price entering the chamber to go to prayer, as usual, he found him and Bowles 
in very private conversation, the General ordering him to go out, but not to bed. 
After Bowles was gone, he called the Doctor to him, commanding his servant to 
stay behind. He took him close to him and said, < What do you think, Mr. 

170 MEMORIALS OP £1660. 

was the first address of its kind in England^ and they all 
signed it^ and my Lord Fairfax amongst the rest^ and they 
chose Sir Thomas Wharton and Sir John Dawny^ after Lord 
Down^ to carry it : but they made it their joint request to 
my Lord Fairfax that he would not only sign it with them^ 

Bowles has pressed me Very hard to stay and declare for the Kiag, asBuriiig me 
that I shall have very great assistance/ The Doctor was startled at the boldness 
of the proposition."* 

But although this distinguished and excellent man^ in oommon with many 
others, was wearied with the numerous changes which occurred near the closes 
of the interregnum, and alarmed at the increasing power of the army, so as to 
feeh very anxious for the return of the King, it would be an act of injustice not 
to state, that Mr. Bowles was afterwards very much dissatisfied with the 
character of Charles II. The following anecdote is sufficient proof of this, 
while it is abundantly characteristic of this intrepid Nonconformist : — Mr. 
Bowles, of York, had a great share in the Revolution. By his interest Monk's 
army marched from Scotland through Yorkshire without opposition. He was 
one of the ministers sent to Breda to hear the King at his prayers ; and when 
he saw what impiety and sorrow was coming upon the nation, the prospect 
drove him out from London, and perhaps out of the worid. The last visit he 
made in town was to his old acquaintance the Duke of Albemarle (Monk). 
He talked to him to this purpose : ' My lord, I have buried the good old cause, 
and am now going to bury myself. I never expect to see your Grace more in 
this world, and therefore must be so plain as to say, that you have had greater 
opportunities than any other person to make the King happy and the people 
easy ; and all this you have given up for a feather in your cap, a little trifling 
honour ; but the Lord says of you as he did of Coniah, '< Write this man child- 
less, a man that shall not prosper in his days, none of his seed shall prosper. 
This title will be mentioned with a reproach to yourself, and, after your son has 
had it a little while, it will go out in a snuff." That day the good man went 
homewards and was met at Doncaster by several of the ministers in that county, 
and, as one of the company told me himself, he bewailed what he had done ; 
exhorted them to take care they did not make shipwreck of faith and a good 
conscience ; and in a little time after died at York, delivering those words not 
long before his death, << Thou wast a God that forgavest their iniquities, though 
thou tookest vengeance on their inventions." When this last passage was told 
to the Duke it gave him a great commotion, and he spoke like a person in sore 
distress ; '< This was a man of God, and none of his words shall fall to the 
ground." — Appendix to the Rev. T. Bradfywry^s Zutwv BouriAudi, a Restoration 
Sermon^ p. 33. 

* Drake's Eboracum, p. 173, as quoted in Mr. Hadfield's Report of his Majesty^s 
Commissioners concerning Dame Sarah Hewley's Charities, p. 45. 

1660.] THE CIVIL WAR. I7l 

as he had done^ but write a particular letter to General 
Monk to the same purpose with the address^ which he did at 
large, and sent me with it^ and I am sorry I have not a copy 
of it ; the answer to it &om the General is among other letters 
in my Lord Fs. study at Denton. The answer was that he 
referred all these things to the Parliament. 

This letter my lord sent by me, for I was now thought 
a mettle horseman. I overtook Sir Thomas Wharton and 
Sir J. Dawny, both my kinsmen, at Stamford, and they were 
very kind to me; but Z went before them, and deliyered the 
letter to the General at Drapers^ Hall in London. He 
received me extreme kindly, and thanked me for my journey 
to Coldstream. He ordered Mr. Clerk, his secretary, to 
write an answer, which he signed, and I returned with it to 
my Lord Fairfax. 

After this, I may say, I went to bed and took some rest, 
having had little since I went into Scotland to this time, 
which was well for a Cambridge scholar. 

Not long after a Parliament was called, and the King 
restored my Lord Fairfax, being one of the Commissioners 
sent to invite him into England: I attended him to the 
Hague. My Lord Gerrard was sent by his Majesty to bring 
him to Court, where the King received him very kindly, and 
Mr. Edward Bowles with him. 

I hoped at this happy Restoration my fortune (as they call 
it) would have been made. I waited on the General at the 
Cockpit, and he made me dine with him, and placed me near 
himself at full table, and spoke of the service I had done. 
But the Buke of Buckingham, who married my lordship's 
daughter, being now restored to his great estate, would 
employ me in receiving his rents, and paying all his money, 
tiU my friends advising me of the danger, I gave it over, and 

172 JfBMORIALS OP [1660. 

thought I escaped well that I was not oppressed under the 
ruins of his fortune. 

When he was Master of the Horse^ the first equerr/s 
place that fell^ he recommended me to the Eing^ who freely 
gave it me^ and I served him faithfully to his death. 

King James did not think me fit to be his equerry^ so 
I retired to my friends in Yorkshire. In the year 1688 
I went into Holland^ on no other business but to wait on the 
Prince and Princess of Orange. The Duchess of Bucking- 
ham was godmother to the Princess^ and sent a letter by me 
to her, which I delivered ; and her Boyal Highness writ one 
again to her Grace, and gave it to me for her. She was then 
at Hounsterdike, near the Hague. There we waited also on 
his Highness the Prince of Orange, who was pleased to ask 
me from what part of England I came. I told him from 
Yorkshire, where all prayed for his Highness's health and 
happiness. I presented my son Brian to him, about thirteen 
years old. He asked how many I had. I told him two sons 
more, and I hoped they would live to do him service. 

I had a great mind to see my Lord Macclesfield before I 
returned. He was then at Groningen. We were to go by 
Amsterdam, and over the Zuyder sea. My son and I went by 
ourselves, and stayed three days at Groningen. About ten 
days after I left my Lord Macclesfield, he received a letter of 
the design the Prince of Orange had to come into England. 
Had he known it when I was with him, I had the honour to 
be so much in his good opuiion, that I believe he would have 
acquainted me, and kept me vdth him, to come with the 
Prince into England. But it pleased Gt>d to order it other- 
wise, and I knew nothing of it till I came to London. 

After this happy revolution, and King William established 
in the throne, all I desired was my old place of equerry, which 

1660.] THE CIVIL WAR. l^^S 

my noble Mend my Lord Macclesfield told the King of^ and 
he made me his equerry^ and I served him three years in that 
place^ and it was neither the dangers^ nor fatigues of the 
war, nor any attendance, could have made me uneasy in my 
place, which was my freehold, and an honourable employ- 
ment at Court, with a suitable salary. But I thought it 
looked too like a soldier^s life, which I was always averse 
from in myself or my children, though I might have stayed 
at home, and pleaded Jus trium liberorum, and none could 
have objected it to me; yet I thought the office of an equerry 
required a younger man, and a fair opportunity offering of 
being secretary to the Archbishop of Canterbury, Dr, Tillot- 
son, my countryman and old friend, I embraced it, and he 
moved the King to let me resign my place of equerry, and 
have a recompence for it, which I was so unwise to do before 
I received what he promised the Archbishop to give me, aud 
the recompence it is yet to come. 

JtUy lOth, 1699. 

Should I write more it must be out of the Chronicle, and 
that is not worth my time. 

Dec. 26. — ^The Speaker and members of Parliament then in 
town met at Whitehall, and then to the Parliament House, 
the soldiers shouting. Orders were sent to the forces under 
Lambert to obey the Parliament. They voted pay. 

Dec. 23 — ^Whitlock afraid for acting in the Committee of 

The soldiers revolting from Fleetwood, some of the old 
members and Speaker gave orders, and were obeyed. 

Intelligence from Haslerig that he was coming to them 
from Portsmouth. 

Kelsy was all the while with Lambert. 

174 MBUORIALS OF [1660. 

Lawson and Zanchy's brigade declare for the Parliament. 

Whitlock's mem. 

Jan. 6. — ^Letters from the Lord F.^ Sir H. Cholmeley^ and 

Axthington, of their raising volunteers for the Parliament^ 
and taking of York^ and complaining of Lambert. Assess- 
ments upon the country. Thanks ordered. 

Dec. 27. — ^Letters from Monk speak of an obstruction in 
the treaty^ for that Haslerig^ Walter^ Morley^ acted at Ports- 
mouth by the said authority^ and Lambert had desired a 
pass for his messengers. Wildman and Whitlock had con- 
sulted about a free state. 

Jan. 2. — Order to remove Charles Stuart. 

Jan. 4. — ^Letters from Monk in Scotland to adhere to the 
Parliament, and to march against Lambert. The messenger 
related that he met Lambert with fifty horse at Northamp- 
ton ; that all his forces and himself^ my Lord Fairfax and his 
forces, and York, had all submitted to this Parliament. 

Letters from Monk, owning his prevarications with Fleet- 
wood for the service of the Parliament, and promising 

Letters from my Lord Fairfax, Cholmeley, and Arthington, 
as aforesaid. 

Monk's answer to the addresses was — ^That he was but 
a servant to the Parliament in a military capacity, and these 
things of a civil concernment were to be left to the Par- 

Jan. 23. — ^Addresses by some for the secluded members, 
others for a free Parliament. 

The position which Monk held at the head of the 
army in Scotland enabled him to render important 
service at this crisis, and to furnish (as one of his 

1660.] THE CIVIL WAR. 175 

biographers says) a hand to the heart of the nation ; 
but history has overrated, or rather misstated, his 
claim to the glory of having been the Restorer of the 
Monarchy. His individual share in the Restoration, 
although more conspicuous, was less influential than 
that of Fairfax ; it would be a grave error, however, 
and falsification of the elements by which both of them 
worked, to ascribe that event to either. The Restora- 
tion was the act of the people. Monk and Fairfax aided 
it, hastened it, and imparted stability to its accomplish- 
ment ; but whether they had aided it or not, the return 
of Charles was inevitable. It is well to state this matter 
correctly. Names are sometimes suffered to take deep 
root in the traditions of nations, and to grow to such 
height and breadth as to overshadow the soil fix)m 
which they spring. The man who is drifted by the 
current is thus made more prominent than the action 
of the waters upon which he floats, and History, instead 
of developing operating causes, becomes a mere chronicle 
of Hero-worship. 

All obstacles to the Restoration of the Stuarts expired 
\vith Cromwell. He alone it was who had bound up 
and sustained in a coherent creed Puritanism and the 
popular faith. The moment he died the whole mass 
fell to pieces, and chaos, the most dire and dismal, 
supervened upon the system he had called into exist- 
ence, and preserved to the end by the force of his 
genius. There are writers who assert that it was crum* 
bling even some time before his death; but this is 

176 MEMORIALS OF [I(»60. 

neither necessary to the illustration of the great histo- 
rical feet nor true in itself. So long as Cromwell lived, 
Cromwell's government was safe ; although as he drew 
near to the close, and the signs of his departure dark- 
ened the horizon, gloomy prophecies of the fiiture must 
have loomed indistinctly and fearfully upon men s minds. 
There was no second Cromwell to succeed him : nature 
had broken the mould m which that one man had been 
shaped for his great task. The sceptre trembled in the 
hand of the feeble, amiable, indecisive Richard. All 
this was foreseen, and profited by. Of the advisers who 
clustered round Richard Cromwell, not one believed in 
him. They used him as an instrument for their own 
purposes. He was good for nothing more, and hardly 
for that, having an honest consciousness of his own 
weakness, which perpetually frustrated their designs. 

The Army and the ParUament again broke away from 
each other ; but their divisions were no longer marked 
by intelligible principles, as in the times of the Hounslow- 
gathering and the Agitators. The Army was divided 
against itself; the Parliament was convulsed into fac- 
tions; Puritanism, loosened from its anchorage, was 
scattered and tossed over the tumultuous waves ; new 
theories and speculative plans were launched fi*om hour 
to hour ; and, in the midst of these distractions, the 
people saw no hope but in the re-establishment of the 
throne. It was the natural refiige from the anarchy 
that was rapidly spreading over the country. 

A long year and upwards was consumed in bringing 

1660.] THE CIVIL WAR. 177 

about this result : — a. year of confusion and distrust on 
all sides. Monk acted with the double-dealing caution 
which characterised his whole life. He waited upon 
events ; hazarded nothing till he saw clearly which way 
the stream ran; and then declared for the King when 
the whole question was narrowed to a choice between 
the King and Lambert. Clarendon accurately describes 
the process of conversion in Monk's mind in these words : 
— " It was the King's great happiness that he [Monk] 
never had it in his purpose to serve him till it fell to be in 
his power, and indeed till he had nothing else to do." ^ 

The conduct of Monk throughout the Civil War and 
the Protectorate was that of a man who trimmed his 
sails with every fluctuation of the winds. Like Fairfax, 
he had strong personal grounds of animosity against 
Cromwell ; but, unhke Fairfax, he made his feelings and 
opinions subservient to his interests. It is impossible to 
trace the saUent points of his career without arriving at 
a conviction that no great event in history was ever 
effected by a baser instrument. 

We find him, on the breaking out of the war between 
Charles I. and the Scots, serving his sovereign gallantly 

* Oxford edition. The real character of Monk, the aversion in which he was 
held by the Royalists themselves, his meanness, hypocrisy, and selfishness, were 
never thoroughly exposed until the publication of the whole of Clarendon's MSB. 
in the Oxford edition. To the suppressions, alterations, and interpolations by 
the original editors, (in no instance more conspicuous than in that of Monk), 
may be mainly attributed the false historical estimate which had previously 
descended to us of his life and character. Other works published within the 
last thirty years have cleared up many obscure passages in his career ; and the 
Memoirs of Sir George Mackenzie may be specially cited as cc»vering him with 
infamy, by the fidl disclosure of his perfidy to the Marquis of Argyll. 


178 MEMORIALS OP [1660. 

(for, with all his &ults, he was a brave soldier), after- 
wards distinguishing himself in Ireland, and next acting, 
under a commission from the King, as Major-General at 
the siege of Nantwich. By accepting this appointment, 
he at once pledged himself to the cause of the Royalists 
against the ParUament. At Nantwich he was taken 
prisoner by Fairfax, sent to London, and lodged in the 
Tower. His Majesty had so much reliance upon his 
devotion, that (scarce as money was in the royal trea- 
sury at the time) he forwarded Monk 100/. to mitigate 
the privations of his imprisonment. But Monk, nothing 
loth to avail himself of the royal bounty, was equally 
accessible to a bribe on the other side. Seeing that the 
King's cause was declining, he purchased his liberty by 
taking the Covenant ^ and a commission under the Par- 

* MoDk*8 friends were so thoroughly ashamed of this act, that they endea- 
voured to evade the acknowledgment of it. Dr. Gmnble, one of his own chap- 
lains, in his Life of Monk, (1671), tries hard to shnt it up in a sort of historical 
oubliette, ^ Being about,'* says this yeracious Gumble, ** to step out of the 
Tower, he meets widi a great obstmction at the threshold — he must faQ down 
and worship the Scottish idol of the Covenant, — a condition to which he, a loyal 
and true believer, cannot easily be brought to submit. He had many confer- 
ences, both with the clergy and laity, who were his feUow-sufferers in the 
Tower ; but what was the issue of their deliberations, and whether he took the 
Covenant, I cannot with certamty afiSrm. This I know. Tie loved not the remen- 
hrcmce of tluU troublesome firebrcmd. This Covenant was imposed when I was a 
child, and was almost forgotten in the nation. A late act for removing it 
recalled the memory thereof. Balls of wild-fire should be quenched in silence, 
and cast out of the way of observation. Among a divided people water is more 
necessary than fire or zeal. Moses, that delivered the Israelites, was of a cabn 
and meek spirit ; and without controversy, nothing is so healing of the wounds 
of a nation as forgiveness and forgetfulness." This passage is given merely as a 
sample of the clumsy expedients to which Monk's admirers and parasites were 
driven in their attempts to make out a character for him. Gumble had even 
less excuse in affecting ignorance on the vital fact of the Covenant oath than 
most other writers, as he tells us that he was in Monk's confidence, and that he 
had the whole of that part of his life from his own lips. 

leeo.] THE CIVIL WAR. 179 

liament. His biographers have endeavoured to palliate 
this act of ingratitude and infidelity by the flimsy excuse 
that he never entered upon tenns with the Parliament 
while the King had sufficient power to keep the field. 
It does not appear to have occurred to his apologists 
that, in setting up this excuse for his desertion of his 
party, they substantiate the charge in its worst aspect. 
He was faithful to the King so long as the King was 
able to maintain his ground, and abandoned him in the 
hour of his greatest need. Fine-weather loyalty was 
this of General Monk, who, entering prison as a martyred 
Cavalier, issues forth after a while at the head of a 
battalion of Roundheads ! 

And fiirther, what becomes of this excuse when the 
same George Monk is discovered under the banners of 
Cromwell in Scotland, acting as Lieutenant-General of 
artillery against the Prince, who had raised his standard 
in Cromarty, in expectation that all loyal men would 
rally round him ? It was at least one thing to enter 
the service of the Parhament when the King's cause 
was over, and another to render active service against 
its re-estabKshment. And Monk's service on this 
occasion appears to have utterly annihilated the pros- 
pects of the Prince, if his biographers may be believed, 
for they claim for him the whole merit of the victory 
of Dunbar. It is curious and instructive to note 
the flagrant sophistry into which these defenders of 
Monk are driven in their forlorn attempts to prop 

up his reputation. They assert that Cromwell took 


180 MEMORIALS OF [1660. 

no measure of importance without his advice; that 
he it was who proposed to give the Royalists battle 
on the heights of Dunbar ; that great opposition was 
made to the proposal; but that he charged up the 
hill, pike in hand, at the head of three regiments of foot, 
and decided the fate of the day. On the one hand they 
claim for him the glory of having destroyed the hopes 
of the Royalists and helped Cromwell (whom, they insist 
upon it, he secretly hated all the while) to the supreme 
power ; and endeavour on the other hand to make the 
world beUeve that he did all this for the purpose of 
acquiring the means to promote the Restoration ! He 
crushed the King's party to secure the confidence of the 
Commonwealth, in order that he might the more effec- 
tually serve the Bang^s cause ! It was a far-sighted 
scheme ; a black-art calculation of the fiiture, amounting 
to divination, and worthy of being chronicled next to that 
famous prophecy of Langboume, a Romish priest, who, 
formerly visiting Monk in the Tower, foretold from the 
secret marks and hues in his face that, within a few years, 
he would be the greatest man in the three kingdoms.* 

* Monk believed, or affected to believe, in these saperstitions. We have no 
less an authority for the fact than his panegyrist Gumble, who would certainly 
have set nothing down concerning him which he did not beUeve likely to redound 
to his honour. Being at Dalkeith in 1657 (about six years after he had van- 
quished Charles on that very spot !), he told a friend, says Gumble, << that the 
King would be restored before the thirtieth year of his age [a near hit !] ; and, 
being asked how he came to know it, replied, he had it from one that had ost 
his nativity. The other rejoined, that he had also heard something of alike 
nature, about the King 's being restored by a Monk. Here some other persons 
entered the room, and the discourse was dropped." And upon such materials 
the historians of Monk rest the assertion that he had all along meditated tlie 
design of restoring the King. 

1660.] THE CIVIL WAB. 181 

For this service. Monk was left in Scotland by Cromwell 
in the capacity of Commander-in-chief. No man fitter 
to be confided in while affairs were prosperous. In the 
meanwhile, Cromwell ascended to the Protectorate, and 
Monk was employed in the Dutch war, which ended in 
a peace of which he openly disapproved. But his 
scruples on that point were appeased by his re-appoint- 
ment to the command in . Scotland, where he enjoyed a 
five years' repose in a country seat belonging to the 
Countess of Buccleugh. 

During this period the sur&ce of communication was 
apparently smooth and confidential between Monk and 
Cromwell ; but there was an old grudge and a lurking 
doubt beneath, which sometimes gave a strange colour 
to their epistolary intercourse. With Monk, this secret 
discontent dated as far back as his Uberation fi'om the 
Tower, and his first service under the Parliament in 
Ireland, when he was censured and forgiven in the same 
breath for concluding a peace, fi'om which Cromwell 
afterwards derived some important advantages. Crom- 
well's distrust of Monk may have originated at the same 
time. He probably never cordially reUed upon a soldier 
who had joined his party and gulped the Covenant 
mider such suspicious circumstances ; and a short time 
before his death, in an ominously playfiil postscript to a 
letter, he gave Monk to understand that there was a 
whisper in the air which it was desirable to silence, or it 
might gather into thunder. " There be that tell me," 
said Cromwell's postscript, "that there is a certain 

182 MEMORIALS OF [1660. 

cunning fellow in Scotland called George Monk^ who is 
said to lie in wait there. for Charles Stuart ; I pray you 
use your diUgence to apprehend him, and send him up 
to me ! '' And the thunder would have shattered the 
towers of Dalkeith if Monk had stirred a finger on behalf 
of the Stuart while Cromwell Kved. Monk took the 
hint, and availed himself of every opportunity to testify 
his allegiance to the Protector.. 

How he continued to hold his command under Crom- 
well, and to keep in at the same time with the King's 
friends, is inexpUcable ; but no doubt of the fact can 
now be reasonably entertained. He was regarded all 
throughout as the most hkely person to assist in the 
Restoration, whenever aflfairs should be ripe for a decla- 
ration. His instinct in gliding out of a &Iling house, 
appears to have been thoroughly appreciated on both 
sides; and at the moment when Cromwell was 
oppressing him with favours, the exiled Prince was 
privately assuring him that he possessed his Boyal 
Highness's entire confidence. There is a letter extant 
from the Prince to Monk, written in 1665 (about two 
years after Cromwell had assumed the title of Protector) 
in which, with a judicious obUvion of Tower treacheries 
and Cromarty hostilities, he invokes that latent loyalty 
which he knew would be ready to show itself whenever 
loyalty should be again at a premium in the market. 
" One who believes he knows your nature and inclinations 
very well/' are the opening words of the letter, very 
insidious and full of a sinister meaning, " assures me, 

J««O.J THE QiyjL y^j^^ J 83 

that, notwithstanding all ill accidents and misfortunes, 
you retain still your old affection to me, and resolve 
to express it upon the iSrst seasonable opportunity ; 
which is as fnuch as I look for from you. We must all 
patiently wait for that opportunity, which may be offered 
sooner than we expect ; when it is, let it find you ready ; 
and in the meantime have a care to keep yourself out 
of their hands, who know the hurt you can do them in 
a good conjuncture, and can never but suspect your 
affection to be, as I am confident it is, towards your, &c.'' 
With consummate tact, Monk forwarded' this very letter 
to the Protector, and thus made himself safe with both 
parties ; for how could he so well serve the Stuart as by 
securing the confidence of Cromwell, or how more 
effectually secure the confidence of Cromwell than by 
betraying the Stuart ? Whatever turned up. Monk was 
the man for the occasion. * 

He pursued the same policy to the last. Richard 
Cromwell had no sooner succeeded to his father than 
Monk sent in his adhesion, and proclaimed the new Pro- 
tector at the Cross of Edinburgh ; and it was not until 
Thurloe and the rest had entirely broken down, and the 
army under Lambert began to waver, that he moved in 
the project for the restoration of the King. And his first 
steps were, as usual, so cautious as to be easily retraced. 

* His panegyrisl^ Guxnble, who defends him through thick and thin, uninten- 
tionally admits his treacheiy, but turns it over to the account of his zeal for the 
throne. ^ If ever," says Gumble, ^ he seemed to trespass upon that limit of 
loyalty it was like Hushai, trying to get into a station where he might ha/ve the best 
of opportunity of senfing his King.'' 

, i» 

184 MEMORIALS OP [1660. 

The abdication of Richard Cromwell, and the com- 
plete withdrawal of the whole femily into private life, 
(except the wife of Fleetwood, who, loading her husband 
with bitter reproaches for having been instrumental to 
their fall, is understood to have instigated him to the 
extreme measm*es he pursued in conjunction with 
Lambert,) cleared the ground for that open breach 
between the Parliament and the Army, which ended in 
a military revolution. The famous Remonstrance of the 
officers, in which they disclaimed all intention of setting 
up any single person in the supreme authority, and 
vindicated their own right as freemen, and the right of 
the people at large, to petition Parliament, being treated 
with contempt, and Lambert, Desborough, and others 
deprived of their commissions; the Army, as upon 
former occasions, undertook to redress themselves. 
Lambert, investing the miUtary posts and avenues of 
Westminster, turned back Lenthall and the members, 
and took forcible possession of the House. The Council 
of State, which had risen upon the ruins of the Crom- 
wells, was instantly abolished, and a Council of Ten 
(suggestive of uneasy historical associations) was nomi- 
nated in its place. The movers in this bold proceeding 
justified their conduct on the ground of precedent, 
vindicated themselves in the name of public Kberty (the 
much abused watch-word of all the factions at this 
time), and declared that they had no other end in view 
than the establishment of a free Parliament. The 
following letter from an officer. Captain Henry Watson, 

1660.] • THE CIVIL WAB. 185 

to the Governor of luvemess, enters somewhat fully 
into the case of the Army, and urges the principal 
arguments upon which they relied for their defence. 


Honoured Sib, 

I HOLD myself so much obhged by your civihties 
and other the sad occurrences that these late days have 
produced amongst us (though I had no other thing to write)^ 
to regret the miseries impending our poor nation. Surely, 
sir, had the common enemy only advanced his design against 
us aU, I had satisfied myself with asserting the interest of 
God's people and the nations to my power. But this gate 
of Acheron, which Satan and his instruments have found 
out to divide the army, is the bitterest portion that ever 
I yet met with. We are far from news, so that scarcely any 
intelligence can (as the state of affairs now stand) reach us ; 
yet, through Providence, many of the printed (and some 
written) papers of both pretenders have come to our hands, 
which have put us upon the strict search of our hearts, and 
not only that, but of the justice and equity of the cause of 
both parties, which we conceive to be the Parliament and 
army in England. It would be needless for me to repeat 
the circumstances ; but the substance of the whole offence 
(as is pretended) is the stop put to the sittings of the Par- 
Uament by the army in England, and this I see from that 
letter of the officers of the army in England. I desire of the 
Lord that neither they, you, nor any honest hearts may be 
deluded by any specious pretences of any persons how great 

186 MBMOBULS OF O^^^- 

soever, but that they would consider (it is easy to word it in 
any matter though never so erroneous) that they (our fiiends 
in Scotland) have confessed, in the sixth query of the 
foresaid letter, that it is lawful to bear a testimony against 
this present Parliament (though they so strongly own them 
the supreme authority of the nation), in case they shall 
violate the liberties of the people. Compare this confession 
of theirs with that clause in the answer to the letter, from 
some oflScers at Whitehall, to the commander-in-chief of 
the forces in Scotland, to be communicated to the officers of 
the army there, which sayeth, that they (the officers in 
England) having resisted the Parliament, have resisted the 
ordinance of God, not to be justified by the highest necessity. 
If these two be consonant I leave you to judge, or whether 
they allow not that in themselves for which they condemn our 
friends in England; and although they thus freely allow it, 
yet they show no law to justify it, nor is there any but 
that of nature (viz., self-defence and necessity, which is in 
a sense all one), though it hath been so often practised by 
us since our first bearing arms against the King (and surely 
none will say that this action in itself is now worse than 
formerly and to former governments^ set up with as much 
freedom as was now this Parliament). And if we have 
sinned (as the aforesaid letter doth assert our friends have 
done this time) when we resisted the supreme authority 
of the King at first, and are now grown sensible of our sin, 
why do they not move for our return? For they have, as 
I said, nothing to plead but necessity for all, and the same 
reason in all points is for the one as for the other; but 
I request you, sir, consider that this (whatever the pretence 
may be) is not the real offence; for were it, they would not 
on any terms have granted it lawful to have borne a testi- 

1660.] THE CIVIL WAR. 187 

mony against the said Parliament. It may be^ to evade 

this^ some will say it is only thereby intended some humble 

petition^ or the like ; but to that any man may answer :— 

firsts it is said there to be against them^ which was more 

than the modest expressions used by our Mends in England^ 

as may be seen by their papers^ for which they were so used 

by the Parliament. And it might be queried whether those 

who signed that letter and e;ipression^ may not doubt^ if the 

Parliament were in a capacity to resent things^ whether that 

would not turn to as bad an account to them as the modest 

language of our Mends in England hath done to them ; nor 

will it be well for them to forget that they have said it^ and 

so too implicitly lay themselves open to a snare. Secondly^ 

the cause (by way of proviso) is there given why^ against 

them^ (viz.) if they (the Parliament) shall violate the liberties 

of the people ; which shows plainly that the stiffest assertors 

of the authority of this Parliament cannot but own that 

whicli they so much decry^ (viz.) bearing a testimony against 

the Parliament^ if just ground be found for so doing. 

The case is then altered^ for it is not the resistance^ but 
the cause and ground of resistance^ that is^ in truth (what- 
soever is the pretence) the great offence taken^ which I 
desire next to consider^ and which indeed they do suj£ciently 
clear in those former expressions^ viz. — ^if the Parliament 
shall violate the liberties of the people. Now I heartily hope 
our Mends in Scotland will not deny our Mends in England 
to be a part of the people^ yea^ a substantial part of the free 
people of England (considering all things)^ and such as have 
deserved the benefits and privileges that others do enjoy ; nor 
yet were they charged with any crime and convicted thereof^ 
whereby they had forfeited their liberties : since it is so^ was 
it not lawful for them to put up an humble petition to the 

188 MEHOBIALS OF [1660. 

Parliament (although it might not have been pleasing to the 
Parliament) without being so used; not so much as once 
being heard^ or called to answer for themselves^ or convicted 
of their fault ; may it not be queried whether ever such a 
high judicature did the like ? may it not also be queried^ 
whether that were asserting the liberties of the people^ or no ? 
may not a third query be to our fidends in Scotland 
(if I were a fit person to query), whether they were well 
pleased when many of them were so served not long since 
by this Parliament ? and whether they thought it consonant 
to liberty and privileges, or not ? But I forbear to trouble you. 
I could insist also upon the calumnies which were cast on 
our friends in England, as if they were introducing a single 
person, when as nothing is more plain than the contrary 
(if we may believe their writings, for which we have as good 
warrant as for those on the other parties), though their 
traducers do labour to speak much to little purpose in 
decrying that which none (unless themselves) do assert; I 
desire not to say what such insinuations look like, whether 
a resolution to quarrel or not. 

But, alas, I know not whether I should wish it were not 
too evident, that a spirit of revenge for former af&onts (as 
some call them), did and doeth too much appear in these 
actions, and the machinations of evil minded men to deride 
and break this army, the bulwark and fence instrumentally 
of God^s people in these nations, and to let in the boars of 
the forest into the Lord's vineyard; but what saith the 
Scripture, '^He that breaketh a hedge, a serpent shall 
bite him/' 

I shall not be longer troublesome to you, though I could 
have much enlarged, only do make it my faithful and 
humble request to you seriously, again to consider these 

1660.] THE CIVIL WAR. 189 

things^ and let not any thing but truth and righteousness 
sway you. We all here, both officers and soldiers, are very 
unanimous, and do own our dear friends, the army in 
England, and do wish from our souls, that both you and all 
who have the fear of God before their eyes, would not fear 
to do so too : in the mean my prayer to Gt)d the Lord of 
Hosts, is, that he will, in mercy to us all, reconcile these 
difiFerences, and all other betwixt them and our friends in 
Scotland ; for whom, also, we have tender love and respects, 
and for the accomplishment whereof, is, and shall be, the 
earnest desire and prayer of 

Honoured sir, 
Your real friend and servant, 

Hen. Watson. 

P.S. Sir, however you are pleased to accept this from so 
[humble] an instrument, let me request you to be alike 
towards me as ever, and let me have your regard as before. 

Ifwemess, Itt December, 1659. 

Many persons held, in common vnth Captain Watson 
and Lambert's officers, that the Parliament had, in the 
first instance, violated the Kberties of the people, and so 
drawn upon themselves and the country the violent 
reprisals which followed. But the motives of the chief 
actors were not quite so clear and patriotic as Watson 
represents them to have been. It was suspected that 
their real design was to erect themselves into an 
oligarchy, which was only prevented from being carried 
out by the multitude of theories and divisions of opinion 

192 MEMORIALS OF [16«0 

Fairfax, tearing, before their faces, the paper in which 
the Irish brigade protested against any government by 
a single person, immediately took the head of his troops, 
and drew them out into the fields. " He began to be 
another man," says Brian Fairfax, " his motions so quick, 
his eyes so sparkling, giving the word of command like 
a general, that I took heart, and I think could have 
charged with him/' 

To this bold movement of Lord Fairfax, and the 
great weight and influence of his name, may be ascribed 
the rapid success of the whole undertaking. His 
heart was in the cause ; and from the outset he refiised 
to appropriate to himself the honour of the enterprise, 
content with the nobler satisfaction of seeing it safely 
accompKshed. The soldiers that came over from Lam- 
bert declared for their old general, and would have 
persuaded him to take the command, but, says Brian 
Fairfax, he " absolutely refiised it, smd bid them obey 
General Monk." When Monk visited him at Appleton, 
he offered to relinquish the command into his hands, but 
he again refiised. The contrast between them is favour- 
able at all points of contact to the purity, disinterested- 
ness, and integrity of Fairfax. 

In one peculiarity alone they appeared to have 
resembled each other. They were both silent and 
reserved. But that which was constitutional in the one, 
was the result of crafli and cunning in the other. One 
who knew him well, and who meant to pay him the 
highest compUment in the character he drew of him, 

1660.] THE CIVIL WAR. 193 

frankly describes the taciturnity and eternal acquiescence 
of Monk in the opinions of others, as a part of that 
machinery of profound deception by which he worked 
out his ends. " It would almost make one despise the 
pedantry of books and the discipline of schools to see a 
gentleman, bred amidst the noise of drums and trum- 
pets, outwitting poKticians, nursed from their infancy in 
the arts and habits of a civil life. The General's tem- 
per was well adapted to the business he had to conduct. 
He was of a disposition silent and reserved — one, that 
thought much, but said little, unless to those he knew 
and trusted. He had no spirit of contradiction, but 
would listen with patience and observation to all dis- 
courses, without making any cross replies ; insomuch 
that he usually caused people to go away with a per- 
suasion that they had obtained his assent to their pro- 
posals. Upon the whole, God did peculiarly fit him for 
the work he had to perform.'^ Worthy Dr. Gumble, to 
whom we are indebted for this sketch, and who had not 
the slightest suspicion of the damage he was committing 
upon the fame of his hero, shows us to what uses Monk 
put his remarkable facility of reserve. " It was an 
especial artifice of the General's, to seem to be per- 
suaded to that which he really contrived ; but he did 
not like that any should meddle in cases where he could 
do all himself ; and whenever he was forced to employ 
others, as in these deKcate matters, with an art beyond 
example, he quickly disengaged himself from the obliga- 
tion.'' Another of his "especial artifices" was to appoint 


194 HSMOBIALS OF [1660. 

a general council of the anny to whose opinions he pre- 
tended to defer, while he overruled them by a privy 
council of his own. '^ And now/' says Gamble, putting 
on the simplest face in the world, ^^now that we are 
£skcing about in politics [approaching the Restoration], 
needa must we begin to use the old methods [for it 
seems these feints and tricks were familiar to Monk long 
before he employed them in the King's service] ; so that 
the Greneral had his privy council, which was this com- 
mittee, and his great council^ which was all the commis- 
sioned officers in the army. A {feasant sight it was 
to see this Greneral at the end of a long table in a room 
fiill of officers, putting the question (as many as consent 
to the motion, hold up your hands ;) and then an ensign 
making a long speech against it, who was but started 
from a corporal the other day ; but all this and more 
did the General suffer for the good of all and amor 
patriae/' On his road to York, where he met Fairfisix, 
the mystery deepened. " During the whole march, the 
General wrapped himself in silence and darkness, and 
though accosted by many great and worthy persons, 
gave only a general answer, that his endeavours should 
never be wanting for the welfare of his country I As he 
approached nearer to London, he grew more and more 
reserved, and his confidants took pains to refute the 
rumours that were circulated against him, and he did 
himself cudgel some &natics in Yorkshire for raising 
a malicious report ; all. which was to lay asleep the 
jealousies of the Rump, who dreaded nothing as much 
as the return of his Majesty.*^ 

16«0.] THE CIVIL WAR, 195 

The habitual reserve of Lord Fair&x waa expressly 
the reverse of this "cunning fence." There was no 
mystery or deception in it. A slight impediment in his 
speech imposed upon him the necessity of being rather 
a listener than a talker. In the council of his officers 
he rarely entered into discussion ; heard all suggestions, 
and decided upon them. His decision was final. No 
man could mistake his purpose, or misinterpret his 
silence. The most conspicuous trait in his character 
™, hi. eoldiirly openness. 

It must be conceded to Monk that he had a difficult 
game to play ; but he played it like a trickster. He 
held back so ambiguously in his interview with Fairfax, 
even after the latter had avowed himself, that the old 
General, who was apt to be too trustM rather than 
suspicious of others, entertained grave doubts of his 
honesty. He wore this mask to the last moment, to the 
perplexity of fiiends aa well aa enemies, and perilled all 
interests by his impenetrable dissimulation. Broderick, 
a devoted Royalist, who was in the secrets of every 
movement of the party, writing to the King, in March, 
1660, speaks of his enigmatical conduct in these terms : 
— " Monk declared he would acquiesce in the judgment 
of the Parliament both as to King and Lords ; another 
day he would spend the last drop of his blood rather 
than the Stuarts should ever come into England ; but 
he is in good temper again the same night.^'* He 

* Clarendon, State Papers. Similar doubts are expressed by all Monk's 
oontemporaries. ^ Many," says Pepys in the same month of March, ^ think 
that he is honest yet, and some or more think him to be a fool that woald raise 


196 MEMORIALS OF [1660. 

alternately provoked and baffled speculation, evidently 
shaping his policy to meet any emergency, warily watch- 
ing his opportmiity, keeping clear of conmiitting himself 
to either party, and ready to decide at the j&nal extre- 
mity in favom' of the strongest. He " called Grod to 
witness/' in a letter to LenthaU, " that the asserting of 
a Commonwealth was the only intent of his heart ;'' 
entered into an agreement with Lambert, through his 
commissioners, that a new Parliament should be called, 
without Kingship, single person, or House of Lords, and 
then disavowed the agreement, under the pretence that 
his commissioners had exceeded their authority; he 
duped the Republicans by similar professions, exclaiming, 
in a letter to Haslerig, " As to a commonwealth, believe 
me, sir, for I speak it in the presence of God, it is the 
desire of my soul f and he intrigued at the same 
moment with the Scotch Presbyterians, the council of 
officers, the late Parliament, with all parties, as has been 
justly observed, except the Eoyalists, from whom he 
kept studiously aloof. He dissimulated with the City 
and the Parliament, with the Scotch and the English ; 
played off " Cretan against Cretan '' in the exchange of 
hypocritical professions of godliness with Lambert's 
officers ; and declared for the King only when it was no 
longer possible to avoid it, or, as Clarendon says, when 
there was nothing else to be done. He did the business, 

himself, but think that he will undo himself by endeavouring it" Pepys, who 
knew him, thought him « a dull, heavy man," — as heavy as a sphinx. Lord 
Sandwich used to speak of him as « a thick-skulled fool," who, like all foola, was 
capable of considerable mischief. 

'660.] THE CIVIL WAB. 197 

undeniably ; but it was done, as honest Pepys observes, 
" with some kind of baseness." There seems to have 
been a tacit understanding to let him manage it in his 
own way ; because if he was opposed or thwarted, he 
had it in his power to ruin everything. Pepys tells us 
that Lord Sandwich was willing to do aU the honour in 
the world to Monk, and to let him have all the credit 
of doing the business, although he had the meanest 
opinion of his sense and capacity. " I do believe," says 
Pepys, " that there is some agreement more than ordi- 
nary between the K!ing and my lord to let Monk carry 
on the business [this was written in the beginning of 
May, 1660] ; for it is he that can do the business, or at 
least that can hinder it, if he be not flattered and 
observed. This my lord will hint himself sometimes.'' 

All contemporary authorities concur in representing 
the popular feeUng as having set in so strongly in fevour 
of the return to Monarchy as to assume the predominance 
of a national sentiment. This feeUng at length became 
irresistible. Speaking of the meeting of Parliament on 
the 26th December, 1659, Mrs. Hutchinson supphes 
the following remarkable confirmation of the fact, which 
acquires additional weight from her unwilling authority : 
— " The manner of it, and the contest and treaty in the 
North between Monk and Lambert, are too well known to 
be repeated ; the dissimulation and false protestations that 
Monk made, are too pubhc ; yet the colonel [Hutchinson] 
and others suspected him, but knew not how to hinder 
him ; for this insolent usurpation of Lambert's had so 

198 MEMORIALS OF [1660. 

turned the hearts of all men, that the whole nation began 
to set their eyes upon the King beyond ihe sea^ and think 
a bad settlement under him better than none at all, or 
than being under the arbitrary power of such proud 
rebels as Lambert/'* Sir John Bramston, who served 
in these parliaments with Monk and Fairfajcf (who, he 
tells us, usually sat together), describes the Restoration 
as the result of the uniyersal distraction, and of the com- 
mon desire of the people for repose. " It was the Cavalier 
party," he says ; " the loyal gentry, that brought the 
King home, in truth ; for by their constancy to his 
interest, after plotting and contriving his restitution, 
though with the loss of their fortunes and hazard of 
their lives, together with the quarrels and differences 
amongst the great officers of the armies, and the general 
unsatisfaction of the people, tired with the oppressions 
and change of their governors, and the endless dividing 
into sects and factions, the whole nation was desirous of 
the King's return, without whom they saw there would 
be no end of war and trouble/' J 

A very complete and succinct review of the " quarrels 
and differences " which produced all this discontent, and 
of the proceedings of Monk on his march from Scotland 
to London, is furnished by the same authority. The 
passage is valuable as a contemporary statement. '* When 

* Memoirs of Col. Hutchinson. 

t He was returned for Essex along with Mr. Turner, afterwards Sir Edward 
Turner, and Speaker of the next Parliament. 

t The Autohiography of Sir John Bramston : printed from the original MS. 
for the Camden Society. 

i660.] THE CIVIL WAR. 199 

Cromwell died, and his son was owned and received Pro- 
tector by some of the officers of the army, though opposed 
by oiiiers, diflFerences grew. Fleetwood and Desborough, 
great men, and allied to that family, yet thought them- 
selves as worthy as Dick Cromwell ; and Lambert, not less 
ambitious than they, meant to have the command from 
them all, and set up for himself ; but yet Thurloe and 
the major part of Cromwell's councillors carried [it] for 
young Cromwell, alleging it was the old Protector s will ; 
and he had possession of the title of Protector, and 
addresses came to him acknowledging him for such from 
most counties ; yet many would endure no such person. 
By this means differences grew here. Monk com- 
manded in chief in Scotland, and, by building forts and 
by garbling his army, had perfectly mastered that nation, 
of which Oliver was jealous, and in his life-time had 
sent for him home, which he still evaded and excused, 
as that he durst not trust the Scots. Lambert knew he 
should not effect his design if Monk stood; and Monk 
was certain to be destroyed if Lambert prevailed, or 
Richard stood. Monk first garbled his army, both offi- 
cers and soldiers, that he any way had doubt of, or that 
he could not absolutely rule, and prevailed with the 
Scots to raise money for his journey into England ; and, 
leaving the principal command of those forces he left 
behind with Colonel Morgan (a little man, but a Very 
great soldier*), he, with a small army, but well affected 

* This belligerent little man was an officer of Lambert's, and had been sent to 
negodate with Monk ; but, instead of returning in discharge of his mission, as a 

200 MEMORIALS OF [1660. 

to him^ marches for England ; and having by his great 
taciturnity concealed his design, and, temporising, fooled 
Scott and Robinjson, two spies sent from the Rump to 
discover his design, he came by easy marches to London, 
refusing to come into the City xmtil the other army was 
removed thence to other quarters, pretending the hazard 
and danger of quarrels if both armies should be mingled 
in the same quarters. As he came through the several 
counties, he was visited by all parties, the Lord Fairfax 
amongst others, who offered him his assistance, as did 

man of a bigger bravery would have considered himself bound to do, he accepted 
a command from Monk, and remained where he was. Gumble is delighted with 
Morgan, above all with the hoTumrdble manner in which he betrayed his trust 
<' About this time, also/" says Gumble, " came down Major-General Morgan, 
sent on the part of Lambert, whose heart ached at the thought of a war with the 
General, whom he always feared and never loved, to dissuade the latter from 
fulfilling his engagement. This gentleman, who had proved his skill and con- 
duct abroad, both in Fi*ance and Fhmders, did the more willingly charge himself 
with the message, as he had resolved to join with Greneral Monk at all hazards. 
Nevertheless, would he act like a soldier, and as a man of honour, deliver his 
message first ; and then, if the General would not consent to his proposition, 
why, he was at liberty to join with him. [Assuredly Gumble's ethics singled 
him out from all mankind as the fittest biographer of Monk !J This little num 
was of more worth, at that time, to us than the seventeen score of officers that 
had deserted.*' Independently of his elastic morals, Gumble is not always to be 
believed on matters of fact : ex. gr, ^ With General Morgan came also John 
Troutbeck, doctor in physick and chirurgeon, whose company the Greneral always 
loved, and who was very pleasing to all the officers of the army. He brought 
an assurance from the Lord Fairfax that his lordship would not fail to be 
assistant to the General ; which message was kept very private, that his lordship 
might meet with no prevention."" It was quite proper to keep the message very 
private, seeing that no such message was ever delivered. As we have seen, the 
message was conveyed by Brian Fairfax. Troutbeck was not the sort of man 
Fairfax would have been likely to employ on such an enterprise, nor is it, 
indeed, prubable that he ever held any intercourse with him. This Troutbeck 
was a fellow of a low and dissipated life, out of the pale of all good society, and 
the boon companion of Monk in his latter days, when Monk sank into vulgar 
habits of debauchery. Pepys testifies to his qualifications : " The Duke is 
grown a drunken sot, and drinks with nobody but Troutbeck, whom nobody 
else will keep company with.'* 

1^60.1 THE CIVIL WAR. 201 

others, but would [take] none, and he promised a free 
Parliament to such as desired it. So soon as he came 
to London, the Rump sent to him to pull down the City 
gates. He took up his quarters at Mr. Wales,, the wine- 
merchant ; now he had been a vintner. Monk obeyed 
their commands, and did puU down the gates ; and, 
understanding well what was designed against him by 
the Rumpers, who resolved to take the sole command 
of the army from him, and make him at most but the 
third part of a General, he marched of a sudden with his 
army out of London to Westminster. This made the 
Council of State, as they were called, to scatter and shift 
for themselves. Some ran quite away ; and Nicholas 
Love, a barrister of Lincoln's Inn, who was to be Presi- 
dent of the Council at that time, being come to White- 
hall, and in their coundl-chamber, made haste and got 
into some hole, never heard of after that I could learn. 
Monk calls the secluded members to come to their 
places"^ (they were Presbyterians, who were thrown out 
of the House by Cromwell and the Army)^ which many of 
them did ; and he appoints out of them a secret council. 
Amongst them was Grrimston, Ma3mard, Swinfen, old 
Lenthall, &c. ; but he had agreed with them to dissolve so 
soon as they had issued out writs for a free Parliament, 
which all men desired ; and so writs were issued imder 
the name of the Keepers of the Liberties of England.'' f 
Oh approaching London, Monk drew up his army at 

•' A course which had been strenuously urged upon him by Faii^fax. 
t Autobiography of Sir John Bramston. 

202 MEMOBIALS OF [1660. 

Highgate, and marched down Gray's Inn to Whitehall, 
where lodgings had been prepared for him. As he passed 
through the town he was greeted everywhere with loud 
cries for a " Free Parliament/' which appears to have 
been all the welcome he received That evening the 
streets were full of soldiers, the old troops (for whose 
removal Monk had previously stipulated) clamouring for 
their arrears, and being very reluctant to withdraw. 
Monk had hardly reached his lodgings when there came 
a crush of Commonwealth and Parliament people to 
visit him ; and the Park was crowded with idle gazers, 
who were nothing loth to turn the grave occasion into 
an excuse for a little masquing and mumming. Amongst 
other pleasantries which were enacted in the Park that 
evening, Theophila Turner ran a race against Mrs. Pepys 
and " another poor woman '' for a " pot of ale ! " 

At the request of the Parliamentary leaders. Monk 
proceeded to take his seat at the Council, of which he 
was a member, when the oath of abjuration was tendered 
to him. Here was a formidable difficulty, but his 
subtlety was equal to it. He did not exactly refuse, 
but hesitated and temporised. Others had refused, and 
he thought it desirable to confer with the Non-abjurers 
in order that he might proceed with more peace and 
satisfaction to himself. Nothing could be more reason- 
able, and so the test was postponed. Then came the 
thanks of the House, dehvered by the Speaker, who, 
after dwelling upon the dangerous state of the nation, 
took occasion to congratulate the country on Monk's 

1660.] THE CIVIL WAR. 203 

appearance. By this transparent manoBUTre the Bump 
hoped to draw out his real sentiments. It was a mere 
waste of the threadbare formula. He baffled them 
at every turn ; and left them more bewildered 
than he found them. He told them that on his 
march from Scotland the people had everywhere 
earnestly appealed to him for a settlement, and that 
what they wanted was a fiiU and free Parhament, the 
determination of the sitting of the present House, and 
the re-admission of the excluded members. Lest, how- 
ever, the eager listeners to this statement should 
suspect him of entertaining these opinions, or of enter- 
taLoing opinions of any kind, he took care to add that 
he had answered all such demands by assuring the 
people that the Parliament was already free, and that if 
any doubt remained on that point he would remove it ; 
that a resolution had been passed to fill up all vacancies ; 
that it would soon be a full Parliament also ; and that 
as for the excluded members, all people ought to 
acquiesce in the judgment of Parliament. The profound 
merit of this dark little speech was that it might be 
interpreted either way, for or against the Parliament, 
with equal safety to the speaker, and with equal fidehty 
to its implied purport. 

If Monk had at this time entered with sincerity into 
the designs of the Royalists, evidences would have 
survived of a secret understandiag with at least some 
of them ; for a man who was in earnest in the cause 
would never have risked the danger of confounding the 


204 MEMORIALS OF [1660. 

plans of his friends and allies by keeping them in a 
state of constant doubt and apprehension as to his own 
intentions. But Monk never said or did anything which 
he might not afterwards have taken advantage of, had 
he found it convenient to establish a Republic, restore 
the King, or, like Lambert, set up for himself. 

The Rump, seeing that they could make nothing of 
Monk in the House, determined to commit him to an 
act which should render him odious out of it, and so 
bring him to terms that way. They accordingly ordered 
him to seize the prominent members of the Common 
Council (who had refused to pay taxes until the House 
was properly fdled up), and to demoUsh the posts, 
chains, gates, and portcullises of the City. To prevent 
the possibility of being tampered with, they kept him 
up 'till two o'clock in the morning ; but the citizens 
were as active as the Parhament, and waited upon him 
after he had got into bed. All to no purpose. His 
taciturnity was fatal to all remonstrances. The citizens 
went away considerably more puzzled than they came, 
stopping, no doubt, in little knots on their way home 
down the murky Strand to explore each other's thoughts 
with vacant eyes and vain questions. 

The next morning. Monk was at the head of his troops 
in the Old Exchange, making prisoners of " eminent " 
citizens, and superintending the destruction of chains 
and posts. This was a description of work which went 
against the grain of his officers, who said that if they 
were to be honoured with the office of city-scavengers, 

1660.] THK CIVIL WAR. 205 

they should like to begin at Westminster. Now this 

was exactly what Monk desired. He wished to be in 

with both parties, and this remonstrance of his officers 

(which, no doubt, he secretly encouraged) gave him aii 

excuse to go back to Parliament, with a request that 

they would be satisfied with the pulUng down of the 

chains and posts, and not require the removal of the 

gates and portcullises. But Monk's hesitation only 

made the Rump more obstinate than ever, and they sent 

peremptory orders that the gates and portcullises should 

be beaten to pieces. Monk returned to his work, and 

did it, but in such a manner as to throw the whole 

unpopularity of it upon the Parliament. Every fi*agment 

broken down was accompanied by muttered expressions 

of discontent, which quite won over the citizens to 

the Army. " At Newgate," says Gumble, who may be 

safely trusted whenever he has to record the duphcity 

of Monk, " the commanding officer took divers small 

pieces of wood — ^fragments of the broken gate — and 

presented them to his soldiers as the medals which had 

been promised them by Parliament, at the time they 

first appeared against Lambert.'* Thus, while he was 

strictly fiilfilling his instructions on the one side, Monk was 

turning them to the account of his treason on the other. 

He eifectually succeeded in throwing the City into a 
flame. Returning to Whitehall that night he concocted 
with his officers a letter which they were to sign and 
send up to the House, demanding that writs should be 
issued to fill up the vacant seats, and a precise time 

206 MEMORIALS OF [1660. 

fixed for terminating the session, in order that the people 
should have a full abd free parliament. Before this 
letter could be received or read in the House, he marched 
into the City the next morning, and in the presence of 
an immense concourse of people in the Guildhall, 
announced that he had come to stay amongst them until 
he had obtained a fall and free parliament. Shouts of 
applause rent the air, and every coach that lumbered 
through the crowd was stopped to ascertain whether 
it held Messrs. Scott and Eobinson, the luckless Com- 
missioners of the Bump, who, if they had been caught 
that day, would have been offered up as an appropriate 
sacrifice on the altar of popular frenzy. Then followed 
that frantic night which is known as " the Burning of 
the Rump.^' Bells were rang and fires lighted, and the 
uproar of the town was glorious to witness. Pepys 
happened to be going home through the streets that 
night, after a booze with his friend Sir Nicholas Crisp at 
the Star Tavern, and has left the following graphic 
account of the scene : — " In Cheapside there were a 
great many bon-fires, and Bow-bells, and all the bells in 
all the churches, as we. went home were a^ringing. 
Hence we went homewards, it being about ten at night. 
But the common joy that was everywhere to be seen ! 
The number of bonfires, there being fourteen between 
St. Dunstan's and Temple Bar, and at Strand Bridge* 

* It spanned the Strand close to the east end of Catherine Street, where a 
small stream ran down from the fields into the Thames near Somerset House.— 
MaitUmdy quoted by Lord Braybrooke. 

1««0.] THE CIVIL WAR. 207 

I could tell at one time thirty-one fires. In King Street 
seyen or eight; and all along, burning, and roasting, 
and drinking for Bumps. There being rumps tied upon 
sticks, and carried up and down. The butchers at the 
May-pole in the Strand rang a peal with their knives 
when they were going to sacrifice their rump. On 
Ludgate Hill there was one turning of the spit that had 
a rump tied upon it, and another basting of it. Indeed 
it was past imagination, both the greatness and the 
suddenness of it. At one end of the street you would 
think there was a whole lane of fire, and so hot that we 
were fisiin to keep on the other side.^' This was on the 
11th February, 1660. The next day, Pepys adds, that 
the citizens were so " open-handed ^^ with the soldiers 
that most of them " were drunk all day." 

Monk was now fairly lodged in the City, somewhere 
about Broad Street, and his wife joined him fipotn White- 
halL Haselrig went to see him, but was so alarmed at 
the fiiry of the citizens that he was afraid to have a light 
carried before him lest the people should see him. To 
make the most of it, there was neither bravery nor 
honesty in Menkes proceedings on this occasion. The 
Rump was at its last gasp, and Monk merely went with 
the tide. The demand for a Ml parliament — making 
no stipulation for the re-admission of the secluded 
members, and carefiilly avoiding all allusion to them — 
was nothing more than that which the FarUament must 
have granted of their own accord, and which they had 
previously declared themselves not unwilling to grant. 

208 MEMORIALS OF 11660. 

It was a great smoke with very little fire. But it 
answered Monk's purpose, and kept him in his position, 
with a sudden accession of blind, riotous popularity. 

The tidings of these movements were received in the 
North with undisguised dissatisfaction. Fairfax had 
urged the necessity of stipulating for the re-admission of 
the secluded members, as the indispensable preliminary 
step to a more decisive motion for the return of the 
King ; and when he learned that Monk had limited his 
demand to the filUng up of vacancies, and that ParUa- 
ment had consented to issue writs for that purpose, he 
forwarded an urgent remonstrance to Monk, accom- 
panied by a declaration subscribed by the principal 
gentry of the county. To that remonstrance and 
declaration Monk returned the following evasive reply : 


My Lords and Gentlemen, 

I HAVE received your letter, and therewithal a 
declaration subscribed with the hands of many noble and 
worthy persons, and affirmed by you to be the sense of the 
whole county and city of York. All that I am able to return 
you in answer thereto is to acquaint you, that the House 
hath condescended that their numbers shall be filled up, and 
that all the writs shall issue forth for the electing of mem- 
bers, and that there will be no such qualifications (as I am 
informed) as may hinder the secluded members from being 
chosen again, if the counties shall think fit to elect them. 

1660.] THE CIVIL WAR. 209 

This^ though it be not absolutely and exactly that which you 
propound^ is yet so near^ that I cannot but have good hope it 
may give you satisfaction^ and so much the rather because I 
find your desires not to be peremptory but alternative, and 
conclude from thence that though a third expedient be 
pitched upon as the most eflfectual for satisfying all parties, 
yet seeing it is such as answers your main end of having 
your representatives in the House, and doth not so restrain 
you with the qualifications, but that you may have the 
liberty to elect those men whom you would have now to 
return to their trust upon their former elections ; that it is 
the impUcit and virtual sense of yonr own dedaration; and 
that it was rather forgotten to be expressed than purposely 
left out : and if in any small matters I shall be mistaken in 
my opinion, or you in your expectation, I make it my request 
to you that you would not for small matters run the hazard 
of that con^ion which you seem, and have indeed just rea- 
son to fear; and you may assure yourselves that I shall at all 
times in my station further your just desires, and take all 
opportunities to show myself 

Your lordship's very humble and faithful servant, 

George Monk. * 

L(md<m, F^. 18, 1659, 

During this brief interval, when no man could foresee 
what would happen between morning and night, the 
country was agitated by the most alarming rumours. 
Of the nature of some of them we can form an estimate 
fi-om the foUovring letter : — 

VOL. n. 

210 MBMOBIALS OF [1660. 


Dear brother^ 

I AM somewhat iinexpectedly (though I hope pro- 
videntially) called to Dublin in company of my brother (aad 
sister, Pritt.), who, I thank God, is well recovered. My busi- 
ness thither will, I hope, succeed never the worse with so 
good a second. I shall be glad to receive your comrades 
thither, which I shall carefully observe. Let our Mends 
know that the face of affairs in England is very ugly at pre- 
sent — I have so much &om good hands thence. Differences 
increase and are very high among the best, and no doubt the 
worst will blow the bellows or lie as dried fuel ready to 
kindle. The difference between France and Spain, they lie 
concluded, at least referred to the Pope to decide. 

Never was there more need for hands and hearts to be 
lifted up to heaven for wisdom, courage, and faithfulness to 
our pilots, lest they split the vessel on the rock of con- 
fidence or the sands of security. It is rumoured the Dutch 
have seized twenty of our ships ; that Huson is made Earl 
of Maidstone; — gridce,* Earl of Essex; Lord Fairfax and 
his son-in-law, Buckingham, imprisoned in the Tower ; but 
of these you will hear more by the next. It is like you had 
more news this week than we, because we were expected in 
Dublin ; but Mabbot's letter tells us the beacon is fired, the 
Lord in mercy in his due time quench it. 

I entreat your excuse for this scribbling, and if you think 
well, you may mention my name and what else your judicious 
genius shall prompt you to in yours to Dr. George and 

* The name is illegible in the original. 

16«0.] THE CIVIL WAB. 211 

Dr. Harrison; and beg^g your prayer and acceptance of 
my very hearty respects to yourself and consort, subscribe 

Your most affectionate unworthy brother. 

And humble servant, 

J. Foley. 

Oarlow, Feb. 19, 1659. 

My service to all our friends at your discretion as if named 

On the 21st February, Monk appeared at Whitehall, 
and made a speech to the soldiers, recommending a 
Commonwealth, and declaring against Charles Stuart. 
He seems to have taken up every question according to 
the temper of his audience, and to have promised all 
things to all men. Every body went to him, the secret 
cavalier, the denoimcing puritan, the open republican, 
and he undertook to do everything that everybody 
asked ; no loyalty was too devoted, no treason too base 
for the flexible conscience of Monk. Even Gumble 
began to get a Uttle ashamed of him at last '^ Some- 
times, I fear me,^^ says conscientious Oumble, '' he was 
forced to give assurances he could not keep ; yet many 
that were led by their hopes, Uke that pagan who was 
for turning Christiaa if he might be Pope of Rome, 
were, nevertheless, to be cherished. But great men are 
not to be commended for nursing airy hopes in those 
who sue to them for favours. Much more praiseworthy 
was the frankness of William, late Duke of Hamilton, 

who used to tell suitors to their faces, and at once, 



212 MEMORIALS OF [1660. 

if he disrelished their proposals, that he would not 
grant their prayers, but appear against them. All 
parties, as I said, visited the General ; all sought to 
promote their own ends, and all went away laden with 

In the midst of the confiision, the secluded members are 
smuggled, or escorted, into the House by the soldiers who 
stand at the door,* and debates are going on about the 
dissolution and issuing of writs for a new parliament. 
There is a question, shapeless but palpable, rising up in 
the gloom, as to whose name these writs shall be issued 
in, and three names are muttered here and there : they 
are " Charles,'^ " George," and " Richard f and a shrill, 
sharp voice rings out, like a knell, ^* In the name of King 
Charles ! " It is the voice of voluminous Prynne. 

But the time was not yet ripe for so hazardous a 
declaration, and the writs went out in the names 
of the Keepers of the Liberties of the people, who, it 
soon became manifest were keeping them for the King. 
While this underncurrent (directed by the skill and 
perseverance of the secluded members) was flowing 
steadily in parliament, the soldiery were vehement in 
their outcries against government by a single person, 
the Stuart in particular ; and Monk who only a few days 

* This proceeding was privately arranged by Monk at the very time when 
he was openly blaspheming against the Stuarts, and uttering the imprecation 
^ that his arm might rot off if he had any design for the King ! " Upon being 
expostulated with for bringing in the secluded members, he replied, '< What is 
it I have done in bringing these members into the house ? Are they not the 
same that brought the King to the block, though others cut off his head, and 
that justly % " His perjuries were unfathomable. 

1660.] THE CIVIL WAR. 213 

before, had counselled them to this very clamour, was 
now compelled to exert all his influence to put it down. 
The desire for the restoration of the monarchy was 
growing too strong in the city and all over the country, 
and taking a shape too distinct, to admit of much 
further coquetry. On the 1 6th March, the House dis- 
solved itself; the Speaker, without his mace, and the 
members after him, passing out of Westminster Hall 
with great glee, and conversing loudly about the King. . 
At night there was a great bonfire made in the 
Exchange, and the people shouted out "Grod bless 
King Charles the Second ! " Nothing was talked of in 
all companies, in the great houses, the taverns, and the 
streets, but the King. "All the discourse now-a- 
day,'' says Pepys, " is that the King will come again ; 
and for all I see, it is the wishes of all ; and all do 
believe that it will be so." It was a no less decisive 
sign of the altered state of public feeling, that the 
Mercers' Company set about preparing a statue of the 
King to set up in the Exchange. 

Fairfax had his share in this rapid progress of 
events. Immediately after he had made himself master 
of York, on the 1st January, he had been chosen by 
the Rump, one of the Council of State, and again on 
the 23rd February ; and he was now elected, on the 
the 29th March, one of the Knights of the County of 
York, in the Convention ParUament, or, as it was after- 
wards called by the King, the Healing Parliament. 
The first incident which took place on the day of meeting 

214 MEMORIALS OP [1660. 

determined the complexion of its subsequent proceed- 
ings. The cavaliers intended to elect Tuma* for their 
Speaker, but the presbyterians getting the start of them 
in the House, hardly waiting for the conclusion of the 
sermon in St. Margaret's church * elected Sir Harbottle 
Grimston, and when the royalists came in they had the 
mortification of seeing Monk and Holies conducting the 
new Speaker to the chair. The object of this manoeuvre 
was to deprive the cavaliers of the credit of taking the 
first step towards the restitution of the King, and so 
absorbing the honours and advantages of it to themselyes. 
" The King," says Sir John Bramston, " and those in 
power with him, especially Hyde, the Chancellor, 
behoved the presbyterians did the work, and accord- 
ingly that party, who had the money too (the cavaliers 
being gaierally poor), got all employments." 

The House of Lords, after a sequestration of eleven 
years, met at the same time, and elected the Earl of 
Manchester provisional speaker, the same Earl of Man- 
chester who had borne so conspicuous a part against 
royalty in the eariy days of the Civil War. Thus the 
presbyterians had the monopoly of all the parhamentary 
glory of the restoration. At first there was a httle show 
of hesitation about members who had carried arms 
against the ParUament ; but it was swept away by the 
overwhelming flood of loyalty which immdated both 
Houses. The legislature was now restored to its original 
form, and a conference was appointed to take place 

♦ Autobiography of Sir John Bramston. 

1660.] THE CITIL WAR. 215 

between the Lords and Commons on the 1st May, for 
the purpose of settKng the Kmitations which should be 
imposed upon the King. 

Up to this moment Monk had worn that shifting 
mask which baffled the speculations of all parties. 
Nothing was certain but his repeated asseverations and 
appeals to heaven against the Stuarts. " Yea ! " he 
exclaimed to Ludlow, " we must live and die together 
for a Commonwealth." Grasping Haselrig by the hand, 
he cried out passionately, " I do here protest to you in 
the presence of all these gentlemen, that I will oppose 
to the utmost the setting up of Charles Stuart, a single 
person, or a House of Peers." But as nobody believed 
one word he uttered, these solemn declarations only 
increased the doubts and fears with which he was 

The resolution of the two Houses to hold a conference 
compelled- him at last to throw off his mask. He saw 
clearly that if he did not restore the King, the King 
would be restored by the Lords and Commons, and he 
resolved to intercept them. There was not a scintilla of 
magnanimity id his conduct. It was a sheer piece of 
vulgar calculation based upon self-interest. 

About the close of March, or beginning of April, Sir 
John Grenville had been intrusted by the King with 
letters to Monk ; but the wary General, reluctant to 
confide even in the King hiiiiself, desired that Gren- 
ville should communicate with his kinsman Morrice, 
which Grenville refused twice, declaring that he could 

216 MEMORIALS OF [1660. 

open his business only to Monk in person. At last 
Monk admitted him, heard what he had to say, and 
dismissed him with a verbal message (he was too cau- 
tious to write) to the effect that he was prepared to 
devote himself to the restoration of the monarchy. Now 
came the adjournment of the two Houses preparatory to 
the conference, and in the interval Monk ordered Gren- 
ville to dehver his letters to him while he was sitting in 
the Council of State. This unexpected proceeding 
forestalled the contemplated intentions of Parliament, 
and when they met they found the work already cut out 
to their hands. A message from the Council, with 
letters from the King, was in itself an acknowledgment 
of re-instated royalty, and the Restoration was at that 
moment virtually accomplished. By this cunning device 
Monk gained his object, and secured to himself the sole 
honour of effecting the return of the King, without con- 
dition or limitation — ^a mean treason against the rights 
of Parliament and the Uberties of the People. 

On the announcement of this intelligence town and 
country were again thrown into ecstacies. Guns were 
fired; bonfires were lighted; the royal arms were 
painted up over shops ; bells rang out merry peaJs ; the 
poor, crushed stage-players, began to peep out of their 
retreats in inns and guard-rooms; KiUigrew was as 
busy as a courier flying up and down with secret 
despatches ; sailors in dockyards danced hornpipes and 
got uproariously drunk ; the harp was struck out of the 
flags, because the King did not like it ; the Common- 

1«60.] THE CIVIL WAR. 217 

wealth flag was torn down from the shipping in the 
Thames and the Downs and all the seaports, and the 
King's substituted in its place ; the fleet went mad with 
pendants loose, guns roaring, caps flying, and ships' 
companies shouting out " God save the King 1 " in 
thunders of hearty zeal and hilarious discord. The 
may-poles were hung with King's flags, and the people 
crowded round them in disorderly joy, drinking the 
King's health on their knees in the streets. The histo- 
rians who attribute the restoration to Monk must have 
overlooked that previous condition of the pubUc mind 
which burst out on the sudden into such phrenetic 
demonstrations of rapture and delight. 

On the 18th May commissioners were sent by Par- 
liament to wait upon the King at Breda, and attend 
his Majesty to England. Lord Fair&x was nominated 
at the head of the commission, which displayed in its 
composition the Presbyterian element still in the 
ascendant. Associated with him on this occasion 
were the Lords Oxford, Warwick, Middlesex, Hereford, 
Berkley, Brook, Herbert, Mandeville, Bruce, Castleton, 
and Falkland ; Denzil Holies, Horatio Townsend, Hol- 
land, Cooper, Booth, and Chomeley. As the commis- 
sioners approached the Uttle Court where the meeting 
was to take place, the appearance of the famous Captain- 
General of the Parliamentary Army drew down all eyes f 
and of the persons collected upon that memorable day, 
not one, even to the new monarch himself, excited so 

♦ Wood. 

218 MEMORIALS OP [^660. 

much popular curiosity. Holies was the spokesman for 
the rest of the commissioners, an office for which Fairfax 
was disqualified by what Hume calls his " embarrassed 
and confused elocution;" and when he had concluded 
his address to the " dread Sovereign," in which he told 
him that the people were longing for him, and that all 
degrees, ages, and sexes, high and low, rich and poor, 
were sending up prayei's to heaven for his return ; that 
bonfires were blazing, and ordnance pealing, and honest 
men reeling with joy at the prospect of seeing him again ; 
and when that stately ceremony, with such unaccustomed 
outbreakB of enthusiasm in it, was over, Fairfax requested 
a private audience of the King, at which, it is said, he 
asked pardon for all past offences, and made a fiill, 
voluntary, and sincere submission to his Majesty for the 
rest of his life. 

This was all Fairfax had to ask — and this waB all he 

Contrast his bearing and his fortunes at this moment 
with the conduct and rewards of Monk. When his 
Majesty landed at Dover, ho was received by Monk 
with the air of one who should cry aloud, " I did it — 
alone ! " and his Majesty embraced him ; and he was 
retained next to his Majesty's person on the royal and 
triumphal progress to Whitehall. His Majesty had 
scarcely time to collect his thoughts, when Monk, seek- 
ing his private chamber, to the King's infinite disgust 
at so early a display of corruption, placed before him 
a list of seventy persons (chiefly selected from his 

!««•.] THE CIYIL WAR. 219 

Majesty's bitterest enemies), whom he desired to be 
appointed Privy Councillors. Nor was this flagitious 
proceeding much mended by Monk's subsequent expla- 
nation, that he had promised all these people his good 
offices with the King, but that he never imagined for an 
instant they would be accepted! Everything was 
sacrificed to his personal advancement — ^the interests 
of the party through whose agency he worked himself 
up to this height of power, and the honour of the 
Ring. And through such acts of baseness and duplicity 
he absorbed all the renown of the achievement of the 
Restoration ; was made a Knight of the Garter, Master 
of the Horse, a Grentleman of the Bed-chamber, First 
Lord of the Treasury, and Duke of Albemarle, with 
a pension of 7000/. a year; and with these glories 
dangling about him he betrayed to the death, or to 
protracted sufferings in prison, many of his former allies, 
and feasted his eyes upon their agoniea* To the accu- 
mulated crimes of pubhc and private treachery, violated 
pledges, and habitual dissimulation, he added, in the 
latter part of his career, the vices of venality and gross- 
ness, trafficking his interest for bribes, and surrendering 
up his faculties to a life of animal debauchery.f 

* ^ Monk and his wife, before they [the Presbyterians who had been decoyed 
to surrender themselyes] were removed to the Tower, while they were yet pri- 
soners at Lambeth House, came one eyening to the gardens, and caused them 
to be brought down only to stare at them, which was such a barbarism for that 
man, who had betrayed so many poor men to death and misery that never hurt 
him, but who had honoured him, and had trusted their lives and interests with 
him, to glut his bloody eyes with beholding them in their bondage, that no story 
can parallel this inhumanity." — Hukhi/Mon^B MemoirB, 

t ^ Monk was ravenous, as well as his wife, who was a mean contemptible 

220 MEMORIALS OF [1660. 

The only reward Fairfax receired for the service in 
which he had so often perilled his life, was the pension 
of 5000/. upon which he had retired, and which had been 
settled upon him by ParUament. He asked and obtained 
nothing from the King, but obUvion of the past He 
served only under one authority and in one cause ; and 
throughout the whole course of his victories — ^the most 
brilliant that had ever been won on the EngUsh soil— 
with almost unlimited power in his hands, he never 
sought a solitary advantage for himself or his family. 
No new dignities were added to his simple state ; and 
when he saw the King restored, and the nation settled, 
instead of intriguing to exalt himself upon the accidents 
of fortune, he felt that the end of his patriotic ambition 
was fulfilled, and withdrew from pubUc life. The 
historical contrast is complete between the characters 
of Monk and Fairfax. Midnight and noonday are not 
more strikingly opposed.''^ 

creature. They both asked and sold all that was within their reach, nothing 
being denied them for some time ; till he became so useleflB that little personal 
regard could be paid him." — BurTiet, 

* Huine, who cannot be suspected of having been predisposed in favour of 
Fairfax, describes him as a man ** sincere in his professions, disinterested in bis 
views, and open in his conduct" To the purity and integrity of his life be 
bears this further testimony : '^ FairfiEix was a person equally eminent for 
courage and for humanity ; and, though strongly infected with prejudices, or 
principles derived from religion and party zeal, he seems never in the course of 
his public conduct, to have been diverted by private interest or ambition, from 
strictly adhering to these principles." Brian Fairfax, who edited the '' Short 
Memorials," and lived on terms of close intimacy with Lord Fairfax, speaks of 
him in these terms: — ''So long as unfeigned piety towards God, invincible 
courage joined with wonderful modesty, and exceeding good nature ; justice and 
charity to all men in his private life ; and an ingenuous acknowledgment of his 
public eiTor, with hearty endeavoiurs to make reparation as soon as he was con- 
vinced of it, shall be esteemed in the world ; so long shall the name of my Lord 
Fairfax be honoured by good men, and be had in perpetual remembrance." 

1663.] THE CIVIL WAR. 221 

After the Restoration was accomplished, and Fairfax 

had the happiness of witnessing the joyous ceremony of 

the coronation, the King riding a horse which the old 

Parliamentary General had consecrated to him, with a 

copy of extremely indifferent verses (the greatest men 

sometimes commit foUies of this kind in their old age, 

and it is well with the good-natured veteran that he is 

chargeable with nothing worse!) Lord Fairfex retired 

again to his retreat amongst the pastures and orchards 

of Nim Appleton. But he had not altogether rehn- 

quished his ancient interest in the peace and stability of 

the kingdom ; and we find him three years afterwards, 

when reports of plots and machinations against the 

monarchy were abroad, writing to his son-in-law to 

admonish him upon the course he ought to take on an 

occasion of such emergency. Buckingham at this time 

enjoyed the full favour of the Sovereign. 


My Lord, 

When I understood from my cousin Brian Fairfax 
of dangerous designs now in acting, I could not satisfy 
myself in hope they were but rumours, but should have 
waited on your lordship personally, to express a duty every 
one owes to the King and his country at such a time ; but 
not able to, for want of health, I can pray only for a good 
success in finding out those that are the cause of these 
troubles, and wish I could contribute anything by my advice 

222 MEMORIALS OF [1663. 

ia it. But I hope^ when you have taken a view of the fiarces^ 
and put such officers over them whose discretion and modera^ 
tion will more sweeten than exasperate the spirits of men^ 
and find out' the real offenders^ rather than suppose them^ 
these distempers will soon hlow over^ and bring those 
offenders to Ught which now escape away clear, under the 
shadow of some innocents^ but suspected crimiuals. There 
cannot be too much care, I confess, in preventing these 
mischiefs; and I know nothing will do it better, than to 
have discreet and sober officers ; as they are likest to do their 
own duty, so no honest and sober man but will be ready to 
do his in giving intelligence, advice, and assistance to them 
on all occasions^ when those destroy unity by keeping up 
distinctions which both the King and the Parliament in 
great wisdom have thought fit to bury in oblivion, and this 
I doubt not hath caused many to seem enemies which are 
real fiiends. But I shall plead for no man, but leave such 
to clear their own integrity, which, if they do, your lordship 
will do a great act of justice, service to his Majesty, and 
honour to yourself, not to let them be destroyed and ruined 
by some men^s private passions, under colour of doing public 
service. Your lordship may be a good instrument in accom- 
modating many things by your presence here, which your 
own observations will best r direct you in; and though I had 
not a talent, I could not withhold my mite from offeriag it 
for the peace of my country ; and that your lordship might 
be a happy instrument of it, is the desire of, my lord, 
Your Grace^s most affectionate and humble servant, 

Tho. Fairfax. 

October Uik^ 1663. 

1670.] THE CIVIL WAR. 223 

There is but one letter more ;* it is addressed to a 
lady (supposed to be Lady Clinton) ; and refers chiefly to 
the Duchess of Buckingham, who had now been upwards 
of three years a widow. She doubtless was not hand- 
some, but she was distinguished for her virtue and piety, 
and bore the profligacy of her husband with such sweet- 
ness of disposition, that he is said to have conducted 
himself towards her with a civiUty amounting almost to 



When I received your ladyship^s letter, being then in 
the gout, and long time after lame in my hands, hath caused 
this late return of my humble thanks, in which you were 
pleased to let me know my daughter could not conveniently 
make a journey down this summer, which I did partly 
believe, though I should have been glad to have seen her ; 
yet the disappointment of my expectation was with less 
trouble^ receiving the intimation of it from so gentle a hand 
as your ladyship^s. And now. Madam, having been obliged 
to you for so favourable a care as your ladyship has always 
expressed of me, I shall beg once more you would be so 
charitable to deliver me from some trouble I am in, to let 
me know whither my daughter is gone^ for I have not heard 
one word from any but what your ladyship was pleased to 
write to Mr. Streeton, and it seems so strange to me she 

* This letter U the last in the handwritkig of Lord Fairfax. A letter pub- 
lished in the Memoir (p. 149) is mentioned as the last record of his hand ; but 
this (addrewed probably to the aame person) has been diseoy^red sinc«. 

224 MEMORIALS OP [1671. 

should go to Oalais^ a garrison only of soldiers^ as I cannot 
apprehend a reason for it ; neither can I think she would he 
so forgetful of me^ without giving me some notice of her 
going out of the kingdom, since it was no secret to others, 
but that some sudden resolution occasioned it. Howeyer, in 
her more composed thoughts, she could not think me so 
unnatural a father. I should not be in doubts and trouble 
if I knew where and what condition she was in ; therefore 
I beseech you. Madam, if you have heard any more certainly 
how they have proceeded in that journey, your ladyship will 
do me that favour to let me know it, not that I can desire it 
from your own hand, — ^it would be too great a trouble, — but 
by any other^s you think fit. I did not think to put your 
ladyship to this trouble; but hoping you will pardon this 
digression, I shall return to my first intention, which was 
to express my hearty acknowledgment of your ladyship's 
favours, and the great reason I have ever to be. 

Your ladyship's most affectionate and humble servant, 

T* Fairfax. 

August 6th, 1670. 

Madam; — I pray you present my affectionate service to 
my sister Worsman. My Lady Penelope Langham is early 
every morning drinking the waters. I wish her much good 
in them, and have hope, since 1 cannot write to her, to have 
the honour to see her at Appleton. 

Lord Fairfex died on the 2nd November, 1671, Utile 
more than twelve months after the date of this letter, 
at the age of sixty. Hard service had done its fiill 
work upon him, and the last seven years of his life were 
years of physical suffering : old wounds, racking his 

1671.] THE CIVIL WAR. 225 

frame with torture at all changes of the weather, and 
rheumatism, gout, and the compHcated infirmities that 
grow upon incessant pain, depriving him latterly of the 
power of moving abroad. But his mind was clear and 
healthy to the last. 

He was buried in the south aisle, close to the chancel, 
of Bidburgh Church, near York; and the following 
simple epitaph was inscribed over his grave : — 

Here lye the bodies of the Right Honorable Thomas Lord 
Fairfax of Denton, Baron Camerone, who died November 2nd, 


He HAD ISSUE, Mary, Duchess op Buckingham, and Ehzabeth. 



d 2 



[From Lady Vavasour, the wife of Sir Thomas Vavasour, to her 
uncle, who had emhraced the Roman Catholic faith.] 



I DO not more wonder at the change, than lament 
the loss of your soul, so far hath the former seeming good- 
ness (however then dissembled) won upon me : had you been 
always what now you are, I had at this time spared my 
pains, and only deplored your condition in the general with 
silence, but to fall from so good a God that brought you out 
of darkness to the light of His holy truth, forceth me to dis- 
charge the part both of a true inend and Christian, in telling 
you what St. Paul saith to such, that there remains nothing 
but a certain fearful looking for of judgment ; often have you 
desired my counsel when I was more fit to take than give 
it you, but how acceptable it may be to you now I know not : 
I am sure it could never have been more needftd : which shall 
be to desire you as you tender your chiefest good, first to 


consider who you have forsaken, who you have wronged, and 
who must suffer for it at that great day of accounts without 
repentance; and then in a humble and penitent manner 
begging pardon, and His grace for the future, think it no 
shame to return. It is never too late to do well ; that cannot 
be done too soon that may be done at all times ; can you 
now think that piety to worship an image which heretofore 
you so justly counted superstition and idolatry; or is it 
possible you should venture your soul in that fine religion 
made by man, which formerly you have said you durst not 
(in it) hazard one of a thousand. Alas, think on these words ; 
they were your own, which will, I fear, one day rise up in 
judgment against you. God, of His infinite mercy, in His 
due time, give you grace to see your error, and call you 
home. I am not yet so much become your enemy as not to 
heartily wish and pray for this ; nor so little mine own friend 
(though you have made so great a breach in that friendship 
I did once esteem), as having obtained it, not to think myself 
happy in the title again (not now, but as formerly I have 
been) of 

Your most loving and affectionate niece, 

Ursula Vavasour. 

March 3rd, 1643. [N, S, 1644.] 



[Henry, Lord Fairfax, who succeeded to the title on the death 
of the Parliamentary General, was the grandson of the first lord, and 
son of the Rev. Henry Fairfax, of Oglethorpe, hy Mary, daughter of 
Sir Henry Cholmeley. He died in 1685 and was succeeded by his 
son Thomas.] 


My dear heart, 

I BLESS God I came safe to London the other night 
in company of my cousin Palmes and my sister^ who oppor- 
tunely hired a coach at Stamford^ otherwise our stay had 
been longer at Whisendine. My brother Sherrard has 
almost in this short time cured me of my lame leg^ by break- 
ing a vein in both my feet^ and a plaster he applied. The 
weather is so excessive hot and being weary with my journey, 
I have not seen any Mends. Last night Brian placed me so 
conveniently in St. James's Park as to see his Majesty, the 
Duke, and Prince Rupert, and tomorrow am to kiss his 
Majesty's hand, when I have gotten clothes fit to attend him, 
being a plain stuff suit. In my next, I hope to give some 
satisfaction of my proceedings in the business I came for. 
Tom craves your blessing; my brother, sister, and Tom 
Fairfax present their service to you. God bless you all. 

Henry Fairfax. 

Musse, May 1 9th, 1677. 



My dear, 

I HATE met with Major Wildman, who has been in 
the country some time, but he will not admit of the enrol- 
ment of the deed, without advice of counsel; and this day I 
hear that my cousin Bokeby came to town from his brother's, 
two or three miles off, so that I hope for a friend as well as 
coimsel to advise me what is best to be done. AU our friends 
are well ; his Grace is still in custody ; my brother and sister 
present their service, and your son his duty. God bless you 
all, and send us both speedy and happy meeting. 


Henry Fairfax. 

Jme 19«fe, 1677. 



I MET yesterday with my cousin Rokeby, and got 
him and Serjeant Pemberton to make their appointment 
accordiQg to Major Wildman's desire, which is to be tomor- 
row night, so as I shall know what to do ; for I am weary of 
this place, longing to be with you, that we enjoy one another 
in quiet, retired from the vanities of this evil world. The 
Duke of Buckingham was out for two days to see his build- 
ing at Clifden. By that time it ^s finished, he will have httle 
land to support it. My brother and sister present their 
service to you, and your son his duty. Yours, 

Henry Fairfax. 

Jimc 2f)th, 1677. 




I WAS weary with a tedious and troublesome 

journey which made me omit the last post, but caused 

Bar to let Mr. Rymer know that you might hear we were 

all well. I came in time to see Tom, who was commanded 

to Colchester to see his men disbanded yesterday and this 

day, he is to return upon Monday or Tuesday : there has 

nothing been done as yet in Parhament until this day, 

we having now agreed upon our Speaker, Serjeant Gregory 

of Gray^s Inn ; upon Monday we are to present him to the 

King. It's said by several, your friend, our Lord Treasurer, 

dare not "stay the storm that is coming upon him, all men's 

mouths being open against him ; besides the generahty of 

both Lords and Commons, there is several will come in to 

clear further this abominable plot. You may have heard 

the Duke of York was gone beyond the seas before I got to 

town, and more will quickly foUow. I have seen none 

of your acquaintance as yet ; upon Thursday I had the 

honour to kiss his Majesty's hand, who was pleased to 

ask me how I did, and told me he was glad to see me. 

I fear we shall have so much work upon our hands as we 

shall not be dismissed this two months ; God send us a good 

meeting, and bless and keep you all. Yours, 

H. Fairfax. 

You may direct yours to me at the House of Commons. 

March 15«/t, 1678. IN.S. 1679.] 





My Lord, 

I VERY late last night received a letter from Mr. 
Secretary Jenkins, wherein he gives me notice that they had 
information that Richard Goodenough and Richard Nel- 
thorpe, barristers-at-law, who were deeply engaged in the 
horrid plot of intending to murder his Sacred Majesty and 
his Royal Highness, and, amongst others, are mentioned in 
his Majesty^s proclamation to be apprehended, were seen 
near Doncaster in their flight northwards. I shall therefore 
desire your lordship that you will use your utmost endea- 
vours to find out these two persons, who, flying that way, 
may possibly lurk in these parts. I am likewise further 
commanded that the officers of the militia in that Riding 
may be in a readiness, if there be occasion ; and therefore I 
shall desire your lordship that you will give notice to those 
of your regiment to be so, that if I shall receive any farther 
directions to draw them together for his Majesty's service, 
they may be in a readiness to obey such commands as I shall 
receive from above ; and that your lordship will have a dili- 
gent and watchful eye upon the motions of that party, and 
from time to time give me notice of what you observe in 
these particulars. And if your lordship shall have any 
grounds to suspect any persons in this conjuncture as dan- 
gerous, be pleased to give me notice speedily thereof, and to 
your lordship directions shall be sent for disarming them 
according to law, by, my lord. 

Your lordship's most faithful humble servant, 


Londeshwrgh, 2^th Jwne, 1683. 



[Brian, who writes the following letters, was the second son of the 
Roy. Henry Fairfax. He married Charlotte Gary, the only daughter 
of Sir Edmund Gary, by whom he had five children.] 



Dear Bbotheb^ 

It would be a great satisfaction to me to hear 

often from you by any band. I have escaped a very 

troublesome attendance on bis Majesty at Newmarket^ 

by bis being there before April; I once thought it a great 

pleasure^ but I find the taste of pleasure alters with age ; 

and I thank God those youthful ones are as far outdone 

by the delight I take in a book and a friend^ and now 

and then a solitary walk^ as ever I did in the pleasures of 

a hobby-horse. The weather hath been exceeding cold, 

and that place hath neither shelter abroad nor fire within 

doors, but as long as the King loves it, and hath his health, 

all is well. It is a sign some courtiers want no money, 

when Bab. May bath lost 2000/. on a horse called Dragon 

against Why-not. I dined yesterday with two good friends 

of yours, my Lord Clare and Maxfield : my Lady Duchess 

is kindly remembered to you ; she is resolved never to sell 

her life estate; my Lord Clare's advice is that you look 

after your title to Appleton and Bolton as heir in tail. I 

assure you again and again from those who have best 

reason to know, that no recovery was suflfered upon it, 

and I am sure my Lady Duchess nor the Duke will take 


it ill to have you put in your claim at this time. I wish 
I could tempt you to London by a promise to return with 
you into the country, for I am very desirous to enjoy as 
much of your company as may be, and if you have the same 
desire, I doubt not, but God in his providence will order 
it for our mutual comfort and satisfaction. We expect the 
King on Saturday next. We pray for the success abroad 
of the King of Poland against the Aiitichristian, and of 
the Prince of Orange against the most Christian Turk, and 
that God would unite the Protestant interest to defend itself 
against all Popish designs at home and abroad. 

Your ever loving brother, 

Brian Fairfax. 

March 18<ft, 1683. \_N,8, 1684.] 



My Lord, 

The gentleman whom I desire to see you, Sir Wil- 
liam Bamsden, Bart, of Byrom, near Ferrybridge, one who 
has a great respect for our family, and I desire you will show 
as much to him in an entertainment at your chambers ; he 
is a person of a plentiful estate, and you would find a hearty 
welcome at his house, where I should be glad to find you in 
your way to Denton, the sooner the better. Was I at Wood- 
stock I would see Oxford once more. Sir William Rams- 
den^s horse won a plate on Clifton Inggs, near York, a 
second on Lincoln Heath, a third near Doncaster, where he 
double-distanced Watson's horse, called Farmer, that won the 
golden cup near York. If he gets not that at Woodstock, 
he will run them hard. Was I there I would lay a wager 


on his side; so give me an account of the match. If you 
would have a pad between fourteen and fifteen hands 
highj my cousin^ Thomas Fairfax, of Menston, has one in 
Denton Park, five next grass, out of Turk, and the dam got 
by one ; by that time he is . seven he will be size enough, 
having good limbs. Mr. Banks has a mare of the same ^e, 
so bred too, near fourteen hands. He having orders to 
destroy the deer, cannot you prevail with my lady to let 
you come now to Denton to view the estate? Denton, 
Ask with, and Bilbrough might be considerably improved. 
I do not know but they might be raised double the income ; 
estates in the neighbourhood, though not near so good land, 
are let considerably more ; if you prevail to redeem all or 
else the aforesaid places ; only you may then have a park as 
well as other gentlemen in the country. Many a fine horse 
has been bred in it in my great-grandfather^s, my father's, and 
your father's time ; the first bred his for the great saddle, he 
being a soldier. If you never did read my Lord Thomas 
Fairfax's (the General's) Memoirs, they are to be had at 
Richard Chiswell's, at the B/Ose and Crown, St. Paul's Church 
Yard, London. Mr. Thoresby tells me in his letter, that 
you were a subscriber to his book as well as L Both the 
wings of Appleton house are down. Writings to it and Bolton, 
showing your title, are at Denton. Those two places are 
also reckoned easy rented. The tenants' leases at Denton and 
there are expired; a 20,000/. fortune would redeem Appleton 
and Bolton; that and the money for that in Virginia, 
would raise you to purpose, and if you get any thing by 
the wreck (to which your father was a subscriber) be kind 
to your brothers and sisters. I hope, I shall have my charges 
to London and Dublin allowed. Once more, I may put you 
in mind (in case of a journey to Denton) of getting a rental 


of the estate of Mr. Banks^ the names of the lands^ pasture 
and arable^ the number of acres to each piece and in what 
tenants' hands the lands are. The neighbouring gentry will 
inform you in this affair ; for instance^ Mr. Banks told me 
when last at Denton^ that Mr. Booth of Askwith pays 12/. 
for hisfarm, which might be let at 30/.; they may be so sloth- 
ful there that they thrive no better for their too easy rents : 
make them take leases^ or go off; at your price they will 
bestir themselves and get money and mend themselves. As 
you did not answer my two last letters^ do not use me so for 
the future^ since your welfare is heartily wished by^ 

My lord, yours, 

Brian Fairfax. 

September 5tk, 1712. 


I THANK you for yours, and will not forget to answer 
it. You must excuse this scribble considering tonight. 

I went to Bromley on Monday, and returned on Wednes- 
day, my lord and I being summoned to appear at St. James's, 
at eight this morning; and from thence we attended the 
Queen in procession to St. Paulas, though I had rather sung 
Te Deum with St. Peter. All the Lords were ordered to 
come with coach and six. The Queen had eight, adorned 
with red and white roses, York and Lancaster. It was twelve 
before the Queen came. The Te Deum made a great and 
joyful noise, to be heard at Paris. The Prince and Queen 
sat on a throne at the entrance of the choir, the lords on the 
right, the ladies on the left, the Lord Mayor east of the ladies. 


We had Purcell^s Te Deum, and two anthems of Deborah 
and Sisera at the brook Kison. It put me in a poetic 
humour^ dear^ to this tune : 

Csesar pontem fedt ligneum in Rhenum, 
Trajanus marmoreum in Danubium, 
Dux noster osseum — 

Victis Gallia et Bavaris, 

Certe magnus Imperatory 

Pontifex Maximns 
Ludovicusy olim magnus nunc parvus, 

Frustia clamat in somniis : 

Redde Tallarde, redde legiones.* 

It was four before we had done. The Dean of St. PauPs 
preaclied a panegyric on the Duke of Marlborough. I supped 
with the Bishop of Rochester, at Mr. Barneses. Let me know 
whether I must send you a winter suit from London, and 
mcmey to buy one there. God bless you. 

Sept. 7ih, 1704. 

* Ceesar built a wooden bridge over the Rhine, Trajan a marble one over the 

The Freneh and Dutch being conquered, 
Truty the great Emperor, 
And the Pope 
Lewis, formerly the great now the little. 
In vain cries out in his dreams : 
Give me back, Tallarde, give me back my legions. 

[In this tnmslatioB, which is taken verbatim from the letter, the reader will 
perceiTe that the third line of the original is omitted. The circumstance would 
be hardly'worth noticing, but for an obscurity in the hand-writing of the omitted 
line, and an error in the punctuation, arising, no doubt, from haste. The third 
Latin line is given above as the author appears to have intended it, and by the sub- 
stitution of a comma for a full stop at the dose of the second, the sense of the 
whole is rendered intelligible. The translation of the succeeding passage does 
not conyey the author's own meaning very clearly. Instead of alluding to 
different persons, as implied by the translation, he evidently meant to heap the 
titles of Pope and Emperor in derision <m the vanquished Lewis.] 




Dear Charles^ 

I HEAR the Dean is come, and I will take the first 
opportunity of waiting on him and thanking him for his 
favours to you, which I hope you will study to deserve, as I 
will to acknowledge. The Bishop of Rochester is come this 
night for all winter. 

It has pleased God to take to Himself, out of a painful life, 
the Duchess of Buckingham, who died October 20th, at four 
in the morning, at her house, near the Mews, at St. James's, 
in the sixty-sixth year of her age. She was an example of 
virtue and piety in a vicious age and a debauched Court; 
and, in all her pains and sickness, of great patience and 
Christian courage. She had no estate but what was part of 
the Duke's, and goes to them that purchased the lands, and 
what she had for her life of her father^s estate in Yorkshire, 
which comes to my Lord Fairfax. What she had more was 
little or nothing, which I suppose she has given to my Lady 
Betty Windsor, who attended her in her sickness. I suppose 
she will be buried by her husband in the Abbey. My Lord 
Fairfax went, the day before her death, to Leeds Castle, 
and Brian with him, intending, the next week, both of them 
for Yorkshire, which he will now do, to take possession of 
what comes to him by her death, about 700/. or 800/. per 

This I thought fit to let you know, and how it concerns us 
all to trust in God's providence, and not in the favour of 
great persons. David tells us, men of high degree are a lie 


(they promise and never perform), and men of low degree 

are vanity, that is, have nothing to give. Faber quisque 

fortuna suae* 

God bless you. 

Brian Fairfax. 

October 2lst, 1704. 


[Lady Fairfax, of Leeds Castle, was the daughter and heir of 
Lord Colepepper, and was married to the fifth Lord Fairfax, who died 
in January 1710. The following letter relates to the sale of the 
Fairfax property, into which her ladyship and her mother forced the 
young peer for the purpose of redeeming the Virginia estates. It 
contains some very curious particulars hitherto unpublished, concerning 
the death of the fifth Lord Fairfax. From the professions of service 
in this letter, and his employment by the ladies in the management 
of their affairs, it may be suspected that Clayton was the steward 
through whose roguery or ignorance the Yorkshire estates were sold 
for less than the value of the timber.] 



I AM honoured with your ladyship's letter of the 
12th instant, and omit nothing that I can think is for your 
ladyship's, or your son's, my lord's interest ; and for the estate 
sold to Alderman Miller, I am assured from a good hand, 
that the same is worth eight thousand pounds more than he 
gave for it: of the purchase money three thousand five 
hundred pounds is in his hands unpaid; though my late 
lord made out orders to some people for the same, and he is 
to allow interest for the same at five per cent, till paid. I 



have a friend going to York^ who hath been well informed in 
a great many of my lord's affairs^ and for a small matter^ if 
your ladyship would please to disburse it^ or order me to do 
it^ I will get him to go upon the estate and get me a par- 
ticular or rental of it^ and what timber hath been cut^ and 
your tenants' names^ informed well of; about three weeks 
hence he goes. It was let at near a thousand a year when 
sold^ but worth fourteen hundred^ as he was informed in 
Yorkshire. I cannot learn any other reason Williams had 
in taking my lord away^ but to have the better opportunity 
of plundering him when dead^ which he saw would soon 
happen ; he was removed the 13th of December and died 
the 6th of January. He had several notes of Sir Francis 
Child's and a bag of guineas before him a quarter of an hour 
before he left Pall Mall^ and a porter carried him from the 
chocolate house in the same street^ from Mrs. Margett^ forty 
pounds^ and as no creditors were paid at his last lodgings, or 
knew where to find him^ Williams or his man took his 
monies when he was dead or dying. The servant was a 
creature of Williams's and one that he helped my lord to, 
and as for Anthony that went away, nobody greater than 
Williams, and he and his interest he will prefer preferable to 
that of your ladyship and my young lord's. He lives with 
Mr. Brown, a merchant ; he is not paid, but hath a bond as I 
hear; he always held in with Williams, so little good will be 
got by asking him any questions. Mr. Meale your attorney, 
I spoke with this night, and often see him upon your lady- 
ship'^s account. 

There are some papers of moment relating to the Virginia 
estate in the hands of a certain person I know, which will be 
of use, and upon an order from your ladyship I presume he 
wiU deliver them. That Mr. Perry is a sharp man, and I fear 


you are but very indifferently dealt with by him and his 
Mend in Virginia^ and if I don^t help you to a chapman for 
it (which you shall soon hear further from me about)^ I doubt 
not of putting your ladyship and your lady mother in a way 
to make more of it yearly than hath been made since Mr. 
Perry and his friend^s management thereof. In whatever I 
can be serviceable to your ladyship and good family, please 
to depend on my hearty endeavours, and that I am 

Your ladyship's 

Most obedient and most humble servant, 

R. Clayton. 

X<wdo», Feb, 23rd, 1709. [iV. 8. 1710.] 

[In the next letter jt appears that her ladyship has been in London 
'* managing " the business she has set her mind upon, and that she 
is also '' managing '' her son, by setting before him the example of 
his father, whom she accuses of destroying his estate. The moral of 
all this motherly "management " is seen in the subsequent exile of 
the son.] 


Dear Son, 

Last Wednesday by the post I received yours, and 
I do think you are in the right to put off your journey of 
coming here for a while, since your cousin George Sayers is 
so near coming into England as next January, which will 
now be soon here; so that I shall not expect you till he 
comes. You do very well to make your cousin that compli- 
ment, for he may be your friend in many regages hereafter, 
as his &ther is now trying in everything he can think to do 
for U8 both. Pray let me hear of you once a month, and I 



will do the same. I wrote to you last day, just as I 

went out of London, so I suppose you will have that letter. 
I am now just got home, very weary with a great cold. I 
never had so sad a journey in all my life; the ways are 
most terrible with all the wet weather, so that when you 
come now the days will be longer, and perhaps the ways 
better, then it will be pleasanter for you; so take it alto- 
gether, it is better so your civility shall not be lost, for they 
shall know it at Pett's, I do assure you. I love to see you 
judge well. I have done all I can in business in London 
now; but it is all very bad. Your father hath destroyed 
all that can be for you and me both ; but I will do all that 
is in my power to get something again, and I do hope you 
will deserve it of me in time. I thank you for your news 
you write me; that story of the Scotch lord is very diverting. 
I hope there will soon be a peace. I see no other reason 
than to believe it where I have been; but many in London 
are against it. I beg you to keep close to your studies; 
now is your time to advance in that matter. Colonel Cage 
is a great and entire friend to me, and you have reason to 
respect him. Likely his son comes to Oxford next spring 
he tells me. Adieu, dear son. I am 

Your loving mother till death, 

C. Fairfax. 

Your sisters present abundance of service of you. Little 
Robin is well, and a brave horseman. My service to the 
Provost. I will write to him speedily, as soon as I can. 

leedsCiuUe, Dec. nth, 1711. 



[The writer of this letter appears to have been the Robert Fairfax 
who succeeded William Fairfax of Steeton. He was a sea-captain» 
served in the Ruby, and fought a gallant action in 1694, in which he 
took a French man-of-war called the Entreprenant.] 


My Lobd^ 

I AM not only concerned that I was so unhappy in 
not meeting you at Oxford, when I waited upon you there, 
the last year, but also when you did me the honour to call 
lately at my house here, I being then in Yorkshire, where, I 
do assure your lordship, you have many friends and hearty 
well-wishers; amongst many of which I often drank your 
good health ; and I am sure that none that has the honoiir 
of being related to your lordship has a more sincere affection 
and willingness to be serviceable to you, whenever in my 
power, than myself. I have sometimes conferred with Sir 
John Buckell, on matters relating to the unhappy incum- 
brances attending your estates in Yorkshire, and shall still 
be ready to do the same, in order to make the matters as 
easy as your circumstances will permit. 

My lord, I was lately with your aunt, Mary Fairfax, at 
Denton, who told me she had writ to your lordship, in the 
behalf of Mr. William Topham, who is now> and has been for 
many years, curate and preaching minister at Bilbrough ; so 
I need not trouble you with a repeated caricature of him, 
only thus far I dare venture to say, that were my dear friend, 
your father, living, he would have readily nominated him 
ou the death of Mr. Stretton, lately deceased, who, during 


his life, enjoyed half the benefice of Bilbrough, and Mr. 
Topham the other, the whole being but 40Z. per annum^ and 
given by your great ancestor. Lord Thomas the General; 
and the presentation is now descended to you. Wherefore 
I humbly request your lordship will please to appoint the said 
Mr. Topham, according to the sum here under mentioned, 
the substance of which he transmitted to me by last post. 
He has performed the cure many years, is an honest man, 
well respected by your family, and all his neighbours ; he is 
aged between seventy and eighty years, so he cannot, by 
course of nature, long enjoy it. I shall be very glad by a 
line to hear of your lordship^s health and welfare, which I 
shall ever wish, because I am always, my lord. 

Your lordship^s most faithful 

And affectionate humble servant, 

Robert Fairfax. 

LitOe LimoMi-'Iwii'Fidds, Idlh October^ 1712. 

If your lordship please to send the undermentioned, signed, 
and enclosed to me, I ^11 take care to transmit the same to 
the parson. 

^^ BE it Known unto all Men by these Presents, that I, 
Thomas Lord Fairfax, Baron of Cameron, Do nominate 
WiUiam Topham, Master of Arts, and Curate of Bilbrough, 
in the Ainsty of the City of York, to be preaching minister 
there, and to receive all the tithes given to a preaching 
minister at the said place. Given under my hand, the day 
and year above written.^^ 

My Lord^ — Give me leave to acquaint your lordship, that 
in your father's lifetime he was pleased to direct Mr. Bankes, 


at Denton^ that I should have a quantity of lime trees of his 
lordsbip^s sowing there^ to set an avenue to my house in 
Yorkshire; but my agent not removing them before your 
father died, I would not meddle with them since. As they 
now stand, they will be quite spoiled, if some be not removed. 
So if your lordship please to signify your consent, I '11 cause 
them to be taken up without damage, but with advantage to 
the rest. 


[A member of another branch of the Fairfaxes. His ''lordship " 
referred to was the seventh lord. He died without issue, and his 
estates devolved on the Rev. Denny Martin. The barony was con- 
firmed in 1800 to his kinsman, the Rev. Brian Fairfax, grandson of 
the fourth baron.] 

My good Sir, 

Last evening I received your polite and very 
obliging favour. I also had, duly, what you wrote in rela- 
tion to the mistake in the last money sent me. I am 
sincerely sorry you had so much trouble on that account, as 
it was not of consequence. As I am not competent to judge 
of the agreement his lordship has been so good to take the 
trouble of in regard to the unfortunate Morelands, I can 
only say that my obligations to him are very great ; that I 
have not a doubt but that he acted for the estate as if it had 
been his own; and I shall acquiesce in what his lordship, 
Mr. Athawes, and you think proper. I enclose a bill of 
exchange for 544/. 14*. 8rf., and request the favour of being 
informed if it is accepted. Accept my best thanks for all 


your friendly wishes for my happy settlement at Lansdowne 
Place^ No. 9^ Bath. Indeed^ my kind friends^ I stand in need 
of the prayers of all that wish me well; for I have not 
activity of body or mind equal to this great business of a 
remove — I wish I may not sink under it. Nothing but 
actual necessity could have forced me from hence ; but could 
you look on my former peaceful habitation now^ you would 
pity me. All the beautiful meadow ground formed in the 
front of the house has wide canals cut through it : waggons 
and carts^ loaded with stone^ treading all the grass ; so that 
it would not be possible to keep horses here for the fature ; 
and you know there is no doing in the country without 
them. Add to aU other things that I have, every day, in my 
sight, at least a hundred of the workmen; and as I have not 
the best opinion of those people, I must own I am panic- 
struck. I do not enter my new house till Michaelmas, 
which would be as soon as I wish, could I divest myself of 
my fears. I apprehend I canH get all my things carried to 
Bath before the last of October. The work is vast in my 
idea; and here I must stay till the house is empty; fori 
have not such a confidential friend to act for me as Mr. 
Athawes has. 

I am. Sir, 
Your obliged and faithful himible servant, 

T. Fairfax. 

Wellington House, Sept. 18, 1792. 



[This is the Duke of Buckingham, who survives in the satires of 
Dryden and Pope : 

'^ A man so various, that he seemed to be 
Not one, but all mankind's epitome : 
Stiff in opinions, always in the wrong. 
Was everything by turns, and nothing long." 

The following letter was written probably early in 1666, when, having 
fallen into disgrace at Court, as Wood tells us, he withdrew and 
ahsconded. The account he gives of his devotion to his Majesty's 
cause is by no means overcharged. He perilled everything for the 
King ; followed him through all his dangers, was present at Worcester, 
and shared his hanishment. He estimates his estate at 30,000^., 
which is a third more than his biographers allow him ; no douht 
an exaggeration. What he says about having influenced Lord 
Fairfax to join in the Restoration, is a piece of gratuitous boast- 
ing to help out his case with the King. Fairfax had made up 
his mind on that suhject long before he became connected with 
Buckingham, and used Buckingham's interest for his own ends, just 
as Buckingham used his in 1657, when, stealing back to England, 
he wooed and married Lady Mary, and so made his peace with the 


May it please your Majesty, 

I desired my Lord Treasurer to beg leave of your 
Majesty that I might have the honour to speak with you, 
which your Majesty refused. Afterwards he promised to lay 
before your Majesty the hardness of my present case, which 


he tells me he hath done^ though I confess I should hardly 
believe it^ if I had not great experience of his honour and 
truth in general to all men^ as well as of his kindness to me 
in particular. I am not the least surprised at my having 
enemies about your Majesty ; but I wonder very much, after 
the many observations I have made of your Majesty's good 
nature to all the world, that you can find in your heart to 
use me with so much cruelty who have ever loved you better 
than myself, and preferred the following you abroad in the 
worst of your misfortunes before the staying at home to 
enjoy a plentiful estate. 

Pray, Sir, what is it I have done that should make you 
thus angry with me ? Was it my fault that other men did 
really prejudice your Majesty's affairs upon the hopes of 
doing me a mischief. Did I say anything in my defence 
which could possibly be wrested to a reflection upon your 
Majesty ? Or if I was forced to reflect upon others, was it 
any more than what you yourself gave me leave to do ? In 
case I should be first accused, I beseech your Majesty 
examine your own heart well upon this subject, and if those 
that heard me speak do not clear me from having behaved 
myself disrespectively to your Majesty, I desire no favour 
from you. I am told the House of Commons have addressed 
to your Majesty that I may be deprived of aU places which 
I hold during your Majesty's pleasure, the severity of which 
censure I shall not take upon me now to dispute. But your 
Majesty may please to remember that by your gracious per- 
mission I bought the place of Master of the Horse, which I 
hold by patent under the Great Seal during my life, with 
power of nominating my deputy. It is therefore my most 
humble request to your Majesty I may be allowed to name 
such a deputy as your Majesty shall approve ; that so I may 


not wholly lose my right to an office which I purchased by 
your Majesty's favour, and which the House of Commons 
w^ere so far from desiring should be taken from me that 
upon the mention of it in the House it was universally 
agreed to, that no man's freehold ought to be invaded, and 
for that reason the address to your Majesty was worded 
accordingly. Your Majesty knows I have often told you 
that I would depend upon no man's favour in the Court but 
yoxirs, and that nothing could make me desire to stay there 
but your kindness. These have been always my thoughts, 
and are so still. 

If it be upon the score of the House of Commons address 
to your Majesty that you are resolved to remove me from 
my place, I hope at least you will not be harder to me than 
the House of Commons were. And if it be only because 
your Majesty has a mind the Duke of Monmouth should 
have it, even in that case I shall not complain of your 
Majesty; neither I do not think it strange you should love 
him better than me : but I cannot believe your Majesty 
would for his sake do any man an injustice. 

Consider, I beseech you, that I had the honour to be bred 
up with your Majesty from a child : That I lost my estate 
for running from Cambridge, where I was a student, to serve 
your Majesty and your father, at Oxford, when I was not 
thought of age sufficient to bear arms, and for that reason 
was sent away from thence to travel : That after the end of 
the wars, returning into England, and having my whole 
estate restored to me by the Parliament, without composition, 
a few weeks after my return, there happening to be a 
design laid to take up arms for your Majesty, my brother 
and I engaged in it, and in the engagement he was killed : 
That after this the Parliament voted my pardon, in case I 


would return within forty days : That I then, being concealed 
in London, chose rather, with the hazard of my life, to 
endeavour to wait upon your Majesty in the Fleet, where I 
found you, than to stay, possessed of my estate, upon condi- 
tion of having nothing more to do with your Majesty^s 
fortunes : That afterwards, when your Majesty went out of 
Holland into Scotland, I was offered my composition for 
20,000/., a sum not considerable to me at the time, my estate 
being then worth 80,000/. a-year: That even as to your 
Majesty's return into England, I may justly pretend to some 
share ; since, without my Lord Fairfax, by engaging in York- 
shire, Lambert's army had never quitted him, nor the Duke 
of Albemarle marched out of Scotland ; and without me, it is 
sufficiently known to many persons yet alive, that my Lord 
Fairfax had never engaged. 

That in all the employments I have had under your 
Majesty, I have been so far from getting, that I have wasted 
the best part of my estate in following and waiting upon 
your Majesty. All these things being considered, I conceive 
it will appear but just, that if your Majesty have a desire to 
make me quit my place, I may be allowed to receive for it 
the full of what it is worth. Were I now as well in my 
affairs as when I first came into your Majesty's service, 
I should never have thought of making this request. Nay, 
would the condition of my fortune give me leave to yield, I 
should not dispute with your Majesty anything you could have 
a mind to take &om me. But my whole estate being at pre* 
9ent mortgaged, and I having lived to this age without being 
acquainted with any way of getting money, I hope your 
Majesty will not be offended, if, being forced to part with my 
freehold, I desire at least to sell it for the payment of my debts. 

I humbly ask your Majesty's pardon for this trouble I 


have given you, and beg of you to believe that nothing shall 
ever separate me from my duty and allegiance to your 
Majesty; as I cannot despair but that, one day, your 
Majesty will find the difference between those that truly* 
love you, and those that serve you only for private ends of 
their own. I am, may it please your Majesty, 

Your Majesty's most dutiful and most obedient 

Subject and servant, 





[I lent the original to the Bishop of Norwich, who lost it ; but it is copied 
by me in another book. — Nate by Briom Fairfax,] 

As soon as Oliver Cromwell was dead^ they proclaimed 
his son, Richard Cromwell, Protector of England, with the 
same solemnities that even Kings of England were proclaimed 
Kings. I was then close prisoner in the Tower, with a couple 
of guards lying alway in my chamber, and a sentinel at my 
door. I confess I was not a little delighted with the noise 
of the great guns, for I presently knew what it meant ; and 
if Oliver had lived for three days longer I had certainly been 
put to death. The causes of Oliver's hatred against me were 
two: first, that I was married to Lord Fairfax's daughter 
and heir, who had still a greater interest in the army than 
Oliver himself, though he had laid down his commission 
upon them deceiving him in the murder of King Charles 
the First. 

* The Duke's own hand. 


I must here beg leave to make a short digression^ because 
I owe it to the memory of my father-in-law. My Lord 
Fairfax being General of the Army^ 

[The rest is writ in another book.] 


[Opinion of CounseL] 

13th May, 1637. 13 Car. I. Thomas Lord Fairfax and 
Sir Ferdinando Fairfax, his eldest son, upon the marriage of 
Thomas Fairfax, Esq., eldest son of Sir Ferdinando, with 
Ann Vere, daughter of Lord Vere, settles, — 

1. Denton and Askwith to the Lord Fairfax for life; 
remainder to Sir Ferdinando for life ; remainder to Thomas 
for life ; remainder to aU the sons of Thomas upon Ann in 
tail male; remainder to Sir Ferdinando in tail male; 
remainder to the LcNrd Fairfax la tail male; remainder in fee 
to Lord Fairfax. 

2. Bilbrough, Ferriby, Skelton, Wistow, Clementhorp, and 
Bishophill, to the Lord Fairfax for life; remainder to Sir 
Ferdinando for life; remainder to Thomas in tail male 
upon Ann; remaiuder to Thomas in tail male; remainder 
to Sir Ferdinando in tail male ; remainder in tail male to the 
Lord Fairfax; remainder in fee to the Lord Fairfax. 

3. Appleton, Nunappleton, Bigton, Davyhall, Hessey, 
Clifford, Wraywoods, Sandwith, and Steeton, to the I/ord 
Fairfax, in fee tiU the marriage and after the marriage; 
Appleton, Nunappleton, Bigton, Davyhall, and Hessey (except 


the rent of 71, lis. Id., and the woods in Appleton and Nun- 
appleton) to Thomas for life ; Clifford, Wraywoods, Sand - 
with, and Steeton, to the Lord Fairfax and his hdrs, for the 
life of Thomas ; and after the decease of Thomas, all these in 
the third paragraph to Ann for life for jointure ; remainder 
to Thomas in tail male upon Ann ; remainder in tail male 
to Thomas; remainder in tail male to Sir Ferdinando; 
remainder in tail male to Lord Fairfax ; remainder in fee to 
Lord Fairfax. 

Proviso for 5000Z. portion for a daughter. 
Solton Percy not touched in that settlement. 

2nd November, 1650. Thomas Lord Fairfax (being heir- 
male of the body of Sir Strafford, his father, who was heir- 
male of the body of Thomas Lord Fairfax, his grandfather,) 
consented to levy a fine of all comprised in the settlement, 
31st May, 13 Car. I., to the use of Thomas Lord Fairfax the 
grandson in fee. 

Hill. Ter. 1650, A fine is accordingly levied to the Earl 
of Clare and the other coventees. 

If this fine was thus levied (the exemplification whereof I 
have seen) I conceive this alone (without any common re- 
covery) bars all the intails in the deed, 31st May, 13 Car. I., 
and vests a good estate in fee in Thomas Lord Fairfax the 

3Ut May, 1686. 




My Lord, 

I NEED not tell your lordship of the great difficulties 
I have met withal by the violent proceedings at law of my 
lord duke's creditors, with whom I was at last forced to come 
to an agreement, and to pass away my estate at Nun Appleton 
in trust for their benefit, upon the consideration of five-and- 
twenty hundred pounds reserved to be paid me (for payment 
of my debts) upon the sale of the estate. My Lady Ash has 
been since admitted purchaser, but cannot well go on VFith 
her purchase for want of some deeds which are (as I suppose 
ought properly so to be) in your lordship's custody* Those 
deeds which are most insisted on are my mother's marriage- 
settlement, and my father's settlement of Nun Appleton, 
dated about the 23rd of April, in the eighteenth year of King 
Charles the Second. And I find no copies will be satisfactory 
to my Lady Ash's counsel, and therefore I earnestly entreat 
your lordship's friendship to me to let those deeds be deU- 
vered to your lordship's counsel, or some other fiiend, to be 
brought up to town, in order to be produced to my lady's 
counsel, that the purchase may be expedited, and that I may 
happily be a little at ease from my clamorous creditors; 
which I hope your lordship, in kindness to me, will be ready 
to promote, it being noways prejudicial to your lordship's 
interest, as I am informed by my counsel; who have posi- 
tively assured me your lordship could not possibly reap any 
benefit from this estate, it being entirely swallowed up by the 
incumbrances upon it. And it was chiefly this consideration 
that inclined me at first to hearken to the agreement I before 


mentioned^ and which I hope may incline your lordship to 
hearken to, and grant the favour I now beg of your lordship, 
which will be an infinite obligation to me, who am, 

My lord. 
Your lordship's affectionate cousin 

And humble servant, 

Mary Buckingham. 

PaU McUl, 2Stk September y 1700. 



My Lord, 

You need make no apologies for not writing to me. 
You are busy at home and abroad. There is yet no news of 
a proclamation for the sitting of the Parliament. You shall 
hear so soon as any is talked of. There is a council on 
Thursday, and perhaps we may have it then determined, 
though there is no necessity of it till after Christmas, 
nor then, except the King of Spain's death, who they say 

I have endeavoured to inform myself what the new pur- 
chasers of Appleton want to confirm their title. I am told 
it is the Deed of Settlement at the marriage of my late Lord 
Thomas and his lady, Anne Yere, wherein 6000/. and no 
more was settled as a portion upon a daughter, if no heir 
male. Of this deed mention is made in the last settlement 
of the late Lord Thomas, wherein he gives Bolton and 
Appleton to the Duchess and the heirs of her body, and if she 
have none, to the heirs of my grandfather ; and this in lieu 
of her 5000/., but not to have both ; and all fines, recoveries, 
kc.^ to inure to those purposes ; and no other mentioned in 

VOL. n. s 


that Deed of Settlement, which is enrolled in the Chancery. 
But the deed they want^ I suppose is the first deed of my 
grandfather, which gare her 5000/., and that deed, I believe 
you have at Denton, and if you have, I am sure you owe not 
my lady duchess so much service as to let her have it, to 
gratify either her or the purchasers. I would advise you to 
look it out, and show it to some good counsel; if Mr. Witton 
be in the country, he was privy to these settlements. I fear 
the fines and recoveries passed by the Duke and Duchess will 
bar all, though I suffered for advising your father to secure 
his title, by blame and otherwise. Pray bring that deed up 
with you. 

My Lord TankerviUe will be Privy Seal, and they say my 
Lord Godolphin will come again in his place of the Treasury. 
The King comes on Saturday to Kew, and stays four or five 
days, but returns to Hampton Court only a day in a week to 
council. My Lord Mayor had a fine day for his show after 
a week of rainy weather. My Lord Falconberg is still in a 
dozing languishing condition. I hope my pretty nephew is 
weD. My love to Brian, I will write to him the next post. 
All our services to your lordship. 

Your lordship's most humble servant, 

B. Fairfax. 

October 29, [1700]. 


My Lord, 

I WRIT last post to your lordship concerning Apple- 
ton, and I hope you will advise with wiser men than I pretend 
to be, what is fit for you to do j but, in my opinion, you should 


continue your claim^ now the duchess has parted with all her 
interest ; and the sooner you do it the better, before the bar- 
gain be finished, because when the money is paid, the law 
will favour a purchaser more than another. I pretend not to 
be a lawyer; but in reason (and that should be law) the 
deeds of the grandfather and the late lord should be valid. 
By the first, the estate is entailed upon yourself as heir in 
tail, and fortified by another deed, which is that they would 
now have, made at the marriage of the late lord, whereby 
5000/.^ and no more, was to be the duchess's portion, and all 
fines or recoveries, done or to be done, were to inure to that 
purpose; whereby it appeared how desirous my old lord 
grandfather was to keep the estate in the heirs male. 

The next is the deed of settlement of the late Lord Thomas 
Fairfax, wherein Bolton and Appleton are given to the duke 
and duchess for life, and to the heirs of her body ; but if she 
have none, to the heirs of the Lord Fairfax the grandfather. 
Now I would know what barbarous law (for the whole law of 
fines is no better) should give her power, having no children, 
to sell this estate, because she was in a possibility of having 
children, which now I think she is not. Perhaps if a judge 
should say this is law, a jury will say it is not reason. 

I would not put you on projects, but I think you should 
consult with the best lawyers of England, and not only make 
your claim to the estate of Bolton and Appleton, but choose 
a farm, and have a trial for it. If they fail in any of their 
fines and recoveries, they are gone ; and this claim of yours 
will discourage any purchaser. The sooner the better, before 
it be concluded ; though I am told the duchess has her share 
of 2000/. paid already, so that you have no restraint upon 
you on her account, which has been more than deserved. I 
am sorry Mr. Benlowes has been so negligent in this 



business. Before you come out of the country^ I think you 
should visit Bolton^ and ask to whom they pay their rents. 
If to the duchess^ you disturb them not ; if to anybody else^ 
forbid them. But advise with your friends ; though I think 
you should do it immediately. 

There is no proclamation yet for the sitting of the Parlia- 
ment. I told a privy councillor to-day how acceptable it 
would be to the Parliament men to know whether or when 
they should sit. He said perhaps there would be a procla- 
mation ordered next council day, which is not till Sunday, 
at Kensington ; for there is none to-day at Hampton Court. 
He says fifteen days is time enough ; I say twenty is the 
usual time. You shall know as soon as any. My Lord 
Tankerville is Privy Seal; Marlborough, Secretary; Godol- 
phin, First Treasurer; Earl of BiOchester, Lord-Lieutenant of 

B. Fairfax. 

October, 31«^, 1700. 



My Lord^ 

I HAVE received yours of the 29th of October, and 
the enclosed, to which I think you have given a good answer, 
and it concerns you to be cautious, doing nothing but by 
advice of your counsel when you come to London. This is 
the third letter I have written to your lordship on this 
occasion, though perhaps I was mistaken as to the deed she 
writes for, which I took to be that at the marriage of her 

father and mother, dated year of King Charles the First, 

wherein she was to have 5000/. and no more. But all the 


deeds make agamst her^ for they all entail the estate upon 
the heirs males of the first Thomas Lord Fairfax. I cannot 
tell what she means by the deed she now desires a sight of^ 
which she calls her mother's marriage settlement of Nun- 
Appleton^ dated the 23rd of Aprils in the eighteenth year of 
King Charles the Second^ which I think is Anno Domini 
1666^ many years after that marri^e. I suppose she means 
the last settlement of my Lord Thomas which bears that date^ 
and therefore I think if you judged it necessary to hare 
written your answer to her Grace, it might have been a good 
excuse that you knew not what writings she meant. But 
perhaps it is better not to write, though I should write in 
these terms to her : That you have received a letter from 
her, and are sorry to be put upon so ungrateful an employ- 
ment, as to search for writings to enable her to sell an estate, 
which by all the deeds, both of the first Lord Thomas Fairfax 
and of her own father, was entailed on the heirs of her body, 
and for default of such heirs upon yourself; and now she has 
parted with all her interest, you think yourself bound in 
honour and conscience to assert the title in behalf of those 
that come after you, and make those mortgages and pretended 
debts be publicly produced, that were so clandestinely 
obtained : You should have waited on her before you came 
down, but you heard she had taken offence where none was 
given, and you have been denied such common favours, as 
makes you think all your actions have been misrepresented 
by her officers, for their own ends, as it now appears. Your 
lordship will pardon me running on at this rate, but I think 
you had better say nothing, till you come up. Examine your 
writings, but part with none, nor can the Chancery compel 
any man to show deeds to his own prejudice, till he think fit 
to produce them. 


An express came last night from our ambassador at Faris^ 
that the King of Spain died the 1st of November, New Style; 
they say he has left his crown to the Duke of Anjou, but the 
King of France will have it his own way. This may hasten 
a resolution of calling a Parliament, and we expect on 
Tuesday next it will be determined, though they said before 
this news came it would not sit till after Christmas'; the King 
comes to-morrow (being Sunday) to Kensington, and tarries 
tiD Wednesday. Mr. Strutt calls Nevill a very knave, and I 
believe him. 

I know not whether you have the original Deed of Settle- 
ment, dated 23rd of April, in the eighteenth of Charles the 
Second, which was in my old Lord Clarets custody, being 
a Trustee ; but I remember when he was in Italy, he sent 
over to his mother to deliver it into my hands, to be enrolled 
in Chancery, and your father and I went to the Master of 
the Bolls (Sir Harbottle Grimston) and had it done ; and I 
think the deed was returned again to my Lord Clare. A 
copy I have, and being enrolled it is your evidence, though 
you have not the original ; but it concerns you to examine, 
and take a note of your evidences. Your lordship will 
pardon my boldness. My service to my little nephew, and 
love to Brian. 

Your most humble servant, 

B. Fairfax. 

November 2nd, 1700. 



My Lord, 

I RECEIVED a letter from my son dated at Tadcaster, 
in your way to Bolton, and shall be glad to hear what you 
did : there can be no hurt, if there come no good; and it is fit 
they should be made to produce their writings, who demand 
to see yours. I have discoursed with my Lord Bishop of 
Rochester, and our advice is to show aU respect to her Grace, 
but show no writings. Since you have thought fit to renew 
your claim, it is his opinion you should write to her Grace an 
answer to hers ; he bid me draw one, which I have written on 
the back side of this, which he saw and approves, if you think 
fit to send it. We know not yet whether a new or old 
parliament, or when they will sit, but conclude it will not be 
till after Christmas. The bishop and I have laid a wager ; he 
says a new one, I fancy the old one, for why should they be 
disobliged who will be most of them chosen again. On 
Thursday next is a council at Kensington, and then perhaps 
we shall be wiser. We take it for granted the King of 
France prefers the King of Spain's will before his own deed. 
Mr. Hill is going to Brussels. I hope Brian will excuse my 
not writing this post. 

I am your lordship's, 

B. F. 

November \2iky 1700. 




May it flbase your Grace^ 

I RECEIVED a letter from your Grace wherein you 
are pleased to desire some writings^ supposed to be in my 
hands^ concerning Bolton and Appleton^ particularly a Deed 
of Settlement^ at my lady your Grace's mother's marriage^ 
dated 1660^ which must be a great mistake. I told the man 
who brought it^ that I intended to be shortly in London^ and 
would then wait on your Grace. But hearing that your 
Grace has parted with aU your interest in those lands^ if I 
have any such writings^ they can be of no real use to your 
GracCj and it is no pleasure to me to gratify a purchaser, 
seeing that after your Grace, I take myself to have a right. 
The claim made by my father^ and since by myself, however 
it has been represented, was never intended to disturb the 
possession in your Grace, but as we were advised, to secure 
the title of these lands to the heirs males of the family, as 
they were expressly given, by all the deeds and settlements 
that were ever made. And I think myself obliged in honour 
and conscience to do all the law allows, to assert this title to 
my posterity, tiU the pretended creditors and mortgagees 
show a better. I should have taken it for a great honour to 
have received any mark of your Grace's favour, as I have of 
your noble father's, whose memory I shall ever honouj*, and 
pay the debt of gratitude owing to it, by my dutiful respects 
to your Grace, who am 

Your Grace's most obedient servant. 



November 11th, 1700. — Memoaandum, that the Bight 
Honourable Thomas Lord Fairfax of Denton, in the County 
of York, Baron of Cameron (the day and year above written), 
did make claim and entry to the several manors of Bolton 
Percy, Appleton, and Nun-Appleton, upon several parcels of 
ground within the said several manors (viz.), Horseclose-wood 
within Nun-Appleton, Newclose within Appleton, and HaU- 
garth within Bolton Percy ; as right heir male, claiming the 
said several manors after the death of the Right Noble the 
Lady Duchess of Buckingham, daughter of the Bight 
Honourable Thomas Lord Fairfax deceased. 

In the presence of 
H. Faikfax, Bobert White, 

Bab. Fairfax, Ja. Macdaniell, 

Ba. Fairfax, Bowland Jaques, 

Tho. Clafham, Ber. Banres, 

Will. Naington. 



My Lord, 

I LATELY received a letter from your lordship, 
dated 7th instant, which though intended, as I suppose, for 
an answer to mine of the 28th of September last, comes at 
that distance of time, that I may well presume mine was 
perfectly forgotten ; and the more I consider your lordship's 
answer, the more I am confirmed in my opinion; for it 


speaks of my mother^s marriage settlement^ dated 1660^ 
which I am snre my letter does no ways mention; for the 
two distinct deeds I desired your lordship to admit to be 
produced to my Lady Ashe's counsel^ were indeed what 
I then called (and think I may properly do so still) my 
mother's marriage settlement^ without mentioning the date 
of it; and my father's settlement of Nun Appleton, dated 
about the 23rd of Aprils in the eighteenth year of King 
Charles the Second^ and not one word of a marriage settle- 
ment in the year 1660 that I know of, as your lordship is 
pleased to mention in yours (for that cannot possibly be) ; 
and farther, that you understand I have parted with my 
interest in that estate, without taking the least notice of the 
five-and-twenty hundred pounds, which I observed to your 
lordship in my letter, was reserved to be paid me for 
payment of my own debts, which are very burthensome and 
very grievous to me, and 'twas that made me so earnestly 
entreat your lordship's friendship to suffer those deeds to be 
produced, that I might be thereby eased from the clamours 
of my creditors ; and yet, I confess, this is such a favour as 
I could not hope for, nor should not have asked for, had 
I not had, as I observed to your lordship in my last, not only 
the opinion of my own counsel (very able in the law), but 
also that of the whole court, that those estates are entirely 
subjected to my lord duke's debts, and your lordship thereby 
totally frustrated of all manner of benefit or claim to them. 
However, to make short of the matter, suppose youj* lord- 
ship does pretend a title, which I take to be utterly ground- 
less, yet, be it how it will, it is certain that showing it now 
can no more prejudice it, than concealing of it will mend it 
hereafter. When your lordship shall have well considered 
this, I hope, though not for my sake, yet for the sake of the 


memory of my father, as your lordship mentions, you will be 
inclined to comply with my request, and thereby do justice 
to his daughter, and am. 

My lord. 
Your lordship^s affectionate cousin. 

And humble servant, 
Mary Buckingham. 

PaU MaU, Navemher Zlst, 1700. 



My Lord, 

I BEG your lordship's pardon for not waiting on 
you myself; the reason, being very much indisposed by a 
cold. The inclosed came to my hands last post from her 
Grace's solicitor, and I presume it's upon the same errand of 
the former I delivered to your lordship. I am concerned no 
further than as to transmit the inclosed. He intimates in 
his letter to me that what her Grace desires cannot be any 
ways prejudicial to your lordship; and you not going to 
London and producing the deeds, is to her. That if your 
lordship be advised to the contrary, then they hope you will 
not insist on privilege. I shall not trouble your lordship 
any further, but desire you will answer her Grace's letter, 
and vouchsafe as much to. 

Your lordship's most humble servant, 

Walter Sothbby. 

York, December lOth, 1700. 




[In this letter we have an account of the last moments of the Duke 
of Buckingham, which directly contradicts the tradition transmitted 
to us through the celebrated lines of Pope — 

*^ In the worst iiin*s worst room, with mat half hung. 
The floors of plaster and the walls of dung ; 
On once a flock-bed, but repured with straw. 
With tape-tied curtains, never meant to draw ; 
The Greorge and Garter dangling from that bed. 
Where tawdry yellow strove with dirty red. 
Great ViUiers Kes," &c.] 

I AM this evening obliged with the favour of yours 
of the 20th instant^ and your kind inquiries after the health 
of your old schoolfellow, who truly wishes yours, and has all 
service for my Lord Fairfax. 

As it fell to my share to know as much of the last moments 
of the late Duke of Buckingham as any then about him, so 
at your instance I shall readily give answer to satisfy any, 
that he died in the best house in Kirkby Moorside (which 
neither is, nor ever was, an alehouse); and that when he was 
moved to receive the sacrament he consented to it, and 
received it firom the hands of the minister of the parish, with 
great decency and seeming devotion ; while we, who received 
with him, were somewhat doubtful of his swallowing the 
bread, because of his weakness and pain. Hence we had 
reason to conclude he had died in the communion of the 
Church of England, and none about him at that time ever 
questioned it that I heard of. Indeed, my Lord of Arran 
(who was then there) could not be prevailed with to coinmu- 


nicate with his Grace and us. What my lord's reasons were 
for that unwillingness I know not ; but my lord (now Duke 
of Hamilton) is a witness of the truth of his Grace's thus 
receivings his lordship being (if I am not much mistaken) in 
the room then. 

I omit at present many particulars which I could give some 
account of^ as to making his will^ his naming his heir^ Sec., 
which his Grace would not be persuaded to. If you please to 
command any farther account of the very last passages of his 
Ufe^ the respect and honour I had from him^ and for him^ 
engage me to answer you in favour of his memory. I had 
not the honour to converse with him any long time before 
his dying days ; but^ so far as I ever had any discourse with 
his Grace^ he was always pleased to express a love for good 
men and good things^ how little able soever he was to live up 
to what he knew. 

You may please to let me hear of your receiving this^ and 
wherein I can any way serve you ; for I am^ 

Your faithful humble servant, 

J. Gibson. 

Wdbume^ 27ih February, 1706. IN,S, 1607.] 


[These papers (from Mr. Bentley's Collection) will be read with 
interest. Anne Hyde was the daughter of the Lord Chancellor 
Clarendon, and was one of the maids of honour to the Princess 
Henrietta during the exile of the royal family. The Duke of York 
first met her in his sister's house, and, being struck by her beauty, 


made love to her. But he failed in his advances ; the lady was 
too wary to be duped by his protestations ; and she managed the 
affair with such adroitness that he finally married her. The marriage 
was secret and unknown to her father, and when the Restoration 
recalled the Stuarts to England, the Duke attempted to disown it, 
and even, it is said, descended to threats and acts of violence to 
induce her to release him. But the Duchess was firm, and insisted 
upon the public acknowledgment of her rights. The case was inves- 
tigated by the command of the King, and the lady was duly recog- 
nised as Duchess of York. She gave birth to two daughters, Mary 
and Anne, who were afterwards successively Queens of England. 

Amongst the following papers will be found the depositions of the 
persons who were present at the marriage, including the declarations 
of the Duke and Duchess, the former being at last compelled to 
acknowledge her as his wife. 

The Lady Combury was the wife of her eldest brother, Henry, 
who afterwards succeeded to his father's title. Lady Henrietta 
Hyde, married to her second brother Laurence, afterwards created 
Earl of Rochester, was the daughter of the Earl of Burlington.] 


Ellen Stroude, aged 30 years or thereabouts^ 
saith : she being servant to the Lord Chancellor's daughter, 
was present at her marriage with his Highness the Duke of 
York here in England, and that they were married by Dr. 
Crowther, a minister of the Church of England according to 
the order of marriage in the book of Common Prayer. The 
words of marriage thereby prescribed being used and pro- 
nounced by them in her hearing, and they did plight their 
troth to each other and the joining hands and giving and 
receiving a ring, and other forms of marriage prescribed in 


the Common Prayer Book were used. And she further saith 

that the Lord Ossory was then also present and gave the 

said Duchess in marriage to his Highness the Duke of York : 

of the truth of all which the said Ellen Stroude doth take 

her corporal oath, this 18th of February, 1660. [N. S. 1661.] 

Ellen X Stroude. 


I Joseph Crowther, Doctor in Divinity, aged 58 
years or thereabouts, do affirm and depose upon my oath, 
that I being formerly ordained a minister of the Church of 
England, did, upon the 3rd day of September last, between 
the hours of ten and two in the night, marry his Highness 
the Duke of York unto the now Duchess, the Lord Chancel- 
lor's daughter, here in England, by the Book of Common 
Prayer, and did use the words of marriage, and they both 
pronounced the words prescribed by the Common Prayer 
Book for order of marriage, and the forms of pUghting troth, 
joining hands, giving and receiving a ring, the endowment, 
&;c., pronouncing the marriage with the usual words, whom 
God hath joined let no man put asunder, were all used, and 
the marriage concluded by the blessing. And I do further 
affirm that the Lord Ossory and a servant of the Duchess's, 
called Ellen Stroude, were then there, and that the Lord 
Ossory did give and present the Duchess in marriage to his 
Highness. Of the truth of all which, I the said Doctor 
Crowther, do take my corporal oath this 18th of February, 

1660. [N. S. 1661.] 

Jos. Cbowther. 



I Thomas Boteler^ Lord Ossory^ son and heir 
apparent to the Marquis of Ormond, aged 27 years or there- 
abouts^ do depose upon my oath that I was present at the 
marriage of his Highness the Duke of York with the Duchess 
of York, the Lord Chancellor's daughter, upon the 3rd day 
of September last, and did see them married between the 
hours of ten and two of the clock at night by Doctor Crow- 
ther, a minister ; and that the words of marriage were used 
and read out of the Conmion Prayer Book, and pronounced 
by them both according as they are set down in the Common 
Prayer Book for the order of marriages. And that I did 
give and present her in marriage to his Highness, and a ring 
was given and the marriage consummated with the blessing 
of the minister. Of the truth of all which, I the said Lord 
Ossory do take my corporal oath, this 18th day of February, 
1660. [N. S. 1661.] 




I Anne, Duchess of York, do declare and depose, 
that the Duke of York having solicited me in the way of 
marriage near the space of a year, we were contracted upon 
the 24th of November, 1659, at Breda in Brabant, and after- 
wards we lived together as man and wife, though with all 
possible secrecy, and after my coming into England we were 
again married upon the 8rd of September last, in the night, 


between eleven and two, at Worcester House ; Dr. Crowther 
performing that office according as is directed by the Book 
of Common Prayer, the Lord Ossory being then present, 
and giving me in marriage, and Ellen Stroude my maid- 
servant being then likewise present ; of the truth of all which 
I do take my corporal oath, this 18th day of February, 1660. 
[N.S- 1661.] 




I James, Duke of York, do testify and declare that 
after I had for many months solicited Anne, my now wife, in 
the way of marriage, I was contracted to her on the 24th of 
November, 1659, at Breda in Brabant, and after that time, 
and many months before I came into England, I lived with 
her (though with all possible secrecy) as my wife, and after my 
coming into this kingdom; and that we might observe aU that 
is enjoined by the Church of England, I married her upon the 
8rd of September last, in the night, between eleven and two, 
at Worcester House, my chaplain. Dr. Crowther, performing 
that office according as is directed by the Book of Common 
Prayer, the Lord Ossory being then present and giving her 
in marriage : of the truth of all which I do take my corporal 
oath this day, this 18th of February, 1660. [N. S. 1661.] 





Dear Sister, 

I WAS in such haste on Saturday to go to dinner 
to the Archbishop's that I could not then possibly answer 
your letter, but I assure you I received it with great satis- 
faction, and do desire you very much to continue doing it; 
for I assure you nobody can have more real kindness for 
you than I have, and desire nothing more than to have in 
my power to show it you better than yet I have been able 
to do. I expect with great impatience my Lady Burlington 
in this country, which would add very much to the satisfac- 
tion I have here already. This is really a very good place, 
and I am sure at Salisbury you have not so good a place to 
take the air in as we have here. I do not know whether I 
make you an ill compliment, but I wish you very often to 
see it. I find we are like to have many feasts ; to-morrow 
my Lord Mayor makes us one, which I know wiU be very 
troublesome. The post is just going, so that I have time to 
say no more, but that I am 

Your most affectionate sister, 

Anne (Hyde). 

Pray tell my brother your writing will not excuse him, 
and amongst you I hope you will send some news. 

Torhy August \iih. 



Dear Sister^ 

I COULD not possibly get time to answer your letter 
sooner ; but when I do not tbat, I have always time to bless 
God for haying you in our family. I hear such perpetual 
commendations of you from thence, that I can never thank 
you enough for making them so happy; but I am sure shall 
not only wish, but do my endeavour, that you may not repent 
it ; but I cannot but wish them so much ill now as that you 
were now at Lansborough, whither I am to go on Monday 
to lie that night, and where I am sure my Lady Anne cannot 
wish you more than I shall, though I dare swear she does it 
heartily; and indeed never was a young lady so much alone; 
and I doubt not but she will like it so ill now, that she will 
follow your example and make somebody happy quickly. 

Pray tell my brother Lory I am very glad to see by his 
letter to my Lady Burlington that he is alive and has not 
forgot to write. I am sure it must be for your sake that I 
can forgive his not writing to me, for nothing should make 
me do it but being really 

Your most affectionate sister, 

Anne (Hyde). 

Pray tell my brother Cornbury I could not possibly get 
time to write above two letters this post, and that I hope he 
will excuse my not answering his till the next. 

Yorlk, August 30<A. 





YouE letter came in very good time to show me 
you would not break your word, which I began a little to 
suspect you of, it being so long since you went away. You 
know laziness is the only fault I ever assure of, which you 
ought not to take ill, since it proceeds &om the great desire 
I have always to see or hear from you, which I assure you 
I never did more than now ; and I think you would not be 
displeased with the little journeys I am now making; for 
after having been ten days at Hampton Court, where the 
condition I am in hindering me &om the divertisements of 
the place (of rising at five in the morning to fish, and being 
in the sun as long as it was up), I confess I was very weary; 
and you will easily beheve very glad of the Duke^s leave to 
come hither last night, where I am to stay with him till 
Monday, when we are both to go together to Famham, and 
stay there till the end of the week. You wiU say it is no 
compliment to wish you with me, when every body is a-hunt- 
ing ; but I hope you are not now to be persuaded that there 
are few things in the world I am better pleased with than 
your company. I speak the truth ; and to show you beUeve 
it, let me desire your letter without ceremony or compliment. 
Remember me very kindly to your father and mother, 
and tell them I do wish, all my heart wish, myself at Lans- 

Windsor f September 3rd. 



I HAVE written so long a letter to my brother Lory 
that I should not have done it at all to you^ but to show you 
that I would not miss answering your letter, that you may 
be assured they can never come too often to me; and I 
think we ought now to be well enough acquainted to write 
no more with ceremony : and I begin this so to give you the 
example, and to desire you to follow it. This night we expect 
your mother here, and she has promised me to stay as long 
as I do ; and I will not fail to do my endeavour to persuade 
her to come along to Oxford, whither I pray God to bring us 
all in good health that I may at a nearer distance assure you 
again how real a kindness I have for you. 

T(yrkj September \2lh. 


If you had known when you writ your letter the 
satisfieiction I have to hear from you, you would not have 
given yourself the trouble to have made so many excuses to 
me for it; and though I hope my sister will never have 
more occasion to make you her secretary, yet that you will 
sometimes write, which, whenever you do it, will be with 
great pleasure to me both for your own sake and my sister 
Isabella, that I may hear how she does, which will be the 
greatest joy that can be to me when I hear she is well, and 


otherwise a very great affliction; for though she is so little as 
not to be sensible of the love I have for her, yet I cannot 
help telling it to you, and desire you to be very well assured 
that for yourself I shall always have great kindness for you, 
and be ever your very a£Pectionate friend, 


Febrvary the l^th. 

Pray do not forget to remember me to your daughter, and 
let her know I saw the letter in which she thanked me for 
the wateh. I hope that good office I did her for it will make 
her remember me. When you write next, do not use so 
much ceremony. 


I WAS bom the 12th day of March, O.S., in the year 
of our Lord 1687, at Cranbome Lodge, near Windsor, in 
Berkshire, and lived in my own country till I was twelve 
years old, having in that time seen the ruin both of Church 
and State, and the murdering of my King. The 1st of May, 
O.S., 1649, 1 came out of England, being the (then) twelve 
years old one month and eighteen days. I came to Antwerp 
the 6th of May, O. S.; the August following I went to 
Bruxelles for three or four days, and returned again to 
Antwerp, where I staid till May, 1651 ; and then went 
again to Bruxelles for a week, and returned to Antwerp 
again, where I staid till April, 1652, and then I 
went to the Hague, where I staid three weeks, being 


lodged at the Court of her Highness the Princess Boyal. I 
returned to Antwerp in May, where I have been ever since. 
February the 8th, 1653, and I am now fifteen years old, ten 
months and twenty-seven days. 

If I live till the 22nd of March, 1653, 1 am sixteen years 

My dear aunt Bab was, when she died, twenty-four years 
old, and as much as from April to August. 

[In another hand, but written in the same Memorandum-book.] 

On the 31st of March, being Friday, the Duchess died 
(viz. Anne Hyde) at St. Jameses, and was buried the Wed- 
nesday following, 1671. 

These books I would have my father give me — 
The Illustrious Bashaw, the Grand Cyrus, Cleopatra, and 
the Holy Court. 

[In the Duchess*s hand-writing.] 

God is an eternal, infinite, immutable, almighty, infinitely 
wise, and infinitely good spirit. 

Je m'en vay mourier d'amour, mais ce n'est pas pour un 

infidel comme vous. 

Annb Hyde. 

Adieu pour jamais, mais n^oubUez pas la plus miserable 

personne du monde. 

Anne Hyde. 

Barbara Aylesbury, je Paime plus que moy mesme mille 


Anne Hyde. 




Whereas I have been ever from my infancy bred 
up in the English Protestant religion^ and have had very 
able persons to instruct me in the ground thereof, and 
I doubt not but I am exposed to the censure of an infinite 
number of persons, that are astonished at my quitting of it 
to embrace the religion of the Boman Catholics, from which 
I have always professed a great aversion; and therefore 
I have thought fit to give some satisfaction to my friends, by 
declaring unto them the reasons upon which I have been 
moved to do it, without engaging myself in long and 
unprofitable disputes touching that matter. 

I protest therefore, before God, that since my coming into 
England, no person, either man or woman, hath at any time 
persuaded me to alter my religion, or hath used any dis- 
course to me upon the subject ; it hath been only particular 
favour from God, who hath been graciously pleased to hear 
the prayers I daily made unto him, both in Prance and 
Planders, whilst I was there, that he would vouchsafe to 
bring me to the true Church before I died, in case I was not 
in the right; and it was the devotion I observed in the 
Catholics there which induced me to make that prayer, 
although my own devotion during all that time was very 
slender. I did, notwithstanding, all the time I was in those 
countries, believe I was in the true religion, neither had 
I the least scruple of it until November last, at which time, 
reading Doctor Healing^s History of the Reformation, which 
had been highly recommended to me, I was so far from 


finding the least satisfaction I expected, that I found nothing 
but sacrileges; and looking over the reasons therein set 
down, which had caused the separation of the Church of 
England from that of Rome, I read three there which seemed 
to me great impiety, 

1. The first was, that King Henry the Eighth had cast off 
the Pope^s authority, because he would not permit him to 
quit his wife and marry another. 

2. The second, that during the minority of Edward the 
Sixths his uncle, the Duke of Somerset, who then governed 
aU^ and was the principal in that alteration, did greatly 
enrich himself with the goods of the Church, which he 

3. And the third consisted in this, that Queen Elizabeth, 
not being rightful heir to the Crown, could not keep it but 
by renouncing a Church which would never allow of such 
injustice. I could not be persuaded that the Holy Ghost 
would ever have made use of such motives as theise were to 
change religion ; and was astonished that the bishops, if they 
had no other intention but to re-establish the doctrine of the 
Primitive Church, had not attempted it before the schism of 
Henry the Eighth, which was grounded upon such unjusti* 
fiable pretences. 

Being troubled with scruples I began to make some 
reflections upon those points of doctrine wherein we differed 
from the Catholics, and to that purpose had recourse to the 
Holy Scripture, and though I pretended not perfectly to 
understand it, I found notwithstanding several points which 
to me seemed very plain, and I cannot but wonder that I 
remained so long time without taking notice of them; amongst 
these were the real presence of our Saviour in the Sacrament, 
the infallibility of the Church, Confession, and Prayer for the 


Dead. I treated of these particulars severally with two of the 
most learned bishops of England^ and discoursing upon those 
subjects, thej both told me that it was to be wished that the 
Church of England bad retained several things it has altered; 
as for example. Confession; which without doubt is of divine 
institution. They told me also that Prayer for the Dead had 
been used in the Primitive Church during the first centuries, 
and that they themselves did daily observe those things 
though they desired not publicly to own these doctrines ; and 
having pressed one of them something earnestly touching 
these things, he frankly told me that if he had been bred up 
in the Catholic reUgion he should not have left it, but being 
now a member of that Church which believed all the articles 
necessary to salvation, he thought he should do ill to quit it, 
because he was beholden to that Church for his baptism, 
and he should thereby give occasion of great scandal unto 
others. All these discourses were a means to increase the 
desire I had to embrace the Roman CathoUc religion, and 
added much to the inward trouble of my mind ; but the fear 
I had to be hasty in a matter of that importance made me 
act warily, with all precautions necessary in such a case. I 
prayed incessantly to God he would be pleased to inform me 
in the truth concerning these points whereof I doubted. 
Upon Christmas-day going to receive the Sacrament at the 
King^s Chapel, I found myself in a greater trouble than 
ever I had been in, neither was it possible for me to be 
at quiet, until I had discovered myself to a certain 
Catholic, who presently brought me a priest; he was the 
first of them with whom I ever conversed, and the more 
I conversed with him the more I found myself to be 
confirmed in the resolution I had taken. It was, I thought^ 
impossible to doubt of these words, '^ This is my body '" 


and I am verily persuaded our Saviour, who is Truth itself, 
and hath promised to continue with his Church to the 
world's end, would never suffer these Holy Mysteries to be 
communicated to the laity, only under one kind. If it 
were inconsistent with his institution of that Sacrament, I am 
not able to dispute touching these things with anybody, and 
if I were, I would not go about to do it, but I content myself 
to have writ these to justify the change I have made of my 
religion, and call God to witness I had not done it had I 
believed I could have been saved in that Church whereof till 
then I was a member. I protest seriously I have not been 
induced to this by any worldly interest or motives, neither 
can the truth of this my protestation be rationally doubts 
by any person, since it was evident that hereby I left all my 
friends, and very much prejudiced my reputation; but having 
seriously considered myself whether I ought to renounce my 
position in the other world, to enjoy the advantage of my 
present being here, I assure you I found no di£Glculty at all 
to resolve the contrary, for which I render thanks to God, 
who is the Author of aU goodness. 

My only prayer to Him is, that the poor Catholics of this 
kingdom may not be persecuted on my account; and I 
beseech God to grant me patience in my own afflictions, and 
that what tribulation soever his goodness hath appointed for 
me, I may ao go through with them, as that I may hereafter 
enjoy a happiness for all eternity. 

Given at St. James's this 20th of August, 1670. 



[The Lord Keeper Williams was a prominent man in his day. His 
feud with Laud was one of the early incidents of the reign of 
Charles I., which marked out the growing dissensions between the 
Puritans and the Roman Catholics. He was appointed Lord Keeper 
and Bishop of Lincoln in 1621, but having incurred the displeasure 
of the King, was removed from his dignities through the influence of 
Buckingham, and thrown into the Tower, where he remained for 
three years and a half. He petitioned the King by the Queen's 
mediation, but Laud interposed, and his petition was^refused. The 
Parliament met in the November after the date of the following 
letter, and sending the Usher of the Black Rod to demand his libera- 
tion from the Lieutenant of the Tower, restored him to his seat in the 


My most honourable and most noble Lobd^ 

Not the hope of being able for the small remaiiider 
of my life to perform any proportionable service or gratitude 
unto your good lordship for your former justice and favours 
towards me, by which I enjoy that little remainder I have of 
any civil or political being, but that innate propension which 
nature hath planted in every man's heart, to repair thither 
for help where he hath formerly found relief, makes me 
(otherwise of myself not forward in this kind of boldness) to 
rush thus unseasonably upon your lordship's more serious 
a£Pairs, upon these occasions of storms and adversities. 

The tower of London, my noble lord, is, for his Majesty's 


greater affairs^ from a fair palace and quiet abode^ turned of 
late to a fort or citadel^ and become so full of soldiers, and 
that kind of din or noise, which is most adverse and con* 
trary to retired thoughts, and the disposition of a student, 
so that as I have been sequestered for above these three 
years past from the company of the living, so am I now 
bereaved from any conversation with the dead, and kept close 
prisoner from men and books in effect, luitil such time in the 
evening as these people are withdrawn unto their private 
huts and cabins. 

May it please your good lordship, therefore, out of your 
own nobleness and pity, to procure me to be removed from 
this prison to any other place of abode where I may enjoy a 
little fresh and dry air, upon what terms, limitations, and 
conditions the King's Majesty, or the lords, shall hold con- 
venient — ^the rather, my good lord, because there is received 
(or now due), out of my poor sequestered estate, half as 
much more as my fine comes unto. 

For his Majesty^s last offence conceived against me, about 
a proposition made unto, and recalled from Mr. Hambden, in 
twenty-four hours, I have to his Majesty taken the fault 
wholly upon myself, because others will participate of no 
burthens of this kind. . It was in Hilary Term that the 
motion was made unto me as from his Majesty, to peti- 
tion for the putting off that hearing, with fiill assurance I 
should be presently restored to my poor fortunes, and when 
I had so petitioned, I was notwithstanding kept from all 
means and liberty, my Parliament writ stopped, and I never 
had any particular (though I earnestly called for it) brought 
unto me in his Majesty's name, only on the very night 
before the last Parliament was broken up, and then Grod 
knoweth in what matter and manner that proposition or 


rather question was put upon me. Now my business with 
my kinsman^ Mr. Hambden^ was begun and ended ten or 
twelve days before that time^ which his Majesty^ peradven- 
tnre, is not informed of; and farther, I do not go about to 
excuse this accident, otherwise than in humbly craving 
pardon of his Majesty if I have offended. 

Lastly, whereas your lordship, as Mr. Lieutenant tells me, 
hath heard complaints of some brabbles between a servant of 
mine and some of the warders of the Tower, be pleased to 
understand that that warder who complained unto me was 
quite drunk, as it seems my man was also, who hath been 
sufficiently punished abeady, both by Mr. Lieutenant and 
the warders, and more severely by myself. But it is not 
worth the troubling of your good lordship with what passed 
between that one warder and me ; seeing that I am assured, 
and have good witness thereof, he was in such a case at that 
time as I could not possibly understand him, and therefore 
he might easily misunderstand me, and in consequence thereof 
misieport me. 

My lord, whether I shall receive this favour or aay other 
£pom your lordship, I am, for those great ones already past, 
and the esteem I have ever borne of your most noble person, 
lady, and family, 

Your lordship's most obliged servant and bedesman, 

Jo. Lincoln.* 

Tower, this ^md of October, 1640. 

* From Mr. Bentley's Collection. 


[From the Analecta Fairfaxiana.] 

July 18, 1691. This day the Archbishop of Canterbury 
(John TiUotson) told me this story : 

Sir Edward Turner, Alderman of London, and one of the 
Governors of Bedlam, told him that in his time it happened 
that some gentlemen going to see Bedlam, a mad-woman 
there, upon the sight of them, cried out, ^^ My child ! my 
child ! '' When they went away, she desired the keeper to 
go after him, and beg him, for God's sake, to come back 
again, and let her kiss him. The keeper, observing that she 
spoke it with so earnest and seeming sober look, prevailed 
with the gentleman to return and give her that satisfaction. 
She embraced him, and kissed him, and told him she was 
sure he was her son. The company wondering at it, asked 
him if he knew what she meant. He stood amazed, and 
after a while told them, for aught he knew, he might be her 
child, for he was spirited away when he was a child and 
carried to Barbadoes, and he never knew his father or his 
mother. He was now a rich merchant. The mad-woman 
bade him pull of his clothes, and if he were her son, as 
she said she was sure he was, he had two moles upon his 
shoiQder, pointing to the very part, which he owned he had, 
and showed them to her and all the company, and owned 
her for his own mother, and &om that hour she came to 
herself and was cured of her madness. 



[This letter '' needs no bush." It discloses the efforts of a verj 
active party to convert England to Catholicism. It was written, 
probably, early in 1678. Father La Chaise, to whom it is addressed, 
was private Confessor to the King of France. Coleman was one of 
the persons denounced by Titus Oates. He was a convert from Pro- 
testantism, a busy intriguer in the pay of Barillon, and kept up a 
secret correspondence with the French Court.] 


I SENT your rererence a tedious long letter on our 
29th September, to inform you of the progress of our affains 
for these two or three last years last past, having now again 
the opportunity of a very sure hand to convey this by. I 
have sent you a cypher, because our Parliament now drawing 
on, I may possibly have occasion to send something which 
you may be willing enough to know, and may be necessaiy 
for us that you should. When I may want the convenience of 
a messenger, when any thing occurs of more concern than 
ordinary, which may not be fit to be trusted even to a cypher 
alone, I will (to make such a thing more secure) write it in 
lemon between the lines of a letter, which shall have nothing 
in it visible, but what I care not who sees, but dried by a 
warm fire shall discover what is written. See that if the 
letter comes to your hands, and, upon drying it, anything 
appears more than before, you may be sure no body has seen 
it by the way. I will not trouble you with that way of writ- 
ing but upon special occasions ; then I will give you a hint to 


direct you to look for it by concluding my visible letter with 
Bometliixig of fire or burning, by which mark you may please 
to know that there is something underneath, and how my 
letter is to be used to find it out. 

We have here a mighty work upon our hands, no less than 

the conversion of three kingdoms, and by that perhaps ihe 

utter subduing of a pestilent heresy which has domineered 

over a great part of the northern world a long time : there 

never were such hopes of success since the death of our 

Queen Mary, as now in our days, when Grod has given us a 

Prince who is become, I miay say by miracle, jealous of being 

the author and instrument of so Iglorious a work ; but the 

opposition we are sure to meet with is also like to be great, 

so that it imports us to get all the aid and assistance we can, 

for the harvest is great, and the labourers but few. That 

which we rely upon most, next to God Almighty's providence, 

and the favour of my master the Duke, is the mighty mind 

of his Most Christian Majesty, whose generous soul inclines 

bim to great undertakings, which being managed by your 

reverence's piety and prudence will certainly make him look 

upon this as most suitable to himself, and best becoming his 

power and thoughts ; so that I hope you will pardon me if I 

be very troublesome to you upon this occasion, from whom I 

expect the greatest help we can hope for. I must confess I 

think bis Christian Majesty's temporal interest is so much 

attracted to that of his Boyal Highness, which can never be 

considerable, but upon the growth and advancement of 

CathoKc religion, that his ministers cannot give him better 

advice even in a political sense, abstracting from the eon- 

^deradons of the next world, than that of our blessed Lord, 

to seek first the kingdom of heaven and the righteousness 

thereof, that all other things may be added unto him. Yet 

YOL. n. u 


I know his Most Christian Majesty has more powerful motives 
suggested to him by his own devotion and your reverence's 
zeal for God^s glory^ to engage him to afford us the best help 
he can in our present circumstances, but we are a little 
unhappy in this, that we cannot press his Majesty by his 
present minister here upon these latter arguments, which are 
most strong; but only upon the first; Monsieur Buvigny's 
sense and ours differing very much upon them, though we 
agree perfectly upon the rest. And indeed though he be a 
very able man as to his Majesty's service in matters where 
religion is not concerned, yet I believe it were much more 
happy considering the post he is in, that his temper were of 
such a sort that we might deal clearly with him throughout, 
and not be forced to stop short in a discourse of consequence, 
and leave the most material part out because we know it will 
shock his particular opinion, and so perhaps meet with dislike 
and opposition though never so necessary to the main concern. 
I am afraid we shall find too much reason for this com- 
plaint this next session of Parliament ; for had we had one 
here from his Most Excellent Majesty, who had taken the 
whole business to heart, and who would have represented the 
state of our case truly as it is to his Majesty, I do not doubt 
but his Most Excellent Majesty would have engaged himself 
further in the affair than at present I fear he has done, and 
by his approbation have given such coimsels as have been 
offered his Boyal Highness by those few Catholics who have 
access to him, and who are bent to serve him, and advance 
Catholic religion with all their might, more credit with his 
Royal Highness than I fear they have found, and have 
assisted them also with his purse, as far as 100,000 crowns, 
or some such simi, which to him is very inconsiderable, 
but would have been to them of greater use than can be 


imagined; towards gaining others to help them^ or at least 
not to oppose them. If we had been so happy as to have had 
faia Most Excellent Majesty with us to this degree^ I would 
have answered with my life for such success this session as 
woiQd have put the interest of Catholic religion^ his Royal 
Highness^ and his Most Christian Majesty out of all danger 
for the time to come. But wanting those helps of recom- 
mending those necessary counsels which have been given his 
Royal Highness in such manner as to make him think them 
worth his accepting, and fit to govern himself by, and of 
those advantages which a little money, well managed, would 
have gained, as I am afraid we shall not be much better at 
the end of this session than we are now, I pray Grod we do 
not lose ground. By my next, which will be ere long, I 
shall be able to tell your reverence more particularly what 
we are like to expect. In the mean time I most humbly beg 
your holy prayers for all our undertakings, and that you will 
be pleased to honour me so far as to esteem me what I am, 
entirely and without any reserve, 

Mon tres reverend pere, de votre Roi, 

Le plus humble, plus obeissant serviteur, 



After Our very hearty commendations to your 
lordship : Whereas information hath been given upon oath 
touching a dangerous conspiracy against the life of his Sacred 
Majesty, and in consequence thereof, of great disturbance 



that must ensue in the kingdom^ We do therefore^ in pur- 
suance of his Majesty^s command, hereby pray and require 
your lordship to use the most effectual means that in your 
wisdom you shall think fit , to cause all the habitatioiis of the 
Papists, in that county and city, or of those who are reputed 
Papists, to be searched for arms of war and offence, and that 
all such arms be gathered and laid up in safe custody; and 
your lordship is to send diligently to this Board an account 
of all such arms, and of the parties disarmed, that sok, as the 
occasion shall require, your lordship may receive our furth^ 
orders in this behalf. And so we bid your lordship very 
heartily farewell. From the Council Chamber in Whitehall, 
the 80th day of September, 1678. 

Your lordship's very loving friends. 

Finch, C, 
Anglesey, Bathe, 

Cabbebry, C. Craven, 

Laudebdale, N. Duresme, 
H. Coventry, G. Carteret, 
J. Ernle, Robert Southwell. 

September 80«^, 1678. 

JESUITICAL PARTY.— 30th Seftembbb, 1678. 

Lord Bellasis, Greneral; Lord Powis, Treasurer; Lord 
Arundel of Wardour, Chancellor ; Major-General Lambert, 
Adjutant-General; Lord Stafford, Paymaster ; Lord Peters, 
Lieutenant-General; Sir Frauds Ratdiff, Lieutenant-Gtene- 
ral ; Counsellor Langhome, Attorney-General ; Colonel Las- 
celles to have a regiment; Mr. Boper, a regiment; Lord 


Baltimore^ a regiment ; Collier, a Benedictine monk, to be 
Bishop of London ; Whitebread, to be Archbishop of Can- 
terbury; Sir William Gk>dolphin, Lord Privy Seal; Mr. 
Coleman, Secretary of State ; Mr. Winter, Mr. Boper, Mr. 
Batcliff, Mr. Madbume, Mr. Parry, Mr. Garrett, Captains ; 
Sir George Wakeman, Doctor of the Army, who hath received, 
as it is made, 5000Z. in gold to poison the King, and a pro- 
mise of 10,000Z. more when the business was done. 

Officers of the Roman party hi Lreland are : — Lord Talbot 
as General ; Peter Temple to be Archbishop of Dublin, and 
as the pay-officer of our sea-service, and to be employed 
about shipping none but Frenchmen. 

This came last post. Several lords are committed to the 


The Lord Carrington; Lord Brudenell; Sir Gteorge Winter; 
Sir Francis Badcliffe, and his two sons; Lord Powis; Sir 
Francis Mannock, two sons, and kinsman ; Mr. Ralph Shel- 
don, and his steward ; Mr. Griffin ; Mr. Henry Tichboume ; 
Mr. Timbleley ; Dr. Moor ; Daniel Arthur, an eminent mer- 
chant in London (who was to have famished 20,000/. towards 
carrying on the design); Sir John Gage ; Mr. Marvell; Mr. 
Carrill; Mr. Vaughan^s son; Mr. James Hamilton; Mr. 
Speedwich, Governor of Chepstow castle ; and George 



[For his Bfajesty^s especial Benrice, These. ] 

My Lord and Gentlemen^ 

I HEREWITH send you inclosed the commands I 
have received from his Majesty by the Lords of the Council^ 
and do recommend the same to your care to be duly 
executed. In order to it I desire you will appoint a meeting 
among yourselves as soon as may be^ and I can give you no 
additional instruction by which to govern yourselves in this 
affair^ saving that what arms shall be taken in pursuance of 
this order, I desire you wiU cause to be conveyed to Clifford's 
Tower at York, and to be delivered into the custody of my 
Lord FrescheviUe, or the chief officer upon the place, taking 
a note under his hand for the receipt of them. I desire you 
will from time to time make me a return of your proceedings 
herein, that I may be enabled to give their Lordships a parti- 
cular satisfactory account in the matter expected from me. 
I am. 

My lord and gentlemen. 

Your most affectionate and most humble servant, 


Cw^cpUy October 3, 1678. 

« Tir^TkraxT t^t i^m >' 



Mt Lord and Gentlemen, 

I HAVE received your letter of tlie 10th instant, and 
have consulted Mr. Attorney General upon that point men- 
tioned therein, of the necessity of a common officer to assist 
the constable, and his opinion is clear that that clause in the 
statute is where a search is made by the authority of the 
lord-lieutenant, or two deputy-lieutenants, of their own 
suspicion ; but where the warrant is from the King's privy 
council upon an extraordinary occasion, the search may be 
legally made by the constable or tithingman, without a 
commissioned officer. However, that your lordship may 
constitute such officers (if you please to trouble yourself with 
the command), I have sent your lordship a commission for 
colonel^ together with some blank commissions for such under 
officers as you shall appoint. I have given Sir Thomas 
Slingsby the necessary commission for his regiment, and have 
sent those for my own regiment to Sir Ralph Knight. I 
intend to divide the whole into four regiments, and desire 
your opinions what may be the best division of them. I shall 
also, within a little while, dispose of the horse, but do first 
desire to be truly informed what their number will be. In 
the meantime I hope this will serve to put in execution the 
present conmiands of the coimdl, and I desire I may receive 
as speedy an account of it as is possible. 

I am, my lords and gentlemen. 
Your most affectionate friend and humble servant, 


lond<m, October 19«^, 1678. 




My Lobd^ 

I HUMBLY beg your lordship's pardon that I have 
no sooner returned you my thanks for the honour of your 
letter, upon the receipt of which I went to Sir Henry Grood- 
ricke, who told me he had received the papers which I told 
him I had a hint from your lordship to inquire after, and he 
tells me he delivered them to my Lord Treasurer, and so 
consequently you may guess what is become of them. I 
have not heard anything farther about them ; but to return 
your lordship news for news. The murder of Godfrey is now 
fully discovered by one Prance, a silversmith, in Princes' 
Street, Covent Garden; the fact was done in Somerset House 
by himself and five others : to wit. Garnet, a priest ; KeUy, 
said to be an Irishman; Green, an under officer in the 
Queen's Chapel; HiU, an ale-house keeper in Stanhope 
Street; and Reney, the porter of Somerset House. The 
relation now at large you may please to command from my 
wife. The King has ordered a special commission of Oyer 
and Terminer for the speedy trial of those that are taken ; to 
wit. Green, Reney, and Hill. There is also another witness 
come in for the plot against his Majesty, one Dugdale, a 
Staffordshire man, who speaks plainly against my Lord Staf- 
ford. I will give your lordship no farther trouble at present, 
but humbly kiss my lady's hands, and am, my lord. 

Your lordship's most humble servant. 

Will. Palmes. 

L(mdm^ the 2'Qth October^ 1678. 

The Captain is your humble servant. I pray take no 
notice to Sir Henry Goodricke, &c., of my free expressions 
to your lordship, which I hope will go no farther. 

THE "POPISH plot/' 297 



Mt Lobd^ 

I HAVE been with Captaiii Sherrard^ and acknow* 
ledged satisfactioii upon your judgment. I likewise spoke 
to Mr. Pndsey to take his advice about proceeding for the 
obtaining the hangings for your lordship, who desires your 
lordship or my lady to write to my lord duke or my lady^ 
and it would then certainly be done. I shall not proceed 
further therein till I have your further instructions about it, 
and if you please to send your letter to me, I will not only 
deliver it, but press the obtaining your lordship's desire 
therein; though I am confident there will not be any such 
occasion, but that there will immediately be order for the 
delivering thereof. I do imagine your lordship has had an 
account of Mr. Coleman's lett^s writ to the French King's 
confessor, to give him an account of two or three years' 
transactions in this kingdom, and proposing wages for 
reformation of religion, and accomplishing the design of this 
plot : he was before the Lords on Tuesday last, but would 
discover little. He declares there is enough known to con- 
demn him, but he cannot reveal so much as will save him, 
and concludes himself unfortunate thereby (which I cannot 
but join with him in opinion in that particular). Staley, the 
goldsmith's son, was tried to-day at the King's Bench, and 
condemned. Coleman is reported to come to trial on 
Saturday, and also Atkins, who was one concerned in the 
murder of Sir Edmondsbury Godfirey. The Earl of Shaftes- 
bury promotes the prosecution of this business and secluding 
the Catholic lords from sitting in the House very vigorously. 


Mr. Spalding^ who was Baron Thorpe^s nephew^ and now 
governor of Chepstow Castle^ is suspected to be deeply con- 
cerned in this conspiracy^ and I fear the Lord Bellasis is 
more than ordinarily engaged in it. There is a proclamation 
come ont to-day for apprehending all Popish priests and 
Jesuits, with a promise of 20/. reward to any that shall 
apprehend any one of them. Yesterday was an order of the 
Commons to make an address to the King to issue out his 
proclamation^ with a promise of a reward and pardon to any 
that should make a further discovery of this plot. It was 
yesterday reported the constable and lieutenant of the Tower 
were displaced, but I cannot find it warranted. Secretary 
Williams being committed to the Tower for granting com- 
missions to Irish Papists, was on Tuesday released by the 
King's special command, but the Commons not taking notice 
thereof, ordered an address to be made, to show the reasons 
of his commitment, and to desire he might not be dis- 
charged, but I cannot understand what answer he gave them 
to it. A letter of Coleman's, writ in cyphers, was shown 
to him, but he would not read it. What further com- 
mands you please to give me, be pleased to direct them to 
Gray's Inn, for. 

My lord. 

Your honour's most humble. 

And obliged servant, 

Ja. Babington. 

Gray's Inn, 20th November, 1678. 




My Lobd^ 

I HAVE dispatched that affair by Mr. Andrew 
Burton, which person you wiU find named in the warrant for 
taking out the judgment ; he has had a warrant from me to 
take it off from the file ; my hand and seal is at the warrant ; 
Mr. Palmes, a witness, and my servant. Your son, Mr. Fair- 
fax, did see it delivered as my act and deed ; the reason I did 
not employ Mr. Baggington was that he would not come 
near me. My attorney doth assure me that the business is 
done. Pray, my lord, at your leisure, you will be pleased to 
pay my son Bennet 15/., due to me upon the account you 
may remember ; for what this is my daughter's money, that 
gives me the confidence to desire it. Now as to news. The 
discovery of this great affair goes slowly on ; where it sticks, 
God Almighty knows. Staley, the goldsmith, was this day 
hanged, drawn, and quartered ; to-morrow Mr. Coleman, the 
Duchess of York's secretary, comes to his trial. There are 
about fifty priests and Jesuits in gaol ; the eight lords in the 
Tower are prisoners at large ; the Lord Berkshire, a Papist, 
is gone for France, which is something wondered at; and 
many more things. God in heaven bless his Majesty with 
long life. 

Your lordship's 
Most affectionate humble servant to command, 

Phill. Shebard. 

November 26<A, 1678. 



[Francis Caryll was one of the persons who was accused (wrong- 
fully, if the deposition which follows may be relied upon, and it cer- 
tainly looks like truth,) of participation in the '* Popish plot " of Titus 
Oates. The story is well known. Sir Edmondsbury Godfrey was 
the ma^strate before whom the informations of Tonge and Oates were 
sworn. Soon afterwards Sir Edmondsbury was missed from his houae 
for fire days, and at the end of that time his body was found in a ditch 
near Primrose Hill, with his own sword run through it, his pockets 
turned inside out, and a dark mark round his neck, as if in addition 
to being run through he had also been strangled. His body was 
exposed in the public streets for two days, and large rewards were 
offered for the apprehension of the murderers, who were neyer 
dUeovered, but persons were executed for the crime who declared 
their innocence to the last. Francis Caryll, it seems, had a yery 
narrow escape. The murder of Sir Edmondsbury was assumed as con- 
clusive proof of the existence of a '' Popish plot." It was taken for 
granted that he was murdered by the Papists, a suspicion which was 
confirmed by the anagram of his name, out of which some ingenious 
individual formed the sentence, ** I find murdered by rogues." His 
funeral was celebrated with extraordinary pomp. Seventy-two 
divines in full canonicals preceded the corpse, which was followed to 
the grave by thousands of persons of the highest rank and eminence. 
This deposition is from Mr. Bentley's Collection.] 



The deponent was upon that day fortnight after 
Sir Edmondsbury Grodfrey was murdered, waiting with his 
coach in Wood Street, and was at last called to the Half- 


Moon Tavem in CKeapBide^ to attend on the Earl of 
Ardglass and some other gentlemen^ whom he perceived were 
like to stay long^ and it being twelve at night he was resolved 
to stay no longer for them; at which Mr. Fowl^^ the master 
of the said tavern^ being angry^ threatened this deponent 
that he would make him lie three months in prison if he 
would not stay; but this deponent^ not regarding his threat, 
did the next day drive his coach that way, and waited some 
time at the same door. But at night, being on his way home 
at the bottom of Snow Hill, a certain person who had been 
watchman, met this deponent and advised him not to go 
home, for Captaui Bichardson and a great many persons 
were there to apprehend him about the death of Sir Edmonds- 
bury Godfrey, and that therefore it would be best for him to 
keep some time out of the way; which notice, though it some- 
thing terrified this deponent, he being apprehensive of what 
miseries he might suffer by imprisonment, yet his innocency 
overcame his fear ; so that resigning himself to the protection 
of God, he drove home, where they to a great number, with 
Captain Bichardson, the jailer of Newgate, awaited for him. 
These apprehending him, they carried him to Newgate by 
the instigation of the said Fowler as this deponent verily 
believes, and of another coachman who charged hiip falsely 
with certain words. There this deponent being examined by 
Bichardson, whether he was a Papist or no, did declare he 
was not, and after many other questions, was by him that 
night put into the press-yard, where he might have starved 
with cold had not a certain poor barber, maliciously accused 
too, lent him a coat. The next day this deponent was with 
Captain Bichardson carried to Wallingford House, where 
there was the Duke of Buckingham, the Marquis of Winches- 
ter, the Earl of Shaftesbury, the Lord Halifax, and another 


lord uuknown to this deponent, who gave this deponent his 
oath, and then examined him what he knew concerning Sir 
Edmondsbury Godfrey's death, to which this deponent 
answered that he knew nothing concerning that matter but 
what was the common report. Then the Earl of Shaftesbury 
called him bloody-minded rogue, and threatened him with a 
cruel death, by being roUed down a hill in a barrel of nails ; 
but the Duke of Buckingham declared he should not be so 
long a-dying, for he would run him (this deponent) through 
presently ; and so, first striking him and calling him bloody 
rogue and dog, he then drew his sword and ran it several 
times at this deponent's breast, but seemed to be prevailed 
with by the Earl of Shaftesbury not to kill him presently, 
but to preserve him alive for some more cruel death. Then 
the Earl of Shaftesbury, saying it was time to go to Parlia- 
ment, whispered Richardson in the ear and sent him back, 
having first menaced this deponent with the certainty of 
death: and in answer to the several protestations of this 
deponent of his innocency, he replied. Which was to be 
believed, such a murdering villain as this deponent, or a man 
of such credit as Mr. Fowler ? Then this deponent was 
carried back to Newgate^ and laid in a thing like a trough, in 
some place in the press-room, and there, with something laid 
upon him, he was in horrid torment kept for the space of 
three hours ; the pain whereof, together with the expectation 
of certain death, almost stupified this deponent, so that 
being at last taken out and put into a coach by Captain 
Richardson, he fainted away, so that they were forced, with 
brandy and some other things poured down this deponent's 
throat, to fetch him to life again : which, when they had, he 
was by them carried to the house of the Marquis of Win- 
chester, in Lincoln's-Inn-Fields, where the aforesaid lords 


again were. There they brought forth a gentleman^ very 
fine^ unknown to this deponent^ who said this deponent was 
the man who took up the body of Sir Edmondsbury 
Godfrey, in Somerset House. Then they told him that if he 
would confess that certain persons had hired him to take up 
the body there, he should have his pardon and 500/., showing 
him a bag of gold : and if he was a&aid of the parties he was 
to accuse, he should be lodged safe there, and have his wife 
with him, and a guard to secure him. To all which, when 
the deponent declared he knew nothing of the business, nor 
would accuse anybody of a thing so false, they then with 
new threats and reproaches thought to affiight this deponent, 
as he verily believes ; for the Earl of Shaftesbury bid him 
consider what a sad hearing it would be when the judge 
should say, '^ Take him away and hang him,'^ to which this 
deponent replied, it would be a sadder to hear God say, 
" Take him, devil, he has forsworn himself.^' So, after much 
more than this the deponent can remember, he was taken 
back to Newgate, and there in the hall kept from Thursday 
until Sunday, without any sustenance, loaded with heavier 
irons than he is able to carry on his back in fall strength, 
and chained down to the ground in the night to strong 
staples, and forced from extreme drought to drink his own 
urine; in this misery denied the admission of his wife to 
bring him necessaries, she being, as she is ready to depose, 
threatened by Captain Bichardson for attempting to do it. 
At length, after four days' fasting from everythiag but his 
own urine, he was suffered to have something conveyed to 
him, but was kept in the dungeon, without bed or straw to 
lie on, for six weeks, and forced to wear chains that eat holes 
in his legs, having no friend suffered to speak to him, but 
given out by the jailer to be a madman, that nobody that 


passed by might beliere his lamentable complaints. Tbns, 
after having been a third time examined and affirighted by 
the lords at Westminster, telling him he should be hanged, 
and having been by them (as the time before) called har- 
dened Papist, dog; and bloody villain, and by the Duke of 
Buckingham hove by the hair, buffeted, and pricked in the 
breast with his sword, because he would not charge himself 
and other persons with so horrid a fact of which he was 
wholly ignorant, and after having in the depth of winter 
suffered all the torments and mismes aforesaid, and many 
mcHre too long to be named, during thirteen weeks' imprison- 
ment in Newgate, he was permitted to give bail ; and this 
deponent, notwithstanding his innoceney, as is apparent by 
the trials of the persons that have suffered for that fact, yet 
continues under bail,and is daily threatened and abused by 
several malicious persons to his face, and, as he is informed, 
particularly by Mr. Fowler, who, as this deponent hath been 
told, threatens him with thirteen years' after his thirteen 
weeks' imprisonment, which threats and reports, together 
with the infirmity of his body, and extreme poverty occa- 
sioned by his said imprisonment, has reduced this deponent 
to a deplorable ^condition, not knowing where in the world to 
apply for relief. 
This I am ready to depose upon my oath when required. 

Francis Caryll. 

Witnesses present at the signing of this. 
Tho. Curtis, 
John Woodman. 




About the midst of the month of September^ 1651^ 
Mr. Dean of Peterborough, being one day at Sir Richard 
Browne's house towards the evening, and walking with him, 
his wife and daughter in the great room, -upon occasion of 
speech of my Lord Hatton, Sir Richard Browne complaining 
of his calumnies in his reports of his being a Presbyterian, 
and particularly of the truth of what he was taxed to have 
said to the Prince of Condi's secretary; Mr. Dean of 
Peterborough replied, that my Lord Hatton could say a 
great deal more how that Sir Richard Browne had showed 
so much zeal to the Presbyterian cause in the earnest 
delivery of those papers to the King, which Mons. Herault 
directed to his Majesty (the day after the said M. Herault 
went from Beauvais), that the King was so offended with 
him that he affi*onted him at the delivery of the papers, and 
threw them in his face ; to which Sir Richard Browne made 
answer that that was as great an untruth as could be said, 
and that he would take the Sacrament upon it that the King 
expressed no such passion, but only bid him deliver the 
papers to Mr. Secretary Nicholas, and that to Sir Richard 
Browne's best memory, the papers never came into the King's 
hands at all, but that he told the King of such papers, hold- 
ing them in his own hand, and desired his Majesty that he 
would think fit to let them be put into Sir Edward Nicholas' 
hands as Mons. Heraulfs former papers had been. 

Hereupon Sir Richard Browne took the first occasion to 
write to Mr. Secretary Nicholas, to desire him to inform 



him truly of what he could call to mind concerning the 
delivery of those papers to the King, and how the said 
papers came into his hands, whereupon Mr. Secretary 
Nicholas returned these ensuing letters and extracts : — 

Extract of Mb. Secrbtary Nicholas* Letter to Sir Richard 
Browne, dated at Antwerp, 19th (29th) Sept. 1651. 

As concerning Mons. Herault^s papers, as far as I 
can call to mind, you gave them to me after you said you 
had acquainted his Majesty with the same, which was (I 
think) at Beauvais; and I never heard his Majesty ever 
express any the least indignation either against the papers 
or the person that sent them : but when at Breda, I asked 
his Majesty what he would have done thereupon ; he com- 
manded me to send a copy of them to Mr. Dean Stuart 
(who was then at Jersey), which accordingly I did, and 
wrote to him as his Majesty commanded me, and Mr. Dean 
can best tell you the eflfect thereof. This is all I can pos- 
sibly call to mind of that business. 

Postscript. — ^You may assure those that informed you that 
the King expressed such indignation against Mons. Herault 
and his papers, as to throw the same at his feet, that his 
Majesty is not at all subject to such passions, but of a 
singular and exemplary moderation. 

Extract of Mr. Secretary Nicholas' Letter to Sir Richard 
Browne, dated at the Hague, 8th (18th) October, 1651. 

I HAVE (as you desired) herein sent you a letter 
open, to Mr. Dean Cosins, which, if it be to your mind, be 
pleased to seal and present to him. I think you shall do 


well not to be troubled at the vain reports of any that 
sliall^ from the performance of your duty in presenting of 
Mons. Fontaine's proposition^ endeavour to infer you axe 
aflTected to that hypocritical profession of religion called 
Presbytery. If you had refused to have presented the same 
or to have conveyed it to his Majesty, you may be sure those 
that sent it would have put it into some other hand to have 
done it, which probably might have been much more for 
their advantage. Those who cast aspersions on you for that 
action will do themselves most wrong. 

Copy op Mb. Secbetabt Nicholas' Letter to Mr. Dean of 
Pbterboroitgh, 8th (18th) October, 1651. 

Mr. Dean, 

Having received a letter from Mr. Richard Browne, 
desiring me to advertise you what I know concerning his 
transmitting of Mr. Fontaine's fond proposition to the King, 
wherein I may not, for truth's sake, but afiSrm that he was 
(for aught I know or could possibly discern,) merely instru- 
mental ; and if he had in any measure been a£fected to it, 
he might, as he knew well, have put it into hands that would 
have sooner and more advanced it than myself. But indeed 
I must bear him witness that he was very industrious that 
it should not (as far as he could help it) come through any 
other hands than mine to his Majesty, who being made ac- 
quainted with it, commanded me to send the same to Mr. Dean 
Stuart (then at Jersey) to consider of it, and to advise what 
was fit to be done upon it. Though his Majesty did not to 
me seem to like it at all, yet he did not express so much 
passion against it when it was presented to him, as care that 
it should be fuUy answered ; wherein his Majesty expressed 
much piety and prudence, the proposition itself being (as 



Mr. Dean Stuart can tell you,) very vain, to say no other- 
wise of it. I was very glad of this occasion to present my 
a£Pectionate service to you, being very really and truly, sir. 

Your most humble servant, 

Edward Nicholas. 

Upon Wednesday the 25th of October, Sir Richard Browne 
delivered the forementioned letter to Mr. Dean Cosins, 
who the Friday following showed it to my Lord Hatton, and 
that afternoon came to Sir Bichard Browne into his study 
(where his wife and daughter then were), and in their 
presence told him that he had been with my Lord Hatton, 
and showed him Mr. Secretary Nicholas's letter. That 
my Lord Hatton made slight of it ; that he did not value 
what Mr. Secretary Nicholas could say concerning the 
delivery of the papers to the King, because he was not then 
present, but that he (the Lord Hatton) was sure that with 
his own eyes he saw the King, not indeed out of any anger 
or to afiront Sir Richard Browne, but indignation to the 
papers, which Herault writ in the ale-house, throw them 
down at his feet, and that this he would maintain whensoever 
he saw the King. All which Sir Richard Browne did then 
aver, and doth still affirm, to be as great an imtruth as can be 
said, and that to his certain knowledge the King did not 
throw those papers at his feet, nor express any anger to Sir 
Richard Browne, or indignation against the papers.* 

* From Mr. Bentley's Collection. 



[Thomas Tickell, who had recommended himself to Addison by 
some complimentary verses on the opera of Rosamond, held the 
office of mider-secretary dming Addison's administration, and con- 
tinued in office mider his successor, Mr. Craggs, He was afterwards 
secretary to the Lords Justices in Ireland, and died in 1740. This 
letter is from Mr. Bentley's Collection.] 

Mb. Secbetaby Addison being indisposed^ has 
commanded me to acknowledge your letter of May 28th, to 
which he will return an answer as soon as he has his 
Majesty^s commands upon the particulars mentioned in it. 

You will have heard from your correspondents on this 
side the disputes amongst the Whigs in parliament, which, in 
some matters of little importance, seemed to turn against the 
court, by reason of the absence of several members and the 
nature of some trivial questions which were a surprise upon 
the House of Commons. But in the late great struggle 
about my Lord Cadogan, the discontented Whigs, assisted by 
the whole body of the Tories, had the mortification to lose 
their aim, and it is not doubted but the majority now declared 
on one side, will receive daily accessions from such as are 
willing always to be with the majority. The present expecta- 
tions are about my Lord Oxford's trial appointed to be on 
Thursday next by the Lords : but the Committee of Secrecy 
not having yet made their report of the present state of the 
evidence, I cannot yet give you any guesses of the event. I 
take this liberty to give you the news most talked of even 
before I have your commands to that purpose. When I shall 
have that honour, there is no service which I shall not do 


you with all possible pleasure and diligence. I have the 
honour to be, with- great respect, sir, 

Your most obedient and most humble servant, 

Tho. Tickbll. 

WhiiekaU^Jvm llthy 1717. 

I must beg that any news I shall send you may not be 
quoted as coming from me. 


[The son of the Chancellor. He was Lord Privy Seal in the first 
year of James II., and resigned in the following year. Upon the 
Revolution, he withdrew altogether from public life.] 



Though I do not doubt of your kindness in this 

very great difficulty I am under, yet I must beg leave to 

acquaint you with the melancholy story I had £rom my poor 

house yesterday. My timber is cut down, and I do expect 

to hear, within a week, that the house is pulling down to 

sell the materials j it had been begun before this time, but 

that they did not agree about the value of them, which I am 

satisfied will soon be agreed. The timber cannot now be 

preserved, but the pulling down the house may be yet 

prevented by my Lord Treasurer's favour; let me entreat 

you therefore to beseech my lord, for God's sake, to move 

the Queen in my behalf. His lordship knows I can apply 

to her Majesty no way but through him ; and I cannot but 

believe, if the Queen knew how small a sum would preserve 

this poor house, she would have the compassion to afiford it 

me, especially since my Lord Treasurer may do it in what 


way he pleaseth^ as you know I have proposed. I would 
fain wait on my lord myself^ having other things to speak 
to him of^ if I might be admitted; but I have not been able 
to obtain access^ though I have endeavoured it by all means 
for above these six months^ and sometimes when I was not 
very well able to do it, upon the account of my health, which, 
I thank God, is at present better. I beg you to do what 
you can for me, and as soon as you can, for you see how the 
time pincheth me. 

I am, sir, 

Your very humble servant. 


May Uik, 1709. 


[This infamous person, who upon his first disclosures was rewarded 
with a pension of 1200/. a year, and lodged for safety at Whitehall, 
and afterwards, on the accession of James II., indicted for per- 
jury, sentenced to the pillory five times, and whipped from Aldgate 
to Newgate and from thence to Tyburn, was carried into public 
favour again at the Revolution by the current of religious prejudices, 
and rewarded by a pension of 1000?., which he lived to enjoy 
till 1705. Here we find him in confidential communication with 
the Duke of Bolton ! This curious letter is from Mr. Bentley's 


May it please your Grace, 

I TOLD your Grace in my last, that Huy was besieged: 
I am assured that Sir Cloudesly Shovel did dispatch one 
Masters to Ostend for pilots in order to conduct the fleet to 

* From Mr. Bentley's Collection. 


Dunkirk ; this Masters upon his amval at Ostend, dispatch- 
ing his business for which he was sent^ and hearing that 
the camp was not far off^ went to the camp^ found that 
news was come to the King that Huy was surrendered 
into the hands of the confederates^ and of this he wrote 
Sir Henry Goodrick an account ; and further saith^ that when 
the King saw him, he asked him his business : he answered 
that he was sent over by Sir Cloudesly Shovel for pilots; 
the King told him there were not pilots there, which was 
item enough for our friend Masters to hasten his return to 
the Downs. 

Mareschal Noailles sent to Tourville to come out with the 
fleet in order to his besieging of Barcelona, which Tourville 
told him he durst not, because of the greatness of Admiral 
RusseU^s fleet, and then Noailles resolved to block up Barce- 
lona by land; but RusseU landed 3000 men at Barcelona^ 
which made that design to be laid aside and Noailles to with- 
draw further from that place. 

Letters from Prince Lewis say that several entire regiments 
are come over to him from D'Lorge^s camp. 

Some think that the King hath an eye upon Dunkirk. 

Several traitors will be brought to trial on Monday, the 
10th instant. 

The Irish Lord, Kingston, and his brother, are pardoned 
for their rebellion in Ireland. 

Warwick is consumed by fire which began in a flax-shop 
in that town. 

The escape of Parker lies at the Lord Lucases door. 

I am 

Your Grace^s humble servant, 

Titus Gates. 

September Bth, 1694. 



[Dean Cosins, afterwards Bishop of Durham, so frequently alluded 
to by Evelyn in his Diary, was the father of the writer of the follow- 
ing letter. The Dean was accused by the Parliament of being 
favourable to the Roman Catholic doctrines, and on that ground 
deprived of his livings ; but ike practice of his whole life proved 
that the charge was false. Retiring to France in 1643, he officiated 
for seventeen years in the Chapel of the Embassy at Paris, where he 
strictly observed the form of worship of the English Protestant 
Church. At the Restoration he was restored to his benefices, and 
presented to the see of Durham. 

His son, who wrote this letter of explanation to Evelyn, embraced 
the Roman Catholic faith at the age of twenty-six ; an act for which • 
he paid the penalty of disinheritance. Evelyn's letter to the proselyte, 
alluded to in the succeeding communication from Dean Cosins, was 
no doubt an answer to this exculpatory appeal, and is probably the 
same letter which Evelyn tells us he was urged to publish, but which 
he did not think it '' convenient *' to do, '* for fear of displeasing her 
Majesty the Queen." {Diary, I. 263). Dean Cosins says that the 
King desired its suppression for the same reason. 

For all these letters to and from Evelyn we are indebted to 
Mr. Bentley*s Collection.] 


Dear Mr. Evelyn, 

I HAVE been told that upon the news of my con- 
version to the Catholic faith, and of my retirement there- 
upon, it hath been given out amongst divers that I have 
been inveigled by the priests of our nation, allured by fair 
promises to desert my former religion, and now by them 


detained in such restraint, as not to be permitted to converse 
with, or to repair unto any friends. Hence some have pro- 
ceeded to exclaim^ What a barbarous and unconscionable 
thing it is, to separate a son from his father, and to 
encourage him in this act of disobedience against him. 
Weak refuges these, alas I to defend themselves ; much 
weaker arguments to reduce me from where I am. I 
beseech you, therefore, to know, and also to let others know, 
that I cannot but esteem this report as a foul aspersion cast 
upon myself; and I make bold upon this occasion to beg 
this favour of you, confiding to the candid and uninterested 
ingenuity that I have found in you, that you will afiford it me, 
seeing it is only to assist me to manifest the truth, without 
prejudice to any. 

Surely I have neither so much debility and weakness in 
my capacity ; so little understanding, constancy, and resolu- 
tion ; so much of the child, nor so little of the man, as to be 
fooled into another religion by fair words, or be kept in it 
by threats. What I have done I assure you is wholly volun- 
tary; not violently forced, noi foolishly persuaded, not 
drawn, except I may be said to be sweetly drawn, which I 
willingly confess, by the powerful hand of Almighty God, 
whose infinite goodness hath been pleased to strengthen my 
heart, after some years of reluctancy, to embrace His faith ; 
and hath also given me a firm and solid resolution, as I hope, 
never to deviate from His right ways. Believe me, sir, these 
desires of mine were not first conceived nor discovered in 
France, (I mean, very privately to or by some friends of 
mine. Catholics, in secret discourse, which was sometimes 
my own desire to consent myself;) I have had them in some 
degree a longer time, though I deferred the execution of 
them until now, not so much to satisfy a discontented world 


that I did not with temerity resolve^ as out of a private and 
eager apprehension that I might, if any where, meet here 
in Paris with clear satisfeiction. Hcsc amor et majora velit. 

When I had sought here for this quiet to my troubled 
mind with all the diligence I could possibly use, without 
discovering myself to any, (which I must confess I durst not 
do^ on one side ; and on the other side, as yet, I would not,) 
neither in this way could I find any repose; what had I 
to do but to extricate myself from the labyrinth of those 
ambiguities which had caused me to doubt, which I did 
privately too, by hearing the pubUc disputations of the 
reverend fathers of many several religious houses and orders, 
and other scholars; by reading some manuscripts dictated 
by the learned doctors of the Sorbonne; by frequenting 
their lectures, in which truth was so clear and solid, so 
evident, so perspicuous and convincing, that in my opinion no 
man was able to resist it : 

potias fugientia ripas 

Flumina diyincat ; rapidis ant ignibus distet. 

Where is there yet any barbarism in our priests ? Is it for 
keeping constant to their integrity of conscience ? or, that I 
have turned not to those priests only, but to the Father 
of those priests, (whose ministers they are), my Saviour — 
XpioTos, o iroijjLTjv KQL €'7n(rKO'nos ronv \lrvx<tiv? or is it for 
rejoicing at the conversion of a sinner, which is the joy of 
the blessed angels in heaven? Though, sir, their wisdom 
and piety, their love of God in Christ, (for which they daily 
bear the cross of most opprobrious contumelies with great 
joy, patience, and long suffering,) doth carry them so tran- 
scendently above the noise of the world, that they need not, 
nor desire not, to have me assert them, or any else ; yet out 
of an honest gratitude to their pious obhgations (whom I 


have had the happiness to converse withal^) I cannot choose 
bat vindicate their goodness and integrity^ their innocence 
and piety^ from these slanderous indignities^ and heinous 
false aspersions (especially in this case) which without just 
indignation I cannot see so maliciously cast upon them. 

But I am separated^ they say^ from my dear father^ and 
remain in actual disobedience to his commands. K I be 
separated^ that separation proceeds not from the instigation 
of any priest living. They have done no more than with joy 
received me into the Church of God, of which office they are 
not ashamed, or if they were, I should join myself to their 
present detractors and make their quarrel just. 

If I obey not his commands, it is because I cannot hear 
them, and that is caused by my absence. Sir, it is not so 
new a thing for children to absent themselves, for some 
time, out of their parents' sight, when they have done any 
thing, though never so justly, which may seem to displease 
them. My design was to have discovered the business unto 
him in the best manner, and I beHeve I had done so, had 
not my resolutions been unexpectedly discovered, and I too 
suddenly surprised. 

Believe me, sir, my absence proceedeth rather from the 
duty I confess to owe unto my dear father, than any disre- 
spect; and if I esteemed it otherwise, I would rather have 
suffered much more than I could have expected, than to have 
withdrawn myself from him. 

Had I not been assured the Catholic doctrine did not 
enjoin the payment of children's obedience and duty to their 
parents, I assure you it would have been a point that should 
have given me great distaste. And surely the grace of God 
cannot diminish our pious and natural affections, since it is 
the complement and perfection of all virtues. But herein I 


hope to give due satisfaction to the world, when at last Time 
(which is edax rerum) shall first digest all fears and disorders, 
and then rectify the understanding. 

In the meanwhile, sir, I desire to give men this satisfac- 
tion, that I am free; and to forgive them their own freedom, 
in talking so dissolutely of my restraint. 

Why should people so much concern themselves, as to 
slander so ignominiously (I will not say barbarously) 
innocent men on my behalf, if my desires of privacy be (as 
they are for aught they know,) out of a serious devotion to 
get into the Church as much as I can, apprehending the 
danger I was in, in being so long out of it ? 

This freedom, sir, I have taken with you, as well to quell 
those vulgar outcries, as to have a right understanding 
amongst us. Or if, after the trouble of reading these tedious 
lines, you will not take the trouble to conmunicate this for 
others' satisfaction, I hope yet I shall not quite lose my 
labour ; but you will please to believe me yourself, in whose 
good opinion, as an ingenious and sober friend, I shall rest 
as content, as in that of the multitude. 

I cannot be so confident as to think that any will receive 
a salutation from a disobedient; I shall therefore remit it 
awhile; and when this dark cloud is more dispersed and 
blown over that my candid innocence and integrity in this 
matter may appear, I shall take the boldness to present my 
service where it is due, though not with so much freedom 
and presumption, yet with the same honesty and heartiness 
in which I now say I am. 

Dear sir. 

Your most faithful and affectionate, &c. 

John Cosins. 

December ISth, 1651. 




If it had not been our preparation here the last 
week for Easter, I should have presented your letter, with 
my thanks for the kind visit that you gave my daughter, 
whereof she had given me notice the week before. Your 
advice and assistance in the disposing of her books will, I 

hope, make her journey to C more pleasant to her 

than otherwise it would have been. If those half-dozen that 
your brother hath scored be not such as will dismember any 
class and hinder the sale of the rest which belong unto it, 
she shall not do amiss to part with them. But for them that 
you have a mind to yourself, (and I would for her sake, and 
for your own too, you had a mind to them all, especially to 
the Fathers, and to the history both ecclesiastical and secular, 
whereof you will upon every occasion find great use,) I dare 
promise that she shall give your own convenient times of 
payment for such moneys as you agree upon, and that her 
demands for that agreement will be very reasonable. Truly 
if you would be pleased to furnish yourself with those classes 
which were chosen and designed by, you know whom, for 
Mr. St. (who intends not to make the use of a good library 
that you are both desirous and able to do), rather than they 
should be distracted elsewhere, it will be left for her to take 
your payments proportionably by several years as you can 
best spare the money ; for I would you might have as much 
ease in the payment as I know you will have pleasure in the 

I am sorry you find such confusion in religion and such 
intemperance in life where you are ; but as neither of them 


is pleasing to you (whom I have ever noted to be virtuous, 
orderly, and conscientious in all your ways), so it pleases me 
Mghly when you can number so many, 7000, that make more 
esteem of their knees and their souls together, than to bow 
them down to Baal. 

I never entertained any suggestions against my daughter, 
who I am confident hath more of God in her, than ever to be 
carried away with such devil^s temptations as have seduced 
and undone her brother, against whom (but that I would 
feign forget him), I can hardly hold here from expressing a 
very great indignation. The excellent letter that you 
addressed to him, I presented to his Majesty^s view (and I 
presented your excuse withal for not coming to him before 
you went), for whom the copy of it was prepared ; and every 
way it was highly pleasing to him, as he read it; but when I told 
him that it was my intention to publish it, though he wished 
it done, yet he thought it were better for a while to spare it 
{rebus sic stcmtibus) for fear of displeasing his mother the 
Queen^ who had been pleased to interest herself in that 

I meet often with the good company of those persons that 
you left behind you in your lodgings, and my daughter's con- 
fidant is preparing to come towards you ; but in good truth I 
am very sorry that I must lose the benefit and pleasure of 
your good society, which was always most acceptable to 
Your affectionate and most humble servant, 

J. CosiNS. 

Aj^ ^d, 1652. 



[Dr. Barlow, Provost of Queen's College, Keeper of the Bodleian 
Library, and afterwards Bishop of Lincoln.] 

I HAVE received, by the hands of my ingenuous 
friends, Mr. Pett and Mr. Needham, those choice pieces 
which you were pleased so generously and charitably to give 
to Bodley's Library, and so increase our store, though with 
a diminution of your own. Having no possibility to requite 
this your kindness and munificence to the public, (beneficia 
tua indigne sestimat, qui de reddendo cogitat), I have sent 
this little paper-messenger to acknowledge our obligation, 
and bring our heartfelt thanks. I am glad I have got your 
name into our Register, amongst those noble and public 
souls which have been our best benefactors ; and I hope it 
will be no dishonour to you, when posterity shall there read 
your name and charity. I know you have goodness enough 
to pardon this rude, and, I fear, impertinent scribble. Grod 
Almighty bless you, and all those more generous and chari- 
table souls who dare love learning, and be good in bad times. 
This is, and shall be, the prayer of. 

Your most obliged humble servant, 

Thomas Barlow. 

QtieenV College, Oxon, March 17^, 1654. 



Dear Son, 

Your letter of the 15tli September came to my 
hands four or five days since. Notwithstanding the very rainy 
weather, I have perambulated the Rue St. Jacques, and other 
streets where booksellers live, but cannot possibly find your 
Benedictine Curtius : some I have met with who knew the 
book, and say it is a folio of a competent bigness. As soon 
as the weather and my leisure permits, you shall have the 
account you desire of our Paille-mailles, which are here only 
these — viz., the Thuilleries, the Palais Royal, and the 
Arsenal, all which I will pace and take the distance of the 
arc by the English foot, &c., and study all means possible to 
advance the laudable and profitable design, which, through 
the veil, I easily discourse, and applaud to be yours. Your 
news of my little grandson not a little mortified me; but 
I am since somewhat revived by a letter I two days since 
received from my kinsman (whom I so much esteem), dated 
at your house. I pray God bless and continue him unto 
you, that he may make use of a small token which I had 
provided for him by the advice of your most elegantly trans- 
lated Chrysostom. I pray present my service to that my 
noble cousin, and teU him that I yesterday delivered, with 
my own hand, his letter to his grand friend, who received it 
with much cheerfulness. Of the eflfects whereof, as to him 
and myself, he shall, ere long, have a further account. You 
will here inclosed receive two letters, the one for Mr. Edis- 
bury, the other for Mr. Harrison (my old Merton College 
firiend and acquaintance). When you have perused both, 
I pray seal tod send them; let no post be put on that 



for Mr. Harrison. That for Mr. Edisbury you may do well 
to consult Mr. Robert Bussell^ ship-chandler^ at the Half 
Moon^ in Tower-street, — ^who, as the young man tells me, 
knows best how to convey it; and therefore my opinion 
is, that, acquainting him with the contents, ' you commit 
to him, and from him require the answer. If you add there- 
unto a civil line or two to the father, I think you will not do 
amiss. I pray use the best means you can for hastening 
hil^er the answer; in this t^ere will be charity as well as 
friendship. The lace you sent was again thought to be lost. 
But now Mr. Beards correspondent tells me the stray shallop 
is arrived in which they think it was embariked. I pray let 
me know what it cost, and whether you ever received a box, 
sent in the trunk by Mr. Buy with my cousin's things; 
wherein were divers acorns de chesine vert, &c. I am now 
at last to lament the departure of this honest gentleman, and 
congratulate your happiness in his acception. The rivers 
gain on one side what the opposite bank of the cmrrent 
loseth. Besides this letter, I have troubled him with the 
conveyance of some trifles, — ^viz., a bag of peach and nec- 
tarine stones of this last season. 

The four chronological tables you desired, (which when 
I sought wherein to make them up, a parcel of the several 
finest sorts of marbled paper, which I had lying by me, 
coming across my hands) I put into that fddo volume, 
conceiving you, for your books, or your wife in trimming 
some cabinet, might perhaps put it to better use than a 
sluggish insignificant posture, as it was with* me j lastly, 
a book for my grandson, of which, I trust in Gtod, I may 
live to receive one day a cheerful account from him, under 
your auspicious instruction ; his mother shall be remembered 
with something particularly another time; at present, my 


best blessing will not^ I hope^ be an unacceptable token. 
In God's name^ live cheerfully, and enjoy with pleasure Hi3 
heavenly indulgences, which are to you more than orduaaary. 
Above all things, ayoid those cares which trench upon 
distrust of His providence, and follow the Wise Man's 
counsel as to the things of this life. You are not likely 
to be overburdened with children; but, in aU events, the 
good actions of your erudite brain will render you eo*equal 
to this ball of earth, and perpetuate your memory to its 
conflagration (or, according to some, vitrification). God 
give us aU grace so to live as that that day may blessedly 
consummate our inchoative happiness and perfection. So 

Your ever loving father to serve you, 

HicHABj) Browns. 

PariSf 29th Sqotefnler, 1659. 

[Lord Cornbury, afterwards Henry, Earl of Clarendon.] 

The Eong finds great fault with this air; says 
he hath not bis health, and neither 6leq[>s nor eats well, and 
truly, though he goes up and down, he is not well; and I 
believe (though he will not remove to Oxford till the begin- 
ning of October, to keep that town clear as long as may be,) 
that be will make some hunting journey somewhere or other, 
to see what that will do, and leave the Queen here. 

I have been once at Dinton with my ffi>tfaer, and at Sip 
John Evelyn's, the only journeys of pleasure I have be^a 
able to make. I have not yet been in Clarendon. Now I 
am to be here, I would advise you to go to Combury, where 



you are sure to avoid being troubled with me. The Parlia- 
ment meets at Oxford the 9th October ; I am very glad we 
are like to see you then^ and I assure you it will not be 
possible for you to avoid my importunity there. I beseech 
you present my most humble service to my lady: you 
remember your promise ; I hope that when we meet again I 
am to be acquainted with her. Sir J. Clifford is gone into 
Denmark upon occasion of this last business at Norway. 
The French ambassadors told the King on Thursday that 
Monsieur de Yenddme and the Pope were dead, but they 
contradicted both again yesterday. 

Our good bishop here is much better than I have known 
him a great while; God continue him so; there is need 
enough of him ; he hath invited the Queen to a collation on 
Tuesday next. The duke and duchess are hugely feasted 
and entertained in the North, and are so pleased, that they 
care not for removing; but they will be at Oxford. The 
last bill of mortality was a sad one, and hath frightened us 
all; I pray God make us as sensible of his judgments as we 
ought to be. We are all here very well, but have been some- 
times alarmed with this sickness, and two days since there 
was a house shut up in Castle-street, which makes us much 
a&aid. I must needs tell you that our whole family are 
extremely happy in my sister-in-law ; there lives not a better 
creature ; and hitherto all is very well (you know what I 
mean,) which pleaseth me more than you can imagine. I 
beseech you present my most humble service to Mr. Secretary 
and my lady, and your brother ; and now it is time to make 
some apology for this long tedious letter; but lest that 
should be yet more impertinent, it is better to let it alone ; 
besides, I am afraid I have already lost the opportunity of 
sending this in your servant^s packet this post. Let me beg 


you to continue yonr kindness to me^ and believe that I am 

Tour most afifectionate and most faithful servant, 


September^ 1665. 



I MAY well blush to take pen in my hand to write 
to you after so long a silence. You have too much reason to 
be for ever out of charity with me, after the great rudeness 
I have committed in never thanking you for your letters. 
I do not now go about to extenuate my fault; all I can 
say, had I all the art and eloquence I could wish for, could 
not excuse me. But, according to the old and truest 
principle, it is never too late to mend ; and, therefore, I have 
resolved at last to ask your pardon, and say all I can in my 
defence, though it be very little. While I was at Salisbury 
I knew not how to write to you ; and when I came hither 
and met with Sir B. Browne, he put me in hopes for a good 
while together of seeing you here ; and though I had written 
a long scribble to you, I chose rather to forbear, sending 
it, than to give you the trouble both of that, and as tedious 
a discourse when we met. It is now too late to tell you 
how sensible I was of the sadness of your condition you 
represented to me in the summer, and of the endeavours 
I used with my father to give you ease, who was as much 
troubled and ashamed of it as yourself, and did his utmost 
to relieve you, though you could not find it in so great a 
measure as he desired. I do not trouble you with an account 


how I have spent my time since I saw you ; that is to be 
reserved till we meet^ and will not then please yon^ it having 
all been to so little purpose, and not to the least good. 
I would here teU you many woeful stories, but they are not 
fit for a letter. We begin to be very apprehensive {I pray 
God, we be rightly sensible) of the plague increasing again. 
What will become of the nation, if God^s always miraculous 
mercy do not protect us? Methinks I see nothing but 
horror and confusion round about me; and yet, I am sorry 
to say it, we are contriving ways to make us merry. Oh — 
but I forget what I Am doing. I do not trouble you with 
any foreign news, because you see all in the Oxford Gazette, 
and all that I could say would be but repetitions. The 
Court is now going into mourning for the Queen-Mother of 

Though the sickness have put a stop to all things, yet 
I hope at last we shall have the translations in print ; when 
we meet I will show you more of the same kind. If you had 
not more important affairs upon your hands, you should have 
been dr%igged ere this by importunity to Oombury, to finish 
the woA you have begun, whith^* I go now and then upon 
a Saturday; my little boy there, and that place, are too 
hiany enjoyments at this tiine, when (me ought not to indulge 
one's self. I cannot tell you how to admiiiation things go 
on there ; we have this year planted near 2000 trees.* I wish 
I could contrive some business, though never so inconvenient, 
to bring you hither : you see how malicious I am. 

When we meet, I shall quarrel with you for believing 
a report you mentioned to me in your letter, of my being 
married. I hope time hath convinced you th^e was no such 

* Evelyn assisted at the planting of the park at Combury a few months 
before. — See Diary, I., 366. 


thing like to be ; if not^ I will try what I can do. At present 
I will only say^ that I would not have any of my friends 
conceive so ill an opinion of me; and yet^ I will presume 
to say, no man living hath a higher esteem of manage, nor 
of the other aex, than I have ; and so much for this subject 
at this time. I have now troubled you enough ; and were it 
not for trying you with impertinences, I could have spun 
this into a far larger volume. I beseech you to believe that 
I am. 

Your most ajETectionate and most humble servant, 


Oxf<n^, \11h JTcmuary, 1665. [iV. S, 1666.] 

lord cornbury to mr. evelyn. 


I GIVE you many thanks for your favour of the 
20th, and dp confess you have reason to reproach me for not 
answering your letters, but I told you in my last I would not 
trouble you nor myself with excuses ; it is better ingenuously 
to confess a fault, than to disguise it by acts. What I may 
do when I have lost more time than I have already done (if 
it be not a little slandering my occupation) in the conversa- 
tion I have been used to these last six months, I know not, 
but as yet I am not arrived to the dexterity of making arti- 
ficial apologies. Were all my time as well spent as when I 
am reading your letters, I should have but little to answer 
for^ but as I have already told you, I shall give you no satis- 
£Eu^tion on that point when you call me to an account ; the 
best whieh I can say for myself is, that it ^s not altogether 
my own fault. I am extremely glad you are so well pleased 


with our new house; your letter hath hugely satisfied my 
father; he means very shortly to call upon you, for your 
advice about his garden, and let me beg you to remember 
evergreens (in my opinion) the greatest beauty that can be. 
Mr. May (who you know governs at Combury) hath made a 
design for a very convenient house there, and splendid 
enough, which will be begun this spring; and then we shall 
be very commodious both in town and country, though, 
perhaps, too much envied. You will now have good company 
near you; the King and duke will be at Hampton Court on 
Saturday next; my father will be the same day at Twick- 
enham; the Queen and duchess stay here till the King 
resolves what is fit for them to do. I remain here, but hope 
we shall all join speedily, now there is so blessed a decrease 
of the sickness : God make us thankfiil for it. I suppose 
you have already heard the message the King of France seut 
our Queen Mother by Mr. de Lionne, that he could no longer 
forbear falling out with our SLing, therefore I need not 
repeat it to you. Other foreign news we have none but 
what you find in the Oxford Gazette, which I hope pleaseth 
you better than Mr, Lestraiige's two sheets. There is one 
little particular I cannot avoid telUng you, of an invention 
the gazetteer of Amsterdam hath found out to get money ; 
he doth weekly reprint the Gazette of Paris, which you know 
is excellent language, only with this alteration, that he speUs 
all the words just as they are pronounced in common dis- 
course ; which at the first view doth almost make it a new 
language. Pray give me your opinion of it; I am afi^d, 
instead of purifying, it will rather corrupt it ; I am told it is 
that the academy of Pans would never consent to; and me- 
thinks it is a bold thing for a Dutchman to attempt the cor- 
recting any tongue, much more the French. I am in hope 

SIB B. MOBAY. 329 

some of the wits of France will fall upon him for it ; how- 
ever he is to be applauded for his ingenuity. I have now 
wearied you suflGiciently, and will therefore add no more, but 
that I am, 

Your most afiPectionate servant, 

H. CoBNBUftY. 

Oxfwd, thds 2iik Jm., 1665. [N. 8. 1666.] 


[It is strange that no allusion to the writer of this letter is to be 
found in Evelyn's Diary, although Evelyn and Sir Robert Moray 
were intimate friends, and constantly associated in the early labours 
of the Royal Society. Sir Robert was the first President of the 
Royal Society, and a devoted Royalist from the commencement of the 
Civil War. In 1646 he contrived a plan for the escape of the 
King, whom he was to conduct in disguise to a vessel which lay at 
Tynemouth to receive him. The King put on his disguise, and went 
down the back stairs of Moray's house, hoping to pass the guards in 
safety ; but, wavering in his resolution, he went back again, and 
so the plan was never put into execution. Sir Robert contributed a 
great number of communications to the Society, some of which, in 
common with most of the offerings of the early members, are more 
remarkable for credulity and superstition than scientific investigation.] 

My veey woethy Fbi£Nd, 

By what telescope you read me at this distance I do 
not know; but till by your letter of the 13th December I 
leamt that you are acquainted with my most illegible parts, 
I should hardly have suspected it. It seems you conclude 
me to be a greater master in another sort of philosophy than 


in that which is the business of the Royal Society. For if 
you were not confident I can goyem the whole brood of my 
passions, as well, at least, as Bankes did his horse, you would 
not haye adventured to stir up so many of the fiercest of them 
at once. This I incline the rather to believe, because I know 
you value my Mendship, and would not kindle a flame that 
might blow it up. Therefore, instead of flying out like 
lightning upon the wanton and tempting language by which 
you assault my humility, my sobriety, my ingenuity, and my 
unconcemedness, exciting me to pride, vanity, ambition, and 
affectation, I do but smile upon the liberty of your pen, 
and commend the pretty texture of your ingenious words ; and 
only comprise the design of all to be to express quaintly your 
kindness in desiring I may be where you are. And m; 
return to that is, that were I at mine own disposal, I woul 
be as willing as you would have me, to confine myself to that 
little world that goes under the name of Saye^s Court, and 
there not court the most courted glories of our terrestrial 
planet; nay, not envy those that inhabit the nobler one that 
illuminates the rest, if any such people there be. And then 
if the two luminaries that keep up a perpetual spring in that 
rich place did but shine propitiously on such an obscure 
guest, what sublunary thing would be wanting to complete 
the felicity of. 

My very much honoured ftiend. 

Your faithful humble servant, 

B. Moray. 

Testerday, Uth Jan., 1667. [iV. S. 1668.] 

K. JAMSSON. 331 


Honoured Sib^ 

TflE delight I take in planting of trees and flowers 
hath often prompted unto me some Uttle thoughts and 
designs concerning the raising of mulberries^ which thoughts 
haye been yery much heightened and animated by the 
reading of some part of your most ingenious and excellent 
'' Discourse of Forest Trees/^ But by all the inquiry I could 
hitherto make by my friends about London for some seed of 
the white kind, which your book treats of, I have not hitherto 
been so happy as to procure any, nor indeed to meet with 
those who ever heard of any such mulberry or seed. Now, 
loth I was to give over my design, and as loth to be 
presumptuous, yet at length those thoughts, to which you 
gave life, urged me to apply unto yourself as their most 
proper patron and nourisher ; and in their behalf, I humbly 
beg that you would be pleased to give me some directions, 
how, or by whom, such seed as I desire may be obtained. 
Worthy sir, you possibly may admire at my boldness, and I 
do not endeavour to excuse it, only it ought to be considered, 
that it is not likely that such persons as yourself should come 
so publicly abroad, without getting much bold acquaintance; 
but not to add a second trespass by my tediousness, if this my 
confidence be thought worthy of a Une or two in answer, be 
pleaaed to direct it to be left with Mr. Allestry, bookseller, at 
the Rose and Crown, in St. Paulas Churchyard, for Mr. 
Thomas Jameson, minister of God's word at Hackney, near 
London, who will take care to send it to. 

Your humble servant and real honourer, 

CredweU, Wikshire, AprU lUh, 1670. ■^' JamesON. 



The encomium you are pleased to bestow upon the 
trifle which I sent lately abroad could not be so welcome to 
me as a capacity to serve you in the seeds you desire, or any 
thing else that was in my power ; but I neither am master 
of any of those plants (I mean of the white mulberry) nor 
of the seeds. But for my best directions therein, since you 
name Mr. Allestry, I cannot pitch upon a person who is more 
likely to serve you than he, because I suppose he has frequent 
correspondence both at Paris and Lyons (which is near to 
Avignon), and other parts of France where it is very easy to 
procure it, especially by the address mentioned in my book 
to Mons. Isnard, who is governor of the Royal Works at 
Paris, and who doubtless will be most ready to gratify any 
gentleman who desires his assistance. If this, sir, should 
not succeed, I do not question but I may be able to serve 
you in some proportion by a friend of mine, who goes in 
September next to the farther parts of France (where 
these trees grow in infinite abundance) and returns before 
Christmas, which will be time enough for the next spring, 
which I think to be the most agreeable season. Sir, I 
am heartily sorry I am not capable to serve you at present, 
and the rather because you express so much affection to an 
inclination so becoming gentlemen. I have seen the tree 
thrive equally in our climate, and if persons of quality and 
that had leisure and faculties, would resolve to encourage the 
culture of a few stocks, I still persist it would infinitely 
recompense the pains, and prove of great emolument to 


the whole nation; but I entertain you too long with the 
impertinence of^ 

Sir, &c., 

John Evelyn. 

Say^i Court, i2th May, 1670. 


As if I were not unhappy enough in being incapable 
to pay back the tribute I owe you from the public storehouse 
you have enriched the world with, or my particular obliga- 
tions, my own ungrateful garden denies me any help, but 
like an unoonstant friend that I have served many years with 
great faithfulness, now I am able to wait upon it, it no longer 
disowns me ; and of all the great number of tulips which I 
thought I might boast of, my gardener did not take up one 
this year, which I cannot suffer to be called unskilfulness 
but negligence ; yet truth is, my plants are so shuffled about, 
that I must dig as for lost treasure before I can find them, 
but when they next show themselves I will go make them a 
visit, to secure some for you ; in the meantime I have sent 
you some calamus roots to set in your moat, and sweet 
willows to plant upon the banks of it. I have received 
some jonquils and other bulbous roots from Marseilles, 
which came with a great parcel for the King; a part of them 
I have now sent you, and if there come from them anything 
extraordinary, I entreat that the King may see the flowers, 
because he has entrusted me with the management of all his 
parcel ; but I fear they will discredit me with his Majesty, 
and that I shall want your countenance to assure him 


that they are as nature made them^ and have received no 
prejudice from^ sir^ 

Your most faithful and humble servant, 

F. Clabendon. 

Somerset House, Oct. 22nd, 1680. 

My humble service entreat Mrs. Evelyn and the rest of 
your family. I hope it is near the time that you will be a 
grandfather, and pray for aU the happiness you can propose 
in being so. 



So much kindness, and so undeserved, WQxdd not 
have suffered me thus long to have been silent ; had not our 
late catastrophe so confined my thoughts, as not immediately 
to recollect my obligations to my friends, particularly to 
yom'self ; but as I was sending this to kiss your hands, I had 
an account of the sad news of your daughter's deaHi, whk^h 
has given too great an addition to my trouble, not to be with 
passion concerned for you, knowing your loss to be irreparable; 
so great is my apprehendon, as if Providence would not suffer 
such perfect happiness on earth to be possessed without alloy 
proportiimate to render your enjoyments in the next world, 
answerable to those which you have received in this. How 
great must they there be, and what are we to expect who 
come so for short <^ your deserts* Beer Mr. Evelyn, none of 
us are here exempt from the greatest sorrows, and the highest 
disappointments, which I shall hereafter more stead&stiy 
look upon as a mark of the Almighty's favour, since so great 
exemplars of vktue as Mr. Evelyn and his lady both have 
been in our age, are so excessively afflicted. I pray Gk)d 


give so entire a resignation to his will, that you may have yet 
greater contentment than you have hitherto found. Sir, it 
is my great unhappiness that I cannot pay my duty to you 
as I would, in condoling with you at Saye's Court, and the 
more I think, of Mr. Evelyn, the more I am perplexed in the 
consideration of a fatal necessity in depriving me of one of 
my greatest satisfactions in your dear company, which a 
nearer distance would make me happy in. Sir, if the 
entreaties of a friend, can enforce the resolves of so great a 
philosopher, suffer me amongst the number of yours, to use 
what arguments I may, to mitigate the extremity of your 
sorrow; I shall only, with due submission, offer these. — K 
any person deservedly may be allowed to be perfectly happy 
in himself, whether or no, he is not abstracted from such 
notions as are common to sense? In the exterior, likewise^ 
if that party possesses more continued blessings than possibly 
s,uj other does ei^y^ may he complain without ingratitude ? 
If not, then dear Mr. Evelyn is really happy stiU, and makes 
many others so, whilst your health is not denied you; which 
I pray Gk>d preserve, and to the rest of your worthy family. 
Sir, though unseasonably, be pleased to receive my humble 
thanks for your inteaded &vour of a cc^y of the paper, which 
I have a great curiosity to see from your recommendation. 
Sut there is nothing more welcome than the hopes of your 
honouring our poor villa with your presence (whidi I receive 
from my cousin Packer), except the fruition of your dear com- 
pany. But in this I fear I too greatly flatter myself, from 
what I covet most — ^next is your correspondence, in which 
you highly oblige, sir. 

Your most obedient and devoted servant^ 


Spuehley^ Mwtck 2\9t, 1684. [N. S. 1685.] 



Amongst the number of your friends there 's none 
more heartily congratulates the late honour you have received 
in his Majesty's service^ which must be to the great satisfac- 
tion of all that are so happy as to be known to Mr. Evelyn; 
and renew our hopes of the prosperity of the Court you Uve 
in. Nothing more conducing thereunto than the conduct 
and integrity of good and able ministers. But I wish that 
your necessary attendance may not hinder or divert you 
from finishing your grand design^ which you were pleased to 
show me, — ^in which you '11 have future ages indebted to you, 
as well as oblige the present, and raise up a monument to 
your perpetual memory. This may seem like compliment 
from one that bears so real a respect towards you ; yet when 
I consider how useful (though elaborate) this work will be, 
and that 'tis not in the power of any other to perfect it, I 
must confess 'tis a most pressing motive to persuade you to 
it. Pardon me, sir, for pressing, in my repeated desires, 
the most ingenious Mr. Evelyn, though for a public good. 
I was in hopes to have waited on you before this time, or I 
had not this long deferred my acknowledgment of your last 
letter (which I have sometimes perused with resignation), 
where I see all the felicity of this world reduced within the 
compass of our own breast^ and there resolved how all happi- 
ness consists with our own agreeable temper fitted to receive 
it. I often wish you were here to correct my plantations, 
which I aUow in nothing to be so well as when I fancy some 
little part of them to seem like yours. I confess I was 
always a lover of gardening, by reason I find in it a constant 


expectation of something that^s new^ without the remorse 
which most if not all the pleasures of this life are mixed with. 
And in this diversion I have here, at my poor villa, for some 
time entertained myself, buried, as ^twere, in oblivion of my 
friends, till I found myself living in your works, which are 
celebrated, not only in your own country, but in those parts 
where I have observed the most curious in their plantations 
and gardens. And the daily experience of this age does 
certify the universal benefit you have done mankind, in dis- 
covering to us several secrets in the mystery of that art, 
which, before, we were altogether ignorant of. Give me 
leave, among many others, worthy sir, to admire you in 
your garden, whilst you are raising those cedars which will 
eternise your memory. There we may see a most pleasant 
verdure in the midst of winter, and the most cmious plants 
constantly preserved in their natural vigour, and all the 
variety of nature in a perpetual spring. And if there ^s a 
paradise here on earth, doubtless you enjoy it with your 
Flora, who excels not only in those qualities which render a 
rural life most agreeable, but in most other virtues and 
ornaments of her sex. 

I am now upon making a conservatory, something in 
imitation of yours^ but with this addition, having on each 
side of it wings, in the manner as you see in our casks where 
we keep our Indian plants, that are to open to give air or 
sun, and rain to those least tender, as there is occasion; 
which, with your most ingenious stove, that in a great 
measure supplies a natural heat, I hope will produce all that 
this climate is capable of, in favour of our greens, and of 
the orange tree in particular, which, of all others, is the most 
beautiful. My wife, with me, give our most humble service 
to yourself, and your most excellent lady, of whom she often 

VOL. II. z 


expresses her resentments, as the most accomplished of her 
sex. And in reality, whilst you both hve, I do not see how 
it is possible for you to be otherwise than the most happy. 
May long life attend this extraordinary blessing, coming 
from God alone, with future health and prosperity to your 
family, are the prayers of. 

Your most obliged and most faithful devoted seryant, 

R. Berkeley. 



Dear Sir, 

I HOPE you will believe I am as really concerned in 
all that befalls you, as any friend you have ; though your 
daughter had forfeited a great share of your kindness, yet I 
know you are so tender a father, that you cannot but be 
grieved extremely for her death ; but both yourself and lady 
(whose affliction must be the same with yours) can administer 
more comfort to yourselves by your exemplary piety, than 
can be suggested to you by me. If it had been in my power, 
I would have waited on you myself at this time, but this good 
lady Juke can tell you how full of business I am, which will 
hinder me firom visiting you tiU after my return from Windsor 
the next week ; and in the meantime I beg you to beUeve I 
will never fail you in any real friendship while I live ; if your 
trouble can give you leave to make a step to town to-morrow, 
I would be very glad to see you, having something to say to 
you, of some concern for you to know, but if you send me 
word that you cannot come, I will teU it you by letter. My 
wife presents her service to you and your excellent lady, and 


does bear a very particular share in your afflictions^ as she 
would tell you herself, but in good earnest she is fax from 
being well. I am, with very great esteem, 

Your truly affectionate humble servant, 


WhitekaU, Sept. 2ndj 1685. 


[In the Jnne of 1690, Lord Clarendon, Pepys, and others were 
sent to the Gate House on suspicion of being affected to King James. 
Evelyn baOed him. He was afterwards lodged in the Tower, where 
Evelyn dined with him several times. At the date of the following 
letter he had been released and home again.] 


My stay in town was so short, after my release, that 
I had not an opportunity of thanking you for your great 
kindness ; and therefore I endeavour to do it this way, and 
beg you to believe that I will always remember and acknow- 
ledge it. I should take it for a very great favour, if you 
would take a journey hither. The flying coach goes to 
Oxford in a day, all this month, and if you will let me know 
when you will be there, I will meet you with my coach. 
The plantation pretends to be one of your eldest children, 
and therrfore claims some sort of your care ; it was designed 
by yourself, and the performance had once the approbation 
of your view. I have since, by little and little, and I may 
say not unsuccessfiilly, so far finished the whole, that I thank 
Qod I taste the benefit, as well as the pleasure of the work ; 
and your presence would now give a blessing to all. Let me, 

z 2 


therefore, beg you to throw away a little of your precious 
time upon your friends at a place, where I hope you believe 
you shall be most really welcome. My wife joins with me in 
this request, with her most humble service, and we both beg 
to be remembered with perfect respect to your excellent 
lady. I beseech you to beUeve me to be with all possible 

Your most affectionate and most humble servant. 


Cfymhury, Sept, Zrd, 1690. 



I SHOULD sooner have returned you my thanks for 
yours of the 8th past, but that I thought it more respect to 
you not to trouble you with my dull lines. I am very sorry 
your occasions would not permit you to allow us the favour of 
your company. I verily believe you would have been pleased 
(if I may say so of myself) to have seen so prosperous a 
plantation as this is, made and carried on by your instruc- 
tions j indeed, I have many things to brag of, and some which 
are not ordinary; and I bless God I can please myself 
perfectly well with the entertainments the place affords me. 
And I will not despair of seeing you here ere long, to give 
your advice for the finishing of some things, wliich I would 
be glad to do before I leave off; and ^tis abnost time for me 
to think of that. I shall be in town towards the end of the 
next week, in order to make my appearance at the King's 
Bench bar, according to my obligation ; and if I am so happy 
as to be* discharged (which I pray for), I shall hasten hither 


again^ where I leave my wife and family ; but I will be sure 
to find a way of seeing you before I leave the town. 

My wife is your humble servant, and threatens you with 
the trouble of a letter. We both beg to be remembered 
most humbly to your excellent lady. 

I am, with great esteem, sir. 
Your most affectionate and humble servant. 


Cornbwy, Oct llthy 1690. 



Since the last account of the young lady^s sickness 
left her so extremely ill as not to believe her out of danger, 
and that we could not possibly learn by any other way the 
present condition of her health, but by giving you this trouble, 
you will pardon the freedom that is taken in desiring a hne 
or two from you in answer to this. Mr. Evelyn, your son, is 
wholly ignorant of the cause of your stay, and wonders he 
has not heard from you ; we were in hopes that yesterday's 
paradise day would have tempted you to town by water, since 
the shaking of the coach is so inconvenient to the sick lady, 
who I believe would find greater ease by being here from the 
variety of company and the better advice that may be had, 
than from the most tender attendance and care of affectionate 
parents at Deptford. If you fear there may be 
the coldness upon the water, I will take upon me amongst 
some of my acquaintance, to send down a litter, if the motion 
of that can be borne with, otherwise I should think the 
sending of a sedan in a boat would be better and the warmer 
way of the two. We are all impatient to hear the good news 


of her recovery, and your speedy resolution for London, a 
happiness we shall all rejoice in, but none more than, sir. 

Your affectionate humble servant, 

J. Benede. 

October 25th, 1690. 

The last night late arrived Colonel Fitzpatrick with the 
express from Kinsale, the new fort was surrendered upon 
honourable terms ; marching out three regiments with bag 
and baggage, drums beating, colours flying, with an article 
for the governor Sir Edward Scott to have a passport to be 
transported beyond sea, within any time during three months; 
they left great store and a 100 pieces of cannon. The Duke 
of Berwick with 1500 horse was upon the march with a design 
to relieve it, but Lieut.-General Ginckel having notice, had 
like to have been in the rear of them with 8000 horse and 
1000 dragoons, of which they had notice and did return to 
Limerick, burning many villages, and the Lord Ossory^s 
house, which cost but lately 40,000/. the building, and was 
the noblest palace of Ireland ; the Duke of Berwick sent twice 
to Maxwell not to fire it, but could not prevail. The Duke 
of Grafton is certainly dead, has made his will by which the 
Lord Oodolphin and Lord Lichfield are executors; the King 
continues his pension to the young Duke. To-morrow an 
ambassadcHT from Portugal has audience of the King, which 
is an acknowledgment, and brings him into the Confederacy, 
and it is thought all the native princes will follow his 
example ; the Turks now growing too powerful in Hungary, 
having taken Belgrade, Esseck, and it is feared Tekely has 
defeated Prince Louis of Baden; the not having made a peace 
when time served, is wholly imputed to the treachery of the 
Jesuits ; the Breda, a third-rate ship lying in Kinsale road, 
having twenty-five prisoners of war, and many other pas- 


sengers designing for England the next day^ was by an 
unhappy accident blown up^ all perishing but the captain^ 
who cannot live, he is so bruised. The King goes next month 
for Holland. 


[Dr. Tenison, afterwards Archbishop of Oanterburj, and founder 
of the library at St. Martin's.] 

Good Sib^ 

Yesterday I received yours, and was very glad to 
hear from a friend I so justly value, but I could wish I could 
have heard of your health too ; God, I hope, will send it in 
his good time. Colds are in this town the common calamity. 
I am perfectly of your mind in relation to Mr. Bentley, and 
you may assure yourself I shall not swerve from my purpose. 
I will speak with Sir H. Ashurst and Sir J. Botherham as 
soon as I can, and send you word of the time they think to 
meet, but I shall not conclude to meet with them to do the 
business till I hear you can conveniently come. Mr. Bentley 
was with me this evening; coming la^t night to town he 
brought the enclosed, and sends you his hearty service and 
thanks. I have been indisposed since Tuesday, but my cold 
does not wholly confine me, but I go the less abroad because 
I find all conversation almost to be complaint and discontent. 
God direct the King and Parliament to the best methods. 
My service to your good lady, your son and daughter. I 
hear great things of your grand-son from Eton. 

I am, sir. 
Your faithful friend and servant, 

Tho. Lincoln. 

SaiiU Martinis Churchyard, November 4thy 1693. 



I ESTEEM it as a particular mark of your friendship, 
that you are pleased to acquaint me with the report, which 
I perceive by yours is abroad, concerning my writing the 
Life of the Hon. Mr. Boyle; a report that there is no 
ground, but that there is some occasion for, through the 
mistake of what I said concerning the publishing anew those 
of his works which had heretofore been printed. The short 
story of which is this : About a month since I received a 
letter from Dr. Charles, Master of University College, Oxford; 
in which he told me that some of the works of Mr. Boyle 
having grown scarce, it had been advised that it would be of 
good use and be very acceptable to the learned, if there were 
a collection of all his works set forth together in foKo ; and 
that it was desired I would consider of it, and consult with 
the trustees or others, how it might be best accomplished. 
Toward the promoting of this I waited on my Lord of Can- 
terbury, and in the next place, had done so on you, but that 
I thought you were out of town. In the meantime I lighted 
on Sir H. Ashurst in the street, and afterward waiting on 
him at his house, I told him of it, and withal that it would 
be convenient that some inquiry might be made of what 
might be found among his papers, fit for the press ; and he 
promised me to advise with the Earl of Burlington about it. 
While I was there, came in Mr. Warr, and he very readily 
offered his service about the papers ; this was the week before 
I came out of town, and farther we went not. So that all 
that could be said of a preface was presumption ; and no 
more of that thought of, I believe, that what in cause might 


be done by the Oxford gentlemen. As for my own part^ I 
was so far firom thinking of writing a Life (which I knew to 
be in the bishop^s hands)^ that I thought not of so much as 
a preface. The design is worthy of a better pen^ and what I 
have always thought a way of writing not without great 
difficulties. For he that will write a Life, if possible, should 
have had an intimate acquaintance with the person, and should 
know that of his air, his genius, and way, that can no more 
be wrote than he himself can be drawn by description only, 
and must be, if not intimate enough, yet led into all the 
particulars which you speak of by one that was inward with 
him. Now I had not the honour of anything like this, never 
having been in the company of that great man but once that 
I know of, many years hence ; and which I afterward blamed 
myself for, having been encouraged by him to make an 
acquaintance there. 

I am well pleased that at last it is likely to be done, and to 
be undertaken by one so well qualified for it as Mr. Wotton, 
to whom it being necessary to peruse his papers, he may 
at the same time promote the Oxford design by a farther 

When I return to town, which wiU be, God willing, about 
fourteen days hence, I shall wait on you. With my acknow- 
ledgments for your obliging letter to 

Your faithful and humble servant, 

John Williams. 

Canterbury, \9ih, 1696. 




You receive this firom one who is little known to 
you, but loves you much, as I do a lady who received me in 
your stead at Deptford, with the charms of a woman, and the 
beautiful strengths of a man, and the virtues of a Christian, 
and both with that love that becomes a Christian. Salute 
her, sir, in my name, and give her the best services of the 
worst of men, as well as the least. 

The design, sir, is to enter into a correspondence with you 
and her, if the excellent, the much admired, lady pleases, on 
a full, perfect, and complete happiness, that is even, constant 
and vast, real and substantial, perfect and entire, wanting 
nothing but a finishing stroke from the hand of death, and 
its brightening shadows ; of a happiness that depends neither 
on times, nor persons, nor places, that can live and thrive in 
the cottage, in a dungeon as in a garden, and almost as well 
in a garden as in a dungeon; desiring the correspondence 
may be secret, and confined by sacred bonds, within the 
sacred number. You shall court her for me, and for herself, 
for it is her happiness and her eternal life, and present her 
in my name, with the fairest present and the richest that I 
can make her accomplished and immortal soul. 

On this subject which I have proposed, the angels enter- 
tain themselves, and think to one another, there is none 
greater or better, none more worthy of spirits and souls ; and 
every other is a wasting and a crucifying impertinence, firom 
which every one ought cacJier sa vie, in the faUentis semita 
vita ; not of a vain and miserable Hor 


having nothing, possessed all things, in the life hid with 
Christ in God. 

I am with great sincerity, and respect, and love. 

Honoured sir. 
Your meanest friend and servant, 

James Quin. 

Noveniber 29th. 



I CANNOT enough condemn myself in being thus 
very backwards in making my acknowledgments to you, for 
the favour of both your letters, and for the great present you 
sent me of your excellent Book of Medals, which as all your 
works, do further adorn our country: it is great pity the 
printer has performed his part so ill, but that it was not in 
his power, with all his negligence, to spoil the sense, which 
everybody knows you are so much master of. My wife looks 
upon herself extremely obliged to you for the mention you 
make of her father and family, for which she hath made you 
her own acknowledgments, which you will perceive by the 
date, should have been with you long since, had not I kept 
it, that my thanks might not come behind hers, we being 
both equally obliged to you; if anything could make me fall 
out with so good a friend, and ancient acquaintance as your- 
self, it would be the mention you make of me in your book, 
so far beyond what I can deserve. If any of my trifles have 
been useful to you, I am very glad they were in my hands 
for that purpose ; but I have not the vanity to think I can 
possess anything choice ; and shall never desire to have my 
name in print, privacy being what I always most loved, and 


now more thau ever. But^ sir^ my obligations to you always 
increase^ for which I can make you no return but my thanks ; 
if I have anything in my small collections which may be 
useful to you in your other studies (for you are always 
employing your thoughts for the public)^ you have a right to 
what I have. I again ask your pardon for this late acknow- 
ledgment^ which how late soever^ is with all possible sincerity 
and sense of gratitude for all your civilities and kindness to 
myself and family. I beseech you to believe that I am with 
very great esteem^ sir, 

Your most afiTectionate and most humble servant. 


April 19t^ 1698. 

I beg you will give my most humble service to your 
excellent lady. 



Honoured Sir, 

It has long been my custom to clear accounts (as 
far as I am able) with all my creditors on the first day of every 
new year. Where I am non-solvent, I make an honest 
acknowledgment; and that's my case with you. Give me 
leave, therefore, to make this return of my humble thanks for 
the kind letter I had from you last week ; and to let you 
know (since you are pleased to invite me to it) I am very 
ready to run farther on the score with you. Your MS. Life 
of St. Cuthbert is (I perceive) the legend written by R. 
Hegge, who was Fellow of Corpus Christi, where that treatise 
was deposited. There is indeed a very faulty copy of it 


printed^ and I have often endeavoured to procure a transcript 
from the author's original, but in vain. You generously offer 
this ; and my brother will wait on you for it, and convey it 
to me. If I live to publish my History of the Saxon 
Northumberland, I shall pay a grateful respect to my 

I am troubled to hear of Mr. Pepys' indisposition. I 
heartily wish his recovery, and the continuance of his restored 

When I was a servant to Mr. Secretary Williamson (above 
twenty years ago) I often waited on him at his house in 
Westminster, but I was then, as I stiU am, too inconsiderable 
to be remembered by him. Besides an account of the author 
(if known) of his MS. Life of Mary Queen of Scots, I very 
much desire to know whether there be any valuable matters 
relating to the History of Scotland amongst Sir B. Mait- 
land's collections of Scotch Poems. I observe, that in the 
same volume with Balfour's Fractiques (or Reports as we call 
them) he has a manuscript of the old Sea-law of Scotland. 
I would beg to be informed whether this last treatise be not 
the same with the Leges Portuum, which (though quoted by 
Sir John Skene, under that Latin title) is written in the 
Scotch language, and is only a list of the customs of goods 
imported and exported. If I may (through your kind inter- 
cession) have the favour of transcribing anything for my 
purpose out of his library, I have a young kinsman (a clerk 
to Mr. Musgrave at the Tower) who wiU wait on him to that 

Suffer me now, sir, to own another obligation to you 
(whereiQ I am a sharer with the pubUc) for your Acetaria, 
which, with submission, I think you have miscalled an 
appendix to your Calendarium. You give it the precedence, 


and very justly, in your royal plan; the several chapters 
whereof I shall much long to see published ; for, though an 
ingenious countryman of mine, Mr. Baker, seems dissatisfied 
with Mr. Wotton's making agriculture and gardening parts 
of liberal knowledge, I am as much an admirer of all the 
branches of natural as civil history ; and the former has as 
many of my spare hours in the summer as the latter has in 
the winter. There is one passage, page 65, wherein I think 
myself nearly concerned to request your farther information. 
The French acetoseUa, with the round leaf, grows, you say, 
plentifully in the north of England. You distinguish this 
from the Roman owaUs^ wherewith Dr. Morison had made 
our acetosa Eboracensis, as he calls it, to be nearly of a kind ; 
but Mr. Bay has rightly observed that ours is not Caspar 
Bauhinus's rotundifolia hortensis, which is the same with 
the Roman oxalis, but his scutata repens. Besides this, I 
know of no kind of sorrel that is so peculiar to the Northern 
parts of this kingdom as your expression seems to intimate, 
nor can this, which is no trefoil, be reckoned amongst any of 
the acetoselUs, 

You will pardon this impertinence in. 

Your most obliged humble servant, 

Will. Nicholson. 

Marck2Blh, 1700. 



Though I am so long before I discharge my debts^ 
yet that you may not conclude me unmindful of your com- 
mands^ and that only Mr. Pepys^ indisposition hindered me 
fipom sooner giving you an account of them, this is to 
acquaint you with what he returns to your inquiries, which 
I choose to give you under his own hand. 

I am now upon the wing for my summer residence at 
Wotton in Surrey, where your further commands will reach, 

Sir, your most humble servant, 

J. E. 

As to what you mention concerning the sorrel, perhaps 
I did not so well to call it the Fr. acetosella, in regard of the 
leaf. But does not Mr. Ray somewhere, both in his Cata- 
logue and his later Synopsis, seem to make that which is 
found in Cumberland and the Northern parts distinct from 
the B/Oman by the deliquium in the leaf, however resembling 
it, when translated into a richer mould ? 

In the meantime, I must acknowledge I had this firom the 
misinformation of another, and I wish there may not occur 
many more considerable errors in that trifle of mine, and 
that I might receive your so friendly animadversion both on 
that and my Sylva, and it would very much oblige. 


Yours, &c. 

Since this I received yours of the 9th of May. 



[Dr. Fell, author and editor of numerous works connected with 
divinitj and classical literature, was a munificent benefactor to Oxford ; 
bestowed upon his college of Christ Church some of its rectories, 
and bequeathed to it at his death no less than ten exhibitions. He 
and his friend. Dr. Allestry (whose portrait is preserved at the 
Universitj), are said to have written all the works attributed to the 
anonymous author of " The Whole Duty of Man.*' 

The following letters are from Mr. Bentley's Collection. Who the 
Bishop's correspondent was we have no means of ascertaining ; the 
date also is matter of conjecture, but it must have been after 1676, 
when Dr. Fell was advanced to the Bishopric of Oxford. He died in 
1686. The subject is curious. It seems that the gentleman whose 
ire the Bishop sought to subdue was intent upon bringing an 
action for breach of promise of marriage against a lady who violated 
her engagement to him in favour of one Sir John Morley. The 
Bishop urges upon him the higher triumph of Christian forgiveness 
over legal satisfaction, and the gentleman is ready to adopt that 
view of the case if the Bishop will use his influence to induce the lady 
to make a suitable apology to him. The Bishop appears to great 
advantage in this little correspondence as a gentleman and a 



Having the favour of your letter, wherein you are 
pleased to own yourself to be obliged by an opinion of mine, 
which had no prospect but to declare an honest truth, and 
to avert from a deliberately chosen sin, a person who had 
long preserved a reputation of virtue; I am concerned to 


acknowledge your undeserved civility, and must not think 
my interposition altogether frustrate, since it satisfies you, 
though it had no effect on her for whose use it was intended. 
I laid before the unhappy lady the aggravation of a wilful 
sin, which involves a defiance of Almighty God and his com- 
mands, and which, in the present case, cuts off all possibility 
of future reparation, and consequently the ordinary means of 
repentance and forgiveness. Be pleased now to give me 
leave to recommend to you an act of generous charity, that 
you would have compassion for a soul that had no regard for 
itself, and by acquitting your interest as far as ^tis possible, 
put an end to perpetual guilt. I know you have been iQ 
dealt with, but for that very reason I propose this to you, it 
being the peculiar mastery of our holy Christian profession 
to overcome evil with good. You may gratify passion by 
exposing an offender to shame, and the expense and trouble 
of the law; but the pleasure of forgiving will be infinitely 
more permanent and truly delicious. I am sure I have no 
temporal motive for what I say, having by plain dealing lost 
all manner of interest in the person for whom I intercede. 
You will be pleased to pardon this rude address to you from 
a stranger, who can plead no other merit than his belief of 
your propensity to do the best things that can be laid before 
you^ and his desire that you should actually perform them. 
Beconmiending you to the blessiag and guidance of Almighty 

I remain, sir, 

Your most faithful servant, 

Jo. OXON. 

December Ist. 




My Lord^ 

No man can tliink me guilty of compliment or 
flattery in saying that your lordship abundantly merits the 
esteem of the whole worlds when I have in my hands so clear 
an evidence of your lordship's exemplary goodness and piety; 
wherein how much your lordship excels most men, is known 
to all that see your life, and hear your doctrine. Your 
answer, my lord, to those few lines which were never intended 
to give your lordship any trouble, is an honour wherewith I 
had no reason to expect or hope your lordship would have so 
highly obliged me. I shall therefore preserve your lord- 
ship's letter as carefully, though not so superstitiously, as 
Romish priests keep reliques, because it is not only a testi- 
mony of your favour and civility to me, but also a demon- 
stration of your lordship's justice and mercy; the one 
manifested in condemning a wilful offence, the other in 
soliciting with so much compassion a pardon for the guilty 
offender. But good, my lord, how can you intercede for a 
faithless woman, who hath dealt so treacherously with her 
faithful friend, her constant lover, and in the sight of Grod, 
her betrothed husband; a woman, who though conscious, is so 
far from acknowledging her fault, that she justifies her false* 
hood, and instead of repenting her breach of faith, thinks me 
beneath her asking forgiveness. Indeed, Mr. L. in his last 
passage to London, came hither and declared his mother had 
sent him to tell me she desired my friendship, and to ask me 
what satisfaction I expected from her; this put me upon 
desiring Mr. L. to tell me truly whether his mother were 


actually married. No^ said he, not yet I am sure, because 
when I parted from my mother, she did solemnly swear to 
me that she would not.marry in my absence, till I came back 
from London to give her ; and yet, my lord, contrary to her 
solemn promise whereby she stood obliged to make me her 
husband^ and contrary to her oath voluntarily made to her 
son, she within five days after he left her makes herself Sir 
William Morley's wife : so that I humbly entreat your lord- 
ship to consider whether in the present case it be not as 
necessary for your lordship to press my Lady Morley to 
repentance and reparation, as to persuade me to pity and 
pardon. You are not ignorant, my lord, how difficult a task 
it is for flesh and blood patiently to bear and forgive the 
greatest indignities and affronts that can be offered to human 
nature. I do not think our holy Christian profession requires 
us absolutely to forgive those insufferable injuries, wherein 
the obstinate wrong-doer impenitently persists. But yet, my 
lord, to show my ready obedience and submission to your 
powerful mediation, I do faithfully promise your lordship 
that I will never by any legal prosecution expose the woman 
to shame for whom your lordship is so pious an advocate, 
provided she wiU by some real evidence of true repentance 
convince me that she is imfeignedly sorry for the wrong she 
hath done me. Though she cannot recall her crime, yet it is 
still in her power to extenuate her guilt, which her own con- 
science, imless it be seared, tells her she ought to do; when 
she hath done what is her duty, I will religiously perform my 
promise to your lordship, hoping thereby to secure myself 
the continuance of your lordship's favour, and the increase 
of that good opinion your lordship seems to have conceived of 
Your lordship's most obedient and obliged servant, 

William Gl 




[The writer of this letter was the founder of Pennsylvania, in South 
America. He was the son of Admiral Sir William Penn, and 
according to Anthony Wood, the ** Lord appeared to him in his 
twelfth year, as he was alone in his chamher at Chigwell, in Essex, 
where he was at school. He was suddenly surprised with an inward 
comfort, and an external glory in the room," and soon afterwards 
withdrew from the Established Church, and became a Quaker. How 
he distinguished himself amongst the people whose form of worship 
he embraced is well known. 

In consideration of the services of his father, and of debts due 
to him by the Crown, Charles the Second granted Mr. .Penn a 
tract of land on the River Delaware, of which, by letters patent, 
Penn and his family were made proprietors and governors. Li 1782, 
accompanied by many persons, he embarked for Pennsylvania, and 
planned the town of Philadelphia. In 1784 he returned to Eng- 
land, and in 1785 he brought to a conclusion a long-standing 
difference he had with Lord Baltimore respecting the right to a 
certain territory in the three lower counties of the Delaware. 
During this period, it is presumed, the annexed letter was addressed 
to Lord Fairfax. 

It is a curious incident in the life of Penn, that at the time of the 
Revolution he was suspected of being a papist and Jesuit, and was 
twice examined before the Privy Council, obliged to give security 
for his appearance, and suspended from his right of appointing a 
governor to Pennsylvania until he had cleared himself of the charge. 
In 1690, a proclamation was issued for his apprehension, along with 
Lord Henry Bellasis, Sir T. Oglethorpe, and others, and he narrowly 
escaped being taken on his return from George Pox's funeral. 
After that time he lay in concealment for two or three years, and it 


was not till 1693 that he was able to establish his innocence. He 
died in 1718, at Rushcomb, in Buckinghamshire, in his seventy- 
fourth year.] 


Honourable friend^ 

My time wiU not I hope be long in town, and I 
would be glad to see some issue of your long depending 
affair. The time set, not observed, nor any fresh appointed, 
nor any account when we should meet, has an air of neglect 
from my wonted guests and solicitors; that is not like the 
treatment I have ever had in business from the greatest; 
and I know nobody can remedy this but the honour and 
authority of the Lord Fairfax, for whom I have all imagin- 
able regards, because I am, with great sincerity. 

His very faithful and respectful friend, 

Wm. Penn. 


[The following curious personal narrative, illustrative 
of the vicissitudes of the Civil War, is reprinted from a 
rare Tract.] 

The Humble Petition, or Representation of Mr. William 
Harrison^ Gentleman and Soldier, to his Excellency 
Sir Thomas Fairfax, Captain General of the Forces 
raised for the Eang and FarUament. 

lyrAT it please Your Excellency to understand, that the true cause 
which made me for a while to discontinue my senrice in your regi- 
ment, was upon notice given me that one Mr. Harriot had got an 
execution forth against me, who about four years since did violently 
draw his sword upon me, and I gave back a little, and drew mine to 
defend myself. It was my fortune to wound him, and I could have 
killed him, but I closed with him to disarm him, at what time one 
Gadson, a keeper ran in, and laid hold of my hair, whereupon I was 
inforced to defend myself and to draw my knife, and did cut one in the 
&ce, and the other's lingers, and had got them both down, and dis- 
armed them ; for which the Committee of Northampton kept me in 
prison seven months and thirteen days without bail ; but having got 
my liberty by the means of Sir Bowland St. John, and other gentle- 
men that were my friends, I presently bought a brace of geldings, and 
came to your Excellency's regiment, to Captain Laurence his troop, 
where I and my man did service above a twelve month, until I heard 
my enemy Mr. Marriot, a man of an implacable spirit, who sued me in 
the time of my service under your Excellency (I not knowing it) had 


gotten an execution forth against me, Gadson and he being the one 
witness for the other. This was about three days before the surrender 
of Oxford, at what time I lost out of my quarters a gelding worth (as 
times are now) at least 16^. Being very loth to become a prisoner 
again, I acquainted my Captain with my sad condition, and desired 
him that he would grant me a pass to go into Holland ; he denied me, 
but at the last did grant it. The man whom I did hurt had seyen 
articles of a most high nature proved against him ; and the whole 
country wondered that he was not sequestered. It will be proved that 
he bribed a gentleman who gave false information to the Committee. 
His goods were then worth two thousand pound to be proved, but he 
is since broke, and now lieth in gaol. All his goods are made away. 
Tour petitioner hath two friends that have paid 500Z. for him. And 
three or four honest men were inforced to fly their country for his debts. 
Many have paid lOOZ. and 40Z. a man for him ; and in the mean time 
he lieth in gaol, drinketh sack and is merry. His sureties curse that 
gentleman, and their wives and children, who misinformed the Com- 
mittee ; and say that if the Committee had done right, they should 
have sequestered his estate, which might have helped to have paid the 

This business and these sufferings being out of your peti- 
tioner's way above 140^. as he will prove, and the only occa- 
sion that your petitioner to his great grief was inforced to leave 
for a while the regiment, as Captain Laurence and Lieutenant Merrice 
can bear him witness, your petitioner most humbly prayeth that your 
Excellency will be pleased to take him and his petition into your 

A further Relation of the Grievances of the said Mr. William 
Harrison^ with a true discoveiy of abundance of Trea- 
sure sent down into the West, and divers persons there 
employed to raise, forces (under pretence of the Service 
for Ireland) to make War against the Army com- 
manded by his Excellency. 

Having received a pass for the low countries, and intending to 
take shipping at Yarmouth, I was dissuaded from it by one Master 


Duke, who liveth within ten miles of Yannouth ; it was at that time 
thought that the Scots and we should have differed ; whereupon I 
marched northward, but God be thanked, it was not so ; whereupon I 
turned my course and marched westwards to some of my wife's friends, 
knowing it not safe to return to my own country, my enemy Harriot 
haying such power with great men in it. There I understood that 
Major General Skippon should be field-marshal for Ireland ; whereupon 
I came to London, and got a friend, one Mr. Yickars, a wine mer- 
chant, to go along with me to the field-marshal, and forty men whom I 
had lifted to go with me into Ireland, in case that things were so 
settled, that the army might disband and I received my arrears ; but 
when I came to Westminster, I found that the field-marshal was gone 
to the head-quarters at Saffron Walden. I made haste after him, and 
having inquired out his quarters, I made bold to go into his parlour, 
where I found him sitting alone ; and having presented my service to 
him, he very nobly showed me kind respects, and asked me to whom 
I formerly did belong. I told him, and showed him my pass ; where- 
upon he assured me, that on the next day my Captain and Major would 
be in town, and moreover assured me, that if the service went on, I 
should not want command; I was not willing to stay there long, 
money being short, and having had no pay in eleven months. But 
the next day my Major and Captain came, and they did me the favour 
readily to consent and go along with me unto Major General Skippon, 
whom we found very busy upon the treaty, where Lieutenant General 
Cromwell, seeing my Captain, employed him. upon a message to some 
gentlemen in the town ; but I stayed and heard the grievances related 
in the church, having taken a resolution with myself, not to adventure 
for Ireland without the army was satisfied and disbanded. It was my 
fortune presently after to observe Major General Skippon in the street ; 
I ran after him, and once more made bold to demand of his honour 
how the business stood for Ireland ? He told me, that for aught he 
knew, I might have as much command there as himself. Whereupon 
I marched again into the west, where staying for a season, I could 
hear but little truth in anything ; I resolved therefore to return to 
London, to understand how the affairs stood, hoping that in so much 
time I should find things settled. My misfortune was such, that my 
horse nuscarried in the way, but a friend lent me another, which when 
I came to London, I sent down by the carrier. Being come unto the 
City, I found a general melancholy and distraction of spirit, which made 
me fear a new war, insomuch that I could not sleep all night ; in the 


morning I took post for the west again, but had no warrant, and in 
this dispatch I continued until I came to Marlborough, where I desired 
post-horse to ride all night, which the post-master granted, bat the 
Committee denied, partly because I had no warrant, and partly because 
they understood that I belonged to Sir Tho. Fairfax ; I told them that I 
was very sorry that any who belonged to his Excellency should be so 
undervalued as not to be allowed post-horses for money to follow 
their necessary employments. The post told me, that the Committee 
was informed, that Sir Thomas Fairfax was falling off from what he was. 
I answered him in the heat of blood, that he was the son of a whore 
that told him so. And so having satisfied the charges of the house, I 
walked forth into the street, no man regarding me, where an honest 
young man, one who had been a soldier, Thomas Slatter by name, 
proffered to go along with me, and to do me any courtesy he could for 
Sir Thomas Fairfax, which accordingly he did, and carrying my cloak for 
me, I all that night travelled in my boots, and by the next night we 
came into Gloucestershire, and had marched on foot fiill fifty miles. 
There I found a friend who lent me a horse that carried me unto other 
friends ; being with whom, I did send for divers gentlemen from the 
counties of Gloucester, Worcester, and Hereford, who loved me well ; 
and having communicated myself unto them, and showed that the 
intent of Sir Thomas Fairfax was to restore the King to his parliament, 
to Gt)d's glory and our comfort, he enjoying his crown and dignity, and 
the subjects their liberties and privileges, I found the gentlemen so 
propense unto that cause, that for so good an end I should not want 
for men, money, horse, or arms, but I readily should have them. 

Finding such a general indination, I suddenly prepared for London 
again, and took my way by Tewksbury, and sent two messengers on 
foot to Stow-in-the-Old, to lodge there at the sign of the Crown, at 
the house of one Dickson. They came thither on Saturday night was 
three weeks, and found there ten guests, seven of them seeming to be 
gentlemen, and the other three to be their servants, who were directed 
by a special friend in private to that house. I came there on the 
Lord's day in the morning, and brought with me a gentleman that was 
my friend ; these ten being merry, and frolic with the host of the 
house, he told them, that the King and parliament would agree. Im- 
mediately they declared themselves to be utterly against Sir Thomas 
Fairfax and his army, railing against his Excellency in a nature too 
high to report, and withal affirming, that if they had come through 
his army they had been all made slaves. Thereupon they confessed, 


they were going to Worcester to raise forces for Irdand. They had in 
their portmanteau as much gold and silver as two men could easily lay 
upon a horse, they could not put their hands into their pockets to pay 
for a quart of wine, but they pulled forth handfuls of gold. I per- 
ceiving that this pretence of them for Ireland was only a design to raise 
forces against his Excellency's army, for I knew it could not be fot 
Ireland, I called unto me the man of the house who was my friend, and 
told him that they were base fellows, for I was confident, that what they 
said was false ; I therefore desired him that he would be pleased to depart 
his house, and when they were set at dinner, I and the three men with 
me would kill three or four of them, and give quarter to the rest, and 
bring up their money, horse and arms unto Sir Thomas Fairfax. The 
inn-keeper was daunted at it, and said, they were sent thither by a 
special friend, however if he thought they were against the King and 
Sir Thomas Fairfax, he would willingly on the highway be one of my 
side, and withal importuned me to be patient, and to forbear them in 
his own house. I was much vexed at it, and the rather, because they 
would have had away my two footmen with them : upon my soul, had 
the man of the house been right, we should have both mastered and 
disarmed them. 

Seeing I could not prevail, I made haste from thence unto the army, 
and shortly after lay at Teddington in Bedfordshire, at the sign of the 
Griffin, extremely weary. On the next morning, I heard that the 
head-quarters would be at Hatfield, and going thence to Mr. Parrot's 
at Shidlington, I understood that the head- quarters were at Uxbridge, 
which made me and my Mend to ride our horses very hard, insomuch 
that I tired mine, and left it with the constable of Barton, and came 
on foot to Uxbridge on the last Sunday morning : I there spoke with 
divers gentlemen of my acquaintance, to whom I made known the 
progress of my journey, and my many sufferings, and what was that 
which I came about. 

The commanders being then busy at council, I met with young Mr, 
Cromwell, son to the Lieutenant General, by whose means I found out 
Lieutenant Merrice, and divers other gentlemen, by whom I understood 
that his Excellency was not raising of forces, but only standing on his 
own guard, hoping that all would be well. I intended, indeed, to 
present my service to his Excellency, with about three score or four 
score foot, and to give him in a true relation of the state of the coun- 
tries where I had been, knowing where to arm 500 men. And if his 
Excellency would be pleased to send down a Colonel or two, I would 


have shown him in a little compass he could be provided with one 
regiment of horse, and 2000 foot ; but God be praised I found things 
in a better posture ; howsoever, I was extremely discontented, consi- 
dering how I had lost myself in the business. 

Eekting my mind to the soldiers, they kindly embraced me; I 
imparted to them in order all my grievances; and out of the true 
reality of their afifections, and sense and fellow-feeling of my sufferings, 
it is the desire of the soldiers, with the advice of many of my betters 
in the army, that this should be committed to the press, and the first 
book to be delivered to the Committee of Northampton, to have a sight 
thereof, by which they may perceive how much misinformation hath 
abused them ; and the soldier doth not doubt but that the committee 
(seeing how faithful I have been ever unto the service, and at what 
expense of money, and how I had both tired myself and horse to 
advance the welfare of the kingdom), would of themselves be pleased 
either to give or lend me a horse, with all fiimiture fitting for a gentle- 
man, that so I may the better be accommodated to present myself 
unto his Excellency, and personally, and by word of mouth, declare 
myself unto him. And withal, whereas in the articles which I articled 
against Mr. Harriot, of Hartwell Park, they were not put in a way, or 
any mention of sequestration to be made for 2000Z. worth of goods 
then to be proved, which was occasioned by a gentleman who gave 
false information, and deluded the committee, of whose honour I am, 
and always have been very tender, for I daily pray for Mr. Ousley, 
Mr. Fanner the High SherifiP, and the rest ; and whereas, in assisting 
Mr. Marriot heretofore, with the hazard of my life, at Hartwell Park, I 
so far ventured to save his goods, that I killed a horse, and wounded 
four men : the honourable and virtuous Lady Crane (to whom they 
did belong) did forgive me all, when Mr. Marriot was to save me 
harmless, although it should cost him 500Z.,for which fact some of the 
committee suffered me to be fined, which fine I paid, in the proceeding 
of which troubles both my wife and my children wanted. It is the 
soldier's desure that the saddle should be laid upon the right horse, Mr. 
Marriot having had the benefit of the crop, and that the fine that was 
paid should be restored to my wife and children. And if the gentle- 
man who misinformed the committee shall be found out in Northampton 
town, or thereabouts, it is the soldier's desire that he shall be sent up 
unto the General, or kept in safe custody until he shall make good the 
2000^., for which I shall produce my witnesses ; and the business to 
be heard in the army. And if that any man shall deny the party I 


shall demand, the soldiers will fetch him with 2000 horse. It is also 
desired that aU executions, writs, and warrants, and actions of battery, 
concerning Mr. Marriot's business, be made void. And if a new war 
shall happen in this kingdom (which God forbid), I do here fully declare 
myself to be for King and Parliament, and willingly to adventure my 
life in the service, and that I will give in unto the General a Hst of 
those gentlemen's names in the counties of Gloucester, Worcester, Here- 
ford, and Salop, that are able and ready to raise 1000 horse and 2000 
foot, and willingly and altogether venture both lives, limbs, and for- 
tunes for the King and Parliament, for the safety, for the reconcilement, 
and the happiness whereof, I do daily and devoutly pray. 

The said Mr. Harrison says that the committee is much railed on in 
this kingdom, but he believes it is long of false intelligence. It is our 
desire in the whole army, that if the said Marriot shall deny to pay 
back this fine, that you gentlemen of the committee do pay it to his 
wife and children, and that you will be pleased to keep the said Mar- 
riot with bread and water till he restore the money to you again ; for 
it is nothing but right, and in conscience you ought to see justice 
done. We hear that many knaves brought letters to Sir Eichard 
Samuel, and did say anything to do Mr. Harrison wrong ; they had 
best give him satisfaction, for we know Sir Eichard Samuel well 

It is our whole army's desire, that if in case Mr. Harrison shall find 
out the gentleman who kept Marriot from being sequestered, that then 
he challenging the man to you, he be kept safe till we fetch him, and 
Mr. Harrison produce his witness, and then the business to be heard 
before Sir Tho. Fairfax, and the 2000^. before spoken of to be returned 
to the Parliament's use. 


[Wb are not aware that the following document, 
possessing high historical importance, as fiirnishing in 
detail the grounds of the charge brought by the Army 
against the MaUgnants, has been printed in any of the 
collections. It is here given from the original Tract, 
published in 1647.] 

A particular Charge of Impeachment, in the name of his 
Excellency Sir Thomas Fairfax, and the Army under 
his Command, against Denzill HoLLEs,Esq., Sir Philip 
Stapleton, Sir William Lewis, Sir John Clot- 
worthy, Sir William Waller, Sir John Maynard, 
Knights; Major-General Masse y, John Glyn, Esq., 
Recorder of London } Walter Long, Esq., Colonel 
Edward Harley, and Anthony Nicholl, Esq., Mem- 
bers of the House of Commons. 

TirHEEEAS on the 15tli day of June last, the heads of a charge were 
delivered in the name of the said army, unto the courts of Par- 
liament, to be sent up to the Parliament against the persons above 
named. Now in prosecution and maintenance thereof, and according 
to the power thereby reserved, it is in the name of the said army more 
particularly charged against the said persons as foUoweth : 

I. That the said Mr. Denzill Holies, during the late war, in 
prosecution of the evil designs expressed in the general heads ox 


articles formerly exhibited, contrary to the trust reposed in him, con- 
trary to his oath taken in June, 1643, and contrary to the ordinance of 
Parliament dated in October, 1643, hath assisted the King in the late 
unnatural war, and held correspondence and intelligence with the enemy 
against the Parliament, in manner following, viz., he, the said Mr. 
Holies, being one of the special commissioners for the Parliament, to 
present propositions of both Houses to the king at Oxford, did privately, 
and contrary to his instructions, at several times, make his addresses 
unto the king's party, there then in arms against the Parliament, 
namely, unto the Earl of Lindsey, the Earl of Southampton, the Lord 
Savile, and others ; and did secretly plot and advise them against the 
Parliament ; and did intimate unto them, or one of them, that the said 
propositions, then sent unto his Majesty by the Parliament, were un- 
reasonable: and the said Mr. Holies being demanded what answer 
he would advise the King to make to the said propositions, he, the said 
Mr. Holies, did advise that the King should demand a treaty how- 
ever, and then declare how unreasonable the propositions were, and 
that yet, for the peace of the kingdom, his Majesty would treat upon 
them ; but, withal, wished that the said treaty might be in London, 
whither the King himself should come upon security. And he, the said 
Mr. Holies, adding that there was nothing in the world that the vio- 
lent party (meaning the well-affected party to the Parliament against 
the enemy) did so much fear as his Majesty's coming to London, which 
would be a certain dissolution of their authority and power : and the 
said Mr. Holies bade those said persons, or one of them, assure the 
King, that if his Majesty knew as much as he the said Mr. Holies 
knew, his Majesty would take his horse and be at London the next day, 
or words to that effect. And it being again demanded whether, if the 
King should be willing to come, it would be accepted of? he, the said 
Mr. Holies, thereto answered, that certainly it would be much opposed, 
but yet he, the said Mr. HoUes, was confident^ that he and his party 
(meaning some of the members above named, and others) should carry 
it, and wished the King to put it upon that trial. And the said 
Mr. Holies was desired by the said Earl of Lindsey, Earl of South- 
ampton, and Lord Savile, or one of them, that he would be pleased to 
draw such an answer in writing to the said propositions, as he desired 
the King should send ; and the said Earl of Southampton, who was 
that night to lay in the King's bedchamber, would persuade the King 
to condescend unto it ; and thereupon the said Mr. HoUes withdrew, 
and either the same day, or the next day foUowing, the said Mr. 


Holies accordingly carried in his hand unto the said lords, or one of 
them, a paper ready written, which, as he said, was such an answer to 
the said propositions as he had drawn for the King to send to the Par*' 
liament ; which was taken by the said lords, or one of them, and carried 
to the King to be considered of; and so much thereof as advised the 
King's coming to London was laid by, the King fearing to adventure 
himself, but the rest of the said paper the Lord Bigby, who wrote the 
King's answer to the propositions, made use of, in the same words as 
the said Mr. Holies had set down. And the said Mr. HoUes, to 
ingratiate himself with the King's party, did about the same time revile 
the well-affected members of the House of Commons, declaring unto the 
said King's party at Oxford, or some of them, that those well-affected 
members (which, to render them the more odious as he conceived, he 
named the violent independent party) had ill intentions and great 
aversion to peace ; and that nothing would be more pleasing to them 
than for the King to refuse the propositions, how unreasonable soever the 
same were; and he also then said, that the Commissioners of Scotland 
were very weary of that violent party, and that they, being desperate 
to establish their Presbytery here as in Scotland, made their addresses 
to him, the said Mr. Holies and his party. All which tended to the 
protracting of the said late war, and to the hindrance of a happy peace. 

And the said Mr. Holies did also after that receive from the said 
Earl of Lindsey at Oxford a letter written in white ink, concerning some 
secret design, and kept it from the knowledge of the House from Feb* 
ruary till about July after, when it was discovered by him that brought 
it, but the letter itself was by the said Mr. Holies, after he had read it, 
burnt ; and the said Earl of Lindsey moved the King for a pass for the 
said Mr. Holies to go to Oxford, but the King refused to grant it, saying, 
that HoUes did him better service in the Parliament than he could do 
him at Oxford. 

II. That the said Mr. Holies, and Sir Philip Stapleton, during the 
said late wars, when the Earl of Lindsey went from the Tower of 
London to Oxford, sent several messages of intelligence to the Earl of 
Dorset, and Lord Bigby, thereby assuring them, that they, the said 
Mr, HoUes and Sir Philip Stapleton, did better service for the King 
here in Parliament than they could do him if they were at Oxford ; 
and the said Sir Philip Stapleton desired, that the said Earl of Dorset 
would preserve him, the said Sir Philip Stapleton and his friends, in the 
good opinion of the party at Oxford, (which was then the King's g»- 
rison) and he, the said Sir Philip, would do as much for his lordflbip, 



and his friends Here, with the Parliament. And the said Mr. Holies 
and Sir Philip Stapleton, the more to ingratiate themselves into the 
favour of the enemy, did of their own accord, without any direction of 
the Parliament, draw up other propositions than those mentioned in the 
preceding articles, which they affirm were in their judgments fit for the 
King to grant, and for the Parliament to desire ; and being so drawn 
up, sent them privately to his Migesty, without any authority of Par- 
liament to warrant the same. 

ni. That the said Mr. Holies, Sir Philip Stapleton, Sir William Lewis, 
Sir John Clotworthy, Sir William Waller, Sir John Maynard, Major 
General Massie, Mr. Glynn, Mr. Long, Colonel Edward Harley, and 
Anthony NichoU, in the months of March, April, May, and June last 
past, and at other times, in prosecution of the evil designs in the several 
general heads mentioned, have frequently assembled and met together 
at the Lady Carlisle's lodgings in Whitehall, and in other places, with 
divers other persons disaffected to the state (without any authority of 
Parliament), for holding correspondence with the Queen of England 
now in France, and her participants, with an intent by such secret and 
clandestine treaties amongst themselves to put conditions upon the 
Parliament, and to bring in the King upon their own terms, and 
having a great power upon the treasure of this kingdom, have therewith 
maintained and encouraged, by pensions and otherwise, the dueen's 
party in France, thereby to beget a second and more bloody war in 
this kingdom ; and they, or some or one of them, assured the Queen 
40,000^. per annum, if she would assist them in their design, and 
that they would do more for the King than the army would do, and 
that they would find out some means to destroy the army and their 

IV. That in further pursuance of the same evil designs, they, the 
said Mr. Holies, Sir Philip Stapleton, Sir William Lewis, Sir John 
Clotworthy, Sir William Waller, and Migor General Massie, by the 
combination aforesaid, within the space of three months last past, 
without any authority of Parliament invited the Scots, and other foreign 
forces, to come into this kingdom in a hostile manner, to abet and assist 
them in the persecuting and effecting of their said designs. And the 
said Mr. Holies very lately sent to the said Queen of England, then 
and still in France, advising her, amongst other things, speedily to 
send the Prince into Scotland, to march into this kingdom at the head 
of an army, and did send a special messenger to her for such ends and 
purposes. And the said Mr. Holies, Sir Philip Stapleton, Sir William 


Lewis, Sir John Clotworthy, Sir William Waller, Sir John Maynard, 
Mr. Glynn, Major Greneral Massie, Mr. Long, Colonel Edward Harley, 
and Anthony Nicholl, have, underhand of their own accord, without 
authority of Parliament, listed, or caused or procured to be listed, divers 
conunanders and soldiers, endeavouring thereby to levy and raise a new 
war in this kingdom, to protect themselves in their unjust oppres- 
sions and factious designs, aud have at several times within the space 
of two months last past, invited, encouraged, abetted, and counselled 
multitudes of reformado-officers and soldiers, and other rude persons, 
tumultuously and violently to gather together at Westminster, to afiEright 
and assault the members of Parliament in their passage to and from 
the House, to offer violence to the House itself, by locking the door 
thereof upon them, and so imprisoning them ; and by such violences, 
outrages, and threats, to awe and enforce the Parliament. 

V. That the said Mr. Holies, Sir Philip Stapleton, and Mr. Glynn 
have been, and are obstructers and prejudgers of several petitions to 
the Parliament for redress of public grievances, and the said Mr. 
HoUes and Sir Philip Stapleton, in the month of May last past, did 
abuse and affront divers petitioners, who in a peaceable manner then 
attended the Committee, whereof Colonel Lee was chairman ; not only 
reviling and reproaching them, but violently haling, and boisterously 
assaulting them, and offered to draw their swords upon Major Tuleday, 
and others of the said petitioners, and without any authority or power 
committed Nicholas Tewe, one of the petitioners ; and soon afterwards, 
by the procurement of the said Mr. Holies and Sir Philip Stapleton, 
and upon their misinformation to the House, the said M^jor Tuleday 
and Nicholas Tewe were imprisoned, not being permitted to speak for 
themselves; and the said Mr. Glynn, about three months since, 
caused the said Nicholas. Tewe to be imprisoned in Newgate, and to be 
detained a long time there, for no other cause but for having a petition 
about him, which was to be presented to the House. 

VI. That the said Sir John Clotworthy, Sir William Waller, and 
Major General Massie have lately, in prosecution of the said designs 
in the said general heads mentioned, against the known laws of this 
realm, and rules and articles of war, made by Parliament, by an arbi- 
trary power, imprisoned some members of the army without any 
authority, particularly Ensign Nichols, whose pockets they, without 
authority, caused to be searched, and several papers to be taken from 
him, contrary to the liberty of every subject, and caused him to be 
sent a prisoner from the head-quarters to London, without the 


authority or privity of the Qeneral, or the chief officers of the army, 
commanding in his absence. 

YII. That in or about the month of March last, there being a petition 
intended from the officers and soldiers of the army to their General, 
(for such things only as were justly due unto them, and concerning 
them merely as soldiers,) the said Sir William Waller, Sir John Clot- 
worthy, and Colonel Edward Harley, a member of the army, (haying 
gotten into their hands a copy of the said petition,) by combination 
with the other members abovementioned, with an intent to abuse the 
Parliament into prejudices and jealousies against the proceedings of 
the army, concerning the said petition, (they well knowing that the 
said army stood in their way, and hindereth them from bringing to 
pass the designs in the said general charges expressed,) did falsely and 
maliciously inform the House, that the said petition was oontrived and 
promoted to debauch and disoblige the army from the Parliament, 
and that it was managed and carried on by divers principal officers in 
the army ; that orders were given out for the reading of it in the head 
of every regiment, and whosoever would not subscribe it, should be 
put out of the musters, and cashiered the army, and by those and 
other aggravations, did represent it to the House as a design against 
the Parliament; further adding, that some regiments which were 
remote were sent for to join with the rest of the army for that purpose, 
by which misinformations they, the said members, did the same day 
procure a peremptory order to the General to suppress the said 

Yin. That some few days after, Colonel Edward Harley, by the 
combination aforesaid, and in pursuance of the same designs, did 
produce to the House a letter, supposed to be written from within the 
quarters of the army, to him the said Colonel Harley, by a person not 
named, whereby it was informed that Colonel Harley's Lieutenant 
Colonel had drawn his regiment to a rendezvous, and had caused the 
said petition to be read at the head of it, and that he threatened to 
cashier and put out of the musters all that would not subscribe it, 
and that the design of the army therein was to enslave the Parliament 
and kingdom, {]£ the Parliament proceeded not to some high resolu- 
tion) or to that effect, as by the said letter (relation thereunto being 
had) may appear; and, although the substance of the said letter was 
most untrue, and no author thereof appeared, nor could be produced, 
although a Committee was appointed for examination theroc^, and it 
was much pressed the author should be discovered, yet the said Colonel 


Harley, Sir Jolin Clotworthy, and Sir William Waller, did so avow the 
Teality of the said letter, and that the contents thereof would be made 
good, as that thereby, and by other false suggestions of theirs against 
the army, they procured the House (upon a long debate, which held 
till about eight of the dock at night) to order that a committee of 
five members (whereof the said Mr. Holies was one) should prepare 
a declaration, to be brought into the House the next morning, signifying 
the House's dislike of the proceedings of the army upon that petition, 
as by the said order dated ■ ' day of « last, may appear. 

Upon which settling of the said business for that night, most of the 
members departed, as conceiving nothing would be done thereupon till 
the next day, and that then they might have a free debate concerning 
the same ; but the House still continuing to sit (upon dispatch of some 
letters formerly ordered) the said Mr. Holies, by the same combina- 
tion, and in further prosecution of the said evil designs, having of 
himself (without the committee) prepared a declaration against the 
petition itself, contrary to the intention and direction of the said order, 
and contrary to the rules of justice and usual course of Parliament, 
did the same night, about ten of the clock, on purpose to surprise the 
House, present the same declaration to the House, whereby the said 
petitioners were (without being heard) declared enemies to the State, 
and obstructers to the relief of Ireland, if they persisted therein, (as 
by the same declaration, relation being thereunto had may appear,) and 
did procure it to be then passed accordingly, to the great dishonour of 
the Parliament and their proceedings, to the insufferable injury, the 
just provocations, discouragement, and discontent of the army, to the 
trouble and danger of the whole kingdom, to the hindering of the 
relief of Ireland, and other the evil consequences in the said general 
charges expressed, 

IX. That by the same, and the like false informations and sugges- 
tions, the said Colonel Harley (then a member of the army), Sir John 
Clotworthy, Sir William Waller, and the said other persons, did, 
shortly after the declaration so made as aforesaid, procure divers 
eminent and faithful officers of the army, namely, Lieutenant General 
Hammond, Colonel Hammond, Colonel Lilbume, Lieutenant Colonel 
Pride, and others, to be all sent for from their charges in the army to 
appear at the bar of the House, to make answer in relation to the said 
petition, against whom, when they came thither, they could charge or 
prove nothing at all, insomuch as the House^thought fit immediately to 
discharge them. And whereas there was a conmiittee appointed to 


examine and consider of the truth or falsehood of them, and the said 
members informing were appointed to produce their proofs and evidence 
to the same before the committee ; though they haj^e since then been 
often urged to produce their proofs and evidence thereto (if they had 
any), and have been plainly told that if they did not proceed effectually 
to do it they should be accounted the authors and devisers of the said 
falsehoods, and reparation would accordingly be demanded against 
them, yet they have not to this day produced any proofs or evidence 
to any of the said informations or suggestions, whereby the Parliament 
and the army were so much abused as before is declared ; nor could 
they, or any of them, be hitherto persuaded to give into the said com- 
mittee any charge against the said officers of the army, which they 
have then or since procured to be sent for as aforesaid, but have held 
divers of them in a long and chargeable attendance upon the House, 
without anything laid to their charge, until the House was pleased to 
discharge them. 

X. That the said Mr. Holies, Sir Philip Stapleton, Sir William 
Lewis, Sir William Waller, Sir John Clotworthy, and Major General 
Massie, in further pursuance of the designs mentioned in the general 
heads charged against them, have been great instruments in the ob- 
structing of the relief of Ireland ; and, within the space of two months 
last past, did falsely inform the House that, by their procurement, 
there were fifty companies of foot and ten troops of horse of this army 
engaged for Ireland, upon the terms and under the conduct then by the 
Parliament propounded ; and the more to elude the Parliament herein, 
they, or some of them, by the combination aforesaid, did procure divers 
officers then in this army, namely. Colonel Butler, Lieutenant Colonel 
Jackson, Major Gooday, and others to give in their names as enlisting 
themselves for Ireland, on the said terms and conduct propounded, 
whereas those officers did at the same time declare themselves unwilling 
thereunto, and resolved not to go and serve in Ireland on any terms 
whatsoever; they, the said members, underhand assuring them that 
though they made use of their names, yet they should not go for that 
service. They have likewise untruly informed the House, and given in 
the names of many considerable officers of the army, namely. Captain 
Pennifather, and Captain Burgess, of Colonel Butler's regiment ; Captain 
Clarke, and four or more commissioned officers of Sir Hardress 
Waller's regiment, and others, as having been subscribed for Ireland, 
who did not so engage or subscribe, nor give any consent thereto, but 
did then, and have ever since utterly disavowed and denied the same. 


And about the same time they also reported to the House the name 
and offer of Lieutenant Colonel Earrington, as being then a Lieutenant 
Colonel of this army, and engaging for himself and his regiment for 
Ireland, whereas the said Earrington had been cashiered the army a 
year and a half before. By which other and their untrue informations 
and reports of that nature, the Parliament was abused and misled into 
a conceit and confidence of a strength out of the army, then sup- 
posed to be engaged and ready for belaud on their own turns, when, 
as in truth, the same was but a mere delusion, and which was so 
contrived on purpose to occasion a sUghting and neglecting of the 
army, as supposing no farther use for them. 

XL Whereas part of three regiments of foot (viz., Colonel Herbert's, 
Colonel Kemp's, and Colonel Gray's,) were by order of the House 
advanced towards the relief of Lreland as far as Bromesgrave, in the 
county of Worcester. The said Sir Philip Stapleton, Mr. Holies, 
Sir John Clotworthy, Sir William Lewis, Major General Massie, Sir 
William Waller, and Mr. Glynn, by combiuation aforesaid, did, of 
their own accord, without the knowledge or direction of the House, on 
the 6th day of June last, (being Sabbath day, and without summoning 
a conmiittee,) command those forces back again as far as Beading, 
with an evil intent to draw forces together to beget a new war in 

XII. That the said Sir John Clotworthy, in prosecution of the 
disigns in the said general charge expressed, hath in the years 1642, 
1643, 1644, and since, converted several large sums of money (which, 
by several orders of Parliament, and of the Irish committee, were 
designed for the relief of Ireland,) to his own particular use ; namely, 
the sum of 280Z., which, by order of both Houses, dated the 11th of 
Eebruary, 1642, was to be paid for twenty butts of sack for Ireland; 
700^- which the same day was also ordered for 2000 swords ; 300?. 
which by order of the said Irish Committee, dated the 1st of April, 
1643, was designed for 120 pair of pistols, and divers other sums of 
money upon several other orders, which he, the said Sir John Clot- 
worthy, from time to time, received for the use and relief of Ireland, 
but were not employed to the uses, by the said orders intended and 
directed, but to his, the said Sir John Clotworthy's own private use as 
aforesaid. And that he hath, within two years last past, received 
several sums of moneys, arms, and other provisions, for a troop of 
horse, which he pretended he had raised in Ireland ; whereas he had not, 
nor did raise or fdrnish any such troop as he pretended. And that he^ 


the said Sir John Clotworthy, for money and other rewards, hath pre- 
ferred John Dayies and William Summers, and others, to be entrusted 
with the Irish affairs, who have kept correspondence with the enemy, 
and have defrauded the State of other great simis of money, and he 
hath been privy to, and a sharer in such, their actions. 

XIII. That about November last past the said Sir John Clot- 
worthy being by the Parliament sent a commissioner with others into 
Ireland, who all had a joint power or authority to treat with the 
Earl of Ormond for the space of four days, and no more, he the said 
Sir John Clotworthy, contrary to the special trust reposed in him, 
Tield secret intelligence with the said Earl of Ormond, by cypher or 
character, without the consent or khowledge of those others in com- 
mission with him; and many weeks after the time so limited was 
expired, and about the same time he the said Sir John Clotworthy 
held the like secret intelligence with the Lord George Digby, then in 
Ireland, beyond the time prefixed, and without the consent of the said 
other commissioners, and in order thereunto the Lords Ormond and 
Digby lately employed one Slingsby, who pretends a design about the 
Prince, to come into this kingdom. 

XIY. That the said Sir John Clotworthy, Mr. Holies, Sir Philip 
Stapleton, by combination with the rest of the members before-named 
(in further prosecution of the designs mentioned in the same), well 
knowing that the Lord Lisle, late President of Ireland, was both 
faithful and vigilant while he was trusted in the same kingdom, ai^ 
had now this last Spring made provisions ready to march into the field, 
and that the Lord Baron of Broghill, General of the Parliament horse 
in Munster, and Colonel Sir Arthur Loftus, persons of honour and 
reputation, and of great fortunes in the said kingdom, lately came pur- 
posely into this kingdom, to exhibit, and did exhibit, many articles of 
high treason against the Lord Inchiquin, for betraying the Parliament's 
army to the enemy (as formerly he had done), yet by the great 
power and violent interposition of the said Sir John Clotworthy, Mr. 
Bolles, Sir Philip Stapleton, by the practice and combination aforesaid, 
the said articles having been obstructed, and the business not suffered 
to come to a hearing, and the said Lord Lisle hastily called out of 
Ireland, and the power and command of the Parliament forces in that 
kingdom committed to the said Lord of Inchiquin, to the loss of this 
Summer's service, and the expense of much treasure, to make new pre- 
parations. And whereas the said Lord Lisle being so suddenly called 
from thence as aforesaid, did design and depute Sir Hardress Waller 


Knight, Major General of the forces there, a man of known integrity and 
courage, both for his service in England and in Ireland, and of con- 
siderable fortunes, there to take care of the said Lord Lisle's forces till 
the pleasure of the Parliament might be further known. The said 
Lord of Inchiquin, upon the receipt of a letter from the said Sir John 
Clotworthy, Mr. Holies, and Sir Philip Stapleton, or one of them, 
or from some other person, by their or one of their direction, privity, or 
procurement, did express that he had order or direction from London, 
that no man that favoured the Independents (under which name 
the said Lord of Inchiquin hath comprehended all men that have 
showed themselves opposite to tyranny and arbitrary government) 
should have any trust or warrant there; nay, though they were 
of another judgment, yet if they would not prosecute the Independents 
they should not be employed there, or words to that effect ; and under 
colour thereof, the said Sir Hardress Waller, and all others that for- 
merly had had their commissions from the said Lord Lisle, while he 
commanded, were displaced, to the discouragement of those other 
faithfrd persons, and to the Parliament, and to the great disservice and 
danger of the loss of this kingdom. 

XV, That whereas a Committee of the House of Commons hath 
been lately appointed by the Parliament to consider of propositions for 
the settling and preservation of Wales, whereof the said Sir William 
Lewis and Master Glynn were and are members, and to report the same 
to the House. They the said Sir William Lewis, and Master Glynn, 
with others of the said cominittee did, on the 30th day of April 
now last past, without any authority of Parliament, before any report 
made to the House of their own accord (instead of settling and pre- 
serving Wales), order that all committees for sequestrations should 
forbear all proceedings of sequestration, against all or any of the inha- 
bitants of Wales ; and although some few persons were, upon general 
heads, excepted, yet by virtue of that illegal order, all the commis- 
sioners of peace and commissioners of association, who were as active 
in raising money and pressing men, to serve against the Parliament as 
any others, all the commissioners of array, that did or should at any 
time come in, or submit to the Parliament or their commanders-in- 
chief, without any limitation of time, all that had borne arms against 
the Parliament, unless they were governors and other officers of war, 
that held out some town, castle, or fort against the Parliament ; all 
disaffected and scandalous ministers (though in their sermons they 
usually reviled and scandalised the Parliament and their proceedings,. 


calling them rebels and traitors, and not only incensing the people 
against the Parliament, but usually taking up arms, and leading their 
parishioners in arms upon any alarm against the Parliament ; and 
many other desperate delinquents have been, and still are taken off and 
freed from sequestration ; and the said order was sent to every com- 
mittee in Wales, in several letters, contrary to several orders and 
ordinances of Parliament, and contrary to the rules of justice* and 
equity, which should impartially be administered as well in Wales as 
in other places of this kingdom, whereby the ill-affected gentry and 
ministry of that country are grown so high and insolent, that honest 
men dare scarce live amongst them ; so as that which was intended 
by the Parliament, to settle and preserve Wales, is (by the practice 
of the said Sir WOliam Lewis, and Mr. Glynn), perverted to the 
danger and destruction of it. 

XVI. That the said Sir William Lewis, and Mr. Glynn, have 
further ingratiated themselves with the delinquents of Wales, and 
prepared them for their said designs in manner following ; viz., 
he the said Sir William Lewis has, within two years last past, 
coimtenanced and protected many of the most notorious and dan- 
gerous delinquents within the several counties of South Wales, namely, 
the Lord of Carberry, and others in Carnarvonshire, Mr. Carew 
and others in Glamorganshire, Mr. Morgan, late Knight of the 
Shire, Mr. John Herbert, and others in Brecknockshire, Mr. Gwynne, 
Mr. Lewis, and divers others in Kadnorshire, by freeing some 
of them altogether from compositions, though sequestered, by labour- 
ing divers members of the House, and of committees, to be favourable 
in compounding with others, and to admit of such to their com- 
positions as were incapable thereof; and the said Sir William Lewis 
hath animated, and encouraged some of the said persons to continue 
their fidelity to the King's cause, promising them, that if they would 
engage their friends with the King for him, he and his would be their 
friends in the Parliament, insomuch as his friends (the delinquents in 
those parts) have lately looked on him as a rising man when the King 
shall come to London — which hath lately^been their constant boasting. 
And the said Sir William Lewis hath within two years last past, 
caused divers that had been Commissioners for the King, and had 
pressed men, and raised money to promote the late war against the 
Parliament, namely, his brother, Mr. Thomas Lewis, Mr. Gwynne, 
Mr. Charles Walbiffe, Mr. Meredith Lewis, Mr. Edward Williams, 
and many others, to be Commissioners of the Peace, and conmiittee men 

^ \ 


for the said county of Brecknock ; insomuclL as those that have been 
most active and faithful to the Parliament, have been, and still are, 
outvoted in those places, and can do no considerable service for the 
Parliament, and the rather for that the said Sir William Lewis hath 
also procured one Edward Williams, (his own kinsman, and one much 
disaffected to the Parliament,) to be Solicitor of Sequestrations in the 
said county, who is, and hath been, very remiss and corrupt therein. 
And the said Sir William Lewis hath, by the means aforesaid, lately 
procured Mr. Edmond Lewis, his son, (though unfit for that employ- 
ment,) to be chosen and returned burgess for Brecknock, which that he 
might the better effect, he kept the writ for election of the said burgess 
above eight months in his own custody, before it was delivered to the 
Sheriff of the said county. And likewise, that the said Mr. John 
Gljmn, within two years last past, hath procured several persons, 
that have lately been commissioners of array, and in arms against 

the Parliament at North Wales, viz., and others, to be 

named, in the commissions of the peace for the counties of Denbigh 
and Carnarvon, and other counties there, and to be put in other great 
places of trust and command there ; and amongst others. Colonel Glynn, 
his brother, who was lately a Colonel in the King's army, is, by the 
said Mr. John Glynn's procurement, became Governor of the town 
and Castle of Carnarvon, and Admiral or Vice-Admiral of the Lish 
seas, to the endangering of those counties lying upon the coasts towards 
Ireland, and to the fear and discouragement of the well-affected 
inhabitants of those places. 

XVII. That the said Sir William Lewis, being heretofore during 
these troubles governor of Portsmouth, a garrison for the Parliament 
(in which time he received much of the public treasure, for which he 
hath not yet given an account), did while he was governor there, 
frequently hold correspondence and intelligence with the King's party, 
about the delivery up of the said garrison, insomuch as although Sir 
William Waller and divers others in that garrison were proclaimed 
traitors to the King, yet he (by the King's special command) was 
spared, the King affirming that the said Sir William Lewis was his 
friend, and that he was confident he would do him good service, or to 
that effect ; and although he then was a Parliament man, and governor 
of Portsmouth as aforesaid, and his estate in the said county of Brecon 
(being of the value of above 600^. per annum) was three years in 
the King's quarters, yet the same was never sequestered. And since 
the Parliament hath prevailed, Colonel Herbert Price, Esq., having 


been governor of Brecknock for the King against the Parliament bemg 
sequestered, the said Sir William Lewis, by his solicitations to the 
committee, procured the personal estate of the said Colonel Price 
(which the committee of the county had found out and caused to be 
brought to Morgan Aubrey's house in Brecon), to be restored unto him 
without any satisfaction to the State, and hath procured his, the said 
Colonel Price Viands in the said county of Brecon, being worth about 
300Z. per annum, to be let to a friend of the said Colonel Price, to his 
wife's use, at 60Z. per annum, contrary to the directions of several 
ordinances of Parliament made in that behalf. 

XYIII. That the said Mr. John Glynn, or some other person or per- 
sons, by his direction, consent, or privity, or to his use, hath, during his 
being a member of the House of Commons, taken rewards of several 
persons for service done them in the House, as, namely, amongst others, 
divers drovers £rom Wales, who, by his means and procurement, had 
an allowance by order of the House for 3000^., in satisfaction of losses 
they had sustained by the enemy, did pay unto the wife of the said 
Mr. Glynn the sum of lOOZ. as a reward for his said service. 

XIX. That the said Mr. John Glynn, as he hath been most active 
to bring into the commissions of peace and into other places of 
authority, divers notorious delinquents in North Wales as aforesaid, 
so he hath been as active (as much as in him lies) to put out and keep 
out of the militia and Common Council of London, and out of the 
commission of the peace for Middlesex, many eminent and faithful 
men that have laid out their estates and adventured their lives for the 
defence of the Parliament and City in the time of their greatest neces- 
sity ; namely, Alderman Pennington, Colonel Tichburne, Mr. Eastwick, 
Mr.Moyer, and others, contrary to the declaration of both kingdoms, 
which hath assured all lawM favour and encouragement to those that 
have been faithful, and shall so continue to the Parliament, whicli 
doings must needs tend to the giving a fresh occasion and power 
to the enemy against the Parliament's best Mends, to the dishonour of 
the Parliament and the endangering of the kingdom. 

XX. That the said Sir Philip Stapleton, Mr. HoUes, and Sir William 
Lewis, have, by their power and countenance as members of the House 
of Commons, both jointly and severally used means to obstruct the 
course of justice, and have interposed themselves in several causes, 
and by word of mouth moved and persuaded judges and other 
officers, on the behalf of such as they conceive to be their friends : 
amongst others, whereas a great cause was lately depending in tbe 


House of Lords between Aldennan Langham and Captain Lymery, 
and counsel was met for the pleading thereof; the said Sir Philip 
Stapleton, Mr. Holies, and Sir WilHam Lewis, did repair to the Earl 
of Eutland about the same, and the said Sir Philip Stapleton told 
the said Earl that they (meaning himself and the said Mr. Holies and 
Sir William Lewis), were fully satisfied concerning the justness of 
Langham's cause, and therefore, as the said Earl did respect them, 
the said Sir Philip Stapleton, Mr. Holies, and Sir William Lewis, or 
expected from them, he, the said Earl of Butland, should give his 
vote for Langham, or used words to that effect, which also was 
seconded by the said Mr. Holies in words, and agreed unto by the 
said Sir William Lewis, as appeared by his presence and gesture, and 
the said Sir William Lewis did exercise the same power in a cause of 
John Gunter and others. 

XXI. That the said Mr. Anthony Nicholls, although about four 
years since he was (by a committee of privileges) voted that he was 
not a member fit to sit in the House by reason his election was void ; 
yet he, the said Mr. Nicholls, doth not only sit and vote there as a 
member, but by his power and threats in the west countries, and by 
his solicitations and indirect practices, had brought in, or procured to 
be brought in, about twenty-eight members more out of Cornwall, on 
purpose to carry on the designs and practices before mentioned, and to 
make a faction in the said House. And, notwithstanding the self- 
denying ordinance, he, the said Mr. Nicholls, doth still hold a place in 
the Tower, formerly conferred upon him by the House, and receiveth 
the profits thereof to his own use. 

XXII. That the said Mr. Nicholls hath, since his sitting in the 
House as aforesaid, taken rewards for service done there, namely — 
whereas Sir William Uvedale, Knight, for deserting the Parliament, 
and going to York with the King, was suspended the House, he, the 
said Mr. Nicholls, for the sum of 100^. or 150^. paid unto him, or to 
his use, by the said Sir William Uvedale, or some for him, did, by mis- 
informations to the House, procure the said Sir William Uvedale to be 
re-admitted a member of the said House. And the said Mr. Nicholls, 
while he was a member of the Committee for Safety, he and others of 
the said committee, having issued forth a warrant for searching Green- 
wich House : he, the said Mr. Nicholls, did, underhand, acquaint one 
of the Queen*s of&cers therewith, and thereby prevented the design of 
the said committee, to the great disservice of the Parliament and 


XXm. That the said Mr. Long, at the begiimmg of the late wars, 
not haying courage sufficient to perform his duty in military affairs, 
did, out of covetousness or other unworthy end, procure a command of 
a troop of horse, under his Excellency the late Lord General, the 
Earl of Essex; but whenever his said troop came upon any 
service, he, the said Mr. Long, out of fear or treachery, unworthily 
absented himself, and never was seen or known to charge the enemy in 
person, though his troop often engaged — ^namely, at the battle of Edge- 
hill ; when he saw there were like to be blows, he, the said Mr. Long, 
left the field, and never charged before his troop ; and at the battle or 
fight at Erainford, though his troop were there, yet he staid at London 
till the danger was passed, and the fighting done. And when his 
troop was sent into the west, he took no other notice of it, but to 
receive his pay, and in the meanwhile he repaired into the county of 
Essex, and procured a commission to be & colonel of horse, and, instead 
of fighting against the Parliament's enemies, he betook himself to 
plunder and oppress the Parliament's friends there ; and, contrary to 
order, and without any authority or exigencies of war compelling him 
thereunto, enforced great sums of money, and many horses and other 
provisions from the country — ^namely, from Mr. Thomas Manwood, a 
man well affected, who had the Greneral's protection, and whose horses 
had been taken from the plough, and others, to the great losses and 
oppression of the people, and to the great dishonour of the Parliament, 
whose service he nevertheless neglected, and hath not hitherto given an 
account of the great sums of money, and other things, that he had so 
exacted of the country, as aforesaid. 

XXIV. That the said Mr. Long afterwards, upon pretence of 
some losses sustained by the enemy, and some great service he had 
done for the State, did procure of the House a great office in the 
Chancery — namely, to be the chief registrar of that court, wherein his 
skill was nttle, and whereof he was, and still is, altogether incapable ; 
and, although for a time, upon the self-denying ordinance, he was dis- 
placed, yet upon the motion, or by the power and means of the said 
Mr. Holies, he hath obtained the same office again, to the great preju- 
dice of skilftd clerks that have been bred up in the said court, to the 
disservice of the commonwealth, and the dishonour of the House. 

XXV. That the said Mr. Long, on purpose to drive on the designs 
in the said several charges expressed, hath, for the space of two years 
last past, usually pressed and urged several members to give their votes 
such ways as he pleased, and to that end and purpose doth constantly 


place himself near the door of the House, that when any debate 
is concerning any design wherein his party is engaged, he, the said 
Mr. Long, hath used much tampering and violence to such of his own 
party as would go out of the House and hath persuaded them to con- 
tinue there for their votes ; and he, the said Mr. Long, in case any 
such have gone out of the House, hath been very inquisitive where 
they might be foimd, that so he may go for them when the business in 
debate comes near to be put to the vote, and when they come out 
according to his expectation, doth ordinarily and speedily run out of 
the House himself to caU them and drive them in again ; that he hath 
been commonly called (by those that are without the House, and have 
taken notice of his actions) the Parliament Driver ; whereby the free- 
dom of the members is taken from them, and the manner of the 
Parliament's proceedings much scandalised, and many times evil and 
dangerous designs drove on in a faction by votes, to the great 
prejudice of the commonwealth. 

All which matters and things the said army shall and will be ready 
(in convenient time) to make good, by proof upon oath, as this 
honourable House shall direct. And for that by reason of the strait- 
ness of time, and other more weighty affairs of the army, they could 
not so fully finish and accomplish the said articles ; therefore, the said 
army still reserve further liberty to add other articles against the said 
members, or any of them, at any time before the trial, as occasion 
shall serve. 

By the appointment of his Excellency Sir Thomas Tairfax, and the 
Council of War. 




Abbot, Dr., Archbishop of Canterbury, 
refuses to license the printing of Dr. 
Sibthorpe*8 sermon, i. 67 

Allington, Sir Giles, fined by Star Cham- 
ber, i. 232 

Anna D., Princesse de Portugal, letters to 
Lord Fairfax, vol. i. cxii. 

Analecta Fairfaxiana, referred to, vol. i. 


Anonymous intelligence, c. w. ii. 130 

Apprentices, London, power of, ii. 3 ; 
hatred to Laud, ii. 4 ; tumults of, ii. 
320 ; demand return oif ^eleven mem- 
bers," c. w. i. 376 ; petition Parliament 
for return of Charles I. c. w. i. 377 ; 
riots of, its consequences, c. w. i. 379 ; 
break into Lords and Commons, c.w. ii. 
380 ; compel Commons to make ordinance 
for alteration of militia, c. w. i. 382, 3 

Apsley, Sir Allan, i. 196 

Arminianism, spread of, i. 178 

Army, dissatisfaction of, after Rochelle 
expedition, i. 83 ; billeting soldiers first 
practised, i. 96 ; Sir William Penny- 
man advances on Berwick, i. 352 — 7 ; 
scarcity of provisions, i. 355 ; strength 
of army against covenanters, i. 355 — 9 ; 
Earl of Essex enters Berwick, i. 358 ; 
war proclaimed at Newcastle, i. 361 ; 
movements of, i. 362, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8 ; 
want of ammunition and pay, i. 369, 
370 — 71 ; peace concluded, i. 369; move- 
ments of, at Perth, i. 373 ; retreat of 
Lord Holland to Berwick, i. 375, 376 ; 
renewal of hostilities, i. 338 ; Trained 
Bands assemble at Newcastle, ii. 1 ; 
dislike of Trained Bands to Scotch war, 
ii. 6 ; Eari of Northumberland declines 
command of, ib. ; mutinous state of, ii. 
7 ; garrison of Newcastle, it 10 ; battle 
of Newbourn, English defeated, ii. 1 2 ; 
rally at Nortliallerton, ii. 16 ; treaty 
with Covenanters opened, ii. 22 ; skirmish 
on the Tees, ii. 24 ; treaty of Ripon, 
ii. 25 ; muster of troops, ii. 100 ; billet 
money unpaid, ii. 101—2, 114—15,204 ; 
military oppression, ii. 112, 203 ; three 
regiments disbanded, ii. 208 ; disputed 
billet accounts, ii. 210, 11, 12 ; Hamil- 
ton and Fielding's regiment disbanded, 

VOL. |I. 

ii. 212—13 ; dishonesty of officers, ii. 
214 — 19 ; brief of billet money for 
Hamilton's regiment, ii. 218 ; subsidies 
for relief of soldiers, ii. 220 ; Lord Fer- 
dinando Fairfax's regiment, ii. 252 ; 
military preparations, ib ; Trained Bands 
in Yorkshbe, ii. 269, 344 ; billet 
money, ii. 297 ; 8000 men raised for 
Ireland, ii. 315 ; impressment of soldiers, 
ii. 316 ; first interference of Parliament 
with military power, ii. 311 ; Major 
Skippon commands city militia, ii. 340 ; 
Lord Digby at Kingston,ii. 342; Trained 
Bands of Yorkshire garrison, Hull, ii. 
343 ; Yorkshire Trained Bands called 
out, ii. 365 ; magazine of Hull removed 
to London, ii. 398 ; proclamation of 
Earl of Newcastle for arms, ii. 409 ; 
the King sets up his standard at Notting- 
ham, c. w. i. 19. See Abht, Royalist. 
Army, Royalist, power of, c. w. i. 24 ; 
Earl of Newcastle at York, c. w. i. 29 ; 
plentifully supplied by the Papists, c. w. 
i. 29 ; well officered, c. w. i. 34 ; battle 
of Adderton Moor, c. w. L 49 ; drives 
Parliamentary forces into Hull, ib, ; 
advance on Peterborough, c. w. i. 55 ; 
retire from Peterborough, c. w. L 56 ; 
defeated by Cromwell at Gainsborough, 
c. w. i. 57 ; at Swinstead, c. w. i. 58 ; 
besieges Bradford, c. w. t 59 ; Earl of 
Newcastle enters Lincolnshire, c. w. i. 
62 ; Winceby fight, ib. ; driven out of 
Lincolnshire by Lord Fairfax, c. w. i. 
65 ; retreats to York, ib. ; defeated at 
Nantwich, c. w. i. 73 ; relief of Newark 
by Prince Rupert, c. w. i. 77 ; heroic 
defence of Lathom House by Countess 
of Derby, c. w. i. 84, 85, 86, 87, 88, 89, 
92; Prince Rupert at Bolton, c w. i. 
92 ; junction of Prince Rupert, and the 
King frustrated by Sir William Waller, 
c. w. i. 102 ; flight of the King from 
Oxford, c. w. I 104, 105, 106 ; Copredy 
Bridge, c. w. i. 110 ; disasters in the 
North, ib, ; defeated at Marston Moor, 
c. w. i. 112 ; surrender of Sheffield 
Castle, c. w. i. 103 ; Helmsley Castle 
taken, c. w. i. 120 ; Retrospect of Cam" 
paign of 1644, c. w. i. 143 ; difficulties 
of raising men for, a w. i. 164 ; Shrews- 

c c 



bury and Gloaoester mrrendered, c. w.i. 
164, 1 65, 169 ; the movements of Royalist 
forces, c. w. L 166 ; Prince Rupert at 
Blydwas, c w. L 172 ; Prince Maurice 
at Chirk Castle, i&. ; movements of 
Prince Rupert near Gloucester, c. w. i. 
179 ; rumoured junction of the Prince 
with Northern Royalists, c. w. i. 182, 
183 ; Sir M. Tjangdale defeats Lord 
Fiurfax at Pontefraet, c. w. i. 184 ; 
exchange of prisoners, c. w. i. 185, 186, 
187 ; ravages of Scotch soldiers, c. w. 
i. 209 ; Charles I. at Oxford, c. w. i. 
215 ; Prince Rupert at Worcester, 
Graieral Grormg at Marlborough, Sir 
Richard Grevifie at Taunton, i$. ; the 
King's Horse routed at Islop Bridge, 
c w. i. 216 ; Colonel Windebank sur- 
renders Blechington house, i5. ; Colonel 
Windebank shot, ib, ; Prince Rupert 
advances on Oxford, joined by the 
King, & w. i. 217 ; Chester taken by, 
c. w. i. 219 ; takes Leicester by storm, 
c. w. L 228 ; defeated at Naseby, c. w. 
i. 231 ; defeat of General Groring at 
Langport, c. w. i. 234, 235 ; surrender 
of Brideewater, c. w. i. 239 ; Sherborne, 
sieffe of, c. w. i. 247 ; Bristol stormed 
by Parliament forces, c. w. i. 248, 249 ; 
condition of Royalist forces, c. w. i. 250, 
265 ; action at Sherborne, its im- 
portance, c. w. i. 251 ; defeat of Lord 
Digby, c. w. i. 253 ; loses Tiverton, 
c. w. i. 257 ; Poldram Castle, c. w. i. 
264 ; progress of affairs in liie west, 
c w. L 264, 265, 266 ; siege of Exeter 
raised, c. w. L 269 ; Betrospect of Cam- 
padffn of 1645 ; Adiburton retreat, its 
consequences, c. w. i. 275 ; retreat into 
Cornwall, ib, ; loss of Dartmouth, c. w. 
i. 276 ; Poldram Castle surrendered, 
c. w. i. 281 ; battle of Torrington, a w. 
i. 285, 286; Lord Hopton disbands 
Royalist force under his command, c.w. 
i. 287, 288 ; surrender of Exeter to Sir 
Thomas Fairfax, c. w. i. 289, 290, 291 ; 
Oxford taken, and flight of the King, 
c. w. i. 296, 297 ; Ragland Castle re- 
duced, c w.i. 315,316, 317; Charles L 
given up to Parliament by the Scotch, 
c. w. i. 327 ; renewal of hostilities, c.'w. 
ii. 21 ; Berwick taken by Sir M. I^ang- 
dale, ib, ; Colonel Horton defeats 
Royalists at St. Fagan's, c. w. ii. 22 ; 
General Lord Goring, commander-in- 
chief of, c. w. il 31 ; defeated at M^d- 
stone, c. w. ii. 31, 2, 3 ; retires into 
Essex, c. w. ii. 34 ; Geneziil Goring re- 
inforced by Sir Charles Lucas, ib, ; 
movements of Royalists in Essex, c. w. 

ii. 35 ; divided councils in, a w. ii. 36 ; 
misrepresentations of Sir Charles Lucas 
to, ib, ; march to Colchester, c. w. ii. 
40 ; Uoentiousness of, c. w.iL 41 ; pro- 
clamlition of Sir Charles Lucas to, c. w. 
ii. 42 ; defence of Colchester by, c. w. 
ii. 43, 4, 5 ; execution of Royalist 
leaders, c. w. ii. 47 ; defeated at Preston 
by Cromwell, c. w. ii. 60 ; battle of 
Preston, ib. ; Sir M. Langdale taken 
prisoner, c. w. ii 63 ; movements of 
KoyaHsts in Ireland, c. w. ii 88, 91, 4, 
6, 8, 9, 100, 4, 7, 8, 10, 18, 20 ; defeat 
of O'Neale, c. w. ii 92 ; action near 
Dublin, c w. ii. 96 ; royalists in Scot- 
land, c. w. ii 118 ; tiiie Prince of Wales 
proclaimed in Scotland, c. w. iL 129 ; 
Greneral Leslie defeated near Dunbar, 
tb.; Battle of Worcester, c w. ii. 130, 
3 ; restoration of Charl^ II., c. w. ii. 
Army, Parliamentary, Wells besieged, 
c. w. i 17 ; three hundred Horse enter 
Somerset, ib, ; Lord Ferdinando Fair- 
fax, commander of Northern forces, 
aw. i 20 ; soldiers billeted upon the 
county, c. w. i 24 ; weakness of Parlia- 
mentaiy forces in Yorkshire, c. w. i. 
26 ; Colonel Boynton at Hull, ib. ; Sir 
John Gill raises 800 men, ib, ; strength 
of, in the North, ib, ; Wetherby 
skirmish, c. w. i 27 ; retires upon 
Selby, 0. w. i. 28 ; supported by loans, 
ib, ; Bradford action. Royalists retire to 
Leeds, a w. i 34 ; irregular movements 
of, c. w. i. 44; treachery of the 
Hothams, c w. i 48 ; execution of the 
Hothams, c. w. i 49 ; defeated at Ad- 
dertan Moor, ib. ; falls back iq>on Hull, 
ib. ; in want of supplies, c. w. i. 55 ; 
Cromwell at Gainsborougb, c w.i. 57; 
Bradford besieged by Earl of Newcas- 
tle, c. w. i 59 ; Winoeby fight, c. w. i 
62 ; signal success of, c. w. i. 65 ; Sir 
Thomas Fair£Evx in Cheshire, c. w. i 67 
— 69 ; battle of Nantwich, c. w. i 73; 
pay in arrears, c w. i. 75; siege of 
Newark, c. w. i 77; bad conditi(»i of, 
c. w. i 80, 84; Sir Thomas Fairfax 
at Lathom House, c. w. i 84 — 87 ; 
Colonel Rigby at Lathom House, c. w. i. 
88 ; Stamford Bridge, o. w. i. 95 ; junc- 
tion of the Earl of Leven with Earl of 
Manchester, c. w. i 102 ; Sir William 
Waller prevents junction of Charles 
and Prince Rupert, ib. ; Weymouth 
taken, c. w. i 1 10; Marston Moor, c. w. 
i. 1 12; surrender of Sheffield Castle and 
York, c. w. i 113; Helmsley Castle 
taken, c. w. i 120 ; licentiousness of 



soMieiy, c. w. i. 130, 131, 132, 133, 184; 
Retrospect of Cam/paign of 1644, c. w. i. 
143 ; Sir Thomas Fairfax, Generalie- 
aimo of, c. w. i. 1 57 ; remodelling of, c. w. 
i. 159 ; officers of new army to take 
the covenant, c. w. i. 161 ; two forts at 
'Weymouth taken, ib. ; militia under 
Sir William WaUer refuse to march, 
c. w. i. 162 ; Shrewsbury and Gloucester 
taken, c. w. i. 164, 165, 166, 169; 
movements of Waller and Cromwell in 
the west, c. w. i. 166 ; officers of Sir 
Thomas Fwrfax approved by Com- 
inons, ih, ; day of thanksgiving for suc- 
cess of, ib, ; Essex, Manchester, and 
Denbigh resign their commands in, c.w. 
i. 174 ; movements of troops about 
Bradford and Wakefield, c. w. i 1 77, 
178, 179, 180, 181 ; Lord Ferdmando 
Fairfax defeated at Pontefract by Sir 
M. Langdale, c. w. i. 184 ; exchange of 
prisoners, c. w. i. 185, 186,187; for- 
bearance of, c. w, i. 200 ; Lord Fairfax 
at York and Hull, c, w. i. 215 ; .the 
King's Horse routed at Islop Bridge, 
c. w. i. 216 ; sm'render of Bletchington 
House, i6. ; relief of Taunton, c. w. i. 
217, 219 ; difficulty of raising supplies 
for, c. w. i. 223, 224, 226, 226 ; battle 
of Naseby, c. w. i. 231 ; Fairfax and 
Cromwell at the siege of Bridgewater, 
c. w. i. 238; Bridgewater taken, c. w. i. 
239 ; grant of supplies to, c. w. i. 246 ; 
siege of Sherburne, c. w. i. 247; Bristol 
besieged, c. w. i. 248, 249 ; Tiverton 
stormed, c. w. i. 257; movements of, at 
Exeter, c. w. i. 258, 259 ; at Autrey, 
c. w. i. 260 ; sickness of, c. w. i. 261 ; 
movements of, c. w. i. 263, 264, 265, 
266 ; Exeter siege raised, c. w. i;269 ; ife- 
trot^pectof Campaign o/1645, cw; i. 270; 
movements of, in Devonshire, c. w. i. 
274; Ashburtonretreat,its consequences, 
c. w. i. 275 ; Dartmouth taken, c. w. i. 
276 ; movements of, c. w. i. 281 ; Exe- 
ter agam besieged, c. w. i. 282, 283 ; 
march into Cornwall, c. w. i. 284 ; bat- 
tle of Torrington, c. w. i. 285 ; compels 
Lord Hopton's army to disband, c. w. i. 
287, 288; surrender of Exeter to, c. w. i. 
289, 290, 291 ; surrender of Oxford to, 
c. w. i. 297; Ragland Castle, surrender 
of, to, a w. i. 316, 316, 317; grievances 
of, c. w. i. 332 ; not permitted to quar- 
ter within 25 miles of London, c. w. i. 
333 ; want of money, c. w. i. 336 ; mu- 
tiny of soldiers at Skipton Castle, ib. ; 
petition Conunons for pay and indem- 
nity, c. w. i. 338 ; Dungarvan CaBtle 
taken, c. w. i. 340, 341 ; disbanded by tlie 

House of Commons, c. w. i. ^3, 344 ; 
opinions there<Hi, c. w. i. 345, 346, 348, 
349 ; seizure of the King by Comet 
Joyce, c. w. t 351 ; demands dis- 
missal of certain members of Parlia- 
ment, c. w. i. 352, 7 ; its dignity and 
moderation, ib. ; demands seeurily of 
King's prerogative, c. w. i. 358 ; treats 
with Parliament, c. w. i 354, 360, 2, 4, 
5, 7, 8, 9, 371, 1 ; at St. Alban's, a w. i. 
355 ; its intentions towards King and 
Parliament, c. w. L 356 ; desirous of 
holding the person of Charles, c. w. i. 
358 ; disaffection of certain regiments, 
c. w. L 360 ; want of pay fen*, c. w. i. 
361 ; prefers charges against members 
of Commons, c. w. ii. 364 ; honesty of 
its intentions, c. w. ii. 365, 383 ; ar- 
rangement of difierences with Parli»< 
ment, c. w. i. 375; the Speakers of both 
Houses and 100 members driven from 
Parliament by Apprentice-riot, seek re- 
fuge at head-quarters of, c. w. i. 384 } 
moderation of, c. w. i. 386 ; Commons 
refuse to ratify acts of Army during 
absence of Speakers, c. w. i. 389 ; 
present remonstrance to Parliament, 
cw.i. 390 ; declares adherence to Par- 
liament, c. w. ii. 4 ; renewal of hostili'* 
ties, c. w. iL 21 ; Cromwell marches 
into Wales, c. w. ii. 22; Colonel Horton 
defeats royaliste at St. Fagan's, ih. ; pe- 
tition Lord Fairfax as to justice of its 
cause, c. w. ii 25 ; petition of Colonel 
Rich's regiment, tb. ; defeats royalists 
at Maidstone, c. w. ii. 32 ; ba&e of 
Maidstone, ib. ; marches into Essex, 
c w. ii. 36 ; besieges Colchester, c. w. 
ii. 41, 2, 3, 4, 3, 6; movements of Crom- 
well in Lancashire, c. w. ii. 60 ; battle 
of Preston, ib.; capture of Sir M. Lang- 
dale, c. w. ii. 63 ; remonstrance of, 
against treaty between King and Par^ 
liament, c. w. ii. 75 ; Lord Fairfax 
siMp^ids Colonel Hammond, ib*; seizes 
the person of the King, c. w. ii 76; ad- 
vanceson London, td.; Pride's Purge,t5.; 
position of, during the ixisl of the King, 
c. w. ii. 84, 5, 6; war in Ireland, c. w. ii. 
92, 3, 6, 8, 9, 100, 4, 7, 8, 10, 18, 19, 20 ; 
renewal of war in Scotland, c. w. iL 
129; Leslie defeated, ib.; battle of 
Worcester, c. w. ii 130 ; strength of 
CromweE's forces, a w. ii. 132 ; death 
of Cromwell, c. w. ii. 146 ; divided into 
three sections, c. w. ii 147 ; council of 
officers resolve to call a parliament, 
c. w. ii. 148 ; General Monk in Scot- 
land, c w. ii. 151 ; position of Lambert's 
army, t6.; movemento of Lord Thomas 
cc 2 



Fairfax, c. w. ii. 164 ; restoratioii of 
Charles II., c. w. ii. 174 

Army, Scotch. See Covenanters . 

Army, Spinola's, vol. i. xxxviii 

Armyn, Colonel, killed before Pontefract, 
c. w. i. 184 

Array, commissioii of, issued by Charles I., 
c. w. i. 16 ; makes head in several places, 
c. w. i. 24 

Articles of pacification, i, 392; appealed to 
by the Scotch commissioners, t6. 

Arundel, Earl of, imprisoned by order of 
Charles I., L 52; its consequences, i. 53; 
released, t5.; re-imprisoned, i 55; com- 
mander-in-chief in Scotch war, i. 357; 
general order of, i. 363 ; at Strafford's 
trial, ii. 60 ; reply of, to the mob at 
Strafford's trial, ii. 96 

Ashburton retreat, its results, c. w. i. 275 

Associated Counties, committee of, appeal 
to the gentiemen of Huntingdonshire, 
c. w. i. 54 

Ashlepr, Serjeant, committed for arguing 
in favour of kingly prerogative, L 1 00 

Astiey, Sir Jacob, letter on mutinous 
state of army, ii. 6 ; commands 4000 
men at Newcastie, ii. 10 ; note, ii. 114, 
211 ; deatiiof,in 1621 

Atkins, Thomas, to Mayor of Norwich ; 
sale of bishops' lands, c. w. i. 323; for 
pay to army and other matters, c. w. ii. 
114 ; Cromwell, resolution of Com- 
mons as to number of members, c. w. ii. 
115, 6; local news, death of Montrose, 
c. w. ii. 117 

Atkins, J., to Ferd. Lord Fairfax ; 
surrender of Neuvard Castle, c. w. i. 189 

Attainder, Bill of, (Strafford's), copy,ii. 

Andley, Lord, execution of, I 233, note 

Axtel, Colonel, note, i. 311 

Babington, Mr. James, to Lord Fairfax, 
"the Popish Plot," c. w. i. 297 

Baillie, , to — Wilkie, proclamation 

of Liturgy, and other ecclesiastical mat- 
ters, i. 327 ; description of Scotch army, 
i 377 ; note, i. 383 ; his notice of Straf- 
ford's defence, ii. 89 ; Charles I. in 
Scotiand, ii. 245 ; note ib., ii. 258 

Balfour, Sir William, refuses admittance 
of soldiers into Tower, ii. 125 ; refuses 
Strafford's bribe, ib. ; denies Strafford 
an interview with Laud, ii. 151 ; re- 
moved from command of Tower, ii. 

Balmerino, Lord, opposes act for regulat- 
ing Kirkmen's apparel, i. 287 ; tried for 
leasing-making, i. 289 ; packed jury, i. 
290 ; guilty, i. 291 ; pardoned, tb. 

Bannatine, Dr., Scotch canons, i. 325. 
Banks, Sir John, Attorney-General, i. 293 
Barlow, Thomas Dr., to; Mr. £velyn, 
thanking liim for gift to Bodley's 
Library, c. w. ii. 320 
Barrell, Gilbert, information against, in 

Star Chamber, i. 206 
Barwicke, Mr., knighted by the king at 

York, ii. 269 
Bassompierre, M., arrives as ambassador, 

i. 120 
Bastwick, — ., released from prison, ii. 1 94 
Batties, — ., Adderton Moor, c. w. L 49 ; 
Ashburton retreat, c. w. i. 275 
Bradford, c. w. i. 33, 59 ; Bridge- 
water stormed, c. w. i. 239 — 240 ; 
Blechington house, c. w. i. 216 ; 
Bristol stormed, c. w. i. 249 ; Bath 
stormed, c. w. i. 244 ; Bolton, c. w. 
i. 92 ; Bovey Tracey, c. w. ii. 174 
Cawood Castie, ii. 415 ; Chester 
siege, c. w. i. 215, 8, 9 ; Copredy 
Bridge, c. w. i. 110; Colchester 
siege, c. w. il 41 — 6 
Damton skirmish, ii. 418 ; Dungarvan 
Castle, c. w. i. 341 ; Donnington 
CasUe, c. w. i. 291 ; Dartmouth, 
c. w. i. 276 ; Durham skirmish, ii. 24 
Edgehill, c. w. i. 33 i Exeter, c. w. i. 

289, 290, 1 
Gainsborough, c. w.i. 57 
Helmsley Castie, c. w. i. 120 ; Hop- 
ton*8 army surrendered, c. w. i. 
. 287,8 

Islop Bridge, c. w. i. 216 
Lathom House, c. w. i. 87, 8, 9, 90 ; 
Lincoln stormed, c. w. L 114, 5 ; 
Leicester, c. w. i. 288 ; Langport, 
c. w. i. 234, 5 ; Leeds, ii. 416 
Marston Moor, c. w. i. 112 ; Maid- 
stone, c. w. ii. 32 
Newboum, ii. 12 ; Nantwich, c. w. i. 
73 ; Newark, c. w. i. 78 ; New- 
castle, ii. 12 ; Naseby, c. w. i. 231 
Pontefract, c. w. i. 184 ; Poldram 
House, c. w. i. 264—281 ; Ply- 
mouth siege, c. w. i. 275 ; Preston, 
c. w. ii. 60 
Ragland Castie, c. w. i. 316 — 7 ; The 

Isle of Rh^ expedition, i. 67, 68 
Shrewsbury, c. w. L 170 ; Stamford 
Bridge, c. w. i. 95 ; Sherbouni, 
c. w. i. 246—7, 253—4 ; Sheffield 
Castle, c. w. i. 113 
Tadcaster, ii. 422 ; Tiverton stormed, 
c. w. i. 267 ; Torrington, c. w. i. 
235 ; Taimton siege, c. w. i. 215 
Wetherby skirmish, ii. 419 — c. w. i. 
27 ; Winceby fight, c. w. i. 62 ; 
Wells siege, c. w. i. 1 7 ; Weymouth, 



c. w. i. 110 — 161 ; Worcester, 
c. w. ii. 146 

Bellasis, Henry, Esq., note, i. 231 ; ex- 
amined by privy council, i. 405 ; im- 
prisoned, t6. ; returned for Yorkshire, 
disabled from sitting in Parliament, 
note,ii 111 

Benede, Mr. John, to Mr. Evelyn, on 
various matters, c. w. ii. 341 

Benson, Mr. Henry, ii. 107 ; see note, ii. 
108 ; unseated for Knaresboro*, ii. 
260 — 7 ; his house resort of recusants, 
ii. 290 ; his conduct to Wm. Warwick, 
ii. 298 ; attempted arrest of, ii. 323 ; 
order of Commons for apprehension of, 
ii. 346 ; escape of, U. 348, 363, 376 

Berkeley, Mr. Robert, to Mr. John 
Cvelyn, death of his daughter, c. w. ii. 
334 ; horticultural pleasures, c. w. ii. 336 

Bericeley, Judge, arrested for perverting 
the laws, ii. 41 

Berwick, taken by Sir M. Langdale, c. w. 
ii. 21 

Beverley Gate, Charles I. shut out at, a 
w. i. 12 

Billeting soldiers, when first practised, i. 
95 ; oppressive to country, ii. 99 ; billet 
money unpaid, ii. 1 14, 1 1 5, 204 ; exami- 
nation of billets, ii. 210, 11, 12 ; abstract 
of billet money of Hamilton's regiment, 
ii. 215 — 18 ; Yorkshire billet money, 
ii. 298 ; division of billet money, ii. 
382 ; billet money still due, ii. 391 --4 ; 
Parliamentary army billeted in country, 
c. w. i. 24 

Billingsley,CaptMn,implicated in Goring's 
plot, ii. 118 ; attempts to save Lord 
Strafford, ii. 124 ; discovered, i5. 

Biron, Sir John, brings intelligence of the 
advance of the Scoteh, i. 377 

Bishops' lands, sale of, c. w. i. 323, 326 

Bishops, the, misconduct of, ii. 179, 180; 
impeached by Commons, ii. 182 ; Root 
and Branch Bill, ii. 183; their lives 
endangered, ii. 186 ; absent from Par- 
liament, ib. ; protest of to Lords, ib. ; 
accused by Commons of treason, ii. 1 87 ; 
committed to Tower, ii 188 ; excluded 
from Parliament, ib. ; opinions thereon, 
ii. 189 ; Selden's opinion, ii. 191 ; abo- 
lition of episcopal power, cause division 
in parliament, ii. 208 

Bladen, John, to Lord Thomas Fairfax, 
Dr. Duppa, ii. 229 ; Fairfax coat of 
arms, ii. 230 ; release of Mr. Bellasis, 
ii. 231; fines in Star Chamber Court, ii. 
232 ; Lord Audley's execution, ii. 233 ; 
Dr. Neale, ii. 234 ; execution of Lord 
Audley's servants, ii. 235 ; Lord Went- 
worth's Irish administration, i. 251 

Blechington House, taken by Cromwell, 
c. w. i. 216 

Bolton, Sir Richard, imprisoned for trea- 
son, ii 68 

Bosville, Major, attempts to convey a 
letter to the King at Carisbrook Castle, 
c. w. ii. 5 

Bourchier, Sir John, to Lord Fairfax — 
want of preachers, c. w, i 337 

Bowles, Rev. Edward, to Lord Ferdinando 
Fairfax — Sir T. Fairfax officers passed 
by Lords, c. w. i. 168 ; conduct of Par- 
hament to its army, c. w. i. 345 ; treaty 
between Parliament and Army, c. w. i. 
354 ; see iwte on Restoration, c. w. ii. 

Bradford, action at, Sir T. Fairfax com- 
pels the Royalists to fly to Leeds, c. w. 

Bramston, Sir John, his review of events 
previous to Restoration, c. w. ii. 198 

Branhall,Dr., imprisoned for treason, ii. 68 

Branston, Lord Chief Justice, censured 
by Parliament, ii. 42 

Brereton, Sir Wm. besieges Chester, c. w. 
i 215 ; appeals to Sir T. Fairfax for 
aid, c. w. i 218 ; raises the siege, c. w. 

Bridgewater stormed, c. w. i. 239, 240 

Bristol, Earl of, his accusation against 
Buckingham, i 42, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7 ; com- 
mitted to the Tower, i. 55 

Browne, Sir Richard, letter from Mr. 
Walter Lye, inviting him to Bristol, 
c. w. i. 97 ; member for London, at 
Worcester and Edgehill, one of com- 
missioners from Scoteh army. Resident 
in Paris, c. w. i 97 ; letter from the 
Elector Palatine, c. w. i. 100, 1 ; family 
alliance witii John Evelyn, c. w. i. 101 ; 
Lord Mayor of London in 1660, c. w. 
i. 102 ; letters from Paris to Sir 
Edward J*^icolas, on various matters, 
efforts to raise Royal cause, c. w. ii 
20 ; battle of Lens, seizure of members 
of Assembly, barricades of the Fronde, 
c. w. ii. 65, 6, 7, 8 ; release of M. de 
Bruxelles, military movements of Cond^, 
c. w. ii. 69, 70, 1 ; progress of affairs 
in France, c. w. ii. 73 ; calumniated by 
Lord Hatton, c. w. ii. 305; letters to Mr. 
Evelyn, on various subjects, c. w. 321 

Browne, Christopher, letter to his son, 
Queen at Dover, c. w. i. 6 ; dispatch of 
business in Parliament, ib. ; allusion to 
Algernon Sidney, c. w. i 10 

Brook, Lord, his house searched, i. 405 

Bruxelles, Mons., Dr., seizure of, by 
Queen Regent of France, c. w. ii. 65, 
6, 7 ; leleMed, c. w. ii. 69 



Buckingbam, Duke of, proposes an ad- 
journment of Parliament to Oxford, i. 

1 9 ; sells a port of nayy to France, i. 

20 ; resolves to overthrow the Lord 
Keeper WilHams, i 22 ; elected Chan- 
cellor of Cambridge, i 29, 51 ; his 
stratagems to weaken power of Com- 
mons, i. 33 ; excludes Dr. Williams 
from the coronation, i. 38 ; impeached 
by Dr. Turner, L 39 ; his explanation 
to Commons, L 41 ; the Duke's im- 
peachment called the << Cause of Causes,'' 
i 42 ; the Earl of Bristol accuses him 
of treason, ib. ; the Duke charges the 
Earl with treason, i. 44 ; impeached by 
the Commons, i. 47, 8, 9 ; the King 
interferes, i. 50 ; expedition to Isle of 
Rhe promoted by, i. 67 ; displaces Sir 
Randolph Crew, i. 71 ; issues base coin, 
i. 75 ; commands expedition to Ro- 
chelle, i. 76 ; conduct of, at Rochelle, i. 
79, 80, 1, 2 ; accused of treachery bv 
Duke of Rohan, ih. ; indignation of sol- 
diers against, i. 83, 88 ; the Duke retires 
to Newmarket, i. 89 ; his joy at Com- 
mons voting five subsidies, i. 98 ; the 
Duke opposes bill for Petition of Right, 
i. 102 ; denounced by Sir Edward Coke 
in Commons, i. 104 ; Commons re- 
monstrate on his numerous appoint- 
ments, i. 110 ; letter from Charles I. 
urging him to dismiss the Queen's 
French attendants, i 119 ; letter from 
Charles I. to the Duke in Paris, i. 121 ; 
assassination of, i. 138, 142, 3, 4, 5, 6 ; 
his disregard to .*< warnings," i. 1 39 ; his 
death foretold by Lady Davies, i., 140 ; 
to Charles II., details of his services, c.w. 
ii. 249 ; causes of Cromwell's hatred to, 
c. w. ii. 253 

Buckingham, Duchess of — See Ladt Mary 

Buckinghamshire freeholders, demonstra- 
tion of 4000, at Westminster, ii. 230 

Bulstrode, Sir Richard, note, ii. 389 

Burnet, Bishop, observations on Lord 
Balmerino's ^ial, i. 291, note 

Burton, imprisoned at Lancaster, i. 338 ; 
released from prison, ii. 194 

Burton's Diary, note^ ii. 356 

Burley, Captain, leader of Newport riot 
for release of Charles at Carisbrooke 
Castle, c. w. ii. 4 

Burlington, Lord, to Lord Fairfax, « Rye- 
house Plot," c. w. ii. 234 

Burrough, Sir John, to Sir Thomas Fair- 
fax, death of his two sons, vol. i. xlvi.; 
advice of, to Buckingham at Isle of 
Rhe', i. 61, note, ih. 

Byron, Lord, defeated at Nantwich, c. w. 

1. 73, note, «5. ; Lieutenant-General to 
Prince Rupert, c. w. i. 77 

Cabinbt Council, when first nsed, iL 20 

Cambridge, Univeraty of, petition to allow 
Thomas Hobson to ply between Cam- 
bridge and London, vol. i. lxix. 

Canterbury, Archbiphop of, beheaded, c.w. 
i. 156 

Capel, Lord Arthur, negociates with Sir 
T. Fairfax for peace, c. "W. i 260 

Cariisle, Countess of, her veaming to Tym 
of the King^s intention to seize the " five 
members, ' ii. 327 

Carlton, Lord, account of the assassination 
of the Duke of Buckingham, i. 145 

Carr, Dr., his opinion of Lord Stafford, 
ii. 143 

Caryll, Francis, his depoeition of the 
alleged murder of Sir Edmonsbury 
Go(firey, c. w. ii. 300 

Catholics, Roman, prochunations against, 
i. 36 ; Commons, jealous of, i. 95 ; ac- 
cused of fomenting discord between the 
King and Queen, i. 121; the Queen 
vows to educate her children in the 
Roman faith, i. 123 ; Romish intrigues, 
i. 124 ; resort to iiie Queen's Chapel 
at St. James, ib. ; intrigues with the 
Queen, i. 125, 126 ; jealousy of Parlia- 
ment of, i. 177 ; Jesuit CoUege esta- 
blished at Edmonton, ib. ; ten Jesuit 
professors committed to Newgate, 
Dr. Neale reprobated by Commons for 
patronising Catholics, i. 180 ; Father 
Philip's letter intercepted, ii 282 ; jea- 
lousy agamst, ib, ; proposal for their 
extermination, ii. 283 ; forfeiture of 
their estates, ii. 284 ; popish intrigues, 
ii. 297 ; Irish pi^ists in arms, ii. 302 ; 
search for priests and arms in Clare, 
ii. 377 

Cavalier and Roundhead, origin of the 
term of, ii. 185 

Cavendish, Lady Anne, witty reply of, to 
Laud, i. 337 

Cavendysshe, the Ladies, to Lord F. Fmt- 
fax, thanks for protection, c. w. i. 195 

Cawood Castle, taken by Captain Hotham, 
ii. 415 

Chalcedon, Bishop of, concealment of, i 1 21 

Chaloner, James, to Ursula Fairfax, urging 
his suit, voL i. lxxvi. ; alluding to 
repayment of a loan, vol. i. lxxvih. ; 
author of History of " Isle of Mim," 
vol. i. Lxxix. ; letter to Lord Ferdinando 
Fairfax, self-denying ordinance, c. w. i. 
156 ; Canterbury beheaded, ib. ; Sir T. 
Faiifax, militia refuse to march, c. w. 
i. 1 62 ; anticipated invasion, c. w. i. 



163; I0B8 of Shrewsbury and Gloucester, 
G. w. i. 164 ; difficulties of the King, 
ib. ; death of, in 1661, vol. i. lxxx 
Chaloner, William, one of Commissioners 
to try Charles I. vol. i. lxxix. ; with- 
draws to Holland, and dies at Middle- 
bvirgh, vol. i. lxxx 
Chambers, Richard, summoned before the 
Council, i 172; fined, i. 173 ; conduct 
before the Court of Star Chamber, ib. 
note ; Rushworth imprisoned in the 
Fleet, i. 174, note ; death of Chambers, 
noticed in Rushworth. 
Charles I., accession of, i. 4 ; dissolves 
Parliament, ib. ; general election, i. 5 ; 
dissolves Parliament, i. 20 ; attempts to 
raise supplies, i. 22 ; pecuniary em- 
barrassments of, i. 23 ; compelled to 
re-assemble Parliament, ib. ; demands 
supplies from Parliament, i. 25 ; at 
issue with the Commons, i. 29 — 33 ; 
nominates seven sheriffs, i. 34 ; procla- 
mation of, against Papacy and Arminian- 
ism, i. 36 ; coronation of, i. 37 ; Par- 
liament re-assembles, peremptory mes- 
sage of the King, i. 38 ; anger of, at 
the impeachment of Buckingham, i. 40; 
summons both Houses to Whitehall, 
ib. ; his severity to the Commons, i. 41 ; 
interferes at the impeachment of Buck- 
ingham, i. 50 ; endeavours to indict the 
EjMtI of Bristol, i. 61 ; imprisons the 
Elarl of Arundel, i. 52 ; collision with 
the Lords, ib. ; dissolves Parliament, i. 
53 ; remonstrance of the Commons to, 
i. 54 ; re-imprisons the Earl of Arundel, 
ib. ; commits the Earl of Bristol to the 
Tower, t5.; applies to the clergy for aid, 
i. 66 ; arbitrary proceedings of, i. 70, 
71 ; forced loans of, i. 73 ; cur<aUs his 
expenses, i. 75 ; promises pay to the 
seamen, i. 83 ; applies to Sir Robert 
Cotton for advice, i. 85 ; re-assembles 
Parliament, L 87 — 92 ; restores the 
loan recusants to liberty,! 88 ; at New- 
market, i. 89 ; uncouciliating speech of, 
to Parliament, i. 92 ; his remark upon 
a petition for a general fast, i. 95 ; 
billets soldiers, i. 95 ; encourages Ca- 
tholics, i. 96 ; urges a vote of supply, i. 
97 ; his opinion ef Parliaments, i. 98 ; 
interview with Sir John Cooke, t&. ; 
anxious for the payment of subsidies, 
L 99; calls both Houses together on 
the '< Petition of Right BiU," i. 100 ; 
endeavours to evade the Bill, i. 102 ; 
special answer of, to the petition, ib. ; 
influenced by Buckingham, i. 103 ; 
assents to the Bill, i. 105 ; endeavours 
to recover his power, I 105 ; tries to 

raise money, i. 106 ; prorogues Pariia- 
ment, i. 106, 107 ; orders petition of 
right to be reprmted, i. 110 ; patronage 
o^ to Drs. Mainwaring and Montague, 
i. 114 ; a Protestant, ib. ; marries Hen- 
rietta Maria, i. 116 ; awaits the arrival 
of the Queen at Canterbury, ib. ; dis- 
misses the Queen's French attendants, 
i. 117 ; his letter to tlie Duke of Buck- 
ingham thereon, i 119 ; his letter to 
Buckingham in Paris, i. 121 ; letter to 
the King of France, i. 122 ; tampers 
with the leaders of the Commons, i. 126; 
at Portsmoutii, i. 141 ; his grief at the 
death of Buckingham, i. 147 ; wishes 
Feltou to be tortured, i. 148 ; appoints 
Laud his prime adviser, i. 151 ; pro- 
rogues Parliament, i 154 ; declares his 
disappointment of Parliament, ib. ; 
urges on Tonnage and Poundage Bill, 
i. 155; Parliament re-assembles, i. 170; 
directs Tonnage and Poundage Act to 
be prepared, i. 171 ; summons both 
Houses before him, i. 174; conc^atory 
address of, i, 175 ; reprieves the Jesuit 
priests, L 178 ; commands the Commons 
to adjourn for a week, i. 181 ; sends for 
the Speaker's mace, i. 186 ; denied 
admittance to the Commons^ ib. ; sends 
for a guard to force the door, ib. ; dis- 
solves Parliament, ib. ; arrests Sir John 
Eliot, John Selden and others, i. 189 ; 
removes Selden and the other prisoners 
privately, i 197 ; conduct of the Court, 
i. 198 ; warning of Parliament to, i. 199; 
answer of, to Sir John Eliof s petition, 
i. 205, 206 ; forbids the proposal of a 
Parliament, i 209 ; makes peace with 
France and Spain, ib. ; instructions to 
subsidy conunissioners, i. 210 ; levies 
knightiiood money, i. 212 ; revives the 
forest laws, i. 213 ; soap monopoly, i. 
218 ; levies ship money, i. 219; his first 
writ, i. 220 ; endeavours to win Hamp- 
den, i. 223 ; his visit to Scotland, i. 243 
promotes tiie Earl of Newcastie, ib. 
delays his visit to Scotland, i. 270 
sends for the Scotch regalia, i. 271 
ominous message to, ib. ; resolves to 
be crowned in Edinbui^h, i. 272 ; pro- 
gress of, to Scotiand, i. 275 ; touches 
« divers " JTor the Evil, i. 282 ; enter- 
tained by the Duke of Kewcastie^ i. 283; 
crosses the Border, i. 284 ; crowned at 
Holyrood, L 285; assembles the Scotch 
Parliament, i 286 ; interferes with the 
vestments of the clergy, i. 287 ; checks 
the voters in the House, i. 288 ; his 
conduct on the Kirkmen's Apparel Act, 
i. 289 ; pardonfl Lord Balmerino, i. 291 ; 



leaves Scotland, i. 292; aware of Scotch 
hatred to Episcopacy, i. 323 ; proclaims 
a new liturgy, i. 326 ; resolves on war 
with Scotland, i. 343 ; departs for Scot- 
Uuid, i. 345; Sir T. Widdrington's 
address to, i. 346 ; poem to, i. 348 ; 
misled by his courtiers, i. 350 <- 352 ; 
dispatches Sir W. Pennyman to Ber- 
wick, i 352 ; address of the gentlemen 
of Yorkshire to, i. 353 ; his want of 
money, i. 355 ; military movements of, 
i. 357 — 359 ; proclaims war at New- 
castle, i. 361 ; arrives at Berwick, i 367 ; 
hastily concludes a peace, I 370 — 384 ; 
sends for the Marquis of Hamilton, i. 
377 ; returns to London, i. 389 ; breaks 
faith with Scotch Parliament, t5., 390 ; 
endeavours to justify his conduct, i. 392 ; 
Bunmions Strafifbrd to London, i. 396 ; 
assembles Parliament, ib. ; summons 
the Commons to Whitehall, i 398 ; 
demands supplies, i. 399 ; dissolves 
Parliament, i. 401 ; wishes its recall, i. 
402 ; imprisons several members of 
Parliament, i. 405 ; levies ship money, 
ii. 2 ; seizes the buUion in the Tower, 
ib. ; favours the Church party, ii. 5 ; 
mutiny of his army, ii. 7 ; summons a 
Council of Peers at York, ii. 17 — 19 ; 
raises 200,000^., ii. 19 ; treaty of Hipon, 
humiliating to, ii. 25 ; chooses LenUiali 
Speaker, ii. 30 ; opens Parliament, ii. 31 ; 
conciliatory addi^ess of, ii. 32 ; assents 
to the Triennial Act, ii. 43 ; commands 
Strafford's appearance in London, ii. 44 ; 
attends Stralford's trial, ii. 60 ; address 
of, to the Peers on behalf of Strafford, 
ii. 92 ; private interview of, with Mr. 
Hyde, ii. 118; his endeavours to save 
Strafford, ib. ; implicated in Goring's 
plot, ii. 122, 124 ; assembles his privy- 
council, ii. 126 ; his scruples against 
Strafford's attainder, ii. 126 ; Dr. 
Juxon's warning to, ii. 127 ; Strafford's 
letter to, ii. 129 ; signs Strafford's at- 
tainder by commission, ii. 132 ; forsaken 
by his ministers, ii. 134 ; his extreme 
sorrow, ii. 134 ; his weaJi attempts to 
save Strafford, ii. 137; writes to the 
Peers, ii. 138; mean postscript, ii. 139 ; 
his letter to Strafford, ii. 143 ; summons 
both Houses to Whitehall on ecclesias- 
tical affairs, ii. 182 ; communicates the 
Bishop's petition to Parliament, ii. 187; 
recapitulates his reforms, ii. 195 ; pro- 
poses to visit Scotland, ii. 197, 2^6 ; 
petitioned by Commons to delay his 

J'oumey,ii. 199 ; encroachments of Par- 
iament on the King's prerogative, ii. 
232, 233 ; his reasons for visiting l^ot- 

land, ii. 237, 238 ; his intrigue with the 
covenanters, ii. 239 ; gives a private 
warrant to Marquis of Hamilton to 
converse with Covenanters, ii. 240 ; en- 
deavours to win over Scotch commis- 
sioners, ii. 241 — 5; proposal of ''the 
Plotters" to, ii. 249 ; letter of, to the 
Earl of Argyle, ii. 250 ; leaves London 
for Edinburgh, ii. 253 ; intrigues with 
the army, ii. 255 ; arrives in Eidinburgb, 
ib. ; general mistrust of the King, ii. 
256 ; passes Act of ObUvion, abolishes 
Episcopacy, ib. ; outrage of ^ the Inci- 
dent " conmiunicated to, ii. 257 ; chiefs 
of Covenanters promoted by, ii. 258 ; 
their ingratitude to, ii. 260 ; leaves 
Edinburgh, ib. ; confers knighthood at 
York, ii. 269; his endeavours to esta- 
blish a Scotch party known to Piu*lia- 
ment, ii. 281 ; chaiige in the King's 
manner to Parliament, ii. 301 ; City of 
London, favourable to, ii. 303 ; his entry 
into London, ii. 304 ; refuses a guard 
to Parliament, ii. 306 ; ^ The Remon- 
strance" of Commons presented to, ii. 
311 ; his three advisers, ii. 312 ; pre- 
pares an answer to ** The Remon- 
strance,*' ii.3l4 ; summons both Hoi^es 
to a conference, ii. 316 ; commits a 
breach of Parliamentary privilege, ii. 
317; attempts to seize '* five members'* 
of ^e Commons, ii. 324 — 8 ; offers to 
make reparation, ii. 330 ; deserted by 
the City, ii. 335 ; unadvised speech of, 
towards the seamen, ii. 336 ; leaves 
Whitehall, ii. 337, c. w. i. 3 ; arrives at 
Windsor, ii. 340 ; offers the « Seals" 
to Selden, ii. 341 ; accompanies the 
Queen to Dover, ii. 351 ; excludes the 
Bishops firom Parliament, ii. 352 ; re- 
fuses to surrender his control over 
militia, ii. 353, 380 ; returns to ^ Theo- 
bald's," ii. 354 ; ParUament threatens 
to act without the consent of, ii. 355 ; 
declaration of Commons presented to, 
at Newmarket, ii. 356, c. w. i. 4 ; re- 
fuses to return to London, ii 359 ; 
warns the people not to obey the Par^ 
liament, ii. 360 ; petition from York- 
shire to, ii. 362, 367 ; prepares for war, 
ii. 385 i endeavours to obtain arms from 
Holland, ii 386 ; removes the Prince of 
Wales to Greenwich, ib. ; his interview 
with Mr. Hyde thereon, ii 387; pro- 
poses to visit Ireland, ii. 388 ; arriTes 
at York, ii. 389 ; General Ruthven, and 
King's visit to, ii. 391 ; answers the 
declaration of Parliament, ii. 393 ; 
Parliament petition to, for removal of 
great officers of state, ii 396; refusal of, 



ii 398 ; appears before Hull with three 
hundred horse, ih., c. w. i. 12 ; shut out 
at Beverley Gate, c. w. i. 12 ; meets 
the Parliament Committee at York, ii. 
399 ; summons freeholders at Hey- 
vforih Moor, ii. 406 ; Sir Thos. Fair- 
fax forces a petition on, vol. i.xcy.ii. 407; 
issues proclamation for arms, ii. 409 ; 
levies money in Yorkshire, ii 413 ; 
nobles at York swear allegiance to, 
c. w. i. 15 ; issues the ** Commission of 
Array," c. w. i. 16 ; sets up his standard 
at Nottingham, c. w. i. 19 ; prorogues 
his Parliament at Oxford, c w. i. 102 ; 
escapes from Oxford, c. w. i. 104 ; Sir 
William Waller pursues, c. w. i. 106 ; 
destroys the bridge at Evesham, t6. ; 
receives intelligence of battle of Mar- 
ston Moor, c. w. 1. 110 ; hopes of the 
King on the moderate party, c. w. i. 
155 ; his difficult position, c. w. i. 164 ; 
at Oxford, c. w. i. 155 ; his junction 
with Prince Rupert, c. w. i. 217; mili- 
tary movements of, c. ly. i. 229 ; routed 
at Naseby by Sir T. Fairfax, c. w. i. 233 ; 
valour of the King, ih, ; flies to Leices- 
ter, c. w. i. 234 ; retreats to Wales, ib. ; 
view of his position after battle of 
Naseby, c. w. i. 254, 269 ; negociates 
with Parliament for peace, c. w. i. 270; 
faithless conduct of, c. w. i. 286 ; flight 
of, from Oxford, c. w. i. 296 ; reaches 
Newark, c. w. i. 297 ; delivered up to 
Parliament by the Scotch, c. w. i. 327; 
meets Sir T. Fairfax at Nottingham, 
c. w. i. 331 ; at Holmby, c. w« i. 350 ; 
seized by Comet Joyce, c. w. i 351 ; at 
Newmarket, c. w. i. 353 ; guarded by 
Col. Whaley to Richmond, c. w. i. 358 ; 
removed to Reading, c. w. i. 364, 365 ; 
at Hampton Court, c. w. i. 391 ; touches 
** divers " for Evil, c. w. i. 392 ; again 
rejects overtures from Parliament, c. w. 
i. 393 ; rumoured attempt on his hfe, 
c. w. i. 397 ; escapes from Hampton 
Court, ib. ; sui*renders to Col. Ham- 
mond, Governor of Carisbrook Castle, 
c. w. i. 399 ; attempts another treaty 
with Parhament, c w. i. 402 ; attempted 
rescue of at Carisbrook, c. w. i 403 ; 
Parliament declares it ti'eason to com- 
municate with the King, c. w. ii. 3 ; 
attempts to escape from Carisbrook 
Castle, c. w. ii. 16 — 18 ; state of Eng- 
land during his imprisonment, c. w. ii. 
20, 21 ; holds a court at Newport, c. w. 
ii. 74 ; Lilly's prediction verified, c. w. 
ii. 75 ; seized by the army and conveyed 
to Hurst Castle, c. w. iL 76 ; accused of 
High Treason, c. w. ii. 77; Commons 

appoint commissioners to try the King, 
c. w. ii. 82 

Charles the Second. See Wales, Paince of 

Chester, siege of, c. w. i. 218 

Cholmeley, Mary, letter to Mr. Henry 
Fairfax relating to her jointure, i. 62 ; 
letter to her husband, i. 64 ; her epi- 
taph, i. 66 

Cholmeley, Colonel, to Lord Ferd.Fairfax, 
the Lady Musgrave's protection, c. w. 

Church of Scotland. Conduct of Laud to 
Dr. Lindsey, i. 285 ; Apparel of Kirk- 
men Act obnoxious to Scots people, i. 
287; Lord Balmerino's petition, i. 289; 
its repugnance to Episcopacy known 
to Charles I., 323—325 ; Court of 
High Commission established, i. 326 ; 
Laud's attempt at religious uniformity, 
ib. ; Baillie's Letter, i. 327 ; Bishop 
Juxon's letter, i. 328 ; liturgy published, 
i. 329 ; Laud's letter to Earl of Tra- 
quair thereon, ib. ; Church riots at 
Edinburgh, i. 330 — 2 ; village festivals 
condemned, i. 333 ; the Covenant 
drawn up, i. 343. See Covenantees. 

Civil War, renewal of, in Scodand, c. w. 
ii. 129 

Clare, Lord, inquiry of, for Bishop of 
London, i. 94 ; letter to Lord F. Fair- 
fax, Council of Peers at York, ii. 18 ; 
negociates a loan for Charles L, ii 19 ; 
Derbyshire regiments, c. w. i. 136 

Clarendon, Earl of, see Hyde, Edward 

Clarendon, Henry, Earl of, see Cornbubt, 

Clarendon, the Countess, to Mr. John 
Evelyn, on Horticulture, c. w. ii. 333 

Clayton, R., Mr., to Lady Fairfax, sale of 
Fairfax estat^, c. w. ii. 241 ; particu- 
lars of death of Lord Fairfax, c w. ii. 242 

Clifford, Lord, to Sir Thomas Fairfax at 
Denton, death of his two sons, vol. i. 
XLViii. ; bantering note of, voL i. 
Lxvii. ; Kiug of Sweden*s army, i. 242; 
visit of Chai'les I. to Scotland, i. 279 ; 
death of, note, i. 369 

Clotworthy, Sir John, Member for Maiden, 
c. w. i. 352; denounced by Parlia- 
mentary army, c. w. i. 356 

Club-risers, origin of, c. w. i. 237 ; attack 
Sir F. Fairfax, c, w. i. 238 ; suppressed 
by Cromwell, c. w. i. 244, 245 

Coat and Conduct Money,resi8tance to,ii. 2 

Cobbetfs State Trials, noU, ii. 129 

Coke, Sir Edward, pricked for sheriff by 
Charles I., i. 34 ; objects to sheriff's 
oath, i. 35 ; elected for Norfolk, ib. ; 
returned contrary to precept, ib. ;no<e,t6. ; 
denounces Duke of Buckingham, i. 104 



Colchester, siege of, a w. iL 41 — 46 ; ap- 
pearance of, after siege, c. w. ii. 46 ; 
riots at, c. w. ii. 21 

Coleman, Mr., to Father la Chaise, ^the 
Popish Plot," c. w. ii. 288 

Commission, High Court of, established, 
Rey. Mr. Snelling fined, I 333 ; Book 
of Sports, i, 334 ; abolished, ii. 194 

Commissioners for raising the subsidy, 
copy of instructions from, to Lord Fair- 
fax, i. 210 ; note. Commissioners' names. 

Commissioners, Scotch, visit London, i. 
392 ; fail in their object, t5. ; continued 
appeal of, ib. 

Committee of Safety, address of, to gentle- 
men of Yorkshire, c. w. i. 21 ; address 
of, to Lord Fairfax, c. w. i. 22 ; rein- 
forces Lord Fairfax, c w. i 23, 42, 43; 
re-empowered, c. w. ii. 3 

Cond^, Prince de, military movements of, 
c. w. ii. 70 

Constable, Sir William, to Sir F. Fairfox, 
procee<^gs before Privy Council, i. 68 ; 
union of Sir Thomas Fairfax and Lady 
Vere, i. 296—297, 802 ; elected for 
Knaresborough, note, ii., 261 ; disputed 
return of, ii. 262 — 269; disbanding Par- 
liament army, c. w. i. 347 

Constable, Lady, to Lord F. Fairfax, riot 
of apprentices, c. w. i. 378 

Conway, Lord, commands the army at 
Newcastle, ii. 10 ; his inability, ib. 

Conyers, Sir John, billeting soldiers, ii. 
210 ; 9»o«e, ii. 211 

Cooke, Sir John, interview with the King, 
i. 97 ; note, Kushworth alluded to 

Coote, Sir Charles, barbarous act of, c. w. 
ii 123 ; application of, for supplies for 
army, c. w. ii 124 

Copley, Col, to Sir Thomas Fairfax, mili- 
tary movements, c. w. i. 82 ; defeats 
Lord Digby, c. w. i. 253 

Coriton, William, imprisoned in the King's 
Bench, i 191 ; soUtary confinement of, 

Cork, Earl of, record of his remarkable 
career, i*129 

Combury, Lord, to Wm. Lowndes, Esq., 
for pecuniary aid, c. w. ii. 310 ; to Mr. 
Evelyn, court gossip, c. w. ii 323 ; the 
plague, c. w. ii. 325 ; on various sub- 
jects, c. w. ii. 327 ; on Miss £vel3m*s 
death, c. w. ii. 338 ; thanking him for 
bail, c. w. ii. 339, 340 ; thanking him 
for book of medals, c. w. ii 347 

Cosins, Dr. John, Dean of Peterborough, 
public accusation against, i. 179 ; to 
Mr. Evelyn, his son''s reasons for conver- 
sion to Catholic fiuth, c. w. ii. 313; sale 
of books, c. w« ii. 318 

Cotton, Sir Robert, advice of, to Charles I., 
i 85 ; his advice to Buckingham, i. 98 ; 
information in Star Chamber against, 
i, 206 ; death, nofe, i 207 

Cottington, Lord, purchases pepper for 
the King, ii 2 

Council, Privy, act of, commanding use 
of Book of Common Prayer, i 326 

Covenanters, the, covenant drawn up by 
Henderson and Johnscm, i 343 ; 20,000 
meet Marquis of Hamilton at Edin- 
burgh, ib, ; motto of, i. 344 ; assemble 
at Berwick, L 361 ; defeats the Lord 
Holland, i 375 ; described by Baillie, i. 
377 ; open negociations with Charles I., 
i 384 ; conference of deputies with 
the King, i 385 ; peace signed, i 386 ; 
leaders of, summoned to Berwick, i. 
389 ; defection of Montroee, ib. ; in- 
sincerity of the King towards, i. 391 ; 
apply to France for aid, i 394 ; letter 
intercepted, ib. ; Scotch commiBsJonere 
imprisoned, i 395 ; march from Edin- 
burgh, ii. 9 ; encamp at Dunse, ib. ; 
advance on Newcastle, ii. 10 ; sortie of 
Berwick garrison, ib. ; their camp de- 
scribed by Rushworth, ib, ; battle of 
Newbum, ii 12 ; General Leslie takes 
Newcastle, ii 13 ; levy contributions, 
ii 14 ; curious letter of John Lesly, 
ii 15 ; petition tiie King for redress, 
ib. ; treaty opened with, ii. 21 ; meet 
tile English commissioners at Bipon, 
ii. 22 ; skirmish on the Tees, ii. 24 ; 
treaty of Ripon, ii 25 ; four English 
counties ceded as security to, ii. 26 : 
cessation of hostilities, ib. ; intrigues of 
the King with, ii 239, 240 ; Lord Waris- 
ton's interview with Charles, ii. 241 ; 
letterofPrindpal Baillie, ii. 245; Mon- 
trose's ambiguous letter, ii. 246 ; con- 
duct of the King towards, ii 256 ; out- 
rage of << the Incident," ii. 257 ; the 
King promotes chiefs ii Covenanters, 
ii. 258 ; their ingratitude, ii. 260 

Coventry, Sir Thomas, appointed Lord 
Keeper, i 23 ; note, Campbell^s ^ Lives 
of Chancellors '' quoted 

Crawford, Lord, suspected of plotting to 
seize the Dukes of Hamilton and Ar- 
gyle, ii. 282 

Crawley, Bir. Justice, censured by Par- 
liament, ii. 42 

Crewe, Sir Randolph, displaced by Duke of 
Buckingham, i 71 ; Cbmmons' petition 
the King in favour of, ii. 1 78 ; death 
of, note, ib, 

Crewe, John, examined before Privy Coun- 
cil, i 405 ; committed to priaon, ib. ; 
his firmness, ib. 



Cromwell, Oliver, description of, by Sir P. 
Warwick, L 181 ; embarks as an emi- 
grant, L 342 ; Mr. Hyde's opinion of, 
ii. 34 ; his maiden speech, ii. 35 ; his 
reply to Lord Falkland on '< Remon- 
strance" debate, a 309, 310 ; letter to 
bachelors and maids of Huntingdon, 
c. w. i. 56 ; defeats the Royalists at 
Grainsborough, c. w. i. 57 ; letter of, to 
Commissioners at Cambridge, c w. i. 
58 ; his horse killed at Winceby fight, 
c. w. i. 64 ; commands Horse at Marston 
Moor, c. w. i. 112; accuses Earl of 
Manchester of disinclination to fight, 
c. w. i. 114 ; energy of, c. w. i. 116 ; 
Parliament exempts him from Self- 
denying Ordinance, ii. 174 ; routs the 
King's Horse at Islop Bridge, c. w. i. 
216 ; takes Blechington House, ib. ; 
appointed Lieutenant-Greneral of Ca- 
vah*y by Sir Thomas Furfax, c. w. 
i 230 ; his charge at Naseby, c. w. 232 ; 
suppresses Club-risers, c. w. i. 244, 245 ; 
surprises Lord Wentworth at Bovey 
Tracey, c. w. L 274 ; takes 400 Horse 
and 7 colours, a w. i. 75 ; informs Com- 
mons of escape of the King, c. w. i. 
397 ; letter to Col. Hammond, the 
King's attempt to escape from Cans- 
brook, c. w. ii. 16 ; conmiands 8000 
men in Wales, c w. ii. 22 ; defeats 
Royalists at Preston, c. w. ii 60 ; ar- 
rives in London, c. w. ii. 77 ; movement 
of, in Ireland, c. w. ii. 92 — 98 ; a me- 
diator, c. w. iL 107 ; at Duncannon, 
c. w. ii. 108 — 110 ; arrives in England, 
c. w. ii. 1 1 7 ; defeats the Scotch, invests 
Edinbuigh, c. w. ii. 129 ; defeats Royal- 
ists at Worcester, c. w. ii. 130 ; conduct 
o^ toward Greneial Lord Fairfftx, voL L 
cvi. ; death of, c. w. ii. 146; position of 
parties after his death, c. w. ii. 175 

Cromwell, Richard, succeeds to the govern- 
ment, c. w. ii. 146 ; assents to forma- 
tion of Council of Officers, c. w. ii. 147 ; 
abdication of,its consequences, c.w.ii.l 84 

Crosland, Col., defends Helmsley Castle, 
c. w. i. 120; terms of capitulation, c. w. 
i. 121 

Crowther, Dr., deposition of^ concerning 
marriage of Anne Hyde and Duke of 
York, c w. u. 271 

Culpepper, Lieut-CoL, death of, ii. 7 

Culpepper, Sir John, on monopolies, i. 
395 ; advises Charles I. to exclude 
bishops from Parliament, iL 352 

Cypher-writing, c. w. ii.' 95 — 97, 101 

Danbt, Eari, to Lord Fairfax^ <<the 
Popish Plot»" c. w. ii 294, 295 

Danish Ambassador, arrival of, ii. 48 

Darcy, Thomas, to Lord F. Fairfax ; re- 
sponsibilities of spies, c. w. i. 175 

Damton, skirmish at, ii. 418 

Davenant, Mr. William, implicated in 
Goring's plot, ii. 1 18 

Davenport, Chief Baron, censured by Par- 
liament, ii. 42 

De Garde, to Sir R. Browne, on various 
matters, c. w. ii 72 

Denbigh, Earl of, to Sir Thomas Fairfax, 
battie of Newark, c. w. i 78 ; resigns 
his command, c. w. i. 174 

Derby, Earl of, valour of, at Bolton, c. w. 
i 92 ; his answer to Iroton, c. w. i. 93 ; 
taken prisoner at Worcester, ib. ; execu- 
tion of, ib. 

Derby, Countess of, her defence of Lathom 
House, c. w. i 85 ; Sir Thomas Fairfax 
letter to, ib, ; reply of, c. w. i. 86 ; her 
indomitable courage, c. w. i 87 ; reply 
of, to Col. Rigby, c. w. i 88 ; her fideUty 
to the Royal cause, a w. i 93 

Derelove, William, misdemeanours of, at 
Knaresborough election, ii. 217, 260 

Dering, Sir Edward, denounces Arch- 
bishop Laud, ii 175 ; note, ib. 

De Vic, Sir Harry, his attachment to 
Charles I., c. w. ii 5; letters of, to Sir 
R. Browne on various matters, c. w. ii. 
6 ; news from the Low Countries, c. w. 
ii 13, 15 ; Knights of Golden Fleece 
installed at Brussels, c. w. ii 14 

Digby, Lord, opposes bUl against Strafford, 
ii 82 — 84 ; advises the King to seize 
the five members, ii. 331 ; movements of, 
at Kingston, y. 318, 342 ; his apology, 
ib. ; surprises Col. Wren, c. w. i 253 ; 
defeated by Col. Copley, ib. ; escapes 
to Ireland, c. w. i 255 ; enters French 
army, t5. ; Clarendon's advice to, c. w. 
i 256 ; lids ingratitude, ib. ; death of, 
c. w. i 257 ; character of, c. w. i. 252 

Digges, Sir Dudley, committed to the 
Tower, i. 50 

Discourse for bridling the impertinence of 
Parliament, extracts from,i. 207 

D'Israeli's Commentaries, noUf ii 142 

Dodsworth, Roger, preservation of MSS. 
by Sir Thomas Fair&x, a w. i 301 

Donnington Castie, surrender of,c.w. i 291 

Dorset, Countess of, biographical sketch 
of, i. 263 ; spirited letter to Sir Joseph 
Williamson, i. 265 ; to Lord Fairfax at 
Denton, i 266 ; to Mr. Charles Fairfax, 

Douglas^ Sir William, taken prisoner, ii 24 

Dublin, action near, c. w. ii 94 — 96 

Dttckenfield, Col. to Sir Thomas Fair- 



fax, Goveruor of Chester, Parliamentary 
soldiers disbanded, arrears of pay, c. w. 

Dunganran Castle taken, c. w. i. 341 

Duppa, Dr., note ii. 229 

Dutch Ambassadors, advice of, to the Par- 
liament, c. W. i. 165 

Eborcen, Tobias, Archbishop of York, to 
Sir Thomas Fairfax of Denton, tres- 
pass on Sir Thomas's land, vol i. xxix 

Edgehill, battle of, c. w. i. 33 

Eliot, Sir John, his speech against Duke 
of Buckingham, i. 47 ; committed to 
the Tower, i. 50; petitions Charles I., 
i. 71 ; restored to liberty by Privy 
Council, i. 88; his speech on Charles' 
message to Copimons for five subsidies, 
L 99; attacks Buckingham, i. 104; de- 
nounces Laud, i. 180 ; denounces the 
Lord Treasurer, Weston, 1. 183 ; sum- 
moned before Privy Council, i, 189; 
examination of, i. 190 ; committed to 
the Tower, i. 191 ; subpoanaed before 
Star Chamber Court, i. 193 ; solitary 
confinement of, i. 199 ; refuses to sub- 
mit to terms of the Court, i. 204 ; its 
consequences, ib. ; death of, i. 205 ; 
buried in the Tower chapel, i. 206; cruel 
reply of the King to his son, ib. 

Election, general, in 1625, i. 5 

Elections, Parliamentary, fiercely con- 
tested, ii. 29 ; Lord Ferdinando Fairfax 
returned for Yorkshire, ii. 29 

Epitaph on James I., by Edward Fairfax, 
i. 2; to the memory of William and John 
Fairfax, at Frankenthale, vol. i. xlix 

Episcopal property confiscated in Scot- 
land, ii. 259 

Episcopacy abolished in Scotland, ii. 256 

Essex, Earl of, appointed Lieutenant Ge- 
neral, i. 357 ; enters Berwick, i. 358 ; 
appointed Lord Chamberlain, ii. 134, 
358 ; refuses to attend upon the King, 
ii. 333 ; deputed by Parliament to pre- 
vent removal of Prince of Wales, ii. 
387 ; joins Parliament forces, c. w. i. 
37 ; Generalissimo, ib. ; appoints Cap- 
tain Uotham Lieutenant-General, ib, ; 
appoints council of officers to assist 
Lord Fairfax, c. w. i. 38, 40 ; virtually 
superseded by Cromwell, c. w. i. 103 ; 
designs of Parliamentary generals con- 
cealed from, c. w. i. 104 ; ordered to 
watch the King, ib. ; escape of Charles, 
c. w. i. 105 ; quarrels with Sir WilUam 
Waller, c. w. i. 107 ; takes Weymouth, 
c. w. i. 1 10 ; resigns command of Par- 
liamentary army, c. w. I 174 

Evelyn, John, marriage of, c. w. i. 101 ; 

possessed of Sayes Court, c. w. i. 102; to 

Mr. Jameson, c. w. ii. 332; la — , 

indisposition of Mr. Pepys, c. 'w^* ii. 350 

Evelyn, Sir John, one of Committee of 

Safety, c. w. ii. 3 
Exeter surrendered, c. w. i. 289, 290, 291 
Exeter, Earl of, letter to Sir Tliomas 
Fairfax, relating to tlie expedition to 
Rh€, i. 78 

Fairfax, *M3S. earliest date of, i. 1 ; 
family, origin of, vol. i. xiii ; settles in 
Yorkshire, vol. i. xv 

Fairfax, Richard, of Askham, vol. i. xvi 

Fairfax, WUliam, baiUff of York in 1249, 
vol. i. XVI 

Faii*fax, Sir Guy, judge of King's Bench 
in 1478, vol. i xvi. ; builds a castle at 
Steeton, ib. 

Fairfax, Sir William, of Steeton, judge of 
Common Pleas, vol. i. xvi 

Fairfax, Sir William, of Denton, high- 
sheriff of York, vol. i xvi. ; disinherits 
his son for assisting at sacking of 
Rome, ib. ; will of, vol. L xvii 

Fairfax, Sir Thomas, of Denton, knighted 
by Queen Elizabeth, vol. i. xix; issue 
of, ib. 

Fairfax, Colonel Charles, killed at the 
siege of Ostend, vol. I xix 

Fairfax, Edward, translator of Tasso, vol. L 
xix. i. 3 ; religious opinions of, ib, 

Fairfax, Sir Thomas, (1st lord), refuses 
title from King James, vol. L xx. ; 
knighted before Rouen, «&. ; correspond- 
ence with Lord Sheffield, vol. i. xxi. ; 
vice-president of the North, vol. i. xxii.; 
family alliance with Lord Sheffield, 
vol. i. xxiiii. ; his intructions respect- 
ing Sir F. Fairfaxes estate, vol i. xxv. ; 
attributes storms at sea to the devil, vol. L 
xxviii; extravagance of his family, vol. i. 
xxxii. ; letter of,* to his son Henry, on 
his extravagance, vol. 1 xxxij^ ; to his 
son Ferdinando, vol. i. xxxiii. ; joins 
army in Low Countries, vol. i. xxxv. ; 
returns to England, vol. i. xlii. ; gal- 
lantry of his sons, vol. 1. XLiv. ; death 
of his sons, vol. i. xlvi. ; contests York- 
shire against Sir John Savile, vol i. 
Lix. i. 5 — 8 ; created a peer, vol. i. 
Lxx. i. 12 ; statement of his services, t6.; 
to Lord Colville in reference to his 
peerage, i. 15, 17 ; his second marriage, 
i, 57, 59 ; letter to lords in council on 
raising subsidies, i, 73 ; to Lord Went- 
worth, on armed forces in Yorkshire, i. 
167 ; fined by Star Chamber Court,i. 227; 
summoned to Scotch parliament, i. 
285 ; uniop. of his grandson with JjAy 



Anne Yere, I 303 — 308 ; singiilar pro- 
phecy of, i. 314 ; letter of advice to his 
grandson, i. 356 ; note of, by Brian 
Fairfax, ii. 40 ; death of, see note, ii. 
41 ; will of, ii. 425 
Fairfax, Sir Ferdinando, (2nd lord), mar- 
lies Lady Mary Sheffield, toI. i. xxiii. ; 
his interview with Hicks, on his bro- 
ther's death, vol. i. lii. ; statement of 
his brother's death, vol. i. liii. ; elected 
member for Boroughbridge, vol i. lvi. 
i. 12, 23 ; issue of, by Lady Mary Shef- 
field, i. 28 ; returned for Yorkshire, i. 
91 ; appointed Colonel of York Trained 
Bands, i. 349 ; marches to Newcastle, 
i. 362 ; ordeied to Carh'sle, I 366; re- 
ceives 5002. to pay regiment, i. 367, 
370 ; in want of ammunition, i. 369 ; 
elected member for Yorkshire, ii. 30 ; 
proposes University at Manchester, ii. 
180 ; commands a regiment of Trained 
Bands, ii. 252; GenenJ of West Riding 
of Yorkshire, ii. 416 ; attempted seizure 
of, c. w. L 20 ; appointed commander 
of the Northern forces, c. w. i. 21 ; re- 
ceives approbation of Parliament, c. w. 
i. 22 ; Hotham's troops placed under his 
command, c. w. i. 23 ; his dispatch to 
Committee of Safety, c. w. i. 25 ; re- 
ceives thanks of Commons, c. w. i. 30 ; 
Council of Officers appointed to arrest 
him, c w. 1. 37, 40 ; difficulties of his 
position, c. w. L 40 ; Committee of 
Safety promise supplies to, c. w. i. 41 
— 43; defeated at Adderton Moor,vol. i. 
Lxxiv. c. w. i. 49 ; falls back upon 
Hull, ib. ; made governor of Hull, c. w. 
i. 51 ; defeated at Pontefract by Sir M. 
Langdale, c. w.i 184 ; liberality of, to 
Royalists, c. w. i/193 ; second marriage 
of, c. w. i. 320 ; death of, c. w. ii. 16 ; 
will of, vol. i. Lxxxix. Correspondence 
of Sir F, Fairfax ; letters to his father, 
vol. i. xxxiiii. ; on public affisdrs, vol. i. 
Lvii. ; Parliamentary gossip, i. 24 ; dif- 
ferences between King and Parliament, 
i, 29 ; on his father's second marriage, 
i. 59 ; arminianism, tonnage and 
poundage, i. 155 — 157 ; precedence of 
foreign noblemen, i. 158 ; death of 
Lady Wentworth, i. 237 ; Wentworth's 
reproval, i. 245 ; on various matters, i. 
255 ; death of a servant, i. 307 ; arrival 
of Charles I. at York, i. 351 ; entry of 
Essex into Berwick, i. 358 ; strength of 
the King*s army, i. 359 ; the Scots at Ber- 
wick, i. 361 ; indosing commission from 
President of the North, i. 363 ; on his 
march to Carlisle, i, 366 ; on receiving 
5002. to pay his regiment, i. 366—370 ; 

on his want of ammunition, i. 369 ; 
bad state of his regiment, i. 372 ; 
letters from his father on pecuniary mat- 
ters, vol. i.xxxiii.; accusinghim of frus- 
trating his second marriage, i. 57 ; on 
marriage of his son. Sir Thomas Fair- 
fax, i. 303— 304; letter to his brother 
Henry Fairfax, dispute of his father's 
will, arrest of Judge Berkley, ii. 39 — 41 ; 
University at Manchester proposed, 
misconduct of bishops, ii. 180, 1 81 ; from 
Henry Fair&x, Manchester University, 
C.W. ii. 271 ; petition enclosed, t6.; letter 
from Mr. Webb, death of Peregrine 
Fairfax, vol. i.Liv.; letters from Sir Wm. 
Constable, loan recusants, i. 68; mar- 
riage of Sir Thomas Fairfax, i. 296, 297, 
302 ; Cromwell and Parliamentary ai*my, 
c. w. i. 347.; from Lady Constable, 
riot of apprentices, c. w. i. 378 ; from 
Richard Hutton— King of Sweden ; Lord 
Maltraver's marriage, i. 254 ; from 
his son. Sir Thomas Fairfax, on his 
marriage with Lady Vere, i. 301 ; the 
King's attempt to raise a body guard, 
c. w. i. 13 ; Leeds and Wakefield, c. w. 
i. 33 ; military movements of his sod, 
c. w. i. 35; Captain RatclifiTs treachery, 
c. w. i. 44 ; siege of Oxford, c. w. L 228; 
Goring's defeat at Langport, c. w. i. 235 ; 
storming of Bridge water, c.w. i.239,240 ; 
suppression of Club-risers, c. w. i. 244 ; 
Sherboum taken, c. w. i 247; Bristol 
besieged and taken, c.w. i 248, 249 ; Lord 
. Goring in Somerset, c. w. i. 251 ; Tiver- 
ton stormed, c. w. i. 257 ; militaiy move- 
ments, c.w. i. 258; Ashburton retreat, 
c. w. i. 275; siege of Plymouth raised, 
c. w. i. 276; siege of Exeter, c. w. i. 282; 
military movements, c. w. i. 284 ; defeat 
of Lord Hopton, a w. i. 285; disband- 
ing of Hopton's army, c. w. i. 288 ; 
surrender of Exeter, c. w. i. 290,291; 
extract from the King's letter to Par- 
liament, c. w. i. 293; on general busi- 
ness, c. w. i. 294; surrender of Ragland 
Castle,c.w. i. 316,317; army grievances, 
0. w. i. 322 ; propositions of army to 
Parliament, cw. i. 334; Sir Thomas 
ordered to join army, c.w. i. 344; treaty 
between Parliament and army, c. w. i. 
371; from Lady Mary Vere, illness 
of Sir Thomas Fairfax, i. 309—320; 
from Charles Fairfax, levying sub- 
sidies, L 403 ; billeting soldiers, ii. 
200 ; rights of levy, c. w. i. 241 ; on 
various matters,' c. w. i. 301 ; plague in 
Yorkshire, and domestic matters, c. w. 
i. 303 — 311 ; marriage of Mr. Jen- 
nings, c. w. i. 308 — 310 ; stewardship 



of Ripon, c. w. i. 313 ; on TuriouB 
subjects, c. w. i. 815 ; Pontefract elec- 
tion, c. w. i. 318 ; second marriage of 
Lord Fairfax, c. w. i. 321 ; from his 
son Charles Fairfax on pablie affairs, 
c. w. i. 31 ; from Lord Clare, council 
of peers at York, ii. 18 ; protection 
system, c.w. i. 136; from Mr. Stock- 
dale, soldier's lrillets,ii. 101 ; turbulence 
of soldiers, ii 105 ; Strafford's trial, ii. 
107 ; Knaresborongfa election, ii. 108, 
217, 260— 268,292—295,383; subsidies 
in Claro, ii. 110 ; murder of Captain 
Wythers, ii. 112; billet-money, ii. 114; 
triennial Parliaments, turbulence of mili- 
tary, ii. 202 ; subsidies, ii. 205 ; Lord 
Strafford, ii. 207 ; three regiments dis- 
banded, ii. 208 ; the twelve bishops, i6. ; 
billet-money airangements, ii. 211 ; 
Hamilton's regiment disbanded, ii. 212, 
213; death of Sir Henry Goodrick, ii.214 ; 
disputed accounts, ii. 216; billet-money 
of Hamilton's regiment, ii. 218 ; ship- 
money, ii. 226 ; poll-money, ii. 228, 293, 
349 ; recusants,' ii. 229 ; rebellion in 
Irelimd, ii. 230 ; disputed return of Sir 
Wm. Constable, ii. 260—268; departure 
of Charles I. from York, ii. 269; expense 
of Trained Bands, ib. ; proposal for ex- 
terminating Catholics, ii. 283 ; forfeiture 
of Catholic estates, ii. 284 ; Catholics in 
Claro, ii. 286; pardon of Irish recusants, 
ii. 289; Henry Benson's house, resort of 
recusants, ii. 290 ; rumoured disaffec- 
tion between King and Parliament, ii. 
292; review of affairs, ii. 294 ; Ireland, 
billet-money, ii. 297; Lord Strafford's 
estate, ii. 321 ; escape of Mr. Benson, 
ii. 323, 348, 376; Yorkshire Trained 
Bands, ii. 344; Sir Thomas Fairfax in 
Yorkshire, ii. 348 ; Yorkshire petitions 
King and Parliament, ii. 362 ; the Pro- 
testation, «&.; search for priests and re- 
cusants, ii. 364, 377; Yorkshire peti- 
tion misunderstood, ii. 37 3 ; superstitious 
picture riots, ii. 375; counter-petition 
proposed, ii. 378 ; commission to raise 
money for Ireland, ii. 379; note, ib, ; 
differences between King and Parlia- 
ment, ii 380; protestation in Yorkshire, 
ii. 381; division of billet, ii. 382 ; anti- 
cipated petition to the King, ii. 390 ; 
reports about Hull, ih. ; arrival of the 
King's press, ib. ; Generals King and 
Ruthven meet the King at York, ii. 391 ; 
commissioners from Parliament at York, 
ii. 393 ; Yorkshire petitions Charles to 
return to Parliament, ii. 395; from 
Lady F. Lewenstein, return of Charles 
Fairfax to England, i. 321 ; Queen of 

Bohemia, ii. 196 ; from Sir William 
Fairfax, Ainstye petition, accepts com- 
mand of a company, ii. 252, from 
Mr.Rushworth, siege of Wells; bearers 
of York petition committed to Black 
Rod, c. w. i. 17; sickness in Parliament 
army, c. w. L 261 ; rumoured departure 
of Ih^nee Rupert, c. w. i. 263; attack of 
Poldram house, c. w. L 264 ; progress of 
war in West of England, c. w. i. 265 
—267; Sir William Selby and boroughof 
Tiverton, c. w. i. 268, 273 ; progress of 
affairs at Dartmouth, c. w. i. 277, 278 ; 
movements of Parliamentary army, c.w. 
i. 28 1 ; operations at Exeter, c. w. i . 283 ; 
Parliamentary forces in Cornwall, c. w. 
i. 286 ; Hopton's army disbanded, c. w. 
i. 287; surrender of Exeter, c. w. i. 289 
— 291; Parliament jealous of Scotch 
army, c. w. i. 295; on disbanding Par- 
liamentary army, c. w. i. 343; seizure 
of the King, c. w. i. 353 ; intentions of 
army to Parliament, c. w. L 356 ; army 
grievances, c. w. i. 357; treaty at Ux- 
bridge between Parliament and army, 
c. w. i. 360—364; 369, 370 ; on various 
matters, c. w. i. 362; riot of apprentices, 
c.w.i. 379 ; fromtheEarl of Essex appoint- 
ing Council of Officers to assist Sir Fer- 
dinando, c. w. i. 37 — 40 ; from Lionel 
Copley, Captain Hotham appointed 
Lientenant-General, c. w. i. 39 ; from 
Captain Hotham, military movements, 
c. w. i 45 ; frt>m Parliamentary Gen- 
erals, their reasons for not joining 
him, c. w. i. 46 ; from the Speaker of 
the Commons, appointing him Go- 
vernor of Hull, c. w. L 49 ; from the 
Earl of Manchester; taking of Shef- 
field castle, c. w. I 13 ; from Ed- 
ward Howard, living of Wheldrake, 
c. w. i. 124 — 128 ; from Lord 
Willoughby, exchange of prisoners, 
c. w. i. 129 ; from Earl Mulgrave, 
on various matters, c. w. i. 1 31 ; for 
protection, c.w. i. 191 ; from Earl of 
Northumberland, for protection from 
military, c. w. i. 132 ; from John 
Wolstenholme, outrageous conduct 
of soldiers, c.w. L 133 ; fronk Lord 
Morley, for protection and a pass, 
c. w. i. 137 ; f^xnn Edmund Sheffield 
on various subjects, c. w. i. 1 40 ; 
from Lord Wharton, elevation of Sir 
T. Fairfax to command of army, c. w. L 
142, 143 ; Self-denying Ordinance, 
treaty of Uxbridge, c. w. i. 157 ; from 
James Chaloner, Self-denying Ordin- 
ance, c. w. i. 155 ; Sir T. Fairfax in the 
City militia ; Shrewsbury and Glonces- 



ter takeni aw. i. 162 ; from Sir Tho- 
mas Widdrington, treaty of Uxbridge, 
ordinance for anew model army^c. w. i. 
159; Sir Thos. Fairfax, c. w. i. 161 ; 
on yarioufl subjects, c.w. i. 165 ; junc- 
tion of Rupert with Royalists, c. w. i. 
382 ; meeting at Skipton Castle, c. w. i. 
1 35 ; disbanding ParUament army, c. w. 
i. 340 ; on various matters, c. w. i. 346 ; 
differ^ioes between Parliament and 
army, c. w. i. 365 ; riot of apprentices, 
c. w. i. 377 ; from Lord Fairfax, 
movements of Parliament forces, c. 
w. i. 166 ; from the Rev. Edward 
Bowles, illness of Sir Thomas Fairfax, 
c. w. i. 169 ; conduct of Parliament 
to army, c. w. i. 345 ; treaty between 
Parliament and army, c. w. i. 354 ; from 
Thomas Darcy, capture of suspected 
spies, c. w. i. 175; from Sir George 
Wentworth, thanking him for protec- 
tion, c. w. i. 176 ; payment of composi- 
tion, c. w. i. 298 ; from Sir John 
SavUe, military movements in the 
North, c. w. i. 177 — 180 ; from Colonel 
Lowther, exchange of prisoners, c. w. 
i 185 ; from William St. George, 
exchange of prisoners, c. w. i. 187 ; 
from R. Wyllis, Lady Cooke's pass, 
c. w.i. 187> 188 ; from John Atkins 
for a pass, c.w. i. 189; firom Peter 
Da Moulin, for protection, c. w. i. 
191 ; from tile Ladies Cavendish, 
thanking him for protection, c. w. 1 195 ; 
from Katherine Middleton, inter- 
ceding for her husband, aw. i 196 ; 
from the Ladies Middleton, for pro- 
tection, c. w. i. 197 ; from Lady Os- 
borne, for assistance, c. w. i 198 ; 
from Lady Graham, for protection, 
c w. i. 203 ; from Lady Musgrave, 
for protection, a w. i. 207 ; from 
Colonel Hutchinson, military move- 
ments, a w. L 221 ; from Gervase 
Lomax, military rumours,*a w. L 229 ; 
from Ferdinando Gorges, on various 
subjects, c. w. i. 299 ; from Sir John 
Bourchier, want of preachers, c. w. 
i. 337 ; £rom Mr. White, Dungarvan 
castle, Irish rebelKon, c. w. i. 341 ; 
from Colonel Overton, disbanding 
Parliamentary army, c. w. i. 349 

Fairfax, Sir Philip, marries Lady Frances 
Sheffield, vol. i. xxiii. ; death of, vol. i. 
xxvii. ; note, his issue, ib, 

Fairfax, Henry, enters the church, vol. i. 
LViii. i. 62 ; marriage of, ib, ; endea- 
vours to establish a NorthemUniversity, 
ii. 271 ; biography of, i.'64 

Fairfax, Mary, see Cholmslet, Mart 

Fairfax, Charles, barrister of Lincoln's Inn, 
collects ^ Analecta Fairfaxiana,*' vol. i. 
Lvii. ; Colonel of foot under Grenend 
Monk, voL Lux.; curious prophecy of his 
father, vol. i. cvii.i. 314 ; to his father, 
wars in the Low Countries^ i. 256, 318 ; 
to his brother Ferdinando, raising subsi- 
dies, L 403 ; mutinous conduct of sol- 
diers, ii. 200 ; rights of levy, c. w. i. 
241 ; Lady Pembroke, Roger Dods- 
wordi, c. w. i. 301 ; plague in York- 
shire, c. w. i 303 ; on domestic aihirs, 
a w. L 304 — 307 ; his daughter's 
marriage, c. w. i. 308 — 310 ; domestic 
affairs, aw. L 311 ; Lady Pembroke, 
c. w. i. 312 ; receives stewardship of 
Ripon, c. w. i. 313 ; domestic affairs of, 
0. w. i 315 ; Pontefract election, c. w. 
i. 318 ; made governor of Hull, voL i. 
Lix. ; writes to his brother Lord Ferdi- 
nando on his second marriage, c. w. i. 
321 ; pensioned by Charies II., vol. i. 
Lix. ; death of, ib. 

Fairfax, William, letter giving his coins 
to Selden, vol. i xxxv. ; writes his 
father's epitaph, vol. i. xxxvii. ; killed 
at Frankoithale, vol. i. xlv 

Fairfax, John, letter to his father, state 
of army in Holland, vol. i. xlii. ; killed 
at Frankenthale, vol. i. xlv.; epitaph of, 
voL i. XLix 

Fair&x, Peregrine, killed at Montaban, voL 
i. u.; statement of his death, vol. i. liii 

Fairfax, Thomas, killed in Turkey, voL i. li 

Fairfax, Sir William, of Steeton, to Sir 
Thomas Fairfiax of Denton, expedition 
to Rochelle, i. 142 ; Ainstye petition, 
accepts command of a company, ii 252 ; 
commands at Leeds, a w. i. 35 — killed 
at Montgomery Castle, tee note ib, 

Fairfax, lA-, to Lord Ferdmando Fairfax 
on various matters, c. w. i. 166 

FairfiEix, Sir Thomas (3rd Lord), bom at 
Denton 1611, vol. i. xciv. i. 61 ; edu- 
cated at Cambridge, ib. ; joins the army 
in the Low Countries, vol. i. xcv. ; 
letter from, to Lord Fairfax, dated 
Lord Yere's camp, i. 161; returns to 
England, i. 1 62 ; writes to Lord Fahr- 
fax thereon, i 163 ; marries Lady 
Anne Yere, voL i. xcv. ; letters re- 
lating to his marriage, i. 296, 297, 
302, 305 ; writes to his father on his 
marriage, i 301 ; to Lord Fairfax, i. 
306 ; ilhiess of, i 309^312 ; extrava- 
gance of, i. 313 ; forebodings of Lord 
Fairfikx, i. 314; writes to Lord Fairfax, 
Bishop of Lincoln fined, i 337 ; com- 
mands a troop of Horse in Scotch war, 
vol. i. xcvi. i« 356 ; birth of his daughter 



Mary, i. 386 ; forces a petition on the 
King at Heyworth Moor^ voL i. xcri. 
ii. 407 : extract from his*' Short Memo- 
rial," ih.; writes to his father, ^King's 
body-guard, c. w. i. 13; ordered to 
Leeds, c. w. i. 28 ; appointed General 
of Horse, vol. i. xcvi. c. w. i. 31 ; his 
impatience to raise the country, c. w, i. 
33 -, battle of Bradford, vol. i. xcvi. c. w. 
i 33 ; skirmish at Wetherby, vol. i. 
xcvr. ; his junction with Capt. Hotham, 
G. w. i. 34 ; takes Leeds, vol i. xcvi. 
a w. i. 35 ; letter to his father, ib. ; 
Wakefield and Doncaster surrender to, 
vol. i. xcviii. ; wounded at Sherboum, 
ib. ; reinforces Pomfret castle, c. w. i. 
35 ; letter to his father, revolt of Gapt. 
Batcliff, c. w. L 44 ; surrounded by 
the Earl of Newcastle at Bradford, vol. 
i. XCVIII. c w. i. 59 ; Lady Fairfax 
taken prisoner, vol. i. xcix. ; wounded, 
vol. i. XCIX. c. w. i. 60 ; escapes to Hull, 
t5. ; return of Lady Fairfax, ib, ; 
letter from Lady F. Willonghby to, c. w. 
1. 61 ; joins the Earl of Manchester, 
c. w. i. 62 ; Winceby fight, ib. ; con- 
dition of his soldiers, c. w. i. 66 ; clothes 
1500 men, c. w. i. 67 ; defeats Lord 
Byron in Lincolnshire, vol L xcix. ; 
routs Col. Bellasis at Ferrybridge, 
tb. ; appointed General of Cheshire, 
c. w. i. 67 ; marches for Nantwich, 
0. w. i. 68 ; Battle of Nantwich, c. w. 
i. 73, 74 ; resolutions of, to the gentle- 
men of Lancashire, c. w., i. 76 ; letters 
from Earl Denbigh to, progress of affairs, 
c. w. i. 78 ; from Col. R. Duckenfield 
to, state of the soldiers,'c.w. i. 79 ; from 
Christopher Copley to, progress of affairs, 
c. w. i. 81 ; from Col. Joseph Bright 
to, military movements, c. w. i. 82 ; be- 
sieges Lamom House, c. w. i. !85 ; his 
letter to Lady Derby, ib, ; letter from 
Col. Lambert to, c. w. i. 94 ; defeats tiie 
King at Marston Moor, vol. i. c. c.w. i 
112; appointed Generalissimo, vol. i. c 
c. w. i. 115, 157 ; letter from Lord 
Wharton to, thereon, c. w. i. 142 
wounded at Helmsley Castle, c. w. i. 120 
arrives in London, c. w. i. 160 — 162 
Speaker of Commons waits upon, c. w, 
i 161 ; nominates ofiicers of new army, 
ib, ; receives thanks of Parliament, vol 
i. 01. C.W. i. 162 ; ofiicers of, accepted by 
Lords, c.w. L 168; illness of, cw.i. 169 
remodels new army at Windsor, c. w 
i, 173 ; commission from, to Algernon 
Sydney; ib. ; petition from CoL Alured's 
regiment to, c. w. i. 214 ; relieves Taun- 
ton, vol. i. CI. c. w. i. 217 ; his brilliant 

operationB in the West, vol. L ci. ; joins 
Cromwell, c. w. i. 217 ; Sir WiUiam 
Brereton*s appeal to, for aid, c. w. 218 ; 
concentrates his army, c. w. i. 220 ; 
Oxford invested by, vol. i. ex. c. w. 225 
—227 ; letter to his father, c. w. 1 228 ; 
battle of Naseby, defeats the King, c. 'w^. 
i. 231 ; writes to his father thereon^ 
c. w. i. 235 ; defeats Lord Groring at 
Langport, vol. i. ci. c. w. i. 237 ; storms 
Bridgewater, vol i, ci. c w. i. 239 ; 
letter to his father thereon, c. w» i. 
240 ; storms Bath, c w. i. 244 ; letter 
to his father, progress of affairs, c. w. 
i. 245 ; Governor of Pontefract, ib, ; 
Sherboum taken, c. w. i., 246, 247; 
Bristol stormed, c. w. i. 247 — ^249 ; let- 
ter to his father thereon, c. w. i. 249 ; 
military movements, c. w. L 251 ; Tiver- 
ton stormed, c. w. i. 257 ; his military 
operations before Exeter, c w. L 258 ; 
negociates with Prince of Wales, c. w. 
i. 259; overtures from Lord Capel, 
c. w. i 260 ; attacks Poldram House, 
c. w. i. 264 ; Ashburton retreat, its 
results, c. w. i. 275 ; Hugh Peters offers 
services to, c. w. i. 279 ; General Leslie 
to, siege of Carlisle, c. w. L 180; Exeter 
again besieged by, c. w. i. 28 1^ 282 ; 
defeats Lord Hopton at Torrington, 
c. w. i. 285 ; Hopton's army disbanded, 
C.W. L 288 ; Exeter taken by, c.w. i. 289 
— ^291 ; substance of Charles* letter to 
Parliament, c. w. L 293 ; termination of 
hostilities, c. w. i. 297 ; goes to Bath; 
ib, ; Bagland Castle, c. w. i. 316, 317 ; 
returns to Oxford, c.w. i. 317; arrives 
in London, c. w. i. 325 ; receives thanks 
of Parliament, c. w. i. 326 ; his private 
affairs neglected, c. w. i. 327 ; meets 
Charles I. at Nottingham, c. w. i. 
331 ; writes to his father on army 
grievances, c. w. i. 332 — 334 ; his dis- 
inclination to interfere in religions mat- 
ters, c. w. i. 336; perplexing position 
of, c. w. i. 343; ordered by Parliament to 
join the army, c.w. i. 344 ; Parliamentary 
army attached to, c. w. L 360 ; Prince 
Elector, dines with, c. w. i. 366 — 368 ; 
voted by Parliament, General-in-chief, 
a w. i. 370 ; letter to his father, treaty 
between Parliament and army, c. w. i. 
371 ; the Speaker and 100 members 
take refuge in his camp, c. w. i. 384 ; 
re-establishes Parliament at Westmin- 
ster, c. w. i. 385 ; made Constable of 
Tower, thanked by Parliament, ib.; 
quarters troops in City to prosecute 
levy, c.w. i. 386; mvited to Guildhall 
banquet) c. w. i. 389 ; Commons refuss 



to ratify acts of army, during absence 
of Speakers, c. w. i. 389; calls a council 
of war, c. w. i. 390 ; articles between 
Charles I. and, c. w. i. 394 ; frus- 
trates escape of Charles from Caris- 
brook, c. w. i. 402, 403 ; his adherence 
to Parliament, c. w. ii. 4 ; regulates 
personal attendance of the King, c. w. ii. 
7 ; letter to Colonel Hammond thereon, 
ib, ; succeeds to tide, c. w. ii. 16 ; peti- 
tion of Colonel Rich's regiment to, c. w. 
ii. 25 ; battle of Maidstone, c. w. ii. 32 ; 
reduces Kent, c. w. ii. 36 ; summons 
Colchester, c. w. ii. 41 ; his proclama- 
tion to insurgents concealed, t6.; shoots 
proclamation into Colchester, c. w. ii. 
44 ; takes Colchester, c. w. ii. 46 ; blamed 
for executing Sir Charles Lucas and 
Sir George Lisle, c. w. ii. 48; his excul- 
pation, c. w. ii. 49 ; example of Colonel 
Windebank cited, c. w. ii. 50 ; his ob- 
servation on Sir C. Lucas, c. w. ii. 51 ; 
refuses to treat with Sir C. Lucas for 
exchange of prisoners, c. w. ii. 56 ; jus- 
tified in adopting sentence of court, c.w. 
ii. 59 ; suspends Colonel Hammond, 
C. w. ii. 75; seizes the King, c.w. ii. 
76 ; marches on London, t6. ; his opi- 
nions of trial of Charles, c. w. ii. 83 ; 
difficulties of his position, c. w. ii. 84 — 
86 ; resigns his conmiand, c. w. ii. 87 ; not 
a statesman, ib.; remarks, i&.; his infir- 
mities, c. w. ii. 1 32 ; treated with indig- 
nity by Cromwell, vol. i. cvi. cw. ii. 138; 
declares for free Parliament and resto- 
ration of Monarchy, c. w. ii. 161, 169 ; 
raises forces in Yorkshire, c. w. ii. 164; 
defection of Greneral Lambert's army in 
fayour of, c. w. ii. 166;; influence of, at 
Restoration, c. w. ii. 175 ; prime mover 
of Restoration, c. w. ii. 191 $ his inter- 
terview with Monk, c. w. ii. 168 — 192 ; 
a Counsellor of State, elected for York 
in Convention Parliament, c. w. ii. 213 ; 
one ot commissioners appointed to invite 
Charles II. to England, c. w. ii. 171 — 
217 ; asks pardon of tiie King, con- 
duct of, contrasted with General Monk's, 
c. w. ii. 218 ; receives a pension of 
50002. ; letters to the Duke of Bucking- 
ham giving advice, c. w. ii. 221; two 
uDaddres8ed,vol.i. cxiv.; his daughter's 
absence, c. w. iL 223 ; vol. i. cxiv. 
death and epitaph, c. w. ii. 225; charac- 
ter, vol. i. cxv. 
Fairfax, Lady, educated in Holland, i. 
31 1 ; marries Sir Thomas Fairfax, vol 
i. xcv. ; letters relating to her mar- 
riage, I 296, 297 ; 302—305 ; taken 
prisoner, vol i. xcix. ; conduct of, at 


Charles I.'s trial, vol. i. cv. cw. ii. 83, 85 ; 
Fairfax, Charles, summoned to England 
by his father. Lord Ferdinando Fairfax, 
c. w. i 31 ; killed at Marston Moor, ib.; 
Fairfax, Viscount of Emely, letter 
from Thomas Ibson, ravages of sol- 
diery, c. w. i. 209. Fairfax, Lady Mary, 
marries Yilliers, Duke of Buckingham, 
vol. i. CVI. ; to Lord Fairfax, for 
title deeds, c. w. ii. 256 — 265 ; opinion 
of counsel on her claims, c. w. ii. 268 ; 
death, c. w. ii. 188. Fairfax, Brian, 
nu*rative of interview between Lord 
Fairfax and General Monk, vol. I ex. 
CXI II. ; undertakes expedition to Grene- 
ral Monk's camp, c. w. ii. 151 ; his in- 
terview with General Monk, c.w. ii. 161 ; 
letters to Lord Henry Fairfax, c. w. ii. 
235 ; to his nephew Lord Fairfax, 
racing news, c. w. ii. 236 ; to Charles 
Fairfax, c. w. ii. 238 ; death of 
Duchess of Buckingham, c. w. ii. 240 ; 
Yorkshire estates, c. w. ii. 237; Duchess 
of Buckingham's claims, cw. ii. 257 
—259, 261—264; character of, vol. 
i. cxx. ; poetry of, voL i. cxxi. 
Rev. Henry (4th) Lord, returned for 
Yorkshire, vol. i. cxxv. ; letter to Lady 
Fairfax, c. w. 231. 232, 233 ; death 
of, vol. L cxxv. Thomas (5th) Lord 
takes an active part in revolution 
of 1688, vol. i. cxxv. ; Lieutenant- 
Colonel of Guards, ib. ; Brigadier-Gene- 
ral in 1701, voL i. cxxTi. ; marriage of, 
ib, ; succeeds to Leeds Castie and 
estates in America, ib. ; death of, ib. ; 
■ Lady, widow of fifth Lord Fairfax, 
sale of Fairfax estates, c. w. ii. 241 ; 
particulars of death of her husband, 
c w. ii. 242 ; letter to her son, c. w. 
ii. 243. Thomas (6tii) Lord, conduct 
of his guardians, vol. i. cxxvii. ; racing 
intelligence, c. w. ii. 193 ; visits his 
American estates, vol. i. cxxviii. ; con- 
duct of Indians towards him, vol. i. 
cxxx. ; his behaviour to women, vol. i. 
cxxxi. ; death of, vol. i. cxxxiii. Ro- 
bert, Captain, to Lord Fairfax at Ox- 
ford, incumbrances on Yorkshire 
estates, c. w. ii. 245 ; Mr. Topham, 
c. w. ii. 196. Robert (7th Lord) be- 
queaths Leeds Castle to Rev. Denny 
Martin, vol. i. cxxxiii. William, 
issue of, ib. ; Rev. Brian (8th) Lord, 
claims peerage, ih. ; letter to Earl 
Buchan thereon, vol. i. cxxxiv. ; suc- 
ceeds to the titie, vol. i. cxxxvii. ; 
Thomas, (9th) Lord, death, ib. ; Snow- 
den, Charles, (10th) Lord, concluding 
remark, vol. i. t^. 

D D 



Fauoonberge, Lord, to Lord Fairfax, of 
Denton, on various subjects^ i. 164 ; 
news from Tilly's army, i. 239 ; Charles 
I.'s visit to Scotland, i. 278 

Favour, John, lines addressed to Sir T. 
Widdrington, vol. L lxxx., lxxxiv. 

Fell, Dr. Jno., Bishop of Oxford, to 
William G 1, c. w. U. 352 

Felton, John, narrative of, i. 142 ; assas- 
sinates the Duke of Buckingham, i. 1 43 ; 
his fearless conduct, i. 145 ; executed 
at Tyburn, i. 149 

Fielding, Lieut.-CoL, billetting soldiers, ii. 
211 ; his regiment disbanded, ii. 212 

Fiennes, Mr., member of Committee of 
Safety, c. w. ii. 3 

Fines, exorbitant, L 217 ; note, Lord 
Strafford's letters 

Finch, Sir John, Speaker of Commons, 
pusillanimous conduct of, i. 1 84 ; note, 
i. 191 ; warns Short Parliament to grant 
supplies, i 397 ; Chief Justice of Com- 
mon Pleas, L 293 ; his address to Long 
Parliament, ii. 33; attacked by Mr. 
Rigby in Commons, ii. 177 ; escapes to 
Holland, ib. ; note 

Fleetwood, General, to Vice Admiral 
Lawson, council of officers resolve to 
call a Parliament, c. w. ii. 148. 

Fordwick, Lord. See Hbath, Sib Robert 

Forest Laws revived, i. 213 ; fines levied 
under, i. 214 ; executed against cot- 
tagers, ii. 216 

Freeholders, substantial, petition of, note, 
ii. 201 

Fronde, barricade of the, c. w. ii. 66, 67 

Gallowat, Bishop of, attacked by Church 
rioters, I 332 

Grardiner, Sir Thomas, rejected by the 
citizens of London, iL 30 

Gardiner, Christopher, and Thomas Rich- 
ard, on various afiau*s, c. w. ii. 138 

Grarrard, Rev. Mr., letter to Lord Went- 
worth, fines under the revised Forest 
Laws, i. 214, 215— 217 

Grascoigne, Sir. Bernard, at siege of Col- 
chester, c. w. ii. 47. 

General election, 1625, i. 5 

Gibson, Sir John, to Lord Fairfax 
at Denton, the continental wars, 
West Indies, i. 262 ; note, Sir J. Gib- 

Gibson, Mr. John, to Brian Fairfax, Esq., 
Duke of Buckingham's death, c.w. ii. 254 

Giddon, Protestant mummery, at, i. 281 

Gill, Dr., fines for drinking Felton's health, 
i. 148 

Glenham, Sir Thomas, answer of, to gene- 
ral summons, c. w. i. 293. 

Gloucester, antidpated rising in, a w. ii 1 23 

Godfrey, Sir Edmondsbuzy, murder of, 
c. w. ii. 222 

Goldsmiths^ Hall, circular from, to de- 
faulters, c. w. L 109 

Groring, Lord, Groring'splot,ii. 117 ; plot- 
ters' escape, ii. 124 ; at Marlborough, 
c. w. i. 21 5 ; defeated at Langport, c. w. 
i 234 ; letter to Sir Constantine Hug- 
gens, defeat at Naseby, c. w. i. 237 ; 
superseded by Lord Hopton, c. w. i. 
281 ; employed in secret service, ib. ; 
Greneral of insm*gents in Kent, c. w. ii. 
31 ; defeated at Maidstone, c. w. ii. 32 ; 
reinforced by Sir C. Lucas, c. w. ii, 34; 
at siege of Colchester, c. w. ii. 43 ; his 
reply to inhabitants of Colchester, c. w. 
ii. 45 ; taken prisoner by Sir T. Fair- 
fax, c. w. ii 46 

Goodman, Bishop, appeal of, to authorities 
of Gloucester, c. w. ii. 111. 

Goodrich, Sir Henry, letter to Lord Fair- 
fax, (1st Lord), on the armed forces of 
the county, i 169 ; note. Sir Henry 
Goodrich's pedigree. 

Gordon, John, of Bushie, remarkable 
speech of, at the trial of Lord Balme- 
rino, i. 290 

Gorge, Sir Ferdinand, returns to England 
in the Neptune, i. 21 

Graham, Marquis of, joins the Royal 
army, c. w. i. 202 ; wounded at Edge- 
hill, iJb. 

Graham, Lady, to LordFerd. Fairfax, for 
protection, c. w. i. 204 

Grenville, Sir Richard, besieges Taunton, 
c. w. i. 215 

Grimston, Mr.,speeQh of, i. 398 ; denounces 
Shr F. Windebank, ii. 175. 

Grifiith, John-Ap, to Sir Richard Browne, 
reports of Cromwell, Prince of Wales, 
c. w. ii. 126 

Gumble, Dr., Greneral Monk described by, 
c. w. ii. 193 

Hall, Bishop, speech on the exclusion of 
the twelve bishops from Parliament, 
ii. 193 

Hamilton, Marquis of, raises volunteers 
for King of Denmark, i. 234, 235 ; meets 
the Covenanters at Edinbui^h, i. 343 ; 
summoned to the King's Council in 
Scotch war, i. 371 ; his reply to Lord 
Stafford thereon, ii. 16 ; his regiment 
disbanded, ii. 212; abstract of billet 
money, ii. 218 ; intrigues with Cove- 
nanters, ii. 239 ; private warrant from 
the King, ii. 240 ; attends Charles I. to 
Scotland^ ii. 254 

Hanunondy Col^ takes Poldram House, 



c. w. i. 281 ; Governor of Carisbrook 
Castle, c. w. i. 399 ; Charles I. surren- 
ders to, lb. ; storming of Bristol, c. w. 
i. 401 ; his conduct to the King, c w. 
i. 402, 403 ; reproached by the King, 
c. w. ii. 4 ; Major Bosville, c. w. ii. 5 ; 
demands more forces for Isle of Wight, 
c. "W^. ii. 8 ; superseded by Lord FaiilEix, 
c. w. ii 76 

Elampden, John, refuses to join Court 
party, i. 223 ; resists levy of Ship 
Money, ib. ; arguments of the case, i. 
224 ; attempts to emigrate, L 342 ; op- 
poses supplies for Scotch war, i. 399 ; 
judgment against him reversed, ii. 38 ; 
note, ii 183 ; proposes that "the Re- 
monstrance " to Charles be printed, ii. 
309 ; impeached by the King, ii. 325 ; 
one of the five members attempted to 
be seized by Charles, ib,; kiUed at 
Chalgrave field, c. w. i. 53 ; character 
of, i. 222 

Harcourt, Sir Simon, lands at Berwick,i. 367 

Harleian MSS., note, ii. 335 

Haselrig, Sir Arthur, endeavours to emi- 
grate, i. 342 ; introduces bill of attainder 
against Strafford, ii. 80 ; impeached by 
the King, ii. 325 ; note, ii. 327 

Hastings, CoL, at Chestez^eld, c. w. i. 83 

Hatton, Lord, calumnies of, against SirB. 
Browne, c. w. ii. 227 

Hajrman, Sir Peter, arrested, i. 189 ; 
examined before tiie Privy Council, i. 
191; conmiitted to the Tower, ib, ; 
examined at the Tower, i. 192 ; sub- 
poBuaed before the Star Chamber, i. 193; 
solitary confinement of, L 199 

Heath, Sir Robert, at Selden's trial, L 197; 
removed from tiie Bench, i 293 ; cause 
of removal not known, i. 294 ; created a 
peer, i. 295 

Henderson, Sir John, defeated at Winoeby, 
c. w. i 62 

Herbert, Christopher, to Lord Fairfax at 
Denton, acknowledging the receipt of 
40 shillmgs, i. 253 

Herbert, Sir Thomas, to Lord Fairfax at 
Denton, mutinous conduct of seamen, i. 
89 ; French news, i. 239 ; German 
news, death of WiUlenstein, i 257, 259 

Herbert, Sir Edward, made Queen's 
Attorney-General, i. 295 

Herbert, Lord Edward, indignant reply 
of, to Scotch commissioners, ii. 23 

Hicks, daring enterprise of, at the siege of 
Rochelle, vol i. Li. 

Hobarty Sir Miles, arrested, i. 189 ; 
examined before the Privy Council, i. 
191 ; committed to the Tower, {5. ; 
examined, ib, ; subpconaed before the 

Star Chamber, i. 193 ; solitary confine- 
ment of, i. 1 99 

Hobson's choice, origin of, vol. i. lxviii. 

Holbome, Robert, to Lord Fairfax, dif- 
ferences between Parliament and Army, 
c. w. i. 362 

Holland, Earl of, appointed General of 
Horse, i. 357 ; advances on Berwick, 
ib, ; his disgraceful retreat to Berwick, 
i. 375 ; appointed General for dissolving 
the three armies, ii. 198 ; disbands five 
regiments, ii. 210 ; reports to Parlia- 
ment, attempt to corrupt army, ii. 255 ; 
deputed by Commons to present De- 
claration to Charles I., ii. 356 ; endea- 
vours to persuade the King to return to 
Parliament, ii. 358 ; deputed by Parlia- 
ment to prevent removal of Prince of 
Wales, ii. 387 

Holies, Denzil, to Sir T. Wentworth, state 
of commerce, i. 84 ; detains Speaker in 
his chair, i. 184 ; leads the three Pro- 
testations to House, i. 185 ; arrested, i. 
189 ; examined, i. 190 ; committed to 
Tower, i. 191 ; subpoanaed before Star 
Chamber, i. 1 93 ; indicted in King's 
Bench, i. 202 ; fined, i. 203 ; consulted 
by Charles I. on Strafford*s trial, ii. 
137; his reply, ii. 138; impeaches 
Laud, ii. 175 ; impeached by the King, 
ii. 325 ; one of commissioners appointed 
to invite Charles II. to England, c. w. 
ii. 217 

Hope, Sir Thomas, his opinion of the 
Scoteh war, ii. 8 

Hopton, Lord, commands Royalists in 
Cornwall, c. w. i. 281 ; at Torrington, 
c. w. i. 283 ; defeated by Sir T. Fair- 
fax, c. w. i. 285 ; his army disbanded, 
c. w. i. 287, 288 

Horton, Col., defeate Royalists at St. Pa- 
gans, c. w. ii. 22 ; death of, c. w. ii. 108 

Hotham, Sir John, examined before Privy 
Council, i. 405 ; his financial report, ii. 
221, note,ib. ; governor of Hull, ii. 343, 
c. w. i. 1 1 ; refuses admittance to Charles 
at Beverley Gate, c w, i. 12 ; vindi- 
cated by Parliament, ib, ; suspected of 
treachery, c. w. i. 47 ; denounced by 
Pym, c. w. i. 48 ; executed on Tower- 
hill, c. w. i. 49 

Houghton, Lord, note, i. 303, ii 19 

Howard, Lord, to Lord F. Fairfax, living 
of Wheldrake, c. w. i. 122, 124—127 

Howard, Col., Thomas, death of, ii. 418 

Hutehinson, Mrs., note, ii. 327 ; capture 
of Sir M. Langdale, c. w. ii. 63 

Hutehinson, Col., garrison in Gloucester, 
c. w. i. 215 ; letter to Lord Fairfax, 
movemente of RoyaHsto, c. w. i. 222 



Hntton, Richard^ to Sir Ferdinando Fair- 
fax, on various matters, i. 254 

Hyde, Edward, his opinion of the govern- 
ment of Charles L, i* 189 ; moves 
an amendment in Short Parliament, 
i. 400 ; his interview with Land on 
dissolving Parliament, i. 401 ; a re- 
former in 1640, ii. 34 ; his opinion of 
Cromwell, ii. 35 ; his private interview 
with the King, iL 1 18 ; protests against 
printing the Remonstrance of Commons 
to Charles,ii. 310 ; one of the King's chief 
advisers, iL 312 ; declines the Solicitor- 
general^p, ii. 313 ; prepares reply to 
Remonstrance of Commons, t6. ; dis- 
heartened at the King's attempt to 
seize the five members, ii 333 ; his 
opinion of Charles's retreat from Lon- 
don, ii 339.; deputed by Parliament to 
prevent removal of Pnnce of Wales, 
li 387 ; his advice to Lord Digby, c. w. 
i 256 

Hyde, Anne, maid of honour to Princess 
Henrietta, c. w. ii. 269 ; depositions 
concerning her marriage with Duke 
of York, c. w. ii. 272 ; letters to 
Lady Combury, c. w. ii. 274, 276 ; to 
Lady Henrietta Hyde, c. w. ii. 276, 
277 ; to the Princess Mary of Orange, 
c. w. ii. ib. ; biography of, in her own 
handwriting, c. w. ii. 278, 279; her 
motives for embracing Catholic faith, 
c. w. ii. 280 ; her death, c. w. ii. 279 

Ibson, Thomas, to Viscount Fairfax of 
Emely, ravages of Scotch soldiers, 
assessments, power of conunissioners 
to absolve contracts, c. w. i. 209 

Lnpreiasment of soldiers, ii. 316 

Inchiquin, Lord, defection of, c w. ii. 18 ; 
defeat of, c. w. ii. 94 

Incident, the outrage of, ii. 257 

Income tax levied by the Commons, ii 
224 ; amount of rating, ib. 

Ingram, Arthur, to I^rd Fairfax, re- 
questing a loan of herons, i. 277 ; for 
a litter, ib. 

Instructions, copy of, from the Council, 
to the commissioners for the raising 
subsidies, i 210 ; note, commissioners 

Ireland, discontent in, ii 292 ; troops for, 
ii. 297 ; raising money for, ii 379; 
noUf ib. 

Jambs L, epitaph upon, by Edward 
Fairfax, i 2 ; prophetic warning to 
Charles, i. 153 ; note, ib, 

Jameson, Mr. N., to Mr. Evelyn, apply- 
ing for white mulbery seed, c. w. ii. 331 

Jermyn, Mr. Henry, implicated in 

Goring's plot, ii. 1 1 8 
Jesuits, College of, at Edmonton, i 177 ; 

ten Jesuits committed to Newgate, t6. 
Johnston, Archibald, knighted by Charles 

I., ii. 258 
Joyce, comet ; seizes the King at Hohnby , 

c. w. i. 351 
Juxon, Bishop, to Bishop of Ross, i 328 ; 

to Sir R. Wynn, demanding a loan for 

Charles I., i. 402 ; warns the King 

on Strafford's trial, ii. 127; resigns 

treasurership, ii. 134 

Kelso, affair at, i 375 

Kent, Earl of, one of Committee of Safety, 
c. w. ii. 3 

Kimbolton, Lord, see Mandeville, Lord 

Kirk of Scotland, 8ee Scotch Church 

Kirkmen's apparel Act, i 287 ; its con- 
sequences, i 292 

Kirton, Mr., observation of, on the ap- 
pointments of Dr. Mainwaring, i 114 

Knaresborough election, miademeanoor of 
returning officers, ii. 216 ; disputed re- 
turn, ii. 260—269, 291— -295, 323, 345, 
366, 383, 392, 4 

Knighthood money, i. 212 

Lambert, Col., to Sir Thomas Fairfax, 
attacks loyalists at Hunslett, c. w. i. 94 ; 
position of, at the Restoration, c. w. il 
151 ; deserted by his army,c. w.ii. 166 
• — 168 ; tried by Charies II., and im- 
prisoned, c w. i. 96; ambitious designs 
of, c. w. ii 190 

Lane, Mr., arguments of, on Lord Straf- 
ford's trial, ii 90 

Langdale, Sir Marmaduke, defeats Lord 
Fairfax at Pontefract, c. w. i 184 ; de- 
feated at Preston by Cromwell, c. w.n. 
60 ; prisoner in Nottingham castie, c w. 
ii. 61, 64 ; exempt from pardon, t6. 

Langri^e, Captain, warning of, to the five 
members of the Commons, ii 326 ; 
note, ib, 

Lathom house, siege of, c. w.i 87 — 89 

Laud, Archbishop, assistsat the coronation 
of Charles I., i 38 ; publishes Dr. Sib- 
thorpe's sermon, i 67; chief minister to 
Charles L, i. 152; King James's 
opinion of, i. 153 ; advises Charles I. 
to visit Scotland, i. 272 ; his ominous 
letter to Lord Wentwortii on the 
Church, i 273 ; ecclesiastical power 
of, i 274 ; crowns Charles at Holyrood, 
i 285 ; Ms conduct to Dr. lindsey, ib. ; 
letter of, to Dr. Maxwell, canons for 
Scotch Qiurch, i. 325 ; his interference 
with Sootdi Utuxgy, i. 326 ; prohibits 



publishing of puritanical works, i, 336 ; 
plots Dr. Williams's ruin^ i. 339 ; his 
interview with Mr. Hyde, on dissolving 
parliament, i. 400 ; popular indignation 
against, ii. 4 ; his palace invested, ib, ; 
fortifies his house, urges on the war 
with Scotland, ii. 5 ; encroaches on 
civil power, ii. 6; a&aid to summon 
parliament, u. 17 ; advises the King to 
summon a council of Peers, ib. ; de- 
nounced by Sir E. Deering, ii. 175 ; im- 
peached by Denzil Holies and com- 
mitted to the tower, ib. ; his grief on 
Strafford's going to execution, ii. 154 

Lawson, Richard, to the Lord Fairfax, 
relative to money sent to his grandson 
and other matters, i. 245 

Lawson, Vice Admiral, brief account of, 
c. w. ii. 147 

Leeds taken possession of by Lord Fair- 
fax, ii. 416 

Lens, battle of, c. w. ii. 67 

Lennox, Duke of, attends Charles I. 
to Scotland, ii. 254 

Lenthall, William, Speaker of Commons, 
ii. 30 ; Clarendon's opinion of, ii. 31 ; 
to Lord Fairfax, promising supplies, c. 
w. i. 31 

Leon, Watson, to the Earl of Manchester, 
battle of Marston Moor, a w. i. 11 1 

Leslie, General Alexander, commands 
Covenant army, i. 344 ; at Aton,i. 368 ; 
mutinous state of English army, known 
to, ii. 8 ; battle of Newbume, ii. 12 ; 
takes Newcastle, ii. 13 ; created a peer 
by Charles L, u. 258 

Leslie, General David; siege of Carlisle, 
c. w. i. 280 

Lesly, John, curious letter of, ii. 14 

Levy, rights of, discussion about, c. w. i. 241 

Lewenstein, F., to Sir F. Fairfax, i 321 ; 
note, ib.; ii. 196, notCf ib. 

Lilly, the astrologer, his account of Charles 
I.'s attempt to escape from Carisbrooke, 
c. w. ii. 17; prediction of, verified, c. w. 
ii. 74 

Lind8ey,Lord,General of the King's forces, 
c. w. i. 14 ; death and character of, ib, 

Lindsey, Dr., at coronation of Charles I., 
i. 285 ; stool flung at him in the pulpit, 
i. 331 

Lincoln, Bishop of. See Lord Keeper 


Lisle, Sir Greorge, shot by order of council 
of war, c. w. ii. 47 ; observations on his 
sentence, c. w. ii. 48 
Lister, Capt William, death of, c. w. i. 27 
Littleton, Sir Edward, SoUcitor-Greneral, 
Chief-Justice of Common Pleas,' Lord 
Keeper, Colonel of Foot, i. 295; refuses 

to seal proclamation for seizure of the 
five members, ii. 330 

Loan recusants, imprisonment of, 1. 70; 
summoned to London, i. 74 ; restored 
to liberty, i. 188 ; twenty-seven returned 
to Parliament, t5.; note, ib. 

Loans, forced, relief from^ sought by Com- 
mons, i. 96 

Loan, money raised by, ii. 2 

Lomax, Grervase, Mr., to Lord Ferdinand 
Fairfax, movement of Sir T. Fair&x*s 
troops, c. w. i. 229 

London, state of, in 1627, i. 83 ; citizens 
of, oppose illegal taxation, i. 90; corpo- 
ration of, petition against Ship-money, 
i. 220; citizens petition Charles for 
peace with ScotUnd, ii. 16 ; petition 
against Episcopacy, ii. 184 ; voluntary 
taxes raised by, c. w. i. 108; Gold- 
smiths' Hall circular, c. w. i. 109; peti- 
tion for disbanding Parliamentary army, 
c. w. i. 333 ; soldiers quartered in, for 
arrears of pay, c. w. i. 386 

Long, Mr., committed to the Tower, i. 
191 ; examined, ib. ; subpoenaed before 
the Star Chamber, i. 193 ; solitary con- 
finement of, L 199; fined, i. 203 

Loudon, Lord, opposes Kirkmen's apparel 
Act, i. 287; articles of pacification, i. 
392 ; committed to the Tower, i. 395 ; 
Lord Chancellor, ii. 258 

Love, Mr., beheaded, c. w. ii. 131 

Lowther, Col, to Lord F. Fairfax, ex- 
change of prisoners, c. w. i. 185, 1 86 

Lucas, Sir Charles, obt^s his commission 
at Marston Moor, c. w. ii. 39 ; surren- 
ders Berkeley Castie, ib.; joins Lord 
Groring in Essex, c. w. ii 34 ; pursued 
by Lord Fairfax, reaches Colchester, 
c. w. ii 40; breach of faith of, c . w. ii. 
40 — 53 ; counter statements, c. w. ii. 
53—55; proclamation of, c. w. ii. 42; 
conceals proclamation of Fiurfax from 
Royalist forces, c. w. ii,43 ; surrenders 
Colchester, c. w. ii. 46 ; his cruelty, 
c. w. ii 52 ; Fairfax dedines treating 
with him for exchange of prisoners, c. w. 
ii. 56; letter to Lord Fairfax, c. w.ib.; 
observations thereon, c. w. ii. 57, 58 ; 
shot by order of Council of War, c w. 
ii 47; observations on his sentence, 
c. w. ii. 48 ; character of, c. w. ii. 

Lunsford, CoL, appointed to the command 
of the Tower, ii. 318; deprived of his 
command, ii 31 9 

Mabbot, G. Mr., to Lord Thomas Fair- 
fax, proceedings in Commons, c. w. ii 28 
Maidstone, battle of, c. w. ii. 32 



Mainwaring, Dr., sentenced by tiie Com- 
mons, i. 112 ; raised to the see of St. 
David's, LIU, 179 

Malevery, Ck>l., killed before Pontefract, 
c. w. i. 184 

Manchester, University, petition for, ii. 
271 ; ii. 180 

Manchester, Earl of, at Winceby fight, 
defeats Sir John Henderson, c. w. 1. 62 ; 
takes Lincoln, his dissension with 
Cromwell, c.w. i. 114, 115 ; resigns his 
command, c. w. i. 116, 174 ; pedigree 
of, c. w. i. 117 ; Speaker of Peers at 
Restoration, c. w. L 116 

Mandeville, Lord, impeached by the King, 
ii. 322 

Marston Moor, battle Of, c w. 1. 112 

Mauleverer, Sir Thomas, ii. 99, note 

Maurice, Prince, reputed junction of, with 
Sir M. Langdale, c. w. i 166 ; at Chirk 
Castle, C.W. 1. 172 

Maxwell, Dr., Bishop of Ross, misleads 
the King, i. 351 

May games, forbidden, ii. 3 

Meetings, public, forbidden, ii. 3 

Melton, Sir John, i. 255, Ttote ; to Lord 
Fairfax, i. 280, note, ib, 

Mennis, Sir John, lampoons Sir John 
Suckling's troop, i. 376. 

Middleton, Ralph, to Ferdinando Lord 
Fairfax, for protection, c. w. i. 197 

Middleton, Amie Mary, to Ferdinando 
Lord Fairfax, for protection, c. w. i. 

Mitton, Col., Governor of Shropshire, 
places a garrison in Wem, c. w. i. 169 ; 
thanked by Parliament, c. w. i. 170 ; 
Major General, ib. ; letters to the 
Speaker of the Commons, account of 
the taking of Shrewsbury, ib. 

Monk, General, ii. 23, note; taken pri- 
soner at Nantwich, c. w. i. 129 ; com- 
mands army in Scotland, c. w. ii. 151 ; 
position of in Scotland after Cromwell's 
death, c. w. ii. 174 ; not the cause of 
the Restoration, c. w. ii. 175 ; brief 
re^ew of his conduct during Civil War 
and at Restoration, c. w. ii. 177 ; his 
animosity to Cromwell, t5., see note ; his 
reasons for taking the Covenant, c. w. ii. 
178, see note ; his belief in supersti- 
tion, c. w. ii. 180, see note ; ominous 
postscript from Cromwell to, c. w. 181; 
duplicity of, c. w. ii. 182, 183, see 
note ; his movements determined by Sir 
Thomas Fairfax, c. w. ii. 191 ; his inter- 
view with Sir F. Fairfax, c. w. ii. 192 ; 
description of, by Dr. Gumble, c. w. ii. 
193, 194; dupes all parties, c. w. ii. 
196; Pepys, opinion of, c. w. ii. 197; 

Sir John Bramston's review of his pro- 
ceedings on his march from Scotland, 
0. w. ii. 198; his conduct towards the 
Rump, c. w. ii. 201 ; his subtlety at the 
Council on oath of abjuration being 
tendered, c. w. ii. 202 ; bafBes the 
Rump, c. w. ii. 203 — 205; review of 
his conduct towards the Rump, c. w. ii 
207 ; to Lord Fairfax, re-adnussion of 
secluded members, c. w. ii 208; dupli- 
city of, c. w. ii 211 — ^215 ; gets the 
credit of restoring the King, c. w. ii. 
216; honours and rewards, c. w. ii. 
21 9 ; vices of, see Ttote, ib. 

Monopolies, soap,ljL. 218; ship-money, i. 2 1 9 

Moray, Sir R., to Mr. Evelyn, c w. ii. 252 

More, Rev. Benjamin, to the 1st Lord 
Fairfax, on Church affairs, i 334 

Morrice, Sir William, the common right 
to the Lord's Supper asserted by, c. w. 
ii. 140—144 

Morris, Richard, to the Ist Lord Fairfax 
at Denton, appointing an interview 
between him and Lord Wentworth, i. 

Morgan, Col., left by Monk in command 
in Scotland, c. w. ii. 199, see note 

Morton, Bishop, entertains King Charles I. 
at Auckland, i 282 

Montague, Dr., raised to the bishoprick of 
Chichester, i 114, 179 

Montrose, Earl of, crosses the Tweed with 
Covenant army, ii 10 ; his ambiguous 
letters, ii. 246 

Motteville, Madame de, ii. 332, 333, 

Mountnorris, Lord, conduct of the Earl 
of Strafford towards, ii. 70, 75, note 

Moulin du, Peter, to Fernando Lord Fair- 
fax, ejected from his living in York- 
shire, appeals to Lord Fairfax for pro- 
tection, c. w. i. 191 

Mulgrave, Eari See Sheffield, Lord 

Musgrave, Sir Philip, conunands 600 men 
at Perith, L 372 ; raises troops for 
Charles, c. w. i 204 ; taken prisoner at 
Rowton Moor, c. w. i 207 ; honourable 
fidelity of, c. w. i 208 

Musgrave, Lady, to Lord Ferdinando 
Fairfax, for protection, c. w. i 207 

Nalson's copy of Sir Harry Vane's notes, 
ii. 83, note 

Kantwich, battle of, c. w. i. 73 

Naseby, battie of, c. w. i. 231 

Navy, Duke of Buckingham sells a part of, 
i. 20 ; Admiral Pennington ordered 
by Buckingham to deliver up his ships 
to the French, ib. ; the English ships 
given up, except the Neptune^ i. 21 



Keale, Dr. Bishop of Winchester, repro- 
bated by the Commons for popery, i. 
180 ; entertains the King at Bishops- 
thorpe, I 281 

f^eedham, Captain John, slain at Shrews- 
bury, c. w. i. 171 

Newark, relief of, by Prince Rupert, c. w. 

Newcastle, Earl of, entertains Charles I. 
at Welbeck, L 283 ; note, ib, ; procla- 
mation of, for arms, ii. 409 ; joins Earl 
of Cumberland at York, c. w. i. 25 ; at 
Adderton Moor, c. w. i. 49 ; besieges 
Bradford, takes Lady Furfax prisoner, 
c. w. i. 69 ; his gallantry, c. w. i. 60 ; 
enters Lincolnshire, c. w. i. 62 ; retreats 
to York, c. w. i. 65 ; defeated at Mars- 
ton Moor, c. w. i. 112 ; flees to Ham- 
burgh, ib. . 

Nicholas, Mr. Jno., war in the Low Coun- 
tries, c. w. ii. 145 

Nicholas, Sir Edward, to Charles I. 

Nicholson, Dr., to Mr. Evelyn, horticultural 
pursuits, c. w. it 348 

Nocliff, Mr., knighted by the King at 
York, u. 269 

Northumberland, Earl of, joins the King's 
army, i. 359 ; refuses the command of 
army, ii. 6 

Norwich, Earl of, supercilious conduct of, 
to Lord T. Fairfax, at siege of Col- 
chester, 0. w. ii. 41 

Norwich, demand of subsidy from, a w. 
i. 325. 

Oates, Titus, to the Duke of Bolton, Hay 
besieged. Sir Cloudesly Shovel, pardon 
of Lord Kington, c. w. ii. 311 

Oblivion, Act of, passed, ii. 256 

Ogle, Sir John, letter to Sir Thomas Fair- 
fax concerning the expedition to Rh^, 
and other matters, i. 76 

0*Neale, defeat of, c. w. ii. 92 

Orange, Princess Mary, to Lady Henrietta 
Hyde, c. w. ii. 277 

Ordinance, Self-denying, c. w. i. 1 54 ; re- 
jected by the Lords, c. w. 1. 155; inca- 
pacitates members of Parliament for 
serving in the army, c. w. i. 174 

Ormond, Lord, created Earl of Calender 
by Charles I., ii. 258 

Ormond Correspondence, ii 253, note 

Osborne, Sir Edward, Vice-President of 
Northern Council, i. 349—365; to Sir 
F. Fairfax,!. 370; ii. 372 

Osborne, Lady Ann, to Lord F. Fairfax 
for protection, c. w. i. 199 

Ossory, Earl of, deposition of, concerning 
marriage- of Anne Hyde and Duke of 
York, c. w. ii. 272 

Overton, Col., governor of Hull, c. w. i. 
334 ; committed to Tower, t6.; letter to 
Lord F. Fairfax on disbanding army, 
c. w. I 349; letter to Mr. Clarke on 
various matters, c. w. ii. 10 

Owen, Sir John, prisoner in Windsor 
Castle, c. w. ii. 65 

Owen, Col., sentenced to banishment, c. w. 
ii. 65 

Palatine, wars of the, vol. i XLiv. 

Palatine, Prince Charles, Elector, letter 
of, to Lord Fairfax, vol. i. cxii.; attends 
Charles I. to Scotland, ii. 254 ; dines 
with Sir T. Fairfax, c. w. i. 366—368 ; 
suspected of intriguing for English 
throne, c. w. i. 373 ; deserts the King, 
ib. ; reproached by Charles for subservi- 
ency to Parliament, c. w. i. 374 

Palmer, Captain, implicated in Goring's 
plot, ii. 1 1 8 

Palmes, Mr. William, to Lord Fairfax, 
" the Popish Plot," c. w. u. 296 

Parliament, 1625, Commons willing to 
grant supplies upon redress of griev- 
ances, i. 4; dissolved by the King, ib ; 
assembles 1626 ; tonnage and pound- 
age, i. 19 ; removes to Oxford to avoid 
plague, ib. ; assails the Duke of Buck- 
mgham, ib. ; dissolved after a meeting of 
twelve days, i. 20; re-assembles in Feb. 
1626, i. 23 ; Sir Ferdinando Fairfax 
member for Boroughbridge, ib.; de- 
mands of Charles upon the Commons, 
i. 25; Duke of Buckingham elected 
Chancellor of Cambridge, i. 29 ; seven 
members -pricked for sheriffs, i.34; eva- 
sive answer of Commons to the King's 
peremptory message, i. 39 ; both Houses 
summoned to Whitehall, i. 40 ; severity 
of the King, i. 41 ; vindicatory address 
presented to the King, i. 42; Bucking- 
ham impeached, ib. ; Earl of Bristol's 
charges against the duke, i. 42 — 46 ; Sir 
John Eliot's speech, i. 47; Sir John 
Eliot and Sir Dudley Digges committed 
to the Tower, i. 50; the King tries to 
influence the Lords in favour of Buck- 
ingham, i. 51 ; Commons refuse to pro- 
ceed until their members are released, 
ib.; censures Cambridge for electing 
Buckingham Chancellor, ib. ; arrest of 
Lord Arundel, ib.; collision of the Lords 
and the King, i. 52 ; Parliament dis- 
solved, i. 53; remonstrance of Com- 
mons, i. 54; assembles 1626, i. 87, 92; 
twenty-seven loan recusants returned 
to Parliament, i. 88 ; unconciliating 
speech of Charles to, i. 92 ; Commons 
persist in demanding redress, i. 93; 



firm att'tade of the Lords, i. 94; re- 
monstrance of Commons against Buck- 
ingham, ib. ; addresses the Throne on 
the encouragement of Catholics, i* 95 ; 
Commons require relief from forced 
loans, i. 96; five subsidies voted, L 97; 
Commons resolve that redress of griev- 
ances and supply go hand in hand, i. 
100 ; petition of right, i&. ; special answer 
of the King, i. 102; Buckingham again 
denounced, i. 103; the Speaker leaves 
the House, L 1 05. Charles grants petition 
of right, ih, ; the Lord Keeper and others 
empowered to raise money, i. 106; re- 
monstrance of Commons against levy of 
tonnage and poundage, ib.; prorogued 
on tonnage and poundage question, i. 
107 ; remonstrance of, on Bucking- 
ham's appointments, i 110; fines Dr. 
Mainwaring, I 112, 179; re-assembles, 
1629, i. 154 ; tonnage and poundage bill 
urged on by the King, i. 155; Conmions 
continue same course, L 170; subsidies 
of tonnage and poundage refused by, i. 
171; tonnage and poundage levied on 
Mr. RoUe, member of, i 174 ; both 
Houses summoned to WhitehiJl, ib.; 
Afr. RoUe subpoenaed before Star Cham- 
ber, i. 175; errors of the Commons, i. 
176 ; care of, for Protestant Church, ib.; 
spread of Arminianism, i. 178 ; Arch- 
bishop Laud attacked by Commons, i. 
180 ; Oliver Cromwell's first appear- 
ance in, i. 181 ; Lord Treasurer Weston 
attacked by Sir John Eliot, i. 182 ; Com- 
mons refuse to obey Charles's orders to 
adjourn, i. 183 ; the Speaker refuses to 
read Sir John Eliot's remonstrance to the 
King,t&.; Selden's appeal to the Speaker, 
ib.; Speaker attempts to leave the chair, 
i. 184 ; pusillanimity of Speaker, L 185 ; 
Mr. Selden and Sir John Hayman 
thereon, ib,; Commons refuse admit- 
tance to the King's message, i. 186; dis- 
solved, 1 0th March, 1 629, King's Speech, 
i. 186; first opposition party in, i. 187 ; 
assembles, 13th April, 1640, i. 396; Lord 
Keeper's opening address to, i. 397 ; 
summoned to meet the King, i. 398; 
Commons refuse to grant subsidies, i. 
399; Bdlv/m EpiacopaUf ih.; dissolution 
threatened, i. 400 ; dissolved, i. 401 ; 
members of, imprisoned, i. 405; assem- 
bles 3rd Nov. 1640, ii. 30; Charles 
selects Lenthall Speaker, ib.; firm atti- 
tude of Commons, ii. 32 ; address of the 
King to, ib.; dread of papacy, ii. 33; 
reforms effected, ii. 38 ; judgment 
against Hampden reversed, ib.; ship- 
money voted illegal, t5.; arbitrary levies 

on merchandise repealed, t5.; bill for 
triennial parliaments passed, iL 43; 
impeachment of Strafford, ii. 43—47; 
Strafford conomitted to the Tower, ii. 
48 ; Commons impeach Sir G. Ratcliff, 
ii. 49; Strafford's trial commences, ii 
59 ; charges against Strafford, ii. 66 ; 
Commons produce fresh evidence, iL 77; 
tumult of Conunons, ii. 78 ; bill of at- 
tainder preferred agunst Strafford, ii. 
80 ; bill of attainder hurried forward, ii. 
82; opposed by Lord Digby, ib.; ii. 
83— «5; Strafford's reply, ii. 87; Glj-n 
and Pym's rejoinder, ii. 89 ; bill of at- 
tainder passes Commons, iL 92; the 
King's address to the Peers on behalf of 
Stn^ord, ii. 93 ; Commons promote 
agitation against Strafford, iL 95 — 97; 
the protestation signed by both Houses, 
ii. 97, note ; names of parties held up to 
execration, ib.; Father Phillip's letter 
intercepted, ii. 98 ; Goring's plot, both 
Houses address the King, iL 117; ab- 
sence of Peers when bill for Strafford's 
death passed, ii. 125; bill of attainder 
signed by commission, ii. 132 ; letter 
from the King to the Peers to save 
Strafford, ii. 138; answer of the Lords, 
ii. 141 ; advance of the power of Com- 
mons, ii. 172; attacks Laud,iL 174, 175; 
the Convocation condemned by Com- 
mons, ii. 175 ; Sir F. Windebanke de- 
nounced by Mr. Grimston, t5. ; the 
Lord-Keeper Finch attacked, ii. 176 ; 
Sir George Ratcliff impeached, ii. 177; 
misconduct of the bishops, ii. 179; con- 
ference with the King on ecclesiastical 
affairs, ii. 182 ; twelve bishops im- 
peached, ib. ; Root and Branch Bill, ii. 
183; bidiiops absent themselves from, ii. 
186; committed to the Tower, iL 188; 
excluded from Parliament, t6. ; argu- 
ments for excluding bishops from, ii. 
189; Selden's opinion thereon, ii. 193; 
Star Chamber Court, and other Courts, 
abolished by, ii. 194; Charles recapitu- 
lates his concessions to, ii. 195; objects 
to the King's visit to Scotland, ii. 197 — 
199; triennial Parliament, ii. 202; Aboli- 
tion of Episcopal Power Bill postponed, 
ii. 209 ; difficulty of raising money,ii. 220; 
Peers subscribe 50002. to pay soldiers, 
ib. ; Commons alarmed at national 
finances, ii. 221-— 223; levies Poll tax, 
ii. 224; encroachment of, on the King's 
prerogative, ii. 232; Bill for Perpetual 
Parliament, ii. 233; distrusts the King, 
ii. 234; Commons remonstrate against 
the King's second visit to Scotland, iu 
236; aits on a Sunday, ii. 238; objects 



of the King*s viflity ib.; anxiety of Par- 
liament increased by Montrose's letter, 
ii. 246; military preparation of, ii. 252; 
the King's efforts to establish a Scotch 
party, revealed to, ii. 281 ; jealousy of, 
against Roman QEtthoUcs, ii. 282 ; the 
King discharges the Parliament guard, 
ii. 292 — 306 ; change in the King's 
manner towards, ii. 301 ; Commons 
petition for a guard, ii. 306; just reply 
of the King, i6.; remonstrance of Com- 
mons, ii. 807 ; its importance, ii. 308 ; 
angry debate upon it, ii. 309 ; Cromwell's 
reply to Lord Falkland, ib. ; protesta- 
tion against Remonstrance being printed, 
ii. 310; Remonstrance of Commons pre- 
sented to Charles, ii. 311; orders 8,000 
troops for Ireland, 4000 for Scotland, ii. 
315; impresses soldiers for Ireland, ii. 
316; the King commits a breach of 
priyilege, ii. 317 ; jealous of the King's 
control of military resources, ii. 318 ; 
petitions for a guard, ii. 319; progress 
of moderate party in, ii. 324; die King 
attempts to seize five members of Com- 
mons, ii. 325 ; Commons refuse to de- 
liver them up, ii. 326; narrow escape of 
live members, ib. ; Charles goes to the 
House to seize five members, ii. 327 ; 
the King's address to the Speaker of 
Commons, ii. 328 ; progress of the op- 
position, ii. 330 ; the Kmg's offer of re- 
paration to, ii. 331; triumphant return 
of five members to Westmmster, ii. 336; 
peremptory order to Mr. Selden to at- 
tend the House, ii. 341 ; impeachment 
of Attorney-General, ii. 341 ; the King 
grants a guard to, ib. ; Commons first 
interference with military power, ii. 
342; Hull put under Sir John Hotham 
by, ii. 343 ; changes commanders of 
trained bands, ii. 345 ; offers of Scotch 
Parliament to mediate with Charles, 
declined by, ii. 350 ; Commons endea> 
▼our to remove bishops from Lords, ii. 
351 ; proposed Bill for placing Militia 
under command of Commons, ib. ; the 
bishops excluded from, ii. 352 ; Com- 
mons endeavour to get control of 
militia, ii. 353, 354 ; threaten to act 
without the King's consent, ii. 355 ; 
names the Lord-Lieutenants, ib. ; Com- 
mons present ''Declaration of mis- 
government of the King," ii. 356 ; re- 
solutions of, concerning the miUtia, ii. 
360 ; sets the King at defiance, ii. 361 ; 
petition from Yorkshire to,ii. 362; copy 
of petition, ii. 367 ; deputation from, 
meets the King at Canterbury, ii. '387 ; 
regret of Charles at the removal of 

bishops, ib. ; endeavours to remove Sir 
John Pennington from command of the 
fleet, ii 388 ; Commons protest against 
the King going to Ireland, ii. 389 ; de- 
mands &e removal of gi*eat officers of 
State, ii. 396, 397 ; conveys magazine 
of Hull to London, ii. 398 ; committee 
of, meets the King at York, ii. 399 ; re- 
port of committee, ii. 402 — 404; sus- 
picion of the King in the North, c. w. 
i. 11 ; appoints Sir J. Hotham governor 
of Hull, c. w. i. 12 ; the King shut out 
at Beverly gate by Sir John Hotham, 
ib.; bearers of Yorkshire petition com- 
mitted to Black-rod, cw.i. 18 ; appoint 
Committee of Safety, c. w. i. 20 ; ap- 
point Lord Fairfax commander of forces 
in Yorkshire, c. w. i. 21 ; want of sup- 
plies, c. w. i. 24 ; movements of Par- 
liamentary forces communicated to 
Committee of Safety by Lord Fairfax, 
cw.i. 125 ; votes 20,000Z. for payment 
of forces in Yorkshire, c. w. i. 30 ; 
promises supplies to Lord Fairfax, c. w. 
i. 42, 43 ; thanks of, conveyed to Lord 
Fairfax, c w. i. 43 ; rewards the 
activity of Lord Fairfax, c. w. L 49 ; 
appoints Lord Fairfax governor of 
Hull, c.w. L 51 ; the Lords reject the 
Self-denying Ordinance, c. w. i 155 ; 
Commons appoints Sir Thomas Fairfax 
generalissimo, aw. i. 157; ordinance 
for new modelling army passes Lords, 
c. w. 159, 161; Sir T. Fairfax thanked 
by, c. w. i. 162 ; Dutch ambassadors 
advise a national synod, c. w. i. 165; 
Commons approve of Sir Thomas Fair- 
fax, list of officers, c. w. i. 166, 168, 172; 
the taking of Shrewsbury communi- 
cated to the Speaker, c. w. i. 170; mes- 
sage of congratulation sent by Commons 
to Lords, c. w. i. 172; policy of Com- 
mons, c. w. i. 173; Lords pass Self- 
denying ordinance Bill, ib. ; special 
exemption of Cromwell in Self-denying 
ordinance Act,c.w. i. 174; difficulty of, 
in raising supplies, c. w. i. 223 — 226; 
issue writs to supply members disabled 
by adherence to King's cause, c. w. i. 
273; substance of Charles's last com- 
munication with, c. w. i. 293; the Scotch 
give up the King to, c. w. i. 327; orders 
army to quarter twenty-five miles from 
London, c. w. i. 333; Parliamentary 
army petition Commons for pay, c. w. 
i. 338 ; feeling of the House thereon, aw. 
i. 340 — 342 ; disbands its army with 
certain exceptions, c. w. i. 343; con- 
sternation of, at seizure of the Khig by 
Comet Joyce, c. w. i. 351 ; anny de- 



mands dinnissal of obnoxious members, 
c. w. i. 352; rapture between Commons 
and army, c. w. i. 353; alarmed at ap- 
proach of army to London, c. w. i. 355 ; 
revokesGommittee of Safety ,t6.; coerced 
by army, c. w. i. 358 ; threatened ad- 
journment of, ib. ; treaty at Wickham 
with army commenced, c. w. i. 364 — 
371; arrangement of differences, c.w. 
i. 375 ; the eleven malignants aUowed 
to depart, c. w. i. 376 ; city apprentices 
demand their return, tb.; apprentices 
break into Gonmions, c. w. i. 380, 381 ; 
compel Commons to alter Militia Act, 
c w. 382; flight of the Speakers to Sir 
T. Fairfax, c. w.i. 384; Fairfax re-es- 
tablishes Parliament at Westminster, 
c.w. L 385; Commons refuse to ratify 
acts of army during absence of Speakers, 
c. w. i. 389; remonstrance of army to 
both Houses, c. w. i. 390; Commons 
declared sittings null and void during 
absence of Speakers, c. w. t 391 ; in- 
formed of the King's escape, c. w. i. 397 ; 
re-empower Committee of Safety, c. w. 
ii. 3 ; declares it treason to communi- 
cate with the King, ib.; deputes Sir T. 
Fairfax to regulate the King's atten- 
dants, c. w. ii. 7 ; stage plays suppressed 
by, C.W. ii. 12; appoints thanksgivmg 
for Welsh victories, c. w. ii. 27 ; sends 
commissioners to Colchester to treat 
with insurgents, c.w. ii. 40; agrees to 
hold personal treaty with the King, 
c. w. ii. 74 ; accepts his Majesty's con- 
descensions, c. w. ii. 75; countermands 
order of Fairfax to suspend Colonel 
Hammond, c. w. ii. 70; Pride's Purge, 
ib,; alarm of, at proceedings of army, 
c. w. ii. 77; relieved by Lord Fairfax, 
ib.; accuses the King of treason, ih.; 
Commons form themselves into a grand 
committee, c. w. ii. 81 ; appoint commis- 
missioners to try the King, ib,; Com- 
mons usurp the functions of the state, 
c.w. ii. 84; death of Cromwell, c. w. 
ii. 146 ; differences between Parlia- 
ment and its army after Cromwell's 
death, c. w. ii. 184 — 187 ; General 
Lambert takes possession of Commons, 
c. w. ii. 184; Council of Ten appointed, 
ib. ; confusion of parties, c.w. ii. 190 ; 
conduct of the Hump in the city, c. w. 
ii. 201 ; the Rump baffled by the du- 
plicity of Monk, c. w. ii. 203 — ^205; 
confusion of parties in, c. w. ii. 212 ; 
issues writs in the names of " Keepers 
of the liberties of the People," ib. ; dis- 
solves itself, c. w. ii. 213 ; Sir Harbottle 
Grimston elected Speaker, c. w. ii. 214; 

the Lords meet after a sequestration of 
eleven years, ib. ; choses Earl of Man- 
chester Speaker, ib. ; conference of 
both Houses to fix limits of monaarchical 
power, c. w. iL 215 ; intentions of, de- 
feated by General Monk, ib. 

Parliament, Scotch, Lords of the Articles 
Act passed, i. 286 ; grants to the King 
supplies for six years, i. 287 ; Kirk- 
men's apparel Act, ib. ; Lord Bsjmerino's 
petition, i. 289 

Parliament, committee of, at Norwich, 
c.w. i. 223, 225, 227 

Peace with France and Spain, 1629, L 209 

Peers, council of, at York, ii. 19 ; advo- 
cate peace, ii. 2 1 ; appoint sixteesi peers 
as commissioners, ib.; meet the Scotch 
commissioners at Ripon, ii. 22 ; yield 
to their demands, ib. ; note, ib. ; Strafford 
denounced at, ii 23 ; Strafford's state- 
ment to, ii. 25; treaty of Ripon, ib.; 
humiliating terms, ii. 26 ; proposed 
adjournment of, ib. ; equity of the 
Scotch claims, ii. 27 

Pembroke, Earl of, presents declaration 
of Parliament to Charles I., ii. 356 ; 
death, c. w. ii. 118 

Pembroke, Lady Anne, to Charles Fair- 
fax, landscapes of Skipton Castle and 
Burden Tower, c. w.i .312 

Penn, William, to Lord Fairfax, c. w. 
ii. 357 

Pennhigton, Admiral, ordered by Buck- 
ingham to deliver up his ship to the 
French, i. 20 ; his dignified reply, ib. ; 
ordered to return to England, ib. ; the 
English ships given up, except the 
Neptune, i. 21. 

Pepys','his account of the burning of the 
Rump, c. w. ii. 206 

Percy, Mr., concerned in Groring's plot, 
ii. 118 ; wins over Mr. Hyde, ib. ; ab- 
sconds, ib. ; wounded in attempting to 
escape, ii. 120 ; takes refuge in North- 
umberland House, ii. 12] ; cunning of 
Pym, ib. ; narrative of Goring^s plot, ib. 

Perth articles, i. 323. 

Peters, Hugh, an account of the famous, 
c. w. i. 278 ; letters from, to Sir Thomas 
Fairfax, c. w. i. 279 

Petition of right, i. 100 ; early appeal to, 
i. 106 ; order of the King to reprint, i. 

Piers, Dr., Bishop of Bath and Wells, 
censured, ii. 42 

Plague, the. Parliament adjourned to 
Oxford in consequence of, i. 19 ; at 
Reading, c. w. i. 372 

Plotters, die origin of, ii. 247 ; make pro- 
posals to Charles I., ii. 248, 249 ; copies 



of letters of^ in the Napier charter chest, 
ii. 260 
Plymouth, siege of, raised, c. w. i. 275 
Poldram House, attacked by Sir T. Fair- 
fax, c. w. i. 264 ; taken by Colonel 
Hammond, c. w. i. 281 
PoU-Tax, review of, ii. 228, 293, 349, 378 
Popish Plot — letter from Mr. Coleman to 
Father La Chaise, c. w. ii. 288 ; letters 
from Lords in council to Earl Danby, 
c. w. ii. 291 ; Popish officers of govern- 
ment appointed by conspirators, c. w. 
ii. 292; letters from Lord Danby to 
Lord Fairfax, c w. ii. 294, 295; from 
Mr. Palmer to Lord Fairfax, c. w. ii. 
296 ; from Mr. Babington to Lord. 
Fairfax, c.w. ii. 297; from Mr. Sher- 
rard to Lord Fairfax, c. w. ii. 299 
Pontefract election, c. w. i. 318 
Porter, £ndymion, to Sir R. Browne, c. w. 
ii. 30; gentleman of bedchamber em- 
ployed in secret correspondence, ib. 
Poyntz, Sydenham, to Sir Thomas Fair- 
fax, differences between army and 
Parliament, c.w. i. 359; to Speaker of 
Commons, disaffection of certain regi- 
ments, c. w. i. 360 
Press, arrival of, at Newmarket, ii. 390 
Preston, battle of, c. w. ii. 60 — 63 
Price, Captain, killed at battle of Maid- 
stone, c. w. ii. 33 
Privy Council restores the Loan recusants 

to liberty, i. 87 
Procter, Thomas, to Lord Fur&x, letter 

of excuse, i. 360, 361 
Proclamation against Papacy, i. 36 ; ^ Re- 
monstrance" of Commons burnt, i. 55; 
forbidding proposal of a parliament, i. 
209; new Liturgy for Scotland, i. 326; 
shot into Colchester, c. w. ii. 44 
Protesters, the, ii. 238, note 
Protestation, the, taken, ii. 362, 365, 

375, 376, 381 ; popularity of, ii. 106 
Prynne, imprisoned, i. 338; release of, ii. 

Puritanical books prohibited, i. 336 
Pye, Sir Robert, at Leicester, c. w. i. 21 6 
Pym, John, warning of, to Sir Thomas 
Wentworth, i. 127; embarks as an emi- 
grant, i. 342; suggests the impeachment 
of Stxtkfford, ii. 45 ; carries impeachment 
to Lords, ii. 46, 91 ; speech of, on Straf- 
ford's trial, ii. 90 ; exclamation of, on 
the King consenting to Strafford's death, 
ii. 1 35 ; one of five members attempted 
to be seized by Charles I., ii. 325; re- 
ceives private information of the King's 
intention, ii. 326 ; one of Committee of 
Safety, c. w. i. 22; speech of, against 
Captain Hotham, c. w. i. 48 

QvBBiv (Henrietta Maria), extract from 
marriage treaty of, i. 115 ; ordered by 
the Pope to do penance, i. 116; marries 
Charles by proxy, ib, ; her discretion, 
i. 117 ; conduct of her French at- 
tendants, ib. ; the King interferes, i. 
118 ; her French attendants ordered to 
quit England, i. 119; arrival of M. 
Bassompierre, i. 120 ; curtain lecture 
of, i. 122 ; vows to educate her children 
in Romish faith, i. 123 ; her confessor 
and Mr. Hackett, i. 124 ; goes to Ty- 
burn to do penance, i. 125 ; urges the 
death of Strafford, ii. 132 ; her visit to 
Spa frustrated by Parliament, ii. 254 ; 
dismisses Sir J. Astley and Sir J. Con- 
yers from Court, ii. 255 ; intrigues of, 
ii. 282 ; her reproach to Charles II., ii. 
332 ; her departure for Holland, ii. 
351, 387, c. w. i. 5 ; intended impeach- 
of, ii. 386 ; her return, c. w. i. 52 ; 
joins the King at Edgehill,t5. ; birth of 
Princess Henrietta, c. w. i. 1 1 8 ; arrives 
at Brest, ib, ; situation of, at Court of 
France, c. w. ii. 55, 56 

Quin, James, to Mr. Evelyn, c. w. ii. 346 

Raoland Castle, surrender of, c. w. i. 317 
Ratcliff, Sir George, contribution of, to- 
wards Scotch war, i. 370 ; impeached, 
ii. 49 ; letter from the Earl of Strafford, 
ii. 51 ; character and habits of Lord 
Strafford described by, ii. 160; im- 
peached by Commons, ii. 1 77 
Ratcliffe, Captain, revolts to the Royalists, 

c. w. i. 44 
Rebels, Irish, sue for peace, ii. 315 
Rebellion, history of, i. 272, note 
Recusants, loan, imprisonment of, i. 70 ; 
summoned to London, i. 74 ; restored 
to liberty, i. 88 ; twenty-seven returned 
to Parliament, ^. ; increase of, ii. 229 ; 
proposed forfeiture of their estates, ii. 
283 ; Irish, ii. 288—290 
Restoration, popular feeling in favour of, 
c. w. ii. 197; tiie cavidiers, the real 
cause of, c. w. ii. 198 
Rh^,lsleof, expedition against, i. 67, 80 — 84 
Richelieu, defeats schemes of Buckingham, 
i. 82 ; encourages Scotch malcontents, 
i. 394 ; saying of, on hearing of Straf- 
ford's execution, ii. 160 
Rigby, Col., member for Wigan, c.w. i. 88; 
besieges Lathom House, ib, ; foiled by the 
Countess of Derby, c. w. i. 89 ; applies for 
aid to deputy-lieutenants of Lancashire, 
c. w. i. 90 ; raises the siege, c. w. i. 92 ; 
taken prisoner by Prince Rupert, ib, 
Ripon, treaty of, humiliating, ii. 25. See 
PebbS) Council of, at York 



Roe, Owen, defeat of in Ireland, c. w. ii. 9 1 . 

Roe, Sir Thomas, i. 322, note 

Rofaian, Duke of, accuBes the Duke of 
Buckingham of treachery at Rocfaelle, 

RoUe, Mr., tonnage and poundage levied 
on, i. 174, 176 ; suppoenaed before the 
Star Chambw, tb. ; note, Sir Humphrey 
May and Sir John Coke 

Rothes, Lord, opposes the Act for reguli^ 
ting Kirkmen's apparel, i. 287 ; disputes 
the Totes, L 288 ; death of, ii. 245, 

Roundhead and Cavalier, origin of the 
terms, ii. 185, 320 

Roxburgh, Earl of, insulted by the Church 
rioters, i 331 

Royalists, London, welcome Charles on his 
return &om Scotland, ii. 303 ; colours 
of, ii« 375, note 

Rudyard, Sir Benjamin, expression of 
Court doctrines, ii. 174 

Rupert, Prince, generous conduct of, at 
Denton, vol. i. l. ; release of, i. 322, note; 
relief of Newark, c. w. i. 77 ; sur- 
rounds Bolton, c. w. i. 92 ; relieves 
Lathom House, ib. ; at BIydwas, c. w. 
i. 172 ; advances on Gloucester, c. w. 
i 179 ; at Worcester, c. w. i. 215 ; ad- 
vances on Oxford, junction with Charles, 
c. w. i. 217 ; at Naseby, c. w. i. 282 ; 
at Bristol, cw.i. 244,248, 249; at Pen- 
dennis, c. w. L 257 ; at Dartmouth, 
a w. i. 274 ; rumouied departure of, 
a w. i. 282 ; ii. 109 

Rushworth, John, Mr., to Lord F. Fairfax, 
Wells besieged, c.w. i. 17 ; 300 horse 
enter Somersetshire, ib. ; bearers of 
York petition committed to Black Rod, 
c. w. i. 18 ; Sir Thomas Fairfax, ib. 
his connexion with Fairfax family, ib. 
assistant-clerk to Conmions, c. w. i. 19 
messenger between Charles I. and Par- 
liament, c. w. i. 22 ; rides to York in 
twenty-four hours, «5.; singular omis- 
sion of, c. w. i. 23 ; sickness in Parlia- 
ment army, c. w. i. 261 ; rumoured 
departure of Prince Rupert, c. w. i. 263; 
Poldram Castle, ib. ; progress of war 
m the West, c. w. i 265—267 ; Sir 
William Selby and Tiverton, a w. i. 
268 — 271 ; si^o of Plymouth raised, 
c. w. i. 276 ; affairs at Dartmouth, c. w. 
i. 277, 278 ; military movements, c. w. 
i. 281 ; military operations at Exeter, 
c. w. L 283; Parliamentary army in 
Cornwall, c. w. i. 286 ; Hopton's army 
disbanded, c. w. i. 287; surrender of 
Exeter, c. w. i. 289—291 ; Parliament 
jealous of Scotch army, c.w. I 295; dis- 

banding Parliamentary army, c. w. i. 
343 ; Charles I. at Newmarket, c. w. 
i. 353 ; differences between army and 
Parliament, ib, ; Parliament army at 
St Alban's, c w. i. 355 ; intentions of 
army to King and Parliament, c. w. i. 
356 ; charges of army against Com- 
mons, c. w. i. 357; alarm of the City at 
approach of army, c. w. i. 358 ; Parlia- 
ment coerced by army, ib. ; threateued 
adjournment, ib.; progress of Treaty of 
Uxbridge,c.w.i.360, 364,365,367—370; 
riot of apprentices and flight of Speakers, 
c. w. i. 380 ; death of, c. w. i. 23 

Russia, Emperor of, prohibits all com- 
merce with England, a w. ii. 1 03 

Rutherford, Samuel, Scotch Liturgy, L 329 

Sackville, Lady Isabella, note 

St. Pagan's, battle at, c. w. ii. 22 

St. George, William, to Lord F. Fairfax, 
exchange of prisoners, cw. 1 186 

Savile, Sir John, contests Yorkshire 
agahist Sir T. Fair&x, i. 5 ; petitions 
against Wentworth's return, L 11 ; to 
Lord F. Fairfax, movements of troops 
at Bradford and Wakefield, c. w. L 177 

Savile, Sir Henry, to Sir Thomas Went- 
worth, fragment of letter, i. 91 

Savile, Lord, i. 254, note ; forgeries of, 

Scotch, offers of the, to rescue the King, 
a w. i. 354 

Scotch war, unpopularity of, ii. 3, 5 

Scudamore, John, to Mr. Evelyn, restora- 
tion of Qiarles the Second, c. w. ii 149 

Selden, John, his arguments on impeach- 
ment of Buckingham, i. 39, 103 ; i^ 
peals to Speaker of Commons, on pri- 
vilege, i. 183— 185; sunmioned before 
Star Chamber Court, i. 189 ; committed 
to the Tower, L 191 ; examined by Privy 
Council, i. 192 ; information against, ib.; 
subpoenaed before Star Chamber Court, 
i. 193 ; demurrer of, »5. ; his opinion 
on the detention of Speaker, i. 194 ; re- 
moved by Habeas Corpus to King's 
Bench, L 196 ; acquitted by the judges, 
i. ] 97 ; arbitrary conduct of the Court 
towards, i. 198 ; solitary confinement 
of, i 199 ; his reply to judgment of 
King's Bfflich, 1. 201 ; remanded to the 
Tower, i. 202 ; in<Ucted in King's 
Bench, ib. ; ordered to find sureties, 
his refusal, i. 203 ; his firmness^ ib ; 
further information filed against, i. 226 ; 
release of, i. 209 ; votes against Straf- 
ford's Bill of attainder, ii. 86 ; his opin- 
ion on excluding the twelve bishops 



from Parliament, it 191 ; his Table 
Talk, ii. 192, note ; observations of, 
on King Charles's Parliament, ii. 351 

Sheffield, Earl of, Lord President of the 
North, vol. i. xx. ; demands satisfac- 
tion of Sir Thomas Fairfax, vol. i. xxi.; 
family alliance with Fairfax's family, 
vol. i. XXIII. ; letters to Sir Thomas 
Fiurfax, vol. i. xxiv. i. 165, note ; Lord 
Mulgrave's pedigree ib. ; letter to Lord 
Ferdinando Fai^x, on family affairs, 
c.w. 1. 131 ; for protection to his tenants, 
c. w. i. 191 

Sheffield, Lord T., to Sb T. Fairfax on 
the fame of his son John, vol. i. xliv. 

Sheffield, Hon. William, to Lord Fairfax 
on various matters, i. 268, note, ib, ; 
removal of Chief Justice Heath, and 
German war, i. 293 

Sheffield, Lord Edmund, to Lord Fairfax, 
on personal matters, c. w. L 141 

Sherrard, Mr. Philip, to Lord Fairfax, 
« the Popish pl«t," c. w. ii. 299 

Shrewsbury, taking of, c.w. i. 169 ; ac- 
count of the, c. w. i 170 

Ship-money, first suggested in 1634,i. 219; 
first writ issued, i. 220 ; petitioned 
against by Corporation of London, ib, ; 
resisted by John Hampden, i. 222 — 226; 
ordered by Charles, ii. 2 ; resisted, ib, ; 
voted illegal, ii. 38, 226—228. 

Sherborne, siege of, a w. i. 246, 247 ; im- 
portance of action at, c. w. i. 251 ; list 
of prisoners taken at, c. w. i. 254 

Sibthorpe, Dr., assize sermon at North- 
ampton, i. 67 

Sidserfe, Dr., Scotch canons, i. 325 

Sidney, Algernon, Col, appointed to a 
regiment of Horse, c. w. i. 21 3 

Skrimshay, Col., taken prisoner, c.w. i. 106 

Skippon, Major, commands Parliament- 
guard, iL ^1 

Skipton, Major-Greneral, at Naseby, c. w. 
i. 231 ; wounded, c. w. i. 233 ; Gover- 
nor of Newcastle, c. w. i. 331 

Slingsby, Guildford, secretary to Lord 
Strafford, ii. 144 ; letters from Lord 
Strafford to, ib. 

Slingsby, Sir Henry, Knaresborough 
election, ii. 262 ; note, ib* 

Snelling, Rev. Mr., deprived of his living, 

Snowdon, John, letter to Mr. Charles Fair- 
fax, the wars in the Low Countries, vol. 
i. XL. 

Soap, monopoly, i. 218 

Sotheby, Walter, to Lord Fair&x, 
Duchess of Buckingham's claims, c.w. 
ii. 267 

Spinolftyhis army in Low Countries, vol. i. 

xxxviii. ; spares monument of two Fair- 
faxes, vol. i. L. ; movements of his army, 

vol. i. XLIII. 

Spottiswood, Archbishop, preaches a ser- 
mon at the opening of the Scotch parlia- 
ment, i. 286 ; Lord Balmerino prose- 
cuted for leasing making, i. 289 

Spry, Sir Harry,memorable speech of,i. 81 

Stage players, denounced by Parliament, 
c. w. ii. 12 

Stamford, Earl of, appointment of, Go- 
vernor of Jersey, c. w. i. 7 

Stapleton, Sur Philip, ii. 266,note ; mem- 
ber for Boroughbridge, c. w. 1. 352 ; 
denounced by Parliamentary army, c.w. 

Star Chamber Court, Sh* T. Fairfax fined 
in, i. 227 ; tyranny of, exposed, ii. 36 ; 
abolished, ii. 194 

State paper to M. Bassompierre, i. 125 

Stockdale, Thomas, to Lord Ferdinando 
Fairfax, pay and billet of soldiers, 
Lord Strafford's trial, ii. 99—107 ; tho 
Protestation popular, ii 106 ; Mr. Ben- 
son, ii. 108 ; military oppression, ii 1 10 
— 112 ; Captain Wytiiers murdered, ii 
112 ; billet-money unpaid, ii. 114, 115, 
204 ; triennial parliaments, ii. 202 ; 
military oppression, ii. 203 ; levy of 
subsidies, ii. 205 ; opinion of, on Lord 
Strafford's trial, ii 207 ; three regiments 
disbanded, ii 208 ; fight in Ollerton 
Park, ib. ; the twelve bishops, ib. ; billet 
of soldiers, ii. 210—212 ; Hamilton's 
regiment disbanded, ii. 212 ; abstract of 
billet-money of Hamilton's regiment, ii. 
215—218 ; William Derelove, Knares- 
borough election, ii. 216, 217, 227; 
rigorous levy of ship-money, ii. 226; 
review of poll-tax, ii. 228 ; increase of 
recusants, ii. 229 ; proposal to tax recu- 
sants to suppress Lnsh Rebellion, ii. 
230; Knaresborough election, disputed 
retium, ii. 260 — 269 ; departure of 
Charles I. from York, ii. 269; proposals 
for forfeiting Roman Catholic estates, 
ii. 283 ; CathoUcs in Claro, ii. 286 ; 
ship-money, expected pardon of Irish 
recusants, ii. 288 ; Mr. Benson's house 
resort of recusants, ii 290; disaffection 
between King and Parliament, ii. 291 ; 
Charles discharges Parliament Guard^ 
ii. 292 ; review of poll-tax, ii. 293 ; 
public affairs, ii. 294; jealousy between 
Charles I. and Parliament, ii 297 ; 
Yorkdiire billet-money, ii. 298; Lord 
Strafford's estate, ii. 321 ; train-bands 
in Yorkshire, ii. 344; Yorkshire peti- 
tion to King and Parliament, ii 345, 
362; Sir Thomas Fairfax m Yorkshire, 



u.348;e8capeor Mr. Beiiwm,ii;348,363, 
376; review of poll-tax, ii. 349; pro- 
testation taken in Yorkshire, ii. 362, 
376, 381 ; Yorkshire tnun-bands called 
outyii. 365; Yorkshire petition misun- 
derstood, ii. 373; riot about supersti- 
tious pictures, ii. 375 ; search for priests 
and arms, ii. 377 ; counter-petition pro- 
posed, ii. 378 ; estreat for poll-money 
returned, ib. ; commission to raise money 
for Ireland, ii. 379; differences between 
King and Parliament, ii. 380; meeting 
about division of billet-money, iL 382; 
arrival of the King's press at New- 
market, ii. 390; reports about Hull,i6.; 
General Ruthven and Colonel King's 
visit to Charles I., ii. 391 ; commissaries 
from Parliament arrive at York, ii. 393; 
Yorkshire petition^ Charles, ii. 395 

Strafford, Earl. See Wentworth, Sib 

Strickland, Mr., knighted by the King at 
York, U. 269 

Strode, Mr., committed to the Tower, i. 
191 ; examined, t6. ; solitary confine- 
ment of, i. 199; impeached, ii. 325 

Stroude, EUen, deposition of, concerning 
marriage of Anne Hyde and Duke of 
York, c. w. ii. 270 

Subsidies, copy of instructions from 
Council to Sir T. Fairfax, i. 210 ; levy of, 
i. 403; assessment of, ii. 105, 205—207 

Suckling, Sir John, furnishes a troop 
of 100 horse, i. 376 ; implicated in 
Goring's plot, ii. 118 

Suckling, Charles, cautious answer of, L 

Superstitious pictures, riot about'removal 
of, u. 375 

Sweden, King of, i. 313 

Tadgastbe attacked, ii. 422 

Talbot, Thomas, to , movements of 

Rojpalists in Ireland, c. w. ii. 88; Sir 

James Preston, ib. 
Tennison, Dr., to Mr. Evelyn, c w.ii. 343 
Thornton, Col., killed at Pontefract, c. w. 

L 184 
Tickell, Thomas, the poet, Lord Oxford's 

trial, ۥ w. ii. 309 
Tillotson, Bishop, carious story related by, 

c. w. ii. 221 
Toll, Thomas, to Mayor of Norwich, sub- 
sidy of 4002., c. w. i. 325 
Tonnage and poundage, levied on Richard 

Chambers, i. 172; on Mr. RoUe, i. 

174, 175; protestation against, i. 185; 

doubled, i. 216; levied for relief of 

army, ii. 220 
Torrington, battle of, c. w. i. 285 

Townsend, Sir Roger, death of, nofe. 

Trained bands, see Abmt. 

Traquair, Earl of, conduct of, at Lord 

Bahnerino's trial, i. 290; attacked by 

Church rioters, i. 332 
Trevor, Lord, censured by Parliament, 

Trevor, Col., commands 600 horse at 

Perith, i. 372 
Turner, Dr. Samuel, impeaches the Duke 

of Buckingham, i. 39 

Usher, Archbishop, his attendance upon 
Lord Strafford, ii. .150; carries the 
Earl's dying requestljto the King, t6.; 
memoranda found in his pocket-book, ib. 

Uxbridge, treaty of, c. w. i. 158, 161, 165 

Valentine, Benjamin, imprisoned in the 
King^s Bench, i. 191; solitary confine- 
ment of, i. 199; indicted in the Court of 
King's Bench, i. 202; fined, i. 203 

Yane, Sir Harry, entertains Charles I. at 
Raby Castie, i. 281 ; indiscretion of, i. 
400; notes of, at Strafford's trial, ii. 78; 
Nalson's copy of notes, ii. 83; restored 
to treasurenhip, c. w. i. 6 

Vavasour, Lady, to Mr. Henry Vavasour, 
on his adopting the Catholic faith, c. w. 

Vavasour, William, Mr., to Lord Fairfax, 
on various matteors, i. 241 

Vere, I^dy Mary, to Sir F. Fairfax, 
ilhiesB of Sir T. FairfiEa, i. 309, 310, 
312, 320; death and character of, i. 

Vere, Lady Anne, see Fairfax, Ladt. 

Vere, Lord, letter to Sir F. Faofax at 
Denton, vol. i. xxxi.; death of, i. 295, 

Village festivals condemned, i. 333 

Wales, Prince of, i. 313 ; reports of, 
c. w. iL 126 — 128; proclaimed in Scot- 
land, c. w. ii. 129 ; takes the Covenant, 
crowned at Scone, ib, ; advances on 
Worcester, C.W. ii. 130 — 132; motto of, 
ib. ; escapes to France, c. w. ii. 133 ; 
prospects of his restoration, c. w. ii. 
146 ; invited by parliament to accept 
the throne, c. w. ii. 217 

Wales, South, rebellion in, c. w. ii. 21 — 25 

Waller, plot of, c. w. i. 53; trial of, ib. 

Waller, William, Sir, flight and pursuit of 
Charles I. from Oxford, c. w. i. 105; 
takes CoL Skrimshay prisoner, c. w. i. 
106; quarrels with tiie Earl of Essex, 
c. w. i. 107; denounced by army, c. w. 

WaUingford House, meeting at, c. w. ii. 147 



Walsh, Sir Nicholas, fined in the Star 
Chamber, i. 251 

Wardour, Sir Edward, implicated in 
Goring*B plot, ii. 118 

Wariston, Lord, to Adam Hepburn of 
Humbie, Act of Oblivion, Earl of Tra- 
quair's interview with Charles I., ii. 241 

Warton, Lord, imprisoned for petitioning 
the King, ii. 16 

Warwick, Sir Philip, his description of 
Cromwell, i. 181 ; his description of 
Remonstrance debate, ii. 160, note, 

Warwick, William, committed for coining, 
ii. 298 

Watson, Capt., to Lieutenant Col. Man, 
differences between Parliament and 
army, c. w. ii. 185 

Webb, Thomas, letter to Sir Ferdinando 
Fairfax, denying the treachery of Hicks, 
vol. i. LIV. 

Wells, besieged by 30,000 men, c. w. i. 1 7 

Wentworth, Sir Thomas, to Sir Thomas 
Fairfax of Denton, York election, vol. 
i. Lix. ;' to Lady Jephson, on his broUier's 
marriage, vol. i. lxi. lxii.; to Mistress 
Ruisshe on her marriage, vol. i. lxv. ; 
to his sister, vol. i. lxvi. ; contests York- 
shire in 1625, i. 5; letter to Sir Thomas 
Fairfax of Denton thereon, i. 8 ; returned 
for Yorkshire, i. 10; unseated by Sir 
John Savile, i. 1 1 ; prepares to contest 
the county again, i&.; pricked for sheriff 
by Duke of Buckingham, i. 1 1, 34 ; letter 
from Denzil Holies to, distress and 
poverty of the coimtry, i. 84; a loan re- 
cusant, i. 88 ; returned for Yorkshire, 
L 91 ; his reply to the King on petition 
of right, i. 101 ; seeks a conference with 
Pym, i. 127 ; Pym's admonition, ih, ; ele- 
vated to the peerage, ib. ; appointed Lord 
Lieutenant of Ireland, i. 128; his en- 
mity with Lord Cork, i. 129; his pro- 
motion advanced by the death of Buck- 
ingham, i. 137, 151; raising knighthood 
money, attributed to, i. 212; the inno- 
cent cause of his wife's death, i. 236; 
arrives in Dublin, i. 248 ; character of 
his government, 1. 249 — 252 ; contri- 
butes towards Scotch war, i. 370 ; 
advises Charles not to attend Scotch 
parliament, i. 389 ; warns the King 
against the Scotch, i. 390 ; summoned 
by Charles to London, i. 696; advises 
Charles to war against the Covenanters, 
i6.; returns to Ireland, L 397; advises 
Lord Conway to engage Scotch army, 
ii. 11; his violence to the army, ii. 16; 
disbands a Yorkshire regiment, ii. 21; 
his indignation at the demands of Scotch 

commissioners, ii. 23 ; his advice to 
council of peers, ii. 25 ; conmaons pro- 
ceedagain8thim,ii.43; his wish to absent 
himself from Parliament overruled by 
Charles, ii. 44 ; arrives in London, im- 
peached immediately, ii. 45; committed 
to the Tower, ii. 48; letters to his wife, 
ii. 50; letter to Sir George Katcliff, ii. 
51; commencement of his trial, ii. 59; 
arrangements in Westminster Hall, ii. 
61; council for the impeachment of, ii. 
62; public interest in the trial of, ii. 63; 
his mode of coming to the Hall, ii. 64 ; 
return of popular mvour, ii. 65; list of 
charges against him, u. 66; his treat- 
ment of Lord Mountnorris, ii. 69 ; war 
against Scotland advised by, ii. 73; loans 
and ship-money recommended by, ii. 74 ; 
close of the evidence, ii. 76; illness of, 
ii. 77 ; fresh evidence produced against 
him, ii.|77, 78 ; bill of attunder preferred 
against, ii. 80; attainder hurried for- 
ward, ii. 82; attainder opposed by Lord 
Digby, ii. 83; Strafford's reply to the 
charges, ii. 87; Glyn and Pym's re- 
joinders, ii. 89; address of the King to 
the Peers on his behalf, ii. 92 ; evil 
consequences thereof, ii. 94 ; popular 
clamour against, ii. 95, 96; Commons 
promote popular feeling against, ii. 97; 
army in &vour of, ii. 99; Goring's plot, 
attempted rescue of the Earl, ii. 117; 
Capt. Billingsley's scheme to rescue the 
Earl defeated, ii. 124; his letter urging 
the King to pass bill of attainder, ii. 129 ; 
letter from the King to, ii. 143 ; his 
preparation for death, ih, ; writes to his 
secretary Guildford Slingsby, ii. 145; 
writes to Sir G. Ratcliff, ii. 146; letters 
of forgiveness to his judges, ih,; his last 
letter to his son, ii. 147; sends Arch- 
bishop Usher to the King, ii. 150; his 
anxiety for his friends, ib ; desires 
an interview with Laud, ii. 151 ; the 
morning of his execution, ii. 152; goes 
to the scaffold on foot, ib. ; his noble 
bearing, ih, ; respectful conduct of the 
people, iL 153; asks Laud's blessing, ii 
154; his speech to his brother on the 
scaffold, ih, ; his dying declaration, ii. 
1 55 ; his last request to Sir Greorge 
Wentworth, it 158 ; his instruction to 
executioner, ii. 159; death oi,ih, ; cha- 
racter and habits, ii. 160 
Wentworth, Sir George, to Sir Thomas 
Fairfax, of Denton, Yorkshire election, 
i. 8; contributes towards Scotch war, 
i. 370; present at the execution of his 
brother Lord Strafford, ii. 153; his ex- 
treme grief, ii. 154; dying request of 



Lord Strafford to, ii. 158; letter of 
thanks to Lord Fairfax, c. w. i. 177 ; 
offers to sell an estate to Lord Fairfax, 
c. w. i. 298 

Wentworih, Michael, letters informing 
Sir T. Fairfax of fine of Star Chamber 
Court, i. 227 

Weston, Lord Treasurer, denounced by 
Sir John Eiiot, i. 182; created Earl of 
Portland, i. 254, note ; censured by Par- 
liament, ii. 42 

Westminster rejects Sir Robert Pye and 
Sir Robert Cotton, the Court candidates, 
i. 91 

Wetherby, skirmish at, ii. 419; c. w. i. 27 

Whaliey, Colonel, pursues Royalist army 
into Essex, c.w. ii. 34 ; letter to Lord 
Thomas Fairfax, movements of Royal- 
ists in Esdex, c. w. ii. 35 

Wharton, Philip, to Lord Ferdinando Fair- 
fax, remodelling Parliament army, 
treaty of Uxbridge, c. w. i. 157, 158 

White, Thomas, to , Royalist move- 
ments in Ireland, c. w. ii. 92, 96 — 99, 
100—108; defeat of Owen 0'Neale,«5.; 
action near Dublin, c. w. ii. 94, 96 ; Lord 
Inchiquin, t5. ; cypher writing, c. w. ii. 
95, 97, 101 ; Ireton, c. w. iL 98; Crom- 
well a mediator in IloUand, c. w. ii. 1 07 ; 
Royalist rumours in Scotland, c. w. ii. 
118; reported loss to Cromwell, ib, ; 
Earl of Pembroke's death, ib. 

White, William, to Lord Ferdinando Fair- 

: fax, Dungarvan Castle taken, Irish rebel- 
lion, c.w. i. 341 

Whitford, Dr., Scotoh canons, i. 325 

Widdrington, Sir Thomas, lines on the 
death of his wife, vol. i. lxxx.; fulsome 
address of, to Charles I., i. 346; to Lord 
Fairfax, military movements at Ber- 
wick,!. 367, 368, note; treaty of Ux- 
bridge, ordinance for new army, c.w. 
i. 159; meets Sir T. Fairfax at Ware, 
cw.i. 161 ; treaty of Uxbridge concluded, 
c. w. i. 165; Dnteh ambassadors, ib.; 
junction of Prince Rupert with Royalists 
in the North, c.w. i. 182 ; mutiny at 
Skipton Castle, c.w. i. 335; disbanding 
Parliament army, c. w. i. 340 — 346 ; ap- 
prentice riot, c. w. i. 377 

Williams, Lord Keeper, warns the King 
and Buckingham on dissolving Parlia- 
ment, i. 19; resigns the seals, i. 23; 
Laud^s hatred to, i. 38; excluded from 
coronation, ib.; confined in Tower, i. 

. 338; letter to Lord Arundel thereon. 

i. 339; insulted by mob, ii. 319 ; letter 
to Sir R. Browne, reports of Prince 
of Wales, c. w. ii. 128; to Mr. Evelyn, 
c. w. ii. 344 

Willoughby, Lord Francis, to Lord Fair- 
fax, exchange of prisoners, c. w. i 129 

Willoughby, Lady Frances, complaint of, 
to Sir T. Fairfax of plunder by his 
troops, c. w. 1. 61 

Wilson, Dr., to Sir Richard Browne, 
Waller's plot. Colonel John Hampden's 
death, invitation of the King for Par- 
liament to meet him at Oxford, c.w. i. 53 

Willys, R., to Lord Fairfax, application 
for pass for Lady Coke, c. w. L 187, 188 

Winceby fight, an exact account of, c. w. 
i. 62 

Windebanke, Sir Francis, denounced by 
Mr. Grimston, ii. 1 75 ; escapes to Calais, 
ii. i 76, note, ib. 

Windebanke, Colonel, surrenders Bleching- 
ton House, c. w. i. 216; tried and shot, 
ib., ii. 176, note 

Worcester, battle of, c. w. ii. 1 30 

Worcester, Miurquis of, expends 20,0002. 
in the Royal cause, c. w. i. 315 : sur- 
renders Ragland Castle, c. w. i. 317 

Worcester, Mayor of, voted to be hanged 
for admitting Charles II., c. w. ii 132 ; 
city of, fined 14,0002., ib. 

Wolstenholme, John, to Lord Ferdinando 
Fairfax, licentious conduct of the sol- 
diers, c. w. i. 133 

Wren, Dr., persecutes Norwich weavers, 
ii.41 ;fined,ii.42;heldtobail,ii. 182; 
one of the eleven bishops impeached 
by Commons, ii. 183 

Wren, Colonel, surprised by Lord Digby, 
c. w. i. 253 

Wylde, Sergeant, impeaches the twelre 
bishops in the Lords, ii. 182; see note,ib. 

York, Archbishop ; see Eborcbn, Tobias 
York, Duke of, afterwards James II., 
declaration of his marriage with Anne 
Hyde, c. w. iL 273 
Yorkshire, electors of, return Sir T. 
Wentworth and Sir F. Fairfax, i. 91 ; 
armed forces in, i. 167 ; address to 
Charles I., i 353 ; petitions for a North- 
ern University, ii. 274—277 ; petitions 
Commons on militia, suppressing in- 
surrections, it 367 ; petition misunder- 
stood, ii. 373 ; petitions the King to re- 
turn to Parliament, ii 395 ; meeting of 
freeholders, ii. 400—409 






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