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EMORIALS   OF 


Major -General 

Sir  Herbert  B.  Edwardes 


THE  LIBRARY 


THE 


OF 


OF 


LOS 


UNIVERSITY 
CALIFORNIA 
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MEMORIALS   OF   THE   LIFE   OF 

MAJOR-GENERAL 

SIR  HERBERT   B.  EDWARDES 

K.C.B.,  K.C.S.I. 


^MEMORIALS  OF  THE  LIFE 
AND  LETTERS   OF 


MAJOR-GENERAL 

SIR  HERBERT  B.  EDWARDES 

K.C.B.,  K.C.S.I. 

D.C.L.    OF    OXFORD:     LL.D.    OF    CAMBRIUGt; 


By  his  wife 


ARBOR    SCIEfiTKE 


ARB"'P     VIT/E' 


IN  TWO  VOLUMES 
VOL.  I. 


LONDON 
KEG  AN   PAUL,  TUENCII  &  CO.,  1,  PATEKNOSTEK  SQUARE 

1886 


(The  rights  of  translation  and  of  reproduction  are  7-eserved) 


DEDICATION.* 

"  To  all  niy  Countrymen  who  care  for  India,  and  espe- 
cially to  the  young  whose  lot  is  to  be  cast  in  it,  this 
Book  is  dedicated ;  to  show  how  possible  and  good  it  is 
to  unite  the  Statesman  with  the  Soldier,  the  Philanthropist 
with  the  Patriot,  and  the  Christian  with  all,  in  the 
Government  of  a  Subject  Race." 


*  These  lines  were  written  for  "  Th(i  Author's    Dedication  "   to    the 
Life  of  Sir  Henry  Lawrence,"  by  H.  B.  E. 


11742GO 


iSaijaUorbcr  tl){iiQs  air  tnir, 
iililljntiSar&rr  tljtugs"  arc  Ijoufs't, 
iiaijntsocbcr  tijiitgs  arc  just, 
S^Ijatsarbrr  tljings  arc  purr, 
©laijatsocbcr  tljing^  arc  lobrln, 
iJSIjatsDcbrr  tljtugs"  arr  of  gontr  report; 
If  tijrrr  far  any  tJirtuf, 
^nH  if  tfjrrr  be  any  ^9ra(5f, 
JTbinfe  DM  tljr^r  tljt'ngs'." 

PiiiL.  iv.  8. 


PREFACE. 

It  is  not  intended  to  write  the  "Life"  of  Sir  Herbert 
Edwardes.  That  was  so  full  of  stirring  events  and  deeds  of 
chivalry  that  it  would  be  difllciilt  to  do  full  justice  to  the 
theme. 

My  purpose  is  rather  to  bring  together  some  letters 
and  speeches  that,  like  a  chord  of  sweet  music,  may  tell 
something  of  the  harmony  and  beauty  of  that  lovely  mind 
which  has  passed  away  from  earth  for  a  while,  to  find  its  rest 
in  the  Saviour's  presence. 

The  half  cannot  be  told ;  for  there  are  deeds  of  noble 
heroism,  acts  of  truest  self-denial  ("  in  honour  preferring 
one  another  "  ) — great  deeds  done  so  secretly  that  they  are 
known  to  none  but  the  most  intimate  sharer  of  his  inner 
life,  which,  though  they  won  no  honour  here,  wait  for  that 
day  when  the  counsels  of  all  hearts  shall  be  made  manifest, 
and  God  will  give  the  praise. 

But  besides  these,  his  clear  statesmanlike  views ;  his 
far-seeing,  almost  prophetic,  grasp  of  the  true  importance 
of  events,  that  made  his  acts  so  vigorous  and  his  resource  so 
fertile  in  times  of  danger,  and  inspired  confidence  in  those 
who  were  around  him  and  dependent  on  his  command;  his 
thrilling  eloquence,  and  the  tender  pathos  and  sympathy  of 
his  letters ; — all  these,  and  the  true  and  fervent  devotion  of 


Vlll  PREFACE. 

his  heart  to  heavenly  things,  will  shine  out  in  the  fragments 
now  put  together,  and  show,  if  it  be  but  a  glimpse,  some- 
tliing  of  the  beauty  of  a  great  and  noble  mind — f^reat  in 
its  humility. 

"  So  it  is  when  a  great  and  good  and  beloved  man 
departs — sets,  it  may  be,  suddenly — and  to  us  who  know 
not  the  times  and  the  seasons,  too  soon.  We  gaze  eagerly 
at  his  last  hours ;  and  when  he  is  gone  from  our  sight,  we 
see  his  image  wherever  we  go,  and  in  whatsoever  we  are 
engaged ;  and  if  we  try  to  record  in  words  our  wonder,  our 
sorrow,  and  our  affection,  we  cannot  see  to  do  it;  for  the 
idea  of  his  life  is  for  ever  coming  into  our  study  of  imagina- 
tion— into  all  our  thoughts — and  we  can  do  little  else  than 
let  our  mind  in  a  wise  passiveness  hush  itself  to  rest.  .  .  . 

"  We  cannot  now  go  very  curiously  to  work  to  scrutinize 
the  composition  of  his  character ;  we  cannot  take  that 
large,  free,  grand,  genial  character  and  nature  to  pieces,  and 
weigh  this  and  measure  that,  and  pronounce.  We  are  too 
near  as  yet  to  him  and  to  his  loss ;  he  is  too  dear  to  us  to 
be  so  handled. 

"His  death  (as  Hartley  Coleridge  says)  is  a  recent 
sorrow  ;  his  image  still  lives,  in  eyes  that  weep  for  him." 
(John  Brown,  M,D.,  Edinburgh.) 

***** 

These  words,  though  written  by  another,  express  some- 
thing of  the  feeling  with  which  this  work  has  been  under- 
taken, and  answer  in  some  measure  the  question,  Why  has 
it  not  been  done  before  ? 

EMMA  EDWARDES. 

41,  Onslow  Squahe,  Londjn, 
ISSG. 


CONTENTS   OF   VOL.   I. 


CHAPTER  I. 

1819—1841—1845. 

PAGE 

Early  Life  to  Regimental  Life  in  India,  and  A.D.C.  to  Lord  Gough     ...         1 

CHAPTER  II. 

1845—1846. 

Sikh  Invasion  of  British   India — Battles  of  Moodkee  and  Sobr&on — 

Treaty  of  Byrowal    ...  ...  ...  ...  ...  ...      25 

CHAPTER  III. 

1846. 
The  "Resident"  and  his  "Assistants" — Cashmere — Golab  Singh       ...      53 

CHAPTER  IV. 

1847—1848. 
Bunnoo — Treachery    at    Monltan — Battle  of  Kiuyc'reo         ...  ...       79 

CHAPTER  V. 

1848—1849. 
Battle  of  SuddooB&m— Retriliution— The  Fall  of  Moolt&n     ...  ...     12.3 

CHAPTER  VI. 

1849—1850. 

Return  to  England — Marriage — Writes  "A  Year  on  the  Punjab  Fron- 
tier" ...  ...  ...  ...  ...  ...  ...     157 


X  CONTENTS. 

GIIArTER  VII. 
1851—1853. 

PAGE 

ELlurn  to  India— Lift' at  JuUundur  ...  ...  ...  ...     195 

CHAPTER  VIII. 

1853—1855. 

Hazara—rcbhuwiir— The  Afghan  Treaty 219 

CHAPTER  IX. 

1855—1857. 
The  Afghan  Treaty  ratified— Views  upon  Afghan  Politics  and  War    ...    253 

CHAPTER  X. 

1853—1854. 
The  Pcshawur  Mission  to  the  Afghans       ...  ...  ...  ...     297 

CHAPTER  XI. 

1856—1857. 
John  Nicholson — Journey  to  Calcutta  and  Return  to  Pcshawur  ...     331 

CHAPTER  XII. 

1857. 
Levies — First  Opening  of  the  Mutiny        ...  ...  ...  ...     359 

CHAPTER  XIII. 

1857—1858. 
Diary  and  Letters  during  the  Mutiny-Times  at  Peshawur  (continued)        385 


LIST   OF   ILLUSTRATIONS. 


PAGE 
PORTKAIT     OF     SlR     HERBERT    B.    EdWARDES,    AFTER    A    PuOTOGRAPlI 

BY  J.  May  ALL,  JuN.        ...  ...  ...  Frontispiece 

Pen'-and-Ink  Sketch  on  the  Ganges  ...  ...  ...    13 

The  Town  of  Sirinuggur,  the  Capital  of  Cashmere  To  face  7G 

Group  of  GRiECO-BACTRiAN  Heads     ...  ...  ...  „       84 

Facsimile  of  Mr.  Vans  Agnew's  Appeal  ...  ...  „       99 

Medal  given  by  the  East  India  Company    ...  ...  ...   171 

Abbottabad  (in  1853)            ...             ...  ...  ...  To  face  222 

Hazara,  from  Doonga  Gully.    Mount  "  Mocheepoora  "  on  the 

Left   ...  ...  ...  ...  ...  ...   To /ace  224 

A    Faint   Shadow   of    the    Heir-apparent,    Sirdar    Gholam 

Hydur  Khan,  holding  in  his  Hand  the  PeshIwur  Treaty    258 

Cashmere,  looking  across  the  "  Dull  Lake."    Sirinuggur  in 

the  Distance   ...  ...  ...  ...  ...   To  face  334 

Colonel  Edwardes's  "  Levies"  at  Peshawur,  in  1857,  from  Mool- 

tan  and  the  Derajat   ...  ...  ...  ...   To  face  392 


CriAPTKR  T. 


1819—1841—1845. 


EARLY    LIFE   TO   REGIMENTAL   LIFE    IN   INDIA,  AND 
A.D.O.  TO  LORD  GOUGH. 


VOL.  1. 


rs 


MEMORIALS   OF   THE  LIFE  OF 

MAJOR-GENERAL 

SIR  HERBERT  B.  EDWARDES, 

K.C.B.,  K.C.S.I. 

CHAPTER  I. 

Sir  Herbert  Benjamin  Edwardes,  K.C.B.,  K.C.S.I.,  was  the  Born  at 
second  son  of  the  Eev.  Benjamin  Edwardes,  Rector  of  Erodes-  I'^^'i'^^'^^' 
ley,  a  small  country  parish  in  Shropshire,  al^out  seven  miles 
from  Shrewsbury.      The  Rev.  Benjamin  Edwardes  was  the 
second  son  of  Sir  John  Cholmondeley  Edwardes,  Bart.,  eighth 
baronet  of  Shrewsbury. 

The  family  is  an  old  Welsh  one,  is  descended  from  the 
ancient  kings  of  Powysland,  in  Wales,  and  was  seated  at 
Kilhendre,  in  Shropshire,  in  the  time  of  Henry  I. 

The  first  of  the  family  who  assumed  the  name  of 
"  Edwardes "  was  John-ap-David-ap-Madoc,  of  Kilhendre, 
in  the  time  of  Henry  VII. ;  and  he  was  great-great-grand- 
father of  the  Sir  Thomas  Edwardes  who,  for  his  eminent 
services  to  Charles  I.,  was  rewarded  with  the  grant  of  a 
baronetcy  in  1664. 

On  his  father's  death,  in  1823,  at  the  early  age  of  thirty-  His  father's 
one,  Herbert  was  only  four  years  old.  ^323 ' 

He  and  bis  two  brothers  (Henry,  the  elder,  and  Frank, 
the  younger)  were  taken  care  of  by  their  grandmother,  the 
dowager  Lady  Edwardes,  who  lived  at  ]\Ioele  Brace,  near 
Shrewsbury.  It  was  afterwards  arranged  that  two  of  the 
brothers  should  remain  with  their  grandmother,  under  whose 
loving  care  they  were  brought  up,  and  educated  at  the  High 


4  SIB   HERBERT  B.  ED  WARD ES.  [1828. 

School  at  Shrewsbury,  under  Dr.  Kennedy  ;  and  Herbert  was 
taken  charge  of  and  adopted  by  another  near  relative,  the 
only  daughter  of  Sir  Thomas  Edwardes,  who  was  married  to 
John  Thomas  Hope,  Esq.,  of  Netley,  Shropshire, 
Netley.  Netley  is  only  a  few  miles  from  the  home  of  Herbert's 

birth,  which  he  left  too  young  to  carry  away  any  recollection 
of ;  but  he  always  regarded  Frodesley  with  very  great  tender- 
ness, as  the  home  of  his  parents  and  his  birthplace. 
Frodesley.  It  is  a  little  village  of  cottages,  with  a  pretty  vicarage 

house  and  a  tiny  church,  a  few  farmhouses,  and  little 
besides,  close  to  the  Shropshire  hills  of  the  "Lawley,"  the 
"  Longmyund,"  and  the  "  Caradoc,"  which  he  loved  so  well ; 
for  he  delighted  in  all  the  beauties  of  that  lovely  country, 
and  was  proud  of  belonging  to  it,  as  all  Salopians  are. 

The  little  church  stands  now  much  as  it  was  when  his 
father  ministered  in  it  j  and  it  is  the  burying-place  of  most 
of  the  Edwardes  family  still. 

Very  beautiful  was  this  dear  boy  of  four  years  old,  with 
curling  fair  brown  hair,  and  large  lustrous  and  soft-beaming 
eyes,  as  I  have  been  told  by  the  daughter  of  the  house  *  to 
which  he  came,  who  welcomed  him  to  her  heart,  and  loved 
him  thenceforward  with  tenderest  love — a  love  which  he 
repaid  with  all  the  tenderness  and  devotion  of  his  affectionate 
nature. 

This  love  came  to  fill  up  something  of  the  yearning 
Herbert  always  felt  for  the  love  of  a  mother,  of  which  he  had 
no  conscious  knowledge.  Eor  his  mother  did  not  long  survive 
his  father,  and  he  never  remembered  her,  though  he  always 
cherished  very  tenderly  the  thought  of  her. 
1^28.  Herbert  was  about  nine  years  old  when  he  first  went  to 

school.  Afterwards  he  was  sent  to  a  school  at  Eichmond, 
in  Surrey,  kept  by  the  Eev.  Charles  Delafosse.  It  was  a 
large  school,  and  had  held  a  great  reputation  for  many  years. 
But  Herbert  never  thought  very  much  of  what  he  learned 
there. 

He  never  was  very  keen  about  sports  and  boys'  games 
(being  always  rather  a  delicate  boy),  and  liked  much  better 
a  pleasant  book  alone,  or  a  quiet  walk  with  a  chosen  friend. 

*  This  lady  afterwards  married  Herbert's  uncle,  Sir  Henry  Edwardes, 
his  father's  eldest  brother. 


1837.]      LIFE  AT  BICBMOND  AND  KING'S  COLLEGE.  5 

His  master  was  a  kind,  easy,  good-natured,  clever  man, 
and  a  good  "classical  scholar."  Herbert  was  a  great 
fiivourite  with  him ;  for,  being  fond  of  a  good  joke  himself, 
the  master  enjoyed  the  wit  and  talents  which  were  con- 
spicuous even  then  in  his  young  pupil. 

Herbert  was  always  the  ready  cliampion  of  any  little  boy 
who  was  being  bullied  and  unable  to  defend  himself — he 
would  even  bear  a  punishment  to  save  another  boy ;  thus 
early  showing  tlie  germ  of  the  noble  nature  that  shone  so 
conspicuously  in  his  after-life. 

As  has  just  been  said,  Herbert  was  from  the  first,  quick 
in  wit  and  ready  in  repartee.  He  was  also  fond  of  poetry  and 
romance,  and  many  a  sweet  verse  he  composed  in  his  boyish 
days ;  but  there  was  no  hand  to  gather  them  together  and 
preserve  them. 

His  winter  holidays  were  spent  in  London,  with  Mr.  and 
]\Irs.  Hope  ;  his  summer  holidays,  with  them  at  their  country 
place,  Netley,  Shropshire. 

Thus  his  youth  was  lonely.  Left  much  to  himself,  he  fed 
upon  his  own  thoughts,  and  books  were  his  companions  and 
his  enjoyment.  Was  this  the  training  that  made  the  roots 
strike  deeper  and  more  firmly,  and  made  him  strong  and  self- 
reliant,  prepared  to  stand  the  storm  and  strain  of  the  battle 
of  life  ? 

He  must  have  left  school  about  the  year  1835  or  1836; 
for,  in  1837,  he  was  attending  classes  at  King's  College, 
London, 

His  dear  friend,  the  Rev.  Cowley  Powles,  writes  :  "  Wlien  King's 
I  went   to  King's    College,  Herbert  was   already  there,   in  London' 
October,  1837,  and  he  had  been  tliere  some  time,  how  long  i837. 
exactly  I  do  not  know,  but  long  enough  to  be  among  the 
leaders  of  tlie  college.     His  principal  forte  lay  in  what  would 
now  be  called   the  '  Modern    Side.'     In  classics  he  did  not 
particularly  distinguish  himself,  nor  in  mathematics.     His 
taste  was  more  for  modern  literature.     At  that  he  worked 
liard.     I  don't  think  he  did  work  very  hard  at  either  of  the 
other  subjects. 

"He  was  always  thought  'a  man  of  mark,'  and  in  the 
'  Debating  Society '  was  decidedly  one  of  the  very  foremost 
speakers." 


6  Sm   HERBERT  B.    EDWARD ES.  [1839, 

He  would  sonu'tiiues  airiuse  himself  at  lecture  with 
iiiakiii^  sketches  of  fi^^ures  tliat  struck  his  fancy.  Now  and 
tlicii  tliis  was  observed,  and  the  sketches  called  for,  when 
it  iiii,^ht  be  that  the  lecturer  saw  a  likeness  of  himself  in  pen 
and  ink. 

With  gi-eat  artistic  talent,  and  a  rare  facility  in  drawing 
caricatures,  Herbert  had  such  kindness  of  nature  and  such 
true  courtesy  and  goodness,  that  he  coxdd  not  draw  an  ill- 
natured  caricature ;  and  a  man  would  see  himself  caricatured, 
and  yet  not  be  offended.  Herbert  never  made  an  enemy  by 
it  in  all  his  life. 

But  in  after  years  he  could  never  be  persuaded  to  draw 
caricatures  at  all ;  for  he  grew  more  tender  and  more  kind  as 
his  character  and  his  nature  ripened  and  mellowed  towards 
perfection ;  and  he  thought  it  was  a  faculty  not  good  to 
indulge,  because  it  led  to  dwelling  on  the  weaknesses  or  bad 
characteristics  of  another,  while  he  liked  to  search  out  the 
good  qualities  in  other  men  rather  than  their  failings. 
His  friends  Herbert's  friends  at  King's  College  at  this  time  were — 
Coiwe^*"  Charles  Kingsley,  Fitz-James  Stephens,  Walter  Dumergue, 
Nassau  Senior,  F.  W.  Gibbs,  Benjamin  Shaw,  Bryan  Burgess, 
and  others. 

He  valued  and  loved  Kingsley  always,  and  they  were 
great  together  in  the  "  Debating  Society ; "  and  they  and 
Walter  Dumergue,  and  Benjamin  Shaw,  used  often  to  walk 
home  together,  arm-in-arm,  along  the  streets,  when  "  college  " 
was  over,  and  carry  on  their  "  debates  "  on  their  way  home. 

A  close  friendship  between  Herbert  Edwardes  and  Cowley 
Powles  began  at  this  time  at  King's  College,  which  continued 
and  deepened  in  after  years  in  loving  intercourse  that  was 
a  perpetual  joy,  and  was  only  interrupted  by  death. 

To  the  intercourse  between  them  we  are   indebted   for 
some  insight  into  his  mind  in  these  early  days,  when  con- 
genial friends  were  few,  and  his  future  life  lay  dim  before 
him. 
^839.  Ill  1839  Edwardes  writes  to  this  friend — 

"Your  habits  and  mine  form   part  of  tlie  'sympathy' 

between  us  (of  which  speaks), 

"  Owls  we  are — birds  of  the  moon  ;  and  I  know  vou  feel 


1839.]  EARLY   THOUGUTS.  7 

as  ]  do,  that  the  still  hour  of  night,  when  men,  let  lis  alone, 
when  tlie  world  is,  as  it  were,  taken  off  its  hinges,  and  the 
noisy  machinery  of  life  at  rest,  then  is  the  time  wlien 
individuality — call  it  selfishness  if  you  will — comes  in  upon 
us,  and  we  look  into  our  own  hearts  and  our  own  thoughts, 
ii\i(\.feel,  without  the  alien  impulses  which  other  people  lend 
when  they  run  against  and  jostle  with  us.  To  my  mind, 
there  is  a  fascination  about  night  which  it  is  impossible  to 
withstand ;  there  is  a  mysterious  loneliness  in  it,  which 
quite  fixes  my  whole  soul. 

"  And  when  there  is  a  moon  to  look  out  upon  that  space 
of  earth,  with  all  its  gloomy  trees  shut  in  l)y  a  thick  '  wall 
of  darkness,'  on  which  there  is  no  handwriting  but  the  stars, 
and  those  so  eternal  that  they  do  not  break  the  quiet  with 
idea  of  motion,  oh  !  that  is  indeed  a  mass  of  solitude  which 
one  can  enter  into  and  possess  with  a  tangible  feeling  of 
happiness,  which  is  poetry  to  the  very  heart ! " 

Somebody  had  written  to  Edwardes  to  beg  him  to  take 
more  care  of  himself — "  to  take  more  sleep  and  preserve  his 
constitution."     lie  writes  in  reply — 

"  Constitution,  indeed !  Life  is  nothing,  time  is  no- 
thing, but  the  things  for  which  we  live  and  the  things 
which  take  place  in  time  are  all  that  is  to  be  regarded ; 
and  if  all  this,  which  is  the  value  of  life,  is  to  be  given  up 
to  the  furtherance  of  the  mere  lyrocess  of  living,  why,  e'en 
let  a  vampire  suck  out  my  brains,  that  I  may  eat  and  drink, 
and  my  body  thrive  like  a  beast's !  " 

lie  writes  at  this  time — 

"  I  lead  an  idle,  dreamy,  read-y,  placid,  vegetable  sort 
of  life  in  this  country,  and  never,  in  a  month's  time  per- 
chance, know  the  blessing  of  a  thing  to  excite  feeling  ! 

"How  I   do   loathe  this  state  of  utter   inactivity!  but, 


8  .977?    TTEHBEUT  B.    EDWAEDES.  [1839. 

thank  Tloavcn,  'tis  an  intermediate  gruh  state,  which  ends 
in  emancipation — a  sliip  my  chrysalis,  the  goodly  sun  of 
India  my  deliverer  from  cold  suspension  of  existence." 

"  No  mother's  face  o'er  my  cradle  smiled. 
No  father's  love  my  young  cares  beguiled. 
They  died !     My  passions  all  ran  wild, 
And  hard  *  was  my  heart  from  a  little  child! 

"  I  henrd  men  say  there  were  seasons  four, 
And  each  one  a  different  livery  wore ; 
15ut  summer  to  me  was  all  frozen  o'er, 
And  the  year  was  winter  for  evermore  ! 

"  Yes ;  I  thought  for  ever  it  should  be  so, 
Never  to  kindle  at  passion's  glow  ; 
Callous  to  all  things,  ay,  even  woe ; 
My  life  laid  aside  like  a  broken  bow. 

"But  it  was  not  to  be.     Tho'  the  sea-waves  chill 
And  slumber  awhile  when  the  cold  wind  is  still, 
Yet,  comes  but  a  cloud  o'er  old  Ocean's  will. 
Proud  man  in  his  ship  shall  abide  it  but  ill. 

"  Long  had  I  slumbered  the  sleep  of  the  proud. 
But  the  time  was  come  now  when  my  soul  should  he  bowed — 
"When  over  my  fortunes  should  pass  the  dark  cloud 
Which  wakes  every  passion  to  struggle  aloud." 

Written  about  this  time  were  two  little  pieces  of  poetry 
■which  may  be  inserted  here. 

"  'Twas  autumn  !     I  looked  on  the  leaves  as  they  fell 
From  the  bough  of  an  old  oak  tree. 
And  the  wild  winds  whistled  a  parting  knell 
To  the  old  oak's  third  jubilee. 

"  I  watched  a  red  withered  leaf  yield  to  the  blast. 
And  fly  far  from  the  old  oak  tree  ; 
While  the  old  oak  groaned  for  the  years  that  were  past. 
And  wished,  like  the  leaf,  it  was  free. 

"  'Twas  summer !     I  looked  on  the  leaves  as  they  stirred 
On  the  bough  of  that  old  oak  tree ; 
The  zephyrs  were  sighing.     A  beautiful  bird 
Sang  the  old  oak's  praise  merrily. 

*  This  is  only  an  example  of  how  unable  he  was  to  do  justice  to 
himself,  for  his  sympathy  and  tenderness  of  heart  were  always  remark- 
able. 


1839.]  EAIiLY  rOKTUY. 

"  I  watchcil  a  yoiinj:;  severed  leaf  yield  to  the  blast, 
Whieh  suddenly  shook  the  old  tree ; 
But  tlie  old  oak  laughed  at  the  years  that  were  past, 
And  pitied  the  leaf  that  was  free. 

"  II.  B.  E.,  1839. 

Here  is  another — 

"  Come  to  the  tombs  of  the  ancient  men, 
Come  there  alone  at  the  hour  wlu'U 
Eest  to  earthly  spirits  sent 
Leaves  the  sepulchre  eloquent. 

"  Ay,  come  alone 

When  the  dark  grey  stone, 
The  bones  of  the  dead  concealing, 

Blazons  a  tale 

In  the  moonlight  pale, 
The  deeds  of  the  dead  revealing. 

"  Come  to  the  valley  where  fairies  tread 
Heedlessly  over  the  crowned  head. 
And  nature  has  woven  a  lily-mask 
For  the  brow  that  scowled  in  iron  casque. 

"  Come  there  alone 

When  the  moon  has  shone 
Her  brightest  hour,  imparting 

A  silvery  hue 

To  the  gloomy  yew, 
With  the  tears  she  sheds  at  parting. 

"Come  to  me  then.     I'll  tell  thee  a  tale 
I've  kept  so  well.    Though  thy  young  cheek  pale 
And  I  should  die  by  thy  father's  kin. 
Yet  she  shall  rest  without  spot  of  sin. 

"  Come  there  alone 

When  the  wassail's  done 
And  the  revellers  all  are  slumbering. 

When  sinners  sleep. 

And  the  jnous  keep 
Dull  watch,  their  bead-roll  numbering. 

"  Come  to  the  valley.     Thy  mother's  there ; 
Stone  there  is  none  to  tell  she  was  fair. 
But  oh  !  the  bones  which  whiten  her  grave 
Tell  she  was  loved  by  one  who  was  brave. 


10 


Slli   HERBERT  B.   ED  WARD ES. 


[1840. 


"  Come  there  alone. 
Nor  sigh  nor  groan 
Break  tlie  rest  of  those  departed, 
And  tlie  nudnight  scream 
Of  the  owl  shall  seem 
To  mourn  with  the  broken-hearted. 

"  H.  B.  E.,  Netley,  1840." 

A  strain  of  sadness  runs  through  all  these.  They  are  but 
touches  that  show  the  colour  of  his  mind  in  those  young 
days — a  poetic  and  noble  soul,  enshrined  in  a  sensitive  and 
delicate  frame ;  the  soul  impatient  of  its  fetters,  and  long- 
ing to  break  them  and  to  plunge  into  a  real  life,  for  which 
it  felt  the  aspiration  and  the  capacity,  with  ever-painful 
earnestness. 
He  h:id  no  But  it  w^as  not  by  any  choice  of  his  own  that  Herbert 

desire  to  go  -^ycnt  to  India,  or  that  he  took  to  the  military  life  as  his  ^jro- 
fession.  He  had  no  associations  with  India,  and  had  never 
had  any  relations  or  friends  there,  except  the  two  young 
brothers  who  had  each  joined  a  regiment  there  already.  But 
Herbert  had  never  turned  his  thoughts  for  a  moment  in  that 
direction.  He  desired  to  go  to  Oxford  and  study  for  the  bar. 
Not  that  he  much  cared  to  be  a  lawyer  either,  but  he  wanted 
to  go  to  Oxford  and  really  study,  and  to  have  those  oppor- 
tunities of  doing  so  which  never  yet  had  been  within  his 
reach,  and  which  he  knew  that  he  could  use  to  some  purpose 
if  he  had  the  chance ;  and  he  considered  thab  he  had  lost 
too  much  time  in  "  school-routine  "  at  Eichmond. 

Then  he  was  strong  in  friendship,  and  his  dearest  friends 
were  at  Oxford,  and  this  made  him  wish  the  more  to  share 
the  advantages  they  had. 
Necessity,  But  this  not  being  allowed  by  his  guardians,  and  finding 

not  choice,  j^g  must  depend  upon  himself  to  find  some  way  out  of  his 
career.  Irksome  inaction,  he  went  himself  to  Sir  Eichard  Jenkins, 
who  was  a  member  of  the  old  Court  of  Directors,  and  a 
friend  of  the  family,  and  asked  him  to  give  him  "  a  direct 
appointment"  to  India.  To  this  Sir  Eichard  Jenkins  con- 
sented at  once,*  and  no  time  was  lost  in  making  the  neces- 
sary preparations. 


From  Sir  Richard  Jenkins  we  find  a  letter,  written  in  1848,  to  one 


1811.]  VOYAGE    TO   INDIA.  11 

In  Octol)er,  1840,  EJwardes  set  sail  fur  Calcutta  iu  the 
sailing-ship  the  Walinrr  Cas/lc,  to  go  round  the  Capu. 

It  was  all  very  distasteful  to  hiiu,  fur  hu  entered  ii])on  a 
life  that  had  then  no  attractions  to  him,  and  a  country  that 
he  had  no  desire  to  see.  It  was,  to  his  own  feelings,  an 
exile — entire  loneliness.  So  he  went  veri/  sadly ;  and  it  was 
not  till  he  got  into  "  civil  employ,"  and  had  a  field  opened 
Ijefore  him  of  a  share  in  the  government  of  the  country,  that 
he  found  the  congenial  work  into  which  he  could  throw  him- 
self happily. 

He  spent  his  twenty -first  birthday,  November  12,  at  sea, 
and  landed  at  Calcutta  in  the  beginning  of  1841. 

To  beguile  the  monotony  of  a  long  sea- voyage  (which,  in  1^41 
those  days,  used  to  take  three  or  four  months),  he  edited  a 
news])aper  on  board,  and  called  it  the  IFalnier  Castle  Gazette, 
and  in  this  and  in  many  other  ways  was  the  life  and  soul 
of  the  generally  dull  voyage.  For  Herbert  Edwardes  always 
had  great  vivacity,  and  as  in  all  such  sensitive,  highly-strung, 
finely-toned  natures,  there  was  a  play  of  fancy  and  readiness 
of  wit  that  could  make  sunshine  of  the  darkest  day. 

He  could  always  extract,  out  of  the  passing  things  of  life, 
the  good  or  the  beautiful,  the  ludicrous  or  the  quaint,  and 
rise  with  a  magic  power  from  the  tenderest  sympathy  of  sad 
thoughts  to  the  sparkle  of  wit  and  fancy,  carrying  his  hearers 
with  him,  like  a  well-tuned  instrument  of  lovely  chords  well 
handled. 

We  may  say  here,  in  passing,  that  he  never  lost  this 
power  to  the  last,  in  spite  of  all  life's  rough  storms — 

of  the  famil}',  at  the  time  when  Edwardcs's  name  reached  England  in 
connection  with  Mooltan  and  Buunoo. 

"  Gatane,  Saturday. 
"  My  dear  Sir, 

"  I  fully  intended  calling  upon  you  when  I  was  in  Salop  a  few 
days  ago,  to  congratulate  you  u]5on  the  high  name  young  Edwardes  has 
gained  for  himself  by  exploits  so  brilliant  and  so  advantageous  to  his 
countr}'.  I  feel  myself  much  elated  with  the  thought  that  I  have  been 
the  means  of  placing  such  a  man  in  the  East  India  Company's  service ; 
and  you  may  be  assured  that  his  conduct  is  fully  appreciated,  and  I  have 
no  doubt  will  be  duly  rewarded  by  those  who  have  the  power  and  the 
privilege  of  doing  so.  I  return  to  Loudon  next  ^londay,  and  am  sorry  I 
was  not  fortunate  enough  to  meet  you. 

"  Believe  me,  my  dear  sir, 

"  Yours  very  truly, 
"(Signed)  K.  Jenkins." 


jiassenger. 


12  SIR   IIEIiBEIiT  D.   EDWAIiDES.  [1841. 

"Tlmt  liwolincss,  ever  in  motion,  which  plays? 
I/ike  tlie  light  ujwn  autumn's  soft,  shadowy  days  ; 
Now  licre  and  now  there,  giving  warmth  as  it  heams, 
Kow  melting  in  mist  and  now  breaking  in  gleams." 

A  fellow-passenger,*  who  was  on  board  the  Walmer  Castle, 
has  kindly  communicated,  through  a  friend,  his  recollections, 
which  give  us  a  picture  of  him  on  board  ship.  "  His  figure  at 
Letter  of  a  that  time  was  slim,  and  his  general  appearance  gave  the  im- 
ll'il^lL.  pression  of  delicate  rather  than  robust  health.  He  did  not 
often  join  in  the  active  games  and  amusements  in  which 
young  men  on  board  ship  generally  engage,  but  preferred 
rather  to  look  on.  His  features  were  fully  formed,  and  the 
expression  of  his  face  bright  and  intelligent,  whilst  his  con- 
versation and  remarks  told  of  a  well-informed  and  cultivated 
mind,  added  to  a  great  sense  of  wit  and  humour. 

"  The  monotony  of  the  voyage,  which  lasted  four  months, 
the  passengers  sought  to  relieve  by  the  usual  expedients  of 
amateur  theatricals  and  the  publication  of  a  weekly  news- 
paper. In  both,  Edwardes  was  the  leading  and  directing 
spirit. 

"  The  piece  chosen  was  '  The  Eivals,'  the  principal  cha- 
racter, Sir  Anthony  Absolute,  being  performed  by  him  with 
great  life  and  spirit.  The  rehearsals,  dresses,  etc.,  were 
arranged  chiefly  under  his  directions. 

"  Of  the  newspaper  he  was  the  editor,  an  '  editor's  box ' 
being  placed  at  his  cabin-door.  This  little  periodical  fre- 
quently contained  some  well-written  and  witty  articles,  from 
that  pen  which  found  so  vast  a  field  for  employment  in  after 
years. 

"  He  also  possessed  considerable  talent  for  etching  ;  and 
the  papers  were  generally  illustrated  by  some  well-executed 
caricatures  of  board-ship  notables ;  but  so  well  did  he  per- 
form the  olfice  of  editor  and  censor  that  nothing  which  could 
hurt  the  feelings  of  any  one  ever  appeared. 

"  And  so  the  voyage  wore  on,  until,  on  reacliing  Calcutta, 
those  who  were  then  young  and  full  of  life  separated,  each 
to  pursue  the  unknown  road  before  him,  and  fight  out  the 
great  battle  of  life. 

"From  these  slight  reminiscences  we  cannot  fail  to  be 

*  Lieutenant-colonel  Leigh,  7th  Bengal  Native  Infantry. 


]841.] 


APPOINTED    TO   1st  BENGAL   FUSILIERS. 


13 


struck  with  the  fact  that  he  who  in  after  life  led  on  men  to 
battle,  and  ruled  thousands,  was,  even  then,  amongst   his 
fellow-passengers,  in  the  amusements  with  which  they  be- 
guiled the  weariness  of  the  voyage,  the  leader  and  director. 
"  (Signed)  R  T.  L." 

On  arriving  in  India,  Edwardes  was  appointed  to  the  His  arrival 
1st  Kegiment  Bengal  Fusiliers  (afterwards  called  the  101st  '''  '°'^'^-  - 
Bengal  Fusiliers,  and  now  the  Koyal  Munster  Fusiliers),  and 
was  ordered  to  join  his  regiment  at  Kurnal.  He  and  another 
young  officer  proceeded  together  up  the  river  Ganges  in  boats, 
as  far  as  Dinapore.  Letters  are  still  lovingly  preserved  of 
this  time,  full  of  descriptions  and  s|>rightly  wit,  and  his 
ready  pen-and-ink  sketches  help  us  to  follow  him  in  his 
"  budgerow  "  up  the  river  to  join  his  regiment. 


"  On  the  mighty  River  Ganges, 
"  March,  1841. 

"  My  dear  Cowley, 

"  My  reception  in  this  country  has  been  warm  En  route 
enough^  of  course,  but  I  cannot  say  that  it  was  agreeable ;  *"  !^'°*' 
for  however  flattering  it  may  be  to  have  an  atmosphere  of 
mosquitoes  waiting  round  your  couch,  and  printing  kisses 
on  your  cheek,  I  do  not  think  it  worth  the  cost — waking  in 


14  SIR    UEBBERT  B.    EDWABDES.  [1841. 

the  morning  with  your  iiiglit-cap  too  small  for  your  head, 
which  has  taken  the  opportunity  (like  all  bad  servants)  of 
the  master  being  asleep  to  set  up  for  a  swell,  and  exhibit 
in  the  glass  a  faithful  picture  of  a  spotted  pumpkin.  For  a 
week  or  ten  days  these  horrible  creatures  confined  me  in  the 
house  (albeit,  my  friends  declared  ray  features  were  gnatty 
enough  for  anything),  and  one  of  my  first  reflections  was 
that  if  all  tlie  natives  were  to  peg  into  our  carcases  as  these 
diminutive  light  infantry  are  wont  to  do,  the  Honourable 
John  Co.  would  be  (like  many  another)  in  a  very  bad  line 
of  business. 

"  But  enough  of  complaints.  Let  us  drop  the  veil,  or 
rather  the  mosquito-curtain,  over  Oriental  plagues.  I  have 
plenty  to  tell  you  of  Oriental  pleasures,  and  I  should  be 
very  far  from  candid  did  I  not  allow  that  I  have  experienced 
many  such  since  I  have  been  here.  Your  thoughts  will 
naturally  ask  me  first  how  I  like  the  climate  of  my  new  land 
of  sojourn  ;  and  I  can  sincerely  answer,  that  I  do  not  join 
the  outcry  which  is  made  about  it.     I  like  it  much. 

"  Were  the  habits  of  Europeans  here  to  be  the  same  as 
they  are  at  home ;  were  their  vocations  of  business  and 
avocations  of  pleasure  to  spread  over  the  whole  day,  and 
demand  a  constant  restlessness  of  body  and  mind,  such  as 
they  do  in  England ; — I  can  easily  conceive  how  incom- 
patible such  a  life  would  be  in  such  a  climate  as  this.  It 
would  be  insupportable. 

"  But  hear  what  Indian  life  is,  and  judge  if  the  reverse 
is  not  nearer  the  truth.  I  take  my  own  daily  routine  for  an 
example,  as  I  suppose  we  gentlemen  in  livery  lead  more 
active  lives  than  our  brethren  of  the  pen.  (They  are  the 
hntlers  out  of  livery — civil  servants,  and  we  are  regular 
flunkies  to  the  company — the  running  footmen  of  great 
John's  establishment.) 

"Well,  a  black  rascal  makes  an  oration  by  my  bed 
every  morning  about  half  an  hour  before  daylight.    I  wake. 


1841.]      HIS   Fin  ST  DESCniPTIOiY   OF  INDIAN   LIFF.      IT) 

and  sec  him  suluaminf^  with  a  cup  of  liot  col'lec  in  his  hand. 
I  sit  on  a  cluiir  and  wasli  the  teas[)oon  till  the  spoon  is  hot 
and  the  lluid  cold,  while  he  introduces  me  gradually  into 
an  ambush  of  pantaloons  and  Wellingtons — if  there  is  a 
parade.  I  am  shut  up  in  a  red  coat,  and  a  glazed  lid  set 
upon  my  head,  and  thus,  carefully  packed,  exhibit  my 
reluctance  to  what  I  am  going  to  do — to  wit,  my  dutij — by 
riding  a  couple  of  hundred  yards  to  the  parade. 

"Here  two  or  three  hundred  very  cold  people,  in  same 
condition,  are  assembled,  and  we  all  agree  to  keep  ourselves 
warm  with  a  game  of  soldiers,  whereupon  a  very  I'unny 
scene  ensues,  and  we  run  about  the  plain,  and  wheel  about 
and  turn  about,  till  the  sun  gets  up  to  come  and  see  what 
the  row  is  about ;  and  then,  like  frightened  children,  wo  all 
scamper  off  and  make  the  best  of  our  way  home.  Then  the 
packing-case  is  all  taken  off  again,  and  I  resume  my  nap 
after  this  little  interruption  as  j)leasantly  as  Homer  does 
his  epic  about  Achilles,  after  a  page  or  two,  by-the-by,  on 
the  subject  of  the  infernal  regions.  This,  if  there  is  parade ; 
if  not,  I  take  a  gallop  with  the  dogs. 

"  Then  breakfast,  after  which  the  intellectual  day  may  be 
said  to  dawn  ;  for  from  this  till  four  or  live  p.m.  your  occu- 
pation must  be  among  your  books,  your  pen,  your  pencil, 
and  such-like  servants  of  the  brain. 

"  xV  man  whose  head  has  been  made  out  of  a  turnip,  with  Oppor- 

tunities  for 

artificial  eyes  and  a    nose  stuck  thereon,  to  emulate  the  mental  cn- 

outside  of  a  reasoning  creature,  will  tell  you  that  from  this  i'tvorded 

time  forth  your  house   is  not  only  your  castle,   but  your  '"  '°^"'" 

'prison;  and  if  there  be  not  a  billiard-table  in  his  house,  or 

a  badger  in  the  verandah  for  his  bull-dog  to  try  conclusions 

with,  he  is,  as  it  were,  dead  ;  and,  indeed,  I  believe  him. 

But  I  think  it  just  possible  that  you  may  understand  that 

five  or  six  hours  laid  out  before  you  daily,  to  do  with  as  you 

will  (' for  yourself,'  as  the  schoolmaster  said  when  he  gave 

the  head  boy  a  halfpenny),  is  a  thing  not  so  much  to  be 


10  sin   HERBERT  B.   ED  WARD ES.  Ll«il- 

dreaded  as  desired.  I  do  uot  fear,  tlieu,  to  acknowledj^e  that 
I  like  the  re<2;uhir  api)ortioument  of  bodily  aud  mental 
exercise,  aud  enjoy  another  ride  in  the  cool,  clear  evening, 
and  the  rendezvous  at  dinner  about  seven  or  eight,  all  the 
better  for  having  been  alone — left  to  my  own  devices — for 
a  great  portion  of  the  day.  You  see,  therefore,  that  the 
great  feature  of  Indian  life  is  quiet,  our  portraits  of  manners 
and  our  landscapes  of  scenery  are  all  mellowed  down  by  what 
artists  call  repose,  and  I  must  own  that  this  is  to  me  a 
luxury  which  is  bought  cheaply  by  the  sacrifice  of  active 
out-of-door  amusements  when  the  sun  is  abroad. 

"  When  to  this  add  what,  perhaps,  you  already  know ; 
that  in  all  other  respects  our  life  in  India  is  one  of  neces- 
sary indulgence — at  home  among  the  ever-active  miscalled 
luxury  which  pervades  all  the  arrangements  of  our  homes, 
prescribes  the  cut  of  our  tables  and  our  chairs,  models  our 
houses,  and  presides  at  our  board — I  have  given  you  a 
pretty  general  idea  of  the  character  of  a  life  which  would 
seem  to  be  so  congenial  to  human  nature,  that  a  very  short 
time  is  necessary  to  habituate  the  new-comer  in  all  its  ways, 
strange  as  they  must  appear  at  first.  But  you  must  not 
suppose  that  I  am  going  to  wage  war  from  this  distance 
against  all  that  I  have  left  behind  me.  Fear  not  that  I 
shall  wound  thee  in  thy  pride  of  beef  and  double  stout,  and 
throw  thee  into  a  fit  of  the  gout  by  abusing  the  good  men 
and  things  of  old  England — he  must  be  a  bolder  and 
perhaps  colder  man  than  I  am  to  think  of  a  comparison ;  but 
I  mean  to  say  that  the  evils  of  India,  like  most  other  evils, 
have  been  to  me  much  greater  at  a  distance ;  its  comforts 
exactly  the  reverse. 
Love  of  "  I  cannot  express  to  vou  the  deep  feeling  of  love  of 

country.  ,  •    i  .     , 

country  which  seems  spread  over  all  India,  aud  binds  stranger 
to  stranger  together  with  that  single  tie.  Hospitality  is  the 
outward  and  visible  sign  of  this,  and  the  grand  characteristic 
of  the  European  in  the  East ;  and  travel  where  you  will,  ^ 


1841.]  ENOLISnMEN  IN  PERFECTION.  17 

white  face  is  sufficient  passport  to  good  services,  wherever 
they  may  be  required. 

"I  am  now  travelling  up  the  Ganges,  with  a  detachment  Hospitality, 
of  the  G5th  Jiegimcnt  of  Native  Infantry,  en  route  for  Dina- 
pore,  and  have  already  seen  many  instances  of  this  good 
feeling. 

"  If  we  anchor  within  reach  of  any  European's  residence 
— a  fact  of  which  we  are  most  likely  ignorant— the  good 
man  comes  down  in  a  fever  of  delight  and  exercise  to  kidnap 
the  whole  of  us  to  dinner;  and  if  we  stop  at  a  station,  it  is 
necessary  to  write  on  before  to  any  friends  that  you  may 
have  in  particular,  literally  to  give  them  the  start  of  the  three- 
cornered  billets  which  come  tumbling  down  at  your  arrival. 
In  short,  though  you  cannot  but  regret  England,  you  meet 
with  Englishmen  in  perfection.  But  it  is  time  that  I  left 
off  boring  you  with  what  most  probably  you  know  as  well 
as  I  do. 

"  I  demand  your  gratitude  for  not  dashing  over  head 
and  ears  into  a  jungle,  and  telling  you  how  sweetly  every 
wild  weed  smells,  and  how  more  than  sweetly  do  the  thou- 
sand perfumes  mingle  in  the  air  ;  and  how  the  green  pigeon 
flutters  overhead,  and  coos  for  very  joy  at  the  shower  of 
blossoms  which  he  scatters  on  one's  murderous  eyes  when 
just  upon  the  sight  of  a  deadly  '  ^Yestley  Richards.' 

"  I  am  already  posted  to  the  1st  European  Eegiment  at  Pmmising 
Kurnal,  the  finest  regiment  in  all  India,  I  am  told,  for  I'^'^-^r^^^*^- 
discipline  and  appointment.  It  has  also  the  best  band  and 
the  best  mess  in  the  service.  With  all  these  distinctions  it 
is  the  last  regiment  which  cadets  hope  to  be  posted  to; 
they  say  it  is  expensive,  and  the  duties  laborious — not  plea- 
sant things  in  their  way,  certainly ;  but  it  seems  to  me  that 
if  a  man  enjoys  good  things,  he  must  be  content  to  pay 
good  prices  for  the  same.  And  if  he  takes  any  pride  in  the 
discipline  of  his  corps,  he  must  not  grudge  the  labour  by 
wliich  it  is  bn^ight  about,  and  which  lias  enabled  the  rogi- 
voi..  1.  C 


18  sin    HERBERT   It.   EDWARDES.  [18-12. 

inont  to  servo  with  sucli  great  distinction  all  through  the  late 
war,  and  will  enable  it,  I  hope,  to  gain  fresh  laurels  in  the 
ono  now  springing  up  in  the  part  of  the  country  where  I 
am  going. 

"  This  is  a  cheerful  prospect  for  us  subs,  and  I  am,  at 
all  events,  lucky  in  being  posted  to  a  regiment  which  is 
always  called  upon  when  fighting  is  to  be  done,  and  in  time 
of  peace  always  stationed  in  the  finest  and  most  healthy 
parts  of  India.  It  is  something,  moreover,  to  have  your 
own  countrymen  under  your  command,  instead  of  an  ebony 
set  of  soldiers,  though  of  a  truth  the  natives  are  much 
easier  to  manage." 

Jul '  \M'>  After  staying  a  few  months  at  Dinapore,  Edwardes  moved 

At  Kurnui.  with  liis  regiment  to  Kurnal,*  for  we  find  him  there  in  July, 
1842.  "  A  delightful  station,"  he  writes,  "  same  climate  as 
a  healthy  England."  A  great  relief  from  the  heat  of  Dinapore. 
But  he  was  not  idle  at  either  of  these  places,  although  the 
ordinary  routine  duties  of  a  regimental  officer's  life  did  not 
at  all  satisfy  him,  and  he  longed  to  get  into  "  staff-employ," 
which  means  being  detached  from  the  regiment  for  special 
duties,  and  being  entrusted  with  the  civil  and  political  govern- 
ment of  the  country. 
„,  J        ,  This  was  the  line  for  which  he  desired  to  fit  himself.     He 

study,  and 

passes  in      Worked  resolutely   m   studying   the   different  languages  of 
three  India.     He  passed  in  the  Hindee,  Hindoostanee,  and  Persian 

languages.  ^  '  ' 

languages;  and  in  November,  1845,  he  passed  "  the  Inter- 
preter's "  examination.  All  these  languages  were  new  to  him 
before  he  left  England,  for  he  had  never  turned  his  attention 
to  India.  But  he  studied  diligently  every  day  with  his 
moonshee,  Sudda  Sookh,  and  did  not  stop  short  of  pro- 
ficiency. 

At  intervals  of  leisure  he  would  help  in  the  regimental 
theatre  (for  the  amusement  of  the  men),  of  which  he  was  the 
"  manager,"  and  would  paint  the  scenes  with  his  own  hand 
(no  slight  effort  in  the  hot  season) ;  and  once,  he  writes,  "  I 

*  Kurnal  was  afterwards  abandoned  by  the  order  of  Sir  Charles 
Napier,  commander-in-chief,  who  considered  it  unhealthy  for  the  troops. 


1842.]  EFFORTS    TO   A  MUSH    TlIE  REGIMENT.  19 

stood  six  hours  a  day  depictin*,'  cottage  scenes  and  lordly 

castles  of  the  land  we  still  call  '  home,'  on  immense  sheets 

of  canvas,"  at  Kurnal,  in  July,  1842,  and  took  two  parts  in 

two  diflercnt  plays  at  the  same  time.     The  consequence  of  pever,  an.l 

this  was  a  fever  that  obliged  him  to  take  "leave"  to  Simla,  sick  leave 

in  September.     He  was  dangerously  ill,  and  nearly  died. 

His  ready  wit,  wonderfully  retentive  memory,  and  powers 
of  oratory,  gave  him  great  capacity  for  these  displays  of 
talent ;  and  the  amusement  to  his  brother  officers  and  the 
men  was  great.     To  his  friend  Cowley  Powlcs  he  writes — 

"They  may  talk  of  Lord  Grey's  exertions,  but  think  of 
a  small  ensign  being  slapped  on  the  back  with  a  side-scene, 
and  desired  to  rise  up  *  Grand  Duke  Alexander,  brother  of 
the  Emperor ! '  Oh  dear  me !  this  is  a  bad  time  of  the 
year 'to  have  honour  thrust  upon  me!'  Already  has  one 
letter  informed  you  of  my  theatrical  triumphs  in  the  asth- 
matic and  crutch-line  as  Sir  Anthony  Absolute  ;  and  now 
while  I  stand  upright,  I  unroll  the  seven  and  twenty  towels 
wliich  gave  people  to  understand  that  there  is  gout  in  the 
neigh])Ourhood,  take  off  servitude  in  fact,  and  don  the  iron 
youth  of  a  Russian  autocrat!  I  know  how  it  will  all  end,  so 
write  you  this  last  letter — a  legacy,  and,  after  that,  going 
to  pieces  like  barley-sugar  in  a  tea-cup,  and  being  swabbed 
up  carefully  and  sent  home  to  my  afflicted  relations  in  a 
pail.  .  .  . 

"  And  so  you  think  that  tidings  of  you  and  the  good 
people  of  Oxford  will  have  no  interest  for  me  at  the  distance 
of  sixteen  tliousand  miles  ?  ]\Iy  dear  Powles,  I  would  fain 
that  the  same  epistle  which  I  am  now  writing  may  give  you 
half  the  pleasure,  though  tliat  is  a  poor  word,  which  the  bare 
sight  of  yours — the  r<3cognitiou  of  the  familiar  hand,  through 
all  the  vile  attempts  of  posts  and  postmasters  to  blot  it  out 
— communicated  to  me  two  days  ago  when  it  arrived.  But 
I  fear,  nay,  I  liope,  you  cannot  understand  it.  I  know  you 
will  be  glad  right  heartily  to  tear  open  another  from  me  ; 


20  sin   HERBERT  B.   EDWARDES.  [1842. 

luit,  after  all,  it  will  bo  nothing  but  a  Idler.  To  me  your 
letter  is  the  fabled  horse  (not  a  wooden  one)  which  traverses 
space  in  an  instant,  and  sets  me  down  beside  you  with  all 
fiimiliar  things  and  familiar  faces  round  about  you.  You 
know  nothing  of  my  habits  here,  my  whereabouts,  my  every- 
day oIkovo/h  t  which  gives  identity  to  things  long  after  they 
are  out  of  sight,  and  when  I  write  to  you  it  is  only  as  if  I 
paid  you  a  visit ;  you  write  to  me,  and  I  find  not  only  a 
friend,  but  a  home,  for  so  it  is  in  my  memory,  full  of  sun- 
shiny recollections  without  one  single  shadow  interspersed 
among  them. 

*'  I  met  with  a  song  the  other  day.  Excuse  my  copying 
a  verse  of  it  in  here — 

"  '  But  when  we  meet  with  older  years 

And  sadder  times  that  tell 
How  sorrowless  were  those  sweet  tears 

Which  in  our  childhood  fell, 
Oh,  then  we  feel  our  own  dear  land 

Has  some  deep  charm  where'er  we  roam, 
And  sadly  press  the  stranger  s  hand 

Who  left,  like  us,  his  native  hone  I ' 

"  I  know  not  by  whom  it  was  written,  but  I  know  that 
a  year  ago  I  should  have  written  '  stuff! '  against  it ;  but  I 
shall  not  do  so  now.  ...  I  have  been  but  three  months  in 
India,  and  I  know  what  the  last  lines  mean  very  well. 

"  Now,  your  letter  was  such  a  stranger  to  me :  you  see 
what  I  mean  ?     Mine  cannot  be  so  to  you." 

'I'houghts  About  this  time  must  he  have  been  writing  the  following 

01  home.       lines,  wliich  seem  to  express  a  similar  thought — 

"It  was  a  childish  wish  of  mine 
To  make  the  earth  an  evergreen, 
And  play  all  day  in  warm  sunshine. 
Where  winter's  face  is  never  seen. 

"  I  wished  to  fill  the  summer  trees 

With  poet-birds,  like  those  who  sing 
In  Eastern  Isles,  where  ever}'  breeze 
Flies  back  to  heaven  carollino;. 


Ifi42.]  SERMONS  FROM  STONES.  21 

"  I  long  to  dwell  where  spices  breatlie. 
And  lose  myself  in  orange-groves, 
Wiiosc  gentle  task  it  is  to  wreathe 
A  crown  for  every  maid  who  loves. 

"  For  I  had  read  that  i)leasaiit  tale 

Which  comes  from  Araby  the  blest, 
Aiul  till  1  spread  the  wandering  sail 
My  foolish  heart  would  not  have  rest. 

"  Now,  granted  is  that  wish  of  mine, 
I've  found  a  land  that's  ever  green. 
And  dwell  for  ayo  in  bright  sunshine, 
Where  cold  and  shade  are  never  seen. 

"  And  are  my  days  all  hapjiy  now  ? 
Youth's  dream  is  life's  reality  ? 
Are  there  no  clouds  upon  my  brow 
Because  there  are  none  in  the  sky  ? 

"  And  do  I  love  the  matin  scream 
Of  gaudy  parrots  in  the  glade  ? 
Or  nightly  mingling  in  my  dream 
The  little  bul-bul's  *  serenade  ? 

"  Sing  not  to  me,  thou  merry  bird  ; 
Thy  song  is  but  an  Eastern  tale, 
I'd  give  it  for  the  simplest  word 
Of  England's  gentle  nightingale. 

"  H.  B.  E." 

Again,  in  his  journey  up  the  country,  Edwardes,  writing 
to  the  same  friend,  makes  some  remarks  that  miglit  read  a 
k'sson  in  these  days  of  advocacy  of  cremation. 

"The  earth  is  very  prodigal  here  in  her  fruits,  and 
scatters  them  alike  in  the  paths  of  the  fat  baboo  and  the 
skinny  pariah  ;  but  you  will  hardly  believe  that,  day  by  day 
on  my  journey  up  the  Ganges,  I  have  seen  the  victims  of 
this  abundance  brought  down  in  crowds  to  die  like  dogs 
near  *  the  holy  river,'  or  be  reduced  to  aslies  by  the  pious 
hands  of  their  relations.  .  .  . 

"  Tliey  have  all,  or  nearly  all,  died  of  cholera,  and  a  young 
European  cannot  get  a  better  lesson  than  ho  may  from  these 
disgusting  obsequies  ;  though  truly,  it  is  getting  sermons 
*  The  Indian  nightingale. 


22 


SIR   HERB  Eli  T  Ji.   EDWARDES. 


[1842. 


Regiment 
moves  to 
Subathoo. 


Desires 

stafr- 

employ. 


from  stones,  for  of  all  men,  I  supi)Ose  the  Oriental  looks  on 
these  things  with  the  greatest  apathy.  ]\Ien  swarm,  and 
death  is  rife;  and  it  seems  an  everyday  thing  for  them 
to  stretch  the  limbs  of  some  friend's  or  relation's  corpse. 

"  I  have  watched  them  with  my  glass  throughout  the 
whole  process,  from  laying  the  first  stick  of  wood  to  kindling 
the  pile,  and  seldom  indeed  have  I  seen  anything  which 
betrayed  sorrow  or  that  sort  of  love  which  ive  feel  for  the 
dead,  which  shrinks  from  familiarity  with  the  object  and 
stand  aloof  as  from  something  belonging  to  a  being  more 
sacred  than  ourselves.  .  .  . 

"  I  dare  say  the  Utilitarian  thinks  it  well  that  after  death 
the  relation  should  emerge  into  the  scavenger,  and  earth 
be  purged  as  quick  as  may  be  of  what  no  longer  honours  it ; 
but  I  pity  the  man  who  would  teach  us  such  a  creed,  and 
make  this  intellectual  age  look  on  their  household  dead  as 
blots  to  be  washed  out,  instead  of  spots  to  be  held  sacred 
in  memory." 

In  these  letters  may  be  seen  something  of  the  sprightly 
wit  and  temper  of  the  writer,  and  at  the  same  time  of  the 
tender  gentleness  of  thought  and  feeling  which  distinguished 
him  even  as  a  boy,  and  was  conspicuous  in  him  as  a  man. 

He  returned  from  Simla  to  Kurnal,  October  20,  1842, 
His  regiment  was  intended  by  Lord  EUenborough  to  join  the 
Army  of  Eeserve,  but,  Generals  Nott  and  Pollock  having 
returned  from  Cabul,  the  Army  of  Eeserve  was  not  wanted 
and  was  broken  up. 

Edwardes's  regiment  was  afterwards  moved  to  Subathoo, 
a  station  in  the  Himalayan  Mountains,  on  the  old  road  to 
and  not  far  from  Simla,  which  is  tlie  head-quarters  of  the 
Government  in  India  in  the  hot  season. 

Books  were  Edwardes's  chief  pleasure  and  his  chief  re- 
creation. He  had  friends,  and  w\irm  ones,  too ;  for  he  was  the 
life  and  soul  of  every  society  he  was  in.  But  India  was  a 
sad  place  to  him  in  those  days  ;  for  it  seemed  to  open  no  field 
in  the  larger  sphere  of  political  work,  which  he  desired,  and 
he  felt  himself  a  stranger  still. 


1845.]  "77//-;    BHAIIMJNF.I':    ni'J.L    l.F.TTF.IlSr  2'» 

His  chief  pleasure  was  in  showing  kiiKhiessaiid  sympathy 
to  every  one  who  came  in  his  way  and  needed  it — a  pleasure 
whifch  clieered  and  li^rlitcd  up  liis  life  then,  and  in  rdl  its 
subsequent  sta<i,es. 

He  had  always  a  heart  to  sympathize  and  a  hand  to 
stretch  out  to  every  one  in  trouble,  and  many  were  the  prayers 
that  went  up  to  bless  him,  even  when  he  was  only  asul»altern 
with  his  re<:,nment. 

That  he  wnsfUled  for  the  lar<;er  sphere  of  "  political  "  life  "Tho 
that  he  desired,  he  showed  at  this  time  by  writing  "The  gl^lf"''"-^* 
Brahminee  liull  Letters."  Letters," 

These  were  letters  Avritten,  of  course  anonymously,  and  ''' 
printed  in  an  ordinary  weekly  newspaper,  the  Delhi  Gazette. 
They  were  entitled  "  Brahminee  l^ull's  Letters  in  India  to  his 
Cousin  John  Bull  in  England,"  and  dealt  largely  and  freely 
with  the  military  questions  of  the  day,  then  under  anxious 
discussion,  relating  to  our  unfortunate  disasters  in  Cabul — 
the  old  Cal)ul  AVar  of  1838-1839— all  its  mistakes,  its 
follies,  and  its  sins,  as  well  as  with  all  questions  concerning 
England's  relation  with  India,  and  kindred  subjects. 

These  letters  attracted  great  attention,  and  were  looked 
for  eagerly  from  week  to  week  from  one  end  of  India  to  the 
other.  They  were  considered  to  show  so  much  cxjy'rinice  in 
the  field,  as  well  as  so  much  sagacity  and  talent,  that  it  was 
sui)posed  they  could  only  be  written  by  some  old  and  long- 
tried  soldier ;  and  Edwardes  was  often  amused  at  a  mess- 
table,  to  hear  them  discussed  and  well-known  names 
suggested  as  their  author ;  but  he  kept  his  own  counsel,  and 
he  was  not  discovered  until  he  chose  to  reveal  their  real 
authorship. 

That  the  author  was  a  young  subaltern  (still  only  a  lieu- 
tenant), with  his  regiment  at  a  quiet  station  where  he  had 
never  had  any  opportunity  of  seeing  service  in  the  field,  no 
one  had  ever  guessed. 

It  was  reading  these  letters  that  lirst  interested  Captain 
Henry  Lawrence  (then  Eesident  at  Nepal)  in  their  author.  Hemy 
He  watched  for  them  from  week  to  week,  and  read  tlieni  with   l->wj>'"ce 
delight.     But  it  was  long  before  he  could  discover  who  wrote  Kesijent  at 
them.     And  when  Henry  Lawrence  was  called  upon  shortly  Lahore, 
after  to  take  the  jjost  of  Besident  at  the  Sikh  Court  at  Lahore, 


24 


sin  HERBERT  B.   EDWARDES. 


[1846. 


Appointed 
A.D.C.  to 
the  Com- 
n);iniler-in- 
chief,  1845. 


First  meet- 
ing with 
Henry 
Lawrence. 


Asks  for 
Edwardes 
to  be  trans- 
ferred to 
be  his  as- 
sistant, 
1846. 


he  looked  about  to  find  Lieutenant  Edwardes,  and  get  liini 
to  work  with  him  in  his  new  post. 

The  vicinity  of  Suhathoo  gave  Edwardes  frequent  occa- 
sions of  visiting  Simla,  and  these  visits  afforded  him  an  oppor- 
tunity of  being  introduced  to  Sir  Hugh  Gough.  This  was 
quickly  followed  by  his  Excellency  making  him  an  aide-de- 
camp on  his  personal  staff. 

To  this  Edwardes  always  gratefully  acknowledged  he  was 
indebted  for  his  first  step  in  advancement. 

But  he  had  not  held  this  post  for  many  weeks  when 
Henry  Lawrence  arrived,  on  his  way  from  Nepal  to  take  up 
his  new  appointment  of  Eesident,  wishing  to  confer  with  the 
Governor-General,  who  was  at  that  time  at  Simla. 

Here  Henry  Lawrence  and  Herbert  Edwardes  first  met, 
and  Lawrence  soon  prevailed  with  Sir  Hugh  Gough  to  give 
up  his  new  aide-de-camp,  and  with  Sir  Henry  Hardinge  to 
appoint  Edwardes  to  be  one  of  his  Assistants  at  Lahore. 

Edwardes  had  only  time  to  serve  with  Sir  Hugh  Gough  as 
his  aide-de-camp  at  the  battles  of  Moodkee  and  Sobraon, 
before  taking  up  the  new  post  at  Lahore. 


CHAPTER    II. 


1845—1846. 

SIKH  INVASION   OF  BRITISH  INDIA— BATTLES  OF  MOODKEE 
AND  SOBRAON— TREATY  OF  BYROWAL. 


"Blessed  is  he  who  hus  found  his  work.  Let  him  ask  no  other 
blessedness.  He  has  a  work — a  life-purpose ;  he  has  found  it,  and  will 
follow  it." — Carlyle's  Past  and  Present. 


(     27     ) 


CHAPTER  II. 

In  Novemljer,  1845,  Edwardes  was  selected  Ly  Sir  ITuij;li 
Gmigli  to  become  uide-de-caini)  on  liis  personal  stall',  and  on 
December  11,  in  the  same  year,  the  Siklis  crossed  the  Sutlej 
and  invaded  British  India. 

"  And  how  was  British  India  prepared  to  meet  them  ?  * 
Suffice  it  to  say  that  when,  after  years  of  empty  boasting, 
the  Sikhs  at  last  came  as  enemies  across  the  Sutlej,  they  xhe  sikh 
found  fifteen  thousand  more  soldiers  between  that  river  and  l?y*'*f'°"  °^ 

British 

Meerut  than  had  been  left  there  by  any  of  Lord  Hardinge's  India, 
predecessors. 

"  Now  we  see   the  wisdom  of   the   Governor-General's  S'^"  Henry 

Hardinge's 

cautious  policy.      Slowly  and  silently  and  by  degrees  he  policy: 
added  to  the  regiments  and  gathered  them  together,  and  ^var  but  to 
silently  strengthened  his  jiositions,  anxious  to  avert  war,  P*-'  ^'^^'^^'  '^ 
but   determined   to   be  ready.      Sir  Henry  Hardinge  was 
something  more  than  an  old  and  experienced  soldier,  snuff- 
ing, like  the  war-horse,  the  battle  from  afar,  and  preparing 
for  it  with  exultation.      He   was   the  statesman    to  whose 
calm  and  unimpassioned  judgment  it  was  given  to  preserve 
the  peace  of  India,  and  he  chose  that  middle  course  which, 
the  result   has  proved,  united   the  dignity   of  forbearance 
with  the  necessity  of  defence. 

"  Troops  were  not  massed  into  an  army  on  the  frontier, 
because  this  would  have  rendered   inevitable  the  collision 

*  We  quote  from  Herbert  Kdwardcs's  own  pen. 


28  sin   HERBERT  D.   EDWARDES.  [1845-6. 

which  Sir  Heury  lliinrmg-o,  his  Council,  and  his  Agent  on 
the  north-west  frontier  (IMajor  Henry  Lawrence)  hoped 
and  believed  to  be  an  improbable  contingency.  .  .  . 

"  ]>nt  the  troops,  which  a  wise  Governor  had  spread 
in  peaceful  attitude  over  the  surface  of  the  north-west 
provinces,  were  yet  within  bugle-call,  and  could  be  sum- 
moned to  arms  in  time  to  repel  an  enemy.  Hitherto  Sir 
Henry  Hardinge  had  been  slow,  cautious,  forbearing  almost 
to  timidity ;  as  if  peace  were  a  strange  but  imperative  duty 
that  had  been  imposed  on  him." 
Peace  "  ^hc  crossing  of  the  Sikhs  was   like  the  magic  word 

changed  to  y^^l\^{^>\^  woke  the  Seven  Sleepers.  It  broke  the  spell  upon 
his  nature  and  disenchanted  him.  The  cold  snows  of  age 
and  prudence  melted  and  disappeared  before  the  rekindled 
fire  and  energy  of  the  hero  of  Albuera ;  the  identity  of  the 
accomplished  statesman  passed  away  and  left  a  military 
leader  in  its  place,  presiding  over  the  army  of  the  Sutlej. 

"  '  Teleraachns  suddenly  beheld  ^linerva, 
She  spread  her  regis  over  him  ! ' 

"  Well  was  the  ardour  of  the  Governor-Greneral  at  this 
crisis  seconded  by  the  more  than  youthful  energy  and 
activity  of  the  commander-in-chief,  whose  gallant  figure, 
dashing  by  the  column,  was  wont  to  provoke  from  many  a 
young  '  sub.'  the  hackneyed  lines — 

"  '  Nor  slack'd  the  messenger  his  pace  ; 

He  show'd  the  sign,  he  named  the  place  — 
And,  pressing  forward  like  the  wind. 
Left  clamour  and  surprise  behind. 

*  *  *  * 

He  vanished  ; — and  o'er  moor  and  moss 
Sped  forward  on  the  fiery  cross  ! ' 

Sir  Henry  "It  is,  howevcr,  but  just  to  say  that  a  Governor-General 

toidiei-"       only,  and  such  a  Governor-General  as  Sir  Henry  Hardinge, 

statesman,    jj^^ppjjy  combining   the  statesman  witli  the  soldier,  could 

have   brought    tlie    whole   resources   of    the   country   at   a 


1845-6.]  AFFAIRS    IN    THE    SIKH    KINGDOM.  29 

moment's  notice  to  bear  upon  the  most  immiuont  danger 
that  has  ever  threatened  British  India." 

And  here  it  may  be  well  to  take  a  glance  at  the  state  of 
things  in  the  Sikh  kingdom  which  had  brouglit  about  tliis 
iirst  Sikli  "War,  after  the  death  of  Runject  Singh,  when  lus 
heir  -was  a  chihl  and  the  Queen-mother  was  regent. 

An  article  written  by  Edwardes  *  at  this  date  is  full  of 
interest,  and  supplies  us  with  many  a  picture  of  the  events 
of  tliese  times,  when  the  bold  and  desperate  games  of  the 
reckless  Sirdars  closed  in  repeated  tragedies, 

"  and  the  army  became  the  real  rulers,  in  the  (nominal)  Sketch  of 
government   of    the  Punjab.    .    .    .    Trampling   upon  the  the  sikii 
Constitution,   they   acknowledged    no    law   but   their  own  ^'"S'^o'"- 
interests ;  and  to  protect  those,  combined  together,  with  a 
greater  singleness  of  purpose  than  ever  dignified  the  efforts 
of  the  Mamelukes,  the  Janissaries,  or  the  Praetorians  of  the 
ancient  world.  .  .  .  The  moving  spirit  of  the  rebellion  was 
undoubtedly  the  Eani.f  .  ,  .  Her  infatuation  at  this  crisis  The  Rani 
was  complete.      Instead  of  looking  around  her   for  some 
bold  spirits  who  would  seize  with  vigorous  hand  tlie  helm 
of   Government,  she  threw  it,  as  if   it  were  a  bauble,  to 
Jowahir   Singh,   her   brother,   a   weak,   vain,   besotted   de- 
bauchee. 

"  She  herself  plunged  into  a  round  of  festivities  and 
voluptuousness  with  a  paramour  whom  she  was  now  at 
liberty  to  honour.  The  Court  joined  in  the  drunken  revels  ; 
and  none  perceived  that,  while  the  I\Iiuistry  were  thus 
celebrating  the  revolution,  the  Army  had  stepped  into  the 
Government  and  appropriated  the  power. 

"  'J'he  Sikh  soldiers  now  rioted  at   will ;  took  furlouo-h  'l"'>e  Sikii 
to  their  homes  when  they  liked,  and  returned  as  it  suited 
them;  governed  themselves  and  their  officers  by  a  parlia- 
ment of  their  own,  chosen  from  the  ranks ;  obeyed  no  other 

*  In  the  Calcutta  lievicw.  f   ^''^  Qiic'cn-Mutlii.'r. 


30  SIR   HERBERT  Ji.   EDWARDES.  [1845-6. 

orders,   overawed   the   Government,   and    set    the    laws   at 
defiance. 

"  The  idiot  minister,  Jowahir  Singh,  they  openly  insulted, 
witli  expressions  of  contempt  for  his  imbecility  and  drunken- 
ness, and  loudly  called  for  Lehna  Singh  to  replace  him  in 
the  Wizarut.  ...  It  might  be  supposed  that  such  a  state 
of  things  would  soon  induce  so  complete  a  disorganization 
that  the  army  must  dissolve,  and  disperse  over  the  country 
in  marauding  bands.     But  nothing  of  the  kind  occurred. 
The  Sikh      On  the  contrary,  it  was  the  civil  and  social  system  which 
usurps  the    ^^s  tom   asuuder ;    the  executive  Government,  which  was 
place  of       threatened   with  dissolution  :   while  the  army  itself,  riotous 
ment.  and   disorderly   to  all  else  around,  was   only  drawn   more 

firmly   and   compactly   together   by   the   bond   of    mutual 
interest. 

"The  very  name  which  they  at  this  time  arrogated 
to  themselves,  '  Surbut-i-Khalsa  Ji,'  or,  the  body  of  the 
Kbalsa,  breathes  the  spirit  of  exclusiveness  and  unanimity. 
"  Their  acts,  wild  and  bad  as  they  were,  were  drawn  into 
the  focus  of  a  single  object ;  and  thus,  while  plunder  and 
violence  were  rife  at  the  capital,  the  provinces  were  left 
unmolested,  except  by  their  own  governors.  .  .  .  Rebellion 
was  so  regulated  that  it  might  be  almost  called  an  institu- 
tion, and  military  licence  had  yet  its  bounds  reducing  it  to 
conditional  liberty. 

"  Woe  indeed  to  the  wretch  who  disobeyed  the  will  of 
the  nation !  Expulsion  from  the  ranks,  mutilation  of  a 
hand,  an  ear,  a  nose — even  death  awaited  him.  Mutiny 
was  the  condition  of  their  existence ;  the  Government,  the 
Sirdars,  and  their  own  immediate  officers,  were  their  pro-- 
scribed  enemies ;  and  the  Treasury  w^as  their  open  aim. 
But  to  gain  these  ends,  sure  never  was  a  debauched  army 
so  consistent  in  its  conduct !  " 

We  have  not  room,  nor  is  it  our  purpose,  to  follow  all  the 
intrifjues  of  the  Lahore  Court. 


1845.]  TRAGEDIES   OF    THE   SIKH   COUIIT.  .'U 

"  Ministers  in  the  Punjab  do  not  resiyii  wlien  thuy  have 
'  lost  the  confidence  of  the  people  ; '  nor  are  they  coldly  told 
that  '  their  services  are  not  required '  when  they  have  lost 
the  confidence  of  the  sovereign.  In  either  case,  the  removal 
is  complete — into  another  world.  The  unhappy  woman, 
therefore,  could  not  have  blinded  herself  as  to  the  inevit- 
able tendency  of  her  intrigues." 

And  now  Jowahir  Singh  was  to  be  the  victim. 

"  On  September  1,  they  led  him  out  in  state  to  the  Plain 
of  Mean  Meer,  and,  in  the  presence  of  his  sister  and  the 
]\[aharajah,  he  was  shot  down  like  a  dog.  So  died  the  last 
and  the  worst  Wazir  of  the  Punjab  Empire  established  by 
Rnnjeet  Singh.  Pani  Junda  evinced  some  natural  affection 
and  remarkalde  courage  on  the  occasion.  She  even  effected 
the  punishment  of  the  ringleaders  in  the  late  tragedy  ;  and, 
as  if  roused  by  her  brother's  death  and  her  son's  danger, 
assumed  the  government,  sat  openly  in  Durbar,  and  '  laid 
aside  her  debaucheries  with  her  veil.' "     ("  Papers,"  p.  10.) 

"  But  the  time  for  prudence  had  gone  by.     The  vessel  of 
the  State,  too  long  unwatched,  had  drifted  to  the  rapids' 
edge ;  and  all  that  skill  and  courage  now  could  do  was  to 
seize  the  helm,  put  the  barque's  head  straight,  and  plunge 
boldly  into  the  foaming  gulf.     Finding  that  it  was  hopeless 
to  oppose  the  army,  the  Eani  wisely  yielded,  encouraged  '^^^  ^^°' 
its  excesses,  called  its  madness  reason,  and  urged  it  on  in  yields  to 
the  hope  of  guiding  it  to  destruction.      History  scarcely       '^         ' 
records  a  conception  more  bold  and  able  ;  and  while  repro- 
bating its  unprincipled  execution,  we  cannot  withhold  our 
admiration  at  tlio  design.     Punjcct  Singh,  in  the  zenith  of 
his  power,  thought  all  sacrifices  light  to  preserve  the  friend- 
ship of  the   British;    Kani    Junda,  in  the   depth   of   her  a^'^ ''c<=iJ" 

I  '  '  i^  on  war 

despair,  when  the  Sikh  nation   was  at  its  weakest,  sought  ^^''^ 

Hritish 

safety  in  a  war  with  British  India.  .  .  .  C>n  December  11,  India. 


32  SIR   HERBERT  B.   EDWARD ES.  [1845. 

1845,  the  enemy  crossed   the  Sutlej  and  invaded  British 

India.  .  .  . 

"Next  morning  commenced  the  march  on  which  the  fate 

of  two  empires  liung. 
iMarch  of  "  '^^^  wholc  road  from  Umballa  to  Eajpiira,  a  distance  of 

the  arniy      gixtcen    milcs,   was    covered    witli    advancing    troops    and 

towards  '  o  i 

WooJkee.  artillery  ;  and  the  green  crops  in  the  fields,  on  either  side  of 
the  line  of  march,  were  trodden  under  foot  and  scattered 
over  by  strings  of  baggage  camels  and  camp  followers,  who, 
unable  to  find  room  upon  the  old  highway,  soon  made  a 
new  one  for  themselves,  and  scrambled  on  in  the  dark 
through  gardens  and  over  ditches  in  a  style  more  sporting 
than  military. 

"  What  a  motley  and  amusing  scene  is  an  Indian  line  of 
march ! 
Dcsciiiitio:-  "  Here,  Jack  Sepoy,  bitterly  cold,  has  tied  up  his  head 
lioe'of"  ""  like  a  stage-coach  traveller,  and  then  stuck  his  full  dress 
march.  chako  ou  the  top  of  it,  much  askew.  Behind  him,  rejoicing 
in  the  privilege  of  his  rank,  jogs  along  on  a  miserable 
bare-ribbed  tattii,*  a  grey-haired  siibadar ;  his  very  oldest 
clothes  are  put  on  economically  for  the  occasion,  but  round 
his  throat  glitters  through  the  dust  his  gold-beaded  neck- 
lace, and  on  his  left  breast,  perhaps,  dangles  on  a  ribbon 
twice  too  long,  a  medal  or  a  star.  Next,  covering  the  whole 
column  with  dust,  canters  by,  a  devil-may-care  subaltern, 
his  forage  cap  cocked  knowingly  over  his  ear,  and  under  him 
the  best  Bombay  Arab  that  could  be  got  for  money,  though 
it  would  not  carry  his  bills.  '  Bless  my  soul,  sir,'  croaks  a 
wheezy  voice  on  the  other  side  of  the  road,  '  how  often  must 
I  tell  you  to  keep  that  beast  in  the  rear  ?  '  It  is  the  fat 
major,  who  has  pulled  up  in  his  baggy  to  spit  the  ensign's 
dust  out  of  his  mouth  and  knuckle  it  out  of  his  eyes. 

"  On  one  side  of  the  road  a  hackery  f  has  fallen  in  the 
dark  into  a  ditch,  and  on  the  other,  a  gun.     The  former 
*    Pony.  t  Native  cart. 


1845.]  SCENES  IN  A    CAMP  MARCn.  33 

will  bo  there  half  the  day ;  for  the  driver  is  smoking  his 
liookah,  and  waiting  till  Providence  sends  some  one  to  help 
him.  The  other  will  be  all  right  in  ten  minutes  ;  for  a 
dozen  strapping  Horse  Artillerymen  have  'put  their  shoulders 
to  the  wheel,'  and  are  hauling  away  to  a  jolly  chorus. 
Chaque  imys,  chaque  mode  ! 

"  Look  at  that  half-clad,  knock-kneed  wretch  shufTliiig 
along  at  one  untiring  pace,  with  a  pliant  bamboo  over  his 
shoulder,  and  at  either  end  of  it  a  heavy  green  box,  slung 
by  ropes.  He  is  a  '  banghy-bearer,'  and  you  may  take  an 
inventory  of  his  load  without  opening  the  pitarahs ;  one  of 
them  is  always  devoted  to  a  guthri,*  and  the  other  to  plates, 
dishes,  and  a  teapot ;  for  woe  betide  the  khidmutgar  who 
has  not  breakfast  ready  the  moment  the  regiment  comes 
upon  its  ground. 

"  But  mind  your  head,  or  it  will  be  knocked  off  by  that 
half-mad  camel,  who  is  overladen  with  tents  and  *tots,'t 
and  is  dancing  about  the  road,  furious  at  the  clattering  on 
his  back. 

"  That  red-haired  grenadier  with  the  yellow  facings  is 
one  of  the  gallant  9th  Foot,  and  if  what  he  is  now  swearing 
at  the  camel  was  not  pure  Irish,  there  could  not  be  a  doubt 
about  his  country ;  for  at  the  end  of  his  bayonet  he  has 
slung  his  boots,  and  is  walking  barefoot  '  to  warm  himself.' 

"  Whose  hackery  is  that  with  a  slipper-bath  in  it  ? 
There  are  no  ladies  in  camp.  It  belongs  to  one  of  the 
hospitals,  and  those  three  black  heads  poking  out  at  the 
mouth  of  the  bath  are  the  liospital  cook's  children,  who  live 
in  it  when  it  isn't  wanted.  Such  are  some  of  the  queer 
incidents  and  characteristic  scenes  which  cheat  the  soldier 
of  a  laugh  on  the  Indian  line  of  march.  But  let  us  resume 
our  knapsack  and  march  on. 

•  Giithi'i,  the  Indian  vade  mecum — 'a  bundle  containing^  a  change 
of  clothes  and  something  of  cA-ery tiling  that  "  master  possesses." 
t  Tots,  tin  pots,  out  of  which  the  European  soldiers  drink. 
VOL    I.  D 


An  ompn. 


filled. 


34  Sin   nERBERT  D.   EDWARDE8.  [1815. 

"Foi-  the  beucfit  of  those  who  have  a  lingeriug  faith  in 
omeus,  we  may  as  well  record  here  that  just  before  morning 
broke,  on  the  march  to  Mootlkee,  a  brilliant  star  shot  from 
its  place  in  the  firmament  and  fell  over  the  Sutlej,  into  the 
dark  grave  of  the  earth's  horizon.  The  '  Bright  Star '  is 
the  highest  order  in  the  Punjab,  and  those  who  think  that 
the  everlasting  laws  of  stellar  motion  are  disturbed  by  the 
convulsions  of  this  little  orb,  imperceptible  in  space,  may 
confirm   tlieir    superstition   with   the   coincidence.      It    is 

How  fill-  '  stranger  still,'  and  much  more  to  the  point,  that  on  De- 
cember 2  died  the  venerable  Fakeer  Uziz-iid-din,  the  able 
minister  of  Eunjeet  Singh,  and  faithful  follower  of  his  policy 
in  all  the  counsels  he  was  called  upon  to  give  to  the  weak 
successors  of  his  master.  He  knew  our  power  thoroughly, 
and  his  voice  was  ever  for  friendship  and  peace.  The  last 
act  of  his  life  was  a  remonstrance  against  the  approaching 
war ;  and,  without  superstition,  with  him  may  be  said  to 
have  perished  the  genius  of  the  Punjab.  .  .  . 

"  Three  miles  from  Moodkee,  the  first  indication  of  the 
proximity  of  an  enemy  reached  the  army  of  the  Sutlej. 

George  "  A  noto  from  Major  Broadfoot,  ever  in  the  front,  in- 

formed the  commander-in-chief  that  Moodkee  was  occupied 
by  the  Sikhs,  in  what  force  it  was  uncertain. 

"  Upon  receipt  of  this  intelligence,  the  column  was 
halted,  the  Artillery  ordered  to  the  front,  and  the  Cavalry 
to  support  it  right  and  left.  Thus  'squaring  up,'  in  pugi- 
listic phrase,  the  army  resumed  its  march,  with  intense 
anxiety  looking  for  the  enemy. 

"  The  commander-in-chief,  attended  by  his  own  staff  and 
that  of  the  Governor-General  (made  over  to  him  by  Sir 
Henry  Hardinge,  who  reluctantly  remained  behind),  and 
supported  by  two  squadrons  of  the  5th  Light  Cavalry,  then 
made  a  reconnoissance  in  front,  and  soon  met  Major  Broad- 
foot  and  a  party  of  Christie's  Horse  coming  back,  a  little 
downcast  with  the  tidings  that  the  village  now  coming  into 


Broadfoot. 


1845.]  A    WELCOME  SIGHT!  35 

view  had  merely  been  occupied  by  the  advanced  picket 
of  the  Khalsa  Army,  who  had  fallen  back  hastily  upon  their 
own  main  body  ;  not,  however,  without  carrying  off  Captain 
E.  Biddulph,  of  the  45th  Native  Infantry,  who  had  tlie 
evening  before  got  so  far  on  his  way  in  a  gallant  but  impru- 
dent attempt  to  join  Tait's  Irregulars  at  Ferozepore. 

"  The  momentary  excitement  over,  the  weary,  foot-sore 
troops  dragged  themselves  on  to  Moodkee,  which  they 
reached  at  noon ;  and  what  a  welcome  sight  then  met  their 
view !  Beneath  the  walls  of  the  fort  spread  a  wide,  clear 
tank  of  water ;  and  the  reader  who  has  not  the  memory  of 
that  long  march  of  twenty-one  miles,  with  heavy  sand  under- 
foot and  the  air  thick  with  dust,  disturbed  by  fifteen  Halt  and 
thousand  men,  cannot  paint  the  eagerness  with  which  men  l^Q^t.  ' 
and  horses  rushed  to  the  bank,  and  tried  to  slake  a  thirst 
which  seemed  unquenchable. 

*' In  ten  minutes  the  lake  was  a  mass  of  floiting  mud, 
yet  fresh  regiments  kept  coming  up,  and  fresh  tliirsty  souls 
kept  squeezing  their  way  in,  and  thinking  it  was  the 
sweetest  draught  they  had  tasted  in  their  lives.  Between 
two  and  three  o'clock,  the  baggage  of  the  troops  was 
befrianine:  to  struggle  in,  and  the  men  to  cook  their 
breakfast,  when  Major  Broad  foot  again  galloped  into  camp 
with  the  news — this  time  true  enough — that  the  enemy  was 
advancing  in  force  in  front. 

"  Away  with  knives  and  forks,  and  out  with  swords  and  iiow  soon 
pistols!  Camels,  elephants,  camp-followers,  and  other  lumber 
to  the  rear!  Trumpets  sound  to  horse;  bugles,  drums  and 
fifes  to  arms;  and  the  whole  army,  which  but  two  hours 
ago  had  made  a  march  of  unusual  severity,  now  turned  out, 
as  if  fully  recruited,  to  the  battle.  .  .  . 

"  Once  more  the  Governor-General,  with  a  courteous  bow 
that  would  have  done  honour  to  St.  James's,  waved  his 
dashing  staff  over  to  the  brave  chief  of  that  brave  army, 
and  then  fell  back  upon  the  Infantry. 


36  SIR   TIERBEET  B.   EDWARDES.  [1845. 

The  bnttle  "  '^^^'^  Artillery  was    in   the   centre   of   the  front   line, 

ofMoodkee.  ^^^^]^  ^j^^  Cavalry  on  either  flank;  the  main  body  of  the 
Infantry,  in  contiguous  columns  behind,  and  a  reserve  in 
rear  of  all.  A  mile  and  a  half  at  least  from  their  own  camp 
did  the  British  advance  in  this  order  before  they  came 
under  the  fire  of  the  Sikh  guns ;  but  then  the  '  long  bowls ' 
came  bounding  in  among  them  with  deadly  aim  and  that 
peculiar  ivhirr  which  makes  the  young  soldier  bob  his 
head.  Now  tumbrils  begin  blowing  up,  and  Artillerymen 
dropping  from  their  saddles ;  the  mutual  roar  of  cannon 
reverberates  over  the  plain,  and  smoke  obscures  the  vision. 
Closer  and  closer  approach  the  hostile  armies;  and  a  staff 
oflBcer,  almost  simultaneously  from  right  and  left,  gallops 
up  to  Sir  Hugh,  with  a  report  that  the  Sikh  Cavalry  in 
clouds  are  turning  both  his  flanks.  Eight  and  left  he 
launches  his  own  Cavalry  upon  them ;  right  and  left  their 
brilliant  charge  makes  the  enemy's  Horse  give  way.  The 
British  Infantry  deploy  and  advance  rapidly  in  line.  A 
finer  sight  no  man  ever  saw  than  that  deployment  and 
advance.  The  jaded  men,  worn  out  with  forced  marches 
and  want  of  food,  forgot  all  their  troubles  in  their  eagerness 
to  close,  and  nearly  the  whole  of  an  unusually  large  staff 
might  at  one  time  have  been  employed  in  galloping  up  and 
down  the  line  to  keep  the  regiments  from  doubling  into 
action. 

"  And  now  all  hands  are  at  it !  Cavalry  charging 
cavalry.  Artillery  thundering  on  the  flanks,  and  In- 
fantry exchanging  a  roar  of  musketry  in  the  centre.  The 
battle  is  at  its  height ;  it  rages ;  but  the  British  still 
advance;  and  it  is  a  fact,  which  has  not  been  noticed  by 
any  writer  yet  that  we  have  seen,  not  even  by  his  Excellency 
the  commander-in-chief  in  his  own  despatch,  that  the 
charge  of  the  British  Cavalry  was  the  turning-point  of  the 
battle  of  Moodkee.  Up  to  that  moment  every  arm  of  the 
Sikh    force.    Cavalry,    Artillery,  and    Infantry,   had    been 


1845.]         THE   TURNINO-POINT  OF   THE  BATTLE.  37 

advancing;  aud  tliougb  tlie  Artillery  and  luluutry  still 
stood  and  struggled  manfully  after  Lai  Singh's  cavalry  had 
fled,  tjet  they  never  gained  another  foot  of  ground,  and  the 
last  two  hours  of  battle  were  a  series  of  dogged  stands  and 
skirmishing  retreats  on  the  part  of  the  Sikh  troops,  of 
sharp  struggles,  gun  captures,  and  pursuits  by  the  British, 
over  five  miles  of  the  worst  ground  that  ever  two  armies 
fought  for.  Night  closed  the  contest,  or  rather  the  pursuit, 
and  the  British  army  was  left  in  possession  of  the  field  and 
nineteen  of  the  enemy's  guns. 

"  Thus  ended  the  battle  of  Moodkee,  and  the  victory  of  Unequal 

•^  numbers. 

December  18,  1845,  must  be  acknowledged  to  have  been  no 
mean  achievement.  It  is  no  easy  matter,  at  any  time,  for 
fourteen  thousand  men  to  thrash  between  thirty  and  forty 
thousand  ;  nevertheless,  as  was  the  case  in  our  early  Indian 
battles,  the  discipline  was  all  on  the  side  of  the  minority. 
Those  days  have  long  passed  away.  We  have  now  been 
teaching  the  art  of  war  to  Asia  for  upwards  of  a  century ; 
and  though  not  exactly  reduced  to  the  sad  pass  of  that 
celebrated  grandfather  who  taught  his  grandson  draughts, 
*  until  at  last  the  old  man  got  beaten  by  the  boy,' 
yet  there  is  no  longer  that  vast  disparity  between  the 
discipline  of  the  native  and  British  Indian  armies  that  we 
can  afford  to  give  them,  as  of  old,  the  odds  which  Clive 
thought  very  fair  at  Plassy." 

It   was  at  this  battle   of  Moodkee,  when  carryiufr    Sir  r.-iwanies 
Hugh  Gough's  orders  to  recall  the  flank  detachments  back  ^^^""  ^' " 
tt)  their   line,  that   Edwardes   Avas  severely  wounded  by  a 
bullet  through  his  thigh. 

The  following  incident  will  be  worth  recording,  as  illus- 
trating the  feeling  of  brotherhood  and  kindness  of  which 
Edwardes  has  written  in  the  former  chapter  * — one  of  those 
tender  things  to  which  even  the  stern  scenes  of  a  battle-field 
can  often  bear  witness. 

Edwardes  was  riding  along,  on  this  occasion,  on  a  fine 

♦  At  end  of  chap.  i. 


38  SJB   IlERBERT  B.   EDWABDES.  [1846. 

clicsnut  Arab  charger  that  he  had  lately  bought.  The 
blood  was  streaming  from  his  thigh,  and  he  was  getting 
faint,    wlien    he  met   a  friend   and    brother   officer*   who 

A  friend  on  stopped  him,  and  said,  "  Edwardes,  you  are  badly  wounded  ; 

field  ^'^  ^'  8*^^  °^  ^  gun-carriage,  and  go  into  hospital.  You  can't  ride 
off  the  field."  "  IS  o,"  said  Edwardes ;  "  if  I  throw  the  reins  on 
my  Ruby's  neck,  I  shall  never  see  him  again.  I  will  ride 
on."  And  his  friend,  in  a  moment,  tore  off  the  long  turban 
he  had  twisted  round  and  round  his  helmet,  and  bound  up 
his  thigh  with  it  to  staunch  the  bleeding — no  trifling  act  at 
such  a  time,  and  in  the  midst  of  the  exposure  of  a  battle- 
field on  the  plains  of  India. 

With  help  of  this,  Edwardes  rode  safely  off  the  field,  and 
went  into  hospital  for  his  wounds. 

As  it  is  not  our  purpose  to  write  a  history  of  the  Sikh 
War,  but  only  to  touch  upon  those  points  and  events  of  it  in 
which  our  biography  is  concerned,  we  need  not  pursue  the 
subject  further  than  to  tell,  that  when  the  second  battle 
(Ferozeshah)  was  fought,  Edwardes  was  still  in  hospital ;  but 
he  was  sufficiently  recovered  to  take  part  in  the  battle  of 
Sobraon,  which  closed  the  Sikh  campaign. 
He  writes — 

^  ^^j,l  "  It  was  yet  dark,  on  the  morning  of  February  10th,  1846, 

contest  ap-   \v]ien  the  army  of  the  Sutlei  moved  out  at  last  from  their 

preaches.  "^  "^ 

lines  at  Nialki,  and  advanced  to  a  final  contest  with  the 
invading  Kbalsa. 

"  Halfway  between  the  British  outpost  at  Rhodawala 
and  the  Sikh  camp  stood  three  trees,  the  only  ones  upon 
the  plain.  In  the  upper  branches  of  these  trees,  the  Sikhs 
had  erected  muchaus,  or  platforms,  for  sentries  to  sit  in,  and 
watch  the  movements  of  our  troops  at  Ehodawala. 

"A  deep  ditch  and  bank  were  thrown  round  the  spot, 

*  The  name  of  this  officer  deserves  to  be  recorded.  But  alas!  he  is 
gone  from  amongst  us,  and  in  a  sad  and  cruel  way.  He  was  the  Colonel 
Holmes  who,  with  his  wife,  was  shot  by  his  own  men  whom  he  trusted, 
during  the  Mutiny  of  1857.  His  wife  was  the  daughter  of  Lady  Sale. 
Both  were  driving  together  in  an  opeu  carriage,  when  one  of  his  own 
troopers  rode  up  and  shot  them  both  dead,  without  a  warning. 


of  S<jbr&on. 


1846.]  PLAN   OF  ATTACK.  '.Vd 

and  it  was  easy  to  see  from  the  iJritisli  outpost  that  the 
place  was  strongly  occupied  during  the  day. 

'*  About  half  a  mile  to  the  right  of  the  muchans  was  the  The  b.ttie 
village  of  Little  Sobraon ;  and  here  also  the  enemy  had 
posted  a  strong  picket  within  an  entrenchment.  It  was 
necessary  to  drive  in  both  these  pickets  before  Sir  Hugh 
Gough  could  push  forward  his  heavy  guns  within  range  of 
the  great  Sikh  entrenchment,  and  when  detachments  of  her 
Majesty's  62nd  Foot  stole  cautiously  down  upon  them  in 
the  darkness  and  mist  of  the  morning,  they  were  both  found 
unoccupied,  and  were  taken  possession  of  without  firing.  It 
was  afterwards  ascertained  that  these  posts  were  held  during 
the  day,  and  abandoned  after  dark  in  the  evening ;  and  this 
circumstance,  added  to  a  thick  fog  which  deferred  the 
dawn,  was  very  favourable  to  the  British,  enabling  the 
commander-in-chief  to  bring  up  his  several  divisiuns  in 
order  of  battle,  and  post  his  Artillery  without  any  alarm  to 
the  enemy,  in  whose  camp  might  plainly  be  heard  the  light 
song  and  rolling  note  of  the  nukaruh,*  which  told  of  deep 
and  false  security. 

"  Sir  Hugh  Gough's  plan  of  attack  was  as  follow^s : — The 
heavy  guns  were  to  commence  operations  by  a  cannonade 
upon  the  entrenchment,  into  which,  crowded  as  it  was  with 
upwards  of  thirty  thousand  men,  their  fire  was  expected  to 
carry  confusion  and  dismay.  Sir  Robert  Dick's  division,  on 
the  extreme  left  of  the  British  line,  was  then  to  advance 
and  storm  the  right  or  western  corner  of  the  Sikh  position  ; 
General  Gilbert's  division,  on  the  centre,  and  Sir  Harry 
Smith's  division,  on  the  right,  were  simultaneously  to  make 
false  attacks,  with  the  view  of  diverting  the  enemy's  atten- 
tion from  the  real  attack  of  Sir  llobert  Dick. 

"  Brigadier  Cnreton,  with  a  brigade  of  Cavalry  and  a 
troop  of  Horse  Artillery,  was  directed  to  threaten  the  ford 
of  Hurriki  Puttun,  about  a  mile  distant  from  the   eastern 
*  A  keltleibuin. 


40  SIR   nEPiBERT  B.   EDWARDES.  [1846. 

corner  of  the  entrenclimont,  on  the  opposite  bank  of  which 
the  enemy's  Cavahy  were  posted. 

"Agreeably  to  this  plan,  at  about  seven  o'clock  a.m.  the 
Artillery  opened ;  the  fog  rolled  off,  as  if  it  were  a  curtain, 
and  the  surprised  KhTilsa  at  once  heard  and  saw  that  the 
avenger  had  come  upon  them.      In   an    instant  the  Sikh 
The  drums  beat  to  arms,  and  many  rounds  had  not  been  fired 

bes'inf/  from  the  British  guns  before  an  answering  thunder  from  the 
entrenchment  told  that  the  works  were  manned  and  the 
struggle  had  begun. 

"  At  nine  o'clock  the  Artillery  ofiScers  reported  that  the 
ammunition  of  the  heavy  guns  was  well  nigh  expended  ; 
and  it  is  a  fact  that  when  Sir  Robert  Dick  was  hastily 
ordered  to  advance,  he  moved  up  in  the  face  of  a  furious 
cannonade  from  the  enemy,  and  under  cover  of  a  slackened 
fire  from  his  own  side.  (This  was  not  the  fault  of  the 
Artillery  officers,  who  had  prepared  as  many  rounds  as  the 
shortness  of  the  time  between  the  arrival  of  the  guns  and 
the  battle  would  permit.) 

"  The  attack  was  led  by  Brigadier  Stacy,  with  her 
Majesty's  10th  and  53rd  Eegiments,  and  the  43rd  and  59th 
Native  Infantry,  supported  on  the  flanks  by  Captains  Hors- 
ford  and  Fordyce's  batteries,  and  Lieutenant-Colonel  Lane's 
troop  of  Horse  Artillery. 

"  Beyond  all  comparison,  this  was  the  finest  attack  of 
the  campaign. 

"  The  Field  Artillery  galloped  up  and  delivered  their 
fire  within  three  hundred  yards  of  the  enemy's  batteries ; 
and  the  Infantry  charged  home  with  the  bayonet,  and 
carried  the  outworks  without  firing  a  single  round — '  a  for- 
bearance,' says  the  Governor-General,  '  much  to  be  com- 
mended, and  most  worthy  of  constant  imitation.'  As  it  was 
the  finest  attack,  so  also  did  it  meet  with  the  most  deter- 
mined hand-to-hand  resistance  which  the  Khalsa  soldiers 
had  yet  opposed  to  the  British. 


184G.]   FIERCE  RESISTANCE   OF  KIIALSA    SOLDIERS.   41 

"  Like  liglituiiif^,  the  real  plau  of"  the  attack  seemed  to 
flash  on  the  minds  of  all  the  desperate  men  in  that 
entrenchment,  and,  disregarding  the  distant  feints  of 
Gilbert's  and  Smitli's  divisions  on  their  left  and  centre, 
they  rushed  to  the  right  to  repel  the  real  danger  that  was 
upon  them. 

"In  vain  Stacy's  brigade  tries  to  withstand  the  mass, 
which  every  moment  is  growing  denser;  in  vain  Wilkin- 
son's brigade  comes  up  to  the  support;  in  vain  Ashburn- 
ham's  reserve  swells  the  furious  tide  of  the  assault.  It  was 
like  the  meeting  of  two  mighty  rivers,  one  swifter  and  one 
deeper  than  the  other ;  and  as  the  swifter  for  a  moment 
penetrates  its  duller  neighbour's  stream,  then,  yielding  to 
the  overpowering  waters,  is  rolled  back  and  swept  away,  so 
would  the  conquered  trenches  of  the  Sikhs  have  been 
wrested  again  from  the  brave  division  of  the  British  had 
not  Sir  Hugh,  with  the  intuitive  quickness  of  a  general's 
eye,  marked  the  crisis  and  the  struggle,  foreseen  its  issue.  The  crisis. 
and  ordered  up  Gilbert's  and  Smith's  divisions  to  the  rescue. 
They  advanced ;  the  enemy  beheld  it,  and,  returning 
tumultuously  to  the  posts  they  had  abandoned,  poured  upon 
these  new  enemies  from  every  foot  of  the  entrenchment  a 
destructive  fire  of  grape,  round  shot,  and  musketry. 

"  In  spite,  however,  of  a  loss  unprecedented  in  so  short 
a  time,  these  two  indomitable  divisions  persevered  in 
storming  what  proved  to  be  the  strongest  part  of  the 
enemy's  position  ;  and  the  entrenchment  being  thus  carried 
by  the  British  at  three  different  points,  the  gunners,  who 
drew  their  swords  when  they  could  no  longer  fire,  were 
bayoneted  beside  the  guns  they  had  so  murderously  served, 
while  the  Cavalry  and  Infantry,  driven  from  tliree  sides 
into  a  confused  and  disordered  mass,  but  fighting  to  the 
last,  were  inch  by  inch  forced  to  retreat  whore  alone  retreat 
was  possible. 

"  J^referring  death  to  surrender,  they  recklessly  plunged 


42  SIE   EEEDERT  B.  EDWARDES.  [1846. 

Death  pre-  iiito  tliG  rivcr.  The  bridge  of  which  they  were  so  proud, 
sum'ndor.  ^^^^  to  which  they  had  so  confidently  trusted,  broke  down 
under  the  first  party  of  flying  horsemen,  and  became  im- 
passable; while  the  Sutlej,  having  risen  seven  inches  in  the 
night,  had  flooded  the  ford.  *  In  their  efforts  to  reach  the 
right  bank,'  says  the  graphic  narrative  of  the  commander- 
in-chief,  '  through  the  deepened  water,  they  suffered  from 
our  Horse  Artillery  a  terrible  carnage,' 

"Hundreds  fell  under  this  cannonade;  hundreds  upon 
hundreds  were  drowned  in  attempting  the  perilous  passage. 
Their  awful  slaughter,  confusion,  and  dismay  were  such  as 
would  have  excited  compassion  in  the  hearts  of  their 
generous  conquerors,  if  the  Khalsa  troops  had  not,  in  the 
earlier  part  of  the  action,  sullied  their  gallantry  by 
slaughtering  and  barbarously  mangling  every  wounded 
soldier  whom,  in  the  vicissitudes  of  attack,  the  fortune  of 
war  left  at  their  mercy. 

"  Sixty-seven  pieces  of  cannon,  upwards  of  two  hundred 
camel-swivels,  numerous  standards,  and  vast  munitions  of 
war  were  left  in  possession  of  the  victors."  ("Papers," 
p.  77.) 

"  At  half-past  ten  o'clock  p.m.  not  a  Sikh  soldier  was 

left  alive  upon  the  British  bank  of  the  Sutlej  ;  and  thus,  in 

little  more  than  four  hours,  was  fought  the  bloodiest  battle. 

The  victory   ^yith  the  Worthiest  foe,  and  gained  the  completest  victory, 

recorded  in  our  Eastern  annals.  .  .  . 

"  Thus  ended,  also,  in  awful  and  disastrous  tragedv,  the 
Sikh  invasion  of  British  India.  On  the  side  of  the  British 
there  were  killed  320,  and  wounded  3063.  .  .  . 

"  The  very  lowest  estimate  of  the  Sikh  loss  is  eight  thou- 
sand ;  we  have  heard  survivors  of  that  routed  host  lament  the 
death  of  tivice  that  number.  And  those  who,  in  cooler  mood, 
when  the  unsparing  passions  of  war  were  still,  revisited  next 
day  the  silent  battle-field,  and  looked  into  those  trenches 
where  their  dead  defenders  lay  in  heaps ;  or  saw  the  Sutlej 


18iG.]  AWFUL   SCENE   OF  A    FIELD   AFTER   BATTLE.   43 

fords  choked  with  human  bodies,  and  its  swelling  waters 
still  covered  with  bloody  garments  and  the  wreck  of  a  great 
army — recalling  in  awful  vividness  the  mind's  picture  of 
God's  last  judgment  upon  Pharaoh — will  remember  the 
spectacle  of  destruction  to  the  last  day  they  have  to  live. . . . 

"The  Governor-General,  though  suffering  from  a  severe 
fall,  and  after  riding  all  day  about  the  field,  returned  to 
Ferozepore  on  the  afternoon  of  the  10th,  within  a  few  hours 
after  the  action  had  ceased,  to  superintend  the  passage  of  the 
Sutlej  by  our  troops."     ("  Papers,"  p.  08.) 

"  Six  regiments  of  Native  Infantry  crossed  the  Sutlei  0"''  troop*' 

°  •'  "^    cross  the 

that  very  evening.  Sutlej. 

"  The  commander-in-chief  broke  up  his  camp  next  day 
and  marched  to  Utari ;  and  on  the  14th  the  whole  army  of 
the  (Sutlej  was  encamped  at  Kussiir,  in  the  Punjab,  within 
thirty  miles  of  the  capital.  .  .  . 

"  That  evening  there  arrived  from  Lahore  a  stranse 
triumphal  procession  of  three  elephants  and  a  buggy,  loaded 
with  European  prisoners,  who  had  been  taken  by  the  Sikhs 
in  the  affair  of  Buddowal,  and  now  sent  in  by  Golab  Singh 
as  a  peace-offeriug  to  the  victors,  at  whose  feet  his  country 
was  prostrate.  Deputies  from  Lahore  had  arrived  at  Feroze- 
pore, and  peaceably  demanded  an  audience,  of  the  Governor-  The  Sikhs 
General  two  days  before  the  battle  of  Sobraon.  They  were  terms  of 
told  with  becoming  dignity  that  theij  would  he  received  after  l'^"*^^* 
the  battle.  On  the  11th  they  had  the  audience  they  desired, 
posted  back  to  Lahore,  and  returned  again  to  the  British 
camp  at  Kussur.  They  were  followed,  on  the  14th,  by  Rajah 
GolTib  Singh,  Dewan  Dinanath,  and  Fakeer  Niir-ud-din,  with 
full  credentials  from  the  AFaharajah,  and  empowered  to 
agree,  in  the  name  of  the  ]\[aharajah  and  the  (rovernment, 
to  such  terms  as  the  Governor-General  might  dictate." 
("  Papers,"  p.  08.) 

" '  I  received  the  Rajah  in  Durbar,'  writes  the  Governor- 
General    himself,    '  as    the    representative   of  an   offending 


44  SIR   HEBBERT  B.   EDWARDES.  [1846. 

Government,  omitting  the   forms   and   ceremonies   usually 
observed  on  the  occasion  of  friendly  meetings,  and  refusing 
to  receive,  at  that   time,  the  proffered   nuzzurs  and  com- 
plimentary offerings.'  "     ("  Papers,"  p.  68.) 
(Vnipioto  "  Thus  humbled,  the  chiefs  were  handed  over  to   the 

Nu  mission,  gjjjgf  secretary  and  Governor-Greneral's  Agent,  Mr.  Currie  and 
Major  Henry  Lawrence,  to  learn  their  fate.  Closeted  with 
these,  they  remained  the  greater  part  of  the  night  in  con- 
ference ;  but  before  they  separated,  a  paper  was  signed  by 
them  to  the  effect  that  all  that  had  been  demanded  would 
be  conceded."     ("  Papers,"  p.  69.) 

"  On  the  17th,  the  Maharajah  himself  came  in  to  make 
his  submission  ;  but  the  Governor-G-eneral  had  appointed 
the  meeting  to  be  at  Lulleani,  ten  miles  further  on,  and 
Alexander  was  in  no  haste  to  see  Darius  humbled.  An 
account  of  the  interview  is  given  in  the  '  Papers '  so  often 
quoted  (p.  70),  and  all  that  is  essential  to  note  here  is,  that 
the  offending  sovereign  came  in  disgrace,  and  went  away  in 
honour.  Negotiations  stopped  not  the  advance  of  the 
British  army,  which,  unopposed,  pushed  on  to  the  capital. 
The  Sikh  army,  indeed,  was  broken  in  every  sense,  body 
and  soul.  Some  eight  or  ten  thousand — doubled,  quad- 
rupled by  report — still  held  together,  about  twenty  miles 
from  Lahore,  but  herding  rather  like  frightened  deer  than 
Khalsa  warriors.  The  invaders  were  invaded;  and  those 
who,  in  the  intoxication  of  their  pride,  talked  so  lately  of 
carrying  their  baby-king  to  Delhi,  had  now  not  a  sword  to 
draw  in  defence  of  their  native  land.  .  .  . 

"  On  February  20,  the  army  of  the  Sutlej  encamped  on 

the  plains  of  Mean  ]\reer,  in  the   suburbs  of  Lahore,  the 

scene  of  Jowahir  Singh's  murder ;  and  it  is  impossible  not  to 

contrast  our  conduct  in  victory  with  wliat  would  have  been 

^'°""    ,       theirs  had  they  reached  the  capital  of  Hiudostan.     We  had 

(oiboar-       just   cause,  most  assuredly,   to   feel  resentment  against   a 

discipline,     people  who  had    invaded   our   territories,  and  endangered 


184G.]   ATTITUDE    OF   THE  ABMY  BEFORE  LAUORE.    45 

even  the  safety  of  British  India  ;  yet  there  might  be  seen 

our  generals  forbearingly  encamped,  three  miles  from  the 

rich   city  which  the  fortune  of  war  had  placed   at  their 

mercy,    and    punishing    with    dismissal     or    flogging   any 

soldier  or   camp-follower  who   dared   to   enter   it   for   the 

gratification  even  of  his  curiosity.*     And  is  there  any  one 

who  doubts  that  if  the  Sikh  army  had  been  successsful  at  A  contrast 

Moodkee  or  Ferozeshah,  and  penetrated  as  far  as  Delhi  before     °° 

another  army  could  be  brought  to  oppose  tliem,  the  streets 

of  the  imperial  city,  though  no  longer  offering  the  same 

gorgeous  temptation  to  a  lawless  and  greedy  soldiery,  would 

have  run   with  the  blood  of  the  inhabitants  and  been  as 

completely  and  brutally  sacked  as  ever  it  was  by  the  army 

of  Nadir  Shah  ?     The  lofty,  dignified,  and  magnanimous 

attitude  of  the  British  army  before  Lahore  did  honour  to 

the  European  character ;  and  the  forbearance  of  the  troops, 

to  British  virtue  and  discipline.     Proclamations  were  issued 

to  calm  the  terrified  people  of  the  Punjab ;  and  as  one  by 

one  the  chiefs  and  officers  came  in,  they  were  received  by 

all  in  the  British  camp  with  the  kindness  and  consideration 

their  gallantry  deserved. 

"  Dark  looks  there  were  among  them,  bespeaking  broken  Bearing  of 
hopes  and  smothered  longings  for  revenge ;  but  oftener  *  ^  '  *' 
there  was  a  subdued  yet  manly  bearing,  as  free  from  boast- 
ing as  from  bending,  which  none  could  behold  without 
admiration.  In  later  days,  this  was  more  especially  re- 
markable among  the  Sikh  sepoys,  who,  coming  to  their 
pay-tables  through  or  near  our  ranks,  bore  themselves  with 
a  soldierly  resignation  which  could  scarcely  have  been  ex- 
pected from  the  vaunting,  conceited  Khalsa. 

"  The  Durbars  and  the  Treaties  therein  ratified ;  the 
stately  restoration  of  the  young  Maharajah  to  his  throne  ; 
and  the  leaving  of  a  British  force  at  Lahore,  at  the  earnest 

*  See  Government  Order,  Army  of  the  Sutlej,  of  date  February  20, 
1846. 


46  SJn  IlEUBERT  B.  EDWARDES.  [1846. 

solicitation  of  a  tiiuiil  j\riiiistry  ; — is  it  not  all  put  before 
the  reader  with  graphic  vividness  in  the  minutes  of  Mr. 
Currie*  and  the  despatches  of  the  Governor-General  (Lord 
Hardinge)  ?  .  .  . 

'*  The  country  was  at  his  feet,  and  few  people,  when  they 
come  to  consider  the  details  of  the  story,  will  deny  that 
the  Governor-General  was  wise  to  refrain  from  annexing  the 
Punjab.  To  us  his  forbearance  seems  more  than  wise;  it  is 
eminently  magnanimous,  merciful,  and  patriotic."  f 

Treaty  of  The  Treaty  of  Byrowal  was  ratified  on  March  11,  1846, 

lATfi"^''  ^^^^  ^y  ^^^^^  treaty  the  independence  of  the  Punjab  was  pro- 
longed, subject  to  the  continued  occupation  by  the  British 
troops. 

"  The  interposition  of  British  influence,"  so  the 
Governor-General  declared  in  a  subsequent  despatch,  "  will 
be  exercised  for  the  advantage  of  the  people,  and  the 
success  of  their  interposition  will  be  assisted  by  the  con- 
fidence and  cordiality  with  which  the  Sirdars  will  co-operate 
with  the  British  Eesident. 

"That  officer,  Lieutenant-Colonel  Henry  Lawrence,  is 
well  known  to  the  chiefs  by  his  energy,  talent,  and  in- 
tegrity ;  by  these  qualities  he  has  conciliated  their  good 
will  and  respect.  .  .  . 

"  A  Council  of  Regency,  composed  of  leading  chiefs, 
will  act  under  the  control  and  guidance  of  the  British 
Resident. 

"  The  Council  will  consist  of  eight  Sirdars ;  and  the 
members  will  not  be  changed  without  the  consent  of  the 
British  Resident,  acting  under  the  orders  of  the  Governor- 
General. 

"  The  power  of  the  Resident  extends  over  every  depart- 

*  Afterwards  Sir  Frederick  Currie. 

t  From  Edwardes's  article  in  the  Calcutta  Review,  No.  46,  "  The 
Sikh  Invasion  of  British  India." 


181G.]  END    OF   THE  FIRST  SIKH    WAR.  47 

ment  and  to  any  extent.  A  military  force  may  be  placed  in 
snch  forts  and  posts,  and  of  such  strength,  within  the  Lahore 
territory,  as  the  Governor-General  may  determine. 

"  The  terms  give  the  British  Kesideut  unlimited  authority 
in  all  matters  of  internal  administration  and  external  relation 
during  the  Maharajah's  minority,  which  would  terminate 
on  September  4,  1854."  * 

By  this  treaty  Henry  Lawrence  was  left,  in  all  but  the 
name,  the  reigning  power  of  the  magnificent  realm  of  the 
"  Five  Eivers  "  (or  Punjab),  the  ancient  kingdom  of  Porus, 
the  original  "  India  "  of  the  Greeks  and  Persians. 

As  regards  the  country,  Mr.  Arnold,  in  his  "  History  of 
Lord  Dalhousie's  Administration  of  British  India,"  thus  sums 
up  the  results  of  Lord  Hardinge's  Government — 

"  Writing  on  the  Ganges  in  the  last  month  of  1847,  the  Results  of 
Governor-General  was  able  to  report  the  Punjab  (to  the  ^^rdincre's 
Secret  Committee)  as  perfectly  tranquil  ;  but  for  the  anange- 
perilous  passions  of  the  Queen-Mother,  he  could  boast  to 
make  over  the  peninsula  free  from  any  disturbing  cause. 
Our  supremacy  beyond  the  Sutlej  was  declared  to  be  as 
real  as  if  it  were  loaded  with  the  real  responsibilities  of 
annexation." 

Well  aware  that  the  Sikhs  were  to  be  trusted  only  as  far 
as  they  were  under  control,  Lord  Hardinge  doubled  the 
garrison  of  the  north-w^est.  He  left  on  this  side  and  on  that 
side  of  the  Sutlej  more  than  fifty  thousand  men  and  sixty 
guns. 

This  digression  seems  necessary  to  explain  the  position 
of  increased  power  and  responsibility  in  the  affairs  of  the 
Punjab  at  this  time,  and  also  to  give  a  picture  of  the  people 
and  of  the  country  in  wdiich  Edvvardes's  lot  is  now  cast. 

Life  has  made  a  great  stride  with  him.  He  is  in  stirring 
times,  and  invested  with  great  responsibilities ;  and  his  was 
a  nature  that  rejoiced  in  difiiculties,  and,  when  danger  showed 

*  At  this  time  the  Jullundur  Doab  was  annexed,  and  Henry  Lawrence 

made  his  brother  John  its  Commissioner. 


meut. 


48  SIR    HERBERT  B.   EDWARDES.  [18 IG. 

itself,  seemed  to  spring  up  with  even  greater  vigour,  energy, 
and  resource.  He  has  now  found  tlie  field  he  sought  for,  and 
it  proved  a  training-ground  for  the  after-life  which  follows. 

Before  this  chapter  is  closed,  that  tells  the  story  of  the 
conquered  Sikh  nation,  it  may  be  of  interest  to  quote  from 
a  local  journal  an  account  of  the  "  Koh-i-noor  "  or  Mountain 
of  Light,  the  great  jewel  of  the  Lahore  treasury,  which  fell, 
at  the  end  of  the  Sikh  Wars,  into  the  possession  of  her 
Britannic  Majesty  ;  for  it  seems  by  its  history  as  if  the  Koh- 
i-noor  carried  with  it  the  sovereignty  of  Hindostan. 

It  was  consigned  to  the  care  of  an  English  officer.  Major 
Mackeson,  to  be  brought  home  to  the  Queen ;  and  we  quote 
from  the  Times'  account  of  his  arrival  in  England,  July  1, 
1850— 

"  Her  Majesty's  steam-sloop  Medea  has  just  arrived  at 
Portsmouth,  with  a  freight  more  precious,  in  nominal  value, 
than  was  ever  carried  from  Peru  to  Cadiz.  Major  Mackeson, 
one  of  her  passengers,  a  meritorious  and  distinguished  officer, 
brings  with  him  that  famous  diamond  of  the  East  called,  in 
the  fondness  of  Asiatic  hyperbole,  the  Koh-i-noor,  or  Moun- 
tain of  Light,  which  after  symbolizing  the  revolutions  of  ten 
generations  by  its  passage  from  one  conqueror  to  another, 
comes  now,  in  the  third  centenary  of  its  discovery,  as  the 
forfeit  of  Oriental  faithlessness  and  the  prize  of  Saxon  valour, 
to  the  distant  shores  of  England. 

"  It  was  in  the  year  1550,  before  the  Mogul  dynasty  had 
been  established  by  the  prowess  of  the  great  Akbar,  that  this 
marvellous  stone  was  first  brought  to  light  in  the  celebrated 
mines  of  Golconda.  The  kingdom  of  this  name  constitutes 
one  of  the  five  Mohammedan  States  which  towards  the  close 
of  the  fifteenth  century  had  been  formed  in  the  Deccan.  The 
dia]iiond-mines  which  have  rendered  it  so  famous  in  story 
were  situated  at  some  distance  to  the  east  of  the  capital  city, 
near  the  present  station  of  Condapilly,  and  are  now  in  our 
possession,  though  they  have  long  ceased  to  reward  or  invite 
the  labours  of  treasure-seekers.  When  the  Mogul  Princes 
extended  their  pretensions  to  the  sovereignty  of  the  Deccan, 
Kootub  Shah,  the  Kincj  of  Golconda,  was  brought  into  collision 
with  Shah  Jehaun,  the  reigning  Emperor,  and  father  of  the 
great  Aurungzebe.     Kootub   Shah's  Prime  Minis^r  at  this 


1846.]  EISTOBY   OF   THE  KOH-I-NOOR.  40 

period  was  the  famous  Meer  Jumla,  a  statesman  who  to 
political  abilities  of  unusual  excellence  added  a  singular 
knowledge  of  precious  stones.  He  had,  in  fact,  been  at  one 
time  a  diamond  merchant,  and  was,  therefore,  peculiarly- 
competent  to  appreciate  the  treasures  of  Golconda.  It 
happened,  too,  that  Shah  Jehaun  himself  was  a  connoisseur 
of  scarcely  less  skill,  insomuch  that  when  at  a  later  period 
he  had  been  dethroned  and  imprisoned  by  his  father,  and  a 
doubt  had  been  created  respecting  the  value  of  a  certain  ruby 
in  the  Imperial  treasury,  the  gem  was  actually  transmitted 
to  the  deposed  Prince  for  his  inspection  and  decision.  Two 
such  characters  were  well  fitted  for  the  transaction  which 
ensued.  Shah  Jehaun  took  up  the  cause  of  Meer  Jumla 
against  his  sovereign,  and  the  Koh-i-noor  passed  from 
Golconda  to  Delhi. 

"While  the  kingdoms  of  the  Deccan  were  successively 
absorbed  in  the  cuhninating  dominion  of  the  Moguls,  the  Koh- 
i-noor  rested  among  the  treasures  of  Imperial  Delhi,  where, 
on  November  2,  1665,  it  was  seen  by  the  French  traveller 
Tavernier,  who,  by  the  extraordinary  indulgence  of  Aurung- 
zebe,  was  permitted  to  handle,  examine,  and  weigh  it,  being 
the  first,  and  till  now,  probably,  the  last  European  who  had 
ever  enjoyed  such  a  privilege.  The  Great  Mogul  sat  on  his 
throne  of  State,  whilst  the  chief  keeper  of  the  jewels  produced 
his  treasures  for  inspection  on  two  golden  dishes.  The  mag- 
nificence of  the  collection  was  indescribable,  but  conspicuous 
in  lustre,  esteem,  and  value  was  the  Koh-i-noor,  Sometimes 
worn  on  the  person  of  the  JMoguls,  sometimes  adorning  the 
famous  peacock  throne,  this  inestimable  gem  was  safely 
preserved  at  Delhi  until,  in  1739,  the  empire  received  its 
fatal  blow  from  the  invasion  of  Nadir  Shah,  Among  the 
spoils  of  conquest  which  the  Persian  warrior  carried  back  with 
him  in  triumph  to  Khorassan,  and  which  have  been  variously 
estimated  as  worth  from  thirty  to  ninety  millions  sterling, 
the  Koh-i-noor  was  the  most  precious  trophy,  but  it  was 
destined  to  pass  from  Persia  as  quickly  as  that  ephemeral 
supremacy  in  virtue  of  which  it  had  been  acquired.  Nadir 
Shah  had  entertained  in  his  service  a  body  of  Afghans  of 
the  AbdaUee  tribe  under  the  leadership  of  Ahmed  Shah, 
who  also  served  his  master  in  the  capacity  of  treasurer,  and 

VOL.  I.  E 


50  t^lR   JIEUBKRT  B.   LDWAltDES.  [1846. 

when  the  Persian  conqueror  was  assassinated  by  liis  subjects, 
the  Afghans,  after  vainly  endeavouring  to  rescue  or  avenge 
him,  fought  their  way  to  their  own  frontiers,  though  only 
four  thousand  strong,  through  the  hosts  of  the  Persian  army. 
In  conducting  this  intrepid  retreat  Ahmed  Shah  carried  off 
with  him  the  treasures  in  his  possession,  and  was  probably 
aided  by  these  means  as  well  as  by  his  own  valour  in  consoli- 
datincr  the  new  State  which,  under  the  now  familiar  title  of  the 
Doorannee  empire,  he  speedily  created  in  Cabul.  It  seemed 
as  if  the  Koh-i-noor  carried  with  it  the  sovereignty  of  Hin- 
dostan,  for  the  conquests  of  Ahmed  were  as  decisive  as  those 
of  Nadir,  and  it  was  by  his  nomination  and  patronage  that 
the  last  Emperor  ascended  the  throne  of  the  Moguls. 

"At  the  beginning  of  the  present  century  the  treasures  and 
power  of  Ahmed  were  vested  in  the  person  of  Zemaun  Shah, 
subject  to  the  incessant  assaults  of  his  kinsmen.  One  of  these 
at  length  proved  successful,  and  in  the  year  1800  Zemaun 
Shall  found  himself  a  prisoner  at  the  disposal  of  his  brother 
Shah  Shuja,  the  identical  puppet,  forty  years  later,  of  our 
famous  Cabul  expedition,  so  that  we  are  now  brought  down 
to  modern  times  and  characters.  Shah  Shuja  presently 
ascended  the  throne  of  his  brother,  but  the  treasury  of  Cabul 
was  wanting  in  its  most  precious  ornament,  till  at  length, 
ingeniously  secreted  in  the  wall  of  Zemaun  Shah's  prison, 
was  discovered  the  Koh-i-noor.  It  was  eight  years  after  this, 
while  the  Doorannee  monarchy  was  still  formidable  enough 
to  inspire  the  Powers  of  the  East  with  uneasiness,  that  Mr. 
Elp^hinstone,  accredited  by  Lord  Minto  to  the  Afghan  prince, 
betook  himself  to  ivhat  ivas  then  the  remote  and  unknown  town 
of  Feshawur,  where,  at  his  state  reception^  the  Koh-i-noor  again 
flashed,  after  an  iiitcrval  of  so  many  years,  upon  the  dazzled 
eyes  of  a  European.  Shah  Shuja,  afterwards  the  client  and 
pensioner  of  the  East  India  Company,  was  dressed  on  this 
occasion  in  a  green  velvet  tunic,  fitting  closely  to  his  body, 
and  seamed  with  gold  and  precious  stones.  On  his  breast 
was  a  cuirass  of  diamonds  shaped  like  two  flattened  j^gMrs-c?e-^^s, 
and  in  a  bracelet  on  his  right  arm  blazed  the  priceless  jewel 
of  Golconda.  The  Prince  gave  a  gracious  audience  to  the 
Ambassador,  and  Mr.  Elphinstone  retii'ed,  but  the  Koh-i-noor 
was  not  fated  long  to  continue  in  the  divided  and  tottering 
fariily  of  the  once-powerful  Abdallees. 


184G.]  HISTORY   OF   THE  KOIII-NOOIL  51 

"  The  Embassy  had  scarcely  recrossed  the  Indus  when 
Shah  Shuja  was  expelled  from  Cabul,  though  he  contrived  to 
make  this  far-famed  diamond  the  companion  of  his  flight. 
After  many  vicissitudes  of  exile  and  contest,  he  at  length 
found  an  equivocal  refuge  under  the  protection  of  tliat 
powerful  chieftain  who  had  now  consolidated  the  dominions 
of  the  Sikhs  into  a  royal  inheritance  for  his  own  family. 
Runjeet  Singh  was  fully  competent  either  to  the  defence  or 
the  restoration  of  the  fugitive,  but  he  knew  or  suspected  the 
treasure  in  his  possession,  and  his  mind  was  bent  upon  acquiring 
it.  He  put  the  Shah  under  strict  surveillance,  and  made  a 
formal  demand  for  the  jewel.  The  Doorannee  Prince  hesi- 
tated, prevaricated,  temporized,  and  employed  all  the  artifices 
of  Oriental  diplomacy  ;  but  in  vain.  Eunjeet  redoubled  the 
stringency  of  his  measures,  and  at  length  June  1,  1813,  was 
fixed  as  the  day  when  the  great  diamond  of  the  Moguls 
should  be  surrendered  by  the  Abdallee  Chief  to  the  ascendant 
dynasty  of  the  Singlis.  The  two  Princes  met  in  a  room 
appointed  for  the  purpose,  and  took  their  seats  on  the  ground. 
A  solemn  silence  then  ensued,  which  continued  unbroken  for 
an  hour.  At  length  Eunjeet's  impatience  overcame  the 
suggestions  of  Asiatic  decorum,  and  he  whispered  to  an 
attendant  to  quicken  the  memory  of  the  Shah.  The  exiled 
Prince  spoke  not  a  word  in  reply,  but  gave  a  signal  with  his 
eyes  to  a  eunuch  in  attendance,  who,  retiring  for  a  moment, 
returned  with  a  small  roll,  which  he  set  down  upon  the  carpet 
midway  between  the  two  chiefs.  Again  a  pause  followed, 
when  at  a  sign  from  Eunjeet  the  roll  was  unfolded,  and  there 
in  its  matchless  and  unspeakable  brilliancy  glittered  the 
Koh-i-noor. 

"  In  this  way  did  the  '  Mountain  of  Light '  pass  in  the  train 
of  conquest,  and  as  the  emblem  of  dominion,  from  Golconda 
to  Delhi,  from  Delhi  to  IMushed,  from  Mushed  to  Cabul,  and 
from  Cabul  to  Laliore,  verifying  by  the  esteem  which  it  every- 
where commanded  the  perspicacity  and  judgment  of  Meer 
Jumla  (who  is  the  Mirsimola  of  Tavernier's  travels)  and  the 
Prince  Shah  Jehaun.  Excepting  the  somewhat  doubtful 
claims  of  the  Brazilian  stone  among  the  Crown  jewels  of 
Portugal,  the  Koh-i-noor  is  the  largest  knovm  diamond  in  the 
n^orld.     When  first  c^iven  to  Shah  Jehaun  it  was  still  uncut, 


52  SIR    IIEllBEttT  B.   ED  WARD ES.  [1846. 

weighing  it  is  said,  in  that  rough  state,  nearly  eight  hundred 
carats,  which  were  reduced  by  the  unskilfulness  of  the  artist 
to  279,  its  present  weight.     It  was  cut  by  Hortensio  Borgis,  a 
Venetian,  who,  instead  of  receiving  a  remuneration  for  his 
labour,  was  fined  ten  thousand  rupees  for  his  wastefulness  by 
the  enraged  Mogul.     In  form  it  is  '  rose-cut ' — that  is  to  say, 
it  is  cut  to  a  point  in  a  series  of  small  '  facets,'  without  any 
tabular  surface.     A  good  general  idea  may  be  formed  of  its 
shape  and  size  by  conceiving  it  as  the  pointed  half  of  a  small 
hen's  Qg(^,  though  it  is  said  not  to  have  risen  more  than  half 
an  inch   from  the   gold  setting  in  which  it  was  worn   by 
Kunjeet.      Its   value    is   scarcely   computable,  though    two 
millions  sterling  has  been  mentioned  as  a  justifiable  price, 
if  calculated  by  the  scale  employed  in  the  trade.     The  Pitt 
diamond  brought  over  from  Madras  by  the  grandfather  of 
Lord  Chatham,  and  sold  to  the  Eegent  Orleans  in  1717  for 
£125,000,  weighs  scarcely  one  hundred  and  thirty  carats  ;  nor 
does  the  great  diamond  which  supports  the  Eagle  on  the  summit 
of  the  Eussian  sceptre  weigh  as  much  as  two  hundred.     Such 
is  the  extraordinary  jewel  which,  in  virtue  of  conquest  and 
sovereignty,  has  passed  into  the  possession  of  England.     It 
was  prudently  secured  among  the  few  remaining  valuables  of 
the  Lahore  treasury  at  the  commencement  of  the  last  insur- 
rection, and   although  even  its  nominal  value  would  be  an 
inadequate  compensation  for  the  cost  of  the  Sikh  Wars,  we 
may  look  upon  its  acquisition  as  a  fitting  symbol  of  that 
supremacy  which  we  have  so  fairly  won." 


CHAPTER   III. 


1846. 

THE   "RESIDENT"   AND   HIS   "  ASSISTANTS  "—CASHMERE- 
GOLAB   SINGH. 


"  Chase  brave  employments  witli  a  naked  sword 
Throughout  the  world.     Fool  not ;  for  all  may  have, 
If  they  dare  choose,  a  glorious  life  or  grave." 

George  Herbert. 


(  55  ) 


CHAPTER  III. 

Edwardes's  experience  of  war  as  Sir  Huiili  Gontrli's  aide-de- 
camp was  of  short  duration  ;  for  Henry  Lawrence,  coming  up 
to  Simla  on  his  way  to  take  up  his  post  at  Lahore,  met 
Edwardes  there  for  the  first  time,  and  asked  him  to  go  with 
him  to  Lahore  as  Assistant-Eesident. 

Lahore  was  the  capital  of  the  Sikh  kingdom  of  Runjeet  The  state 
Singh.    Eunjeet  Singh  had  died,  and  his  heir,  Dhuleep  Singh,  ^^  Lahore, 
was   a   cliild.      The   actual    government   devolved    upon   a 
"regency,"  which  was,  as  has  been  seen  already,  most  dis- 
astrous  for  the  country — composed   of  the   Queen-Mother, 
and  corrupt  Sirdars,  whom  she  ruled  in  profligacy  and  vice. 

Henry  Lawrence  undertook  the  post  of  Resident  at  this 
Sikh  Court  with  the  earnest  desire  of  guiding  the  Sikh 
Government  to  learn  how  to  govern  themselves,  and  to  build 
up  an  Empire  in  the  midst  of  violence  and  intrigue,  by  teach- 
ing them  to  rule  wisely,  for  the  good  of  their  country. 

To  assist  him  in  his  labours,  he  looked  out  for  himself  a 
band  of  young  men,  chosen  wherever  he  could  find  them,  who 
he  thought  would  enter  into  liis  views  and  work  heartily  with 
him  in  this  chivalrous  endeavour  to  raise  the  Sikh  Govern- 
ment to  govern  wisely  and  justly,  and  to  protect  the  weak 
and  the  oppressed  from  tyranny.  And  in  this  aim  and  object 
Herbert  Edwardes  sympathized  most  truly. 

He  thus  became  the  first  Assistant  to  the  Resident  of 
Lahore,  in  184G.  The  rest  of  the  Assistants  were  Jolin  Reid 
Becher,  John  Nicholson,  James  Abbott,  Reynell  Taylor, 
Edward  Lake,  George  McGregor,  Arthur  Cocks,  Harry 
Lumsden,  George  Lawrence,  L.  Bowring  (afterwards  from 
time  to  time  added  to) — all  rare  men,  who  haxo.  done  great 


56  sin   JIERBEBT  B.   EDWAEDES.  [18  !G. 

deeds  for  India's  good,  and  who  live  in  history  ;  so  that  the 
bare  mention  of  tlicir  names  here  ^vill  suggest  to  the  reader 
who  has  only  studied  India  as  a  matter  of  history  a  long  list 
of  noble  deeds  and  services  ;  while,  to  those  who  are  living 
still,  it  speaks  of  a  noble  brotherhood  of  brave  men  and  true. 
Henry  Henry  Lawrence,  writing  to  his  friend  Sir  John  Kaye, 

Lawrence  gjjjjj^  "  J  ^.^g  ygj-y  fortunate  in  my  Assistants,  all  of  whom 
Assistants,  wcro  my  friends,  and  almost  every  one  was  introduced  into 
tlic  Punjab  through  me.  George  Lawrence,  McGregor,  James 
Abbott,  Edwardes,  Lumsden,  Nicholson,  Taylor,  Cocks,  Hod- 
son,  Pollock,  Bowring,  Henry  Coxe,  and  Melville  are  men 
such  as  you  will  seldom  see  anywhere,  but,  when  collected 
under  one  administration,  were  Avorth  double  and  treble  the 
number  taken  at  haphazard.  Each  was  a  good  man  ;  the 
most  were  excellent  officers." 

Of  this  band  of  young  men,  all  whom  Colonel  Henry 
Lawrence  personally  attached  to  himself,  and  by  whom  he 
was  always  greatly  beloved,  he  made  Edwardes  the  first, 
placing  him  in  the  position  of  a  private  secretary,  for  closer 
personal  intercourse  and  working  together  ;  and  so  they  were 
generally  found  occupying  one  room,  and  were  drawn  to- 
gether in  great  affection,  and  in  a  growing  admiration  of  each 
other's  qualities.* 

This  was  the  congenial  work  that  Edwardes  had  been 
longing  for,  and  it  opened  the  door  at  once  to  the  larger 
sphere  of  work  and  interest  that  he  had  desired  to  find. 

Heart  and  soul  he  threw  himself  into  it,  sympathizing 
entirely  with  the  large  views  and  unsparing  philanthropy 
with  which  Henry  Lawrence  entered  upon  his  work  for  the 
good  of  the  people,  seeking  to  elevate  them,  to  teach  the 
rich  and  the  powerful  hoiv  to  govern,  and  to  protect  the  poor 
and  the  oppressed  against  their  oppressors. 

*  There  is  a  note  of  tliis  time  written  by  Henry  Lawrence's  wife,  who 
was  then  ia  England.  Writing  to  Edivardes's  aunt,  she  says,  "Your 
nephew  is  a  very  highly  valupd  assistant  and  friend  of  my  husband,  who, 
in  writing  to  me,  says,  '  Edwardes  has  left  me.  We  have  now  been  five 
montlis  together  iu  close  fellowship,  the  last  three  months  even  sleeping 
in  the  same  room.  Taking  him  all  in  all,  bodily  activity,  mental  cultiva- 
tion, and  warmth  of  heart,  I  have  not  met  his  equal  in  India.'  .  .  .  We 
had  admired  'Brahmiuce  Bull '  long  before  we  knew  Mr.  Rdwardes. 

"  (Signed)  Hoxoria  Lawrence." 


1846.]  EARLY  DAYS  IN   THE  rUNJAB.  57 

These  days  were  like  the  ohlen  chiys  of  chivahy— like 
nothing  that  can  be  now  in  the  country. 

Great  power  and  great  opportunities  for  accomplishing 
great  good,  this  was  just  the  field  for  developing  great  men 
with  large  desires  for  good,  and  this  was  just  the  field  that 
Herbert  Edwardes  had  sighed  for,  and  had  wondered  w^here  he 
should  find  it.  He  always  liked  to  call  Henry  Lawrence  "  the 
father  of  his  public  life,"  and  he  loved  to  trace  the  influence 
for  good  that  he  received  from  him.  The  affectionate  interest 
then  begun,  ended  only  with  the  death  of  Sir  Henry  Lawrence, 
in  1857. 

If  it  is  asked  why  such  days  cannot  be  again,  it  may  Early  days 
be  answered,  because  the  Punjab  is  governed  in  a  totally  ^abruie""* 
different  manner  now.  These  were  its  early  days.  At  this 
time  the  Punjab  was  the  scene  of  the  anarchy  and  misgovern- 
ment  that  ensued  upon  the  death  of  Runjeet  Singh,  and  the 
mission  of  Henry  Lawrence  was  to  steer  the  ship  of  the 
Punjab  out  of  those  troubled  waters  into  calmer  seas.  And 
honestly  he  strove  to  do  it ;  and  this  brave  band  of  young 
men  put  all  their  strength  and  power  to  the  work  with  him. 

But  nothing  could  stave  off  the  annexation  of  the 
country  beyond  a  few  years  ;  and  it  was  with  real  sorrow  that 
Henry  Lawrence  found  his  chivalrous  scheme  of  leading  the 
Sikhs  to  good  government  fail  at  last,  and  the  necessity  arise 
for  England  to  take  the  government  on  herself. 

Then  Colonel  Lawrence  became  the  President  of  a  board  * 
appointed  Ijy  the  Governor-General,  and  ruled  the  magnificent 
province  with  the  wisdom  with  which  he  had  been  unable  to 
inspire  the  corrupt  and  vicious  Court  at  Lahore  to  govern 
their  country  for  themselves. 

But  in  these  early  days  (even  after  annexation)  things 
were  in  a  very  different  state  to  wdiat  they  can  ever  be  again. 
These  were  the  days  of  the  Court  of  Directors  and  Board  of 
Control  in  England,  and  not  the  Secretary  of  State  in  Council, 
under  her  Most  Gracious  j\Iajesty's  Government.  The 
countries  have  been  brought  nearer  together.  England  now 
governs,  and  India  is  governed //-o??;  Enrjlnnd.  The  Secretary 
of  State  for  India,  at  Westminster,  now  rules  the  Governor- 

*  The  "  board  "  cousisted  of  three  members,  Sir  Henry  Lawrence  being 
President. 


58  SIR   nEEBEBT  B.   EDWARDES.  [1846. 

General,  or  Viceroy,  and  sends  his  orders  through  the 
telegraph,  or  cancels  orders  which  the  Viceroy  may  have 
given  if  he  does  not  approve  of  them. 

In  former  days  it  was  the  Court  of  Directors  who 
appointed  the  Governor-General,  and  he  was  an  autocrat. 
He  did  what  he  pleased,  and  if  tlie  Court  of  Directors  did 
not  approve  of  any  of  his  acts,  and  thought  the  matter  of 
sufficient  importance  to  interfere,  they  would,  w4th  the 
sanction  of  the  Board  of  Control,  recall  him,  and  send  out 
another.  But  they  did  not  interfere  with  Ids  authority  ex 
officio.  And  as  the  Governor-General  was  despotic  under  this 
old  regime,  so,  in  every  grade,  the  members  of  the  Govern- 
ment of  India  were  more  independent  in  their  respective 
authorities,  and  rulers  had  more  power  for  good  (and  perhaps 
for  evil  too). 

And  so  the  Punjab,  being  a  new  country,  was  in  a 
wild  and  free  state,  and  uncivilized,  and  Colonel  Henry 
Lawrence  was  free  to  make  his  own  laws,  and  to  give 
his  own  rules  and  orders  to  his  subordinates  unfettered  to 
a  great  extent ;  giving  them  also  powers  and  liberty  to  act 
for  themselves,  in  the  same  relative  proportion,  in  carrying 
out  their  duties.  And  he  laid  out  before  them  great  ends  to 
accomplish,  lea\'ing  them  entirely  to  their  own  discretion  and 
resources  how  to  bring  about  the  desired  result.* 

Now  everything  is  done  in  a  perfectly  different  way. 
Everything  is  tied  up  with  red  tape,  and  is  done  by  "  rule," 
and  all  the  rules  are  numbered,  and  men  ran  be  machines. 
There  is,  consequently,  less  of  that  personal  individuality 
that  so  strongly  stamped  the  Government  in  those  early  days. 
This  is  why  Henry  Lawrence  chose  his  staff,  and  gathered 
such  a  band  of  young  men  around  him  as  he  could  trust,  in 
command  and  power. 

And  here  we  see  how  the  Punjab  came  to  take  such  a 

*  Only  the  other  day,  in  conversation  with  one  of  these  "old  assist- 
ants," he  remarked,  "  What  days  those  were  !  How  Henry  Lawrence 
would  send  lis  off  to  great  distances  ;  Edwardes  to  Bunnoo,  Xicliolson^to 
Peshawiir,  Abbott  to  Hazara,  Lumsden  somewhere  else,  etc.,  giving  us  a 
tract  of  country  as  big  as  half  of  England,  and  giving  us  no  more  helpful 
directions  than  these,  'Settle  the  country;  make  the  people  happy;  and 
take  care  there  are  no  rows ! '  "  And  how  well  they  carried  out  his  orders 
has  become  "  the  early  history  of  the  Punjab." — E.  E. 


184G.]  HENRY  LA  WHENCE   AS  A   LEADER.  59 

high  stand  of   honest  and  cliivalrous  work,  stamped  as  its  Henry 
government  was  from  tlie  first  with  tlie  impress  of  the  noble  Lawrence 
and  cliivalrous  and  heroic  character  of  Henry  Lawrence,  stamp 

The    sense    of    rcsjwnsihUiti/,    so    congenial    to   a   noble  "P^i^ho 
nature,  roused  all  the  energies  of  these  young  men ;  and  this 
was  just  the  field  to  call  out  all  the  great  qualities  of  a  man, 
and  to  make  him  fertile  in  resource  and  self-reliant ;  to  draw 
out,  in  fact,  all  that  was  in  him. 

Never  Avas  a  man  more  willingly,  more  ably,  and  more 
heartily  served  than  was  Henry  Lawrence,  by  all  this  chosen 
band  of  assistants ;  and  never  was  such  a  bright  band  of 
noble  spirits  raised  up  and  called  forth  to  any  work,  as  was 
seen  in  these  early  days  in  the  Puujalj. 

One  secret  of  the  attraction  that  there  was  about  Henry  One  secret 
Lawrence,  as  the  leader  of  this   chivalrous  band  of  young  ^jon^^the 
men,  was  the  generosity  of  his  nature.     His  heart  took  delight  leader, 
in  awarding  praise  where  praise  was  due,  and  in  acknow- 
ledging the  value  of  every  man's  work  ;  not  only  applauding 
it  himself  as  he  thought  it  deserved,  but  letting  the  Govern- 
ment in  Calcutta  know  the  value  of  the  services  done  by  their 
hand.    This  sympathy  cheered  them  on  and  encouraged  them  ; 
and  his  personal  influence  on  them  served  to  inspire  their 
devotion  both  to  him  and  to  their  work.* 

Edwardes  now  laid  aside  the  routine  of  regimental  life, 
which  was  never  to  be  taken  up  again  ;  and  the  desires  and 
aspirations  after  a  larger  field  and  a  deeper  life  were  about  to 
be  satisfied. 

An  extract  from  a  letter  of  his,  at  this  time,  may  serve 
to  encourage  some  young  reader  in  similar  circumstances. 
Edwardes  writes — 

"I  landed  in  India  in  January,  1841,  without  cither 
friends  or  interest,  and  for  the  instruction  of  those  who 
think  it  is  of  no  use  to  study  either  the  languages,  history, 
or   policy  of    British    India,   unless    the  Governor-General 

•  This  quality  was  one  groat  difTorcnce  between  the  two  brothers 
Lawrence  (Sir  Ilonry  and  Sir  John);  and  it  explains  the  difference  in  the 
feelings  with  which  they  insi)ired  those  who  loved  them  and  who  served 
under  them  both.  Both  men  had  great  qualities,  but  the  two  characters 
were  totally  different. 


CO  SIB   HERBEBT  B.   EDWABDES.  [1846, 

happens  to  be  their  grandfather,  I  record  the  fact  that  at 
the  close  of  1845  I  was  promised  the  first  vacancy  in  the 
Judge  xVdvocate-General's  Department  of  tlie  Bengal  Pre- 
sidency, and  have  good  reason  to  believe  that  I  was  to  have 
had  the  second  under  the  Governor-General's  Agent  on  the 
north-west  frontier.  But  before  either  of  these  occurred, 
his  Excellency  the  commander-in-chief,  then  Sir  Hugh 
Gougli,  Bart.,  honoured  me  by  making  me  an  aide-de-camp 
on  his  personal  staff — a  step  to  which  I  gratefully  acknow- 
ledge that  I  am  indebted  for  all  the  opportunities  of  suc- 
ceeding years." 

Depnteti  to  In  the  autumn  of  1846  Lieutenant  Edwardes  was  deputed 

the  Court  of  ]^„  Colonel  Henrv  Lawrence  to  the  Court  of  Jummoo,  to  aid 

Cashmere.  .  ^    "    . 

Maharajah  Golab  Singh,  the  Governor  of  Cashmere,  in  the  sup- 
pression of  Sheikh  Imam-iid-din,  who  had  revolted,  and  headed 
a  rebellion  against  the  new  governor,  to  whom  the  country  of 
Cashmere  had  lately  been  assigned  by  the  English  for  a  large 
sum  of  money  (a  crore  of  rupees),  as  part  of  the  indemnity  for 
the  war,  which  the  bankrupt  Sikh  Court  at  Lahore  was  unable 
to  pay  to  the  conquering  power  in  any  other  way. 

The  Eesident  was  bound  to  support  Golab  Singh's  rights 
against  the  rebel  chief;  and  Edwardes  was  sent  by  Henry 
Lawrence  to  give  him  assistance.  To  effect  this,  Edwardes 
opened  negotiations  with  the  Sheikh  himself,  whom  he  in- 
duced to  submit  and  to  deliver  up  the  secret  orders  to  rebel, 
which  he  had  received  from  Eajah  Lai  Singh,  the  favourite  of 
the  Queen-Mother  at  Lahore. 

On  this  the  Sheikh  was  permitted  by  Henry  La"v\Tence  to 
surrender,  and,  giving  himself  up  to  Edwardes  at  the  foot  of 
the  Cashmere  Hills,  was  by  him  conducted  to  Lahore. 

On  the  evidence  of  the  papers  thus  obtained,  Eajah  Lai 
Singh  was  brought  to  trial  under  the  walls  of  Lahore,  was 
deposed  from  his  place  in  the  Sikh  Ministry,  and  banished 
from  Lahore  to  Hindostan. 

A  vivid  picture  of  the  intrigues  of  the  Sikh  Court,  and  a 
graphic  picture  of  the  Cashmere  events  of  this  period  we  find 
in  a  letter  of  Edwardes,  MTitten  to  a  friend  in  England,  dated 
Rihassee,  a  mountain  fortress  above  Jummoo,  the  capital  of 
Maharajah  Golab  Singh's  dominions. 


184G.]  LETTER   FROM   CASHMERE.  Gl 

"  Soi-teiubcr  21,  184G. 

"  My  dear  Powles, 

"  I  have  not  heard  from  you  again  since  I  wrote  Cashmere 
last,  but  I  have  got  hold  of  such  a  character  here,  such  a  "'  **  "' 
rare  specimen  of  human  nature,  that  I  must  add  him  to  your 
gallery  of  life's  experience  and  send  him  home,  as  natural- 
ists would  a  uiiicorn  or  a  flea  with  two  sets  of  teeth. 

"  You  know  how  much  it  has  been  the  fashion  of  late 
years  to  discover  that  oral  tradition  has  been  acting  on 
a  deliberate  system  of  deceit,  and  handing  down  to  us 
as  historic  personages  mere  men  of  straw.  We  have  been 
reared  up  amid  an  atmosphere  of  biograpliies,  inhaling  and 
calling  it  life ;  and  now  these  wicked  chemists  insist  on 
analysing  it  in  our  very  lungs,  and  swear  it  is  destitute  of 
the  oxygen  of  truth.  Experience,  familiarity  with  the 
actual,  has  certainly  a  sad  tendency  to  shake  one's  con- 
fidence in  history.  It  shows  us  that  real  events  are  always 
wanting  in  that  completeness  and  roundness  with  which  they 
are  recorded. 

"  The  historian  never  gives  you  one  or  two  acts  of 
a  play  without  all  the  others ;  he  would  be  ashamed  to 
take  your  money  at  the  door  of  a  revolution  and  not  show 
you  every  scene,  from  the  ringing  of  the  prompter's  bell 
to  the  fall  of  the  curtain. 

"This  is  not  life;  the  world,  as  Tom  Moore  sings, 
is  *  half  in  shade  and  half  in  sun,'  and  we  see,  at 
best,  but  one-half  of  anything  upon  it.  The  rest  is  guess- 
work. But  to  apply  these  rambling  observations.  In  our 
childhood  there  was  no  character  in  history  supposed  to 
be  better  established  than  that  of  hump-backed  Richard 
of  Gloucester.  Shakespeare  was  history.  Latterly,  how- 
ever, doubts  have  been  thrown  upon  the  fidelity  of  his 
picture,  and  Bulwer  in  a  late  work  (of  fiction  truly,  but 
such  fiction  as  an  imaginative  mind  weaves  out  of  facts)  has 
boldly  put  forth  his  likeness  of  the  young  Prince,  painte(l 
in  very  different  colours. 


G2  SIR   HERBERT  B.   ED  WARD ES.  [1846. 

"  One  of  the  arguments  for  disbelieving  Shakespeare  has 
been  the  incredibility  of  so  deep  a  vilhiin  as  his  *  llichard.' 
Now  it  has  fallen  to  my  lot  to  become  the  best  of  friends 
with  just  such  a  man  in  the  flesh — a  real,  live  villain,  I 
feel  as  proud  as  Professor  Buckland  when  he  picked  up  the 
enormous  ammonite. 

"  In  my  last  letter  I  think  I  must  have  told  you  that 
I  was  expecting  to  be  sent  to  Lahore,  to  relieve  Major 
McGregor,  It  happened  as  I  thought,  and  in  the  hottest 
and  most  feverish  month  of  the  year,  when  the  Spirit  of 
Water  has  shot  his  last  arrow  at  him  of  Fire,  and  the  Sun 
comes  forth  again  like  aroused  Achilles,  flaming  across  the 
plain  and  withering  up  the  souls  of  the  rivers,  I  bid  adieu 
to  the  Himalaya  (region  of  eternal  spring),  and  plunged 
into  the  seething  plains.  A  man  leaping  from  an  iceberg 
into  Hecla  may,  if  he  survives  it,  appreciate  my  public 
spirit !  I  reached  '  the  bloody  capital '  on  September  3, 
and  on  the  7th  was  ordered  off  again  to  JAmmoo. 

"  Without  meaning  to  be  insulting,  but  determined  to 
be  communicative,  I  take  it  for  granted  that,  like  the  rest 
of  the  English  gentlemen  who  live  at  home  at  ease,  you 
are  profoundly  ignorant  of  Oriental  geography.  I  take 
upon  myself,  therefore,  to  inform  you  that  Jummoo  is 
about  seventy  or  eighty  miles  north  of  Lahore,  which  latter 
city  I  assume  as  a  given  point  of  knowledge  in  your  brain  ; 
for  I'll  lay  my  life  you  looked  it  out  in  Carey's  atlas  last 
winter,  and  referred  to  Dr.  Butler  for  its  alias  amongst  the 
Macedonians. 

"  Well,  Jummoo  is  the  residence  of  Maharajah  Golab 
Singh,  King  of  the  Kohistan  (hill  country)  and  Cashmere 
countries,  which,  I  dare  say  you  have  not  forgotten,  were 
acquired  by  our  brave  armies  in  the  last  campaign  as 
indemnity  for  invasion,  and  afterwards,  with  that  strange 
mixture  of  political  wisdom  and  imperial  generosity  which 
makes  the  English  in  India  incomprehensible  to  natives, 


18 IG.]      MAUARAJAH  GOLAli   SINOWS  INTRIGUES.        G3 

were  given  away  again  to  their  present  possessor,  a  subject 
formerly  of  the  state  from  which  we  took  them. 

"  By  the  treaties  then  concluded  at  Lahore,  the  Sikhs 
were  bound  to  make  over  all  the  ceded  districts  to  us, 
or  whomsoever  we  might  appoint.  We  appointed  Golab 
Singh.  Now  you  can  easily  imagine  the  jealousy  which 
would  be  felt  by  a  native  power  at  giving  over,  in  sackcloth 
and  ashes,  a  rich  tract  of  its  territory  to  one  who,  yesterday, 
was  a  subject  of  its  own — a  powerful  subject,  all  but 
independent,  but  still  a  subject  acknowledging,  perhaps, 
a  more  perfect  allegiance  than  he  paid.  Hence  began 
intrigues,  and  month  after  month  passed  away  without — for 
some  reason  or  otiier  which  was  quite  reasonable — Golab 
Singh  being  in  possession  of  Cashmere. 

"  By  a  singular  fatality  also,  Golab  Singh  commenced 
an  intrigue  with  the  Sikh  Governor  of  that  province.  His 
name  is  Sheikh  Imam-iid-diu,  and  he  is  supposed  to  be 
immensely  rich  from  the  accumulated  plunder  of  his  own 
and  his  father's  administration. 

"  Golab  Singh  is  a  miser,  and  contemplated  with  regret 
the  approaching  departure  from  his  dominions  of  so  much 
wealth.  It  seemed  to  him  like  rooting  up  the  mountain 
in  which  lie  his  mines  of  iron,  lead,  and  other  precious 
metals,  and  transplanting  it  into  an  enemy's  country.  So 
ho  spoke  the  Sheikh  fair,  and  offered  to  keep  him  on 
as  Governor  of  Cashmere.  Here,  then,  was  the  former  lord 
of  that  province  telling  the  Governor  that  if  he  wanted 
to  prove  his  lidelity  he  must  not  come  away,  and  the 
present  lord  begging  as  a  favour  that  he  would  stop !  He 
took  them  both  at  their  word,  and  set  up  for  himself! 

"  He  is  a  youug  man,  with  all  the  qualities  which  win 
popular  applause,  and  less  than  the  usual  share  of  those 
vices  which,  in  the  East,  make  governors  detested. 

"The  people,  who  looked  forward  with  horror  to  the 
rule  of  Golab  Singh,  declared  like  one  man  in  his  favour, 


64  sin   II ER BERT  B.   ED  WARD ES.  [1846. 

and  the  refugee  scions  of  old  depressed  and  ruined  royal 
families  in  the  surrounding  hills  flocked  round  him  with 
their  scanty  band  of  faithful  ruffians,  and  determined  to  win 
back,  under  his  banner,  some  of  their  ancient  lands. 

"  This  revolution,  or  rebellion,  broke  out  in  the  end 
of  August ;  and  scarcely  had  I  reached  Lahore  when  the 
news  came  in  that  the  rebels  had  set  upon  a  small  body 
of  the  royal  troops,  murdered  *  the  Lord-Lieutenant,'  and 
driven  the  rest  of  the  Maharajah's  army  to  take  refuge  in 
the  '  Hurree  Purhut,'  the  Acropolis  of  Cashmere. 

"  Our  Government  w  as  aroused.  Interference  could  no 
longer  be  deferred,  and  I  was  ordei-ed  off  to  Jummoo  to 
offer  the  Maharajah  aid,  and  (how  you  will  laugh !)  '  advise 
him  at  the  present  juncture ! '  A  lieutenant  of  Foot 
advising  the  King  of  the  Mountains ! 

"  Such  is  India.  It  is,  however,  I  am  aware,  no  ordinary 
chance,  and  I  am  the  more  grateful  to  Colonel  Lawrence, 
the  Governor-General's  Agent,  for  entrusting  me  with  the 
mission. 

*'  I  arrived  here  on  September  20  (this  is  two  marches 
from  Jummoo,  a  mountain  villa  of  the  Mountain  Csesar), 
and  hard  at  work  have  I  been  ever  since,  stirring  up  the 
sleeping  lion. 

"  To  show  you  that  I  have  not  much  leisure,  I  began 
this  on  September  24,  and  am  now  writing  this  line  on 
October  6. 

"  What  have  I  effected  since  I  came  ?  1  have  forced 
Golab  Singh  to  abandon  intrigue  and  take  to  a  sharper* 
arbiter  of  quarrels — the  sword.  He  is  collecting  his  army, 
and  marched  from  here  yesterday  on  his  road  to  Cashmere. 

"  Our  Government  has  made  the  Sikhs  send  two  divisions 
to  assist  him  ;  and  an  army  of  our  own  is  coming  up  in  the 
rear  to  menace  or  to  strike,  as  circumstances  may  require. 

"  I  follow  and  join  the  Maharajah's  camp  to-night. 

"  You  are  a  man  of  peace,  and  will  naturally  ask  some- 


1810.]  ON  ASIATIC  lUrLOMACY.  (i.'> 

wliiit  gravely  if  I  have  inailc  iiu  dTurt  to  settle  this  nialtcr 
without  bloodshed  ?  Yes,  I  have  o(Teicd  the  Sheikh  his  life, 
and  a  fair  trial  for  his  property,  if  he  eonies  in  to  me 
without  striking  another  hlou.  JJiit  I  have  not  waited  for 
his  answer. 

"  There  is  no  arguing  in  this  country  without  foree  to 
baek  you.  A  rebel  never  gives  in  till  the  avenger  is  within 
a  nuireh  of  him.  If  you  have  his  life  at  heart,  threaten  to 
take  it.  '  Make  a  pass  '  at  your  enemy's  liver,  and  your  sword 
goes  over  his  shoulder ;  for  he  kneels  to  eseape  it. 

"This  very  day  ought  to  bring  me  the  Sheikh's  reply, 
and  it  is  in  an  anxious  interval  that  I  am  now  writing  to 
you. 

"As  far  as  my  own  judgment  goes,  I  think  he  will  come 
in  ;  but  the  more  I  see  of  Asiatic  character  and  European 
di[)lomacy,  the  more  convinced  am  I  that  ice  have  no  means 
of  judging  correctly  of  the  conduiit  of  natives. 

"  The  principles  on  whicli  they  argue  are  so  widely  difter- 
eut,  the  axioms  from  which  they  start  are  so  opposed  to  ours 
that  it  is  impossible  we  can  ever  come  to  the  same  conclu- 
sions. Long  experience  and  familiarity  with  the  natives 
may  and  must  do  something  to  give  us  a  clue  to  their  modes 
of  thought ;  but  it  does  very,  very  little. 

"  When  we  think  we  have  estimated  them  rightly,  some 
new  prejudice,  or  some  old  superstition,  an  almost  impossible 
suspicion,  or  a  downright  mad  contrivance,  flits  before  their 
eyes,  and  leads  these  grown-up  children  in  full  chase  after  a 
feufoUet. 

"Their  utter  depravity  is  one  thing  which  always 
involves  natives  in  a  mesh  of  their  own  spinning.  They 
cannot  iunigine  such  a  thing  as  honesty  for  honesty's  sake. 
The  English  in  India  are  renowned  for  truth;  i.e.  in  its 
narrow  sense — truth  of  the  tongue,  not  of  the  heart  and 
mind.  They  say  we  always  perform  our  promises  and  make 
good  our  tlireats.  But  when  we  perform  some  romantic  act 
vol-.  I.  F 


66  sin  jir.niiKnT  n.  kdwaudks.  [i846. 

of  good  laitli  (stu'li  as  payiiio-  a  banker  wlio  lias  lost  your 
note  of  hand),  tlicy  look  puzzled,  sliako  tlioir  heads,  and 
say,  'Well,  it  is  very  funny.  T  wonder  wliat  his  reason 
was.' 

"  Thus,  in  great  affairs  of  State,  when  a  Governor-General 
with  slow  dignity  keeps  on  the  even  tenor  of  his  way  in  all 
integrity,  marching  upon  a  point  of  diplomacy  which  he  has 
openly  avowed,  the  native  Prince  with  whom  he  deals  cannot 
believe  that  he  wants  what  he  asks,  or  is  going  where  he 
says,  but  suspects  treachery,  and  becomes  guilty  of  it  him- 
self. He  perishes,  and  with  his  last  breath  says,  '  That 
cunning  Governor-General ! ' 

"  I  have  laid  it  down,  therefore,  as  a  rule  on  which  I  mean 
invariably  to  act,  so  long  as  health  and  fortune  keep  me  in 
the  political  department  of  this  country,  never  to  assume  that 
a  native  will  do  anything,  but  hope  that  he  will  do  the 
test,  and  2)repare  for  his  doing  the  worst. 

"But  'Where  is  the  villain?  Let  me  see  his  face!'  I 
think  I  hear  you  exclaim.  My  dear  Powles,  I  could  not 
think  of  showing  you  my  royal  tiger  till  I  had  kept  you 
standing  at  the  door  of  his  den  for  some  while,  to  excite  your 
curiosity.  But  now  you  may  '  walk  up,'  as  the  showmen  say, 
and  behold  Maharajah  Golab  Singh. 

"I  shall  describe  him  to  you  like  the  little  guide  at  the 
Bodleian,  whom  well  do  I  remember  standing  before  the 
picture  of  King  William  and  Queen  Adelaide,  and  inform- 
ing us  accurately,  in  the  same  breath,  of  their  birthday  and 
the  price  of  the  frames.  When  shall  I  again  stroll  with  you 
through  the  Bodleian  ? 

"  It  is  now  nearly  forty  years  ago  since  a  courtier  in  some 
favour  with  Runjeet  Singh,  the  old  lion  of  the  Punjab,  made 
interest  for  a  young  relation  of  his  own,  named  Golab  Singh, 
and  got  him  enlisted  in  one  of  the  Cavalry  regiments,  on 
the  humble  pay  of  Rs.20  a  month. 

"  The  Punjab  Cavalry  was  famous  ;    it  had  earned  for 


iHKi.]  liUNJEICT  SISCIirS    TIlOOPERS.  <)7 

itself  a  name,  and  for  Ilunjeet  a  kingdom;  and  its  ranks 
were  filled  by  the  yeomen  of  tlie  land,  who  took  a  pride  in 
their  loader,  and  were  in  turn  rep^arded  with  partiality. 

"  On  a  spring  morning,  when  tlie  green  meadows  between 
tlio  palace  at  Lahore  and  the  llavcc  River  invited  ltunje(,'t 
out  to  see  these  troops  at  exercise,  a  more  gallant  spectacle 
could  perhaps  not  have  been  imagined  than  the  Sikh 
Ghorchurruhs  pouring  in  clouds  along  the  plain,  with 
their  long  tapering  bamboo  lances  bending  in  the  air,  their 
many-coloured  scarves  flaunting  saucily  about,  their  silver- 
bossed  shields  rattling  against  sword  and  pistol,  and  their 
large  well-managed  horses  gaily  caparisoned,  bounding  to 
the  spur  or  curvetting  at  the  rein.  '  Wall !  Wah  !  Shah- 
bash  ! '  (*  Well  done  ! ')  *  Bravo  ! '  would  shout  the  energetic 
liunjoet,  as  his  keen  one  eye  watched  the  liglitning  wheels 
of  two  young  scamps  \\\\o,  with  Oriental  licence,  had  escaped 
from  the  ranks,  and  were  chasing  each  other  with  quivering 
spear  across  the  grass. 

" '  Let  them  be  rewarded.  The  young  fellows  ride 
well ! ' 

"  For  one  service  or  another  there  was  scarcely  a  trooper 
(in  the  later  years  of  Ilunjeet  Singh)  who  had  not  one  or 
more  grants  of  land,  from  a  icelV s-ivatering  of  the  ground 
to  a  village.  ('  A  icell  of  land  '  is  an  idiom  in  this  country  ; 
it  means  as  much  as  can  be  cultivated  with  so  much  water. 
It  is  Oriental,  and,  I  think,  picturesque.)  It  must  not  be 
concluded,  therefore,  because  our  hero  Golab  Singh  enlisted 
as  a  common  trooper,  that  therefore  he  was  a  peasant  or  of 
low  extraction. 

"  On  the  contrary,  he  was  a  young  cadet  of  an  old  but 
])oor  family  in  the  Kohistau  or  hill  country,  the  Highlands 
of  the  runjab;  and  to  this  day  I  know  not  whether  he  is 
prouder  of  having  gained  a  kingdom  for  himself,  or  of 
having  ha<l  a  royal  great-grandfather. 

"  Ho  was  a  remarkably  fine  an<l  powerfully  m.id(^  man, 


G8  SIR   nEUBEUT  B.   EDWARDES.  [1816. 

with  a  handsome  face,  and  a  head  of  hair  and  beard  like  a 
lion,  and  as  black  as  the  plumage  of  the  raven.  He  could 
sit  like  a  Centaur  on  an  uidjroken  colt  ;  and  at  (iftecn,  killed 
five  men  in  a  skirmish  with  his  own  sword. 

"Runjeet  contemplated  him  with  deliy;ht.  He  was  just 
the  stuff  of  which  a  conqueror  makes  up  his  army. 

"  Golab  Singh  had  two  brothers  younger  than  himself, 
Dhyan  Singh  and  Soochet  Singh.  They  were  cast  in  the 
same  mould,  and,  when  old  enough,  found  no  difficulty  in 
joining  their  brother  Golab  in  Runjeet's  Guards. 

"  If  these  men  had  had  but  only  common  sense,  they  must 
have  risen  in  such  a  service,  where  the  sword  cut  every 
courtier's  way  to  fortune.  But  they  had  more — two  of  them, 
at  least.  Golab  and  Dhyan  Singh  had  rare  though  rude 
abilities,  indomitable  ambition  to  turn  them  to  account, 
and  few  scruples  to  stop  them  in  their  path.  From  troopers 
they  became  commanders  ;  from  commanders,  generals  ;  from 
generals,  governors  ;  from  governors,  kings.  A  Maharajah  is 
a  king  of  kings,  and  kings  are  his  chief  servants. 

"  The  three  Jummoo  brothers,  as  they  were  called,  were 
the  ministers  of  Runjeet,  He  conferred  on  them,  bit  by  bit, 
a  large  portion  of  the  Kohistan ;  they  held  his  most 
profitable  governments ;  they  conquered  provinces,  and 
shared  the  spoils.  In  short,  they  became  the  three  chief 
men  in  the  warrior-court  of  Runjeet  Singh ;  they  were  all- 
powerful  in  the  Punjab ;  and  when  Runjeet,  full  of  honours 
and  disgraces,  worn  out  with  years,  and  toils,  and  debauch- 
eries, died,  and  left  his  kingdom  to  an  idiot  son,  the  father's 
prime  minister,  Dhyan  Singh,  became,  in  fact,  the  head  of  the 
Empire. 

"  Then  began  that  series  of  political  crimes  which  ended 
the  last  campaign,  in  the  extinction  of  national  independ- 
ence ;  for  who  can  call  the  Punjab  independent  now  ? 

"  Now,Nihal  Singh,  the  heir-apparent,  poisoned  his  dotard 
father.     Golab  Singh  was  the  young  Prince's  chosen  mentor, 


18k;.]  sikii  court  inteigues.  0!) 

and  is  not  above  the  suspicion  of  having  instigated  the  dued. 
But  mark  the  speedy  retribution. 

"  Now,  Nihal  Singh  had  been  out  to  the  burning  of  his 
father's  corpse,  and,  mounted  on  an  ehq)hant,  in  a  gohlen 
howdah,  with  Goldh  Singlis  son  at  his  side,  was  passing  under 
an  arcliway  of  the  palace  gates,  on  his  return — a  King  !  A 
8U(hlen  crash,  a  beam  falls  from  the  arched  roof,  a  scream, 
and  the  Prince  and  his  companion  lie  bleeding  on  the 
ground,  the  former  dying,  the  latter  dead. 

"Who  did  the  deed?  Chance!  says  everybody  in  the 
crowd.     Dhijdn  Simjh!  thought  everybody  in  the  kingdom. 

"  He  was  an  ambitious  man,  and  Nihal  Singh  showed  as 
a  boy  that  he  would  not  *  brook  a  rival  near  the  throne.' 
He  died,  therefore,  of  his  wounds. 

"  Dhyau  Singh  then  made  common  cause  \\  ith  one  of 
Ivunjeet's  wives,  who  liad  a  son  of  more  gentle  disposition, 
named  Sher  Singh. 

"  Grolab  Singh  and  his  party  shut  themselves  up  in  the 
palace,  and  resisted  his  entrance.  The  army  sided  with  the 
young  Prince.  A  storm  ensued.  Three  days  did  the  stout 
Golab  maintain  himself  against  the  Sovereign  and  his  army, 
and  not  till  the  gardens  beneath  were  strevn  with  dead 
did  he  agree  to  compromise.  A  short  time  passed  on,  and 
again  the  minister  intrigues  to  change  the  Sovereign,  and 
hires  Ajeet  Singh,  a  Sikh  Sirdar,  to  'do  the  deed.' 

"  There  is  a  review,  and  Sher  Singh  sits  at  the  window  of 
a  summer-house  to  see  the  manceuvres  of  his  troops.  Ajeet 
Singh's  regiment  performs  to  admiration.  He  approaches, 
and  presents  a  double-barrelled  gun  in  grateful  acknowledg- 
ment of  the  Prince's  praise.  Sher  Singh  stoops  to  receive 
it ;  and  the  assassin,  turning  the  muzzle  round,  discharges 
the  contents  of  botli  barrels  into  his  breast  !  Dhyau  Singh, 
by  a  strange  coinci(k^nce,  arrives,  not  hiouing  icliat  is  going 
on.  He  is  astonished — shocked,  but  takes  the  murderer  into 
his  carriage,  and  drives  him  home.     They   quarrel    on  the 


70  ,Sin   IlERDERT  B.   EDWARDES.  [181G. 

road.  Ajcct  Singh  stabs  Dhyaii  Singh  to  the  heart.  Dhyan 
Singh's  son,  a  buhl  boy  named  lleeia  Singh,  summons  the 
Army  round  him  to  avenge  his  fatlior's  death. 

"  The  murderer  takes  refuge  in  the  palace,  is  pursued, 
attempts  escape  by  letting  himself  down  by  a  rope  from  a 
window,  and  is  shot  by  twenty  bullets  before  he  reaches 
earth. 

"  The  throne  is  vacant.  Another  mother  is  sought  in  the 
harem  of  the  great  Runjeet,  and  forth  comes  the  Rani 
Junda  (whose  name  for  ambition  and  debaucheries  will  be 
recorded  with  those  of  Messalina,  Faustina,  and  Catherine  II.) 
and  her  son  Dhuleep  Singh,  the  present  boyish  Maharajah  of 
the  Punjab. 

"Heera  Singh,  the  son  of  the  late  minister,  becomes 
minister  himself,  and  lover  of  the  Queen.  He  rules  ably, 
but  is  intoxicated  with  pride  at  his  own  success. 

"  The  soldiers  call  for  his  uncle,  Soochet  Singh,  whose 
daring  gallantry  and  coxcomb  loves  have  made  him  their 
darling.  He  hastens  down  from  Jummoo  to  pluck  his 
nephew  from  the  council  board.  Heera  Singh  wins  the 
army  back  again  with  gold  ;  they  surround  the  man  they 
have  invited ;  he  disdains  to  fly,  and  dies  upon  a  heap  of  his 
treacherous  assailants. 

"  One  alone  of  the  three  great  brothers  then  remained — 
the  subject  of  this  narrative,  Golab  Singh, 

"  Had  he  less  ambition  than  Dhyan  or  Soochet  Singh 
that  he  remained  in  his  mountain  fastness,  and  ventured  not 
into  the  arena  where  the  Sikh  chiefs,  like  gladiators, 
contended  for  political  power  ?  I  should  say  that  he  had 
Tfiore.  But  though  he  had  as  much  courage  as  his  brother 
Soochet,  he  did  not,  like  him,  court  danger  for  the 
pleasure  of  the  strife ;  and  fully  as  covetous  of  power  as  his 
brother  Dhyan,  he  did  not,  like  him,  think  that  it  could 
be  won  at  Court;  which  was  a  sand  too  shifting  for  the 
foundation  of  a   fortune,   and  where   there  were  so  many 


181G.]  CHARACTER    OF   GOLAB   SINGH.  71 

enemies  to  be  removed  that  to  escape  them  all  woukl  have 
been  a  niiraclo.  J  lis  was  the  cunning  of  the  vulture.  He 
sat  ajjart  in  the  clear  atmosphere  of  passionless  distance, 
and  witii  sleepless  eye  behcM  the  lion  and  the  tiger 
contending  for  the  deer.  And  when  the  combatants  were 
dead,  he  spread  his  wings,  sailed  calmly  down,  and  feasted 
where  tiny  fought. 

*'  Detestable  as  I  think  the  character  of  Golab  Singh, 
I  cannot  but  admire  the  unity  of  design,  strength  of  purpose, 
and  untiring  patience  of  his  career.  He  began  struggling 
with  the  world  as  a  boy,  and  his  beard  is  now  groy  ;  yet 
he  has  watched  and  waited,  waited  and  watched,  the  ups 
and  downs  of  life  till  he  saw  that  it  was  his  turn.  He 
knew  it  must  come,  from  the  signs  of  the  times ;  and, 
without  fretfulness  or  impatience,  he  let  youth  and  man- 
hood both  fleet  by,  certain  of  age  bringing  the  opportunitij. 

"  The  last  struggles  of  the  Sikh  em})ire  are  briefly 
chroDicled  in  an  article  I  have  written  for  the  Calcutta 
Review,  No.  XL,  just  published.  From  it  you  will  see  the 
events  that  led  to  the  war  with  the  British  in  1845-4G.* 
In  this  place  I  will  merely  add  that  the  love  of  Heera  Singh 
for  the  Queen-Mother  ceased  when  he  had  made  it  a  stepping- 
stone  to  the  Vizarut. 

"  She  supplied  his  place  with  a  clerk  in  the  Treasury, 
named  Lai  Singh.  Heera  Singh  was  ass  enough  to  flout 
him. 

"  The  woman — piqued  woman  ! — rose  in  arms,  compassed 
his  death  with  a  revolution,  and  set  up  her  brother,  Jowa- 
hir  Singh,  in  his  place.  Jowahir  Singh  was  drunk  all  day 
and  worse  all  night.  The  state  was  ruled  by  the  Queen- 
]\[other  and  Lai  Singh,  no  longer  clerk,  but  King,  a  llajah 
of  the  Empire. 

"  Disgusted  with  his  excesses,  the  Army  rose  and 
murdered  Jowahir;  and  the  Queen,  to  save  herself  and 
*  Fruiu  tliis  \vc  li;ive  seen  extracts  in  chap.  ii. 


/2  srn  TiLunKiiT  n.  kdwaudki^^.  [isio. 

lover,  with  matchless  courago  and  resource  incited  the  mad 
soldiery  to  carry  their  arms  across  the  Sutlcj. 

"  A  curious  spectacle  was  tlieu  presented — the  Queen 
at  Lahore,  watcliing  tlie  destruction  of  her  Army  ;  Golab 
Singli  at  Jummoo,  watching  the  destruction  of  the  Queen  ! 

"  You  know  the  rest.  The  British,  in  a  brilliant  campaign 
of  sixty  days,  drove  back  the  Sikh  army,  after  beating  them 
in  four  pitched  battles,  and  crossed  the  Siitlej  marshes  of 
the  great  empire  of  the  Punjab. 

"  I  know  not  in  all  history  a  parallel  to  the  generosity 
then  displayed  by  the  British  Government.  Reflecting  on 
the  long  and  sincere  friendship  of  Runjeet  Singh  and  the 
childliood  of  his  descendant,  the  present  Maharajah,  the 
Governor-General  waived  the  conqueror's  right,  and  reseated 
Dhuleep  Singh  upon  the  throne. 

"  The  Cis-Sutlej  territory  of  Lahore,  on  which  the 
invaders  had  landed,  and  the  JuUundur  Doab,  a  rich  tract 
of  country  adjoining  the  British  hills,  was  taken  by  the 
British  as  indemnity  for  the  war ;  and  the  fertile  province 
of  Cashmere  was  conferred  on  Golab  Singh  as  a  reward  for 
not  aiding  in  the  invasion. 

"Here,  then,  is  our  Hero  —  the  sagacious,  far-seeing 
time-observer — an  independent  King  at  last !  nay,  a  king 
of  kings — for  he  is  a  Maharajah  ! 

"  This  is  the  outline  of  his  career,  but  how  fearful  is  the 
filling-up  ! — the  crimes  of  duplicity,  treachery,  abuse  of 
power,  and  savage  destruction  of  human  life  with  which  he 
has  cleared  his  way  step  by  step  and  left  himself  alone — 
infamous  even  in  the  Punjab  ! 

"  He  has  himself  recounted  to  me  how,  when  sent  by 
liunjeet  to  subdue  a  turbulent  province,  he  seized  '  a  few ' 
of  the  chiefs,  flayed  them  alive,  stuffed  their  skins  with 
chaff,  and  hung  them  up  imur  eneourager  les  autres.  '  Some- 
times when  I  wished  only  to  frighten  a  man,'  he  says,  *  I  had 
him  scalped,  all  hat  a  little  piece,  and  just  as  he  thought  ho 


1840.]  aOLAD   SINGH.  7."» 

Avas  really  going  to  be  killed,  1  put  lii.s  scali»  on  again, 
and  let  him  go!'  This  he  tells  with  a  bland  smile,  as  if 
talking  of  peeling  apples.  On  another  occasion,  when  the 
men  of  a  district  ran  away,  he  set  a  price  upon  their  heads 
and  had  them  hunted  down.  And  when  the  wives  of  the 
murdered  men,  now  left  destitute,  came  to  beg  for  mercy 
in  a  body,  he  sold  them  to  his  soldiers,  and  so  recovered  the 
money  which  he  had  paid  for  their  husbands'  heads. 

"There  is  hardly  a  noble  family  in  the  hills  into  which 
he  has  not  carried,  at  one  time  or  another,  death  by  poison, 
assassination,  or  intolerable  imprisonment. 

"  And  now  that  you  have  read  all  this,  doubtless  you 
think  that  cold-hearted  ambition  is  the  ruling  passion  of 
this  man's  mind.  Strange  to  say,  he  has  one  stronger  still 
— that  of  avarice,  which,  if  possible,  has  led  him  to  inflict 
more  misery  than  his  ambition,  because  it  has  found 
vent  in  his  Government,  and  has  soalced  down  to  the  imor, 
like  salt  water  overflowing  a  meadow  and  withering  the 
roots  of  the  green  grass,  long  after  it  has  disappeared  from 
the  surface. 

"  His  appetite  for  money  is  perfectly  insatiable.  Already 
his  riches  are  not  to  be  counted ;  stored  here  and  there, 
some  in  forts,  and  some  in  the  forest  or  the  mountain-side, 
and  those  who  stored  disappearing,  so  'tis  said,  and  dying 
unaccountably,  leaving  him  sole  possessor  of  the  secret  of 
his  hoards.  And  now  he  Is  a  Kimj,  and  has  a  wide  field 
wherein  to  reap. 

"  Every  living  man  is  to  him  a  blade  of  golden  corn, 
which  he  will  never  leave  till  he  has  gathered,  and  threshed, 
and  winnowed,  and  garnered. 

"  He  has  declared  himself  the  great  factor  of  his  king- 
dom. Everytliing  between  heaven  and  earth,  and  the 
metals  under  the  earth,  are  his.  Everything  made  *or 
produced  goes  to  him  at  an  insignificant  cost,  and  is  retailed 
by  the  a<jents  of  the  Emperor  at  hundredfold  profit.     Thus 


74  A//,'    IIKni'.KRT  Jl.    EhWAliDES.  [\MC,. 

producer   aud    consumer   are    at  ouce  oppressed,  and    the 
Sovereign,  as  an  individual,  thrives! 

"In  this  country  it  is  the  custom  for  a  subject  never  to 
approach  his  k)rd  without  an  offering  called  a  nuzzur. 
Maharajah  Golub  Singh  understands  this  well,  and,  instead 
of  doing  as  the  English  do  to  the  poor  or  the  middle 
classes,  viz.  touch  the  present  as  a  symbol  of  acceptance, 
witliout  taking  it,  you  see  him  riding  about  on  a  little 
ambling  pony  through  the  by-lanes  of  his  hills,  catch 
sight  of  a  poor  wretch  ploughing  in  the  distance,  and  beckon 
him  up  to  hira  on  purpose  to  get  his  nuzzur. 

"  The  miserable  man  feels  in  his  waistband  for  a  piece 
of  silver.  Ah  !  there  is  a  rupee  !  He  runs  up  to  the  JMalia- 
rajah,  and  presents  it  trembling.  Golab  Singh,  in  an  absent 
manner,  slips  the  money  into  his  girdle,  asks  after  bis  wife 
and  family,  exhausts  all  the  resources  of  his  accomplished 
manner  on  making  the  man  think  he  really  cares  a  fig  for 
him  ;  and  then,  riding  on,  he  tells  you,  with  a  chuckle,  tiiat 
'  that  poor  devil's  field  only  produces  five  rupees,'  so  that 
he  has  just  robbed  him  of  one-fifth  of  his  harvest !  That 
he  considers  a  feat ;  and  certainly  it  is  the  legerdemain  of 
the  devil ! 

"  Having  now  thrown  off  the  picture  of  the  King  of 
Cashmere  for  your  own  private  gallery  of  human  nature, 
I  think  you  will  exclaim,  'How  could  the  English  make 
a  King  of  such  a  scourge  ? '  The  answer  is  that  it  was 
one  of  those  political  necessities  which  are  deplored,  but 
cannot  be  avoided  without  embracing  a  still  greater  evil. 

"  The  chief  person  in  the  framing  of  the  Treaties  which 
ended  the  campaign  in  February,  1846,  was  Colonel  Henry 
Lawrence,  whose  assistant  I  am  now  ;  and  I  am  sure  the 
public  voice  will  bear  me  out  in  asserting  that  he  is  the 
most  benevolent  and  philanthropic  man  in  India.  It  is  fair 
also  that  I  should  a<ld  that  lie  does  not  (or  did  not)  believe 
Golab  Singh  to  be  the  monster  I  have  above  depicted. 

"In  his  own  book,  'The  Adventurer  in  the  Punjab,'  he 


IHIO.]  SIIEIKII  IMAM-UD-DIN  SURRENDERS.  ( •> 

describes  him  to  be  a  bad  man  ;  but  most  Sikh  cliiofs  wore 
bad  men ;  their  school  was  one  of  tyranny  and  barbarous 
disregard  of  human  life  and  all  finer  human  feelings.  In 
the  course  of  my  late  residence  at  his  Court,  however,  I 
saw  the  heast  in  his  lair;  and  I  prophesy  that  Cashmere, 
now  reduced  to  nearly  the  lowest  point  of  misery  which 
men  endure  before  they  expatriate  themselves  for  ever, 
will,  under  his  iron  rule,  be  depopulated  in  a  few  years ! 

"Oh,  what  a  field  is  that  valley  at  this  moment  for  that 
noble  animal,  a  Just  ruler  !  In  five  years  I  would  under- 
take to  raise  its  revenue  to  a  million,  and  its  people  from 
Irish  poverty  to  what  Providence  designed  them  to  enjoy — 
scriptural  milk  and  honey. 

"  Tins  brings  me  back  to  the  unfinished  thread  of  the 
Cashmere  Insurrection. 

'*  On  October  19,  Meerza  Fukeer  Oolluh  of  Rajawur, 
the  mainstay  and  ally  of  Sheikh  Imam-iid-din,  came  in  to 
me  and  submitted. 

"  The  army  still  advanced,  and  had  reached  the  foot  of 
Barangulla  Pass  into  Cashmere,  when  the  rebellious  Sheikli 
wrote  to  say  he  would  meet  me  at  Barangulla,  on  October 
30.     This  was  a  niarcli  ahead  of  our  Army. 

"  I  went  with  two  regiments  to  guard  against  treachery. 

"Late  at  night,  Imam-iid-din,  worn  out  with  a  forced 
mountain-march  of  forty  miles,  in  the  course  of  which  he 
had  been  drenched  in  a  snowstorm,  arrived ;  and,  sur- 
rounded by  his  officers,  made  his  submission  to  the  British 
Government  (which  I  hope  you  can  imagine  me  repre- 
senting !). 

"  On  November  1,  I  had  the  pleasure  of  conducting  him 
to  the  tent  of  Colonel  Lawrence,  the  Governor-General's 
Agent,  who  had  a  few  days  before  come  up  with  the  army. 

"  And  thus  ended  the  rebellion. 

"At  this  present  (November  11),  I  am  on  my  road  to 
Lahore,  in  charge  of  tlie  Sheikh  and  his  army — leading,  in 
fact,  my  own  bear  into  town. 


7(1  <S7/;  iiKiniKirr  b.  edwardes.  [ihig. 

*'  Now,  you  know,  if  I  were  an  ancient  Roman  I  should 
be  entitled  to  'a  triunipli,'  and  should  enter  tlie  city  in. 
a  gold  chariot  (the  original  of  our  '  glass  fly '  ?)  with 
Sheikh  Imam-iid-din  and  his  lieutenants  darbied  and 
mulllled,  and  a  shopful  of  Cashmere  shawls  held  up  on 
yard-measures  waving  gloriously  cheap  in  the  air.  A  band 
of  Cashmere  virgins — or  mayhap  old  women,  for  lack  of 
them — would  announce  my  advent  with  songs  of  '  lo 
triumphe  !  lo  triumphe!'  and  the  senators  (now  called 
Lai  Singh,  Tej  Singh,  Deena  Nath,  Bhuggut  liam,  and 
other  unpatrician  names)  would  be  Manlii  and  Fabii, 
coming  out  in  snowy  togas — or  what  moderns  vulgarly 
call  clean  shirts — to  welcome  my  return  ! 

"As  it  is,  I  shall  be  challenged  by  a  black  sentry,  who, 
ten  to  one,  won't  let  me  into  Rome — I  mean  Lahore — ■ 
without  the  countersign. 

"  This  comes  of  not  being  one's  own  ancestor  !  .  .  . 

"  Before  closing  this  enormous  budget,  let  me  acknow- 
ledge your  kind  letter  of  July  29,  written  in  the  sunny 
isle  of  Jersey ;  which  reached  me  when  I  was  up  to  my 
elbows  in  the  Kebelliou.  ...  It  set  me  thinking  about 
our  different  lots — yours  all  peace ;  mine  all  unrest,  excite- 
ment, struggle,  and  turmoil !  .  .  . 

"  These  barbarous  phases  of  society,  into  which  an 
educated  man  descends  as  into  a  pit  of  lions,  have,  after 
all,  a  wild,  almost  terrible  interest.  There  is  something 
noble  in  putting  the  hand  of  civilization  on  the  mane 
of  a  nation  like  the  Punjab  (if  I  may  borrow  Spenser's 
allegory),  and  loohing  down  brute  passions. 

"  What  a  victory !  to  bind  a  bullying  people  with  a 
garland — to  impose  security  of  life,  good  order,  and  law 
as  fines,  upon  a  whole  nation,  for  their  offences  against  the 
tranquillity  of  the  human  race  ! 

"  Yours  ever  affectionately, 
"  (Signed)  Herbert  B.  Edwardks." 


117/)-    WAS   CASHMERE   GIVEN   TO    C! OLA  11    SlSdll;      77 

Ib  it  iiecussiiiy  to  say  soinctliiiig,  heforc  we  pass  on,  uu 
tlie  su1)ject  of  giving  over  the  beautiful  province  of  Cash- 
mere to  Gohil)  Singh,  of  whom  we  liave  been  reading  li«jw 
cruel  a  character  lie  bore  ?  (But  of  which  of  the  Sirdars 
could  the  historian  paint  a  fair  and  unsullied  picture  ?) 

We  can  fnid  sonic  explanation  in  Ivlwardes's  words  on 
this  subject. 

"  It  is  often  ashed,  Why  was  Kajah  Gohil)  Singli  so  higldy 
honoured  and  so  lavislily  rewarded  lor  WxsdouUe  treacliery — 
to  us,  in  sending  food  and  amnuinition  to  tlio  Sikhs  ;  to 
his  countrymen,  in  betraying  the  cause  he  vohmtcered  to 
advocate  ? 

"  Tiie  premises  assumed  being  incorrect,  it  is  only 
logical  tluit  the  conclusion  should  be  false. 

"  Rajah  Golab  Singh  sent  no  supplies  to  the  Sikli  army ;  Rajah 
he  only  promised  to  do  so — in  itself  almost  a  warrant  that  singh. 
they  never  went,  even  if  we  knew  not,  from  other  sources, 
that  he  sent  not  a  man,  nor  a  grain  of  corn,  nor  a  pound  of 
powder.  He  only  came  to  Lahore  after  repeated  and  press- 
ing calls;  and  when  there  he  told  the  Durbar,  the  chiefs, 
and  the  soldiers  that  '  they  were  asses ;  that,  if  they  wanted 
peace,  he,  wlio  had  taken  no  ixtrt  in  hostilities,  would  plead 
for  them;  and,  if  they  wanted  war,  they  might  go  to  ruin 
their  own  way.' 

"He  was  taken  at  his  word,  and  yet  not  trusted.  Nomi- 
nally plenipotentiary,  he  was  associated  with  the  most  astute 
servants  of  the  Durbar,  and  the  fault,  therefore,  is  not  his, 
if  the  terms  they  jointly  made  were  such  as  the  IMaharajah 
found  himself  unable  to  fulfil,  except  by  the  cession  of  more 
territory. 

"  And  when  the  Britisli  Government  had  become  pos- 
sessors of  Cashmere  and  Jiimmoo,  Gohib  Singh  had  an 
undoubted  right  to  })urchase,  as  they  to  sell  it.  In  ex- 
change for  a  crore  of  rupees  they  took  it;  and  in  exchange 
for  a  crorc  of  rupees  they  parted  willi  it  again.  .  .  . 


78  ,S/Ii    llERnEllT  JJ.    EDWAllDES.  [ISlfi. 

"Two  tilings  are  at  all  events  certain.  First,  that  the 
])urbar,  though  pnhlicly  poor,  was  privately  rich;  as  minis- 
ters, they  had  an  exhausted  treasury;  as  individuals,  they 
had  stores  of  wealth.  .  .  . 

"  To  talk  of  the  want  of  patriotism  or  treachery  of  Golab 
Singh — the  last  of  a  Sikh-murdered  family — is  worse  thau 
idle.  .  .  . 

"  Second,  it  was  infinitely  better,  not  only  for  us,  but 
for  the  people  of  all  ranks  in  the  Punjab,  that  Golab  Singh 
should  be  out  of  it.  He  could  only  have  wished  to  be 
Wazir,  that  he  might  realize  at  last  the  schemes  of  aggran- 
dizement which  his  ambitious  heart  had  for  years  been 
scarcely  able  to  contain.  It  is,  indeed,  difficult  to  conjecture 
whether  wisdom  would  have  prompted  him  to  aim  only  at 
the  independent  sovereignty  of  the  hills,  which,  as  a  subject, 
he  had  so  long  monopolized ;  or  avarice,  his  ruling  vice, 
have  tempted  him  to  sit  upon  the  throne  before  w^hich  he 
was  once  proud  to  bow.  But  his  road  to  either  object  would 
have  been  the  same. 

"  The  impoverishment  of  the  Punjab  would  have  pre- 
pared the  way  for  its  division  or  its  conquest,  and  the  hearts 
of  all  classes  of  the  people,  from  the  Sirdar  to  the  ryot, 
would  have  been  gradually  broken  by  fines,  confiscations, 
and  extortion." 

While  Edwardes  was  conducting  Sheikh  Imam-ud-din 
to  Lahore  to  take  his  trial,  Colonel  Lawrence  proceeded  to 
Cashmere  to  see  Golab  Singh  established  in  his  new  possession. 
During  his  absence  Edwardes  was  left  in  political  charge  at 
Lahore ;  and  for  his  exertions  in  appeasing  a  second  religious 
tumult  in  the  city,  he  received  the  thanks  of  the  East  India 
Company. 


CHAPTER   IV. 


1847—1848. 

BUNNOO— TREACHERY  AT   MOOLTAN— BATTLE   OF 
KINYEREE. 


"  I  have  asked  you  to  hear  this  story  to-day,  not  that  we  may  learn 
only  how  battles  may  be  won  (we  find  out  generally  with  more  or  less 
of  blunder  how  to  do  that),  but  tliat  we  may  learn  the  happier  lesson, 
how  man  may  be  won  ;  what  affection  there  is  to  be  had  for  the  asking ; 
what  truth  for  the  trusting ;  what  perennial  honour  for  a  moment's 
justice;  what  life-long  service  for  a  word  of  love." — John  Ruskin. 


(     81     ) 


CHAPTER  IV. 

The  chivalrous  scheme  of  guiding  the  Sikhs  to  govern  their  Hemy 
own  country,  which  Heury  Lawrence  strove  so  hard  to  carry  chivdrous^ 
out,  was  found  to  fail  so  far,  that  it  became   necessary  to  scheme 
exercise  a  more  firm  control  for  the  suppression  of  anarchy,    '"rt,'" 
and  to  prevent,  if  possible,  impending  ruin. 

But  this  was  not  possible,  even  with  tlie  energy  and 
chivalry  of  Henry  Lawrence  and  his  band  of  assistants,  who 
all  worked  heart  and  soul  with  him. 

AVhen  the  catastrophe  came,  it  was  (in  Edwardcs's  own  The  causes 

words)—  of  failure. 

"  Not  brought  about  by  the  natural  process  of  gradual 
decay.  India  has  not  been  looking  on  at  the  affecting 
spectacle  of  an  ancient  dynasty  sinking  feebly  and  peace- 
fully into  the  grave,  but  at  the  violent  agonies  of  a  young 
and  profligate  state,  which  has  died  by  its  own  hand  in  the 
mad  moments  of  a  national  debauch." 

Kaye  describes  the  position  of   afUiirs  thus :    "  111  sup-   Pressure  of 
ported  l)y  a  corrupt  antl  selfish  Durbar,  Lawrence  and  his 
assistants  had  been  gradually  compelled  to  come  forward, 
far  more  than  they  desired,  in  the  character  of  administrators. 
Instead  of  cuuiining  themselves  to  the  work  of  advising  and   Forcing  the 
instructing  the  Sikh  officers,  and  preparing  them  to  take,  on  Epgl's'i 
the  Withdrawal  of  the  liritish,  tlie  entire  government  into  tion  of 
their  own  hands,  our  English  officers  had  often  been  necessi-  afla'>"s- 
tated,  in  spite  of  tlieir  lionost  endeavours  to  remain  in  tlic 

VOL.  I.  G 


82 


/sin   HERBERT  B.   EDWARDES. 


[1847. 


EtTorts  to 
develop  the 
resources 
of  the 
country. 


New  code 
of  laws. 


Henry 
Lawrence 
takes  leave 
to  England. 


Edwardes 
deputed  to 
Bunnoo. 


Object  of 
the  expedi- 
tion. 


Plans  pro- 
posed. 


background,  to  assume  a  more  prominent  position  in  the 
actual  direction  of  affairs. 

"The  formality  of  the  Sikh  Durbar  was  there,  but  the 
real  administration  was  our  own ;  and  the  Inroad  stamp  of 
British  beneficence  was  upon  it. 

"  After  the  maintenance  of  general  tranquillity,  the  de- 
velopment of  the  resources  of  a  neglected  co\mtry  was  the 
chief  thought  of  the  English  officer ;  and  he  worked  as 
strenuously  towards  the  attainment  of  this  great  end  as 
though  the  country  had  been  actually  our  own. 

"  The  whole  country  had  been  surveyed  and  the  system 
of  taxation  laid  down  on  fixed  principles ;  the  fiscal  and 
excise  systems  had  been  readjusted,  and  oppressive  duties 
and  Government  monopolies  of  all  sorts  abolished.  A  census 
had  been  made,  and  the  population  and  trades  of  Lahore 
determined ;  and  the  Durl^ar  had  sanctioned  the  outlay  of 
£30,000  on  roads  and  bridges,  to  be  increased  to  £60,000 
when  the  state  of  the  country  allowed."  (Buist's  "Annals 
of  India"  for  the  year  1848.) 

To  this  it  may  be  added  that  Colonel  Henry  Lawrence, 
anxious  to  have  a  very  simple  code  of  laws,  founded  on  Sikh 
customs,  reduced  to  writing,  and  administered  by  the  most 
respectable  men  from  their  own  ranks,  assembled  for  the 
purpose,  at  Lahore,  some  fifty  Sikh  heads  of  villages — grey- 
beards, of  good  local  reputation,  under  the  immediate  super- 
intendence of  Lena  Singh,  one  of  the  Sikh  Sirdars  ;  and  they 
had  prepared  a  code,  when  Colonel  Lawrence  was  compelled 
by  ill-health  to  proceed  to  England  for  a  time. 

Edwardes  had  not  been  long  at  Lahore  when  he  was 
detached  on  special  duty  to  Bunnoo,  by  Colonel  Lawrence. 

It  was  in  February,  1847,  that  he  M'as  deputed,  in  com- 
mand of  a  Sikh  force,  to  make,  if  possible,  an  amicable 
financial  settlement  of  Bunnoo,  an  Afghan  valley,  west  of 
the  Indus,  which  had  long  been  in  arrears  of  revenue,  and 
had  failed  to  pay  its  annual  tribute  to  Lahore ;  and  Eunjeet 
Singh,  "  The  Lion  of  the  Punjab,"  as  he  was  called,  had  been 
unable,  for  a  quarter  of  a  century,  to  bring  them  to 
obedience. 

Edwardes  proposed  to  the  Eesident  the  plan  of  a  regular 
military  reduction  and  occupation  of  the  valley ;  and  this 


1817.]     DEPUTED    ON  SPECIAL   DUTY    TO   DUNNOO.      83 

])lan,  recommonded  by  the  Piosident,  and  approved  l)y  the 
(loveriior-CJeneral  (Sir  Henry  Ilardinge  *),  was  at  once  en- 
trusted to  Edwardes  to  carry  out. 

He  was  despatched  with  five  liundred  men  and  two  troops  Military 
of  Horse  Artillery,  and  in  the  brief  space  of  three  months  he 
levelled  the  walls  of  four  hundred  fortified  villages,  built  a 
strong  fortress  in  their  stead,  and  ran  a  military  road  through 
tlie  heart  of  the  valley,  by  these  means  entirely  subjugat- 
ing it. 

His  own  words  tell  the  story  best,  and  the  details  are 
fully  described  in  "  A  Year  on  the  Punjab  Frontier,"  which 
he  published  when  he  was  at  home  in  1850.  He  says  in  the 
preface — 

"  This  book  is  simply  what  it  professes  to  l)C— the  result  ^  I'loodiess 

i    •'  ^  conquest. 

of  a  Inisy  year,  on  an  important  frontier,  in  a  country  and 
at  a  crisis  which  have  excited  the  national  attention  of 
Englislimon.  In  writing  it,  the  object  I  have  in  view  is 
to  put  on  record  a  victory  which  I  myself  remember  with 
more  satisfaction  than  any  I  helped  to  gain  before  Mooltan 
— the  bloodless  conquest  of  the  wild  valley  of  Bunnoo.  It 
was  accomplished,  not  by  shot  or  shell,  but  simply  by 
balancing  two  races  and  two  creeds.     For  fear  of  a  Sikh  Balancing 

1  •!  ^^^  races 

army,  two   warlike  and   independent   Mohammedan   tribes  and  two 
levelled  to  the  ground,  at  my  bidding,  the  four  hundred  "■'^*^'^^- 
forts  which  constituted  the  strength  of  their  country ;  and, 
for  fear  of  those  same  Mohammedan  tribes,  the  same  Sikh 
army,  at  my  bidding,  constructed  a  fortress  for  the  Crown, 
which  completed  the  subjugation  of  the  valley. 

"It  was  a  year  of  intense  labour  in  great  public  duties, 
with  never  any  certainty  of  life  for  four  and  twenty  hours." 

This  i)eaceful  subjugation  of  the  valley  of  Bunnoo  de- 
mands our  attention.! 

*  He  became  Lord  Ilardinge  in  May,  184G. 

t  From  "A  Year  on  the  Punjab  Frontier"  we  extract  a  description    Description 
of  Bunnoo.    "  In  spring  it  is  a  vegetable  emerald,  and  in  winter  its  many-   of  the  val- 
colourod  harvests  look  as  if  Ceres  had  stumbled  against  the  great  Salt    ^^J^ 
Kange,  and  spilt  half  her  cornucopia  in  this  favoured  vale.     Most  of  the 


84  SIJi   HERBERT  B.   EDWARDES.  [1847. 

Ill  the  district  of  Bunnoo,  at  Akra  and  Kliafr-Khot  (by 
translation  "  The  Infidels'  Fort "),  and  profusely  scattered 
over  other  provinces  of  the  Punjab,  occur  the  remains  of 
Grseco-Bactrian  cities,  vestiges  of  the  conquering  steps  and 
permanent  dominion  of  Alexander  and  .his  Macedonians. 

In  the  second  Cabul  Campaign,  the  monument  erected  by 
Alexander  over  his  favourite  horse  Bucephalus,  was  passed 
by  the  British  army  in  nearly  as  perfect  a  state  as  the  day 
when  it  was  erected,  and  Greek  coins  were  found  on  the 
spot. 

These   ancient   "  mounds "  are   frequently   met  with   in 

different  parts  of  these  wild  frontier  lands,  and  mark  the 

course  of  this  great  warrior  of  old. 

Mingling  of         Some  of  the  pieces  of  ancient  stone-carving  found  dis- 

the  lines  of  ^jnctlv  show   the   mingling   of  the   stiff  figures   of  Indian 

Buddhist  -^  1  r-i         • 

andGrecian  sculpturc  with  the  morc  graceful  lines  of  Grecian  art. 

*'■*•  A  photograph,  representing  some  of  these  Buddhist  and 

Grseco-Bactrian  heads,  collected  and  placed  in  the  museum 
at  Lahore — some  of  them  dug  out  of  ruins  at  Taxila  (now 
"  Shah-ki-deyree,"  or  the  Mounds  of  the  Ejings),  in  the  Eawul 
Pindee  district — will  enable  the  reader  to  trace  this  for 
himself. 

"What  a  pity  that  such  treasures  as  these,  and  others  like 
Akra,  in  Bunnoo,  whether  Greek  or  Buddhist,  should  lie 
at  our  feet,  as  full  of  meaning  as  the  obelisks  of  Egypt,  and 
not,  like  them,  be  forced  to  give  up  their  secrets ! 

About  this  time,  a  friend,  having  felt  inclined  to  shrink 
from  the  first  proposal  to  undertake  a  certain  responsibility, 
draws  from  Edwardes  a  letter  on  the  subject,  which  exhibits 

fruits  of  Cabul  are  found  wild,  and  culture  would  bring  them  to  perfection. 
As  it  is,  the  limes,  mulberries,  and  melons  are  delicious.  Roses,  too, 
without  which  Englishmen  have  learnt  from  the  East  to  think  no 
scenery  comj^lete,  abound  in  the  upper  part  at  the  close  of  spring. 

"Altogether  Nature   has  so  smiled  on  Bunnoo  that  the  stranger  thinks 
it  a  paradise  ;  and,  when  he  turns  to  the  people,  wonders  how  such  spirits 
of  evil  ever  found  admittance. 
Its  people.  "  The  Bunnoochees  are  bad  specimens  of  Afghans.     Could  worse  be 

said  of  any  human  race?  They  have  all  the  vices  of  the  Puthans  rankly 
luxuriant,  the  virtues  stunted.  The  introduction  of  Indian  cultivators 
from  the  Punjab,  and  the  settlement  of  numerous  low  Hindoos  in  the 
valley,  have  contributed,  by  intermarrying,  slave-dealing,  and  vice,  to 
complete  the  mongrel  character  of  the  Bunnoo  pe  >ple." 


;i;ii|  ]■    OF   GR^COltACTKI.W    IIKAIi 


1817.]    IlEADINESS  TO  UNDERTAKE  RESPONSIBILITY.    85 

a  pliase  of  his  own  character ;  and  the  circumstances  that 
called  it  forth  need  not  to  be  further  entered  upon  here. 

"  Camp  Biiunoo,  December  17,  1847. 

"  ]\Iy  dear , 

"...  Concerniug  the  other  matters  treated  of  in  your 
letter,  1  am  not  offended  that  you  felt  uncertain  of  my 
sympathy  or  ridicule.  In  this  world  we  know  little  of  our 
neighbours,  and,  as  it  was  in  tlie  days  of  Wiekliffe,  so 
it  seems  to  be  pretty  much  now,  that  those  who  have  Bibles 
are  obliged  to  hide  them. 

"  To  me  the  principles  you  avow  seem  the  highest  on 
which  either  a  public  or  ])rivate  person  can  act  in  all  situa- 
tions of  life  ;  and  if  you  have  succeeded  in  so  disciplining 
your  mind  as  to  see  God  in  everything,  and  realize  His 
jiresence  around  and  al)out  you  at  every  hour  of  the  day,  and 
refer  all  questions  of  life  and  duty,  great  or  small,  to 
the  awful  tribunal  before  which  you  thus  perpetually  are 
standing, — why,  you  are,  in  my  opinion,  as  much  to  be 
respected  as  envied  by  every  right-thinking  man. 

"But  excuse  me  if  I  ask  you  whether  the  fears  you 
express  of  encountering  responsibility  are  consistent  with 
your  reliance  on  the  overruling  Power  which  drives  events 
before  it  like  so  many  straws?  Are  you  not,  with  so  happy 
a  morale,  the  last  man  who  should  feel  a  moment's  uneasiness 
under  any  amount  of  responsibility  imposed  upon  you  ? 

"  I  do  not  say  that  it  follows  that,  because  you  trust 
in  God,  you  must  succeed.  The  inscrutable  laws  which 
are  made  for  a  world's  conduct  cannot  turn  aside  for  an 
individual ;  and  it  is  well  known  that  the  best  men  are 
often  most  unfortunate  in  life.  Means  also  are  prescribed 
for  the  working  out  oiends ;  and  the  plans  of  a  fool,  however 
good  his  intentions,  by  accident  only  occasionally  meet  with 
the  same  success  as  those  of  a  wise  and  prudent  man. 

"  The  reverse  would  be  a  miracle,  and  the  infatuated 
bigot  who,  on  the  strength  of  his  intense  trust  in  God  .should 


86  ,577?    HERBERT  B.   EDWARDES.  [1847. 

undertake  to  a('Conij)lisli  ends  without  the  visible  material 
means  (siieh  as  an  uneducated  man  to  read  Hebrew,  a 
civilian  to  manoeuvre  an  army,  a  tailor  to  make  shoes, 
a  divine  to  excel  in  handicrafts  which  he  had  never  learnt, 
or  a  woman  to  lift  up  the  Pyramids),  would  assuredly,  in 
these  days  of  no-direct  Divine  interferenco,  be  doomed  to 
bring  shame  on  himself  and  ridicule  on  his  religion. 

"  But  to  take  the  instance  in  point.  Possessed  of  sound 
sense  by  nature,  and  more  of  the  advantages  of  education 
than  fall  to  the  lot  of  most  men,  you  are  furnished  with 
adequate  means  for  the  accomplishment  of  any  ends  short 
of  the  highest  flights  of  that  semi-inspiration  genius.  And 
therefore  I  think  you  should  have  more  self-confidence  than 
I ;  and  while  I  blame  you  greatly  for  the  feelings  you 
entertain  upon  this  particular  point,  I  feel  ashamed  almost 
at  the  calmness — no,  not  calmness,  more  than  that,  the 
enthusiasm — which  possesses  me  whenever  great  trust  is 
laid  upon  me. 

"For  the  first  time  I  begin  to  ask  myself  if  this  is 
presumption  and  windy  self-conceit  ?  If  the  result  of  my 
self-examination  is  to  make  me  a  moral  coward,  I  shall 
never  forgive  you !  .  .  . 

"The  result  will  very  likely  be  that  .  .  .  ivill  come, 
and  I  gather  from  your  note  that  you  will  accuse  yourself 
of  having  thus  interfered  with  your  destiny,  instead  of 
leaving  it  to  be  decided  for  you  by  others.  .  .  . 

"  That  lack  of  confidence  and  those  misgivings  I  hold, 
in  your  case,  to  be  self-imposed  delusions,  which  you  might 
blow  away  like  tobacco-smoke ;  which  you  ought  to  and  ivill 

conquer ;  for,  depend  upon  it,  my  dear ,  they  will  else 

be  frightful  stumbling-blocks  in  your  public  path ;  and  that 
a  continual  mental  struggle,  however  lofty  and  virtuous 
be  its  aspirations,  is  not  the  frame  of  mind  in  which  to 
watch  over  the  '  respublica.'  .  .  . 

"  I  have  written  this  in  the  midst  of  a  thousand  inter- 


1847.]       TRIBES   RESIGN   THEIR   INDEPENDENCE.  87 

riiptions,  and  if  any  expression  seems  harsh,  pray  pass  over 
it  the  sponge  of  forgiveness. 

"  Believe  me,  ever,  my  dear , 

"  Yours  very  sincerely, 
"(Signed)  Herbert   13.  Euwardes." 

On  December  17,  1847,  the  powerful,  brave,  and  liitherto  The  tribes 
unconqucred  Vizecree  tribes  resigned  their  indei)endence  and  resign 

1  -1  T  -lie  1      •  their  inUe- 

consented  to  pay  tribute.     On  December  18,  the  loundations  pendence. 
of  the  fort  of  Dhuleepgurgh  were  laid.    On  May  5,  the  people 
and  chiefs  were  ordered  to  throw  down  their  forts,  about  four 
hundred  in  number. 

These  chief  results  had  l)een  accomplished  in  less  than  Results, 
three  months  ;  but  besides  these,  a  new  town  had  been  founded, 
which  to  this  day  is  flourishing ;  a  military  and  commercial 
road  made  through  a  roadless  valley ;  tracts  of  country,  from 
which  the  fertilizing  mountain  streams  had  been  diverted  by 
lawless  feuds,  had  been  brought  back  to  cultivation  by  the 
protection  of  a  strong  Government ;  others,  disputed  and  l}'ing 
waste,  had  been  settled  and  occupied  and  sown  once  more ; 
canals  had  been  designed  and  cut,  turning  a  desert  into  a 
fruitful  land  ;  while,  still  nearer  to  civilization,  a  people  who 
had  worn  arms  as  we  wear  clothes,  and  used  them  as  we  use 
knives  and  forks,  had  ceased  to  carry  arms  at  all,  and,  though 
they  quarrelled  still,  had  learnt  to  bring  their  differences  to 
the  bar  of  the  civil  courts,  instead  of  the  sharp  issue  of  the 
sword.  In  a  word,  the  valley  of  Bunnoo,  which  had  defied 
the  Sikh  arms  for  twenty-five  years,  had  in  three  months  been 
peacefully  annexed  to  the  Punjab  and  subjugated  without  a 
shot  being  fired.  This  was  a  conquest  of  peace,  won  by 
influence  —  personal  influence  —  such  influence  as  every 
political  officer  should  exercise  in  the  country  under  his 
charge.     As  I'ldwardes  says — 

"  Such  I  am  proud  to  think  every  other  assistant  to  the  PersoiLil 

Tt      •  1  Ti  11  -I'l-  !••  n         influence. 

Kesident  at  Lahore  had  acquired  in  his  own  district.  See 
how  the  Hazara  tribes  took  James  Abbott  for  their  Khan ! 
See  how  the  Eurofzaes  loved  Lumsden !     See  how  the  men 


88  SJPi    TIEUnERT  n.    EDWARDES.  [1847. 

of  Rawul  rindeo  followed  Nicholson !     When  the  Mooltan 

Kebolliou  first  broke  out,  I  had  been,  off  and  on,  about  a 

year  among  the  Trans-Indus  people.     I  had  gone  to  them 

at  the  head  of  great  armies,  on  great  errands,  and  met  with 

great  success.     A  master  who  had  confidence  in  me  entrusted 

me  with  almost  despotic  power,  for  good  or  evil ;  and  I  trust 

the  people  never  saw  me  wield  it  except  for  good.     I  found 

five  different  countries  oppressed  by  one  tyrant,  and  removed 

liim.     I  found  three  chiefs  in   exile,   and   restored   them. 

Those  countries  and  those  chiefs  rallied  round  me  in  the 

hour  of  need,  and  were  my  army. 

Civilized  "Another  source  of  influence  was  fixedness  of  purpose 

civil"zTd       — a,  determination  to  make  many  barbarian  wills  give  way 

govern-       ^     ^^^  ll^^^  ^^^g  civilizcd.     In  British  India,  the  mind  of 

ment  con-  ' 

tiasted.  Government  is  registered  in  laws  and  regulations  for  tlie 
people's  good.  .  .  . 

"Far  different  is  the  condition  of  the  half-subdued 
frontier  of  an  ill-governed  native  state.  There  laws  exist 
not,  and  he  who  rules  must  rule  the  people  by  his  will. 
If  his  will  be  evil,  the  people  will  be  far  more  miserable 
than  it  is  possible  for  any  people  to  be  in  the  corner  of 
British  India  which  is  administered  with  least  ability ;  but 
if  his  will  be  good  as  well  as  strong,  '  happy  are  the  people 
that  are  in  such  a  case ; '  for  a  benevolent  despotism  is  the 
best  of  all  governments. 

"  In   my    little   sphere  I  gave   my    whole   soul   to   the 

establishment  of   that  vast   and  priceless  blessing,  peace  ; 

and  can  truly  say  that  no  man  assisted  me  without  being 

rewarded,  and  no  man  opposed  me  without  being  punished. 

This  was  well  known  ;  and  when  I  held  up  my  hand  for 

soldiers,  the  soldiers  came ;  and  when  I  turned  my  back 

upon   the   province    during   an   imperial    war,   peace    still 

reigned  undisturbed  behind  me."  * 

*  A  local  journal,  culled  the  Indian  Public  Opinion  and  Punjah 
Tirnea,  makes  the  following  comments  upon  these  times  and  events : — 
"  The   success   with  which   Edwardes   reduced  the  turbulent   valley  of 


18n.]  ON  INFLUENCE.  89 

In  illustration  of  the  forcj^oing  remarks  may  be  fjuoLed  in  iiiustra- 
the  lolhnving  happy  ending  of  a  lung-susLained  "  boundary  ^"'"• 
feud :  "  *— 

"  Knowing  their  superstitious  natures,  I  called  in  a  holy  Settling  a 
priest,  and  explaining  to  him  my  earnest  wish  to  put  an  end  f^^j  ^'^^ 
to  this  bloody  strife,  I  l)ade  him  take  up  his  Koran,  and 
follow  mo  to  the  bank  of  tlie  Indus,  where  I  had  already 
assembled  the  chiefs  and  followers  of  the  contending  sides. 
Then,  leading  in  the  priest,  I  addressed  the  assembly, 
recounted  the  forays  of  the  last  few  years,  and  the  barren 
fields  and  desolate  hearths  they  had  occasioned  ;  the  con- 
sequent poverty  of  the  people,  and  resentment  of  the 
Government ;  and  my  own  determination  to  treat  either 
party  as  an  enemy  who  should  in  future  bring  disgrace 
upon  my  head,  by  appealing  to  the  sword,  instead  of  me, 
for  justice. 

"  'You  Jcnoiv  your  own  boundaries  w'ell  enough,'  I  said; 
*  they  are  written  down  in  your  hearts,  though  you  say  you 
have  got  no  papers ;  and  Allah  sees  them,  though  I  cannot. 
This  holy  man  will  swear  you  both  on  the  Koran.  Tell  him 
a  lie  at  your  peril.  Declare  your  boundaries  now,  once 
for  all,  and  I  will  see  you  stick  to  them.  Then  there  will 
be  peace  ;  and  you  will  all  cultivate,  and  get  rich,  and  be 

Bunnoo  to  obedience,  persuaded  the  wild  tribes  to  pay  revenue,  and  pulled 
down  the  lour  hundred  forts  in  the  valley,  was,  in  our  opinion,  a  greater 
proof  of  genius  tliau  all  his  victories  over  the  troo])s  of  Dewan  Moolraj. 

"  The  difllculty  of  the  undertaking  can  hardly  be  exaggerated.  Tho 
Bunuoochees  had  never,  voluntarily,  paid  a  rupee  of  revenue.  A  Sikh 
army,  it  is  true,  every  two  or  three  years,  made  a  raid  npon  the  valley, 
and  carried  olf  whatever  they  could  jjlunder  ;  and  this  they  called 
collecting  the  revenue.  And  yet,  at  tho  persuasion  of  Edwardes,  these 
wild,  lawless  people  submitted,  and  beat  their  swords  into  ploughshares. 
The  forts  were  all  pulled  down  by  a  certain  day ;  and  Bunnoo  has,  ever 
since,  been  as  peaceful  as  any  district  on  the  frontier.  Edwardes  had 
immense  influence  over  natives;  and  it  was  a  remarkable  sight  to  see 
him  in  a  'jirgah,'  or  council,  arguing  with  the  chiefs,  persuading  and 
gesticulating  with  such  good  luimour  and  skill,  that  he  generally  won 
them  to  his  side  of  the  argument  before  he  had  finished." 

*  Their  quarrels  are  generally  about  land. 


90  sin  jiKiujEiiT  n.  euwaudes.  [1817. 

good  friends  with  Grovernment,  and  there  will  be  no 
necessity  for  an  army  to  come  with  guns,  and  blow  all 
your  villages  away  like  a  whirlwind.  As  for  the  past, 
everybody's  honour  is  satisfied.  The  Kusranees  pride 
themselves  on  being  thieves,  and  tliey  stole  the  Ooshtu- 
rannees'  cattle ;  the  Ooshtuicuinecs  pride  themselves  on 
being  brave,  and  they  killed  the  Kusranees  in  the  fight. 
Now  begin  a  new  score ;  shake  hands ;  and  when  you 
have  done  swearing,  come  along  to  my  tent,  where  there 
is  a  new  turban  for  every  follower,  a  shawl  for  every  chief, 
and  a  good  dinner  for  everybody.'  I  then  left  them  to  the 
priest,  who  frightened  them  dreadfully,  I  was  told  ;  and 
then  made  them  sw^ear  on  the  Koran  to  keep  the  peace 
and  their  own  boundaries ;  after  which  they  all  got  dresses 
of  honour,  and  dined  together  without  stabbing  any  one.' 

"  Once  only  during  the  war  did  I  hear  of  this  peace 
being  disturbed.  Futteh  Khan,  Ooshtiirannee,  followed  me 
to  Mooltau,  with  all  his  retainers,  and  one  day  he  came 
to  me,  boiling  with  rage,  and  requested  a  furlough — so 
many  days  to  go  home,  a  day  to  stay  and  shoot  a  Kusranee 
who  had  stolen  one  of  his  goats,  and  so  many  days  to 
come  back  again.  On  his  honour  he  wouldn't  overstay  his 
leave,  and  hoped  there  would  be  no  fight  while  he  was 
away ! 

"  I  had  very  great  trouble  to  prevent  his  going,  and  he 
was  sulky  for  a  long  while  afterwards  at  having  been  made 
to  pocket  an  affront ;  however,  I  have  little  doubt  that  he 
has  shot  the  man  since." 

Terms  of  By  the  Treaty  of  Byrowal,  which  was  concluded  in  INIarch 

Jh^Treaty  ]^847,  Lord  Hardingc  had  undertaken  that  the  Punjab  should 
be  managed  during  the  minority  of  ]\Ialiarajah  Dhuleep 
Singh.  Lord  Hardinge  engaged  to  control  the  civil  internal 
administration  of  the  country  and  to  maintain  tranquillity 
within,  as  well  as  to  provide  for  its  external  security ;  and 
this  he  engaged  to  do  at  the  especial  instance  of  the  Lahore 
Sirdars. 


18i8.]  AONEW  AND    ANDKItSON.  01 

The  coiisei[iieiice  of    this  iimiui^eiueiit  was  that  a  peace  Peace  en- 
ensued  in  the  I'uiijalj  to  which  it  had  Ltiig  been  a  stranger. 

]iut  ill  A] nil,   1848,  occurred  the  treacherous  murder,  at  Howdis- 
MooUaii,  of  two  young  Englislimcn,  Mr.  Vans  Agnew,  of  the  t"'^'^^'*- 
Civil  Service,  and  Lieutenant  W.  A.   Anderson,  of  the  1st 
Bombay  Fusiliers — 

"Young  men  of  great  promise  and  who  liad  already  Agnew  an.i 
distinguished  themselves.  Tlie  former  is  described  by  the  ^^  '"''"*""■ 
Acting-llesident  at  Lahore,  Sir  Frederick  Currie  (Henry 
Lawrence  was  obliged  by  sickness  to  take  leave  to  England 
in  1847-48),  as  'the  oldest  political  officer  on  this  frontier, 
and  a  man  of  much  ability,  energy,  and  judgment,  with 
considerable  experience  in  administrative  duties.'  .  .  .  And 
Lieutenant  Anderson  is  spoken  of  as  an  excellent  Oriental 
scholar,  who  was  for  some  time  Deputy-Collector  in  Sindh 
under  Sir  Charles  Napier,  and  has  travelled  through  the 
whole  of  the  IMooltan  districts."  * 

These  two  young  men  were  chosen  at  Lahore  to  proceed  Truth 
to  Mooltan  on  special  duty.     And  here  conies  in  a  romance  t^a'n'Hc^- 
of  history,  more  vivid  and  exciting  than  any   romance    of  tion. 
fiction. 

IMoolraj   Avas  the   Governor  of  IMooltan  under  the  Sikh  Moolraj 
Government ;  but  failing  in  his  payment  of  tribute  or  in  his   ^eg^en^" 
faculty  for  wielding  independent   authority,  and,  from    the 
protection  afforded  by  the  English  power  at  Lahore,  being 
unable  to  oppress  his  people  to  his  heart's  content,  he  came 
to  Lahore  and  pressed  upon  the  Durbar  his  proposal  to  resign. 

Every  opportunity  was  given  to  him  to  recall  his  wish  to 
be  relieved  of  his  office  as  Dewan  or  Governor  of  Mooltan, 
l)ut  \\v.  persisted  in  it. 

It  was  therefore  arranged  that  two  English  officers  should 
go  to  him  two  months  before  his  resignation  ;  that  he  should 
instal  them  in  charge,  and  initiate  them  himself. 

It  was  at  his  own  earnest  desire,  and  not  in  any  way  to 
take  his  government  from  him,  that  they  were  sent.     And 

*  See  Blue-Book,  ['age  120. 


92  sin  iiEnnERT  b.  ebwahdes.  [i848. 

this,  nftor  repeatedly  giving  liiin  tlic  njitioii  of  retracting  his 
iirst  voluntary  proposal. 

These  remarks  are  made  to  show  the  treachery  of  the 
deeds  that  follow. 

As  Edwardes  says — 

"  Into  tlie  elear  hearts  and  open  acts  of  the  British  officers 
you  may  look  for  ever,  and  find  no  cause  for  the  rebellion.* 

"  The  hot  weather  was  beginning,  and  they  were  induced 
by  tlie  heat  to  proceed  by  water,  while  their  escort  marched 
by  land.  The  Sikh  escort  f  consisted  of  about  fourteen 
hundred  men,  the  Goorkha  regiment  of  Infantry  six  hundred 
strong,  seven  hundred  Cavalry,  and  one  hundred  Artillery- 
men with  six  guns. 
Arrival  and  "  They    all   met    together   at    Mooltan    on    April    18, 

ment.  and   encamped    in   the    Jiiedgah,  a   spacious   Mahommedan 

building  within  cannon-shot  of  the  north  face  of  the  fort, 
and  about  a  mile  from  Moolraj's  residence,  which  was  a 
garden-house  outside  the  fort,  called  the  Am-Khas. 

"  Early  on  the  morning  of  April  19  the  two  British 
officers  and  Sirdar  Khan  Singh  |  accompanied  Moolraj 
into  the  fort.  They  were  shown  all  over  it ;  received  the 
keys ;  were  invited  by  Moolraj  to  install  their  own  Goorkhas 
in  possession,  and  plant  their  own  sentinels.  Tney  mustered 
Moolraj's  garrison,  who  seemed  angry  at  the  prospect  of 
losing  employment ;  allayed  their  fears  with  promise  of 
service,  and  prepared  to  return,  Mr.  Agnew  speaking 
kindly  to  them,  and  assuring  them  that  they  should  be  kept 
in  their  present  service  and  their  present  grades. 

"  The  whole  party  then  mounted,  Mr.  Agnew  going  on 

with  Moolraj,  followed  by  Lieutenant  Anderson  with  Khan 

Singh.     They  passed  forth,  and  on  to  the  bridge  over  the 

ditch.      Two    soldieis   of   Moolraj    were    standing   on    the 

bridge. 

*  "  A  Year  on  the  Punjab  Frontier,"  vol.  ii.  page  58. 
t  All  Datives.  %  The  uew  Nazim. 


1848.]  TIIEACIIERY  AT  MOOLTAX.  03 

"One  of  them,  named  Umoer  Chiind,  j^;i/e(l  for  ;i  momont 
at  the  two  umirmcd  Eiiglislimcn,  and  then  struck  ]Mr.  Agnew 
80  unexpectedly  with  a  spear  in  the  side  that  ho  unhorsed 
him,  and  Agnew  sprang  to  his  feet  ;  at  the  same  instant 
]\r()ulnij's  horse  reared,  and  he  forthwith  I'ode  off  to  the 
Am-lvhas,  making  no  attempt  to  interfere. 

"Agnew,  who  was  ignorant  of  fear,  struck  liis  as.-jaihmt 
with  tlie  riding-stick  in  liis  hand.  The  ruffian  threw  away 
liis  sjiear,  and,  rusliing  in  with  liis  sword,  inflicted  two 
severer  wounds.  He  would  probably  have  killed  jMr.  Agnew 
on  the  spot  had  he  not  been  knocked  into  the  ditch  by 
a  horseman  of  the  escort.  The  scuffle  was  now  known  ;  the 
crowd  pressed  round  to  see  what  was  the  matter.  News  was 
cariied  back  into  the  fort  that  swords  were  out  on  the 
bridge ;  an  uproar  rose  within  ;  and  in  another  moment  the 
whole  garrison  came  pouring  forth. 

"  ]\[oolraj  had  got  safe  back  to  the  xVm-Khiis.  Nor  was 
this  all ;  his  own  personal  Sowars  turned  back  ludf-u'ciy,  and 
j)ursued  Lieutenant  Anderson,  who  had,  till  now,  escaped. 

"Who  can  tell  now  who  ordered  them  to  go  back  ?  These 
men  sought  out  Anderson,  attacked  and  cut  him  down  with 
swords,  so  that  ho  fell  for  dead  upon  the  ground,  where  he 
•was  found  afterwards  by  some  of  his  own  Goorkha  soldiers, 
who  put  him  on  a  litter  and  carried  him  back  to  the  Eedgah. 
]\Ieanwhile  Sirdar  Khan  Singh  extricated  Agnew  from  the 
mob,  lifted  him  on  his  own  elephant,  and  hurried  away, 
roughly  binding  up  his  wounds  as  ho  went  along. 

"The  road  lay    past  the   end  of   IMoolraj's  garden,  but  Mcohaj's 

.  ,  1    1         1  J2  1        COIuluct. 

findinir  e;uns  were  bemjr  drawn  out  and  matchlocks  tired, 
they  took  another  road.  iNFoolraj  was  inside.  If  he  had  not 
ordered  them  to  fire,  how  came  they  to  do  so  ? 

"  At  the  Eedirah,  whence  they  had  started,  the  two  friends  Meeting  of 

IT  11         i-p        the  two 

met.    A  sad  meeting  for  them,  who  had  gone  out  full  of  life,   friends. 
and   health,   and    zeal    to   do   their   duty.      Their    wounds 
dressed,  Mr.  Agnew  drew  up  a  report  of  these  occurrences  to 


wai-coun- 


04  Sm   HERBERT  B.   EDWARD ES.  [1848. 

Appeal  to     the   Resident  at   Lahore  ;   addressed  a   letter   to   Moolraj, 
''       expressing   a   generous   disbelief  in    his  participation,  but 
calling  on  him  to  justify  this  opinion  by  seizing  the  guilty 
parties,  and  coming  himself  to  see  them  at  the  Eedgah." 

This  Avas  at  eleven,  and  at  two  Mr.  Agnew  wrote  off  to 
Edwardes  and  Cortlandt  for  assistance.* 

His  reply.  "  ]\[oolraj  briefly  sent  a  message  he  could  neither  give  up 

Conduct  of  tlie  guilty  nor  come  himself.  Agnew  behaved  with  con- 
lishmen."  summatc  calmness  and  heroism.  He  pointed  out  to  the 
messenger  how  absolutely  indispensable  it  was  for  Moolraj 
to  come  to  them,  if  he  wished  to  be  thought  innocent.  But 
IMoolraj  never  came,  and  his  message  briefly  advised  them 
to  see  to  their  own  safety. 
Moohaj's  "The   messenger  on   his  return   found  his  master  now 

presiding  in  a  war-council  of  his  chiefs.  The  Puthans  of 
the  garrison  were  setting  their  seals  to  an  oath  of  allegiance 
on  the  Koran ;  the  Hindoos,  on  the  Shastras  ;  the  Sikhs,  on 
the  holy  Grunth. 

"  The  Sikhs  were  fastening  a  war-bracelet  on  the  wrist  of 
JMoolraj  himself! 

"  On  the  evening  and  night  of  April  19  the  whole  of  the 

*  A  transcript  of  poor  Agnew's  last  wordsmay  be  added  in  a  note. 
The  original  is  still  preserved,  scrawled  ia  a  hurried  hand. 

"  Mooltan,  2  p.m.  April  19. 
"My  dear  Sir, 

"  You  have  been  ordered  to  send  one  regiment  here.  Pray  let 
it  march  instantly,  or,  if  gone,  hasten  to  top  speed.  If  you  can  .spare  another, 
pray  send  it  also, 

"  I  am  responsible  for  the  measure.  I  am  cut  up  a  little,  and  on  my 
back.  Lieutenant  Anderson  is  much  worse.  He  has  five  sword-wounds ; 
I  have  two  in  my  left  arm  from  warding  sabre-cuts,  and  a  poke  in  the 
ribs  with  a  spear. 

"  I  don't  think  Moolraj  has  anything  to  do  with  it.  I  was  riding  with 
him  when  we  were  attacked.  He  rode  off,  but  is  now  said  to  be  in  the 
hands  of  the  soldiery. 

"  Hum  Singh  and  his  people  all  right. 

"  Yours  in  haste, 
"  (Signed)  P.  A.  Vans  Agnew. 

"To  General  Cortlandt,  or  Lieutenant  Ivlwardes,  Bunnoo." 


Irfl8.]  MOOLItAJ  DECLARES  REBELLION.  W') 

carriiifj^o-cattle  of  the  officers  and  tlieir  escort,  wliicli  were 
out  grazing,  were  carried  off.  No  flight  was  pos-*ible.  But 
tliese  brave  men  thought  not  of  flight. 

"  ]\rorning  broke,  and  IMr.  Agnew  made  one  last  effort  to 
avert  tlie  coming  tragedy. 

"Ho  forwarded  to  I\rooIraj's  officers  the  puruannas  of  the  Lastappcnl 
Maharajah,  ordering  them  to  make  over  the  fort  to  Sirdar  ""  ^^^' 
Khan  Singh,  and  obey  all  ]\[r.  Agnew's  orders. 

"  The  messengers  found  Moolraj  again  engaged  in  council 
with  his  chiefs  and  organizing  the  rebellion. 

"  These  messengers  were  told  Moolraj  was  their  master, 
and  they  would  only  obey  him.     Tliis  extinguished  hope. 

"Agnew  wrote  to  the  British  Agent  at  Bhawulpoor  to 
bring  troops  to  his  assistance,  intending  to  hold  out  in  the 
Eedgah  till  this  reinforcement  could  arrive. 

"  All  disguise  was  now  cast  aside.  The  guns  of  the 
fort  opened  on  the  Eedgah.  The  Lahore  Artillerymen 
refused  to  serve  the  guns.  The  fire  of  the  rebels  never 
slackened.  ... 

"  And  now  arrived  an  Embassy  from  Moolraj  in  return 
for  ]\Ir.  Agnew's.  IMoolraj  invited  the  escort  to  desert  the 
Ihitish  officers,  and  promised  to  raise  the  pay  of  every 
soldier  who  came  over. 

"  One  Golab  Singh,  commandant  of  the  Ghorchurruhs  of 
the  escort,  led  the  way,  and  went  over  to  Moolraj,  who 
tricked  the  traitor  out  with  gold  necklaces  and  bracelets, 
and  sent  him  back  as  a  decoy.  In  vain  Mr.  Agnew 
bestowed  money  on  the  troops  to  hold  out  for  three  days 
only.     It  was  honest  money. 

"  The  troops  went  over — Horse,  Foot,  Artillery  ;  all  had 
deserted  by  the  evening,  except  Sirdar  Khan  Singh,  some 
eight  or  ton  faithful  horsemen,  the  domestic  servants  of  tlio 
British  officers,  and  the  moonshees  of  their  office. 

"Beneath  the  lofty  central  dome  of  that  empty  hull,  so 
strong  and  formidable  that  a  very  few  stout  hearts  couM  iiave 


96  sm  iJEnnEirr  n.  ejjwahjje.s.  [isis. 

defemled  it,  stood  this  luiscrablu  group,  around  the  beds  of 
tlie  two  wounded  Englishmen.  All  hope  of  resistance  being 
at  an  end,  IMr.  Agnevv  had  sent  a  party  to  ]\loolraj  to  ask  for 
peace.  A  conference  ensued,  and  in  the  end  it  was  agreed 
that  the  ofTicers  were  to  quit  the  country,  and  that  the 
attack  upon  them  was  to  cease.     Too  late  ! 

"  The    sun    had    gone    down,  twilight  was    closing   in, 
and  the  rebel  army  had  not  tasted  blood, 
A  cry  fur  "  xVu  indistinct  and  distant  murmur  reached  the  ears  of 

the  few  remaining  inmates  of  the  Eedgah,  who  were  listen- 
ing for  their  fate.  Louder  and  louder  it  grew  until  it 
became  a  cry — the  cry  of  a  multitude  for  blood  ! 

"On  they  came,  from  city,  suburbs,  fort — soldiers  with 
their  arms ;  citizens,  young  and  old,  and  of  all  trades  and 
callings,  with  any  weapon  they  could  snatch. 

"  A  company  of  Moolraj's  Muzbees  (or  outcasts,  turned 
Sikhs)  led  the  mob. 
A  cruel  "  It  was  an  appalling  sight,  and    Sirdar   Khan    Singh 

beireed  of  Mr.  Agnew  to  be  allowed  to  wave  a  sheet  and 

DO  O 

sue  for  mercy.  AYeak  in  body  from  loss  of  blood,  Agnew's 
heart  failed  him  not.  He  replied,  'The  time  for  mercy  is 
gone  ;  let  none  be  asked  for.  They  can  kill  us  two  if  they 
like,  but  we  are  not  the  last  of  the  English.  Thousands  of 
Englishmen  will  come  doivn  here  ivhen  we  are  gone,  and 
annihilate  Moolraj  and  his  soldiers,  and  his  fort.  .  .  . 

"  The  crowd  now  rushed  in  with  horrible  shouts,  made 
Khan  Singli  prisoner,  and,  pushing  aside  the  servants  with 
the  butts  of  their  muskets,  surrounded  the  two  wounded 
officers. 

"  Lieutenant  Anderson  from  the  first  had  been  too  much 
wounded  even  to  move ;  and  now  Mr.  Agnew  was  sitting  by 
his  bedside,  holding  his  hand,  and  talking  in  English. 
Doubtless  they  were  bidding  each  other  farewell  for  all 
Time. 

"  But  the  time  was  short. 


1818.]  SCENE  IN  MOOLRAJ' S   COURT.  07 

"  Goodhur  Sinirli,  a  Muzbee,  so  deformed  and  crippled  The  end  of 

°  •  1  1    the  tragedy. 

with  wouuds  that  he  looked  more  like  an  imp  than  mortal 
man,  stepped  forth  from  the  crowd  with  drawn  sword,  and, 
after  insulting  ]\Ir.  Aguew  with  a  few  last  indignities,  struck 
him  twice  upon  the  neck,  and  with  a  third  blow  cut  off  his 
head.  Some  other  wretch  discharged  a  musket  into  the  life- 
less body. 

"  Then  Anderson  was  hacked  to  death  with  swords  ;  and 
afterwards  the  two  bodies  were  dragged  outside,  and 
slashed  and  insulted  by  the  crowd,  and  left  all  night  under 
the  sky.  .  .  . 

"  Morning  assembles  the  crowd  again  ;  no  longer  furious, 
but  content.  Whither  go  they  ?  To  the  Am-Khas, 
Moolraj's  palace,  for  he  is  now  a  king.  .  .  . 

"  There  sits  the   arch-rebel,  in  High  Durbar,  taunting  Scene  in 

iloolraj's 

Sirdar  Khan  Singh,  late  his  rival,  now  his  prisoner.    Goodhur  court. 
Singh,  the  murderer,  approaches,  and  presents  a  head — noble 
still  in  death.     The  crowd  make  way  for  him   as  for  some 
good  man,  and  call  him  the  second  prophet.     UmeerChund, 
who  assaulted  Agnew  at  the  fort,  is  called  the  first. 

"  Moolraj  rewards  the  second  prophet  with  an  elephant, 
some  money,  and  the  horse  bis  victim  rode ;  and  long  after- 
wards poor  Aguew's  servants,  peeping  from  their  hiding- 
places  in  the  suburbs,  could  see  their  master's  assassin 
capering  through  the  street  on  their  master's  well-remem- 
bered horse. 

"The  head  was  then  thrown  into  the  lap  of  Sirdar 
Khan  Singh,  who  is  told  to  'take  the  head  of  the  youth  he 
had  brought  donn  to  govern  at  jMooltan.' 

"  The  Sirdar,  thinking  over  many  kindnesses  and  benefits 
he  had  received  at  the  hands  of  Mr.  Agnew,  burst  into  tears. 
The  head  was  immediately  taken  from  him.  It  was  not 
allowed  to  be  wept  over.     Indignities  followed  which  it  can  indignities 

c\    PC  •        \  11     tothemur- 

serve  no  good  purpose  to  repeat.      Sufnce  it  that,  as  all  dered  Eng- 
things  pall  in  this  world,  so  Moolraj    and    the   multitude  ''^•*™®°' 

VOL.  I.  H 


98  SIR  HERBERT  B.   EDWARD ES.  [1818. 

outside  at  last  grew  weary  of  dishonoui'iug  the  murdered 
Englishmen. 

"  Moolraj  ordered  them  to  be  buried,  and  they  were  laid 
in  a  hasty  grave  among  the  tufts  of  grass  by  the  Eedgah, 
near  the  place  of  their  murder. 

"  Twice  the  people  of  Mooltan  tore  them  up,  to  rob  them 
of  the  clothes  that  wrapped  them.     A  third  time  they  were 
buried,  and  a  sentry  placed  over  the  spot  till  they  were  for- 
gotten by  their  murderers, 
Mooiraj's  "  Such  was  Dowaii  Moolraj's  rebellion  in  its  rise.     Can 

rebellion  in  r,   i   •      i  •     i-  n  o 

its  rise.        any  one  pity  such  a  rebel  in  his  tall  t 

"  Moolraj  is  not  less  a  murderer  because  he  was  one 
on  a  large  scale,  and  murdered  with  an  army  instead  of  a 
kitchen-knife.  He  was  the  assassin  of  his  invited  guests; 
the  traitor  who  dethroned  the  dynasty  under  which  his 
family  rose  from  insignificance  to  honour;  the  rebel  who, 
striking  selfishly  for  his  own  independence,  ri vetted  the 
chains  of  his  country." 

The  commotion  caused  by  this  event  was  not  limited  to 

Mooltan,  but  spread  from  thence  into  other  provinces,  and 

resulted  in  a  general  insurrection  of  the  Punjab. 

Agnew's  AVhile  this  terrible  scene  was  enacting  at  Mooltan,  poor 

letter  Agiiew's  letter,  written  on  April  19,  1848,  was  making   its 

reaches  o  '  . 

Edwardes,    way  to  Edwardes's  camp.      It  reached  him  on  the  22nd,  and 
at  once  he  hastened  to  their  succour. 
Edwardes  tells  the  story — 

"  It  was  towards  evening  of  the  22nd,  at  Dera  Futteh  Khan, 
on  the  Indus,  that  I  was  sitting  in  a  tent  full  of  Beloochee 
zamindars,*  who  were  either  robbers,  robbed,  or  witnesses 
to  the  robberies  of  their  neighbours,  taking  evidence  in  a 
trial.  Loud  footsteps,  as  of  some  one  running,  were  heard 
without,  came  nearer  as  we  all  looked  up  and  listened,  and 
at  last  stopped  before  the  door.  There  was  a  whispering, 
a  scraping  off  of  shoes,  and  brushing  off  of  dust  from  the 
*  Owners  of  land. 


1848.]       AGNEW'S  LETTER  liEACHES  EDWARDES.         09 

wearer's  feet,  and  then  the  purdah  (curtain)  of  the  door 
was  lifted,  and  a  kossid  (running  messenger),  stripped  to  the 
waist  and  steaming  with  heat,  entered  and  presented  a  letter- 
bag,  whose  crimson  hue  proclaimed  the  urgency  of  its 
contents. 

"  *  It  was  from  the  Sahib  in  Mooltan,'  he  said,  '  to  the 
Sabib  in  Bunnoo ;  but  as  I  was  here  I  might  as  well  look 
at  it.' 

"  I  took  it  up,  and  read  the  Persian  superscription  on  the 
bag:  *To  General  Cortlandt,  in  Bunnoo,  or  wherever  else 
he  may  be.' 

"  It  was,  apparently,  not  for  me,  but  it  was  for  an  officer 
under  my  orders,  and  the  messenger  said  it  was  on  important 
public  service.  I  had,  therefore,  a  right  to  open  it,  if  I 
thought  it  necessary.  But  there  was  something  in  the 
kossid's  manner  which  aliJce  compelled  me  to  open  it  and 
forbade  me  either  to  question  him  before  the  crowd  around 
me,  or  show  any  anxiety  about  it. 

"  So  I  opened  it  as  deliberately  as  I  could,  and  found  an 
English  letter  enclosed,  directed  to  either  General  Cort- 
landt or  myself.  It  was  a  copy  taken  by  a  native  clerk  of  a 
public  letter  addressed  to  Sir  Frederick  Currie  by  Mr.  P. 
Vans  Agnew,  one  of  his  assistants  on  duty  at  Mooltan,  with 
a  postscript  in  pencil,  written  by  Mr.  Agnew  and  addressed 
to  us. 

"  Appended  is  a  faithful  fac-simile,  which  will  be  re- 
garded with  mournful  interest  as  the  last  tracings  of  a  hand, 
ever  generous,  ever  brave,  which  held  fast  honour  and  pul»lic 
duty  to  the  death. 

"During  the  perusal  of  this  letter  I  felt  that  all  eyes 
were  upon  me,  for  no  one  spoke,  not  a  pen  moved,  and  there 
was  that  kind  of  hush  which  comes  over  an  assembly  under 
some  indefinite  feeling  of  alarm.  I  never  remember  in  my  life 
being  more  moved,  or  feeling  more  painfully  the  necessity  of 
betraying  no  emotion.     After  lingering  over  the  last  few 


100  SJIi   HERB E It T  B.   EDWAIWES.  [1848. 

sentences  as  long  as  I  could,  I  looked  up  at  the  kossid,  and 
said,  '  Very  good  !  Sit  down  in  that  corner  of  the  tent,  and 
I'll  attend  to  you  as  soon  as  I  have  done  this  trial.'  Then 
turning  to  the  gaping  moonshees,  I  bade  them  '  go  on  with 
the  evidence ; '  and  the  disappointed  crowd  once  more  bent 
their  attention  on  the  witnesses.  But  from  that  moment 
I  heard  no  more.  My  eyes,  indeed,  were  fixed  mechanically 
on  the  speakers,  but  my  thoughts  were  at  Mooltan,  with  my 
wounded  countrymen,  revolving  how  I  ought  to  act  to  assist 
them."  * 

His  design  Although  he  had  at  his  disposal  only  a  single  Infantry 

for  relief,  native  regiment,  and  an  inadequate  force  for  such  an  enter- 
prise, he  conceived  the  daring  design  of  driving  the  rebel 
Moolraj  into  his  fortress  of  ]\Iooltan,  and  of  rescuing  the 
whole  of  the  country  around  ]\Iooltan  from  his  grasp.  But 
his  first  act  was  to  send  off  a  letter  in  reply  to  Agnew,  to 
assure  him  that  he  should  lose  no  time  in  hastening  to  his 
assistance. 

"  Camp,  Dera  Futteh  Khan,  April  22,  1848. 
Reply  to  "  My   DEAE    AgNEW, 

"Your  letter  of  April  19  to  General  Cortlandt 
reached  my  camp  at  three  p.m.  to-day,  and  I  fortunately 
opened  it,  to  see  if  it  was  on  public  business. 

"  I  need  scarcely  say  that  I  have  made  arrangements  for 
marching  to  your  assistance  at  once.  I  have  one  Infantry 
regiment  and  four  extra  companies,  two  Horse  Artillery 
guns,  twenty  zumbooruks ;  f  and  between  three  and  four 
hundred  horse.  This  is  a  small  force,  but  such  as  it  is  you 
are  welcome  to  it,  and  me. 

"  Your  position  is  one  of  immense  peril ;  but  God  will 
bring  an  honest  man  out  of  worse  straits,  so  trust  in  Him, 
and  keep  up  your  pluck.  .  .  .  Rely  on  it,  it  shall  not  be  my 

*  "A  Year  on  the  Punjab  Frontier." 
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1818.]        MEASURES    TAKEN  AOAINST  MOOLRAJ.         101 

fault  if  we  are  a  day  later  than  the  27t]i ;  but  the  very 
suiind  of  our  approach  will  be  a  check  to  your  rascally 
enemies ;  and  to  you  as  refreshing  as  the  breeze  which 
heralds  the  rising  suu  at  morning. 

"  If  you  are  pressed,  pray  bring  away  Anderson,  and  join 
me.  AVith  all  my  heart  I  hope  you  are  both  safe  at  this 
moment.  Write — write  ;  and  believe  me,  with  the  sincerest 
wishes,  in  weal  or  woe, 

"  Yours  aye, 
"(Signed)  Herbert  B.  Edwardes." 


The  cheery  ring   from  this   glowing   Iieart   would  have  Too  late! 
encouraged   the  brave  fellows  if  it  had  ever  reached  them. 
But  they  were  past   all  succour  before  Edwardes's  return- 
messenger  reached  Mooltan. 

Startled  from  his  plans  of  legislative  improvement  and  Measures 
moral  regeneration  in  Eunnoo  in  this  rough  \?ay,  Edwardes  aLi^nst 
quickly  set  himself  to  raise  the  mountain  tribes,  to  discipline  Moolraj, 
raw  levies,  with  the  view  to  drive  back  the  rebel  chieftain 
behind  the  very  walls   of  the  fortress  from   whose   citadel 
lie  had  long  oppressed  the  surrounding  country,  and  within 
which  he  had  now  crowned  his  oppression  of  his  own  people 
by  murder  and  rebellion. 

How  Edwardes  gathered  his  army,  and  maintained  and  How  fed 
]xaid  his  soldiers,  may  best  be  told  in  his  own  words.     We  '^°   ^^'  * 
liave   already  noted  how,  when   he   held   up   his  hand    for 
soldiers,  the  soldiers  came  ;  and  now  he  had  real  need  of  them. 
The  force  that  he  raised,  was  fed  and  paid  out  of  the  revenues 
of  the  country  which  it  conquered. 

"  I  commenced  tlie  war,"  he  says,  "  with  a  few  thousand 
rupees  in  hand,  and  maintained  it  for  nine  months  with 
an  expenditure,  civil  and  military,  of  two  lakhs  of  rupees 
a  month,  without  receiving  more  than  one  lakh  from  the 
Sikh  and  another  from  the  British  Government. 

"  Commissariat  I  had  none  at  first ;  but  the  war  was 
in  a  fat  country,  and  to  find  corn  we  had  only  to  find  money. 


102 


SIR   HER  BERT  D.   EDWARDES. 


[1848. 


Geneial 
Cortlandh 


Wild  dis- 
cipline. 


Existing 
rivalries 
controlled. 


Concernine 
plunder. 


"  In  the  extensive  financial  arrangements  which  such 
wants  and  expenditure  required,  I  was  assisted  more  than 
I  can  sufficiently  express  by  General  Cortlandt,  one  of 
the  best  coadjutors  ever  man  had.  The  soldiers,  being  poor, 
were  paid  regularly  every  fortnight  throughout  the  war. 

"  As  to  discipline ;  there  was  no  time  to  attempt  what 
regular  soldiers  call  discipline.  The  men  had  to  fight 
the  day  after  they  were  enlisted,  and  they  could  only  fight 
their  own  way.  All  I  did  was  to  make  the  best  of  their 
way ;  to  draw  tight  such  discipline  as  they  had. 

"So  while  Foujdar  Khan  gathered  all  his  ]\rooltanee 
Puthans  around  him,  I  encouraged  Futteh  Khan  To- 
wannuh  to  summon  his  father's  friends. 

"  Bitter  and  deadly  hatreds  and  jealousies  raged  between 
them  ;  but  separate  ends  of  the  encampment  were  assigned 
to  each,  and  morning  and  evening,  when  I  held  Durbar, 
native  fashion,  on  the  ground,  to  please  my  men,  the  various 
officers  of  either  party  ranged  themselves  behind  the  young 
Mullick  or  Foujdar,  on  opposite  sides  of  the  carpet,  and 
viewed  each  other  with  subdued  resentment.  Occasionally 
a  rush  would  be  made  by  both  parties  to  get  on  my  right 
hand,  but  by  equal  kindness  and  access  to  both,  by  equal- 
izing their  pay,  and  advising  them  in  their  squabbles,  I 
soon  got  them  to  lie  down  together  like  the  lion  and 
the  lamb,  and  at  last,  little  more  of  their  former  enmity 
remained  than  served  as  a  useful  rivalry  in  the  field. 

"  With  regard  to  plunder ;  discipline  was  steadily  en- 
forced. Had  the  smallest  offence  of  this  kind  been  over- 
looked, the  whole  force  would  have  become  a  band  of 
robbers,  and  I  made  instant  and  severe  examples  of  every 
offender.  If  a  soldier  ivanted  his  discharge  without  pay,  he 
had  nothing  to  do  but  to  go  to  a  field  and  steal  a  sugar-cane, 
when  he  was  followed  by  the  screaming  husbandman  to  my 
tent,  and  took  the  consequences. 

"  It  is  a  pleasing  reflection  to  me  that,  under  the  pro- 


1848.]       EFFEQTIVE  DISCIPLINE  SAVED    CROPS.  103 

tection   of  the   irregular  force,    while  blockading  Moolraj,  Effective 

.,  77/'77  Tir?  discipline 

Moolraj  s  tenants  saved  the  fields  around  Mod  fan.  saved  the 

"  As  to  fighting ;    this  is  a   very   easy  matter    if  men  Moo'haJ'g 
are  brave,  and  ou  the  Indus  frontier  the   population  lived  *^<^°^'»'s- 
in  a  state  of  feud.  .  . 

"  As  for  a  reserve ;  I  never  permitted  such  a  thing.     A  Reserve, 
regular  army  may  rally  and  return  to  the  charge. 

"  I  have  seen  my  own  glorious  corps,  the  1st  Bengal 
Fusiliers,  return  a  third  time  to  the  attack  of  a  Sikh 
entrenchment  higher  than  their  heads,  after  two  cruel 
repulses,  and  with  two  hundred  of  their  men  and  officers 
down  on  the  ground.  That  was  at  Sobraon.  Did  they 
get  in?  Of  course  they  got  in.  Such  troops  must  get  in! 
But  it  is  a  very  different  thing  with  undisciplined  armies. 

"They  are  either  successful  or  defeated  at  once.  There 
is  no  middle  course  ;  no  doubt  about  the  matter.  No  reserve 
will  ever  stop  their  flight;  but  the  'reserve'  will  run,  and 
run,  with  the  advance  that  has  been  repulsed. 

"The  force  was  kept  together  during  nine  months  of 
varying  success,  by  regular  pay  and  kind  treatment. 

"The  officers  I  learnt   to  know  well — their  characters,  influence. 
their  circumstances,  and   their  wants ;    and   by  living  the 
same   life  they  did,  wearing  the  same   dress,  talking   the 
same   language,   and   sharing  with   them   all  dangers  and 
fatigues,  they  became  attached  to  me  and  I  to  them. 

"  I  believe  that,  when  the  war  was  over  and  we  had 
seen  our  mutual  enemy  subdued,  to  part  was  a  mutual 
sorrow. 

"  Wild,  barbarous,  indififereut  to  human  life,  they  were 
yet  free,  simple  as  children,  brave,  faithful  to  their  masters, 
sincere  towards  their  God.  During  the  wholo  war  I 
never  lost  by  desertion  one  man  of  all  whom  I  had 
enlisted.  .  .  . 

"The  crowded  city  has  its  virtues,  but  so  has  the  desert 
and  the  mountain  ;  and  he  who  walks  the  world  aright  will 


04  Sm   II  Eli  BERT  n.   EDWAHDES.  [1848. 

find  sometLing  good  wliercver  be  finds  man,  and  nothing 
barren  from  Dan  to  Beersheba."  * 

This  was  the  material  with  whicli  Edwardes  prepared  to 
do  his  work.  The  generous  confidence,  as  well  as  the 
vigorous  hand  and  the  masterly  intellect  with  which  he 
performed  it,  tell  their  own  tale. 

He  saw  the  disastrous  consequences  of  defeat  on  the 
frontier  and  of  delay,  which  would  allow  IMoolraj  to  get 
possession  of  the  country,  collect  the  revenue,  gather  recruits, 
and  strengthen  himself  at  Mooltan.  And  if  the  British  army 
could  not  take  the  field  till  after  the  rains,  all  our  difficulties 
would  only  increase. 

*  Archdeacon  Hare,  in  his  "Guesses  at  Truth,"  p.  411,  has  noticed 
with  approval  Edwardes's  confidence  in  his  fellow-men.  He  says,  "  I  cannot 
deny  myself  the  pleasure  of  confirming  what  is  here  said,  by  the  authority 
of  one  of  those  great  soldiers  and  statesmen  whom  our  Indian  empire 
breeds,  and  who  has  exemi)lified  the  power  of  these  principles  by  his  own 
wonderful  achievements,  both  pacific  and  military,  on  the  banks  of  the 
Indus.  Llajor  Edwardes,  in  his  'Year  on  the  Punjab  Frontier,'  after 
speaking  of  an  expedition  he  undertook  into  the  country  of  the  savage 
Yizeeree  tribes,  relying  on  the  honour  of  one  of  their  chiefs,  adds,  '  I 
pause  ujxin  this  apparently  trifling  incident  for  no  foolish  vanity  of  my 
own,  but  for  the  benefit  of  others ;  for  hoping,  as  I  earnestly  do,  that  many 
a  young  soldier,  glancing  over  these  pages,  will  gather  heart  and  encour- 
agement for  the  stormy  lot  before  him,  I  desire  above  all  things  to 
put  into  his  hand  the  staff  of  confidence  in  his  fellow-men. 

"  Candid  and  generous  and  just, 
Boys  care  but  little  whom  they  trust, — 

An  error  soon  corrected  ; 
For  who  but  learns  in  riper  years 
That  man,  when  smoothest  he  appears, 
Is  most  to  be  suspected  ?  " — 

is  a  verse  very  pointed  and  clever,  but  quite  unworthy  of  the  "  Ode 
to  Friendship,"  and  inculcating  a  creed  which  would  make  a  sharper 
or  a  monk  of  whoever  should  adopt  it.  The  man  who  cannot  trust 
others  is,  by  his  own  showing,  untrustworthy  himself.  Suspicious  of 
all,  depending  on  himself  for  everything,  from  the  conception  to  the 
deed,  the  ground-plan  to  the  chimney-pot,  he  will  fail  for  want  of  the 
heads  of  Hydra,  and  the  hands  of  Briareus.  If  there  is  any  lesson  that 
I  have  learnt  from  life,  it  is  that  human  nature,  black  or  white,  is 
better  than  we  think  it,  and  he  who  reads  these  pages  to  a  close  will  see 
how  much  faith  I  have  had  occasion  to  place  in  the  rudest  and  wildest 
of  their  species,  how  nobly  it  was  deserved,  and  how  useless  I  should  have 
been  without  it '  (from  '  Year  on  the  Punjab  Frontier  ')." 


1848.]  STRENGTH   OF  ARMY   OF  MOOLIiAJ.  105 

"  The  only  move  wbicli  can  save  tliis  frontier,"  Edwardes 
writes,  "is,  in  my  opinion,  the  advance  of  ]iha\vul  Khan's 
army  across  the  Sutlej,  so  as  to  threaten  Mooltiin,  and  oblige 
Moolruj  to  recall  his  frontier  expeditions." 

He  writes  to  the  Kesident  at  Lahore — 

"  1  see  by  the  papers  that  the  idea  has  got  about 
that  Moolraj  has  sixty  thousand  soldiers  ;  at  present 
he  has  not  more  than  ten  thousand.  But  if  Mooltan  is 
not  invested,  however  slightly,  and  a  few  months  elapse 
before  any  steps  are  taken  to  check  his  present  career  of 
iujpunity,  those  who  best  know  the  military  resources  of 
this  frontier  are  quite  of  opinion  that  he  may  gather  fifty 
thousand;  from  what  I  see,  I  quite  agree  with  them."* 

The  scenes  rapidly  deepen  in  interest,  but  they  are  fully 
told  in  Edwardes's  own  book  ;  and  our  space  obliges  us  to 
content  ourselves  with  a  glance  only  at  some  of  them — a 
hasty  sketch  and  a  few  extracts.  Those  who  want  to  follow 
him  closer  tlirough  these  nine  months  of  scenes  of  danger 
and  of  chivalry,  should  take  up  liis  "  Year  on  the  Punjab 
Frontier,"  and  they  will  not  be  disajipointed. 

"  General  Cortlandt  was  already  co-operating  nobly 
with  Edwardes,  and  none  saw  clearer  than  he  to  what  end 
events  were  tending;  none  new  better  the  value  of  every 
hour." 

Now  comes  a  letter  from  the  Resident  at  Lahore  (June 
5,  1848)— 

"  The  account  you  give  of  your  force    is  highly  satis- 

*  In  the  Calcutta  lieuiew.  No.  43,  April,  1854,  tliero  is  au  article 
by  Sir  Henry  Lawrence  (in  answer  to  some  assertions  made  by  Sir  Charles 
Napier),  in  which  he  says,  writing  of  Edwardes,  "  Since  the  days  of 
Clive  no  man  lias  done  as  Edwardes,  nor  do  I  know  many  who  could  and 
would  have  acted  as  he  did,  on  the  Mooltan  outbreak.  Few  indeed,  with 
his  means,  wouhl  have  taken  the  same  decided  step,  and  fewer  could  liave 
carried  it  out."' 


lOG  SIB   nERBERT  B.   EDWABDES.  [1848. 

factory,  and  reflects  the  greatest  credit  ou  your  zeal  and 
perseverance,  ^Yhicll  have  raised  the  greater  part  of  it  and 
made  it  what  it  is  in  the  short  space  of  a  month." 

And  to  the  Secretary  of  the  Government  of  India,  by  the 

same,  and  same  date — 

*'I  forward  a  letter  from  Lieutenant  Edwardes.  His 
Lordship  will  perceive  that  this  enterprising  and  energetic 
oflicer  has  entirely  succeeded  in  performing  the  duty 
assigned  to  him  of  getting  possession  of  and  holding  the 
whole  of  the  Mooltan  districts  Trans-Indus." 

Edwardes  writes  to  the  Eesident — 

Nawab  of  "  I  havc  Urged  Bhawul  Khan  to  put  his  troops  across 

pore  CO-       the  Sutlej,  and  co-operate.  .  .  .  The  Nawab  has  a  very  fine 

operates.      Yi^Wq  force  of  from  ten  thousand  to  twelve  thousand  men, 

well  equipped  and  disciplined,  and  composed  almost  entirely 

of   fighting   Puthaus.  .  .  .   He  is  desirous   that  a  British 

o£Scer  should  be  with  his  force." 

Lieutenant  Edward  Lake  (Engineers),  Acting  Deputy- 
Commissioner  at  Jullundur,  w^as  deputed  to  Bhawulpore. 

The  Eesident  writes  :  "  He  is  a  very  intelligent,  active 
officer,  with  great  knowledge  of  the  natives,  and  peculiar  tact 
in  managing  them  and  gaining  their  regard." 

Here,  then,  were  two  brother-assistants  of  Henry  Lawrence's 
old  band  at  work  together  again. 

Xn  old  "  Lieutenant  Lake  was,  in  fact,  constituted   the  Com- 

friend  mandcr-in-chief  of  tbe  Daoodpootra  army,"  says  Edwardes. 


the  scene. 


How  well  he  justified  that  unusual  trust,  to  the  mutual 
honour  of  his  own  Government  and  that  of  the  troops  he  led, 
appears  abundantly  in  Edwardes' s  reports. 

He  gives  the  following  testimony  to  his  friend,  and  the 
insertion  of  it  may  be  pardoned  now. 

"By  his  instructions  from  the  Resident,  he  was  not  put 


1848.]  FRIENDS  IN  COUNCIL.  107 

under  my  comruancl.  It  seemed  enough  to  tell  Lim  *  to 
co-operate  accordiug  to  his  own  judgment  and  discretion.' 
But  he  did  more.  Events  brought  us  irresistibly  together. 
Before  Lieutenant  Lake  could  reach  his  army,  I  had  crossed 
the  Chenab,  and  saved  the  Dauodpootras  from  a  disastrous 
defeat  at  Kinyeree  ;  and,  finding  me  in  the  successful 
execution  of  my  own  plans,  Lake  at  once  put  himself  under 
my  command,  and,  without  one  selfish  thought,  devoted  his 
rare  abilities  and  energy  to  second  the  operations  of  another. 
I  felt  the  generosity  of  the  action  then  ;  but  I  do  more  full 
justice  to  it  now,  when  I  can  look  back  calmly  on  those 
stormy  times,  and  remember  how  impossible  it  was  that  two 
younfr  heads  should  always  think  alike,  however  true  tlieir  F'ien'is  m 

JO  J  '  council. 

hearts  kept  time ;  yet  never  was  there  anything  but  unity  of 
action  in  the  field. 

"  Seldom,  indeed,  did  we  differ,  even  in  the  council-tent ; 
but  if  we  had  two  plans,  Lake  manfully  exposed  the  weak- 
nesses of  mine,  and  if  I  \\as  not  to  be  convinced  (as  I  own 
I  very  seldom  was),  he  gave  up  his  own  better  judgment, 
and  made  mine  perfect  by  the  heartiness  of  his  assistance 
in  giving  it  efi'ect. 

"  My  peaceful  readers,  whose  experience  of  '  heroes '  has 
happily  been  confined  within  the  limits  of  the  biographical 
dictionary  or  the  smooth  historian's  page,  may  think  so 
well  of  soldier-nature  as  to  deem  Lake's  magnanimity  and 
lack  of  jealousy  a  thing  of  course  ;  but  others  who  have 
lived  in  camps  will  know  both  its  rarity  and  its  value,  and 
esteem  it  the  most  unfading  of  the  laurels  won  by  Edward 
Lake  under  the  walls  of  Mooltan.  '  Better  is  he  that  ruleth 
his  spirit  than  he  that  taketh  a  city.' " 

Nothing  so  mean  as  jealousy  could  exist  between  two 
such  noble  spirits  and  firm  friends.  It  is  dwelt  upon  here 
in  a  parenthesis,  as  a  pleasant  picture  of  Indian  life. 

But  it  was  one  only  out  of  many ;  for  all  the  band  of  A  giimpso 
noble  brotherhood  gathered  at  Lahore  under  Henry  Lawrence 


108  SIR   nERBERT  B.   EDWARDES.  [1848. 

the  As-  iu  184G,  and  since  scattered  over  the  wild  country,  are  doing 
sustauts  glorious  work — Lieutenant  Key ncll  Taylor  iu  Bunnoo;  Major 
George  Lawrence  and  Nicholson  in  Peshawur;  Captain  James 
xVbbott  in  Hazara ;  John  Becher  at  Batala,  and  all  rejoicing 
in  each  other's  success.  There  was  no  rivalry,  but  in  achiev- 
ing good  results. 

On  June  10  the  Eesident  at  Lahore  wrote  to  Edwardes, 
giving  him  carte-hlanche  to  act  as  he  thought  best,  and  on 
June  18  was  fought  the  first  battle  with  Moolraj's  troops — 
the  l)attle  of  Kinyeree. 

Battle  of  "  The  rebel  army  of  from  eight  to  ten  thousand  Horse 

vinjLiee.  _^^^  Foot  and  ten  guns,  commanded  by  Moolraj's  brother-in- 
law,  Rung  Ram,  and  the  Daoodpootra  army  of  about  eight 
thousand  five  hundred  Horse  and  Foot,  eleven  guns  and 
thirty  zumboorahs,  commanded  by  Futteh  Mahommed 
Khan,  were  on  the  left  bank  of  the  river. 

"My  force,  consisting  of  two  divisions  (one  of  faithful 
regulars,  Foot  and  Artillery,  of  the  Sikh  service,  about 
fifteen  hundred  men  and  ten  guns,  under  General  Cort- 
laudt ;  and  another  of  about  five  thousand  irregulars.  Horse 
and  foot,  and  thirty  zumboorahs,  under  my  own  personal 
command),  was  upon  the  right  bank,  on  June  17. 

"  A  strong  division  of  three  thousand  Puthan  Irregulars 
crossed  that  day,  and  Foujdar  Khan  (who  by  this  time  had 
become  the  Adjutant-General  of  the  Puthan  levies)  led  them 
on  to  join  the  Daoodpootras,  which  they  did  a  little  before 
sunrise." 

Edwardes  determined  to  cross  with  the  rest  of  the  force 
the  following  morning.    His  own  pen  will  tell  the  story  best. 

June  18.  "  I  slept  that  night  on  the  right  bank,  intending  to  take 

Kinyeree.     o^^r  a  sccoud  divisiou  as  soon  as  the  fleet  returned  from  its 

first  voyage.     But  at  six  a.m.  on  the  18th  no  fleet  was  to  be 

seen.      Two  little  ferry-boats  had,  however,  come  up  from 

another  ferry,  and  getting  into  these,  with  a  few  horsemen 


1848.]  OPENING    OF  FIRE.  100 

and  servants,  and  leaving  General  Cortlandt  to  pass  the  rest 
of  the  force  over  as  rapidly  as  he  could,  I  pushed  ofT  for 
Kinyeree. 

"  About   a  hundred   yards   from   the   left   lank    I    was  Opening  ^f 

•'  _  the  nre. 

roused  from  a  *  brown  study ' — not  unnatural  amid  plans  so 
doubtful  in  their  issue,  so  heavy  in  their  responsibility — by  a 
burst  of  Artillery  within  a  mile  or  two  of  the  shore.  A 
second  cannonade  replied,  was  answered,  and  replied  again, 
and  two  t^iU  opposite  columns  of  white  smoke  rose  out  of 
the  jungle,  higher  and  higher  at  every  discharge,  as  if  each 
strove  to  get  above  its  adversary ;  then  broke  and  pursued 
each  other  in  thick  clouds  over  the  fair  and  peaceful 
sky.  .  .  . 

"  Gazing  at  this  unmistakable  symbol  of  the  fight  below,  Different 
I   could  scarcely  forbear   smiling  at  the  different  specula-  tfo'i^rcaused 
tions  of  my  companions  in  the  boat.     The  servants,  men  of  thereby. 
peace,  declared  and  hoped  it  was  only  a  salute  fired  by  the 
Daoodpootras  in  honour  of  the  allies  who  had  just  joined  them; 
but  the  horsemen  knit  their  brows,  and  devoutly  cried,  *  Al- 
lah !     Al-lah  ! '  at  every  shot,  w  ith  an  emphasis  like  pain  on 
the  last  syllable.   They  quite  felt  there  was  a  fight  going  on* 

"  For  my  own  part  I  felt  so  too ;  and  as  I  stepped  on 
shore,  and  buckled  the  strap  of  my  cap  under  my  chin,  I 
remember  thinking  that  no  Englishman  could  be  beaten  on 
June  18. 

"  Nor  am  I  ashamed  to  remember  that  I  bethought  me  Trust. 
of  a  still  happier  omen  and  a  far  more  powerful  aid — the 
goodness  of  my  cause,  and  the  God  who  defends  the  riglit. 
A  young  lieutenant,  who  had  seen  but  one  campaign,  alone,  Discoumge- 
and  without  any  of  the  means  and  appliances  of  such  war  as  ™'^"** 
I  had  been  apprenticed  to,  I  was  about  to  take  command, 
in  the  midst  of  a  battle,  not  only  of  one  force  whose  courage 
I  had  never  tried,  but  of  another  that  I  had  never  seen ;  and  to 
engage  a  third,  of  which  the  numbers  were  uncertain,  with 
the  knowledge  that  defeat  would  immeasurably  extend  the 


110  SIB   UEBBEIiT  B.   EBWABDES.  [1848- 

rebellion  which  I  had  undertaken  to  suppress,  and  embarrass 
A  critical  \\^q  Government  I  had  volunteered  to  serve.  Yet,  in  that 
great  extremity,  I  doubted  only  for  a  moment — one  of  those 
long  moments  to  which  some  angel  seems  to  hold  a  micro- 
scope, and  show  millions  of  things  within  it.  It  came  and 
went  between  the  stirrup  and  the  saddle.  It  brought  with 
it  difficulties,  dangers,  responsibilities,  and  possible  con- 
sequences terrible  to  face ;  but  it  left  none  behind. 

"  I  knew  I  was  fighting  for  the  right.     I  asked  God  to 
help  me  to  do  my  duty,  and  I  rode  on,  certain  that  He  would 
do  it. 
Who  shall  "  On  the  shore  not  a  creature  was  to  be  seen ;  so  we  had 

guide*"?  to  take  the  smoke  and  roar  of  guns  for  our  guides  to  the 
field  of  battle.  But  how  to  find  out  my  own  side  was  a 
difficulty,  and  not  to  fall  into  the  hands  of  the  enemy.  On 
one  side  the  firing  was  regular,  and  apparently  from  guns 
of  equal  calibre  ;  on  the  other  side,  irregular  and  unequal, 
as  if  from  guns  of  different  sizes.  Obliged  to  choose  between 
them,  I  paid  the  enemy  the  compliment  of  supposing  their 
guns  would  be  the  best,  and  those  of  Bhawul  Khan  the 
worst,  and  rode  straight  through  the  jungle  to  the  latter. 

"  At  the  village  of  Kinyeree  I  got  a  wretched  peasant  to 
put  us  on  our  road,  though  he  would  not  go  a  yard  along  with 
us  ;  and  soon  we  met  a  horseman  who  had  been  despatched 
by  Foujdar  Khan  to  tell  me  what  had  happened  and  con- 
duct me  to  the  field.  .  .  . 

"From  him  I  learnt  that  Kung  Ram,  the  rebel  com- 
mander, had  taken  up  a  strong  position  on  the  salt-hills  of 
the  village  of  Noonar,  and  then  opened  on  the  allies.  Hot- 
tempered,  brave,  but  ignorant  of  fields,  and  consequently 
rash,  the  Daoodpootra  levies  lifted  up  their  voices  in  one 
vast  shout  of  their  master's  name,  then  rushed  impetuously 
forward,  without  waiting  for  an  order  or  asking  for  a  plan. 
Their  very  baggage  was  mixed  up  with  them  ;  the  Artillery 
was  entangled  ;  and  the  fire  which  poured  down  upon  them 


1848.]  THE   GENEBAL    OF   THE  ALLIES.  1 1  1 

from  the  heights  of  Noonar  was  so  diflferent  from  the  match- 
lock volleys  of  their  own  border  warfare,  that  they  staggered, 
stopped,  and  finally  fell  back  in  a  mass  of  confusion  upon  a 
village  in  their  rear.  .  .  . 

"  It  was  at  this  moment  of  confusion  that  I  arrived  at  the 
field — a  plain  covered  with  jungle,  amongst  which  loaded 
camels  were  passing  to  the  rear,  out  of  range  of  the  enemy's 
guns,  and  detachments  of  wild-looking  warriors,  with  red 
hair  and  beards,*  were  taking  up  a  line  of  posts.  Suddenly  A  pleasing 
a  European  stepped  out  of  the  crowd,  and  advanced  in  a 
hurried  manner,  wiping  his  forehead  and  exclaiming,  '  Oh 
sir,  our  army  is  disorganized  ! ' — a  pleasing  salutation  on 
arriving  at  a  field  of  battle !  He  then  told  me  his  name 
was  Macpherson,  and  that  he  commanded  one  of  the 
Nawab's  two  regular  regiments.  I  asked  him  where  his 
general  was.  He  laughed,  and  pointed  to  a  large  peepul 
tree,  round  which  a  crowd  gathered.  I  galloped  up,  and, 
looking  over  the  shoulders  of  the  people,  saw  a  little 
old  man,  in  dirty  clothes,  and  with  nothing  but  a  skull-cap 
on  his  head,  sitting  under  the  tree,  with  a  rosary  in  his 
hands,  the  beads  of  which  he  was  rapidly  telling,  and 
muttering  in  a  peevish,  helpless  manner.  '  Ulhumdoolillah  !  TheGenemi 
Ulhumdoolillah !  ('  God  be  praised  !  God  be  praised  ! ') 
apparently  quite  abstracted  from  the  scene  around  him, 
and  utterly  unconscious  that  six-pounder  balls  were  going 
through  the  branches,  that  officers  were  imploring  him 
for  orders,  and  that  eight  or  nine  thousand  rebels  were 
waiting  to  destroy  an  army  of  which  he  was  the  General. 

"  He  had  to  be  shaken  by  his  people  before  he  could 
comprehend  that  I  had  arrived ;  and  as  he  rose  and 
tottered  forward,  looking  vacantly  in  my  face,  I  saw  that 
excitement  had  completed  the  imbecility  of  his  years,  and 
that  I  might  as  well  talk  to  a  post. 

*  The  Daoodpootras  are  fund  of  staining  their  hair  red,  as  others  are 
of  stainius  it  black. 


112  SIR   HERBERT  B.   EDWARDES.  [18J8. 

"Turning,  tbcrefore,  to  the  many  Lnive  and  experienced 

oflBcers  of  his  staff,  and  to  Peer  Ibralieem  Kiian,  who  now 

came  up,  I  learnt  the  general  nature  of  their  position  ;  and 

A  critical     then  struck  out  a  plan  for  the  day.    '  Nothing,'  I  said, '  can  be 

emeigeac).  ^^^^  ^^.^^l^  ^^  army  SO  disorganized  as  this,  or  with  guns  such 

as  Peer  Ibraheeni  describes  yours  to  be.     The  enemy  has 

taken  up  a  strong  position,  and  will  probably  prepare  to  be 

attacked.     It  is  not  likely  that  he  will  attack  us  until  he 

thinks   we   don't   mean    to    attack    him.     I    will   write   to 

Faces  the     General  Cortlandt  to  send  over  the  guns,  and  not  a  move 

po,i  ion.       jjjust  be  made  till  they  come.     In  the  meanwhile,  occupy 

yourselves  with  recovering  the  order  of  your  force,  make  the 

whole  lie  down  in  the  jungle,  keep  them  as  much  under 

cover  as  possible,  and  let  your  Artillery  play  away  as  hard 

as  they  can  on  the  enemy's  guns.     Above  all,  stand  fast 

and  be  patient.' 

"  I  then  betook  myself  to  the  left  where  my  own  three 
thousand  men  were  posted ;  and  as  I  rode  down  the 
Daoodpootra  line,  and  received  the  loud  greetings  of  the 
soldiers,  I  saw  how  timely  had  been  my  arrival.  I  had 
not  joined  them  in  a  moment  of  triumph,  but  of  trial. 
They  found  their  ally  for  the  first  time  when  (in  Asia  at 
least)  allies  are  most  seldom  found — in  the  hour  of  diflSculty  ; 
and  seeing  a  single  British  officer  come  amongst  them  to 
share  dangers  they  were  encountering  for  the  British 
Government,  they  felt  its  justice,  and  took  heart  again.  .  .  . 
Fniijdiir  "  I  found  mv  own  three  thousand  men,  who  had  stuck 

good  ally,  their  standards  upright  in  the  turf,  and  were  lying  down  in 
a  beautiful  line  between  them.  This  was  the  work  of  Foujdar 
Khan,  and  I  loudly  praised  all  the  otlier  officers  as  they 
flocked  around  me, 

"  I  now  dismounted  from  my  horse,  and  asked,  without 
much  hopes  if  any  one  had  got  pen  and  paper. 

" '  Sahib  ! '  replied  a  well-known  voice  behind  me,  and, 
turning,  I  beheld  Sudda  Sookh,  the  monnshee  of  my  office, 


1848.]  A    FAITIIFL'L    MOONSIIEE.  11  .'J 

pulling  out  a  CasLmere  penbox  {unn  liis  girdle,  just  as  f]ui<.'tly 
us  if  he  bad  been  in  Cutcherry.  He  had  no  sword  or  other 
implements  of  war,  but  merely  the  writing  materials,  with 
which  it  was  his  duty  to  be  furnished  ;  and,  though  he 
looked  si'rious  and  grave,  he  was  perfeetly  calm  amid  the 
roar  of  hostile  cannons  and  men's  heads  occasionally  going 
off  before  his  eyes. 

" '  What  are  you  doing  here,  Sudda  Sookh  ? '  I  asked  A  faithful 

nidonsht'c, 

in  astonishment.  Sn  i.b 

"He  put  up  his  hands  respectfully,  and  answered,  'My     ""  '" 
place  is  with  my  master.    I  live  by  his  service;  and  when 
he  dies,  I  die  ! '     A  more  striking  instance  of  the   quiet 
endurance  of  the  Hindoo  character  I  never  saw.* 

"  Seating  myself  under  a  bush,  I  wrote  two  short  notes  to 
Cortlandt,  informing  him  of  our  critical  position,  and  my 
belief  that  I  could  hold  out  until  three  p.m.,  by  which  time 
be  must  send  me  guns,  or  the  battle  would  be  lost. 

"  They  were  written  at  eight,  and  what  I  had  engaged 
to  do  was  to  stave  off  Rung  Ram's  army  for  seven  hours. 
Those  seven  hours  I  should  never  forget  if  I  lived 
seven  centuries. 

"The  firing  on  both  sides  continued  for  six  hours  with-  Diflkulty 
out  slackening  ;  and  though  the  Daoodpootra  Artillery  drew  ^  '^''  '^"^'"' 
the  heaviest  fire  to  the  right  of  our  line,  yet  my  Puthaus 
got  so  much  more  than  they  were  ever  used  to  in  the 
petty  raids  of  their  own  frontier,  that  they  were  continually 
springing  up  and  demanding  to  be  led  on  against  the  enemy. 
*  Look  here  ! '  they  cried  '  and  there,  and  there  ! '  (pointing  to 
men  as  they  were  hit).   '  Are  we  all  to  be  killed  without  a 

*  Tliis  fine  fuUow  was  the  moonsliee  who  fir.->t  tauglit  Edwardes 
languages  when  he  was  a  subaltern  with  his  regiment,  and  lie  became  so 
attached  and  faithful  that  he  never  left  his  service,  but  was  the  head 
niooushee  In  his  udice  to  the  last  day  of  Edwanies's  labours  in  India.  He 
was  a  man  of  noble  bearing  and  tlio  strictest  probity,  never  taking  a 
bribe  nor  falling  into  any  native  vices.  He  was  renowned  as  a  good  man, 
and  universally  respected, 

VOL.  I.  I 


Hi  ;S77i'    HERBERT  B.   EDWARDES.  [18.18. 

blow?  What  sort  of  war  do  you  call  this, 'where  Ihere  is 
iron  on  one  side  and  only  flesh  and  blood  on  the  other  ? 
Lead  us  on,  and  let  us  strike  a  blow  for  our  lives!  '.  .  .  Then 
the  officers  crowded  round,  and  every  one  thought  he  was  a 
general,  and  if  only  I  would  listen  to  liim  (pulling  me  by 
the  sleeve  to  interrupt  my  rebuke  to  some  one  else),  the 
battle  would  be  mine. 

"  But  of  all  the  advisers,  I  must  do  them  the  justice  to  say 

that  none  counselled  a  retreat.     Every  voice  was  for  attack. 

Wait  for  "  Foujdar  Khan  and  one  or  two  others  alone  supported 

the  guns.  .    .  •      p       /^        i        i   j 

my  opinion,  that  we  must  wait  lor  Lortlandt  s  guns. 

"  Happily  I  had  no  doubt  or  misgiving  in  my  own  mind. 
I  never  bad  a  clearer  conviction  in  my  life  than  I  had  that 
day  that  I  was  right,  and  they  were  wrong  ;  and  with  a 
patience,  which  in  the  ordinary  affairs  of  life  I  never  had 
possessed,  I  strove  hour  after  hour  to  calm  the  rash  and 
excited  throng,  and  assure  them  that  when  the  proper 
moment  should  arrive,  I  myself  would  lead  them  on. 
Thestiain.  "And  SO  I  sat  out  those  seven  hours  under  a  June  sun, 

with  no  shade  but  that  of  a  bush,  and  neither  a  drop  of 
water  nor  a  breath  of  air  to  lessen  the  intolerable  heat.  .  .    . 

"  The  enemy  at  last  were  not  to  be  kept  back,  but 
advanced  with  such  an  overpowering  strength  in  Cavalry 
and  Artillery  that  a  desperate  expedient  became  necessary. 

"  Imploring  the  Infantry  to  lie  still  yet  a  little  longer, 
I  ordered  Foujdar  Khan  and  all  the  chiefs  and  officers  who 
had  horses,  to  mount,  and,  forming  themselves  into  a 
compact  body,  charge  down  on  the  rebel  Cavalry,  and 
endeavour  to  drive  them  back  upon  the  Foot.  '  Put  off  the 
fight,'  I  whispered  to  Foujdar  Khan,  'or  not  a  man  of  us 
will  leave  this  field.' 

"  Gladly  did  these  brave  men  get  the  word  to  do  a  deed 
so  desperate ;  but  with  set  teeth  I  watched  them  mount, 
and  wondered  how  many  of  my  choicest  officers  would  come 
back. 


1848.]  THE    WELCOME   QUNS.  115 

"  Spreading  their  liuuds  to  heaven,  the  noble  band  a  moment 
solemnly  repeated  the  creed  of  their  religion,  as  though  it  bravery. 
were  their  last  aet  on  earth  ;  then  passed  their  hands  over 
their  beards  with  the  haughtiness  of  martyrs,  and,  drawing 
tlieir  swords,  dashed  out  of  tlie  jungle  into  the  ranks  of  the 
enemy's  horse,  who,  taken  wholly  by  surprise,  turned  round 
and  fled,  pursued  by  Foujdar  and  his  companions  to  within 
a  few  luin(hed  yards  of  the  rebel  lino,  which  halted  to 
receive  its  panic-stricken  friends. 

"  In  executing  this  brilliant  service  Foudjar  Khan 
received  two  wounds,  and  few  who  returned  came  back 
untouched.     IMany  fell. 

"The  purpose,  however,  was  completely  answered.  .  .  ,  At  The  wcl- 
that  moment  of  moments  might  be  heard  the  bugle-note  of  '^°"'*'  S"ds. 
Artillery  in  the  rear.    '  Hush ! '  cried  every  voice,  while  each 
ear  was  strained  to  catch  that  friendly  sound  again.     Again 
it  sounds,  again,  and  there  is  no  mistake.     The  guns  have 
come  at  last,  thank  God ! 

"  Quick,  quick,  orderlies,  and  bring  them  up.  There's 
not  a  moment  to  be  lost !  Now,  ollicers,  to  your  posts ; 
every  one  to  his  own  standard  and  his  own  men.  Let  the 
Infantry  stand  up  and  get  into  as  good  a  line  as  the  jungle 
will  allow ;  let  none  advance  until  I  give  the  word,  but 
when  the  word  is  given,  the  duty  of  every  chief  is  this,  to 
keep  the  standard  of  his  own  retainers  in  a  line  with  the 
standards  right  and  left  of  him.  Break  the  line,  and  you 
will  be  beaten ;  keej)  it,  and  you  are  sure  of  victory.* 

"  Away  they  scattered,  and  up  sprang  their  shouting 
brotherhoods.  Standards  were  plucked  up  and  shaken  in 
the  wind,  ranks  closed,  swords  grasped,  and  matches 
blown,  and  the  long  line  waved  backwards  and  forwards 
with  agitation  as  it  stood  between  the  coming  friend  and 
coming  foe. 

*  This  is  tlio  only  mainjcuivu  I  ever  alteiiiiited  to  instil  iuto  that 
inipaticnt  mass." 


ilG  ,S7A'    li Ell U FAIT   11.    EDWARD ES.  W'6^'6. 

Thcclaih.  "  LouJer  and  lousier  grcw  the  murmur  of  llie  aJvaneiiij; 

rebel  host,  more  distiuct  and  tdear  the  bugles  uf  the  friendly 
guns.  And  now  the  rattling  of  tlie  wheels  is  heard,  the 
crack  of  whips  and  clank  of  cliains,  as  they  labour  to  come 
up.  The  crowd  falls  back,  a  road  is  cleared,  we  see  the  fore- 
most gun,  and  amid  the  shouts  of  welcome  it  gallops  to  the 
front. 

"Oh,  the  thankfulness  of  that  moment!  the  relief,  the 
weight  removed,  the  elastic  bound  of  the  heart's  maiuspring 
into  its  place,  after  being  pressed  down  for  seven  protracted 
hours  of  waiting  for  a  reinforcement  that  might  never  come  ! 
Now  all  is  clear  before  us.  Our  chance  is  nearly  as  good  as 
theirs;  and  who  asks  more? 

Cort-  "  One,  two,  three,  four,  five,  six  guns  had  come ;  and 

lief^  panting  after  them,  with  clattering  cartridge-boxes,  might 

be  seen  two  regiments  of  Regular  Infantry — Soobhau  Khan's 
corps  of  Mussulmans,  and  General  Cortlandt's  Sooruj  Mook- 
hee.  It  was  well  thought  of  by  the  General,  for  I  had  only 
asked  for  guns;  but  he  judged  well  that  two  regiments 
would  be  worth  their  weight  in  gold  at  such  a  pinch. 

"  There  was  scant  time  for  taking  breath,  for  the  enemy 
was  close  at  hand ;  so,  bidding  the  guns  come  with  me,  the 
two  regiments  to  follow  on  the  guns,  and  the  whole  Irregular 
Cavalry  line  advance  steadily  in  rear,  under  command  of 
Foujdar  Khan,  I  led  the  Artillery  through  the  trees  on  to 
the  cultivated  plain  beyond.  There  we  first  saw  the  enemy's 
line.  .  .  . 

The  Clash.  "  Iiound  went  our  guns,  and  round  went  theirs,  and  in 

an  instant  both  were  discharged  into  each  other.  It  was  a 
complete  surprise ;  for  the  rebels  believed  truly  that  all  the 
guns  we  had  in  the  morning  had  left  the  field  with  the 
Daoodpootras,*  and  of  the  arrival  of  the  others  they  were 
ignorant.     Down   sank    their    whole   line  among  the  long 

*  Who  had  slipped  away  and  retired  towards  the  river  witliout  any 
orders  or  necessity. 


1818.]  FIRE    cmAPE   INTO   EACH   OTHER.  117 

stalks  of  tlie  sugar-cane;  and,  as  we  afterwards  learnt  from 
a  Goorkha  prisoner,  the  fatal  word  was  passed  that  *  the 
Sahib  had  got  across  the  river  with  all  his  army  from  Dera 
Ghazee  Khan,  and  led  them  into  an  ambush.' 

"To  and  fro  rode  their  astonished  and  vacillating 
colonels ;  and  while  the  guns  maintained  the  battle,  the 
intelligence  was  sent  by  swift  horsemen  to  tlic  rebel  general. 
Hung  Warn,  who,  seated  on  an  elephant,  lookeil  safely  down 
upon  the  fight  from  the  hills  around  the  village  of  Noonar. 

"  Meanwhile  the  Sooruj  IMookhse  and  Soobhau  Khan's 
regiments  had  come  up,  closely  followed  by  the  line ;  and  I 
made  the  two  former  lie  down  on  the  left  and  right  of  the 
Artillery,  and  the  latter  halt  under  cover  of  the  trees. 

"  The  gunners  were  getting  warm.  *  Grape  !  grape  ! ' 
at  length  shouted  the  commandant ;  '  it's  close  enough  for 
grape.'  And  the  enemy  thought  so  too,  for  the  next  round 
rushed  over  our  heads  like  a  flight  of  e;iglos. 

"  And  there,  for  the  first  time  and  tlie  last  in  my  short 
experience  of  war,  did  I  see  hostile  Artillery  firing  grape  into 
each  other.  It  was  well  for  us  that  the  enemy  were  taken 
by  surprise,  for  they  aimed  high  and  did  little  mischief. 
General  Cortlandt's  Artillery  were  well  trained  and  steady, 
and  their  aim  was  true. 

"  Two  guns  were  quickly  silenced,  and  the  rest  seemed  A  charge, 
slackening  and  firing  wild.  A  happy  charge  might  carry 
all.  I  gave  the  order  to  J^oobhan  Khan's  regiment  to  attack  ; 
and  away  they  went,  Soobhan  Khan  himself,  a  stout  heavy 
soldier,  leading  them  on,  and  leaping  over  bushes  like  a 
boy.  Before  this  regiment  could  reach  the  battery,  an 
incident  characteristic  of  Irregular  troops  occurred  :  a  cluster 
of  half  a  dozen  horsemen  dashed  out  from  the  trees  behind 
me,  and,  passing  the  regiment,  threw  themselves  on  the 
enemy's  guns.  Their  leader  received  the  ball  full  in  his 
face,  and  fell  over  the  'cannon's  mouth.'  It  was  Shah 
Niwaz  Khan  of    Esaukhevl,  whose  family   I    had  recalled 


118  ^TR    lIEnnEUT  U.    KDU'ARDES.  [1848. 

from  exile  to  rule  over  tlioir  own  country.  Tlie  regiment 
followed,  and  carried  at  the  point  of  the  bayonet  the  only 
gun  which  awaited  their  assault. 

"  Another  gun  lay  dismounted  on  the  ground. 

"  While  this  was  doing,  our  guns  poured  grape  into  the 
cover  where  the  rehel  Infantry  were  lying,  and  these,  hearing 
their  own  Artillery  retire  before  Soobhan  Khan's  charge, 
retreated  hastily  through  the  high  crops  with  which  the 
fields  were  covered,  but  suffered  heavily  from  the  fire  behind 
them,  and  formed  again  in  great  confusion  when  they 
reached  their  guns. 

"  At  this  point  a  small  body  of  Cavalry  were  approaching, 
and  I  asked  an  orderly  if  he  knew  who  they  were. 
A  nanow  "  J{q  thought  thcv  were  Foujdar  Khan  and  the  mounted 

escape.  o  .^ 

chiefs  of  the  Puthans,  and  I  had  just  turned  my  horse  to 
ride  towards  them  with  an  order,  when  a  single  horseman 
advanced,  and,  taking  a  deliberate  aim,  discharged  a  match- 
lock at  me  within  fifty  or  sixty  yards. 

"  The  ball  passed  first  through  the  sleeve  of  the  brown 
holland  blouse  wliich  I  had  on,  then  through  my  shirt,  and 
out  aerain  on  the  other  side  through  both,  and  must  have 
been  within  a  hair's-breadth  of  my  elbow. 
The  crash  "  Aud  now  I  gavo  the  word  for  the  whole  line  of  wihl 

Puthans  to  be  let  loose  upon  the  enemy.  One  volley  from 
our  battery,  and  they  plunged  into  the  snKjke-enveloped 
space  between  the  armies,  with  a  yell  that  had  gathered 
malice  through  hours  of  impatient  suffering.  The  smoke 
cleared  off,  and  the  Artillerymen  of  two  more  rebel  guns 
were  dying  desperately  at  their  posts ;  their  line  was  in  full 
retreat  upon  Noonar,  and  the  plain  was  a  mass  of  scattered 
skirmishers. 

"  Once  more  our  Artillery  galloped  to  the  front  and 
harassed  the  disordered  enemy.  In  vain  the  rebels  tried  to 
rally  and  reply.  Our  Infantry  was  on  them,  and  another 
and  another  jj^un  wore  abandoned  in  the  flight. 


of  conflict. 


1848.]  COMPLETE  liOUT   OF   THE  ENEMY.  119 

"  Txnw%  Ram,  tlieir  general,  had  long  since  fled.  ]\[ool- 
raj's  rutliiui  Cavalry,  who  had  stood  aloof  throughout  the 
battle,  were  supposed  to  have  gone  over;  the  regular  regi- 
ments, and  especially  the  Goorkhas  (who  had  deserted  Agnew 
and  Anderson  at  ]\rooltan,  and  now  fought  with  halters  round 
their  necks),  had  borne  the  brunt  of  the  day,  and  suffered 
heavily.     IMore  than  half  the  Artillery  had  been  lost. 

"  The  pursuit  was  hot,  and  fresh  and  overwhelming 
numbers  seemed  to  be  pouring  in  upon  both  flanks ;  for  at 
this  juncture  the  Daoodpootras  had  come  up  again,  and  were 
burning  to  retrieve  their  place. 

"Tlius,  without  a  general,  without  onler,  and   without  Complete 

'  b  »  ^'  _  rout  of 

hope,  the  rebels  were  driven  back  upon  Noonar ;  and,  having  the  enemy. 
placed  its  sheltering  heights  between  them  and  their  pur- 
suers for  a  moment,  they  threw  aside  shame  and  arms,  and 
fled,  without  once  halting,  to  jMoolian. 

"  But  of  ten  guns  that  the  rebels  brought  into  the  field 
of  Kinyeree,  but  two  returned  to  INFooltun. 

"Their  camp  at  Noonar  and  all  their  ammunition  fell 
into  our  hands,  and  the  former  furnished  many  of  our 
Irregular  levies  with  tents  for  the  first  time. 

"  And  so  ended  the  battle  of  Kinyeree,  which  began  a 
little  after  seven  a.m.,  and  was  not  decided  till  half-past 
four  p.m. 

"  At  five  p.m.,  after  nine  hours'  constant  exertion  of  mind   Happy  con- 

111  1  n  T   1  I  1  •  •  elusion. 

and  body  under  a  fiery  sun,  1  leave  the  reader  to  imagine 
the  feeling  of  thankfulness  with  which  I  sat  down  at  Noonar, 
on  the  very  ground  occupied  by  ]\roolraj's  army  in  the 
morning,  and  penned  a  hurried  despatch  to  the  Resident, 
announcing  our  victory." 

Edwardcrf  ends  liis  desjiatch  to  the  iJe.'^ident — 

"God  be  praised  for  a  most  signal  victory,  gained  under 
the  most  discouraging  circumstances;  but  to  be  followed,  I 
hope,  by  most  encouraging  results." 


120  sin   IIERDFAtT  B.   EDWAllDES.  [1848. 

('■niousco-         rpjjj^  y^^^^^^  ^^  KinYorcc  has  been  called  "  the  Waterloo  of 

iiiLulence.  -^ 

the  ruiijab,"  havin<f  been  fought  on  the  glorious  anniversary, 
June  18 ;  nor  can  we  fail  to  notice  a  second  coincidence  in 
the  timely  arrival  of  Cortlandt's  guns,  which,  like  Bliicher's 
at  Waterloo,  turned  the  tide  to  victory. 

]\Ioolraj  was  thoroughly  disheartened.     This  force  was  his 
"  all ;  "  he  had  more  guns,  but  not  any  more  field-pieces. 
An  inde-  Another  account  of  this  battle  has  been  given  by  an  eye- 

witness,      witness,*   an   officer  attaclied   to   Edwardes's   Brigade,  who 
writes — 

"  There  can  be  no  doubt,  had  not  Moolraj  met  with  defeat 
at  this  time,  the  whole  of  the  Punjab  would  have  been  in  a 
blaze,  and  all  the  richest  districts  of  Mooltan  would  have 
fallen  into  the  hands  of  the  enemy.  But,  happily,  Edwardes 
was  in  the  country,  on  the  right  bank  of  the  Indus,  opposite 
Leiah,  with  two  guns,  three  hundred  Horse,  four  companies  of 
Foot,  and  one  disaffected  Sikh  regiment. 

"Edwardes  crossed  to  Leiah,  and  commenced  collecting 
the  revenue,  whereupon  IMoolraj  sent  ten  thousand  men  and 
ten  guns  to  attack  him.  Edwardes  was  naturally  obliged  to 
retreat,  and  take  up  his  old  ground  on  the  right  bank  of  the 
Indus,  securing  all  the  boats.  At  the  same  time,  he  wrote  to 
General  Cortlandt  (Xizam  of  the  district  of  Bunnoo)  to  come 
to  his  assistance,  which  he  did  in  six  days,  with  six  guns,  one 
regiment  of  Eoot,  and  one  hundred  Horse. 

"At  Dera  Eutteh  Khan,  Edwardes  added,  in  ten  days, 
two  thousand  men  to  his  force,  and  Cortlandt  moved  towards 
Sungur  with  six  guns,  two  regiments  of  Eoot,  and  a  few  Horse  ; 
Edwardes  remaining  to  prevent  the  enemy  from  crossing  the 
river  at  Leiah.  On  the  day  Cortlandt  marched  down  the 
right  bank  of  the  Indus  towards  Sungur,  the  enemy  made  a 
corresponding  movement  on  the  left  bank,  and  encamped 
opposite  to  Cortlandt  at  Sooltan  Khan.  Next  day  Edwardes 
dropped  down  the  river  in  boats,  and  joined  General  Cort- 
landt. In  this  way  Edwardes  and  Cortlandt  reached  Dera 
Ghazee  Khan,  where  a  small  friendly  force  was  quartered : 
the  enemy,  as  before,  encamping  on  the  opposite  bank. 

*  Copied  from  a  letter  written  by  an  ofBcer  attached  to  Lieutenant 
Edwardes's  Brigade  to  an  English  newspaper,  dated  Camp,  Sooruj  Roond, 
Mooltan,  October  26,  1848. 


18i8.]  BATTLE    OF  KINYEREE   COMMENCED.  121 

"  On  the  march  to  Dera  Ghazee  Klian,  Edwardes  raised 
four  thousand  men,  his  whole  force  amounting  to  seven 
thousand. 

"  Early  on  the  morning  of  the  18th,  Edwardes  hastened 
to  cross  the  Chenab  himself,  but  before  he  had  reached  the 
opposite  ])ank  the  enemy  commenced  the  battle  of  Kinyeree 
by  attacking  the  Bluiwulpore  army.  Edwardes  soon  joined 
his  men,  and  took  up  his  ground  on  the  left  of  the  line.  At 
seven  a.m.  the  whole  of  the  Bhawulpore  and  enemy's  g-uns  were 
engaged,  and  a  well-directed  fire  was  kept  up  lor  six  hours, 
when  the  enemy  advanced,  pouring  in  grape  and  musketry, 
which  compelled  the  Bhawulpore  force  to  fall  back  and  with- 
draw their  guns.* 

"  Edwardes's  small  force  was  consequently  (three  thousand 
men)left  to  maintain  its  ground  between  the  two  armies, and  the 
enemy  immediately  brought  all  his  guns  and  Infantry  against 
it.  Edwardes  had  the  greatest  difficulty  in  keeping  his  men 
from  advancing ;  but  by  riding  up  and  down  the  line,  and 
constantly  assuring  the  native  officers  that  the  guns  were 
being  brought  up,  and  by  ordering  the  men  to  lie  down,  he 
succeeded  in  holding  his  position  until  nearly  three  p.m.,  when, 
finding  that  all  must  be  lost  in  a  quarter  of  an  hour  if  some- 
thing were  not  done,  he  collected  the  few  Horss  he  had 
(about  a  hundred)  and  made  a  headlong  charge  into  the 
enemy. 

"  For  a  few  minutes  they  were  checked,  or  rather  surprised, 

*  This  rather  exaggerates  the  valour  of  the  Bhawulpore  troops,  who 
"  retired"  into  safety,  and  came  up  at  the  end  of  the  fight,  and  in  time 
for  the  victory.  We  have  seen  the  true  picture,  sketched  by  Edwardes's 
own  pen,  of  the  entire  inefficiency  of  their  General  in  command  to  lead 
them  in  the  hour  of  difficulty.  But  the  allies  were  soon  to  be  reinforced, 
and  their  value  secured,  by  the  arrival  of  Lieutenant  Lake  to  command 
them.  On  June  28,  he  started  to  ride  from  Bhawulpore  into  Edwardes's 
camp  ;  broke  down  in  the  heat  and  had  to  iialt,and  reached  it  in  the  evening 
of  the  28th,  "  with  the  thermometer  at  120  degrees  inside  our  tents," — "  a 
very  valuable  acquisition,"  says  Kdwardes. 

Lake  had  written,  "  Don't  fight  any  more  battles,  like  a  good  fellow, 
till  I  join  you,"  adding,  "  Let  me  know  if  there  is  any  immediate  prospect 
of  a  fight,  and  I  can  join  you  in  one  ni'^jht."  Edwardes  adds,  "  This  was 
indeed  delightful  news.  Old  Futteh  Muhommud  would  be  now  put  on 
the  shelf.  I  should  get  an  able  colleague  in  his  stead,  and  many  a  weary 
hour  would  be  wiled  aw.ay  in  the  society  of  one  of  my  best  and  most 
accomplished  friends." 


122  ,S7A*   IIEBBERT  D.   EDWARDES.  [1848. 

and  the  remaining  Horse  had  scarcely  returned  to  their  ranks 
when  two  of  Cleneral  CorLhuidt's  regiments,  with  six  gims, 
came  up.  No  time,  as  may  be  supposed,  was  lost  in  bringing 
them  to  bear ;  no  gun  discharged  that  did  not  make  dreadful 
havoc  amongst  the  enemy,  Edwardes  himself  pointing  some 
of  the  guns,  and  riding  everywhere  to  encourage  the  men. 

"  It  was  soon  apparent  that  the  enemy's  fire  began  to 
diminish,  and  p]dwardes,  thinking  this  a  favourable  moment, 
ordered  the  whole  of  his  men  to  cliarge ;  and  then  began  one 
of  the  fiercest  hand-to-hand  fights — short-lived,  it  is  true,  for 
the  enemy  were  soon  completely  routed  and  driven  off  the 
field,  leaving  eight  guns  and  the  whole  of  their  baggage  in 
the  hands  of  the  victors.  For  want  of  Cavalry  the  pursuit 
could  not  be  carried  far ;  but  the  enemy  did  not  attempt  to 
make  head  again,  but  retreated  upon  Mooltan,  with  all  the 
haste  he  could  make,  whither  Edwardes  and  Cortlandt 
followed  him." 


CHAPTER   Y 


1848-1849. 

BATTf.E   OF   SUDDOOSAM— RETRIBUTION— THE    FALL   OF 
MOOLTAN. 


"  Some  say  that  the  age  of  cliivalry  is  past,  that  the  spirit  of  romance 
is  dead.  The  age  of  chivalry  is  never  past  so  long  as  there  is  a  wrong  left 
unredressed  on  earth,  or  a  man  or  woman  left  to  say,  'I  will  redress  that 
wrong,  or  sj^end  my  life  in  the  attempt.'  The  age  of  chivalry  is  never 
past  so  long  as  we  have  faith  enough  to  say,  '  God  will  help  me  to  redress 
that  wrong,  or,  if  not  me.  He  will  help  those  that  come  after  me ;  for  His 
eternal  will  is  to  overcome  evil  with  soud.'" — Charlks  Kingsley. 


(  l^'"^  ) 


CHAPTER  V. 

Ox  June  29,  1848,  the  allies  were  encamped  near  Sooruj 
Koond,  about  three  miles  from  Mooltan,  to  the  west  of  a 
large  deep  canal.  Tlie  enemy  had  taken  up  his  ground 
within  two  miles  of  the  city,  and  to  the  east  of  the  same 
canal,  defending  the  two  bridges  M'ith  his  remaining  gims. 

Early  on  the  morning  of  July  IJ  Edwardes  moved  towards 
Tibbee,  on  the  north-west  of  the  fort,  and  jMoolraj  marched 
in  the  same  direction,  to  prevent  Edwardes  attacking  the  city 
of  Mooltan. 

The  allies  were  about  to  encamp  at  Tibl)ee  when  the 
enemy  crossed  the  canal,  and  offered  them  battle.  This  was 
at  noon. 

Lieutenant  Lake,  commanding  the  Bhawulpore  troops, 
forming  the  left  of  the  army,  immediately  marched  to  secure 
some  high  ground  in  his  front ;  General  Cortlandt,  com- 
manding the  centre,  marched  on  the  enemy's  flank,  and 
Edwardes  moved  to  the  left,  threatening  the  enemy's  rear. 

This  battle  of  Suddoosam  commenced  by  Lake  opening  Battle  of 
his  guns  at  grape  distance,  the  enemy  returning  his  fire  with  Suddoosam 
great  spirit,  which  was  kept  up  for  some  time.  When  Cort- 
landt and  Edwardes  got  into  position,  the  battle  became 
general,  and  lasted  for  six  hours.  The  enemy  fought  with 
desperation ;  and,  altliough  compelled  to  retreat  early  in  the 
day,  they  took  advantage  of  every  favourable  position,  anil 
did  not  relinquish  it  without  a  struggle. 

About  four  p.m.,  orders  being  given  for  th(!  whole  line  to 
advance,*  and  a  shower  of  grape  being  thrown  in,  the  enemy 

*  "  At  Suddoosam,  Moolraj  commanded  in  person.  He  got  a  (aW  from 
his  elej'haiit  from  a  sliot  catchiiiE;  his  howdah,  mounted  his  horse,  and 
retreated  precipitately  from  tlie  field.     Once  moved,  the  day  was  ours; 


126  SJn   JlEliBEIiT  B.   EDWARDES.  [1848. 

were  routed  in  cvciy  (lircclioii,  :iii(l  (hi\c'ii  into  Mooltan, 
leaving  two  guns  and  nundiers  of  killed  and  wounded  en  the 
field. 

An  extract  from  the  Tunes  of  that  period  may  Ije  interest- 
ing here — 

"  We  cannot  forbear  from  a  few  words  of  congTatiilation 
and  acknowledgment  upon  the  admirable,  but  not  extraordi- 
iiafy,  service  which  a  young  subaltern  has  just  rendered  to 
the  Indian  Government,  in  the  revolt  of  Mooltan.  We  say, 
not  '  extraordinary,'  because  the  history  of  British  India  is  full 
of  examjdes  showing  how  individual  resolution  and  altilities 
are  developed  by  the  noble  opportunities  and  the  munificent 
encouragement  which  the  service  of  the  Company  combines. 

"  Otherwise  this  summary  termination  by  a  single  lieu- 
tenant of  a  war  for  which  an  army  of  ten  thousand  men  was 
expeditiously  mustering,  is  an  achievement  as  well  entitled 
to  be  termed  extraordinary  as  any  which  our  columns  have 
ever  chronicled. 

"  Lieutenant  Edwardes,  who  is  the  same  officer  whose 
intuitive  sagacity  and  acquaintance  with  native  character 
rendered  his  services  so  useful  during  our  demonstrations 
against  Cashmere  and  our  negotiations  with  its  mysterious 
chieftain,  chanced  to  be  stationed  in  the  Lower  Punjab  at  the 
moment  of  the  outbreak  in  Mooltan. 

"Acting  as  officers  are  expected  to  act  under  the  traditions 
of  Clive,  and  in  a  country  where  an  isolated  subaltern  is 
frequently  the  responsible  Governor  of  a  province,  he  ad- 
vanced at  once  with  the  little  troop  under  his  command,  on 
the  unexpected  duty  of  saving  two  of  his  countrymen,  over- 
awing the  great  city  (of  Mooltan),  and  chastizing  an  insurgent 
chief,  Moolraj,  at  the  head  of  an  unknown  force. 

fur  the  native  army  that  retires  is  lost.  The  enemy  are  said  to  have 
suffered  very  heavy  loss,  increased  by  a  cruel  and  treacherous  act  of  tlie 
Dewan's.  Between  the  field  and  the  city  runs  a  large  nullah  (ditch,  or 
stream),  and  there  is  but  one  bridge  at  that  part  of  it  which  is  nearest 
Suddoosam.  No  sooner  had  Moolraj  got  across  this  bridge  himself  with 
his  Artillery,  than  he  planted  two  guns  upon  it,  to  stop  his  own  soldiers 
from  retreating.  The  majority  of  the  enraged  fugitives  forced  the  barrier 
with  some  loss,  but  many  of  them  tried  to  swim  the  nullah,  and  were 
drowned.  Hundreds  never  re-entered  Mooltan,  but  struck  off  into  the 
country,  and  have  probably  gone  to  their  homes." — H.  B.  E.,  "  Year  on 
the  ruiijab  Frontier." 


18 IH.]  DESCIiirTION   OF  AN  EYE-WITNESS.  127 

"][c  was  too  late  to  effect  liis  main  o])Jecl  (which  was  to 
save  the  lives  of  Agnew  and  Aiulersoii),  but  he  lield  his 
own  against  every  attack,  destroyed  by  detached  encounters 
the  prestige  which  the  successful  murders  of  these  two 
fifficcrs  was  lending  to  tlie  insurgents,  and  zealously  availed 
himself  of  his  peculiar  skill  and  opportunities  to  recruit  Ijy 
extempore  levies  the  force  under  his  disposal. 

"  Out  of  the  mixed  ])(»puhitiou  of  these  hosts  it  seems 
that  the  Sikhs  alone  displayed  any  inclination  to  the  cause 
of  Moolraj  ;  and  these  mainly,  we  doubt  not,  were  of  the 
(lis])aiuled  and  broken  troops  of  the  Queen-Mother's  army. 

"  The  Puthaus,  or  Afghans,  from  the  west  frontier,  and 
the  Beloochees,  or  people  of  Beloochistan,  who  preceded  us  in 
the  conquest  of  Sindli,  and  who  form  a  considerable  element 
in  tlie  present  population  of  that  province  and  of  the 
Southern  Punjab,  both  Mohammedans  by  creed,  evinced  a 
decided  preference  for  our  standard,  and  took  service  so 
freely  under  Lieutenant  Edwardes  (or  other  district  com- 
manders) that  that  officer  soon  counted  a  disposable  force  of 
six  thousand  men,  heartily  inclined  to  the  work  in  hand. 

"Thus  strengthened,  he  assumed  at  once  the  character 
with  the  capacity  of  a  general,  and  commenced  operations 
by  opening  communications  with  our  steadfast  ally  Bhawul 
Khan,  who  had  already  crossed  the  Sutlej  against  IMoolraj, 
but  so  indiscreetly  that  the  superior  forces  of  the  latter  had 
caused  him  some  losses. 

"  Lieutenant  Edwardes,  however,  contrived  to  cross  suc- 
cessively the  Indus  and  the  Chenab,  effected  his  junction 
with  the  Bhawulpore  force,  and  deliberately  awaited  the 
formidable  enemy,  against  whom  all  the  cantonments  between 
Lahore  and  Umballa  were  busily  coiitii1)iiting  their  con- 
tingents. 

"  Nor  did  he  wait  in  vain.  On  June  18,  a  day  of  brilliant 
omen  (for,  as  he  said,  '  no  Englishman  can  be  beaten  on 
June  18  '),  he  was  attacked  by  the  whcde  force  of  Moolraj,  and 
after  a  battle,  of  which  the  duration  shows  the  severity,  he 
remained  master  of  the  field,  having  utterly  routed  the 
enemy,  captured  more  than  half  of  his  guns,  and  finished 
the  war. 

"  Few  battles  of  Indian  histurv  will  be  mure  remarkable 


128  SJJi   IlERBEllT  n.   EDWAUDKS.  [1818. 

than  this.  Several  of  the  iiinst  famous  engagements  of  our 
early  career  were  decided  by  the  mere  manifestation  of 
courage.  Plassey  was  a  cannonade,  far  more  bloodless  than 
that  of  Valmy  ;  its  characteristic  was  the  then  unwarranted 
resolution  of  Clive  to  assault  an  army  which  could  have 
buried  his  six  battalions  under  their  turbans.  And,  even  in 
the  more  costly  conflicts  of  Munro  and  Wellesley,  there  was 
actually  a  European  regiment  to  bear  the  brunt  and  do  the 
business  of  the  day. 

"  But  Lieutenant  Edwardes,  like  Clive  at  Arcot,  appeared 
first  to  have  made  his  army,  and  then  to  have  led  it  to 
victory.  He  successively  attracted,  enlisted,  organized,  and 
manoeuvred  his  army,  and  led  it  to  triumph,  within  the 
compass  of  a  few  weeks. 

"  These  are  the  events  that  teach  us  that  our  service 
wants  nothing  but  what  we  trust  it  may  long  want — oppor- 
tunity ;  and  that  we  shall  have  Pictons  and  Crawfords 
again  in  plenty,  if  ever  the  first  trumpet  of  war  should  un- 
fortunately sound." — {Times  quotation.) 

Results  of  "  The  result  of  these  two  battles  is,  it  is  said,  that  Moolraj 

the  battles,  (jig^^.^gts  the  whole  force  which  fought  on  the  18th,  and  is 

not  inclined  to  let  them  into  the  fort,  but  means  to  encamp 

them  under  its  walls.     So  treated,  they  will  probably  melt 

rapidly  away. 

"  In  a  few  days  the  task  assigned  to  this  army  will  be 
accomplished  ;  and  Moolraj  and  his  rebels  will  be  confined 
to  the  fort  of  Mooltau."  (Lieutenant  Edwardes  to  the 
Kesident  at  Lahore.) 

In  generous  praise,  Edwardes  forwarded  to  the  Resident 
a  notice  of  the  services  of  the  officers  who  were  with  him 
at  this  time. 

To  the  Resident  at  Lahore. 

"  July  2,  1848. 

Lieutenant  "Lieutenant   Lake   will   himself  give  you    an  account 

of  the  share  taken   in  the    battle    of  Suddoosam  by    the 

Daoodpootras,  but  it  is  for  me  to  inform  you  how  much 


1848.]  EQUESTRIAN   VICISSITUDES.  129 

their  good  service  was  due  to  the  judgment  with  which  ho 
took  up  their  successive  positions,  and  the  confidence  which 
they   could  not  but    imbibe  from  witnessing   his   personal 
intrepidity  under    the  hottest  fire.     To  hira   and   General  G.-nerai 
Cortlaudt  your  warmest  praise  is  due. 

"The  latter  maintained  a  solid  and  unshaken  centre 
throughout  the  day,  and  handled  his  regular  regiments  and 
Artillery  like  a  good  soldier  and  a  brave  man. 

"  To  Fouidar  Khan  Alizve,  who  has  throughout  these  foujdar 

•^  ,    "     '  °  Khau. 

operations  acted  as  my  adjutant-general,  and  who,  in  spite 
of  a  severe  sword-wound  received  at  Kinyeree,  on  June  18, 
took  command  of  the  Cavalry  yesterday  at  Suddoosam, 
and  directed  their  movements,  I  feel  under  the  greatest 
obligation,  and  at  some  future  time  shall  lay  his  services 
more  particularly  before  you. 

"  Nothing  could  well  be  more  different  tlian  the  battles 
of  Kinyeree  and  Suddoosam. 

"  The  battle  of  Kinyeree  was,  for  a  long  while,  one  of  Differences 

Dct  WGGQ 

endurance  ;  that  of  Suddoosam,  though  it  lasted  from  noon  the  battles 
to  sunset,  was  one  of  incessant  action.     In  the  former,  it  was  a^d  su^,' 
my  painful  duty  to   keep  still  and  quiet  my  men  ;  in  the  "^oo^a™- 
latter,  I  did  nothing  but  ride  up  and  down  the  line,  encour- 
aging the  different  divisions  to  advance  from  point  to  point, 
now  driving  skulkers  out  of  a  village  or  a  corn-field,  now 
reproving  a    standard-bearer  for  letting    other   colours   go 
ahead    of   him,    now     hurriedly    thanking   Cortlandt     for 
pointing   his  own   guns,  now  dashing  off  to    keep  an  eye 
on  Sheikh  Imam-iid-din. 

"  The  equestrian  vicissitudes  I  underwent  that  day  are  Equestrian 

*  ""  vicissi- 

truly  ludicrous  to  remember,  though  very  serious  matters  tuJes. 
at  the  moment.  I  commenced  the  action  on  a  big  chesnut 
Arab  named  Zal ;  but,  sulky  at  being  so  long  without  his 
dinner,  he  refused  to  leap  a  canal,  which  had  brought  the 
Artillery  to  a  halt,  and  fell  with  me  right  into  the  middle. 
Nor,  with  all  my  pulling  and  hauling,  could  I  get  him 
VOL.  I.  K 


130  STPi   nEBBERT  B.   EDWABDES.  [1848. 

out,  and  I  ^Yas  obliged  to  leave  him  till  the  fight  was  over. 
General  Cortlandt  then  got  me  a  bay  horse  from  an  officer 
in  his  Artillery ;  but  I  had  not  gone  two  hundred  yards 
when  over  he  came  backwards,  and  bruised  me  dread- 
fully on  the  ground.  A  shot  had  grazed  his  nose. 
Native  "Fat  Siidik   Mahommed   Khan,   who   was  my  aide-de- 

"Tit'hfui     camp  all  that  day,  next  put  me  on  a  grey,  belonging  to  one 
to  their       Qf  jj^jg  Q^yjj  followers,  and  this  beast  I  had  fairly  ridden  to  a 

salt.  •' 

standstill,  when  up  came  one  of  my  own  '  syces  '  (native 
grooms),  with  a  grey  Cabul  horse  of  my  own,  called 
Punch. 

"  '  What  are  you  doing  here  ?  '  I  asked,  for  I  had  mounted 
Lake  on  this  horse  in  the  morning.  '  Lake  Sahib  has  sent 
it  with  his  compliments,  as  he  hears  you  have  lost  Zal, 
and  he  has  borrowed  another  horse  for  himself ! '  So  I 
finished  the  day  upon  Punch,  and  when  the  fight  was 
over  I  thanked  Lake  for  the  timely  thought.  Lake  burst 
out  hxughing,  and  said,  'I  send  the  horse  back?  Never! 
That  villain  of  a  syce  walked  off  with  it,  and  left  me 
without  any  horse  at  all ! '  " 

This  is  a  good  characteristic  story  of  native  servants,  who 
are  "  faithful  to  their  salt,"  and  will  often  serve  their  own 
masters  well,  but  have  no  idea  of  doing  the  same  to  another 
servant's  master ;  and  this  good  syce  seems  to  have  acted 
upon  that  idea,  and  could  conceive  no  reason  why  his  master 
shouldn't  ride  his  own  horse.  His  master's  desire  to  horse 
his  friend  was  quite  too  romantic  an  idea,  he  thought,  for 
these  times,  to  be  indulged. 

Another  amusing  and  characteristic  incident,  romantic  in 
another  way,  may  be  told  in  Edwardes's  own  words. 

Sadik  Ma-  <t  I  jj^ve  mentioned  Sadik  Mahommed  Khan.     He  was 

hommed 

Khan.  a  Servant  of  the  Maharajah,  appointed  to  do  duty  with  the 

Nazim  of  Mooltan,  and,  when  tiie  rebellion  broke  out,  was 
drawing  pay  from  both.  .  .  .  Moolraj  expected  him  to  side  with 


18 IR.]        WARNINGS   OF   TRAITOIiS  IN   THE   CAMP.      131 

hiin,  but,  though  unable  to  escape,  on  account  of  his  house 
and  family,  lie  refused  to  set  his  seal  to  the  oath  of  rebellion 
on  the  Koran,  and  the  very  day  that  I  arrived  befcjro 
Mooltan,  Siidik  and  his  father  took  their  hawks  on  their 
wrists,  and,  under  pretence  of  hunting,  issued  forth  from  the 
city  and  joined  me.  It  is  an  incident  illustrative  of  those 
strange  uncertain  times  that,  two  days  afterwards,  he  was  my 
faithful  henchman  at  Suddoosam,  and,  being  well  mounted, 
was  often  the  only  man  by  my  side. 

"  Had  he  been  a  traitor,  he  might  have  killed  me  at  any 
moment.  But  I  heard  his  story,  believed  it,  trusted  him, 
and  was  rewarded  by  invaluable  service  throughout  the  rest 
of  the  rebellion. 

"  Yet  it  was  as  hard  to  trust  in  those  days  as  it  was 
necessary. 

'•'  The  very  moment  before  this  battle  of  Suddoosam  I  Incideuts 

,.        .  1         T     •    J  •^      f  ,  of  the  war. 

was  dipping  my  head  into  a  pail  ot  water,  preparatory  to 
putting  on  a  thick  turban,  so  as  to  keep  my  brains  cool 
as  long  as  possible  in  the  sun,  when  Sadik  Mahommed's 
own  uncle  insisted  on  speaking  to  me. 

"  Lifting  my  dripping  head  out  of  the  pail,  I  listened  Unheeded 
to  the  old  man's  solemn  warnings  to  be  on  my  guard;  'for,'  of  traitors 
said  h(.%  '  all  these  men,  like  my  nephew,  who  have  come  '"  *^® 
over    from  the  enemy   are   here   by  Moolraj's  orders   and 
consent.     You  are  drawn  into   a  trap.     Half  your  soldiers 
are  friends,  and  half  are  foes,  and,  like  rice  and  split  peas, 
they  are  all  mixed  up  in  one  dish.     If  there  is  not  some 
treachery  in  tliis  day's    fight,  my  name  is  not  Surbulund 
Khan  ! ' 

"  The  idea  was  not  pleasant,  and  I  soused  my  head  under 
water  again,  desperately  ;  but  soon  came  up,  wrung  out  the 
water,  clapped  a  turban  over  my  wet  hair,  and  thanked  the 
old  gentleman  for  his  information,  which  was  too  late  to 
be  useful,  mounted  my  horse,  and — never  found  out  any 
of  the  traitors  from  that  day  to  this  !  " 


132  Slli   UEBBERT  D.   EDWARDES.  [1848. 

Anothov  incident  of  the  field  al)ont  tliis  time  had  a  more 
painl'ul  ending,  but  before  we  close  this  chapter  it  must  be  told. 

'•'  I  was  in  the  very  act  of  writing,  when  a  horseman 
rode  in  from  the  picket,  and  reported  that  Moolraj's  army 
was  crossing  the  bridge  in  the  same  order  that  they  had 
done  before,  and  were  coming  on  again  to  give  us  battle. 

A  real  "  Astounded,  but  unable  to  disbelieve,  I  beat  to  arms, 

summoned  the  chief  officers,  ordered  the  line  to  be  turned 
out  at  once,  and  was  holding  a  hurried  conference  with 
Lake  and  Cortlaudt  in  my  tent,  while  all  three  of  us  were 
jumping  into  boots  or  buckling  on  swords  or  pistols,  when 
a  second  horseman  from  the  picket  entered.  I  had  just 
loaded  my  pistols,  and  went  on  cramming  them  into  my 
belt,  while  listening  to  the  man's  report.  The  hammer  of 
one  got  entangled,  but,  without  looking  to  see  what  was 
the  matter,  I  seized  the  barrel  in  my  right  hand,  and  pulled 
the  pistol  into  its  place.  A  loud  report,  a  short  pang,  and 
I  had  lost  the  use  of  my  right  hand  for  life !  The  ball  had 
passed  through  the  palm,  and  lodged  in  the  floor  at  my 
foot.     But  there  was  no  time  for  regrets. 

A  false  "  The  line  had  turned  out,  and  Lake  rushed  to  the  field 

to  take  my  duty  and  his  own.  Nobly  he  would  have  done 
both ;  but  I  must  own  it  was  a  great  relief  to  me  to  hear 
that,  as  our  line  advanced,  the  enemy  retreated  again  behind 
the  city  walls,  and  proved  to  have  been  only  a  party  of 
Cavalry  sent  out  to  reconnoitre  our  position.  Had  Moolraj 
given  us  battle  that  day,  the  result  must  have  been  more 
doubtful  than  it  had  ever  been  before.  All  Lake's  attention 
and  guidance  was  demanded  by  his  own  undisciplined 
Daoodpootras.  He  had  had  no  time  to  become  acquainted 
with  my  men  or  they  with  him,  and  the  accident  which 
had  happened  at  such  a  critical  moment  to  their  cus- 
tomary leader  would  have  been  an  omen  of  certain  defeat 
to  their  superstitious  minds. 


1819.]  RETRIBUTION.  .133 

"  Even  as  it  was,  the  occurrence  was  unfortunate,  for 
\shile  it  prevented  me  from  being  surrounded  by  my 
officers,  as  I  was  wont  to  be  all  day,  and  confined  me  like 
a  prisoner  to  my  bed,  in  Moolraj's  'hall  of  audience' 
it  was  a  subject  of  loud  rejoicing  and  congratulation. 
At  first  I  was  reported  dead,  and  ]\Ioolraj  made  a  present 
to  the  messenger  wlio  brought  tlie  news,  burying  me 
with  the  decent  remark,  that  I  was  *  a  stout  youth,  and 
it  was  a  pity   I  should  be  cut  off  so  young ! '     On  hearing  Moolraj's 

disappoint- 
that  I  had  only  lost  my  hand,  he  probably  took  the  present  ment. 

back  again  and  thrashed  the  messenger." 

The  good  right  hand  could  never  use  a  sivord  again,  though 
for  other  purposes  it  healed  right  well ;  so  the  consequences 
were  serious,  but  the  Directors  of  the  Honoural^le  East  India 
Company  lionoured  Edwardes  with  "a  special  grant"  of  £100 
annuity,  *  with  reference  to  his  eminent  services.'  (The  wound 
not  having  been  received  in  action,  the  grant  had  to  be  made 
"  special.") 

Great  were  the  troubles  brought  about  by  the  deed  of 
treachery  at  Mooltan,  and  long-sustained  were  the  labours  by 
which  Edwardes  succeeded  in  defeating  Moolraj  when  he 
came  out  to  fight,  or  in  keeping  him  shut  up  in  his  fortress ; 
until  the  time  came  when  the  siege  of  Mooltan  was  under- 
taken by  the  army  of  Eegular  troops  under  command  of 
General  Whish,  with  which  Edwardes  and  his  force  of  six 
thousand  men  cordially  and  efiectually  co-operated. 

Then,  too,  followed  retribution  for  the  great  crime  which  The  retri- 
on  January  3,  1849 — nine  months  afterwards — redeemed  the  .,"*'°°- 

^  _  trie  crime. 

promise  of  the  dying  Agnew  and  his  brave  companion,  when, 
in  the  certainty  of  his  country's  honourable  regard  for  blood 
so  slied,  the  words  rang  out,  "  Thousands  of  Englishmen  will 
come  down  when  we  are  gone,  and  will  annihilate  Moolraj, 
his  soldiers,  and  his  fort." 

"When  the  fort  of  ]\[ooltan  was  taken  by  the  English 
army,  tluce  companies  of  the  very  same  regiment  to  which 
Lieutenant  Anderson  belonged  (tlie  1st  Bombay  Fusiliers), 


134  SIR   IlEBBEET  D.  EDWABBES.  [1849. 

under  Captain  Leitb,  assaulted  the  '  Bloody  Bastion '  or 
Khoonee  Boorj,  .  .  .  and  soon  made  the  city  of  Mooltan 
their  own. 

"  Then  arose,  from  every  crowded  height  and  battery, 
wlionce  the  exciting  struggle  had  been  watched,  the  shouts 
of  applauding  comrades ;  and  through  the  deafening  roar 
of  musketry  which  pealed  along  the  ramparts  and  marked 
the  hard-earned  progress  of  the  victorious  columns  through 
the  streets,  both  friend  and  foe  might  hear  that  sound, 
never  to  be  forgotten,  the  '  hurrah ! '  of  a  British  army  after 
battle. 
Fall  of  "  Thus  fell  the  blood-stained  city  of  Mooltan !     Where 

are  now  the  citizens  who  hooted  on  the  murderers  of  Ander- 
son and  Agnew  ? —  the  idolaters  who,  with  fresh-painted 
foreheads,  and  garlands  of  flowers  in  their  hands,  prostrated 
themselves  with  joy  before  tlieir  unconscious  gods,  and 
thanked  them  for  the  death  of  the  Christians  ? 

"  ShamC' — shame-stricken  ;   hiding  in  holes  and  coiners  ; 

invisible,  or  kneeling  in  the  mud  for  mercy — mercy  from 

the   Christian  conqueror,   to  whose   countrymen   they   had 

shown  no  mercy !  .  .  . 

Mooiraj's  "  No  sooucr  did  Moolraj  see  that  the  breach  in  the  city 

Ms  own  °     walls  was  carried  by  the  British,  than  he  closed  the  gates 

defenders,     ^f  ^j-^g  jp^j,^  upon  the  uusucccssful  defenders  of  the  city,  and 

thus  left  three-fourths  of  his  army  at  the  mercy  of  their 

enemies. 

"The  indignant  garrison  of  the  city,  deserted  on  one 
side  by  the  master  whose  miserable  existence  they  had 
prolonged,  and  pursued  on  the  other  up  every  street  and 
alley  by  the  British,  saw  no  hope  left  for  them  in  IMooltan  ; 
and,  scrambling  over  the  western  walls  or  issuing  at  the 
Loharee  gate,  concealed  themselves  till  night  among  the 
Afghan  suburbs ;  then,  under  cover  of  the  darkness,  dis- 
persed and  fled,  without  gain  or  honour,  to  their  distant 
homes. 


1849.]  FALL    OF  MOOLTAN.  135 

"  Never  did  broken  vessel,  left  liigli  and  dry  on  some  The  city 
inhospitable  shore  after  a  storm,  exhibit  a  more  perfect  dead. 
wreck  than  the  city  of  I\Iooltan  on  January  3,  1849.  Its 
streets  were  strewn  with  slain,  chiefly  Sikhs,  whose  long 
religious  locks,  spread  wildly  out  on  the  bloody  ground, 
gave  their  dead  a  demoniac  look,  which  no  one  who  has 
walked  over  a  Sikh  battle-field  can  forget.  So  might  some 
Michael  Angelo  portray  the  hosts  whom  'the  spirits  of 
devils'  shall  gather  together  to  be  destroyed  at  Arma- 
geddon. 

"  Soon,  however,  was  this  city  of  the  dead  alive  again 
with  armed  men.  For  it  was  determined  to  attack  the  fort. 
On  January  4,  a  brigade  of  the  Bombay  division  marched 
round  and  encamped  on  the  north  of  the  fort ;  and,  com- 
municating by  pickets  and  patrols  with  the  Bengal  division 
on  the  east,  and  with  a  detachment  of  Irregulars  on  the 
west,  completed,  for  the  first  time,  the  investment  of 
Mooltan. 

"  Fast  now  were  the  toils  closing  in  around  Moolraj  ;  his 
heart  began  to  fail,  and  on  the  evening  of  January  5  he 
made  his  first  overture  to  surrender." 

"  Detvan  Moolraj  to  Major  Edivardes. 

"  January  5,  18-19. 
"  Having  sundry  representations  to  make  before  you,  I  Moolraj 

seeks  the 


write  to  say  that,  with  your  permission,  I  will  send  a  con-  mercy  he 

fidential 

you  all." 


fidential  person  of  my  own  to  wait  on  you,  who  will  tell  show.'^*^ 


"  Major  Edivardes  to  Deivan  Aloolraj. 

"  January  5,  1849. 

"  I  have  received    and  perused  your  urzee.      You  say 

you  have  sundry  things  to  represent,  and  with  my  leave 

will  send  a  confidential  person  for  that  purpose.     This  I 

cannot  assent  to.     It  is  quite   impossible.      The  time  for 


136  SIJl  EEBBEBT  B.   EDWABDES.  [1849. 

that  was  April  last.  You  then  preferred  war;  now  go 
through  with  it,  or,  if  you  are  unable,  surrender  yourself  to 
General  AVliish.  xVfter  which  you  can  represent  anything 
you  like."* 

Thus  refused  a  parley  by  Edwardes,  Moolraj  appealed  to 

General  Whish,  hut  still  made  Edwardes    the    medium  of 

communication.! 

Jiooiiaj's  ^^■,  jr^s^;^  seeing  his  condition  desperate,  IMoolraj   deter- 

^"^  '  "^  "       mined  to  surrender.     He  sent  in  his  submission  to  General 

Whish  :    "  I  ask  only  for  my  own  life  and  the  honour  of  my 

women.     You  are  an  ocean  of  mercy.     AVliat  more  need  be 

said?" 

The  The  British  general  answered,  "  I  have  neither  authority 

general's      ^^  ^^^^^  ^^^^  j^^^  ^^^  ^^  ^^^^  j^^  cxccpt  in  Open  war.     The 

Governor-General  only  can  do  this  ;  and,  as  to  your  women, 
the  British  government  wars  with  men,  not  with  women.  I 
will  protect  your  women  and  children  to  the  best  of  my 
ability." 

Mooirnj  Moolraj  still  delayed.     All  night  the  guns  thundered  on. 

dered?"        -At  scvcn  next  morning  Moolraj  at  last  surrendered,  and  tlie 
British  batteries  ceased  firing. 

Edwardes  writes  to  the  Eesident  at  Lahore — 

"  Camp,  Mooltan,  January  22,  1849. 

Rehibu-  "  It  is  with  heartfelt  satisfaction  that  I  announce  to  you 

pie^teTiT'     the  surrender  of  Dewan  Moolraj  to  Major-General  ^Yhish 

victor)'.       ^^  jjjj^g  ^]^jg  morning,  and  the  occupation  by  British  troops 

of  the  strong  fortress  of  Mooltan,  without  the  bloodshed  of 

an  assault.  .  .  .  The  flag  of  old  England  is  now  flying  out 

*  Blue-Book,  p.  531. 

t  The  full  details  of  the  military  conduct  of  the  siege  are  not  attempted 
here,  and  it  is  not  necessary  to  follow  all  the  steps,  neither  can  space  be 
afforded  to  do  full  justice  to  all  the  bravery  of  the  arms  engaged. 

The  reader  is  referred  to  the  full  details  recorded  in  the  "Year  on  the 
Punjab  Frontier." 

Not  only  was  it  shared  in  by  Regular  and  Irregular  troops,  but  by 
British  seamen  too.  Commander  Powell,  of  the  Honourable  East  India 
Company's  Navy,  had,  from  the  first,  largely  assisted  the  operations 
against  Mooltan. — E.  E. 


1840.]  EONOVR    TO    THE  DEAD.  137 

in  the  fresli  breeze  aud  bright  sunshine  from  the  highest 
bastion  of  the  citadel. 

"  Dewan  ]\Ioolraj  is  a  prisoner  in  the  tent  of  the  Chief 
Engineer. 

"  Tlie  troops  intended  for  the  assault  are  now  disarming 
the  garrison  and  protecting  the  women  and  children. 

"  I  congratulate  you  and  the  Government  of  British 
India  on  the  extinction  of  the  firebrand  which  raised  this 
flame  in  the  Punjab."  * 

Thus  ended  the  second  siege  of  ]\Iooltan. 
And  were  the  two  brave  Englishmen  forgotten  in  the 
flush  of  victory  ?     Never.     Edwardes  writes — 

"  The  bodies  of  those  ollicers  were  carefully — I  may  say  downing 
affectionately — removed  from  the  careless  grave  where  they  the  .lead, 
lay,  side  by  side;  and,  wrapped  in  Cashmere  shawls  (with 
a  vain  but  natural  desire  to  obliterate  all  traces  of  neglect), 
were  borne  by  the  soldiers  of  the  1st  Bombay  Fusiliers 
(Anderson's  own  regiment)  to  an  honoured  resting-place 
on  the  summit  of  Moolraj's  citadel. 

"By  which  way  borne?  Through  the  gate  where  they 
liad  been  first  assaulted  ?  Oh  no  !  Through  the  broad  and 
sloping  breach  which  had  been  made  by  the  British  guus 
in  the  walls  of  the  rebellious  fortress  of  Mooltan." 

They  had  safely  trusted  themselves  to  the  honour  of  their 
Government,  the  bravery  of  their  country's  troops,  and  the 
affectionate  remembrance  of  their  brother  officers ;  and  the 
besieging  army  did  not  march  away  to  other  fields  without 
performing  its  last  melancholy  duty  to  the  memory  of  Agnew 
and  Anderson. 

Their  services,  their  death,  and  its  avenging  were  com- 
memorated by  Edwardes  on  a  monument  which  he  was 
instrumental   in  gelling  erected,  "  bv  the  surviving  Assist- 

*  r.liic-IV.ok,  p.  55.3. 


138  SIR  EEBBEItT  D.   EDWAIiDES.  [1849. 

ants   to   the   Eesideiit   at  Lahore,  to  the   memory  of  their 
friends." 

The  following  inscription  on  it  was  written  by  Edwardes : — 

"  On  this,  the  farthest  frontier  of  the  British  Indian  Empire, 

which  their  deaths  extended, 

lie  the  remams  of 

PETER  VANS  AGNEW  AYILLIAM  ANDERSON 

of  the  and         Lieut.  1st  Bombay 

Bengal  Civil  Service  Fusilier  Eegt. 

Who,  being  deputed 

by  the  Resident  at  Lahore,  whose  Assistants  they  were, 

To  relieve  Dewan  Moolraj 

(Viceroy  of  Mooltan  under  the  Sikh  Empire), 

at  his  own  request, 

of  the  Fortress  and  Government  which  he  held, 

were  assaulted  and  wounded  by  the  Garrison 

on  the  19th  of  April,  18-18  ; 

and,  being  basely  deserted  by  their  Sikh  escort, 

were,  on  the  following  day, 

with  a  signal  breach  of  national  faith  and  private  hospitality, 

most  barbarously  murdered 

in  the  Eedgah,  under  the  walls  of  Mooltan. 

Thus  fell  these  two  young  public  servants, 

full  of  youth,  rare  talents,  high  hopes,  and  promise  of  utility  ; 

even  in  their  deaths  doing  their  Country  honour. 

Covered  with  wounds,  they  could  not  resist, 

but  liand-in-hand  awaited  the  onset 

of  a  bloodthirsty  rabble  : 

calmly  foretelling  the  day  when 

*  thousands  of  Englishmen 

should  come  there  to  avenge  their  death, 

and  destroy  Moolraj,  his  army,  and  his  fortress.' 

History  records  how  the 

prophecy  was  fulfilled. 


1849.]     MONUMENT  TO   AONEW  AND   ANDERSON.       139 

After  two  separate  sieges, 
The  Fort  of  Mooltan  was  surrendered  to  the  British  troops, 

and  the  bodies  of  the  two  murdered  officers 

(which  had  been  treated  with  the  most  savage  indignities) 

were,  in  all  righteous  vengeance, 

carried  through  the  breach 

made  by  the  British  guns, 

and  buried,  with  military  honours,  on  the  summit 

of  the  Citadel. 

'  Thousands  of  Englishmen ' 

stood  round  the  grave. 

Dewan  ]\[oolraj 

was  brought  to  trial  at  Lahore,  convicted  of 

murder,  and  sentenced  to  be  hanged ; 

But  was  recommended  to  mercy,  and 

finally  ordered  to  be  transported  for  life. 

His  Rebellion 

was  followed  by  an  insurrection  of  the 

Sikh  people,  and  brought  on 

the  Second  Sikh  War  ; 

which  resulted  in  the  Annexation  of  the 

Punjab  to  British  India, 

and  the  restoration  of  peace, 

after  many  years  of  anarchy 

(with  a  brief  interval), 

to  the  countries  between  the  Sutlej 

and  the  Indus. 


Thus  did  an  overruling  Providence 
bring  good  out  of  evil. 

The   surviving   Assistants   to   the   Kosident   at   Lahore 
erected  this  monument  to  the  memory  of  their  friends." 

News  of  these  successes   were  gladly  received  at  head- 
quarters, and  it  may  be  a  fitting  close  to  this  chapter  to  note 


140  sin   HERBERT  B.   EBWARDES.  [1848. 

the  terms  in  which  Edwardes's  services  were  acknowledged, 
l)y  a  few  extracts  from  letters  received  at  this  time. 

From  his  ExceUencij  Right  Hon.  Lord  Gough,  G.C.B.,  Com- 
mander-in-Chief, to  Sir  Frederick  Currie,  Bart.,  Acting 

Resident  at  Lahore. 

"  Simla,  June  27,  18-18. 

"  I  rof^eived  yesterday  copy  of  Lieutenant  Edwardes's 
letter  to  your  address  of  18th  inst.,  and  I  beg  to  congratu- 
late you  very  warmly  on  the  complete  success  of  all  your 
combinations,  which  have  led  to  the  very  important  victory 
gained  by  Lieutenant  Edwardes  on  June  18 — a  victory  that 
does  so  much  credit  to  all  employed,  especially  to  Lieutenant 
Edwardes. 

"  I  feel  doubly  interested  in  the  career  of  this  ofificer, 
who  served  with  so  great  satisfaction  to  me  upon  my  personal 
staff;  and  the  sacrifice  I  made  in  giving  him  up  is  amply 
compensated  for  by  the  benefit  the  public  service  has 
derived  from  his  ability,  energy,  and  self-devotedness. 

"  (Signed)  Hugh  Gough." 

From  the  Governor-General  follows  extract — 

From  the  Secretary  to  the  Government  of  hulia,  to  the  Resi- 
dent at  Lfi.hore,  Sir  Frederick  Currie,  Bart. 

"  Fort  "William,  July  8,  1848. 
"  The  account  of  the  successful  action  has  afforded  the 
highest  satisfaction  to  the  Governor- General  in  Council, 
.  .  ,  and  his  Lordship  desires  me  to  convey  to  you,  and  to 
request  that  you  will  convey  to  Lieutenant  Edwardes,  the 
cordial  expression  of  the  approbation  with  which  the  Govern- 
ment of  India  have  regarded  his  proceedings ;  their  recog- 
nition of  the  foresight  and  skill  by  which  he  effected  a 
junction  with  the  Nawab's  troops;  and  their  high  sense 
of  the  steady  gallantry  by  which  he  made  good  his  oppor- 
tunity, and  achieved  the  important  success  whicli  merits 
these  thanks." 


1848.]  DESPATCHES.  141 

From  the  Acting-Resident  at   Lahore,  Sir  Frederick  Carrie, 
Bart.,  to  Lieutenant  Eduardes. 

"Luboro,  July  10,  1848. 

"  My  dear  Edwardes, 

"It  falls  to  the  lot  of  few  men  to  have  the 
opportunity  of  rendering  such  brilliant  and  useful  service 
to  their  country  as  you  have  been  enabled  to  perform  ;  and 
the  gallantry,  skill,  and  self-devotion  with  which  you  have 
improved  the  opportunity  afforded  you  must  command  the 
admiration,  while  the  great  value  of  the  services  effected 
will  call  forth  the  grateful  thanks,  of  the  Governor-General 
in  Council,  as  they  do,  in  an  eminent  degree,  my  own. 

"You have,  indeed,  performed  most  eminent  and  valuable 
services,  which  his  Lordship  in  Council  will,  I  am  sure, 
appreciate  as  I  do,  and  will  greet  with  some  hearty  acknow- 
ledgment. 

"This  second  victory  *  is  a  very  important  one.  It  will, 
I  doubt  not,  have  the  effect  of  disheartening  the  followers 
and  partisans,  open  and  secret,  of  the  rebel  Moolraj,  and  of 
enabling  you  to  confine  him  and  his  remaining  army  to  the 
city  and  the  fort  till  a  British  force  shall  put  a  period  to  the 
rebellion  by  crushing  him  in  his  stronghold. f 

"(Signed)  F.  Cdrrie." 

When  the  news  reached  England,  Edwardes's  masters,  the 
Court  of  Directors,  were  not  behind  in  kind  and  appreciative 
congratulations. 

Extract  of  a  despatch  from  the  Honourable  the  Secret  Committee 
of  the  Court  of  Directors,  to  the  Right  Honourable  the 
Gove^'nor-General  of  India. 

"  London,  August  2t,  1818. 
"'Para.  8. — Of  Lieutenant  Edwardes  it  is  impossible  to 
speak  too  highly.    Commencing  with  a  small  body  of  troops, 
*  Of  Suddoosam.  t  Copied  fioiu  Punjali  Blue-Book,  pp.  46-49. 


142  SIB   nEIiDERT  B.   EDWARDES.  [1848. 

scarcely  trustworthy,  he  raised,  within  a  month,  a  consider- 
able force,  whom  he  ins[)ired  with  confidence,  and  animated 
by  his  own  example  to  the  most  daring  and  successful 
undertakings. 

'•  'No  dread  of  responsibility,  no  rumours  of  widespread 
disaffection,  no  danger  from  open  mutiny,  no  delay  on  the 
part  of  allies,  subdued  his  dauntless  spirit  nor  slackened  for 
a  moment  his  indefatigable  exertions. 

"  '  We  have  perused  all  the  details  respecting  the  brilliant 
exploits  of  that  gallant  officer,  and  do  not  hesitate  to  say,  to 
him  we  consider  to  be  due  the  whole  merit  of  the  result ; 
and  that  to  him  we  are  indebted  for  the  favourable  position 
of  British  interests  in  the  Punjab. 

" '  We  know  not  which  most  to  admire,  the  prudence 
or  the  energy,  the  skilful  combination  or  the  cool  courage, 
by  which  Lieutenant  Edwardes,  under  circumstances  most 
discouraging,  and  with  means  apparently  inadequate,  has 
performed  services  which  will  be  for  ever  memorable  in 
the  annals  of  British  India. 

" '  We  most  cordially  concur  in  the  praise  bestowed  upon 

him  by  Sir  F.  Currie,  and  we  desire  that  tliis  expression  of 

our  high  approbation  and  esteem  may  be  forthwith  conveyed 

to  him.' 

"  True  extract. 

"  (Signed)  —  Whylie, 

"  Assistant-Kesident." 

It  was  very  gratifying  to  him  to  receive  from  England  a 
letter  from  the  late  Governor-General,  Lord  Hardinge,  who, 
having  given  up  the  reins  of  government,  was  not  officially 
required  to  notice  his  deeds.     He  writes — 

"  South  Park,  September  4,  1848. 

"My  deae  Edwardes, 

"  I  have  followed  you  in  your  glorious  career  with 
the  deepest  interest  and  highest  admiration.  You  have 
shown,  in  the  midst  of    great  difficulties,  a  mind  full  of 


1S48.]  LORD  EAUDINGE'S  LETTEIi.  143 

resources  and  a  heart  resolute  to  execute  plans,  in  which 
prudence  and  skill  have  been  admirably  combined  with 
boldness  and  gallantry. 

"  I  congratulate  you  most  heartily  on  your  heroic  deeds, 
which  place  you  at  once  in  the  rank  of  the  most  dis- 
tinguished officers  which  the  Indian  or  any  army  have 
produced. 

"  My  anxious  desire  is  that  you  may  be  able  to  complete 
your  exploit,  which  has  rendered  the  name  of  Edwardes  so 
honourable,  without  one  leaf  of  your  laurels  being  shared 
by  any  other  man ;  and,  as  you  use  the  i)en  as  skilfully  as 
you  wield  the  sword,  I  shall  in  my  retirement  enjoy  the 
perusal  of  your  journal  at  once  attesting  your  well- 
earned  fame  and  stimulating  others  to  follow  your  noble 
example. 

"  I  am  also  gratified  that  my  anticipations  of  your 
character  should  be  verified.  Two  years  ago,  I  wrote  to 
Colonel  Sykes  my  opinion  of  my  young  political ;  and  I 
trust  that  the  Government  and  the  Court  of  Directors  will 
mark  by  liberal  and  appropriate  distinctions  the  sense  which 
the  people  of  England,  and  the  army,  entertain  of  your 
eminent  services. 

"  It  is  not  necessary  that  I  should  interfere,  but  I  could 
not  refrain  from  expressing  my  confident  expectations  that 
the  rank  of  field-otlicer,  the  honour  of  the  Bath,  and  some 
token  of  public  approbation,  may  be  conferred  upon  you ; 
and  I  know  they  will. 

"My  object  in  w'riting  is  merely  the  gratification  of  my 
own  feelings  in  expressing  to  you  my  appreciation  of  the 
great  merit  and  splendid  qualities  which  you  have  shown, 
and  again  most  cordially  to  congratulate  you  on  your  success 
and  well-earned  fanie, 

"  Always,  my  dear  Edwardes, 

"  Very  sincerely  yours, 
"  (Signed)  IIardinge." 


144  SIR   HERBERT  B.    EDWARDES.  [1848. 

The  reply  to  this  is  so  interesting,  so  genial,  and  so  full  of 
life,  that  a  few  extracts  may  be  made  from  it. 

"Camp  before  Mooltun,  November  14,  1848. 

"  My  deae  Lord  Hardinge, 

"  I  have,  as  you  may  suppose,  received  many 
congratulations  and  kind  letters  of  approbation  from  England 
since  the  news  of  my  humble  victories  crossed  the  seas. 
Our  own  great  Indian  Government,  a  Cabinet  Minister,  and 
troops  of  affectionate  friends,  have  tried  their  best  to  spoil 
me  with  overpowering  thanks  for  merely  doing  my  duty. 

"  But  I  can  sincerely  say  that,  setting  aside  out  of  the 
comparison  the  effusions  of  dear  relatives,  deliciously  ignorant 
of  facts,  and  who  would  probably  have  praised  me  just  as 
highly  had  I  cleverly  run  away  *  from  the  horrid  rebel,'  no 
letter  has  so  gratified  me  as  your  Lordship's  of  September  4. 

"  Many  and  mixed  feelings  entered  into  this.  Your 
Lordship  was  Governor-General  when  I  first  entered  the 
Buieau  Diplomatique ;  and  what  a  big  word  '  Governor- 
General  '  is  !  " 

"  You  were  tlie  giant  that  stalked  over  the  great  field  of 
the  Punjab,  and  through  the  glorious  scenes  on  the  Sutlej  ; 
and  I  was  one  of  the  dwarfs  who  panted  by  your  side — in 
short,  you  were  my  master  ;  and  scarcely  have  I  worked  out 
my  apprenticeship  ere  you  condescend  to  take  in  me  the 
interest  of  a  friend.  But  it  is  not  this  merely  which  has 
made  me  get  almost  every  word  of  your  letter  by  heart. 

"  Naturally,  I  look  upon  your  Lordship  as  the  type  of  a 
policy,  as  the  conceiverof  the  glorious  expeiiment  of  honesty 
which  will  now  annex  the  Punjab  to  British  India  without 
one  reproach  of  ambition,  without  even  a  Frenchman's  sneer 
at  the  '  improvement  of  a  bad  boundary  ; '  and  when  the 
Mooltan  Rebellion  first  broke  out,  I  felt  certain  that,  in  all 
England,  yourself  and  Colonel  Lawrence  were  the  two  men 
who  understood  its  meaning,  its  bearings  on  our  relations 


1848.]      SECOND  SIKn  WAR  CHEW  OUT  OF  DELAY.      145 

with  the  Sikh  pcoplo,  and  Jiow  you  had  iwovided  for  such  an 
event  being  met. 

*'  I  need  not  scruple  to  say  that  I  do  not  consider  the 
way  in  which  the  crisis  was  met  at  its  commencement  in 
April  hist,  us  in  accordance  witli  your  Ijordship's  policy,  the 
breathing  spirit  of  wliich  was  vigour ;  nor  with  your  Lord- 
ship's intentions  and  arrangements,  as  fully  and  minutely 
laid  down  in  a  military  memo,  of  the  defence  of  the  Punjab, 
which  I  have  often  read  over  with  Cohmcl  Lawrence — of 
which  I  have  no  copy,  but  which  must  be  in  the  office  of 
both  the  Resident  at  Lahore  and  the  General  commanding 
the  Punjab  division. 

"  A  leading  feature  in  that  minute  was  its  providing  a 
movable  brigade  for  any  possible  emergency  ;  and  I  am 
one  of  those  wdio  believe  to  this  day,  and  perhaps  ever  sliall, 
that  had  that  brigade,  under  a  fine  soldier  like  Brigadier 
Campbell,  marched  at  once  upon  IMooltan  (say  on  April  25), 
the  rebellion  would  have  been  nipped  in  the  bud  by  the 
escape  and  surrender  of  Moolraj.  He  never  contemplated 
resistance  to  poor  Agnew,  who  was  first  assaulted  by  a  sulky 
sentry,  and  murdered  afterwards  in  a  vindictive  outbreak  of 
a  garrison  which  expected  to  be  thrown  out  of  service. 

"  As  for  a  '  Punjab  conspiracy  ' — a  *  matured  insurrection 
of  the  Sikh  people,'  etc.,  my  belief  is  that  they  never  existed 
until  called  into  life  by  the  timid  policy  which  presupposed 
them.  Moolraj  did  not  rebel  because  the  Sikhs  were  ready 
to  back  him  up.  The  Sikhs  backed  up  IMoolraj  because 
the  British  Government  did  not  put  him  down. 

"  Intriguing  truly  never  was  wanting  in  the  Punjab,  and 
the  Queen-Mother,  in  particular,  never  ceased  to  *  agitate ; ' 
but  there  was  only  an  evil  animus — there  was  no  unity,  no 
head,  no  oligarchy  even,  no  confidence  among  the  aristocracy 
in  each  other,  nor  among  the  soldiers  in  the  aristocracy. 

"The  Sikh  Insurrection  was  created  out  of  tlie  materials 
collected  to  'put  down  the  Mooltan  RebcUion.  . 

VOL.  I.  L 


146  SIB   nERBERT  B.  EDWARDES.  [1848. 

"  It  began  with  squadrons  and  companies,  and  grew  into 
regiments,  whose  impurity  begot  armies;  but  at  last  it 
remains  an  unwieldy  disorder,  without  a  leader,  without  a 
plan  of  campaign,  without  money  to  carry  on  one.  Yet 
there  could  have  been  no  conspiracy  without  these  things. 

"  Entertaining  these  views  (which  I  may  say  here  were 
shared  by  every  Assistant  in  the  Residency),  I  cannot  de- 
scribe to  your  Lordship  the  sorrow,  shame,  and  impatience 
with  which  I  thought  of  our  Government  enduring,  not  only 
a  rebellion,  but  the  murder  of  its  magistrates,  from  April 
till  October !  I  felt  humiliated  as  an  Englishman  in  the 
presence  of  every  native  round  me ;  and  the  exclamation 
which  rose  to  my  lips  a  hundred  times  a  day  was,  '  It  was 
not  so  in  Lord  Hardinge's  time  ! ' 

"  At  last  I  could  stand  it  no  longer,  and  conceived  the 
idea  of  first  wrestling  all  the  Trans-Indus  provinces  from 
the  rebels,  by  recruiting  the  warlike  tribes  whom  Moolraj 
had  called  to  join  him  at  Mooltan  ;  and,  having  effected  that, 
and  put  myself,  in  so  doing,  at  the  head  of  six  thousand 
men,  to  get  the  Bhawulpore  Nabob  given  me  as  an  ally,  and 
concentrate  his  forces  and  my  own  on  Mooltan,  so  as  to  keep 
Moolraj  at  home  until  the  troops  could  come. 

"  It  seemed  to  me  that,  with  Moolraj  a  prisoner  as  it 
were  in  his  fortress,  his  rich  provinces  in  my  possession,  and 
my  army  at  his  threshold  waiting  for  him  to  come  out,  the 
spectacle  would  not  be  humiliating  to  our  name,  nor  the 
Sikh  people  have  any  encouragement  to  rebel. 

"  In  these  political  feelings  I  know  myself  to  have  been 
much  influenced  by  the  memory  of  your  Lordship  and  Henry 
Lawrence ;  and  though  I  found,  amid  the  life-and-death 
struggle  which  then  ensued,  no  leisure  to  ivrite,  I  often 
thought  that  both  of  you  would  hear  through  official 
channels  of  my  essay,  and  recognize  your  young  pupil  in 
its  spirit. 

"And  this,  my  Lord,  is  the  peculiar  pleasure  which  I 


1848.]      CAUSE  OF  FIRST  FAILURE  OF  TUE  SIEGE.       147 

have  derived  from  your  letter.  You  could  not  have  so 
warmly  thanked  me  for  what  I  have  done,  had  you  not  felt 
sure  I  had  done  what  you  would  yourself  have  ordered  me 
to  do  had  you  still  been  at  the  helm.  .  .  . 

"  I  cannot  gather  from  your  Lordship's  letter  whether 
you  shared  the  hopes  of  many  sanguine  friends  that  Moolraj 
would  surrender  to  me,  of  his  own  free  will,  a  stronghold,  in 
July,  which  he  has  since  been  able  to  maintain  against  a 
British  army  until  November.  Certainly  you  would  not 
forget  the  existence  of  the  Mooltan  Fort  in  the  background, 
and  therefore  will  not  be  so  disappointed  at  subsequent 
events  as  those  who  did — who  thought  it  a  matter  of  course 
that,  if  I  could  drive  Moolraj  into  Mooltan,  I  could  certainly 
drive  him  out ;  and  to  do  so  it  is  true  that  I  only  wanted 
heavy  guns. 

"After  the  battles  of  June  18  and  July  1,  so  thoroughly 
dispirited  was  Moolraj,  that  any  ragamuffin  in  my  irregular 
levies  felt  that  we  only  wanted  a  few  battering  guns  and 
mortars  to  add  the  renowned  fortress  to  our  conquests  ;  and 
this  I  wrote  to  the  Resident. 

"  He  also  saw  now  a  chance  of  closing  the  Mooltan 
Rebellion,  and  betook  himself  to  the  military  authorities. 
Little  did  either  he  or  I  anticipate  the  delay  which 
followed. 

"  The  guns  could  not  be  sent  without  British  troops  to 
take  care  of  them,  and  they  could  not  get  carriage  under  a 
month. 

"  Ultimately  it  was  the  last  week  in  August  before 
General  Whish's  force  was  assembled  at  Mooltau,  and  the 
iirst  week  in  September  before  the  heavy  ordnance  arrived. 

"  Meanwhile,  not  only  had  jMoolraj  recruited,  hut  a  Sikh 
force  *  had  found  its  uay  into  Mooltan. 

"  To  this  latter  we  owe  the  failure  of  the  siege.  It 
fraternized  just   as  wo   had   established   a   battery  within 

*  Shere  Slosh's. 


148 


SIR  IIEltBERT  B.   EDWARDES. 


[1848. 


breachiDg-distance  of  the  city  wall  ;  tiiid,  in  a  moment,  the 
garrison  was  nearly  doubled. 

"  This  defection  of  Kajah  Shore  Singh  has  not  failed  to 
bring  much  odium  on  me,  and  I  have  been  compelled  to  reflect 
in  my  own  mind  that  the  disappointment  of  a  brave  Division 
naturally  seeks  something  on  which  to  wreak  itself ;  and,  as 
naturally,  seizes  on  the  nearest  '  political,'  and  it  must  ever 
be  the  painful  lot  of  political  ofEcers  to  be  tongue-tied  in 
their  own  defence. 

"  I  cannot  stand  in  the  market-places  exclaiming, '  Rajah 
Shore  Singh  and  his  army  came  not  to  Mooltan  at  my  bidding, 
but  against  it.'  My  remonstrances  to  Sir  Frederick  are 
extant ;  my  written  orders  to  the  Eajah  to  halt,  w^herever  he 
might  be,  bear  the  date  of  June. 

"  The  Eajah  marched  on,  in  spite  of  orders,  and  when 
he  came  I  could  only  make  the  best  of  him. 

"  From  July  to  September  I  was  encamped  on  a  plain, 
between  Moolraj  in  my  front  and  Shere  Singh  in  my  rear, 
with  pickets  watching  both  ! 

"  Bitterly  did  I  regret,  too,  that  they  did  not  both  attack 
me  then ;  for  Lake  would  have  taken  one,  and  I  the  other, 
with  the  utmost  pleasure,  and  fought  them,  as  Lord  Nelson 
said,  *  fore  and  aft.'  " 

Then  follows  further  filling-up  of  details  of  the  causes  of 
delay  and  the  siege,  into  which  we  need  not  further  go,  and 
concludes — 


The  gap 
filled  up 
between 
Moolraj's 
crime  and 
punish- 
ment. 


"  I  must  confess  I  have  been  much  consoled  by  the 
receipt  of  a  long  and  most  kind  letter  from  Lord  Dalhousie, 
written  long  since  the  siege  was  raised,  and  in  a  strain  of 
unaltered  satisfaction,  so  that,  if  I  have  not  realized  all  the 
expectations  of  friends  at  home,  and  economized  a  winter 
campaign,  I  may  still  feel  happy  in  having  been  useful 
in  a  less  degree — in  having  filled  up  the  gap  between  the 
crime  and  the  punishment  of  Moolraj,  and  staved  off  the 


1848.]     THE   CnANCEB   OF    WAR — AND  BISTOIiT  !      149 

Sikh    lusiirrcction    by  ray  successes   from    i\I:iy    till    Sep- 
tember. 

"  Lord  Gough  believed  tluat  to  do  this  it  was  merely 
necessary  to  gazette  the  army  of  the  Punjab  for  this  latter 
month  ;  but  insurrections  cannot  be  postponed,  like  tea- 
parties,  with  a  note,  nor  enemies  be  bound  over  to  keep 
the  peace  until  it  is  quite  convenient  to  you  to  fight. 

"  In  self-defence,  and  not  in  boasting,  I  express  my  con- 
viction that  '  Kinyeree  '  and  *  Suddoosam  '  alone  permitted 
the  British  troops  to  pass  the  hot  season  in  barracks. 

"  This  much  I  have  thought  due  to  the  interest  your 
Lordship  has  taken  in  my  career.  Now  let  rac  tell  you  more 
general  news.  .  .  . 

"  My  Lord,  yours  sincendy, 

"  Herbert  B.  Edwardes." 

This  letter  has  an  interest  in  its  personal  bearing  which 
will  excuse  its  admission  here,  for  it  brings  the  subject  into 
a  focus,  and  speaks  for  itself,  explaining  simply  and  honestly 
the  position  that  was  forced  upon  Edwardes  by  circumstances, 
and  how  he  held  it. 

And  when  the  army  joined  him,  how  cordially  and  effi- 
ciently he  co-operated  with  it,  and  brought  his  well-trained 
levies  to  swell  the  regular  forces  and  to  complete  the  retribu- 
tion— all  this  is  known  in  history.  But  while  we  write,  it 
is  amusing  to  remember  a  little  incident  which  shows  how 
nearly  it  dropped  out  of  history  altogether. 

"When  the  siege  was  over,  and  the  despatches  had  to  be 
written,  General  Wliish  called  Edwardes  to  his  tent,  and 
asked  him  pleasantly  (as  he  was  so  ready  with  his  pen)  if  he 
would  kindly  frame  his  despatch  for  him. 

This  Edwardes  did,  with  careful  accuracy  and  pains;  and 
when  lie  took  it  to  him,  the  general  was  pleased  to  see  how 
well  the  despatch  read.  Of  course  it  told  of  everyl)ody's 
deeds  except  Edwardes's  own.  lint  what  was  Edwardes's 
astonishment  to  find,  when  the  despatch  came  out  of  the 
office  of  the  copyist,  that  the  general  had  only  topped  and 
tailed  it,  and  there  was  not  a  word  in  it  al)out  himself  and 


150  SIB  EEItBEItT  B.   EDWABDES.  [1848. 

all  his  force.  Etlwardes  might  have  passed  the  injustice  over 
for  himself  alone,  but  he  could  not  for  them ;  and  he  took  it 
to  the  general,  and  pointed  out  the  omission. 

"  Dear  me  !  "  said  he  ;  "  and  so  it  is  !  Well,  shall  I  add 
a  postscript  to  it  now  ?  " 

"  Well,  general,"  said  Edwardes,  "  I  don't  think  you  can 
get  six  thousand  men  well  into  a  postscript,  if  you  tried  !  " 

And  so  the  general  had  to  put  them  into  a  separate 
despatch,  and  give  an  efficient  and  valuable  portion  of  his 
force  before  JMooltan  the  acknowledgment  they  deserved 
so  well. 

So  much  for  the  chances  of  war — and  history  ! 

The  accounts  of  Edwardes's  successes  and  exertions,  when 
they  reached  England,  were  met  not  with  acknowledgment 
only,  but  with  rewards. 

The  letters  we  have  quoted  from  were  followed  quickly 
by  the  communication  of  honours  conferred  by  her  Majesty — 
a  majority  and  the  Companionship  of  the  Bath. 


From   the  Bight  Honourable  Sir  J.  C.  Hohhouse,  President 
of  the  Board  of  Control,  to  Major  H.  B.  Edivardes. 

"  India  Board,  Londou,  September  7,  1848. 

"  Sir, 

"I  have  great  satisfaction  in  announcing  to 
you  that,  in  consideration  of  your  distinguished  services 
in  your  late  actions  with  the  Mooltan  rebels,  you  have 
been  recommended  to  her  Majesty  by  the  Duke  of  Wel- 
lington for  a  majority  in  the  territories  of  Lahore. 

"  I  beg  you  to  accept  my  cordial  congratulations  on  this 
well-deserved  promotion. 

"  I  have  the  honour  to  remain, 

"  Your  very  faithful  servant, 
"  (Signed)  John  Hobhouse." 

And  to  this  letter  succeeded  another — 


1848.]  HONOURS  FROM  HOME.  151 

To  Major  E.  B.  Edwardes,  C.B. 

"  India  Board,  London,  October  24,  1818. 

"Dear  Sir, 

"  I  liave  again  much  satisfaction  in  announcins^ 
to  you  an  additional  honour  conferred  on  you  for  your  dis- 
tinguished services  at  ^Fooltan. 

"  The  Queen  has  been  graciously  pleased  to  ordain  a 
special  statute  of  the  Order  of  the  Batli,  for  ap[)ointing  you 
an  extra  member  of  the  military  division  of  the  third  class, 
or  Companion  of  that  Order. 

"  I  congratulate  you  cordially  on  this  distinction, 
"  And  remain,  dear  sir, 

"  Your  very  faithful  servant, 
"(Signed)  John  Hobhouse." 

A  resolution  was  also  passed  at  a  meeting  of  the  Court  of 
Directors  to  present  Edwardes  with  a  special  gold  medal,  to 
mark  their  estimation  of  his  services. 

From  the  Court  of  Directors  of  the  Honourable  East  India 
Company. 

"At  a  Court  held  Wednesday,  September  13,  1848. 

"  The  Chairman  having  called  the  attention  of  the  Court 
to  despatches  from  the  Government  of  India,  announcing  the 
military  operations  carried  on  against  the  rebel  forces 
of  the  Dewan  of  Mooltan,  by  Lieutenant,  now  Brevet-Major 
Herbert  B.  Edwardes,  of  the  Bengal  Army,  as  communicated 
to  the  Court  by  the  Secret  Committee,  on  the  23rd  and 
30th  ult. ; 

"  Resolved,  unanimously,  that  this  Court  do  present  to 
Major  Edwardes  a  gold  medal,  in  testimony  of  their  high 
approbation  of  the  important  services  rendered  by  him, 
in  raising  and  organizing  large  forces  in  a  foreign  terri- 
tory, under  circumstances  of  the  greatest  difficulty ;  in 
wresting,  within  a  very  brief  period,  an  extensive  tract  of 


152  SIR   EERBERT  B.   EBWARDES.  [1848. 

country  from  the  power  of  the  rebels  ;  iu  skilfully  combining 
his  forces  with  those  of  un  ally  ;  and  in  completely  defeating 
the  troops  of  the  enemy  in  two  pitched  battles ;  thus 
evincing  the  possession,  in  the  flower  of  his  youth,  of  all 
those  qualities  which  form  and  ennoble  the  character  of  the 
Britisii  officer." 

This  was  coinmunicated  to  him  as  follows : — 

"  India  Board,  September  21,  1848. 

"  Sir, 

"I  am  directed  by  the  Commissioners  of  the 
Affairs  of  India  to  acquaint  you  that  they  cordially 
approve  of  the  resolution  passed  by  the  Court  of  Directors, 
on  tiie  13th  inst.,  proposing  to  grant  to  Brevet-Major  Herbert 
B.  Edwardes  a  gold  medal,  in  acknowledgment  of  the 
distinguished  services  lately  rendered  by  that  officer  in 
the  territories  of  Lahore. 

"  (Signed)  Thomas  Wyse." 

These  misolicited  honours  could  not  fail  to  be  gratifying 
to  Edwardes,  but  his  nature  would  not  allow  him  to  be 
satisfied  unless  they  were  shared  by  others ;  and,  in  his 
reply  to  Lord  Hardinge's  letter  of  congratulation,  he  wi'ote — 

Edward  ..."  Another  of  your  Lordship's  '  young  politicals  '  joined 
me  in  the  middle  of  all  this  fighting,  Edward  Lake,  who  was 
deputed  by  Sir  Frederick  Currie  to  accompany  the  Bhawul- 
pore  army,  and  w^ho  ultimately  (by  the  infallible  working 
of  Sir  liobert  Peel's  principle  of  civilization  swallowing  up 
barbarism  whenever  they  come  in  contact)  superseded  its 
commander.  Lake  justified  every  favourable  opinion  you 
ever  formed  of  him  ;  and  in  the  fight  of  Suddoosam,  on 
July  1,  made  a  bad  array  as  good  as  the  best.  It  has  been  a 
source  of  great  regret  to  me  that  as  yet  no  notice  has  been 
taken  at  home  of  either  Lake  or  Cortlandt.  I  feel  almost  as 
if  I  had  been  the  means  of  injuring  both,  though  I  lost  no 


1848.]  CORTLANDT  AND   LAKE.  153 

o}>portunity,  in  my  public  or  private  letters,  of  ackuow- 
lediriiiir  how  much  of  the  success  was  due  to  them. 

"  General  Cortlaiidt's  situation  is  most  peculiar,  and  his  General 

..         1.11  Til  1         T  -ii-  \        Cortlandt. 

conduct  in  it  admiral)le.  1  declare  tliat  1  consider  liim  the 
only  servant  to  the  little  Maharajah  who  has  been  *  true  to  his 
salt.'  If  ever  it  should  lie  in  your  Lordship's  power,  may  I 
hope  that  you  will  say  a  good  word  for  a  man  who  combines 
in  no  ordinary  degree  the  qualities  of  a  good  soldier  and  a 
good  civil  oflicer," 


Although  Edwardes  was  not  at  this  moment  satisfied  by 
the  promotion  of  his  friend  Edward  Lake,  he  had  abundant 
reason  to  be  so  afterwards ;  for  he  lived  to  see  him  win 
honours  and  renown,  and  rise  to  be  Financial  Commissioner 
of  the  runjab,  which  office  he  gave  up  when  he  left  India  to 
retire  to  England  in  1866. 

Nor  does  it  appear  that  either  he  or  General  Cortlandt 
were  left  out  in  tlie  pultlic  thanks;  for  tliere  is  a  letter — 


From  the  Resident  at  Lahore  to  Lieutenant  Lal-e. 

"  Lahore,  July  10,  lb48. 

"  I  have  received  the  description  of  this  second  victory 
gained  by  the  forces  of  our  ally,  Nuwab  Bhawul  Khan.  .  .  . 
While  I  request  that  you  will  communicate  to  Futteh 
Mahommed  Khan  Ghoree  and  the  officers  of  the  force  my 
appreciation  of  their  courage  and  services,  I  feel  that  to  your- 
self my  thanks  and  admiration  are  peculiarly  duo,  for  the  skill 
and  gallantry  with  which  you  directed  the  movements  and 
operations  of  the  force,  to  which  Lieutenant  Edwardes  bears 
such  ample  testimony,  and  to  wliich  the  success  of  the 
Bhawulpore  army  is  in  an  eminent  degree  attributable. 

"  1  am  satisfied  that  the  CTOvernor-Geueral  in  Council 
will  af)preciate  and  acknowledge  the  great  value  of  your 
services  on  this  important  occasion." 


154  SIR   TIER  BEET  B.   EDWARVES.  [1849. 

From  II.  M.  Elliot,  Esq.,  Secretary  to  the  Government  of  India, 
to  the  Honourable  Sir  F.  Currie,  Bart.,  Ading-Besident 
at  Lahore. 

"  Fort  William,  Calcutta,  July  29,  1848. 
"  I  am  directed  to  request  that  you  will  convey  to  Lieu- 
tenant Edvvardes  and  to  Jjieutenant  Lake  the  highest  appro- 
bation of  the  Governor-General  in  Council  of  their  conduct 
in  the  action,  and  the  strong  sense  the  Government  entertain 
of  the  gallantry,  energy,  determination,  and  skill  which 
these  officers  have  displayed."  * 

Of  General  Cortlandt,  the  Resident  writes  in  a  public 
letter  to  Edwardes — • 

"  Lahore,  July  10,  1848. 

"  General  Cortlandt  has  again  distinguished  himself. 
His  skill  in  managing  his  troops,  and  his  intrepidity  in 
action,  are  in  the  highest  degree  creditable  to  him,  and 
entitle  him  to  the  warmest  thanks  of  the  Maharajah  and 
myself.  .  .  . 

"  The  Durbar  have  at  my  instigation,  addressed  a  pur- 
wanna  to  the  officers  and  men  of  General  Cortlandt's 
regiment ;  and  have,  in  a  proclamation  to  the  troops  of 
their  army,  spoken  of  the  conduct  and  services  of  these  corps 
in  terms  which  will,  I  trust,  be  gratifying  to  them,  while  it 
is  to  be  hoped  that  their  conduct,  with  its  reward,  may 
have  the  effect  of  stimulating  the  other  Durbar  troops,  to 
the  exhibition  of  similar  fidelity  to  the  Government."  f 

Reward  to  The  services  of  Foujdar  Khan,  whom  we  have  seen  acting 

Khan'^^       as  Edwardes's  adjutant-general  at  Kinyeree,  and,  in  spite  of 
1849.  his  wounds,  leading  the  Cavalry  at  Suddoosam,  were  even- 

tually rewarded  by  Lord  Dalhousie  with  the  title  of  Khan 
Bahadoor,  for  we  find  the  copy  of  a  letter  from  Edwardes,  in 
which  tlie  honour  was  conveyed  to  him  (dated  Lahore,  July 
12,  1849),  which  we  will  here  insert. 

*  Blue-Book  page  248.  t  Blue-Book,  p.  247. 


1840.]  LETTERS   TO   FOUJDAR   KITAN.  155 

Draft  of  a  Persian  letter  to  Foiijtlar  Khan  (Alizye),  for- 
warding,' his  sunnud  of  "  Khan  liahadoor-ee "  from  Lord 
Dalhousie. 

"  Lahore,  July  12,  1849. 
"  ]\Iy  FlUENI), 

"  I  feci  as  great  pleasure  in  sending  you  this 
sunnud  of  Khan  Bahadooree  from  the  Governor-General  as 
I  did  in  receiving  my  own  lionours  from  the  Queen  of 
England. 

"  T(jgether  we  shared  the  danger  of  our  position  at  Leiah, 
when  we  had  few  soldiers,  and  most  of  them  traitors ; 
together  we  shared  the  labour  of  raising  an  army  to  meet 
the  rebels  and  defend  the  frontier  under  my  charge ;  we  sat 
under  one  bush  at  Kinyeree  throughout  that  fiery  day  in 
June,  waiting  for  our  guns;  we  fought  together  at  Suddoosam 
and  throughout  the  siege  of  Mooltan ;  and  it  is  right  that 
you  should  share,  not  merely  in  the  victory,  but  its  rewards. 

"  I  rejoice,  therefore,  in  the  title  that  has  been  conferred 
on  you  ;  I  think  you  earned  it  well  by  your  bravery,  fidelity, 
wisdom  in  council,  and  equanimity  in  trouble  ;  and  I  hope 
you  will  long  live  to  enjoy  it  and  the  jageer*  which  Lord 
Dalhousie  has  promised  you. 

"  Thus,  my  friend,  have  the  exertions  of  one  year  enriched 
you  for  life,  and  put  you  out  of  the  reach  of  want  and  the 
caprice  of  a  Maharajah  or  his  Sirdars.  A  year  ago,  when 
commander  of  only  twenty-four  horsemen,  you  could  never 
(even  in  vour  dreams)  have  hoped  for  such  good  fortune. 
Let  the  rest  of  your  life,  therefore,  justify  the  reputation  of 
your  tribe  for  fidelity  and  gratitude. 

"  In  time  of  peace  speak  well,  among  your  country- 
men, of  the  British  Government,  and  in  time  of  war  bo  over 
ready  with  the  good  sword  Sir  lU-nry  Lawrence  gave  you 
to  assist  it. 

*  A  "jageer"  is  a  grant  of  land  given  by  Government  as  a  reward  for 
services. 


156 


SIR  HERBERT  B.    EDWARDES. 


[1840. 


Valno  of 

j)er.sonal 

intluence. 


Fruits 
gathered 
in  after- 
vears. 


"  Thus  shall  I  ever  be  proud  that  you  were  my  oHicer, 
8ir  Henry  Lawrence  that  he  recommended  you  to  honour, 
and  the  Governov-General  that  he  conferred  it  upon  you. 
"(Signed)  Herbert  Edwardes." 

Such  words  as  these,  and  such  generous  appreciation  of 
services,  it  is  that  build  up  most  securely  our  influence  in  the 
East,  and  cement  our  country's  rule  with  the  personal  injlucnce 
Avhicli  a  strong  and  generous  mind  (such  as  this  we  are 
studying  now)  brings  to  bear  upon  its  work,  with  these  brave 
untutored  races. 

The  strong  personal  attachment  which  they  are  capable  of 
forming  is  tlie  secret  of  many  of  the  great  deeds  of  faithful 
service,  and  even  chivalry,  with  which  our  Indian  history  in 
the  past  is  filled. 

And  Edwardes  was  an  example  of  this,  which  young 
soldiers  would  do  well  to  mark  for  their  own  imitation.  His 
brave,  genial,  generous,  noble  nature  made  the  natives  love 
him ;  his  confidence  in  them  bred  confidence  in  return ;  and 
his  good  judgment  taught  him  where  it  was  safe  to  trust. 
And  they  knew  that  if  he  had  a  strong  hand  to  punish  the 
guilty,  he  had  an  open,  generous  hand  for  those  who  were 
deserving. 

Years  afterwards,  when  the  stormy  days  of  difficulty  at 
Peshawur  came,  it  was  seen  how  the  fy^uit  of  this  time  we 
are  passing  through  now  was  grdhered.  When  Edwardes  and 
Nicholson  raised  their  flag  in  1857,  at  Peshawur,  and  called 
for  "  Levies  "  to  take  the  place  of  disarmed  mutineers,  up 
sprang  readily  the  men  of  this  same  country  to  ansM'er  to 
the  call ;  and  at  their  head  we  shall  see  again  Foujdar  Khan, 
ready  to  go  to  the  front  and  serve  again  in  Afghanistan  the 
master  whom  he  served  so  well  at  Kinyeree. 


CHAPTER    Vr. 


1849—1850. 

RETURN   TO   ENGLAND— MARRIAGE— WRITES  "A   YEAR  ON 
THE   PUNJAB  FRONTIER." 


"  As  cold  waters  to  a  thirsty  soul, 
So  is  good  news  from  a  far  country." 

Rov.  XXV.  25. 

**  All  blessedness  of  heaven,  and  earth  beneath, 
Of  converse  high,  and  sacred  home 
Are  yours,  in  life  and  death." 

Keble. 


(  1^>9  ) 


CHAPTER  VI. 

When  the  "year  on  the  Punjab  frontier"  was  completed, 
and  the  Mooltan  Campaign  was  at  an  end,  Edwardes  proceeded 
to  Lahore  to  make  his  official  returns,  and  to  put  affairs 
into  order,  to  enable  him  to  take  his  furlough  home  to 
England. 

Sir  Henry  Lawrence  had  now  returned  from  England,  sir  Hemy 
He  had  received  the  honour  of  a  K.C.B.-ship  at  home,  April  reVmnsTo 
28,  1848.  He  had  hurried  back  to  India  when  the  news  of  Lahore, 
the  siege  of  Mooltan  reached  him,  anxious  to  be  at  his  post 
at  Lahore  again ;  disappointed  to  find  that  his  generous  His  disap- 
policy  and  labours  for  Sikh  independence  and  good  self-  at't'^h"^"'^ 
government  were  being  thwarted  by  the  recklessness  and  failure  of 
faithlessness  of  the  people  themselves.  JV^  gf^^'* 

Edwardes  had  gone  through  great  exposure  under  canvas  independ- 
at  Mooltan  and  Bunnoo  during  the  whole  summer  heat,  and  ^^'^^' 
at  a  time  ^\hen  the  commander-in-chief  thought  it  impossible 
to  bring  British  soldiers  into  the  field,  and  made  this  a  reason 
for  delaying  the  siege  of  Mooltan. 

Throughout  this  time  Edwardes  had  kept  the  field,  fought 
Moolraj,  and  defeated  him  in  two  pitched  battles,  shut  him 
up  in  his  fort,  and  kept  him  at  bay  till  the  army  could  be 
assembled. 

In  the  course  of  this  service  Edwardes  had  many  hair-  Hair- 
breadth escapes  and  wonderful  deliverances.  Once,  as  was  ^'■•^*'^'^  ^'*" 
told  in  chap,  iv.,  a  bullet  passed  througli  his  sleeve,  entering 
at  the  wrist  and  passing  out  at  the  elbow,  without  touching 
him.  Again,  when  the  muzzle  of  a  gun  was  held  up  against 
him  in  a  melee,  and  he  thought  that  nothing  could  have  saved 
him,  it  flashed  in  the  pan  and  he  was  unharmed,  and,  putting 


160  SIR  HERB  Eli  T  B.   EDWARDES.  [1849. 

spurs  to  his  horse  before  his  antagonist  could  draw  his  sword, 
he  escaped.  At  another  time,  when  an  assassin  came  into  his 
tent  for  murderous  purpose,  and  there  was  only  the  small  camp- 
table  he  was  writing  at  between  them,  the  sentry  rushed  in 
and  seized  the  man  before  he  could  touch  him. 

Moolraj  had  set  a  price  on  his  head,  and  had  sent  spies 
into  his  camp  to  bribe  his  servants  to  poison  him.  The  plot 
was  discovered  by  Edwardes  and  all  his  guests  l)ecoming  at 
the  same  time  very  sick  one  day,  after  partaking  of  dinner 
together ;  and  through  accidently  overhearing  the  conversation 
of  some  natives  in  the  verandah  of  his  tent,  he  discovered 
the  cause,  that  the  soup  was  poisoned.  Some  emissary  of 
Moolraj 's  had  offered  himself  to  fidl  a  vacancy  in  the  kitchen 
establishment,  and  had  been  accepted  unwarily  by  the  head 
servant. 

Out  of  such  and  many  other  dangers  he  had  been  safely 
brought;  but  now,  when  the  duty  was  done,  and  he  had 
come  with  great  honour  and  unexampled  success  from  the 
field  of  Mooltan — Moolraj  defeated,  Mooltan  taken,  and  the 
campaign  over; — the  return  to  Lahore,  and  hot  weather  in 
the  plains  in  one  of  the  hottest  stations  of  the  Punjab,  and 
the  very  hard  grind  of  office-work  there,  were  more  than  he 
was  physically  equal  to  endure. 

Sir  Henry  Lawrence  urged  him,  however,  to  try  and  carry 
the  official  work  connected  with  Bunnoo  and  Mooltan  through 
the  office  before  he  left  India ;  and  he  was  himself  anxious  to 
bring  to  notice  the  services  of  those  natives  and  officers  who 
had  served  under  him.  But  it  was  working  the  willing  horse 
too  much,  and  it  was  no  wonder  that,  soon  after  taking  up 
Illness.        the  heavy  office-work  at  Lahore,  he  was  struck  down  with 

fever,  and  was  for  some  time  very  seriously  ill. 
Furlough  On  recovering  from  this  fever  sufficiently  to  travel,  there 

to  ng  an  .  ^q^j^  -^q  j^q  longer  any  further  delay,  and  Edwardes  was 
allowed  to  take  his  "leave"  to  England.  He  had  private 
reasons,  too,  for  desiring  it ;  for  his  own  personal  happiness 
(and  not  only  his  own)  was  deeply  concerned  in  tliis 
journey. 

From  such  a  sacred  and  holy  shrine  it  is  difficult  to  lift 
the  veil.  But  yet  the  story  of  Edwardes's  life  would  not  be 
truly  told  if  we  were  to  leave  out  of  it  that  one  true,  deep^ 


1810.]  "OLD   RESIDENCY"   DAYS.  J(il 

earnest,  and  guiding  passion  of  his  whole  existence.  From  a 
boy  his  heart  was  set  and  fixed  in  one  true  love,  and  it  was 
the  pole-star  that  led  hitn  on  to  realize  his  hopes.  Deter- 
mined that,  till  he  saw  what  his  future  was  to  be,  his  lot 
should  be  unshared,  he  waited  only  to  feel  his  foot  upon  the 
ladder,  and  this  he  did  when  Sir  Henry  Lawrence  selected 
him  for  Lahore. 

Then  he  took  Sir  Henry  Lawrence  into  his  counsel,  and  a 
story  so  like  his  own  readily  won  Sir  Henry's  chivalrous 
sympathy  and  a})proval.  There  need  have  been  no  more 
delay ;  but  then  came  the  expedition  to  Bunnoo,  and  after 
that  swept  in  the  rebellion  of  ^loolraj,  the  siege  of  ^looltan 
and  all  the  stirring  and  al)Sorbing  events  connected  with  it. 

Unhesitatingly  Edwardes  could  set  aside  his  own  personal 
wishes  and  objects  to  follow  a  course  of  duty  ;  but  now,  with 
his  duties  accomplished,  he  longed  to  be  free. 

One  would  expect,  in  a  nature  so  rare  in  depth  of  tender- 
ness, so  strong  and  true,  so  romantic  and  at  the  same  time  so 
noble,  so  keen  in  enjoyment,  so  sensitive  to  pain,  so  finely- 
strung  with  Nature's  keenest  sensil)ilities,  and  yet  so  towering 
above  all  the  littlenesses  and  cruelties  of  man — one  would 
expect  that  in  a  nature  such  as  this,  a  home  was  a  necessity, 
and  that  he  would  be  as  rare  in  love  as  he  was  in  other  things 
— rare  in  the  constancy  of  one  great  affection. 

And  will  the  reader  wonder  if  now  the  truth  is  not  with- 
held by  her  who  all  her  life  has  owned  so  rich  a  wealth  of 
possession,  and  owns  it  still  ? 

But  before  passing  on,  it  may  be  permitted  to  take  a 
parting  look  at  the  life  of  the  "  Old  Besidency  "  at  Lahore, 
presently  about  to  pass  away  in  the  change  and  struggle  of 
the  coming  days ;  for  it  will  never  come  again !  AVhen 
Edwardes  returned  to  India,  all  had  changed  into  a  more 
regular  form  of  life. 

One  wave  courses  over  another  with  all  tlie  freshne-ss  and 
power  of  tiie  present ;  but  there  is  no  time  to  gather  up  the 
lessons,  unless  we  learn  them  as  they  pass. 

It  was  a  wnndorfully  nud  and  happy  life  in  those  early  Picture  of 
days  of  the  "Old  Kesidency  "  at  Lahore.     Here  was  a  band  Residemy  " 
of  strong,  and  young,  and  earnest  men,  all  bent  on  doing  good,  <lap- 
witli    their  min<ls  clear,  and  strong,  and   full  of   hoj^e ;  and 
vol..   1.  M 


1(J2  bin   JlEliBEliT  B.   EDWAliDES.  [1849. 

at  their  head  is  Henry  Lawrence,  a  giant  in  the  battle  of  life, 
lighting  against  evil  and  wrong,  and  guiding  all,  and  quicken- 
ing into  life  and  usefulness  all  bright  tlioughts  and  schemes 
that  came  to  any  of  tliat  earnest  band  of  friends. 
Honoi-ia  And  among  them  a  few  fair,  gentle  women,  wives  and 

awrence.  g^g^gj-g — ygj^.y  fg^y_  j^^t  tlic  ministering  angel  of  them  all 
was  Honoria  Lawrence,  the  brave  and  noble  wife  of  Henry 
Lawrence,  who  was  ever  the  inspiring  genius  of  her  husband's 
higher  life,  the  glad  sharer  of  his  every  thought,  and  the 
softening  and  the  refining  element  that  glided  through  and 
pervaded  that  "  Old  Eesidency,"  and  gave  a  charm  to  the 
wildness  and  roughness  of  this  frontier-life  to  all  its  inmates. 
For  hers  was  a  mind  that  loved  the  wildness,  and  rejoiced  in 
the  unconventionality  of  the  life ;  and  her  room  was  the 
natural  rallying-point  for  all  the  wit  and  talent  that  was 
among  them — and  there  was  no  lack  of  that. 

We  will  give  a  specimen  of  her  thoughts  at  this  time. 
She  writes — 

"  There  is  something  unspeakably  solemn  in  the  status  of 
our  household  now.  That  young  fellow  just  leaving  earth  ; 
the  young  couple  full  of  hope  and  joyance ;  Harrie,  with  her 
sore  grief  drawing  daily  nearer ;  '  Bulbul,'  all  restless  with 

hope  and  fear ;  the  P s  newly  launched,  and  beginning,  I 

think,  to  feel  the  bitterness  of  the  waves ;  and  then,  how  we 
go  regularly  on,  eating  and  drinking,  sleeping  and  waking,  as 
if  there  were  no  care  or  trouble  in  life ! 

"  I  try  to  keep  before  me  that  all  is  but  a  training  (these 
present  things),  not  the  object  of  our  being,  but  only  the 
discipline  for  our  real  being.  Words  easily  said,  and,  in  a 
certain  sense,  believed ;  but  oh !  the  difference  between  the 
dead  and  the  living  faith  in  them  !  .  .  . 

"  I  feel  how  short  the  time  is  that  rests  to  any  of  us, 
and  then  the  blessed  calm — the  meeting,  never  to  part,  on 
the  other  side  of  the  stream — when  all  the  pettinesses  and 
earthlinesses  that  fetter  and  embitter  the  intercourse  of 
friends  here  will  be  swept  away,  and  there  will  be  an  ever- 
growing, still-beginning  peace  !  Safe,  safe,  safe,  that  blessed 
and  comfortable  word !  the  cold  dark  valley  passed,  with  the 
Saviour  for  a  comforter." 

Did    we  call  her  a   ministering  angel  just    now  I     Yes, 


181'J.]  THE  JOUliNEY  HOMEWARI).  1(j3 

truly,  for  she  ever  pointed  upwards ;  wliile,  with  a  Large 
sliare  of  wit  and  originality,  and  a  mind  well  stored  by 
reading,  she  was  always  ready  to  lend  a  (•harm  and  brightness 
to  every  discussion. 

There  is  no  si)here  like  India  for  a  completely  happy 
uwnaa's  life — her  husbanil's  helpmeet — and  Honoria  Law- 
rence filled  it  perfectly.     "What  more  need  l>e  said  ? 

But  the  time  approached  when  Edvvardes  could  take  his 
longi'd-for  rest  at  home.  His  friends,  John  Lawrence  and  his 
wife,  urged  him  to  take  charge  of  their  two  little  girls.  Their 
ages,  of  six  and  seven,  made  the  first  parting  from  their 
parents  necessary.  And  Edwardes  undertook  the  unusual 
charge  confided  to  him,  and  never  had  any  little  girls  more 
loving  and  careful  protection.  Children  always  loved  liim. 
His  bright,  genial  nature  always  attracted  them  to  his  side, 
and  he  was  ever  ready  with  some  bright  story  or  fairy-tale  to 
tell  them  that  riveted  their  love  ;  or  he  was  ready  for  a  game 
of  play  with  them  on  the  shortest  notice.  So  it  was  like  a 
lioliday  to  take  a  journey  with  Edwardes,  and  the  tears  of 
parting  soon  dried  up  with  them. 

In  the  end  of  the  year  1849,  Edwardes  left  Lahore,  and 
his  friend  John  Nicholson  also  intending  to  take  his  furlough 
home,  the  two  friends  gladly  agreed  to  start  together. 

They  dropped  down  tlie  Indus  in  boats  to  Bombay  (which  Edwardes 
was  the  slow  way  in  which  the  journey  then  was  made),  l^^  {^^^y° ' 
stopping  every  night  to  let  the  boatmen  rest,  and  to  give  Lnhore  to- 
the  little  girls  a  run  on  the  land  to  hunt  for  tiger's  footprints  ^'^ 
on  the  sandy  shore. 

The  pleasant  companionship  of  the  two  friends  beguiled 
the  tedium  of  the  river-journey,  and  gave  time  for  thought ; 
and  we  can  fancy  how  these  two  earnest,  brave  men  would 
exchange  their  thoughts  about  the  country  they  had  been 
ready  to  give  their  lives  for,  and  figlit  their  battles  over  again, 
lioth  had  been  trained  by  the  same  master,  Henry  Lawrence ; 
both  were  in  entire  heart-sympathy  with  each  other. 

Tiiis  is  the  first  time  we  have  had  occasion  to  notice  the 
friend.ship  of  these  two  men,  which  remained  strong  and 
deep  throughout  their  lives,  as  friendship  in  such  strong  and 
noble  matters  must  be,  when  founded,  as  in  this  case,  upon 
the  priil'ound  respect  and  admiration   in  which  eacii  held  the 


1G4  .S7A'    lIKnilEirr  n.  EDWARDES.  [1849. 

otlicr.  Knowing  each  other  most  intimately  in  the  trying 
and  difficult  circumstances  in  which  their  lives  had  been  cast 
in  these  stormy  days  of  the  early  history  of  the  Punjab,  they 
were  more  than  brothers  in  the  tenderness  of  their  whole 
lives  henceforth,  and  the  fame  and  interests  of  each  other 
were  dearer  to  them  both  tlian  tlieir  own.* 
\n,\\an  ^ue  great  charm  of  Indian  life  is  the  fast  friendships  that 

friendship,  jj  makes  for  life.  Being  thrown  into  circumstances  of  diffi- 
culty and  danger  that  can  never  be  experienced  in  quiet  lives 
at  home,  men  liave  a  need  they  never  know  in  the  ease  of 
home  life,  and  find  that  need  is  answered  in  some  brave  and 
noble  friend  whom  it  has  been  their  good  fortune  to  be  linked 
with  in  their  public  duty. 

And  thus  these  two  brother-assistants  of  Sir  Henry 
Lawrence's  choice  were  welded  together  in  the  strong,  true 
love  and  friendship  that  w^as  a  mutual  joy  in  their  whole  after- 
lives, interrupted  only  by  death,  when,  in  1857,  this  same 
John  Nicholson — at  the  time  we  are  now  speaking  of  soon  to 
be  made  major  and  C.B.  for  his  services  in  the  Punjab,  then 
the  General  John  Nicholson  to  whom  so  large  a  share  of 
the  honour  of  taking  back  Delhi  from  the  mutineers  is  due — 
fell,  in  leading  the  assault  of  that  city. 

This  may  seem  a  digression  somewhat  out  of  place,  but 
may  be  pardoned  ;  for  it  is  im})ossible  to  those  who  know  and 
love  him  to  leave  the  name  of  John  Nicholson  with  only 
a  passing  mention. 

To  return,  we  left  the  travellers  gliding  down  the  river 

*  As  an  instance  of  this,  we  xn^y  coi)y  fioni  a  local  paper.  "  We  may 
mention  hero  an  instance  of  Major  Edwanles's  great  and  singular  modesty 
with  respect  to  his  own  high  merits.  When  he  was  the  'Lion'  of  the 
day  in  1849,  and  was  on  one  occasion  feted  at  the  Mansion  House,  his 
name  coupled  with  '  The  Health  of  the  Indian  Army,'  proposed  by  the 
chairman  as  one  of  the  toasts  of  the  evening,  the  Duke  of  Wellington  and 
other  distinguished  officers  being  present  .  .  .  rising  to  speak,  and  turning 
towards  his  friend  Major  Nicholson,  he  said,  '  Here,  gentlemen,  fiere  is  the 
real  author  of  half  the  exploits  which  the  world  has  been  so  ready  to 
attribute  to  me.'"  The  effect  was  instantaneous  and  almost  electrical,  and 
will  never  be  forgotten  by  those  who  witnessed  it. 

"  In  the  interesting  Parliamentary  Papers  relating  to  the  Punjab, 
which  were  published  in  May,  1849,  we  find  not  a  word  of  self-landation 
or  assumption  of  credit,  but  much  of  ]>ruilence,  intelligence,  and  foresight, 
and  a  deep  insight  into  the  native  character." 


18111.]    SKETCH  OF  A  riiOL'IlETICAL  INDIAN  NOVEL.    i(]3 

to  KuiTiichee,  ami  bcguiliii;.,'  their  way  willi  bo(jk.s  and  talk.   Droj.ping 
It  was  at  this  time  that  Edwardes  wrote  a   curious   fore-  ^.""'"  !''* 
shad(nvin<^  of  a  storm  that  really  burst  in  terrible  force  over 
India  in  1857. 

It  is  a  mere  memorandum  written  by  him  in  his  common- 
place Ijook,  and  is  copied  as  it  stands. 

"  Memorandum. 

"  A  good  story  might  be  written  by  way  of  proijhecij,  or  I 
would  rather  say  coaming,  of  the  sudden  and  unexpected 
overthrow  of  the  British  Indian  emi)iro  by  the  liritish 
Indian  army. 

"Scene, — Lahore.  Time — Fifty  years  hence,  or  a.d. 
1900.     :Materials  as  follows  :— 

"  The  native  army,  according  to  a  system  introduced 
by  a  Lord  Napier,  who  was  commander-in-chief  about  1850, 
has  been  for  the  last  forty-five  years  massed  upon  great 
points,  such  as  Cabul  (annexed  about  1880),  Peshawur, 
Lahore,  L^mballa,  Delhi,  Dinapore,  and  Calcutta,  in  Ben- 
gal ;  in  jMadras,  .  .  . ;  and  in  Bombay  .  .  .  The  ex- 
tension of  the  empire  by  the  annexation  of  Khorassan  has 
rendered  a  vigorous  economy  necessary,  and  prevented  the 
increase  of  the  Europ' an  army.  Pressure  of  parties  in 
England  has  transferred  the  Government  of  India  from  the 
East  India  Company  to  the  Crown,  which  lias  introduced 
the  same  colonial  system  as  prevails  over  its  other  depen- 
dencies, and  has  lately  lost  Canada. 

"*  Lord  Frederick  Verisophts  '  are  now  Commissioners  of 
provinces,  and  young  barristers  come  out  as  magistrates. 
To  meet  their  convenience,  law  is  a<lministered  in  English, 
and  English  education  has  superseded  vernacular  through 
all  the  Government  schools.  The  people,  in  consequence, 
are  oppressed  and  discontented. 

"The  courts,  in  the  hands  of  a  few  lu-ngalee  Baboos,  are 
not  resorted  to,  except  by  the  rich. 

"The   country    is   consequently    ripe    lor   evil    designs. 


IGG  Sm    IlElinKRT  n.    EinVAllDES.  [1849. 

The  army,  for  the  sake  of  economy,  has  contiuued  to  be 
increased  from  the  same  ckisscs  of  Jlindoostanees,  and  tlio 
only  balance  is  between  the. Hindoos  and  the  Mussulmans. 

"  About  the  year  1855,  an  extensive  schetae,  organized 
by  Rani  Junda,  Bhaie  IMaharaj,  Rajah  Deena  Nath,  and 
others,  to  restore  the  Rani  to  the  throne  of  Lahore  by  means 
of  our  own  soldiers,  was  discovered  by  Bhaie  Bikrumali 
Sing  (jealous  of  Bhaie  Maharaj)  to  the  British  Govern- 
ment, and  the  ringleaders  hanged  or  imprisoned. 

"  But  the  secret  of  unlawful  organization  could  not  be 
so  easily  unlearnt;  and  the  ambitious  spirits  of  the  country, 
who  could  nowadays  find  no  native  court  to  which  to  resort 
for  service,  commenced  and  gradually  matured  a  secret  con- 
federation of  the  whole  native  army,  which  was  much  favoured 
by  the  system  of  military  centralization  now  in  force. 

"  The  large  European  society  in  the  great  cantonments 
has  withdrawn  the  officers  more  than  ever  from  their  men, 
and  few  are  now  left  who  can  discourse  with  them  in  their 
own  lano-uao^e. 

"  Still,  indications  of  the  conspiracy  creep  out  through 
officers  of  irregular  corps,  which  at  first  hold  aloof,  though 
tempted. 

"  Midnight  meetings  of  the  Native  Divisional  Commit- 
tees, under  pretence  of  native  festivals,  should  be  described. 
Their  correspondence  in  Persian,  which  has  become  '  cypher.' 
The  outbreak  on  the  first  of  a  month  at  muster ;  massacre  of 
all  European  officers  at  parade ;  ineifectual  stand  of  few 
European  regiments ;  retreat  to  the  sea  and  embark ; 
division  of  the  empire  ;  upstart  princes,  etc." 

"  This  sketch  of  a  prophetical  Indian  novel  was  written 
on  or  about  December  21,  1849,  in  my  boat,  dropping  down 
the  Sutlej  River,  with  John  Nicholson,  on  our  way  to  Eng- 
land after  the  second  Sikh  War.  The  inspiration  of  it  was 
drawn  from  the  experience  we  had  lately  had  in  the  Punjab 
of  the  Sikh  army ;.  the  fear  of  similar  results  in  our  own 


England. 


Isr.O.]  LANDED    IX  EXOLAXD.  107 

native  army,  on  wliich  Sir  llcnry  Lawrence  was  so  often 
talking  to  us  all ;  and  the  views  of  discipline  entertained 
by  the  then  commander-in-chief,  Sir  Charles  Napier. 

"  (Signed)  Herbert  B.  Edwardes." 

This  reads  like  a  prophecy  of  1857,  for  the  reader  must 
remember  that  it  was  written  eight  years  before  the  event. 
It  shows,  at  least,  what  anxious  questions  were  burning  in 
the  minds  of  these  men. 

John  Nicholson,  not  having  the  same  motive  for  urgency 
in  his  return  to  England,  thought  it  a  good  opportunity  to  see 
Constantinople,  and  turned  aside  in  Egypt.  So  the  two 
friends  parted  for  a  few  months,  to  meet  again  in  England. 

Edwardes  landed  in  England  on  January  27,  1850.  He 
was  received  with  great  enthusiasm  everywhere  as  "  the  hero 
of  Mooltan." 

He  had  taken  ship  in  tlie  same  steamer  at  Bombay  that  Arrival  in 
brought  home  the  commander-in-chief,  Lord  Gough ;  and  it 
is  amusing  to  see  how  entirely  unconscious  he  was  of  the 
reception  he  was  to  receive,  for  he  was  standing  on  the 
paddle-box  of  the  steamer,  watching  the  approach  to  his 
native  land  with  very  different  thoughts,  when  Lord  Gough 
called  to  him,  "  Edwardes,  come  down ;  you're  called  for." 
And  he  was  surprised  to  find  that  some  of  the  cheers  on  the 
English  shore,  which  he  counted  all  for  his  chief,  Lord  Gough, 
were  intended  for  himself;  so  little  was  he  thinking  of 
anything  but  the  private  hopes  and  longed-for  meetings  that 
awaited  liim. 

A  lieutenant  in  liis  regiment  (than  the  1st  Bengal  Fusiliers, 
afterwards  called  the  101st),  he  had  been  promoted  to  major, 
and  the  Queen  had  awarded  him  the  Companionship  of  the 
Bath  ere  his  arrival  in  England. 

He  received  the  "  thanks  of  the  House  "  and  tlie  marked 
approval  of  the  Duke  of  Wellington,  expressed  both  privately 
in  a  most  gratifying  way,  very  shortly  aftrr  his  landing  in 
England,  and  publicly. 

It  was  remarked  on  one  occasion,  in  the  House  of  Lords, 
when  the  rewards  were  being  discussed,  "  these  would  be 
unprecedented  honours  for  so  young  a  man."  Upon  which 
the  Duko  of  Wellington  rose,  and  said,  "  Gentlemen,  Lieut. 


1G8  SIR   HERBERT  B.   EDWARDES.  [1850. 

Edwardcs's  services  have  been  unprecedented,  and  his  rewards 
must  be  unprecedented  too."     This  stopped  the  discussion. 

Edwardes  used  to  tell  with  pardonable  pride  of  the  re- 
ception he  met  with  at  Apsley  House,  from  the  aged  Duke  of 
Wullingtou. 

He  had  received  an  intimation  that  lie  would  be  expected 
to  call ;  so,  as  soon  as  tlie  pressure  of  engagements  allowed, 
he  drove  to  the  door  and  sent  in  his  card.  The  old  porter  at 
the  door,  looking  at  it,  said,  "  Major  Edwardes  !  Oh,  Major 
Edwardes ;  we  have  been  looking  for  yon  ever  so  long — every- 
day. Come  up,  sir,  and  I'll  take  in  your  card."  Then  he 
ushered  him  upstairs  and  went  in.  In  a  few  moments  out 
came  the  aged  Duke  of  Wellington  and  led  Edwardes  in  by 
the  hand,  warmly  welcoming  him.  Seated  on  a  sofa  by  his 
side,  he  took  out  the  map  and  went  through  all  the  campaign 
witli  remarkable  clearness  and  discrimination,  showing  that  lie 
had  followed  him  closely  in  all  his  movements,  and  cordially 
approving,  from  point  to  point,  of  the  measures  he  had  taken. 

It  was  pardonable  for  a  young  soldier  to  be  proud  of 
being  so  welcomed  and  so  approved  by  the  first  military 
authority,  and  a  veteran  in  the  art  of  war. 

Publicly  also  were  many  expressions  of  approval,  and  we 
may  extract  from  a  few  of  the  records  before  passing  on. 

In  the  House  of  Lords,  April  25,  1850,  the  Marquis  of 
Lansdowne  moved  votes  of  thanks  to  the  Governor-General  of 
India,  the  Commander-in-chief,  and  the  officers  and  men 
engaged  in  the  late  military  operations  in  India,  mentioning 
with  especial  praise  the  conduct  of  Major  Edwardes,  thus  — 
The  Jiar-  "  That  officer  having  then  been  recently  appointed  as- 

quis  of        sistant  in  the  management  of  the  country  in  the  neighbour- 

Lanstlowne     ,         -,  ^ 

in  the  liood  of  Mooltau,  and,  finding  himself  at  the  head  of  a  single 

native  regiment,  conceived  the  design  of  driving  Moolraj  into 
his  fortress  and  rescuing  the  whole  of  the  country  round 
]\Iooltan  from  his  grasp.  He  effected  it,  and  he  effected  it 
without  the  assistance  of  a  single  European  force. 

"  Such  was  his  character,  such  was  the  confidence  which 
he  inspired  among  the  natives,  such  was  the  means  that  he 
used,  and  such  the  revenue  that  he  raised  at  the  moment, 
in  this  very  country  that  he  was  rescuing  from  the  grasp  of 
the  treacherous  Moolraj,  that  he  was  enabled  to  unite  a  very 


House  of 
Lords. 


ID  UP. 


1850.]        SPEECHES   IN   THE  HOUSE   OF  LORDS.  KIO 

considerable  force  —  that  force  entirely  native,  composed 
entirely  of  new  levies.  He  was  enabled  to  pay  those  levies, 
to  arm  them,  and  to  drive  back  that  chief  within  the  very 
walls  of  that  fortress  from  which  he  had  issued  to  obtain 
j)ossession  of  the  surrounding  country.  He  did  so,  after  de- 
fecating him  in  successive  actions,  in  every  one  of  wliich 
Edwardes  was  himself  ])crsonally  engaged,  inspiring  confi- 
dence among  the  troops  by  his  exertions  ;  in  more  than  one 
instance  actually  seizing  the  guns  with  his  own  hand,  and, 
by  his  uniform  good  conduct  and  ability,  commanding  the 
affections  and  the  respect  of  the  natives,  who  followed  in  his 
army."  .  .  . 

Viscount  Hardinge.     "  The  daring  manner  in  wliich,  led  ^^"^'} 
only  by  that  heroic  young  officer,  IMajor  Edwardes,  the  Sikhs 
had  attacked  a  ]mrticular  fort,  was  beyond  all  praise."  .  .  . 

Sir   Joh/i  Huhliouse.     "It   was  oidy  yesterday  that   the  sir  .Toim 
Government  received  the  news  of  a  great  exploit,  performed  Hobi.ousL- 
by  a  British  officer,  young  in  years,  and  only  a  subaltern  in 
rank,  who  performed  it  under  every  disadvantage,  unaided,  and, 
it  might  be  said,  alone  ;  for  he  had  not  the  assistance  of  a 
single  fellow-countryman,  or  even  of  one  of  his  own  colour.* 

"  In  one  month  alone,  and,  as  he  had  said  before,  quite 
unaided,  with  levies  which  he  had  raised  himself  only  a 
month  before,  and  which  he  had  himself  disciplined — under  a 
burning  sun,  in  countries  inundated  by  great  rivers — that 
young  man  overthrew  a  formidable  foe,  and  by  his  own  right 
hand  and  sagacious  head  saved,  he  might  say,  from  great 
peril,  a  distant  part  of  our  Indian  empire.  The  honourable 
gentleman  would,  he  was  sure,  find  satisfaction  in  adding 
to  tlie  jiraises  which  would  be  for  ever,  he  thought,  bestowed 
on  Lieutenant  Edwardes. 

"  It  was  not  necessary  for  him  to  detail  the  services  of 
the  gallant  ]\Iajor  Edwardes.  It  will  be  suflicient  to  say 
that  her  Majesty,  in  her  royal  condescension,  had  thought  it 
right  to  depart  from  the  common  forms,  and  had  connnanded 
that,  before  the  end  of  the  campaign,  he  should  receive  the 
appointment  of  major,  together  with  the  Companionship  of 
the  Bath. 

*  True  of  early  Buuuoo  times,  at  first,  but  afterwards  he  was  aided 
by  Lake  and  others,  as  we  have  seen. — E.  E. 


170  sin  iiKiinKiiT  n.  kdwaudes.  [i850. 

"  On  the  27th,  they  made  the  first  attack  on  Mooltan,  and 
on  January  2  they  carried  the  fortified  city  of  Mooltan. 

"  The  first  letter  was  from  ^Major  Edwardes  ;  it  contained 
this  sentence,  '  I  take  the  liberty  of  informing  you  that  the 
city  of  Mooltan,  after  a  week's  storming,  has  been  taken,  and 
I  hope  to  raise  the  flag  of  England  over  tlie  walls  of  the 
citadel  before  tlu-ee  days  are  over.' 

"  It  appeared  that  the  British  forces  had  to  contend 
against  an  army  of  thu'ty-six  thousand  men,  and  when  the 
citadel  was  entered,  three  thousand  were  still  among  the 
ruins,  who  could  only  be  dislodged  with  difficulty. 

"  No  less  than  thirty -six  thousand  shot  and  shell  had 
been  thrown  into  the  citadel,  and  so  thick  was  the  fire  that 
the  only  place  which  the  chief  of  the  besieged  was  able  to 
find  shelter  in  w^as  under  a  gateway.  He  mentioned  those 
circumstances  to  show  that  the  capture  of  a  citadel,  so 
bravely  and  resolutely  defended,  was  no  trifling  event."  .  .  . 

The  Duke  of  "Wellington  was  heard  to  say,  at  a  farewell 
of  \Vei-  dinner  given  to  Major-General  Sir  Charles  Napier,  that  "  he 
lington.  considered  that,  by  the  capture  of  Mooltan,  the  object  of  the 
war  was  accomplished  ;  that  it  was  one  of  the  great  events  of 
the  campaign,  and,  he  hoped,  the  end  of  it."  The  Duke  of 
Wellington  added  that  "  in  the  early  period  of  the  war.  Major 
Edwardes  and  other  officers  under  the  Government  of  Lahore 
had  generally  distinguished  themselves  in  collecting  and  disci- 
plining certain  disbanded  forces ;  and  he  was  happy  to  say 
they  had  performed  their  duty  with  advantage  to  the  country 
and  with  honour  to  themselves.  They  had  immortalized  them- 
selves by  their  conduct.  It  w^as  impossible  to  speak  too  highly 
of  that  young  officer,  ]\Iajor  Herbert  Edwardes."  .  .  . 

This  discussion  ended  in  the  thanks  of  the  House  being 
given  to  the  Eight  Hon.  the  Earl  of  Dalhousie,  Governor- 
General,  etc.,  and  many  others. 

Praise  from  the  lips  of  such  military  judges  need  not  be 
suppressed,  and  these  quotations  justify  themselves.  It  is 
Lord  *^"b'  necessary  to  add  tliat  Lord  Hardinge  rose  and  corrobo- 

Hardinge.  rated  all  that  had  been  said,  adding,  "He  had  heard  with 
great  pleasure  and  infinite  satisfaction  the  allusions  made  to 
Major  Edwardes.  He  was  a  most  sensible,  clever  young  man. 
During  a  portion  of  the  period  that  he "   (Lord  Hardinge) 


1851.] 


SPECIAL    a  OLD   MEDAL." 


171 


"served  her  Majesty  in  India,  ^Major  Kdwardes  was  in  com- 
mand of  eleven  or  twelve  thousand  men,  and  most  cleverly 
did  he  keep  them  togetlier,  displaying  great  tact,  judgment, 
prescience,  and  coolness.  It  was  his  wish  to  notice  the 
exertions  of  otlier  olUcers — Lake,  Pollock,  and  Nicholson 
— who,  in  conjunction  with  Major  Edwardes,  had  rendered 
such  signal  services  in  that  memorable  action."  .  .  . 

Nor  was  Edwardes  overlooked  by  his  masters,  the  Court 
of  Directors ;  for  these  were  the  days  before  the  government 
of  India  was  taken  over  by  the  Crown. 

A  "special  gold  medal"  was  struck  for  him,  and  pre- 
sented to  him  in  full  Court,  with  a  special  address.  This 
was  a  peculiar  honour  which  he  miglit  well  value,  as  such 
a  medal  had  never  been  given  in  a  similar  way  before. 

The  medal  was  a  very  handsome  one,  and  beautifully 
wrought.  The  design  was  entrusted  to  Wyon,  It  consisted 
of  an  inscription  in  the  centre,  "  To  Lieutenant  Herbert 
Benjamin  Ethvardes,  Brevet-Major  and  C.li.,  for  his  services 
in  tiie  Punjab,  1848." 


SPKCIAL  tJOl.I)   MlcriAI.  GIVEN   nV  TIIK  COl  UT  OI'  DIUKCTOUS,  184S. 

The  inscription  was  surmounted  In'  his  family  arms, 
supported  by  the  figures  of  Valour  and  Victory  holding  a 
laurel  wreath  over  the  arms.  Below,  the  figure  of  the  infant 
Hercules  strangling  the  serpent  (emblematical  of  his  youth, 
and  the  lotus  leaves  as  emldematieal  of  India).  On  the  reverse 
side  is  the  head  of  the  Queen,  the  fountain  of  all  honour. 

The  medal  was  shown  io  her  Majesty  by  the  Chairman 


172  SI/!    IlEinU'.RT   n.    EDWARDES.  [1851. 

of  tlie  Court  of  Directors,  and  licr  ]\raje.sty  graciously  sanc- 
tioned the  bestowal. 

When  completed, tlie  die  was  broken,  never  to  be  used  again. 

This  unusual  honour  was  announced  to  Edwardes  in  the 
following  letter  from  the  Chairman  of  the  Court  of  Directors : — 

"East  India  House,  February  7,  1851. 

"  My  dear  Major  Edwardks, 

"  With  reference  to  your  note  of  the  4tli,  I  sliall 
bo  happy  to  prcj^eut  to  you  personally,  at  a  meeting  of  tlie 
Court  of  Directors,  the  gold  medal  whicli  the  Court  have 
resolved  to  confer  on  you.  Wednesday  next  at  2.30  will 
suit  me,  if  it  will  be  convenient  for  you. 

"  On  the  occasion  I  shall  merely  express  the  pleasure 
it  affords  me  to  have  an  opportunity  of  presenting  it  to  you 
j)er8onallv. 

"  I  shall  read  the  '  minute '  of  the  Court,  in  which  the 
grounds  of  their  '  resolution  '  are  briefly  but  comprehensively 
expressed. 

"  I  shall  then  allude  to  the  deep  interest  we  take  in  the 
honour  and  interests  of  our  officers ;  congratulate  you  on 
the  great  honour  and  success  which  have  hitherto  attended 
you ;  confidently  anticipate  that  the  same  energy,  skill,  and 
bravery  will  distinguish  your  future  career;  and  that  the 
medal  now  presented,  ia  commemoration  of  your  youthl'ul 
heroism,  will  prove  the  harbinger,  under  the  blessing  of 
Providence,  of  a  long-continued  career  of  honourable  and 
useful  service  to  India. 

"  To  make  a  long  speech  would  be  contrary  to  practice 
on  such  occasions,  and  a  very  brief  reply  in  acknowledgment 
will  be  all  that  is  expected. 

"  Very  faithfully  yours, 
"  (Signed)  John  Shepherd." 

According  to  this  bidding,  the  gold  medal  was  personally 
presented  to  him  in  full  Court,  and  Edwardes,  in  acknowledg- 
ment, replied — 


1851.]         SPEECn   ON  JlKCEIVISa    Till:   M I.DAL.  17."] 

"  ]\I  r.  (Jiiuinnan  and  nieuibers  o("  this  liunourublt!  Court, — 
Staiiilin"^  as  I  am  in  the  presence  of  the  great  Governtueiit 
of  whiili  [  »m  a  servant,  in  whose  vast  ch  irgo  of  territory 
the  Punjab  is  but  a  speck,  and  before  who-e  high  calling  in 
the  East  tlie  fleeting  services  of  one  humble  individual  shrink 
into  insignilicanco,  it  would  be  both  disrespectful  and  absurd 
if  I  were  to  occupy  your  attention  for  more  thin  the  few 
moments  whiidi  gratitude  may  claim. 

*•  lint  it  would  be  ungrateful  to  be  altogether  silent 
while  holding  in  my  liand  a  reward  so  rarely  conferred  \\\)on 
any  public  servant — never,  perhaps,  before  on  a  subaltern 
of  your  army;  and  therefore  it  is  that,  not  only  in  my  own 
name,  but  in  the  name  of  all  my  brother  ofBcers  in  the 
whole  Indian  army  (an  army  whose  past  services  you  hnoWy 
and  whose  present  efiiciency  I  earnestly  beg  you  to  believe, 
will  stand  comparison  with  that  of  any  army  in  the  world), 
in  their  names,  not  le-s  than  my  own,  I  gratefully  thank 
you  for  this  modal,  which  conveys  to  all  of  us  an  assurance, 
immortalized  by  art,  tliat  there  is  no  officer  in  your  army, 
liowever  humble,  who  may  not  render  useful  service  to  the 
]^)ritis]i-Indian  Government  and  the  British-Indian  people 
liy  warring  only  to  re-establish  peace;  and  whose  endeavours 
in  tiiat  cause  this  distant  but  watchful  Court  will  not 
observe  and  mark  with  its  utmost  approbation. 

"  For  my  own  part,  I  have  tmly  to  declare  that  I  regard 
tliis  brilliant  trophy  less  as  casting  lustre  on  the  past,  than 
as  throwing  a  kind,  a  cheering,  a  supporting,  and  a  guiding 
light  upon  my  future  labours  in  your  service." 

These  were  only  some  of  the  puldic  honours  that  greeted 
Edwardes  on  his  return  to  his  native  land.  His  name  had 
liccome  a  household  word  in  England,  and  go  where  he  would, 
he  was  received  with  acclamation  and  honour.  Especially 
in  his  own  county,  Shropsliire,  and  in  the  town  of  Shrews- 
bury, was  a  very  hearty  ami  cordial  welcome  accorded  him. 

As  he  entered  the  town  he  found  it  was  y'tVc-day  in 
Shrewsbury.     He  was  met  by  the  mayor  and  town  council- 


174  filll    UEltBEliT  D.   EDWARDES.  [1850. 

lors,  who  conducteil  liiiu  iii  procession  to  the  town  hall, 
where  a  public  reception  was  prepared  for  him.  The  streets 
w^ere  crowded,  Hags  and  Ijanners  waving. 

An  address  was  presented  of  most  warm  and  hearty 
welcome,  amidst  a  crowded  audience  of  sympathizing  and 
rejoicing  friends,  and  relatives,  and  fellow-countrymen. 

Among  others  who  spoke.  Dr.  Kennedy,  the  Head-Master 
of  Shrewsbury  School,  said  he  hoped  he  might  be  allowed 
to  quote  the  description  of  "the  happy  warrior,"  for  to  the 
high  standard  therein  exliibited  he  thought  none  approached 
more  nearly  than  Major  Edwardes. 

It  seemed  to  him  tliat  Wordsworth  liad  by  anticipation 
there  drawn  a  vivid  and  faithful  portrait  of  the  young  "  hero 
of  Mooltan." 

"  Who  is  the  Happy  Warrior?     Who  is  he 
Whom  every  man  in  arms  should  wish  to  be  ? 
Who,  if  he  rise  to  station  of  command, 
Kises  by  open  means,  and  there  will  stand 
On  honourable  terms,  or  else  retire, 
And  in  himself  possess  his  own  desire  ; 
Who  comprehends  his  trust,  and  to  tlie  same 
Keeps  faithful,  with  a  singleness  of  aim  ; 
And  therefore  does  not  stoop,  nor  lie  in  wait 
For  wealth,  or  honour,  or  for  worldly  state  ; 
Whom  they  must  follow ;  on  whose  head  must  fall. 
Like  showers  of  manna,  if  they  come  at  all ; 
AVhose  powers  shed  round  him  in  the  common  stiife, 
Or  mild  concerns  of  ordinary  life, 
A  constant  influence,  a  peculiar  grace; 
But  who,  if  he  be  called  upon  to  face 
Some  awful  moment  to  which  Heaven  has  joined 
Great  issues,  good  or  bad,  for  human-kind. 
Is  happy  as  a  lover ;  and  attired 
With  sudden  brightness,  like  a  man  inspired  ; 
And,  through  the  heat  of  conflict,  keeps  the  law 
In  calmness  made,  and  sees  what  he  foresaw; 
Or,  if  an  unexpected  call  succeed, 
Come  when  it  will,  is  equal  to  the  need ; — 
This  is  the  Happy  Warrior;  this  is  he 
Whom  every  man  in  arms  sliould  wish  to  be.'' 

Brave  w^ords  and  beautiful,  but  not  too  beautiful  to  be 
true ;  for,  though  the  ideal  of  a  poet,  it  is  no  flattery,  nor  the 
heightened  colouring  of  affection,  to  say  that  they  are  wonder- 
fully true  of  Edwardes  in  all  particulars. 

And  singularly  in  the  last,  for  lie  never  was  dej^ressed 


ibOO.]  WELCUMi:    HOME  AT  SUllEW^IiURY.  17.3 

uhou  things  went  wrong  and  great  puljlic  dilliculties  had 
to  be  confronted ;  but  it  seemed  as  if  liis  nature  rose  buoy- 
antly above  the  storm,  and  liis  fertility  of  resource  in  times 
of  danger  made  him  great  in  council,  while  his  cheerfulness 
was  an  encouragement  and  support  to  those  around  him. 

He  replied  to  this  cordial  welcome  in  the  following 
genial  words : — 

"  Mr.  Mayor,  ladies  and  g(3ntlemcn  of  Shropshire, — 
When  1  left  London  this  morning,  I  was  ([uite  unprepared 
for  the  honour  you  have  now  paid  me,  and  I  hope  you  will 
accept  of  the  unstudied  but  heartfelt  thanks  of  a  soldier. 

"  I  have  been  ten  years  away  from  my  own  country,  and 
1  noeil  not  expatiate  to  you  on  th(!  pleasure  I  feel  on  my 
return  home,  or  on  the  feelings  which  I  entertained  in  my 
absence,  of  the  miseries  of  the  one,  or  the  pleasures  of 
the  other.  The  return  to  one's  native  county,  I  should  say, 
is  the  very  centre,  core,  and  kernel  of  the  joy  of  returning 
to  one's  native  land.  I  have  travelled  over  many  lands 
since  I  set  my  foot  last  on  English  soil — over  a  great  part 
of  the  globe. 

"I  have  seen  the  ocean  in  its  anger  and  in  its  repose; 
I  have  seen  the  sun  set  in  that  gorgeous  land  and  over 
those  beautiful  waters  of  the  Indian  Ocean ;  I  have  been 
through  the  whole  of  the  Upper  Indies ;  I  have  seen  that 
beautiful  range  of  mountains  so  celebrated  in  Afghan  story  ; — 
but  not  for  one  moment,  in  viewing  those  enchanting  scenes, 
did  I  forget  my  Salopian  land. 

"Even  among  that  splendid  range  of  the  Himalaya 
Mountains,  whose  grandeur  is  said  to  exceed  the  Alps 
and  the  Pyrenees,  I  assure  you  I  never  forgot,  even  in  their 
magnificence,  to  call  to  my  memory  the  blue  mountains  of 
my  beloved  Shropshire  and  beautiful  Wales.  How  truly 
could  I  say  with  the  poet! — 

"  '  He  who  first  met  the  Iligliland's  swelling  blue 
Will  love  each  peak  that  shows  a  kiiulrcil  hue, 
Hail  ia  each  crag  a  Iriciul's  laiuiliar  lace. 
And  clasp  the  mountain  in  his  soul's  embrace.' 


]7G  -S77i'   IIEliBERT  U.   ED  WARD ES.  [1850. 

"  Witli  referenco  to  the  services  so  kiudly  jiUiulcJ  to,  it 
liltlo  becomes  me  to  speiik.  They  have  been  described 
ill  words  too  flattering  ;  but  I  hope  you  w  ill  excuse  me  if 
I  tliank  you  for  them  as  if  I  deserved  them. 

"  ]>ut  of  all  the  honours  I  have  received,  the  dearest 
to  me  have  been  the  cheers  which  have  greeted  me  this  day 
in  my  native  county." 

On  another  occasion,  at  this  time  of  "  welcome  home  "  at 
Shrewsbury — we  quote  from  one  of  Edwardes's  speeches — he 
says,  describing  some  of  the  scenes  at  the  battle  of  Moodkee  : 

"This  was  the  beginning  of  November,  1845,  and  in 
a  few  days  afterwards,  the  Sikh  army  invaded  British 
India,  and  we  were  plunged  into  the  first  Sikh  War. 
Here  was  I,  then,  at  once  placed  in  a  position  to  study 
war  practically,  on  the  hirgest  scale,  and  under  the 
greatest  advantages,  at  the  right  baud  of  Sir  Hugh.  And 
I  can  tell  you  that  the  man  who  rides  by  the  right  hand 
of  Hugh  Viscount  Gough  through  a  campaign  is,  as  the 
Irishman  would  say,  '  in  a  mighty  convanient  place  to 
see  a  good  dale  of  fighting.'  If  a  young  soldier  wants 
an  insight  into  the  principles  of  war,  I  would  advise  him 
to  volunteer  to  such  a  situation,  and  he  will  meet  witii 
a  good  many  eye-openers  in  it.  I  can  tell  you  a  story 
in  illustration  of  this. 

"  At  our  very  first  battle  of  iMoodkee,  on  December  18, 
before  the  two  hostile  lines  of  infantry  had  met,  two  staff 
officers  simultaneously  dashed  in  from  right  and  left,  and 
rode  up  to  the  commander-in-chief. 

" '  The  enemy's  Cavalr}-,  your  Excellency,  have  out- 
flanked us  on  the  right,'  said  one.  '  The  enemy's  Cavalry 
have  outflanked  us  on  the  left,'  said  the  other. 

"  So  there  were  fifteen  thousand  horsemen  on  the  one 
hand,  and  fifteen  thousand  on  the  other,  turning  both  our 
flanks    at  the  same    moment,   and   our  small  armv  in  the 


1850.]         INTRODUCTION   TO    THE  AIlT   OF    IVAH.  i  .  7 

middli!.  Without  oue  moment's  hesitation,  Lord  Gough 
gave  directions  that  charges  of  Artillery  and  Cavalry 
sliould  be  made  to  both  flanks ;  and  it  was  iu  this  movement 
to  repulse  the  Sikhs  that  her  Majesty's  3rd  Dragoons 
commenced  that  series  of  remarkable  achievements  which 
have  since  stamped  them  as  the  noblest  Cavalry  regiment 
that  ever  went  out  to  India. 

"  The  charges  were  made,  and  the  repulse  was  complete 
on  both  flanks.  Our  Artillery  and  Cavalry  went  through  the 
enormous  line  of  the  enemy  and  got  into  the  rear,  so  as 
to  become  an  object  of  the  deepest  anxiety  to  Sir  Hugh 
Gough. 

"  It  was  at  that  time  he  turned  to  two  of  his  aides- 
de-camp,  and  commanded  them  to  recall  the  flank  detach- 
ments back  to  their  own  line. 

"I  was  one  of  them,  and  I  leave  you  to  judge  whether 
it  was  a  pleasant  office.  However,  it  was  performed,  and 
I,  perliaps,  shall  bear  witli  me  the  memorial  of  it  to  the 
grave,  in  the  scar  of  a  uiusket-ball  through  my  thigh. 

"  Sucli  was  iny  introduction  to  the  art  of  war  at  the 
hands  of  my  earliest  patron  in  India,  Hugh  Viscount 
Gough. 

"I  recovered  from  that  wound  in  time  to  serve  as  his 
Lordship's  aide-de-camp  at  the  closing  light  of  Sobraon. 
That  battle  was  one  of  the  most  noble  sights  which,  perhaps, 
man  ever  saw,  and  it  was  most  complete  in  its  results. 

"  An  extended  plain  was  in  front,  and  a  broad  and 
rapid  river  at  the  back  of  the  enemy's  position.  To  u.so 
a  soldier's  phrase,  which  all  military  men  will  understand, 
we  turned  our  rigiit  shoulders  to  the  enemy  and  drove 
them  into  the  river. 

"  It  was  a  most  magnificent  and  instruetivc  siglit  for 
a  young  soldier.     Thus  the  campaign  closed. 

"  Lord  Gough  recommentled  me  to  Lord  Hardinge, 
the  Governor-General,  for  promotion  to  the  great  political 
VOL.  I.  N 


178  SIR   HERBERT  B.   EDWARDES.  [1850. 

staff  which  was  then  required  for  the  Punjab,  and  for  this 
great  step  in  life  I  am  materially  indebted  to  those  two 
illustrious  men. 

"  Bat  while  I  express  my  gratitude  to  those  powerful 
friends  who  gave  me  these  great  opportunities,  let  me  never 
forget  the  master  who  taught  me  how  to  use  them— Sir 
Henry  Lawrence,  wlio  at  this  very  moment  *  but  a  captain 
of  Artillery,  has  made  himself,  by  his  high  purposes  and 
indomitable  energies,  the  foremost  man  in  India,  and  a 
bright  example  to  every  Indian  soldier.  He  it  was  who, 
through  three  years  of  the  British  occupation,  was  my 
political  master  and  my  private  friend.  It  was  sitting  at 
his  feet,  amid  great  political  events,  that  I  trust  I  learned 
this  noble  lesson — to  live,  not  for  myself,  but  for  my 
country." 

But  all  the  public  honour  with  Avhich  he  was  welcomed 
home  could  never  dull  his  heart,  or  make  him  forget  or  be 
careless  towards  his  old  friends  ;  and  a  sprightly,  genial  letter 
was  written  about  this  time  to  his  old  and  valued  college 
friend,  which  is  very  characteristic. 

"  Sansaw  Hall,  March  4,  1850. 

"  It  is  more  than  probable,  my  dear  Cowley,  that  Octavius 
Csesar  would  have  cut  Tully  dead,  in  the  Via  Sacra,  had  he 
met  him  in  the  triumphant  moment  of  his  entry  to  Rome, 
with  Antony  and  Lepidus.  As  it  was,  he  sent  slaves  to 
do  it  at  Tusculum. 

"  Therefore,  reasoning  in  the  fashion  of  Arnold  from 
ancient  to  modern  times,  I  have  little  doubt,  you  are,  this 
blessed  moment,  expatiating  on  the  vices  of  ingratitude  and 
ambition  as  deadening  the  heart,  stifling  the  finer  feel- 
ings, etc.,  of  your  old  friend  Herbert  Edwardes. 

"  And  truly,  Tully,  I  have  treated  thee  abominably  in 
not  answering  thy  '  De  Amicitia;'  but  let  it  be  some  expiation 

*  1850. 


1810.]  nONOUBS  AT  OXFORD.  ITO 

that,  before  settiug  off  to  Netley  to  be  dragged  in  triumphal 
chariot,  I  now  have  sat  down  to  tell  thee  that  I  yearn  to  see 
thee  as  raueli  as  if  I  had  written  it  and  paid  the  post.  I 
icould  iiave  written  from  London  if  I  could,  but,  believe  me, 
it  was  not  possible, 

"  I  came  home  for  peace  and  repose,  and  find  a  campaign 
of  hospitality.  My  hand  aches  with  '  How  d'ye  do's ; '  my 
lips  with  kisses ;  and  my  ear  with  praise.  One  while  I  feel 
repaid  for  many  hardships  and  many  strivings  after  service 
to  the  Government ;  and  then,  again,  afraid  of  some  great 
evil  overtaking  me  after  all  this  pride  and  adulation.  It  is 
not  wholesome ;  but  I  must  try  and  think  large  quantities  of 
salt  to  season  it. 

'■  I  have  no  time  to  say  more  now  than  that  I  shall  leave 
Shropshire  on  Tuesday  night  to  be  present  at  the  Uvee  on 
AVednesday,  and  if  you  can  manage  to  meet  me,  we  can 
both  have  the  happiness  of  meeting  after  ten  years  of 
separation. 

"Believe  me, 

"  Ever  yours, 

"H.  13.  E." 

In  ]\Iay,  1850,  he  received  the  honorary  degree  of  D.C.L. 
at  Oxford,  among  others  to  -whom  that  honour  was  awarded 
at  the  Commemoration  of  that  year.  There  he  was  warmly 
received  and  hospitably  entertained  at  Exeter  College  by  his' 
friend  Cowley  l*owles,  who  was  then  Fellow  of  that  college. 

Another  interesting  letter  of  Edwardes,  kindly  given  by 
Archdeacon  Browne,  may  be  inserted  here.  It  was  Mritten 
in  return  for  kind  congratulations  on  his  successes  at  Mool- 
tan,  and  shows  the  warmth  of  affection  he  preserved  for 
Kiufr's  College,  London. 

"Camp,  Moot  tan,  January  13,  1849. 

"My  dear  Sir, 

"I   believe  it  is   something  of  the   same   feeling 
which   makes  us  throuKh   life  love  our  own  village  better 


180  SIR  EEBBEBT  D.   EDWABDES.  [1849. 

than  all  the  wurld,  that  implants  in  every  man's  niiud  a 
lower  '  faith '  that  there  never  Avas  any  school  or  alma  mater 
like  the  one  where  he  was  birched  or  philosophized. 

"  Shelley  and  Byron  have  declared  themselves  exceptions 
to  this  rule ;  but  then,  poor  people,  they  were  expelled  ! 

"  For  my  own  part,  I  have  ever  been  ready  to  do  battle 
with  all  heathens  upon  two  cardinal  points  of  my  belief, 
that  there  never  was  seen  the  like  of  Delafosse's  school  at 
Richmond,  or  the  equal  of  King's  College,  London. 

"The  former,  to   be   sure,  was    a  point  of  affectionate 

honour   with   me,  partly  because   the   Eev.  Mr.  D ,  or 

*  Charles,'  as  w^e  irreverently  called  him,  never  flogged  me 
without  making  a  pun,  to  show  he  was  not  angry  in  his 
heart;  and  partly  because  his  daughter  Theresa  won  my 
young  love  with  bread-aud-jam  and  kisses. 

"  But  the  latter  tenet,  the  peerlessness  of  King's,  was,  I 
assure  you,  a  pure  conviction  of  reason,  unsullied  by  jam, 
and  unrevealed  by  the  light  of  azure  eyes,  unless,  indeed, 
she,  the  real  yXavKw-mg  'AOrivri,  may  have  looked  kindly  on  at 
the  argument. 

"Judge,  therefore,  my  dear  sir,  how  very  happy  I  must 
have  been  to  receive  the  congratulations  of  one  so  intimately 
associated  in  ray  memory  with  the  excellences  of  King's 
College  as  yourself ;  for  it  showed  that  the  tie  between  the 
pupil  and  professor  was  felt  by  both. 

"  It  gave  me  very  great  pleasure  to  learn  that  the  scholars 
of  King's  have  gone  forth  successfully  into  the  arenas  where 
academic  prizes  are  contended  for.  One  of  my  most  valued 
friendships  was  formed  at  King's  with  Cowley  Powles,  now 
tutor  of  Exeter,  a  scholar  wdiose  accomplishments  Oxford 
has  long  since  acknowledged.  He  has,  from  time  to  time, 
given  me  most  interesting  accounts  of  the  eminence  of 
Cayley  in  mathematics,  Kingsley  in  the  wide  sphere  of 
metaphysics,  and  others  of  my  term,  whose  track  I  follow 
with  solicitude  throuoh  life. 


1849.]    OPINIONS  CONCERNING  KING'S   COLLEGE.       181 

"  I  do  not  know  whether  you  will  agree  with  nic,  whc  n 
I  own  that  it  is  not  in  the  records  of  Oxford  and  Cambridge 
that  I  should  look  for  the  proofs  of  the  soundness  of  the 
system  you  pursue  at  King's. 

"  Peter  the  Great  studied  all  trades,  that  as  a  king  he 
might  think  justly  of  the  classes  who  pursue  them,  and  it  is 
said  that  he  even  laboured  at  shipbuilding ;  yet  he  could  not 
have  gone  into  a  dockyard  and  striven  for  wages  with  a 
common  shipwright,  though  the  shipwrights  knew  nothing  of 
other  handicraft  as  Peter  did. 

"  The  education  at  our  two  old  universities  is,  in  my 
opinion,  a  class  education,  and  those  who  aim  at  its  prizes 
must  concentrate  their  faculties  into  ix,  focus  on  one  or  two 
subjects. 

"  At  King's  your  academia  is  built  on  a  broader  basis,  and 
you  throw  open  all  the  windows  of  knowledge — north,  south, 
east,  and  west — admitting  floods  of  light  from  wherever  they 
may  come. 

"  Your  students  are  attracted  to  the  history  of  their  own 
country  as  Mell  as  that  of  the  old  world ;  to  compare  Bacon 
with  Aristotle,  not  translate  the  latter  for  a  degree.  In  one 
hall  you  read  to  them  the  periods  of  Cicero,  and  in  another 
teach  them  that  it  is  not  ungentlemanly  to  spell  English 
correctly,  nor  unscholastic  to  write  their  own  language  as 
elegantly  as  that  of  Athens. 

"  Poor  Daniells  is  no  more ;  but  when  I  was  at  King's,  the 
student  might  pity  the  punishment  of  Prometheus  in  one 
room  with  you,  and.  sin  with  him  in  the  next  among  Daniells's 
electric  wires.  It  is  impossible,  I  think,  that  science  and 
knowledge,  in  so  many  forms  could  be  forced  upon  the 
student's  mind  without  giving  it  a  more  catholic  tone  of 
utility  than  if  it  had  only  been  taught  to  scan  and  calculate. 

"  In  a  word,  I  would  seek  the  King's  collegians  in  the 
world,  not  in  the  Tripos  or  the  Double  First. 

"  At  this  moment  there  are  two  students  of  King's  far 


i82  sin  EEBBEItT  D.   EDWARD ES.  [1849. 

ahead  of  their  contemporaries  on  the  road  to  fame  in  this 
very  country  of  the  Punjab. 

"  One  is  Frederick  Pollock,*  son  of  the  great  lawyer,  and 
nephew  of  Sir  George,  a  subaltern  in  his  corps,  but  com- 
manding thousands  as  a  political  officer.  When  General 
AVhish,  on  September  16,  1848,  retired  from  tlie  siege  of 
Mooltan,  Pollock,  witli  two  thousand  of  my  Horse  and  six  of 
my  guns,  covered  the  rear  all  through  the  day.  He  promises 
to  be  a  fine  officer,  and  the  college  may  be  as  proud  of  him 
as  an  eVeve  as  I  am  of  him  as  an  assistant. 

"  The  other  is  Herbert,  of  the  18th  Native  Infantry,  who 
was  an  assistant  to  Major  George  Lawrence  at  Peshawur,  and, 
when  the  rebellion  broke  out,  was  put  into  the  fort  of 
Attock,  on  the  head  of  the  Indus,  a  post  which  he  has 
since  most  nobly  defended  with  a  handful  of  Afghans  against 
a  Sikh  army  of  besiegers. 

"  The  feat  is  so  extraordinary  that  I  hope  to  see  him 
knighted  as  a  reward,  in  spite  of  the  envious  cries  of  older 
men,  who  were  never  kissed  by  the  sweet  maid  Opportunity  ! 

"  The  siege  of  Mooltan,  you  will  be  glad  to  hear,  is  now 
drawing  to  a  close.  Before  a  week  the  breach  will  be 
stormed  and — God  willing — carri(jd.  General  Whish's  army 
■will  then  move  up  to  join  Lord  Gough's,  and  I  shall  be  left 
in  quiet  possession  of  my  pro-consulate. 

"And  now,  having   strayed   so   long  among  the  quiet 

cloisters  of  the  past,  I  feel  loth  to  issue  out  again  into  the 

din  of  '  hammers  closing  rivets  up ;  '  but  each  to  his  own,  so, 

as  of  old,  I  reverently  touch  my  cap,  and  beg  you,  my  dear  sir, 

*'  To  believe  me  ever, 

"  Your  very  grateful  pupil, 
"  (Signed)       Herbert  B.  Edwardes, 

"  Associate  of  King's  College. 

"To  the  Rev.  E.  W.  Browne,  M.A., 

Professor  of  Classics,  King's  College,  London." 

*  Kow  Sir  Richard  Pollock.     F.  R.  being  his  initials,  he  must  have 
been  called  "  Frederick  "  by  his  early  friends. — E.  E, 


1850.]  WELCOME  AT  KING'S.  183 

With  these  feelings  we  can  understand  that  amongst 
many  welcomes  and  public  entertainments  was  one  much 
prized  from  his  own  college  (King's,  London).     lie  writes — 

"They  have  made  me  an  Honorary  Fellow,  whicli  was 
the  highest  honour  in  their  power,  and  has  pleased  me 
sincerely.  In  my  own  heart,  amidst  my  great  and  unex- 
pected successes,  I  have  owned  that  I  owed  much  to  the 
catholic  sort  of  learning  I  got  at  King's." 

A  public  dinner  was  given  to  him  by  the  College  on 
May  15,  with  a  great  gathering  to  welcome  him  as  a  new 
Fellow,  at  wliich  his  speech  will  show  the  feeling  he  bore 
towards  them. 

"My  Lord  Feversham  and  gentlemen — Your  cheers  are  Speech  at 

•'  °  ^  King  s  Col- 

not  only  one  of  the  heartiest,  but  one  of  the  most  gratifying,  lege,  1850. 
welcomes  which  I  have  met  with  in  England,  coming  as 
they  do  from  tlie  voices— and  I  hope  hearts — of  six  hundred 
gentlemen,  who  are  more  or  less  connected  by  past  or  present 
associations  with  King's  College,  an  institution  which  must 
ever  be  dear  to  me  for  many  reasons — because  it  was  within 
those  walls  that  I  passed  three  happy  years  of  student  life ; 
reading,  as  none  but  the  young  book-lover  ever  reads,  with 
a  tbirstiness  of  curiosity  and  reverent  enthusiasm  for  the 
great  fathers  of  knowledge,  whose  bodies  lie  embalmed  in 
russia  upon  the  shelves  of  libraries,  and  whose  memories 
are  canonized  in  the  calendar  of  learning ;  because  it  was 
within  those  walls  that  I  formed  friendships  wliich  I  hope 
will  accompany  me  through  life ;  and  lastly,  but  noi  least, 
because  it  was  within  those  walls  that  I  received  the  most 
valuable  part  of  my  education,  to  which  I  should  be  un- 
grateful indeed  if  I  did  not  acknowledge  that  I  owe  any 
success  I  have  obtained  in  life. 

"  Yes,  the  smiles  of  Venus  may  coax  even  Vulcan  to 
forge  arms  for  Achilles ;  but  be  sure  that  the  patron 
goddess  of  all  soldiers  is   Minerva.     Her  armoury  is   the 


184  Sm  HEIiBEIiT  B.   EDWABDES.  [1850. 

bibliotheca ;  her  forge,  tlio  study  ;  and  practical  hnowledge  is 
the  trenchant  blade  which  she  puts  in  the  tyro's  hand,  and 
says,  '  Go  forth  and  conquer.'  And  if  we  search  the 
academic  halls  of  England  for  practical  knowledge,  I  know 
of  no  institution  where  it  can  be  found  in  the  same  perfection 
as  at  King's  College. 

"  There,  the  future  physician  learns  from  nature,  in  a 
laborious  course  of  chemical  manipulation,  the  hidden 
secrets  of  amalgamation  which  make  poisons  blessed  balm 
in  the  hands  of  the  adept ;  and  balms,  jealous  of  each  other's 
virtues,  poisons  from  the  hands  of  the  ignorant. 

"  There,  that  great  magician  of  the  age,  the  civil 
engineer,  begins  his  course;  and  what  an  interesting  sight 
it  is,  low  down  in  the  stone  galleries  of  the  college,  to  see 
the  students'  academic  cap  bending  over  the  whirling  lathe 
or  fiery  forge,  moulding  thus  early  to  his  will  the  iron 
which  is  to  be  his  future  slave ! 

"There,  the  future  pastor,  no  longer  satisfied  with 
Polemic  lore,  studies  the  statistics  of  public  health  and 
principles  of  sanitary  reform  amongst  the  poor. 

"  There,  the  younger  soldier,  compass  in  hand,  imagines 
to  himself  a  foe  (some  desperate  murderer,  perhaps,  and 
rebel  in  his  stronghold),  and  draws  around  him  the  invest- 
ment and  the  sap,  which  by  slow  but  inevitable  approach 
will  surely  enable  justice  to  overtake  him. 

"  There,  lastly,  may  students  destined  for  any  walk  in 
life,  lay  that  best  foundation  for  success  of  any  kind — know- 
ledge of  their  own  language,  of  their  own  glorious  literature, 
and  of  the  free  and  happy  laws  of  their  own  country. 

"The  course  of  education  in  all  these  branches  has  been 
rendered  much  more  practical  than  it  was  in  my  time ;  but 
even  then,  twelve  years  ago,  it  had  begun  to  meet  the 
wishes  of  the  age  in  a  wise  spirit,  and  lead  the  love  of 
usefulness  into  healthy  cliannels ;  and  I  would  adduce,  as 
proofs  of  it,  the  names  of  Major  Herbert  and  Lieutenant 


1850.]  BECEPTION  AT  LIVERPOOL.  185 

Pollock,  two  officers  who  obtained  an  honourable  fame 
during  the  late  war  by  defence  of  important  posts.  It  was 
indeed  impossible  that  the  shadows  of  such  spirits  as  Otter, 
Hugh  James  Rose,  and  Lonsdale  should  not  rest  for  life  on 
the  character  where  they  fell ;  and  in  proportion  as  I  for 
one  gratefully  remember  the  instruction  which  I  gained  at 
King's  College,  so  do  I  rejoice  that  life  has  furnished  me 
with  an  opportunity  of  doing  anything  to  benefit  the 
College. 

"  Nero  is  said  to  have  wished  that  all  Rome  had  but 
one  head,  in  order  that  he  might  cut  it  off.  The  liberty  I 
am  about  to  take  is  a  more  human  one,  though  the  victims 
have  bled  like  Romans  in  our  cause.  I  must  beg  you  to 
unite  together  in  your  own  minds  the  three  hundred 
gentlemen  who  have  extended  us  their  patronage,  and  drink 
Lord  Fevcrsham's  health  as  their  single  representative. 

"I  have  now  to  propose  to  you  a  toast  which  requires  no 
recommendation  whatever  from  any  one.  It  is  that  of  the 
Council  of  King's  College  and  Lord  Harrowby. 

"  This  is  the  illustrious  and  learned  body  of  men  by 
whose  ability  and  zeal  the  affairs  of  this  great  institution 
are  conducted,  and  anybody  who  glances  over  their  names 
will  feel  a  national  pride  in  the  reflection  that  so  many 
noblemen  and  gentry,  so  many  dignitaries  and  lawyers, 
should  take  delight  in  promoting  religious  education.  The 
best  commentary  on  their  labours  is  the  rising  prosperity 
of  King's  College  in  every  department.  Like  the  architect 
of  St.  Paul's,  they  may  stand  amidst  the  work  of  their  own 
hands  and  say,  '  Circumspice  '  ('  look  around ').  I  give  you 
the  Council  of  King's  College  and  Lord  Harrowby." 

Speech  at  a  public  reception  and  banquet  in  Liverpool 
Town  Hall. 

«  Mr.  Mayor  and  gentlemen  of  Liverpool,— I  thank  you  L-verloi. 
warmly  for  the  distinguished  honour  you  have  paid  me  on 


186  SIR   IlEItDERT  B.    EDWARDES.  [1850. 

the  occasion  of  my  visiting  your  neighbour,   Sir  Edward 
Cust,  by  inviting  me  to  dine  with  the  mayor  and  corpora- 
tion of  the  second  city  of  the  kingdom.    To  be  the  honoured 
guest  of  that  city  under  any  circumstances  would  be  felt  to 
be  a  great  distinction  by  any  Englishman  who  understands 
and  values  the  municipal  institutions  of  this  country  and 
the  rights  of  self-government,  which  those  institutions  at 
once  recognize  and  represent.     But  when  I  remember  what 
it   is    that   has   made   Liverpool   tlie    second   city    in   the 
kingdom ;  when  I  reflect  that  it  owes  its  importance  to  its 
commerce ;  that  its  ships  are  in  the  ports  of  all  our  colonies, 
giving  them  what  they  cannot   produce   in   exchange  for 
what  they  cannot   consume ;    that,  as   the   capital   of  the 
British  colonial  empire,  it  is  dependent  on  colonial  pros- 
perity, and  has  the  deepest  interest  in  our  foreign  policy 
and    possessions ; — then,   indeed,   I   feel   as   one   who   has 
laboured  for  that  policy,  and  fought  for  those  possessions,  that 
there  is  a  peculiar  honour  in  the  approbation  of  your  citizens. 
"No  man  can  bear  greater  or  more  grateful  testimony 
than  myself  to  the  warm  interest  taken  by  all  classes  of  our 
countrymen  at  home  in  the  affairs  of  British  India ;  but  in 
no  other  part  of  England  can  these  affairs  have  been  lately 
watched  with  the  same  anxiety  and  attention,  or  be  so  fully 
understood,  as   in  the   city  of  Liverpool ;    and,  attaching, 
therefore,  the  highest  importance  to  your  opinion,  I  feel, 
I  assure  you,  that  the  approval  of  my  conduct  implied  in 
this  hospitable  reception  is  the  highest  honour. 
On  colonies         "There  are  few  chaneres  which  strike  me  more,  after 

ami  then-  °  ' 

use.  a   ten  years'  absence  from  England,  than  the  change  of 

feeling  on  the  subject  of  England's  colonies.  '  New  kings 
have  arisen  w  ho  know  not  Joseph ; '  and  it  has  become  a 
moot-point,  whether  colonies  are  of  any  use  at  all.  As 
a  matter  of  history,  I  should  have  thought  it  sufficient  to 
appeal  the  question  to  either  Eome  in  her  prosperity  or 
Spain  in  her  decline. 


1850]  ON  COLONIES  AND    THEIR    USE.  1S7 

"  In  the  court  of  St.  James's  the  other  Jay,  when  1  looked 
around  on  all  the  great  men  of  this  generation,  I  thought 
that  England  could  ill  spare  to  blot  one  of  those  great 
names  from  out  her  records,  as  this  day  I  think  she  could 
not  afford  to  blot  this  city  from  her  map. 

"  The  experience  of  other  nations  and  our  own  have 
ceased  to  be  convincing,  alike  fail  to  avert  the  novel 
question.  What  is  the  use  of  colonies? 

"  Citizens  of  Liverpool,  I  would  answer  that  question  The  use  of 
thus — The  use  of  colonies  is  not  to  abuse  them.     A  colony 
well  treated  and  liberally  governed  is  certain  to  repay  the 
mother-country  with  interest  and  honour,  with  commerce  in 
peace  and  sympathy  in  war. 

*'  If  such  is  the  condition  of  many  of  England's  colonies 
at  this  moment;  if  many  of  them  seem  to  be  bound  to  us 
by  bonds  which  they  would  fain  break,  instead  of  ties  which 
they  would  willingly  draw  closer  ;  if  irritation  in  time  of 
peace  threatens  separation  in  time  of  war;  if,  in  short,  there 
be  any  of  our  dependencies  which  remind  us  of  America, 
and  which  reproach  us  Avith  not  having  profited  by  American 
experience  ; — then  can  I  with  pride,  as  a  servant  of  the 
Honourable  East  India  Company,  ask  you  to  turn  with  me 
to  the  administration,  condition,  and  prospects  of  British 
India. 

"There  are  doubtless  many  men  at  tliis  table  who  know 
India  much  better  than  I  do,  and  I  gladly  call  upon  them 
to  add  their  testimony  to  mine,  that  in  no  other  dependency 
of  the  British  crown  is  there  to  be  found  the  same  pro- 
portionate amount  of  good  government,  improvement, 
prosperity,  and  contentment. 

"  Yet  British  India  is  not  a  colony,  it  is  only  a  depend-  India  as  a 
ency.     it  is  not  peopled  with  our  citizens,   but  with  our  ency.    Xot 
subjects;  it  is  not  a  land  which  has  been  freely  given,  but  ^utan'^' 
an  empire  which  we  have  grasped.     What  is  the  reason  of  empire, 
this    anomaly?      It    is    this,   that    the   administration    of 


188  STR   TIEIiBERT  D.   EDWAItDES.  [1850. 

]>ritish  India  is  wholly  aii'l  solely  grounded  upon  theivelfare 
of  the  people.     Yes,  I  fearlessly  assert  that  the  prime  and 
motive   principle  of  the  Anglo-Indian  Government   is   to 
secure  the  prosperity  of  the  native  population.     Any  other 
benefit,  any  other  ulterior  advantages  that  may  be  derived 
by  this  country  are  secondary  to  that  great  end. 
India  ruled         "  True,  thousauds  of  our  countrymen  are,  year  by  year, 
benefit  of     deriving  wealth  and  honour  from  that  distant  land  ;  but 
"'  '''^"  that  wealth  is  the  wages  of  a  life-time  spent  under  a  burning 

sun  in  administering  the  justice  of  which  I  speak  ;  that 
honour  is  given  to  England  (let  the  Peace  Society  say  what 
it  will),  not  to  those  who  carry  fire  and  sword  into  distant 
lands  for  their  own  ambition,  but  to  those  who  vt'illingly 
give  their  own  blood  to  maintain  in  Asia  that  best  blessing 
— peace,  which  Asiatic  rulers  never  gave  it. 

"  I  may  be  told  that  this  is  not  the  origin  of  the  East 
India  Company's  charter — that  the  merchant  princes  spread 
their  wandering  sails  in  ships  freighted  with  long-cloths, 
not  with  laws ;  inspired  by  commerce,  not  with  philan- 
thropy. But  this  is  the  very  conclusion  and  the  moral 
which  I  would  wish  to  draw. 

"  The  Government  of  India  was  indeed  not  so  begun, 
but  it  has  so  ended.  It  commenced  in  selfish  policy  and 
selfish  legislation ;  but  it  has  grown  into  better  things,  and 
lives  and  lasts  by  making  home  dividends  secondary  to 
colonial  welfare. 

"  And  I  rejoice  most  heartily  to  have  had  this  oppor- 
tunity of  expressing  before  the  first  citizens  of  Liverpool, 
whose  welfare  is  so  intimately  bound  up  with  our  colonial 
empire,  the  deep  conviction  which  I  as  a  colonial  servant 
feel,  that  the  time  has  come  when  the  whole  colonial  policy 
of  the  Crown  of  England  must  be  remodelled  or  fall  into 
decay.  We  must  take  a  deeper  interest  in  colonial  legisla- 
tion. We  must  deem  the  smallest  colonies  deserving  of  the 
best  men  of  our  aristocracy  for  governors,  and  not  insult 


1850.]  SPEECH   AT  KING'S    COLLEGE.  189 

tlicm  with  our  worst ;  not  deem  that  British  India  is  the 
only  dependency  which  cannot  safely  be  misruled  by  a  King 
Log  or  a  King  Stork. 

"We  must  cease,  once  for  all,  to  look  upon   them   as  ^y^^at '» 

'  '  ^  _  the  ulti- 

inalienablo  possessions,  as  so  much  property  entailed  on  mate  result 
England  in  perpetuity.  That  relationship  can  never  be  ruie? 
maintained  longer  than  the  youth  and  weakness  of  a 
colony;  and  wo  should,  of  our  own  free  will,  prefer  that 
more  beautiful  relationship  of  parent  and  child,  which  ex- 
hibits the  mutually  noble  spectacle  of  kindly  protection 
during  infancy,  separation  without  asperity  in  youth,  lasting 
attachment  during  manhood,  and  grateful  assistance  in  old 
age." 

Speech  at  a  festival  in  aid  of  the  building  and  endowment 
funds  of  King's  College  Hospital,  London,  April,  1850. 

"  My  Lords  and  gentlemen, — I  believe  there  is  no  day  in  Speech  at 
the  year  in  which  the  health  of  her  Most  Gracious  Majesty  lege. 
Queen  Victoria  would  not  be  a  most  welcome  toast  at  any 
table,  public  or  private,  in  the  happy  land  over  which  she 
rules ;  and  it  must  be  a  matter  of  congratulation  to  all 
Englishmen  that  the  toast,  uhich  would  always  by  courtesy 
head  the  list,  is  spontaneously  lifted  to  that  position  by  the 
prayers  of  a  religious  people,  who  hail  with  enthusiasm  on  a 
throne  the  virtues  which  make  private  life  illustrious. 

"  To-day,  however,  there  is  a  happy  felicity  in  the  toast,  Q"cen's 

birthJay 

for   it    is   the   day  on  which   our   Sovereign's    birthday  is  speech, 
celebrated,  and  I  am  sure  you  will  all   heartily  unite  in 
wishing  that  her  life  may  long  be  spared  to  our  country. 
The  Queen. 

"  My  lords  and  gentlemen,  having  wished  long  life  and 
happiness  to  her  Majesty,  I  am  sure  we  must  not  separate 
her  from  that  royal  consort  in  whose  union  is  found  so 
bright  an  example  for  our  English  homes. 

"I  give  you  the  health  of  Prince  Albert  and  the  Royal 


100  sin   UEIiBERT  R   EDWARDES.  [1850. 

Family,  among  whom  let  us  gratefully  remember  the  Duke 
of  Cambridge  for  liis  active  assistance  this  morning,  and 
tlioir  lloyal  Highnesses  the  Duchesses  of  Kent,  Cambridge, 
and  Gloucester,  all  of  whom  are  patronesses  of  our  concert. 
His  lloyal  Highness  Prince  Albert. 
The  "The  next  toast  is  one   which  will   be   received    with 

reverence  by  every  well-wisher  of  King's  College ;  for  it 
is  the  very  foundation  on  which  that  college  stands,  the 
key-stone  of  its  every  arch — The  Church. 

"  The  head  of  the  Church  seems,  ex-officio,  to  be  the 
head  also  of  King's  College ;  but  it  would  have  been  im- 
possible for  the  present  primate  to  have  so  heartily  assumed 
the  connection  of  his  lamented  predecessor  with  King's 
College,  unless  a  deep  bond  of  union  had  been  found  in  a 
community  of  high  and  holy  objects.  May  they  long 
continue  to  be  a  mutual  support.     The  Church. 

"  The  toasts  which  we  have  already  drunk — the  Queen, 
the  Royal  Family,  and  the  Church — are  used  by  established 
custom  at  the  anniversaries  of  all  public  bodies  as  so  many 
steps  whereby  to  climb  to  the  great  object  of  the  day,  which 
stands  conspicuous  on  this  moral  elevation. 

"  The  object  with  which  it  is  my  duty  to-day  to  crown 
this  basis  of  loyalty,  reverence,  and  national  pride  is  one 
well  worthy  of  .the  eyes  of  this  great  assembly.  It  is,  next 
to  a  temple,  the  noblest  piece  of  moral  or  national  architec- 
ture of  which  man  is  capable — a  hospital  for  his  suffering 
fellow-men. 

"  The  festival  which  we  are  assembled  to  celebrate  in 
part  this  day  is  in  aid  of  the  building  and  endowment 
funds  of  King's  College  Hospital.  This  hospital  has  been 
sustained  through  ten  years  of  infancy  by  the  annual 
contributions  of  a  very  large  body  of  charitable  friends, 
and  having  survived  its  early  troubles  and  struggled  on  to 
a  vigorous  youth,  it  now  demands  a  more  permanent  and 
certain  provision  for  its  support.     Its  parents  are  beginning 


1850.]  KING'S   COLLEGE  nOSPITAL.  101 

to  be  ashamed  of  its  poor  appearance.  It  is  too  big  to  be 
running  about  the  streets  of  the  Strand  with  so  little  clothes 
on ;  too  old  to  be  begging  sixpences  from  every  well-dressed 
gentleman  who  enters  the  gates  of  King's  College.  In  the 
language  of  fathers  and  mothers,  it  is  high  time  that  it  was 
provided  for, 

"Now,  it  is  my  duty  to-day,  in  as  few  words  as  I  can,  to 
point  out  the  claims  which  this  hospital  has  upon  the  public 
for  such  provision,  and  I  beg  the  kind  indulgence  of  this 
large  assembly  while  I  endeavour  to  do  this. 

"And,  first,  let  me  ask  you  to  fix  in  your  minds  and 
remember  one  fact,  that  the  office  of  the  King's  College 
Hospital  is  twofold :  first,  as  a  charity,  as  a  simple  hospital ; 
second,  as  a  school  of  practice  and  illustration  for  the 
medical  students  of  King's  College. 

"  And  first,  as  a  hospital.  During  the  past  nine  years  no 
less  than  11,747  patients  have  been  admitted  and  treated 
within  the  walls  of  the  hospital,  and  138,448  outside  the 
walls,  making  a  glorious  total  of  150,195  cases  of  suffering 
poor  whom  this  hospital  has  relieved. 

"  It  is  impossible  that  you  can  have  read  that  without 
feeling  the  liveliest  gratification  at  so  much  good  having 
been  accomplished ;  but  it  is  possible  that  you  may  also 
have  felt  satisfied  with  that  amount  of  good,  and  soothed 
your  minds  with  the  belief  that  nothing  remained  here  to 
do — no  sickness  unattended  to.  But  it  is  my  painful  duty 
to  disabuse  you  of  so  pleasing  a  delusion,  and  to  inform 
you  that  in  the  course  of  every  year  hundreds  of  cases  fit 
for  admission  are  obliged  to  be  refused  admittance  to  the 
hospital  for  want  of  room"  (with  further  details,  which  were 
interesting  at  the  time,  but  need  not  be  repeated  here). 

"  Coming  as  I  have  from  a  foreign  country,  after  ten 
years'  absence,  it  has  been  a  source  of  the  greatest  happiness 
and  patriotic  enthusiasm  to  me  to  mark  the  very  prominent 
increase   of    benevolent   institutions   in   this   country,   and 


192  Sm   HERBERT  B.   EDWARDES.  [1850. 

especially  in  the  neighbourhood  of  London,  since  I  left 
England.  It  is  impossible  to  go  out  of  London  by  any 
railroad  without  being  attracted  by  the  numerous  asylums, 
almshouses,  and  provident  institutions  which  stud  the  road- 
side. There  is  scarcely  a  company  or  a  trade  which  has  not 
got  its  refuge  for  broken  and  superannuated  brethren.  Look, 
too,  at  the  public  baths  and  washhouses,  the  lodging-houses 
for  artisans  of  both  sexes,  and  the  ready  sympathy  which 
the  grievances  of  any  class  of  poor  are  certain  to  attract. 
This  surely  is  a  new  and  a  delightful  spirit,  a  genial 
change  in  public  feeling,  which  is  awakening  daily  more  and 
more  to  the  responsibilities  of  wealth  to  poverty  and  of  the 
strong  towards  the  weak.  And  if  we  need  any  further 
instance  of  this  awakening,  we  surely  have  it  here  this  day. 

"  It  1847  it  is  recorded  that  '  nearly  three  hundred 
people  sat  down  to  the  anniversary  dinner.'  But  three  years 
have  passed,  and  those  years  not  years  of  prosperity  or 
accumulation  of  wealth,  but  years  of  social  and  commercial 
trouble,  in  which  the  classes  who  support  such  charities  as 
these  may  be  supposed  to  have  suffered  great  diminution  of 
private  wealth.  Yet,  notwithstanding  all  this,  we  have  on 
this  occasion  as  many  patrons  as  in  the  anniversary  of  1847 
there  were  guests. 

"  What  does  this  show  but  that  the  heart  of  educated 
man  is  expanding  under  the  influence  of  extended  know- 
ledge, that  true  Christian  charity  is  increasing  with  our 
need  of  it,  and  that  the  rich  and  poor  are,  in  our  day, 
drawing  nearer  to  those  mutual  relations  so  classically 
pictured  by  a  modern  poet. 

"  '  Then  none  were  for  a  party, 
But  all  were  for  the  State  ; 
Then  the  rich  man  liclped  tlie  poor, 
And  the  poor  man  loved  the  great.' " 

Most  gratifying  to  Edwardes  was  all  this  unlooked-for 
appreciation  of  his  services,  and  his  public  welcome  at  home. 


1850.]  MABIilAQE.  193 

But  his  own  personal  happiness,  and  not  only  his  own  (as  wo 
have  said),  was  very  deeply  concerned  in  this  coming  home. 

His  duty  (which  he  had  put  first)  was  done;  the  desire  of 
his  heart  could  now  be  accomplished. 

Long  years,  weary  waiting,  and  an  anxious  and  prolonged 
campaign  had  swept  in  between  him  and  a  long-cherished 
dream  of  happiness — the  happiness  that  his  noble,  pure,  true, 
and  devoted  heart  had  nursed  tenderly  in  full  confidence  of 
hope  ever  since  he  was  a  boy. 

And  now  the  clouds  had  swept  away,  the  weary  time  was 
over  for  Ijoth ! 

On  July  0,  18;j0,  lie  was  married  at  Petersham  Church, 
near  rachmond,  in  Surrey,  to  Emma  Sidney,  the  youngest 
daughter  of  James  Sidney,  Esq.,  of  Eichmond  Hill,  Surrey — 
the  wife  who  mourns  him  still,  and  whose  hand  traces  this 
outline-story  of  a  most  beloved  life. 

"  Nothing  is  sweeter  than  love,  nothing  more  courageous, 
nothing  higher,  nothing  more  pleasant,  nothing  fuller  nor 
better  in  heaven  and  earth ;  because  love  is  born  of  God,  and 
cannot  rest  but  in  God,  above  all  created  things."  * 

"Thrice  blest,  whose  lives  are  faithful  prayers, 
Whose  loves  in  hic;her  love  endure; 
Wliat  souls  possess  themselves  so  pure, 
Or  is  there  blessedness  like  theirs ?"t 

During  this,  which  he  used  to  call  his  "  first  happy  year,"  Writes  "A 
he  wrote,  'A  Year  on  the  Punjab  Frontier,'  for  happiness  the  Punjab 
could   never  mean  idleness  with   him.      This  gives  a   full  Frontier." 
account  of  his  work  in  Bunnoo  and  IMooltan  ;  and  to  that  we 
would  refer  the  reader  who  may  wish  to  follow  the  details 
of  that  year's  work  further  than  the  scanty  sketch  that  has 
found  its  place  in  this  volume  will  enable  him  to  do. 

But  he  found  it  difficult  to  find  a  quiet  corner  to  write  it 
in,  and  his  time  was  short,  for  he  was  soon  to  be  back  in 
India. 

The  desire  for  quiet  was  at  last  satisfied  at  Festiuiog, 
North  Wales,  and  the  book  was  written  there. 

We  will  close  the  cha})ter  with  a  sprightly  note  of  invita- 
tion to  his  wedding,  written  to  his  fiiithful  friend  and  corre- 
spondent, who  had  just  taken  the  step  in  advance  of  him. 
*  Thomas  a  Kempis.  f  Tennyson. 

VOL.    I.  O 


194  SIR  11  En n Ell  T  n.  edwahdes.  [i850. 

"My  dear  Cowley, 

"  Where  are  you  ?  Whence  shall  I  summon  you  ? 
Into  what  bowers  of  bliss  am  I  intruding,  to  drag  you  down 
from  the  empyrean  of  love  to  the  lower  heaven  of  friend- 
ship? 

"  Go  forth,  0,  postman  !  and  do  what  postman  may,  in 
search  of  my  lost  friends.  And  if  (as  is  not  impossible)  thou 
shouMst  arrive  at  their  retreat,  when,  hand-in-hand,  sitting 
all  silently,  they  shall  have  presumed  to  undo  all  creation 
since  the  Fall,  and  in  their  spirits'  crucible  reduced  the  world 
to  Eden,  and  mankind  to  Cowley  and  ]\[ary ;  then,  be  not 
weak  or  human,  but  with  the  stern  unbending  righteousness 
of  a  Wesleyan  preacher,  startle  them  with  a  stout  rap  !  rap  ! 

"Cowdey,  you  must  come,  and  IMary  too,  if  you  can  ;  but 
if  you  cannot  without  great  \vrestling  with  railroads  and 
post-chaises,  then,  nevertheless,  shall  I  know  that  you  are 
present  in  heart,  and  wish  Emma  and  myself  all  the  happi- 
ness which  you  yourselves  know  how  to  value. 

"  Ever  yours  affectionately, 

"  Herbert  B.  Edwardes." 

This  slight  extract,  given  as  a  specimen,  serves  to  sliow 
the  sprightly  genial  nature  of  the  man,  and  the  easy  and 
rapid  way  in  which  his  thoughts  flowed  when  he  took  pen  in 
hand  to  answer  even  the  simplest  note  or  write  of  ordinary 
things,  ever  lighting  up  with  wit  and  fancy  even  the  most 
prosaic  subject,  or  beautifying  with  deep  feeling  and  tender 
pathos  from  the  storehouse  of  his  own  true  heart  the  real 
things  of  life. 

These  letters  miglit  be  greatly  multiplied  did  our  space 
allow  it. 


CHAPTER   Yir. 
1851—1853. 

RETURN  TO  INDIA-LIFE  AT  JULLUNDUR. 


"The  nobleness  of  life  depends  on  its  consistency,  clearness  of  purpose, 
quiet  and  ceaseless  energy." — John  Ruskin. 


(     1^'7     ) 


CHAPTER  VII. 

Ox  March  20,  1851,  Edwardes  and  his  wife  returned  to  India.  Returns  to 
lie  found  time  to  write  liis  farewell  to  his  friend  Nicholson, 
whom  he  left  behind,  intending  to  extend  his  tour  in  Europe 
before  returning  to  India. 

"  Radio's  Hotel,  Southampton,  March  20,  1851. 

"My  dear  Nicholson, 

"  Good-byo ;    we   sail    to-day.     IMay   you    have   a  Farewell 

/■•-r-i  1  Ti  '111-      letter  to 

sejow  m  Europe,  as  pleasant  as  i  know  you  will  make  it  Nicholson. 
jirojitahle. 

"  If  possible,  take  our  station  in  your  way  through  the 
Punjab.  A  late  letter  from  India  tells  me  I  am  to  go  to 
JuUunduy. 

"  It  is  a  principle  of  mine  to  go  wherever  I  am  sent ;  so 
say  no  more. 

"  'My  judgment  also  opposes  my  tvislies  in  the  matter ;  for 
I  feel  sure  that  this  arrangement  has  been  made  by  friends 
who  wished  me  to  go  through  a  course  of  regulations,  and  so 
promote  my  more  speedy  fitness  for  a  Commissionership. 

"  There  was  nothing  said  about  Pcsliawur.  I'robably 
Lumsden  keeps  it ;  and  I  am  sure  he  will  do  well  there. 
If  Lumsden  has  it  not,  you  ought  to  get  it.  Perhaps  there 
may  be  some  prejudice  against  married  men  in  my  exclu- 
sion. If  you  return  a  bachelor,  this  may  be  in  your  favour; 
but,  if  your  heart  meets  one  wortliy  of  it,  return  not  alone. 

*'  I  cannot  tell  you  liow  good  it  is  for  our  best  purposes 


19S 


SIR    TIEItDEIlT  II.    EDWARDES. 


[1851. 


to  be  helped  by  a  noble  wife  wlio  loves  you  better  than  all 
men  and  women,  but  God  better  tlian  you. 

"  Adieu,  and  believe  me  ever,  my  dear  Nicholson, 
*'  Your  sincere  friend, 

"  Herbert  Edwardes." 


Appoint- 
nicnt  to 
Jiillundur 
as  Deputy- 
Commis- 
sioner. 


First  home 
at  Jullun- 
dur. 


Description 
of  his  court 
of  justice. 


Edwardes's  first  appointment  was  Deputy-Commissioner  of 
Jullundur.  This  was  a  rich  tract  of  country  called  the 
Jullundur  Doab,  adjoining  the  hills  in  British  possession, 
which  had  been  taken  (with  the  Cis-Sutlej  territory  of 
Lahore)  as  indemnity  for  the  war  at  the  end  of  the  first 
Sikh  War. 

It  was  a  fertile  and  beautiful  country,  and  the  people 
were  happy  and  peaceful. 

Nothing  could  be  happier  than  our  lives  were  there. 
Dangers  and  anxieties,  long  waitings,  and  the  heart-sickness 
of  hope  deferred,  all  past !  It  was  "  as  the  days  of  heaven 
upon  earth."  His  time  fully  occupied  and  well  spent  in 
raising  and  ameliorating  the  condition  of  the  people,  he  made 
himself  accessible  to  all,  and  even  the  poorest  man  who  had 
"  a  grievance  "  knew  that  he  could  bring  it  into  a  court  where 
the  judge  would  himself  give  him  a  hearing,  and  not  allow  a 
bribe  to  be  taken  by  one  of  his  official  attendants ;  and  if  it 
became  necessary,  in  order  to  settle  the  dispute  fairly,  to  see 
the  ground  (the  people's  quarrels  are  generally  about  land), 
he  would  ride  out  and  investigate  it  for  liimself. 

So  the  people  soon  came  to  know  him  as  their  best  friend 
and  protector,  and  his  Commissioner,  Mr.  Donald  McLeod 
(afterwards  Sir  Donald,  his  immediately  superior  officer  in 
command),  put  on  record  (in  sending  up  to  Government  the 
usual  "  report "  on  Edwardes  leaving  that  appointment)  that 
Major  Edwardes's  court  was  so  renowmed  among  the  people 
for  its  purity  and  justice,  and  his  decisions  were  felt  by 
themselves  to  be  so  accurate,  that,  in  a  difficult  decision,  the 
guilty  person  liad  been  known  to  betray  himself  by  trembling 
when  brought  before  him  for  his  opinion  ;  the  fame  of  his 
justice  and  discernment  had  spread  so  much  among  the  people 
over  whom  he  ruled.* 


This  is  given  on  the  authority  of  Mr.  McLeod  himself. 


1851.]      EFFECT  OF  PliOSPERITY  UPON  CHARACTER.    100 

The  return  to  work  was  in  itself  welcome  ;  and  to  return 
to  work  among  the  many  friends  who  had  together  laboured 
in  the  early  days  of  the  new  province  of  the  rimjalj  was 
very  congenial  to  his  taste. 

And  ii"  any  one  ever  thought  that  the  reception  he  had  Result  of 
met  with    at   home,    or  the  public  honours  that  had  been  and 'hoDour 
awarded  him,  had  raised  him  in  his  own  estimation  or  had  upon  cha- 
made  him  careless  of  liis  old  friends,  they  had  made  a  great  '^'"-■'*^'- 
mistake  ;  for  every  success,  and  the  increase  of  the  world's 
honours,  had  on  him  the  effect  that  tliey  have  on  all  truly 
great  and  noble  characters,  and  made  him  more  really  humble 
in  his  estimation  of  himself,  and  very  notably  to  the  end  of 
his  life  only  more  considerate  and  generous  in  his  estimation 
of  others. 

There  is  a  characteristic  letter  on  tliis  subject,  written  to 
a  friend  soon  after  arriving  at  Jullundur. 

"  July  3,  1851. 

"  My  dear , 

"  Your  lengthened  peck  at  your  own  breast  to 

feed  hungry  friends,  assures  me  that  yoii,  are  still  the  good 

*  Pelican '  *  of  former  days,  and  therefore  I  am  both  sad 

and  sorry   that   you  should  have  been  found  in  the   same 

plight  with    those  commoner  birds,  who  hate  the   lark    as 

much  as  the  eagle,  and  believe  that  up — up  there  in  the 

clouds,  where  the  high  winds  have  borne  it,  it  despises  the 

whole  feathered  race,  instead  of  *  singing  at  heaven's  gate  ' 

its  own  humble  song  of  gladness.      How  could  you,  who 

have  seen  somotliing  of  me,  believe  that  I  should  have  been 

rendered  indifferent  to  old  friendships  in  this  country   by 

having  met  with  universal  kindness  in  England  ? 

*  This  allusion  to  "  Pulicau "  may  need  some  explatiatiou.  In  the 
happy  days  of  tlie  times  of  the  Old  Residency,  wlieu  Sirlleury  and  his 
wife,  Iloiioria  Lawrence,  were  the  centre  of  a  large  and  merry  party  of 
Assistants,  all  living  together  in  one  hvrgo  house,  and  where  the  intervals 
of  heavy  work  were  relieved  by  tliu  most  conlial  and  friendly  intercourse, 
it  pleased  the  fancy  of  Lady  (Henry)  Lawrence  to  choose  familiar  names 
for  most  of  them,  wliicli  she  thought  suited  them  ;  and  so  it  happened 
that  this  correspondent  was  the  one  to  whom  she  had  attached  the  name 
of  "  Pelican."     Hence  tiie  allusion. 


200  SfR    lIKltBKllT   II     EDWARD ES.  [1851. 

"  That  I  WHS  much  gratified  by  all  the  honours  I  re- 
ceived, is  true  ;  how  could  it — why  should  it  be  otherwise? 
The  more  so  that  I  really  did  not  expect  it;  for  having 
been  vilely  abused  by  half  the  press  and  two-thirds  of  the 
army  in  India  for  daring  to  serve  my  country,  I  had  retreated 
within  myself,  and  begun  to  fancy  that  I  truly  had  been  in 
a  dream  of  imaginary  utility,  but  was,  in  sober  earnestness,  a 
most  scurvy  knave,  whom  it  was  every  man's  duty  to  kick. 

"  That  was  the  kind  of  mood  in  which  I  left  Lahore,  and 
it  was  only  disturbed  at  Bombay  by  the  most  generous  and 
unjoalous  hospitality.* 

"  I  was  prepared  to  sneak  into  England  very  quietly,  and 
go  and  *  shoulder  my  crutch,  and  show  how  fields  were  won,' 
by  my  own  fireside. 

"  Dickens  tells  us  of  a  squire  who  was  reckoned  a  great 
poet  by  his  wife  and  six  children  in  Yorkshire.  Ihere  was 
yet  hope,  therefore,  that  I  might,  among  my  own  dear  ones, 
so  far  at  least  approximate  the  ideal  of  a  hero  as  to  be 
acquitted  of  cowardice,  lying,  and  a  few  other  infirmities  of 
the  flesh. 

"  If  I  ever  thought  of  it  at  all,  this  was  the  outside  of 
my  English  hopes — to  find  a  haven  from  abuse,  jealousy, 
hatred,  malice,  and  all  uncharitableness.  The  overwhelming 
shouts  of  thousands  on  the  pier  at  Southampton,  which,  after 
crowning  the  venerable  head  of  Lord  Gough,  were  turned 
upon  me,  awoke  me  for  the  first  time  to  the  fact  that  there 
was  a  whole  class  of  persons  in  the  world  who  deemed  that 
I  had  done  well. 

"  It  was  pleasant  in  such  a  case  to  find  them  my  own 

countrymen,  the  English  ;  and  so  long  as  I  remained  among 

them  I  enjoyed  such  immunity  from  slander  that  only  one 

libel  appeared  against  me,  and  that  was  extracted  out  of 

the  Mqfussilife !  t 

*  This  was  from  Sir  Bartle  Frcre,  who  entertained  him  at  Bombay  in  a 
most  kind  and  cordial  manner, 
t  An  Indian  newspaper. 


1851.]         rnOSPERITY  A    SEVEUE    TOUCHSTONE.  201 

"]\rucli  iiidebted,  tlicieforc,  lun  I  to  llie  English  people — 
ubether  to  the  jiobles  for  letting  me  behold  the  great,  the 
befiutiful,  and  the  luxurious  in  their  own  unequalled  halls; 
the  merchants  for  their  hospitable  feasts;  the  unwashed  for 
their  hoarse  good-will ;  the  women  for  their  smiles,  copies  of 
verses,  locks  of  luiir  and  acrostics.  Yea ;  wliy  should  I 
exclude  that  tear,  drojiped  by  the  Welsh  chambernuiid  over 
my  wounded  hand,  when  she  reflected  that,  but  for  the 
major,  she  might  have  been  that  moment  making  the  *  char- 
poy  '  (or  bod)  of  a  great  horrid  Sikh  ? 

"  In  short,  my  dear ,  everybody  did  what  he  or  she 

could,  to  make  me  forget  that  I  was  mortal — to  fill  me  with 
conceit  and  pride.     This  I  grant ;  but  I  do.  .  .  . 

"Juhj  8. — 'Here  the  manuscript  is  blotted,' as  the  novelists 
say.  A  tide  of  horrid  necessities  has  come  in  between  the 
nominative  case  and  the  verb;  and  every  day's  delay  in 
this  reply  is  confirming  you  in  your  opinion. 

"  I  was  going  on  to  say  that  I  do  not  plead  guilty  to  the 
moral  wreck  to  which  I  was  exposed.  I  believe  my  soul 
has  performed  no  transmigration,  but  still  inhabits  that 
old  body  with  the  long  nose  and  beard,  which  men  call 
Herbert  Edwardes. 

"  My  dear ,  can  there  be  a  meaner  dog  than  he  who 

runs  mad  on  good  victuals,  and  behaves  like  a  hound  when 
he  is  starved  ?  Answer  me  that,  an'  you  be  a  student  of 
character  !  Prosperity  is  doubtless  a  severe  touchstone,  and 
men,  observing  that  it  often  leads  to  arrogance,  go  a  step 
too  far,  and  lay  down  the  axiom  that  all  who  rise  are  proud. 
Herbert  Edwardes  has  risen,  therefore  ho  is  proud. 

"  It  is  certainly  very  diflicult  to  know  ourselves.  Juvenal 
says  *  it  comes  from  Heaven  '  to  do  so ;  and  so  I  may  be 
mistaken ;  but  if  I  know  anything  of  myself,  I  am  a  far 
humbler  man  now,  far  more  conscious  of  my  own  short- 
comings and  of  the  true  source  whence  all  merit  comes, 
than  1  was  when  ensign  in  the  Honourable  Company's  1st 


202  sin   TIER  BERT  B.    EDWARDES.  [1851. 

]']iir()pi'iui  liiglit  Infantry — conscious  of  powers  above  tlie 
luoistcuing  of  pipeclay,  and  writing  '  Braliminee  Bull '  letters, 
to  get  away  from  my  reginieut. 

"  At  least  I  feel  so ;  aud  God  is  my  witness.  But  I 
know  that  this  is  not  the  opinion  of  that  large  majority  of 
the  Indian  world  wlio  liavo  no  personal  knowledge  of  me, 
and  judge  only  on  general  principles  ;  and  it  is,  I  confess, 
a  sorrow  in  my  lot  that  envy,  and  jealousy,  and  miscon- 
struction pursue  me  wherever  I  go,  in  my  oivn  presidenci/. 

"  It  is  a  trial,  probably,  which  every  public  man  should 
aforehand  be  tauglit  to  contemplate  as  the  natural  con- 
sequence of  his  own  ambition. 

"  Let  no  man  leave  his  own  fireside  for  the  arena  of 
public  life  unless  he  is  prepared  to  be  hated  by  two-thirds 
of  his  fellow-beings.  Speaking  from  my  own  Indian  ex- 
perience, I  should  pray  for  any  child  of  mine  to  be  blessed 
with  common  sense — very  common  sense,  a  contented  mind, 
and  a  humble  heart.  Let  not  any  one  whom  I  love  be 
afflicted  with  the  ability  to  rise. 

"It  is  only  the  ability  to  inflict  fancied  injury  on  those 
left  below — the  ability  to  be  envied,  misconstrued,  and 
deeply  wounded.  If  you  must  rise,  live  yourself  up  to  the 
mark ;  and  when  the  deaths  of  your  contemporaries  have 
left  you  a  major-general  and  a  dotard,  you  may  hope  to  be 
recognized  as  a  good  public  servant.  The  ghost  of  your 
former  self  will  be  admitted  to  be  a  most  proper  man  ! 

"  Now  let  us  have  done  with  this.  It  is  seldom  I  give 
way  to  such  gloomy  views  of  human  nature ;  but  finding 
you  (*  mine  own  familiar  friend,  whom  I  trusted ')  on  the 
world's  side,  made  me  angry. 

"  Many,  many  thanks  for  your  lively  panorama  of  old 
associations  at  Lahore.  Your  running  commentary  is  almost 
equal  to  that  of  Mr.  Stocqueler,  who  is  showman  to  the 
*  Overland  Route  to  India,'  in  Waterloo  Place,  London. 

"  Gladly  would   I  seize  any    opportunity   of  revisiting 


1H52.]     APPREHENSIONS  OB' A    W'AU   WITH  lU-nMAII.     203 

those  old  haunts  in  the  Sikh  capital.  There  is  no  more 
beiiufil'iil  alchemy  than  that  by  wiiich  tinu^  turns  by- 
gone dtiys  of  toil,  and  danger,  and  sickness  into  pleasant 
memories.  Those  very  jahgeer  statements  seem  jests  in  re- 
trospect; and  I  laugh  as  I  read  them  backwards,  and  see 
Ilunjeet's  Sirdars  proving  their  rights  in  a  back  parlour  to  a 
Feringce  in  a  flannel  waistcoat  and  pijaniahs. 

"  Thanks  to  you  for  your  kind  congratulations  on  my 
marriage.  It  has,  indeed,  added  much  to  my  happiness,  or 
rather  created  it.  I  wish  you  could  find  time  to  come  and 
pay  us  a  visit  in  the  cold  weather  or  any  weather.  We 
would  make  you  quite  as  iiappy  as  a  bachcdor  is  capable  of 
in  our  spare  room.  .  .  . 

"  Your  affectionate  friend, 

"  Herbert  B.  Edwardes." 

In  the  summer  of  1852  this  happy  life  at  Jullundur  was 
disturbed  by  apprehensions  of  a  war  with  Burniah ;  and  the 
1st  European  Fusilier  lieginient  being  untler  orders  for 
service,  there  was  no  certainty  that  Edwardes  would  not  be 
called  upon  to  join  it — a  call  which  no  soldier  would  wish  to 
disobey. 

A  fever  had  forced  his  wife  to  the  hill-station  of  Dliurum- 
salah  in  advance  of  him,  and  this  separation  made  the  anxiety 
fall  heavier  on  both.     But  this  danger  passed  away. 

Edwardes,  writing  to  a  relative  at  home,  says,  dated  Jul- 
lundur, September  3,  1852 — 

"  I  write  to  set  your  minds  at  rest  about  the  Burmah 
trip,  which  seemed  to  threaten  me  when  last  I  wrote. 

"The  anxiety  about  it  continued  till  the  very  end  of 
August,  when  Government  announced  to  the  Board  at  Lahore 
that  I  should  not  be  required.  ...  I  cannot  say  how 
thankful  I  am  that  my  dear  wife  has  been  spared  the 
lengthened  separation,  and  painful  anxieties,  and  rumours  of 
death,  and  \M)unds,  and  defeat  which  a  campaign  brings  so 
ruthlessly  home  to  aU  who  are  not  in  it. 


204  sin   nERDEBT  B.   EDWAHDES.  [1852. 

"Tlii-<  news  has  been  to  Emma  like  permission  to  get 
well,  and  free  leave  for  the  lirst  time  to  see  the  mountains, 
and  watch  the  lights  and  shadows  carrying  on  their,  from 
time  to  time,  everlasting  struggle  on  the  hills  and  vales  of 
this  world.  From  that  moment  she  has  begun  to  feel 
quite  well,  and  when  I  reach  there,  and  she  gets  out  with 
me  to  ramble  along  the  hill,  the  exercise  and  air  and 
happiness  of  our  being  once  more  together,  will,  please  God, 
all  help  to  restore  her  strength. 

"  She  is  determined  to  return  to  the  plains  when  I  do, 
and  says  she  will  never  leave  me  any  more,  though  October 
is  the  loveliest  of  all  the  months  in  the  year  in  the 
Himalayas.  .  .  .  Henry  Lawrence  left  Lahore  on  September 
1,  and  goes  by  Chumba  to  meet  us  at  Dhurumsala,  where 
we  shall  all  be  together  under  the  roof  of  Mr.  IMcLeod, 
Donaiii  the  Commissioner,  who  only  left  me  the  day  before  yesterday, 
after  staying  a  few  days.  He  is  a  rare  and  excellent 
character,  one  whose  life  is  one  even  career  of  duty  to  God 
and  man,  and  whose  mind  and  heart  do  not  apparently 
contain  one  selfish  tliought.  He  is  by  nature  blessed  with 
at  once  the  best  of  intellects  and  the  kindest  of  dispositions  ; 
and  an  industry  of  study,  stimulated  by  the  desire  to  be 
useful,  has  given  him  a  range  of  knowledge  on  all  subjects 
bearing  on  the  welfare  of  the  people  of  India,  such  as  I  do 
not  know  that  I  ever  saw  equalled.  Yet  few  people  hear  of 
him,  and  in  the  noisy  world  the  ripple  of  his  gentle  stream 
of  goodness  is  altogether  drowned.  But  it  fertilises,  never- 
theless, and  when  I  come  to  compare  my  own  brawling  fame 
with  the  secluded  usefulness  of  this  good  man,  I  quite 
shrink  with  shame,  and  positively  rejoice  that  there  will  be 
a  light  in  which  the  true  value  of  things  will  stand 
revealed. 

"  Yours  very  afiectionately, 

«  H.  B.  E." 

There  is  also  an  interesting  correspondence,  preserved  by 


1852.]     ON  NATIVE  VUKEELS  IN  ENQLISn  COURTS.      205 

Sir  Donald  ]\IcLeoil,  wliicli  shows  the  affectionate  terms  on 
which  they  worked  together,  the  Commissioner  and  the 
Deputy-Commissioner,  from  which  a  few  extracts  may  be 
made  here. 

"  JuUuudur,  February  11,  1852. 

'*  My  dear  McLeod, 

"  Just  as  I  had  prepared  all  for  moving  into 
camp,  a  tremendous  case  sprang  up  against  one  of  the 
vukeels  here,  named  Ahmud  Hoossein,  who  had  got  an 
unhappy  village  into  mortgage,  and  was  determined  to 
keep  it  there,  with  or  without  law.  I  have  a  great  feeling 
against  vukeels  in  general,  believing  they  are  only  another  Vukeeis, 
obstacle  interposed  between  the  people  and  their  rulers,  '^^  *^*^°  '* 
increasing  litigation,  protracting  decisions,  and  swelling 
costs.  The  late  orders  of  the  Board  seem  to  show  a  similar 
feeling  in  higher  quarters.  My  attention  was  therefore  rather 
attracted  to  this  particular  case,  and  though  it  has  greatly 
fatigued  me,  I  am  very  glad  for  the  general  weal  that  it 
came  into  my  net. 

"  It  is  beyond  all  comparison  the  worst  case  I  have  seen 
in  these  courts,  and  it  has  ended  in  my  committing  A.  H. 
and  his  accomplice  to  your  sessions  for  trial,  with,  as  I 
believe,  an  irresistible  mass  of  evidence.  If  my  view  is 
correct,  any  punishment  I  could  have  given  him  would  have 
been  ludicrously  inadequate. 

"  This,  however,  leads  me  to  consult  you  on  a  wider 
question.  Have  I  the  power  to  dispense  with  all  the  vukeels  ? 
I  mean  professional  practisers,  Udt  private  servants. 

*'  The  Board  says  discouraire  them.     But    why    iiermit  ^"  native 

.    •'        .  '^  .        .  vukcoU  in 

them?     I  have  eight  in  my  court,  and  I  will,  if  you  allow  our  English 
me,  tell  them  all  to  seek  their  fortunes  in  more  genial  climes. 
If  you  think  this  principle  must  be  recognized  of  afford- 
ing a  professional  adviser  to  the  suitor,  then  at  least  there 
will  be  no  objection  to  reducing  the  eight  to  two. 

"But  if  ever  wc  are  to  be  honest  with  ourselves  and 
throw  aside  all  shams  and  humbugs,  it  is  in  a  new  countrv. 


206 


sin  iiERBEirr  b.  edwardes. 


[1852. 


arrange- 
ments. 


First 

Christmas 
at  Lahore. 


Why  be  fettered  in  the  Piinjnl)  with  a  principle  wliich  is 
allowed  to  have  worked  unmitigated  evil  in  Hindoo.stan  ? 
'J'he  genius  of  the  East  is  not  yet  honest  enough  for  this 
link  of  English  procedure,  and  it  is  a  pity  to  perpetuate 
the  errors  of  our  older  provinces. 

"  If  it  is  the  honest  suitor  who  is  to  be  considered,  I  am 
quite  sure  he  will  prefer  the  stream  of  justice  from  the 
source,  such  as  it  is,  rather  than  be  filtered  through  the  fingers 
of  a  vukeel.  If  it  is  the  dishonest  suitor  who  wants  advice, 
I  say  at  once,  let  him  want ! 

"  The  much-talked-of  choongee  (octroi,  or  town  dues)  has 
been  at  last  arranged  for  Jullundur,  and  starts  on  June  1. 
I  have  arranged  that  there  shall  be  a  parish  meeting  every 
Monday  to  audit  accounts,  and  these  I  shall  attend  myself. 
We  had  a  full  meeting  of  the  citizens  at  Cutcherry  yesterday 
to  discuss  the  details,  and  everything  was  done  with  the  good 
will  and  voice  of  the  majority. 

"  I  trust  the  choongee  may  become  a  bond  to  bind  up 
the  parties  in  this  ill-conditioned  city,  and  elicit  the  virtue 
of  public  spirit.  The  interest  evinced  yesterday  was  very 
great,  and  I  took  pains  to  show  them  that  all  were  interested 
in  preventing  evasion  of  the  duty. 

"  I  return  you  John  Lawrence's  memo,  on  the  Doab 
Jageers  *  with  many  thanks.  They  are  marked  with  the  seal 
of  Cromwell,  a  truth  and  determination  which  one  cannot  but 
consent  to  and  admire,  but  an  absenr'e  of  the  tenderness  to 
spare,  which  is  often  to  be  regretted." 

The  first  Christmas  was  spent  at  Lahore  ;  and  a  happy 
visit  to  Sir  Henry  Lawrence  was  heavily  clouded  by  the  crash 
which  fell  about  that  time  upon  the  Punjab,  in  the  change  of 
the  Government  by  the  loss  of  Sir  Henry  La\vrence,  wdio  was 
transferred  to  the  post  of  Governor-General's  Agent  in 
Eajpootana,  leaving  liis  brother  John  Lawrence,  with  Mr. 
Iiobert  IMontgomery  and  Mr.  Mansel,  as  the  Governing 
Board  at  Lahore. 

*  Government  assignment  of  land. 


1852,]  CAMP  LIFE  IN  INDIA.  207 

This  was  notliinj:^  less  than  a  personal  grief  to  the  many  i^ss  of 
who  loved  their  chief;  for  few  had  a  greater  ])ower  of  attach-  '''''■  '^enr7 
ing  men  with  chivalrous  devotion  than  Sir  Henry  Lawrence. 
Anil  now  that  he  was  taken  from  the  country  that  he  had 
made  his  own,  where  he  was  surrounded  by  the  men  he  had 
gathered  about  him  liy  his  own  choice,  mIio  had  looked  on 
him  as  the  father  of  their  public  life,  and  liad  caught  from 
liim  their  inspiration,  and  felt  sure  at  all  times  of  his  support 
and  a})proval,  and  his  generous  acknowledgment  of  all  their 
services,  what  could  the  Punjab  be  to  them  without  their 
head  ?  It  seemed  at  the  time  like  a  watch  in  which  the 
mainspring  was  broken,  and  with  a  heavy  heart  the  journey 
l)ack  to  Jullundur  was  undertaken,  to  return  to  work  again. 

But   the   spirit  that    Sir  Henry  Lawrence    had    evoked  The  feeling 
and    cherished  would    continue   with    them    still ;    and  the  the^Pu*^!"*^ 
Itroviuce  that  he  had  started  so  brilliantly  and  successfully  jab. 
had  caught  a  lire  that  could  not  easily  be  put  out.     And  so 
the  brave,  bright  spirits  went  forth  again  with  fresh  energy 
to  carry  on  tlie  labours  that  had  been  begun  so  well  under 
tliei]-  beloved  chief,  and  knowing  in  their  hearts  that  it  would 
please  him  best  that  they  should  stay  and  work  where  he  had 
placed  them. 

One  of  the  pleasant  duties  of  an  Indian  ofhciars  life  is  Camp  life, 
the  winter  march  into  the  interior  of  the  country.  Taking 
up  house  and  home  under  canvas,  and  marching  on  from  day 
to  day,  or  resting  in  one  place  for  a  few  days,  as  the  work  may 
require, — a  district  officer  is  brought  face  to  face  with  all  the 
]  )eople  under  his  government ;  and,  pitching  his  tents  outside 
a  village  or  a  town,  he  opens  his  court  amongst  them,  and  they 
can  flock  in  and  explain  their  grievances,  their  diffieidties,  or 
their  quarrels,  and  he  can  judge  for  himself  of  the  facts  of  a 
case  that  might  be  greatly  misrepresented  at  a  distance. 

Edwardes's  bright,  genial  nature  gave  the  peojde  confidence 
and  trust ;  and  they  soon  understood  that  they  had  a  friend 
as  well  as  a  governor  in  their  midst. 

This  work  goes  on  for  most  of  the  cold-weather  months.  Its  enjoy- 
IJiding  on  in  the  early  morning,  fifteen  or  twenty  miles,  you  ™"^°  *' 
find   the  tents  pitched  in  a  pleasant  place  (for  the  native 
servants  are  very  clever  in  selecting  good  ground),  perhai)s  in 
some  shady  corner,  under  beautiful  trees,  near  .sonu>  running 
water  or  some  shadv  {^arden  ;    breakfast  laid  ;    and  the  sun 


servants. 


208  SIR   IIEBBERT  B.    EDWAIiDES.  [1852. 

linvinu  just  begun  to  be  bot  enough  to  make  shade  welcome, 
you  get  off  your  liorse,  tbankful  for  the  h(jnie-like  tents  pre- 
pared to  receive  you.  Tbere  you  are  well  sheltered  during  the 
heat  of  the  day ;  and,  when  the  sun  goes  down,  you  can  come 
out  and  enjoy  the  gipsy  life  and  the  surroundings  of  the 
country. 

Then  the  tents  you  left  behind  you  are  carried  on  to  the 
next  encampment,  so  that  you  can  spend  the  night  quietly 
where  you  are,  and  go  on  next  morning,  to  find  the  same 
accommodation  awaiting  you,  if  there  is  nothing  to  detain  you 
more  than  one  day.  Or,  sometimes,  several  days  may  be 
iiuiian  spent  ou  the  same  ground.  "  Wonderfully  good  servants,"  the 
reader  will  say.  And  so  they  are,  for  there  is  no  lack  of  any 
comfort  on  the  table  or  in  any  other  place ;  and  you  may  ask 
a  number  of  friends  to  dinner  if  they  come  across  your  path 
(as  they  often  do),  and  you  will  find  no  difficulties  of  supplies. 

(It  would  be  well  if  our  pampered  English  servants  could 
sometimes  learn  a  lesson  from  these  good  servants !) 

And  this  was  the  life  to  which  Edwardes  and  his  wife  now 
returned  in  the  Jullundur  District. 

Edwardes  writes  to  a  dear  friend  in  England — 

"  Camp  Nakdour,  in  the  District  of  Jullundur, 

"  Night  of  February  19,  1852. 

"My  dear  Powles, 

"  How  ill  I  have  treated  yon  !  and  with  wliat  a 
gentle  band  you  '  heap  coals  of  fire  on  my  head  ' ! 

"  Such  a  reproof  should  never  have  come  to  me  before 
I  bad  written  to  you  in  answer  to  your  last,  and  yet  it  has 
found  me  only  surrounded  by  regrets  and  good  intentions. 
Let  me  not  waste  the  precious  time,  however,  but  say  how 
welcome  your  affectionate  letter  was  to  u>!,  and  how  reci- 
procally we  had  ourselves  felt  for  you  at  Cbristmas-time. 
We  went  for  a  true  English  holiday  to  Lahore,  and  I 
took  there  with  me  a  long  list  of  home  letters  to  be  written, 
as  a  duty  well  fitted  to  that  season  of  remembrance. 

"  Among  the  list  no  name  pressed  more  upon  my 
thouglits  tlian  yours ;  and  I   had   lioarded   up  the  idea   of 


1852.]  CHRISTMAS  AT  LAlIOliK.  209 

writing  to  }()U  (jiiite  elu'Mislily  aiid  freslily,  uiid  l'<>r  nil  the 
Murld  as  if  I  were  not  thirty-two ! 

"  l>ut  when  I  got  to  Laliore,  Sir  II gave  me  so  much 

work  to  do  that  my 'holiday'  proved  oidy  a  'change  of 
legs,*  like  the  poor  cab-liorse's  halt. 

"  And  so  tlio  d.iys  went  on  among  the  hard  demands 
ot"  the  present,  and  I  saw  the  dear  past  no  more,  except  at 
cake  and  pnddiiig  time,  with  a  flickering  of  childhood  round 
the  hurut  mincepies. 

*'  I  brought  my  unanswered  letters  back  witli  me  to 
Jnlluiidur,  and  laid  them  by  with  a  sigh.  But  now  I  must 
and  will  write  to  yon,  and  confcs-:,  for  the  good  of  my  soul, 
how  niucli  wrong  1  have  done  yon.  Very,  very  welcome,  my 
dear  friend,  were  your  Christmas  wishes  and  your  wife's 
to  me  and  mine.  IMay  God,  indeed,  bless  them  to  us,  and 
b'ess  ours  in  your  belialf.  It  is,  without  going  farther,  a 
blessing  to  be  tlianklul  for  that  we  can  all  four  think  tlms, 
and  feel  thus,  for  each  other.  It  is  a  stout  staff  this,  in  our 
hands,  as  we  go  plodding  on,  that  we  have  a  friend.  And 
what  a  paltry  obstacle  is  space  in  8uch  meditations,  which 
defy  the  isolation  of  the  exiled  body,  and  are  at  home  again 
^\ith  a  distinctness  that  may  be  sworn  to  in  the  witness-box ! 

"  At  this  moment  I  am  at  home  with  you,  and  have  left 
my  mind's  clothes  sitting  upright  in  a  chair  at  Nakodur. 

"  Now,  then,  let  me  sit  with  you  both  on  the  sola,  on 
the  left  hand  of  the  fire  in  the  library,  and  tell  you  my 
story. .  .  . 

"Of  myself  I  have  much  that  I  could  tell  yon  if  lime 
permitted,  but  now  shall  oidy  say  that,  aft<r  having  had 
charge  of  wild  provinces,  it  is  now  my  .singular  lot  to  have 
the  least  barbarous  and  most  quiet  district  in  the  Punjab. 
The  one  was  ruled  with  justice  in  the  rough;  the  other 
is  administered  with  a  highly-finished  system  of  civil, 
criminal,  and  revenue  laws. 

"  The  days  of  Alfred  and  Victoria  present  an  analogous 

VOL.    I.  I' 


210  Sm   IlERBEUT  B.   EDWARDES.  [1852. 

comparison,  and  the  transition  from  one  to  the  other  could 
Dot  but  be  a  great  mental  exertion. 

"  Fortunately,  I  was  not  too  old  ;  tlie  versatility  had 
not  all  left  my  thouglits  and  faculties ;  and,  being  willing 
to  learn  of  every  one  who  had  anything  to  teach,  I  have 
struggled  through  the  technicalities,  and  once  more  feel 
equal  to  my  work.  (I  had  written  '  master  of  it,  but  this 
I  am  not ;  I  only  hope  to  be.) 

"  It  has  been  very  uphill  work,  as  you  will  easily  con- 
ceive, and  the  last  six  mouths  of  1851  were  as  labori(Jus 
as  any  almost  that  I  ever  underwent. 

"  Now  I  am  in  a  condition  to  look  back  and  be  thankful 
for  feeling  every  way  a  better  servant  of  Government ;  and, 
strange  as  it  may  seem  to  say  so,  I  believe  I  could  reduce 
Bunnoo  easier  now  that  I  know  more  of  settled  government ; 
while  .settled  government  comes  easier  to  me  for  my  fami- 
liarity with  lawless  tribes.  Each  has  its  experience  to  teach, 
and  one  reflects  a  light  upon  the  other.  Nor  do  I  know 
which  duty  may  be  called  the  higher,  or  wliich  has  more 
of  that  fascinating  interest  which  lightens  long  days  of 
never-ceasing  toil.  To  be  flung  into  a  country  where 
anarchy  prevails,  and  introduce  the  rights  of  man  to  man, 
and  all  to  Government,  is  doubtless  high  employ.  But  to 
succeed  this  rough  pioneering,  and  build  on  the  space  that 
has  been  cleared ;  to  civilize  tho-e  who  have  been  subdued  ; 
to  perpetuate  peace  by  registering  all  rights,  and  thus 
transferring  the  strife  of  aggression  to  the  arena  of  a  law 
court  instead  of  a  bloody  plain  ;  to  lay  the  broad  foundations 
of  national  prosperity,  by  limiting  taxation  to  a  fixed 
demand  for  a  quarter  of  a  century,  and  so  securing  to 
industry  all  its  earnings  and  to  capital  all  its  interest;  to 
open  schools  and  dream  of  plans  of  education ;  to  effect,  in 
short,  a  social  change  which  the  missionary  alone  can  crown, 
must  be  allowed  to  be  a  lot  of  exceeding  great  utility, 
such  as  the  largest  heart  might  be  occupied  in  fulfilling. 


1853.]  LIFE  AT  JULLUNDUIi.  211 

"  And  these  are  oui*  labours  dow  in  the  Tunjiib.  And 
tliis  hrings  me  to  that  part  of  your  letter  where  you  mention 
Archdeacon  Hare's  kind  present,  and  kinder  expressions 
of  interest  in  my  book.  It  has  gratified  me  more  than 
I  can  say,  and  I  shall  myself  write  and  thank  the  arch- 
deacon as  soon  as  liis  hook  reaches  me.  The  longer  we 
live,  the  more  we  value  the  good  opinion  of  the  few  and 
are  indiflerent  to  that  of  the  many.  Emma  is  writing  a 
long  letter  to  you,  but,  for  fear  she  may  leave  herself  out, 
as  she  always  does,  I  shall  tell  you  that  she  got  through  the 
hot  weather  with  only  one  week  of  fever,  but  has  now  had 
another  in  tlie  cold  weather,  whicli  is  quite  unauthorized.  .  . 

"  We  have  a  delightful  plan  in  our  heads,  if  it  please 
God  to  enable  us  to  effect  it — to  take  two  months'  holiday 
in  September  and  October  next,  and  plunge  into  the  depths 
of  the  IlimaUiyas.  "Will  not  this  be  charming — to  be  happy 
amid  Nature's  grandest  works,  and  have  leisure  to  enjoy 
their  contemplation  ? 

"  Yours  ever  affectionately, 

"  Herbert  13.  Edwardes." 

What  can  be  told  more  about  the  Julluudur  life  ?  It 
was  his  first  "home"  in  India— owr  first  "home  together." 
The  desire  of  our  hearts,  long  delayed,  at  length  accom- 
plished. It  M-as  "  sweet  to  the  soul !  "  We  thought— never 
on  earth  was  there  such  a  paradise  before ! 

He  had  busy,  useful  work,  in  peaceful  times,  and  in  a   Peace  and 
pretty,  rural,  quiet  country — busy  in  liringing  justice  and   ''-Tr'ne'^s- 
security  into  the  homes  of  the  people,  protecting  the  weak 
and  the  oppressed,  and  ]»unishing  the  evil  and  the  tyrannous. 

Fifteen  months  passi'd  away  very  quickly  in  such  works 
as  these  ;  and  yet  it  may  all  be  put  into  few  words — that  he 
was  a  gi'eat  administrator. 

We  had  a  charming  house  (filled  with  all  tlic  pleasant 
things  we  had  brought  out  from  Kuglaud — pictures  and  botiks, 
piano,  and  English  comforts,  which  were  more  rare  in  those 
days  in  the  Punjab  than  they  are  now)  and  a  delightful  large 


212  sill   nERBERT  B.   EDWARDES.  [1853. 

garden    full    of  many    kinds   of    orange   trees    and    lovely 
flowers 

And  when  his  day's  work  was  done,  he  came  in  from  his 
office,  and  we  had  our  happy  evenings  to  spend  together,  in 
whatever  way  we  liked  best. 

It  was  a  time  of  peace  and  joy,  after  the  storms  of  war 
and  anxiety.     It  is,  indeed,  not  too  much  to  say,  these  were 
"  as  the  days  of  heaven  upon  earth  " — most  blessed. 
Suddenly  Out  of  tliis  liappincss  we  were  startled  one  morning  at 

disturbed,  j^peakfast  by  a  letter  from  the  Governor-General,  Lord 
Dalhousie,  ordering  Edwardes  to  take  charge  of  Hazara,  a 
wild  hill-country  near  the  frontier  of  Cashmere,  where  the 
government  was  more  difficult,  and  the  Governor-General 
desired,  on  that  account,  to  have  Edwardes's  services.  His 
power  of  ruling  wild  races  (and  attaching  them  too)  had  been 
well  tested  and  proved  at  Bunnoo,  and  to  no  one  were  they 
better  known  than  to  his  Lordship. 

He  was  ordered  to  move  to  Hazara  as  quickly  as  possible 
— Lord  Dalhousie  "  hoped  within  ten  days." 

This  was,  indeed,  a  sudden  uprooting.  House  and  furni- 
ture had  to  be  sold  off;  whatever  could  be  packed  had  to 
be  packed  at  once  in  boxes,  to  take  with  us  on  camels — the 
home  we  had  made  so  pleasant  to  be  broken  up,  and  most  of 
the  things  w^e  had  brought  out  from  England  dispersed  to  the 
four  winds  of  heaven ;  for  we  were  going  where  there  was 
no  house  to  live  in,  and  where  an  Englishwoman  had  never 
been  seen  before. 

It  was  my  first  lesson  on  the  uncertainty  of  an  Indian 
life.  But  it  w^as  a  happy  lesson  to  learn  (as  I  learned  it) 
that  the  happiest  of  homes  consists  in  the  companionship 
and  fellowship  of  the  being  who  is  the  most  dearly 'beloved 
on  earth ;  and  home  and  the  very  best  of  society  can  be 
comprised  within  the  four  canvas  walls  of  a  tent,  in  the 
jungle,  and  far  from  the  sight  of  another  white  face,  even 
with  the  thermometer  at  100°  Eahr. 

This  sudden  break-up  and  departure  was  a  source  of 
universal  regret.  About  this  time  Mr.  Donald  LIcLeod 
writes  to  the  Chief  Commissioner,  at  Lahore  (Mr.  John 
Lawrence),  for  Sir  Henry  had  by  this  time  started  for  his 
new  post  at  Rajpootana. 


1853.]  DONALD   M<LEOD\S   LETTI:R.  213 

"I  R'jrar'l  Eilsvardes  as  a  loss  altonrotlier  irreparable —  Donaia 

.  1  •  n        JJcI.eod'8 

rejjarding  him  as  the  very  best  an<l  most  unexceptionable  e^tim.itjon 
officer  I  have  as  yet  been  brouj^ht  in  contact  with,  from   i^pputy. 
which  I  make  no  exceptions.     It  is  not  liis  ability  that  I  9""""'*' 
admire  so  much  as  his  weight  of  character  and  high  tone  value, 
and    |)rinci[)l('s  altogether.     There  is  not  a  corner  of  the 
district  where  his  impress  has  not  been  already   felt,  and 
always  in  the  most  salutary  manner.     The  clearing  of  the 
atmosphere  which  has  taken  place  in  one  year  is  marvellous, 
and   in   another  two  years    I  am   quite  certain  Jullundur 
would  have  been  the  pattern  district  of  the  Punjab — not  as 
regards  clap-trap  appearances   or   symmetrical  nukshurs  * 
(although  in  a  little  time  he  would  not  have  been  behind- 
hand in  these),  but  as  respects  all  that  is  requisite  for  a 
healthy    and    honest   administration.     I    grieve    over    his 
departure  more  than  I  can  tell,  and  cannot  refrain  from 
thinking  that  he  is  thrown  away  upon  those  demi-savages, 
valuable  though    his  services    will  no  doubt   be,  there   or 
elsewhere. 

"  Yours  sincerely, 
"  (Signed)  D.  F.  McLeod." 

And  Mr.  Robert  (now  Sir  Robert)  Montgomery,  the 
Judicial  Commissioner  of  the  Punjab,  after  reading  this, 
writes — 

"  I  return  Mr.  McLeod's  letter.  Such  a  testimony  from 
such  a  man  is  of  greater  value  and  worth  than  all  the  praise 
Edwardes  has  ever  had,  whether  from  the  Governor-General, 
the  Court  of  Directors,  or  the  British  Senate. 

"  This  is  real,  by  a  man  who  is  a  competent  judge  ;  much 
of  the  other  was  mere  eloquence. 

"  Yours  ever  sincerely, 
"  (Signed)  li.  Moxtoomery," 

*  Ofllcial  forms  or  reports. 


214  SIR   nEEBERT  B.   EDWARDES.  [1853. 

Sucli  was  the  estimate  set  upon  liis  work  when  the  time 
came  for  him  to  leave  Jiillimdur.  And  what  was  it  to  him- 
self?    In  writing  to  convey  the  news  to  Mr.  McLeod,  he 

says— 

"  r;uiip,  PhillOr,  February  9,  1853. 
Duty  ac-  "  Xhc  encloscd  will  cause  you  as  much  surprise,  if  not 

cejited.  .  _  .      ,  .     . 

SO  much  regret,  as  it  causes  me.  i  accept  it  because  it  is  a 
duty  to  do  so ;  and  have  written  to  beg  that  I  may  be 
relieved  fortlnvith. 

"I  shall  march  back  to  Jullundur  at  once — at  least  in 
a  day  or  two — and  commence  tying  knots  in  all  the  loose 
ends.  Tell  Abbott  that  I  will  come  over  and  bid  farewell 
to  him  and  you,  before  we  turn  our  faces  to  the  north.  .  .  . 

"  Tell  me  if  there  is  any  particular  piece  of  duty  you 
wish  me  to  do  before  going.  1  cannot  say  hoiv  sorry  I  am 
to  leave  many,  many  plans  for  the  good  of  this  district 
unfulfilled." 

Again,  on  the  way  to  Hazara — 

"  Camp,  Sealkote,  March  10,  1853. 
"My  dear  McLeod, 
Regrets  at  <'  I  cannot  cuough  thank  you  for  the  kind  farewell 

Juiliindur.  public  letter  in  which  you  have  recorded  your  satisfaction 
with  my  labours  at  Jullundur.  It  has  beeu,  naturally,  a 
great  consolation  to  us ;  for  we  know  how  high  a  standard 
you  judge  by,  and  how  sincerely  you  speak  or  write.  I 
know  too,  that  your  heart  is  in  the  welfare  of  the  people  ; 
and  therefore,  that,  if  you  are  pleased  with  my  work,  the 
work  itself  has  been  really  for  the  people's  good,  which  I 
can  truly  feel  to  have  been  my  end  and  aim  in  all  that  I 
have  done. 

"  You  cannot  feel  more  regret  than  I  do  at  this  removal, 
for  it  is  impossible  to  be  in  earnest  in  an  undertaking  and 
not  feel  pain  at  leaving  it  unfinished. 


isra]  A  SUDDEN  urnooTixa.  21.'» 

"  Finis  corona t  opus;  and  iis[»iiations  that  never  reach  that 
end,  how  weak  and  miserable  they  all  look,  as  thoy  come 
1iuul)ling  down,  and  lie  in  broken  heaps  of  good  intention  ! 

"  Tlie  district  seemed  to  nie,  when  I  first  came,  rotten  to 
the  core,  and  striving  only  to  pass  muster  with  a  fair  out- 
side. What  I  set  out  to  do  was  to  purify  it — to  cut  the  bad 
away  and  have  honest  work  done,  however  little  tliere  might 
be  of  it  to  show.  In  doing  so,  under  a  system  of  chef-ks,  by 
periodical  statements,  I  was,  temporarily,  at  a  disadvantage, 
and  felt  it  at  times  keenly ;  but  I  was  always  sustained  by 
the  conviction  that  I  was  doing  the  liest  for  tin;  ])eople,  and 
therefore  for  Government,  whether  the  latter  knew  it  or 
not;  and  I  always  found  in  my  district  a  full  reward  for 
comparisons  made  beyond  it,  on  paper.  In  the  end,  rapidity 
would  have  followed  integrity,  and  the  Jullundur  nukshurs 
(forms)  might  have  looked  as  well  as  others. 

"Now  it  is  impossible  to  say  what  turn  things  will  take. 
Farrington  cannot  possibly  take  things  up  at  the  point 
wliere  I  left  them.  He  would  be  an  angel  if  he  could.  But 
if  he  has  the  one  faculty  of  controlling  his  subordinates,  all 
will  be  well.  He  has  nothing  to  conquer,  nothing  to  root 
out,  very  little  to  regret ;  he  has  only  to  prevent  relapse 
and  to  carry  on  an  impulse.  His  doing  or  not  doing  so 
depends  more  on  his  character  than  on  his  ability.  ...  I 
trust  he  may  water  and  reap  where  I  have  only  been  per- 
mitted to  sow.  .  .  . 

"  Wo  leave  here  to-morrow,  and  expect  to  be  at  our  des- 
tination by  the  end  of  the  month.  .  .  .  Wlien  I  have  seen 
something  of  the  country,  I  shall  write  to  you  again.  .  .  . 

"  It  is  a  great  source  of  regret  to  us,  this  break-up.  but 
1  have  the  consolatory  reflection  that  it  has  been  neither 
sought  nor  avoided.  We  are  not  going  of  our  own  accord.  .  .  . 

"  Where  I  am  going  John  Lawrence  describes  all  things  in 
confusion.  Everything  to  be  done  and  much  to  be  undone; 
police  and  revenue  divisions  to  be  remoilelled  altogether ; 


21G  SI  It  iiKiinKJiT  Ji.  edwaudks.  [1853. 

stations,  civil  and  military,  to  be  lixoJ  ;  njiuls  to  bo  made  ; 
and  tlu'  details  o("  a  summary  settlement  to  be  entered  upon 
— I  mean,  arbitnilini:;  botwoeu  the  mal<^oozai"  *  and  the  com- 
munity, 

"  Yours, 

"H.  B.  E." 

This  was  the  report  tliat  readied  us  of  the  land  that  we 
were  going  to. 

The  march  was  long,  and  the  hot  weather  was  approaching, 
and  there  was  no  time  to  be  lost,  whatever  might  be  the 
regrets.  On  the  way  some  letters  were  written  that  tell  the 
tale  of  regret  from  his  own  pen. 

"  Lahore,  March  4,  1853. 

The  march.  "The  heading  of  this  letter  will  show  you  how  far  we 
have  got  on  our  journey.  It  has  been  a  sad  uprooting  foi"  us 
both,  publicly  and  privately.  There  is  not  a  corner  of  the 
district  of  Jullundur  which  I  do  not  know,  not  a  road  which 
I  have  not  traversed,  not  a  cluster  of  villages  which  I  have 
not  visited,  not  an  ofBcial  of  whom  I  have  not  taken  the 
measure.  The  good  and  the  evil  of  it  all  is  in  my  heart,  and, 
having  swept  and  garnished  it  with  great  labour,  I  was  just 
beginning  to  furnish  it  with  improvements  and  fit  it  up  with 
useful  measures.  To  be  torn  away  at  such  a  moment,  and 
sent  to  begin  all  over  again  in  a  new  charge,  leaving  the 
people  in  whom  I  had  such  interest  to  be  learnt  afresh  by 
my  successor,  and  the  officials  I  had  tightly  grasped  to  be 
clutched  firmly  or  weakly,  as  chance  may  be, — all  this 
makes  up  a  trial  very  painful  and  hard  to  bear. 

Prospects.  "  But  it  is  over  now,  and  our  faces  are  towards  Hazara  ; 

and  I  have  already  taken  an  interest  in  its  grand  physical 
features,  and  pored  over  the  map,  and  gathered  some 
insight  into  the  locale,  and  rummaged  its  records  out  of  the 
Board's  offices,  and  plunged  into  a  correspondence  with 
the  Commissioner  at  Peshawur  as  to  the  proper  place  for 
*  The  reut-paj'er. 


1853.]  liEPORT  OF   HIE   LAND.  217 

the  military  caiitouiucuts,  on  which  I  think  1  have  made  up 
my  iniud  without  having  seen  the  place !  So  here  you  see 
how  elastic  the  iniiul  is,  ami  how  the  b,st  way  to  be  happy 
is  to  bo  active  and  us  'liil.  .  .   . 

"  The  couutry  is  described  as  most  beautiful  ;  hills  and    H.izuni, 
valleys   tossed   together,   and    man    turning    the    mountain 
streams  into  plenty  of  food  and  wealth  ! 

"But  they  say  that  the  valleys  for  the  three  months  of 
autumn — x\.ugust,September,and  October — are  very  feverish, 
from  the  exhalation  of  vapours  by  the  soaked  earth  in  the 
drying-up  of  the  rains.  These  three  months,  then,  make  the 
drawback  to  an  otherwise  healthy  climate,  and  the  remedy 
is,  if  possible,  to  live,  during  that  season  at  least,  on  the 
heights. 

"  This  autumnal  unhealthiness  is  not  peculiar  to  Hazara; 
it  is  characteristic  of  the  whole  lower  range  of  the  Hima- 
layan chain,  and  is  no  where  more  strongly  perceptible  thau 
in  the  much-coveted  and  favourite  district  of  Kangra. 

"  The  inhabitants  of  Kangra  relate  that  those  months 
'  the  cats  cannot  catch  the  rats,  nor  the  rats  get  away  from 
the  cats,  but  lie  prostrate  together  ; '  and  they  of  Noorpoor, 
in  the  same  district,  where  we  have  also  a  military  canton- 
ment, say  *  the  stones  in  their  streets  get  fever  and  ague  and 
chatter  audibly.' 

"  I  hear  the  only  house  worthy  of  the  name  is  at  Tuudi- 
an^e  (which  being  translated  means  '  the  place  of  coldness '), 
on  a  mountain  nine  thousand  feet  above  the  level  of  the 
sea,  '  among  goodly  cedar-trees.' 

"  It  sounds  like  Lebanon  ...  to  Emma  it  cannot  but 
prove  a  happiness,  coming  in  at  her  eyes  like  light,  to  look 
out  for  ever  upon  such  a  scenery  of  glorious  hills.  .  .  .  An  1 
now  I  think  you  know  as  much  about  it  as  I  do,  and  I  ho[)e, 
like  me,  see  enough  in  the  prospect  to  reconcile  you  to  it, 
though  wishing  we  could  have  been  let  alone. 

"E.  B.  E." 


CHAPTER   Vlll. 

1853-1855. 

IIAZARA— PKSIIAWUK— TlIK   AFGHAN   TREATY. 


"  My  friend,  all  speech  and  rumour  is  short-lived,  foolisli,  untrue. 
Genuine  work  alone — what  thou  workest  faithfully — that  is  eternal. 
Stand  hy  that,  and  let  Fame  and  the  rest  of  it  go  prating." — Caulylk, 
Past  and  Present. 


(     221     ) 


CPIArTER   Vlll. 

The  hot  weather  of  1853  had  set  in  by  the  time  that  ITazara  Hazftra 
was   reached,   and    the   long  march   had  become   somewhat  ',g-'jl"^'^' 
tedious. 

Tlie  country  of  Hazjlra  is  charming.  "Wild  roses  and 
clematis  grow  in  the  hedges — a  welcome  sight. 

o  C^  o 

The  people  were  very  wild  and  untamed,  and  as  yet,  in 
1853,  were  totally  unaccustomed  to  the  sight  of  Euroj)eans. 
They  had  been  little  invaded  by  them,  as  tlioir  country 
lies  off  the  high-road  to  Peshawur,  and  stands  on  the  borders 
of  Cashmere. 

They  had  been  ph\ced  under  the  government  of  Colonel 
James  Abbott  (now  Major-General  and  C.B.),  a  man  greatly 
and  deservedly  beloved  by  them,  who  had  made  their  yoke 
80  easy  that  he  went  about  amongst  them  like  a  patriarch 
with  his  flock ;  and  his  name  among  them  generally  was 
"  Kaka  Abbott,"  or  "  Kaka  Sahib  "  ("  Uncle  ").* 

*  A  tribute  of  praise  to  Colonel  James  Abbolt,  written  by  Edwariies 
may  be  inserted  here:  "James  Abbott  became  Deputy-Cumnjissioner  of 
Hazara  in  1847,  and  remained  so  till  1853,  when  he  resigned  the  charge. 
'J'hus  he  was  six  years  in  Hazara,  and  he  left  it  amidst  the  unfei;:ned 
regrets  of  the  people.  During  his  rule,  exiles  driven  out  by  tlie  Sikhs, 
ten,  twenty,  thirty,  forty  years  l)efore,  had  flocked  back  again  from 
bihind  the  border  and  been  re-settlcd  on  tlieir  paternal  lands  ;  liazara 
had  passed  from  a  desolation  to  a  smiling  prosperity.  It  was  h>:  who  had 
worked  the  change — a  single  Englishman.  lie  had  literall}'  lived  among 
them  as  their  ]iatriarch — an  out-ol-door,  under-tree  life.  Eveiy  man, 
wonian,  and  child  in  tiie  country  knew  him  ])ersonally,  and  hastened  Irom 
their  occupations  to  welcome  and  salute  him  as  he  cai.ie  their  way.  Tlie 
children  esjMcially  were  his  favourites.  'i"h<y  n.sed  to  goto'  Kaka  Abbott' 
whenever  their  months  waterid  for  fruit  or  sugar-plums.  lie  liteially 
spent  all  liis  ^^ub^tance  on  the  people.   .  .  .   His  last  act  was  to  invite  the 


222  ^7/.'   IlERnKJlT  B.   EDWARDES.  [1853. 

It  was  (l(iul)ly  liard  to  be  uprooted  ourselves  to  disturb 
such  a  man  in  such  a  far-off  place;  but  Government  can 
afford  no  space  for  private  feelinfrg,  and  Colonel  James  Abbott 
was  now  to  let  tlie  liglit  of  his  f,'enial  sympathy  and  kindness 
shine  upon  a  larger  spliere  of  English  life  at  Ishapore,  near 
Calcutta  (where  he  took  the  appointment  of  the  charge  of  the 
large  Government  gunpowder  factory  there),  and  we  had  to 
bury  our  regrets  and  put  our  shoulder  to  the  new  wheel. 

The  first  desire  of  the  Government  was  to  place  a  regi- 
ment in  the  heart  of  the  country,  in  Hazara ;  and  the  first 
duty  was  to  find  a  site  for  a  cantonment. 

A  lovely  valley,  surrounded  Ity  liills,  at  an  elevation  of 
about  four  thousand  feet  above  tlie  sea,  was  fixed  upon  by 
Edwardes. 

The  liills  rose  from  the  plain,  first  gently,  and  covered 
with  verdure  and  stunted  trees ;  then  they  rose  higher  and 
higher,  and,  bearing  on  their  bosoms  loftier  foliage  of  fir,  oak, 
and  chestnut,  opened  out  at  last  into  a  distant  view  of  the 
high  mountains  of  Kaghan  and  Cashmere,  which  is  just  across 
its  border  on  the  other  side  of  the  river  Jhelum,  that  divides 
the  two  countries  of  Hazara  and  Cashmere  from  each  other. 
Abbotta-  Edwardes  named   it  "  Abbottabad,"  to   preserve   in   tlie 

country  the  memory  and  name  of  the  man  who  was  so  greatly 
beloved  by  the  people  over  whom  he  ruled. 

The  valley  was  full  of  rice-fields  and  other  crops,  which 
the  people  were  ready  enough  to  sell ;  so  the  crops  were 
purchased  and  the  land  laid  out,  and  the  3rd  Sikh  Eegiment 
was  brought  up  and  ordered  to  "  hut "  themselves. 

Tents  were  lived  in  here  for  six  months,  in  too  much  heat 

country — not  the  neicfhbours,  but  all  Hazilra — to  a  farewell  feast  on  the 
Kara  Hill ;  and  there  for  three  days  and  nights  he  might  be  seen  walking 
about  among  the  groups  of  guests  and  hecatombs  of  pots  and  cauldrons — 
the  kind  and  courteous  host  of  a  whole  peofile. 

"  What  is  the  result?  The  district  of  Hazara,  which  was  notorious  for 
its  long-continued  struggles  with  the  Sikhs,  is  now  about  the  quietest, 
happiest,  and  most  loyal  in  the  Punjab." — (H.  B.  E.) 

Sir  Henry  Lawrence  also  wrote  of  him  thus  ;  "  Major  James  Abbott  is 
of  the  stuff  of  the  true  knight-errant;  gentle  as  a  girl  in  thought,  and 
word,  and  deed,  overflowing  with  warm  aifl-ctions,  and  ready  at  all  times 
to  sacrifice  himself  for  his  friend  or  his  country;  he  is  at  the  same  time  a 
scientific,  courageous,  and  energetic  soldier,  with  peculiar  power  of  attacli- 
ing  others,  especially  Asiatics,  to  his  person." — (H.  M.  L.) 


bad 


IJI 


1853.]  Ml'TIXy  7X   IIA/.AUA.  223 

to  he  (Irsitrd,  without  tlie  slic'lter  (»!"  a  Ikhisc  ;  and  iiu-anwliile 
tlu!  ])eoi)k!  were  f,'<)t  with  diniculty  (for  they  were  the  rou^'hest 
of  workmen,  and  liad  no  idea  of  Enj^lisli  requirements),  ]jy 
liberal  and  daily  payments,  to  build  us  a  small  cottage, 

ITa/iua  was  a  very  peaceful,  ha])i)y  home — a  region  of  Des<iipti..n 
sweet  ilowers.  "Wild  rose  in  the  hedges,  the  hawthorn  blossom,  **'  I'sitara- 
clematis,  blackberries,  oleander,  and  the  cuckoo's  note  re- 
minded us  of  England  ;  and,  except  just  in  the  hottest  sc^ason 
of  the  year,  the  climate  was  very  temperate  in  a  good  house. 
But  this  we  had  to  do  witlujut,  for  we  were  the  first  on  the 
ground. 

Very  different  is  the  state  of  things  n(jw  (in  1885),  and 
no  one  could  recognize  it  for  the  same  place  where  we  arrived 
and  pitched  our  tents,  at  the  end  of  a  long  march  from 
-lullundur,  in  May,  1853,  just  as  the  hot  weather  was  begin- 
ning. Then  nothing  but  rice-fields;  now  with  good  houses, 
liarracks,  a  ])retty  little  church,  and  other  marks  of  civili- 
zation, and  filled  with  the  busy  sounds  of  Eurojiean  life. 

Still,  it  is  a  happy,  sweet  retreat,  and  fortunate  are  the 
people  who  are  ordered  there  to  make  their  dwelling-place 
in  India ! 

Four  thousand  feet  above  the  sea-level  is  high  enough  to 
be  called  a  delightful  climate.  It  would  seem  as  if  here, 
indeed,  was  Rasselas's  "  Happy  Valley  "  to  be  found — as  if, 
cut  off  from  all  the  world  besides,  it  must  needs  be  peace  and 
quietness. 

And  it  was  a  very  small  English  community  that  found 
themselves  asseml)led  there.  One  Sikh  regiment,  numliering 
four  officers  (two  of  whom  were  married),  with  Edwardes  and 
his  wife,  formed  the  whole  society. 

It  is  pleasant  now  to  recall  the  friendly  intercourse  and 
kindly  deeds  with  which  those  few  months  were  filled. 
Great  need  there  was  for  sympathy,  for  trouble  soon  found 
its  way  to  us,  and  death  was  busy  in  the  little  company, 
and  sickness  and  sorrow  called  for  tenderest  ministry. 

The  story  can  be  simply  told.     The  Sikhs  were  ordered  Mutiny  in 
to  "hut"  themselves — no  unreasonable  order,  for  the  heat  ^^'»*^'^''- 
was  coming  on  quickly,  and  there  were  no  barracks  to  be 
built  without  workmen.      lUit    simple    huts    would    jtrotect 
them  from  the  heat,  and  the  occupation  would  keep  the  men 


221:  S]n   TIEBBEnT  B.   EDWAIiDES.  [1853. 

in  IkmIiIi,  far  better  tliaii  idleness.  But  the  men  didn't  think 
so,  and  they  refused  to  do  it,  and  said  "  they  were  not  coolies." 
This  was  mutiny,  and  (Jovernment,  thinking  the  men  could 
not  be  in  a  good  state  of  discipline,  called  for  a  court- 
martial  upon  the  comnianding  officer.  Tie,  a  young  man  of 
twenty-seven,  thinking  it  would  go  against  him  and  that  he 
■\vi)uld  1)C  disgraced,  lost  all  control  over  himself;  and,  to 
make  a  long  st(uy  short,  he  died  before  the  court-martial 
was  concluded,  leaving  a  young  wife  and  two  very  young 
children. 

Then  the  medical  officer  of  the  regiment  died  of  fever. 
He  was  Dr.  Keith,  a  son  of  the  eminent  writer  on  prophecy ; 
and  the  sympathies  of  all  in  this  small  party  of  isolated 
friends  were  especially  awakened  for  him,  preparing  to  receive 
his  bride,  who  was  just  about  leaving  Scotland  to  join  him. 
The  news  arrived  only  just  in  time  to  stop  her  on  the  eve  of 
starting. 

So  out  of  this  little  community  of  four  officers,  two  were 
gone — one  leaving  a  widow  and  two  little  children  to  claim 
the  sympathy  and  care  of  those  that  were  left. 
A  dark  It  was  as  If  a  dark  wave  of  trouble  had  indeed  passed 

over  this  beautiful  valley  of  peace,  where  we  had  pictured 
such  different  things !  We  could  only  bind  up  the  bleeding 
wound  with  all  the  help  and  sympathy  that  we  could  bring 
to  aid. 

Another  officer  was  sent  up  to  command  the  regiment; 
and  the  men,  ashamed  of  themselves,  set  to  work  under  his 
orders,  and  built  up  their  huts  without  more  delay. 

This  was  a  sad  interlude  in  the  few  months  between  summer 
and  autumn,  when  Edwardes  was  called  to  leave  Abbottabad 
aofain :  before  the  roof  was  on  the  little  house  that  had  been 
begun. 

Short,  however,  as  the  time  had  been,  it  sufficed  for  form- 
ing some  acquaintance  with  the  lovely  scenery  that  abounds 
in  Hazara  ;  and  a  march  to  Khaghan  showed  him  the  beauties 
of  the  Nynsook  Eiver.  The  name  "  Nynsook "  means 
"  eye's  delight,"  which  suggested  these  lines — 


cluUil. 


1853.]  POETRY.  225 


THE  iNYNSOOK  lUVER. 

"  Amon;^  the  streams  wliicli  wander  near, 
And  lave  the  foot  of  fair  Caslnnere, 
There  rushes  one,  by  lone  Koonnhar, 
Unlike  what  all  its  sisters  are ; 
Not  clear  and  musical  and  mild, 
But  dark  and  hoarse  and  madly  wild — ■ 
Now  whirling  round,  now  foaming  on 
Like  molten  silver  in  the  sun  ; 
Anon,  beneath  the  forest-shade, 
Gloomy,  yet  fierce  as  molten  lead  ; 
In  vain  the  mountain  stops  its  way. 
Aloft  it  leaps  in  angry  spray, 
And  long  the  glen  repeats  the  shock 
With  which  it  triumjihs  o'er  the  rock. 
And  still  with  fear  do  peasants  tread 
The  path  which  overhangs  its  bed. 
Knowing  no  mortal  aid  can  save 
The  stoutest  swimmer  from  its  wave. 
Well,  then,  may  stranger,  shudd'ring,  look 
Down  on  the  torrent  of  Nynsook. 

"  Yet,  should  it  be  his  mood  to  find 
A  moral  in  each  whispering  wind. 
An  angel-face  in  every  gleani 
Which  lights  the  earth,  in  every  stream 
A  nook  which  overflows  with  love 
To  men  below  from  Heaven  above, — 
Then  will  he  view  Nynsook  aright. 
And  own  'tis  well  called  '  Eye's  Delight.' 
Its  forest  name  was  Laloo-Sir, 
Till  Delhi's  greatest  emperor. 
Flying  from  state  to  still  Cashmere, 
O'erspread  his  gay  pavilions  here. 
Nor  silken  tent  nor  regal  ease 
Can  shield  the  high  from  low  disease, 
And  underneath  that  proud  display 
The  favourite  child  of  Ukhbar  lay. 
Feverish  and  sick  and  dim  of  sight, 
A  pain  to  her  each  ray  of  light! 

•'  Vainly  from  Ind  to  Khorass^in 
The  father  sought  each  holy  man. 
Each  wise  hakeem,  each  famed  fakeer, — 
Still  droojted  the  lid,  still  flowed  the  tear. 
Magic  and  medicine,  alms  and  prayer, 
All  oflered  hope — all  left  despair; 

VOL.    I. 


226  SIR   HERBERT  D.   EDWARDES.  [1853. 

Till  on  the  banks  of  Laloo's  water, 
All  blind  and  sad,  sat  UUhbar's  daughter, 
Listening,  in  melancholy  mood. 
The  solemn  sayings  of  the  flood. 
It  seemed  the  spirit  of  the  deep 
Cried,  '  ^laid,  arise  !  no  longer  weep, 
Bnt  thrice  tiiy  burning  eyeballs  lave 
Within  the  Laloo's  icy  wave  ! ' 

"  O  glorious  Trust  1  0  holy  Faitli ! 
Which  shows  men  life  when  all  seems  death, 
'Twas  thou  who  led'st  that  sightless  maid 
Where  those  who  saw,  shrank  back  afraid  ; 
'Twas  thou  who  fixed  her  slender  hold 
On  slippery  rocks,  so  wet,  so  cold. 
And  taught  her  bend  securely  o'er 
The  river,  heedless  of  its  roar. 

"  Twice  has  she  bathed  those  burdened  eyes, 
Twice  have  their  lids  essayed  to  rise, 
Undoubting  still,  she  bathed  again. 
And  light  flows  in  upon  her  brain  ! 
*  #  #  # 

Just  so  with  life  !  the  even  lot 
Is  often  one  which  gladdens  not, 
While  toil,  by  which  we  are  deterred, 
Proves  a  Bethesda — angel-stirred." 

"H.  B.  E. 
"  Khaghan,  September,  1853." 

But,  as  has  been  said,  there  was  not  much  time  allowed 
him  to  enjoy  the  comparative  rest  that  the  peaceful  retreat 
of  Hazara  seemed  to  promise  amid  its  natural  beauties  and 
its  healthy  climate  among  its  hills.  He  was  soon  called  to 
stormier  scenes. 

In  October,  1853,  the  news  came  that  Edwardes's  Com- 
missioner,   Colonel    Mackeson,   had    been   attacked    by   an 
assassin  at  Peshawur,  and  so  severely  wounded  that  he  was 
scarcely  expected  to  survive  many  days. 
Murder  of  It  happened  in  this  way.     Colonel  Mackeson  was  hearing 

the  appeals  of  the  people  in  the  verandah  of  his  house  at 
PesliAwur,  when  a  man,  who  had  been  remarked  all  day  as 
very  earnestly  engaged  at  his  devotions — his  carpet  spread 
within  sight  of  the  house,  and  making  repeated  and  continued 
prostrations — came  up  to  him  towards  evening,  and  presented 
a  paper. 


Colonel 
Wackeson 


1853.]  ORDERED    TO   PESBAWUR.  227 

Colonel  Miickeson,  supposing  it  to  Ije  a  petition,  raised 
his  arm  to  receive  it  from  his  hand,  and  the  man  ran  a  dagger 
into  his  chest. 

The  man  was  seized  hy  the  attendants,  and  Colonel 
Mackeson  had  just  strength  to  call  out,  "  Secure  the  man, 
but  don't  kill  him,"  before  he  was  carried  into  his  house. 
He  died  of  the  wound  in  a  few  days.  The  man  was 
supposed  to  have  been  instigated  by  the  people  of  Cabul  to 
commit  the  act,  as  he  was  traced  to  have  just  come  from  that 
country,  where  he  had  been  for  some  time  "sitting  at  the 
feet  "  of  one  of  their  fanatical  "  moolahs  "  (religious  advisers), 
and  it  was  supposed  that  he  had  thence  drawn  his  in- 
si)iration. 

Peshawur  is  a  large  city  in  that  portion  of  Afghanistan 
wluch  was  annexed  to  the  Punjab  by  Runjeet  Singh,  and  is 
one  of  the  most  fanatical  cities  of  India.  In  has  a  large,  and 
busy,  and  thriving  population  of  wild  and  warlike  people, 
all  armed  with  knives  and  daggers,  and  naturally  inclined 
t(j  think  little  of  pointing  their  arguments  with  the  sword. 

Having  so  lately  belonged  to  the  Afghans,  these  were  not 
likely  to  be  very  pleasant  neighljours ;  for  they  had  never 
been  reconciled  to  the  loss  of  the  city  and  province,  and 
dearly  longed  to  get  them  back  again. 

On  the  death  of  the  Commissioner,  Colonel  Mackeson, 
tlie  excitement  in  Peshawur  was  great,  and  the  place  was  in 
a  panic — officers  sleeping  with  their  boots  on  and  their 
swords  by  their  sides,  ready  for  danger. 

It  was  in  this  state  of  affairs  that  Edwardes  was  ordered  Oniprci  to 
to    Peshawur,  the  Governor-General,   Lord   Dalhousie,  con-     "'*^^"'- 
sidering  him  the  most  fit  man  to  meet  the  crisis  that  had 
so  suddenly  arisen.    The  order  was  accompanied  by  a  private 
letter  from  Lord  Dalhousie. 

"Government  Uouse,  October  17,  1853. 

"  My  dear  Edwardes, 

"  I  have  much  and  real  pleasure  in  ae(|uaiut-  i,oi,i 
ing  you  that  the  Government  has  selected  you  to  fill  the  ietter"T  ^ 
veiy  important  and  difllcult  office  so  satlly  vacated  by  the  •mm'"'"^- 
slaughtt-r  of  my  poor  fiicud  Mackeson. 


228  Snt   HERBERT  B.  EDWARDES.  [1853. 

"  la  the  whole  range  of  Indian  charges  I  know  none 
which  at  the  present  time  is  more  arduous  than  the  Com- 
missionership  of  Peshawur. 

"  Holding  it,  you  hold  the  outpost  of  Indian  empire. 

"  Your  pa-;t  career  and  your  personal  qualities  and 
abilities  give  me  assurance  that,  in  selecting  you,  I  have 
chosen  well  for  its  command.  I  feel  confident  that  your 
tenure  of  it  will  advance  you  by  another  and  a  long  stride 
towards  the  third  letter  G.,  which  I  once  already  antici- 
pated for  you,  and  towards  the  high  and.  solid  reputation 
of  which  that  letter  will  be  the  sign. 

*'  You  have  a  fine  career  before  you.     God  speed  you  in 
it ;  and  for  your  own  sake,  and  for  the  suke  of  this  empire, 
"  Believe  me  to  be, 

"  Very  truly  yours, 
"  (Signed)  Dalhousie." 

The  post  was  promotion  to  him  from  a  Deputy-Commis- 
sioner to  a  full  Commissioner,  and  "  Governor-General's  Agent 
on  the  Peshawur  Frontier,"  one  of  great  responsibility,  as  it 
combined,  with  the  ordinary  civil  administration  of  the 
division,  the  political  relations  of  our  Government  with 
the  kingdom  of  Cabul,  or  Afghanistan,  from  which  country 
the  plain  of  Peshawur,  a  valley  sixty  miles  long,  is  only 
divided  by  the  high  mountain  ranges  of  the  Afreedee  Hills, 
and  Swat,  and  the  Sulimanee  Mountains. 
Edwardes  Edwardes  set   himself   at  once   to  work   to  understand 

faces  his  Qur  position  at  this  important  point  of  the  British  rule^in 
posi  ion.  jjj(jja_  ^n(j  ]2e  soon  convinced  himself  of  the  falsity  and 
the  weakness  of  it,  standing,  as  we  were,  at  the  very  door 
of  Cabul,  and  at  open  or  secret  enmity  with  its  people — the 
natural  outcome  of  all  the  bloodshed  on  both  sides  in  the 
old  Cabul  War  of  1839-42. 

This  was  work  that  was  very  congenial  to  him.  He  had, 
as  he  had  already  shown,  a  great  power  of  ruling  wild  races. 
A  frontier  officer  *  who  knew^  him  well  ^^Tites — 

"  The  genius — for  it  was   nothing   less — that  Edwardes 

*  Dr.  T.  Farquhar,  of  the  Guides. 


1853.]    MODE   OF  DEALING    WITH  FRONTIER   MEN.    229 

displayed  in  dealing  with  the  hostile  and  independent  tribes 
around  Peshawar  was  very  remarkable. 

"  Guidin,!,'  tlie  genius  there  was  deep  Christian  principle, 
and  a  coml)ination  of  head  and  lioart-work  wliich,  when  well 
balanced,  have  an  irresistible  effect  on  civilized  as  well  as  on 
savage  communities. 

"  In  all  his  dealings  with  natives  the  thoughtful  expres-  Mode  of 
siveness  of  face,  and  the  manner  with  which  Edwardes  listened  ^^,^^^\ 
patiently  to  their  views  and  difficulties,  assured  them  of  his  Frontier 
sympathy  and  gained  their  confidence.      He  seemed  to  see  ™«'i- 
at  a  glance  the  true  motive  that  influenced  them,  and,  by  a 
happy  turn  of  the  conversation  or  a  timely  jest,  would  brush 
away  the  little  artifices  cleverly  or  clumsily  adopted,  warily  to 
approach  the  diifieulty  on  their  minds. 

"  With  the  people  about  Peshawur  especially  the  chivalry 
of  his  character  enabled  him  to  sympathize  with  the  manly 
independence  of  the  Frontier  men,  and  in  a  peculiar  way  he 
fascinated  their  eager  and  impressible  dispositions.  .  .  . 

"  Edwardes  found  that  the  policy  of  his  predecessor  had  The  spy 
been,  to  have  paid  spies  moving  about  among  the  independent  system, 
hill  tribes,  reporting  regularly  to  him  all  that  was  going  on 
of  interest  to  the  Indian  Government. 

"The  people  knew  they  were  watched,  and  necessarily 
felt  uneasy  and  suspicious. 

"  The  unfaithful  character  of  the  men  employed  rendered 
their  services  often  worthless,  if  not  worse  than  useless. 
Frequent  raids  into  our  territory  were  unreported,  often,  it 
was  believed,  through  complicity  or  fear,  and  mischief  was 
worked  through  partial  dependence  for  information  on  un- 
reliable agents. 

"  The  hostility  of  the  frontier  certainly  did  not  decrease 
under  the  system,  and  indeed  the  fre(|uency  of  incursions 
and  open-day  murders  seemed  to  increase,  Edwardes's  pre- 
decessor himself  having  just  fiiUen  a  victim  to  an  assassin's 
knife. 

"  Edwardes,  on  taking  up  the  reins  of  political  power,  felt  Edwardes's 
a  strong  aversion  to  the  policy,  as  much  perhaps  from  its  the  system, 
want  of  the  true  ring  of  fair,  open  dealing  with  the  people 
which  was  natural  to  him.     The  money,  too,  he  felt  to  be  mis- 
spent on  men  of  such  doubtful  allegiance  to  their  employers. 


230  sin   HERBERT  B.    EDWARDES.  [1853. 

"  He,  therefore,  called  together  the  chiefs  and  representa- 
tives of  the  different  tribes,  and,  in  Ids  statesmanlike  way, 
s[)oke  of  tlie  power  he  represented  and  wielded.  He  warned 
the  evil-disposed  and  hostile  that  swift  punishment  would 
be  meted  out  to  disturbers  of  the  peace,  while  friendship  and 
ready  access  to  the  reshawur  markets  would  be  afforded  to 
all  who  chose  to  live  as  good  neiglibours. 

"  Assurances  of  good  will  and  promises  of  good  behaviour 
were  profuse  on  the  part  of  the  chiefs ;  but  Edwardes  well 
knew  that  these  were  to  be  relied  on  only  as  long  as  lie 
could  show  himself  equal  to  the  task  of  compelling  their 
fulfilment. 
PiunJerers.  "  He  had  not  long  to  wait  for  proofs  of  the  correctness 
of  this  opinion,  for  plundering  expeditions  by  members  of 
the  different  tribes  continued  to  occur.  Nor  did  the  chiefs, 
when  at  their  homes,  appear  willing  or  able  to  prevent  these 
attacks  on  our  territory.  The  depredators  were  safe  when 
they  escaped  to  their  hills,  and  indeed  were  welcomed  with 
their  booty,  especially  by  the  Mohammedan  priests,  who 
shared  in  the  prize. 

"  It  was  inconvenient,  however,  and  expensive  to  move 
out  a  force  from  Peshawur  to  attack  the  tribe  and  its  allies 
to  which  the  robbers  belonged,  and  bring  on,  perhaps,  a  little 
war  in  order  to  avenge  the  insult  or  exact  payment  for 
its  loss. 

"  Besides,  the  mischief  done  was  often  insufficient  to 
warrant  the  exposure  of  men's  lives  in  punishing  the  offence  ; 
and,  like  all  high-minded  soldiers,  he  put  its  true  value  on 
the  sacredness  of  human  life. 

"  He  therefore  tried  the  happy  expedient  of  barring  out 
the  whole  of  the  offending  tribes  from  the  Peshawur  market, 
thereby  making  the  community  suffer  for  its  complicity  in 
crime,  or  unwillingness  to  exert  itself  for  its  punishment  and 
prevention. 
>«'ew  "  The  sting  of  tins  punishment  was,  that  tlie  people,  having 

to  trade  through  the  medium  of  their  neighbours,  only  got 
their  supplies  after  paying  a  heavy  tax  in  the  shape  of  loss 
through  being  cheated. 

"  Edwardes  had  not  adopted  this  policy  long  before  he  had 
ample  opportunity  of  testing  its  usefulness  and  showing  the 


measures. 


1853.]  PUNISHMENT   OF   OFFENDERS.  231 

Hill  men  that  he  was  master  of  the  position,  and  more  than  a 
match  for  them  in  resource  and  strength. 

"  One  of  these  instances  was  in  the  case  of  the  Sheranee 
tribe,  a  people  living  some  distance  up  the  Khyber. 

"  A  member  of  this  tribe  had  a  personal  quarrel  with  our  An  ex- 
native  ambassador,  who,  he  heard,  was  al>out  to  pass  through  ""'P'«- 
the    Sheranee  territory   on    his  way   to    Cabul.      Tlie   man  jhe  sin 
waited  for  him  behind  a  rock  at  a  sudden  turn  of  the  road,  ranees. 
and  fired  a  pistol  close  to  him.      The  bullet,    fortunately, 
struck  on  the  hilt  of  the  sword  and  glanced  off,  leaving  his 
side  bruised  by  the  blow.     The  man  escaped  up  the  mountain 
and  was  soon  safe  among  his  people. 

"  The  ambassador,  however,  wrote  to  Edwardes,  complain- 
ing that  he  had  been  fired  on  by  a  Sheranee,  and,  as  this  was 
done  to  a  representative  of  the  Government,  the  insult  and 
injury  had  to  be  atoned  for. 

"The  tribe  would  not  give  up  the  offender,  so  Edwardes 
issued  immediate  orders  of  excommunication  from  Peshawur 
against  the  whole  of  the  Sheranees. 

"This  excommunication  was  kept  up  for  a  whole  twelve- 
month, when,  thoroughly  worn  out  and  disgusted  with  the 
distress  of  the  situation,  the  tribe  sent  a  greybeard  to 
Edwardes  to  propose  terms  of  accommodation. 

"  He  was  shown  into  the  Commissioner's  presence,  who 
talked  over  the  matter,  and  received  from  the  greybeard  the 
strongest  assurance  of  the  regret  the  tribe  felt  at  the  in- 
dignity shown  to  the  Ambassador  of  the  great  Sircar  (Govern- 
ment), and  their  anxiety  that  a  friendly  understanding 
should  be  resumed  with  them.  Edwardes,  thinking  in  his 
own  mind  that  a  fine  would  be  the  easiest  way  of  settling 
the  difficulty,  asked  how  many  matchlock-men  the  Sheranees 
could  turn  out  in  case  of  need  ?  The  Asiatic  greybeard,  not 
tliiukiiig  of  tlie  purpose  of  the  question,  and  anxious  to  seize 
what  he  thought  a  favourable  opening  for  the  expression  of  a 
fine  sentiment  and  devotion,  replied  that  a  tliousand  match- 
lock-men were  at  any  hour  ready  to  serve  the  British  Govern- 
ment when  required. 

"  Edwardes  then  said  he  would  compromise  the  present 
difficidty  by  arranging  that  each  matchlock-man  should  pay 
a  fine  of  one  rupee,  and  so  the  tribe  would  condone  the  insult 
to  the  Government  of  India. 


232  SIR  EEItBEItT  n.   EDWARDES.  [1853. 

"  The  old  greybeard  felt  obliged  to  acquiesce  in  the  mode 
suggested  of  settling  the  matter.  It  was  a  mode  of  raising 
money  Edwardcs  knew  was  familiar  to  these  men,  as  all 
matchlock-men  were  able-bodied,  and  equal  to  the  payment 
of  a  rupee. 

"  The  old  man  would  have  answered  more  discreetly  as 
well  as  truly  if  he  had  said  that  three  or  four  hundred  men 
would  be  available  from  liis  tribe  as  allies  of  the  Government 
in  a  difficulty.  His  desire,  liowever,  to  magnify  his  tribe  and 
speak  largely,  ruined  his  reputation  as  a  wily  diplomatist, 
and  compelled  his  people  to  pay  a  sum,  the  loss  of  which 
would  be  heavily  felt. 

"  The  money  was  paid,  and  the  Sheranees  have  since  been 
allowed  to  go  and  come  to  Peshawur  at  their  will. 

"  Another   complication  occurred  with  a  different  tribe, 
but  connected  with  the  same  ambassador. 
An  expcn-  "  Shortly  after  going  to  Cabul,  he  fell  sick  with  fever,  and 

qiliVine^to    wrotc  to  Edwardcs,  begging  that  some  quinine  might  be  sent 
the  Koo-      up  to  him.      Edwardes  immediately  procured  an  ounce  of 
tribe^  ^^      ^^^*^  precious  medicine,  paying  sixteen  rupees  (or  thirty -two 
shillings)  for  the  same. 

"  He  at  once  sent  this  off  by  a  kossid,  or  native  Queen's 
messenger,  to  the  Elchee  at  Cabul.  The  kossid  had  to  go  by 
the  Khyber  Pass,  the  name  of  which  is  but  too  familiar  to  all 
of  us,  in  connection  with  the  disastrous  retreat  of  our  troops 
from  Afghanistan.  When  the  messenger  reached  the  mouth 
of  the  pass,  distant  only  some  ten  or  twelve  miles  from 
Peshawur,  he  was  met  by  a  party  of  young  men  belonging  to 
the  Kookee-Kheyls,  a  section  of  the  great  Afreedie  tribe,  who 
hold  the  pass  and  live  in  the  neighbourhood. 

"  This  party  stopped  the  messenger,  and  asked  him  where 
he  was  going.  He  said  he  was  taking  a  bottle  of  quinine  to 
the  Elchee  at  Cabul,  from  the  Sircar  at  Peshawur. 

"  They  asked  to  see  it,  and,  on  being  shown  the  bottle,  took 
it  from  the  kossid,  saying  that  they  knew  it  was  good  stuff 
for  fever,  and  telling  the  man  he  need  not  trouble  himself 
more  about  it.  He  could  not  resist  them,  and,  indeed,  was 
but  too  glad  to  get  off  with  his  life,  for  the  usual  policy  of 
these  men  was  to  murder  the  people  they  plundered,  and 
thereby  escape  notice.     When  out  of  their  sight,  he  started 


1853.]  AN  EXPENSIVE   DOSE    OF   QUININE.  T.)Z 

off  at  a  run,  and  made  for  rcshawur  as  quickly  as  he 
could. 

"  On  arrivin;^  at  tlic  niafristrate's  court-liouse,  he  ruslied  into 
Edwardes's  presence,  Hung  himself  on  tlie  frround  at  his  feet, 
and,  in  Oriental  phrase,  begged  that  his  life  slionhl  l)e  taken,  as, 
after  the  loss  of  the  ([uinine,  lie  was  no  longer  iit  to  live. 

"  Edwardes  made  him  get  up  and  tell  what  had  happened, 
and,  on  hearing  the  simple  story  of  his  having  been  robbed  of 
the  quinine,  and  strange  to  say,  unharmed  in  person,  by  the 
Kookee-Kheyls,  he  quieted  and  comforted  him.  He  then 
called  for  all  the  moonshees  (native  writers)  aljont  the  court, 
and  dictated  an  order,  as  many  copies  of  which  were  written 
on  tlie  spot  as  there  were  outposts  and  police-stations  in  the 
neighbourhood. 

"  The  order  was  to  the  effect  that  every  man  belonging  to 
the  Kookee-Kheyl  tribe  who  might  be  in  Peshawur,  or  within 
the  British  border,  should  be  cauglit  and  placed  in  confine- 
ment. A  reward  was  at  the  same  time  offered,  for  each 
common  man  of  twenty  rupees  (£2),  and  fifty  rupees  (£5) 
for  a  chief.  So  well  was  the  order  acted  on  tliat,  before  dark, 
three  liundred  rupees  worth  of  Kookee-Kheyls  were  safely 
lodged  in  prison,  of  whom  one  was  a  chief. 

"  The  story  of  the  capture  of  the  cliief  was  instructive. 
The  chief  of  a  neiglibouring  clan  which  had  a  feud  with  the 
Kookee-Kheyls  happened  to  be  in  Peshawur.  His  knowledge 
of  the  country  led  him  to  think  his  enemy  would  seek  to  fly 
by  an  unfrequented  route,  wliicli  would  avoid,  too,  the 
frontier  outposts.  Taking  some  friends  with  him,  he  went 
off,  and,  hiding  in  a  ditch  through  wliich  the  road  passed, 
waited  till  after  dark  for  his  prey.  As  he  calculated,  the 
Kookee-Kheyl  chief,  seeing  no  danger,  walked  straight  into 
the  ambuscade,  and  was  brought  back  to  I'eshawur. 

"Nothing  was  heard  from  the  frontier  that  night;  but 
early  the  next  morning  a  messenger  came  to  say  that  the 
greybeards  of  the  Kookee-Kheyl  tribe  had  come  to  Peshawur, 
and  asked  for  an  interview  with  the  Sahib.  This  was  at  once 
granted,  and,  on  being  introthiced  intt)  Edwardes's  presence, 
the  chief  spokesman  i)roduced  the  bottle  of  ipiinine,  which  he 
begged  to  return. 

"  lie  tlicn  be^an   a   long  story  about  some  unmannerly 


234  ,S77?   IIEUBERT  J!.    EDWAIWES.  [1853. 

and  cvil-ininckul  young  mun  ul'  thu  tribe,  who  had  disgraced 
their  body  hy  taking  a  bottle  of  quinine  from  the  kossid  of 
the  great  (Jovernnient  of  Hindoostan.  The  chiefs,  he  said, 
luul  come  in  a  Ijody  to  return  it,  and  to  beg  forgiveness,  and 
for  a  restoration  of  the  good  feeling  which  existed  between 
them,  on  tlie  part  of  the  great  rulers  of  India.  Not  a  word 
was  said  by  them  of  their  friends  Ijeing  locked  up  in  the 
Pesliawur  Jail,  as  they  handed  ])ack  the  quinine.  Nothing 
was  said,  either,  of  a  quarter  of  the  bottle  being  empty. 
Edwardes  received  it,  and  expressed  liis  satisfaction  at  their 
expressions  of  eternal  friendship,  and  the  proper  feeling 
which  led  them  to  return  the  quinine.  In  an  off-hand  way 
he  remarked,  however,  that  there  was  a  little  bill  remaining 
due  by  the  Kookee-Khcyls  to  the  great  Sircar,  and,  until  tliat 
was  settled,  all  could  not  be  quite  straight  on  the  part  of  the 
Kookee-Kheyls. 

"  Calling  the  treasurer,  he  asked  what  the  amount  was,  and 
found  that  three  hundred  rupees  were  due  to  his  treasury. 
Edwardes  then  told  them  what  he  had  thought  it  necessary 
to  do  in  giving  rewards  for  apprehending  members  of  their 
tribe,  all  of  which  he  knew  they  had  heard  before,  and  on 
that  account  had  taken  the  trouble  to  come  and  humble 
themselves  before  him. 

"  A  man  was  sent  off  to  the  head-quarters  of  the  tribe, 
from  wliich,  in  the  course  of  the  day,  the  money  was  witli 
more  or  less  difficulty  brought ;  and  in  the  evening  the  £30 
worth  of  prisoners  left,  safe  and  well,  but  wiser,  for  their 
homes. 

"The  kossid  was  despatched  again  to  Cabul  with  the 
quinine,  where  he  arrived  unmolested.  The  Kookee-Kheyls, 
no  doul)t,  thought  it  too  expensive  to  give  another  £30  for 
a  quarter  of  an  ounce  of  (piinine,  and  did  not  care  to  spend 
another  night  in  the  Peshawur  Jail,  even  though  the  quarters 
were  free. 

"Edwardes  was  glad  at  the  peaceful  ending  of  the 
Easiness,  for  a  little  mismanagement  might  have  led  to  a 
more  or  less  serious  disturbance  of  the  frontier.  He  taught 
a  lesson  also  to  this  and  to  the  other  tribes ;  that  witliout 
bloodshed  he  could  humble  them,  and  make  it  wortli  their 
w4iile  to  be  respectful  and  peaceable  neighbours." 


1853.]  OPENING    OF  A    NEW  POLICY.  235 

TliLs  sl<etcli  will  serve  the  purpose  of  introducing  us  to 
the  people  among  whom  Edwardes  has  now  come,  and  help 
us  a  little  to  understand  the  new  surroundings. 

Jlaving  made  up  his  mind,  as  we  have  seen,  to  abandon  Spy  system 
the  spy  system,  he  resolved  that  the  first  thing  to  do  was  to  abandoned, 
bring  about,  if  possible,  a  friendly  feeling  with  Cabul,  and 
to  start  with   an   open,  lujuest,   and  straightforward  policy 
towards  them. 

He  wrote  to  Lord  Dalhousie,  and  explained  his  views  to 
him  fully,  asking  him  to  tell  him  how  far  they  accorded  with 
his  own. 

To  state  them  broadly,  in  few  words,  they  were  to  bring  Opening  of 
about  an  entirely  new  state  of  feeling  Ijetween  us  and  the  °°°'^^"j[j 
Afghans,  and  to  get   a   treaty  signed   on    both   sides,  that 
"  bygones  should  be  bygones  "  between  England  and  Cabul. 

Lord  Dalhousie  entirely  concurred  in  these  opinions,  and  Lord  D:ii- 
wrote  back  cordially  that  lie  thou-dit  such  a  result  would  be  ^ousie's 

•  -1  111  cordial 

most  desirable,  but  most  difiicult  to  bring  about,  but  added —  acquies- 
cence. 

"  I  give  you  carte  hlanche,  and   if  you  can  only  bring 

about  such  a  result  as  you  propose,  it  will  be  a  feather  even 

in  your  cap."  * 

His  immediate  superior  in  office,  the  Chief  Commissioner  Difference 
of  the  Punjab  (then  Mr.  John  Lawrence),  not  participating  pf  opinion 
in  his  views  as  to  the  importance  of  the  case,  and  further  chief  Com- 
thinking,  and  openly  expressing  his  decided  opinion,  "  that  the  n"s»iouer. 
thing  was  impossible  to  be  done,"  the  Governor- General  wrote 
demi-ufricially  to  Colonel  P^dwardes,  and  desired  him  to  corre- 
spond directly  with  himself,  without  sending  the  matter  in 
the    ordinary   course    through   the    Chief   Commissioner   at 
Lahore — 

**  Li  the  same  manner,"  Lord  Dalhousie  added,  "  as  he  Lord  Pd- 
has  been  in  the  habit  of  CDrrcsjwnding  on  political  matters  propos,*i 
with  his  predecessor,  Colonel  Mackeson."  ^"^^  ^"■'^'-■* 

*•  coniimim- 

cation. 
*  The  "  feather"  wa.s,  odilly  enotij^h,  jilaccd  in  the  cap  of  John  Law- 
rence, who  well  deserved  it  for  other  services,  but  not  for  this  policy,  to 
wliicli  he  was  opposed  throughout. 


236 


SIR   nERDERT  B.   EDWARDES. 


[1854. 


The 

Governor- 
General 
yielJs  to 
Ivlwardes's 
su£rsrestion. 


But  Colonel  Edwardcs  submitted  to  Lord  Dalhousie 
wlietlier  it  mi.Ljlit  not  be  felt  to  be  a  discourtesy  at  Lahore ; 
and  he  shrank  from  doin,^  anything  that  could  pain  his 
friend.  On  these  grounds,  therefore,  tlie  Governor-General 
yielded,  and  the  correspondence  was  carried  on  through 
Lahore,  in  the  usual  way.  Edwardes  preferred  to  take  the 
risk  of  1  laving  an  adverse  opinion  sent  down  to  Calcutta  on 
the  margin  of  his  letter,  when  forwarded  on  by  the  Chief 
Commissioner  ;  for  it  suited  best  the  generosity  and  openness 
of  liis  character  to  have  no  dealings  secret-from  his  chief. 

Mr.  Lawrence  never  approved  of  the  undertaking,  and 
used  openly  to  express  his  opinion  of  its  uselessness,  and 
even  went  so  far  as  to  ridicule  it.     He  used  to  say — 

John  "  I  have  two  good  reasons  against  it :  (1)  that  you  will 

Lawrence's  ^  ^  -,  i        »  p    i  i  .        j.  j 

reasons.       ucver  be  able  to  get  the  Afghans  to  make  a  treaty ;  ana 
(2)  if  they  make  it,  they  will  not  keep  it." 

Fortunately,  this  opinion  could  not  interfere  with  Lord 
Dalhousie's  carte  blanche;  and  at  all  points  of  the  long  corre- 
spondence the  Governor-General's  opinion  so  entirely  coin- 
cided with  the  Commissioner's,  that  the  object  was  not 
hindered  or  interrupted,  and  Edwardes's  arm  was  strengthened 
to  go  forward  in  the  work. 

The  whole  correspondence  is  very  interesting,  and  a  few 
extracts  from  it  will  not  be  out  of  place  here. 

Edwardes  writes  to  Lord  Dalhousie — 


Edwardes 
opens  the 
subject  in 
corre- 
spondence. 


"  Peshawur,  February  24,  1854. 

"  It  would  contribute  much  to  the  security  of  this 
frontier  if  open  relations  of  good  will  were  established  with 
Cabul. 

"  There  is  a  sullenness  in  oiir  present  relations,  as  if  both 
parties  were  brooding  over  the  past  and  expecting  an  oppor- 
tunity in  tlie  future.  This  keeps  up  excitement  and  unre.st, 
and  prevents  our  influence  and  institutions  from  striking 
root. 

"  I  should  be  very  glad  to  see  a  new  account  opened  on 
the  basis  of  an  open  treaty  of  friendship  and  alliance. 


1854.]    COIiRESPONDENCE    WITH  J.ORD    DALIIOUSIE.    237 

"In  any  oveiit,  our  position  is  better  th.ui  it  ever  Wiis 
belbre,  and  no  fear  need  be  entertained  of  the  result,  if  we 
are  only  true  to  ourselves  and  pursue  a  straightforward 
policy  with  vigour." 

The  remark  of  the  Chief  Commissioner  to  this  was,*  that 
he  "  doubted  whether  a  treaty  would  be  good  policy  with  the 
Dost,  who  would  only  be  bound  by  it  as  long  as  he  liked." 

Again  Edwardes  writes  to  the  Governor-General — 

"  Of  course,  self-interest,  and  not  affection  for  the  Eiifr- 
lish,  or  a  remembrance  of  favours  received  from  Lord  Auck- 
land, is  at  the  bottom  of  Dost  ^Fahommed's  desire  for 
amicable  relations.  Neither  to  him  nor  his  people  can  we 
personally  be  otherwise  than  obnoxious.  We  might  once 
have  gained  their  esteem,  but  we  preferred  tlirashir.g  them 
into  subjection. 

"  We  succeeded  in  thrashing  them,  but  not  in  subduing 
them,  and  the  consequence  is  that  we  are  not  respected  in 
Afghanistan.  As  a  mass,  the  people  hate  us  ;  but  they  also 
fear  us.  The  war  of  1849  has  brouglit  the  conquerors 
of  India  to  their  door,  and  they  cannot  be  insensible  to 
their  danger. 

"  Dost  ]\lahommed  is  not  alone  in  hoping  we  will  come  r, 

i      o  ^    Correspon- 

no  farther.  There  is  a  large  and  influential  party  in  Cabul  dencewith 
who  would  resist  any  policy  which  would  bring  us,  even  as  Dalhousie. 
friends,  to  that  capital,  mainly  because  they  would  expect 
retaliation  for  their  national  defence.  IJut  I  should  antici- 
pate that  even  these,  as  well  as  the  people  generally,  would 
be  relieved  by  a  simple  treaty  of  agreement  to  be  friends 
and  respect  each  other's  boundaries.  .  .  . 

"Most  cordially  do  I  concur  with  your  Lordship,  that,  if 

*  Lord  Dalhousie  haviii'^  agreed  to  Colonel  Edwardes's  proposal  that 
their  correspondence  should  go  through  Lahore.  The  Chief  Commis- 
sioner's custom  was  to  write  his  own  remarks  in  pencil  on  the  margin  of 
Edwardes's  letters,  and  they  were  invariably  adverse  to  the  idea  of  a  treaty, 
as  in  this  instance. 


238  SJR   HER  BERT  B.    EDWARDES.  [1854. 

possible,  tlirre  sliouM  l)i'  no  detailed  obligutions  iu  (he 
treaty.  All  tliat  wu  want  is,  that  Dost  Malionimed  sliould 
respect  our  possessions  and  not  ally  himself  with  our  enemies  ; 
and  nil  that  he  onght  to  ask  in  return  is,  that  we  should  do 
the  same. 

"But  should  his  alliance  with  us  plunge  him  into  diffi- 
culties .  .  .  then,  for  our  own  interests,  we  should  be  obliged 
to  help  him  ;  and  what  I  would  lay  down  beforehand  as  the 
fundamental  principle  for  such  a  contingency  is,  that  the 
help  should  be  in  money,  and  not  men  or  officers. 

"  Neither  our  soldiers  nor  our  officers  can  come  into  con- 
tact with  the  Afghans,  even  in  a  friendly  way,  without 
reviving  animosities  and  bringing  unpopularity  and  dis- 
grace on  the  cause  to  which  they  are  attached."  * 

Eiwanies  Edwardcs  from  the  first  formed  his  own  opinion  of  our 

had  a  clear  position  ou  the  frontier,  and  took  a  mental  grasp  of  it,  and 

and  definite    ^  i     i    n     •  o        i  ' 

i)oiicyfor     had  a  clear  and  definite  policy,  which  seemed  to  him  the 
holding        right  and  the  safe  one.     In  all  his  luiblic  work,  as  well  as 

our  Iron-  "         .  i  i  i 

tier  posi-      liis  private  concerns,  he  sought  strength  and  guidance  from 
*''°"-  the  Source  of  all  wisdom  and  power ;  and  this  is  the  key  to 

much  of  the  confidence  and  strength  which  were  so  con- 
spicuous in  him. 

Writing  to  one  of  his  family  at  home  at  this  time  of 
anxiety  at  Peshawur,  he  said  (March  13,  1854)-  — 

"  Dost  Mahommed  sees  us  at  his  door,  with  a  cantonment, 
and  a  depot,  and  a  base  of  operations,  ready  for  any  cam- 
paign into  which  we  may  be  forced. 

"  Common  sense  would  dictate  to  him  to  side  with  us, 
and  not  with  Kussia,  in  which  case  no  irritation  would 
reach  this  frontier.  But,  of  course,  he  onay  not  take  the 
common-sense  line  ...  I  should  be  very  glad  to  see,  openly, 
amicable  relations  established  between  us  and  Cabul,  and 

*  How  wisi'ly  does  this  read  in  the  light  of  the  experience  of  later 
years !  Had  counsels  such  as  these  been  adhered  to,  how  much  bloodshed 
niislit  have  been  saved  in  1878  ! 


1S51.]  NEGOTIATIONS    WITH    CABUL.  239 

expect  that   will   be    the    happy   result  of  this   thieatenetl 
Wcir. 

"  Whichever  way  the  eiiiefs  and  kings  of  Central  Asia 
act,  we  are,  I  believe,  quite  safe  in  the  camp  of  the  I^ord  of 
Hosts  ;  and  I  really  feel  less  anxiety  than  you  might  sup- 
pose in  this  position." 

The  treaty  took  a  lon^'  time  to  negotiate,  and  the  exercise 
of  great  wisdom,  tact,  kindness  aud  forljearance,  patience  and 
skill  to  bring  it  to  a  successful  termination ;  but  it  was  done 
at  last,  and  it  is  l)ut  liuth  to  say  that  both  the  wisdom  to 
conceive  the  phui  and  the  tlii)lomatic  skill  to  carry  it  out  were 
Edwardes's  own  unaided  work. 

The  full  record  of  this  tedious  and  difficult  piece  of  diplo- 
macy still  exists,  and  is  an  interesting  example  of  Oriental 
custom  and  wily  circumlocution,  contrasted  with  the  straight- 
forward honesty  of  a  high-minded  Englishman. 

It  may  be  only  fair  to  give  the  adverse  opinions  that  went 
down  from  Lahore  on  the  margin  of  the  papers,  in  forwarding 
them  to  the  Government  in  Calcutta,  from  tlie  Chief  Com- 
missioner. 

John  Lawrence,  writing  to  Edwardes,  says — 

"  I  dare  say  you  are  right ;  still,  I  cannot  divest  myself  Opinions 
of  the  idea  that  it  is  a  mistake,  imdi  will  end  in  mixing  us  up  Lawrence, 
in  Afghan  politics  and  affairs  more  than  is  desirable.     The 
strength  which  a  treaty  can  give  us  seems  to  be  a  delusion. 
It  will  be  like  the  reed  on  which,  if  a  man  lean,  it  will 
break  and  pierce  his  band." 

Again — 

"  Nothing  that  we  could  do  would  make  him  a  real 
ally  aud  friend." 

But  Lord  Dalhousie  remarks  to  Mdwardes — 

"  I  do  not  agree  with  him.     I  tiiink  his  views  founded  Opinions 
on   a  fallacy.      It   proceeds   on  the   assumption   that   the  oaihouMc. 
Afghans   are  fools,  whereas  I  think   they  are,  in  general, 
quite  as  clever  fellows  as  we  are." 


240  sin   HERBERT  D.    EDWARDES.  [1855. 

Again  the  Chief  Commissioner  writes  to  Edwardes  — 

"  A  treaty  with  tlie  Afghans  might  be  a  dead  letter  so 

[  far  as  Russia  and  Persia  are  concerned.     But  while  of  no  real 

value  to  us,  it  would,  at  home,  be  thought  of  some  value,  and 

might  lead  them  into  a  mistaken  line  of  policy.*  .  .  . 

John  Law-  <'I  so  far  agree  with  the  Governor-General  that  I  think 

ronce  kei)t        n     i  •        />    i  p/>  •  i  •  -i         •  >> 

to  his  own    all  the  merit  oi  the  anair,  whatever  it  may  be,  is  yours. 

opinions. 

But,  in  spite  of  the  Cliief  Commissioner's  adverse  criti- 
cism, the  work  went  on  successfully,  and  in  1855,  a  friendly 
treaty,  that  bygones  should  be  bygones,  being  ready  for 
signature,  Dost  Mahommed  determined  to  entrust  the  honour 
and  duty  of  representing  himself  and  signing  the  treaty  to 
his  eldest  and  favourite  son  and  heir-apparent,  Sirdar  Gholam 
Hydur  Khan. 

News  came  that  the  Sirdar  would  start  from  Cabul  on 
January  17,  accompanied  by  Foujdar  Khan,  to  stay  at  Jella- 
labad  until  arrangements  were  made  for  the  meeting  at 
Peshawur  with  the  British  authorities. 

]\Iajor  Edwardes  wrote  to  Lord  Dalhousie — 

Conclusion         "  The  visit  is  evidently  looked  upon  as  a  trial  of  our 
work!         feelings  and  sincerity,  and  the  Ameer  is  desirous  himself 

to  come  at  some  future  time  to  meet  your  Lordship,  if  his 

son  is  well  received." 

Calcutta  At  this  poiiit  of  the  proceedings,  a  public  letter  came  from 

Govern-       Calcutta  from  the  Governor-General  in  Council,  gi\ang  orders 

ment  _  >  a  o 

orders.  that  as  the  whole  work  was  Ms  own  from  first  to  last,  it  was 
only  right  that  Major  Edwardes  should  be  empowered  to 
bring  it  to  a  conclusion  himself ;  and  full  orders  were  given 
him  to  meet  the  Ameer's  representative  in  full  Durbar  and 
sign  the  treaty  on  the  part  of  Government,  and  thus  put  the 
finishing  stroke  to  his  own  work. 

*  A  letter  from  the  Chief  Commissioner  to  Edwardes  at  this  time  says, 
"  I  would  determine  nothing  about  the  reception  of  Ilydur  Khan  until 
the  Government  orders  arrive." 

Up  to  this  time  we  see  John  Lawrence  still  unconvinced  of  any  value 
in  the  treaty,  and  strenuousl}'  repudiating  any  connection  with  it. 


isr,.-,.]  LETTERS  AND   NEGOTIATIONS.  241 

The  letter  was  couched  in  the  most  honourable  and  llattor- 
ing  terms,  and  may  Ite  <|Uuled  in  this  place,  for  the  details 
are  interesting. 

From  G.  F.  Edmonstone,  Esq.,  Secretary/  to  the  Government  oj 

India,  to  John  Lawrence,  Esq.,  Chief  Commissioner  of  the 

Panjah. 

"  Fort  William,  January  25,  1855. 
"  Sill, 

"With  my  despatch,  No. ,  dated  November  p.^^^^  ^^^^  ^_ 

14  last,  I  had  the  honour  of  forwarding  to  you  the  reply  of  fiom  Cai- 

the  Most  Noble  the  Governor-General  to  a  letter  whicli  had  final 

been  addressed  to  his  Lordship  by  the  Ameer  of    Cabul,  '^"■'''^■■''• 

Dost  Mahommcd  Khan.     The  Ameer  was  thereby  informed 

of  the  readiness  of  the  Government  of  India  to  condone  the 

past ;  he  was  assured  of  its  good  will ;  and  he  was  invited  to 

establish,  by  a  formal  treaty,  those  relations  of  friendship 

for  the  renewal  of  which  he  had  expressed  an  earnest  desire 

in  his  address  to  the  Governor-General. 

"  There  is  every  probability  that  his  Highness  will  meet 
the  views  of  the  Government  of  India,  and  will  send  an 
envoy  to  Peshawur  duly  accredited  for  the  negotiation  of  a 
treaty  between  the  two  States.  It  appears,  therefore,  to  the 
Governor-General  in  Council  expedient  that,  in  order  to 
avoid  delay,  an  officer  should  be  accredited  on  the  part  of 
the  Government  of  India,  and  that  he  should  be  furnished 
with  the  draft  of  such  a  treaty  as  the  Government  would  be 
willing  to  conclude,  and  with  instructions  for  his  guidance 
during  the  negotiations  that  may  be  carried  on. 

"The  Governor-General  in  Council  has  resolved  to  en- 
trust the  duty  of  negotiating  with  the  expected  envoy  from 
Cabul  to  ]\[ajor  Herbert  Edwardes,  C.B.,  the  Commissioner 
of  Teshawur.  He  is  the  principal  officer  on  the  frontier, 
and  is  thus  the  person  to  whom  such  a  duty  would  naturally 
and  most  conveniently  be  allotted.  The  well-known  abili- 
ties  of  Major  Edwardes,   and  the  temper,  discretion,  and 

VOL.  I.  R 


242  677?   n  Eli  HER  T  n.   KDWAUDES.  [1855. 

jiidgmcut  ho  lias  shown  <liiriiiy;  the  dciiii-ofHicial  iiogotiations 
which  have  been  on  foot  for  some  months  past,  enable  his 
Lordship  in  Council  to  feel  perfect  confidence  that  he  will 
perform  the  duty  to  tlie  entire  satisfaction  of  the  Govern- 
ment of  India. 

"  The  Government  of  India  is  bound,  by  the  letter  of  the 
Governor-General  to  Dost  Mahommcd  Khan,  to  conclude  a 
simple  treaty  of  friendship,  should  tlie  Ameer  depute  a 
duly-accredited  agent  to  Peshawur  for  that  purpose ;  but 
the  Governor-General  in  Council  deems  it  very  desirable 
for  every  reason  that  the  treaty,  besides  containing  a  promise 
of  perpetual  peace  and  friendship  between  the  States,  should 
provide  also  for  the  establishment  of  a  mutual  obligation 
upon  each  to  respect  the  territories  of  the  other,  and  for 
the  imposition  upon  the  Ameer,  if  possible,  of  an  obligation 
to  oppose  to  the  utmost  all  the  enemies  of  the  British 
Government. 

"  Annexed  to  this  despatch  is  the  draft  of  a  treaty  which 
fulfils  the  following  conditions,  effects  every  object  the 
Government  of  India  has  in  view,  and  commits  it  to  nothing 
which  a  cautious  policy  would  require  it  to  avoid." 

Then  follow  directions,  which  need  not  be  inserted  here, 
and  for  which  we  have  not  space.  A  few  extracts  only  will 
suffice. 

"  Fort  William,  January  25,  1855. 
"  Major  Edwardes  may  be  instructed  in  bringing  forward 
the  second  article  of  the  treaty  for  discussion,  to  advert  to 
those  representations  of  Nazir  Khairoollah,  and  to  point  out 
that  the  article  in  question  does  substantially  guarantee  to 
the  Ameer  what  he  is  said  to  have  desired,  excepting  a  pro- 
mise that  the  Government  of  India  shall  never  have  a 
representative  at  the  court  of  Cabul ;  and  that  it  has  been 
proposed  for  acceptance,  with  the  express  intention  of  meeting 
his  wishes,  as  they  are  believed  lo  have  been  represented  by 


18;-,:,.]  NEGOTIATIONS    CONTINUED.  243 

tlio  Niizir  Khairoollali.  Th(3  envoy  may  bo  assured  at  the 
saiix;  time  that  the  Government  of  India  has  uo  intention  of 
scndinj:^,  and  no  wish  to  send,  a  representative  to  the  Court 
of  (Jdbul ;  but  it  sliould  bo  pointed  out  to  him  that  this 
(Joverninont  could  not  in  prudence  bind  itself  never  to 
depute  a  representative  to  the  Ameer;  for  if  Eussia  or  other 
powers  should  bo  represented  by  envoys  at  Cabul,  the 
interests  of  the  British  Government  would  plainly  sufTor 
injury  if  no  envoy  were  present  on  its  behalf.  .  .  .  ]\rajor 
Edwardes  may  be  authorized  to  deliver  to  the  envoy,  in  tlie 
event  of  his  signing  the  treaty,  a  formal  note  which  shall 
explain  that,  in  engaging  (in  the  second  article)  not  to  inter- 
fere with  the  territories  of  the  Ameer,  the  Government  of 
India  intends  to  repudiate  all  desire  to  have  a  cantonment  in 
any  part  of  his  Highness's  dominions;  and  that  the  Govern- 
ment in  like  maimer  intends,  by  that  article,  to  repudiate  all 
desire  to  have  any  representative  at  the  court  of  Cabul, 
unless  representatives  from  other  powers  should  be  admitted 
there.  .  .  . 

"  The  communication  of  these  facts,  it  seems  to  the 
Governor-General  in  Council,  may  serve  to  reassure  the 
Ameer  as  to  the  security  of  his  own  position  in  Afghanis- 
tan, and  to  lessen  the  reluctance  he  possibly  may  exhibit  to 
coiK'lado  any  treaty  with  the  British  Government  which 
does  not  include  a  guarantee  against  the  hostility  of 
Persia.  .  .  . 

*'  The  Governor-General  in  Council  has  every  confidence 
that  the  judgment  and  tact  of  Major  Edwardes  will  enable 
him  to  bring  the  negotiations,  with  which  he  is  hereby 
i'harged,  to  a  successful  issue. 

"You  are  requested  to  forward  to  3Iajor  Edwardes,  with- 
out any  delay,  copies  of  this  despatch  and  of  the  draft  which 

is  annexed  to  it. 

"  I  have,  etc., 

"G.  F.  Edmonstone, 

"  Secretarv  to  the  Government  of  India." 


244  SIB   EEIlBEirr  Jl.    EDWARDES.  [1855. 


"  Draft. 

"  Treaty  between  the  British  Government  and  His  High- 
ness Dost  Mahoninied  Khan,  Ameer  of  Cabul,  conchuled  on  the 
part  of  the  British  (lovernment  by  Major  Herl^ert  Edwardes, 
C.B.,  in  virtue  of  full  i)owers  vested  in  liim  by  the  Most  Noble 
James  Andrew,  Mar(iuis  of  Dalhousie,  K.T.,  etc.,  Governor- 
General  of  India,  and  on  the  part  of  the  Ameer  of  Cabul, 
Dost  MalK^mmed  Khan,  by  virtue  of  full  authority  granted  to 
him  by  his  Highness. 

"Article  I. 

Treaty.  "  There  shall  be  perpetual  peace  and  friendship  between 

the  Honourable  East  India  Company  and  his  Highness  Dost 
Mahommed  Khan,  the  Ameer  of  Cabul,  his  heirs  and  suc- 
cessors. 

"Article  II. 

"  The  Honourable  East  India  Company  engages  to  respect 
and  never  to  interfere  with  the  territories  now  in  possession 
of  his  Highness  the  Ameer. 

"Article  III. 

"  His  Highness  Dost  Mahommed  Khan  engages  on  his  own 
part,  and  on  the  part  of  his  heirs  and  successors,  to  respect  the 
territories  belonging  to  the  Honourable  East  India  Company, 
to  be  the  friends  of  its  friends  and  the  enemy  of  its  enemies. 
"  Done  at  Peshawur,  this,  etc. 

"  (Signed)  G.  F.  Edmonstone, 

"  Secretary  to  the  Governor  of  India." 

„,      ,  Not  many  men  would  be  so  entirely  unselfish  as  to  see 

proposes       any  reason  why  they  should  not  let  honours  due  to  them  take 
John  Law-    ^^    •     (jQ^j-gg .    jj^^  it   had   come  to   Edwardes's   knowledge, 

rence  be  '  .  ,. 

seat  to  sign  through  Foujdar  Khan,*  that  the  Ameer  was  intending  to 

the  treaty,    ^q^^^  j^^jg  eldest  SOU  and  heir-apparent,  and  had  even  thought 

of  going  himself  to  Peshawur,  and  had  expressed  to  Foujdar 

Khan  his  opinion,  that  "  it  would  have  been  a  great  advantage 

*  This  is  the  same  Foujiiar  Khan  \vc  have  read  of  before  as  the  faith- 
ful commander  of  the  levies  at  Bunnoo. 


1855.] 


MARKS  A    NEW  tliOruSAL. 


245 


for  tlie  treaty  to  l)c  madt!  in  the  presence  of  tlie  Most  Xolile 
the  Clovernor-CJeneral  (jf  India  himself,  as  there  would  tlien 
be  no  occasion  for  reference  to  Calcutta,  and  no  appreliension 
that  a  suceeedinj,'  Gcjvernor-General  would  annul  tlie  treaty 
which  had  l)een  made  by  his  predecessor  in  person." 

liut  being  dissuaded  by  his  brothers  from  going  himself, 
he  decided  to  send  his  heir-apparent,  and  was  anxious  that 
the  greatest  possible  honour  should  be  shown  him. 

Edwardes,  being  more  anxious  for  the  stability  of  the 
work  than  for  his  own  honour  or  any  thought  about 
himself,  the  good  of  his  country  and  the  honour  of  his 
Government  being  always  first  in  his  thoughts,  considered 
that  it  would  give  more  im})ortance  to  the  treaty  in  the 
Ameer's  eyes  if  the  chief  authority  in  the  Punjab  were  to 
meet  his  son. 

So,  as  he  knew  from  private  corresi)ondence  with  Lord 
Dalhousie  that  his  lordship  intended  to  appoint  him  to  sign 
the  treaty,  before  the  public  letter  came  empowering  him  to 
act  alone  as  the  signing  power,  Edwardes  did  \\liat  is  Morth 
recording,  for  it  is  what  only  he  and  such  as  he  would  do — 
he  wrote  to  Lord  Dalhousie,  expressed  his  gratitude  for  his 
kmdness  and  his  gratification  at  the  flattering  terms  in 
which  his  labours  had  been  recognized  by  him  "  in  Council " 
at  Calcutta,  but  suggested,  for  the  Governor-General's  con- 
sideration, whether  it  would  not  advance  the  stabihty  and 
importance  of  the  treaty  in  the  eyes  of  the  Afghans  if  the 
chief  authority  in  the  Punjab,  the  Chief  Commissioner,  were 
ordered  to  I'eshawur  to  meet  Hydur  Khan,  in  conjunction 
with  himself. 

This  suggesti(jn  was  considered,  accei)ted,  and  acted  upon  ; 
and  a  fresh  order  was  sent,  directing  the  Chief  Commissioner, 
Mr.  dolin  Lawrence,  to  j)roceed  to  I'esluiwur  aiid  sign  the 
treaty  in  conjunction  with  ;^Lljor  Edwardes. 

Lord  Dalhousie  writes  to  him  (privately) — 


His  disin- 
terested 
views  in 
doing  so. 


Fresh  pro- 
posal to 
Calcutta 
made  by 
Edwardes. 


The 

suggestion 

accepted. 


"  (Jovcriiment  House,  Calcutta,  January  30,  1855. 

"My  DEAR  Edwardes, 

"  You  had  specially  been  named  the  negotiator.     I  fe^er'from 
regret  very  much  tliat  the  last  letter  should  have  rendered  a  ^^^ 

Governor- 
General. 


246  tint  UEiihEiiT  il  edwahdes.  [i855. 

oliange  necessary,  aud  compelled  the  Government — much 
against  the  wish  of  us  all,  to  nominate  the  Chief  Commis- 
sioner as  the  negotiator  on  our  part." 

And  he  goes  on  to  say — 

The  "  Nevertheless,  I  am  exceedingly  vexed  that  you  should 

Governor-     j^^,^  \Mi\Q  had,  as  linteuded  vou  sJioulcl,  the  crowniner  credit 

General  _        _  '  ''  '  o 

regrets  the  of  bringing  to  a  close  the  negotiations  you  have  conducted 

necessity.  n  i  p    n  i      • 

SO  well  and  so  successlully  to  their  present  point.  We  have 
said  something  in  this  sense  to  you  officially,  which  I  hope 
will  be  pleasing  to  yon. 

"  Believe  me, 

"  Always  yours  sincerely, 
"  (Signed)  Dalhousie." 

And  John  Lawrence  wrote  (privately) — 

"  Lfihorc,  February  1,  1855. 

"My  dear  Edwardes, 

"I  have  not  received  a  line  from  the  Governor- 
John 

Lawrence's  General  on  Cabul  matters  for  a  long  time,  and  it  is  possible 
tliat  he  may  prefer  leaving  all  the  arrangements  to  you.  In 
this  case,  I  would  not,  of  coarse,  go  to  Peshawur,  and  you 
would  do  all  that  you  think  right  and  expedient.  As  far  as 
my  views  go,  I  would  say,  treat  him  liberally  and  even 
handstmiely,  but  not  extravagantly,  or  it  may  turn  the  heads 
of  him  and  his  followers." 

Up  to  this  time  the  Chief  Commissioner  evidently  sup- 
posed that  Edwardes  would  be  required  to  meet  Hydur  Khan, 
and  to  carry  out  the  treaty  alone.  This  shows  that  the  idea 
originated  with  Edwardes,  and  that  it  was  his  own  generosity 
that  brought  his  cliief  at  Lahore  first  on  the  scene. 

Again  John  Lawrence  writes  (privately) — 

"  Lahore. 
"  The  orders  about  the  treaty  arrived  last  night.     In 
the  letter  of  the  25th,  containing  the  detailed  instructions, 


itter. 


1855.]  CONCLUDING  ahhangements.  247 

yoic  were  to  make  the  treaty  ;  in  one  of  the  30tli,  I  am  t<;l'l 
to  do  it.     Copies  go  to  you.  .  .  . 

"  I  wish  myself  that  you  were  to  do  it,  sincerely." 

Again — 

"  I  so  far  agree  with  the  Governor-General  that  I  think 
all  the  merit  of  the  affair,  wliatever  it  may  be,  is  yours. 

"Affectionately  yours, 

"  John  Lawhenck." 

The  signature  of  the  treaty  was  the  Jirst  stroke  J(jhn 
Lawrence  put  to  tlie  work.  But,  after  having  "  signed  "  it,  the 
credit  of  it  was  given  to  him  in  England,  and  for  this  treaty 
lie  obtained  his  first  honour  of  K.C.B.,  wliich  has  been,  in 
after  years,  followed  by  so  many  others,  then  well  earned  by 
former  years  of  labour  and  service,  but  not  for  this  special 
service. 

History  seeks  for  facts  and  finds  out  the  truth,  or  is  itself  Holmes's 
valueless.     And  a  recent  author,*  writinjx  of  the  times  of  the  '' ^i*'^°''y 
Mutiny,  has  tracked  the  truth  here  tlu?ough  all  the  myths  that  Mutiny  " 
have  been  raised  up  around  it,  and  placed  it,  almost  for  the  ^^^'^^^  ^^^ 
first  time,  before  the  public. 

.  .  .  "  A  later  chapter  of  this  history  will  show  how  trium- 
phantly the  policy  that  had  led  to  the  conclusion  of  this 
treaty  was  vindicated.  The  credit  of  that  policy  belonged,  of 
right,  to  Herbert  I'^lwardes  alone.  But  years  passed  away, 
and  the  act  to  which  he  looked  back  with  just  pride  as  the 
most  valuable  service  that  he  had  been  jiermitted  to  render  to 
his  c(juntry  was  not  declared  to  be  his.  John  La\\'rence  had, 
then,  the  opportunity  of  making  a  noble  return  for  the  self- 
abnegation  which  his  lieutenant  had  practised  towards  him. 
It  was  for  him  to  place  the  facts  in  their  true  light,  and,  stand- 
ing boldly  forward,  to  point  to  the  man  who  woidil  not  utter  a 
word  to  exalt  himself  at  the  cost  of  another,  and  to  say 
'  Honour  to  whom  honour  is  due.'  Had  he  done  so,  he  mi<zht, 
indeed,  have  lost  some  portion  of  his  reputation  for  states- 
manship ;  but  he  would  have  earned  a  glory  as  pure  and 
imperishable  as  that  which  illuminates  the  self-sacrifice  of 

'  Quototl  from  "  Tlie  History  of  the  ^lutinv,"  by  T.  R.  E.  Holmes, 
P.  77. 


248  sin   IlERBEUT  Ji.    EDWARDES.  [1855. 

Outram.  But  he  preferred  to  claim  for  himself  the  credit  of 
a  policy  which  he  had  not  only  not  orii-inated,  but  had  per- 
sistently opposed  ;  and  history,  while  acknowledging  that 
part  of  his  fame  was  indeed  honestly  won,  is  forced  to  expose 
the  rottenness  of  the  foundations  upon  which  the  other  part 
is  based." 

These  are  strong  words,  but  they  show  that  their  author 
had  searched  into  and  read  the  records  for  himself. 

God  \rates  history  in  the  lives  of  men,  and  we  may  not 
alter  facts. 

And  now  we  have  only  to  add  an  extract  from  the  Govern- 
ment orders  from  Calcutta,  which  finally  came  after  this 
change  in  the  arrangements  was  decided  on. 

From  R.  Temple,  Esq.,  Secretary  to  Chief  Commissioner  of  the 
Punjab,  to  Major  H.  B.  Echcardes,  C.B.,  Commissioner 
and  Superintendent  of  Feshdwur  Division. 

"  Laliore,  February  10,  1855. 

«  Sir, 

"In    reference    to    your    letters    regarding    the 

relations  of  the  British  Government  with  his  Highness  the 
Ameer  Dost  Maliommed  Khan,  I  am  directed  to  forward 
for  your  information  copies  of  two  letters,  conveying  the 
instructions  of  the  Government  of  India  on  this  subject,  and 
enclosing  the  drai't  of  a  proposed  treaty  with  Cabul. 

"  You  will  see  that  the  selection  of  the  IMost  Noble  the 
Governor-General  in  Council  had  originally  fallen  on  your- 
self for  the  conduct  of  the  negotiations  with  the  Cabul 
Envoy,  but  that  the  information  subsequently  received 
regarding  the  delegation  of  Sirdar  Gholam  Hydur  Khan,  the 
Ameer's  favourite  son  and  designated  heir,  induced  the 
Government  to  direct  that  the  conferences  sliould  be  carried 
on  by  the  Chief  Commissioner  in  person.  The  Chief  Com- 
missioner, however,  trusts  that  the  expressions  which  the 
Government  have  been  pleased  to  convey  in  both  the 
despatches  now  transmitted  will  prove  highly  satisfactory  to 
you,  and  he  desires  me  to  state  that  it  would  have  afforded 


1855.]     CONCLUDINO   ARRANGEMENTS   CONTINUED.     249 

him  sincere  gratification  if  the  negotiations  liad  devolved  on 
you,  as  he  is  confident  that  your  judgment  and  tact  would 
have  brought  them  to  a  successful  issue. 

"As  ordered  by  Government,  the  Chief  Commissioner  will 
repair  to  Peshawur  to  meet  Sirdar  Gholam  Ilydur  Khan, 
with  the  least  practicable  delay,  and  expects  to  reach  that 
place  by  tlie  10th  proximo. 

"  I  have,  etc., 
"(Signed)  R  Temple, 

"  Secretary  to  Chief  Commissioner." 

From  G.  F.  Edmonstone,  Esq.,  Secretary  to  the  Government  of 
India,  to  John  Laivrence,  Esq.,  Chief  Commissioner  of  the 
Punjab. 

"  Fort  William,  Calcutta,  February  2,  1855. 

"  Sir, 

"  On  the  25th  ultimo,  I  had  the  honour  of 
conveying  to  you,  for  communication  to  Major  Herbert 
Edwardes,  C.B.,  the  instructions  of  the  Most  Noble  the 
Governor-General  in  Council  for  the  negotiations  of  a  treaty 
with  the  envoy  whom  his  Highness  the  Ameer  of  Cabul 
expected  to  depute  for  that  purpose." 

"  I  have  since  received  your  Secretary's  despatch,  dated 
IGth  ultimo,  with  its  enclosure  from  the  Commissioner  of 
Peshawur,  describing  certain  conversations  hekl  by  the 
Ameer  Dost  "RIahommed  Khan  with  Fonjdar  Khan  at  Cabul, 
and  having  laid  these  communications  before  the  Governor- 
General  in  Council,  I  have  been  directed  to  convey  to  you 
in  reply  the  following  observations  and  orders.  .  .  . 

"  The  Ameer  of  Cabul  has  responded  to  the  proposal  of 
the  Governor-General  in  Council,  that  an  envoy  should  be 
sent  to  Peshawur,  by  deputing  Sirdar  Gholam  Khan,  his 
favourite  son  and  designated  heir.  Such  an  act  deserves 
that  it  should  be  met  in  an  equally  friendly  spirit  by  the 
Government  of  India.     Moreover,  the  Araeer  has  specially 


250  SJIi   IJEUBEliT  n.   EDWAUDES.  [1855. 

expressed  his  wisli  that  you  shonhl  meetliis  son.  If  this  wish 
were  now  to  be  disregarded,  his  Highness  might  fairly  think 
that  proper  consideration  had  not  been  shown  to  himself  or 
to  his  son,  and  the  negotiation  might  be  injuriously  affected 
by  the  omission. 

"  Under  these  circumstances,  the  Grovernor-General  in 
Council  is  of  opinion  that  the  duty  of  treating  with  the 
Ameer's  envoy  ought  to  be  entrusted  to  you  instead  of 
Major  Ed  ward  es. 

"  I  am  accordingly  directed  to  request  that  you  will 
repair  to  Peshawur  with  all  expedition,  to  meet  Sirdar  Hydur 
Khan,  making  known  the  probable  date  of  your  arrival 
there,  as  requested  by  Foujdar  Khan. 

"  You  are  hereby  invested  with  full  powers  to  negotiate 
witli  the  Sirdar,  being  guided  in  your  proceedings  strictly  by 
the  instructions  which  were  addressed  to  you  for  communi- 
cation to  Major  Edwardes,  in  my  despatch  dated  25th  ultimo, 
above  cited. 

"  You  will  be  pleased  to  explain  to  Major  Edwardes  the 
cause  of  his  supersession,  and  to  express  to  him  the  regret 
of  the  Governor-General  in  Council  that  the  political 
considerations  above  mentioned  should  have  rendered  it 
necessary  to  commit  the  duty,  for  which  he  whs  originally 
selected,  to  other  hands. 

"  I  have,  etc., 
"  (Signed)  G.  F.  Edmonstone, 

"  Secretary  to  the  Government  of  India." 

].;,i,i  of  We  have  now  come  to  the  end  of  the  official  correspond- 

oiiiciai         ence,  which  has  been  curtailed  as  much  as  possible  within 
iience.  the  Smallest  limits.     Nor  would  even  so  much  have  needed 

to  be  written  had  it  not  been  made  necessary  by  the  many 
random  assertions  that  have  been  lately  published  on  this 
and  other  kindred  subjects ;  and  GO\m.tQX-asscrtions  merely 
without  proof  can  carry  no  weight  with  them  at  all. 

Tlie  account  here  given  is  from  actually  existing  records 
of  the  facts,  wdiich  cannot  be  controverted. 


1855.]   BASIS  OF  FRIENDLY  ALLIANCE  WITH  CABUL.  251 

Tliere  was  a  wonderful  fil/Ufis,  in  the  preparation  of  the 
life  we  are  tracing,  f<jr  the  times  we  liave  come  to  now,  and 
tliose  wluch,  though  still  hidden  from  our  eyes  in  the 
undeveloped  future,  were  nearer  than  we  then  thought. 

The  cementing  of  the  bond  of  friend.shij)  between  England  How  the 
and  Afghanistan  was  thus  put  into  the  hands  of  the  man  1''^''*  ^^'^ 
who  had  gained  a  personal  influence  tliat   few  others  had  for  the 
among  the  wild  IMohammedan  border  triljes ;  and  the  brave  present 
conmiander-in-chief  of  the    Bunnoo   levies,  Foujdar  Khan,  difficulty 
wlio  had  })roved  so  true  to  Edwardes  there,  in  those  testing  «"'i  t*""***- 
months  of  difficulty,  and  had  found  the  master  that  lie  served 
so  true  to  him,  was  now  the  Ihitish  representative  at  the 
Court  of   Cabul.      I'laced  there  by  the  interest  of  liis  old 
master,  and  knowing  that  he  owed  to  him  all  his  lionours 
and  the  high  position  that  he  now  held,  every  motive  that  he 
had  was  enj^'aued  in  his  service,  not  the  least  valuable  one 
being  personal  attachment. 

And  thus  the  two  c(juld  work  together  with  certainty, 
and  a  confidence  in  each  other  which  ga\'e  immense  strength 
at  such  a  time.  We  know,  too,  what  a  good  report  Foujdar 
Khan  would  give  to  the  wily  Afglians  of  the  character  of  the 
man  they  had  to  deal  with,  of  the  security  that  there  was 
in  trusting  to  his  word,  and  the  certainty  of  detection  and 
retribution  if  they  attempted  to  deceive  him.  Yes ;  surely 
we  can  see,  by  the  course  of  education  in  the  life,  how  Bunnoo 
led  on  to  the  building  up  securely  the  great  bulwark  of  our  How  much 
strength  in  1857,  that  stood  the  test  and  tug,  and  held  the  'y". '''r'!  *" 
Punjab  like  an  anchor  in  the  storm. 

As  anollier  iriintier  officer  *  writes  to-day:  "Oftenliavel 
l)een  told  by  Khans,  Afghans,  Beloochees,  alike,  that  we  should 
never  liave  kept  Peshawur  (and  with  it  the  Punjab)  without 
Ivlwardes.  They  would  say,  'Yes,  yes;  Nicholson  was, 
undiiubtedly,  a  great  man,  but  he  wouldn't  have  kept  us  all 
true  to  Government.  He  was  so  stern ;  we  feared  him,  but 
we  didn't  love  him,  Edwardes  comi)elled  us  to  like  him 
better  tlian  any  other  Feringhee ;  and  av,  sahib,  what  he  has 
left  to  our  children — pensions,  jagirs,  etc." 

Even  John  Lawrence,  wlio  could  see  no  possible  good  in 
making  this  treaty,  and  was  (privately)  continually  advising 

*  General  Mtiiiio. 


252  SJJi   n  Eli  BERT  JJ.   ED  WARD  ES.  [1855. 

Edwardes  to  give  it  up  altogether,  and  called  it  "  waste  of 
time,"  afterwards  was  brouglit  to  see  its  value,  and  admitted 
that,  "  as  matters  have  turned  out  in  Hindoostan,  the  late 
arrangements  with  tlie  Ameer  were  very  fortunate"  (quoted 
from  enclosures  to  secret  letters  from  India,  July  23,  1858). 

On  March  IG,  1855,  Sirdar  Gholam  Hydur  Khan,  the 
heir-apparent  of  the  throne  of  Cabul,  accompanied  by  Foujdar 
Khan  Baliadoor,  the  British  Envoy,  who  had  been  entrusted 
by  Edwardes  with  the  duties  of  ambassador,  had  completed 
their  long  and  tedious  march  to  the  plain  of  the  Peshawur 
Valley. 

And  now  they  have  arrived  and  pitched  their  tents ;  and 
the  English  camp  moves  out  to  meet  them. 


CHAPTER  IX. 


1855—1857. 

THE  AFGHAN   TREATY  RATIFIED— VIEWS   UPON  AFGHAN 
POLITICS  AND  WAR. 


"  Peace  hath  her  victories, 
Not  less  reuowned  tliau  war." 


(     255     ) 


CHAPTER  IX. 

It  was  a  strikinjj;  spectacle  as  these  two  camps,  face  to  face  Vhst 
rtiice  more,  stood  upon  the  phiins  of  Pesha,wur,  and  close  to   ["jg^two  " 
tlie  very  gate  of  the  Khyber  Pass — tliat  same  Pass  so  lately   camps, 
tlie  scene  of  deadly  strife,  and  treachery,  and  l)lood,  now  to 
\\itness   the  ratification  of  the  engagement   that   "bygones 
sliould  be  bygones." 

At  tliis  distance  of  time,  as  we  look  back  upon  the  scene,  Let  by- 
past,  present,  and  future  seem  all  so  mingled  together  in  the  f^g^ne*^ 
vision  that  it  is  difficult  to  keep  them  apart.  Presently  it 
will  be  seen  how  well  tlie  engagement  was  kept,  wlien  it 
stood  us  in  good  stead;  and  we  cannot  forget  even  here,  as 
■v\e  tell  the  tale  in  1885,  to  wish  that  bygones  had  been 
l^ygones  for  ever ! 

But  in  this  place  we  have  to  do  only  with  the  briglit 
picture  of  the  meeting,  and  we  will  tell  it  in  the  principal 
actor's  own  words. 

"  PesLiiwur,  March  17,  1855. 

"My  dear  Lord  Dalhousie, 

"  Yesterday  Sirdar  Hydur  Khan  pitched  his  tents 
at  old  Jumrood,  our  threshold  of  the  Khyber. 

"  This  morning  I  rode  out  there,  and  was  with  him  at 
six  o'clock.  Crawfcird  Chamberlain's  1st  Irregular  Cavalry 
went  with  me. 

"The  Sirdar's  Cavalry  and   regular  companies  formed  Sirdar 
a  zigzag  kind  of  street,  up  and  down  tlic  hillocks,  at  the  Khan.'^tiie 
furthest  end  of  which  was  seen  the  exact  imajre  of  Henrv  ^^""''P" 

c>  J     parent. 

VIII.  seated  in  a  tent,  and  surrounded  by  a  small  court — all 
on  chaiis  in  the  English  fashion. 


250  sin   HERBERT  B.   EDWARDES.  [1855. 

"  There  was  an  evident  excitement  in  the  Afghan  force 
when  we  arrived  ;  a  thrill  and  restlessness  ran  through  them 
all,  and  they  quite  waved  about,  and  many  Mohammedan 
exclamations  burst  forth. 

"  Our  Cavalry  closed,  and  clashed  in,  and  we  were 
saluted  ;  and  officers  of  the  Sirdar's  camp  were  busy,  thrust- 
ing back  all  kinds  of  blackguards ;  and  altogether  it  was 
a  moment  of  considerable  feeling,  as  if  the  two  nations  had 
once  more  come  face  to  face. 

"  Dismounting  at  the  Sirdar's  tent,  he  came  forth  with  a 
heavy  rolling  gait,  but  cheerful  face,  and  led  me  in ;  and 
after  he  had  asked  twenty-five  times  after  the  Chief  Com- 
missioner, and  fifty  times  after  the  Governor-General ;  and 
I  had  asked  twenty-five  times  after  his  health,  and  fifty 
times  after  the  Ameer's,  we  took  to  horse,  and  set  out  for 
British  territory. 

"  Another  thrill  and  crash  ensued ;  and  I  saw  the  Sirdar 
order  all  his  Cavalry  to  the  rear,  till  we  got  into  open 
ground,  when  the  Afghans  lined  out  to  the  left,  and  the 
British  Cavalry  to  the  right  of  us;  and  so,  chatting,  we 
jogged  over  the  stones  to  his  camp  at  our  frontier  police- 
tower.  Here  the  Queen's  24th  Foot  and  a  troop  of  Horse 
Artillery  saluted  the  Sirdar ;  and  I  left  him  at  his  tent. 

"  It  went  off  very  w'ell,  and  has  broken  the  ice. 

"  Now  ziyafuts  (presents)  and  supplies  are  pouring  in  to 
him. 

"On  Monday  the  Sirdar  visits  Mr.  LawTence  in  full 
Durbar,  and  Mr.  Lawrence  returns  it  on  Tuesday.  After 
which  business  will  commence,  and  the  Sirdar  will  probably 
come  nearer  to  us. 

"  Believe  me, 

"Your  Lordship's  most  obediently, 
"  Herbert  B.  Edwaedes. 

Again  the  account  continues — 


lsr>o.]  EXCIIANGIC   OF    VISITS.  257 

"  Yesterday,  at  half-past  seven  a.m.,  the  Sirdar  caine  to  Lottor  to 
our  Durbar  in  the  cantonments.  The  bri^^adier  and  all  his  Daihousie. 
staff  and  myself  received  him  at  the  boundary ;  and  a 
street  of  soldiers  and  a  troop  of  Horse  Artillery  saluted 
him ;  and  a  band  played,  and  the  Union  Jack  went  up  to 
the  masthead  ;  and  Mr.  Lawrence  met  him  at  the  canopy, 
and  led  him  up  through  the  Durbar  of  British  officers  in 
full  dress,  and  Poshawur  chiefs,  in  all  their  blaze  of  gold, 
and  jewels,  and  bright  colours,  and  he  presented  the  letters 
from  his  father,  and  they  were  read  aloud,  calling  the  Sirdar 
his  '  heir-apparent '  in  a  very  marked  manner ;  and  after  an 
hour's  friendly  colloquy,  he  was  conducted  home  again — 
with  more  guns,  more  noise,  and  more  honours  of  all  kinds. 

"  This  morning,  the  Chief  Commissioner  and  all  the 
civil  staff,  and  the  brigadier  and  all  his  staff,  returned  the 
visit  at  the  Sirdar's  camp  ;  and  he  produced  bundles  of 
presents — furs  from  Russia  and  Bokhara,  fine  swords  and 
Cabul  manufactures,  which  gave  us  plenty  of  conversation, 
geographical  and  commercial. 

"  The  most  curious,  perhaps,  of  the  presents  were  some 
dromedaries  from  the  Great  Kuzzauk  Desert — creatures  with 
deep  hanging  frills  of  dark  brown  wool,  and  large  lustrous 
eyes — such  as  the  Queen  of  Sheba  may  have  brought  King 
Solomon,  and  Salvator  Rosa  only  could  have  painted. 

"  There  were  horses,  too,  who  had  seen  their  best  days ; 
and  a  few  split-eared  ponies.  The  Sirdar  forced  his  own 
riding  horse  upon  the  Chief  Commissioner — a  noble  beast, 
I  do  not  think  I  ever  saw  a  better  in  a  chief's  possession. 

"  Altogether  the  visits  have  passed  off  very  well,  and 
made  a  kindly  feeling  on  both  sidis. 

"To-morrow,  the  Sirdar  brings  his  camp  to  the  boundary 
of  the  cantonments,  and  the  day  after  the  conferences  will 
commence. 

"  We  have  heard  that  the  Sirdar's  line  is  to  ask  for 
nothing  whatever — '  more  friendship,'  he   gives   out.      But 
VOL.  I.  s 


258 


sin   HER  BERT  D.   EDWARDES. 


[1855. 


Conclusion 
of  negotia- 
tions. 


I  dare  say  lie  will  find  an  opportunity  of  hinting  any  objects 
the  Ameer  has  at  heart." 

And  so  tlic  M-ork  was  brc)u<;lit  successfully  to  an  end  and 
the  Treaty  signed  ;  and  Lord  Dalhousie  writes  to  Edwardes — 

'*  I  congratulate  you  and  myself,  and  all  else  concerned, 
on  this  successful  issue  of  negotiations,  which  have  now 
lasted  just  a  year." 

And  Edwardes  writes  in  reply — 

*'  I  am  glad  your  Lordship  was  pleased  with  the  treaty. 
It  went  off  well  after  much  wrestling.    Hydur's  perspiration 


A    FAINT   ihADOW   OF  THE   HEIR-APPARF.NT,    SIRDAR    GHOLAM   HTDUR   KHAN, 
HOLDING    IN   HIS   HAND  THE   PESH    WCB   TREATY. 

f'rom  a  pen-and-ink  sketch  by  Sir  Herbert  Edwardes. 

at  some  points  of  the  contest  was  great.  Once  in  an  agony 
at  not  getting  his  father  declared  '  Walee  of  Afghanistan,' 
he  screamed  for  '  a  cheroot ! '  and  smoked  in  awful  silence 


John  Law- 
rence. 


lH")r)]  THE   TREATY  STONED.  259 

lor  a  (|uait(jr  of  uu  hour.  Another  time,  he  calmed  himself 
with  a  tune  on  my  wife's  piano,  and  tiring  off  a  few  lucifer 
matches. 

''  Very  unfortunately  there  was  no  artist  at  hand  to  make 
a  j)icture  of  tlie  Sirdar  ;  but  I  drew  a  rough  sketch  myself, 
while  his  vast  form  was  still  heavy  on  my  memory." 

On  March  17  these  two  camps  met,  and  on  the  30tli  the 
negotiations  were  brought  to  a  satisfactory  conclusion  by  the 
signing  of  the  treaty;  and  then  tents  were  struck,  the 
])ageants  all  melted  away  in  the  glow  of  the  coming  heat, 
tlie  hubbub  died  out,  and  ordinary  work  was  resumed,  while 
all  parties  concerned  rejoiced  that  the  strain  was  over,  "  and 
we  had  leisure  to  reap  the  advantages  of  the  improved  relations 
of  friendliness  with  our  neighbours  across  the  borders." 

The  next  notice  that  a])pears  in  the  records  is  a  letter  dated  Honour  to 
]\Iarch  24, 1855  (same  year),  that  shows  that  the  Governor- 
General  had  long  wished  to  ask  some  honour  for  the  Chief 
Commissioner  from  his  Queen,  as  Lord  Dalhousie  explains, 
"  well  earned  before  for  other  times  and  other  ser\ices  ; "  but 
this  was  thouglit  a  fitting  cause  to  bring  his  name  forward, 
"  because  the  great  political  importance  of  the  entire  change 
in  the  relations  between  England  and  Afghanistan  would  be 
well  understood  by  her  Majesty's  advisers  at  home."  And  so 
the  stepping-stone  was  laid  which  led  on  to  many  others,  as 
tlie  reader  knows. 

And  two  months  were  too  short  a  time  for  the  Chief  Com- 
missioner to  ha^•e  forgotten  how  it  came  to  him ;  for  he  writes 
in  this  i)rivate  letter  (asking  Edwardes's  advice  as  to  what 
honour  would  suit  him  best,  as  a  choice  was  proposed  to  him) — 

"I  cannot  conclude  this  note  without  saying  that,  in 
fighting  to  get  you  made  Commissioner  of  Peshawur,  it 
turns  out  that,  like  the  bandy-legged  smith  in  the  '  Fair 
IMaid  of  Perth,'  I  was  fighting  for  my  own  hand." 

Not  much  "  fighting,"  however,  was  needed,  for  we  have 
already  seen  how  cordially  and  spontaneously  the  appoint- 
ment was  given  by  Lord  Dalhousie's  own  selection. 


2 GO  sin   IIEBBERT  B.   EDWARDES.  [1857. 

*'  I  may  say,"  John  Lawrence  adds,  "  with  perfect  truth, 
tliat  I  consider  you  deserve  at  least  as  much,  if  not  more, 
for  the  hite  treaty  than  I  do." 

This  was  naturally  and  <:,'enially  spoken  at  the  moment  of 
elation— and  privately— and  it  was  all  that  Edwardes  ever 
heard  of  it  or  of  gratitude. 

But  this  did  not  stay  his  hand  nor  hinder  his  work  ;  for 
what  could  repay  him  better  than  to  find  the  svxxess  of  his 
labours,  and  to  j^^'ovc  the  wisdom  of  his  judgment  and  of  his 
policy  ?     And  this  his  experience  did  most  fully  prove. 

This  treaty  of  March,  1855,  was  followed  up  at  the 
close  of  1856  by  Edwardes  recommending  that  more 
active  aid  should  be  given  to  the  Ameer  when  difficulties 
with  Persia  had  assumed  alarming  proportions,  and  Persia's 
designs  upon  Herat  alarmed  Dost  Mahommed,  and  made  him 
see  very  clearly  the  advantages  of  a  friendly  alliance  with 
the  English. 

The  Ameer  was  invited  to  a  second  conference  at  Peshawur. 
He  accepted  the  invitation,  and  came  this  time  himself.  He 
marched  down  with  two  of  his  sons,  some  of  his  chosen 
councillors,  and  a  body  of  picked  troops,  to  the  frontier. 

The  first  day  of  the  new  year,  1857,  saw  this  second 
meeting. 

The  Ameer  pitched  his  tents  at  the  mouth  of  the  Kliyber 
meeting,  Pass  ;  and  on  the  plain  of  Jumrood  the  British  camp  was 
^^^^'  a^ain  pitched,  where  the  Ameer  was  received  with  friendly 

honour. 

Our  troops  formed  a  street  more  than  a  mile  long.  Kaye 
describes  the  scene :  "  They  marched  past  the  Ameer  and  his 
host  in  review  order  after  the  Durbar  was  over.  ]\lore  than 
seven  thousand  British  fighting  men  were  assembled  there, 
and  among  them  were  three  complete  European  regiments, 
whose  steady  discipline,  and  solidity,  and  fine  soldierly  bearing 
made  a  strong  impression  on  the  minds  of  the  Afghan  visitors 
— from  the  aged  Ameer  himself  to  the  youngest  trooper  of  his 
escort." 
„       ,  On  January  27,  1857,  the  conferences  wer.e  brought  to  a 

tn-aty         couclusiou,  and  this  second  treaty  was  signed  at  Peshawur  in 


The  second 


1857.]  THE  SECOND    TREATY  SIGNED.  2G1 

]\raicli,  1857  ;  and,  two  iiiontlis  afterwards,  tlie  imitiny  ol'  the  gigiK-J  at 
Indian  army,  wliicli  .shook  Britisli   India  to  its  centre,  ljr<jke  I'^'^hawur. 
out. 

This  time  ot   our  difliculty  fully  tested  the  value  of  the  The  icst- 
trciity.     ])ost  Mahonnned  sfoml  hii  hU  cnrianciiient ;  and  tlds  it  '"^  *"V^  "' 

•'  .      "^  the  value 

^vas  that   lucNcnlcil   him  IVniu  sweeping  down  ujion  us  with  of  the 
his  hordes   at   Teshawur,  when   we   should   have   Ijeen  quite  ^^^^^V' 
unalile  to  resist  him. 

His  own  i»eople  could  not  understand  why  he,  a  Moham- 
medan, did  not  catch  at  the  opportunity  to  destroy  the 
"  inlidels  ;  "  and  lre(iuently,  in  open  Durbar,  they  would  come 
to  him,  and,  flinging  down  their  turbans  at  his  feet,  would 
say,  '•  Hear  the  news  from  Delhi !  See  the  difficulties  the 
Feringhees  are  in  down  below !  Are  you  a  Mohammedan  ? 
Why  don't  you  lead  us  on  to  take  advantage  of  them,  and 
win  l)ack  Peshawur  again  ?  " 

lUit  Do.st  IMahommed   stooil   by   tlie  treaty    honourably.   Dost  M.i- 
And  so  was  the  fallacy  proced  of  hutk  the  reasons  that  the  •i"™"^''^  ^ 

/  (I    •»•<••  "i  1  •  1  stood  l;iith- 

Chiei    Comnussioner    always    expressed    arjaiiist    the    policy,   ful  to  his 
nanu'lv,  first,  "  that  Ed wardes  would  never  be  aide  to  ])rin<j  P=»rt  in  the 

tr6utv 

the  Afghans  to  sign  a  treaty,"  and  second,  "  that  if  they  .signed 
it  they  wouldn't  keepii."  (Rather  like  the  Irishman's  defence 
on  his  trial  for  murder,  first,  "that  he  didn't  do  it,"  and 
second,  "  that,  if  he  did,  the  man  deserved  it ! ") 

However,  so  it  was  in  truth  (for  this  is  l)ut  a  simple  Great 
record  of  facts).  The  treaty  was  both  made  and  kept,  the"wuik. 
and  happy  was  Ed  wardes  to  be  the  instrument  of  so  much 
lilessing.  He  did  his  work  to  God,  and  not  to  man;  and 
lie  was  blessed  in  it  by  success.  He  had  the  satisfaction 
of  seeing  the  great  importance  and  value  f»f  that  work  which 
he  had  been  allowed  to  perforin.  And  those  who  were  on  the 
I'rontier  at  Peshawur  understood  how  much  the  security  of 
that  imi)ortant  frontier  of  India  was  owing  to  Edwardes 
in  1857. 

He  u.sed  to  .say  him.self  that  he  thought  it,  perha]ts,  the 
most  im])ortant  ])iecc  of  service  which  he  had  been  permitted 
to  render  to  his  country  and  his  Queen. 

liut  it  was  a  service  for  which  he  never  even  received  a   Totally 
"thank  ycm  "  in  puhlic  acknowledgment,  or  recognition  that  ""a^k"""- 

''  ■'  ^  '-^  ledged. 


202  sin   HERBERT  B.   ED  WARD ES.  [1856. 

the  work  was  liis  own.  rrol)ril)ly  had  Lord  Dalhousie  lived, 
it  might  have  been  different.* 

But  Lord  Dalhousie  did  not  live  to  see  fully  the  value  of 
the  policy  that  he  had  so  steadily  and  cordially  supported. 
In  February,  1856,  he  resigned  the  Inirden  of  Government, 
which  had  been  too  heavy  for  his  enfeebled  liealtli,  and  took 
his  departure  from  India. 

Before  he  left  the  country,  he  wrote  a  kindly  farewell 
to  Peshawur. 

"  Government  House,  Calcutta,  February  21,  1856. 

"My  dear  Edwardes, 
Lord  Dal-  "  The  time  has  now  come  when  I  must  bid  you, 

fareweU       *^^'  farewell.     I  do  it  with  sincere  regret, 
and  depar-  "  J  thank  you  most  heartily  and  most  warmly  for  the 

very  able,  and  successful,  and  willing  services  by  which  you 
have  aided  me  in  the  administration  of  this  great  land,  and 
I  trust  you  will  always  hold  me  in  recollection  as  one  who 
witnessed  and  applauded  your  early  rise,  who  has  been 
grateful  for  your  aid,  and  who  looks  confidently  to  your 
future  progress  in  the  path  of  honour,  and  who  hopes  to 
be  regarded  always  as  a  friend. 

"  Believe  me,  my  dear  Edwardes, 
"  Sincerely  yours, 
"  (Signed)  Dalhousie." 

To  Lord  Dalhousie  all  the  details  of  the  matter  were 
entirely  known,  and  he  valued  the  treaty  so  highly  that  he 
counted  it  among  the  successes  of  his  administration  of  the 
government  of  India  in  his  formal  "  review  "  of  his  labours  on 

LordElgin's  *  In  proof  of  how  completely  the  facts  of  these  negotiations  had  been 

inquiry.  obscured,  we  may  remark  here  that,  in  after  years  (in  1863),  when  Lord 
Elgin  was  Governor-General  and  came  up  to  the  Punjab,  and  was  in  con- 
versation frequently  with  Edwardes,  he  asked  him  one  day  "  if  he  could 
tell  him  how  those  treaties  with  Dost  Mahommed,  that  bad  brought  such 
good  result,  had  been  brought  about?"  It  was  quite  news  to  him  when 
he  heard  all  the  facts  of  the  case. — E.  E. 


l^r.7.]  LETTER   FROM  LORD    CANNING.  20.'] 

his  departure.  I'u.ssibly,  when  his  papers  come  out  (sealed 
up  by  his  will  for  fifty  years),  the  facts  will  be  made  better 
known. 

His  successor,  Lord  Canning-,  knew  tlio  circumstances 
well  enough  to  tliink  it  necessary  to  write  privately  to 
Edwardes  on  January  19. 

"Government  House,  Calcutta,  January  19,  1857. 

"My  dear  Sir, 

"  I  must  ask  you  to  accept  my  best  thanks  for  Letter  of 
the  part  you  liave  taken  in  the  recent  negotiations,  and  for  nine. 
their  satisfactory  issue. 

"I  feel  the  more  bound  to  do  this  because  the  first 
suggestion  of  a  meeting  came  from  you,  and  so  far  as  I  can 
judge  from  the  reports  as  yet  received,  and  from  the  tone  of 
the  discussion  shown  in  them,  I  believe  that  the  suggestion 
has  proved  a  very  wise  and  useful  one. 

"  It  would  be  a  good  thing  for  us  if  all  diplomatic 
conferences  were  conducted  so  satisfactorily,  and  set  forth  as 
lucidly  as  these  have  been. 

"  Believe  me,  my  dear  Sir, 

"Yours  very  faithfully, 
"  (Signed)  Canning." 

A  portion  of  the  text  of  this  second  treaty  may  be  given 
here — 

"  Treaty." 

"  Between  the  Honourable  East  India  Company  and  his 
Highness  Ameer  Dost  ]\Iahommed  Khan,  Walee  of  Cabul  and 
of  those  countries  now  in  liis  possession,  and  the  heirs  of  the 
said  Ameer,  there  shall  be  perpetual  peace  and  friendship. 

"  The  Honourable  East  India  Company  engages  to  respect 
tliose  territories  of  Afglianistan  now  in  his  Higliness's  posses- 
sion, and  never  to  interfere  therein. 

"His  Highness  Ameer  Dost  Malionuned  Khan,  Walee  of 


2G1  Sm   JlEliBERT  B.   IWWARDES.  [1857. 

Cabul  and  of  those  couiitrius  of  Afghanistan  now  in  his 
possession,  engages,  on  his  own  part  and  on  the  part  of  his 
heirs,  to  respect  the  territories  of  the  Honourable  East  India 
Company,  and  never  to  interfere  therein,  and  to  be  the  friends 
of  the  friends  and  enemy  of  the  enemies  of  the  Hououralde 
East  India  Company." 

This  further  treaty,  made  in  1857,  was  signed  January  26. 
AVe  were  then  at  war  with  Persia,  and  the  greater  part  of  the 
treaty  has  reference  to  the  exigencies  of  that  war. 

Amongst  other  things  it  provided  that  a  lakh  of  rupees 
(£10,000)  per  month  should  be  paid  by  the  Company  to  Dost 
Maliomuied,  for  military  purposes ;  and  that  British  olficers 
should  reside  in  Candahar  to  see  that  the  suljsidy  was  properly 
applied,  and  to  keep  the  Government  of  India  informed  of 
all  affairs,  but  not  to  advise  or  interfere  with  the  Cabul 
Government. 

The  sixth  and  seventh  articles  are  as  follows  : — 

"  6.  The  subsidy  of  one  lakh  per  mensem  shall  cease 
from  the  date  on  which  peace  is  made  between  the  British 
and  Persian  Governments,  or  at  any  previous  time  at  the  will 
and  pleasure  of  the  Governor-General  of  India. 

"  7.  Whenever  the  subsidy  shall  cease,  the  British  officers 
shall  be  withdrawn  from  the  Ameer's  country ;  but,  at  the 
pleasure  of  tlie  British  Government,  a  vakeel,  not  a  Uuropcan 
officer,  shall  remain  at  Cabul  on  the  part  of  the  Government, 
and  one  at  Peshawur  on  the  part  of  the  Government  of 
Cabul." 

The  officers  who  were  selected  by  Government  to  fulfil  the 
duties  of  these  last  articles  were  Major  Harry  Lumsden  *  (who 
commanded  the  Guides  at  that  time),  his  brother,  then 
Lieutenant  Peter  S.  Lumsden  *  (of  the  Quartermaster-General's 
department),  and  Dr.  Bellew,  and  they  were  accompanied  by 
Foujdar  Khan  and  Gholam  tSirwur  Khan  Khaghwanee,  and 
attended  by  a  suitable  escort. 

They  proceeded  to  Candahar,  and  carried  on  their  delicate 
and  difficult  mission  witli  gi'eat  success,  and  to  the  great 
satisfaction  of  Government.  Less  able  men  could  not  have 
been  trusted  with  so  delicate  a  piece  of  diplomacy ;  but  men 
of  such  weight  and  value  could  ill  be  spared  from  India  in 
*  Now  General  Sir  Harry  Lumsden  and  General  Sir  Peter  S.  Lumsden. 


1857.]  THE   C AND  An  All   MISSIOX.  205 

such  ilifficulties  as  those  which  .irose  in  1857,  afLer  tht-y  had 
entered  on  their  mission  in  Candahar. 

Edwaides  hears  testimony  to  tlieir  services  in  his  "  Mutiny 
iteport "  in  the  foUowing  terms: — 

"And  liere  I  wouhl  beg  to  acknowledge  the  very  great 
services  of  our  ofTlcors  in  Afghanistan  during  the  late  crisis. 
At  Candahar,  with  the  heir-apparent,  were  Major  Harry 
Lumsden,  Lieutenant  Peter  Lumsden,  and  Dr.  Bellow, 
accompanied  by  Gholam  Sirwur  Khan  Khaghwanee.  At 
Cabul,  in  the  Ameer's  Court,  was  Nawab  Foujdar  Kiian 
JJahadoor,  our  vakeel.  It  was  thought  to  be  a  service  of 
great  enterprise,  for  the  English  officers  especially,  when 
they  set  out  for  Candahar,  even  in  a  time  of  peace  ;  and 
their  situation  became  one  of  decided  peril  when  India  was 
in  a  blaze  with  a  J\Lohammedan  struggle.  But  these  officers 
and  Khans,  by  a  soldierly  equanimity,  by  a  fortitude  equal 
to  the  occasion,  by  a  calm  trust  in  the  cause  of  England,  by 
the  good  feeling  which  their  previous  demeanour  had  created, 
and  by  keeping  the  Cabul  Government  candidly  and  truth- 
fully informed  of  real  events,  and  thus  disarming  monstrous 
exaggerations  of  our  disasters,  preserved  the  confidence  of 
the  Ameer  and  his  best  counsellors,  and  were  largely  instru- 
mental in  maintaining  those  friendly  relations  which  were  of 
such  vital  importance  to  our  success. 

"  I  would  venture  to  solicit  for  all  these  officers  and 
Khans  some  mark  of  honourable  distinction  from  Govern- 
ment."— (Extract  from  letter  from  Major  Edwardes,  the 
Commissioner  and  Superintendent  of  the  Pesiiawur  division 
to  the  Judicial  Commissioner  for  the  Punjab.  No.  04. 
Dated  March  2,  1858.) 

Sir  John  Kaye,  in  his  "  History  of  the  Sepoy  "War,"  touches 
with  his  graphic  pen  many  of  the  incidents  of  this  important 
piece  of  history ;  but  the  facts  were  either  not  all  before  him 
or  were  obscured. 


266  SIR   HERBERT  B.   EDWARDES.  [1857. 

There  is  a  note  in  Eihvardes's  handwriting-  that  corrects 
what  is  deficient  in  Sir  Jolm  Kaye's  narrative,  and  is  too 
valuable  to  be  omitted  here.     It  runs  tlius — 

"The  author,  Sir  John   Kayo,  in  pp.  428-445,  vol.  i., 

seems  only  partially  informed.     In   February,  1854,   when 

Commissioner  of  Peshawur,  I  proposed  to  Lord  Dalhousie 

to  change  our  policy  towards  Cabul,  and  I  asked  leave  to 

bring  about  friendly  relations. 

Note  of  "  Sir  John  Lawrence,  the  Chief    Commissioner  of   the 

Edwardess  p^^j.^i^^   opposcd   the   proposal,   but  the  Governor-General 

•sage  in        and  Couucil,  at  Calcutta,  approved  of  it ;    and  before  the 

Kaye's  his-  close  of  1854,  I  led  the  Afghans  to  come  forward  with  the 

events.    ^    most  honourable  overtures,  seeking  for  pardon. 

"  The  result  was  the  treaty  of  March,  1855,  which  Kaye 
treats  too  lightly  and  inaccurately,  speaking  at  p,  428 
thus :  '  For  some  time  there  had  been  going  on  between  the 
Governor-General  of  India  and  the  ruler  of  Cabul  certain 
passages  of  diplomatic  coquetry,  which  had  resulted  rather 
in  a  promise  of  a  close  alliance,  a  kind  of  indefinite  betrothal, 
than  in  the  actual  accomplishment  of  the  fact.' 

*'  It  bound  the  Afghans  to  be  '  friends  of  our  friends  and 
enemies  of  our  enemies.'  I  followed  this  up  at  close  of 
1856,  by  recommending  the  active  aid  given  to  the  Ameer 
and  the  interview  of  January,  1857,  which  Sir  John  Lawrence 
equally  opposed.  I  regard  this  change  of  policy,  effected 
in  the  time  of  our  prosperity,  and  so  invaluable  in  1857, 
as  the  greatest  service  I  have  ever  been  able  to  render  to 
my  country.     This  is  the  first  public  notice  of  it. 

"  For  Sir  John  Kaye  goes  on  to  say  at  p.  445,  vol.  i. — 
"  '  Lord  Canning,  too,  was  more  than  well  satisfied  with  the 
manner  in  which  the  negotiations  had  been  conducted,  and 
with  the  apparent  result  .  .  .  and  both  in  private  and  in 
public  letters  he  cordially  thanked  the  Commissioners,  even 
before  their  work  was  done,  for  the  admirable  judgment  and 


1H57.]     Sin   J.    K AYE'S   "HISTORY   OF  SEPOY   WAR."     2 (J 7 

good  tact  wliicli  they  hud  displayed  at  the  conferences, 
giving  an  especial  word  of  thanks  to  Edwardes  as  the 
original  suggestor  of  the  meeting,  and,  it  might  have  been 
added,  the  originator  of  the  new  polic)j  which  had  more 
recently  been  observed  towards  the  Afghans.  .  .  .  For  the 
jwUcij  teas  empliaticaUij  Edwardes  s  i:)olicy ;  he  had  been  the 
first  to  recommend,  in  Lord  Dalhonsie's  time,  that  we 
should  try  the  effect  of  trusting  the  Afghans,  and  his 
recommendations  had  resulted  in  the  general  compact  of 
1855.' 

"  Sir  John  Kaye  proceeds — 

"SSo  Dost  IMahommed  set  his  face  towards  Cabul,  and  Extract 
Sir  John  Lawrence  returned  to  Lahore.  It  need  be  no  /J'i"j  Kavi 
subject  of  surprise  if  the  latter,  as  he  went  about  his  work, 
thinking  of  all  that  had  been  done  at  Peshawur,  sometimes 
asked  himself,  AVhat  good  ?  and  wished  that  the  monthly 
lakh  of  rupees  to  be  expended  on  the  Afghan  army  were 
available  for  the  improvement  of  the  province  under  his 
charge ;  for  he  had  never  liked  the  project  from  the  begin- 
ning. He  had  no  faith  in  Dost  Mahommed,  and  he  doubted 
whether  the  subsidy  would  produce  any  tangible  results. 
...  In  the  mean  while.  Lord  Canning,  though  he  had 
slowly  come  to  this  point,  believed  that  the  subsidising 
the  Ameer  was  not  a  bad  stroke  of  policy. 

'"It  bound  the  Afgluxn  ruler  by  strong  ties  of  self- 
interest  to  remain  faithful  to  the  British  Government.  Even 
neutrality  was  a  great  gain,  at  a  time  when  Persia  was  doing 
her  best  to  raise  a  fervour  of  religious  hatred  against  tiie 
English  throughout  all  the  countries  of  Central  Asia.  The 
very  knowledge,  indeed,  of  the  fact  that  Dost  i\Lihommed 
had  gone  down  to  Peshawur  to  negotiate  a  closer  alliance 
with  the  British  must  have  had  a  moral  effect  at  Teheran.' 
— (See  Sir  John  Kaye's  '  History  of  the  Sepoy  War,'  vol.  i. 
p.  447.) 

"  Wiiat  was  the  result?"  Edwardes  goes  on  to  say.    ''  In   Edwaidc.^' 


208  Sm   IlEUBERT  B.   KDWAUDES.  [1807. 

i...t.- con-      ^^C)?)  the  Ameer,   uimided,  except  by   our  friendsliiit,  took 

tiiiiii'd.  Tr  I  • 

Herat  by  siege ! 

"  And  what  shall  we  say  to  the  fidelity  of  Dost  Ma- 
hommed  ?  Did  he  prove  himself  worthy  of  tlie  trust  reposed 
in  his  word  when  he  said,  '  Now  I  have  made  an  alliance 
with  the  British  Government,  and,  come  what  may,  I  will 
keep  it  till  death  '  ? 

"  (Signed)  II.  B.  E." 

This  promise  was  kept  and  that  alliance  was  never 
broken  by  him,  even  when  the  storm  of  the  mutiny  must 
have  been  a  strong  temptation  to  ]\Iohammedan  fanaticism, 
urged  on,  as  we  have  seen  he  was,  by  the  voice  of  his  own 
people,  who  would  have  been  only  too  glad,  if  he  would  have 
led  them  on,  to  take  back  their  dearly-loved  Peshawur  again, 
and  strike  a  blow  at  the  English  in  their  hour  of  weakness. 

One  clause  of  this  treaty  was,  that  we  should  never  send 
an  English  embassy  to  Cabul,  but  allow  our  relations  to  be 
carried  on  by  the  native  envoy  whom  we  chose  to  appoint.* 

Who  can  say  how  much  of  the  calamity  of  the  second 
Cabul  War  of  1878-79  might  have  Ijeen  spared  had  this  clause 
been  more  respected  ? 

The  service  to  the  country  of  this  Afghan  Treaty  was 
thought  so  important,  because  it  healed  up  the  wounds  left 
by  the  old  Cabul  War,  and  relieved  England  of  anxiety  when, 
in  a  few  months,  there  was  mutiny,  and  bloodshed,  and 
distress  from  one  end  of  India  to  another,  and  no  native 
troops  could  be  relied  upon.  Had  our  relations  with  the 
Afghans  then  not  been  friendly,  we  should  not  have  held  our 
frontier  against  them. 
Results.  As  it  was.  Colonel  Edwardes  was  personally  well  known 

*  Dost  Mahommcd  used  to  s:iy,  "  I  ask  j'ou,  for  the  sake  of  friendship, 
not  to  send  an  English  embassy  into  my  countr\'.  PcrsonaUy,  I  would 
receive  him  with  honour,  and  desire  that  he  should  be  honourably  treated 
by  all,  but  I  cannot  answer  for  it  that  some  ruffian  will  not  pull  out  his  pistol 
and  shoot  him  on  the  road;  and  then  it  brings  me  into  difficulty  with 
your  Government,  and  I  should  be  held  as  having  broken  my  pledge.  So, 
for  the  sake  offriendahiii,  I  say,  do  not  send  an  Englishman." 


IH.iT.]      UEWARDS    TO   MOOLTANEE   OFFICERS.  2G!) 

and  trusted  l)y  the  Ameer,  and  lie  kept  up  cordial  relations 
with  him,  and  held  his  post  as  Commissioner  of  the  Peshawur 
I Vontier  throughout  the  whole  of  the  mutiny ;  and  it  is  not 
ti)0  much  to  say  that  it  was  greatly  owing  to  his  personal 
influence  and  command  that  Peshawur  stood  in  1857. 

Having  spoken  already  of  one  act  of  that  nohle  self- 
foTgdting,  which  was  a  conspicuous  feature  of  his  character 
(the  constant  action  of  his  mind  and  nature),  this  may  not 
be  an  unsuitable  place  to  mention  another  instance  of  it,  as 
it  was  in  connection  with  the  same  Governor-General,  Lord 
Dalhousie. 

After  the  ^rooltfin  cam])aign,  and  when  on  his  way  to 
England  in  l.S4'.>,  Ivlwardes  met  with  Lord  Dalhousie,  who 
had  watched  his  work  at  Bunnoo,  and  had  very  highly 
a])proved  it;  and,  in  a  personal  interview  on  that  occasion, 
Lord  Dalhousie  said  to  him,  after  thanking  liim  warmly  for 
all  he  had  done  at  Bunnoo  and  Mooltan,  and  ] raising  his 
work  in  flattering  terms — 

"Now,  Edwardes,  I  want  to  ask  you  to  tell  me  what 
honours  I  shall  ask  for  you  from  the  Queen ;  for  your 
services  have  been  so  great  that  I  could  not  ask  for  greater 
honours  than  they  would  deserve  ?  " 

Edwardes's  answer  was,  thanking  him  for  all  his  kind 
approval — 

"  My  Lord,  the  reward  that  I  would  ask,  and  that  would 
please  me  best,  is  that  the  native  officers  who  have  served 
me  so  faithfully  may  be  well  rewarded — Foujdar  Khan  and 
Sirwur  Klian — and  I  would  ask  you  to  give  Foujdar  Khan 
a  jageer  *  in  perpetuity  and  a  suitable  title;  and  to 
Sirwur  Khan  a  similar  and  suitable  reward." 

The  Governor-General  rojilied,  "  Vou  may  rely  ujion  it 
that  your  wishes  will  be  attended  to."  And  it  was  done,  as 
we  have  seen  in  a  former  chapter. 

•  A  jageer  is  a  grant  of  land. 


270  <S7/.'    HERBERT  It.    KDWAIWES.  [1855. 

Tlie  request  was  characteristic  of  the  noble  nature  from 
which  it  came ;  but  how  few  men,  at  such  a  moment  and 
with  such  an  opportunity,  would  have  asked  for  notUng  for 
himself!  No;  like  Wordsworth's  "Happy  Warrior,"  his 
honours  "must  fall  like  showers  of  manna,  if  they  come 
at  all ! " 

He  instinctively  acted  out  the  rare  virtue  of  (Rom.  xii.) 
"  in  honour  preferring  one  another  "  on  all  occasions. 

The  title  given  to  Foujdar  Khan  at  this  time  was  that 
of  Kliiiu  Bahadoor.  This  was  in  1849.  Later  on,  after  the 
mutiny  of  1857,  this  same  Foujdar  Khan  was  rewarded  for 
his  services  with  the  higher  title  of  Nawab. 

The  following  letter,  written  to  a  relative  in  England 
about  this  time,  has  an  interest,  as  bearing  upon  this  subject, 
before  we  pass  on  to  other  scenes. 

From  Colonel  Edivardes. 

"Camp,  Upper  Meranz3'e,  April  20,  1855. 

"  I  see  how  anxiously  you  are  looking  out  for  the  result 
of  Foujdar  Khan's  mission  to  Cabiil.  He  took  a  kind  but 
digniiied  answer  from  Lord  Dalhousie,  accepting  the  hand  of 
friendship  stretched  out  somewhat  timorously  by  Dost 
IMahommed  Khan.  Foujdar  was  received  with  marked 
honour  by  the  old  Ameer  (Emir,  as  it  is  spelt  in  the  '  Arabian, 
Nights '). 

"  And  it  must  have  been  a  moment  of  honest  pride  to 
Foujdar  Khan  (who  was  only  leader  of  four  and  twenty 
Horse  when  I  first  knew  him),  when  the  King  of  Cabal  rose 
from  his  seat  in  full  Durbar,  and  embraced  him  in  the  frank 
but  often  treacherous  manner  of  Afghanistan.  He  bore 
himself  as  bravely  in  the  fierce  and  factious  Court  as  ever  he 
did  in  battle ;  saw  much,  said  little,  but  greatly  to  the  point ; 
and  did  not  return  without  the  heir-apparent  to  the  throne. 
Altogether  a  successful  campaign. 

"  The  papers  will  have  told  you  that  Sirdar  Hydur  Khan, 
the  chosen  successor  of  Dost  Mahommed,  came  down  through 


1.S55.]  7/071/^  LKTTEIiS.  271 

tlie  KliyljL'r  with  ubuiit  two  thousand  ineu,  and  made  peace 
between  liis  nation  and  ours,  after  sixteen  years'  hostility  and 
ill  will. 

"  You  will  hi',  intcrosled  to  know  that  the  Governor- 
General  and  the  Sujireme  Council  had  appointed  me  to  nego- 
tiate the  treaty  with  this  young  prince,  as  a  kind  acknowledg- 
ment of  a  whole  year's  anxious  labour  in  bringing  matters  to 
this  point.  (For  the  proposal  to  bury  the  past  and  its  mutual 
injuries  and  revert  to  a  friendly  policy,  if  the  oveitures  could 
be  obtained  from  Cabul,  originated  with  me  in  the  beginning 
of  1854,  and  elicited  from  Lord  Dalhousie  a  carte  hlanche  to 
do  so.  And  you  may  well  imagine  the  anxiety  and  labour  it 
has  occasioned  me,  in  addition  to  the  regular  duties  of  my 
post.)  But  after  the  instructions  to  me  to  make  the  treaty 
had  been  drafted,  Dost  Mahommed  expressed  a  hope  to 
Foujdar  that  the  second  greatest  man  in  India  would  go  to 
meet  ids  son  and  heir.  And  so  the  instructions  were  handed 
over  to  Mr.  John  Lawrence,  more  to  my  delight  than  his  ;  for 
he  thought  I  ought  to  have  the  honour,  and  I  thought  he 
ought  to  give  weight  and  dignity  to  the  act,  if  it  was  to  pro- 
duce an  instrument  of  any  national  importance.  I  tell  you 
these  little  matters  because  you  will  be  interested  in  my 
welfare  and  honour,  and  I  should  wish  you  to  know  that 
nothing  but  kind  appreciation  has  fallen  to  my  lot.  ]\rost 
sincerely,  too,  did  I  think  the  right  course  had  been  pur- 
sued. My  heart  was  in  the  treaty,  and  not  in  the  name  of  it  ; 
and  John  Lawrence  has  had  the  most  cordial  and  hearty 
assistance  from  me  in  the  conferences  and  negotiations  at 
Peshawur.  This  ho  knows  and  feels.  And  there  was  to  me 
an  inward  pleasure  and  satisfaction  which  I  cannot  tell  you, 
in  this  closing  task  of  helping  one  who  has  been  so  good 
to  me.  .  .  .  All  ended  well.  We  engaged  never  to  interfere 
in  Afghanistan  ;  and  the  Ameer  and  his  heir  engaged  not 
only  to  respect  our  territories,  but  to  be  the  friend  of  our 
friends  and  the  enemy  of  our  enemies. 


272  SIR   nEIiBERT  n.   KDWARDES.  [1855. 

"Tims  it  was  offensive  and  defensive  on  their  part,  but 
not  on  ours.  We  pledged  ourselves  to  nothing  but  an  honest 
and  peaceful  policy.  And  after  mutual  exchange  of  numerous 
visits  and  presents,  we  sent  the  hungry  prince  and  courtiers 
back,  well  pleased  with  their  reception,  and  with  the  solid 
guarantee  they  had  obtained  for  the  safety  of  their  country. 
"  The  event  is  now  ringing  through  Central  Asia,  and 
will,  I  believe,  have  a  lasting  influence  on  the  current  of 
events  on  that  great  theatre  of  struggle,  in  which  Moham- 
medanism will,  one  day,  be  crushed  between  the  Greek  and 
Protestant  Christians.  .  .  . 

"  This  affair   being  settled,  I  was  ordered  off  here  to 
accompany  a  force  sent    to  enforce  submission  in  an  out- 
lying valley,  called  Meranzye,  which  lies  on  the  borders  of 
Kohat  and  the  kingdom  of  Cabul. 
Meranzye  "  It  had  not  paid  trduitc  to  the  Ameer  for  three  years, 

affiiirs.  leisure  not  having  been  found  to  send  a  force  before.  .  .  . 
Hitherto  all  our  objects  have  been  peacefully  accomplished, 
as  I  pi  ay  they  may  continue  to  be."  * 

The  Crimean  War  was  going  on  at  home,  and  Edwardes 
adds — 

Remarks  "  I  ^^ok  for  an  early  modification  of  the  present  crisis ; 

on  the        1^^^  Sebastopol  must  go  down  first,  and  the  English  nation 
War.  must  remodel  its  army.     If  peace  comes  suddenly,  these 

lessons  will  be  forgotten,  glossed  over  by  all  parties  in 
Parliament,  and  another  war  will  come  on  us  again  and  still 
find  us  without  an  educated  staff,  or  a  general  who  could 
crack  a  nut,  much  less  a  fortress. 

"  What  pages  and  pages  of  humiliating  records  have  we 
been  reading  every  mail  for  the  last  six  months !  But  one 
quality  survives  our  brilliant  reputation — PLUCK  —  a 
quality  found  very  largely  in  the  brute  creation. 

*  The  Meranzye   expedition   ended  in  the  revenue   being  collected 
without  firing  a  shot.     The  thermometer  generally  110°  in  tents. 


1855.]  ON  MILITABY  AltliANGEMENTS.  273 

"And  tlion  the  outcry  of  the  peop'e  against  Govern-  On  pre- 
nieiit  seems  to  me  very  one-sided.  Our  disasters,  calmly  flf/^a"*"" 
considered,  resolve  themselves  into  bad  arrangements.  How 
is  Government  to  make  military  arrangements?  They  are 
conceived,  and  proposed,  and  carried  out  by  a  body  consti- 
tuted for  that  purpose,  and  called  •  the  staff,'  If  you  have 
a  good  i^taff  you  have  good  arrangements,  and  if  you  have  a 
bad  staff  you  have  bad  arrangements.  This  is  the  long  and 
short  of  the  matter.  Now  a  good  stuff  is  a  highly-intelligent 
and  complicated  piece  of  machinery,  and  is  not  to  be  put 
together  in  a  hurry.  It  must  be  educated  through  long 
years  of  peace  as  the  nucleus  of  an  army  in  time  of  war ;  and 
the  jieople  must  consent  to  pay  for  it,  and  to  see  large 
charges  in  the  annual  estimates  for  a  body  of  men  who  arc 
apparently  doing  nothing. 

"But  this  is  just  what  the  Duke  of  Wellington  wanted 
at  the  close  of  the  war  with  France,  and  the  English  people, 
headed  by  Mr.  Hume,  would  not  have  it.  They  said  ii  was 
expensive.  And  now  they  have  gone  to  war  with  their  own 
cheap  staff,  and  rained  an  expedition,  and  clouded  our  glory, 
and  squandered  millions  to  no  purpose.  And  the  Frem-h 
army  lies  alongside  of  ours,  rejoicing  in  a  perfect  organiza- 
tion produced  by  a  scientific  staff.  In  all  this  I  see  more 
blame  to  the  English  people  (who  hate  soldiers  till  they 
want  them)  than  to  the  Government. 

"  What  is  Government  ?  A  selection  of  English  gentle- 
men absorbed  in  party-struggles  in  Parliament,  necessarily 
ignorant  of  all  military  matters.  I  quite  [)ity  their  position 
when  I  think  how  they  must  feel  their  own  utter  incapacity 
to  organize  a  war  in  these  days,  when  war  is  essentially  a 
science.  But  when  I  see  that  none  of  them  admit  it,  and 
don't  tell  the  people  the  plain  truth,  then  I  despise  them. 
And  the  poor  drowning  people,  catching  at  straws,  and  calling 
out  first  for  one  Indian  offieer  and  then  another,  as  if  they 
had  some  talisman  in  their  pockets  to  charm  away  the 
blunders  of  I'oity  yeai'S  ! 

VOL.  I.  T 


274  SIR   HERBERT  B.    EDWARDES.  [1857- 

"  It  is  one  of  the  most  rem;ukal)l('  things  of  this  war,  that 
no  man  seems  to  have  been  drawn  out  from  the  Queen's 
army  by  the  occasion.  I  hear  no  name  mentioned.  I'he 
eyes  of  the  regiments  jit  Sebastop(>l  seem  to  fix  on  no  one. 

"  l^ut  if  a  Wellington  arose,  he  wouM  want  two  cam- 
piiigns,  at  least,  in  wliich  to  organize  his  army.  The  mischief 
is  done,  and  there  is  no  sliort  road  out  of  it,  except  a  sudden 
peace.  And  then,  mark  my  words,  the  country  will  go  to 
sleep  again,  and  Cobden  and  Bright  will  stuff  its  ears  with 
cotton,  and  we  shall  have  all  the  tom-noddyism  of  the  Peace 
Society  over  again." 

To  return  to  the  treaty  with  Dost  Mahommed  and  the 
honours  awarded  to  the  Chief  Commissioner  for  a  work  in 
which  he  had  no  part,  the  beautiful  spirit  with  which 
EdwMrdes  submitted  to  be  ignored  in  his  own  work  is  such 
an  example  of  Christian  forbearance  and  true  humility,  that 
it  may  be  useful  to  many  a  young  man  in  public  life  to  study 
it.  Nor  was  it  a  mere  passing  impulse  of  acquiescence  to  be 
succeeded  by  a  chronic  discontent. 

Long  afterwards,  in  replying  to  some  remonstrances  that 
were  urged  upon  him  to  make  his  own  share  in  the  Afghan 
frontier  operations  better  known  and  understood,  Edwardes 
wrote — 

"  I  have  lost  all  wish  for  fame.  I  have  not  lost  the 
natural  desire  for  the  approval  of  those  I  serve,  and,  after 
them,  of  all  good  men. 

"  But  we  are  very  apt  to  overrate  our  own  services,  and 
it  is  the  oflSce  and  duty  of  Government  to  discern  their  value 
find  put  the  stamp  on.  If  so  done,  the  stamp  is  doubly 
prized  ;  if  not,  a  man  had  better  possess  his  tsoul  in  patience. 

"Not  a  finger  will  I  move  in  the  matter.  We  all  think 
it  a  defect  in  John  Lawrence  that  he  praises  no  one.  But 
I  acquit  him  of  all  mean  and  selfish  motive  in  it.  It  is  not 
that  he  wishes  to  keep  the  credit  to  himself,  though  }»rac- 
tically  it  has  that  effect.     It  is  ?i  principle  oi  his  not  to  praise 


1857.]  TnOUOIITS   ON  FAME  AND   JUSTICE.  275 

public  servants,  fur    fear  of   its    *  piittiiif^    wiud    into    their 
heads,'  as  he  expresses  it ! 

"This  is,  I  think,  a  mistaken  argument ;  for  thor<;  i.s  a 
liii^her  necessity — injustice,  to  praise  the  good  men  do,  as 
well  as  hlame  their  evil. 

*'  John  Lawrence's  blame  is  nn  ever-impending  thunder- 
bolt, but  ho  is  a  Jupitcr-Tonans  who  never  smiles  upon  his 
world. 

"I  am  as  indignant  as  anyone  about  it,  wlicn  it  touches 
a  friend  like  John  Nicholson,  and  I  have  had  a  hot  corre- 
spondence with  J.  L.  on  this  subject.  But  it  does  not  do  any 
good.  He  is  emphatically  a  hard  man  in  pubbc  matters, 
and  so  all  one  has  to  do  is  to  love  him  in  private  and 
respect  him  in  public 

"  i\rost  unquestionably  he  is  a  great  public  si-rvant,  and 
England  would  do  well  to  make  him  Governor-General  of 
India.  Of  course  he  could  not  be  fit  for  such  a  post  without 
being  a  lord  ;  but  lords  are  easily  made.  They  might  first 
Cjualify  him  with  a  peerage,  and  then  use  his  human 
nature. 

"  I  nearly  forgot  what  I  began  all  this  about,  viz.,  to 
beg  you  not  to  blow  a  single  blast,  however  gentle  and 
musical,  on  the  alt-horn  of  Fame  for  me.  .  .  . 

'•  Yours,  etc., 

"11.  B.  E." 
"  1858." 

"We  have  been  carried  on  from  1853  to  1857,  because  it  The  timeii- 
was  impossible  to  break  the  thread  of  the  story  of  the  Afghan  "hg\j.g.,t 
Treaty,  which  was  only  concluded  two  months  before  the  great 
mutiny  of  the  native  army  broke  out,  and  which  theu  became 
of  such  immense  importance  to  us. 

It  was  brought  about  little  by  little,  with  gi'eat  skill,  tact, 
and  patience.  At  first  sight  it  may  seem  long  to  have  been 
engaged  upon  one  work,  but  not  in  reality  long  when  it  is 
considered  what  important  results  were  accomplished — nt>thing 


276  Slli   nERBEliT  B.   EDWABDES.  [1857. 

less  than  the  entire  change  of  relations  between  England 
and  Afghanistan ;  so  great  as  the  difference  between  hatred 
and  bloodshed  and  a  friendly  alliance,  to  let  "  bygones  be 
bygones." 

Who  can  doubt  what  would  have  been  our  position  in 
the  Punjab  if,  at  I'cshawur,  the  frontier  had  been  invaded  by 
the  Afghans  when  we  were  in  extremities  in  1857  ?  and  if  our 
frontier  relations  had  they  remained  as  they  were  when 
Colonel  Edwardes  first  took  charge  at  Peshawur  in  185.3,  what 
could  have  restrained  them  ? 
Review  of  We  sec,  then,  how  timely  was  the  change, 

le  pas .  j^  ^  review  of  the  history  of  past  years,  a  strange,  mys- 

teriously weird  feeling  comes  over  us,  and  great  events  stand 
out  and  seem  to  repeat  themselves  ;  and  we  seem  far  away, 
as  if  we  were  looking  on  them  from  another  world,  and  we 
only  see  their  points  mapped  out  at  long  intervals,  and 
almost  forget  what  lies  between  them  ! 

And  now  we  stand  on  the  other  side  of  another  Cabul 
War,  that  of  1878,  and  it  is  impossible  to  touch  upon  this 
much- vexed  question  of  Afghan  politics  without  a  sad  retro- 
spect ;  for  we  then  saw  this  treaty,  with  which  we  have  been 
engaged  from  its  birth  to  its  completion,  set  aside,  and  the 
scene  reversed,  but  only  for  a  time. 
The  present  Again,  in  1885  we  see  another  meeting  at  Eawul  Pindee 
between  another  Ameer  and  another  Governor-General,  his 
Highness  Ameer  Abdul  Eahuman  Khan,  and  his  Excellency 
Lord  Dufferin,  at  which,  received  with  honour  and  courte- 
ously entertained  by  so  worthy  a  representative  of  England's 
greatness  and  England's  nobility,  the  bonds  of  friendship  were 
cemented  afresh  as  in  1855-57,  by  Abdul  Eahuman,  the 
present  Ameer.* 

From  Herbert  Edwardes's  own  pen  we  may  extract  here 
some  remarks  on  this  subject,  which  show  his  views  of  the 

*  At  this  moment  the  public  papers  bring  us  thereport  of  this  inter- 
view, iu  which  the  Ameer  says,  "  In  return  lor  this  kindness  and  favour, 
I  am  ready  with  my  army  and  my  people  to  render  any  services  which 
may  be  required  of  me  or  of  the  Afghan  nation.  As  the  British  Govern- 
ment has  declared  it  will  assist  me  in  repelling  any  foreign  enemy,  so 
it  is  right  and  proper  that  Afghanistan  should  unite  in  the  firmest  manner 
and  stand  side  by  side  with  the  British  Government." 


time. 


1857.]  AFGHAN  POLITICS.  277 

])olk'y  of  frieiul.sliip  wilh  Alglianistun,  which  ho  had  laboured 
to  biijig  about. 

"The  most  withorinc:  condemnation  which  has  ever  been  Extracts 

f  • 
l)assed  upon  the  whole  policy  of  the  old  Cabul  War  was  i.  i>,.,|,ers" 

fulminated  by   Lord  Ellenboiougli  in    his  memorable    pro-  pjjj.lj'i^l'//* 

chimation,  dated  Simla,  October    I,  1842,  written,   as  the  f"  Afghan 

politics  in 

liistorian  reminds" US,  at  the  same  place,  in  the  same  house,  i858. 
nay,  'in  the  very  room,*  and  on  the  same  day  of  the  same 
month  as  Lord  Aucl^land's  unjustifial)]e  manifesto  of  1838.' 
And  it  was  followed  in  January,  1843,  by  th(!  free  release 
from  captivity  of  Dost  IMahommed  Khan,  wh(jm  we  had 
spent  fifteen  millions  sterling  of  the  revenues  of  India  to 
dethrone  without  a  cause. 

"  Is  it  wonderful  that  six  years  later,  when  British  India 
was  in  the  throe  of  its  struggle  with  the  brave  Sikh  nation, 
this  same  Dost  ]\Lihommed  Khan  should  have  yielded  to  the 
temptation  of  joining  the  Sikhs  against  us  ? 

"  The  author  of  this  Paper  feels  it  one  of  the  greatest 
satisfactions  of  his  life,  and  the  most  useful  incident  of  his 
service,  tliat  he  has  since  then  been  enabled  to  heal  those 
open  wounds,  and  be  the  peacemaker  between  that  ill-used 
ruler  and  the  Government  of  India. 

"  When  Commissioner  of  Peshawur,  in  1854,  he  sought 
and  obtained  the  permission  of  Lord  Dalhousie  to  bring 
aliout  that  hearty  reconciliation  which  was  expressed  in  the 
first  friendly  treaty  of  IMarch  30,  1855,  and  subsequently 
(with  the  equally  cordial  approval  of  Lord  Canning)  was 
substantially  consolidated  by  the  treaty  of  January  26, 
1857.t 

"  At  this  latter  juncture,  the  Shah  of  Persia  had  seized 

Herat,  and  was  threatening  Candahar.     England  was  herself 

attacking  Persia  in  the  Gulf,  and  tli*^  Indian  Government 

*  Kaye,  chap.  iv.  book  viii. 

t  See  Aitchisou's  valuable  collection  of  Indian  Treaties,  vol.  ii.  pp. 
430-433. 


278  SIR   TIEUDEUT  B.   EDWAUDES.  [1857. 

now  gave  to  ils  old  eiiemy  at  Cabiil  (worse  tluiu  enemy,  the 
man  wliom  it  had  deeply  injured)  eight  thousand  stand  of 
arms,  and  a  subsidy  of  £10,000  a  month,  so  long  as  the 
Persian  War  should  last. 

"  "We  did  this,  as  the  treaty  truly  said,  *  out  of  friendship.' 
What  a  fearful  satire  on  the  Cal»ul  War ! 

"  AVe  did  it,  too,  iu  the  plenitude  of  our  power  and  high- 
noon  of  that  treacherous  security  which  smiled  on  India 
in  January,  1857.  How  little,  as  we  set  our  seals  to  that 
treaty,  did  we  know  that  in  ^lay,  the  English  in  India, 
from  Peshawur  to  the  sea,  would  be  fighting  for  empire 
and  their  lives,  and  that  God's  mercy  was  'stojiping  the 
mouths  of  lions  '  against  our  hour  of  need  ! 

"  To  the  honour  of  Dost  Mahommed  Khan,  let  it  be 
recorded  that  throughout  the  Sepoy  War,  under  the  greatest 
temptation  from  events  and  the  constant  taunts  of  the 
limatical  priests  of  Cabul,  he  remained  true  to  the  treaty, 
and  abstained  from  raising  the  green  flag  of  Islam  and 
marching  down  on  the  Punjab.  Had  he  done  so,  no  man 
who  was  in  India  in  those  dreadful  days  of  September  before 
John  Nicholson  stormed  Delhi  Avill  for  a  moment  doubt 
that  the  English  would  liave  been  driven  to  their  ships 
— towards  them,  rather.  How  many  would  have  reached 
them  is  another  matter. 

"And  this  being  so,  it  is  but  historic  justice  to  the 
Ameer's  memory  to  conclude  that  had  Ids  overtures  of 
1837-38  been  accepted  by  Lord  Auckland,  his  fidelity 
would  have  been  the  same,*  and  the  Cabul  War,  with  all  its 

*  •'  A  curious  parallel  may  be  mentioned  in  illustration.  In  December, 
1837,  while  Alexander  Burns  was  at  Cabul,  furwarding  to  Lord  Auckland 
the  entreaties  of  Dost  Mahommed  Khan  to  be  taken  into  alliance  with 
the  English,  a  Eussian  envoy  named  Wiktewitch,  but  commonly  called 
Vicovitch,  arrived  with  a  letter  from  the  Emperor  of  Russia. 

"Dost  Mahommed  consulted  Burns  about  admitting  him,  and  then 
gave  up  the  letter  which  he  brought  to  Burns.  But,  on  Lord  Auckland's 
declining    Dost  Mahommed's   alliance,  the  Ameer  in  despair  turned   to 


1R.-.7.]        WHAT  IS   OUR   BEST  FRONTIER   LINE  i  270 

sorrows  ami  disgraces,  and  othor  wars  and  other  sorrows 
which  have  followed  in  the  train  of  our  lost  prestige,  would 
never  have  darkened  the  history  of  Eiighind." 

But  this  was  in  the  past.  The  war  of  187<S  has  come  and 
gone  too,  and  it  is  only  in  connection  with  this  treaty, 
upon  which  our  thoughts  have  been  occupied,  that  we  have 
anything  to  do  with  it  here.  But  before  we  leave  the  subject, 
we  may  enter  a  little  more  fully  upon  this  interesting  discus- 
sion, and  give  a  few  more  thoughts  of  Colonel  Edwardes  at 
this  time  upon  the  question,  "What  is  our  best  frontier  line  ? 

"  The  question   whieh  gives  interest  to  all  speculations  What  is 
on    Afghanistan    (the   core,   as    one    may    say,  of    Central  frontier 
Asian  politics)  is,  What  ought  England  to  do   about  the  ''"*' 
nortli-west  frontier  of    her   Indian   Empire?    .    .    .     After 
the  doubts  and  lessons  of  the  last  five  years,*  which,  with 
Afghan  alliances,  Russian  encroachments  and  intrigues,  a 
JVrsian  war  about  Herat  itself,  and  an   Indian   revolution, 
have  been  unusually  fertile  in  experience,  I  have  mvself 
arrived    very   decidedly  at   the  conclusion    that   our    true 
military  position  is  on  our  side  of  the  passes  just  where  an 
enemy  must  debouch  on  the  plain." 

With  these  passes  strengthened,  and  Peshawur,  Kohat, 
and  Sindh  brought  by  railroads  and  steamers  into  direct  and 
rapid  communication  with  the  sea,  which  is  our  real  base — 
l)0ssessed  of  these  strategical  points  and  communications, 
M'ith  a  judiciously-located  European  and  well-organized  native 
army,  both  Edwardes  and  Major  Harry  Lumsden  agree  in 
thinking  "  that  the  '  keys  of  India  '  would  be  grasped." 

Wiktewitcli  and  accopted  the  Russian  offers.  And  the  Cabul  War  was 
the  result. 

"  In  the  Crisis  of  1857-58,  another  Russian  envoy,  as  a  matter  of 
course,  was  despatclied  to  Cabul.  The  Ameer  was  now  an  ally  of  the 
English,  and,  true  to  the  stipulation  of  the  treaty,  that  he  should  he  *  the 
friend  of  the  friends  and  the  enemy  of  the  enemies  of  the  Honourable 
East  India  Company,'  ho  stopped  the  Russian  envoy  at  Candahar,  and 
declined  to  receive  him  at  his  Court." — II.  B.  E. 

*  This  was  written  in  1858.  E.Ktracts  from  a  memorandum  on  Major 
Harry  Lmnsdon's  "Report  on  the  Candaliar  Jlission,"  by  Lieutenant- 
Colonel  Herbert  B.  Edwardes. 


280  Slli   IIRRDERT  B.    EDWARDES.  [1858. 

EJwardes  goes  on  to  say : — 

"  Whether  led  on  solely  by  ambition  and  iealousy,  as 

1  wo  groat  J        J  ,1  J ' 

fcrces  some  think,  or  driven  by  that  Higher  Power  which  works 

rushing  to  .  "...,  , 

meet.  out  its  decroo  by  human  passious,  it  is  clear  that  two  great 

Christian  forces  are  hurrying   from  the  Caspian  and   the 
Indian  Ocean  towards  some  common  centre,  and  rolling  up 
the  Hindoo  and   Mohammedan  world  between  them.     No 
one  doubts  that  they  will  meet.     All  that  seems  doubtful 
is  the  point  of  meeting  and  the  result  of  collision.     The 
intervening   space   is   growing   narrower,  and  the  question 
becomes  more  intensely  interesting  every  year.     Each  power 
has  left  to  it,  in  this  as  in  other  matters,  a  wide  discretion ; 
and  each  is  bound,  in  reason  and  prudence,  to  survey  the 
battle-field  and  choose  its  vantage  ground.  Looking  at  it  Irom 
this  purely  selfish  and  strategical  point  of  view,  and  putting- 
out  of  the  discussion  for  the  moment  all  moral  arguments, 
reflection  and  observation  have  satisfied  me  that  it  would  not 
be  wise  for  England  to  choose  her  battle-field  above  the 
Afghan        passes.       Afghanistan   must   be   admitted    to    be   a  great 
diiicuties.   pj^yg^gg^l  difficulty.     It  is  difficult  to  conquer,  difficult  to 
hold,  difficult  to  sustain  an  army  in,  and  most  difficult  of 
all  to  leave.     The  very  native  Government  of  the  country 
lives  from   hand  to   mouth,    and   is   savage  with    its   own 
embarrassments.     Finding  such  a  country  between  us  and 
Eussia,  why  should  we  divide  the  difficulty  ? 

"  Every  mile  that  we  advance  beyond  the  present  British 
border  *  is  a  relief  to  the  enemy,  and  is  taking  on  our  own 
shoulders  a  share  of  the  burden  which  the  invader  ought 
Question  of  to  bear.  After  all,  every  contest  is  a  question  of  resources. 
Experience  has  shown  us  that  military  operations  in 
Afghanistan  can,  from  the  nature  of  the  country,  only  be 
carried  on  at  an  enormous  sacrifice  of  money. 

*  In  1858,  before  the  scheme  was  proposed  of  a  "  rectified  frouticr," 
or  "  scientific  frontier." 


resources 


1858.]  ON  FRONTIER   POLICY.  281 

**  T(i  take  that  expenditure  on  ourselves  would  surely  be  • 
a  blunder;  and  to  throw  it  on  the  enemy  the  most  obvious 
dietate  of  strategy.  If  defending  a  fortress,  before  which 
lay  a  vast  morass,  we  certainly  should  not  plunge  into  the 
morass  ourselves,  but  allow  the  besiegers  to  exhaust  half  their 
strength  and  lose  half  their  material  in  its  toils,  and  then  assail 
them  as  they  emerged.  The  point  would  be  of  no  moment 
if  it  involved  a  difference  of  only  thousands  of  pounds  in  a 
great  war ;  but  it  seems  to  me  to  be  a  question  of  millions, 
which  neither  England  nor  Russia  can  affcjrd  to  throw 
away.  If  England  were  once  to  adopt  the  moderate  and 
purely  defensive  policy  here  advocated,  there  is  little  doubt 
that  Russia  would  push  on  her  schemes  in  Central  Asia 
with  greatly-increased  vigour.  But  if  she  considered  it 
wise  and  justifiable  to  absorb  what  still  remains  of  Persian 
independence — Khiva,  Bokhara,  Kokan,  Herat,  and  Afghan- 
istan— 1  have  come  to  tliink  that  there  would  be  nothing  in 
it  which,  as  Englishmen,  we  should  fear  or,  as  philanthro- 
pists, regret.  For  supposing  her  to  be  entirely  successful,  Specula- 
can  any  one  doubt  that  to  substitute  Russian  rule  for  the 
anarchy  and  man-stealing  of  Khiva,  the  dark  tyranny  of 
Bokhara,  the  nomad  barbarism  of  Kokan,  the  effeteness 
and  corruption  of  Persia,  and  the  fanatical  devilry  of 
Afghanistan,  would  be  anything  but  a  great  gain  to  man- 
kind ?  And  if  we  had  ourselves,  meanwhile,  prepared  our 
own  frontier  for  defence,  I  do  not  see  that  we  should  go  to 
war  with  Russia  on  any  future  occasion  with  any  diminu- 
tion of  advantages.  To  make  a  diversion  of  any  consequence 
in  Asia,  Russia  must  detach  })roportionally  more  of  her 
strength  than  we  to  repel  it ;  and  the  operations  would  be 
close  to  our  base,  and  far  from  hers. 

"  One  reason  that  we  had  for  removing  our  struggles 
with  Russia  as  far  from  India  as  possible  has,  please  God, 
been  removed,  by  the  convulsions  of  1857-58.  Our 
internal  power  in  India  must  now  be  placed  on  the  basis  of 


282 


sin   I/En  BERT  B.   EDWARDES. 


[1858. 


Opinions 
concerning 
tlie  occu- 
j)ation  of 
Qiictta, 
1858. 


conquest,  and  if  secure  in  our  reorgani/alion,  we  need 
not  fear  the  announcement  of  a  European  enemy  in  the 
defiles  of  Afghanistan. 

"But  it  is  a  very  violent  assumption  to  suppose  that 
Russia  could  soon  succeed  in  becoming  our  imperial  neigh- 
bour, and  I  conceive  that  the  policy  now  advocated  would 
tend  to  retard  such  a  result.  Russia,  being  herself  a  half- 
caste  Tartar  power,  has  amalgamated  readily  with  the 
cognate  races  of  Asia,  where  they  were  either  idolatrous,  or 
Cliristian,  or  Armenian.  In  her  early  history,  too,  she  forced 
both  her  yoke  and  her  religion  upon  the  Mohammedan 
tribes  between  the  Black  Sea  and  the  Caspian.  But  the 
achievements  of  Ivan  the  Terrible  have  not  been,  nor  are 
likely  to  be,  rivalled  in  our  day. 

"  The  struggle  in  the  Caucasus  lias  undoubtedly  been 
prolonged  very  greatly  by  the  fanaticism  of  the  followers 
of  Schamyl,  who  do  not  call  themselves  his  soldiers,  but  liis 
disciples.  And  whatever  success  may  attend  Russia,  in 
organizing  the  nomad  tribes  of  the  Kipchak  Desert  and 
of  Turkistan,  I  do  not  think  she  would  find  the  Afghans 
at  all  an  easier  prey  than  the  Circassians.  The  best  way  to 
prevent  it  is  to  show  them  we  ourselves  want  nothing  in 
Afglianistan,  by  neither  annexing,  occupying,  nor  interfering 
in  that  country  ;  and  so,  encouraging  them  to  regard  us  as 
their  friends,  that  in  the  hour  of  danger  they  may  turn  to 
us  for  pecuniary  assistance. 

"  The  surest  way,  on  the  other  hand,  to  throw  the 
Afghans  into  the  arms  of  Russia  would  be  to  fix  our 
battle-field  above  the  j)asse.^,  and  seek  for  strategical  points 
in  countries  which  do  not  belong  to  us. 

"  Within  the  last  few  months  I  have  learnt,  with  regret 
and  astonishment,  that  the  authorities  in  Sindh  have  advo- 
cated the  friendly  occupation  of  Quetta,  above  the  Bolan 
Pass,  as  a  preliminary  to  subsidising  the  Afghan  nation  and 
ultimately  occupying  Herat.    So  vast  a  pile  of  impracticable 


1858.]         ON  STRENQTIIENING    OUR   DEFENCES.  283 

schemes  seems  more  like  some  dream  of  conquest  than  a 
sober  system  of  imperial  defence. 

"The  moaning  of  distance,  the  necessity  of  support,  the 
physical  difliculties  of  countries,  the  moral  difTiculties  of 
races,  the  future  outlay  involved,  and  the  present  financial 
position  of  India  seem  alike  defied  or  ignored  in  such 
astounding  speculations.  In  the  name  of  common  sense  let 
us  deal  with  the  difficulties  and  responsibilities  which  we 
have  already,  and  economize  the  means  which  are  still  left 
at  our  disposal. 

"  Tiiere  is  not  in  the  East  a  more  independent  people 
than  the  Afgiums,  or  one  with  a  stronger  country  ;  and  no 
foreign  power  can  enter  it,  whether  English  or  Russian, 
without  being  an  object  of  bitter  hatred  and  prolonged 
resistance. 

"  From  a  policy  that  would  throw  these  difficulties  on 
us  instead  of  Russia,  the  minds  of  many  will  revei  t  to  the 
more  practical  plan  of  strengthening  the  defences  of  our 
north-west  frontier. 

"  Can   we    do   better   than   accept   the   position    which  Result. 
Providence  has  given  us?     Let  us  neither  take  more  terri-  JnouTtain  "" 
tory  nor  give  up  what  we  have.     The  mountain  frontier  f»on*'<^r- 
which  happened  to  us  in  1849  has  stood  the  strain  of  an 
imperial  convulsion.     It  is  still  more  capable,  I  believe,  of 
repelling  an  invasion. 

"  While  our  empire  in  India  was  expanding  and  ad- 
vancing from  the  twenty-four  porgunnahs  and  the  sea  to 
tlie  Punjab  and  its  mountain  wall,  instinct  seemed  to  tell  us 
not  to  stop  and  strive  after  a  finality  of  frontier  by  building 
forts  midway  in  vast  plains.  But  as  there  must  be  limits  to 
empire,  as  to  other  things,  no  one  can,  I  think,  take  a  broad 
view  of  the  map  of  Asia  and  not  be  satisfied  that  the 
Himalaya  and  the  Sulinmiieo  range  are  Nature's  frontier  of 
Hindoostan.  Quit  it,  and  we  shall  find  no  other  definite 
frontier  in  Central  Asia. 


284  SIR   IIERBEIIT  B.   EDWAEDES.  [1858. 

Fortity  the         "  -^^  ^^^st,  tlioii,  \ve  may  betake  ourselves  to  setting  up 

fiontier.       .^jj(|  fencing  jq  qui'  boundaries,  to  the  securing  of  a  definite 

and  completed  conquest,  by  a  system  of  imperial  forts  and 

military  communications  worthy  of  the  great  interests  to  be 

guarded  and  the  great  dangers  to  be  met. 

"The  Grand  Trunk  lines  of  railroad  from  the  ports  of 
Calcutta,  ]\[adras,  Bombay,  and  Kurrachee,  to  Lahore  and 
Peshawur,  which  have  already  been  decided  and  partially 
executed,*  are  equally  necessary  for  holding  India  and  de- 
veloping its  wealth.  All  that  remains,  therefore,  is  to  crown 
these  lines  with  a  chain  of  forts  from  Peshawur  to  Kurrachee, 
and  unite  them  to  the  railway  by  good  roads,  a  bridge  at 
Attockjt  and  an  effective  flotilla  of  river-steamers  on  the 
Indus. 

"  My  own  impression  is,  that  the  strength  of  the  defence 
may  be  concentrated  upon  the  Peshawur  and  Shikarpoor 
borders,  and  that  very  subordinate  measures  will  suffice 
along  the  majority  of  the  line ;  for,  assuredly,  an  army 
adequate  to  the  invasion  of  India  must  pour  its  masses 
through  the  Khyber  or  Bolan,  or  both,  though  its  auxiliaries 
may  scramble  through  the  Pey wur,  Gwyleree,  and  still  more 
difficult  passes  in  the  districts  of  Dera  Ghazee  Khan  and 
Siudh. 

"I  believe  that  the  adoption  of  this  policy  and  the 
erection  of  such  defensive  works  would  go  far  to  assure  the 
minds  of  oiir  neighbours,  not  only  in  Afghanistan  and 
Beloochistan,  but  also  in  Persia  and  Eussia,  that  we  had 
finally  chosen  our  frontier  and  meant  to  advance  no  further. 

"It  would  help  Afghans  and  Beloochees  to  believe  that 
our  interests  as  regards  invasion  from  the  west  are  really 
one  with  their  own ;  whereas,  nothing  could  throw  such 
discredit  on  our  professions  of  non-interference  as  an  occu- 
pation (which  we  call  friendly)  of  Quetta,  which  Beloochees 

*  And  now  are  completed,  1884. 
t  Now  completed. 


1858.]  ON  FRONTIER   POLICY,    CONTINUED.  285 

must,  in  tlioir  hearts,  regard  as  an  intrusion,  Afghans  as  a 
menace,  and  Persians  and  Russians  as  a  blunder  whicli 
wouM  justify  an  encroachment  of  their  own. 

"No  military  occupation  of  a  foreign  soil  or  nearer 
approach  of  outposts  to  an  independent  neighbour  can  ever 
tend  to  real  friendship.  What  were  the  feelings  of  Shah 
Soojah  and  tlie  Suddozie  party  (to  say  nothing  of  the 
national  party)  during  our  stay  in  Afghanistan  ?  And  what 
were  the  feelings  of  the  Romans  towards  the  French  ? 
Surely  nothing  but  resentment,  smothered  till  it  can  be 
smothered  no  longer." 

These  were  Colonel  Edwardes's  views  expressed  in  1858 ; 
and  later  on,  wheu  he  had  left  India,  he  was  led  again  to 
express  himself  (in  writing  to  his  friend  John  Lawrence,  who 
was  then  Governor-General)  upon  the  suliject  that  he  had  so 
much  at  heart,  although  he  had  no  longer  any  otficial  charge  ; 
for  ill-health  had  brought  him  home  from  India  in  1865, 
and  it  seemed  but  little  likely  that  he  would  be  able  to 
leturn  there. 

But  the  question  of  frontier  politics  was  one  that  very  Edwardes's 
deeply  interested  him.     Edwardes  foresaw  the  great  advances  jJ^^l^^^. 
Russia  would  make,  which  have  come  with  such  rapid  strides  rence  iu 
in   later  years,  and  he  felt   convinced  that  ncjthing  would  ^^^^' 
prevent   the   two   nations   from   rolling  up   together.      The 
question  was,  how  to  he  best  prepared  for  the  meeting  ?  * 

Letter  on  the  subject  of  Russia  and  British  India,  written 
from  England,  to  Sir  John  Lawrence. 

"July  2,  18G6. 

"I  see  that  the  Russians  are  busy  in  Bokhara,  and  doubt-  Later 

less  their  boundary  will  soon  be  on  the  Oxus.     In  time  of   ises.' 

*  It  is  still  a  question  of  the  very  deepest  interest,  the  extension  of 
the  Anglo-Saxon  and  the  lUissian  power  over  Asia.  If  the  ancestors  of 
the  English  and  the  Russians  more  than  three  thousand  years  ago  lived 
together  in  central  Asia,  and  sulisoquently  emigrated,  some  towards  the 
rising  and  some  towards  the  setting  sun,  the  Slavonic  race  settling  in 
Russia,  and  the  forefathers  of  the  Anglo-Sa.xon  (a  kindred  Aryan  one)  in 
England,  docs  it  seem  that,  after  a  variety  of  revolutions,  both  branches 
of  the  groat  Aryan  race  are  again  to  be  near  neighbours  in  Central  Asia? 


286  SIR   nEliDEBT  D.   EDWARD ES.  [1857. 

j)eace  they  would  be  better  neiji;hbours  to  us  than  Asiatics ; 
but  in  time  of  dilTiculty  in  India  or  Europe,  much  the 
reverse;  and  however  g-ood  for  humanity  would  be  the 
gain  of  bringing  Khaurism  under  Russia,  the  loss  to 
humanity  would  be  immensely  greater  if  British  India  were 
disturbed. 

"  I  should  counsel,  therefore,  two  tilings :  first,  coming 
to  a  diplomatic  understanding  witii  Russia,  that  she  might 
come  up  to  the  Oxus  if  she  liked,  and  be  welcome,  so  long 
as  she  left  our  Cabul  ally  alone ;  and,  second,  taking  some 
steps  to  mediate  between  the  contending  children  of  Dost 
IMahommed,  so  as  to  patch  up  their  government  as  seemed 
most  feasible  to  those  on  the  spot,  either  by  all  keeping 
their  old  provinces  or  otherwise.  Were  I  on  the  spot,  I 
would  volunteer  for  the  job.  It  is  one  which  either  Becher, 
or  Harry  Lumsden,  or  Neville  Chamberlain,  or  Norman,  is 
Advocates  lip  to*  Somchow  or  other,  I  do  not  think  you  fully  care 
Afghan-       euoujih  for  keei^ino;  Affrhauistan  as  neutral  qrouncl  letiveen 

istaa  being  "  i       o  o  vi 

kept  us  and  Russia,  which   can  only   be  done  by  keeping  her 

and  inde-     friendly  and  independent. 

pen  ent.  j<  ^^y  gwn  feeling  and  judgment  are  clear  as  to  the  good 

policy  of  doing  so.  But  time  is  precious.  Ihe  time  was 
when  men  pooh-poohed  '  the  Russian  bugbear '  on  the 
ground  that  Russia  had  no  idea  of  extending  her  boundary 
towards  India.  Now  that  Russia  has  done  so,  and  is  next 
door  but  one  in  the  same  street  we  live  in,  these  same  men 
turn  round  and  say  that  'it  does  not  matter.'  Of  course, 
this  is  a  matter  of  opinion ;  but  my  ow  n  opinion  is,  that 
some  day  we  shall  find  it  matters  a  good  deal.  1867  +  Russia 
would  not  be  easily  endured. 

"  Is  there  any  bridge  yet  at  Attock  ?  Do  it  in  your  own 
time.  It  will  be  a  noble  mark.  It  will  never  be  done  until 
you  take  some  one  man,  like  Purdon,  and  order  him  to  do 
it;  and  don't  let  it  be  thrown  into  the  slow  cauldron  of  the 


1857.]  ItEPORT  ON  CANDAHAR   MISSTON.  287 

(k'paitmeut.  ...  I    see    the  papers   talk  of  a    railroad    to 
Pcsliawur.      I'olitlc.illy,  it  will  be  invaluable.* 
"  Yours  affectionately, 

"  Herbert  B.  Edwardes." 

A  few  extracts,  condensed  from  the  very  al)le  paper  that  Extracts 
has   been   alluded    to   already   ("Report   on   the   Candahar  iJ,"!."^ " 
Mission,  by  Sir  Harry  Lumsden  "),  are  quoted  by  permission,  Lumsdcn's 
and  throw  liiiht  on  a  subject  which  only  increases  in  interest  "'*^"'"''''°" 
every  day.     The  views  of  this  very  able  and  accomplished 
officer  are  of  permanent  use  and  interest,  and  the  unanimity  of 
opinion  between  Edwardes  and  Lumsden  gives  them  a  natural 
place  here. 

"  Muscovite  policy  has  now  (1857-78)  reached  Kokan  ; 
Mongolia  is  her  province,  and  her  legions  are  rapidly  closing 
on  China.  Afghanistan,  therefore,  stands  isolated,  as  the  only 
country  free  of  the  iiussian  taint,  and  to  keep  her  so  should 
be  our  great  aim ;  but  how  to  attain  such  a  result  naturally 
becomes  the  question,  and  one  on  which  I  am  fully  aware 
that  many  of  our  ablest  diplomatists  have  greatly  differed. 

"  My  own  conviction  is  that  this  object  will  be  best  ob-  J^"^^  '° 

111-  T         1  »     P     1  ^''•'P    -^'" 

tamed  by  liavmg  as   little   to  say   to  Afghans  as  possible,  ghanistan 
l)eyond  maintaining  friendly  and  intimate  intercourse  with  f^''°"g  '*"<^ 

17/./^  1  indepen- 

the  cle  facto  bovernment ;  by  never  on  any  occasion,  inter-  dent, 
fering  with  the  internal  politics  of  the  country,  nor  assisting 
any  particular  faction,  but  honestly  leaving  Afghans  to 
manage  their  own  affairs  in  the  way  that  suits  them  best. 
We  should  endeavour  to  prevent  the  interference  of  Persia 
or  any  other  power  in  these  matters,  and  be  careful  that  all 
our  political  agents  on  the  frontier  are  fully  instructed  in  the 
views  of  Government  and  carrying  out  a  common  policy.  .  .  . 

"  Unless  under  the  most  pressing  danger  to  Afghan-  Non-inter- 
istan,  and  at  the  spontaneous  and  urgent  demand  of  that 
Government  itself,  no  proposition  involving  the  deputing  of 
British  officers  in  the  country  should  for  a  moment  be  en- 
tertained ;  for,  after  the  example  of  Burns,  all  such  missions 
\y[\\  ever  be  looked  on  with  the  greatest  suspicion,  no  matter 
how  aide  the  officers  to  be  so  employed  or  what  their  object. 

*  Thcs3  advantages  are  now  accomplished  fact.s,  for  both  the  bridge 
at  Attock  and  the  railroad  at  Po-shiwur  are  completed. — E.  E.,  1885. 


ference. 


288 


SIR  IIEItBERT  B.   EDWARBES. 


[1857. 


A  strong 
frontier. 


Supports. 


Success  of 
the  con- 
ciliatory 
policy  of 
the 

Peshawur 
authorities, 


A  Khy- 
beree's 
views  of 
afl'airs  ia 
1885. 


If  the  rulers  really  wish  for  the  services  of  such  men,  they 
will  be  quick  enougli  in  asking  for  them ;  for  modesty  has 
never  been  an  Afghan  weakness.  .  .  . 

"  Providence  has  blessed  us  with  a  strong  line  of  frontier, 
covered  by  rugged  and  barren  hills,  througli  which  there  are 
but  a  limited  number  of  passes  by  which  any  army  could 
approach  India ;  and  the  military  art  teaches  us  that  the  best 
position  for  the  defence  of  such  ground  is  on  our  own  side  of 
the  passes,  just  where  an  army  must  debouch  on  the  plain.  .  .  . 

"  Here,  then,  is  our  true  position,  which  we  are,  of  course, 
in  common  prudence,  bound  to  strengthen  in  every  possible 
way.  .  .  .  The  most  important  and  first  to  be  attended  to  is  the 
opening  up  of  our  communications  with  the  real  base  of  all 
military  operations  in  India — the  sea,  and  connecting  these 
distant  points  with  it  by  rail  and  steamers.  With  Peshawur, 
Kohat,  and  Sindh  in  our  possession,  and  the  communications 
with  our  Indian  provinces  open  by  rail,  and  steamers  on  the 
Indus,  and  a  strong  force  of  Europeans  located  in  healthy  can- 
tonments all  over  the  country,  supported  by  a  well-organized 
native  army,  I  consider  that  we  should  really  have  the  keys 
of  India  in  our  own  pockets,  and  l)e  in  a  position  to  lock  the 
doors  in  the  face  of  all  enemies,  black  or  white.  .  .  . 

"  At  the  same  tune  I  would  strongly  advocate  the  carrying 
out  a  conciliatory  policy  towards  our  hill  neighbours,  but 
bearing  in  mind  the  real  Puthan  character,  whom  the  touch 
of  money  only  renders  more  rapacious,  who  will  swear  any- 
thing for  filthy  lucre,  but  only  respect  that  power  which  shows 
ability  to  punish  with  the  one  hand  and  reward  with  the 
other.  .  .  . 

"  Our  Peshawur  authorities  have,  ever  since  the  Punjab 
became  ours,  pursued  a  policy  towards  the  Afreedee  tribes, 
the  fruits  of  which  are  already  ripening,  and  which  in  a  few 
more  years  must  lead  to  happiest  results. — H.  B.  L." 

Some  letters  have  just  come  out  in  a  periodical  print, 
called  "  Jottings  on  Afghanistan,  by  a  Khyberee,"  which 
touch  the  subject  in  a  concise  way,  and,  as  evidence  on  the 
spot,  may  close  these  remarks. 

"  It  can  hardly  be  expected  that  a  poor  traveller,  whose 
time  has  been  spent  in  the  rocky  defiles  of  the  Ivhyber,  can 
possibly  have  any  definite  views  of  Afghan  policy.      Such 


1S57.]       "A    KIlYDEIiEE"    ON  FliONTIEIi   POLICY.         280 

ref^ions  are  not  f;ivouriil)le  to  iiitellectuiil  <,Towtli.  Jiiit  we  in 
the  Kliyl)C'r  Inne  suen  .some  changes  within  the  hist  eighty 
}  ems,  and  no  mistake. 

"  We  have  seen  Shall  Shoojah,  tlien  a  handsome  young 
fellow  of  thirty  years  of  age,  march  through  an  inhi)S])italtle 
}i:i.ss  to  welcome  the  gorgeous  mission  of  ^lountstuart  Elphin- 
stone  in  1809. 

"  This  was  the  '  alarmist  policy.'  Then  came  the  '  med- 
dling })olicy '  in  1832,  when  Secundar  lUirns  passed  through 
(in  his  'commercial  mission;'  and  again  in  1838,  when 
fleneral  Keane  advanced  into  Afghanistan.  The  British 
frontier  was  then  at  Ferozepore,  some  three  hundred  miles 
from  the  Afghan  frontier.  The  Punjal)  had  not  been  an- 
nexed. A  powerful  native  chief  ruled  the  province.  And 
yet,  in  the  face  of  all  the.se  difficulties,  a  Briti.sh  army  in- 
vaded Afghanistan  siniiily  to  dethrone  a  popular  Barakzaie 
chief.  Dost  Mahonmied,  and  to  place  on  the  throne  a  mere 
puppet  of  a  king.     The  Cabul  disasters  are  well  known. 

"  In  1848  the  Punjab  was  annexed.  The  frontier  line  of 
Uritish  India  was  moved  from  Ferozepore  to  the  Khylier  Pa.ss. 
Then  it  was  that  the  whole  political  situation  became  changed. 
Cabul  was  being  governed  by  a  truly  great  and  popular 
ruler,  the  Dost  whom  England  had  dethroned  and  restored. 

"  It  was  then  that  a  state  policy  became  really  necessary, 
and  it  was  one  of  '  masterly  activity.'  Dost  ^lahommed,  in 
1854,  concluded  a  treaty  of  alliance  with  his  old  enemies. 
The  treaty  had  three  articles." 

(We  have  seen  it  made,  and  followed  its  course  in  the 
jtrecediug  pages.) 

"  Some  would  tell  us  that  this  policy  of  masterly  activity 
was  inaugurated  l)y  Sir  John  Lawrence,  but  there  is  positive 
])roof  that  it  was  Sir  Herbert  Edwardes  who  brought  about 
the  treaty. 

"  John  Lawrence,  it  is  true,  signed  it,  but  his  corre- 
spondence with  Colonel  Edwardes  shows  that  he  did  not 
l)elieve  in  its  utility. 

"  Dost  ;Mahonnned  kept  that  treaty,  and  during  the  Indian 
Mutiny  of  1857-58  the  whole  Afghan  frontier  was  tranquil. 
Our  best  allies  before  Delhi,  next  to  the  Sikhs,  were  Edwardes's 
Afghan  levies  and  Derajat  ones. 

VOL.  I.  U 


290  SIR   IlEIiBERT  B.   EDWARDES.  [1857. 

"SireJuliu  Lawrence's  real  policy  was  that  of  'masterly 
inactivity.'  John  Lawrence  was  a  noble  character,  true  and 
good.  He  was  a  great  administrator,  Init  he  was  not  a  states- 
man. He  ruled  India  very  much  as  our  American  cousins 
'  run  a  store.'  Lord  Lawrence  thought  the  Pdver  Indus, 
rather  than  the  great  passes,  the  best  frontier  of  India. 

"  His  policy  with  regard  to  Afghanistan  was  to  recognize 
the  de  facto  ruler  of  Caljul ;  consequently  he  had  a  word  of 
encouragement,  not  only  for  Shere  Ali  when  he  reigned  in 
peace,  but  also  for  his  rival  Ijrothers,  Afzul  and  Azim,  when 
they  seized  their  brother's  throne.  It  pleased  no  one ;  it 
offended  both  parties.  But,  unfortunately,  this  policy  did  not 
expire  with  his  term  of  office. 

"  In  the  mean  time  Eussia  annexed  Bokhara,  Kokan,  and 
Khiva.  .  .  . 

"  In  1873  Shere  Ali  became  alarmed  at  the  Russian  pro- 
gress, and  sought  the  aid  of  the  English  Government.  But  to 
the  Ameer's  appeal  for  help  the  Liberal  Government  replied, 
*  We  do  not  share  his  alarm  ;  there  is  no  cause  for  it.'  This 
drove  Shere  Ali,  the  Ameer  of  Cabul,  into  the  arms  of  Eussia. 

"  When  Disraeli  came  into  power,  an  attempt  was  made 
to  begin  a  policy  of  '  masterly  determination ; '  but  it  was 
too  late.  "V\Tiat  the  policy  was  may  be  seen  from  the  draft 
of  the  treaty  presented  by  Sir  Lewis  Felly  at  the  Peshawur 
conference.  .  .  .  But  Shere  Ali  was  already  driven  into  the  arms 
of  the  Eussian  rival. 

"  An  Afghan  war  was  the  result.  .  .  .  "\Micn  the  Liberals 
came  into  power,  then  began  the  '  scuttling-out  policy.'  The 
rails  of  the  Quetta  railway  were,  according  to  our  last  Indian 
authority,  sold  for  old  iron  in  the  Indian  bazaars.  .  .  . 

"  What  will  be  the  future  policy  of  England  regarding 
Afghanistan  it  is  impossible  to  say.  With  a  man  like  Lord 
Dufferin  at  the  helm  in  India,  it  seems  likely  that  Afghan 
affairs  will  now  cease  to  be  a  matter  of  party  strife." 

And  here  we  close  the  Kyberee's  thoughts  and  jottings, 
and  the  reader  will  take  them  for  what  he  thinks  them  worth 
on  this  much-vexed  question  of  Afghan  politics. 

Some  thoughts  of  Edwardes's,  culled  from  other  sources 
and  relating  to  this  frontier  question,  are  put  together,  and 
will  close  this  chapter. 


1857.]  THOUGHTS.  2!il 

On  Tin:  "  Dkstiny  of  the  Anglo-Saxons." 

"It  is  commonly  asserted  to  be  the  'destiny'  of  tlie 
Anjrlo-Saxons  to  overrun  Central  Asia  and  other  eastern 
coujitries.  Is  it  presumption  to  undertake  to  interpret  it  ? 
The  teiiijiting  theory  is  calkd  in  the  Friend  of  India,  the 
I'i^lit  of  the  sane  man  over  the  insane.  Who  is  to  decide 
lietween?  The  sane  man,  even  in  Europe,  does  not  confine 
himself  always  to  putting  the  insane  man  under  restraint, 
but  takes  the  insane  man's  property  for  his  own  use!  It 
is  the  next  heir  who  is  usually  possessed  with  the  humane 
design  of  putting  the  madman  in  confinement. 

"  The  doctrine  has  its  allurements,  and  so  have  the  kindred 
cries  of  Chartists,  Socialists,  and  j\Iormoiis  ;  but  we  ourselves 
think  it  snuicks  of  dishonesty. 

" '  Fouls  rush  in  where  angels  fear  to  tread.'  We  '  rushed 
in '  once  as  far  as  Cabul  and  Herat,  and  might  well  '  fear 
to  tread  '  that  destiny  again.  If  our  destiny — of  course  we 
shall  go. 

"  ^leanwhile,  let  us  watch  reverently  to  see  what 
this  same  '  destiny  '  has  undeniably  put  under  our  charge 
— India.  Let  us  attend  to  its  well  administration  and 
Christianizing,  which  is  the  object  for  which  it  has  been 
given  to  us. 

"  And  iiist,  to  remedy  the  defects  of  our  present  organi- 
zation, especially  the  native  army. 

"  It  may  not  unlikely  prove  that  our  destiny  is  not  to 
take  us  beyond  the  Sulimanec  range,  which  is  the  natural 
wall  of  India.  Once  ffo  brvond  that,  and  we  see  no  well- 
defined  boundai-y  before  us.  We  are  lannched  on  Central 
Asia. 

"  The  Westminster  lieview  says,  '  The  day  must  come 
when  Cabul  and  the  Hindoo  Koosh  will  be  our  boundary  ;' 
and  if  so,  it  will  not  be  for  long.  It  is  no  boundary  at  all. 
Even  Dost  jMahommcd   Kh.m  has  crossed   it  and  annexed 


202  S/n    TIERDEIiT  D.   EDWARDES.  [1857. 

Bulkli,  and  holds  both  as  pnrts  of  a  whole,  looldng  askance 
at  Bokhara  and  Herat." 

"  l\ussia  has  a  great  advantage  in  the  unity  and 
constancy  of  her  designs.  It  is  a  common  saying  that 
Peter  the  Great  laid  down  the  foreign  prdicy  of  llussia, 
and  common  observation  that  his  successors  have  adhered 
to  it.  She  has  doubtless  laid  down  the  boundary  she 
intends  to  have,  whether  it  rest  on  the  Persian  Gulf,  the 
Sulimanee  range,  the  Bay  of  Bengal,  or  the  Pacific  Ocean. 
There  is  nothing  indefinite  in  her  plans,  and  she  fills  them 
in  as  ladies  do  worsted-woik — a  bit  at  a  time,  often  laying 
the  canvas  down  when  there  are  other  things  to  do,  but 
taking  it  up  again  in  the  first  leisure  moment  and  inserting 
a  wreath,  a  flower,  a  single  leaf,  a  needleful  of  wool — but 
all  according  to  the  pattern. 

"  The  policy  of  England  wants  this  breadth  and  fixed- 
ness of  purpose.  We  have  lived  from  hand  to  moutli  in 
our  career.  This  did  not  matter  when  Eussia  was  at 
Orenberg  and  England  on  the  Sutlej.  The  question 
becomes  pressing  now.  Where  do  we  mean  to  fix  the 
British  boundary  in  Central  Asia — if  ive  can  ? 

"  Let  it  be  considered  fully,  and  a  policy  adopted  and 
acted  on.  Let  the  frontier  we  mean  to  stand  by  be  fortified 
by  our  soldiers  in  times  of  peace. 

"  If  there  is  anything  like  a  conclusion  of  policy 
traceable  in  our  proceedings,  it  is  to  make  Afghanistan 
a  'buffer'  between  India  and  every  danger.  In  1808  we 
made  an  offensive  and  defensive  treaty  with  Shah  Shoojah 
on  his  throne.  In  1838  we  failed  to  come  to  terms  with 
Dost  Mahomme  1  Khan,  and  we  undertook  to  depose  him, 
and  to  rethroue  Shah  Shoojah.  In  1842  we  released  Dost 
Mahommed  from  prison,  in  order  that  he  might  re-occupy 
the  throne  of  Cabul  as  our  friend.  In  1848  Dost  Mahommed 
Khan  joined  our  enemies  the  Sikhs,  and  all  Afghans 
expected   us   to   add   Cabul  to  the  Punjab ;    yet    in   1854 


1857.]  THREE  POSSIBLE  POLICIES.  20o 

we  again  reverted  to  the  policy  of  the  '  buCfcr,'  and  forgave 
Dost  Muhomraed's  eumities." 

"  Tlie  F fiend  of  Jnclia  has  hituly  conteinphited,  if  not 
actually  advocated,  the  occupation  of  Afghanistan  as  a 
better  policy. 

"There  are  three  possible  policies —  Three 

"  1.  To  take  and  hold  Af;4lianistan  in  our  own  inteiest.       pondpr 

"  2.  Never  to  take  it ;  but,  whenever  necessary,  occupy  discussed, 
it  as  friends,  and  fight  Russia  on  the  Persian  or  Turfoinau 
frontier. 

"3.  To  resolve  to  stick  to  our  present  frontier,  and 
fight  Russia,  whenever  Russia  assails  us,  at  the  eastern 
mouths  of  the  passes. 

"  On  the  threshold  of  this  question  we  hold  that  we  The  first 
could  not  adopt  this  first  policy  without  first  having  fair  "^^^  *  ' 
cause   of    quarrel  ;    and    we   protest    against   the    brigantl 
doctrine^  that  the  white  man  has  a  vested  right  to  take  the 
country  of  the  black,  brown,  or  whitey-brown  man.  .  .  . 

"  Advancing   to  the   eastern   boundary   of  Afghanistan,  The  second 
as  in  policy  No.  2,  would  be  dividing  the  difficulties  with  "  ""■ 
Russia,  bringing  on  us  the  enormous  expense  of  transport- 
ing military  stores  so  far,  making  enemies  of  the  Afghans, 
and   departing   so   far   from   our   base    of    opeiations    and 
railroads.  .  .  . 

"By  waiting  on  our  present  frontier,  we  husband  our  The  third 
money,  organize  our  line  of  defence,  rest  upon  our  base  i'"^'^"'^- 
and  railroads,  save  our  troops  from  fatigue,  and  bring  our 
heaviest  artillery  into  the  field  ;  while  the  enemy  can  only 
bring  light  guns  over  the  passes,  has  to  brihe  and  fight 
his  way  across  Afghanistan,  wears  out  and  decimates  his 
army,  exhausts  his  treasure  and  carriage,  and,  when 
defeated,  has  to  retreat  through  the  pa-ses  and  ovtr  all 
Afghanistan — plundere<l  at  every  march  by  tribes  who 
would  as  soon  cut  the  throat  of  a  Russian  as  an  Entrlish 
kalir  ;    perhaps    sooner,    fur    there    is    a    distinct    feeling 


2!M  ,S7/,'  iiF.uiiF.irr  i:.  kdwaudes.  [is.-.t. 

tliroiiu'lii'iit  Alirlianislaii  tluit  tlic  Jiussiaiis  are  not  so 
trustworthy  as  the  English." 

"  Tlie  dangers  oF  a  defensive  policy  are  to  be  considered — 
risinffs  behind  us.  Above  all,  we  have  to  fear  the  native 
army,  unless  placfd  on  a  sounder  footing.* 

"  The  oi)ini()iis   of  manv   as  to  the   disaffection   of   the 

l).iiii;t'r.s  i 

cMisidinMi.    secularly-educated    natives    is  a  danger.       It   must    be    so, 
unless  corrected  by  Christianity. 

"  On  this  subject,  too,  legislation  sliould  be  broad  and 
far-seeing,  recognizing  tlie  prol)al)ility  that  when  we  have 
taught   the   natives  how   to  govern  themselves  they   may 
wish  to  do  so. 
Aims  com-  "  I^   ^^^  keep  this  in  mind,  our  measures  will  aim  at 

pared.  parting  friends.     If  we  ignore  it  and  aim  at  the  retention 

of  India  for  our  own  national  benefit,  our  legislation  must 
become  more  repressive  and  harsh  year  by  year,  as  know- 
ledge spreads  among  the  natives. 

"  Assuming  policy  No.  3  to  be  adopted,  the  subordinate 
question  arises  whether  we  should  cultivate  friendly  an  1 
defensive  relations  with  the  countries  beyond  us,  en- 
couraging and  aiding  them  to  some  extent  in  resisting 
Russian  or  pro-Russian  encroachments,  and  so  delaying 
the  day  of  conterminous  Russian  and  British  boundary, 
or  should  abstain  from  anything  further  than  civility  and 
good  neighbourhoo  I,  distinctly  giving  the  outside  chiefs  to 
understand  that  they  must  make  their  own  arrangements." 

"  Abstractedly  it  would  be  far  better  that  Russia  should 
rule  in  Persia,  Cabul,  Khiva,  Bukhara,  and  Kokan,  than  the 
present  native  sovereigns.  It  would  be  a  gain  to  mankind. 
(See  Colonel  Sutherland's  Sketches  and  Terrier's  account 
of  the  internal  administration  of  Persia  and  A'ghanistan 
and  the  slave-dealing  Turcoman  states.     I  think  Kaye  in 

*  This  was  written  before  the  mutiny  of  the  native  army  of  1857, 
and  shows  how  trulj'  Edwaides  estimated  the  dangerous  organization  of 
that  army  before  that  terrible  catastrophe. 


1857.]  CONCLUSIONS.  2f)5 

his  '  Jlistory  of  Afgliauistau  '  gives  strong  opinions  of 
Conolly's  on  this  point.) 

"  These  considersitious  would  seem  to  point  to  the 
propriety  of  not  opposing  the  march  of  civilization  from 
whatever  quarter  it  may  approach ;  and  of  coming  to  an 
amicable  understanding  with  Russia,  communicating  to  her 
the  boundary  we  meant  to  maintain  f(jr  Britisli  India,  and 
renouncing  all  intention  of  interfering  beyond  that  limit, 
leaving  Russia  to  deal  with  the  intermediate  countries 
according  to  her  own  sense  of  justice  or  interest. 

"  lint  though  we  do  not  deem  such  a  policy  Utopian, 
and  hope  to  see  the  day  when  it  may  be  acted  on  with 
Bafety,  yet,  unfortunately,  we  are  not  prei^ared  to  recommend 
it  now.  It  would  demand  either  implicit  confidence  in 
Russia's  objects  or  in  the  strength  of  our  own  position. 
We  have  neither. 

"  The  Vicovitch  history,  the  invasion  of  Kokan,  the 
Menschikoff  War  with  Turkey,  Czar  Nicholas's  overtures 
to  Sir  IIora'?e  Seymour,  Czar  Alexander's  fulfilment  of  the 
Treaty  of  Paris,  have  all  left  painful  impressions  that  cannot 
easily  be  efiaced." 

"  We  class  Russia  for  the  future,  by  virtue  l)Oth  of 
extraction  and  morality,  under  the  head,  not  of  European 
but  of  Asiatic  powers. 

"  The  policy  of  Russia,  however,  would  matter  little  to 
England  if  secure  in  her  own  position  in  India. — H.  B.  E." 


CHxVPTEU   X. 

1853—1854. 

THE   PESlIAWUIl   MISSION   TO   THE   AFGHANS. 


"  Such  incense  as  of  right  belongs 

To  the  true  shrine, 
Where  stands  the  Healer  of  all  urongs 

In  light  divine ; 
The  golden  censer  in  His  hand, 
He  offers  hearts  from  every  land, 
Tied  to  His  own  by  gentlest  band 

Of  silent  Love ; 
About  Him  winged  blessings  stand 

In  act  to  move." 

Kkbi,e, 


(      2!)0     ) 


CHAPTEIl  X. 

Tn  tlie  preceding  clm])t6rs  our  attention  has  been  fixed  upon 
A%luin  politics,  and  the  thread  of  the  story  could  not  he 
broken  to  trace  the  origin  of  the  Christian  mission,  which  was 
iirst  establislied  at  Peshawur  in  1853. 

There  can  be  no  mission  in  any  part  of  the  world  which 
can  reach  a  lengthened  existence  without  exhibiting  in  its 
history  many  interesting  events.  The  position  of  the  Peshawur 
mission  gives  it  an  especial  claim  to  interest. 

Peshawur  being  geographically  a  part  of  Afghanistan,  the  I'eshawur 
picket    to   British    India,    the   people   who   inhabit   it    are  cally  Af- 
Afghans.     On  the  east  is  the  river  Indus ;  on  the  M'cstern  ghanistan. 
side,  the  Sulimanee  range  of  mountains,  in  which  stands  the 
Khyber  Pass.     From  that  pass  to  the  Indus  is  about  fifty 
n:ik'S ;  and  on  the  south  side  stands  the  Koliat  Pass.     The 
liills  of  Swat  shut  in  the  north. 

The  valley  lying  between  these  ranges  and  the  river 
Indus  is  most  fertile,  and  produces  crops  and  fruits  in 
luxuriant  abundance.  For  this  valley  the  tribes  have  all 
contended  for  ages  past,  and  the  tribes  that  inhabit  those 
mountain  ranges  are  the  fiercest  clans  that  can  be  found  any- 
where on  the  face  of  the  globe. 

Edwardes  says — 

"  I  do  not  think  that  liner  specimens  of  pliysical  human   Kdwaraes's 

description 

nature  can  be  found.     Nurtured  on  tho.se  hills,  with  very  ofi'esi.A- 
little  to  support  them,  they  have  been  reared   in  constant 
warfare.     I'^ach  man  is  armed  to  the  teeth,  and  goes  fortli 
with  liis  hand  against  every  man,  prepared  to  meet  every 
man's  iiand  airainst  him. 


,'500  ,S7A'    llEiniEllT  11.    i:]>]\'ATiDES.  [1853. 

"  Wliatevor  truth  or  whatever  falsehood  there  may  be 
in  Lord  Macaiihiy's  description  of  the  mountain-clans  of  our 
own  nortli,  I  must  say  that  if  you  were  to  take  those  pages 
and  apply  them  to  the  iiduibitants  of  the  Khyber  Pass  and 
Afghiin  Mountains,  you  would  lind  it  suit  exactly.*  They 
possess  every  vice  with  which  human  nature  is  afflicted  ; 
but  they  have  their  virtues  too. 

"They  have  the  great  virtue  of  manly  courage,  and 
they  have  the  great  virtue  of  hospitality.  Wlien  the  Eng- 
lish soldier  is  brought  in  contact  with  them,  it  is  a  refresh- 
ment, after  coming  from  the  slavish  plains,  to  meet  a  race 
able  to  struggle  with  him  for  empire." 

If  you  were  to  look  over  the  map  of  Asia,  certainly  over 
the  map  of  British  India,  and  were  to  select  the  spot  most 
uncongenial  for  the  establishment  of  a  mission,  you  would 
put  your  finger  on  Peshawur. 

The  founder  was  a  military  officer,  one  of  the  best  and 
most  consistent  and  earnest  among  our  Indian  Christians, 
Colonel  Martin,  of  the  9th  Bengal  jSTative  Infantry.  He  had 
formed  a  desire  to  devote  £1000  to  the  purpose  of  estab- 
lishing a  Christian   mission   in   the  Punjab.     This  officer's 

*  At  present  the  principles  by  which  Puthaos  especially  are  guidel 
in  their  intercourse  with  each  other  are  those  of  retaliation — blood  for 
blood,  injury  for  injury,  "an  eye  for  an  eye,  and  a  tooth  for  a  tooth." 

An  amusing  instance  of  this  occurred  in  a  visit  Edwardes  paid  one 
day  in  the  hills.  His  host,  a  man  of  gigantic  stature,  to  do  honour  to  his 
visitor  drew  out  his  bed  for  a  seat;  and  Edwardes  was  in  his  own  mind 
amused  for  some  time  at  the  ridiculous  disproportion  of  its  size,  being  a 
very  short  one.  At  last  he  said  to  his  host,  "  It  surprises  me  how  you,  so 
tall  a  man,  can  lie  upon  a  bed  so  very  short."  "  Oh,"  said  he,  "  I  have  a 
short  bed  in  order  to  oblige  me  to  sleep  with  my  knees  up,  that  I  may 
sleep  lightly!  Do  j'ou  see  that  smoke  curling  up  from  the  hill  below  ?  " 
Edwardes  looked  where  he  pointed,  and  he  saw  a  slight  curl  of  smoke 
rising  in  the  air.  "  That  smoke  is  from  the  house  of  my  enemy,"  said  the 
man;  "I  am  two  ahead  of  that  man  now,  and  I  must  sleep  lightly.  If  I 
were  to  stretch  myself  out  straight  upon  mj^  charpoy,  I  should  sleep  so 
soundly  that  he  would  catch  me  asleep  ;  but  by  sleeping  with  my  knees 
up,  I  wake  easily ! " 

"  Two  ahead  "  meant  that  he  had  killed  two  members  of  the  other 
man's  family,  that  had  to  be  paid  off. — E.  E. 


1853.]  OlilGIN   OF   THE  VESllAWUR   MISSION.  301 

renjiinent  was  stationed  at  Pesliuwur,  and  tliis  circumstance 
naturally  localized  his  interest  there. 

He  sent  anonymously,  and  he  thouglit  secretly,  ]is.  10,000 
to  the  Church  Missionary  Society,  with  the  re(|uest  that  they 
would  commence  missionary  work.  But  notliin<f  of  that 
kind  could  he  done  without  th(>  sanction  and  support  of 
the  chid'  ciNii  authority  on  tlic  spot,  wdio  was  Colonel 
^Lickesoii,  the  Commissioner  and  Governor-General's  Agent 
on  the  Peslulwur  frontier. 

When  Colonel  Martin  aske<l  for  the  Commissioner's  per-  Mission 
mission,  he  met  with  a  distinct  refusal.     Colonel  ^lackeson  by  the*"* 
would  not  sanction  it  in  any  way,  or  even  permit  it ;  and  he  Commis- 
assured  Colonel  Martin  that  the  first  missionary  who  crossed  coionei 
tlie  Indus  at  Attock   to  enter  tlie  Pesliawur  Valley  should  Mackeson. 
lie  turned  back  l)y  his  orders. 

Peshawur  is  a  large  Mohammedan  city,  filled  with  Afghans 
and  fanatical  hill-triljcs,  with  a  po]Julation  of  not  less  than 
sixty  thousand,  and  it  had  comparatively  recently  come  under 
English  rule ;  for,  having  been  conquered  from  the  Afghans 
by  Punjeet  Singh,  the  time  was  not  so  long  distant  when  it 
had  held  its  place  in  the  map  of  Afghanistan.*  Politically, 
therefore,  Colonel  Mackeson  conceived  that  it  was  a  dangerous 
experiment  to  plant  a  Christian  mission  there.  The  proposal 
was  necessarily  dropped. 

But  Colonel  Martin  was  still  at  Peshawur  at  the  time  of 
Colonel  Mackeson's  assassination  and  of  Colonel  Edwardes's 
arrival  to  succeed  him.  He  lost  no  time  in  bringing  the 
matter  before  Edwardes,  and  sounding  liim  to  discover  what 
his  views  were. 

Edwardes  knew  notliing  of  tlie  previous  attempt  or  Support 
])revious  failure  ;  but,  on  being  asked  for  his  support,  he  Colonel 
warndy    gave    the    right    hand    of    fellowshi})    to   Colonel  £"1*31(165. 

*  Pc'sluvwur  is  much  celebrated  for  it.s  schools  of  Mohammedan  learn- 
in;.',  ami  also  as  a  commercial  centre.  Those  who  resort  thither  for  these 
purposes  are  brought  into  direct  contact  with  Christianity.  And  there  is 
now  a  mission  church,  where  the  gospel  is  jireachcd,  in  which  a  portion  is 
railed  off  for  their  accommodation,  wliere  natives  are  allowed  to  come  in 
at  their  will  and  listen  to  the  preaching  in  their  own  tongue.  And  there 
manj'  arc  often  seen.  This  is  an  interesting  feature  of  the  TesliAwur 
mission. 


resolved 
upon 


.']02  sin   IIEItBERT  n.    EBWABDES.  [1K53. 

IMartin,  and  assured  liini  tliat  he  would  lieartily  support 
and  approve  it,  and  not  l>c  ashamed  to  own  himself  a 
Christian  ;  that,  privately,  he  and  his  wife  would  assist  the 
mission  with  their  purse,  and  puldicly,  he  would  '^wa  the  mis- 
sionaries the  prcjteetion  which  they  could  rightly  claim,  and 
wliich  was  extended  to  every  other  religion. 
Mission  This  was  all  that  was  required  or  asked,  and  a  meeting 

was  called  of  the  European  residents  at  Peshawur,  at  which 
Colonel  Edwardes  presided,  and  the  mission  was  established. 
The  Church  Missionary  Society  in  Salisbury  Square  was  in- 
vited to  send  fit  men  to  start  it. 

Colonel  Edwardes's  own  words,  in  addressing  this  meeting 
on  December  19,  1853,  will  best  explain  his  thoughts,  and 
show  that  it  was  not  alone  as  a  true  Chnstian  that  he  sup- 
ported missions  (ha\dng  regard  to  the  command  of  his  Master), 
but  also  as  a  statesman,  with  his  own  independent  views  of 
frontier  rule,  "  that  we  are  much  safer  if  we  do  our  duty." 
He  said — 

Edwardes's  "  Ladies  and  gentlemen, — It  is  my  duty  to  state  briefly 

speec  .  ^^^  object  of  this  meeting,  but  happily,  it  is  not  necessary 
to  enlarge  much  either  on  that  or  on  the  general  duty  of  assist- 
ing missions.  A  lull  sense  of  both  brings  us  here  to-day. 
A  few  practical  resolutions  will  be  proposed  for  your  adoption 
or  correction,  and  I  will  not  occupy  time  by  travelling  over 
the  same  ground  as  the  speakers  who  will  move  and  second 
them.  But,  as  Commissioner  of  this  frontier,  it  is  natural  that 
of  all  in  this  room  I  should  be  the  one  to  view  the  question 
in  its  public  light,  and  I  wish  to  state  what  I  understand  to 
be  the  mutual  relations  of  the  Christian  Government  and 
Christian  missions  of  this  country — our  duties  as  public  and 
private  men  in  religious  matters. 

"That  man  must  have  a  very  narrow  mind  who  thinks 
that  this  immense  India  has  been  given  to  our  little 
England  for  no  other  purpose  than  for  our  own  aggrandize- 
ment— for  the  sake  of  cadetships  for  our  poor  relations. 

"  Such  might  be  the  case  if  God  did  not  guide  the  world's 


1853.]  OPENING    SPKECII.  303 

afTiiirs  ;  for  lOiigLiml,  likf  any  other  land,  if  Icfl  to  its  own 
selfishness  and  its  own  strength,  wonld  seize  all  it  (-(jiiM. 

"But  the  conquests  and  wars  of  the  world  all  happen 
as  the  world's  Creator  wills  them  ;  anfl  em[)ires  come  into 
existence  for  purposes  of  His,  however  blindly  intent  we  may 
be  upon  our  own. 

"And  what  may  we  suppose  His  purpo.ses  to  be?  Are 
they  of  the  earth,  earthy?  Have  they  no  hij^her  object 
than  the  spread  of  vernacular  education,  the  reduction  of 
taxes,  the  erection  of  bridges,  the  digging  of  canals,  the 
increase  of  commerce,  the  introduction  of  electric  telegraphs, 
and  the  laying  down  of  grand  lines  of  railroad?  Do  they 
look  no  further  than  these  temporal  triumphs  of  civilization, 
and  see  nothing  better  in  the  distance  than  the  physical 
improvement  of  a  decaying  world  ? 

"We  cannot  think  so  meanly  of  Him  with  whom  *  one 
day  is  as  a  thousand  years,  and  a  thousand  years  as  one  dav.' 
All  His  plans  and  purposes  must  look  through  time  into 
eternity  ;  and  we  may  rest  assured  that  the  East  has  been 
given  to  our  country  for  a  mission,  neither  to  the  minds  nor 
bodies,  but  to  the  souls  of  men. 

"  And  can  we  doubt  what  that  mission  is?  Why  should 
Kngland  be  selected  for  this  charge  from  the  other  countries 
of  Europe  ? 

"The  Portuguese  preceded  us,  and  the  French  followed 
us  here.  The  Pope  of  Rome  gave  India  to  the  one,  and 
the  God  of  W  nr  was  invoked  to  give  it  to  the  other.  Yet 
our  Protestant  power  triumphed  over  both ;  and  it  is  a 
remarkable  coincidence,  that  the  East  India  Comjiany  was 
founded  just  two  years  after  the  great  reformation  of  the 
English  Church.  I  believe,  therefoie,  firndy,  and  I  trust 
not  uncharitably,  that  the  reason  why  India  has  been  given 
to  England  is  because  England  has  mad(>  the  greatest 
eftbrts  to  preserve  the  Christian  religion  in  its  purest 
apcstolic  form,  has  most  stoutly  protested  against  idolatry 


'lOl  sjn  nEBDERT  n.  edwahdes.  [i8o3. 

in  iiiiy  shapo,  and  sought  no  other  mediator  than  the  one 
revealed  in  the  ])il)le. 

"  Our  mission,  then,  in  India  is  to  do  for  other  nations 
wliat  we  have  done  lor  our  own.  To  the  Hindoos  we  have 
to  preach  one  God,  and  to  the  Mohammedans  to  preach  one 
IMediator. 

"  And  how  is  this  to  be  done  ?  l>y  state  armies  and 
state  persecutions?  By  demolishing  Hindoo  temples,  as 
IMiilimud  of  Gliuznee  did  ?  Or  by  defiling  mosques  with 
Slohammedan  blood,  as  Kunjeet  Singh  did  ? 

"  It  is  obvious  that  we  could  not,  if  we  would,  f(dlow  such 
barbarous  examples.  The  thirty  thousand  Englishmen  in 
India  would  never  have  been  seen  ruling  over  two  hundred 
millions  of  Hindoos  and  ]Mohammedans,  if  they  had  tiied  to 
force  Christianity  upon  them  with  the  sword. 

"The  British  Government  has  wisely  maintained  a  stiict 
neutrality  in  religious  matters;  and  Hindoos  and  IMoham- 
medans,  secure  of  our  impartiality,  have  filled  our  armies 
and  built  up  our  empire. 

"  It  is  not  the  duty  of  the  Government,  as  a  Government, 
to  proselytize  India.  Let  us  rejoice  that  it  is  not ;  let  us 
rejoice  that  pure  and  impure  motives,  leligious  zeal  and 
worldly  ambition,  are  not  so  lamentably  mixed  up. 

"Tlie  duty  of  evangelizing  India  lies  at  the  door  of 
private  Christians ;  the  appeal  is  to  private  consciences, 
])rivate  effort,  private  zeal,  and  private  example.  Every 
Englishman  and  Englishwoman  in  India — every  one  now 
in  this  room — is  answerable  to  do  what  he  can  towards 
fulfilling  it. 

"  And  this  day  we  are  met  to  do  so— to  provide  the  best 
means  we  can  for  spreading  the  gospel  to  the  countries 
around  us.  They  happen  to  be  Mohammedan  countries  of 
peculiar  bigotry. 

"  Sad  instances  of  fanaticism  have  occurred  under  our 
eves  ;  and  it  migiit  be  feared,  perhaps,  in  human  judgment. 


1853.]     BALLANTYNE  AND  TEACHING  OF  SCIENCE.     305 

that  greater  opposition  wduM  meet  us  hero  tlmn  elsewhere. 
But  I  do  not  anticipate  it.  The  gospel  of  peace  will  bear 
its  own  fruit  and  justify  its  name.  Experience,  too,  teaches 
us  not  to  fear. 

"The  great  city  of  Benares  was  a  far  more  bigoted 
capital  of  Hindooism  than  Peshawur  is  of  Mohammedanism  ; 
yet  it  is  now  filled  with  our  schools  and  colleges  and 
mission,  and  its  pundits  are  sitting  at  the  feet  of  our 
professors,  earnestly  and  peacefully,  though  doubtless  sadly, 
searching  after  truth. 

"There  is  a  cireunistance  in  the  niovotnent  now  going  on 
at  Benares  whicli  is  well  worth  our  notice  here.  It  had  been 
the  usual  practice  of  European  teachers  to  ignore  all  Hindoo 
philosophy,  to  toll  the  natives  that  they  had  no  science 
of  their  own,  and  then  to  invite  them  to  b'^gin  from  the 
beginning  in  European  method. 

"  There  was  something  very  unconciliatory,  almost  insult- 
ing, in  thus  treating  a  people  who  knew  ho^v  to  calculate  the 
stars  in  ages  when  our  own  ancestors  were  painting  them- 
selves blue,  and  worshipping  the  oak  and  the  mistletoe  in 
the  forest  with  the  most  barbarous  and  inhuman  rites.  Dr. 
Ballantyne  has,  I  am  told,  pursued  a  very  different  process. 
He  first  went  to  school  to  the  pundits,  and  then  asked  the 
pundits  to  come  to  school  to  him.  He  learned  all  their 
science,  and  sounded  all  their  philosophy  ;  and  then,  taking 
them  up  at  the  point  where  they  could  go  no  farther,  he 
opened  to  them  regions  beyond,  and  led  them  forward  to 
the  light  of  truth.  .  .  . 

"If  this  could  bo  done  with  the  Polytheists  of  iJenares, 
what  may  we  not  hope  to  do  with  the  Afghans  ?  They  have 
much  more  in  common  with  us — a  one  and  a  living  God  ; 
Mosaic  tradition;  nay,  a  belief  in  Ciirist.  There  are  good 
grounds  for  supposing  that  the  Afghans  are  the  descendants 
of  Israel.  And  if  that  sup[iosition  be  true,  what  a  world  of 
common  sympathy  and   common   hopes  does   it   open  out 

VOL.  I.  X 


306  SIE   HER  DEBT  B.   EDWABDES.  [1853. 

between  us!  How  strikinj^ly  ap})licablo  will  then  be  the 
passage,  *  For  if  thou  wort  cut  out  of  the  olive  tree  which 
is  wild  by  nature,  and  wert  graff(,'d  contrary  to  nature  into 
a  ^ood  olive  tree :  how  much  more  shall  these,  which  be  the 
natural  branches,  be  graffed  into  their  own  olive  tree  ?  ' 

"  For  these  reasons,  I  say  plainly  that  I  have  no  fear 
tluxt  the  establishment  of  a  Christian  mission  at  Peshawur 
will  tend  to  disturb  the  peace. 

"  It  is,  of  course,  incumbent  upon  us  to  be  prudent,  to 
lay  stress  upon  the  selection  of  discreet  men  for  missionaries, 
to  begin  quietly  with  schools,  and  wait  the  proper  time  for 
preaching.     But  having  done  that,  I  should  fear  nothing. 

"  In  this  crowded  city  we  may  hear  the  Brahmin  in  his 
temple  sound  his  shunkh  and  gong;  the  Muezzin  on  his 
lofty  minaret  fill  the  air  with  the  azan ;  and  the  civil 
Government,  which  protects  them  both,  will  take  upon  itself 
the  duty  of  protecting  the  Christian  missionary  who  goes 
forth  to  preach  the  gospel. 

"Above  all,  \\e  may  be  quite  sure  that  we  are  much 
safer  if  we  do  our  duty  than  if  we  neglect  it,  and  that  He 
who  has  brought  us  here  with  His  own  riglit  arm  will  shield 
and  bless  us  if,  in  simple  reliance  upon  Him,  we  try  to  do 
His  will."  * 

*  The  Rev.  Roliert  Clark  was  present  at  this  meeting.  He  writes, 
"I  was  invited  to  Peshawur  in  the  winter  of  1853,  and  on  December  9 
a  public  meeting  was  held. 

"  Few  meetings  like  this  have  ever,  we  believe,  cither  before  or  since, 
been  held  in  India.  It  was  the  day  of  the  Peshawur  races,  and  it  was 
suggested  that  the  day  which  had  been  fixed  for  the  niissionary  meeting 
should  be  deferred. 

"  '  Put  off  the  work  of  God  for  a  steeplechase?  '  exclaimed  our  friend 
Colonel  Martin,  fresh  from  his  closet  of  prayer.     '  Never  ! ' 

"  The  meeting  was  not  postponed  on  account  of  the  races,  but  was 
held  on  the  appointed  day.  There  were  comparatively  few  present,  but 
God's  Si)irit  has  been  invited  by  prayer,  and  He  was  present,  and  He 
made  His  presence  unmistakably  felt,  and  men's  hearts,  and  women's 
hearts,  too,  then  burned  within  them,  as  they  spake  one  to  another,  and 
heaid  the  words  of  Sir  Herbert  Ed wardes,  which  seemed  to  be  almost 
inspired,  when  he  took  the  chair  at  the  meeting.     His  speech,  which  at 


1853.]  HIE  ORIENTAL   IS  RELIGIOUS.  307 

Brave,  noMe  words,  but  yet  so  simply  spoken ;  for  they 
were  but  spoken  out  of  the  fulness  of  a  noble  heart,  that 
faired  not  to  honour  God. 

The  grounds  for  supposing  the  Afghans  to  be  the  descend- 
ants of  Israel  seem  of  too  much  interest  to  be  altogetiier 
omitted;  and  yet,  the  question  being  one  of  such  dillering 
ojiiniijns,  it  would  occupy  too  much  of  our  space  here. 

But  the  broad  subject  of  Englishmen  and  l^nglish  states- 
men supporting  missions  is  of  general  interest  and  im- 
l)ortance,  and  it  is  well  to  mark  and  observe  loho  were  the 
men  who  have  gained  the  viost  influence  among  the  natives  of 
India,  and  who  have  induced  the  greatest  amount  of  good 
service  to  the  British  Government. 

The  Oriental  is  religious,  and  he  admires  a  man  who 
hokls  his  faith  fast  and  lives  an  earnest  and  a  religious  life. 
Some  of  the  most  prominent  characters  in  Anglo-Indian 
history  have  been  men  of  decidedly  religious  feelings : 
D'Arcy  Todd,  who  held  Herat;  Colin  Mackenzie,  in  our 
Cabul  disasters  long  ago.  And  in  later  times  it  would  be 
almost  invidious  to  ir//  to  name  the  men,  who  are  so  many, 
whom  the  Mutiny  brought  out,  who  showed  their  colours  as 
true  Christians  and  did  the  noblest  work,  but  we  may  name 
such  men  as  Henry  Lawrence  and  his  brothers,  Eoberfc 
Montgomery,  and  Donald  j\IcLeod,  whom  the  natives  called 
a  ferishta  (angel),  Hope  Grant,  Henry  Durand,  Bartle 
Frere,  and  William  ]\Iuir,  whom  all  will  agree  to  honour,  to 
illustrate  the  remark.  It  is  a  mistake  to  suppose  that  the 
IMoliammedans  respect  a  man  who  is  ashamed  of  his  religion, 
and  false  to  his  God.  Herbert  Edwardes's  open  support  of 
the  mission  never  lost  him  a  native  friend.  The  natives 
II ndcralood  him.  And  when  the  news  reached  the  frontier  of 
his  death,  the  remark  was  made  by  them,  "God  cannot  mean 
f/ood  for  India  if  He  has  taken  away  such  a  man  as  Herbert 
I'Mwardes  !  "     They  loved  as  well  as  feared  him. 

tho  time  '  thrilled  tluough  all  In.lin,'  we  give  above.  After  the  meeting 
the  following  words  were  read  :  '  Not  unto  us,  0  Lord,  not  unto  us,  but 
uuto  Thy  Name  give  the  praise,  for  Thy  mercy  and  for  Thy  truth's  sake. 
Wherefore  should  the  heatheu  say,  Where  is  now  tlieir  God?  As  for  our 
God,  He  is  in  lieavcn.' 

"So  was  started  this  great  work." 


308  SIM  HEBBERT  B.   EDWABDES.  [L853. 

It  was  not  the  natives  on  this  frontier  that  were  alarmed 
at  the  proposal  to  establish  a  Christian  mission.  Bold,  war- 
like, brave,  and  independent,  tliey  were  very  different  races 
to  any  other  amongst  whom  our  missionaries  had  laboured  in 
other  parts  of  India ;  but,  with  care  in  the  selection  of  the 
missionaries  to  be  sent,  Edwardes  had  no  misgivings. 

The  large  city  of  Peshawur  is,  next  to  Cabul,  the  most 
important  city  in  Afghanistan.  There  is  a  large  military 
cantonment  and  a  strong  force  of  troops. 

Of  course,  in  a  large  society,  opinions  would  be  divided ; 
worldly  men  would  not  approve,  and  timid  men  would  fear. 
And  so,  when  the  subscription  list  went  round,  some  captain 
■  thought  it  a  good  joke  to  put  his  name  down  for  "one  rupee 
towards  a  Colt's  revolver  for  the  first  missionary  ; "  and  then 
his  juniors  followed  the  lead,  or  varied  the  joke  as  best  they 
could.  But,  nevertheless,  the  offering  was  made,  and  God 
accepted  it ;  and  the  mission  was  planted,  and  was  watered 
with  "  His  blessing  that  maketh  rich." 

Two  good  men  were  chosen — Dr.  Pfander,  the  able  Moham- 
medan controversialist ;  and  the  Eev.  Eobert  Clark,  so  much 
respected  and  well-beloved,  and  who  is  still  engaged  in  mis- 
sion work  in  the  Punjab.  With  them  was  associated  the 
Christian  officer,  Colonel  Martin,  who  had  resigned  the  army 
and  was  now  engaged  in  mission  work  in  Peshawur.  A  better 
selection  could  not  have  been  made,  for  these  men  were 
cautious  and  wise  as  well  as  able. 

We  may  quote  from  the  words  of  Rev.  Valpy  French,  now 

Bishop   of  Lahore,  who  spoke  in    1869  at  ]\Iurree,  in  the 

Punjab. 

The  Bishop         "  My  friend,  Dr.  Pfander,  a  man  of  most  revered  memory, 

of  Lahore     g^^g  ^.j^g  key-note  and  first  vigorous  impulse  to  the  Peshawur 

Pfander.       mission.     A  man  of  the  true  missionary  type,  and  for  forty 

years   invariably  and   dauntlessly  standing  in   the   breach, 

first  in  Persia ;  next,  and  for  the  greater  part  of  his  life,  in 

India  ;  last  of  all,  and  to  the  very  death,  in  Constantinople 

unfurling  the  gospel  banner  with  a  burning  love  to  souls, 

his  heart  immovably  fixed  and  set  on  one  aim — the  preaching 

that  word  whose  entrance  giveth  light,  and  enduring  affliction 

with  the  gospel,  according  to  the  power  of  God. 

"  There   was   Herbert   Edwardes,   too,   placed   by   God's 


Kubert 
Clark. 


1853.]      THE  FIliST  MISSIONAlilES  AT  FESIJAWl'lL      oOO 

providence  in  very  diU'erent  circumstances,  yet  of  a  kindred  '''''''"-''■[ 
spirit,  of  like  courage,  boldness,  endurance,  singleness  of 
aim.  Ids  loins  girded  to  like  ventures  of  faitli, — tlie  heroic, 
chivalrous  Christian  champion.  Few  men  liave  died  more 
wept  and  regretted.  Many  a  man,  even  proud,  hardy 
Puthans,  were  seen  to  shake  their  heads  at  the  tidings  of 
his  early  removal,  as  if  to  say  that  it  was  an  ill  day  which 
lost  to  themselves  and  the  empire  a  man  of  such  eminence 
and  promise,  such  manliness,  purity,  simplicity,  and  trutli. 
He,  too,  had  no  small  hand  in  the  foundation  of  tlie  Pesha-wur 
mission. 

"And  Clark,  too,  whom  we  all  love  and  honour,  and 
delight  to  follow ;  and  so  I  might  go  on  supplementing 
Heb.  xi.  out  of  tlie  annals  of  the  Peshawur  mission." 

Such  a  total  absence  was  there  of  fanatical  opposition, 
that  even  during  the  testing  time  of  the  Mutiny  of  1857-58, 
whicli  tried  so  many  of  our  Cliristian  missionary  stations, 
the  work  was  little  interfered  with  at  Pesliawur.  Once  only, 
and  that  but  for  a  day  or  two,  did  the  children  fail  to  come 
to  the  school ;  after  that,  they  returned  again  as  usual. 

The  missionaries  were  able  to  open  their  Bible  in  the 
city  and  preach  the  gospel,  as  they  had  been  accustomed  to 
do  before,  throughout  the  whole  of  that  trying  period. 

Thus  the  truth  of  those  words  was  proved,  that  "  we  are 
safer  if  we  do  our  duty  than  if  we  neglect  it." 

To  his  wife,  four  years  later,  in  the  midst  of  the  ]\Iutiny , 
Colonel  Edwardes  was  able  to  write  as  follows : — 

"It  is  of  no  use  to  talk  of  wise  or  vigorous  measures, 
though  in  General  Sydney  Cotton  we  have  had  the  best  of 
commanders. 

*'  But  providence,  God's  mercy,  has  alone  kept  this 
frontier  in  the  wonderful  state  of  peace  that  it  has  enjoyed 
since  this  Mutiny  invited  the  very  worms  to  come  out  of 
the  earth.  I  assure  you  I  never  thought  we  could  have 
got  through  this  summer  without  a  bloody  conflict.  Often 
and  often  wc  have  been  on  the  verge  of  it ;  Imt  is  it  not 
a  perfect  miracle  that,  while  all  the  Bengal  Presidency  is 


Second 
speech  at 


310  ,S77?    JIEnHERT  Ji.    EDWAllBES.  [1855. 

convulsed,  resbriwur  lias  luid  less  crime  than  was  known  in 
it  before  ? 

"  I  have  no  sort  of  doubt  that  wo  have  been  honoured 
because  avc  honoured  God  in  ostal)lishiiig  the  mission." 

So  the  fears  of  tlio  timid  came  to  nought,  the  requisi- 
tion was  accepted  l)y  the  society  at  home,  and  a  favoural^le 
response  was  returned  to  Peshaw'ur.  The  missionaries 
arrived,  and  the  mission  began  its  work. 

On  February  12,  1855,  another  meeting  was  called  at 
Peshawur  on  the  same  subject,  and  Colonel  Edwardes  said — 


"  Little  more  than  a  year  has  passed  since  we  met  in 
Peshawur.  this  room  and  addressed  a  requisition  to  the  committee  of 
the  Church  Missionary  Society  of  London,  for  help  in  the 
establishment  of  a  Christian  mission  at  Peshawur;  and  we 
then  pledged  ourselves  to  use  our  utmost  efforts  to  further 
the  objects  of  the  mission  of  that  society,  by  soliciting  both 
contributions  and  subscriptions  for  its  support.  We  now 
meet  again  together  to  see  how  our  requisition  has  been 
answered  and  how  our  pledges  have  been  kept. 

"  And  now,  on  February  12,  1855,  we  see  two  ordained 
and  one  lay  missionary  present  here  among  us. 

"  The  actual  selection  of  the  missionaries  for  this  post 
w^as  left  to  the  local  authorities  in  India,  and  I  cannot  but 
believe  that  the  choice  has  been  wisely  guided  by  His  hand 
who  is  ever  on  the  watch  to  Kelp  those  who  serve  Him. 
Mr.  "  The  Eev.  ]Mr.  Pfander  has  been  a  missionary  for  thirty 

years  in  the  Eussian  provinces  of  the  Caucasus  and  Georgia, 
in  Persia,  in  Turkey,  and  in  India,  and  the  result  is  a  rare 
knowledge  of  the  principles  and  practice  of  the  Moham- 
medan nations  of  the  world. 

"At  his  last  station,  Agra,  IMr.  Pfander  had  found  a  wide 
sphere  of  usefulness,  and  the  learned  Mohammedans  there 
were  taking  a  deep  interest  in  his  writings. 

"  I  believe  that  the  controversial  works  of  no  missionary 


1H55.J  MU.  rFANDElt    AM)    I'K.^IIAWUU.  oil 

ill  Imliii  lijivf  }('t  aroused  such  misgivinfjjs  aiul  iiiiule  such 
ail  impression  on  thinking  Mohammedan  minds  us  tliose  of 
i\[r.  Pfander,  because  he  know  their  own  Ijooks  and  met 
them  on  their  own  ground. 

"  While,  however,  we  must  regard  it  as  a  great  privilege 
that  he  has  been  given  to  us,  I  think  that  we  may  fairly 
add  that  no  mission  had  so  great  a  claim  upon  him  as  the 
mission  to  the  Afghans,  which  is  addressed  to  a  purely 
Mohammedan  nation,  and  whose  standard  is  planted  at  the 
outpost  of  British  India  and  the  door  of  Central  Asia. 

"Some  happy  incidents  have  marked  his  coming. 
The  first  native  Christian  baptized  at  Peshuwur  (and 
now  here  present)  is  a  Persian  youth,  who  left  his  native 
country  and  came  to  Peshawur  in  consequence  of  reading 
Mr.  Pfander's  '  j\tiz{in-ul-hru|q.'  Another  Persian,  the  editor 
of  the  Peshawur  native  newspaper,  remembers  him  and  his 
labours  at  Shiraz,  and  congratulates  his  readers  on  the 
arrival  of  one  so  learned  and  so  good.  And  lastly,  the  war 
now  raging  between  Ixussia  and  our  count)-y  is  marked  by 
this  happy  episode — that  llussia  banished  this  same  preacher 
of  the  gospel  twenty  years  ago  from  Central  Asia,  and,  after 
a  circuit  of  many  thousand  miles,  England  brings  him  back 
to  it  again,  and  says  the  Bible  is  free  wherever  there  is 
British  rule. 

"Nor  is  Mr.  Pfander   less  fortunate  in   his  colleagues  ^^r. 
than  they  in  liim.     'Six.  Clark  and  Colonel  jMartin  were  the  colleagues, 
fatliers  and  founders  of    the  mission,  and  they  will  watch 
over  it  with  the  more  love  and  care  that  they  first  called  it 
into  existence. 

"  I  think  it  would  be  impossible  to  combine  deep  know- 
ledge, mature  experience,  ardent  missionary  zeal,  and  valu- 
able local  knowledge  more  com[)lctely  in  any  three  men 
than  in  jMr.  Pfander,  Mr.  Clark,  and  Colonel  IMaitin ;  and  we 
have  reason  to  be  grateful  to  the  society  for  a  selection  so 
entirely  in  accordance  with  our  requisition  of  last  year. 


ol2  .^7 A'   HERBERT  B.    EDWARDES.  [iHoS. 

''And  now  let  us  seu  il'  our  t^wu  pledges  to  colleet 
funds  in  aid  have  been  equally  well  kcj)t. 

"  You  arc  aware  that  a  full  report  of  our  last  meeting 
was  printed  and  circulated  throughout  India,  and  no  sooner 
was  it  received  than  it  was  responded  to  from  all  quarters 
w  ith  a  readiness  and  liberality  perhaps  seldom  experienced 
by  any  Indian  mission. 

"The  commander-in-chief  and  Lady  Gomm  gave  £100, 
and  a  glance  at  the  list  of  the  subscribers  will  show  wdiat 
numerous  and  what  liberal  friends  of  missions  the  army  and 
civil  service  of  India  contain.  I  would  especially  mention 
one  who  is  a  bright  exam{)le  of  the  Christian  use  of  influence 
and  high  position — Mr.  Henry  Carre  Tucker,  the  Com- 
missioner of  Benares. 

"  This  gentleman  not  only  gave  us  a  large  donation 
himself,  but  he  circulated  our  report  in  every  district  in 
his  large  division  ;  and  to  show  what  one  man  can  do  if  he 
is  in  earnest,  it  deserves  to  be  stated  that  the  sums  remitted 
to  me  by  Mr.  Tucker  alone  amounted  to  Rs.lSIS.  .  .  . 

"  The  Church  Missionary  Society,  theu,  will  acknowledge, 
and  we  have  all  the  satisfaction  of  feeling,  that  we  have  done 
our  part  hitherto  in  this  great  work.  Let  us  now  take  care 
to  do  the  same  in  future,  and  prove  that  we  have  not  been 
actuated  by  a  momentary  enthusiasm,  but  by  steady  and 
lasting  principle.  .  .  . 

"It  is  now  my  gratifying  duty  to  announce  to  you  a 
contribution  whose  value  is  beyond  money. 

'"'  When  last  we  met,  the  great  desideratum  of  the 
mission  to  the  Afghans  was  to  get  the  Bible  in  the  Afghan 
tongue.  It  was  supposed  never  to  have  been  translated  into 
Pushtoo,  and.  two  or  three  officers  at  Peshawur  had  under- 
taken to  translate  some  of  the  Gospels. 
Discovery  "  I  at  ouce  remembered  that  in  the  year  1848,  while  acting 

too  Bible,     for  the  Government  of  the  Maharajah  Dhuleep  Singh,  in 
the  Derajat,  I  had  seen  a  Pushtoo  Testament  in  the  posses- 


1805.]     IS'IOUY   OF  A   tUSIlTOO   NEW    TESTAMENT.      olS 

sion  of  a  line  old  i'utliaii  c-liic?!',  wliu  had  received  it  in  his 
youth  at  the  Hunhvur  Fair,  where  he  h;id  gone  to  sell  horses, 
tVom  an  Euglish  missionary,  who  told  him  that  if  ho  took 
care  of  it,  and  preserved  it  from  fire  and  water,  it  would 
certainly  be  of  use  to  him  some  day,  when  the  Enj^lisli 
should  come  to  his  country.  'That  day,'  said  the  old  chief, 
'has  now  cou)e  ;  and  here  is  the  liook,  uninjnn^d  l)y  ixvQi  or 
water ! ' 

"  So  saying,  he  unrolled  it  from  many  wrappers,  and  I 
found  tiiat  it  had  been  printed  at  the  Serampoor  mission, 
in  1818.  I  read  a  few  lines  of  it,  and  saw  that  it  was  Push- 
too, in  the  Persian  character.  I  asked  him  if  he  had  ever 
read  it.  He  said,  '  Our  moollah  has  read  it,  and  says  it  is 
a  very  good  book,  and  quite  correct ;  for  Father  Abraham 
and  Father  JMoses  are  mentioned  in  it,'  I  returned  tlie 
volume  to  the  old  man  ;  and  though  I  fear  it  was  for  the 
noble  qualities  of  himself  and  his  son,  and  not  for  the  sake 
of  the  Bible,  yet  certain  it  is  that  Ali  Khan  Kolachee  never 
hud  cause  to  regret  that  the  English  came  into  his  country. 

"  Well,  this  incident  flashed  across  my  mind  at  once, 
when  I  heard  everybody  wondering  what  was  to  be  done 
to  translate  the  Scriptures  into  Pushtoo,  and  I  mentioned 
it  to  Colonel  ]\rartin.  Application  was,  I  believe,  made  to 
the  mission  library  at  Serampoor  ;  but,  strange  to  say,  not 
a  copy  could  then  be  found. 

"  1  then  wrote  to  my  old  friend  Ali  Khan,  and  recovered 
the  ])recious  volume  ;  and  I  think  it  is  impossible  to  con- 
sider this  incident  without  being  struck  with  awe  and 
humbled  at  the  long  foresight  of  that  omniscient  and  con- 
stant God,  wdio  deposits  His  sealed-up  purposes  with  uncon- 
scious man,  and  tells  Fnturity  the  hour  to  open  and  to  read 
them. 

"Thus  was  one  mission  at  Calcutta,  to  be  established  in 
1818,  made  to  provide  a  translation  of  the  Scriptures  for 
another  mission   at  Peshawur,  to  be   established  in   1855 ; 


314  SJJi'    IIKlUlEliT  n.    KDWAHDES.  |1855. 

iiD  Afgliiiii  clik'l'  was  made  to  preserve  one  copy  of  this 
message  to  his  countrymen  for  twenty  years,  w'ben  all  others 
had  either  been  lost  or  forgotten ;  and  I  was  shown  where 
that  copy  was  hid,  because  five  years  after  I  was  to  fill  this 
chair.  Tliese  are  startling  things  ;  and  may  it  please  God 
tiiat  none  of  us  try  to  turn  aside  from  the  things  He  wills 
us  to  accomplish. 

"  The  Pushtoo  Testament  thus  found  was  placed  by 
Colonel  Martin  in  the  hands  of  the  Afghan  branch  of  the 
Bible  Society,  and  they  most  generously  undertook  to  reprint 
and  present  to  this  mission  three  thousand  copies  of  the 
Gospels  of  Luke  and  John,  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles,  and 
the  Epistle  to  the  Ephesians, 

"  There  are  several  exceptional  letters  in  Pushtoo  which 
differ  from  the  Persian,  and,  before  the  reprint  could  be 
effected,  new  type  for  all  these  letters  had  to  be  founded. 
Captain  James  furnished  the  models  for  these  types,  and  is 
now  actually  engaged  in  correcting  the  proof-sheets  of  this 
reprint ;  and  I  claim  the  gratitude  of  the  meeting  both  to 
the  munificent  society  which  has  furnished  our  mission  with 
three  thousand  copies  of  these  sacred  books,  and  to  Captain 
James  for  the  benefit  which  has  been  derived  so  often  from 
his  scholarship  and  knowledge. 

"  There  is  only  one  more  occurrence  of  the  past  year 
which  requires  to  be  reported,  and  it  is  one  of  considerable 
interest. 

"  At  the  desire  of  Lord  Shaftesbury,  who  is  the  president 
of  the  Society  for  the  Conversion  of  the  Jews,  a  member  of 
that  society  addressed  to  me  inquiries  '  as  to  the  groundwork 
which  exists  for  a  mission  to  Peshiiwur  on  the  society's 
part.' 

"  I  replied  that  I  thought  Captain  James's  researches 
rendered  it  in  the  highest  degree  probable  that  the  Afghans 
are  what  they  call  themselves — sons  of  Israel ;  but  that  still 
it  is  not  certain,  and  until  it  is  certain  I  would  not  advise 


IS.",. J  THE  AFGHANS,  ''  liENI  ISRAEL."  .'il5 

diverting  tlie  iiinds  ol'  tliiit  society  from  labours  anionj^  the 
thousands  of  known  Jews  in  other  parts  of  the  woild. 

**  I  know  not,  however,  what  decision  the  Jews'  Society 
may  como  to.  A  great  deal,  I  should  say,  would  rest  on 
Captain  eTanies's  fuller  exposition  of  his  own  researches  ;  and 
as  he  is  about  to  leave  us  for  a  short  visit  to  England,  he 
will  doubtless  find  there  the  leisure  which  is  unattainable 
here. 

"  Whether  the  Afghans  are  Jews  or  not,  they  are  Moham- 
medans, and,  regarding  them  in  that  broad  light,  the  Church 
]\[issionary  Society  has  occupied  the  field. 

"  They  are  one  of  those  nations  to  whom  eighteen  hundred 
years  ago  our  Lord  ordered  the  Gospel  to  be  preached. 

"There  is  a  record  kept  of  how  that  order  is  obeyed. 
Men  fill  it  up  themselves,  and  the  world  has  no  volume  of 
more  vital  interest ;  for  the  leaves  of  that  Book  and  the 
years  of  the  world  will  come  to  an  end  together.  As  mission 
after  mission  is  sent  forth,  page  after  page  is  turned. 

"The  blank  pages  are  very  few  ;  and  it  is  a  solemn 
thought,  that  on  one  of  those  few  leaves  we  ourselves  are 
now  recording  that  a  mission  to  the  Afghans  has  been 
established.  Let  us  see  that  we  write  it  down  in  no  doubtful 
characters,  but  in  bold  decided  lines ;  and  may  Cod  bless 
this  mission,  for  His  sake  who  ordered,  and  bless  this 
station  and  our  country's  rule  for  the  sake  of  all  who 
help  it."* 

AVith    regard    to   the   remark  whether   the  Afghans  are 

*  Thero  is  a  note  writteu  by  Edwanles  at  Abbottabad  twd  years  after- 
warils  which  comes  across  the  scene  now,  and  goes  to  sliow  that  the  eflect 
was  not  so  dangerous  as  some  had  feared,  and  that  the  trust  and  con- 
fidence were  not  misplaced. 

"Abbottabad,  July  19,  1856. 

"  I  was  deliglited  to  hear  Mr.  Pfander  had  taken  tea  with  a  small  party 
of  fanatics  at  Kazee  Nujeeb's,  and  came  away  without  a  smash  of  the 
teacups. 

"  It  is  really  wonderful  how  the  mission  melts  away  opposition. 

"(Signed)  II.  B.  E." 


310  SIB   IJEEBEltT  B.   EDWABDES.  [1857. 

Jews  or  nut,  some  informatiou  on  tlie  suljject  from  ]\Iajur 
Harry  Lumsden  will  be  interesting'. 

Origin  of  the  Afghans  {condensed  hg  E.  E.)  from  the  Report 
of  the  Candahar  Mission  of  Major  Ilarrg  Lumsden,  in 
1857. 

Origin  "  TliG  Afghans  call  themselves  '  Beni  Israel/  or  '  children 

Afghans  of  Israel/  and  claim  descent  in  a  direct  line  from  Saul,  the 
Benjamite  King  of  Israel.  They  adduce,  however,  no 
authentic  evidence  in  support  of  their  claim,  which  is  not 
an  exclusive  one,  since  they  admit  all  other  Mohammedans, 
Jews,  and  Christians  to  be  children  of  Israel,  excluding  only 
idol-worshippers  and  the  heathen.  .  .  . 

"All  the  records  of  the  Afghans  (and  they  are  mostly 
traditional)  on  the  subject  of  their  origin  and  descent  are 
extremely  vague  and  incongruous,  without  dates,  and  abound- 
ing in  fabulous  and  distorted  accounts  of  the  deliverance 
of  the  Israelites  from  Egypt  under  IMoses — of  the  ark  of  the 
covenant  (Tabuti-sakina),  of  their  fights  with  the  Amalekites, 
Philistines,  etc. — and  they  are,  moreover,  so  mixed  up  with 
Mohammedanism  as  to  give  the  whole  the  appearance  of 
fiction  or  uncertainty.  .  .  .  The  traditions  are  numerous,  but 
all  have  a  close  similitude  to  the  Bible  account  of  the  ark 
and  the  Deluge,  the  ark  of  the  covenant,  the  guiding  of  the 
pillar  in  the  desert,  the  tables  of  the  Law,  and  many  other 
things.  .  .  . 

"  Saul,  they  say,  was  of  a  great  height.  He  had  two 
sons,  viz.  Barakhia  and  Eamia,  or  Jeramiah.  Jeramiah  had 
a  son  called  Afghana.  Then  they  have  the  tradition  of  the 
Captivity  under  Bhuka-u-nasr  (Nebucliadnezzar).  The  tribe 
of  Afghana  adhered  to  the  religion  of  their  forefathers,  and 
on  account  of  the  obstinacy  with  which  they  resisted  the 
idolatrous  faith  of  their  conquerors,  were,  after  the  massacre 
of  many  thousands  of  Israelites,  for  this  reason  banished 
from  Palestine  by  order  of  Bhuka-n-nasr.  After  this  they 
took  refuge  in  the  mountain  of  Ghor  and  the  Koh-i- 
Ferozah.  Here  they  were  called  by  the  neighbouring  people 
'  Afghans  '  and  '  Ben-i-Israel.'  .  .  . 

"  At  this  time,  and  till  the  appearance  of  Mohammed,  the 


1837.]  OlilGIN   OF  THE  AFOHANS.  '.',[7 

Af^fliaiLs  were  readers  of  the  Pentateuch,  ;iiiil   ohserved  ihi- 
ordinances  of  the  Mosaic  Law.  .  .  . 

"  In  the  ninth  year  after  jMohiiiiimed  iiniiDuiiccd  himself 
as  the  propliet  of  Hod,  and  more  tluiu  lilleen  hundred  years 
after  the  time  of  Solomon  (this  Idstory  dates  upwards  of  a 
century  ago),  one  Khalid-hin-Walid,  an  inliabitant  of 
Arabia  and  an  Israelite,  and  one  of  the  earliest  disciples  of 
the  new  propliet,  sent  and  informed  the  Afghans  of  the 
advent  of '  the  last  prophet  of  the  times,'  and  exhorted  them 
to  accept  his  doctrine." 

The  whole  subject  is  thoroughly  worked  out  by  IMajor 
H.  B.  Lumsden  in  his  able  "  Iteport  on  the  Candahar  Mission," 
of  which  these  are  only  scanty  extracts.  AVithout  going 
further  into  the  tradition  for  proof,  it  is  easy  to  believe  the 
fact,  when  we  observe  the  striking  physiognomic  resemblance 
to  the  Jews  and  their  customs,  which  are  identical  or  nearly  Customs, 
so,  such  as  inheritance  of  land  and  its  division  by  lot; 
offering  of  sacrifices  and  sprinkling  the  blood  on  the  lintel 
and  side-posts  of  the  door  to  avert  pestilence  from  a  house ; 
transferring  the  sins  of  a  community  to  the  head  of  a  heifer, 
sheep,  or  goat,  and  then  sending  the  animal  out  into  the 
wilderness ;  a  man  marrying  his  deceased  brother's  widow ; 
serving  for  a  wife,  as  Jacob  did ;  and  many  other  such.  The 
veneration  for  "  ziarats,"  or  high  places,  holy  shrines,  pre- 
sided over  by  a  faqir,  or  a  moollah,  and  invested  with  false 
sanctity,  and  made  places  of  meritorious  pilgrimage.  These 
all  point  to  customs  and  sins  of  the  people,  with  which  the 
readers  of  the  Old  Testament  are  familiar. 

Though  they  will  tell  you  they  do  not  belong  to  the 
country,  they  know  nothing  of  how  they  came  there.  "  But," 
according  to  their  own  account,  "  after  expulsion  from  Sham 
(Palestine)  by  Bhuka-u-nasr  (Nebuchadnezzar),  they  took 
refuge  in  the  mountains  of  Ghor  and  the  '  Koh-i-Ferozah.' 
Here  they  were  called  by  the  neighbouring  peo[»le  Afghan 
and  Beni-Israel.  In  these  mountains  they  multiplied  and 
increased  greatly,  and,  after  a  protracted  period  of  fighting, 
at  length  subdued  the  original  inhabitants,  and  became 
possessors  of  the  country,  and  gradually  extended  their 
borders  towards  the  Kohistan-i-Cabul,  Candaluu',  and 
Ghuzncc. 


318  SIR   nEBBERT  B.   EDWARDES.  [1857. 

"  We  know  Ly  2  Kings  xvii.  G  tliat  '  in  tlie  ninth  year 
of  Hosea  the  King  of  Assyria  took  Samaria,  and  carried  Israel 
away  into  Assyria,  and  placed  them  in  Halar  and  Habor, 
and  by  the  river  of  Gozan,  and  in  the  cities  of  the  Medes.' 
This  occurred  under  Slialmaneser,  King  of  Assyria,  about 
B.C.  722. 

"Two    years    previously    to    tliis,    Tiglath-Pileser    took 
Gilead   and   Galilee,    and   all   the   land   of  Xaplithali,  and 
carried  the  Israelites  into  Assyria,     And  subsequently  about 
B.C.  587,  after  a  long  series  of  adversities  previously  foretold, 
the  Jewish  nation  was  destroyed,  and  the  Jews  carried  in 
captivity  to  Babylon  by  Nebuchadnezzar.     In  B.C.  536  Cyrus 
issued  his  famous  edict,  liberating  the  Jews  and  all  Israelites. 
"  During  the  long   period  of  one  hundred  and  eighty- 
eight  years  that  elapsed  from  the  first  carrying  away  of  the 
Israelites  by   Tiglath-Pileser   to   their   final   restoration   by 
Page  205  of  Cyrus,  it  may  be  fairly  assumed  that  they  became  distri- 
Major  H.ii.  y^^^Q^^  throughout  the  Medo-Persian  empire.     We  know  by 
memoran-     Estli.  iii.  8  and  viii.  9  that  the  Jews  were  scattered  through- 
'^"™'  out  the  provinces  of  the  Medo-Persian  empire,  from  India 

to  Ethiopia." 

These  extracts  from  Major  H.  B.  Lumsden's  lieport 
will  help  in  tracing  this  interesting  subject;  and,  without 
dogmatizing  upon  it,  the  idea  is  further  confirmed  in  conversa- 
tion with  people  of  the  present  day,  who,  if  you  ask  them, 
"  You  say  you  do  not  know  where  is  your  own  country  from 
which  you  came,  how  then  will  you  know  how  to  return 
to  it  ?  "  will  answer,  "  Oh,  when  the  right  time  comes  for  us 
to  go  back  to  it,  it  will  be  shown  us  from  heaven.  The 
Prophet  Esau  Masih  *  will  appear  in  heaven  and  lead  us 
back  to  it,  and  show  us  the  way." 

Here  we  will  leave  this  interesting  suljject  for  the  present 
with  the  remark,  "  Several  of  the  different  hill  tribes  have 
no  national  or  kindred  affinity  whatever  with  the  Afghans, 
whilst  others,  though  they  resemble  the  Afghans  in  language, 
features,  and  many  of  their  customs,  are  rejected  by  them  as 
brethren,  and  assigned  a  separate  origin,  their  names  not 
being  found  in  the  genealogy  of  the  Afghans. 

"  The  earliest  knowledge  of  them  dates  B.C.  536.     The 

*  Esau  Masih  means  "  Jesus  Messiali." 


1857.]  SAFER    TO   DO    Ol'lt    DUTY.  310 

country  was  tlie  eastern  porliun  (jf  the  Meilo-Persian  kin^'- 
<lom  founded  by  Cyrus,  whose  boundary  was  tlie  Indus,  beyond 
^v]lich  the  world  was  su])posed  to  terminate  in  a  vast  desert. 
( )u  the  defeat  of  Darius  by  Alexander  the  Great,  about  ]?.c. 
330,  it  became  a  satrapy  of  the  Grecian  monarchy.  In  A.D. 
651  the  Arabs  or  Saracens  overran  Afglianistan,  with  their 
inevitable  concomitants,  the  sword  and  the  Koran.  ]\Iahmud 
of  Ghuznee  captured  Delhi  A.D.  1011,  and  l)rouglit  the  gates 
of  Sumnauth  (of  sandalwood)  in  triumph  from  the  tem[)le  at 
Delhi. 

"  Ghuznee  formed  the  metropolis  of  the  empire,  extending,' 
from  the  Tigris  on  the  west  to  the  CJanges  on  the  east. 
The  gates  were  placed  at  the  entrance  of  his  magnificent 
mausoleum  at  Ghuznee,"  whence  Lord  Ellenborougli  eventu- 
ally restored  them  to  Ilindostan  again,  as  we  all  know.* 

It  adds  to  the  interest  of  the  narrative  thus  to  trace  the 
changes  that  have  passed  over  these  people,  and  now  new 
})rosj)ects  are  o])ening  to  them. 

It  has  been  seen  that  all  the  community  of  Englishmen 
at  Peshawur  were  not  unanimously  in  favour  of  the  mission, 
and  it  is  a  fact  to  be  remembered,  while  thinking  upon 
this  subject,  that  the  very  officer  who  started  the  joke  of 
subscribing  "one  rupee  for  a  revolver  for  the  first  mis- 
sionary," and  who  was  so  alarmed  at  the  "danger"  of 
biinging  a  Christian  mission  among  the  fanatical  border 
tribes,  shortly  afterwards  was  moved  down  to  Meerut,  in 
what  was  considered  the  "quiet"  part  of  India.  He  was 
there  with  his  regiment  when  the  ^Mutiny  of  1857  broke 
out.  His  name  was  in  the  very  first  list  of  those  who 
sull'ered  fearful  atrocities  at  the  hands  of  the  Sepoys  in  the 
first  outbreak,  and  not  only  himself,  l)ut  he  had  tlie  unspoak- 
ul)le  horror  of  seeing  his  wife  and  eliihh-en  cruelly  killed 
before  his  eyes,  before  his  own  life  was  taken. 

"We  cannot  forget  these  fearful  things;  nor  is  it  well  to 
InimL  them!  Rather  it  is  wise  to  trace  God's  ruling  hand, 
and  learn  by  His  chastisements,  as  well  as  by  His  deliver- 
ances, that  He  is  the  liuler  of  events,  however  long  He  may 
be  pleased  to  hide  His  hand,  and  allow  men  to  carry  out,  as 
it  appears  to  them,  their  own  way. 

*  'I'liov  arc  now  sftiwnl  awav  in  ;i  storr-hunsc  in  Aiira. 


320  SIR   IlEliBERT  n.   EDWABBES.  [1857. 

A  somewhat  similar  instance  to  this  that  we  ]ia\'e  men- 
tioned above  is  given  by  Sir  George  Crawfurd  in  tracing  the 
origin  of  the  "general  order"  issued  to  all  military  chaplains 
in  India,  that  they  were  not  to  speak  at  all  to  the  native 
soldiery  on  the  subject  of  religion — a  proliiliiliou  wluch  has 
remained  in  force  ever  since. 
Origin  of  Sir  Georgc  (then  Eev.  Mr.  Crawfurd)  was  a  chaplain  at 

"mXr" ''^  Allaliabad  in  1830,  when  the  sepoys  of  the  Native  Infantry 
thatSopoys  were  in  the  habit,  when  on  duty  in  the  fort,  of  coming,  unin- 
wi-renot  to   yj^^ed,  to  the  chaplain's  quarters,  and  asking  him  to  tell  theni 

be  taught  i         -<i     •      ■  t    • 

Christi-       about  the  Christian  religion. 

^"''y-  This  he  gladly  did ;  and  they  in\T.ted  him  to  come  down 

to  their  own  lines  and  preach  to  them,  as  it  was  only  now 
and  then  that  they  were  put  on  fort  duty. 

Mr.  Crawfurd  said  he  would  come  with  pleasure  if  they 
really  wished  it ;  and  he  went,  and  they  were  greatly  inter- 
ested in  the  preaching  of  the  gospel. 

But  one  day,  while  the  listening  crow^ds  were  thus  em- 
ployed, a  shadow  crossed  the  circle,  and  the  major  of  the 
regiment  appeared.  He  was  angry,  and,  confronting  Mr. 
Crawfurd,  said,  "  Sir,  you  are  preaching  to  the  sepoys !  -  You 
are  exciting  my  men  to  insubordination.  You'll  cause  an 
insurrection,  sir !  and  we  shall  all  be  murdered  at  midnight !  " 

The  chaplain  said,  "  The  sepoys  invited  me  to  come,  and 
I  am  here  by  their  desire." 

"  That  must  be  false  !  "  said  the  major. 

The  chaplain  replied,  "  Ask  the  sepoys  yourself,  sir." 

The  assembly  was  dispersed  quickly.  But  next  day  the 
ffeneral  commandino;  the  division  sent  for  Mr.  Crawfurd.  He 
was  a  kind  man,  and  was  believed  to  have  no  objection  him- 
self to  what  had  been  done ;  but,  yielding  to  the  arguments 
of  the  major,  he  reproved  the  chaplain,  and  the  matter  had  to 
be  referred  to  the  Governor-General  (Lord  William  Bentinck) ; 
and  this  was  the  occasion  that  drew  forth  the  "  general  stand- 
ing orders  "  that  the  sepoys  w^ere  not  to  be  spoken  to  on  the 
subject  of  religion. 

What  a  strange  retribution  there  seems  to  be  in  events ! 
This  same  major,  who  was  thus  unhappily  instrumental 
in  getting  this  order  first  given  (shutting  out  the  teaching 
of  the  true   nature   and   spirituality  of  the  Christian  faith 


1853.]       OPENING    OF  A    CHURCH  AT  PESHAWUJi.       :!21 

from  the  Sepoy),  lived  to  rise  to  one  of  the  highest  ranks 
of  the  Indian  army ;  and  in  the  great  Mutiny  of  1857,  was 
in  command  at  Cawnpore.  When  the  Sepoys  rose  because 
they  thought  there  was  a  conspiracy  by  the  Government 
"  to  make  Christians  of  them "  (by  giving  tliem  a  cartridge 
to  bite  composed  of  fat  that  would  destroy  their  caste — 
pig's  fat,  the  abomination  of  the  Mohammedan  ;  and  bullock's 
fat,  that  the  Hindoo  should  be  made  to  defile  his  god), 
he  and  his  wile  and  his  whole  family  were  the  central 
figures  in  a  fearful  tragedy  that  appalled  all  England,  in 
which  numbers  were  murdered  together  in  wholesale  butchery 
by  the  mutineers  and  the  natives  whom  lie  had  trusted ! 

If  there  was  no  connection  between  these  events  of  1830 
and  1857,  then  we  must  say  it  was  a  strange  coincidence. 
We  are  not  required  to  judge,  but  we  may  mark  a  lesson  for 
our  own  learning,  to  guide  us  in  the  future ;  and  such  experi- 
ences as  these  serve  to  prove  the  truth  of  Edwardes's  argu- 
ment at  the  close  of  his  opening  speech  at  Peshawur. 

"  Above  all,  we  may  be  quite  sure  that  we  are  much  safer 
if  we  do  our  duty  than  if  we  neglect  it." 

It  may  be  a  fitting  close  to  this  story  of  the  first  establish- 
ment of  the  mission  to  the  Afghans  at  Peshawur,  to  carry 
on  the  record  to  the  present  year,  1885,  in  which  this  is 
written.  For  thirty  years  have  passed,  and  now  a  Christian 
mission  church  stands  in  the  heart  of  the  city  of  Peshawur. 
It  was  opened  on  December  19, 1883,  by  the  same  Rev.  Robert 
Clark,  who  gives  so  full  and  interesting  an  account  of  it  and 
of  the  work  at  Peshawur  which  has  been  carried  on  by  the 
Rev.  T.  P.  Hughes  for  the  last  sixteen  years,  that  it  abundantly 
shows  that  God  has  blessed  and  prospered  the  work  begun 
in  1853. 

"  Opening  of  the  C.M.S.  Memorial  Mission  Cuurcu 
AT  Peshawur.* 

"  On  December  19,  1853,  it  was  my  privilege,  as  the  first 
English  missionary,  I  believe,  who  ever  visited  Peshawur,  to 

♦  By  the  Eev.  RoLcrt  Clnrk,  M.A. 
VOL.  I.  Y 


322  SIR   HERB  Eli  T  B.   EDWARDES.  [1853. 

be  present  at  the  celebrated  missionary  meeting  which  took 
place  at  Peshawur  on  the  establishment  of  the  Afghan 
mission.  It  was  then  that  Sir  Herbert  Edwardes  uttered  his 
memorable  speech,  which,  in  the  history  of  Indian  missions, 
has  since  become  historical.  It  was  spoken  almost  immedi- 
ately after  the  death  of  his  predecessor  by  assassination  ;  and 
it  was  under  circumstances  like  these  that  he  and  Major 
Hugh  James,  Colonel  Martin,  Sir  James  Brind,  Sir  Henry 
Norman,  Colonel  Urmston,  Colonel  Bamfield,  Dr.  Baddeley, 
and  Mr.  Maltby,  the  chaplain,  with  other  men,  and  many 
ladies  also,  met  together  to  seek  by  prayer  and  effort,  by 
God's  grace,  to  commence  missionary  work  amongst  the 
Afghans  at  Peshawur.  The  collection  wliich  was  made  for 
the  mission  soon  amounted  to  Es.30,000  ;  of  which  Es.  10,000 
were  given  to  the  parent  society  by  an  anonymous  friend ; 
Es.5000  were  given  at  the  meeting  through  Mr.  Urmston, 
also  anonymously  ;  Es.lOOO  were  collected  after  the  Sunday 
service  in  the  offertory  collection ;  and  the  remainder  was 
given  by  many  friends  in  many  places. 

"  After  the  meeting  the  following  words  were  read  :  '  Not 
unto  us,  0  Lord,  not  unto  us,  but  unto  Thy  Xame  give  the 
praise,  for  Thy  mercy  and  for  Thy  truth's  sake.  Wherefore 
should  the  heathen  say,  AAliere  is  now  their  God  ?  As  for 
our  God,  He  is  in  heaven.' 

"  Thirty  years  have  passed,  and  I  am  again  invited,  this 
time  by  the  Peshawnir  missionaries,  to  visit  Peshawur,  and  to 
take  part  in  an  event  the  like  of  which  has  never  yet  taken 
place  in  Peshawur  since  it  was  a  city,  although  it  is  said  to 
be  one  of  the  oldest  cities  in  this  part  of  Asia.  I  allude  to 
the  opening  of  a  beautiful,  and  perhaps  almost  unique, 
Christian  church  in  the  midst  of  this  great  city  of  the 
Afghans. 

"Well  may  we  now  repeat  the  inspired  words  of  the 
psalmist,  '  Not  unto  us,  0  Lord,  not  unto  us,  but  unto  Thy 
Name  give  the  praise.  .  .  .  Wherefore  sliould  the  heathen  say, 
Where  is  now  their  God  ?     As  for  our  God,  He  is  in  heaven." 

"  Thirty  years  !  And  what  changes  have  taken  ]Dlace  in 
them  in  Peshawur !  It  was  considered  then  to  be  unsafe  for 
a  European  to  be  seen  outside  the  limits  of  the  cantonments ; 
and  I  remember,  when  walking  one  day  a  few  hundred  yards 


1853.]     ACCOUNT  BY   THE  REV.   ItOBERT  CLARK.        323 

beyond  them,  how  I  was  met  by  Sir  John  Lawrence,  then 
Chief  Commissioner  of  the  Punjab,  and  Sir  Herbert  Edwardes, 
the  Commissioner  of  Peshawur,  who  were  driving  past  with  a 
large  escort,  and  who,  with  many  rebukes  for  my  thoughtless- 
ness, ordered  me  to  enter  their  carriage,  and  to  desist  in  the 
future  from  such  dangerous  practices.  And  now  the  whole 
country  is  so  open  and  safe  that  the  missionaries  can  go  alone 
and  unarmed  to  any  village  they  will — a  fact  which  shows 
not  only  the  good  will  which  the  people  bear  to  the  mission- 
aries, but  shows  also  the  effect  of  thirty  years  of  English  good 
government  among  headstrong  and  turbulent  tribes.  A  school 
of  more  than  four  hundred  scholars,  many  of  whom  belong  to 
the  highest  classes  of  the  Sirdars  and  Eaises,  is  being  carried 
on  by  the  mission,  in  which  God's  Word  is  daily  taught.  A 
Christian  congregation  has  been  gathered  together,  and  now, 
on  the  anniversary  of  the  very  Christmas  week  in  which  the 
first  meeting  was  held,  on  December  19,  1853,  after  thirty 
years  of  steady,  persevering,  prayerful  work  of  faith  and 
labour  of  love,  a  beautiful  church  has  been  set  apart  to  the 
service  of  God,  and  of  His  Son  Jesus  Christ,  in  the  midst  of 
the  Afghan  people.  The  mouth  of  opponents  is  silenced,  for 
all  have  seen  that  this  is  God's  work. 

"  It  will  be  difficult  to  give  a  description  of  the  church,  or 
to  do  justice  to  it.  "VVe  can  only  say  that  it  is  the  most 
beautiful  church,  although,  of  course,  it  is  very  far  from  being 
the  largest,  that  we  have  seen  in  India.  It  is  situated  in  a 
pubUc  thoroughfare,  very  near  to  the  Edwardes  Memorial 
School,  and  close  to  one  of  the  gates  of  the  city.  Instead  of 
facing  the  east,  it  exactly  faces  Jerusalem,  as  the  point  to 
which  all  believers  look  for  the  second  coming  of  the  Lord. 
Its  plan  is  cruciform,  and  its  architecture  is  a  successful 
adaptation  of  mosque  architecture  to  the  purposes  of  Christian 
worship.  The  symmetry  and  proportions  of  the  columns  and 
arches  are  almost  perfect.  At  the  end  of  the  chancel  is  an 
exquisitely  painted  window,  the  gift  of  Lady  Herbert  Edwardes, 
in  memory  of  her  late  husband.  Above  the  chancel  arch  is 
another  small  painted  window,  erected  by  Mr.  and  Mrs. 
Worthington  Jukes,  to  the  memory  of  their  little  child.  The 
transepts  are  separated  from  the  nave  by  two  carved  screens, 
one  of  which  is  the  gift  of  the  Eev.  C.  M.  Saunders,  and  the 


324  SIR   HERBERT  B.    EDWARDES.  [1853. 

other  of  the  Rev.  A.  Bridge,  both  chaplains  of  Peshawur. 
One  transept  is  set  apart  for  purdah  women,  and  in  the  other 
is  the  baptistery,  the  gift  of  Mr.  Hughes,  which  is  adapted  for 
the  administration  of  Holy  Baptism  by  immersion.  The 
carved  pulpit  is  the  gift  of  Mr.  Jukes.  The  handsome  brass 
lectern  is  the  gift  of  Miss  Milman,  sister  of  tlie  late  Bishop  of 
Calcutta,  and  bears  the  following  inscription: — 'In  loving 
memory  of  Robert  Milman,  liishop  of  Calcutta,  who  died 
March  15,  1876.  He  preached  his  last  Urdu  sermon  to  the 
native  Christian  congregation  in  the  city  of  Peshawur.  His 
last  English  sermon  was  on  behalf  of  the  Peshawur  mission. 
His  last  public  act  was  an  address  to  the  pupils  of  the 
Peshawur  Mission  School.  "  I  will  very  gladly  spend  and  be 
spent  for  you." ' 

"  The  communion  table  is  of  Peshawur  carved  wood- work. 
The  book-desk  on  the  holy  table  is  the  gift  of  Mr.  Graves, 
who  laid  the  foundation-stone  of  the  church  in  1882.  The 
floor  of  the  chancel  is  of  Peshawur  pottery  in  different 
patterns.  The  kneeling  cushion  before  the  communion-rails 
was  worked  by  Mrs.  Freeman,  who,  together  with  her  husband, 
was  a  large  contributor  to  the  church. 

"  The  following  text,  in  Persian,  stands  out  in  bold  relief 
over  the  arch  of  the  entrance-door,  on  the  front  of  the  chui'ch 
outside,  from  Rev.  vii.  12:  'Amen:  Blessing,  and  glory,  and 
wisdom,  and  thanksgiving,  and  honour,  and  power,  and  might, 
be  unto  our  God  for  ever  and  ever.  Amen.'  Over  the  chancel 
arch  inside  appear  the  words  in  large  letters,  '  I  will  make 
them  joyful  in  My  house  of  prayer '  (Isa.  Ivi.  7),  words  which 
were  cliosen  by  our  bishop.  Many  other  texts  adorn  the 
building,  and  especially  the  two  following  at  the  chancel  end 
of  the  church  :  '  The  salvation  which  is  in  Christ  Jesus,'  from 
2  Tim.  ii.  10  ;  and,  'Jesus  Christ  the  same  yesterday,  and  to- 
day, and  for  ever,'  from  Heb.  xiii.  8. 

"  But  the  chief  feature  of  the  church  is  the  screen,  beauti- 
fully carved  in  wood,  of  different  native  Peshawur  patterns, 
which  divides  the  chancel  from  the  ambulatory  behind  it.  In 
this  ambulatory  are  placed  the  mural  tablets  to  the  memory 
of  deceased  Peshawur  missionaries,  on  account  of  which  the 
church  is  called  All  Saints'  Memorial  Church.  The  tablets 
are  as  follows :— The  Rev.  C.  G.  Pfander,  D.D.,  1855-1865  ; 


1853.]        ACCOUNT  BY   THE  REV.  ROBERT  CLARK.      325 

died  December  1,  1805,  aj^ed  02.  The  Rev.  T.  Tutin;,',  P..A., 
1857-1802  ;  died  October  27,  1862,  aged  30.  The  Kev.  Rnrrer 
E.  Clrtik,  B.A.,  1859-1803;  died  Januaiy  14,  1803,  aged  28. 
The  Ilev.  Isidor  Loewenthal,  M.A.,  1850-1804;  died  April 
27,  1804,  aged  38.  The  Eev.  J.  Stevenson,  1864-1805  ;  died 
December  23,  1805,  aged  20.  The  Rev.  J.  W.  Knott,  :M.A., 
1809-1870;  died  July  28,  1870,  aged  40.  Alice  Mary,  wife 
of  the  Rev.  T.  R.  Wade  ;  died  October  8,  1871,  aged  21. 
Minnie  and  Alice,  infant  children  of  the  Rev.  T.  P.  Hughe.s. 

"  The  dome-covered  cupola  of  the  tower  is  seen  from  a 
great  distance,  and  contains  a  fine-toned  bell,  which  is  heard 
all  over  the  city  and  neighbourhood,  the  gift,  many  years  ago, 
of  the  Rev.  George  Lea,  and  other  friends  in  Birmingham,  to 
the  Peshawur  mission,  through  Colonel  Martin.  The  cupola 
is  surmounted  by  a  large  gilt  cross,  sliowing  the  Christian 
character  of  the  building,  and  distinguishing  it  from  other 
public  edifices  in  the  city. 

"  Connected  with  the  church  is  the  parsonage-house,  built 
in  native  fashion,  in  the  form  of  a  square,  and  near  to  it  the 
large  vestry-room  and  native  library,  two  guest-rooms  on  an 
upper  story,  below  which  are  dwelling-places  for  the  servants. 
Everything  is  thus  provided  in  connection  with  the  church 
for  all  purposes  required.  The  cost  of  the  whole  of  the 
buildings  has  been  about  Rs.25,000.  Rs.3000  are  still 
required  to  pay  off  the  debt  which  has  been  necessarily 
incurred,  and  we  hope  that  the  lilierality  of  Christian  friends 
will  speedily  pay  it,  and  that  this  sum  will  be  soon  forth- 
coming, to  remove  all  anxiety  from  those  who  are  responsible 
for  it, 

"At  noon  on  December  27  (the  Feast  of  St.  John  the 
Evangelist),  the  day  of  the  opening,  the  church  was  filled 
from  end  to  end  by  a  very  large  and  attentive  audience.  The 
two  transepts  were  then  filled  with  English  officers,  amongst 
whom  we  noticed  the  Deputy-Commissioner.  One  side  of 
the  nave  was  occupied  by  native  women,  and  by  native  and 
English  ladies ;  and  the  other  side  by  the  men  and  boys  of 
tlie  congregation,  and  by  the  members  of  the  Punjab  Native 
Church  Council,  who  had  received  a  hearty  invitation  from 
Mr,  Hughes  and  Mr.  Jukes  to  be  present  at  the  opening  of 
the  church,  and  to  hold  the  eighth   meeting  of  the  Punjab 


;)2(l  .S/i?   liEliBERT  B.   EDWAIWES.  [1B53. 

Native  Church  Council  iu  Peshawur.  The  completion  of  the 
Indus  bridge  at  Attock  and  of  the  Punjab  Nortliern  State 
IJaihvay  to  Peshawur  enabled  them  to  accept  the  invitation  ; 
and  many  native  friends  from  different  parts  of  the  province 
availed  themselves  of  the  true  Afghan  hospitality  which  our 
Peshawur  hosts  so  bountifully  bestowed  on  us  all. 

"  Fourteen  clergymen,  five  of  whom  were  natives,  were 
present,  and  took  part  in  the  service ;  and  in  the  absence  of 
our  beloved  bishop  at  home,  it  devolved  on  us,  as  the  senior 
missionary  of  the  Church  Missionary  Society  in  the  Punjab, 
by  the  invitation  of  the  missionaries,  to  say  such  prayers  at 
the  opening  service  as  could  be  taken  by  an  ordinary  clergy- 
man. The  lessons  were  read  by  the  Ptev.  W.  Jukes,  and  by 
the  pastor  of  the  church,  the  Eev.  Imam  Shah.  A  brief 
statement  of  the  object  of  the  service  was  made  by  the  Eev. 
T.  P.  Hughes,  who  presented  the  pastor  with  a  copy  of  the 
Holy  Scriptures  in  the  original  languages,  and  with  the 
sacramental  vessels  of  the  church,  which  were  then  reverently 
placed  by  him  on  the  Lord's  table.  The  sermon  was  then 
preached  by  the  Eev.  Moulvie  Imad-iid-din,  chaplain  to  the 
Bishop  of  Lahore,  from  the  words  of  our  Lord,  '  If  I  with  the 
finger  of  God  cast  out  devils,  no  doubt  the  kingdom  of  God  is 
come  upon  you '  (Luke  xi.  20).  The  sound  of  the  psalms  and 
hymns  swelled  harmoniously  through  the  church,  and  the 
service  was  concluded  with  praise,  and  thanksgiving,  and 
prayer.  The  proceedings  were  very  solemn,  and  verily  God 
Himself  was  present  with  His  people ;  and  He  made  His 
presence  felt,  even  as  He  had  manifested  His  presence  in  an 
unmistakable  manner  at  the  first  missionary  meeting  which 
had  been  held  at  Peshawur  thirty  years  before. 

"But  some  of  our  C.M.S.  supporters  in  India  may  per- 
haps ask,  'Why  this  apparent  departure  from  some  of  the 
cherished  traditions  of  the  Church  Missionary  Society  by  the 
erection  of  this  beautiful  church  in  a  C.M.S.  station  ?  The 
answer  is  very  clear.  It  is  no  departure  at  all.  The  object 
of  the  Church  Missionary  Society  is  to  build  in  every  heathen 
land  living  temples  to  the  Lord ;  whatever  means  will  con- 
duce to  this  end  should  be  made  use  of.  "We  wish  to  bring 
the  people  of  this  and  of  every  land  to  the  Cross  of  Christ. 
For  nearly  thirty  years  has  the  gospel  been  preached  in  the 


1853.]  SCHOOL,    llUhAlI,    A^D    AXJUMAN.  327 

bazaars,  and  streets,  and  the  villaj:;e.s  of  Peshawur  city  and 
district;  and  it  has  been  met  with  scorn,  and  derision,  and 
insult.  For  tlie  last  few  years  the  policy  of  our  Peshawur 
missionaries  has  been  (-hanged.  The  efforts  which  are  now 
made  are  those  of  conciliation  and  friendship  within  the 
church,  in  the  school,  in  the  liujrah,  and  the  anjuman.  On 
Thursday  last  were  seen,  ])orhaps  for  the  lirst  time  in  Peshawur, 
many  leading  native  chiefs,  who  reverently  sat  behind  the 
red  cord  which  separated  tlie  unbaptized  from  believers  in 
the  faith  of  Christ,  and  who  listened  attentively  to  a  Christian 
moulvie  as  he  preaclietl  to  them  boldly  and  very  plainly  the 
gospel  of  Christ.  There  was  no  opposition  at  all ;  a  leading 
Khan  of  Eusufzai  was  there,  with  members  of  some  royal 
families.  A  liajali  from  the  frontier  afterwards  took  his  place 
as  a  listener,  if  not  a  worshipper,  in  a  Christian  church.  Ex- 
pressions of  approbation  and  congratulation  were  heard 
from  Moliammedans  and  Hindoos  in  Peshawur.  '  We  serve 
God  in  our  way,'  said  they ,  '  and  it  is  only  right  that  you 
should  serve  Him  in  yours.'  Services  of  song  and  preaching 
have  since  then  been  daily  held,  and  for  the  first  time  in  the 
history  of  the  Peshawur  mission  has  a  Christian  church  been 
thronged  by  people  who  are  not  Christians,  and  who  are  not 
yet  willing  to  listen  quietly  to  Christian  preaching  when 
delivered  outside. 

"  We  believe  that  it  has  been  given  to  our  friends,  Mr. 
Hughes  and  Mr.  Jukes,  to  devise  one  more  way  to  gain  the 
Afghans.  The  hujrah*  is  another.  The  school  is  another. 
The  anjuman^  another.  If  religious  services  can  be  carried 
on,  and  religious  instruction  can  be  given,  without  controversy 
or  noisy  opposition  and  disputation,  to  Afghans  in  a  beautiful 
church,  then  let  us  have  the  church.  We  have  seen  in  some 
other  places  rooms  in  schools,  in  houses,  or  room-like — 
so-called — churches,  where  services  have  been  imattended, 
except  by  a  few  paid  agents  of  a  mission.  If  the  fault  in  a 
church  is  merely  that  it  is  beautiful,  then  let  us  accept  the 
fault,  if  its  consequences  are  the  bringing  in  of  souls  to 
Christ,  or  even  if  it  is  only  the  inducing  heathen  and 
IMohammedan  men  and  veiled  women  to  listen  to  the  gospel. 
In  this  case  the  church  is  not  an  expensive  one :  Ps.2 1,000 

*  Guest-house.  t  Answers  to  an  assembly-house,  or  club. 


328  silt   nEBBERT  B.   EDWABDES.  [1853. 

is  uot  a  large  sum  fur  a  well-finislied,  suitable,  aud  com- 
modious church;  and  even  this  sum  has  been  in  a  great 
measure  given  by  private  friends,  who  have  presented  most 
of  what  is  ornamental  as  a  free  gift. 

"  We  believe  that  a  new  era  in  the  history  of  the  Afghan 
mission  has  been  entered  on  by  the  erection  of  this  church  in 
the  Peshawur  city.  An  onward  movement  has  been  made, 
and  although  we  know  that  a  mere  building  is  nothing  with- 
out God's  presence  and  blessing  in  it,  yet  if  the  cloud  of  glory 
fills  this  house,  even  as  it  filled  the  tabernacle  and  the  temple 
of  old,  this  building  will  not  be  without  its  special  service  in 
the  evangelization  of  the  Afghans.  Our  earnest  prayer  is 
that  this  new  era  may  now  be  signalized  by  the  coming  in  of 
many  Afghans  into  Christ's  own  fold  ;  for  '  unto  Him  shall 
the  gathering  of  the  people  be ; '  and  He  Himself  has  said, 
'  I  will  draw  all  men  unto  Me.' " 

We  will  close  this  chapter  with  two  sketches — one  of  an 
early  convert  of  this  mission,  the  other  of  its  first  missionary. 
Dilawur  "Dilawur  Khan  was  a  good  specimen  of  the  brave  soldiers 

on  this  frontier.  He  was  a  Subahdar  in  the  Guide  Corps. 
Formerly  a  robber,  and  a  plunderer,  and  a  killer  of  infidels,  he 
joined  the  English  as  a  soldier,  '  because,'  he  said,  '  he  would 
always  be  on  the  strongest  side.'  When  he  heard  of  Christian 
missionaries,  he  went  at  once  to  confute  them.  But  instead 
of  doing  so,  he  himself  became  impressed  that  what  they  said 
was  right,  and  that  the  mooUahs  were  wrong.  He  immediately 
came  over  to  the  strongest  side. 

"  He  was  once  riding  with  Sir  Herbert  Edwardes  between 
Attock  and  Peshawur,  and  he  spoke  to  Sir  Herbert  of  what 
was  nearest  his  heart,  and  asked  him  for  'some  arguments 
which  would  confound  the  moollahs.'  Sir  Herbert  told  him 
of  a  Saviour's  love,  as  Dilawur  Khan  had  never  heard  of  it 
before,  and  so  impressed  him  with  the  truth  and  self-satisfying 
power  of  Christianity,  that  (as  he  described  his  feelings  after- 
wards) his  '  heart  burned  within  liim  as  he  talked  with  him 
by  the  way.' 

"  He  was  baptized  by  Mr.  Fitzpatrick,  and  remained  in  his 
regiment,  doing  excellent  military  service  everywhere,  and 
especially  at  Delhi  with  the  Guides.    He  was  known  through- 


18GG.]  SUB  ADD  AR   DILAWUIi   KHAN.  329 

out  the  country  as  tliu  Christian  convert,  or  infidel  who 
'  confounded  the  niooUahs  '  by  his  bhiff,  incisive  words,  every 
one  of  which  told  against  tlie  ]\I()haniuiedans. 

"  Mr.  Hughes  wrote,  '  Wlien  Lord  Mayo  wished  to  send 
some  trusted  native  on  very  confidential  service  to  Central 
Asia,  it  was  an  Alglian  convert  of  our  mission  who  was 
selected.  Suljahdar  Dilawur  Khan,  who  liad  served  the  Englisli 
well  before  the  gates  of  Delhi,  was  sent  on  this  secret  mission 
to  Central  Asia,  where  he  died  in  the  snows,  a  victim  to  tlie 
treachery  of  the  King  of  Chitral.  Ilis  last  words  were,  "  Tell 
the  Government  (Sircar)  that  I  am  glad  to  die  in  their  service. 
Give  my  salaam  to  the  Commissioner  of  Peshawur  and  the 
Padre  Sahib."  '  "  * 

We  have  a  sketch  of  Dr.  Pfander,  the  first  Peshawnir 
missionary,  from  the  pen  of  Herbert  Edwardes,  in  1866. 

"  During  the  three  years  1855  to  1858,  I  knew  much  of  r>r.  Pi'^m- 
Dr.  Pfander  and  of  liis  work,  and  have  always  looked  back 
to  him  as  a  chief  in  the  mission  band.  Who  that  ever  met 
him  can  forgot  that  burly  Saxon  figure  and  genial  open  face, 
beaming  with  intellect,  simplicity,  and  benevolence.  He 
had  great  natural  gifts  for  a  missionary,  a  large  heart,  a 
powerful  mind,  higli  courage,  and  an  indomitable  good 
humour  ;  and  to  these,  in  a  life  of  labour,  he  had  added 
great  learning,  practical  wisdom  in  the  conduct  of  missions, 
and  knowledge  of  Asiatics,  especially  Mohammedans. 
Indeed,  his  mastery  of  the  Mohammedan  controversy  was, 
in  India  at  least,  unequalled.  He  had  thoroughly  explored 
it,  and  acquired  the  happy  power  of  treating  it  from  Asiatic 
points  of  view,  in  Oriental  forms  of  thought  and  expression. 
His  refutations  of  Mohammedanism  and  exposition  of 
Christianity  were  all  cast  in  native  moulds,  and  liad  nothing 
of  the  European  about  them.  They  might  have  been 
written  by  a  mooUah,  and  yet  moollahs  found  that  tlicy  set 

*  Extracted  from  "  The  Punjab  and  Sindh  Missions,"  by  the  Rev. 
Robert  Clark,  1885. 


330  SJIi   HER  DEBT  B.   EUWARDES.  [1866. 

up  the  cross  aud  throw  the  crescent  into  eclipse.  The 
Moslem  doctors  of  Turkey,  Persia,  Afghanistan,  and  India 
have  never  had  such  a  bone  to  pick  as  Pfander's  '  Mizan- 
ul-Haqq  '  (or  the  '  Balance  of  Truth  '). 

"  It  was  in  tlie  Indian  Mutiny,  however,  that  the 
character  of  Pfander  appeared  at  the  height  of  Christian 
dignity.  The  city  of  Peshawur,  with  its  sixty  thousand 
bigots  from  Central  Asia,  was  at  no  time  a  pleasant  place  for 
the  messenger  of  Christ ;  and  in  1857,  when  the  fanaticism 
of  both  Mohammedans  and  Hindoos  was  stirred  up  from  the 
very  dregs,  it  required  something  of  the  courage  that '  fought 
with  beasts  at  Ephesus'  to  go  down  into  that  arena,  with  no 
weapon  but  the  Bible.  Yet  Pfander  never  suspended  his 
preachings  in  the  open  street  throughout  that  dreadful 
time.  Bible  in  hand,  as  usual,  he  took  his  stand  on  a  bridge 
or  in  a  thoroughfare,  and,  alike  without  boasting  and  without 
fear,  proclaimed  the  truth  and  beauty  of  Christianity,  while 
the  empire  of  the  Christians  in  India  was  trembling  in 
the  balance.  On  no  occasion  was  any  violence  offered  to 
him.  .  .  . 

"  Sir  John  Lawrence,  when  Chief  Commissioner,  used  to 
say,  with  reference  to  discussions  about  the  policy  of  mis- 
sions in  India,  that  'nothing  but  good  could  come  from 
the  presence  of  a  man  like  Dr.  Pfander  anywhere ; '  and 
General  Nicholson,  who  was  in  charge  of  the  district  of 
Peshawur  till  called  on  to  take  command  of  the  Punjab 
Flying  Column  during  the  Mutiny,  and  who  had  every 
opportunity  of  knowing  the  feeling  of  tlie  people,  gave  Dr. 
Pfander  a  confidence  that  was  usually  hard  to  win." 


CHAPTER    Xr. 


185G— 1857. 

JOHX    NICHOLSON— JOURNEY   TO    CALCUTTA    AND    RLTURN 
TO   PKSHAWUR. 


"  High  nature  amorous  of  the  good, 
But  touch'd  with  no  ascetic  gloom ; 
And  passion  pure  in  snowy  bloom 
Thro'  all  the  years  of  April  blood ;  .  .  . 

"  And  manhood  fused  with  female  grace 
In  such  a  sort,  the  child  would  twine 
A  trustful  hand,  unask'd,  in  thine, 
And  find  his  comfort  in  thy  face." 

From  Tenktson's  In  Memoriam. 


(     333     ) 


CHAPTER  XI. 

About  February,  1856,  John  Nicholson,  who  had  been  holdmj]'  ^"^"  , 

^,  1.  Tx         ,       /-I  •      •  T-w  -1        Kicholson. 

the  post  01  JJeputy-Commissioner  at  liunnoo  ever  since  he 
returned  to  India  in  1852,  had  become  very  unhappy  in  his 
work  there.  Friction  with  his  chief  at  Lahore  was  becoming 
more  and  more  intolerable,  and  conceiving,  not  without 
reason,  that  he  was  treated  unjustly,  his  noble  nature  and  his 
own  high  integrity  rose  against  it ;  and  he  was  determined, 
if  he  could  manage  it,  to  leave  the  Punjab,  or  at  least  that  Desires  to 
part  of  it  where  the  yoke  had  been  made  so  insupportable  PunLb.* 
to  him. 

He  would  have  joined  the  war  in  Persia,  or  gladly  have 
taken  up  a  charge  in  Ptajpootana  under  his  former  and 
beloved  chief,  Sir  Henry  Lawrence  ;  but  no  vacancy  occurred, 
and,  much  as  Sir  Henry  would  have  delighted  to  have  him 
witli  him,  he  had  no  appointment  of  sufficient  importance  to 
offer. 

Nicholson  applied  to  be  sent  to  Peshawur,  to  take  up  the 
Deputy-Commissionership  there  under  Colonel  Edwardes ; 
and  the  subordinate  position  was  no  drawback  to  him  when 
it  meant  association  with  his  dearest  friend  in  India. 

The  two  friends  frequently  urged  the  plan,  for  nothing 
could  be  happier,  both  publicly  and  privately ;  but  the 
inexorable  John  Lawrence  set  his  face  against  it  for  a  long 
time  and  declared  he  "  didn't  want  two  top-sawyers  in  one 
place." 

However,  something  had  to  be  done,  for  John  Nicholson 
would  stay  no  longer  in  Bunnoo,  and  his  services  there  had 
been  so  great,  and  he  had  brought  the  district  into  such 
perfect  order,  tliat  he  had  some  right  to  be  listened  to.  And 
so,  in  May,  1856,  he  was  allowed  to  leave  it,  and  was  given 


334  SIR  nERBERT  B.   EDWARDES.  [1856. 

Was  given  the  charge  of  Caslimere  for  six  months,  an  Englisli  Eesident 

charge'^of  being  Sent  there  annually  for  the  summer  season.     When 

Cashmere,  the  six  months  were  ended,  he  was  allowed  to  proceed  to 

■  Pesliawur    as   I)eputy-C(3mmissioner,    and   the   two  friends 

Deputy-  rejoiced  exceedingly  at  being  once  more  together. 

Commis-  Little  did  they  then  know  the  full  importance  and  value 

sionor  of  -,  iit  i  ^      ^  T    ^  o 

Peshawur,  01  tlic  move  tlicy  iiad  so  long  struggled  to  accomplish  ;  lor 
December,  they  could  forcsec  nothing  of  the  terrible  times  tliat  were  so 
near,  in  which  their  united  strength  would  be  of  such  value. 
The  end  of  1856  found  them  working  heartily  and  happily 
together,  sympathizing  heart  and  soul  in  each  other's  views 
and  objects,  in  frontier  policy,  and  finding  the  utmost 
pleasure  in  each  other's  society.  Never  were  two  men  more 
closely  united  in  unbroken  friendship  and  confidence  through- 
out their  whole  lives.     They  loved  each  other  deeply. 

There  is  a  sketch  of  John  Nicholson,  drawn  by  the  pen  of 
Herbert  Edwardes,  for  ]\Ir.  Eaikes's  "  Notes  on  the  Eevolt 
of  the  North-Western  Provinces  of  India,"  which  is  inserted 
here,  by  Mr.  Eaikes's  permission. 

Sketch  of  «0f  what  class  is  John  Nicholson  the  type,  then?     Of 

Nicholson     noue  ;  for  truly  he  stands  alone.     But  he  belongs  essentially 
w^rdes.        ^o  the  school  of  Henry  Lawrence. 

"  I  only  knocked  down  the  walls  of  the  Bunnoo  forts. 
John  Nicholson  has  since  reduced  the  "peoigle  (the  most 
ignorant,  depraved,  and  bloodthirsty  in  the  Punjab)  to  such 
a  state  of  good  order  and  respect  for  the  laws  that,  in  the 
last  year  of  his  charge,  not  only  was  there  no  murder,  bur- 
glary, or  highway  robbery,  but  not  an  attempt  at  any  of  those 
crimes. 

*'  The  BunnoocheeS;  reflecting  on  tlieir  own  metamor- 
phosis, in  the  village  gatherings  under  the  vines,  by  the 
streams  they  once  delighted  so  to  fight  for,  have  come  to 
the  conclusion  that  '  the  good  Mohammedans '  of  historic 
ages  must  have  been  'just  like  Nikkul-Seyn  ! ' 

"  They  emphatically  approve  him  as  every  inch  a  ha- 
keem.*    And  so  he  is. 

*  Hakeem,  master  or  lord. 


3    I 

•8 

4 


1856.]  TEE  "  NIKKUL-SETNEE  FAKEEIiS."  335 

"It  is  difficult  to  describe  him.  lie  must  be  seen. 
Lord  Dalhousie — no  mean  judge — perhaps,  best  summed  up 
his  hii^h  military  and  administrative  qualities  when  he  called 
him  '  a  tower  of  strength.'  I  can  only  say  that  I  think  him 
equally  fit  to  bo  Commissioner  of  a  division  or  general  of 
an  army. 

"  Of  the  strength  of  his  personal  character  I  will  only  tell 
two  anecdotes. 

"  1.  If  you  visit  either  the  battle-field  of  Goojerat  or 
Chillianwallah,  the  country  people  begin  their  narrative  of 
the  battle  thus :  '  Nikkul-Seyn  stood  just  there.' 

"  2.  A  brotherhood  of  fakeers  in  llazara  abandoned  all   Pf  ^''^' 

kul-oeynee 

forms  of  Asiatic  monachism,  and  commenced  the  worship  of  fakeers, 
Nikkiil-Seyn,  which  they  still  continue.*     Repeatedly  they 
have  met  John  Nicholson  since,  aud   Allien  at  his  feet  as 
tlieir  Gooroo.f 

"  He  has  flogged  them  soundly  on  every  occasion,  and 
sometimes  imprisoned  them  ;  but  the  sect  of  the  Nikkul- 
Seynees  remains  as  devoted  as  ever.  Sanguis  martyrum  est 
semen  Ecclesiw. 

"  On  the  last  whipping,  John  Nicholson  released  them  on 
the  condition  that  they  would  transfer  their  adoration  to 
John  Becher ;  but,  arrived  at  their  monastery  in  llazara, 
they  once  more  resumed  the  worship  of  the  relentless  Nikkul- 
Seyn  ! " 

When  the  sad  news  came  from  Delhi  of  John  Nicholson's 
death,  the  head  of  the  party  in  Hazara  was  found  digging  a 
grave,  and  being  asked  what  he  was  doing,  replied,  that  "  If 
his  gooroo  was  dead,  he  could  live  no  longer ; "  and  he  did 
pine  away  and  die  within  a  very  short  time. 

We  have  seen  in  a  former  chapter  how  the  beginning  of 
1857  witnessed  the  meeting  of  Dost  ^lahommed,  the  Ameer 
of  Cabul,  and  the  English  authorities,  once  more  face  to  face 

•  This  was  written  in  1857. 
t  Religious  or  spiritual  guitlo. 


330  SJR   HERBERT  D.   EDWABDES.  [1857. 

upon  the  plains  of  IV'shawur.     This  time  the  occasion  was  to 
sign  the  second  treaty. 

Tlie  increased  anxieties  of  the  Persian  War  made  it 
desirable  to  the  Afghans  to  draw  still  closer  the  bonds  of 
friendship  witli  the  English  ;  and  the  Ameer  himself  came 
down  to  Pcshawur  to  sign  the  second  treaty,  of  which  we 
have  already  spoken. 
Proposed  When  this  work  was  accomplished,  and  the  treaty  signed, 

ralcuaa*"  ^^^^^  "^^  ^^^^  Afghans  had  retired  beyond  the  mountains  back 
into  their  own  country,  it  became  necessary  for  Edwardes  to 
absent  himself  for  a  short  time  from  Peshawur,  to  take  his 
wife  down  to  Calcutta,  for  severe  illness  had  made  it  neces- 
sary for  her,  very  unwillingly,  to  go  to  England  (for  only  six 
months  as  was  intended) ;  and  the  separation  was  rendered 
less  unbearable  by  the  two  friends  being  left  together  at 
Pesha^n^r,  and  sharing  one  house  till  her  return  in  October. 

So  the  time  seemed  well  chosen  ;  for  who  knew  any- 
thing about  the  storm  that  was  near,  to  burst  upon  India 
within  two  short  months  ? 

True,  indeed,  it  was  that,  years  ago,  in  the  happy  days  of 
the  Eesident  and  his  Assistants  at  Lahore,  Sir  Henry  Lawrence 
had  been  frequently  in  the  habit  of  discussing  the  subject  of 
the  Sepoy  army,  aud  was  of  decided  opinion  that  there  were 
many  elements  of  weakness  and  danger  in  the  existing 
system  of  military  organization,  from  which  he  feared  bad 
results  would  follow;  and  he  strove  hard  and  wrote  much, 
from  time  to  time,  to  stir  up  the  military  authorities  to  look 
into  them  and  reform  them. 
^^^^'   .  And  so  far  back  as  1845  there  were  many  articles  written 

of  danger,  in  the  Calcutta  Review  by  Sir  Henry,  foreshadowing  dangers, 
that  afterwards  proved  too  true.  For  Sir  Henry  Lawrence 
had  the  far-sight  of  genius  in  all  he  did,  and  a  keen  insight 
into  military  affairs.  He  was  heart  aud  soul  a  soldier,  and 
loved  his  profession.  And  as  he  talked  these  questions  out 
with  the  band  of  young  men  whom  he  had  gathered  round 
him,  and  encouraged  them  to  look  into  these  subjects,  it  is 
not  to  be  wondered  at  that  they  caught  an  inspiration  from 
his  enthusiasm. 

And  the  reader  will  remember  that  there  was  written,  so 
long  back  as  1849,  by  Edwardes,  a  light  sketch,  suggested  as 


1857.]   NICUOLSON  LEFT  IN  CHARGE  AT  PESnlwUR.  337 

the  outline  subject  for  a  novel,  thrown  ofl"  in  tlie  idle  iiKtnients 
of  floating  down  the  Indus,  on  liis  way  home  with  Jolin 
Niclujlson  (wliicli  we  have  already  quoted  in  cliai)ter  vi.), 
whicli  reads  like  a  prophecy  of  wliat  came  true  in  1857 — eight 
years  afterwards. 

But  for  the  present  India  was  at  rest,  and  dreamed  not 
that  it  slumbered  over  a  volcano. 

Even  the  frontier,  where  disturbance  was  common  enough 
(and,  if  it  came,  was  indeed  looked  upon  as  a  wliolesome 
irritant,  only  tending  to  keep  the  rest  of  the  body  in  a 
healthy  state),  was  more  restful  than  usual,  with  the  sense 
of  the  new  amicable  relations  just  completed  with  the  Cabul 
ruler. 

And  so  it  seemed  that  the  journey  to  Calcutta  miglit  be 
undertaken  in  safety,  with  the  reins  left  in  John  Nicholson's 
hands  during  the  Commissioner's  absence. 

There  were  some  advantages  to  be  had  by  a  trip  to 
Calcutta,  It  was  well  to  come  face  to  face  with  the  new 
Governor-General,  Lord  Canning,  and  plans  could  be  dis- 
cussed in  a  few  interviews  in  a  way  that  letters  could  never 
accomplish ;  and  it  is  very  refreshing  to  see  many  old  friends 
again. 

Then  Edwardes  was  glad  to  be  able  to  bring  the  claims 
of  his  dear  friend,  John  Nicholson,  before  Lord  Canning ;  for 
he  was  still  anxious  to  leave  the  Punjab  altogether,  and 
Edwardes  was  desirous  that  the  Governor- General  should 
know  his  merits  and  understand  his  value.  So  he  pressed 
very  urgently  upon  Lord  Canning  Nicholson's  great  qualities, 
and  the  irreparaljle  loss  he  would  be  to  the  I'unjab,  as  one 
of  the  best  district  officers  in  the  province,  and  one  of  the 
finest  soldiers  in  the  army  ;  and  wound  up  his  description  of 
his  friend  by  saying — 

"  If  your  Lordship  ever  has  a  thing  of  real  difficulty  to 
be  done,  I  would  answer  for  it,  John  Nicholson  is  the  man 
to  do  it." 

And  Lord  Canning  kindled  with  interest,  and  smilingly 
replied — 

VOL.  I.  z 


ing, 


338  sin  II Eli  BERT  n.  edwardes.  [iboT. 

*'  I  will  remember  what  yoii  say,  and  I  will  take  you  for 
Major  Nicholson's  godfather." 

Only  too  soon  was  this  last  proved  true ! 
The  part-  After  a  short  stay  together  at  Calcutta,  the  sad  parting 

came ;  and,  having  seen  his  wife  on  board  the  steamer  on 
March  23,  1857,  and  stood  on  the  shore  till  the  form  of  the 
Ava  was  lost  in  the  distant  haze  of  the  river,  Edwardes 
turned  to  prepare  for  his  solitary  journey  l)ack  to  Peshawur ; 

"  and  "  he  writes,  "  I  felt  that  we  had  really  'parted.  What 
a  serious  and  sad  word  it  is !  May  our  kind  heavenly 
Father  watch  over  you,  my  beloved,  and  bring  you  back  to 
me,  crowned  with  the  mercy  of  restored  and  enduring 
health  !  When  coming  away,  I  found  I  had  been  standing 
under  a  pretty  evergreen  tree  with  red  berries,  on  whose 
leaves  there  seemed  to  be  a  constant  contention  going  on, 
the  smoky  steamers  trying  to  blacken  them,  and  the  thick 
dew  wiping  them  again.  I  gathered  a  spray  as  a  good 
omen,  and  send  you  a  few  leaves.  The  worst  was  coming 
back  to  the  old  room,  strewed  with  the  disorder  of  our 
packing-up.    The  wretchedness  of  the  room  was  dreadful !  " 

That  wretched   parting  now  is  looked   back  to   as  the 
beginning  of  sorrows ! 

It  would  be  impossible  to  give  anything  like  a  true 
picture  of  him  whose  life  this  attempts  to  sketch,  and  to 
leave  out  entirely  that  tenderness  and  devotion  in  his  home 
which  was  one  of  the  lovely  qualities  of  his  heart  and  mind, 
and  which  shone  out  conspicuously  in  every  word  and  action 
of  his  beautiful  life. 
Private  Great   as   he  was  in  his  pulilic  life,  in  administrative 

power,  and  in  his  influence  in  curbing  wild  races  (it  was, 
even  there,  the  iron  hand  in  a  velvet  glove),  great  in  elo- 
quence, and  strong  in  resolve  and  fertility  of  resource  in 
difficulties,  it  was  in  his  private  life  that  all  the  refinement 
and  true  loveliness  of  his  character  came  out  fully ;  and  his 
nobleness  and  gentleness  of  soul  beautified  every  action  of 


life. 


1857.J  Ills  BEAUTIFUL   HOME- LIFE.  339 

his  daily  lilu.  The  one  who  knew  him  best,  and  could  tell 
the  most  of  his  inner  life,  and  was  privileged  to  share  his 
deepest  thoughts,  is  the  one  who  can  tell  hest  from  how  pure 
a  sourer  flowed  out  the  noljle  acts  that  the  world  saw.  To 
know  liim  truly  was  to  see  him  in  his  home,  where  his 
natural  brilliancy  was  unfettered,  and  his  presence  was 
always  sunshine. 

Unlike  some,  who  look  fair  in  public  and  adorn  society, 
but  who  exhaust  the  charms  of  their  mind  on  strangers, 
Herbert  Edwardcs's  strong  heart  was  full  of  love ;  and  that 
at  all  times,  and  this  light  from  heaven  itself  shone  out  the 
brightest  on  the  one  the  nearest  to  catch  the  ray. 

There  all  the  poetry  and  romance  of  his  nature  came  out 
in  its  richest  pathos,  and  he  wanted  no  other  audience  than 
those  he  loved  best  to  display  his  richest  treasures.  His 
tenderness  of  sympathy  for  others  would  often  lead  him 
to  acts  of  generous  help  to  those  who  were  in  trouble,  that 
no  one  heard  of  but  his  wife;  and  many  can  testify  to,  or 
may  have  passed  away  to  thank  him  in  heaven  for  all,  the 
kind  things  he  did  continually.  Sometimes  a  soldier  had 
heavy  debts  he  could  not  pay,  or  a  wife  who  was  sick,  and 
he  could  not  give  her  the  luxuries  she  needed;  or  perhaps 
the  soldier  may  have  had  a  girl  he  loved  at  home,  who  would 
come  out  to  be  his  wife  if  he  could  only  pay  her  way.  All 
such  cases  as  these,  when  he  proved  them  real,  won  a  ready 
sympathy  from  his  chivalrous  heart. 

All  his  life  he  had  done  these  things,  even  when  he  was 
a  subaltern  with  his  regiment,  and  many  were  the  voices 
that  woidd  bless  him.  And  as  liis  means  increased,  his 
charities  expanded,  and  he  gave  away  with  large-hearted 
munificence.* 

And  to  complete  the  picture,  it  must  be  told  (and  may 
be  added   here)  how  courteous  he  was   in  little  things  as 

*  A  humorous  instance  of  confidence  in  bis  readiness  to  help  occurred 
at  this  time.  The  widow  of  a  clerk  who  had  been  in  his  office  and  died 
some  years  before  was  very  ill;  and,  expecting  to  die  one  day,  said  to 
her  doctor,  "  Now  I  shall  die,  I  am  sure ;  I  shall  make  over  my  two  girls 
to  Colonel  Edwardes."  And  ho  says  laughingly,  in  telling  the  story,  "  I 
hcnrtil}'  wish  the  good  lady  a  long  life!"  But,  had  the  occasion  occurred, 
he  would  have  been  quite  equal  to  it  ! 


340  SIR   HERBERT  D.   EDWARDES.  [1857. 

\vell  as  <^avat.  In  Scotland,  in  tlie  last  year  of  his  life,  he 
wonltl  deliglit  to  visit  a  poor  old  woman  in  a  cottage,  often 
carrying  a  jug  of  soup  to  her  with  his  own  hands;  and  he 
would  enter  her  cottage  door  with  as  much  deference  and 
courtesy  as  if  it  were  a  palace,  and  sit  by  her  chimney-corner 
and  talk  to  her  with  such  a  kindly  interest  and  grace  that 
he  won  her  heart  to  believe  in  anything  he  had  to  say  to  her. 

If  he  passed  along  the  road  another  day,  she  would  get 
up  from  her  chimney-corner  and  go  to  her  door,  and  say, 
"  It  does  me  good  to  see  him  only  walk  along  the  road  !  " 

A  rather  amusing  illustration  of  this  feature  of  his 
character  occurred  once  wlien  Edwardes  was  on  his  way 
home.  He  went  one  day  from  Paris  to  Versailles,  to  visit 
one  of  his  Punjab  friends  (one  of  the  frontier  officers  in  high 
command  in  India),  and  as  he  walked  along  from  the  station 
to  his  friend's  house,  he  overtook  an  old  woman  who  was 
tottering  under  the  weight  of  a  large  bundle  she  was  trying 
to  carry  along.  He  stopped  and  spoke  to  her,  and,  finding 
that  their  roads  lay  in  the  same  direction,  he  said,  "  Give 
me  your  bundle,  my  good  woman,  and  I'll  carry  it  for 
you,  and  we  will  walk  along  together."  And  so  they  did ; 
and  the  friends  on  the  look-out  for  him  were  greatly  wonder- 
ing if  it  were  he,  coming  along  the  avenue,  carrying  a  large 
bundle  in  his  arms,  and  an  old  Frenchwoman  by  his  side. 

She  little  knew  to  whom  she  was  indebted  for  smoothing 
her  path  that  day.  To  him  it  was  simply  the  natural 
impulse  of  his  genial,  courteous,  and  sympathetic  nature ;  and 
he  thought  nothing  of  it,  and  gave  the  bundle  back  to  her  with 
a  courteous  regret  that  he  could  carry  it  no  further  for  her. 

But  this  is  a  digression,  and  we  must  go  back  to  the 
point  we  started  from.  This  little  parenthesis  will  have 
served  to  show  the  reader  only  a  glimpse  of  the  truth  that 
to  be  torn  away  from  such  a  home  was  indeed  the  beginning 
of  sorrows  to  both. 

And  yet,  when  the  fury  of  the  storm  had  burst,  and  the 
horrors  of  the  Mutiny  were  being  enacted  in  almost  every 
station  in  India,  the  kindness  of  the  Providential  care  was 
seen  and  recognized,  that  had  removed  his  wife  to  a  safe 
place,  and  left  him  free,  without  distraction  of  private 
anxieties,  to  devote  liis  mind  and  his  energies  to  the  public 


IN  CALCUTTA.  341 

duties  wliicli  were  about  to  press  so  lieavily  and  so  anxiously 
upon  liim  in  the  Peshawur  frontier  charge,  towards  wliich 
Edwardes  \vas  now  id  wend  his  way  back  with  a  very  heavy 
heart. 

Ihit  before  he  did  so,  he  stayed  a  few  days  in  Calcutta, 
to  give  opportunity  for  interviews  with  the  Governor-General ; 
and  many  were  their  meetings,  and  many  the  anxious  con- 
versations on  burning  questions  of  public  interest. 

There  was  much  that  Lord  Canning  wanted  to  talk  over 
of  Peshawur  matters  and  frontier  policy — the  Lumsden 
mission  (which  he  wished  to  correspond  directly  with  the 
Calcutta  Government  through  Edwardes)  and  other  questions 
which  Lord  Canning  discussed  at  great  length,  keeping 
Edwardes  long  after  all  the  guests  had  disappeared,  and 
asking  him  to  come  again  the  next  morning  and  renew  the 
discussions. 

lieing  somewhat  new  to  India,  Lord  Canning  seemed 
anxious  to  think  out  questions  for  himself  and  form  his 
views ;  and,  in  order  to  do  so,  to  hear  the  opinions  of  public 
men  who  had  already  given  time  and  thought  to  them,  and 
had  liad  experience  by  which  to  test  them. 

And  there  was  no  difficulty  in  drawing  Lord  Canning's 
attention  to  the  military  questions  and  the  state  of  the 
army,  which  had  so  long  and  often  engaged  Edwardes's  own 
thoughts,  and  the  dangers  to  our  Indian  Empire  to  which  we 
have  already  alluded  in  discussing  the  training  which  Sir 
Henry  Lawrence  gave  to  his  Assistants  at  Lahore.  For 
already  there  seem  to  have  been  felt  the  rumblings  of  the 
coming  storm  of  disaffection  in  the  native  army. 

Even    during    this   short   time   of    Edwardes's   visit   to  First  signs 
Calcutta  came  the  first  signs  of  the  Mutiny,  and  the  19th  °*^*'?® 

^  •'  '  coming 

Regiment  of  Isative  Intantry  was  quietly  disbanded  at  storm. 
Barrackpore,  without  any  disturbance.  And  although  no 
one  could  foretell  the  whole  course  of  atrocities  and  rebellion, 
peril  and  disaster,  that  would  so  soon  follow  upon  this  first 
thunder-clap,  till  our  very  empire  itself  should  reel  under  the 
blow,  still  this  opportunity  was  not  lost  by  Colonel 
Edwardes  in  pressing  upon  Lord  Canning  not  to  allow  the 
warning  note  that  was  sounding  so  loudly  in  his  ears,  so  near 
to  him  as  Barrackpore,  to  pass  unheeded.     It  l>rought  home 


342  sin   IlERDEBT  n.    EDWARLES.  [1857. 

his  arguments  with  telling  power  to  liis  Lordship's  mind ; 
for,  even  now,  blood  had  been  spilt.     The  story  was  this — 

Aro;uments         "  A  sad  thing  took  place  in  the  34th  Native  Infantry  at 
home!  Burrackpore.     A  Sepoy,  a  ]5rahmin,  got  drunk  with  bhang, 

took  his  musket  and  a  sword,  and  called  on  the  other 
sepoys  to  join  him  in  going  to^he  ghat  and  preventing  the 
European  soldiers  from  landing ;  of  course  knowing  that 
they  had  been  sent  for  to  keep  peace  at  the  disbandment  of 
the  19th,  or  perhaps  suspecting  harsher  measures. 

"  The  adjutant,  Lieutenant  Baugh,  went  down  to  the 
parade,  and  his  horse  was  shot  under  him  by  the  Brahmin. 
Baugh  drew  a  pistol  and  fired  at  him  to  prevent  his  reload- 
ing, but  missed,  and  the  Brahmin  closed  with  him,  with  his 
sword.  A  fight  ensued,  in  which  the  native  tulwar  proved 
better  than  the  Birmingham  blade,  and  Baugh  was  terribly 
wounded.  This  was  before  all  the  men  of  the  regiment,  and 
only  one  sepoy  came  to  Baugh's  assistance.  The  sergeant- 
major  seems  to  have  been  helping,  for  he  got  killed. 

"  This  is  the  substance  of  a  letter  just  received  from  an 
officer  of  the  34th,  who  does  not  hesitate  to  say  that  his 
regiment  is  in  a  worse  state  than  the  19th,  that  all  the 
European  officers  liave  lost  confidence  in  their  men,  and 
that  he  hopes  all  sorts  of  things  will  be  done  by  Govern- 
ment. .  .  .  The  army  is  in  a  state  of  lax  discipline,  and 
wants  radical  reform,  which  we  seem  to  have  no  statesman 
to  undertake.  These  regiments  at  Barrackpore  have 
probably  been  tampered  with  by  the  dethroned  Princes  who 
are  still  in  exile  at  the  capital.* — H.  B.  E."  (Extract  from 
diary  letters  to  his  wife.) 

*  la  confirmation  of  the  truth  of  this  idea,  we  may  put  into  a  note 
here  a  letter  received  at  Peshawur  some  months  furtlier  on,  when  appre- 
hensions had  become  certainties,  and  facts  so  much  worse  than  apprehen- 
sions :  " has  had  a  letter  from  some  friend  in  Calcutta,  who  evidently 

is  behind  the  scenes;  for  he  says  Government  is  in  possession  of  informa- 
tion wiiich  shows  that  the  Mutiny  was  preconcerted  by  Mohammedans. 

"  It  was  to  have  taken  place  on  the  Queen's  birthday  all  over  the 


1857.]    FIRST   WARNINGS   OF   THE   COMING   STORM.   343 

But  these  first  symptoms  ut  Barrackpore  were  not,  at  the 
time,  generally  thought  of  much  consequence,  and  did  not 
attract  much  attention.  In  disbanding  the  19th  Regiment, 
it  was  considered  that  the  Mutiny  was  at  an  end,  and  tliat 
the  offenders  had  met  with  the  punishment  they  deserved. 

But  it  is  not  a  great  stretch  of  imagination  to  suppose 
that  afterwards,  when  the  plots  thickened,  these  earnest 
conversations,  and  warnings  too,  would  come  back  to  Lord 
Canning's  mind,  and  would  help  to  give  him  confidence  in 
the  man  who  held  the  reins  at  the  frontier  post  at  Peshawur, 
and  held,  as  it  were,  the  anchor  by  which  the  great  ship  was 
able  to  outride  the  storm. 

Maybe,  too,  it  gave  some  force  to  the  determination  that 
enabled  Lord  Canning  to  give  the  casting  vote  v/ith  Edwardes, 
which  was  all-important  at  the  time  when  it  should  come  to 
pass,  in  after-days  of  difficulty,  that  the  question  actually  was 
hanging  in  the  balance,  whether  or  not  they  should  let  slip 
the  anclior. 

Looking  back,  we  can  often  trace  tlie  tiny  links  that  help 
to  make  the  chain  of  great  and  important  events  with  which 
we  could  never  have  guessed  that  they  had  any  connection. 

In  the  return  journey  up  the  country  many  friends  were 
visited  at  the  different  stations,  in  interchange  of  thought 
with  whom  Edwardes  found  much  refreshment. 

It  was  always  interesting  to  him  to  study,  too,  the  tone  of 
native  thought  and  feeling  in  the  parts  of  India  so  far  away 
from  his  own  province  ;  and  an  opportunity  was  unexpectedly 
afforded  him  in  the  journey  as  soon  as  he  left  Calcutta. 

country,  when  the  troops  were  on  parade.  The  cartridi^e  question  came  up 
accidentally,  and  offered  so  good  au  opportunity,  uniting  the  Hindoo  sepoy 
with  the  Mohaniniedau  one,  that  it  was  seized  upon,  and  took  fire  rapidly 
through  the  army,  and  the  Cavalry  at  Meerut  got  so  excited  that  they 
precipitated  the  matter. 

"The  King  of  Delhi  was  to  have  his  old  imperium,  the  Nawab  of 
Moorshedabad  was  to  be  Viceroy  of  Oude;  and  the  late  King  of  Oude, 
Viceroy  of  Bengal  and  Bebar.  I  have  no  doubt  that  these  three  [Hjtentates 
were  at  the  bottom  of  it,  for  an  Oude  subahdar  of  the  Kilat-i-Ghilzie 
Regiment  told  me  two  months  ago  that  the  more  we  saw  of  the  jMutiny, 
the  clearer  it  would  bo  that  the  two  Nawabs  (of  Moorshedabad  and  Oude) 
and  the  King  of  Delhi  had  planneil  it  all. — II.  B.  E." 


344  srn  nERDERT  n.  edwardes.  [i857- 

Extract  from  private  letters  to  his  wife — 

"  April,  1857. 
lieturn  "  At  niglit  I  got  into  the  railroad  again,  and  turned  my 

face  once  more  to  tliat  troubled  post,  Peshawur.  ...  A  well- 
dressed  native  got  into  the  carriage  with  a  writing-desk, 
took  out  a  Bible,  and  began  to  read  by  the  light  of  the  lamp 
over  his  head.  I  entered  into  talk  with  him,  and  asked  if 
he  was  a  Christian.  '  Not  exactly  ;  that  is,  I  have  not 
declared  myself.'  Did  he  approve  and  believe  Christianity  ? 
*  Yes ;  I  have  given  up  all  modern  Hindooism,  but  I  adbere 
to  pure  deism,  and  agree  with  your  English  Unitarians.' 

"  *  It  was  impossible,'  I  said,  '  to  read  the  Bible  and  not 
acknowledge  that  it  came  from  God.'  '  Yes,'  he  said,  *  t'.e 
Bible  is  the  only  rel'gious  system  I  know  of  tliat  tells  men 
to  love  their  enemies  and  do  good  to  those  that  despitefully 
use  you.  It  certainly  spiritualizes  all  tiie  relations  of  life.' 
I  asked  him  why  so  many  young  Baboos  become  infidels  ; 
and  he  said  he  could  only  suppose  it  was  because  'The  fool 
hath  said  in  his  heart.  There  is  no  God.'  I  looked  into  his 
Bible,  and  found  it  copiously  annotated  in  pencil.  It  had 
been  given  him  by  a  clergyman  of  the  Free  Church  name  1 
Milne." 

Meeting  with  this  Bible-reading  Bengalee  in  the  railway 
carriage  was  a  great  opportunity  of  studying  a  live  specimen 
of  Young  Bengal,  and  the  subject  which  had  always  in- 
terested him  greatly,  viz.,  the  effect  and  probable  end  of  our 
educational  measures  upon  India. 

So  long  ago  as  January  25,  1845,  we  find,  in  "  Brahminee 
Bull's  letters  in  India,  to  his  cousin  John  Bull  in  England  " — 

"  The  Cabul  War  was  a  crisis,  if  you  like  ;  but  you  made 
it  yourself.  There  will  be  another  crisis  some  years  hence 
in  India,  wlien  your  Education  Order  has  worked  its  way 
and  self-knowledge  begets  the  wish  and  the  ability  of  self- 
government.     But  *  sufficient  for  tiie  day  is  the  evil  thereof.' 


1857.]  THOUOIITS   ON  INDIA'S   FUTURE.  34.') 

You  and  I  will  ecarco  live  to  see  the  crisis  that  will  re- 
generate India  ;  and  if  we  do,  let  us  hope  that,  among  other 
books?,  iiistory  will  bo  read,  and  therein  men  of  all  new 
opinions  will  read  that  belief  is  as  free  as  thought,  that  the 
llimioo  persecuted  the  IMiissulman,  and  the  ]\Iussulinan  per- 
secuted the  Hin'loo,  but  that  you,  tolerated  them  both." 

And  if  he  was  interested  in  these  sul)jects  in  those  early 
days,  how  nmcli  more  should  we  expect  to  find  it  so  when  his 
mind  became  more  ri[)ened  and  his  experience  enlarged  ! 

And  so  it  was.  His  large  and  capacious  mind  was  con- 
tinually exercising  itself  upon  all  such  subjects  affecting  the 
ultimate  good  of  the  people  and  the  responsibilities  of  the 
governing  race  concerning  them  ;  and,  like  all  truly  great 
men,  he  was  humble,  and  neither  narrow  nor  self-opinionated ; 
and  he  was  glad  to  listen  deferentially  to  the  opinions  of 
men  older  than  himself,  whom  he  respected  and  admired, 
and  to  ventilate  his  own  opinions  with  theirs.  This  he  had 
been  able  to  do  freely  in  Calcutta,  for  he  found  there  many 
congenial  spirits. 

Dr.  Duff  was  in  Calcutta  at  the  time,  and,  with  his  large  Dr.  Duff, 
views  and  expanded  philanthropy,  Edw'ardes  could  always 
feel  great  sympathy ;  and  personally,  he  felt  great  love  and 
respect  for  him,  as  the  veteran  champion  of  all  that  was  right 
and  good.*  This  admirntioii  and  sympathy  was  mutual,  for  a 
letter  in  Dr.  Duff's  handwriting,  written  to  a  third  party  in 
the  Punjab  in  1859,  says,  "  Is  that  noble,  lion-hearted, 
Christian  man.  Colonel  Edwardes,  to  leave  the  I'unjab  soon  ?  " 

*  In  conversation  with  Dr.  DuU',  these  questions  were  earnestly  dis- 
cussed, lie  said  "  there  were  numbers  of  Hindoos  of  good  family  who 
were  Christians  in  belief,  and  who  meet  regularly  for  prayer,  but  will  not 
openly  profess.  The  educated  Bengalees  who  are  not  Cliristians  appear 
to  be  very  disaffected  to  Government,  and  to  talk  freely  of  wbat  they  will 
do  with  India  when  they  have  got  rid  of  us." 

Dr.  DulT  and  Mr.  Headon  seemed  to  think  that  "  the  severance  of  India 
must  be  contemplated  as  the  probable  end  of  our  educational  measures, 
and  all  tiiat  we  could  do  was  to  strive  so  to  govern  meanwhile  as  to  part 
friends." 

Mr.  Wylio  thinks  it  is  not  intended  that  the  Anglo-Saxons  should  over    Duty  not  a 
lose  India.     In  any  case,  I  think  the  duty  is  clear  of  communicating  to    question  of 
those  whom  Providence  has  placed  in  our  charge  all  the  light  we  possess    "*"'**• 
ourselves,  whatever  the  result  may  be. —  See  Friend  of  IiidUi,  April  10, 
1857,  editorial  headed  "  Patria  Cara  Carior  Libertos." 


measures. 


346  SIR   HER  BEET  B.  EDWARDES.  [1857. 

DiniMoiit  Upon  this  subject,  of  the  effect  of  our  educational  measures 

uiHrn"  "^  upon  India,  there  is  a  passage  in  Kaye's  "  History  of  the  Ad- 
e.iuc.itional  ministration  of  the  East  India  Company's  Service  "  which  we 
may  extract  here ;  for  it  is  interesting  to  mark  the  views  of 
different  public  men  upon  a  question  of  such  vital  importance 
and  interest.  Kaye  says,  "  The  admission  of  the  natives  of 
India  to  the  higher  offices  of  the  state  is  simply  a  question  of 
time." 

"  I  believe,"  said  a  distinguished  member  of  the  Company's 
service  (Mr.  Halliday),  before  the  Committee  of  the  House  of 
Commons,  "  that  our  mission  in  India  is  to  qualify  them  for 
governing  themselves.  I  say  also,"  he  continued,  "  that  the 
measures  of  Government,  for  a  number  of  years  past,  have 
been  advisedly  directed  to  so  qualifying  them  without  the 
slightest  reference  to  any  remote  consequences  upon  our 
administration." 

Kaye  proceeds  :  "  Long  before  it  became  their  duty  to 
review  the  clauses  of  the  Act  of  1833,  the  Court  of  Directors 
had  continually  exhorted  its  servants  in  India  to  prepare, 
through  the  agency  of  improved  systems  of  education,  the 
natives  of  the  country  for  higher  ofi&cial  positions  than  they 
had  yet  been  qualified  to  hold. 

"  And  these  exliortations  had  not  been  thrown  away. 
What  the  ultimate  effect  of  their  general  educational  measures 
must  be,  it  is  not  difficult  to  conjecture. 

"  Our  mission  will  be  fulfilled  sooner  or  later.  The  only 
question  is  a  question  of  time. 

"  '  There  is  a  divinity  that  shapes  our  ends, 
Eough-hew  them  how  we  will.'  " 

At  Benares,  Henry  Carre  Tucker  was  visited ;  and  Sir 
"William  Muir,  Mr.  Charles  Eaikes,  Dr.  Farquhar,  at  Agra 
(where  there  was  a  crowd  of  good  men  and  true) ;  and  at 
Cawnpore,  Edw^ardes  turned  aside  to  Lucknow,  where  was 
now  his  beloved  friend  Sir  Henry  Lawrence,  whom  he  had  not 
seen  since  they  parted  at  Jullundur,  where  he  and  his  wife 
stayed  on  their  way  down  to  Eajpootana  on  leaving  the 
Punjab  to  his  brother  John.  It  was  then  (in  1853),  amidst 
the  regrets  and  lamentations  of  all  his  many  friends,  that  he 
parted  from  them ;  and  those  regrets  had  never  died  away  in 


1857.]  Sin   HENRY  LAWRENCE.  347 

the  hearts  of  the  many  who  loved  Sir  Henry,  and  who  Sir  llenrr 
deli^'hted  to  serve  under  him.  Rarely  has  there  been  found  La^'*^"*^^*- 
in  public  life  a  man  who  so  oiled  the  wheels  of  the  ponderous 
machine  of  Government,  and  was  so  able  to  carry  men  with 
him,  attaching  them  at  the  same  time  to  their  work  and  to 
himself  personally,  and  inspiring  them  with  the  devotion  that 
he  felt  himself. 

It  is  impossible  to  say  how  much  it  was  this  harmony  of 
spirit  with  their  chief  that  gave  an  impetus  to  the  Govern- 
ment that  Sir  Henry  left  behind  liim.  For  deeply  as  he  felt 
leaving  his  province,  Sir  Henry's  Christian  chivalry  rose  to 
the  occasion,  and,  in  the  midst  of  his  own  personal  grief  at 
quitting  Lahore,  the  last  act  of  him  and  his  noble-hearted 
wife  before  they  left  the  Government  House  was  to  kneel 
down  together  and  ask  God  to  bless  the  Punjab,  and  to  bless 
and  prosper  his  brother  John's  rule  over  it,  for  the  good  of 
the  people  and  of  himself. 

Brotherly  forgiveness  and   Christian   largeness  of  heart  The  spirit 
prompted  it,  and  his  true  love  for  the  Punjab  would  make  Laurence 
him  forget  all  personal  feelings,  and  desire  only  the  prosperity  survives 
of  the  province  which  was  his  own  from  the  first,  and  where  ture.^''^'^' 
he  had  laboured  so  devotedly.     It  was  the  true  testing-time 
of  tlie  character  of  all  his  work  ;  and  the  noble  band  of  brave 
spirits  that  he  had  gathered  together,  and  who  felt  he  was 
their  leader,   could  do   nothing  less  than  try  to  catch  the 
influence  of  his  parting  example,  that  did  but  stamp  deeper 
into  their  hearts  the  lessons  of  self-sacrifice  which  he  had 
taught  them  so  long. 

They  knew,  too,  that  nothing  would  i^lcasc  him  better  than 
that  they  should  give  all  their  strength  to  the  work  that  lay 
so  near  his  heart.  But  none  can  say  whose  heart  was  the 
most  heavily  burdened — he  who  turned  his  back  upon  the 
Punjab,  or  those  who  stayed  there  without  him. 

Time  showed  how  well  tliese  men  braced  themselves  up 
to  their  work  again  ;  how  every  one  of  them  came  out  as  a 
strength  and  power  in  the  gi'eat  earthquake  of  the  Mutiny, 
now  so  nearly  at  hand. 

Sir  Henry  Lawrence  had  lately  arrived  at  Lucknow, 
called  upon  by  Lord  Canning  to  take  up  the  Government  of 
the  newly-annexed  province  of  Oude,  just  as  he  was  about  to 


348 


Sin    JIEnBEUT  D.   EDWARDES. 


[1857. 


Ilonoria 
Lawrence. 


proceed  to  England  for  fuilongli,  and  liad  even  sent  on  liis 
little  daughter  and  sister  to  ljom))ay  to  wait  for  him  to  join 
them  there. 

He  had  had  a  great  trial  in  Eajpootana,  for  there  he  had 
been  called  to  give  up  the  dear  wife  who  was  the  joy  of  his 
heart.     Lady  Lawrence  had  died  at  Mount  Aboo  in  1854. 

She  was  a  worthy  helpmate  for  him,  able  to  throw  herself 
heart  and  soul  into  all  Ids  life  and  share  it  with  him,  helping 
him  in  his  literary  work  very  much,  and  cheering  him  at  all 
times  with  her  ready  sympathy  and  love ;  for  she  felt  with 
him  in  everything.  As  with  all  good  wives,  the  dearest  thing 
to  her  was  her  husband's  honour  and  truest  happiness,  and 
leaving  the  Punjab  had  been  almost  as  deep  a  wound  to  her 
as  it  was  to  him.  She  used  to  say  "  it  was  one  she  could  only 
keep  her  finger  tightly  pressed  upon,  or  the  bleeding  would 
start  out  afresh." 

But  she  braced  herself  up  to  cheer  and  support  her  noble 
husband,  and  hers  was  always  the  hand  that  pointed  heaven- 
wards and  cheered  him  on,  even  from  her  sick-bed. 

The  following  is  a  picture  of  Henry  Lawrence  at  Lucknow, 
from  Edwardes's  private  letters — 


Sir  Henry 
Lawrence 
at  Luck- 
now,  1857. 


From  Herhert  Edivardes  to  Ms  ivife. 

"  Lucknow,  April  4,  1857. 

"  I  got  here  to  breakfast  yesterday,  and  found  Henry 
Lawrence  in  decidedly  better  health  than  when  he  parted 
from  us  at  Jullnndur  in  1853.  He  says  he  was  in  very 
indififerent  health  at  i\gra  before  coming  hero,  but  has  been 
much  letter  since  he  came  to  Oude. 

"  This  is  characteristic  of  him.  He  is  roused  out  of  the 
very  pit,  as  it  were,  by  any  call  to  work  ;  like  a  war-horse, 
ever  ready  for  the  battle.  The  only  cliange  is  that  he  is 
much  greyer ;  no  vestige  now  of  brown  in  beard  or  hair — 
all  grey,  and  the  grey  passing  into  white.  This  morning 
I  was  80  lucky  as  to  get  two  photographs  of  him  done  by  a 
native  gentleman  here,  and  I  enc'o.-e  them  for  your  great 
delight.  .  .  .  Dear  Sir  Henry  is  evidently  happij  in  tbis  new 


1857.]  Sin   EENRY  AT  LUCKNOW.  .349 

u[(i»^)iutin('iit.     He  says  so  and  looks  so.     By  us  iiiiicli  as  lie 

It'll  iiijuiol  iunl  ilei<res-('(l  hy  L)!'!  I) 's  reiiiovul  of  liim 

from  LuIkjio,  by  exactly  so  miieli  does  ho  go  up  again,  now 
that  Lord  Canning  has  taken  off  tho  weight,  and  conferred 
exactly  thn  same  charge  on  him  that  John  has  got.  And  I 
believe  lu^  will  d  >  a  great  deal  of  good  here.  He  comes  in 
as  a  i)eacemak('r.  .  .  .  And  he  is  already  winning  golden 
opinions  ainonj;  the  nobles  and  people  also  by  his  kindness 
and  sympathy.  Hitherto  there  seems  to  have  been  no  sort 
of  sympathy  for  the  chiefs  and  heads  of  the  native  society  ; 
nothing  but  a  rush  of  nukshas,  nukshas,*  to  reduce  the  new 
province  as  soon  as  possible  to  the  standard  plan.  I  feel 
much  more  h(tpeful  of  Sir  Henry  doing  well  ami  keeping 
well  since  I  have  seen  the  state  of  things. 

"  This  morning  we  rode  through  the  city.  It  is  an  Description 
immense  place,  occupying  about  eighteen  square  miles,  and  n^^y"*^ 
containing  from  five  to  seven  hundred  thousand  souls.  There 
are  many  pretentious  buildings — beautiful  in  design  and 
grand  in  scale,  but  miserable  in  material ;  like  a  stuccoed 
club-house  in  London.  The  river  Goomtee  runs  through 
the  city,  and  bridges  unite  the  banks.  This  gives  a  most 
picturesque  appearance,  and  puts  one  in  mind  of  Europe. 
Sir  Henry  has  two  houses — one  in  town  and  one  in  the  out- 
skirts. Of  course  he  is  living  in  the  hottest  himself,  and 
has  lent  the  coolest  to  the  brigadier. 

*'  The  Residency,  in  which  we  now  are,  has,  I  thitdc,  four 
stories — an  immense  pile.  .  .  . 

"Sir  Henry  has  his  old  runaway  Ladakh  pony  still, 
and  he  rode  him  this  morning.  He  says  he  keeps  him  to 
prevent  his  losing  his  nerve  on  horseback.  This  morning 
he  read  a  chapter  of  the  JWb'o  to  George  j  an  J  me.  And 
then   he   prayed    with   great   earnestness.     He    laid    great 

*  Onicial  fi.rins. 

t  Ilis  ueplaw,  who  was  a  Deputy-Commissioner  in  Ondc  before  ho 
ame. 


350  SIR   UEIiBEItT  B.   EDWARDES.  [1857. 

stress  on  'Enable  lis  to  live  in  love  with  many  and  charity 
to  all.'  The  whole  prayer  was  for  peace  and  forbearance 
and  good-will,  and  the  help  of  Christ  Himself  in  onr  whole 
lives. 

"What  a  dear  good  man  he  is!  Occasionally  we  have 
such  hearty  langhs  together,  till  the  rooms  echo  again,  quite 
like  old  times  !     I  have  not  yet  asked  to  see  dear  Lady 

L 's  picture,  as  I  do  not  know  how  he  may  feel  it ;    so 

I  wait  till  to-morrow  (Sunday),  when  the  house  will  be 
quiet.  .  .  . 

"  Christian  and  Mrs.  Christian  anived  this  morning.  .  .  . 
Then  ensued  a  grand  search  for  a  double  bed  ;  and  last  a 
despairing  hunt  for  sheets  to  fit  the  bed.  This  all  put  me 
so  in  mind  of  the  old  Residency  at  Lahore,  where  Sir  Henry 
and  I  slept,  ate,  and  worked  in  one  small  room  for  the  first 
year,  and  wlien  a  brigadier  came  to  stay  for  a  night  (Sir 
Colin  Campbell),  we  put  a  charpoy  *  for  him  between  our 
two,  and  thought  we  were  all  handsomely  provided.  What 
queer  creatures  the  earnest-working  Englishmen  in  India 
would  become,  if  there  were  no  ladies  to  put  their  houses  in 
order !  .  .  .  He  wants  me  to  stay  a  week,  but  I  must  really 
go  on  Monday  or  Tuesday. 

"  Last  evening  we  drove  out  to  see  the  Martiniere  College. 
Claude  Martin  was,  I  believe,  a  Swiss,  and  came  out  to  India, 
as  a  common  soldier  [as  is  written  on  his  tomb].  After- 
wards he  entered  the  Oude  service,  and  became  a  general. 
He  seems  to  have  become  a  kind  of  commission  agent  for 
the  Kings  of  Lucknow,  importing  European  luxuries  for  the 
Court,  and  charging  a  handsome  profit.  Thus  he  amassed 
great  wealth.  Among  other  speculations,  he  built  a  palace, 
thinking  the  King  would  buy  it ;  but  the  King  refused  to 
give  the  price,  and  thought  it  would  be  cheaper  to  confiscate 
the  building  when  the  old  man  died.  General  IMartin,  there- 
fore, ordered  his  body  to  be  buried  in  a  vault  in  the  centre  of 
*  Hindostanee  for  "  bed  ;  "  litcrallj',  "  four  feet." 


1857.]  A    PALACE   TURNED    TOMB.  3.j1 

tlie  house;  and  llius  turned  it  into  a  tomli,  which  it  wouhl  Palace 
be  a  (lefih-ment  lor  a  Mohaniniedau  to  live  in.  The  body  ^^J^^^ 
uas  cndjalmed,  and  tor  many  years  was  ex[)o.sed  to  view 
ill  the  vault.  N(»w  it  is  covered  over  with  the  monumental 
slab,  with  a  marble  bust  of  the  general  on  one  niche  at  the 
head  of  the  tomb,  and  two  plaster  of  Paris  busts  at  the  sides. 
Round  the  tomb  stand  four  painted  figures  of  soldiers  leaning 
on  their  muskets.  The  heart,  when  removed  at  the  embalm- 
ing, was  buried  in  a  tank  in  front  of  the  mansion,  and  a 
monumental  pillar  erected  over  it.  This  palace-turned- 
tomb  was  finally  bequeathed  as  a  college  for  children  of  all 
religions,  and  last  night  we  heard  about  a  hundred  and 
forty  piebald  boys  sing  the  evening  hymn  with  much  voice, 
at  all  events. 

"  In  the  opposite  wing  were  as  many  pure  blacks,  but 
I  don't  know  if  they  are  taught  to  sing  of  Mohammed  and 
Krishna.  The  mixture  of  faiths  under  one  roof  pleases  me 
less  and  less  the  more  I  think  of  it ;  but  Sir  Henry,  with 
his  large  heart,  goes  on  liking  it. 

"I  stayed  at  Lucknow  till  Good  Friday  evening,  so  that 
altogether  I  was  eight  days  with  him.  One  day  he  got  sick 
from  a  change  of  weather,  and  was  feeble  from  it  all  the  rest 
of  the  time  I  was  there,  so  that  after  all  I  fear  his  health 
is  but  uncertain.  .  .  . 

"  I  believe  that  Council  is  the  sphere  where  his  wide  and 
general  views  on  all  subjects,  especially  military  and  political, 
will  be  able  to  effect  most  good  ibr  India,  and  therefore  I 
heartily  hope  he  may^  be  selected  for  an  expected  vacancy. 
I  was  very  glad  to  have  seen  so  much  of  him,  and  left 
Lucknow  with  recret. 


And  so  the  two  friends  parted,  never  to  meet  again  on  Edwardos 

leaves 
Lucknow. 


earth, — their  next  meeting  would  be  in  heaven ;  and  we  are  ''^'*^*'^ 


like  children  playing  about  among  the  shadows,  compared 
with  the  light  up  there,  in  which  they  see  things  now  ! 

The  next  stay  was  at  Agra.     There  he  found  much  to  Agra 


352  SIR   HERBERT  U.   ED  WARD ES.  [1857. 

interest — Mr.  French  and  his  college,  where  he  examined 
two  of  liis  n])per  classes  in  Acts  ii.  and  iii.,  and  Milton's 
"  Paradise  Lost ;  "  and  says — 

"I  suppose  he  is  doing  too  much  good  here  to  be  given 
up  to  us  Ibr  Peshavvur ;  otherwise  he  is  the  very  ii  an  !  " 

(His  merits  have  now  found  a  wider  field,  for  he  is  the 
Bishop  of  Lahore.) 

"  Last  evening  we  had  a  starlight  party  at  the  Taj.  What 
a  peerless  building  it  is  !  It  is  more  lovely  every  rime  one 
sees  it.  Dr.  Murray  lit  up  the  interior  for  us,  and  I  won- 
derefl  anew  at  the  m^irvellous  delicacy  of  the  mosaic  and 
marble  fretwork.  I  am  glad  this  building  was  in  honour  of 
a  woman." 

Edwardes  delighted  to  meet  again  Mr.  Charles  Eaikes 
and  Sir  William  Muir,  and  found  refreshing  talk  of  the  many 
things  that  lay  nearest  to  their  hearts  in  public  matters. 
How  refreshing  public  life  in  India  is,  mixed  up  so  closely  as 
it  often  is  in  friendship  and  sympathy !  Mr.  Raikes  was 
recommending  some  modifications  in  the  Xorth-West  I'ro- 
vinces  administration ;  and 

Sketches  of  "  holding  up  the  school  of  Sir  Henry  Lawrence  and  his  old 
sistants.  Assistants,  as  examples  of  out-of-door  and  open-air  Governors, 
who  settled  more  cases  under  green  trees  than  under  fly- 
blown punkahs.  To  lighten  the  subject,  he  wanted  to  throw 
in  a  few  sketches  of  Sir  Henry's  staff,  and  I  was  engaged  for 
some  hours  yesterday  in  penning  him  some  notes  on  Arthur 
Cocks,  George  Lawrence,  George  McGregor,  Edward  Lake, 
James  Abbott,  Harry  Lumsden,  Keynell  Taylor,  John 
Nicholson,  and  John  Becher." 

Himself  (This  explains   the  reason  why,  in   Mr,   Eaikes's  book, 

left  out.       ^^^^g^^  ..  rpj^g  Revolt  of  the  North-AVestern  Provinces  of  India," 

there  is  a  sketch  of  all  the  staff  of   Sir  Henry  except  of 


1857.]  SANAWUIi   LA  WHENCE   ASYLUM.  35.j 

Juhvardes    liinisclf;    fur,   uf  course,    he    could    not    write  of 
himself  I) 

We  mi^dit  liu^^er  lou^^'cr  over  tlie  pleasant  sketch  of  this 
very  genial  visit ;  but,  as  night  set  in,  the  journey  has  to  be 
pursued,  and  one  friend  starts  to  walk  ever  so  far  along  the 
road  with  him,  unwilling  to  say  farewell. 

From  Agra  lie  hurried  on  to  Umballa,  and  took  a  look  at  Asylum  at 
the  Lawrence  Asylum,  at  Sanawur,  on  the  way.  This  was  ''^='"'i^^"'- 
the  first  of  the  soldiers'  children's  schools  in  the  hills,  started 
by  Sir  Henry  Lawrence,  and  first  proposed  by  him  in 
January,  1845,  by  the  offer  of  Iis.3000  from  his  private 
purse.  It  was  a  scheme  very  dear  to  his  heart  from  that 
time  ;  and  he  continued  to  support  and  extend  it  all  his  life, 
and  established  one  at  Mount  AIjoo  and  at  other  hill  stations  ; 
and  in  his  will  he  Ijequeathed  them,  with  a  sum  of  money, 
to  the  Government,  and  called  them  his  "  elder  daugliter." 

But  Sanawur  was  the  first,  and  had  been  started  in  tlie 
early  days  of  his  first  going  to  Lahore,  and  Edwardes  had  a 
particular  interest  in  it,  having  had  much  to  do  in  assisting 
Sir  ITenry  Lawrence  in  the  work  ;  and  it  was  a  great  pleasure 
to  him  to  have  an  opportunity  of  seeing  for  himself  how  it 
prospered. 

"At  night  I  started  from   Umballa  fur  the  asylum,  got  Diary 
to  Kalka  about  eight  a.m.,  breakfasted  and  rode  up  the  hill,  tlnuTd.*^**" 
every  stone  and  tree  in  the  winding  road  seeming  familiar 
to  me. 

*'  With  the  asylinn  I  was  quite  delighted.  It  has  ex- 
panded into  a  perfect  paiisli,  clustering  round  a  most  Englisli- 
looking  cliurcli.  The  discipline  and  oider  of  the  whole 
institution  are  very  remarkable,  as  well  as  the  health  and 
strength  of  the  boy.s  and  girls.  Above  all,  I  was  pleased  with 
Mr.  Parker.  He  is  a  dark-complexioned  man,  with  a  largo 
coal-black  eye  and  well-cut  features  full  of  resnliniou.  His 
universal  ability  is  exhibited  at  every  turn.  He  has  both 
planned  and  executed  everything.  The  children  eviiiently 
regard  him  with  that  mingling  of  conticience  and  fear  whi..'h 
is  inspired  by  a  really  gooil  schoolmaster.  .  .  . 

VOL.  I.  2  A 


354  ,S77?   JIERDEliT  U.    EDWARDES.  [1857. 

"Mr.  Piulccr  (old  ni(>  tluit  the  Romish  priest's  congre- 
gation liiid  dwindled  t')  two  ehildrtni,  at  wliich  jioint  the 
priest  abandoned  the  institution  and  retired  to  Agra,  whence 
the  bishop  has  since  fnlniinatcd  a  sentence  of  condeumation. 
On  the  whole,  I  enjoyed  this  visit  to  tlie  well-known  hills 
extronndy,  .  .  .  and  I  could  8ce  dear  old  Subathoo  slum- 
bering like  a  flock  of  white  sheep  on  a  distant  hill. 

"  There  is  something  much  more  charming  to  me  in  these 
hills  than  in  any  that  we  have  about  us  in  Hazara  and 
Munee,  but  perhaps  it  is  from  old  associations."  * 

The  This  benevolent  scheme  of  Sir  Henry  Lawrence's  is  an 

Lawrence     unspeakable  boon  to  the  English  soldiers  in  India,  providing 

Asylums.  ^  ^  .  '  i  o 

a  safe  and  healthy  place  of  education  for  their  children,  and 
a  refuge  from  the  contaminating  air  of  barrack  life,  which 
is  both  physically  and  morally  injurious  to  them. 

Another  sign  of  disaffection  in  the  native  army  crops  up 
at  Umballa.     Edwardes  writes — 

"  At  Umballa  the  disaffected  portion  of  the  sepoys  were 
giving  trouble,  burning  the  houses  of  those  sepoys  who 
agreed  to  do  their  duty,  and  Government  barracks,  and  some 
empty  bungalows." 

It  seems  like  the  flashes  of  lightning  that  often  precede 
a  heavy  storm. 

A  day  w^th  Edward  Lake  at  Jullundur,  and  a  ride  from 
midnight  to  midday  in  the  mail-cart,  brought  him  to  Lahore. 
He  says — 

"John  Lawrence  is  looking  out  of  health.  Ho  is  now 
suffering  from  a  pain  in  the  side  of  his  head,  which  he  calls 
'neuralgia,'  but  I  should  think  was  hard  work.  He  can 
only  still  it  by  constant  application  of  chloroform.  He  has 
more  than  ever  resolved  to  go  homo  next  January.  .  .  . 

"  The  terms  of  the  peace  with  Persia  have  just  been  sent 

*  It  will  be  remembered  that,  when  a  subaltern  with  his  reginient, 
he  was  stationed  here. 


lHr>7.]  liETURN   TO    PESnAWUR.  3. JO 

ti)  .loliu  Liiwrencc  by  Lord  (Jrt!iiiin<r,  witli  permission  to 
show  tliem  to  me.  They  are  better  thtui  I  hoped  for,  but  I 
am  anxious  as  to  the  future  settlement  of  Herat,  as  to  who 
is  to  <^et  it.  The  articles  only  provide  that  Persia  leaves 
and  abandons  it." 

A  day's  visit  to  Lady  (Juhn)  Lawrence,  at  Eawul  Pindee, 
on  the  way,  and  the  journey  was  brought  to  an  end  at 
Peshawur,  May  5,  1857. 

To  liis  wife — 

*'  The  difference   of  temperature  between  Calcutta   and  Diary 
Peshawur   is    quite   extraordinary.      You    remember    how  If'^^'''-  ^ 

'■  •'  Keturn  to 

impossible  it  was  to  do  without  punkahs  in  Calcutta,  more  I'eshawur. 
tlian  six  weeks  ai^o.     Here  none  are  yet  thought  of. 

"  Nicholson  is  looking  much  better  than  when  we  left 
him.  He  has  been  in  camp,  moving  round  the  district,  and 
this  has  done  him  good.  Nicliolson's  society  in  the  house 
is  a  great  comfort  to  me  in  this  great  desolate  house,  where 
your  books  lie  about  where  you  last  laid  them,  and  out 
mutual  words  seem  hanging  entranced  in  the  air,  and  coming 
back  on  me  like  echoes.  It  is  both  Fad  and  sweet.  It 
is  like  the  thorn  that  they  say  the  nightingale  leans  on." 

He  found  heavy  work  awaiting  him  at  Peshawur,  and 

"  that  the  political  work,  in  consequence  of  our  connection  with 
the  Afghans,  is  on  the  increase  continually.     It  will  become 
impossible   to  carry  it  on  as  well  as  the-   civil  work  of  the   Heavy 
frontier ;    and  belbre  John  Lawrence  goes  home,  or  I  go  pelVawur 
myself,  I  think  I  shall  state  my  opinion  to  that  effect,  and 
advise  a  separate  political  agent  fur  Central-xV^ian  matters. 

"  It  is  very  unsatisfactory  to  be  able  to  give  only  a 
moiety  of  time  and  thought  to  great  international  questions 
which  might  well  absorb  the  whoh\ 

'•  A    letter   fnun   Henderson  gives  such  a  delightful  ac- 


356  SIR   HEnBERT  B.    EDWARDES.  [1857. 

count  ol'  Meiauzyc,  uliere  things  are  settliiif^  down  into 
established  peace,  lie  manages  his  district  admirably,  and 
is  a  great  comfort  to  me." 

Edwardes's  thoughts  naturally  turned  homewards,  and 
his  views  about  life,  and  choosing  our  own  path,  come  out  at 
this  time. 

Views  of  "I  feel  that  England's  homes    are  very   beautiful  and 

dear,  and  that  the  climate  there  gives  so  much  more  zest 
to  life  and  occupation  ;  and  as  a  dream,  if  allowed  to  dream, 
nothing  can  I  fancy  more  happy  on  earth.  .  .  .  But  I  doubt 
as  to  the  duty. 

"It  is  a  low  view  of  life  to  regard  it  as  our  own  and 
do  with  it  what  seems  pleasantest.  That  cannot  be  what 
God  meant  us  to  do.  He  must  be  supposed  to  wish  us  to 
remain  unhomed,  pilgrims  ever,  while  on  earth,  seeking  to 
be  placed  only  where  we  can  do  most  for  Him.  And  it  is 
at  this  point  that  conscience  finds  such  a  hard  case  put 
before  it.  '  Where  can  we  do  most  good  ? '  .  .  .  But  after 
all,  if  we  can  really  bring  ourselves  to  make  sincere  self- 
surrender,  and  say,  '  Lord,  what  wilt  Thou  have  me  to  do  ?  ' 
it  is  probable  that  we  shall  not  lie  deceived  in  coming  to  our 
conclusions,  but  be  guided  into  right  plans  by  God's  own 
Spirit." 

Again,  about  training  of  boys  — 

Advice  to  '-It  is  shameful  and  horrible   how   boys  are  let   alone! 

traiuiug       Mothers  cannot  keep   their   hold  on   their   boys  too   long. 

boys.  These  young  years  when   the  little  things  adore  their  own 

mother,  and  look  up  to  all  heaven  through  the  windows 
of  her  eyes,  will  soon  fleet  away.  Seize  them,  mothers,  and 
write  the  knowledge  of  God  all  over  them  in  a  sweet,  accept- 
able, happy,  bright-lettered  way.  It  will  never,  never  be 
erased,  let  man,  or  woman,  or  evil  spirit  try  their  worst. 


1857.]  ADVICE   TO   MOTHERS.  307 

"Keep  their  hctirts  soft  ami  tlicir  ininds  jjure  as  lung  as 
ever  you  can.  It  is  a  ]\Iolocli  creed  which  says  tin*  sooner 
they  are  hardened  the  belter.  When  they  must  leave  you 
and  go  into  the  world  and  meet  sin,  let  it  at  all  events 
slioch  them,  and  find  them  piepared  with  a  boyhood  of  good 
convictions.  Even  if  they  en,  let  theui  have  something  to 
come  back  to." 


CHAPTER    XII. 

1857. 

LEVIES-FIRST   OPENING   OF   'J'HE   MUTINY. 


"  Arm,  warriors,  arm  for  fight ;  the  foe  at  Land, 
.  .  ,  each  on  himself  relied, 
As  only  in  his  arm  the  moment  lay 
Of  victory." 

MiLTOM. 


(     301     ) 


CHAPTER   XIT. 

And  now  comes  tlie  first  tluiiuler-clap  of  tlie  great  storm 
that  was  imi)c'iuliiig,  of  wliicli  we  have  seen  a  few  warnings  at 
Barrackpore  and  L'niballa.  Already  Edwardes  lia<l  written 
to  liis  wife — 

"  Monday  night,  May  11,  1857. 

"  All  day  I  have  been  very  busy  buying  guns  and  pistols  ^'''"st  ijurst 
for  the  Lunisden's  '  Toshaklianah '  at  Candahar  ;  and  you  Mutiny. 
know  \Nhat  a  troublesome  job  that  is  in  the  midst  of 
Bessions-eases.  Tlie  political  work  is  sensibly  increasing 
here,  and  is  swelled  by  these  odds  and  ends  of  jobs  to  an 
extent  which  quite  alarms  me.  I  do  not  know  how  I  shall 
be  able  to  carry  on  both  works  much  longer.  .  .  . 

"  The  telegraph  officer  has  just  sent  me  a  sad  piece 
of  news  from  Delhi,  that  the  Sepoys  from  Meerut  had  come 
over  and  burnt  the  bungalows  there,  and  killed  several 
Europeans  ! '  This  is  serious,  and  we  must  expect  the 
Mutiny  to  spread  to  every  station,  if  not  put  down  with 
the  bayonet  at  some  one  cantonment.  If  it  comes  here, 
we  shall,  please  God,  make  short  work  of  the  mutineers, 
for  we  have  three  European  regiments  in  the  valley,  and  all 
the  Artillery  is  European,  .  .  . 

"  May  12. — The  plot  is  thickening.  This  morning  we  got 
the  following  telegraphic  message  from  the  Deputy-Adjutant- 
General  at  Meerut,  dated  twelve  at  night  of  May  10  : — 
'Native  troops  in  open  mutiny.  Cantonments  south  of  Mall 
burnt.     Several  European  officers  killed.     European  troops 


3G2  sin    IIF.IIJ'.KIIT  n.   EDWAUDES.  [1857. 

under    iiniis,  (lefcndiii^    barracks.     Electric   telegraph   wire 
cut.'     Of  course  tliat  means  no  Calcutta  wire.  .  .  . 
Advice.  "  Tliis  has  forced  us  to  make  our  own  preparations,  and 

I  have  advised  Jolin  Lawrence,  by  telegraph,  to  collect 
and  bring  into  the  field  at  once  a  movable  column,  to  move 
on  any  station  in  the  Punjab  where  disaffection  shows  itself, 
and  put  it  down  with  the  bayonet.  This  matter  cannot  be 
talked  down ;  it  must  be  put  down.  H(;w  very  thankful 
I  am  that  you  are  in  safety  !  I  have  now  no  care  here,  and 
I  hope  to  be  useful,  with  Nicholson  and  our  fine  old 
brigadier,  Sydney  Cotton,  and  Chamberlain,  at  this  crisis. 

"  Midnight. — I  have  been  sitting  up  with  three  moonshees 
and  two  pundits,  perusing  the  correspondence  of  the  sepoys, 
which  came  in  this  evening's  post.  We  found  nothing 
disloyal !  But  there  are  a  great  number  of  their  letters, 
written  neither  in  Persian  nor  Hindee,  but  in  a  character 
called  Kayuthee — and  this  we  none  of  us  were  able^to 
decipher.  These  mutineers  are  likely  to  entail  trouble 
enough  on  us  before  we  have  done  with  them. 

"  We  have  got  the  notorious  64tli  Native  Infantry  here, 
and  I  have  thought  it  best  to  move  it  out  of  cantonments, 
on  pretence  of  strengthening  the  forts  on  the  Mohmund 
frontier,  where  they  can  do  little  mischief.  Here  their 
lines  were  next  to  the  guns ;  and  IMajor  Barr,  who  was 
senior  officer  of  the  Artillery,  was,  I  hear,  very  anxious 
about  them.  All  this  puts  me  so  in  mind  of  the  last  Sikh 
War  !  " 

At  this  first  sounding  of  the  key-note  of  the  blast  of  the 
IMutiny,  Edwardes  whites  a  long  letter  to  Sir  John  Lawrence, 
and  telegraphs  the  outline  of  his  letter  the  same  night. 

"  Peshawur,  May  12,  1857. 

"My  dear  John, 

"  I   have   not    heard   yet    whether   you   are   at 
Pindee  or  ]\rurree,  but  as  we  have  received  here  the  tele- 


1857.]  MnVAJlLK    COLUMX  AXJ)    LKVIES.  303 

grapliic  news  of  j\[ay  10  Iroiii  ]\[(.'erut,  that  tlio  '  native 
troops  were  in  open  mutiny,  and  Europeans  on  the  defensive 
only,'  I  write  a  line  to  tell  you  that  Nicholson  and  I  are 
of    opinion    that   a   strono;    movable    column    of    reliable  ^'ovai.io 

_  column 

troops   (Europeans   and   irre^ul:irs)    should    take    the    field   proposal, 
in  the  Punjal^  at  once  ;  and  move  on  the  first  station  that 
stirs   next,  and    bring   the    matter,  without   further  delay, 
to  the  hayonet.     This  disaffecti<m  will  never  be  talked  down 
now.     It  must  bo  pnt  down." 

Then  follow  some  military  proposals,  whicli  we  will  not 
enter  into  in  detail,  and  he  proceeds — 

"  Further,    we    would    advise   you   to   raise    a    body   of  f^''**^  P'"- 

1  1     T«r      1    A  TT  /^i         1  position  lur 

a  thousand  JMooltanee  Horse  at  once,  to  act  as  Cavalry  raising 
with  this  movable  column,  or  in  any  other  way  tliat  may  be  *^^'*'^' 
required  dnring  this  mutiny, 

"  Depend  upon  it,  there  will  be  plenty  to  do,  and  you 
cannot  act  too  promptly  in  getting  together  such  men  as 
you  can  trnst  to.  The  Cavalry  of  the  irregular  force  are 
little  better  tlian  onr  old  Cavalry.  The  ]\[ooltanees  may 
be  relied  on.  Their  present  leaders,  the  Eessaldars,  might 
be  told  to  double  or  treble  their  numbers,  in  the  quickest 
way  they  could. 

"  Nicholson  desires  me  to  tell  you  that  ho  would  be 
ready  to  take  command  of  them ;  and  I  need  not  add  the 
pleasure  it  would  give  me  to  do  the  sam(\  "We  are  both 
at  your  disposal,  remember;  and,  if  this  business  goes  far, 
it  will  soon  come  to  a  question  of  personal  influence  and 
exertion. 

"  Either  of  ns  could  raise  a  serviceable  body  out  of 
the  Deiajat,  in  a  short  time. 

"  We  have  written  to  ask  Chamberlain  to  ride  over 
and  consult  with  Ihigadier  Cotton  how  they  could  co-operate 
to  give  you  a  movable  force. 

"As  to  this  place,  it  will   b.-  jnst   as  in  1S4S,  the  last 


364  SJR   11  Ell  BERT  n.   EDWARDES.  [1857- 

to  go;    cuul  not  go  at    nil  il'   the  intcriuediato    country  be 

occiipiod  by  a  good   field  Ibroe,  engaged  in  making  stern 

examples.  .  .  . 

separate  u  Nieh()I.son   has  just   arranged    with   the   brigadier   to 

imitineeis     movG  thc  64th  out  to  tlie  forts  on  the  Mohmnnd  frontier, 

IVoin  the  . 

guns.  as  II  an  attack  were  there  expected ;  thus  reniovmg  them 

from  the  other  troops,  and  the  guns,  to  which  they  are 
nearest." 

Then  follow  other  proposals  concerning  the  formation  of 
the  proposed  movable  column, 

"as  also  the  thousand  Mooltanees.  This  would  be  something 
to  move  down  the  Punjab  with;  and,  in  the  hands  of  a  good 
man  (I  should  say  Chamberlain),  might  do  the  country  an 
important  service. 

"  ilut  there  is  no  time  to  be  lost.  If  you  wish  for  the 
Mooltanees,  let  us  know  by  telegraph,  and  we  will  issue 
the  perwannuhs." 

Again — 

"  What  you  do  about  a  movable  force,  do  at  once. 
There  is  no  time  to  be  lost  in  getting  to  the  struggle  which 
is  to  settle  the  matter.  .  .  . 

"  Believe  me, 

"  Affectionately  yours, 
"  (Signed)  Herbert  B.  Edwardes." 

The  public  letter  follows  next  day — 

From  Colonel  H.  B.  Edwardes,  Commissioner  of  Peshdwur,  to 
Cai^tain  H.  B.  James,  Officiating  Secretary  to  Chief 
Commissioner. 

"  Peshawur,  May  13,  1857. 

"  Sir, 

"  Yesterday,  telegraphic    news   reached  this  can- 
tonment from    Major  Waterfield,  Adjutant-General  of  the 


1857.]  MEASURES    TAKEN  AT  PESDAWUIi.  .jG5 

Meerut  Division,  that  the  troops  at  Meerut  were  on  the  10th 
instant  in  o[)en  mutiny,  and  the  European  troops  on  the 
defensive. 

"  The  ni^j^ht  before  we  had  received  telej^raphie  news 
from  Delhi  of  the  bun<^alows  liaving  been  burnt  and  several 
Europeans  killed  by  mutinous  Sepoys  from  Meerut. 

"  These  news  seemed  to  indicate  so  serious  a  state  of 
affairs  south  of  the  Sutlej,  that  Colonel  Nicholson  and 
myself  visited  Brigadier  Sydney  Cotton,  commanding  the 
Peshavvur  Brigade,  and  advocated  the  formation  of  a  mov- 
able column  of  picked  troops,  to  put  down  mutiny  in  the 
Punjab. 

"There  was  one  regiment  of  native  Infantry  in  the 
Peshawur  garrison  (()4th  Native  Infantry)  whose  present 
feeling  was  generally  rumoured  to  be  disloyal,  and  whose 
past  history  was  notoriously  mutinous.  It  was  desirable, 
therefore,  to  move  it  away  from  the  other  native  troops, 
especially  as  its  lines  were  nearest  to  the  guns.  .  .  . 

"In  the  afternoon  of  yesterday  I  had  the  honour  to 
telegraph  to  the  Chief  Commissioner  our  proposal  for  a 
movable  column,  of  which  the  Queen's  27th  and  24th,  the 
Guide  Corps,  and  some  other  irregular  troops  should  form 
part. 

"  Later  in  the  day  Brigadier  Cotton  and  Major-General  Measures 
Reed,  commanding  the  division,  decided  on  organizing  the  Peshawur 
movable   column,  and    orders   were  issued    by  them    and 
myself  for  the  Guides  to  make  over  the  Fort  of  3[urdan  to 
the   55th   Native    Infantry    from    Nowshera,  and  join    her 
Majesty's  27th  at  the  latter  station. 

"  Brigadier  Neville  Chamberlain,  who  commands  the 
Punjab  Irregular  Force,  and  happened  fortunately  to  be  at 
Kohjit,  was  invited  over  to  Peshawur  for  consultation  as  to 
further  measures,  and  he  rode  in  this  morning  at  an  early 
hour. 

"  At  10.30  a.m.  to-day  I  had  the  honour  of  receiving  your 


w  ai' 


366  -S7/i'    IlEItBERT  n.    EDWARDES.  [1857. 

telegiapliic  I'cply  to  my  message  of  yesterday,  iu  which  you 
announced    that   the    native  Inftmtry  were   disarmed    this 
morning  at  ]\Ieean-Meer,  and  the  Cavalry  of  their  sabres, 
(^.imcil  of  "At   11    a.m.,  by   the    invitation   of   General    Heed,   a 

council  of  war  was  assembled  at  his  quarters,  consisting  of 
the  general  himself,  Brigadier  Cotton,  Brigadier  Chamber- 
lain, Colonel  Nicholson,  and  myself;  and  I  have  the 
honour  now  to  forward  for  the  Chief  Commissioner's  infor- 
mation a  copy  of  the  resolutions  which  were  unanimously 
taken. 

"  General  Reed  will  leave  Peshawur  to-morrow  for 
Rawul  Piudee,  and  unite  his  own  head-quarters  with  those 
of  the  Chief  Commissioner,  which  will  facilitate  prompt 
action  at  this  crisis. 

"  Brigadier  Chamberlain  will  also  proceed  to  Rawul 
Pindee,  to  consult  with  the  Chief  Commissioner. 

"  Major-General  Reed  has  asked  me  to  place  the  services 
of  Lieutenant-Colonel  Nicholson  at  his  disposal,  as  civil 
and  political  officer  with  the  movable  column ;  and  as  that 
officer,  from  his  great  local  knowledge  of  the  country  between 
Lahore  and  the  Indus,  in  which  he  served  with  such  dis- 
tinction during  the  war  of  1818-49,  his  combined  expe- 
lience  of  the  regular  and  irregular  armies,  his  rare  talent 
for  acquiring  information  in  the  field,  and  the  general  force 
and  ability  of  his  character,  was  undoubtedly  the  fittest 
officer  that  I  knew  of  for  that  duty,  I  have  at  once  acceded 
to  the  general's  request,  considering  that  at  such  a  time  as 
this,  our  civil  administration  is  dependent  on  the  peace  of 
the  Punjab. 

"  Among  other  measures  to  be  advocated,  I  suggest  to 
the  Chief  Commissioner  the  advisability  of  authorizing 
some  of  the  best  of  the  commanding  officers  of  the  Punjab 
Irregular  Force  to  enlist  men  of  the  Punjab  and  British 
frontier.  It  will  add  immediately  to  our  strength,  it  will 
absorb   the    best   of   the  floating   candidates   for   military 


1857.]  COUNCIL    OF    WAR    AT   rKSIlAWl'Ii.  Zi't'J 

service,  anil  it  will  nltiinatcly  supply  the  gaps  niail*^  in  our 
native  army  liy  the  jjre.scnt  mutiny, 

"I  wouM  also  strongly  rccoinniciul  that  each  of  the 
Ressahlars  (»f  the  ]\[ooltanee  Jlorse  in  the  Derajat  be 
atithori/.od  to  double  the  number  of  his  men  from  the  same 
race  of  Mooltauee  Puthans,  than  whom  experience  lias 
sliown  we  have  none  more  thoroughly  reliable  in  the  Punjab. 

"  T^'usting  that  these  measures  which  have  been  taken 
here  to-day  will  strengthen  the  Chief  Commissioner's  hands, 
"  I  have,  etc., 
"  (Signed)  Herbert  B.  Edwardes." 

This  letter  was  the  first  suggestion  for  the  formation  of 
the  "  movable  column  "  and  of  the  "  levies,"  both  of  which 
proved  such  important  features  of  the  Punjab  arrangements. 
And  the  memorandum  of  these  arrangements  that  were  decided 
on  at  the  council  of  war  w\as,  "  First,  General  Keed,  as  senior 
officer  in  the  Punjab,  assumes  chief  military  command ;  and 
it  is  hereby  resolved  to  organize  a  movable  column  in- 
stantly of  thoroughly  reliable  troops  to  take  the  field,  and 
get  between  the  stations  that  have  mutinied  and  those  that 
have  not,  and  move  on  any  point  in  the  Punjab  where 
mutiny  has  to  be  put  down  by  force  of  arms." 

When  the  Chief  Ctjmmissioner's  answer  came,  it  was 
a  mild  approval  of  the  idea  of  the  advantages  of  such  a 
course,  but  by  no  means  entering  into  the  urgency  of  the 
case. 

John  Lawrence's  answer  is — 

"I   have   written   to   the  commander-in-chief,  proposing  The  Chief 
it  (I)  ...  I  believe  that  the  Irregular  Cavalry  and  the  native  sioner's" 
Artillery  will  prove  faithful.     I  would  not  raise  IMooltanee  and^i^epiy. 
Horse  without  the  orders  from  Government,  nor  do  I  ihinh 
they  are  necvssanj,  at  any  rate  at  present." 

And  on  the  14th,  his  secretary  writes  to  Edwardes — 

"The  Chief  Commissionrr  docs  not  consider  that  the 
emergency  is  of  such  a  nature    as    to   require    immediate 


3G8  SIR   II  Eli  BEET  B.   ED  WARD  ES.  [1857' 

rronii.t  measures  being  adopted.  .  .  .  The  Chief  Commissioner  does 
(liscoiin-  not  see  the  necessity  for  enlisting  local  horsemen  at  Konat, 
b'v"thr  ^^^  ^  ^"^  *o  request  that  for  the  present  this  may  not  be 
^-  ^-  done.     Indeed,  a  question  of   this  kind  might  have  been 

referred  in  the  first  instance." 

He  saw  the  necessity  on  May  28,  but  the  fact  is,  he  had 
not  yet  woke  up  to  the  real  urgency  of  the  case.  Further  on, 
he  says  again — 

"  It  appears  to  the  Chief  Commissioner  that  the  troops 
are  sufficient,  and  that  prompt  action  alone  is  wanted  to 
crush  mutiny  and  rebellion  wherever  it  ma}^  arise." 

Was  this  opinion  justified  by  the  result  ? 

Sir  John  Lawrence  wrote  also  to  the  military  authorities 
at  Peshawur,  disapproving  of  the  vigorous  measures  set  on 
foot  by  the  council  of  war.  General  Eeed  writes  to 
Edwardes — 

(icneiai  "  I  havc  just  rcccived  the  accompanying  despatch  from 

Jlpod  to 

EdwaiJcs.    the  Chief  Commissioner.    It  places  me  in  a  difficult  position, 
the  move  having  been  decided  '  in  council.'     Do  you  think 
it  would  be  attended  with  any  risk,  delaying  the  execution 
of  the  order,  as  Sir  John  Lawrence  requests  ? 
"  Yours  very  truly, 
"(Signed)  Thomas  Keed, 

"  Major-Ceneral." 

Brigadier  Sydney  Cotton,  who  received  a  similar  despatch, 
deals  with  it  with  characteristic  decision.  He  writes  to 
Colonel  Edwardes — 

"  Pusliawur,  May  1-i,  1857,  1  a.m. 

"  My  dear  Edwardes, 
Sydney  "I  send  you   two  letters  received  from  Sir  John 

Cotton  on 

the  same         LawreilCG. 

subject.  II  Q^^j,  ai-rangements  of  yesterday  supersede,  of  course 


1857.]  MlLITAHy  MEASURES  ASSENTED    TO.  .'JGIJ 

those  of  til  J  Chief  Commissioner ;  and  being  at  this  nictnunt 
in  operation,  notliin<;  more  need  be  done. 

"  The  arrangements  of  the  council  of  war  of  yesterday  Sydney 
will,  of  course,  be  made  known  to  the  Chief  Commissioner."    linn. 

(And  then  the  letter  goes  on  to  enter  into  arrangements 
about  the  families,  and  the  sick,  of  the  men  going  on  service.) 

"  Yours  sincerely, 
"  (Signed)  Sydney  Cotton, 

"  Brigadier." 

Then  came  telegrams  from  the  Chief  Commissioner — 

To  Colonel  Edtvardes. 

"  May  14. 

"The  Chief  Commissioner   requests  you   will  not  raise 

new  troojis  anywhere  without  his  instruction,  and  wishes  that 

Colonel  Nicholson  should  remain  at  Peshawur." 

Again — 

"  If  you  have  promised  to  let  Futteh  Khan  have  men,  Reiiutaut 
let  the  fewest  number  necessary  be  enlisted,  i)rovided  they  "rn*,"t^ed 
are  footmen;  and  report  that  number.* 

"  The  enlistment  of  horsemen  at  Kohat  should  n(jt  be 
authorizeil. 

"  (Signed)  H.  13.  James, 

"  Officiating  Secretary  to  Chief  Commissioner." 

These  were  the  difficulties  and  hindrances  that  beset  the 
first  raising  of  levies ;  nor  was  the  need  of  them  realized  by 
the  Chief  Commissioner,  for  he  writes — 

"  May  14,  1857. 
"  I  cannot  conceive  what  has  misled  the  Sepoys  of  the 
native  army.     The  cartridges,  no  doubt,  began  the  mischief, 

*  A  letter  went  down  to  the  Chief  Commissioner,  dated  May  IG, 
icpoitinj:;  tlic  number  of  men  allowed  to  Khan  Bahadoor  Futteli  Khan 
Kuttuck  to  levy,  for  the  security  of  the  Attuck  liiid'^e  and  Ferry:  three 
juinmadiirs,  ten  havildars,  a  hundred  sepoys,  and  one  moonshee. 
VOL.  1.  2  B 


370  67 A'    JU'L'JJh'IiT  Jl.   EDWARDES.  [1857. 

but  what  has  carried  on  an  1  iiitoiisified  the  ill  feeling? 
There  seems  a  general  helief  that  we  are  about  to  convert 
them  ill!  ;  but  some  one  must  have  worked  on  tlieir  minds. 

"7  thiiilc  one  good  example  would  stop  it  all. 

"  We  are,  I  believe,  amply  strong  enough  in  the  Punjab 
to  put  down  all  micchief. 

"(Signed)  John  Lawrence." 

We  will  resume  the  extracts  from  Edwardes's  diary  letters 
to  his  wife. 

"  May  15,  1857.  . 
"  It  is  a  most  critical  time  this,  and  I  should  deceive 
you  if  I  wrote  otherwise  ;  but  it  must  soon  be  decided  one 
way  or  other.  And,  please  God,  the  tide  will  soon  turn  in 
our  favour  when  this  splendid  column  gets  together  and 
comes  smashing  down  upon  the  capital.  The  regiments  to 
compose  it  are  working  nobly,  and  rushing  to  the  rendezvous 
at  Jhelum.  I  envy  the  man  who  is  to  command  it — as  yet, 
not  known. 

"  As  yet,  all  is  perfecihj  quiet  in  the  Peslidiuur  garrison, 
and  we  have  great  advantages  in  our  position  over  any 
other  station. 

"  I  offered  to  give  up  Nicholson  as  political  officer  for 
the  movable  column ;  but  John  Lawrence  has  prohibited  it, 
and  talks  of  going  himself.     Chamberlain  rides  to-night  to 
Pindee,  to  consult  with  him. 
Anxious  "  We   are   all    dee[)ly   anxious   about   dt-ar   Sir    Henry 

Ouder"  °  Lawrence.  His  position  in  Oude  is  the  weakest  in  India. 
We  can  get  no  new  s  from  those  parts ;  but  we  suppose  the 
Delhi  magazine  to  be  in  the  hands  of  the  mutineers ;  and 
hope  that  the  commander-in-chief  has  descended  from 
Simla,  and  has  done  in  Upper  India  what  we  are  doing  for 
the  Punjab. 

"  So  long  as  the  ^^^ojyle  do  not  rise  against  the  civil 
Government,  all    will    go  well.      The   European    troops,   if 


1857.]  rilOOIiESS   OF   THE   MCTjyy.  'Ml 

they  liiive  tiiu  ',  will  <;et  to^^ether  and  smash  the  8e|iov8  ; 
.  .  .  unless  they  got  panic-stricken,  in  which  case  it  will  bo 
( 'abul  over  ap:;aiii.     ]>iit  I  don't  believe  it. 

"  It  cannot  be  (jod's  will  ;  and  you  may  rely  on  it  we 
shall  f^ain  the  victory,  thonp^h  there  must  necessarily  be  a 
frightful  loss  of  blood.  Who  knows  what  dear  friends  we 
may  have  lost  ere  this  ?  .  .  .  I  write  this  very  hurriedly,  at 
midnight.  I  am  at  work  all  day,  and  must  send  this  off 
to-morrow." 

To  the  same — 


"  Pcshawur,  May  IG,  1857. 
"  India  has  been  convulsed  by  a   mutiny  of  the  Bengal  Progress  of 

}'■ 


Native  Array  about  those  Enfield  rifle  cartridges ;  and  when  Mutiny. 


the  Delhi  magazine  was  tiiken  by  the  mutineers,  the  European 
troops  at  i\I(eiut  on  the  defensive,  with  the  native  troops 
in  oi)en  mutiny,  all  native  troops  disarmed  at  Lahore, 
another  regiment  disbanded  at  Barrackpore,  and  a  third  at 
Lucknow  by  Sir  Henry  Lawrence, — you  can  easily  conceive 
that  there  was  no  communication  between  the  Punjab  and 
North- West  Provinces.  .  .  . 

"  Since  yesterday  (my  Lst),  our  intelligence  has 
brightened.  The  45th  Native  Infantry  at  Ferozep;)re  had 
mutinied,  and  been  annihilated  by  her  ]\Iajesty's  61st,  the 
57th  Native  Infantry,  not  sym[)athizing,  or  rather  not 
fraternizing  with  the  45th,  but  giving  up  their  arms;  and 
the  10th  Light  Cavalry  (Wilkinson's)  remaining  staunch. 
This  was  good.  When  men  begin  to  act,  clouds  disperse 
and  success  begins. 

"  Last  night  we  heard  that  the  commander-in-chief 
(Anson)  has  come  down  from  Simla,  and  is  marching  on 
L)elhi  with  a  force,  to  recover  that  important  ixiint.  .  .  . 

"  I  scrawl  these  hurried  lines,  limiting  them  to  telling 
you  generallv  how  matters  stivnd. 


r,72  sm  iii:i;iiKi!T  n.  edwardes.  [isst, 

"Here,  at  IVsbuw  ur,  \vc  took  time  by  the  forelock,  induced 
General  Keed  to  assume  chief  command  in  the  Punjab,  and 
then  issued  orders  in  his  name  for  the  assembly  of  a  field 
force  of  reliable  troops,  European  and  irregulars,  to  move 
down  upon  Lahore  ami  crusli  mutiny  wherever  it  showed  its 
front.  The  prompt  marching  of  these  picked  corps  was 
unexampled  in  my  experience.  One  feels  proud  of  such 
follows. 

The  Cui.ic  "  Xhe  Guide  Corps  made    surprising    efforts.       Captain 

Daly  *  is  worthy  of  them. 

"The  whole  will  soon  be  at  Eawul  Pindee,  and  thence 
march  rapidly  to  Jhelum,  if  required  ;  but  it  seems  to  have 
pleased  God  to  turn  the  tide  already,  in  the  Punjab  at  all 
events.  Our  great  anxiety  is  for  the  North-West  Provinces 
and  Oude.  If  the  road  via  Agra  be  open,  you  will,  of 
course,  get  public  news  from  those  parts  of  the  latest  date. 
But  I  much  dread  some  terrible  disasters  there.  The 
European  corps  are  few  and  far  between,  and  Benares,  Nepal, 
and  Oude  may  each  and  all  have  thonght  their  day  was 
come  for  rising.  We  can  only  expect  to  hear  of  sad  loss  of 
life  in  every  station ;  but  pray  that  it  may  be  otherwise. 

Peshawur     At  Pcshawur  all  is  quiet,  and  we  have  taken  all  reasonable 

yet.^  *''*  precautions.  I  offered  to  give  up  Nicholson  to  the  movable 
column,  as  just  the  man  to  accompany  the  general,  whoever 
he  might  be,  on  such  a  march  ;  but  John  Lawrence  has 
refused  to  let  him  go.  .  .  . 

Cheerful  "  \   ^ivo.   more  than  ever  involved  in  labour  and  anxiety, 

of  course;  but  am  very  well,  thank  God,  and  firmly  believe 
that  these  troubles  are  not  intended  by  the  Ruler  of  events 
to  shake,  but  to  consolidate,  our  power. 

"  Nothing  less  would  have  brought  about  army  reform. 
"  Nicholson  is  well  and  deeply  interested,  as  you  may 

*  Captain  Daly  was  the  officer  iu  command  of  the  Guides  during  the 
absence  of  Major  Harry  Lumsden,  wlio,  it  will  be  remembered,  had  gone  on 
Kpocial  duty  to  f'andahar. 


hopes. 


1857.]  TIME  LOST.  3<3 

suppose,  in  all  tluit  is  going  on.     Chamberlain  has   gone 
down  to  luiwul  Pindeo,  at  our  request,  to  John  Lawrence." 

"NVe  see  how  the  first  burst  of  the  storm  came  upon 
Pesliawur,  and  Ikjw  Edwardes  and  Nicholson  were  preparing 
to  meet  it.  And  the  reader  can  fancy  how  heavily  the  dis- 
appointment fell  upon  these  two  brave  hearts  when  they 
found  their  ideas  were  not  taken  up  by  Sir  John  Lawrence ; 
that  he  did  not  at  once  see  the  necessity  for  immediate 
action. 

In  the  plan  of  the  movable  column  he  concurred  so  far 
as  "to  propose  it  to  the  Commander-in-chief;"  and  to  the 
raising  of  the  levies  he  replied  by  warning  Colonel  Edwardes 
*'  to  enlist  no  men  without  his  sanction." 

Thus  time  was  lost  that  could  not  be  regained  ;  but  Sir  Time  lost. 
John  soon  came  to  see  that  the  levies  were  a  wise  and  neces- 
sary measure.  And,  meanwhile,  events  rushed  on  so  quickly 
that  there  was  no  time  to  wait  for  orders;  and  we  shall  see 
l)resently  how  action  was  taken,  and  the  movable  column 
formed,  without  further  reference  or  delay. 

It  must  not  be  supposed,  because  we  frequently  see  a 
great  difference  of  opinion  and  of  judgment  about  public 
matters  and  the  value  of  certain  measures  proposed,  that  the 
private  and  friendly  relations  between  Lawrence  and 
lulwardes  were  ever  interrupted  or  interfered  with.  Both 
were  public  men,  earnestly  and  sincerely  working  with  all 
their  strength,  and  giving  all  their  brains  and  energies  for 
the  Ijenefit  of  the  country  and  the  honour  of  their  Queen's 
Government ;  and,  their  aims  and  objects  being  identical, 
their  differences  would  only  be  (and  that  but  occasionally) 
as  to  the  best  measures  suitable  at  the  moment  to  accom- 
])lish  the  result  desired  by  both. 

This  has  been  already  seen,  for  instance,  in  the  Afghan 
treaties  at  Peshawur ;  and  again  it  reappears  in  the  present 
emergencies  which  had  risen  up  so  suddenly  ;  nor  need  it 
seem  strange  if  the  soldier-si)irits  of  the  land  were  found  the 
most  ready  to  face  the  fight  and  buckle  on  their  swords. 

Further  diffi-rences  will  be  seen  as  we  proceed  ;  but  no 
dillcrcncos  of  opinion  ever  for  a  moment  interfered  with  the 
most  intimate  and  affectionate  private  friendship ;  and  often. 


374  Sni   HERBERT  n.   EDWARDES.  [1807. 

in  iiioetiug  together  to  talk  over  measures,  differences  would 
di.sap[)ear. 
Opposition  It  was  SO  especially  in  the  present  instance  of  raising 

ceases.  levics.  On  May  18,  Sir  John  Lawrence  summoned  Colonel 
Edwardes  down  to  liawul  I'iiulee  for  consultation.  He  stayed 
two  days,  and  returned  again  to  Peshawur.  And  after  the 
meeting  together  of  the  two  friends  at  Hawul  Pindee,  John 
Lawrence  was  quite  won  over  to  the  idea,  and  there  was  no 
more  opposition. 

Indeed,  he  afterwards  became  quite  eager  about  the  levies, 
and  the  readers  of  his  recent  biography  would  even  suppose 
that  he  was  the  originator  and  inspiration  of  it  all. 

But  a  truer  "  History  of  tlie  Mutiny  "  has  been  written 
since,  by  one  who  has  earned  the  title  of  "  historian  "  by  a 
calm  and  careful  research  into  records  and  official  papers, 
before  stating  facts;  and  he  tells  us  at  page  331* — 
Holmes's  "  Edwardes  also  asked  leave  to  raise  levies  among  the 

IS  01  y.  jvjooltanees  of  the  Derajat,  whom  he  had  learnt  to  know  and 
trust  years  before.  Lawrence  at  first  curtly  refused  his 
consent;  but  a  few  days  later,  convinced  by  the  fiery  elo- 
quence of  Edwardes  that  it  was  of  vital  importance  to 
strengthen  Peshawur  as  far  as  possible,  he  gave  way." 

This  is  just  an  example  of  what  we  have  been  speaking  of 
above. 

Nicholson  telegraphed  urgently  to  Edwardes  at  Eawul 
Pindee,  from  Peshawur,  Alay  18,  his  wish  to  increase  mounted 
levies  two  thousand,  and  also  to  raise  foot  levies. 

"  I  give  Mobarick  Shah  four  hundred  horse,  and  send 
him  to  join  Coke  or  keep  him  under  myself.  If  he  is  not 
on  our  side  he  will  be  against  us." 

Telegraphic  reply  comes  from  Edwardes — 

"  Rawul  Pindee,  May  18,  4.30  a.m. 
"John  Lawrence  agrees  to  Mobarick  Shah  having  two 
hundred    horsemen,  and   to   your  raising  six    hundred    to- 

*  "The  History  of  the  Mutiny  "  (in  one  vol.),  by  T.  R.  E.  Holmes, 
published  by  Allen. 


IH.')?.]  I/INDnANCES    WITH  on  AWN.  'M ') 

gether  fioiii   tlio   IV'sliuwiir   I'ruiiliLr,  ami  fonrtcon   liunilrcd 
from  tlie  Derajut." 

A^^ain— 

"This  is  written  at  noon  of  3[ay  18,  Sir  John  Lawrence 
sanctions  two  thousand  ^rooltjinee  horsemen,  instead  of  a 
thousand.  Order  a  thousand  to  join  yuu  at  Peshawur  as 
fast  as  possible,  five  hundred  to  go  to  Lahore,  and  five 
hundred  to  remain  at  Deia  Ishmael  Klian,  ready  to  go  to 
I\Io()ltan,  if  required.  Let  JMeer  jMoharick  Shall  join  jMajor 
Coke  quickly  witli  one  hundred  Horse  and  fifty  Foot,  hut 
no  more." 

On  May  19,  Edwardes  telegraphed  to  Nicholson — 

"  The  Commander-in-chief  cannot  spare  Brigadier  Cotton 
from  Peshawur,  and  has  appointed  Brigadier  Chamberlain 
to  Command  tlir  movable  column." 

And  so  the  telegrams  went  on,  and  orders  came  thick  and 
fast.  Colonel  Edwardes  telegraphs  to  Colonel  Nicholson, 
May  19  — 

"Sir  John  Lawrence  sanctions  your  raising  two  tliousand 
Foot.  1  think  the  bridge  of  b^'ats  at  Nowsheia  had  better 
be  broken  u]» ;  and  only  single  boats  kept  up  at  the  ferries 
at  the  Cabul  lliver." 

The  Chief  Commissioner  was  now  convinced,  and  he  saw 
the  necessity  for  levies ;  and  there  was,  henceforth,  no  lack 
of  energy  in  orders,  nor  any  hindrances  as  before. 

This  important  movement  in  the  Punjab  was  one  of  the  The  raising; 
great  measures  for  safety  in  these  days,  and  no  one  would  ever  nnj  Jpo,.! 
desire  to  crop  a  single  laurel  leaf  from  the  brow  of  Sir  John  tant 
Lawrence  because  of  his  first  opposition  to  it ;  for  he  was  ^|.fef"y'^j, 
streiuious  enough  afterwards.    But  it  is  necessary  to  point  out  the  I'unjab, 
explicitly  how   the    measure    originated   and   came   about, 
because  of   the  unworthy  pains  taken  by  a  biographer  to 


37G  SIR   HERBERT  B.   EDWARDES.  [1857. 

misrepresent  the  truth,  and  actually  to  vilify  the  reputation 
and  tlic  opinions  of  tlie  very  man  by  whom  the  idea  was 
conceived,  and  through  whose  energetic  exertions  the  Chief 
Commissioner  was  induced  to  withdraw  his  former  oppo- 
sition. 

Afterwards  the  views  of  Edwardes  and  Nicholson  were  so 
clearly  proved  to  be  sound  ones,  that  there  was  no  further 
need  for  argument,  and  Lawrence  was  finally  convinced. 

Then  we  may  mark  the  vigour  with  which  orders  came 
from  Eawul  Pindee,  to  gather  more  le^'ies  and  hurl  them 
down  on  India,  until  at  last  the  same  wise  counsellor 
(Edwardes)  who  had  at  first  urged  their  despatch  considered 
the  Punjab  could  spare  no  more,  and  called  to  stop. 

Wisdom  was  in  l)oth  counsels,  as  events  showed.  And 
hundreds  of  officers  on  the  frontier  then  and  still  living  are 
witnesses  to  the  truth  which  the  papers  from  which  these 
remarks  are  quoted  fully  prove. 

It  was  well  known  then,  and,  in  spite  of  recent  mis- 
representation, is  not  forgotten  now  ;  and  so  well  known  that 
men  (and  women  too)  were  not  backward  in  expressing  their 
thankfulness  that  such  men  were  at  the  front  and  at  the 
outpost  of  danger  at  Peshawur. 

A  brave  heart  at  Abbottabad  (John  Becher,  Deputy-Com- 
missioner of  Hazara)  writes — 

"  I  am  very  anxious  to  hear  how  matters  go  at  Peshawur 
with  you.  I  think  this  vigorous  determination  of  your 
council  to  assemble  at  once  a  movable  colunm  will  crush  the 
fiend.  In  Chamberlain's  letter  to  Eothney  he  s^aid  that  I 
should  receive  iustriictions  to  rai<e  a  levy  of  the  country.  I 
have  not  yet  received  any  such  iustructious.  I  think  it  will 
be  well  to  have  some  braderies.*  We  have  the  wild  reports 
liere  in  every  shape;  but  the  people  care  little  about  them, 
and  we  are,  perhaps,  the  quietest  place  in  India. 

*  Tliis  word  means  "brotherhood,"  in  English.  It  is  called  "  braderic  " 
because  the  kind  of  levy  thus  alluded  to  is  raised  by  chiefs  from  their  own 
clans,  and  the  men  of  a  frontier  clan  claim  to  be  brothers,  as  being  all 
descended  from  (he  same  stock. 


1857.]       DEPRESSING    CONSEQUENCES    OF  DELAY.       .{77 

"I  am  heartily  glad  we  have  suclia  '  tliree '  asChamber- 
hiin,  Nicholson,  and  you  standing  at  the  forecastle. 

"  Yours  ever, 

"John  R.  Becher." 

And  now  Colonel  Edwardes  returns  to  Peshawur  and 
reports  to  the  Secretary  of  tlio  Chief  (Commissioner — 

"  Peshawur,  May  2:'.,  1857. 

"  Sir, 

'•On    my  return  to  Peshawur   yesterday,    i'rom  The  consp- 
eonferring  with  the  Chief  Commissioner  at  Pindce,  I  found  time  lolt! 
affairs  in  a  very  discouraging  state   indeed.      Lieutenant- 
Colonel  Nicholson,  with  his  usual  energy,  had  left  nothing 
untried  to  raise  levies  of  Horse  and  Foot,  to  overawe  the 
disaffected    Hindostauee    troops;    but    the   time  when    this 
could   have   been  done   with  effect  has  passed,  and   not  a  Peshawur 
single  chief  responded  as  he  ought  to  have  done  to  the  call  not  res'pon.i 
of  Government.      Some    infeiior    IMullicks  had    been  next  *■"  ^^^  "'"• 
resorted  to,  with  a  pros[)ect  of  success  on  a  small  scale." 

The  tide  had  not  been  taken  at  the  turn,  and  it  was 
depressing  enough. 

There  is  no  intention  of  writing  here  a  history  of  the 
Mutiny,  but  only  to  present  a  glimpse  of  the  course  of  events 
as  they  happened  at  Peshawur,  and  of  the  spirit  and  views  of 
the  men  engaged  there ;  to  furnish,  in  fact,  a  running  com- 
mentary on  the  times  and  the  place,  which,  in  spite  of  all  that 
has  been  written,  partly  indeed  because  of  some  things  that 
have  been  written,  is  less  superfluous. 

To  proceed  then  with  extracts  from  letters.  News  came 
fast  and  thick  from  below  of  the  s])read  of  the  rebellion  of 
the  native  army. 

"There  is  no  doubt  that  the  Delhi  magazino  has  fallen 
into  the  hands  of  the  mutineers;  .  .  .  that  one  of  the 
native  regiments  there  (the  54th)  had  muidered  it-;  own 
officers  when  called  on  to  act  ;  .  .  .  that  the  o^th  Native 


378  sj/i  iu:niiEnT  n.  edwardes.  [isgt. 

Infantry  simultimcously  fell  on  tlio  troop  of  Artilleiy  and 
ca{)tur<'(l  four  out  of  six  jjuus.  .  .  .  The  other  two  guns 
uere  worked  hy  Captain  De  Teissier  an  1  liis  subalterns, 
for  several  hours;  thus,  ajiparently,  coverin;^  tlie  retreat 
of  several  hulies  and  women  and  children.  But  those 
who  escaped  must  have  been  few  ;  and  we  hear  that  awful 
atrocities  were  committed  upon  all  Europeans,  male  and 
female,  who  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  mutineers." 

On  the  20th,  he  writes  again — 

"  Tlie  occurrences  at  Delhi  surprise  no  one,  for  there 
were  no  European  troops  there ;  and  the  risk  of  entrusting 
the  arsenal  of  all  Upper  India  to  Sepoys  only  has,  for 
many  years,  been  a  comn:!on  topic  of  discourse  in  the  army. 
But  what  we  are  all  indignant  at  is  the  failure  of  the 
Meerut  Division  to  do  anything.  The  Mutiny  broke  out 
strongly  there  among  the  Se{)oys  ;  and  eighteen  hundred 
Europeans  seem  never  to  have  struck  a  blow  to  put  it  down. 
All  they  have  done  is  to  stand  on  the  defensive ;  and  as 
this  always  demoralizes  Englishmen,  I  dare  say  that  by  this 
time  the  European  regiments  at  Meerut  have  no  heart  left. 
They  are  *  entrenching  themselves  and  watching  the 
natives.'  *  .  .  .     The  Commander-in-chief  is  with  his  army 

*  "  It  is  clear  God  keeps  us  here  in  our  ]ilace,  not  man  ! "  An 
amusing  paragraph  appeared  in  a  newspaper  at  that  time.  It  shows  the 
general  feeling  of  the  public. 

"A   COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF   WANTED. 

"  To  the  Editoi'  of  the  Lahore  Chronicle. 

"  Dear  Sir, — Will  you  oblige  the  Indian  public  by  giving  a  promi- 
nent place  to  the  following  in  your  next  issue?  The  exigency  of  the 
times  requires  it,  and,  1  trust,  you  will  not  hesitate. 

"  Yours  faithfully, 


"*A  Card. 
"'  Lost,  strayed,  or  stolen,  the  Commander-in-Chief  of  II.M.'s  and  the 
Company's  forces  in  India.     Any   information  that  can  be  afforded  as 


1857.]      CHAMBERLAIN   COMMANDS    THE   COLUMN.       o70 

at  Uraballa,  where  he  lias  been  since  the  10th,  and  does 
not  mean  to  move  till  (he  22nd.  All  this  time  the  Mutiny 
spreads,  the  country  {j^cts  disorganized,  small  cantonments 
are  exi)0sed,  and  the  pnoiiile  are  tempted  to  rise. 

"  Had  tlic  Commander-in-chief  made  a  move,  the  tide 
of  di.sturbance  would  have  been  turned.  It  is  but  too 
evident  that,  though  a  great  whist-player,  he  forgets  the 
golden  rule  of  Hoyle,  '  When  in  doubt,  play  a  trump ! ' 
We  have  urged  action  on  liim  till  we  can  urge  no  more. 
.  .  .  Yesterday  we  heard  good  news  from  down-country — 
that  Agra  was  still  safe,  with  the  fort  hidd  by  a  European  Agra  still 
regiment,  and  of  course  available  as  a  last  refuge  for  all  the  ^^  "■'• 
residents  there.  But  how  long  will  this  be  so  if  the 
Commander-in-chief  does  nothing  ?  Lord  Lake  would  have 
been  at  the  gates  of  Delhi  by  this  time,  and  the  recreant 
mutineers  swimming  the  Jumna  for  their  lives. 

"  Here  in  the  Punjab  we  have  acted  promptly.  Peshawur 
took  the  lead  (in  calling  the  council  of  war  and  forming 
the  movable  column).  .  .  . 

"This  column  is  now  collecting,  and  in  a  few  days  it 
will  be  at  Wuzeerabad.  N.  Chamberlain  is  to  command, 
with  the  rank  of  brigadier-general.  .  .  . 

"  The  measures  taken  in  the  Punjab  have  been  manly  vigorous 

di  1  fv>  1  ^    measures 

Vigorous  in  every    place,  and  our  omcers  have  come  ^^  Lahore. 

out  well.  Kobert  Montgomery  (then  the  Judicial  Com- 
missioner at  Lahore)  has  behaved  like  a  thorough  soldier — 
prompt,  cool,  resolute,  vigilant,  unexcited,  cheerful — the 
life  and  soul  of  all  the  capital.  It  is  to  him  we  owe 
the  disarming  of  the  sepoy  regiments  at  Lahore,  with  the 
cordial  co-operation  of  General  Corbett,  who  was  in  military 
command  of  the  station   of  Lahore.     The  same  praise  is 

to  his  whenabouts  will  be  most  gratefully  received  and  handsomely 
acknowledged  by  the  State. 

" '  The  general  supjiosition  is  that  he  has  fallen  into  one  of  the  trenches 
(if  the  camp  at  Mecrut,  where,  if  a  search  is  made,  he  will  no  doubt 
turn  up.'" 


380  SIR   llEUUKUT  B.   EDWARDES.  [1857. 

clue  to  Doniild  ]\rc'Leocl,*  and  tlic  new  Commissioner  Roberts. 

The  chiefs,  too,  of  the  country  have  come  out  well,  and  the 

people  have  shown  no  sort  of  sympathy  with  the  insurgents. 

Uiiccr-         ...  I  am  a  little   anxious   about   Peshawur,  and  I  think 

.ii.ont  ^^'6  can  hardly  get  through  the  crisis  without  some  outbreak 

I'l'-'n,'!^'^'''^  on  the  pirt  of  the  native  troops  there;  and,  in  that  case, 

iiuiiiity.       the  tribes  about,  wlio  are  so  different  in  blood  and  feelings 

from  the  rest  of  the  Punjab,  might  think  it  an  opportunity 

for  disturbance.     But,  please  God,  we  shall   put  them  all 

down.  .  .  .  Soon,  I  hope,  we  shall  have  some   Mooltauees 

at  Peshawur,  for  Nicholson  and  myself  to  rely  on.  .  .  . 

"  1  ought  to  tell  you  that  at  Ferozepoor  the  45th  Native 
Infantry  has  mutinied,  but  been  overpowered  and  disj)ersed. 
The  number  of  armed  mutineers  now  roving  over  the 
country  must  be  very  great.  We  have  no  news  from  Oude, 
and  I  continue  to  be  very  anxious  about  dear  Sir  Henry. 
He  will,  no  doubt,  be  doing  nobly.  John  Lawrence,  too, 
is  doing  so.  He  is  afflicted  with  excruciating  tic-douloureux 
in  his  face  ;  and  the  paroxysms  of  this  add  heavily  to  his 
troubles,  poor  fellow  ! 

"  We  have  advised  the  Governor-General  to  intercept 
the  European  troops  now  on  their  way  to  China,  and  bring 
tin  ni  to  India ;  fur  China  is  of  very  secondary  importance 
when  the  Inliau  Empire  is  in  the  scale.  .  .  .  Certainly 
India  has  never  seen  the  like  of  this  before !  The  whole 
Sepoy    army    may    be    said    to    be    against    us.     If    the 

*  Then  Financial  Commissioner  of  the  Punjab;  in  after  years  he 
became  Sir  Donald  McLeod,  and  was  Lieutenant-Governor  of  the  Punjab 
in  18G0. 

He  was  a  man  greatly  beloved  and  honoured  by  all  who  ever 
knew  him.  Kind  and  considerate  to  all,  the  natives  so  loved  him  that 
they  used  to  say  that  there  were  two  ferishtas  (angels)  among  the  English 
in  the  Punjab ;  that  they  were  so  good,  that,  if  only  all  the  English  had 
been  like  them,  the  whole  country  would  have  become  Christian,  by 
seeing  tiiem  and  witnessing  their  actions,  without  the  aid  of  any 
missionaries  at  all;  and  that  these  two  ferishtas  were  Sir  Donald  McLend, 
and  General  Picynell  Taylor. — From  Kev.  R.  Clark's  "Thirty  Years  ot 
^lissionary  Work." 


jsr,7.]       'JiinicArENiNG  aspect  of  t/u\'!S.  381 

Iri('i;iilar.s  were  to  fail    u.s,  we  could  not  possibly  stuiid.     1 
believe,  however,  that  we  have  felt  the  worst  of  the  storm,  Coufidont 
and  that    the  time  of  action  is  about  to  bo;^iii.     E(|nally    ultimate 


success. 


confident  am  I  tliat,  however  triccl  and  trnul)led,  God  is 
on  oiw  side,  and  that  we  shall  ultimately  triumph. 

"But  at  this  sad  time  how  thankful  am  I  that  i/ou  nre 
171  harlour !  It  is  the  greatest  source  of  comfort  to  me, 
and  I  thank  God  that  we  had  the  resolution  to  bear  tiiis 
separation  ;  and  did  not  give  up  tlie  ])lans,  as  you  wished, 
even  in  Calcutta.  Whatever  trouble  we  have  now  is  light 
to  what  it  would  have  been  had  you  been  at  Peshauur  !  .  .  . 

"'  John  Lawrence  sends  his  love  to  you,  and  says  we  are 
all  doing  our  best,  and  don't  mean  to  be  beaten.  His  wife 
is  up  at  Murrce,  not  well." 

This  was  written  on  May  20,  and  the  two  friends  were  Edwnnics 
cheered  and  strengthened  by  meeting  face  to  face,  and  Peshawur. 
discussing  arrangements  and  consulting  about  plans.  That 
very  day  came  bad  news  from  Nicholson  at  l*eshawur,  of 
traitorous  correspondence  intercepted,  and  Edwardes  deter- 
mined to  hasten  back.  Greatly  were  they  both  disappointed 
at  the  long  delays  in  the  Commander-in-chiefs  advance  to- 
wards Dellii,  to  regain  possession  of  which  was  necessary,  as 
the  only  stroke  that  could  stem  the  torrent  of  evil  that  was 
increasing  everywhere  through  delay. 

15ut  back  to  Peshawur  Edwardes  hastened,  and  rode  in 
by  midday  on  the  21st.     He  writes — 

"  The  heat  was  dreadful,  and  I  was  much  fatigued.     I  Threaten- 
found  Nicliolson   immersed  in  cares  and  anxieties,  every-  of'thins^sac 
thing  looking  as  bad  as  it  could  look  without  an  actual     "  "^^^"'^* 
outbreak,  the  regiments  talking  big,  and  the  natives  of  the 
district  wearing  that  consciousness  of  impending  difliculty 
to  their  European   rulers  which   is  so  sure  a  herald  of   a 
crisis. 

"It  was  impossible  to  get  any  levies  from  the  eliiefs 
about  Pesiiawur. 


382  sin   IIEIiBKUT  n.   EDWAHDES.  [1857. 

Kvii  result  ''Jolm  Lawrence  would  not  let  us  begin   to  rjiise  men 

the  caU  for  whon  WB  couM  biive  done  it,  and  now  the  day  of  our  prestige 
levies,  jj^g  passed  for  the  present. 

"  The  old  Afghan  Wuzeer,  Nizani-iiil-ilowlah,  coolly  told 
Nicholson  that  this  was  a  crisis  in  which  w^e  must  rely  upon 
ourselves.  All  that  day  Nicholson  and  I  were  engaged  in 
using  our  influence  with  small  IMullicks  in  the  district  to 
raise  men. 

"  I  wrote  also  to  Henderson  at  Kohat  for  as  many  as  he 
could  send. 

"It  was  generally  believed  that  a  conflict  of  some  kind 
must  take  place  on  the  22nd,  and  the  object  was  to  get  into 
cantonments  a  few  men  on  whom  we  could  rely." 

Edwardes  writes  back  to  John  Lawrence  to  acquaint  him 
with  the  state  of  things.  A  few  extracts  from  his  letters  are 
given  here— hastily  dashed  off  and  hurried,  for  the  pressure 
was  tremendous,  and  nights  followed  days  in  hea^^  work ; 
but  such  letters  paint  the  picture  vividly,  and  seem  to  bring 
us  back  again  face  to  face  with  the  events  they  describe. 

To  Sir  John  Laivrence,  Bawul  Pindee,  Chief  Commissioner 
of  the  Punjab. 

"  Peshawur,  May  27,  1857. 

"  My  dear  John, 

"Enclosed  is  a  letter  from  Lumsden,  in  cypher,  of 
which  I  suppose  you  have  the  key,  for  I  have  not. 

"  The  messenger  says  all  is  well,  so  I  suppose  there  is 
nothing  of  importance  in  it.  I  could  wish  that  we  had  both 
the  Lumsdens,  and  Foujdar  Khan  and  Sirwur  Khan  here 
now  ;  but,  on  the  whole,  I  think  it  is  more  important  to 
keep  all  those  four  pieces  on  the  board  where  they  are. 

"  It  would  unsettle  Dost  Mahommed  if  we  showed  any 
doubts  as  to  the  result,  or  recalled  our  representatives  from 
around  him.  In  thinking  for  him  we  are  only  thinking  for 
ourselves. 


1S57.]  PESlIAWUn    A     VITAL    I'UlST.  383 

"  ACfairsure  getting  very  ardiiuus  here.    I  seuJ  you  some  iVshawur 
letters  of   Nieliolsou's  on  tlie  subject.      Before  receipt  of 
tliein,  I  had  heard  of  xVjoou  Khan's  move,  and  gone  to  the 
brigadier    at    iiiglit,    and    reconmiendeil    niueli    the    same 
nuasures, 

"  So  now  \v(i  have  put  them  all  in  operation,  and  to- 
morrow morning  Nicholson  will  have  a  very  nice  little  force 
collected  at  Nisutta. 

'*  I  do  hope  that  the  gale  will  blow  over  without  any 
insurrection  of  the  tribes  on  the  border,  for  when  a  fire  is 
kindled  in  such  an  inflammable  country,  there  is  no  saying 
where  it  may  spread  to. 

"Things  seem  settling  down  in  Hindostan,  and  to  be 
pretty  safe  throughout  the  Punjab,  and  I  think,  if  you  could 
in  any  way  manage  it,  it  would  only  be  prudent  to  throw 
some  more  strength  upon  this  point ;  for  Peshawur  is  a  vital 
point,  as  it  were,  and  if  we  conquer  here  we  are  safe  every- 
where, whereas  disaster  here  would  roll  down  the  Punjab. 

"  It  was  absolutely  necessary  to  disarm  the  regiments,* 
and  yet  it  recoils  on  us,  for  we  want  native  troops.  The 
Queen's  27th  have  been  greatly  fatigued  by  their  trip  to 
and  fro,  and  we  have  sent  out  her  Majesty's  7Uth  in  their 
stead. 

"  We  must  husband  our  Europeans,  and  we  do  so;  we 
carry  them  about  on  elephants  and  carts,  like  children.  If 
it  comes  to  a  post-chaise  per  man,  they  must  have  it.  But 
they  cannot  do  everything,  and  we  feel  the  want  of  some 
organized  natives  greatly.  I  am  lightening  the  duties  with 
our  levies  as  much  as  I^an. 

"  Can  you  not  think  of  any  way  to  help  us  at  this  pinch  ? 
If  you  can,  pray  send  us  one,  if  not  two,  irregular  Infantry 
corps  or  police  corps  (not  Poorbeahs),  and  do  it  quicklv. 

"  You  were  wrong  to  check    me  at   first   about    levies.  About 
We  ought  to  have  begun  at  the  very  first.      We  lost  the  tide.  leTiot'"" 
*  The  story  will  be  tnj.l  in  the  next  chapter.  '''''"«  '''^f- 


381:  aS//;    IIKI!l',i:ilT   Jl.    EDWAUDES.  [1H57. 

I'irst  in-  "  Wc  liiivc  oiily  g(^t  iiiiH'ty  ^ro()lti\iiO('S  up  hero  yet,  and 

Mooiilnce    ^^'^'Y  '11'^  woi til  tlioir  weight  in  g<»M.     IIiul  wo  summoned 
levies.         them  II  few  days  sooner,  we  shun  hi  now  bo  in  possession  of 
three  or  four  hundred. 

"  You  know  I  am  not  an  alarmist,  and   I  dare  say  yon 

will  (piito  concur  in  what  I  urge,  that,  if  all  is  looking  well 

below,  you   should  stretch  several    points  to  make  things 

triumphant  litre.     You  know  on  what  a  nest  of  devils  we 

stand.     Once  let  us  take  our  foot  up,  and  we  shall  be  stung 

to  death. 

Civil  and  "  Happily  we  have  no  divided  counsels  here,  and  civil 

counsels       ^^^  militaiy  all  work  together  cordially. 

unanimous  u  What    an  extraordinary  announcement  is  this  of  the 

at  •' 

iVsiiuwur.    Commander-in-chief's  death  !  .  .  . 

"  I  am  beset  with  troubles,  as  you  may  imagine.  Have 
you  not  got  some  Assistant  who  could  come  up  here  and  put 
his  hand  to  odd  jobs  ? 

"  Is  there  never  another  in  your  quiver  ?  .  .  . 
"  Henderson  is  doing  finely,  Nicholson  nobly,  Becher, 
too,  famously  and  sweetly.     One  may  thank  God  for  such 
men.     Adieu.    Kind  love  to  your  wife.    I  often  think  of  her 
amid  the  row. 

"  Ever  affectionately  yours, 
"  (Signed)  Herbert  B.  Edwardes." 


CHAPTER   XIII. 


1857—1858. 

DIAUY    AND    LETTERS  DURING   THE   MUTINY-TIMES   AT 
PESHAWUR   (Continued). 


VOL.  L  2  C 


"  Let  us,  then,  be  np  and  doing, 
With  a  heart  for  any  fate. 
Still  achieving,  still  pursuing, 
Learn  to  labour  and  to  wait." 

Longfellow. 


(     387     ) 


CHAPTER  XIII. 

The  crisis  had  now  come.  EJwardes  and  Nicholson  were 
told  that  "they  must  rely  upon  themselves,"  and  they  felt  it 
was  true.  The  time  seemed  past  for  raising  Peshawur  levies. 
Delay  had  increased  their  dilliculties,  and  a  conllict  of  some 
kind  seemed  to  be  at  liand. 

Letters  to  his  wii'e — 

"At  night,  much  dispirited,  vre  lay  down  in  our  clothes, 
prepared  for  any  alarm  ;  and,  sure  enough,  at  midnight  we 
were  aroused  with  an  '  express,'  announcing  that  some  com- 
panies of  the  55th  Native  Infantry,  on  duty  at  Nowshera, 
thirty  miles  from  Peshawur,  were  in  open  mutiny.      The 
European    regiment    had    been    called   away   to  join    the 
movable  column,  and  these  companies  of  sepoys,  together 
with    the  10th  Irregular  Cavalry,   were   in  charge   of  the 
station,  with  all  the  women  and  the  children  of  the  27th 
Queen's   at    their   mercy  !       Lieutenant    Taylor,*    of    the  Lieutenant 
Engineers,  like  Horatius  of  old,  cut  away  the  bridge  of  boats,  ;^'«^»"J«»" 
and  thus  prevented  the  mutineers  from  being  joined  by  the  Engineers, 
rest  of  the  55th  Native  Infantry  from  the  Fort  of  Murdan, 
of  which  they  were  in  charge  during  the  absence  of  the  ^,.^ 

Guide  Corps.  / 

"  Things  being  in  this  state,  Nicholson  and  I  determined  Council  on 
to  advise  the  brigadier  to  take  the  initiative  at  Peshawur,  '^^ ''"'  . 

°  '    armament 

*  This  is  the  same  man  whom  we  shall  afterwards  see  so  great  iu  heroic    „»         '  ^ 
deeds  at  Delhi — the  engineer  who  planned  the  assault  and  siege  of  Delhi    Peshawur. 
with  John  Nicholson  the  night  before  the  assault,  when  Nicholson  led  the 
storming  party  up  the  scaling-ladders  and  through  the  breach  of  the  walls 
of  Delhi,  and  carried  the  assault  on  September  15. 


.388 


SIR   HERBERT  B.   EDWARD ES. 


[1857. 


and  disiirm  nearly  the  whole  of  the  native  troops.  We 
accordingly  went  over  to  the  brigadier,  who,  at  first,  pro- 
posed to  detach  a  force  of  Europeans  to  quell  the  mutiny 
at  Nowshcra.  We  pointed  out  the  danger  of  dividing  his 
European  force  here,  while  the  native  troops  were  in  their 
state  of  disaffection  ;  and  he  then  concurred  heartily,  like 
a  good  old  soldier  as  ho  is,  in  the  propriety  of  disarming 
the  corps  here.  All  the  commanding  officers  were  accord- 
ingly summoned,  and  a  most  painful  scene  ensued.  The 
commandants  of  those  regiments  which  were  to  be  disarmed 
unanimously  and  violently  declared  their  implicit  con- 
fidence in  their  men.  One  advised  conciliation,  and  another 
threatened  us  that  his  men  would  resist  and  take  the  guns." 

Nicholson  and  Edwardes  had  to  take  the  odium  of  the 
proposition. 


Disarming 
parade  at 
Peshawur, 


Result  of^ 
disarmiag. 


"  The  brigadier  saw  the  need  of  decision,  and,  accepting 
the  responsibility,  he  said,  'Gentlemen,  no  more  discussion. 
These  are  my  orders,  and  I  must  have  them  obeyed.' 

"  This  council  lasted  till  6  a.m. ;  and  at?  a.m.  we  brought 
out  the  troops,  and  ordered  the  bad  regiments  to  lay  down 
their  arms.  The  regiments  of  European  Infantry,  with 
guns,  were  all  ready  to  enforce  obedience  ;  but  the  Sepoys 
were  completely  cowed,  and  surrendered  their  arms  with- 
out a  word.  It  was  a  painful  and  affecting  thing  to  see 
them  putting  their  own  firelocks  into  the  Artillery  waggons 
— weapons  which  they  had  used  honourably  for  years. 
The  officers  of  a  Cavalry  regiment,  a  very  fine  set  of  fellows, 
threw  in  their  own  swords  with  those  of  their  men,  and  even 
tore  off  their  spurs.  It  was  impossible  not  to  feel  for  and 
with  them  ;  but  duty  must  be  done,  and  I  know  that  we 
shall  never  regret  the  counsel  that  we  gave. 

"  The  result  was  instantaneous.  The  air  was  cleared  as 
if  by  a  thunderstorm.     We  breathed  freely  again.     On  our 


return  from  the  disarming;  parade,  hundreds  of  Khans  and 
Urbabs,  who  stood  aloof  tlio  (hiy  before,  appeared,  as  tliick 
as  flies,  and  were  profuse  of  offers  of  service.  They  had  not 
calctdated  on  our  havin<^  so  much  pluck,  and  they  shame- 
lessly appeared  at  the  very  instant  when  their  services  were 
no  longer  wanted,  I  treated  them  very  coldly  indeed,  and 
1  believe  they  will  be  sorry  for  their  want  of  calculation. 
Henderson's  succours  from  Kohat  soon  came  flowing  in,  and 
are  still  going  on.  Men  are  coming  from  ]\[eranzye,  which 
we  were  subduing  last  winter !  JMeranzye  is  now  as  quiet 
as  a  Bayswater  tea-garden.  .  .  ,  ^^->l 

"  I  was  up  at  three  o'clock,  and  threw  a  chain  of  Horse  ' 
and  Foot  around  the  back  of  cantonments,  so  that,  if  the 
men  of  the  51st  had  attempted  to  mutiny,  I  should  have 
cut  them  off.  Happily,  all  passed  off  quietly.  The 
subahdar-major  of  the  51st  was  made  to  walk  round  the 
whole  paraded  garrison  ;  his  desertion  and  sentence  to  death 
wcie  explained  ;  and  he  was  then  hanged  before  them  all. 
This  will  have  a  great  effect  on  the  minds  of  the  sepoys. 
It  shows  them  that  we  will  maintain  discipline,  and  are  v 
strong  enough  to  enforce  it."  1 


Aiiain,  to  the  same- 


n 


"  Head  the  glorious  speech  of  Sir  Henry  Lawrence  to 
the  soldiery  at  Lueknow.  How  it  rings !  True  English  ! 
Tiiey  should  make  him  Commander-in-chief  at  this  crisis, 
if  they  really  want  to  reform  the  native  army." 

"Mai/  31. — What  anxious  fears  you  will  have,  and  not  The 
without  cause !  for  indeed  we  have  been  passing  through  a  with  the 
fiery  trial.      Had    the  people  of  India  been  in  a  state  of  Jj"|;ifth°"' 
discontent,  as  some  orators  in  Parliament  assert,  they  would  people, 
have  risen  along  with  the  troops,  and  we  must  have  been 
utterly  exterminated.     But  it  is  most  gratifying  to  observe 
that,  except  in  one  or  two  places,  there  has  been  no  rising 
of  the  people  ;   and  we  ha>?e,  therefore,  been  at  liberty  to 


s 


390  Sirv   IIEBBERT  B.   EDWARDES.  [1857. 

struggle  with  the  native  troops  as  best  we  could.  Even 
at  Peshawur,  this  lias  been  the  case  ;  and  when  I  called  for 
levies  of  Horse  or  Foot,  the  villagers  and  mountain  inde- 
pendent tribes  have  shown  the  greatest  readiness  to  side  with 
us  against  the  Hindostanee  soldiery.  But  you  can  well 
\  understand  what  a  difficult  game  it  has  been  to  play.  No 
I  such  danger  has  ever  yet  threatened  India.  Nor  is  it  yet 
over.  .  .  . 

"  Well,  we  are  now  picking  up  the  fragments  of  this 
Mutiny.  Last  night  at  11  o'clock  Nicholson  started  with 
a  small  force  of  three  hundred  Europeans  and  eight  guns, 
to  reach  Murdan  in  two  marches  by  Dobundee  Ferry  line, 
and  reduce  the  55th  Native  Infantry  to  surrender.  Home 
has  escaped  out  of  the  fort.  (The  mutineers  threatened  to 
roast  him.)  He  is  now  with  Kadir  Khan  of  Toroo,  all  right. 
"  The  officers  of  the  55th  *  will  be  in  a  very  painful 
position.  The  men  say  they  will  murder  their  officers  as 
soon  as  any  force  comes  against  them.  .  .  . 

"  I  do  feel  so  very  thankful  now  that  the  trial,  or  rather 
mercy,  of  separation  was  sent  to  us.  It  has  made  my  heart 
so  light  amid  these  cares,  and  enabled  me  to  think  more  for 
others.  The  foresight  of  Almighty  God,  how  wonderful  it 
seems  beside  our  beetle-vision  ! 
Reflection  "  When  all  this  Mutiny  shall  have  been  put  down,  it 

will  still  remain  for  Grovernment  to  reconstruct  its  native 
army — a  task  not  easy  to  perform.  The  system  and  con- 
fidence of  a  hundred  years  has  passed  away  for  ever  like  a 
breath.  The  Government  never  again  can  trust  the  Sepoys, 
nor  the  Sepoys  believe  themselves  trusted.  The  wonderful 
spectacle  of  thirty  or  forty  thousand  Europeans  ruling 
India  will  be  seen  no  more.  The  natives  have  counted  us 
at  last.  Fortunately,  they  never  can  equal  us  in  character 
and  in  physique  ;  and  one  Englishman  will  still  go  a  long 
way.       How    Providence   helps   us,   and    confounds    these 

rebels  ! 

'  At  Murdan,  in  Euzofzye. 


the 
Bituation. 


1857.]        MUTINY   OF  SOLDIERY,   NOT  PEOPLE.  391 

*'  Had  they  beeu  unanimous,  they  could  have  niunlered 
us  in  a  day;  but  they  have  allowed  us  to  deal  with  them 
in  detail.  And  in  this  iiirht  there  is  great  safety  in  the 
extended  empire  it  is  the  fashion  to  deplore.  One  province 
or  presidency  may  he  surprised,  but  the  remoter  parts  have 
time  to  prepare  and  give  assistance.  It  is  a  most  remark- 
able thing  that  the  telegraph  wire  has  never  been  cut 
throuuhout  the  riinjab,  and  so  we  have  been  able  to  effect 
the  most  rapid  communication ;  without  this  instrument  we 
might  have  been  ruined.  .  .  . 

"  The  IMohammedans  have,  no  doubt,  beeu  very  active  Absence  of 

,.  Ill-  1  ••iirii-  •  1  1  combina- 

in  this  rebellion,  but  originally  i  believe  it  to  have   been  tion  be- 
a  Hindoo  movement  of  caste-apprehension  of  Christianity,  jiohTrnme- 
seized  upon,  fostered,  and  taken  advantaji-e  of  by  Moslems  ^.=»°*  ^^^ 

^  .  o  J  Hindoos. 

as  a  good  opportunity  of  working  their  own  ends.  Had 
both  creeds  combined,  and  agreed  to  settle  it  between  them- 
selves, after  expelling  us,  we  must  have  been  expelled;  but 
God  did  not  permit  it.  And  I  bear  that  a  terrible  religious 
strife  broke  out  in  Delhi  between  the  ]\rohammedans  and 
the  Hindoos,  as  soon  as  ever  the  mutineers  had  murdered 
the  Europeans.  ... 

"The  consoling  feature  of  this  terrific  Mutiny  is  that 
the  soldiery  have  met  with  very  little  sympathy  indeed 
from  the  i:)eople  of  any  part  of  the  country.  Here  and  there 
an  apparent  impunity  of  mutiny,  and  end  of  all  government 
have  raised  the  loose  characters  to  plunder  and  licence.  But 
as  a  rule  the  country  has  not  stirred.  This  is  a  glorious 
reply  to  those  who  would  fain  make  out  tliat  our  rule  is  not 
a  good  one  in  India.  .  .  .  The  Mohammedan  element  is 
the  most  dangerous  we  have  to  contend  with.  Our  English 
rule  found  Hindoos  oppressed,  and  brought  them  toleration. 
It  found  ^Mohammedans  on  the  throne,  and  deposed  them. 
As  a  broad  rt-mark,  therefore,  we  stand  in  the  light  of  friends 
to  one  race  and  enemies  to  the  other. 

"  In  the  present  ]\[utiny  the  panic  was  a  sincere,  though 


392  S]R   HERBERT  B.   EDWARDES.  [1857. 

ignorant,  Hindoo  IVclinj:;;  but  it  has  been  fanned  and.  ag^a-a- 
vated     by    ]\[oban]medans   for   their   own    purposes.      The 
\         Hindoos  have  only  just  found  it  out  when  they  saw  a  'King 
of  Delhi '  set  up  and  persecution  reeoinmoncing.  .  .  . 

"We  had  prayers  in  church  this  morning,  to  pray  for 
lielp  iu  this  national  crisis,  and  to  offer  thanksgivings  for 
the  mercies  we  have  received  at  this  station." 

Diary  letters  continued  — 

Feasting  "  To-night  IS  the  '  Eed,'  and  I  am  preparing  such  heaps 

of  food  to  feast  all  our  new  levies,  so  that  they  may  long 
remember  the  year  in  which  they  came  in  to  help  us.*  These 
wild  rascals  frighten  the  sepoys  out  of  their  wits,  and  the 
disarmed  regiments  are,  I  hear,  quite  in  a  panic  about  them. 
It  puts  me  so  in  mind  of  old  times,  in  1848.  I  feel  quite  at 
home  now  the  thing  has  come  to  military  measures.  I  do 
not  understand  it,  for  I  always  think  I  was  meant  for  a 
civilian;  and  yet  it  seems  quite  a  holiday  to  have  some 
soldiering  to  do.  Perhaps  it  is  reaction  after  long  years  of 
pen-and-ink  work. 
Good  con-  "  The   police  and    people   of  the  district   are  behaving 

jieopie.         splendidly.    They  catch  all  the  deserters  from  the  regiments, 
and   bring   ihem   in  with  every   rupee  that  was   on    them. 
Yesterday  they  brought  in  a  subahdar  with  nine  hundred 
rupees  and  a  gold  necklace.     I  wonder  they  did  not  kill  and 
<:s     rob  him." 

Derajat  *  «  In  the  war  of  1848-49  it  was  the  whole  length  of  the  Derajut  border 

."7''"^^°'"®  which  gave  us  those  levies  of  wild  swordsmen,  matchlock-men,  and 
same  stock  '^'^'^•'^I'T  which  enabled  us,  in  a  season  adverse  to  the  march  of  European 
as  at  troops,  to  shut  up  the  rebel  Dewan  Moolraj  in  his  fortress  at  Mooltan 

iloohan  in  and  wrest  from  him  one  of  the  most  fertile  divisions  of  the  Punjab.  When 
1848-49.       the  next  struggle  came,  in  this  terrible  Sepoy  Mutiny  of  1857,  the  chiefs 

of  the  Derajat  instantly  took  up  arms,  raised  Horse  and  Foot,  and  hurried 

to  our  aid. 

"  From  Peshawur  to  Bengal  these  loyal  men  were  once  more  found 

fighting  our  battles,  in  spite  of  the  taunts  of  the  Mohammedans  of  India." 

— (H.  B.  E.) 


o    5 

^1 


]sr,7.]  JOHN  NICHOLSON  IN  PUIiSUIT  OF  MUTINEERS.  393 

AVc  hav'e  seen  NichoLsuu  start  to  l»ring  the  5.jtli  lie^dmeiit, 
at  Miirdan,  to  order ;  and  we  must  follow  him  by  the  aid  of 
tlic  diary, 

"  Wlien   the  ooliiinn  came  in  sight  of  the  fort,  all  but  Contrast^ 

a  hundred  and  twenty  men   had  mutinied,  and  marched  off  St-poys  of 

towards  8wat.     Colonel    Spottiswnod   (their    commandant),      '-'''*''• 

seeing  what  tnru    tilings  liad    taken,   blew   his    brains  out 

with   a   pistol.     He    was   an   old   and   good   officer,   much 

beloved   by  sepoys,  and  he   con  Id  not  apparently  bear  the 

icvulsion  of  the  good  feelings  of  a  life.     The  few  men  wdio 

lomained  loyal  came  out  with  their  officers,  ami  were  sent 

off  to  Nowshera.     Then  began  the  pursuit  of  the  mutineers. 

They  had  got  so  great  a  start  that  the  guns  could  not  come 

up  to  them  ;  and  the  pursuit  fell  entirely  on  the  Cavalry, 

of  which   Nicholson  had   very   few   that  were  really  trust-   John 

Tir  t         ^  •  1  111111  Nicholson, 

wortliy.     Mounted  on  his  great  grey,  he  nobly  lea  the  chase, 

was  twenty  hours  in  the  saddle,  and  rode  seventy  miles. 

"  The  mutineers  fought  d(  sperately  w  henever  overtaken, 
but  a  hundred  of  them  were  killed,  a  huu(]red  and  fifty 
taken  prisoners,  and  about  four  hundred  got  clear  off  into 
the  hills.     They  are  supposed  now  to  be  in  Swat. 

"  The  force  is  still  out  in  the  field,  on  the  left  bank  of 
the  Swat  river;  and  will  probably  remain  hovering  about 
Aboozye  till  this  crisis  subsides.  .  .  . 

"The  King  of  Delhi  has  certaiidy  committed  himself; 
and  the  notion  of  a  ]\[ohammedan  King  of  Delhi  has 
a  very  dangerous  influence  among  these  fanatical  border 
tribes.  Had  the  Commander-in-chief  been  a  man  of  action, 
Delhi  would  probably  have  been  recovered  long  ago,  and 
that  would  have  quieted  India.  As  it  is,  General  Anson  has 
died.  .  .  .  General  Keed  succeeds  to  the  command-in-chief 
of  the  army  temporarily  (by  force  of  years),  and  Brigadier 
Cotton  becomes  General  of  the  Peshawur  Division.  ...  I 
have    convinced    John   Lawrence    that  ho  must  throw    his 


394  SIR   IIEIiJiEIlT  ]i.   EDWARDES.  [18 


0(. 


strength  now  upon  Pcslulwur,  for  it  will  not  do  to  get  into 
any  embamassment  here.  He  is  sending  us  reinforcements. 
I  have  got  a  very  anxious  and  arduous  post  here,  and  all  my 
powers  are  taxed  to  the  utmost. 

"  I  hope  the  home  Government  is  aware  of  what  a 
'crisis'  this  is.  Twenty  or  thirty  thousand  men  should 
he  sent  to  India,  even  if  the  IMilitia  has  to  be  called  out 
again.  .  .  .  You  will  be  glad  to  hear  that  Mrs.  Charles 
Saunders  and'^her  husband  have  escaped  safely,  after  riding 
seventy  miles.  Some  faithful  native  horsemen  escorted  tliem 
all  the  way.  Many  chivalrous  things,  and  heroic  things,  will 
have  to  be  told  of  these  extraordinary  natives,  when  all 
comes  out ;  as  well  as  many  horrors — perhaps  too  sad  to  see 
the  light.     One  of  the  rebel  troopers  killed  at  Delhi  was 

found  with  __Mrs.    's  picture  hanging  round   his   filthy 

neck !  " 

From  Peshawur,  to  his  wife  (continued) — 

"  June,  1857. 
Levios  "^  "  I  ^  am  overwhelmed  with  offers  of  men  for  service 
suiTouiul-  ^i'0"i  ^:  every  wild  tribe  'on  the  surrounding  hills.  Doubt- 
ing hills,  iggg  j|.  ^^^g  fortunate  that  we  invited  these  oflfers ;  for  it 
has  drawn  into  our  pay  all  those  who,  if  idle,  might  have 
been  led  into  opposition.  It  must  be  a  dull  heart,  indeed, 
that]  does  not  acknowledge  that  nothing  but  God's  mercy 
has  saved  us.  One  turning-point  in  the  crisis  was  the 
persecuting  spirit  shown  by  the  elated  Mohammedans  at 
Delhi.  The  Hindoo  Eajahs  took  alarm,  bethought  them  of 
former  Mogul  times,  and  rallied  round  John  Company.  So 
the  setting-up  of  the  King  excited  the  Mussulmans  against 
us  and  the  Hindoos  for  us.  The  most  seditious  letters  have 
been  intercepted,  preaching  the  extermination  of  the  infidels. 
The  devil  has  certainly  done  his  best  to  get  rid  of  us  ;  and, 
depend  upon  it,  it  shows  that  Christianity  is  working  at  the 
very    foundations    of  _  Hindooism    and    Mohammedanism. 


ls-,7.]  ON  DISSOLUTION  OF   THE  SEPOY  ARMY.      .395 

Religious  fear  and  religious  hatred  have  caused  this  fright- 
ful rebellion,  and  political  causes  will  be  sought  in  vain. 

"All    is   well    at   Lucknow,   we   now   hear.     Sir  Henry  Noble 
Lawrence  has  done  more  noblo  things  than  any  one.      We  Heury 
have  overcome  force  with  force.     Sir  Henry  has  appealed  to  ^I'l'T*^* 
the  native  regiments  with  success.     He  is  as  wise  as  he  is  now. 
good.     They  ought  now  to  make  him  Commander-in-chief, 
and  collect  a  Committee  to  reorganize  the    Indian  army, 
while  the  lesion  is  fresh.  .  .  . 

"We  want  about  twenty  more  European  regiments  in 
India,  the  expense  to  be  made  up  by  getting  rid  of  the 
useless  number  of  English  oflficers  with  the  native  corps. 
Let  the  native  army  be  almost  entirely  a  native  army,  with 
only  three  English  officers  in  each  corps ;  but  have  one 
European  corps  to  every  two  or  three  native  corps,  so  that 
the  whites  could  thrash  the  blacks. 

'*  Sir  John  Lawrence  has  steered  his  province  through  the  John  Law- 
storm  with  courage,  and  I  hope  the  Punjab  has  set  a  good  Punjabi 
example  to  the  rest  of  India.  .  .  . 

'*  It  has  been  a  struggle  for  empire.  It  was,  I  always  struggle 
thought,  one  of  the  standing  wonders  of  the  world  that  we 
held  India  by  an  Indian  army.  The  fabric  of  a  hundred 
years,  piled  up  unreflectingly,  province  on  j^rovince,  kingdom 
on  kingdom,  on  the  bayonets  of  a  single  race,  has  subsided 
in  a  month,  like  a  snow-palace  in  the  sun,  and  nothing 
short  of  this  dissolution  would,  I  believe,  have  ever  brought 
about  the  reorganization  of  the  army  of  India  on  a 
more  solid  footing.  So  it's  all  for  the  best,  but,  alas  !  the 
price  that  has  been  paid.  What  mourning  and  grief  there 
•will  be  in  England  !    It  is  a  second  Cabul — not  quite  so  much  i 

blood ;  but  really  fifty  times  more  danger.  .  .  . 

"Dear  Sir  Henry  was  all  right  on  June  1,  but  Oude  in  state  of 
a  fearful  state.     Worse  in  Rohilcund,  where  all  our  country-  . 
men  were  obliged  to  fly  to  Nainee  Tal  and  Meerut. 

"  The  Kohilla  chief  has  actually  *  executed  '  (I  suppose 


306  SIR   IlEIiDERT  n.   EDWARDES.  [1857. 

hanged)  Dr.  ITay,  the  Civil  Surgeon  of  Bareilly  (son-in-law 
of  Mr,  Thomason),  also  the  judge,  named  Robertson,  and 
two  otiiers.  All  the  oflicers  of  the  18th  Native  Infantry 
at  Bareilly  are  said  to  be  murdered.  The  troops  of  the 
Bhurtpore  luijali  refused  to  act  against  the  rebels.  John 
Lawrence  is  working  very  energetically  to  send  down  rein- 
forcements to  General  Reed,  Coke's  and  Rothney's  regiments 
are  on  their  way  by  forced  marches.  They  are  urgently 
wanted. 

"  Jiine  19. — Our  news  from  Delhi  is  not  good.  General 
Reed  has  only  half  as  many  men  and  only  half  as  many 
guns  as  the  enemy.  .  .  .  We  shall  evidently  have  as  much 
as  we  can  do  to  liold  India  till  succours  arrive  from  England  ; 
but  if  we  are  true  fo  ourselves  and  act  vigorously,  with  God's 
help  always,  we  shall  do  it ;  and,  however  anxious  and  harassed 
Confidence    J  j^^y  \)q^  J  never  for  a  moment  admit  the  possibility  of 

and  hope. 

ultimate  failure.  Whatever  trials  we  pass  through,  I  feel 
quite  sure  we  shall  triumph.  But  it  is  a  dreadful  period 
to  have  to  go  through  July,  August,  September,  before  any 
large  reinforcements  can  reach  India." 

There  is  a  public  letter  from  John  Lawrence  to  Govern- 
ment at  this  time,  in  wliich  he  says, "  The  Chief  Commissioner 
feels  assured  that,  with  three  such  officers  at  Peshawur  as 
Brigadier  Sydney  Cotton,  Lieutenant-Colonel  Edwardes,  and 
Lieutenant-Colonel  Nicholson,  everytliing  that  is  possible  will 
be  done  to  maintain  order  and  security." 

Commendation  like  this  did  not  often  come  from  this 
quarter ;  and  it  astonished  them  all.  But  it  cheered  the 
hard-pressed,  struggling  lives  of  these  brave  men,  and  was 
worth  the  effort.  Days  were  too  short  for  work,  and  nights 
could  rarely  be  spared  for  sleep.  Edwardes  writes  to  his 
wife — 

"  You  have  no  idea  what  a  life  I  have  led.  From  earliest 
dawn  to  latest  night  receiving  reports,  ii^suing  orders,  holding 
consultations,  enlisting  levies,  writing  innumerable  letters 


1857.]  A    TIME   OF   DEPRESSION.  397 

ami  then  aiMUSed  several  times  in  the  night  to  read  *  ex- 
p  I  esses.' 

"June  10. — There  is  nothing  decisive  yet  from  Delhi, 
and  1  almost  j'ear  our  troops  there  are  too  few  ; — tlie  old 
IMooltiUi  story  over  again.  .  .  .  It  is  a  great  trial  to  lead  this 
life  of  hot-and-colJ  fits  of  public  news — enough  to  make 
one  old  and  grey.  There  is  more  trial  in  this  than  in 
fii^htino: ! 

"June  17. — The  state  of  tlie  country  gets   worse   and  Things  got 

_      _  worse. 

worse  daily  ;  and  John  Lawrence  tells  me  it  is  a  matter  of 
great  difTiculty  to  maintain  the  communication  with  General 
Reed  and  forward  supplies.  The  head-quarters  of  the  army 
are  approaching  Delhi,  to  recover  it  from  the  wretched  crea- 
ture who  has  declared  himself  a  King.  There  is  a  great  deal 
in  the  name  of  'the  King  of  Delhi,'  and  it  has  excited  the 
imagination  of  the  jMohammedans  a  great  deal,  especially 
hereabouts;  so  that  the  sooner  this  farthing  ruhhlight 
is  extinguished  the  better.  No  new  atrocities  have  taken 
place  since  I  last  wrote,  and  the  postal  communications  with 
dilferent  parts  of  the  country  are  gradually  being  restored. 
At  one  lime  they  were  at  an  end.  .  .  .  There  has  been 
lamentably  frequent  want  of  energy.  John  Lawrence 
writes,  '  There  has  been  no  vigour  shown,  except  at  Peshawur, 
(the  same  at  Lahore)." 

Edwardes  continues — 

•'  I  felt  that  it  was  not  like  an  ordinary  campaign,  in 
which  there  is  one  army  against  another,  and  you  feel  reliance 
on  yuur  own  and  never  doubt  as  to  the  issue.  Here  our  own 
army  was  the  enemy,  and  the  issue  very  doubtful  indeed. 
God  only  could  have  carried  us  through  it.  There  is  a 
sure  refuge  in  our  God,  in  faith  and  prayer." 

In  writing  to  John  Lawrence,  Edwardes  says  (.rune  13) — 

"As  to  holding  the  Punjab  by  two  grips — at  Peshawur 


108 


SIR   HER  BERT  />'.    EDWARDES. 


[iHuT. 


Ryilncy 
Cotton 
(iroposed 
liy  .John 
Lawrence 
for  promo- 
tion to 
biisradier 


and  J.ahoro,  if  you  consider  the  matter,  tliis  is  just  what  the 
Sikhs  did.  I  am  glad  you  have  written  to  get  Cotton  made 
a  brigadier-general.  He  is,  indeed,  a  fine  old  fellow,  and  we 
are  most  fortunate  in  having  had  him  here." 


general.  Extracts  froiii  (Ilury  letters  (continued)  to  his  wife — 


Position  of 
affairs  at 
I'eshawur. 


Unanimity 
in  council 
at 
Peshawur. 


People  of 
Peshawur 
loyal. 


"  It  is  the  gravest  crisis  I  have  ever  seen,  thougli  I  have 
been  in  some  trouble  ere  now.  But  I  rely  firmly  on  God's 
help  and  ivill,  and  believe  that  it  is  of  little  use  for  the 
heathen  furiously  to  rage  against  the  great  Disposer  of 
events.  I  have  many  sources  of  comfort  and  support,  too. 
First,  that  you,  my  most  precious  possession,  are  not  here  in 
this  Maelstrom.  What  a  relief  is  this  !  .  ,  .  Second,  I  have 
such  a  noble  coadjutor  in  Nicholson.  It  was,  doubtless,  all 
Providential  my  labouring  to  get  him  here.  Third,  there  is 
entire  harmony  between  us  and  Brigadier  Cotton ;  and  the 
civil  and  military  strength  are  united  on  every  occasion. 
Fourth,  God  gives  me  good  health  throughout  all  this  trial. 
Fifth,  there  seems  no  disposition  of  the  people  to  ris^i 
against  us,  though,  of  course,  if  we  got  involved  in  a  doubtful 
struggle  with  our  own  troops,  bit  by  bit  the  people  would 
be  tempteii  into  excesses  and  awaken  all  their  religious 
passions.  It  is  absolutely  necessary  for  the  safety  of  the 
Punjab  that  Peshawur  should  be  secure  ;  and  I  am  glad  that 
John  Lawrence  has  aroused  himself  to  see  it.  He  began  by 
checking  me  for  raising  levies !  Now  we  can  hardly  get 
enough  of  them ! 

"  How  valuable,  too,  is  now  our  friendly  policy  with 
Afghanistan!  Suppose  we  had  b^en  still  on  the  terms  I 
found  existing  at  the  close  of  1853.  We  must  have  surely 
had  Dost  Mahommed  Khan  down  upon  us." 

In  a  letter  written  to  John  Lawrence  a  little  later  on, 
dated  September  12,  when  the  test  had  been  a  little  longer 
tried,  Edwardes  says — 


180?.]        FRIENDLY   POLICY  AND   AFOIJANISTAN.         3!)9 

"  I  am  glad  you  will  try  and  eoufrivo  to  biiug  up  one, 
if  not  two  European  corps  into  this  neighbourhood  (Pindee 
and  Huttcau  or  Shumshabad  would  be  better  than  Peshawur 
itself)  as  soon  as  you  can.     Either  we  never  wanted  wny  force 
here  or  we  are  now  trusting  to  a  chapter  of  accident>^.    There 
is  no  help  for  it ;  and  the  policy  we  have  adopted  with  Cabul  Value  of 
has  proved  a  perfect  God-send  to  us ;  it  keeps  all  above  us  ship  with 
quiet  in  a  wonderful  way,     (Still,  we  ought  not  to  stand  in     '^'^' 
this  helpless  position  a  week  longer  than  we  can  help." 

And,  after  giving  instances  of  the  efl'ect  of  our  relations 
with  Cabul  being  friendly,  he  adds  — 

"  It  is  clear  that,  if  we  had  been  on  bad  terms  just  now 
with  Cabul,  we  should  have  lost,  first  Pesluiwur,  and  then 
the  Punjab,  and  all  India  would  have  reeled  under  the 
blow. 

"  Does  it  strike  you  so  ?  And  do  you  now  regret  the 
time  and  money  given  to  our  treaties  and  moolakats  ? 

"  Positively,  God  has  provided  for  us,  when  we  little 
saw  the  full  force  of  what  we  were  doing." 

This  gentle  effort  to  point  a  moral  is  the  only  effort  ever 
made  by  him  to  extort  an  acknowledgment  from  his  chief 
of  the  value  of  the  treaties  which  he  so  much  opposed,  and 
the  only  reply  was,  "  But  you  didn't  know  when  you  made 
the  treaty  that  the  Mutiny  was  coming,"  to  which  Edwardes 
answered — 

"  Concerning  our  policy  with  Cabul,  of  course,  we  did   Letter  to 

.  .  ,         John  Law- 

not  foresee  this  Mutiny  when  we  made  our  treaties  ;  but  the  rence  on 
object  of  every  treaty  is  to  make  friends  against  a  day  of  treaties, 
diiliculty,  whatever  that  difficulty  may  be  ;  and  it  seems  to 
me  that  our  not  foreseeing  that  the  difiiculty  would  bo  a 
mutiny  does   not   affect  the  wisdom    of  the  policy  or  the 
advantage  of  the  result. 

"  When  you  put  a  paling  round  your  garden,  you  do  it 


400  SIR   IlERnERT  B.    EDWARDES.  [1S57. 

to  save  the  flowers,  and  it  will  be  impossible  to  say  whether 
it  will  bo  your  own  donkey  or  your  neighbour's  which  will 
break  loose  and  try  to  get  into  the  parterre. 

"  Yours  afTectionately, 

"  H.  B.  E." 

This  is  a  curious  little  episode,  after  all  our  past  ex- 
perience, and  looks  as  if — 

"  A  man  convinced  against  liis  will 
Is  of  the  same  oijinion  still." 

It  is  of  interest  to  know  that  the  opinions  of  John 
Nicholson  and  Herbert  Edwardes  were  identical  on  this 
subject,  as  on  most  political  subjects.  We  find  an  entry  here 
in  Edwardes's  diary  letters  to  his  wife — 

Nicholson's         "  Nicholson  was  saying  this  morning  he  never  thought 

OJiinion.  iiit  ^       •  ^  tii 

we  should  live  to  derive  such  solid  advantage  irom  our 
alliance  with  Dost  Mahommed  as  we  are  doing  at  this  crisis, 
in  the  perfect  peace  of  our  border ;  so  that  we  are  left  at 
liberty  to  contend  with  our  own  sepoys.  There  can  be  no 
question  as  to  what  must  have  happened  had  the  Ameer  of 
Cabul  now  been  our  foe,  and  moved  down  upon  us  while  the 
army  was  in  mutiny.  You  will  understand  how  satisfactory 
this  is  to  me." 

Visit  of  An  exciting  scene  occurred  about  this  time  at  Peshawur, 

three  hun-    -^yijich  y^  m vc  a  Sample  of  the  surroundings  of  Edwardes's  life. 

ilreu  out-  o  J.  o 

laws.  One  day,  one  of  his  men  came  running  into  his  study,  saying, 

"  0  Sahib !  a  number  of  armed  hill-men  are  coming  into 
the  cantonment,  and  calling  out  for  your  house.  What  are 
we  to  do  ?  "  And  so  it  truly  was.  "  Nearly  three  hundred 
Afreedees,  armed  in  every  imaginable  manner,  came  down 
from  the  hills,  and  asked  me  to  enlist  them  as  regular  soldiers." 
They  were  "  outlaws  " — wild  men  who  had  committed  crimes 
so  many  and  so  great  that  they  had  to  take  to  their  hills  and 
hide  from  the  pursuit  of  justice.  And  they  thought,  wisely, 
that  noiv  the  time  had  come  to  get  the  score  paid  off  in 


1K57.]      VISIT  FROM  THREE  HUNDRED  "  OUTLAWS."     401 

"  service."  So  Eclwardes  made  tlicin  sit  down  cjii  tlu;  lawn 
and  seated  himself  in  their  midst,  and  drew  out  the  stories 
of  tlieir  deeds  of  crime  and  "outlawry."  And  as  they  told 
them,  he  called  his  moonshee  to  hrin;j;  out  the  "  records  "  and 
compare  the  account. 

And  then  he  ruled  what  ready  justice  they  were  to 
purfunn,  aecordinir  to  their  own  rude  laws,  to  give  such 
compensation  as  they  could  to  the  men  they  had  injured. 
Rough-and-ready  justice,  such  as  became  the  times  and  the 
circumstances,  was  all  that  suited  the  occasion ;  but  it  was 
enough  to  show  theiu  tliat  their  crimes  were  not  condoned 
until  they  had  done  their  best  to  make  restitution,  and  only 
then  could  their  ban  be  taken  off  or  their  "  services  "  be  ac- 
cepted by  the  Government  they  had  defied. 

"  ^Vhat  a  scene  it  was  !  It  might  liave  been  an  ambush 
as  easily  as  anything  else.  They  might  have  cut  me  in 
lueces  and  dispersed  themselves  immediately.  At  least,  these 
thouglits  occurred  to  me  at  the  moment  as  among  the  possi- 
bilities. But  the  great  seciet  of  association  with  tliesc  utter 
barbarians  is  to  take  them  as  they  come,  like  wild  beasts, 
and  show  no  fear  of  ihem.  Habit  has  taught  me  this;  and 
1  went  among  them  and  picked  out  their  youths,  and  enrolled 
them  as  recruits,  then  brought  the  older  ones,  weather- 
beaten,  scari-ed,  and  scored  with  frays,  into  our  willow-walk 
ill  the  garden,  sat  them  down  in  the  shade,  and,  after  talking 
to  them,  dismissed  them  to  their  hills  again  with  a  rupee 
each,  quite  satisfied  that  they  had  been  honourably  treated. 
I  was  not  sorry,  however,  to  get  them  out  of  the  canton- 
ments again. 

"  What  short-sighted  creatures  these  Hindostanee 
sepoys  are!  Ilow  many  now  races,  like  unworked  mines, 
are  ready  to  fill  u])  the  gaps  in  our  native  army ! " 

It  was  a  great  advantage  to  the  peace  of  Peshawur  to   a  field  for 
give  employment  to  these  wild   and  turbulent  spirits ;  and  spii-it'J" 
Edwardes  says — 

"  I    am    inviting    a    big  l)!a('kguiir(l,  named   ^lokurrum 
VOL.  I.  2d 


402  SIR   HEllBEUT  n.    EDWABDES.  [1857. 

Kluan  (who  is  tircl  of  Swat),  to  come  with  his  followers  and 
go  down  to  Delhi  with  Shazadah  Jumhoor's  son.  The  old 
Shazadah  proposed  it,  and  I  was  delighted  to  agree.  He  is 
a  man  of  mettle,  and  liis  sowars  too.  They  have  bothered 
us  for  six  years,  but  never  done  unforgiveable  things. 
Swat  is  being  a  very  good  neighbour  to  us  just  now,  by  a 
wonderful  turn  in  the  cards ;  and  I  hope  this  district  will 
send  aid  instead  of  being  a  trouble." 

Amusing  There  was  an  amusing  incident  with  this  Shazadah.     One 

inruient.  ^  ^  askcd  for  an  interview,  and,  it  beinf'  mranted,  he  came 
Fables.        in  and  threw  down  his  turban  at  Edwardes's  feet. 

"  Wliat  is  the  matter  ?  "  said  he.  "  What  does  this 
mean  ? " 

"  My  Lord,"  he  said,  "  I  always  knew  you  were  a  wise 
man  ;  but  I  never  knew  you  were  so  gi'eat  a  man  as  I  know 
you  to  be  now  !  I  verily  believe  you  are  the  author  himself  of 
-^sop's  Fables  "  (the  highest  pinnacle  of  wisdom  in  their  eyes). 

"  Why,  what  do  you  mean  ?     What  have  I  done  ? " 

"  Done  ? "  said  Shazadah  Jumhoor  ;  "  why,  see  what  you've 
done  !  This  last  stroke  of  policy  is  wisdom  itself  "  (in  having 
sent  down  to  Dellii  a  regiment  of  wild  frontier  men).  "  See, 
if  they  kill  the  enemy — ivell;  if  the  enemy  kills  them — 
tetter  still  !  Nmv  I  know  that  you  are  the  wisest  man  that 
was  ever  known.  The  peace  of  this  frontier  is  secured  which- 
ever way  it  happens  ! " 

About  this  time  Edwardes  writes — 

Thoughts.-         "  Thinking  over   Job's  prayer,  '  Do  not   condemn   me  ; 

opium  I  show  me  wherefore  Thou  contendest  with  me,'  it  strikes  me 
as  a  curious  coincidence  that  the  East  India  Company's 
Government  is  shaken  to  its  very  foundations  at  the  very 
time  that  we  are  warring  with  China ;  w  hich  Indian  legis- 
lation and  English  legislation  together  have  been  for  several 
years  attacking  and  poisoning  with  opium,  to  the  moral 
degradation  of  millions  of  Chinese.  The  very  troops  that 
England  had  upon  the  seas  on  their  way  to  coerce  Canton 
are  obliged  to  be  intercepted  and  brought  to  the  rescue  of 


trade. 


1857.]       OPIUM    TBADE.      MILITARY  EXECUTIONS.       403 

India.  In  this,  chastisement  and  mercy,  trouble  and  remedy, 
are  mixed  tuj^ctlior  in  the  marvollous  way  that  God's  deal- 
ings delight  in  ;  but  I  cannot  but  think  that  the  opium  trade 
from  China  to  India  is  one  main  reason  for  the  national 
shock  we  are  now  enduring.  I  am  no  Cobdenite,  and  would 
certainly  have  voted  with  Lord  Palmerston  on  the  Chinese 
War  question ;  but  the  melancholy  thing  is  that  we  are 
morally  in  the  wrong  witli  reference  to  the  Chinese ;  the 
opium  injury  lies  at  the  root  of  all  their  hostilities  against 
us.  Our  commerce  is  unholy  in  this  matter,  and  I  hope 
Lord  Shaftesbury  will  carry  his  point  with  all  my  heart." 

"June  10. — This  morning  there  was  a  terrible  execution   Military 
parade.     Out  of  one  hundred  and  twenty  men  of  the  55th  parade'at 
Native  Infantry  taken  prisoners  in  the  fight  and  flight  of  ^«sii^wur. 
]\Iay  25,  at  ]\[nrdan,    one-third  (or  forty  mutineers)    were 
blown  away  from   guns.     I    was   out    with   all    my    levies, 
guarding  the  avenues  of  cantonments ;  so  I  did  not  witness 
it.     But  the  general  says  it  was  a  frightful  spectacle.     All 
this  is  very  dreadful,  but  right  and  necessary."  * 

This  is  tlie  occasion  taken  by  the  biogi-apher  of  Lord 
Lawrence  lately  to  enlarge  upon  "  Colonel  Edwardes's  blood- 

*  "The  news  of  these  executions  and  the  mode  adopted  in  carrying    Effect  of 
them  into  effect  spread  far  and  wide,  and,  even  in  the  city  of  Cabul  itself,    vigorous 
were  the  subject  of  discussion  and  of  astonishment.    It  was  clear  to  all  that    p*^*'l°?  ''*' 
discipline  was  upheld  and  maintained  .  .  .  and  the  Afghans,  keenly  watch-    f^^  j^ 
ing  tlie  turn  of  events,  on  finding  that  the  supremacy  of  the  ]3ritish   Cabul. 
Government  had  prevailed,  wore  deterred  from  an  aggressive  movement.  .  .  . 
The  subsidy  given  by  the  British  Commissioner  to  Dost  Mahommed  no 
doubt  had  some  eflect  on  the  mind  of  that  monarch  ;  but  the  Afghans 
themselves,  ever  restless  and  unsettled,  were  thoroughly  meditating  an 
attack  on  the  British  frontier,  and  a  rich  harvest  in  Uiiidostan,  and  were 
alone  deterred  from  the  movement  by  the  imposing  attitude  which  had 
been  assumed  at  I'eshawur;  and  it  came  to  the  author's  knowledge  after- 
wards that  thirty  thousand  Afghans  had  shod  their  horses  at  one  time, 
ready  to  invade  our  territory  "  (Cotton,  pp.  174, 175.    See  also  "  Enclosures 
to  Secret  Letters  from  India,"  July  23,  1858,  pp.  152,  109, 197.)     "  In  a 
proclamation  issued  by  the  Persian  Government,  the  Ameer  was  urged, 
as  a   Mohammedan,   to   side   with   the   Persians   against   the   English" 
(Ibid.,  p.  124). 


Cotton's 
opinion 


404  'SIR    IIEUIiERT  D.   EDWARDES.  [1857. 

tliirstincss ; "  and,  of  course,  not  understanding-  his  cliaraeter, 
lie  is  not  aware  liow  entirely  the  opposite  of  truth  is  any  such 
allegation  ;  luit  lie  must  also  have  forgotten  (or  be  ignorant 
of)  the  relative  (Uities  of  civil  and  political  charge,  and 
military  command ;  for  these  trials  were  by  military  court- 
martial,  and  the  punishments  were  military  also,  in  which 
Colonel  Edwardes  could  not  interfere  nor  be  in  any  way 
held  responsiljle. 

This  is  only  remarked  in  passing,  for  by  no  one  who 
knew  Colonel  Edwardes  could  the  idea  be  ever  entertained 
of  his  character  for  a  moment ;  and  it  therefore  does  not  call 
for  further  notice. 

Brigadier  Sydney  Cotton  expresses  his  opinion  in  a  public 
letter  on  this  matter. 

"  Tesbawur,  April  20,  1858. 
Sydney  "With  regard  to  the  injunction  placed  on  me   by  the 

Chief  Commissioner  not  to  carry  into  effect  the  execution  of 
the  hundred  and  forty  criminals,  but  to  take  one-fourth  or 
one-third  of  them,  which  latter  I  determined  on.  .  .  . 

''  I  am  of  opinion,  and  I  was  at  the  time  of  the  great 
execution  of  forty  criminals  blown  away  from  guns,  that 
mutiny  was  raging  to  such  an  extent  throughout  the  country 
that  no  one  ought  to  escape  punishment  (capital) ;  and  I 
now  believe  that  if  the  hundred  and  forty  men  had  been 
executed,  as  1  intended,  we  should  not  have  had  the  51st  affair 
at  all. 

"  No  doubt  Sir  John  Lawrence's  ^'iews  were  humane,  hut 
it  ivas  not  mercy  in  the  end.  .  .  . 

"(Signed)  Sydney  Cotton." 

While  such  exciting  scenes  were  taking  place  at  Peshawur, 
it  is  refreshing  to  turn  to  the  comparatively  peaceful  Hazara, 
and  read  the  report  of  it  given  by  the  pen  of  Major  John  11. 
Becher,  who  was  doing  good  ser\'ice  there,  and  holding  the 
people  firmly,  while  he  won  their  love  and  regard. 

"  Abbottabad,  June  2,  1857. 

"  My  dear  Edwardes, 
^ohn  "  I  am  very  much  obliged  to  you  for  your  letter  ; 

Becher  in       .  i  i  t        •    • 

Hazaia.        it  was  most  acceptable.     I  rejoice  to  see  you  thus  riding  on 


I!r57.]  IIAZAIIA    LOYAL.  405 

tlio  wlihluiiid  and  controlling  the  st(jrm,  and  glud  amidst 
the  thuudcr-cloiids.  The  letter  sounds  like  a  clarion-blast, 
full  of  vigour  and  self-reliance.  And  I  am  i)roud  to  see 
you  and  Nicholson  in  this  grand  storm  masters  at  your 
work,  right  glad  that  Nicholson  did  not  leave  ;  there  was 
work  for  his  war-horse,  and  he  is  in  his  element,  the  first 
who  has  struck  a  death-blow. 

"  And  we  may  Ijc  proud  of  John  Lawrence  as  a  master- 
spirit in  these  times. 

"  I  long  every  hour  to  hear  more  of  you  at  Peshawur. 
Here  I  am  tranquil,  only  that,  of  course,  there  is  excitement 
among  the  people.  Chiefs  and  people  flock  in.  They  are 
in  the  most  loyal  spirit,  desirous  only  to  be  employed  more 
than  I  can  employ  them.  If  I  ask  for  two  horsemen  I  get 
ten  supplied.  I  really  feel  very  happy  at  seeing  this  good 
disposition,  and  am  very  confident  that  it  will  endure. 
Fiizul  Khan  has  put  some  of  his  hawk-horse  across  the 
river,  and  they  have  caught  Poorbeas  on  their  way  to  Sat- 
taua.  I  have  placed  posts  at  all  the  points  of  communica- 
tion with  Pindee  or  Cashmere,  to  intercept  correspondence 
or  one  black  sheep  of  Poorbeas.  .  .  . 

"  Hurrah  for  Sir  Henry  at  Lucknow !  What  a  good, 
noble  speech  he  has  made  !  and  how  wise  he  is! 

"  Ever  yours,  my  dear  Edwardes, 

"  John  R.  Becher." 

And  John  Lawrence,  writing  to  Etlwardes  about  the  same 
date,  says — 

"The  Governor-General  says  that  Henry  has  managed 
admirably  in  Oude.  He  is  just  the  man  for  such  a  crisis. 
I  wish  we  had  another  like  him  at  Delhi. 

"(Signed)  J.  L." 

Frohi  Sir  John  Lawrence  to  Colonel  Edwardes. 

"Juno  13,  18o7. 
"  I  have  sent  four  kossids  oft'   from  Umballa  to  Airra, 


40G  SIR   IIKliBERT  n.    EDWARDES.  [I8i:7. 

to  get  a  message  tclegniphed  that  Cotton  may  be  made  a 
brigadier-general.     He  is  an  old  '  trump.' 

"  Yours  affectionately, 
"(Signed)  John  Lawrence." 

Here's  a  nice  Lit  of  friendship  between  Edwardes  and 
Cotton,  ill  a  letter  from  the  latter — 

"  Pcshawur,  May  28,  1857. 

"  My  dear  Edwardes, 

"I  thank  you  very  sincerely  for  your  kind  and 
cordial  congratulations. 

"I  feel  confident  in  the  prevailing  unanimity  amongst 
us  all,  and  pray  for  its  continuance. 

"  I  feel  very  proud  of  your  expressions  of  confidence  in 
me. 

"  We  have  had   the   experience   of  nearly   four   years 
together  on  this  frontier. 

"  Believe  me, 

"  Ever  yours  most  sincerely, 
"  (Signed)  Sydney  Cotton." 

Unanimity  Such  unanimity  and  cordiality  of  feeling  between  all  tlie 

^"'l.*^"/:  men  on  this   frontier  was  a  great  strength  and   power,  and 

councVr  made   every  tiling   work   well,   all  joining    heart   and   hand 

strength  in  tonethcr.    Maior  Hcuderson,  Deputy-Commissioner  at  Kohat, 

work.  o  •' 

writes — 

"KoMt,  May  21,  1857. 

"  My  dear  Edwardes, 
Major  «  It   is  of    no  usc  making  any  concealment   any 

HcndGrsoD 

at  Kohat.  lono-er,  so  I'll  move  the  treasure  into  the  fort  in  the  morning, 
and  I  have  already  garrisoned  it  with  my  own  men.  From 
to-morrow  I  will  also  mount  a  strong  picket  over  the  guns, 
and  then,  come  what  may,  we  need  not  fear  for  the  result.  If 
you  want  more  men,  tell  me,  and  you  shall  have  them  at 
once." 


1857.]     UNANIMITY  AMONG   FRONTIER    OFFICERS.      407 

And  lioiii  Major  iJiclianl  Tollock,  then  Ocpuly-Coniniis- 
siiMUT  in  Deiaji'it  — 

"  Dora  Oliazee  Khan. 
"  Notliing  could  really  have  been  better  than  the  feeling 
exhibited  by  the  head-men  of  this  district.  They  could 
hardly  conceive  that  any  one  would  dare  perpetrate  the 
enormities  they  heard  of,  but  begged  to  be  employed  if 
they  could  be  of  use." 

And  there  were  ready  hands  to  volunteer  for  commanding 
the  new  levies.     As  a  sample,  here  is  one — 

"  Kohat,  May  16,  1857. 

"  My  dear  Colonel  Edwardes, 

"  I  write  to  propose  to  you,  if  Government  requires 
to  raise  a  few  men  as  a  temporary  measure,  to  offer  my 
services. 

"  I  could  raise  a  regiment  in  a  short  time,  and  if  a  few 
of  the  disciplined  trained  Puthan  troops  were  intermixed,  a 
draft  of  ten  from  two  or  three  of  the  regiments,  a  respect- 
able regiment  might  be  ready  for  immediate  fighting  at 
all  events,  if  required.  .  .  .  Don't  trouble  yourself  with 
answering  this  unless  you  like  my  proposal,  as  I  know  you 
have  too  much  to  do  in  these  troubled,  anxious  times.  But 
if  I  can  be  of  use,  here  I  am. 

"  Yours  very  truly, 
"(Signed)  Thomas  Keyes." 

It  would  give  a  very  incomplete  idea  of  the  work  done 
by  the  Commissioner  of  Peshawur  during  these  years  we 
have  been  passing  through,  to  tell  only  of  the  political  work 
connected  with  the  relations  of  England  with  Afghanistan, 
resulting  in  l»ringiug  about  and  concluding  the  Treaties  with 
the  Afghans,  which,  as  we  have  seen,  were  signed  in  1855 
and  1857.  Arduous  as  this  political  work  with  Cabul  was, 
there  was,  besides    it,  a  vast   amount   of  labour   and    tact 


dent 


408  SIR   HERBERT  B.    EDWARDES.  [1857. 

rcij["j.irctl  iu  Llio  dulicatu  liaii(l]iii^  of  all  the  many  hill  tribes 
that  surround  Peshawur  and  form  the  border  of  the  north- 
west frontier  of  British  India.  Quoting  fromDr,  I>ellew,  "It 
may  l)e  said  to  commence  at  the  top  of  the  Kaghan  Valley 
Position  of  adjoining  tlie  Chilas  district.  It  skirts  the  range  of  the  I'lack 
Peshawur     ]\jountain,  whicli  sei:arates  Kaghan  from  the  Indus,  and  then, 

among  the  . 

surround-  reaching  that  river,  follows  its  left  bank  to  1'orljela,  where, 

t"^b*s^^  crossing  once,  it  runs  along  the  base  of  the  hills  encircling 

many  of  the  Pcshawur  Valley  as  far  as  the  Khyber  Pass.     From  this 

^e'TTof"^  point  the  border  is  deflected  back  towards  the  Indus,  and, 

Cabui,  and  passing  round  the  Afreedie  Hills  to  Kohat,  thence  proceeds 

many  tho-  -^yestward   Tip   the   Meranza  Valley  along   the   base  of  the 

roughly  ,  ^  .  . 

indepen-  Orukzal  and  Zwaeenakht  Hills  to  the  river  Kurrum.  Here 
it  is  again  turned  back,  and,  passing  round  the  Wuzuree  Hills, 
strilvcs  the  Tukhti-Suleman  range  in  the  Dera  Ismael  Khan 
district.  Our  north-west  frontier,  as  we  received  it  from  the 
Sikhs,  extends  in  an  irregular  and  iil-defined  line  along  the 
base  of  the  mountain  region  separating  the  Indus  Valley 
from  the  Cabul  Highlands.  These  mountains  may  Ije  de- 
scribed in  general  terms  as  forming  a  continuous,  though 
somewhat  uneven  chain,  with  a  generally  bare  and  rocky 
aspect  towards  the  southern  portion  of  the  range,  and  with 
a  more  or  less  wooded  or  pine-clad  surface  in  its  northern 
portion.  Tliey  are  traversed  by  a  series  of  passes  leading 
down  from  the  Cabul  Highlands  to  the  Indus  Valley,  and 
are  inhabited  by  a  number  of  different  Pathan  tribes,  of 
whom  those  located  on  the  western  slopes  are  the  subjects 
of  the  Cabul  Government ;  whilst  those  occupying  the 
eastern  slopes,  where  the  valleys  mostly  open  directly  on  to 
the  Indus  Valley,  and  all  either  directly  or  indirectly  drain 
into  it,  are,  as  regards  government,  taxes,  and  allegiance, 
thoroughly  independent." 

This  sketch  of  the  wild  hills  that  surround  Peshawur  will 
help  the  reader  to  understand  that  the  wild  inhal)itants  of 
such  regions  were  but  restless  and  dangerous  neighbours  in 
such  troubled  times  as  these,  and  would  add  greatly  to  the 
anxiety  of  the  events  that  will  follow. 

END   OF   VOL.    I. 


IRINTED    BY    V.ILLIAM    CLOWES   AND   SONS,    LIMITED,    LONDON    AND    BKCCLES. 


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B 


]8  A  List  of 

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law,  ^I.A.     Fourth  Edition.     \<fS. 

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B  3 


20  A  List  of 

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I  Kings.  By  the  Rev.  Joseph  Hammond,  LL.B.  With  Homilies 
by  the  Rev.  E  De  Pressensi?:,  D.D.,  Rev.  J.  Waite,  B.A.,  Rev.  A. 
Rowland,  LL.13.,  Rev.  J,  A.  Macdonald,  and  Rev.  J.  Urquhart. 
Fourth  Edition.      15J. 

I  Chronicles.  By  the  Rev.  Prof.  P.  C.  Barker,  M.A.,  LL.B. 
With  Homilies  by  Rev.  Prof.  J.  R.  Thomson,  M.A.,  Rev.  R.  Tuck,  B.A., 
Rev.  W.  Clarkson,  B.A.,  Rev.  F.  Whitfield,  M  A.,  and  Rev.  Richard 
Glovkr.     I5J-. 

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M.A.  With  Homilies  by  Rev.  Prof.  J.  R.  Thomson,  M.A.,  Rev.  Prof.  R.  A. 
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Rev.  W.  Dinwiddie,  LL.B.,  Rev.  Prof.  Rowlands,  B.A.,  Rev.  G.  Wood, 
B.A.,  Rev.  Prof.  P.  C.  Barker,  LL.B.,  M.A.,  and  Rev.  J.  S.  Exell,  M.A. 
Sixth  Edition.     One  vol.  \2s.  6d. 

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Conway,  B.A.,  Rev.  J.  Waite,  B.A.,  and  Rev.  D.  Young,  B.A.  Second 
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Pulpit  Commentary  (The).      New  Testament  Series. 

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Tuck,  B.A.,  Rev.  E.  Hurndall,  M.A.,  Rev.  J.  Waite,  B.A.,  Rev.  H. 
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26 


A  List  of 


THE    INTERNATIONAL    SCIENTIFIC 
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on  the  Application  of  the  Principles 
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tance' to  Political  Society.  By  Walter 
Bagehot.  Sixth  Edition.  Crown 
8vo.  4f. 

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trations.  Eighth  Edition.    Crown  8vo. 

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V.  The  Study  of  Sociology.     By  Her- 

bert Spencer.  Eleventh  Edition. 
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VII.  Animal  Locomotion  ;  or,  Walking, 
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130  Illustrations.  Third  Edition. 
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VIII.  Responsibility  in  Mental 
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larged.    Crown  8vo.  5.r. 

X.  The  Science  of  Law.    By  Professor 

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XX.  Fermentation.  By  Professor 
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Kegan  Paul,   Treiich,  &  Co.'s  Ptiblicalio7ts.         27 


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32 


A  List  of 


The  Surn.iANT  Maidf.ns  ok  yEscHY- 
LUS.    Crown  8vo.  3^.  6(/. 

J7ADEN'  {Constance  ?F.)— Songs  and 
Sonnets  of  Spring  Time.  Small 
crown  8vo.  5^. 

NEWELL  (E.  y.)— The  Sorrow  of 
SiMONA,  and  Lyrical  Verses.  Small 
crown  8vo.  3^.  6ci. 

NOEL  {The  Hon.  Rodcn)—K  Little 
Child's         Monument.  Third 

Edition.     Small  crown  8vo.  3J.  dd. 

The  Red  Flag,  and  other  Poems. 
New  Edition.     Small  crown  8vo.  6j. 

O'lIAGAN  {John)  -The  Song  of 
Roland.  Translated  into  English 
Verse.  New  and  Cheaper  Edition. 
Crown  8vo.  5^. 

PFEIFFER  (£';«//i')— The  Rhyme  of 
the  Lady  of  the  Rock  and  How 
IT  Grew.     Small  crown  Svo.  3^.  6^. 

Gerard's  Monument,  and  other  Poems. 
Second  Edition.     Crown  8vo.  ds. 

Under  the  Aspens  :  Lyrical  and 
Dramatic.  With  Portrait.  Crown 
Svo.  ts. 

PIATT  {J.  y.)— Idyls  and  Lyrics  of 
THE  Ohio  Valley.     Crown  Svo.  5^. 

KAFFALO  VICH  {Mark  Andre)~Cvis.i-L 
AND  Lionel,  and  other  Poems.  A 
Volume  of  Sentimental  Studies.  Small 
crown  Svo.  3^.  6d. 

Rare  Poems  of  the  i6th  and  17TH 
Centuries.  Edited  by  W.  J.  Linton. 
Crown  Svo.  5^. 

RHOADES  O^wt-j-)— The  Georgics  of 
Virgil.  Translated  into  English 
Verse.     Small  crown  Svo.  5^. 

ROBINSON  {A.  Mary  F.)—A  Handful 
OF  PIoneysuckle.    Fcp.  Svo.  3J.  6d, 

The  Crowned  Hippolytus.  Trans- 
lated from  Euripides.  With  New 
Poenrs.     Small  crown  Svo.  cloth,  5j-. 

ROLTS  (LieHi.-Col.)—CoyRADiN.  Small 
crown  Svo.  2s. 

Schiller's  Mary  Stuart.  German 
Text  with  English  Translation  on 
opposite  page.  By  Leedham  White. 
Crown  Svo.  6s. 


SCOTT  {E.  J.  L.y-Twv.  Eclogues  OF 
ViR(;iL.  Translated  into  I^nglish 
Verse.     Small  crown  Svo.  3^.  dd, 

SCOTT  {George  F.  ^.)— Theodora,  and 
other  Poems.    .Small  crown  Svo.  "^s.dd. 

SEAL  {VV.  //.)  — Tone,  and  other 
Poems.  Second  and  cheaper  edition, 
revised,  crown  Svo.  3^.  6d, 

SELKIRK  (J.  /;.)— Poems.  Crown  Svo. 
Ts.  6d. 

SHARP  {IVilliain) — Euphrenia  ;  or, 
The  Test  of  Love.  A  Poem.  Crown 
Svo.  5j. 

SKINNER  {H.  7.)— The  Lily  of  the 
Lyn,  and  other  Poems.  Small  crown 
Svo.  3J-.  dd. 

SLADEN  {Douglas  B.  ^K)— Frithjof 
AND  Ingebjorg,  and  other  Poems. 
Small  crown  Svo.  5^. 

SMITH  {J.  W.  Gilbart)—'Y\\Y.  Loves  of 
Vandvck  :  a  Tale  of  Genoa.  Small 
crown  Svo.  2s.  6d. 

The  Log  o'  the  '  Norseman,'    Small 
crown  Svo.  5^. 

Sophocles  :  The  Seven  Plays  in  English 
Verse.  Translated  by  Lewis  Camp- 
bell.    Crown  Svo.  ^s.  6d. 

SPICER  {Henry)— Ha^ka  :  a  Drama  in 
Three  Acts  (as  represented  at  the 
Theatre  Royal,  Drury  Lane,  March 
loth,  1S77).  Tliird  Edition,  crown 
Svo.  3J-.  6d. 

SYMONDS  {John  Addington)  —  \AGA- 
liUNDULi  Libellus     Crown  Svo.  6s. 

Tares.     Crown    vo.    s.  6d. 

Tasso's  Jerusalem  Delivered.  Trans- 
lated by  Sir  John  Kingston  James, 
IJart.  2  vols,  printed  on  hand-made 
paper,  parchment,  bevelled  boards, 
large  crown  Svo.  21s. 

TA  YLOR  {Sir  //.)— Works  Complete  in 
Five  Volumes.     Crown  Svo.  30J. 

Philip  van  Artevelde.     Fcp.   Svo. 
35.  6d. 

The  Virgin  Widow,  &c.     Fcp.  Svo. 
Zs.  6d. 

The  Statesman.      Fcp.  Svo.  3^-.  6d. 

TAYLOR  {A ngns/us)  —  V0E},IS.  Fcp. 
Svo.  5^. 


Kemn  Paid,   Trench,  &  Go's  Publications. 


TAYl.OR  (Margaret  Scott)  —  'Boys 
To(;ETiiKR,'and  other  Poems.  Small 
crown  8vo.  6s. 

THORNTON  (Z.  M.)—T\iE.  Hon  of 
SiiKi.oMlTH.    Small  crown  Svo.  y.6J. 

TODHUNTER  {Dr.  7!)  —  Laurella, 
and  other  Poems.     Crown  Svo.  6^.  dd. 

Forest  Songs.    Small  crown  Svo.  y.dd. 

The  True  Tragedy  of  Rienzi  :    a 
Drama.     Crown  Svo.  3^.  dd. 

Alcestis  :    a  Dramatic    Poem.      Extra 
fcp.  Svo.  5^. 

TYLER  (.1/.  C.)  — Anne  Bolevn  :  a 
Tragedy  in  Six  Acts.  Small  crown 
Svo.  2s.  6d. 

WALTERS  {Sophia  Lydia)  —  A 
Dreamer's  Sketch  Book.  With 
21  Illustrations  by  Percival  Skelton, 
R.  P.  Leilch,  W.  11.  J.  Boot,  and 
T.  R.  Pritchett.  Engraved  by  J.  D. 
Cooper.     Fcp.  4to.  1 2s.  6d. 

Wandering  Echoes.  By  J.  E.  D.  G. 
In  Four  Parts.     Small  crown  Svo.  5^. 


IVA  TTS  (Alaric  Alfred  and  Emma  Mary 

Uoiuitt)  —  Aurora  :    a    Medley    of 

Verse.       Fcp.     Svo,    cloth,     bevelled 

boards,  ^s. 
WEBSTER   (Augusta)— l^    A    Day:    a 

Drama.     Small  crown  Svo.  2s.  6d. 
Disguises  :    a   Drama.      Small   crown 

Svo.  5^-. 
Wet  Days.     By  a  Farmer.     Small  crown 

Svo.  6s. 
WILLIAMS  {J.)— A  Story  ok  Three 

Years,    and    other    Poems.       Small 

crown  Svo.  3^.  6d. 

Wordsworth  Birthday    Book,   The. 

Edited   by  Adelaide    and   Violet 

Wordsworth.     32mo.    limp   cloth, 

is.  6d. ;  cloth  extra,  2s. 
YOU NGM AN  (Thomas  Ct-^r^^)— PoEMS. 

Small  crown  Svo.  55. 

YOUNGS   (Ella  Sharpe)—? kv\\v%,   and 
other    Poems.      Small     crown    Svo. 
y.  6d. 
A  Hearts  Life,  Sarpedon,  and  other 
Poems.     Small  crown  Svo.  31.  6d. 


WORKS    OF    FICTION    IN   ONE    VOLUME. 


BANKS  (Mrs.  G.  Z.)— God's  Provi- 
dence House.  New  Edition.  Crown 
Svo.  3J'.  6d. 

HUNTER  (Hay)— Crime  of  Christ- 
mas Day.  a  Tale  of  the  Latin 
Quarter.  By  the  Author  of  *My 
Ducats  and  My  Daughter.'    is. 

HUNTER  (Hay)  and  WHYTE  (Walter) 
My  Ducats  and  My  Daughter. 
New  and  Cheaper  Edition.  With 
Frontispiece.     Crown  Svo.  6s. 

LNG E LOW  (Jean)— Ovv  the  Skelligs. 

A  Novel.    With  Frontispiece.    Second 

Edition.     Crown  Svo.  6^. 
KTELLAND   (Alexander  Z.)— Garman 

and  Worse.      A  Norwegian  Novel. 

Authorised     Translation    by  W.   W. 

Kettlewell.     Crown  Svo.  6^. 

MACDONALD    (C.)— Donal   Grant. 

A  Novel.     New  and  Cheap  Etlition, 

with  Frontispiece.     Crown  Svo.  6.f. 
Castle  Warlock.     A  Novel.     New 

and  Cheaper  Edition.    Crown  Svo.  9^. 
Malcolm.     With  Portrait  of  the  Author 

engraved    on   Steel.       Sixth   Edition. 

Crown  Svo.  6^. 


The     Marquis    of     Lossie.       Fifth 

Edition.     With  Frontispiece.    Crown 

Svo.  6s. 
St.  George  and  St.  Michael.  Fourth 

Edition.     With  Frontispiece.     Crown 

Svo.  6s. 
PALGRAVE   (W.    G(ford)—HE'RMASS 

Agha  :  an  Eastern  Narrative.    Third 

Edition.     Crown  Svo.  6^. 

SILAW  (Flora  Z.)— Castle  Blair;  a 
Story  of  Youthful  Days.  New  and 
Cheaper  Edition.     Crown  Svo.  3J.  6d. 

STRETTON    (Hcsba)  —  Through    a 

Needle's  Eye.    A  Story.     New  and 

Cheaper   Edition,   with    Frontispiece. 

Crown  Svo.  6s. 
TA  YLOR  (Col.Mead(ms)C.S.I.,M.R.I.A. 
Seeta.     a  Novel.     New  and  Clieaper 

Edition.     With  Frontispiece.     Crown 

Svo.  6s. 
Tii'POO  Sultaun  :  a  Tale  of  the  Mysore 

War.  New  Edition,  with  Frontispiece. 

Crown  Svo.  6s. 
Ralph  Darnell.     New  and  Chciper 

Edition.     With  Frontispiece.     Crown 

Svo.  6^. 


A  List  of 


TA  YLOK — continued. 

A  Noble  Queen.  New  and  Cheaper 
Edition.  With  Frontispiece.  Crown 
8vo.  6j. 


The     Confessions 
Crown  8vo.  6j. 


OF     A    Thug. 


TA  yZC»?— continued. 
Tara  :  a  Mahratta  Tale.     Crown  8vo. 

Within  Sound  of  the  Sea.  New 
and  Cheaper  Edition,  with  Frontis- 
piece. 


Crown  8vo.  6j. 


BOOKS    FOR    THE    YOUNG. 


Br.'vve  Men's  Footsteps.  A  Book  of 
Example  and  Anecdote  for  Young 
People.  By  the  Editor  of  '  Men  who 
have  Risen.'  With  Four  Illustrations 
by  C.  Doyle.  Eighth  Edition.  Crown 
8vo.  y.  6d. 

COXHEAD  {Ethet)—^mx>%  and  Babies. 
With  33  Illustrations.  Imp.  i6mo. 
cloth  gilt,  2J.  (>d, 

DA  VIES  (G.  Christopher)  —  Km\^\.^s 
and  Adventures  of  our  School 
Field  Club.  With  Four  Illustra- 
tions. New  and  Cheaper  Edition. 
Crown  8vo.  35.  6d. 

EDMONDS  (Herbert)  —  Well-spent 
Lives  :  a  Series  of  Modem  Biogra- 
phies. New  and  Cheaper  Edition. 
Crown  8vo.  3^.  6d. 

EVANS  (Mark)—i:n2.  Story  of  our 
Father's  Love,  told  to  Children. 
Sixth  and  Cheaper  Edition  of  Theology 
for  Children.  With  Four  Illustra- 
tions.    Fcp.  8vo.  is.  6d. 

yOHNSON(  Virginia  ?F:)_The  Catskill 
Fairies.  Illustrated  by  Alfred 
Fredericks.     5^. 

MAC  KENNA  {S.  y.)— Plucky  Fel- 
lows. A  Book  for  Boys.  With  Six 
Illustrations.  Fifth  Edition.  Crown 
8vo.  3J.  ^d. 

REANEY  [Mrs.  G.  .S.)— Waking  and 
Working  ;  or,  From  Girlhood  to 
Womanhood.  New  and  Cheaper 
Edition.  With  a  Frontispiece.  Cr. 
8vo.  3^.  6d. 

Blessing  and  Blessed  :  a  Sketch  of 
Girl  Life.  New  and  Cheaper  Edition. 
Crown  8vo.  3^.  dd. 


REANEY  {Mrs.  G.  3".)— continued. 

Rose  Gurney's  Discovery.  A  Book 
for  Girls.  Dedicated  to  their  Mothers. 
Crown  8vo.  3^.  dd. 

English  Girls:  Their  Place  and  Power. 
With  Preface  by  the  Rev.  R.  W.  Dale. 
Fourth  Edition.     Fcp.  8vo.  7.s.  6d. 

Just  Anyone,  and  other  Stories.  Three 
Illustrations.     Royal  i6mo.  is.  6d. 

Sunbeam  Willie,  and  other  Stories. 
Three  Illustrations.  Royal  i6mo. 
IS.  6d. 

Sunshine  Jenny,  and  other  Stories. 
Three  Illustrations.  Royal  i6mo. 
is.  6d. 

STOCKTON  (Frank  /?,)— A  Jolly  Fel- 
LOWSHIP.  With  20  Illustrations." 
Crown  8vo.  5^. 

STOKR  (Francis)  ami  TURNER  (Hawes). 
Canterbury  Chimes;  or,  Chaucer 
Tales  Re-told  to  Children.  With  Six 
Illustrations  from  the  Ellesmare  MS. 
Third  Edition.     Fcp.  8vo,  3^.  dd. 

STRETTON  (Besba)— David  Lloyd's 
Last  Will.  With  Four  Illustra- 
tions. New  Edition.  Royal  i6mo. 
2s.  6d. 

Tales  from  Ariosto  Re-told  for 
Children.  By  a  Lady.  With  Three 
Illustrations.     Crown  8vo.  4s.  dd. 

WHITAKER  (Florence)— CnKi%i\'s  In- 
heritance  :  A  London  Story.  Illus- 
trated.    Royal  i6mo.  is.  (>d. 


LONDON  :      PRI.NTED     BV 

SPOTTISWOODF.     AND     CO.,      NEW-STREET     SQUARB 

AND     PARLIAMENT     STREET 


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