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Memories of Hawaii 









CtoPYRIGHT, 1894, 

BY Julius A. Palmer, Jr. 


In the month of December, 1893, 1 was commissioned by the Boston 
Transcript Company to go to Honolulu for the purpose of ascertaining 
the facts in regard to the revolution which was inaugurated on the 17th 
of January of that year. At the date of my departure from Boston, 
there was further a possibility of collision between the United States 
authorities and the party in power, or between the royalists and provi- 
sionalists. The faith of the partisans of the Queen in her eventual 
restoration to the throne, and the confidence of those in rebellion against 
her authority, that they would be protected by annexation to the United 
States, kept both parties in a state of suspense which has guaranteed the 
Hawaiian islands a condition of nominal peace. But Hawaii is no 
nearer a settlement of its political difl3culties than it was on the day 
when a few of its citizens, seizing the reins of government, despatched 
five of their number to Washington, and made the attempt to convey a 
nation of ninety thousand people to a foreign power. The reasons for 
this appear in these letters and telegrams. It was at first my inten- 
tion to issue them in pamphlet form for gratuitous circulation amongst 
friends ; but the fact that all information furnished the people of the 
United States comes through channels pledged to support the provision - 
alists, and the general interest shown by frequent quotation of these 
articles, has decided me to offer them to the public in a more convenient 
form. By the courtesy of the Transcript Company, I am permitted to 
do this ; and it may be in place for me to add that, although I am per- 
sonally responsible for any views of the question herein expressed, yet, 
for the opportunity of revisiting those beautiful islands of the Pacific, 
and for the privilege of enlightening the people of ray native city on 
the matters at issue there, with absolutely no instructions save to follow 
the dictates of my usual independence in judgment, I am under obliga- 
tions to the newspaper in which this matter has been already printed. I 
most cheerfully express my gratitude to Hawaiian citizens of all races 
and of widely different opinions who have, through their hospitality and 
courtesy, enabled me to express in these articles, in the strongest and 
best terms, the views of all parties in this contest. 



( Written May^ 1877 1 token the Hawaiian Embassy visited Boston.) 

He who has never enjoyed the luxury of a few months' quiet life in 
the tropics knows not one of the most exquisite of the joys of the senses . 
It is well described in the poem of the " Lotus Eaters," by Tennyson, 
but any pen would fail in the attempt to paint a delight where sense 
and spirit are so commingled. 

And of all tropical residences, Honolulu, at least for an American, 
has by far the most in its favor. Twenty years ago, when I entered its 
harbor, there was no hotel for the stranger ; but then, however, there 
was no stranger, simply because the Americans there opened their doors 
to each new arrival, and in some way he was soon among friends. The 
advent of those of that blood into colder climes recalls to me many 
characters and events of that delightful little island kingdom. 

I was first taken in charge by Dr. Damon, the seaman's preacher, one 
of those rare souls who can always speak the truth in kindness, and 
who consequently, for about half a century, simply lived in love toward 
God and man, making nought but friends among the contending 
elements that the delicious trade-winds brought to those shores. 

The descendants of the missionary dynasty, the Roman Catholics who 
have been and still are their constant rivals, and the interloping English 
ritualists, even the irrepressible sea-captains and their turbulent fol- 
lowers, — all, all had nought to say about Father Damon except that he 
was a good man. And he was not one of those negative characters 
against which it is hard to bring an accusation. He was a man of most 
decided opinions ; but he always stated them in such a gentle, affection- 
ate way, that you really felt that he was conscious of pain at his own 


kindly heart if his words were not in accord with the sentiments of his 
listener. He was the preacher at an independent church ; the editor, 
from about 1847, of a small periodical called The Friend^ which gave 
the sailor directions how to avoid the shoals of the Pacific Ocean, and 
also how ultimately to find entrance to the port of peace. He died about 
two years ago, leaving the only true riches, — a good name and a 
memory to be always blessed. 

From his house, I was conducted to a dear little cottage opposite 
that of General McCook, then the American minister resident. But, 
while his was lofty and of civilized architecture, mine was but one 
story, giving one square central room, and by the continuation of 
its four-sided, sloping roof, ample space at the sides for verandas, 
bedrooms, and closets. Here, surrounded by a board fence ten feet 
high, I passed the months of the close of the year 1867, in that 
delicious retirement and rest which such a climate only affords. There 
are many houses in Honolulu built thus, so as to allow of the scantiest 
clothing, and yet permit perfect freedom in one's domicile. 

Yet I found none of that superheated atmosphere and burning soil 
which I have noticed in Cuba. The very land of the Queen of the 
Antilles seems to radiate warmth like the surface of a stove. All our 
meals came from a restaurant near by ; so, although the house had a 
detached kitchen, it was never used. At an early walk, or one after 
four P.M., the atmosphere was delightful, and the whole scene bewitching, 
for then the native women, clad in their loose, flowing robes, dashed 
along the principal streets, seated man- fashion on their scrubby ponies ; 
or the beautiful half-caste girls, in their loose Mother Hubbard robes 
with flower-encircled heads, could be met going to some evening 
auction, or sauntering along in search of their sweethearts. From all 
time youth and maid have had and must have a try sting-place. The 
Nuanu Valley and the thatched hut had not lost their charm ; but one of 
the prettiest sights was the evening auction-room, where the audiences 
assembled about Christmas time, chose from cheap European novelties, 
or flirted together at will. 

The Hawaiian women, so far as I met them, are proud of their native 
blood, and love the customs of their ancestors. I had a cousin married 
to one of them in missionary days. His widow, half European, and 
her mother, a full-blooded native, lived together, and were still fond of 
poi, a taste in which they have many sympathizers. It is the native 
food, a paste made from a root called taro^ much resembling in its taste 
the potato, and is very digestible and wholesome. 


Through the instrumentality of the lady above mentioned, I spent 
a delightful evening with the queen dowager, Emma, widow of 
Kamehameha IV., a mild, sweetly spoken woman, on whom grief had 
laid a heavy hand ; for, in a fit of temper, her husband, the king, had 
put her only son into a bath of cold water to punish him for some 
obstinacy. It killed the prince and lost the succession. The king, a 
noble and excellent man, died in his sorrow ; and only in her literary 
tastes and in the mutual love that existed between herself and the people 
could the desolate queen still have made her life dear. Every one loved 
her. A naval officer, of whose friendship I was always proud, and 
whose letters met me in every quarter of the globe, — the late Admiral 
Henry Knox Thatcher, — was detailed to convey Queen Emma and her 
suite from San Francisco to her native shores. She was a passenger on 
the " Vanderbilt" under his command, and he told me he had never met 
with a more perfect lady, with a simpler heart. 

With the queen I had another link of acquaintance in the fact that I 
was a fellow-voyager with a noble couple who were members of her 
suite when, with her husband, she visited England. This pair contin- 
ued their wanderings to New Zealand, and, penetrating its forests, lived 
with the native chiefs, with whom, by means of the similarity of 
language, they could easily communicate. They were about the 
handsomest pair of mortals, in some respects, it has ever been my 
lot to meet. After a year's rovings, they were again with their 
people, and the simple islanders came along upon bended knee, and 
bathed their hands with tears of joy ; my own sight was not very clear 
when it was fixed on the touching picture, and I still think that 
there were human virtues under the feudal system to which we are 

The present princess, Mrs. Lydia Dominis, was then a young wife, 
one of the most graceful women I ever saw move through the dance. 
The French frigate " Venus *' came into port, and a ball was given on 
board, to which, by the kindness of Hon. Stephen H. Phillips, then 
attorney-general of the kingdom, I was favored with an invitation. In 
watching from the quarter the dancers as they waltzed on the main-deck, 
one entirely forgot color at the grace and charm displayed by these 
women in every motion. One could easily believe that the sailor's con- 
test for his dark-skinned sweetheart has sometimes threatened to revo- 
lutionize the kingdom, and that visitors to Hawaii have often most 
unexpectedly fulfilled tlie threat of " Locksley Hall," and forgotten 
civilization for a swartliy bride. 

• -0 


And I must also believe that their sinful condition was much exag- 
gerated by the early settlers. To a party of Boston Puritans landing 
there in 1821, the spectacle of a naked people, and the promiscuous 
association of the sexes, was doubtless a very shocking sight. To one 
accustomed to voyages in uncivilized countries such habits were per- 
fectly natural. To a disciple of Jean Jacques Rousseau these islands 
were then in that ideal state of happy nature to which he would have us 
all return. They were never cannibals. Captain Cook found them a 
simple, friendly, peaceable people. His own death was occasioned by 
a quarrel, in which, on the testimony of his companions, his impetuous 
temper was mostly to blame. Sucli are a few of my personal reminis- 
cences of these beautiful islands, reviewed now hastily after the lapse 
of twenty years, and as the tribute of a former subject to the dynasty 
whose flag floats over the Parker House to-day. 



I HAVE often wondered what would be my impressions should I ever 
revisit those islands where I dwelt for nearly a half-year, some twenty 
years ago, when the present queen was Mrs. Dominis, the graceful wife 
of Mr. John Dominis, governor of dahu and British merchant at Hono- 
lulu. I stood on the high poop-deck o^ the French frigate " Venus" at 
a grand ball, where I had gone at the invitation of Hon. Stephen H. 
Phillips of Salem, then attorney-general of the islands. To look at the 
face of Queen Liliuokalani in repose, any one of us of the stronger yet 
more susceptible sex would have said that it presented nothing to excite 
the wish for a second glance ; but of all the fair women who then moved 
tlu'ough the dance on the great main-deck of the frigate, she is the one 
that, from that moment to the present, retains the strongest hold on my 
memory. Why? It is as impossible to say as to explain that mysteri- 
ous magnetism which draws our affections towards one person and causes 
us to draw backward and inward in the presence of another. 

And yet there is one element common to all the Hawaiian women 
which may give a hint of their power, for we cannot ignore the fact that 
some of the best blood of Boston runs in the veins of their children ; 
that these women, only one degree from barbarism, became the wives 
of men whose education, talents, birth, and breeding would have made 
them welcome partners in many New England families. 

This element is not beauty, but it is grace. As Mrs. Dominis moved 
through the misty mazes of the waltz there was nothing but grace in 
every movement, nought but the most bewitching attraction in every 
smile. She did not dance as the stately court lady : she threw her 
whole heart into the poetry of her motions ; and, whosoever the partner 
opposite to her, you saw that she was in love with him — yes, at every 
glance of her flashing black eyes. I do not think of a woman, unless it 
was the dowager Queen Emma, who was more respected in Honolulu in 
every way at that time than the present deposed Queen of Hawaii. 
When she was in Boston I had the honor of a special invitation to meet 


her at a private reception given by Gov. Ames ; and although twenty 
years makes much difference in the appearance of any one of us, I 
could see a little of that element that had caused her to be so noticeable 
when first we met. 

Queen Emma, who has since died, was a half-caste, or the daughter 
of a native woman by a white father ; her maiden name being 
Emma Rooke. A most lovely woman she was. I spent a most delight- 
ful evening at her house with no other visitors save the kind Hawaiian 
lady who had married my own second cousin, and was one of her 
retainers. Her story is too long to be repeated ; briefly, she married one 
of the glorious old race of the Kamehamehas. He was a noble man 
in every sense of the word, but had a most violent temper, which was 
inherited by their only son, a beautiful boy, and in direct line to the throne. 
One day the boy had an uncontrollable fit of temper; the father, in 
one just as unjustifiable, said he would cool him off, and without further 
warning took the lad and plunged him into stone-cold water, and kept 
him there until he was cooled — so he said. The boy died almost imme- 
diately thereafter, and, according to the physicians, from no other cause. 
This utterly cut off the old historic line, for the Kamehamehas passed 
av, iiv 'ery soon after the little prince was killed. 

^ow differently would one of us manage all these events, were we in 
the place of Fate, Providence, or whatever you please to call the Ruler 
of All ! 

To any superficial observer, nay, to any thoughtful person, it would 
seem as though the woes of Hawaii began when the dynasty of the Kame- 
hamehas failed ; for although this particular monarch was rather unpopu- 
lar with the missionary dynasty, yet none could deny the purity of life 
of the noble couple who sat on the throne ; none could in the least detract 
from that which they were constantly doing for the welfare of their people. 
One of these moves had my strong sympathy : it was their attempt to 
make the English Church (what we would call the Episcopalian Church) 
the established Church of Hawaii. The old orthodoxy had failed to con- 
trol the hearts of the warm-natured island race ; they could not appreciate 
D wight's theology ; Jonathan Edwards, to their ears, was as much a mys- 
tery as to us the silent lips of the Egyptian sphinx ; the necessity of never 
going unclothed, even in the hottest of tropic suns ; the total depravity of 
a good swim indulged in by both sexes, just as our boys and girls are 
now skating together, — all these were to the native mind unexplainable, 
and somehow Puritanism had only succeeded in impressing them on the 
people to the same extent as that historic hostler had convinced his horse 


that shavings contained as much nutriment as hay : the people accepted 
the inevitable from their Caucassian rulers, and — died. 

Queen Emma saw this. She understood her people. She had all the 
native's love for his land, all the Englishman's traditional love for his 
Church, and she said, " Oh, if I could put this people under the guardian- 
ship of that faith ! Perhaps they may yet learn to love God and to live 
with each other as his children." So the Anglican Church, under Bishop 
Staley, went to the islands. It was what is called the High Church wing ; 
and from one of its priests. Rev. Father Turner, I have heard some of 
the clearest and best statements of catholic truth which ever met my 
attention. It was one of the prettiest little churches I ever attended, 
and I was there a constant worshipper. But the mission was not a great 
success ; there is now, I believe, a larger, finer house of worship, yet the 
Hawaiian people, for whom the beautiful queen introduced that form of 
the Christian faith, have never to any great extent been benefited by its 

When the queen visited this country. Rear Admiral Henry Knox 
Thatcher, one of the noblest of our ancient navy, grandson of General 
Knox, was ordered to take her and her suite from San Francisco to the 
Hawaiian islands on his flagship, the '^ Vanderbilt." She won the gallant 
old sailor's heart as easily as she had captured mine ; and not only his, 
but those of his wife and daughter, who were on board. " How ? On board 
a naval vessel? " asks some stickler for government discipline. Yes, the 
gallant admiral told me, with a sly twinkle in his eye, how this would be 
managed, and such was the fact : the accommodating queen simply took 
the two ladies as members of her suite ; and the admiral's orders from his 
government directed him to convey the " queen and suite," and " a sailor, 
you know," said he, " always obeys orders." The same sweet simplicity 
of manners which I noticed, even when grief had clouded her brow, was 
there then. Naturally she sat next the admiral at the table, and one day 
there came up the question of the color of some unimportant matter. 
" Is it as black as I am?" asked the royal lady, without the slightest 
show of sensitiveness as to the fact that she was not of the purest strain. 
In care and love for her people — for much of the old feudal loyalty 
was left when we met — and in literary recreations, the queen herself told 
me that she found life still very dear. 

Upon a nation incompetent to govern itself there would seem to be 
forced one of two alternatives, — to be ruled by aliens, or to be subject to 
anarchy. Before the advent of the white race the people were apparently 
in clans or tribes, under similar forms of government to that of the North 


American Indian. Nominally united under Kamehameha the Great, the 
real power was the missionary dynasty, which ruled the nation without 
interruption, save an occasional clash with the Roman Catholics, up to 
fifty years ago. Judged by their public record, these old heroes — for 
they were noble, well-meaning men — were firm believers in the union 
of Church and State. The community was governed as Moses governed 
the Hebrews. The dress, amusements, baths, food, drink, habits of the 
people, were all prescribed for them, and the New Englander not only 
believed in the laws founded on the Pentateuch, but believed in their 

The two most notable rulers were King Hiram and my Lord Judd, as 
we irreverent sailors called Rev. Hiram Bingham and Dr. Judd. I think 
there are descendants of the former now at the islands, and that if I 
should go there to-day I would find in the present chief justice the son of 
the old doctor, whom I had occasion to consult as a most intelligent 
young lawyer when I was in mercantile life on shore at Oahu. If one 
admires Cromwell and Knox, no better exponents of their character could 
be named than the two above mentioned. Mr. Bingham was an inmate of 
my father's house as a visitor when I was younger, and sang ' ' From 
Greenland's icy mountains " to us in the Kanaka tongue, while with wide- 
open mouths we children looked into the stranger's face, and wondered 
at the uncouth sounds that came from his capacious lungs, used to open- 
air preaching amongst the mountains of Hawaii. As Dr. Judd was the 
agent and manager of a sugar plantation, I was often brought into con- 
tact with him, and in private life he was a most gentle, attractive man. 

True to his early vows, often did I see him with a Chinese servant 
beside him, to whom, while awaiting a business call, he was teaching the 
letters of the English language. And, glorious old hero ! what did he 
do when the government archives were in danger in 1843? Who but a 
Puritan, — a friend with his God, — believing that no superstition, nothing 
but his own sin, could harm him, would have thought of such a course ? 
He took the invaluable record books and rushed to the royal tombs ; there, 
free from interference from the native element, by reason of that long- 
inherited dread of the bodies of the dying and dead common to many 
people, equally free from the minions of Lord George Paulet, because 
they would never have thought of such a bureau of administration of 
government, the grand old man lived day and night, lying down to take 
his rest between the coffins, and by day using one for his table and 
another for his writing-desk. And it is the descendants of such men as 
these — for I have cited but two examples — that now constitute the 


Provisional Government; surely they cannot be treated as ambitious, 
political revolutionists, greedy for self-aggrandizement. 

Yet it is a little singular that the most determined opponents of the 
early tyranny — for it was a tyranny more absolute than that of Russia 

— were the monarchical governments of Europe. The Puritanic powers 
had a way, whenever a French priest appeared, of doing just as our fore- 
fathers did in New England. They simply seized, not his property, for 
he had none — they seized him. What next? Not so far away was 
Mexico, a Roman Catholic land. They selected a brig, took the reverend 
fathers on board, and told the captain to put them ashore anywhere on 
the coast of Mexico. This was the summary manner in which the spread 
of the Roman Catholic faith was slightly obstructed for some years. 
But soon France, the eldest daughter of the Church, a nation which, in 
spite of our view of her, gained from Parisian romancers, has in the past 
given more for missions than all the other nations of Europe combined 

— France simply said that her citizens, whatever their faith, should not 
be thus treated. She did more than speak, she sent a frigate there 
(the "Artemesie"), who opened her gun ports and gave the missionary 
party just so long to receive the Roman Catholic missionaries on the 
same terms of religious equality as that enjoyed by the New England 

It was not until 1840 that the kingdom had any constitution at all. 
The despotism of which our own people were the executors was the rule ; 
and when the then ruling king, Kamehameha III., granted a constitution, 
it was based on that of Great Britain, not on that of our own Common- 
wealth. The Church dynasty (and by this I mean that of Messrs. 
Bingham, Judd, and their supporters) was virtually terminated, never 
to regain its old power, by the seizure of the islands by the British 
naval forces in 1843. It would appear from what I have heard of that 
event that there was great similarity between the action of the British 
minister, Mr. Charlton, who was very unfriendly to the United States, 
and that of Minister Stevens in 1893. I think British marines were- 
landed under the same pretext, although I am writing from memory, 
not of those days, but of what I learned of them from those who wit- 
nessed the events. Then, as now, the reigning monarchy was deposed 
for some months, when the King was re-instated, and I have always 
understood that this was done by the representatives of Great Britain, 
France, and the United States of America ; that here was a formal recog- 
nition of Hawaii as an independent nation, and that the three great 
powers above named bound themselves by solemn treaty, deposited in 


the royal archives of the infant government at the Island Kingdom, that 
neither one of them should ever destroy the liberty, limit the independ- 
ence, or become the owners of the national life of the one then and there 
admitted to their fraternity. If this is true, were that treaty now found, 
it seems to me it ought to have some bearing on the present imbroglio. 
I am going out to the islands, and will immediately forward to you a 
clear, type-written copy of that treaty, made on my own machine, and 
guaranteed to be faithfully a transcript of the original document. The 
treaty is fifty years old, but I believe that one treaty is good until 
another is made. 




San Francisco, January 3, 1894. 

No recent arrival from Hawaii, but revenue steamer " Corwin" hourly 
expected. Many merchants in this city could give unquestionable evi- 
dence, such as Hon. Horace Davis, ex-member Congress ; Hon. Charles 
R. Bishop, for years and still the Hawaiian banker ; H. W. Severance, 
for many years consul there ; W. H. Bailey, the largest single owner of 
plantations ; W. H. Dimond, late superintendent of Mint, and of the 
oldest shipping-house in the trade. Commissioner Blount declined to 
hear such witnesses, and entirely ignored San Francisco. He remained 
here but five hours, not even stopping at any hotel. The feeling is 
universal that he was sent as an attorney to make out a prearranged 
case,- and returned with object attained. His Southern sympathies led 
him to oppose Boston families. No doubt whatever exists that he abso- 
lutely declined, both here and at Honolulu, to hear evidence from such 
men as those I name, even though some went from here to Hawaii 
with express purpose to give evidence. Annexation is contrary to the 
pecuniary interests of the sugar-planters, because sugar cannot be 
raised at a profit, except by Chinese or Japanese contract labor, which 
is forbidden by our statutes. Why, then, desire it? Because no other 
course appears possible by which provisional government can be trans- 
formed into permanent government. Those now ruling Hawaii do not 
desire dominion or power ; yet how can their successors be chosen, and 
by whom shall they be elected? If vote were now taken, the Queen 
would be restored. Feudal loyalty in the Hawaiian race would insure the 
election of one of their blood. For like reason, the suffrage question 
will always be troublesome. The first move of Liliuokalani, if restored, 
would be the disfranchisement of whites. This was proposed by her 
abrogation of constitution, and this act, more than any other one move, 
was what precipitated revolution. Excepting Spreckels, men here are 
a unit that she shall never rule again. The labor question is that which 
makes him royalist. 



San Francisco, January 6, 1894. 

The revenue cutter " Corwin " from Honolulu arrived yesterday, but 
the captain refuses to answer a question, will not allow a Hawaiian 
newspaper to be delivered, nor give the date of leaving the islands. 

President Cleveland's course has cost him many friends on this coast. 
The only partisans of his I know here are the Spreckels. Mr. J. D. 
Spreckels tells me to-day that the revolution was exactly what the Pres- 
ident, in his official message, asserts, and further, that the whole trouble 
is owing to the McKinley Bill. He says that the planters thought the 
United States would readily assent to annexation ; that the bill gives a 
bounty of forty dollars a ton on sugar produced on American soil ; that 
the plantations raise from 300 to 14,000 tons of sugar each, and that to 
gain this profit was the sole motive of those now represented by the 
Provisional Government. He believes that the sugar-planters of the 
islands cared nothing for the Queen's character, nor had any reason to 
complain of her government, for just as soon as she found the constitu- 
tion she had proposed not acceptable, she promptly and cheerfully with- 
drew it. 

Mr. Spreckels assures me that annexation would ruin every planter on 
the island, for the sugar is now cultivated and the cane cut by Japanese, 
who work on a three or five years' contract. Thus the planter knows 
just what his sugar will cost him ; but if subject to the tyranny of labor 
organizations and strikes, he would soon have to retire from business. 
Labor is the largest item in sugar culture. Without the sugar bounty, 
Mr. Spreckels is positive that there would have been no revolution. He 
claims that the Provisional Government has been just as arbitrary on 
their side as President Cleveland has been on his, and instances the 
fact that when the commission went to Washington to put annexation 
through, the Queen prayed to be allowed to send one commissioner on 
the steamer, the cost of which was drawn from her treasury, which 
request was refused. 

But no person yet has been able to tell me any plan by which the gov- 
ernment can be transformed into a republic, even with a limited suf- 
frage, and this is the agonizing problem of the day at Hawaii. 



San Francisco, January li, 1894. 

In solving the problem of the future at Hawaii a small party here, 
represented by Spreckels, would like to see the islands independent, 
■either under the restored monarchy or a republic, with extremely limited 
suffrage. Those in sympathy with the Provisional Government do not 
believe this feasible, because any half-caste demagogue can control a 
large majority of the Hawaiian people, and thus plunge the nation into 
anarchy for selfish ends. 

These would like a protectorate, always supposing that annexation, 
their first choice, is rejected. They would be willing to rule in the name 
of some stronger power, to be responsible to that power on the one hand 
and to the Hawaiian settlement of natives and foreigners on the other . 

In this way they could still make their own laws as to the introduction 
of contract laber, which of late years comes mostly from Japan, and is 
a vital question. Should they be successful in negotiating for a pro- 
tectorate, the settlement of the labor question would secure them the 
Spreckels party as allies, for with him it is chiefly a pecuniary issue. 

I have had peculiar facilities to obtain the sentiments of the naval 
oflScers. The Boston, Mohican, Alert, and Monterey are at Mare Island. 
In support of President Cleveland's policy there is more difference of 
opinion here than in the mercantile circle. But intense loyalty to the 
Chief Executive is characteristic of the navy. " I'm for the President, 
whether he is right or wrong," exclaimed one* high in command to me ; 
" for whatever he has done, or is doing, he has a good reason, you may 
be sure of that, and if he hadn't, that's none of my business." 



*' Alkali rock and sage ; " such description of the California poet and 
novelist, Bret Harte, must impress itself forcibly upon the tourist who 
crosses the continent on the Pacific Railroad. Was there ever a more 
forbidding, a more desolate, country? And yet man has conquered its 
difficulties ; his indomitable will has not only constructed this long line 
of road, over which we smoothly glide, but before the iron horse had 
crossed these plains he was, here urged on by thirst for gold or buoyed 
up by religious enthusiasm ; he followed the sun in its course westward, 
until he descended the Sierra Nevadas where they slope to the Golden 
Gate ; that is, unless he was of the flock of the great Mormon leader, 
and stayed his pilgrimage or rested his weary limbs on the borders of 
the Great Salt Lake. 

But while other men have labored, the traveller of to-day has entered 
into their labors, and in his easy-riding car, or reclining in the almost 
luxurious berth, he dines in Boston on Tuesday, reaching the western 
limit of his journey just as the church-going bell is from yonder tower 
summoning by its chimes the faithful to the worship of God. ^^'Adeste 
Jideles!" (oh, come all ye faithful!) such was the greeting which wel- 
comed me to the city of San Francisco on this my fourth visit to the 
Pacific Slope. 

The trip across is not without its dangers and attractions even to this 

day. Of the former let me say but little : there is no such word as 

danger to one in the path of duty ; the pleasures of reading the great book 

of human nature can be leisurely enjoyed, where one feels that no time is 

lost and no duty neglected by the time devoted to its most careful study. 

Of Hawaiian affairs, it would scarce be imagined that I could write you 

much that is new. The " Corwin '' is daily expected, and will bring from 

thence the latest advices. Yet there are those in San Francisco who 

have been so closely identified with the islands for many years that what 

they say may be accepted as evidence in this perplexing case. It is to 

be regretted that Mr. Blount did not recognize their wish and privilege 

to be heard. How did the commissioner treat them ? He simply ignored 

their existence. Instead of taking time in this city to listen to men of 


good judgment, removed from the temptation to serve private interests 
by identifying themselves with either party, Mr. Blount drove from the 
depot to the steamer on which, in five hours' time, he was on the way to 
the seat of war. There, his course was not unlike that of the attorney 
who makes out a case for a client : he heard those he wished to hear, 
and summoned none others. A gentleman who had large interests there, 
and who was, by marriage, of royalist connection, went to Honolulu for 
the express purpose of stating his views ; but there was little opportunity 
to do so ; a certain formal set of questions were propounded, to which 
the briefest replies were taken by the commissioner's stenographer. 

Who are the reigning family ? The trouble began with Kalakaua ; it 
culminated in his sister, Mrs. Dominis, now the deposed Queen / 
Liliuokalani ; its success deprives of the succession to the throne her 
niece. Miss Cleghorn, the Princess Kaiulanl. Up to thirty years ago 
there were two houses of Parliament, — the nobles nominated for life 
by the sovereign, the representatives chosen by the people. Later con- 
stitutions restricted this right of creating peers to six years, and consoli- 
dated the two houses into one legislative assembly. Kalakaua was an 
extravagant and weak-minded king, and (it is said) virtually relapsed 
into paganism ; but when his sister succeeded him, she came to the throne 
under favorable auspices, yet firmly resolved to show more of the mon- 
archical spirit than her predecessor, and restore the rights of sovereignty 
which recent constitutions had made more and more limited. She had the 
right to appoint ministers, but these could only be removed by the vote 
of the Assembly. The first act by which she alienated the affections 
of good men was by securing the removal of a ministry in which all 
had confidence, and appointing one of those of less purity and force of 
character. Her next mistake was the lottery bill, which was not a 
measure by which she was to be in any way profited, other than that the 
government would receive a fee for license. The real culprits here were, 
doubtless, those who have so long had their headquarters at New 
Orleans. The next move was the change in the constitution restoring 
old prerogatives, and at this attempt the monarchy was overthrown. 

Annexation to the United States was the natural alternative, not as 
the result of conspiracy, but simply because such has been the long- 
cherished wish of many of the residents for years. It was always dis- 
cussed ; it was by many ardently advocated ; and this seemed to be the 
time to propose it as a solution of the enigma of the future. Minister 
Stevens could not have done his duty to his government did he not con- 
sider it as the all-important question, and, so far as a representative 
abroad may advise the Executive, had he not clearly and frankly 


expressed his oflScial opinion as to its possibility and expediency. It is 
not necessary to believe that he was a conspirator. It is far more 
probable that he was a sincerely honest man, acting for the best interests 
of his country. Nor is this at all inconsistent with the allegation that 
the landing of the marines from the " Boston " was a mistake. Strife is 
usually a succession of mistakes, and it would be well for us to stop right 
here and ask what is to be done, rather than to spend our time in the 
attempt to make political capital out of the mistakes of our brethren. 

Who are the parties wronged by the Provisional Government? Not 
the native people : the men now in power have for years been the 
best friends of the natives, and will remain such ; and yet just here 
would be the place to state the diflSculty of submitting the question of 
their continuance in power to a popular vote. Led by those who repre- 
sent royalty, the vote of Hawaii, if taken to-day, would, without the 
shadow of a doubt, restore to the throne the deposed Queen. How, 
then, can this be changed? By only one compromise, which would be 
to pension the Queen, and then to have her throw her influence in favor 
of the new republic. This v^ould be by far the best solution of the 
diflSculty ; but it disinherits the charming young lady who won our gal- 
lant President's heart, and received the sweet sympathies of his amiable 
wife. Beauty in tears appeals to our gallantry, and the man who now 
and then finds himself led into foolishness by yielding thereto is far 
happier, far more easily forgiven, than he who can listen unmoved to a 
story that should touch his heart. Princess Kaiulani is a sweet and 
charming girl. Those of us who know the charms of these dark-eyed 
Hawaiian houris can perhaps explain the most easily the sudden with- 
drawal of a treaty which would have deprived her of her inheritance. 
Her guardian, Mr. Davies, is an astute British politician, and from the 
British has come and still comes the most obstinate objection to the 
supremacy of the United States at the island kingdom. Even after the 
republic is organized, should such be the solution, the diflSculty of pop- 
ular suffrage is a most serious one, for the native element, numerically 
the largest, will always be a tool in the hands of designing politicians. 
A property qualification for voting appears undemocratic, and yet that 
is about the only way of securing a legislative assembly which will have 
at heart the best interest of the country. An abdication on the part 
of Queen Liliuokalani, with immediate appointment of the Princess 
Kaiulani, was at one time advocated as the best solution of the affair. 
This would continue the monarchical form of government, yet under a 
queen of whom all speak in the warmest terms of a praise that is 



I HAD supposed that at the time of the seizure of the Hawaiian islands 
by Sir George Paulet, and the British occupation of 1843, the treaty 
powers — Great Britain, France, and the United States — were bound to 
keep hands off for all time ; but I have received the following letter from 
a legal gentleman of this city, which would seem to correct my impression. 
He says : — 

" I have examined the treaties of the United States, and there is no 
such treaty with Hawaii as you supposed. The first treaty in the books 
is that of 1849, a long one. In this, Articles 8 and 9 give our citizens 
full rights to buy lands and houses, reside and do business in the kingdom, 
enjoy liberty of conscience and exemption from military service, forced 
loans, etc. The treaty of 1875 is one of reciprocity, and Article 4 
contains the following covenant : — 

" ' It is agreed on the part of his Hawaiian majesty that so long as 
this treaty shall remain in force he will not lease or otherwise dispose of 
or create any lien upon any port, harbor, or other territory in his dominion, 
nor grant any special privilege or rights of use therein to any other 
person, State, or government, nor make any treaty by which any other 
nation shall obtain the same privileges relative to the admission of any 
articles free of duty, hereby assured to the United States.' 

" The treaty of 1884 sustains the former treaties, and also contains 
the grant of an exclusive right to Pearl River on the island of Oahu for a 
repair and coaling station." 

That would appear conclusive ; yet I am still of the opinion that in 
examining the archives of government at Honolulu I shall find some 
evidence of a convention betwixt the representatives of the treaty powers 
by which each one of those powers is bound to sustain the independence 
of Hawaii, even as against the encroachments of the other two. With- 
out abrogation of the above provisions it will even now be impossible for 
President Dole to make terms of protection and reciprocity with Great 

The objections to a protectorate and the opposition to reciprocity have 
always come from the native element in the kingdom, for the Hawaiian 


race have that strong love for their land which is nowhere more conspicu- 
ous than where that land is in any sense under the heel of the stranger. 
In a debate to which I listened in the Hawaiian Parliament, this was 
very noticeable ; the whites, with scarce an exception, speaking on the 
side of reciprocity, and the natives opposing them with arguments 
against conceding more to those numerically in the minority, yet before 
whose stronger intellect and superior executive ability their own people 
were declining as the grass goes down before the scythe of the mower. 
All proceedings in this assembly must be conducted in two languages, 
every speaker's words being repeated by the crown interpreter. At the 
time I visited the islands, this office was held by a half-caste, for whom 
all had the greatest admiration. His equal was not to be found in the 
kingdom, and having been an interpreter myself in at least four modern 
languages, I feel competent to hazard the declaration that it could not 
be surpassed in the world. Not a second's hesitation did he show when 
from the eloquent lips of Hon. Stephen H. Phillips there rolled forth one 
of those paragraphs such as the orators of former days, Everett, Webster, 
or Irving, loved to create. And when one of his own nation arose, and 
with all the native passion poured thick and fast the burning words 
which tyrants quake to hear, not only were they instantly repeated in our 
cooler Saxon, but the very gestures of the speakers were in both instances 
preserved and repeated. Poor Bill Ragsdale ! The last time we met he 
accosted me in the street, and asked for some simple information. He 
was dressed in spotless white cashmere, and a silk handkerchief bound 
across his noble brow showed the cause of his recent sojourn in the 
chain-gang. For, in common witji his people, there were certain matters 
of conduct and of morals where Mr. Ragsdale could not conform to the 
laws of good society, and now and then, when his offence was too rank, 
he was arrested and punished like an ordinary subject. But then the 
chariot wheels of the King dragged heavily, and the halls of debate 
were more stupid to both parties than one of the great stone meeting- 
houses of a long Sunday afternoon. Finally, some member boldly 
moves a free pardon to Mr. William Ragsdale, now serving out a 
sentence for drunkenness and assault ; unanimously carried, signed by 
the King as quickly as a messenger could reach the royal chamber, and 
shortly after, in a clean, an immaculate toilet, Mr. Ragsdale is in the 
interpreter's box, and on the swift-moving current of his fluent speech 
the affairs of the nation resume their interest for the National Assembly. 
His last speech at Honolulu was made under the most touching cir- 
cumstances. Leprosy had seized him. He could have kept it a secret. 


perhaps, for months ; but he arranged all his affairs for a living burial. 
Then, summoning those who had known and loved him during his career, 
he threw the whole force of his passionate soul into a farewell address, 
and strong men wept like babes as he bade them adieu, to remain at the 
leper settlement for the remainder of his days. 

Oh, how much that gives warmth and interest to human life is lost 
by the self-control and the coldness of our Saxon temperament, 
especially in such as that of the inhabitants of Boston ! On a bark in 
which I was interested, there were as passengers two of the suite of 
Queen Emma, a native chieftain and his wife, — about as fine specimens 
of man and woman as any with whom my lot was ever cast. They had 
been travelling in many lands after the return of their royal mistress to 
where the cocoa-palm threw its shadow on her home. Soon after the 
vessel was made fast to the wharf, it was noised abroad that they were 
on board, and their retainers came to welcome them back — with cheers 
and noisy demonstrations ? Oh, no ! Bowing to the deck the moment 
they approached the cabin door, one after another, they bent their heads 
in the presence of their chief. Then, in a most peculiar step, not crawl- 
ing, yet moving along with exquisite grace close to the deck, they came 
in succession to where they could touch the princely hand, and washed 
it with their tears. Never have I seen so sweetly melting a scene. 
Had the grand old Scotchman, Thomas Carlyle, been in my place, he 
would certainly have added another chapter to his " Heroes and Hero 

And this is the people whose nationality we would extinguish. This is 
the people which must yield its soil, its customs, its very life to us, r 
because we are intellectually stronger, and the islands are a necessity 
to the commerce of the world. Examples might be multiplied even to 
weariness. There was the old story of the Hawaiian queen, who, to 
destroy once and forever the faith of the people in the fire-god, made 
the proclamation that she herself would brave P^l^'s anger ; and so, on 
a day when the fires of Mauna Loa were specially rampant, at a time 
when the sea of liquid fire was boiling in Kilauea, she, alone and unpro- 
tected from the flames, went, like Moses, the man of God, down, down 
into the very bowels of the earth, into the sulphurous vapors of the 
seething crater. And the people stood and lamented the sacrifice of the 
royal victim to the spirit of fire, as the maidens in the old story 
mourned for the daughter of Jephthah. But, forth from the altar of 
sacrifice came the triumphant queen, and from that day to the present 
the power of F4\6 over the native mind was gone and gone forever. 


I do not wonder that Father Damien loved this race. It is with no loss 
of dignity that our own brethren mingle with them. They won the hearts 
of such men as James Jackson Jarves, Richard H. Dana, Bishops Staley 
and Hopkins, Charles Warren Stoddard, Edward Clifford, and scores of 
men as intelligent, but whose names are not as widely known. They 
must not be judged by the standard to which the civilized world very 
generally conforms. It is as impossible for some of the best of both 
sexes to realize the turpitude of certain offences against morality, 
as it would be for us to conform with the heart to the Mosaic law 
regarding our food and drink, supposing that a powerful army should 
land in Boston to-day, and force upon us its observance. We might be 
constrained to public compliance in order to avoid arrest, but our con- 
sciences would not reproach us if we ate our oysters or our pork and 
beans in secret. The Hawaiians, even in the pre-European days, were 
never cannibals, or believers in human sacrifices. 

But why should the American people take such an all-absorbing 
interest in the Hawaiian question? There are several very good 
reasons. In the first place, the Provisional Government is made of 
bone of our bone and flesh of our flesh. This is true not only of the 
physical descent of these men ; it is true of the spirit also. There 
lives in the heart of President Dole the very throbs which moved the 
heart of Washington. His supporters but re-echo that cannon-shot, the 
report of which was heard round the world. They are not rebels for 
personal gain against a rule which should be respected ; they are striv- 
ing to supplant misrule with those self-same principles which have made 
this the golden age. 

Again, great battles are won or lost at strategic points, and we cannot 
ignore the fact that Hawaii is the La Haye Sainte on which depends the 
day at Waterloo. By some of those who best knew James G. Blaine 
it is asserted that, although his head lies low in an unmarked grave, his 
soul is marching on to Hawaii. Ex-Minister Stevens is said to be a 
bequest to American diplomacy from the dead Secretary of State. For 
he — Mr. Blaine — had all that love for the acquisition of territory which 
is found in kindred minds — in Alexander, in Napoleon, in those prime 
ministers of Britain who have been determined that the westward 
shadow of the tree-top should never be on other than the dominions of 
the Queen. And so the great chieftain of the Republican party saw, in 
imagination, the day when, from the trade-wind region of the Caribbean 
to the frozen sea of the North, from the Isthmus of Panama to Green- 
land's icy mountains, there should be but one government and but one 


flag — the starry banner — for whose entirety millions had died, whose 
unity does certainly represent principles well worth martyrdom. Then, 
the continent including all climates, producing all that could be needed 
by its inhabitants, the iron wall of protection could be built around us, 
and the arguments of free trade would be sunk in the moat of the 
oceans of the Atlantic and Pacific. Let us once abandon our policy of 
non-interference and non-annexation, and all this will be possible to our 

Against this are arrayed the calm, clear arguments of the able 
Executive who now holds the helm of the ship of state : perfect freedom 
of intercourse with foreign nations, but they shall still be the lands of 
the stranger ; perfect protection to the lives and property of our fellow- 
citizens resident there, as long as they are Americans, but no sides to 
be taken by us in any local quarrel, even if one party is exclusively of 
our own blood. 



In one of the first of my present series of letters mention was made 
of a treaty made some fifty years ago by which it was agreed that 
neither Great Britain, France, nor the United States should ever acquire 
any title to the Hawaiian islands. The occasion of such agreement was 
the forcible occupation of the islands by Sir George Paulet, command- 
ing Her Majesty's ship " Carysfort." The trouble was the alleged 
oppression on the part of the missionary dynasty of British subjects, 
the consul of that kingdom having been rejected in his official capacity ; 
in certain private matters, his property was under civil attachment ; 
further, other British citizens resident there, or mariners, had been 
arrested, confined in irons ; and with that promptness always shown by 
Britain in redressing the wrongs of the humblest of her citizens, the 
guns of a man-of-war were soon in readiness to belch forth the lion's 
wrath upon the offending king. The real offender was, doubtless. 
Dr. G. P. Judd, who was practically the supreme ruler of the kingdom 
at this time. It is from his family that many of the present dynasty 
originate. He had a large family of children. Hon. H. A. P. Carter, 
late Hawaiian minister at Washington, was his son-in-law ; Chief 
Justice Judd of the islands is his son. The British captain declined to 
hold any communication whatsoever with Dr. Judd, and, after a long 
correspondence, a note of four lines informed the government that, at 
four P.M. of the following day, the ship would open fire upon the 
town. The result of this was the provisional cession of the kingdom of 
Hawaii to Great Britain, and its occupation as a colony of that power. 
A protest was made by the King, and forwarded to Washington. 
John Tyler was then President and Daniel Webster Secretary of State. 
.The means of communication were limited to sailing vessels, and the 
J British Government continued in power at the islands from February 25, 
1843, to the following August, when the rear admiral commanding the 
squadron of the Pacific restored to the King his sovereignty. In the 
mean time, Mr. Webster had not been idle, and he, like our honored 


President, sent out a commissioner. But it would appear that Mr. Tyler 
did not assume to appoint this oflScial on his own responsibility, for in 
his letter of instructions there occurs this phrase : ' ' Congress having 
complied with his [the President's] suggestion, by providing for a com- 
missioner to reside at the islands, you have been chosen for that 

These instructions are not unlike those which would be given by an 
executive to such a deputy to-day, for there was much that is parallel in 
the situation : the King was deposed, a Provisional Government was 
ruling wisely and well. 

But, while there is no record that the home government ever disowned 
the acts of her navy, or that she ever in the least apologized for the 
occupation of the island kingdom, it is certain that it was made an 
international question between herself and her always jealous neighbor, 
France. It is further certain that from that day to the present, what- 
ever the reigning family at Hawaii, no power has been more respected 
than that of Great Britain, and to none of her subjects or officials has 
the least indignity been offered. 

What the position of the United States was then and thereafter I am, 
at this writing, unable to state ; but my assertion was correct in regard 
to the action of both Great Britain and France ; and I now have the 
satisfaction to subjoin a copy made from official records of the con- 
' vention, by which the present Provisional Government are forever 
debarred against placing themselves under the patronage or protectorate 
of Her Majesty, the Queen. This, it seems, could only be effected if 
France were invited to be a party to the arrangement, and her consent 
was made a part of the cession. This she will not willingly give. She 
now holds the Society Islands. Tahiti is her Pacific Ocean coaling and 
naval station. She will doubtless insist on the validity of this convention, 
and not fail to notice that the word "never" means ^^ jamais, '^ and it 
cannot be otherwise translated. Therefore, in our ancient ally of 1776, 
we have a bondsman that Great Britain cannot raise permanently the 
cross of St. George in Hawaii. 

Here is the treaty to which I referred : — 

Declaration of Great Britain and France relative to the Independence of 
the Sandwich Islands, London, November 28, 1843, 

Her Majesty, the Queen of the United Kingdom of Great Britain 
and Ireland, and His Majesty, the King of the French, taking into con- 
sideration the existence in the Sandwich Islands of a government 
capable of providing for the regularity of its relations with foreign 


nations, have thought it right to engage reciprocally to consider the 
Sandwich Islands as an independent State, and never to take possession^ 
either directly or under the title of protectorate, or under any other form, 
of any part of the territory of which they are composed. . 

The undersigned. Her Majesty's principal Secretary of State for 
Foreign Affairs and the Embassador Extraordinary of His Majesty, the 
King of the French, at the Court of London, being furnished with the 
necessary powers, hereby declare, in consequence, that their said Majes- 
ties take reciprocally that engagement. 

In witness thereof, the undersigned have signed the present declara- 
tion, and have aflSxed thereto the seal of their arms. 

Done in duplicate at London, the twenty-eighth day of November, in 

the year of our Lord 1843. 


St. Aulaire. 

While not exactly a treaty, this has all its binding force, and I was 
certainly not far from truth, when it is considered that I was writing' 
solely from memory. Brother Miner may conclusively demonstrate to 
me that Gehenna was no more than the Scriptural synonyme for Chelsea, 
being, in fact, but a suburb of Jerusalem. I shall still hold, as I 
always have held, that if there is no hell in that life which is to come, 
I shall be perfectly able to construct one for myself, providing I have 
failed in my duty in the present warfare of the life that now is. 
Further, unless the gift of memory is withdrawn, that hell with me will 
be everlasting, for I shall never be able to forget. In thirty years' mis- 
cellaneous contributions to the press, often severely attacked, the essen- 
tial truth of my statements has never been impeached. 

The great question which now stares the Provisional Government in 
the face is this : " How can the community over which we are unchal- 
lenged rulers be transformed from a temporary government into a per- 
manent government? How, and by whom, shall our successors be 
elected or named?" 

The wisest men, those most interested for the prosperity and peace of 
the islands, fervent Christian men, who wrestle in prayer to God with 
all the solemnity so well described by Macaulay in his essay on the 
Puritans, read that question, and with a little less than agony in their 
tones, reply, — 

" I cannot answer ; God only knows ; it is the great, the serious 
question of the present ; it is the great shadow in the portentous future." 

The American people cannot understand nor appreciate this terrible 
dilemma, for it is now causing wakeful nights to hundreds of our own 


flesh and blood, and nearly driving to insanity their loving wives. 
Why? They have taken the bull by the horns — that unreasonable 
creature now representing the uneducated people. They are strong 
enough to hold him, but when, how, and what, if they in the least relax 
their hold ? 

This is the sole reason for which many of them desire annexation. 
"We will let go any minute," say they; "we do not wish for power, 
position, or dominion ; just take us and those we now control as national 
wards, and make your own terms for the cession." 

Annexation is against the pecuniary interests of the planters, for the 
reason that sugar cannot be raised there without the cheap contract labor 
of the Asiatic. This can, under our statutes, be no longer admitted. 
But without the intervention of a superior power, must it not be forever 
an armed despotism, the government by an aristocratic minority of a 
great ignorant majority ? When the native of Europe emigrates to our 
land, if not in the first, at farthest at the second generation, he desires 
to learn of our principles and institutions. The Hawaiian is not unlike 
the Chinaman : he has all the indolence of the tropical races, and even 
were it granted, he cannot in a republic of universal suffrage be trusted 
with a vote, which counts exactly the same as that of President Dole. 
If the question were now put to vote, the present deposed queen would be 
restored by an overwhelming majority. Her first oflScial act would doubt- 
less be to repeat the attempt which cost her the throne. This was the 
virtual disfranchisement of the white population. These men own 
millions of property there which represent the work not only of a single 
lifetime, but of generations. Could they, ask their San Francisco corre- 
spondents, submit to taxation with no representation ? 

This reminds me to reiterate my assertion that Commissioner Blount 
most certainly treated San Francisco with most shabby and inexcusable 
neglect. Such men as Hon. Horace Davis, president of the Flour Trust 
of the coast, formerly member of Congress and supporter of Cleveland's 
silver policy ; Hon. Charles R. Bishop, for years the George Peabody of 
Hawaii, whose wife was one of the old Kamehamehas ; Hon. H. W. Sever- 
ance, for two generations holding high office under government, his father 
being a resident commissioner and the United States consul ; General 
W. H. Dimond, late superintendent of United States Mint and Hawaiian 
shipping merchant, and many others, while resident here, have immense 
interests at stake — the two last-named were born at Hawaii. Now Mr. 
Blount utterly ignored San Francisco in his investigation, and the citizens 
here are practically a unit that he was sent out as an attorney to make a 


prearranged case for President Cleveland's side, and absolutely refused 
to hear anything which should militate against that specific case. There 
is not the least doubt of the truth of the assertion that men high in power 
and influence almost begged him to hear them, and that he was firm in 
his refusal to allow them to appear. 

This course of Mr. Blount's has made the President enemies in the very 
house of his friends, and those who once believed in him now boldly 
impeach his motives. I said to one of these — his former supporters — 
yesterday, that we must judge our honored Executive by his public 
utterances, and that certainly his message on this very matter was a clear, 
cool, and masterly statement of his policy, containing not the least hint of 
armed interference ; to which the reply was made that this message was 
a mere afterthought ; that it was Mr. Cleveland's purpose to use all the 
naval power of the United States to reseat a corrupt queen upon a rotten 
throne. This is excessively unjust to one of the best Presidents that has 
ever lived in the White House ; but this is a sample of the criticisms to 
which Mr. Blount has subjected him. The only safe man to send there 
would have been one acquainted with the history and peculiarities of the 
island race and their rulers. I am certain that, had I not lived there and 
kept up for twenty years past my acquaintance with them, I could never 
have understood the situation. There are some humorous phases of the 
matter. That the paragrapher should play upon the fascinations of 
Miss Cleghorn, and depict the sweet sympathy offered to the Princess 
Kaiulani by the amiable Mrs. Cleveland, would appear but natural ; but 
it would surprise Eastern people to know how general is the impression 
amongst those who recognize the peculiar attractiveness of the Hawaiian 
race that this sweet, good, and beautiful girl of eighteen has more to do 
with our dilemma than is ordinarily credited to her agency or to her 
visit to Washington. 



When we were boys, we availed ourselves of a neighboring heap of 
bricks for a very innocent sport : this consisted in placing on end a long 
line of these, if possible in intricate windings, then touching the first 
one erected, and seeing the one fall on the other in the speedy toppling 
over of them all. Now, a mistake is very like that first brick : the only 
way to avoid the fall of the last is never to touch the first. The 
Hawaiian business is a series of blunders, apparently on the one side and 
on the other ; but, with all their selfishness, Messrs. J. D. Spreckels 
& Co. have presumed to name to me the initial mistake. Shall we ever 
get to the end of the mischief worked by the McKinley Bill? Mr. 
Spreckels is positive that had that measure never been initiated, there 
would have been no revolution at Hawaii. Let us first have an intro- 
duction to this great mercantile establishment. In brief, who are they ? 

Years ago, when I was residing at San Francisco, Claus Spreckels, the 
father, was an honest brewer, doing business in a very small way on one 
of the by-streets of this great city ; but it seems in his native land he had 
also understood something of the process of refining sugar. There was 
a good-sized refinery in operation there at that time. But Mr. Spreckels 
had a secret of his own by which he could take the sugar that the rival 
establishment used, refine it, and put it on the market at one cent a 
pound cheaper than that produced by his neighbor, all the time making 
a profit for himself. In due time he drove his rival to treat with him 
as a purchaser, and became sole proprietor of the business for the Pacific 
Coast. Sugar could not be imported to compete with him, for the 
cost of transportation would render it too dear a commodity. Now, 
Mr. Spreckels had only to employ clerks to figure out the daily growth 
of his business and the increasing amount of his bank account. But he 
was not satisfied with having forced the inhabitants west of the Rocky 
Mountains to depend on him for every drop of sweetness in their cups, 
he went to Philadelphia and tried the same tactics, and soon the sugar 
magnates of the East found themselves in the same position as that in 
which he had placed the California refinery : that one cent a pound 
meant bankruptcy to them and profit to Mr. Spreckels. Either they 
must buy his refinery in Philadelphia, or they must sell him theirs at a 


tremendous loss. For a long time Mr. Spreckels refused to treat with 
them ; but, finally, five millions, which they raised to pay their rival's 
passage back to San Francisco, brought him to terms, and he returned 
to California. 

But here his restless energy did not tire. He bought lands at Hawaii, 
until he was not only the largest refiner in the world, but the largest 
producer of sugar. He sent to Philadelphia and built ocean-going 
steamships in which to bring his raw materials, so that he literally pays 
no profit to any one but the firm of J. D. Spreckels & Co. The New 
Zealand Government pays him a large subsidy a year to continue 
the route of his ships past the islands to Auckland. He became friends 
with the Hawaiian Government at once, and got the crown lands for a 
song. To make use of his name to show his standing, he certainly has 
his Claus on everything there from which a dollar can be realized. The 
firm consists of the father and some three or four sons. It is organized 
as the Hawaiian Commercial Company, and as J. D. Spreckels & Co., but 
under whatever name he operates, his profits are just as sure and sweet. 

Years ago, in times similar to the present, a relief committee went to 
a Boston merchant, who shall be nameless, for a subscription. He 
received them courteously, but responded, " Why, gentlemen, I cannot 
afford it. All my investments are paying less now, and I have $200,000 
lying right round in the State Street banks which amount does not pay 
me a dollar." How much, on the testimony of his own broker, had Mr. 
Spreckels in like position, think you ? About seven millions. One son re- 
belled about something in the management of the business, and the people 
thought they were to have all the private history of the concern in the 
columns of their morning papers ; but, within a day or two, when the 
case was called for ti'ial, a long list of lawyers came smiling to the bar, 
and each and every interest waived further proceedings, saying that all 
had been amicably settled. Further, no one of them, nor their clients, 
will give the least information as to what the arrangement was. 
Mr. J. D. Spreckels, the manager-in-chief, is, socially and in business, 
one of the most agreeable men to meet. He has a way of going at once 
\ to the bottom of things, and, without any equivocation, stating the very 
root or ground of the matter in dispute. And so, in the present troubles 
at Hawaii, he says that it requires but a glance at the McKinley Bill to 
define the cause of the revolt. That unfortunate measure offered a 
bounty of two cents a pound on sugar grown on American soil. The 
planters thought that the United States would eagerly embrace their 
offer of annexation ; then all the plantations became instantly American 
soil, and each planter would be entitled to the bounty on his whole crop 


of sugar. Now, as I write, I foresee the scorn of those who would 
sneer at a profit of one cent a pound ; but let them figure it out as, in 
our schooldays, we figured the cost of the horse whose price was fixed 
by the number of nails in his shoes. It was one cent a pound which 
forced the California refinery into the hands of its rival ; it was one 
cent a pound which obliged the Sugar Trust to raise five millions ; it is 
two cents a pound which has made revolution in Hawaii, and embarrassed 
two successive administrations at Washington. There are no small 
things in life. Let us see to how much it amounts : the plantations 
produce from three hundred to fourteen thousand tons of sugar annually ; 
therefore a fair average would be a plantation of seventy-five hundred 
tons. Two cents a pound is, on the short ton, forty dollars per ton, 
and for seventy-five hundred tons, this makes an annual difference in 
the balance-sheet of the planter of just $300,000 in his favor. And 
when you realize that this is no monopoly, that, from the small investor 
to the large owner, the return will come in like proportion, you begin to 
see why the commission bearing the annexationists was hurried off to 
Washington by the unanimous voice of the sugar interests. Queen 
Liliuokalani begged and prayed to be allowed to send one commissioner 
on the steamer, the cost of whose coal was paid out of her royal treas- 
ury, but she was flatly refused this privilege. Had the President's eyes 
been opened to the immense interests at stake when those men were 
urging him to favor annexation, perhaps the good sense of Benjamin 
Harrison would have prevailed, and his message to Congress would 
have been couched in other terms. Mr. Spreckels thinks that the cool, 
clear head of Grover Cleveland has seen through all the professions of 
patriotism and Americanism on the part of the revolutionists, that our 
present honored Executive is right from first to last, and that gain, 
desired for gain and nothing else, was the cause of the seizure of the 
government of the Hawaiian kingdom by those now in power. 

The annexationists had supported their views by those opinions of our 
Presidents and statesmen which have for years appeared in messages or 
reports of the Secretary of State, notably the words of Daniel Webster. 
But they failed to remember that the dream of such men was to see the 
United States a great commercial nation, while it has become, under 
the management of those who have excluded foreign-built ships from the 
privileges of our flag at a time when the building material was changing 
from wood to iron, a country of no commercial importance. The annexa- 
tionists are confined to the New England States and to the Pacific sea- 
board ; they may have some allies in New York. Who are their 
opponents? First, the long-established conservative policy of the 


country, which has always declined to receive, even as Territories, foreign 
colonies. It was this, and this alone, which defeated the cession to the 
Union of Samana Bay, San Domingo, in General Grant's administration. 
The South might have favored that move ; it must oppose this because 
Hawaii, by its products, becomes a rival to Louisiana and Georgia. Is 
it surprising that Mr. Blount of Georgia should advise the President to 
recall the annexation treaty ? Then there is the great West, settled by 
a people who have no idea whatsoever of commerce or navigation, many 
of whom never saw the ocean, all of whom care absolutely nothing for 
ships and sailors. I remember once hearing a distinguished preacher 
say that the armor of indifference was the hardest phase of resistance to 
overcome. To this we may add the Sugar Trust, who, having been 
already severely worsted in their contest with Spreckels, will certainly 
oppose anything which gives an • additional advantage to the power 
which now owns one-third the surgar-growing lands of Hawaii. Those 
lands becoming American soil, with the McKinley bounty, it is not 
impossible that the indefatigable German might be able to refine his 
sugar at Honolulu, or send it by steam around Cape Horn in its raw 
state, thus using the five-million payment to torment his old rivals. 

To all these influences against annexation there is but one element in 
opposition which may be considered at all powerful ; it is this : the strife 
between the great political parties. Should the Republicans make the 
question a test of loyalty to Ex- President Harrison, and the Democrats be 
equally firm that the course of President Cleveland must be sustained, a 
general victory of the first-named at the next presidential election would 
mean annexation for the Hawaiian islands should these then desire it. 

If the Provisional Government's rule should be as satisfactory in the 
future as it has been hitherto, it is not impossible that we may experi- 
ence the truth of the old rhyme, — 

** He who will not when he may, 
When he will shall have * Nay.' " 

For annexation, as Mr. Spreckels tells me, involves the islands in 
trouble as soon as the present labor contracts have expired. Of late 
years the largest supply to the Hawaiian labor market has come from 
Japan, the sugar plantations being now largely cultivated by natives of 
that empire. Their mother country would relish excessively the addition 
of these islands to her domain. It would afford her a glorious oppor- 
tunity to rid herself of her superfluous population, and her laboring 
class would be sure of employment the moment she landed them at 
Honolulu. She has one man-of-war on that station. 



It is surprising to one who dwells in that democratic ward to notice 
how little many Bostonians know of the part of Boston lying toward 
the sea, easterly from Post Offipe Square. As one of my windows 
looks on to the long flight of stone steps which mounts to the acme of 
the politician's ambition, — the collector's seat of the Boston Custom 
House, — visitors frequently demand of me the name of that beautiful 
stone building. 

Years ago there were three buildings in Boston, of which it was 
said, at the time of their erection, that they would stand until the day 
of judgment should dawn. These were the Boston Custom House, the 
Merchants' Exchange, and the building standing at the corner of Battery- 
march and Milk Streets. The two latter have already been removed, 
and it will not be many years before the first-named must follow its 
contemporaries. The day of small, low buildings has passed away. 

There were many reminiscences of the Exchange. There will be 
many of the Custom House, with its half- century or more of political 
associations ; but I have failed to see any in print of the site of the 
new Exchange Club, the home of which is rapidly approaching comple- 
tion. Yet on that place was the grandest mercantile house which ever 
existed in this city, managed by a merchant whose executive ability was, 
in the opinion of his compeers, second to none in the world. 

To go back farther still, in the early part of the present century, 
opposite Merchants Row, on State Street, was Deacon Proctor's hard- 
ware store. My father entered it as little more than a boy. The 
deacon's theology was as cold and unyielding as the material which 
formed the basis of his stock in trade. It was not unusual — in fact, 
it was the general rule in 1830 — for a mercantile house to be either 
Unitarian or Orthodox, and in hiring help, even, to the errand boy, the 
religious affiliations of the applicant were first considered. If these 
were contrary to the principles of the house, that settled negatively the 
application, whatever other testimonials of fitness might be offered. 


The concern passed through many changes of title. Proctor, Palmer 
& Co., Proctor, Palmer & Felt, Proctor, Butler & Co., Butler, Keith & 
Hill, Butler & Sise, and Butler & Johnson are some of the styles which 
occur to me now. My father retired from the firm in 1837, with an 
engagement never again to enter the hardware business in Boston ; 
hence, after a brief experience as agent of a Sheffield firm, crossing the 
Atlantic on a packet ship, he became partner with Hon. Thomas A. Davis, 
mayor of Boston, and then in the jewelry trade. 

The grand ally of good, orthodox Deacon Proctor was the American 
Board. By their needs, the export trade in all articles, but notably in 
hardware, started from Boston. The part of the world which was the 
largest customer was the promising missionary country of the Sandwich 
Islands, as the kingdom of Hawaii was then universally called. The 
deacon's account was sure to be paid, for, until a comparatively recent 
date, all shipments were charged to the Pemberton Square house, 
although the goods were shipped direct to the missionaries. 

But the business altogether outgrew its quarters, so a contract was 
made with the Thorndike estate for the erection of the grand building 
which has just been destroyed in order to make room for a grander. It 
was the strongest built house of merchandise in the city, and the export 
trade was increased and carried on there by Peter Butler, to a degree 
and with a success which is not equalled even at the present day. 
Noble ships, ably commanded, fully manned, American from truck to 
keelson and from captain to cabin boy, carried our goods to every part 
of the globe, and there were few clearing from Boston but what took 
part of their cargoes from that massive granite structure just demolished 
by the hand of improvement. 

I am writing of that which I know. It was in that building that I 
took my very first lessons in mercantile life. No salaries were paid to 
the boys. It was only by favor that one could get admittance there, 
and the best families in Boston repeatedly applied to Mr. Butler for the 
appointment of some youth to the first vacancy. The hours were long, 
and the work exacting. Each salesman had a boy and a porter. It was 
Mr. Butler's instructions that no customer should be permitted to leave 
the store in search of any article whatever, no matter how foreign to 
our stock in trade, that all his customers should thus learn to depend 
upon him to supply every need ; so the salesman had a boy to trot from 
one end of the city to the other to find such things as the buyer had 
wanted, but which were not in stock. In this way the firm kept a 
customer from opening an account with a rival concern. Sometimes the 


shipments were enormous and sometimes almost ludicrous. A thousand 
stand of arms to a foreign potentate — some little power of South 
America — is an example of the former. Of the latter it occurs to me 
to mention that most important requirement of a Protestant missionary ; 
namely, a wife. The concern was equal to the emergency, and the next 
packet which sailed for Honolulu took out that joy of the missionary's 
hearth and home, her outfit, passage money, and all her belongings 
going through Mr. Butler's ledger. Her safe arrival was duly chronicled, 
and the debtor discharged himself of the claim of the shipper. Whether 
the goods wore well or proved unsatisfactory will never be known. It 
was one of those cases where no return to the exporter was possible. 

Mr. Butler himself was often at his desk by quarter-past seven. We 
were on the twelve-hour system then, and were never dismissed until 
that hour in the evening. After this I had to take the keys of the 
store to his house on Bowdoin Street, to which place I went at half-past 
five in the morning the year round, so as to have the doors of the store 
open at six. In order to see that none of us were absent at the time 
of closing, the cry " Call over the waste ! " rang through the store at 
seven p.m., and the pretence of reading aloud the list of cash sales for 
the day served to assemble us all, some sixty in number, in the counting- 
room. It was then that we were reprimanded or directed by the 
partners, of which there were six. Of these, I think, Mr. Butler, 
Messrs. Johnson, Dudley, and Sise are still living. The sales of the 
concern amounted to about one million annually, which was an immense 
business. The first decline in the prosperity of the establishment was 
at the outbreak of the war. The final settlement came after the gi*eat 
Boston fire, at which date the firm had left its ancient warehouse, and 
had a store in the burnt district. 

I have thought a little sketch of such a house would be interesting, 
not only as a bit of local history, but because it is one of a chain of / 
events which has led up to the present crisis in Hawaii. And the reason 
is this : at first, all merchandise dealings were with the American Board ; 
but the hand of the New England Yankee can never lose its cunning, 
and in the course of years the Sandwich Island missionary turned 
planter or merchant. There are those in ecclesiastical line at the 
Hawaiian islands of missionary birth, but the majority of the descend- 
ants of those who went there to preach the Gospel are now the politicians 
and planters and shipping merchants of Hawaii. Further, when I was 
a resident there, the old stock was some of it living, and where were 
some of those early exponents of the Gospel to be found ? Not in the 


pulpits, but behind the counter, in the counting-room, or on the sugar 
plantation. As one of the oldest and best told me in so many words : 
" I was for years on a missionary's salary, just enough to keep my soul 
in my body ; then the growing family I had, my duty to them and to 
my old age, led me to resign, and go into sugar and trade." The 
reasoning may be good, the duty may be obvious, but yet, in the light 
of the original purposes of the American people in going there, it must 
be considered as an unfortunate combination of circumstances. 

And this is now thrown into the teeth of the Provisional Government 
and its supporters to-day. 

" You came here," say the Hawaiians, "with but one avowed purpose 

— to teach us, you said, of that God who made of one blood all man- 
kind. We listen to you. First, you directed our rulers. It was you who 
forbade our native sports, our free use of the ocean, the free use of our 
own limbs, the right to play if we wished, not six, but seven days in the 
week ; you virtually seized our government through the elder Judd, who 
resigned nominally from your ministry that he might own our king, and 
it was only the guns of England and France that forced you to relax in 
that form your hold ; you then began more craftily ; you followed the 
course of your Puritan predecessors with the aborigines of New England 

— you acquired by foreign capital all our best lands ; we gave you a 
voice in our government, although you were the pettiest of numerical 
minorities ; and now, having decimated us from 200,000 to 40,000 by 
your rigorous civilization, you hurl our queen from her throne, diive each 
and all of us from power, and take away our name from its place amongst 
the nations of the earth. And you do all this in the name of religion, 
in the name of the Master you have told us counselled to his followers 
poverty and chastity and obedience to authority." 

Now, has not the intelligent native a case against us stronger than that 
of the American Indian ? What right have we on his ancestral soil, any- 
how ? If he desires a queen who represents manners to which he has been 
for centuries accustomed, what have we to say about it? We are foreign 
residents under a titular dynasty. If we do not like our rulers, they can 
naturally say to us. Go elsewhere. The only possible answer to such 
questions as these is that old assertion that might makes right. 

A disciple of Jean Jacques Rousseau must be infinitely satisfied at 
the present aspect of affairs. To him, the islands, before the advent 
of civilization, represented Paradise. An occasional paragraph assumes 
that they were cannibals, which is absolutely false. They were, by the 
most trustworthy accounts, a simple, peaceful, happy people, with pagan 


practices, in which superstition showed far more than cruelty. Although 
from some of their habits, in which they saw not the least sin, we 
might infer that they could not have been a healthy people, yet the con- 
trary was the fact. The universal use of sea- water, in which they lived 
as freely as they breathed the open air, kept both sexes in splendid 
health. It was only when the habits of civilization were introduced that 
the long train of its diseases followed. To the native race the coming of 
the white race was, according to this view, as great a misfortune as that 
which the landing on the continent of the early settlers of North 
America brought to the red men. 

How much of truth, how much of mere partisanship, there is in the 
above impeachment shall be judged by each reader. It will be observed 
that my informant says not a word against the motives or the character 
of our missionaries ; no one could, for a nobler band of men and 
women, even to the third generation, never existed since the world 
began. They were the very flower of that Christian army whose pro- 
genitors were the Pilgrims of Plymouth. The first question to such 
men was and is to this day, '' Is it right or wrong? " To them there is 
no mean between these extremes ; there is nothing in life too insignifi- 
cant to need application to that touchstone. But, for this reason, their 
mistakes are terrible, since these are not the result of blind impulse, but 
stern conviction. Did they make one when they seized the kingdom of 
Hawaii? Is the long train of dilemmas into which their course has 
plunged two nations a proof of the truth of their Master's words, 
" But I say unto you that ye resist not evil? " 



It will be many months before those interested in the welfare of the 
Pacific Coast will forgive President Cleveland his management of 
the revenue cutter " Thomas Corwin." When I was doing business at 
the islands, it was the universal custom for every vessel, government, 
sailing-ship, or steamer, to give due notice to the postmaster of her 
intention to clear the port. This was at once conspicuously advertised, 
and a mail was made up by the authorities to send by such departure. 
Now, long-established custom gives an authority to precedents which no 
public man can safely ignore. That which was a privilege becomes by 
constant usage a right, and Mr. Cleveland (for, by whoever ordered, the 
cutter is assumed to have carried out his will), in ignoring this right, 
belonging equally to Hawaiians and to the American people of this 
coast, has estranged his friends and embittered his enemies ; for it was 
a flagrant outrage. The vessel belongs to the American people. Under 
the control of their chief Executive, it is still true that it was the 
' ' Corwin*s " business to have done everything in the present crisis to 
relieve their agonizing suspense, and to have at least informed them of 
the condition of affairs. But she came in almost as a vessel of a power 
with whom we were at war, and she has sneaked in and out amongst 
the islands and through the straits of the bay, since her arrival, as 
though she were a smuggler avoiding confiscation. I had private infor- 
mation what would be her action, so I did not board her at the Golden 
Gate. But those representatives of the press who, in discharge of their 
duty to the public, attempted this, narrowly escaped with their lives. 
Their boats were cut adrift in the most critical moments, and, had not a 
friendly coasting steamer succored them at the right time, there would 
have been loss of life. They concentrate all the vials of their wrath, 
not on the captain (it might have been his orders to fire on them) , but on 
the chief Executive of the nation, for whom Captain Munger was acting. 

It is singular to see how events the most distant are brought into 
connection by the ever-moving, endless chain of circumstances. The 


Hawaiian difficulties have aroused renewed interest in the transit by 
canal across the isthmus at Nicaragua, and the necessity of having that 
route under the control of the United States. An American company 
now has the franchise, and is doing just enough work to keep its charter 
from a lapse. But if the supporters of President Cleveland wish to 
recover the prestige which he has lost in the Pacific States, — if that 
gentleman himself has any desire to regain popularity on this coast, a 
better move could not be made than to put the whole force of the 
administration at work to foster the attempt to complete this canal, or 
even to take it from the present projectors at a fair price, and continue 
it as a government work. 

Starting from the Pacific side, an easy ride of ten miles by mule-train 
brings you to water transportation ; there, a change is made to light- 
draft steamer, and the rest of the crossing, save where one has to go 
around the rapids, is possible, even at the present time, either over the 
lake, or by its tributary rivers. Thus, nature herself has prepared the 
way, and a little of that liberality on our part, which our English 
brethren have shown in making a seaport out of Manchester, would give 
us first-class water transportation between the eastern and western 
extremes of our Union. 

What does this mean to San Francisco, to the whole Pacific slope, but 
more especially to her metropolis ? 

It means infinitely more than a mere convenience in rapid transit. 
She is now groaning under a mercantile monopoly, more exacting than 
the despotism of the czar. It is the Pacific Railroad system ; the child 
she nurtured has enslaved all her citizens. For the great distributing 
centre at San Francisco was annihilated by the railroad, not only from 
natural causes, but because that organization discriminated in favor of 
freights to the interior of the State and to the prejudice of the terminus. 
Then, for the purpose of preventing this commercial community from 
entering into competition with its master, the railroad system secured 
<X)ntrol of the route by way of Panama, thus making the Pacific Mail 
Steamships assist in the exaction of tribute from the merchants. The 
clipper lines around the Horn were attacked by the railroad managers 
by buying off the sailing-vessels, until shippers and merchants, bound 
hand and foot, raised sufficient capital to run a line of their own. The 
wine merchants of Southern California were taxed by the railroad mag- 
nates until they, too, rebelled. Represeuted by the oldest house in t^e 
trade, they wrote me in Boston to come to New York prepared to select 
and command a clipper which should sail direct to Southern California, 


and return with their wine. The railroad surrendered on the wine ques- 
tion, for this is one of the few commodities which is absolutely 
improved by the transportation of a long voyage. But the immense 
bulk of California products is dearer in price to the Eastern consumer, 
the fruit-raiser receives less for his product, and all because of the 
grinding railroad monopoly. This would seem to be a question in which 
all sections of our land should have a common interest, for, by the 
opening of the Nicaragua Canal, tramp steamers would carry the prod- 
ucts of California to the Southern and Gulf States in such quantities 
and at such rates that, not only would there be an outlet for the super- 
fluity of production, but these steamers would have to fly the American 
flag, and our commerce would gain thereby. The grain ships might 
possibly continue on the Cape Horn route, although it is more probable 
that the competition of British tramps through the canal would interfere 
with their business. The general effect, however, would be to cheapen 
breadstuff s in Europe. Like the cut at the Isthmus of Suez, the canal 
would not be available for the passage of sailing-vessels, if for no other 
reasons, on account of the long calms and dearth of regular breezes on 
the Pacific side. There is also the disadvantage of the opposing trade- 
wind on the Atlantic water route. 

Should the canal be built by Britain, France, or Germany, at a 
time of emergency such as that now presented by the troubles in 
Hawaii, we should be entirely at the mercy of the controlling power ; if 
that power favored the insurgents on any outbreak in the Pacific 
wherein the Washington Government were an interested party, a refusal 
to allow our war vessels passage through the canal would be a power- 
ful help to our opponents. It is for a time of peace that I would 
advocate the opening of such a canal, but those who believe in prepara- 
tion for war should not fail to see its advantages. 

There should be no partnership between the present owners of the 
franchise and our government. If built at all by public money, it 
should be constructed by naval engineers, and managed just as we 
would manage the erection of a fortress in Boston Harbor. The tolls 
from passing vessels would furnish some offset, by being a perpetual 
income on the cost of construction. The secret of the Napoleonic rule, 
both under the great Bonaparte and under his nephew, was that of 
keeping the people employed so that the revolutionary spirit could never 
arise, because a change would interfere with the very means of subsist- 
ence of the masses. It was thus that the last Napoleon controlled the 
turbulent masses of Marseilles, the very descendants of those who 


initiated the famous canticle of revolution. Not only was public money 
spent without stint in civic improvements, but a new port was con- 
structed, a lengthy stone breakwater built ; so that to this day the city 
is a second Paris, where once it was an unhealthy, ugly, and incon- 
venient port. Now, President Cleveland has a rare opportunity at 
the present crisis to divert public attention from the seat of war, and to 
reunite all those of influence having interests on the Pacific by giving to 
the Nicaragua project his influence, and summoning his friends to his 
assistance. The Hawaiian imbroglio, too, furnishes him with an admir- 
able pretext for the enterprise. 



I PROPOSE to speak in this letter of nothing but the celebration of the 
first anniversary of the new nation of Hawaii, whose birthday was cele- 
brated January 17, 1894. It is a very lively youngster, and, like most 
babes of that age, while a joy and blessing to its progenitors, it gives 
these latter great anxiety and trouble. But this was forgotten on this 
day, and not a wave of trouble rolled across the peaceful breast of these 
beautiful islands, as they rested from labor and congratulated themselves 
and each other on the first completed year of Hawaiian history when the 
people have been a State without a king. Monarchy, they said, is dead 
forever in Hawaii. Whatever may unfold in the future, of this we are 
sure : Liliuokalani is now plain Mrs. Dominis, Princess Kaiulani is no 
more than Miss Cleghorn, and thus they will ever be. 

The day was perfect, — days usually merit this adjective in Hawaii, — 
the temperature about 65*^ F. in the early part of the forenoon, and not 
rising more than ten degrees through the afternoon. It opened exactly 
like an American Fourth of July. Chinese fire-cracker venders reaped 
a harvest of small silver such as they had never sown, and any instru- 
ment which could make a noise was pressed into service by the native 
or the irrepressible small boy. The grown-up Hawaiian is but a child 
in disposition ; and as these lines will be printed too far away to lead 
to my arrest, I must interpolate the traitorous opinion that this impul- 
sive race would have entered just as heartily into the celebration had its 
ceremonies been preceded by the spectacle of President Dole standing 
on the steps of the palace, and, with the grace of a courtier, placing a 
newly-burnished crown on the head of a queen, who should allow him to 
kneel at her feet while she extended to his lips, warmed by professions 
of renewed loyalty, the sceptre of her clemency, for which grace he 
should humbly kiss her gracious hand. 

However, there was no such picture, but instead of this, harmony, 
a calithumpian band, followed by a procession of" Antiques and 
Horribles, awakening those who slumbered at about six o'clock on 

NEW Hawaii's first bhwrday. 43 

Wednesday morning. Probably some four or five thousand persons 
were in line along the principal streets of Honolulu, witnessing the evo- 
lutions of this organization, and laughing at the caricatures exhibited. 
This put the community on good terms with itself for the day following 
its initiation into mirth. But a tropical people cannot really enter into 
the full enjoyment of life, save when the sun has set ; from that time, 
until he scatters the haze from the eastwai*d mountain-top, social pleas- 
ures reign supreme. When in Rio Janeiro, I noticed that, for those 
who could afford it, the night was turned into day. The bedroom, 
while the sun shone, was by far the more comfortable resort. 

So the great celebration of Hawaiian independence took place in the 
evening on Palace Square, and at this time there were seven or eight 
thousand people on foot, a seething, surging mass of humanity, men 
and women, young and old, some thronging thickly around the speaker's 
stand, awaiting the hour of the exercises with patience, others at so 
remote a distance that they could have heard but little of what was in 
progress ; however, they were all happy, good-natured, patriotic, and 
not disorderly. 

The firm of Castle & Cooke is one of the original missionary estab- 
lishments, by which is meant that the senior member certainly, and 
perhaps others interested therein, came here under the American Board, 
and resigned their ecclesiastical connection to devote their energies to 
trade. Mr. S. N. Castle, its founder, is still living, some eighty years 
of age ; but its present manager is Hon. J. B. Atherton, and he was 
the presiding oflScer of the mass meeting on Independence Day. His 
opening address was very brief, beginning with strong disapproval of 
President Cleveland, whose course, he declared, had bound together 
citizens of all parties in Hawaii. He next congratulated the people on 
the purity and strength of the Provisional Government, which he said 
would be upheld by strong hands and willing hearts until, in the provi- 
dence of God, it should be absorbed into the great American Union. 
Mr. J. B. Castle, son of the senior in the above firm, next spoke, 
addressing the crowd as "Fellow annexationists," and that term was 
the real keynote of all the music of the evening. It was the cue which 
each actor dropped, and the one which his successor took from his lips 
and re-echoed the moment he came on the boards. " Our hope is in 
that ; every road leads to Washington ; we wish no permanent government 
nor anything else which does not lead to annexation ; no republic but 
the great republic." This is but a sample paragraph, and indeed might 
serve as such for the remarks of other speakers, or for the tenor of the 


conversation throughout the day. The day might merit the name of 
independence, because royalty was dethroned, but on qo other ground, 
for absorption by another power was its end and aim. 

General A. S. Hartwell, a lawyer by profession, and a man very well 
known in Boston, was the next orator, meriting that name by his com- 
manding presence and strong yet amiable individuality. His remarks 
were scholarly, and all eminently historical, their main point being the 
comparison of the fall of the monarchy to other and similar crises in the 
history of human liberty, such as the charter wrested from King John 
at Runny mede in 1215. He made, however, a plain statement of the 
movement of one year ago, when he used these words : " The avowed 
and legitimate objects were to maintain the public peace and to promote 
political union with the United States." General Hartwell was appointed 
associate chief-justice of the kingdom in 1868, and resigned that position 
to become attorney-general under King Kalakaua in February, 1874 ; 
after serving awhile, he resigned, to return to a like position under the 
King for a year and a half about 1877. He is now engaged in the prac- 
tice of law here, and is also very active in the attempt to secure cable 
communication with San Francisco. In social life he is a most genial 
and popular man. 

It is not necessary to follow each one of the speakers through the 
evening's exercises. Parallel circumstances in history, fortunate coin- 
cidences were freely cited. That it was the birthday of Kamehameha III., 
who was at the close of his days an annexationist ; that just one hundred 
years before on that day the people of France condemned to death their 
despotic king, these are instances of the aptness of human minds to look 
for auspicious auguries. 

Electricity has a stronger following in Honolulu than in any other 
city of its size in the world, and to this fact may be laid the beautifully 
illuminated grounds, — for the square was ablaze with lights of all 
colors, and there were further some home-made fireworks. By some 
accident or inexperience, I have not heard which, these all went off in 
one brief but altogether glorious blaze, much to the glee of the crowd 
in the momentary enjoyment. I have not heard whether any bilious 
royalist noted this as an omen of the short yet brilliant career of the 
new nation. 

President Dole with his wife held a reception during the day, when 
any person was at liberty to call and shake hands with the chief executive. 
It was largely attended by those in sympathy with the Provisional 
Government, but by no others. The royalists were not there ; nor were 

NEW Hawaii's first birthday. 45 

any of the naval officers of any one of the national vessels of Britain, 
Japan, or the United States present, although it is claimed by the annexa- 
tionists that some - did attend in civilian's dress, a statement which, 
acquainted as I am with the principles of nautical obedience, I more than 
doubt. Two full pardons and one commutation of a long sentence were 
granted by President Dole, much to the surprise of the recipients of his 

The most amusing phase of the celebration is to be found in the position 
of Minister Willis, a well-meaning man, who is believed by some persons 
strongly in sympathy with the present government, to be at heart one of 
its friends, yet officially bound by President Cleveland to remain its foe. 
Accredited to that government by his own, it was his place to have 
accepted the conspicuous part which he might have filled during its 
national holiday — to have concurred with the admiral in arranging 
for a national salute to the flag of Hawaii. Yet such a demand having 
been made on President Dole as that of a few weeks ago, — worse yet, 
such a defiance having been returned as in past years would have inevitably 
led to war between the two powers, — if the American fleet had opened 
their ports, it should have been with shotted guns levelled at Hawaiian 
breastworks. It was locally remarked that Hawaii is at peace with the 
American people, but at war with President Cleveland and Secretary 
Gresham. In either case Minister Willis was in a dilemma, and he did 
the best thing under the circumstances — namely, he did nothing publicly, 
save to take his three meals at the same hotel from whence I send you 
these lines. There is great indignation manifested towards his action, 
or, rather, non-action, in the premises, because, either from the fact that 
American interests have always been paramount here, or from some 
other diplomatic courtesy with which I am not acquainted now, the 
American minister has always led in the official acts of the whole corps 
of the resident representatives of foreign nations ; none of these in the 
slightest degree noticed the celebration, and to poor Mr. Willis is the 
universal snub assigned ; and so it is roundly charged to him that there 
was no official recognition of the first birthday of Hawaii by a single 
representative of any one of her sister nations. 




Honolulu, January 23, 1894. 

It is nominally quiet at Honolulu, but the feeling strong that the 
government must announce its policy for a succession and for the future 
within sixty days. It is at this season that annual election is held. 
This, and the fact that the provisionalists have been in power one year, 
render it probable that public impression is correct. Besides, there are 
the most decided signs of difference of opinion, even disaffection, in the 
rank and file of the adherents of government. They complain that 
they have no voice in the ruling of the nation, that a leading official for 
the post-ofl3ce is to be imported by the executive council from California, 
and claim that there should be at least ten new members of the govern- 
ment elected to represent the people. The whole membership of the 
Provisional Government, including President Dole, is but nineteen, and 
the advisory council of fourteen is included in that number. This 
places a nation in the absolute power of a very few self-nominated, 
self -elected men. The finances are most honestly and successfully 
administered by Hon. S. M. Damon. He is the minister of finance and 
a partner in the powerful banking-house of Bishop & Co., which has 
been for nearly fifty years the bank of the islands. He publishes 
weekly statements of condition. January 17th was observed as the 
Hawaiian Fourth of July, — noise, processions, reception by President 
Dole, pardons to convicts, speeches, and fireworks. In the evening some 
seven thousand persons were assembled on a public square, the largest 
gathering ever witnessed on the islands. But prominent royalists stayed 
indoors, no foreign consul called on the government, no naval oflScer 
from any national vessel appeared on the street in uniform, nor was 
there any salute to the Hawaiian flag, nor any recognition of the day on 
the part of any representative of any other nation. From an announce- 
ment of an independence day, the celebration became that of an annex- 
ation day ; such was the keynote and the final echo in every speech. 
The Queen is still calm, patient, and hopeful. She has never in the 
least lost her faith that a great national wrong will be righted, and in 
every respect bears her sorrow with true Christian fortitude. 



Honolulu again after more than twenty years of absence, during one 
of which I passed its meridian when bound around the world as master 
of the celebrated clipper-ship " Nightingale." A sailor's ship ranks 
scarcely second to his sweetheart, so pardon a line to her memory. On 
her first voyage she ran from Portsmouth, N.H., to Land's End, 
England, in thirteen days. That was in 1851. She was bound for the 
original World's Fair at London, where she took the prize. She was 
named, not for the bird, but for the heroine, Miss Florence Nightingale, 
and during her checkered existence as merchantman, naval vessel, 
Russian telegraph service ship, slaver, and now, alas, Norwegian, no 
person had ever had the heart to change that beautiful name. It was 
niy good fortune to command her on her last circumnavigation of the 
globe, under the waving folds of our star-spangled banner. 

She is a good text for this article, for of all words I could write, 
those in the last line are now the dearest to the majority of the white 
population at Honolulu. Our flag waves everywhere. Mr. Blount 
might have had one pulled down, but the glorious ensign still meets 
your eye at every corner. As I come down the street (the same on 
which I lived years ago) , I see the whole upper story of a large building 
turned into one great American banner ; the hall is that of the Annexa- 
tion Club. The ceiling is so ingeniously draped with our colors that it 
has the effect of a large flag the exact size of the room. Thus, those 
assembling there are literally under their own flag at every meeting. I 
continue my walk, and enter a beautiful driveway, at the right of which 
is the large, comfortable mansion of my host. Dr. John S. McGrew, a 
member of the staff of General N. P. Banks during the war of the 
Rebellion. When here before, this mansion was occupied by the 
American minister. General McCook. Now — but I will let the doctor 
tell his own story : — 

" A newspaj>er correspondent succeeded, about two months ago, in 
obtaining an interview with the Queen, and saw a bran new rope. 


When he asked what that was for, she said that it was to hang that 
terrible old chief of the annexationists, Dr. McGrew. This was at the 
time of the refusal of amnesty." 

The above is an example of the silly stories repeated about the Queen. 

Dr. McGrew was very sorry to learn of the failing health of his old 
commander. General Banks, for whom he has never ceased to have the 
highest respect. Frank, brusque, outspoken in sentiment and manner, 
the doctor has this great merit — he can never be misunderstood. He 
regards these islands as paradise upon earth, yet has never wavered in 
his allegiance to that flag for whose stars he gave four years of his life, 
and often faced the terrors of a soldier's calling. I have mentioned 
him as a type of the American element in this city. There is no north- 
ern village of the whole Union, let the flowers carpet its cemetery on 
Decoration Day, whose loyalty to the flag is more intense than that of 
the majority of the white residents of Honolulu. Fourth of July has 
always been celebrated here as in the United States. The present year 
there was an interesting dilemma. The day dawned, and there was to 
be a more enthusiastic gathering than ever. Why ? Because the cele- 
brants believed themselves already adding another star to the banner. 
But who was to preside ? The Paramount Commissioner Blount was the 
highest resident American citizen. He was waited upon by the islander 
in charge, and told that he must assume the chair ; that, in the history 
of the islands, the United States official highest in rank had never yet 
declined that responsibility. He objected, flatly refused, but his caller 
was equally obstinate ; and, finally, under the assurance that he should 
make no speech, that he should be retained for but one hour merely as 
the figure-head, and in deference to a custom of more than half a cen- 
tury's standing, Mr. Blount consented. No greater proof of the mistake 
of President Cleveland in sending him to the islands could have been 
seen. There sat Mr. Blount, an ex-Confederate, a Southerner, while 
all the absolute Unionism of the war era was fired at his head. He had to 
listen, not only to " Yankee Doodle" and "The Star-Spangled Banner," 
but for him were also sounded forth the inspiriting notes of " Marching 
through Georgia ; " and he was further assured, with a local meaning, 
that the soul of John Brown was marching on. No regard was paid to 
the fact that Mr. Blount's State was that which witnessed Sherman's 
march to the sea, nor was it ever thought by the throng that, to a 
Southerner, the hottest regions of Dante's "Inferno" are not severe 
enough for the crime of the old hero of Harper's Ferry. Mr. Blount 
did not fraternize in the least with the people while he was here. Hfi 


declined all social attentions, and knew as much of the spirit animating 
the Provisional Government party when he landed as he knew when he 
left, save for the fact that Mrs. Blount, of whom all speak favorably, 
exchanged calls with those of her own sex. 

My letter of the 17th spoke of the first anniversary of the new nation 
as Annexation Day, and this would be a far better name for it than 
the day of Hawaiian Independence. There is not the least desire for 
the latter in any class whatever of the residents. The natives are at 
heart loyal to their traditional monarchy. The Americans are all annex- 
ationists ; their idea of government meanwhile is aptly expressed in the 
title it now holds, — it is a provision for the interregnum ; that is, until 
the United States may see fit to accede to their wish to open the door at 
which they will continue to knock until, to use the Scriptural parable, 
because of then* importunity, the master at Washington will arise and 
give them that which is needed. This is their openly avowed intention, 
and whatever they otherwise do it must be considered as merely prelimi- 
nary to the grand end and result. 

In the handwriting of Hon. John L. Stevens to me, now open before 
me, I read these words: "The points in issue in Hawaii are not of 
theology or church government, but those pertaining to free government 
as against an irresponsible monarchy, of public morality and financial 
honesty as against public license and reckless expenditure." Hon. 
Peter C. Jones, a Boston boy, for over thirty years a resident, a man 
of whom any community should be proud, member of the last cabinet of 
the Queen which had the confidence of all parties, and also one of the 
first members of the circle by whom she was overthrown, said to me, 
" We want good government ; that is the whole aim of this movement. 
We fully decided to waive the sugar bounty, and it was so agreed 
amongst us at the departure of the earliest commission that went to 
Washington. We haven't had good government for twenty years, and 
we are sick of corruption in high places." This was the universal 
sentiment of the residents of the place at first ; that is, as described to 
me by a gentleman of European birth and still representing a foreign 
government at this place. "We know now," he said, "where the 
money goes. We have always paid seven-eighths of the taxes, and we 
never knew what became of the money ; everything is now above-board, 
and we shall pay our taxes far more cheerfully." These are but sample 
remarks of some of the soundest, the most honest and most sincere men 
in the city ; and they often add that the only way by which pure, 
upright, high-minded government can be secured is to be found in the 


continued abrogation of a monarchy. Such men are not conspirators ; 
grant that they are mistaken, if you will ; call them moneyed aristocrats, 
but that must be the harshest name of which they are deserving. They 
are to their view Christian patriots ; if in error, behold all the more reason 
why they should be fairly treated. They have the sympathies of some 
of those of foreign birth ; yes, one of the older citizens of British blood, 
forty-three years resident on Oahu, with eye scarcely dimmed or natural 
forced abated by his eighty years of life, a man of broad views, who 
has crossed the ocean about a hundred times, stepped out of his beauti- 
ful parlors the other day and returned to show to me the very revolver 
which he bought to use in the provisional army at the time of Minister 
Willis's demand on President Dole, and, said he, " I would have gladly 
given what remains to me of life in such a cause. I should have esteemed 
it an honor to die in the defence of the government. I once took out 
preliminary papers as an American citizen, for I own a great deal of 
property in the United States. I have made of life a success, and own 
a great deal here. I did not want my property put in jeopardy ; there 
was danger of it, I know there was. We had an incendiary fire the 
very night before the marines lauded, and there was kerosene abroad ; 
only the presence of the troops under arms that night, the knowledge 
that they were here, prevented scenes of violence. Oh, it makes me so 
mad to hear the remarks made about Minister Stevens ! A good man, 
one of the very best men that ever lived. Why, I wrote him a letter 
myself appealing to him to ask Captain Wiltse to land his men to 
protect my property ; " and, interpolated the son of the old Englishman, 
" I saw the four discarded members of the Queen's discharged cabinet, 
men in sympathy exclusively with monarchy, enter Minister Stevens's 
house to ask him to protect them also." 

Now such direct evidence as the above cannot be ignored ; it is worth 
more than all the aflSdavits, stenographic reports, or cautious testimony 
in high places. I have heard enough already. I know the island people 
well enough, and understand enough of the human heart, to assert that 
all insinuations that our nation's representative was other than an 
American sincerely devoted to the honor of his country and the good of 
humanity will never be noticed by me. Nor is this view inconsistent 
with the belief that the landing of the United States troops was a 
blunder. It would have been far wiser to have had the boats on their 
oars about the " Philadelphia," the launches with steam up, and imme- 
diate recourse to the telephone (with which the ships are connected), in 
case of attempted violence. It seems to me that had a man of naval, 


nautical, or military discipline had the casting vote, such would have 
been the course, for he would have known how quickly trained force can 
be concentrated at a given point. Mr. John L. Stevens may have been 
hot-headed, misguided, an imaginary Lafayette to a struggling land, 
anything which those similes typify, if you please, for the greatest evils 
are often the result of the blunders of the good, and this is as far as 
any one can go in condemning his action. Of the financial soundness 
of the nation there can be no doubt, with Hon. S. M. Damon, son of 
my old friend, the seaman's chaplain, at the helm. Mr. Damon is now 
the leading partner in the house of Bishop & Co., which has always 
been the standard bank of the islands. Another banker assured me 
yesterday that he had just sold $10,000 of the Hawaiian Government 

It occurs to me to add in defence of the oft-repeated assertion that 
Minister Stevens quartered the troops in a hall near the palace, that this 
was merely a matter of momentary convenience and not of prior selec- 
tion. It is not easy at an hour's notice to secure barracks for an army. 
Arion Hall was about the only room available in which the men could 
get a night's sleep. 



This letter is written on the inspiration of conversations with those of 
pronounced royalist affiliations. One of these is a lady of Hawaiian 
blood, but connected by marriage with my mother's family. About the 
year 1808, there was a firm of Indian commission merchants on Kilby 
Street, Boston ; its style was J. & J. Peabody. Jacob Peabody, the 
senior party, had been to sea, making two long voyages on the ship 
" Java " of Salem. He was my maternal grandfather, and it was on 
our ancestral acres, still occupied by my mother's children, which have 
never been leased, mortgaged, or divided since 1654, that the Peabody 
family had their last year's annual reunion. One of Jeremiah's grand- 
children was husband of the lady who first welcomed me to these islands 
in 1867, and who has now thrown open her house and home to me. Her 
children, while one-eighth Hawaiian blood, are not as dark-skinned as 
I am, the tendency being universal to return to the whiter strain as the 
race gets farther from the original half-caste. It will not be well for 
me, nor is it necessary, to mention the other sources of my information, 
for it comes to me, not as a newspaper correspondent, but through 
friendly or family channels similar to the above. It comes to me 
directly from the lips of Christian men and Christian women ; by which 
term I mean those who recognize that God demands truthfulness in all 
things, and that their own lives must be modelled on that of the Galilean 
teacher. But one of those of whom I speak is of my own faith. I have 
some half-dozen in mind, and the rest are Protestants. 

" Hawaii for the Hawaiians ! " This, it is asserted, is the war-cry of 
those in sympathy with the monarchy ; it is, and why should not this be 
so ? By the Hawaiians an islander does not mean necessarily those of 
exclusively Polynesian blood, for it is acknowledged everywhere that in 
about one generation there will be few, if any, of these in existence ; but, 
taking the places of their darker ancestry, there is already in the field 
a superior race, those in whom runs a strain of the bluest of New 
England blood, or the sturdiest of ancestry coming direct from Great 


Britain. Now this, with an occasional admixture of the German or 
other race, is the coming people of Hawaii. It is a healthy race, a pro- 
lific race, even an energetic race, and it is chai*acterized by an intense 
love of its own nationality, its tendency to look for that nationality in 
the blood of the Kamehamehas on the land of its nativity, rather than 
to cast its eyes backwards towards Boston or London. 

In this respect, it differs most decidedly from that portion of the 
island population composed of intermarriages between missionary fami- 
lies. These are just as intensely American as the first named are 
Hawaiian. " More Catholic than the Pope " is an ancient expression ; 
and adapting the proverb to the descendants of strictly American fami- 
lies, there is more of the spirit of Bunker Hill, more love of the cause 
of '61, in the last named than now is apparent from the State of Maine 
to the mouth of the Delaware. 

It is from the strictly American that the Provisional Government is 
formed, because the object of its organization was annexation. Now 
that this has failed and left its projectors in a dilemma, it is their 
policy to exclude from oflBice or from any prominence in the community, 
all those not in openly expressed sympathy with them, and this means 
the contrary war-cry of " Down with the Hawaiians ! " 

As one of the latter said to me yesterday : " If these men succeed, 
whatever their ultimate form of government, we shall be a conquered 
race ; the offices are more and more filled with importations from abroad. 
Adventurers, with all things to gain, with nothing to lose, are coming by 
every steamer, and these ally themselves at once with the party in power. 
Without such recruits, without disfranchising us, the annexationists 
cannot keep in power." 

And, as usual in revolution, there is no consideration for the minority. 
"Whosoever is not with us is against us" is the assertion. Families 
and business houses are divided by heart-rending feuds. 

Was there a reference to the United States at the time of her enforced 
abdication ? There was, without the shadow of a doubt. Granted that 
it was not formal, duly acknowledged, signed, sealed, and delivered, it 
is the first premise of law to consider the intention of the parties. Of 
this no reasonable person who hears the words of the actors in the fall 
of the monarchy can be undecided. The Queen distinctly understood 
that her cause was to be heard, judged, and settled on the basis of such 
arbitration. I have as yet no right to state the feeling of President 
Dole, but it is permitted to me to say that the messenger from the 
Queen (to whom he handed her protest after endorsing thereon his 


reception thereof) fully believed that such endorsement meant a sub- 
mission on the part of the Provisional Government to the decision of 
the President. Both parties desired to avoid bloodshed, and the dis- 
tinct understanding that both parties were bound by the results of the 
reference was all that spared the people the clash of arms. Why did 
the Queen at first refuse amnesty? Not that she had an actual fixed 
intention to require the blood of those who had rebelled against her 
authority, although in past centuries this would have been considered 
but justice. She, however, expressly told the ofiOicial who bore the 
tidings of her refusal to say that she did not desire the presence of 
these men in her kingdom. Let them return to the land to which in 
their hearts they had now given allegiance ; as long as they remained 
here they would be a standing menace to her rule. They had shown 
that in political questions they would not be bound by any vows, 
because four out of the five commissionera who went to Washington to 
subvert her government had taken in oflBicial capacity the most solemn 
oaths to sustain it and its royal executive. Is there anything unreason- 
able in the position of the Queen ? She retracted and promised amnesty ? 
She did, for at least two reasons : first, she was weaker, and was advised 
by good counsellors ; second, when she sent the promise of amnesty, 
she expressly said, " if they will take hold with loyal hearts and assist 
in the re-establishment of good government." 

I may at some time consider the causes which led to her fall, the 
reasons for the abrogation of the "Bayonet Constitution," as it was 
called, because it was wrested from her brother. King Kalakaua, at the 
point of the bayonet, and sullenly granted by him ; but I have not the 
time for this in this article. 

As to her character, the better class of her opponents are agreed that, 
so far as this does not influence her official acts, her subjects have 
nought to say about it ; it rests with her associates and with her God. 
But she has nothing to fear in this respect from the most bitter of her 
enemies. Character-building is a slow process, the work of a lifetime. 
In two previous letters, my opinion of Queen Liliuokalani, as she was, 
has been stated. That opinion has been happily, overwhelmingly, con- 
firmed to me by those who know her best to-day. Look at it reason- 
ably, as child, maid, wife (her husband, John Dominis, — educated at 
Chauncy Hall School, Boston, — when I was here before, was governor 
of this, the most important, island), she bore, as I stated in these 
columns, not only a spotless, but a high reputation. To this day it can 
be asserted of her by women who have associated with her in all the 


intimacy possible to two individuals of like sex — women who have had 
the entry, unannounced, of her apartments — that not an impure word, 
not the suspicion of a concealed action has ever met their notice. She 
does not indulge in gossip nor repeat scandal in relation to others. 
This latter has been a life-long characteristic, and by none more than 
this can the character of an individual be estimated. Now after such 
has been the reputation of a woman for years, when, ^x officio and as a 
benevolent lady, she is the patroness of schools and charitable institu- 
tions, after passing the meridian of life, do we look for its opposite? 
I consider this question as settled forever, and believe that the press, 
of whatever politics, would be wise to exclude from their columns any 
reference to it as an element in this civil strife. 

A word as to her niece. I ask that young lady's pardon for an error 
in alluding to her age, and were she here would kiss her royal hand or 
meekly accept a slap therefrom for having called her twenty-three instead 
of seventeen. She is a beautiful, lovable. Christian girl, as all will 
acknowledge who met her in Boston last year. She did not wish to take 
part in the quarrel. Her guardian, Hon. T. H. Davies, formerly the 
British vice-consul at this port, and a merchant much beloved and 
respected by persons of every shade of opinion, was in England. He was 
advised by a United States consul in England to go to Washington at 
once, — a most inconvenient move for him, and prejudicial to his own 
affairs. He said, " Kaiulani, we must go, you must go ; " the girl refused, 
hesitated, then added, " But what shall I say when I return to my native 
land, and the people come around me and say to me, ' Kaiulani, we have 
lost our country ; Kaiulani, you might have saved us, and you did not?' 
yes, for my people's sake, I will go." The result of that mission is now 
before the American people. 

I have mentioned the exact state of the case which came to me from 
the lips of Mr. Davies, because it illustrates the intense affection for their 
nation and their people which distinguishes this amiable race. No one 
can know the Hawaiians and forbear to love them. Oh, how their 
beautiful dark eyes fill with tears, and how cloudy is my own sight when 
they speak to me of the extinction of their name and nation from the 
community of their more powerful sister-lands ! My first acquaintances 
of native blood were Mr. and Mrs. Hopili, who were in the cabin of a 
sailing-vessel with me for two weeks. They are both dead ; they were of 
noble birth and lineage ; but I recognize the same intense loyalty in the 
words of the Princess as was apparent in this devoted couple, of whom 
I have already written. 


It is touching to see in the present attitude of Queen Liliuokalani 
renewed proof of the deathlessness of hope. She has never lost con- 
fidence that a great national wrong will be redressed ; she bears her 
sorrow and reads the slanders of her enemies with the spirit of true 
Christian fortitude. With two persons in sympathy with her, I had 
almost an identical remark ; it was on this wise. They said, " Do you 
not think that President Cleveland will redress the wrong done to us by 
the United States authority?" 

" No," I answered ; " I cannot see how the President can do any more 
than he has already done : he has made his demand, it is declined ; now, 
to go any farther would be an act of war, and this he cannot initiate 
without declaration on the part of Congress." 

" Then, under your constitution, the American minister is more power- 
ful than the President, for he had the right to land forces, which the 
President cannot do," was the answer in both cases from men who, as 
far as I know, have no acquaintance with each other. 

One of these is a professional man, the other in mercantile life ; one 
is of French, the other of German lineage. 

In deciding this question, remember that the end never justifies the 
means. Grant that there was place for wrath against the Queen's official 
acts ; to consequently ignore the law of nations, to appeal to mob-law, 
even to a mob of righteous men, to forget one's oath, to substitute 
oligarchy rule for the will of the people, this is to violate the eternal law 
of riglit,^ and the end is not yet. 



Although nearest to our shores, the Hawaiian islands were discovered 
latest of all the Pacific groups. Captain Cook sighted them January 18, 
1778, at which time he reckoned that they contained 400,000 souls. 
There are now about one-tenth that number of native blood ; of these, 
rather more than one-third are Roman Catholics, the rest being equally 
divided between those still holding to Congregationalism and those who 
can scarcely be claimed by any party or sect. There are fourteen islands, 
of which three are barren rocks, three are thinly populated, while on 
eight civilization and its industries are fully established. Hospitality is 

But it cannot be too often asserted that one must never judge the 
strictly native race by our standards, and this is notably true of the 
country districts where some of the people are but one generation from 
absolute barbarism, although this term does not mean cruelty or canni- 
balism, neither of which were ever characteristic of the Hawaiians. 

In one of the country churches, for example, a member was tried for 
getting drunk on sweet-potato beer. The church acquitted him, assign- 
ing the following reasons : — 

1. Sweet-potato beer was the common drink of the people, therefore 
he could not be condemned for using it. 

2. To get drunk on the beer was so common that it would depopulate 
the church to condemn the members for such offence. 

The reasoning is very ingenious, and I cannot doubt the fact, for 
it is given on the authority of the minister who best knows the native 
churches ; namely, the Rev. Dr. Hyde, resident correspondent of the 
American Board. 

It is strange that at the second social occasion to which I was invited 
this gentleman was one of the first to whom I was presented. It was 
at a meeting of the Social Science Association, held at the house of 
Hon. A. F. Judd, chief-justice of the Supreme Court. Judge Judd and 
myself had met at his father's house in other days. Dr. Hyde and I 


had met as antagonists in the press when he attacked and I defended 
the memory of the late Father Damien. 

Personally I was much impressed and pleased with Dr. Hyde. A 
man of rather more than ordinary height, with silvered hair, gentle 
voice, and reverent manner, he could not fail to interest an audience. 
He is a very handsome man, and in this respect, as well as in a certain 
assumption of authority, he forcibly reminded me of the pastor of my 
boyhood, Rev. E. N. Kirk of Mount Vernon Church. 

There is every opportunity for friendship here, for in no part of the 
world is society so lai'ge-hearted and open-handed. Within the first 
week, invitations reached me as follows : to amateur theatricals at the 
residence of a foreign consul, to two afternoon receptions, one social 
meeting of gentlemen at Mr. Judd's residence, lunches and dinners 
innumerable. This was always characteristic of Honolulu, and it is 
wonderful to note that such hospitality is still in vogue, — wonderful 
because there are now good hotels, but more so because the good nature 
of the citizens has been most discourteously abused by visitors ; these 
have accepted attentions, and then in letters have exposed to ridicule or 
travesty the customs or opinions of their hosts. 

Such has been the case since steam communication was established. 
This is now frequent but not regular, by which I mean that we have at 
times three mails in as many days, and thereafter we may not have 
another for as many weeks. This is because the " China," " New 
Zealand," and the local mail steamers make this a port of call, and 
arrange their dates according to respective convenience rather than with 
the object of alternation. The steamers of the line of J. D. Spreckels 
& Co. are American built, conveniently arranged, and offer to the tourist 
a pleasing voyage of one week going or coming from San Francisc6. 
These run on schedule time, never arriving a day earlier than the date 
due, and, unless delayed at San Francisco awaiting the British mails, 
never behind time. Fare, $125 the round trip. Every courtesy and 
attention are shown to passengers on the Spreckels line. 

The Hawaiian Hotel is a large establishment with twelve adjoining 
cottages, and its accommodations or table, while not perfect, are sufl3- 
ciently so to leave no room for reasonable complaint. The price of 
board is ten dollars per week, if one has rooms elsewhere ; if lodgings 
are provided, the charge is about double this sum. 

Near the hotel is the house of the American legation, the Masonic 
Temple, Union Church, government buildings, Public Library, and 
Young Men's Christian Association. To the two last-named, visitors 


are always welcome, or one may subscribe fifty cents a month to the 
library, and enjoy all its privileges. There is no restriction on the use 
of the papers or books ; these are liberally supplied, and access to them 
is open to all without the use of cards. Advanced ideas also find a 
harbor in Honolulu ; for example, a library of theosophical books has 
just been opened to the public.. 

Had such progress not been characteristic, the community would not 
now be the largest patron of the telephone known to the world. The 
city of Honolulu has a population of, say, 24,000, and there are about 
thirteen hundred instruments in place, being one to about eighteen 
inhabitants, an unexampled record. There are two rival companies, but 
for both my instruments I pay but two-thirds as much as my single line 
costs at Boston. Electric lights are also in use in all public places, and 
there are few residences without them. 

Even the national vessels at anchor are connected with the shore by 
telephone. These are at this time the Japanese iron-clad " Naniwa," 
the American steamship " Philadelphia," the British ship " Champion," 
and the American steam bark " Adams." 

President Dole has visited the American ships, but has never been 
to the others, at least in his official capacity. He has been notified by 
the latter that he would receive no more than the salute due to a foreign 
minister, while under our flag, he is honored with twenty-one guns, or 
the same number which would be given to President Cleveland. 

In an official communication in regard to a British vessel, made to 
the chief executive by the minister of that kingdom. President Dole is 
addressed simply as the minister of foreign affairs. 

The President is very considerate of the wishes of representatives of 
the press, and allows them access to him at any reasonable hour. The 
sessions of the advisory council and its discussions are open to the 
public. " We have absolutely nothing to conceal," said the President 
to me on the occasion of our first meeting. " As long as a faithful 
report is made, we are willing that everything we say or do should be 
recorded and read." 

The American press is represented here by correspondents for the 
following newspapers : Chicago Times and Inter Ocean, New York 
World, and Boston Transcript. Mr. Nordhof has left, so the Herald 
bureau is simply one of information gleaned from local newspapers, and 
forwarded by others. The other papers have sent out special corre- 
spondents. Mr. W. P. Harrison, son of the late Mayor of Chicago, 
represents the journal owned by his family. The most unenviable 


reputation has been left by Mr. Nordhof, because, like Mr. Blount's 
case, it is thought that Mr. Nordhof s was prearranged, so that neither 
of these gentlemen could be other than partisan. In support of this 
assertion, I hear that Mr. Nordhof s first despatch was written on board 
the steamer by which he came, and forwarded to San Francisco on the 
steamer then leaving, ere the writer had stepped on Hawaiian soil. 

But no amount of misrepresentation can, it would seem, restrain the 
hospitalities of the Hawaiian people. Houses are never closed, and this 
is true in whatever sense the statement be construed. There are no 
door-bells, no watch-dogs, and no bars to entrance save those required 
to exclude the mosquitoes. You step up the outer stairs, and thence on 
the veranda, and your host, or hostess, advances from the room to 
welcome you. My cottage has three rooms ; it is most beautifully 
situated under spreading palms, flowering vines, and never-failing shade 
trees. Its outlook is upon an acre of grassy lawn, which the sun's rays 
reach only through the interstices betwixt the verdure of the lofty trees. 
Neither my doors nor my windows are ever locked, by day or by night. 
Within there is not a lock on closet, desk, or bureau, and such is the 
universal custom. 

Whatever difference of opinion we may have in regard to the progress 
of Christian missions, let us never question their utility. Be the organi- 
zation conducting them Congregationalist, Catholic, or Wesleyan, human- 
ity is always the gainer to the full worth of every dollar expended in the 




Honolulu, February 3, 1894. 

President Dole says, in an interview with your correspondent to-day, 
as to the justification of his course, and the fall of the monarchy : — 

"It must always be a question in such movements where the point 
of submission to authority terminates, and the right or duty of resist- 
ance begins. If ever there was a just revolution, it was ours ; not only 
in the cause of sound politics, but also with a view to the social, moral, 
and educational needs of the whole community. Tne best interests 
were not only in peril, they were openly attacked. The Queen was 
an insurgent. She had rebelled against her own government. This 
revolt on her part was equivalent to an abdication. There was then no 
government at all. No community can exist without government. As to 
the violation of oath of allegiance, the first oath broken was that of the 
ex-Queen, who abrogated her own oath of fidelity to the constitution. 
After she had done this, her former counsellors were, by that fact, 
absolved from their oaths of loyalty to her. It cannot be otherwise. 
But is an oath a covenant? Most certainly it is in such a case as this. 
It is a contract between two parties. A covenant is an agreement, 
the fidelity to which on either side is conditional on like fidelity on the 
other side. 

" Our forefathers rebelled against George III. for less cause in 1776 
than we had in 1893. The North took up arms against the South, in 
1861, for less reason than when we strove to prevent the imperilment of 
our liberties against acts far more subversive of good government than 
the encroachment of the slave power. King Kalakaua, in 1887, made 
an almost equally flagrant attempt upon our rights ; but there was this 
difference : he never rebelled against his own constitutional government, 
while the ex-Queen, by one wave of her hand, would have swept this 
entirely away, — in fact, this is just what, so far as it was possible before 
our resistance, she tried to do. Kalakaua met the case constitutionally, 
and we aiTanged matters with him on the basis of the constitution, a 
new one granted by agreement with him. Suppose Queen Victoria 


should openly violate and wrest from her people the British constitu- 
tional authority, would her subjects then, from the least to the greatest, 
be bound by their oaths of allegiance to her ? In the case of many of 
our citizens, there is no oath of fealty. They were born into the king- 
dona, and inherited the rights of citizenship with their native air. So 
much for what is asserted of the violation of oaths of office. 

" Now, as to our form of government. Was it a mere provision for 
the day and hour until we could gain the advantages of annexation 
to the United States? By no means. Did we stake our all, the sum 
and the substance of our hopes, on that probability? Not at all. We 
believed in annexation. It was our first choice — that we do not deny, 
for it is self-evident by our course. But we realized that there were 
doubts of its success. Yes, realized it from the first, and talked of 

" We also realized that there must be a representation of the people. 
This was fully understood in 1887, when all parties were practically 
united — in the desire for a republic, that is. Granted the supposition 
that the King had refused us a constitution, would not a republic intro- 
duce bribery, corfuption, and the demagogue, so that thus representa- 
tion would be deprived of its advantages ? It can never have the same 
power in this respect which those very elements have held over our 
heads through the influence of royalty under the monarchy. The dema- 
gogue has had every chance. The only parallel to it under a republican 
form of government to be drawn is by supposing the President to be 
one of the very class to be dreaded by the advocates of purity in high 
places. But we hope to defeat this possibility by making him in all 
cases ineligible to the place by re-election. He should never be his own 

'^ With all the wisdom of the organization of the greatest of modern 
republics, it is a matter of wonder that this simple provision against 
corruption has never been adopted. I do not know that I would say 
that he should never again hold oflSce, but I would exact that he should 
never be a candidate for the office while he was holding it. If he went 
out of office, stayed out, and, while only a private citizen, was 'again 
nominated, that would place him in a totally different light before the 

" Would I wish to state anything about our plans for the future? I 
should have not the least objection to doing this were there anything 
of a certain or definite character to be stated ; but we must be set at 
rest on all questions in which the Washington Government may have an 
interest before we can intelligently consider the future. As lovers of 
representative government, we may say this : The people are entitled 
to representation, and any plan to which we assent must include this as 


a constitutional right. Will it be by the addition of members to the 
present council, such new members to be chosen by the people, or will 
it be by the organization of an upper and lower house ? We cannot tell. 
You have suggested to me three houses ; for instance, the organization 
of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts, where there is a Governor's 
Council, a Senate, and a House of Representatives, all elected by the 
voters. Of course, this is possible, but I fail to recognize in it any 
special advantages. 

" We had something like the first-named body here in that which we 
called the privy council. It had the power of appropriating public 
moneys in certain emergencies — that of the outbreak of plague or pes- 
tilence, for example. It was a very convenient body, for it could 
always be convoked into session while the members of Parliament were at 
times scattered over the islands, and could not, at a sudden emergency, 
be assembled. Further, by reason of the length of the session, many 
of the members might have returned to their homes. That was the case 
in this last Parliament that sat before the fall of the Queen. She had 
absolutely tired out the better element by a seven months' sitting, so 
that her supporters were left in the majority, and it was thus that the 
last ministry, which represented the best citizens, was overthrown. 

" Some such body as the privy council might be, to any future gov- 
ernment, a great convenience under certain conditions. It at once held 
the power of the purse, and could disburse money for certain well- 
defined objects. It is true that the present government has been in 
power over a year, and that this year terminates just prior to the time 
when our annual elections are held ; but I do not think that has, or will 
have, any influence on the plans for changing the form into one of per- 
manence, with a legitimate succession. I think the latter movement 
will be influenced by other causes, the most important of these being 
our relations with the Washington Government." 

The above synopsis of my conversation with His Excellency has been 
courteously revised by President Dole, in accordance with my request. 
It is thus the latest expression of opinion of those in sympathy with the 
Provisional Government. 



The Provisional GovernmeDt of the Hawaiian islands is composed of 
a president, — now His Excellency Sanford B. Dole, — who is also min- 
ister of foreign affairs, an executive council of four members, and an 
advisory council of thirteen members, — all at present from the island 
of Oahu, — and the nineteen (this number including the secretary) meet 
in one hall as a legislative assembly. The sessions are open to the 
public, at least in part ; for, at a certain time, it is moved to go into 
executive session, and then spectators are excluded. 

The object of combining two offices in one person was that thus the 
president might draw a fixed salary. There was no statute fixing com- 
pensation for a president, but there was a stipend provided for a minis- 
ter. But such economy had its disadvantages, nowhere more forcibly 
shown than when the British minister addressed Mr. Dole on a matter 
connected with a vessel of that flag, using simply the designation of 
" Minister of Foreign Affairs." At an ensuing meeting of the council, 
a bill was introduced, separating the two offices, and fixing the salary of 
the president at $10,000 a year. 

Mr. Dole presided at this meeting, the first at which he had been 
present for many weeks ; for his health has suffered not a little by the 
pressure of official duties and the anxieties of his position, which is the 
one of the most responsibility of all those connected with the govern- 

The legislative deliberations are no longer conducted in two languages. 
The parliamentary language is now English, and the interpreter's occu- 
pation is gone. There is but one member in whose veins runs a strain 
of the darker blood. He is the son of a Chinaman by a native mother. 
This unity of idiom much simplifies discussion, and there can be no 
further misunderstanding of technical terms. It was a matter of com- 
mon notoriety that Mr. Ragsdale, the former official, could give to any 
speaker's remarks that bias which was judged best by the interpreter's 
own mind. For example, in the heat of discussion, the presiding 


officer was called by a member speaking English, " a puddV-head." 
He turned to the interpreter for a synonyme. 

"Oh," coolly remarked Mr. Ragsdale, "he means that your ^^xcel- 
lency's remarks were not distinguished by that good sense and sound 
judgment which are so characteristic of your Excellency." The debate 
proceeded without further interruption on the part of the chakman. 

But it was at Mr. Dole's residence that I was received by his own 
appointment. It is a spacious, airy cottage, like most of those in 
Honolulu, abundantly shielded from the rays of the sun by a thick 
growth of surrounding trees. The President's parents came from the 
State of Maine, and landed in Hawaii in the year 1840, after the usual 
long voyage around Cape Horn. They were members of that devoted 
band of New England missionaries by whom civilization and Christianity 
were introduced into these islands. 

Sanford Ballard, their son, was born here in 1844, and received his 
early education at Punahou College, an institution of which his father 
was first president. From thence he went to Williams College, Massa- 
chusetts, having earned, by his own labors, a part of his expenses. Leav- 
ing college, he studied law in the office of the late William T. Brigham 
of Boston ; but soon after his admission to the bar of Suffolk County 
he returned to his native soil, and was duly admitted to practise in the 
courts of the Hawaiian kingdom, of which he became afterwards one 
of the associate justices. He first entered the Legislature in 1884, serv- 
ing again in 1886, and taking a prominent part in the revolution of 
1887. In view of existing events, it is notable that, although at that 
latest date a stanch believer in the necessity of a radical reform, yet 
Mr. Dole then declared his unwillingness to participate in any extreme 
measures ; especially did he oppose the least manifestation of violence, 
or any step by which bloodshed would be precipitated. He showed at 
this time so much conservatism, that the peaceful sohition of those 
difficulties was very generally assigned to his personal infiuence. In 
person. President Dole is rather beyond the average height, of com- 
manding presence and dignified mien. He rarely relaxes, even momen- 
tarily, his self-control. Yet, with all this, he has not a suggestion of 
frigidity in manner, but impresses his sympathetic nature upon the 

To my remark that the journal represented by me desired to maintain 
an independent attitude, and give expression to each and every view of 
the points in issue. President Dole kindly favored me with his senti- 
ments, an account of which has been already published in these columns. 


After sending my telegram, at a casual meeting, he desired to add a few 
words on the assertion that, in the event of the success of his govern- 
ment, the Hawaiian people would be a conquered race. To this, he 
replies that it was current talk at first that the natives would be treated 
like the aborigines of North America ; that is, they would be allowed 
no share whatever in the administration of government, they would be 
segregated from the whites in all departments, and it had even been 
asserted that they would be forced to reside upon reservations. To all 
this, he had simply to remark that there was nothing in it. "The 
people now in power are the best friends the natives have, or have had 
for years. As individuals, you would be surprised to know how many 
of the native race, both boys and girls, are receiving support and educa- 
tion from the very men who sit in this council-chamber. Our adherents 
take great and substantial interest in the poorest of these people. As 
a government, one of the most important movements under considera- 
tion is a project which will give to each Hawaiian, no matter how poor, 
the opportunity to hold land, to improve it, and to thus have a home- 
stead of his own. We are discussing this matter, and the result of our 
deliberations will be duly announced. It will be something very similar 
to the system of land tenure which obtains in New Zealand. Now, in 
contrast to this, what was the position of the poor native under the 
monarchy ? It was that of a serf. The whole Hawaiian people have 
always been held in serfdom, from which no one of them had the least 
chance to emerge. The rich man was sure of place, preferment, and 
every consideration from royalty. The court was dependent upon the 
latter for its extravagant support ; it relied upon the former for nothing, 
and it did absolutely nothing for its poorer subjects." 

It may be in place for me to add just here that the bill now before 
the Assembly gives President Dole a salary of $10,000. I was present 
when he announced that he desired the freest expression of opinion 
on the matter of his stipend, and should relinquish the chair when 
the question came before the House. In contrast to this, it may be 
stated that Queen Liliuokalani drew $80,000 a year from the public 
treasury, and that her brother, the late King Kalakaua, died with 
$250,000 of private debts, in spite of the very munificent appropria- 
tions for his court and personal expenses. 

How successful President Dole and his friends may be in arousing 
the ambition of the natives to become property-holders remains to be 
seen. By those who believe that these people can never be capable of 
intelligent interest in public affairs, the fact is noted that there is not, 


throughout the dominion, one person of strictly native blood possessed 
of property of the value of one thousand dollars. If this is rigorously 
true, which I am much inclined to doubt, it places the Hawaiian, in the 
matter of worldly energy and enterprise, on a lower plane than that 
here occupied by the Chinaman, or, in our own land, by the negro, 
because instances are not lacking where representatives of the latter 
race have acquired that mercantile or social distinction which is accorded 
in America to the possessor of wealth. 

The President is his own chaplain at the opening of deliberations in 
the National Assembly. He makes a brief and expressive prayer to the 
Ruler of Nations as soon as the House is called to order. 

The first applause for many days was manifest in the sitting of Feb- 
ruary 2d, when Minister Damon announced that the government had 
withdrawn the name of the post-oflSce oflScial, which it had been his 
design to invite from California to take charge at the central oflBice of 
the city of Honolulu. This was a most unpopular movement. As the 
financier of the government. Minister Damon was also severely criticised 
for selling fifty thousand dollars in gold, instead of putting into circu- 
lation the more precious metal. Subsidy to a non-political publication, 
the liberty of the press (which is notably abused) , Chinese immigration, 
and the representation of all classes in the government, are specimens 
of subjects which make the seat of a councilman anything but an easy 
one, and call for the greatest exercise of superior wisdom on the part of 
President Dole. 

Although generally preferring to allow statements to go without expla- 
nation, I cannot forbear to add in a note to this letter, that the Queen 
received from the public treasury exactly the sum voted to President 
Dole, and that the remainder of the revenue named came from the crown 
lands which have been the property of the monarchy since the day of 
Kamehameha I. 





Honolulu, February 8, 1894. 

President Dole's specifications of charges against President Cleveland 
and Minister Willis for threatening the Provisional Government give great 
satisfaction to the American element here. By those who know President 
Dole, it was never expected that he would withdraw any official communi- 
cation. He is a man who weighs each word he says, and had Minister 
Willis insisted on the least apology, the minister might rather have 
received his passports. At the same time, the question of the compli- 
ance with the written request of the American minister was the most 
exciting topic here for days. 

In this connection, the veracity of Admiral Irwin's statement is 
publicly challenged : that his ships were in fighting trim ; that no officers 
nor men were allowed shore leave ; that ammunition was brought from 
their magazines, — these facts are cited in proof of threats. The dis- 
placement of Skerrett, known to favor annexation, and the appointment 
of Irwin, were also disquieting. 

Whatever the end, the whole Hawaiian affair is a sad injury to the 
missions. It was impossible for me to convince an intelligent, educated, 
half-caste member of a Congregational Church that there could be any 
Christianity in men who had dethroned the Queen, seized the treasury, 
voted themselves salaries, and especially had refused to abide by the 
decision of President Cleveland, their mutually chosen referee. The 
action of some of the Protestant ministers in taking annexation petitions 
into their churches for signature by the members is indeed very unfor- 
tunate for the cause of Christianity. 

The government's armed force consists of whites, mostly of that 
undesirable class which otherwise would become tramps. They have no 
sense of devotion to the cause, but simply earn their living in a soldier's 
uniform. There is a large reserve force at the call of the authorities, 
composed of the Portuguese, who take musket and cartridge to their 
homes, and swear they will use it, if required, in defence of the Provisional 


Government. This is necessary in order to obtain the humblest employ- 
ment from the departments of government. 

You must not blame these men, said an educated Portuguese to me ; 
they must find bread for their wives and children. How can they do it 
if no one will furnish employment? Joseph O. Carter lost his position 
as president of the Charles Brewer Company, and Peter C. Jones is 
elected. This change is due entirely to the royalist opinions of the 

An immense order for cartridges has just gone forwai'd, although those 
on hand have not been used. The provisionalists allow no person to 
hold oflace save declared annexationists. 

The native and half-caste elements have no sympathy with annexation, 
and the few signatures obtained from them are given under duress of some 
kind. The government employee, whatever his position, who declines 
to sign the annexation petition, loses that moment his place. The 
Hawaiian Band, almost to a man, — in government service and pay for 
twenty years, — refused the oath of allegiance. The members disloyal to 
the Provisionalist party were dismissed and a new government band 
organized. When the latter gives free concerts, the natives and half- 
castes stay away. If the former plays on the public square, the grounds 
are crowded and the voluntary contributions are liberal. 

President Dole is accessible to the poorest citizen, and all is done to 
conciliate every class. Even the Chinese, who regard the revolution 
with natural stoicism, must be kept from giving aid to the monarchy. 
It is advocated that the entire population register, so that there be no 
class legislation. The natives would rebel at this, but it is proposed in 
order to conciliate the advocates of Chinese registration. 



It cannot have escaped the attention of your readers that as yet 
I have no opinions of my own, and such ambiguity is intentional on my 
part. It is my effort to correctly record the statements, theories, and 
political position of any class with whom I may be invited to confer, 
and then, just as though I were the reporter for such persons, to place 
the result in proper form for the consideration of the public. Save to 
vouch now and then for a matter of fact, the final conclusion will come 
where it belongs, at the close of my sojourn here. At a crisis like the 
present, I believe the correspondent's duty to be fulfilled by stating, in 
the very strongest and best manner, the views of any and all persons 
who may be entitled to a hearing. 

I have seen her Majesty, the Queen, and paid my respects to royalty 
just as though it had not fallen from its high estate. Of this I shall 
perhaps have more to say at a future time ; suffice it now to add that she 
impressed me just as she ever has, — as a good, strong, dignified, and 
sensible woman, and this in spite of that which she said in her interview 
with Minister Willis. A New York lawyer, who came here fully primed 
all the way down by an annexationist and an American woman with 
those absurd stories which it is for the interest of the provisionalist to 
circulate, entirely impartial in his judgment, because he visits this city 
for a strictly business purpose, told me that he had written a voluntary 
communication to a leading paper of that metropolis so strong on just 
the opposite side that he doubted if it would ever be printed ; as a conse- 
quence, both of his former friends, besides others to whom he was intro- 
duced by them, call him a rank royalist, and regard him with the 
darkest suspicions. " Why," said he, with that acumen natural to those 
of his profession in going to the root of such matters, " these very 
people have told each other and strangers within a year that the Queen 
was one of the most philanthropic, the most upright. Christian women 
in the whole land, and from careful inquiry I am sure that she is 
exactly that. Such has been her reputation for her whole lifetime, 


and a woman does not radically change for the worse after she is fifty 
years old." 

But not with her Majesty, rather with those in whose heai'ts is 
cherished the spirit of loyalty to her, will this letter deal, chiefly in 
regard to one point; namely, the decay of the Hawaiian race. This 
has been industriously asserted by the American party, the reasoning 
being on this wise : in a few years there will be no natives, therefore it 
is as absurd to bring that element into the discussion as it would be to 
bias public interests in the United States by asking how it would affect 
the North American Indian. Now, is this true ? 

The house from which I have just returned contained a mixed com- 
pany. There were two women present at our conclave whom I knew 
when first I visited Honolulu ; there was one gentleman who has been 
intrusted by royalty with at least three most important foreign missions ; 
another, a gentleman of wealth and leisure devoted to literary pursuits, 
but long a resident here. He was of European birth, and, besides my- 
self, was, I think, the only person in a company of nine present in 
whose veins there ran no strain of Hawaiian blood. It is to him that 
I am indebted for the statistics contained in this article. 

The census of 1890 gave to Hawaii a population of 90,000, of which 
the native and half-caste element amounted to 40,500 ; Japanese and 
Chinese, 27,500 ; Portuguese, 9,000 ; Hawaiian born of sundry nation- 
alities, 7,500; all other foreigners (2,000 of these being Americans), 
5,500, the nearest round number being used in these figures. The 
natives — Chinese, Portuguese, and other foreigners — have diminished 
since the census of 1872. The half-caste and Hawaiian-born have 
increased. The Japanese are a new element since that date. 

Now briefly let us consider who are the voters to-day. There are but 
14,000 in all ; of these. the natives have the majority, 9,550 ; the Portu- 
guese and half-castes come next, with 2,100; of sundry nationalities 
(the British having of these 500, but excluding the American element), 
1,700 ; the Americans, 650 ! 

By the above facts and figures, it will be seen that the Americans 
form but two and one-fifth per cent, of the population, and less than 
five per cent, of the registered voters. Now, granting, for the sake of 
argument, that each and all were in favor of the present Provisional 
Government, and upholders of the recent attempt of some four or five 
of their number to convey (under a past administration) these islands 
to a foreign country on their memorable visit to Washington, does the 
world realize the astounding revelation of those statistics ? That the 


pettiest of minorities should have obtained the notice accorded to it, is 
the wonder of those who are conversant with the facts. " Why, had 
these figures been before President Harrison, had he realized how little 
those adventurers were authorized to speak for the Hawaiian nation," 
says my informant, "he would not have given them audience." 

"Allowing for differences of opinion," suggested another of the com- 
pany, " and I could take you through a street and introduce you to 
many Americans there who have not the least sympathy with the revolt, 
there is not one per cent, of the population, or two per cent, of the 
registered voters, who thus claim the right to destroy the independence 
of a nation. It is conceded by some who gave the first revolutionists 
their adherence that there were not in that original body but two men 
who were entitled to universal respect. These were Messrs. Damon and 
Dole. Had it not been for their names and their influence, the move- 
ment could never have received even the limited support accorded to it." 

One of the peculiarities of politics in Hawaii is a certain feature 
extorted from King Kalakaua at the point of the bayonet in 1887 ; this 
is, that abating not a jot of his rights as a citizen of a foreign power, 
the resident in Hawaii can take any part he chooses in governing the 
land ; can sit in its executive and deliberate councils : in short, his posi- 
tion is exactly that of one born here, or one who has sworn allegiance 
to the Queen. " The great convenience of this may be seen at a glance. 
A man became a political nuisance ; we endeavored to discipline him ; 
he went to his consul on board a ship of his flag, and we were power- 
less. Do you think any other country in the world would have borne 
that for fifteen years? And yet they blame our Queen because she 
wished to frame a new constitution." 

This from another side of the house. 

" But why did Kalakaua consent to it?" I asked. 

"Why, indeed? It deserves its name; it is, and has always been 
called, 'The Bayonet Constitution.' He would have lost his life, had he 
refused. His sister spoke with truth when she said that she would 
never be safe as long as these men remained in the land ; that they 
had killed her brother." 

"Killed? Yes, just as truly as it is an historic fact that there was 
a committee of five, the names of whom would surprise you, should I 
mention them (for they went early into this very revolution), who were 
bound for the public good to execute King Kalakaua, as the vigilance 
committee executed the roughs of San Francisco, had he continued in 
his obstinacy that he would not sign the constitution of 1887. And 


now those very men are writing letters on the bloodthirstinees of a bar- 
barian Queen. And why? Because she stated that it was her judgment 
that such persons should be dealt with in Hawaii just exactly as they 
would be treated to-day under like circumstances by the Queen of Most 
Christian England or the Emperor of Most Enlightened Germany." 

But to return to the rate of increase or decrease of the Hawaiian race. 
In 1866 this had lost for six years an average of 1,400 a year, or twelve 
per cent, of the population ; in 1890, it had lost an average of 600 per 
year, or but eight per cent, of the native population. During the same 
six years the half-castes have increased by some 2,000 souls, and this 
latter is the coming Hawaiian race. Of this there is not the least doubt. 
The missionaries in 1850 calculated that in forty years the native race 
would have ceased to exist. Their period of limitation has been over 
for three years, yet, excluding the Japanese and Chinese, whose stay is 
merely temporary, we are still two-thirds of the entire population of 

This race, and by half-caste is meant here any mixture of native or pure 
Hawaiian blood, has every element of vitality. The males and females , 
are almost equal in numbers. These are, at the present time, almost 
exclusively in early manhood or womanhood, more than half being under 
fifteen years of age ; thus proving that the movement toward fertility 
has but just commenced. They are astoundingly strong, handsome, and 
healthy. Why should this not be so since they have the natural physique 
which comes with an out-of-door life joined to the intelligence, but not 
the bodily feebleness, of civilization? The women are handsome, very 
sweet-tempered, affectionate, and graceful. They are zealously sought 
in marriage by those of the whiter races who make of these islands a 
permanent home. You will find no pleasanter houses than that of one 
of these happily married couples, and none which will more rapidly fill 
up with healthy, happy children. 

But in their national affiliations it is not to Boston, to London, nor to 
Berlin that they direct their eyes. No, it was here that they were born ; 
here is the land of their love. Has America shown in her treatment of 
those of mixed blood, or in those of the darker complexions, anything 
for which these, the true Hawaiians, should desire annexation ? What is 
the social position of the African race in the land of equal rights?. 
How many ladies do you know with ever so slight a tinge to their 
beautiful faces who could be received in the best society of New York, | 
or even of Boston, and treated with exactly the same consideration as 
though their fathers and mothers showed the purest of Caucasian blood ? 


Suppose we do multiply and begin to emigrate to the Union, how long 
will it be before you will pass a Hawaiian exclusion bill as you have 
passed one against the Chinese? No, I thank you ; you keep your own 
nationality, and let us keep ours. Would you stain the flag of the land, 
which we own we love as the escutcheon of our ancestry, by forcing us 
to be one of its territorial possessions, acquired contrary to the will and 
wishes of the great majority of the voters, or of the entire population? 
for our sisters are not a whit less patriotic than we are in sayiiig, if 
there is one right to which we have a legitimate claim, surely it is the 
right to national existence. 

One of the most common of assertions is that the Hawaiians are 
incapable of self-government. When, it may be asked, did they have 
any opportunity to demonstrate either this or its opposite ? From the 
very first they have, in their good-natured hospitality carried into 
politics, allowed the foreign, and especially the missionary, element the 
utmost freedom in assuming to direct national affairs. They have been 
subjected to all the cabals of the contending parties amongst these 
residents, so that cabinet has plotted against cabinet without any regard 
whatsoever for the good of the nation, but simply with the determina- 
tion to overthrow some rival faction. The strongest government in 
Europe could not exist if those of alien birth and sympathies were 
allowed such privileges as have been accorded by the island race to 
their visitors, or temporary residents in Honolulu ; for it is this one city 
which has assumed to govern the kingdom in the past as it assumes now 
to speak for us to the civilized world of to-day. 

The bill for fixing the President's salary has been amended so that he 
is to receive $1,000 a month instead of $10,000 a year. 

The new minister of foreign affairs will probably be Francis M. Hatch, 
a lawyer, formerly of New Hampshire, and for a time vice-president of 
the Provisional Government. He is now president of the Annexation 

That President Dole, as soon as relieved by Mr. Hatch, will devote 
himself to the final draft of his new constitution, so that a republic will 
be announced within a few days, is a rumor gaining ground just as this 
mail is leaving. 

That whenever promulgated, the native element will in reality be 
disfranchised by the property clause, and the otl)er nationalities by the 
limitation in regard to reading and writing the English language, is 
nearer to fact than to rumor, so it appears to me. This will place the 
rule of the nation in the hands of the very men who offered to convey 


it to the American Union, for it is quite improbable that the English, or 
other foreign residents, will take much part in the affairs of the incipient 
commonwealth. . 

Amongst other rumors may be mentioned the following : — 

That the younger portion of the American party are now saying that 
if it is not to be annexation, they would far prefer to return to the old 
regime. And the reason is this. They say if the present clique are to 
rule the country, it will be entirely under the dominion of those of the 
strictest religious opinions ; that it is this very party who have in the 
past frowned on all sports, established as law the most Puritanic of 
Sabbaths, tried to prevent the sale of so much as a glass of beer in the 
whole kingdom, and in all other manners have endeavored to restrain 
the personal habits of those of the white settlers who had no sympathy 
with such restrictions. If they did this when the latter had something 
to say, what will be their course now that they are an absolute despotism ? 
For this cause the very young men who voluntarily shouldered a musket 
a year ago for the defence of the government now look lovingly back to 
the days of monarchy, rather than hopefully forward to the coming 
republic. This statement comes to me from an officer in that first army, 
a man now in the service of the most active of the Provincialist party, 
although no longer in the military. 

The strained relations existing between President Dole and Minister 
Willis give color to the rumor that the latter is already looking up the 
date on which a comfortable passage can be taken from hence to San 
Francisco ; in other words, that he will notify President Cleveland by 
this mail that he desires to be relieved from a position which daily grows 
more embarrassing. 

The organization of a new Board of Education is giving the President 
some anxiety. He states that he wishes to have all nations and creeds 
represented ; his best attempts, however, seem to be fruitless, when he 
goes outside the pale of the Congregational churches. He has found no 
Catholic willing to serve, and in this he experiences the usual trouble 
with the traditional conservatism of those of that faith. The British 
also ask to be excused, and I presume the Hawaiians have not been 
invited to nominate one of their number. The Roman Catholics have 
at present the largest denominational following in the land, and it is 
increasing almost daily. 

The throne, crown, and all insignia of royalty are to be on exhibition 
at the California Midwinter Fair, and a considerable portion of the late 
Queen's official belongings have already been shipped to San Francisco. 


Perhaps it was thought that should her Majesty be restored, the fact of 
forcing her to sit in an ordinary arm-chair, with no more on her brow 
than a smile of satisfaction, would deprive the occasion of its brilliancy 
or success as a royalistic pageant. 

The official who had been invited from California to take charge of the 
post-office arrived according to contract, but the government did not 
dare put him in possession of his office. There were some stormy scenes 
between employers and employed. What the result was no one knows, 
but the official has sent for his family ; this confirms the statement of a 
native to me that all positions will be filled by partisans of annexation, 
even if they must be imported for their places. 

As though there were not enough activity on the surface, the cele- 
brated volcano shows signs of a gran4 eruption ; earthquakes make the 
land tremble around the home of P616, the fire-god ; the lake of molten 
lava is making inroads on the more stable soil ; there are indications of 
a fine display of fire fountains. I leave for that locality to-morrow, and 
may spend two nights at the summit. This is the last mail to San 
Francisco, save by a sailing-vessel, for a period of three weeks, and the 
long interval gives me the opportunity to ascertain the sentiments of 
the native population on the other islands. 



In those consistent but extreme views held by Count Leo Tolstoi*, he 
accepts the words of Holy Writ in their literal sense, and asserts " that 
ye resist not evil " is the first command of the new dispensation. The 
Mosaic showed the world under the law of eye for eye and tooth for 
tooth ; the Christian, the crucified Master, when twelve legions of angels 
could have rescued him from his slayers. The little world of Honolulu, 
while not in a state of civil war, exhibits at the present time all those 
phases of mutual disagreement and division which are consequent upon 
war, and its necessary disregard of this precept and those which come 
where the heated passions of the one side are opposed to the equally 
obstinate will of the other. Slowly and surely it is becoming necessary 
for every person in public or oflScial position in this city to be pronounced 
against royalty or retire to inaction and private life. In the case of the 
laborer, it means bread to the family ; in the case of the oflSce-holder, it 
means sign the annexation petition or resign your place ; even in the case 
of the business manager of large experience and undoubted integrity, it 
means that unless he disclaims all sympathy with fallen royalty, another 
president's name must head the list. 

The house of C. Brewer & Co. needs no introduction to Boston 
readers. It is the oldest house in business in Hawaii, its organization 
dating from the very earliest missionary times. It is now an incorpo- 
rated company, $600,000 capital, and its oflScers and stockholders include 
some of the ablest of the American colonists. Its president and man- 
ager was, until a day or two ago, Mr. Joseph O. Carter, a man of the 
most undoubted integrity, born on the islands, and dwelling here (with 
the exception of some seven years, when he was receiving his education 
at Chauncy Hall, Boston) for his whole lifetime. But Mr. Carter 
believed that it was his duty to observe the oath of fidelity he had taken 
to her Majesty, the constitutional monarch of the land. His name 
appears on the letter in which she promises amnesty, and he was the 
messenger who originally carried to President Dole the protest, and saw 


it indorsed with a note of reception by that official. He has, since the 
dethronement, nothing whatever to do with the Queen. He never sees 
her save when she might send for him, as a business man would summon 
his attorney. This he considers he is bound by his oath to do, for he 
swore that whenever she desired counsel from his lips, he would give it 
and to the best of his ability. He has taken no public part whatever in 
the present revolution, appearing in no capacity before the people as an 
advocate of royalty or adherent of the present government. But for 
all this, his sentiments were well known, if not as publicly expressed, 
as are those of Hon. T. H. Davies. It was certain that he believed the 
reform party went too far, that he considered the Queen to be the legiti- 
mate ruler of the country. No provincialist, no partisan, has ever been 
known to so much as hint against the personal character of either 
Mr. Carter or Mr. Davies. 

Yet at the meeting of the Company, after having once, prior to this 
meeting, spread upon its records a condemnation of Mr. Carter's polit- 
ical sentiments, he was officially beheaded ; he loses his position and his 
income. Mr. Peter C. Jones, one of the original revolutionists, a man 
of equally high character, for years connected with the house, was 
elected to the presidency. Mr. Jones is well known in Boston, his 
father being one of the typical old Boston merchants. He came around 
Cape Horn to this city nearly forty years ago, and is a man of about 
sixty years of age. He often visits the East, and is most highly 
esteemed in business, social, and ecclesiastical circles. 

The government would also like to discipline Mr. T. H. Davies, but 
it is not so easy to punish him, and he speaks and writes against the 
self-elected ruler with all the vigor of a man conscious that, to his 
view, he has the eternal principle of right upon his side. He is a 
British subject, was formerly the vice-consul of that power, ia a man of 
great wealth and education, and, as has been before said, is the guar- 
dian of the Princess Kaiulani, the next in succession to the throne. 
His position and his ideas of the difference between our government and 
that of Great Britain are well displayed in the following statement, which 
came to me from his own lips : — 

" Fifty years ago," he said, " there was a hot-headed British captain 
in this harbor. He landed a force of marines, pulled down the 
Hawaiian flag, and ran up the British flag. In due time, the admiral of 
the fleet ai-rived, and Lord George Paulet was told to pull down that 
British flag, run up the Hawaiian flag, and give the latter a national 
salute, which was done. There is ho name dearer to the people of 


Hawaii than that of Admiral Thomas. A square is named for him, his 
portrait is hung among those of the Kamehamehas, and his name is 
spoken with love unto this day. There is one picture ; now for another. 
"In 1893 there was a hot-headed American captain afloat and an 
equally hot-headed American minister ashore. The force of marines was 
landed, and again the Hawaiian ensign was pulled down, the colors of 
an alien power taking its place. The President decided that his own 
representatives had acted unjustifiably; but — Well, the end is not 


Whatever the merits of the above contrast, from my general acquaint- 
ance with the course of Great Britain throughout the world, I think it 
is typical of the strength and weakness of the two nations. The former 
is the distinguishing trait of the British Government in all acts under 
its foreign policy ; the latter is our reputation, both in matters of diplo- 
macy or in insults or abuses offered to our citizens or seamen in foreign 

Mr. Davies may yet find in his own person an example of the value 
of British protection. As he has business connections with British 
Columbia, has resided there, and is now the local agent for the line of 
mail steamers plying between Vancouver and Australia, touching at 
this port, when recently it was said that an army to reseat the Queen 
was being recruited on British soil, the attorney-general summoned 
Mr. Davies to his office, and questioned him very closely upon the 
alleged movement and his own connection therewith ; to which the 
accused made the very proper and natural reply that he knew nothing 
whatever about the affair, and considered it a canard. He also added, 
and this would be said of him by any person who knows him, that his 
name would never be seen amongst those of traitors or conspirators. 
He has been a resident, from time to time, of Honolulu since 1857, and 
is favorably known for his support of Christian and philanthropic 
movements. But he is outspoken in his assertion that it is a dangerous 
precedent to violate the law of nations, or to subvert, by violence, con- 
stituted authority. One of the government organs has an editorial 
indirectly advocating his deportation. 

Had President Cleveland been a second Admiral Thomas, the army 
which would have repelled, if possible, the United States forces would 
have been composed of the very flower of the American residents. I 
have listened to private letters written at that time, in which wives 
renounced husbands, mothers gave up only sons, and there was every 
sentiment of that high-toned patriotism which was so general during the 


great Southern Rebellion ; for it was distinctly believed in Honolulu, 
not only from the President's attitude and his message, but from 
Admiral Irwin, that force was to be used. No officers nor men were 
allowed shore-leave from the naval vessels. It has even been^said that 
the admiral transferred to places of shelter his own wife and daughter ; 
that ammunition was brought up from below, and that every preparation 
was made for war. So the people of Honolulu, from President Dole 
to the humblest citizen, expected to see the Provisional Government 
attacked at any moment ; and the Hawaiian President is right when he 
says that Minister Willis stood in an attitude of menace which he 
declined to explain. The specifications of President Dole give great 
satisfaction to his friends here ; that he would ever, at the request of the 
minister, withdraw or apologize for any line of conduct, no one who 
knows of what stuff he is made would as much as intimate. Perhaps, 
were it not for the fact that it might prejudice the cause of annexation. 
Minister Willis would be told plainly that he is persona non grata ^ and 
thus be required to buy his ticket for Washington. 

It must be remembered that the one end of all movements made by the 
present government and its sympathizers is annexation ; for all that they 
are perfectly willing to admit with reason that fusion with the American 
Union will never be the portion of Hawaii ; yet there is scarcely an 
American here but what fondles the delusion in his heart. This is 
because such has been their ideal for years. It is the only thing, they 
say, which will insure peace, harmony, and good government, and they 
fail to realize that although such was the profession of the first Americans 
who came here, none the less is it true that the American Union was not 
organized, nor is it continued as a national missionary board for the 
relief of those abroad desiring purity in politics or integrity and wisdom 
in ruling nations of commingled blood. 

There are some encouraging and some disheartening aspects in the 
present condition of things. Amongst the former may be mentioned the 
surprising ease with which nineteen men can govern a nation, even 
under the most adverse circumstances. For Hawaii is now governed by 
just that number, and this includes one who has not been yet selected, 
namely, the new minister of foreign affairs, that office being now segre- 
gated from the presidency ; and the nation is well governed, the 
finances especially being in a most wholesome condition. May not our 
cities learn a lesson here, even our States ? As Hawaii is now governed 
there is no difficulty in fixing responsibility : it is on these nineteen men ; 
but in Massachusetts, with our numberless commissions, organized 


mostly for the purpose of political reward, our governor's council, a 
totally useless and often obstructive body, our two houses of deliberation, 
we have far too much machinery. 

The saddest part of it is the great injury in the native mind the whole 
affair has been to the cause of Christian missions. It is useless to argue 
with the man of prejudice, and the native cannot be blamed if he is 
prejudiced in favor of his own queen, his traditional government, and 
especially his own right to be a nation amongst nations. It is just as 
useless to explain to him that these are not missionaries, that a majority 
of the whole civil list never had anything to do with missions. To him 
the American party and the missionary party are synonymous terms. 
The circulation of annexation petitions in the Protestant churches was a 
most impolitic move, and the contrast in the Catholic churches, where 
nothing but the worship of God is allowed, cannot fail to be noticed by 
the more intelligent and the half-castes. Protestants who are not in 
sympathy with the revolutionary movement speak to me of this every 
day, although it does not appear that the priests count much on the 
secession which the Protestant natives allege is going on. . These simply 
go about their ecclesiastical duties as they do in all lands ; they take not 
the least part in any of the demonstrations, nor can they be expected to, 
for the mission was founded by the French in 1827, and established on 
a firm basis by the action of the French Government in 1839. But 
whatever the form of Christianity, every true man must feel sad to see it 
lose its hold on the people, especially where these have nothing toward 
which they may turn. Dr. Johnson stated a great truth when he said 
that without realizing his obligation to a higher power than anything 
human, man could not live a virtuous or upright life. 



" When the former government was overthrown," I began, in con- 
versation with a gentleman who had for many years represented 
Hawaii in foreign parts. 

" Let me correct your language right there," he interrupted. " The 
government of the Hawaiian islands has never been overthrown, and it 
never will be. It rests on a foundation which has stood the changes of 
half a century. The only modification to which it is subject is that of 
annexation to the United States." 

This was a new view of the situation, and in this letter will be pre- 
sented the views of this official and those with whom I have talked who 
sympathize with him. Some of my informants have been members of 
the fallen cabinets of royalty. 

What was the government of the Hawaiian islands up to the 1 7th of 
January, 1893? Who directed the voice of the nation? Who furnished 
the money by which national improvements, hospitals, schools, leper 
settlements, and all other public works were directed, supported, and 
sustained ? 

To whom is all this due to-day ? 

To identically the same party, almost to the same individuals. 

There, in brief, is stated the side of the provisionalists, their very 
right to being to-day. 

Are they a company of filibusters who have landed here, seized the 
reins of power with intent to drive the chariot of state at their own 
pleasure and for their own profit ? Far from it. Had this been their 
position, the inexperienced hand would have been manifest, and to its 
own destruction. 

The fact is just this : brains will tower above brute force ; intelligence 
joined with activity must lead ; money is accumulated labor, and the 
millions amassed by the few will overpower the petty stipend paid daily 
to the many, and so divided as to be deprived of its force. 


This has always been recognized in Hawaii. The American mission- 
aries and their descendants have always, from the earliest days, been 
the power behind the throne. They have now swept aside that piece of 
furniture ; it had survived its usefulness, and its destruction simply dis- 
closed to the view of nations the real rulers of the Hawaiian people. 
These continued to govern ; they did not initiate government. Had 
they done the latter, there would have been anarchy and strife ; as they 
did the former, there has been nought but harmony and peace. 

Who put Kalakaua on the throne ? 

Who counselled him, directed the kingdom, not only while he 
nominally appointed a cabinet, but during his long absence from these 
shores, during his pleasure-trip around the globe ? These very men who 
have now told his sister that they fail to see any advantage in yielding 
to her further voice in public affairs. Fifty years ago there were but 
two rulers of the nation, — King Hiram and my Lord Judd. Rev. Hiram 
Bingham governed the native element throughout the island«kingdom ; 
Dr. C. P. Judd sat in the palace, and wrote the decrees with his own 
hand which regulated trade, habits, and usages in Honolulu, the royal 
race of Kamehamehas doing no more than to affix a pen-scratch to the 
spot on which the doctor's right arm held the pen. To-day the legitimate 
successors of these, in reality the titular dynasty of the land, govern 
the nation, and it is well governed, because they have the prestige of 
long succession, the wisdom which comes by decades of experience. 

They were never the servants of royalty. The latter was their month- 
piece to a part of the people as long as the reigning monarch spoke 
words of truth, of Christian purport, and for the good of all the people. 
The men who put those words into the English language were glad to 
sustain the throne. 

When, in place of financial integrity, a system of legalized gambling 
was promulgated by the Queen, so that the families of the day-laborer 
would be robbed of bread ; when the despotism of Siam was to supplant 
a constitution founded on that of Queen Victoria ; when the barbarism, 
sensuality, and heathenism of centuries past were proclaimed and prac- 
tised, rather than the principles of Christ's Sermon on the Mount, — then 
the men who had always made the laws, who had furnished the means 
and directed the forces which sustained the government, simply said, — 

" The voice of the executive is no longer the voice of God, and that 
there may be no misunderstanding in future, we will execute his decrees 
for the present by a council of those who believe in him, not through 
one person who openly defies him and his precepts." 


" And," say my informants, " we should have been partakers in 
iniquity if we had not acted exactly as we did. Perhaps you may assert 
that we should have promulgated the Queen's lottery bill ; that we should 
have seen the people bow their necks to the Siamese despotism ; that we 
should have assented to the revival of pagan practices ; that we ought 
willingly to have paid of our substance into a treasury the disburse- 
ments of which were in no manner under our control ; but the wisest of 
us cannot see how a person with any regard for civilization, morals, or 
Christianity can advocate or even approve such a course. We stand 
just where we always have stood, save that we have conciliated, modi- 
fied, and even submitted, for twenty years, accepting the royal promise 
of good government. When there was no longer hope of the latter, 
save thi'ough ourselves, then, and not until then, did we most unwill- 
ingly, and as an unwelcome duty, assume the executive as well as the 
legislative functions." 

Now for»the facts in support of this statement of the views of the 
American party. No one can contest their allegation that it is by their 
wisdom and intelligence that kings have reigned and princes decreed 
judgment. Further : By whose money has the royal household been sup- 
ported ? Who paid for the trip of Kalakaua around the world ? Who 
paid the expenses of the royal party which visited Boston a few years 
ago? The foreign residents, chiefly those of American lineage. These 
were the men whom the Queen would have disfranchised ; these are the 
men who, in the event of her restoration, could not have stayed in the 
country under penalty of death. 

King Kalakaua's tour was, to some extent, a factor in the trouble. 
Of all the potentates he saw, none pleased him so well as the ruler of 
Slam. He there beheld an absolute monarch, with a standing army, 
with no power behind the throne, with prerogatives the exercise of 
which meant death to this man or preferment to that one. Ah, this it 
was to be king ! This was a monarchy worthy the successor to the 
great Kamehameha ! He had met his ideal ; he landed at Honolulu 
determined to make it a living reality. But he had neglected to notice 
that in Siam there was no party of intelligence, Christianity, and wealth. 
But the heathen, in his blindness, made a desperate attempt to change 
the American commonwealth into the Siamese despotism, and utterly 
failed. He sullenly accepted defeat, and the constitution wrung from 
him by those who now govern Hawaii is called the " Bayonet Constitu- 
tion " unto this day. He had a sister, Mrs. Lydia Dominis, governess 
of the island on which Honolulu is built. What did she say ? That, if 


she had been ruling in his place, that constitution would never have 
been granted ; that she would have shown the American party and the 
world who was the ruling monarch of Hawaii. 

Her time, too, came, and she fulfilled her own prophecy, with what 
result the people already know. She had one great obstacle with which 
to contend, which, to her brother, was but a coming event overshadow- 
ing the future. What was this ? 

The power of wealth. Where, years ago, her opponents were many 
of them on the verge of bankruptcy, they now were rich and prosper- 
ous ; out of debt at home, and with liberal credit abroad, they felt that 
independence which the full purse only can give. 

It is strange with what unerring accuracy intuition at times takes 
the place and renders the service of reason or education. When, in 
1867, I listened to the debate in Parliament on the reciprocity treaty, I 
noticed a great timidity on the part of the native members to commit 
themselves in its favor. And why ? Because they regarded it as a sort 
of first lien on the nation, by which their country was mortgaged to a 
stronger power — a power which would not hesitate to take the pound of 
flesh, and would rejoice to draw therewith the blood of Hawaii. 

It took all the Websterian phraseology of Hon. Stephen H. Phillips, 
seconded by the fiery eloquence of the half-caste interpreter, Ragsdale, 
to persuade the native that the reciprocity treaty was to the advantage 
of the kingdom ; even then, it was not until 1875 that it went into force. 
Its effect on the mercantile world of Honolulu was instantaneous. Men 
who had scarcely known what the future had in store for them, now 
found themselves acquiring financial, and, consequently, social strength. 
They no longer were ground down by that dependence on circumstances 
which comes with a consciousness of limited means. They had vastly 
more at stake, and they had more power and ability at command by 
which to defend their all. Government is organized for the protection 
of life and property ; only good government can accord such protection. 
They claim this as a right, and that no law, human or divine, obliges 
them to abandon hearth and home, to desert the fruits of a life-work, — 
and for what ? That a nation may return to the heathenism and wicked- 
ness from which it has been redeemed by American blood. Will it do 
this? Most certainly, they reply. If, in an instant, the influence of 
the descendants of the missionaries could be obliterated, if the ex-Queen 
should be taken at her word, and all that element which has opposed 
her should be deported, it would not be one generation before the last 
state of this people would be worse than the first, and this paradise of 


the Pacific would become a hell of bad passions. The question of their 
confiscated property needs no consideration ; the Queen and her fol- 
lowers would soon lose it all. Her brother, with enormous revenues, 
left $250,000 in private debts. 

We have fought for annexation, in order to be sure that no such 
catastrophe will ever befall the human race ; for it is not only Hawaii 
that will suffer in the event of our failure, but the whole fraternity of 
civilized nations. Have not the American people encouraged us to 
believe that we would be admitted to the Union? We do not claim 
any treaty obligations on the American side ; but have not Webster, 
Frelinghuysen, Blaine, and other statesmen, by their public utterances 
plainly manifested this intention ? If you lead a person to believe that 
you mean to do a certain thing, is he not justified in acting under the 
impression that when the time comes you can be depended on to do it ? 
This is just what we did when we assumed that the executive power in 
front of us for the future would not be the fiat of one unreasonable 
woman, but rather that central government at Washington which we 
had respected from our infancy. We have told you the representations 
which we believe justify our faith in annexation ; can you point out to 
us one public or oflScial utterance prior to 1893 which discourages this 
hope and expectation on our part? 

Mr. John L. Stevens, when United States minister, encouraged and 
advised annexation, so it is said. For the sake of argument, let this be 
admitted as truth ; what does it prove, save that Mr. Stevens was in 
accord with all his brother statesmen who have studied the relations 
between Hawaii and the United States ? 

As a fact, however, had Mr. Stevens been in town a day or two earlier, 
it is probable that the ex-Queen would still be on her throne ; for he 
stated at that time that all the weight of his influence, personal and 
oflScial, joined to that of other foreign ministers, would have been given 
to the effort to persuade the Queen to desist from those extreme meas- 
ures which precipitated the revolt. That this would have been the 
course of Mr. Stevens, that he would have had a fair chance of success, 
I cannot doubt. Of the former I feel absolutely sure, because direct 
testimony of tliose to whom he expressed that determination is at my 
command. Then, Mr. Stevens insists that he did not aid and abet the 
revolt, and does the public realize the circumstances under which the 
late American minister's account of himself was written ? 

Far be it from me to do more than to gently lift the veil which shrouds 
a fond parent's sorrow, yet the simple fact may be stated here. Full 


of life, hope, and daring, a talented daughter was his when the morn- 
ing sun lit up the mountain-tops. Claimed by grim death as his own, 
unchanged by any illness and unmarked by any disease, the form from 
which the spirit had fled rested through that night in the adjacent 
chamber to that in which the minister was writing to his government 
his account of the Hawaiian revolution. And thi'ough the long, silent 
night, when his fingers were wearied by the pen, or his eyesight dimmed 
over the manuscript, a walk into the next room, with a look into the 
quiet face of the dead girl, gave Mr. Stevens the strength to go on with 
his work. There are certain places on the islands where there is no 
landing for a small boat, so the coasting-steamer approaches the crag 
from which, by cage or basket, the passenger is lowered from the over- 
hanging precipice, and landed on deck. It was by such attempt that 
Miss Stevens lost her life. The body was recovered almost instantly, 
but the soul had fled. 

"I tell yqu," exclaimed the naval officer, from whom I heard the 
touching story, " that under such circumstances a man is very likely to 
tell nothing but absolute truth." 

And thus it was that, with nothing to extenuate, and nought to set 
down in malice. Minister Stevens told to the American people the first 
tale of his own agency in the revolutionary movement at Honolulu. I 
have faithfully reported in this article the strongest arguments of those 
in full sympathy with the cause- of annexation, which he — more than 
any other one American — represents. 



" A LITTLE leaven leaveneth the whole lump " is a proverb that may 
well be applied to the city of Honolulu, if not to the whole Hawaiian 
nation. This leaven is Americanism. The latest instance of this was seen 
in the celebration of Washington's Birthday. The speeches were excellent. 
They would have done credit to a like celebration had it been held in Boston. 
There were some indirect allusions to the parallel between two situations 
and the Hawaiian crisis : those of 1776 and revolt against George III. and 
the French Revolution. Taxation without representation was contrasted 
with the refusal of the planters to submit to disfranchisement while 
still paying nine-tenths of the cost of the support of government ; yet 
little was publicly said to which any person of contrary sympathies 
could take exception. There was a general suspension of business ; 
stores closed at one o'clock ; the evening newspaper of provisionalist 
faith was not published. At the celebration, both President Dole and 
Minister Willis forgot their diplomatic diflSculties ; the war-ships were 
gayly decorated, and fired national salutes. In a word, the occasion 
was made a day of the exaltation of patriotism, love of liberty and 
hero-worship, and there was not a jar or discord to mar its harmony. 

The community here has nothing to learn should it ever become a part 
of the American Union ; for, although the Americans are numerically 
in a hopeless minority, they are in an immense majority in influence 
upon their associate residents. For example, who but those still Amer- 
icans would have thought of the custom of holding a mock election on 
the day of our presidential election ? Yet this has been done in Honolulu 
for years, and sometimes as many as a thousand votes are cast. One 
of the best jokes I have heard is that, according to this plebiscite. 
President Cleveland is now the choice of those who are reviling him. 
It seems that, at his first candidacy, Blaine was elected, because he had 
favored reciprocity and annexation. Wily diplomate that he was, his 
speeches may be quoted on both sides of the question. I have seen 
paragraphs taken from them which would appear to be for non-interven- 


tion, and, on the contrary, since 1 have been here a two-column article 
has been printed, entirely from him, as an annexation document. But 
Mr. Cleveland was elected in spite of the Hawaiian vote. It is con- 
tested by few that he made a good record as an Executive and deserved 
another term, so at his last nomination the American vote in Hawaii was 
given to our present honored Chief Magistrate ; but there are few here 
who like to have this fact repeated, nor would he now get a vote. 

The first move toward a permanent government has been made by the 
appointment of a committee to prepare a draft for a constitutional con- 
vention. The plan can only be outlined at present, but it will probably 
be something like this : The first principle of all public movements 
here at this critical epoch in island history is, that no person not in full 
sympathy with the existing government can have ,much to do with 
private affairs, and nothing at all with public matters. This, it is 
asserted, is in perfect harmony with the course of Britain under the 
Commonwealth', after the deposition of King Charles, or America under 
Washington after the rupture with George III. So the delegates to the 
Hawaiian convention will not be chosen by the people. The annexation 
clubs throughout the land, or organizations of their principles, will send 
delegates to the seat of government, and, even when organized, the 
convention will have no more than an advisory agency in the work. 
The work of constructing a nation will be done by the nineteen men 
now holding the reins of power. Thus it will be seen there can be no 
counter-revolution, for the present government will condenm or approve 
each measure, and there will be no appeal from its absolute fiat. This 
ix)licy will be continued in admitting the people to suffrage ; Chinese, 
Japanese, all who neither read nor write the English language, and 
those below a certain property qualification (say, an income of $600 a 
year, or the possession of property to an amount not less than $1,000) 
being excluded. But the limitation will not cease there : an oath of 
loyalty to the existing government will be a condition precedent to 
registration as a voter. After throwing out the votes of the above- 
excluded classes, it will be readily seen that the total vote of the whole 
Hawaiian nation, of a population of ninety thousand souls, will be 
reduced to its lowest terms. Were I to gijess, I should put the extreme 
limit of registration at three thousand ballots, and certainly at the first 
election all ballots cast will be by the missionary party. 

I have used the term " missionary party" because it designates those in 
sympathy with American rule. Like many other terms in popular use, 
it is absolutely mistaken language, and conveys a false impression to 


those without full knowledge of the community. The first persons who 
settled here were, beyond dispute, missionaries, nor is there essential 
error in the application of the same word to those not strictly preachers 
who came with them, such as printers, supply agents, physicians, and 
others, who had the missionary spirit but not the theological education. 
These were at first under appointment from the American Board, were 
responsible to it, and early historians cannot be blamed if they failed to 
recognize any difference between them and their ecclesiastical brethren. 
Many, nay, most, of the so-called missionary party of to-day are not in 
any relation whatever with missions. 

But the original missionaries being, with scarce an exception, married, 
large families grew up around them ; their sons and daughters inter- 
married. These children, two generations removed from the ecclesiastics, 
engaged in ordinary mercantile affairs : they became doctors, lawyers, 
sugar-planters, or importers ; they invited accessions to their number 

\ from their families or friends at the East. It is now seventy-four years 
since the first missionaries came, but to this day the term is universally 
applied to that part of the community who, by the remotest connection 

j of blood, business alliance, or even natural sympathy, recognize the 

i worthy calling of the first emigrants. 

J The largest landed proprietors on the Hawaiian islands not only 
ijhad nothing, to do with the mission, but are not in sympathy with the 
■jfaith or politics of most of their descendants. The land tenure of 
iHawaii was, up to 1846, very peculiar in character. The king, then 
Kamehameha III., owned all the land ; under him, the chiefs held tracts 
after the old feudal manner. But he, with consummate wisdom and 
natural love for his people, voluntarily announced a revolution in land 
tenure. He gave about one-half of all the lands of the kingdom in small 
holdings to the natives, reserving the moiety for the purpose of creating 
a national revenue. This is the starting-point to the titles to real estate 
in the domain unto this day. It did not accomplish all that the good 
king hoped. The native did not become a thriving peasant, nor seek, 
like the hardier races, to build a home for himself and his children. 
He sold his birthright for a mess of pottage, that traditional term being 
represented by a horse, new raiment, a feast to his friends, or any 
other transient gratification ; if the sale was not absolute at first, it 
became so by default in a mortgage, of which he only thought when he 
signed it and received the consideration. The white residents were 
importuned with prayers and tears to advance money to the simple 
people, for whose convenience they often waited, not months, but years. 


thereafter, without receiving a dollar of principal or interest. Finally, 
in the course of a half-century, the land of the domain is mostly held 
by the white race, and little by the native. But it is in spite of all that 
has been done for the Hawaiian people, and not on account of it. Yet, 
as most improvident persons condemn, not themselves, but others, so, 
through ignorance, the native race point to the prosperity of the mis- 
sionary descendants on the one side, and their own penury on the other, 
as instances of the oppressor and the oppressed. And those who might 
learn better if they would but take the pains to talk as I have with the 
land conveyancers or others familiar with the transactions, as recorded 
officially for forty years, those politically opposed to Americans take 
up the cry and speak of the land-grabbing missionaries — an inexcusable 
blunder, if not a base slander. The largest land-holder in the kingdom, 
who acquired immense tracts by at least questionable means, Claus 
Spreckels, is a pronounced royalist, does little or nothing for the native 
race, and will not be suspected of any alliance with missionaries. That 
which is true of Mr. Spreckels is true of others in sympathy with his 
views. Not that he or men like him do any wrong to the natives, but 
their benevolence, if they have it, takes no active form ; they, let us 
agree, keep the commandments. But the very persons whom they 
accuse of conveying to a foreign power the nationality of Hawaii, with- 
out its consent, have not relaxed that noble effort for the good of their 
dark-skinned neighbor which inspired the little band sailing from Boston 
in 1820. 

At one end of the city is the Kamehameha School for boys of the 
native race, founded by the late Mrs. C. R. Bishop, a daughter of that 
royal race, and munificently endowed by her husband, who may well be 
styled the George Peabody of Hawaii. The entire property of this lady 
(and she was heir to immense estates) was bequeathed by her to the 
establishment of training-schools, and the one already erected is for 
boys. It is a building which would do honor to any community, and, 
with its workshops, dormitories, and pleasure-grounds, occupies an area 
of fifty acres within half an hour's ride of the centre of the city. 
There are ten instructors and a little over a hundred pupils. The charge 
is merely nominal, forty-two dollars a year covering tuition, board, and 
all necessities of the manual training. When the boys leave, they are 
fitted to earn at once full pay in their chosen mechanical art. 

Kawaiahao Seminary for girls is at the other end of the city, is under 
the auspices of the American Mission, has about the same average num- 
ber of attendants, and for the reason that this was doing so much for 


Hawaiian girls, that part of the will of Mrs. Bishop relating to the 
education of native boys was first executed by her husband, who has 
royally endowed, by his independent means, the Kamehameha School. 

These are but instances of the results to the native race of the work 
of the missionaries. I might go on and enumerate Oahu College, 
founded by the missionaries in 1841, for the education of their own 
children, similar institutions on the other islands, or the general system 
of common schools similar to our own, by which there is no district so 
remote but what gives to the poorest child the advantages of a common 
school education absolutely without charge. 

But this brief notice of education is made for one purpose ; namely, 
to say that very many of those in the manual training-school, at the 
girls' school, or in other educational institutions, are supported by the 
men who are charged with enmity to the native race, and with profiting 
by their decline. But that it has been my policy to avoid the mention 
of names, • I could speak of citizens who thus educate six, ten, even 
twelve Hawaiian youths, with absolutely no motive save that which 
brought their ancestors to these shores. 

All men are human. If they do their best, it is often to find them- 
selves victims of their faults or their virtues. The missionaries should 
not be judged by their blunders, if they made such, but by their aims. 
They, their children, their associates, loved the native race, sought their 
elevation and improvement, and they have never relaxed their efforts for 
the good of this people. 



These articles, as hitherto published, are not, as a whole, a statement 
of my sentiments ; they are the reflection of the views of those with 
whom I have been brought in contact. Besides an extensive acquaint- 
ance gained by means of four visits to the Pacific, two years' residence 
at San Francisco, and nearly half a year's residence in Honolulu, I 
brought thirty-five letters of introduction to the latter city, most of 
these being to those in sympathy with the present government. Dr. 
John S. McGrew, one of the first persons I met when here before, with 
that hospitality to the stranger which nowhere in the world is to be 
found so universally as in Hawaii, gave me a cottage in his private 
grounds the very day of my arrival. It is to be supposed, therefore, 
that I am not ignorant of all that can be said in favor of annexing 
Hawaii to the American Union. For whatever I say on this subject 
now, I desire to be personally responsible, as expressing my own mature 
judgment. Let us not impeach the good intent, the loyalty to republi- 
can institutions, or the patriotism of those who now seek to make this 
alliance ; but, like the maid who would avoid an ill-assorted marriage 
with one she respects but does not love, let us be firm in our refusal. 

Let us have no more words about Minister Stevens. It is petty, 
pai'tisan warfare. Grant, just for the moment, if you wish, that fault 
can be found with his acts, what one of us is free from liability to err? 
Minister Stevens was a good, honest, patriotic American, doing as he 
thought best for the honor and glory of his country. If he made a 
mistake in judgment, let us simply make no more. 

The idea of annexation did not originate with him ; but if there is one 
man to whom it should be assigned, that man is Dr. J. S. McGrew. 
Twenty years before Mr. Stevens ever saw Hawaii, Dr. McGrew stated 
in the strongest terms to me, as he did to about every person who would 
talk on the subject, that these islands should be, and would be, a part of 
the United States. This is so notable a fact that in an island edition of 
a commercial journal given to me by Hon. Gorham D. Gilman of Boston, 
but published in San Francisco, May 1, 1892, I find these words : — 


" Dr. McGrew is by no means backward in expressing the hope that 
he will yet see these lovely islands a part of the United States, and live 
under the protection of the starry banner. He believes that this country 
rightfully belongs to America, and if the question of annexation ever 
becomes a political issue, he will undoubtedly be looked to to take a 
decided part in the movement." 

The last few words simply show how dangerous it is to prophesy. He 
continues to this hour his constant policy since here : which is to take 
no part whatever in politics, attend to his practice, and care for his 
fortune. The former is extensive and the latter large, so he has plenty 
to do. 

But in a former article I have told something of his life. His name 
is again introduced for the purpose of saying that President Dole and 
all his executive council were anti-annexationists ; perhaps would be so 
still had it not been for Dr. McGrew*s persuasive powers. When the 
committee originally invited Mr. Dole to take the position he now 
occupies, he said : " How can I, when I do not believe in annexation?" 
The result now shows how much can be done by one man of education, 
firmness in opinion, and independence of character, in impressing his 
ideas on a nation. If lie but keep his temper in discussion, the influence 
of one such man is immense. Dr. McGrew would take no oaths of 
allegiance, and hold no office, yet he is justly styled by those who know 
" the father of annexation. J^^' 

For the good of the American people it is to be trusted that his child 
will die before it is four years old. That people of whatever political 
creed owe President Cleveland an enormous debt of gratitude, a statue 
next in height to that of Lincoln, that he had the wisdom and courage 
to instantly recall that annexation treaty, and that whatever else he 
may have done, he is, and has been, firm on no annexation for Hawaii. 
I^t all who love our country rally, forgetting other differences, and 
support him in that position with unbroken front to the end of his 

The one subject which is of equal interest to the planter or the cigar- 
vender of American aflSliations here is this : had it not been for this, 
the revolt would never have occurred. These people had talked it over 
to each other so incessantly that the wish had not only become father to 
the hope, it had clad the delusion in the garment of reality, and bitter 
was the disappointment when, while the political storm pelted them 
mercilessly as the surf might beat a distressed vessel on these coral 
reefs, they saw the light beam from the cheerful door of the maternal 


mansion, signalled to it, and were answered that the prayer of the 
daughter must receive the same answer as the demand of the pirate. I 
pity them, but it was justice and righteousness to give them this answer, 
and again, I say, let us never yield them one iota. 

The American people are deceived ; they have been. They are blinded 
and falsely advised by every mail which leaves these shores. Is it to be 
expected that revolutionists who will seize the reins of government, turn 
gatling guns against a constituted monarchy, confiscate all copies of the 
New York Herald addressed to private citizens in the post-ofiBce, or 
deliver these latter with the page torn off containing special correspond- 
ence unfavorable to them, will stop at such a trifle as the inspection of 
all press despatches? 

It must be remembered that San Francisco journals are in harmony 
with the annexationists. A man was sent from that city to prepare the 
general press despatches to be printed there and repeated East. What 
were his instructions? " In every line you send must be annexation." 
He remained here three months and carried out his instructions, then 
left, delegating his powers to whom ? To the person who, for twelve 
months, edited the leading annexationist newspaper, and the journal of 
the widest influence to-day with the provisionalists. He holds that 
position to this moment. Who is the only other person by whom the 
general news of this community are furnished to the whole confraternity 
of newspapers of the United States? A clergyman without official 
charge, born on the islands, .pledged heart, soul, and strength to the 
missionary party ; a man who has said in public such unclean, unkind, 
uncharitable things of the Queen (and equally so of the poorest 
Hawaiian) that I would not sully the paper of the Transcript by repeat- 
ing them in its columns. The above is not guess-work. That is the 
exact truth in regard to the source of supply, save an occasional special 
from a correspondent who comes here on one steamer and returns on the 
next, in his brief stay perhaps going to those very persons for the 
news. A journal of large circulation in a leading city sent a corre- 
spondent out here comparatively free, but his despatches commended the 
President. It became necessary, in the opinion of the managers of that 
newspaper, to attack Mr. Cleveland. The correspondent was notified 
of the color which must be given to all matter sent by him in future. 
He replied that he could not sell his conscience. His commission was 
revoked. A man who knew nothing whatever of his subject, but an able 
reporter, was substituted, and carried out the wishes of his principal. 
The first had lived here six months. 


An illustration of this is to be found in the columns of the Transcript 
of February 10th. In my despatch of the 23d of January, I asserted 
that discontent peryaded the rank and file of the very party in power ; 
that the leaders would be forced to announce a policy within sixty days. 
Underneath was the press despatch containing these exact words : — 

" A feeling of confidence and satisfaction prevails ; an interview . . . 
made it clear that no movement toward constitutional organization 
... is at all likely to be taken up for the present," etc. 

What has been the result? Very recently a committee was appointed 
to make the first draft of a call for constitutional convention. On the 
1 6th, President Dole outlined in an interview the nature of the perma- 
nent organization which, in January, — lest it might injure the prospect 
of annexation, — he had, through the medium of the general despatches 
from Hawaii, denied. 

The first move towards permanent government has been made by the 
appointment of a committee for the organization of a plan for constitu- 
tional convention. It is not likely, however, that this convention will 
have anything more than advisory powers, control being still kept by 
the nineteen men who at this day govern Hawaii. 

The greatest mistake the government has made of late is the estrange- 
ment of the Chinese merchants, a wealthy and intelligent body of men. 
This was a movement to require a special license of each of those of that 
nationality doing business in the islands. It excited their deepest indig- 
nation. A mass meeting was held where armed resistance was suggested, 
and posters are now displayed on the streets warning all Chinese to do no 
further business with the business house of the member of the council who 
was in a degree responsible for the measure. The move was inaugurated 
to please the American League and the Portuguese. The government 
needs the votes of the former, and the latter have been furnished with 
arms as a body of minute-men should their services be required. 

Two large shipments of ammunition, say, twenty-five thousand rounds 
of cartridges, arrived by the last steamer. These were consigned to 
Castle & Cooke and to the Hall Company, both houses having dealings 
with the government for whom these warlike materials were imported. 

Uneasy lies the head in the provisionalist's night-cap. Having failed 
to connect Mr. Theo. H. Davies with the importation of royalist army- 
material on his line of Vancouver steamers, the government feels sure 
that soldiers to take the part of the Queen are being imported by some- 
body. In the official organs, attention is called to the number of single 
men of martial step and bearing, with money in their pockets, who have 


been seen on the streets since the arrival of the last Vancouver's Island 
steamer, and it is even rumored that there was a special consultation of 
the council on this subject yesterday. It is certain that little general 
business occupied this body at its weekly meeting, from which the spec- 
tators were all excluded in three-fourths of an hour after it was called 
to order, the remainder of its session being held behind closed doors. 

There are already two political parties in the field ; one calling itself 
the Union Party is virtually the annexation clubs under another name, 
and to affiliate therewith a member must forswear monarchy, declare 
his allegiance to the present government, and belief in annexation. The 
other styles itself the American Party, and is the child of a secret 
society opposed to missionai'y rule, Chinese immigration, and the capi- 
talists. Its positive sins are not as well known at this writing as its 
negative. Besides these, the little community is split into numberless 
cliques and cabals, each having an infallible specific for the restoration 
of permanent government. The royalists are not even accused by their 
enemies of organization. 

At the last meeting of the councils, before the sailing of the steamer 
of the 3d, two most stringent statutes were enacted, both du'ected 
against those not in sympathy with the Provisional Government. The 
first of these restricts immigration. Besides excluding the classes 
usually considered undesirable, the examination of any alien touching 
his right to land is authorized, such examination to be made under oath, 
and the decision of the officer is to be final. If the passenger is not 
wanted, he must be returned on the vessel by which he came. But a 
more extraordinary statute still is that giving the government the power 
to send any person into banishment in relation to whom there is prob- 
able cause for believing that he entertains intentions that are hostile to 
the established system of government, the burden of proof being by 
the law put upon the accused, who shall not be admitted to bail ; and 
if such presumption is not disproved, he shall be sentenced to expulsion 
from the Hawaiian islands. By these statutes an unfriendly press corre- 
spondent may be prevented from landing, or any person here may be 
exiled, simply because his presence is not desired by the provisionalist 

A prominent Chinese told me to-day that he felt no security in his 
business here now. It is certain that just in proportion as the govern- 
ment has swerved towards Republicanism, the lot of the Chinaman has 
become more burdensome. " Queen very good, very good to China- 
man," he sorrowfully repeated, shaking his head with the utmost 



After having resided here nearly two months, listening patiently to 
each person who had an opinion and showed a willingness to express it, 
I am unable to assign, even on the authority of another, a single good 
reason why the government of the United States should vary in the 
least from that conservatism which — excepting only Alaska — has gov- 
erned its policy as to colonies during the first hundred years of its exist- 
ence. These are not an addition to national strength ; they are, on the 
contrary, the sappers and miners of the national fortress. 

The first reason is invariably proximity to our shores. But do the 
people realize that Honolulu and San Francisco, by the regular schedule 
time of the mail steamers, are exactly the distance apart that exists 
between New York and Queenstown? And, granting that the same 
steamer was to make the two passages, that the limit of her speed was 
350 miles per day, there is then but two days' sail in favor of these 
islands as compared with Ireland. Suppose some of the Fenian move- 
ments had been as successful as the revolt of 1893 in Hawaii, would 
the American people have even allowed the introduction of a resolution 
into Congress favoring the absorption of Ireland into our Union ? 

'' But these are American people, holding sixty millions of American 
property," interrupts my antagonist. 

Let us dissect that statement. Nationally, this people is not nearly 
as closely allied to us as are the inhabitants of the Emerald Isle. There 
is scarcely a hamlet in the latter island from which a representative has 
not been sent, not to one city, but to every part of our Union. The 
Irish fought our battles in the rank and file, or as Sheridan, Sherman, 
Collins, Kearney, commanded our armies. Have we not more reason 
to ally ourselves with them than with Hawaii ? They are of one blood ; 
we have found them easily educated to our institutions. Of the two 
islands, my judgment would be largely in favor of annexing Ireland. 

Now, as to those who call themselves Americans. They are numeri- 
cally, by the last census, 2.14 per cent, of the population, or about five 


per cent, of the registered voters ; this is their total strength, allowing 
each American to be a provisionalist and an annexationist : 637 voters ; 
population, 1 ,928 ; total registry, 14,000 ; total population, 90,000 last 
official census. Is there longer wonder why political questions are not 
submitted to popular vote ? 

It is, perhaps, necessary for me to define the term "American capital : " 
by it I mean funds belonging to those resident in the United States, 
voters in the American Union, who might send money to be invested in 
Hawaii, just as our Eastern capitalists send funds out West for invest- 
ment in railroads or mortgages. There are merchants in Boston and 
in San Francisco who have for years been interested in the Hawaiian 
trade. Their resident partners in Honolulu hold land under lease, or 
even in fee ; they have stock in the sugar plantations : but all this wealth 
has been acquired under Hawaiian statutes, by meats of the reciprocity 
treaty, by the action of the Hawaiian monarchy in encouraging contract 
labor ; it is not money remitted from America, and has no claim to the 
name of American capital. This can be best understood by the further 
statement that, at the time of the initiation of the reciprocity treaty, 
the very men who now call this American capital were on the verge of 

To those who do not know the facts, these people delight to say: 
Sixty millions of American capital invested in the Hawaiian islands, ten 
millions American trade annually. Look at these statements under the 
light of truth. Save the proportion of the above represented by the 
Spreckels firm, and they are loyal to the monarchy, hai'dly one dollar 
of American capital is to be found here, the great fortunes now held by 
the planters being accumulated by successful business under the Hawai- 
ian flag. Trade will always go where it can be made the most profit- 
able, so if we bid for it we shall still have our proportion of that ten 
millions. We ought to bid for it. How ? By opening our ports to all 
vessels flying the American or Hawaiian colors, and admitting all impor- 
tations under those two flags absolutely free of duty. We should, in 
return, receive the same preference from the new nation, whatever its 
form of government. This would accomplish many of the advantages 
of annexation without its disadvantages. 

But they are not Americans in anything but sentiment ; they have no 
right whatever to the name. Mr. Blount served one of them just right 
when the Hawaiian-born white citizen called on him, and, after other 
inappropriate and disrespectful language, said: "But you have hauled 
down our flag." 



" I never have touched your flag. There it is," pointing to the ensign 
of Hawaii. " That is the flag under which you were born. You are an 
old man now. That is the flag under which you have always lived, and 
there is the door." 

That is the best thing I have ever heard of Mr. Blount, and is just 
the way Mr. Thurston should be treated at Washington when he talks 
about "our flag." 

What proportion of our pension list do these men pay ? Where are 
their tax bills ? Where their contributions to the cost of the white fleet, 
the whole of which it will take to half defend their sea coast? They 
will bring us a debt of about four millions of dollars, but when have 
they contributed a mill on the other side of the public ledger? 

In one respect, and but one, they can claim to be Americans. Per- 
sonally, and in private life, the most hospitable, kindly, moral, and 
Christian persons, charming to meet in the drawing-room or on the 
veranda ; as an association in public life, they could give points to 
Vanderbilt, Astor, Fisk, and Gould in their dictation to the public and 
to government, and then throw the monopolies and the financial arro- 
gance of the great millionnaires into insignificance. Why? Because 
from very boyhood they have been taught by tradition and by experi- 
ence not to be ruled by any government, but to dominate the monarchy. 
They have always placed their foot on the neck of the king. They have 
treated these monarchs as but the servants of their united wills, the 
hewers of the wood and the drawers of the water by which their sugar- 
mills should be run, and they wish to appear in Washington to demand 
greater privileges of the American people. Woe, woe to the political 
party in years to come, on which the responsibility can be justly laid of 
introducing them into our politics. We can live easily with them on 
terms of reciprocity aud free trade, but by all that is dear to us in 
domestic peace, by all which some of us remember of national dissen- 
sion and bloody strife, let us never cherish the notion that union with 
them will be any more pacific than that with the South before the war ; 
for they are, and will be, far more exacting than the Southerners at the 
acme of their power. When they saw that they could no longer rule 
the Queen they had sworn to support, they hurled her from her throne, 
and shipped this and the rest of her royal belongings out of the country. 
This is a fair sample of what they are capable of when opposed. Our 
position now is that of parties who live in amity until some zealous 
but short-sighted person induces them to marry ; thus friendship is 
destroyed, and nothing takes its place save the bitterness of continual 


contention. There is yet time for all good men to unite against such 
ill-assorted union. Mr. Dole, Mr. Damon, many others of the provi- 
sional! sts, have not the least claim to the name of American. They 
were born under a foreign flag, held office, acquiring all their private 
property under, and swore allegiance to, a foreign government, and 
should be treated exactly as Mr. Blount treated the man who came to 
his office and demanded to be informed in advance what would be the 
commissioners' report to President Cleveland. The American people 
must consider the source from which general despatches emanate, and 
disabuse their mind entirely of the idea that the Hawaiians of American 
ancestry are of their name and nation. 

'^ But only think of the advantage of the islands as a coaling station," 
is frequently said. 

Well, let us think of it. Of what possible advantage is it to us to 
establish coal-pockets in the midst of the Pacific Ocean, over two thou- 
sand miles from our coast, and then despatch steamboats from the latter 
place to reload the carbon and burn it ? Under the reciprocity treaty of 
1874 we have had an exclusive privilege at Pearl Harbor, some twenty 
miles from Honolulu, for nineteen years. Had we obtained this " in 
consideration of one dollar," that sum might as well have been sunk 
into the deep sea, for no vessel flying the stars and stripes has ever been 
near this invaluable concession. 

But suppose there had been war with England ? 

That contingency is so remote as scarcely to merit a line. During 
experiences the aggravating character of which can never be exceeded, 
we have enjoyed uninterrupted peace with our mother-country for a 
period of eighty years. It is oot likely that we shall unlearn the lesson, 
unless these very islands, having become a part of our country, succeed 
in introducing the absurd old feud of 1783 and 1812 into our national 
deliberations. They will try, if for any reason it seems best to the 
six hundred of American ancestry here, to drive out the five hundred 
of British blood. Behold another danger which it becomes us to avoid 
while yet there is time. 

Why, the very men who now proclaim the misrule in public and the 
vice in private of the Kalakaua dynasty created that family ruling 
monarchs. When the king died who preceded Kalakaua, there was 
another candidate for the chair of royalty. This was Queen Emma, 
one of the noblest and best women who ever breathed. Her virtues, 
public and private, were never so much as questioned. On the other 
side was Kalakaua, a weak man, supported first by those who thought 


they saw in him a willing tool. What side did the missionary party 
take ? Emma was of British blood ; further, she had visited the coun- 
try of her paternal ancestry, and, worse yet, she had invited the Angli- 
can Church to Honolulu, and was herself one of its communicants. 
This was her sole offence, and the Calvinistic ministers and their con- 
gregations united with the other extreme of society, and placed on the 
throne of Hawaii David and Lydia, Kalakaua and Liliuokalani, against 
whose characters those very persons are now so virulent. Do we want 
any such spirit of religious bigotry and national jealousy to get a foot- 
hold in our national politics ? 

But, solely for argument's sake, let us suppose that it should, and 
that Congress, listening to the sugar barons, declares war with Great 
Britain. Now, if never before, shall we sadly find our new colonies a 
source of weakness ; now, if never before, comes the reproach to that 
party which has yielded to their desire for union. Being the owners of 
the group, we must defend our domains and the inhabitants from the 
British fleet. The captain of the British war vessel " Champion " 
agrees perfectly with me that this would be a most difficult if not 
impossible thing for us to do. Surrounded by water deep enough to 
allow a vessel of the most formidable type to steam close to the shore, 
village after village, plantation after plantation, could be destroyed by 
the enemy, while the frequent channels between the fourteen islands 
would make a swift cruiser as difficult to catch as a monkey who goes 
aloft in a square-rigged vessel. Let us put our Pacific coast in a state 
of defence, building, if we must, monitors and turret-ships for the pro- 
tection of its harbors ; but if there is the least chance of war, by all 
means avoid adding to our responsibilities spots some two thousand 
miles away, on which there is not one fortification, not a single heavy 
gun, no vessel capable of firing a common shell from its mortar. Per- 
haps the American people wish to be taxed for the necessary change 
of these conditions, for the establishment of forts, lighthouses, coast 
and harbor defences for Hawaii, but no man in his senses would ever 
seriously consider such an absurdity. 

Arguing, therefore, on the presumption of war, there is no reason 
whatever for annexing Hawaii, and every reason for denying the islands 
admission to our Union. In time of peace there is one line of steamships, 
one-half under British and one-half under American colors, which ply 
between San Francisco and the South Seas. This is equally true of the 
steamer lines for China and Japan. They keep their coal supplies at 
Honolulu, and save that were this an American port, they would pay 


a duty on this coal, the annexation of these islands would make no 
difference whatever to these ships. This disposes forever of that much- 
used, little-understood, term " coaling station." It would be far better 
in time of war to have the fleet on our Pacific coast, which would be 
drawn off to defend these islands were they American territory. In time 
of peace our vessels will have the same advantage here which has ever 
been at their command when they were manyfold more numerous than 
they are to-day. 

Those who quote the statesmen of years gone by forget to take into 
consideration that there were then here at times as many as two hundred 
sail of whaleships on board of which, from master to boy, American 
families were represented ; steam communication across the Pacific 
was not opened, and the harbor of San Francisco was filled with noble 
clippers under the stars and stripes. Even then the place was just as 
economical, just as safe a port of call as if it had been on American 
soil. But now, whaler and clipper, master and man, are equally amongst 
the things which were and are no more ; they perished years ago, and 
none arise to fill their places. What need have we of a commercial 
centre in the midst of the Pacific? Of what use to us is the key of the 
Orient ? It opens to us nought but an empty coffer ; we shall receive no 
return for the very gold we melt in the crucible at which we gild a use- 
less symbol of a commerce which our own foolishness has annihilated. 

^'But suppose another power should become the owner of these 
islands ? " 

There are but two with whom it is at all possible for Hawaii to make 
union. France has about one hundred and fifty voters in the kingdom ; 
she takes little interest in anything not within her own borders, and any 
proposal to her would doubtless be met with a negative. 

Japan would entertain the proposition ; she has a surplus population ; 
she aspires to position with the great powers whom she loves to imitate ; 
this would be to her a step toward the rising sun, a colony within easy 
and safe distance from her capital city, say, 3,500 miles from the seat 
of central government. Nor would this be at all objectionable to other 
nations ; it insures the neutrality of Hawaii in case of that excessively 
remote contingency becoming reality, or the outbreak of another war. 

Lastly comes Great Britain ; she is thought to cast her covetous 
glances towards each spot of desirable territory, to be willing to raise 
thereon her fiag at the least invitation, or indeed at the cost of over- 
coming the most determined opposition. She cannot be uninformed of 
the title under which the few self- nominated, self -elected men in power 


claim to have the right to convey away a kingdom ; she cannot ignore 
her compact with France in 1843, but allowing she would accept a 
cession made by a petty minority, and leaving her to adjust as best she 
could her compact with France, what possible objection can there be to 
her acquisition of another colony? I can see none at all. For years our 
interests, life, and property have been safe at the mouth of the Canton 
River, because she holds Hong Kong. They would be equally respected 

For us the race problem is a serious question. Perhaps in the midst 
of our tariff debates we desire to see the floor gained by the member 
from Molokai, who maintains in a three-hours' speech that the settle- 
ment of lepers, 1,200 in number, have not received their share of the 
funds in the appropriation bill. In the negroes at the South, the Indian 
in the West, the Chinese on the Pacific, have we not enough race 
problems to tax our philanthropy ? Do we covet another set of national 
wards ? Must we add to these another of the dark-skinned races, to say 
nothing of the Asiatics, the Portuguese, and the difficult questions of 
contract labor and the employment problem ? 

In these matters it is different with Britain : she is mistress of the art 
of governing people of diverse races collected into a single community. 
She has tried it in India, in China, in Egypt, in the islands of the Indies, 
East and West. Why not allow her to try it in Hawaii ? We have no 
occasion, save for an occasional scientific mission, to send any naval 
vessel to foreign parts ; she but rests here on her voyages to Australian, 
Chinese, or Indian possessions. A naval station equidistant from these 
is an advantage to her : it completes the girdle already put by her enter- 
prise nearly around the globe. 

To Hawaii, the cession to Great Britain would mean good government, 
firmly, honestly, and permanently administered. There would be a solidity 
and stability to business investments here which can be attained in no 
other way. British capital is cheap ; it would probably seek investment 
here to a greater extent than ever ; and, while there would be no general 
emigration, a second son of a young lord disappointed in love would now 
and then stray into these islands and add his name and patrimony to the 
Commonwealth. Were I settled in Hawaii, I should be glad to see the 
day when, under universal consent of the greater powers, the British flag 
should float over all these islands. 




Honolulu, March 3, 1894. 

Whatever is said in general despatches, these being all prepared by 
government supervision, no harmony whatever exists in Hawaii. When 
the original revolt occurred, the white residents were united in a desire 
for a better government. They are now split into two openly organized 
political parties, and subdivided into numerous factions. Bloodshed 
was prevented at first through the fixed determination of the Queen that 
no appeal should be made to arms, she fully believing that her case was 
referred to President Cleveland. 

Neither party has yet given up, although the annexationists concede 
that there is little hope for them under Cleveland's administration. It 
is quite pathetic to notice the confidence which the poorer class of 
natives, especially on other islands, still cherish that President Cleveland 
will restore the Queen. These are intensely bitter against the mission- 
ary party, as, without reason, they call all provisionalists. 

A committee is now at work drafting plans for a constitutional con- 
vention, confirming my despatch to you of January 23d. No details 
have been made public yet, but the movement will practically disfran- 
chise the whole population, ninety thousand, save the three thousand in 
sympathy with the government. The following will be excluded from 
the convention and from franchise : All below certain property qualifi- 
cations, all Chinese and Japanese, all who do not read and write English, 
and all who decline taking an oath of unqualified allegiance to the Pro- 
visional Government. Even thus, no person is eligible to a seat in the 
convention, unless nominated by annexation clubs. To further guar- 
antee the present government absolute power, the convention will be 
only advisory : that is, to recommend measures to the President and his 
council. Every article will be accepted or killed on a vote of these 
nineteen men, because there will be but eighteen delegates-at-large. 
These details have never before been published, but my authority is 

The landed proprietors on the outside islands are disaffected because 
no appropriations of public moneys are made to them ; but the treasury 


cannot do anything for them since the expenses of government are 
enormous. The provisionalists have spent in one year $31,000 more 
than the Queen spent in two years. They publicly announce that she 
was paid $80,000 a year. This is false. She received in cash $10,000 
a year from the treasury. The remainder was her income from crown 
lands provided by the Kamehamehas expressly for the support of the 
royalty. They have seized these now. Taxes, by reason of that fore- 
sight of monarchs, nearly half a century ago, have been lower here 
than in any part of the world. They increased this year by one-third, 
and will augment annually. The government debt is three and one-half 
miltions, and daily increasing, mainly due to British capitalists. This 
fact, should anarchy ensue in Hawaii, may cause England to take part 
in the quarrel, otherwise she would doubtless prefer to keep out. AH 
Americans, of whatever party, should unite against annexation. Only as 
a conquered race will the Hawaiians ever submit to the loss of nationality. 

In peace, these islands offer no advantage which cannot be gained by 
reciprocity ; in politics, the eighty millions capital of arrogant sugar- 
planters will make us more disturbance than we had from the South. 
At the other extreme of social life we shall have a race problem as 
troublesome as that of the Indian. Thirty thousand Asiatics will also 
make trouble. Appropriate fortifications, leper settlements, and a naval 
-fleet are additional problems requiring heavy outlay for solution. In 
war, this colony would be a source of weakness, — bold shores, deep 
channels, large coast, and small interior would give gunboats a chance 
to burn villages, plantations, and escape with impunity. It would take 
our entire white fleet to half defend these islands. This is my judg- 
ment, confirmed by naval authorities not Americans. These latter 
are prohibited from expression of opinions on politics. 

The provisionalists are much distui'bed about the arrival here, by every 
Vancouver steamer, of able-bodied men. They accuse the royalists of 
importing an army, and openly advocate restricted immigration and 
deportation of all who do not satisfactorily explain their business. Two 
large shipments of ammunition and arms, consigned to houses of mis- 
sionary ancestry, arrived here by the last California steamer. The army 
supporting the provisionalists is composed entirely of aliens, hirelings, 
and soldiers of fortune. They serve simply for what they are paid, and 
must not be confounded with those who, at a crisis, might volunteer 
from patriotism. There are none of the latter in service now. 

But the government proposes to exclude from the islands all who will 
not support it. A law is published which allows examination, under 
oath, of any alien coming here, and his immediate banishment without 
power of appeal, if his explanation of business is unsatisfactory. 
Another statute introduced goes far beyond this. It suspends or violates 


the Hiawaiiaa constitution, and allows arrest of any person whose inlxiiiy*^ 
tions are hostile to the provisionalists. Unless he disprove such pt&* 
sumption, he must go into exile. It expressly says that there shall be 
no appeal, that he may not be bailed, that probable cause is sufficient 
ground for arrest, and that the burden of proof shall be on the accused 
to establish his innocence* 


Honolulu, March 8, 1894. 

The "Mariposa" sails before the conclusion of meeting of councils, 
but the bill for the organization of the constitutional convention will pass 
its first stages. It is less rigorous than at first designed. Eighteen 
delegates will be chosen to sit with the present council, making one 
house of thirty-six members. Excepting Asiatics, all who will take oath 
to the Provisional Government can vote. Cumulative voting will be 
tried, which means that, there being six delegates from Oahu, any voter 
may give six votes for one, or one vote for each of the six. The con- 
vention will assemble at the call of President Dole. No time is fixed. 
He will have no power of veto on its motions, but will be the presiding 

The new constitution organizes a pennanent government on republican 
lines. At a second reading any act can pass, but, say the royalists, 
Hawaii will not have, in any case, a representative government, because 
no considerable number of the Hawaiians will forswear allegiance to 
their Queen. They allege that the only equitable course would have been 
to act under the present constitution, giving each man a vote who could 
vote prior to the revolt, then let the question of a republic or a monarchy 
be decided by the fourteen thousand voters now registered. The pro- 
visionalists, however, would not dare do this, for their party would be 
voted out of power by an overwhelming majority. If note be taken of 
the small number of ballots cast, the great powers will see that the new 
government in no way represents the Hawaiian people. At most it can- 
not be more than three per cent, of the population, and it deserves and 
will receive no recognition from foreign ministers. 

Thus far the royalists have been prevented from using force because 
they have never lost faith in President Cleveland's purpose to restore the 
Queen. The provisionalists have also avoided a clash, because they feel 
equally sure of annexation, and desire to keep the peace until the strong 
arm of the United States can sustain them. From widely different 
motives both parties are careful not to quarrel. What the result will be 


when these restraining influences shall fail, no one can predict. Rumors 
are plenty, but no statement of future plans worthy credence can be 
made. The government found itself forced to conciliate the Chinese at 
the expense of the friendship of the American league. The latter, a 
secret society, is composed of sixty per cent, new arrivals. Its principles 
are those of the California sand-lot orators. Just in proportion as the 
domain has drifted from royalty, just so have the Chinese been threatened 
in their property or person. A proposition to oblige the Chinese 
merchant class to register and pay a special tax drew forth the fact that 
these would furnish a military contingent to defend their rights by 
means of reseating the Queen, and this rumor probably brought the 
provisionalists to reason. 

No person is now allowed to land from foreign parts until he can show 
that he has fifty dollars and satisfactorily explain his object in coming 
here. Further, any objectionable person can be arrested and deported, 
the law presuming guilt until he can prove innocence of sentiments 
inimical to the government. This act has one clause which is an 
anomaly in legislation. It provides that if its provisions be in any way 
at variance with the existing constitution, the statute shall be valid not- 
withstanding this conflict. At the hour of the steamer's sailing a vote 
had not been reached, but I am assured by those in the council that the 
act will certainly become a law. Thus in the first year of its existence 
the government has been obliged to violate the constitution, or do, itself, 
that for which it was claimed the Queen should be deposed. Martial 
law may be declared at any moment, for the provisionalists are very 
uneasy. The "Mariposa" was the first ship subjected to the former 
provision. Business is suffering severely, and the shopkeepers complain 

My recent interviews with her Majesty and with President Dole dis- 
close nothing of great importance, more than what has been already sent 
you. The Queen remembers her Boston friends very kindly, and sends 
her greetings to them all, naming especially Mrs. Hemenway, Mr. 
Oilman, and Mrs. Lee. Mr. Dole shows evidence of the terrible re- 
sponsibility he carries. He and Damon, more than any other two, give 
character to the party in possession. It does not seem to me that the 
latter could hold sway without them. The rumor that Minister Thurston 
is on his way back and that Minister Willis will go, discloses the fact 
that by his moderation, courtesy, and urbanity. Minister Willis has fairly 
won golden opinions, thereby displacing the coolness with which he was 
received. Even the provisionalists, who at first regarded him as the 
impersonation of Cleveland, would be very sorry to see another substi- 
tuted for the present minister. 



I HAVE had my final interview with her Majesty, have left on the 
hand of royalty my kiss of adieu. Arriving here open to conviction, 
not the least evidence has been presented to me that Liliuokalani was 
unworthy the respect due to a good woman by a man of gallantry. On 
the contrary, I have by personal investigation proved some of the 
ridiculous rumors circulated against her to be absolutely false, put into | 
form for political effect. She is guilty of no heathen practices ; her | 
charity for fatherless children was never misconstrued until it was I 
necessary to find something of ill report to say about her ; and whatever 
her political mistakes, they never were occasioned by personal greed, 
but always from her desire to benefit her people. The lottery bill, 
suggests some one. Yes, it has been shown by me that this measure 
was carried through both Houses, indorsed by the ministry ; in fact, 
made a law contrary to her wishes. The very people who now blame 
her had deprived her of the power of absolute veto under the constitu- 
tion of 1887. But they do not say that in their accounts of events. 
They do not say that, actuated by the desire to use the license money 
in the employment of the idle on public works, the Queen acceded to 
their petitions. 

But why not let her speak for herself on a few points ? As usual, 
she accorded me a most gracious reception, perhaps treating me with 
more consideration because the only other person present was a lady 
who had been her friend and associate from childhood ; for this reason 
she relaxed entirely her official dignity, using the first person singular 
when speaking of herself, and expressed her views with perfect freedom. 
But in one respect she observed that delicacy which is natural to the 
Hawaiian people ; not a single name of any person in rebellion against 
her passed her lips. She now and then spoke of their principles, never 
of them as individuals. I was not so cautious, and mentioned the name 
of a lady of missionary ancestry, who had herself told me that she 
never had allowed any one to speak a word against the character of the 


Queen. "This lady," said Liliuokalani, "belongs to a family I have 
always known and esteemed. She lived next to the house of my own 
husband. We had been playmates together ; we never ceased to know 
and love each other when we grew up ; we lived as is the custom among 
Hawaiians : she ran into my apartments, or I went into her house, just 
as we felt inclined, always unannounced, always made welcome by each 
other. I have been very sorry to learn that her business affairs are not 
prosperous, and it is still more unfortunate that she should be forced to 
try and straighten them out at such a time as this. It is not a favorable 
time for making settlements." 

" No," I suggested. " I have already called attention in my printed 
writings to the great prosperity enjoyed by these very men in revolt 
during the reigns of your Majesty and youi* late royal brother. I have 
fm'ther told them that, in any event, they could never expect to enjoy 
for the next twenty years that substantial prosperity which has been 
theirs in the past." 

The Queen's large eyes opened, and I realized that she was about to 
dissent from this sentiment. 

"I am sure I do not see why not," she replied. " I think, on tiie 
contrary, that they might expect just such a return, were they only to 
take the proper means to secure it." She alluded to restoration. 

I explained to her that I had for the moment put restoration and 
annexation out of the question. She said little about the fonner, but 
enough to convince me that her faith in President Cleveland has never in 
the least degree wavered, and a further remark from her side led me to 
infer that she would like to hear my views on the ideas current in the 
United States respecting annexation. I gave them to her, substantially 
the same as they have been already stated by me in the Transcript^ and 
to the effect that no advantage whatever would accrue to my own nation 
by a union with hers. . She paid the strictest attention to my remarka, 
even accepting with good nature my asseveration that, were she and the 
people of her own blood to desire annexation, they would still receive the 
same refusal which had been given to other colonies during the past 
hundred years. 

Then, changing the subject, she spoke of my native city, expressing^ 
the warm interest she had always felt in Boston, and for the first time 
she voluntarily made use of a name. 

" Do you know Mrs. Lee?" she asked. " Her husband was a dass^ 
mate of my husband, and is a publisher. Lee & Shepard is tb» name 
of the firm." I replied that I had met Mr. and Mrs. Lee at the time' ot 


thdir marriage, and offered to be the bearer of any souvenirs which her 
Majesty might wish to send to that lady. 

•* Thank you," replied Liliuokalani ; " I hope she already has them. I 
sent her a large bundle of photographic views, and on the back of each 
OM*d I wrote myself something about the picture ; they made quite a 
package for the mails, and of course I cannot say whether those in charge 
of the post-office allowed them to pass without inspection ; in fact, the 
d^bt on this point has rather prevented me from writing Mrs. Lee. She 
hlid heard among other things that I had become a Mormon I " 

And not in the least permitting her temper to rise, the Queen laughed 
pleasantly at the idea, and went on to explain how the rumor originated. 

" I was in the habit," she said, " of visiting all the churches. I went 
to the Episcopalian Church, to the Roman Catholic, to the Mormon, but 
<mly as a visitor. My own church is the old stone church of the mission- 
aries ; there is where I was educated, there I have always worshipped, 
and my faith is just the same as it ever was." 

I thought it rather worthy of note that the Queen should avow her 
constancy to the missionaries and their form of Christian worship, when 
some of her adherents assign her troubles to these very men, and say 
that they will have no more to do with their churches. She showed, 
however, in speaking of the missionary families, not the smallest degree 
of resentment ; indeed, her whole bearing, and the tone of her remarks, 
as well as the substance, bore remarkable evidence of her Christian 

'' I don't know whether Mrs. Lee will write to me again," she went on ; 
^^ she has heard that I am such a horrid creature," and the Queen again 
gave a quiet laugh. " But you might call on her for me, and tell her 
that I remember her with pleasure. Then there's Mr. Gilman, too, — 
Hon. Gorham D. Gilman. Do you know him?" 

I replied that 1 had the pleasure of an interview with the gentleman 
named just before leaving Boston. 

" He always seemed like a brother to me," continued her Majesty. 
" I was living as an adopted member of the family of the celebrated 
chief, Paki, with his daughter, who afterwards became Mrs. C. R. 
Bishop. We were always the same as sisters together. Mr. Gilman, then 
but eighteen years old, was in and out as one of the same family. If 
you see him on your return, do not forget to assure him of my remem- 
brance. Remember me also to Mrs. Hemenway." (She had not heard 
of the death of this estimable lady.) On questions of state or govern- 
ment the Queen spoke freely, and far more fully than I shall presume 


to report ; but there was not the slightest malice or desire for vengeance 
either in her words or her manner. She found fault with no one, blamed 
no organization or association, and in all respects conducted the con- 
versation as a high-minded, dignified, and courtly lady. I could not 
but think that if a committee of the very persons who have so ruth- 
lessly slandered her had only been in an adjoining room listening to 
every word that proceeded from her lips, they would scarcely have been 
worthy the name of gentlemen had they not knelt at her feet to implore 
the forgiveness of the lady, even if they would not ask pardon of the 

The interview was exceedingly valuable to me as confirmatory, by the 
Queen's own lips, of many of the facts and opinions already noted in my 
letters ; and it must be remembered that it was not the conventional press 
interview, but a family chat, where the onlj^ witness Vas a lady of 
Hawaiian blood ; that there were no observers any more scrutinizing than 
the two provisionalist spies who paced to and fro on the opposite side 
of the street, putting down in a note- book the hour of my entrance, and 
again noting the time of my exit. 




Honolulu, February 12, 1894. 

I HAVE been favored by the Queen with a most gracious reception. 
Her Majesty is the same good woman she always was ; this is my judg- 
ment, having met her three times in the course of some twenty years. 
The Opium Bill was an attempt to regulate a traffic which cannot be 
suppressed, on account of the lai*ge Chinese population. Smuggling, 
bribery, and festering corruption ruled the day. To stop this forever a 
statute was introduced based on that of Great Britain in her eastern 
colonies. The Lottery Bill was advised by many of the merchants and 
first citizens in signed petitions. These men have caused the lists to be 
abstracted from the public records and destroyed. Among the signers 
was Dr. McGrew, who boasts that he is the father of annexation. This 
bill passed both houses, and was taken to the Queen with the unanimous 
indorsement of the ministry. She was told by them that by the 
constitution she could not veto it without giving incontestable reasons. 

The constitution of 1887 was always objectionable to the natives, 
because it gave foreign residents full share in the government while 
retaining alien allegiance. The Queen hated it because her brother 
Kalakaua signed it under duress. His life was threatened had he refused. 
A committee of five Americans had sworn to execute him for the public 

An Eastern lawyer arrived by steamer of a month since, believing 
absurd stories about her Majesty. He was fully primed with these by a 
provisionalist and an annexationist lady. Investigation showed him 
that he might as well have taken as his subject the old joke about 
" Queen Victoria and her servant Brown." " There is absolutely 
nothing in it," he said to me. " The very persons who talk so have 
said within one year that Liliuokalani was the most philanthropic, 
upright Christian woman in the city. There is where they spoke the 
truth." She did wish the revolutionists to leave the kingdom, when 
questioned by Willis. She thought that, should she officially promise 
full amnesty, advantage would be taken by them. Her people would 
despise her. Therefore, without condemning any personally, she simply 


declared what judgment was due such persons ; that they merited the 
penalty for treason which would be theirs under Queen Victoria or 
Emperor William. She fails to see any difference, because the outrage 
took place in her domains. 

Annexation is still rampant; the party is not discouraged, but say 
that they will now make such terms with other powers as will force 
America to take them in as a measure of prevention. They were 
delighted with the resolution warning off other powers, and believe com- 
pulsion will doubtless bring annexation soon. 

Mr. Carter's dismissal from Charles Brewer's company excites univer- 
sal comment, not always favorable, because in ability and integrity none 
stand higher. The company presented him with one thousand doUai's, 
so it is said. His sin was not of commission but omission. As Queen's 
counsellor, his influence was immense with the natives. He was told 
that if he would publicly advocate annexation with the Hawaiians, the 
company would retain him, otherwise he must go. It would have won- 
derfully aided the government side had he sold his conscience to them. 

It is rumored that Minister Willis returns on the March steamer. His 
position here is embarrassing to him, for President Dole will never yield 
him an inch. He is considered responsible for the diplomatic slight on 
the day of the anniversary celebration. The government would dismiss 
the American representative but for fear of injuring the annexation 
cause. Personally he is highly esteemed, but is thought to be President 
Cleveland's tool. This latter is cordially hated by the seven hundred 
voters (out of the registered fourteen thousand) who overturned the 
government. Allowing every American voter in the islands to be with 
the provisionalists, that figure is their extreme strength, by oflScial 

The younger portion of the community, fearing Puritan rule, say that 
if no annexation is possible, they prefer the old regime, for under mis- 
sionary domination life here would not be worth living : sports, beer, 
and enjoyments would be banished, and Sunday laws, prohibition, and 
deadness introduced. This new opposition comes from the very men 
who shouldered muskets for the government one year ago. 

The provisionalists have tried to discipline Hon. Theo. H. Davies, 
Kaiulani's guardian. The attorney-general summoned him, and govern- 
ment papers advocate bis deportation. He is a British citizen, and has 
lived here over thirty years. He is very bold and outspoken in his 
sentiments, and a man of great integrity. He interviewed Cleveland 
when the Princess came from England. He is a good writer. 

The bill to separate the office of minister of foreign affairs from that 
of president became a law on the 8th. The salary of the president was 
fixed at $12,000. F. W. Hatch became minister of foreign affairs, 


which leaves a vacancy in the advisory council, which that body will 
probably fill by the election of D. B. Smith, who has been named for 
the place by a mass meeting dominated by the American League. 

Being relieved of the burden of foreign affairs. President Dole will 
apply himself especially to the work of maturing a draft of a constitution 
which has already received much careful consideration. Before final 
action it will be submitted to some form of a constitutional convention, 
unless advices from Washington shall hold out a more favorable prospect 
than has appeared of late for annexation or for some other satisfactory 
form of political union with the United States. The present appearances 
are that the revolutionists will maintain themselves in power at whatever 
sacrifice of ideal democratic practices. 

On the evening of the 14th an immense mass meeting of Chinese 
was held for the purpose of protesting against the measure lately intro- 
duced into the council to prevent Chinese agricultural laborers from 
engaging in mechanical or mercantile occupations. Resolutions were 
passed claiming '^no lesser degree of consideration and justice than 
residents of other nationalities enjoy." 



The attentive observer cannot but notice that clash and bloodshed 
have been prevented in Hawaii by reason of two considerations. The 
Queen opposed all plans of resistance, because she understood that to do 
so would be to bring her defenders into conflict with the United States 
forces ; she submitted because she thought that the commander-in-chief 
of those forces would judge between her claims and the acts of^hose 
by whom she had been dethroned. It is not pertinent to the question to 
respond that all this was delusion. Of the facts noted above, there is 
not the least doubt. A course of conduct can be based on facts which 
may subsequently fade into fiction. Such development does not change 
in any degree the result of that conduct. It is thus that bloodshed has 
been avoided ever since the dethronement. Call it another delusion, if 
you will, but from Liliuokalani to her most humble subject, faith in 
President Cleveland has never for a moment wavered. . By every arrival 
from San Francisco they expect and have always expected the mandate 
which should direct the war vessels to enforce the decision of the great 
executive power of the American nation. 

Very slowly indeed can the successors of a feudal system comprehend 
the limitations of government by the consent of the people. It is 
absolutely impossible for me, in conversing with them, to convince them 
that whether he wills or no, the President is limited to just the inactivity 
which has marked his line of action. They fail to see why the repre- 
sentative of a power in foreign waters may have for the moment more 
absolute power than the central executive arm of that force can have 
when it assumes the direction from its seat of government. The conduct 
of Admiral Thomas in restoring the Hawaiian flag after a provisional 
rule of five months, confirms the Queen and her supporters in the belief 
that an American naval officer will yet do likewise. It is an interesting 
historical item that every Hawaiian flag having been destroyed by the 
government of 1843, the one hoisted and saluted by the British admiral 
was by his order made from bunting aboard his own ship. Had 
President Cleveland conformed to the Hawaiian ideal of justice in 
righting a national wrong, his portrait would have adorned the royal 


palace, and a public square would have been dedicated to his memory : 
such was the manifestation of the nation's gratitude to the British 
admiral. The determination not in the least to embarrass their deliverer 
has restrained those of political belief loyal to their Queen from any 
demonstration which would be a hindrance to the execution of his 
supposed intentions. Such has been the case, nor is this restraining 
influence relaxed to this day. 

Turn we now to the opposite party. These had an equally strong 
motive in avoiding bloodshed or the least approach to violence. There 
was one master-motive to their revolt, one object they thought to gain ; 
this was annexation to the United States. As the Queen's adherents 
were determined to do nothing which should in the least hinder resto- 
ratiou^, so her disloyal subjects were resolved that by no act of theirs 
should the American people say that they were unworthy adoption as 
children of the great republic. They have, therefore, arrested no sedi- 
tionists, banished no royalist, nor confiscated any private property. They 
felt that the strong arm of their mother-counti*y would soon be laid on 
the children of the quarrelsome family, suppressing with its power all 
their bickerings, and maintaining an order in the future more rigorous , 
than that of the past. Believing, therefore, that the troubles of their 
present state were only transient, they bore patiently with them, trusting 
to hear by each steamer arriving that some vote of our national Congress 
would warrant the assurance that annexation would come in a no distant 
future. Nor have they been plunged into despair by this hope so long 
defeiTcd. Their hearts are not sick, but full of courage that the American 
people will, at farthest in 1897, welcome the territory of Hawaii to the 
great union of their aspiration. 

Thus let it be understood, annexation and restoration, both of which 
for argument's sake we will here style delusions, have by consent of the 
Ruler of Nations acted as curbs on the passions of men, the one or the 
other holding in perfect check the headstrong of either party. Whether 
or no this will be the result in the future cannot be predicted. Let us 
now turn to the history of similar movements in the past. 

The superficial observer regards the mushroom on his lawn as the 
growth of one night ; the student knows that it is the result of a long 
process, just as truly so as the bunch of grapes on the vine, only in the 
latter case the process is above ground and can be watched, while in the 
former it is subterranean. Thus it is with the events of history. 

Annexation has always been the threat by which one political party 
or the other sought to intimidate its opponents. It did not originate 
with Minister Stevens, nor is that oflScial at all responsible for the 


ancient custom of landing marines on Hawaiian soil with the purpose to 
control the passions of men in a political crisis. The two great parties 
of United States politics have issues enough on which they may fight 
their battles. It will be the part of wisdom to avoid adding thereto any 
reference whatever to the Hawaiian islands, any contest whatever over 
the ministerial record of Hon. John L. Stevens. United States troops 
have in the past taken far more share in the politics of Hawaii than they 
took in the crisis of January, 1893. The party now in power, errone- 
ously but persistently styled the missionary party, has hitherto been the 
strongest advocate of the preservation of Hawaiian nationality. For 
the facts and evidence I now submit, I am indebted to Hon. A. F. Judd, 
now Chief Justice of the Supreme Court of these islands. I had the 
honor years ago of a slight acquaintance with him, and knew at that time 
far better his honored father. Dr. G. P. Judd, a man of singular 
personal humility and almost absolute political power. For years Dr. 
Judd held the kingdom in his right hand, as I shall most conclusively 
show, yet he was never charged with using that hand for his own profit, 
and died without ever having attained even moderate riches. His son, 
the Chief Justice, has left my office just as I finish this letter. These 
are his exact words, written no longer ago than October, 1880 : — 

'' The Hawaiian kingdom still stands prosperous and respected, making 
and executing its own laws, its autonomy preserved. ... It presents 
to-day the only instance of a nation lifted from the darkness of heathen- 
ism to the light of Christian civilization, without the destruction of the 
native government.'* 

Yet, the elder Judd once left these shores with such powers as are 
rarely committed to the individual ; it was in the midst of hot disputes 
over national questions with foreign powers. These are now dead issues, 
and lack of space must excuse me from reviving them. Suffice it to say 
that on September 11, 1849, Dr. Judd, having under guardianship two 
princes of the royal line, sailed for San Francisco. He was empowered 
to convey away the kingdom, as will be seen by the ensuing copy of the 
original document : — 

Kamehamehaj by the grace of God^ of the Hawaiian islands^ king, to our trusty 
and well-belof>ed subject, Qerrit Pamiile Judd, 


In case our independence be not fully recognized by the acts of any other 
government, or our sovereignty in peril, or rendered of no value, our Royal 
Domain being exposed to further hostile attacks without just and good reasons, 
or if from any other cause you may find these instructions necessary ; 



These are to command and empower yon on onr behalf to treat and negotiate 
with any king, president, or government, or agent thereof, for the purpose of 
placing onr islands under foreign protection and rule. 

And you are hereby further commanded and empowered to treat and negotiate 
for the sale, and to seU our sovereignty of the Hawaiian islands, if for reasons 
above mentioned, or for other good cause, you may deem it wise and prudent so 
to do, reserving in all cases unto Us the ratification of any treaty or convention 
yon may sign on our behalf. And you are hereby further empowered to seU all 
our private lands and those of our chiefs subject to our ratification and the free 
concurrence of our chiefs. 

Done at the palace, Honolulu, Oahu, this 7th day of September, A.D. 1849. 


Ejsoni Ana. 

Had the missionary party desired uoion with us, it could have been 
easily effected at that date, for the United States as then constituted 
had far more interest in Hawaii and in commerce than we have to-day. 
When California was first settled a force of men was supposed to be on 
the eve of embarkation for Hawaii, and it was proposed here to organize 
an army of defence ; but the United States ship ' ' Vincennes " was kept 
in port by the American commissioner for the avowed purpose of sus- 
taining the Hawaiian Government. 

A year later the disaffected organized a committee of thirteen, revolu- 
tionized the government, turned out of oflSce both Dr. Judd and Mr. 
Armstrong, the avowed purpose being annexation. July 4, 1854, was 
celebrated as Annexation Day. A triumphal car, with a young girl 
dressed in white representing each State, towing another on which was 
Hawaii represented by native lads, was drawn through the principal 
streets. Arriving at the great stone church, the American minister 
received the procession and made an eloquent speech, welcoming the 
new star to our national constellation. A statute passed both houses 
authorizing the alienation of the kingdom, and the question of 1898 
might have been answered in 1853, had it not been for the sudden death 
of the King, which demoralized the movement. Justice Judd, in com- 
menting upon this crisis in 1880, used these words : — 

" For the last twenty-five years no one has seriously desired annexa- 
tion. An independent native sovereignty has thus far given persons of 
all nationalities residing at the islands ample protection, and every 
lover of the Hawaiian race must rejoice in the preservation of its 
autonomy for these many years past. It would be diflacult to find a 
country where the sentiment of nationality is stronger than among the 
aboriginal Hawaiians." 


ancient custom of landing marines on Hawaiian soil with the purpose to 
control the passions of men in a political crisis. The two great parties 
of United States politics have issues enough on which they may fight 
their battles. It will be the part of wisdom to avoid adding thereto any 
reference whatever to the Hawaiian islands, any contest whatever over 
the ministerial record of Hon. John L. Stevens. United States troops 
have in the past taken far more share in the politics of Hawaii than they 
took in the crisis of January, 1893. The party now in power, errone- 
ously but persistently styled the missionary party, has hitherto been the 
strongest advocate of the preservation of Hawaiian nationality. For 
the facts and evidence I now submit, I am indebted to Hon. A. F. Judd, 
now Chief Justice of the Supreme Court of these islands. I had the 
honor years ago of a slight acquaintance with him, and knew at that time 
far better his honored father. Dr. G. P. Judd, a man of singular 
personal humility and almost absolute political power. For years Dr. 
Judd held the kingdom in his right hand, as I shall most conclusively 
show, yet he was never charged with using that hand for his own profit, 
and died without ever having attained even moderate riches. His son, 
the Chief Justice, has left my oflSce just as I finish this letter. These 
are his exact words, written no longer ago than October, 1880 : — 

'^ The Hawaiian kingdom still stands prosperous and respected, making 
and executing its own laws, its autonomy preserved. ... It presents 
to-day the only instance of a nation lifted from the darkness of heathen- 
ism to the light of Christian civilization, without the destruction of the 
native government.'* 

Yet, the elder Judd once left these shores with such powers as are 
rarely committed to the individual ; it was in the midst of hot disputes 
over national questions with foreign powers. These are now dead issues, 
and lack of space must excuse me from reviving them. Suffice it to say 
that on September 11, 1849, Dr. Judd, having under guardianship two 
princes of the royal line, sailed for San Francisco. He was empowered 
to convey away the kingdom, as will be seen by the ensuing copy of the 
original document : — 

KamehameJia, by the grace of God^ of the Hawaiian islands, king, to our trusty 
and loelUbeloved subject, GerrU Parmile Judd. 


In case our independence be not fully recognized by the acts of any otiier 
government, or our sovereignty in peril, or rendered of no value, our Royal 
Domain being exposed to further hostile attacks without just and good reasons, 
or if from any other cause you may find these instructions necessary ; 



These are to command and empower yon on onr behalf to treat and negotiate 
with any king, president, or government, or agent thereof, for the purpose of 
placing our islands under foreign protection and rule. 

And you are hereby further commanded and empowered to treat and negotiate 
for the sale, and to seU our sovereignty of the Hawaiian islands, if for reasons 
above mentioned, or for other good cause, you may deem it wise and prudent so 
to do, reserving in all cases unto Us the ratification of any treaty or convention 
you may sign on our behalf. And you are hereby further empowered to sell all 
our private lands and those of our chiefs subject to our ratification and the free 
concurrence of our chiefs. 

Done at the palace, Honolulu, Oahu, this 7th day of September, A.D. 1849. 


Kboni Ana. 

Had the missionary party desired union with us, it could have been 
easily effected at that date, for the United States as then constituted 
had far more interest in Hawaii and in commerce than we have to-day. 
When California was first settled a force of men was supposed to be on 
the eve of embarkation for Hawaii, and it was proposed here to organize 
an army of defence ; but the United States ship *' Vincennes" was kept 
in port by the American commissioner for the avowed purpose of sus- 
taining the Hawaiian Government. 

A year later the disaffected organized a committee of thirteen, revolu- 
tionized the government, turned out of office both Dr. Judd and Mr. 
Armstrong, the avowed purpose being annexation. July 4, 1854, was 
celebrated as Annexation Day. A triumphal car, with a young girl 
dressed in white representing each State, towing another on which was 
Hawaii represented by native lads, was drawn through the principal 
streets. Arriving at the great stone church, the American minister 
received the procession and made an eloquent speech, welcoming the 
new star to our national constellation. A statute passed both houses 
authorizing the alienation of the kingdom, and the question of 1898 
might have been answered in 1853, had it not been for the sudden death 
of the King, which demoralized the movement. Justice Judd, in com- 
menting upon this crisis in 1880, used these words : — 

" For the last twenty-five years no one has seriously desired annexa- 
tion. An independent native sovereignty has thus far given persons of 
all nationalities residing at the islands ample protection, and every 
lover of the Hawaiian race must rejoice in the preservation of its 
autonomy for these many years past. It would be difficult to find a 
country where the sentiment of nationality is stronger than among the 
aboriginal Hawaiians." 


ancient custom of landing marines on Hawaiian soil with the purpose to 
control the passions of men in a political crisis. The two great parties 
of United States politics have issues enough on which they may fight 
their battles. It will be the part of wisdom to avoid adding thereto any 
reference whatever to the Hawaiian islands, any contest whatever over 
the ministerial record of Hon. John L. Stevens. United States troops 
have in the past taken far more share in the politics of Hawaii than they 
took in the crisis of January, 1893. The party now in power, errone- 
ously but persistently styled the missionary party, has hitherto been the 
strongest advocate of the preservation of Hawaiian nationality. For 
the facts and evidence I now submit, I am indebted to Hon. A. F. Judd, 
now Chief Justice of the Supreme Court of these islands. I had the 
honor years ago of a slight acquaintance with him, and knew at that time 
far better his honored father, Dr. G. P. Judd, a man of singular 
personal humility and almost absolute political power. For years Dr. 
Judd held the kingdom in his right hand, as I shall most conclusively 
show, yet he was never charged with using that hand for his own profit, 
and died without ever having attained even moderate riches. His son, 
the Chief Justice, has left my office just as I finish this letter. These 
are his exact words, written no longer ago than October, 1880 : — 

'^ The Hawaiian kingdom still stands prosperous and respected, making 
and executing its own laws, its autonomy preserved. ... It presents 
to-day the only instance of a nation lifted from the darkness of heathen- 
ism to the light of Christian civilization, without the destruction of the 
native government.'* 

Yet, the elder Judd once left these shores with such powers as are 
rarely committed to the individual ; it was in the midst of hot disputes 
over national questions with foreign powers. These are now dead issues, 
and lack of space must excuse me from reviving them. Suffice it to say 
that on September 11, 1849, Dr. Judd, having under guardianship two 
princes of the royal line, sailed for San Francisco. He was empowered 
to convey away the kingdom, as will be seen by the ensuing copy of the 
original document : — 

KamehameJia, by the grace of Qody of the Hawaiian ialandSy king, to our trusty 
and well-beloved subject, Qerrit Pamiile Judd, 


In case our independence be not fully recognized by the acts of any other 
government, or our sovereignty in peril, or rendered of no value, our Royal 
Domain being exposed to further hostile attacks without just and good reasons, 
or if from any other cause you may find these instructions necessary ; 



These are to command and empower you on onr behalf to treat and negotiate 
with any king, president, or government, or agent thereof, for the purpose of 
placing onr islands under foreign protection and rule. 

And you are hereby further commanded and empowered to treat and negotiate 
for the sale, and to seU our sovereignty of the Hawaiian islands, if for reasons 
above mentioned, or for other good cause, you may deem it wise and prudent so 
to do, reserving in all cases unto Us the ratification of any treaty or convention 
you may sign on our behalf. And you are hereby further empowered to sell all 
our private lands and those of our chiefs subject to our ratification and the free 
concurrence of our chiefs. 

Done at the palace, Honolulu, Oahu, this 7th day of September, A.D. 1849. 


Kboni Ana. 

Had the missionary party desired imion with us, it could have been 
easily effected at that date, for the United States as then constituted 
had far more interest in Hawaii and in commerce than we have to-day. 
When California was first settled a force of men was supposed to be on 
the eve of embarkation for Hawaii, and it was proposed here to organize 
an army of defence ; but the United States ship *' Vincennes " was kept 
in port by the American commissioner for the avowed purpose of sus- 
taining the Hawaiian Government. 

A year later the disaffected organized a committee of thirteen, revolu- 
tionized the government, turned out of oflSce both Dr. Judd and Mr. 
Armstrong, the avowed purpose being annexation. July 4, 1854, was 
celebrated as Annexation Day. A triumphal car, with a young girl 
dressed in white representing each State, towing another on which was 
Hawaii represented by native lads, was drawn through the principal 
streets. Arriving at the great stone church, the American minister 
received the procession and made an eloquent speech, welcoming the 
new star to our national constellation. A statute passed both houses 
authorizing the alienation of the kingdom, and the question of 1898 
might have been answered in 1853, had it not been for the sudden death 
of the King, which demoralized the movement. Justice Judd, in com- 
menting upon this crisis in 1880, used these words : — 

" For the last twenty-five years no one has seriously desired annexa- 
tion. An independent native sovereignty has thus far given persons of 
all nationalities residing at the islands ample protection, and every 
lover of the Hawaiian race must rejoice in the preservation of its 
autonomy for these many years past. It would be difficult to find a 
country where the sentiment of nationality is stronger than among th€ 
aboriginal Hawaiians." 


ancient custom of landing marines on Hawaiian soil with the purpose to 
control the passions of men in a political crisis. The two great parties 
of United States politics have issues enough on which they may fight 
their battles. It will be the part of wisdom to avoid adding thereto any 
reference whatever to the Hawaiian islands, any contest whatever over 
the ministerial record of Hon. John L. Stevens. United States troops 
have in the past taken far more share in the politics of Hawaii than they 
took in the crisis of January, 1898. The party now in power, errone- 
ously but persistently styled the missionary party, has hitherto been the 
strongest advocate of the preservation of Hawaiian nationality. For 
the facts and evidence I now submit, I am indebted to Hon. A. F. Judd, 
now Chief Justice of the Supreme Court of these islands. I had the 
honor years ago of a slight acquaintance with him, and knew at that time 
far better his honored father. Dr. G. P. Judd, a man of singular 
personal humility and almost absolute political power. For years Dr. 
Judd held the kingdom in his right hand, as I shall most conclusively 
show, yet he was never charged with using that hand for his own profit, 
and died without ever having attained even moderate riches. His son, 
the Chief Justice, has left my office just as I finish this letter. These 
are his exact words, written no longer ago than October, 1880 : — 

''The Hawaiian kingdom still stands prosperous and respected, making 
and executing its own laws, its autonomy preserved. ... It presents 
to-day the only instance of a nation lifted from the darkness of heathen- 
ism to the light of Christian civilization, without the destruction of the 
native government.'* 

Yet, the elder Judd once left these shores with such powers as are 
rarely committed to the individual ; it was in the midst of hot disputes 
over national questions with foreign powers. These are now dead issues, 
and lack of space must excuse me from reviving them. Suffice it to say 
that on September 11, 1849, Dr. Judd, having under guardianship two 
princes of the royal line, sailed for San Francisco. He was empowered 
to convey away the kingdom, as will be seen by the ensuing copy of the 
original document : — 

Kamehamehat by the grace of God, of the Hawaiian islanda, king, to our trusty 
and toelUbeloved subject, Qerrit Parmile Judd. 


In case our independence be not fully recognized by the acts of any other 
government, or our sovereignty in peril, or rendered of no value, our Royal 
Domain being exposed to further hostile attacks without just and good reasons, 
or if from any other cause you may find these instructions necessary ; 


These are to command and empower you on our behalf to treat and negotiate 
with any king, president, or government, or agent thereof, for the purpose of 
placing onr islands under foreign protection and rule. 

And you are hereby further commanded and empowered to treat and negotiate 
for the sale, and to seU our sovereignty of the Hawaiian islands, if for reasons 
above mentioned, or for other good cause, you may deem it wise and prudent so 
to do, reserving in all cases unto Us the ratification of any treaty or convention 
you may sign on our behalf. And you are hereby further empowered to sell all 
our private lands and those of our chiefs subject to our ratification and the free 
concurrence of our chiefs. 

Done at the palace, Honolulu, Oahu, this 7th day of September, A.D. 1849. 


Kboni Ana. 

Had the missionary party desired imion with us, it could have been 
easily effected at that date, for the United States as then constituted 
had far more interest in Hawaii and in commerce than we have to-day. 
When California was first settled a force of men was supposed to be on 
the eve of embarkation for Hawaii, and it was proposed here to organize 
an army of defence ; but the United States ship ' ' Vincennes " was kept 
in port by the American commissioner for the avowed purpose of sus- 
taining the Hawaiian Government. 

A year later the disaffected organized a committee of thirteen, revolu- 
tionized the government, turned out of oflSce both Dr. Judd and Mr. 
Armstrong, the avowed purpose being annexation. July 4, 1854, was 
celebrated as Annexation Day. A triumphal car, with a young girl 
dressed in white representing each State, towing another on which was 
Hawaii represented by native lads, was drawn through the principal 
streets. Arriving at the great stone church, the American minister 
received the procession and made an eloquent speech, welcoming the 
new star to our national constellation. A statute passed both houses 
authorizing the alienation of the kingdom, and the question of 1893 
might have been answered in 1853, had it not been for the sudden death 
of the King, which demoralized the movement. Justice Judd, in com- 
menting upon this crisis in 1880, used these words : — 

" For the last twenty-five years no one has seriously desired annexa- 
tion. An independent native sovereignty has thus far given persons of 
all nationalities residing at the islands ample protection, and every 
lover of the Hawaiian race must rejoice in the preservation of its 
autonomy for these many years past. It would be diflacult to find a 
country where the sentiment of nationality is stronger than among thi 
aboriginal Hawaiians." 


ancient custom of landing marines on Hawaiian soil with the purpose to 
control the passions of men in a political crisis. The two great parties 
of United States politics have issues enough on which they may fight 
their battles. It will be the part of wisdom to avoid adding thereto any 
reference whatever to the Hawaiian islands, any contest whatever over 
the ministerial record of Hon. John L. Stevens. United States troops 
have in the past taken far more share in the politics of Hawaii than they 
took in the crisis of January, 1893. The party now in power, errone- 
ously but persistently styled the missionary party, has hitherto been the 
strongest advocate of the preservation of Hawaiian nationality. For 
the facts and evidence I now submit, I am indebted to Hon. A. F. Judd, 
now Chief Justice of the Supreme Court of these islands. I had the 
honor years ago of a slight acquaintance with him, and knew at that time 
far better his honored father. Dr. G. P. Judd, a man of singular 
personal humility and almost absolute political power. For years Dr. 
Judd held the kingdom in his right hand, as I shall most conclusively 
show, yet he was never charged with using that hand for his own profit, 
and died without ever having attained even moderate riches. His son, 
the Chief Justice, has left my office just as I finish this letter. These 
are his exact words, written no longer ago than October, 1880 : — 

'^ The Hawaiian kingdom still stands prosperous and respected, making 
and executing its own laws, its autonomy preserved. ... It presents 
to-day the only instance of a nation lifted from the darkness of heathen- 
ism to the light of Christian civilization, without the destruction of the 
native government." 

Yet, the elder Judd once left these shores with such powers as are 
rarely committed to the individual ; it was in the midst of hot disputes 
over national questions with foreign powers. These are now dead issues, 
and lack of space must excuse me from reviving them. Suffice it to say 
that on September 11, 1849, Dr. Judd, having under guardianship two 
princes of the royal line, sailed for San Francisco. He was empowered 
to convey away the kingdom, as will be seen by the ensuing copy of the 
original document : — 

KamehameJia, by the grace of God, of the Hawaiian islands, king, to our trusty 
and toell'beloved subject, Gerrit Parmile Judd. 


In case our independence be not fully recognized by the acts of any other 
government, or our sovereignty in peril, or rendered of no value, our Royal 
Domain being exposed to further hostile attacks without just and good reasons, 
or if from any other cause you may find these instructions necessary ; 



These are to command and empower yon on onr behalf to treat and negotiate 
with any king, president, or government, or agent thereof, for the pnrpose of 
placing our islands under foreign protection and rule. 

And you are hereby further commanded and empowered to treat and negotiate 
for the sale, and to sell our sovereignty of the Hawaiian islands, if for reasons 
above mentioned, or for other good cause, you may deem it wise and prudent so 
to do, reserving in aU cases unto Us the ratification of any treaty or convention 
yon may sign on our behalf. And you are hereby further empowered to seU all 
our private lands and those of our chiefs subject to our ratification and the free 
concurrence of our chiefs. 

Done at the palace, Honolulu, Oahu, this 7th day of September, A.D. 1849. 


Kboni Ana. 

Had the missionary party desired uoion with us, it could have been 
easily effected at that date, for the United States as then constituted 
had far more interest in Hawaii and in commerce than we have to-day. 
When California was first settled a force of men was supposed to be on 
the eve of embarkation for Hawaii, and it was proposed here to organize 
an army of defence ; but the United States ship *' Vincennes " was kept 
in port by the American commissioner for the avowed purpose of sus- 
taining the Hawaiian Government. 

A year later the disaffected organized a committee of thirteen, revolu- 
tionized the government, turned out of oflSce both Dr. Judd and Mr. 
Armstrong, the avowed purpose being annexation. July 4, 1854, was 
celebrated as Annexation Day. A triumphal car, with a young girl 
dressed in white representing each State, towing another on which was 
Hawaii represented by native lads, was drawn through the principal 
streets. Arriving at the great stone church, the American minister 
received the procession and made an eloquent speech, welcoming the 
new star to our national constellation. A statute passed both houses 
authorizing the alienation of the kingdom, and the question of 1893 
might have been answered in 1853, had it not been for the sudden death 
of the King, which demoralized the movement. Justice Judd, in com- 
menting upon this crisis in 1880, used these words : — 

'* For the last twenty-five years no one has seriously desired annexa- 
tion. An independent native sovereignty has thus far given persons of 
all nationalities residing at the islands ample protection, and every 
lover of the Hawaiian race must rejoice in the preservation of its 
autonomy for these many years past. It would be difficult to find it 
country where the sentiment of nationality is stronger than among thi 
aboriginal Hawaiians." 


ancient custom of landing marines on Hawaiian soil with the purpose to 
control the passions of men in a political crisis. The two great parties 
of United States politics have issues enough on which they may fight 
their battles. It will be the part of wisdom to avoid adding thereto any 
reference whatever to the Hawaiian islands, any contest whatever over 
the ministerial record of Hon. John L. Stevens. United States troops 
have in the past taken far more share in the politics of Hawaii than they 
took in the crisis of January, 1893. The party now in power, errone- 
ously but persistently styled the missionary party, has hitherto been the 
strongest advocate of the preservation of Hawaiian nationality. For 
the facts and evidence I now submit, I am indebted to Hon. A. F. Judd, 
now Chief Justice of the Supreme Court of these islands. I had the 
honor years ago of a slight acquaintance with him, and knew at that time 
far better his honored father. Dr. G. P. Judd, a man of singular 
personal humility and almost absolute political power. For years Dr. 
Judd held the kingdom in his right hand, as I shall most conclusively 
show, yet he was never charged with using that hand for his own profit, 
and died without ever having attained even moderate riches. His son, 
the Chief Justice, has left my office just as I finish this letter. These 
are his exact words, written no longer ago than October, 1880 : — 

'^The Hawaiian kingdom still stands prosperous and respected, making 
and executing its own laws, its autonomy preserved. ... It presents 
to-day the only instance of a nation lifted from the darkness of heathen- 
ism to the light of Christian civilization, without the destruction of the 
native government." 

Yet, the elder Judd once left these shores with such powers as are 
rarely committed to the individual ; it was in the midst of hot disputes 
over national questions with foreign powers. These are now dead issues, 
and lack of space must excuse me from reviving them. Suffice it to say 
that on September 11, 1849, Dr. Judd, having under guardianship two 
princes of the royal line, sailed for San Francisco. He was empowered 
to convey away the kingdom, as will be seen by the ensuing copy of the 
original document : — 

KamehameJia, by the grace of God, of the Hawaiian islands, king, to our trusty 
and well-beloved subject, Gerrit Pamiile Judd. 


In case our independence be not fully recognized by the acts of any other 
government, or our sovereignty in peril, or rendered of no value, our Royal 
Domain being exposed to further hostile attacks without just and good reasons, 
or If from any other cause you may find these instructions necessary ; 



These are to command and empower you on our behalf to treat and negotiate 
with any king, president, or government, or agent thereof, for the porpose of 
placing our islands under foreign protection and rule. 

And you are hereby further commanded and empowered to treat and negotiate 
for the sale, and to sell our sovereignty of the Hawaiian islands, if for reasons 
above mentioned, or for other good cause, you may deem it wise and prudent so 
to do, reserving in all cases unto Us the ratification of any treaty or convention 
you may sign on our behalf. And you are hereby further empowered to sell all 
our private lands and those of our cl^ef s subject to our ratification and the free 
concurrence of our chiefs. 

Done at the palace, Honolulu, Oahu, this 7th day of September, A.D. 1849. 


Eeoni Ana. 

Had the missionary party desired union with us, it could have been 
easily effected at that date, for the United States as then constituted 
had far more interest in Hawaii and in commerce than we have to-day. 
When California was first settled a force of men was supposed to be on 
the eve of embarkation for Hawaii, and it was proposed here to organize 
an army of defence ; but the United States ship *' Vincennes" was kept 
in port by the American commissioner for the avowed purpose of sus- 
taining the Hawaiian Government. 

A year later the disaffected organized a committee of thirteen, revolu- 
tionized the government, turned out of office both Dr. Judd and Mr. 
Armstrong, the avowed purpose being annexation. July 4, 1854, was 
celebrated as Annexation Day. A triumphal car, with a young girl 
dressed in white representing each State, towing another on which was 
Hawaii represented by native lads, was drawn through the principal 
streets. Arriving at the great stone church, the American minister 
received the procession and made an eloquent speech, welcoming the 
new star to our national constellation. A statute passed both houses 
authorizing the alienation of the kingdom, and the question of 1893 
might have been answered in 1853, had it not been for the sudden death 
of the King, which demoralized the movement. Justice Judd, in com- 
menting upon this crisis in 1880, used these words : — 

" For the last twenty-five years no one has seriously desired annexa- 
tion. An independent native sovereignty has thus far given persons of 
all nationalities residing at the islands ample protection, and every 
lover of the Hawaiian race must rejoice in the preservation of its 
autonomy for these many years past. It would be difficult to find a 
country where the sentiment of nationality is stronger than among the 
aboriginal Hawaiians." 


From the foreign men-of-war in port has always been drafted the 
armed police by which the lives and property of the residents ashore 
have been protected whenever threatened by domestic revolution. If, 
therefore, the " Boston " had taken no part in the revolution of 1893, 
that movement would by so much have differed from all precedents in the 
prior history of the nation. As a fact, our marines took less part in the 
revolution than they had taken in the riots at the time of the accession 
of Kalakaua, or the epoch of the concession of the constitution of 1887. 
At both these dates they were landed from our ships ; they compelled 
the natives to recognize the legality of the election of King Kalakaua ; 
they supported his right to the throne against the partisans of Queen 
Emma; then, in 1887, they kept the peace betwixt the king and his 
belligerent subjects, forcing the monarch to grant the constitutional 
demands of the latter. 

If we commission a minister to a nation, we must defer to his judg- 
ment as to that which is best for our interests there. I believe Minister 
Stevens to have acted according to precedent, to have been notably 
conscientious ; and although I dissent entirely from his conclusion that 
annexation is equally for the good of Hawaii and for America, yet I 
would not deny that in favoring the opposite side he has the testimony 
of history, of ministers resident, and of American statesmen and naval 
officers to support his opinions, which he promptly and honestly for- 
warded to the power which intrusted its interests to him. 




That all government exists by the consent of the people is evident 
from the position of the provisionalists in Hawaii for over a year just 
passed away. Here are less than twenty men, with no constitutional 
warrant for their organization or existence, and yet at no time during 
that epoch has their authority been challenged. Perhaps that declara- 
tion should be qualified by adding thereto, " save for effusions printed 
in the daily press." 

For, of the four daily papers printed in Honolulu, two are with the 
royalist party and two are loyal to the present government. The news- 
paper of the oldest establishment and widest circulation, the Commercial 
Advertiser^ is the most valuable ally of the party in power. It is ably 
edited, thoroughly American, and, although in the heat of party strife 
it is not easy for any one of us who is human to always keep an even 
temper, yet it is generally dignified, and entitled to the respect of men of 
all shades of opinion. 

The most persistent opponent of its position is Hon. T. H. Davies, 
an Englishman by birth and affiliations, a man of wealth, education, and 
of the highest type of Christian character. To this he adds the official 
position of being the guardian of the Princess Kaiulani, or Miss 
Cleghorn, niece of Liliuokalani. It was as a member of his family 
that this Hawaiian girl visited Boston last year on her way to Washing- 
ton, where she was most hospitably received by President and 
Mrs. Cleveland. Mr. Davies has a son in the Massachusetts Institute 
of Technology, and is a gentleman of the greatest integrity, whose 
opinions, based on a broad experience of the world and the eternal 
principles of right, are worthy of respectful consideration. 

On January 17, 1893, the present government proclaimed itself in 
absolute power ; thirteen days after, a statute was made the law of the 
land, the very language of which indicates that at that early and enthu- 
siastic date, it was found best to put a bridle on the tongue of its 


opponents. From that statute, a copy of which is before me, I make 
the following extract : — 

Section 1. Every one commits a misdemeanor who publishes, verbally, any 
words or any document with a seditious intent. . . . 

Sect. 3. A seditious intention is an intention to bring into hatred or con- 
tempt, or to excite disaffection against the Provisional Government of the 
Hawaiian islands, or the laws thereof, or to excite the people to attempt the 
alteration by force of any matter established by the laws of the Provisional 
Government, or to raise discontent and disaffection against the Provisional Gov- 
ernment, or to promote feelings of ill-will and hostility between different classes 
of people in the Hawaiian islands. 

By both its organs the Provisional Government is urged to proceed 
under this statute against Mr. Davies ; but the two newspapers are not 
in accord as to what should be the penalty, one of them advocating that 
provided by the law, — hard labor, fine, and imprisonment, — the other, 
believing in making his an exceptional case and sending him into per- 
petual exile. In the mean time, Mr. Davies continues to use the columns 
of the opposition press. His letters are worth reading, being always 
dignified in tone, consistent in argument, and free from flippancy or 
personality, which cannot be said for those by whom he is attacked. If 
the government hesitates much longer, the question will be answered, for 
it is Mr. Davies' intention to join his family in England at no distant 
date, and it is not probable that he will ever again be a resident of Hawaii. 

In spite of its tropical outbursts of revolution, there is probably no 
place on the earth where life is so secure from menace, public or private, 
or where private property is so safe from intrusion, as it is anywhere on 
these beautiful islands. Houses are never locked, by day or by night, 
occupied or unoccupied by members of the family. Door-bells and bolts 
are to be found at only a few residences, and are then seldom in use. 
My cottage has but one tenant, — myself ; it has three rooms all on the 
ground floor ; its doors are wire screens, in order to admit air and 
exclude mosquitoes. I retire at night, leaving watch, money, and 
diamonds an easy prey to a burglar. I go down to the beach to spend 
the night and have a morning swim in tlie ocean, or take my daily walks 
without in any way closing it against intrusion. If a friend calls in 
my absence, he enters, reads the newspapers as though he were in his 
own parlor, and awaits my return : such is the custom of the community, 
and it is the part of a cosmopolitan to accustom himself to the usages 
of the land of his sojourn. 

Turning now to the loss of human life as a penalty for disturbance of 
the public peace, either by collision between parties or as a punishment 


for sedition, there is no nation whose skirts are so free from stain as 
those of the island paradise of the Pacific. To her great reluctance to 
permit the least bloodshed her Majesty, Queen Liliuokalani, owes her 
deposition. There were those about her who offered their last di'op of 
blood to defend her constitutional rights. There were gatling guns in 
the hands of those who knew how to use them. She had a devoted 
and, with his nation, popular commander, who also had a sufficient 
strength in his miniature army to have made a stand, at which the 
Hawaiian people, who, without regard to the person occupying the 
throne, have a most intense love for the chieftain who represents to 
them the never-aewrerving loyalty of centuries, would have enthusiasti- 
cally rallied around her. But she also had counsellors whose advice was 
for peace, and the promptings of her own heart under the influence of 
the precepts of its early education, led her to commit her cause to God 
and to President Cleveland rather than authorize the least approach to 
bloodshed. Although scarcely germane to the subject, it may be asked 
just here, why she has subsequently advocated capital punishment. To 
this her adherents reply that, first, she did not use the word " beheaded" ; 
second, that she pronounced sentence against no individual, for she had 
no constitutional right to condemn or to pardon. She did give it as her 
personal judgment that such persons should be treated just as traitors 
who seize the reins of power have always been treated. She did fail 
to recognize any distinction between the offence committed against the 
throne of Hawaii and the same offence committed against that of Britain 
or Germany. She did hope, and still hopes, that they will leave the 
kingdom.. She did refrain from giving her personal assurance that 
their lives and property would be protected by her should they elect 
to remain. 

Now, returning more directly to our subject, to what must we assign 
the respect for human life, the security of private property, which is so 
marked in this community? First, last, and always, to those devoted 
men and women who are often made the objects of heartless ridicule 
and thoughtless sneers, — to the missionaries ; they had plastic mate- 
rial, to be sure, but it was just as plastic in the hand of the devil ; 
they had in the earlier days the advantage of much isolation, and they 
established tlfe community in a righteousness from which it has never 
departed. Granted that their ideal was too puritanic, too narrow, too 
superhuman, if you will, although I dissent from this view, there was 
the ideal, there was the target for the national aim, and without it this 
community would never have its present exemption from bloody strife, 


its present immunity from anarchy and disorder. Why ! was there ever 
known a case before in the history of the world where revolt had entered 
and revolution occurred, and yet, the ensuing year showed no uprising 
of those lawless characters who are ever ready in all communities to 
selfishly avail themselves of like confusion for the gain of power or 
worldly lucre? What prevents it here? They are here and in both 
parties, royalist and provisionalist. Why do they not do as in ancient 
Scriptural days, when each man did that which was right in his own eyes 
and every man's hand was against his neighbor? Because a greater 
than Abraham, a greater than Solomon was here ; because the principles 
of the Sermon on the Mount were made the basis of thelaws and customs 
of this new nation. All honor to the missionaries, say I. " We have 
this treasure in earthen vessels," wrote one of the earliest of their 
number when speaking of other associates of his nearly two thousand 
years ago, and were they other than men, the work they have accom- 
plished would not be so worthy our admiration. 

The China steamer put in here the other day, and a stranger dined 
next to me at the hotel, who distributed broadcast evidences of his con- 
tempt for the missionaries. " My friend," said I, " I have been a sea 
captain, and were I to go the voyage now before you, and have an 
accident happen to my ship near an island in the broad Pacific, at which 
spot I could bring her to an anchor, for my own sake and the safety of 
my passengers, nothing would so delight my heart as the sight of a 
missionary flag ; yes, I don't believe I should pause a moment in my joy 
to ask whether it was Roman, Puritan, or Wesleyan. I think the fact 
that there were men and women living on that distant spot in the f eisu: of 
the Lord, and with the object of teaching his gospel to others, would be 
happiness enough for one voyage. What do you think, supposing you 
to be one of my imaginary passengers?" He winced, turned away his 
head, and changed the subject. Christian missions of whatever denomi- 
nation are worth to the civilized world every dime or shilling or franc 
which has been sent abroad. 

OHARmr m hawah. 12S 


From what sources do the American people derive their knowledge of 
events at Honolulu? and how is their opinion on Hawaiian questaottS 
formed? First, the press despatches from thence, all, or nearly all, of 
which are prepared under the supervision of the party in power ; second, 
from the San Francisco press, this being, from local and selfish reasons, 
a unit in favor of the annexationists ; third, from private letters, all of 
which, going to the United States from the same party, but speaking 
as individuals, confirm the testimony of the more public utterances^ 
Clearly, therefore, whether the provisionalists be right or wrong, the 
American people have had little opportunity to form their opinions save 
on the evidence of those who caused the revolt. 

The fact above stated constitutes the excuse of citizens of ihe United 
States that they have not more generally resented the persistent assump* 
tion on the part of the revolutionists that it is American capital which 
demands our protection, American interests and property now in jeopardy 
here. It is Hawaiian property, wrung from Hawaiian land, which has 
been leased at merely nominal rental by the favor of the Hawaiian 
Government, cultivated by cheap labor imported by the privileges of 
Hawaiian law ; the immense accumulations, the enormous dividends, 
result from the favoring conditions given by the Hawaiian Government 
to the sugar-planters, notably the reciprocity treaty, a measure inangu- 
rated under the brother of Liliuokalani. There lies before me an ofiScial 
statement of the ten most prosperous plantations ; by this it is clear that 
an investment of $4,655,000 in sugar produced last year an average 
dividend of 22.6 per cent., the highest percentage being forty, and the 
lowest thirteen per cent. It is not even hinted that the lives or private 
property of these men were in danger. Is not the above sufiScient 
evidence that their mercantile prosperity has been enormous, and that 
they were not oppressed very grievously in their incorporated estates ? 
They will be happy, indeed, if for the twenty years to come their 
confederated wisdom shall succeed in giving to them such substantial 


returns ad those which have flowed into their pockets under the reigns 
of those sovereigns of whom they cannot speak charitably to-day. 

Why, then, did they rebel? Why, indeed? It was another illustra- 
tion of the old fable of the goose who laid the golden egg. It was the 
old story, and the Royalist Government might have quoted to them their 
own Bible where it says, " I have nourished and brought up children, 
and they have rebelled against me." It was the arrogance of riches, 
and not the turning of the poor worm under the heel of the oppressor. 
It was the love of power ; it was the greed of gain. 

Let us grant that such power would have been wisely used for the 
benefit of the Hawaiian, if you will; let us never insinuate that the 
gain would have been or is that of the ph*ate or filibuster ; none the less 
is it true that love of power and two cents a pound additional profit 
caused the revolt more than any other secret spring of action. When 
men move together, or when the individual acts, it is from mixed motives ; 
there may have been those in the provisionalist ranks in whose breasts 
patriotism (as they understood it, which means here devotion to the 
land of their ancestors, not to the land on which they were bom) 
aroused them to action ; but the master-motive of the movement pro- 
ceeded from the arrogance of capital, — associated capital, which brooks 
no opposition, and, like Alexander, is not satisfied with the world it 
has already conquered. 

These men, in private life, are the very cream of the world ; they are 
hospitable, even where the stranger has at times entered their doors but 
to betray the faults and foibles of their family circle ; they are moral 
and religious, offering to the God of their fathers their daily lives in 
humble effort to follow that of his Son ; they are charitable, using that 
term in application to a desire to bless and help others, so that most of 
them do something for the education and support of Hawaiian youth. 

This is the individual life ; now, would that the same could be written 
of the associated life of the community, but, in truth, it cannot. It is 
no easier for them to make this the kingdom of heaven than it was for 
the rich man to enter it burdened with his wealth in the days when the 
Teacher of Nazareth stated the diflSculty. And therefore we find them 
lacking in that charity which thinketh no evil, beareth all things, seeketh 
not her own, and believeth all things. 

That which they have said of their Queen, the stories they have 
circulated of the private life of some of her adherents, could be readily 
reciprocated in kind. Let the royalist, the Hawaiian, have this to his 
credit : he has never descended to that kind of warfare. But is it not 


sad that the scandal and the gossip of this civil strife should have come 
from lips on which the notes of prayer have scarce been hushed ? that 
for real forbearance and that silence which is golden, we must look, not 
to the children of the missionary, but to the descendants of the savage 
or the family of the unbeliever ? 

It is not forgotten here that the only detraction from the merits of the 
martyred priest of Molokai came from one of their number, after the lips 
which had prayed for the dying leper every day for nearly twenty years 
were cold and silent. With us this is a dead issue ; but since I have 
been here two articles have appeared in a native newspaper resenting the 
old slander of Father Damien's character. For these Hawaiians feel: 
they bear wrong in silence, but the heart is heavy and sore. 

" They think we are indifferent," said a full-blooded Hawaiian to me, 
— " these people who have tried to barter away our nation ; and why? 
We do not deny that they have been our friends. We love our friends ; 
we meet them in private life just as we always did ; we try to treat them 
hospitably and courteously ; we say nothing of the wrong they have done 
our Queen; and what is our return? They send word to other nations 
that we do not care ; that we will cheerfully submit to loss of nationality. 
They are utterly wrong ; we feel our position, and suffer keenly, sadly, 
though silently." 

Other testimony at my command most fully confirms the above. No 
person ignorant of the Hawaiian temperament can appreciate the intense 
delicacy of this people. Oh, how they love their flag ! No wonder that 
the provisionalist party, having sought to obliterate the nation, now are 
considering sundry designs for changing radically the national ensign, — 
those colors which were once before hauled down by a foreign power, 
but which the native, to his great joy, saw restored after nearly six 
months by the same power. Thus there is a precedent for their simple, 
honest. Christian faith that the United States will do as honorably by 
them as was done by monarchical Great Britain, and the first act of 
Colonel Blount gave the color of truth to this inference. 

But how did they greet the change of ensigns? Would any other 
nation have allowed a foreign symbol to flutter undisturbed for over 
two months ? 

They bore it until the day came when, by the order of the American 
minister, it was to come down ; then they assembled to see the restora- 
tion of their own. A friend of mine stood by a group of Hawaiians as 
the change was made. Down came the American, and up rose the 
Hawaiian colors. " Why don't you cheer?" he asked. Silence was the 


answer^ " Why doo't you cheer?" he demanded again. His eyes had 
bdem raised alolt^ or he would not have questioned them. For, turning 
avQund cmd looking into the dark faces of the men and women at his 
elbow,^ there w^re great tears of joy rolling down their cheeks, and 
voices would have been drowned in sobs. " Besides," said one of the 
men to hisft, '^ we would not do anything to hurt the feelings of the 
AiaerieaikB ; it is their flag, you know." 

That is Hawaiian. It is not our teaching that gave them their 
•alional characteristics. They are children, say those who would be 
their guardians* Well, suppose they are, and spoiled children at that. 
Wha was it that said we must receive His teachings as a little child ? 
who not only suffered but loved little children? What estimate would 
we make of any person who should hate a child, or take the least advan- 
tage of its innocent ccmfidence ? 

Wleiat is their national custom when the latter mentioned becomes fact? 
Withia six months I have answered that question from observations 
iMade ia the evening on the streets of London, where the poor outcast 
woiaaAn wanders in search of bread. What is her fate in Hawaii ? As 
soon aa it is known that she requires the sympathy of her friends, a 
couple of good women with whom fortune has been kinder in that each 
has husband, home, and humble means, go for her — to reproach and 
draw aside their skirts ? Oh, no ; but to vie with each other in inducing 
her to give her child to them to be reared, clothed, and educated as a 
inember of a legitimate family circle. The poor mother does not lose her 
position, and the child is forever ignorant that he is not in the home of 
his own parents. Now, the Hawaiian did not learn to cut this broad 
mantle of charity from the New England fashion-plate. 

This custom is universal ; nobleman and fisherman are pi*oud to per- 
petuate it ; and when to a married pair of the humbler class a child is born, 
^ere is no need of anxiety, for the ready hand and hospitable heart 
of more than one of the parents' friends not only stand ready, but almost 
angrily urge their claim, to receive the little stranger. There was a lady 
here in public life who had in her service a most devoted married pair ; they 
were loyal to her> true to each other, and in one instance nearly paid for 
their constancy with their lives. A child was born to them, and as a 
delicate reward this noble lady said, "That child shall be mine, in that 
I will rear, educate, and clothe it for you ; it shall always have the best 
aad live i» plenty." Again, in another part of the island was born 
another infant, and some one told the noble lady that her own husband 
CNQght. to assuasie its support. And she resented the imputation? No; 


she said, ' ' Go and get the new-comer ; I cannot do it, but it shall be 
placed with a friend of mine, and shall never know reproach or want, 
but be fed, clad, and reared as well as any one in the kingdom." 

What has been the result to two beautiful, innocent children? 
They call the woman who has reared them ^' mamma." She is one 
whose life has been from girlhood to age free from the least attack of 
social enmity. But what was the result to their benefactor and noble 
patroness? This woman was Queen Liliuokalani, and in thus showing 
her benevolence and conforming to a national custom, making herself 
thereby the equal of her humblest subject on the glorious, the divine 
plane of that charity which covereth a multitude of sins, she exposed her 
own breast to the wicked attacks of her political enemies. 

Again would I assert, in terms as strong as language can make them, 
that I write not from hearsay, but after personal interviews with the 
parties to the above transaction. Charity, like crime, is contagious. 
It took all my cooler judgment to control my impulse to conform to 
Hawaiian custom, and so beg for myself and Chauncy Hall School the 
honor of bringing up one of these island waifs in the institution where 
the Queen's husband received his education. 

At one end of the city of Honolulu is the missionary seminary for 
the instruction of Hawaiian girls. In the temporary penury of the royal 
patron I cannot say how many there are now the recipients of her 
bounty, but until recently twenty were supported there from her private 
purse. That which was true of this institution was also ti'ue of others, 
where she placed the children of her poorer friends. Further, when the 
means of this institution were insufficient, the managers went to her 
Majesty ; she heard their story, and drew seventeen thousand dollars 
from her own funds, which she gave to them for investment, the income 
to be used for theii' good. What was done with this sum ? It was put 
into construction bonds of a plantation railroad company, from which no 
income has been derived, and on which probably not a cent of principal 
will ever be paid ; and the man who was responsible for the loss to the 
Queen of her intended benevolence, and to the seminary for its fund, 
was one of the commissioners who hurried to Washington with the 
annexation treaty. 

When one of the Queen's ministers went into her presence during the 
last days of her power, he found her diligently studying the appropriation 
bill. He told her that, owing to limited revenues, there must be general 
reductions, and, looking at the items, he cut down one after the other. 
"But," she said, ''it is going to be very hard on those poor school- 


teachers to have their salaries so reduced ; they do not receive any too 
much pay now." — "I know it, your Majesty," said he, "but it is 
necessary; there's only just so much money to go round." He had 
noticed that on the memorandum before her she had written her own 
name at the head of her list. " I will tell you," said she, drawing her 
pencil through the figures, " begin with me ; take off all that item ; 
that'll help ten thousand dollars ; " thus surrendering the sole cash pay- 
ment which she received from the department of finance, rather than 
cripple the means of the instructor of her people. 

But what, then, would be her means of support ? The rent of the crown 
lands' reserved from all time were the income of the sovereign, as 
previously explained by me in these letters. These rentals have been 
confiscated to the use of the Provisional Government, and notwithstand- 
ing this, accretion of their revenues to the amount of, say, $50,000, their 
disbursements exceed by more than a hundred per cent, the public 
expenditure under the Queen ; besides which, when she was in receipt 
of this sum, a large retinue of the native people were supported from 
her pui'se. Some have placed it as high as three hundred in number. 
Now it is paid to send commissioners to Washington, to pay Mr. 
Thurston's living there, to support President Dole and his council, and, 
further, to maintain the provisionalist army of aliens which are drilled 
daily to prevent the Queen's restoration to the throne. The native 
Hawaiian receives little or no benefit from the bountiful provision of the 



San Francisco, March 19, 1894. 

At home again ! For this city has been to me all which is expressed 
by that dear word, and, with the single exception of Boston, is the pnly 
one which I would willingly call by that sweetest of names. From the 
side of one of its lofty hills, inspired by its electric air, I look back 
across two thousand miles of sea to that unhappy community in which 
for two months I have been a sojourner. During the last evening spent 
with President Dole and his charming wife, he relaxed almost entirely 
his official dignity, and favored me with his opinions of present and 
future, so that we talked of matters more after the manner of two friends 
in council. And I was sincere when I told him that it was with great 
sadness I looked at the situation, feeling that it was impossible for me 
to agree with the sentiments and see the justice of the position held by 
the party in power. Could there not yet be some compromise, some 
conciliation? Were there to be such, it must come from his side. It 
could not come from the royalists, or emanate from the deposed Queen. 

But, alas ! the first step is that which no loyal Hawaiians can take ; 
namely, an oath, first, of fidelity to the self -elected nineteen ; second, 
of declaration that never will they assist Liliuokalani to regain her 
throne ; third, that they will never be party to any attempt to re-establish 
monarchy in the land. The Rubicon to be crossed is far too turbulent 
a stream, that which may be on the opposite shore is far too uncertain 
a goal, to tempt one thus to burn each and every bridge at the start. 

As I take leave of this hospitable and amiable people, of kindred 
ancestry to my own, I am asked to explain why I commend them so 
heartily as individuals, and judge them so sternly in their corporate acts. 
Is not this often — too often — in accordance with the facts of history ? 
Any keen observer of character can point to a dozen men of his acquaint- 
ance who in private life are each of them the embodiment of that which 
is courteous, kindly, and benevolent ; yet organize those same men into 
an insurance company, a railroad corporation, or a manufacturing plant. 


even a government, and they will only be another example of the truism 
that corporations have no souls. Their course will not be marked by 
any conduct the line of which diverges from that of their fellows. They 
will stand on legal right, become a tyrannical monopoly, or reduce 
wages to the lowest living point, just as unhesitatingly as any of their 

From the facts and statements which, from all sides and at their strong- 
est and best, have been laid before the Transcript readers, from much 
more which has not been written, I will now state my own conclusions, 
not, however, citing evidence, for this would be to reopen the whole case. 

The revolt was not an impulse ; it was not in the least connected with 
religion; no such jealousy was present at its birth, and it is kept in 
being by no sectarianism. The first error, on their own statement, was 
made by the American party nearly twenty-five years ago when they, by 
political machination, defeated the accession to the throne of Queen 
Emma, who was the choice of the people. This forced them to a 
graver fault in 1887, when they wrested the constitution of that year from 
Kalakaua. Gaining confidence, and loving power, they were thus ripe 
for that bolder movement which should take, by annexation, the country 
entirely away from Hawaiian rule. Once having trampled on the right 
of the majority, they fail now to realize the absurdity of their assump- 
tion that seven hundred voters have the right to convey away or rule a 
nation of ninety thousand. 

The Queen was self-willed and arbitrary, yet she was not to be the 
personal gainer by any of the measures she proposed, save in the increase 
of power under the proffered constitution. Personally she is a good 
woman, her public acts being persistently misrepresented, her private 
character — of late, and only of late — cruelly traduced for political ends. 

None of her measures, were of a character to justify revolution, save 
the promulgation of the new constitution. When Williams College was 
built by lottery, when less than thirty years ago the city of San 
Francisco owed its library to the same means, when Great Britain has 
found it necessary to regulate the sale of a drug which cannot be 
excluded, it is absurd to assume that for the purpose of raising funds 
for public works by sale of the lottery franchise, for the purpose of the 
better conduct of a traffic in which thirteen thousand of her Chinese 
subjects were interested. Queen Liliuokalani, however unwise, committed 
any crime against the State by her assent to these measures. 

From 1840 to the present day new constitutions have at intervals 


been promulgated in Hawaii. The first was voluntarily given to the 


people by the reigning monarch. In 1887 it was extorted from the 
sovereign under threats of assassination .by the very party who are now 
in power. They did not use that word, however. Twenty were bound 
by oath that any five drawn should " execute him for the public good." 
They do not use this latter phrase in speaking of the judgment of 
Liliuokalani as to the reward due to treason ; with her, it is " the blood- 
thirstiness of the savage." It is not easy for me to see that a public 
act which is creditable to one party is a subversion of right if attempted 
by another. If it was proper for subjects to change the constitution in 
1887, why, then, was it so horrible for the sovereign to propose to the 
subjects to make a change in her favor in 1893? She did propose ; they 
objected. She withdrew her amendment ; why revolt ? 

Granted, nevertheless, that her action was such as to destroy con- 
fidence in her wisdom for the future, there was an easy way out of the 
dilemma — one that has the authority of historical precedents ; namely, 
after seizing the reins of government to voluntarily resign on the 
abdication of the Queen in favor of the next heir to the throne. As 
this would have been to introduce to the Hawaiian people a Queen of 
whom any land might be proud, their neglect to do this proves inevi- 
tably that their wish was either to betray the country to another nation, 
or to secure its direction for themselves. Their revolution had, there- 
fore, for its object either treason by theliransfer of a nation against the 
will of the people, or the ruling of that nation in violation of its consti- 
tution. It was not, therefore, a justifiable revolt. 

The action of Minister Stevens, of Captain Wiltse, of the naval forces 
of the United States, was in harmony with island precedent. If an arm 
is used with good results in many instances, and then in another works 
an injustice, we must accept the latter, because in former cases all 
parties were bound thereby. I am aware that there was some difference 
between the crisis of 1893 and past disturbances ; but in an emergency 
men must be pardoned if they fail to recognize nice distinctions. 

Although taking no active part, the presence of the troops did 
intimidate the Queen. Fear is an emotion, not the result of a train of 
thought. She feared that to resist would expose her people to great 
odds ; yet, as a fact, in the event of collision, our forces would only 
have prevented the destruction of private property and the slaughter of 
non-participants. Such a police force quartered on shore for nearly 
three months had a salutary influence in preserving the peace. 

There is no manner of doubt that there was a reference on the part 
of the two parties to the judgment of the United States. The claim of 



President Dole that in agreeing to such, Minister Damon was acting in 
a personal and not official capacity, is a lawyer's subterfuge, not in the 
line of conduct which should always make any understanding given by 
an honest man as binding as the strongest bond. Had the decision 
been promptly made, annexation as promptly denied, all before the 
provisionalists had intrenched themselves in power and learned to love 
their oligarchy, the demand made by Minister Willis would have been 
met with assent or by compromise. 

Annexation to the United States on the one hand, restoration of the 
Queen by the United States on the other, are the two considerations 
which have hitherto restrained the two parties from clash; they are 
both delusions, but the faith of each party in its own scheme is far 
from shaken. 

No patriotic American citizen can ever, for a moment, admit the feasi- 
bility of annexation ; and men of all parties owe to President Cleveland 
the greatest debt of eternal gratitude that he had the wisdom and 
courage to recall the treaty. Had it been brought to the knowledge of 
Benjamin Harrison that the five men who claimed to be treating with 
him for the Hawaiian people were in no way authorized to represent the 
637 American voters resident in Hawaii, it is scarcely probable that 
those self-commissioned ambassadors would have received consideration 
until our President had taken means to learn something of the senti- 
ments of the 90,000 people. 

But, from all points, Mr. Cleveland's appointment of Colonel Blount 
was a mistake. A commission of prominent men of both parties should 
have gone, and the decision of that judicial body should have been 
enforced, just as in kindred crises the decisions of Great Britain and 
France have been emphasized ; that is, not by menace, but by opening 
the turrets of our naval vessels and demanding compliance. Both 
British and French naval vessels have done exactly this in the past; 
their action has never been challenged by the other great powers, nor 
has any commander been openly censured by superior authority. 

It is useless now to try to remedy the blunders of the past. Absolute 
non-intervention in all Hawaiian affairs must be our policy. We must 
be unmoved by threats of alliance with Great Britain, because it is the 
boast of the annexationists that, by carrying out such threats, they can 
and will compel us to admit the domain to our Union. We must recip- 
rocate by assuring them that the sooner they can make terms with any 
other power the better pleased we shall be. In the first place, the court 
of St. James will not receive officially the tender of a nation made to 


them by a minority in power ; in the second place, to be prosperous, 
Hawaiian sugar-planters must enter their staple at San Francisco duty 
free. If they remain an independent nation, their chance of doing 
this is unparalled ; if they become a British colony, it is cut off 
forever. We could make a free-trade treaty with a country having, like 
Hawaii, absolutely no manufactures. It will be a long day before we 
make any free-trade negotiations with Great Britain. 

We must, in discussion, firmly repel the assumption made by these 
men that we owe them political asylum because they are Americans. 
No more false impression than this has been given throughout the con- 
test. They are foreigners, — just as truly foreigners in this respect as 
the citizens of any other land. Those not born in Hawaii have dwelt 
there so many years, have sworn allegiance to foreign governments, have 
held office under those governments, have gained all their wealth (on 
which they never paid us a tax) under foreign statutes, all to that 
degree that they are not entitled to consideration as American citizens, 
simply because their ancestors, actuated by pious motives, emigrated 
from America over half a century ago, and the children have placed 
themselves, by their own fault, in a situation of political danger. There 
is scarcely a dollar of United States capital invested in Hawaii. It is 
all Hawaiian money gained under the favoring statutes of that monarchy 
against which they are now rebels. The single exception to this state- 
ment is in the case of the capital controlled by Claus Spreckels, and his 
house is loyal to the legally constituted government. 

Having thus repelled any assumption on their part that the least legal 
claim exists, we should proceed to treat them with that liberality which 
is always due from the strong to the weak. If a duty is placed on raw 
sugar, we ought to except from the tariff all sugar produced on 
Hawaiian soil. We ought to go farther than this : as soon as there is a 
legally constituted government, one recognized by the great powers, 
whatever that government is, we should lose no time in appointing a 
commission to make a treaty of absolute free trade with the new 
Hawaiian nation. This treaty could be simplicity itself ; it should pro- 
vide that all merchandise produced or manufactured in either country, 
passing between the ports of the two, under either flag, should be 
absolutely free of custom-house charges. This would secure to us the 
commerce of the islands ; it would insure to our flag the carrying trade ; 
it would give to the Pacific Coast all the advantages of annexation; 
while it would spare to the American Union the continual expense of 
enormous appropriations (which these provisionalists will certainly 


demand) , the disturbance of our national councils by their local ques- 
tions, the great embarrassment and weakness the islands to us 
either in time of peace or in case of war. 

There are two other perfectly legitimate methods by which we can 
help the Hawaiian nation. One of these is by the construction of a 
telegraphic cable from our coast to Hawaii. The route has already 
been surveyed ; the ocean bed is found to be soft ooze in which the 
cable will easily sink, thereby being secure against decay and parasitic 
influence. The distance is 2,100 miles, the cost $2,700,000, on which, 
by government guaranty and private patronage, a dividend of, perhaps, 
two per cent, can be paid from the start ; and, with the line extending 
to Japan or Australia, the income can be doubled. The second enter- 
prise in which the two nations are interested is the Nicaragua Canal, 
which should be built, owned, and managed by the United States of 
America. Being constructed by the people, it should then be made 
entirely free to all vessels under the American flag, and a moderate toll, 
say, two dollars a ton, charged to other vessels. By this means, we 
help Hawaii to introduce her products into our own gulf ports, and 
assist her commerce with Europe ; we relieve the Paciflc coast of the 
tyranny of the railroad systems ; and if we add to that the privilege of 
the purchase of ships wherever we can get the most for our money, we 
shall revive American commerce to a degree unapproached since its 
decline. These two measures should receive the support of every lover 
of either Hawaii or the United States. Let us thus give to *' our 
colony," as they wish to style themselves, every mercantile advantage, 
but steadfastly refuse to allow ourselves to be entangled in their 

It is not in place for an alien to suggest how another nation ought to 
manage its domestic affairs ; but as I have been persistently asked 
to express an opinion on this point, I will add it to the foregoing 

TheVe are only three courses open to Hawaii ; namely, oligarchy, a 
republic, or constitutional monarchy ; of these, the republic is the least 
stable. The attempt to carry on the nation under such rule will probably 
subject it to frequent revolution, anarchy, and ultimate chaos. There is, 
however, a chance that this prediction will be at fault ; but that chance 
means that, while nominally a republic, the government will be, in fact, 
an armed despotism, supported in the future, as it is to-day, by well- 
drilled alien troops, thereby guaranteeing its stronghold until insensibly, 
after years shall elapse, it may approximate to a commonwealth. 


It has been well said that there is no party in Hawaii favorable to the 
next heir to the throne. This lack of partisanship gives to the present 
government its golden opportunity. They should at once make a com- 
promise with their opponents. They should accept the abdication of 
Liliuokalani, and support as the reigning sovereign, under a proper 
regency, the Princess Kaiulani. She should be their candidate, 
not that of the royalist party ; but these would be then deprived of 
all excuse for refusing the oath of allegiance. Such a government 
would require no recognition from the great powers ; it would be at 
once constitutional, and its diplomatic representatives would be 
promptly received abroad. The relief to all classes at the Hawaiian 
islands would be instantaneous, business would at once revive, and 
the country would enter upon renewed prosperity. This is the only 
course open to the provisionalists which will not end in political and 
financial ruin. 

Such, neglecting unimportant points, are my conclusions in regard to 
Hawaiian affairs. I claim for them no infallibility, nor do I defy any 
opponent to prove their falsity. I simply say that I had better facilities 
for forming an opinion than any other person, because I was most 
kindly and confidentially treated by those of. all parties. These 
words will be read, doubtless, by those to whom I am indebted for 
numerous kindly acts ; those at whose tables I have sat as a welcome 
and favored guest. To their always open doors, to their cordial 
hospitality and genial confidence, I am under obligations for the oppor- 
tunity to write of the points at issue. I am certain that my island 
friends, whatever their political affiliations, — those of all parties, — will 
find something in these pages to condemn. I can only call attention to 
the fact that few names, for blame or praise, are mentioned here ; that I 
have trie^ to speak of principles ; I have not assumed to be a judge of 
men. There is certainly no malice in my heart, and I trust none will 
be discovered where I express these views as the final judgment of one 
familiar with the premises and understanding the residents of the islands. 
I offer them with the assurance (of which the Transcript has scarcely 
need) that they are the result of a judgment noted my life long for abso- 
lute independence. No public journal could have bought my pen to write 
upon this question in any other manner than that in which it should be 
supported by my own conscience. While believing that neglect to vote 
should be a punishable misdemeanor, I never yet voted or acted with 
any political party, nor conceded to it the right to make a platform of 
my principles. 



While parties may be necessary, a selection of the best names on all 
tickets, to be made by the voter at the polls, should be the rule and not 
the exception. Thus would each party be nerved to put forward its 
best men, while now a man is nominated and, from the start, is sure of 
the suffrages of a majority of his party. Party whips should be openly 
defied ; party allegiance should be a disgrace to any man ; then political 
bosses would be impossible, and there would be no such circle as a 
ruling ring. 

Such having been my views, and having acted thereon for thirty 
years, any reader can judge how much partisanship there is in my final 
judgment on the Hawaiian question. 

No. 10 Broad Street, 

Boston, Massachusetts, 
U. S. A. 



Ambbica in Hawaii 88 

ADnezatlon movement of 1854 119 

ADnlversary of revolatioD 42 

Arbitration of the United States .... 53 

Bingham, Rev. Hiram 5, 10, 83 

Blaine, James Q 22,27 

Blount, Commissioner .... 13, 16, 48, 134 
Butler, Peter 34 

Cable, ocean, to Hawaii 136 

Capital, American, term defined .... 09 

Carter, Hon. J. 69,77,114 

Charity in Hawaii 125 

Chinese mass meeting 96,108,115 

Treatment of 97, 108 

Coaling station, useless 101, 102 

Constitution, the first 11 

Changes in 132 

Present violated 107, 108 

The new 107 

Convention, constitutional . . 89, 105, 107, 115 

Correspondence of newspapers 95 

" Cor win," revenue cutter 38 

Crown lands 106 

Damon, Rev. Dr 1 

Damon, 8. C 67 

Davies, Hon. Theo. H 55, 78, 96, 121 

Discontent in Hawaii 46 

Dole, Sanford B.: sketch 65 

His official salute 59 

Interview with 61 

Dominis, Mrs. Lydia 3, 7 

Education of natives 91 

Emma, Queen 3, 9, 101 

Flag, the Hawaiian 116, 127 

France cannot own Hawaii 12, 25 

Free trade with Hawaii 134 

Future op Hawau 15 

Qilman, Gorham D Ill 

Government op Hawaii 82 

Great Britain cannot own Hawaii ... 12, 25 

Cession of 1843 24 

No alliance probable 134 

Hawaii for the Hawaiians 52 


Hawaiian annexation 93, 103 

community 121 

Politics 19 

Revolt 33 

situation 24 

Independence guaranteed by treaty . . 11, 25 

January 17, 1894, celebration 42, 46 

Jones, Hon. Peter C 49, 78 

Judd, A. F 118, 119 

Judd,Dr. G.P 5,10,24,83,118 

His secret instructions 118 

Kaiulani, Princess 17, 18, 55, 137 

Ealakaua, King 72, 84, 102 

Land, tenure of Hawaii 90 

Lee and Shepard 110 


Liliuokalanl, Queen : her character, 7, 55, 70, 109 

Her charity 128 

Her income 67,106 

Interview 109 

Refusal of amnesty 73, 123 

Liliuokalani's side 113 

Lottery Bill 17,109,113,132 

McGrew, Dr. John S 47,94 

McKinleyBill 29 

Memories op Hawaii 1 

Missionaries : their character . . .37, 92, 123 
Missionary party, definition of term ... 89 

Missions, Christian 60, 81, 92, 124 

Injured 68,81 

My Hawaiian conclubionb 131 

Navy, opinions of 15 

New Hawaii's pirst birthday ... 42 

Nicaragua Canal 39, 136 

No annexation op Hawaii 98 

On the way to Hawaii 16 

Opium Bill 113 

Our Flag in Hawaii 47 

Past Hawaiian revolts 116 

Paulet, Sir George 5,19,24 

Permanent government 96 

Political parties 97 

Population of Hawaii 71 

President Dole and Minister Willis, 68 

President, the Hawaiian 64 

Press despatches 95, 125 

Profits of sugar-planters 125 

Queen op Hawaii 109 

Queen. See Liliuokalanl. 

Queen, the rebel 61 

Race problem 104, 106 

Race, the Hawaiian 70 

Ragsdale, William 4, 20, 64 

Reciprocity treaty 85, 125 

Restrictions on foreigners 97 

Roman Catholic Church .... 5, 11, 81, 75 
Royalists, the Hawaiian 52 

San Francisco's view 13 

Social lipe at Honolulu 57 

Spreckels and Hawaii 29 

Spreckels, J. D. : his opinion 14 

Statutes, restrictive 97, 108, 121 

Stevens, Hon. J. L. . . . 17, 49, 51, 87, 93, 118 
Sugar bounty to blame 14 

Telegraphic advices, January 3d, 6th, Uth, 13-15 

February 3d, 8th, 12th 61, 68, 113 

January 23d 46 

March 3d, 8th 105, 107 

Thatcher, Admiral Henry Kuoz . . . . 3, 9 

Thomas, Admiral 116 

Treaties with United States 19 

Two Hawaiian Queens 7 

Two Hawaiian royalists 77 

Very limited supprage 105 

Voters, number of 71 

Waips prom the Pacipic 38 

Willis's, Minister, course, January 17, 1894, 45 
Popularity 108,114 

Boston Transcript. 






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