MEMORIES AND STUDIES
OF
WAR AND PEACE
Photo. H. S. Mendelssohn, Pembridge Crescent, IF.
MEMORIES AND STUDIES
OF
WAR AND PEACE
BY
ARCHIBALD FORBES
WITH PORTRAIT OF THE AUTHOR
THIRD EDITION
CASSELL AND COMPANY, LIMITED
LONDON, PARIS & MELBOURNE
1895
ALL RIGHTS RESERVED
€"o tfje HJrbmtr anfc iiidobrtr
OP
GENERAL MONTGOMERY CUNNINGHAM MEIGS,
QUARTERMASTER-GENERAL OF THE ARMY OF THE
UNITED STATES FROM 1861 TO 1882,
HIS SON-IN-LAW INSCRIBES THIS BOOK.
2O66198
CONTENTS.
I. — TEN YEARS OF WAR CORRESPONDENCE ... 1
II. MOLTKE BEFORE MfiTZ . . . . . .47
III. — THE DARK DAYS OF SEDAN . . 70
IV. — AMBUSH AGAINST AMBUSH ..... 98
V. — PARIS IN PROSTRATION . . . . . .115
VI. — THE CRUSHING OF THE COMMUNE . . . .127
VII. — OUR PARISH MURDERER . . . . .172
VIII. — PRETTY MARITZA OF TIRNOVA . . .186
IX. — THE DEATH OF THE PRINCE IMPERIAL . . . 201
X. — WAR CORRESPONDENCE AS A FINE ART . .216
XI. — THE FUTURE OF THE WOUNDED IN WAR . . 241
XII.— A HILL STORY .... . 257
XIII. — MY SERVANTS ON CAMPAIGN . . . . . 268
XIV. — DISTINGUISHED CONDUCT IN THE FIELD . . 286
XV.— ON THE OLD WAR-PATH ... . 297
XVI.— SOLDIERS' WIVES . . . . .311
XVII.— AN HONEST-BORN BOY . ... 325
XVIII.— SOLDIERS I HAVE KNOWN 333
MEMORIES AND STUDIES
OF
WAR AND PEACE.
i.
TEN YEARS OF WAR CORRESPONDENCE.
Skobeleff under Fire — The Ideal War Correspondent — Old and New Methods of
War Correspondence — The Franco-German "War — Saarbriicken — Grave-
lotte — An Episode of the Entry into Paris — The Starving Magistrate —
Malet in the Commune-time — The Servian Campaign — A Long Ride —
The Russo-Turkish War and its War Correspondence — My Comrades —
The Crossing of the Danube — Tzar Alexander II. — Life on Campaign —
Second Battle of Plevna, July 30th — Fighting in the Schipka Pass — My
Interview with the Emperor — His Return to St. Petersburg — Telegraphy
in excelsis — King Theebau and his Presents — Rough Surgery in Afghan-
istan— Mentioned in Despatches — Ulundi and the Zulu Valour — A
Long Gallop with the Tidings.
IT was down by the Danube side, in the earlier days of the
Kusso-Turkish War. Skobeleff and myself were squatting
in a hole in the ground, to escape the rain of bullets and
shells which the Turks were pouring across the river on the
detachment which the young general commanded.
" Here you and I are," said Skobeleff with a laugh, " like
Uriah the Hittite, right in the forefront of the battle ; and
how strange it is that quiet stay-at-home folk all over the
world, who take their morning papers just as they do their
breakfasts, know ever so much more about this war as a
whole than we fellows do, who are actually listening to the
whistle of the bullets and the crash of the shells ! "
Skobeleff' did not pursue the subject further, because just
then a shell exploded right in front of us, and of the mud
which it threw up a splash hit him in the face and changed
the current of his ideas ; but all the same his remark was a
B
2 MEMORIES OF WAR AND PEACE.
very true one. War correspondence and the electric telegraph
have for years given the peaceful citizen the advantage, in the
matter of quick and wide war news, over the soldier who is
looking the enemy in the face on the actual battlefield. But
this intelligence, although the peaceful citizen takes little
account of the manner of getting it, and has come to look for
it as a thing of course — as a mere matter of everyday routine
—yet reaches his breakfast-table as the outcome only of long
thoughtful planning, of arduous physical and mental exertion,
of hairbreadth risks encountered. It is nay purpose in this
chapter to tell something of the war correspondent's working
life, something of the character of his exertions to satisfy the
world's crave for the " latest intelligence from the seat of war,"
and something of the dangers that encompass the path of his
duty. If the recital of some bygone personal experiences in
this field may strike the reader as involving the imputation of
egotism, I would respectfully beg of him to admit the excuse
that it is not easy for a man to avoid egotism altogether
when he is speaking mainly of himself.
In my day-dreams, indulged in mostly when smarting
under the consciousness of my own deficiencies, I have tried
to think out the attributes that ought to be concentrated in
the ideal war correspondent. He ought to possess the gift of
tongues — to be conversant with all European languages, a neat
assortment of the Asiatic languages, and a few of the African
tongues, such as Abyssinian, Ashantee, Zulu, and Soudanese.
He should have the sweet, angelic temper of a woman, and be
as affable as if he were a politician canvassing for a vote ; yet,
at the same time, be big and ugly enough to impress the
conviction that it would be highly unwise to take any liberties
with him. The paragon war correspondent should be able to
ride anything that chance may offer, from a giraffe to a rat ;
be able to ride a hundred miles at a stretch, to go without
food for a week if needful, and without sleep for as long ; never
to get tired — never to feel the sensation of a " slight sinking,
you know ; " and be able at the end of a ride — of a journey
however long, arduous, and sleepless — to write round-hand for
a foreign telegraph clerk ignorant of the correspondent's
THE IDEAL WAR CORRESPONDENT. 3
language, at the rate of a column an hour for six or eight
consecutive hours ; after which he should, as a matter of
course, gallop back to the scene of action without an hour's
delay. He should be a competent judge of warfare ; con-
versant with all military operations, from the mounting of a
corporal's guard to the disposition of an army in the field.
He ought to have supreme disregard for hostile fire when real
duty calls upon him to expose himself to it; and his pulse
should be as calm when shells are bursting around him as if
he were watching his bosom-friend undergoing the ordeal of
the marriage service. He must have a real instinct for the
place and day of an impending combat: he must be able
to scent the coming battle from afar, and allow nothing to
hinder him from getting forward in time to be a spectator
of it. He should be so constituted as to have an intuitive
perception how the day hath gone; to be able to discern
victory or defeat while as yet, to the spectator not so gifted,
the field of strife seems confusion worse confounded ; and so
to rely on his own judgment as to venture, while the turmoil
is dying away, to turn his back upon it, and ride off the
earliest bearer of the momentous tidings. To potter about
waiting till the last shot be fired ; to linger for returns of
killed and wounded, and for the measured reports of the
commanders; to be the chiffonier of the rags of the battle-
field— that is work which he must leave to his helpers, if he
has any such. Alas ! there never was such a man as I have
ideally depicted, and there never will be such a man. I think
Julius Caesar would have been an exceptionally brilliant war
correspondent, if the profession had been invented in his
time, and if he could have weaned himself from the meaner
avocations of commanding armies, conquering countries, and
ruling nations. But the first Napoleon, if only he could have
been a little truthful occasionally, would have eclipsed Julius
Caesar and knocked William Howard Russell into a cocked hat.
Before the Franco-German War there had been war
Correspondents, and one at least of those had made for
himself a reputation to vie with which no representative of
B 2
4 MEMORIES OF WAR AND PEACE.
a newer school has any claim. But their work, being almost
wholly in the pre-telegraphic period, was carried on under
less arduous conditions than those which have confronted the
more recent war correspondent. Nor was it incumbent on
the former to carry their lives in their hands. Before far-
reaching rifled firearms were brought into use, it was quite
easy to see a battle without getting within the range of fire.
But this is no longer possible, and in the future will be still
more impossible. With guns of position that carry six miles,
with mobile artillery having a range of more than three miles,
and with rifles that kill without benefit of clergy at two miles,
the war correspondent may as well stay at home with his
mother unless he has hardened his heart to take his full
share of the risks of the battlefield. Indeed, if he has deter-
mined to look narrowly into the turbulent heart of each
successive paroxysm of the bloody struggle — and it is only
now by doing this that he can make for himself a genuine
and abiding reputation — he must lay his account with adven-
turing more risk than falls to the lot of the average soldier.
The percentage of casualties among war correspondents has
recently been greater than that among the actual fighting
men. In the Servian Campaign of 1876, for instance, there
were twelve correspondents who kept the field and remained
under fire. Of these, three were killed and four wounded.
Certainly not more than thirty correspondents and artists, all
told, were in the Soudan from the earliest fighting to the final
collapse of the Nile expedition ; but on or. under its cruel sands
lie the corpses of at least five of my comrades. O'Donovan,
the adventurous pioneer of Merv, perished with Hicks. The
last hope has long faded that Vizetelly, endowed though he
was with more lives than the proverbial cat, has still a life in
hand. Cameron and St. Leger Herbert were struck down on
the same bloody day, and rest together in their shallow grave
in the hot Bayuda sand. Poor Gordon, who, like myself, had
been a soldier before he became a war correspondent, died
a lone death of thirst in the heart of the desert while pushing
on to where his duty lay. Time would fail me to tell of those
who have perished of fevers and other maladies, who have
MATRIMONY AMONG THE BOMB-SHELLS. 5
been wounded, shipwrecked, and encountered strange hair-
breadth escapes; of others, again, who have come home so
broken by hardship and vicissitude that what remains of life to
them is naught save weariness and pain. And it is such men
whom a commander who has been himself adventurous has
classed with the camp-followers, and has stigmatised as " drones
who eat the rations of fighting men and do no work at all " !
It was the Franco-German War of 1870 that brought
about the revolution in the methods of war correspondence,
although at Saarbrticken, in the earlier days of that great
contest, there was as yet scarcely any perception of the oppor-
tunities that lay to our hands. But if at Saarbriicken the
correspondents thus early on the war-path were still unre-
generate in this respect, we had some experiences in which
the comic and the tragic were curiously blended. Within
two miles of the little town lay a whole French army corps,
which any day might overwhelm Saarbriicken and its slender
garrison of a battalion of infantry and three squadrons of
uhlans. So we lived, quite a little detachment of us, in an
hotel on the outskirts, ready for a judicious bolt. At this
hotel there arrived one morning a young German girl who
was engaged, we learned, to a sergeant of the gallant
Hohenzollerns. She had come, it seemed, to say farewell to
her sweetheart before the fighting should begin and he should
march away, mayhap never to return. Some of the livelier
spirits among us conceived the idea that the pair should
get married before the farewell should be said. Both were
willing. The bridegroom's officer gave him leave, on condition
that should the alarm sound, he was to join his company
without a moment's delay. All was in readiness and the
clergyman was just about to join the couple in holy matri-
mony, when the sound of a bugle suddenly broke in on the
stillness. It was the alarm ! The bridegroom hurriedly em-
braced the bride, buckled on his accoutrements, and darted
off to the place of rendezvous. In ten minutes more the
combat was in full intensity ; the French had carried the
heights overhanging the town, and were pouring down upon
6 MEMORIES OF WAR AXD PEACE.
it their artillery and mitrailleuse fire. Our hotel was right in
the line of fire, and soon became exceedingly disagreeable
quarters. We got the woman down into the cellar, and waited
for events. A shell crashed into the kitchen, burst inside the
cooking stove, and blew the wedding breakfast, which was
still being kept hot, into what an American colleague called
" everlasting smash." It was too hot to stay there, and every-
body manoeuvred strategically to the rear. A few days later
was fought, close to Saarbriicken, the desperate battle of the
Spicheren, in which the bridegroom's regiment took a leading
part. The day after the battle I was wandering over the field,
helping to relieve the wounded, and gazing shudderingly on
the heaps of dead. Suddenly I came on our bridegroom, in
a sitting posture, with his back resting against a stump. He
was stone dead, with a bullet through his throat.
Perhaps the most thrilling episode of all that colossal
struggle of 1870 was the singularly dramatic climax of the
battle of Gravelotte. All day long, from noon until near the
going down of the sun, the roar of the cannon and the. roll of
the musketry had been incessant. The deep ravine of the
Mance between Gravelotte and St. Hubert was a horrible
pandemonium wherein seethed struggling masses of German
soldiery, torn by the shell-fire of the French batteries,
writhing under the stings of the mitrailleuse, bewildered
between inevitable death in front and no less inevitable
disgrace behind. Again and again frantic efforts were being
made to force up out of the hell in the ravine and gain
foothold on the edge of the plateau beyond ; and ever the
cruel sleet of lead beat them back and crushed them down.
The long summer day was waning into dusk, and the fortunes
of the battle still trembled in the balance, when the last
reserve of the Germans — the Second Army Corps — came
hurrying up towards the brink of the abyss. In the lurid
glare of the blazing village, the German King stood by the
wayside and welcomed his stalwart Pomeranians as they
passed him. High over the roll of the drums, the blare of the
bugles, and the crash of the cannon, rose the eager burst of
TIDINGS OF VICTORY. 7
cheering as the soldiers answered their Sovereign's greeting,
and then followed their chiefs down into the fell depths of the
terrible chasm. The strain of the crisis was sickening as we
waited for the issue in a sort of rapt spasm of sombre
silence. The old King sat with his back against a wall on a
ladder, one end of which rested on a broken gun-carriage, the
other on a dead horse. Bismarck, with an elaborate assump-
tion of coolness which his restlessness belied, made pretence
to be reading letters. The roar of the close battle swelled and
deepened, till the very ground trembled beneath us. The
night fell like a pall, but the blaze of an adjacent conflagra-
tion lit up the anxious group here by the churchyard wall.
From out the medley of broken troops littering the slope in
front, rose suddenly a great shout that grew in volume as it
rolled nearer. The hoofs of a galloping horse rattled on the
causeway. A moment later Moltke, his face for once quiver-
ing with excitement, sprang from the saddle, and, running
towards the King, cried out : " It is good for us ; we have
restored the position, and the victory is with your Majesty ! "
The King sprang to his feet with a fervent "God be thanked!"
and then burst into tears. Bismarck, with a great sigh of
relief, crushed his letters in the hollow of his hand ; and a
simultaneous hurrah welcomed the glad tidings.
On the 1st of March, 1871, the day of the entry into Paris
of the German troops, rather a curious experience befell me.
While as yet within the German cordon in the Place de la
Concorde, I observed that I was being dogged, having been
called on to answer a question asked by a German commander
who was riding up the Champs ]£lysees. I had no sooner
passed out of that cordon than I was vehemently assailed by
an angry French mob, who insisted that I was a German spy.
I made as stout a resistance as was compatible with circum-
stances, but at length they got me down, and then I imagined
it was all over with me. But a detachment of national guards
holding a police post rescued me at the bayonet point from
the genial enthusiasts who were dragging me along the gutter
on my back, with the expressed intention of drowning ine in
8 MEMORIES OF WAR AND PEACE.
the basin of an adjacent fountain. A good deal of my clothing
had been torn off rue, but that was a trifle. Overhauling
myself in the police station, I discovered that with half of my
great-coat had disappeared my note-book, which was in the
pocket of the missing section of the garment. This was a
most serious misfortune. In those times I had accustomed
myself to write out at full length in my note-book the
description of scenes or events of which I was a witness,
detailing in form ready for the printer the accounts of
incident after incident as the incidents successively evolved
themselves. From the summit of the tower overhanging the
Cascade I had looked down that morning on King Wilhelm's
great review of his army on the Longchamps racecourse ; and
my description, two columns long, of that remarkable scene
was in the lost note-book. One result of this custom of
concurrent writing out was that the writer's memory did not
charge itself with the recollection of what had been com-
mitted to paper; and thus I had not only lost the actual
" copy " already indited and out of hand, but was destitute
of the power to reproduce the lost matter. While I was
internally bewailing myself of this misfortune, a citizen in a
fine glow of triumph rushed into the police station. " Voila ! "
he shouted, as he waved aloft my note-book in one hand and
my coat-tail in the other ; " here is damning evidence that
the prisoner is a wicked spy ! Here are the villain's notes,
the lies he has been writing down concerning our unhappy
Paris ! " I could have embraced the excited ouvrier, frowsy
as he was; he had done me an incalculable benefit in his
anxiety to have my doom sealed. His face was a study when,
in the gladness of my heart, I offered him a five-franc piece.
The implacable patriot accepted it.
Presently, under an escort of national guards with fixed
bayonets — for the mob was still dangerous — I was marched
through a couple of streets to the bureau of a sitting magis-
trate. My companions were a gentleman in a blouse who
was accused of having stolen an ink-bottle ; a tatterdemalion
detected in selling a couple of cigars to a Bavarian cavalry-
man ; and a woman whom the Paris mob had stripped and
A STARVING GENTLEWOMAN. 9
painted divers colours, because she bad been caught parleying
with a Prussian drummer. The magistrate was so good as to
deal with me first. Fortunately I was able to produce to
him my British passport and my journalistic credentials. He
called in his sister, who had lived in England, to assist him
in deciding as to the authenticity of those documents. She
promptly pronounced in their favour, and his worship became
immediately gracious. He told me that I was free, and he
was good enough to lend me an old coat in which to walk to
my hotel ; at the same time gracefully begging me to excuse
what he termed " the little inconvenience I had experienced,
on account of the not unnatural excitement of the Paris
populace."
The magistrate's good sister sent me to a bedroom, where
I washed off the most flagrant stains of the recent unpleasant-
ness. Outside, the mob was still howling fiercely. Time was
very precious to me ; I could not endure to wait indefinitely
the dispersion of the gentlemen of the pavement, yet I did not
care to re-offer myself to their tender mercies. The magistrate's
sister in this strait proved herself a ministering angel. She
said there was a door opening into a quiet side-alley, and
actually offered to escort me to my hotel, which was close by.
As we walked, I told the kind lady that I did not know how
to thank her ; had it been her servant, I could have found no
difficulty in requiting the good office, but a lady — " Oh ! " she
broke in — " that is not so difficult; I will put my pride in my
pocket. My brother has a fair salary, but he has not seen
a franc of it for six months. We are gentlefolk ; we cannot
join the queue outside the baker's shop, and — and — oh, mon
Dieu ! we are actually starving " — and the poor lady burst
into tears. "We could not take charity," she continued,
sobbing — "but we have heard of that kind don anglais
which, they say, is now being distributed freely ; if only one
could get a little aid from its bounty ! " We had a sub-de"pot
in my hotel ; I myself was one of the accredited almoners ;
some of the commissioners were living with me. I hurried
the lady into a room in which there was no one to remark
her emotion ; then I found John Furley, and told him the
10 MEMORIES OF WAR AND PEACE.
little story. Furley was a man of energy. In five minutes
a big hamper had been packed full of comestibles, and a
porter had it on his back, waiting for the lady's instructions.
With the chivalry of a fine gentleman, Furley announced
to her that one of his men was at her disposition. She came
out into the hall, looked down at the big basket, whose
open mouth disclosed among other things a leg of mutton,
a couple of fowls, a huge honest loaf, and sundry vegetables ;
then she gave a great gasp, and I feared that she was about to
faint. She was anaemic from sheer want, but she rallied —
tears helping her; and then she went silently away with
her veil down over her wan face, and the stalwart porter
tramping behind her. It was such people as those, with
pride and fixed salaries which were not paid, who suffered
worst during the siege ; and they, too, it was who were the
most difficult to relieve when the siege was just over, but
without as yet any alleviation of their misery. The women
were the most stubborn and the most proud. The concierge
would assure the almoner that the two old ladies on such a
floor were literally starving. The old ladies, when you pushed
their button, would appear, statelily gracious. " Yes, the
English were a kind people, and the good God would reward
them. There were some poor creatures in the roof who were
in pressing need. For themselves, thanks ; but no, they could
not accept charity. Merci : bon jour, monsieur ! " and then
the door would close on the wan eyes and hollow cheeks. Ah
me, it was melancholy work !
Elsewhere in this book will be found some detailed account
of the fell days of the closing scenes of the Commune, the
only phase of it of which I was a witness. All that I need
here say is, that in the lurid chaos which marked the ruthless
stamping out of the Commune by the Versaillist army under
Marshal MacMahon, the conditions under which correspond-
ents tried to fulfil their duties were more full of peril than
one could incur in any battle of which I have had experience.
In a battle you know your danger. The enemy is for the
most part in front, and you can either stand up and take your
MALET ON THE FOREPOSTS. 11
chance of his fire, or take cover to protect yourself from
it. But in the seething turmoil of the last days of the
Commune, bullets were flying from front, flanks, and rear.
There was a universal raving lust for blood. As Mr.
Labouchere cheerfully remarked : " They shot you first, and
apologised to your corpse afterwards." The brightest feature
of the grim drama which I can recall after so long a lapse
of time, was the imperturbable coolness of Mr., after-
wards Sir Edward, Malet. He remained in charge of the
British Embassy in the Rue du Faubourg St. Honore, when
Lord Lyons and the rest of the official personnel migrated
to Versailles. For three long days it seemed that Malet, or
at all events the embassy he inhabited, was the target for
the artillery alike of Versaillists and Communards. Shells
bedevilled the ball-room and knocked holes miscellaneously
all over the building ; explosion after explosion blew down
the walls of the embassy garden, through which the Ver-
saillists were sapping their way to outflank their stubborn
antagonists of the Commune. Malet, bland and cheery as
was his wont, quietly and methodically performed his duties ;
the shell fire apparently concerning him not at all. In no
conceivable circumstances could Malet look absurd ; and that
surely is a great gift ! Just before the German siege began,
he came out from Paris to Meaux with a communication to
Bismarck. I happened to meet him near the German fore-
post line. His franc- tireur escort had compelled him on the
previous night to sleep " under the beautiful stars ; " when
I met him he was riding between two Prussian uhlans. He
was perched on a great military saddle, the schabracque of
which rose about him before and behind ; his stirrups were
about ten holes too long, and the big troop-horse he bestrode
plainly evinced dislike of his civilian rider. No concatenation
of circumstances could have tended more to give a man an
aspect of grotesque absurdity. But Malet did not in the least
look like a guy. He had no consciousness of being ludicrous,
and even at the first blush he was not ludicrous. On the
contrary, he was self-possessed, easily dignified, and conveyed
somehow the impression that this was precisely the mode of
12 MEMORIES OF WAR AND PEACE.
progression which he deliberately preferred over all other
modes.
I imagine that people at home in England took but faint
interest in the little war which in the summer and autumn
of 1876 the petty principality of Servia was waging against
its Turkish suzerain. It was, nevertheless, an interesting
struggle, both in itself and as virtually the prelude to the
great Russo-Turkish war of the following year. Up at
Deligrad, about 140 miles from Belgrade, the capital of
Servia, General Tchernaieff, with his Russian volunteers
and rough Servian levies, for three months confronted the
Turkish army commanded by that venal old impostor, Abdul
Kerim Pasha, Our life with Tchernaieff was almost comically
squalid. His headquarters were in a ruined schoolhouse, and
his staff lived in holes dug out in the ground and thatched
over with reeds. We lay on straw all round a great fire
which was maintained in the centre, and which occasionally
set light to the roof and burnt us temporarily out of house
and home. One morning the Turks woke up from their
lethargy, and carried with a rush the defences of the hill
of Djunis which Tchernaieff' had been holding so long on
the swagger. I have always had a shrewd suspicion that
Abdul Kerirn and Tchernaieff understood each other ex-
tremely well ; that the former for a price contentedly allowed
himself to be amused by the latter during the summer
months ; and that when the order came from the Seras-
kierate that the immobility so long allowed to last must
at length peremptorily be ended, Tchernaieff was complaisant
enough not to make much more than a brisk show of resist-
ance. The scheme, however, was in a measure thwarted by
the honest and zealous fighting of General Dochtouroff' head-
ing the Russian volunteers, who died very freely in their
trenches, and who had sent many Turkish souls to Hades
before they accepted defeat. The Servians behaved badly ;
their resistance fell to pieces in a few hours ; and, in the end,
Dochtouroff' and myself had to ride through a belt of Turkish
skirmishers to escape being cut off.
BEARING TIDINGS OF DISASTER 13
Anyhow, the game was up, and Servia lay at the mercy of
the Turks. I was the only correspondent on the spot, and it
behoved me to make the most of this casual advantage. At
five o'clock in the afternoon, when I rode away from the
blazing huts of Deligrad, more than 120 miles lay between me
and my point, the telegraph office at Seinlin, the Hungarian
town on the other side of the river Save from Belgrade — tele-
graphing was not permitted from the Servian capital. I had
an order for post-horses along the road, and I galloped hard
for Paratchin, the nearest post station. When I got there the
postmaster had horses, but no vehicle. Now, if I had merely
sent a courier, this obstacle would have sufficed effectually
to stop him. But it was apparent to me, being my own
messenger, that although I could not drive I might ride.
True, the Servian post-nags were not saddle-horses ; but sharp
spurs and the handling of an old dragoon might be relied on
to make them travel somehow. All night long I rode that
weary journey, changing horses every fifteen miles, and forcing
the vile brutes along at the top of their speed. At nine next
morning, sore from head to foot, I was clattering over the
stones of the Belgrade main street. The field telegraph-wire
had conveyed but a curt, fragmentary intimation of disaster ;
and all Belgrade, feverish for further news, rushed out into
the street as I powdered along. But I had galloped all night,
not to gossip in Belgrade but to get to the Semlin telegraph-
wire, and I never drew rein till I reached the ferry-boat. At
Semlin one long drink of beer, and then at once to the task
of writing, hour after hour against time, the tidings of which
I was the bearer from the interior. After I had written my
story and put it on the wires, I lay down in my clothes
and slept twenty hours without awakening once. I had
meant to start back for Deligrad on the afternoon of the
day of my arrival in Belgrade, but sheer fatigue had
caused me to lose a day in sleep. It seemed to me, how-
ever, when I recovered from my chagrin at this delay,
that perhaps, after all, I was fairly entitled to a good
long sleep; for I had seen a battle that lasted six hours,
ridden a hundred and twenty miles, and written to the Daily
14 MEMORIES OF WAR AND PEACE.
News a telegraphic message four columns long — all in the
space of thirty hours.
At the beginning of the Russo-Turkish War in the early
spring of 1877, the first great anxiety with the correspondents
who were detailed to follow the Russian fortunes was to
obtain an. authorisation to accompany the armies in the field.
Without such an authorisation the correspondent, if he gets
forward at all, is liable to be treated as a spy and soon finds
himself in trouble. I suppose there is no correspondent of
any considerable general experience who has not been in
custody over and over again on suspicion of being a spy. I
have been a prisoner myself in France (made so both by
Germans and French), Spain, Servia, Germany, Hungary,
Russia, Roumania, and Bulgaria ; and I cannot conscientiously
recommend any of these countries from this point of view.
The authorities of the Russian army were very fair and
courteous about the authorisations of correspondents. In
principle they accepted all who presented themselves ac-
credited by respectable papers and bringing a recommenda-
tion from any Russian ambassador. There was to be no field
censorship ; you simply gave your honour not to reveal
impending movements, concentrations, and intentions. You
might, with this exception, write and despatch just what you
chose ; only a file of your paper had to be sent to the head-
quarters, and a polyglot officer — Colonel Hausenkampf by
name — was appointed to read all those newspapers, and to
be down upon you if you exceeded what he considered fair
comment. Then you got a warning ; and, if you were held to
have gravely and spitefully transgressed, you were expelled.
I always pitied the unfortunate Colonel Hausenkampf
from the bottom of my heart. He had to read all the letters
published in all the newspapers of all the correspondents, and
I predicted for him either speedy suicide or hopeless insanity.
But he remained alive and moderately sane, in spite of this
arduous duty and of the task which at the outset devolved
upon him, of listening to every correspondent who made
application for a permission. He was fearfully badgered.
THE INSIGNIA OF THE WAR CORRESPONDENT. 15
One day I called on him at the headquarters in Ploesti, and
found him seated in a bower in a garden, resolutely confronted
by a gaunt man in a red beard and a ferocious tweed suit.
" Mon Dieu ! " exclaimed the Colonel to me — " will you
oblige me by taking this man away and killing him ? He is
a Scotsman, it seems, and I am not acquainted with the
Scottish language ; he knows none other than his native
tongue ! He comes here daily, and looms over me obstinately
for an hour at a time, firing off at intervals the single word
' Permission ! ' and tendering me, as if he would hold a pistol
at my head, a letter in English from a person whom he calls
the Duke of Argyll — a noble, I suppose, of this wild man's
country ! " It is needless to add, since the " wild man " was
a Scot, that he achieved his permission and did very good
work as a correspondent.
We were all numbered like so many ticket-porters, and at
first carried on the arm a huge brass badge, which heightened
our resemblance to the members of that respectable avocation.
The French correspondents' sense of the beautiful was, how-
ever, outraged by this neat and ornamental distinguishing
mark ; so at their instance there was substituted a more
dainty style of brassard, with the double-headed eagle in
silver lace on a yellow silk ground. The permission was
written on the back of the photograph of the correspondent
to whom it was granted, which photograph was duly stamped
on the breast of the subject with the great seal of the head-
quarters. A duplicate of this photograph was inserted in a
" Correspondents' Album," kept by the commandant of the
headquarters. When I last saw this book there were some
eighty-two photographs in it ; and I am bound to admit that
it was not an overwhelming testimony to the good looks of
the profession. I got, I remember, into sundry and divers
difficulties through having incautiously shaved off' some hair
from my chin which was there when my photograph was
taken. In vain I argued that it was not the beard that made
O
the man ; the sentries were stiff-necked on the point of
identity, and I had to cultivate a new chin-tuft with great
assiduity.
16 MEMORIES OF WAR AND PEACE.
My most prominent colleague in the Russo-Turkish War
was Mr. Januarius Aloysius MacGahan, by extraction an
Irishman, by birth an American. Of all the men who have
gained reputation as war correspondents, I regard MacGahan
as the most brilliant. He was the hero of that wonderful
lonely ride through the Great Desert of Central Asia to over-
take Kauffmann's Russian army on its march to Khiva. He
it was who stirred Europe to its inmost heart by the terrible,
and not less truthful than terrible, pictures of what have
passed into history as the " Bulgarian atrocities." It is,
indeed, no exaggeration to aver that, for better or worse,
MacGahan was the virtual author of the Russo-Turkish War.
His pen-pictures of the atrocities so excited the fury of the
Sclave population of Russia, that their passionate demand for
retribution on the " unspeakable Turk " virtually compelled
the Emperor Alexander II. to undertake the war. MacGahan's
work throughout the long campaign was singularly effective, and
his physical exertions were extraordinary ; yet he was suffering
all through from a lameness that would have disabled eleven
out of twelve men. He had broken a bone in his ankle just
before the declaration of war, and when I first met him the
joint was encased in plaster-of-Paris. He insisted on ac-
companying Gourko's raid across the Balkans ; and in the
Hankioj Pass his horse slid over a precipice and fell on its
rider, so that the half-set bone was broken again. But the
indomitable MacGahan refused to be invalided by this
mishap. He quietly had himself hoisted on to a tumbril,
and so went through the whole adventurous expedition, being
involved thus helpless in several actions, and once ah1 but
falling into the hands of the Turks. He kept the front
throughout, long after I had gone home disabled by fever;
he brilliantly chronicled the fall of Plevna and the surrender
of Osman Pasha ; he crossed the Balkans with Skobeleft' in
the dead of that terrible winter ; and, finally, at the premature
age of thirty-two, he died, characteristically, a martyr to duty
and to friendship. When the Russian armies lay around
Constantinople waiting for the settlement of the Treaty of
Berlin, typhoid fever and camp pestilences were slaying their
AMERICAN WAR CORRESPONDENTS IN BULGARIA. 17
thousands and their tens of thousands. Lieutenant Greene,
an American officer officially attached to the Russian army,
fell sick, and MacGahan devoted himself to the duty of
nursing his countryman. His devotion cost him his life. As
Greene was recovering MacGahan sickened of malignant
typhus ; and a few days later they laid him in his far- oft
foreign grave, around which stood weeping mourners of a
dozen nationalities.
Another colleague was Mr. Frank- Millet, who, still young,
has forsaken the war-path, and appears to be on the high
road to the inferior position of a Royal Academician. Millet,
like MacGahan, is an American. He accompanied Gourko
across the Balkans after the fall of Plevna. The hardships
which he cheerily endured when men were frozen around
him in their wretched bivouacs among the snow, and when
to write his letters he had to thaw his frozen ink and chafe
sensation into his numbed fingers, move admiration not
less than the brilliant quality of the work performed under
conditions so arduous. Lieutenant Greene, in his work on
the campaign which constitutes its history, remarks that of
the seventy-five correspondents who began the campaign only
three, and all those Americans — MacGahan and Millet of the
Daily News, and Grant of the Times — followed its fortune
to the close. But this is not strictly correct; one other
member of our profession — for that profession surely includes
the war-artist — saw the war from beginning to end, Frederic
Villiers, then the artist-correspondent of the Graphic.
The first serious fighting of the campaign occurred on
that June morning when Dragomiroff's division of the
Russian army forced the passage of the Danube under the
fire of the Turkish batteries about Sistova. It happened
that Villiers and I were the only correspondents who were
spectators of that operation.
It was still dark when we threaded our way through the
chaos in the streets of Simnitza, and at length made our
way down into the willow grove by the Danube side, where
Yolchine's brigade was waiting until the pontoon boats should
c.
18 MEMORIES OF WAR AND PEACE.
be ready for its embarkation. It was a strange, weird time.
The darkness was so dense that scarce anything could be seen
around one ; and the Turkish bank was only just to be dis-
cerned, looming black up against the hardly less dark and
sullen sky. Not a light was permitted — not even a cigarette
was allowed to be smoked. When men spoke at all, which
was but seldom, it was in whispers ; and there was only a
soft hum of low talk, half drowned by the gurgle of the
Danube, and broken occasionally by the launching of a pon-
toon boat. The grey dawn faintly began to break. We could
dimly discern Dragomiroft', mud almost to the waist, directing
the marshalling of the pontoon boats close to the water's edge.
Here come the " Avengers," a stern, silent band, the cross in
silver standing out from the sombre fur of their caps. They
have the place of honour in the first boats. As the leading pon-
toon pulls out, Captain Liegnitz, the gallant German attache,
darts forward and leaps into it. The stalwart Linesmen of
Yolchine's brigade are manning the other boats. The strong
strokes of the sailors shoot us out into the stream. The gloom
of the night is waning fast, and now we can faintly discern, across
the broad swirl of water, the crags of the Turkish bank and the
steep slope above. What if the Turks are there in force ?
A grim precipice that, truly, to carry at the bayonet point
in the teeth of a determined enemy ! And an enemy is there,
sure enough, and on the alert. There is a flash out of the
gloom, and the near whistle and scream of a shell thrills us
as it speeds over us and bursts among the men in the willows
behind us. There follows shell after shell, from right oppo-
site, from higher up, and from the knoll still higher up, close
to where the minarets of Sistova are now dimly visible. The
shells are falling and bursting on the surface of the Danube ;
they splash us with the spray they raise ; their jagged
splinters fly yelling by us. There is no shelter; we must
stand here in this open boat, this densely packed mass of
men, and take what fortune Heaven may send us. The face
of the Danube, pitted with falling shells, is flecked too Avith
craft crowded to the gunwale. Hark to that crash, the
splintering of wood and the riving of iron, there on our
THE PASSAGE OF THE DANUBE. 19
starboard quarter! A huge pontoon laden with guns and
gunners has been struck by a shell. It heaves heavily twice ;
its stern rises ; there are wild cries — a confused turmoil of
men and horses struggling in the water ; the guns sink,
and drowning men drift by us with the current down to
their death. From out the foliage, now, in the little cove
for which we are heading, belches forth volley after volley
of musketry fire, helping the devilry of the shells. Several
men of our crew are down ere our craft touches the mud ot
the Danube shore. The " Avengers " are already landed ;
so is Yolchine, with a handful of his Linesmen. As we tumble
out of the boats with the bullets whizzing about our ears, and
swarm up on to the bank, we are bidden by energetic orders
to lie down. We fall prone on the damp and rnuddy sward
under the cover of a little bank. Already dead and wounded
men lie here thick among the living and hale. Boat after
boat has disembarked its freight. At length Yolchine thinks
he has men enough. He who, with young SkobelefT, has
never lain down, gives the word, and the two spring up the
bank; a billow of strong, supple Russian soldiers released
from restraint surges with resistless rush up the steep ascent.
The detachment of Turkish soldiers holding the position are
overwhelmed, but they do not fly. No ; they die where they
stand, neither quailing nor asking for quarter. For that brave
band of Mustaphis, Abdul Kerim Pasha unconsciously fur-
nished a noble epitaph. " They have never been heard of
since," he wrote. No, nor will they till the last trumpet
sounds !
The first time I saw close the Emperor Alexander II., so
ruthlessly assassinated a few years later, was on the day after
that June morning on which General Dragomiroffs division
of Russian soldiers had forced, with considerable loss, the
passage of the Danube. The Tzar had coine to thank his
gallant troops for the exploit of fighting their way across
the great river under conditions so arduous. In front of
the long massive line drawn up on the crest of the slope
to the eastward of Sistova stood three men awaiting the
c 2
20 MEMORIES OF WAR AND PEACE.
coming of the Great White Tzar — the divisional General
Dragomiroff ; the brigadier, gallant old Yolchine ; and young
Skobeleff, who had shown the way to all and sundry. The
Emperor, having acknowledged the salute and greeting of
the troops, embraced the divisional general in the Russian
fashion, and shook hands cordially with the cheery little
brigadier. Then he approached Skobeleff— -and we all
watched the little scene with intent curiosity ; for it was
as notorious that Skobeleff was in disfavour, as that his
splendid valour of the previous morning might well have
effaced any save the most obstinate disfavour. For a moment
Alexander hesitated as the two tall, proud, soldierly men
confronted each other; one could discern in the working
of his features the short struggle between prejudice and
appreciation. It was soon over, and the wrong way lor
Skobeleff The Tzar frowned, turned short on his heel, and
strode resolutely away without a gesture or a word of notice.
Skobeleff, for his part, bowed deeply, flushed scarlet, then
grew pale and set his teeth hard. It was a flagrant slight
in the very face of the army, and a gross injustice ; but
Skobeleff took it in a proud silence that seemed to me
very noble. It was not long before he could afford to be
magnanimous. This despite was done him on the 29th of
June. On September 3rd Skobeleff, after having heaped
exploit on exploit, led the successful assault on the Turkish
position at Loftcha, and drove his adversaries out of that
strong place not less by the splendid daring he so con-
spicuously displayed than by the skilmlness of the tactics he
had devised. On the following evening, at his own dinner-
table in the imperial marquee at Gorni Studen, Tzar Alex-
ander stood up and bade the company to pledge him in a
toast to " Skobeleff, the hero of Loftcha ! " It has not been
given to many men to earn a vindication so grand and
triumphant as that. Nor is it every omnipotent Emperor
who would have shown a frankness so manful. Absolute
monarchs are not addicted to constructive apologies.
In campaigning in Bulgaria we correspondents had to
GIPSYING IN CAMPAIGN. 21
rely on our own resources ; it was like going a-gipsying,
with now and then a battle thrown in by way of variety.
When our Russian friends crossed the Danube, it became
necessary for us to abandon the flesh-pots of Egypt, in the
shape of the civilisation, beauty, and good cooking of
Bucharest, and to depart, so to speak, into the wilderness,
there to join the army. My companion in this, as in previous
campaigns, was Frederic Villiers, then the artist of the
Grapliic. Villiers is an excellent fellow, but he had, like the
rest of us, his weak points. Perhaps his weakest point was
that he imagined going to bed in his spurs contributed to his
martial aspect. He may have been right, but as I shared the
bed-place on the floor of a narrow waggon, I did not see the
matter quite in that light. We had for joint attendant my
old Servian courier Andreas. Let me describe our travelling
equipage. We had found in Bucharest a vehicle which,
when covered with leather and fitted with sundry appliances,
made a sufficient habitation for two men who could pack
tight, and give and take one with the other. By a
simple arrangement the floor of this carriage became at
night a bed-place, the cushions, and the poultry which
Andreas cherished, serving for a mattress. Our waggon
was drawn by two sturdy grey horses, one of which was
blind — a characteristic which the man who sold him to us
cited as an important advantage, as calculated to make
him steadier in a crowd. The vehicle I have described was
not a waggon only. Cunningly contrived in a roll attached
to one of its sides, we carried a sort of elementary canvas
apartment. Villiers and I were " at home " in our canvas
drawing-room to some very distinguished personages in the
course of the campaign. If Ave were within there was no
pleading "not at home," for, as the awning was open on at
least two sides, the inmates were visible to the naked eye
a long way off. Our cooking appliances consisted of a stew-
pan and a frying-pan. One does not require any more
weapons than these to perform wherewithal the functions
of a plain cook. I arn a plain cook myself; perhaps, to
be more explicit, I should say a very plain cook. Of one
22 MEMORIES OF WAR AND PEACE.
grand discovery in culinary science I can boast. I found
out in Bulgaria that when you attempt to fry lean meat
without fat, lard, oil, or butter, you not only burn the meat,
but you burn the frying-pan also !
In the early days of this campaign — MacGahan away
beyond the Balkans with Gourko, and Millet far off in the
Dobrutcha with Zimmermann — the task devolved upon me
of covering Bulgaria from the right flank to the left flank
of the Russian main advance ; and I had to be in the
saddle morning, noon, and night; for I had to try at least
to see everything, and I mostly had to be my own courier
back to the telegraph base at Bucharest. General Ignatieff,
the famous diplomatist, was a good friend in giving me
timely hints of impending events. When I was taking
leave of him after my first visit, the general said : " Come
to me when you want anything. I like your paper because
it is a Christian paper, and I am a very Christian man;
and if I am not mistaken you are so also." I regarded
this last observation as strong proof of the aphorism that
discerning penetration is one of the leading attributes of a
great diplomatist.
Probably — pace Lord Wolseley — there is no harder toil
than that which the zealous war correspondent must
undergo in a country almost wholly destitute of commu-
nications, and when momentous events are crowding fast
one on the other. The nearest telegraph office is his goal;
for us in Bulgaria, the nearest available telegraph office was
in Bucharest, scores of long miles distant. The supply of
trustworthy couriers was very scanty, and even the best
courier will not strain ardently when he is not working for
his own hand. I write in constant consciousness of being
over-egotistic ; but one would like that the newspaper-reader
at home should know under what conditions he is served
with war news. To this day I shudder at the recollection
of those long wearisome rides on dead-tired horses from the
Lorn, or the Balkans, or the Plevna country, through the
foodless region down to Sistova on the Danube, where the
bridge of boats was. Leaving iny horse in Sistova, I would
DUCKED IN THE DANUBE. 23
tramp in the darkness across the bridge and over the
islands and flats ankle-deep in sand, the three miles' dis-
tance to Simnitza, the squalid village on the Roumanian
side of the great river. I have reached Simnitza so beaten
that I could scarcely stagger up the slope. Once when I
got to the Danube bridge, I found that it was forbidden
to cross it. Several pontoons in the centre, said the officer
on duty, were under water, and there was no thoroughfare;
nobody, he said, was allowed to go upon it. I respectfully
represented to him that as I did not belong to the Russian
army, it was nothing to him what might happen to me.
He laughed ; said that if I drowned it was no affair of his ;
and, to quote his own lively expression, that I might go
to the devil if I had a mind, I escaped the devil, but
had to accept a thorough ducking, and was very nearly
carried down stream in the direction of the Black Sea,
which might have been a worse fate than that in-
dicated by the Russian officer. Simnitza reached some-
how, there were still about ninety miles to Bucharest. Off'
then to Giurgevo, a fifty miles' night ride in a country
rattle-trap drawn by four half - broken ponies harnessed
abreast. I have been upset freely all along that dreary
plain; spilt into a river, capsized into a village, overturned
by a dead horse into a foul and dismal swamp. During
the railway journey from Giurgevo to Bucharest it was
possible to begin inditing my telegram, writing a few pages
at a time when the stoppages at the stations occurred.
Bucharest finally reached, I had to finish my message
without delaying even to wash, that it might be in time
for next morning's paper in England. I have reached
Bucharest so encased with mud, so blackened with powder,
so clotted with inch-deep dust, so blistered with heat, that
the people of Brofft's hotel had difficulty in recognising me.
The telegram finished — long or short, there was no respite
till that were done — came a bath and then food — they used
to charge me double price for those meals, and I rather
think they lost money ; and then a few hours' sleep till
the evening train back to Giurgevo should start. Up and
24 MEMORIES OF WAR AND PEACE.
off again by it, and so back without a halt to the position
which I had quitted to despatch the telegram.
Villiers and myself were the only civilian spectators of
the desperate and futile attack which the Russian soldiers
commanded by Kriidener and Schahoffskoy made on that
lovely July day of 1877 upon the girdle of earthworks with
which Osman Pasha had partly surrounded the Bulgarian
town of Plevna. Up among the oak shrubs on the height
of Radischevo, while the Russian cannon thundered over
our heads, we watched the resolute but hopeless assaults of
the Russian infantrymen on the Turkish redoubts on the
gentle swell in the bosom of the great central valley.
Plevna lay down yonder to the left front in its snug valley
among the foliage, quiet and serene like a sleeping babe
amidst a pack of raging wolves, the sun glinting on its
spires and minarets. Behind us, the Russian cannon belch-
ing fire and iron. Close to us. the general with set face
and terrible eager eyes, the working of his lips and fingers
belying his forced composure. And at our feet hell itself,
raging in all its lurid splendour, all its fell horror. A
chaos of noises comes back to us in the light summer
wind : the sharp crackle of the rifle fire, the ping of the
bullets, the crash of near- exploding shells, loud shouts of
reckless men bent on death or victory, shrieks and yells of
anguish — ay, even groans, so near are we. Look at that
swift rush ; see the upheaval of the flashing bayonets, listen
to the roar of triumph, sharpened by the clash of steel
against steel! There is an answering hurrah from the
Russian gunners above us, for the Russian infantrymen
have carried at the bayonet-point the two nearest Turkish
redoubts.
Yes; that much, it is true, was gallantly accomplished,
but with a terrible loss of life and waste of blood. The
struggle will bear telling more in detail. Two brigades
were lying down in the reverse slope of the ridge behind
the guns, and, therefore, behind us also. The order to rise
up and advance over the ridge was hailed with cheers;
THE JULY BATTLE OF PLEVNA. 25
and the battalions, with a swift, swinging step streamed
up the steep slope, the movement heralded by the artillery
with increased rapidity of fire. That fire was momentarily
arrested while the infantrymen crossed the ridge, breaking
ranks to pass through the interval between the guns, which
presently, as soon as the front was clear again, renewed their
fire with feverish activity. The Turkish shells hurtled
through the ranks as the Russian battalions advanced, and
men were already down in numbers ; but the long undu-
lating line tramped steadily over the stubble of the ridge,
and crashed through the undergrowth in which we were
sitting on the descent beyond. No skirmish line was
thrown out in advance. The fighting line remained the
formation for a time, till, what with impatience and what
with men dropping, it broke into a rapid spray of humanity,
and surged on swiftly and with no close cohesion. The
supports were close up, and ran forward into the fighting
line independently and eagerly. It was a veritable chase
of fighting men impelled by a burning desire to get for-
ward and come to close quarters with the enemy firing at
them yonder from behind the shelter of the parapet of the
redoubt.
Villiers follows with his eye the fortunes of the left
brigade, I concentrate my attention on the right — Tcher-
koffs — brigade. Presently all along the face of the infantry
advance burst forth flaming volleys of musketry fire. The
jagged line springs onward through the maize-fields, gradu-
ally assuming a concave front. . The roll of rifle fire from
both sides is incessant, yet dominated by the fiercer and
louder turmoil of the artillery above us. The cannon re-
double the energy of their fire. The crackle of the musketry
fire swells into a sharp continuous peal. The clamour of
the hurrahs of the fighting men comes back to us on the
breeze, making the blood tingle with the excitement of
the fray. A village is blazing on the left. The fell fury of
the battle has entered on its maddest paroxysm. The
reserves which had remained behind the crest are being
pushed forward over the ridge in reinforcement. The
26 MEMORIES OF WAR AND PEACE.
wounded are beginning to trickle back to behind the ridge
— some of the poor fellows have already passed us. We
can see the dead and the more severely wounded lying
where they have fallen on the stubbles and among the
maize. The living waves of fighting men are pouring over
them ever on and on. The gunners behind us stand to
their work with a will on the shell -swept ridge. The
Turkish cannon fire begins to weaken from that earthwork
opposite to us. More supports stream down with a louder
cheer into the Russian fighting line. Suddenly the discon-
nected bodies are drawing together. We can discern the
officers signalling for the concentration by the waving of
their swords. The distance of the Russian front from the
Turkish parapet is not now 200 yards. There is a wild
rush, headed by the colonel of the central battalion of the
brigade. The Turks in the redoubt hold their ground, and
fire steadily and with terrible effect, into the rushing
masses of their enemies. The colonel's horse goes down. Yes,
but the colonel is on his feet in a second, and waving his
sword, leads his men forward on foot. But only for a few
paces. He staggers and falls ; the brave colonel is a dead
man.
We can hear faintly the tempest-gust of wrath, half
howl, half yell, with which his men — bayonets at the charge
— rush on to avenge him. They are across the ditch and
over the parapet, and in among the Turks in an avalanche
of maddened revenge. Not many Turks get the chance to
escape from the gleaming bayonets swayed by muscular
Russian arms. There was a momentary desperate struggle,
hand to hand, bayonet to bayonet; and then the Russians
were in possession of the Turkish redoubt No. 1, with the
two guns inside it. The Turks had been hurled out, what
of them lived to escape ; we watched the huddled mass of
them in the gardens and vineyards behind the position,
cramming the narrow track between the trees to gain the
cover of their second position.
The redoubt farther to the left was also captured, but,
although Schahoffskoy threw in repeated reinforcements, it
THE RUSSIAN DEFEAT. 27
could not be held by the Russians, although they were loath
to leave grip of it.
And now, ardent as they are, the Russians get no
farther. It is but too apparent that there are not men
enough for the further enterprise. Nearer Plevna, there
has occurred a swift succession of furious charges and
countercharges between Turks and Russians, in which, as
the final issue, the latter have got the worse. See the
stubborn, gallant fellows there, standing now all but leader-
less — for nearly all the officers are down — sternly waiting
death there for lack of leaders either to lead them forward
or to march them back ! Noble heroism or sheer stolidity,
which ? " For God and the Tzar ! " is the shout of answer
that comes back to us on the wind, as the gaps torn open
by the Turkish fire are made good, and the ranks knit
themselves the closer. The utter pity of it ! A craving
that is almost irresistible comes over one to abandon inac-
tion, and to be doing something — something, no matter
what, in this acme, this climax of concentrated slaughter.
The mad excitement of the battle surges up into the brain
like strong drink. The estimable citizen sitting at home
at ease, can form no idea how hard it is, in such a convul-
sion of emotion, to bide at rest and write out a telegram
with industrious accuracy ; how difficult to compose sen-
tences coherently when the brain is on fire and the pulses
are bounding as if they would burst.
The sun sank in a glow of lurid crimson. The Russian
defeat was utter. The debris of the attacking troops came
sullenly back, companies that had gone down into the fray
two hundred strong returning now by fives and tens. For
three hours there had been a steady current of wounded men
up from out the battle to the reverse slope of the ridge from
the face of which we watched, back into comparative safety.
All around us the air was heavy with the low moaning of the
wounded, who had cast themselves down behind us to gain
relief from the agony of motion. A crowd of maimed
wretches were hustling each other round the fountain at the
foot of the slope, craving with wistful longing for a few drops
28 MEMORIES OF WAR AND PEACE.
of its blood-stained and scanty water. Bad was their plight ;
but one's blood turned at the thought of the awful fate of
the poor fellows who, too severely wounded to move to the
rear, were lying on the maize-slopes down there, waiting for
inevitable cruel death at the hands of an enemy who not
only gave no quarter, but savagely mutilated before he slew.
The Turks spread over the battlefield, slaughtering as
they advanced, and were threatening to carry the ridge, when
the wounded who lay behind it would have been at their
cruel mercy. In this hour of terrible strain Schahoffskoy
proved himself a gallant and a feeling man. " Gentlemen," said
he to his staff and the people about hirn, " we and the escort
must co-operate to hold the front. These poor wounded
must not be abandoned ! " The bugle sounded the " assembly,"
but there rallied to the sound but a poor company of beaten-
out men, most of whom were wounded. We extended along
that grim ridge, each man moving to and fro in a little beat
of his own, to show a semblance of force against the Bashi-
Bazouks. Through the glowing darkness one could watch
the streaks of flame foreshortened close below us ; and nerves,
tried by a long day of foodlessness, excitement, fatigue, and
constant exposure to danger, quivered under the prolonged
tension of endurance as the throbbing hum of the bullets
sped through or over the straggling line. At length dragoons
from the reserve relieved us; and so, following the general
who had lost an army going in search of an army which had
lost its general, we turned the heads of our jaded horses, and,
threading our way through the wounded, rode slowly away
from the blood-stained ridge. It was only to endure a night
of wretchedness. No sooner had we established a bivouac,
and general and aide-de-camp, Cossack and correspondent,
had thrown themselves on the dewy ground and fallen into
slumber, than the alarm arose that the Bashi-Bazouks were
surrounding us. Again and again the little band wearily
arose and struggled its way through the loose environment of
the Turkish marauders. At length daybreak came, and I
rode away on the journey to Bucharest, the bearer to the
world of the details of the catastrophe. Mile after mile of
A GREAT EXODUS. 29
thtat dreary road the good horse covered loyally, tired and
foodless as he was ; but I felt him gradually dying away
under me. The stride shortened, and the flanks began to
heave ominously. I had to spur him sharply, although I felt
every stab as if it had pierced myself. If he could only hold
on to Sistova, rest and food awaited him there. But some
three miles short of that place he staggered, and then went
down. I had to leave the poor gallant brute as he fell, and
tramp on into Sistova with my saddle on my head.
The Russo-Turkish campaign had been in progress for
several months before I had the honour of being presented to
the Emperor Alexander II. That fell out in this wise. The
Imperial headquarters were in the Bulgarian village of Gorni
Studen when the fighting began in the Schipka Pass up in
the Balkans. General Ignatieff gave me a timely hint, and I
started immediately for the scene of action. As we rode
along through the beautiful valleys that trend up into the
Balkans, we met the hordes of wretched Bulgarian fugitives
who had fled across the mountain chain from the fell
retribution of the Turks. The whole country seemed one
great picnic ; but it was an indescribably mournful picnic.
My artist-companion revelled in the picturesqueness of the
vivid colours of the women's dresses ; but he had no heart to
depict the bivouacs in their profound misery. We were the
witnesses, not of a few casual fugitives, but of the general
exodus of the inhabitants of a whole province. There were
peasants, but there were also many families of the better class
—families whose women were dressed, not in dingy Bulgarian
clouts or in Turkish trousers, but as the Englishwoman of the
period attired herself. There were women to whom one felt
it not quite the thing to speak without an introduction, yet
whose only habitation was the shade of a tree, whose only
means of conveyance was a miserable pony on which they sat
with a child in arms and another clinging behind. Many
had no means of conveyance at all ; and one saw women
plodding painfully, carrying children in their arms, whom
they tried to shade with parasols — poor fond creatures ! — the
30 MEMORIES OF WAR AND PEACE.
tender folly of motherhood, when homes were blazing
behind them, and misery about them and before them. In
war men take their chance — if they fall, they fall, so to speak,
in the way of business — but the business sickens one when
the rigours of evil fortune involve helpless women and
children.
We reached the fire-swept pass of the Schipka on the
afternoon of August 23rd, just as the Russian fortunes were
trembling in the balance. There had been almost continuous
fighting ever since the morning of the 21st. Suleiman's
Turks were 30,000 strong. At the beginning Darozinski, the
Russian commander of the force garrisoning the Schipka, had
little more than 5,000 bayonets with forty guns in the
defensive positions. There had come to him early on the 22nd,
swiftly marching from Selvi, a strong regiment commanded by
the valiant Colonel Stolietoff, wrho a few months later con-
ducted a Russian mission from Central Asia to Cabul, an
enterprise which gave rise to the Afghan war of the winter of
1878-79. The unequal fight of 7,000 Russians against 30,000
Turks lasted for many hours. And at length, as the shadows
were falling, the Turks had so worked round on both the
Russian flanks that it seemed as though the claws of the crab
were momentarily about to close behind the worn Muscovites,
and as if the Turkish columns climbing either face of the
Russian ridge would clasp hands in rear of the Russian
position.
The moment was dramatic with an intensity to which the
tameness of civilian life can furnish no parallel. The two
Russian chiefs, expecting imminently to be environed, had
sent a last telegram to the Tzar assuring him that, please
God, driven into their positions and beset, they and their
soldiers would hold their ground to the last drop of the last
man's blood. It was six o'clock. There was a lull in the
fighting, of which the Russians could take no advantage
since the reserves were engaged up to the hilt. The grimed,
sun-blistered men were beaten out with heat, fatigue, hunger,
thirst, and wounds. There had been no cooking for three
days, and there was no water within the Russian lines. The
EADETSKY TO THE RESCUE. 31
poor fellows lay panting on the bare ridge, reckless in their
utter exhaustion that it Avas swept by the Turkish rifle fire.
Others doggedly fought on down among the rocks, forced to
give ground, but doing so grimly and reluctantly. The cliffs
and valleys resounded with triumphant Turkish shouts of
"Allah! il Allah!"
The two Russian commanders stood on the parapet of the
St. Nicholas redoubt, on the loftiest and most exposed peak
of the position. Their glasses were scanning the visible
glimpses of the steep brown road leading up from out the
lantra Valley, through stunted copses of sombre green and
yet • more sombre dark rock. Stolietoff cries aloud in a
sudden access of excitement, grips his brother commander
hard by the arm, and points down the pass. The head of a
long black column is plainly visible against the reddish-brown
bed of the road. " Now God be thanked ! " exclaims
Darozinski solemnly. He was a dead man thirty hours later.
Both commanders cross themselves with bared heads. The
troops spring to their feet ; they descry the long black serpent
coiling up the tortuous brown road. Through the green
copses a glint of sunshine flashes, banishes the sombreness,
and dances on the glittering bayonets.
Such a gust of Russian cheers whirled and eddied among
the mountain-tops, that the Turkish war-cries were drowned
in the welcome which the Russian soldiers sent to their
comrades hurrying to help them. As the head of the column
came nearer, it was discerned that it consisted of mounted
men. Had Radetsky then, men asked one another, sent
cavalry to cope with infantry among the precipices of the
Balkans ? The column halted, and from its bosom a mountain
battery came into action against the Turkish position on one
of the ridges. The riders dismounted, formed up, and then
marched swiftly until within easy range of the Turks, when
they broke and scattered, and straightway from behind every
stone and bush spurted white jets of powder-smoke.
The column was a battalion of a crack rifle brigade, and
the brigade was not three kilometres behind. Radetsky,
down in the valley, had dismounted a Cossack regiment and
32 MEMORIES OF WAR AND PEACE.
taken over its ponies for behoof of the leading rifle battalion,
at whose head he himself had pushed on. He marched up
the pass with his staff behind him, ran the triple gauntlet of
the Turkish rifle fire, and joined his two subordinate com-
manders on the peak. Fighting on the following morning
began before dawn, and endured during the whole day.
About nine a.m. (General Dragomiroff came up with the
Podolsk and Jitomer regiments comprising one of his
divisions. With the latter he inarched up towards the peak
along a road every step of which was swept by bullet-fire.
He had reached the central position, and was deploying the
Jitomers for attack, when a bullet, passing through his right
knee, brought him to the ground. The gallant old man
clung to his spectacles ; and when we had borne him into
comparative safety, he himself ripped open his trouser-leg and
bound a handkerchief round the wounded knee. Surgeons
gathered around him, but, like the true soldier he was, he
insisted on waiting for his turn.
It was a very bloody day ; and on that exposed backbone
of bare rock, commanded on either side by the Turkish fire,
no man's life was worth five minutes' purchase. I was
burning to get to the telegraph wire — the more eager because
it seemed to me that during the day the Russians had so
prospered that, although the struggle was sure to last for
some time, they would be able at least to hold their own. I
asked the general what was his estimate of the situation.
Radetsky was oracular. " The Turks," said he, " will no doubt
renew their attacks to-morrow with fresh troops, and will
probably do so for a good many morrows. But," he added
grimly, " I am a tough man, and, with God's help, come Turk,
come devil, I shall hold on here till I am killed or ordered
away." That pronouncement was good enough for me. It
was already full dark when, having bidden farewell to the
friendly general and to my comrade Villiers, who had deter-
mined to remain on the Schipka, I started off on the
journey to Bucharest, where the nearest telegraph office was,
a distance of about a hundred and seventy miles.
All night long I rode hard, having posted relays of horses ;
AN EMINENTLY DISREPUTABLE ASPECT. 33
and on the morning of the 25th, having neither eaten, drunk,
nor rested since the morning of the previous day, I rode into
the Imperial headquarters in Gorni Studen. The first man I
met was General Ignatieff, who called out —
" Where from, now ? "
" From the Schipka," was my reply. " I left there ]ate
last night."
"The devil you did!" exclaimed Ignatieff. "You've
beaten all our messengers by hours. Yours must be the last
news ; and you must see the emperor and tell it him."
Now I had not been exactly brought up among emperors,
but I have at least some sense of propriety, and I knew that a
man ought to wait on an emperor in his Sunday clothes. I
hadn't seen any Sunday clothes, or Sundays either, for three
months ; and I was conscious that my aspect was eminently
disreputable. I had been wearing clothes originally white for
over a fortnight, night and day. The black, of my saddle had
come off on to them with great liberality; and they were
spotted with the blood of poor General Dragomiroff, whom,
when wounded, I had helped to carry into a place of
comparative safety. I had not washed for three days, and I
altogether felt a humiliatingly dilapidated representative of
that great empire on Avhich the sun never sets. But Ignatieff
insisted that in the circumstances the Emperor would by no
means stand on ceremony. He went inside and awakened
his Imperial Majesty, who had been asleep ; and he presently
ushered me through the Cossack guard into the dingy alcove
which formed the hall of audience. The Imperial quarters
were a dismantled Turkish house, the balcony of which,
where the Emperor stood, was enclosed with common canvas
curtains. There was not even a carpet on the rugged boards.
A glimpse into the bedroom whence his Majesty had emerged
showed a tiny cabin with mud walls, and a camp bed standing
on a mud floor. The Emperor received me with great
kindness, shaking hands, and paying a compliment to my
hard riding. He was gaunt, worn, and haggard, his voice
broken by nervousness and by the asthma that afflicted him.
Some months later I saw his Majesty in St. Petersburg — a
D
34 MEMORIES OF WAR AND PEACE.
very monarch, upright of figure, proud of gait, attired in a
brilliant uniform, and covered with decorations. A glittering
court and suite thronged around the stately man with
enthusiastically respectful homage. The dazzling splendour
of the Winter Palace formed the setting of the sumptuous
picture. And as I gazed on the magnificent scene, I could
hardly realise that the central figure of it, in the pomp of his
Imperial state, was of a verity the selfsame man in whose
presence I had stood in the squalid Bulgarian hovel — the
same worn, anxious, shabby, wistful man who, with spasmodic
utterance, and the expression in his eyes as of a hunted deer,
had asked me breathless questions as to the episodes and
issue of the fighting.
I ventured to suggest that I could make him under-
stand these much better if I had a sheet of paper on which
to draw a plan. The Emperor said at once —
" Ignatieff, go and fetch paper and pencil."
Ignatieff went; and his Majesty and myself were alone
together, standing opposite each other, with a little green
baize table dividing us. Presently Ignatieff returned with a
sheet of foolscap on which I rapidly sketched the positions,
explaining the details as I proceeded. The emperor caught
up the salient points with the quickness of a trained
military intelligence.
"Mr. Forbes," said he — he spoke in English — "you have
been a soldier ? "
"Yes, your Majesty," was my reply.
" In the Artillery or Engineers, doubtless ? "
"No, sir," said I, "in the cavalry of the Line."
The Emperor remarked —
" I was not aware that your cavalry officers were con-
versant with military draftsmanship."
I replied that I had served as a private trooper, not as
an officer; thereby, I fear, conveying to his Majesty the
impression that the honest British dragoon is habitually
skilled in plan-making. When I had finished telling what
I knew, the Emperor said with great graciousness —
" Mr. Forbes, I have had reported to me your conduct
ALEXANDER, AT PLEVNA. 35
on the disastrous days before Plevna, in succouring wounded
Russian soldiers under heavy fire. As the head of the State,
I desire to testify how Russia honours your conduct by
bestowing on you the order of St. Stanislaus with the
crossed swords, a decoration never conferred save for per-
sonal bravery ! "
During all the days of unsuccessful fighting before Plevna,
in the great September struggle, the Emperor was almost
continually on the field. So sure had the Russians been of
winning, and so complete had been their arrangements,
that a little observatory had been erected on a commanding
elevation, with a luncheon-table constantly spread, in a
marquee behind, which was very much frequented by the
Emperor's military entourage. As for the Emperor, he
neither ate nor drank. I watched him on the balcony of
his observatory on the afternoon of the fifth day of the
fighting— his own fete day, save the mark !— gazing out with
haggard eager eyes at the efforts to storm the great
Grivitza redoubt. As the Turkish rifle fire sheared down
his Russians while they strove to struggle up the slope
slippery already with Roumanian blood, the pale face
quivered, and the tall majestic figure visibly winced and
cowered. He stood alone and self-centred, obviously im-
pressed with the lurid horror of the scene.
When Plevna had fallen, I accompanied the Russian
Emperor on his return to St. Petersburg, and was an eye-
witness of the fervid cordiality of his reception. From the
railway station, he drove straight to the Kazan Cathedral
in accordance with the custom which prescribes to Russian
emperors that in setting out for or returning from any
important enterprise, they shall kiss the glittering image of
the Holy Virgin of Kazan, which the cathedral enshrines.
Its interior was a marvellous spectacle. People had spent
the night sleeping on the marble floor that they might be
sure of a place on the morrow. There had been no respect
of persons in the admissions. The mujik in his sheep-
skins stood next the soldier-noble whose bosom glittered
D 2
38 MEMORIES OF WAR AND PEACK.
with decorations. The peasant woman and the princess
knelt together at the same shrine. In stately procession
the Emperor reached the altar, bent his head, and his lips
touched the sacred image. When he turned to leave the
building, the wildest confusion of enthusiasm laid hold of
the throng. His people closed in about the Tzar till he
had no power to move. The great struggle was but to touch
him, and the chaos of policemen, officers, shrieking women,
and enthusiastic peasants swayed and heaved to and fro; the
Emperor in the midst, pale, his lips trembling with emotion
— just as I had seen him when his troops were cheering
him in the battle-field — struggling for the bare ability to
move, for he was lifted clean off his feet and whirled
about helplessly. At length, extricated by a wedge of
officers, he reached his carriage, only to experience as
wonderful a reception when he reached the raised portico of
the Winter Palace. As for his daughter-in-law, the Tzarevna
of the period, now the Empress Dowager, her experiences were
unique. As her carriage approached the terrace, the populace
utilised it as a convenience whence to see and cheer the Em-
peror. Men scrambled on to the horses, the box, the roof, the
wheels; progress became utterly impracticable. A bevy of
cadets and students who lined the foot of the terrace, were
equal to the occasion. They opened her carriage-door by
dint of great exertion, they lifted out the bright little lady
who clearly was enjoying the fun greatly, and they passed
her from hand to hand above their heads till the Emperor
caught her, lifted her over the balustrades, and set her
down by his side on the terrace. I saw the metal heels
of her remarkably neat boots sparkling in the winter sun-
shine over the heads of the throng.
In many respects the monarch whom the Nihilists slew
was a grand man. He was absolutely free from that
corruption which is the blackest curse of Russia, and which
still taints the nearest relatives of the Great White Tzar.
Alexander had the purest aspirations to do his duty to-
wards the vast empire over which he ruled, and never
did he spare himself in toilsome work. He took few
CHARACTER OF ALEXANDER II. 37
pleasures; the melancholy of his position made sombre his
features and darkened for him much of the brightness of
life. For he had the bitterest consciousness of the abuses
that were gradually alienating the subjects who had been
wont from their hearts to couple the names of " God and
the Tzar." He knew how the nation writhed and groaned ;
and he, absolute despot though he was, writhed and
groaned no less, in the realisation of his impotency to
ameliorate the evils. For, although honest and sincerely
well-intentioned, Alexander had a taint of weakness in his
character. True, he began his reign with a show of self-
assertion, but then unworthy favourites gained his ear, his
family compassed him about ; the whole huge stubborn vis
inerticv of immemorial rottenness and tenacious officialism
lay doggedly athwart the hard path of reform. Alexander's
aspirations were powerless to pierce the dense solid obstacle ;
and his powerlessness to do this, with the disquieting self-
consciousness that it behoved him to do it, embittered his
whole later life. In the end, the man who was once a
reformer, died a tyrant.
One of poor MacGahan's most sanguine beliefs was that
a time would come, if the Millennium did not intervene,
when the' war correspondent should overhang the battle-
field in a captive balloon, gazing down on the scene
through a big telescope, and telegraphing a narrative of
the combat as it progressed, through a wire with one end
in the balloon and the other in the nearest telegraph office.
I don't profess to be very sanguine myself that this elabor-
ation of system will ever be carried into effect ; and I
think, on the whole, I should prefer, were it attempted,
that some one else should conduct the aerial service. But
I remember once beating time, or at least apparent time,
in a curiously remarkable fashion, in the transmission
across the world of war news by means of the telegraph
wire. In the early morning of November 2^nd, 1878, a
column of British troops gained possession of the fortress
of Ali Musjid, up in the throat of the Khyber Pass. I rode
33 MEMORIES OF WAR AND PEACE.
back ten miles to the nearest field telegraph office at
Jumrood, and sent the tidings to England, in a short
message bearing date 10 a.m. There is five hours' differ-
ence of time between India and England, in favour of the
latter; and newspapers containing this telegram, dated
10 a.m., were selling in London at 8 a.m. — two hours of
apparent time before it was despatched. Nor was this all.
Owing to the five hours' difference of time between London
and New York, it was in time for the regular editions of
the New York papers of the same morning, The message
was immediately wired across the American continent ; and
owing to the difference in time between the Atlantic coast
and the Pacific slope, the early-rising citizen of San Fran-
cisco purchasing his morning paper at 6 a.m., was able to
read the announcement of an event actually occurring two
hours later in apparent time 15,000 miles away on the
other side of the globe from the fair city inside the
Golden Gate. Puck professed his ability to put a girdle
round the earth in forty minutes: but this telegram sped
some two-thirds round the earth in two hours less than no
time at all.
During a lull in the fighting in Afghanistan in the
winter of 1878-79, I made a hurried run across the Bay
of Bengal to Burma, and ascended the river Irrawady to
Mandlay, the capital of native Burma, for the purpose of
learning something of the now dethroned King Theebau,
who had then recently succeeded to the titles of Lord of
the White Elephants, Monarch of the Golden Umbrella, and
all the rest of it Theebau, when I worshipped the Golden
Feet, had not yet begun to massacre his sisters and his
cousins and his aunts, who were all kept hi durance waiting
for their doom in a building within the palace enclosure.
He courteously postponed that atrocity until I • had
quitted his tawdry capital, but perpetrated it before I had
reached Calcutta on my return to India. It was said, I
question if truthfully, that he had subsequently taken to
drink and became bloated, under the provocation of what
KING THE ESAU "EN PETIT COMITE." 31)
may be called a double-barrelled mother-in-law, for the
unfortunate Theebau was married to both the lady's
daughters ; but when I had the honour of making his
acquaintance, he looked a manly, frank-faced young fellow,
with a good forehead, clear steady eyes, and a firm but
pleasant mouth. He received me, not in state, but quite
informally in a kiosk in the garden of his palace, dressed
in a white silk jacket, and a petticoat robe of rich yellow
and green satin. A herald, lying prone on his stomach,
introduced me in the following portentous apostrophe —
"Archibald Forbes, a great newspaper teacher of the
Daily News of London, tenders to his Most Glorious
Excellent Majesty, Lord of the Ishaddan, King of Elephants,
Master of many White Elephants, Lord of the Mines of
Gold and Silver, Rubies, Amber, and the noble Serpentine,
Sovereign of the Empires of Thunaparanta and Tampadipa,
and other great Empires and Countries, and of ah1 the
umbrella-wearing chiefs, the Supporter of Religion, the
Sun-Descended Monarch, Arbiter of Life, and great righteous
King, King of Kings and Possessor of boundless dominions
and supreme wisdom — the following presents."
My presents were not of much account, but at least
they were genuine, which was more than could be said
for the Burmese monarch's return gifts. Among these was
a ring of great size and seeming splendour. I looked upon
myself as provided for for life : but my suspicious servant
took the precaution of submitting it to a jeweller and
having it priced. He returned with melancholy and dis-
gust stamped on his swarthy but expressive countenance.
The ring was worth but thirty shillings. In fact it was a
"duffer." I set down the Lord of the Great White
Elephant as a fraud. Indeed, the Great White Elephant
was a fraud himself. I went to see the royal brute in the
gilded pagoda which was his palace. I saw a lean, mangy,
dun-coloured animal, with evil little red eyes, and dingy
white patches on his head and trunk. And now the Great
White Elephant, sold once to Barnum, is dead of white
paint on the skin ; Theebau is dethroned and a state
40 MEMORIES OF WAR AND PEACE.
prisoner; and his territory, to the great advantage of the
people who were once his subjects, is incorporated into
our ever-growing Indian Empire.
I have already told how the war correspondent learns
to be a cook after a fashion, and, in truth, he finds it con-
venient to be a sort of jack-of- all- trades. Among other
acquisitions, he has ample opportunity for picking up an
elementary knowledge of rough surgery. Occasions in
battles are frequent when no surgeon is near, and when
the correspondent, having no fighting to do, is free to
concern himself with aiding the wounded, and may have
the happy chance to save human life. In the absence of
professional appliances he may have to resort to curious
impromptu expedients. During one of the expeditions in
the winter Afghan campaign we were marching down the
bed of a mountain-torrent, on each side of Avhich rose
precipitous crags. Suddenly the head of the column
emerged from the gorge into a little open space. There
came a ragged volley down upon us from a handful of
Afghans perched high up among the rocks above. A
private soldier marching by my side, fell across my path,
shot through the thigh. Assisted by a young soldier I cut
the cloth from the faUen man's leg, and found that he was
bleeding very fast. No tourniquet was accessible, nor was
any surgeon in the vicinity ; so, closing with iny thumbs
both orifices of the wound, I directed my assistant to find
two round stones and get out the surgical bandage which
every soldier carries in the field. Just as I raised a
thumb for him to introduce a stone, there came a second
volley from the Afghans above. The young soldier hastily
ran to cover, and I had no alternative, if I were not to
allow the wounded man to bleed to death, but to remain
pressing my thumbs on the orifices, kneeling out in the
open under a dropping fire from the native gentlemen on
the rocks above. After some minutes, a detachment,
climbing the crags, gradually drove the enemy away ; where-
upon I was able to complete my rough operation and to
T11K J7NBURIED DEAD OF ISANDLWANA. 41
get my patient comfortably on a stretcher. I was naturally
proud that when the surgeons came to see to him an hour
later, they found that my device had effectually arrested
the bleeding, and that they did not think it necessary to
interfere with my bandaging; nor, surely, was I less proud
when the general in command did me the honour to
mention me in his despatch, on account of the little service
which I had the good fortune to render.
I had not reached South Africa when there occurred
that ghastly misfortune, the massacre of Isandlwana. But
I accompanied the first party that visited that Aceldama,
and the spectacle which it presented I can never forget.
A thousand corpses had been lying there in rain and sun
for four long months. The dead lay as they had fallen, for,
strange to relate, the vultures of Zululand, that will reduce
a dead ox to a skeleton in a few hours, had apparently
never touched the corpses of our ill-fated countrymen. In
the precipitous ravine at the base of the slope stretching
down from the crest on which stood the abandoned
waggons, dead men lay thick — mere bones, with toughened
discoloured skin like leather covering them and clinging
tight to them, the flesh all wasted away. I forbear to
describe the faces, with their blackened features, and beards
blanched by rain and sun. The clothes had lasted better
than the poor bodies they covered, and helped to keep the
skeletons together. All the way up the slope I traced, by
the ghastly token of dead men, the fitful line of flight. It
was like a long string with knots in it, the string formed
of single corpses, the knots of clusters of dead, where, as
it seemed, little groups must have gathered to make a
hopeless, gallant stand, and so die.
Still following the trail of dead bodies through long
rank grass and among stones, I approached the crest. Here
the slaughtered dead lay very thick, so that the string became
a broad belt. On the bare ground, on the crest itself, among
the waggons, the dead were less thick ; but on the slope
beyond, on which from the crest we looked down, the scene
42 MEMORIES OF WAR AND PEACE.
was the saddest, and more full of weird desolation than any-
thing I had ever gazed upon. There was none of the stark,
blood-curdling horror of a recent battle-field ; no pools of yet
wet blood; no torn flesh still quivering. Nothing of all that
makes the scene of a yesterday's battle so repulsive shocked
the senses. A strange dead calm reigned in this solitude of
nature. Grain had grown luxuriantly round and under the
waggons, sprouting from the seed that had dropped from
the loads, fallen on soil fertilised by the life-blood of gallant
men. So long in places had grown the grass that it merci-
fully shrouded the dead, who for four long months had been
scandalously left unburied.
As one strayed aimlessly about, one stumbled in the
grass over skeletons that rattled to the touch. Here lay
a corpse with a bayonet jammed into the mouth up to the
socket, transfixing the head and mouth a foot into the ground.
There lay a form that seemed cosily curled in calm sleep,
turned almost on its face ; but seven assegai stabs had pierced
the back. It was the miserablest work wandering about the
desolate camp, amid the sour odour of stale death, and
gathering sad relics, letters from home, photographs, and
blood-stained books.
After many delays the day at length came when, as our
little army camped on the White Umvaloosi, there lay on
the bosom of the wide plain over against us the great circular
kraal of Ulundi, King Cetewayo's capital. After two days'
futile delay, on the third morning the force crossed the river
and moved across the plain, preserving in its march the
formation of a great square, until a suitable spot was reached
whereon to halt and accept the assault of the Zulu hordes
which were showing in dense black masses all around. This
point attained, the whole force then halted. Already there had
been ringing out around the moving square the rattle of
the musketry fire of Redvers Buller's horsemen, as they
faced and stung the ingathering impis that had suddenly
darkened the green face of the plain. A few yards beyond
the front stood the rums of a mission station. The moulder-
ing walls were ordered to be levelled, lest they should obstruct
ULUNDI. 43
the fire ; and the sappers went to work with a will. But
there lay within those walls a ghastly something that was
not to be buried by the clay crumbling under the pick-axe
— the horribly mutilated form of one of Buller's men, who
had fallen in the reconnaissance of the day before. The
mangled corpse was lifted out ; half a dozen men with spades
dug a shallow grave. The chaplain, who had donned his
surplice, stood by the head of the grave and read the burial
service, to which the shell fire of the artillery gave the stern
responses, while the bullets whistled about the mourners.
The time had come. Buller's men, having done their
work, galloped back into the shelter of the square till their
time should come again. And lo ! as they cleared the front,
a living concentric wave of Zulus was disclosed. On the
slope towards Ulundi the shells were crashing into the black
masses that were rushing forward to the encounter. Into
the hordes in front the Gatlings, with their measured volleys,
were raining pitiless showers of death. Le Grice and Harness
were firing steadily into the thickets of black forms showing
on the left and rear. But those Zulus could die — ay, they
could dare and die with a valour and devotion unsurpassed by
the soldiery of any age or of any nationality. They went down
in numbers ; but numbers stood up and pressed swiftly and
steadily on. The sharper din of our musketry fire filled the
intervals between the hoarse roar of the cannon and the
scream of the speeding shells. Still the Zulus would not
stay the whirlwind of their converging attack. They fired
and rushed on, halting to fire again, and then rushing on
time after time. There were those who had feared lest the
sudden confront with the fierce Zulu rush should try the
nerves of our beardless lads ; but the British soldier was true
to his manly traditions when he found himself in the open
and saw his enemy face to face in the daylight. For half an
hour the square stood grim and purposeful, steadfastly pour-
ing the sleet of death from every face. There was scarce any
sound of human speech, save the quiet injunctions of the
officers — " Fire low, men ; get your aim, no wildness ! " On
the little rise in the centre the surgeons were plying their
44 MEMORIES OF WAR AND PEACE.
duties, regardless of the bullets that whistled about them.
The Zulus could not get to close quarters simply because
of the sheer weight of our fire. The canister tore through
them like a harrow through weeds ; the rockets ravaged
their zigzag path through the masses. One rush came within
a few yards, but it was the last effort of the heroic Zulus.
Their noble ardour could not endure in the face of the appli-
ances of civilised warfare. They began to waver. The time
for the cavalry had at last come. Lord Chelmsford caught
the moment. Drury Lowe was sitting on his charger, watch-
ing with ears and eyes intent for the word. It came at last
tersely — " Off with you ! " The infantrymen made a gap
for the Lancers, and gave them, too, a cheer as they galloped
out into the open — knees well into saddles, right hands with a
firm grip of the lances down at the " engage." Drury Lowe
collected his chestnut into a canter, and glancing over his
shoulder gave the commands : " At a gallop ; Front form
troops ! " and then " Front form line ! " You may swear
there was no dallying over these evolutions ; just one pull to
steady the cohesion, and then, with an eager quiver in the
voice, " Now for it, my lads, charge ! " The Zulus strove
to gain the rough ground, but the Lancers were upon them
and among them before they could clear the long grass
of the plain. It did one good to see the glorious old " white
arm " reassert once again its pristine prestige.
Lord Chelmsford, on the evening of the battle, announced
that he did not intend to despatch a courier until the follow-
ing morning with the intelligence of the victory, which was
conclusive and virtually terminated the war. So I hardened
my heart, and determined to go myself, and that at once.
The distance to Landinanns Drift, where was the nearest
telegraph office, was about one hundred miles ; and the route
lay through a hostile region, with no road save that made on
the grass by our waggon wheels as the column had marched
up. It was necessary to skirt the sites of recently burned
Zulu kraals, the dwellers in which were likely to have
resumed occupation. The dispersal of the Zulu army by the
defeat of the morning made it all but certain that stragglers
CARRYING THE TIDINGS OF VICTORY. 45
would be prowling in the bush through which lay the first
part of my ride. Young Lysons offered to bet me even that 1
would not get through, and when I accepted, genially insisted
that I should stake the money, since he did not expect to see
me any more. It was somewhat gruesome work, that first
stretch through the sullen gloom of the early night, as I
groped my way through the rugged bush trying to keep
the trail of the waggon wheels. I could see the dark figures
of Zulus up against the blaze of the fires in the destroyed
kraals to right and to left of my track, and their shouts came
to me on the still night air. At length I altogether lost my
way, and there was no resource but to halt until the moon
should rise and show me my whereabouts. The longest twenty
minutes I ever spent in my life was while sitting on my
trembling horse in a little open glade of the bush, my hand
on the butt of my revolver, waiting for the moon's ra}*s to
flash down into the hollow. At length they came; I dis-
cerned the right direction, and in half an hour more I
was inside the reserve camp of Etonganeni imparting the
tidings to a circle of eager listeners. The great danger was
then past ; it was a comparatively remote chance that I
should meet with molestation during the rest of the journey,
although Lieutenant Scott-Elliott and Corporal Cotter were
cut up on the same track the same night. The exertion was
prolonged and arduous, but the recompense was adequate. I
had the good fortune to be thanked for the tidings I had
brought by the General Commanding-in-Chief and by her
Majesty's High Commissioner for British South Africa; and
it was something for a correspondent to be proud of that
it was his narrative of the combat and of the victory which
Her Majesty's Ministers read to both Houses of Parliament,
as the only intelligence which had been received up to date.
It may perhaps have occurred to some among those who
may have done me the honour to read this chapter that the
profession of war correspondent is a somewhat wearing one,
calculated to make a man old before his time, and not to be
pursued with any satisfaction or credit by any one who is
46 MEMORIES OF WAR AND PEACE.
not in the full heyday of physical and mental vigour. My
personal experience is that ten years of toil, exposure, hard-
ship, anxiety and brain-strain, such as the electric fashion of
modern war correspondence exacts, suffice to impair the
hardiest organisation. But given health and strength, it
used to be an avocation of singular fascination. I do not
know whether this attribute in its fulness remains with it
under the limitations of freedom of action which are now in
force.
II.
MOLTKE BEFORE METZ.
The German "Staff History "— Moltke's posthumous " Franco -German War "
— Saarbriicken and the Spicheren — The Battle of Vionville-Mars-la-
Tour — Moltke's estimate of the respective strengths in the Battle of
St. Privat-Gravelotte — Moltke's dislike to Prince Frederic Charles —
The latter's fierce gallop — The Battle of Gravelotte — The charge of the
French from Point-du-Jour — Moltke at the head of the Second Corps —
The horrors of Sedan.
LORD WOLSELEY has characterised the German " Staff
History of the Franco-German War " as a " weariness of
the flesh." This is a hard saying, and, I respectfully sub-
mit, scarcely a just one. Necessarily minute in detail, the
narrative of the " History " is always lucid, and there are
few pages which are not illuminated by brilliant flashes of
picturesque description that stir the blood like th'e sound
of a trumpet. Apart from those " purple patches," in read-
ing which one feels to hear the turmoil of the battle, the
shouts of the combatants, the groans of the wounded, the
scream of the shells, and the venomous whistle and sullen
thud of the bullets, there are frequent stretches of disqui-
sitional and elucidatory matter which are pregnant with
sustained and almost majestic power and vigour, instinct
with masterly thought and close reasoning, clothed in a
style of singular simplicity, directness, and virile eloquence.
Even if it were not an open secret that those passages —
halting-grounds of instruction and reflection, studding the
swinging march of minutely detailed action — came from
the pen of the man who wielded the direction of the war,
their intrinsic stamp of high, calm authority, disclosing in
the writer the conceiver and the orderer, not less than the
identity of the style with that of Moltke's " Russo-Turkish
Campaign of 1828-29," would betray their authorship.
But if one may deprecate the strength of Lord Wolseley's
48 MEMORIES OF WAR AND PEACE.
expression, Moltke himself is found to a considerable extent
in accord with the English soldier-author. Proud as he
was of the full adequateness of the " Staff History," he
owned that "it is for the greater number of readers too
detailed, and written too technically," and he recognised
that " an abstract of it must be made some day." Of all
men Moltke himself was plainly the man, not indeed to
confine himself to an " abstract," but to write a concise
history of the war, based chiefly on the authentic " Staff
History" record, but infused also with his own unique know-
ledge of men and things, of springs of action and motives ;
revealing certain phases, in a word, of the inner his-
tory of the momentous period in which he was something
more than merely one of the chief actors. His modesty, his
dislike to personality even when not of an offensive kind,
his detestation of gossip, were recognised characteristics ;
but he quite justly did not regard them as hindering him
from writing the bright and amusing sketch of his personal
experiences hi the battle of Koniggratz, and the personally
vindicatory denials of councils-of-war in 1866 and 1870-71
printed as appendices to his " Franco-German War " volume.
Amidst the wealth of curious inner history of which this
quiet, reticent old man was the repository, and which only
now is gradually becoming divulged, there was, of course,
much that could not then, or, indeed, ever be revealed ; but
beyond question there was much which, so far as principle
and even policy were concerned, he needed not to reserve.
And a book on the Great War, written not only for soldiers
but for the nations, illuminated by the perspicuity and
graceful strength of style that marked Moltke's previous
works, enriched with such personal estimates of men and
with such revelations of inner history as he could legiti-
mately have made — would not that book have shared
immortality with Xenophon's "Anabasis," with Caesar's
"Commentaries" on an earlier Gallic War, with Napier's
" History of Wellington's Peninsular Campaigns " ?
Such a book Moltke might have written, and could have
vrritten had he chosen. Whether he could have done so
THE GERMAN "STAFF HISTORY" 49
when, at the age of eighty-seven, he yielded to his nephew's
entreaties, and began the work which was given to the world
after the ending of a life so full of years and honours,
is a question that cannot be conclusively answered. It is
sufficient to say that he did not do this, nor attempt to do
it. In the main, in the book he did write, he clung to his
conception of an " abstract " of the " Staff History." While
he followed that guide — virtually following himself as he
was when his years had been fewer — he was on sure ground ;
and he followed it so closely that in three out of four of
his pages there is the distinct echo of the " Staff History,"
the actual words of which, indeed, are adopted with great
frequency. When he turned away from that lamp to his
path, he did not uniformly maintain entire accuracy of
statement. His style, though mostly retaining its direct-
ness and simplicity, is sometimes obscure ; and its dryness
and absence of relief betray a certain tiredness. His
nephew holds that the work, " which," he says, " was under-
taken in all simplicity of purpose as a popular history," is
practically the expression of Moltke's personal opinions
from his own standpoint as chief of the general staff. On
this it may be remarked that the book he wrote in his
extreme old age, entitled " History of the Franco-German
War of 1870-71," exhibits no single element of a " popular
history"; and that Moltke's statements are most open to
question in the few passages in which he is transparently
writing as the chief of staff.
How powerful is the glamour of Moltke's name was
evinced in the all but unanimous gush of indiscriminate
and uncritical eulogy with which this posthumous book was
received. His prestige is so high that it is probable the
work might be accepted both by writers and by students
of war as absolutely accurate. It may not be considered
as quite sacrilegious if one who was an eye-witness of the
Franco-German War, who had the honour of some personal
intercourse with Count Moltke in the course of that war,
and who has studied that great personage in his various
characters as organiser, strategist, writer, and man, should
E
50 MEMORIES OF WAR AND PEACE.
venture to point out some errors in his " Franco-German
War." It is not proposed to follow him beyond the first
period of the campaign, which closed with the elimination
of the French regular army from the theatre of actual war
by the capitulation of Sedan.
Moltke states that on the 2nd of August, 1870, the German
garrison evacuated Saarbriicken, "after a gallant defence
and repeated counter-strokes." Gallant front, quaint, cheery,
dashing Von Pestel did maintain, facing ior fourteen days
with his battalion of infantry and three squadrons of
uhlans, the French masses gathered on the Spicherenberg
over against the little open town at scarcely more than
chassepot-fire distance, and craftily displaying his handful
so that companies seemed battalions and his battalion a
brigade at the least. Gallant and prolonged defence Gnei-
senau and he did make when at length, under the eyes
of their Emperor and his son, Frossard's three French divi-
sions streamed down from their upland and swept across
the valley on the 1,500 Rhinelanders calmly holding the
little town. But there were no " counter-strokes " on the
part of the German defenders, which would have been,
indeed, as futile as foolish. For several hours two bat-
talions of Prussians fended off three divisions of Frenchmen
who vacillated in their enterprise, and then they withdrew
leisurely and in order. The only semblance of a " counter-
stroke" was made by one man, and that man a British
officer — Wigram Battye of the "Guides," who died fighting
in Afghanistan in the early campaign of 1879. Battye was
with a Prussian company which was just withdrawing from
an advanced position. A soldier was shot down by his
side, whereupon Battye, rebelling vehemently against the
retirement, snatched the dead man's needle-gun and pouch-
belt, ran out into the open, dropped on one knee, and
opened fire on Pouget's brigade. Pouget's brigade re-
sponded with alacrity, and presently Battye Avas bowled
over by a chassepot bullet in the ribs. A German professor
and a brother-Briton ran out and brought him in, conveyed
him to a village in the rear, plastered layer upon layer of
THE BATTLE OF THE SPICHEREN. 51
stiff brown paper over the damaged ribs, and started him
in a waggon to the Kreuznach hospital.
The battle of Spicheren was an unpremeditated fight,
and like most contests of that character, was extremely
confused, a real "soldiers' battle," in which generalship
played but a subsidiary part. From the first, writes Moltke,
an intermixture of battalions and companies set in, which
increased with every repulse; and the confusion, he adds,
was increased by the circumstance that three generals in
succession nominally swayed the command. He might
have said with truth that not three but five generals were
successively in command on this afternoon of desperate
strife. Kameke began the battle ; Stiilpnagel arrived and
superseded him in virtue of seniority; later came Zastrow,
who, as full general and corps-commander, superseded
Stiilpnagel in virtue of superior rank. Presently came
Goeben and took command as being a senior general to
Zastrow ; and as the fighting was djnng down, Steinmetz,
who was an army commander and senior general, relieved
Goeben and took over the command. Moltke, writing of
the French possibilities on the day of Spicheren (August
6th), makes the statement that, since four French corps,
the 3rd, 4th, 5th, and guard, were lying within a short
day's march of Frossard's corps (the 2nd) on the Spicheren
heights, the French Emperor, had he chosen, would have
been fully able to collect five corps for a battle in the
Cocheren region, five miles in Frossard's rear. But when
he wrot3 this, he must have forgotten that in a previous
page he had stated that the 5th corps (De Failly) had
been assigned to the separate army which Marshal
MacMahon commanded in Alsace; and it must have es-
caped his memory also, that on this very August 6th
Lespart's Division of that corps was hurrying from Bitche
towards Worth, eager to participate in the battle raging
there.
In his sketch of the battle of Vionville-Mars-la-Tour (16th
August), Moltke states as follows, in regard to the 3rd
German Army Corps : " It was not until after three p.m., after
E 2
52 MEMORIES OF WAR AND PEACE.
it had been fighting almost single-handed for seven hours,
that effective assistance was approaching." But the 3rd Corps
did not come into action until after ten a. in. ; and from ten
a.m. until three p.m. is only five hours. The 5th and 6th
Cavalry Divisions were on the battlefield considerably in
advance of the arrival of the 3rd Corps. The horse-guns of
the 5th Division were shelling Murat's camp near Vionville so
early as half-past eight ; and by nine Ranch's troopers of the
6th Division were falling fast tinder the fire of French infantry
on the edge of the wood of Vionville. The two Divisions in
conjunction had formed a wide semi-circle round the French
flank and front, and, although yielding naturally to the
pressure of heavy chassepot fire, were in a measure " holding "
Frossard's prompt infantry when the leading troops of the
German 3rd Corps reached the field. Moltke entirely ignores
this seasonable early work of the two Cavalry Divisions,
which is described with full appreciation in the "Staff
History." Throughout the hours specified both of them
were continually under fire, and almost continuously in
action, now supplying the place of infantry in constituting
Alvensleben's second line, now engaged in independent
fighting. When the crisis came, while as yet the day was
young; when four French Army Corps were threatening to
crush Alvensleben's depleted Divisions ; when that commander
stood committed up to the hilt — " no infantry, not a man in
reserve " — all succour yet distant ; there remained to him but
one expedient which might avert the imminent defeat. That
was the resort to a vigorous cavalry attack, "in which the
troopers must charge home, and, if necessary, should and
must sacrifice themselves." How Bredow's horsemen fulfilled
the stem behest, and of what momentous service was their
devotion unto death, the Fatherland will never forget. But
while the gallant reiters of the two cavalry divisions were
thus doing and dying, and when it is remembered that an
infantry brigade of the 10th Corps had joined Alvensleben
before noon, was it either true or just to claim for the 3rd
Corps, whose constancy and devotion were superb, that it had
been fighting until three o'clock " almost single-handed, and
MOLTKE'S ESTIMATE OF THE FRENCH STRENGTH. 53
without any effective support ? " How perfunctory is Moltke's
sketch of this stupendous conflict, of which he was not a
witness, may be estimated from the fact that he makes no
reference whatsoever to the participation in the battle of
portions of the 8th and 9th Corps, whose attitude and action
mainly caused Bazaine to withhold troops from his front in
order to reinforce his left and protect his communications
with Metz, threatened by the troops referred to, which lost
1,200 of their strength.
Moltke makes some very remarkable statements in regard
to the respective strengths of the armies which fought in the
battle of St. Privat-Gravelotte. The French army which
capitulated at Metz in October, he writes, numbered 173,000,
" besides 20,000 sick who could not be removed ; about
200,000 in all." And he builds on this foundation, which is
in itself erroneous, the assertion that "consequently the
enemy in the battle of 18th August had at disposal more
than 180,000 men." He thus continues : " The exact strength
of the eight* German Corps on that day amounted to 178,818.
Thus, with the forces on either side of approximately equal
strength, the French had been driven from a position of
unsurpassed advantage." The terms used here can have but
one meaning: that the French army was over 180,000 strong,
and the German army exactly 178,818 strong. And that
being so, the thousand or two of asserted French superiority
counting for nothing, the two adversaries were, in a numerical
sense, equally matched.
It was thus claimed, and that with all the prestige of
Moltke's name in support, that the German strength in the
battle of 18th August Avas not superior to that of the French.
That the claim was untenable can be shown easily and
convincingly. That Moltke greatly understated the German
strength needs little further evidence than the following brief
extract from the official " return, showing number of (German)
troops employed in the battle of St. Privat-Gravelotte,"
* Moltke had inadvertently written " seven " ; there were eight, — Guards,
2nd, 3rd, 7th, 8th, 9th, 10th, and 12th. The official state gives 178,818 as the
collective strength of those eight corps
54
MEMORIES OF WAR AND PEACE.
printed in the appendices to the second volume of the " Staff
History."
TOTAL STRENGTH.
Combatants, exclusive of officers and train.
Infantry and
Pioneers.
Cavalry.
Horsed Guns.
First army
Second army
42,455
136,363
5,753
18,831
180
546
Total
178,818
24,584
726
Moltke, it will be seen, put forward the gross infantry
strength of its eight corps, exclusive of officers, as the total
strength of the German army on the field of battle. The
addition of the cavalry, without reckoning officers, at once
swells the total to 203,400. The Germans reckon their
artillery by guns, not by gunners. While the latter are still
hale and sound they do not show in the returns ; but when
killed or wounded they figure among the losses, an arrange-
ment which seems anomalous. But as artillery is of no use
without artillerymen, the men of that arm must obviously
count in the actual strength of an army. In 1870 each
German army corps before Metz had an artillery regiment
3,981 strong, so that the artillerymen of the eight corps on
the field on the 18th of August would, at full strength, number
31,848. Making a very liberal deduction for previous casualties,
there would remain 25.000, swelling the total army strength,
exclusive of officers and train, to 228,400. Officers are not
included in the figures of the above return ; but they were
unquestionably in the battle, and come within the count.
Apart from artillery officers, who perhaps were included in
their regiments, and not reckoning general and staff officers,
the fifty-two infantry regiments and the 148 squadrons
composing the infantry and cavalry forces of the army had
about 4,000 officers on their establishments, of whom 400 may
be written off for casualties. Adding, then, 3,600 officers to
the previous count of 228,400, the German host " employed "
MOLTKE'S ERRONEOUS DEDUCTIONS. 55
in the battle of St. Privat-Gravelotte numbered, not as Moltke
reckoned it for an obvious purpose, at a total of 178,818, but
a total of 232,000 men ; and, so far from the contending
armies being of approximately equal strength, the Germans
were stronger by at least 50,000 than were the French, even
if Moltke's estimate of the numbers of the latter were correct.
But his estimate of the French strength was not correct —
it could not, indeed, in the nature of things, have been correct.
Apart fr*oin the incidental miscalculation that 173,000-1- 20,000
make 200,000, Moltke erred in his statement that the 20,000
sick and wounded French soldiers found in Metz at the
capitulation were in excess of the 173,000 officers and men
recorded as having surrendered. The sick and wounded were
included in the latter total, which comprehended every man,
combatant and non-combatant, of the army and garrison of
Metz at the date of the capitulation on the 29th of October.
Moltke's train of argument that, since there were 173,000
French soldiers in Metz at that date, " consequently " 180,000
French soldiers confronted the German army in the battle of
Gravelotte, it is impossible to follow. The number of French
soldiers, effective and ineffective, in and about Metz and on
the battlefield on the morning of Gravelotte, was, roughly,
about 200,000. But deductions to the amount of 58,000 must
be made as follows: wounded of previous battles, 20,000;
mobiles constituting garrison of fortress and forts, 20,000;
Laveaucoupet's regular division stiffening mobile garrisons,
5,000 ; departments, train, stragglers, etc., certainly over 8,000 ;
sick, 5,000.
Giving effect to those deductions, the conclusion is, that
about 142,000 French soldiers were " employed " in the battle,
including the reserve consisting of the Imperial Guard which
had three of its four brigades engaged. This reckoning accords
with great closeness to the statement of the efficient strength
of the Army of the Rhine given in to Marshal Bazaine four
days after the battle of the 18th. The number of all ranks,
according to the statement, was 137,728 ; adding to which the
7,800 killed and wounded in the battle, the French strength
on the morning of the 18th works out at 145,528; the
56 MEMORIES OF WAR AND PEACE.
difference between that amount and the strength at the
October capitulation consisting of garrison troops and
casualties before and after Gravelotte. The statements by
the French of their strength at Gravelotte range from
100,000 to 150,000 men effective, which latter estimate, made
by a Frenchman whose figures were accepted as quasi-
official in the " Staff History," had been the highest until
Moltke overtopped it by 30,000. The official German state-
ment is that the French " had an available force of from
125,000 to 150,000 men." Moltke did not claim any new
information after authorising the statement quoted above ;
his swollen total was based on the capitulation figures, which
were public property the day after the surrender. And a
certain inconsistency reveals itself between that swollen, total
and the result of his statement that there were eight to ten
men to every pace of the seven miles along which extended
the front of the French position. At ten men to the pa<^
there works out a total of 133,200 men — which contrast's
somewhat abruptly with " more than 180,000."
In his preface to his uncle's posthumous book, Major
von Moltke quotes an utterance of his great relative as
" highly characteristic of Moltke's magnanimity." This is the
utterance : " Whatever is published in a military history is
always dressed for effect; yet it is a duty of piety and
patriotism never to impair the prestige which identifies the
glory of our Army with personages of lofty position." The
naivete, is edifying with which the principle is in effect laid
down, that truth must go to the wall in favour of patriotism.
The supersession of truth by the other virtue is not precisely
a novelty ; but to Moltke belonged the frank avowal of the
preference as a sacred duty, and to his nephew the charac-
terisation of this avowal as magnanimity. Throughout his
book Moltke was true to his principle except as regarded
two leading actors in the great drama, of whom he himself
was one and Prince Frederic Charles the other. The strange
fact is that, as I believe can be clearly shown, the strictures
in both instances are unmerited.
It never was any secret in the German Army that Moltke
MOLTKE'S DISLIKE OF THE RED PRINCE. 57
disliked Prince Frederic Charles. There could be nothing in
common between the composed, refined, accomplished and
pious Moltke, fastidious, scholarly and reserved as he was ;
and the bluff, coarse, dictatorial, loose-lived and loose-
mouthed Frederic Charles. They met as seldom as possible,
and their relations were always confined to the strictest
formality. To do the Red Prince justice, he always admired
the military genius of Moltke ; but Moltke, from his
methodical and exacting standard and notwithstanding his
cold, unemotional impartiality, had not a high opinion of
Prince Frederic Charles as a commander. In reality, as but
for a rare prejudice Moltke would have discerned, the two
men were the complement of each other. Moltke directed
the storm and swayed the whirlwind, although he habitually
rode outside of its vortex. The Red Prince was the storm
itself — the actual mighty rushing whirlwind — " a disciplined
thunderbolt," as I once heard a fanciful trooper of the Zieten
Hussars describe him. Perhaps his dislike to and non-
appreciation of Frederic Charles was Moltke's weak point ;
and thence probably it was that he violated in the case of
that Royal soldier his principle of upholding the prestige of
" high-placed " warriors.
Moltke is nearing the end of his description of the battle
of Yionville- Mars-la- Tour. He has just finished a sketch of
the great cavalry fight, which he records was at its height
at a quarter to seven in the evening. And he continues
thus : " Prince Frederic Charles had hastened to the battle-
field. The day was near its ending, darkness was approach-
ing, the battle was won." Does not the reader gather from
the sentence in italics — the italics are mine — from the
mentioned hour preceding that sentence, and from the words
that follow it, that Prince Frederic Charles reached the field
late — when it was falling dark, and when already the battle
had been won ? The absence of precision tends to mislead.
For the Prince, as a fact, was late in reaching the field.
The battle had begun two hours before noon ; nearly five
hours later Prince Frederic Charles was still in Pont-a-
Mousson, quite fifteen miles from the scene of struggle. As
58 MEMORIES OF WAR AND PEACE.
is duly recorded in the" Staff History," the Prince reached the
battle-field " about four o'clock."
It was barely that hour when he came galloping up the
narrow hill-road from Gorze ; the powerful bay he rode all
foam and sweat, sobbing with the swift exertion up the steep
ascent, vet pressed ruthlessly with the spur ; staff and escort
panting several horse-lengths in rear of the impetuous fore-
most horseman. On and up he sped, craning forward over
the saddle-bow to save his horse, but the attitude seeming
to suggest that he burned to project himself faster than the
good horse could cover the ground. No wolfskin, but the
red tunic of the Zieten Hussars, clad the compact torso, but
the straining man's face wore the aspect one associates with
that of the berserker. The turgid eyeballs had in them a
sullen lurid gleam of blood-thirst. The fierce sun and the
long hard gallop had flushed the face a deep red, and the
veins of the throat were visibly swollen. Recalling through
the years the memory of that visage with the lowering brow,
the fierce eyes, and the strong set jaw, one can understand
how to this day the mothers in the Lorraine villages invoke
the terror of " Le Prince Rouge," as the Scottish peasants of
old used the name of the Black Douglas, to awe their
children wherewithal into panic-stricken silence. While as
yet his road was through the forest, leaves and twigs cut by
bullets showered down upon him. Just as he emerged in
the open upland, a shell burst almost among his horse's feet.
The iron-nerved man gave heed to neither bullet-fire nor
bursting shell ; no, nor even to the cheers that rose above
the roar of battle from the throats of the Brandenburgers
through whose masses he was riding, and whose chief he had
been for many years. They expected no recognition, for
they understood the nature of the man — knew that after his
rough fashion he was the soldier's true friend, and also that
he was wont to sway the issues of battle. He spurred onward
to Flavigny away yonder in the front line ; the bruit of his
coming darted along the fagged ranks ; and strangely soon
came the recognition that a master-soldier had gripped hold
of the command as in a vice.
MOLTKE 'S ASPERSION OF THE RED PRINCE. 59
In regard once again to Prince Frederic Charles, Moltke
deviates from trie principle which he expounded to his
nephew, in relation to a critical incident which occurred later
in the same evening. The long bloody struggle was in its
final throes, and the Germans now stood on the ground held
by the French in the morning. In those circumstances,
writes Moltke : —
" It was clearly most unadvisable to challenge by renewed
attacks an enemy who still greatly outnumbered the German
forces ; which, since no other reinforcements could be hoped
for soon, could not but jeopardise the success so dearly
bought. The troops were exhausted, most of their ammuni-
tion was spent, the horses had been under the saddle for
fifteen hours without food. Some of the batteries could
move only at a walk, and the nearest army corps which had
crossed the Moselle, the 12th, was distant more than a day's
march. Yet, notwithstanding, at about eight o'clock the
Headquarter " [" Obercommando," an army euphemism for
Prince Frederic Charles, who was no figure-head commander]
" issued an order commanding a renewed and general attack
upon the enemy's position."
The attack was but partially made owing to the darkness
and the exhaustion of the troops, and it failed at most points,
not without severe losses.
Than the aspersion conveyed in the quoted sentences,
none more grave can well be imagined. The charge, in
effect, is simply this, that in a reckless attempt which in the
nature of things coidd not be other than futile, Prince
Frederic Charles had wantonly squandered the lives of his
devoted soldiers. That chief had much experience of com-
mand in the actual battle-field, and he closed his fighting
career unvanquished in battle. In the Franco-German War
he was in his mature soldierly prime, a veteran of war at
the age of forty-two, as yet unimpaired by habits which
subsequently deteriorated him. Experience had inured him
swiftly yet coolly to penetrate the varying problems of the
battle while it raged around him in its maddest chaotic tur-
moil— a less easy task than meets the retrospective military
60 MEMORIES OF WAR AND PEACE.
critic in the calm of his bureau. He had learned the
stern lesson that gains can rarely be attained without incur-
ring losses — the old cynical omelette-making, egg-breaking
axiom; and this other lesson, too, that there are occasions
when a commander must lay his account with severe inevit-
able losses while the chances of success are very precarious,
yet which it behoves him to adventure. It was such an
occasion which presented itself to Prince Frederic Charles on
the evening of Mars-la-Tour. With a far-spent army of some
60,000 men, he was standing right in the path of a host
more than double his own numbers. Of that host it was
true that probably more than one-half was not less exhausted
than were his own people ; but it possessed powerful reserves
comparatively fresh and unscathed, the possession of which
might well encourage the French leader, with apparently so
much at stake, to push a formidable night attack against a
numerically inferior and worn-out adversary. Symptoms
there already were, which seemed to portend such an effort.
Bazaine in person, with fresh troops, was clearing his front
towards the south-west, and thrusting the Germans there-
abouts back into the woods. Moltke's statement is incorrect
that the 12th Corps, twenty miles away, was Prince Frederic
Charles' nearest reinforcement. One incentive to the opera-
tion which Moltke condemns was the Prince's knowledge
that the 9th Corps was so near his right flank as to be able
to make itself felt in the .intended general movement. And
this was actually so in the case of a brigade of that corps'
Hessian Division, which came into action so early as half-
past seven, and continued fighting until after ten. Part of its
other division was indeed already in the field. Any argument
of mine in justification of Prince Frederic Charles's motives
can have no weight ; and I prefer therefore to quote on this
point the soldierly language of the " Staff History," compiled,
it never must be forgotten, under the superintendence of
Moltke himself: —
" As the firing became more vigorous after seven o'clock,
and the reports gave reason to expect the arrival of the 9th
Corps, Prince Frederic Charles considered the moment suitable
MOLTKE' S ADVERSE CRITICISM ON HIMSELF. 61
for again making an attack in force. . . The staking
of the last strength of man and horse, after hours upon hours
of sanguinary fighting, was to show that the Prussians had
both the ability and the firm will to triumph in the yet
undecided struggle. The moral impression of such an
advance, enhanced by the consternation to be expected from
a sudden attack in the twilight, appeared to guarantee a
favourable result."
No word of blame has Moltke for General Manstein, who,
by his headstrong and reckless disobedience of orders, and his
disregard of information brought him by his own scouts, dis-
located the plan of the battle of Gravelotte, and gravely
compromised the fortunes of the day ; no breath of reflection
on General von Pape, who sacrificed thousands of brave men
in a premature and impossible attack on St. Privat — too
impatient to wait an hour for the development of the turning
movement by the Saxons which would have averted most of
the butchery. Both those officers were " personages of high
position " — were of that " bestimmte Persb'nlichkeiten " order,
to uphold whose prestige Moltke held it to be a sacred duty.
Patriotism questionless shielded them from adverse com-
ment ; yet it did not avail to withhold his censure on Prince
Frederic and on himself. It was in respect of the partici-
pation of the 2nd Corps in the fighting during the latest
phase of the battle of Gravelotte, that he considered himself to
have incurred his unfavourable criticism upon himself, which
he thus frankly expresses in his posthumous work on the
Franco-German War : —
" It would have been more judicious on the part of the
Chief of the General Staff, who was personally on the spot
at the time, not to have permitted this movement at so
late an hour. Such a body of troops, still completely intact,
might have proved very precious next day, but on this
evening could scarcely be expected to bring about a decisive
reversal."
With all respect I make bold to aver that Moltke had no
alternative but to permit — nay, to strenuously urge forward
that advance of the 2nd Corps his sanction to which he
62 MEMORIES OF WAR AND PEACE.
disapproved many years later — if there was to be retrieved a
situation which was dangerously compromised, and which
imperatively called for a " reversal"
In the Gravelotte region of the vast battle-ground, the
German right, consisting of the 7th and 8th Corps com-
manded by General Steinmetz, had been fighting fiercely
and with varied fortune during the afternoon against the
French soldiers of Frossard and Le Boeuf. As the day waned
the cannonade abated its virulence and the musketry-fire
fell almost silent. The French now lay supine in their
shelter-trenches along the Point-du-Jour ridge crowning the
bare glacis-like plateau which their fire had been sweeping ;
quiet in the buildings and behind the enclosures of the
Moscou farm farther northward. The Rhinelanders and
Westphalians huddled among their dead and wounded in
the shallow folds of the plateau, in the bush fringing the
deep and steep ravine of the Mance streamlet, in and behind
the precincts of the battered St. Hubert auberge, and about
the edge of the wood below Moscou. The lull lasted for
an hour ; the Germans believed that the Frenchmen over
against them were exhausted, and that the strength of
their resistance was broken. Away to the northward where
Prince Frederic Charles held sway, the roar of battle was
deepening in intensity; and this indication that the army
of the Red Prince was entering on the decisive struggle was
the signal for the order to the impatient Steinmetz, that he
too should fall on and strain his uttermost to "end the
business" in his specific sphere of action. In addition to
his own two corps, the 2nd was placed at his disposal, to be
used if it should be needed. The Pomeranians had travelled
far and fast in their soldierly ardour to share in the battle.
They panted for the fray, in spite of their fatigue after a long
forced march ; but having regard to the seeming enfeeblement
of the adversary, it was not expected that their services
would be called for.
For once the French had hoodwinked their enemy. They
were not exhausted, but were merely saving their ammunition
and resting in the comparative safety of their shelter-trenches
THE UNEXPECTED SORTIE OF THE FRENCH. 63
and reverse slopes, while they watched for events. They
believed, it seemed, that they had virtually won the battle,
and were in full buoyancy and confidence. As the heads of
Steinmetz's columns came up out of the Mance ravine and
showed themselves on the lower verge of the plateau, the
French flung away the mask. Suddenly from their serried
lines shot furious blasts of chassepot- and mitrailleuse-fire.
The thunder of their long-silent artillery burst forth in fullest
volume. The supports at all points came springing forward
to join their comrades of the front line. And then the
French infantry, for the moment relieved from the irksome
trammels of the defensive and restored to its congenial metier
of the attack, dashed forward with the grand old elan, and
swept the Germans backwards down the slope into the
Mance ravine. Under the stroke of that fierce impact, under
the hurricane of missiles that swept upon the troops assailed
by the French infantry, Steinmetz's army reeled to its base.
There was a period when it may be said without exaggeration
that the mass of that army was on the run. The old King
was carried backward in the press surging out from under the
rain of bullets and shells, expostulating with great fervour of
expression in his rearward career, with the component parts
of the all but universal debacle. The Mance ravine was seeth-
ing full of fugitives, struggling among themselves for cover
from the plunging shells which fell thick among them. The
quarries below Moscou were crowded with demoralised
soldiers. The garrison of St. Hubert remained there — in the
buildings and outlying enclosures it was safer than in the
bullet-swept open ; the place was not assailed, and some
staunch troops out in the open clung to its lee. But the road
in front of St. Hubert leading from Point-du-Jour down into
the ravine, was a torrent of rushing, panting, panic-stricken
men. Down this torrent were actually swept some of the
brave Gniigge's field guns ; I saw old Brigadier Rex thrown
down and overrun when striving energetically to stay the
rush.
The French infantry having repulsed their adversaries,
retired to their defensive positions, and the Germans began
64 MEMORIES OF WAR AND PEACE.
to steady themselves in a measure. Reserves of the 7th
Corps were sent forward, but made very little head; and
it is not straining language to say that it was as a last
resort that the 2nd Corps, no part of which had hitherto
been engaged, was ordered up. The corps crossed the
ravine by the great chaussde from Gravelotte. How im-
portant was regarded a fortunate issue to its exertions was
vividly betrayed by the unparalleled anxiety to fire its
ardour, and the exceptional solicitude for its most effective
guidance. At the head of the corps rode down into the
ravine old Steinmetz the army commander, and Franseky
the corps commander; and with them rode none other
than Moltke himself, accompanied by the staff officers of
the royal headquarters. " Under the eyes of those officers
of high rank," so it is written in the " Staff History," " the
battalions hastened across the valley, drums beating and
bugles sounding, previous to throwing themselves into the
struggle amid the encouraging cheers of the commanding
general." As the Pomeranians deployed on the edge of
the plateau, the French fire struck them fair in the face;
and they were struck, too, by a broad, rushing stream of
fugitives from the front which, in the demure language of
the " Staff' History," " seemed to point to the advent of a
fresh crisis in the engagement."
This last incident alone would appear to justify the
utilisation of the 2nd Corps, which, although it made no serious
impression on the French position, maintained a footing
on the plateau during the night. But, when its employ-
ment is pronounced by the high officer who ordered it on
that service to have been a surplusage and an error, a
comment on this pronouncement may be made in the form
of a couple of questions. Was not this the unique instance
since Bliicher's time of a Prussian army-commander — as
Moltke virtually was — personally leading his troops into
action ? And on what other occasion throughout his career
in his great position, did Moltke concern himself personally
with the actual direction and encouragement of any specific
movement on the battle-field ?
MOLTKE'S ESTIMATE OF DAZAINE. 65
The incidents narrated above are, in their broad
features, recorded in the "Staff History," and some details
which can be fully verified from other sources have been
added, in part from personal knowledge as an eye-witness.
Moltke's faculty of concentrated writing is strikingly shown
in the following quotation, which embraces all he permits
himself to say regarding the events adverted to : —
"Later, the still serviceable battalions of the 7th Corps
were sent again across the Mance ravine, and were joined
by battalions from the Bois de Vaux in the direction of
Point-du-Jour and the quarries. Frossard's corps, thus
attacked, was reinforced by the Garde Voltigeur Division,
and all the French reserves moved up into the first line.
The artillery came into action with redoubled activity, and
an annihilating rifle-fire was poured on the advancing
Germans. Then moved out to the attack the French
soldiers in the shape of a powerful mass of tirailleurs, which
drove the small leaderless bands of Germans lying on the
plateau back to the skirts of the wood. Here, however,
the outburst was arrested, and there still remained in the
hand a fresh army corps in full strength."
Moltke's estimate of Bazaine as a commander was not
high, and he distinctly recognised that he was influenced
by political as well as military considerations; he, however,
acquits Bazaine of the charge of having betrayed his
country. There is in Moltke's last work one very curious
and enigmatical sentence in regard to Bazaine. The period
is shortly before the battle of Noisseville, 31st August,
when Bazaine and his army had been enclosed in and about
Metz for several days. This is the sentence — "Meanwhile
Marshal Bazaine possibly might have recognised that he
had deceived himself in regard to the release of his army
by means of negotiation." Is it not the reasonable inference
that thus early, much earlier than ever previously had been
suspected, Bazaine had attempted to open negotiations with
the Germans, and had been repulsed ?
As a skilful, untiring, and far-seeing organiser of the
F
66 MEMORIES OF WAR AND PEACE.
means which make for success in war, Moltke has never
had an equal, and probably, in those respects, will never
have a superior. The extraordinary success of the efforts
on his part and that of his coadjutor von Roon, to perfect
the national preparedness for war, produced the result that
while those two lasted, Germany could find in no other
European power an equal antagonist. Still less has any
power produced a strategist who has given proof of ranking
as Moltke's peer. Thus it is impossible to gauge the full
measure of Moltke's potentialities. He may have had reserves
of strategical genius which never were needed to be evoked.
It is impossible to determine whether hi the Franco-German
War he put forth his full strength, or only so much of it
as was proportionate to the requirements suggested by the
known inferiority of the adversary.
One thing is certain, that never was fortune more kind
to the director of any great war than she was to Moltke in
1870. In spite of the significant warning of Sadowa, it
seemed almost that in its later years the Second Empire, as
regarded its military position, had been deliberately "riding
for a fall." With the melancholy exposure of its military de-
cadence all the world is familiar. When Marshal Niel en-
joined the defensive as the complement of the chassepot, he
throttled the traditional elan of the soldiers of France. Her
army, deficient in everything save innate courage, lacked
most of all competent leadership ; and the assumption of
the chief command by the Emperor Napoleon made the
Germans a present of the issue before a shot was fired.
The campaign begun, fortune continued to shower her
favours on Moltke. It appeared as if the very stars in
their courses fought for him. An essential feature of his
plan was to push direct for the enemy's capital. Bazaine
unwittingly helped him in this by bottling himself up in
Metz, and MacMahon yielded him the fair-way by moving
out of his path. Another element of Moltke's scheme was
that the French should be driven from the spacious and
fertile middle provinces into the barren and cramped pre-
cincts of the north. Bazaine did not lend himself directly
MOLTKE'S PLAN OF CAMPAIGN. 67
to the accomplishment of this object of his adversary, but
he disposed of himself otherwise in a manner equally satis-
factory to Moltke. MacMahon obliged by going northward
without being driven — at least by the Germans ; his coer-
cion was from Paris. Moltke, fully convinced of the para-
mount importance to the French that the army of Metz
should make good its retreat on the Chalons force, con-
centrated every energy towards the prevention of that
union. It happened that, as Moltke genially observes,
Bazaine did not share the German chiefs conviction, and
indeed played into his adversary's hand by his preference for
remaining in Metz instead of the prosecution of a retreat
towards Chalons. Ready enough to fight — to do him
justice — Bazaine was not earnest to march.
But Moltke's plan of campaign was based, beyond all
other considerations, on the resolution at once to assail the
enemy wherever found, and to keep the German forces so
compact that the attack could always be made with the
advantage of superior strength. Although the Germans
had overwhelmingly superior numbers in the field, this latter
aspiration was not uniformly fulfilled. Indeed, there is a
certain pride in Moltke's assertion that the Germans fought
— and won — four important battles with the numerical
odds against them, Spicheren, Courcelles, Vionville-Mars-
la-Tour, and Noisseville, not to mention his claim of equal
strength on the French side at Gravelotte. The failure
always to make good the wise postulate of his plan in
regard to concentration, resulted inevitably from the free
hand accorded to subordinate commanders to bring on an
unexpected battle at their discretion or indiscretion. It
is true that because of various more or less fortuitous
circumstances, no actual defeat resulted from this licence ;
but the risks it involved were certainly in two instances
disproportionate to the possible attainable advantages.
Is it credible that, had not Frossard at Spicheren been
trammelled by Imperial restrictions, his three divisions
would not have smashed Kameke's two brigades as they
clung to his skirts for hours before reinforcements arrived ?
F 2
68 MEMORIES OF WAR AND PEACE.
The German "Staff History" owns to the imminence of
disaster at Courcelles ; and but that the French were there
tied to the defence, it is inconceivable that five French divisions
should not have defeated five German brigades. What
soldier who has realised the practical value of numbers in
battle, will deny that had Bazaine with 150,000 regulars at
his back, been in dead earnest to force through at Mars-la-
Tour, he could have swept Alvensleben's 40,000 Prussians
out of his path before support could have reached the
latter ? Moltke writes of Noisseville, that there 36,000
Prussians repulsed 137,000 Frenchmen. With such odds in
their favour as four to one, the Servian militia, fighting in
earnest, would crush the best troops in Europe. The
French did not break out simply because Bazaine fought
merely to save appearances. With superior forces and
copious reserves the brusque and butcherly offensive is a
tempting game ; but its attractions wane when, as with the
Germans at Gravelotte, it entails the slaughter of 20,000
men in inflicting on the enemy a loss of 8,000.
It remains that the Germans were the conquerors ; and
that they conquered in virtue chiefly of Moltke's strategical
skill and infusion of energy into all ranks of the German
army. It is a true saying that nothing succeeds like
success, and its converse is not less true — that nothing fails
like failure. But the spectator of the Franco-German War
must have been purblind or warped who could dare to
aver that the old spirit was dead in the army on which
had once shone the sun of Austerlitz — that army which
had stormed the Mamelon with a rush. No; the poor
mis-commanded, bewildered, harassed, overmatched, out-
numbered soldiers in the blue kepis and red breeches,
fought on with a loyal valour which ever commanded
respect and admiration. The sad, noble story ol unavailing
devotion is to be told of the French regular army from
the first battle to the ending at Sedan. With swelling
heart and wet eyes I looked down on the final scene of
that awful tragedy. The picture rises now .before me of
that terrible afternoon. The stern ring of German fire, ever
THE HORRORS OF SEDAN. 69
encircling with stronger grip that plateau on which were
huddled the Frenchmen as in the shambles ; the storm of
shell fire that tore lanes through the dense masses, bare to
its pitiless blasts; the vehement yet impotent protests
against the inevitable, in the shape of furious sorties. Now
a headlong charge of Margueritte's cuirassiers thundering
in glittering steel-clad splendour down the slope of Illy
with an impetus that seemed resistless, till the fire of the
German infantrymen smote the squadrons fair in the face,
and heaped the sward with dead and dying. Now the
frantic gallop to their fate of a regiment of light horsemen
on their grey Arab stallions, up to the very muzzles of the
needle-guns which the German linesmen held with steadi-
ness so unwavering. Now a passionate outburst of red-
trousered foot-soldiers, darting against a chance gap in the
tightening environment, too surely to be crushed by the
ruthless flanking fire. No semblance of order there, no
tokefl of leadership ; simply a hell in the heart of which
writhed an indiscriminate mass of brave men, with no
thought in them but of fighting it out to the bitter end !
I shudder as I write, at the recollection of the horrors of
that ghastly field on the day after the battle. The ground
was still slippery with blood, and in the hollows lay little
puddles which made one faint. Napoleon's one wise act
was his displaying the white flag on the afternoon of
Sedan. But, in their passion to keep on fighting, with
what fury the soldiers execrated him and his conduct !
III.
THE DARK DAYS OF SEDAN.
The discrepancies about Sedan — MacMahon wounded— Napoleon in the Field—
Ducrot in Command — Wimpfen supersedes him — Napoleon and Ducrot
in the Sous-Prefecture— Wimpfen's contumacy— The Final Bombardment
and the White Flag— Bronsart's return from Sedan— Arrival of Reille on
the King's Hill— Letters of Napoleon and the Prussian King— The Hymn
of Victory : " Nun danket alle Gott "—Bismarck's supper in Donchery —
The Midnight Conference — Napoleon's exit from Sedan — The Weaver's
Cottage The interview in the Chateau Bellevue after Capitulation — The
French prisoner-Army on the Peninsula of Iges — The last of the
Weaver's Cottage — End of Madame Fournai&e.
ONE day, no doubt, the inevitable historian will undertake
the task of writing a detailed account of the strange
events which occurred about Sedan during the first week of
September, 1870 ; but if in the endeavour he escapes falling
a victim to softening of the brain, he may be accounted
an exceptionally fortunate man. With certain salient facts,
it is true, no difficulties will present themselves. It is
unquestionable that a great battle was fought on the 1st,
resulting in the defeat and surrender of the French army ;
that Marshal MacMahon, the French commander-in-chief,
was struck down wounded in the early morning of that
day ; that on the same afternoon the white flag was hoisted
by order of the Emperor Napoleon, who sent out to the
German monarch a letter tendering the surrender of his
sword; that Napoleon on the early morning of the 2nd
came out from Sedan, and met and conferred with Bis-
marck at the weaver's cottage on the Donchery road; that,
subsequently, the capitulation of the French army having
been consummated, he had an interview with King Wilhelm
in the Chateau Bellevue ; that on the following morning
he started on his journey to Cassel as a prisoner-of-war ;
and that the French army of Sedan, more than 100,000
strong, was sent away into captivity in the German fort-
resses. Thus far, the historian's task will be simple enough ;
WIMPFEN' S COMMISSION FROM PALIEAO. 71
it is the hopeless and bewildering discrepancies in regard
to details which will cause him to tear his hair, and bewail
himself of his folly in choosing the avocation of a writer
of history, instead of that of a frightener of crows. In
those exciting Sedan days many people seem to have lost
their heads, and more the faculty of memory. The hours
at which events occurred were either unnoted or so noted
as to be strangely discordant. Even the customary preci-
sion of the German " Staff History " is for once in default ;
and if it is vague, the vagueness of French generals and
of irresponsible persons at large may be imagined.
Marshal MacMahon was in the field by five a.m. When
riding along the high ground above La Moncelle he was
severely wounded in the thigh by the fragment of a shell,
and he then nominated Ducrot as his successor in the
chief command. It is impossible to fix the precise time at
which the marshal was wounded, or when Ducrot first learnt
of his promotion ; but certainly before eight o'clock the
latter was exercising command and ordering a retreat on
Mezieres, which, if it had been promptly carried out, might
have temporarily saved at least a portion of the French
army. But presently Wimpfen produced his commission
from Palikao; and Ducrot, although for the moment indig-
nant at his supersession, was probably not sorry to be
relieved from a situation so complicated. Wimpfen coun-
termanded the retreat on Mezieres in favour of a hopeless
attempt to break out towards the east in the direction of
Carignan; and thenceforth there remained no hope for the
French. The Emperor when riding out in the direction of
the hardest fighting, had met the wounded marshal being
brought in; one account says in the town, another on the
road beyond the gate. No reference was thought worth
while to be made to Napoleon as to the command —
whether Ducrot or Wimpfen was to exercise it; the unfor-
tunate Emperor mooned about the field for hours under fire,
but had no influence whatsoever on the conduct of the
battle ; and he sent no reply to a letter from Wimpfen
begging his Imperial master " to place himself in the midst
72 MEMORIES OF WAR AND PEACE.
of his troops who could be relied on to force a passage
through the German lines." When the Emperor returned
into Sedan is not to be ascertained; nor, except inferentially,
at what hour he first directed the white flag to be exhibited.
No person has avowed himself the executant of that order,
but the flag did not long fly ; it was indignantly cut down
by General Faure, MacMahon's chief-of-staff, who did not
give himself the trouble to communicate with Napoleon
either before or after having taken this considerable liberty.
By one o'clock, the battle in effect was lost and won; what
followed was merely futile fighting and futile slaughter.
How anxious the Emperor continued to be for capitula-
tion; how obstinate was Wimpfen that there should be no
negotiations and no capitulation, is shown, rather con-
fusedly it is true, by the testimony of Lebrun and Ducrot.
" Why does this useless struggle still go on ? " Napoleon
demanded of Lebrun, who, a little before three p.m., entered
his apartment in the sous-prefecture — " an hour ago and
more I bade the white flag be displayed in order to sue
for an armistice." Lebrun explained that certain additional
formalities were requisite — a letter must be signed by the
commander-in-chief and sent out by an officer Avith a
trumpeter and a flag of truce. *That document Lebrun
prepared, and having procured officer, trumpeter, and flag of
truce, he went forth to Avhere Wimpfen was gathering troops
for an attack on the Germans in Balan. As Lebrun approached
him, the angry Wimpfen shouted, " No capitulation ! Drop
that rag ! I mean to fight on ! " and forthwith set out towards
Balan, carrying Lebrun along with him into the fight.
Ducrot had been fighting hard to the northward of
Sedan, about Illy and the edge of the Bois de Garenne ;
straining every nerve to arrest, or at least to retard the
environing advance of the Germans. Recognising that his
efforts afforded no likelihood of success, he resolved soon
after three o'clock to pass southward through Sedan, and
join in an attempt to cut a way out towards Carignan and
Montmedy. Ducrot had no hope of success in such an
enterprise, but, nevertheless, Avas prepared to obey the order.
NAPOLEON IN THE SOUS-PREFECTURE. 73
But, as he has written, he was alone ; he had not even a
corporal's escort. He sent word to Wimpfen by that com-
mander's orderly, that he would enter Sedan and attempt to
gather some troops in support of Wimpfen's effort. What Dncrot
saw inside Sedan may be told nearly in his own words.
The state of the interior of Sedan he has characterised as
indescribable. The streets, the open places, the gates, were
blocked up by waggons, guns, and the impedimenta and
debris of a routed army. Bands of soldiers without arms,
without packs, were rushing about throwing themselves into
the churches, or breaking into private houses. Many unfor-
tunate men were trampled under foot. The few soldiers Avho
still preserved a remnant of energy seemed to be expending
it in accusations and curses. "We have been betrayed!" they
cried — " we have been sold by traitors and cowards ! " There
was really nothing to be done with such men, and Ducrot
repaired to the Emperor in the sous-prefecture.
Napoleon no longer preserved that cold and impenetrable
countenance familiar to all the world. The absolute silence
which reigned in the presence of the sovereign rendered the
noise outside more awfully tumultuous. The air was on fire.
Shells fell on roofs, and struck masses of masonry ^vvrrich
crashed down upon the pavements. •" I do not understand,"
said the bewildered Emperor — " why the enemy continues
his fire. I have ordered the white flag to be hoisted. I hope
to obtain an interview with the king of Prussia, and may
succeed in obtaining advantageous terms for the army."
While the Emperor and Ducrot were conversing, the can-
nonade increased in violence from minute to minute. Con-
flagrations burst out. Women, children and wounded were
destroyed. The sous-prefecture was struck ; shells exploded
every minute in garden and courtyard.
•' It is absolutely necessary to stop the firing ! " exclaimed
the Emperor. " Here, write this ! " he commanded General
Ducrot : — " ' The flag of truce having been displayed, negotia-
tions are about to be opened with the enemy. The firing
must cease all along the line.'" Then said the Emperor
" Xow sign it ! " " Oh no, sire," replied Ducrot, " I cannot
74 MEMORIES OF WAR AND PEACE.
sign: by what right could I sign? General Wimpfen is
general-in-chief." "Yes," replied the Emperor, "but I
don't know where General Wimpfen is to be found. Some
one must sign!" "Let his chief-of-staff sign," suggested
Ducrot, " or General Douay." " Yes," replied the Emperor,
" let the chief-of-staff sign the order ! "
The subsequent history of this order cannot be distinctly
traced, nor whether, indeed, it ever got signed at all. It may
have been enclosed in the missive from the Emperor which
presently reached Wimpfen, and which that recalcitrant
chief would not even open. It appeared that Wimpfen's
troops had been gradually falling away from him ; and he
had ridden back to one of the gates of Sedan, on the double
errand of procuring reinforcements and of trying to prevail
on the Emperor to join him in his forlorn-hope attempt to
break out. What then occurred may best be told in
Wimpfen's own words : —
"Shortly before four o'clock," he wrote, "I reached the
gate of Sedan. There, at last, there came to me M. Pierron
of the Imperial Staff, who, instead of announcing the arrival
of the sovereign which I was expecting with feverish
impatience, handed me a letter from his Majesty, and he
also informed me that the white flag was floating from the
citadel of Sedan, and that I was charged with the duty
of negotiating with the enemy. . . Not recognising the
Emperor's right to order the hoisting of the flag, I replied to
his messenger : — ' I will not take cognisance of this letter :
I refuse to negotiate!' In vain did M. Pierron insist. I
took his Majesty's letter, and holding it in my hand without
opening it I entered the town, calling on the soldiers to
follow me into the fight. . . Having gathered about 2,000
men, at the head of this gallant handful I succeeded, about
five o'clock, in penetrating as far as the church of Balan ; but
the reinforcements I hoped for did not arrive, and I then
gave the order to retire on Sedan."
Wimpfen on his return to the fortress, forwarded his
resignation to the Emperor, who then in vain attempted to
persuade first Ducrot and then Douay to assume the
THE DEATH-THROE AT SEDAN. 75
command. Wimpfen finally was sent for, and in the pre-
sence of the Emperor a violent altercation occurred between
him and Ducrot, in the course of which, it was believed,
blows were actually exchanged. Ducrot, who was the more
excited of the two, withdrew; and in the words of the
Emperor, "General Wimpfen was brought to understand
that, having commanded during the battle, his duty obliged
him not to desert his post in circumstances so critical."
Wimpfen would have been quite within his rights in persist-
ing in resigning. The situation had been purely a military
one, and he was commander- in-chief ; yet the Emperor, who
had no military position whatsoever, had overridden Wimp-
fen's powers while as yet that officer was in supreme
command. Wimpfen showed patriotism and moral courage in
taking on himself the invidious burden of conducting negotia-
tions resulting from acts to which he had not been a party.
The scene may now be changed to thte hill-top south of
Frenois, from which the Prussian King and his entourage had
been watching the course of events ever since the early morn-
ing. It would seem that the first white flag which Faure in
his anger cut down, had not been noticed in the German army.
As the afternoon drew on the French defeat was decisively
apparent ; yet, although the fierceness of the fighting waned,
the now surrounded army remained heroically stubborn in
its resistance to inevitable fate ; and so its final death-throe
had to be artistically quickened up. In the stern words of
the German " Official History," " a powerful artillery fire
directed against the enemy's last point of refuge appeared the
most suitable method of convincing him of the hopelessness
of his situation, and of inducing him to surrender. With
intent to hasten the capitulation, and thus spare the German
army further sacrifices, the King ordered the whole available
artillery to concentrate its fire on Sedan." This command, so
states the " Staff History," was issued at four p.m., and was
promptly acted on. The consequent exacerbation of the
cannonade was, no doubt that of which Ducrot tells, whilst
he was in conversation with the Emperor in the sous-
prefecture. Results of the reinforced and concentrated shell
76 MEMORIES OF WAR AND PEACE.
fire were soon manifested. Sedan seemed in flames. The
French return-fire, gallantly maintained for a short time, was
by-and-by crushed into silence. The " Staff History " yields
no more time-data ; to me the hurricane of shell fire seemed
to endure for quite half an hour. Under its cover a Bavarian
force was preparing to storm the Torcy Gate. At this
moment the white flag was definitively displayed on the
citadel flagstaff, and the German fire at once ceased. At the
solicitation of the French commandant of the suburb of
Torcy, the Bavarian leader then refrained from assault and
remained in position outside the gate. As the news of
impending negotiations spread, hostility ceased everywhere
save about Balan, where the contumacious Wimpfen was
still battling impotently. Tidings of the situation at Torcy
having reached him, and the white flag being visible, the
King of Prussia directed Colonel Bronsart von Schellendorf of
his staff to ride into Sedan under a flag of truce, and summon
the French Commander-in-Chief to surrender his army and
the fortress. The Prussian officer penetrated into the city
and duly announced the nature of his mission ; but to his
surprise he was ushered into the presence of the Emperor
Napoleon, of whose presence in Sedan the German head-
quarters had been ignorant. In reply to Bronsart's application
for a French officer of rank to be appointed to negotiate, the
Emperor simply informed him that the French army was under
the command of General Wimpfen. This answer he desired
Bonsart to take back to the king ; and to intimate further that
he would shortly send out his aide-de-camp, General Count
Reille, with a letter from himself to his Majesty.
Personally I witnessed nothing of what was passing on the
summit of the Frenois hill, being with the Prussian skirmishers
on the plateau of Floing when the roar of the cannon fell
suddenly still. But on the same evening a distinguished
officer of the headquarter staff, who had been a witness of
everything that occurred on the Frenois summit, dictated to
me the following account : —
"Bronsart and his companion Winterfeldt came trotting
up the hill, the time being a quarter past six. Bronsart
"DER KAISER 1ST DA!" 77
spurred his horse into a gallop as he came near, and, flinging
his arm behind him in the direction of Sedan, exclaimed in
a loud voice : ' Der Kaiser ist da ! ' There was a loud outburst
of cheering. But as Bronsart dismounted, Moltke, with a
very serious face, strode towards him, and said something
which gave Bronsart obvious chagrin — a rebuke, as I suppose,
for his informality and lack of self-restraint in the immediate
presence of the King. It was at a quarter to seven when,
with a trooper in advance bearing on his lance the flag of
truce and with an escort of Prussian cuirassiers, the French
officer came up the hill at a walking pace. He halted and
dismounted some horse-lengths short of where the King stood,
out to the front of his retinue ; then he advanced, doffing his
kepi as he came, and with a silent reverence handed to his
Majesty the Emperor's letter. While the King, Bismarck, and
Moltke conversed earnestly apart, the Crown Prince, with
that gracious tact which is one of the finest traits of his
character, entered into conversation with poor forlorn Reille,
standing out there among the stubbles. Presently Bismarck
beckoned up from rearward a gentleman in civilian uniform,
Count Hatzfeldt, I believe, of the Foreign Office, who with-
drew after a short interview with the Chancellor, after having,
I presume, received instructions for drafting the King's answer
to the letter of the French Emperor. Presently there was a
curious spectacle. The King, sitting on a chair, was using as
his writing-desk the seat of another chair, which was being
held in position by Major von Alten. The King, as we all
knew later, was inditing his reply to Napoleon from Count
Hatzfeldt's draft.* After expressing sympathy and intimating
* The following is the Emperor Napoleon's letter : —
" SIRE, MY BROTHER, — Not having been able to die in the midst of my troops,
there is nothing left me but to render my sword into the hands of Your Majesty.
" I am, Your Majesty's good brother, " NAPOLEON."
William's reply runs thus : —
''Mv BROTHER, — While regretting the circumstances in which we meet, I
accept Your Majesty's sword, and request that you will appoint one of your
officers, and furnish him with the necessary powers) to treat for the capitulation
of the army which has fought so valiantly under your command. I, for my
part, have appointed General von Moltke to this duty.
" Your loving brother, " WILHELM."
78 MEMORIES OF WAR AND PEACE.
his acceptance of the Emperor's sword, his Majesty desired
that Napoleon should appoint an officer to conduct negotia-
tions with General Moltke, whom he himself had delegated.
Reille rode back into Sedan with the King's reply. Soon
after seven his Majesty and suite started on the drive back to
Vendresse. Bismarck and Moltke rode into Donchery to
take part in the conference for settling the terms of capitula-
tion, and the Frenois hill was deserted."
The diary of Dr. Busch, Bismarck's secretary, who was
with the headquarter staff, accords in essentials with the
foregoing. Dr. Busch relates further that at a quarter past
five a Bavarian officer came to the King with information that
his general (Maillenger) was in Torcy, that the French desired
to capitulate, and were ready to surrender unconditionally:
and that this messenger took back orders that all proposals as
to negotiations were to be sent direct to the royal head-
quarters. A little later an officer who had ridden out to
ascertain something as to the German casualties, returned
with the information that those were moderate.
" And the Emperor ? " asked the King of him.
" Nobody knows ! " announced the officer.
Thus far, if the hour-data are not very specific, there are
no important discrepancies in the testimony of eye-witnesses.
But they are conspicuous in the evidence of the two witnesses
now to be cited. The late General Sheridan of the United
States army, a man of keen observation and unimpeachable
veracity, trained by much experience to coolness in the midst
of battle, was officially attached to the royal headquarters.
He made notes on the spot which he told me he had
implicitly followed when writing his memoirs, published
immediately after his premature and lamented death in 1888.
And the following is his testimony : —
" About three o'clock, the French being in a desperate and
hopeless situation, the King ordered the firing to be stopped,
and at once despatched one of his staff, Colonel von Bronsart,
with the demand for a surrender. Just as this officer was
starting I remarked to Bismarck that Napoleon himself would
likely be one of the prizes; but the Count, incredulous,
THE "WHITE DUSTER." 79
replied, ' Oh, no ; the old fox is too cunning to be caught in
such a trap. He has doubtless slipped off to Paris.' Between
four and five o'clock Bronsart returned frorn his mission to
Sedan, bringing word to the King that General Wimpfen, the
commanding officer there, wished to know, in order that the
further effusion of blood might be spared, upon what terms
he might surrender. The colonel also brought the intelligence
that the French Emperor was in the town."
The late Mr. Holt White, the correspondent of the New
York Tribune and Pall Mall Gazette, was with Sheridan
throughout the day. He wrote : —
" About five o'clock there was a suspension of fighting all
along the line. Five minutes later we saw a French officer,
escorted by two uhlans, coming at a hard trot up the steep
bridle-path, one of the uhlans carrying a white duster on a
faggot stick as a flag of truce. This officer, who came to ask
for terms of surrender, was told that in a matter of such
importance it was necessary to send an officer of high rank.
About half-past six there was a sudden cry among members
of the King's staff', ' Der Kaiser ist da ! ' and ten minutes later
General Keille rode up with a letter from Napoleon to his
Majesty, who wrote a reply begging Napoleon to come out
next morning to the royal headquarters at Vendresse."
Of course this is an error ; but what of the French officer
of whose mission Holt White reported ? The Bavarian officer
from Torcy to whom Busch refers might have been mistaken
for a Frenchman, when as yet people were not very well up in
uniforms, were it not for the flag of truce. The "white
duster " was certainly no myth, for Holt White brought it to
London, where many people saw it ; and Sheridan told me he
saw it given to White. Could this officer have brought out the
paper drawn out by Lebrun, at which Faure would not look,
but which some one other than the commander-in-chief might
have signed/and which had got forwarded somehow ? But if
this were so, how comes it that no mention was ever made by
French writers of its exodus, or by the- German "Official
History " of its reception ?
As it fell dusk a strange uncanny silence and stillness
80 MEMORIES OF WAR AXD PEACE.
succeeded to the thunderous noise and turmoil of the day.
The smoke of the long cannonade still hung low on the
uplands of Floing and Illy, and around the sombre fortifica-
tions of Sedan. The whole horizon was lurid with the
reflection of fires. All along the valley of the Meuse were the
bivouacs of the German hosts. A hundred and fifty thousand
Teuton soldiers lay in a wide circle around their beaten and
shattered foe. On hill and in valley glowed in the darkness
the flames of burning villages, the glare here and there
reflecting itself on the face of the placid Meuse. What were
the Germans doing on this their night of consummated
triumph ? Celebrating their victory in wassail and riot ? No.
There rose from every bivouac one unanimous chorus of song,
but not the song of insolence or of ribaldry. The chaunt that
filled with solemn harmony the wide valley was Luther's hymn,
the glorious
"Nundanket alleGott!"
the Old Hundredth of the German race. To listen to this
vast martial choir singing this noble hymn on the field of
hard- won victory Avas to understand, in some measure, under
what inspiration that victory had been gained.
Late that same evening there was a great concourse of
German officers in the little hotel in the Square of Donchery.
The house had hours earlier been eaten out of everything
except bread ; but there was plenty of wine and champagne
flowed freely. My companion and myself' achieved great
popularity by the free distribution of a quantity of sardines
which were among the provisions stored in the well of our
carriage. About eleven o'clock Bismarck, uniformed and
booted to the thigh, strode into the salle-a-manyer, hungry,
and demanding supper. He made a formal statement to the
assembled officers to the effect that the French Emperor had
sent out to the King the surrender of his sword ; and he read
in a loud voice a copy of Napoleon's letter. Adding no
comments, he led off a hearty cheer, and then gave the toasts
of " the King " and the " Fatherland." But his supper tarried.
An officer ventured into the kitchen with intent to ascertain
what was being prepared for the Chancellor. Alas, the
THE MIDNIGHT CONFERENCE. 81
unhappy hostess protested, with many mon Dieus ! that the
Germans might eat her if they chose and welcome, but that
the only food in the place was half-a-dozen dubious eggs.
From a ham among our stores we contributed sundry slices,
and they, with the dubious eggs, were prepared for the
Chancellor's supper. But even so great a man as he was not
exempt from the practical realisation of the adage that there
is many a slip between the cup and the lip. Between kitchen
and dining-room the dish was cut out and carried off by a
privateering uhlan officer ; and it was not until after perquisi-
tion throughout the depleted little town that a beef-steak was
found, on which Bismarck at last supped, washing it down
with a bottle of Donchery champagne.
Thus fortified, the Chancellor about midnight joined
Moltke, whom the King had designated to name terms for the
capitulation of the French army. That was a strange con-
ference which was held hi the still watches of the night in
the salon of a house just outside of Donchery. The greet-
ings were curt. Wimpfen verified his powers, and pre-
sented to Moltke Generals Faure and Castelnau as his
colleagues. Moltke, with a brusque wave of the hand,
introduced Count Bismarck and General Blumenthal, and
then seats were taken. On one side of the great central
table sat the three Germans, Moltke in the centre with
Bismarck on his right and Blumenthal on his left. On the
opposite side of the table sat Wimpfen by himself; be-
hind him, somewhat in shadow, Faure, Castelnau, and a
few other French officers. A Prussian captain stood by the
mantelpiece, ready to commit to paper the proceedings in
shorthand ; on the French side a vivid precis was taken
by Captain of Cuirassiers d'Orcet. Moltke sat silent and
impassive; and after an embarrassing pause, Wimpfen had
at length to take the initiative by inquiring what were the
conditions the Prussian King was prepared to accord.
" They are very simple," replied Moltke curtly. " The
whole French army to surrender with arms and belong-
ings: the officers to be permitted to retain their arms,
but to be prisoners of war along with their men."
G
82 MEMORIES OF WAR AND PEACE.
Wimpfen scouted those terms, and demanded for the
French army that it should be allowed to withdraw with
arms, equipment, and colours, on condition of not serving
while the war should last. Moltke adhered inexorably to
the conditions which he had specified, and was adamant to
the pleading of the French general. Losing temper, the
latter exclaimed —
"I cannot accept the terms you impose. I will appeal
to the honour and heroism of my army, and will cut my
way out or stand on my defence at Sedan!"
Moltke's reply was crushing.
"A sortie and the defensive," he grimly remarked, "are
equally impossible. The mass of your infantry are de-
moralised ; we took to-day more than 20,000 unwounded
prisoners, and your whole force is not now more than
80,000 strong. You cannot pierce our lines, for I have
surrounding you 240,000 men with 500 guns in position to
lire on Sedan and your camps around the place. You
cannot maintain your defensive there, because you have not
provisions for forty-eight hours and your ammunition is
exhausted. If you desire, I will send one of your officers
round our positions, who will satisfy you as to the accuracy
of my statements."
At this point Bismarck and Wimpfen, somewhat to
Moltke's discontent, entered into a political discussion, in the
course of which the Chancellor spoke his mind very freely
but in which Moltke took no share. Assured that there
could be no mitigation of the terms, Wimpfen exclaimed —
"Then it is equally impossible for me to sign such a
capitulation: we will renew the battle!"
Moltke's quiet, curt answer was —
"The armistice expires at 4 am. At that hour, to the
moment, I shall reopen fire."
There was nothing more to be said. The Frenchmen
called for their horses : meanwhile, not a word was spoken ;
in the language of the reporter, "Le silence etait glacial."
It was at length broken by Bismarck, who urged Wimpfen
not to allow a moment of pique to break oft' the confer-
THE "LAST ADIEU" FROM FRENCH SOLDIERS. S3
ence. Wimpfen represented that he alone could not under-
take the responsibility of a decision, that it was necessary
that he should consult his colleagues; that the final answer
could not be forthcoming by 4 a.m., and that the pro-
longation of the armistice was indispensable. After a short
colloquy between Bismarck and Moltke, the latter, with
well-feigned reluctance, gave his consent that the truce
should be extended until nine o'clock; whereupon Wimpfen
quitted Donchery and rode back into Sedan. He went
straight to the bedside of the Emperor, who, having been
informed of the harshness of the German conditions, said —
" I shall start at five o'clock for the German head-
quarters, and shall entreat the King to grant more favour-
able conditions."
It was then about half-past three a.m.
Napoleon did his best to act up to his resolution. He
was in his carriage at the hour he had named. Expecting
that he would be permitted to return to Sedan, not-
withstanding that he had formally constituted himself a
prisoner of war, he bade no farewells. As he passed
through the Torcy Gate a little before six o'clock, the
Zouaves on duty there shouted " Vive 1'Empereur ! " — " the
last adieu which fell upon his ears " from the voices of
French soldiers. It was strange that the first greeting he
received as he passed over the drawbridge, was a silent
and respectful salutation from American officers. General
Sheridan and his aide-de-camp Colonel Forsyth were con-
versing with the German subaltern on duty on the picket-
line, when there came out an open carriage containing four
officers, one of whom, in the uniform of a general and
smoking a cigarette, the American officers recognised as
the Emperor Napoleon. They followed the carriage, which
proceeded towards Donchery at a leisurely pace. At the
hamlet of Frenois, about a mile from Donchery, it halted
for some time, Napoleon remaining seated in the vehicle,
still smoking, and enduring with nonchalance the stare of
a group of German soldiers near by, who were gazing on
the fallen monarch with curious and eager interest.
G 2
84 MEMORIES OF WAR AND PEACE.
Looking out from my bedroom window into the little
Place of Donchery at a quarter to six the same morning,
I observed a French officer, whom I afterwards knew to be
General Re'lle, sitting on horseback in front of the house
which I knew to be Bismarck's quarters for the night.
Reille presently rode slowly away. He was scarcely out of
sight, when Bismarck, in flat cap and undress uniform, his
long cuirassier boots stained and dusty, as if he had slept
in them, came outside, swung himself on to his big bay
horse and rode away hi Reille's track. I was close by him
as he forced his masterful way through the chaos that all
but blocked the Donchery street. There was no redness
about the deep-set eyes or weariness in the strong-lined
face ; it had been midnight when he drank his last glass
of champagne in the Hotel de Commerce, and he and
Moltke had been wrestling with Wimpfen about the terms
of capitulation for some three hours longer : yet here he was
before the clock had chimed the hour of six, fresh, hearty,
steady of hand and clear of throat, as the ringing voice
proved in which he bade the throng of soldiery give him
space to pass. I followed him on foot at a little distance
as he crossed the bridge and rode at a walking pace to-
wards Sedan, but fell behind when he started off at a
smart canter. I was not up in time for the actual meeting
between the Emperor and Bismarck; Sheridan told me that
the latter came up at a canter, dismounted, letting his horse
go, and drawing near on foot, uncovered his head and
bowed low. The man to whom he spoke — the man with
the leaden-coloured face, the lines of which were drawn
and deepened as if by some spasm, the gaunt-eyed man
with the dishevelled moustache and the weary stoop
of .the shoulders, was none other than Napoleon the
Third and last.
As I came up, Bismarck had remounted, and was now
following along the road towards Donchery a rather shabby
open carriage, on the right of the principal seat of
which I at once recognised the Emperor. He wore a blue
cloak with scarlet lining, which was thrown back disclosing
THE WEAVER'S COTTAGE. 85
the decorations on his breast. There were three officers in
the vehicle with the Emperor, and three more rode abreast
of Bismarck behind the carriage. A few hundred yards
had been traversed by the cortege in the direction of Don-
chery, when at Napoleon's instance the carriage was halted
in front of a weaver's cottage on the left-hand side of the
road. I saw him turn round in his- seat and heard the
request he made to Bismarck, that he should be allowed to
wait in the cottage until he should have an interview with
the King. Bismarck placed at his disposal his own quarters
hi Donchery ; but the Emperor, who appeared to be suffering,
reiterated his desire to wait in the roadside cottage. The
cottage, two storeys high, its front painted a dusky yellow,
is the nearest to Sedan of a block of three, standing some
fifteen feet south of the highway and on a slightly higher
elevation.
Up to this point on the morning of September 2nd,
there is approximate accord among the authorities : but
beyond it the discrepancies are considerable. Sheridan's
account has the precedence, as he was earliest on the
ground. His testimony was that the Emperor and Bismarck
on alighting entered the cottage together, and that, re-
appearing in a quarter of an hour, they seated themselves
in front of the cottage on chairs brought out by the weaver.
There, for fully an hour, they were engaged hi an animated
conversation, if much gesticulation on the part of Bismarck
was to be taken as an indication. At length, soon after
eight o'clock, Bismarck arose, saluted the Emperor, and
strode towards his horse. On the way he asked Sheridan
if he had noticed how, when they first met, Napoleon had
started ; and Sheridan replying in the affirmative, Bismarck
said —
"Well, it must have been due to my manner, not my
words, for those were — ' I salute your Majesty just as I
would my own king."
Then, advising Sheridan to go to the adjacent Chateau
Bellevue, as the next scene of interest, Bismarck himself,
stated Sheridan, rode off towards Vendresse to communicate
86 MEMORIES OF WAR AND PEACE.
with his sovereign. On this point Sheridan was certainly
in error : Bismarck merely went to his Donchery quarters
to breakfast and get into full uniform.
Bismarck's account of the morning's occurrences was
given by him to Busch a few days later; it is condensed
as follows : —
He, Bismarck, met the Emperor near Frenois. Napoleon
desired to speak with the King of Prussia, which Bismarck
said was impossible, as the King was nine miles away. The
Emperor then asked where meantime he could stay, and
accepted Bismarck's offer of the latter's Donchery quarters.
But he stopped the carriage opposite the weaver's cottage,
and expressed his desire to remain there. Bismarck accom-
panied him to a small room on the upper floor of the
cottage, a room with a single window, its sole furniture a
deal table and two rush-bottomed chairs. The conversation
lasted here for about three-quarters of an hour ; at the
end of which Bismarck rode away to dress, and, on his
return in full uniform, conducted Napoleon to the Chateau
Bellevue with a "guard of honour" of cuirassiers. There
Bismarck presently had himself called out of the room to
evade further conversation with the Emperor, who was told that
he could not see the King until the capitulation was settled.
Soon Moltke and Wimpfen came to terms, and then the
sovereigns met. " When the Emperor came out from the
interview, his eyes were full of tears." In his official report
Bismarck specifically stated that his long interview with the
Emperor, "which lasted nearly an hour," was held inside
the weaver's cottage.
The following are the recollections of Madame Fournaise,
the weaver's wife, a Frenchwoman, given soon after the close
of the war, when, she maintained, the events were still fresh
in her memory : —
The Emperor, said Madame Fournaise, disliking to pass
through the crowds of German soldiers on the Donchery
road, alighted and came up her narrow staircase. To reach
the inner room he had to pass through her bedroom,
where she had just risen. The furniture of the inner room
" WITH A KINDLY WORD OF FAREWELL." 87
consisted of two straw-bottomed chairs, a round table, and
a press. Bismarck, "in a rough dress," presently joined
the Emperor, and for a quarter of an hour, said Madame
Fournaise, they talked in low tones, of which she, remain-
ing in the outer room, caught occasionally a word. Then
Bismarck rose and came clattering out. "II avait une tres
mauvaise mine." She warned him of the break-neck stairs,
but he " sprang down them like a man of twenty," mounted
his horse and -rode away towards Donchery. When she
entered the room in which the Emperor was left, she found
him seated at the little table with his face buried in his
hands. " Can I do anything for your Majesty ? " she asked.
" Only to pull down the blinds," was Napoleon's reply,
without lifting his head. He would not speak to General
Lebrun, who came to him. In about half an hour Bis-
marck returned in full uniform ; he preceded the Emperor
down the stairs, facing towards him as to " usher him with
a certain honour." On the threshold the Emperor gave her
four twenty-franc gold pieces — he "put them into my own
hand " ; and he said plaintively, " This perhaps is the last
hospitality which I shall receive in France." Bismarck,
added Madame Fournaise, was looking hard at her, and
recognised her as having served his supper in the Donchery
hotel on the previous night. With a kindly word of fare-
well " which I shall never forget," the Emperor quitted the
poor house in which he had suffered so much unhappiness,
and entered the carriage which was to convey him to the
Chateau Bellevue. Madame Fournaise's heart was better
than her memory.
The following is what I personally saw, condensed from
copious notes taken at the moment with watch in hand.
Immediately on alighting, at ten minutes past seven,
Napoleon, who was obviously suffering, hurried round to the
back of the house, while Bismarck and Reille went inside
but almost immediately came out. Soon the Emperor
returned, and he and Bismarck then entered together,
ascending to the upper floor. At twenty minutes past
seven they came out, Bismarck a few moments in advance.
88 MEMORIES 'OF WAR AND PEACE.
Two chairs were brought out in front of the cottage by the
weaver living on the ground floor ; the two then sat down
facing the road, the Emperor on the right ; and the outdoor
conversation began which lasted nearly an hour. Bismarck
had covered himself in compliance with a gesture and a
bow from the Emperor. As they sat, the latter occasionally
smiled faintly and made a remark; but plainly Bismarck
was doing most of the talking, and that, too, energetically.
From my position I could just hear the rough murmur of
Bismarck's voice when he occasionally raised it ; and then
he would strengthen the emphasis by the gesture of bring-
ing a finger of the left hand down on the palm of the
right. The stubbly-bearded weaver living upstairs was
all the while overlooking the pair from a front window.
After they had parted, I asked this man what he had over-
heard. "Nothing," said he; "they spoke in German, of
which I know but a few words. When the monsieur in
the white cap first spoke to the Emperor, he addressed
him in French ; then the Emperor said, ' Let us talk in
German.' "
Bismarck, happening to see my letter describing the
events of the morning, instructed Busch to contradict
certain of my statements. The assertion was persevered in
that "he had spent three-quarters of an hour at least
inside the cottage in the upstairs room ; and was only a
very short, time outside with the Emperor." He had never
struck finger into palm, which was not a trick of his; and
he did not speak German with the Emperor, although he
did so with the people of the house. In this connection
may be quoted the following extract from Sir W. H. Russell's
narrative of an account of the memorable morning given
to him by Bismarck : — " He [Napoleon] alighted, and I
proposed that we should go into a little cottage close by.
But the house. . . . was not clean, and so chairs were
brought outside, and we sat together talking."
After Bismarck's departure the Emperor, who was then
out-of-doors, spoke a few words with his officers, and then
for a time sauntered moodily and solitary up and down
"DRAW SWORDS!" 89
the potato plot on the right of the cottage, his white-
gloved hands clasped behind him, limping slightly as he
walked, and smoking hard. Later he came and sat down
among his officers, maintaining an almost entire silence
while they spoke and gesticulated with great animation.
Busch was among the spectators, and he has described the
Emperor as " a little thick-set man, wearing jauntily a red
cap with gold border, black paletot lined with red, red
trousers, and white kid gloves. His whole appearance," to
Dr. Busch's genial perception, " was a little unsoldierlike.
The man looked too soft, too shabby, I may say, for the
uniform he wore." At a quarter past nine there came
from Donchery a detachment of Prussian cuirassiers, who
briskly formed a cordon round the rear of the block of
cottages. The stalwart lieutenant dismounted two troopers,
and without a glance at the group of Frenchmen or a
gesture of salute to the Emperor, marched them up to
behind the Emperor's chair, halted them, uttered in a loud
voice the command, " Draw swords ! " and then gave the men
their orders in an undertone. Napoleon started abruptly,
glanced backwards with a gesture of surprise, and his face
Hushed — the first evidence of emotion I had observed him
to manifest. At a quarter to ten Bismarck returned, now
in full uniform, his burnished helmet Hashing in the sun-
rays. Moltke accompanied him, but while Bismarck strode
forward to where the Emperor was now standing, Moltke
remained among the group gathered on the road. Half-
way to Vendresse Moltke had met the King, who approved
of the proposed terms of capitulation, and intimated that
he could not see the Emperor until they had been accepted
by the French commander- in- chief.
Wiping his hot face, Bismarck strode up to the Emperor,
and spoke with him for a few moments. Then he ordered
up the carriage, which Napoleon entered, and the cortege,
escorted by the cuirassier " guard of honour," moved off at
a walk towards the Chateau Bellevue, which lies nearer
Sedan than does the weaver's cottage. The charming
residence, bowered in a grove, overlooks a bend of the
90 ME MO HIES OF WAR AND PEACE.
Meuse and the plain on which Sedan stands. The garden
entrance was on the first floor, reached from without by a
broad flight of steps. The Emperor occupied the principal
salon in the central block, where he remained alone after
Bismarck had left him, his officers remaining in the con-
servatories on either side. Napoleon seemed ill and broken
as he slowly ascended the steps, Avith drooping head and
dragging limbs.
It has been already stated that at the close of the nocturnal
conference in Donchery, the armistice had been prolonged
until nine a.m. The members of the council-of-war which
Wimpfen had summoned for seven a.m, listened to that
unfortunate chief, as with a voice broken by sobs he re-
peated the conditions stubbornly insisted on by Moltke.
Two officers voted for continued resistance, but ultimately
the council was unanimously in favour of acceptance of the
conditions. Nevertheless, during hour after hour, Wimpfen
procrastinated. Before riding away to meet the King
coming from Vendresse, Moltke had sent into Sedan an
officer with the blunt ultimatum that hostilities would
without fail be renewed at ten o'clock unless by that hour
negotiations should have been resumed. Wimpfen still
hesitating to act, Captain Zingler remarked cheerfully that
his instructions, in case of an unsatisfactory answer, were
to give orders as he rode back that the German batteries,
numbering some 450 iield-guns and commanding the French
army as if in a ring-fence, should open fire promptly at
the hour specified. Under stress of an argument so stern
as that, Wimpfen accompanied the Prussian captain to
the Chateau Bellevue, in the panelled dining-room in the
ground floor of which, about eleven o'clock, the articles of
capitulation were signed by Moltke and the French com-
mander. Then Wimpfen had a moment upstairs with his
Imperial master, whom he informed with great emotion
that " all was finished ! " " The Emperor," wrote Wimpfen,
"with tears in his eyes approached me, pressed my hand,
and embraced me. . . My sad and painful duty accom-
plished, I rode back to Sedan, ' la mort dans 1'ame.' "
THE MEETING OF THE "GOOD BROTHERS" 91
The Prussian monarch, with his son and their respec-
tive staffs, had been awaiting on the Frenois hill the tidings
of the completion of the capitulation; and now the great
cavalcade rode down into the grounds of the Chateau. As
Wilhelm alighted, Napoleon came down the steps to meet
him. What a greeting ! The German, tall, upright, bluff,
square-shouldered, with the flash of victory from the keen
blue eyes under the helmet, and the glow of good fortune
on the fresh old face; the Frenchman, bent with weary
stoop of the shoulders, leaden-faced, his eye drooping, his
lip quivering, bare-headed and dishevelled. As the two
clasped hands silently, Napoleon's handkerchief was at his
eyes, and the King's face was working with emotion. Then
the "good brothers" mounted the steps and entered the
chateau together. Their interview, which no man shared,
lasted about twenty minutes; and then the Prussian King
set off to ride through his victorious soldiers bivouacking
on the battle-field. The Emperor remained in the Chateau
Bellevue.
My companion and myself made haste to enter Sedan,
now that the capitulation was completed. We got on to the
glacis of the place without any difficulty, and found the
soldiers lying on it to consist chiefly of Turcos and Zouaves,
dirty fellows most of them, but certainly in better case to all
appearance than the troops we subsequently saw inside Sedan.
Everybody was friendly, and wine was pressed on us — the
more warmly when it was discovered that we were English-
men. One especially greasy and strong smelling Turco of a
full Day-and-Martin colour, strove vehemently to kiss us, but
we fled. Getting into Sedan itself was a difficult matter.
The gates were closed, and were opened only to admit the
wounded as they were brought in on waggons. By the advice
of a friendly Turco who set us the example, we jumped into
one of the waggons and passed in without hindrance. As
rapidly as possible for the tumultuous press, we traversed
several streets of the town. We saw where Marshal
MacMahon lay wounded. The town was swarming with dis-
banded soldiers, every foot of space densely packed. Of the
92 MEMORIES OF WAR AND PEACE.
wounded some were in the churches, the houses, and the
public buildings; man}' lay unheeded and jostled in the
gateways and courtyards; the dead were everywhere — in
the gutters, trampled on by the living, on the swampy
margin of the moat, littering the narrow ways between the
glacis and the ramparts, lying, some of them, on the steps of
the churches. The sight was one never to be exorcised from
the memory — a sight of misery, disorganisation, and general
devilry assuredly unique in this generation — an eddying
welter of ferocious or despondent humanity, trampling reck-
lessly over the dead and the wounded, the men now yelling
for the blood of their officers, now struggling in fierce
contention for a morsel of bread.
The day was not yet far spent, and we betook ourselves
to the section of the battle field on the plateau of Floing.
The tract charged over by the Chasseurs d'Afrique was a
scene of terrible carnage. The Arab stallions ridden by those
troopers had died very hard ; in many cases they had made
graves with their struggles for their riders and themselves
before they died. Higher up on the tableland there was
fearful evidence of the power of shell-fire at short range. I
counted half a dozen headless corpses within a space of two
hundred yards — their heads had been blown away almost as
clean as if they had been guillotined. Men disembowelled,
trunks shattered into gory fragments, legs or arms blown
away, were common but ghastly spectacles that turned
one sick.
Late the same afternoon I saw the Emperor again. He
had come out into the park of the Chateau to superintend the
reorganisation of his train, which had quitted Sedan in the
course of the day. He looked very wan and weary, but still
maintained the old impassive aspect. The Imperial equipage
in its magnificence, the numerous glittering and massive
fourgons, the splendid teams of draught animals and the
squadron of led horses, presented an extraordinary contrast
to the plain simplicity of the King of Prussia's campaigning
outfit. In gold and scarlet the coachmen and outriders of
Napoleon glittered profusely. He of Prussia had his
ZOLA'S GROTESQUE BLUNDER. 93
postillions in plain blue cloth, with oilcloth covers on their
hats to keep the dust off the nap. The Emperor and his
suite left the Chateau Bellevue on the morning of the 3rd,
driving through Donchery and by Illy across the frontier
to Bouillon in Belgium, on the way to Wilhelmshohe.
Zola, in his vivid but often grotesquely erroneous Debacle,
has fallen into strange blundering on the subject of the
Imperial equipage. He thus refers to it : —
" The Imperial baggage train — cause in its day of so much
scandal — had been left behind at Sedan, where it rested in
ignominious hiding behind the Sous-Prefet's lilac bushes.
It puzzled the authorities somewhat to devise means of
ridding themselves of what was to them a b/te noire by
getting it away from the city unseen by the famishing
multitude, upon whom the sight of its flaunting splendour
would have produced the same effect that a red rag does on
a maddened bull. They waited until there came an un-
usually dark night, when horses, carriages and baggage
waggons, with their silver stew-pans, plate, linen, and baskets
of fine wines, all trooped out of Sedan in deepest mystery, and
shaped their course for Belgium, noiselessly, without beat of
drum, over the least frequented roads, like a thief stealing
away in the night ! "
This is utter nonsense. As I have stated, I saw the
Imperial train in the park of the Chateau Bellevue on the
afternoon of the 2nd September, the day after the battle.
Apart from this personal testimony, the story told by Zola is
transparently absurd. By the evening of September 3rd the
capitulated French Army was disarmed and enclosed under
guard on the peninsula of Iges. There remained then in
Sedan only its normal, or less than normal population, far too
crushed to attempt any irregularity'. A German Governor of
Sedan had been installed, German troops constituted the
garrison of the place, and Sedan would not have dared to
emit so much as a mild hiss if the Imperial tram, assuming
that it had remained in Sedan after Napoleon's departure,
which it did not, had perambulated the city in face of the
population all day long.
94, MEMORIES OF WAR AND PEACE.
The Germans, having determined to utilise as a prison for
the capitulated army the peninsula of Iges, surrounded by
the Meuse on three sides, and on the fourth by the closely
guarded line of the canal, had marched on to it during
September 3rd the disarmed French troops to the number
of at least 100,000. The Germans themselves were tem-
porarily short of supplies, having outmarched their com-
missariat; and could spare little for their prisoners. But
for the first day or two on the peninsula the captives fared
better than the captors. Nobody can accomplish a savoury
mess under difficulties like a Frenchman, or house himself
when another man would have to put up with the heavens
for his roof. Innumerable fires were blazing ; on every fire
there was a saucepan, and in the saucepan were potatoes and
something else. Whence came the potatoes was plain
enough — we could see the fellows digging them out with
their bayonets ; but about the " something else " all that one
could tell was that it smelt nice. The men who were not
cooking were rigging up their tentes d'abris and gathering
bedding of boughs and leaves. They were the civillest,
cheeriest, best-humoured set of fellows imaginable. We two,
quite alone, and unable to contribute anything to the general
good — for our flasks and tobacco pouches were but drops
in the bucket — experienced no word but of the frankest
courtesy and the heartiest cordiality, alike on the part of
.officers and men. After a long gossip with a group of
captains, we strolled down to the river and accepted the
invitation of a bivouac of Zouaves to join them at supper.
The mess was better than good ; it was superb. It consisted
of potatoes, the mysterious savoury "something," and flesh
of some kind or other. The sunburnt Zouaves treated us like
princes, but evaded a direct reply to our question what was
the flesh- ingredient of their mess. After we had bidden
good-night to the merry rascals, we came on the carcass of a
horse which had been killed by a shell, and there was missing
a considerable section of a flank.
It was late before we quitted the peninsula, and when we
were once outside and realised the difficulty of finding
THE "HISTORICAL" IXKSTAIN. 95
quarters, we were sorry that we had not stayed with the
Zouaves. Donchery we knew to have been invaded by a
whole army corps ; Frenois was seething full of Bavarians ;
the gates of Sedan were closed for the night. Our vehicle
was waiting for as at the canal, but the driver could suggest
no night quarters. As we were discussing the probabilities
of a bivouac we drove past the front of the Chateau Bellevue.
All was in darkness. A happy if audacious thought struck
my companion. " Let us sleep here ! " he cried with a
veritable inspiration — "the place is empty." The gardener
— now since the departure of the morning the sole inmate of
the premises — seemed content enough to have for inmates
a couple of quiet civilians, and he conducted us into the
beautifully panelled dining-room, on the table in which the
capitulation had been signed on the previous morning. Good
quarters, it was true, we had, but no food ; for the Imperial
party had exhausted the resources of the establishment, and
the gardener assured us that he himself was extremely
hungry. At the great oak table, sullen aad hungry, I sat
writing a letter to my newspaper, while my companion dis-
consolately gnawed a ham-bone, the miserable remnant of our
store of provisions. It had but scant picking on it, and my
companion, with a muttered objurgation, threw it angrily on
the table. As the bone fell it upset my ink-bottle and spilt
its contents. Revisiting the Chateau after the war, I was
gravely shown a great ink-stain on the table, which, the
guide solemnly informed me, was caused by the upsetting of
the ink-bottle used at the signature of the capitulation of
Sedan. Wimpfen, I was assured, had overturned it in the
agitation of his shame and grief. The guide added that great
sums had been offered for this table with the " historic " ink-
stain, but that no money would induce the proprietor to part
with it. Thus do delusions gradually crystallise into items of
traditional history. The stain on the floor of Mary Stuart's
room hi Holyrood, caused, we are assured, by Rizzio's blood,
is probably the result of a saucerful of beetroot vinegar upset
by the janitor's baby centuries after Mary met her cruel fate.
To me was assigned the bedroom which had been occupied
96 MEMORIES OF WAR AND PEACE.
on the previous night by the Emperor Napoleon. It was in
.the state in which he had. left it. Sheets and a quilt were on
the bed; but one of the window-hangings, with its semi-
circular canopy, had been dragged down and used as an
additional covering. The glass doors of a book-case stood
open; and on the night- table at the bed-head lay open, face
downwards, a volume which had been taken from the case.
The reader of the night before had made a selection in which
there was something ominous — the book was Bulwer Lytton's
historical novel, " The Last of the Barons."
On the tenth anniversary of the great battle I revisited
Sedan. Alike in city and on battlefield, there was scarcely a
trace of the memorable contest. The bones of the fallen had
been exhumed from the scattered graves and gathered into
'ossuaries, of which the largest is the great crypt under the
joint memorial of the French and German dead of the
desperate fighting about Bazielles — a gruesome place with an
alley down the centre, on one side of which had been stacked
the skulls and bones of the fallen French, on the other those
of the slain Germans. The only pilgrimage then still some-
what in vogue was to the weaver's cottage, which Madame
Fournaise, now a widow, continued to inhabit. Her recollec-
tions were still fresh of probably the most momentous day of
her life ; and she narrated them with not a little spirit and
feeling. Good-hearted soul as was Madame Fournaise, she
was, all the same, a woman of business, and had made the
most of her opportunities. It was to Bismarck she sold — not
at his own price — the table at which he had sat with the
fallen Emperor. The purchasers of the two veritably original
straw-bottomed chairs were the late Sir Beauchamp Walker,
the English Military Commissioner with the German Crown
Prince's army, and the late General Sheridan. For years,
although by this time the pilgrims were not so plentiful,
Madame Fournaise had done well for herself by showing the
upper chamber in which the interview took place; and by
selling, mostly, she said, to American travellers, relay after
relay of straw-bottomed chairs which she frankly owned to
have passed off as the originals.
" THE LAST HOSPITALITY." 97
" And what about the four twenty-franc pieces ? " I asked.
" No doubt you have sold them over and over again ? "
" Oh, my God, no ! " she exclaimed. " Never — never !
Did he not give them to her with his own hand? See! the
original four are in that locked case with the glass top on the
mantel yonder. Yes, I have had great offers for them. Over
and over again I could have had 500 francs for the four
pieces ; but no money would tempt me to sell them ! "
Ten years later it happened that I once again was in Sedan.
On my way back from looking at the pathetic and graceful
monument overhanging the bend of the Meuse, which France
had recently raised to the memory of her dead, I halted in
front of the historic cottage. I found it uninhabited and in
dilapidation. The door was locked, and the key far away in
the possession of the proprietor, a farmer of Carignan. There
was no longer access to the upper room wherein sat Napoleon
and Bismarck on that memorable morning of September 1870.
In one of the adjacent cottages I found a crone who told me
that Madame Fournaise had been dead for several years.
She lies in the Donchery graveyard. Three of the twenty-
franc pieces, it seemed, were coins of Louis XVIII. Of the
four pieces she had cherished so long, she had directed that
those three should be dedicated to the payment for her grave
and to defray her funeral expenses ; the fourth, a Napoleon,
was to be buried with her — in the coffin of the poor woman
who had given to the unfortunate Emperor Napoleon " the
last hospitality which he received in France.'
H
IV.
AMBUSH AGAIXST AMBUSH.
" ~T)LEASE you, Herr Major, Corporal Zimmerinann has
JL returned to the picket with Sly Patrol No. 2. He
reports that in the gap of the hedge in front of the large
rield over against the park wall of the Schloss Launay,
No. 1,420, soldier Glaus Spreckels, of Captain Hammerstein's
company, was killed by a shot fired from the little house by
the gate. That makes the seventh man killed this week by
the pig-dog who lurks there and never misses a chance ! "
The speaker was Under-Officer Schulz, of the third
battalion, infantry regiment No. 103, forming part of General
von Montbe's division of the 12th (Royal Saxon) Army Corps,
doing duty on the east side of Paris during the memorable
siege in the winter of 1870-71.
Under-Officer Schulz would have made an excellent
model for a painter anxious to limn a Cameronian or one of
Cromwell's ironsides. Instead of Schulz, his name might
have been Praise-the-Lord Barebones. Tall, gaunt, thin-
flanked and square-shouldered, with high cheek-bones, lantern
jaws, and narrow peaked forehead, Under-Officer Schulz, Saxon
though he was, had nothing of the genial informality so
characteristic of his countrymen. He had entered the
apartment, taken three measured steps from the door with
accurately pointed toes, had halted smartly, bringing his heels
together with an audible click ; and then he stood motionless,
stiff, and severely erect while he made the above report to
Major von Schonberg, the commander of the battalion.
"Pig-dog, indeed!" said the major savagely. "He takes
every chance, as you say, and never gives one ! Have the
dead Spreckels buried according to form. That will do,
Under-Officer Schulz ! "
" At your order, Herr Major ! " answered the under-officcr,
SOLDIER GLAUS SP11ECKELS. W
with a salute ; then he went right about in three motions as
it' he were a piece of mechanism, took three measured paces
to the door, and disappeared.
The scene was a handsome but sorely dilapidated salon in
a chateau on the outskirts of the village of Gagny, on the
German fore-post line of the section of environment between
Raincy and Yille Evrart right opposite to Mont Avron, over
the lower summit of which showed grimly the sullen face and
menacing embrasures of Fort Rosny. There were big guns
then on Mont Avron, and yet bigger in Fort Rosny ; and
neither had been very tender to the fine suburban mansion
which for the time was the headquarters of Major von
Schb'nberg's battalion. There were shot-holes in the roof, the
walls, and the parquet floor of the drawing-room which was
now the common room of the officers, the furniture of which
was in a curiously fragmentary condition. A shell had burst
in the grand piano that stood in the bay-window looking
towards Avron, and had wrought indescribable havoc among
the keys, hammers, and strings. The place was rather a
favourite target both from Avron and Rosny, and we may be
said to have lived within constant fire. While, for instance,
Schulz had been making his report, a shell had exploded on
the roof of the chateau. It is needless to mention that this
occurrence did not occasion in that automatic person so much
as the twinkle of an eyelid.
Christmas, the time of peace and goodwill among men,
was but three days off, and soldier Clans Spreckels, with the
blood still oozing on to the doorstep on which the body had
been deposited, lay waiting while his grave was being dug.
His would be the most recent, but the region round about us
was one great graveyard of recent dead. But se\ren \veeks
previously, on the swelling peninsula a little to the south of
us formed by the loop of the Marne, had occurred the
desperate struggle that ended, after several bloody days, in
the del'eat of Ducrot's great sortie — a struggle in which
Schonberg's battalion had lost half its officers and one-third
of its rank and file. On the day before but one it had been
lighting hard for six hours to repel the sortie of a French
H 2
100 MEMORIES OF WAR AND PEACE.
force heading up the Maine Valley from Xeuilly, between the
Mai son Blanche and Ville Evrart.
That had been a strange scene on the evening before,
when, under cover of the dusk — no vehicle dared move
hereabouts in broad daylight — one of the battalion carts had
brought out to us from the field post-office in Le Vert Galant
the Christmas " love-gifts " (Liebesgaben), packed by loving
hands, that came to those fore-post regions of blood and
death from the quiet homes in distant Saxon-land. It was a
curious medley of souvenirs that streamed out as the tail-
board of the cart was let down in front of the quarter-guard
behind the house occupied by the major.
The German Feldpost was a more elastic institution than
had ever been a king's messenger's service-bag in the good old
unreformed days. I do believe that if his friends at home
had chosen to send to a soldier in the field a bee-hive or a
rabbit-hutch, there would have been no objection on the
score of bulk. Out rolled cigar-boxes stitched up in canvas
wrappers, long cocoon-like shapes every outline of which
spelt "wurst," flabby packages which evidently consisted of
underclothing, and little boxes that rattled as they dropped
and, for certain, contained thalers. A pile of gifts was
stacked against the wall, and a space in front was cleared in
which stood, wooden and stiff' even when off duty, Under-
Officer Schulz, calling out the name as each packet was
handed up to him by a corporal. It was rather a dreary, even,
indeed, a solemn roll-call, deeply eloquent of the casualties
which war had wrought in the ranks of the battalion.
" Schumann ! " called out Under-Officer Schulz.
" Shot dead in battle • " was the curt response.
" Caspar ! "
"Wounded!"
" Stolberg ! "
" Dead."
" Bergmann ! "
" In hospital."
" Schrader ! "
" Weg."
" WEG." 101
Now the dictionary definition of the word " Weg " is
" away," " gone " ; but on campaign it had a wide and rather
vague significance. " Weg," then, might mean indeed almost
anything : prisoner, missing, unburied, deserted — only that
one never heard of a German soldier deserting. The sum
and substance of the word was, " Not here, and Lord knows
where he is ! "
When Schulz had done, there was still quite a heap of
packets which the men to whom they were addressed would
never claim. I had seen Spreckels tear open the box of cigars
addressed to him, before I left the place of distribution. Now
he was lying dead on the slab there, with a bullet-hole through
his head ; and from between the buttons of his tunic stuck out
some half-dozen of the cigars that had come to him overnight
from his mother in Karnenz.
The French outpost line opposite to that section of the
German front occupied by the Saxon Regiment followed a
road which skirted the lower slope of Mount Avron, crossed
the little valley in front of the village of Villemomble which
the French held, and then took up the line of the wall bound-
ing the finely wooded park of the Chateau de Launay.
Though here and there they approached more closely where
the ground was broken, the opposing lines were for the most
part distant from each other about eight hundred paces.
In most civilised wars it had been the humane custom
that the outposts of two opposing armies in ordinary
circumstances did not molest each other. In the Peninsular
campaign this mutual forbearance was carried to curious
lengths. In that excellent book, "The Subaltern," the late
Chaplain-General Gleig gives many instances of the " excellent
understanding " which prevailed between the armies, and of
their genuine cordiality one towards the other. At one
time " the Subaltern " used to go a-fishing in a river which
divided the lines, and he tells how " many a time I have
waded half across the little river on the opposite bank of
which the enemy's pickets were posted, whilst they came down
in crowds only to watch my success, and to point out particu-
lar pools and eddies where they thought I could find the best
1C2 MEMORIES OF WAR AXD PEACE.
sport. On such occasions the sole precaution I took was to
dress myself in scarlet, and then I might approach within a
few yards of their sentries without being molested."
Another instance which " the Subaltern " gives betokened
so much too good an understanding between the outposts, as
to cause Wellington to forbid all intercommunication whatso-
ever— a prohibition at which one can scarcely wonder when the
story is told : — " A field-officer, going the rounds one night,
found that the whole sergeant's picket-guard had disappeared.
He was both alarmed and surprised at the occurrence ; but his
alarm gave way to utter astonishment when, stretching for-
.ward to observe whether there was any movement in the
enemy's lines, he peeped into a cottage from which a noise of
revelry was proceeding, and beheld the party sitting in the most
sociable manner with a similar party of French soldiers, and
carousing jovially. As soon as the British officer presented
himself, his own men rose, and, wishing their companions
good-night, returned to their post with the greatest sarng
froid. It is, however, but justice to add that the sentries on
both sides faithfully kept on their posts, and that on neither
side was there any intention of desertion. In fact, it was a
sort of custom, the French and British outposts visiting each
other by turns."
Other times, other manners. In other respects than the
observance of outpost etiquette, the French soldiers of 1870
were different from their ancestors of the Peninsular period.
From the very beginning of the war, from the early days
before Saarbrticken, before any battle had been fought, and
therefore before defeat could have exacerbated the troops of
the Second Empire, they had caught at every chance that
offered of firing on the German outposts, sentries, and patrols.
The first man I ever saw killed by a bullet was a poor fellow
of the Hohenzollern Fusiliers — one of a " sly patrol " which I
was accompanying one July morning through the copses
lining the base of the Spicherenberg. The French soldiers
on the outposts of the Paris defence-line often were not
regulars, and when they were regulars, were recruits who, if the}7
had ever heard of them, had no respect for the old civilised
COLD-BLOODED MURDER. 103
traditions. Every reverse made them the more venomous ;
and the Germans, who at first showed a great deal of for-
bearance, had, by the winter season, long ceased to refrain
from reprisals. Accordingly, during the siege of Paris, there was
a miserably great amount of simple cold-blooded murder per-
petrated on the foreposts. No other term than murder expresses
the killing of a lone sentry by a pot-shot at long range. It was
like shooting a partridge sitting. Of this wretched work the
French had the better, because of the longer range of their
chassepots. Their marksmen used to remain on the outposts
and practise this deliberate homicide ; when they had potted
some half-dozen Prussians at 1,000 yards, they took rank as
heroes, and Avere feted by the citizens when they gave them-
selves a holiday from their trade of cheap death. One of
those slaughter-men it was whom Under-Officer Schulz had
taken the liberty of describing as a "pig-dog." He had
located himself, apparently permanently, in a cottage which
had probably been the gardener's residence, about a couple of
furlongs in front of the approach-gate of the Chateau de
Launay; and for days previous to that on which poor
Spreckels came by his end, the Frenchman had occupied the
period of daylight in taking deliberate aim at every Prussian
soldier exposing himself within reach of the chassepot. The
Prussians had marksmen, and they had chassepots too, by this
time ; but the fellow never gave them a chance. He shot out
of a window, but he never showed himself, firing from the back
of the room, and standing, no doubt, well out of the direct
line of fire.
I fear I must own to the veteran's besetting sin of dis-
cursiveness. I apologise, and return to the departure of
Under-Officer Schulz from the presence of Major Schonberg
and his officers, after he had reported poor Spreckels as
" expended."
" That scoundrel will decimate the battalion ! " exclaimed
the Major, as he took a long drink of the lager-beer, a little
barrel of which had been among the Christmas love-gifts sent
him by the Frau Majorinn. "And," he added, "how to mend
matters beats me ! "
104 MEMORIES OF WAR AND PEACE.
Then impulsive Captain Kirchbach, the Hanoverian, spoke
out. ' Let us rush the infernal hut, Major, and burn it down :
that will destroy the fellow's cover. I volunteer to lead the
arson-party. Why not to-night ? "
" It must not be as you propose, Kirchbach," said the
Major mournfully. " You know the French fore-post line is
close in rear of the cottage — I suspect it moves forward with
nightfall ; and you know also that not half a rifle-shot to the
rear there is a brigade of the red-legs in Villemomble. "We'd
risk them with as light a heart as Ollivier accepted the war,
but you know my orders are absolute not to do anything that
might bring on fighting now, while they are making the
battery-emplacements for the siege-guns up there behind us
in front of Maison Guyot."
" Ach, so ! " came from half a dozen lips, in that long, un-
dulating intonation which is so characteristic of the Saxon
speech.
" And yet," piped little Hammerstein, " it is a cursed pity
that our good fellows should be murdered thus."
" Fortune of war ! " cried Helldorf the reckless, as he made
for the herrings, sardellen, and schinken which a soldier-
servant had just placed on a section of the shattered piano
that did duty for a buffet ; " if you are to be bowled over, it
may as well happen on a 'sly patrol' as irj_ the melee of
Gravelotte. Spreckels' turn to-day ; mine, mayhap, to-morrow !
The Frenchman don't respect officers the least in the world.
One of the seven he has already killed was, you will remem-
ber, our comrade Ensign von Ernsthausen."
" Permit me the word, Herr Major," spoken in a modest
tone, were the bashful words that came from the mere lad in
the light blue uniform who was standing by the door. The
speaker was such a slight fellow, and had so young a face, that
he did not seem full-grown. The moustache had not budded
on his lip, but there was a fire in his eye and a quiet, modest
resolution in the whole aspect of him, which gave the
assurance that he was equal to a man's part. The brass scales
on his shoulders showed him to be a cavalryman, the only
representative of that arm present. His rank was that of
"DAVID." 105
Ensign, and he commanded the little detachment of the
Crown Prince's Keiter Regiment which was detailed with the
infantry battalion in the forepost line to perform orderly duty.
" Well, baron, are you going to offer to cut the fellow out
with your galloping sergeant's party ? " asked Schonberg, rather
in a tone of banter — there was a little jealousy between the
cavalry and infantry before Paris, as there mostly is during a
long siege, because of the easy times the former have in com-
fortable quarters well to the rear. By the way, I have for-
gotten to mention that the name of the cavalry youngster was
the Baron von und zu Steinfurst-Wallenstein. But if the young
fellow had a swagger name, that was all of swagger there was
about him ; though, mere lad as he was, the Iron Cross was at
his button-hole, gained in a slashing charge on the evening
of Beaumont.
" I think, Herr Major," said the baron quietly, " my fellows
would snatch at the opportunity if you were to give it them.
But, of course, from what you have just told Captain Kirch-
bach, that is out of the question. Yet if you will allow me —
my sergeant can see to the duty for a day or two — I should
like to try whether, with good fortune, I may not stop this
fellow's devilry. They reckon me the best game-shot with
the sporting-rifle in our part of the Saxon Switzerland, and I
have got my favourite weapon with me here. One never
knows when one may get a chance at something. What I
want to do is to go and stalk this French devil. May I. Herr
Major ? "
" Oh, you may try your luck, and welcome, baron, for me,"
replied the major. " Mind, unless you bring his head back
with you, we shan't believe you've wiped him out."
It must be said that, besides the rather elephantine badinage
of the worthy major, the young cavalryman was the butt of a
good many jokes that evening. It was the brilliant Helldorf
who christened him " David," and offered to go and help him
search around for an eligible stone to put into his sling. But
the little baron took the chaff' with a modest serenity, ate a
hearty dinner (I have said he was a Saxon), renounced both
the Frau Majorinn's beer-barrel and the generous red wine
106 MEMORIES OF WAR AND PEACE.
which Kirchbach contributed to the joint-stock mess, and
was in bed bright and early, after having first given his trusty
rifle a thorough overhaul and filled a bandolier with Eley's
best cartridges. Very early in the morning his batman
brought him some breakfast. He dressed himself warmly, for
the weather was very bitter, poured some schnapps into his
pocket-flask, put some sandwiches into his haversack, and,
rifle in hand, started out for the extreme front. He had the
watchword and countersign, of course ; but they would not
avail to carry him outside the German cordon of advanced
sentries, and that was just whither he meant to go. So at the
Repli he had the officer on duty to go forward with him to
the outlying picket — the Feldwacke ; the sergeant in com-
mand of which, at the officer's order, escorted him through
the outer chain of sentries. It was on the railway embank-
ment close to the long since burnt Gagny station that he left
the sergeant and the final double-post ; and after descending
into the hollow beyond, began to climb the gradual slope on
the crest of which, among the trees, stood the Chateau de
Launay. It was not yet dawn, but the morning was not very
dark and it was rather ticklish work. The ground was
covered with deep snow the surface of which was frozen hard,
and the crystallised surface threw up a faint sparkle even in
the darkness, while it crackled crisply under every footfall.
Clumps of evergreens were dotted over the slope, and if they
had a danger of their own as possibly concealing French out-
liers or patrols, they also gave the advantage of covering to
some extent the young officer's advance. He had taken the
bearings of the cottage to the watching of which he intended
to devote himself, and instead of heading directly towards it,
with the result that the hiding-place he designed to take up
would be right in the French marksman's line of sigfat, h6
edged away somewhat to his own right, with intent to locate
himself somewhere on the proper left front of the cottage.
When about three hundred yards distant from it, he found him-
self close to a dense clump of evergreen shrubbery — a bosquet
forming the outer fringe of the pretty grounds, in the heart
of which stood, and no doubt still stands, the villa then
WAITING FOR A CHAXCE. 107
possessed by the late Dr. Nelaton, the famous surgeon of the
Second Empire. This clump the baron penetrated, and lying
down on the moss in the heart of it, whither the snow had
not penetrated, he waited till dawn, and then gingerly twisted
and broke the shrubs till he had a clear vista of aim on the
cottage, now visible dimly through the frost-haze.
Its sharp-shooting occupant he judged to be cooking his
breakfast, for smoke was lazily rising from the chimney of the
cottage. Then the sun came out and chased away the haze,
and the baron thought he caught a glimpse of the dull gleam
of a rifle-barrel back in the room inside the wide orifice where
in peace-time there had been a window-frame. His first im-
pulse was to aim a little behind where he had seen the glint,
and then fire ; but he restrained himself. In all likelihood, he
reckoned as he steadied himself, not more than one chance
would come to him, if even that much, so crafty, evidently,
was the Frenchman. For that one hoped-for chance, then, it
was for the baron to wait hour after hour with the patience of
a red Indian — it might indeed be for days, for, to use Kirk-
patrick's words, he was bound to " mak siccar." So he lay
supine, gazing steadfastly at the white front of the cottage, up
against which almost to the window-sill the whiter snow had
drifted, making a bank sloping away from the wall, its frozen
surface sparkling where the sunrays struck it.
The hours passed wearily but intently. Three times the
flash of a shot and the little pillow-like cloud of white smoke
had darted out from the window- space in the front of the
cottage. For aught the baron could know, as he lay there in-
the slow torments of inability to accomplish his purpose,
each shot meant the lite gone from out a Saxon soldier.
Would he risk a return shot? he asked himself each time, when
next that cool, cruel devil up there pulled trigger. And each
time the stern resolute answer he made to himself was, " No !
be calm ; everything comes to him who can wait."
The Frenchman fired a fourth time just as the sun was
going down, but, as before, from out the gloom at the
back of the room. When it became dark the lad, half
frozen, stiffly rose and trudged his way back into the Saxon
108 MEMORIES OF WAR AXD PEACE.
position. The sentries had been warned of his probable com-
ing in, and did not interfere with him. He had rather a bad
evening of it. During the day the marksman of the cottage
had killed one sentry as he peered rather recklessly over the
edge of the railway embankment, and had wounded another
fellow when on " sly patrol " duty. The poor baron was ruth-
lessly chaffed. One officer supposed that he could not get his
rifle to go off, another that he had gone to sleep and lost his
opportunities ; a third gave it as his deliberate conviction that
the baron had spent the day fraternising genially with " Bob
the Nailer."
The mansion occupied by the headquarters of Major Schon-
berg's battalion had belonged to an English family, in whose
library Haminerstein, who was himself half an Englishman,
had found a history of the defence of Lucknow in the Indian
Mutiny days, in which work was recorded the pestilential
marksmanship of a native sharp-shooter, who from a turret
opposite to the Bailey-Guard Gate used to take deadly pot-
shots at members of the beleaguered garrison. The English
soldiers, it seemed, had bestowed on this destructive individual
the nickname of "Bob the Nailer"; and this appellation the
Saxon officers had transferred to the objectionable Frenchman
who did his shooting from the cottage in the foreground of
the Chateau de Launay. Stern and serious business as is war,
human nature is so constituted as to find a humorous side to
the most ghastly transactions, but it must be owned that the
complexion of the jokes is of the grimmest.
The little baron had an imperturbability beyond his years.
The rough badinage of his comrades did not in the least dis-
concert him. He was modestly confident that if the French-
man should but once give him the merest flicker of a chance,
he could and would kill him ; and he had the conviction that,
be the man ever so artful, this morsel of good- fortune was
bound, sooner or later, to come to him. Next morning before
daybreak he was back in his lurking-place among Dr. Nekton's
evergreens, lying prone there, his rifle ever at the shoulder, his
gaze centred steadily on the aperture in the wall of the
cottage.
"BOB THE NAILER." ]09
On the second evening he sauntered into Major Schon-
berg's salon, his manner quiet, unassertive — almost timid,
indeed, as was his wont. A shout of derisive laughter greeted
his entrance.
" Back again empty-handed, O doughty younker ? "
shouted Kirchbach.
The battalion surgeon in his silkiest manner — he was a
most sarcastic man, this quiet German Mr. Brown — asked
whether " Bob the Nailer " stood in need of his professional
services ?
"Do you know, Herr Baron," said Captain von Zanthier
with a sneer, " that your adversary up yonder bowled over
another fellow of my company this afternoon ? "
Then out spoke Major von Schb'nberg himself: from the
outset he had considered Steinlurst's offer as rather a piece of
impertinence.
" You have had two whole days, baron, for this experiment
of yours with the rifle that wrought such execution in the
Saxon Switzerland ; to-morrow, if you please, you will return
to your regular duty with your cavalry detachment."
'•' Zu bet'ehl, Herr Major ! " replied Steinfurst, springing to
the attitude of rigid attention on receiving a formal order.
That acknowledged, he relaxed his muscles as much as a
German officer in his most unbending moments ever does, and
made a few quiet observations. " I should not," said he,
" have proposed going out again, major, in any case. Doctor,
I don't think 'Bob the Nailer,' as you call him, has the
slightest occasion to avail himself of your most valuable
offer. Captain Kirchbach, I have not come back empty-
handed ; I brought with me my rifle — its barrel is fouled."
Then immediately arose the loud clamour of questioning.
" Have you really killed the fellow ? " " Are you really
serious ? " and so forth.
The little baron, in his quietest manner, demurely replied,
" Perhaps those gentlemen who are interested in this little
matter will take the trouble to-morrow morning to go out to
the front as far as the railway embankment, and from thence
survey the front of the Frenchman's cottage through their
110 MEMORIES OF WAR AND PEACE.
field-glasses." And with that he bowed, said " Good-night ! "
and went away to his sleeping-quarters over the stables in
which were the horses of his detachment.
Next morning was the morning of Christmas Day. In
peaceful England, as throughout the German Fatherland —
with peace indeed within its borders, but with sore or anxious
hearts in palace and hovel, the church bells would presently
be ringing out their chimes through the winter air. They were
different sounds to which we listened that Christmas morning
from the foreposts under the shadow of Mont Avron. From
its blunt summit up yonder in the winter sunshine one of
Colonel Staffers big guns at intervals gave fire, the great shell
hurtling and screaming over our heads as it sped on its swift
flight to wreak mischief in Clichy or Mont'ermeil on the
upland behind us. Never for five minutes were the forepost
lines wholly silent from that uncomfortable, venomous, inter-
mittent crackle of musketry fire — so futile, so savage, so
bitterly eloquent of inveterate man-to-man hatred. The Feld-
pastor, a little later, would be essaying to deliver his message
of " peace and good- will among men," mocked to his very face
by those noisy tokens of strife and rancour ; and for his poor
consolation might bethink himself of the stern aphorism-,
" A la guerre comme a, la guerre." The war and its devilry
meantime did not hinder us, as we met soon after sunrise for
morning coffee in the salon, from wishing each other " A
Merry Christmas " ; and, coffee drunk and cigars lit, we
started on the errand which the baron had so enigmatically
suggested overnight. The major, devoured though he was by
curiosity, did not think it compatible with his dignity to go ;
the baron himself did not put in an appearance. The ex-
ploration party consisted of Kirchbach and his brother-in-
law Hammerstein, Zanthier, Helldorf, Freiherr von Zehmen,
three or four youngsters, and the Briton who had the run of
the Maas Army forepost line from Sartrouville on the Seine
north-west of Paris, round to Bonneuil and beyond to the
Seine on the south-east.
When we reached the railway embankment we found the
men of the picket peering over at the distant cottage, each
"IT 16' A DEAD MAX!" Ill
man with his hand shading his eyes from the dazzle of the
sun on the snow. Said the corporal of the picket to Captain
Kirchbach : —
"There is something hanging out over the window-sill,
Herr Hauptmann ; it looks like the upper part of a great-coat
with the hood falling lower between the arms."
Hammerstein had his sight soonest adjusted. " By God !
it is a dead man ! " he shouted on the instant.
Yes ; he was right. Hanging limply there from the lintel
of the orifice that had been a window was the upper portion
of the figure of a man, inverted and perfectly motionless. The
broad shoulders showed out distinctly against the white of
the wall, as did the black hair of the occiput; the face of
course was invisible, being towards the wall. The arms had
dropped at full length, their extremities reaching down to the
snow-bank piled up against the lower part of the cottage wall.
I was the only one of the party who carried a telescope.
The binocular is handy, but its powers are limited. The
telescope is a clumsier weapon, but once focussed and accu-
rately aimed, it tells you twice as much as the best binocular.
I had seen what I have just described through Haimnerstein's
binocular ; now I proceeded to train my telescope on to the
spot, and with its assistance to go more into detail.
What I saw was this. The clenched hands had clutched
into the snow. The long hair hung straight, discoloured— a
dingy crimson. A rifle had slipped away from the figure's
grasp, and I could see it some twenty feet away fr^m the
Avindow, lying on the level after it had skidded down the
frozen slope of snow. There was no mistake about the
matter; the baron had done his work thoroughly, and the
sarcastic doctor's services were not in the least required.
It seems rather a ghastly sort of thing to recount ; but, as
a matter of fact, the French marksman's extermination — the
Irish equivalent, "removal," was an inapplicable terra-
was accepted by universal acclamation as Baron Steinfurst's
Christmas-box to the battalion. A deputation formed up to
him after Divine service, headed by Under-Officer Schulz,
who, heels duly clinked together, the proper degree of motion-
112 MEMORIES OF WAR ASD PEACE.
less rigidity satisfactorily attained, opened his lantern -jaws,
stammered vigorously, then got out : " In name of battalion,
a thousand thanks — verdammte Franzosicher Schweinhund ! "
Whereupon he went right about with extraordinary abruptness,
nor recovered his customary measured and angular gait until he
had got away several paces from where the little baron stood
blushing.
In as few words as might be, the modest lad told us the
story as we stood around the piano buffet eating a scrappy
luncheon. Till the afternoon of the second day of his watch
he had resolutely held his fire, determined to wait till he
could " mak siccar." During that day the Frenchman had
fired several times, but had never given a glimpse of himself
to the young marksman down among Dr. Nelaton's hollies
and laurels. His last shot he fired just before dusk ; this was
the shot that killed the man of Zanthier's company, and the
only occasion that day on which his fire took effect. He
then, as ever, fired without exposing himself; but when the
bullet had sped, he forgot himself for the first time during
the two days. Anxious, no doubt, to ascertain whether he
had done execution, he had moved forwards out of his safe
retirement, and projected his head and shoulders over the
window-sill, peering out to his own right front — the direction
hi which he had fired. All this he did with a jerk. He was
in the act of retracting himself when the little baron took his
snapshot at him. Steinfurst had not for nothing practised
rabbit-shooting with the rifle. The Frenchman dropped on
the instant, falling, as we had seen him, with head and
shoulders outside the window. The baron had seen the
momentary convulsive grasp, the tearing up of the snow with
the hands, and then the sudden stillness which showed that
the "pig-dog" would take no more German lives. Being
within range of the French forepost line in rear of the
cottage, he did not quit his position until the dusk was
merging into darkness. That was all he had to say.
The dead marksman had no successor in the occupation
of the cottage. Strangely enough, the French never ventured
up to it, although there could have been little risk in doing so
THE END OF THE "PIG-DOG." 113
under cover of night ; and the body hung there as it had
fallen until early in January, when Colonel Stoffel, his big
guns, and his troops were bombarded away from the summit
of Mont Avron by the fire of the German " walruses," as we
used to call the siege cannon, from Maison Guyot and else-
where. Then the French outpost line was of course drawn
in, and the region about Villemomble and the Chateau de
Launay lapsed to the Saxons, who buried the dead sharp-
shooter under the window from which he had sped death so
often while alive. He had regularly lived in the cottage, it
seemed. It was found quite copiously victualled with bacon,
tinned food, wine, and coffee ; and the man had brought with
him a small library of good solid reading, as well as writing
materials. On the table in the back room there lay a half-
finished letter which began, " Ma tres chere femme," and
which told in the most matter-of-fact manner of the results
of his ball-practice. He sent his love to his children and
begged them to pray for his continued success. He was not
a soldier of the Line. He wore the coarse uniform of a
private of the national guard, but his linen was fine and
marked with a good name. In the left breast-pocket of his
tunic was found the photograph of a handsome woman, with
a little child at her knee and a baby in her arms.
No doubt the "verdammte Franzosicher Schweinhund"
was a devoted patriot according to his lights, and regarded
himself as fighting the good fight pro aris et focis. There
are so many different ways of looking at a thing, you see.
Schonberg's fellows gave me the relics of the dead man when
next I visited them. The capitulation could not be very far
off now, and I should be early in Paris.
Well, the capitulation came, and I was early into Paris.
One of the first things I did after attending to my work was
to deliver the relics at the address I had, leaving along with
them a short note. The sharpshooter turned out to be one
of our own profession. As did so many other gallant French
soldiers of the pen, he had run to arms the moment danger
threatened the sacred soil. He had escaped from the field
of Sedan to form an item in the huge garrison of Paris, and
i
114 MEMORIES OF WAR AND PEACE.
burning with zeal and devotion to duty, he had thrown
himself into the unworthy business of pot-shooting. The
poor wife thought him a veritable hero, and his work glorious
and patriotic. His children had a cribbage-board, with the pegs
of which they had proudly kept the tally of his homicides.
I believe, before the Commune days came, that I had almost
got to look at the matter from their point of view. I never
knew sweeter children.
V.
PARIS IN PROSTRATION.
Tidings of Capitulation of Paris received at Margency, evening January 28th —
Inclusion of St. Denis Forts in Capitulation Convention — January 29th,
Crown Prince of Saxony entered St. Denis — Attitude of St. Denis —
Solicitude of Inhabitants for Protection of Cathedral — The Misery of the
Five Days' Bombardment — Devotion of International Ambulance —
Luncheon on Horse-flesh — Entry into Paris, " Cochon," "Assassin" —
Thankful for Prussian Money — "Paris utterly Cowed" — Sadness and
Self-respect — American Legation — Dr. Charles Gordon — The last Fowl —
Questions and Answers — Absence of Crime during Siege — The Queues
outside the Butchers' and Bakers'.
DURING the period from the surrender of Metz to the
capitulation of Paris — in other words, from the beginning
of November, 1870 until the end of January, 1871 — I was
attached to the headquarters of the Army of the Meuse,
holding the northern and eastern sections of the invest-
ment of Paris. The chief of that army was the Crown
Prince (now the King) of Saxony, who with his headquarter
staff abode for the most part in the chateau of Margency,
about ten miles due north of Paris, in the heart of the
forest of Montmorency. At nine o'clock on the evening of
January 28th, while the headquarter staff were assembled
in the Crown Prince's drawing-room after dinner, an orderly
brought in a telegram to the Prince. His Royal Highness,
having read it, handed it to General von Schlotheim his
chief-of-staff. That officer perused it in his deliberate way ;
then rising, he walked to the open door communi-
cating between the billiard-room and the salon, and there
read the telegram aloud. It was in the name of the
German Emperor, and it announced that two hours earlier
Count Bismarck and M. Jules Favre had set their hands
to a convention in terms of which an armistice to last for
twenty-one days was already in effect. It was not easy to
settle down to cards or billiards after such news as that,
i 2
116 MEMORIES OF WAR AND PEACE.
The terras of the armistice included the capitulation of
the St. Denis forts, which had undergone a five days' bom-
bardment by the heavy guns that the German engineers
and artillerists had brought up and located in prepared
battery-emplacements in commanding positions. On the
morning of the 29th the Crown Prince and his staff
rode towards St. Denis. There was a long halt at the
half-way village, to await the return of the officer who had
gone forward into the place to arrange with the com-
mandant for the surrender of the forts. Reports came that
Admiral de Ronciere, the officer commanding in St. Denis,
was sulky and impracticable and that the aspect of the
French troops was threatening. Meanwhile two infantry
regiments and four field-batteries had pushed forward
and occupied a low eminence midway between St. Denis
and Enghien ; and a staff of engineer officers with a
detachment of pioneers and artillerymen had gone on into
Fort de la Briche, to draw the charges from the mines and to
take over the guns and magazines.
It was now afternoon, and although Major Welcke had
not yet returned from the fortress, the Prince and his staff
went forward. Near the enceinte Welcke was at length
met, bringing the report that all the French troops had
not yet evacuated St. Denis, and suggesting that as the
civilian population, most part of which was armed, had
rather a threatening aspect, a strong force of occupation
should be sent on in advance. We rode forward with Fort
de la Briche close on our right. It had suffered some-
what severely from the heavy German fire, but clearly no
practicable breach had been effected. Fort du Nord, which
was presently passed, had been more heavily dealt with.
Great pieces of the earthwork had been torn away, and
the wall of the scarp had been shattered and penetrated
in places. A terrible fire had converged on the gate; one
drawbridge had been demolished and the other could not
be raised. Just inside the works there was a halt to
permit the delegate from the French Etat Major to make
some explanations. He came forward — a wan, sad-faced
'• THE UHLANS ! THE UHLANS ! " 117
young officer of marine artillery, with a grave dignity in
the pale face and in the weary, anxious eyes that commanded
respect and commiseration. He was quite alone, and the
solitary man looked forlorn yet full of a gallant mournful
pride, as he rode up to the Crown Prince with a high-
bred greeting that assuredly was not of republican France.
His statement was that all the St. Denis troops had been
withdrawn into Paris, that the mobiles, national guard, and
sedentaries had been disarmed, and that the population
had come to its senses.
The supporting force being close up, a German military
band struck up the " Paris March " ; and behind the music
the Crown Prince and his staff rode up the main street
over shattered barricades and undrawn mines. The
whole town was a ruin. There was a strange, un-French
silence: one marked the lowering brows and caught many
a " Sacre ! " muttered from between the teeth. That all the
arms had not been given up was very apparent : and the
chief-of-staff ordered to the front the Crown Prince's escort
of Saxon Guard-Cuirassiers. As the splendid horsemen
clattered forward at a sharp canter, the women and children
and indeed many of the men, ran into the battered houses
shrieking, "The Uhlans! The Uhlans!" In the Place
the Prince halted while there marched past him in solid
ranks the brigade which had been detailed to garrison St.
Denis, its band playing the "Paris March" and then "Ich
bin ein Preusse." I could hear the French spectators
gloomily owning one to another their admiration of the
physique and soldierly bearing of the German troops.
Strong patrols of occupation were at once marched into
the forts, and a forepost line was established five hundred
paces nearer Paris than the forts. The French commandant
of Fort de 1'Est reported that there had fallen in and on
it during one day of the bombardment no fewer than 1,200
heavy shells.
When I rode into St. Denis in the forenoon of the
30th, I found that the town had in a measure recovered
its tone since the German entry of the day before. Some
118 MEMORIES OF WAR AND PEACE.
business was already being transacted between the shop-
keeping inhabitants and soldiers of the German garrison.
I made in haste for the venerable cathedral, anxious to
ascertain what amount of damage it had sustained. The
Republicans who had painted Libertd, iZgalite, Fraternite
on its portals had not allowed their republicanism to
render them negligent of the historic edifice and the
monuments it contained : the exterior had been banked
up high all round with sandbags which had stopped
many shells. Only four shells had penetrated into the
interior. The mediaeval stained glass was almost entirely
intact. One of the elaborately-carved crosses on the top
of a buttress had been splintered off, and a coping-stone
had been shattered ; this, it appeared to me, summed up
the damage done to the cathedral from the shell-fire of
the enemy. The aspect of the interior was very strange.
The tombs of the kings of France had all been protected
by sandbags ; the statues had been enclosed by wooden
frames and sandbags built around the framework. Con-
sidering the weight and duration of the bombardment, the
cathedral had escaped wonderfully well The same could
not be said of the utterly-demolished houses in its
vicinity, nor of the new church of St. Denis, the steeple
of which was wrecked, one side of it stove in, and its
interior a chaos of mortar, stones, and smashed para-
phernalia. The little Protestant chapel had suffered worse
than any other religious edifice in St. Denis, and its poor
pastor was to be seen trotting dolefully about, engaged in
the task of picking up the fragments of his chapel from
the open spaces in the vicinity.
It must have been verily the reign of the Prince of
the Power of Darkness, that period of five days during
which the bombardment of St. Denis lasted. The shells
were continually crashing into the houses, and they were
ploughing up the streets as with the deepest subsoil
plough ever invented. There was no safety for any but in
the cold and dark cellars; so heavy were the German pro-
jectiles that not always in the cellars was there found
UNDER FIRE. 119
safety. There were houses the garrets and cellars of which
had been battered into a shapeless mass of stone and
mortar. If you asked the loafing bystanders whether any
had been buried in the ruins, they moodily muttered " Qui
sait ? " shrugged their shoulders, and turned away. It
seemed to me that there must be not a few unfortunates
buried under those jagged rubbish heaps: but there was
nobody who had interest or energy to explore, and "Qui
sait ? " might have stood for the vague epitaph.
It happened that in St. Denis during the bombardment
there was a branch of the International Ambulance, the
devoted members of which took their lives in their hands
and bravely went out to do what good they might. They
dragged the maimed and ailing out of the shattered houses,
they collected the corpses from the streets and the ruins,
and they buried the dead with some semblance of decency.
They went round the town urging that the women and
children should go forth from the doomed town, and retire
into Paris. The women and children had huddled into
the semi-security of the cellars. The shells were crashing
into the streets, and avalanches of stone and brick were
continually crashing down upon the side- walks. The
women peeping forth shudderingly, declared that they would
rather die where they were than incur a more certain and
fearful death by sallying forth into that tempest of iron,
stone, and bricks. So they turned back to hunger and
cold in the dank caverns, and cuddling their children to
their bosoms utterly refused to budge. The Pastor Saglier
had gone to the commandant and asked for permission
to go out as a parlementaire and beg of the Germans to
grant but two hours' cessation of the bombardment, that
the women and children might have the opportunity to get
away without the risk of being struck down as they went.
The admiral refused, and the ruthless devilry went on.
Then the Pastor sent an appeal to the Paris journals,
begging all who owned vehicles to send them to St. Denis
for the removal of the women and children. The response
was weak: there appeared not a solitary representative of
120 MEMORIES OF WAR AND PEACE.
those ambulances whose members took delight in flags and
gave themselves to the vanities of brass buttons and fantastic
uniforms. About half a dozen private vehicles did present
themselves, and the sick and wounded were removed into
factories on the plain between St. Denis and Paris. Then
children followed and women great with child, and then
the other women, till the factories on the plain became like
caravanseries. Meanwhile a detachment of this ambulance
was engaged in carrying under cover the wounded struck
down at the guns, toiling with a zeal and energy that
merited better support. For that species of service the bold
national guards did not offer themselves : their sphere of
duty was the wine-shop. There they drank till their
debauch made them reckless, and they sallied out into the
streets, as often as not only to give the ambulance more
trouble with their worthless carcases.
In the afternoon I accompanied two German officers in
a ride beyond the foreposts in the direction of the Paris
gate of La Chapelle. In the course of the day the re-
strictions on passing out of Paris had been materially
relaxed, and the Avenue de Paris was thronged with the
outward bound. It seemed to me that if they could get out I
could get in, and quitting my companions I rode towards
the gate. But as I went, it appeared advisable to make
sure that I had the important document with me which
vouched for me being a British subject, and, consequently,
a "benevolent neutral." Alas, not anticipating the occur-
rence of such an opportunity I had left my passport in
my Margency quarters, and there was no alternative but
to postpone the attempt to enter Paris until the following
day. Next morning, that of 31st January, I started out
better equipped. Calling en route on M. Saglier the good
pastor of St. Denis, he hospitably asked me to have lunch.
I accepted the invitation, he bade his servant "bring in
the meat/' and I made an assault with vigour and per-
severance on the rather lean and ragged roast joint
which was placed before me, the good cleric looking on
benignantly the while. I asked no questions till the edge
"A BAS LE PRUSSIEN!" 121
was off my appetite, when I inquired of the minister what
I was eating.
" Well," said he, " of course you are eating horse, and a
very choice joint it is. I knew the animal very well while
he was alive. He was young and plump and of a grey
colour, which, it is well known, indicates tenderness."
The pastor had been eating horseflesh for four months ;
not because he was forced to do so, but because he had
a numerous dependency of poor people to aid whom he
chose to practise economy.
Taking leave of the good clergyman I rode towards
Paris along the great chaussee to the gate of La
Chapelle, which I found barred. After the group of which
I was one had waited for half an hour, an officer appeared
and shouted " To the gate of St. Ouen ! " St. Ouen was
the next gate to the northward, and we all therefore made
to the right, I being mounted beating the others who were
all on foot. This gate was open and a gendarme was
examining passes. I rode on slowly, looking straight
between iny horse's ears ; and somehow no person in
authority took any heed of me. As I rode down the
Boulevard Ornano, I came upon sundry groups of more or
less drunk national guards. One of those, as I passed him
raised the shout " A bas le Prussien ! " for which I own
he had some reason since I wore a Prussian cap and paletot.
He further complimented me by calling me "cochon" and
" assassin." Others took up the cry, and matters were get-
ting serious. The clamour was spreading and men tried to
clutch hold of my bridle. I judged boldness to be the
wisest policy; so, facing about, I pushed up to the man
who had first shouted, proclaimed myself a harmless
Englishman, and reproached my denouncer for molesting an
inoffensive and peaceable wayfarer. The demon of cowardly
and venomous suspicion had not yet been developed. A
fortnight or so later, I should have thought myself fortu-
nate to get clear off after having been marched back to
the guard-house, half a dozen roughs on each bridle-rein,
half as many more at each leg, and made to exhibit my
122 MEMORIES OF WAR AND PEACE.
passport to the officer on duty. But hunger is a wonderful
agent in tending to influence men to concern themselves
with their own business, and in keeping truculence in a
state of dormancy. I cannot say, even after I had got rid
of the citizens who had assailed me with cries of " cochon,"
that I much admired the aspect of the Boulevard Magenta.
It was densely crowded with soldiers, and some of them
might be unpleasantly patriotic. But no ; they were all too
much busied with their own affairs, getting their pay and
drinking it while they discussed events.
Halting to go into a shop to make an inquiry — I was
not familiar with the geography of Paris — I called a soldier
of the Line who was strolling on the pavement to hold my
horse. On coming out I had a little talk with him. Yes,
he had had enough of it! They had nearly killed him,
those terrible Prussians, and he was very hungry. When
would the gates open for the introduction of food ? I put
my hand into my pocket to find a tip for the poor fellow,
when I discovered that I had only Prussian money. I
asked him whether he could do anything with a ten-
groschen piece. It was silver, and might have had the
devil's pitchfork stamped upon it instead of the Prussian
eagle, for all that the hungry linesman cared. Three weeks
later it was not wise to carry, much less to show, German
money.
"Paris is utterly cowed, fairly beaten," so said the first
Englishman I met. I had not been long enough inside,
either to agree with or to dissent from him. What I did
see was that Paris was orderly and decent. The streets
were crowded, almost wholly with men in uniform. Civil-
ians were comparatively rare, and the few seen wore an
aspect of dejection. Many shops were open, but a consider-
able proportion were closed. It seemed possible to purchase
everything except edibles. There was assuredly no lack of
intoxicants ; yet with the exception of my friends in the
Boulevard Ornano, I saw scarcely a tipsy man. The food,
shops had a very sparse show in their windows. There
were confitures, jellies, preserves, etc. ; but solid comestibles
THE LAST FOWL IN PARIS. 123
were conspicuous by their rarity and probably also by their
price. In one shop I saw several large shapes of stuff that
looked like lard. When I asked what it was, I was told
that it was horse-fat. The bakers' shops were closed, and
the gratings were down before those of the butchers'. Sad
with an exceeding great sadness — that was my impression
of Paris long before I reached the American Legation ;
self-respecting, too, in her prostration; not blatant; not dis-
posed to collect in jabbering crowds. Each man went his
way with chastened face and listless gait.
After visiting the American Legation, where undisguised
amazement was expressed at my appearance, I made my
way to the little Hotel St. Honore in the Faubourg of the
same name, and close to the British Embassy. I had filled
my wallet chiefly with newspapers, and had stowed away
for an exigency only a few slices of ham. When I reached
my quarters the women-servants of the house asked permis-
sion to take the meagre plateful out and exhibit it as a
curiosity to their neighbours ; and visitors, attracted by the
news, came straggling in and begged to see the long unaccus-
tomed viand. The worthy landlord of the house, himself a
Briton, had for his boarder throughout the siege Dr. (now
Surgeon-General) Charles Gordon, the British medical Com-
missioner in Paris ; and he took pride in asserting that the
doctor had lived as well as any man in Paris. When dinner
came it bore out the boasts of our Boniface. Positively
there was a fowl ; pretty well, so it was said, the last fowl
in Paris. Our host had been offered eighty francs for the
bird while yet it had its feathers on, but had refused the
tempting offer; and so we had him for dinner with my
ham as an accompaniment — only I stood out of participa-
tion in the ham so that the rarity might go the further
with the others. There are advantages in being a Scots-
man, one of which this siege of Paris had developed in a
curious way. There was some store of oatmeal in Paris.
Porridge is a principal and palatable resultant from oatmeal,
and some Scotsmen not only eat but enjoy porridge. Thus
Dr. Gordon, a Strathdon man, had supped his wholesome
124 MEMORIES OF WAR AND PEACE.
and frugal bicker of porridge every morning, while men
not born to the appreciation of that delicacy were giving
themselves internal uneasiness by swallowing the stuff
which in the later days of the siege still imposed on people
under the conventional name of bread. Yet another
national dainty was our host equal to, in the shape of a
glass of such Scotch whisky as I had not tasted for months.
In a once famous, now dingy restaurant, I found at supper
several of my journalistic comrades who had remained in
Paris during the long siege. They were eating steaks of
horseflesh, followed by ragout of dog; and the few scraps
of bread on the table consisted of a sort of dingy paste of
which about one half was sand. Horseflesh, as both they
and I had learned, was very fair eating; only one requires
to get a little accustomed to it before one can wholly
relish it. It has a curious sweetish taste, and the fat is
scarce and not quite satisfactory. The Parisians during the
siege had become quite connoisseurs in horseflesh • and it
was universally recognised, as Pastor Saglier of St. Denis
had already apprised me, that the tenderest joints were
furnished by a young grey animal, and that the toughest
meat was that of a no longer young chestnut horse. I did
not try the dog; anyone who is curious" as to this viand
can easily kill a dog and make the experiment for himself.
Some people averred that dog went best with mushrooms;
others praised it eaten cold in a pie.
There needed no acuteness to discern to what a poignancy
of wretchedness Paris had been reduced, before she had
brought herself to endure the humiliation of surrender. That
night she was alone with her grief and her hunger ; not until
the morrow came the relief and consolation which the
sympathy of Great Britain so promptly forwarded to the
capital of the ally with whom had been undergone the hard-
ships and won the successes of the Crimean war. Wan,
starved citizens crept by on the unlit boulevards, before and
since the parade ground of luxury and sleek affluence. No
cafes invited the promenader with brilliant splendour of
illumination and garish lavishness of decoration ; for there
THE PITY OF IT. 125
were few promenaders to be enticed, there was no fuel to
furnish gas, and there were no dainty viands wherewith to
trick out the plate-glass windows. The gaiety, the profusion,
and the sinfulness of the Paris which one had known in the
days of the Second Empire, had given place to quiet uncom-
plaining dejection, to utter depletion, to a decorum at once
beautiful, startling, and pathetic. The hotels were all
hospitals. The Red Cross flag floated from almost every
house, bandaged cripples limped along the pavements, and
almost the only wheel traffic consisted in the interminable
procession of funerals.
Very strange and touching was the ignorance in regard to
the outside world. " I have seen three English newspapers
since September," said Dr. Gordon. " Is Ireland quiet ? Is
Mr. Gladstone still Prime Minister ? Is the Princess Louise
married ? " Such were samples of the questions I had to
answer. The ignorance as to the conditions of the German
besiegers was almost equally complete. The day after the
negotiations for the capitulation began, Paris had been
somehow assured that the investing army had not eaten for
three days, and that it was Paris which was granting terms
rather than the "Prussians." I was continually asked
whether the latter had not been half-starved all through.
What had they done for quarters ? Whether they did not
tremble in their boots at the mere name of the franc-tireurs ?
Whether they were not half-devoured by vermin ? Whether
the Prussian King still resided in Versailles ? — the questioners
had not heard of his having been proclaimed German
Emperor ; and so on.
The great and beautiful feature of Paris under siege had
been the absence of crime. No murders, no robberies, but a
virtue in which there was really something pathetic. I had
intended to walk about the city most of the night so as to
make the most of my necessarily limited time. But before
ten o'clock my promenade had become almost a solitary one.
By nine the dim lights were extinguished in the kiosks, and
the petroleum was waning in the sparse street lamps. By
ten o'clock the world of Paris was left to darkness and to me ;
126 MEMORIES OF WAE AND PEACE.
and so I went to bed. I woke up once in the night, and the
dead silence made me for the moment imagine myself back
in rural Margency.
It seemed that the pinch for food was more severe than
ever, pending the result of the negotiations for its supply.
From one who had paid the prices himself and had the
precise figures down in black and white, I had the following
list : — Two francs for a small shrivelled cabbage ; one franc
for a leek ; forty-five francs for a medium-sized fowl ; forty-
five francs for a so-called rabbit — most probably a cat ; twenty-
five francs for a pigeon ; twenty-two francs for a 2lb. chub ;
fourteen francs per Ib. for stickleback ; two francs per Ib. for
potatoes ; forty francs per Ib. for butter ; twenty-five francs
per Ib. for cheese — very scarce. Meat other than horseflesh was
absolutely not to be procured. I was assured that if I were
to offer £50 down in bright shining gold for a veritable beef-
steak, I should have no claimant for the money ! The last
cow that had changed hands had been bought for an
ambulance, and fetched £80. The few beasts still left , could
not be bought. The bread was abominably bad ; something
between putty and chopped straw bound together with
farina starch and a little flour. But its badness was not the
worst thing about it — the difficulty was to get it at all.
Gentle and simple had to wait their turn hi the queue in the
bitter cold outside the shops of the butchers and the bakers.
On the following morning, as I rode eastwards through Paris
to gain the train which would carry me into a country whence
it was possible to despatch telegrams, I saw great throngs
outside both, chiefly women, waiting in silent shivering hi
the cold.
VI.
THE CRUSHING OF THE COMMUNE.
Left London for Paris 19th May, 1871 — Hindrance at St. Denis — Advice of
Crown Prince of Saxony — The " Cocotte Train " — Entered Paris, Sunday,
21st — The good lady of the kiosk — The War Ministry of the Commune
— " No, I have Children ! " — Dombrowski in the Chateau de la Muette —
Nonchalance in Shell Fife — The Scared Commandant — Dombrowski
marches — Fighting inside the Enceinte — Entry of Versaillists — Morning
of 22nd — Versaillist Plan of Campaign — Hard Fighting throughout
Week — Embrasure-making — The Target of a Firing Party — Quit Paris
Wednesday, 24th — Bringing Tidings to London — Return to Paris, 26th
•?— The Dead-hole in Pere-Lachaise — MacMahon's Announcement on
28th : " I am absolute Master of Paris."
Franco-German War was over. I had witnessed the
-*- great Kaiser's parade on the Longchamps racecourse on
the 1st of March, 1871 ; and the same afternoon had accom-
panied the German troops who marched down the Champs
Elysees into the Place de la Concorde and the wrecked gardens
of the Tuileries. A week later I had ridden behind the old
Emperor and the Crown Prince of Saxony as the former
reviewed the " Maas Armee " which the latter commanded,
drawn up on the plateau between Champigny and Brie,
among the grave mounds beneath which lay the Germans
and the Frenchmen who had fallen in the stubborn fighting
of Ducrot's great sortie on the east side of Paris. Then my
field work was done ; and I had hurried home to London to
begin the task which I had set myself of writing a book
describing what I had seen of the great conflict.
I was toiling ten hours a day at this undertaking when the
Commune broke out. Promptly the manager of the Daily
News dashed upon me in a swift hansom, and urged me with
all his force to start for Paris that same night. I declined ;
I was under contract to my publishers and I burned to see
my first book in print. For two months that peremptory
manager gave me innumerable bad quarters of an hour, for
128 MEMORIES OF WAR AND PEACE.
he was not being served to his liking by the persons whom,
in my default, he had commissioned to " do " the Commune
for him. At length, on the afternoon of May 19th I finished
the last revise of my book, and the same evening — to the
great relief of my managerial friend, for a desperate crisis in
Paris was clearly imminent — I left London by the Con-
tinental Mail.
In those troubled times the train service of the Northern
of France railway was greatly dislocated, and it was nearly
mid-day of the 20th when we halted in the St. Denis station.
I foreboded no difficulty, since the halt at St. Denis was
normal for ticket-collecting purposes ; and I was chatting
with a German officer of my acquaintance who commanded
the detachment of the Kaiser Alexander Prussian Guard
regiment in occupation of the St. Denis station. The
collector serenely took up my ticket. There followed him to
the carriage door two French gendarmes, who, with all the
official consequentiality of their species, demanded to be
informed of iny nationality. I enlightened them on that
point, and turned to continue the conversation with von
Berginann. But it seemed that the gendarmes were not done
with me. They peremptorily ordered me to alight. I
requested an explanation, and was told that no more
foreigners were now permitted to enter Paris, as the fighting
force of the Commune was understood to be directed chiefly
by desperadoes not of French nationality. " But," said I, " I
am a newspaper correspondent, not a fighting man."
" N*importe," replied the senior gendarme, " you look, too, not
unlike a military man. Anyhow, you must alight ! "
" What does this mean, Bergmann ? " I asked, when I had
obeyed. " Surely you can do something for me, in charge as
you and your fellows are of the station ? " " No, my dear
fellow," replied the Prussian officer : " we are here only to
maintain order. Two days ago these swallow-tailed gentle-
men came from Versailles, and our orders are not to interfere
with them." The train went on, leaving me behind ; then the
senior gendarme came up to me and told me that I should
have to return to Calais by 'the next outgoing train. A
THE "COCOTTE TRAIN." 129
thought struck ine, and I pleaded hard to bo allowed to take
instead a local train to Enghien-les-Bains, a few miles off near
the forest of Montmorency, where von Bergmann told me was
still residing the Crown Prince of Saxony to whose staff I
had been attached during the siege of Paris/ Bergmann .
added his persuasions to my solicitations and finally the
gendarme thus far mitigated my sentence.
The Crown Prince was at luncheon when I reached the
chateau in which he had his quarters. He roared with
laughter when I told him how the French gendarme had
served me. " Those people at Versailles," his Royal Highness
explained, "have been leaving the mouth of the trap open all
these weeks, and pretty nearly all the turbulent blackguards
of Europe have walked into the snare. Now the Versaillists
believe that all the blackguards are inside ; and since they are
just about to begin business, they have stopped both ingress
and. egress. Still," he continued, musingly, " I am surprised
that they did not let you in ! " The Prince had something
of a sardonic humour, and he made his point ; I, for my part,
made him my bow in acknowledgment of his compliment.
Presently the Prince remarked : " Mr. Forbes, when you were
with us in the winter we used to think you rather a ruse and
ingenious man ; but I fear that now, since you are no longer,
with us, you have become dull. Have you never heard the
proverb that there are more ways of killing a pig than by
cutting its throat ? There is a railway to Paris, my friend ;
and there is also a chaussee to Paris. On the railway there
are these French gendarmes ; on the chaussee there is only
a picket of your friends of the Kaiser Alexander regiment,
who have no orders to stop anyone. Now, you join us at
luncheon ; then we shall have coffee and you will smoke one
of those long corkscrew cigars which you may remember ;
and in the evening you will take the ' cocotte train ' here in
Enghien. If the gendarmes at the St. Denis station haul you
out a second time, make them a polite bow and walk into
Paris by the chaussee ; or, for that matter, you can take the
'bus from St. Denis."
It was already dusk when I boarded the "cocotte train";
j
130 MEMORIES OF WAR AND PEACE.
and I ensconced myself between two young ladies of gay and
affable manners, who promised so to conceal me with their
ample skirts when we should reach St. Denis that the gen-
darmes would be unable to unearth me. The train was full
«t)f the frail sisterhood of Paris, who were wont to pay afternoon
visits to the German officers of the still-environing army and
who were now returning to town. Fairly hidden as the ladies
and I considered myself, the lynx-eyed gendarme detected
ine and I again had to alight. A commissary of police in the
station courteously offered me quarters for the night, but
assured me that my entrance into Paris was impossible. I
declined his offer and went out into the street, where I found
the German soldiers enforcing the old curfew laws. " Every-
body must be indoors by nine o'clock," said the grizzled
sergeant, " else I take them prisoners, and they are kept for
the night and fined five francs in the morning." He did not
interfere with me because I spoke German to him ; and I
found a hay-loft where I slept. The charge for sitting for
the night in a room in St. Denis was ten francs : beds were
luxuries unattainable by casual strangers.
On the morning of the 21st I left St. Denis by road, and
walked straight into Paris without hindrance. The national
guards of La Chapelle were turning out for service as I passed
through that suburb, and there seemed nothing to find fault
with either in their appearance or their conduct. Certainly
no reluctance was manifest on the part of the citizen-soldiers
but indeed the reverse. Paris I found very sombre, but
perfectly quiet and orderly. It was the Sabbath morn, but no
church-bells filled the air with their music. It was with a far
different and more discordant sound that the air throbbed on
this bright spring morning — the distant roar of the Versaillist
batteries on the west and south-west of the enceinte. " That
is Issy which gives ! " quietly remarked to me the old lady in
the kiosk at the corner of the Place de 1'Opera, as she sold me
a rag dated the 22nd and printed on the 20th. I asked her
how she could distinguish the sound of the Issy cannon from
those in the batteries of the Bois de Boulogne. " Remember,"
she replied, " I have been listening now for many days to that
AN ABSENCE OF U ED-TAPE. 131
delectable bicker, and have become a connaisseuse. The Issy
gun-fire comes the sharper and clearer, as you may hear, because
the fort stands high and nothing intervenes. The reports
from the cannon in the Bois get broken up, for one thing, by
the tree-trunks ; and then the sound has to climb over the*
enceinte, the railway viaduct, and the hill of Passy." She
spoke as calmly as if she had been talking of the weather ;
and it seemed to me, indeed, that all the few people who were
about shared the good woman's nonchalance. Certainly
there seemed nowhere any indication of apprehension or
expectation that the Versaillist hand was to be on the Com-
munist throat before the going down of that Sabbath sun.
I had a horse in Paris, which I had left there since the
days of the urmistice. It was the same noble steed on which
I had ridden in through the gate of St. Ouen, the " first
outsider " into Paris after the capitulation, on which occasion
the hungry Bellevillites had gazed upon the plump beast
with greedy eyes. My earliest quest now was for this animal.
I found it, but there was an armed sentry on the stable. The
Commune had requisitioned the horse, and the stable-keeper
had resisted the requisition on the ground that it belonged to
a foreigner. The matter had been temporarily compromised
by the posting of a sentry over the animal until the authorities
should have maturely weighed the grave question. The
sentry declined to depart when I civilly entreated him, nor
would he allow me to take out the horse ; so in the mean-
time I had to leave the matter as it stood. From the stable
I went to the War Ministry of the Commune, on the south
side of the river. The utter absence of red-tape and bureau-
cracy there, was quite a shock to the mental system of the
Briton. I remember having been pervaded by the same
sensation when, years later, I went to see the late General
Sherman in the Washington War Department. Ascending
a staircase — in Paris, not in Washington — I entered a great
room full of sergeants and private soldiers bustling to and
fro. Unheeded I passed into an inner room, where I found
the man whom I wanted writing among a number of other
men in uniform and a constantly changing throng of comers
J 2
132 MEMOBIRS OF WAR AND PEACE.
and goers. "Can I see the Chief-of-Staff ? " I asked. "Of
course you can — come with me ! " We went into a third
room, a tine apartment with furniture in the style of the First
Empire : officers swarmed here from commandants to lieu-
tenants. Privates carne in and had a word, and went away.
Amid the bustle there was a certain order, and also, seemingly,
a certain thoroughness. Without delay I was presented to
an officer, who, I was told, was the sous-chef of the Staff. I
told him that I desired to witness the military operations in
the capacity of a correspondent. With a bow he turned to a
staff-lieutenant and bade him write the order. The lieutenant
set to work at once. He asked me whether I wanted an order
lor the exterior as well as for the interior operations, and said
" bon " approvingly when I told him that I wanted an order
which would allow me to go anywhere and see everything.
The sous-chef signed it with the signature " Lefebre Toncier ; "
told me if ever I needed any favour or information to come
to him ; and made me a civil bow. I think I may reckon that
this was the last permit issued to a correspondent and signed
by Communist authority.
General Dornbrowski was the last of the many general-
issimos of the Commune ; he had held the command for
about a day and a half. His headquarters, I was told,
were away out to the west in the Chateau de la Muette, a
little way inside the enceinte and close to the railway-
station of Passy on the ceinture line. I went to the cab-
stand in the Place de la Concorde and bade the first
cabman drive me to the chateau. "No, monsieur; I have
children ! " was the reply. I got a less timid cocher who
agreed to drive me to the beginning of the Grande Rue de
Passy. As we passed the Pont de Jena the Communist
battery on the Trocadero began to give fire. Mont Valerien
replied. Shell after shell from that fortress fell on the
grassy slope on which I had seen the German soldiers, on
their entry into Paris on March 1st, lie down and drink
their till of its beauties. One shell felled a lamp-post on
the steps close by, and burst upon the pavement. My
drive/ struck, and very nearly carried me back with him
GENERAL DOMBROWSKI. 133
in his hurry to be out of what he evidently considered an
unpleasant neighbourhood. There was nothing for me but
to alight, and to go on foot up the Grande Rue. Here
there was hardly any resident population, but a large colony
of shell holes. National guards, sailors, and franc-tireurs
had quartered themselves in the abandoned houses, and
lounged idly on the sidewalks in comparative shelter. There
were nowhere any symptoms of uneasiness, although the shells
were dropping into the vicinity with great freedom. At the
further end of the street I turned to the right through a
large gateway into a short avenue bordered by fine trees,
at the end of which I entered the Chateau de la Muette.
Dombrowski gave me a most hearty and cordial greeting,
and at once offered me permission to attach myself to his
staff permanently, if I could accept the position as it dis-
closed itself. " We are in a deplorably comic situation
here," said he, with a smile and a shrug, " for the fire is
both hot and continuous ! "
Dombrowski was a neat, dapper little fellow of some five
feet four, dressed in a plain dark uniform with very little
gold lace. His face was shrewd — acuteness itself; he looked
as keen as a file, and there was a line frank honest
manner with him, and a genial heartiness in the grip of
his hand. He was the sort of man you take to instinct-
ively, and yet there were ugly stories about him. He wore
a slight moustache, and a rather long chin-tuft wrhich he
was given to caressing as he talked. He spoke not much
English but was very fluent in German. His staff con-
sisted of eight or ten officers, chiefly plain young fellows
who seemed thoroughly up to their work, and with whom,
not to be too pointed, soap and water seemed not so plen-
tiful as was their consummate coolness. Dombrowski ate,
read, and talked all at once, while one could hardly hear
his voice for the din of the cannonade and the yell of the
shells. He showed great anxiety to know whether I could
tell him anything as to the likelihood of German intervention,
and it struck me that he would be very glad to see such a
solution of the strange problem. We had got to the salad
134 MEMORIES OF WAR A.\D PEACE.
when a battalion commandant, powder-grimed and flushed,
rushed into the dining-room and exclaimed in great agita-
tion that the Versaillist troops were streaming inside the
enceinte at the gate of Billanconrt, which his command
had been holding. The cannonade from Issy had been so
fierce that his men had all got under shelter; and when
the Versaillists came suddenly on and his men had to
expose themselves and deliver musketry fire, the shells, he
said, fell so thick and deadly that they bolted, and then
the Versaillists had carried the porte and now held it.
His men had gone back in a panic. He had beaten them —
yes — " Sacre nom," etc. — with the flat of his sword until his
arm ached, but he had not been successful in arresting the
panic and his battalion had now definitively forsaken the
enceinte. The Versaillists were massing in large numbers
to strengthen the force that had already carried the gate
of Billancourt. Dombrowski waited quietly until the gasp-
ing commandant had exhausted himself, then handed him
a glass of wine with a smile ; turned with a serene nod to
his salad and went on eating it composedly and reflectively.
At length he raised his head, and ordered in a strong
voice —
" Send to the Ministry of Marine for a battery of seven-
pounders; call out the cavalry, the tirailleurs [of some
place or other; I did not catch where], and send forward
sucii and such battalions of national guards. Let them be
ready by seven o'clock I shall attack with them, and lead
the attack myself"
The Ministry of Marine, I may observe, had been turned
into an arsenal. It was a curious sign of the time that the
officer to whom Dombrowski dictated this order, like him-
self, a Pole, did not know where to find the Ministry of
Marine. Directions having been given to him as to its
locality, the lieutenant then suggested that he might not
be able to obtain a whole battery.
" Bring what you can then," exclaimed Dombrowski ;
" two, three, four guns— as many as you can, and see that
the tumbrils are in order. Go and obey ! "
"GO AND OBEY!" 135
" Go and obey ! " was the formula of this peremptory,
dictatorial, and yet genial little man. He had a splendid
commanding voice and one might have judged him accus-
tomed to dictation, for he would break off to converse
and take up the thread again, as if he had been the chief
clerk of a department.
While Dombrowski was eating his prunes after his salad
— like most Poles, he seemed a miscellaneous feeder — there
came bustling in a fussy commandant with a grievance.
His grievance was thus expressed : " General, I have been
complained against because I have too large a staff', and
have been ordered to bring the return to you." Dom-
browski silently took from him the return and read it.
Then he broke out in passion. "A commandant!" he ex-
claimed, " and with a staff' of ten officers ! What ! " Here
he rose and swept his arm round the table with a gesture
of indignation. " Look, citizen commandant ! Here am
I, the general, and behold my staff, nine hard-working
men ; and you, a commandant, have ten loafers ! I allow
you one secretary ; go and obey ! " and the discomfited
commandant cleared out.
The shell fire was increasing. Dombrowski told me that
the Chateau de la Muette belonged to a friend of M.
Thiers, and that, therefore, although it was known to be
his — Dornbrowski's — headquarters, there were orders that it
should be somewhat spared. All I have to say is, that if
there were indeed any efforts made to spare the chateau
the Versaillist gunners were shocking bad shots. While
we sat one shell came through the wall bounding the
avenue ; another struck the corner of the house so hard
that I thought it was through the wall. Dombrowski's
nerves were strong, and he had trained his staff' to perfec-
tion. When this shell burst he was speaking to me. I
started. I don't think his voice vibrated a single chord.
The officers sitting round the table noticed the explosion
no more than if it had been a snapping-bonbon at a ball
supper. A soldier- waiter was filling my cup with coffee.
The spout of the coffee-pot was on the edge of the cup.
136 MEMORIES OF WAR AXD PEACE.
There was no jar; the man's nerves were like iron. There
was certainly good, quiet, firm undemonstrative stuff here,
whatever there might have been elsewhere. J)ombrowski's
adjutant took me upstairs to the roof where there was an
observatory. The staircase and upper rooms had been very
freely knocked about by the shell fire, notwithstanding the
friendship of M. Thiers for the owner of the chateau. The
observatory, which was constructed of thick planking, was
nevertheless riddled with chassepot bullets ; and when I
showed myself incautiously on the leads I drew fire with
an alacrity so surprising, that I was not in the slightest
degree ashamed to make a precipitate retreat.
The park of the Chateau de la Muette sloped down to
the enceinte in front of Passy. One could scarcely see the
enceinte for the foliage. Beyond the enceinte was a belt
of clearing, then came the dense greenery of the Bojs
de Boulogne, and behind this green fringe was the bed of
the great lake. From this fringe of wood great isolated
puffs of smoke were darting out. Those were from single
cannon. I saw no massed battery. But there were clearly
at intervals single cannon in small emplacements at dis-
tances from the enceinte of from 400 to 500 paces. From
the edge of the fringe also, behind little trenches at the
throats of the drives, smaller puffs spurted from the
chassepots of Yersaillist marksmen trying to pick off the
Communists on the enceinte and on the advanced horn-
works in front of the gates of Passy and Auteuil. Just
above the gate of Passy the Communists had a battery on
the enceinte Avhich was firing steadily and with good effect.
The gate of Passy was not much injured and might have
been stormed by a resolute forlorn hope, were it not for
the earthen outwork thrown up during the Prussian siege.
The gate of Auteuil and the enceinte for some distance on
each side were utterly ruined. This Dombrowski did not
attempt to deny. But he pointed out that the advanced
earthwork was held — and strongly held; not an obstacle,
perhaps, it seemed to me, to thwart men bent on gaining
an object or losing their lives, but quite sufficient to all
THE SECOND LINE OF DEFENCE. 137
appearance, to keep the cautious Versaillists from exposing
themselves in the open on the way to it. Farther south,
by the gate of Billancourt and round to the Seine, the
enceinte was no great things to boast of. Certainly no
man needed wings to get inside thereabouts. In proof of
this, since I had joined him, Dombrowski, as I have
related, had received tidings that the Versaillists had carried
that gate.
There was a good deal more of risk than amusement
in remaining in the observatory ; and I descended presently
to the ground floor. Donibrowski was standing sword in
hand, dictating three orders at the same time. He stopped
to ask me what I thought of the prospect I had looked
down upon from the roof. I could not conscientiously
express the opinion that it was reassuring from the Com-
munist point of view. " I am just dictating an order,"
said Dombrowski, " which will inform Paris that I am
abandoning the enceinte from the Porte d'Auteuil to the
river. If you are a military man you must recognise the
fact, that our loss of Fort Issy has made virtually untenable
that section of the continuous line of fortification of which
I speak. Its province was to co-operate with, not to resist,
Fort Issy. For several days past I have foreseen the
necessity of which I am now informing Paris, and I have
prepared a second line of defence, of which the railway
viaduct defines the contour and which I have made as
strong as the enceinte and more easily tenable. Yes ; the
Versaillists are in possession of that gate you heard the
flurried commandant talk of. They may have it and
welcome ; the possession of it will not help them very
much. But all the same I don't mean to let them
keep their hold of it without giving them some trouble ;
and so I am going to make an attack on them to-night.
As like as not they will fall back from their occupancy
of to-day, and then they will have their work to do over
again to-morrow. But I am not going to fight with serious
intent to retrieve this condemned section of enceinte, as
the order which I have been dictating for publication will
138 MEMORIES OF WAR AXD PEACE.
show ; but merely, as I may say, for fighting's sake. There
is plenty of fight still in our fellows, especially when I am
leading them."
I could not for the life of me make up my mind then, nor
have I done so to this day, whether Dombrowski's cheerful
words were mere blag-tie or whether the little man was
really in dead earnest. With a promise from him that he
would not start on his enterprise without me, I went into
a side room to write a few lines for my newspaper. I had
finished and was instructing the soldier messenger whom
Dombrowski's adjutant was good enough to place at my
disposal, where to deliver the packet containing my message,
when an urgent summons came to me to join the general.
The little man I found on the outside of a very lofty charger,
which was dancing about the lawn on its hind legs. For
me, alas ! there wras no mount, big or little ; my horse was
in the stable behind the Hue Faubourg St. Honore with
that relentless sentry standing over him. Messenger after
messenger had come hurrying in from the Point du Jour
quarter entreating for immediate succour, as the holders of the
positions thereabouts were being hard pushed. The cannon-
ade and fusillade from the Seine all the way to the Neuilly
gate and probably beyond, continued to increase in Avarmth
as we hastened down the Rue Mozart. The Yersaillist
batteries were in full roar ; and it was not possible, even if
some guns still remained undismounted on the enceinte,
to respond effectively to their steady and continuous fire of
weighty metal. Some reinforcements were waiting for
Dombrowski on the Quai d'Auteuil, partly sheltered by the
houses of the landward side of the quay from the fire which
was lacerating the whole vicinity. The tidings which greeted
the little general were unpleasant when he rode into the
Institution de Ste. Ferine, which was temporarily occupied as
a kind of local headquarters. It was the Commandant of the
93rd national guard battalion who had come to the Chateau
de la Muette in the afternoon to tell Dombrowski how his
men had been driven from the gate of Billancourt. From
what I could hurriedly gather there had subsequently been a
COMMUNIST HE VERSES. 139
kind of rally. National guards had lined the battered para-
pet of the enceinte between the gates of Billancourt and
Point du Jour, and farther northward to and beyond the
St. Cloud gate. For some time they had clung to the
positions with considerable tenacity under a terrible fire, but
then had been forced back with serious loss, mainly by the close
and steady shooting of the Versaillist artillery from the
breaching batteries about Boulogne and those in the more
distant Brimborion. The St. Cloud gate as well as that of the
Point du Jour, had followed the Billancourt gate into the hands
of Versaillist troops who having occupied the enceinte in force
and the adjacent houses inside the enceinte, had pushed
strong detachments forward to make reconnaissances up the
Rues Marois and Billancourt, one of which bodies at least
had penetrated as far as the railway viaduct but had been
driven back.
Dornbrowski smiled as this news was communicated to
him ; and I thought of his " second line of defence," and of
his assurance that " the situation was not compromised." By
this time it was nearly nine o'clock, and it seemed to me that
the Versaillists must have got cannon upon or inside the
enceinte, the fire came so hot about the Institution de Ste.
Perine. Dombrowski and his staff were very active and
daring, and his troops seemed in good heart enough. There
was some cheering on the order to advance, and the troops,
consisting chiefly of francs-tireurs and men wearing a zouave
dress so far as I could discern through the gloom, moved out
from behind the railway embankment into the Rue de la
Municipalite — that was its name then, but I believe it is
now called the Rue Michel. A couple of guns— only field guns,
I believe — opened fire on the Ceinture railway to the left of
the Rue de la Municipalite, and under their cover Dornbrowski's
infantrymen now debouched with a short-lived rush. Almost
immediately after, however, utter disorganisation ensued, the
result of a hot and close rifle fire which seemingly came
chiefly from over a wall which I was told enclosed the
Cirnetiere des Pauvres. The Communists broke right and
left. One forlorn hope I dimly saw spring forward and go at the
140 MEMORIES OF WAR AXD PEACE.
corner of the cemetery Avail in the angle formed by a little
cross-street, under the passionate leadership of a young staff-
officer whom I had noticed in the Chateau de la Muette at
dinner time. There was a few moments' brisk cross-fire ; then
the Communist spurt died away and the fugitives came
running back, but without their gallant leader. Some affirmed
that Dornbrowski himself took part in this rash, futile
attempt ; but the locality was too warm for me to be able to
speak definitely on this point. Meanwhile there seemed to be
almost hand-to-hand fighting going on all along the exterior
of the railway embankment. I could hear the incessant
whistle and patter of the bullets and the yells and curses
of the Communists, not a few of whom evidently owed the
courage they displayed to alcoholic influence. Every now
and then there came a short rush, then a volley which
arrested the rush, and then a stampede back into cover. Soon
after ten it was obvious that the fight was nearly out of the
Communists. Doinbrowski I had long since lost sight of.
One officer told me that he had been killed close to the grave-
yard Avail ; another, that his horse had been shot under him and
that the speaker had last seen the daring little felloAV fighting
AArith his SAvord against a Versaillist marine who Avas lunging at
him Avith the bayonet. After the Commune was stamped out,
accusations of treachery to the cause he Avas professing to
serve Avere made against DombroAvski. All I can say is that
so far as I saw of him, he bore himself as a true man and a
gallant soldier, and, seeing that before the Commune ended he
had lost his life in the struggle, it seems the reverse of likely,
as was averred, that he had sold himself to the Versaillists.
He came of a fighting race. An ancestor of his was one of
the gallant Polish leaders under the first Napoleon.
Then came a sudden and apparently general panic and I
was glad to make good my retreat behind " the second line of
defence," which was not easily recognisable as a line of defence at
all, and concerning which I suspected that DombroAvrski had
been gasconading. Once behind the railway, the Communist
troops held their ground for some time Avith a show of stiffness.
Occasional outbursts of firing indicated desultory attacks
"NOUS SOMMES TEAHIS!" 1-H
•made by detached parties of Versaillists ; but those flashes of
strife gradually died away and about eleven o'clock the quiet-
ness had become so marked, that I thought the work was over
for the night and that Dombrowski's anticipations had been
at least partly realised. The pause was deceptive. The
Versaillists must have been simply holding their hands for
the time, to make the blow the heavier when it should fall.
No doubt they had their combinations to mature in other
directions — no doubt they were pouring in force into the
area between the enceinte and the Ceinture railway. They
were comparatively quiet for their own purposes while they
were doing this — lining the enceinte and packing the
thoroughfares with troops and artillery. We could hear in the
distance behind us the generale being beaten in the streets of
Paris. A staff-officer who spoke English as if it were his
mother tongue, came to me and told me how he mistrusted
the pause, and expressed his fear that the supreme hour had
come at last. It must have been near midnight when a
strong rire of cannon and musketry opened from the enceinte.
At the same time there came on the wind the sound of heavy
tiring from the northward. I heard someone shout " We are
surrounded ! The Versaillists are pouring in by the gates of
Auteuil, Passy, and La Muette ! " This was enough. A wild
panic set in. The cry rose of " Sauve qui pent ! " mingled
with yet more ominous shouts of " Nous sommes trahis ! "
Arms were thrown down, accoutrements were stripped off, and
everyone bolted at the top of his speed, many officers taking
part in the debacle. I came on one party — a little detachment
of franc- tireurs— standing fast behind the projection of a
house, and calling out that all the chiefs had run away and
had left their men. Whether this was the case as regarded
the higher commands I could not tell. I do not believe that
Uombrowski was the man to run, nor any of his staff. But
certainly none of them was to be seen. There was the cry,
too, that there was a Versaillist inrush from the south. And
so men surged, and struggled, and blasphemed confusedly up
the quay of Passy in wild confusion, shot and shell chasing them
as they fled. In the extremity of panic mingled with rage,
142 MEMORLES OF WAR AND PEACE.
men blazed off their pieces indiscriminately and struck at one
another with the clubbed butts. Upon the battalions coming
up in support there surged the rushing tide of fugitives,
thus imparting their panic to the newcomers and carrying
them away with them in the torrent.
There was an interval of distracted turmoil during which
in the darkness and in my comparative ignorance of that
part of Paris, I had no idea for a time whither I was being
carried in the throng of fugitives. The road was wide, and I
was able to discern that it was bounded on the right by the
Seine ; it was by after- reference to the map that I found the
thoroughfare we had been following was the Quay of Passy.
After a while I struck out of the press up a silent wTay to the
left, and for a time wandered about in utter ignorance of
my whereabouts. I could hardly tell how it came about that
in the first flicker of the dawn I found myself on the
Trocadero. There was a dense fog which circumscribed
narrowly my sphere of vision, and I knew only that I was
standing on sward in an utter solitude. A few steps brought
me into the rear of a battery facing westward, from which all
the guns had been carried away except one which had been
dismounted, evidently by a hostile shell, and it now lay
among the shattered fragments of its carriage. Close by, no
doubt killed by the explosion of the shell which had wrecked
the gun, were two or three dead Communist gunners. As it
became lighter and the fog was slowly dispersing, the slopes
of the Trocadero disclosed themselves on my left, and I
realised that I must be standing in the Trocadero battery of
which I had heard Dombrowski speak on the previous after-
noon. Looking westward along the Avenue de 1'Empereur —
now the Avenue Henri Martin — I saw a battery of artillery
advancing up it at a walk, with detachments of sailors
abreast of it on each sidewalk. I had not to ask myself
whether these troops advancing with a deliberation so equable,
could belong to the beaten and panic-stricken levies of the
Commune. No ! , that could not be. They were, for sure,
Versaillist troops coming on to take possession of the
Trocadero position. Indeed, had there been no other evi-
SWEEPING THE CHAMPS ELYSEES. 143
dence, their method of announcing themselves by half a
dozen chassepot bullets fired at the lone man standing by the
battery, would have been conclusive. I took the hint to quit,
and started off' abruptly in the direction of the Champs
Elysees. I came out on the beautiful avenue by the Rue
des Chaillots about midway between the Arch of Triumph
and the Rond Point. And lo ! round the noble pile which
commemorates French valour there stood in close order
several battalions of soldiers in red breeches. Thus far then,
at all events, had penetrated the Versaillist invasion of Paris
in the young hours of the 22nd. The French regulars were
packed in the Place de 1'Etoile as densely as had been the
Bavarians on the day of the German entry some three
months earlier. No cannon fire was directed on the Ver-
saillist masses from the great Communist battery on the
Place de la Concorde end of the gardens of the Tuileries ;
but men in national guard uniform were showing themselves
about it and now and then sending a rifle-bullet into the
ranks of the Yersaillists by the Arch. The latter, for their
part, seemed to be taking things very deliberately, and to be
making quite sure of their ground before advancing farther.
They had a field-battery in action a little way below the
Arch, which swept the Champs Elysees very thorough!}7. I
saw several shells explode about the Place de la Concorde,
and was very glad when I had run the gauntlet safely and
had reached the further side of the great avenue. I was
making towards the Pare Monceau when a person I met
told me that Versaillist troops marching from the Arch
along the Avenue de la Reine Hortense (now the Avenue
Hoche) had come upon Communists throwing up a batter}^
and had saved them the trouble of completing it by taking
it from them at the point of the bayonet. Here I very nearly
got shut in, for as we talked there was a shout, and looking
westward I saw that a strong force of Versaillists with
artillery at its head, was inarching along the Avenue Friedland
towards the Boulevard Haussmann. I was just in time to
dodge across its front, and tracking the force by side-streets I
found that it pressed on steadily, firing now and then but
144 MEMORIES OF WAR AND PEACE.
not heavily, until it reached the open space at the upper
end of the Boulevard Haussrnann, in front of the Pepiniere
Barracks. This was a singularly commanding position, and
thus early one could fathom the tactics of the Versaillists.
Occupying in strong force and with a numerous artillery
certain central points from each of which radiated several
straight thoroughfares in different directions, their design
clearly was to cut Paris up into sections, isolating the sections
one from another by sweeping with cannon-fire the bounding
streets. From this position at the Pepiniere, for example,
they had complete command of the Boulevard Haussmann
down to the foot of it at the intersection of the Rue Taitbout,
and of the Boulevard Malesherbes down to the Madeleine,
thus securing access to the Grand Boulevards and to the
Rue Roy ale, by descending which could be taken in reverse
the Communist battery at its foot facing the Place de la
Concorde. Desirous of seeing what might be occurring in
other parts of the city, I made my way by devious paths in
the direction of the Palais Royal. Shells seemed to be
bursting all over Paris. They were time-fuse shells, and I
could see many of them explode in white puffs high in air.
Several fell on and about the Bourse while I was passing it,
and the boulevards and their vicinity were silent and
deserted save for small detachments of national guards hurry-
ing backwards and forwards. It was difficult to tell whether
the Communists meant to stand or fall back ; but certainly
everywhere barricades were being hastily thrown up. All
those I evaded until I reached the Place du Palais Royal.
Here two barricades were being constructed, one across the
throat of the Rue St. Honore, the other across the Rue de
Rivoli between the Louvre and the hotel of the same name.
For the latter material was chiefly furnished by a great
number of mattresses of Sommier-Tucker manufacture which
were being hurriedly pitched out of the windows of the
warehouse; and also by mattresses from the barracks of
the Place du Carrousel The Rue St. Honore barricade was
being formed of furniture, omnibuses and cabs; and in the
construction of it I was compelled to assist. I had been
THE BARRICADES. 145
placidly standing in front of the Palais Royal, when a soldier
approached me and ordered me to lend a hand to the
work. I declined, and turned to walk away; whereupon
the soldier brought his bayonet down to the charge in un-
pleasantly close proximity to my person. This was an
argument which in the circumstances I could not resist,
and I accompanied him to where a red-sashed member of
the Committee of the Commune was strutting to and fro
superintending the operations. To him I addressed strong
remonstrances, explaining that I was a neutral and exhibit-
ing the pass I had received from the War Department the
day before. He bluntly refused to recognise this document,
and offered me the alternatives of being shot or going to
work. I was fain to accept the latter. Even if you have
to do a thing by compulsion, it is pleasant to try to do it
in a satisfactory manner ; and observing that an embrasure
had been omitted in the construction of the barricade not-
withstanding that there was a gun in its rear, I devoted my
energies to remedying this defect. The Committeeman was
good enough to express such approbation of the amendment
I had made, that when the embrasure was finished he very
civilly allowed me to go away. Looking up the Rue de Rivol
I noticed that the Communists had erected a great battery
at its junction with the Place de la Concorde, armed with
cannon which were in action, firing apparently up the Champs
Elysees. Leaving the vicinity of the Palais Royal I went in
the direction of the new Opera House. On reaching the
boulevard I discovered that the Versaillists must have gained
the Madeleine between which and their position at the
Pepiniere no obstacle intervened ; for they had thrown up
across the Boulevard de la Madeleine a barricade of trees
and casks. The Communists, on their side, had a barricade
composed chiefly of provision-waggons across the boulevard,
at the head of the Rue de la Paix. For the moment no firing
was going on; and as it was getting towards noon I deter-
mined to try to reach my hotel in the Cite d'Antin and there
obtain some breakfast.
Leaving the boulevard by the Rue Taitbout, I found my
K
146 MEMORIES OF WAR AND PEACE.
progress hampered by a crowd of people as I approached
the foot of the Boulevard Haussmann. By strenuous
pushing and shoving I got to the front of this throng, to
witness a curious spectacle. There was a crowd behind me.
Opposite to me, on the further side of the Boulevard Hauss-
mann, another crowd faced me. Between the two crowds
was the broad boulevard, actually alive with the rifle-bullets
sped by the Versaillists from their position about a thousand
vards higher up. On the iron shutters of the shops across
the foot of the boulevard — shops in the Rue Taitbout — the
bullets were pattering like hailstones, some dropping back
flattened, others penetrating. This obstacle of rifle-fire it
was which had given rise to the massing of the crowds on
each side. Nor were the wayfarers thus given pause with-
out obvious cause, for in the space separating the one crowd
from the other lay several dead and wounded who had dared
and had suffered. My hunger overcame my prudence, and
I ran across without damage save to a coat-tail through
which a bullet had passed making a hole in my tobacco-
pouch. A lad who followed me was not so fortunate ; he got
across indeed, but with a bullet-wound in his thigh.
Having ordered breakfast at my hotel in the Cite d'Antin,
a recessed space close to the foot of the Rue Lafayette, I
ran out to the junction of that street with the Boulevard
Haussmann, just in time to witness a fierce fight for the
barricade across the latter about the intersection of the Rue
Tronchet. The Communists stood their ground resolutely
although falling fast under the overwhelming fire, until a
battalion of Versaillist marines made a rush and carried the
barricade. It was with all the old French elan that the
marines leaped upon and over the obstacle, and lunged with
their sword-bayonets at the few defenders who would not give
ground. Those who had not waited for the end fell back
towards me, dodging behind lamp-posts and in doorways, and
firing wildly as they retreated. They were pursued by a
brisk fusillade from the captured barricade, which was fatal to
a large proportion of them. Two lads standing near me were
shot down. A bullet struck the lamp-post which constituted
DESTROYING THE EVIDENCE. 147
my shelter, and fell flattened on the asphalt. A woman ran
out from the corner of the Rue Chaussee d'Antin, picked up
the bullet, and walked coolly back clapping her hands with glee.
After eating and having written for a couple of hours, I
determined to make for the Northern Railway terminus and
attempt to get a letter to iny paper sent out. One saw
strange things on the way. What, for instance, was this
curious fetish- like ceremony going on in the Rue Lafayette at
the corner of the Rue Laffitte? There were a waggon, a
mounted spahi black as night, and an officer with his sword
drawn. A crowd stood around, and in the centre of the
strange scene was a blazing fire of papers. Were they
burning the ledgers of the adjacent bank, or the title-deeds of
the surrounding property ? No. The papers of a Communist
battalion it was which were thus being hurriedly destroyed,
no doubt that they should not bear witness against its
members. The little episode was a significant indication of
the beginning of the end. Nor wrere other tokens wanting,
for English passports were being anxiously sought for. At
the terminus the unpleasant report was current that the
Prussians were shunting at St. Denis all the trains leaving
Paris, and were preventing everybody from passing their lines.
There was but one chance. I suborned a railway employe of
acute aspect to get out of Paris by walking through the
railway tunnel, and, should he reach St. Denis, to give my
letter to a person there whom I could trust to forward it.
My emissary put the missive cheerfully in his boot and
departed, having promised to come to my hotel at 8 p.m. and
report his success or failure. I never saw him or heard of
him any more.
On my way back from the Gare du Nord I met with an
experience which came near being tragical. Hearing firing in
the direction of the Church of Notre Darne de Lorette, I left the
Rue Lafayette for the Rue Chateaudtin. When I reached the
open space in the centre of which stands the beautiful church
I found myself inside an extraordinary triangle of barricades
There was a barricade across the end of the Rue St. Lazare
another across the end of the Rue Lorelto and a third
K 2
148 MEMORIES OF WAR AXD PEACE.
between thd church and the front of the Place looking
into the Rue Chateaudun. The peculiarity of the dispositions
consisted in this — that each of these barricades could either
be enfiladed or taken in reverse by lire directed on any or all
of the others, so that the defenders were exposing themselves
to fire on flanks and rear as well as from front. I took up a
protected position in the church .porch to watch the outcome
of this curious state of things. But the officer in command
happening to notice me, approached and ordered me to pick
up the musket of a man who had just been bowled over, and
to take a hand in the defence of the position. I refused,
urging that I was a foreigner and a neutral. He would by no
means accept the excuse, swearing angrily that he too was a
foreigner yet was fain to fight, and giving me the choice of
the cheerful alternatives of forthwith complying or being
incontinently shot. I did not believe him, and, indeed,
laughed at him. Thereupon he shouted for four of his men
to come and place me up against the wall of the church, and
then act as a firing party. They had duly posted me and
were proceeding to carry out the programme to its incon-
venient ending, when suddenly a rush of Versaillist troops
came upon and over the Rue St. Lazare barricade. There-
upon the defenders precipitately evacuated the triangle, the
firing-party accompanying their comrades. I remained, not
caring for the society I should have to accompany if I fled ;
but I presently came to regard my fastidiousness as folly, for
several shots from Versaillist rifles came too near to be
pleasant. One bullet went through my hat; and in a
twinkling I was in Versaillist grips and instantly charged
Avith being a Communard. The people in the red breeches
set about sticking me up against the church wall again, when
fortunately I saw a superior officer and appealed to him. I
was bidden to hold up my hands. They were not particularly
clean, but there were no gunpowder stains on the thumbs and
forefingers. Those stains were, it seemed, the brand marking
the militant Communard, and my freedom from them just
pulled me through. It was a " close call " ; but then a miss is
as good as a mile.
ENTR'ACTE. 149
Late in the afternoon the drift of the retreating Com-
munists seemed to be in the direction of Montmartre, whence
their guns were firing over the city on the Versaillist artillery
now in great measure massed on the Trocaclero. The
Yersaillists, for their part, were also moving deliberately in
the Montmartre direction, and before dusk they had reached
the Place de 1'Europe at the back of the St. Lazare terminus.
From this point on the north they held with their advanced
forces a definite line down the Rue Tronchet to the Madeleine.
They were maintaining their fire along the Boulevard
Haussrnann, and from their battery at the Madeleine they
had shattered the Communist barricade on the Boulevard
des Capucines at the head of the Rue de la Paix. The
Communists were undoubtedly in part demoralised ; 3 et they
were working hard everywhere in the construction of
barricades.
About eight p.m. the firing had died out almost every-
where, and for an interval there was an all but dead calm.
What a strange people were those Parisians ! It was a lovely
evening, and the scenes in the narrow streets of the Rue
Lafayette reminded me of the aspect of the "down-town"
residential streets of New York on a summer Sunday evening.
Men and women were placidly sitting by their street doors,
gossiping easily about the events and rumours of the day.
The children played around the barricades; their mothers
scarcely looked up at the far-away sound of the generate, or
when the distant report of the bursting of a shell came on the
soft night wind. Yet on that light wind was borne the smell
of fresh blood, and corpses were littering the pavements not
three hundred yards away.
Shortlived was the halcyon interval of quietude in Paris
during the late evening of Monday, May 22nd. Before
midnight, as I lay in my clothes on a sofa in the Hotel de la
Chaussee d'Antin, I could not sleep for the bursting of the
shells on the adjacent Boulevard Haussrnann. In the
intervals of the shell-fire was audible the steady grunt of the
mitrailleuses, and I could distinctly hear the pattering of the
150 MEMORIES .OF WAR AND PEACE.
bullets as they rained on and ricocheted off' the asphalt of the
boulevard. There came in gusts throughout the night the
noise of a more distant fire, the whereabouts of which it was
impossible to locate.
The dismal din, so perplexing and bewildering, continued
at intervals all through the night ; and daybreak of the 23rd
brought no cessation of the noise. Turning out in the chilly
dawn, and from the hazardous corner of the Rue de la
Chaussee d'Antin looking cautiously up the Boulevard
Haussmann, I saw before me a weird spectacle of desolation
and slaughter. Corpses strewed the broad roadway and lay
huddled in the recesses of doorways. Some of the bodies
were partially shrouded by the foliage of the branches of trees
which had been torn off by the storm of shot and shell.
Lamp-posts, kiosks, and tree-stems were shattered or upset in
all directions. The Versaillists, at least hereabouts, had
certainly not advanced during the night: indeed it seemed
that they had in a measure drawn back, and that the
Communists were now holding positions which the day before
they had abandoned. The big battery of the former in front
of the Pepiniere Barracks at the head of the Boulevard
Haussmann, a position beyond which the Yersaillists had
attained to on the previous day, was still, so far as that
boulevard was concerned, the apparent limit of their occupa-
tion in force, although they held as an advanced post the
slight barricade which they had taken the day before across
the boulevard and about half-way down it, at the intersection
of the Rue Tronchet. Over this outpost the battery at the
Pepiniere was steadily sending the fire of cannon and
mitrailleuses towards the eastern end of the boulevard, where
a few national guards still prowled about behind casual
cover, firing a shot now and then into the intermediate
barricade. Communist sergeants were running about the side
streets and the Rue Lafayette, ordering the inmates of houses
to close their windows but to open their shutters — this, no
doubt, as a precaution against Versaillist sympathisers firing
down on the insurgents from the house-fronts. It was to be
noticed that there had been no attempt anywhere on the part
HOBNOfiBING WITH COMMUNISTS. 151
of the Communists to occupy the houses and fire from them
on the advancing Versaillists. They had been content to
utilise the shelter of barricades and such cover as the streets
casually afforded. The Versaillists, on the other hand, were
reported to be freely occupying the houses and to be firing
down from the windows. This I did not yet know of my own
knowledge ; but I did know that they were for the most part
extremely cautious in exposing themselves ; and that, except
in isolated instances, they had shown little enterprise and had
done scarcely anything in the way of hand-to-hand fighting.
About six o'clock I went for a walk — not an unmixed
pleasure just at the moment, nor to be indulged in with-
out considerable circumspection. Getting into the Boule-
vard des Capucines I found it still held by strong bodies
of national guards, a large proportion of whom were
very drunk notwithstanding the early hour, while all
were quite at their ease and in lively spirits. The
cross-barricade between the head of the Rue de la Paix
and the corner of the Place de 1'Opera, which had
been shattered the day before by artillery fire from the
Versaillist position at the Madeleine, had been restored,
strengthened, and armed with cannon and mitrailleuses.
Nay, more : I was assured by Communist officers that the
night-firing one had heard had mainly been directed by them
from this barricade, and that it had compelled the Versaillist
withdrawal from the Madeleine position. There was a certain
confirmation of this in the fact that the Grand Boulevards were
now quite unharassed by Versaillist fire, save for occasional
vagrant obuses which appeared to come from the Trocadero
direction. I did myself the honour to partake of morning
coffee with an hospitable but particularly tipsy squad of
national guardsmen. They had been fighting, they said
between their yawns, through the greater part of the night ;
and they owned, without any great concern, that there had
been not a few casualties among them during the hours of
darkness. Their women — I do not imagine that many of
those were linked to their men by the bond of marriage —
had come to them in the early dawn bringing food and the
152 MEMORIES OF WAR AXD PEACE.
spirits which had caused the intoxication that obviously
affected, more or less, quite three-fourths of the detachment
with the members of which I was casually and temporarily
consorting. It was rather a chilly morning for the time of
year ; and fires were alight and blazing cheerfully. Over the
iires the good ladies of the detachment were making coffee
and handing it round among their men, who insisted on
lacing the beverage with brandy, and pressing on the ladies
the rough-and-ready and somewhat rudimentary mazagran.
It was a comforting drink enough ; and I had no hesitation,
but the reverse, in hobnobbing with the male and female
Communists of the boulevards.
Leaving my boon companions, I then struck southwards,
down towards the Palais Royal, to ascertain how it had fared
during the night with the Rue St. Honore and the Rue de Rivoli.
Several of the cross-streets had suffered considerably from the
shell-fire which was still slowly dropping ; but the barricades
at the Place du Palais Royal were intact, armed, and garri-
soned ; and the great barricade across the Rue de Rivoli at its
junction with the Place de la Concorde was still strongly held
by the insurgents, sure evidence that the Versaillists were not
yet in possession of the Place. The Rue St. Honore, along
which I walked westwards, was crossed by frequent barricades
strongly manned by detachments of drunken but resolute
men. The strongest barricade was at the junction of the Rue
St. Honore with the Rue Royale. Just here I witnessed one
of the strangest imaginable cross-question and crooked-answer
spectacles. The Versaillists held in force the Rue du Fau-
bourg St. Honore west of the Rue Royale. They were thus
in rear of the great Communist battery facing the Place de la
Concorde at the foot of the Rue Royale, yet could not take it
in reverse because of the cross-fire from the battery which
stood across the head of the Rue St. Honore. And they were
further blocked by the Versaillist fire from the front of the
Corps Legislatif across the Seine on the further side of the
Place de la Concorde, directed against the Communist battery
at the foot of the Rue Royale, and sweeping that thoroughfare
in its rear. The following diagram will make the curious
DEADLOCK.
153
situation more clear : it was a deadlock the forcing of which
neither side seemed inclined to attempt. The situation as
things stood was passively in favour of the Communists : —
Corps Legislatif.
Versailles t Battery.
ttt- -t t t
Pont de la
Concorde.
Seine.
I i
II
Place de la Concorde.
Rue
de
Rivoli.
Communist \
barri-
cade &
batter.
l-*-4 I 44
Communist
battery
and
counter-barricade
t t t t t
Rue ( Communist
fet. -! barricade &
Honore. v. battery.
Rue du Faubourg St. Honore.
Versaillists in courtyards
and houses.
e
C.
To all seeming there were now no Versaillists about the
Madeleine, whither on the previous day they had reached in
force and where apparently they had made good their foot-
hold. Clearly their policy was to take no risks, and to
economise as much as possible in the matter of their own
skins. A direct offensive effort along the wide bare boulevard
154 MEMORIES OF WAR AND PEACE.
would certainly have cost them dear ; and, fresh as the red-
breeches were from their German captivity, their spirit was
probably not quite an assured thing. It became presently
plain, however, that the policy of the Versaillist leaders over-
night had been reculer pour mieux sauter.
Returning towards my hotel, I recognised how the Ver-
saillist troops were engaging in the development of a great
turning movement by their left. Yesterday they had reached
the St. Lazare terminus, apparently on their way to Mont-
martre. Now they had sure grip of the Place and Church of
the Trinite at the head of the Rue de la Chaussee d'Antin, and
were working eastwards by the narrower streets in preference
to traversing the wider Boulevard Haussinann. Between ten
and eleven o'clock we in the hotel heard the din of a fierce
fire at the back of the Cite d'Antin ; and running out into the
Rue Laffitte I discerned that the Versaillists had regained tbe
Place de Notre Dame de Lorette — the mantrap triangle in
which I had got involved on the previous afternoon ; and
were now fighting their way along the Rue de Chateaudun,
which opens into the Rue Lafayette considerably eastwards of
the Cite d'Antin. Meanwhile a heavy Versaillist fire was
being maintained down the Boulevard Haussmann, so that
my hotel seemed to be in imminent danger of being sur-
rounded. Regaining the front of it and going into the Rue
Lafayette, I looked up eastwards to the barricade across it at
the junction of the Rue de Chateaudun and prolonged across
the issue of the latter street ; and I could see its Com-
munist defenders firing vehemently along the Rue Chateau -
dun. At length, after a strong resistance, they broke, and the
Versaillists gained the commanding position. I watched the
red-breeches climbing over the barricade as they poured out
of the Rue Chateaudun and established themselves in posses-
sion of the barricade across the Rue Lafayette. Now (at
1 p.m.) they were firing westwards down the latter street into
the lower end of the Boulevard Haussmann, while other
Versaillist troops were pressing down that wide boulevard,
firing heavily, and covered by shell-fire describing a parabola
over their heads and falling in front of them. Thus the
BETWEEN THE FIRES. 155
scanty Communist detachments still hanging about the foot
of the Boulevard Haussmann — not, it was true, numerically
strong, but singularly obstinate — were taken simultaneously
in front and rear, and indeed in flank as well ; for rule-lire
was reaching and striking them down the Rue de la Chaussee
d'Antin from the Church of the Trinite. Parenthetically I
may observe that, standing in the lee of a projection at the
foot of the Rue Lafayette, I was hemmed in between three
separate fires. There was not a civilian out of doors any-
where within sight : even the women who had been so fond
of shell-fragments were under cover now. Communard after
Communard, finding the Boulevard Haussmann considerably
too hot to hold him, was sneaking away out of the devilry,
availing himself of the protection afforded by the Opera
House.
Yet the Versaillists still hung back. At half-past two they
had not got so far down the Boulevard Haussmann as to
be abreast of the Opera House, from the arms of the Apollo
on the summit of which the red flag still floated. The
Versaillists simply would not expose themselves. About five-
and-twenty obstinate Communists, coming out from the
cross streets, were blocking the advance of the Versaillist
column with an intermittent fire. Ten minutes of the pas
de charge would have given the regulars the boulevard from
end to end ; but they would not make the effort, and instead
were bursting their way from house to house and taking pot-
shots from the windows. This style of cover-fighting on
their part, of course left the boulevard free for artillery and
mitrailleuse fire, and certainly neither was spared. The Ver-
saillist shells and bullets were passing my corner in one con-
tinuous shriek and whistle ; the crash of falling stucco and
the clash of broken glass were incessant. So scanty were the
defenders that scarcely any execution was done by all this ex-
penditure of ammunition, but it probably tried the nerves of
the few Communists left to fight it out to the bitter end. Yet
their efforts were truly heroic. Just as all seemed over they got
a cannon from somewhere up to the head of the Rue Halevy,
and brought it into action against the Versaillist position at
156 MEMORIES OF WAR AND PEACE.
the Church of the Trinite. All was weird and curious chaos.
It was only of one episode that I could be the witness ; but
the din that filled the air told vaguely of other strenuous
combats that were being fought elsewhere. Above the smoke
of the villainous gunpowder the summer sun was shining
brightly, and hi spite of the powder-stench and the smell of
blood, the air was balmy. It was such a day as made one
long to be lying on the grass under a hawthorn-tree in
blossom watching the lambs at pi a}7, and made one loathe
this cowering in a corner, dodging shot and shell in a most
undignified manner and without any matches wherewith to
light one's pipe.
For another hour or more my neighbours the Communists,
who had been reinforced, gave pause to the Versaillist effort
to descend the Boulevard Haussmann, and were holding their
own against the Versaillist fire from the Place of the Trinite
and from the barricade on the rise of the Rue Lafayette. The
house at the left-hand corner of the Rue de la Chaussee
d'Antin and the Rue Lafayette — the house whose projecting
gable had been my precarious shelter so long — had caught fire,
to my disquietude and discomfort ; but before the fire should
seriously trouble me the impending crisis seemed likely to bo
at last over. Furious and more furious waxed the firing all
around. About the Opera House it was exceptionally fierce.
I had glimpses of fighting at close quarters in the open space
before its rear front, and I could discern men shuffling along
behind the low parapet of its roo£ They carried packs, but I
could not see the colour of their breeches and therefore was
not wholly certain that they were Versaillists. A woman had
joined me in my post behind the gable — a woman who seemed
to have a charmed life. Over and over again she walked out
into the fire, looked deliberately about her, and came back to
recount to me with excited volubility the particulars of what
she had seen. She was convinced that the soldiers on the
roof of the Opera House were Versaillists ; yet, as I pointed
out to her, the drapeau rouge still waved above the statue on
the summit of the lofty edifice. The people of the hotel in
our rear clearly shared her belief. Gathered timidly in the
THE DRAFEAU ROUGE. 157
porch they were shouting " Bravo ! " and clapping their
hands, because they hoped and believed that the Versaillists
were winning.
The woman was right; they were Versaillist linesmen
whom we saw on the parapet of the Opera House. There was
a cheer ; the people of the hotel ran out into the fire, waving
handkerchiefs and clapping their hands. The tricolor was
waving now above the hither portico of the Opera House.
The red tlag floated still on the further elevation. " A ladder !
a ladder to reach it!" was the excited cry from the group
behind me ; but for the moment no ladder was available. As
we waited impatiently there darted down the side-walk of the
boulevard to the corner of the Rue Halevy a little grig of a
fellow in red breeches — one of the old French linesman breed.
He was all alone, and he seemed to enjoy the loneliness as he
took up his post behind a tree, and fired his first shot at a
Communard dodging about the intersection of the Rue Tait-
bout. When is a Frenchman not dramatic ? He fired with
an air, he reloaded with an air, he fired again with a flourish,
and was acclaimed with cheering and hand-clapping from the
" gallery " behind me to which the little fellow was playing.
Then he beckoned us back dramatically, for his next shot was
to be sped up the Rue Lafayette at a little knot of Commun-
ists who from a fragment of shelter at the intersection of the
Rue Laffitte were taking him for their target. Then he faced
about and waved his comrades on with exaggerated gestures
which recalled those one sees in a blood-and-thimder melo-
drama, the Communist bullets all the while cutting the bark
and branches of the tree which was his cover. Ah ! he was
down ! Well, he had enjoyed his brief flash of recklessness.
The woman by my side and I ran across and carried him in.
We might have spared ourselves the trouble and risk : he was
dead, with a bullet through his head.
This little distraction had engrossed us for only a few
minutes ; the moment it ended thus tragically, all our atten-
tion went back to the scene on the roof of the Opera House.
A ladder had at length been got up, and a Versaillist soldier was
now mounting the statue of Apollo on the front elevation of
158 MEMORIES OF WAR AND PEACE.
the building,' overhanging the Place de 1'Opera, He tore down
the drdpeau, rouge and substituted the tricolor just as the
head of a great column of Versaillist troops came streaming
out of the Rue de la Chausse'e d'Antin across the Boulevard
Haussmann, and down the wide streets towards the Grand
Boulevards. The excitment was hysterical. The inhabitants
rushed out of the houses with bottles of wine, from their
windows money was showered down into the street, the women
fell on the necks of the sweating dusty men in red breeches
and hugged them with frantic shouts of "Vive la lic/ne!" The
soldiers fraternised heartily, drank and pressed forwards. Their
discipline was most creditable. When their officers called
them away from the conviviality and the embraces, the men
at once obeyed and re-formed companies promptly at the
double. Now that the Versaillist wave had swept over us for
good, we were again people of law and order, and thencefor-
ward abjured any relations some of us smug citizens might
have temporarily had with those atrocious miscreants of Com-
munists who were now getting so decisively beaten. Every-
body displayed raptures of joy, and Communistic cards of
fellowship were being surreptitiously torn up in all directions:
It was now no longer " citoyen " under pain of being held a
suspect ; the undemocratic " monsieur " revived with amusing
rapidity.
The Versaillist troops — horse, foot, and artillery — pouring
in steady continuous streams down the Rue de la Chaussee
d'Antin and the Rue Halevy, debouched into the great boule-
vard at the Place de 1'Opera, taking in flank and rear the
insurgents holding positions thereabouts, and getting presently
a firm grip of the Boulevard des Capucines westwards almost
to the Madeleine. This was done not without hard fighting
and considerable loss, for the Communists fought like wild
cats and clung obstinately to every spot affording a semblance
of cover. Even when the success described had been attained
the situation was still curiously involved. The Versaillists,
moving down the Rue de la Paix, were threatening the Place
Vendome but avoiding close quarters. The Coinmunisrs, for
their part, threatened as they thus were with being cut off,
HOT QUARTERS. 159
nevertheless still held obstinately their artillery barricades at
the foot of the Rue Royale and at the western end of the Rue
St. Honore. The rear face of the former had been fortified and
armed ; and so, although the Versaillist artillery hammered at
its proper front from the Corps Legislatif, its rearward guns
were abler to interfere with the Versaillist efforts to make good
a hold on the much-battered Madeleine.
I was exceedingly anxious to get some intelligence sent
out, for nothing had been transmitted from the hermetically
sealed capital for three days ; and in order to ascertain whether
there was any prospect of the despatch of a bag to Versailles
from the Embassy in the Rue du Faubourg St. Honore, I
started up the now comparatively quiet Boulevard Hauss-
mann, and by tacks and zigzags got into the Rue d'Aguesseau,
which debouches into the Faubourg nearly opposite to the
British Embassy. Shells were bursting very freely in the
neighbourhood, but my affair was urgent, and from the corner
of the Rue d'Aguesseau I stepped out into the Rue du Fau-
bourg St. Honore, intending to dart across to the Embassy
gates. I drew back hastily as a shell- splinter whizzed past me
close enough to blow my beard aside. The street was simply
a great tube for shells ; nothing could live in it. Hoping
that the firing might soon abate, I waited in an entry for
an hour. Around about me were several ambulances, as the
field hospitals had come to be called in the recent war. Into
one close by I saw, during a quarter of an hour, one wounded
man carried every minute : I timed the stretchers by my
watch. In others into which I looked the courtyards were
full of mattresses and groaning men. A good many corpses,
those chiefly of national guards, lay in the streets, behind the
barricades and in the gutters.
It fell dusk as I waited, the fire rather increasing in
intensity than abating., and I would spare . no more time. As
I returned towards my hotel I had to cross the line of Versail-
list artillery still pouring southwards from the Church of the
Trinite, and thence down the Rue Halevy towards the quarter
where the noise indicated that hot firing was still proceeding.
The gunners received a wild ovation from the inhabitants of
160 MEMORIES OF WAR AND PEACE.
the Chaussee d'Antin. Where, I wondered, had the good folk
secreted the tricolor flag during all those days of Communist
domiciliary visits ? It hung now in the still air from every
window, the shouts of " Vive la ligne ! " stirring it occasionally
with a lazy throb. Stray bullets whistled everywhere — the
women in their crazy courage had come to call them sparrows.
And as the night closed in, there came from the Rue St.
Honore, from the Place Vendome, and from the vicinity of the
Palais Royal and the Hotel de Ville, the noise of heavy, steady
firing of cannon, mitrailleuse, and musketry, accentuated
occasionally by explosions Avhich made the solid earth tremble.
After a night of horror which seemed interminable, there
broke at length the morning of Wednesday, May 24th.
When the sun rose, what a spectacle flouted his beams ! The
flames from the palace of the Tuileries, kindled by damnable
petroleum, insulted the soft light of the morning, and cast
lurid rays on the grimy recreant Frenchmen who skulked
from their dastardly incendiarism to pot at their countrymen
from behind their barricades. How the palace blazed ! The
flames revelled in the historic rooms, made embers of the rich
furniture, burst out the plate-glass windows, brought down
the fantastic roof. It was in the Prince Imperial's wing,
facing the gardens of the Tuileries, where the demon of fire
first had his fiercest sway. By eight o'clock the whole of this
wing was nearly burnt out. When I reached the end of the
Rue Dauphin the red belches of flame were shooting out from
the corner facing the private garden and the Rue de Rivoli. It
was the Pavilion Marsan, containing the apartments occupied
by the King of Prussia and his suite during the visit to Paris
hi the year of the great Exposition. A furious jet of flame
was pouring out of the window at which Bismarck used to sit
and smoke and look out on Paris and the Parisians. There
was a sudden crash. Was it an explosion or a fall of flooring
that caused the great burst of fat black smoke and red sparks
right in one's face ? Who could tell what hell -devices might
lurk within that blazing pile ? It were well, surely, to keep
at a respectful distance from it ! And so I went eastwards to
the Place du Palais Royal, which was still unsafe by reason
MADMEN AND CURS. 161
of shot and shell from the neighbourhood of the Hotel de
Ville. Opposite was the great archway by which the troops
of Napoleon had been wont to enter into the Place du
Carrousel. Was the fire there yet ? Just so far and no
more. Could the archway be broken down, the Louvre, with
its artistic and historic riches, might still be saved. But
there was none to act or to direct. The Versaillist soldiers
were lounging supine along the streets, intent — and who
could blame the weary powder-grimed men ? — on bread and
wine. So the flames leaped on from window to window, from
chimney to chimney. They were beyond the archway now :
the Pavilion de la Bibliotheque was kindling — the connecting
link between the Tuileries and the Louvre, built by the late
Emperor to contain his private library. Unless an effort to
stay the progress of the flames should be made, the Louvre
and its inestimable contents were surely doomed. Indeed,
the Louvre might be said to be on fire already; for the
Pavilion de la Bibliotheque was counted a part of it. And on
fire, too, were the Palais Royal, and the Hotel de Ville where
the rump of the Commune were cowering amidst their
arson ; and the Ministry of Finance and many another public
and private building. No wonder that Courbet, soi-disant
Minister of Fine Arts, should have been sending far and wide
among friends native and foreign, in quest of a refuge wherein
to hide his head !
I turned, sad and sick, from the spectacle of wanton
destruction, to be saddened and sickened yet further by
another spectacle. Versaillist soldiers, hanging about the
foot of the Rue St Honore, were enjoying the cheap amuse-
ment of Communist-hunting. The lower-class Parisians of
civil life seemed to me caitiff and yet cruel to the last drop
of their thin, sour, petit bleu blood. But yesterday they had
been shouting " Vive la Commune ! " and submitted to be
under the heel of the said Commune. To-day they rubbed
their hands with livid currish joy to have it in their power to
denounce a Communard and to reveal his hiding-place.
Very ardent in this pseudo-patriotic duty were the dear
creatures of women. They knew the rat-holes into which the
L
162 MEMORIES OF WAR AND PEACE.
poor devils had squeezed themselves, and they guided the
Versaillist soldiers to the spot with a fiendish glee. Voild
the braves of France, returned to such a triumph from an
inglorious captivity ! They have found him, then, the miser-
able ! Yes, they have dragged him from out one of the
purlieus which Haussmann had not time to sweep away, and
a posse of them hem him round as they march him into the
Rue St. Honore. A tall, pale, hatless man, with something
not ignoble in his bearing. His lower lip is trembling, but
his brow is firm, and the eye of him has some pride, and,
indeed, scorn in it. " A veritable Communard ? " I ask of my
neighbour in the throng. " Questionable," is the reply ; " I
think he is a milk-seller to whom the woman who has
denounced him owes a score." They yell, the crowd — my
neighbour as loud as any — " Shoot him ! shoot him ! " — the
demon-women of course the most clamorous. An arm goes
up into the air ; there are on it the stripes of a sous-o]Jicicr
and there is a stick in the fist at the end of the arm. The
stick descends on the bare head of the pale prisoner. Ha !
the infection has caught ; men club their rifles and bring
them down on that head, or smash them into splinters in their
lust for murder. He is down ; he is up again ; he is down
again — the thuds of the gun-stocks sounding on him just as
when men beat a carpet with sticks. A momentary impulse
prompts one to push into the melee; but it is foolish and
it is useless. They are firing into the flaccid carcass now ;
thronging around it as it lies prone, like blow-flies on a piece
of meat. Faugh ! his brains are out and oozing into the
gutter, whither the carrion is presently heaved bodily, to be
trodden on and mangled presently by the feet of the multi-
tude and the wheels of the gun-carriages. But, after all,
womanhood was not quite dead in that band of bedlamites
who had clamoured for the dead man's blood. There was one
matron in hysterics who did not seem more than half drunk.
Another with wan, scared face drew out of the press a child-
bedlamite presumably her offspring, and, one might hope,
went home ashamed and shuddering. But surely for the
time all manhood was dead in the soldiery of France to do
DYING HAllD. 163
such a deed as this. An officar — one with a bull-throat and
the eyes of Algiers — stood by and looked on at the sport,
smoking a cigar. A sharer in the crime surely he was if
there was such a thing as discipline in the French ranks ; if
there was not he might have been pitied but for his smile
of cynical approval.
The Commune was in desperate case ; but it was dying
hard, with dripping fangs bared and every blood claw pro-
truded. It held no ground now west of the Boulevard
Sevastopol from the river north to the Porte St. Denis. The
Place Vendome had been carried at two in the morning.
After a desperate struggle the last man of its Communist
garrison had been bayonetted on the great barricade at the
junction of the Rue Royale with the Place de la Concorde,
and the Versaillist masses could now gather undisturbed
about the Madeleine. But how about the wild-cat leaders of
the Commune still in possession of the Hotel de Ville, on Avhich
the Versaillist batteries were now concentrating a fire heavy
enough to be reckoned a bombardment ? Their backs were
to the wall, and they were fighting now, not for life — about
that, to do them justice, they were reckless enough — but that
they might work as much evil as might be possible before
their hour should come. The Versaillists did not dare to
make a quick ending by rushing straight on the barricades
surrounding the open space about the Hotel de Ville ; they
were timid about explosions. But they were mining, sap-
ping, burrowing, circumventing, breaking through party waLs,
and advancing from backyard to backyard ; and it was a
question of only a few hours when they should pierce the
cordon. Meanwhile the holders of the Hotel de Ville were
pouring out death and destruction over Paris with indiscrimi-
nate malignity and fury. Now it was a bouquet of shells on
the Champs Elysees ; now a heavy obus crashing upon the
already battered Boulevard Haussmann ; now a great shell
hurtling in the direction of the Avenue de la Reine Hortense.
Cut oft' by this time from La Chapelle and the Gare du Nord,
the reds still clung to a barricade in the Rue Lafayette near
the Square Montholon. For its defenders the way of retreat
L 2
164 MEMORIES OF WAR AND PEACE.
was open towards Belleville. Canny folk, those Yersaillists !
The Prussians, no doubt, would have let them into Belleville
from the rear, as they had already let them into La Chapelle.
But Belleville, whether in front or from rear, scarcely offered
a joyous prospect. It seemed to me that for days to come
there might be fighting about that rugged and turbulent
region, and that there, probably, the Commune would find its
last ditch. As for the people in the Hotel de Ville, they, in
the expressive old phrase, were between the devil and the
deep sea. One enemy with arms in his hands, was outside ;
another fire — and fire kindled by themselves — was inside.
Would they roast, or would they accept death at the bayonet-
point ? was the question I asked myself, as I left the soldiers
stacking the corpses on the flower-beds of the garden of the
Tour St. Jacques and tried in vain to see something of the
Hotel de Ville from the Pont Neuf. Its face towards the river
was hidden by a great blanket of smoke, through the opacity
of which shot occasional flashes of red flame.
Farther westward the merry game of the morning was
in full swing. Denouncement by wholesale had become the
fashion, and denouncement and apprehension were duly
followed by braining. It was a relief to quit the truculent
cowards, and the bloody gutters, and the yelling women, and
the Algerian- eyed officers. I strolled away into the Place
Vendome, of which there was current a story that it had been
held for hours by twenty-five Communist men and one
woman, against all that the Versaillists found it in their
hearts to do. A considerable force had been massed in the
Place : sentries were in charge of the ruins of the famous
column. In the gutter before the Hotel Bristol lay a corpse
buffeted and besmirched — the corpse, I was told, of the
Communist captain of the adjacent barricade, who had held
it to the bitter end and had then shot himself. The
Versaillist braves had made assurance doubly sure by shoot-
ing over and over again into the clay that was once a man.
And in the Place there lay another corpse, that of the Hecate
who fought on the Rue de la Paix barricade with a persistence
and fury of which many spoke. They might have shot her —
THE FISE DEMON. 165
yes 3 when a woman takes to war she forfeits her immunities
— but in memory of their mothers they might at least have
drawn her scanty rags over the bare limbs that now outraged
decency, and refrained from abominable bayonet-thrusts.
And now here was the Rue Royale, burning right royally
from end to end. Alas for the lovers of a draught of good
British beer in this parching lime-kiln, the English beer-
house at the corner of the Rue du Faubourg St. Honore" was
a heap of blazing ruins. Indeed, from that corner up to tho
Place de la Madeleine, there was scarcely a house on either
side of the noble street that was not on fire. And the firo
had been down the Rue St. Honore and up the Faubourg,
and was working its swift hot will along the Rue Boissy
d'Anglas. It was hard to breathe in an atmosphere mainly
of petroleum smoke. There was a sun, but its heat was
dominated by the heat of the conflagrations ; its rays wero
obscured by the lurid blue-black smoke that was rising with
an unctuous fatness everywhere into the air, filling the eyes
with acrid water, getting into the throat with a rank semi-
asphyxiation, poisoning the sense of ordinary smell, and turn-
ing one's gorge with the abomination of it. All up the Rue
du Faubourg St. Honore the gutters were full of blood ; there
was a barricade at every intersection ; the house-fronts were
scarred by shell-fire ; and corpses lay about promiscuously.
As I reached the gate leading into the forecourt of the
British Embassy, the sight of a figure leaning against one of
the pillars gave me a great shock. Why I should have been
thus affected it is necessary to explain.
Neither my colleagues nor myself had been able to get
a scrap sent out of Paris since Monday morning ; and it was
now noon of Wednesday. It was not for pleasure or excite-
ment that we were standing by the Commune's bloody
death-bed; we were on duty. I was wretched. Here I
was, on tenterhooks ; witnessing, indeed, a momentous and
memorable struggle ; but the spectacle only useful pro-
fessionally in order that I might with all speed transfer the
pictures which had formed themselves on my mental retina
to the columns of my newspaper, and thus make the world an
166 MEMORIES OF WAR AND PEACE.
early sharer with me in a knowledge of events on the phases
and issue of which the world was hanging. This aim, this
burning aspiration, must ever absorb the zealous correspondent,
to the exclusion of any other consideration whatsoever. It is
for the accomplishment of this purpose that he lives: I do
not know that he ought to continue to do so if he fails —
certainly not if he fails because of a miscarriage for which he
himself is responsible. On the Tuesday night I could endure
the blockade no longer. Somebody must get out, if he
should descend the face of the enceinte by a rope. It was
arranged that at sunrise on the Wednesday morning the
attempt should be made by a colleague whose cool courage
events had well tested, who had a good horse, knew Paris
thoroughly, and had a large acquaintance among officers of
the Versaillist army. He took charge of one copy of the
scrappy letters which I had written in duplicate in the
intervals of watching the fighting ; we shook hands, wishing
each other a good deliverance; and at noon of Wednesday
I was congratulating myself on the all but certainty that our
letters were already somewhere about Amiens on the way
to London.
This cheerful conviction was abruptly dissipated by the
sight which caught my eye as I entered the Embassy court-
yard. My unfortunate colleague was leaning against one of
the pillars of the gate, deadly sick, his complexion positively
green, his nerves utterly shattered. He had tried to get out —
I doubt not, boldly and energetically ; but he had failed. He
had been fired upon and maltreated, he had been denounced
as a Prussian spy, and had escaped death by the skin of his
teeth. Poor fellow ! He had been spattered with the blood
and brains of denounced men who had not escaped. He had
given up and had taken post where I found him, as the
likeliest point at which to meet me and tell me of his failure.
Of course, as the consequence of that misfortune, it
devolved upon me to make the attempt I pondered a few
moments, and then went into the chancellary of the
Embassy, where I found Mr., afterwards Sir Edward
Malet. Malet, who was then Second Secretary, had remained
TRYING TO GET OUT. 167
in Paris to represent Great Britain when Lord Lyons
and the rest of the Embassy personnel had migrated to
Versailles at the beginning of the Commune. He may be
said to have been sitting among ruins, for the smash of the
big house had been severe. In the garden walls were great
gaps through which the Versaillists had worked their strategic
progress round the barricades, respecting much the wholeness
of their skins. I had met Malet in the early days of the
recent Avar, when he came out from Paris to Meaux with
communications for Bismarck. I told him I meant to attempt
getting out, and asked him whether I could take anything to
Versailles for him.
" My dear fellow," said Malet, " it's not the least use your
trying to get out. I sent two messengers off this morning ;
both have come back ; both had been fired on. We must
wait a day or two until things settle."
" I am going to try to-day, and immediately," was my
answer. " You can help me and at the same time further
your own objects. Put your despatches for Versailles into
a big official envelope, seal it with the red seal, address it to
' Her Majesty the Queen of England,' and entrust me with
the packet. No harm can come of it, anyhow."
After a little excogitation Malet complied ; and, pocketing
the envelope, I went to the stable where my little horse was
standing at livery. The Communist sentry had relieved him-
self, and the embargo was off'; but the poor beast, having
been half-starved and long deprived of exercise, was in a state
of great debility. However, I jogged gently along, meeting
with no molestation until, on the Quay of Passy, I essayed
a little trot, for time was of value. Presently the poor
animal staggered and then fell on its side, pinning me down
by the leg. I sickened, partly with pain, for I thought my
leg was broken ; more, however, in the foreboding of failure to
accomplish my purpose if this hurt had indeed befallen me.
A line battalion of Versaillist troops was passing ; and half-a-
dozen soldiers were instantly around me. Some dragged
the horse up on to his legs ; others raised me and carried me
into a wayside cabaret. A glass of wine revived rne ; my leg
168 MEMORIES OF WAR AND PEACE.
was not broken, only the ankle dislocated. I ordered and
paid for half-a-dozen bottles of wine; my military friends
carried me out and lifted me into the saddle ; and I went on
at a walk, thankful that I came so well out of the little
disaster.
I encountered and surmounted sundry subsequent diffi-
culties and dangers ; but the crucial obstacle was still before
me — at the Point du Jour Gate, whither I was making on my
way to Versailles. Walking up and down on the pavement
in front of the guard-house were a colonel and a major of
the Line.
" No, it is impossible ! " said the colonel. " Very sorry,
but our orders are imperative. You must apply for a permit
to Marshal MacMahon, whose quarters are at the Ecole
Militaire." I urged, I entreated, I produced my envelope ;
but all to no purpose. At length the colonel went away. The
major remained, and was so good as to accept a cigar. On
his breast was the British Crimean medal and on that hint
I spoke yet again, dwelling on the old comradeship of the
French and English soldiers during the days of fighting and
hardship before Sevastopol. That medal he wore was the
Queen of England's souvenir : could he delay a courier
carrying to her important despatches ? The old warrior
looked cautiously around ; we were alone. He spoke no
word, but silently, with his thumb over his shoulder pointed
down the tunnel under the enceinte, at the further end of
which was the open country. When I had passed the sentry
at the exit I drew a long breath of relief and pottered on
to Sevres, at which place I left my horse and took carriage
for Versailles, where my old war-time courier was residing
in the despatch-service of the Daily News resident cor-
respondent.
As I drove up the broad avenue between Viroflay and
Versailles I overtook a very miserable and dejected company.
In file after file of six abreast tramped a convoy of Communist
prisoners, numbering over two thousand souls. Patiently and
with some consciousness of pride they marched, linked tightly
arm to arm. Among them were many women, some of them
"LES MI8ARABLES !" 169
fierce barricade Hecates, others mere girls, soft and timid —
here, seemingly, because a parent was here also. All were
bareheaded and foul with dust, many powder- stained as well ;
and the burning sun beat down on the frowsy column. Not
the sun only beat down, but also the flats of sabres wielded by
the dashing Chasseurs d'Afrique who were the ruthless escort
of those unfortunates. Their own recent experiences might
have taught them humanity towards their captives. No
sabre-blades had descended on their pates during that long
weary march from Sedan to their German captivity ; they
were then the prisoners of humane soldiers. But they were
prisoners now no longer as they capered on their wiry barb
stallions, and in their pride of cheap success belaboured un-
mercifully the miserables of the Commune. For any over-
wearied creatures who fell out or dropped there was short
shrift : my driving-horse had been shying at the corpses on
the road all the way from Sevres. At the head of the sombre
column were three or four hundred lashed together with ropes
— all powder-stained those — and among them not a few
men in red breeches — deserters taken red-handed. I rather
wondered what they did in this gang; they might as well
have died fighting on the barricades as survive to be made
targets of a day or two later with their backs against a wall.
To hand Malet's despatches to the First Secretary of the
Embassy, Mr. Sackville West, and to eat a morsel, did not
detain me in Versailles beyond half an hour ; and then I was
off again on wheels by the circuitous route through Rueil and
Malmaison, and over the pontoon bridge above Argenteuil to
St. Denis and the railway. As I drove along the green
margin of the placid Seine, the spectacle which the capital
presented can never fade from my memory. On its white
houses the sun still shone ; he did not withhold his beams
in spite of the deeds they illumined. But up through the sun-
beams struggled and surged ghastly swart waves and folds
and pillars of dense smoke. Ha ! there was a sharp crack,
and then came a dull thud on the air. No gun-fire that, but
some great explosion which must have rocked a district
almost to its base. Then there rose with a jet-like spurt,
170 MEMORIES OF WAR AND PEACE.
a convolvulus-shaped column of white smoke, such as men
describe when Vesuvius bursts into eruption; then it broke
up into fleecy waves and eddied away towards the horizon all
round, as the ripple of a stone into a pool spreads to the
water's edge. The crowds of German soldiers who sat by the
Seine steadily watching were startled into a burst of excite-
ment. The excitement well might have been world-wide.
" Paris the beautiful " was now Paris the ghastly, Paris the
battered, Paris the blood-drenched. And this in the present
century — ay, but four-and-twenty years ago — Europe pro-
fessing civilisation, France boasting of culture and refinement,
Frenchmen braining one another with the butt-ends of their
rifles, and Paris blazing to the skies ! There needed but a
Nero to fiddle.
Travelling to England, and writing hard all the way in
train and boat, I reached London on the early morning of
Thursday, May 25th, and was back in Paris the following day.
All was then virtually over. The hostages in La Roquette
had been shot, and the H6tel de Ville had fallen on the after-
noon of the day I had left. When I returned the Communists
were at their last gasp in the Chateau d'Eau, the Buttes de
Chaumont, and Pere-Lachaise. On the afternoon of the 28th,
after just one week of fighting, Marshal MacMahon announced,
" I am absolute master of Paris." On the following morning
I visited Pere-Lachaise, where the very last shots had been
fired. Bivouac fires had been fed with the souvenirs of pious
sorrow, and the trappings of woe had been torn down to be
used as bedclothes. But there had been no great amount of
fighting in the cemetery itself. An infallible token of close and
heavy firing are the dents of many bullets, and of those there
were comparatively few in Pere-Lachaise. Shells, however,
had fallen freely, and the results were occasionally very
ghastly. But the ghastliest sight in Pere-Lachaise was in the
south-eastern corner, where, close to the boundary wall, there
had been a natural hollow. The hollow was now filled up by
dead. One could measure the dead by the rood. There they
lay, tier above tier, each successive tier powdered over with a
coating of chloride of lime— two hundred of them patent to
NEVER AGAIN, OH, NEVER AGAIN/ 171
the eye, besides those underneath hidden by the earth covering
layer after layer. Among the dead were many women. There,
thrown up in the sunlight, was a well-rounded arm with a ring
on one of the fingers ; there, again, was a bust shapely in death.
And yonder were faces which to look upon made one shudder
— faces distorted out of humanity with ferocity and agony
combined. The ghastly effect of the dusty white powder on
the dulled eyes, the gnashed teeth, and the jagged beards, can-
not be described. How died those men and women ? Were
they carted hither and laid out in this dead-hole of Pere-
Lachaise ? Not so : the hole had been replenished from close
by. Just yonder was where they were posted up against that
section of pock-pitted wall — there was no difficulty in reading
the open book — and were shot to death as they stood or
crouched. Let us turn our backs on the awful and melancholy
scene, and pray that never again may the civilised world
witness such a week of horrors as Paris underwent in those
sunshiny summer days of May, 1871 !
VII.
OUR PARISH MURDERER.
SINCE the days of nay youth — now, alas ! very remote — I
have lost touch in a great measure of the quiet northern
region in which I was born and reared. Many things, which in
my young days were regarded in that once simple and primitive
community as surprising novelties, have, no doubt, long since
passed into the category of things of course, or even in their
turn have fallen obsolete. But forty-five years ago our parish,
primitive as it was, possessed an unique if sinister distinction.
Among its inhabitants there lived, and moved, and had his
being, a completely authenticated and, indeed, self-acknow-
ledged murderer. His long-planned and deliberate crime had
been perpetrated in our midst. I myself saw the stain of
blood on the sand of the roadside just in front of the wayside
smithy ; there had been an actual witness of the act, who was
ready and, indeed, eager with damning testimony ; the doer of
the deed never wagged his tongue in defence of his guilt, and
when it pleased him to do so confessed his blood-guiltiness
with perfect frankness. Yet when, a few years after the grim
transaction, I went out into the world from my native valley,
this local murderer of ours was living there hi 'complete
immunity, earning his bread in rural labour among his fellow
men, unshunned by them as a pariah, and held hi all respects
save for occasional lapses into unconvivial inebriety, a not
discreditable member of the sequestered and primitive
community.
I never made a boast of it, because I did not consider the
trouvaille as anything to be greatly proud of; but, as a matter
of fact it was I who found him. I did so on the morning
after one of the half-yearly " feeing " markets in Rottenslough,
a viUage about six miles from our valley. Our parish post-
office was about a mile from the manse, and it was one of the
THE "FOREIGNER." 173
pleasant duties which my father the minister devolved on me,
to ride the old pony there every morning and bring back the
manse letter-bag. Doing so on the morning after this
Rottenslough market day, in the deep wayside ditch near the
cross-roads I found an upturned old gig in an advanced state
of smash. Broken and battered though it was, I knew it at a
glance as the rattletrap appertaining to Sandy Grant, the
drunken farmer of Bodenfinnoch. The horse apparently had
kicked himself free, and since he was nowhere to be seen,
had probably gone home to his stable. Sandy himself, with
a strange man by his side, was slumbering sweetly in
the clover of the field beyond the ditch. In answer to my
hail, he sat up, rubbing his eyes and yawning with great
vigour. " Whaur am I ? " was his ingenuous question.
Informed on this point, and his attention directed to the
fragmentary condition of his vehicle, he swore with extreme
fervour, and protested that the " wyte " of his mischance was
wholly due to his still slumbering companion, who, it appeared,
had on the previous evening " made him blin' fou' " in one of
the booths on the market stance. This companion he incon-
tinently proceeded to kick with great emphasis, a process
which ultimately succeeded in arousing the strange man,
whom Sandy swore he " didna ken frae Adam."
Sandy's tempter and boon companion, as he rose to his
feet and stared around him, was a person of singular aspect.
Hair and beard — and he had a good deal of both — were coal-
black, and his strong-lined face — as I supposed naturally
swarthy — was tanned so deeply that the skin might have been
leather. His eyes were small, black, and keen. He was of fair
stature, and carried his head well ; but, although his shoulders
were square as one looked at him in front, they were so rounded
at the back that it almost seemed as if he had a hump. When
he moved he lifted his feet in a curious dragging fashion, as
if they or his boots were too heavy for him to move in the
ordina^ way. Years after when visiting the Cascade Prison
at Hobart in Tasmania, I saw the convict lunatics remaining
from the transportation times, whose backs had been humped
by countless lashes and whose ankles had been clogged for
174 MEMORIES OF WAR AND PEACE.
years with heavy irons at Norfolk Island and Port
Arthur ; and there came back to me then the vivid memory
of this strange casual incomer into our valley, as I first saw
him on this morning slouching in the clover-field by the
cross-roads of Blackhillock.
Hospitable Sandy Grant took this chance companion of
his home to breakfast. A few days later I saw the " foreigner,"
as some of the neighbours had begun to call him, driving
one of Bodenfinnoch's carts from the moss with a load of peat.
It appeared that he had taken service temporarily with
Sandy as odd, or, as it used to be called among us, " orra "
man, quietly remarking that he did not particularly care
where he lived so long as he was able to earn an honest
living. And he had thought proper to give some account of
himself. His name, it appeared, was David Morgan ; he was,
he said, a Welshman by birth ; he had been a slate-quarrier
at Bethesda, near Bangor, and later had been navvying on a
railway in the north of France. It seemed that he had come
north in quest of a brother who had come bridge-building
somewhere into Aberdeenshire, but that the search had come
to nothing. His money was done ; he was tired of tramping ;
he liked oatmeal — the simple fare of our valley ; and so, now
he was there, he was content to stop.
I think he was for some six months "orra" man at
Bodenfinnoch. Then he struck out into independence,
constructed for himself a hovel of turf on the muirland of
Knockans, and undertook piecework as a ditcher and drainer.
When that work was slack he was in the habit of working on
the neighbouring farm of Coldhome, the tenant of which was
an old man named Macdonald, who had for housekeeper a
middle-aged woman whom we knew as Mrs. Trevallack. Life
went on so quietly in this sequestered parish of ours that the
history of this woman, as it was known among us, was quite a
world's wonder in a small way. She was a south country
woman, who, it seemed, had been married to a Cornish man
named Trevallack, a private soldier of our local Highland
regiment. Trevallack had died on service in India, and (so
the story went) she had been fallen in love with by a man
THE SCENE AT THE SMITHY. 175
named Macdonald, who was a sergeant in the regiment and was
the son of the old farmer of Coldhome. He could not marry
her, because the married strength of the regiment was full
and there were many applicants in front of him. So he sent
her home to the care of his father, who was a widower;
promising that in a few years when the regiment in its turn
should come home, he would buy his discharge, marry her, and
settle down on the farm. But war after war — in Afghanistan, in
Gwalior, in the Punjaub — had detained the regiment in India.
The Scottish sergeant had been for several years its regimental
sergeant-major; and, if he had desired, while fighting and
promotion were the order of the day he could not have
bought his discharge. While the regiment remained in India,
Mrs. Trevallack had been living among us now for nearly
twelve years, waiting patiently for the happy time of which
she steadfastly professed her assurance, tending the old
farmer faithfully, managing, as far as a woman might, the
details of the work of the sour upland farm, and bearing a
good repute in the parish as a worthy and courageous woman.
It was reported now that her long expectancy was soon to
have a happy ending. The term for which Macdonald had
enlisted was rapidly drawing to a close ; and, in the joy of her
heart Mrs. Trevallack made no secret of the knowledge which
had come to her, that the gallant soldier for whom she had
waited so patiently all those long years would reach home in
the course of a few weeks.
That time soon passed. One cold November evening my
father was driving home from a meeting of Presbytery, and I
was his companion in the old gig which he had bought when
he married my mother. As we came round a sharp turn in
the road the mare shied violently at the blaze of light
streaming across the road from the windows and open door of
Wullie Watt's smithy. On the open space outside was visible
in the glow of light a group of men and women from the
neighbouring cottages. They were silent, as is the wont of
Scottish country folk in the actual presence of calamity ; but
the white blaze from the forge illuminated the horror that
possessed every face. From inside the smithy the sound was
176 MEMORIES OF WAR AND PEACE.
heard of sobs and moans, broken intermittently by heart-
piercing wails. "The minister!" "The minister!" came in
low tones from the group as the light fell on my father's face.
Old Geordie Riach of the Rashes, the elder of the district,
came forward, doffing his broad bonnet and so baring his
grand old head, and said in a hoarse whisper : " It's murder,
your Reverence — rank bluidy murder, dune here barely ten
minutes syne; an' the murdered man — ye kirstened him
yersel', sir — gane tae his account i' the twinklin' o' an e'e.
For God's sake, sir, tak' tent " — the minister was alighting —
"tak' tent, sir, or yell step intae the puddle o' his life's
bluid!"
I followed my father and his venerable elder into the
smithy. Right in the blaze from the forge, on a couple
of sacks which had been * hurriedly spread, lay the
stark, motionless form of a tall, powerfully-built man, the
strongly-marked face livid in the pallor of the white light.
At a glance my father recognised the dead man, whom in
childhood he had baptised, in youth had prepared for his
first communion, in early manhood had bidden God-speed
when he left the parish to take the Queen's shilling and join
the old corps in whose ranks had served many of the good
old stock to which he belonged. The head of the dead
soldier lay in the lap of Mrs. Trevallack, whose tears were
raining down on the fast-setting face ; whose moans and
wails it was that we had heard while yet outside on the road
and that we still listened to as we looked down upon her and
her dead.
" Who hath done this ? " asked my father in his solemn
tones of quiet authority.
The woman looked up, dashed the tears from her
streaming eyes, and between her bursting sobs replied in her
south country Scots : —
" I met Macdonald at the cross-roads whaur the coach
passes. We traivelt thegither through the moss an' ower the
muir. Juist as we gaed by the smiddy here Dauvit Morgan,
the foreign ditcher, dairted oot frae the gable end an' gae
Macdonald ae strong stab in the breist wi' a lang knife. Oh,
MRS. TREVALLACK'S TESTIMONY. 177
sir, but I saw the cruel flash o't i' the munelight as he drove
it harae ! He left it stickin'. See, sir, it's in my man's heart
still ! An' syne, Avithoot a word, the murderin' villain sprang
the hedge on the far side o' the road, an' got clean awa' ! "
Before midnight the rural policeman made his appearance,
and remained in charge of the body until, in the small hours
of the morning, arrived from Rottenslough Neil Robertson,
the superintendent of police for the county. He authorised
the removal of the dead man to his father's house, whither
came, before the short winter day was done, the Procurator
Fiscal from the county town ; and this functionary of justice
promptly set about the " taking of precognitions " — the
Scottish legal expression for the preliminary examination of
persons whose evidence might be found relevant. The only
witness to the actual deed was the woman Trevallack, who
positively testified to David Morgan as the murderer. She
knew him well, since from time to time he worked on old
Macdonald's farm ; and when he did so, he took his meals in
the farmhouse and was served by herself. She further testified
that Morgan was actually in the kitchen of Coldhome when
she set out to meet the returning sergeant-major, and that he
was the only person to whom she mentioned the errand on
which she was leaving home. Asked whether she was aware
of any reason that could have actuated Morgan to take the
life of the sergeant-major, she deposed that she had sometimes
thought Morgan had, in her own words, " ta'en a notion " of
herself, but owned that this was merely an impression on her
part. Outside of Mrs. Trevallack's direct testimony, the circum-
stantial evidence collected by the Procurator Fiscal against
Morgan was not in itself of great strength. Wullie Watt the
blacksmith deposed that " the foreigner," as Morgan was
commonly called, had been in the smithy in the course of the
"forenicht," but had left quite half an hour before Mrs.
Trevallack's scream of horror was heard out in the road.
But every rural smithy in the north of Scotland was in those
days the evening gossiping-place of the countryside; and
the blacksmith testified that " the foreigner " was among the
habitual frequenters of the place. Several people on the
M
178 MEMORIES OF WAR AND PEACE.
evening of the murder had met Morgan, apparently on his
way home to his hovel on the muir, and had exchanged with
him a word of greeting in the by-passing. None had
observed in him anything "by ordnar," and none could
approximately specify the time of meeting him.
Morgan had been apprehended in the early morning after
the night of the murder, and had been straightway carried
to the county jail. The police had found him sleeping
calmly in his hovel ; and when awakened he had evinced no
sign of perturbation. A smart young local solicitor volunteered
to undertake his defence ; and, under his advice the prisoner
declined the offer made to him by the Procurator Fiscal that
he should, in Scottish legal phraseology, " emit a declaration "
— in other words, make a statement on his own behalf. He
lay in the county jail for some months, and then was removed
to Aberdeen to stand his trial there before the Circuit Court,
which corresponds to the English Assizes-. The bloody
tragedy in our quiet sequestered valley had thrilled the whole
north country; and within the memory of man the old
Court House of the good city of Bon Accord had never been
so crowded as on the morning when David Morgan was
brought into the dock between two prison-warders to stand
his trial for the wilful murder of ex-Sergeant-Major John
Macdonald.
A judge of the stern old school was on the bench. The
prosecution by the Crown was conducted by the Senior
Advocate Depute, the best criminal lawyer of his day in
Scotland. The prisoner had no means wherewith to secure
the services of an advocate of high standing at the Scottish
bar; but his solicitor had retained for the defence a young
advocate, Mr. Daner, whom he knew to be a man of great
ability and who later rose to high eminence in his profession.
My father had come into town to be present at a trial in
which folk of his own parish were deeply concerned; and
young as I was, I had a seat by his side in the body of the
court.
01 the details of the initial legal proceedings I have not
. THE CASE FOB THE CROWN. 179
retained any close recollection, nor of the quaint old-world
phraseology which I remember to have found bewildering ;
but I do remember wondering why the prisoner was uniformly
spoken of as the " panel." In my recollection the indict-
ment was read, after which the Counsel for the Crown briefly
and temperately opened the case for the prosecution and
promptly proceeded to call his witnesses. Those taken first,
and I thought this strange, were people who gave merely
circumstantial evidence — the old blacksmith and the men
who had met Morgan on his way home. Then Margaret
Trevallack was placed in the witness-box. She wore mourn-
ing, her once comely face was now deeply worn, but her bear-
ing was firm and composed. The evidence she gave in
answer to the questions of the Crown Counsel was in effect
the same as that which had been embodied in the precogni-
tions taken by the Procurator Fiscal. She swore positively to
Morgan as the murderer of Macdonald. She had distinctly
seen his face, and it was simply impossible that she could
have been mistaken. Her evidence was given with a quiet
force of conviction which justly created a powerful impression
on the crowded court.
Then Mr. Daner rose to cross-examine the woman who
confronted him so impassively.
" You say you are a widow, Mrs. Trevallack ? " he began.
" A.y, sir," was the quiet answer.
" Who and what was your husband ? "
"Willam Trevallack, a private in the Abernethy High-
landers."
" Where and when did you lose him ? "
" He died of cholera at Kurnaul in India, twal' year ago
last January."
" Have you any paper to prove your marriage and your
husband's death ? "
" No, sir. A box in which I keepit my papers was stolen
frae me on the voyage hame frae India."
" Of what country was your husband ? "
"A Cornishman, he tellt me; frae the south-west o'
England — a miner tae trade."
M 2
]80 MEMORIES OF WAR AND PEACE.
" That will do, Mrs. Trevallack," said Mr. Daner suavely,
as he resumed his seat. The woman had perceptibly paled
under his quiet and brief cross-examination, and I noticed
her upper lip tremble more than once ; but she maintained
her calm, sad composure, and left the witness-box with a
respectful curtsey to the judge.
The Advocate Depute stated that Mrs. Trevallack 's evi-
dence completed the case for the Crown, and Mr. Daner rose
to address the Court for the defence. He spoke as un-
emotionally as if he had been arguing in a dry commercial
suit, and his quiet measured manner seemed to send a chill
through the audience. In half-a-dozen sentences he brushed
aside as futile and feeble the circumstantial evidence adduced
on the part of the prosecution. "Practically," said he, "in
this case the Crown has cited but a single witness. I will
not pause to argue whether a conviction could legally or
justly follow on the evidence of a single witness who con-
fessedl}1' caught a mere glimpse of the face of the murderer
of Macdonald, whoever he may be. I simply proceed to
destroy the case for the Crown by informing the jury that
the testimony which has just been uttered by Margaret
Trevallack is wholly inadmissible, and must be expurgated
from the record. And this, my lord and gentlemen of the
jury, because the said Margaret Trevallack is no widow, as
she perjured herself by swearing in your hearing that she is;
and further, and of far more importance, because" — here
Mr. Daner paused for a moment in the midst of a silence
so dead that a pin-fall could have been heard ; then he
quietly resumed : " because the said Margaret Trevallack
is the wife of the panel ; and it is a principle of our law that
a wife cannot give evidence against her husband."
The scene was indescribable. The silence in which the
young advocate had been speaking was broken, as he ended,
by an universal gasp of utter astonishment. The judge him-
self evinced a most unwonted excitement ; the audience
simply seethed in a paroxysm of surprise. Three men only
remained unmoved: the prisoner, his counsel, and his soli-
citor. Mrs. Trevallack had fainted dead away and was being
FOR THE DEFENCE. 181
carried out of court by the people about her. The " crier "
called for " Silence ! " at the judge's command, and Mr.
Uaner quietly resumed : —
" It only remains that I prove the truth of the statement
which I have made to the satisfaction of your lordship and of
the jury. I produce a certificate of the marriage of Margaret
Alison of Maybole, Ayrshire, spinster ; and William Trevallack
of Camborne, Cornwall, private in the Abernethy Regiment of
Royal Highlanders, celebrated at Cawnpore, India, and duly
dated and authenticated. I produce a certified copy obtained
from the Adjutant-General's office, of the sentence of a general
court-martial held at Kurnaul in the Upper Province of
Bengal on January 9, 1836, upon No. 4,130 Private William
Trevallack of the Abernethy Regiment of Royal Highlanders,
convicted for assaulting and beating on parade his superior
officer Sergeant John Macdonald of the same regiment, and
sentenced to be discharged from the service and transported
to Botany Bay for ten years. I produce original of warrant
issued by the Superintendent of Convicts at Port Jackson,
New South Wales, dated January 9, 1846, certifying that
William Trevallack late of the Abernethy Highlanders
had duly served his allotted sentence of ten years' trans-
portation and was now a free man, at liberty to leave the
colony for whatever destination he might choose. And
finally I call John Parry, late warder in Paramatta Prison
near Port Jackson, to swear to the identity of the panel,
who for reasons of his own with which we have no con-
cern has chosen to call himself David Morgan, with the
ex-convict William Trevallack, of whom he had charge when
Trevallack worked in his chain-gang, engaged in road-making
in the Blue Mountains of New South Wales in the years
1 844-45. Call John Parry ! "
John Parry, a tall, grizzle-bearded veteran, entered the
box and curtly identified the prisoner. Cross-examined for
the Crown, he read from his note-book the particulars of
sundry marks, scars, and mutilations on the prisoner's
person which an examination would reveal. Two surgeons
from the audience volunteered to make the examination,
182 MEMORIES OF WAR AND PEACE.
furnished with a copy of the ex-warder's particulars. Re-
turning into court with the prisoner after a short absence,
they testified on oath that they had found on his body all
the evidences of identification which Parry had specified.
Mr. Daner then claimed that he had completely proved
every link in the chain of identification of the panel as
the husband of the woman who in the witness-box had
falsely sworn that he was dead and that she was his widow.
He added that since the direct evidence inculpating him
as the murderer of Macdonald had failed and was of no
avail for the cause charged and proven, and since the cir-
cumstantial evidence was clearly of no account, his client
was entitled to a finding of " Not guilty " at the hands of
the jury.
The judge, however, demurred to this demand. In his
judgment the persons concerned with conducting the
defence of the prisoner, knowing what they knew, had not
done their best by their client. Whether they had in a
measure sacrificed him to an anxiety for a sensational
denouement or not, he would not pretend to say. The
witness Margaret Trevallack should have been challenged
as soon as she entered the witness-box, and the reason
which rendered her evidence inadmissible should have been
at once brought forward as the justification of the chal-
lenge. Instead of this, she had been allowed to give her
evidence, and that evidence must have impressed the jury,
as he confessed it had impressed himself. Legally, it was
true that it was not good evidence, but nevertheless the
serious tenor of it remained with him, and, he doubted
not, with the jury also. In the exercise of his discretion
he would direct the jury to bring in a finding of " Not
proven."
The verdict of " Not proven," which the Scottish law
permits, is in the nature of a compromise — when the person
on his trial has not succeeded in proving his innocence of
the offence laid to his charge, and when, nevertheless, the
evidence does not warrant the finding of " Guilty." The
jury after an absence from court for a few minutes,
TEEVALLACK'S STORY. 183
returned with the verdict the fitness of which had been
impressed upon them by the judge.
Mrs. Trevallack never returned to our glen, and I never
heard what became of her. Her husband came back
among us to his bothy on the muir. A week later, on a
Saturday evening, he presented himself at Wullie Watt's
smithy. The rustic congregation around the forge rather
drew away from him, and old Wullie frankly told him
that he was not welcome there. Trevallack, or Morgan, as
he was still mostly called, replied that he had no intention
or .desire to intrude ; but that now that he had undergone
his trial — I think the old Scots legal expression is " tholed
his assize " — and could not be tried again, he would fain be
permitted to tell his story to the folk who had come to
know him as a good comrade and harmless felknv, and
whose goodwill, come what might, he was loth to lose.
The vote of the smithy-parliament was in favour of his
being allowed to deliver himself, and the manse grieve,
who was among the auditors, brought me the gist of the
strange tale.
Trevallack, it seemed, while the regiment was quartered
in Kurnaul, had reason to suspect Sergeant Macdonald of
paying undue attention to his wife, had words with him,
and finally gave him a thrashing. For this assault on a
superior officer the sergeant dared not in the circum-
stances report him ; but, in his spite against him subjected
him to a course of tyranny which ultimately became in-
tolerable, till at length in an ungovernable fury of despair,
Trevallack struck down the sergeant on regimental parade
in face of the commanding officer. He was fortunate to
have escaped the death-sentence, although at the time, he
said, he would have preferred being shot, and so ending the
misery of his life; for he was certain Macdonald had deli-
berately ruined him because of his passion for the private
soldier's wife. As he sailed down the Bay of Bengal to his
ten years of living death in New South Wales, he swore
unto himself an oath that if he lived to regain his free-
dom, he would never rest until he had slain the man who
184 MEMORIES OF WAR AND PEACE.
had doubly wrecked his life. The long years passed, and
his pass of emancipation was in his pocket as he stood on
the shore of Port Jackson and looked seaward between
Sydney Heads. He worked his passage to Calcutta and
painfully and slowly travelling up country, found indeed
the old regiment at Umballa, but no Sergeant Macdonald
was now serving in it. He had been promoted to sergeant-
major, the old soldiers told the trainp, whom, after his
ten years of hardship and harsh discipline in the Austra-
lian chain-gang, they did not recognise; but who knew
them yet refrained from revealing himself. Macdonald had
some time previously been detached on some special staff-
duty, whither Trevallack could not discover. The orderly-
room clerk could not enlighten him; but from that functionary
he ascertained the name of the Highland parish of which
Macdonald was a native, and also the date at which would
expire the term of service for which he had enlisted. Then
he learned from an old married woman of the regiment—
who knew him not, although he and his wife had lived in
Kurnaul next room to her, and who wondered why this
stranger tramp wanted the information — that after Private
Trevallack was transported eleven years gone, Sergeant
Macdonald had sent that poor fellow's wife to Scotland to
live in his father's house until such time as the regiment
should go home, and he then be able to buy his discharge.
As for Trevallack, everybody held him as good as dead
when he was carried down country in irons to be shipped
to Australia.
In Macdonald's native parish, then, Trevallack had con-
cluded, was the place where he could be most surely
marked down ; and thither by slow degrees and devious
ways he betook himself, changing his name and his place
of origin. No more than had his old comrades did the
woman who really was his wife recognise in the bowed and
clumsy Welsh stranger her Cornish husband of the long
bygone time in KurnauL Unconsciously the wretched
woman set him on the track of his enemy whom she loved.
It was he, and none other, who had struck Macdonald to
THE VERDICT OF HIS NEIGHBOURS. 185
the heart out yonder in the road, as the man who had
ruined his life neared him with an arm round the waist
of the woman of whom the ex-sergeant had robbed the
victim of his tyrannic malevolence : nor did he repent the
deed. He had resolved to avow it in the dock and go to
the gallows with a light heart, now that he had taken his
revenge. But the young solicitor who had come to him
in the county gaol represented to him that, having regard
to the long cruel provocation and suffering he had endured,
what he had done was, in the title of an old book, " Killing
no Murder," and that it behoved him to make a fight for
life. They all knew what had been the result. He would
very fain be allowed to stay -among them, since he had no
friends elsewhere; he would not obtrude himself so long
as they would just pass him the " Good day." But if they
shunned him for the blood on his hands, he would go
away out into the hard world.
There was an interval of silence. Then Wullie Watt,
baring his old head, said solemnly, " What saith the Book,
' Vengeance is Mine ; I will repay, saith the Lord.' Ye've
been a sinfu' man, an' a bluidthirsty man, William Trevallack ;
but ye've been sair tried and sair vranged ; and here is
my haun' I "
VIII.
PRETTY MARITZA OF TIRXOVA.
I AM well aware that in giving the above heading to
this chapter I am exposing myself to scorn, obloquy,
and contumely. Throughout life I have consistently
tried to be a man of truth ; but I am mournfully con-
scious that this attribute will now be strenuously denied
me. " To speak of a pretty Bulgarian woman," I hear
Mr. Frederick Boyle assert in his mild yet direct manner,
" is to enunciate a contradiction in terms." Mr. Beatty-
Kingston, a judge of the sex, will probably formulate the
axiom that "it is not in the nature of things that there
can be a pretty Bulgarian woman." I am with both those
gentlemen to a modified extent ; physical repulsiveness is
the rule as regards the female Bulgarian: but there never
was a rule without at least one exception. So far as my
experience goes, Maritza of Tirnova was the unique ex-
ception. Some people may say that since she was simply
not so grim as were her fellow-countrywomen, I over-
estimate her attractions in describing her as " pretty ; " but
this I do not conceive to be case. For I have a con-
stitutional dislike to a pretty woman, although my impar-
tiality compels me to acknowlege her beauty. I have never
known a pretty woman who was not impertinently conscious
of her charms, and who did not conduct herself as if she
herself had some meritorious share in the construction of
herself as a thing of beauty, instead of being, as a matter
of fact, wholly unconsidered and unconsulted in that
operation. That this illogical self-consciousness extends
beyond the sphere of sophisticated and artificial society, was
exemplified somewhat vividly in the case of the fair Maritza
of Tirnova. She was a finished coquette, and no spoiled
beauty of the season could be saucier. When I met her
FROM THE DANUBE TO THE BALKANS. 187
I was — well, not to say old : the proper expression, perhaps,
would be — in my mature prime, with a distinct sprinkling
of grey in my hyacinthine locks. I ventured to make a
few flattering remarks to this flower of a primitive semi-
civilisation. She laughed, made a mou, and cheerfully
suggested that I should go and make love to her mother,
a portly matron of an advanced age ; she herself meanwhile
renewing her flirtation with Villiers, who at that stage of
his career was still young and beautiful. I dispassionately
cite this little episode to vindicate my impartiality, not-
withstanding the young woman's melancholy lack of appre-
ciation of my merits, in ascribing to her the epithet of the
" pretty Maritza."
It was not to make the acquaintance of the young lady
in question that we had penetrated into the bowels of the
ugly and squalid Bulgaria — that game, even to the more
youthful Villiers, would have been scarcely worth the
candle. The fact was that we were with the Russian army
which crossed the Danube in the end of June, 1877. We
had been with gallant old Yolchine's stout soldiers of the
Volhynia and Minsk regiments when in the sullen dark-
ness of the early morning of the 27th, they had crossed
the Danube in the pontoon boats and had fallen upon the
Turkish detachment at the Tekir-Dere. A few days later
the pontoon bridge was completed, and there crossed into
Bulgaria the column, 18,000 strong of all arms, at the head
of which Gourko was to penetrate into the Balkans and
take in reverse the Turkish garrison in the Passes. Gourko
pushed on ahead of his infantry with his two cavalry
brigades, one of dragoons commanded by Prince Eugene
of Leuchtenberg, and one of hussars commanded by the
late Duke (Nicholas) of Leuchtenberg, both near relatives
of the Czar. The first three days' march was over a bare,
rolling country studded with villages and farms; on the
morning of the 4th of July we were at the mouth of the
Zavada gorge in the trough of which flows the Jantra,
skirted by the road which leads up to the irregular precipice-
fringed mass of rock on which Tirnova is built.
188 MEMORIES OF WAR AND PEACE.
Turkish troops were reported still in possession of the
town, but Gourko drove them away with insignificant loss
and we entered the same afternoon. Tirnova is perched
on a veritable eyrie, the rock summit having just space for
a cramped market-place and a tortuous narrow street,
flanked by tall, quaint-fronted wooden houses with projecting
balconies and a continuous arcade over the side-walks.
MacGahan had been in Tirnova in the previous summer
during his "atrocities" investigations, and had then been
the guest of Maritza and her mother, to whose domicile we
were all now heartily welcomed. Ascending to the first
floor — there was a shop on the street level — we found our-
selves in a spacious lofty room, with a divan along all the
four sides ; the floor was covered with fine old Eastern rugs
and in one corner was the shrine or ikon with a lamp
burning in front of it.
We were well fed, our meal being served on a round
table about a foot high, around which we lay or squatted
on the rugs; Maritza sang to us and played on an instru-
ment whose name I did not know, making eyes at Villiers
all the time, and taking occasion to wound my amour propre
in the manner already alluded to — a snub which atfbrded
infinite amusement to MacGahan, who was a genial cynic
in his easy-going way.
Next morning Gourko's hussar brigade came prancing
through the town, bands playing, colours flying, swords at
the "carry," Prince Eugene curvetting at the head of his
command, and every officer and every trooper making the
most of himself in the eyes of the " good brothers " who
were being rescued from Turkish tyranny. From the
Maritza balcony we were all looking down on the martial
scene, Maritza hi raptures over the brave Russian soldiers,
kissing her hand to the officers whom she had already
distinguished from the troopers, and babbling " Welcome,
brothers!" in her pretty lisping accent. Villiers, quite
out of it, was salving his wounds by assiduous sketching,
and MacGahan was exchanging greetings with his many
friends in the brigade. Suddenly MacGahan gave a great
THE HANDSOME HUSSAR. 189
shout of astonishment, bolted down into the street, and was
presently seen to be dragging a hussar officer off his horse
by main force. This feat accomplished, the pair were visibly
hugging each other with great warmth. A word to the
colonel, a direction to a trooper to look after the officer's
horse; and then MacGahan led his friend upstairs into the
salon of the Maritza mansion and introduced the latter
to us all.
The hussar officer was certainly one of the handsomest
men I have ever seen — tall, square-shouldered, clean-flanked,
with a small well-poised head, regular features, laughing
blue eyes, and a smile of singular winsomeness. Closer
inspection revealed lines which told of dissipation and a
wild reckless life, but somehow those tell-tale tokens gave
the man a certain added attractiveness. It appeared that
MacGahan and this Russian officer, whose name was Andreio-
vich, had been close comrades in the Khivan campaign of
1873. His career had been a strange one — or, rather, it
would have been so in any other service than the Russian.
Of a noble family, he had begun his military life in the Guards.
Three years of St. Petersburg dissipation saw him " stone-
broke" and, as the custom is in respect of Guard officers
who have "expended" themselves, he was sent to serve in
the army of Asia. For some misconduct he had been
reduced to the ranks, but had retrieved his position by an
act of signal valour in the Khivan campaign; and later he
had been permitted to return to Europe and take service
in the hussar regiment in which he now commanded a
troop.
Seated side by side on the divan MacGahan and the
officer affectionately recalled many reminiscences of their
Khivan intimacy; but I noticed that the subject by no
means wholly engrossed the sprightly Russian. Maritza sat
by her musical instrument, occasionally playing a note, and
ignoring the dashing soldier with a profound intensity that
was clearly over-acted. His eyes, on the contrary, were
continually wandering in the direction of the artless young
coquette; and when MacGahan left him to pay a visit to
190 MEMORIES OF WAR AND PEACE.
General Gourko, the captain opened the trenches with a
gay insouciance to which Maritza could not help but
respond. There was every indication in the earlier stages
of the affair that the gallant captain regarded himself as
irresistible, and assumed that his success would be of the
veni, vidi, vici kind. Maritza, it is true, had little know-
ledge of the world, but nature had bestowed on her a gift
that was a full equivalent. She parried the thrusts of the
captain with a demure ingenuousness that irritated him
while inspiring him with additional ardour ; she affected
not to understand the meaning of his impassioned protesta-
tions; and on the third day drove him all but frantic by
informing him in the most innocent manner, that a captain
of the Leuchtenberg dragoons who was to remain in
Tirnova while Gourko's expedition crossed the Balkans, had
been billeted on her mother. The same evening the
dragoon captain took up his quarters ; and, if appearances
went for anything, promptly fell in love with Maritza. As
the latest arrival he rather scored off poor Andreiovich,
who was none the happier that he had to leave next
morning the field of love for quite another field. But he
did not depart utterly disconsolate ; Maritza was kind to
him as he took his farewell on the staircase; and I came
to the belief that the little coquette really did care for the
handsome hussar.
Meanwhile the wooden but enamoured dragoon captain
did not have things all his own way. Gourko's people
marched away on the morning of the 12th; on the after-
noon of the same day there arrived in Tirnova the Grand
Duke Nicholas the commander-in-chief of the army, with
a great staft of princes and nobles. His reception in the
ancient capital was full of character and enthusiasm. At
Zavada, across the mouth of the gorge leading up to the
town, a picturesque arch had been constructed with branches
of trees under which as they passed, the soldiers un-
covered without orders to the great delight of the Bulgarians.
During the four hundred years of the Turkish supremacy
no Christian bell had chimed throughout all the land, but
TEE BELLS RING OUT. 191
the old bells had been hidden away until the day of
emancipation should come; and now from the two high-
perched monasteries overhanging the gorge came the blithe
carillon to the sound of which the venerable priests came
down to meet the brother of the Czar with banners and
pictures and with a large old Bible in the now obsolete
Sclavonic which the soldiers kissed as they passed. At
the chief entrance of the town the Grand Duke was met
by robed priests chanting prayers, and by great crowds of
townsfolk. After a short service in the quaint old Byzan-
tine church he passed through the streets preceded by a
crowd of girls singing. Flowers and wreaths rained down
upon him from the windows — Maritza extremely active in
this department — and the town rang with joy and excite-
ment.
The Grand Duke was quartered in the Konak, which
had been somewhat hurriedly evacuated by the Turkish
Governor a few days previously; but for a large proportion
of his Highness's staff billets had to be found in the houses
of the inhabitants. They were delighted to show hospi-
tality to the Russian officers. Maritza's mother received a
young gentleman of distinction — if my recollection serves
me right — none other than the Prince Alexander of Batten-
berg whom the world later knew as Prince Alexander of
Bulgaria, and who was more recently known under the
title of Count Hartenau. Maritza would not have been
true to herself if she had not done her level best to fas-
cinate this young pseudo-Serenity, but his Highness was
not found to be more than civilly susceptible. What might
have happened if the stay in Tirnova of the headquarter
staff had been prolonged, it is impossible to guess. Maritza
might have become for a time the foremost Bulgarian of
her sex, since subsequent events proved that the Prince
did not regard rank 'n a wife as indispensable. But he
was at the mercy of Maritza only for a few days ; and
when he went away with his chief she had only the dra-
goon captain to operate upon. This officer was not so
impetuous as his hussar rival ; he knew how to dissemble
192 MEMORIES OF WAR AND PEACE.
his love, and Maritza by no means had it all her own way
with him.
Piqued by the dragoon's strategic reserve Maritza exerted
all her blandishments, and the captain thawed by degrees
until at length he melted altogether. It was then Maritza's
turn to hold off, the more so that she really cared nothing
for the dragoon officer and merely was amusing herself
povjT passer le temps. Early in August Andreiovich returned
to Tirnova, after sharing in Gourko's wonderful and adven-
turous raid to the southward of the Balkans. I had ridden
out to Nikup to meet the returning squadrons which
MacGahan had accompanied, and to hear the detailed account
of their adventures. We spent the night in that village
gossiping with the returned wanderers. Andreiovich had
won the St. George's Cross. He had ascended the Schipka
from the south, had been in the fire treacherously given by
the Turks after they had displayed the white flag, and on
the following day had seen the headless Russian corpses
strewn over the slope before the abandoned Russian camp,
and the Russian heads which in wanton devilry the Turks
had severed from the bodies and piled in a symmetrical
heap with the faces outward. He had ridden with his
squadron southward from Eski Zagra, crossed the Maritza
River at Giiterbii, and destroyed a section of the Adrianople
and Philippopolis Railway; and when Sulieman Pasha sud-
denly surrounded Prince Leuchtenberg in Eski Zagra, he
had gained distinction by his cool daring in the cavalry
charge which cut through the Turks' environment of that
town, and enabled the Russian horsemen to relieve the
pressure on Gourko's right wing. He had shared the miseries
of the retreat through the Dalboka and Hankioi Passes, dur-
ing which the wounded died like flies from jolting and ex-
posure and hale men succumbed from fatigue and sunstroke.
It was not he, the reader may be sure, who told us all
those exploits of the young hussar; indeed, during the
recital he evinced considerable impatience, and on the first
available opportunity he asked me to take a stroll with him
in the twilight. He wanted to know all about Maritza, and
A DUEL IN PROSPECT. 193
what were the relations between her and Sablanoff — that
I should have mentioned earlier, was the name of the dragoon
captain. I was strictly non-committal; Andreiovich became
huffed, and we parted. I rejoined the other officers and saw
no more of him that night.
Next morning early I rode towards Tirnova, and a mile
outside came on Andreiovich sitting on horseback under a
tree, evidently waiting for me. A glance at his face showed
me that he was in a state of excitement. He came at me as
if he intended to ride me down, roaring : " That pig ! That
what you call low cad ! " 1 refused to speak to him until
he moderated his tone, and he became quieter. " When I
left you last evening," said he, " I rode into Tirnova, gave
up my horse, and went straight to Maritza's house. I entered
without warning, and lo ! Maritza and Sablanotf sat together
on the divan, abominably close, my friend, and I believe his
arm was round her waist ! The interloping dog knew well
my prior intentions, and it was mean beyond conception on
his part to take advantage of a brother officer when absent
on service in the field. I told him so with great fervour and
directness, and then I called him a cochon, pulled his nose,
and cut him across the shoulders with my riding-whip. Of
course he must fight, and, to do him justice as a Russian
officer, I do not for a moment suppose that he can have any
wish to evade fighting."
Now the regulations of the Russian military service pro-
hibit duelling by officers, but it is nevertheless winked at
so long as the casus belli is not of a disreputable character ;
only under no conditions are officers allowed to act as seconds.
Andreiovich requisitioned my services in this capacity, and
I reluctantly consented to act on his behalf; a German
ex-officer who was corresponding for a Berlin paper, agreed
to be the second of the dragoon captain. The latter, in his
cool, sententious way, was extremely bloodthirsty. He
demanded that the duel should be fought with revolvers, the
firing to be maintained until results occurred or the weapons
be emptied. The hussar, who as the challenged had the
choice of weapons, fell in warmly with the views of his
N
194 MEMORIES OF WAR AND PEACE.
antagonist in the matter of weapons, and was resolute that
the duel should be a outrance. The German ex-officer
turned out a vicarious tire-eater ; and my task, that of modi-
fying the ferocity of the combat, was no easy one. At length,
by arguing that it beseemed cavalry officers to fight with
the weapon of that service to which they belonged, I succeeded
in bringing it about that the duel should be fought with
sabres, and hoped that the worst that would happen would
be a flesh wound or two. The meeting took place in a wood
close to Tirnova one morning soon after daybreak. Andreio-
vich pushed the attack from the first, Sablanoff, who was
the cooler man and the better swordsman, standing on the
defensive. But it happened that once the latter missed his
guard, and the nimble hussar promptly giving point ran his
sabre through the dragoon's left shoulder so forcibly that a
foot of the weapon came out behind.
Mischief would have come of it had we carried Sablanoff
to the military hospital ; and we had no alternative but
to bring him to his billet in the Maison Maritza and have
him seen to there by the surgeon of his regiment, who might
be trusted to report him ill of some other malady than a
sabre-thrust. Maritza had known nothing of the duel before
its occurrence; and when she had to be told of it as
the wounded man was being brought into the house, she
showed truer and deeper feeling than I had given her credit
for possessing. Coquette though she was the girl had a
heart, and was honestly shocked that she should have been
the cause of the shedding of blood. Her repentance was
most genuine. She nursed the wounded Sablanoff with un-
remitting care. When Andreiovich came to see her the
day after the duel, and reproached her — not very severely—
for having caused it, she owned her fault with many tears,
entreated his forgiveness, confessed that all her heart belonged
to him, and definitely plighted her troth to the handsome
hussar. He would fain have perpetrated matrimony then
and there, so ardent were his emotions ; but Maritza, although
in love, had not wholly taken leave of her senses, and pre-
vailed on him to wait until the war was over.
IN THE NICK OF TIME. 195
Such renown had Andreiovich earned in the Gourko
expedition that on his return to Tirnova, stout old General
Radetsky the commander of the 8th Army Corps, appointed
him to his staff in the capacity of aide-de-camp. During
the quiet days in Tirnova the duties of that billet were
very light, and the hussar was free to spend most of his
time in the society of his pretty Maritza. But this halcyon
interval of love-making was to be of short duration. About
the middle of August there came tidings to Radetsky that
Sulieman's Turkish army some 50,000 strong, was threat-
ening the Balkan passes from the south. General Darozinski
with but some 5,000 men was holding the Schipka ; to
strengthen him Radetsky ordered a regiment from Selvi,
commanded by the Colonel Stolietoff who a year later was
the head of the Russian Mission to Cabul which caused the
Afghan war of 1878-79. Radetsky himself, thinking the
Elena Pass in greatest danger hurried thither with a brigade ;
but presently learned it was the Schipka against Avhich the
Turks were concentrating, and therefore made for that
position with all the speed he could compass. No man was
ever nearer being too late than was he when he climbed
the Schipka on the afternoon of August 23rd. For three
long days 40,000 Turks with a powerful artillery had been
continually assailing the gallant handful commanded by
Darozinski and Stolietoft'. As the sun was sinking, the
Turks had so wound round both the Russian flanks that the
Moslem soldiery were on the point of joining hands in the
Russian rear.
A reinforcement opportunely arrived, consisting of a
battalion of riHernen brought up on Cossack horses by
Radetsky himself, who, having saved the day and the position,
was now marching up the road with his staff at his back,
and running the triple gauntlet of the Turkish fire to join
the two commanders on the peak close to the battery of
the first position. But one member of the general's staff
was not following him. In front of the sombre green line
of riflemen down the glen I marked a figure in blue uniform,
and when the detachment returned from its successful dash,
N 2
196 MEMORIES OF WAR AND PEACE.
there came marching on its flank that extremely reckless
warrior, Captain Andreiovich. He said the general had
given him permission to take part in the lively affair, but —
well, I shall not pursue the subject.
Of the following day, the 24th of August, I never think
without a shudder. The Russian position was on a long
serpentine ridge along the top of which ran the road,
spreading out somewhat toward the summit where was the
earthwork known as Fort St. Nicholas. On each side of
this ridge there was a deep depression, beyond which, both
right and left of the central ridge, stretched a parallel
elevation held by the Turks, whose fire commanded and
swept the whole length of the Russian position. There was
no spot on the central ridge which was not exposed to fire.
At the bandaging place men already wounded were killed ;
the surgeons were shot in the midst of their ministrations
to the wounded. The cooks were struck down as they
tended the soup-kettles far to the rear. General Darozinski
was killed while resting on what was thought the shelter
of a reverse slope. General Petroceni was slain away back
among the reserves. General Dragomiroff was wounded
when on the glacis of St. Nicholas, and among those who
took part in carrying that gallant officer to the hut which
did duty as a field hospital, only two (of whom I was one)
escaped injury from bullet fire. The Turks made attack
after attack with extraordinary dash and resolution ; but the
Russian resistance was stubborn, and as the day began to
wane Radetsky believed that the time had come for him to
take the offensive. The Tirailleurs and the Brianski regi-
ment were thrust down into the deep wooded hollow inter-
vening between the Russian ridge and the steep slope
leading up to the "Woody Mountain" on which the Turks
had a battery and redoubt. For hours the struggle swayed
to and fro down there among the trees. There is some-
thing exceptionally gruesome about a fight in a wood. You
can see nought save an occasional glimpse of dark colour
among the foliage, and the white clouds of smoke rising
above it like soap- bubbles. Hoarse shouts and shrill cries come
THE UNSPEAKABLE TURK. 197
back on the wind from out the mysterious inferno. Wounded
men come staggering out from among the swarthy trunks, and
collapse in a heap or crawl backwards to the ambulance men.
To help the riflemen and Brianskis, the two battalions
of the Jitomer regiment were summoned from their shelter
in the ditch of St. Nicholas Fort, and went away to the
right almost along the sky line. Covered by artillery fire
they made good progress for a while, but then came to a
standstill. The battalions had left two companies behind
to act as supports. Radetsky took one company his chief-
of-staff another, and led them on to the fight. His staff
accompanied the brave old chief. I shook hands with
Andreiovich, as with a smile in his eye and a cigarette
between his lips he lingered one moment to give me a
message in case he should not come back.
And he did not come back. I watched him till the
handful of reinforcements entered the wood, and then I
could see nothing more. But the Jitomers did not succeed,
although they lost enormously in the stubbornly-made
attempt. They came back a good deal broken up, with
heavy loss of officers, and nobody could tell when or how
Andreiovich had gone down. For my own part I do not
hesitate to admit that I fervently hoped my poor friend
had been shot dead ; for the warfare in which the Russians
were engaged had a feature of savagery which marked the
perpetrators as unworthy to rank among civilised nations.
The Turks invariably slaughtered their wounded antagonists
found by them on the field, and the butchery was freely
accompanied by aggravations of barbarity and torture such
as cannot be described. In common with all Russian
officers, Andreiovich carried a dagger with which to take
his own life in case of being wounded and left without a
chance of removal by the Russian Krankentrager.
Radetsky, although he had not entirely made good the
position, had so prospered that when leaving him in the
evening I ventured to express my belief that he need not fear
dislodgment. " With God's help," said the old warrior, " I
shall hold on here till I am ordered away."
198 MEMORIES OF WAR AND PEACE.
Early next morning I was in the Imperial head-quarters at
Gomi Studen, where, as the bearer of the latest intelligence, I
was called on to report the same to the Tzar. Thence I
hurried to the telegraph office at Bucharest, and, my telegram
despatched, immediately began my return journey towards the
Schipka.
On my way down therefrom I had made a short detour
into Tirnova on the melancholy errand of breaking to poor
Maritza the sad tidings regarding her betrothed. Minutes were
of importance to me, and I had left the poor girl in a dead
faint in her mother's arms. On my return I found no Maritza
in the Tirnova house. Her mother told me sadly that on the
morning after my night visit she had started for the Schipka,
refusing the companionship of the mother, because of the
certain absence of such comfort as the old lady was accus-
tomed to.
Returning to the Schipka on the fifth day after having
quitted it, I found Radetsky drinking tea, seated hi a bower of
leaves perched on the summit of the peak. " Here I am,"
said he, " as I told you I should be ; and there are no bullets
flying now. Berdek, the Woody Mountain, and the Bald
Mountain are now clear of Turks ; they have got their belly-
ful of fighting, and are now licking their wounds down below
in the valley villages."
You could still get shot on the outlying spurs if you
wanted to very badly, for occasional Turks did continue to
prowl ; but the chief was substantially correct. It would have
been pleasanter if he had employed burial parties a little more
freely, but Radetsky was not a fastidious person. In the stone
hut on the ridge which had been the field hospital, I found
poor Maritza tending two soldiers so severely wounded that
they could not be moved. She had in her possession her
lover's uniform all torn and soiled with blood and clay. The
sorry fragments had been found in a little hollow somewhat
wide of the line of the charge, and there lay beside them a
naked corpse whose state was such after three days' exposure
to sun and weather, that no identification was possible.
Maritza steadily refused to believe that the body was that of
NARirZA MARRIED. 10D
Andreiovich, but she was alone in her conviction ; and indeed
the name of Captain Michael Andreiovich of the 9th Hussars
had been included among the " killed " in the supplement to
General Radetsky's despatch.
I tried in vain to persuade Maritza to return with me to
her mother. Her pretext for refusal was her duty to the two
poor broken fellows whom she was nursing ; but it was not
difficult to perceive she still hoped against hope that her lover
might yet turn up. The Gabrova woman who was sharing the
nursing duty promised faithfully that as soon as the two
wounded men were dead — they were beyond recovery — she
herself would accompany Maritza down to Tirnova and would
not leave her till she was in her mother's arms. So I bade a
sad farewell to the poor wan-faced girl, so changed from the
still recent days of coquetry ; and departed to another section
of the theatre of war, where amid the carnage of Plevna I
did not lose the memory of the tragedy now associated in my
mind with the once gay Maritza.
It was in the Podo Mogosoi of Bucharest in the following
February that, to my unutterable surprise, I met Maritza arm-
in-arm with Andreiovich, he in civilian dress and walking very
lame with the support of a stick.
" Yes," said Maritza, all her archness restored, " this fellow
one morning last month coolly sauntered into our house, sup-
ported on crutch and staff and with one leg supported by a
strap round his neck, condescended to kiss me, and then sat
down and demanded vodki. Since then, I may inform you, I
have amused myself by marrying him. I've told you all that
is important; he must give himself the trouble of recounting
the details." We went into Brofft's restaurant, and Andreiovich
told his strange story : —
" During our attack on the Woody Mountain a Turk and I
were at close quarters, when a bullet shattered my leg and I
rolled into a hollow carrying along with me the Turk whom I
killed with my dagger. Averting faintness by resorting to my
flask, I first bandaged my leg ; and hoping to escape the fate
which so many of our poor wounded fellows incur, I tore oft'
my uniform, stripped the dead Turk, and contrived to work
200 MEMORIES OF WAR AND PEACE.
myself into his garments. All night 1 lay there uninterfered
with, but suffering great agony. Early on the following morning
there passed close to me, going to the front, a tall man in the
dress of a Turkish officer. I was about to risk it and call to
him, when he tripped over a root and as he recovered himself
I distinctly heard him say ' Damn.' That satisfied me he was
an Englishman, and I addressed him in your language. He
was most kind. His name was Campbell, and he commanded
a battalion in Sulieman's army.* He got a stretcher on which
I was placed, Campbell's Turks, who carried me, believing that
I was a wounded countryman. Campbell accompanied me
down into Schipka village and handed me over to the care of
the British surgeons of the Red Crescent organisation. Drs.
Leslie, Hume, and Sand with treated me with the greatest skill
and assiduity, but months passed and I Avas still on my back.
Sulieman marched westward about the New Year, leaving
Yessil Pasha at and about the Schipka with some 40,000 men.
You must have heard how Radetsky, Mirsky, and Skobeleff
came wallowing through the ten-feet deep SUOAV on the Schipka
in January, and how Skobeleff after a desperate struggle for
the possession of the Shenova redoubts, received the surrender
of Vessil and his whole army. That evening I ceased to be a
wounded Turk and became a lame Russian — good for no more
soldiering, worse luck. When the track got beaten over the
pass, I found a Turkish pony on which I rode into Gabrova
and thence down the valley to Tirnova. Maritza didn't in the
least expect to see me any more ; but I will say this for her,
that although that dragoon fellow was still wistfully promenad-
ing Tirnova, she never gave him the slightest encouragement.
One fine morning she went to church with me and came
out Madame Andreiovich; and now we are on our way to
Russia, when I shall have to make things unpleasant for my
father if he does not behave handsomely to us."
And so now there is not any more a " pretty Maritza " in
Tirnova.
* He •was a man of ex -optional darinir, who, having seen much service in
many countries, was killed in the attack on Sekukuni's Mountain in South
Africa, -when in command of the Swazi contingent.
IX.
THE DEATH OF THE PRINCE IMPERIAL.
IT was in Zululand, on the evening of June 1, 1879. A little
group of us were at dinner in the tent of General Marshall,
who commanded the cavalry brigade in the British army
Avhich was marching on Ulundi, King Cetewayo's royal
kraal. The sun was just going down when Colonel Harrison,
the quartermaster-general, put his head inside the tent door,
and called aloud in a strange voice, " Good God ! the Prince
Imperial is killed!" Harrison, though stolid, sometimes
jested, and for the moment this announcement was not taken
seriously. Lord Downe, Marshall's aide-de-camp, threw a crust
of bread at his head, and Herbert Stewart, then Marshall's
brigade-major, afterwards killed during the desert march in the
Soudan, laughed aloud.
But, sitting near the door, I discerned in the faint light of
the dying day the horror in Harrison's face, and sprang to my
feet instinctively. The news was only too fatally true ; and
when the dismal, broken story of the survivors of the party
had been told, throughout the force there was a thrill of
sorrow for the poor gallant lad, a burning sense of shame
that he should have been so miserably left to his fate, and a
deep sympathy for the forlorn widow in England on whom
fortune seemed to rejoice in heaping disaster on disaster,
bereavement on bereavement.
I knew the Prince well. On the first two occasions I saw
him it was through a binocular from a considerable distance.
On August 2, 1870, the day on which the boy of fourteen in
the words of his father " received his baptism of fire," I was
watching from the drill-ground above Saarbriicken in com-
pany with the last remaining Prussian soldiers, the oncoming
swarm-attack of Battaille's tirailleurs firing as they hurried
across the plain. The tirailleurs had passed a little knoll
202 MEMORIES OF WAR AND PEACE.
which rose in the plain about midway between the Spicheren
hill and where I stood, and presently it was crowned by two
horsemen followed by a great staff. The glass told me that
without a doubt the senior of the foremost horsemen was the
Emperor Napoleon, and that the younger, shorter and slighter
— a mere boy he looked — was the Prince Imperial, whom we
knew to be with his father in the field.
A fortnight later, in the early morning of the 15th, the
day before Mars-la-Tour when the German army was as yet
only east and south of Metz, I accompanied a German horse-
battery which, galloping up to within five hundred paces of
the chateau of Longueville around Avhich was a French camp
of some size, opened fire on chateau and camp. After a few
shells had been fired great confusion was observed about the
chateau and in the camp, and I distinctly discerned the Emperor
and his son emerge from the building, mount, and gallop away,
followed by suite and escort.
Years later in Zululand, when the day's work was done for
both of us and the twilight was falling on the rolling veldt,
the Prince was Avont occasionally to gossip with me about those
early days of the great war which we had witnessed from oppo-
site sides, and he told me his experiences of the morning just
mentioned. A crash awoke him with a start and he was sitting
up in bed, bewildered, when his father entered with the exclam-
ation " Up, Louis ! up and dress ! The German shells are
crashing through the roofs." As the Prince looked out of the
window while he was hurriedly dressing, he saw a shell fall and
burst in a group of officers seated in the garden at breakfast, and
when the smoke lifted three of them lay dead. That the story
of his nerves having been shattered by the bullet-fire at Saar-
briicken was untrue, was proved by an episode he related to me of
that same morning an hour later. On the steep ascent of the
chaussee up to Chatel the imperial party was wedged in the
heart of a complete block of troops, waggons, and guns. A
long delay seemed inevitable. But the lad had noticed a
wayside gate whence a track led up through the vineyard.
He followed it to the crest and marked its trend ; then, riding
back, he called aloud " This way, papa ! " The Prince's
THE PRINCE AT WOOLWICH. 203
side -track turned the block, and presently the party were hi
the new quarters in the house which is now the post-office of
Gravelotte.
That excellent American publication " Johnson's Universal
Cyclopaedia," errs for once in stating that after the downfall
of the empire the Prince " escaped with his mother to
England." He never saw his mother after leaving Paris for
the seat of war until she came to him in Hastings after the
revolution in Paris. When the shadows were darkening on
MacMahon's ill-fated march, the Emperor sent his son away
from the front ; and the story of the vicissitudes and dangers
the lad encountered before reaching England after Sedan
would make of itself a long chapter.
When his parents settled at Chislehurst, the Prince, then
in his fifteenth year, entered the Royal Academy at Woolwich
to receive a scientific military education. He had not under-
gone the usual preparation, and he might have joined without
the preliminary examination ; but never then nor throughout
the course would he accept any indulgence, and his "pre-
liminary " was satisfactory in spite of his want of familiarity
with the language. In the United States West Point affords
the same instruction to all cadets alike, those, who are most
successful passing into the scientific branches ; but in England
the cadets for the Line are educated at Sandhurst, and the
severer tuition of Woolwich is restricted to candidates for the
engineer and artillery branches. The Prince took his
chance with his comrades both at work and play. His
mathematical instructor has stated that he had considerable
powers, evincing an undoubtedly clear insight into the
principles of the higher mathematics ; but he added that he
often failed to bring out specifically his knowledge at
examinations, owing to his imperfect grasp of the necessary
formulae and working details.: :Indeed, details wearied him,
then and later. In Zululand he more than once told me that
he "hated desk work;" and M. Deleage, his countryman
and friend who accompanied the Zululand expedition, wrote
that on the day before his death after he had left the staff
office tent, " Lieutenant Carey found the Prince's work done
204 MEMORIES OF WAR AND PEACE.
with so much haste and inattention that he had to sit up all
night correcting it." In spite of this defect in steady con-
centration at the end of his Woolwich course he passed
seventh in a class of thirty-live, and had he gone into the
English service he would have been entitled to choose be-
O
tween the engineers and artillery. He would have stood
higher but that, curiously enough, he comparatively failed in
French. He was an easy first in equitation. During his
Woolwich career he won the love and respect of his com-
rades ; his instructors spoke warmly of his modesty, conscien-
tiousness, and uprightness, and pronounced him truthful and
honourable in a high degree.
After leaving Woolwich he lived mostly with his widowed
mother at Chislehurst, but travelled on the Continent
occasionally, and mixed a good deal in London society where
from time to time I met him. After he attained manhood it
was understood that a marriage was projected between him
and the Princess Beatrice, the youngest of the Queen's
daughters, who is now the wife of Prince Henry of Battenberg.
The attainment of his majority was made a great occasion by
the Imperialist adherents, as a test of their adherence to a
cause which they refused to consider lost. More than 10,000
Frenchmen of all ranks and classes congregated on Chislehurst
Common that day. The tricolour waved along the route to
the little Roman Catholic chapel on the outskirts of the quiet
Kentish village; as the members of the Imperial family
passed from Camden Place to the religious service every head
was uncovered ; and shouts of " Vive 1'Empereur ! " rose from
the ardent partisans, numbers of whom had already paid
homage to the remains of their dead Emperor lying in
the marble sarcophagus in front of the high altar of the
chapel. Later in the day the large company of French
people assembled in the park of Camden Place, in rear of the
deputations from the different provinces of France, each
deputation headed by a leader bearing the provincial banner.
The Prince with his mother by his side stood forward ;
behind them the princes, nobles, and statesmen of the late
empire, and many Imperialist ladies of rank When the Due
THE YOUNG PRINCE. 205
de Padoue had finished reading a long address expressive of
attachment and devotion, the young Prince spoke to his
supporters with great dignity, earnestness, and modesty. I
heard the final sentences of his speech, the manly tone ot
which I can never forget. "If the time should ever arrive
when my countrymen shall honour me with a majority of the
suffrages of the nation, I shall be ready to accept with proud
respect the decision of France. If for the eighth time the
people pronounce in favour of the name of Napoleon, I am
prepared to accept the responsibility imposed upon me by the
vote of the nation." Once again, and only once, I heard the
Prince speak in public. It was at the annual dinner of an
institution known as the "Newspaper Press Fund." Lord
Salisbury, one of the most brilliant speakers of our time, was
in the chair. Cardinal Manning, the silver-tongued; Lord
Wolseley, good speaker and briUiant commander ; and Henry
M. Stanley, fresh from "darkest Africa," were among the
orators. But, quite apart from his position, the short address
made by the Prince Imperial was unanimously regarded as
the speech of the evening.
In features, with his long, oval face, black hair and eyes —
attributes of neither of his parents, and his lean, shapely head,
the Prince was a Spaniard of the Spaniards. One recognised
in him no single characteristic of the Frenchman ; he was a
veritable hidalgo, with all the pride, the melancholy, the self-
restraint yet ardour to shine, the courage trenching on an
ostentatious recklessness, and indeed the childishness in trifles
which marked that now all but extinct type. Whether there
was in his veins a drop of the Bonapartist blood (remembering
the suspicions of King Louis of Holland with regard to
Hortense) is a problem now probably insoluble. Certainly
neither he nor his father had any physical feature in common
Avith the undoubted mernber.s of the race. The Montijos,
although the house in its latest developments had somewhat
lost caste and had a bourgeois strain on the distaff side, were
ancestrally of the bluest blood of Spain; and it has always
been my idea that the Prince Imperial illustrated the theory
of atavism by throwing back to the Guzmans, the Corderas
206 MEMORIES OF WAR AND PEACE.
or the Baros, all grand old Spanish families whose blood was
in his veins. How strong was his self-restraint even in youth,
an anecdote told in Miss Barlee's interesting book* of his
Woolwich days may evidence. Hearing one day that a
Frenchman was visiting the academy, he sent to say that he
should be glad to see his countryman. The person, who as it
happened was a bitter anti-Imperialist, was presented, and
the Prince asked him from what part of France he came.
The fellow, looking the youth straight hi the face with a
sarcastic smile, uttered the one word " Sedan," and grinningly
waited for the effect of his brutality. The Prince flushed, and
his eye kindled; then he conquered himself, and, quietly
remarking, " That is a very pretty part of France," closed the
interview with a bow.
I never saw dignity and self-control more finely manifested
in union than when the lad, not yet seventeen, wearing a
black cloak over which was the broad red ribbon of the
Legion of Honour, followed his father's coffin as chief mourner
along the path lined by many thousand French sympathisers ;
and his demeanour was truly royal when later on that trying
day the masses of French artisans hailed him with shouts of
"Vive Napoleon IV.!" He stopped the personal acclaim
by saying: "My friends, I thank you; but your Emperor is
dead. Let us join in the cry of ' Vive la France ! ' ' —baring at
the same time his head and leading off the cheering.
His craving for effect curiously displayed itself during a
parade in Scotland of a number of Clydesdale stallions, at
which were present the Prince of Wales and a number of
noblemen and gentlemen. One horse, which was plunging
violently, was described as never having allowed a rider to
remain on its back. At the word the Prince Imperial vaulted
on to the bare back of the animal, mastered its efforts to
dislodge him, and rode the conquered stallion round the
arena amid loud applause.
The forced inaction of his life irked him intensely. His
good sense and true patriotism induced him steadily to
* "Life of the Prince Imperial," compiled by Helen Barlce. Griffith and
Furrun, London.
TEN YEARS— AND AFTERWARDS? 207
decline the urgency of young and ardent Imperialists, that he
should disturb the peace of France either by intrigue or by
more active efforts to restore the dynasty. It stung him to
the quick that the scurrilous part of the French press taunted
him with the quietness of his life, which it chose to attribute
to cowardice and lack of enterprise. In Zululand he told me
of a circumstance which I have nowhere seen mentioned, that
a year before he had applied to the French Government for
permission to join the French troops fighting in Tonquin;
that MacMahon, who was then President, was in his favour ;
but that the Ministry refused the request. The English war
of 1879 in Zululand was his opportunity. His constant belief
Avas that ten years would be the term of his exile. " Dix ans
de patience, et apres ! " he used to mutter in his day-dreams.
The ten years were nearly up. And what prestige would not
accrue to him if he should have the good fortune to
distinguish himself in the field, which he was resolved to do
at any cost ! The disaster of Isandlvvana to retrieve which
troops were being hurried out, and the heroic defence of
llorke's Drift, were lost opportunities at which he chafed.
He felt that he was forfeiting chances which, taken advantage
of, might have aided his progress to the Imperial throne.
Determined to lose no more chances, he went to the British
Commander-in-Chief and begged to be permitted to go on
service to South Africa.
His attitude and yearnings were quite intelligible, and
were in no sense blameworthy. He desired to further the
means towards a specific and obvious end, if England only
would give him the helping hand. But this ultimate aim of
his being so evident, it was singularly improper and ill-judged
on the part of the English authorities to give well-grounded
umbrage to the friendly power across the Channel, by
forwarding an enterprise the purpose of which was to help
toward changing Republican France into Imperial France,
and to contribute toward the elevation of this young man to
the throne which his father had lost. The Commander-in-
Chief had his scruples, for he is a man of some discretion ; but
they were overruled. And it was from Windsor, bidden
208 MEMOUIES OF WAR AND PEACE.
God-speed by the Sovereign, that the Prince departed to embark.
France sullenly watched his career in South Africa. Had it
ended differently the mood would have become intensified.
If it be asked why for the last sixteen years France has never
for an hour worn a semblance of cordial accord with the in-
sular power its neighbour, the answer is, that this attitude of
chronic umbrage has one of its sources in the intrigue which
sent the Prince Imperial to Zululand.
At the news of Isandlwana I had hurried from the
Khyber Pass to South Africa, and the Prince had already
joined the army when first I met him in May, 1879 at
Sir Evelyn Wood's camp of Kambula, which he was visit-
ing with Lord Chelmsford and the headquarters' staff. The
Duke of Cambridge had specially confided him to his
lordship's care. But poor Lord Chelmsford's nerve had
been sore shaken by the tragedy of Isandlwana, after
which he had begged to be relieved. Like Martha, he
was careful and troubled about many things ; his will-
power was limp and fickle and the Prince was to him in
the nature of a white elephant. The latter, for his part,
was ardent for opportunities of adventurous enterprise,
while the harassed Chelmsford had been bidden to dry-
nurse him assiduously. The military arrangements were
lax and the Prince had been able to share in several
somewhat hazardous reconnaissances, in the course of which
he had displayed a rash bravery which disquieted the re-
sponsible leaders. After one of these scouting expeditions
in which he actually had come to close quarters with a
party of Zulus, and it was asserted had whetted his sword, he
was said to have remarked naively : — " Such skirmishes suit
ray taste exactly, yet I should be au desespoir did I think
I should be killed in one. In a great battle, if Providence
so willed it, all well and good ; but in a petty reconnaissance
of this kind — ah! that would never do."
His penultimate reconnaissance was with a detachment
of Frontier Light Horse under the command of Colonel
Buller, V.C., now Sir Redvers Buller, Adjutant-General of
the British Army. The Zulus gathered and a fight seemed
THE PRINCE'S DISTASTE FOR DESK WORK. 209
impending, to the Prince's great joy; but they dispersed.
A few, however, were seen skulking at a distance, and
against them he rode at full gallop in a state of great
excitement. He had to be supported, which occasioned
inconvenience ; during the night, which was bitterly cold
and during which the Prince's excitement continued, he
tramped up and down constantly, singing at intervals
" Malbrook s'en va-t-en-guerre " not wholly to the content-
ment of the phlegmatic Britons around him. Colonel
Buller reported his inconvenient recklessness, protested
against accepting responsibility for him when his military
duties called for all his attention, and suggested that he
should be employed in camp on staff duty instead of being
permitted to risk himself on reconnaissance service. There-
upon Lord Chelmsford detailed him to desk- work in the
quartermaster - general's department, and gave Colonel
Harrison a written order that the Prince should not quit
the camp without the express permission of his lordship.
The Prince, made aware of this order, obeyed, for he had
a high sense of discipline ; but he did not conceal his
dislike to the drudgery of plan-making in a tent. He was
fond of and expert in sketching in the field.
The orders issued to the little army in the Koppie
Allein camp on the 31st of May for the morrow were, thai,
the infantry should march direct to a camping-ground on
the Itelezi hill about eight miles forward, the cavalry to
scout several miles farther and then to fall back to the
Itelezi camp. Early on the morning of June 1st the
Prince, dead tired of routine desk-work, begged Colonel
Harrison to allow him to make a sketching expedition with
an escort, beyond the ground to be covered by the cavalry.
The matter was under discussion — Harrison reluctant to
consent, when Lieutenant Carey, a staff officer of the de-
partment, suggested that he should accompany the Prince,
and proposed that the expedition should extend into the
Ityotyozi valley, where the next camp beyond the Itelezi
was to be and a sketch of which he (Carey) had two days
previously left unfinished. Harrison then made no further
210 MEMORIES OF WAR AND PEACE.
objection, consenting the more readily because the whole
terrain in advance had been thoroughly scouted over
recently. He instructed Carey to requisition a mounted
escort of six white men and six Basutos, and he subse-
quently maintained that he had entrusted the command of
the escort to Carey. This Carey denied, repudiating all
responsibility in regard to the direction of the escort since
the Prince in his rank of honorary captain, was his superior
officer, and holding that his function as regarded the
latter was simply that of friendly adviser. I was after-
wards told that before leaving camp the Prince wrote a
letter — the last he ever wrote — to his mother, and that
hearing I was about to ride back to the post-office at
Landmann's Drift, he left the message for me with his
best regards, that he should be greatly obliged by my
carrying down his letter. As it happened, I did not quit
the camp until I did so as the bearer to the telegraph-wire
of the tidings of the Prince's death.
I was with Herbert Stewart, the cavalry brigade-major
when Carey came to him with Harrison's warrant for an
escort. Carey did not mention, nor did the document
state, that the escort was for the Prince Imperial. Stewart
ordered out six men of Beddington's Horse — a curiously
mixed handful of diverse nationalities — and he told Carey
that he would send Captain Shepstone an order for the
Basuto detail of the escort ; but that time would be saved
if Carey himself on his way back to headquarters would
hand Shepstone the order and give his own instructions.
Carey chose the latter alternative and departed. An hour
later, while I was still with Stewart, the six Basutos
paraded in front of his tent. Either Carey or Shepstone
had blundered in the instructions given them, that was
clear; but nothing could now be done but to order the
Basutos to hurry forward and try to overtake the other
instalment of the escort. Meanwhile the Prince had been
impatient: and he, Carey, and the white section of the
escort had gone on. Carey made no demur to the
scant escort, since nothing was to be apprehended and
THE PANIC-FLIGHT. 211
since he himself had been recently chaffed for being
addicted to requisitioning inordinately large escorts. Harri-
son later met the party some miles out, and sanctioned its
going forward notwithstanding that the Basutos had not
joined, which indeed they never succeeded in doing. The
party then consisted of the Prince, Carey, a sergeant, a
corporal, four troopers, and a black native guide — nine
persons in all.
When Harrison had announced the tidings of the tragedy,
I went to my tent and sent for each of the four surviving
troopers in succession. They were all bad witnesses, and I
could not help suspecting that they were in collusion to keep
something back. All agreed, however, that Lieutenant Carey
headed the panic-flight ; and next day it transpired that,
when a mile away from the scene and still galloping wildly,
he was casually met by Sir Evelyn Wood and Colonel Buller,
to whom he exclaimed : " Fly ! Fly ! The Zulus are after
me and the Prince Imperial is killed ! " The evidence I took
on the night of the disaster, and that afterwards given before
the court of inquiry and the court-martial on Carey, may now
be briefly summarised.
The site of the intended camp having been planned out by
the Prince and Carey, the party ascended an adjacent hill
and spent an hour there in sketching the contours of the
surrounding country. No Zulus were visible in the wide
expanse surveyed from the hill- top. At its base, on a small
plain at the junction of the rivers Tambakala and Ityotyozi,
was the small Zulu kraal of Etuki, the few huts of which,
according to the Zulu custom, stood in a rough circle which
was surrounded on three sides at a little distance by a tall
growth of " mealies " (Indian corn) and the high grass known
as " Kaffir corn." The party descended to this kraal, oft-
saddled, fed the horses, made coft'ee, ate food, and then
reclined, resting against the wall of a hut in full sense of
assured safety. Some dogs skulking about the empty kraal
and the fresh ashes on the hearths might have warned them,
but they did not heed the suggestion thus afforded. About
o 2
212 MEMORIES OF WAR AXI) PEACE.
three o'clock Corporal Grubbe, who understood the Basuto
language, reported the statement of the guide that he had
seen a Zulu entering the mealie-field in their front. Carey
proposed immediately saddling-up. The Prince desired ten
minutes' longer rest, and Carey did not expostulate. Then
the horses were brought up and saddled. Carey stated that
at this moment he saw black forms moving behind the screen
of tall grain, and informed the Prince. Throughout the day
the latter had acted in command of the escort, and he now
in soldierly fashion gave the successive orders, " Prepare to
mount ! " " Mount ! " Next moment, according to the
evidence, a volley of twenty or thirty bullets — one witness
said forty bullets — were fired into the party.
Let me be done with Carey for good and all. He had
mounted on the inner, the safe, side of the hut, and im-
mediately galloped off. On the night of the event he
expressed the opinion that the Prince had been shot dead at
the kraal, but owned that the first actual evidence of mis-
fortune of which he became cognisant was the Prince's rider-
less horse galloping past him. The men were either less
active or less precipitate than was the officer. One of their
number fell at the kraal, another on the grassy level some
150 yards wide, between the kraal and a shallow "donga" or
gully across which ran the path towards the distant camp.
As to the Prince the testimony was fairly unanimous.
Sergeant Cochrane stated that he never actually mounted,
but had foot in stirrup when at the Zulu volley his horse,
a spirited grey sixteen hands high and always difficult to
mount, started off, presently broke away, and later was
caught by the survivors. Then the Prince tried to escape on
foot, and was last seen by Cochrane running into the donga,
from which he never emerged. Another trooper testified
that he saw the Prince try to mount, but that, not succeeding,
he ran by his horse's side for some little distance making
effort after effort to mount, till he either stumbled or fell in
a scrambling way and seemed to be trodden on by his horse.
But the most detailed evidence was given by trooper Lecocq,
a Channel-Islander. He stated that after their volley the
THE FINDING OF THE DEAD PRINCE. 213
Zulus bounded out of cover, shouting " Usuta ! " (" Cowards ! ")
The Prince was unable to mount his impatient horse, scared
as it was by the fire. One by one the troopers galloped by
the Prince who, as he ran alongside his now maddened horse,
was endeavouring in vain to mount. As Lecocq passed lying
on his stomach across the saddle, not yet having got his seat,
he called to the Prince, " Depechez-vous, s'il vous plait,
Monseigneur ! " The Prince made no reply and was left alone
to his tate. His horse strained after that of Lecocq, who
then saw the doomed Prince holding his stirrup-leather with
one hand, grasping reins and pommel with the other, and
trying to remount on the run. No doubt he made 0113
desperate effort, trusting to the strength of his grasp on the
band of leather crossing the pommel irom holster to holstsr
That band tore under the strain. I inspected it next day and
found it no leather at all, but paper-faced — so that the Prince's
fate really was attributable to shoddy saddlery. Lecocq saw
the Prince fall backwards, and his horse tread on him and
then gallop away. According to him the Prince regained his
feet and ran at full speed towards the donga on the track of
the retreating party. When for the last time the Jerseyman
turned round in the saddle, he saw the Prince still running,
pursued only a few yards behind by some twelve or fourteen
Zulus with assegais in hand which they were throwing at him.
None save the slayers saw the tragedy enacted in the donga.
Early next morning the cavalry brigade inarched out to
recover the body, for there was no hope that anything save
the body was to be recovered. As the scene was neared,
some of us rode forward in advance. In the middle of the
little plain was found a body, savagely mutilated ; it was not
that of the Prince, but of one of the slain troopers. We found
the dead Prince in the donga, a few paces on one side of the
path. He was lying on his back, naked save for one sock ;
a spur bent out of shape was close to him. His head was so
bent to the right that the cheek touched the sward. His
hacked arms were lightly crossed over his lacerated chest, and
his face, the features of which were in no wise distorted but
wore a faint smile that slightly parted the lips, was marred by
214 MEMOniES OF WAR AND PEACE.
the destruction of the right eye from an assegai-stab. The
surgeons agreed that this wound, which penetrated the brain,
was the first and the fatal hurt and that the subsequent
wounds were inflicted on a dead body. Of those there were
many, in throat, in chest, in side, and on arms, apart from the
nick in the abdomen which is the Zulu fetish-custom, in-
variably practised on slain enemies as a protection against
being haunted by their ghosts. His wounds bled afresh as
we moved him. Neither on him nor on any of the three
other slain of the party was found any bullet-wound ; all had
been killed by assegai-stabs. Round the poor Prince's neck
his slayers had left a little gold chain on which were strung
a locket set with a miniature of his mother, and a reliquary
containing a fragment of the true Cross which was given by
Pope Leo III. to Charlemagne when he crowned that great
Prince Emperor of the West, and which dynasty after dynasty
of French monarchs had since worn as a talisman. Very sad
and solemn was the scene as we stood around, silent all and
with bared heads, looking down on the untimely dead. The
Prince's two servants were weeping bitterly and there was a
lump in many a throat. An officer, his bosom friend at
Woolwich, detached the necklet and placed it in an envelope
with several locks of the Prince's short dark hair for trans-
mission to his mother, who a year later made so sad a
pilgrimage to the spot where we now stood over her dead son.
Then the body, wrapped in a cloak, was placed on the lance-
shafts of the cavalrymen, and on this extemporised bier the
officers of the brigade bore it up the ascent to the ambulance-
waggon which was in waiting. The same afternoon a solemn
funeral service was performed in the Itelezi camp, and later
in the evening the body, escorted by a detachment of cavalry,
began its pilgrimage to England, in which exile, in the chapel
at Farnborough, where the widowed wife and childless mother
now resides, the remains of husband and son now rest side
by side in their marble sarcophagi. The sword worn in
South Africa by the Prince, the veritable sword worn by the
first Napoleon from Arcola to Waterloo — in reference to which
the Prince had been heard to say, " I must earn a better right
A MISERABLE ENDING. 215
to it than that which my name alone can give me" — had
been carried off by his Zulu slayers, but was restored by
Cetewayo when Lord Chelmsford's army was closing in upon
Ulundi.
To be slain by savages in an obscure corner of a remote
continent was a miserable end, truly, for him who once was
the Son of France
WAR CORRESPONDENCE AS A FINE ART.
Early War Correspondence — Mr. G. L. Gruneisen, Wm. Howard Russell, Col.
C. B. Brackenbury and Captain Henry Hozier— Hilary Skinner — George
A. Henty and Frederick Boyle— Henry M. Stanley's Earliest Triumph-
Murder of Mr. Bowlby in China — Absence of Enterprise in Beginning of
Franco- German War — Holt White's Promptitude After Sedan — The
Mysterious Miiller— Personal Experiences in 1870-71— The Triumphal
Entry into Berlin — Co-operative Correspondence in the Russo- Turkish
War ; MacGahan, Millet, Jackson and Grant.
IT is the foible of the veteran to be the laudator temporis
acti. I must speak in the past tense of the craft of
which I have been a humble follower. Not, however, because
I am unable any more to pursue it — although, as it happens,
that is the case ; but because its conditions are being so
altered that it may be said, I fear, to have ceased to be the
tine art into which zeal, energy and contrivance elevated it
for a brief term. It is now an avocation at once simplified
and controlled by precise and restraining limitations. In all
future European wars, by an international arrangement the
hand of the censor will lie heavy on the war-correspondent.
He will be a mere transmitter by strictly defined channels
of carefully revised intelligence liable to be altered, falsified,
cancelled, or detained at the discretion of the official set in
authority over him. I am far from objecting to the changed
conditions, in the capacity of a citizen of a nation which may
have the wisdom to prefer victories to news. The point I desire
to emphasise is simply this, that the new order of things has
taken war correspondence out of the category of the fine arts.
It was by slow degrees that it had temporarily attained
that position. In a sense Julius Casar was a war-corre-
spondent ; only he did not send his " Commentaries "
piecemeal from the " theatre of war," but indited them at his
leisure in the subsequent peace time. The old "Swedish
Intelligencer " of the Gustavus Adolphus period was genuine
war correspondence ; published indeed tardily compared with
" THE PEN OF THE WAR." 217
the alacrity of our news of to-day, but nevertheless fresh from
the scene of action, full of distinctiveness, quaint and racy
beyond compare. The first modern war-correspondent pro-
fessionally commissioned and paid by a newspaper was Mr.
G. L. Gruneisen, a well-known literary man not very long
dead, who was sent to Spain by the Morning Post with the
Spanish Legion consisting of 10,000 men raised in Great
Britain to light for the Queen of Spain, which Sir de Lacy
Evans commanded in the Peninsula from 1835 to the end of
1837. But this new departure was not followed up, and no
English newspaper was represented in the ill-fated Afghan
campaigns of 1838-42, or in the great battles of the first and
second Punjaub wars. When at the outset of the Crimean
war in the early summer of 1854 William Howard Russell
presented himself to old Sir George Brown in the road-
stead of Malta, announcing himself as the correspondent of
the Times and tendering an authorisation from the War
Minister, the apparition was regarded by the worthy General
not so much in the light of a revolution as of an unprece-
dented and astounding phenomenon. But Russell's creden-
tials could not be ignored ; and all the world knows how he
became " the pen of the war," and how his vigorous exposure
of abuses, neglect, and mismanagement contributed mainly
to the rescue from absolute extermination of the British
Army wintering in misery on the Sebastopol plateau.
Other papers followed the lead given them by the Times, and
the artist-correspondent made his appearance also in the
person of Mr. William Simpson, now a veteran, but still in the
active service of the illustrated paper with which he has been
worthily identified for more than forty years.
Russell represented the Times in the war in Denmark of
1864, when that poor gallant kingdom suffered so severely at
the hands of the twin bullies, Prussia and Austria ; and he
was again in the field two years later when the bullies, having
fallen out over their Danish spoils, turned their weapons on
each other in the "Seven Weeks' War " of 1866. By this time
war correspondence, if not yet a profession, was becoming a
necessity for all our important newspapers. Russell and his
218 MEMORIES OF WAR AND PEACE.
colleague the late Colonel C. B. Brackenbury were for the
Times with the Austrian Army ; the great English journal
was admirably represented with the Prussians by Captain
Henry Hozier, whose book on that campaign is to this day a
standard authority. Mr. William Black, then scarcely
known to fame as a novelist, wrote war-letters for the now
defunct Morning Star; and the late Mr. Hilary Skinner
was the brilliant and versatile representative of the Daily
News. Quite a little army of war-correspondents accompanied
the Abyssinian expedition of 1867. Of those who then
marched with Napier two are still alive and available for
service to-day — George A. Henty, the voluminous author of
books dear to boys ; and Frederick Boyle, who, besides being
a war-correspondent, is a novelist and has been a traveller
even unto the ends of the earth. But the journalistic honours
of the expedition rested with Henry M. Stanley, then an
unconsidered youngster from the great republic across the
Atlantic, but born alert and enterprising, and destined to
attain to a pinnacle of fame as the greatest explorer of our
time. Stanley rode to the coast with the earliest tidings of
the fall of Magdala ; and it was his message which communi-
cated the tidings of that event both to Europe and America.
I ought to have mentioned that Russell described for the
Times many of the battles and shared most of the dangers of
the Indian Mutiny in 1857-58 as a received member of Lord
Clyde's headquarters staff; and that Mr. Bowlby, a barrister
and a Times correspondent with the British forces in the war
with China of 1860, having been taken prisoner by the
Chinese, was murdered by them with the cruellest barbarity,
being thus the first war-correspondent of an Old World news-
paper to meet a violent death in the line of duty.
The war journalists who, previous to the Franco-German
war of 1870 made for themselves name.. and. fame, achieved
their successes by the vivid force of their descriptions, by their
fearless truthfulness, by their staunchness under hardships and
disease. I can recall no instance in the Old World, with the
single exception of Stanley's coup, in which a war correspon-
dent before 1870 succeeded hi outstripping all competition in
ABSENCE OF ENTERPRISE. 219
forwarding the intelligence of an important event. The
electric telegraph had been but sparingly utilised in the
Austro- Prussian war; in the Franco-German war it was to
revolutionise the methods of war correspondence. But the
conservative spirit of the Old World was singularly illustrated
in the tardiness — the apparent reluctance, indeed — with
which the revolutionising agency was accepted. In the great
contest of the American civil war the wires had been resorted
to with a fulness, an alacrity, and an ingenuity which should
have been pregnant with suggestion to the war journalism of
Europe. But this was not so. The outbreak of the war of
1870 was accompanied by no stirring of the dry bones. At
Saarbriicken on the French frontier, the point for which
instinct had led me to make on the declaration of war, there
was an immediate concentration of momentary interest
scarcely surpassed later anywhere else ; yet to no one of the
correspondents gathered there, whether veteran or recruit,
had come the inspiration of telegraphing letters in full — a
practice now so universally resorted to in war time that letters
sent by post are an obsolete tradition. For the moment press
telegrams from Saarbriicken were prohibited, and Ave
supinely accepted the situation and resorted to the post ; no
man recognising or, at all events, acting on the recognition,
that from the nearest telegraph-office in the Duchy of
Luxembourg attainable by a few hours' railway journey, the
despatch of messages was quite unrestricted. Enterprise thus
far was dead, or rather had never been born. The stark
struggle of the Spicheren fought out within two miles of the
frontier, was described in letters sent by the slow and
circuitous mail-train. The descriptions of the important
battles of Worth and Borny were transmitted in the same
unenterprising fashion.
The world's history has no record of more desperate fight-
ing than that which raged the live-long summer day on the
plateau of Mars-la-Tour. The accounts of that bloody battle
went to England by field-post and mail-train; yet the
Saarbriicken telegraph-office, from which the embargo had
been taken off, was within an easy five hours' ride from the
220 MEMORIES OF WAR AXD PEACE.
Held. The battle of Gravelotte fought on the next day but
one, did at length get itself described after a fashion over
the wires ; but it was no Englishman who accomplished this
cheap pioneer achievement. The credit thereof accrues to an
alert American journalist named Hands, who, I believe, was a
representative of the New York Tribune. Whether, when
the long strife was sullenly dying away in the darkness the
spirit suddenly moved this quiet little man or whether he
had prearranged the undertaking, I do not know ; nor do I
know whether he carried, or whether he sent, his message to
the Saarbriicken telegraph office. But this is certain that it
reached there in time to be printed in New York on the
morning but one after the battle. British correspondents
were on the field in some strength; American journalism was
represented by such deacons of the craft as Moncure D.
Conway and Murat Halstead; but nevertheless it remained
for obscure little Hands to make the coup. It was, indeed,
no great achievement intrinsically, looked back on in the
light of later developments ; yet Hands' half-column telegram
has the right to stand monumentally as the first successful
attempt in the Old World to describe a battle over the
telegraph wires.
Sedan was marked by efforts of journalistic enterprise,
crude, it is true, but at least indicative of budding energy.
Again it was the New York Tribune which took " first spear,"
only the wielder of the weapon this time was a Briton.
Holt White, a man whose abilities should have given him
a better fate than a premature death in an Australian
hospital, was with the Germans on the day so unfortunate
for France. He stood by Sheridan when Napoleon's letter of
surrender was handed by General Keille to old King Wilhelm.
The napkin which had been Reille's flag of truce was. given
to him as a souvenir. And then with dauntless courage he
walked right across the battlefield through the still glowing
embers of the bitter strife, reached the frontier, made for the
nearest railway station and got to Brussels on the following
morning. He could not telegraph from Brussels. His own
story was that when he tendered his message the people in
"FAITH, I'M HUNGRY, TOO!" 221
the Brussels telegraph-office refused to transmit it, scouting
him as either a lunatic or a " bear " bent on creating a panic
on the bourses ; but I have also heard that he had not the
cash with him to pay for a long message. Anyhow, he came
on to London, getting there the day but one after the battle,
in time for a short synopsis of his narrative to be printed in
the Pall Mall Gazette. It appeared next morning in the
New York Tribune.
Dr. Russell of the Times and the late Mr. Hilary Skinner
of the Daily News, were attached to the staff of the Crown
Prince and were billeted together in a village near Sedan.
The following story regarding them was current at the time,
and is, I believe, substantially, true. After the battle they
wrote steadily all night long, seated at the same table. In
the morning — perhaps the next morning save one— each
elaborately and ostentatiously sent a big budget to the field-
post. Presently Skinner in his bird-like, airy manner ordered
his horse, carefully explaining to Russell that he intended
riding over the battlefield. " Happy thought ! " cried the
crafty Russell ; " my letter is off my mind and I will go, too."
So on the two rode through the dead and wounded till they
reached the Belgian frontier, when Skinner with his fluttering
jauntiness chirruped, " Well, Russell, good-bye for an hour
or two. I'll just ride on into Bouillon and get a morsel of
luncheon there." " Faith," observed Russell, with all imagin-
able innocence, " I'm hungry, too. I don't mind if I go with
you ! " So they rode, and they lunched, and they remounted ;
and then they started, but not by the way they had come ;
indeed, in the contrary direction. Then it was that they
looked each other straight in the face, and burst into a
simultaneous roar of laughter. Each from the first had meant
going through to England. They went on together.
Personally in those days, however enterprising were my
aspirations, I had no means to make the most trivial attempt
to realise them. I represented then a newspaper which had
sent me into the field not lavishly equipped with financial
resources. I was not mounted ; I had no relations with any
staff; I tramped with the fighting men knapsack on my
222 if EMORIES OF WAR AXD PEACE.
back. I saw then more, perhaps, of the realities of actual
hard fighting than I ever did later ; but to what purpose ?
All that I could do was to drop my missives into the field post
waggon, to a belated and precarious fate. I, too, had gone
across the frontier to Bouillon, tramping the distance on foot ;
and I was broiling a piece of meat at a fire which I had
kindled in the dry bed of the rivulet under the hotel window
at which Russell and Skinner were lunching. I should not
have thought of taking the liberty to accost them — they were
of the elite of the profession : I was among the outsiders.
But presently better things befell me. The Daily News
took me on its strength, and sent me to the siege of Metz
with plenty of money, and the. most unrestricted injunctions
to be enterprising laid upon me by Mr. (now Sir John)
Robinson, the far-sighted and clear-headed chief of that
journal But I come of a race whose untutored impulse is to
bewail the catastrophe in which " bang goes saxpence," and I
had been stunted by the conservatism of my earlier newspaper.
I lacked courage to be lavish no matter how tempting the
opening, and I look back on my niggardly sacrifice of oppor-
tunities with sincere self -contempt. Thus I was the only
civilian spectator of .the stubborn fight of Mezieres-les-Metz
on the afternoon of October 7th, 1870, a combat which was the
immediate antecedent of Bazaine's surrender ; but I could not
bring myself to let loose about it over the telegraph-wires to a
greater length than half a column. A greater opportunity
still I let slip when Metz capitulated. It was a rare chance —
probably such another may never offer itself to the war
journalist So far as I knew, there was no competitor nearer
than the frontier. I was quick to enter the beleaguered city ;
from an American gentleman who had been inside the place
throughout the siege I gathered a great mass of information ;
I saw the French army and garrison march out and surrender ;
I saw Bazaine drive away to Corny ; I visited the hospitals,
talked with military and civilian Frenchmen, and wrote all
night in a room in the Hotel de 1'Europe in the grand old
city by the Moselle. Of course I should have hurried by road
or rail over the forty-five miles to Saarbriicken, there written
A STELIN LESSON. 223
for iny very life, and sent sheet by sheet to the telegraph
office as each was finished. Mea culpa ! and it was no
palliation of iny shortcoming in alacrity that, dull as I was,
I was ahead of my comrades.
But there was a real live man among us, although scarcely
of us — a man whose trade was not war correspondence, yet
who did a piece of work in that department which was a
veritable example of fine art. The capitulation of Metz was
consummated on October 28th. The morning but one after
this event all England was startled by a telegram which was
published in the Daily News. This memorable despatch,
printed verbatim from the telegraphic slips, was over two
columns long and it described with minute detail, with
admirable vigour, with effective if restrained picturesqueness,
the incidents and events of the colossal surrender. On the
day after its appearance in the Daily News the Times quoted
the message in full, with the introductory complimentary
comment that it envied its contemporary "so admirable a
correspondent." The credit of having been that " admirable
correspondent " was long ascribed to me, and notwithstanding
constant repudiation on my part — for no honest man can
endure to enjoy credit which is not justly his — I believe
myself still generally regarded as the author of this yet
unforgotten telegram. I sincerely wish that this had been
so ; but the truth is that I was then among the unemancipated.
I had done my best according to my lights, and blindly
thought that I had done fairly well. A few days after the
capitulation I was breakfasting in a Metz hotel, when a
Daily News containing the telegram I have been telling of was
handed to me. The sense of self-abasement as I read it
turned me physically sick. I had been smugly believing
in myself ; and lo ! here was the crushing evidence how
completely and mysteriously a better man, whoever he might
be, had beaten me. It was a stern lesson ; I. all but suc-
cumbed under it ; but took heart of grace and swore to profit
by the wholesome teaching. It was not until some time later
that I came to know who the man was that had thus at a stroke
revolutionised war correspondence in the Old World — for this
224 MEMORIES OF WAR AND PEACE.
in effect was what, all unwittingly, this casual outsider had
done. A young surgeon or hospital-dresser, a German-
American named Miiller, was professionally attached to one
of the ambulances or field-hospitals of the German Army which
had been beleaguering Metz. On his way from America to the
seat of war he had accepted in London some kind of commission
to do any journalistic work that might come in his way, not
incompatible with the professional duties which he intended to
undertake. Probably, as a volunteer, he had more time at his
disposal than if he had been a surgeon of the regular service.
Anyhow, this Miiller saw the capitulation, looked on at
the taking over of the Porte Serpenoise by the German troops,
witnessed the march out of Bazaine's dejected cohorts, pene-
trated into the city, and was in the vortex of the confusion and
anarchy temporarily reigning there. Miiller and I may have
rubbed shoulders in the Place d'Armes. Then, having " taken
in " the whole situation, he set about utilising the advantage
he had gained in the most effective, daring, and purposeful
manner. He rode out of Metz away northward along the
Moselle valley, through a region infested with franc-tireurs,
through villages bitterly hostile to the Germans, past the
venomous cannon of Thionville — he rode, I say, the long forty
miles north to the Luxembourg frontier, and crossing it reached a
village called Esch, a place so petty that it is marked on few
maps and is named in no gazetteer. How he got his long
telegram expedited from that place I know not — nobody has
ever known — but there is no doubt that he did so somehow ;
and then, strange to tell, he vanished utterly; absit, evasit,
enipit. He was advertised for and searched for, but in vain.
The man who had made what I do not hesitate to pronounce
the greatest journalistic coup of our time on this side of the
Atlantic, effaced himself utterly thenceforward. No laurels
twined themselves round his name, which to all save a few is
now for the first time revealed. I do not even know that he
was aware he had earned any laurels. I have never seen the
man, much and often as I and others have tried to do so. In
a word, of Miiller it may be said, stat nominis umbra.
But this brilliant Miiller-flash stirred in us all a new
THE SWIFT ALERT MAN OF ACTION. 225
conception of our reason for existing. We had previously, of
course, been aware that it was our duty to see all that we
could see, know all that we could know — always with self-
respect ; but we had not adequately realised that the accom-
plishment of this to its fullest was merely a means to an end.
At a casual glance it might seem that the chief qualification
requisite in the modern war correspondent is that he should
be a brilliant writer, able so to describe a battle that the
reader may glow with the enthusiasm of the victory, and
weep for the anguish of the groaning wounded. The capacity
to do this is questionless a useful faculty enough ; but it is
not everything — nay, it is not even among the leading qualifi-
cations. For the world of to-day lives so fast, and is so
voracious for what has come to be called the "earliest
intelligence," that the man whose main gift is that he can
paint pictures with his pen is beaten and pushed aside by the
swift, alert man of action, who can get his budget of dry,
concise, comprehensive facts into print twenty-four hours in
advance of the most graphic description that ever stirred the
blood. In modern war correspondence the race is emphatically
to the swift, the battle to the strong. The best organiser of
the means for expediting his intelligence, he it is who is the
most successful man — not your deliberate manufacturer of
telling phrases, your piler-up of coruscating adjectives.
Miiller, it is true, opened our eyes to a new comprehension
of our most urgent duty ; yet the scales did not wholly fall
aAvay from them until long after they were opened. It is
strange now to look back on the supineness throughout the
Franco-German War in what I may call craft, and on the
feebleness of the practical recognition of opportunity. It
cannot be said that there is anything of fine art in the
dropping of a letter into a slit in the side of a field-post
waggon ; yet that method of despatch was the usual resort.
Occasionally, when anything important occurred, Mr. Russell
would send his courier to Sedan, where the Times had located
a forwarding agent ; but the journey from Versailles to Sedan
was tedious and the train service very irregular. He, and I
think also Skinner of the Daily News, were allowed, on
p
226 MEMORIES OF WAR AXD PEACE.
special application for each message, to send short messages to
England over the wires ; I had the same privilege at the
headquarters of the army which the Crown Prince of Saxony
commanded ; and Bismarck allowed Mr. Beatty-Kingston,
the accomplished correspondent of the Daily Telegraph, to
telegraph at length the conditions of the capitulation of Paris.
But such devices and so sparse facilities were simply tanta-
lising alike to the correspondent and his public, yet there
was, as a general thing, no alternative between them and the
routine crudeness of the field-post.
In a measure, it is true, I had been so fortunate as to
discern where lay the better way and to utilise it. From
the beginning of November, 1870 until the fall of Paris in
the end of January 1871, my sphere of duty was in the
northern and eastern sections of the German environment
of Paris*; and the celerity with which my correspondence
reached its destination and appeared in print created not a
little surprise and speculation as to my methods. A respected
rival on the same ground was so stung by this superior
celerity that, in the" conviction that it must be due to excep-
tional telegraphic facilities accorded to me, he made an
official complaint of the undue favouritism which he believed
I enjoyed. He was assured that there was no such favourit-
ism, and remained bewildered and dissatisfied until the end.
The Crown Prince of Saxony's Chief-of- Staff told me of
this complaint, and desired that I should explain to him
the method by which I accomplished the exceptional rapidity
of transmission which he as a newspaper reader had observed.
I revealed to him the extremely simple secret, under pledge
that he should respect the confidence, since I did not devise
methods for the behoof of competitors. Some little time
afterwards I chanced to be dining at the headquarters of
Prince George of Saxony to which my rival was attached,
when one of Prince George's staff-officers accused me of
post-dating my letters and thereby giving them a fictitious
appearance of freshness. I asked him, if his charge were
true, how it happened that my letters recorded events occur-
.ring on the dates they bore ; and I offered to make a bet
A VERY SIMPLE SECRET. 227
with him that if he should there and then inform me of
some specific item of information, that item would appear
in the Daily News of the following morning but one. He
accepted the bet, mentioned a particular movement of troops,
and then left the room. I guessed the errand on which he
had withdrawn, and to verify my suspicion presented myself
at the military telegraph office on the way to my sleeping-
quarters. " No ! no ! Herr Forbes ! " said the soldier-operator
with a grin — " I have orders to accept no message from you."
I feigned disappointment and departed. Next morning my
friend of the staff assailed me with fine Saxon persiflage,
and demanded that I should pay the bet which I must
know I had lost. I did not comply with this requisition,
and in a few days was in a position to send him a copy
of the Daily News of the stipulated date containing his
piece of information, and to point out that he owed me
live thalers.
The secret was so simple that I am ashamed to explain it,
yet with one exception I had it all to myself for months.
When before Metz I had done my telegraphing from Saar-
briicken, depositing a sum of money in the hands of the
telegraph-master there, and forwarding messages for England
to him from the front against this deposit. Before leaving
the frontier region for the vicinity of Paris, I learned that
a train starting in the small hours of the morning from a
point in rear of the German cordon on the east of Paris,
reached Saarbriicken in about fifteen hours. The telegraph -
master there would receive a letter by this train soon enough
to wire its contents to England in time for publication in the
paper in London of the following morning. I put a consider-
able sum into his hands to meet the charge of messages
forwarded to him by me ; and I arranged with a local
banker to keep my credit with the Saarbriicken telegraph-
master always up to a certain figure. Every evening a field-
post waggon started from the Crown Prince of Saxony's
headquarters on the north side of Paris, picked up mails
at the military post-offices along its route, and reached the
railway terminus at Lagny in time to connect with the
p 2
223 MEMORIES OF WAR AND PEACE.
early morning mail train to the frontier. At whatever point
of my section of the environment I might find myself a
military post-office served by this post-waggon was within
reasonable distance; and my letter addressed to the Saar-
briicken telegraph-master went jogging towards the frontier
once every twenty-four hours, with a fair certainty of its
contents being in print in England within twenty-four hours
or thereabouts, from the time when it was posted. There
certainly was nothing very subtle or complex in this ex-
pedient, yet the only other correspondent before Paris to
whom it suggested itself was iny colleague Mr. Skinner, who
posted telegrams from Versailles to his wife at Carlsruhe,
whence she transmitted them to London; but I believe
that he lost a mail because of the greater distance of Ver-
sailles from the railway at Lagny. It was by the simplest
method that I won my bet with the Saxon staff-officer. As
I walked towards my quarters I scribbled his item on a
leaf torn from my note-book, put it into an envelope already
addressed, and as I passed the post-office quietly dropped
the missive into the slot. My visit to the telegraph-office
was merely a bluff.
There was perhaps a scintilla of innocent and simple
strategy in the device which stood me in such good stead
in the winter of 1870-71 : but there certainly was nothing
in it that could by any stretch of language be called fine
art. And there was merely some forethought and pre-
organisation in the circumstances attending my entrance
into Paris immediately after the capitulation, and my rush
eastward into Baden to telegraph a detailed account of
the condition in which I had found the great city after
its long investment. I was fortunate in getting in early ;
I made the best use of my time during the eighteen hours
I was inside ; and I was fortunate in getting out, which I
did before any competitor had entered. My scheme was
all laid. I had to ride some fifteen miles from the Porte de
Vincennes on the east side of Paris, to catch the day-train
leaving Lagny for the frontier at 1 p.m. Had all gone well
with me I should have accomplished this without hurrying.
A YAWNING TELEGRAPH-MASTER. 229
But after I had cleared Paris and when I believed
that there were now no more difficulties in front of me,
I was detained in the Bois de Vincennes by a cordon of
Wiirtemberger hussars Avhose orders were to turn back
all and sundry, and who would not so much as look at the
great-headquarters pass which I tendered. Such an acci-
dent as this seems of little consequence, yet it may spell
ruin to the correspondent's combinations. After a while,
however, an officer whom I knew delivered me, and the
Wiirtemberger obstacle was overcome. As I rode on I
found that I should have made more allowance for the
condition of the roads, long neglected as they had been
and scored across at frequent intervals by the trenches, first
of the defenders and then of the besiegers. To reach Lagny
in time I had to ride my poor horse almost to death; in
leaping trenches he had torn oft' shoe after shoe, and he was
quite exhausted when I galloped up to the station just in
time to put him in charge of a German cavalry soldier,
and to jump into the train.
It was two o'clock on the following morning when I
reached Carlsruhe, which place I had chosen as my objective
point because I happened to know that the telegraph office
there was open all night. I had some difficulty with the
female telegraphist, who only kneAv her own language, and
who had never seen so long a telegram as the one I pre-
sented to her for transmission. She sent for the telegraph-
master who was in no good humour at being roused from
bed and whose first question when he arrived yawning,
was how much so long a message would cost and where
was the money to frank it. In reply I emptied the belt
in which round my waist I carried my portable financial
resources, and, making a heap on the counter told him to
wnre against that pile. Then there was trouble with the
female operator, who required to be helped over the stiles
of awkward English words in Mr. Labouchere's not very
plain handwriting. She, however, had finished by 7 a.m.,
and the telegraph-master and myself settled our accounts.
I had just time for a hurried breakfast before getting into
230 MEMORIES OF WAR AND PEACE.
the return train for Paris at 8 a.m., and I was back in Paris
some forty hours after I had left it — one of the earliest in
of nay fraternity on this my second entrance. Walking into
the Hotel Chatham, I found there two journalists who had
just arrived from Versailles. I was the victim of their
badinage. They had got into Paris before me from their
point of view, and they crowed over this their achievement
with no little self-coniplacency. A few days later I saw
one pf them reading a Daily News containing the telegram
which I had sent from Carlsruhe. He did not seem to be
disposed to be facetious any more.
There certainly was a stroke of fine art in the well-
planned and successful arrangements made by the Times
in order to have the earliest detailed account of the entry
into Paris of the German troops on March 1st, 1871.
William Howard Russell witnessed the grand review by the
German Emperor on the Longchainps racecourse, of the
representative contingents detailed for the temporary occu-
pation of a portion of the French capital ; and he accom-
panied the head of the in-marching column until it reached
the Place de la Concorde. Then, after some obstruction,
he joined his colleague Mr. Kelly, who had been assigned
to watch the demeanour of Paris under the humiliation of
a hostile occupation; and about 4 p.m. the pair left the
Gare du Nord in a special train bound for Calais. On the
journey Russell dictated to Kelly the account of what he
had witnessed, and he remained at Calais while Kelly,
crossing the Channel in a special steamer which was in
waiting, reached London by special train in time to have
Russell's and his own narratives in the Times of March 2nd.
The Daily News had no interest with the " Northern of
France" directorate for a special train, and I had to do the
best I could without any adventitious advantages. I
remember reading a statement in an American paper of the
period, to the effect that I journeyed surreptitiously by
the Russell-Kelly special in the disguise of its fireman, but
I need not say that this was a playful invention. Elsewhere
in this volume I have said something of my personal
THE "LONDON DIB EC TORT" FOB A PILLOW. 231
experiences on this eventful day, and will not here expatiate
on the subject. A knot of Frenchmen followed me when I
passed the German cordon, and then promptly raised the
cry of " Spy ! " I was attacked, knocked down, most of my
clothes were torn oft' me, a sabot split my lip open, and
men danced on me and kicked at ine while I was being
dragged along the gutter, until I was rescued by a picket
of national guards. As soon as I was free and had fulfilled
a grateful duty towards one who had helped me to my
freedom, I hurried to the place where I had engaged that
a dog-cart should be in waiting with a fast and stout horse.
It was neither a safe nor pleasant drive through Paris to
the St. Ouen gate. But once outside I could shake up the
horse and he made good time to Margency, the Crown
Prince of Saxony's headquarters, whence I was allowed to
despatch a telegram to London of some length. That
accomplished, I drove back to St. Denis in time to catch
the regular afternoon train for Calais. Writing throughout
the journey in train and boat — I was the only passenger
by the latter — I reached London early next morning, brought
out a second edition of the Daily News which was selling
in the streets by 8 a.m., and then lay down on the floor of
the editor's room, and went to sleep with the " London
Directory" for a pillow. I started back to Paris the same
evening.
I had an opportunity for getting in a little bit of fine
work on the occasion of the triumphal entry into . Berlin
of the home-returned conquerors, with Kaiser Wilhelm and
his generals at their head. That event occurred on Friday,
June 16th, 1871. I left for Berlin a week earlier. Two
days after leavirig England the following telegram from me
reached the manager of the Daily News : " Despatch
youngster from office, with passport good for France, to
report to me at Berlin 14th inst." A young gentleman
duly presented himself on the specified date. I fear that
my young friend never forgave me for having, during the
next two days permitted him less liberty than he not
unnaturally desired. In point of fact I confined him to
232 MEMORIES OF WAR AND PEACE.
his bedroom, not even allowing him to go to the table
d'hote. The Einzug, in all its pomp and fervid national
feeling, was over about 6 p.m. After writing and de-
spatching a two-column telegram, I dined and then sat
down to write a full narrative of what I had seen on this
memorable day. About six next morning I wrote the last
words of a letter six columns long ; then I went round to the
Dorotheen Strasse, and roused my two colleagues from their
sleep to hand me their contributions. Returning to my own
quarters I ordered breakfast for my prisoner, and while he
was eating made up my packet. Then I instructed him — by
this time it was nearly seven o'clock — to start forthwith
for the Potsdamer Railway Station, take a second-class
ticket for Brussels, get early into his compartment and
keep out of sight until the train should start at eight. On
reaching Brussels, he was to buy another ticket for London
vid Calais by the train leaving Brussels soon after his arrival
there. Following this route he would reach London at
6 p.m. on Sunday, when he was to go immediately to the
office and deliver his despatches.
All went well. From a corner in the station I saw the
correspondents of the other London newspapers consign their
letters to the post-office van attached to the outgoing train,
caught a glimpse of my emissary as the train rolled out of
the station, and then went to breakfast in a contented spirit.
The confidence was justified. On the Monday morning the
Daily News had a page and a half descriptive of the entry ;
no other newspaper had a line.
The accomplishment of this priority was simply the
result of the forethought which becomes a second nature
in a man concentrated on the duty he has in hand. On
the voyage from Dover to Ostend I remembered that during
the recent disturbed condition of France, and because of
the diminished passenger traffic to and from the Continent
generally, the Sunday day-boats from Ostend to Dover had
been suspended. It occurred to me to ask the captain if
they had been put on again. " No," he answered ; " they
are to begin running again at the beginning of next month."
A NEW ERA IN WAR CORRESPONDENCE. 233
It was then clear to me that the mails leaving Berlin on
Saturday morning — the Berlin Festival was fixed for Friday
the 16th — would lie in Ostend till late on Sunday night,
when the night-boat would carry them to Dover; but that
thus they could not reach London until 7 a.m. on Monday,
too late for publication on that day. I knew that Sunday
day-boats were already running from Calais to Dover, but
that the German mails were not sent by that route. A
passenger, however, could utilise it — thence my telegram for
a young gentleman from the Daily News office. My in-
struction that he should carry a French passport was because
I knew that the war-time enforcement of passports at the
French frontier had not yet been abolished. It had occurred
to no other competitor to make a study of this little
problem.
During the campaigns in Spain and Servia there were few
opportunities for artistic performances in the transmission of
intelligence, nor did the amount of public interest make ex-
pensive organisation worth while. But the men engaged in
those campaigns were steadily concentrating their energies on
the elaboration of improved devices for the swift forwarding
of news, and the old crude methods were drifting into limbo.
The Russo-Turkish war formed a new era in Avar correspond-
ence. The journalism of both worlds made up its mind to
put forth its full strength when in the spring of 1877 the
Russian hosts destined for the invasion of Turkey were slowly
massing in the squalid villages of Bessarabia. There had been
a thorough awakening as to the advantages of copious tele-
graphy in war correspondence, and it was now for the first
time thoroughly realised that strategic organisation for the
rapid transmission of intelligence was a thing sedulously to
study. Some of the ideas were no doubt ridiculous. I re-
member a young correspondent coming to me for advice in a
state of profound bewilderment. He had received instructions
from the manager of his newspaper to the effect that he Avas
to keep himself aloof from both combatants, to flit impartially
about the space intervening between them, and to use for
telegraphic purposes the offices behind the Turkish front
231 MEMORIES OF WAR AND PEACE.
or those in the Russian rear, according to convenience or
proximity. In other words, he was to place himself in the
precise position where he could not possibly know anything,
with the reasonable certainty of being hanged if he escaped
being shot!
In the earlier months of this war there was a reciprocal
alliance between the Daily News and the New York Herald.
The representatives in the field of the former journal were the
late Mr. J. A. MacGahan — the most brilliant correspondent
I have ever known — and myself. The Herald sent Mr. Frank
D. Millet who later has achieved deserved distinction as a
painter, and that able journalist and genial comrade Mr. John
P. Jackson. When the alliance terminated in the September
of the war, I was fortunate enough to obtain Millet's services
for the Daily News. The organisation of our methods of
action and the disposition of our forces, were matters deliber-
ated on and settled in friendly conclave. The correspondence
campaign was regarded a priori from a strictly strategical
point of view. Bucharest was the obvious base of operations,
as the nearest telegraphic point to the theatre of war. But in-
superable difficulties would beset the correspondent hurrying
back from the field himself, and rushing into the Bucharest
telegraph-office with his matter partly in his head, partly in
his note-book ; or in forwarding by a courier a hastily written
despatch for the wires. For one thing, ready cash in hard
money would have to be paid over the counter of the tele-
graph office, and gold is the most inconvenient and most
dangerous thing a correspondent can carry about with him in
the field. For another, the operators knew no language but
their own, transmitting mechanically letter by letter ; and
therefore messages had to be written in plain round school-
hand. I telegraphed for a young gentleman who had pre-
viously served me well in Servia as base-manager to act in
Bucharest in the same capacity. He engaged for our uses a
spacious suite of apartments consisting of an office, manager's
private room, and a couple of bedrooms to accommodate
weary correspondents coming in from the field. Two capable
copyists were engaged to write out in easily legible characters
DUTIES OF BASE-MANAGER. 235
messages for the wires brought or sent in by correspondents.
The injunctions to the base-manager were that one of these
transcribers was to be on the premises day and night; and
that he himself was to have constantly in his possession for
telegraphic purposes a sum of at least £500. His duties were
to make as amenable as possible the Russian censor of tele-
graphic messages who from the beginning had been estab-
lished in the Bucharest telegraph-office; for which purpose,
and for gaining and maintaining the goodwill and alert
service of officials and operators by presents of boxes of
cigars, opera tickets, etc., he was authorised to disburse secret
service money with due discretion. Further, it was his duty
to gather and transmit what trustworthy news he could pick
up in Bucharest ; and in pursuit of this object he was to
present himself frequently at the bureaux of the members of
the Roumanian Cabinet, call on their wives, and attend their
receptions. He also had to be Men vu by the foreign Ministers
to the Roumanian Court, especially the British and Russian
representatives.
We four quite amicably arranged the section of front to be
covered by each, and there was never any clashing or poaching.
Millet was a good deal out of things in the early days, down
in the Dobrudcha with old General Zimmermann : but later,
after the fall of Plevna, he had a splendid innings with Gourko
in and beyond the Balkans. Nothing in the whole range of
war correspondence is more brilliant as war correspondence or
more instructive in a professional sense, than Millet's work
during this period ; and so thorough was his organisation for
the transmission of his letters that Gourko was glad to forward
his despatches and the Russian officers their private corres-
pondence, by his courier service. MacGahan was lame all
through the war ; but lameness had no effect in hindering a
man of his temperament from going everywhere and seeing
everything. As for myself, until struck down by Danubian
fever, after the September attack on Plevna, I worked very
hard and was singularly fortunate. General IgnatiefF was
very kind in giving me hints as to impending events. Apart
from this, I had a curious intuition of a coming battle ; I
236 MEMORIES OF WAR AND PEACE.
seemed to feel it in my bones, and I almost invariably backed
my presentiment with good results. It happened that I was
the only English correspondent at the Russian crossing of the
Danube, the capture of Biela, the combat of Pyrgos, the battle
of Plevna of July 30th, and the desperate struggle on the
Schipka Pass, which lasted from the 22nd to the 24th August.
Frederic Villiers, the Graphic artist, was my companion on all
these occasions.
It may easily be imagined that the expenses of a corres-
pondence service conducted on a footing so thorough, were
very great ; I can only hope that the results justified the cost.
Each of us had a waggon and a pair of draught-horses, several
saddle-horses, a couple of servants, and couriers at discretion.
The purely telegraphic charges were enormous, for almost
everything was telegraphed. The scale, if I remember cor-
rectly, was about eighteenpence a word, and I myself sent
several messages of more than 8,000 words each. But there
was no stinting ; it seemed as if a thing could not cost too
much that was well done. Let me cite an example. In the
early days we were nervous about the Bucharest censor, and
on the suggestion of the ingenious Jackson it was determined
to establish a pony-express service across the Carpathians to
Kronstadt in the Austrian province of Transylvania, for the
despatch thence of telegraph messages which the censor in
Bucharest might decline to pass. That service accordingly
was promptly organised. The ground covered was about
eighty miles. The stages were ten miles long. Eight horses
were bought, and eight men were engaged to attend to them.
When I reached Bucharest on August 2nd with the tidings of
the Russian defeat before Plevna of July 30th, the base-
manager assured me that the censor would not dare to permit
transmission of a message so adverse to the defeated Russians.
Thereupon I utilised this Carpathian express service, and sent
my account of the disaster from the Hungarian town. When
my narrative reached them from England, the Russian authori-
ties at headquarters in the field were so satisfied with its
tenor notwithstanding its uncompromising frankness, that
they ordered it to be printed in every newspaper in Russia.
"MARCH ON THE CANNON-THUNDER." 237
It was apparent that thenceforth the censor could not obstruct
messages to the Daily News; so I directed that the pony
express should be disestablished. It had lasted for about
nine weeks, it was used once, it cost abominably, and the deci-
sion was that it had paid for its keep.
Let me give an instance of the methods by which intelli-
gence was expedited from the front. I started from the
Danube for the Schipka Pass with four horses and three men.
At the end of about every thirty miles I dropped a man and
horse, with firm orders to the former to be continually on the
alert. With a hired pony I rode up from Gabrova to the
Schipka, spent some thirty hours amidst the carnage on the
pass, and at night I started on the return journey. This I
was able, by utilising horse after horse, to perform at a con-
tinuous rapid pace ; and thus, as I was informed on reaching
the imperial head-quarters at Gorni Studen, I had travelled so
fast as to outstrip the official couriers. The young officer who
was afterwards Prince Alexander of Bulgaria was so good as
to send me in his carriage from Gorni Studen down to the
Danube, and on the following morning I was telegraphing
hard in Bucharest.
We acted habitually on certain fundamental axioms. Each
man of the four had, as I have said, his individual specific
sphere of action, which altered with the course of events, but
to which, whatever and wherever it might be, he habitually
restricted himself. But the restriction had a certain elasticity.
The motto of all was in effect that of the Red Prince — " March
on the cannon-thunder." When that sound was heard, or
when one of us chanced on reasonably good intelligence as to
the probable locality of impending fighting, then it behoved
that man to disregard all restriction to a specific region, and
to ride with all speed for the scene of actual strife. For it was
possible that his colleague within whose allotted sphere the
clash of arms was resounding might be hindered from reach-
ing the fray. Tidings of it might not have come to him ; he
might be intent on impending fighting nearer at hand to him,
or, indeed, engaged in watching its actual outbreak and pro-
gress ; he might be down with sunstroke or Bulgarian fever ;
238 MEMORIES OF WAR AND PEACE.
all his horses might be lame — in fine, any one of many con-
tingencies might hinder his presence. And if it should happen
that two colleagues found themselves spectators together of
the same fight, what harm was there ? None ; but rather it
was well, since by dividing between them the field of strife
the course of the battle would be discerned more closely and
described more minutely. During the five days' fighting before
Plevna in the September of the war, three of us — MacGahan,
Jackson, and I — watched that great struggle, and if Millet could
have been withdrawn hi time from the Dobrudcha he would
have found ample scope as well for his keen insight and bril-
liant faculty of description. As it was we did have a fourth
colleague before Plevna, in young Salusbury, who was on duty
with the Roumanians. Here, as in the wider field, each man
had his allotted place. MacGahan was with his constant ally
the gallant Skobeleff, on the extreme left ; and because Skobe-
leff was the fiercest fighter of the Russian chiefs, the oppor-
tunities for thrilling narrative possessed by the correspondent
attached to him were incomparable, and were incomparably
utilised. I had the central section along the Radischevo
ridge ; and Jackson placidly surveyed the scene of slaughter
over against him about the Grivitza redoubt, regardless of the
shells which occasionally fell about the hayrick outside of
which he sat and wrote by day, and in the hollowed-out in-
terior of which he spent his nights. Always once and often
twice a day, couriers were despatched to Bucharest from
Jackson's hayrick, where his cheery and quaint fellow-country-
nian, Grant of the Times, habitually kept him company, and
whither MacGahan or his messenger, and myself from time to
time, converged with written matter to be despatched across
the Danube to the Bucharest telegraph-office.
Not less imperative on the war correspondent than the
axiom that bids him "ride on the cannon-thunder," is the
necessity that when he has learned or seen something of
interest and value, he shall forthwith carry or send it to
the wires without delaying for further information or the
issue of renewed strife. "Sufficient for the day is the
fighting thereof," should be his watchword, if he can
COMPLICATED PROBLEMS. 239
discern aught decisive in the day's fighting. If he has
couriers with him or can find trustworthy messengers, it is,
of course, his duty to remain watching the ultimate issue;
but if he has no such service, there is no more trying
problem for the correspondent than to decide whether or
not the day's work has been so conclusive one way or the
other as to justify him in going away with the information
he possesses. Never did I find the solution of this problem
more difficult than on the evening of the long day's fight-
ing of August 24th in the Schipka Pass. I had the
impression that Radetsky could hold his own, and I knew
that reinforcements were on the way to him ; but mean-
while, as I rode away, the Turks were renewing the combat.
I was in MacGahan's country, and, knowing his instinct for
a battle, I had been looking out for him all day. On the
morning of the 25th he arrived in the Schipka, having
ridden hard on the fighting the moment he had heard of
the outbreak. There was severe fighting all that day, and
the Russians had the worst of it. That evening MacGahan
in his turn had to consider his position, and his problem
was more complicated than had been mine ; for the day's
work had resulted in rendering the Russian position very
precarious. But a few days later Loftcha was to be as-
sailed, and it behoved him to witness that undertaking.
So he in turn quitted the Schipka on the evening of the
25th, hurried to Bucharest with the result of that day's
work for the telegraph wire, and, by all but incredible
exertion for a sound man, not to speak of a lame one, he
was back in the vicinity of Plevna in time to witness
Osman Pasha's furious sortie on the morning of the 31st.
Another illustration may not be inapposite of the para-
mount duty of the war correspondent to transmit important
information without delay, to the abandonment or post>
ponement of all other considerations. MacGahan had
accompanied the raid across the Balkans made by Gourko
almost immediately after the passage of the Danube by
the Russians. I had been on the Lorn with the army of
the Tzarewitch, whence I had to return to Bucharest with
240 MEMORIES OF WAR AND PEACE.
despatches for the wire. On my return journey I passed
near Biela the^ hamlet of Pavlo, in a garden of which the
imperial camp was pitched. It occurred to me to look in
on General Ignatieff, and ask whether he had any news for
me. " News, Mr. Forbes ? " exclaimed Ignatieff., " to be sure I
have ; here is a despatch just arrived from General Gourko,
giving all details about his crossing of the Balkans, and
his march up the Tundja valley towards Kezanlik ! "
Ignatieff translated the whole despatch, which I took down
from his lips ; then thanked him, took leave, mounted my
horse, and rode hard back over the forty miles between
Pavlo and the Danube bridge. For I knew that what
Ignatieff had given me was absolutely the earliest and the
sole intelligence of Gourko's doings; and until this intel-
ligence was on its way to England my intention to rejoin
the Tzarewitch had to stand over. At Sistova I found a
trustworthy messenger to Bucharest, and on the following
morning I rode a second time to Pavlo. Again Ignatieff
waved triumphantly a despatch from Gourko, describing
hard and successful marching and fighting beyond the
Balkans; again his translation of that despatch was scrib-
bled down in my note-book ; again I hurried back to
Sistova; and again sent a courier with the interesting and
valuable message. Precisely the same routine occurred on
the following day; and I owned to a certain modified
satisfaction when the fourth day was barren of a despatch.
For during the four days I had ridden 280 miles in a heat
as fierce as that of India, over tracks from which the dust
rose so dense as to obscure the sun. But then the infor-
mation given to me by Ignatieff was the only tidings of
Gourko, on whose enterprise the interest of Europe was
concentrated; for it was not until several days later that
anything came from the correspondents who accompanied
the expedition.
XI.
THE FUTURE OP THE WOUNDED IN WAR.
"Amenities of Warfare" a Contradiction in Terms — "Yanks" and " Johnnios"-
" Amenities" in the Kusso-Turkish War — Napoleon after Austerlitz — The
Geneva Convention — English and German arrangements for Wounded —
" Vae Vulneratis ! " in future Wars — New Weapons and New Explosives
— Endurance of Wounded on Battle-field — Examples in Peninsular War
— The Millennium.
WHAT are genially termed " the amenities of warfare " are
quite pretty, but, in the nature of things, they are
also quite artificial; and as a matter of hard fact they are
in principle nothing other than a contradiction in terms.
What of chivalry has lasted into modern times resolves
itself into a kind of Quixotic notion that rose-water and
bloodshed are compatible one with the other. Occasionally
a man arises among us frank enough, bold enough — many
people may say brutal enough — who dares to brush aside
the sophistical upper layer of conventional amenities, and
to go straight down to the bed-rock of the subject. " The
main thing in true strategy," said General Sheridan once,
in his most trenchant manner, " is simply this : first deal
as hard blows at the enemy's soldiers as possible, and then
cause so much suffering to the inhabitants of a country
that they will long for peace and press their Government
to make it. Nothing should be left to the people but
eyes to lament the war." The Russian General Gourko is
another great soldier who has expressed himself to the
same effect, and who, indeed, evidenced the courage of his
opinions in an extremely practical manner.
Nevertheless, the "amenities of war" have held their
own more or less among civilised nations ever since stand-
ing armies came into existence. Frederick the Great had
to ignore them in great measure during the Seven Years'
War, because of the hordes of Pandours — Carlyle's " Tdl-
pacheries and kindred doggeries" — which hung venomously
Q
242 MEMORIES OF WAR AND PtfACE.
on the fringes of his armies. But every reader of military
history will remember Fontenoy and the ceremonious little
episode between Lord Charles Hay of the English Guards,
and the Count d'Auteroche of the Gardes Frangaises. The
"amenities" fell into abeyance during the ferocious wars of
the French Revolution, but revived genially in Wellington's
Peninsular campaigns, during which the mutual under-
standing of non-molestation between the outposts of the
opposing armies was carried to curious lengths. In the
American Civil War there was little, if any, personal
rancour between the soldiers of the respective regular
armies. The " Yanks " and the " Johnnies " on outpost
duties were for the most part quite fraternal, and there
were constant friendly barterings in tobacco, coffee, and
whisky. In the Franco-German campaign in 1870, however,
war once more in a great measure went back to grim first
principles. During the sieges of Paris and Metz an immense
amount of simple cold-blooded murder was perpetrated on
the fore-posts, of which the French had the best because of
the longer range of their chassepots. In the Russo-Turkish
War of 1877-78 the " amenities " on the part of the Turks
took the simple form of mutilating the Russian wounded
before killing them, while the Muscovites confined themselves
to refusing quarter and refraining from burying dead Turks.
The abstract theory of the " amenities " is nothing other
than preposterous. You strain every effort to reduce your
adversary to impotence. He falls wounded, whereupon
should he come into your hands, you promptly devote all
your exertions to saving his life and restoring him to health
and vigour, in order that he may go home and swell the
ranks of your enemy. This, no doubt, is humanity, but it
is supremely illogical. Marbot recounts in his Memoirs
perhaps the most thorough reductio ad absurdum of the
"amenities." In the battle of Austerlitz, a body of beaten
Russians about five thousand strong strove to escape
across the ice on the Satschan Lake. Napoleon ordered
his artillery to fire on the ice, which was shattered, and men
and horses slowly settled down into the depths, only a few
THE "AMENITIES" OF WAR. 243
escaping by means of poles and ropes thrust out from shore
by the French. Next morning Napoleon riding round the
positions, saw a wounded Russian officer clinging to an ice-
floe a hundred yards out, and entreating help. The
Emperor became intensely interested in the succour of the
man. After many, failures Marbot and another officer
stripped and swam out, gradually brought the ice - floe
towards the shore, and laid the Russian at Napoleon's feet.
The Emperor evinced more delight at this rescue than he
had manifested when assured of the victory of Austerlitz.
He had no compunction as to the fate of the unfortunates
whom his artillery practice of the day before had sent to
their deaths. A la guerre, comme a la guerre I
It has been the wounded in war who up till now have
owed the most to its amenities. Prisoners of war have not
fared so well ; it makes one shudder to recall the horrors of
Andersonville, or the deadly tramp across the snow-covered
Wallachian plain of the Turkish army which had held Plevna
so long and so valiantly. But in civilised countries, since
Llitzen onward, the commander of a routed army, or, as after
Talavera, of an army that has conquered but whose subse-
quent retreat circumstances have compelled, has not hesitated
to leave his wounded to the good offices of his adversary ; and
seldom indeed has the onerous duty not been humanely
fulfilled. After Coruna and after Talavera the French took
medical charge of the wounded left to their care by the
British ; after Salamanca, Vittoria, Orthez and Waterloo the
British hospitals were full of French wounded. In any of
the German field and base hospitals in 1870, in every alternate
bed might have been found a wounded piou-piou, sharing in
every respect alike with his friends the enemies on both sides
of him. In recent wars — the Crimean War was a melancholy
exception — vast strides have been made in the methods of
dealing with the wounded on the actual battlefield, as weh1 as
in the hospitals to which the more severely wounded are now
so promptly relegated. Of the voluntary aid which the
peoples of neutral states, as well as those of the combatant
powers, have contributed and are ready to contribute again
Q 2
244 MEMORIES OF WAE AND PEACE.
in the disinterested service of humanity, some details may
subsequently be given. In one case in which no foreign aid
was tendered when, I may add, it ought in brotherliness to
have been tendered, a nation proved itself fully capable of
performing unaided its duty to its wounded in the most
zealous and efficient manner. The Sanitary Commission of
the United States was among the noblest works in the world's
record of devotion. Well might its historian write of it as
" the true glory of our age and our country, one of the most
striking monuments of its civilisation." The Geneva conven-
tion has worked ardently if not always quite practically or
consistently, in the cause of humanity, alt-hough there is
certainly point in Mr. Niemann's sententious remark that
"in order fully to carry out the ideas of the Geneva
Convention, it would be necessary to cease to make war."
In principle the existing arrangements for medical assist-
ance in the field and for the removal of the wounded
therefrom, are in great measure identical in most European
armies. The English system may be briefly summarised. In
the field there is a medical officer with each unit — regiment
of cavalry, battalion of infantry, body of artillery, etc. He
has at his disposition the trained regimental stretcher-bearers
of his particular unit, two per company or troop. To each
brigade are attached specifically one bearer company and one
field hospital; to each division an additional field hospital.
For an army corps the medical establishment consists of ten
field hospitals and six bearer companies, exclusive of the
regimental aid ; and, in addition to this, a certain number of
officers of the medical staff are utilised for staff purposes'/
The entire service is under the command of a surgeon-major-
general, subject to the authority of the general commanding.
There are three stages for the wounded man between where
he falls and the field hospital, where he either temporarily
remains if his case is not serious, or whence he is sent
back to the base hospital if he has been severely wounded.
The first stage is from the fighting-line to the collecting-
station. Where he has fallen he receives medical aid from
one or other of two sources, whichever may the sooner
THE SERVICE OF THE WOUNDED. 245
reach him : the surgeon of his own particular unit accom-
panied by that officer's orderly from the regiment carrying
the field-companion, water-bottle, and surgical haversack;
or a surgeon belonging to the bearer company with a
private similarly equipped. At this stage the surgeon,
whether of the unit or of the bearer company as the case
may be, affords the wounded man merely temporary aid and
does not undertake any serious surgical operation. The
patient is placed on a stretcher, which may belong to the
bearers of the unit or to one of the eight stretcher
squads of the bearer company; and he is carried back to
the collecting-station, which, while if possible under shelter,
is as near as may be to the fighting-line consistently with
safety. The collecting-station is in charge of a sergeant
equipped with field-companion and water-bottle, and a small
reserve of bandages and first dressings to replenish the
surgical haversacks of the stretcher-bearers. From the
collecting-station to the dressing-station farther rearward,
arid if possible out of fire, a certain specified number of
ambulances ply, loaded with their complement of wounded
menj each vehicle under the care of a corporal or private of
the bearer company. These two stages, from the fighting-line
to the collecting-station and from the collecting-station to
the dressing-station, constitute the " first line of assistance."
At the dressing-station, located if possible in a building —
if not, in a tent and in proximity to a good supply of water —
the medical officer in command is on duty assisted by another
medical officer, a sergeant-major, and sundry other non-com-
missioned officers and men, acting as compounders, cooks, etc.
Here the wounded receive more detailed attention than could
previously have been paid to them. Beef-tea and stimulants
are supplied when needed ; minor, and in case of emergency,
even capital operations are performed. As the wounded are
dressed they are placed in the ambulances plying between
the dressing-station and the field hospital, which stage is
known as the "second line of assistance." The collecting
and dressing stations may have to be advanced or retired
according to the ebb or flow of the battle; but the general
246
MEMORIES OF WAR AND PEACE.
principle holds good that the two shall never be far apart, so
as to shorten the journeys in the first line and thus bring the
wounded within reach of surgical aid as speedily as possible.
In the Egyptian campaign of 1882 a quarter of an hour was
held to be the extreme length of time for the wounded man
to lie on the field before receiving assistance ; but then there
were but a few hundreds of men to be dealt with, in
contradistinction to the thousands of wounded which a great
battle necessarily produces.
The following table may be of interest as marking the
difference in detail between the German and the English
appliances and methods for dealing with the wounded. The
unit of comparison is in each case that of an army corps
numbering 30,000 combatants : —
Medical
« c
Officers.
"2 S
0 g
j.
»
-7 z-
S
I
_
C u
.< j.
o
si
•
Remark*.
*" &
c „
c t-
= £
a =
:
s £
•7-
- ~
fc fc
"•s w
X
0
2. *
j
? ***
E-i E
it 5
o
o
§ E
E
~- *p
S
S«
H
H
*
•
*
:
GERMAN.
Regimental aid - - -
Three bearer companies
Twelve field hospitals -
• 2
60
16
480
21
60
717
564
120
124
24
2,400
* Including
249 for trans-
port duty.
t Excluding
506 for trans-
Totals - - -
2
60
16
480
81
1,281*
244
24
2,400
port duty.
ENGLISH.
J Only 48 of
tiiese actually
Regimental aid - - -
Six bearer companies -
Ten field hospitals -
1-4
41
16
480
18
40
366
400
226
168J
80
60
1,000
in use on
battle • field,
remainder
are in the
Totals - - -
1-4
41
16
480
58
766t
474
60
1,000
waggons.
1,281 less 249 = 1,032.
766 plus 506 = 1,272.
Thus the German corps has one-third more regimental
medical officers per thousand men than the English. It has
twice as many beds in field-hospitals, but fewer ambulance-
THE WOUNDED OF THE FUTURE. 247
waggons by one half. Taking the means of carriage from
fighting-line to dressing-station, the English corps has 274
stretchers and carriage for 360 wounded per ambulance-
waggon, making 634 in all. With the average distance of
dressing-station from fighting-line taken at 1,500 yards, the
number of journeys to and fro that could be estimated for
would not exceed five, or 1,500 wounded moved by carriage.
Taking 50 per cent, of the wounded as requiring carriage
from the field, this would give 3,000 wounded that would
arrive at the dressing-stations for transfer to the rear, or 10
per cent, of the whole force.
This much of detail has been gone into in regard to the
present system of dealing with the wounded in battle with
the motive of accentuating the contrast between that system
with its promptitude of succour, and the harsher conditions
which must inevitably be endured by the wounded of future
warfare. One day about three years ago, I happened to be
listening in the theatre of the Royal United Service Institu-
tion, to a lecture which was being delivered by Mr. John
Furley, one of our oldest and most devoted volunteer Red
Cross men on many a stricken field. He talked of a new
pattern of stretcher with telescopic handles and drew fine dis-
tinctions between the patterns of ambulances of infinitesimal
shades of differences ; apparently in the full conviction that
the wounded of the future would fare as do the wounded of
the present. Called upon to speak, I ventured to observe
that if in the next great war Mr. Furley should be in the
field, about the second evening after the battle he would
probably find a wrounded brigadier-general competing eagerly
for a share of a country dung-cart for his conveyance to the
field-hospital I regard this as no strained illustration of the
state of things that will exist in the future after a great battle,
in consequence of the immense number of wounded which
the altered conditions of military armaments and of fighting
will bring about. The Philistine audience, which included
sundry brigadier-generals, gibed at me ; but when later I
happened to go into the matter more closely with intent to
write this chapter, I found myself in accord with all the best
248 MEMORIES OF WAR AND PEACE.
authorities. " Vae vulneratis ! " will be the cruel watchword
of future wars. The late Dr. Billroth, the greatest of Austrian
surgeons, who made the Franco-German War on the Prussian
side, held that " we must come to the conclusion that in
future it will be no longer possible to remove the wounded
from the field during the battle by means of bearers, since
every man of them would be shot down, as bearers would be
more exposed than men in the fighting-line; and the most
that can be aimed at is that the wounded man of the future
shall be attended to within twenty-four hours." Bardeleben,
the surgeon-general of the Prussian Army, has said : " Some
urge an increase of bearers ; but we must not forget that
bearers have to go into the fire-line and expose themselves
to the bullets. If we go on increasing their number, shall Are
not also be simply increasing the number of the wounded ?
The number of men provided for the transfer of the wounded
now .exceeds 1,000 for each army corps. It is no true
humanity that in order to effect an uncertain amount of
saving of human life a number of lives of other men should
be sacrificed. The whole system of carrying away the wounded
on litters during the battle must be abandoned, for it is
altogether impracticable." There are many other testimonies
to the same effect. In the Franco-German and Russo-Turkish
wars I had already personally recognised and had written in
that sense in my war correspondence, that the losses among
the bearers and surgeons were so great that the service
already "approached impracticability." And I added with
a prescience which stands justified to-day, that " in the
warfare of the future the service as now existing will be found
utterly impracticable, since with the improved man-killing
appliances certain to be brought into action, the first battle
would bodily wipe out the bearer organisation carried on
under fire."
It is virtually impossible that anyone can have accurately
pictured to himself the scene in its fulness which the next
great battle will present to a bewildered and shuddering
world. We know the elements that shall constitute its
horrors; but we know them only, as it were, academically.
DEATH INCALCULABLE FROM THE HEAVENS. 249
Men have yet to be thrilled to the heart by the weirdness of
wholesale death inflicted by missiles poured from weapons
the whereabouts of which cannot be discerned because of the
absence of powder-smoke. Nay, if Dr. Weiss's recently-
invented explosive, of which great things have been predicted,
is to be brought into use in the German army, there may no
longer be any powder — the " villainous saltpetre " superseded
by the more devilish " fatty substance of a brownish colour."
The soldier of the next war must steel his heart to encounter
the deadly danger incident to the explosions of shells filled
with dynamite, melinite, ballistite, or some other form of high
explosive, in the midst of dense masses of men. The recent
campaign in Matabeleland has informed us with a grim
triumph of the sweeping slaughter the Maxim gun can inflict
with its mechanical stream of bullets. Quick-firing field-guns
are on the eve of superseding the type of cannon in use in
the horse and field batteries of to-day. All these instruments
are on terra firma — if that be of any account. But, if there
is anything in Edison's and Maxim's claims to have invented
a flying-machine for military purposes which can be so steered
as to carry and drop with accuracy five hundred pounds of
explosive material at a given point, or to shed on an army
a shower of dynamite, then death incalculable may rain down
as from the very heavens themselves.
Most of the European powers have equipped their armies
with one or other form of the new small-bore rifle, and those
which have not completed their re-armament are making
haste to do so. The only type of new weapon the results of
the fire from which have been actually tested on the battle-
field, is the Mannlicher, which was used to a considerable
extent in the Chilian civil war of 1891. As is generally
known, the 8-millimetre projectile which the Mannlicher
throws is much lighter and of much flatter trajectory than
any of the old larger bullets. Owing to its higher velocity
and pointed shape its power of perforation is extraordinary.
In the matter-of-fact language of Bardeleben, " Owing to the
immense velocity of the Mannlicher bullet and its small
surface of contact, it meets with little resistance in striking.
250 MEMORIES OF WAR AND PEACE.
causes little commotion of the neighbouring parts, has no time
to stretch the various tissues it encounters, and merely
punches out a hole, carrying the contused elements before it
clean out of the wound without seriously damaging the
surroundin^ wall of track." The now obsolete bullets fired
O
from great distances and striking a bone, frequently glanced
off or rebounded. This will occur no longer ; the new long-
range projectile, if it strikes at all, has sufficient force to pass
through, cutting any vessels or organs it may meet in its
path. It is, therefore, all the more deadly. Whereas the
accepted estimate of casualties in modern warfare has been
in the ratio of about four men wounded to one killed, the
percentage in the Chilian fighting is authentically given as
four killed to one wounded. This ghastly proportion will
probably not maintain itself in future battles on a larger scale ;
but there can be no doubt that the fighting of the future will
be deadlier than that of the past. Yet the properties of the
new bullet are not entirely lethal, although it will slay its
thousands and its tens of thousands. Its characteristic of
absence of contusion, which contusion from the old bullet
frequently stayed the bleeding of injured vessels, must result
in more frequent deaths from haemorrhage, more especially in
the inevitable lack in the future of prompt surgical interven-
tion. But the wounds it causes, if they do not produce
immediate death or speedy dissolution from haemorrhage, are
expected to be more amenable to treatment than those which
were occasioned by the old bullet.
It is remarkable that the more modern battles of Europe,
in which great numbers of men have been engaged — battles
in which were used rifled cannon and small arms — have
afforded greatly less percentages of casualties than those of
earlier battles in which smooth-bore cannon and muskets
were the sole weapons of fire. At Borodino in 1812, there
fought 250,000 French and Russians with a result of 80,000
killed and wounded. At Salamanca in the same year, when
90,000 English and French were engaged, the casualties
amounted to 30,800. In each case the proportion of
casualties to forces engaged was one-third, and the proportion
A MILLION OF COMBATANTS. 251
was the same in the battle of Eylau in 1807. In the battles
of Magenta and Solferino in the Franco-Italian war of 1859
when the French armament was in great part rifled, the pro-
portion of killed and wounded to the total forces engaged was
but one-eleventh. At Koniggratz in 1866, the proportion
was one-ninth. In the two days' fighting before Metz in
August, 1870 — the battles of Mars-la-Tour on the 16th, and
the battle of Gravelotte on the 18th — there were in all on
the ground about 450,000 Germans and Frenchmen. The
casualties of the two days amounted to 65,500, affording
a proportion to the total strength of one-seventh. These
figures work out that the old Brown Bess and the smooth-bore
guns inflicted proportionately more injury to life and limb
than occurred in the battles later in the century with all the
appliances of improved armaments. But the largest army
placed on a battle-field on any one occasion by any European
Power within the present century — the Prussian army which
fought at Koniggratz — did not amount to more than 260,000
fighting men. To-day, the war-strength available for the field
of the German Empire is close on 2,500,000 men ; that of
France, 2,715,000 ; that of Russia, 2,450,000 ; that of Austria,
1,600,000. When the first great battle of the next great war
comes to be fought, a million of combatants will be in the
field. On the percentage of 1870, and. putting aside alto-
gether the effects of the recent developments in man-hurting,
the casualties will exceed 140,000. According to the existing
ratios, of this number 35,000 would be slain, 70,000 would be
comparatively slightly wounded, and 35,000 would be severely
wounded. In the absence of actual experience the Chilian
statistics could not be relied upon, at all events, in full. It
follows that if the wounded of the next great battle are to be
dealt with as the present arrangements prescribe, apart from
the gleaning of the bearers during the battle, surgical assist-
ance will have to be provided for 105,000 wounded, and
hospital accommodation for 70,000, namely, the 35,000
severely wounded, and one-half of the 70,000 comparatively
slightly wounded.
To cope adequately with this vast aggregate of human
252 MEMORIES OF WAR AXD PEACE.
suffering— with this gigantic example of "man's inhumanity
to man " — is obviously impossible ; it confessedly cannot and
will not be attempted. The primary object of war is mani-
festly not to succour wounded men ; but to engage in battles,
to beat the adversary, to win victories. The battles of the
future may or may not be less prolonged than those of recent
campaigns. We cannot prognosticate. The battle of Grave-
lotte lasted from noon until 10 p.m. ; the battle of Mars-la-
Tour right round the clock, from 9 a.m. to 9 p.m. It is
certain, because of the vast strengths engaged, that the
battles of the future will cover much more ground than
heretofore, and it is probable that the fighting will be more
stationary. Let me briefly adumbrate the possibilities —
indeed I may say the probabilities — of the results of a great
battle in the next great war, which is sure to be " short, sharp,
and decisive." The fighting has been prolonged and bloody,
with the result that one side is definitely beaten, evacuates its
positions, and retreats more or less precipitately, leaving on
the ground its wounded, none of whom could be cared for
while the conflict lasted. The successful commander's ground
is littered with his own wounded ; he has them on his hands
in thousands, and he has also on his hands the thousands of
the wounded of the vanquished force which has gone away.
The conqueror of the future, if he accepts the old-time con-
ventional burden of his adversary's wounded, will become its
victim. He will not accept the incubus. Is it to be imagined
that the victor in such circumstances will think twice even
about his own wounded, let alone the wounded of the other
side ? No. He is in the field, not to be a hospital nurse, but
to follow up his advantage by hammering on the enemy who
has departed leaving his own wounded behind — and Avho may
come back again to-morrow to strike him while clogged to the
knees in the live and dead debris of yesterday's battle. The
victor will hasten away to overtake or hang on the skirts of
the vanquished army, leaving the wounded of both sides to be
dealt with as may be possible by such surgeons as he can
afford, in view of future contingencies, to leave behind, and to
the ministrations of cosmopolitan amateur philanthropists of
1'OOB MANGLED FELLOW-MEN. 253
the Red Cross and kindred organizations. For there will be
no more military bearer companies ; in the hunger for
fighting men the 1,000 bearers per army corps of the present
will have been incorporated into a strong brigade with arms
in their hands and a place in the fighting line. On the line
of communication of the future, reserve ammunition trains are
to precede the military ambulances which up to now have
headed the columns of vehicles. The German instructions in
the present regulations for medical services are, that when a
battle is engaged in all available vehicles of whatever kind,
empty regimental provision and meat waggons, empty supply-
column waggons, country carts and waggons requisitioned,
ambulances of medical establishments in rear, and the like,
are to be brought up for the transport of the wounded
in order to "satisfy requirements as far as possible." But
the inevitable delays are obvious, and in view of further
fighting in the immediate future the whole available ve-
hicles could not be devoted to the service of the wounded
in the recent battle. The order is specific that the
Red Cross personnel and ambulances are henceforth never
to be allowed to do duty in the first line, namely, on
the field of battle, and that their activity must be con-
fined exclusively to the period after the battle; that is, to
the dtape transport of the wounded to the base hospitals.
I have tried to foreshadow what I believe will be the
plight of the wounded of the next great war. The prospect
seems very disheartening ; for the described dealing with
poor mangled fellow-men is not of a progressive but of a
reactionary character, and reaction is repulsive to our age.
Yet there may be some features of the prospect tending
to mitigate its gloom. I venture to think, for instance, that
the enforced remaining of the wounded on the field until
the battle is over, and indeed for hours afterwards, notwith-
standing the suffering such delays must in many cases entail,
will not for the most part produce consequences so calami-
tous as may be not unnaturally apprehended by those who
"sit at home at ease." I am of opinion — and I venture to
believe that I have bandaged and attended to more wounded
254 MEMORIES OF WAR AND PEACE.
under fire than any man in Europe who is not a professional
military surgeon — that the severely wounded soldier under
the existing system of prompt removal to the dressing-
station, does not uniformly benefit by the hustling and
physical disturbance his removal necessarily entails while
he is suffering from the first shock of being severely wounded.
It is true that he may bleed to death if no ministration has
been afforded him where he lies ; but that risk apart, if the
bleeding shall have been stanched or shall have stanched
itself, I conceive that he may He without serious detriment,
often perhaps writh actual advantage, even for so long a
period as twenty-four hours if the weather is not bitter.
All men conversant with Avar know instances of extraordinary
tenacity of life in wounded men who had received no
attention. Segur's well-known story of the man wounded
at Borodino having been found alive by the army returning
from Moscow has been discredited. But my comrade and
myself found on the fifth day after the battle of Sedan, a
wounded Frenchman walking about in a sequestered part
of the battle-field, not indeed with sprightliness but without
evidencing great debility; yet his lower jaw had been shot
away, a wound which precluded him from eating solid food.
I found also on the third day after the battle of Novem-
ber 30, 1870, on the east of Paris, in weather so bitter that
sentries were actually frozen to death on their posts, a
nest of three wounded Frenchmen lying in a hollow, not
starved to death, not frozen to death, but pretty hungry and
quite alive. I may even dare go so far as to hold that,
at all events, in the British service in small wars, the soldier
is coddled nowadays to the extent of being really deteriorated
by over-tenderness of treatment. He has an anaesthetic admin-
istered when the top joint of his little finger is being taken
off; he has hypodermic injections when he has a twitch
of pain; he is treated with champagne, with all sorts of
delicate extras, and everything that can make a man
reluctant to own to convalescence. In the old days of the
Peninsular war men had natures of more pith and did
not seem to die in much greater proportion than nowadays,
THE NAPIER BROTHERS. 255
although they were entire strangers to all this demoralising
excess of dry-nursing. Take for instance Major George
Napier, one of the Napier brothers who were always being
wounded. Shot down in the breach of Ciudad Rodrigo, he
was made a football of for about a quarter of an hour while
the column passed over him as he lay. He was picked up
with his arm shattered ; Lord March bound his sash about
it and bade him go and find the amputating-place. He dis-
covered that locality after an hour's search, and then sat
down at the end of a queue of men to wait for his turn,
which came two hours later. Then there was a dispute
between the surgeons on a point of etiquette. Napier had
asked his own regimental surgeon to do the business, but
a superior staff-surgeon successfully asserted his right to
perform the operation of amputation. It took twenty-five
minutes, the staff-surgeon's instruments being blunted by
much use. The stump was bandaged and Napier bidden
go and find quarters. He walked about on this quest
most of the evening, finding at last a house in which a
number of other wounded officers had gathered, and he
remained there sitting by the fireside with his stump taking
its chance for a considerable time longer, until the death
of the gallant General Cravvfurd gave him a bed vacancy.
During that same night there arrived a soldier of his regi-
ment who had been searching for his officer for hours.
Napier said to the man : " I am very glad to see you ; but,
John, you are wounded yourself — jour arm is in a sling."
" Arrah, be Jasus, your honour," answered honest John
Dunn, "sure its nothing to shpake about — only me arrum
cut off below the elbow, just before I shtarted to look for
your honour ! "
To conclude, stern experience of future warfare will one
day, please God, force home upon the nations the decision
whether their wounded and necessarily untended warriors
in their thousands and their tens of thousands are to lie
bleeding on the battle-fields while the strife is raging above
them, or whether the peoples of the civilised world shall
take the accomplishment of the blessed millennium into
256 MEMORIES OF WAR AND PEACE.
their own hands, and bring it about, in the words of the
old Scottish paraphrase, that
"No longer hosts encountering hosts
Shall crowds of slain deplore ;
They'll hang the trumpet in the hall,
And study war no more ! "
XII.
A HILL STORY.
IT was not a very enlivening spot, lying as it did on the
bleak lower shoulder of a lumpy hill, just where the heather
merged into the coarse tufty grass that marked the margin
of cultivation ; yet it bore tokens of having been at some
time or other a fair-sized homestead. There were the remains
of the rough turf dyke which had once surrounded a cabbage-
garden, inside which the grass was shorter and greener,
while here and there a neglected tuft of southernwood or
a gooseberry-bush raised its ragged head, like the unkempt
poll of some homeless street Arab. In a corner overhung
by a graceful but decaying weeping- willow, was a little plot
which manifestly had once been a floAver-garden. The tor-
tuous paths were still faintly denned by the straggling
edgings of box, with many a gap and many a withered stem ;
and through the luxuriant wilderness of chickweed, groundsel
and tansies there peered forth an occasional cowslip and
polyanthus, or a heart's-ease in its forlornness belying its
name. There was a gap in the turf wall just under the
willow-tree ; and passing out by it I entered what had once
been a trimly-kept back-yard. The well was there with its
rough stone coping mouldering and displaced. At one time
there had been a not unambitious attempt to imitate an
inlaid pavement with variegated pebbles laid down in a
fantastic pattern, but the round stones had in places been
displaced from their bed, and in other places a layer of
mould coated them, out of which the rank strong grass
grew with a wild luxuriance. A pile of stone mingled with
and matted together by turfs, or as they are called in
Scotland, "divots," marked the site of the dwelling-house.
Only a fragment of one gable still kept its upright position
from the centre of which, about half way up, projected the
R
258 MEMORIES OF WAR AND PEACE.
iron support for the crook a few links of which still dangled
as in mockery over the empty and green-moulded hearth-
stone. The whole scene wore an aspect of the forlornest
desolation; no trace of human life was visible. The spring
wind soughed through the quivering leaves of the willow,
and played fitfully with a few scraps of paper which appa-
rently could find rest nowhere — not a friendly crevice to
drop into and moulder into pulp; but seemed condemned
to be tossed to and fro on the wind eternally, as if they
were the symbol of some sinful human soul to which rest
and peace were denied. One of those fragments I caught
after quite a lively chase. It appeared to have been the
fly-leaf of a pocket-bible, and on it were written the two
names —
" ISABEL CKOMBIE
JOHN- FARQTJHARSON "
and the legend underneath —
"Hereby plight constancy one to the other."
" Ah ! " said my friend and companion the old minister
when I showed him the writing on the scrap I had picked
up, " that is the keynote to a long and sad tale. My heart
is always heavy when I come up out of the valley among
these memorials of a once happy family. A parish minister
sees some joy and much more sorrow in the course of what
the busy world may consider an uneventful life; but the
story of these ruins is the saddest within my experience."
I pressed the white-haired old man to tell me the tale,
and at length he yielded reluctantly to my importunity.
We seated ourselves on a fragment of the turf garden wall,
and the old minister, after a short silence occupied in the
consumption of huge pinches of snuff, which perhaps
accounted for a certain moisture of the eyes and a somewhat
profuse use of his pocket handkerchief, began his story : —
" I was returning one winter's evening from holding a
catechising in a remote district of my parish, which lies at
the back of the hill yonder. My pony had fallen lame,
"HONEST JAMES" THE ELDER. 259
and I turned off the hill road to the house the ruins of
which are now before us, to find quarters for her for the
night. When I entered the kitchen, the cold ingle of which
you see below that still standing gable, a very pleasant
domestic scene met my eye. The gudeman was sitting hi
the chimney-corner reading aloud in a quaint and effective
manner one of the hill-stories of the Ettrick Shepherd.
James Crombie, or ' Honest James/ the name he was known
by far and wide, was one of my most respected elders. He
was a man somewhat of the old Cameronian type, with
strongly-marked harsh features, a kindly grey eye, and a
great pile of bald head covered by the 'braid bonnet' of
the Scottish peasantry. The gudewife sat by the table
opposite to her 'man,' listening to his reading with interest,
and knitting a pair of 'furr and rigg' stockings for his
sturdy . shins. At the foot of the table sat their daughter
Isabel, or ' Bell ' as was her familiar name, a good and
good-looking girl as there was in the parish. By her side
sat a strapping young fellow, John Farquharson by name,
the son of a neighbouring farmer, who was serving his
father as ploughman and who had very good expectation
of soon having his name in the lease along with him. It
was easy enough to discern that there was a quiet courting
match going on between the young people ; and as the guce-
wife wore a complacent smile and as James certainly did
not frown — I set down the matter in my mind as settled,
and jocularly asked John when he should be coming down
to the manse to arrange about the banns. He, of course,
looked much as if he had been detected in stealing the
pulpit Bible, and Bell gave me a half shy, half roguish
glance out of the corner of her blue eye, which I accepted
as a tacit pledge that I was to perform the ceremony at a
convenient season. After sitting for a while with the
family group the gudeman begged me to conduct the
evening worship, and this over I set out for the manse
accompanied by John Farquharson, because, as he said,
' the road was gey an' kittle, an' your reverence micht lair
in some o' the bog-holes.'
R 2
260 MEMORIES OF WAR AND PEACE.
"Time wore on. It was getting near to midsummer,
the season of the annual sacrament of the Communion,
The spring had been a very bad one and last year's crops had
threshed out wretchedly. A pestilence called the 'quarter-
ill' had smitten many of the cattle, and in particular,
James Crombie's byres had been almost emptied. His face
had become perceptibly thinned and more haggard, and I
used to meet him stalking moodily along with his hands
under his coat tails and his head sunk on his breast. The
young laird had come home from college — a handsome, wild
young scapegrace of whom some ugly stories were already
afloat. John Farquharson's face was no longer blithe as it
had been wont to be. On the few occasions I met him in
those bad days he seemed sullen and moody, and I feared
that something had intervened to prevent the course of true
love from running smooth between him and Bell. As for
her, she too was altered. She had not come at all to the
last catechising, and I had observed her in church dressed
in a style which did not become her station.
"The Sacrament Sunday had come, and James Crombie,
moody and careworn, was in his place with his brother
elders. The preliminary sermon had been preached, the
sacred elements were on the white cloth which covered the
table running along the whole space of the centre of the
church; and I ascended the pulpit to perform the awe-
inspiring and terrible duty of ' fencing the tables.' Perhaps
you do not know the strict meaning of the phrase and the
duty. It is this. With the Saviour's body and blood hi a
symbolical form before the minister and the intending
communicants, it is the momentous task of the former to
warn away from that table, as he would from the very
mouth of hell itself, all who would partake thereof with
the stain of unrepented sin on their guilty souls. It is his
dreadful duty to lift up his stern voice, and, in the name
of the Most High, solemnly to warn the ' fornicators, idol-
aters, adulterers, effeminate, thieves, covetous, drunkards,
revilers, extortionists, those full of envy, murder, deceit, malig-
nity, backbiters, haters of God, despiteful, proud, boasters,
A DREAD DUTY. 261
inventors of evil things, disobedient to parents, without
understanding, covenant-breakers, implacable, unmerciful' —
to warn all such, I say, in the name of the Master that if
they come to that table in their sins, they commit ' the
sin against the Holy Ghost' and incur the fate of the
apostate Iscariot.
" This duty, as I have said, is a dread one ; but it is not
for the conscientious minister to shrink from it in all its
awful significance. I was finishing the solemn sentences
wherewith I had fenced the table, when there was a sudden
stir in the body of the church before me. I saw my
favourite elder, James Crombie, spring to his feet and
bareheaded rush frantically out of the church, his long
grey locks streaming behind him as he fled. It was only
with an extraordinary effort that I controlled my emotion
and was able to proceed; and when I saw the sensation
which the occurrence caused throughout the congregation —
heightened when James's wife rose from her seat in the
gallery, and with white face and tottering steps followed
her husband — I wavered whether it would not be advisable
to postpone the ordinance altogether. But I judged it
better not, and table after table was served and the after-
noon sermons had begun in church and in churchyard, ere I
ventured to commune with myself over the extraordinary
occurrences of the forenoon. I tried to connect it in some
curious rambling fashion with the absence of the daughter,
Isabel, from her place in church; but, failing in this, the
moment the benediction had been pronounced I deputed
a brother minister to fill my place at the manse dinner-
table, and wended my way up the shoulder of the hill to
James Crombie's house. A neighbour opened the door for
me, and silently led the way into the kitchen. There, in
her accustomed seat, sat the gudewife ; but, oh, how changed
from the last time I had seen her there ! She sat silent
and motionless, as if she had been smitten by a stroke ;
nor was she to be roused from the deadly numbness
into which she had been struck. There were no tidings of
James, but the neighbour-woman pointed silently to an open
262 MEMORIES OF WAR AND PEACE.
letter which lay on the table. I took it up and read it.
It ran as follows, commencing with the stereotyped epistolary
phraseology of the Scottish peasantry —
1 Sunday Morning.
'DEAR MOTHER, — I -write these few lines to let you know that I have
gone away with young Mr. Harry, who has promised to marry me when we
get to parts ahroad. Dear father and mother, do not fret, for I will come
home soon, and be the leddy down at the big house. Tell John Farquharson
that he will get a better wife than your dutiful daughter till death,
'ISABEL CROMBIE.'
" My heart turned sick, and after an ineffectual effort
to rouse the old woman from her lethargy of woe, I left
the grief-smitten farmhouse. On my way home I met
John Farquharson coming towards me with rapid strides,
and a wild, dangerous light in his eye. He had heard a
rumour, and he was hurrying to learn whether it were truth
or falsehood. I stopped the poor fellow and strove, while
I did not withhold from him the sad truth, to soften its
terrible significance ; but so soon as he was told that the
report was but too true, he broke away with a bitter curse
and a wild laugh, and ran madly across the moor as if
flying from himsel£ There were sore hearts that night in
the manse as well as up on the hillside.
" Next morning came tidings of James Crombie himself.
Bonnetless as he was he had walked straight from the kirk
door to the gate of the jail in the county town, and had
set to battering at the door as if trying to break it in. The
warder looked through the wicket and, knowing James,
asked in surprise at the wildness of his aspect, what he
wanted.
"'I want in,' was the answer, 'an' I maun be in! Gin
ye dinna lat me in, by God, I'll loup aff the pier head, an'
my death will be on your head ! '
" ' Is the man mad ? ' was the warder's reply ; ' troth,
there's mony want oot frae here, but few want in ! I tell
ye, gae awa', man!'
"'Lat me in, I say!' begged the elder — 'pit me in a
cell, or I'll ding out my brains on the lintel o' the yett. I
"HONEST" NO LONGER. 233
tell ye I have guilt on my sowl an' I maim dree the law
for it!'
"The astonished official knew not what to make of a
demand so crazy, and he determined to free himself from
responsibility by bringing James under the cognisance of the
Procurator Fiscal, who lived in the next street. For his
part James was nothing loth to accompany the warder, his
whole being seemingly centred in a feverish craving to be
inside a felon's cell at the earliest moment. Before the
Fiscal he abruptly owned to his crime. Impelled, he said, by
inability to meet the impending instalment of his rent, he had
forged the name of a neighbour to the bill which he had
handed to the factor in discharge of the rent due by him.
Yes, ' honest James ' was honest no longer — he was a con-
fessed forger and felon. He had fallen, indeed, but he could
not sear his conscience ; and when my awful message in
the fencing of the tables had sounded in his guilty ears,
the burden of his secret sin had proved greater than he
could bear.
" The Procurator Fiscal of course took his ' deposition,' and
equally as a matter of course committed him to prison on the
charge of forgery on his own confession. It was my task to
tell the tale to his wife, and I would rather not trust myself
to describe the effects on her of blow after blow. The morn-
ing after my interview with her she was at the prison door,
and before the week was out there was a sale of the belongings
at the steading among the ruins of which we are seated.
James's debts were paid, and the poor gudewife moved into the
town into a humble lodging to be near her husband on the
day of trial
" That day was not long of coming. The Lords of Circuit
arrived, and on the following morning the court was duly
constituted. Whereas, according to my belief, were this case
to have occurred in England, the factor, a private individual,
would have been the prosecutor and might have withdrawn
the charge had he thought proper, the law is different here in
Scotland. The moment that the Procurator Fiscal, who is a
Crown official and the Public Prosecutor, has heard of the
264 MEMORIES OF WAR AND PEACE.
case, from that moment it is beyond the pale of private
inveteracy, or mercy, as the case may be ; and if in the
exercise of his judgment he reports that the charge is one on
which there is a reasonable probability of obtaining a conviction,
no influence in the land can withhold it from the impartial
arbitrament of the law. So, notwithstanding that the factor's
claim had been satisfied and that he was ready to give
evidence as to character on behalf of the prisoner, an example
which the man whose name had been forged desired to
imitate, James Crombie stood before the Circuit Judges to
answer to the charge, with a Crown counsel as prosecutor.
As he stood in the dock with downcast eyes and worn face I
noticed that the sparse grey hairs had turned to snow-white,
and that the once stout, upright figure had become wasted and
bent.
"'How say you, James Crombie — are you guilty or not
guilty?'
" His head sank still lower on his breast as the answer,
although little louder than a whisper, sounded over the
hushed court ; ' Guilty, my lord, before my God, and before my
fellow-men ! '
" ' The daumed feel ! ' I heard the Fiscal's clerk mutter
angrily ; ' an' me drew the process loose eneuch tae drive
a coach an' sax through't, tae give honest James a
chance ! '
" ' Have you any counsel ? ' asked the Court.
" ' None, my lord, except a guilty conscience/
"A whispered consultation ensued between the Fiscal
and the Crown counsel, and the latter, rising, requested that
the Court should proceed to take proofs of substantiation of
the charge, negativing the prisoner's confession and plea of
' guilty,' and that it would be pleased to appoint one of the
counsel present to conduct the defence of the prisoner at the
bar.
"A brisk young advocate who had been glancing over
the papers, sprang up and volunteered his services which the
Court accepted on behalf of the prisoner; and the first witness,
the factor, was called. Ho had not, however, entered the
DEPOSED FROM THE ELDERSHIP. 265
witness-box when the dapper young advocate was on his
legs.
" ' My lord,' said he, ' I rise to save the time of the Court
and of my learned brother who appears on behalf of the
Crown. I beg to call your lordship's attention to the
irrelevancy of the libel. It contains no specification of the
date or approximate date of the uttering of the document
alleged to be forged.5
" The Fiscal's clerk seemed inclined to give vent to a
hurrah ; the Judge looked at the Crown counsel, who looked
at the Fiscal, who smiled at his clerk and then shook his
head. And then the Crown counsel rose and announced that
' he deserted the diet against James Crombie,' or, in other
words, that he abandoned the charge. The bar of the panel
(or, as you would call it, the dock) was raised, and the dazed,
half unconscious man was let free and was taken possession
of by his faithful wife.
" Next Sunday James Crombie was in the kirk in his usual
seat. After public worship the kirk-session met according to
wont, and James came and stood by the door of the pew
which he had so often entered of right as a respected elder
of the congregation. The elders and myself judged that in
the circumstances he might be permitted to resign simpliciter,
and so denude himself of the office which he was no longer
worthy to hold. But no ; James insisted on drinking the
bitter cup to its dregs. ' I have been latten oft' ae punish-
ment,' said he, ' oh, ye that I ance cud call brethren, but I
maun dree this weird tae the verra end.' He was immovable.
So next Sabbath day a Presbytery meeting was convened in
the kirk down yonder, and James Crombie was formally
deposed from the office of the eldership in the face of the
congregation. With his fine bare head bent meekly down-
wards he went out from our midst, his faithful wife guiding
his footsteps. Next week the couple sailed for America.
The ship was lost on the coast of Ireland, and not a soul
was saved."
It was with difficulty that the old minister reached what
I took to be the conclusion of his melancholy story. He rose
2C6 MEMORIES OF WAR AND PEACE.
from the turf seat, and walked with hasty steps down the
slope through the rough grass, and among the whin bushes.
I followed him at a short interval, unwilling to interrupt his
meditations, and we went on in this order till we came
within a little distance of the graveyard wall. Here the
minister halted and faced about. Waiting until I came up,
he abruptly burst again into speech : —
" It was several years after this," he said, " that a woman
came to the manse and told me that I was wanted up at the
steading on the shoulder of the hill. Crombie's farm had
been incorporated into a neighbouring one, and the buildings
the ruins of which we have just left, remained unoccupied
and were gradually becoming dilapidated. With some
curiosity I went up the hill, and crossing the threshold from
which the door-posts had rotted away, I entered the once-
familiar kitchen. At first there seemed no sign of life in the
place, but a low moaning drew me towards the chimney
corner. There, all along on the earthen floor, in a huddled
mass of draggled, tawdry finery lay a female form face
downwards. I stooped, raised the passive head, and turned it
to the light. For a little time I gazed on the lineaments, worn,
wild, yet beautiful as they were, without recognition ; then, as
the eyes opened, the awful conviction dawned on me that in
this poor wreck, this waif and stray of shattered and blighted
womanhood, I was looking upon none other than Isabel
Crombie. She recognised me, too, seemingly, after a little
while, for she began in a low broken tone to repeat scraps of
the Shorter Catechism and the texts of Scripture on
which I had been wont to question her in the Sabbath school
and on my season visitations. Then her mood suddenly
changed, and, sitting up with wild, distorted face and arms
thrown frantically about, she burst into a torrent of raving
oaths and blasphemy such as curdled the blood in my veins.
This outburst of horrible language lasted for a few minutes,
and then the mood changed again, and she began to rock her-
self to and fro as if she were dandling an infant, crooning at
the same time a low lullaby song. Finally she sank in a state of
syncope, and then I sent the woman who had fetched me for a
A CURIOUS COINCIDENCE. 267
couple of neighbours, and we had her carried to the nearest
house. There she lay some days, evidently dying fast. Hers
was the sad old story, so old in the history of womanhood
that I need not name it to you. It was a curious coincidence
that while she was lying there fading out of the world, a letter
came to me from a chaplain of the Scutari Hospital intimating
that Private John Farquharson of the Scots Greys, had died
in that hospital on a day stated, of desperate wounds received
in the heavy cavalry charge at Balaclava. We spared the
poor wretch this last drop of the cup she had poured herself
out. Halt ! or you will tread on her grave."
XIII.
MY SERVANTS ON CAMPAIGN.
ANDREAS.
fT^HERE is an undoubted fascination in the picturesque and
-L adventurous life of the war correspondent. One must,
of course, have a distinct bent for the avocation, and if he is to
succeed he must possess certain salient attributes. He must
expose himself to rather greater risks than fall to the lot of
the average fighting man, without enjoying any of the happi-
ness of retaliation which stirs the blood of the latter ; the
correspondent must sit quietly on his horse in the fire, and
while watching every turn in the battle, must wear an aspect
suggesting that he rather enjoyed the storm of missiles
than otherwise. When the fighting is over the soldier, if not
killed, can generally eat and sleep ; ere the echoes of it are
silent the correspondent of energy — and if he has not energy
he is not worth his salt — must already be galloping his hardest
towards the nearest telegraph wire, which, as like as not, is a
hundred miles distant. He must " get there " by hook or by
crook, in a minimum of time ; and as soon as his message is
on the wires he must be hurrying back to the army, else
he may chance to miss the great battle of the war.
The career, no doubt, has some incidental drawbacks.
General Sherman threatened to hang all the correspondents
found in his camp after a certain day, and General Sherman
was the kind of man to fulfil any threat he made. But the
casual obstructions, half irritating, half comic, to which he
may be subjected, do not bother the war correspondent of
the Old World nearly as much as do the foreign languages
which, if he is not a good linguist, hamper him every hour
of every day. He really should possess the gift of tongues.
But how few in the nature of things can approximate to
THE GIFT OF TONGUES. 269
this polyglot versatility. I own myself to be a poor linguist,
and have many and many a time suffered for my dulness of
what the Scots call " up-take." It is true I know a little
French and German, and could express my wants, with the
aid of pantomine, in Russian, Roumanian, Bulgarian, Servian,
Spanish, Turkish, Hindostanee, Pushtoo, and Burmese, every
word of which smatterings I have long since forgotten. But
the truth is that the poorest peoples in the world in acquiring
foreign languages are the English and French ; the readiest
are the Russians and Americans. It was after a fashion a
liberal education to listen to the fluency in some half-dozen
languages of poor MacGahan, the " Ohio boy " who graduated
from the plough to be perhaps the most brilliant war corre-
spondent of modern times. His compatriot and colleague,
Frank Millet, seemed to pick up a language by the mere
accident of rinding himself on the soil where it was spoken.
In the first three days after crossing the Danube into
Bulgaria, -Millet went about with book in hand gathering in
the names of things at which he pointed, and jotting down
each acquisition in the book. On the fourth day he could
swear in Bulgarian, copiously, fervently, and with a measure
of intelligibility. Within a week he had conquered, roughly,
the uncouth tongue. As he voyaged lately down the Danube
from source to mouth, charmingly describing the scenic
panorama of the great river for the pages of Harpers, the
readers of these sketches cannot have failed to notice how
Millet talked to German, Hungarian, Servian, Bulgarian,
Roumanian, and Turk, each in his own tongue, those
languages having been acquired by him during the few months
of the Russo-Turkish War.
By this time the reader may be wondering where
" Andreas " comes in. Perhaps I have been over long in
getting to my specific subject; but I will not be discursive
any more. It was at the table d'hote in the Serbisshe
Krone Hotel in Belgrade, where I first set eyes^ on
Andreas. In the year 1876 Servia had thought proper to
throw off the yoke of her Turkish suzerain, and to attempt
to assert her independence by force of arms. But for a
270 MEMORIES OF WAR AND PEACE.
very irregularly paid tribute she was virtually independent
already, and probably in all Servia there were not two
hundred Turks. But she ambitiously desired to have the
name as well as the actuality of being independent; the
Russians helped her with arms, officers, and volunteer
soldiers ; and when I reached Belgrade in May of the
year named, there had already been fighting in which the
Servians had by no means got the worst. No word of the
Servian tongue had I; and it was the reverse of pleasant
for a war correspondent in such a plight to learn that out-
side of Belgrade nobody, or at least hardly anybody, knew
a word of any other language than his native Servian. As
I ate I was attended by an assiduous waiter whose
alertness and anxiety to please were very conspicuous. He
was smart with quite un-Oriental smartness ; he whisked
about the tables with deftness ; he spoke to me in German,
to the Russian officers over against me in what I assumed
was Russian, to the Servians dining behind ine in what I
took to be Servian. I liked the look of the man ; there
was intelligence in his aspect. One could not call him
handsome, but there was character in the keen black eye,
the high features, and the pronounced chin fringed on
each side by bushy black whiskers.
I had brought no servant with me; the average British
servant is worse than useless in a foreign country, and the
dubiously-polyglot courier is a snare and a deception on
campaign. I had my eye on Andreas for a couple of days,
during which he was of immense service to me. He
seemed to know and stand well with everyone in Belgrade.
It was he, indeed, who presented me in the restaurant to
the Prime Minister and the Minister for War, who got
together for me my field necessaries, who helped me to
buy my horses, and who narrated to me the progress of
the campaign so far as it had gone. On the third day I
had him hi my room and asked whether he would like to
come with me into the field as my servant. He accepted
the offer with effusion ; we struck hands on the compact ;
he tendered me credentials which I ascertained to be
"A PURE MONGREL." 271
extremely satisfactory; and then he gave ine a little sketch
of himself' It was somewhat mixed, as indeed was his
origin. Primarily he was a Servian, but his maternal
grandmother had been a Bosniak, an earlier ancestress had
been in a Turkish harem, there was a strain in his blood
of the Hungarian zinganee — the gipsy of Eastern Europe,
and one could not look at his profile without a suspicion
that there was a Jewish element in his pedigree. " A
pure mongrel," was what a gentleman of the British Agency
termed Andreas, and this self-contradictory epithet was
scarcely out of place.
Andreas turned out well. He was as hardy as a hill-
goat, careless how and when he ate, or where he slept,
which, indeed, was mostly in the open. It seemed to me
that he had cousins all over Servia, chiefly of the female
persuasion, and I am morally certain that the Turkish
strain in his blood had in Andreas its natural development
in a species of fin-de-sibcle polygamy. Sherman's prize
"bummer" was not in it with Andreas as a forager. At
first, indeed, I suspected him of actual plundering, so
copiously did he bring in supplies, and so little had I to
pay for them ; but I was not long in discovering that all
kinds of produce were dirt cheap in Servia, and that as
1 could myself buy a lamb for a shilling, it was not sur-
prising that Andreas, to the manner born, could easily
obtain one for half the money. He was an excellent
horse-master, and the stern vigour with which he chastised
the occasional neglect of the cousin whom he had brought
into my service as groom, was borne in upon me by the
frequent howls which were audible from the rear of my
tent. There was not a road in all Servia with whose every
winding Andreas was not conversant, and this " extensive
and peculiar" knowledge of his was often of great service
to me. He was a light-weight and an excellent rider; I
have sent him oft' to Belgrade with a telegram at dusk,
and he was back again within less than twenty hours,
after a gallop of quite a hundred miles.
No exertion fatigued him; I never saw the man out of
272 MEMORIES OF WAR AND PEACE.
humour. There was but one matter in regard to which I
ever had to chide him, and in that I had perforce to let
him have his own way, because I do not believe that he
could restrain himself. He had served the term in the
army which is, or was then, obligatory on all Servians ;
and on the road or hi camp he was rather more of a
" peace-at-any-price " man than ever was the late Mr. John
Bright himself When the first fight occurred Andreas
claimed to be allowed to witness it along with me. I
demurred ; he might get hit ; and if anything should
happen to him what should I do for a servant ? At
length I gave him the firm order to remain in camp ; and
started myself with the groom behind me on my second
horse. The fighting occurred eight miles from camp ; and
in the course of it, leaving the groom in the rear, I had
accompanied the Russian General Dochtouroff into a most
unpleasantly hot place, where a storm of Turkish shells
was falling in the effort to hinder the withdrawal of a
disabled Servian battery. I happened to glance over my
shoulder, and lo! Andreas on foot was at my horse's tail,
obviously in a state of ecstatic enjoyment of the situation.
I peremptorily ordered him back, and he departed sullenly,
calmly strolling along the Turkish line of fire. Just then,
it seemed, Tchernaieff, the Servian commander-in-chief,
had ordered up a detachment of infantry to take in flank
the Turkish guns. From where we stood I could discern
the Servian soldiers hurrying forward close under the
fringe of a wood near the line of retirement along which
Andreas was sulking. Andreas saw them too, and re-
treated no step farther, but cut across to them snatching
up a gun as he ran; and the last I saw of him was while
he was waving on the militiamen with his billycock, and
loosing off an occasional bullet, while he emitted yells of
defiance against the Turks which might well have struck
terror into their very marrow. Andreas came into camp
at night very streaky with powder stains, minus the lobe
of one ear, uneasy as he caught my eye, yet with a certain
elateness of mien. I sacked him that night, and he said
"EFFENDI!" 273
he didn't care and that he was not ashamed of himself.
Next morning as I was rising, he rushed into the tent,
knelt down, clasped my knees, and bedewed my ankles
with his tears. Of course I reinstated him ; I couldn't do
without him and I think he knew it.
But I had yielded too easily. Andreas had established
a precedent. He insisted in a quiet, positive manner on
accompanying me to every subsequent battle ; and I had
to consent, always taking his pledge that he would obey
the injunctions I might lay upon him. And, as a
matter of course, he punctually and invariably violated that
pledge when the crisis of the fighting was drawing to a
head, and just when this " peace-at-any-price " man could
not control the blood-thirst that was parching him.
One never knows how events are to fall out. It happened
that this resolution on the part of Andreas to accompany me
into the fights once assuredly saved my life. It was on the
day of Djunis, the last battle fought by the Servians. In the
early part of the day there was a good deal of scattered
woodland fighting in front of the entrenched line, which they
abandoned when the Turks came on in earnest. Andreas
and I were among the trees trying to find a position from
which something was to be seen, when all of a sudden I, who
was in advance, plumped right into the centre of a small
scouting party of Turks. They tore me out of the saddle,
and I had given myself up for lost — for the Turks took no
prisoners, their cheerful practice being to slaughter first and
then abominably to mutilate — when suddenly Andreas dashed
in among my captors, shouting aloud in a language which I
took to be Turkish, since he bellowed " Effendi " as he pointed
to me. He had thrown away his billycock and substituted a
fez, which he afterwards told me he always carried in case of
accidents, and in one hand he waved a dingy piece of
parchment with a seal dangling from it, which I assumed was
some obsolete firman. The result was truly amazing and the
scene had some real humour in it. With profound salaams
the Turks unhanded me, helped me to mount, and as I rode
off at a tangent with Andreas at my horse's head, called after
s
274 MEMORIES OF WAR AND PEACE.
me what sounded like friendly farewells. When we were
back among the Russians — I don't remember seeing much of
the Servians later on that day — Andreas explained that he
had passed himself off for the Turkish dragoman of a British
correspondent whom the Padishah delighted to honour, and
that after expressing a burning desire to defile the graves of
their collective female ancestry, he had assured my captors
that they might count themselves as dead men if they did
not immediately release me. To his ready-witted conduct I
undoubtedly owe the ability to write now this record of a
man of curiously complicated nature.
When the campaign ended with the Servian defeat at
Djunis, Andreas went back to his head-waitership at the
Serbische Krone in Belgrade. Before leaving that capital I
had the honour of being present at his nuptials, a ceremony
the amenity of which was somewhat disturbed by the violent
incursion into the sacred edifice of sundry ladies, all claiming
to have prior claims on the bridegroom of the hour. They
were, however, placated, and subsequently joined the marriage
feast in the great arbour behind the Krone. Andreas
faithfully promised to come to me to the ends of the earth on
receipt of a telegram, if I should require his services and he
were alive.
Next spring the Russo-Turkish war broke out, and I
hurried eastward in time to see the first Cossack cross the
Pruth. I had telegraphed to Andreas from England to meet
me at Bazias, on the Danube below Belgrade. Bazias is the
place where the railway used to end and where we took
steamer for the Lower Danube. Andreas was duly on hand,
ready and serviceable as of old, a little fatter and a trifle
more consequential than when we had last parted. He was,
if possible, rather more at home in Bucharest than he had
been in Belgrade, and recommended me to BrofYt's Hotel, in
comparison with which the charges of the Savoy on the
Thames Embankment or the Waldorf in New York are
infinitesimal. He bought my waggon and team for me ; he
found riding-horses when they were said to be unprocurable ;
he constructed a most ingenious tent of which the waggon
A El FT IN THE LUTE. 275
was, so to speak, the roof-tree ; he laid in stores, arranged for
relays of couriers, and furnished me with a coachman in tho
person of a Roumanian Jew, who, he one day owned, was a
distant connection, and whose leading attribute was that he
could survive more sleep than any other human being I have
ever known. We took the field auspiciously, Mr. Frederic
Villiers, the war artist of the London Graphic, being my
campaigning comrade. Thus early I discerned a slight rift in
the lute. Andreas did not like Villiers, which showed his bad
taste or rather, perhaps, the concentratedness of his capacity
of affection; and I fear Villiers did not much like Andreas,
whom he thought too familiar. This was true, and it was my
fault ; but it really was with difficulty that I could bring
myself to treat Andreas as a servant. He was more, to my
estimation, in the nature of the confidential major-domo, and
to me he was simply invaluable. Villiers had to chew his
moustache and glower discontentedly at Andreas.
I had some good couriers for the conveyance of despatches
back across the Danube to Bucharest, whence everything was
telegraphed to London ; but they were essentially fair-weather
men. The casual courier may be alert, loyal, and trustworthy
he may be relied on to try his honest best, but it is not to be
expected of him that he will greatly dare and count his life
but as dross when his incentive to enterprise is merely filthy
lucre. But I could trust Andreas to dare and to endure, to
overcome obstacles, and, if man could, to " get there," where
in the base-quarters in Bucharest, the amanuenses were
waiting to copy out in round hand for the foreign telegraphist
the rapid script of the correspondent scribbling for life in the
saddle or the cleft of a commanding tree while the shells were
whistling past. We missed Andreas dreadfully when he was
gone. Even Villiers, who liked good cooking, owned to
thinking long for his return. For in addition to his other
virtues, Andreas was a capital cook. It is true that his
courses had a habit of arriving at long and uncertain
intervals. After a dish of stew, no other viands appearing to
loom in the near future, Villiers and myself would betake
ourselves to smoking, and perhaps on a quiet day would lapse
s 2
276 MEMORIES OF WAR AND PEACE.
into slumber. From this we would be aroused by Andreas to
partake of a second course of roast chicken, the bird having
been alive and unconscious of its impending fate when the
first course had been served. No man is perfect, and as
regarded Andreas there were some petty spots on the sun.
He had, for instance, a mania for the purchase of irrelevant
poultry and for accommodating the fowls in our waggon tied
by the legs, against the day of starvation, which he always, but
causelessly, apprehended. I do not suppose any reader has ever
had any experience of domestic poultry as bedfellows, and I may
caution him earnestly against making any such experiment.
I do not know whether it is a detraction from Andreas's
worth to mention that another characteristic of his was the
habit of awaking us in the still watches of the night, for the
purpose of imparting his views on recondite phases of the
great Eastern question. But how trivial were such peccadilloes
in a man who was so resolute not to be beaten in getting my
despatch to the telegraph wire that once, when a large section
of the bridge across the Danube was sunk, he swam nearly
half across the great river, from the right bank to the island
in mid-stream whence the bridge to the left bank was
passable ! Andreas became quite an institution in the
Russian camp. When Ignatieff, the Tzar's intimate, the
great diplomatist who has now curiously fizzled out, would
honour us by partaking sometimes of afternoon tea in our
tent, he would call Andreas by his name and address him as
" Molodetz!" the Russian for " Brave fellow!" In the Servian
campaign Dochtouroff had got him the Takova Cross, which
Andreas sported with great pride ; and Ignatieff used to tell
him that the Tzar was seriously thinking of conferring on
him the Cross of St. George, badinage which Andreas took in
dead earnest. MacGahan used gravely to entreat him to
take greater care of his invaluable life, and hint that if any
calamity occurred to him the campaign would ipso facto
come to an end. Andreas knew that MacGahan was quizzing
him, but it was exceedingly droll how he purred and bridled
under the light touch of that genial humorist, whose merits
bis countrymen, to my thinking, have never adequately
DELIRIOUS FOR SEVEN DAYS. 277
recognised. The old story of a prophet having scant honour
in his own country !
After the long strain of the desperate but futile attack
made by the Russians on Plevna in the early part of the
September of the war, I fell a victim to the malarial fever of
the Lower Danube, and had to be invalided back to Bucharest.
The illness grew upon me and my condition became very
serious. Worthy Andreas nursed me with great tenderness
and assiduity in the lodgings to which I had been brought,
since they would not accept a fever patient at Brofft's. After
some days of wretchedness I became delirious and of course
lost consciousness; my last recollection was of Andreas
wetting my parched lips with lemonade. When I recovered
my senses and looked out feebly, there was nobody in the
room. How long I had been unconscious, I had no idea. I
lay there in a half-stupor till evening, unable from weakness
to summon any assistance. In the dusk came the English
doctor who had been attending me. " Where is Andreas ? "
he asked. I could not tell him. " He was here last night,"
he said — "you have been delirious for seven days." The
woman of the house was summoned. She had not seen
Andreas since the previous night, but, busy about her own
domestic affairs, had no suspicion until she entered the room
that Andreas was not with me still.
Andreas never returned. It appeared that he had taken
away at least all his own belongings.
I saw him once again before I left Bucharest, but he
seemed to shun me. I believed at the time that there were
grave reasons why he should do so ; but it is possible that
he did not deserve the suspicions I could not help entertaining.
Anyhow I never can forget that he saved my life among the
pine trees of Djunis.
JOHN.
GOA is a forlorn and decayed settlement on the south-west coast
of Hindustan, the last remaining relic of the once wide dominions
of the Portuguese in India. Its inhabitants are of the Roman
Catholic faith, ever since in the sixteenth century St. Francis
278 MEMORIES OF WAR AND PEACE.
Xavier, the colleague of Loyola in the foundation of the Society
of Jesus, baptised the Goanese en masse. Its once splendid
capital is now a miasmatic wreck, its cathedrals and churches
are ruined and roofless, and only a few black nuns remain to
keep alight the sacred fire before a crumbling altar. Of all
European nations the Portuguese have mingled most with the
dusky races over which they held dominion, with the curious
result that the offspring of the cross is darker in hue than the
original coloured population. To-day the adult males of Goa,
such of them as have any enterprise, emigrate into less dull
and dead regions of India, and are found everywhere as cooks,
ship-stewards, messengers, and in similar menial capacities.
They all call themselves Portuguese and own high-sounding
Portuguese surnames. Domingo de Gonsalvez de Soto will
cook your curry and Pedro de Guiterrez is content to act as
dry nurse to your wife's babies. The vice of those dusky
noblemen is their addiction to drink.
The better sort of those self-expatriated Goanese are eager
to serve as travelling servants, and when you have the luck to
chance on a reasonably sober fellow no better servant can be
found anywhere. Being a Christian he has no caste, and has
no religious scruples preventing him from wiping your razor
after you have shaved, or from eating his dinner after your
shadow has happened to fall across the table. In Bombay
there is a regular club or society of those Goanese travelling
servants ; and when the transient wayfarer lands in that city
from the Peninsular and Oriental mail-boat, one of the first
things he is advised to do is to send round to the " Goa Club "
arid desire the secretary to send him a travelling servant. The
result is a lottery. The man arrives, mostly a good-looking
fellow, tall and slight, of very dark olive complexion, with
smooth glossy hah-, large soft eyes, and well-cut features. He
produces a packet of chafed and dingy testimonials of charac-
ter from previous employers, all full of commendation and
not one of which is worth the paper it is written on, because
the good-natured previous employers were too soft of heart to
speak their mind on paper. If by chance a stern and ruthless
person has characterised Bartoloineo de Braganza as drunken,
JOHN ASSISIS DE COMPOS TELLA DE C RUG 'IS. 279
lazy, and dishonest, Bartolomeo, who has learnt to read English,
promptly destroys the " chit " and the stern man's object is
thus frustrated. But you must take the Goa man as he comes,
for it is a law of the society that its members are offered in
strict succession as available, and that no picking and choosing
is to be allowed. When with the Prince of Wales during his
tour in India, the man who fell to me — good, steady, honest
Francis — was simply a dusky jewel. My comrade Mr. Henty,
the boys' friend, rather crowed over me because Domingo
his man, seemed more spry and smarter than did my
Francis. But Francis had often to attend on Henty as
well as myself, when Domingo the quick-witted was lying
blind drunk at the back of the tent; and once and again
I have seen Henty carrying down on his back to the
departing train the unconscious servant on whom at the
beginning he had congratulated himself.
In the summer of 1878 Shere Ali, the old Ameer of
Afghanistan, took it into his head to pick a quarrel with the
Viceroy of British India. Lord Lytton was always spoiling
for a fight himself, and thus there was every prospect of a
lively little war. If war should occur it was my duty to be in
the thick of it, and I reached Bombay well in time to see the
opening of the campaign. Knowing the ropes, within an hour
of landing I sent to the " Goa Club " for a servant, begging that
if possible I might have worthy Francis, who had fully satis-
fied me during the tour of the Prince. Francis was not avail-
able, and there was sent me a tall, prepossessing- looking young
man, who presented himself as " John Assisis de Compostella
de Crucis " but who was quite content to answer to the name
of " John."
John seemed a capable man, but was occasionally muzzy.
After visiting Simla the headquarters of the Viceroy, I
started for the frontier where the army was mustering. On
the way down I spent a couple of days at Umballa to buy kit
and saddlery. The train by which I was going to travel up
country was due at Umballa about midnight. I instructed
John to have everything ready at the station in good time, and
went to dine at the mess of the Carbineers. In due time I
280 MEMORIES OF WAR AND PEACE.
reached the station accompanied by several officers of that fine
regiment. The train was at the platform ; my belongings I
found in a chaotic heap crowned by John fast asleep, who
when awakened proved to be extremely drunk. I could not
dispense with the man ; I had to cure him. I gave him then
and there a considerable beating. A fatigue party of Car-
bineers pitched my kit into the luggage van and threw John
in after it. Next day he was sore but penitent ; he was re-
deemed without resorting to the chloride of gold cure, and, in
his case, at least, I was quite as successful a practitioner as any
Dr. Keeley could have been. John de Compostella, etc., was
a dead sober man during my subsequent experience of him,
at least till close on the time we parted.
And, once cured of fuddling, he turned out a most faithful
fellow. He lacked the dash of Andreas, but he was as true as
steel. In the attack on Ali Musjid in the throat of the
Khyber Pass, the native groom who was leading my horse
behind me became demoralised by the rather heavy fire of big
cannon balls from the fort ; and he skulked to the rear with
the horse. John had no call to come under fire, since the
groom was specially paid for doing so ; but, abusing the latter
for a coward in the expressive vernacular of India, he laid
hold of the reins and was up right at my back just as the
close musketry fighting began. He took his chances through
it manfully, had my pack pony up within half an hour after
the fighting was over, and before the darkness fell had cooked
a capital little dinner for myself and a comrade whose com-
missariat had gone astray. Next morning the fort was found
evacuated. I determined to ride back down the pass to the
field-telegraph post at its mouth. The general wrote in my
note-book a telegram announcing the good news to the Coin-
mander-in-Chief ; and poor Cavagnari the political officer, who
was afterwards massacred at Cabul, wrote another message to
the same effect to the Viceroy. I expected to have to walk
some distance to our bivouac of the night, but lo ! as I turned
to go, there was John with my horse close up.
In one of the hill expeditions, the advanced section of the
force I accompanied had to penetrate a narrow and gloomy
GOOD AND PLUCKY WORK. 281
pass which was beset on both sides by swarms of Afghans,
who slated us severely with their long-range jezails. With
this leading detachment there somehow was no surgeon, and
as men were going down and something had to be done, it
devolved upon me as having some experience in this kind of
work in previous campaigns, to undertake a spell of amateur
surgery. John behaved magnificently as my assistant. With
his light touch and long lissom hands, the fellow seemed to
have a natural instinct for successful bandaging. I was glad
that we could do no more than bandage and that we had
no instruments, else I believe that John would not have
hesitated to undertake a capital operation. As for the
Afghan bullets, he did not shrink as they splashed on the
stones around him ; he did not treat them with disdain ; he
simply ignored them. The soldiers swore that he ought to
have the war medal for the good and plucky work he was
doing, and a major protested that, if his full titles which
John always gave when his name was asked by a stranger
had not been so confoundedly long, he would have asked the
general to mention the Goa man in despatches. John liked
war, but he was not fond of the rapid changes of temperature
up on the " roof of the world " in Afghanistan. During one
twenty-four hours at Jellalabad we had one man killed at
noon by a sunstroke, and another frozen to death on sentry
duty in the night. On Christmas morning when I rose at
sunrise the thermometer was far below freezing-point ; the
water in the brass basin in my tent was frozen solid and I
was glad to wrap myself in furs. At noon the thermometer
was over a hundred in the shade, and we were all so hot as to
wish with Sydney Smith that we could take off' our flesh and
sit in our bones. John was delighted when, as there seemed
no immediate prospect of further hostilities in Afghanistan,
I departed therefrom to pay a visit to King Theebaw of
Burma, who has since been disestablished. When in his
capital of Mandalay, there came to me a telegram from
England informing me of the massacre by the Zulus of a
thousand British soldiers at Isandlwana in South Africa, and
instructing me to hurry thither with all possible speed. John
282 MEMORIES OF WAR AND PEACE.
had none of the Hindoo dislike to cross the "dark water,"
and he accompanied me to Aden, where we made connection
with a potty little steamer which called into every paltry and
fever-smelling Portuguese port all along the east coast of
Africa, and at length dropped us at Durban, the seaport of
the British colony of Natal in South Africa and the base of
the warlike operations against the Zulus.
There are many Hindoos engaged on the Natal sugar
plantations, and in that particularly one-horse colony every
native of India is known indiscriminately by the term of
" coolie." John, it was true, was a native of India, but he was
no " coolie ; " he could read, write, and speak English, and
was altogether a superior person. I would not take him up
country to be bullied and demeaned as a " coolie," and I made
for him an arrangement with the proprietor of my hotel that
during my absence John should help to wait in his restaurant.
During the Zulu campaign I was abominably served by a lazy
Africander and a yet more lazy St. Helena boy. When
Ulundi was fought and Cetewayo's kraal was burned, I was
glad to return to Durban and take passage for England.
John, I found, had during my absence become one of the
prominent inhabitants of Durban. He had now the full
charge of the hotel restaurant — he was the centurion of the
dinner-table with men under him to whom he said, "Do
this," and they did it. His skill in dishes new to Natal,
especially in curries, had crowded the restaurant, and the
landlord had taken the opportunity of raising his tariff. He
came to me privily and said frankly that John was making
his fortune for him, that he was willing to give him a share
in his business in a year's time if he would but stay, and
meanwhile was ready to pay him a stipend of forty rupees a
week. The wage at which John served me — and I had been
told that I was paying him extravagantly — was twenty-two
rupees a month. I told the landlord that I should not think
of standing in the way of the man's prosperity, but would
rather influence him in favour of an opportunity so promising.
Then I sent for John, explained to him the hotel-keeper's
proposal, and suggested that he should take time to think the
"I GO WITH MASTER." 283
matter over. John Avept. " I no stay here, master, not if it
was hundred rupees a day ! I go with master'; I no stop in
Durban ! " Nothing would shake his resolve, and so John
and I came to England together.
The only thing John did not like in England was that the
street-boys insisted on regarding him as a Zulu, and treated
him contumeliously accordingly. His great delight was when
I went on a round of visits to country houses, and took him
with me as valet. Then he was the hero of the servants'
halls. I will not say that he lied, but from anecdotes of him
that occasionally came to my ears, it would seem that he created
the impression that he had frequently Avaded knee-deep in
gore, and that he was in the habit of contemplating with
equanimity battle-fields littered with the slaughtered com-
batants. John was quite the small lion of the hour. He had
very graceful ways and great skill in making tasteful bouquets.
These he would present to the ladies of the household when
they came downstairs of a morning, with a graceful salaam
and the expression of a hope that they had slept well. The
spectacle of John, seen from the drawing-room windows of
Chevening, Lord Stanhope's seat in Kent, as he swaggered
across the park to church one Sunday morning in frock-coat
and silk hat with a buxom cook on one arm and a tall and
lean lady's-maid on the other, will never be effaced from
the recollection of those who witnessed it with shrieks of
laughter.
In those days I lived in a flat, my modest establishment
consisting of an old female housekeeper and John. For the
most part my two domestics were good friends, but there
were periods of estrangement during which they were not on
speaking terms ; and then they sat on opposite sides of the
kitchen table, and communicated with each other exclusively
by written notes of an excessively formal character passed
across the table. This stiffness of etiquette had its amusing
side but was occasionally embarrassing, since neither domestic
was uniformly intelligible with the pen. The result was that
sometimes I got no dinner at all. At other times when I was
dining alone, the board groaned with the profusion, and
284 MEMORIES OF WAR AND PEACE.
sometimes when I had company there would not be enough
to go round ; these awkwardnesses arising from the absence
of a good understanding between my two servants. I could
not part with the old female servant, and I began rather to
tire of John, whose head had become considerably swollen
because of the notice which had been taken of him. It was
all very well to be in a position to gratify ladies who were
giving dinner-parties and who wrote me pretty little notes
asking for the loan for a few hours of John, to make that
wonderful prawn curry of which he had the sole recipe. But
John used to return from that culinary operation very late,
and with indications that his beverage during his exertions
had not been wholly confined to water. To my knowledge
he had a wife in Goa, yet I feared he had his flirtations here
in London. Once I charged him with inconstancy to the lady
in Goa, but he repudiated the aspersion with the quaint
denial, " No, master, plenty ladies are loving me, but I am
not loving no ladies ! "
However, I had in view to spend a winter in the United
States, and I resolved to send John home. He wept copiously
when I told him of this resolve, and professed his anxiety to
die in my service. But I remained firm and reminded him
that he had not seen his wife in Goa for nearly three years.
That argument appeared to carry little weight with him ; but
he tearfully submitted to the inevitable. I made him a good
present, and obtained for him from the Peninsular and
Oriental people a free passage from Bombay with wages
besides, in the capacity of a saloon steward. I saw him off
from Southampton; at the moment of parting he emitted
lugubrious howls. He never fulfilled his promise of writing
to me, and I gave up the expectation of hearing of him any
more.
Some two years later I went to Australia by way of San
Francisco and New Zealand. At Auckland I found letters and
newspapers awaiting me from Sydney and Melbourne.
Among the papers was a Melbourne illustrated journal, on a
page of which I found a full-length portrait of the redoubtable
John, his many-syllabled name given also at full length with
A "GRASS WIDOW." 285
a memoir of his military experiences ; affixed to which was a
facsimile of the certificate of character which I had given
him when we parted. It was further stated that " Mr
Compostella de Crucis " was for the present serving in the
capacity of butler to a financial magnate in one of the suburbs
of Melbourne, but that it was his intention to purchase the
goodwill of a thriving restaurant named. Among the first to
greet me on the Melbourne jetty was John, radiant with
delight and eager to accompany me throughout my projected
lecture tour. I dissuaded him in his own interest from doing
so ; and when I finally quitted the pleasant city by the shore
of Hobson's Bay, John was managing with great success a
restaurant in Burke Street. I fear, if she is alive, that his
wife in Goa is a " grass widow " to this day.
XIV.
DISTINGUISHED CONDUCT IN THE FIELD.
ONE fine morning in August that dashing regiment the
13th Hussars, was inarching from Exeter westward to
take part in the Dartmoor autumn manoeuvres of 1873. The
regiment was trotting briskly along a sheltered valley trend-
ing up towards the moorland, the horses stepping out gaily
after their comfortable night's rest. The colonel was riding
at the head of his regiment, and I trotted along by his side
on a smart Dartmoor pony. ' We had just passed a bend in
the road, when there slowly upreared himself from behind a
heap of stones, a bent, dilapidated man. He looked old
before his time, he was round in the shoulders, he was set in
the knees, on which were big leather caps for the man was
a stone-breaker; but the bent back and the bowed legs
straightened themselves after a fashion as the fellow squared
himself to his front, and brought up his hand to his forehead
in a smart salute. There was a sparkle in the eye of him,
and I noticed the trembling of the lower lip as he let his arm
fall by his side, while he continued to stand at attention as
the regiment defiled past him. " An old trooper, I take
it," remarked the colonel, " shouldn't wonder if he has
served in the regiment ; did you notice how his lip
trembled ? " " An old soldier, anyhow, sir," I replied, " for
I noticed the dingy medal ribbons on his waistcoat."
Out of the saddle on to the stones, facilis descensus ; nor
is the trooper the only one of us whom the fate, too often
self-inflicted, befalls. A man may have fought right gallantly
for Queen and country yet still come to a parish job at last
in this best of all possible communities of ours, while as yet
the wrist, no longer supple for the sword-play, can at least
wield the chipping hammer. I felt like having a talk with
"THE OLD CORPS, SIR." 287
the old fellow, and so reined aside until the regiment had
passed by.
There, opposite to me, he still stood at attention, the
gnarled face all working, the tears running down the furroAved
cheeks. The veteran — for veteran he clearly was, not of the
barrack yard but of the battle-field, for his breast showed the
Punjaub and Crimean ribbons, and by Jove ! there too was
the red ribbon of the " Distinguished Conduct Medal " — tried to
pull himself together as he noticed me watching him.
" Excuse me, sir," he said — " the old corps, the old corps, sir —
never seen it since they invalided me fifteen years ago ; and my
heart swelled when I caught sight of the white plumes and
the old buft' facings. Why, sir, I was one of the dozen men
that was all the regiment could muster when the remnant of
us rallied behind the Heavies after the famous light cavalry
charge you may have heard on ! I little thought when I
came up out of the valley that day, that I'd ever come to
stone-breaking on the roadside. However, there was ne'er a
one to recognise me, except it might have been the colonel
who was lieutenant of my troop in the Crimea, or old Dr.
Shipton who gave me the devil's own dose of physic the night
of the Tchernaya."
It is not every day that one finds a man who has earned
the medal for " Distinguished Conduct in the Field " breaking
stones on the roadside, and I had a great desire to hear the
old soldier's story. There was a little beer-house quite close,
and I asked the ci-devant light dragoon to come and drink a
pint with me and tell me something about himself. He was
nothing loath, and presently we were seated on the bench
outside the pot-house with a couple of mugs of Devonshire
cider in front of us. Then I asked him how he had come by
the Distinguished Conduct Medal ; whereupon he delivered
himself of the following yarn : —
"About the middle of October the cavalry division Avas
pushed on to what you may call the rear front of the
allied position before Sevastopol, and was lying in two
separate but contiguous brigade camps out on the plain,
some little distance beyond Kadikoi. It was an awkward
288 MEMORIES OF WAR AND PEACE.
position for a camp, for we had nothing in front of us but
the Johnny Turks in the redoubts on the ridge ; but that
was not our affair. The two brigades had a bit of a make-
shift commissary depot between them, and a few handy
men were picked out from the various corps to act as
butchers. I was always ready for work, and volunteered
all the readier for the butchering service because I knew
that an odd tot of rum came one's way on commissary
duty. If you should ever come across any fellows of the
old Crimean Light Brigade, just you ask if they remember
' Butcher Jack ' of the 13th Light, and you are sure to
get your answer. I was as well known in the brigade
as old Cardigan himself, and in my way was quite a
popular character. I'd have had the stripes again and
again if I had only kept straight ; but there was too much
rum going about for that. About once a week on an
average I would be carried shoulder-high to the guard-
tent, and over and over again I escaped being tied up to
the wheel of the forage-cart, only because I was known for
a useful, willing fellow when sober.
" The 24th of October was killing day. Slaughtering was
finished and most of us were half-seas over, for there had
been extensive transactions between us and the commissary
guard — so much beef for so much ruin. Paddy Heffernan
of the Royals and I had got glorious before we had found
time for a wash after our work, and a commissary officer
dropped on us and had us both clapped in the guard- tent
before you could say ' Knife.' For the time the guard-tent
was about as good a place for us as anywhere else ; so we
did a fan* allowance of sleep, wakening up occasionally for
a drink out of a bottle which thirsty Paddy had contrived
to smuggle in. It was well on for daylight when we fell
into a heavy sleep, out of which Cardigan himself could
not have roused us. I have a vague remembrance of
having been hustled about in a half-awakened state, and
of somebody saying, ' Well, let 'em He, and be hanged to 'em.'
"It must have been past ten o'clock when we were
roused by the noise of a heavy cannonade, which had been
"'THE GREYS ARE GUT OFF!"' 289
going on Lord knows how long. Paddy and I were both
half muzzy still, for commissary rum, as you would
find if you ever tried the experiment, is not easy
tipple to get sober off; but I pulled myself together
a bit, opened my eyes, and sat up. To my surprise
the guard-tent had been struck, the guard was gone,
the camp was levelled and partly packed, and the
whole brigade had disappeared. Were we veritably
awake, or was all this a crazy dream ? We rubbed our
eyes, sprang to our feet, and gazed around. What a sight!
The slope above us was covered to the ridge with a huge
mass of Kussian cavalry, the front of which had just been
struck by part of the Heavy Brigade — some squadrons of
the Greys and Inniskillings. As we stared in bewilder-
ment the Royals came thundering by us on the left at a
gaUop, heading straight for the Russian mass with loud
shouts of 'Gallop, gallop! the Greys are cut off!' and
trying to form line on the move. A moment later two
squadrons of the 5th Green Horse with Captain Burton
at their head, came dashing through the Light Cavalry
camp in loose order, tripping over obstacles, caught by
tent-ropes and picket-ropes, and unable to get the pace on
until clear of the camp. Heffernan and I were both
knocked down by the rush; when we reached our feet
again, blest if there were not a lot of Cossacks down in
the Heavy Brigade camp on our left, hacking away at the
sick horses which had been left in the lines. We had
already tried to mount ourselves from the sick horse lines
of the Light Brigade, but had found there only two poor
brutes, one with a leg like a pillar letter-box, the other
down on his side and didn't seem much like rising any
more.
" ' Let's have a go at thim Cossacks ! ' cried Heffernan.
and you may be sure I was quite agreeable. I shouldered
an axe for my weapon, he found a sword somewhere ; and
in our shirt-sleeves, just in the state we had left off killing
overnight and by no means quite sober, we doubled across
the interval and went at the Cossacks with a will. There
290 MEMORIES OF WAR AND PEACE.
were some nine or ten of them, and they were having what
I suppose they thought the amusement all to themselves,
for there was not a man left in the camp of the Heavies.
Some were jobbing with their lances at the poor wretches
of sick horses, others had taken to their swords and were
cruelly trying to hamstring the animals. They did not
notice Heffernan and myself till we were right on them,
and taken unawares they made quite a poor tight of it. I
managed a brace of 'em right and left with my axe ;
Heffernan killed two more with his sword, but got a lance
thrust through his sword-arm and was good for nothing
more. But the Russkies had enough of us, and what were
left of them galloped back to their own mass. I got what
I wanted — that was a mount. He had been ridden by the
Russian corporal, who I don't think wras a Cossack; for
the horse I fell heir to was a handsome, compact little
iron-grey, and the saddle was much like our own, not the
high-perched cushioned concern on which the Cossacks
cock themselves. The Russian trooper must have ridden
very short, for until I let the stirrups out ever so many
holes my knees were almost up to my nose.
" The moment I got my seat on the little grey nag, I
was after the Cossacks a cracker ; but their little low-
necked cats galloped like the wind, and I only got the
axe to bear on one fellow before they mingled with the
mass of their fellows. It was just at the moment that the
great body of close-packed Russian cavalry began to break
up and shirk back out of the hand-to-hand fighting with
our chaps. I expected that they would have been pur-
sued, for in a few minutes they were right on the run ;
and I rammed forward to have a share in the chase. But
I suppose the word had been given to stand fast, and let
them go and a good riddance. I heard no such order,
however — I took deuced good care not to listen ; and
dodging round the left flank of our people, the rum still
fresh in me — for Paddy and I had a refresher after we
awoke — I darted right into the thick of the retreating
<-> O
Russians and went to work with the axe in the liveliest
"I NEVER WAS A GREAT BEAUTY." 291
way. You see, sir, I had lost all the fun the rest of our
fellows had been having, and was bound to make up my
leeway somehow or other. I had a rare time, and, believe
me, in a crowd the axe is twice the weapon a sword is ;
but ultimately I got so wedged and jammed among the
Russkies that I could not help but be carried along with
them, and quite expected to be made a prisoner. But just
then came a cannon-shot from a troop of horse artillery
of ours which had come into action on the flank of the
flying Russians. It made quite a lane through them on
my right, and plumped slap into my little grey horse,
which dropped like a stone and I with him. After I had
been ridden over by a couple of squadrons of Russian
cavalry — the broken tail of the mass — I picked myself up
and found no bones broken, although what between swords
and horse-hoofs I was chipped a good deal about the head,
and what between old and new blood and dirt must have
looked rather a ruffian. I had still my axe but was now
dismounted, and had to walk back towards where the Heavy
Brigade was getting into order again. In trying to keep
out of sight, who of all men should spot me but old
Scarlett himself, the brigadier.
" ' Who the deuce are you ? ' he asked, with a twist of
his long white moustache.
" The rum was still lively in me, and I answered boldly —
" ' Private - — , of the Thirteenth Light, sir, butcher to the
Light Brigade.'
" ' Where the devil have you come from ? '
" ' I've been pursuing the Russian cavalry, sir, and had my
horse killed.'
" ' Well, I don't wonder now that they ran ; you'd scare the
dead, not to speak of Russians. Be off, and give your own
brigade a turn ! '
" I don't wonder that Scarlett turned his nose up at ine.
I never was a great beauty, and I certainly now showed to
disadvantage. I was bare-headed, and my hair must have
been like a birch-broom in a fit. I was minus a coat, with my
shirt-sleeves rolled up to the shoulder ; and my shirt, face and
T 2
292 MEMORIES OF WAR AND PEACE.
bare arms were all splashed and darkened with blood picked
up at the butchering of the day before, to say nothing of the
fresher colour just added. A pair of long greasy jack-boots
came up to the thigh, and instead of a sword I had the axe
over my shoulder at the slope as regimental as you please.
" I caught and mounted a Russian horse but could not see
anything of the Light Brigade, so I coolly formed up on the
flank of the old Royals. The men roared with laughter at my
appearance, and I had not been in position a couple of minutes
when up came Johnny Lee the adjutant on his old bay mare
at a tearing gallop, and roared to ine to ' Go to out of
that ! ' So I was ' nobody's child,' and hung about in a lonely
sort of way for more than an hour. I was dodging about the
top of the ridge, looking down into the further valley in which
the Light Brigade was formed up with the Heavies a bit to
their right rear, when I saw an aide-de-camp come galloping
down from the headquarter staff on the upland, and deliver
an order to Lord Lucan who commanded the cavalry division.
Then Lucan went to Cardigan who was in front of the Light
Brigade ; and a few minutes later I heard Cardigan's loud word
of command, ' The line will advance ! ' and saw the first line
of the brigade follow him at a sharp trot. That line consisted
of the 17th Lancers and my own regiment, the latter being
the right regiment, nearest to myself. Hurrah ! I was in for
another good thing. Shooting down the gentle slope at speed,
I crossed the front of the Heavies and ranged up on the right
flank of the right squadron of the old 13th — front rank,
you may take your oath. The flanking sergeant stared at me
as if I were a ghost, and Captain Jenyns looked over his
shoulder at me with something between a scowl and a grin.
No doubt I'd have been ordered to the rear promptly enough,
only that there was more serious work in hand than disciplin-
ing a half-screwed butcher.
" We were under fire from front and both flanks before we
had ridden down the valley two hundred yards. You may
have heard of Captain Nolan, of the 15th? He was the
aide-de-camp who brought down the message ordering our
charge from the headquarters staff to Lord Lucan ; and now,
"'BY GOD, HE'S A WOODEN MAN!"'' 293
cavalry officer as he was, I suppose he was keen to take a share
in the fun. Little fun it turned out for any of us, sir, least of
all for him. He was out to the front, galloping athwart the
right front, and waving his sword and shouting something
over his shoulder- — Lord knows what it was, or what the poor
fellow meant — when a shell lit and burst right before him. A
splinter struck him on the left side, his sword dropped from
his still uplifted right arm, and the reins fell on his charger's
neck. Such an unearthly yell came from the man's lips
that the very blood turned in my veins. I believe the life
went out of him then and there ; but, dead or alive, he still
sat straight in position, and the limbs kept their grip of the
saddle. The scared horse whisked round and galloped to the
rear through the interval I made between the sergeant and
myself — the rider with his upraised arm, his ghastly set face,
and the blood pouring from his torn chest, yet still square and
upright in the saddle. It was the weirdest sight I saw all that
day of blood.
" A few horse-lengths more, as it seemed, brought us right
into the infernal cross-fire which was tearing our ranks to pieces.
Men and horses went down at every stride, and as they fell
the survivors closed in and rode straight, burning to have this
one-sided devilry ended, and get stroke at an enemy before we
were all killed. Men swore bitterly at the measured pace set
and kept so obstinately by the chief, cantering along steadily
on the thoroughbred chestnut with the white stockings, and
neither giving order nor so much as looking over his shoulder
since he had uttered the words, ' The line will advance ! ' ' By
God, he's a wooden man ! ' the sergeant next me muttered.
A squadron leader ranged up alongside of him only to be re-
pressed by the flat of the brigadier's sword laid across his
chest. But resolute as he was not to let his command out of
hand, there was some human nature in him after all, and as
the blasts of shot and shell from the guns in our front struck
fiercer and fiercer in our faces, he relented and gradually
quickened up to charging pace. Then along the ragged ranks
there ran a sort of grunt of satisfaction ; the spurs went home
and the swords came to the 'right engage.' As for myself,
294 MEMORIES OF WAR AXD PEACE.
Avhat with the drink in me and the wild excitement of the
charge, I went stark mad and sent the Russian horse along at
a speed that kept him abreast of the foremost.
"Nearer and nearer we came to the batteries that were
vomiting death on us, till I seemed to feel on my cheek the hot
reek from the cannon-mouths. The air was full of grape.
My sergeant Avent down with a groan, he and his horse struck
at the same moment. At last — thank God ! — at last we were
there ! Cardigan shot forward out of sight in the smoke,
head still well up, and heels down as if on parade. With a
shout and a wave of his sword Captain Jenyns followed, and
right on his heels half-a-dozen of us on the right flank leaped
in among the Russian gunners, burning to get satisfaction. I
will say for them that they stood manfully to their work.
With a blow of my axe I brained a gunner just as he was
clapping the linstock to the touch-hole of his piece; with
another sweep of it I felled an officer who was trying to rally
some men in rear of the guns ; and then what of us were left
went slap through the stragglers, cutting and slashing to right
and to left, and riding straight at the face of a mass of grey-
coated cavalry on their grey horses, in solid formation in rear
of the tumbrils and gun-teams. And what happened then,
you ask ? Well, sir, I know this — that my comrades and I
drove right in among the Russian cavalry, and kept thrusting
and boring forward through the dense mass. They were
round us like a swarm of bees, hustling and stabbing ; and
we — so far as I could estimate not above a couple of dozen of
us to the fore — were hacking and hewing away our hardest,
each individual man the heart of a separate fight. I can say
this — that 1 never troubled about guards myself but kept
whirling the axe about me, every now and then bringing it
down to some purpose; and as often as it fell the Russkies
gave ground a trifle, only to crush thicker the next moment.
Still, barring a flesh wound or two from the point of a sword
or lance, I suffered no harm. They funked coming to close
quarters with their blunt old toasting forks, for the axe had a
devil of a long reach ; and they dursn't use their pistols lest
they should hurt one another.
".I HAD A MOTHER MYSELF ONCE." 295
" I have no notion how long I was at this close-quarter
business, fighting hard and boring forward steadily; faith, I
half think I might have been there now had I not heard, a
little to my right, the word of command, ' Threes about ! '
Thinks I, if an officer considers it time to go about, a private
man like myself has no special call to stop any longer among
them grey-coated gentry, the reverse of civil as they are !
So I pushed slowly through till I came out on a bit of an open
space, where I found a small squadron of the 8th Hussars and
a handful of the 17th Lancers in line with the busby-bags.
Presently a few fellows of my own corps rallied under Captain
Jenyns, and the little force moved off towards the rear. I was
sober enough by this time, take my word for it; but the
chances of getting back to our own end of the valley did not
seem lively, for right in our track three heavy squadrons of
Russian Lancers were forming up. So broad was the front
they showed that we could not well pass them on either flank
if we had a mind to, which we hadn't. Colonel Shewell of
the Hussars gave the word and rode straight at their centre,
sending their commander to grass and riding over him.
Tired as were our horses, we went slap through their ranks
as if they had been tissue-paper, and we routed the three
squadrons completely at the cost of a few lance-wounds and
a slain horse or two.
"The Hussars and Mayow's men of the 17th Lancers kept
their ranks fairly unbroken as they rode up the valley un-
molested after this last encounter; but we fellows of the 13th
were in worse plight, since, having been of the first line, our
horses were more beaten, and of men and horses alike most
were wounded more or less severely. So we had to crawl
home as best we might through the dead and dying of the
advance, the Cossacks hanging viciously on our skirts, and
the word being, ' Every man for himself, and God help the
hindmost ! ' A lad of my troop and myself hung together,
coaxing along our blown and jaded horses; but at last his
horse dropped dead, and he lay wounded and bade me go on
and leave him. Poor chap ! he was little more than a boy,
and I had a mother myself once. Dismounting, I raised him
296 MEMORIES OF WAR AND PEACE.
across my pummel, scrambled back into my seat, and was just
able to boil up a trot and leave the Cossacks behind. He was
a rare plucked one was that little Russian horse; right gamely
did he struggle under his double load. And, hurrah ! here
were the Heavies at last, and we were safe.
" I dropped the lad where the surgeons Avere at work, and
then went and formed up with the poor remnant left of the
old 13th ; but I wasn't allowed to stay there, such a black-
guard as I looked, I suppose, and was ordered off to help shift
the camp to a less exposed spot on the upland. The same
night a sergeant made a prisoner of me for the crime of
breaking out of the guard-tent when confined thereto — a
mighty serious military offence, I can tell you. I was neither
shot nor flogged, though ; for next day I was brought up in
front of Lord Lucan, who told me that although he had a
good mind to try me by court-martial, he would let me off
this time because of the use I had made of my liberty, and
perhaps he would do more for me if I'd promise to keep
sober. And that is how, sir, I came by the medal which is
the soldier's reward for ' distinguished conduct in the field.' "
XV.
ON THE OLD WAR-PATH.
Twenty-two Years Afterwards — The New Frontier — For a Handful of Cigars —
Tracing the Old Movements — Vosges-Land — German Failings — Alsace-
Loraine — Want of Tact and of Manners — French Everywhere — The
Emperor William's Speculation — A Vast Graveyard — St. Privat to-day —
The Monuments — The English Dead — Concentrated Hatred — Where the
Old King Slept— The Battlefield of Sedan— The Weaver's Cottage— The
Ossuary at Bazeilles — " La Derniere Cartouche."
1. August, 1892.
IT is rather a sorry business for an invalid in quest of health
to find himself reduced to dodder about a mineral spring
in the self-same region where two-and-twenty years ago in the
full heyday of vigour, he was watching the greatest battles of
the century, a spectator of the making of history. To the
spot where I write the roar of Gravelotte came faintly on the
wind, and yesterday I changed trains at that beautiful Nancy
into which rode the three audacious Uhlans of whom Leland
has written. Looking eastwards, I can discern on the sky-line
the " long waving line " of the Vosges range, along whose
summits runs the new frontier which alienated Alsace from
France. There is scant traffic now along the fine roads built
by the last Napoleon through the passes and over the ridges
of the mountain-chain; indeed, there never has been much
since that second week of August, 1870, when MacMahon's
army, routed at Worth, came pouring in disorder over the
Vosges by every road and hill- track from 'the "Englisch-
Berg " in the north, over the shoulder of the " Schnee-Berg,"
and southwards as far as the dominant " Schlucht." One
detachment took the picturesque hill-road commanded by the
old mountain-fortress of Lutzelstein, which, commanding
though its position was, made no attempt to stand a siege, and
where the French accuse a fellow-countryman of having pointed
out to the victors for a handful of cigars, the guns which the
garrison had buried. Most of MacMahon's own corps after
298 MEMORIES OF WAR AND PEACE.
its first panic-flight from Reichshofen, rallied about Saverne,
climbed therefrom to Phalsburg by the famous " Steige," up
whose toilsome zigzags had toiled, some sixty years before, an
earlier race of French soldiers commemorated in the pages of
Erckmann-Chatrian ; and thence down into the hither low
country by Saarburg, Dieuze, and Blamont. By Urmatt and
Schirmeck another body crossed the shoulder of the Donon,
the mountain of sacrifice of the ancient Celts ; and yet another
through Markirch — a town so near the old provincial frontier-
line that it used to be said of the Markirch people that they
" kneaded in Alsace and baked in Lorraine " — over the
Riezouard and down on St. Die. The broken troops who
marched through this neighbourhood in disorderly and un-
disciplined fashion belonged mostly to the 5th Corps — De
Failly's. They were passing from a temporary halt in
Charmes across country to Chaumont, whence they were
conveyed by train to Chalons there to join the ill-starred
army which surrendered at Sedan. To this day the country-
folk tell shudderingly of the disorder and indiscipline of the
demoralised troops who, their arms and packs thrown away,
their uniforms torn and befouled, their features haggard,
straggled over the face of the quiet region plundering and
devastating as if in hostile territory.
Apart from its natural beauties of lakes, of shaggy woods
climbing the abrupt mountain-faces, of sweet sequestered
valleys in which the villages nestle among the foliage ; apart,
too, from the old-world towns abounding in interesting speci-
mens of mediaeval architecture, and from the numerous
picturesque and placid little watering-places which shelter
themselves in the green recesses of the mountain range, the
Vosges country is so full of historical associations as to deserve
greater attention on the part of the British tourist than it has
hitherto received. There is no region of Europe which will
better requite a visit, made with Mr. Henry Wolffs charming
book, "The Country of the Vosges," in the wayfarer's hand.
It will guide him to spots which come directly into the
history of his native land. Up in the northern Yosges are the
ruins of the old castle of Trifels where Richard Co3ur-de-Lion
GERMAN LACK OF TACT. 299
was imprisoned ; and farther south, within the quaint old city
of Hagenau, stood in the fork of the Moder the hoary palace
of the Hohenstaufens, in the hall of which the Lion-hearted
was put on his trial for alleged " misdeeds ; " and where
Co3ur-de-Lion's nephew, Richard of Cornwall, held his court
as " King of the Romans " — in that self-same moated and
turreted palace in which for a time his uncle had been
treacherously confined as a prisoner. The rugged and primi-
tive " Hanauer Land " among the foothills between Bitche
and Saargemlind — a region which is a rolling mass of wood-
land intersected by green valleys, bright with glittering lakes,
and on every peak and bluff the ruin of a castle of the Middle
Ages — was centuries ago the appanage of those masterful
Counts of Leiningen who were the maternal ancestors of
Queen Victoria. In Metz to this day there are traditions of
Richard de la Pole the last "White Rose" claimant to the
throne of England, who lived there in exile for several years.
In the casemates, cells, and hospital of the eyrie-like citadel
of Bitche are graven the names of numerous English prisoners
of the Napoleonic wars, sent thither from Verdun and other
less rigorous places of internment because of turbulent
conduct and attempts at escape.
2.
The Germans are a masterful people. They can conquer
with a meteoric swiftness: they can hold the conquered
region in a vice ; they can annex it. Everything that can be
done by dint of force and domination they can do. But they
strangely lack tact, possessing which they could incorporate
and assimilate; and with the best intentions in the world,
and the most anxious desire to weld into the German Empire
the inhabitants of Alsace and Lorraine, they are to-day
farther away from the attainment of their object than when
grim but genial old Manteuffel — a Prussian indeed of the
Prussians, but an innate gentleman and one who if firm was
tactful and considerate — ruled over the conquered provinces
as their first Stadtholder. The wise measures which
Manteuffel initiated have been zealously carried on by the
300 MEMORIES OF WAR AND PEACE.
administrators who have succeeded him ; but unfortunately
they and their subordinates have substituted the Prussian
manners in their most peremptory and rugged methods of
expression, for the velvet glove which wise old Manteuffel
wore over that iron hand of his. If the Alsatians and
Lorrainers had no memories, no prepossessions, no prejudices,
no emotions; if in short they were mere soulless chattels,
then it might be admitted that the German administration of
the two conquered provinces has left nothing to be desired.
It may be said with truth that the German Government in
Alsace and Lorraine has done and is doing more towards the
advancement of the material welfare of the provinces which
were torn from France in 1871, than the British rule in India
has ever done towards the amelioration of the condition of the
native population of that great Empire.
If the Hindoos do not bless us for what we have done in
their material interest, the Alsatians and Lorrainers spurn
and repudiate every effort on the part of the Germans to
benefit them in spite of themselves. The harsh, dictatorial,
suspicious Prussian gendarme dominates every scene. The
Prussian " blood and iron " is in evidence everywhere. Metz is
dragooned into a dumb, lurid, sullen silence by a whole Army
Corps of German soldiers, whose massive tramp is constantly
sounding by day and by night in the thoroughfares of the
old capital of Lorraine, and whose officers with rattling sword-
scabbard and jingling spurs hold the " crown of the
causeway," and hustle the Messins into the gutter. You may
visit any of the quaint little towns of Alsace and Lorraine at
fair time, when the venerable old-world place is crammed
with the surrounding villagers, trafficking, gossiping — always
now in glutinous French — hurrying into and out of the
amusement booths, or sitting under the pollards drinking
great mugs of beer. Suddenly the brazen clash of military
music rises above the miscellaneous din of the fair, and brows
knit, hands are clenched, and eyes glare furtively. For the
music comes from the band of a Prussian regiment, and the
genial and apposite strains it has selected are ' Ich bin ein
Preusse," or " Die Wacht am Rhein." This is an illustration
A GUTTURAL CURTAIN LECTURE. 301
among many of the tactful and graceful methods resorted to
by the Germans in the conquered provinces.
Such an incident as this is a sample of the manner in
which the Germans madden the Alsatians and Lorrainers
against them, and destroy much of the impression which
else might be wrought by their efforts to benefit the
provinces in a material sense. But for such things the
amalgamation of the provinces would probably have been
complete ere now, instead of being apparently more remote
than when the new frontier-line was drawn. For conquerors
and conquered are of the same Teutonic stock. The Alsa-
tians racially are S wabians, the Lorrainers Bavarians of the
Palatinate. It took the French more than a hundred
years of repression to stamp out the German language in
Lorraine. Their efforts in the same direction in regard to
the Alsatians were arrested by ecclesiastical influence, and
German remained the language of Alsace until its annex-
ation to Germany. It may be broadly said that, in spite of
identity of race, and in spite of every effort on the part
of the Germans to discourage the use of it, the language of
Alsace is to-day French, so far as speech in public is con-
cerned— in their homes the people still talk in the familiar
language. In the words of Mr. Wolff, the Alsatian speaks
French, reckons in French money, reads French papers,
affects French dress, French habits, a French style of living,
takes an interest in French events, warns you that there
are spies about ; and on July 14, the day of the National
Fete you may see him crossing the frontier, denationalised
now though he be, to keep the French festival on French
soil. Halt at least of the guests at the watering-places in
the French Vosges are Alsatians. At a glance one recognises
their prevalence at Vittel and Gerardmer. Yet in the
casinos and buvettes one never hears a word of German.
The unwritten mot d'ordre among them is to speak French.
But to right and to left of you, through the thin partitions
between the bedrooms you may overhear a wife administer-
ing a curtain lecture to her spouse in guttural Swabian
German, and a husband in the same accents grumbling
302 MEMORIES OF WAR AND PEACE.
over the depreciation of landed property in Alsace since the
German sway came into force in that once prosperous
region. And it is significant of the uncertainty of the
future in men's minds, that the land-speculator hesitates to
take advantage of the depreciation. The local resident has
neither the heart nor the means. But the corn-slopes, the
bright meadows, and the rich vineyards, one would imagine,
might surely tempt the wealthy Berliner who has made his
pile in finance. Yet the only German who has evinced the
courage of his opinions in investing in real estate to any
great extent in the conquered provinces is the Emperor
William, who recently bought cheap — for 100,000 marks —
the fine estate of Urville in German Lorraine, the previous
owner of which purchased it in 1854 for the eightfold
price of a million of francs.
3.
On the 18th of August, 1870, the day of the battle of
St. Privat-Gravelotte, the French defensive line from north
of St. Privat to a point a few hundred yards southward of
the village of Rozerieulles, had a front of about seven miles
in length. This front the German assailants before the
lurid night closed in on the bloody day, overlapped by a
considerable distance on both flanks. Roughly speaking,
then, there is an area of about nine miles in length by
about two in breadth which with scarcely a strain on
words, may be said to be one great graveyard, wherein rest
peacefully side by side the French and German combatants
who perished in the long-maintained and bitter strife of
that memorable day. Hard by this area constituting at
once the battle-ground and the graveyard of Gravelotte,
there lies a little distance to the south-west another battle-
field with its resultant wide-stretching graveyard — the
theatre of that stubborn and desperate struggle fought on
August 16th, which is known in history as the battle of
Vionville-Mars-la-Tour. The area of this earlier battlefield
is more circumscribed, since the fighting was closer and
the combatants were fewer ; but the slaughter was yet
ONE GREAT GRAVEYARD. 303
proportionately greater than that of the succeeding battle,
and on the rolling fields of Vionville, Flavigny, Mars-la-
Tour, and Tronville the dead lie thicker than on the
broader face of the later battlefield. All the village church-
yards are filled high with the dead of the two battles : but
it was given to comparatively few to rest in consecrated
ground. Yet in a sense the whole wide stretch of the
battlefields is consecrated ground — for what holier conse-
cration can ground receive than from the life-blood of
gallant men who died fighting in their country's cause ?
Plain and slope, ravine and copse, hold everywhere those
sacred grave-mounds — some populous with multitudinous
dead, others the resting-places of but two or three. All
the graves of the battles are maintained decently and in
order, their slopes and flat summits trimly sodded, the wild
flowers luxuriantly nurtured by what lies below, blooming
around the neat white crosses that tell in black letters what
bravo enemies in life and brothers in the grave moulder
side by side. After the war the German authorities
entered into an arrangement with the peasant-farmers in
whose lands the dead of the battles were buried, that the
graves should be maintained for a period of twenty-five
years dating from August, 1870, after which the owners
of the soil should be entitled to plough them in. This
compact will run out in 1895*, and if the arrangement for
their maintenance be not renewed, the mounds, the en-
circling hedges, and the white crosses will disappear, and
much of the vitaUy pathetic interest of the Metz battlefields
will fade. It is true that the interest in a measure will
be commemorated by the monuments of corps, divisions,
brigades, and regiments which stud the fields to the number
of sixty-four, and also by the separate graves of some of
the fallen officers whose relatives have bought in perpetuity
the patches of ground which hold their loved ones. And
the numerous tombstones of officers and soldiers in the
village churchyards will not let fade the vivid memory of
those two days of desperate fighting when the parched soil
* I do not know whether this arrangement is being acted on. June, 1895.
304 MEMORIES OF WAR AND PEACE.
drank in French and German blood, and when the blue sky
was dimmed by the smoke of the strife and lurid with the
blaze of a hundred raging conflagrations. The Germans
insisted on the frontier-line running in a curiously zigzag
fashion, so as to include almost the whole theatre of the
battle of Gravelotte-St. Privat and the most important
section of the battle of Vionville-Mars-la-Tour ; but they
left within French territory the vicinity of Mars-la-Tour and
Tronville. By an amicable arrangement, German monu-
ments have been erected on French soil, and French monu-
ments on the German side of the frontier ; but the French
monuments on either ground are comparatively few. There
is, indeed, one comprehensive and striking French monu-
ment at Mars-la-Tour, at the foot of which on each
anniversary of the battle of August 16 solemn religious
services are held, attended by old soldiers from every part
of France who participated in the fighting, as well as by a
vast assemblage of the population of the neighbourhood.
In the massive village of St. Privat the northern
extremity of the French line, in which Canrobert maintained
himself so tenaciously, the children are playing to-day in
the lanes and open spaces where on that lurid evening two-
and- twenty years ago, Prussian Guards, soldiers of Saxony,
and Canrobert's staunch infantrymen clashed together in
the furious hand-to-hand struggle that virtually ended the
battle so far as Prince Frederick Charles's army was con-
cerned. The shell-tire made an utter wreck of the place,
strongly built as it was. When I saw St. Privat the day
after the battle it was one ghastly blood-bedabbled ruin, amid
the smouldering debris of which were heaps of dead and a
litter of broken and battered weapons and accoutrements.
St Privat smiles again, yet not with wholly unknit brows.
For every wall in the place shows where the shell-holes
have been plastered up ; many of the tombstones in the
graveyard where stood the venerable church, remain as
they were shattered by the shells, and the old church which
the villagers loved was so shattered and riven by shot and
tire that it could not be restored. Handsome new churches,
"BE THOU FAITHFUL UNTO DEATH." 305
both here and lower down at Amanvillers where the old
church endured the same fate as that of St. Privat, have
been built; but the spick-and-span new structures are not
to the conservative habitants what their old holy places were.
Northward of St. Privat, between that village and Roncourt,
on ground watered by the blood of the gallant and genial
fighting men who had followed the Crown Prince of Saxony
in the great turning movement, and who on the afternoon of
the great battle struck St. Privat on the flank, stands the
monument erected by the Saxon Army Corps to their fallen
comrades. It is so ugly as to suggest that Saxon valour is of
a higher order than Saxon taste ; yet its monstrosity is more
than half redeemed by the appropriate legend graven on its
pedestal : " Be thou faithful unto death, and I will give thee a
crown of life." Within a stone's throw of the southern end of
St. Privat is the not ineffective monument to the fallen of the
Prussian Guard Corps. From its summit the eye can sweep
the whole face of the northern battlefield, from the Orne to
Verneville on the southern skyline. Over against us
yonder, on the face of the gentle slope gliding down into the
nearer gentle hollow, on that awful afternoon of this day
twenty-two years ago (I am writing on the spot on the
anniversary of the great battle), there thundered incessantly on
St. Privat and Amanvillers the long line of German cannon
stretching from Verneville through Habonville, St. Ail, and
on beyond St. Marie-aux-Chenes almost to Aboue. And the
hither slope at our feet, where the tell-tale hillocks and mounds
are so frequent and on whose face so many white crosses
gleam in the sunlight, is none other " than the bare, smooth
glacis gently rising up to the fortress-like village of St. Privat "
— the stretch of terrain on which 6,000 of Prussia's finest
soldiery went down in less than twenty minutes. Than that
advance there has been nothing more heroic since the day of
Fontenoy, when Cumberland's army, heedless of the gunfire
doubly enfilading it, pierced Saxe's front. Both efforts were
reckless and mistaken ; neither quite succeeded ; but those
conditions no whit detracted from the steadfast heroism of the
fighting-men.
u
306 MEMORIES OF WAR AND PEACE.
Amanvillers, the French centre of the northern battle, was
all but ground into powder by the fire of Manstein's cannon
on the swell hi front of Verneville. At Ainanvillers, now
mostly rebuilt, and discernible far and wide because of the
flaring new church which the Germans have built to replace
the quaint old edifice which their shell-fire destroyed, is the
railway station of the battlefield. From it the road, leaving
the French for the German front, slants through a close
succession of grave-mounds across the shallow hollow to
Verneville. Yonder on the left is that shoulder of the swell
whither the over-ardent Manstein hurried his batteries; in
the graves, ranged almost symmetrically in rear of the line of
gunfire, lie the staunch gunners who endured unto death
the hurricane of cross-fire that swept the Prussian batteries
from Ainanvillers and Montigny-la-Grange. Verneville,
picturesquely nestling among its foliage on the slope of the
ridge, is a veritable Aceldama. It has for people of our
nation a touching interest. Not a few of our countrymen fell
on either side in the course of the great war between France
and Germany. Britons gave their lives for an alien cause as
volunteers in the improvised cohorts of Chanzy and de
Paladines. English Winsloe, a lieutenant of Wlirtemberger
cavalry, was the first man slain in the war. Argyleshire
Campbell miraculously survived the shattering wounds he
received in Bredow's historic " Todtenritt ; " the gallant
Douglas perished in the cavalry nielee between Mars-la-Tour and
Bruville ; and " Kit " Pemberton of the Guards, to know
whom was to love him, went down with a bullet through his
brain on the red field of Sedan. And at least one woman of our
race sacrificed her life in the sacred cause of humanity. In
the village graveyard of Verneville, among the dead of both
nations whom while they lived she had tended in the adjacent
chateau wherein were huddled 1,200 wounded men, there
sleeps a devoted Englishwoman under the plain stone on
which are chiselled the simple words : " In Memory of
Henrietta Clarke, Deaconess, from Chiswick, Cumberland,
England ; Born December 24, 1837 ; Died October 26, 1870."
From Verneville the road winds downward through
DEAD MEN BUILT UP INTO BARRICADES. 307
Malmaison, and past the great barn of Mogador, in which
during the battle two hundred wounded Frenchmen were
burnt alive, into the straggling village of Gravelotte. Tourists
are drinking coffee outside the Cheval d'Or, the hotel in
front of which on the day before Mars-la-Tour stood the
haggard Napoleon, while his troops defiled past him "melan-
choly and beaten out, without a single shout of 'Vive
I'Empereur ! ' ; " and whither on the following morning Bazaine
brought him a posy of wild flowers as a souvenir of the
broken man's fete day. Across the way, in a little room of
the house which is now the German post-office, Napoleon
spent the night before August 16, on the early morning of
which day he drove away to Chalons to yet severer suffering
and to the utter wreck at Sedan. About Gravelotte now, the
people hate neither the Empire nor the memory of Napoleon
— they concentrate their hatred on the Germans. " They
dragoon us," said to me an old villager ; " they tax us ; they
are harsh and brutal ; but, thank God, monsieur, they cannot
deprive us of the privilege of hoping for better days." After
two-and- twenty years one's memory of localities grows dim,
and it was in vain that I searched on the outskirts of the
village for the place where, on the day of Gravelotte, I saw
the dead of both sides built up into barricades from behind
which fired the Prussian marksmen. " Voila, monsieur ! "
replied to my question a peasant with a wave of the hand ;
and lo ! what I recollected as a great ghastly shamble is now
a green and shaded space, where blossoming creepers grow
over the crosses above the 3,000 soldier- dead who rest in
this now peaceful scene.
From Gravelotte to the field of Mars-la-Tour the high
road goes due west through Rezonville, outside of which
King Wilhelm sat in suspense as to the issue of the fighting
on the right flank, until Moltke brought him at a gallop
the tidings of final victory. Farther on the hamlet of
Flavigny is seen on the left, the scene of the most desperate
fighting of August 16th ; and directly in front is the village
of Vionville, whence Bredow's devoted charge sped along
the green hollow to crash through rank after rank of French
u 2
308 MEMORIES OF WAR AND PEACE.
infantrymen, and onward and yet on up the gentle slope
to the French cannon on the old Roman road on the sky-
line. That long, broad, parallelogram on the northern edge
of the road holds all that was mortal of the noble troopers
who rode to their death for " King and Fatherland " on
that momentous afternoon. Vionville is a long dunghill
village, in a poor house of which King Wilhelm slept on
the night after the battle of Gravelotte. There were better
houses in the place, but they were all crammed with the
wounded of the battle; and the old king was content to
occupy a little upper chamber partitioned off from a granary
whose wall and roof were full of shell-holes.
Returning through Gravelotte towards Metz the traveller,
following the ckausaee, plunges down into the ravine of the
Mance, and then ascends to the great open slope on which
occurred the fiercest fighting of the southern battle. Time
after time did the soldiers of Steinmetz attempt to crown
that, slope, to be crushed back time after time by the
fire of Frossard's resolute infantrymen. Not even darkness
ended the strife, and hand-to-hand struggles broke out at
intervals until daylight. The battered farmhouse of St.
Hubert is now rehabilitated, but there are only a few ruins
where the houses at Point-du-Jour stood before the battle.
There are Prussian monuments right up to Point-du-Jour
testifying to the daring and determination with which the
Germans pushed onward, and not less to the dauntless reso-
lution of the French on the defensive, who over and over
again hurled their assailants back from the very lips of their
shelter-trenches.
4.
A strange fate has overtaken the battlefield of Sedan.
The battle itself, in its phases, and yet more in its results,
must rank as the most memorable of European events
since Waterloo. In many respects the intrinsic interest
of the great struggle around Vauban's old fortress in the
Ardennes equals that of the earlier contest in which British
valour and constancy shone with so great an effulgence. To
this day the field of Waterloo is the most frequented of
RISEN FROM ITS BLOODY ASHES. 309
European battle-grounds. More than three-quarters of a
century have elapsed since Wellington and Napoleon con-
fronted each other in the historic arena between Mont
St. Jean and La Belle Alliance, and still the Waterloo
coaches with full complements of passengers start daily
from Brussels. On the other hand, within ten years after
the momentous clash of arms around the hoary defences
of Sedan, the wide-ranging battlefield around that obso-
lete fortress had been almost entirely denuded of any
visible relic or memento of the struggle which was fought
out to the bitter end on its slopes on September 1st, 1870.
The graves of the fallen had been ploughed down and sown
over in some cases ; in others the remains of the dead com-
batants had been exhumed and removed into the graveyards
of the local villages, where their resting-places are unmarked
by any memorial.
To-day the pilgrims to the scene of the ruin of French
Imperialism are strangely few. "Germans never come,"
say the innkeepers, and the casual French visitors who
do come content themselves with a visit to Bazeilles, which
has risen from its bloody ashes and now again is a pretty
and prosperous village. The once famous " Weaver's Cot-
tage " on the Donchery road, where in the early morning
of September 2nd the broken and dispirited Emperor had
the historic interview with Bismarck, is to-day uninhabited
and in dilapidation. Its door is locked, and the key is in
the possession of the proprietor, a farmer of Carignan.
There is no access now to the upstairs room with its windows
in the gable, in which Napoleon and Bismarck had their
conference. Madame Fournaise, the weaver's widow, is dead
years ago. The Chateau Bellevue, the pretty bourgeois resi-
dence of the Sedan wine-dealer to which Bismarck and the
cuirassiers escorted Napoleon from the " Weaver's Cottage/
is to-day daintier and more picturesque than ever; but it
has changed hands, and it is no longer shown to the few
applicants who desire to look at the drawing-room where
Napoleon and King Wilhelm had their interview, and at the
panelled dining-room at the table in which with bitter tears
310 MEMORIES OF WAR AXD PEACE.
de Wimpfen signed the capitulation of the " Array ot
Sedan." The present inhabitants of the house profess,
indeed, not to know for certain in which apartment it was
where the unfortunate French general subscribed that
melancholy document, after which "sad and painful duty"
he rode back to Sedan " la mort dans 1'ame," to quote
his own touching words. One, however, would have more
sympathy with Wimpfen but for the circumstance that
his ruin was wrought by his own rather self-seeking
ambition.
The awful tragedy of Bazeilles is commemorated by a
tall monument in the graveyard of that village, erected
amicably by Germany and France in combination. Under-
neath the obelisk is a vaulted ossuary, on each side of
the central alley in which are stacked and heaped
the skulls and bones of the 3,000 German and French
soldiers, who fell in the desperate and prolonged combat
that raged in and around Bazeilles from daybreak until
late in the afternoon of the great battle, and in the course
of which the village became a burnt and bloody wreck.
The dead of the two nationalities, now mere bones, rest in
the same crypt, but they are not intermingled. The bones
of the dead French are built up on the right of the
central alley, those of the Germans on the left — a weird
and ghastly spectacle. Bazeilles has been long ago rebuilt,
and the hum and whirr of its weaving-shuttles are heard
along its tortuous lanes. On the outskirt of the village
nearest to Sedan is the little wayside cabaret bearing the
sign of " La Derniere Cartouche," in and around which was
the last fight of the day. It is maintained in the actual
condition of dilapidation it presented on the evening of
the battle; and is the actual original of De Neuville's
famous picture of the same name. This little place — pierced
and ragged as it is with shot and shell, its furniture
riddled as are its ceilings, walls, and floors, and its rooms
so full of interesting relics as to constitute a real museum
— is perhaps the thing of most interest now extant in
connection with the battle-field of Sedan.
XVI.
SOLDIERS' WIVES.
I CAN NOT say that I have had any success in gathering
details as to the early history of the wife of the British
soldier — when she first became a recognised institution in
the Service, and what was the nature of the first privileges
accorded to her. So I leave to some one else with better
opportunities, the task of dealing with the historical part
of the subject, and confine myself to describing what has
come under my own observation since I joined her
Majesty's Service, with respect to the condition, habits,
morality, and manner of life generally of the wife of the
British soldier. I should add that it is some considerable
time since I quitted the army, and that since then many
changes for the better have been effected in regard to the
welfare of the soldier's wife. I propose in the first in-
stance to deal with the subject as I was personally
cognisant of it ; and then to tell of the amelioration in
the conditions of the lot of the soldier's wife accomplished
or in progress in more recent years.
It was before I became an unit in the muster-roll of
Britain's defenders, that the women of the regiment who
were married with leave — technically, " on the strength "-
lived almost without exception in the barrack-room among
the men. There were commonly a married couple in each
room. To the couple, in virtue of long custom, was assigned
the corner farthest from the door. No matter what the
number in family might be, they were allowed but two
single bedsteads and two men's space. No privacy of any
kind was accorded the family save what they could con-
trive for themselves ; but the married soldier was wont
to rig up around his matrimonial bower an environment
of canvas screening something over six feet high, and
312 MEMORIES OF WAR AND PEACE.
enclosing an extremely exiguous domain of floor-space in
addition to that occupied by the two beds placed together.
In most regiments the "woman of the room" cooked for
her room-mates at the fireplace thereof, in return for which
service it was customary for a " mess " to be allotted to
her from the men's rations ; for in the days of which I
am telling, married couples were entitled to no rations.
The married man was put out of mess, and he had where-
withal to maintain himself and his family nothing except
his money pay, in addition to anything that the wife
might earn.
The mere idea of a married couple living and sleeping
in a common room with a dozen or more of single men
partitioned off but by a flimsy curtain, is outrageously re-
pulsive to our sense of decency. One may well be struck
with wonderment, as certainly was the case with me, that
the abominable arrangement should have been left uninter-
fered with for so long. When the soldier got married in
those times if he were a good fellow he strained, it was
true, every effort to acclimatise gradually his wife to the
barrack-room when, as was the case in many instances, she
was fresh from a quiet country cottage or from service in
a respectable family. He was wont to take lodgings out-
side the barracks for the first week or so of the married
life, so that at least the earliest quarter of the honeymoon
might be invested with something of the privacy of which
there was to be so little afterwards. But old soldiers have
told me how they have seen a pure girl brought straight
from the marriage service .to the barrack-room corner, and
the tremor of mortal shame that overwhelmed her. It
wore off, as most compulsions of the kind mercifully lose
their horror, under exposure to the chafe of custom and
necessity ; but the bride's blushes for herself fell to be
renewed at an after period on the tanned cheeks of the
mother.
Children, indeed, were rarely born in the corner; for
the woman when her time was near at hand was removed
to outside lodgings, where at her husband's charges she
THE CORNER. 313
tarried for a few days ; but in the corner daughters grew
from childhood to girlhood with but the screen between
them and the men outside of it. When a daughter fell
out of place, all the home she had to come to was the
corner; and it was nowise uncommon for a grown young
woman to sleep therein, on the top of the chest alongside
the bed of her parents. When the family was large, living,
or at all events sleeping in the corner was mere pigging,
strictly limited as the authorised sleeping accommodation
was to the two narrow regulation bedsteads. It was true
that the woman used to dispose of her boys in the vacant
beds of soldiers who were on duty ; but in the case of
women-children there was nothing for it but close packing
behind the screen.
Bad as all this was — disgusting in theory and repulsive
in practice — there were in it, strange as it may seem, some
compensatory elements of good. Although the woman had
to reconcile herself with what contentment or endurance
she might, to a life that perpetually violated almost every
instinct of womanhood, she became blunted indeed, but
not degraded, in our sense of the term. In proportion as
she lived in public, she had the consciousness of being
amenable to public opinion as represented by the little
world of her room ; and lowly as her sphere was, and rough
as too often became her manners and her speech, under-
neath the skin-deep blemishes there mostly lay self-respect
and discretion. She would take her share of a gallon of
porter at the common table ; but she durst not get drunk,
conscious as she was of the critics of her conduct around
her. And she made the barrack-room more of a home —
of a family circle as it were — than it was later in my
experience. The men of her room looked upon her in
some such light as they would on a relative keeping house
for them. On a change of quarters they always struggled
hard to keep their coterie together, with the same abiding
woman for its presiding spirit. She humanised the barrack-
room with the wholesome influence of her true if some-
what rough womanhood. There was less profanity among
314 MEMORIES OF WAR AND PEACE.
the men than seems to exist now ; and that habitual
expression of obscenity which could not but startle and
shock the visitor to the barrack-room of a later period,
was almost unknown then, quelled by the fact of the
woman being within hearing. Kuffians there were in the
Service then as there are now ; and an outbreak of foul
language occasionally came from the lips of one of them.
But he was sternly put down and silenced ; if a word from
an old soldier and a finger significantly pointed towards
the screen did not suffice, a straight left-hander formed a
prompt and very convincing argument.
The woman of the room was a kindly, motherly soul
to the forlorn " 'cruitie ; " and she would cheer him up with
homely words of encouragement as he sat on his bed-iron,
mopingly thinking of his home. She was always obliging
if you entreated her civilly, whether to sew on a button
or lend a shilling. If she Avere anything of a scholar, to
her fell the office of letter-writer-general for the fellows
whose penmanship had been neglected in their early days;
and thus she became the repository of not a few little
confidences, which she loyally scorned to violate. Some-
times, as an especial favour, she would allow a man to
bring his sweetheart on a Sunday afternoon to a modest
tea behind the screen in the corner; and if friends
came from a distance to see one of "her men," the married
woman was always ready to do her best for the credit's
sake of the hospitality of her room. There can be little
doubt that fewer scandals were current in those days of
the comparatively dark ages about the wives of soldiers
than one has known in later periods; and I question
much whether, accepting the roughness of the husk
as an inevitable element of their situation, the married
women who dwelt in the barrack-room corners were
not more genuine at the core than are the ladies who
more recently have been in habitation in the married
quarters.
Besides the evil alluded to there was another that must
not be forgotten. Soldiers are very fond of children, but
ON THE MARCH. 315
are apt to regard them in the light rather of monkeys
than of creatures with souls in their little bodies. So the
imps of the period grew up tutored in all manner of pre-
cocious evil and mischief — developing a weird precocity
in tossing oft' a basinful of porter, smoking the blackest
of pipes, arid addicted to fancy swearing of the ugliest
kind. Mostly the youngsters either joined the band of
the regiment, or went into one of the military schools,
where bad habits were sternly dealt with to good purpose ;
and thus, under the old long-service regime, the country
had to some extent an hereditary soldiery, not a few
from the ranks of which, born at the foot of the regi-
mental ladder, contrived to climb up it no inconsiderable
distance.
In the days I am now telling of there were scarcely any
railways except the great trunk lines. When a regiment went
on the line of march the women rode in the accompanying
baggage waggons, with their brats stowed away in odd corners
among the other miscellaneous goods and chattels; and at
the halts they shared their husband's billets if the local
people were willing to accept them, as, to their credit, they
for the most part were. When they were not, the husband
had to find quarters for his wife somewhere else. When
the funds were low it was customary for married women to
be smuggled into the hay-loft above the troop-horses, and
sometimes they had even to bivouac on the lee-side of a
hedge. To some extent the railways entailed an additional
charge on the married soldier's slender purse. He had always
to pay for his baggage, for the chest or two, the flock bed — if
the couple had got that length of prosperity — and the few
feminine belongings which the wife could call her own ; but
now the husband had to pay for the warrant under which his
wife and family were conveyed by rail. Later, however,
" baggage funds " were formed in most regiments, the proceeds
of which went to meet the travelling charges of the women
and children. In the days I refer to, if women had to live
outside the barracks because of lack of room inside, there
was no allowance in the shape of lodging-money. The
316 MEMORIES OF WAR AND PEACE.
first grant of this was made, I think, in 1852, and con-
sisted of one penny a day paid quarterly. It was gradually
increased, until now, I believe, the allowance is fourpence
a day.
The above may be taken as a rough epitome of the
condition of the soldier's wife up to the end of 1 848 or the
beginning of 1849. About that period, I think because of
some troubles in the financial world, an exceptional number
of better-class men joined the service. Because of the
indecency of the barrack-room arrangements then in force, a
number of anonymous complaints were sent in to the
authorities. Other complaints through the press stimulated
public opinion to demand a change, and the authorities in
their sluggish fashion gradually complied. The reform was
not carried out with any great promptitude, for I knew of
women living in the barrack-rooms after the Crimean war.
But the change was made in the cavalry regiment to which I
belonged so early as in 1849. It was, in effect, a change very
little for the better. Into one attic in Christchurch barracks
seven families were huddled pell-mell. No better arrange-
ments in the direction of privacy were made than had existed
in the common barrack-rooms. Each separate family was
curtained off by what may be called private enterprise.
There was but one fireplace in the long, low attic, and the
women scrambled waspishly over their turns for cooking, and
were often forced to have recourse to the fires in the men's
barrack-rooms.
The moral and social tone was visibly deteriorated under
this arrangement, even below that which had characterised
the common barrack-room. The women, congregated as they
were and with a weakened check upon them, were too prone
to club for drink; and convivialities were occasionally
chequered with quarrels into which the husbands were not
unfrequently drawn. There was a perceptible growth of
coarseness of tone among both the women and the men, that
became actual grossness ; and I question if a young woman
with some of nature's modesty still clinging to her did not
have it more violently outraged in this congeries of married
IMPROVEMENT DUE TO THE QUEEN. 317
couples, than would have been the case in the old corner- of-
the-barrack-room arrangement. Of this at least I am certain
that with ominous rapidity she learned to talk, and would
submit to be jeered, on subjects which were ignored under
the old system.
The overcrowding also, which was all but universal, was
physically injurious to both adults and children. The latter
did not count in the allotment of quarters. I have known
ten families in one long room in Weedon barracks. Eight
families in a hut in the North Camp at Alder.shot was
nothing uncommon. But later an era of improvement and
civilisation set in, and before long the majority of barracks
contained married quarters in which each family had a room
to itself. The inception of this system was due to our
gracious Queen; and the rapidity with which married
quarters became all but universal was owing, in the main, to
her womanly sympathy with her sex. Still, however, those
married quarters in many instances did not afford sufficient
accommodation, and the surplusage had to fall back on the
old system. So late as in the summer of 1867 more than one
troop-room was occupied by four families; and later still it
was estimated that about one-third of the married strength of
the home forces was still unaccommodated with separate
rooms. In civilian estimation a single room for a man and
wife with their family — day-room and bed-room in one —
seems no great boon ; but the soldier and his wife had been
so little used to mercies of any kind that they learned to be
thankful for -very small ones. In my day a married non-
commissioned officer of the highest grade had to put up with
a single room. A troop-sergeant-major is a person of
importance and responsibility in the little world of his
regiment — his position certainly equal to that of the super-
intendent of a particular branch of a factory. But how would
the latter relish having to pay the hands, the head of the
concern sitting at the pay-table along with him, while his
recently-confined wife lay in bed in the same room, seques-
tered only by a curtain ? I have signed accounts in the
Royal barracks in Dublin when my troop-sergeant-major's
1?18 MEMORIES OF WAR AND PEACE.
domesticities were in the condition alluded to, the captain
of the troop being present.
The soldier does not very often go to his own native place
for a wife. He forgets the sweetheart of his pre-soldiering
days, and finds another where he may chance to be quartered.
Most soldiers' wives have been servant girls, with whom the
gentleman in uniform has picked up acquaintance casually in
his evening strolls. But there are many exceptions, and some
of these of rather a remarkable character. I have known
a soldier's wife who had been the daughter of a clergyman,
another who had been a vocalist at a leading music hall, and
a third who had been the widow of a captain in the navy.
Since the relaxation in the rigour exercised in regard to
marriages without leave — to which I shall presently advert —
soldiers have been rather addicted to marrying Avoinen of no
character. Repulsive as such connections are, fairness
demands the admission that such women, with few exceptions,
turn out well-conducted wives. Probably they are so weary
of their previous life that to be a wife at all, no matter how
humble the sphere, is a haven of refuge too deeply appreciated
to be lightly forfeited.
So prone were soldiers to take their wives from among the
daughters of the region hi which the regiment might be
stationed that an experienced hand could mark by the strata,
so to speak, of married womanhood in a corps the track of its
successive stations throughout the kingdom. Let me give an
example from my own old regiment, as I knew it. The
seniors of the married women were of the south of England —
Christchurch and Brighton extracts — decently inclined, self-
respecting, rather masculine dames, who had followed the
kettledrums many a year and had got tanned and travel-
worn, but were honest, cleanly, and fairly pure of heart.
Then came a layer of canny Scots lasses recruited during
the regiment's tour of service in the north country, clannish
to the last degree, grasping and greedy, most of them ;
" wearing the breeches " as regarded their " gude men," but
good wives, nevertheless, and excellent mothers; fond of a
"drappie" when somebody else paid for it; mostly with a
MATRIMONIAL LONGINGS. 319
nest-egg in the regimental savings-bank, and willing to do a
little bit of usury on the quiet; very unpopular with the
other women, horribly quarrelsome, and scrupulously clean.
Then followed an infusion of the Irish element, resulting from
the corps having been quartered for some years in various
stations of the sister isle. According to my experience, Irish
women, with few exceptions, do not make good soldiers'
wives. They are too ready to accommodate themselves to
circumstances, instead of striving to make circumstances bend
to them. Thus, in the unfavourable phase of life in which
they find themselves through marrying a soldier, they are
prone to go with the swim, to become slovenly and slatternly,
to say " sufficient for the day is the evil thereof," and to be
heedless if to-morrow's pot portends emptiness so long as the
pot of to-day " boils fat."
When the soldier falls a prey to matrimonial longings, he
obtains an interview with his colonel in the orderly room, and
asks permission to get married. If he has some length of
service and a good character, permission may be granted him,
subject to the occurrence of a vacancy in the married roll of
his class in the regiment. If he is a sensible man he waits
for this ; then he marries, and his wife is taken " on the
strength " and becomes entitled to a share in what privileges
may be available. A certain number of men are assigned her
to " do for," in washing their quota of very dirty clothes. In
some cavalry regiments she has in addition the task of keep-
ing clean the room of her men. In this case she scrubs the
floor, tables, and forms daily, washes the crockeryvvare after
each meal, and generally is responsible for the cleanliness of
the apartment. In other cavalry regiments the men perform
these duties in rotation, and the woman has only the clothes-
washing to do. In either case, I believe, each of her men
pays her a penny a day. The charge in infantry regiments
is but a halfpenny a man, solely for the washing, and
the men are invariably their own housemaids. In most
regiments of the latter branch of the service, the married
women are prohibited altogether from entering the barrack-
rooms.
320 MEMORIES OF WAR AND PEACE.
Those women who do not have a certain number of men
assigned to them, mostly have, in the cavalry, each an officer
to attend to his room and do his washing, at the remuneration
of a shilling a day ; but this is an employment which falls
chiefly to the wives of non-commissioned officers. Non-com -
missioned officers' wives to whom may be allotted the washing
of a certain number of men, are no longer allowed to farm
out the work, as until recently was the case. In the infantry
an officer's soldier-servant attends to his room. A married
couple in a cavalry regiment do not fare badly when the
husband is an officer's servant with a wage of ten or fifteen
shillings a month besides perquisites, or when he earns ten
shillings a month for looking after a sergeant's horse in
addition to his own ; and when the wife has the washing of a
dozen men or thereabouts. The joint income may in such a
case amount to about a pound a week, with free quarters and
the right to draw a daily ration of three-quarters of a pound
of meat and a pound of bread for 4id. — about one half the
retail price in the open market.
Hitherto I have been writing of soldiers' wives who have
become so in a strictly constitutional and regimental manner.
But for one soldier who marries " with leave," at least half-a-
dozen do so Avithout leave. In the majority of cases circum-
stances render the formality of asking for leave a needless
farce, and he marries without troubling to make the
application. Rules affecting men married without leave vary
according to the dispositions — severe or lenient — of com-
manding officers. In my early soldiering days I knew a man
who had been married for twenty years, a man with an
excellent character and holding non-commissioned rank,
whose wife was never taken on the strength of the regiment
at all, because the marriage had been " without leave." In
some regiments a probation, or rather a purgatory, of eight
years had to be undergone before the offence of getting married
without leave was condoned, and the wife admitted to
privileges. In later years a mor3 lenient policy came into
operation. As a special favour a suitable applicant was
occasionally permitted to marry with the promise that his
"PUT ON THE GATE." 321
wife should be taken " on the strength " on the occurrence of
a vacancy, and meanwhile some work was assigned her to ease
the hardship of her lot. Prior to this it was not uncommon
for the soldier and his wife to be married twice over, the
second marriage taking place when leave was granted, in order
to meet the necessity of the registration of the marriage lines
in the orderly-room record, when the production of the record
of the first marriage would have exposed the disobedience of
orders, and led to a retractation of the permission. I remember
a critical legitimacy question once arising out of a double
marriage of this kind.
To get married without leave, even although it be accom-
panied by no other infraction of discipline, is a military crime
coming under the head of disobedience of orders, and I have
known a man severely punished for this offence alone. But
most frequently marriage without leave used to be aggravated
by the crime of concurrent absence, and the offender was
punished nominally for the latter offence, but in reality for
the former also. Thus I have known a man get seven days'
cells, involving the loss of his hair, for a couple of hours'
absence in the morning for the purpose of getting married.
It is not pleasant, it must be confessed, to meet your bride
with not so much hair on your head as would furnish a locket.
Sometimes, in the stern wrath of the commanding officer, the
woman's name is " put on the gate," that is, she is prohibited
from entering the barracks. Her plight is very sad. She
had left her service or her home, and it is with her nulla
vestigia retrorsum. She lingers wistfully about the barrack
gate, pitifully asking the men as they walk out what punish-
ment her husband has got, and when it will be over. She
gets a room somewhere near the barracks, her husband hah
starves himself that he may share his rations with her, and
his sympathising comrades cut him the bigger mess because
they know that it has to feed two mouths. With few
exceptions the man acts very loyally by the woman with
whom he has formed a rash union. Sometimes, it is true
things do go wrong. The woman gives up the hard battle in
despair and enters on a yet more wretched campaign, with
v
322 MEMORIES OF WAR AND PEACE.
sure defeat as its sad inevitable close ; or the husband rebels
against the prolonged self-denial and shirks his responsibility.
But much oftener the twain cling together with a piteous,
yet proud mutual devotion. The compassionate matrons who
are on the strength may give the woman a job on washing
days, or she picks up some employment about the officers' mess
kitchen, or among the wives of the non-commissioned
officers.
A change of station is a heavy blow to the struggling
couple. There is no " warrant " for the woman married with-
out leave, and it is seldom that her husband can meet the rail-
way fare. I have known a soldier's wife married without leave,
foot it all the way from Aldershot to Edinburgh, marching day
for day with her husband's troop, sometimes getting into his
billet at night, sometimes quartered in the hay-loft. Long ere
she crossed Kelso Bridge her boots had given out ; but her
heart was stouter than her boots, and she triumphantly
reached Piershill Barracks only a few hours behind her
husband. Shorter journeys of this kind used to be common
enough, not only with soldiers' wives married without leave,
but also with females having no such tie Avith the men they
followed.
A time, however, may come sooner or later, to the woman
married without leave, when her courage is of no avail ; when
the regiment is ordered on foreign service and she is left
straining her eyes through bitter tears after the receding
troopship. Now she is, indeed, alone in the world. But she
turns instinctively barrack-ward — there is consolation, seem-
ingly, in the colour of the cloth. There is hardly a barrack
of any size in the kingdom where there are not as hangers-
on some of those compulsory grass-widows, picking up a
precarious livelihood by the merciful consideration of soldiers'
wives better circumstanced. Such an one, as she wrestles with
the hard world, is counting longingly the years and the
months, till her husband's term of service shall expire. It
may be that one day a letter arrives from his chum, or a
discharged soldier of her husband's regiment strolls into
barracks with the tidings that Bill or Joe is dead of cholera at
SPARSE MATRIMONY. 323
some unhealthy inland station, or that death took him in
some march in the Afghan hill-country. But again, Bill or
Joe is back himself with his discharge in his pocket and love
in his heart ; and her horizon glows very bright to the poor
barrack-drudge.
But a very much married army has many encumbrances in
the shape of women and children ; and among its other
advantages short service has all but abolished soldiers' wives
whose husbands belong to the rank-and-file. In the cavalry
and artillery the limit of married soldiers is now but 4 per
cent. ; in the infantry only 3 per cent. Matrimony in the
British army of to-day at home, apart from its officerhood, is
almost entirely confined to the non-commissioned ranks. All
warrant officers are entitled to be married ; as also are the
three superior classes of non-commissioned officers. Fifty
per cent, of non-commissioned officers of inferior grade may be
included in the married roll. The private soldier of the
period is barely adolescent, when at the age of twenty —
occasionally somewhat short of that age — he is sent out to
India ; and for the couple of years or so prior to that deporta-
tion he is so assiduously growing in bulk and stature as the
result of his consumption of the Queen's rations and so
engrossed in learning the rudiments of soldier-craft, that he
can find little leisure for precocious thoughts of love, far less
of matrimony, whether with or without leave. Thus a
soldier's wife married without leave is now very much more
rare than in earlier times.
To-day there is no such abomination in the army as
the crowding of more than one family in the same room.
There is no family of the lowest military grade which is
not entitled to at least one separate room. The advance,
or rather indeed the revolution, of late years in the accom-
modation afforded to military married people and families,
is simply surprising, especially at Aldershot. A married
warrant officer in that station enjoys two very good sitting-
rooms, two good bedrooms, kitchen and scullery, with yard,
garden convenience, coal and washhouse. The family of a
staff-sergeant has for quarters an excellent sitting-room, two
v 2
324
MEMORIES OF WAR AND PEACE.
good bedrooms, kitchen, and scullery. Married sergeants
and rank-and-file are accommodated in two rooms and a
kitchen, or one big room and kitchen : in the case of a
large family, two bedrooms are allowed. Twenty years ago
the regimental sergeant-major of a cavalry regiment, the
man of highest non-commissioned rank in the regiment
and a married man with a family, had to content himself and
his with a single room of no great dimensions.
XVII.
AN HONEST-BORN BOY.
OUR rural and primitive parish-school in the far north
of Scotland was as I remember it, some five-and-forty
years ago, a democracy tempered chiefly by vigour of biceps
muscle. Whether inside the grim old building on the brae-
face, or on the heather-bordered playground in the midst
of which it stood, no distinction was recognised between
the " classes " and the " masses." The master was at once
impartial and indiscriminate in his frank and free use of
his tough leathern " tawse." Was he gentleman's son from
the mansion among the trees beyond the burn, or was he
the cottar's son from the sour muirland of the foothills,
the cock of the school and of the playground was the
youngster .who was smartest with his fists. The school
was a microcosm of the parish. The laird who owned a
large proportion of its acreage sent to the parish school
his son and heir, who later became a Cambridge Wrangler.
The manse was represented by my brother and myself,
destined later for the north-country University, meanwhile
seldom free from a black eye or two, and exceptionally
frequent victims of the "dominie's" tawse. The local
farmers, a prolific race, contributed whole families of both
sexes indiscriminately. The ditcher down by the cross-
roads educated his twins by the expedient of sending the
boy and the girl on alternate days for a single fee. Besides
the ordinary run of pupils whose ages varied from seven
to about fourteen, the school was generally attended by some
three or four full-grown young fellows, who were taking a
half year at home away from farm work, that they might
revive or increase the knowledge acquired in boyhood.
The country lasses used occasionally to do the same, and I
remember to have often seen a buxom girl of twenty and
326 MEMORIES OF WAR AND PEACE.
a stalwart ploughman of about the same age standing up
courageously in the same class with youngsters of nine and
ten. In the winter time our school fire was maintained by
the daily contributions brought from the home stack by each
scholar of a peat or a turf under his or her arm. Defaulters
in this duty were punished by being exiled to the cold
corners of the schoolroom.
In my young days, as is still the case, the lowlands of
northern Scotland were singularly free from crime, but
then — nor, I fear, is there to-day much improvement in
this respect — they were affected by a moral taint, the results
of which manifested themselves in our little school-com-
munity in the shape of some half-dozen strapping young
fellows of great physical vigour and of considerable force
of character. Our rustic Dunois from the Craighead was,
like his prototype, both jeune and beau. Our local Falcon-
bridge from the hovel at the back of the wood was so
handsome that he might well have had "a trick of Cceur-
de-Lion's face." Our sturdy William of the Ardoch promised
in mental force and physical thew and sinew to take after
the famous son of Arlotte of Falaise. Our herd laddie
Maurice was no less successful in his warlike encounters on
the school-green than was the son of Aurora of Konigsmark
in his wider sphere of action. Our Edmund of the Burn-
foot might well have claimed, in the words of the " Edmund "
of Lear, that —
"My dimensions are as well compact,
My mind as generous, and my shape as true,
As honest madam's issue."
To those youths the taint of their origin was no secret,
and it must be added that for them it had no shame, neither
did it attach to them any stigma. Far from shrinking
into the background, they carried their heads high among
us ; like the " little Jock Elliot " of the Border ballad they
would "tak dunts frae naebody," but on the contrary were
always on the alert to bestow those aggressive commodities.
The universal pet of the school was a beautiful child
named Willie Stuart. As I write, after many long years
"A BASTARD LIKE MYSELf" 327
I still can recall the little man's long flaxen curls, his wistful
blue eyes, the delicate complexion that flushed and paled
with each passing emotion, the winsomeness of the whole
little figure. The roughest of us was tender with Willie.
He would participate eagerly in our sports, and we could not
say him nay; but one of us always quietly undertook to
watch, lest in the hurly-burly of rugged horse-play any mis-
cliief should befall the child. He was an apt scholar, but,
sveet-tempered as he was, and grateful for the love that was
lavished on him, he had a vein of mild sarcasm, and would
sometimes in a light and airy way make game of a dunce.
We knew of him, in a casual way, as the only son of a
decent woman who lived a quiet lonely life in a cottage
near the Kirkton, and who was spoken of as having been
a lady's-maid in a nobleman's family whose seat was in an
adjoining parish. Her neighbours called her Mrs. Stuart
and it was understood that her husband was abroad, making
money in some unhealthy region whither he would not
bring; his wife' and child. Country folk of the lower orders
up in the north, some half century ago, were not much
addicted to prying into the affairs of their neighbours.
The opportunities for gossip were comparatively few in a
region where distances were great, and where there were
no breeding-places of scandal in the shape of villages.
One forenoon the only dull-witted one of the base-born
contingent of our schoolfellows had fallen into some
ludicrous blunder, which, in spite of the stern discipline
maintained, had kindled the class into an irrepressible roar
of laughter, and had brought upon himself condign and
severe punishment from the stinging tawse. During a
momentary absence of the master from the schoolroom,
Willie Stuart amused himself by chaffing the perpetrator
of the blunder. The latter, sore and resentful, took the
little fellow's badinage very ill. At length, to the utter
amazement of all, he grimly retorted —
" Ye cock yer head gey crouse, iny bonny little man :
you that's naething but a bastard, like mysel!."
" It's a lee, a lee ! " cried the child, flushing scarlet,
323 MEMORIES OF WAR AND PEACE.
and bursting into a passion of tears as he flew at the throat
of the other. We dragged him off just as the master
returned, and the little scene ended — Willie sitting white
and trembling over his dictionary.
During the mid-day play hour the boy who had aspersed
Willie, and myself, had an encounter which improved the
appearance of neither of us. The same evening I related
to our old nurse what had occurred in the school. To my
utter astonishment, she told me that the stigma which had
been cast on Willie Stuart was warranted by the facts. She
had been told the whole story by her sister, who for years
had been in service at Castle. Mary Stuart had been
the countess's own maid. She had been courted by a
farmer's son of the neighbourhood, and she had accepted
him. But subsequently they had quarrelled bitterly, on
what account nobody seemed to know, and had parted in
hot anger. The girl had soon to realise that the rupture
had not been on even terms. Yet such was the stiffness
of her nature, that she preferred to undergo shame rather
than sue to the man with whom, she had quarrelled. Her
ladyship had sent her away, but had settled a small pension
on her. Soon after her child was born and christened she
had migrated into our parish, where her story was not
known, and had lived there in good repute ever since. Our
old nurse, kind and wise soul as she was, had held her
tongue, and she believed that none other in the parish,
save my father the minister, knew the story. But now she
remembered that Bell Black, the mother of the fellow who
had opened upon Willie, had been a kitchen servant at
the castle about the time of Mary Stuart's misfortune.
For days little Willie moped about, pale and sad, all the
young life seemingly dead in him. The story had begun to
spread, and I fancy he had heard some kind of confirmation
of it. He had been shunning rne ; but one afternoon the poor
child came to me with his sorrow. " I believe it's a lee," said
he wearily ; " but God kens. I canna bring mysel' tae speer
o' my inither — I wad suner droon mysel' ! But, whether or
no, I'm no like thae loons — it kills me tae doobt that I'm an
"TIME OFTEN SOLDERS FEUDS." 329
honest-born laddie." I took the little fellow by the hand, led
him down the brae to the manse, and brought him in by the
side-door into the little room which belonged to my brother
and myself and in which we were wont to con our lessons.
Leaving him there, I went and found the old nurse, told her
whom I had brought to see her, and begged of her to come
into our room and give the child what comfort she might.
Good old Elspeth's heart went out to Willie at first sight
of him. She smoothed with her hands his flaxen curls, and
brought colour into his pale face by kissing the shy and
unnerved little chap. As she talked it seemed at first as if,
far from giving him any consolation, she was about to plunge
him into utter despair. For she thought it the truest
kindness to tell him all that she had told me and that I
have already recorded, thus dashing from him any hope that
he was other than he had been so abruptly characterised by
his coarse and angry schoolfellow. But the good old soul had
kept in reserve some balm of Gilead for the wounded spirit.
And it presently appeared that she was somehow conversant
with the kindly principles of Scottish law, in regard to the
legitimation of offspring born before wedlock by the sub-
sequent marriage of the parents.
" You're no honest-born, my bairn," said Elspeth, " but the
guid auld law o' Scotland will mak' ye honest-born if your
faither an' mither can be persuadit tae come thegither an' be
marriet like wise an' dacent folk. I've heard they were baith
dour an' bitter, but time often solders feuds. It's no true
that yer faither is abroad. He is the auld farmer's son o' the
Mains o' Drumfurruch, in the Enzie, no ten miles awa'. My
counsel tae ye, laddie, is that ye gae an' see yer faither, an'
plead wi' him for tae gie ye a guid name in the waiid by
marryin' yer mither. Ye're a bonny boy, an' ye hae a winsome
face ; he may weel be prood o' ye. If ye gain him, surely yer
mither will no be obstinate for her ain sake, forbye yours.
Ony gate, it's but try in', and it's surely weel worth try in' ; it's
a noble an' a holy endeavour, an' a' guid folk maun pray that
it may succeed ! " And Elspeth kissed the child, and their
tears mingled as the good old Presbyterian woman blessed
330 MEMORIES OF WAR AND PEACE.
him and prayed that Heaven might prosper so worthy an
effort.
Willie, comforted and heartened, would fain have started
on his errand that same afternoon. But this was not to be
thought of. He knew nothing of the road to the Enzie ; he
was quite unequal to so long a journey afoot and alone ; his
sudden absence would alarm his mother.
It was the season of peat-carting from the moss of Forgie,
which is within three miles of the Enzie ; and my suggestion
was that next morning he should accompany the manse carts
to the moss, then go on to Drumfurruch which was visible
from the rnoss, and return therefrom in the afternoon in time
to be carried back on one of the loaded carts. I advised him
that he should not tell his mother of his project, and I
undertook to furnish the schoolmaster with a reason for his
absence.
This programme the resolute little man duly carried out.
He brought back the tidings that he had seen his father, who
had readily and affectionately owned him, had taken him to
his grandfather now bedridden and very old, and had ac-
companied him most of the way back to the moss. But he
had been stern and silent when the child, with piteous sobs
and tears, had besought him to make the son he had owned
an " honest-born " boy, and he had curtly told the little lad
not to appeal to him on that point any more. But Willie,
nevertheless, was not utterly disheartened, for his father had
said that he should look forward to seeing him again. There
was courage and resolution in the little fellow beyond his
years, and Elspeth and I agreed in recommending that he
should repeat his visit to his father occasionally — at all events,
while the peat-carting season lasted.
The father, with each successive visit of his son grew more
and more affectionate, and Willie, as he told us of this, in-
creased in hopefulness of ultimate success. The colour had
come back into the child's face, his head was no longer on his
breast, the glint had returned to the soft blue eyes under the
long lashes. I never saw him so beautiful as on the last
morning he started with the peat-carts. In the gloaming of
THE INSPIRATION OF A GREAT HAPPINESS. 331
that same shortening day the carter came home without him.
He had waited, he said, for some time after the usual hour of
starting homewards. A dense fog, with a heavy flurry of
snow, then set in, and the carter had left in the full belief
that the bitter weather had detained Willie at Drumfurruch
for the night.
This was quite probable ; but, again, it was possible that
the child had been well on his way to the moss before the
weather thickened. So the groom and I started immediately
in the manse gig, intending to drive to Drumfurruch ; keeping
as we went on, a keen look-out along the road and on both
sides of it. We carried blankets and a whisky-flask in case of
need. The road was bad ; the fog and snowdrift thickened,
and so slow was our progress that we were traversing the
moss only in the small hours of the following morning. It
had lightened a little just as we were passing the manse plot
of moss-land, and the sudden idea occurred to me to alight
and glance over that spot. It was a fortunate impulse, for
there, just under the peat-bank, on the sparse fodder left by
the horses, lay WTillie, partially snowed over and asleep. We
promptly wrapped him up warmly and administered restora-
tives. I drove him straight to his mother's cottage, while the
grooin walked on to tell his father of what had happened.
By nightfall Willie was in peril of imminent death from
inflammation of the lungs, and he was all but unconscious for
days. When he came to himself he found his father and
mother bending anxiously over him. A common apprehen-
sion, a common solicitude, had united the dissevered parents.
He rallied under the inspiration of & great happiness, but the
doctor shook his head and talked ominously of rapid wasting
of the lungs. It was not long ere the child knew that he was
doomed ; but he piteously entreated that his parents would
gratify him by enabling him to die, as he pleaded, " an honest-
born boy." The banns of marriage between John McPherson
and Mary Stuart were duly proclaimed on three successive
Sundays for the first, second, and third times. On the fourth
Sunday, which fell on New Year's Day, the couple were made
man and wife by my father in the old barn-like church.
332 MEMORIES OF WAR AND PEACE.
During their absence I was sitting with Willie, whose weakness
and fragility were painfully visible through the hectic flush
of excitement. As his parents, now united in wedlock,
entered the cottage, he started up into a sitting attitude,
and with extraordinary eagerness and extended arms, he
pathetically begged his mother to give him the " marriage-
lines." He devoured the certificate with ardent, hollow eyes,
gave one great panting sigh of gratification, clasped the paper
to his heart with the exclamation, " Oh, faither an' mither,
this is a New Year's gift frae Heaven itsel' ! " and then he
turned his happy, wasted face to the wall Ten minutes later
I touched his forehead. The " honest-born boy " was dead.
XVIII.
SOLDIERS 1 HAVE KNOWN.
Kaiser Wilhelm — Moltke— The Imperial Crown Prince — Prince Frederick
Charles — Bazaine — Ma cMahon — Trochu — Grant - — Sherman — Sheridan —
Lord Kapier of Magdala — Lord Wolseley — Lord Roberts — Sir Evelyn
Wood— Sir Redvers Buller— Sir Herbert Stewart— Sir George Colley —
The Grand Duke Nicholas — Todleben — Skobeleff — Gourko — Osman
Pasha.
THE late summer sunshine was irradiating the broad undu-
lating expanse of the Tempelhoferfeld, the historic
parade-ground of the troops forming the garrison of the capital
city of the German Empire. It was the 1st of September,
the anniversary of the battle of Sedan ; and athwart the
green face of the Tempelhoferfeld were drawn up the long
straight lines of the Prussian Guard Corps, ready for its
inspection by the venerable soldier-monarch to whom, on
the afternoon of Sedan, Napoleon III. sent his sword
and his surrender. The guns of the salute rang out their
greeting as a brilliant cavalcade, gay with plumes and glitter-
ing in gold and silver, cantered on to the parade-ground. At
the head of the cortege, a horse-length out to the front, rode
a square-shouldered white-haired chief, stricken in years,
yet still lusty and stalwart. KAISER WILHELM I. was in his
eighty-first year, yet the glance of the keen blue eye was
undhnmed, his form was erect, and he rode the strong black
charger with strength and skill. Old Marshal Wrangel, of
whom it was said that "he had forgotten to die," had at
length at the age of ninety-four remembered that duty ;
and now the venerable warrior-king was the oldest soldier
of all that Germany the unity of which he had lived to
see accomplished under his sway. What to us was history
were memories with this hale octogenarian ! He could
remember the catastrophe of Jena ; for that stroke befel
334 MEMORIES OF WAR AND PEACE.
Prussia in 1806 and he was then nine years of age. His
latest campaign had been in 1870-71 ; his earliest in 1814,
which he made as aide-de-camp to Bliicher, when old
" Marshal Vorwarts " in the early months of that year
marched his Prussians from the Ehine to the heart of
France, stormed the heights of Montmartre, and occupied
Paris in conjunction with the Russian and Austrian armies.
Four times, so far as I know, Wilhelm met the Napoleon
who surrendered to him at Sedan — the nephew of that
Napoleon who had insulted his mother. The first time
was at the end of the campaign of 1814, when with his
father he visited the Chateau of St. Leu, near Paris, where
Queen Hortense dwelt apart from her husband with her
two boys, the younger of whom lived to be Napoleon III.
The second time was in September, 1861, the year of his
accession, when he paid a visit to the Emperor Napoleon
at Compiegne. During his stay there occurred a military
parade, which Napoleon chose to witness in civilian costume.
To wear uniform when his host was in plain clothes was
impossible ; and so Wilhelm, for the only time in his long
life, had to appear on a parade-ground in a black coat and
a tall hat. Sedan was avenged in anticipation. The third
time was in 1867, the year of the great Paris Exposition,
when he was the guest in the Tuileries of that child of
Hortense who, after a life of strange vicissitudes, was now
the Emperor of the French. The fourth time — and of their
memorable meeting then I was a witness — was on the
morning after the battle of Sedan, when that Emperor
was a prisoner and his throne was crumbling into wreck
Napoleon, familiar already with exile, was to die in exile.
Wilhelm died in the purple, but he too had known exile;
for in the Red Year of 1848 political troubles at home
forced him to take refuge in England for a time ; reputed —
it has long ago seemed incredible — the most unpopular
man in Prussia !
Wilhelm was not a heaven- born general, but he was a
thorough soldier. Brave to recklessness, his staff had
always difficulty in keeping him outside the range of hostile
A GRAND SIMPLE OLD GENTLEMAN. 335
fire, nor were they always successful. He had an aide-de-camp
killed by his side at Konigsgratz. At Gravelotte I saw
him sitting on his horse among the bursting shells ; and later
in the same afternoon belabouring fugitives with the flat
of his sword, while he swore fine racy German oaths at them
for disgracing themselves in a momentary panic. For the
rest he was only a grand simple old gentleman, with a very
soft heart and a very hasty temper. In regard to politics
he did the bidding of Bismarck, and Bismarck often had
very sharp tussles with the sturdy old opinionated Trojan
in the effort to conquer his prejudices or to restrain his
impulses. In his personal life Wilhelm was simplicity itself.
He dined at four o'clock, and the chief joys of his palate
were sauerkraut and lobster salad. His campaigning equip-
ment was almost Spartan in its plainness, and contrasted
curiously with the elaborate train that followed Napoleon
out of Sedan. Of all the family of which he was the head —
a family which in all its ramifications he ruled with a strong
yet kindly hand — his greatest favourites were the wife of
his son, our English Princess Royal, and her eldest son,
who was one day to be himself German Emperor, and who
meanwhile was a hardworking officer in the Imperial Guard.
I saw Wilhelm in the shell-fire of Gravelotte. I witnessed
the greeting between him and the Emperor Napoleon at
the foot of the steps of the Chateau Bellevue on the morn-
ing after the battle of Sedan. I saw him standing on the
dais of the Galerie des Glaces in the Chateau of Versailles,
when, amidst a tempest of cheering, amidst waving of
swords and of banners, he was hailed German Emperor,
as with eyes streaming with tears he received the homage
of princes, dukes, and lords of the Empire. I saw him
on the great day of the triumphal entry into Berlin after
the Franco-German war, as he rode down the Linden
between a double row of captured French cannon. Before
him rode abreast Bismarck, Moltke, and Roon, " the
makers of history ; " behind him the " combined battalion,"
whose ranks were made up of men of every German nation-
ality, escorting the eagles, colours, and standards that had
336 MEMORIES OF WAR AND PEACE.
lately belonged to the French armies. But, to my think-
ing, none of those spectacles vied in human interest \vitli
that presented by the simple cordiality and tenderness of
Wilhelm's home-coining immediately after the ending of the
Franco-German war, the most memorable and most colossal
conflict of the century. Long before the time named for
the arrival of the royal train, the platform of the Potsdamer
railway station was thronged with notabilities. There were
Bismarck in his white cuirassier uniform, and Moltke and
Roon, and other principal personages of the great head-
quarters staff. There was the venerable Marshal Wrangel,
a still older soldier than his venerable sovereign. There, too,
were Vogel von Falkenstein, grim and grey, and old Stein-
metz, come from his distant Posen governorship. Of ladies
and children of the royal house the name was legion. In
a siding opposite the platform, whether by accident or
design, had been shunted a hospital train, from the windows
of which pallid faces looked out on the brilliant scene.
Upon the carriage roofs clustered convalescents ; and a little
squad of fellows maimed at Spicheren and Borny gave
Steimnetz a cheer — old " Immer Vorwarts," as they styled
him ; and so with gossip and endless kindly greetings the
moments of expectancy passed.
At the sound of a distant whistle, from out the waiting-
room stalked Bismarck. Wrangel doffed his plumed helmet ;
a stream of ladies and children followed Bismarck's stalwart
form. In two minutes more a near rumble, and the train
rolled up to the platform. Then rose a mighty shout of
cheering : and there, at the carriage window, stood the
Emperor, looking out on his family and servants. A moment
later, and he was down the steps, and kissing the Dowager
Queen Elizabeth. It seemed as if the women of his race
were mobbing him as they crowded round him for his
kisses, while grandchildren hung about his knees. The
old man was brushing his shaggy eyelashes with the back
of his hand as he struggled through the women-folk about
him. In his path stood " Papa " Wrangel, a beam from
the setting sun flashing on his snow-white hair. The
THE GUSH OF HOMELY AFFECTION. 337
soldier-patriarch raised his hand and tried to utter a wel-
come, but his voice failed him, and the tears rolled down
his face. His master, not less moved, kissed his aged
servant on both cheeks. The two old soldier -comrades
embraced, and Steinmetz's wounded fellows on the carriage
roof cheered the mutual greeting. Then the Emperor grasped
Bismarck by the hand and kissed him too, and old Stein-
inetz as well — forgiven for his waste of men on the slope
over against Gravelotte ; he kissed his way right through
out into the waiting saloon, hand-in-hand with the Empress
who was shedding quiet tears. The scene was like an April
day — showers and sunshine, tears and smiles ; all state and
ceremony were swept away in the gush of homely affection.
When his Majesty had reached the Palace, the cheers of
his Berliners kept him long lingering on its threshold ; over
and over again he had to come out on to the balcony with
the Empress ; and his final appearance was at the accus-
tomed corner window, at which he had shown himself when
the declaration of the war was announced. That war was now
triumphantly finished, and Wilhelm had come home from
his last campaign.
In the forefront of the cortege which Kaiser Wilhelm
headed as he cantered on to the Tempelhofer parade-ground,
rode three men whose names, then as now, were familiar to
the world — Moltke, the Imperial Crown Prince, and Prince
Frederick Charles. MOLTKE was the lean man with the
slight stoop of the shoulders, and the fleshless, strong-lined
face out of which the keen blue eyes looked with quiet
alertness. You might have taken him for a professor of
mathematics, but he was the greatest strategist of the age.
Made Chief of the Prussian General Staff in 1858, there
thenceforward devolved upon him the duty of planning the
successive campaigns in which the Prussian armies were sub-
sequently engaged ; and in which, thanks in great measure
to his strategical genius, they were uniformly successful.
Moltke was a singularly quiet and unostentatious man. It
was quaintly said of him that " he could be silent in seven
w
33S MEMORIES OF WAR AXD PEACE.
languages," and he was nearly as great a linguist as lie
was a strategist. Seated at his desk in Berlin with his
maps and plans on the wall before him, he directed by
telegraph the opening operations of both the Prussian
armies engaged in the invasion of Austria in the summer
of 1866 ; and on the battlefield of Konigsgratz he watched,
with calm assurance of the result, the bloody and desperate
struggle which culminated in the decisive victory his bold
and shrewd strategy had brought about. He was in the
field from the first in the Franco-German campaign of
1870-71 ; and it was intensely interesting to discern how, as
if by intuition, he penetrated the designs of the French
commanders, and had taken measures to thwart them before
the attempts had been begun to carry them out. Moltke's
fighting motto was " Erst wagen, dan wagen " — " First
ponder, then dare " ; and the keynote to his strategy may
bj summed up in his maxim : " Separate for the march,
concentrate for the battle." Frequently he took what seemed
startling liberties with the enemy. Over and over again,
trusting to his own genius, he disregarded what are com-
monly called " the rules of the art of war," and ventured
on operations which, according to those rules, he had no
right to risk. This, no doubt, was simply because he had
taken the measure of the commanders who were his
antagonists, and had recognised their capacity, or rather
their incapacity.
The notion was general that Moltke, Bismarck, and Roon,
the three men who were the chief makers of the German
Empire, were on the most friendly and most intimate terms
with each other. In reality they had by no means mutually
cordial relations. Bismarck had a standing umbrage with
Moltke, because the great strategist was resolute in withhold-
ing from the great statesman the military information which
the latter insisted he ought to share. Moltke has roundly
disclosed in his posthumous book his conviction that Boon's
place as Minister of War was at home in Germany ; and not on
campaign, embarrassing the former's functions. Roon, again,
envied Moltke because of the latter's more elevated military
MESSAGE OF LOVE AXD DUTY. 339
position ; and he disliked Bismarck, because that outspoken
man made light of Roon's capacity. I have happened to
know the headquarters staff of a British army whose members
were on bad terms with each other ; and the result, to put it
mildly, was unsatisfactory. But those three high German
authorities, each with bitterness in his heart against his
fellows, nevertheless co-operated zealously and loyally in the
service of their Sovereign and for the advantage of their
country. Their common patriotism had the mastery in them
over their mutual dislike and jealousy. Arndt's line : " Sein
Vaterland muss grosser sein !" was the watchword of all
three, and dominated their discordances.
Moltke was not a man to spare bloodshed in the accom-
plishment of given ends. In the first month of the campaign
the German losses in killed and wounded were well on to
80,000 men. With him the end justified the means. But the
private life of the iron soldier was worthy and beautiful in all
its relations. He was a man of singularly varied accomplish-
ments, and his tastes were at once simple and refined. He
had no children, but his family affection was full of warmth.
I once saw the tears in his eyes, as I gave him the message of
love and duty entrusted to me by one of his nephews who lay
in danger from a wound received in a forepost skirmish on
the east of Paris. All Germany idolised the quiet, silent,
self-contained soldier-sage, to whom the Fatherland owed so
much. Full of years and honours, he had the euthanasia for
which he had prayed when his time should come.
The IMPERIAL CROWN PRINCE, afterwards, during a short
period of nobly-borne suffering, the Emperor Frederick, was
an imposing and soldierly figure. Never have I seen a face
which expressed more vividly calm serene strength of
command. He looked taller on horseback than he really
was ; and upright, broad-shouldered, and deep-chested, he was
every inch a man. He hated war, yet it was his fate to take
part in three great wars, and to command in several momefi-
tous and bloody battles. He was thoroughly conversant with
the art of war, and there was no readier chief in the field of
w 2
340 MEMORIES OF WAR AND PEACE.
battle. The most urbane of men while no fighting was in
hand, the Prince's manner wholly altered when the bullets were
flying. Then the Hohenzollern temper rose in him ; his lace
flushed ; there was a sparkle in his eye ; he spoke but to
command: and when he had cause to chide, he who was
rebuked did not soon forget the reproof. But he was the
most humane of the fighting race of which he was a member.
Like his father, he thought of the wounded the moment that
the victory was won. Unlike his father, he was always averse
from extreme measures. He held out long against the bom-
bardment of Paris, and his voice was ever in favour of the
introduction into the beleaguered city of medical comforts for
the sick and wounded, and for permitting the exit of helpless
women and children.
The great day of the Crown Prince's life was that
momentous ceremony in the Chateau of Versailles, when
the princes and potentates, of the great Teuton nation
hailed his father with the crowning dignity of that august
historic title, the "German Emperor"; and when the Prince
on bended knee was the first to kiss the hand of his father
and Emperor. The Crown Prince's public life in peace-time
was full of steady usefulness ; his private life was good and
beautiful in every relation. I remember hearing him say that
on campaign there never passed a day on which he did not
write to his wife. In those times they were quite poor,
according to our notions of the appanage of the heir-apparent
to a great throne; and they lived within their modest and
somewhat precarious income. Their Berlin mansion was a
small palace on the Linden ; and any morning when they
were living in the capital one might have met the Prince and
Princess strolling quietly in the avenues of the Thiergarten,
with some of their children walking by their side. She was
as proud of him as he was fond of her ; it was a love match at
the beginning, and it continued to the sad premature ending
of the noble and devoted husband an alliance of tender and
beautiful mutual affection.
PRINCE FREDERICK CHARLES, the nephew of the old
THE DAYBREAK OF GItAVELOTTE. 341
Kaiser, and the cousin on both the father's and the mother's
side of the Imperial Crown Prince, was a man of quite another
stamp from the latter. The Red Prince was a soldier to
the core ; and I question whether he was ever quite happy in
peace-time. And I think that, although he had his faults in
a military sense, yet, take him all in all, he was one of the
greatest soldiers of modern times. He was a very stern and
unlovable man ; his private life was the reverse of creditable ;
and he could be, and indeed generally was, more roughly
ill-bred than any commander with whom I ever had personal
relations. But in the field on campaign there was a certain
bluff good comradeship in his manner, which earned him the
devotion of his soldiers. He was severity itself as regarded
discipline ; he exacted from his men the hardest of hard
work ; but he shared with them their dangers, privations, and
exposure, and they ever followed him and believed in him
with unfaltering and enthusiastic zeal. When condemned to
peace, Prince Frederick Charles employed himself chiefly in
the elaboration of improved methods in the art of man-killing,
and he wrote several works of high authority on this interest-
ing and humane subject. But his joy was to be in the heart
of a great battle. When still young he was a dashing cavalry
officer, and he was severely wounded in a hand-to-hand melee
in the Baden insurrection of 1849, in the somewhat quixotic
effort to storm earthworks at the head of his squadron of
hussars. Diippel, Konigsgratz, Vionville-Mars-la-Tour, Grave-
lotte, Beaune-la-Rolande, Orleans, and Le Mans were among
the great battles which Prince Frederick Charles made
victories for the Prussian arms.
When I think of Prince Frederick Charles, there ever
recurs to my memory the daybreak of Gravelotte. On that
morning he was stirring early to give rendezvous to his corps
commanders that they might receive his instructions as to
the setting of the battle in order. What a subject for a great
painter, this daybreak gathering of the German leaders under
the poplar trees on the highway between Vionville and
Mars-la-Tour, with the Red Prince in the centre, brusque,
curt, and emphatic I Around the group conning over a new
342 MEMORIES OF WAR AND PEACE.
slaughter, lay the ghastly evidences of a past, in the heaps of
the dead of the battle of the 16th of August, still awaiting inter-
ment. Keen-eyed, handsome-faced Prince of Saxony ; puffy,
phlegmatic August of Wiirtemberg ; Alvensleben the aris-
tocrat, with his thin, clear-cut features and bright hawk-eye ;
Yoights-Rhetz, with the keen shrewd look of a lowland Scot ;
Manstein, grim, grey, and determined — these stood in a
roughly denned semi-circle with their horses' heads turned
inwards ; and there addressed them in a few short crisp
sentences, the square upright man on the powerful bay. The
Red Prince let his hand drop on his thigh with an audible
blow, for he was very heavy-handed in every sense, this
stalwart man with the massive hair-clad jaw, the strong, wide
mouth, cruel in its set resoluteness when the features were at
rest, the well-opened piercing eye under the high arched
forehead, broad, square and knotted. A man this, in the
tight red tunic, cast surely by nature in her special mould
for a great military leader. He did not detain his generals
long under the poplar trees. One of them afterwards gave
ine his laconic parting words: — "Your duty is to march
forward, find the enemy, prevent his escape, and fight him
wherever you encounter him ! " And Alvensleben the pious
added in his quiet tones — " In the name of God ! " as the
generals wheeled their horses' heads outwards, and the little
council scattered.
During the siege of Metz one could not but admire how
Prince Frederick Charles threw himself into the comparatively
routine duties of the weary toilsome drudgery with as much
relentless energy as if he had been engaged in a campaign
when every second day furnished a stirring battle. Within a
fortnight after the siege began, he had enclosed Metz in an
environment of field-fortifications against which Bazaine
might beat his head to no purpose. The moment that the
capitulation Avas settled, he was off by forced marches towards
the Loire country, there to combat with and thwart Chanzy and
Aurelles de Paladine. In the deep snow and bitter frost of
that terrible winter, he marched and fought, and fought and
marched again, with a ruthless energy that stimulated the
11 L OWN WITH THE TEAITOR!" 343
reluctant admiration of the world. " If," said a distinguished
neutral soldier in my hearing after the Prince's arduous
success at Le Mans — " if I were called upon to define Prince
Frederick Charles in two words, I should style him a ' dis-
ciplined thunderbolt.' "
I have dwelt over long, I fear, on the principal German
chiefs of the Franco-German campaign ; and my excuse must
be that it was with the German armies I witnessed many
events of that stupendous struggle. With French warriors I
have had but little intercourse, and that only of a.casual kind.
It was the day of the formal capitulation of Metz. A vast
throng of infuriated citizens and of French soldiers not yet
formally surrendered, was fermenting boisterously on the Ban
Saint Martin road, on the opposite side of the Moselle from
the city. Suddenly an open carriage dashed down the road,
scattering the crowd to right and to left. In it sat a short fat
man with a heavy determined face, in the lines of which
it seemed to me that there lurked some scorn. It was
MARSHAL BAZAINE who, having completed the surrender of
the no longer virgin fortress, and of the still formidable
French army which had lain in and around that fortress, was
now on his way to Prince Frederick Charles' headquarters
at Corny, en route for Germany as a prisoner of war. At
the sight of him there rose from the crowd a wild unanimous
yell of execration. " Down with the traitor ! " " Curse him I "
" Kill him ! " were the angry cries ; and infuriates dashed at
the carriage and the horses' heads only to be hustled aside by
the cavalry escort. Bazaine's face never changed or blenched,
and he looked down upon the people who were clamouring
for his blood as if they had been dirt. When again I saw
Bazaine, he was undergoing his trial by court-martial for
treason to France because of his surrender of Metz. He had
not to all seeming a dozen friends in all France, as he stood
there in the great salon of the chateau of the Trianon,
arraigned on a capital charge before a tribunal that could
scarcely dare to acquit him even if he should prove
his innocence; yet he confronted fate here with the
3t4 MEMORIES OF WAR AND PEACE.
same impassive phlegm as he had faced the populace
of Metz.
I never believed in the accusations of treachery hurled
against him so vehemently. I hold Bazaine to have been
a heavy, unenterprising, plodding, fairly honest style of
man, who should indeed have held out longer than he
did, but who believed that in surrendering when he did
he was doing the best possible for France, for his master,
for his army, and perhaps for himself. The court-martial
formally sentenced him to death, but the sentence was
commuted to degradation and imprisonment for lile.^ Ai'ter
a few months' confinement in the fortress of the lie Ste.
Marguerite he effected a not very difficult escape, and when
I saw him last he was living in retirement and poverty
in Madrid. I had subsequently written something in the way
of a vindication of the unfortunate man, as the result of
which I received from him the following letter: —
"Madrid, 2, Callo Argensola, 18th November, 1883.
"Dear Sir,
" I feel that I must express to you my gratitude for your article on
my iniquitous trial. It certainly is very late to attempt to influence public
opinion, purposely prejudiced as it has been by all parties, in order to save
the national vanity, as well as the several responsibilities of the Govern-
ments of the Empire and of that of the National Defence. But truth
always prevails in the end, and your conscientious article should have a
great effect.
" There are many things I could say, not to defend m}*self — my con-
science as General-in-Chief has no reproaches to make to me; but to
enlighten upright men and to open their eyes to their own shortcomings
at that epoch. A scapegoat was searched for, who offered himself up ;
and the French nation, reckoned so generous, relieved itself of all respon-
sibility by transferring it to the head of the soldier, a self - made man,
who having spent forty years of his life in campaigning in the four quarters
of the earth, had no personal friends among the politicians in power ; and
who had no supporters, once the Empire was overthrown and the Republic
took its place. Again thanks, and a hearty clasp of the hand.
" MARSHAL BAZAIXE.
"Mr. A. Forbes."
Twice only did I have speech with the late MARSHAL
MACMAHON ; once soon after the battle of Sedan, when
in the village of Pourru - lea - Bois, in the vicinity of
SOLDIER AND PATRIOT. 345
that place, lie was slowly recovering from the shell wound
Avhich struck him down on the morning of the battle ;
and again the day after the Versaillist army, as it was
called, which he commanded, had carried the ramparts of
Paris and driven the Communard hordes back to tight to
the death along the boulevards, in the narrower cross streets,
and ultimately into the great dead-pit in the cemetery of
Pere-Lachaise. MacMahon, in the Crimea, in Africa, and
in the Italian War of 1859, had achieved a brilliant repu-
tation before the Franco-German War brought doubt on
his capacity in high and quasi-independent command. In
the disastrous expedition which began amid distraction at
Chalons and ended in the wholesale surrender at Sedan,
he was simply obeying political, as contra-distinguished
from military considerations. He went then on the for-
lornest of forlorn hopes. A heaven-born general might
perhaps have snatched success out of the untoward con-
ditions ; but MacMahon lacked the inspiration and failed.
His wound at Sedan was in a sense opportune, for it saved
him from signing the capitulation ; and France to this day
has a sort of half-belief, which is quite unwarranted, that
had he not been struck down that humiliation might have
been averted. So MacMahon retained, or rather indeed
increased his popularity. It was not impaired because he
crushed the Commune with an iron hand, pursuing in
regard to it the ruthless policy of extermination. He, the
servant of an empire whose shallow foundations were laid
in military glory and prestige, was scarcely in place as the
President of a Republic whose motto was utilitarianism;
and he lived out his long life in dignified and unambitious
retirement, with the respect of all who could honour an
honest soldier and a well-intentioned patriot.
GENERAL TROCHU was the mock and gibe of frivolous,
spiteful Paris during the latter part of the long, strange,
weary, exciting months, when that capital was environed
by the German hosts. Trochu and his plan — that plan of
which he was ever talking and which he never was
346 MEMORIES OF WAE AND PEACE.
executing — have been all but forgotten long ago by swift-
living Paris; and it is hardly to be expected that the rest
of the world remembers of him and of it much more
vividly. Yet Trochu was the notable man of surely a
signally notable period. He was Governor of Paris and
Couimander-in Chief of its vast garrison during the long,
memorable siege. And, in spite of his quaint pragmatic ways
and utterances that excited the badinage of the Parisians,
he deserved infinitely better of his country than many
men who have occupied high places in its temple of fame.
When hurriedly despatched from Chalons to his thankless
duty in Paris, he found the capital alike bewildered and
defenceless. Trochu restored calm and hope; and he
organised a defence so efficient that Paris held out for as
many months as the Germans had expected weeks. Not
only did he save the honour of Paris, but he also achieved for
her the attribute of heroism. And because he was simply
a plain, upright man, whose sole aspiration was just to do
his duty unostentatiously and conscientiously,, it is in the
natural course of events that his name has drifted almost
into oblivion. If he had swaggered, struck attitudes, and
perpetrated epigrams, Paris would have raised a statue in
commemoration of his exploits, and would have named
streets after him.
In the spring of 1861 there was living a shabby life in
a dingy town in the American State of Illinois, a middle-
aged man, who to all appearance had got the chance of a
career and had failed to grasp it. An obscure tanner
now, he had been an officer in the regular army of the
United States; but he had left that profession, or rather
it might perhaps be said that profession had left him.
Four years later this obscure tanner of Galena had climbed
to the highest pinnacle of military position and fame. He
had crushed the most colossal and most stubborn rebellion
of modern times. His grateful country had raised him to
a military rank higher than that enjoyed by George
Washington himself. Four years more and he was to fill
A NAS MYTH'S HAMMER. 347
the Presidential chair of the Great Republic. Among all
the strange turns of fortune's wheel, was there ever a
stranger revolution than this ? Luck, or fate, or chance
might have had some small share in the swift, wonderful
mutation; yet no man can truly aver that ULYSSES
SIMPSON GRANT did not fairly earn every step of the mar-
vellously abrupt elevation. Ungifted with the arts to court
popularity, he put his foot in the ladder a friendless man.
— a man, indeed, under a cloud ; and he carved his way
to position and fame by sheer dint of his innate attributes.
And what were those ? A dauntless honesty, a sturdy
common sense, a perfect self-reliance, a will as strong as
fate itself, a total exemption from all inconvenient emotion,
an uncommon faculty of calmly mastering all the bearings
of a situation in the midst of a chaos of distractions, an
indomitable taciturnity, and occasional but opportune flashes
of military inspiration. Grant was not a heaven - born
soldier; of that rare wonder the great American Civil War
produced but one example in the gifted Stonewall Jackson.
Robert Lee was Grant's master in the science of strategy
as in the art of tactics; but Lee lacked certain of the
attributes that went to the making up of Grant's greatness.
Lee had not Grant's imperturbability. Lee was a rapier,
bright, keen, adroit. Grant was a Nasmyth's hammer.
Lee knew when he was beaten ; Grant never would own
himself beaten — and it is strange what surprises of good
fortune come to the man who has this resoluteness of
incredulity. Think of the terrible evening of the battle
of Shiloh ! The Union lines had been driven back, dyeing
the ground with Northern blood at every step; back, in
many places back almost to the very verge of the river.
From the most sanguine, hope of all save disaster had
fled. Buell, arriving at sundown, wasted no words in
questions as to the maintenance of the struggle ; his
queries were solely as to the expedients for retreat. Grant's
calm response was, " I have not given up the idea of
beating them to-morrow." And with the morrow he re-
newed the battle ; ay, and he won it ; and this by sheer
348 MEMORIES OF WAR AND PEACE.
dint of his dogged refusal to own that he was worsted.
Grant's tactics ever were simple; he began the attack, he
persevered in the attack, he conquered by the attack. The
grand stroke that ended the rebellion was the outcome
of one of Grant's rare flashes of inspiration. Sheridan
with his cavalry had been sent out with orders to cut
loose from Grant's main force, and to operate indepen-
dently. But the same evening the inspiration fell upon
Grant; and he sent counter-orders out to Sheridan to
strike the Confederate flank and rear ; for that he, Grant,
"felt like ending the matter this time before going back."
Then Sheridan replied that " He saw his chance were he
to push things." Grant's laconic reply was simply, " Push
things!" And things were so pushed that ten days later
the noble Lee and his gallant remnant of an army had
succumbed to fate; the impassive Grant had accorded to
him and his men terms of magnanimous generosity, and
the Great Rebellion was at an end.
The career of the late GENERAL SHERMAN, Grant's suc-
cessor in the headship of the Army of the United States, was
scarcely less strange than that of his great predecessor. A
graduate of West Point Military Academy, he was sent to
California on military service before the discovery of gold in
that great province. When the golden shower fell on the
Pacific slope, Sherman left the army and took to banking in
San Francisco. He was not entirely a success as a banker.
Then he was a lawyer in Leavenworth, and failed to earn a
living even in this avocation. He could not thrive as a
farmer, and, when Secession loomed close, he had to relinquish
the position he had acquired as principal of a military
academy down in the South. When at length the war-cloud
burst, he was in the service of a tramway company in the city
of St. Louis. In the earlier days of the war Sherman did not
make much head. He dared to prophesy, and he shared the
fate of most true prophets, in that he was scouted as a crazy
lunatic. Ere long he was able to smile at the imputation on
his sanity. He and Thomas helped Grant to win the great
"FROM ATLANTA TO THE SEA." 349
battle of Chattanooga. Then, when Grant was called to the
Eastern theatre of war to take the supreme command of all
the Union forces in the field, he left Sherman in the West to
achieve renown by carving a bloody path from Chattanooga
to Atlanta, and by the comparatively bloodless, but more
sensational, march " from Atlanta to the sea " — from the heart
of Georgia to the Atlantic at Savannah ; thence northwards
through the Carolinas, through the flames and over the ashes
of Columbia, till at length he gave terms at Raleigh to the
last Confederate army that remained in the field. When
Grant was made President, Sherman succeeded him in the
command-in-chief of the army, from which he was super-
annuated a few years before his lamented death. Grant and
Sherman, the opposites of each other in character, yet were
the closest friends. Grant was a silent man ; Sherman was a
witty and voluble man — vivacious, excitable, and, indeed,
electric. For the rest, he was a friendly, unaffected, genial
person, with a quaint dash of cynical humour, and an abiding
conviction, which he frequently expressed to me with great
heartiness, that all war- correspondents ought to be summarily
hanged, and that he, personally, would have no objections to
perform the operation.
The face of the late GENERAL PHILIP SHERIDAN was
emphatically the face of a fighting man. Nor did the face
belie the character, for between May, 1861, and April, 1865,
this trenchant little warrior took part in about seventy battles
and combats, not to speak of minor skirmishes. In that
short period, without interest, without special good fortune,
he had raised himself from the rank of lieutenant to that of
full major-general — he had sprung from the profoundest
obscurity to the highest pinnacle of military fame. When I
first made Sheridan's acquaintance he was watching from the
hill-top of Frenois the battle of Sedan, attached to the head-
quarters staff of the Prussian King in the capacity of Military
Commissioner from the United States. He steadily noted
the crushing repulse of Margueritte's cuirassiers as they
charged headlong to ruin down the slope of Illy ; and when,
3--.0 MEMORIES OF WAR AND PEACE.
closing his glass, he quietly remarked, " It is all over with the
French now!" the members of King Wilhelm's staff shook
him by the hand for the word, for they knesv well it came
from the lips of a past-master in practical warfare.
The story of Sheridan's " Ride from Winchester " has been
told in burning verse, but the stern prose of it is more thrilling
than any lyric can be. Suddenly called from his command
to attend a council of war at Washington, he left his army
camped in a strong position along Cedar Creek in the
• Shenandoah Valley, twenty miles in front of Winchester.
General Early, at the head of a Confederate army, was con-
fronting it at no great distance ; but no battle seemed
imminent; and before his departure Sheridan had taken
careful precaution to make its position safe. On his return
journey from Washington he spent the night in Winchester.
Riding out from that town on the following morning towards
the front, he met fugitives from his beaten army. Galloping
headlong forwards, pressing black " Rienzi " to his utmost
speed, he rallied to hirn the fugitives as he met them. They
were no longer beaten runaways ; he inspired them with the
magnetism of his own enthusiastic heroism; they fell into
order as they rallied and followed their impetuous leader back
at the double to the field of honour. He rode along his
retrieved lines bareheaded, blazing with the ardour of battle ;
and then he led them to the attack like a whirlwind. The
enemy, already plundering in his camp, he assailed and
routed ; he hurled him back across Cedar Creek ; he retook
all his positions, and, not content with this, he pressed the
broken foe with inveterate fury, routed him, horse, foot, and
artillery, and chased him for miles. It was an electrical
exploit, savouring rather of the fighting of the Middle Ages
than of the methodic warfare of modern times. Homer might
have sung the deed, only that it was wrought by a little man
wearing a frock-coat and trousers, and using trenchant modern
oaths instead of Greek polysyllables.
After the great war Sheridan made campaign after
campaign against the Indians of the West and South- West,
until, in course of time, he succeeded Sherman in the
BETTER SOLDIER XEVE& TROD THE EARTH. 351
command-in-chief of the Army of the United States. When
scarcely beyond middle age he died suddenly of heart-mischief,
the malign result of his ceaseless and arduous exertions on
active duty. A few days before his sudden and premature
ending I spent a long evening with him in his pleasant
Washington house, while he gossiped over the tumultuous
war times in a low sott voice that had no note in it of the
battle-field. But, as I watched the strong, earnest face while
he talked, I could discern the flush rising on it and the
sparkle of the eye that told of the stirring of the fighting
spirit. Better soldier than Phil Sheridan never trod the
earth.
Shortly before his lamented death, my father-in-law the
late General Meigs, for many years Quartermaster-General of
the United States Army, sent me a very interesting letter
from General Sheridan to General Grant, in which he gave
his estimate of the German and French troops who fought
under his eye at Gravelotte, Beaumont, and Sedan : —
"In seeing these battles" (wrote Sheridan)," I have had my imagination clipped
of many of the errors it had run into in its conceptions of what might be expected
of the trained troops of Europe. There was about the same percentage of sneaks
and runaways, and the general conditions of the battles were about the same as
were our own in the war between North and South. One thing was especially
noticeable — the scattered condition of the men in going into battle, and their
scattered condition while engaged. At Gravelotte, Beaumont, and Sedan the
men engaged on both sides were so scattered that the affair looked like thousands
of men engaged in a deadly skirmish without any regard to lines of formation.
These battles were of this style of fighting, commencing at long range ; and it
might be called progressive fighting, closing at night by the French always
giving up their positions or being driven from them in this way by the Germans.
The latter had their own strategy up to the Moselle, and it was good and suc-
cessful. After that river was reached, the French made the strategy for the
Germans, and it was more successful than their own.
" The Prussian soldiers are very good brave fellows, all young — scarcely a
man over twenty-seven in the first levies. They had gone into each battle with
the determination to win. It is also especially noticeable that the Prussians
have attacked the French wherever they have found them, be the numbers great
or small ; and, so far as I have been able to see, though the grand tactics of
bringing on the engagements have been good, yet the battles have been won by
the good square fighting of the men and junior officers. It is true that the
Prussians have been two to one, except in one of the battles before Metz
(Vionville-Mars-la-Tour), the battle of 16th August; still the French have had
the advantage of very strong positions. Generally speaking, the French have
not fought well. This may have been because the poor fellows were discouraged
352 MEMORIES OF WAR AND PEACE.
by the trap into which their commander had led them ; but I must confess to
have seen some of the tallest running at Sedan I have ever witnessed; especially
on the left of the French position all attempts to make the men stand seemed
unavailing. So disgraceful was this that it caused the French cavalry to make
three or four gallant but foolish charges ; as it were, to show that there was at
least some manhood left in a mounted French officer.
" I am disgusted. All my boyhood's fancies of the soldiers of the Great
Napoleon have been dissipated, or else the soldiers of the Little Corporal have
lost their elan in the pampered parade-soldiers of the Man of Destiny. The
Prussians will settle, I think, by making the line of the Moselle the German
frontier, taking in Metz and Strasburg, and exacting an indemnity for their war-
expenses. I have been most kindly received by the King and Count Bismarck,
and all the officers of the headquarters of the Prussian Army. I have seen much
of great interest, and especially have been able to observe the differences between
European battles and those of our own country. There is nothing to be learned
here professionally, and it is a satisfaction to learn that such is the case. There
is much, however, that Europeans could learn from us : the use of rifle-pits, the
use of cavalry, which they do not employ to advantage ; and, for instance, there
is a line of communication from here [Sedan] to Germany, exposed to the whole
south of France, with scarcely a soldier on the whole line, and it has never been
molested. There are a hundred things in which they are behind us. The staff
departments are very poorly organised ; the Quartermaster's Department
specially wretched, etc. etc.
" Your obedient servant,
" P. H. SHERIDAN, Lieutenant- General.
" GENERAL GRANT, Washington."
Nearly seventy years ago the late LORD NAPIER OF
MAGDALA went out to India a stripling, friendless cadet,
with his sword for his fortune ; and the good weapon served
him well, although he had no opportunity of using it until
he had served for nineteen years. Nor did promotion come
to him very promptly, for he was only a colonel thirty-five
years after receiving his first commission as second lieutenant
in the Bengal Engineers. But once he drew his sword on
the afternoon of Moodkee, the scabbard knew it thenceforth
only occasionally. He fought all through the Sutlej cam-
paign at Moodkee, Ferozeshah, and Sobraon ; in the Punjaub
war he was wounded — he was always being wounded — at the
siege of Mooltan ; and he was in the thick of the fighting
at the decisive battle of Goojerat. He rode and fought with
Havelock and Outram on that heroic enterprise, the first
relief of Lucknow. The rebel Sepoys might well execrate
his name, for his skill as an engineer opened for stout old
STEADFAST CAREFUL SOLDIERHOOD. 333
Colin Campbell his conquering way into the heart of the
great stronghold of the Kaiserbagh. He commanded Avith
skill and vigour a brigade under Sir Hugh Rose in that
chief's swift, ruthless campaign in Central India. He was
Sir Hope Grant's second in command in the expedition to
China in 1859, and was hit five times at the storming of the
Taku forts. Then, eight years later, his great opportunity
came to him as the organiser and commander of the Abys-
sinian expedition. As regarded mere fighting, that was not
a very stupendous affair ; but it was perhaps the neatest and
cleanest piece of military work Britain had accomplished
since the days of the Peninsular War ; and the chief credit
of it belonged to the sagacious and painstaking leader who
left nothing to chance, and who was strong enough to have
his own way in everything. It was in Abyssinia that Napier
earned his peerage ; and he had acquired so good a repute
for steadfast careful soldierhood, that when in 1878 war
between England and Russia seemed inevitable, he was named
for the command of the British army whose services for-
tunately were not actively required. Lord Napier was in
chief command of the great peace manoauvres on the plains
near Delhi, at which the Prince of Wales was present in the
course of his Indian tour. On the first day of the operations
I saw his collar-bone broken by his charger falling under
him ; but the staunch old warrior was up and in the saddle
again immediately, kept it throughout the day, and for
the week during which the sham campaign lasted, never
went sick an hour ; but wore his uniform and rode his horse
with no trace of the accident save that his arm was in a
sling. They somehow don't make men nowadays like
modest, sterling, genial old Lord Napier of Magdala !
In a work called " The Soldier's Pocket-Book," which
although now somewhat obsolete, is still deservedly highly
appreciated in the British Army, the author genially
refers to the profession of which I have had the honour
to be a humble member, as " the curse of modern armies — I
mean war-correspondents " ; and again he writes : " Travel
x
354 MEMORIES OF WAR AND PEACE.
ling gentlemen, newspaper correspondents, and all that
race of drones, are an encumbrance to an army ; they eat
the rations of fighting men, and they do no work at all."
This is not the place to discuss the question whether the
harm which the war-correspondent may do, is counter-
balanced or^not by the useful ends which his presence with
an army in the field equally unquestionably may subserve.
I am not sure that the point is one upon which I have quite
succeeded in making up my own mind. But, at all events,
my mind is fully made up as regards this, that there is
some inconsistency in writing slightingly and opprobrionsly
of a profession, and at the same time in making assiduous
endeavour to be well-spoken of by that profession. For-
tunately war-correspondents are for the most part men who
bear no malice, and who are too catholic in their readiness
to recognise merit where it exists to allow any personal
feeling to rankle in their bosoms. Further, they are phi-
losophers, and when they find a man who has abused them
vehemently in print, nevertheless sedulously anxious to have
them with him, and to afford them every opportunity to
recognise and promulgate his merits, why, they smile good-
humouredly, and are quite content to allow the hatchet
to lie buried.
The author of " The Soldier's Pocket-Book," I proceed to
observe, is FIELD-MARSHAL LORD WOLSELEY. Lord Wolseley
is a man of whom it has been the habit on the part of those
who do not like him to say that he has had exceptionally
good luck Well, he has had some good luck ; and on the
other hand he has had not a iittle bad luck. But for the
latter, he might have had the supreme command of the latest
operations in Afghanistan, or might have conducted the
Zulu campaign instead of merely cleaning up after Lord
Chehnsford. But what good luck has befallen him — the
charge of the Red River expedition, the conduct of the
Ashantee expedition, and the leadership of the Egyptian
campaign (I say nothing of his Transvaal experiences nor
of the Nile expedition) — he has proved himself thoroughly
worthy of. Success in all those affairs demanded fertility
INTUITIVE DISCERNMENT OF CHARACTER. 355
of resource, strength, of purpose, self-reliance, and adminis-
trative skill. All those attributes belong to Lord Wolseley,
and it was in virtue of them that he achieved success. For
example, from the landing of the Ashantee expedition on
the pestilential shore of the Gold Coast till the day he led
his troops back victorious from Coornassie, Wolseley was the
heart and soul of the enterprise, its moving and master
spirit, its strong backbone. He never faltered or lost his
head when repeated hindrances threatened to baulk him;
harassed by a depressing and almost deadly climate, his
buoyant courage never deserted him.
It has been said of Lord Wolseley by his detractors that
he is self-reliant to a fault, but it is to be observed that those
who thoroughly believe in themselves have a strong tendency
to make others believe in them also ; and Lord Wolseley 's
frank self-reliance and self-confidence have ever reacted
favourably on all around him. He is an almost ruthlessly
practical man ; he has risen superior to pipeclay, and has
dared to despise red-tape. Very much of Lord Wolseley's
success has been due to his faculty of intuitive discernment
of character. With this skill in selection for his guide
he gathered around him a band of devoted adherents, in
each one of whom he recognised some special and par-
ticular attribute of which when the occasion occurred he
made astute and purposeful use. The " Wolseley Gang," as
I have heard this following called by angry outsiders, were
not by any means one and all men of exceptional general
military capacity. Some of them, indeed, might have been
called dull men. But never a one of them but had his
speciality. You might wonder what Lord Wolseley saw in
this man and that that he had them always with him. If you
watched events long enough, time would furnish you with
the answer and justify the Chief's insight into individual
character. His coterie of adherents he was ever on the
alert to recruit without regard, for the most part, to interest
or position, and acting simply on his perception of character.
And he has constantly and exclusively employed his own
men, arguing with great force and good reason, that what
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356 MEMORIES OF WAE AND PEACE.
may be set him to do he can accomplish more efficiently and
smoothly with instruments whom he has proven, and between
whom and himself there is a mutual familiarity of methods,
rather than with new and unaccustomed men, of whom, how-
ever good, he has had no experience. It remains to be
proved — it may probably never be proved — whether Lord
Wolseley has the capacity for successfully conducting war
on the grand scale, with skilled experienced commanders and
trained civilised troops for his antagonists. His record, say
his detractors, scarcely warrants the repute in which we,
his countrymen, hold him. Be this as it may, his record
is a record of almost unvarying success. He has been set
to do almost nothing that he has not done, neatly, cleanly,
adroitly, and without apparent strain. It seems no unfair
deduction from that past to which he has been so often
equal, that Lord Wolseley is likely to prove equal to any
future that may come to him.
It happened to me to be engaged in journalistic duty in
Tirhoot, a vast district of northern Bengal, during a famine
which was ravaging that region in the winter of 1873-74. It
soon became apparent to me that the relief operations were
being skilfully conducted by a functionary who must be
drawing on his military experiences ; and presently I had the
honour of being introduced to a brisk, dapper little man,
whom I soon learned to admire as Colonel Frederick Roberts,
then Deputy-Quartermaster-General of our Indian army ; and
who is now FIELD-MARSHAL LORD ROBERTS, at home here among
us after long and brilliant service as Commander-in-Chief
of her Majesty's forces hi India. Roberts — he was then, and
probably still is, familiarly known all over India as " Bobs " —
had seen no small amount of fighting before I had the
good fortune to meet him. He had distinguished himself
greatly in the siege of Delhi ; he had won the Victoria Cross
by a feat of brilliant gallantry later in the mutiny ; and he
had done fine service all through that bloody, tumultuous
time. He had been with Chamberlain in the heart of the
hard fighting in the Umbeyla campaign, and won his C.B. in
THAT LONG, SWIFT, PEEILOUS MARCH. 357
the Lushai expedition ; and he had so distinguished himself
under Napier in Abyssinia that that chief had sent him home
with the despatches announcing his crowning success. Still
there was something of a growl among the sticklers for
seniority when Roberts, at the outbreak of the Afghan War in
the beginning of the winter of 1878, got the independent
command of one of the columns of invasion ; for, although as
quartermaster-general he held the local and temporary rank
of major-general, his substantive rank was simply that of
major in the Bengal Artillery. But Roberts soon proved
himself abundantly equal to the occasion. His capture of the
Afghan position on the Peiwar Kotal was as brilliant in
execution as skilful and daring in conception. And after the
gallant Cavagnari was treacherously slain in Cabul, Roberts's
avenging march on that capital was prompt, dashing, and
successful.
The nation at large, and India in particular, had already
grown proud of Roberts as not less a fine commander than
a valiant soldier, when the chance came to him to make
for himself a world-wide reputation. It was a moment of
imminent peril and intense anxiety. An Anglo-Indian army
had been defeated and crushed at Maiwand, a few marches
west of Candahar. The safety of that place, the capital of
southern Afghanistan, was in grave hazard ; the British
prestige and supremacy all over Afghanistan were trembling
in the balance. Stewart and Roberts at Cabul, three hundred
miles from Maiwand and Candahar, realised that it was only
from Cabul that the blow of relief and retribution could be
struck. So Roberts started on that long, swift, perilous
march, the suspense as to the issue of which grew and
swelled until the strain became intense. For the days
passed, and there came no news of Roberts and of the 10,000
men with whom the wise, daring little chief had cut loose
from any base, and struck for his goal through a region
teeming with enemies. The pessimists held him to be
marching on ruin. The Afghans, said they, inspired by their
success at Maiwand and strengthened by hordes of hill-men,
would dog every step he took and finally mob him in the
353 MEMORIES OF WAR AND PEACE.
open. If not to the sword, surely he would fall a prey to
famine, for Candahar was thirty marches distant from Cabnl
not counting rest-days, and Roberts had marched out with
supplies that would last him barely a week. But Roberts
knew the country, knew himself, knew the gallant men whom
he commanded, and knew the enemy he might have to
confront. He marched light ; he li ved on what the country
supplied ; he gave his enemies no time to concentrate against
him. And lo ! two days in advance of the time he had set
himself he had relieved Candahar, he had shattered into
wreck the Afghan army which had been threatening it, and
had made his name famous among the nations.
There must be few Britons who are not familiar with SIR
EVELYN WOOD'S achievements ; how, for instance, at Kambula
he held his own with a handful against many thousands of
brave Zulu warriors. A singular combination of the suaviter
in modo with the fortiter in re, Wood's soldiers have ever
loved and respected him with an almost unique personal
fidelity. Of a compact and nervous build, a man somewhat
under the middle size, his body is seamed with wounds ; yet
he can endure fatigue and privation with the toughest.
There is command in the clear blue eye ; the sweetness of his
smile goes to your heart, and stays there. A man of singular
modesty, it is not from himself that one can hear a word of
Wood's conduct under fire. But when I first visited his
camp in Zululand, some of his soldiers took me up on to the
bare ridge of Kambula, where, out in the open, up against the
sky-line, he stood directing the fighting, while the Zulu
attacks surged in front and on flanks, and while a storm of
bullets whistled about him. Wood has been a fighting-man
from his boyhood. He received his first wound when a
midshipman in a battery in front of Sevastopol. Then he
went into cavalry; and in the Mutiny time he won the
Victoria Gross in command of a corps of wild irregular
horsemen which he had himself recruited. He fought in
China, and a little campaign all to himself in Africa with
Lord Wolseley. As poor Colley's successor on the border of
" YOU-BE-DAMNED-NESS." 359
the Transvaal, he proved himself as wise in council as he
had shown himself valiant in war. A many-sided man, he
found time in an interval of peace to become a barrister ; he
was the most purposeful, the most thorough, and the most
unresting divisional commander that Aldershot has ever
known ; he is habitually at the War Office from 9 a.m. to
5 p.m. ; he is in the first flight in the hunting field ; and he
has published a volume of Crimean reminiscences which is
more enthralling than any fiction. A veteran of many wars,
Evelyn Wood, now serving as Quartermaster- General, is
among the foremost military figures of our nation.
A yet more notable commander than Sir Evelyn Wood is
his friend and comrade, SIR REDVERS BULLER. Like Wood,
Buller was one of Lord Wolseley's men. He took service first
under that able leader in the Red River expedition, was with
him in Ashantee, served under him throughout the Zulu War,
served with him in the Egyptian campaign, and was his
chief-of-staff in the Nile expedition. When I first visited
Wood's camp in Zululand, I found Buller there in command
of some 800 volunteer irregular horsemen — or perhaps rather
mounted infantry ; a strange, wild, heterogeneous band, whom
Buller held in sternest discipline, and made do wonders in.
fighting and inarching, by sheer force of character. A
stern-tempered, ruthless, saturnine man, with the gift of
grim silence not less than a gift of curt, forcible expression on
occasion, Buller ruled those desperadoes with a rod of iron.
Yet, while they feared him, they had a sort of dog- like love
for him. Buller's advancement has been exceptionally rapid ;
but almost every step of rank he gained in face of the enemy,
just as he won the Victoria Cross by a sequence of deeds
of all but unique heroism. Routine men grumbled that
Wolseley should have sent him out to the eastern Soudan to
command a brigade in Sir Gerald Graham's first short
expedition. Amply did Buller vindicate the choice. It is
not too much to aver that by his cool, skilful handling of his
brigade in the crisis of the fight of Tamai he averted a
disaster that but for his conduct was inevitable, retrieved the
360 MEMORIES OF \VAH AND PEACE.
all but desperate situation, and buttressed the tottering
fortunes of the British arms. Again, later, on the Nile, it was
he who with characteristic abruptness snatched the dishevelled
remnant of the column which he found at Gubat out of the
very jaws of imminent peril, and reconducted it, with a cool
promptitude that was all his own, back into a region of com-
parative safety. He shares with the Duke of Devonshire the
by no means unserviceable attribute of " you-be-damned-ness."
I have watched Redvers Buller's career with the closest
attention and the profoundest admiration, I regard him as
the strongest soldier of the British army to-day; and if he
remains in the service and there be hot work again in our
time, I predict for Buller a great fighting career.
It is not possible for me to write without emotion of
poor SIR HERBERT STEWART, for we two had been close
friends ever since we lived together in the same tent on
the Zululand veldt. That was in 1879 ; Stewart was then
a simple cavalry captain with little expectation of speedy
or rapid promotion. Before the life had gone out of him
by the wells of Jakdul, he knew that the Queen had pro-
moted a colonel of scarce two years' standing to the rank
of major-general for distinguished service in the field.
But the honour came, alas ! to a man who in performing
that service had got his death hurt ; and we had lost at
the premature age of forty-one a soldier who if he had
been spared would have covered himself with yet more
glory. I count among my treasured souvenirs the last letter
I received from him, just before he inarched from Dongola
to Korti. It thus concludes : — " If with 1,500 as good
soldiers as ever breathed I cannot do something creditable
o
to them and to me should the chance offer, then, old
friend, I give you full permission to invest in the heaviest
procurable pair of boots to kick me wherewithal when I
return to England."
Stewart had been a staunch Wolseleyite ever since the
Transvaal; and another of .Lord Wolseley's adherents was
NOT A GREAT GENERAL. 3'J1
SIR GEORGE COLLET, who met a soldier's death on the
Majuba Hill on the 27th February, 1881. Colley was an
officer of wide experience and great ability. I knew him
well, and because of what I had seen of him I should
have named caution as one of his principal attributes. But
had this been so he probably would have been alive now.
Indeed, had he cared greatly to live, I do not think he
need have died Some day, perhaps, the true story of that
strange futile campaign in which Colley met his fate may
come to be written.
Not less than . the Hohenzollerns of Prussia, are the
Romanoffs, the Imperial family of Russia, a fighting race.
Of that family, besides its then existing head the Emperor
Alexander II., no fewer than twelve members took part in
the Russo-Turkish War, occupying positions from Com-
mander-in-Chief to Captain on the Staff! The GRANTD
DUKE NICHOLAS, a younger brother of Alexander II., had
the command-in-chief of the Russian forces in Europe.
Nicholas was a fine soldierly chief, but not a great general.
He was the heartiest and. bluntest of soldier-men when in
a good humour; when in the opposite temper he exem-
plified graphically the adage — " Scratch the Russian and
you will find the Tartar." He had his settled likes and
dislikes ; I suppose that I ranked among the former, for
" Monseigneur " was always civil enough to me, and occa-
sionally curiously frank. When I rode into the Imperial
headquarters at Gorni Studen with the earliest tidings of
the desperate struggle in the Schipka Pass, the Emperor
sent me across the valley to his brother the Grard Duke
to repeat to the latter the intelligence which I had
brought to him. The Grand Duke asked me what I
thought of the situation I had left behind me on the
Schipka. I replied that in my humble opinion the safety
of that important position could not be assured, unless
a whole army - corps were permanently allotted for its
defence. " An army-corps ! " cried the Grand Duke, as he
tossed down a glass of wine — " Good God, what is the use
362 MEMORIES OF WAR AXD PEACE.
of talking of an army-corps when I don't know where to
find a spare battalion!" Nicholas was recklessly out-
spoken ; but he was a strong man who would enforce the
line of action he regarded as most advantageous. It was
he who, backed only by Skobeleff and Gourko, insisted on
the winter crossing of the Balkans after the fall of Plevna,
and so converted a virtual failure into a remarkable
triumph. Nicholas would have gone further if he had got
his own way; he 'would have occupied Constantinople,
and the occupation of Constantinople must have brought
about war between England and Russia. But the Grand
Duke loyally obeyed the injunctions of the Tzar that he
should refrain from this extremity ; and so, but by a hair's-
breadth, was averted a conflict so much to be deplored.
After the war the Grand Duke Nicholas fell into disgrace
on account of his peculations. So discreditable a discovery
was not to be allowed official promulgation. The inquiry
was quashed, the court engaged in the investigations was
dissolved, and the Grand Duke was ordered to retire to
his estates hi the country, where for the most part he
lived in seclusion until his death.
When Russia was at her wits' end how to reduce the
Plevna fortifications, so sublimely defended by Osman Pasha
and his gallant, stubborn Turks, she fell back on an old
soldier who had served her right well in a long-gone-by
campaign. It was GENERAL TODLEBEN'S skilful and ener-
getic exertions in the defence of Sevastopol that had kept
English and French soldiers for so many long weary
months toiling, fighting, and dying in front of that
fortress. He had been summoned to the seat of war in
Bulgaria in the autumn of 1877. so hurriedly that he
arrived in Bucharest with a single aide-de-camp, and was
destitute of any provision for taking the field. Bucharest
had been so depleted of horseflesh that he found himself
unable to obtain even a single charger up to his weight.
I happened to be in Bucharest for a few hours during
Todleben's short stay there, and I was the possessor of a
TODLEBEN AND THE BIG GREY. 363
powerful grey stallion which was a very disagreeable mount
and took a great deal of riding. He was bucking, rearing,
and generally " playing up " along the Podo-Mogosoi, when
General Todleben hailed me and asked me whether I
would sell the horse. I ventured to observe that he was
rather a handful for rne, and certainly scarcely an elderly
gentleman's horse ; but Todleben insisted on trying him,
and to my surprise and, I confess, relief, an hour later
he rode the big grey into the courtyard of Brofft's Hotel,
on excellent terms with the animal. The circumstance
that the general was some four stone heavier than I, no
doubt weighed with the grey. He promptly changed
hands, and General Todleben did me the honour to desire
that I should dine with him the same evening. It passed
only too quickly, for the general's conversation was full
of varied interest, and I could have listened to him for a
week on end. He asked with great solicitude after Mr. —
now Sir — William Howard Russell of the Times, with whom
of old, he said, he had had sundry controversies which he
was sure did not at all interfere with their mutual friendly
relations. Next morning Todleben started for Plevna on
the big grey, which traversed Bucharest mostly on his
hind legs. Todleben was a singularly handsome and stal-
wart man, exceptionally young-looking for his years. In
Sevastopol he had to resist a siege ; now, before Plevna,
he had the converse duty of conducting a siege. He
promptly seized and recognised the situation, adopting the
policy of refraining from all further offensive, and of that
slow, sure, scientific starvation which was inevitably suc-
cessful in the end.
SKOBELEFF, take him all in all, was the most remarkable
man I have ever known. We lived in considerable intimacy
during the earlier days of the Russo-Turkish campaign,
and in my haste I set Skobeleff down as a genial, brilliant,
dashing — lunatic. Presently I came to realise that there
was abundant method of a sort in the superficially seeming
madness ; and I ended in holding, as I still hold, that
364 MEMORIES OF WAR AND PEACE.
Skobeleff came nearer being the heaven-born soldier and
inspired leader of men than any chief of whom I have had
personal, cognisance. I have seen him do many things
which, on the face of them, looked mad enough and to
spare. I have seen him swim the brimming Danube
on horseback with his handful of personal escort at his
back. I have seen him go into half a dozen actions wear-
ing a white coat and riding a white charger. I have seen
him, apparently quite wantonly and needlessly, stand alone
for an hour at a time under a heavy fire. All this looks like
a species of madness ; but it was simply intense, if reckless,
devotion to a purpose — that purpose being to gain prestige,
to instil his soldiers with confidence to follow wherever
he should lead, to inspire them with daring by the force of
his own example. I remember Skobeleff on the morning
of the crossing of the Danube. General Dragomiroff, who
commanded, had never been tinder fire before, and was not
sure whether it would be wise to land in the face of the
Turkish force which was firing on us from the bank and
slopes above. He asked advice of Skobeleff. " Attack with-
out delay and let me lead ! " was that officer's curt reply ;
and away he went up the steep slope at the head of a
torrent of men. In the July attempt on Plevna, Skobeleff
forced his way with the handful of soldiers which he com-
manded right up to the environs of the town ; and wrhen
Schahoffskoy was crushed, his skilful diversion saved that
general from utter annihilation. It was his audacious but
skilful bravery that drove the Turks out of Loftcha, and
gave to the Russians that important place of arms. In the
September assaults on Plevna he commanded the extreme
left wing of the Russian army, when he made that series
of desperate onsets which has gone into history as the
hardest fighting of modern times. In obeying his orders
and trying to accomplish all but impossibilities, he lost
nearly one-half of his command and made good a name
for all but fabulous bravery. The soldiers said of him that
they would rather fight and die under Skobeleff than fight
and live under another general. There is nothing in war-
"A PICTURE OF BATTLE." 365
correspondence more luridly vivid than poor MacGahan's
description of Skobeleff as he returned from that two days'
deadly paroxysm of strife, foiled of success because denied
reinforcements: — "He was in a fearful state of excitement
and fury. His uniform was covered with mud and blood ;
his sword broken, his Cross of St. George twisted round
on his shoulder. His face was black with powder and
smoke ; his eyes were haggard and bloodshot, and his voice
was quite gone. He spoke in a hoarse whisper. I never
saw such a picture of battle as he presented."
From first to last of the Russo-Turkish War Skobeleff
was its most shining figure. His bravery and his personal
recklessness were not more conspicuous than the assiduous
care which he bestowed on his men, in marked contrast to
the conduct of other commanders in this respect. Skobeleff
had a very comic father, an old gentleman of the now obsolete
school of officers, who commanded a combined division of
mounted Cossacks. When riding to the telegraph wire after
the passage of the Danube, I met Skobeleff senior at the
head of his division, jogging on towards Simnitza. I was able
to tell him of the safety and conspicuous valour of his son.
He deliberately dismounted, kissed me on both cheeks,
hugged me vehemently, excoriating the back of my neck
with a huge diamond he wore on his thumb, wept aloud, and
finally blew his nose copiously on my moustache. He and
his son were always having droll quarrels about financial
affairs. The old gentleman was rather a miser; Skobeleff
junior was a reckless spendthrift. So long as the father
ranked his son, the latter had to take what the father chose
to give him. But by-and-by young Skobeleff became a
lieutenant-general while his father remained a major-general ;
and then the old man was at the mercy of his son, who
compelled him to furnish him with money, with half-comic,
half-serious threats of putting his parent under arrest unless
he opened his purse. Once the son actually did put his
father under arrest, on the pretext that the old gentleman
had the impertinence to report himself in undress instead of
full uniform ; and he held his parent in that ignominious
366 MEMORIES OF WAR AND PEACE.
condition until, with tears and sobs, Skobeleff senior produced
an adequate amount of rouble notes. But there was no real
ill-will between the father and the son ; the father had a great
simple pride in his heroic son, and the son loved his father
very dearly.
Skobeleff, at the premature age of thirty-six, died a
wretched death, the incidents of which cannot be told. Had
he lived, and been wise, there was no future to which he
would not have been equal.
GENERAL GOURKO, though not so striking a military figure
as Skobeleff, attained a well-deserved reputation in the Russo-
Turkish War. He it was who, immediately after the crossing
of the Danube, headed an adventurous raid across the Balkans
into Roumelia, which, had the Russians been in position
promptly to support him, would probably soon have ended
the business. After the fall of Plevna he led 80,000 men
across the Balkans a second time, in weather so cruel that he
actually lost many more men from frost than by the bullet.
It was a stupendous march, and in accomplishing it he
achieved what the world had believed impossible. Gourko
fought as stoutly as he marched swiftly, and he displayed
great tactical skill in the disposition of his forces. Personally,
in war time he was a cold, stiff, saturnine man who regarded
his men as mere machines, and who failed, therefore, to
inspire them with any personal warmth of feeling towards
him, although they thoroughly believed in him as a
commander.
I had some experience in the Servian war of 1876 how
hard a fighter was OSMAN PASHA, the heroic defender of
Plevna, a year before his name had reached to the ends of the
earth as the man who for five long months defied from
behind his earthworks the whole strength of the Muscovite
empire. Strangely enough that position of his at Plevna was
all chance — a mere fluke. In the earlier days of July he had
left the up-stream fortress of Widdin with some 15,000 men,
on the mission of succouring Nicopolis, a Turkish fortress
A WILD-CAT FURIOUS SORTIE. 367
threatened by the Russians. He learned that Nicopolis was
already taken by the enemy ; so he bent inwards to Plevna
and proceeded to entrench himself there. With the intuitive
eye of a tine soldier, he discerned how the Plevna position
loomed on the Hank of the Russian main line of advance
tOAvards the Balkans, and how important it was to hold on to
it with tooth and nail. A Russian force attacked him before
he had begun his spade work. That force he summarily
smashed and went on building earthworks. On the last day
of July Schahoffskoy and Krlidener struck at him again with
all their might, only to be driven back with the loss of more
than a third of their strength. Still he went on digging and
building earthworks. In September the Russians attempted
the enterprise yet once again, this time more systematically
and in immensely greater force They rained on him a storm
of missiles from their great siege guns for five long days and
nights. Osrnan, under cover of his earthworks, took no more
heed of the shell-fire than if it had been a display of fireworks.
On the sixth day they assailed his positions furiously with
80,000 men. Osrnan was ready for them; he slew them in
thousands and tens of thousands, and sent them reeling back
upon their supports. Then the Russians realised that they
had endured enough of fighting with this masterful indomit-
able Turk and his stubborn army of 45,000 men. So they set
themselves systematically to starve him into surrender,
suspending meanwhile all other operations. Not till three
months later, when hunger and sickness were eating out the
hearts of his gallant soldiers, did Osman relinquish his hold
of the positions which he had defended so stoutly in accord-
ance with his orders. And even then, there still remained
fight in the obstinate Moslem. Not, like Bazaine, would he
tamely surrender in his trenches ; he would strike one last
fierce blow for extrication from the toils which had been
woven around him. It was a wild-cat furious sortie that the
Turks made on the serried Russian lines on the snowy morn-
ing of December 10th— a sortie that cut through rank after
rank and filled the ground with dead and dying. Osman,
blazing at its head, received the wound of honour ; and then
368 MEMORIES OF WAR AXD PEACE.
came the end. He surrendered to brave antagonists, who
chivalrously admired the indomitable gallantry he had dis-
played. I had speech with him in Bucharest, when on his
way to captivity in Russia. "I did my best," was all the
comment this noble warrior would make on his historic
defence. If Turkey had owned two Osmans that autumn of
bloodshed, the Russians never would have crossed the
Balkans !
THE END
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