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Mesquakie (Fox) Material Culture: 
The William Jones and 
Frederick Starr Collections 

James W. VanStone 

May 29, 1998 
Publication 1492 


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Croat, T. B. 1978. Flora of Barro Colorado Island. Stanford University Press, Stanford, Calif., 943 pp. 

Grubb, P. J., J. R. Lloyd, and T. D. Pennington. 1963. A comparison of montane and lowland rain forest in 
Ecuador. I. The forest structure, physiognomy, and floristics. Journal of Ecology, 51: 567-601. 

Langdon, E. J. M. 1979. Yage among the Siona: Cultural patterns in visions, pp. 63-80. In Browman, D. L., 
and R. A. Schwarz, eds., Spirits, Shamans, and Stars. Mouton Publishers, The Hague, Netherlands. 

Murra, J. 1946. The historic tribes of Ecuador, pp. 785-821. In Steward, J. H., ed., Handbook of South 
American Indians. Vol. 2, The Andean Civilizations. Bulletin 143, Bureau of American Ethnology, 
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Mesquakie (Fox) Material Culture: 
The William Jones and 
Frederick Starr Collections 

James W. VanStone 

Curator Emeritus 
Department of Anthropology 
Field Museum of Natural History 
Roosevelt Road at Lake Shore Drive 
Chicago, Illinois 60605-2496 


JUL 6 1998 

Accepted December 10, 1997 UNIVERSITY OP 

Published May 29, 1998 URBANA-CHA iMPalr* 5 

Publication 1492 *** 


© 1998 Field Museum of Natural History 

ISSN 0071-4739 


no. 30 

Table of Contents 

Abstract 1 

I. Introduction 1 

The Mesquakie 1 

William Jones and Frederick Starr, 

Collectors 4 

II. Collections 6 

Hunting and Fishing 7 

Tools 7 

Transportation 8 

Household Equipment 9 

Clothing 17 

Personal Adornment 20 

Ceremonial Equipment 21 

Games and Toys 23 

Miscellaneous Beadwork 25 

Raw Materials and Plant Speci- 
mens 26 

III. Conclusions 26 

Acknowledgments 29 

Literature Cited 29 

Appendix 1 31 

Appendix 2 34 

List of Illustrations 

1. Mesquakie dwellings 2 

2. Mesquakie mat-covered lodges 2 

3. Map of the western Great Lakes 3 

4. Bow, arrows 35 

5. Needles, beaming tools, glue stick, 
bowstring, wrist protector, perforated 
scapula 35 

6. Bellows, model fire drills 36 

7. Fire drill 36 

8. Fire drill 37 

9. Pack saddles 37 

10. Toy dugout canoe, quirts 38 

1 1 . Pack bag with strap 39 

12. Bowls 40 

13. Stirrers, bowls, ladle 41 

14. Bowl 41 

15. Ladles 42 

16. Mortar and pestle 42 

17. Unfinished fiber bags 43 

18. Woven fiber bags, woven fiber pouch, 
woven fiber wallet 43 

19. Woven fiber bag 44 

20. Woven fiber bag 44 

2 1 . Woven wool/fiber bag 45 

22. Woven wool/fiber bag 45 

23. Woven wool bag 46 

24. Woven wool bag 46 

25. Woven wool bag 47 

26. Woven wool bag 48 

27. Woven wool/yarn/commercial twine 

bag 49 

28. Woven wool/yarn/commercial twine 

bag 49 

29. Woven wool/yarn/commercial twine 

bag 50 

30. Woven wool/yarn/commercial twine 

bag 51 

31. Woven yarn bag 52 

32. Woven yarn bag 52 

33. Woven yarn/commercial twine bag 53 

34. Woven yarn/commerical twine bag 53 

35. Woven wool/yarn bag 54 

36. Woven wool/yarn bag 55 

37. Woven wool/yarn/commercial twine 

bag, unfinished woven yarn bag 56 

38. Woven yarn/fiber bag 56 

39. Woven yarn/fiber bag 57 

40. Woven yarn/fiber bag 57 

41. Woven yarn/fiber bag 58 

42. Heddle 59 

43. Heddle 60 

44. Basket, unfinished basket 61 

45. Unfinished basket, pot hooks 61 

46. Baskets 62 

47. Mesquakie lodge covered with rush 

mats 62 

48. Cattail mat 63 

49. Unfinished rush mat 63 

50. Rush mat 64 

51. Rush mat 64 

52. Rush mat 65 

53. Rawhide trunk 65 

54. Rawhide trunk 66 

55. Rawhide trunk 66 

56. Rawhide trunk 67 

57. Rawhide trunk 67 

58. Rawhide trunk 68 

59. Pot hooks, pack strap for trunk 68 

60. Cradle 69 

61. Frame for drying "kinikinik" 70 

62. Man's coat, man's moccasins 71 

63. Woman's jacket, woman's leggings 72 

64. Woman's skirt, girl's skirt 73 

65. Boy's coat, boy's shirt, boy's leggings ... 73 

66. Boy's coat, girl's jacket, girl's leggings .... 74 

67. Moccasins 74 

68. Garters, hair pendants with ties 75 

69. Man's belt, sashes 75 

70. Sash 76 

71. Sash 76 

72. Man's leggings 77 

73. Woman's moccasins 78 

74. Moccasins 78 

75. Brooches, knife and sheath, tweezers .... 79 

76. Bracelets 80 

77. Rings 80 

78. Necklace 81 

79. Roach headdress 81 

80. Masks 82 

81. Flutes, medicine bags, rattle, cupping 

horn, turtle effigy 82 

82. War club 83 

83. War clubs 83 

84. War club 84 

85. Coup stick cover 84 

86. Rattle 85 

87. Flutes 85 

88. Dice bowl and dice 86 

89. Shot mould, counting sticks, shinny 
ball, doll, racket ball, beadwork on a 

bias 86 

90. Snow snakes 87 

91. Snow snakes 87 

92. Snow snake, rackets 88 

93. Snow snake, hoop and pole 88 

94. Racket and ball 88 

95. Unfinished shirt or vest, breechcloth 

(?) 89 

96. Diorama 28 

97. Diorama 29 

Back cover: Heddle. 


Mesquakie (Fox) Material Culture: The William 
Jones and Frederick Starr Collections 

James W. VanStone 


The ethnographic collections of the Field Museum of Natural History contain assemblages 
of artifacts collected among the Mesquakie (Fox) Indians of Tama, Iowa, by William Jones in 
1907 and by Frederick Starr prior to 1905. The artifacts in these collections are described and 
illustrated. Since there has been no previous comprehensive study of Mesquakie material culture 
and for comparative purposes, information is included from descriptions in ethnographies of 
neighboring woodland tribes, especially Skinner's (1921) study of Menominee material culture. 

I. Introduction 
The Mesquakie 

The name Mesquakie, by which these Indians 
refer to themselves, means "Red Earth" or "Red 
Earth People" (Forsyth, 1912, p. 183). It is prob- 
able that the Mesquakie received the name Fox 
when members of the Fox clan told a party of 
French traders that they were the Fox (Jones, 
1911, p. 741). From the 1730s to the 1850s, the 
Mesquakie maintained an alliance with the Sauk, 
with whom they are closely associated in the eth- 
nographic and historical literature. The Mesquakie 
are Algonquian speakers who are linguistically 
most closely affiliated with the Sauk and Kicka- 
poo. They were hunters and horticulturists and 
shared a cultural tradition with tribes inhabiting 
the western Great Lakes, especially the Winne- 
bago, Potawatomi, and Menominee. 

The Mesquakie were divided into loosely de- 
fined bands or villages that were more or less per- 
manent and were located along river bottoms. In 
garden plots near these villages women grew 
maize, beans, squash, pumpkins, and melons. 
Most of the maize they raised was dried and 
stored. Wild foods were gathered, including wild 
potatoes, roots, berries, nuts, and maple sap, 
which was processed into sugar. Tribal buffalo 
hunts were organized in the spring until 1821, 

when these animals disappeared from Mesquakie 
territory (Forsyth, 1912, p. 234). The hunting of 
deer and other animals was the primary occupa- 
tion of men. Small game and birds were also uti- 
lized for food, but fishing was of minor impor- 
tance (Forsyth, 1912, pp. 233-234; Marston, 
1912, pp. 148-153). 

There were, therefore, two distinct phases to 
Mesquakie subsistence activities. In the spring 
and summer horticulture was practiced near the 
permanent villages, while during the fall and win- 
ter there was a dispersed existence. Each part of 
the year was characterized by a different living 
arrangement. In the spring and summer people 
lived in their villages in long rectangular houses 
covered with elm bark. During the fall and winter 
mat-covered lodges were used (Figs. 1, 2). When 
families moved, the mat coverings were simply 
rolled up and taken to the location of a new camp, 
where they covered a new frame (Joffe, 1940, pp. 
263-264; Callender, 1978, p. 637). 

Mesquakie social organization was based on a 
system of exogamous patrilineal clans organized 
around one or more sacred bundles for which 
semiannual ceremonies were held. The clan sys- 
tem was thus central to the religious life of the 
tribe and provided a basis for the transmission of 
hereditary ritual positions and political offices. All 
internal affairs were settled by the chiefs in coun- 
cil. Relations with other tribes were maintained 

FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY, N.S., NO. 30, MAY 29, 1998, PP. 1-89 

Fig. 1. Mesquakie dwellings in Tama, Iowa (fmnh neg. no. 21027). 

m -~ , 

Fig. 2. Mesquakie mat-covered lodges (fmnh neg. no. 20677). 






Fig. 3. Map of the western Great Lakes (Adapted from Callender, 1978, p. 637, fig. 1). 

by means of wampum, beaded wampum belts be- 
ing sent as messages. Warfare was of major in- 
terest to all men. They went to war to acquire new 
hunting territory, to avenge those killed in battle, 
and to achieve prestige (Joffe, 1940, pp. 265, 
270-271, 276; Callender, 1978, pp. 639-640; 
Torrence, 1989, p. 4). 

Mesquakie religious life developed around the 
concept of manitou, which is defined by Torrence 
(1989, p. 5) as "an abstract, impersonal force that 
pervades the universe and manifests itself in a 
multitude of natural forms and phenomena." All 
aspects of nature were considered sacred and were 
believed to possess spiritual substance. The vari- 
ous manitous revealed themselves as spirit helpers 
who were able to give power and blessings to in- 
dividuals who sought their aid. To achieve contact 
with the supernatural and to attract the attention 
of a manitou, an individual fasted, blackened his 
face, and smoked or offered tobacco. Frequently 
the manitou then gave the seeker some token, 
which became the basis of a medicine bundle 
(Jones, 1905; Joffe, 1940, pp. 272-273; Callender, 
1978, pp. 640-641; Torrence, 1989, p. 5). Torr- 
ence (1989, p. 6) has noted the extent to which 
traditional Mesquakie imagery is based on the 
representation of manitous. The most often de- 
picted, especially on yarn bags, were the thunder- 
bird and the underwater panther, both of which 
were believed to have power both for good and 
bad. These manitous were among the most ac- 
tively sought as spirit helpers. 

At the time of first European contact, the Mes- 
quakie were living along the Wolf River in north- 
eastern Wisconsin and ranged over an area ex- 
tending from Lake Superior to the Chicago River 
and from Lake Michigan to the Mississippi. 
About 1677 they moved south to the upper Fox 
River. Wars with the French and their Indian allies 
during the early 18th century resulted in the Mes- 
quakie moving to the lower Wisconsin River and 
eventually to Iowa, where they settled on the west 
bank of the Mississippi with their Sauk allies (Fig. 
3). It is significant that since contact, Mesquakie 
territory has always included a prairie component 
(Callender, 1978, p. 636). 

Although the vast majority of the Mesquakie 
and Sauk remained neutral during the Blackhawk 
War, they were nevertheless forced to cede land 
as reparations in 1832. More land was ceded in 
1837 and in 1842, and both tribes were assigned 
a reservation in Kansas. The Mesquakie were 
never happy in Kansas and feared they would 
eventually be moved to Oklahoma. In 1857 five 
members of the tribal council purchased 80 acres 
along the Iowa River in Tama County, Iowa, for 
$1,000 and ended their alliance with the Sauk, 
who, with a few remaining Mesquakie, were sub- 
sequently sent to Oklahoma. Additional purchases 
of land eventually brought the tribal holdings up 
to 4,000 acres, which, in the 1980s, supported ap- 
proximately 1,000 people (Callender, 1978, p. 
641; Torrence, 1989, p. 3). 

As Torrence (1989, pp. 3-4) has noted, the pur- 


chase of land in Iowa "gave the Mesquakie cul- 
tural stability and a sense of pride and security at 
a time when most Native American tribes were 
facing the loss of their traditional homelands and 
the oppressive policies and restraints of reserva- 
tion life." Although white settlement increased 
and game animals declined over the years, the 
Mesquakie were able to preserve their tribal com- 
munity and much of their traditional culture. At 
the time the ethnographic collections described in 
this study were made, the Mesquakie still occu- 
pied grouped lodges and took part in annual win- 
ter hunts. By that time they had begun to raise a 
few animals but resisted agriculture, while con- 
tinuing to rely heavily on horticulture and small 
game animals (Torrence, 1989, p. 4). 

William Jones and Frederick Starr, Collectors 

Two collections made among the Mesquakie in 
Tama County, Iowa, are described in this study. 
The first, assembled by William Jones for the 
Field Museum in the spring of 1907, is by far the 
larger. The second was made by Frederick Starr 
and was purchased by the museum in 1905. It is 
part of a much larger personal collection, from 
many areas of the world, assembled by Starr over 
a period of years. The exact date when Starr col- 
lected the Mesquakie material cannot be deter- 
mined. Nevertheless, it is probable that the two 
collections are roughly contemporaneous. 

William Jones was the first academically 
trained Native American anthropologist. He was 
born of Welsh, English, and Mesquakie descent in 
1871 on the Sac and Fox Reservation in what was 
then Indian Territory (now Oklahoma). Selected 
to attend the Hampton Institute in Virginia, where 
he spent three years beginning in 1889, Jones then 
entered Phillips Exeter Academy, graduating in 
1896. In the summer of 1899 Jones revisited his 
birthplace in Oklahoma, noting that the "Indians 
don't look like Indians anymore. When I went 
away they used to look so well in their Indian 
costumes, but now they are like tramps in trousers 
and overalls which they don't know how to wear. 
Indian women are much better looking because 
they have not changed their dress so much" 
(quoted in Rideout, 1912, p. 69). 

Following his graduation from Phillips Exeter 
Academy, Jones entered Harvard, graduating in 
1900. At some point during his undergraduate 
studies he spent a summer among the Mesquakie 
in Tama. Jones entered Columbia University in 

the fall of 1900 for graduate study, receiving the 
degree of A.M. in 1901. Franz Boas, Jones's pro- 
fessor and advisor at Columbia, arranged for him 
to spend the summer of 1901 with the Mesquakie. 
The project for his initial period of fieldwork in- 
volved "linguistic and ethnological investigations 
among the Sac and Fox Indians and if circum- 
stances should demand, among closely related 
tribes." "In your work," Jones's appointment 
read, "you will endeavor to collect as much in- 
formation as possible on the language and culture 
of the Sac and Fox, and obtain as many specimens 
as you can to illustrate the ethnology of the peo- 
ple. Your collections are to be sent to . . . the 
American Museum of Natural History" (quoted 
in Rideout, 1912, pp. 72-73). 

Jones also spent part of the summer of 1901 in 
Oklahoma, and in both places he seems mainly to 
have collected stories; there is no mention of eth- 
nographic collecting. He also spent the summer 
of 1902 in the field, part of the time in Tama and 
part of the time in Oklahoma. It was at this time 
that he made the Mesquakie collection now in the 
American Museum of Natural History (Rideout, 
1912, p. 75). 

Jones received his Ph.D. in anthropology in 
1904 with a dissertation entitled "Some Problems 
of Algonkin Word Formation." In the winter of 
1906, in New York and unemployed at the time, 
he met George A. Dorsey, head of the Department 
of Anthropology at the Field Museum of Natural 
History. Dorsey offered Jones his choice of three 
field trips for the museum: Africa, the Pacific Is- 
lands, or the Philippines. Jones had hoped to con- 
tinue Algonquian linguistic and folklore research, 
but, as a last resort, he agreed to undertake field- 
work in the Philippines (Boas, 1909; Rideout, 
1912, pp. 125-129). In June 1906 he went to Chi- 
cago to begin preparations for his trip. He sailed 
from Seattle in August 1907 and was killed by 
the Ilongot in March 1909, not long before he 
expected to return to the United States. 

On March 27, 1907, Dorsey wrote to the Field 
Museum's director, F.S.V. Skiff, informing him 
that Jones had offered to make a short trip to the 
Mesquakie in Iowa to make a collection for the 
museum, prior to his departure for the Philippines. 
Dorsey urged Skiff to take advantage of this op- 
portunity and described the Mesquakie as 

probably the most conservative representatives of the 
Algonkin stock remaining. They still retain certain forms 
of primitive habitations and do not mix with the whites. 
In their social system a great deal of their primitive cus- 


toms still exist. They afford, therefore a very good op- 
portunity for the study of primitive conditions such as 
existed among the so-called woodland Algonkin tribes. 

Dorsey urged that $400 be made available to 
Jones to cover his expenses and the cost of se- 
curing the material, a request that was approved. 
Dorsey further requested that the department's 
preparator, Jesse Burt, also go to Tama while 
Jones was there "for the purpose of securing data 
on the construction of models of the habitations 
of the [Mesquakie]" (Field Museum of Natural 
History, Department of Anthropology, correspon- 
dence files [DA/CF], Dorsey to Skiff, March 27, 

Jones was in Tama at the beginning of April, 
and on April 5 he wrote Dorsey that he had met 
old friends and that people were willing to part 
with "good pieces." "I wandered in among the 
[illegible] lodges today and was minded of the 
days of my childhood." Jones believed that it 
would be impossible to obtain ceremonial mate- 
rial, but stated that he had contacted four elderly 
women who were willing and able to make tra- 
ditional clothing. To do so, however, they would 
have to be provided with deer hides and sinew, 
available in Chicago. Jones was encouraged to be- 
lieve that he could make a collection better than 
the one he made for the American Museum of 
Natural History but that it would cost more. He 
asked Dorsey whether it would be a good idea to 
collect a complete lodge and suggested that Dor- 
sey visit him toward the end of his stay to observe 
"what is left of the old culture" (DA/CF, Jones to 
Dorsey, April 5, 1907). Dorsey replied on April 
10 that 1 1 tanned buckskins and some sinew were 
being sent and that inquiries should be made 
about the possibility of acquiring a complete 
lodge (DA/CF, Dorsey to Jones, April 10, 1907). 

On April 14, Jones wrote that the buckskins 
and sinew had arrived and that the women were 
making the clothing he had mentioned earlier. He 
regretted that some of the skins were colored and 
thus could not be treated with "sumach smudge" 
in the traditional Mesquakie manner. He also in- 
formed Dorsey that sufficient reed mats for the 
covering of a lodge set up in the museum could 
probably be acquired for about $25. Jones de- 
scribed a unique otter skin headdress, which he 
believed to be of considerable historical and eth- 
nographic importance but for which the owner 
wanted $30 or $35, an amount the collector felt 
was too high. He further noted that bear claw 
necklaces were available for about $50 and that 

sacred bundles, of which he had seen over a doz- 
en, could not be purchased for any price (DA/CF, 
Jones to Dorsey, April 14, 1907). 

Dorsey dispatched Jesse Burt to join Jones on 
April 22, instructing Burt to decide which aspects 
of Mesquakie culture he would like to have re- 
produced as "miniature groups." "I would sug- 
gest two or three miniature groups which would 
bring out the essential features of the culture of 
these people. I would suggest further that one 
group be devoted to the salient features of the 
economic life, the other to the social and religious 
life" (DA/CF, Dorsey to Jones, April 22, 1907). 

In a letter missing from the files, Jones request- 
ed an additional $100 from Dorsey; the latter was 
able to get this request approved and the check 
sent (DA/CF, Dorsey to Jones, April 24, 1907). 
On April 28, Jones wrote that the lodge mats 
needed for covering the museum's lodge were be- 
ing made but that the traditional clothing com- 
missioned earlier was delayed because the old 
women hired to do the job were attending a dance 
(DA/CF, Jones to Dorsey, April 28, 1907). 

Jones apparently returned to Chicago a few 
days later, having spent almost one full month 
among the Mesquakie. There is no further men- 
tion of the work done by Burt during his day or 
two with Jones. Mats intended to cover a lodge 
were acquired, but there is no indication that a 
full-sized lodge was ever constructed at the mu- 
seum. Many of the mats were later discarded (see 
Appendix 2). In addition to the $400 appropriated 
for the project, Jones eventually spent an addi- 
tional $192. In a letter in the accession file, Dor- 
sey maintained to the museum's director that 
Jones had assembled as complete a collection as 
possible in the length of time at his disposal (Field 
Museum of Natural History, Department of An- 
thropology, accession files [DA/AF], Dorsey to 
Skiff, May 10, 1907), and the additional expen- 
ditures were eventually approved (DA/AF, Skiff 
to Dorsey, May 30, 1907). 

Unfortunately, there is no information regard- 
ing the manner in which Frederick Starr assem- 
bled his Mesquakie collection that is comparable 
to that provided by the Dorsey-Jones correspon- 
dence. Starr was invited to join the faculty of the 
newly established University of Chicago in 1 892 
as the first anthropologist in the Department of 
Sociology, a post he held for 31 years. He was 
trained in the natural sciences and was primarily 
interested in physical anthropology. He had hoped 
to establish a museum at the University of Chi- 
cago with collections from the World's Columbian 


Exposition, which went instead to the newly es- 
tablished Field Columbian Museum (later Field 
Museum of Natural History). 

Starr's research and writing was "rooted per- 
manently in late nineteenth-century [cultural] ev- 
olutionism" (Stocking, 1979, p. 12). His attitude 
toward fieldwork was that of a 19th century mu- 
seum curator, and his publications were primarily 
travel accounts and photographic albums. He had 
little of Dorsey's interest in the documentation of 
museum collections. An effective popular lecturer, 
Starr's evolutionary perspective existed outside 
the mainstream of historical anthropology as de- 
fined by his contemporary Franz Boas, who, it 
will be recalled, had trained Jones. Throughout 
his career, Starr made many trips to Africa, Mex- 
ico, and the Far East. 

Beginning in 1896, Starr sold a few pieces from 
various parts of the world to the Field Museum. 
On August 1, 1905, he wrote Dorsey to the effect 
that he had "finally decided to dispose of my col- 
lection from Mexico." He went on to describe his 
collection, which contains approximately 4,500 
archaeological and ethnographic objects from var- 
ious localities in North America (including the 
Mesquakie), Australia, and Oceania, as well as the 
material from Mexico. His asking price was 
$12,000. Starr had hoped that the collection could 
remain at the University of Chicago, "but if it 
must be sold outside, it would be more agreeable 
to me that it would be with you people than with 
any others" (DA/AF, Starr to Dorsey, August 1, 

Ten days later, on August 11, Dorsey wrote to 
Edward E. Ayer, a founder of the Field Museum 
and member of the board of trustees, requesting a 
decision about the suggested purchase. He noted 
that Starr was in "desperate straits," as he needed 
to sell the collection in order to finance a long trip 
to Africa. Dorsey believed that if the museum did 
not purchase it, the collection would be sold else- 
where, probably to the American Museum of Nat- 
ural History (DA/AF, Dorsey to Ayer, August 11, 
1905). Approval was eventually given, and the 
collection was purchased for $9,000. 

II. The Collections 

The Jones collection (accession 1014) was ac- 
cessioned on May 13, 1907. In the catalog of the 
Department of Anthropology, Field Museum of 
Natural History, the artifacts and related material 

are assigned 268 catalog numbers. At the time this 
study was begun, artifacts and related material 
represented by 41 catalog numbers were missing 
from the collection. Of this number, 33 are arti- 
facts (see Appendix 2), while 9 are raw materials 
and plant specimens. Jones paid a total of $540.24 
for the collection. The individual prices paid are 
shown in Appendix 1, but the total is considerably 
less than this amount, as no prices are given for 
a few artifacts, and some funds were used to pay 
for shipment of the collection from Tama to Chi- 
cago and for the collector's personal expenses and 
travel. Documentation for this collection in the ac- 
cession files of the Department of Anthropology 
includes a list of items in the collection by field 
and catalog numbers, a list with prices paid for 
most items, and eight pages of notes that give the 
Mesquakie names for most objects and brief eth- 
nographic information about many of them. 

The Starr collection (accession 947) was acces- 
sioned on September 4, 1905. Mesquakie artifacts 
in this large, general collection are represented by 
70 catalog numbers; eight were missing and un- 
accounted for at the time this study was begun. 
The only documentation for this collection is an 
accession list by catalog number. On this list, the 
materials from which a few of these artifacts were 
constructed are noted. 

Considered as a unit, the Jones and Starr col- 
lections present two difficulties for someone pre- 
paring a study of this kind. First, the number of 
artifacts missing from the collection is consider- 
able. Although these missing items are listed in 
Appendix 2, no attempt has been made to include 
them in the artifact descriptions that follow. The 
second problem relates to the large number of ob- 
jects that are currently on exhibit in the museum. 
An ideal solution to this problem would, of 
course, have been to remove them from exhibit 
cases for study and photography. For a variety of 
reasons, this was not possible. Instead, descrip- 
tions are based on what I could see, and, as a 
result, they are invariably incomplete. In a num- 
ber of cases these exhibited materials were drawn 
so that some kind of illustration could be included 
in this study. 

Artifacts in the Jones and Starr collections are 
described within the following use categories: 
hunting and fishing, tools, transportation, house- 
hold equipment, clothing, personal adornment, 
ceremonial equipment, games and toys, miscella- 
neous beadwork, and raw materials and plant 
specimens. Descriptions of the artifacts that fol- 
low should be read while examining the accom- 


panying photographs and drawings. Since there 
has been no previous comprehensive study of 
Mesquakie material culture, for comparisons I 
have relied heavily on descriptions in ethnogra- 
phies of neighboring woodland tribes, especially 
Skinner's (1921) study of Menominee material 

Hunting and Fishing 

As might be expected, objects associated with 
traditional hunting and fishing are poorly repre- 
sented in the Mesquakie collections. At the time 
the collections were made, it is probable that the 
manufacture and use of such implements would 
have been far in the past. However, hunting with 
modern weapons continued to have an important 
role in the Mesquakie subsistence economy at the 
time the collections were made. 

There are two self bows, both of hickory wood. 
The first weapon is described in the catalog as a 
man's hunting bow. It is 165 cm long, and both 
the front and the back of the stave are flat. The 
stave is 3.9 cm wide at the grip and is not nar- 
rowed in this area. Paired V-shaped notches are 
cut near the end of each horn for attachment of 
the bow string, which is described in the catalog 
as being made from a single twisted strand of 
woodchuck skin (34868; Fig. 4a). 

Although this bow is described in the catalog 
as an "elk bow," the two arrows that accompany 
it are identified as fish arrows. Each of these ar- 
rows measures 151 cm in length, lacks fletching, 
and is notched at the proximal end. The distal 
ends are worked to a point and do not seem to 
have been charred for additional hardening 
(34870-1, 2; Fig. 4b-c). According to Skinner 
(1921, p. 204), the Menominee formerly shot fish 
in shallow waters with arrows. A string was tied 
to the arrow and also fastened to the bow. 

The second bow is described in the catalog as 
"a young man's bow for hunting birds, etc." This 
bow, which is in an exhibit case, is 134 cm long 
and is of lighter construction than the one previ- 
ously described. The stave is flat on the back and 
slightly rounded on the front. Paired V-shaped 
notches have been cut near the end of each horn 
for the attachment of a bowstring of twisted 
woodchuck skin (34867). According to Owen 
(1904, p. 139), Mesquakie bows were sometimes 

Accompanying this bow are six arrows of hard- 
wood, five of which are in exhibit cases. All are 

fletched with three split and trimmed wild turkey 
feathers attached, according to the accession 
notes, with elk horn glue to the long axis of the 
shaft, about 2 cm below the nock; on two arrows 
the feathers are spiraled. One arrow lacks a blade 
and is simply worked to a point at the distal end 
(34871; Fig. 4d). Three have small, triangular 
chert blades inserted into a slit and wrapped with 
sinew (34873-1-3). Two arrows are thickened at 
the distal end and slit to receive triangular, pol- 
ished slate blades slightly recessed on both sides 
and lashed in place with sinew (34872, 34873-4). 
Sauk arrows with chert heads are illustrated by 
Skinner (1925, pi. XII). The manufacture of ar- 
rows by the Menominee is described in some de- 
tail by Hoffman (1896, pp. 275-281). He noted 
that stone arrowheads were retained by the mod- 
ern Menominee as amulets. 

The collections contain a glue stick, with which 
elk horn glue, for attaching feathers to arrows, 
was dipped from the container in which it was 
boiled (34901; Fig. 5e). 

A bowstring, which, according to the catalog, 
is made from the "belly of a woodchuck," has a 
loop at one end tied with strips of buckskin 
(34976; Fig. 5f). 

A wrist protector, worn to protect the wrist 
from contact with the bowstring, is constructed 
from a rectangular piece of rawhide with buckskin 
ties. Extending along the center is a row of short, 
parallel slits, perhaps to give the rawhide more 
flexibility (34960; Fig. 5g). 

A narrow, oblong object identified in the cata- 
log and accession notes as a shot mould is made 
of popular wood. It is notched along one side and 
has a bulb-like handle. The distal end is split for 
a distance of approximately 12 cm, and there are 
deep rectangular depressions on each side; a piece 
of perforated bark has been inserted between the 
depressions. The distal end is notched and 
wrapped with a strip of tanned skin. Jone's acces- 
sion notes state that "any kind of stick used to 
rub notched stick to produce vibrations which 
cause shot to fly out into water." The instrument 
was used to make buckshot by pouring melted 
lead into the sieve and letting it fall into cold wa- 
ter (34885; Fig. 89a). 


Tools are also poorly represented in the Mes- 
quakie collections, suggesting that many of those 
in use at the time the collections were made were 


not available to the collectors. Horticultural im- 
plements are completely missing. Objects associ- 
ated with food preparation will be described in the 
section headed "Household Equipment." The de- 
scription of an implement as a tool rather than as 
an item of household equipment is, in some cases, 

Following removal from a newly killed deer, 
the deer hide was first soaked in water for two or 
three days. The hair was then removed by scrap- 
ing the hide with a two-handed beaming tool, of 
which there are two in the collections. Both have 
wood handles into which metal blades are set hor- 
izontally. The first has a narrowed grip at each 
end that terminates in a knob. The thicker section 
in the center is faceted (34857; Fig. 5d). The sec- 
ond is similarly constructed but lacks the faceted 
center section, and the knobs at the ends come to 
blunted points (34858; Fig. 5c). Similar two-hand- 
ed beaming tools are described for the Sauk 
(Skinner, 1925, p. 134) and Menominee (Skinner, 
1921, pp. 226-227, fig. 16). 

A small adze, used for making wooden bowls, 
is in an exhibit case. It has a two-piece iron head 
with a flat poll and a round eye that contains a 
short wooden helve. The head slopes toward the 
handle and the working edge is concave. Accord- 
ing to Jones' accession notes, this adze is a "relic 
of old days of traders" (34886). 

A bone awl, also on exhibit, is 6. 1 cm long and 
worked on all surfaces. It is worked to a point at 
one end and a short buckskin thong is attached at 
the other (34763). Among the Menominee, awls 
similar to this one were used in sewing leather 
and in making baskets (Skinner, 1921, pp. 304- 

Two rib-bone needles are rounded at one end 
and pointed at the other with a perforation ap- 
proximately 8 cm from the proximal end. The 
first, which is on exhibit, is 28.5 cm long. The 
second needle is 22.6 cm long, and both have 
lengths of twisted fiber cordage attached through 
the perforations (34890, 34891; Fig. 5a). A third 
needle is 29 cm long with the perforation 1 1 .5 cm 
from the proximal end (92036; Fig. 5b). Accord- 
ing to the accession notes, these needles were 
used for making "shelter mats for lodge." Among 
the Menonimee, similar needles were also used 
for netting the babiche on snowshoes (Skinner, 
1921, p. 307, fig. 52). 

A large perforated scapula from a cow is de- 
scribed in the accession notes as "for the working 
of fiber" (34859; Fig. 5h). It is further described 
as having been lashed to a tree when in use and 

was "also used for making linden bark thread." 
According to Lyford (1943, p. 45), the Ojibwa 
(Chippewa) used a perforated deer scapula for 
softening linden bark fibers by drawing the fibers 
back and forth through the perforation until the 
desired softness was achieved. 

The collections contain font fire drill sets, two 
of which consist of four pieces: a fluted or 
grooved drill shaft of cedar, a rectangular hearth 
board of the same material (with a socket into 
which the distal end of the shaft was fitted), a bow 
of light-colored wood with a string of twisted 
buckskin, and a rectangular upper piece or hand 
rest of cottonwood with a socket to receive the 
proximal end of the shaft (34965-1-4, Fig. 6b-e 
34966 1-5). Accompanying one set are pieces of 
punk that served as tinder. Both fire drill sets are 
described in the accession notes as "models" and 
as "unfinished." Neither set appears to have been 
used extensively, and they probably were made 
for the collector. The third fire drill set is on ex- 
hibit. Its hand piece and hearth board are both 
roughly worked, while the cedar drill shaft is 
carefully made; the bow, of light wood, has a 
string of rawhide (92049-1-4; Fig. 7). The fourth 
set is incomplete and includes only the hearth 
board with three sockets and the drill shaft, both 
of which are made of cedar wood (92050-1, 2; 
Fig. 8). 

An animal's bladder is described in the acces- 
sion notes as a "bellows for syringe" that "lacks 
bone stem." It is tied off at the neck with a loop 
of hair (34963; Fig. 6a). Its use is unknown. 


By the time the Mesquakie had migrated from 
Wisconsin to the grasslands of Iowa in the 18th 
century, horses had largely replaced bark-covered 
canoes and dugouts for transportation (Clifton, 
1984). The collections contain two wooden pack 
saddles, both of which show considerable signs 
of use. Both saddles are constructed from four 
pieces of wood: two carved pieces for the pommel 
and cantle, both with flattened, disk-shaped pro- 
jections; and two rectangular side pieces with 
rounded ends, to which the pommel and cantle are 
attached. These four sections were covered with 
wet hide, buffalo or cow, and were sewn with 
rawhide cord. As the hide dried and shrank, it 
formed a tight fit over the wooden saddle parts. 
Both saddles lack rigging straps, cinch rings, and 
stirrups. The first has strips of folded buffalo hide 


that run parallel beneath the side boards under the 
saddle structure (34852; Fig. 9a). The second sad- 
dle lacks padding of any kind (34851; Fig. 9b). 
Skinner (1921, pp. 212-213, pi. XLII) illustrated 
a Menominee pack saddle with the pommel 
carved to represent the head of a horse. The Prai- 
rie Potawatomi also used such a saddle (Skinner, 
1926, pi. XIX, 31). 

The collections contain five quirts, three of 
which have wooden handles. On the first of these 
the handle is round with a burned ring near the 
proximal end and a spiraled ring near the distal 
end. The leather lash is attached through a hole 
at the distal end with recessed channels on either 
side. The lash consists of a single leather strip 
passed through the hole and through narrow slits 
in the leather to form a tight fit. There is a rawhide 
wrist hanger at the proximal end (34833; Fig. 

The wood handle of the second quirt has a 
wide, spiral groove cut into it from the midpoint 
to the distal end. The leather lash has a channel 
attachment similar to that on the previously de- 
scribed quirt and is braided several times near the 
attachment hole and in the center. There is a raw- 
hide wrist hanger at the proximal end of the han- 
dle (34835; Fig. lOe). 

The third quirt has a plain, round handle with 
the lash attached through a drilled hole 2.5 cm 
from the distal end. The leather lash is braided for 
about two-thirds of its length. At the proximal end 
of the handle is a small hole for the attachment 
of a wrist hanger (92035; Fig. 10b). 

A single quirt, in an exhibit case, has an elk 
horn handle that is worked on all surfaces to form 
a curve near the proximal end. The braided leather 
lash is attached to the handle by inserting a folded 
strip through an opening in the distal end and 
looping it around a wooden plug driven into a 
hole drilled vertically through the handle. A strip 
of tanned buckskin serves as a wrist hanger 
(34834). This plug attachment method of joining 
the lash to the handle is described for the Black- 
foot by Ewers (1955, p. 98, fig. 17). Skinner 
(1926, p. 298) noted that the tribal police among 
the Prairie Potawatomi carried quirts with heavy 
handles of elk horn, with which they beat offend- 

The handle of the fifth quirt is made entirely of 
braided leather and narrows at the proximal end; 
there is no wrist hanger. The leather lash is an 
extension of two braid elements at the distal end 
(34831; Fig. lOd). According to the accession 

notes, this quirt was made by a man named Koe- 

A boy's toy dugout canoe is described here be- 
cause the collector reported in his accession notes 
that it is "a good type of large canoe in arrange- 
ment of seats and general form." The canoe, 
made of walnut wood, is pointed at both ends with 
a hole at the prow for a rawhide tie line. The 
bottom is flat and the interior deeply dug out, with 
raised areas for seats at the stern, in the center, 
and near the bow. The scale is unknown (34856; 
Fig. 10a). 

The manufacture of such a canoe among the 
Sauk is briefly described by Skinner (1925, pp. 
135-136). When a tree was felled, the bark on the 
upper surface was leveled off as much as possible 
and then hot coals were placed along its length. 
When these had died out, the resulting charred 
wood was scraped away with a mussel shell. It 
was, Skinner noted, a laborious process. The Prai- 
rie Potawatomi are said to have made dugout ca- 
noes of cottonwood, but their manufacture is not 
described (Skinner, 1926, p. 298). Radin's Win- 
nebago informants insisted, despite evidence to 
the contrary, that dugout canoes were not made 
until Europeans introduced metal tools (Radin, 
1923, p. 123). Hoffman (1896, p. 292, pi. XXXV) 
illustrated a Menominee dugout canoe and de- 
scribed its construction. 

The collections contain a pack bag with strap 
that includes a strip of tanned hide 6.5 cm wide, 
intended to run across the forehead or the chest. 
At either end of this strap are attached long raw- 
hide thongs that are intended for lashing around 
the burden. In this case they are looped around 
the upper corners of a rectangular bag of diago- 
nally plaited elm bark strips (92058; Fig. 11). At 
the time of Skinner's fieldwork among the Sauk 
in 1922 and 1923, pack straps were still used by 
old women gathering wood (Skinner, 1925, p. 

Household Equipment 

Household equipment is by far the most abun- 
dant category in the Jones and Starr collections. 
It is probable that many items described under this 
category were, at the time they were collected, in 
the process of being replaced by commercially 
produced products, and thus could be sold to the 
collectors without causing their owners to expe- 
rience hardship. 

Important household items well represented in 


the Mesquakie collections and in material culture 
assemblages from other Woodland tribes are 
wooden bowls and spoons or ladles made from a 
variety of hard woods, which served as food con- 
tainers and utensils for everyday use and for spe- 
cial feasts. Bowls were also used for dice games, 
and some of those described here may have 
served that purpose. All the bowls and ladles de- 
scribed were collected by Jones. 

Most bowls were made from large burls or 
knots, which occur on the trunks of certain hard 
woods such as ash or maple. Although the dense 
and curving grain pattern on burls makes them 
difficult to carve, bowls made from them are less 
likely to crack or split. Before the introduction of 
metal tools, wood products were made by char- 
ring and scraping the wood with bone and stone 
implements (Lyford, 1943, p. 31). Presumably the 
flourishing of bowl and ladle making occurred af- 
ter metal tools were available, when the curved 
steel knife could be used to finish the carving and 
to add sculptured details. 

The Jones collection contains 13 bowls, all of 
which have been skillfully constructed and care- 
fully finished. The wood from which they were 
made is sometimes identified by the collector. 
Four are oval or round in shape and lack projec- 
tions along the rim. The first of these, made 
"probably of soft maple," has relatively thin 
walls that are cracked in places (34814; Fig. 12c), 
while the second, of "maple or walnut," is on 
exhibit, and has a maximum width of 32 cm 
(34816). The other two are identified in the cat- 
alog as children's bowls, although one of them is 
nearly as large as the largest bowls in the collec- 
tion (34805; Fig. 12d). The second, "probably of 
soft pine," is small and shallow (34810; Fig. 13d). 

Two bowls have notched projections along one 
edge. One of these, of "soft maple," is round, and 
the notched projection is convex in shape (34802; 
Fig. 12b). On the other the projection is flat across 
the top, and the bowl is oval and has been re- 
paired with lead (34809). It is listed in an exhibit 
catalog (Torrence and Hobbs, 1989) with a date 
of "c. 1850," but there is no explanation for this 

Three round bowls have raised projections with 
a pair of notches. The largest of these, made of 
"soft maple," has a large crack in one side 
(34800; Fig. 12a). The second, also of "soft ma- 
ple," is on exhibit and measures 25 cm in diam- 
eter (34803). The third, described as a child's 
bowl, has a crack along one edge (34806). 

On three bowls the rim is raised slightly in one 

place. Two of these are described as children's 
bowls and are oval in shape. On one the raised 
projection is flat across the top (34808; Fig. 13c), 
while on the other the top of the projection is 
slightly concave (34807). The third bowl, "of 
walnut," has a rounded projection and deep 
scratches on the inside just below the rim (34801). 

None of the bowls in the collections are char- 
acterized by the distinctive anthropomorphic ef- 
figy figures that have been described frequently in 
the literature on Woodland Indian art. Maurer 
(1986) has suggested that bowls with abstract de- 
signs worked in the rim, such as those described 
here, may represent stylized animals or may sym- 
bolize anthropomorphic manitou spirits. 

Two small bowls, described in the catalog as 
"used in preparing medicine," are both on exhib- 
it. One is round and deep, has no projections, and 
is 8 cm in diameter (34812). The other is round 
and 7.5 cm in diameter. It has a slightly projecting 
handle along one side, possibly in the shape of a 
bird's head (34811; Fig. 14). These small bowls 
were presumably used by shamans to give medi- 
cine to their patients during curing ceremonies. 

There are 13 wooden ladles of varying sizes in 
the collections, all of which have shovel-shaped, 
ovoid bowls and sharply upturned handles that are 
bent over at the proximal end to form a hook-like 
projection, perhaps for hanging over the lip of a 
kettle. Although all but two are identified in the 
catalog as "spoons," none is small enough to 
have been used for eating. They probably served 
to dip broth and meat from a large container. 

Five ladles are undecorated and vary only 
slightly in size but exhibit slight variation in the 
shape of the handles (34818; Fig. 13e; 34821, 
34823, 34824, 34826). A single ladle is identified 
as a child's and, in addition to being much smaller 
than the others, has a narrow ridge carved in the 
handle at the proximal end (34825; Fig. 15f). 

The handles of six ladles are decorated with the 
figures of animals or birds. One has a small, long- 
tailed animal, possibly an otter, carved in relief on 
the flat surface of the handle's proximal end 
(92028; Fig. 15e). It is listed, but not illustrated, 
in Torrence and Hobbs (1989) with a date of "c. 
1850." Another has the figure of a beaver carved 
in relief in the same location (92029; Fig. 15c). 
This ladle is illustrated in Torrence and Hobbs 
(1989, no. 136), where it is also assigned the date 
"c. 1850." The handle of one ladle is carved to 
represent the head and neck of a horse. The carv- 
ing has been skillfully accomplished (34828; Fig. 
15b). Torrence and Hobbs (1989) list this ladle 



and, without explanation, assign it a date of "c. 
1880." Three ladles have handles that terminate 
in the stylized heads of eagles, as identified in the 
catalog. One is a child's ladle (34827; Fig. 15d); 
another, on exhibit, has a bowl 18.5 cm wide 
(34819); and the third, with a scratched bowl and 
a highly polished handle, shows considerable 
signs of use (34820; Fig. 15a). Like three other 
ladles in the collection, this one is listed by Torr- 
ence and Hobbs (1989) and is assigned a date of 
"c. 1850." 

The collections contain two wooden, paddle- 
shaped stirrers. The first, collected by Jones, is 
large and heavy (34974; Fig. 13a). According to 
the accession notes, it was used for stirring lye, 
corn, or maple syrup and goes with a pair of 
rough utility bags, to be described later. The sec- 
ond stirrer (92030; Fig. 13b), collected by Starr, 
was obviously used for lighter work like the stir- 
ring of food in a large kettle. 

A mortar and pestle, made of walnut wood, is 
on exhibit. The mortar is a short, heavy, horizon- 
tal log from which a deep rectangular section has 
been hollowed out with an adze. The outer surface 
of the log is roughly shaped, the bottom flat, and 
a short handle extends from one end. There is a 
double-ended pestle (34964-1, 2; Fig. 16). Hori- 
zontal wood mortars and double-ended pestles 
were in use among the Menominee and Prairie 
Potawatomi at the time of Skinner's fieldwork be- 
fore 1920 (Skinner, 1921, p. 303; 1926, pp. 299- 

An unmodified mussel shell is described in the 
catalog as having been used to shell corn steamed 
on the cob (34832). 

Widely distributed throughout the Great Lakes 
area and some of the most useful articles in the 
material culture inventory of a Mesquakie family 
were bags woven of natural fibers and wool, 
which served to contain a great variety of person- 
al possessions. Lyford (1943, p. 81) believed that 
the first wool bags were probably made of buffalo 
hair, but commercial yarns and woolen goods 
made their appearance during the 17th century 
and were substituted for native fibers. The earliest 
material was cord made by unraveling blankets 
and cast-off trade clothing, which was respun and 
redyed so that it could be used as the weft thread 
in weaving bags. Local fibers were normally used 
as the warp (Lyford, 1943, p. 81; Whiteford, 
1977, pt. 2, p. 40). The fine yarn that was obtained 
from traders was twisted into coarse yarn by 
means of a distaff. Native dyes were used first but 
were replaced by commercial dyes. 

The collections contain three types of woven 
bags: 1) those woven of coarse cord and fibers 
that were used, according to the accession notes, 
for the storage of "rough and soiled material"; 2) 
utility bags made entirely of natural fibers and 
useful for storage because of their strength; and 
3) soft, decorated bags made from a combination 
of native fibers and imported materials, used pri- 
marily for the storage of personal belongings. 

Woven fiber bags were constructed by hanging 
the prepared warps over a slender stick, which 
was then suspended horizontally, or warps were 
sometimes wound around a pair of vertical sticks 
separated by a slightly greater width than that of 
the proposed bag. A pair of weft strands were 
twined across the warps at their midpoint 

and were then continued from left to right in a contin- 
uous spiral around the loose hanging warps. When the 
spiraling wefts came to within four or five inches of the 
warp ends they were tied off. The remaining ends of the 
warps were gathered into bundles and combined into a 
horizontal braid which became the upper edge of the 
bag. When the slender stick was pulled out from be- 
tween the warps, a seamless bag was ready for use 
(Whiteford, 1977, pt. 1, p. 59). 

The collections contain four unfinished fiber 
bags on the sticks that were part of the weaving 
frame. They have warp strands of untwisted lin- 
den bark and twisted fiber wefts. On two, some 
of the warps have been dyed green and black to 
produce vertical stripes. Both these bags have sus- 
pension loops attached at either end of the loom 
sticks, suggesting that the latter may have been 
suspended from a branch (34797, 34798; Fig. 
17b). The other two unfinished bags are construct- 
ed of coarser fibers and have a more open-work 
weave (34799, 92062; Fig. 17a). According to the 
accession notes, one of these bags was used for 
preparing corn in lye (34799). The collection also 
contains a pair of peeled weaving frame sticks 
(34968-1, 2) similar to those in place on the pre- 
viously described bags. 

Three storage bags belong to type 1, two of 
which are woven from coarse linden bark and 
cord. According to accession information, both of 
these were used for storing corn prepared in lye, 
and one is equipped with a tump line of commer- 
cial leather (34795; Fig. 18a; 34796). The third 
rough bag is much smaller and is made from elm 
bark (92061; Fig. 18c). The rims of all three bags 
are braided. A fourth storage bag, also with a 
tump line, is described in the section on transpor- 
tation (92058; Fig. 11). 



Six bags are categorized as type 2, utility bags. 
Two of these are quite large and are woven of 
linden bark cord and fibers. The warp threads are 
dyed with native dyes and aniline of various col- 
ors, predominantly black, red, green, and orange. 
A length of braided linden cord is attached to the 
rim of one bag (34793, 34794; Figs. 19-20). Two 
bags are somewhat smaller and more elaborately 
decorated. One has a multicolored, diagonal de- 
sign. The warps are plaited diagonally and 
strengthened with wefts of commercial cotton 
twine (Art of the Great Lakes Indians, 1973, no. 
383, p. 84) (92059). On the other bag the spaced 
twined wefts are of nettle fibers. In three bands, 
vertical strips are created by the warps and the 
pattern created by double warps of two different 
colors is twisted, so alternate colors appear on the 
surface (Art of the Great Lakes Indians, 1973, no. 
382, p. 84) (92060). Decoration on both bags is 
with red and green aniline dyes. According to 
Torrence (1989, pp. 4-5), some color associations 
refer to clan affiliations. Green was the color of 
the bear clan and red the color of the fox clan. 
These colors symbolized the original clans from 
which leadership was drawn. The fifth utility bag 
is small and identified in the catalog as a wallet. 
It is woven of linden bark and wild hemp, with 
spaced wefts. Alternate warp strands on the front 
and back are dyed with aniline green (34792; Fig. 

A somewhat different fiber bag of elm bark is 
constructed of diagonal plaiting but can more ac- 
curately be described as a pouch, probably used 
to hold seeds. It is deep and narrow with a braided 
rim (92045; Fig. 18b). 

The soft, decorated wool yarn bags belonging 
to type 3 are constructed of raveled and respun 
yarn and often include some native fibers. The 
method of constructing yarn bags differed from 
that used for making fiber bags. 

In making wool yarn bags the warps were hung along a 
cord stretched around two springy stakes set upright in 
the ground. When the wefts were twined around the 
hanging warps a flattened cylinder was formed, open at 
both ends. This was slipped off the stakes and sewn 
across the starting end to form the bottom of the bag. 
Thus fiber panel bags are seamless; wool bags generally 
have a seam along the bottom (Whiteford, 1977, pt. 2, 
p. 41). 

A Menominee woman weaving a yarn bag is il- 
lustrated by Skinner (1921, pi. LIII). 

Most wool yarn bags are decorated, usually 
with horizontal bands of geometric figures. There 

are usually three or four broad bands separated by 
one or more narrow bands. The intricate twining 
techniques used in the manufacture of wool yarn 
bags are described in detail by Whiteford (1977, 
pt. 2). 

The Jones collection contains 16 yarn bags, in- 
cluding one that is unfinished. These are described 
in his accession information as having been used 
for "storage of personal belongings, sewing ma- 
terials, medicines, clothing, etc." Jones noted that 
the "purely decorative" designs on the bags have 
pattern names, but that some have become so styl- 
ized that the names cannot be readily recognized. 
In his accession notes for each bag, Jones gave 
the pattern names when he could learn them from 
his informants. These designs include "spider- 
web," "corn," "oak," "worm," and "cosmic 
world," as well as animal and human figures. 
Jones made no attempt to interpret the meanings 
of these pattern names, and it appears that some 
take more than one form. 

Of the 15 complete bags to be described below, 
14 have different designs on each side, while on 
one the designs are the same on front and back. 
Since each bag in the collection is stylistically 
unique, they will be described individually. All 
show indications of use, some more than others. 
For an interesting discussion of representational 
and abstract geometric imagery on twine bags of 
the Great Lakes Indians, see Phillips (1989, pp. 

34777 — A large bag made of blanket ravelings 
and native hemp, the latter occurring on both 
warp and weft strands. The colors are red, black, 
and green, with a different form of stylized bird 
design on each panel. There are vertical bands of 
straight and slanted lines along the sides (Fig. 21). 

34778 — This bag, also made of blanket ravel- 
ings and native hemp, has stylized birds on one 
panel and cosmic world designs in parallel bands 
on the other (Fig. 22). The designs on both panels 
are in black, with vertical bands of red along the 
sides. According to the accession notes, this bag 
was called a "black bag." 

34779 — Blanket ravelings in black, red, gray, 
light brown, and orange were used in the con- 
struction of this bag. On one panel there are bands 
of worm and spiderweb designs near the border 
(Figs. 23-24), while on the other there is a band 
of bird designs just below the rim. The accession 
notes refer to corn designs and "others that are 
purely decorative." 

34780 — A bag made entirely of blanket ravel- 
ings in gray, black, brown, and red colors. There 



are a variety of geometric designs on both panels, 
possibly including birds and spiderwebs (Figs. 

34781 — This bag, which is on exhibit and is of 
particularly fine workmanship, has bird and spi- 
derweb designs on one panel and birds on the 
other. The construction is entirely of blanket rav- 
elings and the colors are orange, black, and green. 

34782 — Another bag on exhibit that is con- 
structed of blanket ravelings. The geometric de- 
signs are in red, black, and gray colors. 

34783 — A bag constructed of commercial yarn 
and twine. Along the sides on both panels are ver- 
tical bands with geometric designs in black, 
green, red, and blue colors. The broad horizontal 
bands on one panel are decorated with geometric 
designs in black. On the other panel are five rows 
of animals, probably deer, in black (Figs. 27-28). 

34784 — A bag woven of commercial yarn and 
twine in brown, red, black, and purple colors. 
There are bands of worm designs on both panels 
and corn designs with a variety of geometric con- 
structions, also on both sides (Figs. 29-30). 

34785 — Constructed entirely of black, red, or- 
ange, and yellow yarn, this colorful bag has bird 
and worm designs in bands on one panel and 
bands of spiderweb designs on the other (Figs. 

34786 — A very wide bag of commercial yarn 
and twine with vertical bands in red, brown, and 
black colors along the sides. The large central 
panel on one side has stylized birds and spider- 
webs in black along the bottom. On the other side, 
also in black, are "conventionalized figures" 
(Figs. 33-34). 

34787 — A nearly square bag made of blanket 
ravelings and yarn. The colors are yellow, black, 
orange, red, blue, and purple. There are spiderweb 
and worm designs on one panel with worm and 
corn representations on the other (Figs. 35-36). 

34788 — A bag made of blanket ravelings, com- 
mercial yarn, and twine. According to the acces- 
sion notes, there are spiderweb and bird represen- 
tations on the identical panels. The colors are light 
brown, dark brown, orange, and red. A narrow 
strip of leather is attached to the center of the rim 
(Fig. 37a). 

34789 — A very small rectangular bag, possibly 
a medicine pouch, is on exhibit. It is constructed 
of native hemp and blanket ravelings. There is the 
figure of a deer on one panel and a human on the 
other. Along the sides are "conventionalized fig- 
ures." The colors are black, gray, and red. 

34790 — A small bag constructed of linden bark 

cord and yarn. The primary decorative motifs are 
rows of horses and deer on both panels. On the 
sides are vertical rows of geometric designs and 
men. The yarn colors are red, brown, green, blue, 
and yellow. Strands of red, green, and purple yarn 
are suspended from the rim (Figs. 38-39). This 
bag is listed in Torrence and Hobbs (1989) but 
was not illustrated. The listing gives a date of "c. 
1890," and the bag is identified as having been 
made by "A SKI BAQUA (Mrs. Joseph Tesson)." 
It is illustrated in Art of the Great Lakes Indians 
(1973, p. 85). 

34791 — A very similar bag of the same size 
and utilizing the same materials and colors. There 
are rows of stylized birds on one panel and deer 
on the other. On the sides are vertical rows of 
geometric designs (Figs. 40-41). 

92046 — A small, unfinished commercial yarn 
bag with warps and wefts of green, purple, red, 
and yellow (Fig. 37b). 

The collections contain what the catalog de- 
scribes as a "head wrap loom" that consists of 
four peeled sticks. The two longer sticks are ap- 
proximately 1.5 cm in diameter, 102.5 cm long, 
and worked to a point at one end. The shorter 
sticks are .5 cm in diameter and 56.5 cm long 
(34967-1-4). It is difficult to determine how these 
sticks may have been used. According to Lyford 
(1943, p. 71), among the Ojibwa, the yarn for 
weaving a sash was wound around two sticks 
stuck into the ground at an interval that would 
provide strands of the desired length. The two 
pointed sticks may have been used in this manner. 
For the Menominee, Skinner (1921, pi. LVII) il- 
lustrated women weaving sashes. One end of a 
sash is shown attached to a long stick inserted in 
the ground. The picture is not clear, and Skinner 
gave no additional information. As for the two 
shorter sticks, they appear to resemble the previ- 
ously described slender, horizontally placed sticks 
used in the construction of fiber bags. 

Indians of the Great Lakes region produced va- 
rieties of square weave with the aid of a wood 
heddle, which was frequently of elaborate con- 
struction and decoration. A heddle has a number 
of equally spaced bars between which one series 
of warp threads are passed. Another series passes 
through small holes in the center of each bar. This 
series of warp threads is in a fixed position, while 
those that are inserted between the bars are free 
to slide up and down. When the warp is taut, one 
series is above the other and there is space for the 
passing of a shuttle conveying the weft threads. 
According to Orchard (1975, pp. 113-114), dec- 



orated wood heddles were introduced by the Je- 
suits or by early French traders. 

The Mesquakie collection contains three wood 
heddles. The first of these is virtually round and 
is made from a single piece of wood, with raised 
ridges on both sides that define the upper and low- 
er limits of the evenly spaced bars. The row of 
holes in the bars is placed slightly above the cen- 
ter. At the top is a suspension hole and a strap of 
tanned skin (34855; Fig. 42). 

The second heddle, which is on exhibit, is rect- 
angular and rounded at the top, where there is a 
suspension hole. On this heddle, the two series of 
warp strands, of commercial brown thread, are in 
place. The decorative designs above and below 
the spaced bars are incised and there is no use of 
color (92048; Fig. 43). 

The third heddle, also on exhibit, is rectangular 
and worked to a point at the upper end, where 
there is a suspension hole and a loop of rawhide. 
The warp strands appear to be commercial white 
thread. As exhibited, the warp strands are drawn 
tight at both ends and a short section of beadwork 
is shown, consisting primarily of squares in red 
and white beads. There appears to be no decora- 
tion on this heddle (34854). Mesquakie wooden 
heddles similar to those described here are illus- 
trated by Torrence and Hobbs (1989, nos. 155, 
157, p. 131). 

The collections contain six baskets made of lin- 
den splints. In making plaited baskets, a flexible 
weft element is passed alternately over and under 
stiff warp elements completely around the basket, 
a procedure that is repeated until the basket is 
completed. Three baskets in the collection are un- 
finished and show the method of manufacture. 
One of them is a slightly less than half-finished 
oval container (34847; Fig. 44b). The other two 
are, according to the accession notes, "child's 
work," and have only a single weft strand; when 
complete they would be small and round (34848, 
34849; Fig. 45a). Two completed "new" baskets 
are oval with reinforced rims wrapped with a flex- 
ible linden splint (34845, 34846; Figs. 44a, 46b). 
The seventh basket is the largest and is described 
in the accession notes as "old." According to the 
catalog, parallel bands of weft splints are dyed 
green and purple, but these are now faded (34844; 
Fig. 46a). Skinner (1921, p. 293) noted that bas- 
ket-making among the Menominee was a recent 
innovation introduced by the Oneida and Stock- 
bridge Indians from the East. 

Rush mats, woven from bleached and dyed bul- 
rushes, were made by all the tribes of the Great 

Lakes area. In the lodges they were used as rugs, 
hung up to serve as partitions, and spread out on 
sleeping platforms or as tables on the floor (Ly- 
ford, 1943, p. 90; Whiteford and Rogers, 1994, p. 
59). Some mats were also used during rituals as 
consecrated surfaces on which sacred bundles 
were placed to be opened and honored (Peterson, 
1963, pp. 249-250). According to Torrence 
(1989, pp. 6-9), most designs on rush mats are 
geometric, but those displaying figurative imagery 
such as deer, underwater panthers, and thunder- 
birds were used exclusively during ceremonies, 
particularly during those of the Mide society. 

Before the weaving of a mat could begin, rush- 
es had to be gathered, bleached, dried, and dyed. 
Also, fiber cord was prepared and needles were 
manufactured. When these preparations had been 
made, a frame loom was erected on which to 
weave the mat. This frame consisted of a hori- 
zontal pole supported on either side by a vertical 
pole. Because it was necessary to keep the rushes 
damp while the weaving was in progress, the 
frame was set up outdoors in a shaded area (Skin- 
ner, 1921, pi. LXVIII; Lyford, 1943, pp. 88-89, 
pi. 48). 

According to Lyford, when a rush mat was con- 
structed, a two-ply cord of basswood was first 
measured to equal the length of the mat. Then the 
ends of the rushes were turned down and twisted 
onto the cord to prepare a firm edge. The cord, 
with the rushes attached, was then fastened at in- 
tervals along the weaving frame's horizontal pole. 

The hanging rushes formed the warp of the mat. Bass- 
wood twine was used for the weft. The weaving pro- 
gressed downward. No shuttle was used. The weaver 
carried the ball of twine in one hand and seperated [sic] 
the rushes with the other so that the twine could pass 
between them. Sometimes two wefts were used, one on 
either side of the warp. The wefts were passed around 
each warp and twined together, thus each weft passed 
from the front to the back of the mat and vice versa. . . . 
When the mat was finished, the lower end was "bound 
off" by turning up the ends of the rushes and fastening 
them as they had been fastened to the cord at the upper 
end (Lyford, 1943, pp. 89-90). 

The designs on mats were achieved with the 
use of dyed rushes, usually woven with a warp 
face technique (Whiteford and Rogers, 1994, pp. 
61-62, fig. 5). The oldest mats were decorated 
with native dyes, with various shades of red, 
brown, and black being the predominant colors. 
By the late 19th century weavers were using com- 
mercial aniline dyes that produced a more varied 
range of colors (Torrence, 1989, p. 7). 



The dome-shaped lodges used by the Mesquak- 
ie and their neighbors were covered with large 
mats made of cattails (Figs. 2, 47). In manufac- 
turing these mats, the cattails were attached to a 
cord in much the same manner as when making 
rush mats. Basswood fiber was threaded into a 
long bone needle like those previously described 
in the section on tools and was passed horizon- 
tally through the cattails at intervals of 20 to 25 
cm. The cattails were lapped so that the threads 
did not show. Cattail mats were made in a variety 
of sizes, and among the Menominee, eight were 
required to cover a winter dwelling. The largest 
mats were intended to enclose the circumference 
of the lodge at its base. On these mats the lower 
end of the warp was often left unfinished, and thus 
only one side had a selvage. A mat so constructed 
could more easily rest in an upright position 
against the sides of the lodge (Skinner, 1921, p. 
245; Lyford, 1943, pp. 90-91). 

The Mesquakie collections contain a single cat- 
tail mat which measures 125 cm X 215 cm, not 
large enough to have been used alone around the 
circumference of a lodge. It has a single selvage, 
and the weft threads of twine are passed through 
the individual warps at intervals of 16 to 19 cm 
(34929; Fig. 48). Obviously, this could not have 
been achieved with the needles previously de- 
scribed. This mat is identified in the accession 
notes as having been used for drying corn. 

Although this mat was probably not used as a 
house covering, ai one time the collection con- 
tained 1 1 mats that are identified in the catalog as 
having been used "for lodge." They have been 
either "disposed" or are simply unaccounted for 
(see Appendix 2). Although all these mats are de- 
scribed as "rush mats," including one that served 
as an "outer doorway" and another as the roof, 
it seems likely that they were, like the mat just 
described, also listed in the catalog as being made 
of rushes, while they were actually constructed of 

The collections contain eight rush mats, each 
of which is distinctive; they will be described in- 

34991 — This mat is unfinished and is attached 
to the horizontal pole of a weaving frame with 
strands of basswood fiber at approximate intervals 
of 3.5 cm. Geometric designs have been produced 
with native-dyed brown and black rushes (Fig. 

34930 — A large, rectangular mat, measuring 
104 cm X 203.5 cm, woven with linden bark cord. 
The geometric designs in black, purple, and green 

are grouped so as to form broad vertical stripes 
across the surface. This mat is illustrated in Art 
of the Great Lakes Indians (1973, no. 314, p. 72) 
where, for an unexplained reason, it is listed as 
collected by Alfred G. Heath (Fig. 50). 

34931 — Woven with linden bark cord, the di- 
mensions of this mat are 105 cm X 207 cm. The 
geometric designs, mostly diamond shapes in 
black, green, and purple pigments, are arranged 
across the mat in broad vertical stripes (Fig. 51). 

34934 — This mat is woven with commercial 
twine and measures 95 cm X 177 cm. The geo- 
metric designs along the borders are in green and 
purple colors. Four panthers in black, their long 
tails curving back over their heads, are woven into 
the center section (Fig. 52). They do not show 
clearly in the photograph. This mat is illustrated 
in Art of the Great Lakes Indians (1973, no. 310, 
p. 71). 

92054 — A large mat, 105 cm X 201 cm, woven 
with nettle fiber cord and colored with commer- 
cial dyes. The decorative composition consists of 
vertical interlocking chevron motifs that converge 
and overlap to form smaller diamonds and trian- 
gles. The predominant colors are red and green. 
This mat is illustrated in color in Torrence and 
Hobbs (1989, no. 4, p. 121) and in Whiteford and 
Rogers (1994, p. 61, fig. 4). In reference to it, 
Torrence (1989, p. 7) wrote, 

The weaving technique allows the artist to include a 
subtle horizontal banding of colors within the design 
units by which middle tones and optically mixed sub- 
dued colors are achieved, thus creating the illusion of 
transparency of the major banded design elements. 

34989 — A mat woven with nettle fiber cord and 
colored with native dyes. It measures 96 cm X 
181.5 cm. The predominant colors are red and 
brown, the red being confined to the borders. 
Three rows of deer are depicted extending across 
the center panel and the borders. This mat is il- 
lustrated in color by Torrence and Hobbs (1989, 
no. 2, p. 121). 

34990 — This mat, woven of nettle fiber cord 
and colored with native dyes, measures 86 cm X 
167.5 cm. Like the previously described mat, the 
predominant colors on this one are red and brown. 
Four panthers are depicted in the center panel, and 
there are stylized figures on the borders. This mat 
is illustrated in color by Torrence and Hobbs 
(1989, no. 1, p. 121) and by Whiteford and Rog- 
ers (1994, p. 65, fig. 10). 

Writing with reference to these two mats, Torr- 



ence (1989, p. 7) noted that they are "considered 
by many authorities to be the finest Great Lakes 
mats in existence." His analysis concludes as fol- 

Rows of deer establish a rhythmic pattern of movement 
across the field of one mat; two pairs of underwater 
panthers on the other create a design that seems to ra- 
diate concentric movement from within. The angular fig- 
ures are conventionalized to fill the space of the mats in 
the same way that the presence of these powerful Man- 
itous are believed to fill the Mesquakie world-hovering 
at the edge of visible reality, all-powerful and ever-pres- 

Painted and folded rawhide trunks were made 
by the Indians of the western Great Lakes region. 
They were used to store not only clothing and 
personal belongings but also sacred medicine bun- 
dles. Torrence (1989, p. 73) has noted that most 
of the rawhide trunks in museum collections were 
obtained from the Mesquakie in Iowa. He be- 
lieved that they may have originated this form in 
the early 19th century. As a possible source of 
their inspiration, he suggested either the folded 
birch bark containers made by all the Great Lakes 
tribes or the early eastern Plains parfleches. Ac- 
cording to Skinner (1926, p. 297), among the 
Prairie Potawatomi, rawhide trunks were made 
and decorated by women. The Field Museum's 
collections also contain trunks from the Kickapoo 
and Winnebago. 

Rawhide trunks were constructed from a single 
piece, cut so that the sides extended from the bot- 
tom and the top was formed from an extension of 
one side. The overlapping sides were then sewn 
together. Painted designs were executed on the 
piece of rawhide before it was folded. These 
paintings "were composed of abstract geometric 
motifs, both straight-edged and curved, organized 
into complex compositions based on a repetition 
of similar elements" (Torrence, 1989, p. 25). 

The Mesquakie collections contain eight raw- 
hide trunks, all of which are rectangular in shape 
and made from a single piece of rawhide. All 
show signs of considerable heavy use. Although 
red and black are the predominant colors, other 
colors are used sparingly. These trunks will be 
described individually. 

34836 — This trunk is made of cowhide and 
sewn up the sides with sinew. The decorative mo- 
tifs, mostly rectangles and triangles, are in red and 
black. The bottom, most of the back, and about 
two-thirds of the flap are undecorated (Fig. 53). 

34837 — A trunk of buffalo hide currently on 

exhibit. It is decorated on all visible sides with 
geometric designs in red, black, and yellow pig- 

34840 — An undecorated trunk of rawhide sewn 
up the sides with commercial twine. 

34841 — This cowhide trunk, sewn horizontally 
on the sides with rawhide, is decorated with geo- 
metric designs in red, black, yellow, blue, and 
green pigments. In the center on the front and 
back are Maltese cross designs in black pigment 
(Fig. 54). This trunk is listed but not illustrated in 
Art of the Great Lakes Indians (1973, no. 409, p. 

34842 — A cowhide trunk on exhibit. Like most 
of the others, it is sewn up the sides with strips 
of rawhide. The geometric motifs, spurred bands, 
triangles, and inverted spurred triangles are in red, 
black, yellow, blue, and green pigments (Fig. 55). 
This trunk is illustrated in Art of the Great Lakes 
Indians (1973, no. 408, p. 89) and listed but not 
illustrated in Torrence and Hobbs (1989, no. 183, 
p. 133). 

34843 — This cowhide trunk, sewn horizontally 
on the sides, is painted on all surfaces in red, 
black, green, and yellow pigments. Diamond 
shapes and elongated triangles predominate (Fig. 

34902 — A trunk with extremely well-preserved 
colors. Diamonds and triangles are painted on all 
surfaces in red, black, and green pigments (Fig. 
57). It is listed but not illustrated in Torrence and 
Hobbs (1989, no. 185, p. 133), where it is dated 
"c. 1870." 

92012 — This trunk, sewn up the sides with 
strips of rawhide, has a variety of geometric mo- 
tifs on all surfaces, including elongated and 
spurred triangles and bands of straight and curved 
lines, in red, black, green, and yellow pigments 
(Fig. 58). It has been heavily restored. 

In addition to these trunks, the collections con- 
tain a pack strap of buffalo hide for wrapping a 
rawhide trunk (34839; Fig. 59b). 

The Mesquakie collections contain two cradles, 
both of which are on exhibit. Like those of other 
Woodland tribes, these cradles consist of a board 
back with narrow detachable sides and a foot rest. 
A wooden bow projects over the head to support 
a canopy and also to protect the child if the cradle 
should be dropped. The child is held in the cradle 
by wrapping that extends around the board. 
Beads, bells, or thimbles are usually suspended 
from the front of the bow; their movement pro- 
tected the child from insects and also attracted its 
attention. Among the Menominee, a child usually 



remained in its cradle until it was at least two 
years old (Skinner, 1921, pp. 214-215, pi. XLIV). 

The first cradle has a padded headrest covered 
with patterned cotton cloth. Suspended from the 
bow are rows of large blue beads and small brass 
bells strung on commercial twine (92047; Fig. 
60). The second cradle is more complete. It also 
has a padded headrest wrapped with cloth. The 
frame is wrapped with broad strips of cloth and 
wool stroud, held in place with small silver 
brooches and long strands of red yarn. Woven 
strands of pink, blue, and black beads are sus- 
pended from the bow, and a beaded strip extends 
the length of the cradle, from the bow to the back 
board below the foot rest. Inside the cradle is a 
small pillow and a sack for the navel cord, which, 
according to the accession notes, is disposed of 
when the child leaves the cradle. Also within the 
cradle is cotton sheeting, which kept the baby 
warm (34853). 

A dish for maple sap, also on exhibit, is made 
from a single rectangular piece of linden bark 
gathered at each end and wrapped with strips of 
cloth; the dish is approximately 28 cm long 
(34971). A similar dish for sap, used by the Me- 
nominee, is illustrated by Skinner (1921, pi. 

According to Owen (1904, p. 28), the Mes- 
quakie smoked tobacco mixed with red willow 
bark and the leaves of the creeping wintergreen; 
this mixture is referred to as "kinikinik." This 
name was also known to the Prairie Potawatomi 
(Skinner, 1926, p. 287) and to the Menominee, 
whose mixture could also include dried sumac 
leaves. Skinner (1921, pp. 358-359) doubted that 
the name was "aboriginal in the language of this 
tribe." According to Hodge (1910, pt. 1, p. 692), 
however, the word is derived from Chippewa and 
means "(what) is mixed by hand"; apparently the 
term is widespread in Algonquian languages. 

In preparing kinikinik, the nontobacco ingre- 
dients were first dried over a fire. For this purpose 
the collections contain a wicker frame for drying 
kinikinik, which consists of a rough framework 
cut from a crotched willow sapling, across the ex- 
tended arms of which is woven a coarse matting 
of willow twigs and roots (34973; Fig. 61). Ac- 
companying this drying frame is a small package 
of "the inner scrapings of red willow bark for 
'kinikinik' " (34975). A similar but even more 
crudely constructed Menominee drying frame is 
described and illustrated by Skinner (1921, p. 359, 
pi. CII). 

The Jones collection contains six wood pot 

hooks, described in the catalog as "lodge hooks," 
from which kettles were hung over the lodge fire- 
place. These hooks are simply crotched sapling 
branches, which vary considerably in size and in 
the extent to which the natural hooks have been 
modified by human workmanship; all are illus- 
trated (34861-66; Figs. 45b-e, 59a, c). A Menom- 
inee wooden pot hook is described and illustrated 
by Skinner (1921, p. 102, fig. 1). 


Woodland Indians have not worn native dress 
for a long time, and information in the literature 
on traditional and modified traditional clothing is 
limited. One exception is Skinner's study of Men- 
onimee material culture (1921), which will be the 
most important comparative source for this sec- 
tion. Although details are lacking, the basic ap- 
parel of Mesquakie men before the appearance of 
Euro-American clothing consisted of leggings, 
breechcloth, moccasins, and a robe or blanket. 
Women wore a trade cloth skirt and blouse, leg- 
gings, moccasins, and a blanket or shawl. For 
men, this basic assemblage was augmented by a 
headdress, armbands, a bear claw necklace, a belt, 
and one or more pouches or shoulder bags (Torr- 
ence, 1989, p. 17). 

The Mesquakie collections contain a consider- 
able variety of clothing, but of particular interest 
are four complete or nearly complete "suits" of 
undecorated, tanned buckskin collected by Jones, 
which include garments for a man, woman, boy, 
and girl; these will be described first. Some would 
appear to be the garments made for Jones by el- 
derly women using buckskins sent from Chicago 
by Dorsey (see Introduction). A few, however, 
show considerable signs of wear. 

The man 's suit includes a coat, breechcloth and 
belt or waistband, leggings, and moccasins. The 
coat reaches to the knees and opens down the 
front. The back is a single piece, as is each side 
of the front; each sleeve is also a separate piece. 
Fringed strips are sewn into the side seams, and 
there is a separate notched collar. At the neck are 
three ties with wood pegs as buttons. Sewing 
throughout is with sinew (34935; Fig. 62a). The 
breechcloth is simply a roughly rectangular piece 
of hide, approximately 106 cm X 30 cm, which 
was held in place by a narrow belt or waistband 
of buckskin (34940-1, 2). A breechcloth was 
made to pass between the legs and over the belt, 
leaving an apron in front and back. The leggings 



for this suit are exhibited on a manikin, and it is 
impossible to examine them in detail. They appear 
to be made from single pieces without fringes and 
to extend from the ankles to the crotch (34936-1, 
2). The moccasins are each made from a single 
piece, with a straight heel seam and a puckered 
seam running over the toe. Two short trailers pro- 
trude from the base of the heel seam, cut from the 
edges that are brought together in the heel seam. 
There are wraparound ties attached at the proxi- 
mal end of the toe seam (34937-1, 2; Fig. 62b). 
This style of moccasin conforms to Hatt's Series 
I (1916, pp. 153-159). Among the Menominee, 
this style was considered traditional, and Skinner 
(1921, p. 117) was unable to obtain examples. 

The woman's suit consists of a short jacket, 
skirt, belt, leggings, and moccasins. The jacket is 
constructed of a single back and front piece with 
a separate collar. Each sleeve is also a separate 
piece. On either side of the opening in front are 
rows of slits and buckskin ties (34946; Fig. 63a). 
The skirt, made from two pieces, is rectangular 
and flares slightly at the lower edge (34947; Fig. 
64a), and the belt is simply a narrow strip of 
buckskin (34950). The knee-length leggings are 
made from single rectangular pieces sewn so as 
to form narrow flaps along the side. The leggings 
flare slightly at the upper end (34948-1, 2; Fig. 
63b). The moccasins (34941-1, 2) are identical to 
the previously described pair and thus conform to 
Hatt's Series I (Hatt, 1916, pp. 153-159). Sewing 
throughout is with sinew. 

A boy's suit includes only a coat, belt, and leg- 
gings. Like the previously described woman's 
coat, the front and back of this one are cut from 
a single piece with a rounded bottom edge. There 
is a separate collar, which forms a hood. Each 
sleeve is a separate piece, sewn so that there are 
a pair of narrow flaps extending from the shoul- 
ders to the cuffs. There is a pair of buckskin ties 
at the level of the armpits (34941; Fig. 65b); the 
belt is a plain strip of hide (34944). The knee- 
length leggings are sewn to form a pair of narrow 
flaps that extend about three-quarters of the 
length, and at the lower edge are small, single 
flaps. These leggings widen at the upper end, 
where there is a single tie for attachment to the 
belt (34942-1, 2; Fig. 65c). In the illustration the 
leggings are reversed; the flaps were worn on the 

In addition to the boy's suit, the collections 
contain two buckskin boy's coats, both of which 
have short fringes sewn into all the seams as well 
as fringed lower edges. On one, the front and back 

are two identical pieces sewn together down the 
back. Each sleeve is a separate piece, with a small 
gore at one shoulder and another under one arm. 
A triangular flap is attached on the neck at the 
back. There are a series of buckskin ties down the 
front (34897; Fig. 65a). On the second coat, the 
back is two pieces joined down the center. Each 
side of the front is also a separate piece, as are 
the sleeves. Buckskin ties are missing, but there 
is a single glass button. On this coat the fringe 
around the lower edge is a separate piece, sewn 
on with thread (34898; Fig. 66a). 

The girl's suit includes a very short jacket, 
skirt, belt, leggings, and moccasins. The entire 
jacket, including sleeves, is constructed of a sin- 
gle piece, sewn up the sides and along the sleeves. 
The lower edge is cut straight, and there is a short 
V-shaped collar on the back. A pair of ties are 
located at the neck and at the level of the armpits 
(34953; Fig. 66b). The belt, like the others, is a 
narrow strip of buckskin (34957). The skirt flares 
toward the lower edge and is cut straight. Most 
of it consists of a single piece, but there are three 
irregularly shaped pieces that fill out the center 
portion, one of which extends above the upper 
edge and is perforated, possibly for attachment to 
the belt (34954; Fig. 64b). The knee-length leg- 
gings, which flare toward the top, are similar to 
those previously described but have a narrow, sin- 
gle flap running the entire length. At the upper 
end of the flap is a pair of perforations, possibly 
for ties (34955-1, 2; Fig. 66c). The moccasins 
(34956-1, 2; Fig. 67b), like those previously de- 
scribed, belong to Hatt's Series I (Hatt, 1916, pp. 

Mesquakie women braided their hair in a single 
plait, which was folded back and wrapped with 
an oblong cloth wrapper, from which hung swing- 
ing pendants of woven beads. The collections 
contain five head wrappers, all of which are on 
exhibit. They consist of rectangular pieces of 
black cloth, approximately 10 cm X 30 cm, on 
which are sewn pairs of beaded panels with de- 
signs including spiderweb, corn, and worm, 
among other geometric representations in red, yel- 
low, green, white, blue, and black beads (34903, 
34904, 34981, 92004, 92005). Similar wrappers 
for the Menominee and Sauk are illustrated by 
Skinner (1921, pi. XXV; 1925, pi. XIX, pp. 3-7). 

Unfortunately, most of the beaded pendants as- 
sociated with the hair wrappers are in exhibit 
cases (92017, 92018, 92021, 92037). Available 
for study is a single hair ornament tie and a tie 
with pendants. The beaded tie is woven on thread 



that is braided at the ends where the pendants 
would be attached. The beaded decoration con- 
sists of geometric designs, predominantly dia- 
mond-shaped, in red, yellow, light blue, dark blue, 
and pink beads on a white background (92020; 
Fig. 68b). The other tie is similar, with beaded 
decoration in the same colors, which emphasizes 
stepped designs. The pendants consist of small 
white beads woven on the bias, with red yarn tas- 
sels at the ends (92015; Fig. 68d). Complete hair 
ornaments of the Sauk and the Menominee are 
illustrated by Skinner (1925, pi. XIX, pp. 7-8; 
1921, pi. XXV), while Torrence and Hobbs illus- 
trate those of the Mesquakie (1989, nos. 84-85). 

The collections contain a man 's belt consisting 
of five strips of heavy twine wrapped with beads 
in a variety of colors. Four of these strips are at- 
tached in pairs with short strips of red and black 
cloth to the fifth strip which forms a loop. The 
ends of the four strands are ornamented with yarn 
tassels (34907; Fig. 69a). 

There are four yarn sashes in the Mesquakie 
collections, woven by a loomless technique that 
resembles plaiting. One sash is unusual because 
of its considerable length and width. It is woven 
in an arrow pattern with red, blue, green, yellow, 
and purple yarn (34899; Fig. 70). This sash is il- 
lustrated in Art of the Great Lakes Indians (1973, 
no. 45, p. 173). 

The other three sashes are much narrower. The 
first is woven of red and purple yarn. The borders 
and center design elements resemble spurred lines 
(92009; Fig. 71). The second is woven of red and 
light blue yarn, with a blue spurred line running 
down the center. A number of unwoven strands 
are strung with small white beads (92010; Fig. 
69b). The third sash is woven of red, green, and 
purple yarn, with a design that emphasizes dia- 
mond shapes. The trailers are braided, and beads 
in the same colors as the yarn are sewn into them 
in such a manner that there are two parallel rows 
down the center and a row along each edge at 
right angles to the others (92011; Fig. 69d). Yarn 
sashes were intended to be wrapped around the 
waist and tied so that the braided ends hung down 
at the hip. They could also be wrapped around the 
head as a turban. Sashes were worn both ways by 
the Menominee (Skinner, 1921, p. 109). A large 
Mesquakie yarn sash ornamented with white 
beads is illustrated by Penny (1992, pi. 9). 

A loom-woven shoulder sash has worm, corn, 
oak leaf, and a combination of corn and oak leaf 
designs in pink, green, dark blue, red, and light 
blue beads on a background of white beads. The 

entire sash is edged with a row of clear beads. At 
either end are short strands of twine, presumably 
to assist in holding the sash in place on the wear- 
er's shoulder (34908; Fig. 69c). 

A pair of hip-length buckskin man's leggings 
widens at the top, where there are a pair of ties 
for attachment to a belt; there are fringed and 
notched flaps at the bottom. A long fringe, in- 
cluding four notched flaps near the hip, is sewn 
into the seam and extends the length of the leg- 
gings. A rectangular beaded strip, the beads sewn 
on a strip of red wool stroud covered with black 
cotton cloth, is sewn along the seam. The deco- 
ration consists of pairs of worm designs in pink, 
white, light blue, dark blue, and purple beads 
(34896-1, 2; Fig. 72). Accession notes accompa- 
nying these leggings indicate that they belonged 
to Chief Pouting Head, described as the last Mes- 
quakie warrior who helped to drive the Sioux out 
of Iowa. They are listed but not illustrated in Torr- 
ence and Hobbs (1989, no. 72, p. 125), where they 
are dated "c. 1885." 

In addition to the moccasins already described 
as part of complete or nearly complete clothing 
assemblages, the collections contain four pair and 
two single moccasins. Although all of them con- 
form in design and construction to Hatt's Series I 
(Hatt, 1916, pp. 153-159), they have ankle flaps 
that are cut more to a point in front. For the most 
part, sewing is with thread. Unlike those described 
earlier, these moccasins have beaded and cloth 
decoration and will be described individually. 

34906-1, 2 — On these women's moccasins, cur- 
rently on exhibit, the toe seam and the ankle flaps 
are covered with beaded panels worked on sepa- 
rate pieces of wool cloth. Spiderweb and worm 
designs are worked in red, white, blue, and green 
beads. There is a pair of buckskin ties at the prox- 
imal end of the toe seam (Fig. 73b). 

34905-1, 2 — A pair of woman's moccasins with 
beaded panels, sewn on separate pieces of dark 
cloth edged with red cloth, covering the ankle 
flaps. There is no beadwork over the puckered toe 
seam. Spiderweb designs are rendered in dark 
blue, light blue, green, white, purple, and red 
beads. Although the designs are the same on both 
moccasins, there are two different color arrange- 
ments, both of which are used on each moccasin. 
Buckskin ties make it possible to tighten the moc- 
casins at the instep (Fig. 73a). 

92023-1, 2 — The ankle flaps are edged with 
cotton cloth, one black and the other red. This is 
the only decoration on these moccasins. There are 



buckskin ties at the instep. These moccasins show 
considerable wear (Fig. 74a). 

92022- J, 2 — The beadwork on these moccasins 
is sewn directly on the buckskin with an applique 
or spot-stitch technique. Spiderweb designs in 
blue and yellow beads cover the toe seam. The 
ankle flaps have rows of triangles in red, light 
blue, and dark blue beads on backgrounds of dark 
blue and light blue. The flaps are edged with sin- 
gle rows of white and dark blue beads, and the 
heel seams are covered with rows of pink and 
dark blue beads (Fig. 67a). 

34982 — A single moccasin has broad, sharply 
pointed ankle flaps. The flaps and the toe seam 
are ornamented with oak leaf designs in black, 
red, green, white, yellow, blue, and clear beads 
(Fig. 74b). This colorful moccasin is checklisted 
in Torrence and Hobbs (1989, no. 78, p. 126), and 
its decoration would appear to be representative 
of the Prairie style that emerged during the 1850s 
and 1860s in the territories just west of the Mis- 
sissippi River. This style is characterized by 
"closely packed design elements" and "hot color 
combinations" (Penny, 1992, pp. 114-119). 

34983 — A badly worn child's moccasin, 
patched with commercial leather at the toe and 
heel. The toe seam is not puckered. The ankle 
flaps are covered with thread-sewn floral and oak 
leaf designs in red, white, yellow, light blue, dark 
blue, pink, and brown beads (Fig. 74c). This dec- 
oration would also appear to be in the Prairie 

Beaded garters, ornamental rather than func- 
tional and worn by men, were tied outside the 
leggings below the knees. The collections contain 
three pairs of beaded garters. The first pair has a 
variety of geometric designs woven in red, dark 
blue, light blue, white, and yellow beads. The 
ends of the warp threads are gathered and 
wrapped around strands of blue yarn to form trail- 
ers (92006-1, 2; Fig. 68a). The second pair, much 
narrower, is woven of red yarn warp strands, 
which are gathered and braided to provide ties at 
either end. The geometric beaded designs are in 
white, dark blue, and light blue beads (92016-1, 
2; Fig. 68c). The third pair of gaiters, on exhibit, 
is also woven of red yarn and has geometric de- 
signs, mostly stepped squares, in white, red, and 
blue beads (92007-1, 2). 

Since knives were carried by both men and 
women and were worn on the person in sheaths, 
the single knife and sheath in the collection is 
described with clothing. The knife would appear 
to be of the usual household type used by women 

for a variety of activities in the preparation of 
food. The simple, undecorated sheath, with a loop 
for attachment to the belt, also suggests a utilitar- 
ian function. The knife itself is a commercial im- 
plement that has a wood handle with decorative 
metal inlays at either end (34951-1, 2; Fig. 75i). 
There is some indication that this knife and sheath 
were collected as part of the previously described 
woman's suit. Among the Menominee a man's 
knife was primarily a fighting weapon and was 
kept in an ornamented sheath. It was worn over 
the chest for easy access (Skinner, 1921, pp. 319- 

Personal Adornment 

Decorative ornaments of sheet silver or German 
silver, an alloy of copper, zinc, and nickel metal- 
lurgically defined as containing no silver, were 
significant items in commercial trade in eastern 
North America between 1760 and 1850. Since In- 
dians of the western Great Lakes greatly desired 
them in exchange for their furs and services, trad- 
ers became increasingly aware of the necessity of 
including items such as brooches, armbands, 
bracelets, and finger rings in their trading inven- 
tories. The Mesquakie collections contain all these 
categories of decorative ornaments. By the late 
1830s and early 1840s German silver had largely 
replaced sheet silver for the manufacture of trade 
ornaments. At least some of the ornaments de- 
scribed here may have been produced locally by 
native smiths. 

There are 29 disk brooches, three of which are 
on exhibit. Five are decoratively perforated with 
symmetrical arrangements of oval, triangular, di- 
amond-shaped, cross-shaped, and semilunar per- 
forations. All are slightly concave on the under- 
side and lack tongues for fastening to the garment 
(92068-7; Fig. 75b). Two heavier, flat brooches 
also lack tongues. One is plain except for incised 
lines around the edges and around the opening in 
the center (92068-4; Fig. 75d). The other is dec- 
orated with rocker-engraved curved and beaded 
lines (92068-2; Fig. 75c). Brooches of this type 
were worn on the chest. 

Twenty -two round or ring brooches are small, 
concave on the underside, and possess a tongue 
for fastening to the garment (92069-3, 17; Fig. 
75f, h). One of these is slightly smaller and is 
decorated with round perforations and stamped 
designs (92069-20; Fig. 75g). Another is much 



smaller and the tongue consists of a piece of wire 
(92069-22; Fig. 75e). 

A single brooch is beaded around the edge, has 
four triangular perforations around the center, and 
has a row of V-shaped stamps just inside the edge. 
The tongue is missing, but there is a short length 
of buckskin knotted through the triangular perfo- 
rations (34919; Fig. 75a). According to the acces- 
sion notes, this brooch was worn at the neck or 
breast by a man. A Mesquakie cotton blouse 
adorned with perforated brooches of several sizes 
is illustrated by Torrence and Hobbs (1989, no. 
102) and is dated "c. 1890." 

The collections contain four bracelets, three of 
German silver and one of brass. Two of the Ger- 
man silver bracelets are a pair, ornamented on the 
outer surface with incised symbolic designs 
(34916-1, 2; Fig. 76a). These bracelets may have 
been manufactured locally. According to Owen 
(1904, pp. 61, 99-100), all silver was associated 
with spiritual power, but bracelets were the most 
important form in this regard. The other silver 
bracelet is much thinner and lighter and has an 
inset stone in the center. A fastener is formed by 
a perforation at one end and a raised knob at the 
other end that is inserted into the perforation 
(34917; Fig. 76b). 

The brass bracelet is a single 2-mm-wide ring 
of that material (34918). According to the acces- 
sion notes, this bracelet was well known among 
the Mesquakie, and its origin could be traced back 
three generations. It was "probably made at Rock 
Island, taken with the Indians to Kansas, back to 
Dubuque and then to Tama." 

A single pair of armbands are ribbed along the 
edges and ornamented with stamped bosses filled 
with rocker engraving (92051-1, 2). Currently on 
exhibit, they are illustrated by VanStone (1989, 
fig. 15a). 

The collections contain five finger rings of Ger- 
man silver. The square bezels of two are decorated 
with nearly identical stamped designs (34911, 
34912; Fig. 77b, e). The other three have raised 
bezels inset with rectangular pieces of abalone 
shell (34913, 34914, 34915; Fig. 77a, c-d). 

A variety of necklaces were worn by both men 
and women, and multiple strands of shells were 
especially popular. The collections contain such a 
necklace of long, white glass beads strung on 
string at intervals with cowrie shells (92014). 
Among the Menominee it was considered that 
such necklaces were a modern substitution for 
wampum (Skinner, 1921, pp. 126-127). 

A semirigid necklace that is on exhibit appears 

to be a thick roll of hide, approximately 2 cm in 
diameter, wrapped with alternating bands of blue, 
red, green, pink, and white beads (92013). 

One of the most impressive personal ornaments 
worn by Mesquakie men was a bear claw neck- 
lace, which traditionally proclaimed the bravery 
and stature of the wearer (Torrence, 1989, p. 19). 
The collections contain a necklace of this type, 
but the claws are made from cow horn. The core 
of the necklace, probably rolled cloth, is wrapped 
with otter fur. Two rows of large red, white, and 
blue beads are strung on string between the claws, 
and a long trailer of otter fur extends from the 
necklace. On the front of this strip are four small 
mirrors edged with red wool stroud. The upper- 
most mirror also has an edging of blue, pink, and 
white beads (34895; Fig. 78). According to Torr- 
ence (1989, p. 20), Mesquakie bear claw neck- 
laces were greatly valued by other tribes. 

Mesquakie necklaces very similar to this one 
are illustrated in Skinner (1925, pi. XIV, fig. 3), 
Art of the Great Lakes Indians (1973, no. 272), 
Penny (1992, nos. 45-46), and Torrence and 
Hobbs (1989, no. 115). According to the acces- 
sion notes, the necklace described here was worn 
"during political functions by chiefs, councilors, 
warriors, etc." 

According to Skinner (1921, p. 131), Menom- 
inee men removed facial hair with tweezers made 
from a coil of spring wire. The collections contain 
such a brass coil, fitted over a carefully worked 
wood holder that is pointed at one end and that 
has a suspension hole and short length of buck- 
skin thong at the other end (92034; Fig. 75j). 

Ceremonial Equipment 

Most of the objects described in this section are 
"ceremonial" only in the broadest meaning of the 
term. Many appear to have been used primarily 
in contemporary social dancing, gatherings, and 
rituals, although some may have been valued fam- 
ily heirlooms. A few were also associated with 
the curing of illness. 

The collections contain a roach headdress con- 
sisting of soft and coarse hairs dyed red and black. 
The black hair is actually from a turkey's beard, 
the bristle-like feathers on the bird's breast, while 
the red hair is dyed horsehair. Extending upright 
through the front of the roach is a short bone tube 
that serves as a swivel, from which extends a 
golden eagle feather; there is no spreader. At- 
tached with thread to the spine of the feather is a 



narrow strip of wood wrapped with black- and 
white-dyed porcupine quills. Similar quill- 
wrapped strips are seen on a feather fan illustrated 
in Torrence and Hobbs (1989, no. 122). At either 
end of this wood strip are tufts of ermine skin, 
down feathers, and, at the lower end, a rattle- 
snake's rattle. The base appears to have been con- 
structed by folding the turkey beard feathers and 
horsehair around strips of rawhide, which are held 
in place with sinew wrapping (34979; Fig. 79). 
This roach headdress, which measures approxi- 
mately 43 cm X 33 cm, is listed in Torrence and 
Hobbs (1989, p. 128, no. 116), where it is dated 
"c. 1870." A somewhat similar roach, which does 
not have the feather, is illustrated in the same vol- 
ume (no. 117). Among the Menominee, a roach 
was attached to the back of the head by drawing 
the scalp lock through the broad part of the base 
(Skinner, 1921, pp. 113-114). Field Museum's 
roach was attached to the head with a strip of 
rawhide drawn through two pairs of holes in the 
bone tube. 

Three masks of wire mesh are clearly not of 
native manufacture. They are described in the cat- 
alog as "used in dances." All three have been 
painted, probably by the owners. The paint has 
largely disappeared on the first, which has curved 
and straight red lines on both cheeks, yellow cir- 
cles on both cheeks, black eyes, and a red mouth 
(92040; Fig. 80c). On the second mask, half the 
face is painted blue and the other half yellow. 
There are yellow and blue lines on the cheeks and 
chin (92041; Fig. 80a). The third mask appears to 
have been painted black with wide bands of red 
around the eyes, broad yellow strips on the 
cheeks, and a pattern of yellow rectangles across 
the forehead (92042; Fig. 80b). Masks similar to 
these, imported from France, are illustrated in a 
"sporting goods" catalog published in 1886 (Peck 
& Snyder, 1971 [1886]), where they are listed as 
costing between 500 and $1.00 and are described 
as ideal for "masquerade balls." 

Among the Sauk, small bags of woven bead- 
work containing packets of medicine were "taken, 
chewed, and sprayed over the body to render the 
user invulnerable" (Skinner, 1925, p. 94). The 
collection contains three medicine bags, two of 
which are small, rectangular, and constructed of 
woven beadwork. The first bag has parallel rows 
of pink, dark blue, white, and yellow beads, with 
a handle of plaited yarn decorated with white 
beads (92055; Fig. 81c). According to the catalog 
it originally contained an "object with beaded 
covering," but that is now missing. The second 

bag, on exhibit, is similar in size and is decorated 
with spiderweb, corn, and oak leaf designs in red, 
white, and yellow beads (34909). According to 
the accession notes, this is a "young man's bag 
for medicines, love potions, magic, etc." Similar 
medicine or charm bags are described in detail by 
Lurie (1986) and illustrated by Penny (1992, nos. 
66, 68). The third medicine bag is actually a 
pouch, rather crudely constructed from a single 
rectangular piece of buffalo hide, sewn up the 
sides with rawhide and folded over to form a flap. 
At the lower edge of the flap is a strip of rawhide, 
which, although broken, at one time served to 
close the pouch (34969; Fig. 8 Id). According to 
the accession notes, this pouch is a "medicine 
sack for holding bark, roots, etc." 

Also probably associated with curing is a cup- 
ping horn made from a cow's horn. It is consid- 
erably pared down, and there is a raised lip at the 
proximal end (92038; Fig. 8 If). 

War clubs of hardwood, both the flat or gun- 
stock type and the ball-headed variety, were used 
by the Mesquakie. The collections contain three 
flat clubs. The first is painted black and, according 
to the catalog, is made in the shape of a snipe's 
leg. There are suspension holes at either end, be- 
tween which is strung a length of tanned hide. A 
row of unidentified black-dyed feathers hang from 
the hide strip, the distal ends of their spines being 
inserted through holes in the hide and bent over 
(34887; Fig. 82). The second flat war club is sim- 
ilar in shape but is wider and is made of red cedar. 
It has suspension holes at both ends, with a crow 
and golden eagle feather pendant at one end and 
a perforated leather strip at the other. A strip of 
otter fur is attached near the center (34889; Fig. 
83b). Both these war clubs are described in the 
catalog as "ceremonial," and the second is further 
described as a "model." Undoubtedly what is 
meant is that these clubs were made in imitation 
of traditional war clubs for contemporary cere- 
monial purposes. The same is doubtless true of 
the third flat war club, which is similar in shape 
to the others, appears to be made from a piece of 
commercial lumber, and is described in the cata- 
log as "made after old form" (92064; Fig. 83a). 

The fourth war club is ball-headed with a heavy 
iron spike extending from the ball. There is a sus- 
pension hole at the proximal end, from which ex- 
tends a length of braided horse hair wrapped at 
the proximal end with red wool stroud and yellow 
beads. The strip of wool stroud has diamond- 
shaped perforations along its entire length (92039; 
Fig. 84). Torrence (1989, p. 237) believed that the 



braided horsehair represented the scalp of an en- 
emy. According to Skinner (1921, pp. 314-315), 
the Menominee retained war clubs for many gen- 
erations and considered them ancestral heirlooms. 
The same was doubtless true of the Mesquakie, 
and this club is illustrated in Torrence and Hobbs 
(1989, p. 131, no. 162), who date it "c. 1830." 
The Field Museum catalog describes it as "old." 

A rectangular strip of red wool stroud, 264 cm 
long, is folded and stitched with thread. A variety 
of feathers, including those of the red-tailed and 
red-shouldered hawk, crow, bald eagle, and turkey 
vulture, are inserted at regular intervals; the re- 
sulting artifact is described in the catalog as a 
"coup stick cover." The proximal ends of the 
feather spines are pushed through slits in the wool 
cloth and then bent back on themselves. To help 
keep the long row of feathers upright and in place, 
a length of blue yarn is run through the feather 
spines about 4.5 cm above the edge of the wool 
cloth (92057; Fig. 85). This object is listed in 
Torrence and Hobbs (1989, p. 129, no. 123), 
where it is described as a "lance banner" and is 
dated "c. 1850." According to Skinner (1925, p. 
74), among the Sauk, coup counting took place at 
adoption feasts. However, he makes no reference 
to coup sticks. 

Rattles made from dried gourds are common 
among Plains and Great Lakes Indians; there are 
three in the Mesquakie collections. The first is a 
small, nearly round gourd with a thin wood han- 
dle running through it (92031; Fig. 81e). The sec- 
ond, on exhibit, is even smaller, being approxi- 
mately 15 cm in length. A wood peg extends 
through the gourd, the proximal end fitting into a 
wood handle that flares at both ends (92032). On 
the third rattle the handle is an extension of the 
gourd. A small round hole on one side is closed 
with a wood peg, the surface of which is flush 
with the surface of the gourd (92033; Fig. 86). 
Gourd rattles were the common form of ceremo- 
nial rattle among the Menominee and Winnebago, 
where traditionally they were filled with seeds but 
in more recent times have been filled with peb- 
bles, beads, or buckshot (Skinner, 1921, pp. 352- 
354; Radin, 1923, p. 123). 

Although flutes were used in many ceremonies 
by Great Lakes area Indians, they were most com- 
monly associated with the courting rituals of 
young men (Skinner, 1921, pp. 355-357; Radin, 
1923, p. 123). The collections contain four flutes, 
all of which are made from two split and hollowed 
pieces of wood that were glued together. Three 
are lashed in several places with strips of buck- 

skin; all four have six finger holes. The first flute 
is made from sumac wood, and the area around 
the air hole is an inset frame of cedar, the air hole 
itself being lined with metal. The slide by which 
the tone is regulated is also of cedar and is carved 
to represent a horse (34892; Fig. 81b). The second 
flute is made of red cedar and has a slide of the 
same material (34893; Fig. 87a). The third, also 
made of red cedar, is constructed somewhat dif- 
ferently. The two halves are joined in three places 
and at each end by bands of inlaid lead. The slide 
of cedar is carved to represent a horse (34894; 
Fig. 87b). This flute is illustrated in Torrence and 
Hobbs (1989, p. 131, no. 152). According to the 
catalog, the air hole on the fourth flute was lined 
with an old cartridge case; both this lining and the 
slide are now missing (92025; Fig. 81a). Among 
the Menominee, flutes that were used in success- 
ful courtships were highly valued and could be 
rented at a good price (Skinner, 1921, p. 357). 
Skinner illustrated a young man playing a "lov- 
er's flute" (pi. CI). 

According to Torrence (1989, p. 23), wood ef- 
figy carvings representing manitous were "creat- 
ed in accordance with visionary instruction and 
maintained within sacred bundles." One probable 
carving of this type, representing a turtle effigy, 
is carved out of walnut (34860; Fig. 81g). 

Games and Toys 

Games of chance and dexterity are both repre- 
sented in the Mesquakie collections, but of the 
first variety there are only two examples. The 
widely distributed dice game is represented by a 
dice bowl and eight dice, four of which are on 
exhibit. The bowl, like those described in an ear- 
lier section, is made of maple and is round and 
highly polished. The four bone dice are polished 
on one surface. Three have a pair of incised cir- 
cles on one surface, while the fourth, which is 
smaller, is plain (34817-1-8; Fig. 88). According 
to Culin (1907, p. 85), both men and women 
played the dice game, but it was more likely to 
be played by women. The dice were tossed in the 
bowl, points were awarded according to the mark- 
ings on the dice, and the count was kept with 10 

The collections contain a bundle of 100 peeled 
willow counting sticks, wrapped with a strip of 
cotton cloth, that were part of a stick game. Ac- 
cording to the accession notes, Culin (1907, pp. 
232-233), and Jones (1939, p. Ill), the game was 



no longer played at the time of Jones's fieldwork, 
but was well known as a game played by char- 
acters in a myth. A dividing stick for separating 
the counting sticks during the game is missing 
(34963-1-100; Fig. 89b). In playing this game, 
the entire bundle was held in the hands and then 
dropped in a pile, which was then divided with 
the pointed dividing stick. The object was to sep- 
arate a series of denominations: 1-11-21-31-41, et 
cetera, 3-13-23-33-43, et cetera, and on up with 
odd numbers up to nine. Two sides played, with 
one side holding the sticks and the other playing 
them. Before using the dividing stick, a player had 
to indicate which denomination he would attempt 
to divide. For example, if he called out the num- 
ber one denomination, the player had to separate 
out 1-11-21-31-41, et cetera. If he succeeded, he 
scored one point, but if he failed, the turn went 
to another player. The number of points in a game 
was determined before playing. 

The most abundant dexterity games in the Mes- 
quakie collections are those identified as snow 
snakes, a class of game in which "darts or jave- 
lins are hurled along snow or ice or free in the air 
in a competition to see whose dart will go the 
farthest" (Culin, 1907, p. 399). Four types of 
snow snakes are represented in the collections. 

The type 1 game consists of three pairs of slen- 
der hickory sticks with heavy egg-shaped ends, 
which, according to the accession notes, was a 
man's winter sport played on snow, ice, and fro- 
zen ground. The bulbous ends of one pair have 
been fire-hardened (34875-1, 2, Fig. 90a; 34876- 
1, 2, Fig. 90b; 92043-44, Fig. 90c). A similar 
game, collected by Jones for the American Mu- 
seum of Natural History, is described and illus- 
trated by Culin (1907, p. 407, fig. 524). 

Two sets of type 2 snow snakes are described 
in the catalog simply as "throwing sticks." One 
set consists of a pair of peeled hardwood sticks 
pointed at one end, one longer and thicker than 
the other. The second set consists of three slender 
peeled sticks of equal length, pointed at one end. 
The accession notes indicate that the game was 
played in the fall, with the sticks being thrown on 
the ground (34881-1, 2, 34882-1-3; Fig. 91a-b). 
Similar pointed sticks, collected by Jones for the 
American Museum of Natural History, are de- 
scribed by Culin (1907, p. 407). 

A pair of type 3 snow snakes are flat on the 
underside and ridged along the top. One end is 
carved to represent a snake's head and the other 
to serve as a handhold. Burned marks occur along 
the length of one stick (34880-1, 2; Fig. 92a). The 

accession notes indicate that the game was called 
"serpents" and was played in winter by fasting 
boys. Similar snow snakes, collected by Jones, are 
described and illustrated by Culin (1907, p. 407, 
fig. 525). The Field Museum's type 3 snow snakes 
are listed but are not illustrated in Torrence and 
Hobbs (1989, p. 132, no. 165), where they are 
dated "c. 1880." Hoffman (1896, p. 244, fig. 31, 
p. 245) described and illustrated the method of 
holding and throwing this type of snow snake 
among the Menominee. 

The type 4 snow snake includes a pair of hick- 
ory darts elliptically shaped at the distal end and 
flattened and broadened with a notch at the prox- 
imal end. A peeled stick with an attached length 
of bark cord served as a sling (34874-1-3; Fig. 
93a). The accession notes indicate that the players 
decided to play for a certain number of points, 
and that the greatest distance covered in one 
throw was worth one point. Similar darts, col- 
lected by Jones, are described and illustrated by 
Culin (1907, p. 408, fig. 527). 

One of the most widely distributed American 
Indian games was the hoop and pole game. Im- 
plements required to play were a hoop or ring to 
serve as a target and a dart or pole. The method 
was to throw or shoot the pole at the hoop, the 
scoring being determined by the way in which the 
pole fell with reference to the hoop (Culin, 1907, 
p. 420). A hoop and pole game in the Mesquakie 
collections originally consisted of three short 
bows with buckskin strings, two long unfeathered 
arrows, 63 cm long and with sharpened points, 
and three bark rings. Unfortunately, all that re- 
mains of this game are two bows and one bark 
ring (34869-1, 3, 7; Fig. 93b). The accession notes 
provide a cryptic description of this game. "Two 
sides chosen, arrows are stuck up by both sides, 
bark wheels are rolled against arrows; losing side 
puts up arrows for stake; losers roll wheels; win- 
ners shoot at wheels; one piercing wheel with ar- 
row remaining in wheel keeps arrow; wheel often 
buried in sand and shot at." This form of the hoop 
and pole game is described and illustrated by Cu- 
lin (1907, p. 448, figs. 384-386), with information 
provided by Jones. Another account is given by 
Jones (1939, p. 110), but neither is clearer than 
the one in the accession notes. 

Shinny, a hockey-like game usually played by 
women, is represented in the collections by two 
shinny sticks and a ball. The sticks, both on ex- 
hibit, are made of hardwood and are curved at the 
distal end. The ball is made from two pieces of 
tanned buckskin sewn together and stuffed with 



grass (34883-1-3; Fig. 89c). A similar game, col- 
lected by Jones, is described and illustrated by 
Culin (1907, p. 622, fig. 800). According to Jones 
(Culin, 1907, p. 622), men and women played 
shinny either separately or together. The goals 
were lines on opposite sides "across which the 
ball had to be driven from either side to count." 

In the ring and pin game, the target is attached 
to a cord with which it is swung in the air, the 
purpose being to catch it on a pin attached to the 
other end of the cord (Culin, 1907, p. 527). The 
collections contain a single ring and pin game, on 
exhibit. It consists of seven truncated wooden 
cones strung on a buckskin thong, with a wooden 
pin at one end of the thong and a strip of perfo- 
rated leather at the other (34884). The accession 
notes indicate that when the last cone is caught 
on the pin, it counts two, while the others count 
one. Catching one of the holes in the perforated 
strip counts four. Similar Mesquakie ring and pin 
games are described and illustrated by Culin 
(1907, p. 542, fig. 713). 

Racket ball or lacrosse is apparently one of the 
oldest Mesquakie games and, according to Jones 
(1939, pp. 109-110), was given to them by a 
manitou when the people were still living "some- 
where beyond the Great Lakes." The collections 
contain five rackets, two of which are accompa- 
nied by balls. All are made from hickory or some 
other hardwood. On four rackets the distal end is 
cut thin and turned around to form an oval loop 
netted with strips of soft tanned buckskin (92052- 
1, 2; 92053; 34878; 34879-1; Figs. 92c-d, 94). 
The fifth racket, missing the associated buckskin- 
covered ball, has a handle, the distal end of which 
is turned to one side to form a circular loop 
(34877-1; Fig. 92b). A buckskin-covered ball 
stuffed with grass accompanies one racket 
(34879-2; Fig. 94), while the second ball is made 
of solid rubber (92052-2; Fig. 89e). Similar rack- 
ets and balls, collected by Jones for the American 
Museum, are described and illustrated by Culin 
(1907, pp. 572-573, 756-757, 759-760). The 
Sauk game is described briefly by Skinner (1925, 
pp. 55-56). 

The only object in the collection identified as a 
toy is an oddly shaped tree fungus described in 
the catalog as a doll. It appears to be unmodified 
by human workmanship, but with its hat-like pro- 
jection at the top, it has a certain resemblance to 
a squat human figure (34977; Fig. 89d). Owen 
(1904, p. 66) noted that Mesquakie children had 
few toys but that the girls did have dolls. Corn 
husk dolls with clothing of muskrat and squirrel 

skins are mentioned for the Mesquakie by Mi- 
chelson (1925, p. 338). 

Miscellaneous Beadwork 

Both collections contain a few examples of un- 
finished beadwork that cannot with certainty be 
included in any other section of this study. How- 
ever, all of these are likely to have been associated 
with clothing or personal adornment. 

A narrow strip of beadwork on a bias was re- 
moved from a frame loom before completion. 
Multiple warp threads are tied together at one end; 
at the other end the threads are secured tightly 
between two short sticks, one of which is wrapped 
with a piece of tanned skin. The weft threads are 
strung with beads and passed over and under the 
warp threads. The completed beadwork consists 
of geometric designs in red, green, blue, and yel- 
low beads on a background of white beads. A 
shuttle and heddle are missing from this assem- 
blage (34986; Fig. 89f). 

Braided strands of red yarn, 107 cm long, are 
wrapped with red, yellow, green, and blue beads. 
At one end the bead-wrapped strands are separat- 
ed for a length of 8.5 cm. Probably this is an 
unfinished hair ornament (34985). 

A rectangular piece of black cloth with bead- 
work, 99 cm long and 15.5 cm wide, is edged with 
red cotton cloth. Oak leaf design elements, in two 
parallel rows of three, are in blue, green, yellow, 
and pink beads. Five designs are outlined in white 
beads and the sixth is outlined in clear beads 

Another rectangular piece of black cloth, 139 
cm long and 15.5 cm wide, is decorated with a 
strip of yellow cloth running along one side and 
a similar strip of gray cloth along the other. Both 
strips have patterns of cut squares running their 
entire length, the cut area on the gray strip being 
backed with red cloth. Along the inner edge of 
each appliqued cloth piece is a row of round steel 
buttons. At regular intervals, running along the 
strips near the edge, are pairs of blue beads. 
Along the outer edge of each strip is a row of 
alternate vertical and horizontal white beads. The 
catalog suggests that this object may have been a 
breechcloth (92008; Fig. 95b). 

Two pieces of backed black velvet cloth were 
presumably intended to be the front sections of a 
shirt or vest. Both pieces are decorated with floral 
designs in red, blue, green, pink, and tan beads 
edged with clear beads. On each piece of cloth is 



a pair of slit pockets. A row of small metal discs 
are sewn outside the lower edge of each pocket, 
while the upper edges are decorated with pairs of 
light blue and red beads (34984-1, 2; Fig. 95a). 

Raw Material and Plant Specimens 

The Jones Mesquakie collection contains a siz- 
able assemblage of raw materials primarily related 
to Indian diet and housing. Much of this material 
was presumably collected with the expectation 
that it would be used in museum exhibits and that 
at least some of it would be the subject of addi- 
tional research. There are only two items in the 
Starr collection that belong to this category. 

The collection includes strips of dried squash, 
some of which are plaited. Squash is described in 
the accession notes as a delicacy used for season- 
ing boiled meat (34753-54, 34761). One assem- 
blage of plaited strips that are approximately 15 
cm long and 1 .5 cm wide, measuring about 40 cm 
by 20 cm, is on exhibit. It is described as suffi- 
cient for 30 meals eaten by a man, woman, and 
child (34752). 

Maple sugar is represented in the collection by 
two mussel shells that have sugar pounded into 
them (34760-1, 2), by a package of pulverized 
sugar (34829), and by a cake of sugar that appears 
to have been formed in a mold (34759). 

Native tobacco is described as being used only 
for ceremonial purposes (and not for smoking 
purposes). It was gathered in leaf, dried in the sun, 
pulverized, and put away. Then it was used at 
funerals, when it was sprinkled on the body and 
presented as an offering to "the thunderers" 
(34762). The collection also contains a bag of 
"red willow wood" that was dried over a fire, 
crushed in the hand, and mixed with smoking to- 
bacco (34830). 

Examples of yellow, black, and red vegetable 
dyes are included in the collection. The black dye 
is described as being derived from walnuts. For 
use, the dyes were boiled and the material to be 
dyed was soaked in the liquid (37465-67). 

Linden bark was used for tying rough material, 
lashing lodge poles, and making mats (34768-70, 
34776, 34900). There is also a ball of linden bark 
cord produced by women by twisting it between 
the hand and the calf of the leg (34771; see Skin- 
ner, 1921, p. 250, fig. LXII). There are also ex- 
amples of wild hemp, (34772), hemp fibers 
(34773-1, 2), and balls of hemp cord (34774-1, 
2). Both collections contain small bundles of nat- 

ural and dyed rushes used in mat making (34970, 

In addition to the raw materials just described, 
the Jones collection contains a number of plant 
specimens. These include the following: ears of 
corn (34724-29, 34741), a package of corn 
steamed and dried (34730), ground hominy 
(34734), corn prepared in lye (34733), packages 
of pole beans (34735-40, 34742-43), bunch 
beans (34744-46), wild potatoes (34747), vine 
potatoes (34748), lily root (34750), and lily seed 

III. Conclusions 

The material culture of several Woodland tribes 
is reasonably well known, largely through the ef- 
forts of Alanson Skinner, who published studies 
of the Sauk (1925) and the Prairie Potawatomi 
(1926) manufactures. Far more comprehensive 
than either of these accounts is his study of Me- 
nominee material culture (Skinner, 1921), a pub- 
lication used extensively in the preparation of this 
study. There is, however, no comprehensive pub- 
lished account of Mesquakie material culture, al- 
though significant collections are to be found in 
several American museums. An exhibition catalog 
(Torrence and Hobbs, 1989) briefly describes 188 
Mesquakie objects and illustrates 84. The accom- 
panying essays, although focused primarily on 
problems of art and iconography, contain much 
useful information on the ethnographic context of 
the objects in the exhibition. 

The two collections described and illustrated in 
the preceding pages are not well known even to 
ethnographers with a special interest in Woodland 
cultures. For that reason alone, it has seemed 
worthwhile to place them on record, particularly 
since they represent a reasonably comprehensive 
range of material items, for the most part acquired 
by the Field Museum under controlled circum- 
stances at a relatively early date, when traditional 
or modified traditional material culture was still 
available to collectors. 

The Starr collection, the smaller of the two, was 
included primarily because it was apparently col- 
lected at about the same time as the Jones assem- 
blage and because it includes a few artifact types 
not obtained by Jones. The Starr collection, part 
of a large hemisphere-wide private collection as- 
sembled over an unknown number of years, lacks 
documentation other than provenience. It is of 



particular interest because more than half of the 
small total number of ceremonial objects identi- 
fied in both collections were obtained by Starr. 
This is the only use category that is significantly 
enhanced by including the Starr material in this 

The Jones collection, on the other hand, is by 
almost any measure a major assemblage and was 
the motivation for this study. Jones was a trained 
anthropologist, a student of Franz Boas with the 
distinct advantage of being a Native American 
member of the tribe in question, at a time when 
Native American ethnographic collectors were 
rare anywhere in North America. The size and 
diversity of his collection are impressive and the 
documentation is good, considering that Jones 
was only in the field for about one month. Al- 
though born in Oklahoma, he had visited the Mes- 
quakie in Tama on previous occasions, having 
made an important collection there for the Amer- 
ican Museum of Natural History. In his letters to 
Dorsey from Tama, Jones mentions his pleasure 
in meeting old friends, and he was obviously a 
welcome visitor in many households. In many 
ways he was an ideal field collector, and it is 
therefore not surprising that he was able to make 
a large and varied collection in a short period of 

It will have been clear from the preceding 
pages that the strengths of the Jones collection 
include its household equipment and, to a lesser 
extent, its clothing and games, while its weak- 
nesses are greatest in the categories of hunting 
and fishing equipment, tools, transportation, and 
ceremonial equipment. The presence of numerous 
and varied items of household equipment must be 
due at least in part to the easy access to house- 
holds enjoyed by Jones, but are probably mainly 
due to the presence of the collector at a time when 
many traditional items of household use were be- 
ing replaced by Euro-American items that were 
longer lasting and more convenient to use. His 
Indian informants presumably were in need of 
money and were willing to part with material 
items that were in the process of being replaced 
anyway. Particularly impressive in this category 
is the large number of woven bags, many of 
which show considerable signs of use. Clothing, 
however, was not available to Jones, since by 
1907, as he noted in his letters to Dorsey, Indians 
were dressed primarily in the western style. He 
solved this problem by providing prepared skins 
to elderly sewers who remembered how to sew 
clothing in traditional styles. 

It is not surprising that traditional hunting and 
fishing equipment is poorly represented in the 
Jones collection. At the time of his visit to Tama, 
there must have been few if any traditional sub- 
sistence activities practiced by these former 
Woodland people. The few items in this category 
may have been made for the collector. That some 
hunting must have persisted, however, is indicated 
by the few tools in the collection, most of which 
are related to skin working. Items like the fire 
drills were clearly made for the collector and are 
identified as such. Horses were still very much in 
use, of course, but primarily for pulling wagons. 
The pack saddles and quirts may be relics from 
an earlier day. 

In his correspondence with Dorsey, Jones sel- 
dom refers to objects that were markedly expen- 
sive or unavailable to the collector. He does men- 
tion that obtaining otter skin headdresses and bear 
claw necklaces would place a considerable strain 
on his limited funds and that medicine bundles 
could not be purchased at any price. Whether the 
latter were being retained by active participants in 
sacred rituals or as valuable heirlooms kept out of 
respect for the past is not clear. A few years later 
a collection of Sauk and Fox bundles was made 
in Oklahoma by Harrington (1914). In any event, 
objects identified as "ceremonial" are limited and 
some, such as the wire masks and "war clubs," 
appear to have been used in secular ceremonies. 

George Dorsey, who hired Jones to make the 
Mesquakie collection and to go to the Philippines 
for the same purpose, was at this time an expe- 
rienced collector himself. Between 1897 and 1900 
he made ambitious field trips throughout the West 
and Southwest for the purpose of obtaining eth- 
nographic material to be used in museum exhibits 
(Field Columbian Museum, 1897, pp. 186-187; 
VanStone, 1992, pp. 2-3; 1996, p. 3). Dorsey 's 
views on collecting are evident in his correspon- 
dence with various field workers sent out under 
his direction (Rabineau, 1981, p. 34). He believed 
in collecting broadly while concentrating money 
and energy in selected locations to "fill the gaps" 
in collections acquired from the World's Colum- 
bian Exposition in 1893; he also believed that col- 
lections should be well documented. Although 
Dorsey himself had visited the Mesquakie in 
Tama in the summer of 1900 and had made a 
small collection of 42 objects (accession 683), he 
must have realized that the availability of Jones 
represented a unique opportunity to obtain mate- 
rial from an area that was poorly represented in 
the museum's collections. That Jones would be 



Fig. 96. Diorama depicting summer and winter Mesquakie dwellings (fmnh neg. no. 23953). 

able to spend only a month at Tama would not 
have bothered Dorsey, since he himself seldom 
spent more than a few days on the reservations 
he visited on his earlier collecting trips. 

Dorsey did not provide Jones with any sug- 
gested collecting plan. He did suggest that mate- 
rials be acquired for constructing a model of a 
Mesquakie lodge. Jones himself wished to collect 
materials for a full-sized lodge, and such materials 
were obtained. Such a lodge was apparently never 
set up at the museum, although two dioramas, pre- 
sumably constructed by or under the supervision 
of Jesse Burt, were installed (Figs. 96-97). Con- 
siderably refurbished, they are still on display. 
Dorsey's letters to Jones at Tama were encour- 
aging and helpful to the young field worker, and 
they lack the exhortative qualities often charac- 
teristic of his letters to others collecting for the 
museum (VanStone, 1983, pp. 2-6). Like other 
19th and early 20th century museum collectors, 

Dorsey preferred to avoid objects showing Euro- 
pean influence, but there is no mention of this in 
his correspondence with Jones. 

It remains to be considered whether the collec- 
tion made by Jones is representative of material 
objects in daily use by the Mesquakie in 1907. 
Relatively few objects appear to have been made 
specifically at the request of the collector. Only 
some of the clothing and a few objects identified 
as "models" fall with certainty into this category. 
It seems likely that some objects long out of use 
were preserved by the Indians as heirlooms, and 
that the collector's ready cash outweighed the sen- 
timental and historical value of such pieces. In 
their catalog, Torrence and Hobbs (1989) included 
21 Mesquakie objects borrowed from the Field 
Museum for the exhibit on which the catalog is 
based. Most are from the Jones and Starr collec- 
tions, but isolated pieces from other unrelated ac- 
cessions are also included. All are arbitrarily as- 



Fig. 97. Diorama depicting a Mesquakie winter dwelling (fmnh neg. no. 27588). 

signed dates that are 10 to 70 years earlier than 
the date of their collection. In most cases these 
dates are probably reasonable, but the authors do 
not explain the basis on which they were as- 
signed. Nevertheless, it is likely that both the 
Jones and Starr collections are representative of 
Mesquakie material culture in the mid- 19th cen- 
tury, not long after the Mesquakie began the move 
from Kansas to Tama County, Iowa, in 1857. 


I am grateful to David E. Willard and William 
Stanley of the Field Museum's Department of Zo- 
ology, who identified feathers and animal skins 
used in the manufacture of artifacts in the Mes- 
quakie collections. The drawings are the work of 
Lori Grove, and the photographs were taken by 
John Weinstein, museum photographer. Ronald L. 
Weber called my attention to a probable source 
for the wire masks in the Starr collection. Several 
drafts of the manuscript were typed with accuracy 
and dispatch by Loran H. Recchia. Finally, I ex- 
press my appreciation for the efforts of three re- 
viewers who identified themselves: Raymond J. 
DeMallie, Nancy O. Lurie, and Andrew Hunter 

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G. Torrence, and R. Hobbs, eds., Art of the Red Earth 
People. The Mesquakie of Iowa. University of Wash- 
ington Press, Seattle, Wash. 

Torrence, G. and Hobbs, R. 1989. Art of the Red 
Earth People. The Mesquakie of Iowa. University of 
Washington Press, Seattle, Wash. 

VanStone, J.W. 1983. The Simms collection of Plains 
Cree material culture from southeastern Saskatche- 
wan. Fieldiana: Anthropology, N.S., 6: 1-57. 

. 1989. Indian trade ornaments in the collection 

of Field Museum of Natural History. Fieldiana: An- 
thropology, N.S., 13: 1-40. 

. 1992. Material culture of the Blackfoot 

(Blood) Indians of southern Alberta. Fieldiana: An- 
thropology, N.S., 19: 1-80. 

-. 1996. Ethnographic collections from the As- 

siniboine and Yanktonai Sioux in the Field Museum 

of Natural History. Fieldiana: Anthropology, N.S., 26: 

Whiteford, A.H. 1977. Fiber bags of the Great Lakes 

Indians, pts. 1, 2. American Indian Art Magazine, 2 

(3): 52-64, 85; 3 (1): 40-70, 90. 
Whiteford, A.H. and Rogers, N. 1994. Woven mats 

of the western Great Lakes. American Indian Art 

Magazine, 19 (4): 58-65. 



Appendix 1 

The Jones (Accession 1014) and Starr (Accession 947) Mesquakie Collections 

Following is a list of the Jones and Starr collections described in this study. Artifact identifications 
are, with a few exceptions, those provided by the collectors. Numbers in the 92000s are those collected 
by Starr. Also included is a list of the raw materials and plant specimens collected by Jones. 


: an 



child's bowl (Fig. 12d) 



child's bowl (Fig. 13d) 



bow (Fig. 4a) 

$ 3.00 


bowl (Fig. 12b) 



, 2 

fish arrows (Fig. 4b— c) 









bowl (Fig. 12a) 



arrow (Fig. 4d) 









child's bowl 








child's bowl 



glue stick (Fig. 5e) 



child's bowl (Fig. 13c) 



bowstring (Fig. 5f) 





wrist protector (Fig. 5g) 






shot mould (Fig. 89a) 



bowl (Fig. 14) 
ladle (Fig. 13e) 








beaming tool (Fig. 5d) 

$ 1.00 


child's ladle 



beaming tool (Fig. 5c) 



child's ladle 






child's ladle (Fig. 15f) 





ladle (Fig. 15e) 





ladle (Fig. 15c) 


needle (Fig. 5a) 



ladle (Fig. 15b) 



needle (Fig. 5b) 


child's ladle (Fig. 15d) 



perforated scapula (Fig. 5h) 







model fire drill (Fig. 6b-e) 



ladle (Fig. 15a) 




model fire drill 



stirrer (Fig. 13a) 



, 2 

fire drill (Fig. 8) 



fire drill (Fig. 7) 


stirrer (Fig. 13b) 


"bellows for syringe" (Fig. 6a) 



2 mortar and pestle (Fig. 16) 



mussel shell 



unfinished fiber bag 



unfinished fiber bag (Fig. 




pack saddle (Fig. 9a) 

$ 3.50 


unfinished fiber bag 



pack saddle (Fig. 9b) 



unfinished fiber bag (Fig. 



quirt (Fig. 10c) 



2 weaving frame sticks 



quirt (Fig. lOe) 



woven fiber bag, type 1 




quirt (Fig. 10b) 






woven fiber bag, type 1 



quirt (Fig. lOd) 



woven fiber bag, type 1 



toy dugout canoe (Fig. 10a) 




pack bag with strap (Fig. 1 1 ) 


woven fiber bag, type 2 (F 

ig. 19) 



woven fiber bag, type 2 (Fig. 20) 


Household Equipment 


woven fiber bag, type 2 


woven fiber bag, type 2 


bowl (Fig. 12c) 

$ 1.50 


woven fiber wallet, type 2 (Fig. 








92045 woven fiber pouch, type 2 (Fig. 


34777 woven wool/fiber bag, type 3 

(Fig. 21) 

34778 woven wool/fiber bag, type 3 

(Fig. 22) 

34779 woven wool bag, type 3 (Figs. 


34780 woven wool bag, type 3 (Figs. 


34781 woven wool bag, type 3 

34782 woven wool bag, type 3 

34783 woven wool/yarn/commercial 

twine bag, type 3 (Figs. 27- 

34784 woven wool/yarn/commercial 

twine bag, type 3 (Figs. 29- 

34785 woven yarn bag, type 3 (Figs. 


34786 woven yarn/commercial twine 

bag, type 3 (Figs. 33-34) 

34787 woven wool/yarn bag, type 3 

(Figs. 35-36) 

34788 woven wool/yarn/commercial 

twine bag, type 3 (Fig. 37a) 

34789 woven wool/fiber bag, type 3 

34790 woven yarn/fiber bag, type 3 

(Figs. 38-39) 

34791 woven yarn/fiber bag, type 3 

(Figs. 40-41) 

92046 unfinished woven yarn bag, type 

3 (Fig. 37b) 
34967-1-4 "head wrap loom" 
34855 heddle (Fig. 42) 

92048 heddle (Fig. 43) 

34854 heddle 

34847 unfinished basket (Fig. 


34848 unfinished basket 

34849 unfinished basket (Fig. 45a) 

34845 basket (Fig. 44a) 

34846 basket (Fig. 46b) 
34844 basket (Fig. 46a) 

34929 cattail mat (Fig. 48) 
34991 unfinished rush mat (Fig. 49) 

34930 rush mat (Fig. 50) 

34931 rush mat (Fig. 51) 
34934 rush mat (Fig. 52) 
92054 rush mat 

34989 rush mat 

34990 rush mat 

34836 rawhide trunk (Fig. 53) 

34837 rawhide trunk 

34840 rawhide trunk 

34841 rawhide trunk (Fig. 54) 

34842 rawhide trunk (Fig. 55) 
















(for 34844-49) 






Man's Suit 

34936-1, 2 
34940-1, 2 
34937-1, 2 

rawhide trunk (Fig. 56) 

rawhide trunk (Fig. 57) 

rawhide trunk (Fig. 58) 

pack strap for trunk (Fig. 59b) 

cradle (Fig. 60) 


dish for maple sap 

frame for drying kinikinik (Fig 

red willow bark for kinikinik 
pot hook (Fig. 45e) 
pot hook (Fig. 45d) 
pot hook (Fig. 45b) 
pot hook (Fig. 45c) 
pot hook (Fig. 59a) 
pot hook (Fig. 59c) 

coat (Fig. 62a) 


breechcloth and waist band 

moccasins (Fig. 62b) 






Woman's Suit 



jacket (Fig. 63a) 

34947 skirt (Fig. 64a) 

34950 belt 

34948-1, 2 leggings (Fig. 63b) 

34949-1, 2 moccasins 

Boy's Suit 

34942-1, 2 

Girl's Suit 

shirt (Fig. 65b) 


leggings (Fig. 65c) 

coat (Fig. 65a) 

coat (Fig. 66a) 

$ 5.00* 
(for 34941-42,-44) 


$ 5.00 

34953 jacket (Fig. 66b) 

34954 skirt (Fig. 64b) 
34957 belt 

34955-1, 2 leggings (Fig. 66c) 

34956-1, 2 moccasins (Fig. 67b) 

Other Clothing 

head wrapper 
head wrapper 
head wrapper 


$ 5.00 

head wrapper 
head wrapper 
hair pendant 
hair pendant 



92021 hair pendant 

92037 hair pendant 

92020 hair pendant and tie (Fig. 68b) 

92015 hair pendant and tie (Fig. 68d) 

34907 man's belt (Fig. 69a) 
34899 sash (Fig. 70) 

92009 sash (Fig. 71) 

92010 sash (Fig. 69b) 

92011 sash (Fig. 69d) 

34908 shoulder sash (Fig. 69c) 
34896-1,2 man's leggings (Fig. 72) 
34906-1, 2 woman's moccasins (Fig. 73b) 
34905-1, 2 woman's moccasins (Fig. 73a) 
92023-1, 2 moccasins (Fig. 74a) 
92022-1, 2 moccasins (Fig. 67a) 

34982 moccasin (Fig. 74b) 

34983 child's moccasin (Fig. 74c) 
92006-1, 2 garters (Fig. 68a) 
92016-1, 2 garters (Fig. 68c) 
92007-1, 2 garters 

34951-1, 2 knife and sheath (Fig. 75i) 

Personal Adornment 




34916-1, 2 



92051-1, 2 










brooches (Fig. 75b— d) 
brooches (Fig. 75e-h) 
brooch (Fig. 75a) 
bracelets (Fig. 76a) 
bracelet (Fig. 76b) 
ring (Fig. 77b) 
ring (Fig. 77e) 
ring (Fig. 77a) 
ring (Fig. 77c) 
ring (Fig. 77d) 

necklace (Fig. 78) 
tweezers (Fig. 75j) 

Ceremonial Equipment 

34979 roach headdress (Fig. 79) 

92040 mask (Fig. 80c) 

92041 mask (Fig. 80a) 

92042 mask (Fig. 80b) 
92055 medicine bag (Fig. 81c) 
34909 medicine bag 

34969 medicine pouch (Fig. 8 Id) 

92038 cupping horn (Fig. 8 If) 
34887 war club (Fig. 82) 
34889 war club (Fig. 83b) 
92064 war club (Fig. 83a) 

92039 war club (Fig. 84) 


coup stick cover (Fig. 85) 


rattle (Fig. 81e) 




rattle (Fig. 86) 



flute (Fig. 81b) 




flute (Fig. 87a) 



flute (Fig. 87b) 



flute (Fig. 81a) 


turtle effigy (Fig. 81g) 




Games and 






dice bowl and four dice (Fig. 



counting sticks (Fig. 89b) 





snow snake, type 1 (Fig. 90a) 




snow snake, type 1 (Fig. 90b) 



snow snake, type 1 (Fig. 90c) 



snow snake, type 2 (Fig. 91a) 




snow snake, type 2 (Fig. 91b) 




snow snake, type 3 (Fig. 92a) 




snow snake, type 4 (Fig. 93a) 



hoop and pole (Fig. 93b) 





shinny sticks and ball (Fig. 


$ .25 




ring and pin game 





racket and ball (Figs. 89e, 92d) 





racket (Fig. 92c) 





racket and ball (Fig. 94) 




racket (Fig. 92b) 




doll (Fig. 89d) 



Miscellaneous Beadwork 


beadwork on a bias (Fig. 89f) 



unfinished hair ornament (?) 
cloth with beadwork 
breechcloth (?) (Fig. 95b) 



unfinished shirt or vest (Fig. 

Raw Material and Plant Specimens 


dried squash 


dried squash 



dried squash 


34760-1, 2 

maple sugar 


maple sugar 



maple sugar 



native tobacco 


red willow wood 


vegetable dyes 




linden bark 


linden bark 


linden bark 


ball of linden cord 


wild hemp 

34773-1, 2 

hemp fibers 

34774-1, 2 

balls of hemp cord 


natural and dyed rushes 


natural and dyed rushes 


ears of corn 


ear of corn 

Appendix 2 


dried corn 


ground hominy 


corn prepared in lye 



pole beans 



pole beans 



bunch beans 


wild potatoes 


vine potatoes 


lily root 


lily seed 

The following objects in the Jones and Starr Mesquakie collections could not be located in storage 
or on exhibit at the time this study was begun. Information in the accession notes is added for some 
items in the Jones collection. The headings under which missing items are listed are those used in the 
Field Museum's catalog. 

Unaccounted For 

34764 man's ring, German silver in- 

laid with abalone 

34815 bowl, soft maple or walnut 

34910 beaded bag, corn and spider- 

web designs, young man's 
bag for medicines, love po- 
tions, etcetera 

34932-33 rush mats for lodge sewed 

with linden bark and native 

34928 rush mat for outer doorway 

sewed with native hemp 

34938-39 belt and straps (goes with 

man's suit— 34935-37, -40) 

34943, 45 buckskin coat and straps (goes 

with boy's suit — 34941-42, 

34952, 58 buckskin straps (goes with 

girl's suit— 34953-57) 

34959 otter skin cap 

34972 linden bark tray for maple syrup 

34978 necklace 

34980, 87-88 beadwork fragments 

92019 hair ornament 















, 2 



, 2 

finger rings 




bowl, soft maple 

$ 1.00 









war club, bulb headed 



deer horn measure for powder 




buffalo hide parfleche 

$ 5.00 



pack saddle 





rush mats for lodges sewed 
with linden bark and native 
hemp cord 




Fig. 4. a, bow (34868); b, fish arrow (34870-1); c, fish arrow (34870-2); d, arrow (34871) (fmnh neg. no. 1 13406). 

Fig. 5. a, needle (34891); b, needle (92036); c, beaming tool (34858); d, beaming tool (34857); e, glue stick 
(34901); f, bowstring (34976); g, wrist protector (34960); h, perforated scapula (34859) (fmnh neg. no. 1 13405). 



Fig. 6. a, "bellows for syringe" (34963); b-e, model fire drill (34965) (fmnh neg. no. 113404). 

®?<h~^ u 

5 cm 

Fig. 7. Fire drill (92049). 




^vj ^--. ■'. ..--—■' - . 


©^ <^*-*- 

s cm 

Fig. 8. Fire drill (92050). 

Fig. 9. a, pack saddle (34852); b, pack saddle (34851) (fmnh neg. no. 1 13401). 



Fig. 10. a, toy dugout canoe (34856); b, quirt (92035); c, quirt (34833); d, quirt (34831); e, quirt (34835) (fmnh 
neg. no. 113403). 



Fig. 1 1. Pack bag with strap (92058) (fmnh neg. no. 113402). 



Fig. 12. a, bowl (34800); b, bowl (34802); c, bowl (34814); d, child's bowl (34805) (fmnh neg. no. 113413). 



Fig. 13. a, stirrer (34974); b, stirrer (92030); c, child's bowl (34808); d, child's bowl (34810); e, ladle (34818) 
(fmnh neg. no. 113412). 

5 cm 
Fig. 14. Bowl (34812). 



Fig. 15. a, ladle (34820); b, ladle (34828); c, ladle (92029); d, child's ladle (34827); e, ladle (92028); f, child's 
ladle (34825) (fmnh neg. no. 113411). 

Fig. 16. Mortar and pestle (34964). 



Fig. 17. a, unfinished fiber bag (92062); b, unfinished fiber bag (34798) (fmnh neg. no. 1 13407). 




Fig. 18. a, woven fiber bag, type 1 (34795); b, woven fiber pouch, type 2 (92045); c, woven fiber bag, type l 
(92061); d, woven fiber wallet, type 2 (34792) (fmnh neg. no. 113408). 



Fig. 19. Woven fiber bag, type 2 (34793) (fmnh neg. no. 113409). 

Fig. 20. Woven fiber bag, type 2 (34794) (fmnh neg. no. 113410). 



Fig. 21. Woven wool/fiber bag, type 3 (34777) (fmnh neg. no. 103320). 

Fig. 22. Woven wool/fiber bag, type 3 (34778) (fmnh neg. no. 1 13229). 



Fig. 23. Woven wool bag, type 3 (34779) (fmnh neg. no. 1 13423). 

Fig. 24. Woven wool bag, type 3 (34779) (fmnh neg. no. 113424). 



Fig. 25. Woven wool bag, type 3 (34780) (fmnh neg. no. 1 13435). 



Fig. 26. Woven wool bag, type 3 (34780) (fmnh neg. no. 113436). 



•5,-.«S5l ?VS"i> 

C /v. w S^ ■':*<'£,■* 

Su!!«i"'yiii ! "W5{'"":^!:J"'!""^f!:«ii::!J;f!:?»;'f 

Fig. 27. Woven wool/yarn/commercial twine bag, type 3 (34783) (fmnh neg. no. 1 13427). 

luTTia' ' aKWRWL ■• »»»«—>» £ 

I i J "^-2552 i 1 * 1 **!*- 'mini llii- -iTT 

'.llirtrt' *^£2ffil I 

hkm£;'! SSSB ; -"rTj .' 
w V . . ■ "■." 1 * v.v" »-'i JSK.JSw A J* a 

'ir*; issoSA a 

■jJ|M8MMlHHHMHiroi!!HJ , !?nSKi. , tf. 

Fig. 28. Woven wool/yarn/commercial twine bag, type 3 (34783) (fmnh neg. no. 1 13428). 


Fig. 29. Woven wool/yarn/commercial twine bag, type 3 (34784) (fmnh neg. no. 113429). 



Fig. 30. Woven wool/yarn/commercial twine bag, type 3 (34784) (fmnh neg. no. 113430). 




Fig. 31. Woven yarn bag, type 3 (34785) (fmnh neg. no. 113433). 

Fig. 32. Woven yarn bag, type 3 (34785) (fmnh neg. no. 1 13434). 



■ ''M;:!;|ini:!l:jJji:::i::i!«:::::?i:l"l' ;;v;i!^H'-:<J:f:';;;!:;»;i 


Fig. 33. Woven yarn/commercial twine bag, type 3 (34786) (fmnh neg. no. 113425). 

WM W^^BMSi&mX^M^^m 


Fig. 34. Woven yarn/commercial twine bag, type 3 (34786) (fmnh neg. no. 1 13426). 




Fig. 35. Woven wool/yarn bag, type 3 (34787) (fmnh neg. no. 113431). 



Fig. 36. Woven wool/yarn bag, type 3 (34787) (fmnh neg. no. 113432). 



Fig. 37. a, woven wool/yarn/commercial twine bag, type 3 (34788); b, unfinished woven yarn bag, type 3 (92046) 
(fmnh neg. no. 113437). 

Fig. 38. Woven yarn/fiber bag, type 3 (34790) (fmnh neg. no. 1 13438). 




Fig. 39. Woven yarn/fiber bag, type 3 (34790) (fmnh neg. no. 1 13439). 


Fig. 40. Woven yarn/fiber bag, type 3 (34791) (fmnh neg. no. 102986). 




Fig. 41. Woven yarn/fiber bag, type 3 (34791) (fmnh neg. no. 49417). 



Fig. 42. Heddle (34855) (fmnh neg. no. 113117). 



Fig. 43. Heddle (92048). 



Fig. 44. a, basket (34845); b, unfinished basket (34847) (fmnh neg. no. 1 13419). 

Fig. 45. a, unfinished basket (34849); b, pot hook (34863); c, pot hook (34864); d, pot hook (34862); e, pot 
hook (34861) (fmnh neg. no. 113421). 



Fig. 46. a, basket (34844); b, basket (34846) (fmnh neg. no. 113418). 

Fig. 47. Mesquakie lodge covered with rush mats (fmnh neg. no. 20675). 




Fig. 48. Cattail mat (34929) (fmnh neg. no. 1 13467). 

Fig. 49. Unfinished rush mat (34991) (fmnh neg. no. 1 13471). 



Fig. 50. Rush mat (34930) (fmnh neg. no. 1 13468). 

Fig. 51. Rush mat (34931) (fmnh neg. no. 1 13469). 



Fig. 52. Rush mat (34934) (fmnh neg. no. 1 13470). 

Fig. 53. Rawhide trunk (34836) (fmnh neg. no. 11 34 14). 



Fig. 54. Rawhide trunk (34841) (fmnh neg. no. 113415). 

Fig. 55. Rawhide trunk (34842) (fmnh neg. no. 48528). 



Fig. 56. Rawhide trunk (34843) (fmnh neg. no. 113417). 

Fig. 57. Rawhide trunk (34902) (fmnh neg. no. 113416). 



Fig. 58. Rawhide trunk (92012) (fmnh neg. no. 90857). 

Fig. 59. a, pot hook (34865); b, pack strap for trunk (34839); c, pot hook (34866) (fmnh neg. no. 1 13422). 




10 cm 

Fig. 60. Cradle (92047). 



Fig. 61. Frame for drying "kinikinik" (34973) (fmnh neg. no. 113420). 



Fig. 62. a, man's coat (34935); b, man's moccasins (34937) (fmnh neg. no. 113444). 




Fig. 63. a, woman's jacket (34946); b, woman's leggings (34948) (fmnh neg. no. 113447). 



Fig. 64. a, woman's skirt (34947); b, girl's skirt (34954) (fmnh neg. no. 1 13441). 

Fig. 65. a, boy's coat (34897); b, boy's shirt (34941); c, boy's leggings (34942) (fmnh neg. no. 1 13445). 



Fig. 66. a, boy's coat (34898); b, girl's jacket (34953); c, girl's leggings (34955) (fmnh neg. no. 113446). 

Fig. 67. a, moccasins (92022); b, moccasins (34956) (fmnh neg. no. 1 13443). 




Fig. 68. a, garters (92006); b, hair pendant and tie (92020); c, garter (92016-1); d, hair pendant and tie (92015) 
(fmnh neg. no. 113449). 

Fig. 69. a, man's belt (34907); b, sash (92010); c, shoulder sash (34908); d, sash (9201 1) (fmnh neg. no. 1 13448). 



l.'tJP 1 



Fig. 70. Sash (34899) (fmnh neg. no. 49416). 

Fig. 71. Sash (92009) (fmnh neg. no. 49415). 



Fig. 72. Man's leggings (34896) (fmnh neg. no. 113440). 



Fig. 73. a, woman's moccasins (34906-1); b, woman's moccasins (34905-2) (fmnh neg. no. A 102248). 

Fig. 74. a, moccasins (92023); b, moccasin (34982); c, child's moccasin (34983) (fmnh neg. no. 1 13442). 



Fig. 75. a, brooch (34919); b, brooch (92068-7); c, brooch (92068-2); d, brooch (92068-4); e, brooch (92069- 
22); f, brooch (92069-17); g, brooch (92069-20); h, brooch (92069-3); i, knife and sheath (34951); j, tweezers (92034) 
(fmnh neg. no. 113451). 



Fig. 76. a, bracelets (34916); b, bracelet (34917) (fmnh neg. no. 1 13453). 

Fig. 77. a, ring (34913); b, ring (3491 1); c, ring (34915); d, ring (34914); e, ring (34912) (fmnh neg. no. 1 13452). 



Fig. 79. Roach headdress (34979) (fmnh neg. no. 

Fig. 78. Necklace (34895) (fmnh neg. no. 1 13450). 



Fig. 80. a, mask (92041); b, mask (92042); c, mask (92040) (fmnh neg. no. 113459). 

Fig. 81. a, flute (92025); b, flute (34892); c, medicine bag (92055); d, medicine pouch (34969); e, rattle (92031); 
f, cupping horn (92038); g, turtle effigy (34860) (fmnh neg. no. 113460). 



Fig. 82. War club (34887) (fmnh neg. no. 1 13457). 

Fig. 83. a, war club (92064); b, war club (34889) (fmnh neg. no. 1 13458). 



Fig. 84. War club (92039) (fmnh neg. no. 1 13456). 

Fig. 85. Coup stick cover (92057) (fmnh neg. no. 113454). 



Fig. 86. Rattle (92033). 

Fig. 87. a, flute (34893); b, flute (34894). 



Fig. 88. Dice bowl and dice (34817). 

Fig. 89. a, shot mould (34885); b, counting sticks (34962); c, shinny ball (34883-3); d, doll (34977); e, racket 
ball (92052-2); f, beadwork on a bias (34986) (fmnh neg. no. 1 13462). 



Fig. 90. a, snow snake, type 1 (34875); b, snow snake, type 1 (34876-2); c, snow snake, type 1 (92043-44) (fmnh 
neg. no. 113466). 

Fig. 91. a, snow snake, type 2 (34881); b, snow snake, type 2 (34882) (fmnh neg. no. 1 13464). 



Fig. 92. a, snow snake, type 3 (34880-2); b, racket (34877-1); c, racket (34878); d, racket (92052-1) (fmnh neg. 
no. 113465). 

Fig. 93. a, snow snake, type 4 (34874-2, 3); b, hoop and pole (34869-1, 3, 7) (fmnh neg. no. 1 13463). 

Fig. 94. Racket and ball (34879). 



Fig. 95. a, unfinished shirt or vest (34984); b, breechcloth (?) (92008) (fmnh neg. no. 1 13461). 



A Selected Listing of Other Fieldiana: Anthropology Titles Available 

Nunivak Island Eskimo (Yuit) Technology and Material Culture. By James W. VanStone. Fieldiana: 
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Historic Pottery of the Kotzebue Sound Ifiupiat. By Charles V. Lucier and James W. VanStone. Field- 
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Publication 1436, $10.00 

Material Culture of the Blackfoot (Blood) Indians of Southern Alberta. By James W. VanStone. Field- 
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The Noice Collection of Copper Inuit Material Culture. By James W. VanStone. Fieldiana: Anthropol- 
ogy, n.s., no. 22, 1994. 71 pages, 44 illus. 

Publication 1455, $17.00 

Paugvik: A Nineteenth-Century Native Village on Bristol Bay, Alaska. By Don E. Dumond and James 
W. VanStone. Fieldiana: Anthropology, n.s., no. 24, 1995. 109 pages, 47 illus. 

Publication 1467, $23.00 

Traditional Beluga Drives of the Ifiupiat of Kotzebue Sound, Alaska. By Charles V Lucier and James 
W. VanStone. Fieldiana: Anthropology, n.s., no. 25, 1995. 91 pages, 26 illus. 

Publication 1468, $20.00 

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