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Full text of "The Methodist quarterly review"

ALLEN COUNTY PUBLIC LIBRARY 



3 1833 01735 9990 



GENEALOGY 
929.102 
M56MMB 
1856 






M E T II D I S T . 



QUARTERLY PiEYIE¥. 






18 5 6. 

VOLOIE XXXYIIL-FOURTII SERIES, VOLUME YIIL 



\ \ . . 

J. M'CLIXTOCK, EDITOE. - ^'^ 



PUBLISHED BY CAELTO:>sr cl- POKTEE, 

200 MULDEURY-STREET, 
ISoG. 



'^'^--i^, 

^^J 



CONTENTS OE VOLUME XXXVIIL-1856. 



JAKUAET X UMBER. 

Arnci.B PASB 

I. THE TRACT MOVEMENT 9 

By the Kev. J. T. Crane, Pennington, N. J. 

1. The Jubilee ^lemorial of the Religious Tract Society. 

2. Thirtieth Annual Report of the American Bi*ptist PublicVcicn 
Society. 

3. Twenty-Xiuth Annual Report of the American Tract Society. 

4. Twcuty-F.ighth Annual Report of the General Protestant f^pisco- 
pal SnnJay-School Union, and Church Book Society. 

5. Sixteenth Annual Report of the Board of Publication of the Pres- 
byterian Church. 

6. Second Annual Report of the Tract Society of the Methodist 
F.piscopal Church. 

7. Fir.t AniiUal Report of the Board of Publication of the Reformed 
Protestant Dutch Church. 

II. MEMOIRS OF DUPIX 33 

1. Memoires de M. Dupin. Tome ler et 2eme. 

2. Souvenirs du Barreau. Par M. Dupin, avocat, ancieu batonnier. 

m. THE EASTERN WAR 61 

By the Rev. J. II. Perry, D. ]), Brooklyn. 

1. A Visit to the Camp before Sevastopol. By Richard C. M'Cor- 
MicK, .Tr. 

2. The Unholy Alliance : An American View of the War in the East. 
By William Gilks Dix. " Christo et Cruci." 

?>. A History of the War between Turkey and Russia, and Russia and 
the Allied Powers of England and France. By Geoege Fowlek. 

IV. REMAINS OF LATIN TRAGEDY . 76 

Tragicorum Latinorum Reliquise. Recensuit Otto Ribbeck. 

V. ROBERT NEWTON 107 

By the F.ev. W. C. Iloyt, New-IIiiveD, Conn. 

The Life of the Rev. Robert Newton, D. D. By Thomas Jacksox. 

-VL SCHAFF ON AMERICA 122 

By the Rev. Profes-sor Nadal, Indiana .\sbnry University. 

The Political, Soci.al, and Ecclesiastico-Religious Condition of the 
United States of North America, with special reference to the Ger- 
mans. By Pniiir ScirAKK, D. D., Professor of Theology at Mercers- 
burg, Pennsylvania. 

VII. LETTERS ON RECENT FRENCH LITERATURE 145 

LETTER VL 

VIU. SHORT REVIEWS AND NOTICES OF BOOKS 152 



1. Roenicr's Pnlvjlott Readers, p. 1.52.— 2. I'.eecher's Letters ou Health 
and Hapj.iness, p."ir)i'._3. Funeral Sermon of Ur. S. H. Cone, r.. l.")i'.— 
i. Abbott's Learning to Talk, p. lo'-]. — 5. Fo.v.e's Book of Martyrs, 



4 CONTENTS. 

AETICIB PAGK 

p. 153. — 6. Wilson's ^lexico and lior Religion, p. 153. — 7. Scenes in 
the Practice of a New-York Surgeon, p. 153. — ^?. M'Cnsh's Method of 
the JVivine Government, p. 153. — 9. Andrews's Sure Anchor, p. 151. — 
10. Butler's Ethioal Discourses, p. 15-1.— 11. Tales from English His- 
tory, p. 151. — 1:.'. Southern Cross and Southern Crown, p. 15-i. — 
13. Goodrich's lUUle Gengr:i;ihy, p. 155. — 11. Journals of the General 
Conferences, p. 155. — 15." Mrs. Cnild's Progress of Relicrious Ideas, 
p. 15.5.-1(5. Pious Dead of the :Medical Profession, p. 15G.— IT. Tlie Iro- 
quois, p. 15G. — IS. Panama in 1>^.J5, p. 15G. — 19. Evenings with the 
Romanists, ]). 150.— 2iJ. Memoir of S. S. Prentiss, p. 157. — 21. Akers's 
Introduction to lliblical Chronoloc^y, p. 157. — 22. Young's Christ of 
History, p. 15S. — -3. Hayne's Christian Life, p. 15S. — 2i. Drummond 
on the Parahles, p., 'i'j^. — ■_'5. Waikna, ]). 159. — 2G. Spring's Contrast, 
p. 159. — 27. Xeliie of Truro, p. 150. — 2'. Cihle Li^ht from Dilile Lands, 
p. 159.— 29. Haokett's Illustrations of Scri;)ture, p. lliO.— m Butler and 
Sturgus's Sallust, p. l('rl.— 31. Bohu's Libraries, p. 101. — 32. Sunday- 
School Union Puhlications, p. 1G2.— 33. String of Pearls, p. 162.— 
34. Harper's Classical Library, p. 1G2. — 35. Champlin's Demosthenes, 
p. 163.— 36. Priest, Puritan, and Preacher, p. 16:3.-37. The Escaped 
Nun, p. 103.-3'^. Riish's New Church Miscellanies, p. 1G3.— 39. Thomp- 
son's Christian Theism, p. 1G3. — 10. God in Creation, p. 161.— 11. Wise s 
Defence of Methodism, p. IGl. — 12. Harper's Story Books, p. 1G4. — 
43. Peabodv on Conversation, p. ICL — tl. Carlton & Phillips's Quarto 
Bible, p. 1G5.— 15. Harry Budd, p. 165.- IG. Hill-Side Flowers, p. 165.— 
47. Pamphlets, p. 1G5. 

IX. RELIGIOUS AND LITERARY INTELLIGENCE 166 



L JULIUS CHARLES HARE 169 

1. Guesses at Truth. By Two nnoTiiKr.s. First Scries. 

2. Guesses at Truth. ];>- Tv.-o Brotiikhs. Second Series. 

3. Sermons ])reaeht in Hnrstmonceux Church. By Jrui's Chakles 
■ Hare, A. M., Rector of Herstmonceus, Archdeacon of Lewes, and late 

Fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge. 

4. The Victory of Faith, and otfier Sermons. By JruL'S Chaeles 
Hare, &c. 

5. The ^lissiou of the Comforter, and other Sermons. With Notes. 
By JcLits CiiA'.'.r.is Hap.e. 

6. Essays and TaUs. By Jou^f Steriixg. Collected and edited, 
with a Jlcmoir of his Life. By J. C. Hark. ic. 

7. The Means of Unity : a ("harge. With Notes on the .Jerusalem 
Bishopric, and the Need of an Ecclesiastical Synod. By J.C. Hare, &-c. 

S. Letter to the IVan of Chichester on the Appointment of Dr. 
Hampden. Second Edition. With Postscrijit. By J. C. Hark, S.c. 

9. The Better Prospects of the Cliurch : a Charge. By J. C. Hare, .tc. 

10. The Contest with Rome : a Chiirge deliveretl in 1.S51, with Notes ; 
' especially in answer to Dr. Newman's Lectures. By J. C. Hare, Ac. 

11. jVrchdeacon Hare's L:i3t Charge. 

12. Two Sermons, on the Occasion of the Funeral of .\rchdeacon 
Hare. Bv the Rev. H. 0. Elliott, M. A., and the Rev. J. N. Suipkix- 
sox, M. A. 

IL ROM.VNISM FALSE AND PERSECUTING 198 

By the Plcv. Dr. George Peck, Jjiii?!iauipton, Pa. 

The Complete Notes of the Douay Bible and Rheniish Testament. 
Extracted from tlio Qunrto Editions "of 1>IG and l^IS, published under 
the Patronage of the Itoraan Catholic l'.i.-hoi,s and Priests of Ireland, 
as the authorized Interpretation of the Chuieli, and the iniallible 
Guide to Everlasting Life. With a Prel.ice, enibodyiuir the Facts and 
Documents connected w ith the Publication of Loth Editions ; Dr. Troy's 



CONTENTS. 5 

tllCLB PA8B 

ami Ih-. ^^ltrray's Denial of tlioni ; the List of the Subscribers throncrli- 
out lr.'Liii<l ; the List of ctrtain Notes suppressed in some Copies oi the 
i>-C'iiiJ Hdition. \S'ith a Copious Lulex, referring to all the Principles 
of t!i.' Church of Rome, ■vvortiiy of remark in the Notes, which appear 
utterly subversive of the Gospel of Christ and of all Christian Charity 
aniou^' Men. By the Rev, Robert J. M'Ghue, A. B. 

III. COUNT .JO.SEPH DE ilALSTRE AND UlENCH ULTRAMON- 

TANISM 21(5 

Q^u\Tes completes du Comte Joseph do Maistre. 

IV. THE MONUMENTS OF ATHENS 235 

L'Acropole d'Athenes. Par E. Beule, ancien Membre de I'Ecole 
d'Athenes. 

V, THE PRES'CETON REVIEW ON ARMINIANISM AND GRACE 2.J7 

VL ENGLISH UNIVERSITY LIFE AND UNIVERSITY REFORM 270 

By the Kev. Dr. Schaff, Mercersburgli, Pjl 

281 

By the Eev. S. Wieting, Fort Plain, N. T. 

VIIL I'RACTICAL HINTS FOR STUDENTS OF BIBLICAL LITER- 
ATURE 28S 

IX. CORRESPONDENCE 29S 

I. — Recent French Literature. 
n. — Higher Education in Germany. 

X. SHORT REVIEWS AND NOTICES OF BOOKS 310 

1. Miss Bunkley, the Escaped Nun, p. 310. — 2. Wood's Modern Pil- 
grims, p. 310. — o. Preacher's M;vnual, p. 310. — i. Lamb's Works, p. 310. 
— 5. Ltiwreiicc's Lives of the British Historians, p. 311. — G. Barton's 
Grammar, p. 311.— 7. Napoleon at St. Helena, bv.I. S. C. Abbott, p. 311. 
— ^. Fowler on the En^li-h Language, p. oil.— It. The Rollo Books, bv 
Jacob Abbott, p. 311. — 10. Hudson's Shakspeare, ]\311. — 11. Bonner's 
Child's History of the United States, p. oU.—l2. The World's Jubilee, 
by Anna Silliman, p. 31:.*. — 13. .\ New Flower for Children, p. 312. — 
14. Carrol Ashton, p. 312. — 15. Dale's Thucvdides, Buckley's Sophocles, 
and Cary's Herodotus, p. 312. — IG. The Wonderful Phials, p. 312. — 
17. Post's Skeptical Era in ilodern History, p. 312. — IS. Neal's One 
Word More, p. 313.— I'J. Thomson's Essavs. Educational and Relicious, 
p.313.— 20. Systematic Beneficence, Three Prize Ess.iys, p. 313.— 21. Ec- 
clesiastical Principles and Polity of the Wesleyau Methodists, p. 311. — 
22. Miss Farmer's Tonca and the Friendly Islands, p. 310. — 23. Pres- 
cott's History of Phillip II., p. 31G.— 21. Macaulay's History of Eni^Iand, 
vols. 3 and 4, p. 317.— 2.>. Arthur's Addresses, p. 317. — 2G. Unitarian 
Principles contirmed by Trinitarian Testimonies, p. 317. — 27. Manship's 
Kxperieuce in the Itinerancy, p. 317. — 2*. State of the Soul between 
IVath and the Resurrection, p. 31S. — 2i). Quesnel on the Gospels, p. 31S. 
— 3n. Ferguson on Communications from the Spirit Spheres, p. olS. — 
31. S([uier's Notes on Central America, p. 31S. — 32. Cox on Slavery in 
the ApostolicChurch, p. 319.— 33. Bledsoe's Theodicy, p. 3B).— 34. Eadie 
on the Colossians, p. al!). — 3.5. Schmitz's Manual of Ancient His.torv. 
],. ?,-j(l._;JO. Selections from the British Poets, p. 320.— 37. The Attache 
in Ma.hid, p. 320._3S. Davis on Toleration in the Province of M.u-y- 
liind, p. 3211. — :!!). Moore on the Prophets of the Restoration, p. 32li.— 
40. Diiyekiiick's Cyclopedi;! i,f American Literature, i).321.— 41. Guth- 
rie on the Gospel ifi E/ekiel, p.3Jt. — 12. Plymouth Cidlection of Hymns 
and Tuii's, n. 321. — 13. P- r.' on Demons and Guardian Angels, p" 321. 
— li. The Christian's (ireat Interest, by Guthrie, p. 322. — 15. Evening 
luctuse, p. 322. — Itj. Pamphlets, ic, p. 322. 

XL RELIGIOUS AND LITERARY INTELLIGENCE 323 

Theolouical axd Rfxigious 326 



CONTENTS. 



JULY nti:mbee. 

AETrCLK PAGR 

L JULIUS CHARLES HARE 329 

[second paper.] 

1. Guesses at Truth. By Two Bi:otiiers. First SL-ries. 

2. Guesses at Truth. Hv Two Bkotheks. Second Series. 

3. Sermons iireaeht in l:'[erstmouceux Church. By JcLius Chahles 
Hare, A. ^I., Rector of Herstmonceux, Archdeacon of Lewes, and late 
Fellow of Trinity Coliejfe, Cambridge. 

4. The Victory of Faith, and other Sermons. By Julius Chaelzs 
Kare. &c. 

5. The Mission of the Comforter, and other Sermons. With Xotes. 
By Julius Chakles Hake. 

6. Essays and Tales. By Joiiy Step.lixg. Collected and edited, 
•with a Memoir of his Life. By J. C. Hake, &e. 

7. The Means of Unity : a Charge. With Notes on the Jerusalem 
Bishopric, and the Need of an Ecclesiastical Synod. By J. C. Hare, &c. 

8. Letter to the Dean of Chichester on the Appointment of Dr. 
Hampden. Second Edition. 'With Postscript. By J. C. Hahe, &c. 

9. Tlie Better Prospects of the Church : a Charge. By J. C. Hare, &c. 

10. The Contest with Rome : a Charge delivered in 1851, with Notes; 
especially in answer to Dr. Newman's Lectures. B_v J. C. Hare, &c. 

11. Archdeacon Hare's Last Charcre. 

12. Two Sermons, on the Occasion of the Funeral of Archdeacon 
Hare. By the Rev. H. 0. Elliott, M. A., and the Rev. J. N. Soipkin- 
sox, M. A. 

IL THE CHINESE LANGUAGE SPOKEN AT FUH CHAU ... 352 

By Eev. M. C. White, M. D. 

IIL DANTE 381 

" Dante et les Origines de la Litteratui-e Italienue." Par M. Foctjel. 
2 volumes. 

IV. SYDNEY SMITH 404 

A Memoir of the Rev. Sydney Smith, by his Daughter, L.^py Hol- 
land ; with a Selection from his Letters. Edited by Mi:s. AusTLy. 

V. EARLY METHODISM IN ilARYLAND, ESPECIALLY IN 

BALTIMORE '. . 431 

By the Eev. W. Hamilton, Baltimore. 

VI. AKERS'S BIBLICAL CHRONOLOGY 448 

By James Strong, A. M., Flashing, Long Islar.d. 

Introduction to BiMic.il Chronology, from Adam to the Resurrection 
of Christ: comprising 5373 Years of the World, synchronized with 
Julian Time. With such Calendars, Cycles, Tables, and Explanations, 
as to render the whole .Subject easy of Coiniirehension to every Bible 
Student. By Rev. Peter .\KEr.s, D. D., President of M'Kemlree College. 
[The tables belonging to this article will appear in the October number.] 

Vn. ALCHEMY AND THE ALCHEMISTS 46S 

L'.A.lchimie et les Alchimistes ; ou, Essai Historiciue et Critique sur 
la Philosophic Hermetique. Par Louis Fiouier, Doofeur es Sciences 
Medicales. Docteur en Medicine, agrege de Chimie a I'EcoIe de Phar- 
macie de Paris. 

"VnL SHORT REVIEWS AND NOTICES OF BOOKS 487 

1. Hamilton's Emblems from Eden, p. l**". — 2. Jarvis's Italian Sights 
and Papal Principles, p. 4.^7. — 'i. Captain Hedley Vicars, p. 4S7. — 



CONTENTS. 1 

Kncu ^*°* 

■I. Ro<'cr*'s Table Talk, p. 4«^7.— 5. Strickland on Sanctification, p. 4-S7.— 
6. Fi-rrv's ^■«,^a^oml Life in Mexico, p. 487.-7. Raphall on the Post- 
BiMical' History of thi- Jews, p. 4>5;.— S. Hodge on the Epistle to the 
KphcH-ans, p. 4SS.— !». Cl.irk on Si-ht and Hearing, p. 4S8. — 10. Adven- 
tures in Madeira. Portu-al, and Spain, p. 488.— 11. The Island of Cuba, 
p. -Is^.—l:}. b'isk's Hi.-ti>ry and Kepo,ilory of Eloquence, p. 4>9. — 
1:!. Dobie's Key to the Bible, p. 4S'J.— 14. Tlie Lady's Guide to Perfect 
Gentilitv, p. 489. — 15. Loomis's Treatise on Arithmetic, p. 489. — 
ir,. Clark's Select Lectures, p. 489.— 17. Stricklimil's Pioneers of the 
West, p. 490. — 18. Olmsted's Journey in the Seaboard Slave States, 
p. 4fio.— 19. Life of Sehamyl. p. 49!a— ii:>. Cheever on tbc Life, Geuins, 
and Insanity of Cowper, p.49i). — 21. Memoir of Bishop Heber, p. 491. — 
22. Life in IJrazil, bv Ewbank, p. 491.— .3. Typical Eorms and Special 
Ends in Creation, bv :»rCosh and Dickie, p. 401.— i!!:. Cycloprodia of 
Bio-raphv, bv Hawks, p. 491.— 25. The Plymouth Collection of Hymns, 
p. 492.— I'l). The Teacher, by Jacob Abbott, p. 492.-27. Wise's Con- 
vert's Counsellor, p. 492.— 2S. TheTvoman Exile, by Gucrlielmo Gajani, 
p. 492.-29. Orations of Cicero and the Trasredies of .Eschylus, p. 492.— 
30. Horseford's Voice from the West Indies, p. 493.-31. Phvsiolocry 
and Calisthenics, by Miss C. E. Beecher. p. 493.-32. Elakeley en the 
Theology of Inventions, p. 493.-33. Derby's Letter to a Younc; Kins- 
man proposing to join the Church of Rome, p. 493. — 34. Relatives of 
Leila Ada, p. "493.— 3.5. Recoirnition in Heaven, by Rosser, p. 493. — 
36. Hints on Missions to India, by IMiron Winsloiv-. p. 493. — 37. The 
Suffering Saviour, by Krummacher, p. 494.— 3S. Hardin? on the Book 
of Jonah, p. 494. — 09. The Three Gardens : Eden, Getlisemane, and 
P;\radise, by Adams, p. 494.-40. Hdv'S on the Spanish Conquest in 
America, p.'494.— 11. .\lison's History of Europe, p. 49.3. — 12. Motley's 
Rise of the Dutch Republic, p. 493".— 43. Gieseler's History of Doc- 
»rines, p. 49."..- 4t-. Le.arning to Think, by Jacob Abbott, p. 496. — 
4.5. Wheeler's Life and Travels of Herodotus, p. 49G.— 46. The Hugue- 
not Exiles, p. 49G. — 47. The Enrrineer ; or, how to Travel in the Woods, 
by Jacob Abbott, p. 496.— 48. Missions needed to the Higher Blessed- 
ness of the Church, by Williams, p. 4'j').— 49. The Victory Won, p. 496. 
—50. Sampson on the"Epistle to the Hebrews, p. 497.— ol. The Central 
Idea of Christianity, by J. T. Peck, p. 497. 

IX. RELIGIOUS AND LITERARY INTELLIGENCE 497 

Theological .v>"d Religious 497 



OCTOBER ^^UMBEE. 

L ELAKEY'S HISTORY OF LOGIC 505 

Historical Sketch of Logic, from the earliest Times to the present 
' Pay. Bv RoBF.KT Blakey, Professor of Logic and Metaphysics, Queen's 
Col'leee,' Belfast ; Author of "The History of the Philosophy of the 
Mind," &c., ic. 1 vol., 8vo. 

n. IRVING'S WORKS 537 

By the Eev. E. AUyn, Providence, E. I. 
The Works of Washington Irving. 16 vols., 12mo. 

IIL BAYXE'S CHRISTIAN LIFE 549 

By the Ecv. J. A. Macauley, BaUitnore Conference. 

The Christian Life, Social .and IndividuaL By Peteu B-itne, M. A. 
12mo., pp. .328. 



8 CONTENTS. 

ASnClZ PACE 

IV. ABBOTT'S NAPOLEON 668 

By 8. G. Arnold, Esq., Toledo, Ohio. 

The History of Napoleon Bonaparte. By Joks S. C. Abbott. With 
maps and illustrations. 2 toIs., bvo. 

V. THE NEW TESTAMENT VIEW OF TQE RESTORATION OF 

THE JEWS 577 

By the Rev. A. M. Osbon, D. D., New-York. 

VI TABLE OF BIBLICAL CHRONOLOGY 600 

By James Strong, S. T. D., Flushing, Long Island. 

Vn SHORT REVIEWS AND NOTICES OF BOOKS 641 

1. Strickland's History of the Bible Society, p. 611.— 2. Eaird's Re- 
ligion in America, p. GIL— 3. Kempis's Imitation of Christ, p. 6-12.- 
4. Winslow's Moral Philosophy, p. 642. — 5. Gaddis's Sacred Hour, 
p. 644.— 6. The Old Chest and its Treasures, p. 644.-7. Henry Lyman, 
the Martyr of Sumatra, p. 644. — S. Beckwourth's Life and Adventures, 
p. 644.— 9. Marsh on the Camel, p. 045.- 10. Loomis's Recent Protrress 

of Astronomy, p. 645. — 11. Van Santfoord's Discourses, p. 646. 

12. Six 3[onths in Kansas, p. G40.— 13. Western Border Life, p. CiO. — 
14. Captive Youths of Judah, p. iMG.—V). Wakeley's Heroes of .Meth- 
odism, p. 647.-10. Hott inker's Life and Times of Z« ingle, p. G47.— 
17. Ryland's Memoirs of Dr. Kitto, p. G47. — IS. Wesleyaii Methodism 
in the Con-leton Circuit, p. 64'^. — I'J. Autobioc^raphy of a Blind Min- 
ister, p. 64-^. — 20. Pitman's Phonographic Publications, p. 648. 

21. Seyfl'arth's Lectures on Egyptian Antiquities, p. 619. — 22. Jacobus's 
Notes on John, p. 651. 

Vm. EDITORIAL PARLEY 652 



THE 

METHODIST QUARTERLY REVIEW. 

JANUARY, 1S5G. 



Art. I.— the TRACT MOVEMENT. 

1. The Jubilee Memorial of the Religious Tract Society. London. Pp. 704. 

2. Thirtieth Jlr.nual Report of the ^imerican Baptist Publication Society. Phila- 
delplua, lSo4. 

3. Tffnf:j-j\'inth Annual Report of the ^meyiran Tract Society. New-York, 1S54. 

4. Tu-cn/y-Eighik Annual Report of the General Protestant Episcopal Sunday- 
School Union, and Church Book Society. New- York, 1S54. 

G, Sijctf/nth Annual Report of the Board of Publication of the Presbyterian Church. 
rinladclphia. IS.Jl. 

6. S-stor.d Annual Report of the Tract Society cf the Methodist Episcopal Church. 
Aow-Ycrk, lS,-.5. 

7. First Annual Report of the Board of Publication of the Reformed Protestant 
Dutch Church. New-York, 1355. 

The Tract enterprises of the Christian Church are worthy to be 
classed among the greatest undertakings of the age. The theme 
involves so much that to do it justice in one short article is impos- 
sible. This paper, therefore, is merel}'- designed to draw an outline 
of the subject, and throw in a tint here and there, leaving the reader 
to complete the picture for himself. 

We do not dispute the fact that the command to "preach the 
Gosjicl" means, primarily, that the messengers of Christ, who are 
called of God as was Aaron, are to proclaim their message with the 
voice. They are styled heralds, and there is propriety as well as 
beauty iu the epithet. The student well remembers Homer's living 
epistk'S, who repeat the classic Avords of their various masters with- 
out tlio omission of a letter, or the slightest violation of rhythm. In 
proclaiming the good tidings of great joy, God's chief instrumental- 
ity is the voice of the living teacher, into whose mouth he puts words, 
commanding him to speak in his name. The speaker, standing up 
before his auilicnce, face to face, eye to eye with them, will attract 
and retain their attention from the first to the last word of an 

FouETn Series, Vol. YIII.— 1 



10 The Tract Movement. [January, 

address, -which, if printed, would not be read through with the same 
interest and attention by one in twenty of those auditors. The 
living teacher is, also in general, more impressive, as well as attract- 
ive. People love to feel emotions, and arc prone to attribute truth, 
wisdom and all good qualities to those who are able to excite them 
in an agreeable manner. To most hearers, learaed and unlearned, 
the speech which conveys the truth, and, while it keeps up the men- 
tal action aright, spices it with pathos or humour — a sermon which 
causes the heart to throb tumultuously, and the eye to sufi'use — are 
far preferable to dry, passionless disquisitions, like a winter's night, 
clear and cold. But emotion is contagious. To weep with those 
who weep, and rejoice with them that rejoice, is graven upon our 
nature, as v.-ell as written in God's book. And the living teacher, 
whose heart glows with zeal for the cause of his ^Master, and whoso 
eye, and voice, and attitude, and gesture all speak to his auditors, 
and impress, and thrill, and move them, holds the principal place in 
proclaiming the truth and saving the lost. i!So books, no tracts, no 
steam-press, striking off a volume at every swing of the pendulum, 
can supersede him. He must go. He must stand before those to 
whom he is sent, and there, while their lost condition rouses his 
Christian sympathies, and v.-hile his tenderness and zeal attract and 
impress them, he must preach — announce with a brother's voice the 
riches of Christ, and at the same time do what no volume or tract 
can ever do, show an example of a living, breathing Christian, 
redeemed from sin, and full of love for God and for souls. 

JSo Church can prosper without the living teacher. The people 
called Quakers laid aside the ministry, as a class of men set apart 
to preach the Gospel and superintend the affairs of the Church, and 
yet the society has never prospered, never won upon other sects, nor 
made aggressions upon the world, except through the instrumental- 
ity of men v,-ho gave themselves to the work of the ministry, and 
who -were earnest and abundant in labours. While their great 
leaders lived and constituted, in fact, v-,-hat they denounced in name, 
a regular ministry, the society grew rapidly ; but when these able 
preachers, who had roused the community irom its apathy by their 
faithful "testimonies" and strong appeals, were gathered to their 
fathers, the triumphs of Quakerism were at an end. Two or three 
times the denomination has revived under the influence of preaching, 
but when these labours again ceased, the society ceased to grow, 
and in most cases, began to wane. 

The founders of Christian communions have been generally, 
perhaps we may say invariably, great preachers. John Huss, 
Martin Luther, the Weslcys, and George Whitcfield, were giants 



1656.3 The Tract Movement. \\ 

in their day ; ^vhile the Ilicksitcs, the Campbellites, and the Pusey- 
ito movement, and various other subdivisions of the professed 
folioNYcrs of Christ, may also bo cited in proof of our position. 
Even the f-ilse religions of the earth ovre their progress and power 
to th(' hibours of the living advocate. The Mormons, for instance, 
ehow what can be done by indefatigable preaching, for even a very 
hvkA cause. 

]{nt the power of the modern press is also immense. It e.xerts an 
untold influence upon the welfare of the race, and is, at the same time, 
one of the best and one of the most dangerous elements of modem 
progress. Conceding to the preacher the place of the tongue, the 
Church wields in the steam-press the right hand of her power. As 
wc propose to examine the subject at some length, let us begin with 
a glance at the literal machinery. Down under ground, in a hot and 
smoky atmosphere, a begrimmed personage in a soiled paper cap 
opens the ponderous doors of a furnace, and we gaze into a cavern 
of fire, raging vrithin iron halls. Around and above are wheels and 
cylinders and arms of steel, all moving with resistless energy and 
heavy clangours. ^Ve ascend to another story, and there we behold 
a number of complicated machines, devouring monsters, gorging 
themselves with whole loads of paper aliment. The keeper of each 
lays before it, every instant, a huge, spotless sheet. Instantly a 
half a dozen pairs of iron thumbs and fingers shut upon the edge 
and draw it into the mysterious vortex of wheels. For a moment it 
is gone from sight, and then emerges again on the other side, where 
an iron hand receives it in its skeleton palm, and with a whirl claps 
it heavily upon a pile of its predecessors. Lo, the whole Gospel of 
grace is printed upon its surfaces! Thus the work goes on. The 
sweating toiler below fills up the red cavern under the boiler, and the 
hot spirit pent up within, like an infuriate criminal on the tread- 
mdl, chafes at his bonds and tears at the machinery with fiery 
energy. The tireless wheels revolve, and a score of iron hands 
swing to and fro, each every moment laying down, as an offering 
upon the altar of God, a volume which the slow pen of the scribe of 
other d;iys would have required months to copy. The heathen ask 
for Bibles and the iron hand piles them up. A Christian com- 
mumty requires tracts, religious newspapers and Sabbath- school 
books, and the iron fingers hold them forth. The fires burn, the 
stoam laoours, the wheels revolve, and light streams through the 
earth. ° 

And in truth, the printed page has some advantages which the 
preacher lacks. The very force of appeal connected with personal 
advocacy soraetimes renders it exasperating to irritable natures. 



12 The Trad Movement. [January, 

When man reproves his neighbour, no matter how cautiously and 
kindly, there is an assumed superiority implied Avhich the combative 
heart of the transgressor is apt to construe as Pharisaic pride, 
" Stand by, I am holier than thou." The printed page, on the other 
hand, is passive and passionless, and its admonitions are more like 
the deductions of one's own reason, or the calm dictates of con- 
science, against which the anger of the sinner is less likely to rise 
than against a reprover clad in flesh and blood, and saying, Avith 
lifted, upbraiding finger, " Thou art the man." i)\or can the force 
of the page's appeal be broken by controversy, cunningly started up 
by way of diverting the conversation from personal matters. The 
types are never penned in a corner and silenced by sophistry; they 
tender no apology for what they say ; but asserting without wavering 
or abatement, they compel the reader to meet the naked question. 
If the recipient of the tract burn it in his foolish wrath, not a letter 
deserts its post, but so long as the fabric holds together, it adheres 
to its original declarations, and the martyr, like those of old, perishes 
in the flames, firm and undaunted to the very last. 

The tract or religious book, too, is alwaj's at hand, and thus can 
have a hearing in the viollia tempora fandi, the times when the 
whole man is soothed and softened, and the mind is reflective and 
the heart impressible. The page may be read again and again, 
while the eloquence of the living teacher is often lost with the breath 
which gave it utterance. The volume may remain in prison day 
and night among criminals, without pain to itself, or offence to others; 
it can maintain its position in the hands of vice, holding up its torch 
amid the thick darkness. It can go where the living teacher cannot 
follow, remain where he cannot stay, work when he is weary, and 
live long and toil hard when he is worn out and gone to his final 
rest. 

The living teacher, then, is God's chosen messenger to guilty men, 
and yet the mute sennons of the religious press have some peculiar 
powers and advantages. The duty, therefore, of an enlightened 
Christian Church is to employ both agencies to the utmost limit of 
opportunity. Let the teacher go forth everywhere, and tell the 
story of the cross ; let him lift up his voice in the lofty temples of 
the city, and in the humbler chapel of the hamlet, or beside the 
highways and the hedges, beneath the open sky. But while his 
words of invitation ring far and wide, let our friend in the paper cap 
open the doors of the iron cavern, and feed fat the hot spirit that 
pushes and tugs within ; let books and tracts fly like the leaves of 
the forest when autumn winds are blowing; till, as in the quaint 
fancy of John Bunyan, both Eye-gate and Ear-gate have been 



J 856.] The Tract Movement. J3 

assaulted by the truth, and every citizen of Man-soul has bowed to 
the mild sway of the Prince of Peace. 

The Christian Church is wakinj:; to her duty. Since the days of 
the apostles, the world never saw greater activity and energy in 
gprottding the Gospel, more men employed, more money contrib- 
utod, or greater success crowning effort ; and of all the labours of 
the Church, none has sprung up more rapidly from small beginnings 
to 3 mngnitude partaking of the sublime, than the religious publica- 
tion cntorjjrisc. In fact, enlightened minds in all ages have felt 
that in value and efficacy books are next to the living teacher. The 
co{)y of the law, laid up in the ark, w-as regarded by the Israelites 
with a veneration approaching idolatry; and in after ages the Jews 
looked upon their sacred manuscripts as the choicest treasures of 
their synagogues. Solomon sought to find out and put on record 
acceptable words, even words of truth. Paul possessed manuscripts 
"which he highly valued, and in reminding Timothy how he may be 
"a good minister of Jesus Christ," he urges him to "give attend- 
ance to reading." "Wickliffe penned a hundred or more of manu- 
script volumes against the errors of Rome, and sent them forth on 
their mission of light ; and one or two of these, borrowed of a Bohe- 
mian noble, who had been a student at Oxford, turned John Huss 
to the truth, and kindled another morning star of the lleformation. 
Luther arose soon after the invention of printing, and his strong 
practical mind was not slow to seize upon the press as a mighty 
helper in his vast W"ork. So greatly were the adherents of Rome 
annoyed by these sharp -aiTOws, that one of them cries out in 
anguisii and dismay : — " The Gospellers of these days do fill the 
realm Avith so many of their noisome little books, that they be like 
to the swarms of locusts which did infest the land of Egypt." 

Though here and there appear traces of combined effort for the 
publication of various books promotive of piety, nothing lilce a per- 
manent organization is seen till 1701, when the " Society for Pro- 
moting Christian Knowledge," was founded in London. The means 
proposed by this society Avere the establishment of schools to teach 
all to read, and the distribution of Bibles, tracts and good books. 
Some other local associations, composed, like this, wholly of mem- 
bers of the Established Church, were formed, and doubtless accom- 
plished good. In the year 1750, however, a society was formed in 
London, on a more catholic plan, for the " Promotion of Religious 
Knowledge among the Poor." In 175G societies of the same char- 
acter were established in Edinburgh and Glasgow. Toward the close 
of the century, Miss Hannah ]More began her labours in this new 
field, by writing, with the aid of her sisters, a series of " Cheap 



14 The Tract Movernent. [January, 

Repository Tracts." Those who have seen the stories of " Giles 
the Poacher," and "Widow Brown's Apple Tree," will wonder how 
the elegant scholar, the daily associate of Johnson and Garrick, 
could so bring her style of thought and diction down to the level of 
a rank of intellect of which, among free adults, we in this age and 
land have little idea. Among her private papers was found this 
thanksgiving : — " Bless the Lord, my soul, that I have been spared 
to accomplish this work. Do thou, Lord, bless and prosper it to 
the good of many. I have devoted three years to it. Two millions 
of these tracts were disposed of during the first year." 

Mrs. Rebecca ^Yilkinson, of Clapham, in Surrey, engaging in the 
same labour of love, was instrumental in distributing, either gratuit- 
ously or at reduced prices, nearly half a million of tracts and prayer- 
books. The Rev. John Campbell, in 17 S9, seems to have originated, 
though on a small scale, an organization more like a modem tract 
society than anything which had gone before it. Thus by degrees 
the minds of the pious were turned to the important duty of preach- 
ing the Gospel by means of the press; and various plans for bring- 
ing every heart and mind in contact with the word, were gradually 
assuming shape. 

The Rev. George Burder, of Coventry, has the honour of having 
originated the Religious Tract Society. He began by publishing at 
his own charge tracts for gratuitous distribution or for sale at very 
low rates. After a short time, a personal friend of his, the Rev. 
Samuel Grcatheed, united in his plans and responsibilities. The 
failure in business of their publishing agent, a London bookseller, 
caused them to wish for something on a stronger, more permanent 
basis, for' the prosecution of their plans. At length, on the 8th of 
May, 1799, at a missionary meeting held at Surrey Chapel, of which 
the celebrated Rowland Hill was then the pastor, Mr. Burder sub- 
mitted his plans to the ministers present. The enterprise was bailed 
with so much enthusiasm and hearty zeal, that in two days from 
that time a constitution had been adopted, a board of officers elected, 
and the "Religious Tract Society" was complete in all its arrange- 
ments. A fact not devoid of interest is, that the board of officers 
first elected, twelve in number, all lived to meet again at the twenty- 
fifth anniversary of the society. The total income the first year was 
about $2,400, and the issues were about two hundred thousand tracts. 
In the year 1S49, the income reached $"240,000, and the publications 
were eighteen millions in number. The receipts of the first fifty 
years were five millions of dollars ; and five hundred millions of pub- 
lications, in one hundred and ten languages, were distributed 
Moreover, principally through the agency of the leading spirits of 



1856.] The Tract Movement. IS 

this organization, the British and Foreign Bible Society was estab- 
lished in 1S04, which has scattered among the nations thirty millions 
of Bibles and Testaments, in one hundred and sixty-two languages. 

AVhiic Christians in England were thus at work, the American 
Churches were not inactive. In 1S25, the American Tract Society 
was founded, an organization which at half the age, far exceeds the 
Kn^^lish predecessor in the magnitude and completeness of its 
arrangements, and in the energy with which its afiairs are managed. 
From the London society we have nothing later than the Jubilee 
Memorial, and consequently we cannot compare the two with much 
exactness. In 1S49 the income of the London society was $240,000, 
of which $30,000 were received in donations, and the rest from the 
sale of publications. The income of the American Tract Society 
for the year ending May 10, 1854, was $415,000, of which $150,000 
were received in donations. In 1849 the London society gave away 
books and tracts to the amount of $39,000 cash value; in 1S54, the 
American society distributed gratuitously 136,096 volumes, and 
73,000,000 pages of tracts, besides giving $20,000 in cash for for- 
eign distribution, worth in all about $115,000. During the same 
year, the American society employed six hundred and nineteen col- 
porteurs, who held over twelve thousand public prayer meetings, 
sold half a million of good books, and visited five hundred and sixty- 
eight thousand families, of whom thirty thousand were found desti- 
tute of the Holy Scriptures. 

The American Baptist Publication Society was established in 
1824. The Annual Keport for 1854, states that the receipts for the 
year were $49,012; about $35,000 having been received from sales, 
and the rest consisting of donations to the society. Their colpor- 
teurs, sixty- seven in number, are half of them ministers, who not 
only preach as they have opportunity, but baptize converts and 
organize Churches. The report notes the organization of nine 
Churches in this way during the year. It may not be out of place 
to add that the entire corps of workers seem strongly imbued with 
denominational spirit, though not uncharitably or offensively so, so 
far as it appears from the document. Many of the books sold by 
them are controversial in their character, and much zeal is shown to 
get the community right on the controverted question. The opera- 
tions of the society are carried on with commendable energy, and 
the results are good. 

The Brcsbyterian Board of Publication employed the last year 
one hundred and lifty-one colporteurs, who put in circulation ono 
hundred and thirty-five thousand nine hundred and eighty-three 
bound volumes, and one million three hundred thousand pages of 



16 The Tract Movement. [January, 

tracts. Number of families visited, sixty- eight thousand one hun- 
di-eJ and eighty-five. The total income for the year was ^103,544. 

The Protestant Episcopal Society employs no colporteurs, and 
consequent!}' its business operations are on a comparatively small 
scale. The income of the society the last year vras §20,915, of 
■which §1,278 were donations and collections. 

The Board of Publication of the Reformed Protestant Dutch 
Church has been recently organized. We should infer from the 
Report that their Avcll-devised plans -will be pursued with energy. 
One rule in relation to colporteurs is worthy of notice, as its general 
adoption might be attended with good results : — " No colporteur 
under the employ of the Board, shall be allowed to interfere with 
other denomiuations, and in no case to visit the families of such 
until he has called upon the pastors and obtained their consent." 
This publication society has not yet erected buildings for a printing 
and binding establishment, but has efFected an arrangement with the 
Presbyterian Board of Publication, by -sirtue of which books and 
tracts may be procured on the same terms upon which the Presby- 
terian auxiliaries are supplied. 

Our brethren of the Methodist Episcopal Church, South, arc also 
moving with spirit in the tract enterprise. They have lately organ- 
ized a society for extended operations, and placed at its head one 
of their ablest men, Rev. J. Bamiltou, D. D. All the modern appli- 
ances which other Churches have found so efficient, are provided for, 
conference agents and colporteurs included. As in the operations of 
the society of our own Church, the publications issued from their 
General Book Rooms are included in the movement, and the people 
are thus supplied with all the Methodist books which they vrant. 
Their enterprise is not yet fairly inaugurated, and they have not yet 
published their first report ; but from what we have learned of the 
Bociety, we anticipate extended usefulness as the result of its labours. 

Having thus sketched the origin of the tract enterprise, and illus- 
trated the general subject by showing what is doing among some 
other branches of Zion, we come to the tract enterprise of the Meth- 
odist Episcopal Church. 

At a very early period in his ministerial career, John Wesley was 
impressed with the vast power of the press, and the duty of Chris- 
tians to employ it for God. He accordingly began the good work 
by publishing volume after volume of substantial works ; — sometimes 
little more than abridgments of books whose reputation was estab- 
lished, but all calculated to promote sound knowledge and true piety. 
With this, he joined the beginnings of a tract enterprise, by sending 
forth little publications of two or four pages, entitled " A Word to a 



2356.] ^ Th^ Tract Movement. 11 

B wearer," " A ^Yord to a Sabbath Breaker," and the like ; so that he 
could, as early as 1745, say, that "within a short time" he had 
•• given away some thousands of little tracts, among the common 
people." To the last day of his Avonderful life, hi employed the 
same powerful aprcncy. With an eagle eye upon the literature of 
his times, he watched the ebbs and flows, the tossings and the calms 
of the great mental and moral deep, ready at any rnom.ent to launch 
his life-boats to save the perishing. How Avell in at least one 
instance his auxiliary served him, may be seen in the result of the 
famous controversy of 1771, in which Fletcher of Madeley -^vas, 
under God, the right arm of his defence, and the press the sharp 
Bword -with which error -was cloven down. 

The fathers of Methodism in America were aAvake to the import- 
ance of wielding this weapon in the cause of God. At the Christ- 
mas conference^of 1784, at which the Methodist Episcopal Church 
was organized, amangements wore made for the printing of books. 
In 17^9, John Dickens was appointed Book Steward, and the nucleus 
was formed which grew gradually into our present extended " Book 
Concern." But it was found that in the prosecution of the various 
publication enteq-)rises of the Church a division of labour is expe- 
dient, as well as in many other departments of human effort, and in 
1817, the Tract Society was formed. In his History, Dr. Bangs 
thus remarks: " The Tract Society was formed this year by some 
members of our Church, with a view to furnish the poorer classes 
with religious reading. It is true that a small society, managed by 
a few pious and benevolent females, had been formed a short time 
previously, but its operations Averc extremely limited. The society 
now formed took a wider range, and commenced publishing its tracts 
and distributing them with spirit and energy." Dr. Emory, inlS2S, 
when he was senior " Book Steward," advocated the publication of 
cheap religious books, as well as tracts, and succeeded in creating a 
new organization called the Publishing Fund for this purpose. The 
plan was to erect a publishing house for the use of the Methodist 
Episcopal Bible Society, the Sunday- School Union, and the Tract 
Society, distinct from the General Book Concern. The framers of 
this project did not yet aim at gratuitous issues, but to reduce the 
price of Bibles and other good books to the mere cost of paper, 
presswork, and binding. The fund never amounted to a sura suffi- 
cient to warrant the erection of the contemplated buildings, but the 
moneys collected were applied to their object in connexion with the 
establishment already in existence. In March, 1S33, the three 
societies were merged in one, and committed to the same board of 
management. The fusion gave too many interests into the keeping 



18 The Tract Movement. [January, 

of the same hands, and in 1836, the General Conference resolved t-o 
unite ^Yith other evangelical denominations in the support of the 
American Bible Societ}'-. The Sunday-School Union and the Tract 
Society remained united till 1840, Avhen the Sunday-School Union 
vras erected into a separate organization, and the tract enterprise 
■was abandoned for the time to its fate. At the General Conference 
of 1S44, Rev. D. P. Kidder "i\-as elected "Editor of Sunday-school 
books and tracts," and the bishops soon after uniting in a circular 
addressed to the annual conferences, urging the cause upon their 
sympathies and cooperation, a considerable impetus was given to 
the movement, and it began to assume more importance. 

Still, our appliances were hardly up to the times, and we were not 
competing on anything like equal terms with other denominations. 
A local society was formed by the members of the .Methodist Church 
in New- York, in 184G, and an experimental colporteur was sent 
forth, like the dove from the ark, to see if a new agency might find 
rest for the sole of its foot. At the end of three months he returned 
and reported that he had visited six hundred and eighty- six families, 
and had sold eight hundred religious books and over three thousand 
pages of tracts, besides making donations to those desirous of possess- 
ing but unable to buy. The conviction spread that we must not bo 
laggards in the new field, into which other denominations were already 
beginning to enter with commendable zeal and great success. In fact, 
the preachers, especially on the Atlantic states, had become unable or 
unwilling to follovr the example of the fathers in circulating books, 
and our people found it more easy, in many cases, to supply them- 
selves with the books of other publication societies than with those 
of our own, and thus there was danger that our denominational liter- 
ature would be thrust from the position which it ought to occupy. Dr. 
Kidder, to whom the Church is much indebted in this matter, advo- 
cated the formation of a new society; and when the General Confer- 
ence of 1852 met, he addressed to it a memorial, setting forth strong 
reasons for the contemplated movement. The bishops had recom- 
mended it in their address, several annual conferences had formally 
approved the measure, and the project met with universal favour. 

" The General Conference, -nith great unanimity, determined upon the 
oriranization of a Tract Society, prepared a constitution, and appointed an 
additional ofHccr, Rev. Abel Stevens, ' editor of the I\Ionthly Magazine and 
Tracts, and Corresponding Secretary of the Tract Society.' 

" On the lOtli d;iy of November, 18.') 2, the society began its operations under 
the most favourable auspices. Its energetic secretary, by direction of the 
Board, and in obedience to the orders of the (General Conference, printed and 
sent out documents, circulars, and appeals to the Church in various forms; 
thoroughly revised the list of tracts, replacing those deemed obsolete by new 



1850.] The Tract Movement, 19 

ono-s and added seventy-eight to the number; instituted a volume series which, 
in llic Kriglish and oIIht hinguage?, reached, during his administration, sixty- 
four volumes; travelled extensively, visiting conferences, delivering addresses, 
Ajtsiiting in organizing auxiliaries, taking collections, and in various -ways stir- 
ring up puMic interest, and directing the actions of the societies. The move- 
tneut mot with a most hearty and enthusiastic response from the Methodist 
r»^r>[,!o. The contributions and subscriptions were unexpectedly large. Thirty- 
M\ .-Duferen'jes organized auxiliaries — thirteen appointed special agents — some 
ci_'hty-scvca colporteurs were sent out, and the distribution of books and tracts 
ri-eivvd an impulse of greater inHueuce and power than its most sanguine 
fnonds had anticipated." — Annual Report of IBbH, page 23. 

As the action of the conferences -svas needful to complete the 
new organization, the first annual report was not published till 
December, 1S53, and even then it included only the fraction of a 
jear, during which the society may be said to have been in opera- 
tion. The report, nevertheless, was exceedingly cheering to the 
most sanguine friends of the enterprise. We append a part of the 
figures given : — 

Conference Auxiliaries 36 

Colporteurs in actual service 87 

Conversions reported 68 

Pages of Tracts sold, (one-third in German) 6,891,240 

Tract volumes sold 101,730 

Books of Geiicral Catalogue sold, value §12,000 

Donations collected §16,407 

As might have been anticipated, the extended operations of the 
new society, and the important interests involved, soon demanded 
the entire services of a superintendent, one who could apply both 
hands to the work, and not, like tlie builders of i^ehcmiah, hold the 
weapon of this warfare in one hand, while with the other he was toil- 
ing hard at another enterprise, sufficient of itself for any one man. 
At the meeting of the Book Committee in February, 1S54, Brother 
Stevens resigned his position in the tract department. His ener- 
getic labours have told upon our Church and the cause, and the 
favourable auspices under which the new enterprise began its career 
are attributable in no small degree to his vigour and skill. Dr. Jesse 
T. I'eck was elected to the chrrt-ge of the tract interests, and from 
hi.s abilities and zeal the Church will expect much. 

The second anniversary of the society was held at Portland, Maine, 
in February last. Those whose privilege it was to attend that three 
days' festival, with its sermons, addresses, and meetings for telling 
colporteur experience, must have enjoyed a feast of fat things. In 
looking over the numerical items of the report presented on that inter- 
esting occasion, we cannot but be painfully struck with the difficulty of 
obtaining full, reliable statistics, in whose preparation many hands 



20 The Tract Movement. [January, 

must be employed. To render this report complete, correct replies 
to tAYcnty regular questions must be had from each of forty auxil- 
iaries. Consequently the totals must be made up from eight hundred 
separate sums, each of ■s\-hich is an aggregation of items, and the 
accuracy of the -whole depends upon the accuracy and promptness 
of some two hundred and fifty persons. To train such a regiment 
to exactness and despatch is of itself no small task, and as in the 
present case, the most of them are new recruits, no one need be sur- 
prised at the imperiections of the returns, and that there are twice 
as many blanks as there are entries. The figures given foot up as 
follows ; — 

Colporteurs employed durin-g the year 153 

Pages of Tracts distributed 11,784,627 

Donations collected by ten agents S19,5G7 

Aggregate receipts of the Society $61,053 

Families visited in fourteen auxiliaries 91,751 

ConTersions reported in nine auxiliaries 624 

Volumes sold or donated in eight auxiliaries 80,613 

This, as far as it goes, is exceedingly gratifying ; but as a report, 
it is to us very unsatisfactory. We want the full returns, and we 
trust that with a little more experience on the part of agents and 
colporteurs, wc shall hereafter have statistics which will not only 
satisfy curious minds, but prove reliable as a basis for reasoning in 
regard to the whole system. The ^ylethodists have been blessed 
■with such prompt success in their undertakings hitherto, that they 
are, of all men, prone to expect immediate fruit of their labours. 
Like the backwoodsman at the battle of I^ew- Orleans, who, every 
time he discharged his rifle, leaped upon the breastwork to see what 
execution he had done, they want to be sure that every shot hits. 
They wish to know, and they have a right to know, what is effected 
by the various benevolent operations for which they furnish the 
sinews. Still, we do not make these remai-ks b}- way of censure, 
but merely to express our strong desire to have full and accurate 
statistics, and call the attention of the two hundred and fifty persons 
aforesaid, to the importance of keeping correct accounts in the affairs 
of the Church. 

Enough is given to cheer our hopes and satisfy our reason, in 
regard to the success of the society. The blessing of God has 
descended upon it, and the influences of the Holy Spirit have sped 
with its messages of truth and peace. Light has come into many 
darkened habitations ; angels in heaven have joyed over repentant 
sinners, and gladness has sprung up in many a sad heart. The 
faithful labourer, with his package of books, has found favour in the 



jg56.3 1^^^ Tract Movement. 21 

eyes of the people, the Churches have contributed liberally of their 
substance, and as it has been happily expressed, the youngest child 
of the Church seems to be her favourite. With these general 
remarks on the origin of the society, and its present condition, we 
luni to those considerations which prompted the enterprise, and 
Iiavo givt-n it the shape it wears. 

'J'liL' field in which it proposes to labour is immense. According 
to the estimates based on the last census, the United States have at 
(Lis moment about twenty- seven millions of inhabitants. Four 
millions, or thereabouts, of these are foreigners, gathered out of 
*' every kindred, and nation, and tongue, under the whole heaven.'' 
England sends us her quota of immigrants, generally informed in 
regard to evangelical truth, and many of them substantial Christians. 
Ireland pours in a multitude of the followers of the Pope, and, also, 
some few Protestants, who are generally valuable accessions to the 
.American Churches. Germany is in motion, and her dreamy sous 
are coming in crowds to till the soil of our fertile plains, and retail 
lager bier in the cities and towns. Europe is rolling upon our shores 
the tide of its teeming population, multitudes of whom know not 
God, even in the scriptural theory. Here, then, is an opening for 
any amount of Christian effort, and we will be doing no small share 
of the work of the general Church, if we provide the means of 
preaching the Gospel to all who come to us. 

Our AVesleyan brethren, in contrasting their missionary collections 
with ours, do not always do us full justice. Their home territory 
has all been surveyed, their circuits established, their chapels built, 
and their home work, compared with ours, may be said to bo done. 
The American Methodists, on the contrary, are extending the sphere 
of their hibours in every direction. We probably expend in build- 
ing and refitting churches and parsonages, and in paying Church 
debts, a million of dollars annually — perhaps more. We are estab- 
lishing schools, endowing colleges, and driving on scores of projects 
at the same time. And every year, almost, some new corner of tho 
territory is found full of special promise, some new enterprise for 
God and souls is set on foot, and fresh demands are made upon the 
Bjmpathies, the purses, and the active labours of Christians. We 
do not bflieve that any part of universal Zion is working harder, 
contributing more money, and showing higher hope, more chivalrous 
enterprise in doing good, than American Methodism. And we 
would add, vath all deliberation, that Christians in other lands would 
have little cause to reproach Americans with a lack of missionary 
zeal, if we should abandon the foreign field to them, and devote all 
our energies to the evangelizing of the crowds of immigrants who 



22 The Tract Movement. [January, 

are pouring into our country. Is it a Christian virtue to preach 
Christ to the idolatrous Chinese? Thousands of the natives of the 
Celestial Empire are to be found in California, -where they have 
erected a pagoda, the first temple of overt idolatry in the States. 
Is it Avell for us to tell the story of the cross to the sceptical Ger- 
man? There are a million of Germans already "within our borders, 
and the exodus from the fitherland bids fair to continue. Is it our 
duty to tell the -^vay of faith to the blinded followers of priests, and 
the superstitious adorers of -wafers? They exist in our midst in 
hundreds of thousands. It may be gi-anted that the proposal to 
erect a mission church, or establish a Sabbath- school, three streets 
from our own door, docs not rouse a poetic imagination so strongly, 
or afford so much miaterial for impassioned eloquence, as does the 
idea of setting up the standard of the cross side by side with the 
crescent, or building the church hard by the pagoda, or the car of 
Juggernaut. Yet the missionary efforts put forth to reach and save 
the destitute on our own soil, have cost fewer lives, and less money 
proportionably, and have produced more good results, than has any 
foreign mission undertaken by Americans, not even excepting the 
Gospel conquest of the Sandwich Islands. 

Let no one construe these remarks into censure, or even indiffer- 
ence in regard to efforts to teach the heathen of other lands. In 
that field we are doing, not too much, but far too little. Still let us 
not cultivate a philanthropy of such telescopic vision that we become 
able to see none but distant objects. The deaf mute described by 
Charlotte Elizabeth, having been patted on the head divers times by 
his master, in token of commendation, took to patting his head with 
his own hand whenever he fiincicd that he had done anything particu- 
larly nice or bright. Thus that sapient personoge yclept Brother 
Jonathan, is somewhat fond of patting his own head, and assuring 
himself that he is the best looking, the most intelligent and virtuous 
individual visible on the globe, and that he can run faster, fight 
harder, and make more money than any one else in that extensive 
precinct known as "all creation." It may cool his vanity, and do 
him good otherwise, to study carefully a few known facts. Of the 
eleven millions of our free people, twenty years old and over, one 
million can neither read nor write. The colporteurs of three of the 
American societies named at the head of this article, found, in one 
year, thirty-eight thousand families destitute of the Bible, and this 
in less than one-fifth of the three millions six hundred thousand fam- 
ilies which compo.-?e the free part of our nation. If those not called 
upon were no better supplied, we must have had, at that time, two 
hundred thousand families living without the Scriptures in their 



1856.] The Tract Movement. 23 

dwellings. The colporteurs of the American Tract Society, during 
the same period, visited ninety-two thousand five hundred and 
tliirty-one farailios v,\\o heard no evangelical preaching. In 1S50. 
au army of twenty- si:< thousand six hundred and seventy-nine per- 
sons were convicted of crime in the various courts of our nation, 
while tlie paupers numbered the mightier host of one hundred and 
thirty-five thousand; more than half of whom were foreigners. 
Jlore is an appalling amount of ignorance, crime and misery, in our 
very midst. It was one of John Randolph's best sayings, that ho 
uttered in reply to a collector of funds for foreign operations : — 
"Madam, the heathen are at your own doors." 

Foreign immigration is a subject which should attract the earnest 
attention of the Christian as well as the patriot. For the last five 
years immigrants have been arriving at the rate of about three hun- 
dred and fifty thousand annually, the vast majority coming from 
papal Ireland and sceptical Germany. Persevering efforts are made 
to keep them what they are, and yet they are far more accessible to 
truth here than at home. Infidel papers in his mother tongue, play- 
ing artfully upon the innate love of home and home ideas and cus- 
toms, so peculiarly strong in the German, teach him low pleasures 
and low morals. In regard to the Catholics in this country, the 
grand device of the priests, and of papal workers of every descrip- 
tion, is to teach their dupes to hate and despise Protestants, to 
regard them as their bitter enemies, and consider even acts of kind- 
ness from them, as designed only to delude and betray. Still, in 
spite of all efforts to keep the eyes of "the faithful" closed, many 
will nov,- and then steal a glance at things about them. The truth 
falls upon them from every quarter, and with alarming facility they 
learn to think for themselves. Romish functionaries are evidently 
Bore troubled by the independence and intractability of their once 
abject, obedient followers. Hence one of the dignitaries of the 
Church declares that Catholics who are not compelled to emigrate, 
ought to remain at home, and not come to this dangerous land, 
where their children, if not themselves, will be sure to stray from 
the papal fold. A priest, in reply to the question whether professed 
Catholics in this country are as good Catholics, as obedient to the 
priests, and as faithful to Church observances, as in the lands from 
which they come, declared with great emphasis : " The venj atmos- 
phere of this country is full of insubordination." According to 
their own confessions their craft is in danger. Popery is not only 
compelled to forego its prerogative of coercion Avhcn it embarks on 
the Atlantic, but is even compelled to leave behind some of its most 
effective machinery for moving the ignorant and the credulous. In 



24 The Tract Movement. [January, 

American chapels, gypsum angels conduct themselves with commend- 
able propriety, and the painted Madonna never disturbs the gravity 
of the priest by tipping him a profane wink as he carries around the 
plate for the contributions of believers. Catholics here take the 
papers, and begin to reason -svith regard to the claims of the various 
ecclesiastical bodies around them. The anxiety of the bishops to 
have all Church property vested in themselves is a very significant 
fact. It looks very much as if they anticipate insubordination and 
insurrection among their followci's, and if they cannot prevent the 
people from slipping through their fingers, they wish, at all events, 
to make sure of the property. These things show that in this land 
of light, some rays will penetrate even the dark caverns of Home, 
and wake the sleepers. 

Here, then, is one important part of our field of labour. A mil- 
lion and a half of Catholics are in our midst, with the scales falling 
from their eyes, and the Spirit of God whispering to their hearts. 
They can be more easily reached by books and tracts than by the 
living teacher. In the code of the priest, to enter a Protestant 
church and hear a sermon is a heinous sin, to be visited with a ten- 
fold heavier penance than lying, drunkenness, or profanity. More- 
over, it is a visible thing, and the priest or his spies will detect it 
and sound the Church thunders. But the book or the tract can be 
put away from the prying eye of the "holy father," and if the con- 
fessional should fail to draw it out, his reverence may console him- 
self with the fact that there are other persons to whom the practice 
of fibbing, too prevalent among certain classes of his disciples, has 
often proved annoying. 

Tracts and religious books may also be employed with good effect 
by our missionaries in foreign countries. Many idolatrous nations, 
as the Chinese, the Hindoos, and the Japanese, are given to reading, 
and the tract for which so maii}' eager hands are stretched out toward 
the "teacher," may go from hand to hand, and from dwelling to 
dwelling, like a beam of Ileavou's own light. The following inter- 
esting fact, to which we might add scores of others from the reports 
of the various publication societies, is taken from the Report of the 
American Tract Society. It is related by the Ilev. Dr. Scudder, 
missionary at Madras ; — 

" The case is that of K. Das, a rcspoctablc man of the weaver caste, who 

without ever seeing a rnissionnrij, or it C/in>'ian of any kind, has for a consider- 
able time renounced idolatry, and bci'n in the <njoynicnt of the consolations 
of tlic Gospel. Ilis account of liiuistlf is .i- <m!I.i\v.^. He returned from a pil- 
griinaLre to Jujzgernaut very much dissatisfied with what he saw tliere, and his 
mind ill at ease about the worship of idols. Jn his own villaijc ho obtained a 
tract, entitled ' God is a Spirit.' This ho read again and agaia. He then 



J g;j(j ] The Tract Movement. 25 

htArA lliit somo mi^^iomries had been seen in a village near to his own, and 
kvi distril.iitod tracts tlniv. Hi- went, as he said, to beg, buy, or borrow some 
o«' Ui' III- Ho (ihtaiiu-d a vi)liunc of tracts, and the Gospel by John. lie soon 
nudi- li!H'.s.-lf a'-<iiiaiiitod with tlieir contents, and commenced in secret to pray 
\n t]>o l\%iti2 (!<xi. II*^' tlien disowned his Ibrmer idols and all connexion with 
th'-n!. !!•■ at first met with great opposition, both from his own family and his 
nri.,'it'<'!ir.-i ; but as ho had some iniluence, and was able to plead his own cause 
wjiii a "t>o<l deal of ability, he did not at first meet with much persecution. 
H,. ...iiiiinied worshijtping the true God for almost two years, before we again 
viviti-d the disti-iet. So soon as lie heard of our arrival, he came to us -^'ith the 
r.-.i'!c-t that wc v,-ould preach in his village : al'cer which he derlarcd his belief 
in t!io Saviour whom we had preached, and wished to be baptized. He gave 
so satisfactory an account of his conversion, that we invited liim to I'erhampore, 
that ho might be received into the Church by baptism. We may add that he 
h.i« since been baptized, and gives us reason to hope he will become a very 
clhcient native preacher." — P. 152. 

The means ^vhicli we are using -u-ith so much success in spreading 
the truth among our own people, has thus been found a valuable 
au.xiliary in the foreign field. Shall American Methodists abandon 
this cfToctive instrument to other denominations — let them do all the 
work and have all the reward V We rejoice to know that our society, 
ycung as it is, has already put forth forty-two difierent publications 
in the German, Danish and Swedish languages, and that our mission- 
aries are employing them with good success. 

In regard to the enterprise in general, let us glance at the motives 
which urge us to tlie performance of our duty. A thousand millions 
of im:iiortals live upon the earth to-day, each shaping an eternal 
de.<tiny. Sinners may drag each other down to hell; the Christian 
may lift souls heavenward. Aliens from God must be won by truth 
and love. God places the truth in our hands, and commands us to 
"Preach the Gospel to every creature." Tell of Jesus to the per- 
ishing. Spread the good tidings. Give them voice on every wind. 
iSpeak to the ear — address the eye. Let the living teacher and the 
n:ute evangelist go hand in hand, and go everywhere. Let the 
Church not be fearful, but arise, full of faith and hope, and " sow 
beside all waters." Already in China, in Burmah, in Ceylon, in 
Turkey, in France and Germany and Sweden, in Mexico, South 
America and Australia, the living witness and the voiceless mes- 
senger have gone, and already the wilderness breaks forth in songs. 
If wc love souls, and desire to see om- Saviour glorified, let us 
neglect no available means for spreading the tidings of great joy. 

But there are additional motives which appeal strongly to our 
patriotic emotions and principles. Free institutions cannot be per- 
manent, unless based on the solid foundation of national intelli- 
gence and national morality. Is our rock so strong that we can 
bear, Avithout danger, the annual addition of a hundred thousand 

Fourth Series, Vol. VIIL— 2 



26 The Tract Movement. [January, 

votes, controlled by infidel agitators, or wily Jesuits, more attached 
to a foreign despot than to American liberties? Is there not a 
possibility that this new force will be exerted amiss, in opposing 
salutary reforms, and in elevating to oflBce unwoiihy men, under 
whose weak or corrupt rule, law shall cease to protect the innocent 
and to be a terror to the guilty ? 

It is evident that we ought to adopt all right measures to Ameri- 
canize, as rapidly as possible, our foreign-born citizens and their 
descendants. The sooner the foreign language, and the foreign 
manners and customs are laid aside — the sooner American modes of 
thought and feeling are acquired — the better. In fact, the first gener- 
ation trained up on American soil, and in habits of daily intercourse 
with Americans, lose, to a very great degree, the peculiarities of the 
races from which they sprung. But there is no bond of union like 
that of religion. It takes hold upon the deepest emotions of our 
nature, and the most tender fibres of the heart, and from it springs 
the strongest brotherhood that binds man to his fellow. In seeking, 
therefore, to harmonize and soften down our various national elements 
into one safe, healthful and beautiful whole, there is no means com- 
parable with judicious, honest, Christian effort to enlighten their 
minds and save their souls. Send out ministers, colporteurs, books, 
tracts, that the dwellers in our republican Babel may exclaim, as 
did the Jews who had come up to Palestine from many lands : " We 
do hear them speak ix OUR tongue, the wonderful words of God." 

But there is a denominational motive, as well as a patriotic one, 
to deal liberally with the Tract enterprise. Other denominations 
have entered the field, and laboured with great zeal, and ah-eady 
their reapers return with joy, bringing their sheaves with them. 
That mammoth institution, the American Tract Society, is in the 
receipt of an income seven times as great as that of our society, and 
employs four colporteurs where we employ one. The various sec- 
tions of the general Church arc organizing, or have years ago organ- 
ized, cheap publication societies, and are preparing every year for a 
more extensive and vigorous prosecution of the enterprise. Many 
of their publications are strongly denominational, and not a few of 
them contain direct attacks upon the spirit, doctrines and polity of 
the Methodist Church. Some denominations, too, send forth their 
colporteurs to cooperate with their homo mission and church exten- 
sion associations, and wherever it is practicable, congregations are 
organized, pastors are established, and possession is taken of the 
land. Christian zeal and intelligent activity are creditable to those 
■who manifest them, and if we suffer others to outdo us, we must bear 
it in silence. 



IS56.3 The Tract Movement. 27 

It may be added, with truth, that even books not directly incul- 
cating doctrinal peculiarities, are nevertheless frequently one-sided 
in their effect. There pertains to each doctrinal school, not only a 
peculiar do;:;niatic system, but a peculiar style of general thought 
an<1 expression, and a peculiar style of emotion, ^yhich act and re- 
act upon each other and tend to mutual reproduction. None but a 
[genuine Methodist can write a genuinely Methodist hook ; a genuine 
Calvinist can write nothing but a Calvinistic book; and the unpreju- 
diced person who reads attentively the book of either, however free 
from sectional peculiarities it may bo, will be more or less deeply 
inoculated with the theological system of the author. These vari- 
ous societies are pushing their work with gi-eat diligence, and within 
the last two years they have probably visited half the dwellings of 
our entire nation. And they make little distinction among those 
upon whom they call. A Baptist colporteur will stop at the door 
of a Methodist, and a Methodist visit a Presbyterian family, and 
both be successful in selling books. This fact is so undeniable that 
the Report of the Presb3-terian Board asserts, in emphatic italics, 
that " Tlic denojninatinnal character of their publications causes 
no material hindrance to their circulation." We may rest assured 
that our people will be supplied with books from some quarter, and 
if we deal v/ith a slack hand, and fail to supply their wants, we 
ought to rejoice that other communions have the wisdom and energy 
to cultivate the field which would otherwise be a desert. If we fail 
to meet the requirements of the times, and thus lose our command- 
ing position, we will deserve to lose it; and if while neglect and 
ap'.ithy drag us down, others rise by laborious Christian effort, they 
deserve their success. 

Still we do not like to profess a magnanimity for which there is 
no occasion. We confess that Ave utter these things the more boldly 
from our strong conviction that the ^lethodist Church Avill not bo 
remiss in this matter. Her leading minds have always been noted 
fir faith, hope, and energy in every good word and vrork; her whole 
career is full of bold enterprise, and her ministers and people are as 
full as ever of the old fire. She will still win her triumphs, by the 
blessing of her Master, in new efforts to spread the truth of God. 
So far from being merely a casket in which the pearls are treasured 
up, the Church must be the strong diver that plunges into the ocean 
and gropes along its oozy bottom in search of the precious spoil. 
The Church should be full of life and power, bold to plan, and strong 
to e.xecute her benevolent designs. Petty schemes, narrow views, 
and small faith have no place in planning the campaigns of the Gos- 
pel, and the more of spiritual bravery any branch of the Church 



28 The Tract Move7nent. [January, 

militant manifests, tlie more rapid its progress, the broader and 
deeper its mark upon the times. 

Methodism owes its vast success not simply to the plain, common- 
sense truth of its theology, but, speaking after the manner of men, to 
the vigour and energy ^vhich its founders infused into it. John Wes- 
ley had no idea at first of the magnitude to -which the movement would 
swell, yet his eye was quick to detect and his hand quick to seize 
opportunity; and, by a rare combination of prudence and chivalrous 
cntci-prise, nothing was lost through either rashness or timidity. 
Itinerant preaching, pastoral visiting. Sabbath schools, tract distri- 
bution, and the cheap volume enterprise, all were set in motion ; and, 
in fact, John Wesley seems to have rallied around him, with almost 
prophetic wisdom, all the appliances and instrumentalities which the 
modern Church has found so efficacious for good. The greater the 
degree in which the followers of Wesley inherit his spirit of evan- 
gelical gallantry, the more they will do for God and for souls, the 
more deep and permanent will be their mark upon the age. 

The press is an agency which no branch of the Church can neg- 
lect without a loss of power, and which Methodists will never neg- 
lect while they inherit any of the far-sighted wisdom of the fathers. 
When Martin Luther threw his inkstand at the devil, he used the 
right weapon, though not exactly in the right way. Kext in import- 
ance to the voice of the living teacher come the types. Infidelity 
knows this fact, and utters its venom in many a scurrilous pamphlet, 
and in many a volume, more pretending but no less false. 
The Church understands it, and lays a strong liand upon the 
same powerful weapon. Thus, the press becomes a strong battery, 
whose guns can be turned upon friend or foe, and for the posses- 
sion of which the moral belligerents contend in many a fierce 
attack and stubborn defence. 

But we are in danger of exceeding due bounds in the length of 
this paper, and we therefore turn to the consideration of the various 
parts of our new organization. The Tract Society of the Methodist 
Episcopal Church. If a new enterprise of the Church is to be set 
on foot, the first requisite is a brain — a strong practical mind to lay 
the plans and manage the interests of the enterprise, both temporal 
and spiritual. There must be some one to think, some one whose 
love of souls and whose sense of responsibility to God and the 
Church, will cause him to apply to the work all his energies of body 
and soul. It seems out of place to take funds collected for benevo- 
lent purposes, and pay away even a part of them in salaries, which, 
from the very necessity of the case, must be comparatively high. 
Yet if the objection be valid, it lies with equal weight against a paid, 



1856.] The Tract Movement. 29 

or " supported " pastoral ministry. Even in cases where the pulpit 
•Dxv;^t be supplied "gratuitously, the congregation gladly sustain a 
man whose sole business it is to look after the spiritual interests of 
hia ilock. But if the interests of one congregation, composed of a 
few hundreds of persons, residing in the same vicinity, demand all 
the energies of a superintendent, what must be said of the benevo- 
lent undertakings of the Church, with their vast importance, the 
number of laboui-ers employed in various ways, and their business 
intricacies V These considerations have induced the authorities to 
create a new Book- Room officer, — the Corresponding Secretary of 
the Tract Society, — and in their judgment the Church will undoubt- 
edly acquiesce. The Report mentions the labours of the present 
secretary, by which it appears that in less than one year he travelled 
over fourteen thousand miles, attended twenty- seven annual confer- 
ences, and delivered two hundred and twenty-eight addresses and 
sermons, besides editing books and tracts, and looking after the 
interests of the society in general. 

In addition to the general superintendent of the society, the 
plan contemplates the appointment, wherever practicable, of confer- 
ence agents. It is true that the pastors of the individual congrega- 
tions are men of ability as well as the agent, and as capable of 
representing the abstract cause to the people of their respective 
charges. But more than this : we will take it for granted that the 
pastor will take hold of the subject so earnestly, that his appeals 
elicit the same interest and the same pecuniary results, as would the 
labours of the conference agent ; yet there remain other considera- 
tions in favour of the appointment of the agent. He must gather a 
band of colporteurs, assign them their several fields of labour, and 
oversee their operations generally. So important is this superin- 
tendcncy, that some of the publication societies have in the service 
two classes of officers, one to address Churches and collect funds, 
and the other to marshal the hosts of colportage, explore the fields 
to be won. and plan the campaign against ignorance and irreligion. 
Our report thus describes the work of the conference agent : — 

" Tlio a;:;cnts are labourers. They visit promptly every distiict, to organize 
U»c work, and as rapidly as possible the several charges, to present to the people 
the subject of reading' in all its varied aspects. They are bound to inform 
thcni>elvcs upon the power of the press, the peculiarities of current literature, 
to jxiiiit out its dan<icrous tendencies, put our people upon their guard, exhibit 
faithfully the excellence of our own publications, create or stimulate an interest 
in Methodist books, and prepare the -way for their sale. They are to exhibit 
fiiithluliy the various benevolent demands of the Tract Society, in connexion 
■with the pastor take up the annual collections and subscriptions, and see to 
the appointment of tract stewards in all the charges and tract distributers in 
all the classes. They are to carry out the orders of the Board, in appointing 



30 The Tract Movement. [January, 

colporteors, purcliasing books and tracts, and appropriating funds. They are 
to super\-ise and stiniukte the whole work in tlicir respective conferences 
They are to keep strict and accurate business accounts, write to the corre- 
sponding secretary an informal statement of their own labours every month 
and transmit complete official quarterly and annual reports according to 
instructions, and form a strong bond of union between the parent and auxiliary 
societies." Piige 42. 

The colporteurs are in fact the rank and file of the army, or as 
the Baptist Report styles them, " the right arm of the service." 
We had constructed a brief argument to show the great efficiency of 
this class of Trorkers; but we find the thing so Avell done in the 
Report of the Dutch Reformed Society, that we prefer to quote ; 
merely observing that what colporteurs have accomplished for others 
they will accomplish for us : — 

" The experience of every religious Board of Publication has been that, in 
order to ditJuse their publications and expand their influence, they were com- 
pelled to adopt a system of agencies which has received the approved cogno- 
men of colportage. However valuable and desirable the publications of a 
Board may be, ihoir sale and distribution, if dependent upon retail custom, 
must necessarily he too limited to pay even expenses, and as you restrict the 
field of circulation, you also narrow down, to a very small compass, the sphere 
of influence exerted, and lessen the good aimed to be accomplished. This 
your Board has already felt, and that to such an extent as to prompt them to 
the preparation of a plan for colportage, to be appended to their operations, 
which is herewith submitted to General Synod for its consideration and 
adoption. 

" If the publications of your Board are to be widely circulated, and the 
peculiar features of our own Church more extensively known, we must have 
our own colporteurs traversing the land, visiting our people, scattering the 
light, instructing the icrnorant, and leaving behind then:, as they go from house 
to house and from field to fieM, that which will arouse the conscience, convict 
the sinner, comfort the saint, and, at the same time, that which will teach the 
Christian public the true nature, the admirable features, the Christian spirit, 
and the prospective destiny of the Reformed Dutch Church. By this means 
seed will be sown which will produce an abundant harvest of good, both to 
the souls of men. and also to the Church we honour and love. The Presby- 
terian Church owes much of its church-extension under God to the faithful 
labours of the colfiorteurs of its Board of Publication, who have carried their 
works into distant places, which would never have been reached but through 
this instrumentolity. And we are firmly of the opinion that such would be 
our experience as a Church, if the same means were employed under a similar 
restrictive system." 

The efiiciency of the system is demonstrated by the Presbyterian 
Board of Publication, who adopted it in 1848, and in six years 
nearly trebled the business of the society. 

Several of the publication societies employ students in theological 
and other schools, during vacation. The American Tract Society, 
in 1S5-1-, employed eighty-eight, and the Baptist Society thirteen, in 
this way. The Dutch Reformed Society has made provision for the 
same kind of labourers. This seems to us a judicious arrangement. 



1656.3 The Trad Movement. 31 

"Voung men looking forward to usefulness in the Church, are 
brou^^ht in contact with the people, and thus the abstractions of the 
books become rcahtios ; the future pastor learns men as they are, 
and how to approach them, in order to do them good. Before a 
colporteur can be commissioned in the Dutch Reformed Society, he 
must present a ccrtlticate from his pastor, giving information on the 
following points, which will present an idea of the proper qualifi- 
critions : — 

" 1st. Ilis age. 2d. The fact of bis Church membership and its duration. 
.3d. Ilis occupation. -Ith. "Whether single or married. It'man-ied, the number 
and circumstances of his family. 5th. That his Christian experience, educa- 
tion, tact, judgment, and energy are such as -will render him both etlicient 
as a colporteur and acceptable to the people. 6th. "Whether he possesses suffi- 
cicnily accurate business habits, as to enable him to keep his accounts cor- 
rectly, and also properly to report the same to the committee. 7th. That his 
character for integrity is such as to warrant the committee in intrusting their 
publications in his hands. 8th. The length cf time he proposes to engage in 
the service of the Board as colporteur. 9ch. The field be desires to occupy." 

The report of our own society thus describes their peculiar 
province : — 

" The colporteurs are labourers. They are to make themselves thoroughly 
acfjuainted with the plans and jjolicy of the parent and auxiliary societies, and 
ivltli Mfthodist literature especially ; to otrer the books from house to house ; 
to search out the poor, the sick, and the ncjlected everywhere ; distribute 
tracts, oiler kind religious instruction and prayers, especially wherever the 
people are under no evangelical pastoral charge ; gather the people into the 
churches, and the cliildren into Sunday schools ; hold meetings whenever 
practicable; to collect funds when instructed to do so; to keep accurate busi- 
ness accounts ; make full monthly reports according to instructions ; to put 
themselves into comnumication with the pastors, act under their advice, and 
constitute a strong bond of union between all the districts and the conlerence 
societies." Page 42. 

In comparing the financial systems of the different societies, we 
find various modes of fixing the compensation of colporteurs. The 
American Tract Society, as well as most of the others, pays each 
man two hundred dollars per year and his travelling expenses. 
Tlio entire expense, salary included, is about two hundred and 
eighty dollars a year. In the operations of the Presbyterian Board 
tiio entire expense reaches nearly one dollar and fifty cents per day 
of actual service. The society of the M. E. Church, South, furnishes 
books at prime cost, and allows the colporteur, in selling thcra. to 
charge a small advance, to remunerate himself Our own society 
adopts in some cases the percentage plan, in- others the fixed salary. 
The American Tract Society prefers the salary system, because there 
IS then " no pccimiary inducement for turning aside from destitute 
households. Benevolent sympathy is left to its fullest exercise, and 



32 The Tract Movement. [January, 

the book-bearer may plead •with immortal souls, to ' buy the truth 
and sell it not,' without the possible suspicion of interested 
motives." 

In the Methodist organization another wheel is added to the ma- 
chinery, the tract steward in each charge. He is to the corps of 
tract distributers in his congi-egation, or neighbourhood, what the 
conference agent is to his brigade of colporteurs. He is to super- 
intend the work generally, " sec that distributers are appointed in 
all the classes, that the collections are taken, and the supply and 
distribution of tracts are judicious, regular, and thorough." The 
tract distributers go through the community, endeavouring, in a 
quiet, unobtrusive way, to adapt to its work the tract left at a house, 
or put into the hands of an individual; ofttimes giving therewith a 
word of pious counsel. They watch the seed with interest, and if it 
germinates, are ready to cultivate it, till it ripens into the good fruit 
of personal salvation. 

This, then, is a hasty sketch of a m.ovement which is at the same 
time a noble monument and the fitting exponent of the intellectual 
progress and the enlightened benevolence of the age. Like other 
benevolent enterprises it appeals to the people for men and money. 
It points to the thick darkness brooding over millions ; it points to 
the souls that grope in the gloom ; and asks for help in the work of 
leading them to the light. It points to the souls saved, as an 
earnest of what may be accomplished ; the first sheaves, which are 
at once a pledge that the harvest is surely approaching, and an 
example of its rich fruits. It points to the treasures of the Church, 
and declares that the gold and the silver, and the cattle on a thou- 
sand hills, are the Lord's. It appeals to our love of God, of 
souls, of our native land, of all that is desirable in a national or 
personal point of view. One of the most powerful and the most 
successful of the agencies of the Church, it demands the prayers, 
the sympathies, the support, and the active cooperation of the 
friends of true progress, and of all who love the Lord Jesus Christ 
in sincerity. 



185G.] Memoirs of DupizL 83 



Akt. II.— memoirs of DUPIN. 

1. M'^moiret de M. Dupin. Tome ler et 2eme. 

2. Sauvenirj du Barreau. Par M. Dupin, avocat, ancien baionnier. Paris, 1855. 

TriK French, it has been often noted, arc a memoir- -writing people ; 
but the cause of the peculiarity is less agreed upon than the 
fact. The explanation of the French themselves is, that their 
nation is the most enlightened, the best prepared for observation, 
the best provided with things worth writing ; while the opinion of 
foreign countries imputes the tendency to national vanity. 

There is some truth in each account, but not the complete truth 
in both together. The French undoubtedly pursue parade, not alone 
in toilet and in table, but even up to the dress and display of typog- 
raphy : indeed, the latter is a mere extension of the ostentatious 
practice from the exterior and the corporeal to the spiritual person- 
ality. But in the leaning to this sort of authorship, wherein the 
writer plays the hero, the French motive is much less selfish than 
it" is social. A Frenchman publishes his memoirs not quite to 
glorify himself; he often makes the publication anonymously, or 
even posthumously ; nay, he occasionall}' gives memorials that are 
discreditable to himself, as for example the Confessions of Jean- 
Jacques Rousseau : all which cases are scarce consistent with the 
predominance of mere vanity. 

Agaui, the French are, of all civilized nations, possessed of the 
least individuality. But we should consequently find among them 
the least propensity to memoir- writing, either as a means of noto- 
riety or an effect of self-importance. The self-important man, that 
is, the man of individuality, is not inclined, in fact, to give his 
memoirs to the public ; not that he does not set a higher value on 
his reminiscences or observations, but that he sets a lower than 
common on the approbation of others ; it is precisely the distinc- 
tion between vanity and pride. The French propensity to writing 
tnemoirs cannot then proceed from either, compatibly with the 
defective individuality of this people — not even from the source of 
vanity, in at least the ordinary selfish sense. 

The main motive is effectually social. It is in fact the same 
yearning for self-communication which inspires the conversational 
and public habits of the French. The French people, male and 
female, talk, eat, and live in common ; and if they do not also sleep 
BO, it is because of the impossibility. A Frenchman, therefore, who 



34 Memoirs of Dupin. [January, 

has been obliged by the discretions of official business to keep for 
years from conversation on the sayings and doings of his " expe- 
riences," feels overwhelmed by the load until he gets rid of it in the 
Bhape of memoirs. There is of course a share of vanity in the 
importance which he thus attaches to them ; but he does so, not 
alone because they refer principally to himself, but because he 
thinks they must be likewise interesting or instructive to the public : 
and this social destination redeems the weakness or the vice of 
vanity. 

On the other hand, the explanation which the French themselves 



cive 



of their memoir- writing, falls substantially within the terms of 
the same solution of sociability. For this spirit of self-infusion 
with the life and confidence of the community is the effect only of 
complete equality — of democracy ; and democracy implies a rela- 
tively high intelligence and civilization. 

A confirmation of the connexion is the fact, that great advances 
in the direction of liberality have all been followed by a rage for 
memoirs. Such was the case in England after both her revolutions, 
of which the largest portion of the history has been recorded in the 
shape of memoirs. Our own American revolution presents a fuller, 
as more forward, instance, of which the histories continue still to be 
conglomerates of memoirs, or of biographies which are but memoirs 
in their application to third parties. The correspondence of both 
these personal and popular modes of writing with the progress and 
the prevalence of social equalization is proved directly by their 
growing vogue in the most democratic of communities ; for, in this 
countr}^, liave we not everybody's memoirs or bi<5graphy, down to 
those of retired showmen ? 

The same phenomenon, but in a duly higher sphere, followed 
each of the three principal revolutions of France, The calm 
succeeding the first and greatest was fdlcd with memoirs and 
biographies, to the exclusion, almost total, of the higher sorts of 
publications. It is the philosophic explanation of the absence in the 
first Empire of that only " illustration " which Europe's master failed 
to supply, — the illustration of creative literature and philosophy. 
But these are things not to be called forth by pecuniary or poten- 
tial patronage, but by the stimulating presence of an appreciative 
public ; and the public of the first Empire, being almost wholly and 
merely popular, it could appreciate only memoirs — that is, particulars 
and personalities. The Restoration, on the contrary, produced at 
once a blaze of genius, because the public then addressed was the 
returned aristocracy. Thus quite spontaneous, when we have the 
clue, is the solution of these two gi-cat questions, which still con- 



1956.} Memoirs of Dupin. 35 

tinue, m France itself, to be considered mystical and contradictory. 
The " despotism '' of Napoleon would serve the purpose of a certain 
party, to explain the intellectual barrenness of his reign ; but that 
an equal despotism should produce an opposite effect cannot be 
6^Yallo^vod b}' the logic of even political partisanship. The social 
la^Y may be expressed, in fine, in this familiar formula : In propor- 
tion as the popular masses attain to influence upon public opinion, 
which is the first and most conspicuous consequence of all progres- 
sive revolutions, the corresponding publications proceed both fro7Ji 
antl to the memory, as being the simplest productive faculty of the 
mind ; and in proportion as the reading public are, on the other 
hand, repurined, by "restoration" of the instructed classes or by 
education of the popular masses, the works of intellect ascend pro- 
gressively along the series of creative faculties, imagination, reflec- 
tion, reason. 

Accordingly, and to return to our historical indications, the rev- 
olution of July, too, brought back the incmoirs, the professors, and the 
journalists. The visitation now succeeding the repetition of 1S48, 
tliough duly milder from the restriction on these tvro last classes 
of propagandists, is spreading recently into a mania of memoir- 
writing. Nothing else (excepting pamphlets about the war) appears 
at Paris. The most prolific of the romancers fall back on memory 
from imagination. The famous Alexander Dumas has lately pub- 
lished his precious memoirs, and, episodically, everybody else's. 
George Sand recounts more modestly her more instructive or sug- 
gestive " life," which, by the way, seems very different from what 
the world had imagined. Even Dr. A^eron, a retired journalist, has 
favoured Paris with his memoirs — which is as low, we see, as things 
go here, as A'eron had been also showman : with the distinction, 
however, in honour of the two American pai-allels, that the French 
humbug had been a man of education. 

Returning upward, the standard writers and the stanchest states- 
men are all for memoirs. The philosopher Cousin is writing 
memoirs of female saints ; and, from being Coryphaeus of skepti- 
cism, is turned continuator of Alban Butler. Another dabbler in 
philosophy has just propounded a complete system, which he makes 
himself the centre of, and calls the " Memoirs of his Times ;" a 
thing, however, in which he differs from the great majority of his 
predecessors only in the probably unconscious candour of his title. 
M. Villemain, the former Minister of Public Instruction under 
Louis Philippe, can do no better than give us volumes of his ''Son- 
vemrs." And the grave Guizot quits in turn, his lucubrations upon 
English history to publish penitential memoirs of his late lamented 



36 Memoirs of Dupin. [January, 

administration. What wonder, then, that the most variously- expe- 
rienced as well as oldest, the most voluminous and the most versa- 
tile of French jurists and politicians, the most fidgety and witty and 
vainglorious of living Frenchmen should have bethought him, amid 
this rage, to write his Memoirs ? 

M. Dupin was in public life for something over half a century. 
For thirty years he was at the bar, for twenty years upon the bench; 
and, simultaneously, he was for most of the time an active politician, 
in opposition or in office with all parties and all governments. An 
acute spectator, behind the curtain, of the rise and fall of three 
dynasties, it was however only in 1S30 that his official career com- 
menced. Nor did it close upon the downfall of his patron, Louis 
Philippe ; M. Dupin, it will be remembered, became republican in 
1S4S, and was even speaker of the constituent assembly — which 
adds the passage of a fourth and democratic dynasty to his expe- 
rience. He even made, it is said, advances to the succeeding and 
present regime. But Louis Napoleon's stern contempt for po- 
litical cameleons, even Avhen they take his o^\•n hue, gave a deaf 
ear to these advances ; and so Dupin took the occasion of the con- 
fiscation of the Orleans property, of which he was head agent, to 
quit the magistracy and the public stage. What will give zest and 
credibility to his disclosures through this long experience is, that 
he seeks not to dissemble these shocking variations, and merely 
answers, quite professionally, that he kept throughout to his first 
profession — that of advocating all causes alike for cash. 

It will be curious to peruse his ^Memoirs at the epoch of the 
republic, and learn the plottings to draw the democrats into the interest 
of the Orleanists. This, with all the properly political department 
of his experience, is reserved for the forthcoming volumes of the 
publication. The present are confined exclusively to his profes- 
sional career. But having held a leading position as advocate at 
the French bar for twenty years of social turmoil and political re- 
action, he was employed in all the celebrated causes- of that stirring 
period; and there are several of sufficient interest, political and 
even romantic, to be made more intimately known to foreign read- 
ers. As to the purely civil and professional portion of the Me- 
moirs, any notice of them would concern only the gentlemen of the 
bar ; and to this fraction of our readers we can spare room but for 
a few statistics, which may suggest to them the lore and labour of 
a leading advocate in Europe. 

The civil causes in which M. Dupin either pleaded or gave 
counsel amounted, in the period mentioned, to over four thou- 
sand. The manuscript collection of his "consultations" alone, that 



IS56.'} Memoirs of Dupin. 37 

is to say. his written opinions or rather arguments, compose some 
twenty folio volumes, each from seven to eight hundred pages. In 
a-Ulition, the printed briefs, to bo distributed to the judges in cases 
which he argued orally, make a collection of twenty-two volumes 1 
M. Dii)iin has besides published books or pamphlets upon most 
fuhjv'cts within the sphere of jurisprudence and even politics. He 
bus even -written one of them in Latin. It is true, indeed, that they 
jin> all short, as befits the temperament of the writer, constitutionally 
barred from keeping long to any subject. But they are granted to 
bo sound and erudite, as far as such a feat is possible to a man 
utterly devoid of philosophic principle. It should be added to the 
labours and the merits of M. l)upin, that he is the self- retained and 
standing advocate of the •' Gallicau Church." 

We now proceed to a running notice of a few of his " Causes 
Cclebres," upon the personages or the incidents of which the 
Memoirs throw some new light. As some of the principal had 
their occasion in the well-known episode of the Cent-Jours, or 
the return of Kapolcon from Elba, the public memoirs of our 
ftuthor commence with 1815, and some particulars of the last mo- 
ments of the Empire. He remarks that at the Restoration, the 
Bourbons were so little known to even persons of the age and posi- 
tion of himself, then a prominent lawyer, that most of them were 
ignorant of the names and titles of these princes. Pamphlets 
and proclamations were required to remind the people that Louis 
tf tanislaus Xavier, at first Count of Provence, then Count of Lille, 
entitling himself Louis XVIIL, emigrant of 1792, was brother 
of Louis XYL, immolated in 1793 ; and that Count d'Artois, 
who was the first to emigrate, was the brother of King Louis 
XVIII. A trait remarkably characteristic of the obliviousness 
of the French people, or more familiarly the levity imputed to the 
Celtic race. 

The Xapoleonic restoration aforesaid of the hundred days, was 
ihc occasion of the maiden entrance of ]M. Dupin upon the stage of 
politics. The sinking emperor on his return made a concession to 
liboralism by the "Act Additional" to the "Constitutions of the 
Empire." By this amendment the Senate was transformed into a 
Cliamber of Peers, to be appointed, however, by the emperor him- 
self, and the Corps Legislative into a Chamber of Representatives, 
wlio were to be elected by the people. M. Dupin was made a rep- 
resentative at the resulting general election. 

He owns, however, with a modesty for which he is not very 
famous, that the competition for election was not crowded ; but he 
does so to bring in the reason, which fully compensates his amour 



S8 Memoirs of Dupin. [January, 

propre, to wit, the difGculty of the position at that crisis. He 
accepted, notvyithstandin:^^ upon the rule of conduct above ascribed 
to him: "An advocate, I did not deem myself changing profession 
or ministry, I only considered myself as having a cause additional 
to defend — the cause of my country." 

The ncvr cause he set accordingly to plead at once in professional 
fashion. iS^apoleon, seeking to secure to himself the fickle faith of the 
new Chambers, required the members to take an oath of fidelity. 
But our bustling barrister objected that there was no authority for 
this requirement in the constitutional " bond," and that the form, if 
insisted on, should be in virtue of an express law. M. Dupin pro- 
posed, moreover, a general revision of the imperial constitution, 
even as amended, and with the purpose, now avowed, of forcing 
Napoleon to abdicate again. He denies, however, what the French 
historians of the epoch have imputed to him, that he laboured for 
the substitution of the then Duke of Orleans. He wished, he says, 
only that the nation should be left free to choose its king ; free not 
only from foreign influence, but even from legislative nomination. 
So far was he, it seems, from offering a new candidate for royalty, 
that an interrupter asked M. Dupin "Why he did not propose a 
republic?" To which the wit, with his habitual promptitude, 
responded, by a line of Corneille : — 

"Le pire des Etdts est I'Etdt populaiye.'"* 

An axiom, adds the author, since abundantly verified ; — referring, no 
doubt, to 1S48. And yet he took an active part, and even an office 
in this popular government. Dut he did it, we should remember, in 
his professional capacity, and as an advocate who undertakes a bad 
cause to make the most of it. 

. The same event of the return of Napoleon from Elba, which gave 
commencement to the parliamentary career of M. Dupin, produced 
him also some of the most glorious of his professional clients. It 
is known that several generals of the Empire, who had retained 
ofiice on the first restoration of the Bourbons, r^nd had broken faith 
to join Napoleon upon his landing upon French soil, were excluded, 
by the final restoration, from the general amnesty which had been 
stipulated by the army and the city of Paris Avith the Allies, whose 
obligations were of course imperative upon the princes they placed 
in power. Nevertheless, one of the first measures of the reaction 
was an ordinance directing the arrest and the trial by councils of 
war of all the generals placed in the circumstances stated. All of 
them who did not take to exile, were tried accordingly and punished, 
" Democracy is the worst of governments. 



JS56.] Memoirs of Dupin. 39 

some by imprisonment, and one, the greatest, the gallant Ney, by 
execution. 

Most of these illustrious "traitors" were defended successively 
by M. Dupin. This signal fortune he did not owe, however, to pro- 
fessional celebrity, being still but a young lawyer of thirty-three 
years of age, and not even, we have seen, a Bonapartist politically. 
Jlut he had the courage and the talent to attack the ordinance of 
proscription as a jsriolation of the capitulation of Paris. Though 
this was done in the shape of a Memoire presented to the ministry, 
and published only some years later in full, yet the journals of the 
day somehow obtained extracts and analyses which gave publicity 
to its merits and illustrious clientage to its author. In the incipient 
case, however, he was assistant- barrister, not leading advocate. 

This case first in order, as in eminence, was that of the " bravest 
of the brave." We do not notice in the Memoirs any new disclosures 
on the trial of Ney which would be popularly interesting to our 
readers. The thirty pages given to the subject are mostly filled up 
with legal logic, arguing over the defeated case and discharging sar- 
casms at a dead dynasty. The writer has too much the air of the 
pensioner in Goldsmith, who — 

"Shouldered his crutch, and showed how fields were won." 

Only that M. Dupin has had to show, not how his field was 
won, but how it ought to have been won if his arguments had 
received fair play. The demonstration was quite superfluous, 
more especially in France. The flat infraction of the treaty is 
known or evident in every country. The terms of the amnesty 
embraced in fact all persons " whatsoever may have been their pol- 
itics, their functions, and their conduct.^' The trials in question 
were in most flagrant contradiction of this stipulation. All these 
details of the acuteness and erudition of the writer were therefore 
valueless, unless to glorify the subaltern advocate. So unscrupu- 
lously greedy is he, in fact, of every rag of praise, that he strips 
the memory of his noble client of the famous protest upon his trial 
which won such intellectual honour to the hero. 

The defence proposing naturally to allege as quite conclusive the 
above clause of the Convention of Paris, the reading was ruled out 
by the Chamber of Peers, which was the court by wiiich the marshal, 
as peer, insisted on being tried. The objection, which was technical, 
and pitifully tcclmical, was instantly refuted by some noble members 
of the Chamber ; but it was carried by a confused vote cf the base 
body. This proceeding, which took place in the momentary absence 
of both the prisoner and his counsel from the Chamber, threw the 



40 Memoirs of Dupin. [January, 

latter, on being informed of it, into legal consternation, as it showed 
the court determined to have its victim. On reappearing before the 
House, they however offered to read the article. But being forbid- 
den by the president, who, in a word of explanation, made an allu- 
sion to the character of Frenchmen, Ney himself arose, and said in 
a firm voice : " Yes, I am a Frenchman, and I will die a French- 
man." He then read with the same firmness and dignity the fol- 
lowing protest : " Hitherto my defence has appeared to be free ; but 
I perceive that it is obstructed at this moment. I thank my gener- 
ous defenders for what they have done, and for what they arc still 
ready to do ; but 1 prefer not to be defended at all than to have but 
the semblance of a defence. What! I am accused in contravention 
of the faith of treaties, and I am not allowed to put those treaties 
in evidence ! I appeal upon it to Europe and to posterity '. " 

In this apostrophe, to which the position and circumstances of 
the speaker gave an immense eclut at the moment, and a still sub- 
sisting interest, the Memoirs tell us that we arc to recognise the 
"thunder"' of Dupin. He even apprizes us that it was written by 
him at the spur of the moment and amid the consternation, above 
alluded to, of the recess — comprising also, of course, the self-applied 
encomium on the " generous " advocates. The marshal merely copied 
it that he might read with more facility, and M. Dupin preserved 
this copy, of which he gives us a fac-similc. He even took care, 
he owns, to have the original of these few lines asked back from 
Ney, who had already very naturally thrown it in the fire. For M. 
Dupin would not defraud posterity of a single line of his com- 
position. 

What is somewhat more important than these puerilities of senile 
vanity, the author rectifies, on this occasion, a long-accredited his- 
torical error. It has been generally said that Ney, through an 
indignant patriotism, refused at first to be defended by the stipula- 
tions of the treaty of Paris. ]\I. Dupin evinces clearly that this 
chivalrous su?ce|)tibility was a poetical embellishment of the histo- 
rians. Among other decisive evidences, he refers to the three notes, 
of which the first had been addressed by Ney himself to the allied 
ambassadors, and the two others by his leading advocate and by his 
wife, in succession, to the Duke of Wellington alone, to claim the 
benefit of this treaty. But Wellington, who had the soul as well as 
the intellect of a drill-sergeant, was deaf at once to justice and to 
generosity. M. Dupin, hos^■evc^, thinks he was so from a very cal- 
culating and national motive. He permitted the convention to be 
violated in the case of iS'ey, that he might after have a pretext to 
pass himself through the open breach, and plunder Paris of the 



1656.] Memoirs of Dupin. 41 

monuments ^Yllich were protected by the same treaty. Napoleon 
inade the same accusation in a codocil to his last will. 

The Duke of Wellington was personally party to a case in which 
J)upin was the opposing counsel for the defence. It was the ludi- 
crously fauious trial of Cantillon and Martinet, for an attempted 
a.<s-.i.-^ si nation of the British general in Paris. The attempt, which 
cvnsisted merely in the firing of a pistol near the carriage of the 
Duke of Wellington as he returned to his hotel, was believed, or at 
ica.st treated at the time, as having little existence except in imagina- 
tion. The court report of one of the journals was headed constantly as 
follows :— " The pistol-shot fired with or without a hall, at or near 
the carriage of the Duke of Wellington." In fact, the bullet or its 
mark could be nowhere traced upon the equipage, to prove the mere 
corpus delicti. IS' or was there a trace of evidence to implicate the 
4)risoners, who were accordingly acquitted with applause. On the 
other hand, the animus of Paris, at that moment, against the gen- 
cral-in-chief of the allied forces of invasion, was such as well might 
cause the apprehensions even of a soldier to pass for realities. This 
Fpirit found expression in Dupin upon the trial. " I do not speak," 
said the caustic advocate, " of the good faith of the noble duke. I 
examine not liis manner of observing capitulations," &.C. In fine 
>iapoleon himself betrayed this animus, in his distant exile of St. 
Helena, by bequeathing to the accused Cantillon the sum of ten 
thousand francs. . . 

M'. Dupin has some redeeming reminiscences of the English. 
He entitles one of the most interesting of his trials, " The Three 
Knglishmen ;" and they well deserved the honour he accords them. 
The escape from a capital prison of the Marquis de Lavalette, by 
the contrivance and substitution of his beautiful and high-souled 
wife,* is known even popularly all the Avorld over. But it is not 
perliaps known so generally, that its ultimate success was solely 
duo to three Englishmen then staying at Paris. Lavalette, after 
quitting prison, had to take refuge in the city, it being impossible 
to brave the vigilance of the Barricres. Amid this vigilance, still 
further sharpened by the announcement of the escape, and amid the 
iiitcruul exploration of the city by the police, Lavalette was kept in 
hopeless trembling to his hiding place for weeks, when an appeal 
A\a3 made on his behalf to a ISritish ofiicer named Bruce. The 
proposition was conveyed in an anonymous note as follows : " Sir, 

"- This celebrated vromau diod snmo -svccks ago in Pari?. After the shock in- 
Ciot*J on her delicate, altlioujrh heroic organization, by tho condcuinatiou to death 
of her husband, and the reaction of his release by her, she continued in a state 
of mental imbecility. She was a niece of the Empress Josephine. 

FovuTii Series, Vol. YIII.— 3 



42 Memoirs of Dupin. [January, 

I have so much confidence in your honour that I will impart to you 
a secret -which I could reveal but to you. M. de Lavalette is still 
•in Paris ; I place his life in your hands ; you alone can save him." 

Bruce was still in bed. He wondered and pondered, and at 
length replied to the bearer that he could not give an answer then, 
but if the writer would choose to meet him at a place and moment 
designated, he would give him his reflections on the subject. The 
interview took place at noon ; Bruce promised ta do his best ; but 
he declined to be informed either of the name of the person who 
wrote him or of the hiding-place of Lavalette himself. This cool 
and cautious conduct would, independently of the name, announce 
infallibly that Bruce was born beyond the Tweed. Proceeding 
■with the same prudent calculation to plan the rescue, he united 
with -him two of his confidential comrades at Paris, namely Major- 
General Wilson, whose name stamps him as English, and Captain 
Hely Hutchinson, who as assuredly was Irish. Thus the three 
members of the British Union were represented in this noble 
action, although our author makes them all English indiscrimin- 
ately. This, it may be noted, is a general usage of the French, who 
confound the three nations in their grotesque notion of the Anglo- 
Saxon ; yet certainly the French themselves do not so widely 
differ from the Irish, as the Irish do from the English, and the 
Scotch do from both. This latter difference, however, was seized 
sagaciously or fortunately, by the mystic friend of Lavalette, in first 
addressing himself to Bruce. Had he commenced with making the 
proposal to the Irishman especially, the issue of the effort vrould 
have probably been different. As planned by Bruce, it proved 
completely successful ; and, what is equally characteristic, while 
the perilous execution of smuggling Lavalette in open day, not 
merely out of Paris, but afterward, through a score of police stations 
on the way to the German frontier, was committed to the Englishman 
and to the Irishman, the " canny Scot," on certain plausible pre- 
tences, stayed in Paris. Thus the characters kept their ])lace3 to 
the last, qiialis ah incepto. They joined, however, on being prose- 
cuted, in a common defence, and retained M. Dupin as their col- 
lective and only advocate. He brought them off triumphantly, in a 
trial, which he takes care to tell us, was, for the eclat and the audi- 
tory, without rival at the Paris bar. 

The other generals or marshals on the same proscription list as 
Ney and Lavalette, and who figured among the clients of M. Dupin, 
■were as follows : Marshals Moncey, Brune, the ilarshals of France 
collectively in defence of their imperial titles ; Generals Travot, 
Allix, Caulaincourt, HuUin, Parct de Morvan, and Lieutenant- 



J 856.] Memoirs of Dupin. 48 

General Gilly. The Memoirs offer little respecting any of these 
trials that would be of interest to American readers. There is, 
however, in connexion with the last of these brave unfortunates, an 
anecdote that thrills the heart, and paints the peasantry of France, 
in their imperialist fidelity, amid the flush of the Restoration. 

M. Dupin tells us that General Gilly, although a Catholic himself, 
"knowin;; the humanity of the Protestants," sought an asylum 
among them. He was received by a peasant of the commune of 
Anduze named Perrier, who had no other means of living than his 
dail}' labour. It was concerted that the general, whose n:ime even 
was not asked, and of whom the family knew nothing but his peril 
and his misfortunes, should be disguised in peasant's garb and pass 
for a cousin of the cotter. 

After several months spent in this retreat, which was not only 
poor, but perilous on account of the patrols which scoured the coun- 
try by night and m.ade explorator}' visits to the dwellings, especially 
of the Protestants, the general got tired of life, and often murmured at 
his lot. One day Perrier, returning from the village of Anduze, under- 
took to console his guest and to cheer his spirits : " You complain," 
paid he to the general, " but you are happy in comparison with those 
poor men whose heads Ihave heard cried this morning like meat in a 
market. For M. Briere, one of our ministers, a reward of two thou- 
Eand francs; for M. Press, an ex-mayor, two thousand four hundred 
francs ; for General Gilly, ten thousand francs." " What !" replied 
the startled general, with anxiety. " Why, certainly," rejoined the 
peasant. 

" Wc may judae," continues M. Dupin, "of the position of the general 1 
However, he endeavoured to disguise his emotion ; and to beguile the poor 
Perrier, whose fidelity he had the injustice to suspi^ct, he assumed the air 
of reflecting for a moment, and then said : ' I am tired of the Hfe I lead ; I 
wish to be done with it. You yourself are poor, and you must desire to 
e;irn money. I know General Gilly, and where he is concealed; let us go 
arul dt-nnunce him. For reward I will ask my liberty, and you will have to 
>o-,ir-;rlf th(i ten thousand francs." 

** At these words Perrier seemed as if thunderstruck and speechless. But all 
of a sudden, his eldest son, a young man of twenty-seven yeai"S, who had served 
in tho 4:tU regiment of the line, and wlio had hitherto li.-tened quietly to the 
conversation, seated by the fire, started up j)recipitately, and said to the gen- 
eral with threatening voice, and in language of which decency requires to 
mitigate the ru.nic energy: 'Monsieur, hitherto we thought that you were an 
Ljncst man ; but since you arc one of those contemptible spies who sell the 
life nf their neighbour, you see that door : get oil" at once or I will tling you 
fit instintly at tlie window.' General Gilly remonstrated against leaving, 
he m.M^ted ; he wi^lll•d to e.\plain his intentions; but the soldier, instead of 
entering on explanations, seized the general with a vigorous arm and prepared 
to execute his threats. Tlien the c:eneral. seeing the ur<rency of the danger, 
exclaimed, ' Well, I myself am General Gilly !* 



44 Memoirs of Dupin. [January, 

" It would be vain to trj' to paint the transports which these words excited 
in the whole family. Tlie soldier leaped upon the neck of the general to cm- 
brace him ; the fatlicr, the mother, the youngest of the children, clung around 
him to kiss his hands and his clothes. It is needless to add, they vowed to 
him that he might stay with them securely, and that they would all of them 
sulicr death rather than reveal the secret. 

" The general remained for some time after with these brave people. And 
■what should be further noted to their praise, he found it quite impossible on 
leaving them to get them to accept the least iudcnmity for either the trouble 
or the expense which he had cost them. It was only a long time after that he 
succeeded in persuading them to profit, in another form, by his influence." 

The Memoirs record a number of other clients no less conspicu- 
ous — ex-ministers such as Carnot ; dukes as those of llovigo, of Vin- 
cennes; poets like Beranger; priests like the Abbe de Pradt; 
professors, journalists, princes, and in fine, kings. 

Among the priests we may note, as an example of the times, the 
affair of one llebecqui, who, to legitimate his offspring begotten in 
defiance of his priestly vows before the Revolution, availed himself 
of the permission allowed the clergy by this new era, to enter into 
the state of matrimony, deemed 2^/«holy in the priests alone. The 
objection to the validity of this retroactive legitimation was the old 
rule that it could apply only to parties free from other obligations at 
the time of the conception, or ex soluto et soluta. M. Pupin attacked 
not only the objection but the axiom. He argued that in the case 
on which it principally rests, that of offspring begotten in adultery, 
the legitimation is debarred, not by the f;ict of the existence of a 
repugnant obligation in one of the parents at the time, but by an 
act of legislation that forbids perpetually the marriage, and thus 
precludes the normal means of the legitimation. Even in the case 
of incestuous children, the obstruction is the same ; they cannot be 
legitimated; not because the parents are too near of kin, but 
because the law, for prudent reasons, forbids the necessary means — 
a marriage. But the law has equally the power, continued M. Du- 
pin, to remove this prohibition of its own making, and much more 
clearly than individuals, such as the popes, who have often ex- 
ercised it, in the shape of dispensations even to priests. Now a 
legal and universal dispensation of the clergy had been promul- 
gated by the legislative body of the Revolution. The subsequent 
marriage of the priest Rebecqui had been consequently authorized. 
It therefore purged the stain of bastardy from the children. 

The distinction in the old law maxim is remarkably shrewd and 
sound, and the deduction from the legal premises is manifestly 
cogent. But the advocate, it seems to us, slid out of view the con- 
sideration that the obstruction which affected priests before the 
marriage-law, and even after, was of a nature rather religious than 



jef)6,3 Memoirs of Dupin. 45 

legal, like those compared with it, and had accordingly its origin in 
the Canon law, or in mere Church discipline. M. Dupin, however, 
gained his cause, and this, he docs not fail to tell us, (of course from 
candid admiration, not a calculation of vain-glory,) notwithstanding 
th:it hi? opponent was the " most finished dialectician that he ever 
eincc encountered" in his long practice. But the tribunal was of 
the imperial date of 1S09; had it been a few years later, no doubt 
tl>c issue would have been different. In fact, another case of the 
same nature, (which follows next in the Memoirs,) save that the 
priest had here the children after marriage instead of before, was 
decided, in IS'24, against the validity of the marriage; but this 
decision, through the irresistible intervention of M. Dupin, was 
overruled on the second trial by a higher court. 

We pass over the other categories to reserve the remaining space 
for Pome curious incidents of the kingly clientship of Louis Philippe. 
We cannot, however, pass unnoticed a case more curious and 
romantic ; the more especially as it serves as a fitting introduction 
to that royal personage. 

The subject was the notorious intrigante, Maria Stella, alias Lady 
Ncwborough, alias Baroness de Sternberg, who amused the lovers 
of the marvellous and the scandalous in Europe from 1S25 to 
1830. This woman began life as a singer on the stage, whence 
Bhe was taken into wedlock by Lord Newborough; for British 
noblemen had, until recently, like our American aristocracy, a 
strange alacrity to bite the hook of the battered votaries of Cal- 
liope. Maria Stella, in a second marriage, caught again a noble 
gudgeon, in the shape of the Baron de Sternberg, a Russian— a 
nation touching on the same predicament in point of cash and cul- 
tivation. Encouraged probably by these successes to aspire at least 
to French royalty, and having failed perhaps to catch a duke or 
even *' count " of that less verdant i 
a different and a more daring plan. 

It was no less than to pretend that she was daughter of the 
Duchess of Chartrcs and of Philippe Egalite, Duke of Orleans ; 
that on her birth, which took place in Tuscany, during a tour of her 
alleged parents under the names of the Count and Countess de Join- 
ville, she had been exchanged by the prince her father, who had no 
sons and desired an heir, for the male infant of Lorenzo Chiappini, 
turnkey of the village prison, whose wife was delivered at the same 
time as the duclioss ; and that in fine the substitution had been 
made known to her by " revelations," as she was travelling with her 
second husband in Italy. 

The direct result of the pretension was to proclaim that Louis 



46 Memoirs of Dupin. [January, 

Philippe, tlien Duke of Orleans, was the low-born son of a concierge. 
The thing vuis couutenanccd, if not concocted, by the court party of 
the day, who were at dagj:;ers with the wily duke, then undermining 
his Bourbon cousins. It must be owned, too, there was something 
tending to encourage the imposture in both the character and the 
exterior of the subsequently citizen-king. The gait and counte- 
nance of Louis Philippe were as far as possible from royalty, and 
the craftiness of his government and the cowardice of his fall were 
less in character with the descendant of a line of kings than of a 
concierge. On the other hand, the retired singer pretended to a 
' striking likeness with the Count de Beaujolais and Madame Ade- 
laide of Orleans. However, Maria Stella had to find for the law 
some surer evidence than either party predispositions or personal 
appearance. 

She returned then to Italy, and laid her case, as above stated, be- 
fore the ecclesiastical tribunal of an obscure town of the Papal state. 
Her claim, being legally unopposed, was recorded without difficulty, 
her certificate of birth and baptism were rectified as she demanded, 
and she herself was declared " daughter of the Count and Countess 
de Joinville, French." Here then was a documentary foundation 
for her pretension. She transmitted it forthwith to an accomplice 
of hers in Paris, who entitled himself the Chevalier iMortara, direct- 
ing tiiat it should be laid at the feet of His Majesty Louis XYIIL, 
and praying his majesty that Maria Stella be declared a princess of 
the house of Orleans. 

Some scruples, or rather fears, being however still named by the 
court party, the chevalier consulted a lawyer. The man of law told 
him that, assuming the certificate to have been genuine, it was aU 
very well as far as it went. The Baroness de Sternberg was verily 
declared the daughter of a count and a countess de Joinville ; but 
there was nothing to evince the identity of this Count de Joinville 
with Louis Philippe (Egalite) of Orleans. 

In addition to this legal stumbUng block, the Baroness do Stern- 
berg was thwarted still more seriously at the same moment from 
•another quarter. Her brother, Thomas Chiappini, appeared against 
ber in the newspapers, provoked no doubt by instigation of, or ex- 
pectation from, Louis Philippe. He ridiculed and refuted her aspira- 
tions to nobility, insisted that she Avas his sister, affirmed that she 
claimed as such a part in the succession of their common father, 
and this, too, after the time when she pretended to have got the 
letter that revealed to her the royalty of her birth; and finally, as 
to her likeness to the family of Orleans, he declared that of all the 
diildren of Chiappini, she most resembled the concierge. 



Ig56j Memoirs of Dupin. 47 

To make sure, however, of his ground, the Duke of Orleans put 
the matter into the hands of M. Dupin. akeady a member of his 
council. The learned jurist made a refutatory report on the case, of 
the merits of ^Yhich he gives us an expose in the Memoirs ; but in 
conclusion ho advised his princely client to keep quiet until the Bar- 
oness dc Sternberg should proceed further. As was the hope, no 
doubt, she did not proceed further for some five years. But at the 
b<-L:lnning of 1S30, Maria Stella reappeared in a volume bearing the 
followinf' captivating title : "Maria Stella, or the Criminal Sub- 
stitution of a Young Lady of the Highest Rank for a Boy of the 
most Al'ject Condition^ The title-page announced besides : '■ Sold 
for the benefit of the poor in Paris and the Departments, at the prin- 
cipal booksellers." This was followed by a portrait, attempting a 
resemblance to the Princess Adelaide of Orleans ; and underneath 
was read : " Maria Stella, Lady Newborough, Baroness Sternberg, 
nde de Joinville.'" 

'J'he volume thus put forth in the most finished claptrap fashion, 
could not fail, even in France, to have a great succes dc curzosite. 
But party interests moreover were concerned in the circulation. 
And the newspapers, the natural organs and habitual instru- 
ments of both those influences, gave it the eclat which they would 
deny, no doubt through ignorance, to books of merit. The public 
feelings thus excited, Maria Stella laid, in form, a requisition before 
the court of first resort of the Seine. The time was come, then, 
for the Duke of Orleans and his attorney to defend themselves. 

Two courses of procedure were before them. The Duke of Or- 
leans wished himself, or perhaps only feigned to wish, to address 
himself directly to the crown and the chamber of peers, for the po- 
litical suppression of a case affecting the position and the honour 
of a peer of France, the first prince of the blood, and even an heir 
eventual to the throne ; the other was the legal course of going be- 
fore the civil tribunal. The latter was the one adopted, M. Dupin 
doos not say why ; but no doubt the reason was the known feelings 
of the Bourbons in the premises. The civil court, however, dismissed 
the case, though upon technical objections. And thus was ter- 
minated a proceeding, which, for boldness of conception and plausi- 
bility of prosecution, transcends the license of romance. 

We can afford to add but little on the large portion of the Me- 
moirs, which are devoted to the private business of Louis Philippe 
become king — afT;iirs in which, in fact. Dupin has figured largely in 
every sense. The arithmetical recollections are the most exact and 
least egotistical. 

Americans have often heard of the immense wealth of Louis 



48 Memoirs of Dupin. [January, 

Philippe, aud that his father, Philippe Egalite, while the most 
sans-culotte of democrats, was yet the richest of the princes of 
Europe; but they do not understand, perhaps, the source of this 
■wealth. Exceeding that of even the royal branch of the house 
of Bourbon, it could not reasonably be supposed to have been given 
by the crown. It proceeded in fact from a curious concentration 
of inheritances, which, together with the unexpected elevation to 
the throne, might have well persuaded the Orleans family of their 
being the special cave of fortune. And yet the luck-like prepara- 
tion was but to show them to be its sport ! 

The patrimonial property or appanage of the House of Orleans 
was augmented in the hands of the father of Louis Philippe by the 
estates : 1st, of the Duchess de Guise ; 2d, of Mademoiselle do 
Guise; 3d, of Mademoiselle de Montpensier; 4th, of the Duchess 
de Bourbon — representing three of the most powerful families of 
the kingdom. On the other side, the wife of the same Philippe of 
Orleans was only daughter of the great Duke of Pcnthievre, and 
was through him the heiress of the following inheritances : 1st, of 
the Duke and the Duchess of Maine ; 2d, of the Count and the 
Countess of Toulouse ; 3d, of the Prince de Dombes ; 4th, of the 
Count d'Eu ; 5th, of the Prince de Lamballe — all of these being 
princely branches of the royal family of France, and two or three 
of them even legitimated sons of Louis XIV. Such then were 
the separate portions of the parents of Louis Philippe, which de- 
volved jointly to liirasclf and to his sole sister. And as the sister 
never married, her part continued in the family stock ; which stock 
was finally piled up by the possessions of the House of Conde, 
left to a son of Louis Philippe, the Duke d'Aumale ! With this 
enormous accumulation of domains and principalities in the pos- 
session of a single family aspiring to the throne, where is the king- 
dom or the empire that could mahitain its existence ? 

It should be said, however, that this vast confluence of near a 
dozen princely fortunes, had sufibrcJ sorious diminution before 
reaching the family of Louis Philippe. The Revolution swept it 
totally away for a time. At this epoch, the purchase value of the 
possessions of Philippe Egaliti- amounted to one hundred and twelve 
millions, and the annual income from feudal dues was no less than 
five to six millions. The latter item was abolished beyond recall. 
The territorial domains also had been confiscated at the time, and 
for the most part disposed of by the nation. But upon the Resto- 
ration in 1814, the unsold portion was returned to the heirs. The 
value of this residue was, M. Dupin says, less than twelve millions. 
Along with it was entailed also on Louis Philippe and his sister the 



jg56.3 Memoirs of Dupin. 49" 

encumbrance of over thirty millions— the unpaid balance of their 
father s debts, Avhich, at the time of the confiscation, had amounted 
to no less than seventy-four millions. His vast possessions were 
thus encumbered to more than half their value. 

Louis riiilippe mit^ht have declined to accept this inheritance of 
twelve millions, Avith an encumbrance of thirty millions, -which of 
course rendered it insolvent. But, says bis advocate, he and his 
gi.sicr conceived " the generous design of paying off with honour all 
the creditors.'' The design had more of policy, perhaps, than hon- 
our or generosity. Louis Philippe had an eye already upon the 
throne ; and he well knew that an insolvent debtor, or even the son 
of the insolvent debtor, was held more infamous in Paris than a 
blasphemer or an adulterer. He accepted then the restitution, but 
sous benefice d' invent air e ; that is to say, on the condition of being 
responsible to the creditors but for the sum which the inheritance 
would bring at public auction : so that this vras quite a safe sacrifice 
to generosity and to honour. The property restored was accord- 
ingly put up for sale, and bid in by Louis Philippe himself at twelve 
and a half millions. This was at once applied to the payment of 
the debts, pro rata. The poorer were paid totally, says 2>I. Dupin ; 
remissions of interest and some reductions of principal Avere ob- 
tained from the more independent creditors. On the whole, it seems, 
all ended with being satisfied. But to effect this consummation, • 
besides the produce of the public sale, Louis Philippe devoted 
yearly, we arc told, three millions from his own appanage. So that 
besides the immense patrimony of his father as above sketched, it 
seems this personage had a vast appanage in his own right as prince 
of the blood ! 

There results, then, for the basis of the final state of the Orleans 
property : first, this appanage, of which the mere income could afford 
annually three millions, besides the regular expenditures of a prince ; 
second! ij, the vast domains of the re-purchase, bought for twelve mil- 
lif^ns ; thirdly, a two-third portion of the vast inheritance of his 
mother, who died about the same time, bequeathing Louis Philippe 
and his sister one-third each of a territorial property yielding one 
and a half millions revenue, and valued in 1S21 at over si.xty mil- 
lions ; fonrthhj, five millions, accorded to the same pair, (whose 
portions always devolved alike to the common family fund,) in 
virtue of the law of indemnity passed in 1S25 in behalf of those 
whoso property was confiscated by the Revolution. It is further to 
be noted that these enormous properties arc all rated at their cur- 
rent value some thirty years ago ; a value that must have doubled in 
this rapidly progressive peiiod. And it is a family possessed of 



50 Memoirs of Dupin. [January, 

this incalculable mass of wealth that has been beggared by the ten 
millions of it sequestrated by Louis Napoleon ! 

Moreover, we arc persuaded that the foregoing summary inventory 
is, without mentioning the civil list and the " dotations," incom- 
plete. It is, in large part, only indirectly that we have been able to 
extract those results from the tortuous statements of the advocate in 
the cause. A lawyer, with the best dispositions, is never candid or 
complete. From his habits of one-sidedness, he can present the 
simplest subject only in section, as it were, and never in its full 
scheme. But the dispositions of M. Dupin are, besides, avowedly 
apologetic. He carries this, indeed, so far as to invoke our sym- 
pathies for Louis Philippe, by the assurance that he left his palace 
on the fatal 24th of February, in such a state of destitution, that by 
the time he reached Versailles he had to borroAV, poor man ! the sum 
of three thousand francs before he could go further ! 

M. Dupin parades in detail the expenditures of Louis Philippe on 
palaces — his patronages, pensions, and a million a year in charity. 
It is true he has no documents to show these latter forms of disburse- 
ment; but, lawyer-like, he has instead of them a pretext for their 
absence, which, for the rest, is very probable and very character- 
istic. It is, that " all the papers, (according to the Keport of a 
Committee appointed on the subject by the Provisional Government 
itself,) all the registers of assistance, all that could reveal the boun- 
ties of the king and of the royal family, and that could disclose the 
names of the obligees, (turned ingrates,) were burned on the night 
of the 24th of Februar}'-, in the midst of the disorder that prevailed 
at the Tuileries." This is fortified and specialized by the ex-trea- 
surer of the crown, in a publication which he made upon the sack of 
the Tuileries. " I remarked," says he, " toward midnight, that the 
flames appeared to issue from the spot which was allotted to my 
department. I learned the next morning the true cause. Fire had 
been set on purpose to four apartments underneath, serving as 
offices for the section of the cabinet of the king charged with the 
distribution of charity, and of which the archives which certain 
persons might have an interest in destroying, had been entirely 
consumed." These " certain persons " were of course republicans, 
as these alone attacked the palace. 

However, we are quite willing to give Louis Philippe and his ad- 
vocate the entire benefit of the destruction of their proofs. There 
is no doubt, in fact, that handsome sums were thus invested by 
the citizen king : the only question would relate to the intention, 
•which is everything in judging of the merits of the indivi- 
dual, althourrh in estimating: his actions we should observe a dif- 



1856.3 The Eastern War. 51 

ferent rule. However, to leave our readers in a state of feeling to 
decide impartially, we close with quoting the peroration of Dupin's 
pecuniary panegyric : — 

" We see the Duke of Orleans," says he, "though receiving but the meanrre 
wn^cks of his patornal property, paying ofl' its debt5 to an amount beyond the 
TAlue of the principal. As appanagistic prince, he improves and ornament? the 
appanage ; improvements which must turn lo tiie profit of the state. As Icing, 
ho ii^os lilce a king his civil list — employing a million a year in acta of charily 
and ;;cnerosity ; giving work in all directions to artisans and artists; restoring 
at great expense and with taste thosa royal palaces of which he owned him- 
self but the splendid usufruct ; augmenting, at an expense of nine millions, 
their sumptuous furniture ; and above all, founding at Versailles that national 
museum, devoted, without distinction to -all the glories of France." In fine, 
as man we see him bear adversity, exile, and ruin, wiih the grandeur of a 
royal soul and the resignation of a Christian (.') ; uttering no complaint, nor 
mentioning his exile but merely to say, ' I had not deserved it.'" 

This vindication of the pelf of the Orleanists will be doubtless 
followed, in the future volumes of the Memoirs, by a vindication 
of their politics. We may return to the subject, if the revelations 
should deserve it, when we shall also treat the character and 
famous bons rnots of Dupin. 



Art. in.— the EASTERN WAE. 



^ Visit to the Camp before Sevastopol. By Richard C. M'Cormick, Jr. New- 
York : I). Appleton & Co. 1855. 12mo.. pp. 212. 

. The Unholy Alliance : An American View of the War in the East. By "WnXLUi 
Giles Dix. " Christo et Cruci." New-York : Charles B. Norton. 1855. 



12 



mo., pp. 2." 



3, A History of the War between Turkey and Russia, and Russia and the Allied 
Powers of England and France. By Geop.ge Fowlijj. London : Sampson, 
liOw, Son &: Co. 1855. 12mo., pp. 328. 

We have placed these works at the head of this paper as a matter 
of form, rather than with the intention of subjecting them to a special 
review. They suggest our theme, but do not explore the ground we 
design to examine. The first is a narrative of observations made by 
the author during a six weeks' visit to the camp before Sevastopol, 
and a brief sojourn at Constantinople, written in a pleasant and 
sprightly style, but giving very little information beyond what 
may be culled from the newspaper press. The second is a declam- 
atory harangue, without solid sense or argument, upon the invinci- 
bility of Russia, and the folly and wickedness of the aUiance of 



52 ' The Eastern War. [January, 

England and France for the protection of Turkey. It declares 
Sevastopol to be impregnable, and predicts the conquest of Con- 
stantinople by the Russians, and the total defeat and ruin of the 
Allies in the war. Events have already proved the declaration false ; 
and as improbable, -we opine, as the arrival of the Greek Calends is 
the fulfilment of the prediction. The last work mentioned above we 
have found useful in the preparation of this paper. It is an eifort to 
present, in a concise form, the various events of the war up to the 
end of the year l^h\, and is made up chiefl}' of public documents, 
and of extracts from the letters of the war correspondent of the 
London Times. 

Though the remote cause of the present war must be sought 
far back amid the cherished traditions of Russia, and in the policy 
which for more than a century and a half has given tone and com- 
plexion to her councils, yet its immediate cause was apparently 
trivial and insignificant. 

At Jerusalem stand certain sanctuaries and chapels on spots 
embalmed in a thousand cherished recollections. Among these are 
the localities of the crucifixion, resurrection, and ascension of our 
Lord, and particularly the shrine of the Holy Sepulchre, a splendid 
work of art, built by the Empress Helena, the mother of Constantino. 
The possession of these places has always been coveted by Christians; 
and from the earliest ages of the Church they have been accustomed 
to visit the country trodden by the feet of the Saviour, and especially 
the city where he died for the redemption of the world. A desire 
to recover these "holy places" from the hands of the followers of 
Mohammed gave rise to the Crusades of the Middle Ages ; and since 
that period, both the Greek and Latin Christians have enjoyed by 
treaty stipulations, certain rights of visitation and worship at the 
shrines erected on these localities. 

In the year 1535 Francis I. was recognised as the protector of 
the Latin Christians ; and in a treaty of that year, made with Selim 
I., their claim to the " holy places " was insisted on and agreed to. 
Two hundred years later, (1740,) by another treaty between the 
same nations, this claim was admitted and confirmed. The Greek 
Christians possessed the exclusive claim to some sanctuaries, and 
also insisted upon a joint occupancy of some of those most prized by 
the Latins. As the treaties to which vre have referred did not 
define the rights of the parties, disputes frequently arose, and the 
Latin and Greek Christians were brought into collisions resulting 
in blood.shed and loss of life within the edifices so much revered by 
both. In 1757 open war existed between the rival Churches in 
Palestine. In ISOS tlie Holy Sepulchre was partially destroyed by 



1856.3 T'Ac Eastern War. 53 

fire, and the Greeks obtained a firman from the Sultan, giving them 
authority to repair the edifice. After its restoration, on the 
authority of this firmau or decree, the Greeks assumed additional 
ri'-hts and privileges, ^vhich led to fresh dissentions with the Latins, 
an^l fuiallv caused such scandal, that, in 1S19. the Russian and 
French goVernmcnts interposed. The King of France claimed the 
riMit to protect pilgrims of the Romish faith by virtue of the title 
accorded to him by the Pope of '' Most Christian King ;" while the 
Czar of Russia, as " Patriarch of the Greek Church," a title which 
has descended to him from Peter the Great, claimed the right to 
protect pilgrims of the Greek Church. In order the better to adjust 
these differences, France and Russia each sent an envoy to Palestine ; 
but the Greek Revolution in 1S21 broke off the negotiations, and no 
further attention seems to have been given to the subject by France 
until 1S36. In that year the Prince de Joinville having visited 
Jerusalem, the monks of the Latin faith appealed to him, and solicited 
his influence in procuring the restoration of the " keys of the holy 
places,"' of which the Greek monks had for a long time held posses- 
sion. In consequence of his representations to his father, Louis 
Philippe, the F'rench ambassador at the Porte was instructed to 
bring the matter to the attention of the Sultan, who issued a 
firman ordering the Greeks to surrender the keys to the Latins : 
but, through Russian influence, the governor of Jerusalem neglected 
to obey the firman. In 1847 fresh complaint was made by the Latin 
monks through the French ambassador. The cause of the complaint 
was a trivial one, and should have been dealt with, we think, by the 
police, or civil magistrate, rather than by the corps diplomatique. 
A silver star, which was suspended on the spot said to be exactly 
that of the Saviour's birth at Bethlehem, disappeared, and the Latin 
monks, through the French ambassador, accused the Greeks of 
having committed this sacrilegious larceny. 

In 1S50 Lord Stratford de Redcliffe, the British ambassador at 
the Porte, wrote thus to Lord Palmerston : — • 

" (Joncral Aupick has assured me that the matter in dispute is a mere mat- 
Ut of j.rnpiTty and of express treaty stipulation. The immediate point of dlf- 
foirnof is the right of possession "to certain portions of the Holy Church at 
JtTusalom. The" Greeks are accused of having usurped property which 
iH'lonjs of ri'^ht to the Roman Catholics, and of having purposely allowed the 
chapels and fjarticularly the monuments of Godfrey "de Bouillon and of Guy 
de Lusignan, to go into decay." 

As soon as this subject was brought to the notice of the Porte a 
commission of inquiry was ordered; but before the commissioners had 
completed their investigations, the Czar addressed an autograph 



64 The Eastern War. . [January. 

letter to the Sultan, demanding the strict maintenance of the religious 
privileges of the Greeks in Palestine. Greatly alarmed at the recep- 
tion of this letter, the Sultan at once dissolved the commission, 
stultified himself by a scries of contradictory edicts, greatly compli- 
cated the matter by granting -what both parties asked, and, with the 
hope of pleasing all, consented to replace the missing star at his 
own cost, and restored the key of the Church of Bethlehem to the 
Latins. 

In 1S51 M. de Lavalette, having succeeded General Aupick as 
French minister at the Porte, engaged in the disputes about the 
"holy places" with great zeal, and earnestly pressed the Turkish 
government to grant certain additional privileges to the Roman 
Catholics. The Russian envoy, M. de Titoff, exhibited an equal 
interest in the subject, and took an early occasion to express to the 
Sultan his conviction that his master would permit no changes what- 
ever to be made with respect to the possession of the sanctuaries at 
Jerusalem ; whereupon M. de Lavalette gracefully yielded the point, 
and proposed to settle the dispute by granting to the Greeks the joint 
occupancy of the places in question. M. de Titoff accepted this 
proposal, so far as the places in controversy were concerned : but at 
the same time made a new demand for the joint occupation of some 
other sanctuaries which had hitherto been in the undisputed posses- 
sion of the Latins. This new demand prevented any settlement of 
the questions at issue, and intrigue for a while took the place of dis- 
cussion. The affair reached the surface again in February, 1S52, when 
the Porte addressed a note to M. de Lavalette, politely promising 
certain future concessions, but at the same time expressly excluding 
the Roman Catholics from certain privileges granted to the Greeks. 
This gave great offence to the French ambassador, and very nearly 
produced an open rupture. Finding argument and expostulation of 
no avail, he intimated his intention of bringing up the French fleet 
to the Dardanelles if his demands were not conceded ; while the 
Russian minister, on liis part, with equal decision, threatened to 
leave Constantinople instantly, with every member of his mission, 
if the demands of Russia were not complied with. 

At this juncture M. d'Ouzeroff succeeded M. de Titoff as Rus- 
sian envoy at the Porto. His first act was peremptorily to require 
a firman granting the privileges, the bare intimation of which had 
given such great offence to the French ambassador : and, not satisfied 
with the substantial success of securing this point, he demanded that 
the Porte should proclaim his victory by having the firman publicly 
read in Jerusalem by an agent of the government. The Sultan, in 
no condition to refuse, despatched Aliff Bey to Jerusalem for that 



1S56.3 The Eastern War. 55 

purpose ; but the attitude assumed by the French minister terrified 
him, and he hesituted to finish the duty with -which he had been 
charged. The French minister declared, that if the firman was 
proniu1;j;ated, a French fleet should appear off Jaffa, and he even 
hinted at a French occupation of Jerusalem itself; "then," said he, 
•' we shall have all the sanctuaries." This firmness on the part of 
the French minister prevented the promulgation of the firman in 
question. Jt would seem, however, that the French government did 
not entirely approve the peiemptory diplomacy of M. do Lavalctte ; 
for he was recalled, and his place filled by the appointment of M. 
Benedotte. And though the Toulon squadron was ordered to sail 
for the Greek waters, to be prepared to sustain the Latin interests, 
yet the British ambassador wrote to his government that " the 
French were content with a part only of what they might have 
claimed."* During the pendency of these disputes Russia again 
enlarged her demands. In addition to claiming a special supervision 
over the "holy places" in Jerusalem, she, in November, 1S52, 
asserted her right to exercise a protectorate over the entire Greek 
Church throughout the dominions of the Sultan. ^leanwhile " the 
Porte, under the pressure of these coercions, committed a series of 
lamentable contradictions."! But unqualified submission on the 
part of the Porte with the concession of France, did not satisfy the 
demands of llussia. On the '2Sth of February, 1853, Prince Mcn- 
EchikofF, accompanied by Count DimitrelSfessclrode as his secretary, 
arrived at Constantinople on a special mission. The prince was 
clothed with full powers as a plenipotentiary, on the pretence that 
the rank of charge d'affaires, which M. d'OuzerofF held, did not give 
him the authority which was required in the transaction of such 
^ave affairs as were then pending. It was remarked that this 
embassy, from the first, was portentous of evil to the Porte, inas- 
much as an officer was selected to conduct it who had been 
distinguished in the recent war with the Turks, and that his suite 
included a general officer and an admiral. The tranquillity of the 
Sublime Porte was greatly disturbed by the arrival of this embassy; 
and the course of the Russian ambassador, instead of dispelling the 
fears of the government, was well calculated to aggravate them. As 
though seeking a quarrel, he assumed an attitude of e.xti-cmo arro- 
pancc, and gratuitously insulted Fuad Effendi, the minister fur foreign 
affairs. His mission, though professedly of a conciliatory character, 
'«Tas calculated, and probably intended, to involve the Turkish gov- 
ernment in serious difficulties; and in the language of the Sultan, 

«» Vide Blue Book, vol. i, p. 18. 

t Vide Col. Rose's despatch of Afarch 7, 1852. 



56 The Eastern War. [January. 

" to trample under foot the rights of the Porte, and the dignity and 
independence of the sovereign." Meanwhile Russia was making 
vast military preparations, which attracted the attention of both 
England and France ; but those governments being assured that the 
designs of Russia were eminently pacific, continued to hope that 
matters might be amicably arranged. 

The first communication of the Russian ambassador to the Porte 
was made on the 10th of March, and it embraced the following 
peremptory demands : — 

"1. A firman conccrniiic: tlie key of tlio Church of Iiethlchem, the res- 
toration of tilt; silver star, and the posset^sion of certain sanctuaries. 

" 2. An order for the repair of the dome and other parts of the Church of 
the Holy Sepulchre. 

"3. A scncfl, or convention guaranteeinp; the strict ^ statu quo' of the privi- 
leges of the Greek Church, and of the sanctuaries that are in possession of 
that faith exclusively, or in participation with other sects at Jerusalem." 

These demands were all granted without hesitation by the Porte, 
and firmans to that etloct were despatched to Prince xMenschikoff 
without delay. Until this time Russia had perhaps asked for no 
more than had been conceded by the Ottoman government in former 
treaties ;* and though her demands had been made in a haughty and 
offensive manner, yet the Porte exhibited no ill-feeling or irritation. 
It was hoped by the Sultan, and by the foreign ministers who were 
interested spectators at Constantinople, that Russia would now be 
satisfied ; but so far from this being the case, Prince Menschikoff 
presented another note, at a late hour of the same day on which 
these last concessions were made, demanding a sencd, or conven- 
tion having the force of a treaty, containing stipulations that " no 
change whatever should be made in the rights, privileges, and im- 
munities which had been enjoyed or possessed 'ab antiguo' by the 
Church, the pious institutions, and the clergy of the orthodox or 
Greek Church in the Ottoman states; and that all the rights and 
advantages conceded by the Turkisli government to^ other Christian 
sects by treaty, convention, or special grant, shall be considered as 
belonging also to the Greek Church." To comprehend the effect of 
this last stipulation, it must be remembered that certain Christian 
congregations e.xist within the Ottoman dominions which are not 
immediately subject to the government. In more than one place 
the members of the Latin Church possess privileges by which, in 
virtue of ancient compacts, they are exempt from Turkish jurisdic- 
tion, and are subject only to superiors of their own. So that 
the terms of the scned demanded by Prince Menschikoff would 
° Blue Book, vol. ii, p. 235. 



1856.] The Eastern War. 57 

have surrendered to Russia the practical jurisdiction of more than 
three-fourths of the population of the Danubian provinces, and, 
indeed, the [greater part of European Turkey itself 

It must be admitted that it was high time for the "sick man" to 
protest, and accordingly Eifat Pasha, the Sultan's foreign minis- 
ter, in a very temperate way, informed Prince Menschikoff that his 
demands could not be complied with. Highly indignant, the latter 
proceeded at once to the palace and demanded an audience of the 
iSuItan, who for some time had not quitted his apartments in conse- 
quence of the recent death of his mother, the Sultana Valide. And 
although Prince Menschikoff was informed that Mohammedan cus- 
tom prevented the Sultan from complying with his wishes, yet he per- 
sisted in his demand, and after waiting three hours in an ante-room, 
he was finally shown into the imperial apartments. Abdul Medjid, 
though he had so for yielded to Russian obstinacy as to admit 
Prince Menschikoff to his presence, declined any conference with him. 
lie civilly referred him to his ministers ; and when the prince com- 
menced an intemperate speech, the sudden interposition of a cur- 
tain between the Sultan and his visitor terminated the interview. 

A great council or cabinet meeting was now convened by Red- 
schid Pasha, who had superseded Rifat Pasha as foreign minister, 
to deliberate upon the Russian note; and, without a dissenting voice, 
Prince MenschikofF's demand was rejected. In communicating this 
rejection, a delay of four or five days was requested, with the hope 
that some satisfactory solution of the difficulty might be discovered. 

The Russian minister graciously granted the Porte four days for 
deliberation, but at the same time still more complicated matters by 
a fresh " note." " It was not alone," he declared, " the spiritual 
privileges of the Greek clergy which Russia had determined to 
assert, but all the other rights, privileges, and immunities of those 
professing the orthodox faith, and of the clergy, dating from the 
most early times; that is to say, all the political privileges they 
might have enjoyed from the earliest ages." 

\\ hilc Prince Menschikoff w^as so pertinaciously bullying the 
S^ultan in his own capital, Baron de Brunow, the Russian ambassa- 
dor at the Court of St. James, informed the British government in 
the most explicit terms that " the emperor's desire and determina- 
tion was to respect the independence and integrity of the Ottoman 
Kmpire, and tliat all the idle rumours to which the arrival of Prince 
Menschikoff in the Ottoman capital had given rise — the occupation 
of the Principalities, hostile and threatening language to the Porte, 
<>:.c. — were not only exaggerated, but destitute even of any sort of 
foundation." 

FouuTii Series, Vol. VIII.— 4 



•gS The Eastern War. [January, 

... In the extremity to which his government had been driven, Rcd- 
fichid Pasha consulted the representatives of the foreign pov/ers at 
Constantinople, and received from them the following reply : — 

"The representatives of Great Britain, France, xVustria, and Prussia, in 
reply" to the desire expressed by His Excellency, Iledschid Paslia, to learn 
their views on the draft of a note piescnted by Prince jMenschikoff, are of 
opinion that on a question which touches so nearly the liberty of action and 
sovereignty of liis Majesty the Sultan, His Excellency Iledschid Pasha is the 
best judge of the course which ought to be adopted, and they do not consider 
themselves authorized, in the present circumstances, to give any opinion on 
the subject." 

Left thus to their own resources, the Turkish government assem- 
bled the great council of the nation at the house of the Grand 
Vizier, xlfter mature deliberation, and long and an.xious debates, it 
was decided by a very large majority to refuse to comply with the 
demands of Russia. Overtures, however, for pacific arrangements 
accompanied the note which communicated this decision. These 
overtures were not entertained b}' Prince Menschikoff, who, on re- 
ceiving the answer, at once sent in his final "note," declaring that 
all further negotiations Avould be now useless, that his mission was 
at an end, and that nothing remained for him but to leave the Otto- 
man capital with the whole of his retinue. Redschid Pasha made 
some attempts to conciliate the Russian minister by private assur- 
ances of the friendly disposition of the Porte, and of their willing- 
ness to meet all the reasonable demands of the Czar; but his ad- 
vances were met by the reply that it was too late, that his mission 
was at an end, and that the only duty that remained to him was to 
remove from the capital every person connected with his embassy. 
He however warned the Porte, in a supplementary parting " note,'' 
that " any infraction of the 'statu quo' of the Oriental Church would 
be considered as a violation of existing treaties, and that such infrac- 
tion would compel the Czar to have recourse to means which he 
desired at all times not to employ." He regretted the resolution of 
the Porte, and especially that on so serious a question the Divan 
had been governed by the influence of foreigners. And in conclu- 
sion he expressed a hope that the Ottoman government would ulti- 
mately come to a better resolution, and one more agreeable to the 
benevolent intentions of the emperor his master. 

On the 21st of May Prince iNIcnschikoff left Constantinople with 
'his embassy, and the subsequent con^ideration of the questions at 
issue was transferred from the Turkish capital to Vienna, where the 
representatives of the four powers afterward endeavoured to avert 
the pending rupture. A direct attempt was, however, made by 



1856.3 The Easteiti War. "^^ 

Count Nesselrode to intimidate the Porte by addressing an auto- 
graph letter to Rcdschid Pasha on the 31st of May, declarinj:^ that 
if the Russian demands were not at once complied with, the Rus- 
sian troops wouUl immediately cross the Turkish frontier, "not" 
ho said, " to make war, but to secure a material guarantee for the 
rij^hts claimed by the emperor." In reply, the Porte announced 
the promulgation of the " Hatti Sheriffe," confirming the rights, 
privilei^es, and immunities which the clergy and the Churches of 
tlie (j/cck faUh had cujojed '"06 antiquo.''' 

On the 12th of June Count iSIesselrode addressed a long circular 
to the diplomatic agents of the Czar at the different foreign courts. 
This docTiment was published in the " St. Petersburgh Gazette," 
and we place extracts from it on the record, that the reader may 
compare the Russian descriptions of the demands of Prince Men- 
schikoff with the real history of his mission, and form some esti- 
mate of the cool assurance, to use a mild expression, of this distin- 
guished diplomatist. 

" You are sufficiently av.-are," lie says, " of the policy of the emperor to know 
th.it I lis .Majesty does not aim at the ruin and destruction of the Ottoman Em- 
pin', which ho himself on two occa-sions has saved from dissolution ; but that 
on the contrary he has always regarded the existing status quo as the best pos- 
fible combination to interpose between all the European interests, -which would 
ii!'ci-.s;u-ily clash in tlie Ea^t if a void were declared. The mission of Prince 
^fcu-chikoir never had any other object than the arrangement of the afiair 
of the holy places." 

The Emperor of Russia having solemnly declared, on the 30th of 
May, that if the ultimatum of Prince Menschikoff was not accepted 
witliin eight days he would occupy the Principalities, the allied 
fleets were ordered to repair to Besika Bay, at the mouth of the 
Dardanelles, where they anchored on the 15th of June, 1853. On 
the '2tjth of the same month the Czar issued the following manifesto, 
in which ho gives his ov.n version of the causes of the war, and his 
^oa^ou for occupying the Danubian provinces : — 

"rETEKHOFF, JuHC ^|, 1853. 

"It is knovm to our faithful subjects that the defence of our faith has always 
Won tho iicrod daty of our ancestors. From the day that it phrased the 
Aliui;_'hty to place us on the throne of our fathers, the maintenance of the 
holy i.hli|.;;itlons with which it is inseparably connected has been tlic object of 
OUT carlust care and attention. These, "actini: on the groundwork of the 
famous tn\aty of Kiarnardji, which subsequent treaties with ihc Ottoman Porte 
have fully confirmed, have ever been directed to upholding the rights of our 
("hurtli. All our cHorts to prevent the Poite from continuing in this course 
proved fruitless, and even the oath of the .^ultan himself solemnly given to us 
was perfidiously broken. Having exhausted all means of conviction, and 
-waving in vain tried all the means by which our just claims could be possibly 



60 The Eastern War. [January, 

adjusted, Tve have deemed it indispensable to move our armies into the prov- 
inces on the Danube, iu order that the Porte may see to what her stubborn- 
ness may lead. 

" But even now we have no intention of commencing Avar. In occupyint» 
these provinces we wish to hold a sufficient pledge to guarantee for ourselves 
the reestablishmcnt of our rights, under any circumstances whatever. 

" We do not sock for conquests. Rui.-ia does not require them. "We seek 
the justification of those rights which have been so openly violated. We are 
still ready to stop the movement of our troops, if the Ottoman Porte will bind 
itself to observe solemnly the inviolability of the onhodo.-c (Pravoslavan) 
Church; but if, from stubbornness and blindness, it decrees the contrary, 
then, calling Gwl to our aid, we shall leave him to decide between us, and| 
■with a full assurance in the arm of the Almighty, we shall (^o forth to fi<^ht for 
the orthodox faith." " = o 



On the twelfth of July Count Nesselrode issued another circular 
to the Russian representatives at foreign courts, in which he 
attempted to show that Russia was only acting on the defensive, 
and that the occupation of the Principalities was justified by the 
threatening demonstration of the Allies in sending their fleets to 
Besika Bay. " The position," he says, " taken up by the two powers 
in the ports and waters of the Ottoman Empire, within sight of the 
capital, is a species of maritime occupation which gives Russia occa- 
sion to restore the balance between their relative situations by 
taking up a military position." 

But this is plainly an afterthought; the intention of occupying 
the Principalities in a certain contingency was officially announced 
in the Russian capital on the thirtieth of ^Jay, and the Allies 
decided, two days afterward, to despatch their naval forces to 
Besika Bay ; but this intention of the allied powers could not have 
been known at St. Petersburgh until nearly ten days after the Rus- 
sian decision respecting the Principalities had been formally declared 
to the Ottoman Porte. While Russia was thus endeavourin-r to 
convince the different cabinets of Europe of her pacific intentions, 
she was rapidly and silently concentrating an army of a hundred 
and twenty thousand men on the Prutli, and the first corps, under 
the command of General Luders, passed that river at Levad on the 
twenty-first of June, and seven days afterward the entire army of 
occupation, under the command of Prince Michael Gortschakoff, had 
entered the Principalities. 

That this movement on the part of Russia was an infraction of 
the treaties of Adrianople and Balta Liman cannot admit of a ' 
doubt. 

It must be confessed that the relation in which the Principalities 
Stood to both Russia and Turkey was peculiar and unprecedented. 
To Turkey was guaranteed the prerogative of sovereignty ; and 



1856.3 The Eastern War. 61 

Kussia had, with her, a right to a sort of joint occupancy under cer- 
tain clearly-described circumstances, "while the people possessed 
many of the privile;^es of self-government. These apparently con- 
flicting and irreconcilable stipulations are contained in the fifth 
article of t)ie treaty of Adrianople, -which declares that "the Princi- 
palities, being placed under the suzeraincLc of the Poi-tt?, shall pos- 
sess all the privileges and immunities which shall have been accorded 
to them, whether by treaties between the two imperial courts, or by 
'llatti Shcrifles ' promulgated at diflerent epochs, and that they 
shall enjoy the free exercise of their religion in perfect security; 
a national and indepemient administration, and complete freedom of 
commerce." The treaty of Adrianople was ratified in 1S28 ; and in 
1S49 the convention or treaty of Balta Liman, fixing the cases in 
which a mutual occupation of the Principalities could legally take 
place, was negotiated and signed. 

♦ By the stipulations of this treaty nothing but "grave events 
occurring in the Principalities themselves" can justify the interposi- 
tion of either power. And when the necessity shall have arisen, 
the treaty stipulates that the occupation shall be a mutual one, and 
shall be made simultaneously by Russia and Turkey. It is, more- 
over, expressly proWded that the maximum number of troops that 
shall be sent into the Principalities " shall not exceed thirty-five thou- 
sand men on each side, to be regularly counted, regiment by regiment, 
and battalion by battalion." By "grave events" is meant any 
serious difficulty occurring within the described territory which 
might prove too formidable to be controlled without foreign assist- 
ance. But at the moment when Russia chose to cross the frontier, 
no disturbance of any kind furnished a pretext for the movement. 
Hence Turkey protested against the invasion of a territory secured 
by treaty, and persisted in refusing to treat with Russia until her 
armies were withdrawn. 

The Tiu'kish protest had no effect whatever on the Russian gov- 
ernment; on the contrary. Prince Gortschakoff proceeded to estab- 
lisli himself in the Principalities, and to sever entirely their connexion 
with the Porte. Still, though the tribute due the Sultan was stopped 
and turned into the Russian military chest, and the Ilospodars 
appointed by the Porte were driven out of the country, Russia conti- 
nued to declare that her occupation of the Danubian Principalities 
was not intended as a declaration of war. 

This affu-mation of the Czar encouraged the allied powers seriously 
to occupy themselves in the attempt to avert the threatened conflict. 
As early as the twenty-fourth of June the French government had 
proposed the plan of settlement on which was afterward based the 



62 The Eastern War. [January, 

celebrated " Vienna note," but the conference did not assemble until 
a month later. On the twenty-fourth of July, however, the repre- 
sentatives of the four powers, France, Great Britain, Austria, and 
Russia, met at Vienna, and proceeded to discuss propositions to be 
submitted to Russia and Turkey. In this conference, it will be 
observed, Russia was represented but Turkey was not. A few 
hours were spent in drawing up the terms of settlement, which were 
then transmitted to London and Paris by telegraph. The assent 
of France and England v>as immediately given, and, with their signa- 
tures appended, the terms were transmitted to St. Petcrsburgh, 
where, Avithout hesitation, they received the approval of the Czar. 
In signifying his approval however, the Czar stated to the British 
.ambassador at St. Petersburgh " that he would accept the terms 
recommended to him by the conference of Vienna if the Porte 
would accept the note such as it stands, sans variation, and that he 
would then receive the Ottoman ambassador." » 

The signature of the Porte was now all that Avas needed to secure 
the pacific settlement of the difficulties between Russia and Turkey, 
and the document was forwarded for that purpose ; but, to the utter 
astonishment of all parties except perhaps of Austria and Russia, 
the Porte refused to accept the note unless certain alterations were 
introduced into the form of it. This determination was announced 
to the representatives of the "powers" at Constantinople by 
Redschid Pasha on the twentieth of August, expressing the regret 
of the Sultan that the Vienna note '' should contain certain super- 
fluous paragraphs incompatible with the sacred rights of the govern- 
ment of His Majesty." " The note as it now stands," said the 
Pasha, "seems to us to be open to certain interpretations not 
intended by the powers, but against which we think it necessary to 
guard more distinctly. ^Vith this view we propose certain alter- 
ations in the wording of the note ; if these be admitted we are willing 
to adopt it." 

It is somewhat surprising to discover in this " note," under the 
flimsy disguise of words, the same stipulations iu substance which 
occasioned the rejection of Prince MenschikofT's ultimatum. This 
doubtless escaped the penetration of the Vienna diplomatists, who, 
it must be admitted, were guilty of a great political blunder in 
adopting a note capable of different and conflicting interpretations. 
The ministers of the Sultan perceived at once that it could be con- 
strued in a manner highly injurious to the Porte, and the four powers 
were frank enough to confess that their objections to it were well 
founded. 

The modifications suggested by the Porte were not, however, 



1856.] The Eastern War. 6S 

acceptable to the Czar ; and on the receipt of his answer, giving 
notice of their rejection, nothing remained for the western powers 
but to abuudoii the note which had been drawn with such studied 
care. The Vienna conference, however, continued in session, and its 
members laboured assiduously to reach some harmonious conclusion ; 
and on the twcntj'-second of November the Austrian and Prussian 
governments agreed with those of England and France upon a basis 
for negotiation, and a collective note to the following effect was 
drawn up and signed by the four powers : — 

"Tho existence of Turkey in the limits assigned to licr by treaty is one of 
the necessary conditions of the balance of power in Europe, and the linder- 
fcignod plenipotentiaries record with satisfaction that the existing war cannot, 
in any case, lead to modifications in the territorial boundaries of the two 
empires which might be calculated to alter the state of possession in tlie E;ist 
■which has been established for a length of time, and which is equally necessary 
for the tranquillity of all the other powers." 

A careful attention to the points actually in issue between Russia 
and Turkey will convince the impartial observer that the former 
government from the first aimed not to preserve rights already pos- 
sessed, but to enlarge her power by extending her control over 
several millions of the subjects of the Porte. 

The " Vienna note," accepted so readily by the Czar, contained 
this passage : — 

" That the Sultan would cause the Greek Christians to participate equally 
in the advantages granted or hereafter to be granted to other Christians by 
conventions or special ordinances." 

The modifications required by the Sultan were as follows : — 

" That the Sultan would make the Greek Christians participate equitably 
in the advantjiges granted to other Christian communities, being Ottoman 
iuhjects." 

The fact already stated, that in many places in Turkey the fol- 
lowers of the Latin Church, by virtue of ancient compacts, are 
exempt from Turkish control, and are governed by superiors of their 
own, shows the vital importance of this modification. The mem- 
bers of the " Vienna Conference " readily admitted the justness and 
imjiortance of the objections made to their note by the Porte, and, 
having approved the modifications suggested, they earnestly, though 
vainly, pressed their acceptance upon the emperor of Russia. 

Meanwhile both Russia and Turkey were preparing to submit 
their disputes to the arbitrament of the sword. The Russians 
occupied the T'rincipalitics, and the Turkish forces, under Omar 
Pasha, had advanced to the right bank of the Danube, so that an 
encounter was aj)prehended, although war had not been formally 
declared by either party. 



64" The Eastern War. [January, 

■ Such, however, was the wild enthusiasm awakened among the 
subjects of the Porte by the Russian invasion, that, to prevent an 
insurrection in Constantinople, the Sultan was literally compelled 
to declare war ; and the declaration agreed to by the grand council 
was signed on the tAventy-seventh of September, and published by 
manifesto on the third of October, announcing the declaration of 
war against Russia in case the Principalities were not evacuated by 
the twenty-fourth of that month. Still, however, confident hopes 
were entertained by the western powers, and by the civilized world, 
that war would yet be avoided. 

Meanwhile Omar Pasha had summoned Prince Gortschakoff to 
evacuate the provinces within fifteen days, solemnly assuring him 
that noncompliance would lead to the commencement of hostilities. 
To this letter Prince Gortschakoff replied as follows : — 

" My master is not at war with Turkey ; but I have orders not to leave the 
Principalities until the Porte shall have given to the emperor the moral satis- 
faction he demands. When this point is obtained I will evacuate the Principali- 
ties immediately, whatever the time or season. If I am attacked by the Turkish 
army 1 shall confine myself to the defensive." 

On the eleventh of November the Czar published a formal declara- 
tion of war against Turkey, in which he speaks, with well-affected 
severity, of the blind obstinacy of the Ottoman government, and 
magnifies his own legitimate solicitude for the defence of the ortho- 
dox faith in the East, as well as his spirit of long-suffering under 
manifold provocations. This proclamation was followed by active 
hostilities between the belligerents, and by the arrival of the allied 
fleets in the Black Sea; but before any important operations had 
taken place, the allied powers made one more vain effort to avert 
the war by submitting the terms of the Porte as an ultimatum to 
Russia. 

It is foreign from our purpose to describe particularly the events 
of the campaign on the Danube ; it is sufiicient to say that it was 
conducted with skill on the part of the Turks, and that it terminated 
to their advantage. Under the command of the experienced Omar 
Pasha the Ottoman army finally drove the Russian forces beyond 
the Pruth. The Turkish squadron also took the initiative in the 
Black Sea, and commenced offensive operations by attacking Fort 
St. Nicholas, between Batoun and Poti, which they captured after a 
vigorous defence. At Sinope the Turks were less successful, suffer- 
ing a disastrous defeat, with the loss of several vessels and many 
lives, in an attempt to defend the harbour and town against a Rus- 
sian squadron of greatly superior force. 

Up to this period the Allies liad taken no active part in the war. 



185G.] The Eastern War. 65 

The object with which the combined fleets were sent to Constan- 
tiiioplc was not to att:ick Russia, but to defend Turkey ; and the 
English and Frcucli ambassadors were informed that the fleets were 
not to assume an aggressive position, but that they were to protect 
the Turkish territory from attack. And in order to prevent the 
recurrence of such disasters as that at Sinope, the fleets were ordered 
to outer the Black Sea, and require, and if necessary compel, Rus- 
sian ships of war to return to Sevastopol or the nearest port. The 
Ottoman Porte seemed inclined, even after the atlair at Sinope, to 
renew negotiations through the allied powers, and the latter still 
continued indefatigable in their efforts for the restoration of 
peace. 

For this end the representatives of the four powers signed a con- 
vention, in which they recorded their own complete union of purpose 
in maintaining the territorial limits of the Ottoman Empire and the 
sovereignty of the Porte. A " note," framed in accordance Avith 
these views, Avas accepted by the Porte, but rejected by the Czar, 
who declared that he would allow of no mediation between himself 
and Turkey: that Turkey, if she wished to treat, might send an 
ambassador to St. Petersburgh. He now insisted upon conditions 
which amounted to a considerable increase on those demanded by 
Prince Menschikoff at Constantinople. 

During the protracted but abortive attempts at negotiation, the 
conduct of Austria was sufiiciently equivocal. At one time the 
Austrian minister did not hesitate to declare that the protocols 
which had been drawn up by England and France, at Count Buol's 
request, were the true basis of the conditions which they Avould 
accept, and that his master, the emperor, would adhere to those 
conditions even at the hazard of war. Yet when Count Orloff left 
Vienna on the fourth of February, he carried Avith him the assur- 
ance that in the coming struggle the neutrality of both Austria and 
Prussia might be relied upon. Austria subsequently inquired of 
the Russian cabinet whether they would object to a European pro- 
tectorate over the Christians in Turkey. The reply, couched in the 
most positive terms, was that " Russia would permit no other power 
to meddle in the affairs of the Greek Church. Russia had treaties 
with the Porte, and would settle the question with her alone." 
From the tone and terms of the reply it was inferred that the Czar 
would consent to no treaty which did not secure to him everything, 
and more than everytliing, which had been demanded by Prince 
Menschikoff at Constantinople. The next step in the negotiations 
was the presentation of a "Turkish note" of settlement to the 
"Vienna Conference" on the thirteenth of January, This note 



66 The Eastern War. [January, 

was, after a brief deliberation, approved of, and forwarded at once to 
St. Petcrsburgh; but it does not appear that the Czar deigned to 
honour it \Yith a reply. A few days afterward the emperor of 
France sent an autograph letter to the Czar, to which the Czar 
replied in substance that the conditions made known at the confer- 
ence of Vienna were the sole basis on which he would consent to 
treat. Four days after this reply was received (on the twenty- 
eighth of February) the governments of Franco and England 
resolved to address a formal summons to the Czar, calling upon 
him to give, in six days, a solemn promise that he would cause his 
troops to evacuate the Principalities of the Danube on or before the 
thirtieth of April. 

This decisive step was, perhaps, hastened by the dismissal of the 
English and French ambassadors from the Court of Russia, the 
former of whom left St. Petersburgh on the eighteenth, and the 
latter on the twenty-first of February. The St. Petersburgh Jour- 
nal, noticing the departure of the two ambassadors, remarks : " The 
emperor, having declared the line pursued by the two western powers 
to be a severe blow aimed at the rights of the Czar in his character 
as a belligerent sovereign, has thought it right to protest against 
their acts of aggression, and to suspend diplomatic relations with 
England and France." 

On the eleventh of i\larch the Baltic fleet sailed from Spithead, 
under the command of Admiral Sir Charles Napier; and on the 
next day a treaty was concluded between England, France, and the 
Porte, containing the following stipulations, viz. : — 

" J. France and England cncrago to support Turkey by force of arms until 
the conclusion of a peace which shall secure the integrity and independence 
of the Sultan's rights and dominions; 

"2. The Forte engages not to conclude peace without the consent of her 
allies; 

" 3. The allied powers promise to evacuate, after the termination of the war 
and at the recjucst of tlie Porte, all those parts of the empire which they may 
find it necessary to occupy during the continuance of hostilities ; and, 

"4. All the ?ubjcct.s of the I'orte, without distinction of creed, are secured 
complete equality before the law." 

This treaty, signed by England, France, and Turkey, remained 
open for the acceptance of the other great powers. 

An Anglo-French ultimatum was now forwarded to St. I'eters- 
burgh, in reply to which the Czar is reported to have said that the 
terms proposed did not require five minutes' consideration, and that, 
rather than submit to such conditions, he would sacrifice his last 
soldier and spend his last rouble. The reply of Count Is'esselrode, 
however, was that " no answer would be given by the imperial court." 



1856.] The Eastern War. 67 

The messenger bearing this answer reached London on the twenty- 
fifth of March, and on the twenty- eighth of that month war was 
declared against Russia by England and France simultaneously. 
Knssia responded by a counter declaration of war against England 
and Erauco three days afterward. 

Immediately upon the declaration of war by the Allies they both 
embarked large bodies of troops for the East, and early in the month 
of April ten thousand British troops were cantoned near Scutari, 
on the Asiatic side of the Bosphorus, while twenty thousand Erench 
soldiers took up their quarters on the opposite side. The principal 
encampment of the Allies vi'as subsequently established at Varna, 
where not less than forty-thousand men were kept inactive, decimated 
by cholera and other diseases, while Omar Pasha, within a fevv' days' 
easy march, was gallantly driving the Russian forces out of the 
Principalities. 

On the eighteenth of April a new convention was formed between 
the governments of England and France, in vrhich the object of the 
two courts is stated to be " the recstablishment of peace between 
the Czar and the Sultan on a firm basis, and the preservation of 
Europe from the dangers which have disturbed the general peace." 
" The Allies distinctly disclaim all exclusive advantages to them- 
selves from the events which may arise, and they invite the rest of 
Europe to cooperate with them in an alliance dictated only by a 
regard for the interests of all." 

Justice requires us to say that Russia was equally disinterested 
in her professions. In the declaration of war by Russia the follow- 
ing language is employed: — 

"The desire of possessing Constantinople, if that empire should fall, and the 
intention of forming a permanent establishment there have been tix) publicly, 
too solemnly disowned tor any doubts to be entertained on that subject, which 
do not originate in a distrust that nothing can cure. 

" It is to defend the influence not less necessary to the Ilus^ian nation than 
it is es<ential to the order and se(;uriry of other states, — it is to sustain the 
dignity and territorial independence, -which are the basis of it, that the emperor, 
obliged in spite of himself to embark in this contest, is about to employ all t!ie 
means of resistance that arc furnished by the devotion and patriotism of hia 
people."— 5i. Petershurgh Journal, March 30, 1S51. 

In the latter part of June a large force, consisting of ten thousand 
French troops, under the command of General Baraguay d'llilliers, 
sailed in Ikitish vessels from the northern ports of France to 
cooperate with Sir Charles Napier in the Baltic. The allied squad- 
ron blockaded the Russian ports and captured Bom-arsund, on the 
island of Aland; but, upon the whole, failed to verify the expecta- 
tions of the people of England and France. Meanwhile the war 



68 The Eastei-n War. [January, 

\ras vigorously pursued againsb the Russians in Asia Minor by the 
indefatigable chief Schainyl, who had gathered under his banner 
eighty thousand -warriors. 

The period had now arrived when the inactivity of the Allies was 
to give place to a decisive aggressive movement; and in a council of 
war, held at Varna by the English and French general officers on 
the 2Gth of August, the expedition to the Crimea was decided upon, 

Prenous to the eastern Avar but little accurate knov.ledge was pos- 
sessed by the inhabitants of modern Europe with respect to the 
Crimea or its resources. This peninsula was, however, well known 
to the ancients. During the most prosperous days of Greece it was 
the storehouse of Athens, whither it exported large quantities of 
grain.* At that period it was under the government of a line of 
princes known as the Kings of the Bosphorus, and for ages after- 
ward its inhabitants were distinguished for their intelligence and 
refinement, and for their progress in the arts. The museums of 
Cafla, 2<ikolaieff. and Odessa, contain numerous remains of antiquity, 
illustrative of the advanced condition of its ancient inhabitants. At 
Inkermann, Balaklava, and other places, evidences exist to show that 
the Genoese, during their commercial supremacy, explored the 
Euxine, and planted colonies in the Crimea. Theodosia, or Caffa, 
was at that time a great entrepot for the commerce with interior 
Asia. The route to China was from Azof to Astrakan, and 
thence through various places not found in modern maps to " Cam- 
balu," which is thought to bo the modern Pekin.f The Venetians 
had also a settlement in the Crimea, and appear, by a passage in 
Petrarch's Letters, to have possessed some of the trade through Tar- 
tary. Under the Tartar government, this peninsula was at one time 
covered with many flourishing cities. In 1740 the Russians first 
entered the Crimea. In that year the lines of Perekop were forced 
by Count de JMunich, and the country was wasted b}- fire and sword ; 
but upon the termination of the war it was restored to the Turks. 
In 1772 Perekop was again taken by Russia, and, by the treaty of 
Kiarnardji, the Crimea was finally severed from the Turkish 
Empire. This country has always been highly prized by the Russian 
government, being considered by her rulers and statesmen as the 
gateway through which Constantinople was finally to be approached. 
The famous inscription at Kherson, " This way leads to Byzantium," 
which so much delighted the Czarina Catharine II. upon her visit 
to that part of her dominions, was understood to indicate the route 
by Perekop and Sevastopol as the most ready avenue of approach 
to the long desired goal. The preeminent importance attached to 
• Strabo. j Hallam. 



1856.] The Eastern War. 69 

the latter place, and the commanding influence it was expected to 
exert in the ultimate designs of Russia, are significantly suggested 
even by its name, Sevastopol, signifying Augustan, or imperial city. 

As the Crimea has been the principal theatre of the present war, 
the interest of Avhich has chiefly centred at Sevastopol and its neigh- 
bourhood, Ave accompany the present article \i\t\\ an accurate outline 
map of the entire peninsula, and a section on a much larger scale of 
Sevastapol, v.ith its harbour and vicinity, enabling the reader to 
obtain a clear understanding of the operations of the belligerents. 

It v;ill be perceived, by a reference to the map, tbat the Crimea is 
a peninsula connected A^ith Southern Russia by the isthmus of 
Perekop. This isthmus is about seventeen miles long and five 
broad. It is fortified, and the only ingress or egress to the peninsula 
by land is through an arched gateway in a rampart running from sea 
to sea. To guard against the inconveniences which might occur 
from this position passing into the hands of an enemy, the Russians 
have constructed across the shallows of the Putrid Sea a great mili- 
tary road, which is said to furnish a more available route for the 
passage of troops from Russia to the Crimea than the road by 
Perekop itself. Besides these there is a third route, which is some- 
times followed from the eastern parts of the Crimea to the continent. 
A reference to the map will show that a narrow tongue of land, 
called the Spit of Arabat, runs up from the cascorn corner of the 
Crimea, almost touching the continent at the Strait of Genitchi. It 
is quite possilde for troops marching into the Crimea to cross the 
strait, and, pursuing this road by the Spit of Arabat, to enter the 
Crimea at Fort Arabat, a few miles north of Cafl'a. 

The allied expedition to the Crimea having first taken possession of 
Eupatoria, where they landed a small garrison and established a depot, 
finally made their descent at a point designated on the map as the Old 
Fort, where they disembarked, without opposition, a body of about 
sixty thousand men, on the morning of September 14, 1S54. The 
disembarkation was completed without accident, and the troops 
instantly took up the line of march for Sevastopol. The Allies 
first encountered their enemy on the line of the river Alma, about 
fifteen miles to the northward of Sevastopol. The banks of this 
river * are lofty and precipitous, and the Russia!is, availing them- 
selves of its natural advantages, had fortified it in a manner which 
they deemed inipregnable. This strong position was defended by 
over fifty thousand men, with one hundred pieces of artillery ; but 
the impetuous gallantry of the allied troops achieved apparent 

° The Alma, the Katcha, the Belbck, and the Tchernaya are all small streams, 
and arc nearly everywhere fordable. 



i---^ 



:7:' 




I 



ia 






■■■'v^^ 



.••ft 






W 





Bea<f. 



^--.-. 



.^ 





> »«'^\. it/ -^^ ft / 



'w^' <^J 



08* 



1856.] The Eastern War. 71 

impossibilities, and in three hours the position was forced, and the 
battle of the Alma won, ^vith a loss to the Russians in killed and 
wounded of eight thousand men, and to the Allies of nearly half that 
number. Two days after the battle of the Alma the allied troops 
resumed their march; and on the afternoon of the same day crossed 
the Katcha, another small river running parallel to the Alraa. The 
passage of neither the Katcha nor the Belbck was opposed by the 
Russians ; and on Sunday, the 24th of September, the Allies took up 
a position about a mile and a half in advance of the latter stream. 

On Monday morning a reconnoissance was made toward Inkermann. 
with the view of finding a practicable crossing for the army over the 
Tchernaya, and the marshy ground on its banks ; but the officer by 
whom it was conducted reported that he could only find a causeway 
over the morass, and a bridge over the river, with a strong force on 
the opposite side. 

Up to this period it had been the intention of the allied command- 
ers to attack Sevastopol on the north side of the harbour. But in 
consequence of its difficult approach, and the immense labour of 
bringing up their siege train by the route pursued by the army, it 
was determined to make the harbour of Ealaklava and some of the 
small bays that indent the coast near Cape Chersonesus, places of 
rendezvous for the fleet and depots for supplies. In pursuance of this 
determination, the army followed the route indicated upon the map, 
by way of Mackenzie's Farm, and arrived, on the 27th of September, 
at Balaklava. Ai ^Mackenzie's Farm, on the route. Field ^^larshal 
St. Arnaud issued his last order, in which he took formal leave of 
his troops, and resigned his command to General Canrobert. 

As it is our aim to give a connected account of the events of the 
war in the fewest possible words, we avoid all attempts to describe 
the battles which occurred, and also reluctantly omit many interest- 
ing anecdotes connected with them. 

On the 2Sth of September, the second and third divisions of the 
British army moved up to the heights above Sevastopol, Avhcre they 
encamped.* The engineers and artillery men proceeded at once to 
land the siege-guns, and on the 29th some of them had already been 
dragged up the heights and temporarily placed in a field in the rear 
of the position occupied by the troops. The French took up their 
position t near the sea, having selected as their base of operations 
the three deep bays lying between Cape Chersonesus and Sevasto- 
pol, where they had the advantage of disembarking their siege train 
nearer the scene of action. 

** Just in the rear of the point marked " English Xttack" on the map. 
t Vide " French Attack,'' on the map. 



72 



The Eastern War. 



[January, 



Sevastopol 

t VICINITY 

£NLAf!G£:D 










The forces of the Allies, when in positio», extoaded from the 
mouth of the Tchcrnaya to the sea south of Sevastopol, forming a 
semi-circle at the distance of about two miles from the enemy's works. 
The fire from the trenches opened on the morning of the 17th of 
October, and continued with slight intermissions until the 25th, on 
which day the British line of communication was attacked by Gen- 
eral Liprandi, and the battle of Balaklava was fought, in which, 
though the Russians were repulsed, the British lost many men, and 
their cavalry especially were very roughly handled. On the fifth of 
November a most determined assault Avas made by the Russians on 
the right flank of the besiegers. The attack resulted in what is 
known as the battle of Inkcrmann, in which the Russians were 
defeated with the loss of ten thousand men, while the Allies had 
near four thousand killed and wounded. 

The attack and defence were conducted during the winter with 
equal obstinacy, though the Allies, and particularly the English, 
suffered exceedingly from the severity of the weather, and the want 
of necessary supplies. The ordinary routine of siege duty was 
steadily pursued for nearly twelve months, relieved by occasional 
sallies and assaults, which had no decisive result, until the last 
desperate attempt of the Russians to raise the siege by attacking 
the lincof theTchernaya, speedily followed by the successful assault 
and capture of the place itself. 

The unexpected duration of the siege of Sevastopol has aston- 
ished the world, and given rise to many strange speculations, and the 
promulgation of many marvellous opinions. Russian sympathizers 
have discerned in it the evidence of Russian superiority in combat, 
and unparalleled skill in engineering. ]Many crude opinions, too. 



1856.] The Eastern War. , 73 

have been hazarded 'with regard to the mysterious nature of " earth- 
works," as though these \\ciq some Muscovite discovery in the art 
of military engineering, which would entirely revolutionize the 
science of attack and defence of fortified places. Quackery is not 
confined to professors of the healing art. We may, however, safely 
assume that there are not many secrets in the science of medicine 
or of war. Wise men in both professions laugh at such pretensions. 
We venture the opinion that the siege of Sevastopol was protracted, 
not because of the unparalleled skill of its defenders, much less of 
new discoveries which they had made in the art of defence, but solely 
because the besiegers neglected some of the very first principles laid 
down by the gi-eat instructors in the Art of War. 

Marshal Vauban, the highest authority on this subject with mili- 
tary men, says, in his "Atfaque des Places,'' " The success of tho 
assailants will depend upon several things." 1. " The investment of the 
place." 2. " On the amount of force we can bring to the attack. In 
attacking a fortified place the besieging force should be at least five 
times as numerous as the garrison." 3. " On the superiority of the 
besiegers in artillery. * * * After the investment, the next stop is to 
Bubdue the artillery of the place." Now all these alleged necessary 
conditions of success seem to have been totally disregarded by the 
Allies. Sevastopol has not been "invested" to this day. From 
the day the trenches were opened to the hour of its fall, it was open 
to the north, and in uninterrupted communication with tho Russian 
army in the field. The required superiority in the besieging force 
was never possessed by the Allies, for, from the most reliable 
accounts, they have never had, at the ^most, more than a bare equal- 
ity of numbers. The old marshal's third condition has been equally 
disregarded. " To subdue the artillery of the place," is held to be a 
sine qua non by military men, which, if neglected, can only be 
atoned for by the sacrifice of men. But if the reports from the 
Crimea may be relied upon, Sevastopol has constantly been superior 
to its assailants in both the number and calibre of its guns. 

Vauban makes the success of an attack depend on several other 
things ; but those mentioned are sufficient to show that the protracted 
defence of Sevastopol may be accounted for without assuming any 
remarkable discoveries in engineering on the part of General Todt- 
leben, or any special virtues in the " earthworks " thrown up under 
his direction. " Earthworks " are simply ramparts of earth thrown 
up to furnish an extempore protection when time is wanted to erect 
more durable defences ; and, so far from being novelties, they were 
doubtless the earliest method resorted to, to strengthen a position 
threatened by an enemy. 

Fourth Series, Vol. YIII— 5 



!74 The Eastei-n War. [January, 

- Viewing this aflfair in all its aspects, aided by all the information 
.-we have obtained, we are compelled to regard the capture of Sevasto- 
•pol as the most wonderful achievement of its character recorded in 
the history of war. Places of equal or superior strength have been 
taken by surprise, or reduced by rigid investment ; but we know of 
no place of equal strength which has ever been captured by regular 
siege, when unlimited supplies of munitions and men could be 
thrown into it at pleasure. We are immeasurably surprised that, 
under the circumstances, the place was ever taken, or that the Rus- 
sians, after the experience of the last twelve months, and especially 
of the impressive lesson taught by the final assault, should cherish 
the hope of successfully contending with the Allies in the open field, 
when, with all the advantages of equal or superior forces at hand, 
and abundant materiel at command, they have been unable to 
defend such fortifications as surrounded Sevastopol. 

With regard to the conduct of the war, should it continue, it is nei- 
ther easy nor prudent to speak, when predictions may be so swiftly 
-contradicted by events. But at the present date, (JNovember 1,) we 
cannot doubt that the Allies will operate upon the left flank and rear of 
the Russian array in the Crimea, and that not only Sevastopol north 
of the harbour will fall without a bloAV, but that the power of Russia in 
the Crimea will be broken, and her army disorganized and destroyed. 
Both the land and naval forces of the Allies, which, since the fall 
of Sevastopol, may be employed elsewhere, are already operating 
against other important positions within striking distance; and 
there can be little doubt that Kherson and NikolaiefF will receive 
their early attention. The former contains over one hundred thou- 
sand inhabitants, according to some authorities, and is an important 
naval station. At its magnificent dock-yards the greater part of 
the late Black Sea fleet was built. The latter is comparatively a 
new city, but it is the seat of an admiralty, and a point of con- 
•^iderable political importance. Odessa is also an accessible point, 
which must be strongly garrisoned to preserve it from the grasp of 
the Allies. The conflict must, at least for a period, be carried on 
.greatly to the disadvantage of the Russians. Having the entire 
command of the sea, with abundant facilities for transportation, the 
Allies can select their own point of attack, at which they may rapidly 
concentrate an overwhelming force, while the necessity of defending 
BO many exposed positions must make the Russians weak at any 
given point, and expose thcra to successive assault and defeat. 
Unless, therefore, we adopt the incredible supposition that Russia 
is capable of raising and supporting an army numerous enough to 
garrison each of her exposed positions with a force strong enough to 



1656.] The Easteiii War. 76 

repel the concentrated strength of the Allies, we see not how the 
war can be carried on to her advantage. She must suffer; and, 
unless she take counsel of discretion, she will ultimately be 
exhausted in the struggle. 

The basis recognised in the " Vienna note," rejected by Russia, 
must finally be that upon which peace will be restored ; and the 
Czar must consent at least to abandon his protectorate of the Princi- 
palities, and limit his power in the Black Sea. 

The world is looking with breathless interest upon this gigantic 
struggle between the Allies and the Colossus of the JMorth; but the 
true-hearted friends of humanity everywhere, and especially every 
American, must sympathize with England and France in the con- 
flict. If the .Russians should eventually be successful, the Testa- 
ment of Peter, the Visions of Catharine, and the cherished dreams 
of the Russian people will all be realized. Before the death of 
Nicholas it is said he had already selected and educated the future 
commanders of "the army of Constantinople," "the army of 
India," &c. : and the marcTi of events for the last century and a 
half demonstrates the steady determination of Ptussia to be satisfied 
with nothing short of continental supremacy and control. Iler suc- 
cess in her designs upon Turkey would arrest the march of civiliza- 
tion and religion, and throw back for centuries the disenthrallracnt 
of the nations. AVhatever, therefore, may be the designs of the 
emperor of France or the ministry of England, we think the Allies 
are really fighting for the cause of freedom and religion; and 
that, unconsciously perhaps, they are accomplishing the mer- 
ciful designs of Providence with respect to the enlightenment 
of the race. Russia is inert and feeble for purposes of aggression. 
Her vast extent of territory, her sparse population, and her want of 
facilities for easy and rapid transportation, make it impossible for 
her suddenly to assail any of her neighbours. Give her Constan- 
tinople and ready access to the Mediterranean and these disabilities 
cease. Give her the liberty to build ships and gather a navy in the 
Bosphorus, and refresh and discipline her legions on its shores, and she 
at once becomes potential in Europe and Asia, and holds the helm 
of the eastern hemisphere. It is one thing to march an army from 
Moscow or St. Petersburgh upon India, Asia Minor, or Europe, 
across interminable steppes or through the rugged passes of the 
Caucasus, and quite another to launch it suddenly as a bolt from 
heaven, fresh and vigorous, from the barracks of Stamboul. 

But aside from political reasons, if we can suppose the nations 
to be moved by motives of justice or equity, the Allies are 
fully justified in interposing in behalf of Turkey. We have an 



76 Remains of Latin Tragedy. [January', 

unshaken belief in the righteousness of the abstract doctrine of 
"intervention." A strong nation is under as clear an obligation to 
interpose in behalf of a weak one, threatened with injury or ruin, as 
a strong man is to interpose in behalf of a weak one when assaulted 
by one stronger than himself. Nations should be the subjects of 
law as well as individuals ; and the one has no more right to resort 
to violence than the other. And if a strong nation shows a disposi- 
tion to disregard national law, — to play the invader and violate the 
rights of its weaker neighbour, — it becomes the common interest and 
duty of other nations to rebuke her and protect the party assailed, 
just as it is the duty of society to protect its members from unlaw- 
ful violence, and to rebuke the swaggering bully. 

The conflict between the Allies and Russia has been well called 
a conflict between civilization and barbarism. The outposts of the 
Russian Empire pushed to Constantinople would be another wave 
of that dark sea which has, more than once from the same direction, 
swept over Western Europe. We deprecate this result as the most 
disastrous event that could occur to civilization, to freedom, or to 
Christianity. 



Art. IV.— remains OF LATIN TRAGEDY. 

Tragicorum Latinorum ReliquicE. Rccensuit Otto Ribbeck. Lipsiae. Suniptibus 
et Formis B. G. Teubneri. MDCCCLII. 1 vol. Svo. pp. 442. 

It is a very natural inquiry on the first inspection of this volume, or of 
any similar collection of ancient fragments, to ask, What is the use 
of such an aggregation of mutilated relics, and what healthy nour- 
ishment can be expected from a meal off such tough, broken, and 
indigestible victuals '? The question is easily asked, and forces itself 
'Bpontaneously on the mind. A satisfactory answer docs not present 
itself quite so readily ; and yet such an answer may be given, and 
had probably been conceived in even an exaggerated form before the 
labour of gathering, arranging, methodizing, and cleansing these 
antiquated remnants was undertaken. 

Here, in one moderate- sized volume, of which the text occupies 
only the fourth part, or thereabouts, are brought together all the 
scattered relics of early Roman tragedy. Here are all the rags and 
shreds which have been preserved of the singing robes of some thirty- 
eight or forty Roman tragedians. They furnish forth a curious 
wardrobe of tattered garments. Nowhere is either a single breadth 



1856.] Remains of Latin Tragedy. 77 

of cloth or pattern of the piece entire, but the scanty patches are 
eufficiently numerous to affortl adequate specimens of the texture of 
the fabric. 

The whole long course of Latin literature has been diligently 
e.xamincd and forked over, and then strained through the fine sieve 
of critical acumen, to separate from the general soil the particles of 
crystal which are here strung together with an ingenious effort to 
introduce order into the midst of chaos, and to restore some appear- 
ance of symmetry to a dismembered and dissipated organism. 
The shivered bones, the desiccated muscles, the chords, and sinews, 
and fine dust of organizations, once complete in themselves, but now 
represented merely by blanched and mouldy splinters, are collected 
with a careful and tender hand, and decently laid out with a well- 
intended ingenuity, and with a solicitous anxiety to recompose the 
features of the dead from the scanty shreds of the several anatomies 
which can still be found. It is a very inellicient and bungling 
attempt at resurrection, but is a fitting prelude to a decent burial, 
and renders us capable of fully appreciating the funeral service, and 
the general character of the deceased. 

Is it within the compass of even the richest imagination to accom- 
plish or even to fancy the reunion, under a symmetrical and living 
form, of these dry bones from the valley of Jehoshaphat — to replace in 
•their due positions in the skeleton these commingled fragments of 
matter once entire and animated, and to breathe into the heaps of dead, 
and shattered, and long putrescent limbs the vital air and warmth of 
their original semblance? The condensed commentary, {Quastio- 
num Scenicarum Mantissa,) appended to the text in this volume, will 
prove the earnest assiduity with which this task has been under- 
taken, and may illustrate the degree and extent of the success which 
is still attainable in this wilderness of possible imaginations. We 
must confess, however, that in all such enterprises we cannot wholly 
escape the impression that we behold the blind leading the blind. 

Qui sibi scmitam non sapiunt, alteri monstrant viara.^ 
Does it not seem, on the first consideration, the vainest of all vain 
hopes, to evoke the secrets of life from the dust and ashes of the 
dead — to pretend to recall features which have never been seen in 
the memory of man, and of which no delineation has been transmit- 
ted to us — to revive images of beings, crushed, buried, and crumbled 
into dust, and known only by the little portions of bone and sinew 
still discernible amid the dust? Does it not seem the wildest of all 
wild imaginations to conjecture the past form and outline of a body, 
" Ennii Telamo. Fr. IL, v. 274, p. 4.3. Ribbeck. 



78* Remains of Latin Tragedy. [January,. 

■when no individual of the species, no imitation, and no similitude 
has been perpetuated in its integrity, or even in any considerable 
part? All the bones are broken and imperfect, and all the articu- 
lations lost, of the skeleton which -we would recomposc. Yet the task 
has been attempted again and again, though rarely with such unfa- 
vourable materials as Otto Ribbeck operates on ; and labours of this 
sort, desperate as they appear to be, are not limited to the resuscita- 
tion and reorganization of classical remains, but had been previ- 
ously applied with singular felicity to the more difficult subjects of 
antediluvian creation. 

The aims of the geological paleontologist and of the philologist 
who endeavours to methodize the fragments of classical antiquity 
are, in many respects, closely analogous. Both propose to recon- 
etruct the original forms by the assistance of the indications afforded 
by the mutilated parts which are still accessible. Both contemplate 
the artificial and artistical arrangement of the relics in the order in 
which nature, or creative art, which is the simular of nature, had 
originally combined them. Both supply by sagacious and scientific 
conjecture the missing links which complete the skeleton, and 
explain the position and probable purpose of the bleached and time- 
eaten parts which form the only substantial materials for the whole 
imaginary construction. Both call into requisition like talents, and 
seek the achievement of like results. Both subdue imagination,. 
though in unequal degrees, to the functions and sobriety of science ; 
and, by cautious procedure in this course, consolidate dreams into 
realities. Whatever success may attend their ingenious conjectures, 
we may, however, derive a profitable warning from a caution found 
among the fragments at present submitted to our notice : — 
Aliquot sunt vera somnia, et non omnia est necesse." 

Of the two classes of conjectural restorers of extinct forms, the 
geologist has, in some respects, much the more arduous task. Tie 
must complete the anatomy which he handles ; ho must imagine and 
delineate anew all that is wanting. Every absent bone, and claw, 
and osseous process must be conceived and represented, not arbitra- 
rily, but with a strict regard to the pregnant though but slightly 
indicated signs Avhich may be detected in the fossil antiquity in his 
"hands, llow latent, how trivial, or how effectual those indications 
may be, it is not our concern to exhibit at present. The internal 
composition of the bone may suffice for the determination of the type 
of the animal, or the foliation of the ivory as revealed by the micro- 
Scope in the section of a tooth may suggest the shape and arrange- 

** Ennius. Inccrti nominis Rcliquiao. Fr. LVL, v. 401, p. 61. Ribbeck. 



1856.3 Remains of Latin Tragedy. 79 

ment of all the other parts. But this belongs to the details and 
method of the procedure, not simply to its essential character. What- 
ever significances are employed, it is exacted cf the speculative 
geologist, that the forms, the proportions, the cumbinations of the 
conjectural bones, shall correspond truly -u-ith the isolated tibia or 
clavicle, and explain the full meaning of these ; and that the 'uhole 
ehall be put together in such a manner that the eye of science may 
be compelled to recognise, and the reason of science to admit, that 
an animal with such a skeleton could have lived, and moved, and 
pursued its prey, and digested its food, carnal or herbaceous, and 
spent with ease, and comfort, and propriety, its natural career 
on earth. It is not sufficient to put together the bones, real or 
imaginary, without interval or confusion, like the ivory pieces of the 
Chinese puzzle ; but all the harmonies of life, secret or apparent, 
must be maintained, and the organic instruments for suitable action 
and for the complete discharge of the appropriate animal functions 
must be truthfully supplied. 

Much of this exact fidelity and complicated labour is remitted to 
the philologist. He only proposes to establish the logical and the chro- 
nological succession of parts; and enjoys, moreover, the inestimable 
privilege of travelling without comment, around all insuperable or 
provoking difficulties, by an indefinite adjournment of the required 
solution. He is not compelled to provide all the links of connexion in 
their perfect order, in their separate parts, and in their complex 
arrangement ; but only to produce a thread strong enough to sup- 
port the beads with which he plays and to string them on such a 
thread, so that it may be possible v,'ithsome verisimilitude to suppose 
them to have primitively manifested a somewhat similar arrangement. 
Brief articulations, having the merit of possibility, or the still higher 
excellence of plausibility, arc all that are exacted at the hands of the 
critical archaeologist, and the whole domain of the conjectural and 
the imaginable is thrown open for the divagations of his fancy. It 
is not indispensable that he should be absolutely right in his sugges- 
tions and delineations ; it is only necessary that he should escape 
being obviously wrong, and avoid all ordinary chances of being con- 
victed of positive ignorance or blundering. Loose, too, as is the 
rein under which his course is run, even that ho can shake off when- 
ever it becomes irksome ; he can leave the track and abandon the 
race wherever the ground is treacherous beneath his feet, or the 
effort too arduous for his strength. 

But if the philologist is obedient to a milder law than that which 
controls the speculations of the pakcontologist, the latter has some 
peculiar advantages which are denied to the former. If the forms 



80 Remains of Latin Tragedy. [January, 

©f the particular organizations which the archjeologist of nature 
geeks to reconstruct are no longer known to the experience of men, 
careful inductions and the profound researches of comparative anat- 
omy have, at least, revealed all the most important conditions of the 
modifications of animal life, and have determined the agreement of 
parts, their mutual dependence, or rather their reciprocal relations — 
the proportions between them, and their interdependent forms. 
Thus each part is already known to be a significant index of all the 
rest, and the character and range of those significances have also 
been already determined in great measure by science. INIoreover, 
though in many instances complete types of extinct existences may 
no longer be found, partial types, exhibiting the separate elements 
of all the combinations of organic forms are still within our reach ; 
and perfect, or nearly perfect skeletons of some of the most singular 
and anomalous specimens of extinct organization have been found 
imbedded in the earth. The philologist is, to a very great extent, 
denied any similar aid. For him there is no distinct canon of 
nature settled in its parts, and laws, and elementary forms, though 
variable in their combinations and adaptations. In the productions 
of literature — in the creations of artistic imagination — neither is 
the whole necessarily determined by the separate fragmentary parts, 
nor are the parts altogether correspondent with each other. Genius 
operates under a law of freedom, and not like nature, under a law 
of regular and uniform development. Hence, when the form in 
which genius moulded its creations has once been broken, it is 
broken forever; and no exemplar is perpetuated as an heirloom for 
after ages. Like the plianix, it produces but one at a birth, and 
transfuses its whole life into its single progeny. The type is always 
limited in its full characteristics to the solitary individual, and when 
the life of that individual has been destroyed, for it there is no resur- 
rection, and rarely the possibility of a transmitted image. So far 
as the earlier Latin tragedy is concerned, no complete summary, or 
skeleton, or representation of the forms and con,ibination3, v,-hich 
delighted or surprised the learned or lettered of ancient Rome, has 
yet been discovered among the moths, and worms, and dirt, and 
dust, and mouldy paper and conglomerated rubbish of the antiquated 
libraries of Europe. 

Fortunately for their modern appreciation, the Roman tragedies 
were not strictly the productions of genius, but in the main the art- 
manufactures of imitative industry. Nevertlicless the hope of even 
partially or plausibly receiving the semblance of ancient Latin 
tragedy would be empty indeed, but for three favouring circum- 
Btances. The miscellaneous writers of Rome do not merely pre- 



1856,] Remains of Latin Tragedy. 81 

servo quotations from the earlier tragedians, like flies in amber, or 
more frequently like fossils in concretionary rock ; but they afford 
numerous passing illustrations of the character of the dramatists and 
their dramas. In the works of Seneca we still possess several per- 
fect specimens of the later Latin tragedy, which, by comparison 
with the information on this subject to be obtained elsewhere, we 
find to possess a strong family resemblance to their predecessors. 
In the literature of Greece we have numerous complete tragedies, 
and a copious profusion of the fragments of others, v.hich we know 
to liave been imitated, pillaged, and translated by the tragic drama- 
tists of Rome. There were few departments of Latin literature 
which had any extensive or valid pretensions to originality, or which 
avoided the blame of bold, bare-faced, unblushing, imbecile plagiar- 
ism; and we are well-assured that neither the tragedy nor the 
comedy of the Romans was one of its manifestations which was free 
from this censure. 

These considerations almost compensate the philologist for the 
superior advantages attributed to his fellow-labourer whose business 
it is to pry into the bowels of the earth, exhume the bones, and 
ekelctons, and casts of defunct beasts and races of beasts, and 
recompose the forgotten types of animate existence. They more 
than compensate for them when we take into the estimation the less 
exacting laws under which the philological paheontologist pursues 
his investigations. Still the processes employed by both classes of 
inquirers are strikingly analogous ; and vrc cannot refrain from 
assigning to the brilliant example of geological successes much of 
the new-born zeal which has recently been displayed in the detec- 
tion, collection, purification, and ordination of ancient fragments. 
We do not remember any such compilation anterior to the commence- 
ment of the century. The broken crumbs which could be claimed 
for authors of whom we possessed complete works had been previ- 
ously compiled ; and this had been done with much care and fidelity 
in the case of the most distinguished writers. Bentley, about a 
century earlier, had contemplated the prepai'ation and co-adunation 
of the dramatic fragments of Greece, but he never realized his 
purpose; and no complete body of special fragments — no copious 
aggregation of all the broken bread and tough crusts of a particular 
leaven — had, to our knowledge, been achieved before the beginning 
of the current generation. Now there are numerous compilations 
of the kind— every branch of literature has its well-stuffed rag-bag — 
and it is scarcely possible any longer, by the perusal of scholiasts, 
lexicographers, or grammarians, to stumble across a genuine relic of 
antiquity which has not been already picked up, inserted in some 



82 Remains of Latin Tragedy. [Januaiy, 

cabinet of old bones, and incorporated into some corpus deperdi- 
toi'um, or refuge of the lost. 

The scope of Meinhcrr llibbeck's labours has permitted him to 
dispense with any assistance ■which the tragedies of Seneca might 
have afforded him. His collection is a critical and philological — 
not an tcsthctical, or in any very liberal sense, an exegetical exposi- 
tion of the carcass of Roman tragedy. The sanctimonious purifi- 
cation of the several texts, the scrupulous ostentation of archaisms, 
the collation of readingj and comparison of manuscript variations, 
and the true antiquarian avidity to rescue from oblivion or foreign 
association every fragment of this particular class of antiquities, 
and to introduce it into his cabinet of damaged curiosities, are his 
chief aims in this volume. His secondary purpose, which is, how- 
ever, pursued with equal diligence, is to replace the fragments in 
their due sequence, or in that succession which his taste, his judg- 
ment, his imagination, or his laborious industry has suggested as 
having possibly been their pristine order ; to exhibit their original 
purport and relations ; to combine them with the soft and easily- 
worked cement of conjecture ; and to trace their obligations to Greek 
prototypes. "We will not call in question the skill and dexterity 
which attend him throughout the course of his slow and lumbering 
procedure ; but his rough and rugged utterance, his pedantry, and 
his affected graces, very eflectually obscure or conceal the talents 
which he may have applied to the execution of his undertaking. 
He is full of airs and grimaces, and these are curiously travestied 
when rendered into Latin. There is a quaint whimsicality in his 
expression ; there is a ludicrous attempt to unite dignity and 
humor, levit}' and sarcasm ; but the dignity, like Mr. Turveydrop's 
deportment, is amusing, and the humour is not — the levity is too 
ponderous, and the sarcasm wants point and perspicuity — two 
important requisites of wit. Like the satyrs of the tragedy which 
he attempts to illustrate, he has rashly ventured into an unfamiliar 
walk : — 

" Asper 
Incolumi gravitate jocum tentavit." 

But if the asperity is apparent, the joke is indiscernible ; and if his 
gravity is maintained, his reader's is lost; but the laugh unfortun- 
ately is not at the jest, but at the solemn countenance with which it 
is restrained. From these and other causes the Latinity of M. Rib- 
beck is as rigid, and starched, and stately as a robe of old-fashioned 
brocade — the papyrus rattles as we read. His language is a mosaic 
of pieces of stained glass, put together with an intricate precision 
which bewilders the eye and fatigues the attention. It is much too 



1856.] Remains of Latin Tragedy. 83 

grandiose and glaring for our taste and often for our comprehension, 
and sounds more like the prize declamation of a Ciceronian sophis- 
ter than as if meant to contain a serious meaning and convey 
information. It is too fine and not sufficiently intelligible. It may 
win golden smiles and commendations from the unsolicitous because 
unappreciating multitude — it may gain the applause of pedants ^Tho 
would gladly imitate it — but to those who desire sense rather than 
sound, and instruction rather than display, and especially than inef- 
fectual display, it will appear intolerable. In a general way the 
Latin of German commentators is not pleasant reading. Their 
ideas linger languidly along in undulating volumes, like the smoke 
which curls from their meerschaums ; their sentences imitate this 
involution and partake of this tedious continuity till they straggle, 
like a cobweb, over two or three pages; and their phrases tumble 
heavily along, suffering from all manner of dislocations. To read 
such Latin after perusing the clear, sharp, quick utterance of the 
classics is a sufficiently melancholy employment : but when a Dutch 
commentator tries to write finely, as Kibbeck docs, and to embroider 
euphemisms with Latin thread on a Dutch canvass, he becomes in- 
supportable while ceasing to be intelligible. The preface and com- 
mentary of Ilibbeck are but too obvious to this criticism ; for his 
Latin is as offensive as the English of Dr. Parr, Barker of Thetford, 
or Hoadley, and, in some degree, from the same cause. It is too 
fine. Eut v.hile reprehending the expression employed in the com- 
mentary, we must approve tlic diligence and industry with which 
M. Ilibbeck has collected and exposed the materials which it con- 
tains. There is too much disposition to embrace as good spoil all 
that is encompassed by his net ; but, in the few lines of investiga- 
tion contemplated by the Mantissa we must complain of the exuber- 
ance rather than of any deficiency of materials — and it assuredly 
would be fastidious hypercriticism to grumble at an excess in this 
particular. 

In all parts of his task, Ribbeck, or Mr. Ribbeck, according to 
the fashion adopted by English literati in designating German schol- 
ars, has had abundant assistance from previous explorers in the 
same path, whose investigations and imaginations he has faithfully 
and sometimes maliciously appreciated : but he has been especially 
indebted to his predecessors in that division of his inquiries which 
is devoted to the illustration of the dependence of the Roman on 
the Greek tragedians. With the perseverance, fidelity, and perti- 
nacity of a slouth-hound he has tracked the Latins, on every possi- 
ble occasion, and almost at every turn, to their Attic masters. He 
has thus furnished abundant, ready, and convenient proof of what 



84 Remains of Latin Tragedy. [January, 

has long "been known as a general ti-uth, that the Latin tragedy, in 
its earliest as well as in its latest forms, was only a faint, feeble, 
flashy, and servile imitation of Greek originals. How feeble or how 
servile it was can scarcely be discovered at this late day — though, 
with the copious array of examples here supplied, there is more 
danger of exaggerating than of underrating its feebleness. How 
slavish it was, not merely in general outline or occasional concep- 
tions, but in its whole tenor, in its most minute subdivisions, and in 
verbal composition, may be very fully seen in the miiTor presented 
by Otto Ribbeck. 

A large portion of the relics secured from the v^-reck of ages 
exhibits a pure transcription from the Greek. Horace rather 
announced the prevailing practice than oiiginated a precept or gave 
expression to a rule of art in his celebrated recommendation to his 
countrymen — 

"Vos cxemplaria Grseca 
Nocturna versate manu, versate diurna." 

There was no more need of giving any such instruction to the Latin 
dramatists than of preaching to a corps of professors and practi- 
tioners of grand and petty larceny on the policy of never stealing 
empty purses when full ones are to be obtained, and of taking gold 
watches in preference to pinchbeck. Every rascal among the 
Roman tragedians had already, with diligent exclusiveness, plun- 
dered and cribbaged — (convey, the wise it call!) — everything that 
was transportable from the copious literature of Greece. In modern 
times a high Ksthctic meaning has been habitually assigned to 
Horace's recommendation : he has been generously supposed to 
have held up high models of art for the cultivation of the taste and 
the chastening of the genius of his countrymen. "We may not have 
done too much honour to the didactic poet, but we certainly do give 
too much credit to his audience by such an interpretation. They 
had the Greeks already in their hands : and vrith their rapacious 
fingers were tearing out passage after passage and scene after scene, 
to be transferred or translated into their own works of original Roman 
genius. To go no further for an illustration, one of the longest 
fragments in this collection, the opening lines of the ^ledea of 
Ennius, is a literal transcript from the commencement of the Medea 
of Euripides. This is merely one convenient instance selected out 
of many, when nearly every fragment furnishes a new example of 
the literary insolvency of the Romans. The debtor side of the 
account is very fully exhibited in the commentaries of Ribbeck; 
and it may be safely said that there were but very few credits, and 



1856.] Remains of Liatin Tragedy. 85 

vrould have been much fewer had not most of the Greek vouchers 
of Roman indebtedness been lost. 

We arc thus enabled to perceive how completely this, like most other 
branches of Roman literature, was a reproduction of Greek genius. 
The whole truth, or nearly the whole truth, is revealed to us at a 
sin;^le glance. It was not merely an imitation, for it did not recur 
to Greece only for examples, or models, or occasional embellish- 
ments, but it sought its plans, its plots, its frame-work, its materials 
from that source. Every stick of timber in the skeleton of the 
tragic drama of Rome was brought from the stately teiDplcs of 
Greek art. The native brilliancy and freshness were rubbed off, the 
Gne carving was pared away, the gilding was defaced, and evcr}'- 
thing was lacquered over with the coarse colours of the Roman shop; 
but still the original substance was retained, and sufficient traces of 
its former state were left to render the theft or the violent appropri- 
ation apparent. True, the Roman dramatists acknowledged and 
gloried in the theft : they had little native wealth of their own to 
gratify their vanity or pride, and they vaunted the dexterity and 
success with which they had transferred to themselves the posses- 
sions of their more richly endowed neighbours. It was just such an 
exploit as might have won the applause of listening rogues, if per- 
formed upon more material articles of property, and narrated in the 
back alleys and subterranean tenements frequented by the pick- 
pockets and light-fingered gentry of London or New- York. 

The fragments of Latin tragedy still preserved, show, even in 
their hopeless mutilation, how closely the tragedians adhered in the 
general outline to the plan, and in the separate parts to the spirit and 
e.xpression, but not to the grace, of their teachers. The principle on 
which their aberrations from the text seems to have been conducted, 
was a singularly awkward device. They rarely followed throughout, 
and apparently only in the earliest times, the entire development of 
the particular tragedy which they selected as their model, or borrowed 
as their groundwork. Instead of pursuing so plain a course, they 
blended different tragedies together, mixing up different legends, 
different religious dogmas, and inconsistent materials ; and they 
completed their fabric by a patchwork process, forming only rubble- 
vrork, though many of the most precious and exquisite pieces of 
Greek antiquity were broken up to fill an angle, and awkwardly 
introduced into the masonry. A Latin tragedy was built like a 
Gothic wall. Masses of shattered column.-^, sculptured architraves, 
groined work, and mutilated statues, all unquestionably the creation 
of a more artistic people, were compounded together with greater or 
less skill, in the rude and rugged structure that was erected. 



86 Remains of Latin Tragedy. [January, 

■ In one of these old Roman tragedies, of Avhich crumbling fragments 
alone remain, -^yhich, separately, seem incapable of giving any 
information relative to their original use, or the organism to which 
they belonged, two or three Greek tragedies were often reproduced, 
parts being taken fi-om each, but the life and spirit of all being 
sacrificed by the mutilation, butchery, and dismemberment to which 
they were subjected. Not content with the spoils obtained by this 
barbarous procedure, it then sought to beautify and enrich itself with 
plundering from other Greek dramas such gems and ornaments as 
seemed most appropriate to the occasion or most easy of transfer, 
substituting coloured glass and pebbles for gold and precious stones; 
and endeavouring to atone for any deficiency in the quality hy the mul- 
tiplication of the gaudy decorations. It was the labour of just such 
taste as might induce a rustic maiden to deck her fat red fingers, 
and adorn her rubicund neck with countless gewgaws in default of a 
single valuable ornament. 

All these glimpses into the composition and constitution of the 
ancient Latin tragedy arc speedily afforded to us by the inspection 
of its collected remains, and the lesson is immediately and forcibly 
imprinted upon our minds by the copious illustrations which the 
diligent but tiresome commentary of Ribbeck provides. Not one 
word, of course, does he say suggestive of the views Avhich we have 
been expressing. He would abhor any such profanity. He looks 
upon all these relics as so many priceless jewels. If not valuable 
in themselves, they are venerable and valuable for the rust, and 
mould, and mildew which has settled upon them in the course of 
dusty ages. He touches them with reverential hand, furbishes 
them up, turns them over tenderly, exhibits them in their brightest 
aspects, honours them by the exposition of their Greek lineage and 
affiliations, but meanwhile supplies all the evidences which render 
irresistible the inferences which we have drawn. In his dainty 
Latinity there is no place for such scandalvin ma^natum as we 
have been promulgating. There every broken pebble and bone is 
sanctified, and the soil on which they rest is holy ground. That 
admiration which the Latin tragedy in its integrity was not calcu- 
lated to inspire he accords to these decayed remnants of a mock 
divinity. 

" Quoi Bcc anc patriae domi slant ; fract;c et disjcctoe jacent, 
Fana Flamma deSagrata, tosti alti slant parietcs, 
Deforraati, atque abiete crispa-* ^ ° °." 

We take the lesson which is taught by the facts exhibited, and are 
grateful to that devotional enthusiasm which could alone have stim- 
" Ennius. Andromache J-^chmalotis. Fr. IX. w. 7S-S0, p. 21. 



1856.] Remains of Latin Tragedy. 87 

ulated the conception of so complete a collection and exposition of 
the facts, and cherished the industry requisite for the due realiza- 
tion of the idea. 

But this is a very scanty, and perhaps the least important, advan- 
tage to be derived from this cabinet of tragic fragments. It is 
doubtless sufficient to redeem from the charge of uselessness or 
vanity the time and labour besto^ved upon their collection and 
arrangement; but numerous other purposes are subserved by the 
eame exhibition. "\V'e could not fully appreciate the literary and 
intellectual — scarcely even the general — character and condition of 
the Roman people, with any confident assurance, if any portion of 
their literature -was denied the illustration which it is capable of 
receiving. And this indebtedness to Greece for its literary suc- 
cesses and enjoyments is one of the most significant phenomena 
in the intellectual and social career of Home. Moreover, this 
significance is deepened by the extent to which the obligation has 
been incurred in that department which, of all others, most essen- 
tially bears the impress of nationality and originality among any 
people who have a spontaneous aptitude and a native taste and 
talent for literary pursuits of any kind. For the drama being the 
representation of life in its essence and pui-port — " the very age and 
body of the time, his form and pressure" — speaking to the popular 
heart and the public sentiment in promiscuous assemblies, should 
address itself to the spontaneous instincts and tastes of the people, 
and will so address itself whenever a national literature and a national 
literary taste exist. Thus the very complexion of Latin tragedy, as 
manifested in its fragmentary remains, affords the most conclusive 
evidence of the absence of either literary vocation or true poetical 
appetences among the ancient Ptomans. For them, copies, no mat- 
ter how foreign, sufficed in place of the original creations of genius, 
and derivative streams Avere as welcome as the living fountains 
should have been had they existed. 

It is a proof of the good sense and correct judgment of Horace, 
that he endeavoured to praise the few and feeble efforts which had 
been made to introduce a more Roman spirit into the tragedy of the 
Roman stage. His patriotism prevented him from recognising or 
acknowledging that the same iraitativeness of Roman art v.-as due to 
the absence of any genuine poetic element in the character and life 
of the Romans. The people of Rome were too actively engaged in 
the stern and exacting pursuits of practical action ; they were too 
completely and habitually under the restraints of a cool politi- 
cal sagacity in the acquisition and maintenance of their vast dominion 
to indulge in the reveries of sonir, or to cherish those tendencies of 



88 Remains of Latin Tragedy. [January, 

human sentiment which seek expression in the melodious utterances of 
poetry. The realities of life, the requirements of a greatand extended 
political domain, exercised the more serious faculties of their minds, 
and left but a nan-ow scope and rare occasions for the indulgence of 
those graceful sentiments -which are inspired by the worship of the 
Muses. The Ilomans vrerc a race of practical, energetic, grasping, 
ambitious statesmen ; philosophical speculation, poetic aspirations, 
and aesthetic reveries were foreign to their habits of thought, to 
their rnilitar}- and political training, and to the exactions of their 
situation in the order of human development. Yirgil, though him- 
self having overcome more successfull}' than any of his countrymen 
the obstacles to poetic culture presented by the tendencies of his 
country, distinctly recognises these adverse influences. 

"Excudent alii spirantia mollius asra, 
Credo equidem, vivos duceut de marmore vultus : 
Orabunt causas melius, cccli<'iue meatus 
Describent radio, et surgentia sidera diccnt : 
Tu regerc impcrio populos, Romane, memento ; 
IIso tibi crunt artcs ; pacisquc iinponere morem. 
Parcere subjectis, et debellare supcrbos."- 

The consummate art of Virgil has excluded any specific mention 
of the literary inferiority of the Romans to the Greeks ; but the idea of 
such inferiority is plainly implied in these celebrated verses. 
Hoi-ace, though distinctly admitting the superior excellence of the 
Greek exemplars, speaks in terms of admiration of the efforts made 
by some of the Roman tragedians to break away from a minute imi- 
tation of Attic models, and to represent Roman life and Roman 
characters on the stage. The eulogy is strained to the utmost that 
circumstances would permit even a Roman courtier and poet to 
hazard ; yet, when closely examined, it conveys no very high com- 
mendation. The attempt rather than the execution is the subject of 
his praise — the aim rather than the result. 

"Nil iutcntatum nostri liqucre poelie : 
Nee minimum meruci'e decus, vestigia GrsEca 
Ausi descrere, et cclcbrare domestica facta; 
Vel qui pnvtextas, vel qui docucro tcgatas 
Nee virtute forct clarisve potcntius armis, 
Quam lingua Latiuni, si non ottcndoret unum — 
Quemque poetarum, limco labor ct mora.f 

This want of finish in the domestic tragedies of the Romans is 

obvious from the ver}' meagre remains which still survive ; but it is 

by no means a distinguishing peculiarity of that class of dramas ; 

*> Virg., .*En. VI. vv. SIS-SjL j Hor. Ep. ad Pisones. tv. 235-291. 



1856.] Remains of Latin Tragedy. 89 

but is even more apparent in those -which are confessedly derived 
from Greek orii^inals. This imperfection in its general application 
to the Avholc series of the earlier Latin tragedies, -vvill form the sub- 
ject of future remarks. It is only noticed here for the sake of call- 
ing attention to the dexterity Avith which Horace insinuates a compli- 
ment to the other productions of the tragic muse of Rome, by 
applying his censure only to particular classes of the drama. The 
praise, however, which he endeavours to convey in these lines, 
courtly as it is — and it must be remembered that Augustus himself 
was a candidate for the honours of tragic composition, though his 
labours never reached beyond the jurisdiction of his sponge^'' — 
involves a great deal more of blame than of real approval, and shows 
us that if the historical tragedy of Rome {Fahu.la pfcEtextata) was 
possessed of little merit, the derivative, translated, or Greek tragedy 
of Rome was not very much better ; and that if the Romans failed 
when they deserted the constant support of their Greek models, 
their success was only moderate even when they most rigidly 
adhered to them. 

The direct evidences of dramatic incompetency supplied by the 
surviving fragments of the Latin tragedy, and the indirect testimony 
to the like effect afforded by the anxious and ingenious compliments 
of Horace, are deepened and extended by the consideration that 
some of the earliest writers of Roman tragedy were not native but 
foreign authors — and not even freemen, but slaves from Magna 
Gnecia, or of libertine parentage. Indeed, of the five earliest and 
the five principal Latin tragedians, all except ]\revius, whose origin 
is uncertain, though he must have been a Roman citizen, come 
under one or other of these categories, and some of them under more 
than one, being either Greeks, or slaves, or sons of freedmen, or Greeks 
and slaves, or Greeks and sons of freedmen. Nothing of this sort 
can be safely imputed to Nrevius, whose temper, tendencies, and 
tastes were peculiarly Roman, and whose inclinations associated him 
with the antiquated and retrograde school of the elder Cato, though 
himself the earliest and very nearly the ablest poet of the pure Roman 
race. His intense and obsolete nationality was with him a source of 
characteristic pride, though it may not have been any great merit. 
When we compare the fragments of his own writings and those of 
Livius Andronicus with the gradually more and more Hellenized and 
refined expressions of his successors, we can feel and appreciate both 
the justice and the morose point of the boast contained in the quaint 

° Sueton. Octav. c. Ixxv. "Nam tr.igceJiam, magus impctu exorsus, non suc- 
cedente stilo, abolevit : 'quf»?rentibusque amic'is quidnam Jjax ageret,Tes^ondit ', 
•^jacein auum in upongiam i7icubuisse." 

Fourth Series. Vol. VLLI.— 6 



90 Remains of Latin Tragedy. [January, 

epitaph \Yhich he composed for his tomb, in his own cherished 
Saturnian measure. 

^fortalcs immortales Acre si foret fas, 
Flerent Diva? Camente Naivium poetam, 
Itaqae postquam est Oroino traditus thesauro 
Obliti sunt llomani loquier Latina lingua.^ 

Naivius is certainly an anomaly in the literature of Rome, and 
especially in the history of Latin tva2;edy. He had no legitimate 
precursor, and he left no successor or imitator of his literary tastes 
and appetences. We do not mean to say that he had not his own 
school of admirers, for this -would be contrary to testimony; 
but no later poet of Rome belonged distinctly to the same type. 
Lucilius and Laberius -svere the nearest approximations to it, 
but they differed from him in more points than those in which 
they resembled him. The incongruity of his position in the 
historical development of the Latin trngedy, inclines us to 
concede much weight to the doubts of Welcker, who regards it 
as dubious whether he was a tragic poet. Ribbeck treats with 
supercilious irony this imputation of Welcker's, and proceeds confi- 
dently to expand the brief fragments into orderly tragedies, illus- 
trated by references to and comparisons with their supposed Greek 
originals. t The titles of the dramas of Nwvius are on the side of 
Ribbeck ; they assuredly portend tragic purposes. The fragments 
have no very tragic significance, but might have been inserted for 
the most part indifferently in tragedy, comedy, farce, or satire. 
Historical presumptions and other probabilities appear to favour the 
view of Welcker. Whatever conclusion we adopt, it is founded on 
conjectural premises alone ; though the general current of belief has 
received Krevius as a tragic author, and as such it is safest to 
accept him, though his admission into the tragic choir occasions 
many troublesome anomalies. 

If the name of Na^vius were withdravNTi from the list of early Roman 
tragedians, the foreign and servile origin of the Latin tragedy would 
be completely established. Livius Andronicus, the most ancient 
poet of Rome, and the creator of its tragic drama.j. was a native of 
Magna Grnecia, taken captive by the Romans, and became the slave 
of M. Livius Salinator, from whom he received his first name on his 
emancipation. His first play — it is unknown whether it was a 
comedy or a tragedy — was exhibited at Rome, A. C. 240. This 

" A. GclUiis Noctcs Atticaj. I., c. xxiv. 
t Reliqu. Trajr. Lat., p. 215. 

X A. Gellius. Noct. Att. XVII. c. xxi, 42. " Co.ss Claudio Centone et ill Sompro- 
nio Tuditano primus omnium L. Livius poeta fabulas docere Romas ccepit." 



185G.] Remains of Latin Tragedy. 91 

date accordin;:^]y indicates the commencement both of Latin tragedy 
and Latin literature ; and the most ancient author of the one as of 
the other Avas a Messapian Greek and a slave. It was perfectly 
natural that he should have restricted himself to the translation of 
Greek originals; but what would have been remarkable, if the 
Komans had enjoyed any natural vocation for literature was, that 
the example so given should have been so long and so rigidly follow- 
ed, and with rare and but partially successful deviations from the 
prescribed fashion. 

Naivius is the second tragedian in point of time, and the second 
whose remains are gathered into the mausoleum of dead bones. Of 
him enough has been already said. It is only necessary to add that 
the year A. C. 235 has been assigned, on very loose data, as the 
date of his first dramatic exhibition. 

The celebrated name of Q. Ennius appears nest in the series and 
in the chronological succession of these poets. AVith him com- 
menced a bolder flight of Latin poetry, and those marked improve- 
ments in the constitution of the Latin tongue and versification 
which moved the bile of Naevius. The spiteful epitaph of that 
splenetic Roman may, indeed, be regarded as especially directed 
against the linguistic innovations of his more illustrious and more 
fortunate rival. Ennius. like Livius Andronicus, was a foreigner — 
a Greek from Rudice, in the neighbourhood of Brundisium. Thus 
the adjoining provinces of Mcssapia and Calabria gave birth to the 
founder and to the perfecter of Latin tragedy. The birth of Ennius 
took place in the year succeeding the first representation of a Latin 
drama by Livius Andronicus. His old age, and his military, per- 
haps even more than his literary, services to the republic, were hon- 
oured by the then rare gift of Roman citizenship ; and after having 
lived through the full term of the life of man — threescore and ten 
years — he died in the humble habitation on the Aventine which he 
had long occupied. 

The labours of Ennius were mo.-;t varied and extensive. He 
wrote on a diversity of subjects, and translated abundantly from the 
Greeks. His principal compositions were in verse, but he cultivated 
prose also, and was probably one of the very earliest authors, if 
not the earliest, in this department. He softened, polished, and 
bannonized the language in various modes, and enriched it with 
unfamiliar metres, and especially with the heroic hexameter, which 
was afterward refined into such perfection by Lucretius and Virgil 
as to become the national verse of Rome. The contemporary and 
posthumous celebrity of Ennius rested chiefly on his Annals, which 
treated the history of the Romans in this metre, and invited, by the 



92 Remains of Latin Tragedy. [January, 

national popularity of the subject, the admiration v.hich was long 
bestowed upon his talents. In the selection of this topic for poetic 
treatment he had been preceded by his contemporary and rival, En. 
Naivius ; but the rugged old Saturnian metre of the latter was 
obliged to yield to the sonorous fulness and rich majesty of the 
hexameter verse. Ennius and Navius probably never met; the 
latter had been banished from Rome for his pasquinades on the 
Metelli and the aristocracy before the former was brought to 
Rome ; but this did not prevent the indulgence of mutual jealousies. 

Nineteen or twenty years before the arrival of Ennius in Rome, 
his nephew, M. Pacuvius, the greatest or nearly the gi-eatest of the 
early tragedians, was born at Brundisium. Consequently he was a 
Greek, or at least of Greek descent on the mother's side. Like 
Euripides, whom he imitated so closely in some of his plays, that he 
is called on this account, in one place by Ribbeck, " libertus quasi 
Eujipich's,'"* Pacuvius was a professional painter as well as a 
poet. Notwithstanding, however, this close adherence occasionally 
to his Greek models, Pacuvius seems to have, at times, displayed a 
more vigorous originality than was customary with the Roman tra- 
gedians. His long life, which was extended to ninety years, enabled 
him to cultivate the friendship and foster the talents of his successor 
Attius, and thus exhibit in his closing years the same pleasing spec- 
tacle of literary emulation without jealousy, which he had di.-played 
in the outset of his career by his association with his uncle, Ennius. 
In A. C. 140, Pacuvius, then eighty years old, and Attius at the 
age of thirty- eight, represented tragedies together at the same 
celebration.! 

With Attius the list of the older tragedians of celebrity, of whose 
works specimens remain, is concluded. He was half a century 
younger than Pacuvius, having been born in A. C. 170. He was 
the son of a frcedman, and, like his two immediate predecessors, 
lived to a very advanced age. He divided with Pacuvius the 
honour of being considered the most illustrious of the earlier 
dramatists. They are both mentioned with high and almost equal 
commendation by Velleius, Paterculus, and Quintilian, who, how- 
ever, justly note the absence of grace and literary polish from their 
compositions, as from all the productions of that age. 

This passing biographical notice of the ancient chiefs of Roman 
tragedy, besides illustrating other topics which may be briefly 
resumed hereafter, explains the original character of that drama by 

** Trag. Lat. Reliqu., p. 2S1. Qurcstionum Sccnicaruni Mantissa. 
t " Accins iisdcm ..Edilibus ait se et Pacuvium docuisse fabulam, quum illo 
octaginta, ipso triginta annos natus esset." Cic. Brut., c. Ixiv., § 229. 



1856.] Remains of Latin Tragedy. 93 

establishing the fact that nearly all the principal poets of those times 
were either of Greek or of servile origin. Under these circum- 
stances the close and even servile imitation of the Greek exemplars 
was a natural procedure, and one -which became too habitual to 
be readily or extensively abandoned at a later period. 

" Non possum ferre Quirites 
Graicam urbim ; quamvis quota portio laudis Achceas."" 

We have hazarded the license of transmuting one expression in this 
quotation to render it peculiarly appropriate ; for the censure of 
Juvenal on the manners of his metropolitan contemporaries becomes 
by this slight alteration applicable to the general current of the 
literary culture of Rome. 

This Greek impress was never lost by the Latin tragedy. With 
the progress of time, the increasing favour for the art, the purer 
taste and the larger cultivation of the Romans, the style, and per- 
haps the composition of the drama were improved, chastened, and 
refined. As the Latin language lost gradually its primitive harshness 
and angularity, tragedy participated in the benefits of the change, 
and divested itself of much of its former ruggedness. Nay, the 
greater tragedians, Ennius, Pacuvius, and Attius were mainly instru- 
mental in effecting this refinement ; and the elegancies dictated by 
the requirements of their verse passed, in process of time, into 
general use among the educated, and laid the foundations of the 
classic Latinity of the Ciceronian and Augustan age. 

The illustration of this gradual amelioration of the Latin tongue 
in its forms, grammatical inflexions, S3"ntactical development, and 
rhythmical construction, is one of the chief advantages to be derived 
from such a gathering of broken meats as the present. Indeed, it 
is impossible to trace with any confidence the progress of the Latin 
language from the unintelligible and discordant sounds of the Arva- 
lian song, and the other relics of a later but still uncouth period, to 
the precise elegance and harmonious utterance of Cicero and Virgil, 
Horace and Livy, without a careful study of the intermediate liter- 
ature. The fusion of the Oscan, Pelasgic, and other elements which 
entered into the composition of the Latin, remains a philosophical 
mystery in the absence of any suitable materials to furnish the data 
for investigation. But the transition from the rude speech of the 
old patrician ages to the artificial graces of the declining republic 
and dawning empire may still be examined, by the aid especially of 
this or a similar collection of archzeological curiosities. The frag- 

* Juvenal. Sat. ITL, y?. 60-Gl. The reading of the original text is " fecis " in 
the place of laudis. 



94 Remains of Latin Tragedy. [January, 

jnents of the Latin tragedians, that is to say, of the earliest and most 
copious in this collection, are the oldest specimens of Latin literature 
extant : Livius Andronicus and IS^cevius ^vere the older contempora- 
ries of Fabius Pictor and Cincius Alimcntus, whose chief vrorks were 
indeed written in Greek ; and Attius was still writing new pieces 
for the stage when the satirist Lucilius, who appeared rough to the 
circumcised ears of Horace,* died in A. C 103. These tragic rem- 
nants, accordingly, belong distinctly to the transition stage of the 
language ; bearing nearly the same relation to what preceded and 
what followed them as the works of L3'dgatc and Chaucer do to the 
Anglo-Saxon or Anglo-]S'orman productions of old England, and to 
the master-pieces of the later and more classic times. They are, 
indeed, almost the sole literary mementoes of this period of great 
and rapid transition. Before them the Romans possessed indeed 
no literature that can be properly so designated ; but there were 
more ancient specimens of composition in verse and in prose — the 
Twelve Tables, the Annals of the Pontiffs, the Statutes of the People, 
Plcbis scita or Scnatus considta, the Juva Pojnriana and Flaviana, 
inscriptions, and popular songs, perhaps also a few meagre chroni- 
cles not of sacerdotal origin. Of these some remnants have been 
preserved to our times : — the song of the Fratrcs Arvalcs, previ- 
ously mentioned, parts of the Twelve Tables, though not in the unre- 
deemed rudeness of their primitive enunciation, the inscriptions on 
the Duilian column and on the tomb of the Scipios, and the old 
rustic formula of lustration. The decree of the senate against the 
Bacchanalians is nearly contemporary v>-ith the birth of Pacuvius, 
and consequently precedes the middle age of the early Roman 
tragedy. There are several notices, too, of the more ancient pecu- 
liarities of the language afforded by Quintilian, Aulus Gellius, the 
gramm.arians, and the miscellaneous authors. 

With these materials, scanty as they are, and insufficient as they 
must be confessed to be for any minute appreciation of the earlier 
types of Roman speech, we are enabled to trace .the historical de- 

•* Horace asserts in this criticism the entire dependence of Lucilius on the 
Attic comedians, representing his satires as simple translations. Hor. Sat. I, 
iv, TV. 6-13. 

Hinc omnis pendet Lucilius, hosce secutus, 
Mutatis tantum pcdibns numcrisque; facetus, 
Emuncta> uaris. durus coraponcre versus, 
Nam fuit hoc viticsus ; in hora sa^pe ducentos 
Ut magnum, versus dictabat stans pede in uno; 
Cum fluerct lutulentus, erat quod toUcre velles : 
Garrulus, atquc piger scribendi ferre laborem ; 
Scribcndi rectc : nam, ut multum, nil moror. 



1856.] Remams of Latin Tragedy. 95 

vclopment of the Latin language \7ith some degree of insight into 
the amount and character of the changes Avhich it underwent, though 
not to exhibit them s^-stomaticallj. We may observe ^Yith amaze- 
ment the wide discrepance between the language of the Augustan 
a^c and that of the generations by whom the foundations of Ftoman 
power and dominion were laid. This chasm, which seems at first 
blush impassable by any continuity of literary progress — this discord 
which is apparently irreconcilable by any theoretic explanation — is 
dimiui.-hed and softened down by studying the mutual affinities and 
contrasts of these remnants of the tragedians with the relics of ear- 
lier times and with the finished productions of the more polished 
and mature ages of Rome. The incongruous extremes were united 
and blended together by the intervention of Greek culture, and this 
Greek spirit was introduced and directly infused into the body of 
the Roman language and literature by the Greeks from Magna 
Graecia and their imitators, whose labours arc represented by these 
fragments of Latin tragedy. 

It is not merely the vocabulary and terminology of the language 
which are thus illustrated, but all the elementary constituents which 
enter into the determination of literary composition. The grammat- 
ical inflexions, the constructions, the orthography, the metrical 
harmony, and the employment of words, all undergo notable modifi- 
cations during the period which prepares them for their classical 
usage. These changes, with reference to both the earlier and the 
later forms of the language, are exemplified in this copious collection, 
though of course less fully with regard to their preceding than to 
their subsequent condition. ]S[o people ever effectuated so complete 
a transmutation of their native tongue in the same brief period as 
the Romans, unless we except the French between the eras of Rabe- 
lais and Pascal. A century and a half was sufficient to convert the 
Oscan rusticity of the older speech into the almost Hellenic ele- 
gance of Lucretius and Catullus. 

These points, though constituting the principal advantage to be 
derived from any such compilation as the present, are not in any 
wise directly elucidated by Ribbeck. That diligent but pedantic 
editor was engaged with antiquarian curiosities of a different cliar- 
acter. The service which may be rendered by these fragments in 
these respects must be gathered from an attentive study of the texts 
themselves, and is not facilitated by any special intervention of this 
compiler and commentator. We regard this omission, however, as 
no very serious blemish, if indeed it should be considered a fault at 
all. The treatment of such topics belongs most appropriately to a 
formal history, or to a philosophical grammar of the Latin language; 



96 Remains of Latin Tragedy. [January, 

and it is only from such works that vie could exact the application 
of these "disjecta membra" to the purpose of exhibiting the pro- 
gressive changes and improvements of the Roman tongue. This 
assistance should not be expected from a work in which the frag- 
ments arc simply collected together for general and promiscuous 
use. We are not partial to that mode of editing and annotating the 
classics which was prevalent in Gennany and other countries of 
Europe half a century ago, and crowded into the foot-notes the most 
varied and prom.iscuous matters, relevant and irrelevant, depositing 
on any occasion the whole contents of plethoric adversaria, like 
shooting dirt from a mud-cart. The recent tendency of the best 
editors of Germany is perhaps objectionable for its scrupulous ob- 
servance of the opposite extreme. But Kibbeck avoids the naked 
accuracy of Bekker and his imitators. What was required of the 
latest editor of the Latin tragedians, and what he undertook to pro- 
vide, was a comprehensive, complete, correct, and critical exhibition 
of the fragments themselves : and we can neither exact nor need 
we desire from this volume anything more than what he proposed 
to perform. "We may be obliged to his diligence and ingenuity for 
having appended a conjectural reproduction of the original order of 
the fragments in the respective dramas to which they belong, and 
an equally conjectural representation of the tenor and treatment of 
the tragedies themselves. Tlie enigmatical and euphemistic pream- 
ble with which he commences his "'^lantissa," might authorize the 
supposition that he edited and purified the fragments principally as 
an introduction to his supplementary work of imagination. This 
latter labour may, however, be almost regarded as a distinct and 
independent production, entitled to praise or censure on grounds 
which do not affect in any considerable degree the merits or the 
demerits of the compilation of the texts. 

In this country, removed as we are from the great and aged libra- 
ries of the old world, there is scarcely any possibility of adequate 
access to the various manuscripts of the ancient classics. It is 
nearly twenty years since we saw such a manuscript, and then the 
sight was not vouchsafed to us on tliis side of the Atlantic. It is 
consequently a mere empty pretension, preposterous and presump- 
tuous, for any one here to undertake to criticise the skill and fidelity 
of a critical edition of any ancient author, unless the defects are so 
obvious and gross as to suggest themselves from the simple inspec- 
tion of the results given. We will not, then, presume to discuss 
the merits of M. Ribbock's critical labours, but will accept them 
thankfully, not as conclusive, but as provisionally satisfictory at 
least. There are instances, it is true, where we suspect syllables 



1856.] Remains of Latin Tragedy. 97 

and even feet to be redundant, the orthography to be erroneous, and 
other blemishes to exist : but we choke down our suspicions, as we 
have no means of verifying them, and concede tlie correctness of the 
readings presented. So much \<e are warranted in assuming for 
the nonce with reasonable confidence ; for so much care has of late 
years been expended on the grammar of the Latin language, and on 
the whole series of the classics, including the most of the authors 
from whose works these fossil specimens of antiquated Latinity have 
been disinterred; M. Ribbcck has been in such close correspondence 
with so many learned men who have devoted their attention to the 
illustration of the originals of the language, as is proclaimed in Ids 
preface — and he furnishes so much evidence of diligence and indus- 
try by his exposition of the various readings — that vre may conclude, 
at least presumptively, that his judgment may be trusted, and that 
the text of these fragments is sufficiently castigated and purified to 
subserve the purposes contemplated by a critical edition. 

This critical labour, and the exegetical enterprise of arranging 
the fragments in tlie order in which they may have occurred, and 
of elucidating their position and the texture of the dramas from 
which they have been severed, constitute the sole assistance render- 
ed toward satisfying those inquiries which are suggested, and which 
must be solved principally by, these relics. 

To this specification we ought; properly to add the valuable aid 
which may be obtained from the very complete and admirable index 
appended to this volume. It is a complete lexicon of ragged Laiin- 
ity — a thorough concordance— a perfect catalogue of all the fossil 
shells, weeds, and bones, important or tri\ial, contained in this 
museum of broken pebbles, vegetable remains, and mutilated limbs. 
This index furnishes of itself, in a concise form and in a compact 
mass, the whole collection of materials available in these chips of 
Latin tragedy for the careful examination and appreciation of the 
changes of the Latin language, and the principles and progress of 
such changes. It throws no light, of course, upon metrical peculiari- 
ties, or upon the characteristics of the literary taste of the authors 
in the composition of their tragedies. These are points which can 
only be investigated by the close and direct inspection of the texts 
in their due places. 

These phenomena appear sufficiently marked and sufficiently 
interesting to merit special notice, and to them we shall devote the 
brief remainder of this criticism. Our observations will be merely 
desultory, for we cannot enter minutely or profoundly into such 
recondite topics. They will be oftered in no dogmatic temper, and 
■with no expectation that they will meet with general assent. It 



98 Remains of Latin Tragedy, [January, 

•would be too vrild a flight of imagination to anticipate that inferences 
drawn from such scant premises as these fragments afford, and with 
such meagre opportunities as are at our command, would be either 
unassailable or generally acceptable. They can only be proposed 
for public consideration. They have forced themselves upon our 
notice in the study of this volume. To ourselves they appear not 
merely plausible but probable ; and they are stated that they may 
receive the fuller and more competent estimation of others having 
greater facilities or greater special familiarity with these matters 
than ourselves. 

The first peculiarity which we shall notice is the very sparse occur- 
rence of pure iambic feet in the iambic metres. Spondees and dac- 
tils are introduced with a licence and exuberance v^holly foreign to 
the practice of Attic tragedy, and even to the later usage of Rome. 
The metrical procedure of the Romans continued at all times singu- 
larly loose, and was far enough from observing the punctilious pre- 
scriptions and minute precision of their Attic precursors, but the 
negligence and indifference of the earlier tragedians in the construc- 
tion of their metres transcended the inartistic privileges retained 
by subsequent poets, and rendered harmonious versification an 
impossibility. 

Numerous instances are found in which every foot but the last is 
a spondee. For example, — 

Ludens ad cantum classera lustratur. " " 

Liv, „^ndron., p. 1, v. 6. 

The last word, which is also the last foot, is lost. It must have 
been an iambus, but all the other feet are spondees. 

Quacumque incedunt oiunes arvas optcruut. 

Ncrvius, p. S, V. 21-. 
Quantis cum rerumuis illuin cxanclavi diem. 

EnniuR, p. 22, v. 90. 
Sol qui candentem in cado sublimas facem. 

Enniiis, p. 40, v. 23t. 
. Inter quo3 ssepe et multo inbutus sanguine. 

Jttius, p. 131, V. 151. 
Virtuti sis par, dispar fortunis patris. 

JlUiits, p. 131, V. 156. 
Visum est in somnis pastorcm ad me adpellcrc. 

Jttius, p. 230, Y. 19. 

To these may be added, although the first syllable is either long 
or short in " sacratum," 

Jovis sacratum jus jurandum sagminc. 

Incert. Inccrt. p. 228, v. 219. 



1856.] Remains of Latin Tragedy. 99 

In other examples spondees do not occupy the first five places, but 
only preponderate over other feet in the line. Thus:— 

Procat, toleratis teniploque banc deducitis. 

Liv. Jndron. p. 2, v. 14. 
Mirum videtur quod sit factum jam diu. 

Liu. Jndron. p. 2, v. 15. 
Pcmittas, tanquam in fiscinam vindemitor. 

Kccvius^ p. i>, V. 2. 
EiTavi, post cognovi, ct fugio cognitum. 

Enniits, p. 2.5, 119. 
Set numquam scripstis, qui parentcm ant hospitem. 

Eniiius, p. 32. -v. 173. 
Coepissct, quoe nunc nominatur nomine. 

Enyiius:, p. 37, v. 208. 
Parentum incertura investigandum gratia. 

Pacuvius. p. 67, v. 43. 
Dum quod sublime ventis espulsum rapit. 

Mtius, p. 158, V. 396. 

This excess of spondees renders the versification exceedingly 
cumbrous and a^vk^vard, but might have been necessitated by the 
superabundance of consonants in the older Latin, and the general 
intractability of the language, -^vhich still appeared rugged, poor, and 
unmanageable to Lucretius and Cicero, after all the manipulations 
and ameliorations of the tragedians. • It is, moreover, probable 
that the prosody of the language was unsettled previous to the mtro- 
duction of the drama, and that peculiarities of pronunciation vrhich 
are now undiscoverable might have rendered tolerable what now 
appears as a hopeless fault. 

But the evil just noticed did not exist alone, nor was it the gravest 
offence which was committed against a musical ear. The opposite 
licence is of even more frequent occurrence, and gi-ates still more 
unpleasantly on the nerves, by giving a jolting, unsteady, n-rcgular, 
and dislocated movement to the rhythm. There is not simply an 
extravagant employment of resolved feet— dactyls, tribrachs, and 
anapres'ts— which, when multiplied, are less congenial to the spirit 
of the iambic trimeter than even the heavy tread of successive 



spondees; but their repetition, their loose aggregation. 



an 



d their 



concurrence, 



render the melody discordant and the metre disorderly. 
This deformity is increased by the entire absence of either taste or 
discrimination in the introduction of such feet, one after the other, 
into any places of the verse. Horace may have alluded to the prac- 
tice of "these tragedians in their metrical labours when he attributed 
the process of verse-making to the dexterity of fingers and ears- 
digito callcmus et aurc. He was not very porticular about the 



100 Remains of Latin Tragedy. [Januan^ 

niceties of versification in some of his own poems ; but the early 
tragedians apparently trusted much more to the accuracy of their 
fingering than to the delicacy of their auricular perceptions. And 
even -with this mechanical contrivance they seem to have sometimes 
lost their count, if they are not misrepresented by Ribbeck's expo- 
sition of their handiwork. 

Similar licenses occur also in the trochaic measures ; but for these 
modes the Latin language appears to have been endowed with a 
greater natural aptitude. Moreover, trochaic metres admit readily 
of greater licences than are tolerable in regular iambics. There is 
an inherent levity, a native flippancy, a spontaneous carelessness in 
the former which is incompatible with the flowing ease and dignity 
of the latter. 

AVhat proportion these licentious verses bore to the body of the plays 
from which they have been extracted cannot now be estimated. The 
inquiry is open only to vague conjecture, but from the rarity of pure 
iambics, from the constant inattention to the nicer rules of iambic ver- 
sification, and from the disregard even of rhythmical requirements in 
the specimens which remain, as well as from the critical censures 
of the Ilomans of a better age, we may safely infer that we possess 
in these fragments a fair average sample of the ordinary tenor of early 
tragic versification. 

Among the remains of Pacuvius and Attius maybe found occa- 
sional verses worthy of the palmiest days of Latin poetry. The want 
of harmony in the majority of instances is, however, only partially 
assignable to the inartistic and unpolished character of the metres. 
Even in the lines already quoted, and still more in those which 
might be employed for the special illustration of this point, the fre- 
quency and awkwardness of the elisions, and the constant recurrence 
of uncoalescing consonants, is painfully manifested. 

The latter peculiarity is characteristic of the language as it then 
existed, and cannot be attributed to the measure, and scarcely to the 
authors themselves. Another striking trait which we slialf notice, 
appertains solely to the style and to the prevalent fashion, and is 
rather an affectation distinctive of a particular phase of literary taste 
than a singularity of these tragedians. It is, however, a caprice 
which is cultivated by them with especial earnestness, and is in them 
preeminently disagreeable. AVc refer to the evident rage for 
alUterations. These are continual, harsh, and often grotesque. 
Some languages and periods have employed alliteration as the main 
characteristic of their poetical systems. jSearly all languages have 
at different periods of their development cultivated tlicm as exquisite 
ornaments. Usually this has happened in their literary infancy. 



1856.] Remains of Latin Tragedy. 101 

and we may have iu these tragedians the surviving:; representatives of 
a previous general usage. There are traces in Greek poetry of the 
early existence of a similar caprice on the part of the lyric poets. 
Thus Diogenes Laertius reports an epigrammatic epitaph, variously 
attributed to Empedocles and to Simonidcs, Avhose point is much 
sharpened by its alliterative expression :— 

"kKpov hrirpov 'XKpuv,' 'kKpayavrlvov ■irarphc uKpov, 
Kpvme KpTjjivbg uKpog ■Karpidor uKpoTii.fi}rP 

We hazard the following paraphrase, which reproduces most of its 
distinctive traits, even to its hexameter and pentameter measure :— 

" Here a sharp doctor of SharpTille, one Sharp, sharper son of a sharper, 
Lieth beneath a sharp hill— sharp in the sharpest of lauds." 

The Greek epigram is signalized by smoothness, acuteness, and 
wit ; but the tragic alliterations are recommended or discredited by 
fantastic whimsicality alone. 

There are so few points to which we can accord the elucidation 
rendered by citations, and so little room that can be spared for the 
purpose, that v^^e shall confine our selection to a few of the more 
f^laring examples, and refer to the work reviewed for more numer- 
ous, lels offensive, and more trivial exemplifications of this bad taste. 
Here are a few ears as an earnest of the harvest :— 

Cave sis tuam contendas iram coutra cum ira Liberi. 

Navius, p. I), V. 41. 
Optumam progeniem Triamo pepcri?ti me : hoc dolet. 

Enn. p. IS, V. 46. 
Scrupeo investita saxo, atque ostrci^ s.iuaraa; sx-abrent. 

Knn. p. 'Id, V. 100. 
Corpus contemplatur unde corporaret vulncre. 

Enn. p. 23, y. 101. 
o ° Stultust, qui cupitacupieus cupicntor cupit. 

Enn. p. 43, v. 256. 
Quam tibi ex ore orationem duriter dictis dedit. 

Enn. p. 44, v. 265. 
Qui alteri cxitiun; parat, 
Eum scire oportet, sibi paratum pcstcm ut participet parem. 

Enn. p. 51, TV. 321, 322. 

Pro incertis certos compotesque consili. 

Enn. p. 55, v. 352. 
Umquam quidquam quisquam cuiquam quod ei conveniat, neget. 

Enn. p. Gl, v. 4lX). 
Hiat solUcita, studio obstupida, suspense animo civitas. 

Paciiv. p. 68, V. 53. 
Quo consilio constcrnatur, qua vi, cujus copiis. 

Paciiv. p. SO, V. 15G. 



« Bergkh, Poet. Lyr. Gr. Ed. 2da, p. 4CS Diog. Laert. Tiii, 65. 



102 Remains of Latin Tragedy. [January, 

Lassitudinemqne minuam manuum mollitudine. 

Pacuv. p. 90, Y. 246. 
Pericre Dauai, plcra pars pessum datur. 

Pacuv. p. 98, V. 320 
Cum patre parvos patrium hostifice 
Sanguiue sanguen miscere suo. 

ML p. 123, TV. 82, 83. 
An mala a:tate mavis male mulcari exemplis omnibus. 

Jit. p. 123, V. 85. 
Probis probatuni potius quam multis fore. 

Alt. p. 1-19, V. 314. 
Primores procerum provocavit nomine. 

Att. p. 150, V. 325. 
Gaudent, currunt, celebrant, herbam couferunt, donant, tenent, 
Pro se quisque cum corona clarum cohonestat caput. 

Alt. p. 16i, YT. 444, 445. 
Simnl et circum magna sonantibus 
Excita saxis suavisona echo 
Crepitu clangentc cachinat. 

Att. p. 179, Yv. 671, 572. 
Tuum coDJecturam postulat pacem petens. 

c o o o 

Apollo, piierum primus Priamo qui foret. 

Inccrt. Incert. p. 201, vv. 10-14. 
Qood ni Palamodi perspicax prudentia. 

Incert. Incert., p. 206, T. 58. 

Assuredly this is an ample collection of specimens to demonslrate 
the licentious employment of alliteration by the Avhole range of the 
tragedians before the Augustan age. This affectation naturally 
superinduces other fantasies, vrhicli are also exhibited in the above 
quotations. 

Notwithstanding the defects and the asperities of the versification, 
and numerous other grave anomalies of expression, there are quali- 
ties discernible even in these fragmentary particles of the old 
Roman tragedy which are exceedingly attractive, and readily explain 
those lingering predilections for this antiquated literature which 
were ridiculed and assailed by Jlorace.-'^ There is a healthy 
Roman honesty and manliness in the sentiments announced: a 
quaint but dignified gravity and solemnity of utterance which 
well befitted the conquerors of the world: an intuitive sagacity 
and a keen appreciation of life which reappear in Tacitus, and 
irradiate even the scandal of Suetonius and the trashy niaiscries of 
the Augustan historians, and are revived in more than their pris- 
tine intensity' and acumen in Machiavclli, Guicciardini, and the 

° Ilor. Epist. lib. ii, Ep. i, vv. 50-92. The general good sense of Horace's criti- 
cisms can be recognised even from these fragments of the elder literature, and 
renders their pointed indications valuable. 



1856.] Remains of Latin Tragedy. 103 

great statesmen, publicists, and diplomatists of Italy. We detect, 
moreover, a genial freshness and a racy vigour, whose absence iu 
the Augustan classics is poorly compensated by the splendid refine- 
ments of consummate art. These old dramatists still exhale the air 
and the simplicity of rural Roman life, before it had been sup- 
planted or infected by metropolitan graces and artificial pretensions, 
and -ft'hich are more inspiring than the prim, stately, and precise 
elegances of an over- exquisite cultivation. As the old French of 
Rabelais, Montaigne, Marguerite de Valois, Ronsard, and Marot 
has a natural and genial charm Aihich is denied to the cramped and 
chilly perfection of Racine, Boileau, La Rochefoucault, and La 
Bruyere, so these loose disjointed fragments of the elder tragedy 
possess attractions -which are not preserved in the more regular and 
prudish proprieties of Virgil and Horace. The indications afforded 
even in this collection would tempt us to resign, without hesitation, 
the last six books of the iEneid, in spite of the universal and endur- 
ing fame of that admired epic, for the poem of Nsevius on the First 
Punic "War, and the Annals of Ennius. 

\Ye are neither so uncultivated in our tastes, nor so indiscreet in 
our judgment as to pretend to institute any equivalence or compari- 
son between the rude vigour of the ancient and the finished perfec- 
tion of the Augustan poets ; but we would expect to find in Krevius 
and Ennius a bolder vein of original poetry, a greater exuberance of 
poetic feeling, than can be recognised in the erudite and laborious 
imitations of Virgil. Independent, too, of these literary merits, the 
primitive poetic annals would possess great interest in the elucida- 
tion of the history of both the people and the language. Our con- 
sent to the sacrifice intimated is not, however, suggested by such 
historical and philological considerations, but solely by the desire to 
possess the earliest specimens of the Roman epos, and a partiality 
for the strength, energy, and simplicity of the older literature. In 
all depai'tmcnts of art, notwithstanding the greater beauties intro- 
duced by hip;her cultm'C and embodied in tlie master- wurks of the 
meridian age, thei'e are merits peculiar to the antecedent periods, 
which are not fully compensated by the riper and chaster graces of 
the more polished age. Even now, Avith the opportunity of a minute 
comparison, having equal means of estimating each and being equally 
familiar with both, we would not resign /Eschylus to save Sophocles, 
if an option were required ; and if the choice should be offered 
between u'Eschylus and Euripides, we would cordially reaffirm the 
decision rendered by Racchus in the Frogs of Aristophanes.* 

® Aristoph. Ran. t. 1469. Ed. Bckkcr. Lond. 



104 Remains of Latin Tragedy. [January, 

Wc should be pleased to illustrate by direct citation the charac- 
teristics of Roman Tragedy Avhich have been hurriedly indicated if 
our space Avould permit the undertaking. We should be gratified 
to exhibit the lofty sentiments, the acute maxims, the sententious 
■wisdom, the pregnant utterance, and, above all, the exhilarating 
freshness of these old tragedians. This last peculiarity is often 
indicated by slight touches which must be felt spontaneously to be 
adequately recognised : there are but few examples remaining which, 
taken b}' themselves, directly indicate the spirit with which they are 
impregnated; but these arc so characteristic, so accordant with the 
general tone of the utterance— so utterly foreign to the Greek mind, 
except in the single case of Homer — that vre may safely ascribe the 
quahtics evinced by them to the general tenor of the original por- 
tions of these productions when they still existed unmutilated. 

A few of these examples we shall venture to quote : — 

Hoc Tide circura supraque quod complexu continct 

Terrain 

Solisque cxortu capessit candorcm, occasu nigret, 

Id quod nostri caelum memorant, Graii pt'rhibet aetbera : 

Quidquid est hoc, omnia animat, format, alit, auget, creat, 

Sepelit recipitque ni sese omnia, omniumque idem est pater, 

Indidemque eadem quae oriuntur, de integro atque eodem occidunt.° 

With the philosophy, good or bad, propounded in these lines we 
have no present concern ; the sole thing to which we are desirous 
of calling attention is the close observance of nature and the 
sympathy with her changes which they display. 

Here is a solitary line Avhich could scarcely have been written by 
one not intimately familiar with rustic life, or without a genial inter- 
est in its trivial incidents. 

Item ac ma.>stitlam mutam infantum quadrupedum.f 

We doubt whether the habitual resident of a great city can ap- 
preciate this notice of the dumb suftering and agony of infant beasts. 
It is a spectacle sufficiently striking to affect the imagination and 
excite the sympathy of persons who have spent much of their lives 
in the country. The silent anguish, the look of helpless pain man- 
ifested by some of the domestic animals are well calculated to elicit 
a mournful' pity. 

But the most marked of these passages is one which we believe 
to be altogether unique in the whole series of the still surviving 
productions of Roman literature. ]t seems to have made a very 

«Trag. Lat. Ecliqu. : p. 71, 72, vv. SC-02. Chryses. Frag. vi. 

t Trag. Lat. Reliqu.: p. 149, v. 315. Attii Epicansimaclie, Fr. vi. 



1S5G.] Remains of Latin Tragedy. 105 

strong; impression on the mind of Cicero, by whom it has been pre- 
served, though without commemoration of the author.* 

Coclum iiitcscerc, arbores froiidescere, 

Vites laetificyj pampinis y.ubesccre. 

Rami baccarum ubertati? incurvcsccre, 

Segctes largiri frugcs, tiorerc omnia, 

Fontcs scatcre, herbis prata convestiricr. 
The language is inharmonious and nei^ligent enough, and has its 
full shave of affectations, but there i? nothing in either the Lucolics 
or the Georgics of Virgil which is as redolent of the fragrance of 
the forest and the field, or which brings home to us more forcibly 
the aspects of rural life and the genial vicissitudes of the changing 
year. The subject and the form of expression may excite a doubt 
whether these verses are of tragic or even of dramatic origin, or do 
not rather belong to a lyric poem or a song of harvest home. The 
latter supposition is strengthened by their consonance with the rustic 
feeling of poetry which manifests itself in the phrases reported by 
Cicero, " genunarc vites,^'' "'' luxuriem esse in herhis/^ " Icrtas sc- 
gctesj'j and mentioned by him in connexion vrith a passing allusion 
to one of these lines. Still, JNI. Ribbeck has received them as a 
genuine tragic relic, and as such we accept them for the reason pre- 
viou?ly stated. AYhatever their origin may be, they are animated 
with that healthy, genial, lively, observant and affectionate regard 
for the scenes of nature which so pre-eminently characterizes the 
Provencal songs. 

We were the more anxious to note this feature in the ancient 
Latin poetry, inasmuch as it is so foreign to its classical productions, 
which paint nature too often with the fancy of a Cockney. Moreover, 
this element is distinctl}' of Roman and not of Greek origin. At 
the outset of these remarks, we spoke in such sharp terms of derision 
of the derivative and Hellenic character of the whole body of Latin 
literature, and of Latin tragedy in particular, that we are glad to 
mitigate that censure, as far as may be consistent with the facts, by 
directing attention to the evidences of a genuine and native poetic 
tendency, in a form so meritorious and so rare among the ancients. 
Humboldt i has remarked the deficiency of sympathetic apprecia- 
tion of the detailed beauties of nature on the part of both the Greek? 
and the Romans, but the passages cited, and others of a similar 
complexion which may be gathered from this repertory of mangled 
skeletons, may suggest that there was a period of Roman develop- 
ment, and a branch of Roman literature, wherein the Roman poets 
** Trag. Lat. Ilel. : p. 217, vv, 133-7. Inc. Inc. Fab. Fr. Ixxii. Cic. Tusc. 
I'isp. I., xxviii, sec. CD. f Cic. De Or. Ill, xxxvviii, sec. 15.5. 

1 Humboldt, Cosmos., vol. ii, p. 373. Ed. Bjhn. 

Fourth Series.— Vol. VHI.— T 



106 Remains of Latin Tragedy. [January, 

freely yielded to the hearty influences of the country life still habit- 
ual with the people, and reproduced its teachings in their artistio 
labours. 

There is neither opportunity nor necessity to give utterance to 
all the reflections suggested by this volume, " car qui pourrait dire 
tout sans un mortel ennui ':'' ^luch forbearance and some discretion 
must alv.-ays be exercised in repressing the observations which seek 
expression iu relation to any subject. Wc have announced only a 
few of the views which have presented themselves to us on the 
present occasion; but they may suffice to give a satisfactory re- 
sponse to the question with which we commenced these remarks, 
and to show that many instructive lessons may be acquired even 
from the shattered relics of an antiquated, extinct, and almost for- 
gotten department of literature. Very many of these lessons we 
have passed over in silence ; the most important we have exhibited 
only briefly — so briefly as to afford only a limited insight into their 
character and use. .Nevertheless, enough has been said to render 
intelligible the acknoAvlcdgment of our gratification at receivinf^ the 
fruits of Otto Ilibbeck's labours, notwithstanding they are burdened 
vith the erudite and cumbrous divinations of his imaginative cora- 
inentar\\ 

Is it not a remarkable and mournful exemplification of the per- 
ishable nature of every human device, and of the evanescence of 
even high intellectual triumphs, that a copious body of literature. 
which won even the fastidious admiration of Cicero, and the partial 
homage of Virgil and Horace, and formed at one time the most 
refined enjoyment of a great people, should have been so completely 
dissipated by the changes of literary taste and the accidents of time, 
as to be reduced to these scanty and petty memorials of their former 
glory ? 

Shrine of the mighty ! can it be 
That this is all remains of thcc ? 

The longest of these fragments does not exceed a dozen lines- 
many of them consist of only a single verse, and in numerous in- 
stances the solitary verse is incomplete, or is reduced to a phraso 
or a word. The aggregate of these remains, capable of being ex- 
hibited under a metrical aspect, docs not attain to two thousand 
lines, iu this collection. This is all that has been saved from the 
>vreck of the ante- Augustan tragedy of Kome, and constitutes tho 
Tr(ia;icoyum. LtUinnriim Rcliquio'.. 

We have only to add that the work is beautifully printed on ex- 
cellent paper, and is a very handsome specimen of the improved 
typography and preparation of recent German publications. 



1856.3 Robert Newton. 107 



Art. v.— ROBERT NEWTON. 

Tht Life of the Rev. Robert Newton, D. D. By Thomas Jackson. New- York: 
Carlton & Phillips. 1S55. 

" BosWELL," says Macaulay, "is the first of biographers. He has 
no second. He has distanced oil his competitors so decidedly, that 
it is not Avorth Avhile to place them. Eclipse is first, and the rest 
noM-here." 

It is one of the strange things in literature— a real phenomenon— 
that in all the " Lives " of great men and small, learned and unlearned, 
good and bad, there are so few interesting, readable, and instructive 
biographies. Instead of what we want to know of a man, about 
whom or concerning whose actions or the results of M'hose coui'se of 
life we feel an interest, we are furnished, by his biographer, witli a 
resume of the history of the,times in which he lived; philosophical 
speculations on government ; the rise and fall of empires ; essays on 
the wordy warfare of the sects ; or a rhapsodical eulogy on the real 
or fancied greatness of his subject. All, or nearly all, that we knov? 
about him, after reading from five hundred, to a thousand pages. 
more than we knew before, is the precise time of his birth, and, it 
may be, some particular circumstances attending his death. Per- 
haps we may learn that on some day he went without his supper — 
what m.any a one has often done — and that by drinking a cup of 
green tea instead of black, he was kept awake when he very much 
desired to sleep. 

It is supposed, and with reason, too, when one man undertakes 
to write a " life " of another, that he has materials for the biography; 
else why undertake it? If what was upon the surface only, and 
•what consequently Avas known to all, is to be thrown together in 
compilation, why tax our pockets for what avc already possess':? A 
"life," in an important sense, is an original work. It is a compilation 
not from published docunients mereh', but from the private records 
of the subject, now no longer of use to him, and from the memo- 
randa of friends. It is a revelation to the multitude of what v.as 
known before only to the few. The Avriter of a " life " either has the 
necessary materials for his work or he has not. If he has them not 
he has no moral right to publish what purports to be a biogrnphy, 
•when, in fact, it is not. Such a practice is fiilse pretense in litera- 
ture; and the author if he be not sent to Newgate, is subject to 
what perhaps is more annoying to him-»-the castigation of the 



r08 Robert Nemton. [January, 

critics. If he has the materials and a good subject, and fails in his 
undertaking, he has missed his calling; whatever else he does, he 
had better not write "lives." 

It is much to be regretted that the biographies of those whose 
example is worthy of imitation should be deficient in what gives to 
such compositions one of their greatest charms— incidents and 
illustrations of Ufe ; especially because, in spite of such defects, 
they are sought after with avidity and read by all classes of persons. 
Law-books find their way mostly into the untidy, smoky offices of 
the profession. Polemic divinity, elaborate essays on Church dog- 
mas, and old sermons, interlarded with Latin, Greek, and Hebrew, 
borrowed from the books, go to the shelves of clergymen, for the 
most part, v.here quite generally their slumbers are profound and 
undisturbed. Philosophy is taught in the schools ; but only a few 
schoolmen read philosophy. jSTot so with biogi-aphy ; that is read 
by men, women, and children. There is a reason for this; indeed 
there is a deep philosophy in the fact : biography is the written life 
of man. AVe have conseciuently an interest in it of which we can- 
not divest ourselves if we would, and of which we would not if we 
could. Besides, the design of biography is to show us how to live 
by showing us how others lived. If it does not do this it fails in an 
important essential. 

What we want, and what we expect, in the biography of a man 
whose talents, virtues, position, and achievements were such as to 
make his history necessary or desirable, is to know how he devel- 
oped those talents ; how he cultivated and fostered those virtues ; 
by what means he obtained his position, and how he accomplished 
his achievements. The privacies of life, the inner man, the thoughts, 
the actions, the words, the freaks, the beauties and deformities of his 
social life; his manner of life in his own house, his carriage towards his 
wife, his habits with his children, his hours of study ; his authors, 
how he used them and what he thought of them -. his preparation 
for public life; the labour and time required for this preparation; 
adventittmis circumstances and incidents, ali- these are barnrained 
for in the purchase of the " life" of a good and great man. Durin'^ 
the occupancy of a mansion we may look unbidden upon its exter- 
■nal beauties and magnificent proportions. 'Without the owner's per- 
mission or invitation we may not cross its threshold : but if. when 
-he is gone, his executor opens the doors, and admits us on fee, wo 
have a riglit to see the house within. And we should not be satis- 
fied to enter the front door and siin])ly pass through the main hall 
<tothe back door, and out. He, without a further exhibition, would 
not fulfil his implied contract. Ko more does thewriter of a '■ life"' 



1 856.] Rohert Newton. ^109 

meet his obligation to furnisli the biography of a great public man 
upon whom, as ho appeared in full dress upon the stage for more 
than half a century, yye have been wont to gaze with admiration, by 
merely telling us when he was born and when he died, and that for 
thirty, forty, or fifty years he laboured hard, travelled far, preached 
m\ich, did good, and made many warm friends. 
• These deficiencies are more marked, probably, in religious biogra- 
jtliics than any other. . And it is in such biographies that the require- 
raents of society demand the fullest details and the gi'eatest perfection. 
Take one instance in proof of the correctness of the above remark. 
John Wesley was born in 1703 ; Samuel Johnson was born in 1709. 
But to this day we have no satisfactory life of Wesley. The best 
we have — and good, very good, we grant — is his own journal 
Before Wesley died, and in anticipation of that event, Hampson, 
who was indebted to him for bread, and education, and position, 
had prepared a catch-penny life of his former patron and friend. 
Coke and Moore, that they might anticipate Whitehead, prepared 
hastily a life of the founder of Methodism, which is important, 
mainly, as a connecting link in the history of the times. Whiteheads 
biography of Wesley — the better portion of it — is a kind of mathe- 
matical twice-two-arc-four life; the other portion of it is distorted 
by the prejudice of the author. Moore's life is, to a considerable 
extent, too identical with Whitehead's to be of special importance, 
except in its documents, which are valuable for reference. Southey, 
whose biography, in many respects, is the best and worst that has 
yet appeared, viewed Mr. Wesley from a wrong stand-point, and 
judged him by a wrong philosophy. It is no marvel, therefore, that 
his Life of Wesley is not Wesley's life. Watson's Wesley was 
not designed to be a comprehensive biography, but a review of 
Southey, and a defence of the man whose memory and reputation 
were dear to him. As such it is able and conclusive. Now all these 
lives together — and much less any one of them — do not give us a 
complete history of John Wesley. Such a life we need, a work that 
will find its way into all libraries ; a work that will present Wesley, 
the preacher, the reformer, the founder, the scholar, the author, the 
publisher, the evangelist, the executive officer, the friend and bene- 
factor of the poor; Wesley the max, interspersed and enlivened 
with the varying and interesting incidents and anecdotes lying all 
along the pathway of his eventful life, from his escape from the 
burning rectory, till, in accordance vrith his ovrn directions, he is 
carried by four poor men to his grave.. ^ The world needs such a 
work. The children of Methodist parents demand it. Who, of all 
liis sons, will furnish it '? . . ' ♦ 



ilO Robert Newton. [January, 

Now while this is the case with one of the greatest religious men 
that ever lived, how is it with Johnson the moralist, who was con- 
temporary with him? The Life of Johnson is without an equal. It 
informs us hoAv he read and how he wrote. ^Yesee him in his room 
with his cat and companions. His tricks and fanaticisms are all 
brought out. His indulgences and subsequent regrets and confes- 
sions are not withheld. Johnson in rags, eating his dinner behind 
Bcreens ; writing for bread, and subsequently accomplishing one of 
the greatest literary enterprises ever undertaken by man; Johnsoa 
mhis midnight disputation and morning slumbers ; Johnson, in short, 
in all his peculiarities — his virtues and his faults — is so fully present- 
ed to us that we see him as he was. Even Jiis ph3'sical form is 
impressed upon our minds. Without the aid of the artist's pencil 
we have his picture before us. The Life of Johnson grows not 
tame. We never weary in its perusal. After reading through 
volumes purporting to be biographies, we turn to Boswell's John- 
son with increasing delight. 

We must, however, check this train of thought; and, instead of 
dwelling upon what we want, turn our attention to the volume named 
at the head of this article. 

It is a rule with some critics to speak in the first place in as high 
praise as they can of the work they review, that they may thereby 
placate the disposition of their author so that he will the more 
kindly receive what fault they have to find with his production. 
We pursue just the opposite course to this. We find what fault we 
have to find with Newton's Life at once. If the estimable author 
and the friends of Mr. Newton, on both sides of the -water, shall be 
displeased with us therefor we shall regret that, but console our- 
selves with the consciousness of honesty and fairness in our review. 

The work abounds in panegyric. The author at times is quite 
rhapsodical in his eulogy. Take the following as an instance : — 

" "When the service had eoncluded many of tlie people still lingereil. appar- 
ently unwilling to leave the spot; thus e.\empiityin<j the feeling which I\lilton 
bas ascribed to the father of the human race after he had listened to the dis- 
course of a heavenly messenger: — 

'"The angel ended, and in Adam's car 

So charming left Lis voice, that he awhile 
Thought him still speaking, still stood fix'dto hear.'" — Pp. 2CX), 201. 

Robert Newton, while he tabernacled in the flesh, could hardly 
have been aware of the possession of such angelic power. And, 
with our e.xalted conceptions of his pulpit eloquence, wo think tho 
picture is somewhat overdrawn. 



1856] Robert Newton. Ill 

While teuton's Life abounds in eulogy it is ban-en in incident. 
For fifty years he was itinerating — visiting various parts of England, 
Scotland, and Ireland; travelling by sea and land, by public and 
private conveyance, and thrown, as we may suppose, into nearly all 
conceivable circumstances in life. He must have been the subject 
of many adventures. Pleasing and varying incident must have 
been ever and auon occurring in his history. Incidents enough of 
this kind to make a small volume must have happened in connexion 
with that annual visit to Derby! Yet we look in vain for them. 
There are a few anecdotes in the volume, and those are so interest- 
ing that they m.ake us wish for more. But throughout the entire 
work incidents and anecdotes are, like angel's visits, few and far 
between. 

In the chapter containing the account of Mr. 2^ewton's visit to 
America, a number of errors occur, some of which we must correct. 
Mr. Jackson says, that at the church where Newton delivered his first 
sermon in Kew-York Mr. Souter, his travelling companion, was 
" allowed to sit within the communion rails — an honour which he 
found is not conceded to laymen in the American churches." 
(P. 193.) This is a subject w^e never hear agitated. Our laymen 
have no desire to sit within the altar, as we say in this country, 
except when they conduct prayer-meetings, or when the audience- 
room is crowded. No allowing and no conceding are thought of. 
The design in this case was to treat Mr. Souter, as a stranger and 
travelling companion of Mr. Newton, politely, and to give him a 
seat where he could be more comfortable than in a crowded pew. 

At the missionary meeting in the Greene-street Church, after Mr. 
Newton had spoken, "an aged man," says Mr. Jackson, "from the 
country, wiped the tears from his eyes with the sleeve of his coat, 
saying, to the person who sat ne.xt to him, ' we shall have no pow- 
dery ware now, 1 guess.' " (P. 191.) It seems a pity to spoil the 
salt-water rhetoric and upland rusticity of this sentence. Still ifc 
Tnay be best to do it. The "aged man from the country" v.-as a 
venerable minister and presiding elder of a large district, and was 
present to participate in the pleasures of the missionary meeting. 
It is highly probable, though he was from the country, that he had 
a handkerchief, and knew its ordinary uses. " Powdery ware " is 
language he would not use when he meant to say powder xoar. At 
the time of this meeting the political relations of Great Britain and 
the United States were much disturbed, growing out of the boundary 
question. The "wordy war" was already pretty sharp. Mr. 
Newton, in his address, spoke of the Christian regard of the people 
of England for the people of this country — the importance to Chris- 



112 Robert Newton. [January, 

tianity of the union of the two nations — and the salutations with 
which he was charged as a delegate to the people whom he addressed. 
It was upon Mr. Newton's warm expression of such kindly feelings 
that the gentleman said to his neighbour on the platform, '' we shall 
have no powder war," — implying that our difficulties, if such were 
the feelings and views of the people of England, would all be settled 
by diplomacy. His remarks showed liis just appreciation of the 
Christianity of the two nations, and hi? own desire for the greatest 
of all national blessings, — peace, based upon recognised constitu- 
tional right. 

■ A slight and laughable mistake, according to Mr. Jackson, 
occuiTcd in connexion with Mr. Newton's first visit to Phila- 
delphia : — 

" Before the service commenced Mr. Souter wa.s introduced Avithin the com- 
munion rails in front of the pulpit, and -ivas mistaken, by the immense a-sem- 
bly, for }*Ir. Newton. The choir had prepurod an anthem, which they intended 
to sinn; in honour of the distinguished stranger and as a welcome to their city. 
This they saner in their best style, tlie congregation joining as well as they 
•were able, and all looking at >dr. Souter, who'felt that heVas receiving the 
respect which did not belong to him. and which the people did not intend to pay 
him ; they probably wondering that he should betray any signs of uneasiness. 
AVheu the anthem v,-as finished, Mr. Newton entered the church and ascended 
the pulpit, and the choristers and peoiile perceived that they had mistaken 
their man ; but it wns too late to correct the error. Wlien the service was 
ended and the case was stated to ^Ir. Newton, he was highly amused, and said 
to his friend Souter, ' You have taken the shine otrme.' " — Pp. 190, 197, 

We can fancy that Mr. Souter's position must have been embar- 
rassing enough, and it vras not good treatment to put him in such a 
position. A few words of explanation will change the whole thing. 
In the first place it was the children of the Sabbath school, and not 
the choir, that sung the hymn of welcome on the occasion. In the 
second place, Mr. Newton had been conducted to the pulpit by the 
pastor of the church, and furnished with a copy of the hymn. At 
the close he expressed his pleasure v,-it!t the mark of respect shown 
him by the little ones. The fritiuis uf !\Ir. Newton may rest assured 
that the Philadelphians did not allow even Mr. Souter to " take the 
shine ofT" of him wliile he was in their keeping. 



Mr. Newton, having been introduced to the General Confer 



ence. 



" a vote was passed," says Islv. Jackson, " authorizing him to sit in the 
conference, and to vote on nil qucsfions that might arise."' (P. 19S.) 
The General Conference might invite Mr. Newton to a seat among 
its members and to participate in their discu.'sions; but it could not 
authorize him to vote. The General Conference is a delegated and 
law-making body. The members hold their seats by the election 
of the annual conferences. A single vote may carry most important 



1656.J Robert Neiuton. 113 

temporal and spiritual results. Even the bishops can claim no right 
to vote. We make this correction lest some, not conversant with the 
proceedings of the General Conference, should suppose it has a 
loose way of doing its business. 

The following passage, without design we may readily believe, 
does injustice both to the General Conference of 1840 and to 3Ir. 
Newton : — 

"111 the progress of the Conference Mr. Xewton was impressed with tho 
fact, that tho time was mainly occupied by the speeches of young men. minis- 
ters of age and c.tperience being scarcely able to obtain a hearing. Av.iiling 
liimself, theretbrc, of a favourable opportunity, he spoke of the respect vIulIi is 
due to age, and especially to aged ministers, who have been long iamiliar with 
the work of God, and whose range of observation has been -widely extended. 
These arc the men, he observed, who are eminendy qualified to give advice 
in ecclesiastical aflairs ; tor their counsels are not speculative, but practical. 
The bishojjs shed tears under this seasonable address, and no one attempted 
any reply."— P. 199. 

"We remark here, that the members of the General Conference do 
not hold their seats by seniority. They arc all elected by their 
annual conferences, A^hich of course they are expected to represent. 
One member, therefore, has the same rights on the floor of the 
General Conference that another has. And no member, even out of 
deference to age and position, would be justified in neglecting to 
present and defend the views and wishes of those who elected him. 
It is the annual conference that appears in tho persons of its dele- 
gates on the floor of the General Conference. 

Mr. Jackson says, " the time was mainhj occupied by the sjteechcs 
of young men, ministers of age and experience being scarceh' able to 
obtain a hearing." We know not from what source 31r. Jackson 
derived his information, nor is it important to our purpose to know. 
It is to be presumed, however, as these " young men " presented a 
" very respectable appearance," and " were highly intelligent," that for 
the most part they were well-bred persons, and understood tho pro- 
prieties of place. And, knowing somewhat the spirit and bearing of 
our younger and middle-aged ministers, Ave have no doubt while, 
like true Americans — blessings on them I — they thought, spoke, and 
acted with entire freedom, conscious of their rights, and under a 
proper sense of their responsibilities, they were, at the same time, 
respectful and courteous toward their more aged brethren and 
fathers in the conference. Besides, we cannot sec how it was that 
the " ministers of experience" were " scarcely able to obtain a hear- 
ing," when the tenth rule of the General Conference requires that 
no person shall " speak more than once " on the same question 
*' until every member choosing to speak shall have spoken." 



114 Robert Newton. [January, 

We suppose ^Ir. Jackson uses a little rhetoric -fthen he says that 
" the bishops shod tears under this seasonable address." Our bishops 
know their younger ministers too well, and receive from them — as 
other chief ministers and fathers do — too much deference to feel that 
a public address, on the respect due to age and experience — and 
that from a stranger too — would be necessary for them, or that they 
Avould consider such an address so " seasonable" as to " shed tears 
under it." Had Mr. JSewton delivered such an address before the 
General Conference, designing it as a rebuke to the younger portion 
of the members, Ave very much mistake the bishops if they would not 
have been among the first to rebuke it. In such a case they might — 
and it would be no marvel — shed tears over the address. And the 
reasons wiiy, in such circumstances, " no one would attempt any 
reply" are quite obvious. 

This passage, as we remark above, docs, wc think, injustice to 
Mr. J^ewton. IS'aughty as the younger members of the General Con- 
ference of 1S40 may have been, !Mr. Newton was too much of the 
Christian gentleman to offer them reproof for what did not especially 
concern him. If they forgot the proprieties of place we are not 
willing to suppose that he did. His intercourse with his brethren, 
both in and out of the conference, during his whole sojourn among 
us, was gcntlcm.anly and Christian in an eminent degree. If the 
passage quoted above were from the pen of a political writer, we 
should understand at once that it Avas written for political effect. 
Did Mr. Jackson design it especially for the younger members of 
the British Conference ? 

Mr. I\'cwton's ministry in America was attended by large multi- 
tudes of hearers. But popular assemblico are generally over esti- 
mated as to numbers. Those acquainlod with the places in Avhich 
he preached will make a liberal deduction from the numbers report- 
ed to have been present. ^Ve refer to these things because, though 
they may seem small in themselves, they arc nob unimportant. In 
the life of such a man as Di-. Nev>ton, whatever is not entirely true 
has no place. The partiality of friends, or the Avant of a compre- 
ben.sive view of all the circumstances of time and place, may often 
lead the best meaning persons into erroneous conclusions, and to 
make false estimates. 

As Mr. Newton's Life will have an extensive circulation in this 
country, it Avill not be amiss to notice his views on two or three 
points cormected Avith our hiiitury and economv. 

In Avriting to Mrs. NcAvton from Baltimore, he says: — 

" I have refused all invitations to attend tcinpcrancc and abolition meetlnes. 
Both parties arc so violent and ultra, that I cannot but conclude they Avill 



1656.] Robert Neivton. 115 

defeat tlicir own design. There is also a great deal of what wc call * radical- 
ism ' connected with abolition movements. I have spoken freely in the con- 
fcren'-c on the subject; and I hope that what I have said may have some 
influence on what is ^ere termed the 'action' of the conference." — 
P. 211. 

At the time Mr. Ncvton was hero there -was no little excitement 
in the Church on the subject of abolition. It -was thouj^ht also that 
there was mucli ''radicalism" connected with' the abolition move- 
ment; in consequence of which stron^i^ fears were entertained lest it 
should divide the Cliurch. In pursuing the course which he adopted, 
therefore, on this subject, he no doubt acted in acconlancc with his own 
judf^ment under the advice of friends. But time has dissipated those 
fears, and shown that, in the odious sense of the term, there was 
little radicalism among those who deplored the ''great evil of 
slavery " and laboured to "extirpate it." The "radicals" proved to be 
the apologists and abettors of slaver}-. So that, after the General 
Conference of 1S44, the great secession took place, with Bishop 
Soule at its head; since which the branches of the tall pine of Maine 
have been draped in the funeral moss of the South. 

We are aware that many of our English brethren take different 
views of the subject of temperance from those prevalent among us. 
Mr. Newton " concluded " that our temperance men were so " violent 
and ultra" that they Avould defeat their own design. He saw, however, 
long before his death, it is presumed, that that conclusion was not well- 
founded. The enactment of prohibitory laws in so many of the states 
is a cheering sign and a glorious revvnrd for those who have laboured 
long and earnestly in this great and important reform. The time 
has come when there are few, if any, congregations in all our 
extended work whose pastors could use beer or wine — not to men- 
tion stronger drinks — as a beverage, and maintain their standing as 
evangelical ministers for a single day. We hope the time will soon 
come when it shall be so on the other side of the Atlantic. 

Much has been said, in the older portions of the work especially, 
about our districts and the presiding eldership. The inquiry is 
often raised, " Can we not adopt the English plan?" Mr. Newton's 
opinion on this subject, as expressed to the General Conference 
and recorded in his Life, is worthy of consideration. We embrace 
also his remarks concerning the episcopacy. lie says : — 

" I have heard incidental allusions to ' moderate episcopacy ;' bnt if yours bo 
not a mfideratc episcopacy, I do not l:r.ov/ what mnkos one. If tlicre be a 
prayer for niod<- rate episcopacy, it is idrcady granted. And as to your pvesid-. 
ing 'eldership, I have been asked whether it could not be aUered for the belter; 
and whether our .system of district chairmen niijiht not l)e more eligible In 
dense and populous districts, perhaps, it miglit be so ; but as a general plan in 



1 16 Robert Newton. [January, 

your countrj' it would be utterly impracticable. Your system has done -nvcII; 
and again 1 say, ' Let well alone.' " — V. 213. 

Mr. Newton's opinion respecting the great value of class-meet- 
ings may be inferred from his remarks upon the results of ]Mr. 
Whiteiield's labours in America. 1\q observes : — 

"It is remarkable that not an orphan-housi'. a church, or a society, founded 
by Whitefield, remains ; while the '\Vc^leya^s number between seven and eijiht 
hundred thousand members, and upward ot" tliree thousand mi^I:^ters. But 
Whitejield did n9t imttitiite class-mcetinfjs, and Wedcy did." — P. 197. 

We noiv pass to a brief notice of the history and labours of Mr. 
Nowton. 

The parents of Mr. x^cwton were of " yeoman descent, tall, 
comely, and well-favoured in their personal appearance." They 
possessed a sound and vigorous understanding, and surpassed in 
intelligence the greater part of their contemporaries in the sanie 
walks of life. They occupied a farm in Ro.xby — a hamlet on the 
coast, between AVhitby and Cuisborough — in the i^orth Riding of 
Yorkshire. Here they spent their time in honest industry, supply-. 
ing their wants from the soil which they cultivated and the flocks 
which they reared and tended. Mr. Jackson gives us a pretty 
picture of yeoman life in England. We see the hamlet resting on 
the coast; the waters of the 2sorth Sea spreading out to the east, 
and traversed by water-craft of various descriptions, plying between 
the Tyne, the Ilumbcr, and the Thames. Removed from the 
^gaieties of the capital, the din of IS'owcastle, the commerce of 
Liverpool, and the smoke of Birmingham and Manchester, we can 
almost feel the quiet that gathers around Roxby and its adjacent 
districts, as Francis Newton, happy in the esteem of his neighbours, 
goes forth to till the soil and tend his flocks and herds. Who that 
Las ever seen rural life in its simplicity ; that has heard the low- 
ing of cattle and the bleating of flocks : that has watched the gam- 
"bols of lambs ; that has breathed the frngrant air of the hay-held 
as the newly-mown crop of grass is gathering into the stack or 
barn ; that has followed the meandering^ of the little rill, fertilizing 
the vale through which it runs ; that has listened to the music of 
uncaged birds; that has drunk in the inspiration of the early morn- 
ing, all instinct and radiant with new life and beauty ; that has com- 
muned at eventide, in the fleld, with Nature and with Nature's God, 
has not been charmed with pastoral life? * 

In their pleasant home the parents of Robert Newton said their 
prayers and attended to many religious duties ; still they lived 
without the consciousness of sin forgiven, and without a 2;ood Chris- 



lS5(j.] Robert Ncxcion. 117 

tian Lope of heaven. At this time lloxby was visited by Rev. 
James Rogers, husband of Hester Ann Roarers, ^Yhose biography 
has been so extensively read in this countr}^ and v.-hich has been 
so useful to many Christians. Mr. Rogers offered up prayer 
in Mr. iS'cwtou's habitation. A little Avhilc after the Rev. John 
King preached in his barn. Soon he read the "Journal of John 
IS'elson." Mr. and Mrs. Newton both began to feel the need of 
pometliing to make theni happy beyond what they possessed. They 
betook themselves to prayer — they wept, they made supplication to 
God. They believed, and they received the salvation of the Gospel. 
The}^ entered upon a new life. Their house became a regular 
appointment on the Vv hitby Circuit. There henceforth, once a fort- 
night, on a week-day evening, the word of God was preached. 
Many of the people heard and believed. A class was formed, and 
Mr. iSewton became the devoted and efScient leader. It was from 
such parentage, placed in such circumstances, that Robert Newton 
sprung. 

Robert Newton was born September Sth, 17S0, and was dedicated 
to God in baptism on the eleventh of the same month. He pos- 
sessed a fine disposition and was a fearless, energetic boy. We 
find him engaged in the ordinary labour of a farmer for a number 
of years; at the same time, availing himself of all the educational 
advantages within his reach, he made commendable proiiclency in 
his studies. He next engaged with a Mr. Sigworth of Stokeby, who 
carried on the business of a " draper, grocer, and druggist." Here 
his health f\iiled him and his spirits began to droop. Returning 
to his father's house, he resumed his labour on the fcrm— ^an "em- 
ployment more congenial with his constitution and the habits which 
he had formed." 

But here, amid the scenes of his childhood and the pleasures of 
home, his heart was not at rest. He knew not God. He was 
inclined to entertain the infidel notions of Paine, not from convic- 
tion of their soundness, it may well be presumed, but from the fond- 
ness of novelty, not uncommon in the fickleness and restlessness of 
the period of life to which he had now arrived. At the same time 
the stirring accounts of military valour which the papers contained, 
imd the menacing of England by France, fired his imagination. 
He enrolled himself with a company of volunteers and learned the 
sword exercise. Then his heart was set upon entering the regular 
sorvi(;o. But the "authority of the father over him was complete: 
and by that authority the wayward yciuth was effectually restrained 
from his purpose." 

The time had now come when Robert, yielding to religious con- 



118 Robert N CIO ton. [Januar}*, 

victions, embraced the faith of the Gospel. The years 1797 and 
1798 were seasons of gracious revivals of religion on the \Vhitby 
Circuit. Sinners -svere converted, Avanderers from God -were 
reclaimed, and large accessions were made to the Wesleyan 
societies. " During this season of visitation," says his biographer, 
" Robert Newton was made a partaker of the salvation from sin which 
the Gospel reveals, and fully entered upon the enjoyments, the duties, 
and the conflicts of the Clmstian life." (P. VI.) 

It is proper to observe here that Robert Is'cwton's conversion 
was marked. The former preaching of }-Ir. Kershaw, and the kind 
religious conversation of that minister with him, in his monthly visit, 
as a herald of the cross, to his fithcr's house, had made a deep 
impression upon his mind. Now the Holy Spirit called up those 
impressions and reproduced conviction. His sorrow was deep, and 
continued for nine weeks. Pra^'ers were offered up for him. The 
pious people of the neighbourhood felt great interest in his case; 
yet he did not find peace of mind. The blessing, however, was at 
hand. He entered into his room ; his sister Ann, a penitent and a 
seeker, like himself, went witii him into this place of earnest pleading 
vith God. There they " unitedly wrestled with the Lord in prayer;" 
there they obtained power from on high ; and there, on the twenty- 
sixth of February, 179S, peace and joy sprung up in their hearts. 

There has been much controversy in the Church respecting min- 
isterial qualifications. It is scarcely worth the wliile to waste breath 
and strength on this subject; the history of the Church seems 
clearly to settle the question. In olden time God called his 
projihets.from the different v^-alks and pui'suits of life. He did the 
same in the early apostolic Church. Mr. Wesley was led providen- 
tially to call to his aid helpers in the same circumstances and condi- 
tion of life. He selected men fresh from the people, full of fiith, 
and zealous for God, to be assistants in the great work which he 
Avas raised up to accomplish ; those thus selected, by their gifts, 
grace, and usefulness, gave full proof that they were called of 
God. 

Robert Newton, soon after his conversion, begins to pray in pub- 
lic, and e.xhort his neighbours to seek God. In a little while he is 
on the "Plan," as a local preacher, and begins his long and glorious 
ministerial career by announcing as his first te.\t, " We preach 
Christ crucified ;" " a subject," says Mr. Jackson, " to which he 
adhered with unsvrerving fulelity to the end of his ministerial life." 

Just here we must make an extract from Mr. Toase. He calls up 
earlier days and writes con uniorc. Speaking of Mr. Newton, he 
says : — 



1856.] Robert Newton. 119 

" At the very bcjrinnin^X ^^c "^^'as popular and useful. Though younsr, his 
appearance was manly, and tlicrc was a noble bearing in all that ho said and 
did. It was evident, even at that lime, that he was intended lo fill no ordi- 
nary place among the ambassadors of Clni.-t. I was younger lluin he, and 
always looked up to him with admiration, and often ibllowed hint to places 
where he exercised his early ministry. lie had not been lonir on the preach- 
er's jilan. before lie v.as called to occupy the principal i)ulpii3 of the circuit; 
and in all cases his labours were highly accei)tablo. O, those were happy 
davs ! We were simple-minded and sincere. We loved as brethren, and were 
of one heart and soul, and ti;ought no saci-ifice too great for the advancement 
of the cause in v/liich we had embarked." 

In the July followin,;; Lis conversion he was recommended to the 
conference as a travelling preacher. He -was accepted and appoint- 
ed to the Pocklington Circuit. Here he laboured with zeal and great 
acceptance. His circuit contained many agricultural villages and 
hamlets, where the service uas generally conducted in private 
houses, barns, and carpenter-shops. While Mr. Kewton was labour- 
ing on this circuit he was not v/ithout those temptations which most 
men have in similar circumstances encountered. " Feelings of dis- 
couragement rose in his mind; and at times he entertained the pur- 
pose of leaving his circuit, and of returning to his former occupa- 
tion at Ko.xby." But John Hart, a pious local preacher, to whom 
he revealed his feelings, encouraged him in his^York. and urged him 
to persevere, adding, in conclusion, "You dare not'' abandon your 
'vvork. That was a word fitly spoken and in season. 

In 1800 Mr. ISewton was appointed to the Hov.dcn Circuit. 
While on this circuit he united Avith Miss Nodes in marriage. His 
entire domestic life, running on for more than half a century, was 
most happy. 

It is not our design to follow Mr. Newton in his itinerancy more 
than to say that his circuits were Pocklington, Howdcn, Glasgow, 
Kotherham, Sheffield, Huddersfield, Ilolmfirth, London, Wakefield, 
Liverpool, Manchester, Leeds, Stockport, and Salford. It will be per- 
ceived that though he travelled more than fihy years his moves, for the 
most part, were not long, and that he occupied repeatedly the same 
field of labour — especially the Liverpool and Manchester circuits. 
He spent but one year in Glasgow and but two in London. Mr. 
Jackson says : — 

_" From the year 1817, when ho left Wakefield, to the end of his itinerant 
ministry, ^Ir. Newton's nj/icial labours, to which he was ap[)ointed by the con- 
fcretice, were confined to tbv.er circuits tlian were tho.sc of any of hi-; contein- 
porai-ies; but his labours which lie ro;u;i,'a;v'/v undertcok, extended through 
the United Kingdom of (ircat Lritain and Ireland. AccordiuL' to the minutes 
of the conference, Liverpool and Manchester divided between them twenty 
years of his public liTe ; Salford occupied six, Stockport three, and Leeds si::; 
»o that he appears to have spent thirty-fivc years in five localities." — P. 94. 



120 Robert Newton. [January, 

. This \Yill seem strange to some of our warmest advocates for the 
most extensive itinerancy. Mr. JS'cwton, the most popular as a 
pulpit orator and platform speaker of all the Wesleyan ministers, is 
stationed twenty years in Liverpool and Manchester. 

Mr. ISewton's voluntary labours are perhaps without a parallel in 
ancient or modern times. We may have some conception of them 
when we consider that from 1 SIT to the close of his life, he was con- 
stantly travelling and preaching. He had only Saturday— and that 
but a part of the time — as a day of rest And then, such rest as 
he had on that day I From one to two dozen letters to answer, 
preparation for the pulpit on the morrow, and a social religious meet- 
ing to attend in the evening ! While he was thus travelling all the 
week, attending missionary meetings, opening chapels, and preaching 
in the villages and cities, ho always kept the Sabbaths for his own 
charge. And as a young man, for a number of years, was sta- 
tioned wth him, to attend to the evening appointments, and other 
occasional services, the work on his own circuits was not uncared 
for or neglected. 

In 1822 Mr. Newton made his first visit to the Irish Conference. 
He became after this a frequent visiter to Ireland, and laboured 
there successfully in the good work of his divine Lord and Master. 
'= He attended," says his biographer, " at least twenty-three Irish 
conferences. Here some of his tenderest friendships were formed ; 
and here many persons were, through his faithful ministry, turned 
to righteousness, and made heirs of God, and joint-heirs with 
Christ."^P. 101. 

The forte of ]\[r. ]S^ev,-tou was preaching. lie was a " salvation 
preacher." We may learn from this why, with his great popularity, 
he was stationed in London but once, and remained there but two 
years. Mr. Jackson says : — 

" London was loss acceptable to liim as a station tli.in the other places where 
he laboured. Bcinp: the centre of connc.xional o[icrations. numerous commit- 
tees were held ihoro. ivhicli he was expected to attend. Tlicsc occupied much 
time, and diverted his attention iVom' preaching, and from the work of pulpit 
preparation, in which, above all thinirs, his soul delighted. The tact is, he 
never had that aptitude for tlio dotails of businc.-s in whi'di .some men excel. 
He felt tliat he was made for action rather than for di'liberation, and that the 
duties of the pulpit were his esj)ecial forte and calling. lie did attend the 
meetings of committees, as in duty bound, having in tlicm a trust to execute ; 
but he was always glad to escape iVom them to cmj)loymcnt which was more 
congenial to his taste." — Pp. 70. 7 7. 

Mr. ]S"owton, genuinely converted, as we have scon, entered upon 
the work of the ministry at the ago of eighteen. For fifcy-threo 
years he continued in that work, preaching the Gospel in England, 
Ireland, Scotland, and the United States. From the commence- 



1656.] Robert Neioion. 121 

mont of his public career to its close he was a man of one work. At 
hoiiie and abroad he strove to save men. In the faithful discharge 
of liis duties he had to pay the price which such efforts too frequent- 
ly cost: he was at times flilsely judged, and no little reproach was 
heaped upon him. But he could say, having such assurance as he 
had of the divine approbation and the divine presence, '• ISonc of 
those things move me, neither count I my life dear unto myself, so 
that 1 might finish my course with joy, and the ministry which I 
have received of the Lord Jesus, to testify the gospel of the grace 
of God." 

In 1852, and when Mr. Newton was past seventy years of age, 
he was compelled to take a supernumerary relation to the conference. 
It is delightful to see amid what respect and kind regard from his 
brethren, he retires from the labours and appointments of an " effec- 
tive preacher." But the days of infirmity, long delayed, liad come. 
lie could no longer go forth to service as aforetime. The blanks in 
his " interleaved almanac " were becoming more and more common. 
lie was learning, as he wrote his friends, to be an old man. 

The folloAving extract is from his last letter, and was addressed to 
his faithful friend, Mr. Turner, of Derby : — 

" And now what can I say to Derby, which I am loth to give up after all these 
years? T believe all I can say i<, that if in July I am as well as I am to-day, 
i may offer you one sermon on the Sabbath, and if it be thought well, one on 
the Monday evening." 

Good man I even Derby with all its charms and endearing friend- 
ships could no longer hold him in life. His July was spent in 
heaven. On the 30th of April, and ten days after writing this 
letter, he fell asleep in Christ, saying, -'Jesus is the resurrection 
and the life .'" 

Fletcher, Benson, and Coke had their distinct places in the AVes- 
leyan Connexion; so had Adam Clarke and Richard Watson. 
Nev.-ton had his. lie was not great as Clarke and AVatson 
were, but he was great as Robert Newton, the eloquent and 
indcfiitigable minister of Christ. He came from the people: he 
sympathized with the people; he lived among the people; he 
laboured for the people ; he died lamented by the people ; and with 
the "people" saved from sin and earth, he dwells in heaven. 
Of no man can it be more truthfully said, " in labolt.S MORE 

ABUNDANT." i> 

FouETH Series, Vol. VIK—S 



122 Scliaff 071 America. [January, 



Art. VI.— SCHAFF ON iOIERICA. 

The Political, Social, and Ecclesiastico-religioics Condition of the United States of 
North America, with Special Reference to the Gcrrnans. By Philip Schaff, D.P., 
Professor of Theology at Mercersburg, Pennsylvania. Berlin : Wiegaudt and 
Gricbcn. 1854. 

Dr. Schaff, as some of the readers of the Quarter!}' know, -^vas 
called from Switzerland, his native country, about ten years ago, to 
occupy his present position in the Theological Seminary of the 
German Reformed Church at Mercersburg, where, in connexion 
with Dr. jSevin, he has laboured with great zeal, and as far, it is 
presumed, as his own communion is concerned, with consid- 
erable success in building up the system of doctrine known in cer- 
tain quarters as "the Mercersburg theology." In several works, 
published both in German and English, he has shown himself to be 
a man of elegant culture and profound theological learning. He 
has contributed several papers to this Review. 

He lately visited his native land, and, during a short sojourn in 
Berlin, delivered several lectures on America, which the favour- 
able opinion of certain friends induced him to publish, though in 
a form somewhat altered and considerably extended. The result is 
a book of three hundred pages, whose title forms the heading of this 
article. It is divided into three parts. First : The United States 
of ^^orth America — their Importance, Politics. National Character, 
Culture, Literature, and Religion. Second : The Ecclosiastico-reli- 
gious Condition of America. Third: The German Churches in 
America. 

Under the first head Dr. Schaff gives a graphic account of the 
wonderful growth of his adopted country ; of her thirty-one organ- 
ized states, with additional territory sufficient to make a dozen more, 
each as large as a German kingdom, — the whole, though loss than 
a hundred years old, containing three millions of' square miles and 
more than twenty-five millions of people. He speaks of the foreign 
immigration as of such magnitude as to entitle it to be called a 
peaceful, bloodless migration of the nations ; and declares that the 
Americans bid them all welcome, — both good and bad, the good 
rather, but the bad too, in the hope, that in a new world they will 
become new men. thus disproving the truth of the old verse — 

Cocluni, non animum mutant, trans mare qui currunt. 

With the author we say. Let the good come, but we hope to be par- 
doned by our countrymen generally if we cannot welcome or 



1856.] Schajf on America. 123 

invite such men as the foreign burglars and murderers who make 
our homes and lives insecure; who fill our prisons and supply 
nearly the whole of our material for the gallows ; who would over- 
turn our government and establish red republicanism ; who 
would abrogate marriage and institute licentiousness; who would 
blot out the Sabbath, and indeed destroy Christianity, of which it is 
an essential part. The patriotic piety which would prompt us to 
pray for the prosperity of our country and the permanence of our 
institutions leads us to regard such men as in the highest degree 
undesirable, and heartily to wish them back in their own lands, 
with all of their sort ever to remain. 

In treating of the political condition of the country, he shows that 
while all the governments of Europe rest, more or less, upon the 
institutions of the middle age, here the last remnants of that period, 
with the exception of slavery in the southern states, fall entirely 
away. We have no king, no nobility, no aristocracy, except the 
unavoidable threefold aristocracy of character, of talents, and of 
money ; no standing army and no state Church ; but instead of these, 
perfect civil and religious liberty, as well as unrestricted freedom 
of speech and of the press, and access to the highest offices, even 
for the poorest citizens, under the reasonable and natural conditions 
of competency and worthiness; and that with all this apparent ex- 
cess of liberty there is joined universal regard for right and law, 
deep reverence for Christianity, well-ordered government, and per- 
fect security of person and property. Our author, however, is very 
solicitous, as indeed he should be. to make a strong distinction be- 
tween the radical democracy of Europe and the cherished republican 
freedom of his adopted country. On this point he remarks, — 

" Although a Swiss by birth and an American by adoption, I have lived too 
long in monarchies to deny in tlie, least their historical necessity and high ex- 
cellence. I am utterly destitute of sympathy witli the shallow fanatical re- 
publicanism of so many Amciicans, who see no salvation for Europe except 
m tlic uni\crsal spread of reyniblicau institutinus. and hence are prepared to 
hail with joy the vilest revolutions, born of the spirit of darkness. This comes, 
however, of not iniderstanding the matter ; for if they knew better they would 
decide dlirerently. But unhistorical, foolish, even ridiculous as it would be 
to plant American institutions at once and without modification on European 
soil, yet on the other side, for the United States I can think of but one form 
of goverumcut as reasonable and appropriate, and that is tlie republic. All 
the traditions and sympathies are there in its favour. With it are connected 
the whole previous history and present vocation of the country ; under it she 
has become great and strong; under it she feels happy and satisfied. We 
cannot imagine from what quarter a king tor America could come." P. 1 9. 

Now, while wc most cordially agree with our author in his hearty 
denunciation of red republicanism in other parts of his book, and are 



124 Schaff on Arneinca. [January, 

satisJSed that the men who have recently undertaken to democratize 
Europe were wholly unsuited to the task, mainly because they rejected 
Christianity, yet we must hesitate to admit the historical necessity of 
monarchy, except so far as monarchy has kept the masses degraded, 
and by calling in the aid of the Church has added to the number of 
their masters and oppressors, thus wedding, in the minds of the peo- 
ple, Christianity with tyranny, and making the noble sentiments of 
liberty the enemy of Christ, who alone can make men truly free. 
Our author tells us that in this country the sympathies, the traditions, 
the history, were all in favour of republicanism, so much so that he 
can conceive of no other form of government for her. That is, if we 
understand him, republicanism is a historical necessity for America! 
She must continue a republic because she has a republican history, 
just as Europe must remain monarchical because her history is 
monarchical. But how would this argument have answered when 
our fathers were just emerging from tlie struggle of the revolution 
and were casting about for a suitable form of government? The 
stream of history then set in the opposite direction. And although 
our fathers were already qualified for self-government by intelli- 
gence and virtue, yet there was no necessity for the republic except 
in the deep sympathies of the people. 

While l)r. !f chaff, in different parts of his book, as already inti- 
mated, speaks in terms of just severity of many of his own country- 
men as radical and revolutionary, and of the tendency of their 
opinions aiid acts as anarchical and highly immoral, we cannot but 
think he has included under his generally proper and discriminating 
condemnation one name which ought to have been spared, even in 
the presence of a Berlin audience. We mean that of Louis Kossuth. 
After speaking of the manner in which certain would-be European 
republican leaders, who have come to America within a few years 
past, have been compelled to settle down quietly into simple citizens, 
our author proceeds thus : — 

" The only revolutionary celebrity who has really created a great stir is 
Kossuth, who, during the half year of his stay In America as the nation's 
guest ma le nnny hundroils of English speeches' as well as a few in German, 
and by the {.ov.er of his elcKjuence, iu the highest degree remarkable, even in 
a foreign language, and by his strange gift for agitation, drew upon himself 
the wonder of thousands. ]iut tlu- history of his meteoric, rhetorical cam- 
paign through states of the I iiion is expressed in a few words: he went up 
like a rocket and came down like a stick." — P. ItJ. 

We readily admit the failure of Kossuth, but in what sense 
did he fail ? He certainly did not fail to excite us to the highest 
pitch of admiration, wonder, and reverence for his own character. 



1856.] Schaff on America. 125 

or to awaken in our hearts the deepest sympathy for his oppressed 
and suffering country. The very concomitants of his failure would 
have been a sufficient immortality for most men. But he failed to 
secure the cooperation of the groat Western empire in the cause of 
Hungarian liberty; he failed to convince us that it was good policy, 
young as our country was, and remote from the scene of strife, to 
engage in a European war. He failed in England, too, where he 
certainly would have succeeded if the rights of man had been as 
dear to the government as the balance of power in Europe. But he 
failed in an enterprise of exalted and glorious patriotism similar to 
that in which Frauklin succeeded at the court of France, and which 
brought to our shores Lafayette, the citizen of two hemispheres, 
with French muskets, French soldiers, and French gold. If the 
mission of the American commissioners was more glorious than 
that of the Hungarian governor, it was only because the world 
measures glory by no standard but that of success. The honour 
shown to Kossuth at the time of his visit, and which is still felt for 
him by Americans who are not blinded by partisanship, was a spon- 
taneous homage to his genius, the utterance of a glowing sympathy 
with his noble and gallant soul, and the exhibition of a melting, 
though unfruitful pity for his crushed country, mingled with fierce 
indignation against a. perjtu-ed king and his royal companions in 
treachery and tyranny. If Dr. Schaff had fully imbibed the spirit of 
Washington and the fathers of the American Revolution, he never 
would have abused Kossuth before an audience that hated him sim- 
ply because he was a republican patriarch. 

Under the head of national character and social life our author 
represents xVmerica as exhibiting a livcl}- ethnographical panorama, 
in which we see passing before us all the nationalities of the old 
world. In Virginia we meet with the English gentleman of the 
time of Elizabeth and the later Stuarts ; in Philadelphia with the 
Quaker of the days of George Fox and William Penn : in East 
Pennsylvania with the Palatine and the Suabian of the former part 
of the last century ; in New-England with the Puritan of the time of 
Cromwell and Baxter; on the shore of the Hudson and in New- 
Jersey with the genuine Hollander, and in South Carolina with the 
Huguenots and the French noblemen of the seventeenth century. 
He shows, however, that in all this variegated manifoldness a higher 
unity prevails, in which we clearly distinguish the features of the 
American national character. This American nati<:'nal character, 
whose basis is English, greatly modified by the intermixture of other 
nationalities, and which, we are told, needs still further modification 
by contact with the deep German inwardness, our author describes 



126 S chaff 071 America. [January, 

as remarkable for energy, self-government, activity, power of organ- 
iiiation, strong religious convictions, and as possessing in a high 
degree the qualities necessary for world-dominion. Our social life 
is characterized as English in its general features, and in our large 
cities as rapidly tending to extravagance and luxury. i^ew-York 
is compai-ed with the French rather than the English capital, and if 
it were not for its many religious societies and churches, and its 
strict observance of Sunday, it might be called a second Paris. In 
respect to the intellectual enjoyments of social life among us, we 
translate from our author the following : — 

" The deep and thorourrhly cultivated intercourse ivitb which -we meet here 
in Berlin, -where, to speak without lUittery, one can spend each evening iu 
the most suggestive and profitable conversation, with ladies as well as with 
gentlemen, on science, and art, and all the higher concerns of life, is, indeed, 
but seldom to be met with in America. Female training especiall}-, is still, in 
general, very shallow there, calculated rather for outward show than for solid, 
mward improvement, and in some circles where from outward appearances 
•we might expect something bettor, we sometimes hear for whole evenings 
nothing but the stalest and ino-^t intolerable evi-ry-day chat about the M-eather, 
the fashions, and the latest weihling projects. But on the other hand a certain 
average culture is more general there than in Europe, where the culture is 
confined to certain conditions of life. Republican institutions, as we may see 
in part in Switzerland, have a levehng, equalizing tendency, in regard to 
social diversities. If the overtopping heights of culture are less frequent in 
America, so on tlie other hand we shall bo unabhi to find there any such deep 
depressions of ignorance. TJiere almost every one strives to be a gentleman 
or lady, that is, to reach the English ideal of outward and inward, of intellec- 
tual and moral culture, as far as their circumstances and external position 
will allow. Almost every man has a certain, at least outward routine, can make 
a respectiible appearance, reads newspapers and journals, can talk intelligently 
about the general alYairs of his fatherland; if needful, can make a speech, and 
in general, can make a good practical use of his knowledge. The amount of 
sound sense, of prudence and practical skill, and of speaking talent to be found 
there among all classes is really astonishing." — P. 35. 

From this flattering view of the American mind, the author proceeds 
to literature and science, and among other topics alludes to our public 
schools, mentions the Romish opposition to them, and rather sides with 
it, and says that certain prominent men in the Protestant confessions 
have assumed a polemical attitude toward them, and are labouring 
to establish parochial schools. It is true that many of the Protest- 
ant Churches, as also the Jews, have established schools of their 
own, but certainly, as far as we have any knowledge, those who have 
done so from hostility to the public schools must be looked for among 
the Puseyites or their Merccrsburg friends. 

We have some account also of college education in the country, 
and what is said is marked by fairness and discrimination. It is 
very properly stated that in the German sense of the word we have 



1856.] Schaff on America. 127 

no university, — that Yale, Harvard, and the University of Virginia 
make the nearest approach to it. The author makes a slight mis- 
take, however, in attaching a theological department to the Univer- 
sity of Virginia. 

The newspaper press comes in for a share of attention, and the 
Germans are astonished to hear of the immense circulation of some 
of our American papers, among others, certain of the religious vreck- 
lics, one of -which, the New-York Observer, they are told, reaches 
the enormous height of twenty thousand. We allude to this part of 
the book merely to show that better examples might have been 
selected ; and we cannot imagine why they were not. The Christian 
Advocate, New- York, and the Western Christian Advocate, Cin- 
cinnati, have a circulation of between thirty and forty thousand each. 

We pass now to notice the author's remarks upon the aspects of 
religion and the Church. He shows, very truly, that, although we 
have no state Church, yet the state, as such, does not leave Chris- 
tianity entirely unrecognised ; that in most, if not in all of the state 
governments, there are stringent laws against atheism, blasphemy, 
desecration of the Sabbath, and polygamy; and that even Congress 
acknowledges Christianity by the election of a chaplain for each 
house, as well as by providing similar officers for the army and 
navy. He falls, however, into a slight error when he states that 
the congressional chaplains have been mostly Protestant Episcopal 
and Presbyterian. The Methodists have had their full share of 
representatives in this office, and of late years, indeed, more than 
any other denomination. The last Congress had a Methodist chap- 
lain in each house. We call attention to this error, not because it 
is of any great importance in this country, but merely because the 
German hearers and readers of these lectures, whose ideas 
are so much influenced by official dignity, might have thought 
better of us if Dr. Schaflf had informed them correctly at this 
point. 

Dr. Schaff seems to have grave doubts respecting what is called 
the voluntary principle, namely, that condition of the Church in 
which, unsupported by the state, it is left to depend upon the hearts 
of its members ; for although he makes many statements going to 
show how efficiently it works, yet he tells us it has its dark sides; 
and further, that he would by no means defend, as an ideal condi- 
tion, the separation of Church and state, of which the voluntary 
principle is a necessary fruit, though he considers it preferable to 
territorialisra and police guardianship of the Church, and holds it 
to be a present necessity. 

But the jrreat source of grief with our author in regard to the 



128 Schaff on America [January, 

ecclesiastical relations of our country, is found in sectarianism, 
(Scctcnwescn.) On this point -svc translate as follows : — 

" America is the classic land of sects, which there, in perfect civil authoriza- 
tion, can develoj) thcniselvcs without opposition. This is connected with the 
abovc-montiouod preiKinderatinji reformed type of the country. For in the 
reformed Church, tiie Protestant, hence also the subjective, individualistic 
principle is most strongly brought out. By the term sectarianism we describe 
the whole ecclesiastical condition of the country. For the difterence between 
Church and sect has no existence there, at least, in the sense of established 
Church and dissenting societies, as they are ordinarily understood in England 
and Germany. In America we have no state Church, and hence no dissent- 
ers. There every religious society, if it does not outrage the common Chris- 
tian feelintrs of the people or the public morality, (as the Mormons, who, on 
this account, were driven out of Ohio and Illinois,) enjoys the same protection 
and the same rights." — P. 81. 

Further on, in the same spirit, he adds — 

" There is the Romanist, with the tridentinum and the pomp of the mass ; 
the Episcopal Anglican, with the thirty-nine articles and the book of common 
prayer ; the Scotch Presbyterian, v.-ith the A\'cstminster confession and his 
presbyteries and synods ; the Congregationalist, or Puritan in the narrower 
sense, likewise Avith the "Westminster contession, but with independent 
Churches ; the Baptist, with his immersion and his rejection of iniaat baptism; 
the Quaker, with his inward light : the ^Icthodist, with his insisting upon repent- 
ance and conversion, and his artfully-contrived machinery." 

There, too, are the Lutheran, the German llcformed, the Dutch 
Reformed, and others, all standing side by side, in the enjoyment of 
the same liberty, making "war upon sin, though sometimes also upon 
each other, and achieving triumphs of no mean character or trifling 
extent, since, as the author tells us, multitudes of souls are gathered 
every year by most of these sects, and some of them have doubled their 
numbers -vvithin the last ten years. 

Our author admits that this confusion of sects, as he calls it, may, 
from a certain point of view, be regarded with favour ; that a person 
who looks upon the conversion of men as the whole design of the 
Church, may well be favourably impressed with the religious condi- 
tion of Anierica. He admits that this glorious object is promoted 
by the great number of Churches and sects, which incite each other 
to increased activity and fruitfulness. lie even asserts that there 
are in this country, in proportion to population, more truly-awakened 
souls and more individual efiort and sacrifice for religion than any 
where else in the world, Scotland, perhaps, excepted ; and he denies 
that our sectarianism works to the advantage either of infidelity or 
Romanism. But he tells us, notwithstanding all this, that when we 
come to inspect this state of things more closely, we shall find that 
it has "great weaknesses and dark aspects; that it sets in motion 
every impure motive, encourages party-spirit and party-passion, 



1856.] Schaff on America. 129 

selfishness and bigotry, and changes the peaceful regions of the king- 
dom of God into a battle-field, where brother Avars with brother, not 
indeed with sword and bayonet, but with harshness and with every 
description of slander, and where the interests of the Church are, to 
a great extent, subordinated to those of party. It tears the beauti- 
ful body of Christ into pieces, and again and again throws the fire- 
brand of jealousy and discord among his members." 

What shall we say in reply to all this ? Shall we deny that the 
■ Church of God in America is extensively divided ? or that the difler- 
cnt denominations sometimes engage in acrimonious controversy ? 
By no means. Dr. Schaff himself tells us, on the ver}' next page, 
that sectarianism is not specifically an American disease ; that if 
the Church and the state were separated in Prussia, the parties that 
now make war upon each other with so much bitterness within the 
state Church would at once erect themselves into independent 
Churches and sects — and, if our information is correct, the libera- 
tion of the Church throughout Germany would give us a greater 
number of sects than v,-e have in this country. What then does the 
learned author mean? ^Vhy does he connect so closely the separa- 
tion of Church and state and the voluntary principle with sectarian- 
ism, which his colleague. Dr. Kevin, has laboured through a long 
and able pamphlet to identify with antichrist, and which he himself 
seems to place among mortal sins ? Does he moan to bring reproach, 
or, at least, suspicion, upon the relation of the American Church to 
the state, or simply to insinuate that personally he is tired of 
depending on the precarious and limited support of the voluntary 
principle? Or does he believe, as he tells us (p. 249) Dr. Nevin 
docs, that the Church question in the largest sense is not only the 
gi-eatest theological problem of the present day, but a question of 
personal salvation. This would be a still more terrible view of the 
separation of Church and state, which our author "would not be 
willing to defend as an ideal," and which in this country would thus 
become the cause of the awful sin of freeing the conscience and of 
establishing a number of earnest, liberal, soul-saving, Cliristian com- 
munions. 

But we arc referred still further back : " Protestantism itself," 
we are told, " being Christianity in the form of free subjectivity," 
has, in its principle and essence, a tendency to the formation of 
sects, so that it would seem after all that the Reformation is mainly 
to blame for the divi.iions of the American Church; and that the 
separation of Church and state, and freedom of religion, arc only so 
far evil as they remove the hindrances to the development of the 
schismatical principle of Protestantism. 



130 Schaff on America. [January, 

Sectarianism and Protestantism, as they have shown their gi-eat- 
est power and secured their most striking development in this coun- 
try, so, according to our author, it is in this country that they are 
both destined to come to an end. "Here," we arc told, "and not 
in London or Oxford, Romanism and Protestantism are to fight 
their last and most decisive battle," which is to result in favour of 
neither of the contending parties, but in favour of an evangelical 
Catholicism, to be reared, of course, on the ruins of the present schis- 
matical ecclesiastical establishments of rhe land. 

Dr. Schaff has a high regard for the Church of Rome, although 
ho is not entirely satisfied with her type of catholicity. Hear him 
on this point in the following passage : — 

" What is true, and pix/d. and areat, and beautiful in the old, gray, but still 
ever life-powerful Catholic Church, for ■which, in spite of my I'rotestant convic- 
tions and position I have a powerful, historical, theological, artistic, and practi- 
cally-religious respect, should and must be preserved ; but her tempo:-al form, 
the papacy, must pass away, and with it the adoration of saints, the supersti- 
tious regard for relics, the spirit of persecution, tyranny over tlte con5.;ience, 
and everything vrhich, with all the believing Protestant's longing for Church 
unity, with all his pain at the weaknesses and imperfections in his own camp, 
still, for the sake of his conscience, on account of the most precious benefits of 
the holy Gospel and of direct communion with Christ, our all-satisfying Lord, 
must forever separate him from the Church of Rome. — P. 151. 

It sounds strangely to American ears that a theological professor 
in one of the Churches of the Keformation should have for Roman- 
ism "'a powerful, historical, theological, artistic, and practically-reli- 
gious respect." A historical respect for that system which has 
reddened all the streams of history with the blood of the saints, 
and still glories in it, telling us she would do the same thing here 
and ■nn}v if she had the power 1 A theological respect for Roman- 
ism, with her transubstantiation, her worship of the host, her indul- 
gences and purgatoiy, redolent of lucre ; her penance and auricular 
confession, and her priestly power of forgiving sin ! This looks to 
us like respect for idolatry, blasphemy, and liwiniousness. But 
the professor goes still further, and speaks, apparently with great; 
pleasure, of his " practically-religious respect " for Rome, that is, 
reverence — he venerates the mother of harlots as a chaste and holy 
matron ; he sees in her the virtues of churchliness and outward 
unit3^ the latter indeed preserved by the rack and the faggot; 
while in the Protestant communions, under the working of free 
subjectivity, that evil principle of the Reformation, he sees only 
the horrible deformity of unchurchliness and the mortal sin of schism 
and sectarian confusion. No wonder, after all this, that our author 
should tell his German friends how " easy a matter it is in America 



1S56.] Schaff on America. 131 

for a theologian to draw upon himself the charge of Puseyism and 
Romanizing tendencies," and frankly confess his own bitter experi- 
ences in this respect. 

In the following passage our author speaks of the prevailing 
opinions of American Protestants with respect to Popery, and char- 
acterises them as prejudice : — 

" They see in it (Popery) the incarnate antichrist, the man of sin proplie- 
siod of by Paul, that exaltcth himjclf above all that is caliofl (Jod, or that is 
worshipped : the synagogue of Satan, the apocalyptic beast, the Babylonish 
whore, an enemy of all liberty of thoui^ht and belief, a fearful power of p<T- 
gecution of all who think. ditVerently from her, a mighiy tyranny of the con- 
science, a spiritual despotism -which must become, necessarily, a political des- 
potism should it ever obtain sufficient power." — P. 153. 

These sober opinions of so many private Christians and learned 
interpreters, some of which are based upon decrees of Papal coun- 
cils, the opinions of learned Romish doctors, and the admitted prin- 
ciples of Popery, the author condemns vrithout distinction, nay, even 
makes light of, and places on a footing of equality with the abuse of 
Protestantism by the Papal press of this country. 

Under his ecclesiastico-religious division, Dr. Schaff, after a 
short preface, proceeds to a characterization of the principal denomi- 
nations of tlie country. He divides them into two groups, the 
English and the German. The English are the Congregationalists. 
the Presbyterians, the Episcopalians, the Quakers, the Methodists. 
and the Baptists. Of the last two there are also German branches. 
He says : — 

" All these can be assigned to orthodox and evangelical Protestantism, since 
in their symbols they hold fast to the fundamental doctrines of Holy -Scrip- 
ture and of the Reformation, and bring forth a Christian Hfe corresponding 
therewith. On the outermost boundary of orthodo.x: Protestantism stand the 
Baptists and Quakers, who hence mostly bear the character of sects in the 
naiTOwer sense, although the former are very numerous. On the other hand 
the Episcopalians form the extreme right wing of Protestantism, and are most 
nearly related to Catliolicism ; this holds especially of the High Church or 
Puseyite party." — P. 91. 

But, although the Protestant Episcopalians are thus placed with 
liome, and the Quakers and Baptists are branded as sects in the 
narrower sense ; although the Congregationalist and Presbyterians 
arc blamed as standing on the utmost extreme of simplicity and 
unimaginative tamcness in matters of public wor.ship. and espe- 
cially as rejecting the use of the cross, the altar, forms of prayer. 
clerical robes, and Church feasts, particularly Christmas, Easter, and 
Whitsuntide, yet it is for the Methodists that he reserves his 
sharpest language. 



13*2 Schaff on America. [January, 

" Methodism is one of the most numerous of American denominations, perhaps 
the most numerous, and in the state of Indiana has the entire control of the 
political elections. It possesses extraordinary practical energy and activity, 
and rejoices in an organization which is most strilcingly adapted to great 
general undertakings and systematic, fruitful cooperation. Its ministers have, 
as a rule, little or no scientific culture ; they, however, generally possess con- 
siderable git'is tor popular discourse and exhortation, and often suj^ply by 
faithfulness and devotion what they lack in deeper knowledge. They are 
especially fitted for pioneers in new regions, for aggressive mission work, and 
for labour among the lower classes. Their zeal, however, is very much 
clouded by impure motives of prosclytism, and indulges itself in the most 
shameless inroads on the material of other Churches under the opinion that 
they alone can thoroughly convert them. The ^Methodists have also the 
greatest intluence over the negroes, the free as well as the slaves, and with their 
power of producing excitement, seem exactly adapted to the sanguine, easily- 
moved negro temperament. Formerly they condemned learning ;iid theo- 
logv', from principle, and as dangerous to practical piety, and appealed to the 
apostles and evangelists of the early Church in justification of their position ; 
they were accustomed to boast, that although their preachers had never rub- 
bed their ba-.ks against the college wall, still they knew belter how to gather 
fish into the net of the kingdom than others. But in respect to this question 
an important change has commenced within a few years past. The ]\Iethod- 
ists begin now to establish colleges and seminaries, to publish scientific jour- 
nals, and to follow the advancing culture of the times. Still it is a question 
whether they will not, by this means, lose more of their peculiar character, 
and of their intluence over the lower classes, than they will gain among the 
more cultivated cindes. It is characteristic of them (the Methodist ministers) 
that as soon as they get a little learning they are usually more putTed up than 
other people, and even in the pulpit make a vain display of it." — Pp. 121, 122. 

Now ■we very mucli doubt Avhethcr our readers could find any- 
■vrhcre else, in the same space, as much flippant abuse and self-com- 
placent slander as we have here. As to our being good pioneers, 
adapted to the work among the lower classes and suited to the sanguine 
easily-moved negro temperament, we have nothing to object, but 
joyfully appropriate as a compliment Avhat perhaps the Mcrcorsburg 
theologian uttered for the purpose of bringing us into contempt in 
Berlin. It is a great pity that every Church is not fitted for the 
■work of saving the poor and unlettered, especially as Christ himself 
has said, " Unto the poor the Gospel is preached."' But when he 
tells his auditors and readers that "the zeal of Methodism is 
darkened by impure motives of prosclytism," and that she indulges 
in the most shameless encroachments upon other Churches, we must 
meet the bold and reckless assertion by aflat denial, and character- 
ize it as false and slanderous. The writer of this article knows well 
the relation of ^lethodism to the German Churches, especially in 
Pennsylvania. If to go into neighbourhoods where God was almost 
forgotten, where the members of the regular Churches, as a rule, 
openly indulged in profanity and drunkenness, and, on an almost 
starving pecuniary allowance, to preach the Gospel with a power that 



iSoC] Schaff on America. 133 

drove the people from their sins and induced them to lead a new 
life, evinces a zeal darkened by motives of pvoselytism. we plead 
guilty to the charge. If to gather these awakened and renewed 
people into separate societies when it was almost morally certain 
that to leave them in their old associations was to insure their 
return to their former habits, and when the change through which 
thc}^ had passed had made them objects of derision, not only to 
their neighbours and fellow-churchmen generally, but in most cases 
also to their pastors ; if to take pity on such poor sheep, and in 
these circurastnnces to provide food and fold for them is to make 
"shameless inroads upon other Churches," then indeed are we guilt}-, 
and are not ashamed. And it is precisely to these labours of Method- 
ism, both in awakening the people and in founding Churches in their 
previously God-forsaken towns and neighbourhoods, that the Ger- 
man Churches are indebted, at least in a great measure, for the res- 
toration of their spiritual life, for the beginning of those better days 
which he tells us they are now enjoying. Dr. Schaff shall be our 
witness and judge on this point. After speaking of that period of 
the history of the American German Churches embraced between 
the Revolutionary war and the year 1820, which he describes as the 
period of ''torpidity^' and '' pcln'faction," he makes the following 
statement : — 

"The principal incitement, (i. e.. to returning life,) came, at least indirect- 
ly, from the side uf ruritanic rre.-byterianism and Mefhodkm, and 'n-as inti- 
mately connected v,-ith the continual prevalence of the English language, 
■which, for a few decenniunis has been pressing more and more into purely 
Herman nciglilinnrlioods, so that the newly-awakened life bore at the begin- 
ning, and still bears, at least to some extent, an English, partly Puritanical, 
partly IMethodistic character, and for some time threatened cntiieiy to destroy 
the {jeculiarilv. especially the churchly elements, of German Protestantism, such 
as the use of "liturgical formularies, the celebration of the higl> feasts, the rite 
cf confirmation, the mystical view of the holy supper," Sec. — P. ITS. 

We quote again : — 

"Many of the richest Pennsylvania formers are uncommonly stingy and 
full of tiie mo-t unreasonable prejudices against every kind (<f pro_ress. 
Alas ! they are even supported in it by many preachers of the old stainp. who 
trouble themselves much more about their farms, their geese, and their cows, 
tlian about the interests of the kingdom of God, and who systematically keej) 
their Churches in ignorance and stupidity. They are indeed orthodox, but 
far more from indolence of thought and motives of interest than from inward 
conviction ; they are zealous fur the Lutheran or the Iicformed Clnnvh. and 
bawl themselves a!mo.-t hoarse against the so-called Strablers, (^lelhoia-ts.) 
and their new measures : but with these they assail at the tame tmie all vital, 
practical Christianltv. Hai)pilv. this generation of bt!l!/ jn-itsts is rapidly dying 
oir," &e., &c.— P. U'f>. 

This is a specimen of that period of torpidity and petrifaction 
so graphically described by our author, as t\lso of the treatment 



134 Schaff on America. [January, 

_ encountered by the [Methodists, when they first began to prophesy over 
this field of death. This is a picture to the life of the German 
Churches, both ministers and people : at that time " torpid " as the 
serpents of their own winters, petrified harder than the anthracite 
of their own hills, and reflecting as little light ; mere fossil churches 
with bclbj priests for pastors, more troubled about their geese and , 
cows than about the kingdom of God ; bawling themselves hoarse 
with equal zeal against the Methodists and all vital practical Chris- 
tianity. Over these arid and desolate wastes Methodism scattered 
the signs of returning life. Under her mighty, though perhaps in 
some cases rude efforts, portions of the torpid flocks began to strug- 
gle and revive: the "petrified" foi-ms became conscious of joints, 
and the limbs of stone began to soften and move ; and now we are 
told that the result of these labours, and of others of a similar kind 
put forth by the Presbyterians, is, that a better time has come, and 
the condition of the German Churches is decidedly hopeful. For 
being the instruments of bringing all this about the Methodist min- 
isters find their reward on tlie other side of the Atlantic in having 
their zeal described as " clouded by impure motives of proselytism." 
But while we repel and disprove this false and ungrateful charge, 
we do not hesitate to state that while the Methodists have always 
strenuously contended that God alone converts the soul, yet they 
have always hold and acted upon the principle, that the Church 
which has been the instrument of turning men to righteousness ought 
to provide for their spiritual culture, and to have the spiritual over- 
sight of them. They have further held, that the openly wicked and 
profane, whom no scriptural Church discipline could allow to remain 
in the Church, are not in any valid sense members of the visible 
Church, and that when such men are taken in the " Gospel net " 
and become true Christians, it is just as much the duty of the 
Church through whose labours they are converted, with their con- 
sent, to receive them into her communion as it would be to receive 

- so many hoathun brought to Christ at one of her missionary stations 
in Africa. In all this they feel and know that so far from entering 
upon other men's labours, they arc simply nurturing thu spiritual 

» children whom God has given them, and besides are frequently 
erecting a light from which others shall receive the rays of a 
divine illumination, and even torpid and petrified Churches renew 
their suspended functions. But while the Methodists, thus gladly 
and from conviction, have always received their spiritual off- 
spring, they have ever scorned to decoy Christians of other com- 
munions into their own. Indeed, they themselves have suffered 
more from proselytism than any other Clmrch in the land : thousands 



1856.] ^ Schaff on America. . 135 

converted among us and formerly belonging to us are now members 
of other Churches, and scores of those ^vho were once Methodist 
ministers, both in England and in this country, are occupying the 
pulpits of other denominations. 

It is charged again that the Methodists formerly condemned learn- 
ing and theology, both from principle and from their being danger- 
ous to practical piety. Here are two distinct charges : one is that 
"the ;^Iethodists formerly condemned learning and theology from 
principle,"' that is, loved ignorance for its own sake, especially in 
matters of theology ; the other, that they considered both learning 
and theology dangerous to practical piety, — in other words, tliat they 
held the opinion so often attributed to Rome, namely, that ignorance 
is the mother of devotion. In reply to such accusations as these 
one scarcely knows what to say. The calumny is so obvious, 
that to state it is to refute it and to brand the author with 
reckless error or intentional misrepresentation. Perhaps Dr. 
SchafF supposed these things would never reach the ears of the 
friends of Methodism in this country, while at the same time 
his scandalous misrepresentation of her ministers and caricature of 
her history might have the effect of making our recently-established 
missions in Germany unpopular, as Avell as of arming the Cicrman 
emigrants against the influence of our domestic missions when they 
arrive in this country. This would seem to be the method adopted 
by the advocates of evangelical catliolichm for the extirpation of 
schism, the antichrist of Mercersburg ; and perhaps the new Cathol- 
icism, like the old so much admired by our friend, holds the maxim, 
" the end sanctifies the means." 

What, then, was the true relation of early Methodists to learn- 
ing and theology ? Why, simply this. 'When the Wesleys found the 
depths of. the spiritual life, and their ministrations began to be "in 
power, in the Holy Ghost, and in much assurance ;" and when great 
numbers were awakened and converted as the fruit of their labours, 
some of these persons, feeling themselves urged b}' a strong desire. 
and by a conviction of duty equally strong, to call sinners to repent- 
ance, before they themselves or their religious guides were aware of 
it, were found to be preaching. The labours of these laymen pro- 
duced abundant fruits, and in many cases exhibited the gifts of the 
labourers to great advantage. What was to be done? Mr. Wesley 
saw the multitudes perishing for lack of knowledge, with no man. even 
among the clergy, to care for their souls, aiid he reluctantly confirmed 
what the Great Head of the Church had already ordered, and made 
these pious and zealous laymen helpers of his mniistry. But did 
Mr. Wesley send these men out to preach the Gospel because they 



136 . Schaff on America. [January, 

had not been tuugUt Latin and Greek and were not skilled in the- 
ology as a science ? ^\''as it not rather in spite of these defects, and 
because although they were not learned, they were sensible, highly 
gifted, and, above all, deeply religious and fired with a zeal for the 
salvation of souls, which seemed to be the great passion of their lives ? 
Did he send them out with the advice to avoid books, to eschew 
learning, and especially to keep clear of theology? We hardly need 
sa}' that he himself was an extensive writer as well as publisher of 
books, intended to assist in training his people in the knov^dedge and 
practice of Christianit}^; and that in his advice to his preachers he 
places gaining knowledge next to saving souls. In our Discipline, 
— in the first ever published — the question is asked, " \Vhy is it that 
the people under our care ai-e not better ?" and the answer given 
is, " Other reasons may concur, but the chief is, because we are not 
more knowing and more holj'." The next answer proceeds to direct 
the preacher to spend at least ji^te hours every day in study, and 
declares that a preacher who has no taste for books must "contract 
such a taste by use or return to his former employment.'" 

If we come to the earl}' history of our Church in this country, 
how do these slanders appear? Was Dr. Coke, our first bishop, a 
lover of ignorance for its own sake ? Did he ignore his own learn- 
ing, and assert that he could have been a more pious man, or a more 
eflicicnt minister without it? Did the early Methodist ministers get 
this intense hatred of learning and theology, this belief that igno- 
rance is the mother of devotion, from Francis Asbury, the father of 
American Methodism, the founder of Cokesbury College, one of the 
objects of which, as stated hy himself, was to give to our young men 
who are called to preach " a measure of that improvement Avhich is 
highly expedient as a preparative for public service ;" and who, in 
spite of the disadvantages of his early training, and while engaged 
in ceaseless travel and daily preaching over the whole extent of this 
vast country, found time for self-culture and for the earnest study 
of the Scriptures in the original languages? Did .our fathers learn 
to hate culture in general and theology in particular from the exam- 
ple of Emory, and Hedding, and Bangs? men whose youth was 
spent with one generation of Methodist ministers,, their mature 
manhood with another, and the beautiful and fragrant old age of one 
of them with still another. The charge is false. For although the 
Methodist Church has held from the beginning, and still holds, that 
neitiier a classical nor regular theological education is essential to 
an clUcient Gospel ministry ; and though she has demonstrated her 
position in away to make the ears of the world to tingle, yet she has 
always insisted with equal earnestness, that those who are called to 



1S5G.] ScJiaff on A/nerica. 137 

the work of the ministry are bound to do their utmost to cultivate 
their minds and to acquire knowledge, especially that which pertains 
to their holy calling. Our fathers in the ministry were frequently 
assailed as false prophets or as ignorant pretenders and interlopers, 
by ministers who, with a smattering of Greek and Latin and no 
Christian experience, had less biblical learning than those whom 
they abused ; and when thus attacked by the bcllij priests, as l)r. 
iSehafF aptly calls them, they replied, and very truly, that although 
they had never been at college, they were better instructed in every- 
thing pertaining to their sacred calling than many who had enjoved 
that advantage. And in further vindication of themselves, they 
pointed, like Paul, to their " living epistles," and showed that " the 
net of the Gospel " in their hands, came to the shore laden at every 
haul with the evidences of success, while their maligncrs laboured 
in the dark and literally " caught nothing." Dr. Schaff has either 
carelessly or wilfully borne false witness against the early Methodist 
ministers, men of whom the world was not worthy, and who, accord- 
ing to his own acknowledgment, had much to do with the reawaken- 
ing of his own " torpid" and " petrified " Church. 

As to the ill-natured remark, that "it is characteristic of the 
Methodist ministers, that as soon as they get a little learning, they 
are usually more puffed up than others, and make a vain display 
of it, even in the pulpit," we reply, that we are acquainted with no 
Church in the land so much in danger from a little learning as the 
German Kefonned. This results from two causes: first, the miser- 
able Pennsylvania German dialect, the vernacular of many of their 
ministers and people ; and secondl}^ the recent introduction of the 
mystical and metaphysical Mercersburg theology. Of the German 
dialect in use in Pennsylvania, where the interests of the German 
Reformed Church principally lie. Dr. SchafF has given a most 
ludicrous account in the book before us. Here is a verse of an 
evening hymn in that dialect which he quotes for the amusement of 
his cultivated audience. 

"Margets schoent die Sun so scho 

0-wits goat dcr gehl MonJ uf, 
Margets leit dor Dau in Klee, 

Chvits tritt mer Drucke druf." 

This lingo, a mixture of mangled German and English forms, inca- 
pable of being used for any literary purpose whatever, is the native 
speech of a large number of those who enter the ministry in Dr. 
Schaff's Church. It is true that the Englisli language grows up by 
the side of their vernacular, but only as a stiff and literal translation 
of it, the sentences stvinding as often on their heads as on their feet, 
Fourth Series, Vol. Vlll.— 9 



138 Schaff on America. [January, 

so that both ]angua(::;es are made to play the harleqiun together. 
Now how is it possible for young men who start to college knowing 
neither German nor English, unprovided with the common channels 
of thought, the simplest iiistruracnts of improvement, — half of whose 
time in college must have passed before they acquire freedom and 
skill in either language, — how is it possible fur such young men in 
the remaining half of their time to get beyond the point of " a little 
learning?" And will not these early disadvantages trammel them 
in all after life 1 But when these young men leave college and enter 
the theological seminary, how are they, with such slender prepa- 
ration, and in the short time allowed them, to master the intrica- 
cies and fathom the depths of the Mercersburg theology ? — to explain 
the mystery of the mystical presence, baptismal grace, and historical 
development? To expect such a thing is absurd, and hence, ever 
since this new system became dominant in the German Reformed 
Church, the most of her ministers seem to move like a man bearing 
about him a concealed treasure, of which he knows neither the value 
nor the exact whereabouts, though he is pretty sure he has it some- 
where. The general impression is, that however clearly Drs. Nevin 
and Schaff may be able to see in this newly-imported, hazy, German, 
doctrinal atmosphere, the great body of their ministers are befog- 
ged by their " too little learning ;'' and hence with a discretion 
scarcely to be ex])ected in this country of independent thought, they 
have mostly yielded themselves in unreasoning and dutiful silence to 
the guidance of authority, and by tacit consent have left both the 
promulgation and defence of the new theology to their two great 
leaders. But while with the majority the effect of the new teaching 
has been thus repressive and sedative, v.ith a considerable number 
who think they sec bottom through the deep or muddy waters, it has 
been far otherwise ; and where a learned professor might have pre- 
sented to his audience a body of smoke in a robe of moonshine, and 
supplied by rhetorical and metaphysical gymnastics what was lacking 
in solid doctrine, these poor fellows only grope and flounder, and in 
quite a different sense from that in which Milton used the words, 
" find no end, in wandering mazes lost," until the intelligent in the 
community are reminded of the country schoolmaster and his aston- 
ished neighbours, — 

" While worJs of learned length and thundering sound 
Amazed the gazing rustics ranged around." 

With respect to the charge of "conceit" and "vain display" we 
will not deny that an occasional case of the kind may be pointed 
out among us, as among uthcrs, but that it is " characteristic" we 



1856.] Schaff on America. 139 

altogether deny : the history, the spirit, the success of our ministry 
all contradict it. Dr. Schaff himself tells us in a passage which we 
shall by-and-by translate, that the " principal thing with the Meth- 
odists is to work upon the sinner;" and we add, that this, (leaving 
off the sneer.) with the building up of believers and the training of 
children, Methodism regards as her whole Avork. With these the 
display of learning is incompatible, and yet toward these the mem- 
bers of the Church expect, and her auth.~iritios demand, that every 
sermon should tend. Methodism in this country annually receives 
into her communion almost as many persons as all the other Prot- 
estant Churches together; — is this great work accomplished by men 
inclined to idle display, or is it the result of preaching the Gospel 
"not in words which man's wisdom teacheth, but which the Holy 
Ghost teacheth ?" The charge is false : our ministers, as a general 
rule, whether they have much learning, little learning, or none at all, 
are characterized b}* earnestness and simplicity, and so much are 
these qualities the fiisliion among us, espocialh' the former, that a 
minister who does not possess them, must seem to do so in order to 
be acceptable. So striking a characteristic, not onl}' of our preach- 
ing, but of our whole Church life, has earnestness been, that Dr. 
Chalmers, as if to refute this charge before it was made, described 
Methodism as " Christianity in earnest.'' 

Our author finds a striking resemblance between Methodism and 
German pietism, on which account, he says, the former have easy 
access to the Wiirtemburg emigrants, among whom there are 
many Pietists. "We learn, on the other hand, from Dr. IS'ast that this 
last remark is a decided blunder : Methodism does little or nothing 
with the Pietists. About twenty per cent, of the converts of the 
Methodist German missions are from the i-;inks of Rome, — the rest, 
for the most part, were Rationalists or outright Infidels. 

We translate another passage : — 

"i^Iethodism and Pietism agree in earnestly insitin^r upon subjective experi- 
mental Christianity — repentance, conversion, the new birth, and indeed in a 
particular -vvay and mnnner, or method ; hence the name Methodism. The 
ruling spirit of the system demands as a condition to the complete fjt'tinn 
thnniqli, powerful birth pains, an earnest battle of n>pentance, a certain amount 
of feeling of sin and of grace, and ordinarily also the clear recollection of the 
time ami place of the new birth or conversion, two things which Methodism 
regards as one." 

We do indeed, with Jesus and the apostles, insist on experimental 
Christianity, repentance and the new birth; we labour to bring on 
the battle of repentance, and rejoice in the pangs of the spiritual 
birth, but we teach nothing in regard to the specific amount of any. 



140 Schaff on America. [January, 

kind of feeling whatever— just the reverse indeed — we pretend to 
have no mystical thermometer by which to determine the spiritual 
temperature either of the renewed or the penitential state. 

Dr. SchafF's ignorance of our economy, considering he has under- 
taken to write about us, is most remarkable. He tells his readers 
that the legislative power lies in the conferences, the administrative 
in the hands of the bishops and presiding elders ; that the preach- 
ers are not paid directly by the people, but from a general Church 
fund ; that they receive a moderate but respectable and fixed sup- 
port for themselves, for their wives, and for each of their children, so 
that the increase of the income keeps pace with the growth of the 
family ; that the widows and orphans of the clergy and missionaries 
receive an excellent support from a special, rich, well-managed re- 
lief fund. Most of this might have been said just as appropriately 
of the Quakers, who have no regular ministry at all. 

Our relation to Church service and the means of grace is next 
taken up : — 

" In regard to divine service, tbo ordinary, God-ordaincd means of grace, 
do not satisfy Methodism, and witii the sacraments she does not at all know 
•v\'hat to do, althougli she still traditionally retains infant baptism and celebrates 
the Lord's supper four times a year as a simply conmiemorative institution. 
It has far more confidence in subjective means and exciting impressions than 
in objective institutions and their more quiet and imobserved, but more cer- 
tain elliciency. The principal thing with Methodism is to work upon the 
sinner with altogether special exertions of the preacher, and for this purpose 
they have discovered and completed in America a peculiar machinery, which 
to Pietism is entirely unknown, ' namely, the system of the so-called new 
measures.'" 

Among these " new measures" are mentioned by the author, pray- 
er-meetings and camp-meetings, inquiry meetings and class-meetings, 
(the two latter he regards as in some measure a substitute for the 
Romish confessional,) and finally the anxious-bench, which he 
describes as follows : — 

" A purely American discovery, namely, a seat in front of the pulpit, to 
which, after preaching, the penitent hearer is invited, and still further work- 
ed upon with special exhortations, in the most exciting manner, until the new 
life reaches the point of breril-inr/ through, and then the feehng of sin-pardon- 
ing grai^e breaks forth in a loud and ecstatic rejoicing, as just before the sense 
of sin had expressed itself in most vehement lamentations, tears, agonizing 
groans, and, not untVeipiently, in convulsive fits." 

^Vhat does the learned doctor mean by saying that the Methodists 
are not satisfied with the ordinary means of grace? They appear 
to us to find great satisfaction in them, and as an evidence of it, they 
devote their children to God in baptism, they attend the Lord's 



1S56.] S chaff on America. 141 

supper, — in the eastern cities at least, not "four times a year," 
but regularly once a month; and on the Sabbath day, even when 
there is no particular excitement, they croTN'd their churches more 
than any others are crowded, to hear the preaching of the word. 
As to the sacraments, perhaps the doctor means that Method- 
ists do not show their " practical religious respect for Rome"' and 
INIercersburg, by adopting the doctrines of baptismal regeneration 
and the real spiritual presence, as Dr. Nevin would express it, of 
the human nature of Christ in the holy supper. Judging the 
Methodists, then, by their practices, the only fair way of judging in 
such cases, they seem not only to be satisfied with the ordained 
means of grace, but to love them. But perhaps the doctor 
means, not that the Methodists are dissatisfied with the ordained 
means of grace, but that they do not consider them sufficient, and 
hence add to them their peculiar usages. We, however, would beg 
leave to dissent from this view of the case ; we use no means of grace 
the substance of which is new ; we are only " instant out of season " as 
well as " in season," in the employment of what is ordained. At 
our camp-meetings everything is old; wc have only preaching, 
praying, singing, and personal advice to penitents; our prayer- 
meetings, which Dr. Schaff admits are not modern, and which we 
scarcely need say, are found in the Acts of the Apostles, require no 
explanation, much less defence ; they rest upon Scriptural promise 
and example, but, without either, they would have resulted from the 
spiritual life of the Chui'ch, as the necessary outgrowth of the sympa- 
thy of praying hearts. Our class-meetings (not to notice the stale, 
oft-refuted charge of Romanism, especially when coming from Roman- 
izing Mercersburg) are a most happy and successful effort to system- 
atize religious conversation, and to secure its weekly repetition. They 
afford the members of the Church frequent and regular opportuni- 
ties to follow the example of those who in early times " continued 
steadfastly in the apostles' doctrine and/c//o?/-5/;/;^" and withv.-hom 
personal religion and the interests of Christ's kingdom were the 
constant themes of conversation. Similar statements might be 
made in respect to our mourner's bench or altar ; all that is done 
there is to sing, and pray, and point the struggling penitent to tlie 
promises of the Gospel and the Saviour of sinners. Substantial!}', 
then, the Methodists use the means of grace instituted by Christ, 
and them only ; and the objections brought against them in this 
connexion, relate exclusively to non-essential circumstances, such 
as, that the preaching, the praying, the singing, Sic, are done in a 
f'rove, in a private house, or at a certain bench or altar, or on a week- 
day. Concerning these circumstances the apostles and the private 



142 Scliaff on America. [January, 

Christians of tiieir day were as little careful as the Methodists ; we 
find them, not only on the Sabbath, but " daily Aviih one accord in 
the temple." Paul goes into the Jewish synagogues and preaches 
on the Sabbath days ; but if it Avill better serve the cause of Christi- 
anity we find him " disputing daihj in i\\Q school of one Tyrannus," 
keeping up these services for two years, until all that dwelt " in Asia 
heard the word of the Lord Jesus." At another time the same 
apostle joins with Silas in social prayer, and in singing at midnight 
in the prison at Philippi. The first Christian preachers and their 
followers were intent upon using tlic means of grace ; but whether 
this was done in the temple, in the market-place, in the prison, in 
the school-room, in the private house, or whether with or without 
benches, made but little difference to them. 

There are many other things in this book to which as Methodists 
we might object as unfair if not spiteful. Another considerable 
extract, however, shall content us. The author says : — 

" The Methodists not only reject confirmation as a useless or hypocritical 
formalism, but also the idea of an objective baptismal grace, and ot'ten in a 
shocking manner neglect the entire religio'js training of their children, in 
the vain, God-tempting e.xpectation that the nervons agitation of an awaken- 
ing sermon at a camp-meeting, or a few hours at the mourner's bench, will 
supply the place of the toilsome process of parental discipline and nurture, and 
regular pastoral instruction. It is therefore no wonder that the young genera- 
tion, under such iallupnc-e.-', grow up so destitute of good manners and morals. 
and that, in many neighbourhoods where this light straw-fire of Methodistlcal 
revival has blazed up brightly, a perfect death has made its appearance, with 
a profane mockery of all religion." — P. 129. 

This is certainly a wonderful passage, — wonderful, especially as 
coming from a minister of the German Reformed Church, and. as 
uttered against the Methodist Episcopal Church ! Where, in the 
name of all " who draw upon their imagination for their facts," did 
Dr. Schaff get his information ? If some of the multitudes of Meth- 
odist parents have neglected the training of their children, as no 
doubt they have, and that sadly, have they told this accuser of the 
brethren or his particular friends that they were guilty of this 
neglect in the expectation that the services of an e.xciting meeting 
would supply the place of Christian nurture ? Did he learn it from 
our Discipline, according to which every minister solemnly 
promises at his ordination, " diligently to instruct the children in 
every place?" v,hich makes it his duty "to form Sunday schools in 
our congregations where ten children can be collected;" "to preach 
on the subject of the religious instruction of children once in six 
months in all our congregations;" "to enforce upon Sunday-school 
teachers and parents the great importance of instructing children in 
the doctrines and duties of our holy religion;" "to catechise the 



1856.] Schaff on America. I43 

children in the Sunday schools and afc special meetings appointed 
for that purpose ;" in " his pastoral visits, to speak personally to the 
children on experimental and practical godliness, according to their 
capacity," -with many other directions on the same subject? Did he 
learn it from our almost innumerable Sunday schools scattered up 
and down over the whole country V or from the Sunday School Ad- 
vocate, visiting the lambs of our flock twice a month, and repeating 
in their ears the sweet words of Christ, " Suffer little children to 
come unto me?" or from the Sunday School Union of the ^Methodist 
Episcopal Church, with its untold pious and instructive hooks for 
children? Did he find it in our catechisms, plain or pictorial? or 
has he gone back to the fountain-head and learned it from Mr. ^Vc3- 
ley's sermon on the religious education of children ? or was it only 
a generous though unmeaning compliment, intended as part payment 
for the share wc had in restoring life to his " torpid " and " petrified " 
dmrch? and especially for "imparting to that new life something 
of a Methodistic character ?" Or, finally, was this written and pub- 
lished in Germany as so many other kindly passages of his book 
seem to have been, for the purpose of warning Germans about to 
emigrate to this country against the practical Methodists and their 
"artfully contrived machinery," and particularly to thwart the sec- 
tarian mischief then threatening from the Methodist missions 
just established in Germany? That this last was an important 
part of his design, seems probable, not only from the general tone 
of his strictures upon Methodism, but especially from two or three 
passages. On page 214, speaking of what has been done in this 
country toward making spiritual provision for the Germans, our 
author mentions the labours of the Methodist Episcopal Church, and 
then tells his Berlin audience, jealous for the honour of their nation, 
and proud both of their Christianity and their intellectual culture, 
that the " Methodists have even sent a missionary to Germany, as 
if it were a heathen land, in order to Christianize it after the Meth- 
odist fashion." And on page liTO he says: "A proof of the zeal 
of the Germano- American Methodists and of their strange over- 
estimate of their mission (aufgabe) is seen in the remarkable cir- 
cumstance, that recently they have even sent several missionaries 
to Germany, in order to draw it out of the slough of a real or sup- 
posed heathenism, and to Christianize it after the Methodist fashion." 
A little further on he adds: " Perhaps, indeed, arcgular Methodistical 
thunder- showi-r in some of the dead regions of Germany might be pro- 
ductive of the most beneficial results ; although it might be better it 
should fall from the native sky, and not be obliged to be first 
artistically imported from America." It is true, the doctor 



144 S chaff on America. [January, 

advises the authorities not to persecute the missionaries, giving it as 
his opinion that if Rationalists and Pantheists are tolerated, even 
in the pulpit, vre also ought to be let alone. But let any thought- 
ful man, not to say Christian, or Christian minister, look at these 
passages in conne:cion vrith the general tone of all he has said on 
Methodism, and at the same time remember the tender infancy of the 
Methodist mission in Germany at the time these things were utter- 
ed, and let him say, -u-hether in the gentlest jurlgment of charity, 
Professor Schaff did not do his utmost in all that, as an adopted 
American citizen he dare do, to bring our missionaries in Germany 
into disrepute, to hedge up their vray, and to secure their return to 
America -without fruit? All this appears the more -wonder- 
ful, -ft'hen v,-e remember that the author himself has told us that 
full one-half of the Germans who come to this country since the 
revolutions of 184S are Rationalists and Infidels, and leaves us to 
infer that multitudes of the same kind still remain in the fatherland. 
We must not fail to mention, before concluding, that Rev. Mr Xip- 
pert, one of our missionaries in Germany, has replied to Dr. Schaff's 
misrepresentations of Methodism in a series of letters, published in 
the Christian Apologist, Cincinnati. These letters are pungent 
and direct in style, and in spirit, pious, becoming, and dignified. 



Since the above article -was written a translation of Dr. Schaff's 
book has appeared in this country. Among other differences between 
the original and the translation, we notice the following : On page 
172 of the translation, he has slightly modified his account of the 
ecclesiastical constitution of Methodism. On pages ITS and 179, 
besides mentioning the period of "torpidity," 6lc., less specifically 
than in the original, he withdraws the admission, that "Methodism 
and Presbyterianism had contributed to the revival of the German 
Churches ;" stating in general term.s th.at those Churches were 
" awakened from their lethargy by the Anglo-American churches." 
On page 235 he has left out the strongest part of his most objec- 
tionable passage on Romanism ; that, namely, in v.hich he confesses 
for it his "powerful, historical, theological, artistic, and practically- 
religious respect." 

The third part of the book, as it stood in the original, has been 
greatly altered and abridged in the translation, for reasons stated by 
the author. 



1856.3 Letlers on Recent French Literature, i 145 

Art. Vn.— letters ON RECENT FRENCH LITERATURE. 

I.ETTKR VI. 

Paris, October, 1855. 

To THE Editop., — A volume has just been published in this city, of 
which tbc title and et ceteras are as follow: Du Sommc'd au Point ile vuc 
Plujsiolojniuc it r^uchol'jghiuc. Par Albert Lf-moini:, Docb. nr Is Lrtlrcs, Sj'c. 
Ouvrage Couronne, par rinstitut do France. 1vol. Paris: 18:i5. 

The progi-araiuc of this treatise was proposed a year ago by the French Acad- 
emy, as follows: — " 1. Of sleep in a psychological point of view. 2. What are 
the faculties of the soul that subsist, or are suspended, or considerably modified 
during sleep ? 3. "What is the essential difference between dreaming and 
thinking ? The competitors will include in their researches somnambulism and 
its different species. 4. In natural somnambulism is there consciousness and 
personal identity ? 5. Is artificial somnambulism (^mesmerism) a fact ? 6. If ■ 
a fact, to study and describe it in its least contestable phenomena, to deter- 
mine those of our facidtics that are concerned in it? operations, and to try 
to furnish a theory of this state of the soul in accordance with tlie rules of 
a soundly philosophic method." 

This statement of the thesis, entirely worthy of a learned body, was almost 
faultless in philosophical precision and subordination. The successful compet- 
itor has not done well in overlooking it. A new theory of the whole subject 
might alone necessitate a change of order, or at least of subdivision, in the 
details. But when the project went no deeper than the discussion, the devel- 
opment, and the direction upon certain points of facts already known, but 
unconnectedly, it was quite optional with the author to observe the order so 
■well presented him. This he has by no means done, or only gen>^rally and 
vaguely. No more has he any systematic order of his own. Not, however, 
that the book appears confused in the perusal. It has the superficial clearness 
which is the forte of the French savant; it is precise in expression, it is per- 
spicuous in arrangement, it is prolixly prudent in restricting inference and 
speculation ; it has the sound but senile character too much in fiivour with the 
present Academy, the measure and moderation of which the public al>o mis- 
take for method. The real confusion and incoherence of l)Ooks of this class 
become observable only to the few who gi'asp the contents at once collec- 
tively and concisely. I must attempt to give a succinct abstract of a work of 
which the subject is of general interest, and is also a special object of American 
curiosity. In doing this, I shall avail myself of the division of the theme by the 
' Academy to arrange correspondingly the author's results or conclusions, lor 
these alone can be presented within the limits of a mere notice : the connexion 
between the series of solutions, or at least of answers, will be supplied, when 
briedy possible, only from the premises of the writer, so that this ^-litlcal addi- 
tion will not need distinction in the analysis. 

1. To consider sleep " in the psychological point of view," (as proposed,) it 
is necessary' to determine what it is in the physiological. In this respect it is 



146 .Letters on Recent French Literature. [January, 

not a suspension merely of " the life of relation," that is to say, of the senses 
and other or;2;ans that act externally; it applies also to the internal organs of 
nutrition. Tlic heart sleeps between the alternations of pulsation, the lungs 
between the alternations of respiration ; the sleep or rest is only short because 
the effort is so too. The sole difference in case of the external organs of rela- 
tion is that the sleep or the repose is, in this instance, much more durable ; but 
it is only so in just proportion to the duration of the labour. The eye could 
not bo closed at short intervals of vision -without breaking up the images re- 
llccted by exterior olijects; audition could not be subjected to a like rapid 
intermission v/ithout disttu-bing and distorting the impressions of sound ; and 
so of the other senses respectively in their departments. If only one or more 
of them were liable to this condition, their fragmentary reports would be at 
variance with the others, and would thus establish in the percipient a sort of 
subjective chaos ; if all the senses vere thus intermittent, then the chaos would 
be also objective ; their operation, without continuity enough to seize the 
images or the relations of external objects, could represent them in no con- 
formity with the reality, and would make even the persistence of animal life 
upon the earth impossible. It was imperative, then, as a first condition of ex- 
istence, not to say of rationality, that the repose of the external senses should, 
like their action, have longer periods. It is this periodic respite, coincidin<T 
naturally with the niglit, which relieves the principal of those organs from the 
sounds and images besotting them, that is called sleep, physiolo-zi'^al sleep. 

2. But this is not yet sleep " in the psychological point of view ;" that is to 
say, the sleep of the soul. Here the answer is, The soul docs not sleep at all; 
activity, like innnortality, is its inseparable essence. 2sone of its faculties are 
suspended during the sleep of the body ; their operation is obstructed by the 
resistance of the physical oi-gans, as the will to walk in a paralytic is not sus- 
pended but impeded : the modifications thus incurred by them is more or less 
considerable in proportion to the degree of torjx)r of the organs to be act- 
uated. And this dilierence in the degrees of depth, and in the times of inci- 
dence, of slumber, wh.ich are known perpetually to vary in the divers organs 
of the senses, is the occasion, by the diversity of their resistance to the surging 
soul, of dreaming, and the other phenomena of sleep. 

3. Is there, then, no essential ditTerence between dreaming and thinking ? 
None whatever in the act itself: the observed difference is in the results, and 
this proceeds from the tiirec sources just alluded to. The mental vagaries of 
dreams, &c., arc due to false or incomplete impressions received, accordinor as 
the slumber is complete or only partial, from the interior organs of nutrition, 
or the exterior organs of relation, or the resistance to the consequent volitions 
of the. soul. The first order of impressing agencies, — such as the motion of the 
blood, the digestion of the stomach, the secretion of the lluids, &c., — which 
derive a special prominence from the suspension of the sensuous organs, give occa- 
sion to the most common class of dreams — the dreams of mere s< u:'ation. The 
organs of the senses proper, when lulled imperfoctly, or only paitially, and forced. 
>n absence of external objects, to repeat to that extent their recent processes, 
afli--t the soul with the impressions, in of course a mutilated form, of the things 
that most or last engrossed it when the body was dl awake : l:ciRe the dreams, 



1856.] Letters on Recent French Literature. 147 

as thej" are called, of memory, perception, imagination, or as contrasting with the 
preceding class, the dreams of intelligence. The soul proceeding on the elements 
supplied it from these two sources, and with the confidence which, from the very 
uniformity of its procedure, it must repose in their reality as when the organs 
are awake, is often stimulated by them to reaction uixm the body, and thus 
gives rise to a third order, the dreams of action or culilion. r>ut in all three 
classes the illusion which is put, in dreaming, upon the soul, is derived exclusively 
from the impressions; the soul itself and all its faculties remain the same as in 
its soundest thinking ; its very error is an attestation of this i'lentity of state, 
as the sounder a logician is the more he errs upon a false assumption ; even Lo 
can be corrected only by control of the other senses; but in the dreamer a I'or- 
tain portion of these mental monitors sleep at their post. It is the same, in 
due proportion, with the waking visions of the monomaniac, and even the mul- 
titude are always dreamers in thoughts that range above the senses. 

The dreams of action or volition, which hold the middle in this general 
series of the psychological phenomena of sleep, embrace, especially, a subdi- 
vision of the most remarkable of these phenomena, which have on this 
account been thought, as usual, of a nature quite peculiar. The sensational 
and intellectual dreams ai'c known only to the dreamer; the volitional or active 
dreams express themselves externally, and strike the vulgar in proportion to 
their coar:>ely physical perceptibility. The same oversight of the gradation 
of intermediate stages, which passes equably those three principal divisions 
into one another, recurs again in the misapprehension of the extreme cases of 
the active dreams as being, in turn, entirely different phenomena. Thus the 
volitions of the soul, made in pursuance of the impressions received in sleep 
from the interior or the vegetative group of organs, are scarcely noticed except 
in the case of that derangement of the blood or stomach which produces the 
well-known vision called the nightmare. When the exterior or the muscular 
organs are the occasion of the volitions, and may have thus remaincil enough 
awake to obc-y, we have the active dreams of talking, of writing, &e., in sleep ; but 
that of walking, as the more manifest, has named the class somnambulism. In 
the third place, if the impressions and the consequent volitions be confined lo the 
cerebral organs of the intellect, we find the dreamer sometimes conscious that 
he is dreaming, the soul conducting dialogues and disinitationa with itself, re- 
solving problems as in Franklin, philosophizing as in CondilIac,and, in fact, div- 
ing into the di.-taut and the future as in clalrcu'iance. In all these cases of artu-r 
dreaming, as in the passive and perceptive orders, the soul's three faculties, to 
■wit, sensation, volition, ratiocination, are and act the same essentially as when 
the body is awake ; the results only are modified through the defect of the 
reports and the degree of the resistances presented by the bodily organs, 
whether vascular, muscular, or nervous. 

The dreams of this last division are included quaintly by the Academy (no 
doubt too prudish to employ the quack names) in tlie term " natural ."ommvn- 
btilisvi;" and by "artificial somnanibuli.sm."' it nifans mesmeri;^nig or mag- 
netizing. Its ensuing queries are, if iu the former siatc the soul be conscious 
of its identity ? and if the latter state be, in the first place, a fact ? 

4. Yes ; personal identity continues in the somnambulist, in the ecstatic, in 



148 -. Letters on Recent French LilcnUure. [January, 

the maniac, the dreamer, &c.; if not, indeed. In distinct consciousness, in 
recognition, in implication. ^Vllen they mistake themselves for other persons, 
or as performinif fantastic parts, or -when they utterly forget such scenes on 
the return of the natural state, the illusion turns really only upon externals 
more or less intimate, upon localities, upon habiliments, upon sentiments, &c. ; 
the nucleus of the individual remains essentially supposed. It is to this alone, 
moreover, that consciousness can apply.—Consciousncss is only one of the 
three elements of identity. The first of these is, that there be, objectively, a 
continuous existence ; to be always the smnc, it is plainly necessary to be o.lvyjy^. 
Consciousness, which is the second and the subjective element, applies bat "to 
the distinct instants of the duration; it recognises individuality, but by no 
means identity. The latter, being a relative notion, or embracing more than 
a single term, could be acquired only through a corresponding faculty, and ac- 
cordingly the crowning elemi-nt of personal identity is the relational condition 
of reminiscence. But this, connecting the successive consciousnesses at each 
instant as they arise, and placing thus implicit confidence at every moment 
in the general result, keeps no distinctive recollection of the several steps of 
the procedure, unless when marked by the concurrence of some more than 
ordinary incident. If this, however, do not seem unnatural, or quite at variance 
with all around it, it is through the medium of the circumstances, interwoven 
with the web of consciousnesses, and occasions no solution of continuity. If, 
on the contrary, the incident present a scene which is out of nature, or in 
complete discord with the i-eality of the situation, the trenchant contrast ap- 
pears to insulate the ravished soul from its former self, the novel spectacle 
stands out so strikingly from the -whole tenor of the reminiscence as to escape 
it, hke unshaded objects that seem, in painting, to quit the canvas.s. Ignorance 
puts upon a peasant the like illusion in a picture, as organic malady puts^ 
upon a somnambulist as to his personal Identity. 

5. Artificial sonmambulism or mesmerism e5 a fact, but with the follo^ring 
rather strlngeut limitations. The bt;licf in it, as such, leaves undecided these 
inquiries : "What are the cases that are fully verified, and are they new or out 
of nature? The cause or agency that produces them, which is it, physical or 
moral V "\\'hat is the evidential value of the testimony of the dreamer as to 
the cause and to the character of his condition ? One may believe in the pro- 
duction of artificial somnambulism without committin;;; himself pro or con upon 
any one of these restrictive qucsticms. They niay, huv/cver, be all pronounced 
upon already with probability. In the production of the state in question, 
there is nothing unnatural or even new. Like other arts, it follows nature, 
and does not force her; it presented itself naturally, in antiquity, to priest 
and pythoness. The like cfl'ccts are produced normally by opium or other nar- 
cotics. The agent of the magneti/cr is not the absurd tluid pretended, but 
the morbid sensibility or predisposition of the subject. It is a waking case of 
the reactive class of dreams above explained, the soul's reaction in this instance 
being in imagination. It was the sense of control by the resistance of the dor- 
mant organ that threw the soul, we saw, into its visionary exaltations. But the 
supreme quality of an "'operator" is, analogousl}- to the organ, to impress the 
subject with a like sense of his control. The whole power of the magnctlzers 



1856.] Letters on Recent French Literature. 149 

Las been maximized by Virgil: ^' Possunt, quia posse creduxtcr." As to 
the third point, or the testimony of the party magnetized, the allegation of it 
b a begging of the question ; the sentiments or declarations which are .inspired 
by an illusion can be, of course, no more reliable than the illusion wliich is their 
basis. The inevitable subjectivity and unreality of those explanations of the 
somnambulists themselves, both artiticial and sp(jutaneous, is well evinced by 
the con ta piousness of the phenomena at special epochs, and their coutbrmity to 
the condition of the age and of the indlvIduuL Thus the ec^tatIcs of aniiiiuity 
were endowed mainly with the powers of prophecy, to suit tlio curicbity of those 
a<^e3 about future events. The ascetieally religious preoccupations of the mid- 
dle ages gave the somnambulists the form of demoniacs ; in our own day, the 
American '-mediums" are the reporters of departed spirits, whose ruvclati'jus 
are as puerile as the conversations of the community. 

6. The final article of the programme is not a qucitiou, but a condition, a 
requisition as to the manner in which the subject should be treated. 1 briefly 
indicated at the outset the general manner of the author, much less conforma- 
ble, I think, to method than to the spirit of the Academy ; and hence, perhaps, 
in large part, his coronation. I close -with a transcription of the author's simv 
mary conclusion : — 

"Man is never wholly either healthy or sick, either wise or insane, either 
awake or asleep. He carries sickness in health, and health iu the midst of sick- 
ness; reason still persists in the delirium of the maniac, and folly is commin- 
gled v<-ith the meditations of the sage. Never have the organs of the senses, all 
together, or even each of them iu particular, that supremo or main degree of 
agility and of lucidity which would be properly called wukefulness; never are 
they buried in that profoun'l torpor which would be absolute sleep. The wakinr 
and the healthy states of the body and of the mind are, as it were, an ide:il 
type which is never realized in life. We designate by the words malady, niad- 
ness, sleep, the states v/hich diverge widely from the ordinary conditions of life 
and from the regular course of nature, uncertain by what names to call the 
states of our boCly and soul, which vary slightly, or but transiently, from an 
unsettled and relative main. At every instant, and on all sides, we quit tins 
salutary temperament which constitutes the free possession of one's self and of 
his organs. Nothing is more dit^icult than to limit and define, perhaps because 
there are no limits in the continuous order of nature. Liberty, reason, are the 
attributes of man ; but where do they commence, where do they terminate? The 
child who does not yet enjoy them, the idiot who wiU do so never, the madman 
who has lost them irrecoverably, the sleeper in whom they rest for a time, are 
they not human? Sensibility, activity, intelligence, range over the intinite de- 
grees of a vast scale : by turns crude, obscure, confused or noblo. clear or 
subtle, they desceud or ascend with ditl'ertnt ages, with varying eonditi-ms and 
circumstances. ... 

" A firm and directive will can alone maintain all the powers of our soul in 
the high j)osition assigned by nature to man. Man is culpable when he abli- 
cates it voluntarily. But this moderatiug power is wrested from him poriodi- 
cally by sleeps, and sometimes violently by the derangement of his organ-. 
Sleep, somnau)bulisui, ecstasy, pass the intellect through all its conditions aiul 
degrees; they crush its energy, blunt its senses, obscure its thought.^, or tu -y 
give it an abnormal arilour, exquisiteness. exaltation. .<i>metiiiies t:.e sleeper i? 
like the animal that vegetates, immovahle in his place arid almost inseii-^iblo ; 
sometimes be perceives confusedly interior or exterior p lin. Auun the dn-anier 
has but tiie absurd or imbecile visions of the madman; aiu/U his rhuugiits are 
clear anil couscquent, as when awake. In line, the e.-static sonuiamV.ulist. in h:s 
extravagant delirium, is sometimes rapt away from the reality: but sometimes 
his intelligence is lucid and almost rational. At tli- -^iine time, however closely 



150 Letters on Recent French Literature. [Jauuary, 

tbe human intellect may descend, in profound sleep and idiotism, to the unintel- 
ligent and senseless animals, it remains always unalterable, with all its powers; 
for it is not in the power of matter to extinguish in our souls completely the 
torch of reason, though it were to Lurn there without light and without heat. 
But, on tlie other hand, however high the excited organs may seem to carry it, 
they have still less the power of giving it new faculties." 

''.i Theory of Natural History^ General and Special, hy l^uyortE GeoFFEOY 
1)1-: St. Hilaiuk, Professor in the Museum of Natural History of this city," is a 
work that merits tlie attention of your scientific readers. With all the posi- 
tive and precise, doctrines of the merely practical treati-^cs, it mixes an unusual 
quantity- of philosophical discussion, which supplies a sort of leaven to make 
more digestible those technicalities. The first volume of tlic work, which has 
alone appeared as yet, might indeed pass for being a treatise of logic. It dis- 
cusses all the methods affected specially to all the sciences, from the syllogism 
of Aristotle to the social methods of M. Comte. Tiic author Is not equally at 
Lome In all those branches ; he .shares the general defects In their definition 
and classification. Yet his views are, If but mainly from the comprehensive- 
ness of th.c survey, much more sound, upon tlie whole, than is habitual to 
French saraiif!. It may, moreover, be admitted, in apology for the deficien- 
cies, that the discussion of the otiior methods was intended onlv as subsidiary 
to tlie euforceuient of that applied by him to the department of Natural 
Histor}-. 

How he has treated this his speciali!c\ It would be rash, no doubt, in me lo 
judge. M. Isidore is the son and pupil of the illustrious St. Hilalrewho Is the 
founder, at least in Franco, of the progressive school of physiology; and he 
assumes to be his heir In science as well as in succession. I may, however, 
venture on a single observation as to a point wherein his competency should 
be certainly the least contestable. Ilis father, GeolTroy, was, it Is known, the 
rival of Cuvler; ihey were antagonists in both the method and the theory of 
natural history. The latter was empirical, or what Is vulgarly called induc- 
tive ; he kept to " facts," and was the oracle of the past. St. Hllaire was 
deductive, analytic, a man of theory, the organ of the future, and therefore 
persecuted by the present. A pious purpose of the sou Is to vindicate the 
father's system ; but to this end he wisely seeks to reconcile the rival 
theories. The most decisive means to this, however, though well known 
to him, he overlooks. In a previous jiurtion of the vohunc, he had shown 
that the two methods known scholaslically as synthesis and analysis, so far 
from being antagonistic, as Is commonly supposed, are quite concordant with 
and conij)Icmentarv' of each other. But these, procedures were respectively 
the philosophical tharactcristlcs of the hostile schools of Cuvier and of St 
Ililairc : the former syntlietized the past, the latter analyzed the future, or 
unexplored, of the same department of nature. Their scientific cooperation 
would then be demonstrated by their metliods. But our author, with this 
means of demot)stration before his eyes, adduces nothing for the fusion except 
feeble generalities : a proof presumptive that his conception of the methods 
mentioned is not still complete, nor perhaps even that of the theory of his 
father. '\Vlu\t would confirm this alternative is, that in labouring to jus- 



1S56.] Letters on Recent French Literature. 151 

tify his father's celebrated " Tkcorij of Analogues," he fails distressingly to 
show its scientific character. He need, however, but define it an application 
to anatomy of the method of analoc/y, that is, induction of relations. And 
hence, no doubt, the title adopted quaintly by the great discoverer, with his 
habitually profound, but tortuous or unsystematical sairacity. Despite these 
blemishes upon the frontispiece of the great project of the son, I commend the 
body of his structure, and its various contents, to your men of science. 

Not to forcret a much more numerous and worthy portion of your readers, 
I must announce to them a new volume, of which the title runs as follows: — 
Missions fie Chine. ^leinoire sur Veldt aciiiel dc la ^fission du Kianrj-Xau. 
Par le 11. F. Brouili.on de la Compagnic de Jesus. Paris : 1855. 

The most generally interesting portion of the volume, and vrhich occupies 
about one-half of its five hundred pages, is found in the Letters, which were 
written on the spot, from time to time, throughout the progress of the revolution 
which they describe. There is, besides, an introduction that treats the subject 
systematically. The account of Father Brouillon seems, however, worthy of his 
name. Take, for example, the following resume of the disquisition : — " The 
Chinese insurrection is a product of the country; all sorts of sulFerings and of 
resentments have been preparing it ; the secret societies of Asia have fo- 
mented it, and those of P^urope are not without hand in its existence. A 
thousand passions, a thousand interests, urge onward the movement. The dis- 
contented and the oppressed invoke it more or less loudly; the people wish it 
with its advantages, but without its disasters ; foreigners await it ; some of 
them second It, the devil would direct it, but God conducts It." And of 
course Into the net of the Jesuits ! It is probably this destination, depend- 
ing mainly on his faith, but in patent contlict with the facts which are pre- 
sented In his Letters, that produces this flat jumble in the explanation of the 
father. Indeed, he owns exprcs.dy that the tendency of the Chinese prophet 
is rather to follow Mohammed than Christ ; but he no less expects that Go<l 
will bring the issue to his own account, which is to say, to that of Catholicity. 

Accordingly, the father and his brethren have their net spread in the shape 
ofa mission at Nankin. The Catholics have in the city of Nankin and its 
proWncc over seventy-two thousand neophytes and catechumens. "With this 
nucleus they would not dread the competition of their Protestant rivals, if 
'■'oulji the French governmcid v:oidd gicc (Item S'nnedAngof the support which tlu> 
official agents of America and England give their missionaries." You may 
think the foreigners alluded to. In the passage cited, mean the Protestants. 
But no; the queer allusion is to Garibaldi cind his Italian radiciils. Tlic Jesuit 
naturally sees the red hand of those mortal enemies of the Pope emerging in 
the remote regions and domestic broils of the Celestial Empire. O. 



152 Short Reviews and Notices of Books. [January, 



abt. \iii.— short rp:views and ^'otices of books. 

It is of greatest couconiment in the Church and Commonwealth to have a vigilant 
eye how books demean themselves as ^ve^ as men, and thercnl'ter to confine, 
imprison, and do sharpest justice on them as malefactors ; for books are not abso- 
lutely dead things, but do contain a putcney of life in them to be as active as that 
soul was whose progeny they are. — ^Lltox. 

(1.) "■Rociner's Puhjijlot Readers, English, French, and Gcmnan" (Xew- 
York: D. Applctoii & Co., 1855; 3 vols. r2mo.,) contain copious reading 
Ics.^ons In the tbroe langiinges named, and are designed at once to facilitate 
the process of acquiring them and to make that acquisition solid. The method 
recommended h\ the author is that of double translation, in which the learner 
first turns the foreign language into the vcrnacidar, and then retranslates it 
after some time has elapsed- Professor Rocmer has prefixed to one of the 
volumes an essay on " The Study of Languages," which, bating its undue length, 
is every Avay admirable. The books furnish excellent means of using the 
most excellent method of studying Frcnrh and German, and v.e cordially 
coumiend them to all teachers and students of these laugiuiges. They are 
especially adapted for self-instruction. 



(2.) ^'Letters to th: People on Ikal!li ond nap]>'mcss, by Catharixe E. 
EEECnr:R." (New-York: Harper & Erothers; 18mo., pp. 2'23.) There is no 
earthly subject on which the American people more need "line upon line and 
precept upon pnccpt" than upon the hiws (if hcaltli. As Miss Beecher 
remarks in the ilrst letter of the adnurablc s.-ries which make up this volume, 
" our people are pursuing a coui>o, in their own habits and practices, which is 
destroying health and happiness to an extent that is perfectly appalling." Nor 
is it less true that "the majority of parents in this nation are systematically 
educating the rising generation to be feble, defirmed, sickly, and miserable: 
as much so as if it were their express aim to commit so monstrous a folly." 
The existence of th.e evil is plain and undeniable; to remedy it is not so easy. 
If this little volume could only be read by every parent in the land, the 
chances of the next generation wduM be L:i'e;>tiy ini['n.ved. It treats, first, of 
the human organs; secondly, of the laws of health; thirdly, of abuses of the 
organs; fourthly, of the evils resulting from such abuses; and fifthly, of the 
remedies for these evils. All these heads are treatc<l with discrimination, and 
yet with great force and clearness. "\Ve recommend the volume without qual- 
ification. 

C^.) We have received a copy of Dr. Armitagc's "■F'ln'rrd S/.nnon on (he 
l> it/i ,.f th.. 11.,.. S. II. Conk, D. D.,"whieh has been priulod at tlie request 
"f the V>fcroavt'd Church. It gives a brief but clear sketh of Dr. Cone's life, 
«'>(! bears ample tostimony to the many noble (pialities that adorned the char- 
a. t«T of ih.tt eminent servant of Od. 



1S5G.] Short Rcvieivs and Notices of Books. 153 

(4.) "Learning to Talk; or, Ejiterlauiing and Instructive Lessons in the 
I'se of Language, by Jacob Auuott." (New-York: Harper & Brothers, 
18J5.) This admirable little book contains a series of pictures intended for 
very young children, with descriptions accompanying them. Its greatest 
advantage will he found to lie in the power of observation which the continued 
u<e of the book cannot fail to give a child. 



(5.) RoBKRT CARTEii & BROTHERS havB published a new edition of 
" The Acts and Monuments of the Church, containing the Historg and Suffer- 
ings of the Martgrs, by John Foxe." (New-York, 1855; royal 8vo., 
pp. 10S2.) No book in the English language has done more to keep alive the 
memory, and to maintain the principles of the Eeformation, than " Foxe's Book 
of Martyrs." It should be a household book in every Protestant family^ and 
tlic Messrs. Carter have contributed their share to make it such by the opportune 
issue of this new and improved edition. "While It omits a number of unira- 
porLmt documents and narrations that encumbered former editions, it gives, in 
an appendix, accounts of the Massacre of St. Bartholomew, of the Spanish 
Armada, of the Gunpowder Plot, and of the Ivhh rebellion of 1745, all written 
by authors contemporaneous, or netU"ly so, with the events. The entire work 
has jiassod under the careful editorial supervision of the Rev. M. Ilobart Sey- 
mour, whose " Evenings with the Romanists," and other works, have made 
him so jK)pular with the Protestant public of England and America. 



(C.) ".1/ex/co and her lieligion, by R. A. Wilson." (New-l^ork: Harper & 
Brothers; 12mo., pp. 40G.) A littlp more system would have added greatly 
to tlie value of this book. It contains a graphic narration of the author's 
travels In ^Mexico, a large amount of historical Information, and much critical 
detail ; but they are all thrown together without art or skill. In spite of these 
defects, the book is a valuable contribution to our knowledge of Mexico. The 
author Is shrewd and clear-headed, and, while he sees well, knows how to 
describe Avhat he sees in vigorous language. 



(7.) " Scenes in the Practice of a Xciu- York Surgeon, hjE. H. DixoN,M.D." 
(New- York: Dewitt & Davenport, 1S55; 12mo., pp. 407.) This volume is 
made up of extracts from the '• Scalpel," — a journal designed, we believe, to 
convoy medical knowledge to the people in a popular and attractive form. It 
contains many striking narratives, and gives at the same time a good deal of 
information. 



(1) RonKiiT Carter & r.iiOTiii:r.s have published a new edition (the 
fourth) of" The ^Lethod of the Divir.e Govcrnrnent, Physical and Moral, hy 
Jamks M'Cosh, LL. D." (New-York, 18.'..0 ; 8vo., pp. 547.) This work has 
Wfn so often and so fully discussed in our pages that it is only necessarj- for 

FouuTii Series, Vol. VIII.— 10 



154 Short Reviews and Notices of Books. [January, 

OS now to mention what i? peculiar to this edition. The book has been revised 
throughout ; the second part is enlarged by a fuller epitome of the author's 
views on the forms and colours of plants; and, in an appendix, Dr. r^rCosh 
ventures a protest against certain principles set forth by Sir William Hamilton 
and by Frofessor Bledsoe, in the pages of this review and in his Theodicy. 
On the points in controversy we are still of opinion that Dr. M'Cosh's views 
lack profoundness and coherency : he writes like a man trying to hold two 
contradictory theories at one and the same time. 



(9.) " The Sure Anchor; or, the Young Chrhitian Admonishfid, Encouraged, 
and Exhorted, by the Rev. H. P. Anuukws,'' (Boston: J. P. Magee, 185j; 
12mo., pp. 21 C,) is one of the very best of the many books of its class that 
have fallen under our notice. It is thoroughly evangelical in principle; clear 
in statement ; lucid, lively, and often elonucnt in style ; and at once apt and 
ample in illustration. We trust it will be widely circulated. 



(10.) ''Bishop Butler's Ethical Dhcou}-.''".-, edited by the Rev. J. C. Pass- 
more, A.M." (Philadelphia: C. Desilver: J 2mo., pp. 375.) It was the 
opinion of Sir James Mackintosh that the truths contained in these sermons 
are '• more worthy of the name of discorenj than any other with which we are 
acquainted, if we ought not, with some hesitation, to except the first steps of 
tJie Grecian philosophers toward a theory of morals." The difficultv of Buder's 
style, which is, perhaps, greater in these ethical discourses than in the '• Anal- 
ogy," has generally prevented their use as a college text-book ; but the helps 
presented in Professor Passmore's excellent edition go far to do awav with 
this objection. He has prefixed to the text an excellent Life of Butler, and 
also Whowell's Syllabus of Butler's Sermons. In an appendix he reprints 
the Remains of Buder, which were first published in London in 1853, from 
MSS. in the library of the British Museum. The work is executed thiou^-h- 
out in a careful and scholarly manner. 



(11.) " Talcx from English lliitorg " (Xe w-York : R. Carter & Brothers, 1 855 ; 
12mo., pp. 344) will aflford an excellent substitute for story-books to be put 
into the hands of young persons. It is excellent both in style and sentiment 



(12.) " The Southern Cross and Southern Crown, by :Miss Tuckf.r," (Xew- 
York: R Carter & Brothers, IS.Jo; 18mo., pp. 2G3,) conUiins a clear account 
of the missions in New-Zealand, under the auspices of the Church ^Vli^sionary 
Society. To get a complete knowledge of the progress uf Cluistianity in these 
far-oQ' isles, one must add to the present work Miss PVmci-'s " Tonga and the 
FrK-ndly Lsles," LouTy's '• Missions in Tonga and Feejec," and Mr. Young's 
" Southern World." 



1856.] Short Reviews and Notices of Books. 155 

(13.) " A Gcograpliy of the Chvf Places mentioned in the Bible, by Charles 
A. Goodrich," (New- York : Carter & Brothers; 18mo., pp. 195,) is a little 
manual so well furnished with questions, maps, &o., as to be admirably adapted 
for use in parental, Sabbath school, and Bible-class instruction. Being alpha- 
betically arranged, it will also be of use as a Bible dictionary for children. 



(14.) TiiK General Conference of 1802 ordered the Book- Agents at New- 
York to publish the '^Journals of the General Conferences," from the organi- 
zation of the Church up to ISoC inclusive. The order is now obeyed in the 
publication of a handsome octavo, containing all the extant Journals, with an 
index. (Carlton & Phillips; pp. 504.) In the preface the editor remarks : — 

"Up to the year 1792 the Church business had been conducted in tlie aimual 
conferences, the minutes of which are printed in the bound minutes, (so called,) 
always kept on sale at 200 Mulberry-street. The Christmas Conference of 17S4, 
at which the Church was fully organized, may indeed be considered as a General 
Conference; but I can find no minutes of its session except those printed in the 
ect above mentioned (vol. 1, page 21) as part of the 'Minutes of the Annual 
Conference for 17S.5.' A full account of the doings of the conference, with the 
Hiscipline ordained by it, may be found in B.ings's ' History of the Methodist 
Episcopal Church,' (vol. 1. pp. I.")l-21S.) 

"The Minutes of the General Conference for 1792 were never printed, to my 
knowledge, nor can I find the original copy. Those of 179G were published in a 
compendious form, which is now reprinted." 

In connexion with this, the agents have reprinted, as a second volume, the 
"Journals and Debates of the General Conferences from 1840 to 1844" 
inclusive; but either volume can be had separately. 



(15.) " The Progress of Religious Ideas through Successive Ages, by L. ]\Iakia 
Child." (New-York: C. S. Francis & Co., 1855; 3 vols. 12mo.) To write 
such a book as this title would indicate should be the last result, the crown- 
ing opus of vast and various learning. Yet !Mrs. Child tells us, in her 
preface, with admirable naivete, that " a learned person could have performed 
the task far better in many respects," but that, on some accounts, she has 
found her " want of learning an advantage !" In the same strain .she goes ort : 
" Thoughts do not range so freely v/hcn the store-room of the brain is over- 
loaded with furniture. In the course of my investigations, I have frequently 
observed that a great amount of erudition becomes a veil of thick cloud between 
the subject and the reader, ^loreover, learned men can rarely have such 
freedom from any sectarian bias as the circumstances of ray life have pro<luced 
in me." This is something like Sydney Smith's advice to reviewers, not to 
Tcad books before reviewing them, — " it prejudices one so." "With su<'h notions 
of the proper prerequisites for her task, ]Mrs. Child undertiikcs to devcloi» the 
progress of religious ideas in Iliudoostan, Egypt, China, Chaldca, Persia, 
Greece, Rome, India, and Christendom ! The whole work, on which the 
writer has been labouring, more or less, for eight years, u one of the most 
marvellous instances of toil misspent and talent misapplied that the history of 
literature aflbrds. 



156 Sho}-t Rcvieics and Notices of Books. [January, 

(16.) ".4 Voice from the Pious Dead of the Medical Profession, by Henry 
J. BnowN, M. D." (Phlladclpbla, 1855 ; 12iuo., pp. 320.) Tl.is volume eon- 
tains a scries of biographical sketches of physicians who have been eminent as 
well for religious life as for professional skill. It contains also a preliminary 
dissertation on Christianity, which is striking, not only from its form but from 
its matter. The author's aim is to refute the charge, so ot\en made, that 
science and Christianity are incompatible, and to recommend practical religion 
to medical men by illustrations of its value in the lives of some of the most 
eminent of their profession. The book is very well prepared in all respects 
and deserves to be widely circulated. 



yl7.) "The Iroquois: or, the Bright Side of Indian Character, by Minme 
Myrtle." (New- York: D. Appleton & Co., 1855; 12mo., pp. 317.) It is 
very true, as the author remarks In her preface, that our books of history are 
very " deficient in what they relate of the Indians, and most of them are still 
filling the minds of children and youth with very false Ideas." To give a fair 
and just account of the habits, manners, and history of the Iroquois is the 
object of the present attractive volume, which conveys a large amount of infor- 
mation in a most agreeable and interesting form. The biographies of Indian 
braves and wise men which are here given surpass in interest the romances of 
Indian life, which generally e.xaggerate all that is good and all that is bad in 
the Indian character. 

(18.) ''Panama in 1855, by Robeut Tomes," (New-York: Harper & 
Brothers, 1855 ; 12mo., pp. 2-46,) is a very graphic account of a trip acioss 
the Isthmus, made at the expense of the Panama Ivailway Company on the 
opening of their road from ocean to ocean In February, 1855. Besides giving 
much valuable information about the railway, and the country through which 
it passes, the book is full of graphic, personal narrative, and its interest never 
fla"s. Its moral tone, however, is anything but commendable. 

(19.) ''Evening^ with the Rowanists, by the Ilev. M. Hor..\RT Seymour, 
M. A." (New- York: It. Carter & Brothers, 1855; 12mo., pp. 479.) There 
are manv worthless books upon the Boman controversy put out, but this does 
not belong to the class. It takes uj) all the main points in dispute between 
Romanists and Protestants— such as the reading of the Scriptures, the unity 
of the Church, confession and absolution, the mass, the papal supremacy, &c., 
and treats them, by direct appeal to Scripture and reason, with a calmness of 
discussion and a fairness of argument that hardly even Romanists could find 
fault with. As a manual of the controversy, for ordinary readers, the book is 
invaluable. 

There is a curious history connected with the reprinting of this lxx)k,as we 
learn by a slip from the •■ Protestant Churchman." An edition of the work 
was issued some months ago by ^Ir. II. Hooker, of Philadelphia : — 

" The title-paee professes to be a complete republication of the crip'inal English 
book, omitting simply the mention of the iutroJuetory chapter, which we afterward 



185G.] Short Reviews and Notices of Books. 157 

find has been left out. As 'Seymour's Evenings with the Romanists, republished by 
H. Hooker,' we received the work, supposing we were to read the book thus described. 
We found it, in itself, most suspicious, extremely meagre in its doctrine, and unsound 
in its conclusions ; surprising characteristics as coming from a man whom we 
knew to bo so thoroughly Protestant and evangelical as a minister of the Church 
of England. • The advertisement ' prefixed to this American edition announced 
that the ' introductory chapter, which was of a general nature, and parts of 
other chapters, in the London edition, which seemed to be redundant, or least 
adapted to be u.'^fful here, have been omitted; while the author is left every- 
where to speak in his own words without addition or alteration.' We should 
have supposed, of course, that suoh a notice was true and full. lUit \ve were 
subsequently induced to compare this edition with the English one, and our 
astonishment at the unfaithfulness of the republication was extreme. We found 
more than one-third of the book thrown out. Two whole chapters, besides the intro- 
ductory, rejected with no notice of the fact. Many pages together, in repeated 
places, cut out, and the extremes bounding them brought together and joined, 
as if immediately consequent and connected. Sometimes even a serttence thus 
divided, and two separate parts of separate sentences, brought together as if 
originally one. But even this is not the whole difficulty, nor the half of it. The 
passages omitted are habitually the faithful testimony of the author's Protestant and 
Scriptural doctrine, and the very best and most useful parts of the book; while 
such connexions are sometimes made of passages as make him to teach the very 
opposite to what he intended to teach. And yet the advertisement says, 'i/jc 
author is left everyuhere to speak in his ou-7i u-ords, without alteration or addition.' 
Who has been the agent of thus dishonestly garbling this valuable book v.'e do 
not pretend to know. The publisher's name is the only one connected with it, 
and, thougli we do not charge him personally with the unjust omissions of which 
we speak, he must bear the whole responsibility. We warn our readers against 
buying this book as ' Seymour's Evenings with the llomanists,' which it is not. 
If the publisher had hired a Romish priest to expurgate the work, he could 
hai-dly have done it mure eflectually for the Papists' purpo'^cs. .Vnd we are sure 
the excellent author would remonstrate with a just indignation against such an 
outrageous perversion of his work, if he should ever find a copy of it before him." 

We need hardly add that ^Messrs. Carter's edition is an exact reprint of the 
Endish text. 



(20.) " Memoir of S. S. Prentiss, edited by his Brother." (New-York : C 
Scribner, 1855; 2 vols. 12mo.) The subject of this memoir is well remem- 
bered as one of the most brilliant political speakers this country has produced. 
These volumes reveal his family life, in which he appears as a kind and affec- 
tionate son, brother, husband, and father. Pity that these " natural virtues" 
had iiover been sanctified by personal religion. One cannot read without sad- 
ness this sketch of a career so brief, yet so brilliant : so splendid, yet so full of 
disappointments. The interest of the work is very great: it would have been 
greater if the two volumes Lad been condensed, as they might easily have 
been, into one. 



(21.) " Inlrodui'lion to Biblical Chronology from Adam to the Resurrection of 
Christ, hy Pktkr Akkrs, D. D." (Cincinnati: :Metho<list Book Concern, 
1S,'<5; 8vo., pp. 411.) Of this elaborate work no one is competent to speak 
critically who has not carefully and thoroughly studied it. At present we can 
only express our gratification to find among our ministry one capable and 
■willing to go through the long-continued labour of preparing such a book. 
A careful review, by a competent writer, is in preparation for our pages. 



158 Short Revietvs and Notices of Books. [January, 

(22.) <' The Chrbt of Ilhtory, by John Yo uxg, ]M. A." (New-York : E. Car- 
ter & Brothers, 1855; 12mo., pp. 260.) The argument of this work, at least 
in an extended form, is novel. Taking as a basis the simple fact of Christ's 
humanity, the author undertakes to demonstrate from it his divinity ; or, as he 
expresses it in his prtfi^ce, " dismissing all preconceptions, assuming nothing 
which is not virtually and even formally admitted by enemies as -well as friends," 
he hopes to show that the manhood of Christ, as it appealed to the senses and 
to the minds of the men of his own times, "supplies and sustains the proof of 
his Godhead." He does not assume the inspiration of the Scriptures, but only 
takes for granted, in a broad and general sense, that they are historical and 
veritable — a point which is, in fact, granted even by infidels. The argument 
may be simply stated in one sentence, namely, that such a human life as that 
of Jesus Christ is utterly inexplicable, except on the ground of his Divinity. 
The w^ork is divided into three parts, of which the first treats of The Outer 
Conditions of the Life of Chriat, namely, his social position, the shortness of his 
earthly course, and the age and place in which he appeared. Book second 
treats of The WorJ: of Christ among Men, unfolding his ministry and his doc- 
ti-inc, both as to its matter and form. The third book treats of The Spiritual 
Individuality of Ciirid, his oneness with God, his moral perfection, both in mo- 
tive and in feeling, &:c. This outline willsufilce to show that the author really 
comprehends the scope of his present theme, and grasps it with a master's hand 
Ills learning is well up to his undertaking, and his logic matches his learning. 
The work will certainly make its mark upon the times. 



(2.'^.) " 2'he Christian Life, Social and Individual, by Peteii Bayne, A. M " 
(Boston: Gould & Lincoln, 1855; 12mo.) This is another very noticeable 
book, both from its aims and its execution. The first part is a statement of 
what the Christian life is, or ought to be, both individually and socially; and 
part second is an exposition of this statement, and an illustration of it in actual 
biographies. In the first place Christianity is set forth as the basis of social 
life : and, as illustrations, we have three biographical sketches, namely, How- 
ard, and the rise of philanthropy ; AVilberforce, and the development of phi- 
lanthropy; and Budgctt, the Christian Freeman. In the second place our 
author sets forth Christianity as the hnsis of individual character: and for 
illustration, lie gives us sketches of John Foster, Thomas Arnold, and Dr. 
Chalmers. Part III treats briefly of the " Positive Philosoi)hy " and of " Pan- 
theistic Spiritualism." Mr. Baync conducts his argument very skilfully; and 
some of his biographical sketches arc masterpieces of condensed and vigorous 
narrative. For young persons of a skeptical turn — especially such as are car- 
ried away by Thomas Carlylc — this book will be a valuable medicine ; and it 
is 60 well prepared that the medicine wilt be by no means " hard to take." 



(24.) " The Parabolic Teachinf/s of Christ, by the lieu. D. K. DuUMMOXD." 
(New- York: Robert Carter & Brothers, 1855; 12mo., pp. 140.) In the 
Introduction Mr. Drunnnond defines the " parable," and, at the same time, 
includes the " allegory " and the " proverb " of the New Testament under the 



1856.] Short Reviews and Notices of Books. 159 

one head of" parabolic teaching." lie thus introduces the " Good Shepherd," 
the "True Vine," «ie., which are generally excluded from expositions of the 
parables. His principle of interpretation aims at avoiding the extreme of find- 
ing too much in the parable, on the one hand, and too little on the other. 
Another peculiarity of the ^vo^k is, the cLiPsification adopted by the author, 
with a view to throw light upon the individual parables by regarding them as 
parts of a system. This attempt, which wc consider laudable in Itself, though 
some of the best expositors pronounce It vain, has often been made before, and 
we tlilnk, in some cases, more successfully than by ]Mr. Drunnuond. His 
divisions are — I. Man in Satan's Kingdom; 11. The Prince of the Kingdom 
of Light; in. Christ's Work in its Personal Character; IV. Christ's Work 
in its Historical and Prophetical Character ; V. The Second Coming of Christ 
As a whole, the work is a valuable contribution to our expository literature. 



(25.) " Wail-na ; or, Adventures on the Mosquito Shore, by Samuel A. 
Baud," (New-York : Harper & Brothers; 12mo., pp. 3GG,) is certainly very 
pleasant reading, but whether fact or fiction most abounds in its pages it is 
hard to tell. Its detail of personal adventure reads like a romance ; its descrip- 
tions of the INIosquito coimtr>- and people have the air of truth. At all events, 
the author has succeeded in making an exceedingly attractive book out of 
Tcry unpromising materials. 



(26.) " The Contrast between Good and Bad Men ilhunratcd by the Biography 
and Truths of the Bible, by GARi>iXKii Spring. D. D." (New-York: M. W. 
Dodd, 1855 ; 2 vols., 12mo.) The title of this book hardly conveys a true idea 
of its nature. It is, in fact, a series of practical lectures and sermons, chiefly 
founded on the characters of Scriisture ; and, as such, it is a good and useful 
book. Dr. Spring's writings are not remarkable for force or originality of 
thought ; but they are generally clear, sensible, and sugj^estive. 



(27.) We have seldom seen a religious novel, so called, that wc could recom- 
mend so freely as " Nellie of Truro." (New- York : II. Carter & Brothers ; 
12mo., pp. 432.) It is a great advance, in every respect, upon "Vara," by 
the same author, published some months since. The narrative is simple 
throughout; the incidents arc natural and avcII grouped; "the dialogue is some- 
times spun out to a wearisome extent, but is otherwise suOiciendy dramatic ; 
and the moral tone is not oidy unexce]'t!onablc but praiseworthy. The whole 
impression left by the book is that a simple and child-like faith in Christ is the 
best of all preparations, not merely for the next world, but for this. 



(28.) When Sir David Wilkle was setting out on his journey to the East, a 
friend a^ked him if he had any guide-book ? He replied, '• Yes, and the very 
best/' pulling out his pocket Bible. So also, on the other band, he wrote back 
from the East, that "to the jjainter of sacred history, this whole territory sup- 
plies what can be learned nowhere else." These thoughts are well worked 
out in " Bible Light from Bible Lands, by the Rev. JosEi'U Andekson." (New- 



160 Short Reviews and Notices of Books. [January, 

York: R. Carter and Brothers, 1856; 12mo., pp. 314.) Mr. Anderson has 
travelled through the lands of the Bible, and has given us the results of his 
observations in this volume, not in the shape of a diary, or of a book of travels 
simply, as so many have done belore him, but in a form vrhich blends the at- 
tractions of personal narrative witii the instruction of a systematic treatise. 
The work is divided into throe books, of which the first is entitled, " Predictions 
verified:" and under this head Mr. Anderson compares the prophecies con- 
cerning Egypt, Arabia, Idumea, and the land of Israel, Avith the present 
condition of those countries as seen by his own eyes. The second book treats 
of " Desa-iptinns illustrated," and gives apt accounts of places, customs, usages, 
&c., now existing, as illustrative of the Bible records. The third book, " Allu- 
sions explained," sets forth, in the clear light of existing facts, many passages 
of Scripture which, from tln'ir allusions to purely Oriental habits, &c., are ob- 
scure to Western readers. Our readers may see from this outline that the book 
is a remarkably sensible one ; indeed, we know no better " companion to the 
Bible" for ordinary readers, so far as mere illustration Is concerned. 



(29.) Quite similar in its aims and execution to the book just named is» 
" Illustrations of Scriptrire, siigr/'st'^d by a Tour through the Holy Land, by 
PitOFESSOi; 11. B. IIackeit." (Boston: Heath & Graves, 1855 ; 12mo., pp. 
340.) As the author states in his preface, the work does not claim to be a 
book of travels, and would be misjudged if viewed in that light. The object 
has been, not to present a connected view of the geography of Palestine, or to 
detail at any length the personal incidents which travellers usually make so 
prominent in their journals; but out of the mass of observations and facts 
which fell under the writer's notice, to select those which seemed to be capable of 
being used with some advantage, fur the purpose of promoting a more earnest 
and intelligent study of the sacred volume. Professor Ilackett has carried 
out his purpose admirably; so, while his work has the substantial merits of a 
scientific description of the Holy Land, it has the charms of a personal narra- 
tive admirably told. The following specimen alone will suflice to show what 
varied powers and acquisitions the author brings to his task: — 

" Eastern brooks in general flow with water duriao; the rainy season ; but, after 
that, are liable to be soon dried up, or. if they contain watci", contain it only for 
a longer or shorter time, according to tlicir situation and the severity of the heat 
of particular years. Hence the traveller in (-(uest of water must often be disap- 
pointed when he comes to such streams. He may find them entirely dry ; or, 
he may find the water gone at the place where he approaches them, though it 
may still linger in other places which elude his observation ; he may perceive, 
from the moisture of the ground, that the last drops have just disappeared, and 
that he has arrived but a few hours too late for the attainment of his object. 

"The chances of obtaining water in the desert are equally precarious. The 
winter torrents there, owing to the rapi<lity with which the s'and absorbs them, 
are still more transient. The spring which supplied a well yesterday, may fiiil 
to-day ; or the drifting sand may choke it up and obliterate every trace of it." 
On the ninth day of niyjourney after leaving ('airo, we heard of a well at some 
distance from the regular course, and as the animals (except the camels) needed 
to be watered, we turned aside to visit the place. "We travelled for some miles 
over immense sand-hoaps and under a burning sun, with the thermometer at 
ninety degrees of Fahrenheit. It was our lot to'bc disappointed. We found the 
well, indeed, but without a drop of water in it that could be reached by us. The 



1856.] Short Reviews and Notices of Boohs. 161 

wind had blown the sand into it, and buried it up to such a depth that all hope 
of relief from that source was cut off. 

"The liability of a person in the East to be deceived in his expectation 
of findinfr water is the subject of repeated allusion in the Scriptures. In Job vi, 
15, sq., it furnishes an expressive image for representing the fickleness of false- 
hearted friends : — 

" ' My brethren have dealt deceitfully like a brook, 
As the channel of brooks which pass away ; 
Which are turbid by reason of the ice. 
In which is hidden ttie molted snow. 
As soon as the waters flow oft' they are ^'--aa; 
AVhcn the heat comes, they vauisli from their place. 
The caravans on their way turn aside ; 
They go up into the desert, and perish. 
The caravans of Tema search anxiously, 
The wayfarers of Shuba look to them with hope. 
They are ashamed because tliey trusted in them; 
They come to them and are confounded.' 

" Our English version of the above passage fails to bring out the image distinct- 
ly. The foregoing translation, ■which I have brought nearer to the original, may 
be made clearer, perhaps, by a word of explanation. The idea is, that in the 
spring the streams are full ; they rush along swollen from the effect of the melt- 
ing snow and ice. Suinn^cr comes, and they can no longer be trusted. Those 
journeying in the region of such streams, fainting with thirit, travel many a 
■weary step out of the way in quest of them, in the hope that water may still" be 
found in them. They arrive at the place, but only to be disappointed. The 
deceitful brook has fled. They were in the last extremity — it was their last hope, 
and they die."— P. 17. 

The -work is filled with passages of similar beauty and aptness. 



(.50.) " S<iUu.^t's Jugurtha and Catiline, with Xoles and a T'ocaiu/jry, by Xocle 
Butler and Mixard Sturgus." (New-York : D. Appleton & Co., 1S55; 
i2mo., pp. 307.) In this edition we have the text printed in clear and large 
type, a copious and carefully prepared vocabulary, and a suftlcient body of 
notes. The vocabulary was prepared by the late W. II. G. Butler, who, it 
■will be remembered, fell by the hand of Ward, In Louisville. It bears the 
marks of a faithful and scholarly mind, and deserves the encomiums of tho 
editors of the book, namely, " that few school vocabularies so thorough and 
accurate have ever been published." The notes are mainly grammatical and 
illustrative, not, as Is too often the case, filled out with needless and pedantic 
references, or v.Ith ■worse than useless translations of the text. "We cordially 
commend the book as an excellent school edition. "\\"c hope that In the next 
edition the vocabulary ■will be placed where it should be, at the end of the 
volume. 

(31.) Among the latest issues of^Mr. Boirs's "Libraries," we have " 7^« 
Works of PhUo-Judcr us, translated by C. D. Yoxgk,B. A." (12mo., pp. 490.) 
This volume completes the work, so that tlic entire works of Philo, which have 
heretofore been Inaccessible to the English reader, are now put within the reach 
of very narrow purses. We find, also, the second volume of " Plin'j's Xatu- 
rat History"' In the " Classical Library." The most acceptable book to meta- 
physical readers in all the scries thus far published, is the " Critique of Pure 
Reason, translated from the German o/Immanuf.l Kant." (12nio., pp. 517.) 
The translation is by ^Ir. Mciklcjohn, who has succeeded far better than ail 



162 Short Reviews and Notices of Books. [January, 

who have preceded him in attempting to introduce Kant to English readers. 
Whatever dithcultvthc reader may find hero will be due to the abstrusenessof 
the matter, and not, as is so often the case, to the incapacity of the translator. 

(32.) OcR Sunday-School Union has been very prolific in its Issues of late, 
and the quality is equal to the (quantity. The " Child's Preacher" (18mo., 
pp. 451) contains a series of addresses to the young, founded on Scripture texts, 
a volume which 'will be very useful in showing Iioir the young ought to be 
preached to. " Chililhood, or Little Alice," (square l'2mo.,) is a very pretty 
and simple story for cliildrcn, well written and beautifully illustrated. To say 
that " Stories for Village Lads " (ISmo., pp. 17G) is by the author of •' Frank 
Harrison," will be enough to commend It to young readers. '• The Contrast" 
(pp. 15G) gives an account of two young men who were convinced of sin at 
the same time, one of whom denied his ^Master and died without hope, -while 
the other became a faithful minister of the GospeL " 7'he Herbert Family/" 
is an epistolatory narrative, contrasting religion with infidehty from the effects 
of each. All our readers are familiar with the writings of" Old Humphrey'' — 
a name dear to little folks. He has ceased to write, and we now have a 
'''• 3Iemoir of Old Hamjihrei/, with Glcanimjs frovi his PortfrJin, (ISmo., pp. 
29S.) This memoir of tlio. excellent Mr. ZMogridge will be acceptable not only to 
the children, but to all older readers who value Christian devotion. " Blooming 
Hopes and Withered Joys" Is a collection of narratives and stories by the Rev. 
J. T. Barr, the well-known author of the " Merchant's Daughter." " Four 
Days in July " is a sketch of a pleasant excursion to the country, by one of 
the best writers employed for the Sunday-School Union. Perhaps the best of 
all the story-books recently Issued is " Juhnny ^^Kay ; or, the Sovereign," the 
story of an honest boy : wc have read It through at a sitting. The fourth 
volume of the '" Early Dead " contains brief memoirs of deceased Sunday- 
school children, on the same plan as thoic givoi In the previous voliunes. 



(33.) "^1 String of Pearls" (New- York : Carlton & Phillips, 1855; square 
12mo.) contains a verse of Scripture and a pious reflection for every day in 
the year. Such books, when well prepared, are useful to Christians of all 
ages, and the present one contains selections made with admirable taste and 
skill. 



(34.) Mkssrs. H.\rper & Brothkrs propose to reprint " Bohn's Classical 
Library" entire, and to t'urnish it at even lower prices than the London edi- 
tion has been heretotbrc sold. We have already received " Smart's Transla- 
tion of Horace, rcrised by T. A. Buckli'.y," (TJma, pp. 3-25,) wliieh is too 
well known to need any notice at our hands, except the expression of a wish 
that a now and better translation had been prepared, instead of this reprint of 
a comparatively bad one. The no,xt issue is " Casar's Commentaries on the 
Gallic and Civd Wars," (r2mo., pp. 572,) a translation of far higher character 
than the preceding, and accompanied by notes and a cai-eful index. " Sallust, 
Florus, and Velleius Patcrculus, translated by the Rev. j; S. Watson, M. A." 
(12mo., pp. 538.) The translations are, in the main, easy and reada- 



1656.] Short Reviews and Notices of Books. 163 

ble; pains have been taken with the text, and a careful index is added. 
" A'eno/)^o/»'*- Anabasis and Memorabilia," hy the same translator, is an im- 
provement upon the previous versions of Spelman & Fielding. A Geographi- 
cal Commentary by Mr. Ainsworth, author of" Travel in the Track of the Ten 
Thousand Oreeks," is added to the book, and is of great value as an illustra- 
tion of the Anabasis. '' Daviihon's Virgil" (li'mo., pp. 404) has been care- 
fully revised for this edition, by ]\[r. Buckley, who has added notes for tlie 
use of more advanced scholars. One of the most acceptable volumes in the 
scries is " Cicero's Offices, Cato Major, Dxlius, Paradoxes, and Scij.'iu'i 
Dream, hy C. R. Edwards." (12mo., pp. 343.) In the notes, the editor 
adduces, very copiously, the opinions of modern moralisti, to aid the reader in 
comparing them with Cicero's. The enterprise of placing these versions of 
the great classic writers within the reach of all readers of English at such 
unprecedentedly low prices is a very laudable one. and nothing but a mo.>t 
extensive sale can bear the publishers out in it. We trust that their largest 
expectations will be realized. 



(35.) We are glad to see that a second edition of '• Selert Popxdar Orations 
of Demosthenes, with A'otes and a Chronological Table, by J. T. CiiAMri.iN, 
Professor In Waterville College," (Boston: James ^lunroe & Co., ISCi.j ; I'Jmo., 
pp. 237.) has been published. We have before given an unquahfied commen- 
dation of this work, and now need only say that this new edition has been 
carefully revised by the accomplished editor. 

(36.) " The Priest, the Puritan, and the Preacher, by the Rev. J. C. Ryle." 
(New- York : R. Carter & Brothers; 18mo., pp. 3G0.) The "Priest" h 
Bishop Latimer ; the 'Puritan "Is Richard Baxter; and the " Preacher " is 
George "Whiteficld. ]Mr. Ryle's delineations of these eminent men arc spirit- 
ed and discriminating; and a practical aim is, as usual in his writings, every- 
where predominant. 

(37.) " The Escaped Nun" (New- York: Dewitt & Davenport, 1855: 12rao., 
pp. 344) is a fair specimen of a very worthless class of books. 



(38.) <■' Neic Church Miscellanies: or. Essays Ecclesiastical, Doctrinal, and 
Ethical, hy Geouge Busu," (New- York : W. M'George, 1855; 12mo., pp. 
372.) Dr. Bush's style is always clear, straightforward, and vigorous ; and 
these essays, republished from the " New Church llopository," are in his very best 
manner. There are fevv- of the papers that have Interest except tor Sweden- 
borgians; but there Is one on " Slavery and Abolition," abounding in practi- 
cal wisdom and charitv. 



(39.) We briefly noticed In our last number the Essay on Theism, by Mr. TuUoch, 
which received the second prize In the Burmt competition at Aberdeen. "We 
have now received thaf rsi prize essay, ^'.Christian TheL<m: the Testimony of 
Reason and Revelation to the Existence and Character of the Supreme Bei^^g, 
by Robert Arnold TiiOMrsox, M. A." (New- York : Harper & Brothers, 



164 Short Reviews and Notices of Books. [January, 

18.55; 12[iio., pp. -477,) Mr. Thompson seems to have got the Burnet prize 
almost by accident, as he had begun his preparations for the volume before be 
hearrl of the proposed competition. He had hardly a sufficient stock of learn- 
ing for so great a task; indeed, he states in his preface that even the works of 
Sir "William Hamilton were unknown to him till he had begun to write ; and 
that his acquaintance with Leibnitz, Descartes, and Malebranche was at that 
time limited to second-hand information. As a writer, he lacks the freedom 
and skill which nothing but long practice can impart; but, with all these 
drawbacks, he has made a book of great value. He is a clear and profound 
thinker ; he sees what is needed as a book for the times ; and, instead of sim- 
ply reproducing old lines of argument, he sets himself to find the limits to 
which, from the nature of the human mind, the argument of Theism must 
necessarily be confined, and then he states it with great directness and force. 
Book I treats, therefore, of the first principles of knowledge, and of their 
misaf)plication in systems of Atheism and Pantheism ; Book H exhibits the 
direct evidences of Natural Theism ; Book HI sets forth the manifestation of 
the Divine character in nature; and Book IV of the revelation of the Divine 
character in Scripture. There is also a valuable appendix on the doctrine of 
causality. The work should be found in every theological library. 



(40.) Another book in the same department of science is, " God Revealed 
in the Process of Creation, and h'j the Mani/estalion of Jesus Christ, by 
James B. Walker." (Boston : Goald & Lincoln.) The former work of 
this author, " The Philosophy of the Plan of Salvation," has gained a world- 
wide celebrity ; nor will his reputation be diminished by the present essay. 
It embodies a thorough exposure of the fallacies of " The Vestiges of Creation," 
and of the whole system of thought on which that somewhat famous book pro- 
ceeds. We regret that we have not space for a complete analysis of the 
work. 

(41.) The Rev. Parsons Cooke, of Lynn, has written a book vilifying Method- 
ism in unsparing language. We have received a justly severe review of this 
tirade, under the name of " A Defence of Methodism, by the Ilev. D.\niel 
AViSE." (Boston: J. P. Magee ; 12mo., pp. 84.) Mr. Wise shows most 
thoroughly that Mr. Cooke's "Estimate of Methodi-^ra is pragmatical, falla- 
cious, and false." A Congregational minister in Xew-England, in the year 
of grace 1855, might find better business, one would think, than abusing his 
fellow-ChvIstians. 



(42.) Harper's " Story Books" continue to appear promptly, and abundant- 
ly maintain their reputation. No. XH is " The Studio ;" ov, illustrations of the 
theory- and practice of drawing, for the use ''of young artists at home." 



(43.) ^-Conversation, its Faults and its Graces," compiled by Andrew P. Pea- 
BODV," (Boston: ISmo., pp. 130,) is a very useful lltdc book, pointing out 
the true ends of conversation, and exposing a number of current improprieties 
in writing and speaking. 



1856.] Short Reviews and Notices of Books. 165 

(44.) Messrs. CAni.TON & Phillips have just issued their new and mag- 
nificent edition of " The Holy Bible" (royal 4to.) which, in point of the neatness 
of the typography, and the excellence of the binding, will bear comparison with 
any edition of the sacred word yet issued in America. Indeed, the Turkey mo- 
rocco and velvet copies rival, in solidity of execution and exquisite finish, the 
finest English Bibles. 

(45.) Few stor)--books for children come under our notice that are not dis- 
figured by provincialisms and inaccuracies of expression — a fault more hurt- 
ful to young readers by far than to older ones. It is a great sati'jfactioii, 
then, to fall on such a book as " Harry Budd" (New- York : Carlton & Phil- 
lips; square r2mo.,) which is not only a captivating story, with an excellent 
religious tone throughout, but a specimen of pure and chaste English writing. 
Our agents have chanced upon a rich mine if they can induce the writer of 
this book to write more. 



(46.) ''Hill-Side Flowers" (New-York: Carlton & Phillips, 1356; 12mo., 
pp. 240) is a volume of poetical selections, made with rare taste and judgment. 
It does not include the standard " specimens of the best poets," of which such 
collections are conunonly made up; but, to use Bishop Simpson's language in 
the beautiful Introduction which he has furnished to the volume, •' it seeks 
rather to present in a permanent form, either original contributions, or soIoq- 
tions from the graceful poetry tliat so often adorns the perio<riral literature of 
the day." The profits of the work are devoted to a new church just liuilt on 
the Hudson. With this additional merit added to its intrinsic ones, we conlially 
recommend " IllU-Side Flowers" as a gift-book of the best and purest class. 



(47.) Of the following we regret that we can give only the titles :— 

" Holding forth the "Word of Life ;" a Discourse before the American 
Baptist Publication Society at Chicago. May, 1S55. By IloUin II. Xeale, D.D. 

Annual Register of the Baltimore Conference of the ]\Iethodist Episcopal 
Church for 1855. 

The Relation of Science to the Useful Arts ; a Lecture delivered to the 
American Academy of Arts and Sciences. By Daniel Treadwell. 

Our Country's Mission in History ; an Address before the PhilonKathean 
Society of Pennsylvania College, September 19, 1855. 

A Description of five new ^Meteoric Irons; with some Theoretical Consider- 
ations on the Origin of Meteorites. By J. L. Leavitt, M. D. 

The Regard due to the Virgin Mary, with an Examination of the New 
Roman Dogma. By the Rev. Mason Gallagher, Rector of the Church of the 
Evangelists, Oswego, N. Y. 

The Revolt of Tartarus ; a Poem. Montreal, 1855. Pp.81. 

Homer; an Address delivered before the Belles Lettrcs and Piiilological 
Societies of Dickinson College. By the Rev. D. D. AVhedon, D. D. 

Slavery IndisjK-nsable to the Civilisation of Africa. Baltiuion- : .1. D. Toy. 

The True and the False in the Prevalent Theories of the Divine Dispen- 
sations; a Discourse delivered in the Unitarian Church, Washington, D. C. 
By the Rev. M. D. Conway. 



lOG Religious and Litera7-y Intelligence. [January, 

Report of tliC Board of Trustees of Oneida Conference Seminary, 1855. 

Baccalaureate Sermon, delivered before the Graduating Cla<s of theWesley- 
an Univcrsit}-, by the Rev. C. K. True, D. D. 

The Testimony of Jesus. Parti. Philadelphia: E. Jones. 

The Young Communicant's Catechism. By the Rev. J. Willison. New- 
York : Carters, 1855. Pp. 48. 

General Catalogue of the Officers and Students of Rutger's College, from 
1770 to 1855. 

Letters on College Government, and the Evils inscparalilc from the Ameri- 
can College System in its present form: originally addressed to the Hon. A- 
B. Meek, one of the Editors ot the Mobile Register. By Frederick A. P. 
Barnard, ^i. A. 

The Old and the New. A Sermon containing the Ilistorv' of the First 
UniLirian Church in Washington City. By iloncure D. Conway. 

A Sermon preached in St Andrew's Church, Philadelphia, before the 
Convention of the Protestant Episcopal Church in the Diocese of Pennsylva- 
nia, ou Wednesday, May IGth, 1855. By the Rev. Samuel Bowman, D. D. 

Christ's Kingdom on Earth : a Self-Expanding ^lissionary Society. A Dis- 
course for the Presbyterian Board of Missions : preached in the First Pres- 
byterian Church, N.Y., May Gth, 1855. By the Rev. Stuart Robinson. 

Lecture on the Cultivation of the Christian Elements of Republicanism. 
By Rev. O. H. Tiffany, A. M. 



Art. IX.— RELIGIOUS AND LITERARY INTELLIGENCE. 

(From our German CoiTC5i>ondent) 

r in Germany. They look at tlie prevailing 

Halle, Iboo. thi-olog-y of Germany as aiuiquatej ; N^ 

The quarrel of the Theological Faculty ander and his disci])les are considered as 

of Gottingen with a number of Lutheran not more than half-orthodox ; aud the 

clergymen in the kinijdom of Hanover and orthodoxy of llcngstenlerg is, at most, 

other parts of Germany is one of the most estimati'd at three-quarters. Thus this 

important recent events in tlie German Gottingen controversy is a new stage in 

Protestant Church. These strictly denom- the contest of denominational orthodoxy 

inational Lutherans have found that the against the I'nion and against theological 

professors arc not quite sound in Liithrran science, which, in tliis cuiitest, sides with 

ortliod:^3;y ; hence they demimd that the the I'lii'^n. These I.ullivrans go lick to 

faculty be wholly or partially composed .a stand-point souiewliat like that of the 

of denominationalists of uiiimpeacliuble Formula Concordia, and, tlierefore, do not 

soundness. .Among the opponents of the much ditfer from the jtarty of Flacius, 

faculty there are some men of great piety which persecuted and, for a time, snp- 

and merit. The controversial writings of pressed the Melancthonians. In like 

Rev. r>r. Petri and the superintendent manner ttic old Lutheran party of the pres- 

gencral of Mecklenburg, Dr. Kliefoth, ent day think that they ah>ne are entitled 

(Kirchliche Zeitschrift v .n Kliefoth .i; to the name of the Lutheran Church. If 

Meier, is.Vt, Xo. 1,) especially tlic latter, you ask them about the Inion, they will 

are written with remarkable talent, and tell you that the Lutheran Church i* the 

exphiin, in a manner at once ci.-ar ai;d union, being tlie right mean between Ca- 

icteresting, the successive steps of their tholicism aud the Reformed Church. Do 

progi-ess from a more liberal stand-point you ask about the Lutlieruu Church, they 

up to a very exclusive Luthtranism. tell you, "We, and wo alone, are the 

They have many foll'jwers in this respect Lutheran Chtirch ;" or, perhaps, even. 



1856.] 



Religious and Literary Intelligence. 



167 



"We alone are the Church." Neverthe- 
less they vastly disa;:;ree among them- 
selves, not a few of their jirofcssors and 
ministers having mingled either modern 
or Romanizing opinions T\ith old Liither- 
anism. In particular on the Church, the 
ministry, aud the Sacraments, I'useyistic 
ideas are rather widely spread among 
them. They are far from realizing a 
Church according to their notions. Ad- 
hering to the Lutheran tradition more in 
words, than in deed, they permit in them- 
selves the very deviations which they 
blame in others. There is no little con- 
fusion among them on the conception and 
degree of the liberty to be allowed in 
theological investigations. Also a remark- 
able aversion to Spener and Pietism is on 
the increase among them. They say that 
Spener was no genuine Lutheran, and that 
he transplanted reformed elements into 
the Church : his endeavours to bring about 
a revival of faith and Christian life in in- 
dividuals and smaller communities was in 
their judgnient equivalent to a dissolving 
of the Church into individuals, and to an 
endangering of the Church ministry, For 
the same reason they look with some sus- 
picion at the activity of lawmen in the 
Home ^lission, the object of which is to 
renew, by the united exertions of clergy 
and laymen, a Christian life in the people 
now pining in misery and infidelity. This 
conduct of the Lutherans toward Pietism 
manif-'sts cle.irly how they would consider 
Methodisra, f<.>r there is nothing in the 
German Church more resembling Method- 
ism then Pietism. P>oth proceeded from 
the same want ; both aim to lead the 
people, that had been neglected by pastors 
contented with a cold orthodoxy, to a 
living Christianity of ir.ner experience 
aud active love, aud similar means have 
been used for this purpose by both. The 
faculty of Gottingen has issued, in this 
Lutheran controversy, first a Memoir to 
the State Ministry for Education, and then 
a Declaration (" Erklarung") as a reply 
to the attacks made on the Memoir. This 
Declaration is an excellent treatise, and 
by far superior to anything that has been 
■written in this controversy. It examines 
the task of theological faculties with re- 
ference to literary culture in general, with 
reference to the symbolic books of their 
denominations, and with reference to eccle- 
siastical developments. It is written with 
a liberal mind, stern piety, theological 
profoundness, and a vsarm interest in the 
affairs of the Church. It preserves at the 
same time a tone of moral dignity and 
"almncss that does not allow itself to 



follow the opponents in using sarcastic 
and mocking language. 

We have great pleasure to refer on this 
occasion to a work of one of our tirst the- 
ologians, Professor Dr. Julius MuUer, of 
Halle, on " The Evnnrjdival Union, its A«- 
snire and Divine Right.'' (" Die evantreli- 
sche Union, ihr Wtsen und gottliches 
Recht, Halle, 185-1.") It treats of the 
Union according to its biblical right, its 
history in Prussia; tries with great skill 
to exhibit the cvnsuuna of the Lutiieran 
and Reformed symbols, retaining their 
formulas as much as possible unchanged ; 
and accotnpanies this exposition \4ith 
profound and important iuvestigatiuus on 
the particular dogmas of the symbols. 
AVe are of opinion that this keen and 
thorough comparison will considerably 
promote the understanding of what is com- 
mon and different in the denoniinatious. 
The style of the authors shows the anima- 
tion which springs from a love of the 
Gospel, not denying itself even to adver- 
saries, and that clearness and eloganci; 
which distinguish the former works of the 
author, especially his celebrated -treatise 
on " The Doctrine of Sin." 

" Hand/nich dcs 3f<thodii<miis, von Luhri'j 
S. Jncohj, Pnditjer dcr hischdjiichcn Mttho- 
dixtadirche. Bremen, 1S53."" [H'lnd-hook 
of Methodism, by Juccbij.) The author of 
this work is right in quoting the words 
of a German Evangelical minister, the 
rise of that " ^Methodism is one of the 
most important events of modern times, 
and that few events have becu more ef- 
fective in a regeneration of the Evangel- 
ical Church." We think that hardly any 
German theologian of thorough knowled::re 
will deny this, even if he is not favourable 
to the progress of ^lethodism. Since it 
has found its way into Germany the inter- 
est for and against it has become more 
lively, but still the number of those who 
are v.cll acquainted with its history and 
peculiarities is limited. The author de- 
serves thanks, therefore, for having given 
in his work a characteristic of Methodism 
in a plain, popular, and yet captivating 
manner. He describes the life of John 
Wesley, and knows how to fascinate his 
readers by the recital' of his conversh-n, 
of his struggles, and successes. He theu 
developes the gradual organization of tlu- 
community, touches briefly upon the 
achievements of Fletcher, .and proceeds 
to the "origin of tlie .Metliodi5t .Mis- 
sions" in the' activity of Dr. Coke, \\\\o 
for the sake of the Mission crossed the At- 
lantic eighteen times, and who, even in 
the CSth year of his life, set out for tlie 



168 



Religious and Literary Intelligaice. [January, 



East Indies. The second division of the 
first part contains the liistory of iletlioJ- 
isni in America. Here German readers 
take a particular interest in the, split 
caused in the Church by the slavery 
question. The author increases the 
vivacity of the narration frequently by 
introducing the leading persons as speak- 
ing. There is many a striking, ingenious, 
edifying word in these speeches. The 
second part treats of the docfi-ine ; which, 
mostly, is explained Ly extracts from the" 
works of Wesley. The vigour, the inner 
experience and impressive language of 
this eminent man are admirable ; and 
it is plain that iu the principal doc- 
trines, as in justification by faith, there 
is no deviation of importance from the 
teachings of the Evangelical Church of 
Germany. The third part discusses, in 
the same clear and intelligible way, the 
Church government of Methodism. The 
fourth part treats iu particular of the 
peculiar institutions of the Methodist 
Church, and defends them against objec- 
tions. .Mthough^we must abide by our 
opinion that some of those institutions, 
ej; (p-., the class-meeting, cannot be intro- 
duced in the Evangelical Church of Ger- 
many, yet we willingly concede to the 
warm, calm, and skilful apology of the 
author that they have been very useful for 
the Methodist Church, and that something 
similar is needed in the German Church. I 
believe also that this is felt universally, and 
that active ministers know where to fii'd 
remedies. After what has been said, we 
think this work a valuablo contribution to 
the knowledge of Methodism, the essence 
and import of which are made intelligible 
also to non-theologians. 

15efore concluding, I w ould here mention 
that in 1S53 a professor of theology in a 
German university made a voyage to Lon- 
don, where he stepped into an open church, 
not knowing that it was a Methodist 
church. H? was shi>wu into :\u adjoining 
room, where he fouud a number of devout 
people assembled, and an old venerable- 
looking man was leading the religious 
exercises. Each one in the society spoke 
some words from the heart, and at the 
close all others uttered their absent. The 
earnestness and cordiality prevailing 
throughout the assembly, and the piety of 
tlie words spoken, editicd the stranger to 
a higli <lcgree. .^fter all had spoken, the 
leader of tlie assembly called, ii» a friend- 
ly manner, also on the stranger to utter 
his sentiments in a similar way. He com- 
plied with this request willingly, and the 



assembly spoke their Amen with visible 
interest. The stranger, as he told me 
himself, parted greatly satisfied with 
those with whom he had so soon become 
one in the Lord. 

" Gencliichte drr pi-oUstantUcTien Dorpna- 
tiL 111 ihrcm Zusawmvnhange tnit der Theo— 
loijie uberhniipt, von Dr. W. Gass, Professor 
der Theologie zu Greifswald." 1S54. 
(History of I'rotcstant Dogmatics, by Dr. 
AV". Gass. Berlin, LS54. Svo.) Among 
the works published recently on the the- 
ology of the IGth or 17th century the one 
mentioned takes a prominent place. Al- 
though dogmatics is now the principal sci- 
ence of theology, yet a history of it w as still 
wanting. In this work it is carried through 
the most productive j.eriod, to the end of 
the 17th century. The author distin- 
guishes the founding of dogmatics by 
5lelancthon, Zwingli, and Calvin, and 
their successors in the Lutheran and PwC- 
formed Churches. Eirst he gives a geji- 
eral description : the politico-ecclesias- 
tical condition, the progress of the other 
theological disciplines, and the study of 
philosophy and its relation to theology, a 
very interesting and instructive section, 
the object of which has been but little 
examined as yet. Then the author shows 
the character of the theology of that lime 
iu the prescriptions given for the regula- 
tion of studies ; how the inner and practi- 
cal side is not entirely wanting, but how 
there is yet too much of drilling and po- 
lemics. Then follows a history of the 
fundamental notions on inspiration, holy 
writ, authority of symbols, distinction of 
fundamental and non-fundamental articles 
of faith. After this, the group of Luther- 
an dogmatic writers : Hutter and Ger- 
hard, Calixt and his adherents ; the com- 
pletion of the system by Konig, Calov, 
Quenstedt, and others. Thereupon, the 
works of the Reformed Churches of Switz- 
erland, Germany, and the Low Countries. 
This will suffice to set the copiousness of 
material contained in this work in clear 
light. The author does not expatiate 
upon particulars; but it is one of the ex- 
cellences of the book that he always keeps 
the general points of view before his eyes. 
Hence he has well succeeded in giving 
characteristics, his summaries clearly 
comprise the result, the order is well- 
membcrcd, a'.ul the reader, notwithstand- 
ing the intricacy of the matter, sets him- 
stlf easily right. The style is plain, but 
not without dignity; tlic expressions arc 
choice, and the judgment passed with a 
thoroughly educated and liberal mind. 



THE 

METHODIST aUAETEELY EEYIEW. 

APRIL, 1856. 



Art. I— JULIUS CHAPvLES HAEE. 

I, Guesses fit Truth. By Ttvo Brothers. First Series. Fifth Edition. Eevised. 
LonJoa: 1S55. 

^. Guesses at Truth. By lY»-o Brothers. Second Series. Tliird Edition. 18.35. 

3. Sermons prcacht in Herstmonceux Church. By JuLics Charles Hare, M. A., 
Rector of Herstmonceux, Archdeacon of Le-wes, and late Fellow of Trinity Col- 
lege. Cambridge: 2 vols. ISll and 1S47.* 

4. The Victory of Faith, ard other Sermons. By Jcucs Chaeij:s Hare, ii:c. 
Second Edition. 1847. 

5. ITie Mission of the Comforter, and other Sermons, with Notes. By JuLirs Charles 
Hare. Second Edition. Eevised. 1850. 

C. Essays anl Tales. By .John' Sterlixo. Collected and edited, with a Memoir of 
his Life. By J. C. Haee, .iiC. 2 vols. 16-iS. 

7. 2'he Means of Unity : a Charge. With Notes on the Jerusalem Bishopric, cjii 
the Need of an Ecclesiastical Synod. By J. C. Hare, &c. 

8. Letter to the Dean of Chichester on the Appointment of Dr. Hampden. Second 
Edition. ^Vith Postscript. By J. C. H-vre, cVc. 

9. The Better Prospects of the Church : a Charge. By J. C. Hare, i:c. 

10. The Contest icith Rome: a Charge delivered in 1851, with Notes; especially in 
ansu'er to Dr. Ncvman's Lectures. By J. C. Hare, licc. 

II. jirchdeacon Hare's Last Charge. 1855. 

12. Two Sermons, on the Occasion of the Funeral of ..Archdeacon Hare. By the 
Rev. H. 0. Elliott, M. A., and the Rev. J- N. Simpklssox, M. A. 1855. 

The aliove list includes tlic principal vrricings of the late Julius 
Charles Hare, ^-ith the exception of the translation of Miebuhr, 
"which he executed in conjunction with Dr. Connop Thirlwall, and 
by which he first gained a wide reputation as a scholar. We 
have not put on our list his famous " Vindication of Luther again.?t 
his recent English Assailants," because it was originally published 
as a huge note in the second volume of the " Mission of the Com- 
forter," and appears as such both in tlie first and in the second 
edition of that work. It is now published, as on every account it 

" Prcacht, not preached. Hare had his ovrn system of spelling, somewhat resem- 
bling that of W. S. Landor. There is principle and consistency in it, and often it 

Fourth Series, Vol. VIII.— 11 



170 Julius Charles Hare. [April, 

deserved to be, in a separate form. A volume of "Notes to the 
Victory of Faitli" has been promised ever since the publication 
of the text in 1S47, and has been announced for three years past 
as "preparing for publication." We believe, ho^-ever, that tlus 
is still reserved for Mr. Hare's executors to publish, owing, as we 
presume, to the repeated attacks of severe indisposition which, 
during the last years of his life, too often compelled the inteiTup- 
tion of his literary, and the suspension or postponement of his 
official labours. 

JuLiu.s Charles Hare had an elder brother, Au(5ustus "William, 
a gra'ijuAte of Oxford, and fellow of jS"e\y College, who became, after 
leaving the University, rector of Alton Barnes, a retired village in 
Wiltshire.* Between these two brothers there existed a tender 
affection, and there appears to have been considerable similarity in 
their tastes and opinions. They were the joint authors of the " Guesses 
at Truth;" a work of v.hich the rare merits were generally recognised 
long before the authorship had ceased to be a secret. 4_ugustu3 
William was also the author of a posthumous volume of " Sermons 
to a Country Congregation," which had the singular good fortune to 
attract the attention and gain the high praise both of the Edinburgh 
and Quarterly Bevievrs, at that time in the height of their unrivalled 
eminence as the arbiters of taste, the Minos and Bliadamanthus of 
literary destinies. Their gifted author died in l!<o4, while still in 
the prime of his life, and left his brother, but for the "good hope" 
which religion afforded, inconsolable on account of his loss. 

Some of our readers may remember the brief but emphatic 
notice of Archdeacon Hare as "the corypluTcus" of the Broad 
Church school of Church of England divines, which we gave toward 
the commencement of our article on " Mr. Maurice and his Writ- 
ings" in a former number of this Review.f Little did we think, 
when writing those remarks on "the genial, accomplished, and eru- 
dite archdeacon," that within not many days from the publication 

is apt and convenient, tliou;,-h sometimes the results look funny enoug-li, c. s.,forst 
for forced. In addition to liis arcl^doaconry, Hare held the preferment of prebend- 
ary of Chichester, and was one of tiie chaplains iu ordinary to the queen. Let us 
add, in this miscellaneous note, that the "Guesses at Truth" were originally pub- 
lished in two volumes. Of these the first volume, with large additions, has been 
republished in two volumes, issued at a considerable interval from one another, 
and designated first and second series. The original volume, with additions, has 
been announced for publication as the third series ; but it was still unpublished 
at the time of Hare's death. 

° There were two other brothers, one older and the other younger. But of 
them nothing of importance is related. 

t January, lSo5, p. 29. 



185G.] Julius Charles Hare. 171 

of our article that distinguished man -would be no more. But so 
it is. Broken down, not by weight of years, but by repeated 
attacks of severe illness, Julius Charles Hare has passed to his 
place above. A prince in intellectual wealth, an oracle for saga- 
city, a poet in genius, a master in criticism and in polemics, a 
champion of Protestantism, a brave and truthful, but, at the same 
time, gentle and loving spirit, a devout and humble Christian, has 
left the V, orld to fmd out its loss, and not a few devoted friends and 
warm admirers to mourn his departure. It is with such an estimate 
of his character that we undertake the office of reviewing his writings. 
In some important respects we are compelled to deem his \iews and 
teachings defective; but he was, notwithstanding, a noble and a 
lovely spirit among men. 

The position of Archdeacon Hare was peculiar, and is not easily to 
be defined. His antecedents and connexions, so far as we know them, 
would have led us to e.xpect that his place would be found at that 
pole of the Coleridgean Broad Church school, where pseudo- philo- 
sophic anti- evangelism meets infidelity half way. He was th.o friend 
and biographer of Sterling, who for a short time was his cui"ate, and 
•whose dangerous errors ho has not concealed, and yet, in too many 
instances, has not attempted to reprove and confute. He married 
a sister of Mr. Maurice's, whose wife, again, was a sister of Mrs. 
Sterling, and, by Hare's will, Mr. Maurice is appointed his executor, 
and inherits the bulk of his library. In more than one place of his 
Amtings, Hare seems to identify his opinions on the subject of 
inspiration with those contained in Coleridge's " Confessions of an 
Inquiring Spirit ;" yet, on the other hand, his own writings 
breathe more of the evangelical spirit than any other of the school 
to which we have referred. Often, indeed, he all but comes up to 
the full standard of explicit evangelical orthodoxy ; though it is not 
to be concealed that in other places his statements are seriously 
defective. He has, besides, in one of his latent works so referred 
to the " evangelicals " by name, as to seem to make their cause his 
own ; though, again, it must be admitted that sometimes elsewhere 
his remarks have implied some disparagement of them and their 
doctrine. He often refers, in terms which imply high approbation, 
to the writings of i\Ir. Maurice; yet we can find no trace in all his 
works of any approximation to Mr. Maurice's specific views, but, 
on the contrary, we think there is proof positive that, as to most of 
these views, he is altogether at variance with him. On the other 
hand, he appears as the courteous and discriminating, but decided 
opponent, of the doctrinal and ceremonial High Churchism of Bishop 
Wilborforce (of Oxford), toward which we may presume that the 



172 Julius Charles Hare. [April, 

views of Professor Trench,* his examining;. chaplain, incline, espe- 
cially as in his exegetical writings there is nothing to disfavor this 
presumption, while there is evidence to support it. lie is the de- 
clared enemy and i\\Q able and intrepid assailant of Tractarianism. 
With easy and brilliant mastery of learning and of logic, he has met 
and refuted Dr. Kewman at every essential point in his attacks upon 
Protestantism, and has broken at every point the line of defences 
wherewith, in his '^ Povelopment Theory," he attempted to sur- 
round Popery. Moreover, he published the most complete vindi- 
cation of Luther from the calumnies of Bossuet and others, that 
Protestantism has yet produced. So that, while indisputably a 
writer of the Broad Church school, and too often showing a tend- 
ency toward considerable laxity of doctrine, while, it is to be 
feared, scarcety sound and heart-whole as to the grand central 
and vital doctrine of justification by faith in the vicarious and 
expiatory sacrifice of Christ, yet it appears that Archdeacon 
Hare sympathized more strongly, and was disposed to frater- 
nize more closely, than any other member of that school, with 
orthodox evangelical teachers of the old-fashioned Lutheran and 
Methodist doctrines, and that he held an independent position 
equally remote from the new Platouizing semi-infidel and from the 
High Church poles of the Broad Church schools. In Church poli- 
tics he was a liberal, and a conservative reformer. He had long 
pleaded for the restoration of Convocation, but would have its form 
amended, and the rights of the laity (who, except in so far as 
churchwardenship may go, are ignored in the English Episcopal 
Church) recognised, defined, and conceded. By seminal reforms 
he would prevent the incoming of " radical reforms " [so called] or 
of revolution.-!- Dwelling thus alone in the Church field, being a 

" The Eev. R. Chenevir, Trench, an cnrly and intimate friend of Hare, ^Maurice, 
and Sterling, has succeeded Maurice iu the divinity chair at King's College. 

t Hare's f:?clinjs as to reform are indicated in the followinc pregnant extract. 
lie id linding fault with the phrase radical reform as "involving au absurdity," 
and thus concludes his remarks : 

"The -n-ord may perhaps he borrowed from rardiciiie, in which we speak of a rodical 
cure. This, however, is a metaphor implyiuj the extirpation or comjilete ujirootiiig of 
the disease, after which the sanative powers of nature will rtsture the constitution to 
health. But there is no such sanative power in a state; where the mere removal of 
abuses dotrs not avail to set any vital faculties iu action. Li truth, this is ouly another 
fjrm of the errour, by which'nian, ever 'quicker at destroy!n^: than at iiroilucing, has 
confounded repentance with reformation, fifraiii?.eia vith /lerdvoia- Whereas the 
true reformer is he who creates new institutions, and gives tliera life .and energy, and 
trusts t-i them for thrmvimr o'.f such e^il hunf^urs as m;iy be lyi'-i,' in the body poliric. 
The true revrmer is the seminal rii'irnier. uut the radical. A:id this is the'way the 
Sower, who went forth to sov. His seed, did really niovm the world, vithoiit^making any 
open assault to uproot what was already existing' — Guesses at Truth. Fint Scricg, p. "JSO. 

Let our readers take notice that in this extract and elsewhere we leave Hare's 
peculiar spcUins as we find it. 



1856.] Julius Charles Hare. 173 

mau of no party, and belonging to a school the adherents of which are 
too eclectic and too minutely independent to have a common organ, 
even if they were numerous enough among the people at large to be 
able to sustain one, Archdeacon Hare ^ya3 never able, if he had been 
disposed, to identify himself with any public journal.* He exercised 
no influence through the columns of a newspaper; he contrib- 
uted to no review or magazine. Perhaps this may be one reason 
why his decease has received so little notice in English periodicals. 
Three or four lines sulliced for it in the AthencEuvi, and the short 
notices which have appeared in the Cliristian Observer and Church 
of England Quarterly Review, though highly laudatory, are most 
meagre and inadequate. An extended article on Hare has, how- 
ever, appeared in the Quarterly Review. 

Julius Charles Hare was born September 13th, 1795, at Herst- 
monceux, a rural village and parish in Sussex, situated near the 
southern coast of England. His father was a gentleman of good 
estate, lord of the manor, and having in his gift the rectory of 
Hcrstmouccux. His mother was the daughter of Bishop Shipley, of 
St. Asaph, and is said to have possessed a fine and noble character. 
Lady Jones, the widow of the celebrated Sir William, was remem- 
bered by him as his aunt, and as one of the guides of his childhood. 
On the father's side, also, a bishop was among his ancestors, Francis 
Hare, a churchman of learning and reputation, well known as chaplain 
to the great Marlborough, having been Bishop of Chichester. This 
bishop became the lord of Herstmonceux Castle, and his descendants 
remained in the property till after the birth of Julius Hare. Young 
Hare, as might be expected from such connexions, was sent to one of 
the great schools of England. At the Charter- House he was prepared 
for the University ; and it is very remarkable that, among his school- 
fellows, there were "W'addington, the Church historian, now Dean of 
Durham, and Grote and Thirlwall, the future historians of Greece. 
Manning, too, as we gather from sunrlry hints in Hare's v,Titing3, 
was another of his school-fellows. After a brilliant career at school, 
he went to Cambridge in 1812. Before this period he had spent 
much time, in boyhood and in youth, on the continent. We are 

"* lu the indcpenJence and isolation of his position Hare resembled Lis frienJ 
Di\ Arnold, between whose Tiews and his o-wn there were many points of acrrocment 
or sympathy. l>i'. Aniuld somewhere says, iu reference to his own relations at 
the same time with Oxford and with the London t'nivcrsity, that he was considered 
a "latitudinariau at Oxford and a bigot at London." Dr. Arnold, however, waa 
a more modern man than Hare. lie had nut the same veneration for by-gone 
learning and wisdom. He was less reverent and conservative, and the fre- 
quency and profusoness of his contributions to newspapers and periodicals 
contrast strongly with Hare's tastes and habits. 



174 Julius Charles Hare. [April, 

informed that lie playfull}^ said that "in ISll he saw the mark of 
Luther's ink on the walls of the Castle of \Vartburg : and there fii-st 
learned to throw inkstands at the devil."* The period when Hare 
went to Cambridge was one of renovated activity and of high 
promise for both the English Universities. Among Hare's com- 
panions and friends dmnr.g his residence at Cambridge were num- 
bered such spirits as \Vhev.-ell, Sedgwick, and 'j'hirlwall, the last of 
Avhom was associated with him as fellow of Trinity College, and 
was afterward his partner in the work of translating Isiebuhr. 
About the same time there were at O.xford, iVmold, J. T. Coleridge, 
(now Justice Coleridge,) Whatcle}^ Pusey, Newman, Manning, the 
AVilberforces, &c., with several of whom, Aniold in particular, Hare 
became afterward acquainted through the medium of his brother 
Augustus, who was at this time at Oxford, and who formed one 
among this brilliant gala.w. Manning had been Hare's school- 
fellow, and many years later was his neighbour, friend, and official 
colleague, as a beneficed clergyman and as archdeacon in the diocese 
of Chichester. Few tilings seem to have occasioned Hare more 
astonishment and grief than the secession, a few years ago, of this 
amiable man and beautiful ■\\Titcr — a brother-in-law, we believe, of 
the AVilherforces— to the Church of Rome. 

Jt appears, from his own account, to have been diu'ing this period of 
his residence at Cambridge, that Hare and some of his friends came, 
as he e.vjKCSses it, on their " entrance into intellectual life," under the 
influence of the writings of Wordsworth and Coleridge, his obliga- 
tions to both of Vv-hom, particularly to the latter, he never loses an 
opportunity of stating ; whom he acknowledges as the " stimulators 
and trainers of his thought," and " by whom," he says, " the better 
part" of his contemporaries, as well as himself, "were preserved 
from the noxious taint of Byron," from his " antagonism to establisht 
opinions and sentimental, self-ogling misanthropy," Asc.f It must 
not be forgotten, however, that there were at this time other influ- 
ences at Cambridge besides those either of J3yron-on the one hand, 
or of \yordsworth and Coleridge on the otiier. Charles Simeon 
was in tlic zenith of his usefulness, and from the reverent mention 
made by Hare, both of him and his distinguished follower and friend, 
Henry Martyn, in the last pages of his last sermon on the " Victory 
of Faith," we cannot but hope and believe that the faith and piety of 
Simeon had its share in moulding the character of Hare, notwith- 
standing the divergency on some points of no small importance 
between the devoted Calvinistic clerg3^man and the grave, accom- 
plished gownsmen Avho attended his ministry. Hare's success at 

" Quarterly llcvicw, June, Iboa. f Mission of the Comforter. Note Sa. 



1856.] Julius Charles Hare. 175 

college fully equalled tlio promise of his earlier academical career. 
He was esteemed one of the finest classical scliolars even in classic 
Trinity. For a short time he left college to stud}^ the law, but dis- 
relishing the change, and advised by Whcvrell, he soon returned 
to Trinity, where he had a fellowship, and became assistant tutor 
and classic lecturer. From his Life of Sterling, it appears that he 
held this ofiice in 1824, at which time there were attending his lec- 
tures, John Sterling, Richard Trench, and Frederic ^Slaurice, all of 
•whom not only looked up to him as a teacher, but clave to him as a 
friend. It will not be deemed a violent conjecture if we suppose 
that it was, in part, through the influence and advice of Hare that 
these three remarkable men, two of whom were, in after days, to 
depart so widely and lamentably from the faith of Christians, were 
led to the study and admiration of the writings of Coleridge, whose 
personal friends and hearers they afterward became, and of whom 
Hare says, in allusion to the influence of his writings on the mind 
of these men, that " at the time it was beginning to be acknowledged 
by more than a few that Coleridge is the tme sovereign of modem 
English thought." " The A ids to Refection'' he adds, " had recently 
been published, and were doing the work for which they are so 
admirably fitted ; that book to which many, as has been said by one 
of Sterling's chief friends, o^Ye even their own selves." (Life of 
Sterling, pp. 14, 15.) In 1S2S, Hare and Thirlwall pubhshcd the 
first volume of their translation of !Xiebuhr, the second volume of 
which was published in 1S32. ISiebuhrs third volume was left to be 
translated by other hands. In 1S2S, also, appeared in two small 
volumes, the " Guesses at Tiaith ; by Two Brothers." 

In 1S32, Hare left Cambridge to enter upon the living of Herst- 
monceux, to which he had been presented by his brother. Before 
entering upon his pastoral work, he took an extensive tour, in the 
course of which he visited Rome for the first time. Here, at the 
English chapel, he preached a sermon, which is published at llie end 
of the same volume with the "Victory of Faith," and is dedicated 
to Chevalier Bunsen, whose acquaintance Hare made for the first 
time on this visit to Rome, where Bunsen was then minister from 
the court of Berlin. In the dedication. Hare says of this sermon : 

" In my own eves Its chief value is, tbat it formed a new link in our fricnJ- 
ship. From the Ver}- first, indeed, vou had received me with that Irank and 
gracious cordiality which I have so frequently found in your countrymen: 
from the vcn- first, we both found that wo wore bound tOL't-ther by our com- 
mon admiration and love for Niohuhr. lint thi.s termoii_. you saidat the tuuc, 
convinced you that there was a still more intimate principle of union between 

U3."* 

* Such a notice as that quoted above reveals in a very pleasing light the 



176 Julius Charles Hare. [April, 

What the value of this friendship was to Hare, -^vill be partly un- 
derstood by those who are familiar with the published letters of the 
late Dr. Arnold, some of which are addressed to Eunsen, while in 
others he frequently speaks of hirn. Ko higher compliment could 
be paid to Bunsen than tliat wliicli is paid by Hare, when he says, 
in this dedication, that his " friendship was the most precious part 
of the treasure he brought away" from Rome. It will be remem- 
bered by some of our readers, that some of Bunsen's most valuable 
recent contributions to the knowledge of Christian antiquity, have 
been affectionately dedicated to Archdeacon Hare. 

Returning from the continent in the latter end of 1833, Hare 
proceeded to take up his residence at the rectory of Herstmonceux. 
Doubtless, to such a genial lover of nature and of all homely pleas- 
ures and virtues, there must have been much to please and to sat- 
isfy in thus returning to spend his days, as a country clergy- 
man, near his patrimonial home, and to preach in the village church 
to which he had been taken in his childhood, and which stood in the 
graveyard where the dust of his fathers reposed. Yet it is not 
easy to imagine a more seemingly unlikely training for the office 
of teaching his congi-egation of country-folk, poor and unlettered 
tillers of the soil, than to have been engaged so many years 
as classical lecturer at Cambridge, and select preacher before the 
choicest audiences of the University. Nevertheless, he appears to 
have been both a happy and a useful man at what he loved to call 
his " dear Herstmonceux." This retirement, with its quiet duties, 
and tender, holy memories, seems to have satisfied his heart's desire, 
so that, when other and richer preferment was offered to him, he 
declined it. And how well he followed in his brother's steps — how 
successfully he endeavoured to accommodate himself, in his style of 
preaching, to the simplest of his village congregation, without fall- 
ing below the edification of the few families of the gentry or squire- 
Christian character of Bunsen, and reminds us of a passage in Hare's "Guesses 
at Truth," which might have expressed the experience of a Wesleyan Methodist: 
"In a regenerate world, the bars and bolts -ft-hich sever and estrange man from 
mau, -vvould hurst like the doors of St. Taul's prison atPhilippi, r;nd every man's 
bonds would be loost. Something of the kind may be seen even now, in the 
open-hearted confidence and affection which prevail almost at sight among 
Buch as find themselves united to each other by the love of a common Saviour — 
a confidence and affection foreshowing the blessed communion of saints." 
{Guesses, fj-c, First Series, pp. lSl-2.) It is easy to understand how readily and 
how firmly Hare and Euusen would beconie united to each other in friendship, 
if it is true, as Arnold says more than once in his correspondence, that there 
was a very singular resemblance, in character and disposition, between Bunsen 
and Hare'a brother Augustus William. 



1856.] Julius Charles Hare. ITl 

archy who might attend his ministry, is attested by the two volumes 
which he published of his parish-sermons. There is internal evi- 
dence, moreover, in these sermons, that as pastor no less than as 
preacher, in his ministrations to sick, and poor, and dying, he ful- 
filled the calling of his office. 

In 1840, he was appointed Archdeacon of Lewes, such being the 
title ofthe archidiaconal district in which llerstmonceux is situated, 
one of the two into which the diocese of Chichester is divided. This 
is a High- Church diocese, on the whole, and Mr. Manning, a very 
High- Churchman, who has since, alas ! become a pervert to Rome, was 
the other archdeacon. The principles of the new archdeacon must 
have been unacceptable to not a few of the clergy of the district. 
At the archdeacon's visitation in 1835, Avhen but recently come into 
the diocese, having been appointed to preach at Hastings, he ad- 
dressed the assembled clergy on the subject of the weakness and 
strength of their Church, probing its faults and exposing its infirmi- 
ties with no faltering band. While he maintained that episcopacy 
is indispensable to the perfect development of the idea of the 
Church, and is of apostolical institution, he denied absolutely that 
it is necessary to the existence of a Christian Church. " I cannot," 
he says, " discover the shadow of a word in the gospels to counte- 
nance " this idea. " Feeble and flimsy," he proceeds, " as are the 
Scriptural arguments on which the Romanists maintain the inalien- 
able primacy of St. Peter, they are far more specious and plausible 
than those derived from the same source, on the strength of which 
it has been attempted to establish the absolute necessity of episco- 
pacy to the existence of a Christian Church." " Let us rejoice," 
he says a little afterward, " that the salvation which Christ wrought 
for his people, is not tied to any one form of Church government 
or other — to anything that mati can set up, or that man can pull 
down. Let us rejoice that in Christ Jesus neither episcopacy avail- 
eth anything, nor anti-episcopacy, but a new creature." Subse- 
quently, he attributes the estrangement of so many of i\\Q, people 
of England from the Episcopal clergy and the established Church, 
among other principal causes, to the dry, unspiritual, unedifying 
character of the preachuag of the clergy in former days. He speaks 
of these as having been " too often nothing but the dry husks of di- 
dactic morality — often nothing but the parings and scrapings of 
controversial theology, delivered in a language, three-fourths of 
which the people could not understand, made up of long-tailed words 
of Latin origin, which would have been almost as intelligible to 
them in their original as in their derivative form — and in involved 
logical sentences, which they were utterly unable to disentangle." 



178 - Julius Charles Hare. [April, 

The archdeacon, further on, refers to the condition of the great towns 
of England, for the benefit of which he aflirms that, " for scores of 
years, next to nothing was done by the Church or the state of En- 
gland; that which was done, being done almost entirely by members 
of the dissenting communions." 

Having thus pointed out the practical errors and shortcomings of 
the Anglican Church, he then proceeded to indicate some of the 
causes — the " hindrances and disadvantages" connected with the 
actual condition of the Church — v>-hich had contributed to produce 
such results. Of these he mentions three — the want of " a regular 
governing and representative council," a rightly constituted and 
regulated " convocation," " the manner in which the highest clerical 
dignities were filled up during the last century, sometimes with po- 
litical partisans, sometimes with persons whose sole claims lay in 
certain accidents of personal connexion, sometimes — and this was 
almost the best case — with men distinguished [merely] for theologi- 
cal, or, it may be, classical learning;" and "the broad and almost 
impassable line of demarcation drawn between the clergy and the 
laity, as if they were two distinct castes, with totally different 
offices, each of them to be carefully barred out from encroaching on 
the other."* 

AVe have given so full an outline of the principal portions of this 
sermon, not merely as characteristic of the candour and liberality 
of Archdeacon Hare, and of the plain-spoken fidelity with which 
he was accustomed to admonish his brother-clergymen, but as indic- 
ative of the position held by himself, and by Broad Churchmen 
generally, in reference to Church policy and polity. The " dis- 
tinctive character " of this party, ^Ir. Conybeare says, " is the de- 
sire of comprehension," and their " watchwords are charity and 
toleration." Assuredly, within certain necessary limits, this is the 
only character which can be wisely or safely sustained by the mem- 
bers of a national Church establishment. The aim of the strict 
High- Church party, those who believe in apostolical succession and 
exclusive salvation, and who deliver over dissenters to "uncove- 
nanted mercies," must be to secure uniformity of creed, ritual, and 
all external Church action, as their only means and index of unity. 
But the motto of the Broad Churchman is rather unity in variety, 
and variety in order to unity. This is the position which Arch- 
deacon Hare maintained with increasing earnestness to the last, and 
which he has especially contended for in a sermon on the " Unity of 

• Victory of Faith and other Sermons, p. 322, ami pp. 333-342. Erastianism, 
patronage, and the dogma of the priesthood are, briefly, the hindrances and 
evils indicated above. 



1856.3 Julius Charles Hare. 179 

the Church," and its introductory dedication to Archdeacon Man- 
ning, (who had advocated the opposite view,) and in the notes on 
this sermon and dedication, which will be found (both sermon and 
notes) in the two volumes of the "ilission of the Comforter." The 
same view is also maintained in his •" Contest with Rome." While, 
however, on this point, and on the associated questions of the sacra- 
ments and the priesthood, differing from the Homeward section of 
the Anglican Church, the Broad Church agrees with the High 
Church of all grades, from the Bishop of Exeter and Dr. Pusey 
downward, in desiring to see Convocation revived, and the Church 
enabled to take independent action. On this point Hare long anti- 
cipated the recent movement, and he continued steadfastly to advo- 
cate the same view. Only it was his desire — as it is that of every 
Broad Churchman — to see the laity conjoined with the clergy in 
Convocation, and the clergy themselves much more fairly and ade- 
quately represented than according to the actual model. The evan- 
gelical section of the English clergy generally differ both from the 
High Church and the Broad Church, in regard to this question, 
deprecating the restoration of the Convocation to functional life. 
The reason of this is, that Avhile, on the one hand, they lack breadth 
and boldness of view, such as would lead them to contend for a re- 
modelled Convocation adequately representative of both the laity 
and the gi-cat body of the clergy ; on the other hand, they feel a 
shrewd fear and strong foreboding lest, as the Convocation is ac- 
tually constituted, the learning, eloquence, and general ability of 
the predominating High-Chm'ch element should prove utterly de- 
structive to the prospects of evangelical religion in the Church of 
England. 

Hare's twenty years of life, after his settlement at Herstmon- 
ceux, were years of quiet retirement, but yet of great mental ac- 
tivity. His attention was wakcfully alive to all the important ques- 
tions of the day, affecting the religion and social condition of the 
nation, and especially the interests of the Church of England. He 
evidently felt it to be his particular duty to do battle against the 
progress of Tractarianism and of Bomanizing errors. While a 
recluse student at Cambridge, and conversant with the great IVipish 
writers more than with Popery itself, he showed that indulgence to 
Popery which is sho^vn by so many scholars. He under.=tooil its 
heresies and rightly estimated its usurpations ; but he admired the 
glory and power of its earlier history; he symi»utlilzed, to a certain 
extent, with its love of ritual beauty and irplendour ; and could not 
be insensible to the musical power and pomp of its services. Indeed, 
to admire music and painting, sculpture and architecture was (liter- 



180 Julius Charles Hare. [April, 

ally) a part of Hare's religion, as it was a part of his creed, a favourite 
tenet of Lis " broad" churchisra, that music, painting, and all the arts 
not only may, but should, be made tributary to religion. To culti- 
vate his taste was a dictate of his piety. And with what a keen and 
exquisite relish he had studied the works of the masters of ai-t of all 
schools, but especially of those Italian masters whose genius was 
employed upon sacred subjects, will be remembered by all who have 
read the " Guesses at Truth." It is no wonder, then, that his jesthet- 
ical tastes, as well as his catholic sympathies as to all things human 
and humanizing, should have disposed him to regard with as much 
leniency as was possible in a good Protestant, the errors and sins of the 
Church of Home, more particularly in the ages preceding the Refor- 
mation. For like reasons, he would be disposed to regard with indul- 
gence the earlier movements of the Oxford High- Church party. But 
he never seems to have vacillated in his principles on these subjects. 
His acquaintance with mediaeval and modern history, his love of 
liberty and abhorrence of despotism, his iiidependent spirit of inves- 
tigation, which led him as strongly to require, as he freely conceded, 
the right of private judgment, and his profound admiration of the 
character of the German and English reformers, especially of Luther, 
all these things constituted for him a seven-fold shield against the 
influence of Romish principles and Romeward tendencies. His 
visit to Rome in 1S3:), of tlie effect of which upon his mind he 
speaks in his later editions of the " Guesses at Truth, First Series," 
seems to have added depth and vividness to his convictions of the 
essential evil and necessary curse of Romanism ; and it may be 
justly aflirmed, that during the last fifteen years of his life Hare was 
the most independent, fearless, effective, and in every way accom- 
plished opponent of Tractariau sophistry and bigotry, and of Roman 
audacity and assumption, to be ioxmd in the ranks of the English 
clergy. His " Mission of the Comforter," and his " Contest with 
Rome," are mainly controversial. He was cut off in the miilst of 
this work ; his last charge, delivered nut long before his death, having 
been a powerful and energetic admonition, suited to the needs of his 
Church. "What his feelings were with reference to this work, and 
how his aspect toward Romanism had become changed in the course 
of years, is partly indicated in his Guesses at Truth, First Series, 
pp. •230-237, pp. 2S-30, and pp. 51, 52. 

Mr. Elliott, in his funeral seiinon on Archdeacon Hare, justly 
says, in reference to his archidiaconal charges : 

" In thorn, very conspicuous, was the genuine and outspoken love of what he 
held to be truth and ric^htoousnoss. acrompauicd by a largeness of heart in 
seeking and disceniinij all the good that could be found in all. Some of us 



]856.] Julius Charles Hare. 181 

•were of opinion that his generosity of praise precluded him from the equal 
discernment of evil ; and that his love of peace, which liad its roots in his 
heart, attempted unions which too great dillerence of principles rendered 
impossible." 

This is a feature of his character which must be borne in mind in 
estimating his conduct; and it may assist us to understand his grief 
and surprise at the ultimate secession of Archdeacon Manning, (which 
yet was in itself the natural termination of his previous course,) his 
unqualified praise of Maurice, and his undiscriminating venera- 
tion for Coleridge, in whom he seems only to have regarded the 
goodness and wisdom which were apparent, and to some extent pre- 
dominant, in his writings, without caring to notice the error and evil 
which were sometimes intermingled, and oftener still, thickly set in 
tangled depths behind or underneath, in the shape of notes, appen- 
dices, (fcc. Acute as Hare was, and energetically as he opposed what 
he regarded as pernicious and threatening error or heresy, he had no 
delight in hunting for error through abstrusities of thought and lan- 
guage, or in beating the bush of m3'sticism to drive it into open day ; 
and sometimes, like John Wesley, he suffered his charity to blindfold 
his acuteness. 

Hare had, for some years before his death, been subject to a very 
painful internal disease. Its returns had latterly become increas- 
ingly frequent and severe, and one of these carried him off on the 
2od of January, 1S55, at Herstmonceux. He died in the faith and 
consolation of the Gospel. His last clear w"ords were remarkable. In 
answer to the question how he would be moved, he said, in a voice 
more distinct and strong than he had reached for several past days, 
with his eyes raised toward heaven, and a look of indescribable 
brightness, " Upwards ! Upwards ! " His age was fifty-nine. We 
have already, in the foregoing sketch, afforded our reader the means 
of forming some estimate of the position, character, and accomplish- 
ments of Archdeacon Hare, whom, so long as he lived, the pub- 
lic rightly regarded as the principal and ablest representative of the 
loose and somewhat nebulous party known as the Broad Chm-ch. 
We should very insufficiently perform our task, however, if we dil 
not add some more specific remarks upon his character and quali- 
fications as philosopher, critic, controversialist, and religious teacher. 

We begin with Hare's philosophy, for philosophy should lie at the 
basis of criticism, and the truths which it is in search of, or which it 
professes to have found, are, fur the most part, such as religiou 
rather assumes than e.xpressly reveals, although consistency with 
the plain teachings and implications of Hivine revelation is the 
highest test, so far as it can be applied, of the correctness of 



182 Julius Charles Hare. [April, 

philosophical conclusions. We have already seen how emphatic- 
ally Hare acknowledges his obligations to the teaching and influence 
of Coleridge. Such acknoAvledgmcnts are very thickly scattered 
over his tvritings. Indeed, he quotes Coleridge expressly, and in a 
vray of full and exact citation, not only more frequently than any 
other uninspired Avriter, but in his notes to the "Mission of the Com- 
forter," more frequently than the Scriptures themselves, and he 
yields to him an authority and reverence, after the sacred writers, 
only inferior, if inferior, to that which he pays to Luther. From 
this, and from Hare's eulogies of his brother-in-law, 31aurice, it has 
been very naturally inferred by many, that Hare had fully embraced 
Coleridge's peculiar philosophical and metaphysical views. Hence, 
not only by the writers in the " English llcview,'' but by others, he has 
been involved along with Coleridge, Maurice, Sterling, Francis 
Newman, and even Blanco White, in one common sentence of undis- 
criminating condemnation. There can be no doubt that the philoso- 
phy of Coleridge and of ^Maurice has shaped their theology, and been 
at the root of their religious heresies. Hence it would be very 
natural to expect, that if Hare agreed with them in philosophy, he 
■vrould at any rate approximate toward them in his theological views. 
If, therefore, justice is to be done to him, it is a vital inquiry to 
what extent his philosophical views coincided with those of Cole- 
ridge. It is true, indeed, that what is expressly philosophical does 
not take up much of Hare's writings ; but the inquiry may not be the 
less vital and important on that account. It is plain that he had 
a settled philosophy, and that his philosophy imbued his criticism, 
and gave a hue and tone to his theology. Nor can his relation to 
Coleridge and to English theology bo understood, or a complete view of 
his character and genius be gained, unless this inquiry be determined. 
Hare calls himself one of Coleridge's " pupils ;" yet we doubt if 
he was one of his disci})Ie3. It is probable that Coleridge had not 
finally settled his philosophico-thoological views until Hare had for 
some time been an inde{)cndent student of German literature and 
philosophy. It is certain that the " Aids to Reflection " were not 
published until Hare's principles were determined, and his position 
as a thinker and scholar fixed. In ISIG, Coleridge, shattered in 
body, all but wrecked in mind, and palsied in moral power through 
his terriijle vice of opium-eating, found refuge and guardianship 
under the vigilant, though tender and reverent care of the Gill- 
mans, at Highgate. Hare was then a man of established reputation at 
Cambridge. We gather from the " Guesses at Truth," and the 
"Notes to the Mission of the Comforter," that Hare, in middle age, 
had been for many years familiarly acquainted with the philosophical 



185G.] Julius Charles Hare. 183 

writings of Kant, Fichte, Hegel, and Schclling, and that ho had 
exercised upon them his independent powers of criticism. Probably 
he had a much more extensive and profound acquaintance for many 
years of his life, with not only German theology, but German phi- 
losophy, than Coleridge ever had.* It is scarcely to be supposed, 
therefore, that in the maturity of his own powers and learning, he 
would adopt at second hand from Coleridge that philosopher's render- 
ing and adaptation of Kant's philosophy of Pm-e Keason and Schcl- 
ling's Dynamic Philosophy. 

What was i]iQ amount of Hare's personal intercourse with Cole- 
ridge, or when it commenced, we know not ; but it is not difficult to 
understand the general reason which led him to hail with gratitude 
Coleridge's appearance and influence as a moral teacher and philo- 
sophical reformer. Let it be remembered that, during the latter part 
of the last century, and the early years of the present, the received 
philosophy in England was sensationalism in intelligence and 
thought, and utilitarianism in morals ; and that the received theology 
contented itself with dealing forth, when didactic, the dry husks of 
a powerless moralism, and when argumentative, with insisting upon 
the external evidences of Christianity. Grotius and Paley (whose 
Moral Philosophy was a text-book at Cambridge) were the oracles 
on the subject of the Christian evidences. The sermons of r>lair 
were the favourite model of preaching. True, even then there 
were such men as Venn, Simeon, Newton, and Scott in the pulpits 
of the Establishment, but these were stigmatized as enthusiasts and 
Methodists. There was, indeed, also the learning, logic, orthodoxy, 
and eloquence of Horsley. But his eloquence was academic, not 
popular; his orthodoxy was wholly wanting in evangelical feehng 
and fervour ; his preaching utterly lacked the spirit of holiness and 
love. It was a heartless, pithless, powerless, Christless ago. 
Arianisra and Unitarianism, always found alongside of sensational- 
ism and materialism, had crept like a fog-blight over half the 
face of British Christianity. From such a condition of things, and 
from all its causes and accessories, the spirit of such men as Hare 
revolted. AYe can scarcely wonder that they were ready to fly for 
refuge from Condillac and Priestley to Kant; from the cold, agucy 
flat of British thought and feeling to the transcendental heights of 

** Writing in February, 1S49, Hare says, in bis " letter to the editor of tho 
Kn-lisL Review," "That tlicre i.s such a thing as Gorman faith, that there aro 
precious masses of German thought, I Icnow, from an experience of more than 
thirty years, for which I shall ever bo thankful." It follows from this that his 
aifect ami independent acquaintance with German philosophy and theology must 
have commenced at least as early as 181b'. 



184 Julius Charles Hare. [April, 

Germanism, with all their mistiness. Nay, even the idealistic 
egotism of the He;::;elian3 would seem less repelling than a fatalistic 
materialism. Under such feelings, it is easy to understand how the 
appearance of a teacher like Coleridge would be welcomed. He was 
the declared enemy of the sensational and utilitarian philosophers. 
He was reputed to have mastered the German philosophy, to have 
abstracted from it what was sound and true, and to have attained to 
a clear vision, from the utmost height of human thought, of the ulti- 
mate unity, the perfect and vital harmony, of philosophy and theol- 
ogy, of the revelation of reason and the revelation of God. He pro- 
fessed himself a devout and orthodox Christian believer. He spoke 
on Christian subjects in a corresponding tone of reverence. He read 
and loved the works of Leighton, Jeremy Taylor, and others of the 
old divines of the English Church. He decried dry orthodoxy, and 
taught that a mere dogmatic faith was dead. He spoke of spiritual 
influences, and magnified the internal and spiritual work of Christi- 
anity. Thus opposing himself equally to dry, dogmatic orthodoxy, 
and to shallow, flippant infidelity, he appeared as a new star in the 
heavens, and soon was surrounded by others, enough to form a con- 
stellation. These rejoiced to bo found at the opposite pole to the 
luminaries of the Edinburgh Review, who were unhappily distinguish- 
ed at that time for a sceptical and irreverent spirit. 

We believe that the foregoing remarks fairly account for the 
position which Coleridge gained at the head of a school, and for the 
fact that Hare early enrolled liimself among the number of his admir- 
ers. This he would do witliout pledging himself beforehand to his 
peculiar views in philosophy and thcologj. What those views were 
it is not our present business minutely to inquire. They were not 
given to the world in anything like a fair outline until many years 
bad passed away; and though the world was eagerly and wonder- 
ingly expectant, they were never given but in outline or in frag- 
ments. Whore they arc most peculiar — where they profess to solve 
the perilous and profound difllculties which surround the estate of 
man — they become particularly and impenetrably abstruse. That 
Hare, in his repeated commendations of Coleridge, means to commit 
himself to this incomprehensible philosophy, we cannot believe. His 
o^vn perspicuous intellect and pure transparency of style must be 
taken as evidence that this could never be. It is remarkable, too, 
that he never quotes or refers to these abstruse passages. Nor can 
we imagine anything likely to be more abhorrent to his taste than to 
be com])clled to seek a path through such dark and tangled, thorny 
and fruitless thickets and wildernesses of thought as some of Cole- 
ridge's notes and appendices. But what Hare chiefly valued in 



1856.] Julius Charles Hare. 185 

Coleridge, was his noble ideal of thought and purpose, his reverent 
spirit, his far-seeing, practical wisdom, his critical ond intuitive 
sagacity, his union of deep learning, fine taste, and recluse habits, 
■with philosophic breadth of view and vridc human sympathies. 

One main point, perhaps tJie main point, of Coleridge's Intel- 
lectual Philosophy was the Kantian distinction between the Reason 
and the Understanding. Upon this distinction Coleridge grafted 
his peculiar, and. as we think, unchristian doctrine of the Logos. 
Many Avho have not followed Coleridge in the theological doctrine, 
have agi-eed with him in reference to the ractajjhysical distinction. 
The understanding is the logical faculty in man, the reason is the 
intuitive faculty, which stands face to face with spiritual and essen- 
tial truth ; and the immediate object of which is, as Mr. Morell 
says, " the good, the beautiful, and the true." The intuitive faculty 
in man has thus assigned to it an entirely separate sphere, and that 
the very highest. It dwells in a region apart, elevated above that 
of the logical understanding, and is ([uite independent of it. Being 
thus independent of the understanding, it is independent, so far as 
the morally good and right is concerned, of revelation also, (which 
must be presented to it through the understanding,) except in so 
fiJr as it may, by its own light and authority, approve and warrant 
that which revelation brings before it. For reason, understood as 
above defined, must, v,-hether in matters of taste, criticism, or morals, 
be the supreme judge, and be a law unto itself Thus the scintilla- 
ations of genius and the light of piety are but diflerent manifesta- 
tions of the same faculty. How well this accords with Coleridge's 
supplementary doctrine, that reason is the light in man of the divine 
Logos, and how naturally it is developed into ]\Iauricc's doctrine of 
the identification of the \\'"ord or Son of God, with all men, vrill be 
readily seen. How nearly related it is to the theories of the modern 
Pantheists is no less obvious. 

How far Hare agreed with Coleridge as to the distinction in ques- 
tion it is hard to say, though there can be no doubt that he did so to 
a certain extent. Coleridge himself distinguishes all men into two 
classes, "besides which," he says, ''it is next to impossible to con- 
ceive a third. The one considers reason a quality or attribute ; the 
other considers it a power." — (^Sec Literary Remains, vol. iii, p. 33.) 
Hare evidently belonged to the latter class, and so far he agreed 
with Coleridge. It is a main feature in his philosophy to take 
knowledge in man of instinctive or '•intuitive"' principles, which 
constitute his laws of spiritual activity and feeling, v,-hich operate 
before they are recognised, which may be in continual operation, 
and yet never bo recognised, which can never be adequately under- 

FouRTii Sliue?, Vol. VUL— 12 



186 Julius Charles Hare. [April, 

stood, and in attempting:; to apprehend and define which the under- 
standing is extremely liable to positive and serious error; but 
which, nevertheless, imply the deepest truths and most vital myste- 
ries of our being. These intuitive principles Hare follows Coleridge 
in calling ideas, and in referring to reason as the source or " power" 
from which they proceed. The abstractions of the understanding, as 
distinguished from these ideas of the reason, are termed conceptions ; 
the doctrine being that no conception can ever be an adequate or 
perfectly true exponent of an idea. These ideas, indeed, though 
they correspond to certain profound and mysterious truths — truths 
too deep to be sounded by the plummet of the human understand- 
ing, are not themselves so properly truths, as, to use Coleridge's 
words, "truth-powers" — operative or productive laws, "monifesting 
themselves and their reality in their products." Further, Hare 
follows Coleridge in maintaining that these instincts, intuitive prin- 
ciples, or laws of the human spirit, arc directly from God, and im- 
ply, if we could but learn their lesson and read their meaning, divine 
and essential truths. Such a " truth-power," to_ give one striking 
instance, is, according to this philosophy, manV' sense of free-will, 
which operates from the beginning, which implies a mystery not to 
be explained, which, though it be denied, is not the less operative, 
and in attempting to conceive and explain which men's understand- 
ings have fallen into grievous error. 

That such were Hare's views might be proved by many citations 
from his " Guesses at Truth," which, indeed, arc pervasively col- 
oured by this philosophy of iileas. But one citation vail be sufE- 
cient, which will at the same time illustrate Hare's sentiments as to 
the philosophy of Locke, (whom we think he misunderstood,) and of 
his successors. 

" The purport of the E^say on the Human Understandin/j, like that of its 
unacknowlcilgecl parent, and that of the niunerous fry which sprang from it, 
was to maintain that wc have noi'lf'a'*, or, what amounts to the «aiue thinir, 
that our i-Icas civc nothing more iliau abstractions, defecated by divers pro- 
cesses of the understanding. 

" There is no hope of arriving at truth, until we have leanit to acknow- 
ledge that the creatures of space and time, are, as it were, so manv cliambers 
of the prison-house, in which tlie timeless, spaceless ideas of the Eternal Mind 
are shut up, and tliat the utmost reach of abstraction is, not to create, but to 
liberate, to give freedom and consciousness to that which existed potentially 
and in embryo before." — Gues.^cs, &c., Second Scries, p. 219. 

There can be no doubt, indeed, that in general Hare must be 
described as a transccndentalist in philosophy ; and that he not only 
agi-eed thus far with Coleridge, but admired greatly Coleridge's 
German masters, who were also Ids own. He speaks in the highest 



1S56.] Julius Charles Hare. 187 

terms not only of Kant, but of Fichte, Hegel, and Schelling; and 
one object of his " Guesses at Truth" is manifestly to reproduce 
and interpret to the English mind some of the profound and true 
ideas (for there are such) brought to light by their philosophical 
studies. Still it is plain that he had read these vrriters discrimi- 
natively. He does not speak as if he had adopted the pecuhar 
system of any one of them ; and it is impossible that he could have 
agreed •n'ith them all. He seems to have abstracted from each of 
them, and to have adapted to his own philosophy that which ap- 
peared to him to be true. How far he acted in a similar way with 
Coleridge is the question. "We have seen to what extent he certainly 
agrees with him. We cannot, however, believe, much as he admired 
and commended him, that he went all lengths with him. For ex- 
ample, Coleridge, in a passage of his Table- Talk, with which many 
passages in his writings fully accord, speaks of " that higher state, to 
which Aristotle could never raise himself, but which was natural to 
Plato, and has been to others," [himself, for instance,] " in which the 
understanding is distinctly contemplated, and, as it were, looked dovm. 
upon from the throne of actual ideas, or li\Ting, inborn, essential truchs." 
He speaks of the spirit's ascending into " the empjTean of ideas." He 
identifies the reason with the divine Logos, making Him, in this 
sense, to be the " light which lighteth every man that cometh into 
the world." He denies, as many have learned from him to deny, 
the possibility of a revelation ab extra. He dares even to speak of 
the Trinity as an "idea," and to analyze this "idea" in such a 
way as to resolve the Tri-unity into what is really no better than a 
refined, Platonized Sabellianism — only not Sabellianism, because 
not allowed to be conceived under any conditions of time and space. 
Such were some of the results of Coleridge's peculiar philosophy 
as applied to solve, or as used to measure and define, the mysteries 
of being, human and divine.* To these results we cannot believe, 
and Avc find no evidence to prove, that Hare gave in his aJI;esion. 
Nowhere does he seem to make reason a supreme, intuitive power, 
whose sphere is above and aloof from that of the understanding. 
Nor does his nomenclature uniformly agree with that of the Cole- 
ridgeans. Sometimes, indeed, especially in his " Victory of Faith," 
he appears to use the words reason and understanding in senses 
almost the inverse of Coleridge's, and we can scarcely avoid con- 
cluding that one object which he had in view in writing that series of 
discourses was to oppose those German philosophers who identify 

" Sec the disquisition on the Reason and Understandinjr in the "Aids to Ile- 
flcction," and the " Notes upon English Divines." — Literary Remains, vols, iii and 
iv, pastim. ' , 



188 Jtdius Charles Hare. [April, 

faith and reason, and to show that the highest objects of faith are 
Biich as reason, whether called speculative or practical, could never 
by itself, or Avilh the understanding as its minister, have discov- 
ered, or enahled men to conceive. 

■ In his '' Guesses at Truth, First Series," p. 113, occur the fol- 
lowing connected apothegmatic passages : 

" 'Wlieii the pit scats itself in the boxes, the gallery v.ill soon drive out both, 
and occupy the whole of the house. 

"In like manner, when the calculating, expcdiential understanding Las 
. superseded the consciencc'and the reason, the souses soon rush out from their 
dens, and sweep away everything before them. If there be nothing brighter 
than the retlected light of the moo!i, the wild beasts will not keep in their lair. 
And when tliat moon, having rcacht a moment of apparent glory, by looking 
full at the sun, fancies it may turn away trom the sun, and siill have light in 
itself, it straightway begins to wane, and ere long goes out altogether, leaving 
its worsbippers in the darkness which they had vainly dreamt it would en- 
lighten. This was seen in the Koman empire. It was seen in the last century 
all over Europe, above ail in France." 

In this latter true and beautiful passage it will bo observed that 
the conscience is adjoined to reason, and both are supposed to be 
enlightened b}' revelation, directly or indirectly, through the written 
word or through tradition ; reason is not made a primary light, or 
independent authority. 

Such passages ns the follovring seem to be explicit in their oppo- 
sition to the dogma of the separate supremacy of the reason, and are 
couched in phraseology very different from that of either Kant or 
Coleridge : 

"The v,-ord reason is o^ten us.'d to signify the v.liole complex of our reflect- 
ive faculties; while at other times it is restricted to the logical faculty, or the 
power of drawing inferences. In the former sen^c reason is much less likely 
to err; though even then it needs to be continually refrcshtand replenish! by 

influxes from the imagination and the heart In the latter sense, 

reason has often been a fruitful parent of errour and mischief, especially since 
the middle of the last century : and in tliis sense I have used th(^ word when 
speaking against it. When nothing more than tlie mere faculty of rcasoninjr, 
reason i- uiu.-t faluMi' : as is proved by the myiiails of aliortions and :ni -rowtlis 
in the history of philosophy and science. This, its fallibility, does not arise 
merely, or mainly, from slips of inaccuracy, but still more from its neglect of 
those corrections and adjustments which must be introduced at every step, 
before logical inferences can become scientitic inductions." — Preface to Ser- 
mon entitled "The Children of Light," in '■^Viclorij of Faith," p. 205. 
*♦**»*♦*» 

" He who is the worthy, satisfying object of faith, must be a living personal 
being, a boing to whom we stand in a living personal relation, who acts upon 
ns, and will continue so to <lo. Nay, in its higher manitestations, as trust in 
Him in wliom we believe, Jaith reipiires not merely a living personal god, but 
a pod on whose love we can rely, ^ow the god of what has erroneously been 
called natural religion, is not such a c;o<l, as has been observed already. Ho 
is a bare notional abstraction, devised to supply a ground and consistency for 
the truths of reason, . . , but standing in no direct personal relation to 



1856.3 Julius Charles Hare. 189 

man. He is necessary, indeed, to our existence ; but, so far as regards our after- 
life, it is the same thing v.-hcthcr there be such a god or no. Hence he is not 
an object of faith, but solely of belief. The rcoson may be brought to acknow- 
ledge him ; but he will exercise no more power over the heart and will than 
any truth of geometry or ontology. If the heart is to be stirred, if the will is 
to be roLisful and renewed, faith must have a god to believe in who is not like 
the god of philosophy — a shadowy complex of negations to the conditions of 
time and space, shrouded in the abyss of eternity ; but a god who cares for 
his creatures, and watches over them, and has given proof that he does so." — 
Victory of Faith, pp. 140, 141. Cf. pp. 122, 123, 130. 

There is in such teaching as this no approximaiion to any form or 
modification of that philosophy of Schelling ^Yhich Coleridge vainly 
attempted to transform and transfigure into a conformity v,-ith the 
spirit and doctrines of Christianity, and which substitutes for faith 
in a personal and living God, the " intuition by reason of the abso- 
lute.") No, the warm pulses of Hare's living faith would have ceased 
to beat in the chill and rarefied atmosphere of that transcendental 
peak of the intuitional philosophy on which Schelling and his fol- 
lowers had chosen their abode. 

AVe fear some of our readers may be disposed to think this discus- 
sion more curious than useful, and scarcely necessary in order io form 
a sufficiently accurate estimate of Hare as a writer and teacher. But 
we confess that, in our judgment, the point into which we have been 
inquiring is fundamental. The most vital errors of Coleridge, and 
of a considerable number of those who profess to belong to his school, 
are connected with the distinction they make between reason and 
understanding. This distinction, itself nearly resembling one of the 
peculiar tenets of the Alexandrian neo-Platonism, serves them as a 
stock on which they graft, if we might not more properly say a root 
from which they develop a system of neo-Platonic doctrine, more 
or less complete and defined, and which may now take the shape of 
such a " philosophy of religion" as that which has been taught by 
Mr. J. D. Morell, or again may be logically carried out into such a 
scheme of doctrine as that taught by ^Ir. Maurice in his " Theologi- 
cal Essays," which are only a fair and thorough-going rcductio ad 
absurdum, as evangelical and orthodox Christians may be pardoned 
for considering them, of germinal principles very distinctly to be 
recognised in Coleridge's writings. It could not, therefore, but 
be a pertinent and an important inquiry how far Hare agreed 
with Coleridge on this point. Hare could not have come so near 
as he does to the evangelical school, if he had believed in the inde- 
pendent supremacy of reason, apart from the understanding, as the 
power or sense whereby we ascertain and authenticate beauty, truth, 
and goodness. 

Plato might, by his dialectic science, seek after to KaXbv Kayaddv, 



190 Julius Charles Hare. [April, 

and no doubt was often able by his " intuitions," common to him- 
self and to otiicrs, to expose fulse and evil notions, and to bring to 
light that which was good, and beautiful, and true. But surely this 
is no reason why the admirers of Plato should, at this time of day, 
strive to establish a system which makes the mind, in its sense of 
goodness, truth, and beauty, iiidupcndent of the teachings and cor- 
rections of the reflective and logical understanding. iS^o doubt those 
have en-edwho have recognised, or seemed by their customary lan- 
guages to recognise, nothing in man but the powers of sensation and 
of reflection, no intuitive activities and judgments, no primary be- 
liefs, no moral sense ; some of whom have reasoned about the soul 
as if it were merely passive, or at most possessed but a mechanical 
activity, sustained wholly and solely by influences and impulses 
from without ; while others have seemed to suppose that logic and 
reasoning were the only powers by which it is to bo moulded and 
formed, to be swayed and controlled. And Coleridge, no doubt, .so 
far did good service as he opposed himself to such ideas as these, 
although he seems to us to have erred in the estimate which he 
formed of Locke's philosophy as related to these ideas, and to have 
greatly exaggerated the danger on that side of the question, while 
he rushed, in the other direction, into equally extreme and yet more 
dangerous error. Hare welcomed Coleridge as taking the lead in a 
controversy that needed to bo fought, but he did not go all lengths with 
him. What his views were may be partly gathered from the quota- 
tions recently given. We add a few illustrative extracts here. Of the 
two first, taken from the first scries of " Guesses at Truth," the 
former is an apophthegm not from the pen of Ilare, but of his brother ; 
there can be no doubt, however, that he fully adopts it as his own. 

" Tte feeling is often the deeper truth; the opinion the more superficial 
one."— P. 257. 

" On the other hnnd, historians are apt to vrrite mainly from the under- 
standing, and therefore presuuiptuoiuly and narrow-miiTdedl'v. Dwellinij amid 
abstractions, the umlcrstantling has no cvi^ for the ricli -i-arielics of real life, 
but only sees its own tbrnis and fiotion-;. Hence no faculty is more monoto- 
nous ; a Jew's harp itself is scarcely more so ; wliile the imaainatiou embraces 
and comprehends the fidl, perfect, and magnificent diapason of nature." — 
P. 399. 

The passages Avhich immediately follow are from the " Contest 
with Rome," and refer to Dr. Kcwman: ' 

" Logic is ever his fiivorite weapon, his harlequin's sword, with which he 
■works whatever transformations he ])leascs. Now lotric, it is well known, or, 
rather, the abuse and per\ersion of logic, has ever l)een a fniittul source of 
all manner of errors. P>y logical deductions from an abstract conception, 
■which can never at the utmost be more than a shadowy ghost or a skeleton 
of a living idea, the physical philosophy of antiquity and of the schoolmen 



1856.] Julius Charles Hare. . 191 

was led into those extravagances from -whifih Bacon delivered it Bv lojrical 
di'tluctions from premises imperfectly apprehended, all the heresies by which 

the Church has been troubled sprang up Thus, even in speculative 

matters, logic is a mere Cyclops, one-eyed, looking straight before it. But 
gtill more delusive is its guidance in practical life. . . . The great use of our 
dialectic faculty is to serve as a corrective for tlie logical, as we continually 
Boe in the Platonic dialogues," &c. — Pp. 107,8. 

"The shallowness of this passage might be deemed marvellous, as proceed- 
ing from so acute a logician, were it not continually found that the logical 
faculty is totally distinct from the apprehensive and the intuitive, and ottcn 
Bubverslve, or at least perversive, of them." — P. 127. 

These passages are not only characteristic of Hare, but express 
a feeling, or rather a principle, common to the -whole Coleridgean 
school. It must not, however, be supposed that Hare carried his 
feeling on this point to anything like the absurd lengths to v>-hich 
Maurice goes, M"ho is perpetually pouring contempt on logic, and 
really seems to consider neither the faculty nor the science as good 
for anything. On the contrary, Hare is not only himself a master 
in logic, but his -writings abound with allusions which show how 
highly he valued its right use, and how much he enjoyed its skilful 
and legitimate display. 

We have been considering Hare as a philosopher. He has com- 
posed no philosophical treatise; but a truly philosophical spirit 
pervades all his writings. He is not, indeed, abstruse or abstract: 
he does not deal in metaphysical terms or transcendental jargon; 
but apophthegms, maxims, reflections, the fruit of wide reading, 
deep thinking, keen observation, and intuitive sagacity, aided by a 
rich fancy, and quickened by a warm and genial heart, attest him 
to be a true and profound philosopher. His " Guesses at Truth " 
are a repository of critical essays upon many subjects both of 
philosophy and literature, intermingled with crystals and gems of 
philosophic thought or moral sentiment. 

What our readers have already learned of Hare will have pre- 
pared them to expect that he was one of the finest and most genial 
of critics. Scarcely anything, except the pm-e sciences, seems to be 
omt of his range. He appears to be equally famiUar with the most 
various themes, and alike graceful, wise, and witty in handling them 
all. His versatile genius is equally prepared to discuss poetry and 
philosophy, or painting and sculpture, or the drama and the his- 
trionic art, or oratorios and even operas; (1) while, at another time. 
his exact erudition is as remarkable as the searching keenness of 
his criticism, when he is exposing the ignorant errors in a reprint 
or translation of some old divine or father, printed at the Oxford 
press ! . 

It will be remembered that, although Uare would certainly have 



192 Julius Charles Hare. [April, 

refused to be called an Armiuian, he was certainly no Calvinist. 
But his admiration of excellence, ^vhcrcve^ found and of every kind, 
was most large-hearted and catholic: 

" Calvin's Commentaries:, altuoufrh they are almost entirely doctrinal and 
practical, taking little note of critical and pLilological questions, keep much 
closer to the text, and make it their one business to bring out the meaning of 
the words of Scripture with fulne?^: and precision. This they do with the ex- 
cellence of a master richly endowed with the word of wisdom and with the 
word of knov/ledge : and from the exemplary union of a severe masculine un- 
derstanding Y.ith a profound insight into the spiritual depths of the Scriptures, 
they are especially calculated to be useful in counteracting the en-oneous ten- 
dencies of an age when we seem about to be inundatetl isith ail that is most 
fantastic and irrational in the exegctical mysticism of the flithers, and arc bid 
to see divine powt'r in allegorical cobwebs, and heavenly lite in artificial flow- 
ers." — Mi'ision of the Comforter, Note II, p. 4-19. 

[Luther's words] " As he himself has somewhere said of St. Paul's words, 
* are not dead words, but living creatures, and have hands and feet.' It no 
longer surprises us that the man who wrote and spoke thus, although no more 
than a poor monk, should have been mightier than the Pope and the Emper- 
or to boot, with all their ho^ts ecclesiastical and civil — that the rivers of living 
water which issued from him shoidd have swept half Germany, and in course 
of time tlie chief part of northern Europe, out of the kingdom of darkness into 
the region of evangelical light.* No day in spring, when life seems bursting 
from every bud, and gushing from every pore, is fuller of lite than his pages ; 
and if they are not ■i\ithout the strong breezes of spring, these too have to 
bear their part in the work of purification." — Iliicl. 

" Luther, if we take the two masses of his writings," [German and Latin,] 
'•which display diil'erent characters of style, according to the persons and 
objects they are designed for — in the highest qualities of eloquence, in the 
fiiculty of presenting grand truths, moral and spiritual ideas, clearly, vividly, 
in words which elevate and enlighten men's minds, and stir their hearts, and 
control their wills, seems to be incomparably superior to Eos.<uet, almost as 
superior as Shakspeare to llacinc. ur as Ulswatcr to the Serpentine. In fact, 
when turning from one to the other, 1 ha\ e felt at times as if I were passing out 
of a gorgeous, crowded drawing-room, with its artificial lights and dizzying 

sounds, to nm uj) a hill at sunrise Possuet's mind was so uncongenial 

to Luther's, so artif cial, so narrow, sharing in the national incapacity for see- 
ing anything except through a French eye-glass — his conception of t'aith, as I 
have had occasion to remark in previous notes, was so meagre, so alien from 
Luther's — and the shackles imposed upon him by his Church so disqualified 
him for judging fairly of its gre;'.t cm^my, tint v.c need not be surprised at 
any amount of misunderstanding in him, v.hen he came forward as an advo- 
cate in such a cause. Still, however fiercely ' the eagle of ]Meaux ' may have 
desired to use his beak and claws, he might as well have pockt and clawed at 
Mount Ararat, as at him whom (JckI was pleased to endow with a mountain of 
strength, when he ordained that he should rise for the support of the Church 
oat of the flood of darkness and corruption." — IbicL, note W, pp. GOO, 661. 

" Hare had bocn quoting an exposition of Luther's on John vii, U7-39, in the 
course of which he says, "That same word which is prcacht has such a hidden 
power, that, in tlse devil's kin._;doin, where he rales nuglitily, it will sweep devils 
by heaps out of the heart, as the Elbe sweeps down chaff. He knows well why 
ho calls God's word a river ; for it docs great things and many ; it rushes 
along," &c. 



1856.] Julius Charles Hare. 193 

These latter quotations have introduced us to Luther, Hare's 
great hero. The last, indeed, though given as a sample of Hare's 
critical fiicultj, is, it Avill be seen, taken from the famous Note W., 
now published separately under the title of " A Vindication of 
Luther against his recent English Assailants." Here, then, vrc pass 
on, by a natural transition, to consider the claims and merits of 
Hare as a controversial writer. Of course, his critical faculty is 
called into play continually when he is WTiting controversially; 
nevertheless, as a controversialist he shows powers for which in his 
criticisms there was little scope. Hare's com-se as a critic ended 
with his residence at Cambridge. He became a controversialist 
almost from the beginning of his residence at Herstmonceux, and 
continued such to the end of his life. More especially, after the 
year 1840, when he was appointed archdeacon, he felt it to be his 
duty to take a prominent part in ecclesiastical and theological con- 
troversy. Most, if not all, of his charges, however generous in 
spirit and catholic in their Christian feeling, partook more or less 
of this character ; and of these a considerable number have been 
published with notes. We believe tliat those not published in his 
lifetime, are likely to be issued by his executors, with the notes 
he had prepared. The notes to the "Victory of Faith" will probably 
be largely controversial. The " Contest with Rome," and the 
"Vindication," just referred to, are his most important writings of 
this character, already published. In the former of these he sifts 
Newman's writings, and brings forward weighty and convincing tes- 
timony and argument against the doctrines and assumptions of 
Popery ; in the latter he triumphantly vindicates the memory of 
Luther from the calumnies first published by Bossuet, and recently 
revived and endorsed, with divers additions and aggravation, by cer- 
tain English writers. He seizes the assailants of Luther one after 
another, with a strong, unyielding grip, and holds them fast till he 
has fairly plucked them bare. In this way he deals with TJossuet, 
Ilallam, Newman, \Vard, and Sir W . Hamilton.' The last is, of 
living men, the most formidable assailant Luther has had, from his 
position and reputation. Upon him, accordingly, Hare bestows the 
largest share of attention ; and most complete and ten-iblo is the 
castigation he inflicts. Hare possessed the capital advantage over 
all his opponents, that he was far more completely and intimately 
acquainted with Luther's history and writings than any of them. 
Indeed, it is amazing how slight and second-hand was the knowledge 
vrhich even such men as Ilallam and Hamilton possessed of the 
matters on which they presumed to pronounce, as Hare abundantly 
demonstrates. Then, he was defending the cause of the highest 



194 Julius Charles Hare. [April, 

human liberty, and of truth and heroism, against the cause and 
kingdom of darkness and bondage, of intellectual and spiritual slavery 
and death. Such a theme was worthy of Hare's powers, and, which 
is more to say, his powers are equal to his theme. There is a life 
and energy about his writing on this theme scarcely to be equalled 
elsewhere. The pulse and currents of Luther's life seem to beat 
within his heart, and now warm him to an eloquence of the highest 
strain, and then jet forth in outbreaks of wit, sometimes of classic 
beauty and vividness, at others of the homeliest and raciest style, 
but always apt and forcible. His mastery of logic is no less re- 
markable than his other gifts, though he does not affect logical 
forms and phrases. Sir W. Hamilton is one of the most celebrated 
logicians of Britain, as Hare takes care his readers shall not forget; 
but he found himself fuiled at his proper weapon by one of a very 
different school and training from his own. He was supposed, also, 
to be a master of all erudition ; but this imagination Hare effectu- 
ally dispelled. As a critic Hare may remhid us of the accomplish- 
ed anatomist : but as a controversialist he seems rather like the 
brilliant swordsman. And Sir W. Hamilton must often have been 
confounded at the swift and sudden scimitar-play by which all his 
fences and guards were foiled, and his weapon so often struck from 
his hand. Or, again, we may admire the taste, iho, subtiltv, the 
truth, the profundity of Hare's critical analysis and judgments ; but, 
in addition to the same qualities displayed in his controversial 
writings, we admire tlie conversational rapidity of retort, the frequent 
flash of icit arising from the encounter of u-its, and the colloquial 
but appropriate and effective raciness and homeliness of style. We 
are reminded by these qualities not only of Luther, but of quaint 
Latimer. Only Hare is always, however severe or even personal, 
the gentleman and the scholar ; his homeliness is never gross, his 
quaintness is never violent or eccentric. Almost every kind of 
sparkling and of eloquent writing may be found in his wonderful " Vin- 
dication," except that appropriate to the pulpit, in which, indeed, Hare 
never seems to have excelled.* And what is quite as remarkable as 
any other characteristic of this performance is, that, whatever may be 
the subject and whatever the variety of style which Hare employs, he 
generally makes very plain English — the most simple words and the 
most idiomatic phrases, do his work. Indeed, till we read him, we 
bad no conception what a man of pith and heart, and of real genius 
and scholarly accomplishment, could achieve with Anglo-Saxon 

" The King of Prussia sent ITare his portrait in a gold medallion, as an 
acknowledgment for this " Vindication," •which, our readers are no doubt aware, 
has acquired a European reputation. • 



1856.] Julius Charles Hare. 195 

English. "We recommend his writings, and especially this " Vindica- 
tion," to all those among our readers who wish to study the genuine 
character and proper capabilities of the English tongue. Our space 
will only allow of our giving a very few samples of what we have 
been attempting to describe. And yet why do we talk of samples ? 
As well talk of giving a sample of springs glories, or of the treas- 
ures which the " dark, unfathomed caves of ocean bear." ^Yhat we 
have to offer are but a very few trifling specimens out of hundreds 
scattered thickly over the pages of tJ are's controversial writings. 
And, of course, these, brief as they must of necessity be, can convey 
no idea of the various and exact learning, and the argumentative 
power, which distinguish these writings. Before we present the 
specimens we have selected from the " Vindication," we are tempted 
to quote one — but one — paragraph from the " Contest with Rome," a 
work the merit of which is only inferior to that of the " Vindication," 
in so far as the argument is less continuous, and as the personal 
and living interest possesses less grandeur and unity. 

From the " Contest with Rome," then, we merely quote the fol- 
lowing : 

" Dr. Newman, in his Lectures on Anglicanism, p. 8, asserts tliat our Church 
' 13 a thing v.-ithout a soul, does not contemplate itself, define its intrinsic con- 
stitution, or ascertain its position;' that, 'it has no traditions: it cannot be said 
to think; it does not know what it holds, and what it does not; it is not even 
conscious of its own existence.' As though it were essential to the existence 
of a soul, that it should be busied in defining its intrinsic constitution, and 
ascertaining and circumscribing its position. As though it were not the con- 
stant characteristic of an energetic genial soul, that it pours itself out in action 
upon the world without, without wasting its time in defining its intrinsic con- 
stitution, or ascertaining its position. As though this itself were not indicative 
of a clieckt, represt action. Is it not the grand and blessed peculiarity of our 
political constitution, that all our institutions, all our liberties, have grown out 
of particular emergencies — that we have never set ourselves down, like our 
neighbors on the other side of the Channel, to define our intrinsic constitution, 
and ascertain otir position? Yet for this very reason do we tmderstand our 
position better, because we know it practically, from acting in it — not specida- 
tivoly, tVom thcori;cIng about it. Xay, was not this the spirit and principle of 
the whole CathoUc Church in its best ages? as it continued more or less until 
the anti-Catholic Council of Trent set about dejining its intrinsic constitution, 
and ascertaining i^ position, and building circumvallations about it, wall beyond 
wall, and bastion beside bastion, icith batteries of anathemas mounted upon them 
desolating the country round." — Contest, &c., pp. 14-1, 145. 

The following sentences from the " Vindication " refer to Sir W. 
Hamilton : 

" Still in one sense the reviewer is not so guilty a.s ho appears. For strange 
though it noav be deemed, it unijuestlonably is the fact, as I liave already hir.ted 
more than once, that he had never set eyes on the original Latin ot'anv of 
these tour sentences. The garbling, the misrepresentation, the mistranslation, 
are not tlie reviewer's sin, but Bossuet's, in the second book of whose Hlstoire 



196 Julius Charles Hare. [April, 

des Variations tlie four sentences stand, almost consecutively, though not in the 
same order, in one page. § XVII. ^'l.s a thief is sometimes delected througlt 
some faw in hi^ shoe or boot, which happens to coincide tviih the footprints 
about the spot xchere the rohhcrij iceis committed, so here u-e may feel confident 
that the recieicer, xcho verily needs an expert policeman to track him, took his 
quotations from Dossuct, because, after the Chinese fashion, they copy Bossuel's 
faults." — ^Iission, S)-c., second edition, p. 811. 

The two next passages refer to the frequent vehemence of 
Lnth.cr's language : 

"Moreover, I would contend that conmioii jtistlcc requires %ve should make 
the amplest allowance tor occasional ovor-velieuK'nce or llastine^;s of expression, 
■when we consider, not merely the peculiarly energetical tone of his mind, but all 
the circumstances of his condition — the darkness out of which he hud to work 
his way, with scarcely any help save that of God's word and Spirit — themifrht 
of the errour he had to fight against, its dcailening influence, the abominations 
it had given birth to, the number of enemies he had to encounter, and the 
almost superhuman rapidity and vigour with which he carried on his sincjle- 

handed warfare When we remember, too, that durin"- 

this whole time his mind was continually expanding, and that manv of these 
writings were epochal acts in the history of the world, utterances' of truths 
which history has signed, and scaled, and attested witli the witness of ten .ven- 
erations — what can we tliink of the spirit that would carp, and cavil, and sneer 
at a fev; inconsiderate expressions? When the world's doom-bell tolls, it 7)iu^t 
shake the belfry. When the rcalers burst forth from their frost-bound prison, 
the ice will crack, not icithout a noise ; and they irill probably splash over the 
banks."— Ibid., pp. 688, CS9. 

" These instances arc notorious; a multitude of similar ones might be cited 
from Luther's writings, especially from those belonging to this critical period 
of his lite, when all his powers were stretched beyond themselves by the stress 
of the conflict. To our nicer ears such exprcs.-ions may seem in bad taste. 
Be it so. Whcji a 7'itan is tralking about amony the pigmies, the earth seems to 
rock beneath his tread. Mont Blanc iconld be out of keeping in the Regent's 
Park : and what would he the outcry if it were to toss its head and shake off an 
avalanche or two!" — Ibid., p. 797. 

How finely drawn is the following picture of Dr. Newman : 

"When we look back on the author's career, when we reflect how he has 
gone on year after year sharpening the edge of his already over-keen under- 
standing, rasting one truth aft(>r another into his logical crucilile, and persuad- 
ing himself that he has di.^-nlved it to atoms, a::d then exhibiting: a like inge- 
nuity in comjKjunding the semblance of truths out of fictions — wlicn we reflect 
how in this way he appeared to be gradually losincr the faculty of distinguish- 
ing between truth and fal>e]iood, and the very belief in tht existence of any 
power for discerning truth, nay, as it seemed at times, in the existence of any 
positive truth to be discerned, and how, taking refuge, as it were, from the 
encroachments of a universal scepticism, he has at length bowed his neek under 
a yoke which a man, gifted with such fine qualities of mind and character, 
could liardly assume till lie hail put out the eyes of his heart and conscience, 
as well as his understanding — it is not in scorn and triumph, but in deep sad- 
ness and awe, that we repeat. Who is this tliat darkenelk counsel by words with- 
out knowledge?"*— Ibid., I). 725. 



Tl^is i3 the motto to Newman's first "Lecture on Justification." 



1856.] Julius Charles Hare. 197 

We- must find space for the following noble passage, ^Yith which 
we bring our quotations to a close. It will be seen that the contrast 
is between the Fathers and the Reformers : 

" Although Clirlstianlty, Lcinc; iu her essence above the relations of time 
and space, renders her devout votaries in a certain sen.so iiidcpendcnt of them 
■with regard to their own personal spiritual lite, yet, when tliey set themselves 
to teach or to act upon others, the varial>le elements of their nature, those 
■which arc necessarily moulded and modified by the moral and inlelloctnal 
T>owers and aiieucie; th^y are l.ro-aght into contact with, conic into ploy, llrn-o 
It is next to a moral impossibility, that men living in the decrepii'ide of the 
ancient ■R-orld — under the relaxino; and palsying inllucnces of the Roman and 
Byzantine empires, v/hen all intellectual and moral life was fast waning away, 
and the grand and stirring i'leas and aims which had drawn forth the ener- 
gies of the classical nations in their prime, had been superseded by rhetorical 
tumour and allegorical and grammatical tritling— should have mounted to such 
a pitch of intellectual power' as to be beyond the reach of the noblest ininds 
in the a^e when all the faculties of the new world were bursting into lile, and 
when om3 reirion of power after another ■vwas laid open to man, and called him 
to start up and take' possession of it — the whole circuit of the_ earth he lived 
in, the infinitude and the sublimities of the universe in wljich it is comprised, 
the world of night surpassing that of day, and swallovring it up _ln its iu;f '.t!i- 
omable dcptlis ; the classical nations rising out of their millennial sleep, witli 
the beautv of their art and of their poetry, and their heroic glory ; while the 
incipient knowledge of the newly discovered races tended along therewith to 
brintj out self-consciousness, and to make self-knowledge more distinct, — and 
the Book of God, speaking in each man's native tongue, became indeed a liv- 
ing book, the Book of Man, revealing the inmost tlioughts and purposes of bis 
heart." — Ibid., p. TOG. 

Here we must stay our hand. It yet remains for us to do what 
we may be able toward ascertaining the position which Have held 
as a religious teacher, and the peculiar characteristics of his theology. 
To this task we shall devote a second paper, for which tlie pre.-cut 
has cleared the Avay. AVc wish it were likely that in Hare as a 
theologian we might find as much to admire and as little to regret 
as in Hare the philosopher, critic, and controversialist. But we fear 
this is not likely to be the case. Yet we rejoice to believe that, with 
all genuine and Scriptural Chvir-tians, he did. notwithstanding his 
theological defect.s, ''hold the unity of the Spirit in the bond of 
peace, and in righteousness of life." 



198 Romanism False and Persecuting. [April, 



Ar.T. n.— ROMANISM FALSE AND PERSECUTING.-' \j : 

The Complete Notes of the Doitay Bible and Rhcmisk Tcstaynent. Extracted from 
the Qtiarto Editions of 1816 and 181S, published tmdcr the Patronage of the Roman 
Catholic Bishops and Priests of Ireland, as the authorized Interpretation of the 
Church, and the infallible Guide to Everlasting Life. With a Preface, embodying 
the Facts and Documents connected u-ith the Publication of both Editions; Dr. 
Troy's and Dr. Murray's Denial of them; the List of the Subscribers throughout 
Ireland: the List of certain Notes suppressed in some Copies of the Second Edition. 
With a copious Index, referring to all the Principles of the Church of Rome u-orthy 
of revxarh in the Notes, which appear bitterly subversive of the Gospel of Christ 
and of all Christian Charity nmong Mc?i. By the Eev. Robeht J. M'Ghee, A. B. 
DuWin: Ilicbard Moore Tims. London : ^impkin and Marshall. 1S37. 

Roman Catholicism, at the present time, is undergoing a severe 
scrutiny. "What it is, and -what its tendencies, are questions which 
are discussed with as much interest as if it had but just obtruded 
itself upon the notice of the world. It would seem that many have 
either not read histor}', or have read it to little purpose. They seem 
just now to have waked up to the real importance of a system which 
winds itself through all the various ramiCcations of society. A certain 
class of persons not Romanists, nor 3'et Protestants, but, on questions 
of religion, free and easy souls, often ask, \Vhy is not Romanism as 
good as any other religion? and why are not Roman Catholics as 
good as any other Christians ? These Simon Pure patriots talk 
much and earnestly of rehgious freedom and equal rights ; they rep- 
robate intolerance, bigotry, and narrow sectarianism. The constitu- 
tion, say they, guarantees to every citizen the liberty of worship, 
and if you refuse to favour the elevation of a Roman Catholic to any 
position of honour or of profit, on account of his religious faith, you 
make war upon the constitution of the country, and,' besides, you 
make yourself an intolerable bigot. This reasoning has had a run 
for t^venty or thirty years. The vast influx of Roman Catholics into 
this country within the last few years, and the evident catering of 
politicians for Roman Catholic favour, have inspired leading 
spirits in the Romish communion with confidence, and they have 
thought it expedient to busy themselves with the politics of the 
country. The rapidity with which they have acquired power to 
mould legislation, by managing political leaders, and balancing par- 
ties, has at length startled some who had long been disposed to 
regard them as an oppressed class, subjected to proscription and 
persecution even in this land of freedom. They now see that Ro- 
manism is not a mere abstraction, nor a mere negation in the social 



1856.] Romanism False and Persecuting. 199 

system, but is a virus making its way rapidly toward the heart of 
the body politic. 

With many this is a discovery of modern times — one of the nov- 
elties of a fast age. Until recently, those who have discussed the 
claims of Romanism in tbe light of history have been charged with 
dealing in antiquated lore, and with being decidedly behind the times. 
They live in the feudal ages — they riot among old dusty "tomes — 
they are foolish enough to judge of Roman Catholics of this age by 
Tetzel, Thomas a Becket, and Richelieu. They judge of Romanism 
in our republic by Romanism under the monarchies. In certain 
quarters this is still thought to be quite conclusive reasoning. Some, 
however, are beginning to wake up to the fact that Romanism never 
changes. That which made it dangerous to governments in olden 
time makes it equally dangerous to governments in these modern 
times ; and that which made it dangerou.s to monarchies makes it 
dangerous to republics. It always was, and still is, the creature and 
tool of one mind, and that mind the embodiment of a grasping and 
changeless despotism. The study of history, in connexion with the 
subject, has revived, and men think more profoundly and philo- 
sophically, and it will probably be long before the public mind Avill 
be lulled to sleep by the syren song of shallow-brained politicians. 

There are two leading questions in the Romish controversy, 
namely: Is Romanism addicted to falsehood? and. Is she addict- 
ed to persecution? To these questions, the book whose title- 
page is placed at the head of this article, speaks. The preface of 
the book — containing 127 pages — most conclusively proves, that, 
when they meet their opponents, Romanists will practise evasion, 
double-dealing, and downright falsehood. The body of the volume, 
consisting of the notes on the Douay Bible, fully evinces that Ro- 
manism is essentially prescriptive and persecuting. It is the moral 
and political aspects of the system of Romanism to which we shall 
direct attention in this review, and we shall confine ourselves strictly 
to our te.xt. 

The notes, especially those upon the ISIew Testament, generally 
breathe a spirit of bitter hatred toward Protestants ; but there are 
several of them so atrocious, that they have been, in some cases 
omitted, and in others repudiated. As these notes will frequently 
be referred to in this part of the discussion, we shall insert several 
of them in this place. 

" Matt, xiii, 29, 30. Lc^t perhaps. The c^ood must tolerate the evil when 
it is so strong' that it cannot be redressed withnut daii.:ior and (l!-^tiirban':c of 
the whole Church, and commit the matter to God's jud-.Mnent in the latter day; 
otherwise, where evil men, be they heretics or other malefactors, may be pun- 



200 JiOmanism False and Persecuting. [April, 

ishcd or suppressed without disturbance and hazard of the good, they may and 
oii^ht, by public autliority, either spiritual or temporal, to be chastised or 

KXKCUTEI). 

'• Luke xiv, 23. Compel ihcm. The vehement persuasion that God used, 
both externally, by force of his -word and miracles, and internally by his 
grace, to bring us unto liim, is called compelling; .... proving that they ■who 
are, by their former profession in baptism, subject to the Catholic Church, and 
are departed from the same, after sects, may and ought to be compelled into 

the unity and society of the universal Ciuirch again They arc to be 

reached not only ]>.y gicnti.e mkans, but bv just punishment also. 

" 2 Tim. iii, r>. FdUij. All hcrelics in tli3 beginning seem to Lave some 
show of truth, God for just punishment of men's sins permitting them for 
some time in some persons and places to prevail ; but in a short time God 
detecteth them, and ojjcnoth the eyes of men to see their deceits, insomuch 
that after the first brunt they are maintained by force only, all M'ise men in a 
manner seeing tlieir t'Jsehood, tliough, for fear of troubling the state of such 
commonwealths where unluckily they have been received, they cannot be so 
suddenly extirpated. 

" Rev. ii, 20. He warneth bishops io be zealous and stand against false 
prophets and heretics, of what sort soever, by alluding covertly to the exam- 
ple of holy Elias, that in zeal killed four hundred and fifty false p)rophets of 
Jezebel, and spared not Achab nor Jezebel themselves, but told them to their 
faces that they troubled Israel, that is, the fiiithful peo{)le of God. 

"Kev. xvii, G. Dnink ruitk the hlouil. It is plain that this woman signifieth 
the whole body of all the persecutors that have, and shall, shed so much blood 
of the just, of the prophets, apostles, and otiier martyrs, from the beginning 
of the world to the end. The Protestants fooli.-^hly expound it of Home, for 
that there they put heretics to death, and allow of their punishment in other 
countries: but their blood i.; not called the blond of saints, no more tlian the 
blood of thieves, man-killers, and other malefactors, for the shedding of which, 
by order of justice, no commonwealth shall answer." 

Here Avc have tlic genuine doctrines of the Church of Home, on 
the subject of forcin^:; conformity to its principles and modes of 
Avorship, and of pcrsccutim:;; and e.xterminatinLr heretics. And to show 
that they consider these views not mere speculations, l)ut practical 
rules, they have put them into their Lible. Some account shall 
now bo given of the Douay Bible and its notes. 

It is not the policy of the Roman Catholic Church to give the 
Scriptures to the people. But when " tlie faithful" happen to live 
in Protestant countries, where the Bible is freely circulated among 
the people " in the vulgar tongue," they are furnished with a Roman 
Catholic version, accompanied with learned notes, which are under- 
stood to be the authorized commentary of the Church upon the 
sacred text. It was in consequence of the translation of the Scrip- 
tures into English from the original Hebrew and Greek, that the 
Roman Catholic version from the Latin Vulgate was brought out. 

AVhcntlic Protestant Reformation had become firmly established, 
under the reign of Elizabeth, the learned Romnnist doctors Avho had 
fled from wliat they considered the unjust persecutions of the Prot- 
estant Queen of England, established a college at Rheims in France, 



1856.] Romanism False and Persecuting. 201 

and in 1582 issued a translation of the New Testament, -vrith notes: 
this is called " The Rhemish Testament." This college was sub- 
sequently removed to Douaj, in the Netherlands, where the Old 
Testament was also translated and published, with notes, in 1609. 
■\Vhat is called the Douay Bible is composed of these translations, 
and the notes which originally accompanied them, or so many of 
these notes as it may be thought expedient, under the circumstances, 
to publish. 

The Roman Catholic theory is, that the se7ise of holy Scripture 
is to be found in 'the authorized expositions of the Church. The 
written Bible is not the word of God, but the sense of the writing 
is the true revelation, and the Churcli communicates that sense to 
the faithful, guided by the light of her infallible traditions. The 
Church is the divinely-authorized teacher; she teaches through her 
lawfully constituted ministry; and her ministers bear her teachings 
to the people either viva voce or in written commentaries. 
What they teach by the word of mouth, is fugitive, and not always 
capable of review, but is presumed to be in accordance with the 
will of the Church. What they write and the Church approves, 
has the sanction of her infallible authority. As it is important for 
the faithful to know what writings have the sanction of " Holy 
Mother," and what have not, she has constituted the " Holy Office 
of the Inquisition," to examine all the publications which are likely 
in any country to flill into Romanist hands. Those books which arc 
forbidden are entered in the " Index Prohibitorius" — such as need 
correction, are corrected in the " Index Expurgatorias" — and such 
works of Papal doctors as have long passed without censure or 
correction are deemed orthodox. While some books are prohibited 
and others corrected by the Holy Office, others are explicitly sanc- 
tioned, and still others are passed in silence. The last class have a 
quasi sanction, but Romish controversialists either acknowledge or 
deny their authority just as they fmd occasion. 

How far the notes of the Douay Bible have the sanction of the 
Roman Church, it would seem, is a disputed question, it prob- 
ably having been considered a matter of policy to leave it open. 
It cannot, however, be complained of as a matter of injustice, if that 
Church should be held responsible for both the translation and 
notes, although they may never have been explicitly sanctioned by 
the learned inquisitors. It has never been the fault of the Romish 
Church to leave heretical books uncondcmnod. Nor is it to be sup- 
posed that so important a step as the translation of the Scriptures 
into English, accompanied by notes, which profess to be a collection 
of the traditionary interpretations of the Church, would bo undcr- 

FouRTiL Secies.— Vol. YUI.— 13 



202 Romanism False and Persecuting, [April. 

taken at a Roman Catholic college, Avithout sanction from head- 
quarters. This would be the reasoning of an outsider upon the 
subject, and the most natural conclusion is, that a lloman Catholic, 
who should be permitted by his priest to read the '• Catholic Bible," 
would take the notes as the authorized interpretations of the Church 
— the true and infallible sense of holy Scripture. So far, then, as 
the notes attached to the said Catholic Bible shall be read by 
Catholics, they will bo likely to be regarded as the voice of God, 
and, of course, will do much toward forming their religious belief 
and moulding their character. * 

Is there any reason why the persecuting notes of the Douay 
Bible should not be sanctioned by the Roman Catholic Church ? 
They are but the echo of the popes' bulls, and the utterance of 
principles upon Avhich the Romish Church has ever acted. There 
would be some reason in the squeamishncss of some of our liberal 
Catholics, in relation to these notes, if the Roman Catholic Church 
liad never sanctioned anything of the kind in her teachings or her 
examples, but, as the matter stands, it is mere nonsense to question 
their authority. The whole spirit, tone, and language of the Rhera- 
ish notes are in exact conformity with the spirit and practice of 
Romanism — the worst sentiments they contain have exact parallels 
in the decrees of the popes. 

We next come to the history, given by our author, of the publi- 
cation of the Douay Bible in Ireland, in l&lo and 1818. Li tracing 
this history, we see fully carried out that principle of the Jesuits, 
that " to speak with equivocation is not always a lie, therefore not 
intrinsically bad." 

Up to the year 178S, there had been six different editions of the 
Rhemish Testament printed and circulated. During this year an 
edition was published in Liverpool, which, it seems most probable, 
was circulated in Ireland. In or before the year 1810, steps were 
taken to bring out an edition of the ]>)uay Bible in Ireland. In 
1813 this project was under way. Thu work was issued in numbers, 
under the sanction of the high functionaries of the Roman Catholic 
Church in Ireland, and was circulated not by open sale, through the 
trade, but was delivered to subscribers by agents trained for the 
purpose. The advertisement upon the cover is as follows : 

"The Holy Catholic New Ti:sT.\Mr.\T — patronizotl by His Grace 
the Jlost Itov. Dr. O'Reilly, Roman Catliolio Lord rrimare of all Ireland, 
and Archbi'^hop of ArmaL'h ; His (rracc tlie ^\oit Rev. Dr. Trov. Roman 
Catbolic Aivhbi=hop of Dublin; Ilis Grace the Mo^t Rev. Dr.' Murray, 
Roman Catholic Coadjutor, Archbishop of Dublin, and Trcsident of tlie 
Royal Catholic Colle:.;e of St, Patrick's, :Mayn(>jtli; the Rirrht Rev. Dr. 
Maylan, Roman Catholic Bibhop of Cork ; the Rieht Rev. Dr. rower, Roman 



1856.] Romanism False and Persecuting. 203 

Catholic Bishop of Watertbrd ; the Right Rev. Dr. Ryan, Roman Catholic 
Coadjutor, Bishop of Ferns; the Right Rev. Dr. Delany, Romau Catholic 
Bishop of Kildare and Leighton ; the Right Rev. Dr. O'Reily, Roman Catho- 
lic Bishop of Kihnore ; the Right Rev. Dr. Mansfield, V. C. of Ossary ; the 
Most Rev. Dr. Bodkin, Roman Catliolie Warden of Galway; the Rev. Dr. 
John Murphy, Archdeacon of Cork; the Rev._Dr. M'Carthy," Dean of Cork; 
and near three hundred Roman Catholic clergymen in ditlerout part^s of 
Ireland. 

" Noio puhlishing in numbers and parts, by J. A. M'Xamara, Cork, a new, 
superb, and elegant edition of tiik Catholic Bible ; containing the whole 
of the books in the sacred Scriptures; explained or illi-r^trated with valuable 
notes or annotations, according to the interpretation of the Catholic Church, 
which is our iniallible and unerring guide in reading the Holy Scriptnits, and 
leading us unto salvation. Translated from the Latin A'ulgate, and diligently 
compared with the Hebrew, Greek, and other editions in divers languaizes. 
These genuine translations of tlie Holy Scriptures into the Endish lan<nj.a«-e 
were first finished and published by the English Catholic College at Rheims, 
A. D. 1582, and the English CathoUc College at Douay, A. D. 1G09." 

After a description of the plan of the work we have the following : 

"By permission of His Grace, Dr. T. Troy, Catholic Lord Primate of 
Ireland, this work is carefully re^•Ising by the Rev. P. A. Walsh, Denmark- 
street, Dublin. Duljlin : printed for the proprietor, by James Cumming & 
Co., at the Hibernian Press Office, No. 1 Temple Lane, 1813." 

Next follows the " prospectus '' and " address," after which it is 
added that, " Proper people will be employed in each town through- 
out Ireland to leave the numbers and parts, as soon as published, at 
the respective house of each subscriber." 

Three thousand copies of the work were in process of being 
printed, and were all delivered to subscribers in numbers, e.xcept 
five hundred copies, which Mr. Cumming, the printer, retained as 
security for his pay for bringing the work through the press. In 
the latter part of the year 1814, M'Namara failed in business — the 
work being completed to the book of Romans — and Gumming was 
left with nothing to rely upon, to remunerate him for his labour, but 
the five hundred copies of the work which were in his hand.^. Gum- 
ming being a I'rotestaut, it was necessary for him to procure the 
use of the name of a Catholic bookseller to give the book currency 
with Catholics, and he accordingly made an arrangement with a 
Mr. Coyne to become sponsor for the work : it was accordingly 
published in his name. Mr. Gumming, instead of confining the cir- 
culation to subscribers, through the agency of '= proper people," put 
the work into the market in Dublin and London. By this means 
it fell into the hands of Protestants, and became matter of public 
animadversion, in connexion with the question of Romau Catholic 
emancipation, which was being agitated by O'Connell and others. 
The character of the notes was brought out in a review by the 



204 Romanism False and Persecuting. ' [April, 

Courier, in October, 1817. The following extracts will show the 
point and spirit of this review : 

"Thus tliough the Ptoman Catholic Church commands her members to 
avoid all communication in spin'lunfs -with Protestants, as a great and damna- 
ble sin ; yet, where th;: community is iutonted with Protestantism, she permits 
them to converse with their Protestant t'ellow-subjects in worldly affairs, i/?jZe^'.? 
the!/ shall b^ hy name declared to Id hrrelirs ;. hut even such conversation must 
be avoided as much as possible, boin? rontigions and noisome to good Roman 
Catholics, and is permitted by their C'hurch, oidy because necessity forces it ! 
Such is the tolerant spirit of that C'hurch, vvLose members now clamour for ad- 
mission to the political power of the state, on the alleged ground of the duty 
of toleration ! 

" But how long would Dr. Troy, and his brethren the Romish priests, con- 
sider even such toleration justified by necessity ? We are informed in the 
follov,-ing annotations : ' The yond (i. e. the Poman Catholics) must tolerate 
the evil (i. e. the Protestants, &c.) when it is so strong that it cannot be re- 
dressed without danger or disturbance of the whole Church, and commit the 
matter to God's judgment in the latter day; otherwise, where evil men, be 
they heretics or other inalrfaclors, may be punished and suppressed, without 
disturbance and hazard of iT?L' good, they may and ovghf, by ])ublic authority, 
either spiritual or temporal, to be clinstised or kxkcuted,' (Matt, xiii, 29) ; 
and again, 'AH heretics,' though in the beginning they may appear ' to have 
some show of truth,' yet in duo time their deceits and falsehoods shall be 
known by all wise men, though for troubling the state of such commonwealths 
where unluckily they have been received, they cannot be so suddenly extir- 
PATKD, (2 Tim. iii, 9.) So suddenly extihpated ! 

"In another part of this newly published and sanctioned Roman Catholic 
Bible, the words of Ilier'.iu arc perverted, in order to convince the Romanists 
•that their 'zeal ought to Ix^ so great towards' all Protestants and 'their doc- 
trines, that they should give them the anathcuia, though they were never so 
dear to them,' and ' not spare tvfn their oxen parents,' (Gal. i, 8.) And at the 
same time, the Roman Catholics are Informed that ' the Church and holy 
Councils use the word analh.enia fnr a curse against heretics,'' &c. : and, that to 
say, ' Be he anathema,' moans, ' l>eware you accomi)any not with h.im — accursed 
be he, away with hi/n!' Su(.h arc the exhortations now addressed to the 
Roman Catholics of Ireland, and addressed to them in their Bible, as the 
authorized exposition of the word of God." 

Thus much from the Courier. The British Critic also noticed 
the persecuting notes of this '* Catholic Bible " in a similar strain. 
The articles in tlic Courier and the Ciitic spread alarm through the 
ranks of the Roman Catholic legions in England and Ireland. Dr. 
Troy, Archbishop of Dublin, hastened to make a disclaimer, in 
•R'hich he declares liimself entirely innocent of the publication, 
which he describes as "a new edition of the Rhemish Testament, 
•with annotations, published by Coyne, Dublin; and Keating 6c Co., 
London, 1S16, said to be revised by me." 

Now let it be observed that the writers in the Courier and the 
Critic had only seen copies of that part of the edition of the Douay 
Bible which Mr. Cumming had put into the market, and in his 
advertisement he docs not give the whole catalogue of authori- 
ties published upon the cover by M'Namara, but simply says; 



1856.3 Romanism False and Persecuting. 205 

"Approved by the Most Rev. Dr. Troy, Roman Catholic Arch- 
bishop of Dublin." Of course the revicAvers paid their special 
respects to Dr. Troy, and Dr. Troy comes forward and denies all 
connexion ^'ith this new edition of the Rhemish Testament — pub- 
lished by Coyne— 1S16. The Courier and the Critic had said 
nothing about M'Namara's edition dated 1813, sanctioned by a host 
of dignitaries of the Roman Catholic Church in Ireland, and deliv- 
ered to subscribers by " proper people," and Dr. Troy felt himself 
at liberty to answer according to the information of his assailants. 
lie had not sanctioned — he had not even seen this ''■ new edition of the 
Rhemish Testament," and to act out the farce he proceeds to say : 
" But having read, and now for the first time considered these notes, 
I not only do not sanction them, but solemnly declare that I reject 
them generally, as harsh and irritating in expression, some of them as 
false and absurd in reasoning, and many of them as uncharitable in 
Bentiment. They further appear to countenance opinions and doc- 
trines which, in common with the other Roman Catholics of the 
empire, I have solemnly disclaimed upon oath." 

Monstrous notes these, which Dr. Troy had never sanctioned nor 
ever seen, until they were assailed by Protestant editors ; but 
whether they differ in a single iota from those which he had seen 
and sanctioned in the edition published, in part, by M'lS^amara, and 
dated 1813, the most reverend archbishop does not say. 

Dr. Troy had an interview with Coyne, and informed him that 
the publication had done great mischief. "Finding its way into 
England," said he, "it has armed our enemies against us, and this at 
a time when we were seeking emancipation." Upon this the fol- 
lowing dialogue ensued : Coyne. " Did not your grace approve and 
sanction the publication of a Bible by a Mr. M'2Samara, of Cork?" 
Dr. Troy. " I did." Coyne. " Did not your grace depute the Rev. 
P. A. Walsh, of Denmark-street -Chapel, to revise, correct, and 
approve for publication, in your gi-acc's name, the said Bible of 
M'JSlamara':" Dr. Troy. "I did." Coyne. " Then, my lord, that 
is the Bible now in your hands." Dr. Troy. "I never authorized 
the Rev. Mr. Walsh to approve a Bible with the Rhemish notes." 

This conversation is detailed in a letter to Dr. Troy, which 
Coyne published for his own vindication. The interview referred to 
took place on the 13th of October, 1S17. Dr. Troy's disclaimer is 
dated the 24th of the same month, and Coyne's letter the I'Gth, and 
Coyne says his letter was called forth by Dr. Troy's disclaimer. 
Coyne also asserts in his letter, that after the interview on the 13th 
of October, he had sent to Dr. Troy "the numbers of this said 
Rhemish Testament," on the covers of which are printed these 



/" 



206 Romanism False and Persecuting. [April, 

words : " Now publishing, by jM'Namara, the Catholic Bible. To 
render it the more complete, the elegant, copious, and instructive 
notes or annotations of the Rhemish Testament will be inserted. By 
permission of His Grace, Dr. Troy, Catholic Lord Primate of Ire- 
land, this work is carefully revising by the Rev. P. A. Walsh, Den- 
mark-street, Dublin. Printing by Cumming." Accompanying the 
"numbers of the Rhemish Testament" sent to Dr. Troy, by Coyne, 
was a letter calling the special attention of his grace to the adver- 
tisement, which, '• from motives of delicacy " he thinks it best to 
" suppress." 

Now here is a curious state of facts. Dr. Troy — according to his 
own acknowledgment to Coyne — stands sponsor for M'Namara's 
edition of the Douay Bible, and is one of the subscribers ; the pub- 
lication proceeds to the book of Romans, and his grace never 
finds out that the Rev. P. A. Walsh, whom he had employed to 
prepare it for the press, had been guilty of publishing the exception- 
able notes in question, on his authority, until the naughty Protestant 
scribblers aroused him from his strange ignorance of a fact of so 
much importance to him personally, and to the Church under his pas- 
toral oversight. The numbers had been delivered at his palace by 
some one of the " proper people," employed as distributers, at in- 
tervals, for the space of some four years, and his name paraded in 
capitals on the cover of each number, as sanctioning and patroniz- 
ing the work ; his friend Coyne sends him " the numbers of the said 
Rhemish Testament," with the endorsement of "Dr. Troy, the 
Catholic Lord Primate of Ireland," upon the covers, and a letter 
calling his special attention to the contents of these covers ; and a 
few days afterward his grace ignores the whole matter of M'Na- 
mara's publication, with his own endorsement, solemnly declaring 
that he had just then, "for the first time, read and considered these 
notes." Now, if any one in his senses can persuade himself that 
"His Grace, Dr. Troy, Catholic Lord Primate of Ireland," honestly 
tells the truth in this matter, we must say that we sincerely pity his 
simplicity. 

But who could suppose that, at the very moment when these trans- 
actions were passing. Dr. Troy was lending his authority to the 
publication of a new edition of the same Bible, notes and all, at 
Cork, by the famous bankrupt, M'Namara. Strange as it may 
Beem, this was the fact. This fact is proved by new advertise- 
ments, precisely like the one already given, with the exception of 
Buch alterations as changes in the position of some of the eminent 
endorsers required, with a few verbal changes -svholly unimportant. 
J here is an addition to the form of the first advertisement which is 



1856.] Romanism False and Persecuting. 207 

especially noticeable : " By permission of His Grace, Dr. Troy, 
Catholic Lord Primate of Ireland, this work is carefully revising by 
Ilev. P. A. Walsh, Denmark-street, Dublin." In his disclaimer 
Dr. Troy says : " I not only do not sanction them" — the Rhemish 
notes — " but solemnly declare that I utterly reject them, generally 
as harsh and irritating in expression, some of them as false and 
absurd in reasoning, and many of them as uncharitable in sen- 
timent :" and he, together with eleven dignitaries of the Roman 
Catholic Church, patronize the new edition of these very notes — pub- 
lished at Cork — as being " according to the interpretation of the 
Catholic Church, which is our infallible and unerring guide in read- 
ing the Holy Scriptures, and leading us unto salvation." This 
disclaimer, however, was for the public; the notes were for "the 
faithful." 

The next character who figures in this grand farce is the celebrated 
Daniel O'Connell. The Dublin Evening Post of Dec. 6, 1S17, gives 
the following notice of the proceedings of the '■ Catholic Board :" 
"Mr. O'Connell moved for a committee to disclaim the Rhemish 
notes. * * * They should not let tlic present opportunity pass of 
recording their abhorrence of the bigoted and intolerant doctrines 
promulgated in that work. ' There was not a moment to be lost.' He 
would not remain a Catholic an hour longer, if he thought it essential 
to the Catholic faith to believe that it was lawful to murder Prot- 
estants, or that faith might be innocently broken with heretics. 
Yet such were the doctrines to be deduced from the notes to the 
Rhemish Testament." The movement met with opposition in the 
" Catholic Board," and, after a variety of muua'uvrings, was suflered 
to die. O'Connell could not have been ignorant of the oiEcial pa- 
tronage which was at that moment being extended to " the bigoted and 
intolerant doctrines" of the said notes ; and whether or not he was 
serious in his efforts to proctire their condemnation by the " Catholic 
Board," the bishops found means to stave off the action sought to 
be obtained. They preferred to handle the subject themselves 
rather than to trust it with the impetuous O'Connell, whose language 
upon the subject had not been characterized by that Jesuitical dupli- 
city and reserve in which they were so eminently skilled, and which 
better befitted the occasion. 

The Irish edition of the Douay Bible assumed so much importance 
that the House of Commons appointed a committee to examine the 
subject, and, if possible, ascertain whether the Rhemish notes had 
been officially patronized. This committee was appointed in 1825, 
and Rev. Dr. Murray, Coadjutor Archbishop of Dublin, appeared 
before them and submitted to an examination. The reader will 



208 Romanism False and Persecuting. CApril, 

observe that the committee knew nothing of the editions of M'Na- 
xnara's Bible, published in the years 1813 and 1818, with the sanc- 
tion of all the dignitaries of the lloman Catholic Church in Ireland, 
and that Dr. Murray's answers only refer to five hundred copies of 
the work published by Cumming in 1816. Hence the learned 
coadjutor follows the example of his primate in his disclaimer, and 
answers according to the information of his interrogators. We here 
give so much of the examination as is necessary to our purpose : 

" ' Are you avrare that an edition of the Testament with notes was published 
in Dublin in about 181C, by Dr. Troy?' ' I am. That edition was published 
under a misconception. Dr. Troy had jriven his sanction to an edition of the 
Bible, supposing ic to be the same that he had before sanctioned ; but as soou 
as he found his mistake he withdrew his approbation, and I do not find that 
the edition is in use among Koman Catholics.' 

•" Were not those notes the nsual notes in use among Roman Catholics? 
Were they not extracted literally from those of the Douay version ?' []\Iark 
the answer.] ' They were not used in Ireland before ; for there had not been 
in that country any previous edition of them.' " 

The learned coadjutor dodges the point as to the identity of the 
notes, and falsifies the fact, as to the use of the Rhemish Testament, 
and a previous edition. The Rhemish Testament had long been 
in use, in England and Ireland, among Catholics, and as Dr. Murray 
speaks now of Cummings's edition of five hundred copies, he knew 
very well that M'Kamara\i edition had been circulated and "used 
in Ireland before," and that it v.-as a " previous edition."' 

"'Do you believe the edition of tlie Scriptures, with those objectionable 
notes, is at the present moment circulated under the authority of any one in- 
dividual of the Koman Catholic clergy of Ireland?' ' ^ly belief is, that it is 
not; I do not know of a sino;lc instance of it, nor did I ever happen to meet 
with a copy of it in circulation.'" 

Now there is not only evasion, but downright falsehood in these 
answers. The distinguished gentleman speaks, indeed, of " an edi- 
tion of the Testament, v;ith notes, published in Dublin in about 
181G," and of "the edition of the Scriptures with these objec- 
tionable notes;" and of this " edition," he says, it had been published 
under Dr. Troy's authority by " mistake," and that he does not find 
it "in use among Roman Catholics," and his "belief is, that it is 
not, at the present moment, circulated under the authority of any 
one of the Roman Catholic clergy of Ireland." At the same time, 
another " edition of the Scriptures with these objectionable notes" 
was being circulated among the Roman Catholics of Ireland, " under 
the authority" of twelve archbishops and bishops, and Drs. Troy 
and Murray were among them ! And over and above all this, the 
prospectus of M'Namara's edition of ISIS boasts of the patronage 



1856.] Romanism False and Persecuting. 209 

of "three hundred Roman Catholic clergymen in different parts of 
Ireland." 

Now what is to be thought of reverend bishops, archbishops, and 
,lord primates, who will practise such monstrous duplicity merely 
to serve a turn ? They were, indeed, struggling for freedom from 
the disabilities which had been imposed upon them by the English 
Protestant government, and of this no one ought to complain ; but 
why do they practise lying and fraud in order to accomplish their 
object ■? In this, however, they only carry out the principles of their 
great authority, Suarez. He says : 

" To speak Tvith equivocation 5s not always a lin, tlierotoro not intrinsically 
bad; therefore neither is to confirm it -with an oath perjury, or intrinsically- 
bad; and the reason is, because a lie is a thing contrary to the mind of him 
"who speaks, because he is bound to use words conforuiable to his own inten- 
tion, and is not always bound to conform theui to the intention of his hearers. 
But he who uses equivocal words in a sense conformable to his own intention, 
cannot be said to speak contrary to his intention ; therelbre, he neither lies, 
nor puts forth a lie ; therefore to speak thus is not intrinsically evil ; for it is 
only on account of its being a lie that it could be evil. Whence we conclude, 
that to confirm such a form of speaking by an oath is not perjury, because by 
such an oath God is not called as a witness to a lie ; for that is not a lie, and 
there can be no perjury without the charge of a lie. Wo &pcak stricdv and 
properly of perjury. Whence we conclude that .such an oath is not intrinsi- 
cally bad, because it has truth, and can easily have the other concomitants of 
an oath, as is 'evident." — Suarez, lib. Hi, de jur.pritccpi. eL peccat. eicorUrar., ch. 
9, assert. 1, no. 2, p. 475. 

Now Drs. Troy and Murray being only " bound to use words 
conformable to their own intention," and not "bound to conform 
them to the intention of their hearers," what tlicy said was not " a 
lie" nor " intrinsically bad." According to the rules of law, relig- 
ion, and common sense, these learned doctors did perpetrate gross 
falsehoods, and were fearfully Avicked in the whole transaction ; but 
they practised upon another code of morals. 

The ne.xt scene of the drama is laid in the city of Glasgow. 
The Rev. R. J. M'Ghee had possessed himself of the numbers of 
the Douay Bible printed in Ireland between 1813 and ISIS, and 
in the advertisements upon the covers he found the clearest evidence 
of the complicity of Drs. Troy and Murray in the publication of 
the notes which they had so explicitly repudiated. The disclaimers 
of these gentlemen had produced their desired effect. The House 
of Commons had been completely gulled, and the British nation had 
rested upon the truth of the denials of Drs. Troy and Murray for 
the space of eleven years. 

At a meeting of the Protestarit Association in Glasgow, on the 
26th of January, 1836, Mr. M'Ghee brought forth his documents, 
and produced so clear a conviction of the grossest deception and 



210 . Rojnanism False and Persecuting. [April, 

falsehood on the part of the Roman Catholic officials, that the asso- 
ciation took deciJed action upon the subject. A series of resolu- 
tions was passed which embodied the principal facts, and consti- 
tuted an overwhelming argument against Romanism in Ireland. 
Dr. Troy had gone to his account, and Dr. Murray had succeeded 
him in the office of Archbishop of Dublin-, When the proceedings 
of the Protestant Association met the public eye. Dr. Murray's 
friends became alarmed. Dr. Murdoch, Archbishop of Glasgow, 
wrote to Dr. 3Iurray, " expressing a wish to know the history of the 
insertion of the obnoxious notes into the edition of the Rible pub- 
lished in 1818 at Cork by Mr. M'Namara." To this inquiry his 
grace replies : " I beg to assure you, in reply, that I am wholly un- 
acquainted with the history to which you allude. I had no connex- 
ion whatever with that edition, and I never once saw it until your 
letter induced me to send in search of a copy of it, which, after 
some difficulty, I procured." 

Dr. Murray's letter was published in the Glasgoio Argus, and 
Mr. M'Gheo replied in a telling review of all the facts, which go to 
show the moral impossibility of the truth of Dr. Murray's profes- 
sions of ignorance of the said edition of the Douay Bible. This 
Bible was circulated everywhere throughout Ireland, and the names 
of the Most Rev. Dr. O'lleilly, Archbishop of Armagh, and Primate 
of all Ireland ; the .Most Rev. Dr. Troy, Archbishop of Dublin, and 
Primate of Ireland : and the Most Rev. Dr. Murray, Coadjutor 
Archbishop of Dublin, stand at the head of a list of three hundred 
and sixty subscribers for the city of Dublin alone. 

There had been a great excitement in relation to the publication 
of the Rhemish notes in 1817. Dr. Troy had publicly abjured 
them, and denied any connexion with their publication. Dr. Mur- 
ray had confirmed Dr. Troy's statements before the committee of 
the House of Commons in IS'25. And yet these notes came out, 
■with a list of sutjscribers, among whom were these very men, Drs. 
Troy and Murray, with a profession of enjoying the official patron- 
age of these learned archbishops, and these argus-eyed gentlemen 
knew nothing of the matter ! Is it not really marvellous how easy 
it was for Roman Catholic archbishops to find out some things and 
to be in the most profound ignorance of others equally accessible, 
and of far greater importance to them and their Church. Here is a 
Roman Catholic publisher circulating "harsh," "false," "absurd," 
and "uncharitable" notes, professedly in the name and under the 
sanction of the chief shepherds of the fiock, and yet they have no 
means of finding out the facts. The scandalous matter comes into 
their palaces and is circulated largely in their own immediate 



J 856.3 Romanism False and Persecuting. 211 

neighbourhood — in connexion with " The Catholic Bible," and that, 
too, being " the most superb and elegant edition of the Catholic Bible 
ever published in the English language" — and yet they have no 
eyes to see the mischief, nor have they a friend to give them the 
information, during the lapse of tiventy-thrce years ! In relation 
to the publication of the llhemish notes, a strange ignorance per- 
vades the mind of the learned archbishop, but how soon he becomes 
acquainted Avith the proceedings of the Protestant Association in 
Glasgow! The meeting oT that association took place on ihe*iJoth 
of January, 1836, and Dr. Murray had knovrlcdgo of the matter of 
its proceedings sufBciently early to write his explanations to Dr. 
Murdock on the 6th of February following. Men who keep up a 
perfect system of espionage over the press, can stand in a false and 
an injurious position for a score of years, in their own Bible, and 
that Bible lying upon their shelves — and circulated among their 
people — and yet they know nothing of the matter. Those who can 
persuade themselves to believe all this may well believe that St. 
George sailed across the British Channel on his cloak, and took 
along with him a dozen lusty monks for ballast. 

This whole affair was shown up in E.xcter Hall, in London, in 
July, 1S36, and ]Mr. O'Connell was invited to attend the meeting, 
but declined. He, however, published a long letter to the Rev. Mr. 
Page, Secretary to the Protestant Association, in which he employs 
all the arts of sophistry which he could command to mystify the 
subject, and deals out unmeasured abuse to Mr. M'Ghee. The 
reverend gentleman answers the charges and meets the evasions of 
the great Irish agitator seriatim, and most effectually uses him up. 
To all this Mr. O'Connell makes no reply. 

The last chapter in this curious piece of history is a discussion 
of the Rhemish notes in the Dublin Review, and the Dublin and 
London Orthodox Journal — both Roman Catholic organs. In an 
article in the Review, supposed to have been written by O'Connell, 
these notes are treated in much the same style as that in which they 
had been treated on a former occasion by Drs. Troy and Murray. 
Here is the story, as told for effect, and, of course, it is the most 
favourable version that can be given of these Rhemish notes, in a 
controversy with Protestants. The reviewer proceeds : 

" An Enprlish version of the Now Testament, containinfr son^e of the notes 
in question, was published at Kheims, in the year l-iS2, throu^ih the asoncy 
chietly of Drs. Allen, Bristow, Siudors, and K'>ynold5, all dUtinfjuuhed for 
animo.iili/ to Elizabeth. The re.>ider.ts of the Ilheuiish college -were recalled 
by the magistrates to Douay in the year l'A)'S, and in 1G09-10 appeared 
there, in two volumes 4to, an English translation of the Old Testament, in 
•which also several notes -were inserted, hrcalhinrj the same spirit of haired to 
the rclicrion and izovernment then established in England. 



212 Romanism False and Persecuting. [April, 

" The notes of the 2\cw Testament -were undoubtedly intended to prepare 
the public mind for the invasion meditated by Philip II., v.hen he projected 
the sfhemc of the Armada. They were in unison with the celebrated sen- 
tence and declaration of Pope Sixius Quintus, which designated Elizabeth as 
an illegitimate daughter of Henry ^'JII. ; as a usurper and unjust ruler, who 
ought to be dejjosed ; and as a heretic and schismatic, whom it was not only 
lawful, but commendable, to dcsiroy. This document was circulated iu 
England, accompanied h;i an admonition from Cardinal Allen to the same 
effect, addressed to the nobility and gentry. It is perfecfbj clear, therefore, 
that the notes had their origin in the jiolitical hatreds of those unhappy times, 
of wh^ch religion v.as made tlic degraded instrument of both sides. If v.e are 
to blush for the fuf.xzy of prtksts, who contaminated the word of God 
by their atrocious interpretations, must not the Protestants of our day 
blush also for the infamous laws which punished with torture and wi:h death 
men whose only guilt, orirjinnlbj, was, that, they pursued the ancient religion of 
their country ? Terrible cnwes were perpetrated, unchristian doctrives ii-ere 
promulgated, by both the contending parties. This is A fact which Ar>- 

MITS OF NO DISPUTK." 

This is precisclv, and in terms, the explanation given of the 
origin of the llhemish notes by Bishop — now Archbishop — Hughes 
before the Common Council of the city of New- York, when the 
school question was before that body in 1S41. The history of that 
debate is in perfect accordance with that which we have been 
reviewing. When Bishop Hughes made his earliest efforts to pro- 
cure an appropriation of the public money for his sectarian schools, 
the JNew-York Preachers' Meeting appointed Dr. Bond, Dr. Bangs, 
and the writer, to confront his gi-ace before the Common Council — 
the body to whom he made his application. Dr. Bond drew up a 
respectful but pointed address to that body, which the other mem- 
bers of the committee joined him in signing, remonstrating against 
the measure, and asking for a hearing. The hearing was granted, 
and the parties were fairly pitted for the combat. The address 
made allusion to the e.xcluaive and persecuting character of the 
Roman Catholic Church ; the revocation of the Edict of Nantes, and 
the murders of St. Bartholomew's ; and urged that Roman Catho- 
lics were the last to be allowed an appropriation from the state 
funds for the support of their schools; which was but another 
form of supporting their religion. On the second evening Dr. 
Bond produced a copy of the Bhcmish Testament, and commenced 
reading some of its persecuting notes. The bishop was not to be 
caught napping. He lifted up his cloak, which was folded on his 
seat, and took from under it a copy of the same edition of the work, 
and requested Dr. Bond to give the page. The request was complied 
"with, and the bishop followed Dr. Bond to see if he read correctly. 

When Bishop Hughes proceeded to reply, he called the attention 
of the board and the spectators to the fact, that the book out of 
which Dr. Bond had read to them was printed by Lord and 



1856.3 Romanism False and Persecuting. 213 

Leavitt, of New- York, a Protestant house, and, of course, -was not 
an authorized publication. After thus affectinr; to bring into ques- 
tion the authority of the publication, he proceeded to an explanation 
of the manner in which the Ilhemish notes came into being. His 
explanation was copied from the Dublin Review, pretty much 
verbatim. We particularly recollect the impressions made upon 
our mind by the statement, that " the notes of the New Testament 
were undoubtedly intended to prepare the public mind for the 
invasion [of England] meditated by riiilip 11., when he projected 
the scheme of the Armada." The whole secret was here let out. 
These notes on the New Testament were designed to prepare the 
Catholics in England to cut the throats of their Proteszant fellow- 
subjects, so soon as the opportunity should occur by the landing 
of the Spanish troops ! According to the Dublin Review and 
Bishop Hughes, the plan was to make the New Testament contrib- 
ute to the destruction and extermination of the Protestants of the 
British Isles by such a construction of its doctrines as would make 
rebellion and murder a religious duty! Is this the best account 
which can be given of the labours of a class of pious confessors, 
who had been banished from their homes for conscience' sake, and 
were almost suffering daily martyrdom for the love of Christ and 
the sake of his Gospel ! 

The construction given of these celebrated notes by the Dublin 
reviewer, and also by Drs. Troy and Murray, is most severely 
arraigned by the London and Dublin Orthodox Journal. The 
Journal copies the paragraphs above ("jiiutcd from the Review, and 
proceeds to controvert the positions tlicre taken, so far as they re- 
flect upon the authors of the notes, or call in question their ortho- 
doxy. The sturdy Romanise of the Journal faces the music without 
fear or favour, and justifies the authors of the " atrocious notes," 
and the notes themselves. There is honesty in this, and that 
quality in a Roman Catholic is always worthy of note. We should 
like to give our readers the whole article, but our limits will only 
admit of a few lines which present the point of the argument: 

" But who are the '■frenzied priests' and -what are the ' atrocious interpret- 
ations ' by which the -word of God lias been thus contaminated? As to 
the latter, they were designated by the niudfru publisher, and truly so, too, 
' the eloquent, copious, and instructim note-; or annotations ;' they have been 
the text-book of Catholics tor two centuries and a half; and is it to be for 
one moment supposed that this learned and elaborate work v.ould have been 
alloweil to circulate, without condemnation by the jiroper authorities, if the 
expositions of the sacred and mysterious word had been other than .-^ou.VD 
and ORTHODOX, and neither "■ a'trocioiia' nor ^ dctmyiublc,' as they are termed 
in another place in this Ke\iew." 



214 Romaiiism False and Persecuting. [April, 

Here is a bold, unvarnished defence of the 'atrocious' notes — just 
Buch a defence as we should be likely to have from Browuson and 
M'Master, should they speak upon the subject. The miserable 
boggling of O'Oonnell and Bishop Hughes -vvould not suit them. 
They -would meet the question boldly. Their language to the 
timid trucklers of these times would be : "Gentlemen, stand up to 
the mark ! no dodging now I It is no time to repudiate a work 
which 'has been the te.xt-book of Catholics for two centuries and 
a half.' It is cowardly now to condemn those glorious old refu- 
gees who endured so much for the truth, and fought the great bat- 
tles of the sixteenth contuiy. Let justice be done, though the 
heavens fall." 

"What now are the conclusions to which we are brought from the 
history which we have here sketched ? It is evident beyond a doubt, 
that the Douay Bible was published in Ireland, with the original 
notes, under the sanction and patronage of the primates, archbishops, 
bishops, and priests of the Roman Catholic Church. When it is con- 
sidered that this fact was paraded upon the cover of every number 
of the work, and that the names of these gentlemen st^nd upon the 
list of subscribers, with their appropriate titles, in one edition of three 
thousand copies in 1813, and another of about the same number in 
1818, and that the latter edition was being delivered to subscribers 
at the time of the excitement upon the subject occasioned by the 
publications of the Courier and the British Critic, and Dr. Troy's 
disclaimer; that so many copies of these advertisements could be 
afloat among the Irish Catholics, both clergy and laifcy, for so 
many years, and they be false in the most important part of their 
showing, and the scandalous and injurious falsehood concerning the 
high functionaries of the Roman Catholic Church, and yet the false- 
hood remain undiscovered by those interested, tintil it ivas made 
known by Protestants, is something that the utmost stretch of human 
credulity can scarcely credit. 

If, then, it was a fact, that the said Jiible, with its notes, was pub- 
lished under the sanction of the dignitaries of the Roman Catholic 
Church in Ireland, the solemn public denial of the fixct on the part 
of Drs. Troy and Murray,, and the total silence of all the other 
ecclesiastics of the Church, both high and low, knowing, as they all 
did, that these distinguished archbishops had designed to deceive that 
portion of the public not attached to the Roman Catholic Church, 
makes them all guilty parties to the wicked transaction, and shows 
an awful state of depravity among Irish Roman Catholics. 

Again: it is but too evident that the whole business of repudiating 
the notes of the Douay Bible, on the part of Drs. Troy and Murray, 



1856.1 Romanism False and Persecuting. 215 

Daniel O'Connell, and the Dublin Review, was a mere matter of 
policy, to turn away the odium of those flagitious notes from the 
Roman Catholic Church, and to secure the act of Roman Catholic 
emancipation. If this were not the case, why were these " atrocious " 
notes not suppressed when the first Irish edition of the Bible was 
issued, under authority, and revised by an appointee of the Archbish- 
op of Dublin? and when they made their appearance, why were 
they not promptly criticised and condemned ? Why vras O'Connell 
so late in manifesting his horror of these notes ? W'hy did no pious 
Roman Catholic in Ireb.nd or England see the wickedness of these 
notes until Protestant editors dragged them out into the light, and it 
was obvious that they were about to prejudice the cause of Catholic 
emancipation? We could wish there was some evidence of the sin- 
cerity of the apparently frank and explicit disapproval of the lan- 
guage and sentiments of the said notes made by the archbishops and 
by the great self-styled Irish patriot — or " Ireland's paid friend." 

Finally, after all, it is obvious that the said notes in the Douay 
Bible are regarded as •' orthodox," and are supported by the lead- 
ing influences of the Roman Catholic Church in Ireland, and proba- 
bly elsevt-here. 

The worst of the original notes of the Rhcmish JS'ew Testament, 
and the Douay Old Testament, have been published in numerous 
editions, and it is doubtful whether tliey ever have been omitted 
except in editions which were flung into the market, and were liable 
to fall into the hands of Protestants. The character of the 
notes in question was vindicated in the London and Dublin Ortho- 
dox Journal, and it is there asserted that " they have been the text- 
book of Catholics for two centuries and a half," and that they "have 
been allowed to circulate without condemnation by the proper author- 
ities." This being the case, Roman Catholics in all countries are 
responsible for them. The Douay Bible, with its original notes, is 
an authorized publication of the Roman Catholic Church. And 
why should it not bo? It breathes the spirit and speaks the 
language of that Church. The policy supported in the notes has 
been the policy of Romanism from its beginning. It has always 
invested the priesthood with the civil power to enforce conformity 
and submission to their ghostly rule, when it could do so. It has 
always perscaUed, cursed, and murdered heretics when it has had 
the power. It has always borne u-ith firretics, as a more matter 
of necessity, when it could not drsfro/ them "without disturbance 
and ha7;ard of the good." and under no other circumstances. And 
why should the notes in this Bible, which teach these things, be re- 
pudiated by Romanists in any country or under any circumstances? 



216 De Maistre and French. TJltramontanism. [April, 

Such is Koman Catholicism here, in free America. It tolerates 
Protestantism simply because it must, anxiously -waiting for the time 
when, by fire and sword, it can convert the -weak republican Prot- 
estants of this land, and save them from perdition, and put obstinate 
heretics along -with " other malefactors," -where they "will do no 
further harm to " the faithful." 



A ART. UL— COUNT JOSEPH DE iMAISTRE AND FRENCH 
ULTR A.Al ON TANI SM. 

CEuvres compVdcs du Comte Joseph de ^faisire, 1 vol. 8vo. Paris : Mione. 

Under the piquant title, " Prophets of the Past," a young French 
■writer published, a few years ago, several sketches which forro, taken 
together, a gallery of portraits of no slight interest. These sketches, 
however, all belonged to the same school ; and there vv-as about them 
a family likeness, only slightly modified at intervals by a few pecu- 
liar idiosyncracics. ^1. Jules Lavbicr d'Aurevilly, introducing us to 
the " Prophets of the Past," reminded us of Don Ruy Gomez, in 
Victor Hugo's play, describing to the King of Spain, with true an- 
cestral pride, all the worthies of tlie Silva family. The sole differ- 
ence is this : the Spanish hidalgo, stopping merely at the most illus- 
trious of his race, could say with a feeling of satisfaction, "Ten 
passe, et des rncillcurs ;" our friend, D'Aurevilly, on the contrary, 
has given us all the •' 7nciUcurs," the best; and somewhat thin as is 
his gallery of ultramontanist lions, he would certainly have dete- 
riorated from its worth had he attempted to put in, by way of mak- 
ing it complete, the small fry of litterateurs and publicists, such 
as the Deuillots, the Nicoles, and the Cretincau-Jolys of modern 
times, who have attempted to make us believe, that were it not for 
the Pope, the Avhole social edifice must fill to the firound. 

Our purpose, on the present occasion, is to select from among 
the "Prophets of the Past" one portrait for close inspection, and we 
shall endeavour, while devoting a few pages to an account of the life 
and writings of Count Joseph de Maistre, to explain as accurately 
as we can, the nature of the reactionary movement against the prin- 
ciples of the French Picvolution which began fiftv years ago, and 
which, after the lapse of half a century, has been bursting forth once 
more with fresh energy, though under the sanction of far inferior 
talent. 

The career cf Joseph de Maistre is already familiar to most En- 



1856.] De Maistre and French Uhramontanism. 217 

glish readers. He Avas born at Chambery, the capital of Savoy, in 
1753, and belonged to that aristocracy -which, by its excesses, its 
frivolities, its gross profligacy, had been, even previous to the death 
of Louis XIV., preparing the elements of that fearful storm -which 
ultimately s-n-ept a-^-ay at one stroke all the landmarks of society: 
for it is a singular thing, that in speaking of J)e Maistre we cannot 
help identifying him -with France. Exemplary in the performance 
of all his duties, distinguished for his uprightness, his sense of 
honour, his disinterestedness under the most trying circumstances, 
he had, no doubt, few features in common witli the degraded noblesse, 
who had learned morality in the pastimes of the ceil de hceuf, and 
high principle at the feet of Madame Du ]xirry; and yet, M. de 
Maistre was essentially French ; French by that mixture of hvmeur 
Gauloisc, so happily blended together with accurate learning, and 
an elegance which always springs from the heart ; French, by the 
very garb under which he clothed his thoughts ; French, by the 
extreme versatility of his talent, and a certain " quantum sitf." of 
what our Galilean friends call fatuite, but which, when carried to 
extremes, we properly call impertinence; we may almost say that he 
-was French in spite of himself. As a critic very aptly remarks, 
despite of his affected contempt for the Parisian qu'en-dira-t-on, 
he always felt anxious for the opinion they entertained about him ; 
he would put in a work some passage carefully polished up, with a 
view to the Aristarchi of the Jownal dc V Empire ; or on another 
occasion, hesitating as to the propriety of allowing some startling 
assertion or seeming paradox, he would chuckle and say, "ISIever 
mind ! let us leave them that bone to pick 1" 

Count de Maistre received *a very good education at the Univer- 
sity of Turin ; he entered the magistracy, as it seems, a little 
against his own inclination, and was occupying a post of distinction 
-when the llevolution broke out. In the " age of print," where was 
the young man who, even under the ermine of the law, amid 
red tape, precedents, and sittings in banco, had not found time to 
fire off his pamphlet, nay, his battery of pamphlets, against shams 
of every sort? In setting up as a reformer of abuses and 
an avenger of wrongs, the young barrister would only have been 
imitating what was everywhere going on around him ; but we 
must confess that the extraordinary scenes he was called upon to 
witness, the unceremonious manner in which French republicans 
understood and applied their favourite doctrine, "the rights of 
man," were quite sufficient to startle any person possessing a toler- 
able perception of the grand principles of justice. An army had 
invaded Savoy, the republic of the Allobroges was constituted, and 

Fourth Series, Vol. VIIL— 14 



218 De Maislre and French Ultramontanism. [April, 

all the inhabitants were obliged to present themselves at the muni- 
cipality of their various residences to take an oath to the new order 
of things. This M. do Maistre never would do, and when the com- 
missaries of the ncAV government demanded of him a voluntary con- 
tribution toward the defraying of the war expenses, he unhesitat- 
ingly said, " 1 will not give money for slaying my brothers who 
serve the King of Sardinia." This scene took place at Chambery. 
Madame de Maistre (the count was married, since 1TS6, to Made- 
moiselle de ^lorand) had travelled from Aoste, in order to share 
the dangers of her husband, and she was in such a condition that 
the slightest excitement might bring about the most dangerous re- 
sults. Under these circumstances, let our readers imagine what 
must have been a domiciliaiy visit, that is to say, the presence of a 
band of soldiers invading the house, making the walls ring again 
with curses, threats, and choice sentences from the vocabulary of 
sans-culottism. Terror, before which Madame de Maistre had 
never yielded, at last overcame her when she saw her husband at the 
mercy of fifteen ruffians, whom his uncompromising firmness only 
stirred up to the paroxysm of rage ; alarm brought ou the pains of 
travail, and her youngest daughter, Constance, was thus ushered 
into the world amid the din of civil war and the strains of La Mar- 
seillaise. Count de Maistre saw that resistance would be in vain ; 
he provided accordingly, as best he could, for the safety of his 
family, abandoned his estates, and repaired to Lausanne, where a 
mission from the King of Sardinia soon gave him an oflicial posi- 
tion and a responsible situation. He had to solicit the protection 
of the Swiss Cantons on behalf of the unfortunate emigrants who, 
driven from Savoy by the violence of *thc revolutionary movement, 
wished either to stay in Switzerland, or merely to pass on for the 
purpose of enlisting in the royal army in Piedmont. 

The youngest child of the Countess de Maistre not being strong 
enough to bear the fatigue of a tedious journey, was left behind under 
the care of her grandmother ; tlic other members of the family joined 
the count at Lausanne, and they were all once more safe, but re- 
duced to absolute want. Amid all the energy and enthusiasm of the 
French republicans, there was a sad deficiency of cash in those days ; 
the road to glory was trodden by shoeless vagabonds ; and few in num- 
ber were the " regulation-jackets " which could muster together on 
a review or an inspection. Lut the " sovereign people " were by 
no means contented enough to thrust patient hands into empty 
pockets, while broad acres of pasture-land, ripe corn-fields^ 
"Woods, and meadows were bringing in to monsieur le comte or 
madame la marquise comfortable incomes out of which they could 



1856.] De Maistre and French Ultramontanism. 219 

" eat, driuk, and be merry." The denomination " liens nationaux" 
"national property," was coined, accordiucrly, for all such estates, and 
they Avere summarily confiscated, to be sold on behalf of the afore- 
said shoeless vagabonds. Thus it fared with the De Maistres ; but 
it is a pleasant fact to be able to say, that, let corn-fields, woods, 
meadows, and acres of pasture-land go as and Avhen God wills it, 
peace of mind is not necessarily included in the bargain. You may 
be obliged to do without a rent-roll ; but you need never have to en- 
grave a " hie jacet " on the monument of your defunct conscience. 
Count de Maistre bore up with great courage under the pressure of 
adversity. '■' My property is all sold," says he in one of his letters ; 
" I have nothing more." In another : " All my estates arc confis- 
cated; but I do not sleep the less for that." The Lausanne resi- 
dence is connected in the biography of our author v/ith some of his 
best works : " Letters of a Savoyard Royalist ;" " Address of the 
Emigrants to the National Convention;"' "Jean Claude Tieu ;'' 
and last, though not least, the " Considerations siir la France.'' De 
Maistre, as a pamphlet writer, may be compared in some respects to 
Paul Louis Courier ; he has the same point, the same finesse, the 
same elegance of style, and an apparent simplicity, which only sets 
off with greater effect the home- truths he addressed to his readers ; 
but finished as these minor works decidedly were, trae both as to 
sentiment and language, they were merely sug,gestcd by the events 
of the times, and, as such, were likely to lose most of their point as 
the course of things moved in a new direction. The " Considera- 
tions" on the contrary, will ever retain their interest, for they discuss 
principles ; they belong to the philosophy of history. Whatever 
view Vr'e may take of the conclusions adopted by De Maistre, we 
cannot but admire both the extent of his learning and the depth of 
his thoughts ; the work we are now noticing fully deserves to be 
placed by the student on the same shelf as Lossuet's Discourse on 
Universal History. 

When alluding to the " Considerations," we are naturally re- 
minded of two other works which appeared about the same time, 
and which were likewise vrrittcn under the impression of the provi- 
dential catastrophe which marked the exit of the last century. We 
allude to M. de Chateaubriand's " Essai sur Ics Revolutio7is,'' and 
to Madame de Stael's " De V Influence dcs Passions sur le Bon- 
heur f but neither of these productions is written AS'ith that earn- 
estness of purpose, that reference to religious principles, that logic, 
that dogmatism which so essentially and invariably stamps allM. de 
Maistre's works. ^Vhen Madame de Staol sat down to describe 
how far passions are conducive to human happiness, she was still a 



220 De Maistre and French UUramontanism. [April, 

staunch admirer of Jean Jacques Rousseau, nor is it difficult to see 
in every page of her brilliant essay, that she had derived her notions 
of happiness and peace from the deists of the Encyclopedia. M. de 
Maistre, at least, discards these sophisms ; he does not direct indi- 
viduals and communities to seek a guarantee for repose and pros- 
perity in their intercourse -with a god -whose impersonality is a 
sure proof that he cannot sympathize with us ; his god is a reality, 
and the error into ^vhich he falls arises — a common feature in all 
reactionary movements — from the fear of allowing anything like 
vagueness to exist in the minds of men respecting their connexion 
vrith the Almighty. He is not satisfied by anything short of vrhat 
is really tangible, visible, perceptible to the senses, thus forgetting 
the character of the true ^lediator. Failing to understand that both 
divinity and humanity have met together only in the man Christ 
Jesus, he would fain make us believe that the Pope is " God made 
manifest in the flesh." 

If wo turn now to Chateaubriand's essay, we shall meet it with 
objections of another kind, though equally strong. It is a work 
that carries us far from Madame de Stael's noble enthusiasm and 
generous feelings. Written with great power, and displaj^ing an 
amount of learning, a justness of views truly remarkable in so 
young a man, the ''Essai svr Irs Revolutions " may be considered 
as a manifesto of religious ami political scepticism. " It matters 
little," says the author, " who governs us."='' And a little further 
on he exclaims, " The world i.s like a large forest where men lie in 
wait to rob one another .... The greatest misfortune for men is, 
to have laws and a government." Principles such as these were 
not calculated to form a very solid substratum to any plan of admin- 
istration carried on in opposition to the French Revolution. The 
fact is that M. do Chateaubriand, in spite of what has been said to the 
contrary, was not a man of faith ; as a writer he is brilliant, fasci- 
nating, instructive ; and he describes the pomps of Catholicism with 
a fervour of imagination which gives almost a reality to the objects 
and the scenes he brings before us ; but when we hear Romanists 
speaking of Chateaubriand as of a man raised by Providence to de- 
fend the cause of persecuted religion and outraged order, we are im- 
pressed first with a feeling of surprise, which, hoAvever, soon vanishes 
when we reflect that for Roman Catholics, a poet who can paint in 
glowing colours the " touching and august ceremonies " of Vatican 
polytheism almost deserves to bo canonized, however loose his mor- 
als and unsound his doctrines. From M. do Chateaubriand's ill- 
defined system we turn with a feeling of comfort and relief to 
o Part U, chap. ix. 



1856.] Be Maistre and French Ultramontanism. 221 

authors such as M. de Bonald, Mallet, du Pan, and Count do Maistre. 
"With comfort, -sve say, and yet no cue will accuse us of adopting, 
either in politics or in religion, the views entertained by these emi- 
nent men. But they are plain-spoken, at all events ; instead of 
endeavouring to excite your imagination and your feelings, they 
appeal to your reason ; and in matters connected with government, 
either political or religious, this is, after all, the safest course. We 
want to know v.'hat we are driving at, and the programme of the 
administration of this sublunary world is better developed in 
a pamphlet than in a didactic poem. As to whether the 
principles adduced are right or wrong, that is quite another sort of 
thing. 

M. de Maistre represents men as connected with God by a chain 
which binds them to his throne, and holds them without enslaving 
them. To the full extent of this chain we arc at liberty to move ; 
we are slaves indeed, but avc are freely slaves, {Ubrcmcnt esclaves ;) 
we must necessarily work out the purposes of the Supreme Being, 
and yet the actions by which we do work out these pui-poses arc 
always free. So far, so good; but here come the peculiarities of our 
author's system. He docs not consider men as individually responsi- 
ble before God; he takes them as nations, and the nation, for M. de 
Maistre, is made up of the king and the aristocracy. Even considering 
each order separately — he asserts that all the members of the same 
order are indissolubly bound together, each bearing a share of the 
mutual and joint responsibility which weighs on the whole order. 
Now, let us suppose the case of a revolution. In those terrible 
events which follow the disregard of all the laws of right and 
wrong, although the persons who fall victims to the fury of the mul- 
titude may sometimes be those whose very crimes have called down 
the divine vengeance, yet very often, nay, in most cases, the indi- 
vidually innocent suffer most. But, then, although individually in- 
nocent, they must come in for the share of the solidarity vrhich 
belongs to the whole order. This results from the fact that the doc- 
trine of atonement is the principle on which rests the constitution 
of society ; the sins of the guilty arc visited on the innocent, and 
the blood of the innocent, in its turn, atones for the guilty. Here 
is to be found the key- stone of Count do Maistre's theory; the 
Savoyard publicist develops it with all the resources of logic and 
erudition, and it is rather amusing to see how he presses even ety- 
mology into his service. The following passage must be left un- 
translated, not to lose its point; it is taken from one of his later works, 
the Soi'rees de Saint Petershourg, but it refers immediately to the 
subject we are now considering : "On pent ajoutcr que tout supplies 



222 De Maistre and French Ultramontanism. [April, 

est supplice dans les deux sens du mot Latin supplicium d'oii 
vient le notre : car tout sujiplice siipplie. Malheur done a la na- 
tion qui abolirait les supplices ; car la dette de chaque coupable 
ne cessant de rctomber sur la nation, celle-ci serait force de payer 
sans misericordc, et pourrait mcme a la fin se voir traiter comme 
insolvublc scion toute la ri^ueur des lois." 

It has been veil remarked that a system such as this is fatalism 
of the very T\-orst description. Not only does it take a-vva}- the ^ree 
agency of men considered as individuals, but it effectually proclaims 
the validity of the maxim which many critics blame M. Thiers for 
enforcing, namely, that might is right. How can it be asserted that 
the Almight}'', at the last day, will call to account for their " deeds 
done in the flesh," beings of whom it is quietly said that they acted 
thus and thus. " for the same reason that Yaucanson's mechanical 
flute-player made no false notes !" Even Bossuet did not resort to ex- 
travagances so wild" as this when, in his discourse on Universal His- 
tory, he described God as overruling all things, the progress of 
events, and the rise and downfall of nations, on behalf of his own 
elect. The fact is, that the historians and publicists of the Encyclo- 
pedist school, those who supported with the greatest energy the 
principles of the French Revolution, had aimed at dethroning the 
Almighty, and M. de ]Maistro, hurried along by the praiseworthy 
desire of exposing their absurdities, transformed the whole of the 
human race into a set of puppets. 

There is much of ]\Ir. Carlylc's trenchant manner in Count de 
J.Iaistre, and the sometimes rabid denunciations to be met with in 
" The French Ftovolution, a History," find a parallel in the " Con- 
siderations sur la France." The following remarkable letter, from 
M. de Maistre's lately published correspondence, will help to illus- 
trate the political tendencies of the book we are now reviewing : 

"to the r.Ar.ox de vigxht. 

" Lausan-ne, Octohf.r 2Sih, 1794. 
" Nothing prooceds at random, my doar friend ; all has its rule, and all is 
determined by a I'ower wlii.h seldom tolls us its secret. The political -world 
is as much roL'ulated as the phy.^ical ; hut as the freedom of man there plays a 
certain part, -ive end by bclievin;: that the latter is all-powerful. The idea of 
do?troyln>r, or of pnrtitionliijr a <rr>.'at onijiire, is often as absurd as that of 
taking away a planet from tlie ])lan.'tary system, though we know not why. I 
have saiil it to you liLtore ; iu a society of nations, as of individuals, there 
must be high and lew. Frau'-c has always held, and, to all appearances, \vill 
long hold a foremost rank in the sm-icty of nations. Other nations, or, to 
speak more properly, their sovereiirns, have, contrary to all the rules of mo- 
rality, wished to avail themselves of a burning fever, under which the French 
laboured, in order to fall upon their country and divide it among themselves. 
Providence hath said, No. Always it docs right, but never, in my opinion, 



1856.] De Maistre and French Ultramontanism. 223 

more evidently so than at the present moment ; our feelings, for or against the 
French, ought not to bo listened to. Policy listens to rea.-in only. Your me- 
morial by no means shakes my opinion, -which is solely this : ' that the empire 
of the coalition over France, and the partition of that kingdom, would be one 
of the greatest evils that could befall humanity.' I have ili-awn out so perfect 
a demonstration of that proposition, that I should not despair of converting 
you ; but not by v.-ritiuLS lor that -n-ould be a fonnal treatise. 

" I thank you, hoAvever, for your memorial, -which is a very good historical 
piece. Observe, in the mcaawhlle, that you draw all your examples from a 
single reign, Avhich is not fair. What nation, besides, has not abused its power 
■when it could do so? If you listened to the uativn .Mcxieaus and Poruviaus, 
they would prove to you that the Spaniards are the most execrable of men. 
What had not Europe to suffer from Charles V., who, but for the French, 
•would have entirely conquered it ? All you bring up against Louis XIV. 
cannot be set in comparison with the three hundrcil vessels captured bv the 
English in 175<j without any declaration of war ; ^tlll less with tlie execrable 
partition of Poland. Lastly, my dear friend, I repeat to you, we are asreed 
•without knowing it. It is necessary that you should desire the success of the 
coalition against France, because you think it conducive to the public wel- 
fare. But it is natural that I, for my part, should desire such success against 
Jacobinism only, because I see in the destruction of France the germ of two 
centuries of massacres, a sanction given to tlie uia\inis of the most odious 
MachIavclis.Ti, the irrevocable degradation of tl.e human species, and, what 
will most surprise you, an incurable wound inflicted on religion. But all 
this would require a book. 

"There is another point on which, to my regret, I find we are not perfectly 
agreed. I mean that a revolution of son.o kind or other appears inevitable 
in all governments. You tell me on this subject, that nations will have 
need of strong governments ; and I beg to ask you, wh.it do you understand 
by that expression ? If monarchy appears to you slronr; in proportion as it 
is most ahxolute, then in that case Naples, 2*ladrid. Lisbon, etc., must appear 
to you vigorous governments. Yet }'ou know, and evcryljody knows, that 
those prodigies of weakness exist but by their ris iucrtirc. Be assured, that to 
strengthen monarchy we must base it upon laws, avoid arbitrary measures, 
frequent commissions, continual changes ol' tunctlonaries, and ministerial 
combinations. See, I beg you, to what a condition we had come, and how 
your ideas of good government, though very moderate, and by no means 
affecting the prerogatives of the crown, had yet been rejected." 

This letter may be taken as a familiar statement of M. de Mais- 
tre's doctrines : it is the book of the " Considerations " made 
easy; it develops, in a popular -^vay, tho i^reat publicist's views on 
despotic governments, and vie discover in it the true explanation of 
the loading principles of Ultramontanist policy. Our Roman 
Catholic friends, chuckling over the letter to Baron do Yignot, exclaim 
against the error of those who accu.<e M. de Maistre of being an 
advocate of absolute po-vrer. His keen, penetrating eye, they say, 
did not confound the vis inerticc wbich in the last century charac- 
terized the declining monarchies of Spain, Portugal, and Naples, 
with that repose and stability which are the concomitants of strength. 
The Catholic Church, in former times, had infused into the inhab- 
itants of those countries the spirit of discipline and of proper sub- 



224 De Maisire arid French Ultramontanism. [April, 

ordination; but this happy state of things subsequently gave -^ay 
to political feebleness and inaction, when an absolute monarch, after 
having so sadly abridged the liberties of the nobles and commons, 
made violent encroachments on the rights of the Church. 

This is the great objection constantly made to us Protestants by 
Roman Catholics, -when the charge of absolutism happens to be 
brought forward against the tenets of Ultramontane policy. It is 
easily answered. M. de Maistre, no doubt, saw the folly of allow- 
ing supreme power to remain unchecked and unrestrained in the 
hands of temporal princes ; he knew too deeply the corruption of 
the human heart not to feel assured, that in seasons of temptation 
the most kindly disposed tijrant (we take the word in its original 
meaning) might very easily be led astray by evil suggestions to 
commit actions fraught with the direst consequences to after gene- 
rations ; he had studied the exclamation of the poet, 

< Ilelas ! ils out des rois (.''garo le plus sage. 

So far, Comte de Maistrc was a decided opponent of absolutism. 
His error was, that in wishing to transform all earthly governments 
into one homogeneous theocracy, he proposed as a control over 
absolutism, an absolutism of a much more dangerous character. M. 
de Maistre's leading idea is a good one ; he wishes to appeal from 
the passions and depraved will of man to the Deity itself as to the 
eternal source of right and good; but not being, of course, able to 
receive immediately from God the counsel and the laws he wishes 
to reduce into practice for the good of society, he traces them to the 
Pope, as the vicegerent of Heaven ! It is not our purpose here to 
expose the fallacy of the Papal system, nor to discuss once more a 
question wliich has already been so often and so satisfactorily dis- 
posed of We wish only to show that, by planning a vast theo- 
cratic system as the real form of government fit for this world, M. 
de Maistre introduces the worst features of absolutism. We now 
maintain, moreover, that it is this vrry spirit, and not the undue 
development of the governing power, which has degraded the Latin 
nations to the lowest stage of political v,eakncss and moral decay. 
If we review impartially the state of the world at the present day, 
and inquire into the actual condition of Protestant and Catholic 
nations comparatively, we shall find that the former are in an iribreas- 
ing state of prosperity, while the latter bear the unmistakable 
signs of a sure and rapid dissolution. Will it be credited that 
some writers — although they are met on every side by facts beyond 
all denial — are found maintaining that Catholic states are possess- 
ed of a principle of vitality and an element of fecundation superior 



1856.3 De Maistre and French TJltramontanism. 225 

to all other civil communities ; and that, as long as it retains the 
Catholic faith, a people possesses in its own bosom the most potent 
source of regeneration ? How, then, Avill such writers account for the 
prostration of Italy, the upheavings of a whole peninsula in Spain, 
the contrast between Austria and Prussia, between the political 
development of iN^orth America and the lawless brutality which pre- 
vails southward in the same continent 'I It cannot be too frequent- 
ly repeated, that in proportion as a nation has retained the blighting 
tenets and corrupt practices of Komanism, in the same proportion 
it loses its independence, its civil liberty, its political greatness, and 
even its commercial prosperity. 

Before dismissing this part of our subject, we would notice one 
or two peculiarities in the method of Count do Maistre, and which 
mark out his originality amid all the writers of his age. The first 
is, that continual reference to God and to the providential superin- 
tendence of man's life here below, of which we have before spoken. 
From this point of view he is admirably placed to discuss the most 
serious questions, and he does so with a power and an eloquence 
to which everything must yield. Persons who know Count de JMais- 
tre's writings only from hearsay, generally regard him in the light 
of some stern minister of God's vengeance, threatening with fire 
and sword, speaking to men through the trumpet of the last day, 
and moving along, clad in the terrors of judicial power. One pas- 
sage from the " Considerations " will prove, however, that the dread 
philosopher could occasionally unbend and use soothing language 
instead of his habitual, unflinching dogmatism : 

" There is no chastisement which does not purify ; there is no disorder which 
the principle of eternal love docs not turn <ni:ain<t the spirit of evil. Amid 
the general disorganization, it is delightful to foresee the plans of the Almighty-. 
We shall never be able to understand everything dunng the course of our 
pilgrimage ; often we shall fall into mistakes ; but are we not reduced to surmises 
in every possible branch of knowledge, with the excepiion of the exact 
sciences? And if our surmises are plau>il>!p; if thoy arc in accordance with 
the laws of analogy; if they are sujiiiortcd by universal ideas; if, above all, 
they are soothing and calculated to render us better, what is there wanting 
to them ? Even if they should not be true, they are good ; or, rather, if they 
are good, is not this a proof that they are ti-uc V" — Considerations, etc., chap. iii. 

Another remarkable point which should not be forgotten in an 
appreciation of M. de Maistre's works, is the soundness of his judg- 
ment and the sagacity with which he assigns, both to events and to 
men, their proper influence over tiie whole course of contemporary 
history. Many views, many principles now generally admitted, 
may be traced back to the " Considerations," and have been borrow- 
ed from that extraordinary book, often without any acknowledgment. 



226 De Maistre and French Ultramontanism [April, 

M. de Maistre saw, for instance, that the reign of terror was a nec- 
essary transition to the re-estabhshmeut of monarchical principles, 
and that a nation could not lonp; remain governed by the theories of 
the Girondists, and by the vague speculations and abstract ideas 
embodied in the " declaration of the rights ofman." M. de Maistre, 
we have already said, was very frequently right in his conclusions. 
This led him, on the other hand, to fancy that the future was open 
before his eyes, and he would evci-y now and then, with the confi- 
dence of a seer, utter prophecies and sketch out events to come, just 
as if he had been initiated into the counsels of the Almighty. From 
the consideration of the laws which preside over the development 
and progress of society, it is sometimes easy to conclude that a 
certain series of facts being given, such and such consequences are 
sure to follow ; but it is equally rash and unsafe to apply univer- 
sally this way of arguing ; it shows, at all events, a furore of dog- 
matism which often, when examined by the sober eye of the dispas- 
sionate observer, seems to border upon downright madness. 

We resume, however, the thread of our biographical narrative. 
M. de Maistre, whom we left in Switzerland, went on in 1797 to 
Turin with his family. Like a torrent, the French Pv evolution was 
still following its course, and the tri-coloured flag soon waved in the 
territories of the King of Sardinia. This 'monarch, aided by his 
allies, might have resisted, but the whole of continental Europe 
was yielding before the impetuous career of the republican 
armies. The king was obliged to seek refuge in the island which 
gives the name to bis dominion ; included among the emigrants, 
Count de Maistre had to take up once more the pilgrim's staff and 
to wander further still. Furnished with a Prussian passport as a 
citizen of Neutchatel, he embarked on the 2Sth of December, 1798, 
and, sailing down the Po, he reached Venice, amid dangers and anxie- 
ties of every description. On one occasion, a detachment of French 
soldiers at a particular station of the river entered the vessel, and 
summoned the pas.-;engers to e.Klubit their passports. One of them 
addressed the Count de Maistre: "Citizen," exclaimed he, "you 
say you are a subject of the King of Prussia, yet you have an accurs- 
ed accent. I am sorry I did not send a ball through that carriage 
of aristocrats." " You would have done a fine feat," replied the 
count ; " you would have wounded or killed two young children, and 
I am sure that would have given you pain." "You are right," 
returned the soldier; "I should have been more sorry for it than 
the mother." 

The biographies of M. de Maistre are full of interesting particu- 
lars respecting his sojourn in Venice. Reduced to poverty by the 



1856.] De Maistre and French Ultra jnontanism. 227 

events of tlie French Revolution, and the laws against the emigres, he 
had been compelled to accept the hospitality of the Austrian ambas- 
sador, who could not prevail upon him to occupy, in his private hotel, 
more than one single room on the ground floor. There he lived with his 
wife and two children, studying, writing, and giving to the world 
a noble example of courage, perseverance, and faith, under the most 
trying circumstances. To the friends vfho delighted to crowd around 
him, and who were wont to express tlicir kind .-ym]vathy for his dis- 
tress, he made this really Christian answer : " All this is but the 
movement of the wave ; the current may lift us up much higher 
to-morrow, and then it will be difficult for us to steer our course." 

From Venice we find M. de Maistre going to Cagliari, where for 
two years he filled a high political post, which took up almost all 
his time, and interrupted his literary occupations ; at last, in 1S02, 
he was named minister plenipotentiary to the court of Russia, and 
started for that country, where he was destined to spend fourteen 
years, the most laborious, the most distinguished, the most important 
of his whole life. ]May 13, 1803, was the date of his first entree at 
St. Petersburg; he remained there until ISIT. Count de Mais- 
tre, despite his high-sounding title of ambassador and minister 
plenipotentiary, had the greatest difficulty to make, as it is vulgarly 
said, both ends meet. For the sake of maintaining, as Caleb Bal- 
derstone did, "the honour of the house," he was compelled to certain 
outward displays of grandeur and pomp on state occasions, and to 
fall in with the " clothes-philosophy " of the day ; but he dined off 
dry bread six days out of seven, and when admiring friends gave him 
a lift with gratuities and indemnifications of a hundred thousand 
crowns, ho sent off the whole to his sovereign, Charles Emmanuel, 
who, he said, stood more in need of gratuities than himself As a 
diplomatist, M. de Maistre had nothing in common with the Talley- 
rand school of politicians. He did not think that "language is a 
cloak given to man to conceal his thoughts;" ho would not have 
asserted, with ^I. Leon Gozlan, that " when a diplomatist cannot tell a 
lie, he is obliged to remain silent." "}il. de Maistre," said one of 
his colleagues, " is the only man who speaks out what he thinks, 
without, for all that, being guilty of the slightest imprudence." His 
character, in this respect, is one which commands our most unquali- 
fied admira*tion. 

After having devoted his morning hours to the duties of his post, and 
to the correspondence they cntuilrd, (?ouut de Maistre would shut 
himself up amid his books, and spend the evening in reading and 
composition. There, seeking everpvhere fresh arguments for that 
Ultramontanism which he thought destined to be the safeguard of 



228 De Maistre and French Ultramontanism. [April, 

society, he kept up a sharp fire against Gallicanism, Protestantism, 
sensationalism, and sans-culottism. His index expurgatorius includ- 
ed Locke, Bacon, Bossuet, Pascal, and the -whole of the Protestant 
'"communities in fflobo ; he fancied he had a special call to annihilate 
all those who refused to kiss the Pope's toe. The list of the hooks 
written by M. de Maistre during his sojourn at St. Petersburg \\\\\ 
sufficiently prove the activity of his mind, and the inexhaustible 
fertility of his pen. It comprises the Du Pape, the Eglise Galli- 
cane, the Soirees de St. Petcrsbourg, and the Examen de la PJiilo- 
sopJiic de Bacon. We find, also, a translation, enriched with notes, of 
Plutarch's essay on the "Delays of Divine Justice," and another 
political brochure entitled, Esprit Gcnerateur des Constitutions 
inoderncs. The last t^vo were the only works which M. de ^laistre 
published during his sojourn in Bussia ; the othei-s remained con- 
cealed in the author's portfolio, to be printed only after his return 
to Piedmont, and they were given to the world at various intervals. 
Du Pape was published at Lyons in 1819 ; UEglisc Gallicane in 
1820, and the Exarncn de la Philosophic de Bacon as late as 1836, 
fifteen years after the author's decease. Count de Maistre was 
revising the Soirees de St. Petersbourg at the time of his death; 
they were first published in 1821. 

We have already, in reviewing the Considerations sur la France, 
sketched the political views of M. de Maistre; they form, also, a 
large part of the book on the Pope, because the author endeavours 
to define what he conceives to be the proper place of the Bishop of 
Home as the head of the social body. The motto of the work is 
Homer's line, P^I^ KOIPAXO:^ EiT!i7, and in expounding this text 
he turns old Nestor into a prophet of Ultramontanism. 

The Savoyard publicist's beau iJca/ of government is the consti- 
tution of the middle ages. He desa'ibes it in exulting language, and 
crowds his margins with quotations from Bellarmine, Baronius, and 
the Tridentine fathers, never suspecting that, after all, he has only been 
painting a tableau de fantaisic, a piece of historical inaccuracy which 
will match the dreamy theories of Boulainvilliers and Dubos. We 
are invited, seriously, to return to those happy times when royalty, 
while it retained its full volition, and was endowed Avith an inde- 
pendent patrimony, was restrained in the exercise of legislative 
power by the clergy, the nobility, and the commons, each resting on its 
own foundation, and acting within its allotted sphere, v.hile above was 
the Papacy, which, by its sublime umpirage, maintained, in cases of 
collision, the harmonious cooperation of the members of all the body 
politic. We are told to admire the noble, temperate monarchy which 
had grown up under the shelter of the Christian Church, and which, 



1856.3 De Maistre and French UltramoTitamsm. 229 

though never brought to perfection, ^(this is, at least, a candid 
acknowledgment,) had yet secured to the mcdiaival nations so long ' 
a career of happiness and freedom, prosperity and glory. It would 
be a task both useless and unprofitable to point out all the misstate- 
ments which occur in the description just given. 

In spite of anything which M. de Maistrc's panegyrists may say 
about constitutions and well-balanced monarchies, he was really a 
downright absolutist. His book on the Gallican Church supplies a 
further proof to this eifecr, and we must confess ihat, as far as this 
particular subject is concerned, we go along with the noble count. 
We cannot conceive a genuine Roman Catholic standing or settling 
down half-way between light and darkness at either Jansenism or 
Gallicanism. If the pope is God's vicegerent on earth, the verita- 
ble delegate of the Almighty, he is above all control, and we cannot 
see how his power can justly be limited by councils, synods, or con- 
cordats. "With their ohsequium rationahile, the Galileans have run 
into inconsistencies of the most extraordinary description, and 
their creed must be a very vague one indeed, since it enables 
them to place together, in the some category, L'llopital, Bossuct, 
and Fenelon. An admirable critic has remarked, that Ultra- 
montanism is the only logical form of Roman Catholicism : " For," 
says he, " if the e.xtreme Ultramontane theory be not true, if 
the popes have not that universal sovereignty, direct or indirect, 
which many of them have claimed, and for ages exercised, and of 
which such vast numbers of their adherents h.ave been the advocates, 
then the errors into which the Church of Rome has fallen are so 
enormous, and her usurpations so cou^.prehensive, that her indefecti- 
bility dcfidc will hardly be a counterpoise for her errors in practice. 
On the supposition, therefore, of its so happening, that our Roman 
Catholic friends should be able to effect our conversion to their 
religion, we shall, for our own part, hardly stop short of the theory 
of l)e Maistre." * 

Between the Gallican theory, such as it is stil! maintained, and 
the Anglican scheme, which we have seen brought forward about 
twenty years ago, we see much in common. There is a tradition 
among the Mohammedans, that in some corner of the globe, where, 
■we suppose, the laws of gravitation are not known, the tomb of their 
favourite prophet may be seen hanging between two load- stones 
perfectly identical in every respect. This fact is undoubtedly a 
startling one for the philosopher, but not more .so than is to the 
Christian the problem which Gallicanism and Anglicanism have 
ttttemptcd to solve. These schools likewise acknowledge two load- 
* Henry Kogcrs's Essays, fi-om the Edinburgh Review, en Ultramontane doubts. 



230 De MaUtre and French Ultramontanism. [April, • 

stones ; they place luun's reason and God's law on an equal footing, 
and they endeavour to shape their course so as to counteract the 
influence of the one by the power of the other. Ohsequiina rationa- 
hile, say the Galileans ; that is, I shall obey the pope and render due 
homage to the Holy See ; hut I claim the right of examining what 
is proposed to my acceptance, and of rejecting what I think contrary 
to the standard of truth. Ohscquinui rationahile, repeat the Angli- 
cans ; that is to say, I shall obey God's word, and reverence the 
oracles of revelation; out I claim the right of e.\i)laining these ora- 
cles by the voice of the Church, and of using them as countenancing 
the emptiest vagaries of man's fancy. The two cases, Ave see, are 
parallel. The celebrated middle icay so often chalked out, hedged 
in, and smoothed over, both by Gallicans and Anglicans, is a mere 
creation of the brain. The Jansenists were inclining toward the 
magnet of evangelical Christianity. The Tractarians are hurrying 
fast within the influence of Tridentine popery — the devil's load- 
stone. 

As members of the Roman Catholic Church, the Gallicans owe 
unqualified obedience to a law which they have accepted, and which 
they know is absolutely binding. Now with what grace can they 
come and explain away their oath of allegiance, and interpret their 
submission as obscqui.uju ratinnnbile ? And what do they put 
instead of the Tridentine canons and the Bullarium magnum? 
Kothing. We do not admit the infainbiHty of the Pope, says one; 
we do not believe in transubstantiation, declares a second ; we do 
not think that the laity ought to be prohibited from reading the 
Scriptures, adds a third. It is a series of denials. Some reject 
more, some less. "What, then, constituted the life-giving principle 
of Gallicanism ? Gallicanism was not a system, it was an amalga- 
mation of heterogeneous elements which soon dispersed. One idea 
only remained, namely, the abstract idea of opposition to the pope. 
A mighty king, Louis XIV., seized upon that, worked it out, framed 
it into a code of laws, and niacle the Gallic:m clergy a political 
machine, a body of court prelates, whose business was to counteract 
the intrigues of the papal see. At his death Gallicanism sunk into 
insignificance, and it is now among the things that were. 

If Count de Maistre was justified in the attacks he directed 
against Gallicanism, we cannot say the same for his onslaught on 
Locke (Soirees de St Pctcrsbour^) and Bacon (Examen dc la 
Philosaphie de Bacon.) It is not difficult, however, to see on what 
grounds he endeavoured to justify his hatred. When he wrote, 
the prevailing school of moral philosophy in France was the 
sensational ; Garat, Destutt de Tracy, and the other metaphysicians 



1856.] De Maistre and French Ultramontanism. 231 

who "were then considered as the gi-cat authorities in such matters, 
traced their pedigree back through Condillac, Ilelvetius, and Vol- 
nej to Locke and Bacon. oM. do Maistre did not stop to cavil and 
carp at the disciples ; he professed to go back to the fountain head ; 
he made the two greatest of English philosophers responsible for 
the follies of that materialism which vras contemporaneous with the 
events of the French Revolution, and the sort of Quixotic heroism 
which led him constantly on, made him imagine that he saw the germs 
of infidelity in the Novum Organum and the l\?.i:\j on the Human 
Understanding. We do not intend to enter here upon an examination 
of the respective merits of induction and deduction as methods of 
philosophy, but we shall say, that if we wore to act according to Count 
de Maistre's system of criticism, wo might, with equal reason, 
ascribe to Descartes the transcendentalism of SchcUing, nay, even 
the recent vagaries of Feuerbach and Bruno Bauer. Will any of M. 
de Maistre's ardent admirers point out to us the passage in which 
Bacon denies the existence of final causes ? Far from doing so, he 
acknowledges them most distinctly, but he maintains that they 
should not be substituted, in a philosophical discussion, for efficient 
causes and for physical facts. Bacon was certainly an empiricist in 
metaphysics ; but within the limits to which he confined himself, he 
was quite right, and there was nothing exclusive about his views. 
The fact is, thatM. de Maistro was a strong Platonist, like his con- 
temporary St. Martin, and deeply plunged, as he always was, in the 
contemplation of first principles, constantly seeking a direct com- 
mmiication, a direct intercourse with the Almigijty, he could not 
bear to hear that knowledge is in anywise accessible to us except as 
immediately coming from God. 

The Soirees de St. Petershourf^-w'iW ever hold a conspicuous rank 
in» literature. This is the best known, and certainly the most read- 
able work of the author. It contains a lucid exposition of his doc- 
trines, and we have his own authority to say that it was his favourite 
production. In a letter to M. P"pla, .hitfd December 11, 1S20, he 
Bays, " The Soirees is my favourite work ; I have poured into it 
my whole head; thus, sir, you will find there very little, perhaps, 
but certainly everything that I know." The book was never finished ; 
it breaks oflf in the middle of the last conversation, and was to have 
been completed, according to M. dc Maistre's plan, by a chapter exclu- 
sively devoted to the subject of Russia, in acknowledgment of the 
hospitality which the author had onjoyod in that country. For the 
generality of readers— those who like the graces of the chaste and 
elegant style, even when the priges of the volume bristle with eru- 
dite quotations, the Soirees do St. Petcrsbourg is a fascinating book. 



232 Dc Maistre and French. Ultramontanism. [April, 

The origin of evil, the beginning of languages, war, vrhy the inno- 
cent suffer for the guilty, the question of sacrifices, the power of 
prayer, such are the various points examined, with a power of reason- 
ing, a vigour of argumentation v.hich excludes neither the flights of 
imagination nor the ornaments of language. The author has adopt- 
ed in his work the form of dialogues or conversations ; thus he 
dramatises (so to say) the subject, throws variety into it, and is 
enabled to introduce irony and sarcasm more freely than he could 
have done if he had clothed his ideas in a didactic shape, and pub- 
lished merely a metaph3'sical treatise. The interlocutors are 
three, a chevalier, a senator, . and a count. The chevalier is a 
Frenchman, and a man of the world; he has given very little 
time, as yet, to religious or philosophic subjects, and the little he 
knows on those questions has been supplied by education and common 
sense. Science, pnilosophy. learning, purified by religion, are person- 
ified in the senator, a Russian nobleman, belonging, of course, to the 
Greek faith, and who sustains with the count the part of chief argu- 
mentator. The counf is intended to be the hero, the sage, the 
authority in the book ; he is a sort of Christian Plato, ready to solve 
the most arduous problems and to explain the greatest difficulties. 
Between these three persons the conversation is pleasantly carried 
on from one subject to the other, and the reader finds his way, not 
vrithout profit, amid discussions bearing upon the topics most 
important to man. AVe should not forget to add that the first 
soiree— ^di. species of preliminary and purely descriptive chapter — is 
from the pen of Count Xavier de ]\Iaistrc, whoso exquisite works 
( Voijagc aiifonr dc via Chcmbre, Ic Lepreux de la Cite d'Aoste, etc.) 
have secured for him the very first rank in the walks of a lighter sort 
of literature. 

We have now noticed the principal works of Count de Maist];e, 
and we have taken the opportunity of stating the leading points in 
his scheme. It embraces, as the reader will perceive, two distinct 
sets of idcn.s. AA'c linve. first, a system of theodicy grounded upon 
the doctrines of the Church, and in connexion with this system, 
we have, secondly, a plan of theocraqy or hierodicy, which is nothing 
else but logical Ultramontanism, and the objections to which are 
those old charges forming the bone of contention between the 
spiritual and the civil power. In a Avorld disfigured and corrupted 
by the fall, man has no right to happiness taken in a general sense; 
for the same reason, he is not justified in claiming social happiness 
as his due, and human rulers, by applying punisliment where a 
f:iult has been committed, only imitate the he.WENLY King, 
their model and their type. While exercising their authority 



1856.] De Maistre and French Ultramontanism. 233 

earthly governors may fall into mistake, consequently the people 
may have just reason to complain ; but of the two only ways of 
redress open to them, neither is justifiable. The intervention of 
the multitude in the discussion of the laws, ends in naught but 
confusion ; the attempt to obtain redress by main force, the intro- 
duction of the revolutionary principle, is still -worse. In such an 
extremity, what is to be done ? " Why," replies De Maistre, " appeal 
to the pope as the representative of God, and clothed with the 
absolute power of the Almighty." This is, certainly, a compendious 
way of settling difficulties, and would, no doubt, have a happy 
issue, if only the nations of the earth could be prevailed upon to 
accept the pontiffs arbitrage; and if, besides, some means were 
devised of settling the difficulties of the Bishop of Rome himself, 
when, as is sometimes the case, he happens to fall out with his own 
temporal subjects. 

But we must now bring our biogi-aphical narrative to a conclusion. 
It will be easily imagined that Count de Maistre, by his character, 
his genius, and the nature of his political views, became an oracle 
of political w-isdora both at St. Petersburg and among the debris 
of the French nobility scattered throughout Europe. Questions on 
internal policy, on public education, on fmanccs, were sent to him 
from all parts, and there exists still, in manuscript, an important 
memorial connected with the administration of Russia, which the 
count drew up at the request of government. Louis XVIII. 
returned him formal thanks in a letter dated 1S04, for his work on 
the French Revolution; Napoleon struck off his name from the list 
of French emigi'ants, and alloAved him full liberty to return to France, 
and remain in the service of the King of Sardinia, retaining all the 
employments and decorations he might have received from his sov- 
ereign. These marks of favour, however, were respectfully declined. 

The events of 1S14, by destroying the colossal power of Bonaparte, 
brought about the realization of Count de Maistre's wishes : they 
also added much to his domestic hniiitini'^s. lie had no^s■ the com- 
fort of meeting his wife and children, from whom ho had been so 
long separated ; one of his daughters, Constance, he had left, as we 
have seen, at Chambcry, an infant in her cnulle, twenty years before, 
under the care of her grandmother, lie found her now grown up 
to womanhood, and this reunion repaid him amply for all the pri- 
vations and hardships he had, in comjiany with so many others, 
been compelled to endure. 

M. de Maistre was strongly attached to Russia; he prolonged 
his residence there even after political circumstances had occurred 
^vhich facilitated his return to his native country; but when the 

Fourth Serie.s, Vol. VJIL— 15 



234 De Maistre and French JJltramontanism. [April, 

Emperor Alexander determined upon outlawing the Jesuits, the 
great champion of Ultramontanism protested, by his departure, 
against what lie believed to bo an act of unwarrantable authority ; 
he solicited from his own sovereign, and obtained his recall. As an 
acknowledgment for his valuable services, the King of Sardinia 
named him, at the same time, minister of state, and first president 
in the Supreme Court of Chancery. 

On the 27th of ]Ma,y, 1?17. Count de Maistre bade a final adieu 
to Russia, and after a few weeks' stay in Paris he arrived at Turin, 
August 22. His strong constitution was already breaking down, 
and he was beginning to pay the penalty of the unremitting work, 
both of mind and of body, which had marked the gi-eater part of his 
life. It is very probable, besides, that his death was hastened by 
the intense disappointment he felt at seeing the destinies of the 
counter-revolution entrusted to those who. according to the strong 
but just expression of an acute observer. rCont rien oublie ni rien 
appris. This disappointment is evident in his correspondence; the 
following quotations will make it quite clear ; to Isl. de Marcellus 
he writes : " Other thorns Kre rending my heart; my mind feels the 
effects of them ; from being small it has become null ; kic jacet ; but 
I die with Europe ; 1 am going to the grave in good company." A 
letter written in ISIS, and which has not been published, gives us 
this curious sentence : 

" Several poryons liavo done mc tlie honotir to make the same question that 
I read in your ktu r. ' \V!iy do you not -ftrlte on the pri.'sent state of thinTs ?' 
I always return tli'j same answer. In the days of the canaillocracy, I could, 
at my own risk aad jicril, toll those incouceivablc sovereigns the truth, but 
now those who arc in error are too highly born for it to be possible to speak 
the truth to them. The Kevolution is far more terrible nov.- than in Robes- 
pierre's time: as it has risen, it luus become more refined. The difference is 
the same as between mercury and corrosive sublimate." » 

We shall borrow our account of ]S1. de Maistre's last days upon 
earth from the biograjihical sketch which his son Rodolph has pre- 
fixed to the posthumous works of our Ultramontane publicist : 

" Ilis intellectual lalx)urs, his mental fatigues and afHictions of heart had, by 
degrees, worn out a most robust constitution. The death of his brother Andrew, 
Bishop of Aoste, a prelate as much distinguished by his virtues as by his talents, 
and which took pl.ve in ISJH. was a most severe blow to the count. From 
that period his health, which had resisted the climate of St. Petersburg aa well 
as that of Sardinia, became precarious ; liis gait, too, was unsteady; his head 
alone retained all its vigour and fnslniess; and he continued to despatch busi- 
ness with his wonted diligence. At the beginning of 1821, when secret 
Tumours prognosticated the revolutionary ferment of that year in Piedmont, 
Count de Malstre assisted at a coun<-il of ministers, when important chanf^es 
in the legislation were discussed. His opinion was, that the alterations mooted 



1856.] The Monuments of Athens. 235 

•were useful, perhaps even necessary ; but tliat the moment was unseasonable 
for their introduction. He ivarmed by dogrees, and pronounced a lengthened 
speech. His last wordb were : ' Gentlemen, the ground is trembling under 
our feet, and you -would fain build.' 

" On February 2C.th, 1821, Count de Maistre expired, and the 9th of March 
following thj revolution ^rokc out in Piedmont. He was carried off by a 
slow paralysis, after a life of sixty-seven years of labour, sutleriui:, and self- 
devotion. . . . His body rests in the church of the Jesuits at Turin." His wife 
and his grandson have already rejoined him in the cold tomb, or rather in 
the abode of the blessed." 

We do not pretend, of course, to have given iu the above sketch 
a complete analysis of jNI. de Maistre's works ; but cnou;^h has been 
Baid to enable our readers to form some estimate of his influence 
and character. Widely as we differ from the view he took 
both of the Church and of its connexion with politics of a temporal 
nature, we admire him as an intellectual giant in his generation. 
Among the Ultramontanist writers of our own days, there is not 
one that has caught the smallest spark of the fire which glows 
throughout the pages of the Eglisc GaUicone and the Soirees 
de Saint Pctcrshourg. Count do Maistre, as we have seen, com- 
pared the revolutionists of 181S to "corrosive sublimate;" this 
expression is perfectly applicable to our Yeuillots, our Cullens, 
our Nicolardots— those frantic journalists who, although claiming a 
parentage with the Savoyard writer, have naught in common with 
him ; for " gall and wormwood " are only poor resources to make up 
for want of faith ; and a cause must be very desperate indeed when 
it can be propped up only by calumny and falsehood. 



Art IV.— the MONUMEKTS OF ATHENS. 



/li'^"- ^^ 



V.laro-poh d'J'Mnes. Par E. Beule, ancien .Membrc de I'Ecolc d'Athenes. 2 
volumes. Paris : Firmin Didot Freres. New York : Hector Bossange et 
Fi'ls. 1854. 

The occasion of these volumes — the late recovery of the ancient 
entrance to the memorable citadel of Athens — has fixed the eyes of 
Europe anew upon this focus of antique glories. The contents of 
the publication embrace, however, a good deal more. Besides the 
narrative of his discovery and a succinct sketch of the Acropolis, his- 
torical as well as topographical, the author enters into an artistic 
interpretation of the chief monuments that were deposited in this 
grand sanctuary of Grecian statuary and architecture. 



236 The Monwnents of Athens. [April, 

We propose to present the public of the New World with a select 
survey of these revelations, both antiquarian and resthetical ; com- 
mencing, however, with what may possibly be no less useful than 
it seems relevant, a slight account of the foundation of the " French 
School of Art at Athens." 

This undertaking had its origin in the year ISiG, and should be, 
consequently, credited to Louis Philippe or his government. To 
the same government is also due, we think, a like foundation in the 
eternal city, existing earlier, and entitled the " French School of 
Art at Rome." The common object of both establishments was the 
exploration, archrcological and fcsthetical, of the antiquities of those 
two capitals of ancient civilisation. But although this was the true 
import of the measure in itself, it may be doubted whether it was the. 
motive of the dynasty of professors that composed Louis Philippe's 
cabinet : a reminiscence of their former trade, a means of purchas- 
ing rebellious students, a mode of flattering the national vanity, may 
have been elements in the design. Be that, however, as it may, it 
seems quite certain that the noble project did not receive its philo- 
sophic form until 1850, when the President of the Republic organized 
the two schools, enjoining each to present annually to the Academy 
at Paris, a careful report of their local studies, explorations, or dis- 
coveries. As crowning complement to the whole scheme, a publica- 
tion to receive those documents, and all such others, has been insti- 
tuted, called The Archives of Scientific iMissions. Few things 
more creditable have been done, thus far, by the government of 
Louis Napoleon. 

The discovery of M. Beule, who was a member of the School of 
Athens, was presented as the startling subject of one of the afore- 
said reports. The author instantly received the rewards which 
every Frenchman may now be sure of, who contributes somewhat 
to the mental glory of France. Not to speak of "decorations," his 
book was issued at the expense, or, as expressed with proper deli- 
cacy, " under the auspices," of the government, and he himself was 
placed in the professional chair of Archceology, left vacant by the 
recent death of the celebrated Raoul Rochette. He has, moreover, 
received signal honours from King Otho of Greece, who had the 
recovered monument inscribed in gold', with a memorial contributed 
by the discoverer, with French hpmpos, as follows. We trans- 
late the archaic Greek into common English. 

rR.\.NCK 

Hai discovered the gate of the Acropolis, 
The walls, the towers, aiid the staircase. 
1853, Beulk. 



1856.] The Monuments of Athens. 237 

The Acropolis, -which -was the nucleus of the ancient city of 
Minerva, arose upon a rock of apparently volcanic origin, protruding 
in isolation from the plain. The summit of this elevation presents 
a table land of oval figure, extending in its longest axis to nine 
hundred feet, while the greatest breadth is not over four hundi*ed. 
The sides are of inaccessible steepness all round, with the exception 
of the west, which presents a gentler acclivity, preparing a natural 
entrance, which was improved by art in after ages. 

The firsi inhabitants were Cecrops and his Egyptian colony, who 
chose quite naturally, in a foreign and a savage country, this place 
of refuge. The infant city bore, in fact, the proper name of the 
alleged founder. It took, moreover, from an Egyptian denomina- 
tion, the name of Astu, which, while applied to Athens only in an 
individual sense, became a common appellation for cities generally 
in the Greek language; a curious proof of the priority of the 
former city in Grecian annals, as the procession in all naming is 
from the proper to the common. This foreign origin is also seen, 
in fine, in its more familiar and actual name ; for the word Athens 
is an inversion of the Egyptian Neitli or Ne'tlia, who was the god- 
dess adored at Sa'i's, the native district of the founder, Cecrops. 

Athens, then, derived its religion, as well as Greece its civilisation 
— its rudimental civilisation — from the Delta of the Nile. The 
Greeks, however, with the habitual pretension of colonial countries, 
denied all this, and even turned the indebtedness the other way. It 
is insisted by some of their writers, such as Callisthenes and Apol- 
lonius, that it is Sai's that was a Greek colony, and its goddess Neith 
the Athenian Pallas. Even Plato relates that Solon, in his voyage 
along the Nile, constrained the priests themselves of Sais to own 
that this was the procession, and that Athens was the older cf the 
two cities by a thousand years. But other authors (who, though 
Greek by origin, had the advantage of being brought up, or of long 
sojourn, outside the pale of the thicker national delusion, such as 
Herodotus, Diodorus, and Pausanias, long an exile) proclaim the 
course of the migration to be to Athens from the Nile. These 
attestations are more than sufiicient to dissipate the misty doubt 
■which has been cast upon this point of history by the puerilities 
alluded to, and which would oifer, if well founded, an objection of 
perplexing gi'avity to certain principles of the philosophy of history. 

Minerva, who was a symbol of this imported civilisation, was, how- 
ever, not enthroned on the Acropolis without resistance. Neptune 
was a rival candidate for popular adoration. The contest was 
decided by the suffrage of the people, including even the women, as 
was usual in those primitive times. So wisely has Dc Stacl observed, 



238 The Mmumsnts of Athens. [April, 

that " it is liberty that is ancient," and so justly do American women 
assert their claim to this primeval charter I The ladies, then, too, 
being more numerous, as is the rule in modem countries, decided the 
election by a majority of one. But how they voted in a body for 
a candidate of their own sex is less conformable to their reputed 
disposition. Could it have been because ■Nlincrva represented 
innovation ? or because she was the special patron of the first of 
female arts, the loom ? Interpreters of mythic story do not inform 
us on these grave questions. Respecting Neptune, they say, how- 
ever, that he was the type of a Plioenician colony, which had pre- 
ceded, and was expelled by the Egyptian. But he might better 
have been the typo of the aboriginal fishermen, as being the god of 
the sea simply, not of the art of navigation. Thus the contest 
between the two divinities would be symbolical of a transition from 
the ichthyophagous to the agi-icultural condition of the primitive Atti- 
cans — from the catching of fish to the culture of the olive. Be that, 
however, as it may, the strange conception of the great Minerva, 
combining the attributes of man witli the sex and form of woman — 
as her prototype Isis also, that ripest offspring of Egyptian theogony, 
was represented partly woman and partly lion, in the famous sphyrrx 
— this confusion, which has confounded all the authorities of our 
author, contains an import of deep consistency, but not essential to 
the present purpose. Suffice it that Minerva, having planted on the 
Acropolis an olive-tree in full bearing, (committed to Cecrops and 
his followers,) the savage nations of the coast of Attica soon settled 
on and around the hill. 

The situation ut this epoch is described by Plato [Critias) as 
follows : 

" The artisans and labourers composed the outer range, on the declivity 
which faces the Ilyssns. The warrior caste alone were in possession of the 
summit, within the M-all which enclosed the temples of Minerva and of Neptune, 
[for the latter of these deities was admitted into part protectorship, with the 
accession of the native population to the new society : a lart that justifies the 
foregoing comment as to the import of the myth of Neptune.] They [the war- 
riors] resided on the north side of the hill-top. in houses which they occupied in 
common, exposed to the violence of the winds and watching over their fellow- 
citizens About the centre of the table-land of the AcropoHs there 

was a spring, which was afterward, in consequence of earthquakes, almost 
destroyed, but which at that time aftbrded plenty of wholesome water both 
summer and winter." 

We note these details as presenting, on a succinct scale, a faithful 
picture of the primitive form.ation of the communities of mankind,. 
in both their social and topographical characteristics. A fountain, 
a fortified stronghold upon an insulated elevation, the artisans on 
the hill- sides, the serfs or labourers in the plain below, the T>arriors 



1856.] The Monuments of Athens. 239 

on the summit looking out for the enemy, at whose appearance all 
took refuge, flocks and men. within the fortress. Such, in brief, was the 
economy of the first societies of the early world, an economy which 
has been, in part, repeated by the barbarism of the middle ages. 

With some advances in civilisation, however, the citizens of the 
city ventured down into the circumjacent plain. In the history of 
the Acropolis, this epoch is represented as the foundation of Athens 
by Theseus. And a foundation it strictly was, in the ancient sense 
of the term city, as denoting the initial form oi poldicul uigamza- 
tion ; for Theseus, besides leading down from the sides and summit 
of the Acropolis the merely military and colonial conglomeration of 
the inhabitants, collected, also, from the entire territory of Attica, 
the leading families of all the tribes, till then hostile and independ- 
ent, round the sacred hill. Around it, literally in a circle, were 
grou^€4 the edifices of this new city. This gave occasion to a rheto- 
rician to say, that " Attica was the centre of Greece, Athens the 
centre of Attica, and the Acropolis the centre of Athens." The 
Acropolis, though thus abandoned, was, however, ahvays called the 
city, the Astu of Gecrops, by the Athenians ; just as the Londoners 
60 distinguish the central nucleus of their boundless Babylon, and so 
the Parisians style the sand-bank, a little island of the Seine, which 
was the cradle of their metropolis and the asylum of their ances- 
tors, the ieeble Gallic tribe of the Parisii ; for river islands were 
sought, like hills, as a sort of natural fortification. 

Another observation, no less pregnant of analogies, will bring 
us to the special subject of the book. The Acropolis of Athens, 
when forsaken by its human citizens, became -the sanctuary 
of religion, a sort of city of the gods. This quite spontaneous sub- 
stitution presents the correct explanation of a tradition which seems 
universally misunderstood in ancient religions. Why the divinities 
of all countries should have been supposed to reside on hills, or 
should bo worshipped on what even the Bible so often mentions as 
the " high places,'' has been accounted for by the design of gettiog 
nearer the celestial throne. *Sut this solution, in the first place, 
involves a manifest anachronism with regard to all religions except 
the worship of the sun ; for in all the other primitive and heathen 
superstitions, there exi.^ted no connexion between the firmament and 
heaven. On the contrary, their heaven itself, the abode of their 
divinities, was placed upon the very hill-tops, a fact that shows the 
explanation, in the second place, to be absurd. In truth, the wor- 
ship, or the supposed residence of the divinities upon "high places," 
was but a simple reminiscence of their former occupancy by the 
worshippers, a dim tradition of the religion which then and there was 



240 The Monuments of Athens. [April, 

exercised by their progenitors, of whom all traces save the supersti- 
tion have been forgotten. 

The Acropolis, the primitive fortification of which was a wooden 
fence, received, soon after the great epoch of the Thcsean centrali- 
zation, its first defences of any architectm\al solidity. These were 
due to the Pelasgi, the famous builders of those antique walls which, 
from the bulk of the materials, were afterward, by a description of 
induction still in vogue in other matters, deemed the Avork of giants. 
An exiled colony of these mystic people having been received by the 
Athenians, would reciprocate the hospitality by the protection of their 
skill. Their art was applied principally to the western side, the only 
accessible one. They further levelled the declivity so as to grade it 
into an entrance, which was protected by a succession of nine fortified 
gates, and gave occasion to the well-known term of Erineapylos. 
Such, then, was the entrance which has been recently recovered from 
the mist of doubt wherein the devastations of after ages had left its 
position. 

The first of these disasters was the burning of entire Athens, both 
the old and the new city, by Xerxes and Mardonius. The latter, not 
content with what his master had done by fire, afterward razed walls, 
temples, and private edifices, to the earth. M. Beule has found repeat- 
edly, in his excavations of the Acropolis, the smoke-stained frag- 
ments of marble ornaments and shattered pottery that attest this ruin. 
This devastation was soon repaired, however, and, as usual, much 
improvement was made upon the primitive structure by a succession 
of those men of genius Avho always rise in great emergencies, or rather 
who, on these occasions, can achieve, by works, that public influence 
which the mediocrities, by mere effrontery, obtain habitually from 
public ignorance. The first in order, nor the last in merit, was 
the noble tyranny of the Pisistratida}, who were succeeded by 
Themistocles, by Cimon, and by Pericles. Themistocles was the 
rebuilder of the walls of the Acropolis, which is what we are here 
concerned with especially. A portion had remained, however, on 
the south side, for the hand of Cimoli, who was also the generous 
builder of the Long Walls, of the Poecile, of the temple of Theseus, 
of the Gymnasium, of the Gardens of the Academy, i.^c., «fcc. Thus 
the aristocratic son of the tyrant Miltiades had. been the founder, 
at his own expense, of that great age of Grecian art which the 
democrat Pericles did but continue with the plunder of the allies. 

The Acropolis, thus refortified, and filled with temples and 
with statues, was next invaded by the impious taste of Nero, who 
sent to rifle it for works of art with which to beautify his gold- 
en palace. All the previous Roman masters had treated Athens. 



1856.] The Monuments of Athens. 241 

vritli veneration, as the mother of their native arts and civilisation. 
Even the impetuous Sylla, in the heat of victory and exasperation, 
directed that "the living should be pardoned for the sake of the 
dead:" but Nero was not lioman in even his vices. After 2^ero 
came the Christians, who, in their iconoclastic zeal, •were even more 
destructive; they not only destroyed the statues, but demolished 
all the temples except the Erecthclon and Parthenon, converted sub- 
sequently into churches, the latter dedicated, by an easy transition, 
to the Virgin Mar3^ To the Christians succeeded Alaric and his 
less barbarous barbarians ; for the latter did, according to the best 
authorities, but little damage, and had the grace to get affrighted 
by a vision of Minerva. The fortifications, also, of the Acropolis, 
like the temples, underwent a transformation in the twelfth cen- 
tury, by the direction of its feudal masters, the Frank and Floren- 
tine " Dukes of Athens." Finally came the Turks under Moham- 
med II., who converted the famous entrance of the Fropylffia into a 
fortress, as they did the Parthenon, that shrine successively of both 
the heathen and the Christian virgins, into a mosque, and the Erec- 
theion into a harem ! 

It is beneath these devastations upon devastations of thirty cen- 
turies, that M. Beule has discovered the principal entrance to the 
Acropolis. His excavations had laid open, in May, 1852, at the 
distance of sixty feet in direct front of the Propylrea, the remnant 
of some Pelasgic constructions. This piece of wall seemed to be a 
parapet intended to support a staircase. The stones were cut polyg- 
onally, and flattened on the sides, so as to fit on to each other, 
uncemented, with much exactness. On this account the work was 
doubted to be Pelasgic, and was thought even Koman. But the author, 
who held the opposite opinion, soon found the proof. Pursuing the 
winding which was indicated by a turn in the supposed parapet, the 
excavations were pushed below the soil of Cimon and of Peri- 
cles, where appeared, in fact, the track-indented pathway of three 
.thousand years ago, along the living rock of the Acropolis. The 
indentations had been cut, originally, in the simple shape of foot- 
holds, but were afterward worn into round holes by the hoofs of 
animals ascending for security or for sacrifice. The way itself, 
about a yard wide, meandered round the interfering obstacles, which 
is another characteristic of its antiquity. Thus, even in cities, the 
oldest streets present this serpentine irregularity; it maybe wit- 
nessed in our own upstart IS ew- York, in Pearl- street for instance, 
of which the only engineer was probably a cow-path through the 
thicket. M. Beule proves, by multiplied and much more dignified 
considerations, the strict identity of his discovery with the old ave- 



2i2 The Monuments of Athens. [April, 

nue of the Acropolis. But the discussion is too long, as well as too 
intricate and erudite, to be delineated in a summary appi-eciable by 
our readers. We can but recommend the studious to the pages of 
the work, and to the set of fine engravings that elucidate them topo- 
graphically. 

Coming now to what will probably be more agreeable, our third 
division, vrhich regards the explanation and aesthetics of the monu- 
ments, we are encountered on the threshold by the problem of the 
Propykiia. The destination of this famous structure is known to be 
a modern mystery. M. Beule, in enumerating the conjectures, puts 
these queries : " Is it simply a monument of ornamentation ? Does 
it involve a religious idea? Is it but a work of fortification and 
defence ? Docs it, in a v;ord, belong to the civil, to the religious, or 
to the military architecture of the Greeks?" (Vol. i, p. 1S4.) 

" To the religious," says Spon, a French writer of the seventeenth 
century, who cried, on seeing the Propyla?a, " There, undoubtedly, 
is a Greek ternple." Col. Lcal-ie, the English traveller, a high author- 
ity, at least in London, is, on the conti-ary, of the opinion that it 
was a work of fortification. The learned Eurnouf maintained, it 
seems, the same construction, but for reasons of philosophy, which, 
says our author, do not hold of art. We must remark, that if they 
do not, the fault is not in their philosophy, but, on the contrary, in 
the want of it, as will be indicated in this instance. M. Beule, in 
fact, refutes them, as he does also those of Leake, vdiich, by a natural 
illusion, are drawn from military strategy. A gallant colonel could 
have scarce done otherwise than, like the mirror of knight-errantry, 
behold in every dubious edifice a giant enemy or a fortress. But M. 
Beule pronounces equally against the second of the suppositions, 
assigning to the PropykTa a religious object, at least in idea; and 
here he will, we think, be found in error. His own hypothesis is, 
that the structure was one of simple " decoration," and he quite 
properly proceeds to justify it first by reference to history. 

Egypt, he reminds us. built proj.i/hra long before ,Grccoc, and was 
in this, as in so many other things, most probably the Greek model. 
The most remarkable had been erected, as Herodotus informs us, 
to Minerva (alias Isis) at Sais : 'Ev Idi -Tj WO/jvauj TLgo-rrvXaia, «fcc. 
Now this expression must import the structure to front the temple 
of the goddess ; for, on the one hand, this famous edifice was too 
notorious to need special mention ; and, on the other, it was implied 
suflBciently in the term '• propyhTa ;" for to dedicate a door-front or 
an entrance to Minerva or Isis, could surely refer only to the temple 
of the divinity. But the importance of this remark, which M. Beule 
overlooks, perhaps, as hostile to his hypothesis, will be apparent by- 



1856.] The Monuments of Athe7is. 243 

and-by. There -vvere also, he tell us, propyla;a at Persepolis ; and 
here, he owns, they -were attached to palaces, immediately, or at a 
small distance. In fine, there was in Greece, besides the specimen 
in question, a propylceum before the temple of Ceres at Eleusis, and 
built, it is to be observed, by the same author, namely, Pericles ; 
from which might be inferred a certain kinship of destination; 
and there was another before the temple of ^lincrva at Sunium, &c. 
It is also true, that there were propylxa in Greece and elsewhere, 
attached to secular localities or edifices, as at Athens to the Agoras, 
and at Pompeii to the Forum. But, aside from the consideration 
that these were primitively sacred places, the latter class of propyhea 
were all posterior and merely imitative. This is owned, indeed, 
expressly by M. Beule himself, who even touches on the reason in 
the following maladroit remarks : 

" The character of a monuinent is decided in tlic popular fancy by tradition, 
and especially by habit. So true is this, that it is often an aflair of mere con- 
vention, that "the Greek temple, -which used to speak to the devotion of the 
ancients, is sometimes destined by the moJorns, Avhen they construct the like, 
for proiiine u.'^es. How is it possible to throw a rclii^nous respect around a 
monument, seen to precede indifferently a temple, a fortification, a place of 
public assemblage, and even a market'/" — P. 190. 

And yet, despite this recognition of anachronistic interpretations, 
and the facts he cites, which ovni the earlier propyla:a aW to !>e a^c!i- 
edto temples, M. Beule h?s the courage to procl.iim that that of the 
Acropolis " has nothing of a religious intention, although serving as 
an entrance to the grand sanctuary of Athenian religion." We need 
no more to prove the contrary than his own facts and his own 
reflexions, placed in order by the true ])hilo3ophy of architecture ; 
for we are also engaged to show, in opposition to his judgment and to 
the example of Burnouf, that the fine arts do not escape philosophy. 

This supreme arbiter, in fact, informs us, that the first structures 
of a religious character must have been tombs, as is implied in the 
generic import of the term monument ; their earliest form, as being 
the easiest, was the pyramidal. PKnng, of course, consecrated only 
to patriarchs, to princes, or to heroes, they would become, in course 
of time, a place of concourse and of worship, by the same process of 
superstition which raised the inmate into a god. The ceremonial 
of this public worship would suggest the requisite of a new struc- 
ture for the oblation of the sacrifices and reception of the idol ! 
Hence the temple, which was first a chamber superadded to the 
tomb, a combination which returned duly with the barbarism of 
the middle a^es, in the steeple-fronted churches of the Gothic order. 
But as the primitive barbarians had not the art or the example 
whereby to make the temple large enough for the admission of the 



244 The Monuments of Athens. [April, 

worshippers, they -were obliged to push it back, and leave between 
it and tlic monument an enclosed court, for the reception of the 
faithful. 

The same necessity, produced by inability to make a doorway 
through the monument which would be wide enough for the conven- 
ience of such a crowd, suggested also the expedient of a second pyramid 
at such a distance as to shape a gateway of the requisite dimensions. 
How, then, to fill up the void above would be a problem for after 
ages. The first condition, it was obvious, must be to truncate the 
two pyramids, which thus assumed, according to diameter, the 
guise of towers or of rude columns, the latter being, in fiict, the 
origin of the most primitive (the Doric) shaft; the former, that, per- 
haps, of the two towers which flank the old Pelasgic entrauce or 
propylaa, and which are the witnesses of M. Beule's own discovery. 
The difficulty still remaining would be twofold : first, to place a 
stone lintel of length and strength enough on these abutments ; and, 
secondly, to ease the pressure which would thus be aggravated ruin- 
ously in falling at an acute angle upon their conical inclinations. A 
remedy that might present itself to the most simple observation 
would servo to obviate the two obstacles at once : it was but to fancy 
the mere inversion of the obliquity of the abutments ; or, in other 
words, to conceive an intermediate pyramid in vacuo. This dispo- 
sition of the jambs w^ould at the same time abridge the lintc-l, and 
bring its pressure, on the contrary, within the perpendicular. Eut 
how to e.-^ecute the fancy would, in those times, bo the rub. 

For this, however, there was also quite at hand an obvious model. 
The inclination of the p3-ramids, which was to be reversed, was 
wrought itself by the retreat of each successive layer of stones, as 
may be witnessed even in the acme of this mode of structure on the 
Nile. In order, therefore, to slope inicai-d, instead of sloping 
outward, it was only necessary to convert the retrocessions into 
projectio7is. But this again, when carried too far, shows its ^\eak- 
ness and its inconveniences in throwing the pressure on the mere 
projection, and narrowing too much the door above; inconvenien- 
ces exactly equal, though exactly opposite to the preceding. And 
we may add, that it was only through a long succession of 
such oscillations that men attained the perpendicular in masonry. 
In the meantime, however, and subsidiarily, the lintel too was 
changing. The contrivance which at last allowed it to extend to 
jambs completely vertical, was the surmounting it with two long 
stones, that, resting endwise on its two extremities, were laid 
together at the top, so as to form with it a triangle, which, like a 
wedge, would split the pressure, and slide it off on the abutments. 



1856.] The Monuments of Athens. ' . 245 

But this triangle was again, we see, a repetition of the pyramid, a 
bare accuraulatiou of the same inevitable type. And even to the 
present day, what thus was born of a rude necessity, is made the 
ornament and ensign of the Doric order of architecture, and some- 
times copied by the later styles, in the triangnlation of the front- 
ispiece ! 

We might go on to show how nature aided human imbecility in 
passing also from this stage to the conception of the arch ; how the 
two sides of the triangle were broken gradually into higher poly- 
gons, until they finally evanished into a curve. But avo are afraid 
of bein^ already half suspected by our shrewder readers of merely 
weaving them an idle phantasy in stone. They can, however, rest 
assured that facts on record in the same material, attest each stop 
of this deduction to the letter. Existing relics of the ancient Doric 
in Egypt, Europe, and Asia Minor, which }.I. Beule computes at 
thirty, and conceives to represent its whole progression, exhibit 
still the various forms above assigned, hryond the pyramids, which, 
in their junction with the temple, survive in India alone. "We 
have, however, sketched their genesis only for the purpose of sub- 
mitting to the test of history, the principles wherewith to solve 
this last relation, whereby to show the Propyla?a to be essentially, 
although detached, not only part, but even the progenitor of the 
temple. 

The separation of the Athenian specimen i.-;, then, an argument 
of no avail, although it was the chief among the " philosophical " con- 
siderations of Burnouf '■ AYhat constitutes tlie Greek temple," says 
this eminent philologist, " is, above all, the vane, that is to say, the en- 
closed hall, often inaccessible to the vulgar, and containing the statue 
of the god. In the Propylwa there is nothing that resembles a vaog'^ 
&c. Now, the answer is, that there is notliing which resembles a vao^ 
in the towers or pyramids that formed the entrance to certain ancient 
Indian temples, since the temple proper, the shrine, or vaoq, was placed 
aloof across a long court-yard ; but yet we know, from other speci- 
mens of the same country still more ancient, that the two struc- 
tures had been originally one. To recognise, in fact, the full analogy 
of the Propylrea with the former instance, we need but fancy the 
intermediate part of the Acropolis to be a court-yard to the Parthe- 
non and Erectbeion, placed at the opposite extremity. Nor will 
this eifort strain the fancy bcyoml the limits of frequent fact, the en- 
tire summit being, as we have seen, but nine hundred by four hundred 
feet. The utmost distance that thus could separate the temples 
from the entrance would not be greater than is observed, if we mis- 
take not, in some Indian cases. It would, at all events, be but pro- 



246 The Monuments of Athens. [April, 

portionate to the plurality of the divinities, tlic multitude of the 
■worshippers, and thus the number of the doorways, of -which, in fact, 
no fewer than five have been laid open in the Propylaja. In fine, if, 
going a little further, we conceive this intermediate space as very 
naturally covered in, for the mere shelter of the votaries, the propy- 
lacuta would be then admitted to be not merely a religious edifice, but 
part and parcel of the corresponding temple. Now this precisely is 
what is done in the following epoch of architecture, as represented 
by the churches of Christiauity. Here the elements progressively 
developed are synthetized by simply filling up the middle term of 
the series. For the porch or vestibule is but the propylaium ; the 
nave or body but the covered court-yard ; the sanctuary, inaccessi- 
ble to the vulgar, at the other end, and where the host, or (with the 
Hebrews) the ark of the covenant was deposited, but the shrine or 
vaog that contained the idol of heathenism. Accordingly, the Prot- 
estants, in their rejection of all idolatry, have disused also this third 
section of the edifice. 

We now submit, then, with all reasonable deference to M. Beule, 
that true philosophy is strictly applicable to the arts and to their arch- 
aeology, and that it alone can explain consistently the facts which 
he himself adduces. One, however, of these facts has, we perceive, 
escaped our survey, and from its character might be suspected to be 
overlooked through sly design. It is the instance of the propyl^a 
fronting palaces in Perfcpolis. Here, assuredly, (it will be urged 
against our explanation.) there was no temple connected vrith them, 
either mediately or immediately. The answer is, that there icas a 
temple, not, indeed, in name, but in effect and nature. The palace 
of the Persian monarchs, those divine " children of the sun," and 
living idols of their slavish subjects, was a structure awfully relig- 
ious. Accordingly, in Egypt, where the Pharaohs were regarded 
similarly, it is shown that the royal palaces were often blended with 
the temple ; that is to say, were an expansion of the sanctuary or 
vaog. Antiquarians have aptly- termed these mongrel edifices 
" temple palaces." Thus the porch, or propylnea, both derivatively 
and directly, would be still in character before the palaces of Persep- 
oUs, and what appeared a real objection becomes a curious con- 
firmation. 

Nor would this character be less established with regard to the 
Athenian structure, though it were certain that the purposes of the 
builder had been something else. A monument derives its charac- 
ter, not from the motives of the founder, but from the nature and the 
history of its kind. Men build, besides, by imitation, without any 
distinct destination. But, moreover, as far as Pericles had any such 



1856.] The Monuments of Alliens. 247 

in the work in question, all probabilities combine to sho-R" it to have 
been religious. In the first place, the Propylrea v.-as expressly dedi- 
cated to Minerva, which would be decisive, if that virile goddess did 
not ofier also a phase of war. But the same statesman built an almost 
equally magnificent one to Ceres, with regard to whom there is no 
place for ambiguity. Then, again, we need ,not mention as being 
due to him the Parthenon, that metropolitan fane of Athens and of 
art. In short, the better portion (if our memory does not deceive 
us) of the monuments that glorify liis splendid government, were 
religious. Not that Pericles, in probability, had much more faith 
in the Virgin Pallas than Louis Napoleon in the Virgin Mary when he 
Bent her portraits to his Black Sea fleet; but in his quality of adroit 
demagogue, he ^ould combine in his expenditures the two-fold object 
of providing for the support and gratifying the superstition of the 
Demos. 

Thus the personal intentions of the founder, though not essential, 
contribute also their attestation to the religious nature of the Propy- 
Iffia. Having now, we trust, established what the meaning of the 
structure icas, we need not provciiiat it was not what M. Beule has 
imagined. A learned error is, however, always worth the trouble 
of refuting. M. Beulo's mistake consists in holding that ihc monu- 
ment in question was a work of "c/ccorr/^/o??, and nothing more." 
Now this (we say it with no incivlTity ) is a plain absurdity, and 
nothing less. There never yet has been erected an integral edifice 
for such a purpose. The very notion of " decoration " is purely 
accessory and adventitious, and implies essentially a groundwork 
of utility. So time is this, that tiio very ornaments themselves 
have sprung from coarse utilities. To keep within the art before us, 
and even within the instances above suggested, have Vr-e not seen the 
main ornament, that decks especially the Doric frontispiece, to have 
proceeded from the rude triangular apposition of three long stones, 
which formed the old Pelasgic lintel, and was the germ of the 
arch? Also, that the Doric column had its ideal origin in the tu- 
mular pyramid, of which the angles, duly multiplied with its pro- 
gression to rotundity, as were the sides of the triangle in advancing 
toward the arch, are still repeated in the fluting, which is a further 
decoration ? It might be added, that the grooves of the triglyph, 
another ornament of the same style, began with being but simple 
channels to let off the rain- water from the eaves, &c., (fcc. 

Nay, not alone the " decorations '' of tliis and all the arts called fine, 
but, we insist, those arts themselves, repose upon extraneous grounds, 
are but the blossoms of some useful art, which gives them origin and 
im.port. For instance, poetry was originally, in reality, a mnemo- 



248 The Monuments of Athens. [April, 

techny; music, an integral portion of the art of war, and perhaps of 
medicine ; painting had its single prototype in hieroglyphic writing, 
and sculpture was an offshoot of the same commemorative artifice. 
In architecture, we have seen that the requisite of sheltering the wor- 
shippers, whose introduction in the early temple would have been 
regai-ded as a profanation, produced the intermediate structure that 
joined the portal and the sanctuary, and brought the religious depart- 
ment of the art to its highest magnificence. But we must stop ; for 
examples would be endless as they arc needless. The conclusion is, 
that "decoration" cannot be the object of any edifice, nor even the 
intrinsic end of the decorations themselves. That M. Beule should 
have come to think so, must be the result of his avowed system of in- 
terpreting the arts by " imagination " instead of philosophy. But with 
his youth and his sagacity, he may work off this vulgar error. Even 
already, his mistake. Ave are inclined to think, is partly verbal ; he half 
confounds imagination with the philosophy of imagination. It is 
true, the multitude, both rude and learned, take these terms to be 
incompatible. Philosophy to such is but a starch and stately 
pedantry, that must not stoop from cloudy questions and traditional 
procedures ; the foregoing use of it they would consider but a mere 
effort of imagination. In reality, however, that philosophy is the 
profoundest which explains alike the first puerilities and the highest 
perfections of the human mind ; and in the former task, philosophy 
attains the truth, only by a power of reassuming the mental childhood 
of the species. But !M. Bcule will be found less faulty in his 
cesthctical e.xercitations, Avhich compose our last division of remark. 
The well-known preference of the Athenians-for tfe^'^Piropylsea h^ 
explains as follows : 

" In fact, the structure bad been piiijjiilarly fitted to affect the Greeks by 
the novelty, tlie originality of the style. The Parthenou was at lea.-t equal 
to it in beauty, in [lerfection. But, constructed in accordance with tlie ordin- 
ary rules, it did not differ from the Doric temples which were so oonnnon 
throughout Greece,save in the choice of the materials, in the finish of the details, 
in ccrlaiu ideal projiortion?, in those shadinps v.hich are [irized by artists, but 
do not equally inijjress the public. The Greeks, though so devoted to tradi- 
tion in the matter of art, were of necessity, like all men, sensible to novelty. 
Whereas, in the Propykea, this novelty was of a nature to satisfy, moreover, all 
the exigene<>s of right reason, all tlie delicacies of the love of tlie beautiful. The 
fine disposition of the edifice, full of movement and as if theatrical; a simplicity 
which did not even af^k the ornainentti o/sciiljitiire, and left tlie whole effect 
to the mere lines and the proportions ; tiic blending and the happy harmony 
ofa diversity of orders ; the dilHculries not only vanquished, but Cinivt-rted into 
brilliant merits, here are ■v\'hat commanded adniiration ; and when to these 
wa.'^ added the inysterious charm of orifxiuality, the admiration attained the 
higliest degree of intensity." — Vol. i, p. 1C8. 

This explanation of the Greek preference may be accepted as just 
in general, though certain incidents of the exposition recall the errors 



1856.] The Monuments of Athens. 249 

above refuted. The " Greek attachment to tradition in the matter 
of the arts" T\-as, in reality, but Greek impotency of invention; or, 
to speak more justly, the common impotency of the primitive intel- 
ligence, from ^\hich the faculty of real invention ^vas but just emerging 
in even the Greeks. And this, accordingly, is -uiiat explains their 
admiration of originality. For innovations against people's preju- 
dices or attachments are not apt to ravish them ; the}^, on the con- 
trary, provoke displeasure and persecution. But it is otherwise 
■with innovations on their passive ignorance and conscious impotency, 
innovations -which they would desire, but feel incompetent to make 
themselves; and hence the rapture of the savage at all artificial novelty. 
Hence, also, the admiration of the still primitive, though polished 
Greeks, for this initial intermi.xture of the Ionic with the Doric 
order, the latter, purely, being the sacramental style of sacerdotal 
building. 

Does not this circumstance, again, evince, in opposition to M. 
Beulc, the destination which wo have assigned to the Fropyh'ea ? For 
in this edifice the sacerdotal or Doric order is the ruling element ; 
whereas, if ornament had been the object, the Ionic graces must at 
least predominate. JSay, even to the small c.vtent in which the lat- 
ter have been blended, M. Bcule owns their presence to be due to 
a masonic exigence : the central door, which vras supported by the only 
Ionic columns employed in the building,' was too lofty for the squat 
proportions of the Doric shaft that served the side-doors. The 
" happy harmony of orders" was not, then, invention, but the want 
of it ; the deviation from the sacred style was not innovation, but 
resistance to it, and thus affords another argument for the religious 
destination of the Propylrea; in fine, the mixture was not for 
"decoration," but from necessity! Might not, however, this latter 
circumstance receive a plausible extenuation from the theory above 
propounded of the Propylssa ? Viewing this structure as a general 
entrance to the entire sanctuary of the Acropolis, an ideal portion 
of the two great temples of the guardian d'.'ities of Athens, was it 
not natural that the two orders, adopted severally in shrines— to wit, 
the Doric in the Parthenon and the Ionic in the Erectheion — should 
be proportionally represented in the common vestibule or porch? 
For, accidentally or otherwise, the relative magnitude of the two 
temples was about the measure of the mixture of the two orders 
in the Propyla;a. This explanation would tell equally, of course, 
with that advanced by M. Bcuh;, against the merits of his own 
hypothesis of simple decoration. And, in conclusion, the passage 
cited presents another self-conviction, where the monum.ent is 
recognised as "without ornaments or sculpture." What! a struc- 

FouRTii Series. Vol. VIII.— 1G 



250 The Monuments of Athens. [April, 

ture erected " solely for decoration," left ■without ornaments ! But 
yfQ have dealt at undue lenL!;th upon this problem of the Propyla?a. 

The Parthenon presents another problem, -which is no less interest- 
ing and disputed. " It is a curious fact," says M. Beule, " that for nu- 
merous generations, and more especially during the past half century, 
the Parthenon sliould have been visited by so many travellers, 
should have been sketched, measured, and analysed by so many artists, 
■without any of them perceiving the most surprising of its beauties." 
We think, for our part, it is not curious, but very common, at least 
with travellers, ■svho look at such things, not with their o-\vn eyes, but 
through those of canting connoisseurship. As to the undetected 
beauty, it is " the curve or inclination given to all the great lines 
considered usually to be quite straight, from the steps on ■".vhich the 
temple rests to the entablature that crowns it, from the columns of 
the peristyle to the \yalls of the shell." This, ■which is a truly 
•curious fact, ■was first discovered in 1837, by Mr. Peuthorne, an 
English architect. 

But the discoverer ascribed it, not to principle, but to accident; he 
thought it caused by the explosion of the Turkish po^wdcr magazine, 
that ruined the body of the temple in the seventeenth century. The 
following year two German architects took up the study of the 
question with the speculative confidence of their country, and insist- 
ed that the thing was far too systematic for a violent accident. A 
short time after came a Frenchman, with his precise and pictorial 
powers, and sketched, in all its antique curvatures, a Restoration 
of the Parthenon. About this time another Frenchman, the late 
Burnouf, already cited, essayed a philosophic explanation in the 
Deux i\Tondes.* " To the eye," says he, " as to science, the stabili- 
ty of bodies is augmented with the extension of the base . . . Phidias 
[he should have said Ictinus, the true architect] gave, therefore, to 
his temple the form, of a truncated pyramid. He inclined toward 
one another the walls of the shell ; the columns of the peristyle were 
swerved toward the interior, :nid especially the corner cohmms, on 
which the edifice seemed to repose." The object of the singularity 
was, then, according to this theorist, to simply insure strength or its 
appearance. 

Subsequently, Mr. Penrose, another British architect, was sent 
officially, to make a thorough exploration of the subject. The result 
was published in 1851, in a book which, we remember, made no 
small sensation in London, and is called "Principles of Athenian 
Architecture." A juster title would be, however, " Statistics of 
the Parthenon," if we may judge from the indulgent indications of 
« For December, 18t7, 



1856.] The Monuments of Athens. 251 

M. Beulc. The entire building, says the latter, with perhaps a touch 
of sneer, is measured, analyzed, and cyphered to the ten- thousandth 
of a fraction. Thus we know what is the exact quantity of the con- 
vexity of the plinth, of the steps, of the friezes, and the frontispieces ; 
also of' the diminution in the diameter of the column from the 
clumsier archetype of the previous ages of the Doric ; further, of 
the inclination of the entire colonnade toward the imaginary centre of 
the monument ; finally, we know how, on the contrary, the upper 
portions, the abaci, the capitals, the corruccs, lean outward. All 
this, says our roguish Frenchman, will be found totalled up and noted 
"like a musical composition,'' in the book of Mr. Penrose. 

But Mr. Penrose throws no light, it seems, upon i\yQ principles of 
all these details, although such was the promise of his title, and the 
purpose of his mission : a circumstance quite as characteristic of his 
English nationality as the accuracy of his measurements. He even 
renounces the attempt in express terms. " 1 shall content myself," 
Bays he, " with suggesting an explanation in each particular case, 
without attempting anj^thing so diflicult, and probably so vain, as to 
search for a theory embracing all the cases." A general theory he 
does, however, (M. Beule says,) sometimes attempt, and one which is, 
it must be owned, commodiously comprehensive. The whole thing 
is, he supposes, an affair of sentiment or taste, diversifiable with the 
difierent architects and advances of the art, and drawn iu no wise 
from methodical theory or from tradition. Here is certainly, we see, a 
summary and sovereign expedient for the solution of " each particu- 
lar case ;" that is, if particular cases cunld be explained except by 
general principles. But if Mr. Penrose can give us nothing but real 
negation of all principle, in explanation of the origin of the disposi- 
tion, he goes more learnedly to work in theorizing upon its object. 

The speculation of Burnouf above recited had been published 
some three or four years before the work of Mr. Penrose, and so 
the latter could not overlook or well evade a trial in turn. He 
seems, however, too rl])c an architect, and too indiirerent an archce- 
ologist, not to reject both the conception and the explanation of the 
French writer. The mere notion of comparing the Parthenon to a 
"truncated pyramid" must shock the plumb-line pragmatism of 
the artist and the Englishman ; and it must do so the more violently, 
seeing that Burnouf as.signed no better reason than the untenable 
consideration of strength. Strength was manifestly not the object 
in an edifice of that description, and the more c.~pccially since its ap- 
pearance involves a sacrifice of grace and elegance. Mr. Penrose 
vras therefore justified in looking elsewhere for tlie motive; though 
not exactly, we think, in finding it in the discoveries of modern phys- 



252 The Monuments of Athens. [April, 

ics. After going into a disquisition on the meclianism of the eye, 
on its distortion, (a point still doubtful,) of the real relations of the 
objects seen, and the correction thereto administered by the judg- 
ment, he concludes that the employment of the sloping lines in the 
Greek monuments must have been meant to spare this trouble to 
the judgment of the gazers ! " It is difficult to imagine any other 
reason for those deviations than that they v.-ero intended as optical 
corrections, or as corrections of certain influences about to be con- 
sidered, -which tend to make the apparent differ from the real," p. 77. 
Talk of Manchester machinery and its labour-saving exploits, and 
of the optical discoveries of Newton and his successors, ■^•hich leave 
the judgment at its old task- work of correcting our perverse eyes ; 
while mere artists, and even mechanics of sense, two and a half 
thousand years ago, knew how to give it quite a holiday in the con- 
templation of the public monuments. And this is, seriously, the 
emissary sent from London to the Acropolis, to solve a difficulty of 
philosophical archnoology ! 

Mr. Penrose has, however, made a species of discovery no less 
characteristic of his countrymen than the statistics ; for English- 
men, if not philosophers, arc well-crammed "classical scholars." 
He was the first, it seems, to cite from Cicero a really curious 
passage, which attests the curvature in question to have been general 
among the ancients. The great ad.vocate, in one of his orations 
agamst Verres, recites an anecdote to bring contempt as well as 
criminality upon the plundering praetor. " He (Verres) arrives in 
the temple of Castor. He casts his eyes around it ; he sees the 
ceiling richly decorated, and the whole complete and new. He 
turns round, and asks what he is to do ? Whereupon one of the gang 
of vagabonds whom he has boasted of keeping round him, says to 
him: 'You, Yerres, have nothing to get done here, unless, perhaps, 
you wish to make the columns perpendicular.^ This man, entirely 
destitute of every sort of knowlcilge, asks what it is ' to make a per- 
pendicular?' He is told that in a temple there is usually rial one 
column ichich does not deviate fj-om the vertical line. 'A capital 
idea,' he cries ; Met the columns be made perpendicular.' " Is it not 
singular that the extension of the practice of inclination, attested so 
authentically, because Incidentally, in this witty story, should not 
have hinted to Mr. Penrose some more uniform cause than taste? 

We now proceed to M. Beulc himself, and his solution, which 
the reader is requested to peruse attentively, in the following pas- 
sage: "The vertical curves in question," says he, •'are of a foreign 
origin, and traceable historically to the temples of high antiquitij. 
The swelling of the columns, and the ailectution of the pyra?nidal 



1856.] The Monuments of Athens 233 

form, are the secret of all the deviations frorn the perpendicular. 
These traditions were brought from Egypt into Greece with the 
Doric order, as the Ionic, with its elegant richness, was brought 
from Asia. The most ancient of the temples of Greece, of Sicily, 
and of Italy, are those whose columns have the broadest oonicality. 
Even the base of the doors is widened in obedience to the Doric 
rule, at Mycenre, a Homeric city. As the shells of the temples of 
these remote ages are all fallen, we are unable to judge directly of 
their inclination. But had it not existed — which 1 do not believe — 
it would be natural that a more delicate degree of art should create - 
it, in order that the lines should all have a common tendency to- 
ward the pyramid. It is to be remarked that, in the progress of its 
refinement, the Doric architecture diminished gradually its clumsy 
columns ; which is a proof that the age of Pericles, so far from. being 
the first inventor, reduced the measure of this pyraniidal protuber- 
ance to just proportions. It was a tradition that was respected, 
because it gave the edifice a character o? strength and stability, but 
only by modifying the proportions so as to substitute a virile grace 
for heaviness. As to the contrary inclination of the cornices, the 
pediments, &c., which, instead of leaning inward upon the centre, 
incline outward, it would be difficult to bring it under the theory of 
'optical corrections.' I see a reason for it quite simple, too simple, 
perhaps, to be admitted : it is, that those upper portions bore the 
ornaments and painting. Instead, then, of receding from the eye by 
following the pyramidal slope, it would bo natural that they should 
counteract it, and, by advancing toward the spectator, present him 
all the details of their decoration." 

This is certainly a great advance on the refinements of Mr. Pen- 
rose, and even some enlargement of the conception of Burnouf It 
recognises, like the latter, the resemblance of the Parthenon, in the 
particulars in question, to a truncated pyramid. It docs much bet- 
ter, in observing the resemblanco to be gL-ncral in all the archaic 
temples of Greece proper, and of ]\lagna Grajcia ; and, above all, in 
pointing out the derivation of the usage, as well as of the Doric 
order itself, from Egypt. These are all progressive steps in the 
right road to explanation, in the road of an historical analysis. 
But it must be owned the author docs not reach the explanation ; 
he even offers, we see, nothing but a bare statement of facts, that 
merely shifts the position of the question. The inquirj' still re- 
turns: What was the reason of the thing in Egypt? in whose case the 
explanation is no whit more easy than in that of A thens. It might be 
even asked, additionally, whence the constancy of connexion between 



254 The Monuments of Athens. [April, 

the forms of tlie pyramid and this Egyptian or Doric order? And 
further, why this special form of architecture should arise in Egypt, 
or the Ionic be of Asiatic origin ? So that, instead of affording a 
solution, the additions of M. ]>cule vrould appear to have only mul- 
tiplied the difficulties of the problem; for, in recognising the exist- 
ence of a uniformity of tradition, he has excluded the sophistical 
expedient of capricious " taste." 

Yet who -would think that, after all, he still resorts to it himself 
at last? The Greek architects must have been actuated more by 
" sentiment," he thinks, than by science. " They curved their edi- 
fices even as nature curves the lulls and the horizon. These curvi- 
linear imitations of the works of nature give to the Parthenon some- 
thing life-like and harmonious that impresses us unconsciously. 
The architect has been so far from aiming to correct our percep- 
tions, that, on the contrary, he must have reckoned on their unso- 
phisticated faithfulness." Here the question is referred, in fuct, to 
the arbitrament of taste, both in relation to the architects and^^to 
the spectators. I^or is it rescued from this mj'sticism by the ob- 
servation, even were it true, that "the straight lino is a geometrical 
abstraction, never found in nature;" for true art does not consist in 
reproducing what is found in nature, but in producing Avhat might 
be found there, but never is; iu fact, it is another species of G//5/rac- 
tion. But, moreover, it is not true that the straight line is as de- 
scribed. For bodies fall, light moves, crystals form in straight lines : 
in short, the forces of entire nature, perhaps, tend to realize this 
line; and if it does not prevail practically, the failure is due but 
to disturbance. In fact, the first and fundamental law of mo- 
tion describes this line. We make this response to the standing 
argument for Hogarth's waving " line of beauty," to which M. 
Beulc gives no new validity by repetition. As to himself, it is suf- 
ficient to refer him to the passage cited, where he says, and very 
justly, that " the Doric order of architecture, in strict proportion 
as it grew marc perfect, passed from the curve toward the straight 
line." To extenuate this contradiction it is, however, to be noted, 
that be appears to allude, in this virtual refuge to the test of taste, 
less to the vertical than to the horizontal class of curvatures. But 
he has also declared the latter to be a consequence of the former: a 
connexion which we invito him to unfold the links of in his next 
edition. Moreover, while recognising, as we have seen in the fore- 
going extract, that the pyramidal doilections had been transmitted 
by tradition, he asserts, instead of canvassing the cause and origin 
of the tradition, that the motive of its application to the Parthenon 
vras strength and stability : a notion of which even Penrose saw the 



1856.] The Monuments of Athens. 255 

incompatibility. In fine, then, M. Beul^ has left the difficulty -where 
he found it. 

What says the theory above presented, in elucidation of the propy- 
Isea, upon this other curious question of philosophical archeology ? 

It has been submitted that the pyramid -which marked the tomb of 
the departed demi-god, ^vas the first monumental hlructure and the 
earliest edifice assigned to religion ; that it gave formal and material 
origin, no less than moral, to the temple proper, Avhich, in fact, pro- 
ceeds from it originally in the character of adjunct ; that afterwards 
a second pyramid vras placed at proper distance from the primitive, 
to constitute an ampler gateway to the euclosurc, destined to receive 
the votaries and the victims ; that the obvious exigences of this pur- 
pose, as the suspension of the gate and the support of the roofings^ 
-would force a change in the receding jambs, such as detruncating 
both the pyramids, and first inverting the divergence into conver-. 
gence, to aftenvards oscillate, as above indicated, toward the vertical ; 
that then the gate-posts, thus metamorphosed, from their points and 
•angles, to a sort of cylinders, became the column of the Doric order 
of architecture ; that, in fine, the propyht;um is but a cumulative 
repetition, on the one hand, of the square p3Tamids, to constitute its 
five door-ways, and, on the other, of the cyhndrical, to add its double 
colonnades. Though every step of this procession be authenticated 
by surviving samples, -which the demurrer would be held in argu- 
ment to explain otherwise, before being listened to, yet pertinacity 
against a theory so paradoxical migiit still find refuge in the ruined 
condition of those serial documents, and their obscurity in time and 
place. But when the Parthenon, that last perfection of the archi- 
tecture of all antiquity, is demonstrated mathematically to describe a 
"truncated pyramid," and is thus shown not to have been able, 
though the refined result of all previous progresses, to quite ehmi- 
nate this all-pervading and universal type of structure, we have an 
undeniable fact, more paradoxical than the theory, and which evinces 
as -R-ell as involves it, and that by the most crucial of attestations. 

There remains, then, only to give in turn the explanation of this 
general fact, or, in other terms, the plalusophij of the theory, a point 
left utterly untouched by both the authors mentioned, and, we think, 
by all others. 

It is found jointly in the natures of tlie type in question and of the 
human mind. The pyramid is known to school-boys to be the sim- 
plest of all figures, and so the easiest for construction a.s for concep- 
tion. It must, by consequence, have been spontaneously the carhest 
mode of architecture to be developed by the mental infancy of 
heathen primitive humanity. Both these factors of the result are 



256 The Monumc?its of Athens. [April, 

too self-evident to be insisted on. As to the subsequent progression, 
it is demonstrable likewise, that it could have been effected only by 
repetition of the type form, uncle?- the mechanical modifications 
which the complication rendered necessary ; just as in geometry, the 
abstract figures are all complications of, and thus resolvable into, 
the sole element of the triangle. M. Beule admires the absti- 
nence, as he regards it, of the Greek architects in keeping, in their 
grandest structures, to the combination of a few elements ; he even 
attributes the supposed supremacy of Greek art to this reserve. 
The real elements, we now perceive, -were still more few than he 
imagines, and the reserve, not taste or choice, but narrow necessary 
impotence. As to the raptures about ancient art, we will content 
ourselves with asking if such a criticism — still the exclusive one — as 
that enforced throughout the foregoing pages, can be of authority 
upon the -arts or the ideas of antiquity? 

In fine, the principles unfolded will explain also, quite spontane- 
ously, the secondary questions raised by M. Beule"s indications; 
such as the union of the pyramidal inclination with the Doric order 
the emigraHon of this order inlu ITcllas from the Ts ile, and the deriva- 
tion, on the other hand, of the Ionic from i^.sia Minor. The Doric 
order was the first cesthetical transformation of the pyramid. Both 
originated on the Nile, because Egyptian architecture is the most 
indigenous, if not the earliest on the globe. The Ionic, which is 
simply a refinement of the Doric order, was the product of Assyri- 
an and of Ionian civilisation, just as, afterward, the Corinthian was 
the contribution of Greece herself, because the circuit describes the 
sequence of social influence and mental progress. With the Corin- 
thian order closed the simple, angular, and inclined epoch, to which 
succeeded the Roman composite, and circularitT/ of the dome and 
arch. And if the Gothic followed this, it was only when the mind 
of Europe had fxUen back into its primitive condition, and thus 
expressed itself again in the pyramidal architecture. This phenom- 
enon is, then, an aJmiiuble testimony to our theory. And the theory 
also affords an explanation somewhat more rational than the habit- 
ual and profound one, that the Gothic spires are meant to point to 
heaven. 

M. Beule discusses at length, and no doubt learnedly, the famous 
sculptures both of the Parthenon and other monumental relics of the 
Acropolis. But for this interesting survey we refer the curious to 
the work itself Our special purpose was to offer them what they 
would probably not have encountered in the books of travels, or of 
technicalities upon the subject. 



1856.3 Princeton Rcvietv on Arminianism and Grace. 257 



AET v.— THE PRINCETON REVIEW ON ARMINIANISM AND 
GRACE. 

The Princeton Review has for many years held a high place 
among theological journals. It has numbered among its -^vriters 
several men of liberal culture and of varied knowledge. Its tone 
has generally been scholarly, and its discussions of controverted 
points have, in the main, been marked by decorum, as ^vell as by 
ability. It is, certainly, one of the last journals in which we should 
have expected an article such as the second in the January number 
of the Repertory, (for 1856,) entitled " Arminianism and Grace." 
It is not too much to say of this article, that no man, with even 
a tolerable knowledge of the history of theology, could have hon- 
estly written it. It is such an article as no educated Calvinist, 
endowed with the sympathies of a Christian, nay, even with the 
instincts of a gentleman, can read without shame. We say these 
things more in sorrow than in anger. A few extracts from the 
article will suffice to show that we have good ground for saying 
them. 

The writer in the Princeton Review professes to " have no desire 
to wound the feelings of his Arminian brethren." But it is his 
"settled conviction, that the principles on which Arminians object 
to Calvinism are utterly subversive of the true doctrines of grace ;" 
and so, he reluctantly undertakes the task of " defending the truth 
and guarding the people from deception." In this gentle and 
friendly spirit, he declares that " the publications of the Methodist 
Episcopal Church, the palladium of Arminianism in this country, 
abound with bold and unscriptural assertions on this subject ; and 
that Arminianism, in its essential and avowed principles, is sub- 
versive of grace." He says of the Methodist preachers* that they 
come — '•with their pulpit performances a.-, well as their publications" 
— " stealthily into quiet and peaceful neighbourhoods, or enter heartily 
into divided congregations, and glory in the work of making prose- 
lytes." lie is forced to the " painful conviction that Arminianism 
is a delusion ;" and finds it " mournful to think of so many persons 
deceived, and deceiving others." lie asks, (again with "painful 
interest,") " Can those who hold the Arminian principles, presented 
above, preach the Gospel fully ? Can they fully present to their 

* The writer puts this accusation upon the " Doctrinal Tracts," but it is plain 
that "Doctrinal Tracts" can exhibit no "pulpit performances." The grammar 
of the Princeton writer is equal to his logic and his Christian charity. 



258 Princeton Review on Arminianism and Grace, [April, 

hearers the God of the Bible, or the Saviour there revealed? . . . 
Is it the Father, Son, and Spirit, revealed in the Scriptures, whom 
they set forth ? Or is it not their own mistaken idea of ^Yhat that 
God ought to be, and to do, which is proclaimed?" Finally, at the 
end of his article and of his charity, he states the "great practical 
evil of Methodism to be," as he believes, "the fiilse conversions and 
the false form of religion which it fosters." 

But perhaps the most siprnificant and the most shameful feature 
of the whole article is the fact that it refers its readers, for informa- 
tion as to the pi-actical working of Methodism, to " Cooke's Centu- 
ries," a book so vile and so vulgar, so destitute at once of the spirit 
of religion and of the dignity of scholarship, that we cannot imagine 
the possibility of its finding shelter and protection among the theo- 
logians of the Princeton Seminary, who have, heretofore, maintain- 
ed before the world the bearing of scholars and of gentlemen. 

That our readers may see the character of the book which the 
writer in the Princeton Ileview endorses, we give a few specimens 
from " Cooke's Centuries ;" not, indeed, the worst that might be 
selected, but quite bad enough to show the evil animus of the unhap- 
py author. We have not space for his ipsissima verba, (except 
where we use quotation marks,) but our readers may be sure that 
we cannot state his slanders of Methodism more strongly than ho 
states them himself. According, then, to this vei'acious " centurion," 
about " nine-tenths " of Methodist conversions " are found to be spu- 
rious after a longer or shorter trial." (Vol. i, p. 2GG.) The Method- 
ist " system brings the matter of conversion to God into contempt," 
and offers " to every one invited to conversion a chance of ten to one 
that he will be cheated into a disastrous delusion." (Vol. i, p. 269.) 
It is " a contest to spread over the greatest number of people the pesti- 
lence of a spurious conversion, which conducts its victims to irrelig- 
ion and infidelity." (Vol. ii, p. 132.) It " glories in proselytisra as its 
main accomplishment." (Vol. i, p. 2S3.) Though " the largest relig- 
ious denomination in the United States," the "Methodise Church is 
working more evil than good." (Vol. i, p. 314.) Its " so-called revival 
operations" are " comic actings ;" (vol. i, p. 319 ;) and its camp-meet- 
ings exhibit "hocus-pocus comedies." (A^ol. i, p. 330.) It is a 
" common enemy of Christianity, a great corrupting cause." (Vol. ii, 
p. 57.) It is " a com'.pt and corrvptini^ corporation, and the best 
interests of religion require that it should cease" (Vol. ii, p. 61.) 
Its " bishops claim to rule by the grace of God, as really as do the 
despotic monarchs of Europe;" (vol. ii, p. 63;) "every mother's son 
of the conference is ecclesiastically their bond slave ;" each bishop is 
" an absolute despot in the affairs of the Church ;" (vol. ii, p. 75 ;) and 



1856.] Princeton Review on Arminianism and Grace. 259 

if "he have any special ends to carry in the conference, his ivill 
is irresistible." (Vol. ii, p. 79.) Promotions are reached in the 
Methodist Chui-ch, " by all the arts best known to those who are 
mere wrigglers into place;" (vol. ii, p. 84;) indeed, "the desimble 
places are made the stake of a game, in which tlie most expert 
players are sm-e to win, and some of the players improve such oppor- 
tunities as offer, to play for money." (Vol. ii, p. 01.) " Finesse and 
deceit are prominent characteristics of Methodist ministers ;" (vol 
ii, p. 100;) the body is "schooled in all the arts of deception, and 
made fertile in tricks and inventions ; it is so inured to these as 
to lose all sense of wrong in them ;" (vol. ii, p. 113 ;) nay, Method- 
ism itself " is only another name for duplicity and deceit." (Vol. ii, 
p. 120.) It " lives and thrives by a falsehood." (Vol. ii, p. 144.) It 
turns out " infidels by millions." (Vol. ii, p. 14G.) Or, to sum up all 
in one sentence, as this " accuser of the brethren" does upon his 
title page, "Methodism is not a branch of the Clmrcli of Christ." 

Our Christian charity leads us to hope that the author of these hor- 
rible inventions is insane. If not, he is a man of filthy mind and 
corrupt heart. On him we have no words to spend. But with the 
Princeton Review the case is different. That journal bears upon its 
title-page the name of the " Rev. CiiARLE.s IIouge, D. D.," as editor ; 
but he did not write — he could not have written — the article in wliich 
the readers of his Review are recommended to read Parsons Cooke. 
In the name of our common Christianity we ask — and believe that 
all good men will justify us in asking — at the hands of Dr. Hodge, a 
disclaimer of the mass of slander and falsehood which the Review 
has, by implication at least, taken upon it to endorse. 

Let us now examine briefly, and in order, Avhat the Princeton 
"writer calls "proofs" that Arminianism subverts gi-ace. 1. His 
first proof is taken from the volume of " Doctrinal Tracts, issued 
in their present form by order of the General Conference : " 

"On pacre 2o of this volume, a Calvini^t is rc-iuvsinitod as savincr, 'God 
might justly have passed by all men;' i. e., miplic ju-iiy have left the ^vhoIe 
race to perish, without providing salvation for any. To this the ■writer, John 
Wesley himself, we believe, replies: ' Are you sure he might? Where is it 
written? I cannot find it in the word of (!od. Therefore I reject it as a 
bold precaiious assertion, utterly unsupported by holy Scripture.' But, says 
the Calvinist, ' You know in your own conscience, that God might justlv have 
passed by you.' ' I deny it,' says "Wesley. 'That (iod might justly, for my 
unfaithfulness to his grace, have given me up long ago, I grant; but this con- 
cession supposes me to have had grace.' This is plain and unmistakable lan- 
guage. ' I deny that God might justly have p.a-cd by me and all men. I 
reject it as a bold precarious assertion, utterly unsupported by holv Si-rip- 
turc.' The oppo.^ito aflirmatlon necessarily follows. There is no mi-l'JJe 
j.^und between them. God could not justly have left me and all men to 
perish in our fallen stato. He was bound in justice to provide, salvation ; and, 



260 Princeton Review on Arminianism and Grace. [April, 

of course, to make it known and sjive prace to accept it, inasmuch as the pro- 
vision, -witliout these, would avail nothing! It -would have been unjust to 
have left \jic\ us without them ! lUit where, then, is the grace in doing what 
he could not justly have omitted to do ? Is it an act of grace for the Most 
High to do justice ? Certainly not. There is no grace in such a transaction. 
The Gospel provision is only what lie was bound to make ; and to call that a 
dispensation of grace v/hich ju-tice required at his hand, is but to stultify our- 
eelves and deceive mankind. This is our first prcK:)f that Arminianism subverts 
grace. It is sufficient and unanswerable were there no other. We have never 
seen a more bold or dangerous error couched in so few words by anv writer 
who pretended to be ovanirelical. ' It Is aiiul!u-r (losj)ul, v.hlch indeed is not 
another' — it overthrows all. And yet we shall see that this error, here so 
boldly set forth, runs through Arminianism." 

Had the writer meant to bo decidedly fair, he -would have quoted 
a little more from p. 25. Let us supply his omissions. Mr. "Wesley 
had cited (p. 8.) the Confession of Faith in these -words : " By the' 
decree of God, for the manifestation of his glory, some men and 
angels are predestinated unto everlasting life, and others foreor- 
dained to everlasting death ;" and had also quoted Calvin's language 
as follows : " All men are not created for the same end ; but some are 
foreordained to eternal life, others to eternal damnation. So, accord- 
ing as every man was created for the one end or the other, we say 
he was elected, that is, predestinated to life, or reprobated, that is, 
predestinated to damnation." The discussion that follows is on 
reprobation. On p. 24, he asks the question, " How can you pos- 
sibly reconcile reprobation with those Scriptures that declare the 
justice of God ?"' and cites (one passage for all) Ezek. xviii, 2. etc., 
remarking that '' through Uiis whole passage, God is pleased to 
appeal to man himself, touchinir the justice of his proceedings. 
And well might he appeal to our own conscience, according to the 
account of them [i. e., of God's proceedings] which is here given. 
But it is an account which all the art of man will never reconcile 
"with, unconditional reprobation." It is in immediate connexion 
Tfith this appeal to the Divine justice, that the passage occurs 
"which our reviewer mutilates. It reads as follows: '"Do you think 
it will cut the knot to say. ' Wliy, if God might justly have passed 
by all men, (speak out if God m'lg^ht just 1 1/ ho.ye reprobated all men, 
for it comes to the same point,) then he may justly pass by some. 
But God might justly have passed by all men.' Are you sure he 
might? Where is it written'.' I cannot find it in the word of God. 
Therefore I reject it as a bold precarious assertion, utterly unsup- 
ported by holy Scripture. If you say, ' But you know in your own 
conscience God might justly have passed by you:' I deny it. 
That God might jtistlij, for my unfaithfulness to his grace, have 
given me up long ago, I grant: but this concession supposes 
me to have had that grace which you say a reprobate never had. 



1856.] Princeton Review on Arminiamsm and Grace. 261 

But besides, in making tLis supposition of what God might have 
justly done, you suppose his justice might have been separated from 
his other attributes, from his mercy in particular. But this never 
was, nor ever will be : nor, indeed, is it possible it should. All his 
attributes are inseparably joined : they cannot be divided, not for a 
moment. Therefore this whole argument stands not only on an 
unscriptural, but on an absurd, impossible supposition." 

Mr. Wesley here asserts, (1) that a universal reprobation of the 
human race would have been unjust in Goi» according to God's 
own account of his justice as given in the Scriptures ; (2) that such 
a reprobation is unsupported by Scripture; and (3) that it would 
imply that the Divine attributes operate singly and sepcrately, which 
is impossible. 

And this, according to the Review, "subverts grace!" How? 
Because " it is not an act of grace for the Most High to do justice !" 
Does the reviewer mean to assert that God cannot be at once gi-a- 
cious and just ? Or is he yet so ignorant of theological distinctions 
as not to know that " grace," in this discu:^sion, is not opposed to 
God's justice, but to man's desert? If, indeed, human merit alone 
had entered into the question, the race would have ended Avith 
Adam ; and it was only in virtue of the covenant of grace that 
descendants were born to him. Under that covenant God is bound, 
not, indeed, by any desert of man, (ibr tliat would preclude grace,) 
but by his o\vn faithfulness, to offer salvation in Christ to all who 
fell in Adam. This is the doctrine of Arminians; this, too, is the 
doctrine of Scripture. The Gospel system is called by St. Paul 
the " gi'ace of God, given to us in Ciu-ist Jesus." And he tells us 
that "the grace of God, which bringeth salvation to all men, (// 
auTi^pio^ ndoiv dvOpoj-rrocc;,) hath appeared ;" (Tit. ii, 11;) that "the 
living God is the Saviour of all men, especially those that believe;" 
(1 Tim. iv, 10;) that he "will have all men to be saved, and to 
come unto the knowledge of the truth " (1 Tim. ii, 4.) According 
to the Gospel scheme, "As in Adam all die, so in Christ shall all 
be made alive."^ This OeXrjfia Gtoi) is his. determinate counsel — a 
decree " of his good pleasure." "Not, however, that it would have 
been consistent for God to desert the human race and leave it to 
perish ; the divine goodness forbids such a supposition. The simple 
meaning is, that no external necessity compelled him to it, and 
that it was his free grace, v»Ithout desert or worthiness on the part 
of man."* 

Had our reviewer read in the " Doctrinal Tracts," for the first 
time, the assertion, that " if we confess our sins, he is faithful and 

■ *» Knapp, Thcol., § Sa 



262 Princeton Review on Arminianism and Grace. [April, 

just to forgive us our sins," he would doubtless have turned upon 
the writer with, "How? Do you involve GoiS^s justice in the for- 
giveness of sins ■? Your doctrine subverts grace."' And his logic 
bears against St. John quite as forcibly as against Mr. Wesley. 

So much for the first so-called " proof;" let us glance now at the 
next. 

" Tlie next proof is from the same volume of Tracts, p. 154. 'We believe 
that in the moment Adam fell, lie had no freedom of vAW left.' If tliis be true, 
Adam was no longer a free agent. A I'r.jc agent Mithout freedom of v.-il! is of 
course an absurdity which no one will maintain. Into the same state also M-as 
his posterity brought. We have, by nature, no more freedom of v.ill than he 
had after the fall. Then either we are unaccountable beings, or, in order that 
-we might be held responsible, God v,a5 bound to restore our freedom through 
the disfiensation of Christ. lie certainly could not have held us accountable 
without freedom of will. lie must then, on Arminian principles, either treat 
us as irrational beings, or restore our llbertv' ; i. e., he must provide a Saviour, 
through whom this freedom of will comes, or he could not hold any man re- 
sponsible for his conduct. The iMoiliodist Church holds that he has done the 
latter; i. <?., restored this liberty. ]'>ut where, we ask again, is the grace — the 
unmerited favor of God in this transaction — in doing what he was bound to 
do before we could be held accotnitabk; '.-' This principle of Methodism, pub- 
h'shed ' by order of the General Conference,* aside from some monstrous 
absurdities connected with it, which will be noticed hereafter, either subverts 
all true notions of grace, or leaves man an unaccountable being. If God 
was bound to give us a Saviour, and through him our liberty of will, there 
was no room for grace in his fullilling that obligation." 

The same fallacy pervades this statement that we have pointed 
out in the former. Were God bound, by any merit in man, to 
restore freedom of will and moral power to man, there would be no 
grace in the act. But God may be bound by the perfections of his 
own character, and in accordance with the scheme of human salva- 
tion which he, in his infinite goodness, has devised and announced, to 
do many things for man, which, so far as the recipient is concerned, 
are pure acts of grace. For the sense in which Mr. Wesley declares 
that Adam lost his free will by the fall, let us look at the context, 
which our reviewer again, with his usual adroitness, fails to cite. 
On page lO'j Mr. ^Vc5ky L-ays, " 1 do not hold that any nun ha.-i 
any tvill or poivcr of himself to do anything that is good.'' This 
passage indicates the true sense of the one cited (in part) by the 
reviewer, and which we now give at length : " We believe that in the 
moment Adam fell, he had no freedom of will left ; but that God, 
when of his own free grace he gave the promise of a Saviour to 
him and his posterity, graciously restored to mankind a liberty 
and power to accept of profl^rcd salvation. And in all this, man's 
boasting is excluded ; the whole of that which is good in him. even 
from the first moment of his fall, being of grace and not of nature." 

Here Mr. Wesley's meaning is plain. The free will which is 



1856.] Princeton Review on Arminianism and Grace. 263 

restored to man by grace, includes " a liberty and power to accept 
of proffered sulvatiou" — " a will and power to good." If the Prince- 
ton writer means anything, iu opposition to ]\Ir. Wesley, he means 
that man " has this power by nature ;" and that man has the will 
and power of himself, a'nJ apart from the grace of God. to do good. 
This new Princeton writer may consider this Calvinism; the old 
books would call it Pelagianism. But with what a wretched grace 
does all this talk about free will come from a man who professes to be 
a Calvinist, and who, therefore, rcall// holds to no free will at all, with 
or without Divine assistance ! V/c subjoin, in the note, a number of 
citations, showing that divines of every school, and of every age, 
teach precisely the doctrine as to the power of Adam's will to do 
good after the fall, which the re\'iewer calls, when taught by jMr. 
Wesley, a doctrine "subversive of grace."* 

Had the reviewer really desired to show his readers Mr. Wesley's 
doctrine of divine grace, he might have gone just ten pages further 
in the "Doctrinal Tracts," and found the following: "It [grace] is 
free in all to whom it is given. It does not depend on any power or 
merit in man: no, not in any degree; neither iu whole nor in part. 
It does not in any wise depend either on the good works or right- 
eousness of the receiver : not on anything he has done, nor anything 
he is. It does not depend on his endeavours. It docs not depend 
on his good tempers, or good desires, or good purposes and inten- 
tions. For all these flow from the free grace of God : they are 
the streams only, not the fountain. Tiicy are the fruits of the free 
grace, and not the root. They arc not the cause, but the effects of 
it. Whatsoever good is in man, or done by man, God is the author 

° Auginiine : Pcccato Adcc libcrum arbitrlutu dc hominum natura periissc non 
dicifhus, sed ad pcccandum valere, in hominibus diabolo subditis, ad bene autcra 
pieque vivcndum non valere . . . Arbitrium lib. ad malum sufficit, ad bonum 
autem nihil est, nisi adjuvatur. Peter Lombard: Ipsa gratia voluntatera pras- 
venit pneparando. ut velit bonuui, ct pnep.aratam adjuvat, ut perficiat . . . . 
Corrupta est libcrtas arbitrii per poccatuin, el c.\ pane perdita . . Gratia sanat 
et liberal voluntatem. Aquinas : Libcrum arbitrium ad Dcum converti non 
potest, nisi Deo ipsum ad se convcrtcnto. Con/. Au:;s. : De lib. arbit. decent 
quod humana voluntas . . . non habct viin sine ."^piritu Sancto efliciendit! justi- 
tiaeDei seu spirituali.^. Form. Concord. : In rebus spiritualibus homo est instar 
etatuae sails, &c. Conf. Heluet. : IntcUcctus obscuratus est ; voluntas, ex libera, 
facta est serva. Calvin: "Surrounded on every side with the mo.^^t miserable 
necessity, he [man] should nevertheless be in.structed to aspire to the good of 
which he is destitute, and to the Hbcrty of which lie is deprived . . . Man has 
not an equally free election of ;;ood and evil, and can only be said to have 
free will, because he does evil voluntarily and not by constraint." We are not 
concerned to show that these writers and creeds are consistent with thcmselvea 
throughout n 



264 Princeton Review on Arminianism and Grace. [April, 

and doer of it. Thus is his grace free in all, that is, no -way depend- 
ing on any po^ver or merit in man; but on God alone, ^vho freely 
gave U3 his own Son, and icitli him frcchj givelh vs all things.'^ 

Or had he chosen to go to Arminius himself to find out the Ar- 
minian doctrine of grace, he might have cited the following : 
" Conceniing grace and free will, this is what I teach, according to 
the Scriptures and orthodox consent : Free will is unable to begin 
or to perfect any true and spiritual good without grace. That I may 
not be said, like Telagius, to practise delusion with regard to the 
•word ' grace,' 1 mean by it that which is the grace of Christ and 
which belongs to regeneration. I affirm, therefore, that this grace 
is simply and absolutely necessary for the illumination of the mind, 
the due ordering of the affections, and the inclination of the will to 
that which is good. It is this grace which operates on the mind, the 
affections, and the will; which infuses good thoughts into the mind, 
inspires good desires into the affections, and bends the will to carry 
into execution good thoughts and good desires. This grace 
[prceve?u('] goes before, accompanies, and follows ; it excites, assists, 
operates that we will, and cooperates lest we will in vain. It averts 
temptations, assists and grants succour in the midst of temptations, 
Bustains man against the flesh, the world, and Satan, and in this 
great contest grants to man the enjoyment of the victory. It raises 
up again those who are conquered and have fallen, establishes and 
supplies them W"ith new strength, and renders them more cautious. 
Tills grace commences salvation, promotes it, and perfects and 
consummates it. 1 confess that the mind of [onrm«//s] a natural 
and carnal man is obscure and dark, that his affections are corrupt and 
inordinate, that his will is stubborn and disobedient, and that the man 
himself is dead in sins. And I add to this — that teacher obtains 
my highest approbation who ascribes as much as possible to Divine 
grace, provided he so pleads the cause of grace as not to inflict an 
injury on the justice of God, and not to take away the free ivill to 
that whichis rril." — Writings ofAnninius (Bagnall) vol. ii, p. 47'2. 

The " third proof that Arminianism subverts grace, is taken from 
Watson's Theological Institutes." 

" He tcaclics very distinctly (and correctly, we may add) that in tlie fall of 
Adam, all men bocamc liable to bodily, spiritual, and eternal death. But 
mark the ground on which he defends this transaction against the charge of 
injustice. " ' In all this it is impossible to im])cach the equity of the Divine pro- 
cedure, since no man suffers any loss or injury ultimately by the sin of Adam, 
but by his own wilful obstina''y ; the abounding of grace having placed betbre 
all men, upon their believing, not merely compensation for the loss and injury 
sustained by Adam, but infinitely higher blessings both in kind and degree, 
than were i'orftjitcd in him. . . . A.s to adults, then, the objection from Divine 
justice is unsupported.' But why is it unsupported ? Tjecause there is a 



1856.] Princeton Revieio on Arminianism and Grace. 265 

chance to escape these dreadful consequences. It vrould have been unjust if 
there were not this chance, but since they liave it, therefore it was just in God 
to visit them with death temporal and spiritual, and witli exposure to death 
eternal for the sin of Adam ! 

" P)Ut if this be the ground on which the justice of that transaction is to be 
defended, where, we a.-k, is the grace of s-.Ivation ? Is it an act of crrace in 
God to do what justice demanded ? Can there be any favor in providing sal- 
vation, if the provision of it was necessary t.j vindicate' (ami, according to this 
writer, Js the only thing which does vindicate) divine justice ? Surelv^it is not 
grace for God to vindicate his own honour. Here, a^ain, is evidence that 
Arminianism subverts grace. God w;is bouml to make tlio provision, or ho. 
would have been liable to the charge of injustice in pcrmittln-T us to be ruined 
by the fall." ^ 

It ^vill be sufficient reply to this to cite the entire passage from 
Mr. Watson, {Institutes, vol. ii, pp. 50, 57 :) " The objections ^vhich 
have been raised against the imputation of Adam's offence, in the 
extent ■vre have stated it, on the ground of the justice of the proceed- 
ing, are of two kinds. The former are levelled, not against that 
Scriptural view of the case which has just been exhibited, but 
against that repulsive and shocking perversion of it which is found 
in the high Calvinistic creed, which consigns infants, not elect, to 
a conscious and endless punishment, and that not of loss onlv, but of 
pain, for this first offence of another. The latter springs from rc'-^ard- 
ing the legal part of the whole transaction which affected our first 
parents and their posterity separately from the evangelical provision 
of mercy which was concurrent with it, and which included, in like 
manner, both them and their whole race. With the high Calvinistic 
view we have noticing to do. It will stand or fill with the doctrines 
of election and reprobation, as held by that school, and these will be 
examined in their place. The latter class of objections now claim 
our attention ; and as to them we observe, that, us the question relates 
to the moral government of God, if one jiart of the transaction before 
us is intimately and inseparably connected with another and collat- 
eral procedure, it cannot certainly be viewed in its true light but in 
that connexion. The redemption of man by Christ was not certainly 
an afterthought brought in upon man's ap.jita.sy ; it was s. provision, 
and when man fell, he found justice hand in hand with mercy 
What are then the facts of the irhulc case? For greater clearness, 
let us take Adam and the case of his adult descendants first. All 
become liable to bodily death; here was justice, the end of which is 
to support law, as that supports government. I3y means of the 
anticipated sacrifice of the Redeemer's atonement, which, as we 
shall in its place show, is an effectual means of declaring the justice 
of God, the sentence is reversed, not by exemption from bodily death, 
but by a happy and glorious resurrection. For, as this was an act 
of grace, Almighty God was free to choose, speaking humanly, the 

FouRTu Series. Vol. YIII.— 17 



266 Princeton Review on Arminicudsyn and Grace. [April, 

circumstances under T\-liich it should bo administered, in ordering 
which the unerrin;^ wisdom of God had its natural influence. The 
evil of sin Avas still to be kept visible before the universe, for its 
admonition, by the actual infliction of death upon all men ; the grace 
■was to be manifested in reparation of the loss by restoration to 
immortality. Again, God, the fountain of spiritual life, forsook the 
soul of A-dam, now polluted by sin, and unfit for his residence. He 
became morally dead and corrupt, and, as ' that which is born of the 
flesh is flesh," this is the natural state of his descendants. Here was 
justice, a display of the evil of sin, and of the penalty which it ever 
immediately induces — man forsaken by God, and thus forsaken, a 
picture to the whole universe of corruption and misery, resulting 
from that departure from him which is implied in one sinful act. 
But that spiritual, quickening influence visits him from another 
quarter and through other means. The second Adam ' is a quicken- 
ing spirit.' The Holy Spirit is the purchase of his redemption, to 
be given to man, that he may again infuse into his corrupted nature the 
heavenly life, and sanctify and regenerate it. Here is the mercy. 
As to a future state, eternal life is promised to all men believing in 
Christ, which reverses the sentence of eternal death. Here, again, is 
the manifestation of mere}'. Should this be rejected, he stands 
liable to the whole penalty: to the punishment of loss as the natural 
consequence of his corrupted nature which renders him unfit for 
heaven ; to the punishment of even pain for the original offence, we 
may also, without injustice, say, as to an adult, whose actual trans- 
gression, when the means of deliverance has been afforded him by 
Christ, is a consenting to all rebellion against God, and to that of 
Adam himself; and to the penalty of his own actual transgressions, 
aggravated by his having made light of the Gospel. Here is the 
collateral display of justice. In all this it is impossible to impeach 
the equity of the Divine procedui-e, since no man suffers any loss or 
injury ultimately by the sin of Adam, but by his own wilful obstinacy ; 
the 'abounding of grace.' by Christ, having placed before all men, 
upon their believing, not merely compensation for the loss and injury 
sustained by Adam, but infinitely higher blessings, both in kind and 
degree, than were forfeited in him. As to adults, then, the objection 
taken from Divine justice is unsupported." 

The "fourth proof" is found by collating the eighth Article of 
Religion of the ■NI. E. Church with a passage from Watson's Insti- 
tutes (vol. ii. p. 3 11 :) 

" Now put these declarations toirether, and -what do they tcaob ? The first 
affirms, 'he cannot turn and prepare himsflt" to faith and calling upon God 
... we Lave no power to do good works.' It Mould be utterly iinj)05sible for 



1856.] • Princeton Review oji Arminianism. and Grace. 267 

as then to perform them, ' under any circumstances that we could possibly 
avail ourselves of,' without the Gospel. But the second says, 'it would be 
most contrary to justice and right" to punish men for deeds committed in such 
circumstances. Then it follows, that without the provision and help of the 
Gospel we would have been unacL-ountable beings — it would have been most 
contrary to justice and right for the Almighty to have jiunished us for our 
improper conduct — in order to hold us aceountalile justlv, he mu^t provide 
and otfer salvation, and give strength to accept it. Tliis is the position of the 
Methodist Episcopal Church, and of Arminians generally. AVhere then, we 
ask again, is the grace of the Gospel ? According to these' statements, it would 
have been unjust In God to have held men rcs])0!!sib!e withdut it. It is, 
therefore, simply an arrangement of justice and necessity without which the 
Lord could have exercised no moral government over men. Thus, acrain. is 
grace overthrown just as certainly as by "Wesley's bold assertion, that God 
could not justly have passed by all men." 

Let our readers remember that Mr. Watson is treating of the 
" absolute and unconditional reprobation" of all but a select portion 
of mankind, and showing its incompatibility with the divine justice. 
We enlarge the reviewer's citation somewhat : " Plere, indeed, we 
would not assume to measure this attribute of God by unauthorized 
human conceptions ; but when God himself has appealed to those 
established notions of justice and equit}- which have been received 
among all enlightened persons, in all ages, as the measure and rule 
of his oAvn, we cannot be charged Avith this presumption. ' Shall 
not the Judge of all the earth do ri'^lit 7' ' Arc not ray ways equal? 
saith the Lord.' We may then be bold to ailirm, that justice and 
equity in God are what they are taken to bo among reasonable men ; 
and if all men everywhere would condemn it. as most contrary to 
justice and right, that a sovereign should condemn to death one or 
more of his subjects, for not obeying laws Avhich it is absolutely 
impossible for them, under any circumstances which they can possi- 
bly avail themselves of, to obey, and much more the greater part of 
his subjects ; and to require them, on pain of aggravated punish- 
ment, to do something in order to the pardon and remission of their 
offences, which he knows they cannot do, say to stop the tide or to 
remove a mountain ; it implie,- a charge as awfully and obviously 
unjust against God, who is so ' holy and just in all his doings,' so 
exactly 'just in the judgments which ho executeth,' as to silence 
all his creatures, to suppose him to act precisely in the same manner 
as to those whom he has passed by and rejected, without any avoid- 
able fault of their own ; to destroy them by the simple rule of his 
own sovereignty, or, in other words, to show that he has power to do 
it. In whatever light the sul^jcct be viewed, no fault, in any right 
construction, can be chargeable upon the persons so punisiied, or, as 
"we may rather say, dcstroijeJ, since punishment supposes a judicial 
proceeding, which this act shuts out. For either the reprobates are 



268 Pnnceton Review on Arminianism and Grace. [April, 

destroyed for a pure reason of sotercignty, without any reference to 
their sinfulness, and thus all criminality is left out of the consider- 
ation ; or they are destroyed for the sin of x\dam, to which they 
were not consenting ; or for personal faults resulting from a cor- 
ruption of nature which they brought into the world with them, and 
which God wills not to correct, and they have no power to correct 
themselves. Every received notion of justice is thus violated." — 
{Watson, vol. ii, pp. 341, 34i!.) 

Put the Princeton v.rituv's doctrine beside Mr. ^Vatson's, and see 
which more magnifies the grace of God. The former holds, in effect, 
that God displays his mercy in saving a portion of mankind by irre- 
sistible grace, and in " destroying the rest by the simple rule of his 
own sovereignty." The doctrine of the latter is that God, of his 
boundless philanthropy, {<■/)/ Aai'Opforrm, Tit. iii, 4,) provides means for 
the salvation of the whole human race, gives grace to enable each 
man to appropriate that salvation to himself, and destroys none 
but those who wilfully refuse that gi-ace. The former, in its fatal- 
istic elements, is as much the doctrine of Mohammed as of Christ ; the 
latter is the very " grace of the Gospel." 

Our space will not allow us to quote the remaining so-called 
"proofs" at length; nor, indeed, is it necessarj', qs the same fallacy 
(viz., that of opposing grace to God's justice, not to man's desert,) 
runs through them all. The fifth "proof" is, in substance, that 
Arminians "subvert grace" by asserting that "election" makes God 
unjust. No Arminlan has ever asserted that election makes God 
unjust; but both Arminianism and Scripture assert that for God to 
bring the human race into the v.orld incapable of doing his Avill, 
and then to save some unconditionally, and to damn the rest for 
failing to do what they never can do, Avould have been utterly in- 
consistent with his character as revealed by himself And, in the 
economy of the Gospel, Arminians contend, the justice of God and 
his grace go hand in hand. 

The last "proof" is, in brit'f, that "Arminianism subverts grace 
by making man able either to dispense with it altogether, or supe- 
rior to its most potent influences." The amount of this is, that the 
reviewer can conceive of no divine grace, or " favour," that is not 
irresistible. What lamentable confusions of ideas is here! It is 
no "grace" to bestow upon man the power to obey God, simply 
because it is "just" in God to bestow it ; it is no "grace" to " work in 
man to will and to do," simply because man can, if he chooses, 
refuse to " work out his own salvation with fear and trembling."* 

** "To jump into fatalism lest we shoulil bo proud of our free will, is not less 
absurd thau to prostrate ourselves before a traitor lest we should uot honour the 



1856.] Princeton Review on Arminianism and Grace. 269 

Had the apostle any meaning when he besought the Corinthians 
not to "receive the grace of God in vain?" Was there ever (to 
quote the language of the Princeton lleview) a more "remarkable 
instance of persons self-deceived and full of self-complacency in 
their delusion ?'' 

But " the mind tires and grows sick" in dwelling upon the won- 
derful theology and baseless metaphysics of the writer, who, by some 
strango accident, has been permitted to dis[)lay his want of knowl- 
edge and of charity in the pages of the Princeton Review. With 
our friends of the Calvinistic Churches we wish to have no quarrel. 
We gladly and joyfully recognize them as fellow Christians. lu 
the language of Mr. Watson, " the fact of conversions from sin to 
holiness being wrought, by God's blessing upon the labours of 
divines and preachers of each class, (Calvinistic and Arminian,) 
shows that he employs that truth in which they agree, rather than 
the pomts in which they differ, as the instrument of conveying salva- 
tion to man."* At the same time, we believe that Calvinism, in its 
distinguishins: features, is a very mischievous corruption of Chris- 
tianity, and that it is quite easy to prove it such. We believe that 
it originated, not in the Apostolic age, not in the Church of the first 
three centuries, but in "the sophistries of that corrupt pagan philos- 
ophy which imbued the early thoughts of Augustine, and ^vhich he 
brought into the Christian Church." It teaches that " God imposed 
upon Adam a necessity of falling ; and made it the very end of 
the creation of the human race, that God might show his mercy, or 
rather his mere will, in electing some of them, without respect to 
their faith and obedience, unto eternal life; and his justice, in reject- 
ing all the rest, and punishing them" for transgressions, not only 
unavoidable, but committed under the pressure of a moral and 
invincible necessity. And in teaching this, it destroys at once the 
moral attributes of God and the free agency of man. The writer 
in the Princeton Review says that ho has hardly in his whole life 
heard from Presbyterians " more than half a dozen formal discourses 
on any distinguishing doctrine of Calvinism," and we can well 
believe him. It is not by such preaching that men are converted, 
and our contemporary knows it. 

king, and to run into a house of ill fame lest tvc should bo proud of our 
cihR.s\.Mj."— Fletcher, Works, i, oOl. 
° Watson's Works, (London,) vii, 478. 



270 English University Life and University Reform. [April, 



Art. \a— ENGLISH UNIVERSITY LIFE AND UNIVERSITY 
REFORM. -^ , : ^-, 

In less than an hour and a half the express train -whirled us over a 
distance of sixty-three miles from London to Oxford. As -we v,alked 
through the streets, and looked at the withered college avails and silent 
cloisters, the black gowns and square caps of the passing students, 
the strange mixture of scholastic, clerical, and monastic life, it 
appeared to us that we had made a still greater backward journey 
over the road of time from the nineteenth century to the midd'e 
ages. The change is almost as great as that betw'een Naples and 
Pompeii. And yet, though some hundred years older, we felt 
renewed and refreshed by the green meadows and the literary 
atmosphere. On our first visit to the celebrated university, some 
ten years before, we had to make a part of the journey by coach. 
The completion of the railroad, although it passes some distance 
from the town, seems to be almost a desecration of the Pluses. 
But it makes the contrast between the noise of the monster city of 
commerce and the quiet of the peaceful retreat of learning, between 
the prose of business and the poetry of study, between the stir of 
the present and the charm of the past, only more striking. In the 
teeming life of the metropolis you feel lost like a drop in the ocean; 
in the University town you regain your self-possession, the conscious- 
ness of your individuality and freedom. 

Oxford is emphatically one of the old things of England; a ven- 
erable relic of the past, and a strong conservative power of the 
present age ; the green-house of High Churchism in religion and High 
Toryism in politics ; the nursery of the episcopacy and aristocracy 
of Great Britain. The very lions at its gates bristle at the approach 
of a liberal and a dissenter. And yet we doubt whether even a Puri- 
tan from New-England can visit its ancient halls and chapels, the 
treasures of the Bodleian and Badcliff libraries, the noble monuments 
of the martji- reformers, the verdant fields and stately trees on tlie 
banks of the youthful Thames, and mingle with the literary society, 
which rules there supreme, without the deepest interest and the 
most agreeable impressions. We have enjoyed the full benefit of 
English hospitality from heads of houses, professors, fellows, and stu- 
dents, and arc free to confess, that memory shall ever number the few 
weeks spent in this ancient scat of k-arning, among the most pleasant 
as well as the most profitable recollections of good old England. 

Oxford is the birthplace of Puseyism, which since 1^33 has exerted 
such a powerful influence upon the whole Church of England. So 



1856.] English University Life and University Reform. 271 

closely is the place identified with this movement, that Puseyism and 
Oxfordism, or the Oxford school, have almost become synonymous 
terms. Dr. Pusey, Professor of Hebrew and Canon of Christ Church 
College, although destitute of popular talents, a retired student, of 
austere, almost monkish habits, is generally respected and even 
popular there, as the principal originator of a theolugical and eccle- 
siastical movement which gave new importance and celebrity to the 
University, and seems to have grown out naturally of its medireval 
and Anglican traditions, and to be well adapted to su]»port the ancient 
institutions and established order of the country. But it is far 
more the Anglican than the Romanizing feature of that system 
which has taken root in Oxford. The majority sympathize with, 
or acquiesce in, High Church views on episcopacy, apostolical 
succession, liturgical worship, the sacraments, etc., but, with all this. 
they hate Romanism as heartily as dissent, and have not the most 
distant idea of ever leaving the Church of England. There is 
little doubt that Pusey himself will die a son of the Establishment. 
He is satisfied with the system of Anglicanism, and has very little 
interest in anything that goes beyond it. ^Ve made some inquiry 
as to the effect which the apostasy of so many distinguished Oxford 
men had upon their former associates and co-labourers. Some, no 
dcubt, must feel very uneasy at results which they neither foresaw 
nor desired. Others regard them as a transitory crisis, which is 
nearly over, and attribute the conversions, or " perversions," as they 
call them, more to the restless spirit and peculiar temperament of 
the individuals in question, than to the consequences of their prin- 
ciples. They are ^Nilling to admit the defects of Anglicanism and 
the force of some of the arguments urged against them by their 
former friends ; but they console themselves by the fact, that 
there is no perfection in the Church militant, and that Romanism 
is burdened with still greater difficulties and grievances. They 
regard especially the veneration of the Virgin ^lary and the sad 
moral condition of Roman Catholic cuuutiies, as Italy, Spain, Por- 
tugal, Ireland, as insuperable objections to Popery. 

Besides the Puseyites, and the numerous old-fashioned High 
Churchmen, (the high and dry,) there are in Oxford a few disciples 
and admirers of Dr. Thomas Arnold, who share more or less the 
liberal opinions of the Broad Church school. They make up for 
their numerical weakness by talent and learning. At first they 
stood in strong opposition to Puseyism, but the heat of the contro- 
versy has long passed its climax. J lad Dr. Arnold laboured longer 
in Oxford, as Professor of History, he would perhaps have exerted 
an influence not so strictly theological, but as strong and far-reaching 



272 English University Life and University Reform. [April, 

upon the rising clcr5:y, nobility, and gentry, as Dr. Pusey. His 
spirit still lives tUere, and is not likely to die so soon. The reforms 
already accomplished iu the administration of the University, and 
others still in contemplation, will, in all probability, affect in the 
end also the theology Avhich gives the leading tone to that great 
institution. 

The University of Cambridge represents generally the other 
wing of the State and Church of Phigland, and is thus a necessary 
complement to its older and more powerful sister. There Low 
Church tendencies have had the ascendency from Cranmer and 
Bucer down to Goodc, although the classics and mathematics are 
far more studied than theology. There the poet Milton, and many 
of the leading statesmen and orators of the ^Vhig party, as Babing- 
ton Macaulay, have received their training. 

But we must hasten to give our readers an idea of an English 
imiversity as distinct from a continental university and from our 
American colleges, and of the reforms which have for years been 
agitated, and which were partly carried by the Parliament of 1854. 
We shall speak with special reference to Oxford, with which we are 
more familiar than with Cambridge. 

The English Universities present a singular combination of the 
monastic life of the Catholic middle ages, in vfhich they originated, 
and the Protestant habits and studies of modern times; and in point 
of literary organization, they exhibit a curious mixture of the tutorial 
or college system, with the professorial or university plan. They 
occupy thus a medium position between a continental university 
in the proper sense of the term, on the one hand, and a German 
gymnasium or American college, on the other. They attempt to be 
both college and university, but without doing justice to the lecture 
system and the professorial studies. 

As Ptome Avas not built in a day, so the English Universities are 
the growth of ages. They go back to the thirteenth century ; a few 
colleges date their first existence even from the times of Alfred the 
Great. The number of colleges, professorships, fellowships, scholar- 
ships, libraries, prizes, and various endowments, gradually increased, 
and is still increasing by the liberality of kings, bishops, noblemen, 
scholars, and other friends of literature and the Church. Most of 
the older endowments were more prompted by religious than by 
literary zeal, and were intended to secure the benefit of prayers for 
thedcpartcd founders. The State, at the Reformation, took them away, 
abolished masses for the dead, and gave them to Protestants, on the 
principle that man is only the life-tenant of his property, and has no 
right to legislate for future generations, except for their benefit. 



1856.] English University Life and Ujiiversiiy Reform. 273 

Oxford numbers now not less than twenty-four complete literary 
institutions, nineteen colleges and five halls, each possessing its sepa- 
rate buildings, library, corps of teachers, and students. The only dif- 
ference between them is, that the halls are not incorporated; conse- 
quently, whatever estates or other property they possess, are held in 
trust by the University^. In early times, when there were but few- 
colleges, the number of the halls Avas very large, amounting even to 
over two hundred in the reign of Edward I. We will here enumer- 
ate these institutions of Oxford according to their age, as given by 
the "University Calendar." From this it will be seen that the 
colleges of the middle ages were mostly founded and endowed by 
bishops, those after the Reformation by laymen, a fact which is not 
very creditable to the liberality of Protestant bishops as compared 
with their Catholic predecessors. 

1. Universitj College, founded by William, Arclidtacon of Dxirham, A. D. 1249." 

2. Balliol College, founded by John Balliol, of Ikruard Castle, A. D. 1263. 

3. Merton College, founded by Walter Mertou, Bi::.hop of Rochester, A. D. 1274. 

4. Exeter College, founded by Walter do Stapk-Jon, Eiiliop of Exeter, A. D. 13U. 

5. Oriel College, founded by Edward 11., A. D. 132C. 

6. Queen's College, founded by Robert Egglcsficld, confessor to the queen of 
Edward IIL, A. D. 1340. 

7. New College, founded by William of Wykehnm, Bishop of Winchester, A. J). 
1386. 

8. Lincoln College, founded by KichardFlemniing, Bishop of Lincoln, A. D. 1427. 

9. All Souls' College, founded by Henry Chiohele, Archbishop of Canterbury, 
A. D. 1437. 

10. Magdalen College, founded by William of V,'aynfleet, Bishop of Winchester, 
A. D. 1456. 

11. Brascnose College, foxinded by William Smith, Bishop of Lincoln, and Sir 
Eichard Sutton, A. D. 1509. 

12. Corpus Christi College, founded by Bichard Fox, Bishop of Winchester, A. D. 
1616. 

13. Christ Church, founded by Cardinal AVolsey and Henry VIIL, A. D. 1526, 

14. Trinity College, founded by Sir Thomas Pope. A. D. I.oo4. 

15. St. John's College, founded by Sir Tliom;'.- \Vhito. A. D. 15.55. 

16. Jesus College, founded by Queen Elizabeth. A. D. 1571. 

17. Wadham College, founded by Nicholas Wadham, of Merifield, and his wife, 
A. D. 1613. 

18. Pembroke College, founded by Thomas Tcsdale, of Glympton, and Richard 
Wightwick, Rector of Ilsley, A. D. 1624. 

19. Worcester College, founded by Sir Thomas Cookcs, of Bentley, A. D. 1714. 

20. St. Mary's Hall. 21. Magdalen Hall. 22. New Inn Hall. 23. St. Alban 
Hall. 24. St. Edmund Hall, (the oldest of the halls, dating iti existence from the 
year 12G9.) 

» It is said to have been founded by Alfre'l the Great, in the year 872. Bat 
the Danish invasion destroyed nearly all such institutions. 



274 English University Life and University Reform. [April, 

Cambridge LTuivcrsity numbers now thirteen colleges and four 
halls. The oldest is St. Peter's College, 1256; the youngest, 
Downing College, 1S21. 

The edifices for the accommodation of the masters, fellows, and 
students, who constitute these various colleges, are of diflerent size 
and architectural design; but they mostly consist of several large 
square courts, surrounded with uniform ranges of building. A large 
gate leads to the outer court, and is watched by a porter, who closes 
it at teu. Each student has two small rooms and a pantry, with his 
name affixed on the door. They take breakfast in their apartment, 
but dine in a common hall. The hall of Christ Church, Oxford, is 
especially interesting for its size, its pictures of Cardinal Wolsey 
and of various benefactors and distinguished graduates of the col- 
lege, and for many historical recollections ; for instance, the feast 
given there by George IV., as Prince Regent, to Prince Metternich 
and iNIarshal Blucherin 1814. The fellows have, besides, a "com- 
mon room," to which they retire with their guests after dinner to 
partake of the desert. This we found to be by far the most pleas- 
ant part of the entertainment, as the conversation then becomes 
more animated, rising occasionally to a " feast of reason and flow of 
soul." Most of the college buildings now look gray, old, and ven- 
erable. They are scatterc'd through the town, several of them con- 
tiguous to each other. They have generally a large library, a Gothic 
chapel, and gardens and walks attached to them. These walks, 
or picturesque avenues of lofty trees amid verdant fields, are 
admirably calculated to promote the health and invite the medita- 
tion of the students, especially the meadows of Christ Church and 
the gardens of Magdalen College. " There is something bewitch- 
ing in the idea of dwelling in one of those massive piles of building, 
and gliding in classic costume through the silent courts or cloisters, 
strolling along the magnificent paths, frequenting the splendid 
library, and being suiTounded with all possible helps and stimulants 
to ransack the arcana of science, and become aa|uainted with man's 
and nature's deepest mysteries." 

The members of the college are the masters, fellows, and students. 

The masters, also called heads of houses, wardens, rectors, pro- 
vosts, principals, presidents, deans, attend to the government and 
discipline, and reside in the building with their families. 

The fellows are graduates who have distinguished themselves 
more or less, or who owe their preferment to favouritism. From 
these are chosen the tutors, Avho do most of the active teaching. But 
a great many fellows are literary idlers, who enjoy the benefits, 
amounting in some cases to one or two thousand dollars per annum, 



1856.] English Universitij Life and University Reform. 275 

without returning any service whatever to the college or the com- 
munity at large. They must be unmarried ; some retain this post 
for life, others vacate it by taking a wife, and succeeding to some 
clerical benefice or mastership. The fellowships were originally 
founded for the promotion of literary and scientific researches, and 
it is one of the greatest evils complained of, that so many have be- 
come mere sinecures. 

The students are from si.xteen to thirty ycai-s old. Tliey receive 
.most of the instruction from the fellows of their college, and some 
from the public lectures of the University professors. Many employ 
the help of a private tutor, or " coach." They are required to 
attend recitations, the daily service in the chapel, (on Sunday 
twice,) and to be at dinner. At ten o'clock they must be in their 
rooms. For every hour after ten they arc fined ; and if they are 
out till after midnight, they are called up to give an account; and 
in cases of repeated offence, they subject themselves to a severe 
reprimand by the dean. Besides attendance at lecture, prayer, and 
dinner, they are masters of their time. Tlie earnest students, of 
"course, employ it well, and strive after literary honours and distinc- 
tions. He -who stands the best examination is called the " Senior 
Wrangler," the first man of his year, and has easy access to all aca- 
demical places and emoluments. IStext to wranglers come the " Se- 
nior Optimes," and then the "Junior Optimt'S." A competitor for 
honours who falls short of these is " gulfed," or declared unfit for 
honours : but he may try for the common degree of I>. A., along 
with the multitude, called "poll," (from the Greek ;vo//o/.) If they 
fail to come up to these requirements, ihoy are "plucked;" but if 
they "read hard," with the aid of their "coach," they may come 
up for a post mortori examination, held a few weeks afterward 
There are not a few who care nothing about an education, but waste 
their time in day sports and night revelries, and ruin their health 
and fortune before they manage to get the first degree, if they get 
it at all. The "fellow-commoners" are students of wealth and 
rank, able to pay more for their education than the rest, furnished 
with superior accommodations, and entitled to wear gold or silver 
trimmings on their gowns and caps. The expenses generally, how- 
ever, are much higher than in America. Several Oxford students 
told us, that board and tuition alone cost .I'lOO, and the additional 
expenses vary from £50 to £100, which would make nearly $1,000 
per annum I 

These different colleges and halls together constitute the University, 
a literary commonwealth, governed by its own laws. The highest 
officers are the chancellor, (now the l-url of Derby for Oxford, and 



276 English University Life and University Reform. [April, 

Prince Albert for Cambridge,) the high steward, the vice-chancellor, 
the pro-vice-chancellors, the burgesses, the deputy steward, the proc- 
tors, the pro-proctors, and the heads of colleges and halls. The whole 
business of the University, in its corporate capacit}-, is transacted in 
two distinct assemblies, the House of Congregation, which consists 
wholly of regents, that is, all doctors of every faculty resident in the 
University, rectors, professors, public lecturers, and examiners ; and 
the House of Convocation, or the Great Congregation, which 
includes regents and non-regents, and masters of arts. For the bet- 
ter government of the University there is also a hebdomadal meeting 
of the heads of houses, (colleges and halls,) who meet every Monday, 
•with the vice-chancellor and the proctors, and are empowered to 
deliberate upon all matters relating to the observance of the statutes 
and the preservation of the privileges and liberties of the University. 
The professorial lectures can be, and in part must be attended by the 
students of all colleges. The University professorships have been 
gradually founded, without any order or system. The incumbents are, 
at tlic same time, attached to a particular college. There are now, in 
Oxford, only twenty-three professorships for the following branches 
of study: Divinity, Hebrew, Exegesis, Ecclesiastical History, Moral 
Philosophy, Poetry, Political Economy, Logic, Arabic, Sanscrit, 
Anglo-Saxon, Geometry, Astronomy, Natural Philosophy, Anatomy, 
Physiology, Medicine, Chemistry, I'ractical Chemistry, Experiment- 
al Philosophy, Mineralogy, and Geology. 

The academical year is divided into four terms, Michaelmas 
Term, Hilary Term, Easter Term, and Trinity Term. The vacations 
cover nearly six months. Sixteen terms are required for the degree 
of Bachelor of Arts, and twelve terms more must elapse before the 
admission to the degree of Master of Arts. The higher degrees, 
especially that of Bachelor and of Doctor of Divinity, require, of 
course, a longer preparation. 

The most interesting time in the English Universities is the annual 
"Commemoration," (viz., of the founder and benefactor of the Uni- 
versity,) a literary festival corresponding to our " commencements," 
though far surpassing them in splendour and the crowd of visitors. It 
is held at Oxford, in the month of June, in the Sheldonian theatre, a 
plain, round building, called after its founder. Archbishop Sheldon, 
of Canterbury, and erected by Sir Christopher Wren, in IGOO, at an 
expense of £15.000. It will hold at least three thousand people. 
The upper gallery is occupied by the under-graduates, the lower by 
ladies, and the area or pit by masters, and friends introduced by 
them. The ofEcers and students appear in their picturesque medi- 
aeval costumes. The exercises consist in the conferrin": of the liter- 



1856.] English University Life and Universittj Reform. 277 

ary degrees by the chancellor, or, in his absence, by the vice-chancel- 
lor, with the consent of the convocation ; a Latin address by the 
public orator in commemoration of the founders and benefactors of the 
University ; and several prize essays or poems by the successful com- 
petitors, in Latin and English. Before and after the exercises, and 
even during them, as the names of the different candidates for the 
academic honours are called out, the under-graduatcs in the gallery 
make full use of the license granted them on that day, of expressing 
by cheers and groans, at the top of their voices, their approval or 
disapproval of public men and measures. It is a most animated and 
uproarious occasion, full of interest and instruction as to the real 
sentiments of the rising generation. Loud and hearty cheers for the 
Queen and Prince Albert, lustily responded to, make the beginning. 
Then the senior T^•rangler, the different masters and professors, her 
majesty's ministers, bishops, and other public men, are greeted ^rith 
one, two, or three cheers, or as many groans, according to the meas- 
ure' of their popularity or disfavour. The proctors are nearly 
always crroaned. At Cambridge, when the men of Catharine's Hall 
(abbrevTated Cat's Plall) are presented, they are greeted with the 
mewing of a cat. The ladies, of course, receive always their full 
share of attention. There are shouts for " the ladles in white," the 
"ladies in black," "in blue," "in green," " in buff" and every other 
colour;- for "the ladies in bonnets," and "the ladies in hats;" for 
"the ladies coming in," "the ladles who have got in," "the ladies 
who can't get in ;"^for "the ladies with blue eyes," "the ladies with 
black eyes ;" for those " who wear glasses ;" for " the ladies engag- 
ed," for " the ladles disengaged," and for "the old maids." These 
demonstrations are good-natured throughout, full of genuine English 
humour, and when the boisterousness exceeds the limits, a httle 
waving of the chancellor's hand is always suQicient to check it. At 
the last commemoration in Oxford (lSo5) the heroes of the Crimea, 
the Emperor and Empress of the French, and the Allies in general, 
were received with deafening vociferations of applause, interspersed 
with intense groans for Russia. Tlie name of .Miss ISightingale, 
the heroine of charity, was called out with a perfect tempest of 
praise. Gladstone, who so long and ably represented tiie L niversity 
in Parliament, but has made himself unpopular lately by his oppo- 
sition to the continuance of the war with Paissia. and Lord Palmcr- 
ston the present prime minister, were received with mingled cheers 
and 'hisses. A similar mixture of praise and censure, but a greater 
portion of the latter, was bestowed upon the name of Layard, the 
member of Parliament for Nineveh and Assyria, and the reformers 
Bri-ht and Cobden were groaned. When the name of James 



278 English University Life and University Reform. [April, 

Buchanan, our minister at the Court of St. James, was presented 
for the honorary Jcgi'ec of Doctor of Laws, some wag in the gal- 
lery stiTick up Yankee Doodle. Sir T. Eurgoyne, Sir De Lacy 
Evans, and Sir Charles Lycll received the same degree under great 
applause. But when Alfred Tennyson walked calmly and modestly 
up the aisle to receive his well-merited honours, he was still more 
overwhelmed with thundering cheers than the heroes of the Crimea, 
in proof that the sons and daughters of England, after all, prize the 
arts of peace above the glories of war, and the laurels of poetry 
above the blood-stained triumphs of the battle-field. 

The L^niversity of Oxford has recently undergone some changes, 
in consequence of the Reform Bill passed in 1S54. In such large 
and complicated institutions there must necessarily grow up, in the 
course of time, a number of abuses and defects, such as favouritism, 
monopolies, arbitrary and capricious rules, want of discipline, dead 
formalities, &c. For two hundred years the English Universities 
had not been touched, and their short-comings were overlooked in 
view of the eminent services which they still continued to render to 
the country. But for about twenty years past the question of re- 
form has been seriously agitated. A better administration of funds, 
a stricter discipline, an increase of the duties of fellows, a more 
general distribution of the fellowships among the most worthy, and 
of the stipends among the poor students, a reduction of the enor- 
mous expenses of education, a restriction of the aristocratic privi- 
leges, an extension of the proper university studies, on the professo- 
rial system in distinction from tutorial instruction, and. finally, the 
admission of Dissenters to the privileges and honours of these na- 
tional establishments of liberal education, were loudly called for. 
There is hardly a sensible man in Oxford or Cambridge who does 
not admit the necessity or desirableness of some changes, although 
they differ very widely as to the nature and extent of them. Many 
of the best friends of these Universities have been the most zealous 
defenders of reform. For the last few years the excitement has run 
very high on the subject, and a number of pamphlets and articles 
were Avritten on both sides of the question. The college authorities 
have often been asked to reform themselves. But this was, per- 
haps, asking more humility and self-denial than poor human nature 
is generally capable of It is always much easier to see the mote 
in a brother's eye, than to pull out the beam from our own eye. 

So Parliament, at last, took the matter in hand, and passed the 
Oxford University Reform Bill, in 1S54. It is the joint product of 
Lord John Bussell and the Honourable W. Gladstone, both mem- 
bers of the late Aberdeen ministry, but of very different views in 



1856.} English University Life and University Reform. 279 

politics and religion; for the former ^vas educated in Scotland, is 
the leader of the Whig party, and an enemy of Fuseyism ; the lat- 
ter is one of the most dutiful sons of Oxford, a conservative Peelite, 
and a High Churchman of the Anglo- Catholic school. So the Re- 
form Bill resulted in a compromise, and was reduced to an improve- 
ment simply of the present system. Here it satisfies neither of the 
extreme parties ; but it was, perhaps, after all, the best measure 
which could be wisely carried at present. It removes the most 
glaring abuses ; throws the headships, fellowships, and scholarships 
open to merit ; forbids the non-residence of fellows for more than a 
year; abolishes the legislative and administrative supremacy of the 
hebdomadal board, and establishes a new hebdomadal council, com- 
posed of the vice-chancellor, the proctor, six heads of houses, six pro- 
fessors, and six members of the convocation, (the last eighteen to be 
all elected by the congregation,) thus combining the energy of youn^-' 
men with the wisdom of experience. This council hag the exclusive 
right of proposing and framing laws for the sanction of the convo- 
cation, or the legislative body of the University. 

But the tutorial system — that is, the monopoly of public instruc- 
tion by the fellows of each college separately — is still dominant in 
Oxford. We do not agree with those who advocate its entire abo- 
lition in favour of the professorial system, after the model of Ger- 
man universities. On the contrary, we believe that the catechetical 
method of instruction, in connexion with a constant supervision of 
the student?, has invaluable advantages, especially in a moral and 
religious point of view. The unbounded freedom of the German 
universities involves a fearful risk for incxjiericnced youth. But I 
do not see why both systems should not be combined. An exten- 
sion of professorial teaching, and a more complete organization of 
the faculty studies, arc certainly, as already remarked, important 
desiderata for Oxford and Cambridge. It cannot be denied, that 
the independent contributions of these establishments to the cause 
of literature and science are in no jT^j-ortiim whatever to their im- 
mense pecuniary resources. The German universities, although 
much poorer, accomplish far more in this respect, as is evident from 
the fact, that nearly all the distinguished philological authorities 
known and used in Oxford and Cambridge are Germans, or old 
Dutch; as Buhnken, Valckenaer, Ernesti, lloyne, Orelli, Hermann, 
Lachmann, Bekker, Dindorf, Baehr, Bassow, Poppo, Buttmann, 
Kuehner, Zumpt, Host, Gcseaius, Ev.ald. This literary fertility is. 
to a very great extent owing to the competition or rivalry connected 
with the professorial system. Wc have no doubt that the English 
Universities would produce far more elaborate works on the various 



280 English University Life mid University Reform. [April, 

branches of science, if the professorial studies were better provided 
for; and if the tutorial career ^^•ere the regular preparation for the 
professorship. Dr. Pusey raised the objection against the Geiinan 
universities, that they are the nurseries of Rationalism. But this is 
not necessarily the result of the professorial system, but of a par- 
ticular age, which dates only from the end of the last century, and 
has already in a great measure passed away to make room for evan- 
gelical orthodoxy. The Scotch universities, which are similarly 
constituted, have never reared yet an infidel clergy. AVith just as 
much reason we might derive Puseyism and the Anglican secessions 
to Romanism, which grew out of it, from the half-monastic system 
of tutorial instruction and supervision. 

But in one important respect the Oxford University Reform Bill, as 
finally passed by Parliament, v.ent beyond the original draft as laid 
before the house by the Aberdeen ministry on the 17th of March, 1S5-4. 
The religious test or oath at matriculation and at the taking of the 
bachelor's degree has been abolished, so that collegee ducation, and 
the first degree in the liberal arts, are now open to every English- 
man without subscribing the Thirty-nine Articles. The Uigh Church 
party is, of course, very much opposed to this concession to the 
Dissenters, and considers it an infringement on the rights of the 
Established Church. But this is, in fact, no more the national 
Church; and if the Universities are to retain a national character, 
they ought to be liberalized, and to throw their doors open to every 
subject of the crown. Most of the colleges and their endowments 
are of medireval and Roman Catholic origin, and were inherited by 
the Episcopal Church on the ground that England belongs not to 
the dead, but to the living. On the same principle the Dissenters, 
who have since grown to be almost as numerous as the Anglicans, 
may justly claim some share in the educational advantages of these 
national institutions. There is no danger that the Dissenters, who 
may avail themselves of the privileges now opened to them, will 
bring abr.ut a radical change in these institutions. On the con- 
trary', they will be as much, and more influenced by them as Oxford 
and Cambriilge by the Dissenters. 

It is to be expected that the English Universities will henceforth 
follow in the general train of all English institutions. It is only 
by timely adaptations to the real wants of this age of progress, that 
they can be saved against stagnation as well as radical revolution. 
The citadel of Conservatism has at last been stormed by the spirit 
of the nineteenth century, and no power can set limits to future ac- 
tions of Parliament, and arrest the law of constitutional progress. 



1856.] V.i<3, Sheol. 281 



Art. \ai._^-j^:i^^ SIEEOL. 

This word occurs sLxty-fivc times in the original Hebrew of the 
Bible, and is rendered, in the common En!:;lish translation, thirty- 
one times "hell," thirty times "the grave," three times "the pit," 
and once " gi-ave." 

As use, and not derivation, is the true standard by which the 
meaning of a word is most properly ascertained, so, whether b'xd 
Sheol is supposed to be derived from one Avord or from another, 
either derivation is founded on only a supposition, and can prove 
comparatively nothing. For an illustration of this remark, let it be 
supposed that '::-i<d Sheol etymologically means a cavity; then, as 
it cannot be proved that the soul of man, though immaterial, is 
capable of existing in all places at one and the same time, so, on its 
departure from his body, it may really occupy a general cavity of 
a particular nature ; and hence, ^-x'^' Sheol may be in this respect 
as applicable to the soul as to the body; and if the word is derived, 
as usually supposed, from a worf^ signifying "to ask," it is, in this 
case also, as applicable to a receptacle for the soul as to one for 
the body, since the former receptacle, at least as truly as the latter, 
may be regarded as claiming what it receives. As derivation, then, 
affords no means of ascertaining the meaning of the word defini- 
tively, its use must be examined and regarded as alone decisive in 
relation to its signification. 

Several grammatical facts connected with b-^sd Sheol are very 
striking, and they indicate that it is a }Iehrew proper name of a 
particular place. If this be true, it is susceptible of the clearest 
demonstration. 

1. According to the rule of Hebrew grammar which requires the 
Hobrew article to be ''omitted in proper names of " "countries," 
y.u'd Sheol is Jievcr cormected xuilh that article. That the con- 
stant absence of the Hebrew definite article from this word indi- 
cates that it is a proper, and not simply an indefinite or common 
noun, is particularly corroborated by two special facts : first, that, 
if it were not an ordinary proper name, such of its omissions of that 
article as those in Numbers xvi, 33, and Psalm xli.x, 14, would be 
contrary to the rule of Hebrew grammar, according to which the 
article is prefixed to a common noun "when" it "is repeated" 
after it has "just been introduced ;" secondly, that, if it were not a 

Fourth Series, Vol. VHL— IS 



282 ii»^". Sheol. [April, 

proper name, its omissions of the article in Proverbs i, 12, Canticles 
viii, G, and Ilabakkuk ii, 5, would be contrary to the rule, that "the 
Hebrews " employed the article in " comparisons " after ^ ko (as) 
■when "the noun compared is" not ''made definite," either by a 
"genitive," as is the word similarly compared which follows y<i<d 
Sheol in Prov. i, 12, " or in any other way," as by the fact that it is 
a proper name, of which an illustrative example occurs in Isaiah i, 9, 
independent of these three instances of ;'x"i Sheol. In Canticles 
and Ilabakkuk, the original word rendered " death," similarly com- 
pared, is in each case preceded by the article, showing; that i^b<C3 
Sheol, not otherwise " made dejinite," is made such by the fact that 
it is a proper name. 

2. As Hebrew collective nouns, or nouns of multitude, are pre- 
ceded by the article, " when the entire genus is designated," and as 
Hebrew nouns which desii^nate plurality, and which are not collect- 
ive nouns, have plural endings, or are repeated, " witJi and without 
the copula," so ^-^icd Sheol, which, as in Job xxvi, 6, and Proverbs 
XV, 11, never lias any of tJicsc characteristics of plurality, is not a 
collective noun, and is always in the singular number, which shows 
that there is only one thing of its character. It therefore cannot mean 
deaths or earthly distresses ; and though it designates the place to 
"which all men are represented, as in Ecclesiastes ix, 10, to go at 
death, yet it cannot designate the place to which their bodies then 
go, unless such jAacc include at least land and water and the open 
air, and the internal parts of animals. Its meaning then would, 
from even this alone, appear to be tlie general receptacle of de- 
parted human spirits. 

3. bij^d Sheol is never connected with personal possessive pro- 
nomis, nor with demonstrative pronouns, and it never occurs in the 
" construct state," nor in any other way which would show that it 
belongs or appertains to only one individual, or to only a part of 
mankind; and hence it must bo regarded as a general receptacle, 
and as not susceptible ut an exclusive appropriation to individuiils. 

4. As what is emphatically termed "He local" {rv^) implies 
"place," so ^'^x:: Sheol, which has that Hebrew appendage to 
designations of locality annexed to itself ten times, and twice to 
words connected with it in meaning, is evidently a place, and not 
an abstract thing, as death, unconsciousness, or earthly distress, 
which is confirmed by the flict, that p-it-:; Sheol, never being femi- 
nine in form, and never having the article prefixed to it, has not 
the marks which singly or jointly are generally connected with 
Hebrew abstract nouns. 



1856.] ii.\d, Sheol. 283 

To the grammatical use of ':3-5<ri Shcol, Hebrew common nouns 
in abundance, especially those of at least as frequent occurrence, 
. present striking and illustrative contrasts. For an illustration of 
this remark, it is sufficient to refer to the appropriate Hebrew words 
for a literal grave and death, with which ^"sd Sheol is perhaps most 
frequently assumed to be synonymous. The former of these, ^;|5 
kever, has the Hebrew article in Psalm Ixxxviii, 11 — "the grave;" 
•plural endings, as in Exodus xiv, 11— "graves ;" personal possessive 
pronouns, as in 1 Kings xiii, 30—" his own grave ;" and it is also 
in the construct state, as in 2 Samuel iii, 32 — " the grave of" The 
latter of those two words, r.i"? mauveth, has that article also in 
1 Samuel xx, 3— "death;" a plural ending in Ezra xxviii, 10 — 
"deaths ;" personal possessive pronouns, as in Deuteronomy xxxi, 27 
— "my death;" a demonstrative pronoun in Exodus x, 17 — "this 
death ;" and it is also in the construct state, as in Joshua i, 1 — " the 
death of." 

Though it is true that exceptions occur to most rules, yet as it is 
UTTEKLY ABSUED to supposc that this word, ivith a comparatively 
limited frequency of occurrence, is an exception, not to owe rule, 
but to several different rules, and in so many instances, so it 
seems to be philologically proved that it is a proper name. As 
such, it is not susceptible of a multii>licity of meanings, and there- 
fore cannot legitimately signify a literal grave, a literal pit, death, 
earthly distress. It is not very strange, however, that when it is rep- 
resented by the words gi-ave and pit, an absurdity does not always 
appear ; since the arrival of a human soul in the general receptacle 
of departed spirits is usually succeeded by a consignment of its 
body to a grave or pit ; and therefore in such cases two events are 
equally true, and a man goes as really to a grave or pit as to the 
spirit- world. But as such an interpretation tends to produce the 
impression that V^-J Sheol is an indefinite noun, susceptible of so 
various meanings as to exclude any ono fixed and proper si^nifica- 
tiou, truth would unquestionably be promoted by rendering it, in all 
cases, the general receptacle of departed human spirits, or the 
spirit-icorld ; or still more by transferring it without a translation, 
as a proper name. In Robinson's Gesvnius's Hebrew Lexicon, it is 
so treated, and therefore expresseil by the English Sheol. 

That the inhabitants of rx-' Sheol have consciousness is obvious 
from the circumstances under which it is represented. As Sheol 
designates a place separate and distinct from that to which the body 
is consigned at death, the conclusion follows almost irresistibly that 
the part of man which goes to it, and which must be the soul, possesses 



284 i\^^:p; Sheol. [April, 

consciousness, since no other good reason can be assigned why that 
distinguished part occupies not at death the same place -with the 
body. 

Clear and striking as is the preceding evidence that ii'^j^d Sheol 
represents the general receptacle of departed human spirits, an 
exposition of every passage in which this unique and important word 
occurs, will clearly show that it represents a place in which the soul 
of man dwells after death, and into which all enter with their re- 
spective characters of obedience or disobedience, according as they 
are obedient or disobedient to Heaven's requirements at their de- 
parture from this life; from which seems necessarily to follow a 
distinction there of pleasure and pain. 

1. Genesis xxxvii, 35: "And all his sons, and all his daughters, 
rose up to comfort him, but he refused to be comforted ; and he 
said, For I will go down," n^"^>«;V Sheolah,."into the grave unto my 
son mourning. Thus his father wept for him." This is the first 
instance of i"nd Sheol that occurs in the Bible, employed by the 
patriarch Jac«b after he had exclaimed, "An evil beast hath 
devoured him. Joseph is without doubt rent in pieces." iVi Sheol 
is here proved not to be a grave, nor any opening in the earth, 
by the fact that Jacob believed his "son" Joseph to be in it, 
while he equnll}- believed him to be, not in the earth, but either in 
the " evil beast," or scattered upon the earth's surface. As the 
fither thought that his "son" had been "devoured," he could not 
have expected to " go " " unto " his son's body, either in that " evil 
beast," or anyvrhcre else, at least prior to the general resurrection. 
!Nor could the venerable father have meant that at that resurrection 
he would "go" "unto" his "son," since he said he would "•''■o" 
"unto" him ''mourning," which implies that he expected to con- 
tinue to be sad, till he should reach him; but this he could not 
have expected, had he known that after the death of his o^vn body 
he would for thousands of years bo unconscious, and that, accord- 
ingly, instead of going " unto" him while " 7nourning," he would 
"go" "unto" him in simple unconsciouness, or in that joy with 
which his body will doubtless meet Joseph's at the resurrection. 
He must therefore have expected to reach him as soon as he himself 
should die. IS or could he have meant merely that he would die, 
since his words, " unto my son," imply place and nearness of posi- 
tion; and as his body could not experience such a position relative 
to that of his " son," while he himself was " niournmg,"' he must have 
expected that his conscious soul would in iiiitd Sheol be associated 
vnth the undevoured soul of Joseph. The words " unto my son," 



1856.] M.r^p, Shcol. 285 

then, condemn the assumption that after death nothing remains of 
man besides his body. If at death there is not immediately a meet- 
ing of departed human spirits in the spirit-world, then to sa}' that 
one person who is about to die will " go " " unto " another who is 
already dead, and from whose dead body he will continue to %e far 
separated, would indicate at least as much absurdity as to say that 
one person who is about to live, will come "unto" another who is 
already alive, and from whose living body he will continue to be far 
separated. Besides this, if Jacob did not expect to "go" "unto" 
Joseph except in the sense that he would soon be dead, as he 
■ thought his " son " already was — if he had no reference in his ex- 
pectation to a meeting with him in the spirit- world, then he might 
as well have said that he was going to all the animals, and even nil 
the vegetables that were then dead, and from the remains of which 
he would continue to be for separated! And if the soul of Jacob 
did not at death "go" "unto" that of Joseph, then it would be as 
absurd in him to say he would " go " unto his " son," as to say that 
one person who is about to sleep, will "go" "unto" another who is 
already asleep, and from whom he will during sleep continue to be 
far separated. It seems also to be absurd to suppose that Jacob 
expected to come "unto" Joseph, without knowing it; and therefore 
he must have expected to continue conscious beyond death. As, 
according to 2 Cor. xii, 2, 3, " a man" may be "a man," "whether 
in the body or out of the body," so it is not strange that Jacob did 
not mention the soul as the part Avhich he expected to " go " "' unto " 
Joseph. Such circumlocution would have been alike inconsistent 
with the directness of deep emotion, and with the elliptical sim- 
plicity of similar statements on the part of tiiose who arc positively 
known to believe that man's soul has a conscious existence after 
death. As Jacob could not have thought that Joseph, whom he 
regarded as "devoured," was in earthly distress, so j-kv: Sheol, in 
which he believed him to be, is proved not to mean earthly distress. 
This is also obvious from the fact, thai in such 'distress the '■ raourn- 
i?ig" Jacob already was when he said, "I will go down into" 
i^sd Sheol, " unto my son mourning." Should it be said that, 
because he was " T7ioi/niing,'" he could not expect to meet Joseph in 
the spirit-world, then, for the same reasgn, he could not expect to 
meet him in heaven at death. From the fact that he is represented 
as a good man when the words here discussed were uttered, it is 
reasonably inferred that he expccLcd to enjoy happiness in the spirit- 
world. The word " down," in connexion with bij^r Sheol, no more 
proves that y^md Sheol is a place for man's unconscious dead body 



286 iixa, Shcol [April, 

than the ■vrord '•"up," in connexion •^ith heaven, in 2 Kings ii, 1, 11, 
and in Luke xxiv, 51, and also in Acts i, 9-11, proves that heaven is 
not the place where God more immediately dwells. That word 
"down" indicates, if anything, that j-^r Sheol is a place, and not 
a state. And to say that the soul or spirit of a man occupies after 
death a place, is not inconsistent with its dwelling before death in 
a place, nor with Solomon's prayer to God, who is emphatically "a 
Spirit," in 2 Chronicles vi, 30 : "Then hear thou from heaven thy 
dwelling-place." Place, then, is not repugnant to the Scriptural 
idea of a spirit. "Whatever may bo the nature of a human spirit, it 
possesses not the attribute of Omnipresence, and must necessarily 
occupy some particular portion of space. The word " do-\ni," then, 
impl3-ing locality, harmonizes with the idea of a spirit-world, as does 
also "He local," which is here annexed to ^-5<r Sheol. The as- 
sumption that b'i^'i Sheol means merely death, or a state of death, 
supposes that the patriarch Jacob expected to meet his " son " 
Joseph, not in the spirit-world, nor even where he supposed the 
body of that " son" to be, but in the abstract state of death, which, 
aside from its subjects, like other abstractions, has no existence! 
Where j-sr Sheol may be located, cannot be positively inferred 
from the word "down," which may be used relatively, not to the 
earth, but to heaven, which is represented to be " up." An igno- 
rance of the precise location of ^-xd Sheol is, however, no more 
strange or significant than that of the precise location of heaven. 

From the preceding remarks relative to p^Ku: Sheol, as first used, 
it follows that it was regarded, in the times and among the people 
of the patriarch Jacob, as designating a place in which the soul of 
man dwells after its departure from the body. 

2. Genesis xlii, 38 : " And he said, My son shall not go down 
with you ; for his brother is dead, and he is left alone : if mischief 
befall him by the way in the which ye go, then shall ye bring down 
my gray hair.? with sorrow to the grave," b-i<r Sheol. From the use 
of the words " gray hairs," it might at first seem that Vs^d Sheol 
represented a place designed for the reception of man's body. But 
this meaning of ;-i<d Sheol would be in direct opposition to that 
given to it by the same patriarch in the passage just discussed. 
Besides this, he could not have meant that his " gray hairs " would 
alone be brought to some place or thing, and this proves that these 
Vords are figuratively employed. As such, then, the question arises, 
what do they represent? The answer must be that, in connexion 
with the word "my," they represent me — "then shall ye bring" me 
"down" "with sorrow to the gi-ave," rxt; Sheol. This is accord- 



1856.] 5i»», Sheol 287 

ing to the rule of Hebrew grammar, that " The place of the personal 
pronouns, especially in a rcjlcxive sense, is often supplied by the 
most distinguished and essential parts of either the external or 
internal man." The sense of Sheol in this passage is thus seen not 
to differ from that just discussed, since the represented me of this 
is the same as the '7" of that — " I will go down into the grave," ':.-^'6 
Sheol, "unto my son mourning." Besides, he could not here have 
meant by Vj<t; Sheol any other place than that in vdiich he supposed 
Joseph's undevoured soul to be, into which his own '' gray hairs," or 
even body, could no more be brought now than before. That b-K*J 
Sheol here means the spirit-world, and not a literal grave, is also 
confirmed by the fact that the instrument by which he said that his 
sons would "bring" him "down" "to the grave," bi^^' Sheol, was 
" sorroiv." The influence which " sorrow " has upon the body ceases 
at death, and not at a subsequent burial; and as Jacob did not 
expect to escape " sorrow " before his arrival in j^s:^' Sheol, nor to 
be buried at, but after death, Vi^'i Sheol is proved not to mean a 
literal grave, but tlic spirit-world. That i'l^r" Sheol does not here 
mean death, is obvious from the fact that "He local " is here con- 
nected with it, and from the fact \aiich Matthew x, 28, emphatically 
teaches, that the soul is so indestructible that neither the sons of 
Jacob, nor those of any one else, can kill it; and that though the 
body is killed, the soul remains alive—" fear not them which kill the 
body, but are not able to kill the soul." And that i;-,i^'i Sheol does 
not here mean earthly distress is evident from the fact that, if it 
did, then Jacob represented that as going to such distress or sorrow 
■which was already affected "with sorrow!" 



288 Practical Hints for Students of Biblical Literature. [April, 



akt. vm— practical hints for students of biblical 

LITERATURE, f . ■ .: c: . L- 

Biblical helps may be divided into Geographical, Historical, 
Archaeological, Introductory, Philological, and Hermeneutical. 

1. Geograpliical. Of Geographies of the Holy Land, there are 
three of nearly equal value: Coleman's Historical Text-Book and 
Atlas of Biblical Geography ; a Biblical Geography and History 
by Charles A. Goodrich, and a Gazetteer by the Sabbath- School 
Union. The maps and chronological tables of the first are 
extensive and correct, and it incorporates into its pages the recent 
discoveries of Bawlinson, Layard, Lynch, and De Saulcy. For a 
map of Palestine, Bobinson's is one of the best, and can easily be 
procured. 

2. Historical. Smith's three volumes of Sacred Annals, and 
Kurtz's Sacred History, are the best references on this subject. 
The latter is valuable as a text-book. The author was a pupil of 
Tholuck, and Professor of Church History in the University of 
Dorpat, and though the work is merely a compendium, it exhibits the 
hand of a scholar. 

3. Archreological. In this department, which treats of every- 
thing of interest relating to the outicard life of the Jews, 
Jahn's Archaeology, and Kevin's Biblical Antiquities, are well 
known. . 

4. Introductory. Of General Introductions, Home's is the most 
extensively known ; but, though it exhibits vast industry, it is not, in 
our opinion, a well compacted, or closely critical and scholarlike 
performance. For the Old Testament, there are no entirely relia- 
ble introductions, since De Wette's and Jahn's are both chargeable 
with errors, yet, on the whole, arc worthy uf being consulted. David- 
son's and Hug's Introductions to the New Testament are each of 
them extensive and critical, and the former, though expensive, 
deserves to be more generally circulated in this country. 

The subject of the correctness of the sacred text, which is 
generally treated of in Introductions, is ably handled in some 
separate works, such as Davidson's Biblical Criticism, Havcrnick's 
Introduction to the Old Testament, and llengstenberg on the 
Genuineness of the Pentateuch and Daniel. As a general reference 
book in the four departments above mentioned, Kitto's Cyclopaedia 



1856.] Practical Hints for Students of Biblical Literature. 2S9 

is invaluable. Strickland on Biblical Literature is a good com- 
pendium. 

5. .Philological. The best helps to the understanding of the 
languages of the Bible are Gcsenius's Hebrew Grammar, Ge- 
senius's Hebrew Dictionary, and ]?obinson's Greek Dictionary of 
the jS'ew Testament. The last more than serves the purpose of a 
commentary ; it not only gives translations of the Greek words, but 
systematizes their meanings as found in different places, and thus 
gives clearness and accuracy to our knowledge of the IMew Testa- 
ment. Conant's Revised Edition of the Hebrew Grammar contains 
a valuable chrestomathy of several parts of the Old Testament. 
, Winer's Greek Idioms of the New Testament, or Trollope's, i 
should be a constant companion in the study of the Greek Testa- 
ment. Trench's small work on the Greek Synonyms of the New 
, Testament is suggestive. No student shduld be without Stier 
! and Theile's Biblia Polyglotta. which contains the Old and New 
Testament in four languages. It can be had, bound in five volumes, 
for 6;1G. 

6. Hei-meneutical. On the general subject o^nterpretation. a very 
valuable work has been published by Dr. Davidson, in England. It 
includes a History of Interpretation, Principles and Kinds of Inter- 
pretation, Quotatio}is from the Old Tc.sfa.'ncnt in the New, alleged 
Contradictions of Scriptures, »fcc. ]McClelland's and Ernesti's small 
volumes on Interpretation contain some valuable hints. Hermeneu- 
tics, or Interpretation, includes two things, translations and notes. 
A translation or paraphrase, v/hich give? the full meaning of the origi- 
nal, and is well divided into paragraphs and sentences, is even more 
useful for study than notes. Consult, for example, Alexander's 
versions of the Psalms and Isaiah, and Stuart's of Proverbs and 
Ecclesiastes, Bomans and Hebrews, as contained in their commen- 
taries on those books. The short parajilirase of the Epistles of St. 
Paul in the work of Conybeare and Howson is extremely valuable 
for private study; and the paraphrase of the Gospels contained in 
Strong's Harmony may be used for the same purpose. The version 
of the Baptist Bible Society is likewise worthy of the attention of 
scholars. In this connection we cannot speak too highly of the 
advantages of a familiar knowledge of the Scriptures in the original, 
so as to be able to read them with readiness. Like the study of a 
translation or paraphrase, they give freshness and continuity, and in 
addition, command a closer attention to the nicer shades of thought 
and expression. 

The Herraeneutics of the Bible may be divided into several parts : 



290 Practical Hints for Students of Biblical Literature. [April, 

the interpretation of Bible History, Bible Poetry, Bible Prophecy, 
and Bible Theology. 

1. Bible History. 1. Old Testament. Professor'Bush has pub- 
lished the best, and almost the only works in English, on the Pen- 
tateuch and the book of Judges. These are throughout character- 
ized by a deep reverence for the authority of Scripture, and the 
most extensive and discriminating scholarship. The reconciliation 
of the first chapter of Genesis with the foots of geology is ably 
handled, though most ^yould not agree with him in the exposition of 
the first verse. Ur. Turner's Companion to Genesis, though not a 
continuous commentary, gives an excellent analysis of the several 
chapters, and an exposition of the most difiicult passages. Heng- 
stenbcrg on Egypt and the books of Moses is of an argumentative 
character, designed to confirm the truth of the Scripture narrative 
The best view of the other historical books of the Old Testament, 
besides that contained in Clarke's Commentary, is found in the 
more extended sacred histories of the Jews. 

2. New Testament. For the study of the Gospels there are 
!Neanders Life of Christ, Strong's Harmony and Exposition, Eob- 
inson's and Strong's Greek Harmonies. Olshausen on the Gospels, 
Kitto's Life of om- Lord, Alford's Greek Testament, Barnes, Clarke, 
Trench on Miracles, Trench on Parables, Tholuck on the Sermon 
on the Mount, Tholuck on John, Lucke on John, Tittman on John, 
Trollope's Analecta Theologica. The number of commentaries is 
an advantage, as it enables the inquirer to examine several on any 
difficult passage. The Life of Christ by Neander is of great value, 
and the translators have done excellent service to the public by in- 
troducing it into this country. It is full of learned and thoroughly 
original investigations, and does not fall into the common error of 
commentators, of dwelling on the easy, while it evades the difficult 
points. Strong's Harmony and E.xposition supplies a want which 
has long been felt. In consequence of endeavouring to obtain the 
fullest possible eflect and impressiveness, the paraphrase is some- 
times too free, and exhibits want of dignity in its mode of expres- 
sion; yet in most respects, in beautiful arrangement, in the com- 
prehensiveness of its notes, in seizing accurately the true meaning, 
and in a thorough investigation of the geography and chronology, 
it ranks among the best works of its kind. Robinson's Greek 
Harmony has some valuable notes on the location and arrange- 
ment of the events of the Gospels. Alford's Greek Testament, 
with notes, is one of the best specimens of modern commentary. 
Trench on Miracles is a sterling work, entitled to rank among the 



1856.] Practical Hints far Students of Biblical Literature. 291 

best works of English literature. It combines great eloquence of 
style -ffith a clear and admirable exposition of the text and context. 
Many passages are highly eloquent. We extract one from the 
chapter on the Miracle of Water made into Wine: " We need not 
wonder to find the Lord of life at that festival, for he came to sanc- 
tify all life, its times of joy as its times of sorrow ; and all expe- 
rience tells us, that it is times of gladness, such as this was now, 
which especially need such a sanctifying power, such a presence of 
the Lord. In times of sorrow, the sense of God's presence comes 
more naturally out : in these, it is in danger of being forgotten. He 
was there, and by his presence there, struck the key-note to the 
whole future tenor of his ministry. lie should not be as another 
Baptist, to withdraw himself from the common paths of men, a 
preacher in the wilderness ; but his should be at once a harder and a 
higher task, to mingle with and purify the common life of men ; to 
witness for and bring out the glory which was hidden in its every 
relation. And it is not, perhaps, without its significance, that this 
should have been especially a marriage whicli he ' adorned and 
beautified with his first presence and miracle that he wrought.' 
He foresaw that some hereafter should arise in his Church who 
should despise marriage, or, if not despise, yet fail to give the 
Christian family all its honour. They should find no countenance 
from him." Trench's work on Parables is less valuable, having a 
less difficult subject ; that on the Study of Words will be useful to 
the philologist. Kitto's Life of our Lord is one of the best of his 
publications. 

Liicke and Tittmann are extensive and critical; Olshausen and 
Tholuck will be noticed hereafter. Ikick on the 24th of Matthew, 
while creditable, as showing zeal in Biblical study, is greatly defec- 
tive from exhibiting a want of acquaintance with the Avritings of the 
most recent Biblical scholars. 

On Acts, Hackett is so able and full as to leave scarcely anytliing 

to be supplied. There are some historical works, however, which 

traverse the same ground, and are invaluable, viz. : Couybeare and 

Howson's Life and Epistles of St. Paul, Schaff's History of the 

. Apostolic Church, and Neander's Planting and Training of the 

\ Church. The first of these should be in the hands of every layman 

' and every minister. As regards the second, notwithstanding the 

author's lenient views of the Koman Catholic Church, it is a very 

Bcholar-like performance: it covers a larger field than the work of 

Conybeare and Howson, including, for example, an account of the 

lives and writings of Peter and James, as well as Paul; it is also 



292 Practical Hints for Students of Biblical Literature. [April, 

more full on the moral and religious life, government, worship, and 
doctrines of the Apostolic Church. The merits of iSeander are gen- 
erally known ; his method is less clear than Schaffs. Baumgar- 
ten's Apostolic History is perhaps the best extant commentary on 
the Acts. 

II, Bible Poetry. On Hebrew poetry, Lowth is in error from 
his too great fondness for the classical models ; Herder's Spirit of 
Hebrew Poetry, though not intended to be a learned treatise, ex- 
hibits a fine appreciation of the spirit of the Hebrew bards. 

On Job, the work of Barnes is the only English commentary of 
any value, and this is imperfect in many respects. In his Introduc- 
tion, he aims to establish the following points : That Job was a real 
person ; that he lived in a part of Arabia Deserta, and not far from 
the age of Abraham ; and that the book was written by Job himself. 
His commentaries do not, on the whole, exhibit that compressed and 
discriminating method which is tlie characteristic of the true inter- 
preter. 

On the Psahiis there are two standard commentaries, Hengsten- 
berg's and Alexander's. It is incidental to the first critical works 
on any book that there should bo much space devoted to clearing 
away the errors and misconceptions of former writers ; and such 
discussions are not always interesting to the general reader. This 
fault is observable in Hcngstenberg's volumes on the Psalms, yet 
they exhibit good scholarship, and great fervour and originality. 
The plan of l)r. Alexander is to '• translate and explain," with but 
few additional remarks ; his plan in this respect is excellent, thus 
excluding unnecessary discussions. Another task that remains to 
be accomplished, with reference both to the Psalms and the Old 
Testament prophecies, is to invest them with the interest derived 
from the circumstances in which they were composed. This has ' 
been done for the letters of St. Paul, by Messrs. Conybeare and 
Howson, and it is to be hoped the same may be accomplished for 
the writings of the Old Testament. Hcngstenberg's well-known 
work, called the Christology, treats extensively of the Messianic 
Psalms. The Introduction to the Psalms, by De Wette, in the 
Biblical ilepository, vol. iii, may be consulted Avith advantage. 

Professor Stuart's works on Proverbs and Ecclcsiastes are models 
of commentary for the critical student, and his carefulness in mak- 
ing an accurate translation makes them useful to all. They were 
among tiie last that he wrote, and exhibit greater condensation than 
his former volumes. 

III. Bible Prophecy. The subject of prophecy is constantly be- 



1856.] Practical Hiiits for Students of Biblical Literature. 293 

coming less involteJ, as the nature of symbols is receiving a fuller 
development, and facts of history are being brought to light to illus- 
trate it. A complete work on symbology is much needed. If the 
nature and application of the symbols in Daniel and Ezekiel, "which 
have already been fulfilled, and concerning ■which there is but little 
dispute, vrere clearly understood, it -would scarcely be possible to 
misinterpret those*that are yet unfulfilled. Dr. Turner's Discourses 
on Scripture Prophecy are inimitable as a manual on the subject. 
Upon the three subjects that are treated of in Stuarts Hints on 
Prophecy, viz., the Double Sense, Intelligibility of the Prophecies, 
and Designations of Time, it seems to us he has thrown but little 
light. 

As inseparable parts of prophecy arc the two subjects of Typology 
and Quotations from the Old Testament in the ISew. In the former 
of these, Fairbairn's Typology (new edition) is a rich mine of in- 
formation for the Biblical student. Though it makes many things 
to be types, which can hardly be regarded as such, yet the field 
which it traverses is one of unfailing interest, and is destined to yield 
abundant fruits. In this work, the intricate subject of the double 
sense is fully investigated. It is shown, for e.\ample, that since 
David was a type of Christ, there may be a prediction which shall 
refer to them both, to the former primarily, and to the latter in its 
full accomplishment. Thus it may be said tliat there are not two 
fulfilments, but one, which reaches to two persons ; one the type and 
the other the antitype. The subject of Quotations is of great inter- 
est; it includes such questions as these: Which of the New Testa- 
ment writers quote most from the OldV In which instances do they 
quote for argument, and in which simply for illustration? Do they 
quote more commonly from the Septuagint or from the Plebrew 
Bible? Do they more frequently give the words of the original, or 
merely the sense ? Do the writers of the New Testament accommo- 
date the words of the Old Testament to their own circumstances, 
and term it a fulfilment? These questions are investigated in 
Davidson's Hermeneutics, Fairbairn's Typology-, Turner on Hebrews, 
"chap, i, verse 5, and Wood's Lectures, vol. i. 

Old Testataent Propliecy. On Isaiah the chief work is Alex- 
ander's, the plan of which is the same as that of the one on the 
Psalms, namely, "to translate and c.\-]»lain." It is a defect in the 
larger edition, that he dwells too nnich upon the false opinions of 
others, and in both, that there is a want of IVcedora in expressing 
his own views on contested points, so th.at it is sometimes difficult 
to ascertain them. He considers that there is ground in Isaiah for 



294 Practical Hints for Students of Biblical Literature. [April, 

the belief in the future conversion of the Jews, but none for that of 
their literal restoration to Palestine. With this agrees Fairbairn in 
his Typology. The parts of Hengstenberg's Christology -which 
comment on Isaiah are worthy of consultation. Some valuable 
hints may be drawn from Kitto's Daily Illustrations on Isaiah and 
the other prophets, and also from the previous volumes on Saul and 
David, and on Solomon and the Kings. Barnes on Isaiah may be 
used with advantage, though characterized by diffusenes^, and 
sometimes commenting on phrases which were already sufficiently 
clear. The abridged edition is preferable. Fairbairn on Ezekiel is 
a recent publicaiion of much value ; it is both popular and critical 
in its plan. •' 

The prophecies o^ Daniel are one of the battle-grounds of Biblical 
exegesis. The varieties of views held upon Daniel and Revelation 
are almost innumerable, and yet the student of the Bible will not 
rest satisfied till he has ascertained what the prominent opinions are, 
and where the difficulties lie. Stuart's is deservedly a standard 
work on Daniel. On the question of the seventy weeks, and the three 
periods, seven, si.xty-two, and one (which make up the seventy), he 
confesses himself at a stand ; unnecessarily, we think. The seventy 
weeks (Dan ix. 24), all acknowledge to be four hundred and ninety 
years, and most hold that the seven weeks (or forty-nine years) 
commience with the return of Ezra from Bab3-lon, and continue to the 
full completion of the city of Jerusalem ; the sixty-two Aveeks (or 
four hundred and thirty-four years) to the commencement of Christ's 
ministry; and the one week, to three and a half years after his 
death. A very able and satisfactory article on some of the difficult 
points in Daniel may be found in the seventh volume of the Chris- 
tian Review. This, in agreement with Professor Stuart, holds the 
fourth kingdom to be that of the successors of Alexander, while 
Barnes, Havernick and Hengstenberg (see their works on Daniel) 
refer it to Rome; there are many strong arguments in favour of the 
former. The designations of time contained in Dan. viii. 14, and 
Dan. xii, 11, 12, viz. : two thousand three hundred morning-evening 
sacrifices, one thousand two hundred and ninety days, and one thou- 
sand three hundred and thirty-five days, are referred best to the last 
days of Antiochus Epiphanes. 

The want of English commentaries is nowhere felt so much as 
on the Minor Prophets. The recent labours of scholars have been 
expended upon the larger books of Scripture, and the others have 
been neglected. Hengstenberg's late revision of his Christology gives 
the best comments upon these prophecies yet made ; still they are 



1856.] Practical Hints for Students of Biblical Literature. 295 

incomplete, as they elucidate chiefly the Messianic passages. Much 
information upon them may be gathered from the histories of that 
period, from introductions to the Old Testament, and from articles 
in Kitto's Cyclopaedia, and the Reviews. Maurcr's and Rosenmucl- 
ler's Commentaries on the Old Testament, in easy Latin, though 
rationalistic, are always valuable, but especially so here. Moore 
on the Prophets of the Reformation, just issued, is an admirable 
specimen of commentary. • ■ . ■. ^ . 

New Testament Frophec^j. On this book (Reveb.tion) the most 
diverse views are held. Professor fStuart thinks that most of the 
symbols find their fulfdment in the first three or four centuries. 
Hengstenberg spiritualizes the whole; P>arnes, Lord, and Elliot, hold 
that almost every great event that has occurred since the time of 
the apostles, belongs to the fulfilment of the Book of Revelation. 
Stuart seems to us entirely at fault ; his theory stands or falls with 
the question of the early or late writing of the Book of Revelation.; 
but the best and largest number of niodefn critics are strongly op- 
posed to the theory of its late composition. Again, it would seem 
impossible that all the events symbolized in Revelation could be 
accomplished in so short a period as the first three or four cen- 
turies. The arguments in Beecher's Review of Stuart in the Bibli- 
cal Repository, and in an article by Cheever on the same subject, 
seem to us conclusive against his view. Ilengstcnbcrg's inter|)reta- 
tion (in which he is followed by Davidson of England) is equally 
untenable; it is incredible, and contrary to the analogy of the 
prophecies of the Old Testament, that so vast a body of symbols 
should be employed to designate merely spiritual states and gen- 
eral principles. Lord, in his work on the Apocalypse, and in his 
Theological Journal, is admirable in claiming that the symbols 
should be explained in a system and according to well-defined 
rules, though we tliink his own system is greatly defective. The 
school to which Banies, Lord, and Elliot belong, errs in making the 
Book of Ptevelation too close an opiCunie of civil and ecclesiastical 
history. Barnes has done much to clear up the subject ; his views 
are not as extreme as tliose of most of his school of interpretation, 
and there seems to us more originality and discrimination than in 
any commentary that he has published. It would be difiicult for 
one to read his exposition of the seven trumpets, and not believe that 
the fifth refers to Mohammed. On the subject of the Millennium, the 
commentators are divided; Lord and ^Vinthrop holding to a per- 
sonal reign of Christ and the saints on the earth, and Stuart, Barnes, 
and Olshausen to a reign of the risen saints with Christ in heaven 



296 Practical Hints for Students of Biblical Literature. [April, 

during tlie Millcnniuin, and the universal prevalence of holiness dur- 
ing that time on the earth; the latter view is preferable. 

IV. Eible Theology, as contained in the letters of the apostles. 
The best preparation for the understanding of the Epistles of St. 
Paul is the study of Conybcarc and Ho^vson*s work nn Paul, 
Schaffs Apostolic History, and Neander's Planting and Training 
of the Church. On Romaics, Dr. Clarke and ^Vesleyraay be studied 
vrith peculiar advantage, especially on the 7th and 9th chapters. 
; Taken as a whole, for the general reader, the work of Dr. Turner of 
the Episcopalian Senninary, ^'cw- York, is the best on this book. , His 
general treatment of the epistle is scientific and masterly, and in his 
doctrinal statements he is for the most part Arminian. Professor 
Hodge advocates the views of the old-school Calvinists, and Albert 
Barnes those of the new school. The critical discussions of Pro- 
fessor Stuart on Komans are able, but cumbersome and diffuse'; 
his views are liberal and openly avowed ; his general summaries are 
exact and comprehensive. On Tholuck and Olsliausen v.-e quote 
from another. '• Tholuck. Thecommcntariesof this eminent writer 
on various books of the xsew Testament, especially those on the 
Epistles to the Romans and Hebrews, exhibit the highest exegetical 
excellences. While be critically investigates phrases and idioms, 
he ascends into the pure regions of the ideas, unfolding the sense 
with much skill and discernment. His commentary on John is of 
a more popular cast. His iiiterpretation of the Sermon on the 
Mount is very valuable. Olshaiise)!. The best example of com- 
mentary on the xNew Testament, with which we are acquainted, has 
teen given by this writer. It is a model of exposition unrivalled in 
any language. Verbal criticism is but sparingly introduced, although 
even here the hand of a master is apparent. He is intent, however, 
on higher things. He investigates the thought, traces the connec- 
tion, puts himself in the same position as the writers, and views 
with philosophic ability the holy revelations of Christ in their com- 
prehensive tendencies. The critical and the popular are adiairably 
mingled. Greatly do we lament that the writer was cut off before 
he completed so excellent a performance." (His Commentary ex- 
tends through Hebrews, making 9 vols.) The commentaries which 
have come from authors in England, such as Bloomfield's Greek 
Testament, Al ford's Greek Testament, Whitby's Commentary, and 
Trollope's Analecta Theologica, are highly scholar-like, and, as 
regards doctrinal views, are generally Arminian. The comment- 
ary of Mr. Livermore, a Unitarian, though not critical, nor cor- 
rect as to doctrine, is spiritedly and eloquently written : the four 



1S56.] Practical Hints to Students in Biblical Literature. 297 

Introductory Essays are able pieces of composition ; be is anti-Cal- 
vinistic in sentiment. On Hebrews, Turner's is again the clearest I 
exposition, and after liim, Stuart, Olshauscn, Tlioluck, Alford, ' 
Uarnes, Trollope, and Bloomfield. For the shorter epistles, the 
chief dependence is upon Olshausen, Barnes, Alford, and Trollope. 
To Thorn on Corinthians, nearly the same remarks are applicable 
as to Livermore on Romans. Eadie of Scotland is the author of 
critical commentaries on Colossiansand Ephesians ^Yhich have been 
reprinted in this country. Neander's three commentaries on Thiiip- 
piaus, General Epistle of James, and First Epistle of John, trans- 
lated by }*Ir3. H. C. Conant, are of a popular character, but yet 
deeply philosophical and discriminating.* 

" As many of the books mentioned aboYO arc rare, and their value not easily 
ascertained, we annex a list of prices, at -which they can be procured by minis- 
ters: they may be had at about these rates of Gould and Lincoln, Boston : 

Bibliotheca Sacra, 10 vols., S2o 50 ; Alexander on Psalms, 3 vols., $2 75 ; 
Altxandcr on Isaiah, 2 vols., $1 SO; Hcngstonhcrg on Kevdations, 2 vols., §2 67; 
do. Christol&gy, 1 vol., new edition, $1 G7 ; do. on r.-r-alms, 3 vols., 85 00; Stuart 
on Romans, .^2 00 ; do. on Hebrews, s2 2,") ; do. on Proverbs, .$0 91 ; do. on Ec- 
cleiiastes, $0 7-3 ; do. on Daniel, ?1 87 ; do. on Apocalypse, 2 vols., ^3 25 ; Bush 
on Genesis, 2 vols., SI 31 ; do. on Exodus, 2 vols., si 12 ; do. on Leviticus, §0 56 ; 
do. on Joshua and .Judges, each, 80 50; HaclvT-tt on Acts. .?] 87 ; ^McClelland on 
Interpretation, -^0 CO; Winer's Idioms of the Greek Testament, S2 00; Nevin's 
Biblical Antitiuities, ^■O 75 ; Jahn's Aroh.vology, .si 75 ; Trench on Miracles, 
SI 25; do. on Parables, $1 25; do. ou Greek Synonyms of New Testament, 
$0 oG ; Barnes on the New Testament, .^0 CO per volume ; do. on Job, ^1 80 ; 
do. on Daniel, $0 90; do. on Isaiah, 2 vol.-., si .^0; Hug's Introduction to New 
Testament, >-2 25 ; Neauder on John, James, and PhHii>piaus, $1 25 ; Tholuck 
on John, SI 75; do. on PtomaJis, $1 75; do. on ILbrows ; $1 75; Turner ou 
Romans, .^1 20; do. on Hebrews, -sl 00; Do AVettc's Introduction to Old Test- 
ament, J2 81; Kitto's CyclopcoJia, 2 vols., ?5 50; Fairbairn's Typology, new- 
edition, 82 25 ; do. on Ezekiel, SI 65 ; Strong's Harmony, S2 10 ; Olshausen's 
Commentaries, 9 vols., $1 65 each ; Conybeare and Howson's Life and Epistles 
of Paul, 2 vols., Si .50; Kcviscd version of IVtcr, P^evelation, &€., §0 75; Lord 
on Apocalj^pse, -sl CO; Davidson's Introduction to New Testament, 3 vols., S9 50; 
Ncand.jr's Life of Chriit, si CO; Livcrm-Mri.' en ItMiuans. >■() d'); Troll ^iie's Ana- 
lecta Theologica, 2 vols., S2 25 ; Robinson's Greek Lexicon of the New Testament, 
cloth binding, $3 80 ; Hahn's Greek Testament, j;l 00 ; Gesenius' Hebrew Gram- 
mar, ,>2 00; do. Hebrew Lexicon, §1 i>'^ ; Hahn's Hebrew Bible, .^2 25; 'Win- 
thvop's Essay on Symbols, 80 CO; Turner on Prophecy, sO CO; Kurtz's Sacred 
History, $1 00; Coleman's Biblical Geography and History, -81 3": Schaff's 
History of the Apostolic Church, S2 50; Davidson's Ilermcneutics, ^i 00. 

Fourth Series, Vul. A^IIL— 10 



298 Correspondence. [April, 



Akt. IX.— correspondence. 

I. RFX^ENT FRENCH LITERATURE. . .-■•-'> 

Paris, February, 1856. 

To THE EuiTon, — TiiK legei^ silent inter anna applies to books, it seems, 
as 'well as laws. Even intellectual Paris owns the dominion of the Crimea 
fever, and is turned from the libraries to the newspapers; or, perhaps 
rather, it is looking, and only waiting for an opportunity of getting back the 
eyes or purses of the public. At all events, no publications of any consequence 
have appeared of late, and the publishers are chiefly occupied with new edi- 
tions of the " French Classics." - 

From the few original things issued, I select, however, three or four of such 
as may be of most interest to your readers. The first in rank is a small volume 
of some 350 pages, entitled " The Future Life : History and Apology of the 
Christian Doctrine in a Future State." {La Vie Future. Histoire et Apologie 
de la Doctrine Chrc'liennc sur I' Autre Vie, par Th. Henri Martin.) You infei; 
immediately that a production of such a title can, in profane France, be but 
the threadbare lucubration of a lazy monk or a country cure'. But you are 
mistaken ; the author is a lay professor in a college of provincial distinction, 
and a historian of the " Physical Sciences in Antiquity" — that is, historian in 
futuro, as he has not yet published. You may form some opinion of his pro- 
fessions from the tone and terms of the following opening : 

" For three years back, -svithout interrupting ruy history of the Physical Sci- 
ences in .Antiquity, I have felt tlie need of recurring occasionally to the reading 
of the Holy Scriptures, in quest of the consolation become necessary to my heart. 
This perusal has prcsontod me some sublime hopes of a future life, not only in the 
New Testament, in which they so abound, but also in the Old, wherein they 
occupy a lesser place, and especially the books of Closes, whereto they have often 
been traced. Upon this creat question of the destiny of man beyond the grave, 
I have seen in the Bible throughout, in the fathers, in the councils, in the Catho- 
lic theology, one and the same doctrine, at once terrible and consoling, a doc- 
trine founded upon supernatural revelation, transcending the data of reason 
■without contradicting them, and, ou the contrary, supplying their insufficiency." 
—Preface. 

Now, if I have any skill In seeing a wolf through a sheep's covering, the 
writer of this introduction is a dubious convert to the Roman Catholic fold. A 
convert is not usually so moderate, so measured, so cosmopolitan in his spirit, 
so universal in his approbation. Like Shakspeare's Jacques, this writer en- 
counters orthodo.xy everywhere, in the Bible, in the Gospel, In the fathers, in 
the councils. Neither Protestants, nor Catholics, nor Jansenists, nor Galilean 
Churchmen, then, can complain of his exclusiveness, or will decline to buy 
his book. And, then, the seemingly casual mention of his being a wTlter on 
the plnji^ical sciences is a stroke quite worthy of a countryman of Beaumarchals 
and Le Sage. 

But these conjectures, from the manner of the author to his motives, are, 
even if well-founded, meant to give you a characteristic illustration of the situ- 



1856. J Recent French Literature. 299 

atton of things in Fi-ance with respect to the so-called religious revival. The 
book is none the less worthy of perusal. It seems written with much sacred 
and scientific erudition. The author shows himself largely conversant with 
even British controversial writings, if I may judge frou) the citations in the 
notes. Nay, American theologians are not entirely overlooked. A list of the 
main topics will give the best idea both of tlie turn and the tenor of the work. 

He maintains that the Hebrew writers — despite our notion of the Saddu- 
cces — cannot have been in ignorance of the doctrine of immortality, and un- 
dertakes to evince the reasons for the esoteric sort of my.-tery where^\-itli the 
dogma was enveloped in the most ancient of the sacred writings. In pursu- 
ance of this undertaking, he examines the conception of a future life accord- 
ing to the Pentateuch. He passes next to the Book of Job ; then to the 
books anterior to the Babylonish captivity. The ensuing chapter pursues 
the thesis along to the birth of Christ. The result of all this is shown to be 
invariable unity and originality in the Biblical doctrine on the subject ; the 
originalitij alluding to comparison with the heathen doctrine. Then follows a 
comparison of the two doctrines of immortality, the Biblical and evau'^eHcal 
t-ersus the pagan, and a conclusion of the general superiority of the former. 
He closes Part First with a description of the kingdom of heaven, adjusted to 
the hypothesis of a plurality of worlds. 

In Part Second M. Martin resumes his theme of a future world, and the 
immortality of the human soul as propounded in the Gospel. With this doc- 
trine as expounded in the Gospel, and by the Catholic Church, he then com- 
pares the pagan metempsychosis The comparison is traced in order through 
the councils and the fatliers. The writer passes aficrwards to the dogma of 
original sin, and to the successive creation of souls, fur both of which he offer? 
an explanation and an " npology," giving, doubtlo-s. to the word apology the 
special import of the ancient fathers. He does a similar double service for the 
dogma, much less knotty, of the eternity of rewards and punishments. Then, 
returning to metempsychosis, he rejudges by it philosophy, after having before 
condemned it at the theological tribunals. After this new trial, it is co- 
ordinated with Catholic doctrine and Cliristian morality, in a closing com- 
parison with science and social progress. 

Here, again, we see the Frenchman peer out soclalhj at the end, and bring 
within his ductile charity not only all the sects of religion, nor even the scep- 
tics of science, but the very Socialists tl,cni-c!vcs. lUit. after all, the bcok 
must merit the attention of religious readers. From its size, I should judge 
the price to be not more than some four francs. It may be had, with the 
others following, through Hector B-'ssnnge ct /-V/s, ."^tG Pearl-street, New York. 

I may inform you, by way of interlude, that the twelfth and last volume 
of Thiers' " History of the Consulate and Empire " has just appeared, and 
seems to be what in America you call the " book of the ser.son ;" I say, by way 
of interlude, for Thiers is a real harlequin in history, as in politics and in person. 
This by no rae:\ns excludes talent, but defines it in degree and nature, and 
characterizes it as aping with a burlesque r!cverncs5 the loftiest parK M. 
Thiers prefaces this volume with a prolerjomenous dissertation to teach the world 
the art and mystery of writing history. This is not, it seems, as wc were taught 



300 Co7respondefice. [April, 

it by tbe patrician disdain and the subtle pbilosopliy of Bolingbroke ; nor 
as it had been exemplified in the terse and truculent style of Tacitus, that 
magic lantern of the human heart, -whose every syllable reflects an image ; nor 
as set off in the flowing costume of the " pictured page " of the graceful Livy. 
No ; ^I. Thiers' receipt for ^Tiung it is, bare facts, and no style ; for tliis 
L' clearly the simple meaning of his description to this ciVect, that it should be 
such as to never call to it the notice of the reader. In other words, that its 
(character should be to have no character at all. But these are the stylo and 
i:.r.tter, not of history, but of newspapers. They are exactly those of 'M. Thiers 
himself, as might have been expected, since he never drew a precept or a 
portrait from any other, and miglit, accordingly, be defined a journalist historian. 
It is this instinct of self-portraiture that may have led him to an observation, 
the only one tltat has a tincture of freshness in his long preamble, il. Thiers, 
like all men without principles, has a vast opinion of his own practical good 
sense. This assumption consoles his class for their theoretic imbecility, and 
serves, besides, as a readier counterfeit to pass upon the multitude. Well, M. 
Thiers, no doubt intending to adorn the genius of Napoleon by the insertion 
in it of an attribute belonging to his own, has fallen on the profound truth, 
that the great distinction of the great emperor was to be Vt.'^prit le plus .«knse 
of the human race. This single stroke, as a dijj'crentia of the -genius of Na- 
poleon, is worth the libraries that have been writte.n on his character. But 
ill Tliiei-s it was accidental, or but inspired by self-conceit. 

Accordingly, the instant after, and under shelter of the concession, he 
turns to blame the same Napoleon, " the most sensible of mankind," for the 
impolicy and despotism of his government ! Is not this charming logic ? But 
it is perfectly in keeping with the mental character of M. Thiers, which, like 
liis own ideal of writing history, consists in having none at alL And yet such 
is the man to rise, and keep afloat amid conliicting billows, in certain goveru- 
raoutal forms of society. 

A work that may be reconuncnded for its subject as well as its sohdity is a 
lile of the once-celebrated Rimus. (Ramus, sa Vie, ses Ecrits et ses Oj.inions, 
par Charles WadcUngton, 1 vol., Svo.) Ramus, as you know, was the predecessor 
of Lord Bacon in the crusade against the syllogistic logic of Aristotle, or rather, 
iu reality, against its travesty by the schoolmen. For this attack he suffered 
t'.ie proscription of the French governmc'Ut, which, to its honour h<^ it said, 
Las always sustained the sounder of the two great ancients, who disputed for 
twenty centuries the education of the mind of Europe. The restless Ba- 
mus next incurred a persecution much more serious, by his religious seces- 
sion to the Huguenots. Exiled on this account, he returned secretly to 
France, and perished in the netarious massacre of St. Bartholomew. 

AVith after generations it has, however, remained a question, what was the 
motive, and who the instigator of his murder ? Some would have it, that the 
king ordered It directly; others, diat it was accomplished by a revolt of the 
students, in resentment of the attacks of their professor upon Aristotle. But 
another version gained more credit with the progress of time and light. Tliis 
attributed the murder, or, more strictl}', its instigation, to a rival prc'fessor, 



1856.] Recent French Literature. 301 

named Charpentier, who, jealous of the brilliancy and the popularity of Ra- 
mus, took occaiion of the confusion to remove an object that overshadowed 
him, and then diffused the other storie:= to mislead opinion on the subject. 
This is the view adopted by the biographer before 'tis ; and he maintains it 
Tvith a fair amount of docmnentary evidence to back the moral or intrinsic 
probability. 

M. Waddfngton does none the less, however, persevere in the old refrain. 
of making llamus the hero and martyr of j)hilosophical and religious liberty. 
But to explain the inconsistericy, and. if possible, to excuse it, it will he requi- 
site to note the origin and spirit of the undertaking. M. Waddington confesses. 
or rather announces with ostentation, that his project had proceeded from 
the famous Victor Cousin, and was conceived in those palmy days when the 
great high-priest of Eclecticism overrode the tricky weakness and the pedan- 
tic ministrj' of Louis Philippe. Cousin, who is ouvwardly an awkward and 
insidious jumble of simplicity and shrewdness, which is the habitual reflex- 
ion of a cracked and crooked intellect — Cousin, I say, congregated around 
the altar of his vanity the college witlings, aspiring to fame, the litterateurs 
looking to the Academy, the profcssoi-s in need of chairs, and the politicians 
out of place, and fed their hopes as well as minds with a philosophy no leso 
motley. Part of the tactics, as well as instinct, of the so-called philosophy 
consisted in republishing the insurrectionary writings of certain French- 
men who were reputed to have revolted, in the past, against the authority 
of religion, or philosophy, or reason. Not that the new editions, left in their 
Latin original, could be reputed to be read more generally than before. 
The inlluence of the sect insured a sale to pay tlic printing. The proSt 
to Cousin was a fresh occasion of laudation from tlio thousand chairs of the 
University, the myriad organs of the {tre^s, and the shc-.faran<s of the saloons 
of the capital. The share devolved to the retainers was the text supplied 
them by the "new work" for declamation, in all imri'jinable modes of pen and 
tongue, upon the blessings of radical liberty, the infallibility of the Ego, (that 
is to say, of each one's own Ego, all dissenting ones being absurd,) the saci-ed 
duty of resistance to all authority whatever, tfcc, \c.; and the result of which 
•was, to bi-ing up the government to " settle " with the most formidable, that is, 
flippant of the declaimers. 

Such was the political economy of Eclecticism. As a phase of the human 
mind, it would be perhaps best defined to be a .«ort of Pietism in impiety. Ac- 
cordingly, the famous founder, in the decline of his years and system, has 
turned to inditing sentimental biogra[)hies of the most notable or noble ]Mag- 
dalenes of the said sect in the seventeenth century. 

But in the palmy days alluded to. Cousin betrayed less feebly the merely 
literarj- calibre of his talent. After making a translation of Plato, (from 
Schleiermacher.) a selection whl^di again disphys the sympathy in question, 
he republished an edition, in the ilrst place, of Abelard, then a like collection 
of the works of Descartes, and was finally engaged, when Louis Philippe broke 
down under him, in collecting for the same object the prLvluctions of llamus. 
Here, abandoning the undertaking — though one could scarcely imagine why, 
•without the hints of the preceding e.-^planation — M. Cousin has, it seems, en- 



302 Correspondejice. [April, 

couraged M. WadJington, a disciple, to the present publication as a sort of 
substitute. It is no -nondcr, then, if the impulsion given by the master should 
fall Into odds -with the historical veracity of the pupil. Lut j\I. Cousin has con- 
tributed something better to the volume, in a complete catalogue of the vast 
and various protluctions of Ramus. And this great service he has also ren- 
dered by the oth-jr similar compilations. For, if men iviil only labour la-\vfully, 
the product will be always useful, despite the motives of the author, or even 
the errors of his system, the economy of providence and nature making this 
necessary. The distinction to be observed is, to assign the credit or extenua- 
tion to this great principle which transmutes vanity and quackery to things of 
value, and to strip the person of the borrowed plumage with which he has 
been decked by the public ignorance. A mass of rags upon a pole, though 
without much intrinsic value, becomes by position of real utility as a scare-crow. 

As to llamus himself, I conceive his merit also to be much exacucrated. 
His fam.e, which, like most others of the kind, is but traditional, arose, I think, 
from the occurrences of his life just alluded to. In the first place, the suspension 
of his lectures by the government; then his change of religion, and expulsion 
from the kingdom ; and finally, and above all, the catastrophe of his death. 
It was his death, more than his life, that made Socrates, too, immortal. Not 
only is the French sufTorer esteemed a martyr to the same cause ; he was, 
moreover, intertwisted v.-ith two other parties of the country, who retained, 
for a long time after, a factious motive of commemoration. Add to these 
things an eruditiou that was eminent lor that age, and an eloquence that v.-ould 
be honoured in our own, and you have the halo that w;is ditJ'used around liis 
weaknesses and his nnsfortunes t^om the popular imagination, by the spurious 
name of genius. 

I can speak in this respect with entire confidence of Ramus. I have 
recently had an occasion to examine liis works; a predicament not perhaps 
common to all the critics who talk of Ramus. I am astonished at his 
utter destitution, not of all theory, which, I presume, he could not have pos- 
sessed of his own ; but of bold, empirical innovation, for which I always had 
seen him celebrated. His objections to Aristotle arc for the most part })e- 
dantic carping?, which he steals the means of making from other writings 
of the author nil^blcd at ; a mode of warfare also followed by another sound- 
ing name, which, though less empty than that of Ramus, is due a good deal to 
the like intlation. The only novelty of the J'ronch reiormer lies in his prin- 
ciples of division. As Aristode preterred the triad, for which the Frenchman 
perceived no reason, the latter deemed it a safe distinction to take the blvary 
distribution, which he has pushed through all the sciences, arts, mysteries, 
and even some languages, with an extravagant distortion of all nature, truth, 
and history. This tortuosity is best detected in the application to geometry, 
of which the nature is more palpable and the conception more precise, and 
wherein the trinary division had prevailed spontaneously throughout. But 
though this unmasked him and his system to the more intelligent of his day, 
yet the gaudy display of his whole Ibunt of "genealogical trees" of science 
"was well adapted to impose upon such savants as ^f. Cousin. 

On the other hand, what has astonished me no less in Ramus than his in- 



1856,], Recent French Literature. 303 

anity, is the strange elegance of his Latinity and the graceful freedom of hii 
style. There is no doubt that these accomplishments, wherein, in fact, he 
scarcely yielded to the Italian " Ciceroiiians " of Leo X., went also largely to 
the construction of his temporary reputation. But what surjtrised me above 
all was to find the iromj of the Frenchman in full maturity an entire century 
before Pascal; not, to be sure, that intense irony which seems to mitigate bv 
self-amusement the ebullition of the fierce intellect and indiijfnation of the 
great ascetic. The irony of Ramus is much more national, without resent- 
ment, without conviction, and intended mainly, it would seem, for show. 
For instance, his objections to Aristotle are never open. They are regularly 
made -svith an accompanying apology. At one time it is the schoolmen that 
have mistaken the great master; anon, it is the old scholiasts that must have 
tampered with the text. Again, it is some careless copyist that doubtless muti- 
lated an expression which had been perfect in sense and science in the original ; 
another time, it is a whole treatise that must infaUlbly be supposititious, as the 
prince of all philoso^^hers could not have written such downright nonsense, &c. 

It may be said that the necessity of this manoeuvring has been attested by 
the rebuke received by Ramus, notwithstanding ; and I should say so too, 
were there a specious cfibrt to disguise. But the pretended extenuations are 
so puerilely transparent that they could not jtossibly have been expected to 
deceive. Indeed, their great defect of art is to seek too little to conceal it; 
and, on the contrary, to be pedantically anxious to parade wit. And yet you 
cannot call the thing pedantic, for your lite. The irony of a pedant has alwavs 
bile as well as ponderosity ; and that of Ramus is all millc and mansuetude ; 
a sort of lemonade of the confectionary of criticism. It is strikinijly charac- 
teristic of his nation and his race. So are equally the combined petulance, 
presumption, and superciliousness that stimulated his attacks upon Aristotle, 
as well as also the redeeming qualities of grace, eloquence, and method. 

I have now to enlertiln at once the lay and medical of your readers, who 
may be interested in the popular subject of Homoeopathy. A consistory of 
these new lights met last summer at Bordeaux, paraded reports, declaimed 
speeches, (which is no more than you can do in America,) but vround up with 
the French addition of a sumptuous ban(juet, " in honour of Hahnemann." 
This was done with so much eclat that it roused the ire of the old practition- 
ers. A champion of the latter, ]\I. I'. A. Manec, ancien profrsseur, &c., an- 
cien chintrr/icn, &r., comes forth in consoijuonce with a {vlAi onslaught of 
some three hundred furious pages, entitled Lcllre.^ sur VHoiuccopalhie, ou Ref- 
utation complete de cette methodc curative. (Letters on Homoeopathy, or a 
complete Refutation of that curative mtlhixl.) 

I have called the onslaught fresli, alluding chiefly to the publication, for the 
arguments, as far as I had time to read, appeared scarcely new. The abusive- 
ness appeared to me more novel in a 1 ronch writer. It is prefaced by the 
following motto from an eminent French physician : " Homoeopathy is a 
medical system, which proceeds on the unknown, which proposes to itself the 
impossible, and v/hich produces but mi-chiet'." This, you see, is an ominous 
prelude. I pass at once to the conclusion, to convey as succinctly as possible 
some general conception of the strain and value of the work. 



\ 

304 Correspondence. [April, 

The author, before proceeding to the task of sununing up, takes the precau- 
tion to protest that he doijs not intend to deny absolutely all truth to the sect 
■who follow the maxim siinilia simillbus ; he only claims more truth for the con- 
flicting rule of contraries ; which is not, perhaps, very logical at bottom. But all 
the practical applications of the JIonuEopathist j he finds absurd. He concludes 
then against them in substance as follows : That maladies are not, as Hahn- 
emann will have it, inmiaterial essences ; for if so, material medicines could 
have no action upon them. (This, I think, is a decided non sequif.ur.) That 
maladits are not to be regarded as consisting of the mere external group of 
symptoms, but as the result of a deeper cause ; -which lurking cause, and not 
the symptoms, is what the physician should aim to extirpate. That to make 
each case a different malady, requiring special treatment, would be to do away 
" with all experience " — (a proposition which, though partly true, is generally 
awkward as an argument, since, on the coutrary, it is experience that thus in- 
clines to individualizing.) That the division of chronic maladies by the Homce- 
opaths Is arbitrary; consequently, that the curative system thence deduced 
must be defective practically. That the alleged similarity between the pathog- 
enetic and the pathologic systems can never be complete ; consequently, that 
the principle of <<im'ilia simillbus can never be anything but words — (the 
simpler rea<ler mav require to know, that th.e pathogenetic system means the 
process whereby Homoeopathists produce or generate malady; or a set of 
symptoms resembling those presented by the illness to be cured, and that 
the putLologic system is the learned term for the latter.) Our author pro- 
ceeds to sum up, that tlio dilutions of the HomcTiopathists must in the last 
degree transcend the lowc.-t atomic divisibility ; consequently, that the medi- 
cal efuclcacy must be null. That Honv-Kopathlsts arc inconsistent, seeing 
that tlieir principle demands a specific for every distinct case of illness to 
which the human Uesh is heir, whereas they have but twenty or thirty in 
their vrholc materia medica. That the method which pretends to cure a cer- 
tain order of diseases by inoculation with the same virus, or the tape-worm 
by the tape-worm, and which is termed Isopathy, is " Homojopathy run 
mad ;" (and yet a treatise of two large volumes appeared some time ago in 
this city, filled with cases of alleged cures upon the former of these '"insane" 
princq)lcs.) That, in a word, " the Ilahnemannic doctrine reposes upon false 
assertions, and upon principles that are absurd, ridiculous, and contradictory." 

This literal version will give a taste of the Fronch aiycnity of the writer. 
He admits, however, that there may be " some honest persons in the practice 
of this molecular and cloudy issue from the dream-land of Teutonism ; but 
that, in general, it is the refuge of mountebanks and scoundrels." I must 
protest against the truth as well iis form of this invective, in the name of 
our own republic, where Homoeopathy is in large repute. Besides the tcii- 
timony of this experience, T think the author is scarcely competent to sit in 
philosophic judgment upon either Allopathy or Homoeopathy. But this is not 
the place to discuss a question of that nature. I conclude with notifying the 
reader that the foregoing scries of assertions arc attempted to be duly proved 
throuiihout the bodv of the work. 



1856.] Higher Education in Germany. 305 



n. HIGHER EDUCATION IN GERM AXT. r*" ' ■'^- 

Bepo-ix, November 27th, 1855. 
Mr. Editor, — The UniTersities of Germany have probably a more ex- 
tended influence than those of any other country. Unlike the renowned 
institutions at Cambridge and Oxford, they arc closed to no class of the com- 
munity; and they are freely open, also, to citizens of all other countries. But 
not only are they thus accessible to all, as arc the colloges of our own land, 
but a much larger proportion of the iiopuhition avail themselves of the advan- 
tages they oiler. Every profesaional man must pass his examination upon the 
studies of the University; and no theologian would be permitted to preach, no 
lawyer to plead, no physician to practise, no engineer to build roads, unless he 
had his certificate in his pocket that it had been passed sati-factorily. It is the 
only way in which to become a teacher in the gymnasia, (or state schools.) or 
to reach a professorship in the Univer.-^ity. Thus the whole educated commu- 
nity are broucrht under the inlluence of the Universities, and the " gebildete" 
(that is, educated) are spoken of and referred to as a distinct class in the 
community. The arrangements of the universities are, for the most part, 
admirable, tending to produce thoroughness in the student, and to secure for 
him tlie best jx)ssible instruction. 

The Gymnasia may be considered component parts of the University ; they 
are, in fact, its necessary presupposition. No student (that Is, German student) 
can attend University lectures until he has pas.-ed the examiuatlcn of the 
gymnasia ; this is his ticket of admission. The coui-se in the gymnasium is 
nine years, though this period may be sliortened by entering an advanced 
class. It is not usual, however, to do this. No boy is admitted younger than 
nine years of age, and he is expected at the first to possess the common rudi- 
ments of German education, and a little knowledge of Latin. During the 
nine years' course he is carefully instructed in Latin, Greek, the elements of 
mathematics, and history ; usually, also, in the French and English lan- 
guages; and, besides, if he is to study theology, in Hebrew. During so long 
a course, he learns thorougU'j what he Is taught. When he euter> the Uni- 
versity he can write and speak Latin with tolerable correctness and facility. 
Indeed, nnnv of the recitations of the hijh'T classc-s In the gymnajla are con- 
ducted entirely In Latin. Greek is read with ca<e; and, in fact, with all -the 
languages, the difficulty of translation is past They are tools ready to be 
used in theology, for the purposes of exegesis, and in philology for the higher 
criticism of the text, style, &c., of the classic authors. In fact, the universities 
correspond more to our professional scho<jls tlian to our colleges, though they 
embrace departments which scarcely cxi.'t as yet among u.s. 

"Wlien the student matriculates at tlie University, his school days are past ; 
he is now cn':racrcd In prcjiarlng ilirectly for his I'uturc oniplovmcnt In lite. lie 
is under no system of espionage ; he can study or not, as suits him; can attend 
the lectures he pays for or not ; and so, at first, he is apt to be lazy, and the 
first semester (lialf year) is usually a reaction against the strict discipline of the 



306 Correspondence. [April, 

gj-mnasium. But this state is only transitory. The fact stares the student in 
the face that so many courses of lectures arc to be heard ; and that, unless he 
passes a good examination upon them, all chances for success in life are lost. 
So the fox (as the freshmen are called here) stops frisking his tail by the end 
of the first semester, and turns with alacrity to his work. 

Most of his instruction consists in lectures delivered on the various subjects 
in his department. Besides these, there is in most departments what is called 
a '■'■seminar" a meeting of a certain number of students with the professors 
once or twice a week, for the discu?sion of particular topics. In the philologi- 
cal department these are always conducted in Latin, and consist of the discus- 
sion of the purity of text of a writer, or a disquisition on a tragedy, or some- 
thing of thekind. An essay is usually read by one member ; the others then 
discuss what he has said, and the professor sums up the argument, and gives 
his own opinion. Every one speaks in Latin, and is immediately corrected if 
he make a mistake. In l'hilosoj)hy and Theology there is the same routine ; 
save that in discussions on homiletics or dogmatics, German is spoken. The 
exegetlcal seminar is held in Latin. The student must spend three years in 
this manner, and must hear lectures in all the branches of his profession. He 
may prolong his course, if he chooses; but at the end of the sixth semester he 
may pass his examination. A theological student, if he wish to become a pas- 
tor, is not examined at the University, but by a council appointed by the king 
for the purpose, consisting of theological professors and pastors. If he wishes 
to teach, however, he must also be examined at the University. In most 
cases the students try to take the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, which term 
comprehends all departments. You are to be examined on a certain list of 
subjects; but you can make any one of them the c/M"e/one,on which you are 
expected to be very thorough, and on which your success principally depends. 

If, in addition to this, one wishes to teach in the University, with the prospect 
of becoming a professor, he writes a treatise in Latin upon some subject in his 
department, and holds a public discussion also in Latin upon it, with three 
opponents appointed by the faculty. The professors attend in their robes of 
oflice, and the candidate argues in white gloves and cravat, for it is quite a 
state affair. After it is over he receives the clasp of the hand, the open and 
shut books, the ring of oflice, and the oflicial kiss; and is, moreover, smothered 
with Latin praises from the dean of the faculty. He then has permission to 
read lectures, but receives no compensation from the institution, depending 
on the number of students who hear him for his support. At first this is 
small, but if he is a man of ability and learning his students increase in num- 
ber, and when he has published a good book on some subject he is promoted 
to be Professor Extraordinary, with a suiall salary from the government. In 
consideration of this he has to read a 'public (or free) lecture once or twice a 
week. If he comes to be at all distinguished, he is, after some years, made 
Proffssor Ordinary, with a larger salary. His chief support, however, at all 
times comes from the students who hear him; each of whom pays about four 
dollars for each course of lectures, except, of course, two /juWic lectures, which 
are free to all. Neither the Privat Docent (the licensed lecturer) nor any 
of the professors have the subjects assigned in which they shall read. Of 



1856.] Higher Education in Germany. S07 

course they must read in their department ; but they may choose any branch 
of it they may see fit This, one mviht at first think, would cause confusion ; 
but it is soon seen to be an admirable arrangement. If two or more professors 
read on the same subject, the students are not slow in finding out which is the 
ablest, and the inferior ones are soon left to read to empty benches. A pro- 
fessor thus deserted will then take up another subject ; and, if he is an able 
man, will soon have a full lecture-room to hear his ethics or exegesis, though 
his dogmatics had emptied it. Thus the students arc sure to have every man's 
best offered to them in his lectures ; and the professor is not obliged to read on 
one subject while his heart is fixed on another. The number of subjects is 
thus very much varied. In Churcli History, for instance, one lecturer may 
read on the History of Doctrines ; another on External Church History ; 
another on tlie Gnostics ; or on the history of a particular doctrine, such as 
the Trinity, the sacraments, &c. In the cxcgctical department one may read 
on prophecy ; another on the ^Mosaic record ; another may expound the 
Psalms: all subjects requiring men of a somewhat ditl'erent character. To 
have such a system, a great number of professors is required, and a great 
number of students too to support them. The instruction by lectures, more- 
over, presupposes a thorough discipline of mind, and habits of study already 
formed in the student : it requires, also, to make it effective, the prospect ahead 
of a severe examination in the lectures. But where these conditions exist, it 
must result in giving a fullness of inlbrmation, and a thoroughness of culture, 
that could not be attained in any other way. 

Of all the Prussian universities, the one at Berlin is the chief. The number 
of its profesiors and students is by far tlie largest, and it excels also iu the si^e 
of its library, and the richne.-s of its collections and museums. A somewhat 
special account of the University itself may not bo without interest to your 
readers. 

The University building is a large and finely-proportioned pile ; forming 
three sides of a hollow square. The court-yard thus formed opens upon the 
street called " Unter den Linden." One wing of the building faces the opera- 
house ; the other faces the Prince of Prussia's palace, and the magnificent 
bronze monument to Frederic the Great. This building is entirely used for 
■lecture-rooms, and the various scientitic collections of the institution. The 
students room where they please in the town, the University exercising no 
oversight over thoui save thron.di the Univer.-ity police. These lecture- rooms, 
•which are of all sizes, to suit the distinguished or undistinguished protessors, 
are very plain, having unpaintcd seats and desks, and a desk in similar style 
for the lecturer. The aula, where the public e,\ercises of conferring degrees, 
awarding premiums, &c., take place, is very handsome and spacious. 

The number of students is ordinarily absut fifteen hundred ; but many hear 
lectures who are not matriculated, and the number of these attending lectures 
is about two thousar.d. This is about the number at Munich and Vienna. As 
the catalogue for this year has not yet appeared, I cannot give the number of 
students in each department Tlio students of theolo^zy, however, are the 
least numerous, the theological faculty not being so distinguished here as in 
Halle and other places. 



308 Correspondence. [April, 

There are iq all departments ninety professors and sixty-four privat do- 
cents. Of these there ai-e in theology, Jive ordinary and Jive extraordinary 
professors, and/bur privat docents; in laic, eight ordinary and /o!(r extraordi- 
nary professors, and three privat docents ; in medicine, eleven ordinary and seven 
extraordinary professors, and twenty-two privat docents ; and in the compre- 
hensive department o( phil.usophg,twentg-Jiue ordinary and ticenty-fice extraor- 
dinary prot'essors, and tlurtij-fve privat docents. Besides these tliere are tiro 
lecturers, -whose title is "Acadcmias Regia; Litter. Sodalis," five lecturers on 
tlie modem languages and literature, not included in the philosophical fac- 
ulty, and instructoi-s in fencing, gymnastics, leaping, and riding. So, taken 
together, there arc one hundred and sixty-four instructors in the various de- 
partments. 

The subjects treated arc. of course, very various. As an illustration of the 
variety and number of topics rot usually considered with us, let me quote a few 
of the lectures in the theological department: Thus, Professor Hengstenberg 
reads a public lecture on " the History of the Jews from the Time of tlie Exile ;" 
Professor Xitzsch reads on " CatechetiL;" or ihc mode and uses of teachin"- 
the Catechism. Then there are lectures on the "Ancient Semitic Geography;" 
" The Method and Encyclopedia of Theological Study ;" " TJie Syriac and 
Semitic Languages ;" " The Intluence of Philosophy, since tlie Time of Spi- 
noza, upon the Chi-istian Keligion and Theology." Dr. Erdmann reads on 
'■'Patristic," or the lives, works, and doctrines of the Church fathers; 
Licentiate Schneider on the " History of Ecclesiastical Poetry ;" others on 
" Symbolik," or the history of confessions and creeds, while the " History of 
Doctrines," beginning now (o be somewhat considered by us at home, is a 
branch very widely cultivated. 

But it would be tedious to go thus through the various departments. Suf- 
fice it to say, that almost all branches are carefully treated even in their mi- 
nutiaj. Indeed, the division of labour is as remarkable here as it is in our fac- 
tories where machinery has been extensively introduced. I will, however, 
give some explanation of the philosophical faculty; for, from its name, it would 
not be generally understood among us. 

The philosophical department, then, includes all those subjects which can- 
not come under the other departments, and which can be philosophically treat- 
ed. Thus, history, philology, and the natural sciences are comprehended in 
it, as well as philosophy proper. This faculty in Berlin includes a great many 
of the most distinguished men belonging to the University. For instance, 
Bekker and Boeckh, the distinguished Greek editors ; Lepsius, who may be said 
to be to Egvpt what Niebuhr Avas to Rome; llanke and Yon llaumer, the 
celebrated historians; Carl Ritlcr, the gi-eat geographer; Haupt, the Latin 
professor; Trendelenherg, so distinguished for his philosophical writings: Kie- 
pert, the author of the historical maps ; ^Lichclet, the Hegelian philosopher, 
and others. 

It is quite bewildering, and positively amusing, at times, to sec the topics 
which are treated of. Not only are there lectures on the various works of the 
classic authors of Greece and Home, but numerous individuals hold thcniselves 
ready (mind, I do not say read) to read in Chaldce, Sanscrit, Persian, and the 



1856.] Foreign Correspondence. 309 

Zend. One adventurous doctor has a " Privatissime " on Arabic, Kabbinical 
Hebrew, S\Tlac, and Etliiopic ; -wliilc another has the same on the Polish, 
Bohemian, Russian, and Servian tongues. Tlie Coptic is, of course, not 
neglected ; and even Turkish and Chinese have tlieir devotees. Not only 
does Dr. Boettichcr describe the Atlienian Acropolis at the period of its glorv, 
but his companion in arms is equally learned on the " geography of Egypt at 
the time of the Pharaohs." 

But if some of this erudition is calculated to excite a smile, there is much 
•n-hich awakens a deep interest, and a longing that similar branches might ba 
establLshed among us. Thus, lectures on the *' lli.-jtory of Philosophy,"' so 
numerous here, do not exist in our colleges, important and interesting as the 
subject is. In fact, the v;hole historical spirit here is something we ought to 
import as soon as possible. The idea, started by the modern Gei-man philoso- 
phy, of viewing history as a development, which, too, has happily davrncd oa 
some minds in our own land, has given a now spirit to all branches of learn- 
ing. It has extended not only to political and moral history, but to the history 
of art, of languages, and of mannei-s. It has awakened a deep interest in these 
subjects, and breathed a new life into the method of treating them ; and, conse- 
quently, we find that almost eveiy subject is treated by some one historically. 
Thus there are lectures on the history of art, of modern and ancient literature, 
and Professor Bitter reads on the history of geography. It is imnecessary to 
remark, that to rightly understand a subject, we must view it in its connex- 
ions ; and if it be so, how important is this historical training ? There are 
other lectures more closely related to these historical oucs, which are of the 
gi'catest service : I refer to those on I'ncyclopcdia. These are the fu-st 
lecturer which a student takes in his department, and they are intended to 
give him a general view of the province he is entering. Thus there are lec- 
tures on Theological Encyclopedia, Philosojihical Encyclopedia, &c., &c., in 
which the departments are mapped out befoi'c the student ii\to their appro- 
priate divisions and subdivisions, and the best books in each department men- 
tioned and criticised. In foct, no word is more common among German stu- 
dents than " orlentircn." It is owing to this systematic training as much as 
to any other one thinir, that the G erman scholars arc enabled to accomplish so 
much. AMien a young man commences to make investigations for hunself, he 
knows what has already been accomplished in his dejjartment, and so he can 
start from the point wliirh has boon atiahiod, and may n-.ake use of previous 
labours instead of groping in the dark, uncertain as to what has been done, 
and, consequently as to what needs doing. C. C. T. 



310 . Short Reviews and Notices of Books. [April, 



Art. X.— SPIOKT RE\^EWS AND NOTICES OF BOOKS. 

It is of greatest concernment in the Church and Commonwealth to have a vigilant 
eye how books demean themselves as ■well as men, anj thereafter to confine, 
imprison, and do sharpest justice on them as malefactors ; for books are net abso- 
lutely dead things, but do contain a potency of life in them to be as active as that 
soul was whose progeny they are. — Milton. 

(1.) " Tlie Tesilmonij of an Escaped Novico from th.c Sisterhood of St. Jo~eph, 
by JosKi-HrxE M. Bun'klf.y." (New- York : IlarfKir & Brother?, 1855 : 1 2mo., 
pp. 338.) This book, unlike many of similar character, carries conviction of 
its truth along with it to the mind of the reader. It gives a fair account of the 
convent at Emmetsburgh, of its discipline, and of the results of the system 
upon the physical and moral health of the inmates of the institution. The 
instruments of Rome arc the same, in substance, everywhere — appeals to the 
senses and to the imagination, to the fears and the desires of our poor 
human nature; and Miss Bunkley shows that these means are used with as 
much strictness and severity in American convents now, as in European clois- 
ters centuries ago, making allowance for the differences of time and country. 



(2.) ^'■Modern Pilgrims: ahowing the Improvements in Travel and the netrest 
Methods of reaching the Celedial Cihj, by Georgk 'Wood." (Boston: Phil- 
lips, Sampson, & Co., 1855; 2 vols. 12mo.) The title reveals in this book an 
imitation of Dunyan ; but, after all possible allowance on the score of the dif- 
ference of times and of topics, it is a very poor imitation. There are thrusts 
at every form of Christianity now extant among men ; not the sharp sabre-cuts 
of genuine wit, but rough, butchering blows, which often do execution, but in 
a very rude v.-ay. The author seems to favour the Baptists more than auv 
other modern sect ; the rest, especially the Methodists, are generally caricatured. 



(3.) Messus. Carlton & Phillips have reprinted •' The Preacher's Manual: 
including Clnrl:e''s Clavis Biblica, and Letter to a Preacher, tcith Cole's Four 
Dbcourses on the Duties of a Minister of the Gospel." (New-York: 1855; 
12mo., pp. 235.) The separate treatises contained in this volume have had a 
long career of ti-ofulncss; and. In their collected furni, they are wortbv to be- 
come a " manual" for candidates for the ministry. 



(4.) JIessks. Harper & BROTnER3 have republished " The Worlcs of Charles 
TMmb, tcith a Sketch of hl-i Life, by T. N. Talkourd." New- York: 1S55; 
2 vols. 12mo.) The editing of Lamb's letters and the preparation of his 
biography could have fallen into no more worthy hands than those of Mr. 
Sergeant Talfourd, himself so soon (alas!) to need the same kind ser\iccs and 
not hkely to find so apt and so genial a biographer. In the present reprint 
the life, the letters, and the "Final Memorials" of Lamb occupy the first 
volume ; the second contains the essays, talcs, and poems cf " the frolic and the 
gentle" Ella. 



185G.] Short Revieivs and Notices of Books. 311 

(5.) " TTie LiDcs of the British Hictorians, by Ettgexe Lawrence." (New- 
York : C. Scribner, 1855; 2 vols. 12dio.) Thi-^ book contains biographies 
of many men whose only bond of connexion is tlie common fact of their 
writing history. Yet this one bond is enough to afford ample opportunity for 
useful comparison and discrimination on the part of a capable writer. Mr. 
Lawrence has conceived the plan of his book well, and has executed it, on the 
■whole, in a very satistactory manner. The sketches of Burnet and Gibbon 
strike us as particularly well done. 



(6.) ^'An Outline of the General Principles of Graininar, edited by the Rev. 
J. G. Barton." (New- York: Harper and IJrothcrs, lbo5^ ISmo., pp. 155.) 
This is a reprint of a very excellent little En2li--h treatise on Grammar, and is 
of far more value than most of the larger books of the kind now in the hands 
of school-boys. The American cJitor has added a set of questions, adapting 
the book more perfectly to use in the class-nx)m. 



(7.) ^'Napoleon at St. Helena; or, interesting Anecdotes and remarkalle Con- 
versations of the Emperor duri7ig the five and a half years of his Captivity, 
collected hj John S. C. Abbott." (New- York: Harper & Brothers, 1855; 
8vo., pp. C62.) We regard this book as a far more truthful and useful one 
thanlMr. Abbott's recent "Life of Napoleon." !Mr. Abbott has here compiled, 
with much skill and judgment, the most interesting and characteristic portions 
of the St. Helena memorials of Las Casas, O'Meara, ^lontholon, and others, 
and arranged the whole under the form of a ckiily journal. The book thus 
affords a record of the coiicluding pjrtion of Napoleon's life, which approxi- 
mates BosweU's Johnson in minuteness of detail. As the books of which the 
present work Is made up are mostly out of print, it will be very acceptable to 
a large class of readers. 



(8.) iVli;5sn>. Haiipet: & I^uotiikrs have issued a new and revised edition 
of " The English Language in its Elements and Eorins, by "W. L. Fowlkr, late 
Professor of Rhetoric in Amherst College." (New- York : 1855 ; Svo., pp. 754.) 
In this revised edition there is a large amount of new matter, and exercises in 
Analysis and Synthesis are given, which adapt the book still better for use 
in teaching. In its present shape the book contains a larger amount of valuable 
information with regard to the origin and structtire of the English language 
than anv single book now accessible to American students. 



(9.) Jacou Abt.ott's popularity with tlio children of this generation is un- 
limited. Accordingly, there is no doubt of the success of a republication of his 
"Rollo Books," of which scries we have received '■'Hollo in Scotland." Bos- 
ton: W. J. Reynolds & Co., 1S5C; r2mo., pp. 218.) Additional volumes are 
preparing in continuation of" Hollo's Tour in Europe." 



(10.) We have received the ;i!>i,'^ vohmie of " The Works of Shckspcare, 
edited bij the Rev. 11. N. Ilunsox, A. M." (Boston: James !Munroe & Co., 
185G; 12mo., pp. 579.) Two more volumes will complete the issue of this 
best and most convenient edition of Shakspeare yet published in this country. 



312 Short Reviews and Notices of Books. [April, 

(11.) ".4 Child's History of the United Stales, by JoHX Bonxeu," (New- 
York: Harper & Brotbers. 1855; 2 vols. 18mo.,) is not unwortby to be com- 
pared, in some respect, with Dickens's " Cliikl's History of Engkmd." We 
should rei.-ouuuend it more cordially but for its free-trade doctrines, and its low 
tone on the subject of slavery extension. 



(12.) ''The World's Jubilee, by .IxxA Silliman," (Xew-York: M.W.Dodd, 
1856; 13mo., pp. 343,) belongs to a class of bo<>ks (on the Advent) that we 
have given over reading. "We have only glanced at the book sufficiently to 
see that its main object appears to be to show that the earth will be the lunire 
abode of the glorified saints. 



(13.) "A Jiew Flower for Children," by L. Makia Chili>," (New- York: 
C. S. Francis &; Co., 185G ; ISmo., pp. 311,) contains a series of \eiy beautiful 
and instructive stories. Mrs. Child has a peculiar gift in this line of writing; 
and this little book is one of her best. 



(14.) ''Cm-roll Ashton ; or, the Reward of Truthfulness," (Philadelphia: 
American Baptist Publication Society.) is an excellent little story, showing 
how a good boy, who suffered for a long time on a flilse imputation of theft, 
was finally and completely vindicated. It may be put without fear into the 
hands of children. 



(15.) The publication of '-Harper's Classical Library" has gone on, since 
ourlast, with rapidity and promptitude. " Tkucydides, translated by the 
Kov. Uexky Dale, ]M. A., (12mo., pp. 594,) is from the text of Arnold, col- 
lated with Bekker and others. The version is more literal than readable. 
"Sophocles" (12mo., pp. 339) is given in the standard Oxford translation, 
revised by Mr. Buckley. "■ Herodotus, edited by Hexry Carv, M. A.," 
(12mo., pp. 613,) is a literal version from the text of Baehr, and is furnished 
with geographical and general Index. 

(16.) " The Wonderful Phiah, and other Stories," (New-York: M. W. Dodd; 
18mo., pp. 323,) is a collection of beautiful talcs from the French. Some of 
them are tender and touchlnir to a rare dec;rce. 



(17.) " The Skeptical Era in Modern History, by T. M. Post." (New- York: 

C. Scrlbuer, 1856 ; 12mo., pp. 2C4.) The author of this book is, we believe, a 
Congregatlonalist minister at St. Louis. In the present treatise he aim?, first, 
to show the nature and extent of the " defection of faith that marked the 
eighteenth century ;" and, secondly, to consider its causes. The result of his 
investigation is, that the /b/i*- tt orirjo malorum — the cause of causes for ni>>lern 
infidelity — 1? to be found in despotism, secular and spiritual, but cpocially the 
latter. His cxi)osItIoa of tlie subject is throughout clear and comprehensive; 
and the argument, or rather cumulation of arguments, by which he presses all 
the enormous evils of the eclipse of faith back upon the Church of Rome, is 



1856.3 Short Reviews and Notices of Books. 313 

powerful, as well from its method as from its truthfulness. The work affords 
a much-needed rebuke to the absurd Humanist charge — in which many silly 
Protestants have acquiesced — that the freedom of thought brought in by the 
Keformation has given rise to modern scepticism. ^Ir. Post writes with 
uncommon vigour and Ibrce ; and his present work is an admirable contribu- 
tion to the culture of the voung men of this ceneration. 



(18.) "One Word more : an Appeal lo the reasoning and thourjhlfiU nviong Un- 
hdicvcr^, by Joiix Xeal." (New-York : M. W. Dodd, IS.jO : r2mo., pp. 220.) 
The peculiar characteristics of John Xeal's mind are displayed here in a new 
field — the enforcement of practical religious truth. The book consists of brief 
essays — argmnentative, didactic, and hortatory — upon I\liracles, Faith, Prayer, 
Conversion, and other topics. The most striking j'apci-s in the collection are 
those on ''Faith" and on " Univcrsalism;" and in this last, the author, who 
was himself a Universalist, shows how his views came to be rectified, and piolnts 
out a line of conduct and of argument in dealing with Universalists which 
orthodox teachers would do well to adopt. 



(19.) '■'■Essays, Educational and Relujions, by E. Thompson, LL. D., Presi- 
dent of Ohio Weslcyan University." (Cincinnati: Methodist Book Concern, 
1855; 12mo., pp. 392.) This series of essjiys forms the first volume of a col- 
lection of Dr. Thompson's " '\^''ork?," made by the Kw. E. D. Koo, i\I. D., with 
the author's consent. The " Educational Essays" include topics in the various 
branches of triiining — mental, moral, and i>hysical-rrall of v.diich are treated 
with the acute discrimination that marks Dr. Thompson's thinking, and with 
the clearness and method which arc characteristic of his writings. The 
"Keligious Essays" contain several disrotirsos of great merit — especially two 
on "Missions," which we should be glad to see puljlishcd as tracts and widely 
scattered. "We shall await, with great interest, the additional volumes promised 
by Dr. Roe. 

(20.) " Systematic Beneficence : three prize Essays." (New-York : Carlton & 
Phillips, 1856; ISmo.) Some time since the Tract Society of the Methodist 
Episcopal Church oflercd a prize of six hundred dollars, to be given, "at the 
discretion of the adjuilicators, in one sum. or, -lir.iild three essays be selected, in 
sums of three hundred, two hundred, and one hundred dollars respectively." 
The present volume contains the essays to which the prizes have been awarded. 
The first is entitled '-The Great Reform, by Ahkf. Stevens." (ISmo., pp. 
126.) The title very well indicates the jx;intof view from which ZMr. Stevens 
regards the subject. lie divides his o-^sjiv into four parts : I. The importance 
of the subject; IT. The present standard y>i beneficence in the Church; 
III. The true standard of Cliristian beneficence; IV. The results that would 
follow the adoption of the true standard. Each of these hoatls is well wrought 
out; but we consider the third as by far the most important and valuable. Its 
points are, (1) that Christian beneficence is a duly, and should be a habit; 
(2) that the Scriptures set forth the duty, xli limits and its methods; and (S) 

fouRTH Seriks, Vol. Vrn.— 20 



314 SJwrt Rcvietus and Notices of Books. [April, 

that tlic Church can and 7nust come up to the standard. It hardly appears to 
us possible tluit any Christian nian can read this essay ■with thought and 
prayer, and not at once dctennine to take his part in the "great reform" of 
which the Church is so signally in need. 

The title of the second essay, again, clearly indicates another point of view — 
" T/ie Great Question ; or, how ahall I iiK'.Lt the Clauiis of God upon my PropCTty^ 
by the Rev. L. Wuitk." (ISmo., pp. 234.) i\Ir. White grasps his subject 
strongly, and presses the duty of proportional and periodical giving upon the 
consciences of his readers with great force. Ilis appeals rest upon a Scriptural 
basis throughout; though we must disagree with his entbrcement of the rule in 
1 Cor. xvi, 2. llis chaj)ter on the duty of the ministry has some passages 
which sti-ike us as very strange : e. ff., that the " idea is now extensively enter- 
tained in the Churches that ministers are, ex officio, excused from ginng." 
Certainly, in all our expfricnce we have never heard of this before; and in 
the central region of American Methodism it has long been the habit, we 
think, of the ministers to lead their people in Christian beneficence. AVe con- 
sider tlie entire essay, however, to be eminently adapted to stir up the con- 
sciences both of ministers and jK'opIe, and hope it will be widely circulated — 
a result which would be surer if it were cut down to half its present dimensions. 

The third essay is also distinct from the others in its point of view : '■'■Prop- 
erty Consecrated ; or, Honouriny Go<l with our Substance, by the Rev. B. St. J. 
Fky." (18mo., pp. 127.) The points in this essay are, (1) the will of God In rela- 
tion to property, and (2) the temporal and spiritual advantages arising from a 
right use of property. These points are developed in ten chapters, each of 
which treats on subdlvliions of one or the other of the general topics. ]\Ir. 
Frj-'s style is good and concise, his argument is clear and cogent, and his appli- 
cation full of force and pungency. From the circulation of this and the other 
essays, we hope for a nev: thfory and practice of benevolence in the Church. 
And may God speed the day. 



(21.) " 17iC Ecclesiastical Princijil'S arid Polity of the Wesleyan Methodhts, 
by William Peiiice." (L<)n<lon: Hamilton. Adams, & Co.; royal 8vo., pp. 
668.) This work professes to give a full and "impartial" account of all the 
ordinances, institutions, lav.s, regulations, and general economy of the AYes- 
leyan Methodists in England, carefully compiled '• from jMr. Wesley's Journal, 
the Minutes, and otlier scarce and authi otic records, from the earliest period 
to the present time." The compiler aiuis, he tells us, not to sit in iud'^ment on 
the laws of Jlethodism, but to give them in their integrity. He has certainly 
produced a book of great value to all who are interested in the study of 
Methodism, whether as friends or foes. The information sathered into this lar^e 
volume would have to be searched for through a multitude of publications, 
many of them difilcult of access; so that, as a rej)ositor)' of Methodist facts, the 
work must be acceptable to all who wish to learn what ilethodlsm is, and how 
she has come to be what she is. But we arc inclined to think that the com- 
piler, with all his gcwd intentions, has deceived himself a little v,uh reizard to 
the absolut4i "impart'udlty " of bis labours, l^ven from his preface we can 
gather that it must have cost him an elFort even to attempt the holding of an 



1856.] Short Reviews and Notices of Books. 315 

even balance. He speaks — in somewhat clumsy phrase — of " the opposite 
adjudications of the pastorate, which so ominously disfigure the commencement 
of the second cenuiry of the Wesleyan chronology ;" of the '• mystery of expul- 
sion from the pasture grounds of [Methodism, which has, of late years, so power- 
fully obtained," &c. — passages which rather forebode the partisan than the 
impartial historian. Xor arc there wanting similar indications in the body of 
the book. For instance, he gives an account (]>. 12) of the dispute respectintr 
Mr. AVesley's manuscripts, in which he cites ^Whitehead's account, and no 
other ; but Coke and Moore's statements arc equally worthy of citation, if not of 
credit. Again, Whitehead's aecount of the " Deed of Declaration " might fairly 
have been compared with Dr. Coke's manly statement of his own share in that 
transaction, (Drew's Life of Coke, Am. ed., 1818, pp. 37, 38.) On page 63 
we are told that " no rule whatever, made during ]Mr. Wesley's lifetime, on 
this subject [of the exclusion of members] is to be iound in the Minutes of 
Conference ;" and yet, on the very next page we find one quoted from the 
Alinutes of 1744! and, to add to the confusion, this is classed anions the 
'• rules made since ]ilr. AVesley's deatli I" And certainly ]\Ir. Peirce might 
have referred to Mr. Wesley's paper read to the leadei-s of Dubhn in 17 71, in 
which may be found the following: " Q- (j- Have they [the leaders] not 
authority to expel a particular member of society? Anx. No: the assistant 
only can do this." Mr. Peirce states (p. 223) that the " excellent plan " of 
giving statements of the accounts of Kingswood School has been " discontinued 
since 1818;" but he is either ill-informed on tlie matter, or disingenuous, for 
the simple fact ii, that these Keports have been as fully published since 1818 
a3 before, but in the " Report of Kingswood School," instead of in the " Minutes." 

INIany passages like these, clearly indicating at least a want of care on the part 
of Mr. Peirce. might easily be cited ; but there is one which must be characterized 
in sti-ongcr language. In his account of the " Theological Institution," (pp. 235, 
23G,) Mr. Peirce cites llichard Watson as giving ceruiln tiucstions and answers 
from the '-Minutes," and in a note (p. 236) he siiys, " These q**estions and 
answei-s are not recorded in the ilinutes of Conference for the years above 
named, nor is reference there made to tlie subject of such an Institution." 
This gives Mr. Watson the lie direct ; nor does Mr. Peirce give his readers any 
fair opportimity of understanding him otherwise. Let our readers now examine 
the very passage in Mr. Watson (Life of Wesley, Am. cd., p. 173) which Mr. 
Peirce took his reference from, and tlun (ki'ide u])ou his claim to impartiality, 
or even to common honesty. It is as follows : 

" As the subject of a seminary or college has been of late brought under dis- 
cussion, it may not be uninteresting to those who have not access to the manu- 
script copies of the first ^linutes, extract^j t'rom which only are in print, to give 
the passages which relate to this subject t>om the complete [Minutes of 1^744 
and 1745. In the former year it is asked, 'Can we have a seminary for 
labourers ?' and the answer is, ' If Cod spare us until another conference.' 
The next year the subject was resumed, ' Can we have a seminary for lal)ourers 
yet?' Answer, * Not till Cod gives us a projier tutor.' So that the institution 
was actually resolved upon, and delayed only by circumstances." 

What we have said, and proved, is enough to show that Mr. Peirce's book, 
thongh commendable on the score of industry and research, is vitiated through- 



316 Short Reviews and Notices of Books.- [April, 

out by a bad animus, whicli causes us to distrust him on every occasion of 
critical iuterest. 



(22.) " Tonga and the Friendly Islands, unth a sketch of their Mission History, 
by Sarah S. Fakmer." (London: Hamilton, Adaui5, & Co., 1855; 12mo., 
pp. 427.) Miss Farmer has shown great judgment aud taste in the prepara- 
tiou of this vokmie, which, though professedly " writteu for young people," 
contains a large amount of informatiun, set forth in a way to please and profit 
people of all ages;. The discovery of tlie islands, their physical characteristics, 
the condition of the pi.'0j)le, the introduction and history of Christianity among 
them — all these topics are treated witli metliod, clearness, and simplicity. The 
missionary spirit animates IMiss Farni'jr's pages throughout; indeed, we know 
no single volume of missionary history so likely to be useful in Inspiring young 
Christians with missionary zeal as this. The illustrations are in excellent taste. 



(23.) '■'• History of the Reign of Philip the Second, King of Spoin,hy Wita.iam 
H. Frescott." (Boston : Phillips, Samson, & Co. ; 2 vols. Svo.) No period 
in the history of humanity oilers more important and interesting material for 
the historian than that chosen by Mr. Frescott lor the subject of his new work. 
It lias been often treated, but never satisfactorily. Watson's " History of 
Philip II. and HI." is, indeed, a olcar and sober narration ; but when he 
wrote, it was dllficult, nay, impossible, to get access to the best sources of in- 
formation; nor, indeed, were eitlier writers or readers at that time very 
fastidious about such matters. Nor has there ever been a time so favourable 
as the present for getting at the truth of history with regard to this eventful 
period. Many aneient repositories, to whicli access was formerly denied, are 
now open to scrutiny; and, in partieular, "the Archives of Simancas, Avhich 
have held the secrets of the Si)aiiish monarcliy hermetically sealed for a^es," 
have of late been thoroughly explored. New light has thus been thrown upon 
the motives of great movements that were before inexplicable; the clue to 
J many a labyrinth has been discovered ; and it is possible for us to understand 
the private policy of Philip II. bettor than even the statesmen of his own 
cabinet could do. 

It is needless to say that ilr. Frcseott has made diligent use of all accessible 
authorities. His reputation for a thorough and honest employment of original 
sources of informafidn wa< enahlish. d ),y former great works: the present ^411 
do nothing to diminish it. To use his own modest language, the present work 
"cannot fail to present the reader with such new and authentic statements 
of facts as may aflbrd him a bett^-r point of view than that which he has 
hitherto possessed for surveying the history of Philip the Second." The two 
volumes now published carry the history down to the death of Queen Isabella, 
1568. They therefore cover one of the most eventful periods in the history 
of Protestantism; and it is hero that the great interest of the hi-story centres. 
The key to I'hilip's whole policy is to be found in his determination to crush 
Protestantism. All other ambitions, in his narrow mind, were made subor- 
dmate to this ; and on tliis issue he sU\ked and lost the best j)art of his dominions. 
The beginnings of the Revolution in the Netherlands are stated with great 



1856.] Short Reviews and Notices of BooJxS. 317 

clearness by ^Ir. Prescott, and some of his most brilliant pictures belong to 
this part of the history. 

When the work is cooipleted we hope to give a full survey of the field. In 
the mean time, we cannot forbear to say that there are more instances of loose 
and careless \vritiug in these volumes than ought to occur in a work destined 
to a permanent place in literature. 



(24.) " T'Jte History of England from the Accession of Jamrs II., by Thomas 
Babingtox ^[acatji.ay." (New- York: Harper & Brothers; Vols. Ill ^nd 
IV, 12mo.) These two volumes only bring the history down to 1697 ; but it 
would be foolish to argue from this the rate of progress at which Mr. ^lacaulay 
will proceed hereafter. The period embraced in these volumes covers the 
most important period in English history; the settlement of ^A'illiam's govern- 
ment, the rise of the great parties, the subjugation of Ireland and Scotland, 
and the adjustment (if such it may be called) of tlie greatest and most per- 
plexing Church questions. Minute as Macaulay's account is, we could not 
spare a page of it. All the brilliant qualities of his former volumes are dis- 
played in these ; and to a greater extent, if that be possible. "We are sorry to 
say, also, that his rancour against William Penn remains undiminished. 



(2.5.) "■Addresses delivered in Ncic-York hij the Uev. William Arthur, A. Z\I., 
edited by AV. P. Strickl.vxd, D. D." (New-York : Carlton & Philips, 1856 ; 
I2mo., pp. 188.) !Mr. Arthur's reputation as a speaker will not suffer from 
these reports, which are made with great care by Di-. Strickland. The Lecture 
on S>/sl(nwtic Benevolence alone is enough to entitle this little volume to a 
permanent place in the library shelves; it contains, in short compass, the clearest 
Ftatement of the duty of proportional giving, and the most pungent exhorta- 
tion to its performance, that we have ever seen in print. 

(26.) " Unitarian Principles confirmed I// Trinitarian Testimonies, by JoHX 
WiLSOX." (Boston: American Unitarian Association, 185.5 ; 12mo., pp. 504.) 
This book is made up of excerpts from Trinitarian authors, collected under 
various heads, and accompanied by a running comment by the compiler — the 
■whole designed to favour the Unitarian heresy. The very statement of the 
plan is enough to show its inherent and fatal fallacy. 



(27.) " Thirteen Years Experience in tie Itinerancy, by the Rev. A2;drew 
Manship." (Philadelphia: Higglus &; I'erkinpino, 1S5G; 12mo., pp. 398.) 
The author of this book is well known in the Philadelphia Conference as a 
laborious and self-sacrificing minL-ter. One of his latest labours was the 
erection of the '• IledJing Church" in Philadelphia. Tlie subscriptions to this 
Church were not all paid in ; and to make up the deficiency, in part at least, 
he became responsible fur a large sum of nioucy — largo, that is, for a poor 
itinerant minister. This bo<ik grew out of tliis state of things. But if its object, 
In one sense, is to get money, it has other and even better tendencies. Bishop 
Scott speaks of it, in the Introduction, as follows: "It is characteristic of iu 



318 Short RevieiDs and Notices of Books. [April, 

author : sprightly, earnest, energetic ; full of allusions, incidents, anecdotes, and 
biographical sketches; all tending to lead the sinner to Christ and to heaven." 
In view of the value and interest of the book itself, as well as of the benevolent 
end its sale will subserve, we commend it to onr readers. Its laudatory phrases, 
with regard to living men, arc occasionally somewhat extravagant. 

("28.) " The Slate of the Soul hcticeen Death and the Resitrrcction, by the 
Eev. Fhin'eas Blakeman." (New-York: M. "\V. Dodd, 1855; 18mo., pp. 
114.) This little volume treats of the conscious existence of the soul after 
death ; of tlie mode of its existence ; of its employments, and of the length of 
the period between death and the resurrection. The writer sets forth, clearly 
and simply, what the Scriptures teach ou these topics, and does not venture 
beyond the record. 



(29.) '• The Gospels, tci'h moral Prjlrctions on each Verse, by Pasqtjier 
QuESNKL." (Philadelphia: Parry & M'MIllan, 1855 ; 2 vols. 8vo.) Quesnel'a 
" Reflections on the Kew Testament" have been known to all theologians as a 
repertory of acute as well as pious observations on the New Testament. It 
gave rise to the celebrated paj)al bull '' Unigenitus," in which 101 propositions, 
extracted from the work, were condemned. A full account of the controversy 
which followed is given by Bishop Wilson, in an " Introductory Essay" prefixed 
to the present edition. Tiic whole work was translated and published in 
London by Russell, (1719-25,) and from this translation Bishop Wilson 
selected the part containing the (!o.-pe!s, carefully revised it, and published it 
in London, 1830. The present edition is a reprint of Wilson's, edited and 
revised by the Rev. Dr. Boardman of Philadelphia. The tone of Quesnel's 
observations, throughout, is strongly Calvinistic, or rather Augustlnian ; but 
for this, we should commend it for general readers, as well as for theoloTlans. 



(30.) SnouLD we ever fall In with a book on " Spiritualism," (so called,) 
which contains a gleam of common sense, we shall not fail to report it to our 
readers. The last which has readied our table is '■'A Record of Communi- 
cations from the Sjjirit Spheres, by J. B. Fkkguson," (Nashville : Svo., pp. 276 ;) 
but it has notliing in it professing to come from spirits, but unmitigated 
nonsense. 



(31.) ^^ Notes on Central Anicrirn, particvlarhj the States of Honduras and San 
Salvador, by E. G. Squiku." (New- York : Harper & Brothers ; Svo., pp. 397.) 
This volume contains a large amount of information with regard to a region 
of which little has been accurately known heretofore. Even the general 
geography of Central Amerlpa has been so mystified that we could make nothing 
of it; and as for minute information about the resources, population, &c., or 
even about state lines, it was nowhere to be had. The maps that have been 
published (and the^e are few) have abounded in blunders. IMr. Squier has 
had extensive opportunities of gathering accurate data upon many of these 
points; and he has used his chances with great industry and perseverance. 
This book, with its ample map, is the first approach to a " Geography of Central 



1856.] Shoi-t Revieics and Notices of Books. 319 

America" that has been published either in Europe or America, and, as such, 
it must take its place as an authority. Several valuable papers will be found 
in the Appendix; and, among them, an account of the "Bay Islands," and of 
their recent seizure by Great Britain, in spite, as it would appear, of the pro- 
visions of the Clayton-Bulwer treaty. "We regret that Mr. Squier treats this 
subject with a bitterness of tone that will be apt to lessen the cfloct his argu- 
ment might produce if stated in more dispassionate language. 



(32.) '' Tltree Questions ansiceral : What is Slarrn/? Were Slaveholders Mem- 
bers of the Apostolic Church f Shall the Church adopt the Apostolic Standard 
of Discipline, or make a new one? by the llov. G. F. Cox, M. A." (Boston: 
J. P. Magee ; pp. 40.) Mr. Cox defines slavery to be " power ever service," 
which is iru-idequatc. But the definition is of no account in the discussion. 
His main point is, that both slaveliolders and slaves were admitted into the 
AjMDstolic Church — a point \Yhich ho makes out very fully ; indeed, the wonder 
is that it should ever have been disputed. It is only of late that the attempt 
has been made, in behalf of the Anti-.-lavery cause, to upset the settled inter- 
pretation of such passages as 1 Cor. vii, 21 ; Ei)li. vi, 5-S : 1 Tim. vi, 1 ; Tit. 
ii, 9; and 1 Pet. ii, 18; and, in our judj^ment. it has completely failed. But 
the Anti-slavery cause docs not depend upon these interpretations. We pity 
the condition of that man who can read the Kcw Testament, and not feel that 
it 13 penetrated, through and through, with a spirit opj)oscd to all oppression. 
Mr. Cox's conclusion is, that the IMethodist Clmrch ought to " blot out of her Dis- 
cipline QXQry word upon the subjct of slavery" — a conclusion in which he 
will stand nearly alone ; indeed, he is inconsistent with himself, in declaring 
that the Church should " demand good treatment for the slave, food and 
clothing, religious instruction, and command obedience to the master." The 
questions discussed in this pamphlet are of vast importance ; the writer treats 
them, In general, calmly and temperately ; and wo hope that his essay may be 
vridely circulated, and discussed in the spirit of truth and in the love of it. 



(33.) Carlton & Phillips have just issued a new edition (the sixth) of 
*'-4 Theodicy; or, "[indication of (he Dii-ine Glory, as manifested in the Consti- 
tution and Government of the Moral World, by A. T. Bledsoe, LL. D." 
(8vo., pp. 3G8.) Professor Bledsoe api>en(ls to this edition a note, in which he 
replies, with point and effect, to Dr. M'Cosh's notices of the '• Theodicy," in 
the last edition of his treatise on the " Divine Government." 



(34.) "A Commentary on the Greek Text of the Epistle of Paul to the 
Colossians, by Joiln^ Eadie, LL. D." (New-York : K. Carter & Brothers, 
1856; 8vo., pp. 308.) Professor Eadie's labours in Biblical literature have 
been altogether creditable to him. In interpretation he has not been quite so 
6uccesst\d; but tliis commentary on tlie CoIo=<Ians is a great improvement 
upon that on Ephesians ; and, indeed, as a whole, it is better than any com- 
mentary produced in England on the Epi.stle. Dr. Eadie spares no pains in 
studying the text, and evidently seeks to give it its meaning, its whole meaning, 



320 Short Reviews and Notices of Books. ■ [April, 

and nothing but its meaning. His characteristic fault is prolixity; but this 
book is freer from it than his former ones. No minister of the Gospel, who 
wishes to G;Ive his people " things new and old," can aflbrd to go without this 
commentary. 



(35.) "A Manual of Ancient Ili.-tori/, by Dr. Leonard Schmitz." (Phila- 
delphia: Blanchard and Lea; 12mo., pp. 466.) This manual embraces, be- 
sides the histories of Greece and Rome, an outline of the history of the non- 
classical nations, down to the overthrow of the "Western Empire, A. D. 476. 
The Jewish history is omitted, for reasons stated in the preface — reasons by 
no means satisfactory. The general arrangement of the book Is good ; but itj 
execution, in detail, is not such as to adapt it for use in schools. 



(36.) ^^ Selections from the British Pod."!, by Eliza WooDWORxn." (New- 
York : Carlton & Phillips; 22mo., {>p. 3GJ.) The plan of this book of Selec- 
tions is Avell conceived. It takes in the whole range of British poets, from 
Chaucer down to Tennyson, and gives brief biographical and critical notices of 
each, with some of their best and most striking passages as specimens 



(37.) 'T/^e Attache' in Madrid, translated from the German" (New- York: 
D. Appleton & Co. ; 12mo., pp. 3C8.) cont;iins a series of very graphic sketches 
of the Court of Spain, and, Indeed, of Spanish society in general, In its 
modern aspects. The Attache was a very bu;y per.-:on — seeing everything and 
everybcH-ly — and he describes what he saw very skilfully. 



(38.) " The Day-Star of American Freedom ; or^ the Birth and early Grotcth of 
Toleration in the Province of Maryland, by Gi:or.GE Lyn-x-Laculan Davis." 
(New- York : C. Scribuer, 1855 ; 12mo., pp. 290.) This book contains a good 
deal of information, if one could only get at It ; but Mr. Davis's stjle Is so in- 
flated, and his method so confused, that It is hard work even to read his 
chapters. He has evidently been industrious In collecting materials, bat has 
failed to work them up Into a clear and connected history. 

(39.) " The Prophets of the Restoration ; or, Ifaygai, Zechariah, and Malachi; 
a new Translation, n-ith Notes, by the Rev. T. A'. Moore, D. D." (New-York : 
R. Carter &: Brothers, 1856 ; Svo., pp. 408.) The readers of this journal are 
familiar with Dr. Moore's contributions to our own pages, and therefore need 
not be told that he is a thinker, a student, and writer of very rare powers. 
The commentary on Malachi, which forms part of the present volume, appeared 
originally in this journal : those on Hag^^ai and Zechariah were first printed 
in the Quarterly of the ^bnhodist JCpiscopal Church, South. All who have 
read them will rejoice to see them collected into this handsome volume ; to 
those who have not, we commend them as the l>est e.xposition of" the Prophets 
of the Restoration " that has yet appeared. 



1856.] Short Revieivs and Notices of Books. 321 

(40.) In no field has the rapid development of this countn- been more marked 
than in that of literature. How rapid, and how vast, the movement has been, 
however, has heretofore been only matter of conjecture, except to the class of 
literary men who have kept watch of the history of the American mind. But 
the means of appreciating this great " march of civilisation " ought to be 
brought within the reach of all classes of reading people by the publication of 
a book with such a title as the " Cyclopedia of American Literature, by E. A. 
DuYCKixCK and G. L. Duyckinck." (New- York : C. Scribncr, 18.'i5 ; 2 vols, 
imp. Svo.) This work, which is well got up, so far as the mechanical part is 
concerned, professes to embrace "personal and critical nollcos of American 
authors, and selections from their writings, from the earlic-;t period to the 
present day, with portraits, autographs, and other illustrations." The aim of 
the work is historical, not critical ; to show what books have been produced in 
America; and by whom, rather than "to sit in judgment" on American 
authoi^ : not, however, to introduce the names of aU who have written books 
in America : that would be to make a complete " bibliography," not a historj' 
of literature. And it is here, precisely whei-e we might expect it, in the 
province o£ selection, that the compilers foil. We look in vain, for instance, in 
their index, for the names of Asbnry, Emory, Durbin, Fisk, Bangs, and 
others, that are far more worthy of admittance into such a '• Cyclopedia," 
than many that have found entrance. Th»j comi)ilcrs give notices of most of 
the colleges of the country, including sonic of the least important, but do not 
seem to have heard of the " Wcsleyan University." The Messrs. Duyckinck 
Lave certainly been industrious ; but we think there is at Iciist one field of 
" American Literature " of which they are aliogether ignorant. "We hope they 
■will enlarge their sphere of knowledge before issuing a new edition of their 
book, which, in spite of its unaccountable deOciencics, has great merits. 



(41.) " The Gospel in Ezehiel. illustrated in a S>rics of Di^-cotirses, by the Rev. 
Thomas Guthrie, D. D.," (New- York: 11. Carter & Brothers, 185G ; 12ma, 
pp. 395.) is a volume of florid lectures on a passage in Ezekiel ; well enough 
adapted to a popular audience, but by no means entitled to the dignity of print, 
any more than Dr. Cummings's effusions. 



(42.) We have received a copy of the " PhjinoHth Collection of Hymns and 
Tunes," (New-Y"ork: A. S. Barnes & Co., ISJG; 8vo., pp.483,) too late, how- 
ever, for any adequate examination. Our impressions, from a hasty survey, are 
altogether favourable, both as to the plan of the work and its execution. We 
shall endeavour to do full justice to it hereafter. 



(43.) " Abaddon and Mahanaim ; or, Demons and Guardian Angels, by Joseph 
F.Berg,D.D." (Philadelphia: Iliggins & Fcrkinpinc,185G; 12mo., pp. 272.) 
The design of this book is to " ro.-torc the teacliinL^s of the Scriptures on the 
subject of demoniacal iulluence to their proper place in the creed of Christian 
faith." We have received it too late to examine it in time for adequate notice 
in this number, and can therefore only chronicle its appearance. 



322 Short Revieivs and Notices of Books. [April, 

.C'.'* (44.) " The Christian's Great Interest, by the Eey. 'Wiixiam GuTHRrE.** 
' (New-York: R. Carter & Brothers, 1856 ; 12rao., pp. 252.) Mr. Guthrie was 
a very eminent Scotch preacher of the seventeenth centur}-. " His Great 
Interest" has been often reprinted in Scotland; the present clition was issued 
by Dr. Chakuers, who funii^ilied an Introduction to it. The work is divided 
into two part^, entitled tlie " Trial ot' a Saving Interest in Christ," and " How 
to attain to a Sa'S'ing Literest in Christ," and both arc treated with discrimina- 
tion, and applied pointedly to the conscience of the reader. 



(45.) "Evening Incense,'" (New-York: Carter & Brothers, 1856; ISmo., 
pp. 130,) is a series of eveniiifr prayers, suitable as a companion to the 
" Morning Watches," by the sanie author. 



Of the following pamphlets we regret that wo can only give the titles : 

Report of the Pennsylvania Hospital for the Insane, for 1855. By T. S. 
KiRKBRiDE. Philadelphia, 1856. 

Jubilee Sermon, delivered 1)cforc the "Wesleyau Canada Conference, at Lon- 
don, C. AV., June 6, 1855, by llev. William Ca.se. Toronto, 1855. 

Fifteenth Annual Catalogue of the New-Jersey Conference Seminary. Free- 
bold/New-Jersey, 1855. ' 

An Address, delivered at Pitt.-field, Mass., before the Young Ladies' Institute, 
August 22, 1855, by J.\mks 11. SrALDixo. New- York, 1855. 

Science and the Bible : a Review of Professor Tayler Lewis's *' Six Days of 
CVeatiou." By James D. Daxa. Andovor, 1856. 

The Jewelry o^ God : a Sermon preached at the Funeral of Mrs. IVIaiy A. 
Burdick Clark, April 7, 1851, by llev. Jos. Cross, D. D. Savannah, 
1855. 

The Bible in its Relations to Good Citizenship: a Discourse delivered in 
PljTnouth Chapel, Adrian, November '20, 1855, by Rev. T. C. Gardner, 
A. M. Adrian, 1855. 

Facts against Fancy; or, a True and Jnst View of Trinity Church. By the 
Rev. William Berriax, D. 1). New- York, 1855. 

The Faith by which we arc Sanctified. By W. P. Strickxakd, D. D., of 
the Cincinnati Conference. New- York, 1S5C. 

Religion in Common Life : a Sermon prL^achcd at Crathic Church, October 
14, 1855, before Her Majc-ty the Queen and Prince Albert, by the Rev. 
Jonx Caiud, 'M. a., Mini.^ter of Errol, Scotland. Published by Her Ma- 
jesty's command. New-York: Robert Carter & Brothers, 1856. 



1856.] 



Religious and Literary Intelligence. 



323 



Art. XI.— religious AND LITERARY INTELLIGENCE. 



KEUGI0U3 STATE OF KUROPE AT THE 

BEGINNING OF IsiS. 
Reugiocs life is still on the increase in 
Europe, as it hn been for several years; 
the po-ner of indifferentism begins to be 
broken in all classes of society. So power- 
ful, indeed, is the current of this newly 
awakened interest iu religion that all the 
organs of public opinion, the foremost 
representatives of the anti-religious pro=s 
not excepted, agree in bearing witness 
to it. 

PEOTESTA>*TIS}.r. 

Protestantism in particular is gaining 
evervvrhere new and unwonted strength. 
Atheism and nationalism have disappoint- 
ed the European nations ; and, consequent- 
ly, the masses have no longer any con- 
fidence in them, and are longing for more 
substantial reli.-ious food. This revival 
of European Pr.;.to;tantisin, it must be 
admitted, shows itself almost everywhere 
in connexion with a tendency to restore 
the imperfect forms of the Reformation of 
the sixteenth century. But there is also, 
on the other hand, in every Protestant 
country, a constantly increasing numl'Or 
of men, who plead the cause of S'pora- 
tion of Church and State as an indispeniiible 
condition for the success of the new re- 
formation of the present day. 

Many events in the latter part of the 
last yerj contributed to strengthen the 
Free Church party of Europe. First of 
all, the great Ass-yrnUy at Paris. This 
brotherly meeting of so many different 
denominations, this frank recognition of 
the Christian character of other denomi- 
nations than our owu, is new to tlio Eu- 
ropeans ; and in Europe, therefore, tho 
fact itself of such a meeting is a great 
victory. Only lot th-f: meetings bo re- 
peated at regular intervals, and, ere long, 
the principle of religious liberty will bo 
triumphant iu Europe as it is in America. 
Protestant countries, at least, will not 
dare any longer to keep up the intolerant 
statutes of centuries past, if assemblies, 
like that of Paris, brand the intolerance 
of Protestant Sweden and Germany in 
stronger espresaions than that of Catho- 
lic Austria and M'jhammedan Turkey, 
and if they continue to adopt the lan;ruage 
of Fredepjck Mokod, the distinguished 
French divine, " Shame on every form of 
intolerance, but three times shame on the 
intolerance of a Protestant country." 



Next to the Assembly of Paris, the Freo 
Church party is indebted to the success- 
fill labours of the Free Churches already 
eriatinj in Exirupe. Scotland is still the 
only country where- the majority of the 
Protestant population is, in its religious 
aft'airs, free from the direct influence of 
the secular govornnicnt. ]!ut in all otl-'^r 
parts of Europe free organizations are 
springing up and flourishing. The Meth- 
odist and Baptist missions are prominent 
in this respect. They advance, although 
slowly, yet steadily in Germany, France, 
and the ScaiuUiiavia;i world ; and the Baj)- 
tists in particular have had important 
accessions to their ranks from the State 
Churches of these countries. Still more 
important than the progress of these 
Free Churches as separate bodies, is the 
intluenco whieh they exert by calling forth 
similar moveui'.uts- among the members 
of the European State Churches. The 
number and importance of these move- 
ments become greater every year. In 
Germany the v, arning of a man like Bt,"X- 
SES, in his lately published work, '^Zeichen 
der Zait," (Signs of the Times,) -against 
the Romanizing idea of a Christian State 
and Christian State Churches, will not re- 
main unlicedcd. The old Lutheran Church, 
although at present, unfortunately, mis- 
guided by the Romanizing teudencits of 
some of her leaders, yet helps, on her 
jiart, to undermine the sovereignty of the 
State over the Church. >^o less prom- 
ising is the mutual pledge taken by a 
vast numWr of clcr;^ymen in the Ecan.jd- 
ieaZ StaU Church nf Frunaia, to derive their 
j.rinciples on tho marriage and divorce 
law no lom^tT from the civil law of Prus- 
sia alone, but from the New Testament 
and the teachings of the Reformation of the 
siiteenth century; and, consequently, to 
remarry, henceforth, no persons except 
those who, themselves innocent, had been 
divorced in consequence of adultery or 
desertion of the othe-r party. The in- 
creasing number of religious associations, 
such as the '• Kirchentag," " Gustavus 
Adolphus .Association," " Home Mission," 
etc., will likewise confirnj masses of the 
people in the conviction that the atiairs 
of the Church are better managed by the 
Church liersclf than by tho State. In 
France the eloquent voice of Count .\ge- 
nor da Gasjiarin, one of the leaders of 
French Protestantism, has lately pleaded 
the cause of religious liberty in a master- 



324 



Religious and Literary Intelligence. 



[April, 



ly article in the Archicea dit. Christ ianisme, 
(November 24.) Thoughts so vigorous, 
noble, and pious, cannot remain without 
result. In England the desire for having 
the Convocation resuscitated is by no 
means decreasing. The position in which 
the Established Church finds herself, in 
comparison with other Eurojican Churches, 
is too anomalous, and the number ot" pious 
nnd learned men iu it is still too great, to 
let us believe that the State Government 
will be able to retain much bini-cr the 
absolute control of this important portion 
of the Christian Church of Europe. The 
Lutheran State Church of l.k'nmark is 
shaken to its deepest foundation by the 
National Free Church party, which en- 
deavours to form a great Free Christian 
Church of the Scandinavian North. I'.ut 
lately, a leader of the Lutheran jiarty, 
Eudelbach, complained, iu a conference 
of German Lutherans at Leipzig, that 
the Lutheran Church of Denmark was in 
greater danger of losing its privileges 
than ever before. 

ROMAXISM. 

The Roman Catholic Church of Europe 
is Btill rejoicing at the Austrian Co.v- 
CORBAT. Romanists are not mistaken in 
considering it one of the most important 
events in the history of their Church in 
the present century. They begin to feel 
that the influence of the Church on the 
European natious has become extremely 
doubtful. M hy does the, I'ope not dure 
to dismiss the French trooj)S from Rome? 
The last Parliament cf the French repub- 
lic showed no more sympathits with the 
tendencies of the Catholic party than the 
present rarliaments of Spain and Portu- 
gal do, and in Austria more than live- 
sixths of the periodical press are, as a 
Catholic paper complains, under anti-Ro- 
man influence. Thus is easily explained 
the great importance zealous Romanists 
attach to the friendly disjiositior.s toward 
their Church on the part of European 
monarchs. Both Church and princes 
have a common interest in keeping down 
civil and religious liberty. Thus the Ro- 
man Church has had great concessions 
made to her by Catholic us well as Protes- 
tant princes. But no State had yielded up 
to her so much as Austria. To place the 
vfhole system of education and the whole 
press under the control of the bishops, 
and to recognise wiihout reserve tlie va- 
lidity of the canon law to its full ex- 
tent, is more than jirobably any German 
Romanist had expected to see granted. 
The bishops are not slow to avail them- 



selves of such opportunities ; they isane 
circulars to the professors cf the national 
Gymnasium, instructing them how to teach 
history ; and the Archbishops of Milan and 
Venice, with other Lombardian bishops, 
assume already the right to tell booksell- 
ers what books they are allowed to keep 
and to sell. Austria nc^ds the support 
of the Church ; and if the emperor con- 
cluded the Concordat, as the Univers as- 
serts, to fulul a promise made to his dying 
teacher, the .\ustrian ministers Cone of 
whom is a Protestant) were in favour of it, 
only because it seemed to them difEcult, 
if not impossible, to find other means by 
which to form out of difierent and some- 
times hostile races one nationt.1 Austrian 
party. The revolution of ISIS has shown 
to every Austrian, that without such a na- 
tional party it is an impossibility to pre- 
serve the integrity of the empire. If this 
union of the Roman Church and the gov- 
ernment of Austria should continue long, 
the favourable consequences of the C-oncor- 
dat for the Roman Church can hardly be 
overrated, "\^■hoever is acquainted with 
German literature will understand what 
the Roman Church may hope from having 
under her control some twenty universities, 
more tlian two hundred gymnasia, almost 
all the common schools, and the whole press 
of a popul.".tion of thirty-six millions of in- 
habitants. Until ISiS the Austrian Cath- 
olics were not allowed by their government 
to join those associations and societies 
which have lately had so great a part in re- 
suscitating mediaeval Catholicism, the Fo- 
reign and Home Missionary Societies, the 
confraternities and monastic orders. All 
these associations had in Austria a na- 
tional, instead of a Roman character, and 
were not allowed to communicate with 
similar organizations in Rome and other 
countries. If the Roman Church should 
succeed in reawakening in a considerable 
part of Austria a lively interest in her 
c.iuse, it v.ill be felt all over Euroue. 

Next to Austria, the internal develop- 
ment of France is of the greatest con- 
sequence for the fate of the Roman Church. 
The French government has not prostrat- 
ed herself at the feet of Rome, as Austria ; 
she has made a compromise without giving 
up entirely the supreme control of Church 
allairs. In the important department of 
education, in particular, the bishops must 
condescend to share the government and 
superintendence of the state scliools with 
Protestants, Jews, and Pantheists. But 
they are satisfied to see the emperor and 
almost all oilicers of the state eagerly 
endeavouring to appear as frieuds and 



1856.] 



Religious and Literary hitcUi 



325 



obedient members of the Churcb; to find 
for all her institutions not only full liberty 
of development, but often eucourajemfnt 
and support. The priesthood of France as a 
body is more zealous and moral than that 
of any other Catholic country ; if the laity 
of a nation, so far advanced in modern civ- 
ilisation as Franco is, can be won by such a 
priesthood, they may be expected to prove 
an efficient aid. This accounts for the fact 
that most of those societies which v.ork so 
effectually for reviving Romanism, spriitor 
up in France; for foreign missions, l ranee 
contributes as much as the rest of the 
Catholic world tocrether. As to the rcli;::^- 
ions views of the emperor, few if any 
believe him a sincere Catholic ; Prince 
Napoleon is still more suspected, and 
Prince Murat, the emperor's cousin, is 
known to be the Grand blaster of the ex- 
communicated order of Freemasons. The 
unfavourable iuipressiou of facts like these 
is somewhat counterbalanced, however, 
by the Catholic zeal of another cousin of 
the emperor. Prince Lucien Bonaparte, 
■who was ordained a priest about two years 
ago, and is now a member of the Benedic- 
tine Order, and exercises all his influence 
to obtain from the government favours for 
the French Church. 

In Italy several princes (Tuscany, Par- 
ma, Modeual have followed, or are about 
to follow, the example of Austria. The 
King of Naples is still at variance with 
the pope on account of the Jesuits, but 
the dissidence will probably be of no 
long duration. The Kin? of Sardinia 
appears still det-rmined to preserve a noble 
independence. His answer to the address 
0^ the Christian Young Men's Society of 
London shows, that he is resolved to protect 
the rights of his Protestant as well as his 
Catholic subjects. No country of Europe is 
■watched with greater anxiety by the friends 
of religious liberty than Sardinia; a great 
part of the population is almost ready to 
leave the Pioman Church ; ministry and I'.ir- 
liamentvie in vigorously opposing lioniau 
pretensions ; the press almost unanimous- 
ly considers and treats Rome as the im- 
placable enemy of the free institutions of 
the country ; the budget has this year 
for the first time a sum (G,42G francs) 
for Protestant worship. 

In Spain, the Roman Catholic party in 
the Parliament counts hardly more than 
twenty reliable members; the property of 
the Church i-; sellin,' well; the pre>3 is 
free, and defends its freedom against 
the Church, the only party striving to 
subvert it ; the clergy find that when 
their salary is not regularly paid by the 



government, they cannot rely for support 
on their congregations. In Portugal, the 
Romanist party is stronger, counting about 
one-third in the House of Representa- 
tives; but here, as in Spain, the govern- 
ment is decidedly hostile to its pretensions. 
Br.LoiLJi has at present a ministry be- 
longing to the Catholic party ; the clergy 
is gaining greater influence over the na- 
tional schools, and making great endeav- 
ours to bring them entirely under its con- 
trol. In proportion to its population, Bel- 
gium ranks n^-xt to France in activity for 
Romanism. — The Papists of Pi-.ussia and 
the other tiv-rman states avail thcDiselves 
to some extent of the results of Protes- 
tant literature. Less active, in a practi- 
cal point of view, than the French and 
Belgians, they are the prominent cham- 
pions of Romanism in the province of lit- 
erature. The French, Italians, English, 
and Spanish are continuing to acknowledge 
the merits of their Catholic brethren of 
Germany by numerous translations; and 
not a few of the German text-books 
on Church history (Dollingcr, Alzog). 
canon law (Phillips, M'alter), exegesis 
(Jahn, Hug), &.C., are introduced into in- 
stitutions of almost every country of Eu- 
rope. Also during the last year the 
Catholic press of Germany produced a 
number of valuable works. (See Jlethod. 
Quart. Rev., (Jet., ISoJ, pp. G3J-C3S.) 
The Catholics of Prussia have been the first 
to organize themselves openly as a polit- 
ical Cathoiie party. The Caiholic sec- 
tion of the present Parliament numbers 
some sixty members. Last year they 
sueeeeded, by a combination with the lib- 
eral party, in having their leader, Reich- 
ensperger, elected vice-president of the 
House of Representatives. At the organ- 
ization of the jiresent house, both the 
liberals and Catholics together were de- 
feated by the conservative (Russian) par- 
ty. In Enolanp, the last year has carried 
ovt r si^nie more of the Pnseyistic clergy 
and nobility to Rome, iRevs. Wheeler, 
Somers, Woodward; the Duchess of Buc- 
cleugh, Hon. Mrs. Henniker.) These 
accessions to the Roman Church are by 
no means equal in number to what Prot- 
estantism eains, especially in Ireland; 
but Catholic literature gains by them 
some new contributors, and Catholic insti- 
tutions wealthy j)atruns. Ireland is 
evidently and rapidly losing it.i character 
of a stri'n.'liold of Romanism ; the lea. ling 
organ of ISlframontanism complains oiteu 
that they have not much over half a 
dozen members of Parliament who are 
trustworthy Catholics ; the pope has for- 



326 



Religious and Literary Intelligence. 



[April, 



tiddcn the Irish clergy to take an active 
part in political avjiiatiou, and has thereby 
created a great dissatisfaction iu some 
of the Irish bishops and the majority of 
clergy and people. Frederic Lucas, than 
whom British Catholicism has not had a 
more zealous leader, tried in vain to avert 
this resolution of the ]iopo, and died of a 
broken heart. The dissatisfaction with 
Rome is increased iu Ireland still more by 
the circunistaiioe, that liome repeatedly 
refuses to r.itify the nominations made by 
the Irish cler^'y for vacant Episcopal sees, 
and appoints bishops against the v.ish of 
the clergy and the people. In Russia, 
the FvOnian Church expects better times 
tinder Emperor Alexander 11. ; several va- 
cant sees of Poland are about to be filled, 
and other promises are held out to the 
pope ; but the Jesuits have been forbidden 
to hold missions iu Poland, and secessions 
from the Greek to the Roman Church 
have been fined as before. 

OKIEXT.a. CHUIKHE3. 
In the Gr.Er.K and other Op.iEyTAL 
Churchos, tiie formerly predominant Rus- 
sian influence has been broken by the war. 
With the aid of France and .\ustri, anew 
efforts have been made to resuscitate Ro- 
manizing tendencies iu the midst of these 
bodies, and to prepare the people for a 
union with Rome. The Greek Church has 
been addressed to this purpose by a certain 
Pitfipios in his work, " L'Eglise Orientale," 



(1 vol. Rome: 1855); for the refutation 
of vhich the Greek synod has appointed 
a committee, consisting of the ex-patriarch 
Costanzo and the learned Dr. Karatheo- 
dory. In the Armenian Church, the di- 
rector general of the Turkish powder 
manufactory, Boghos Dadian, has direct- 
ed a pamphlet of the same kind to the 
Armenian patriarch in Constantinople, 
The author, it is said, found, during his 
journey through Europe, the liveliest 
sympathy and great encourai^enient from 
the Freuch emperor. Being by birth and 
position a prominent member of his 
Church, his work calls forth some excite- 
ment. The Roman missions in Turkey 
are in a very flourishing state, aud their 
prospects are better than ever before. 
On the other hand, the noble exertions 
of American, English, and German mis- 
sionaries of evangelical Churches are 
likewise crowned vsith great success. 
There can be but little doubt that the 
next years will have to record great 
changes in the religious life of Turkey. 

In the Greek Church of Russia, the old 
Greek party, which is ojiposcd to the union 
of State aud Church aud to the position 
of the Czar in the Church, has given some 
signs of life. In Greece, the flourishing 
University of Athens and the new ly organ- 
ized system of public instruction, as well 
as the successful labours of American mis- 
sionaries, will probably arouse the national 
Church from her lethargy. 



Cljcological axxb Cilcrfirti. 



Dr. CujLr.LF3 Elliott's new work on 
slavery is nearly ready for the press. It 
will be the most learned and thorough 
investigation of the \\hole subject of an- 
cient slavery that has yet appeared in the 
English, or perhaps in any other language. 
It will treat, 

I. Of Roman slavery in general, the 
facts and doctrines being drawn almost 
wholly from the original sources of infor- 
mation, s'w., the civil law. 

II. The Paulo-post Apostolic discipline 
on slavery, collated with Roman law. 

III. The discipline of the Church of 
Rome on .slavery. The sources here axe 
the Canon law, collated with Scripture 
and the Roman law. 

IV. The effects of Christian principles 
and practice in Roman legislation. Here 
the learned author has drawn upon the 
Roman code, comparing and collating the 
contemporary historians, sacred and pro- 
fane. 



The work has required great labour and 
research, and, in fact, could only have 
been executed by a man of thorough 
scholarship and indomitable industry, 
like Dr. Elliott. We hope soon to see it 
issue from the press. 

MEssas. Carlton and Phillips are pre- 
paring for spesdy publicaiion a volume of 
great interest to the Methodist public, 
under the title of "-The Heroes of Meth- 
odisiA ; containing Skrtchen of Bminent 
Jf'thodist Miniftcrt and Characterixtic Aiieo- 
dotes of their Personal History, by the Rev. 
J. D. WakdexjP The work will doubtless 
have a great run. 

A GLKAT stir has been caused in the 
Church of Eugland by tie publication of 
a commentary entitled, "JA-; Diiiiflci of 
St. Paul to the Thfuiiloui'in^, Galotians, 
Pomani : vith Critical Xr.les nnd Pi^ser- 
tntiom," by Bex.ja»iis Jowett, M. A., 
Fellow and' Tutor of Ralliol College, Ox- 
ford. (London : Murray, 1855. 2 vols. 



1856.] Religious and Literary Intelligence. 



327 



8to.) The following: summary of Mr. 
Jowett's views is taken from the Loiicioa 
Quarterly Review : " ' Even in the counsels 
of perfection of the Sermon on the Mount, 
there is probably nothing which might 
not be found, in letter or spirit, in Philo 
or some other Jewish \vriter;' and the 
language of the Xew Testament, though 
•the language of the Old Testament' in 
part, ' is still more the language of tho 
Alexandrian philosophy.' lu short, ac- 
cording to his shoTviny, Christianity itself 
vould appear to be the product of a fu- 
sion of Platonic, Oriental, and Jewish 
philosophy together, -with the addition of 
another element supplied by the teaching 
of Christ and his apostles, to give it a 
consistency, and, above all, a power, 
which, in the other three elements, were 
wanting. The following are specimens 
of the theology to be found in the Notes : 
' We cannot say that all men are regener- 
ate or unregenerate. All things may be 
passing out of one state into the other, 
and may therefore belong to both or 
neither. J.Iaukind are not divided into 
regenerate and unregenerate, but arc in 
a state of transition from the one to the 
other, or too dead and unconscious to be 
iucluded in either.' .\gain, comparing 
Gal. ii, 19, 20, .Air. Jowett 'traces three 
stages in the Christian state: 1. Deatli ; 
2. Death with Christ ; 3. Christ living in 
us. First, we are one with Christ, and 
then Christ is put in our place. So far 
■we are using the same language with the 
Apostle. At the next stage a ditference 
appears. "We begin with figures of speech 
— sacrifice, ransom, Lamb of God ; and 
go on with logical determinations — finite, 
infinite, satisfaction, necessity, or the na- 
ture of things. St. Paul also begins with 
figures of speech — life, death, the tlosh ; 
but passes on to the inward experience of 
the life of faith, and the consciousness of 
Christ dwelling in us.' 'When it is said, 
that " Christ g.ive himself for our sins," or 
as a sin-o tiering, the shadow must not be 
put in the place of the substance, or the 
Jewish image for the truth of the Gospel. 
Of such language, it may be remarked, 
(1.) That it is figurative, natural, and 
intelligible to that age, not equally so to 
us ; (2.) That the figures themselves are 
varied, thereby showing that they are 
figures only, and not realities or matters 
of fict; (3.) That the same sacrifi.-.ial 
language is applied alriio^t eiiually to the 
beli'ever and his Lord; (4.) That the 
effect and meaning of this language must 
have been very ditTereut, while the sacri- 
fices were bein^ daily offered, and now 



that they have passed away; (5.) That 
such expressions seldom occur in the 
writings of St. Paul, another class of 
figures, in which the believer is identitied 
with the various stages of the Life of 
Christ, being far more common ; (6.) That, 
in general, the thing meant by them is, 
that Christ took upon him human flesh, 
that he was put to death by sinful men, 
and raised racn out of the !~tate of sin, 
in thig sense, taking their sins upon him- 
self.' ' We nowhere find in the Epistles 
the expression of justification by Christ, 
exactly in the sense of modern theolo- 

AU parlies in the Church, Tract^rians, 
Evang.-lioals, even liroad Churchmen, 
seem to have taken the alarm. Dr. Go- 
lightly uud Dr. McBride, both of Oxford 
(EviUigeiicals) v.erc the llrst to interfere 
in tho matter, and called on the vice 
chancellor of the University to require 
Jlr. Jowett to sign the articles of the 
Church of England. Mr. Jowett signed 
them ! 

A.vo.NG the new works recently an- 
nounced on the continent of Europe are 
the following : 

Lie. Dr. Weiss, Der petrinische Lehrbe- 
gritT. P.eitr::go zur billischen Theologie, 
sowio zur Kritik und Exegese des ersten 
P.rief.'s Petri uud der petrinischcn Keden. 
Pp. 144, Svo. 

Introduetio in dogmaticam Christianam, 
scripsit Dr. Theodorus Albertus Liebner. 
Leipzig: P.irts L II., Svo. 

Phih'sophische Dogmatik, oder : Philo- 
Rojihie d.-s Chriitenthums, von Ch. H. 
■\\'iisse. ^'ol. i, Svo. 

Dr. Joh. Carl Ludw. Gieseler's Dogoien- 
gcschichte, bis auf die Reformation. Aus 
seiiiem Xachlasse lierausgegeben vou Dr. 
E. II. lledL[ienning. Svo. 

Die IlekcnntniKsschriften der altprote- 
stantischeu Kirche Deutschlands. Her- 
ausgegebcu von Dr. Ikinrich Heppe. bvo. 

lir. v.. P.cliiner, Leb:; Verfassor u. Ab- 
fassungs;:cit d. Johanneischeu Apokalypse 
und zur bibl. Typic. Halle : Svo. 

IV. J. H. Friedlieb, Geschichte des Le- 
bens Jesu Christi, mit chronologischen 
und andcrn historisehen L'ntersuchungen, 
I'.reslau : pp iliT, Svo. 

Dr. K. 11. Hagenb.ach, Die christliche 
Kirche vom vicrtcn bis sechsten Jahrhnn- 
dert. Leiiizi-: pp. 3^tS. Svo. 

W. F. llinek, Die KulL'ion der llollenen 
aiis d.'u Mythen, den Lehren, dor Philo- 
sophic und dem Cultus cntwickelt. II. 
Band. 2. Abth : ^lysterienfeier, Orakel, 
Ewigkeit u. Heilignng, nebst dem PwCgi- 
ster. Zurich : pp. 331-58.1, Svo. 



328 



Religious and Literary Intelligence. 



[April, 



We cont'mue our summaries of the con- 
tents of the principal theological journals : 

2%eolojicu( and Litrmri/ Jouniat, for 
January : I. Professor Sanborn's Kssay on 
Millenarianism : II. Notes on Scripture, 
Critical Conjectures : III. Th^? Parables of 
the New Testament : IV. Professor Lewis's 
Response in the New-York tJl'scrver in 
Reference to his Sis Days of Creation : V. 
A Designation and Esposition of the Fig- 
ures of Isai-ih, chap, xxxiv. 

Qunrtrrly H^innr of thr Mrth.-.di-t r,n^n>. 
pal Chin-ch, South, ior Januo-ry: I. The Dis- 
position of Tiberius Caesar and Marcus 
Aarelius toward the Christians : II. 
Chastel on Charity : III. Christ, not Peter, 
the Rock : IV. Theodorc'.Vjrippa D'Au- 
bijne : y. Miiller on the Christian Doctrine 
of .Sin : VI. Philosophy of Methodist Itin- 
erancy. 

Christian Examiner, and Rrlijionf Mij<o:l- 
lany, fur January : I. The Hebrew Doctrine 
of a Future Life: II. Religious Prospects 
of Germany: HI. The .\morican Church: 

IV. Morning' : V. A Half-Century of the 
Unitarian Controversy : VI. Mr. 'Ihacl;cray 
as a Novelist: VII. Romanism in the Is- 
land of Malta. 

Pretihrjicrian Quaylerli/ Rcvirv, for Decem- 
ber : 1. The Foreign Mission Question: 
n. Are the Plancis Inhabited ? HI. Tlie 
Life, Character, and Services of I'.'-v. Ilol.t. 
H. Bishop, I). D. : IV. Dr. llickok^s Works : 

V. Professor Lewis's View of the " Days" 
of Creation: VI. Literary and Theoloijical 
Intelligence. 

Chriilian Kn-iew. for July : 1. The Critics 
on Ju<Ias Lcariot: II. The I'.ov. William 
Jay : III. Classical Studies in this Count) y : 
IV. The Intermediate State : V. 1h<- Old 
Testament, Jud^jed by the New : VI. A 
Search for the Church': VIL Geographical 
Accuracy of the Bible. 

Chrihtirai J'cvicic, for January : I. -fls- 
thetic Influence of Nature : II. The Uni- 
corn : III. Spencer H. Cone, I). D. : IV. 
General View uf Theological Science : V. 
Origeu: VI. Cuuucil of Trent: VII. Prog- 
ress of Baptist Principles. 

Jlfercernbunjh Quarter/if Jifvieir, for Jan- 
nary : I. Boardman on the Christian Min- 
istry : II. Sketches of a Traveller from 
Greece, Constantinople, .\sia Minor. Syria, 
and Palestine : III. Faith and Reason : 
IV. Chief Justice Gibson: V. Ab.'lard. 
Abraham, and .Vdatn : \\. Liturgical Con- 
tributions. 

i'luver^aHHt Qw,rtcr!v an^i Oni'ral Re- 
view, (Boston.) for January : I. Newman's 
Hebrew Monarchy: II. The Chief .\ppeal 
of Religion: IIL Skepticism: its Causes; 
its Cure : IV. The Condition and Prospects 



of Freedom : V. Heathen Views of the 
Punishment of Sin. 

Ecanjdical Revictc, (Getty sbiirgh. Pa.,) 
for January : I. Commentary on the Gos- 
pel of John, by Tholuck : II. The Sisms 
of the Times : lU. A high Standard' of 
Piety demanded by the Times : IV. Remi- 
niscences of Lutheran Clergymen : V. 
Bachman on the Unity of the Human 
Race : AT. Our General Synod : VH. Hym- 
nology. 

Wc^tr,iiniter Rcn'ev. (London.'! for Janu- 
ary: I. German Wit: Ilcinrich Heine: 
II.' The Limited Liability Act of Ho5 ; IIL 
History of the House of Savoy : IV. Rus- 
sia and the Allies : V. Military Education 
for t'tiicers : VI. Athenian Comedy : Vn. 
Lions aiid Lion Hunting. 

Qiinrterly Juiietc, (London,) for Janu- 
ary : I. Table Talk': 11. Reformatory 
Schools : III. Menander : IV. Henry Field- 
iug : V. I^andscape Gardening : VI. Neology 
of the Cloisters : VII. Zoological Girdens : 
VIII. Results and Prospects of the War. 

London Quarterly Rnictc, for January: 
I. Religious History of Mankind, Sriith's 
Sacred .\nnals: II. The Royal Ladies of 
England: III. Jesuitism: its Political Re- 
lation: IV. Professor Wilson, Noctes Am- 
broiianaj : V. Present Religious Aspect of 
the World: VI. Thirty Years of French 
Imaginative Literature : VII. Donaldson's 
P.ook of Jashar : VIII. Popular Authorship, 
Samuel Warren : IX. The Eampton Lec- 
ture : X. The War in Asia. 

XiUion^i! Rericic, (London,) for January : 
L Edward Gibbon: IL The Spanish Con- 
quest in America : III. The Life and Writ- 
ings of Dr. Thomas Young : IV. Atheism : 
V. The State of France : VI. Phoenicia : VII. 
W. M. Thackeray: Artist and Moralist: 
VIII. Foreign Policy, and the nexi Cam- 
paign : IX. Books of the Quarter. 

British and Foreign Evanrjelical Review, 
(Edinburgh,) for January : I. Sir WTlliam 
Hamilton and his Philosophy: II. Bible 
Princij>lcs on the Subject of Terncerance : 
IIL Success in the Ministry: IV. Jephthah's 
Vow : V. The Geulogy of Words : VL Es- 
sence .and End of Infidelity: VIL The 
Roman Cathulic Press: VIII. Lyall on the 
Science of Mind : IX. Jowett on the Pauline 
Epistles: X. Buchanan's Faith in G.>d and 
Modern .\thcism Compared : XI. German 
Periodicals. 

Ckriflian Remembrancer, (London,) for 
January : I. Lee on the Inspiration of 
Scripture: II. The Canons cf Historic 
Credibility: HL Dulwich College: IV. 
Mozby on St. Augustine : V. Cureton's 
Spicih glum Syriacum : VI. Dr. Lushing- 
ton's Judgment. 



T H E 

METHODIST QUAIITEIILY EEYIEW. 

JUL Y, 185G. 



Art. L—JULIUS CHARLES IIAllE. 

[8TX:0XD PAJEE.] 

1. Guesses at Truth. By Tvr'O Br-OTiirr.?. First Scrio". Fifth Edition. Revised. 
London: 1855. 

2. Guesses at Truth. Bj Two Br.oTiiEr.s. Secoml Scries. Third Edition. 135J. 

3. Sermons prcacht in Hcrstmonceux Church. By Ji i.Ti.s Chai;u:3 Hare, A. Af. 
Bcctor of Hcrstmonceux, Archdeacon of I.cwcs, and late Fellov of Trinity 
College. Cambridge: 2 vols. 1811 and 1^17. 

4. The Victory of FailJi, and other Sermons. By Jn,u;3 Ciiakles Hare, etc. 
Second Edition! ISi". i 

a. The Jiission of the Comforter, and other S<rnicns, n-ith Xotes. By JrT.iUd 
CifAKLr.3 Hare. Second Edition. ];cvi.<i.d. l.'-'.i". 

6. Essays and Tales. By John Stkiilint. Co!' -ted and edited, villi a Memoir of 
his Life. By J. C. Hake, &c. 2 vols. l-^l^. 

7. The Jfcnns of Unity : a Charr/e. With Xo!s o;: the .Jerusalem Bishopric, and 
the Need of an Ecclesiastical Synod. By .7. C. IlAr.i:. vtc. 

8. Letter to the Dean of Chichester on the appointment of Dr. JLivipden. Second 
Edition. With Bostscript. By J. C. Hake, vk:c. 

9. The Better Prospects of the Cinerch : a Char!;e. By .J. C. Hake, Lc. 

10. The Cojitcst xvith Rome : a Charge drlivercd in IS^l. with Xotcs ; especially in 
Jnswcr to Dr. Keionan's L.eeturcs. By .T. C. Haee, fee. 

11. Archdeacon Hare's Last Charr/e. 185;"). 

12. Tiro Sermon.': on the Oecrtsion of Ik'' J'un'-ritl if Jrclidrncon Hare. By the 
Rev. n. 0. Elliott, M. A., and iLe llov. J. N. Simpki.nson', M. A. lSo-5. 

In attempting to give a fair estimate of Jllius Charles Haiie 
as a religious teacher, "we have two functions to perform; the 
former of minor importance, ami ^vhich need not detain us long; 
the latter of main moment. First, vrc must endeavour to charac- 
terize the form nnd style of his pulpit addresses; then we must 
consider the quality of the theology which constitutes the substance 
of his teaching. We intimated in our former paper that we do not 
rate Hare among the most eloquent and powerful of preachers, though 
he is, unquestionably, among the purest and most giftCtUof English 
Fourth Series, Vol. VIII.— 21 



330 Julius Charles Hare, [July, 

■writers. Many men have failed as preachers, because they were 
little aware of the necessary distinction between the style proper 
for the essay or treatise, which is to be read in private by the 
student, and that which is appropriate to the lecture or sermon, 
which is to be delivered before a listcninp; congregation. It appears 
to us that Hare failed mainly because he had an exaggerated idea 
as to what should be the degree of this distinction. His sermons 
lack closeness and weight of tliouglit ; they are too difl'use in style, 
and too profuse in illustration. The rein is given too freely to all 
the caprices of the author's fertile fancy; and, at the same time, 
there is a want of the dignity and solemnity which, whatever may 
be the plainness of speech, befit the theme and office of the pulpit. 
Not that there is anything frivolous: not that the writer is not 
earnest and serious ; yet there is, very commonly, a loose neglige 
style of too palpably ^condescending speech, which must have much 
diminished the preacher's weight and authority. Of course, this 
will be seen most distinctly and frequently in the "Parish Sermons," 
prepared for simple country folk; but something of it is also appa- 
rent in his sermons preached before the University, which, with all 
their learning and thoughtfuhicss, are very diffuse, rather careless in 
style, and somewhat juvenile in tone. The sort of eulogy which 
these college sermons have received, certain]}' docs not impress 
one with the idea that profound and weighty theological thought 
is extensively in circulation in the English Universities. A part of 
Hare's fault in this matter is, no doubt, owing to that principle in 
his philosophy which we have had occasion to note — that the 
imagination, in matters of religion, is to teach its truths, no less than 
the understanding; and that its culture, no less than that of the 
heart and mind, is a part of the office of a true, deep, and universal 
religion. We have no disposition to deny this principle; only we 
think that Hare, having supposed that it had been lost sight of, was 
tempted to make too mucli of it. The freshness and fertility of his 
fancy, and the poetic impulses of his nature, too, would naturally 
incline him to indulge and expatiate, where no necessity of argu- 
ment, no cogency of a controUing purpose, or idea, compelled him, 
as in bis criticisms and in his controversy, to urge on his forward 
course. Had Hare, indeed, been an orator— had passion ruled his 
intellect, and filled his heart, and prompted his tongue, or had the 
gi-and solemnities of revelation fully mastered and inspired his soul 
— his fancy would have been made subordinate and subservient. 
But Hare was not an orator, or a man of passion. The 
stream of his: soul was not a strong river, but a fresh current, 
flowing, it is true, in a distinct channel, and toward a definite and 



1856.] Julius Charles Hare. 331 

•well-perceived issue, but loving, nevertheless, to meander, " at its 
own sweet Avill," among flowery meads and calm, fruitful prospects. 
We might, perhaps, not be far wrong in saying that Hare was too 
much of a poet to be an orator. He himself says, (Guesses, ttc, 
First Series, p. 137,) or rather his brother said, and he adopted the 
sentiment : " Oratory may be SA'-mbolizcd by a warrior's eye, flashing 
from under a philosopher's broAV. But why a -warrior's eye rather 
than a poet's ? Because in oratory the will must predominate.'' 
Hare, then, vras too much of the poet, too little the man of combined 
^vill and passion, to be an orator. 

It will not be supposed, from what Ave have said, that there is not 
much of eloquence, and more of beauty, in Hare's sermons. 
Passages of rare beauty abound in them ; and not a few may be 
found of real power and eloquence. Still the texture of his dis- 
courses, however brightly coloured, lacks substance. There is not 
a little also of sameness in the pattern, if ue may so speak, of his 
illustrations; -while sometimes his fancies so outrun the natural 
and the beautiful as to become grotesque. 

The follov.-ing passage would, we should think, be more likely to 
make his parishioners admire the bright f:incy of their minister, 
than feel the deadly and loathsome nature of that "evil and bitter" 
thing against which he was wishing to warn them : 

" Satan, when he lures people into lii? pr!~on-hoiise of sin, aUvavs tries to 
make them forget tliat they are there. Il«^ trie?, tor a while, to make thera 
think that they are in a very pleasant ami ixooilly place. He dazzles their 
eyes, so that the walls seem to glitter with goM and precious stones ; the 
poisonous plants, which are cre'-ping along tlie ground, are covered -^vith 
bright berries and gaudy llowers ; and as all the inmates of the prison arc 
beguiled, more or less, by the sann' dehi-ion, there is no one in the whole 
company to admonish and warn them where they are." — Ibid., p. 23. 

The conceit about to be quoted is worthy of the patristic age, or 
would, perhaps, suit better still the rhetoric of lloman hagiologists : 

" Surely, if we will not even do thus much, we cannot bo clusters of the 
true Vine ; we cannot hope that our faniilies -will ho among those clusters, with 
•which the Vine will adorn itself, when it spreads out its branches through the 
firmament; and the stars shall drop from their spheres to crown the heads of 
Christ's saints."— 76/'./., p. 38 2. 

Not a few sanjplcs of the same sort of fruit might have been gathered 
-with the least possible trouble, from the second volume of these 
"Parish Sermons,'' Avhich, as a whole, indeed, is inferior to the 
first. At the same time, these volumes contain many fine speci- 
mens of homely, yet often beautiful practical preaching: and some 
of the more contemplative discourses, which treat of the ways of 
Providence, and the blessings and duties of life, have a quiet 



332 Julius Charles Hare. [July, 

power of tliouglit, and a rich yet chaste beauty of ilkstration, which, 
in sermon- writing, we scarcely know where else to match. Among 
these we would particularly direct attention to the sermon on 
" Harvest Parables," in the second volume. 

\s c alluded at the beginning of this paper to the form as well as 
the sfijle of Hare's sermons. Those of our readers who are at all 
acquainted with the modern school of preachers in the English 
Church, will expect to hear that these sermons have no formal 
divisions or obvious plan. This is not so insignificant a point as 
might be supposed. As, in the ages when logical forms and 
methods ruled in the ascendant, divisions and subdivisions were 
multiplied, every truth affirmed was traced backward to its cause, 
and onward to its eQ'ect, and every kind was distinguished as ,to 
genus and species; so those who decry or slight logic, and who. 
above all, dislike its application to the science of theology, shun 
every appearance of division or formal distinction in their discourses. 
They preach the Gospel " broadly" and generally. They present its 
facts in a somewhat superficial way; they explain its narratives not 
too minutely, for tliis would not accord either with their doctrinal 
haziness and generality, or with their loose notions as to " inspira- 
tion ;" they enforce its duties, but they do not preach its doctrines in 
their strict, mutual harmony, or in their precise adaptation to the 
condition and wants of man. To do this would involve the need of 
logical distinctions and deductions, and would bring them, before 
they were aware, within the forbidden circle of systematic theology. 
An outline or plan, distinctly stated, would suggest to their hear- 
ers, as one principle or position after another came forth to view, 
or as fact after fact was named, all sorts of questions as to the 
whence? the how? the why? the wherefore? to attempt to meet 
which would not agree with the views of those who belong to the 
" Broad Church," and who glory in a vague, unsystematized the- 
ology. Now, though Hare Avas far more logical und doctrinal, far 
less vague, and more evangelical, than most others of this school ; 
yet to this school he did belong, as we are aboht to show forthM"ith. 
His sermons, accordingly, though they have generally a more ob- 
vious plan, and are more concerned in the statement and discussion 
of the great ground-truths of theology, and the gracious provisions 
of the Gospel, than most of those of his fellows, are yet, on the 
whole, theologically considered, somewhat superficial and unsatis- 
factory, and systematically avoid everything like express divisions 
and logical forms. Had this not been the case, they would, proba- 
bly, have been less difl'use, and much more cogent and effective. 
After all, there is more in a method than is commonly supposed. 



1856.] Julius Charles Hare. 333 

Had the preachers of the seventeenth century been less minute and 
multifarious in their logical distinctions and divisions, the ^vorld 
would have lost a vast amount of >vorthIcss quibbling, wearisome 
repetition, and irreverent conjecture and conclusion. So now, the 
absence of logical method from so much modern preaching, serves to 
hide the vagueness and slightncss of its theology, and its deficiency of 
faith and feeling as to the most fundamental truths of the Gospel. 

What was Hare's faith, and the substance of his teaching as to 
these fundamental truths, we now pass on to inquire. A priori, 
as we intimated at the commencement of our former article, we 
should seem to be warranted in coming to the conclusion tbat he 
was very far from being right in this matter. "We are willing to 
leave out of account the laudatory way in Avhich he often refers to 
Maurice, which may be well enough accounted for, without suppos- 
ing him to be at all agreed with that writer on the points on which 
the latter is so widely astray, especially when we remember the 
relationship between the two, and that Maurice had not at all dis-' 
tinctly disclosed his heretical views at the time when Hare made 
those laudatory references. But, apart from this. Hare's frequent, 
distinct, emphatic mention of Coleridge, as his master, in regard to 
the highest aspects not only of philosophy, but of theology, would 
lead us very naturally and reasonably to iutVr tiiat he was nearly, if not 
altogether, as far off from evangelical orthodoxy as that philosopher. 
We have seen, indeed, that, in reference to philosophy, however Hare 
might agree with Coleridge in general tone of feeling, in taste and 
tendency; however much he might admire his intuitive sagacity, 
his profound penetration, his piercing subtilty of distinction and 
insight, the moral dignity and purity of his tone as a teacher, his 
wide compass of inquiry, and his catholic sympathies ; however 
heartily he might welcome his leadership against the materialist 
and utilitarian philosophies which had been in vogue; yet, in fact, 
he does not seem to have accepted, to thoir full _cxtent. the special 
dogmas of Coleridge's metaphysics. And hence we might be dis- 
posed to infer beforehand, that, so far as the theological tenets of 
Coleridge were particukirly dependent upon these dogmas, Hare would, 
probably, differ from him. On his doctrine of the Logos, for instance, 
as in some way identified with all men. and as being the light of 
reason in every man, and on those other subtile, abstruse, mysti- 
cal, and incomprehensible doctrines, which, if tiiey appeared at all, 
only just peeped out in his " Aids to Kcllection,"' but were more 
fully dwelt upon — explained we can scarcely say — in notes and 
appendices to later works, we should have no right to assume that 
Hare agreed with Coleridge. Most men, indeed, if they differed 



334 Julius Charles Hare. [July, 

from Coleridge on these points, and yet expressed their high admi- 
ration of his philosophy and theology, -would have been careful, at 
the same time, to put in a disclaimer, so far as these points were 
concerned; but this does not seem to have been Hare's way. He 
was on the look-out for points of agreement with others, and was 
eager to consent and applaud. The points of difierence he did not 
care to discriminate, unless compelled ; nor would he allow any 
man, whose views on essential points he believed to be right, to be 
condemned because of logical consequences deducible from some of 
the tenets which he held. We think he carried this much too far; 
but our present purpose is only to note the thing itself, as helping 
to account for his indiscrimiuating eulogy of Coleridge. Still, after 
every abatement has been made, we cannot but believe that, in some 
main principles, there must have been an agreement between the 
theology of Hare and of Coleridge ; otherwise, such language as we 
are about to quote can have no meaning. In his " Life of Sterling." 
Hare tells us, that when Sterling was a young man, the influence of 
Coleridge was the principal means by which there was wrought in 
his mind "a temporary reconciliation with that which is best and 
soundest in the faith and institutions of his countrymen." — P. 128. 
He " dedicated, with deep reverence and thankfulness," his " Mission 
of the Comforter," to the "honoured memory" of Coleridge, "the 
Christian philosopher; Avho, through dark and winding paths of 
speculation, was led to the light, in order that others by his guid- 
ance might reach that light, without passing through the darkness ;" 
and described himself as " one of the many pupils whom his writings 
have helpt to discern the sacred concord and unity of human and 
Divine truth." In a similar strain of reverent eulogy, he speaks, 
in the preface to this work, of the "great religious philosopher," 
" the main work of whose life was to spiritualize not only our philos- 
ophy, but our theology ; to raise them both above the empiricism into 
which they had been dwindling, and to set. them free from the tech- 
nical trammels of logical sijstcms." This last clause deserves note. 
The elementary and popular (we use the word, of course, only 
comparatively) teaching of Coleridge on theology is contained in 
his "Aids to Reflection." ^o one can be said to agree with Cole- 
ridge at all on theology, who does not accord with the main princi- 
ples laid down there ; and in that work, it is well known that 
Coleridge teaches a theology differing from Avhat is ordinarily 
understood to bo "evangelical orthodoxy," in regard to the doc- 
trines of the atonement, and of justification by fiith. On these 
momentous points, then, we must expect to find that Hare differed, 
more or less widely, from the evangelical doctrine. But Coleridge's 



1856.] Julius Charles Hare. 335 

views as to inspiration are also intimated in that work, and arc 
pretty fully explained in another, (the " Confessions of an enquiring 
Spirit,") the general teaching of which Hare has referred to in his 
"Life of Sterling," in a manner which seems to imply approval. 
This, then, will be another main point to which we must direct our 
attention. 

But, before we proceed to examine Hare's views on these very 
important points, let us draw a wide distinction between his teach- 
ing and that of such writers as Maurice. Though scai'cely to bo 
called, in the full sense, an evangelical believer and teacher of 
Christianity, Hare was distinctively a Christian, an "orthodox" 
Christian, in the broad sense, and a devout and earnest one. He 
believed in the Christian Trinity, not in a 2s'eo-Platonic triad; his 
teaching is clear and decisive as to man's fallen condition ; and Ids 
sense of the sinful taint and corruption of our nature seems to have 
been exceedingly deep and vivid; it meets us continually in his 
writings, and is expressed in every variety of emphatic and im- 
pressive statement and appeal. He neither denies nor ignores, 
though he does not often dwell upon, the rectoral character of God 
as the pure and holy Judge; he teaches that there will be a day of 
final judgment, and that there will be a separate lot and blessing 
for the righteous in heaven, while the wicked will be punished in 
hell. There is no glimpse of anything bordering upon Universalism 
in his writings. He teaches fully, and with great earnestness and 
enlargement, the doctrine of sanctification by the power of the Holy 
Ghost as the privilege of all who are pardoned through faith in Christ, 
and the absolute need of faith in Christ in order to sanctification. 

It is impossible for us to illustrate all these particulars by 
quotations from Hare's writings; but we feel that we should not 
do justice to him, if we neglected to give our readers an opportunity 
of judging for themselves, by one or two pregnant quotations, relat- 
ing to the grand, fundamental truth of nian"s fallen and sinful con- 
dition before God, and need of the Holy Ghost to quicken him 
ancAv ; how widely apart was Hare's theological position from that 
of Maurice, notwithstanding that both avowed themselves disciples 
of Coleridge, that each praises the other's writings, particularly 
Hare several of Maurice's, and that they were intimate friends 
and nearly related by marriage. 

Hare tells us Cand this is in direct contradiction to Maurice's 
teaching) that '• the condition of man after the I'all was as nothing 
in comparison with his llrst glory;" and speaks of a "living com- 
munion with God, such as he had enjoyed in Paradise, and had lost 
by the Fall." He says, that " the innocence of childhood is noth- 



33G Julius Charles Hare. [July, 

ing more than a bud with a -worm gnawing at its heart, and which 
the first blast of temptation is sure to nip." He speaks of man's 
nature as " shattered by the fall, and rotted by selfishness," so that 
"its unity and harmony" are "utterly destroyed." He says, "there 
is a taint of sin hi our hearts, -which runs through all our thoughts 
and feelings, through all our words and deeds."* More at large, he 
thus deals with the fearful mystery of sin and evil in the world : 

" Whether vie look north or south, cast or west, without or within, we sec 
evil. If we say, as some have foolishly said, that it is the growth of civili- 
sation, that it arises from the perverse institutions of society, and that it would 
not be found in man if he were but in a state of nature; if we resolve to fly 
from civilized society, and take the wings of the morning, and abide in the 
uttermost parts of tlie savage wilderness, even there, whatever and whomever 
we may see will bear the scar and mark of evil, like the mark which v.-as set 
upon Cain. If, on the other hand, we fancy, as others have no less tlwlisHy 
fancied, that evil sjirings wholly from ignorance ; and that the laws of man, 
and the arts of man, and the craft of man, will be able to overcome and get 
the better of it, then we need only turn our eyes toward those nations wliieh have 
made the greatest advance in knowledge ; and we shall find that, so tar as 
that advance has bei-n made by man, and by human means only, while men 
have advanced in knowlcdiie they have ako advanced in wickedness, and gone 
on devising new vices and abominations before unheard of. How evil came 
into the world we know not ; but that it is there, we all of us know iar too 
well," kc.—Ihld., pp. 139, 140. 

" Why should I refuse to tell a lie, when by so doing I should save the life 
of a fuller or a brother 'i Because, a philo.^ophcr replies, / am huund to revere 
tJte dii/iiiti/ of the human aoid. But v.'hat is the dignity of the human soul, 
except as the soul which God made, and Christ has redeemed? It is the 
dignity of the foundling, which knows not its birthplace or its parenta^'e ; of 
a pauper, clothed in rags, the faded relics of bygone glory ; the dignity of a 
lackey, tliat dogs the heels of custom and oj)inion; the dignity of a cripple, 
bloated and maimed by the consequences of its own intemperance, and only 
enabled to walk by the crutch of some lifeless maxim. What is such dignity 
worth ? and how many drops of blood will it outweigh ? flight it not be 
deemed an excess of vanity to prize it above the life of a worm ?" — Parish 
Sermons, voL ii, p. 313. 

The last paragraph, it will be observed, refers to man as con- 
ceived of by a godless philosophy ; man, as apart from the grand 
truths of revelation and redemption. And these extracts, taken 
together, may give a fair, though scarcely an adequate, idea of 
Hare's doctrine and manner of speech, in regard to the fallen and 
sinful condition of man. Surely it must be admitted, however 
much we lament his deficiencies as to some points of evangelical 
doctrine, that he who wrote in such a style was an earnest Christian, 
as far removed from the mere philosopher, as from the formalist, or 
the dry doctrine-monger. Coleridge's writings show nothing like 
the above; and Maurice's teaching is fundamentally diiferent. As 
to Hare's teaching on the other points recently enumerated, on which 

•' Pariih Sermons, vol. ii, pp. 113, IIG ; vol. i, pp. 28, 303 ; and vol. ii, p. 131. 



1856.] Julius Charles Hare. 337 

Jie agrees with orthodox and evangcKcal believers iu general, we 
beg to refer to his " Mission of the Comforter," passim, to the last 
sermon of his " Victory of Faith," and to his Parish Ser?no7is, 
vol. i, pp. 1G4, 417; and vol. ii, pp. 210, 307. 

We have made these preliminary admissions, in simple justice to 
the distinguished and noble-hearted man, whose writings we have 
undertaken to review. It is our earnest wish in this article to be 
strictly impar cial. \Vc have no sympathy whatever with that princi- 
ple, which has so extensively obtained in all controversial writing, and 
especially in theological discussion, that it is wise and fair, so far as 
this can be discreetly and safely done, to ignore, in a writer whose errors 
you undertake to expose, whatever is good, and wise, and true ; and 
we are conscious that our personal bias is all in favour of Archdeacon 
Hare; yet we should not perform our duty, if we omitted to note, 
that even in the extracts which vre have given, excellent as these are, 
so for as they go, there is yet a defect, more easily to be felt, per- 
haps, than defined, hjin is viewed rather as a disease and misfor- 
tune, than as a transgression of the Divine law. and as involvin^^ 
guilt. The preacher mourns over it, subjectively considered, as a 
tendency and habit, producing discord with God and nature, and 
bringing with it wretchedness ; but ho does not, as a witness for 
God, denounce it in its o]>jective character, as a guilty violation of 
God's holy revealed will. He speaks of it rather in the sentimental 
view of a poet-philosopher, than as a preacher of righteousness. 
Nor do we find that he anywhere brings out to view the doctrine of 
imputed guilt ; that the race is treated as guilty, in consequence of 
Adam's sin and fall, without the admission of which, in some form, 
we fear that the blessed doctrine of atonement for sinners, through 
the Saviour s obedience unto death, cannot be well sustained. 

In fact, it could not be expected that Hare should be full and ex- 
plicit in his doctrine of sin and guilt, unless he had been thoroughly 
evangelical as to the grand, coutr.il doctrine of atonement. This, 
however, was not the case. Like Maurice, he chooses to use the 
verb atone frequently — indeed, except in his "Parish Sermons," 
ordinarily, if not only — in the obsolete sense of to make at one. to 
reconcile. Once, in the New Testament, the word atonement is 
unquestionabl}' used either instca<l of reconciliation, or, at any rate, 
where reconciliation [as a consciiuence of atonement'] would have 
been a more correct rendering. J>ut it is equally certain, that as 
used ordinarily in the Bible, and in reference to the purpose and 
effect of the sacrifices under the law, expiation and not reconcilintion 
is intended by the word. Of course, the recent customary use of 
the word in the sense of reconcile, by Ilare, Maurice, and perhaps a 



338 Julius Charles Hare. [July, 

few more, does not, of itself, affect the Scriptural doctrine of atone- 
ment, or even go any way toward proving tliat those v.-ho thus use 
it differ from others in their view of the doctrine in question. Still, 
supposing they do differ, it is clear that their peculiar use of the 
word may stand in relation to their peculiar doctrine ; and such is, 
in fact, the case. iSot admitting that the Scriptural doctrine of 
atonement involves essentially the idea of expiation, believing that 
the reconciliation of man to God is not brought about in virtue of 
the expiatory character and merit of Christ's vicarious sufferings and 
death, they wish to dissociate the idea of expiation from the cus- 
tomary use of the word atonement ; and, to this end, they carefully 
and continually use the word in the direct and simple sense of 
reconciliation. If their view is correct, we do not know that we 
have any right to blame their device. That their view, however, is 
not correct, we have heretofore, particularly in our articles on 
Maurice, given our reasons for believing ; and may hereafter show 
at greater length, in a specific article on the subject of sacrifice. 
Our present business is to show, that Hare agrees too nearly with 
his master, Coleridge, on this point. 

His avowed relations to Coleridge, and the use of the word atone, 
in the sense we have just adverted to, would, of themselves, be sufii- 
cient to convince us that this must be the case. Yet, under the 
influence of evangelical feelings, and, perhaps, when rising fresh, 
not only from the study of his Greek Testament, but from the 
perusal of the writings of Luther and Calvin, or of the holy Leigh- 
ton, so nearly does 11 arc approach, in many places, to the language 
and doctrine of the Reformers, and the best evangelical divines of 
his own Church, that it requires a careful collation of passages, and 
nice and narrow examination, to see, oftentimes, how and wherein he 
falls short of the full standard of evangelical orthodox}'. Moreover, 
in his "I^otes to the Mission of the Comforter," he not only 
hojnolnrrates, (to borrow a convenient word from Scotch Presby- 
terianism,) in terms of warm and emphatic approval, the spiritual 
and self-abasing doctrines of Augustine and the Reformers, but he 
speaks very highly, indeed, of Anselm, as the first who brought out 
into distinct view, the union of the Divine and the human natures in 
the person of Christ ; and the bearing of this on the satisfaction 
which he made for sin. It will be found, however, that he does not 
directl}' cite, or, at least, that he never cites in such a way as to 
appropriate the distinct expositions given by these writers of their 
doctrine of satisfaction and atonement : and when he expressly states 
his own views, they do not accurately and fully accord Avith theirs. 
His language is often ambiguous, and might well bear the orthodox 



1856.] Julius Charles Hare. 339 

evangelical sense; his teaching sometimes approximates very nearly 
to the full standard of evangelical truth ; nevertheless, he never does 
actual!}' and distinctly enounce the doctrine of vicarious and ex- 
piatory suffering, while, in a number of passages, he either teaches 
•vvhat is irreconcilable with this doctrine, or what is so essentially 
and critically defective as to furnish convincing, though negative 
evidence that he did not hold it. 

The following passage might easily be supposed to be truly 
evangelical in its sense ; yet those who are acquainted with the 
modem schools of theology, know that even some Unitarians would 
find little difficulty in adopting its language. Maurice, too, con- 
trives to use language little dissimilar: 

"We must be buried by bapti.-m into tlie death of Christ, before we can 
rise again in newness of life. We must be justified tlirougb faiih in the 
death of Christ, before we can be sanctified by tl;e indwelling of his Spirit. 
The spirit of sanctification is only given to tho-e who have already been 
washed from their sins in the all-puritying bl.iod of the Lamb." — ilis.<io7\, 
^•c, p. 25. 

We shall see reason presently to conclude that, in using this lan- 
guage. Hare meant no more than that " the blood of the Lamb," as 
declaring the mercy and good- will of God toward sinners, and as 
thus operating morally, through the power of the convincing and 
sanctifying Spirit, upon the conscience and afteetions of the sinner, 
•washes and purifies from sin, not as directly, and in the first place, 
as a foundation for all the rest expiating tlio guilt of sin, and satis- 
fying the justice of God. 

There is another passage, however, so i-trongly evangelical in its 
language, that wc find it difficult to understand how Hare could 
have explained away its meaning : 

" In that all sinned, all became subject to death ; to immediate, sure, ever- 
lasting death. , Only because the eternal Son of God vouchsafed to suffer 
death in the stead of all mankind — he whose doatli far outweighed the deaths 
of millions of millions — was the sentence \Nhi<h condemned all mankind to 
death cancelled and recalled."— Ai/(\<A S.riaou.s, \ul. ii, p. 21 G. 

There are truly evangelical teachers who would, probably, have 
hesitated to employ phraseology such as this, so easily to be inter- 
preted as sanctioning the view which regards the death of Christ 
as an arithmetical or commercial equivalent for the eternal suffer- 
ings of all mankind. Certain it is that, in its ordinary and obvious 
acceptation, it contradicts the general tenor, as well as all the exact 
and specific statements of Hare's doctrinal teachings. It will be 
observed that the passage occurs iu his Parish Sermons, in which 
he naturally endeavoured to accommodate himself to the ideas and 
feelings of the common people. Wc presume that he meant to say, 



340 Julius Charles Hare. [July, 

that Christ died to deliver sinners from their spiritual death; and 
that his death, in its moral po\ver and spiritual efficacy, far out- 
weighed the curse and evil attending upon the inward soul-death of 
the millions of mankind. 

Let us hear Hare on the " Cross of Christ,'' a testing subject ; 
and let our readers judge whether he could have believed in the ex- 
piatory character of the death of Christ, who, on such a theme, could 
express himself as follows : 

" It is at the foot of the cross that we. uiost deeply and thoroughly feel the 
sin of not believing in Him, -who came do%vn from he-jven to die upon that 
cross for us. It is at the foot of the cross that -we feel all the-hatcfu'.ness of 
sill, which could not be removed from the souls of men, except by the death 
of the Son of God. It is at the foot of the cross, when tlie consummating trial 
of death is past — when he wliose every word has manifested the Divine power 
of love to overcome sin's fiercest and subtlest temptations, has given up the 
"host — that, with the centurion, we recognise the perfect righteousness of 
Christ; and as the purpose for which lie v,-as lifted up was that he might be- 
come our righteousness, and draw us to partake in the righteousness which 
he liad obtained lor us : so it is at tlie foot of tlic cross that we feel how we 
are admitted to a share in the righteousness of Christ. Thus, too, it', standing 
at the foot of the cross, we raise our eyes to him who was nailed thereon ; if, 
in the light of the Spirit, we behold him there lifted up as our righteousness; 
if we call to remembrance what he left, and what he embraced for our sakes; 
if we thus fix the earnest gaze of our hearts, and souls, and minds on the glory 
of God, as manifested on the cross of Christ; then, v>-ht_n our eyes drop from 
thence on the things of this world, we cannot fail to discern how the prim.e of 
this world has been judged." — Ibid., pp. 13G, 137. 

The doctrine of substitution has, no doubt, been miserably dis- 
torted and perverted by vulgar fanatics and high Antinomians. It 
has been too often degraded, also, by good and useful men, who have 
represented the holy Judge as acting on mere personal and (as it 
were, let the word be forgiven us) selfish grounds : and as exacting 
from the Saviour, as the condition of man's redemption, a rigid quid 
pro quo, a commercial equivalent. Such views, however, have never 
been sanctioned by the great and profound divines, from whom evan- 
gelical theology has derived its strength, and by whom its principles 
have been expounded and sustained. Of late years they have been 
held by a continually decreasing number; nor are they to be met 
with in those modern works, such as the well-known English 
standards of Magee and Pye Smith, in which the doctrine of 
vicarious and expiatory sacrihcc has been so learnedly and ably 
sustained. Yet, to the whole school of Coleridge there is no 
greater bugbear than this doctrine of substitution, however taught: 
though it is so inwoven into Scripture phraseology, and so craved 
for by the guilty conscience of men, that they themselves find it next 
to impossible to teach any of the most vital and characteristic truths 



1856.] Julius Charles Hare. 341 

of theology, without continually cxpressincc themselves in language 
which seems to imply it. Sterling was a disciple of Coleridge, and 
a friend of Hare's. He had left his curacy under Hare, in lSo4, 
on account of his health; being at that time, according to Hare's 
standard, a sound and orthodox Christian believer. In the follow- 
ing year, when, if he had begun his descent on that incline, which 
years later conducted him to Straussianism, he can but have be^iun 
it, and does not appear to have in any degree materially altered his 
views, on theological subjects, from what they were the year before, 
we find him writing to Hare as follows, in reference to Milman's 
History of the Jews : " On sacrifices he seems to have nothing of 
the least interest to offer; though I think he does keep clear of the 
ghastly speculations of Magee, and of most of our modern orthodox 
Brahmins." — Hares Life of Sterling, ]>. V"2. 

The meaning of this is as obvious as its injustice is glaring. 
All are "Brahmins," however cautious and moderate in their 
expressions, who believe in the proper piacular character of the 
Jewish sacrifices, and of the death of our Ijord. ]So one can have 
held the doctrine of substitution more warily, or expressed it in a 
form less likely to be repulsive, than Magco; but his sin was that 
he held the root of the m.atter so firmly, and defended the " ortho- 
dox" doctrine of sacrifice so ably; therefore he is a Brahmin. We 
rernember that ^Maurice, in his Kssays, similarly singles out Ma"-ee 
as a mark for his sneers. Now. far be it from us to make a man 
responsible for the sins of his friend: we have shown no disposition 
to do this. But we cannot but conclude that Hare agi-ccd to a cer- 
tain extent with his ci-devant curate ; both from the fact, that while 
Sterling held such views he chose him to be his curate, and because, 
in quoting this letter to himself, he enters no caveat, and gives no 
intimation of anything like doubt or dissent. About the same 
time, moreover, Sterling writes to Hare again, as follows : " I find 
myself more and more attracted toward the (livines who occupy 
themselves much in setting forth the depth and extent of sin, as a 
fact of human nature; though, as you viay supj)osc, far from satis- 
fied with the Calvinistic theories as to the Divine purposes and the 
process of redemption. I do not find Tholuck as full or satisfac- 
tory as I could wisli in this last matter; the doctrine of substitution 
appearing in him with too much nakedness." — Ibi'L, p. 75. 

Yes, there is the stumbling-block with all who have belonged to 
the Coleridge school — the doctrine of sui)stitution. Tholuck is too 
evangelical for them. The doctrine of substitution, it cannot be 
denied, does seem to be in the Bible ; but it must be vailed ; it 
must not be understood or taught in its plaiu sense ; it must, in fact, 



342 Julius Charles Hare. [July, 

be explained away. Often it seems likely to prove too strong for 
Hare; the Bible and the Spirit of God concur in driving him to im- 
ply and almost to teach it; but, when it becomes necessary either 
explicitly to affirm or to evade it ; when a statement of doctrine upon 
the subject, apparentbj explicit and definitive, must be given, Hare 
in no case expressly utters it. 

In fact, his "understanding," to adopt such phraseology as he 
himself might have used in a similar case, his "understanding," 
beset with prejudices, and trained in a presumptuous philosophy, 
refused to adopt or admit truths, which his higher and truer 
" reason," in conjunction with his conscience, inclined and urged 
him to confess. His reason and conscience would have taught him 
the need of expiation for his sin, and made him welcome the doc- 
trine of a sinless Substitute, who was made sin for him, that he 
might be made the righteousness of God through him; but his 
biased and mistraiucd understandingrefused to accept the doctrine 
of piacular sacrifice, and did violence to itself, and his Avhole 
inward man, by explaining away the doctrine of the substitution of 
Christ, the great and holy Mediator, as suffering the penalty of 
law instead of man. 

It will be necessary for us to show what was Hare's view of 
sacrifice. On this point, too, he does not always express himself 
consistently. The truth, which was Avorking at his heart and con- 
science, struggled with the notions which his understanding had 
embraced. ^Yhen, for instance, in the " Victory of Faith," (p. 253,) 
he tell us that, in the humiliation and abasement of the Son of God, 
" the justice of God was won by the self-sacrifice of his love, to make 
a sacrifice of itself," we might easily suppose him to be an orthodox 
evangelical, using a novel mode of expression ; but in the following 
quotation from the same volume, where he is evidentl}^ expressin^^ 
his deliberate opinions, carefully and definitely, we find the dis- 
tinctive evangelical view wanting, and an incongruous doctrine 
present: 

_ " One [way set before the Jews] was the way of sacrifice, by which expia- 
tion and atonement were to be made ; and which was to be a type and s ir^ 
of the slaying and olfering up of the carnal will, the carnal nature to God." 
—P. 15G. 

Now this is precisely the theory of sacrifice which has been 
maintained in Germany with great ability, by Biihr; and which 
Maurice has adopted into his recent work on sacrifice. It makes 
the Jewish sacrifices to be no longer typical of the penal sufferings 
and death which Christ endured on behalf of sinners, but only of 



1856.] Julius Charles Hare. 343 

his own self-sacrifice, -whicli actuated his -whole life, shining only 
■with a peculiar transcendency in his death. It is true that -with 
this typical purpose and central meaning of the sacrificial rites, 
Hare connects, as does also Biihr, a number of feelings appropriate 
to the occasions, and the offerings uhich "u-ere associated Avith the 
rite in the mind of the offerer, and some of -which -were specially 
appropriate to certain kinds of offering — as thank-offerings, sin- 
offerings, trespass-oiTeriiigs, &c. (P. 157.; But most carefully 
does he exclude all direct and proper typical reference to the great 
Sacrifice on Calvary. Thus he takes out the very heart of the 
•whole matter, and affords the clearest evidence that he Avas not an 
orthodox evangelical teacher. To the same effect, in his sermon on 
the "Unity of the Church," he says, that "the lesson of the cross" 
■was (he names, he intimates, no other) that men are " to draw nigh 
to God, not by this work or by that work, not by the sacrifice of this 
thing or that, but by the entire saci-Ifice and resignation of their 
•whole being to the will of God." In this way, " through Christ, and ' 
through him alone, they have power to approach to the one God and 
Father of all." — Mission, ^-c, p. 281. 

In the second volume of the " Parish Sermons," Hare has two 
sermons on critical texts. One, the oightcenth, is on 2 Cor. viii, 9 : 
"For 3'e know the grace of our Lord Jesus Christ, that though he was 
rich," <fcc. ; the other, the twentieth, on .)ohn xix, 30 : " When Jesus, 
therefore, had received the vinegar, he said. It is finished." In 
these sermons, had his creed been fully evangelical, it would have 
been impossible for him to have helpcil making some reference to 
the vicarious character of Christ's sufferings; but there is no such 
reference. In the latter of these sermons, especially, we should 
have looked for evangelical doctrine. The doctrine which Hare 
preaches, however, is such as follows : 

"All that he came to do by action had alrmdy hccn fliiisht. But . . . 
his groat work was to be conif)lcted and made nertoct, a.i every trvly (jrcat 
work must be, by sufferinj^. For no -^vork can be really great unless it be 

against the co-arse of the world, &c nor unless ve viaiu/esl our ov:n 

sense of its greatness, l)ij our rca/liness to rjicf i']> our own persoiud inltrests, and 
pleasures, and comforts, and to endure f<anls/,lp, and, pain, and bereavement, 
and death itself, for the sake of its aceomj.lishiiirnt. Thus it was by losing his 
own life in every possible way — by the a;j"ny in tlie garden ; by the lliglit and 
denial of those -vvhoin he had chosen out of the worhl to be his companions and 
friends; by the mockery and crnelry of tho-^o whom his gmdncss and purity 
rendered more bitter a:]aiii-t him; i>y ihr ti'.inti<' and murdi-rons cries oftho 
people, whom he had loaded with every earthly benefit, and Avhom lie desired 
to crown with eternal blessings; and by the clo>ing sutVerings on the cross — 
that Jesus was to gain his own life, and tlic everlastini: life of all who will believe 
in him. All this", then, the whole work of the redemption of mankind, does 
our Lord ia the te.xt declare to bo finished."— Pp. 3S8, 389. 



344 Julius Charles Hare. [Jtily, 

This doctrine is, indeed, deplorably defective ; and there is much 
more in the same strain in this sermon, in which, contrary to the 
tenor of some former quotations, the death of Christ is regarded as 
merely the crowning act of his life, displaying, as in a gi-and sym- 
bolic reality, that which had ever been the inner principle of his 
life, and having a moral power, in conne