Full text of "Mexico, and the life of the conqueror Fernando Cortes"

tttxiee Froniiiiiiece, tisl. one.

MEXICO

AND THE LlFfc OF THE CONQUEROR

FERNANDO CORTES

WILLIAM H. PRESCOTT

IN TWO VOLUMES

ILLUSTRATED

VOL. I

Ni:w YORK

PETER FENELON COLLIER h SON

:-\ ' . M

PREFACE,

As the Conquest of Mexico nas occupied the pens of Solfe
and of Robertson, two of the ablest historians of their respective
nations, it might seem that little could remain at the present day
to be gleaned by the historical inquirer. But Robertson's nar-
rative is necessarily brief, forming only part of a more extended
work; and neither the British, nor the Castilian author, was pro-
vided with the important materials for relating this event, which
have been since assembled by the industry of Spanish scholars.
The scholar who led the way in these researches was Don Juan
Baptista Munoz, the celebrated historiographer of the Indies,
who, by a royal edict, was allowed free access to the national ar-
chives, and to all libraries, public, private, and monastic, in ihe
kingdom and its colonies. The result of his long labors was a
vast body of materials, of which unhappily he did not live to
reap the benefit himself. His manuscripts were deposited, after
his death, in the archives of the Royal Academy of Historx at
Madrid ; and that collection was subsequently augmented by
the manuscripts of Don Vargas Pon^e, President of the Acad-
emy, obtained, like those of Mufioz, from dilTerent quarters, but
especially from the archives of the Indies at Seville.

On my application to the Academy, in 1838, for permission to
copy that part of this inestimable collection relating to Mexico
and Peru, it was freely acceded to, and an eminent German
schohir. one of their own number, was nppointed to superintend
the collation and transcription of the manuscri[)ts , and this, it
may be added, before I had any claim on the courtesy of that
Ttspectable body, as one of its associates. This conduct shows
the advance of a liberal spirit in the Peninsula since the time of
])r. Robertson, who complains that he was denied admissior 'o
the most important public repositories. The favor with which
my own application was regarded, however, must chiefly be at-
tributed to the kind offices of the venerabU^ President of the Acad-
emy, Don Martin Pernandez de Navarrete ; a scholar whoss*

^ PREFACE

persona? character has secured to him the same high considera-
ion at home, which his literary labors have obtained abroad.
To this eminent person I am under still further obligations, for
the free use which he has allowed me to make of his own man-
uscripts, the fruits of a life of accumulation, and the basis of
those valuable publications, with which he has at different times
illustrated the Spanish colonial history.

From these three magnificent collections, the result of half a
century's careful researches, I have obtained a mass of unpub-
lished documents, relating to the Conquest and Settlement of
Mexico and of Peru, comprising altogether about eight thousand
folio pages. They consist of instructions of the Court, military
and private journals, correspondence of the great actors in the
scenes, legal instruments, contemporary chronicles, and the like,
drawn from all the principal places in the extensive colonial
empire of Spain, as well as from the public archives in the
Peninsula.

I have still further fortified the collection, by gleaning such
materials from Mexico itself as had been overlooked by my
illustrious predecessors in these researches. For these I am in-
debted to the courtesy of Count Cortina, and, yet more, to that
of Don Lucas Alaman, Minister of Foreign Affairs in Mexico ;
but, above all, to my excellent friend, Don Angel Calderon de
la Barca, late Minister Plenipotentiary to that country from the
Court of Madrid. a gentleman whose high and estimable
qualities, even more than his station, secured him the public
confidence, and gained him free access to every place of interest
and importance in Mexico.

I have also to acknowledge the very kind offices rendered to
me by the Count Camaldoli at Naples ; by the Duke of Ser-
radifalco in Sicily, a nobleman, whose science gives additional
lustre to his rank ; and by the Duke of Monteleone, the present
representative of Cortes, who has courteously opened the ar-
chives of his family to my inspection. To these names must also
be added that of Sir Thomas Phillips, Bart., whose precious col-
lection of manuscripts probably surpasses in extent that of any
private gentleman in Great P.itain, if not in Europe ; that of
Mons. Ternaux-Compans, the proprietor of the valuable literary
collection of Don Antonio Uguina, including the pa]:)ers of
Munoz, the fruits of which he is giving to the world in his excel-
lent translations; and, lastly, that of my friend and countryman,
Arthur Middleton, Esq., late Charge d'Affaires from the United
States, at the Court of Madrid, for the efficient aid he has afforded
me in prosecuting my inquiries in that capital.

In addition to this stock of original documents obtained

PREFACE. J

through these various sources, I have diligently provided myself
with such printed works as have reference to the subject, including
the magnificent publications, which have appeared both in France
and England, on the Antiquities of Mexico, which, from theif
cost and colossal dimensions, would seem better suited to a
public than to a private library.

Having thus stated the nature of my materials, and the sources
whence they are derived, it remains for me to add a few observa-
tions o'l the general plan and composition of the work. Among
the remarkable achievements of the Spaniards in the sixteenth
century, there is no one more striking to the imagination than
the conquest of Mexico. The subversion of a great empire by
a handful of adventurers, taken with all its strange and pictu-
resque accompaniments, has the air of romance rather than of
sober history ; and it is not easy to treat such a theme according
to the severe rules prescribed by historical criticism. But, not*
withstanding the seductions of the subject, I have conscientiously
endeavored to distinguish fact from fiction, and to establish the
narratheon as broad a basis as possible of contemporary evi-
dence ; and I have taken occasion to corroborate the text by
ample citations from authorities, usually in the original, since
few of them can be very accessible to the reader. In these ex-
tracts I have scrupulously conformed to the ancient orthography,
however obsolete and even barbarous, rather than impair in
any degree the integrity of the original document.

Although the subject of the work is, properly, only the Con-
quest of ^lexico, I have prepared the way for it by such a view
of the Civilization of the ancient Mexicans, as might acquaint the
reader with the character of this extraordinary race, and enable
him to understand the ditTficulties which the S]3aniards had to
encounter in their subjugation. This introductory part of the
work, with the essay in the Appendix which properly belongs to
tlie Introduction, although both together making only half a vol-
ume, hi'^ cost me as much labor, and nearly as much time, as the
remainder of the history. If I shall have siicceeded in giving the
reader a just idea of the true nature and extent of the civilization
to wliich the Mexicans had attained, it will not be labor lost.

The story of the Conquest terminates with the fall of the
capital. Yet I have preferred to continue the narrative to the
death of Cortds, relying on the interest which the development
of kis cliarp.ctcr in his military career may have excited ir. the
reader. \ am not insensible to the hazard I incur by such a
cour-e. The niind, previousi occupied with one great idea,
that of the subversion of the capital, may feel the prolongation
of the story beyond that point superfluous, if not tedious ; and

^ PREFACE.

may find it difficult after the excitement caused by witness
ing a great national catastrophe, to take an interest in the advent-
ures of a private individual. Soli's took the more politic course
of concluding his narrative with the fall of Mexico, and thus
leaves his readers with the full impression of that memorable
event, undisturbed, on their minds. To prolong the narrative is
to expose the historian to the error so much censured by the
French critics in some of their most celebrated dramas, where
the author by a premature enouement has impaired the interest
of his piece. It is the defect that necessarily attaches, though
in a greater degree, to the history of Columbus, in which petty
adventures among a group of islands make up the sequel of a
life that opened with the magnificent discovery of a World ; a
defect, in short, which has required all the genius of Irving and
the magical charm of his style perfectly to overcome.

Notwithstanding these objections, I have been induced to
continue the narrative, partly from deference to the opinion of
several Spanish scholars, who considered that the biography of
Cortes had not been fully exhibited, and partly from the cir-
cumstance of my having such a body of original materials for
this biography at my command. And I cannot regret that I
have adopted this course ; since, whatever lustre the Conquest
may reflect on Cortds as a military achievement, it gives but an
imperfect idea of his enlightened spirit, and of his comprehensive
and versatile genius.

To the eye of the critic there may seem some incongruity in
a plan which combines objects so dissimilar as those embraced
by the present history ; where the Introduction, occupied with
the antiquities and origin of a nation, has somewhat the char-
acter of a philosophic theme, while the conclusion is strictly
biographical, and the two may be supposed to match indifferently
with the main body, or historical portion of the work. But I
may hope that such objections will be found to have less weight
in practice than in theory ; and, if properly managed, that the
general views of the Introduction will prepare the reader for the
particulars of the Conquest, and that the great public events
narrated in this will, without violence, open the way to the re-
maining personal history of the hero who is the soul of it. What-
ever incongruity may exist in other respects, I may hope that
the unity of interest, the only unity held of much importance
by modern critics, will be found still to be preserved.

The distance of the present age from the period of the nar-
rative might be presumed to secure the historian from undue
prejudice or partiality. Yet to American and English readers,
ucknowledging so different a moral standard from that of the

PREFACE. J

sixteenth centur;. i may possibly be thought too indulgent to
the errors of tht conquerors ; while to a Spaniard, accustomed
to the undiluted panegyric of Solfs, I may be deemed to have
dealt too hardly with them. To such I can only say, that, while,
on the one hand. I have not hesitated to expose in their strong-
est colors the excesses of the Conquerors ; on the other, I have
given them the benefit of such mitigating reflections as might
be suggested by the circumstances and the period in which they
lived. I have endeavored not only to present a picture true in
itself, but to place it in its proper light, and to put the spectator
in a proper point of view for seeing it to the best advantage. 1
have endeavored, at the expense of some repetition, to surround
him with the spirit of the times, and, in a word, to make him, if
I may so express myself, a contemporaiy of the sixteenth century.
Whether, and how far, I have succeeded in this, he must deter-
mine.

For one thing, before I conclude, I may reasonably ask the
reader's indulgence. Owing to the state of my eyes, I have
been obliged to use a writing-case made for the blind, which
does not permit the writer to see his own manuscript. Nor
have I ever corrected, or even read, my own original draft. As
the chirography, under these disadvantages, has been too often
careless and obscure, occasional errors, even with the utmost
care of my secretary, must have necessarily occurred in the
transcription, somewhat increased by the barbarous phraseology
imported from my Mexican authorities. I cannot expect that
these errors have always been detected even by the vigilant
eye of the perspicacious critic to whom the proof-sheets have
been subjected.

In the Preface to the " History of Ferdinand and Isabella,"
I lamented, that, while occupied with that subject, two of its
most attractive parts had engaged the attention of the most
popular of American authors, \\'ashington Irving. By a singular
chance, something like the reverse of this has taken place in the
composition of the present history, and I have found myself
unconsciously taking up ground which he was preparing to occupy.
It was not till I had become master of my rich collection of
materials, that I was acquainted with this circumstance ; and,
had he persevered in his design, I should unhesitatingly have
abandoned my own, if not from courtesv, at least from policy;
for, though armrd with the weapons of Achilles, this could give
me no hope of success in a competition with Achilles himself.
But no sooner v.as that distinguished writer informed of the
preparations I had made, than, with the gentlemanly spirit which
will surprise no one who has the pleasure of his acquaintance^

g r RE FACE.

he instantly announced to me his intention of leaving the subject
open to me. While I do but justice to Mr. Irving by this state-
ment, I feel the prejudice it does to myself in the unavailing regret
I am exciting in the bosom of the reader.

I must not conclude this Preface, too long protracted as it is
already, without a word of acknowledgment to my friend George
Ticknor, Esq., the friend of many years, for his patient re-
vision of my manuscript ; a labor of love, the worth of which
those only can estimate, who are acquainted with his extraor-
dinary erudition and his nice critical taste. If I have reserved
his name for the last in the list of those to whose good offices I
am indebted, it is most assuredly not because I value his ser-
vices least.

WILLIAM H. PRESCOTTo

Boston, October i, 1843.

CONTENTS.
VOLUME FIRST.

BOOK I.

INTRODUCTION'. VIEW OF THh AZTEC CIVILIZAnOTT

CHAPIER I.

^AGB,

Amcibnt Mexico. Climate an'd Products. Primitive R.\ce,';. Aztec E.mpirk. 29

Extent ci the Aztec Territor>' 2^;

The Hot Rt;.iion 3.3

Volcanic .Scenery 32

Cordillera of the Andes 32

Table-land in the Days of the Aztecs 3 i

Valley of Mexico 3 j

The Toitecs ;

Their mysterious Disappearance 35

Races from the North-svest 3^

Their Hostilities 36

Eoundation of Mexico 37

Domestic Feuds 37

League of the kindred Tribes 3<

Rapid Rise of Mexico 3^

Prosperity cif the Empire 4.J

Criticism on Veytia's History 40

CHAPTER II.

Succession to the Crown. Aztec Nobility. Judicial System. Laws and

Rkvbnubs. Military Institutions .. 4J

Election of the Sovereign , 42

His Coronation 43

Altec Nobles 43

Their barbaric Pomp 43

Tenure of their Estates , 44

Legislative Power 4 ;

Judicial System 4^

Independent Judges 4';

Their .Mode of Procedure 47

Showy Tribuiial 4.S

Hiero;^lyph;cai Paintings , 4q

Marriage R ! s 4^

Slavery in Mexico 5,1

Royal Revenues :; i

Burdensome I mpoits j 3

Publir Couriers jj

12 CONTENTS,

FAMU

Military Enthusiasm 54

Azcec Ambassadors J4

Orders of Kniglithood i;j

(jorgeous Armor t -

National Standards 56

Military Code 56

H')spitals for the Wounded 57

Iniluence of Conquest on a Nation 58

Criticism on Torquemada's History 59

Abbd Clavigero 59

CHAPTER III.

Mexican Mythology. The Sacerdotal Order. The Temples. Hum.^n Sac-
rifices 61

Systems of Mytholo-^y 6i

Mythology of the Aztecs 62

Ideas of a God 6a

Sanguinary War-god 6j

God of the Air 64

Mystic Legends 64

Iji vision of Time 65

Future State 65

Funeral Ceremonies 66

Baptismal Rites 67

Monastic Orders 68

Fasts and Flagellation 69

Aztec Confessional 69

Kducation of the Youth. 70

Revenue of the Priests 71

M exican Temples 71

K.^iigious Festivals 72

H uman Sacrifices 73

The Captive's Doom 73

Ceremonies of Sacrifice , 74

Torturing of the Victim 74

Sacrifice of Infants , 75

Cannibal Banquets 75

Number of Victims 76

Houses of Skulls 7^

Cannibaiism of the .\ztecs , 7Q

Criticism on Sahagun's History 80

CHAPTER IV.

Mexican Hieroglyphics. M anuscript.s. Arith.mbtic. Chronology. As-

TRO.N'OM Y 8>

Dawning cf Science 83

Picture-wrjtiiig , 84

Aztec Hierof^lyp'hics 85

Manuscripts of the Mexicans 85

Emblematic .Symbols .... 86

Piionetic Si^rns 86

Materials of the Aztec Manuscripts 89

F.irm of their Volumes 89

D.;struction of most of them 89

Remain in;j Manuscripts 90

Difficulty nf 'Icciphering them 9

Minstrelsy of the Aztecs 94

Theatrical Flntcrtainments , .... 94

System nf Notation 94

Their Chronology , 95

The Aztec Era 97

Caiciidar of tlie Priests 99

Science of Astrology. . tn

aONTBNTS.

rxcB.

Astrology of the Aztecs . loi

Their Astronomy .. 'o|

Wonderful Attainments in this Science 104

Remarkable Festival 104

Carnival of the Aztecs 106

Lord Kingsborough's Work 106

Criticism on Gama ^ 106

CHAPTER V.

AlTBC AGRICULTURB. MECHANICAL ArTS. MERCHANTS. DOMESTIC MaNNBRS.^ IO4

Mechanical Genius io<j

Agriculture i lo

Mexican Husbandrj' no

Vegetable Products 1 1 1

Mineral I'reasures 113

Skill of the Aztec Jewellers 114

Sculpture 115

Huge Calendar-stone 116

Aztec Dyes 116

Beautiful Feather-work, 117

Fairs of Mexico 118

National Currency 118

Trades ii3

Aztec Merchants 119

* Militant Traders . 1 ig

Domestic Lite 120

Kindness to Children 121

Polygamy 121

Conditii':i of the Sex 122

Social Khtjrtainments 122

Use of Tobacco 122

Cu.mary Art 123

Agreeable Drinks 124

Dancing; 124

Intoxiciiii n 125

Criticibni on boturini's Work 126

CHAPTER VI

rElCfCANs, T.HEiR Golden .Agh. .Accomplished Pri>:e?;. Dkclixe of their

Monarchy 118

The Aco'huans or Tezcucans 128

Prince Nezahualcoyotl 128

His Persecutic.il 129

His Hair-breadlii Escapes ijo

His wandering Life 130

Fidelity of Ins Subjects 131

Triumplis over his Enemies 131

Remarkable League 132

1 reneral Amnesty 132

The Tezcucan Code 131

Departments of ' invernment 133

Council of Music UJ

Its Ce:. = '. rial Office 34

Literary Taste I34

Tezcucm IJards "35

Royal Or!e S*'

Resources of Nezahualcoyotl 137

His magnificent Palace 137

His Gardens and Villas, ijS

Address of the Priest 14a

His Baths 141

Luxurious Resi'loiicc 141

tistin^ Kema.i.i uf it 14a

INDEX.

MGB.

Royal Amours ...< 143

Marriage of the King 144

Forest Laws 145

Strolling Adventures .....>. 145

Munificence of the Monarch 146

His Ileligion '. 146

Temple to the Utiknown God 147

Philosophic Retirement 148

His plaintive Verses 148

Last Hours of Nezahualcoyotl 149

His Character 151

Succeeded by Nezahualpilli 151

The Lady of Tula JSa

Executes h.is Son ]5>

Effeminacy of the King 153

His consequent Misfortunes 153

Death of Nezahualpilli 15J

Tezcucan Civilization 154

Criticism on ]xt!ilxoctutl't Writings 151

BOOK 11.

DISCOVERY OF MEXICO.
CHAPTER L

5?AII4 UNDER ChARLBS V. PROGRESS OF DISCOVER V. COLONIAL PoLICV. COK-

QUEST OP Cuba. Exi'editions to Yucatan 15^

Condition of Spain , 159

Increase of Empire 151)

Cardinal Ximenes 160

Arrival of Charles the Fifth 160

Swarm of Flemings 160

Opposition of the Cortes 161

Colonial Administration , , , 161

Spirit of Chivalry 162

Progress (if Di^ci'very , 162

Advancemeii; of Colonization 163

System of Rcpartiniunios 163

Colonial Policy V \

Discovery of Cuba 164

Its Conquest by Velasquez 164

Cordova's Expedition to Yucatan 165

His Reception bv the Natives 166

Grijalva's Ex;>ediiion , 167

Civilization in Yucatan 167

Traffic with tl:e Indians.... 68

His Return to Cuba 168

His cool Reception 168

Ambitious Schemes of the Governor i6^

Preparations for an Expedition 169

CHAPTER n.

Hbrnan'do CoRTr-. - I! .. Kak.t y Ltt f,. Vt-tts the New World. His Residbnck

I.N <. Uli/.. DliKICI-i.TIKS WITH Vi;i,At(JUEZ. AkMADA INTRUSTED TO CoKTBS. 1 7<

Hernnndo Cortes 170

H is Education i >

Choice of a Profession , 171

INDEX,

rAoa

Departure for Amenca.. 17a

Arrival at Hispaniola ... 17s

His Mode of Life 17]

Enlists under Velasquez 173

Habits of Gailaiitrv- 174

Disaffected tuwui ds Velasquez 174

Cortes in Coiifinfment 175

Flies into a Sai,ctuary 17J

A^ain put in Irons 176

His perilous Escape 176

His Marrir.ge 176

Reconciled \vith the Govemer 177

Retires to Ir.s Plantation , 177

Armada intrusted to Cortes 17S

Preparations for the Voyage 179

Insiructions to Cortes i&j

CHAPTER III.

jBALnusi.Y OF Velasquez. Cortes embarks. Equipment of his Fleet. His
Person and Character. Rendezvous at Havana. Strength of km

Ar.mament 18*

Jealousy of Velasquez , 18a

Intrigues against Cortds i8a

His Clandestine Embarkation 183

Arrives at Macaca 183

Accession of Volunteers 184

Stores and Ammunition l8j

Orders from Velasquez to arrest Cortes 185

He raises the Standard at Havana 186

Person of Cone .... 186

His Charact!r.. 187

Strength of :he Armament 188

Stirring Address to his Troops 189

Fleet weiglis Anclior 190

Remarks on Esirelia's Manuscript , 190

CHAPTER IV.

/OVAGE TO CoZUMEI.. Co.N'VKRSION OF THB NaTIVHS. JeRONIMO DH AgUILAR.

Army akkt, ks at Tabasco. Great Battle with the Indians. Chris-
tianity l.NTKODUCED 19I

Disastrous Voyaue to Cozumel igi

Huma:.e Pfjiicy of Cortes 19I

Cross found in the Island 19a

Re jjji. us Zeal of the .Spaniards. , 193

Attempts at Conversion , 193

Overthrow of the Idols 194

Jeronimo de Aguilar .. 195

His .Adventures 195

Empl< yi:d as an Jp.terpreter 196

Fleet arriv! at T.basco 197

Hostile Rccejjtion 197

Fierce Dei'iar.ce ( f the Natives 198

Df-spei ate Conflict 198

Effect of the Fire-arms . 198

Cortes takes Tabasco 199

Ambush i)f the Indians aoo

The Country in Arms 200

Preparations for I'attle 201

March on the Enemy 201

Joins Battle with the Indians 20a

Doubtful Strut'r'ic 203

Terror nf tlie W.ir-liorse S03

Victory ':f -he Spaniards E03

Number of Slain , , ;a4

Treaty with the Xatives 204

Cou version of the Heatben , . , , zo|

l5 INDEX.

Catholic Communion to%

Spaniards embark for Mex'co , ao&

CHAPTER V.

VOYAGK ALONG THB COAST. DONA MaRINA. SPANIARDS LAND IN MEXICO. IN-

TBRViRw WITH THB Aztecs .. 107

Voyage along the Coast 207

Natives come on Board to8

Dona Marina aoS

Her History 109

Her Beauty and Character 209

First Tidings of Montezuma 310

Spaniards land in Mexico 210

First Interview with the Aztecs .... 211

Their magnificent Presents 21J

Cupidity of the Spaniards 2 ij

Cortez displays his Cavalry aij

Aztec Paintings ^14

CHAPTER VI.

Account of Montezuma. State of his Empire. Strange Prognostics. Em-
bassy AND Presents. Spanish Encampment 215

Montezuma tlien upon the Throne., S15

Inaugural Address 215

The Wars of Montezuma 2i5

His civil Policy 216

Oppression of his Subjects 217

Foes of his Empire 2i3

Superstition of Montezuma 21S

Mysterious Prophecy 2ig

Portentous Omens 219

Dismay of the Emperor 220

Embassy and Presents to the Spaniards .. 221

Life in the Spanish Camp 222

Rich Presents from Montezuma 222

Large gold Wheels 223

Message from Montezuma 224

Eflects of the Treasure on the Spaniards 225

Return of the Aztec Envoys 225

Prohibition of Montezuma 226

Preaching of Father Olmedo 226

Desertion of the Natives 226

CHAPTER VII.

Troubles in the C.\mp. Plan of a Colonv. Management of Cortez.
March TO Cempoalla. Proceedings with the Natives. Foundation or

Very Cruz. 228

Discontent of the Soldiery '^'

Envoys from the Totonacs *^*

Dissensions in the Aztec Empire ' *^9

Proceedings in the Camp **9

Cortez prepares to return to Cuba.... *3o

Army remonstrate - 'J"

Cortes yields *3'

Foundation of Villa Rica *3'

Resignation and Reappointment of Cortds '3^

Divisions in the Camp *3*

General Reconciliation '33

March to Cempoalla *34

Picturesque Scenery '34

Remains of Victims *35

Terrestrial Paradise '35

Lore of Flowers by the Natives '3^

Their splendid Edifices 37

Hospitable Entertainment at CmpoaJJa 'JT

CONTENTS,

PAGE

?ODference with the Cadqne 133

roposais of Alliance 238

Advance of the Spaniards , S39

Arrival of Aztec Nobles , 240

Artful Policy of C'ortez 241

Allegiance of the Natives 241

City of Villa Rica built 142

Iniatuatiou ui the ludians 34a

CHAPTER VIII.

Ikother Aztec Embassy. Destruction of tub Idols. Despatches Sent to

Spain. Conspikacv in the Ca.mp. The Fleet sunk 244

Embassy from Moutirzuma - 244

Its Results 24s

Severe Disciphne in the .\rniy 245

Gratitude of the Cenipoallau L'ac.que = 246

Attemrit at Conversion 246

SeriS.Tti .n anmi;^ the Natives 247

The idols burned 247

Consecration of the Sanctuary 248

News from Cuba 248

Presents for Clu'.rles the I'llih 249

First Letter of Cortez 250

Despatch.. s to Spain 251

Ai-'ents for the Mission 2S2

D'-i -arture of the Sliip 2^5

It torches at Cuba 25:

Race of Velasquez 253

Ship arrives in SiJjin 25;

Conspiracy in the Camp 254

Destruction of tlie Fleet 255

Oration of Cortes 256

Enthusiasm of the Army ... 256

Notice of has Ca^as 258

His Life and Character 259

Criticism on his Works < 36s

BOOK III.

MARCH TO MEXICO.

CHAPTER I.

yocBEr>rNGs atCempoaila. The Spaniards climb the Tablb-land. Pktto-

RESQUF. Scenery. 'I'ransactions WITH ihb Natives. Embassy toTlascala. a6$

Sfjuadron off the Coast 26$

.Stnuagem of Cortei 266

Arras.^'emei.t at Villa Rica 266

Sp uiiards be^in their March 267

(.limb the (Jordilieras 268

Wild .Mountain Scenery 2&9

Immense ilenps of Human Skuiis 271

Transactions with the N,uive.s i7i

Accounts of Mnnteznniii's Power 171

Moderation of lallier O.inedo 173

Indian Uweliin(,-s 374

Cort^ determines his Route JB74

l8 CONTENTS.

^ , ^. , PAGE

Embassy to Tiascala 275

Remarkable Fortification. .. , 276

Arrival in Tiascala 27^

CHAPTER II.

HBPUBI.IC OF Tl.ASCALA. ItS INSTITUTIONS. EaRLY HiSTORr. DiSCUSSTONS IN

THE Senatri Desperate Battles

279

The Tlascalans

Their Migrations 279

Their Government 280

Public Games 28 ,

Order of Knighthood 281

Internal Resources 281

Their Civilization 282

Struggles with the Aztecs 28a

Means of Defence 283

Sufferings of the Tlascalans 284

Their hardy Cliaracter 284

Debates in the Senate 285

Spaniards advance 286

Desperate Onslaught 286

Retreat of the Indians 287

Bivouac of the Spaniards 287

Tiie Army resumes its March 288

Immense Host of Barbarians 28q

Bloody Conliict in the Pass 2S9

Enemy give Ground 290

Spaniards clear the Pass 291

Cessation of Hostilities 291

Results of the Conflict 292

Troops encamp for the Night 292

CHAPTER III.
Decisive Victouy. Indian Council. Night Attack. Nrgotiations with

THE E.NK.MV. TlASCALAN HeRCI 29J

Envoys to Tiascala 293

Foraging Party 294

Bold Defiance by the Tlascalans 294

Preparations for Battle 295

Appearance of the Tlascalans 295

.^howy Costume of the Warriors 296

Their Weapons 297

Desperate Engagement 298

The Combat tliickens 299

Divisions among tlie Enemy 300

Decisive Victory 300

Triumph of Science over Numbers 301

Dread of the Cavalry 301

Indian Council 302

Night Attack 302

Spaniards victorious 303

Embassy to Tiascala J03

Peace with the Enemy 304

Patriotic Spirit of their Chief 304

CHAPTER IV.

Dmcontbnts in the Army. Tlascalan Spies. Peace with thk Republic.

Embassy from Montezuma 306

Spaniards scour the Country 306

Success of the Foray , 3o6

Discontents in the Camp 3^7

Representations of the Malcontents 37

Reply of Cort^z 8<

CO.VTX/S. I-

DifiBculties of tho EnterpnSc , 305

Mutilation of the Spies 3,0

Inrerview with the Tlascalaii Chief 311

Peace with the RepubUc 312

Emhassv from Motuezuma 3,,

Declines to receive the Spaniards 3,3

They advance towards the City 3 ,^

CHAPTER V.

Spaniards enter Tlascala. Description of the Capital. Attempted Con-
version Aztec EiMBAssY. Invited to Cholula 316

Spaniards enter 'I'lascala 316

Rejoicings on their Arrival , 317

Description of I'iascala 317

Its Houses and Streets 318

Its Fairs and Police 318

Divisions of tiie City 318

Wild Scenery round Tlascala 3ig

Character of the Tlascaians 3iq

Vigilance of Cortds 3ig

Attempted Conversion , 320

Resistance of the Natives 320

Zeal of Cortes 3> r

Prudence of the Friar 321

Character of Oiraedo 321

Mass Celebrated in Tlascala 322

The Indian Maidens 322

Aztec Embassy 323

Power of Montezuma 323

Embassy from Ixtlilxochitl 324

Deputies from Cholula 3^14

Invitation to Cholula ', 325

Prepare to leave Tlascala 325

CHAPTER VI.

City op Choll'i.a. Great Temple. March to Cholula. Reception of the

Spaniard^. Conspiracy Detected 326

City of Cholula 326

Its History 326

Religious Traditions .... 327

Its ancient Pyramid , 327

Temple of Quetzalcoatl 328

Holy City..-- 329

Magiiificent Scenery 329

Spaniards leave Tlascala 330

Indian Volunteers 330

Army enters Ch.o'.ula 33 t

Pjrilliant Reception 332

En.oys from Montezuma 332

Suspicions of Conspiracy 333

fidelity of Marina 333

Alarnung Situation of Cortds 334

Intriguej v.itli the Priests 335

Interview with the Caciques 335

Night-watch of the Spaniards 3J&

CHAPTER VII.

l%BRii)i,E Massacre. Tranquillity Restored. Reflections OM the Ma>

SAtKE. FuRTHBk pKOCI'.EDINGS. ENVOYiiFROM MoNTBZUMA JJ7

Preparations for a secrot Assault JS7

Natives collect in the Square J3T

to CONTENTS.

Pagb

The Signal given 338

Terrible Massacre 338

Onset of the TIascalans 339

Defence of the Pyramid 339

Division of the Spoil 340

Restoration of Order 34a

Reflections on the Massacre 341

Right of Conquest 341

Missionary Spirit 342

Policy of Cortes 344

His perilous Situation 344

Cruelty to be charged on him , 345

Terror of " the White Gods." 345

Tlie Cross raised in Cholula 346

Victims liberated from the Cages 346

Christian Temple reared on the Pyramid 346

Embassy from Montezuma 347

Departure of the Cempoalians 348

CHAPTER VIII.

March resumed. Ascent of the Gre.\t Volcano. Valley of Mexico. Im-
pression ON the Sp.x.niards. Conduct OF Montezuma. They descend i.nto

THE Valley 349

Spaniards leave Cholula 349

Signs of Treachery 349

The Army reaches the Mountains 350

Wild Traditions 350

The great Volcano 351

Spaniards ascend its Sides 351

Perils of the Enterprise 352

Subsequent Ascent 353

Descent int-j ihe Crater 353

The TrooIj^ -iuSer from the Tempest 354

First View cf the Valley 354

Its Magnificence and I'eauty 355

Impression on the Spar.iards 355

Disaffection of the Natives to Montezuma 356

Embassy from the Emperor 356

His gloomy Ajiprehensions 357

Silence of the Oracles 357

Spaniards advance 338

Death of tlie Sjiies 359

Arrival of the Tezcucau Lord 359

Floating Gardens 360

Crowds assembled on the Roads 361

Army reaches Iztapalapan 361

Its celebrated Gardens 362

Striking View of Mexico 363

CHAPTER IX.

Invirons of Mexico. Interview with Montezuma. Entrance into the

Capital. Hospitable Reception. Visir to the E.mperor 364

Preparations to enter the Capital 364

Army enters on the great Causeway 364

Beautiful Environs 365

Brilliant Procession of Chiefs 366

Splendid Retinue of Montezuma 366

Dress of the Emperor 367

His Person 367

His Reception of Cortds 368

Spaniards enter the capital 369

Feelings of the Aztecs 370

Hospitable Reception 370

The Spanish Quarters 371

Precaution of the General ];

CONTEIVTS.

Pag

Isited by the Emperor 371

His rich Presents 373

Superstitious Terrors 373

Royal Palace 374

Description of its Interior 374

Cortes visits Montezuma 375

Attempts to convert the Monarch 375

Entire Failure 376

His religious Views 376

Montezuma's Eloquence 377

His courteous Bearing 378

Reflections of Cortes 37S

Notice of Herrera 379

Criticism on his History 379

Life of Toribio. 381

Peter Martyr 383

His Works 384

BOOK IV,
RESIDENCE IX MEXICO.

CHAPTKR I.

TtzcrcAN' I.AKB. Description 01' tub C'.u'itai.. Palaces and Mushlms.

Royal Household. Montezuma's Way of Life. , 3S7

Lake of Tezcuco 3^7

Its Diminution 3S7

Floating Islands 3H8

The ancient Dikes 3*:!

Houses <,f ancient Mexico jS.j

Its Streets , 3^0

Its Population 391

Its Aqueducts and Fountains 3qi

The imperial Palace 31)3

Adjoining Edifices 394

Magnificei/t Aviary 394

Extensive Men.agei ie 395

Collection nt Dwarfs 395

Beautiful ( kirdens 396

Royal Hill of ( hapoltepec 396

Wives of Montezuma 397

His Meals 398

Luxu! i'Airi Dessert 399

Custom of Smoking 399

Ceremonies at Court 400

EcoiKimy of the Palace 401

Oriental ( 'ivi.ization 401

Reserve of Montezimia 402

Symptom., of DecHne of Power . 402

CHAPTER 11.

Market of Mexico. Cfrhat Temple. Interior Sanctuaries. Spanish Qi/ar-

TBRS 40J

Mexican Ojstume 40J

Great Market of Mexico. 404

Quarter lA the Goldsmiths 405

Booths of the Armorers 405

Prorisioiis for the CaiJital 4'jr>

ThrODgs in the Market 407

22 CONTENTS.

Aztec Money 408

The Great Temple 408

Its Structure 409

Din.er.sioiiS 41O

Instruments of Worship 410

Grand View from the Temple 41

F brines from the Idols 41

Imprudencu of Cortes 41

Interior Sanctuaries 41

Mound of Skulls. . 41

Aztec Seminaries 4i_

Imiiression on the Spaniards 416

Hidden 'J'reasures 416

Mass performed in Mexico 417

CHAPTER III.

Anxiety of i ortes. Sbizl'rb of Montezuma. His Treatment bv the Span-
iards. Execution of his Officers. Montezuma i.\ Irons. Reflections. 4tt

Anxiety of Cctes . 418

Council of War 415

Opinions of the Officers 419

Bold Project of Cortes 419

Plausible Pretext 420

Interview with Montezuma, 422

Accusation of the Emperor 422

His Seizure by the Spaniards 423

He is carried to their Quarters 424

Tumult among the Aztecs 424

Montezuma's Treatment 425

\'i;rilant Patrol 425

Trial of the Aztec Chiefs 426

Montezuma in Irons 427

Chiefs burnt at the Stake 427

Emperor allowed to return 428

Declines this Permission 418

Reflections on the-=e Proceedings 428

Views of the Conquerors 439

CHAPTER IV.

MoNTHzr:.i.\''; Deportment. His Life in the Spanish Quarters. Meditated

lNsui:aEC iioN. Lord of Tezcuco seized. Further Measures op Cortks. .. 431

Troubles at Vera Cruz 431

Vessels built on the Lake 43 i

Mor.tezuma's Life in the Spanish Quarters 432

His Munificence 432

Sfiisitive tc Insult 433

E;nperor's favorites 3*4

SSpariiards attempt his Conversion 434

tiii-^antines on the Lake 435

The Royal Chase 435

L<>: d of Tezcuco 436

Meditated Insurrection 436

Policy of Cortes 437

Tezcucan Lord in Chains 438

I'urther .Measures of Cortes 439

Surveys the Coast 4J9

CHAPTER V.

.V!ontkzum,. swears Allegiance to Spain. Royal Treasures. Thkts Dtvi-

sn .. Chkistian Worship in the Teocalli. Discontents of the Aztecs... 44I

M' I tczuma ccr.\-ri cs h-s Nobles 441

CONTENTS. 25

PAOB.

Swears Allegiance to Spain 442

His Distress 442

Its Effect on the Spaniards 442

Imperial Treasures 443

Splendid Ornaments 443

The Royal Fifth 444

Amount of the Treasure 445

Division of Spoil . . 446

Murmurs of the Soldiery 446

Cortes calms the Storm 447

Progress in Conversion 44S

Cortes demands the Teocalli 448

Christian Worship in the Sanctuary 449

National Attachment to Religion 450

Discontents of the Aztecs 450

Montezuma's Warning 451

Reply of Corti^s 452

Insecurity in the Castilian Quarters 451

CHAPTER VI.

K"*- TB OF Cortes' Emissaries. Proceedix(;s in thf. C astii.ian Court. Prbpara-
TioNS OF Velasquez. Narvakz lands in Mexico. Politic Conduct of

Cortes. He leaves the Capit.al 454

Cortes f2niissaries arrive in Spain. 454

Their Fate 454

Proceedings at Court 455

The Bishop of Burgos 456

Emperor postpones his Decision 456

Valasquez meditates Revence 457

S-^nds Narv'aez against Cortes 45;

'i'lie Audiei-.ce interferes 45S

Narvaez sails for Me.xico 45,)

Vaunts of Narvaez 460

He anchors off -San Juan de Uiiia 460

Sandoval prepares for Defenci? 46 1

His Treatment of the Invaders 461

Cortes hears of Narvaez 462

He bribes his Emissaries 463

Sends an Envoy to his Camp 463

The Friar's Intrigues 464

Embarrassment of Cortes 465

He Prepares for Departure 466

H leaves the Capital.*.. . 46?

LIS 7^ OF ILLUSTRATIONS

MEXICO

VOL. I

frontispiece Fernando Cortes

Mexican Peijns ......

Capture of the City of Mexico by Cortes
The Temple of the Sun . . . ,

Conquest of Mexico.

BOOK L

INTRODL CriON.
VIEW OF Tin: AZ TKvJ CIVILIZATION^.

CHAi'TKR 1.
An'Cie:-::' Mlxtco.- Climate and Pi^oducts. PiiiMriivE races,

Of all that extensive empire which once acknowledged the
authority of Spain in the New World, no portion, for interest
and importance, can be compared with Mexico ; and this
equally, whether we consider the variety of its soil and climaie;
the inexhaustible stores of its mineral wealth ; its scenery, grand
and picturesque beyond example ; the character of its ancient
inhabitants, not only far surpassing in intelligence that of the
other North American races, but reminding us, by their monu-
ments, of the primitive civilization of Egypt and Hindostan ; or
lastly, the peculiar circumstances of its Conquest, adventurous
and romantic as any legend aevised by Norman or Italian bard
of chivalry. It is the purpose of the present narrative to exhibit
the history of this Conquest, and that of the remarkable man by
whom it was achieved.

But, in order that the reader may have a better understanding
of the subject, it will be well, before entering on it, to take a
general survey of the political and social institutions of the races
who occupied the land at the time of its discovery.

The country of the ancient Mexicans, or Aztecs as they were
called, formed but a very small part of the extensive territories
Mexico 2 Voi, 1

AZTEC CIVILTZATTON.

comprehended in the modern republic of Mexico.* Its bound-
aries cannot je deiined with certainty. They were much enlarged
in the latter days of the empire, when they may be considered
as reaching from about the eighteenth degree north, to the
twenty-first, on the Atlantic ; and from the fourteenth to the nine-
teenth, including a very narrow strip, on the Pacific.'^ In its
greatest breadth, it could not exceed five degrees and a half,
dwindling, as it approached its south-eastern limits, to less than
two. It covered, probably, less than sixteen thousand square
leagues.^ Yet such is the remarkable formation of this country,
that, though not more than twice as large as New England, it
presented every variety of climate, and was capable of yield-
ing nearly every fruit, found between the equator and the Arctic
circle.

All along the Atlantic, the country is bordered by a broad
track, called the tierra caliente. or hot region, which has the usual

J Extensive indeed, if we may trust Archbishop Lorer.zana, who t^lls us,
" It is doubtful if the country of New Spain does not border on Tartary and
Greenland ; by the way of California, on the former, and by New Mexico,
on the latter '" ! Historia de Nueva Espana, (Mexico, 1770,) p, 38, nota.

2 I have conformed to the limits fixed by Clavigero. He has probably,
examined the subject with more thoroughness and fidelity than ro.ost of his
countrymen, who differ from him, and who assign a more liberal extent to
the monarchy. (See his Storia Antica del Messico, (Cesena, 1780.) dissert.
7.) The Abbe', however, has not informed his readers on what frail founda-
tions his conclusions rest. The extent of the Aztec empire is to be gathered
from the writings of historians since the arrival of the Spaniards, and from
the picture-rolls of tribute paid by the conquered cities ; boih sources ex-
tremely vague and defective. See the MSS. of the Mendoza collection, in
Lord Kingsborough's magnificent publication (Antiquities of Mexico, com-
prising Facsimiles of Ancient Paintings and Hieroglyphics, together with the
Monuments of New Spain. London, 1830). The difficulty of the inquiry is
much increased by the fact of the conquests having been made, as will be
seen hereafter, by the united arms of three powers, so that it is not always
easy to tell to which party they eventually belonged. The affair is involved
in so much uncertainty, that Clavigero, notwithstanding the positive asser-
tions in his text, has not ventured, in his map, to define the precise limits of
the empire, either towards the north, where it mingles with the Tezcucan
empire, or towards the south, where, indeed, he has fallen into the egregious
blunder of asserting, that, while the Mexican territory reached to the four-
teenth degree, it did not include any portion of Guatemala. (See torn. L p.
29, and tom. IV. dissert. 7.) The Tezcucan chronicler, Ixtliixochitl, puts in
a sturdy claim for the paramount empire of his own nation. Historia
Chichcraeca, M.S., cap. 39, 53, et alibi.

' Eighteen to twenty thousand, according to Humboldt, who considers the
Mexican territory to have been the same with that occupied by the modern
intendancies of Mexico, Puebla, Vera Cruz, Oaxaca, and Valladolid. (Essai
Politique sur le Royaume de Nouvelle Espagne, (Paris, 1825,) tom. I. p.
196.) This last, however, was all, or nearly all, included in the rival king-
dom of Mechoacan, as he himself mote correctly states in another part of his
work. Comp. tom. II. p. 164*

A\CIEXr MEXICO.

high temperature of equinoctial lands. Parched and sandy

plains are intermingled with others, ol exuberant fertility, almost
impervious from thickets of aromatic shrubs and wild flowers, in
the midst of which tower up trees of that magniticent growth
which is found only within the tropics. In this wilderness of
sweeis lurks the fatal r.'ialaria, engendered, probably, by the de-
coinposinon of rank vegetable substances in a hot and huir.id
soil. The season of the bilious fever, vbviito, as it is calleri,
which scourges these coasts, continues from the spring to ihe
autumnal equinox, when it is checked by the cold winds that
descend from Hudson's Bav. These winds in the winter season
frequently freshen into tempests, and, sweeping down the At-
laniic coast, and the winding Gulf of INIexico, burst with the
fury of a hurricane on its unprotected shores, and on the neigh-
boring West India islands. Such are the mighty spells with
which Nature has surrounded this land of enchantment, as it to
guard tiie golden treasures locked up within its bosom. The
genius and enterprise of man have proved more potent than l.er
spells.

After passing some twenty leagues across this burning region,
the traveller finds himself rising into a purer atmosphere. His
limbs recover their elasticitv. He breathes more freely, for his
senses are not now oppressetl by the '^uitrv heats and intoxicat-
ing perfumes of the vahev. The aspect of nature, too, has
changed, and his eye no longer revels among the gav variety of
colors with which the landscape was painted there. The vanilla,
the indigo, and the flowering cacao-groves disappea'- as he ad-
vances. The sugar-cane and the gloss\-leaved banana still ac-
company him ; and, when he has ascended about four thousand
feet, he sees in the unchanging verdure, and the rich foliage of
the liquid-amber tree, that he has reached the height where
clouds and mists settle, in their passage fiou' the Mexican Gulf.
Tiiis is the region of perpetual humidity ; but he welcomes it
with pleasure, as announcing his escape from the influence of the
deadly vbmito} He has entered the tierra tirinplada. or temperate
region, whose character resembles that of the temperate zone of
the globe. The features of the scenerv become grand, and even

* The traveller, who enters the country ;uross tlie drcaiv sand-hills of Vera
Cruz, will hardly recognize the truth of the above description. He niust
look for it in oilier jjarts of the tierra caliei ie. Of recent tourists, no one has
given a m<jre g'jrgcous picture ol tiie impressions made on l;is senses by
these sunny regions than Latrobe, who came on shore at Tampico; (Rambler
in Mexico, (New York, 183G.) chap. 1 ;) a traveller, it may be added, whose
descriptions of man and nature, in our own country, when- we can judge, are
distinguished by a sobrietv and fairness that entitle him to confidence in his
delineation of otlier countries.

AZTEC CIVILIZATION.

terrible. Hi'" jad sweeps along ihe base of mighty mountains,
once gleamii^t; with volcanic fires, and still resplendent in their
mantles of snow, which serve as beacons to the mariner, for
many a league at sea. All around he beholds traces of their
ancient combustion, as his road passes along vast tracts of lava,
bristling in the innumerable fantastic forms into which the fiery
torrent has been thrown by the obstacles in its career. Per-
haps, at the same moment, as he casts his eye down some steep
slope, or almost unfathomable ravine, on the margin of the road,
he sees their depths glowing with the rich blooms and enamelled
vegetation of the tropics. Such are the singular contrasts pre-
sented, at the same time, to the senses, in this picturesque
region !

Still pressing upwards, the traveller mounts into other climates,
favorable to other kinds of cultivation. The yellow maize, or
Indian corn, as we usually call it, has continued to follow him
up from the lowest level ; but he now first sees fields of wheat,
and the other European grains brought into the country by the
Conquerors. Mingled with them, he views the plantations of
the aloe or maguey {agave Afnerkand), applied to such various
and important uses by tlie Aztecs. The oaks now acquire a
sturdier growth, and the dark forests of pine announce that he
has entered the tierra fria., or cold region, the third and last of
the great natural terraces into which the countrv is divided.
When he has climbed to the height of between seven and eight
thousand feet, the weary traveller sets his foot on the summit of
the Cordillera of the Andes, the colossal range, that, after
traversing South America and the Isthmus of Darien, spreads
out, as it enters Mexico, into that vast sheet of table-land, which
maintains an elevation of more than six thousand feet, for the
distance of nearly two hundred leagues, until it gradually declines
in the higher latitudes of the north.

Across the mountain rampart a chain of volcanic hills
stretches, in a westerly direction, of still more stupendous
dimensions, forming, indeed, some of the highest land on ihe
globe. Their peaks, entering the limits of perpetual snow,
dift'use a grateful coolness over the elevated plateaus below ; for
these last, though termed 'cold,' enjoy a climate, the mean tem-

ferature of which is not lower than that of the central parts of
taly. The air is exceedingly dry ; the soil, though naturally

^ This long extent of country varies in elevation from 5570 to 8856 feet.
equal to tlie height of the passes of Mount Cenis, or the Great St. Bernard
The table-land stretches still three hundred leagues further, before it declines
to a level of 2624 feet. Humboldt, Essai Politique, torn. I. pp. 157, 2^5.

' About 620 Fahrenheit, or 17" Reaumur. (Humboldt, Essai Politique,

PRIMITIVE KACFS.

good, is rarely clothed with the luxuriant vegetation of the lower

regions. It frequently, indeed, has a parched and barren aspect,
ov.ing partly to the greater evaporation which takes place or,
these lofty plains, through the diminished pressure of the atmos-
phere ; and partly, no doubt, to the want of trees to shelter the
boil from the fierce influence of the summer sun. In the time of
ihc Aztecs, tlic tabic-Iand was thickly covered with iarch, oak,
cypress, and other forest trees, the extraordinary diniensions of
some of which, remaining to the present da\', sliow that the curse
of barrenness in later times is ch;ngeable moie on man than on
nature. Indeed, the early Spaniards made as indiscriminate war
on the forest as did our Puritan ancestors, though with much
less reason. After o:ice conquering the country, they had no
iurkir^.g ambush to fear from the submissive, semicivilized Indian,
and were not, like our forefathers, obliged to keep watch and
ward for a century. This spoliation of the ground, however, is
said to ha\'e been pleasing to their imaginations, as it teminded
them of the plains of their own Castile. the table-land of Yx\-
rope ;' where the nakedness of tlie landscape forms the burden
of every traveller's lament, who visits that country.

Midway across the continent, somewhat nearer tlie Pacific
thnn the Atlantic ocean, at an elevation of nearlv seven thousand
fi\e hundred feet, is the celebrated Valiey of Mexico. It is of
at! oval form, about sixt}-seven leagues in circumference, ^ and
is encompassed by a towering rampart of porphyritic rock, which
nature seems to have provided, though ineft'eciually, io protect
it from invasion.

The soil, once cariyjted with a beautiful verciiire, and thicidy
sprinkled with stately trees, is often bare, and, in many places,
v.-hite Willi the incrustation of salts, caused by the draining of

torn. I. p 273.) The nicire elevated piatcaus of ihe table-land, a-- the Valiey
of Toluca, abuut 8500 feet above the s^ea, have a stern climate, in which the
thermometer, daring a great part of the day, rarely rises beyond 45'-' F. Idem.
(Inc. cit.,) and Malte-Brun, i Universal Geogra]"ihy, Eng. Tran.--., book .^3,)
who is, indeed, in this part of his work, liut an echo of the former writer.

' The elevation of the Castiles, according to the authority repeatedly cited,
is about 350 toises or 2100 feet above the ocean. ( I luniboldt's i )i.--sertation,
apud Laborde, Itineraire Descriptif de rEs])agne. (Paris, 1827,) toni I. p. 5.)
It is rare to find plains in Europe of so great a height.

* Archbishoj) I.orenzana estiniates the circuit of the Valley at ninety
leagues, correcting at the same time the statement of Cortes, which puts it at
seventy, very near the truth. ;is appears from the result of M. de Ilum-
bolf.'t's measurement, cited in the text. Its length is about eigh.teen leagues,
by twelve anri a half in breadah. (Humboldt, Essai Politique, torn. II.
p. 29. Lorenzana, His. de Nueva Espana, p. loi.) Humboldt's map of the
Valley of .Me.\ico forms the tliiif! in his "Atlas Geographique et Physique,"
and, like all the others in the collection, will be found of inestimable value to
the traveller, the geologist, and the historian.

AZTEC CIVILIZATION.

the waters. Five lakes are spread over the Valley, occupying
one tenth of its surface,* On the opposite borders of the lar-
gest of these basins, much shrunk in its dimensions ^'' since the
days of the Aztecs, stood the cities of Mexico and Tezcuco, the
capitals of the two most potent and flourishing states of Anahuac,
whose history, with that of the mysterious races that preceded
them in the country, exhibits some of the nearest approaches to
civilization to be met with anciently on the North American
continent.

Of these races the most conspicuous were the Toltecs. Ad-
vancing from a northerly direction, but from what region is un-
certain, they entered the territory of Anahuac,i^ probably before
the close of the seventh century. Of course, little can be
gleaned, with certainty, respecting a people, whose written
records have perished, and who are known to us only through
the extraditionary legends of the nations that succeeded them,^*

8 Humboldt, Essai Politique, torn. II. pp. 29 44-49 Make Brun, book
85. This latter geograpb.er assigns only 6700 feet for the level of the Valley,
contradicting himself, (comp. book 83.) or rather. Humboldt, to whose pages
he helj^s himself, pUnis maiiihus, somewhat too liberally, indeed, for the
scanty references at the bottom of his page.

i'^ Torquemada accounts, in ]:)art, for this diminution, by supposing, that
as God permitted the waters, which once covered the whole earth, to subside,
after mankind had been nearly exterminatedfor their iniquities, so he allowed
the waters of the Mexican lake to subside, in token of good-will and reconcilia-
tion, after the idolatrous races of the land had been destroyed by the Spaniards!
(Monarchia Indiana, (Madrid, 1723,) torn. I. p. 309.) Quite as probable, ii
not as orthodox an explanation, may be foujid in the active evaporation of these
upper regions, and in the fact of an immense drain having been constructed,
during the lifetime of the good father, to reduce the waters of the principal
lake, and protect the capital from inundation,

11 Anahuac, according to Humboldt, comprehended only the country be-
tween the 1.1th and 21st degrees of N. latitude. (Essai Politique, torn. I. p.
197.) According to Clavigero, it included nearly all since known as New
Spain. (Stor. del Messico. tom. I. p. 27.) Vevtia uses it, also, as synonymous
with New Spain. (Historia Antigua de Mejico, (Mejico, 1836.) tom. I. cap.
12.) The first of these writers probably allows too little, as the latter do too
much, for, its boundaries. Ixtlilxochitl says it extended four hundred leagues
south of the Otomie country. (Hist. Chichemeca, MS., cap. 73.) The word
Anahuac signifies iieaj- fht rvater. Tt was. probably, first applied to the
country around the lakes in the Mexican Valley, and gradually extended to
the remoter regions occupied by the Aztecs, and the other semicivilized races.
Or, possibly, the name may have been intended, as Vevtia suggests, (Hist.
Antig., lib. i, cap. i,) to denote the land between the waters of the Atlantic
and Pacific.

^2 Clavigero talks of Boturini's having written " on the faith of the Toltcc
historians." (Stor. del Messico, tom. I. p. 12S.) But that scholar does not
pretend to have ever met with a Toltec manuscript, himself, an:' -lad heard of
only one in the possession of Ixtlilxochitl. (See his Idea Je una Kueva
Historia General de la America Septentrional, (Madrid, 1746.) p. no.) The
latter writer tells us, that his account of the Toltec and Chichemec races w

PRIMITIVE RACES

By the general agreement of these, however, the Toltecs were well
instructed in agriculture, and many of the most useful mechanic
arts; were nice workers of metals; inveeted the complex ar-
rangement of time adopted by the Aztecs ; and, in short, were
the true fountains of the civilization which distinguished this
part of the continent in latter times." They established their
capital at Tula, north of the Mexican Valley, and the remains of
extensive buildings were to be discerned there at the time of
the Conquest.-'* The noble ruins of religious and other edifices,
still to be seen in various parts of New Spain, are referred to
this peojile, whose name, Toltec^ has passed into a synonyme for
architect.'-'' Their shadowy history reminds us of those primitive
races, who preceded the ancient Egyptians in the march of civi-
lization ; fragments of whose monuments, as they are seen at
this day, incorporated with the buildings of the Egyptians them-
selves, give to these latter the appearance of almost modern
constructions.^

After a period of four centuries, the Toltecs, who had ex-
tended their sway over the remotest borders of Anahuac,^' hav-
ing been greatly reduced, it is said, by famine, pestilence, and
unsuccessful wars, disappeared from the land as silently and
mysteriously as they had entered it. A few of them still lin-
gered behmd, but much the greater number, probal^ly, spread
over the region of Central America and the neighboring isles ;
and the traveller now speculates on the majestic ruins of Mith"'

and Palenque, as possibly the work of this extraordinary peo-
ple. ^^

"derived from interpretation," (prolialily, of the Tezcucan paintings,) '* and
from the traditions of old men " ; poor authority for events whicli liad passed,
centuries before. Indeed, he acknowledges that their narratives were so full
of absurdity and falsehood, that he was obliged to rejct nine-tenths of them.
(See his Kelaciones, MS., no. 5.) The cause of truth would not have suffered
much, prol)ably, if lie had rejected nine-tenths of the remainder.

'' Ixtlilxochiil, Hist. Chich., MS., cap. 2. Idem, Relaciones, MS., no. 2.
Sahagun, I listeria General de las Cosas do Nueva Espafia, (Mexico, 1829,)
lib. 10, cap. J9. Veytia, Hist. Antig,. lib. i, cap. 27.

^' Sahagun, Hist, de Nueva Espafia, lib. 10. cap. 29.

" Idem, ubi su])ra, Torquemada, Monarch. Ind. lib. i, cap. 14.

1" DescripticHi de TEgypte, (Paris, 1809,) Antiquites, torn. I. rap. r. Veytia
has traced the migrations of the Toltecs with sut'ticient industry, scarcely re-
warded by the necessarily doubtful credit of the results. Hist. Antig., lib. 2,
cap. 21-33.

'xtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., MS., cap. 73.

Veytia, Hist, .'\ntig., lib. r, caji. 33. Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., MS.,
cap. 3. Idem, Relaciones, MS., no. .^, 5. Father Torquemada perhai>s
miiinter])reting the Te/cucan hieroglv|)hics has accounted for this mysteri-
ous disappearance of the 'Coltecs, by such fee-faw-fum stories of giants and
demons, as show his apj)ctite for the marvollous was fully equal to that of
any ijf liis calling. See his Monarch, ind., lib. i, cap 14.

2^ AZTEC CIVILIZATION

After the lapse of another hundred years, a numerous and

rude tribe, called the Chichemecs, entered the deserted country
from the regions of the far Northwest. They were speedily fol-
lowed by other races, of higher civilization, perhaps of the same
family with the Toltecs, whose language they appear to have
spoken. The most noted of these were the Aztecs or Mexi-
cans, and the Acolhuans. The latter, better known in later
times by the name of Tezcucans, from their capital, Tezcuco,^ on
the eastern border of the Mexican lake, were peculiarly fitted,
by their comparatively mild religion and manners, for receiving
the tincture of civilization which could be derived from the few
Toltecs that still remained in the country. This, in their turn,
they communicated to the barbarous Chichemecs, a large por-
tion of whom became amalgamated with the new settlers as one
nation.^

Availing themselves of the strength derived, not only from
this increase of numbers, but from their own superior refine-
ment, the Acolhuans gradually stretched their empire over the
ruder tribes in the north ; while their capital was filled with a
numerous population, busily employed in many of the more use-
ful and even elegant arts of a civilized community. In this
palmy state, they were suddenly assaulted by a warlike neigh-
bor, the Tepanecs, their own kindred, and inhabitants of the
same valley as them.selves. Their provinces were overrun, their
armies beaten, their king assassinated, and the flourishing city
of Tezcuco became the prize of the victor. From this abject
condition the uncommon abilities of the young prince, Neza-
hualcoyotl, the rightful heir of the crown, backed by the efficient
aid of his Mexican allies, at length, redeemed the state, and
opened to it a new career of prosperity, even more brilliant than
the former.'^

The Mexicans, with whom our history is principally con-
cerned, came, also, as we have seen, from the remote regions of
the North, the populous hive of nations in the New V/orld, as
it has been in the Old. They arrived on the borders of Ana-
huac, towards the beginning of the thirteenth century, some time
after the occupation of the land by the kindred races. For a

15* Tezcuco signifies " place of detention"; as several of the tribes who
iuccessively occupied Anahuac were said to have halted some time at the
spot. Ixtlilxochitl, Hist, Chich., MS., cap. lo.

2' The historian speaks, in one page, of the Chichemecs* burrowing m
caves, or, at best, in cabins of straw ; and, in the next, *^''ks gravely of their
sehoras, infantas, and caballeros ! Ibid., cap. 9, et seq. Veytia, Hist. Antig.,
lib. 2, cap. i-io. Caniargo, Historia de Tlascala, MW,

^ Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., MS., cap. 9-20. Veytia, Hist. Antig., lib. 8,
cap. 29-54.

PRIMITIVE RACES. 37

long time they did not establish themselves in any permanent

residence ; but continued shifting their quarters to different
parts of the Mexican Valley, enduring all the casualties and
hardships of a migratory life. On one occasion, they were en-
slaved by a more powerful tribe ; but their ferociiy soon made
them formidable to their masters."-^ After a series of wander-
ings and adventures, which need not shrink from comparison
with the most extravagant legends of the heroic ages of an-
tiquity, they at length halted on the southwestern borders of the
principal lake, in the year 1325. They there beheld, perched
on the stem of a prickly pear, which shot out from the crevice
of a rock that was washed by the waves, a royal eagle of extraor-
dinary size and beauty, with a serpent in his talons, and his
broad wings opened to the rising sun. They hailed the auspicious
omen, announced by the oracle, as indicating the site of their
future city, and laid its foundations by sinking piles into the
shallows ; for the low marshes were half buried under water.
On these they erected their light fabrics of reeds and rushes;
they sought a precarious subsistence from fishing, and from the
wild fowl which frequented the waters, as well as from the culti-
vation of such simple vegetables as they could raise on their
floating gardens. The place was called Tenochtitlan, in token
of its miraculous origin, though only known to Europeans by its
other name of Mexico, derived from their war-god, Mexitli.^*
The legend of its foundation is still further commemorated by
the device of the eagle and the cactus, which form the arms of
the modern Mexican republic. Such were the humble begin-
nings of the Venice of the Western World.'^*

^ These were the Colhuans, not Acolhuans, with whom Humbeldt, and
most writers since, have confounded them. See his Essai Politique, tom. I,
p. 4m; II- p. 37-

* Clavigero gives good reasons for preferring the etymology of Mexic
above noticed, to various others. (See his Stor. del Messico, tom. I. p. 16&
nota, ) The name Tenochtitlan s\g\vS\t?, iurtid (Ti. Q.7\.c\.Vi%) on a stone. Espli-
cacion de la Col. de Mendoza, apud Antiq. of Mexico, vol. IV.

* " Datur hccc venia antiquitati, " says Livy, " ut, misceiido humana div-
inis, primordia urbium augustiora faciat." Hist. Vrxi. See for the above
paragraph, Col. de Mendoza, plate i, apud Antiq. of Mexico, vol. I., Ix-
tlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., MS., cap. 10, Toribio, ITistoria de !os Indios,
MS., Parte 3, cap. 8, Veytia, Hist. Antig., lib. 2, cap. 15. Clavigero, after
a laborious examination, assigns the following dates to some of the promi-
nent events noticed in the text. No two authorities agree on them ; and this
is not strange considering that Clavigero the most inquisitive of all doe*
Bot always agree with himself. (Compare his dates for the coming of the
Acolhuans; tom. I. \). 147, and tom. IV. dissert. 2.)

A. D.
The ToIt>ecs arrived in Anahuac ..... 648

They abandoned the country . . . . , 1051

gy AZTEC CIVILIZATION.

The forlorn condition of the new settlers was made still

worse by cl'<inestic feuds. A part of the citizens seceded from
the rnaiu body, and formed a separate community on the neigh-
boring marshes. Thus divided, it was long before they could
aspire to the acquisition of territory on the main land. They
gradually increased, however, in numbers, and strengthened
themselves yet more by various improvements in their polity and
military discipline, while they established a reputation for courage
as well as cruelty in war, which made their name terrible
thrcughou; the Valley. In the early part of the fifteenth
century, nearly a hundred years from the foundation of the city,
an event took place which created an entire revolution in the
circumstances, and, to some extent, in the character o the
Aztecs. This was the subversion of the Tezcucan monarchy
by the Tepanecs, already noticed. When chc oppressive con-
duct of the victors had at length aroused a spirit of resistance,
its prince, Nezahualcoyotl, succeeded, after incredible perils
and escapes, in miustering such a force, as, with the aid of the
Mexicans, placed him on a level with his enemies. In two
successive battles, these were defeated with great slaughter,
their chief slain, and their territory, by one of those sudden
reverses which characterize the wars of petty states, passed into
the hands of the conquerors. It was awarded to Mexico, in re-
turn for its important services.

Then was formed that remarkable league, which, indeed, has
no parallel in history. It was agreed between the states of
Mexico, Tezcuco, and the neighboring little kingdom of Tlaco-
pan, that they should mutually support each other in their wars,
offensive and defensive, and that, in the distribution of the
spoil, one fifth should be assigned to Tlacopan, and the remain-
der be divided, in v.hat proportions is uncertain, between the
other powers. The Tezcucan writers claim an equal share for
their nation with the Aztecs. But this does not seem to be
warranted by the immense increase of territory subsequently
appropriated by the latter. And we may account for any ad-
vantage conceded to them by the treaty, on the supposition,
that, however inferior they may have been originally, they were

The Chichemecs arrived ....... I170

The Acolhuans arrived about ...... 1200

The Mexicans reached Tula ..... 1 196

They founded Mexico 1325

See his dissert. 2, sec. 12. In the last date, the one of most importance, h
is confirmed by the learned Veytia, who differs from him in all the other*
Hist. Antig., lib. 2, cap. 15.

PRIMITIVE RACES.

t th time of making it, in a more prosperous condition than
their allies, broken and dispirited by long oppression. What is
more extraordinary than the treaty itself, however, is the fidel-
ity with which it was maintained. During a century of uninter-
rupted warfare that ensued, no instance occurred where the
parties quarrelled over the division of the spoil, which so often
makes siiipwreck of similar confederaces among civilized
states.*^

The allies for some time found sufficient occupation for
their arms in their own valley ; but they soon overleaped its
rocky ramparts, and by the middle of the fifteenth century,
under the first Montezuma, had spread down the sides of the
table-land to the borders of the Gulf of Mexico. Tenochtitlan,
the Aztec capital, gave evidence of the public prosperity. Its
frail tenements were supplanted by solid structures of stone
and lime. Its population rapidly increased. Its old feuds
were healed. The citizens who had seceded were again brought
under a common government with the main body, and the quar-
ter they occupied was permanently connected with the parent
city ; the dimensions of which, covering the same ground,
were much larger than those of the modern capital of
Mexico.'^'

Fortunately, the throne was filled by a succession of able
princes, who knew how to profit by their enlarged resources
and by the martial enthusiasm of the nation. Year after year
saw them return, loaded with the spoils of conquered cities,
and with throngs of devoted captives, to their capital. No state

2''^ The loval Tezcucan chronicler claims the supreme dignity for his own
sovereign, if not the greatest share of the spoil, bv this imperial compact.
(Hist. Chich., cap. 32.) Torquemada. on the otlicr hand, claims one half of
all the conquered lands for Mexico. (Monarch. Ind., lib. 2, cap. 40.) All
agree in assigning only one fifth to Tlacopan; and Veytia (Hist. Antig., lib.
3, cap. 3) and Zurita (Rapport sur les Differentes Classes de chefs de la N'ou-
velle Esi)agnc, trad, de Ternaux, (Paris. 1840,) p. 11), both very competent
critics acquiesce in an equal division between the two jirincipal states in tha
confederacy. An ode, still extant, of Nezahualcoyotl, in its Castilian ver-
sion, bears testimony to the singular union of the three powers.

" solo se acordaran en las Xaciones
10 bien que dobern.ii m;;
las ires Caitzas que e'. Imperio !:finrarii!i.''

C.\MTARRS DBI, EmPBRADOR

Nkzahu.\lcovtl, MS,

* See the plans of the ancient and modern cajiital, in I^uUock's " Mex-
ico," first edition. The original ui the ancient map was obtained by that
traveller from the collection of the unfortunate Boturini; if, as seems proba-
ble, it is the one indicated on page 13 of his Catalogue, I find no warrant for
Mr. Bullock's statement, that it was the same prepared for Cortes by tha
Ofder of Montezuma.

AZTEC CIVILIZATION.

was able long to re?i?l the accumulated strength of the confeA

erates. At the begi.iiiing of the sixteenth century, just before
the arrival of the Spaniards, the Aztec dominion reached across
the continent, from the Atlantic to the Pacific ; and, under the
bold and bloody Ahuitzotl, its arms had been carried far over
the limits already noticed as defining its permanent territory,
into the farthest corners of Guatemala and Nicaragua. This
extent of empire, however iimiied in comparison vdth that of
many other states, is truly wonderful, considering it as the ac-
quisition of a people whose Vv'hole population and resources had
so recently been comprised within the wails of their own petty
city ; and considering, moreover, that the conquered territory
was thickly settled by various races, bred to arms like the Mex-
icans, and little inferior to them in social organization. The
history of the Aztecs suggests some strong points of resem-
blance to that of the ancieiu Romans, not only in their military
successes, but in the policy which led to them.'''

^ Clavigero, Stor, del Messico, torn. I. lib. 2. Torquemada, Monarch.
Ind., torn. I. lib. 2, ]5()luiini, Idea, p. 146. Col. of Mendoza, Part I, and
Codex Telleriano-Remensis, apud ruitiq. of Mexico, vols. T., VI.

Machiavelii has noticed it as one great cause of the military t^uccesses of
the i\.oma:i3; " that they associated themselves, in their wars, with other
states, as the principal"; and expresses his astonishment that a similar pol-
icy sliould not have been adopted by ambitious republics in later times. (See
his Discorsi sopra T. Livio, lib. 2, cap. 4, apud Opere (Geneva, 1798).)
Th;s, as we have seen above, was the very course pursued by the Mexicans.

The most important contribution, of late years, to the early history ol
Mexico is the Ilistoria Antigua of the Lie. Don Mariano Veytia, published
in the city of Mexico, in 1836. This scholar was born of an ancient and
highly respectable family at Puebla, T71S. After fini.shing his academic
education, he went to Spain, where he was kindly received at court. He
afterwards visited several other countries of Europe, made himself acquainted
with their languages, and returned home well stored with the fruits of a dis-
criminating oljservation and diligent study. The rest of his life he devoted
to letters; especially to the illustration of the national history and anti-
quities. As the executor of the unfortunate Boturini, with whom, he had
contracted an intimacy in Madrid, he obtained access to his valuable collec-
tion of manuscripts in Mexico, and from them, and every other source whicV
his position in society and his eminent character opened to him, he composed
various works, none of which, however, except the one before us, has been
admitted to the honors of the press. The time of his death is not given by
his editor, but it was probably not later than 1780.

Veytia's history covers the whole period, from the first occupation of
Anahuac to the middle of the fifteenth century, at which point his labors
were unfortunately terminated by his death. In the early portion he has en-
deavored to trace the migratory movements and historical annals of the
principal races who entered the country. Every page bears testimony to the

FRIMITIVE RACES. 41

extent and fidelity of his researches ; and, if we feel but moderate confidence
in the results, the fault is not imputable to him, so much as to the dark and
doubtful nature of the subject. As he descends to later ages, he is more
uccupied with the fortunes of the Tezcucan than with those of the Aztec
dvnasty, which have been amply discussed by others of his countrymen.
The premature close of his labors prevented him, probably, from giving that
attention to the domestic institutions of the people lie describes, to which
they are entitled as the most important subject of inquiry to the historian.
The deficiency has been supplied by his judicious editor, Urteaga, from
other sources. In t!ie early part of his work, Veytia has explained the
chronological system of the Aztecs, but, like most writers preceding the ac-
cur:ue Gajvia, with indifferent success. As a critic, he certainly ranks much
higher than the annalists who preceded him: and, v,'heu his ow;i religion is
not involved, sliows a discriminating judgment. When it is, he betravs a
fuii measure of tlie credulity which still maintains its hold on too many even
of the we'.i informed of his couritrvmen. The editor of the work has given
a verv interesting letter from the Abbe Clavigero to Veytia, written when the
former was a poor and humbie exile, and in liie tone of one addressing a
person of high standing and literary eminence. Both were employed on the
same subject. The writings of the poor Abb, published again and again,
and trani:lated into various languages, have spread his fame throughout
Europe ; while the name of Veytia, whose works have been locked up in
their primitive manuscript, is scarcely known beyond the boundaries o
Mexico.

AZTEC CJVILIZATlOar,

CHAPTER II.

Succession to the Crown. Aztec Nobility. Judicial Sys-
tem. Laws and Revenues. Military Institutions.

The form of government differed in the different states of
Anahuac. Witli the Aztecs and Tezcucans it was monarchical
and nearly absolute. The two nations resembled each other so
much, in their political institutions, that one of their historians
has remarked, in too unqualified a manner indeed, that what is
told of one may be always understood as applying to the other.^
I shall direct my inquiries to the Mexican polity, borrowing an
illustration occasionally from that of the rival kingdom.

The government was an elective monarchy. Four of the
principal nobles, who had been chosen by their own body in the
preceding reign, filled the office of electors, to whom were added,
with merely an honorary rank however, the two royal allies of
Tezcuco and Tlacopan. The sovereign was selected from the
brothers of the deceased prince, or, in default of them, from his
nephews. Thus the election was always restricted to the same
family. The candidate preferred must have distinguished him-
self in war, though, as in the case of the last Montezuma, he
were a member of the priesthood.^ This singular mode of
iupplying the throne had some advantages. The candidates
received an education which fitted them for the royal dignity,
while the age, at which they were chosen, not only secured the
nation against the evils of minority, but afforded ample means
for estimating their qualifications for the office. The result, at
all events, was favorable ; since the throne, as already noticed,
was filled by a succession of able princes, well qualified to rule
over a warlike and ambitious people. The scheme of election,
however defective, argues a more refined and calculating policy
than was to have been expected from a barbarous nation.*

^ Ixtlilxocliitl, Hist. Chich., MS., cap. 36.

2 This was an exception. In Egypt, also, the king was frequently taken
from the warrior caste, though obliged afterwn; . to be instructed in the
mystries of the priesthood: 6 6i tx fiaxi/io)v ut: js6i lyfievoc ev&vc tYivrro r^
Upuv. Plutarch,, de Isid. et Osir., sec. 9,

' Torquemada, Monarch. Ind., lib. 2, cap. 18; lib. 11. cap. 27. Clavigero^

AZTEC NOBILITY. ^,

The new monarch was installed in his regal dignity with much
parade of religious ceremony ; but not until, by a victorious
campaign, he had obtained a sufficient number of captives to
grace his triumphal entr}' into the capital, and to furnish victims
for the dark and bloody rites which stained the Aztec supersti-
tion. Amidst this pomp of human sacrifice, he was crowned.
The crown, resembling a mitre in its form, and curiously orna-
mented with gold, gems, and feathers, was placed on his head
by the lord of Tezcvco, the most powerful of his royal allies.
The title of King, by which the earlier Aztec princes are dis-
tinguished by Spanish writers, is supplanted bv that o E:;;jjeror
in the later reigns, intimating, perhaps, his superiority over the
confederated monarchies of Tlacopan and Tezcuco.*

The Aztec princes, especially towards the close of the dynasty,
lived in a barbaric pomp, truly Oriental. Their spacious palaces
were provided with halls for the different councils, who aided
the monarch in the transaction of business. The chief of these
was a sort of privy council, composed in part, probably, of the
four electors chosen by the nobles after the accession, whose
places, when made vacant by death, were immediately supplied
as before. It was the business of this body, so far as can be
gathered from the very loose accounts given of it, io advise the
king, in respect to the government of the provinces, the ad-
ministration of the revenues, and, indeed, on ail great matters
of public interest.''

In the royal buildings were accommodations, also, for a
numerous body-guard of the sovereign, made up of the chief
Tr^b'.lity. It is not easy to determine with precision, in these
b.irbarian governments, the limits of the several orders. It is
certain, there was a distinct class of nobles, with large landed
possessions, who held the most important offices near the person

8tor. del Messico, torn, II. p. 112. Acosta, Natural! and Moral Historic of
the East and West Indies, Enc;. trans. (London, 1604.)

According to Zurita. an election by the nobles took j}iace only in default
of heirs of the deceased monarch. (Rapport, p. 15.) The minute historical
investigation of Clavigero may be permitted to outweigh this general asser-
tion.

* Sahagun, Hist, de Nueva Espaua, lib. 6, cap. 9, 10, 14; lib. S, cap. 31,
34. See also, Zurita, Rapport, pp. 20-23.

Ixtlilxochitl stoutly claims this supremacy for his own nation. (Hist.
rhich., M.S., cap. 34.) His assertions are at variance with facts stated by
himself elsewhere, and are not countenanced by any other writer whom I have
consulted.

'' Sahagun, who pkices the elective power in a much larger body, speaks
of four senators, who formed a stated council. (Hist.de Nueva Espana, lib.
8, cap, 30.) Acosta enlarges the council beyond tiie number of the electors.
(Lib. 6, ch. 26.) No two writers agree.

AZTEC Clt^ILIZATIO^.

of the prince, and engrossed the administration of the province*

and cities.'^ Many of these could trace their descent from the
founders of the Aztec monarchy. According to some writers of
authority there were thirty great caciques, who had their resi-
dence, at least a part of the year, in the capital, and who could
muster a hundred thousand vassals each on their estates.'
Without relying on such wild statements, it is clear, from the
testimony of the Conquerors, that the country was occupied
by numerous powerful chieftains, who lived like independent
princes on their domains. If it be true that the kings encouraged,
or, indeed, exacted, the residence of these nobles in the capita^
and required hostages in their absence, it is evident that theii
power must have been very formidable.^

Their estates appear to have been held by various tenures,
and to have been subject to different restrictions. Some of them,
earned by their own good swords, or received as the recompense
of public services, were held without any limitation, except that
the possessors could not dispose of them to a plebeian.^ Others
were entailed on the eldest male issue, and, in default of such,
reverted to the crown. Most of them seem to have been burdened
with the obligation of military service. The principal chiefs of
Tezcuco, according to its chronicler, were expressly obliged to
support their prince with their armed vassals, to attend his court,
and aid him in the council. Some, instead of these services,
were to provide for the repairs of his buildings, and to keep the
royal demesnes in order, with an annual offering, by way of
homage, of fruits and flowers. It was usual, if we are to believe
historians, for a new king, on his accession, to confirm the
investiture of estates derived from the crown.-^'^

^ Zurita enumerates four orders of chiefs all of whom were exempted from
imposts, and enjoyed very considerable privileges. He does not discriminate
the several ranks with much ])recision. Rapport, p. 47. et seq.

'' See, in particular, Herrera, Historia General de los Ilechos de los Cas-
tellanos en las Islas y Tierra Firme del Mar Oceano, (Madrid, 1730,) dec, 2.
lib. 7, cap. 12.

^ Carta de Cortes, ap. Lorenzana, Hist, de Nueva Espana. p. no. Tor-
quemada, Monarch. Ind. lib. 2, cap. 89 ; lib. 14, cap. 6. Clavigera, Stor.
del Messico, tom. II. p. 121. Zurita, Rapport, pp. 48, 65.

Ixtliixochitl (Hist. Chich., MS., cap. 34) speaks of thirty great feudal
chiefs, some of them Tczcucan and Tlaco'pan, whom he styles "grandees of
the empire"! He says nothing of the great tail oi 100,000 vassals to each,
mentioned by Torquemada and Herrera.

^ Macehual^ a word equivalent to the French word rf^/wr;,?^. Nor could
fiefs originally be held by plebeians in France. See Hallam'; "liddle Ages,
(London, 1819,) vol. II. p. 207.

^ Ixtliixochitl, Hist. Chich., MS., ubi supra. Zurita, Rapport, ubi supra,
Clarigero, Stor. del Messico, tom. II, pp. 122-124. Torquemada, Mon

AZTEC NOBILITY.

45"

It cannot be denied that we recognize, in all this, several
features of the feudal system, which, no doubt, lose nothing of
their effect, under the hands of the Spanish writers, who are
fond of tracing analogies to European institutions. But such
analogies lead sometimes to very erroneous conclusions. I'he
obligation of military service, for instance, the most essential
principal of a fief, seems to be naturally demanded by every
government from its subjects. As to minor points of resem-
blance they fall far short of that harmonious system of reciprocal
service and protection, which embraced, in nice gradation, ever)'
order of a feudal monarchy. The kingdoms of Anahuac were,
in their nature, despotic, attended, indeed, with many miugating
circumstances, unknown to the despotism of the East ; but it is
chimerical to look for much in common beyond a few accidental
fonns and ceremonies with those aristocratic institutions oi the
Middle Ages, which made the court of every petty baron the
precise image in miniature of that of his sovereign.

The legislative power, both in Mexico and Tezcuco, resided
wholly with the monarch. This feature of despotism, however,
was, in some measure, counteracted by the constitution of the
judicial tribunals, of more importance, among a rude people,
than the legislative, since it is easier to make good laws for
such a comm.unity, than to enforce them, and the best laws,
badly administered, are but a mockery. Over each of the princi
pal cities, with its dependent territories, was placed a supreme
judge, appointed by the crown, with original and final jurisdic-
tion in both civil and criminal cases. There was no appeal from
his sentence to any other tribunal, nor even to the king. He
held his omce during life ; and any one, who usurped his en-
signs, was punished with death.'"

Below this magistrate wr.s a court, established in each pro-
vince, and consisting of tliree members. It held concurrent
jurisdiction with the supreme judge in civil suits, but, in criminal,

arch. Ind., lib. 14, cap. 7. Oomara, Cronica de Xueva Esprfia. cap. 199,
ap. Barcia, torn, II.

Boturini (Idea, p. 165) carrie.s back the origin oijiefs in Anahuac, to the
fwelfth century. Carli savs, " Le svsteme politique y etoit feoclal." In the
next page he tells us, " Personal merit aione made t\Se distinction of the
nobility"! (Letters Americaines, trad. Fr., (Paris, 7SS,; tom. I. let. 11.)
Carli was a writer of a lively imagination.

This magistrate, who was called cihuacoatl, was also to audit the ac-
counts of the collectors of the taxes in his district. (Clavigcro, Stor. del
Messico, tom. IT.];. 127, Torqucmada, Monarch. Ind., lib. 11, cap. 25.)
The Mendoza Collection contains a painting of the courts oi justice, ander
Montezuma, who introduced great changes in them. (Antiq. of Mexico,
ol. I., Plate 70.) According to the interpreter, an appeal lay rom them, in
certain cases, to tlie king's council. Ibid., vol. VI. p. 79.

^ AZTEC civilization:

an appeal lay <" ^ his tT^'-ldnal. Besides these courts, there wai
a body of infeuor magistrates, distributed through the country,
chosen by the people themselves in their several districts.
Their authority was limited to smaller causes, while the more
important were carried up to the higher courts. There was still
another class of subordinate ofhcers, appointed also by the peo-
ple, each of whom was to watch over the conduct of a certain
number of families, and report any disorder or breach of the
laws to the higher authorities.^

In Tezcuco the judicial arrangements v/ere of a more refined
character ; ^^ and a gradation of tribunals finally terminated
in a general meeting or parliament, consisting of all the judges,
great and petty, throughout the kingdom, held every eighty
days in the capital, over which the king presided in person.
This body determined all suits, which, from their importance, or
difficulty, had been reserved for its consideration by the lower
tribunals. It served, moreover, as a council of state, to assist
the monarch in the transaction of public business."

Such are the vague and imperfect notices that can be gleaned,
respecting the Aztec tribunals, from the hieroglyphical paintings
still preserved, and from the most accredited Spanish writers.
These, being usually ecclesiastics, have taken much less interest
in this subject, than in matters connected with religion. They
find some apology, certainly, in the early destruction of most of
the Indian paintings, from which their information was, in part,
to be gathered.

On the whole, however, ii must be inferred, that the Aztecs were
sufficiently civilized to evince a solicitude for the rights both of

1- Clavigero, Stor. del Messico, torn. II. pp. 127, 128. Torquemada,
Monarch. Ind., ubi supra.

In this arrangement of the more liumble magistrates we are reminded of
the Anglo-Saxon hundreds and tithings, especially the latter, the members
of which were to watch over the conduct of the families in their districts, and
bring the offenders to justice. The hard penalty of mutual responsibility
was not known to the Mexicans.

13 Zurita, so temperate, usualiy, in his language, remarks, that, m the
capital, " Tribunals were instituted which might com])are in their organiza-
tion with the royal audiences of Castile." (Rapport, p. 93.) His observation!
are chiefly drawn from the Tezcucan courts, which, in their forms of pr&
cedure, he says, were like the Aztec. (Loc. cit. )

" Boturini, Idea, page. 87. Torquemada, Monarch. Ind., lib. 11, cap. 26.

Zurita compares this body to the Castilian cortes. It would seem, how-
ever, according to him, to have consisted only of twelve principal judges,
besides the king. Mis meaning is somewhat doubtful. (Rapport, pp. 94,
loi, io6. ) M. dc Humboldt, in his account of the Aztec courts, has confouncied
them with the Tezcucan Comp. Vues des Cordillbres et Monumens def
peuples Indigenes del' Am^rique, (Paris, 1810,) p. 55, and Clavigero, Sto^
del Messico, torn. II. pp. 128, IZ9.

JUDICIAL SYSTEM, 47

property and of persons. The law, authorizing an appeal to
the highest judicature in crimnial matters only, shows an atten-
tion to personal security, rendered the more obligatory by the
extreme severity of their penal code, which would naturally have
made them more cautious of a wrong conviction. The existence
of a number of co-ordinate tribunals, without a central one of
supreme authority to control the whole, must have given rise to
very discordant interpretations of the law in different districts.
But this is an evil which they shared in common with most oi
the nations of Europe.

The provision for making the superior judges wholly indepen-
dent of the crown was worthy of an enlightened people. It pre-
sented the strongest barrier, that a mere constitution, could
afford, against tyranny. It is not, indeed, to be supposed, that,
in a government otherwise so despotic, means could not be
found for influencing the magistrate. But it was a great step to
fence round his authority with the sanction of the law ; and no
one of the Aztec monarchs, as far as I know, is accused of an
attempt to violate it.

To receive presents or a bribe, to be guilty of collusion in
any way with a suitor, was punished, in a judge, with death. Who,
or what tribunal, decided as to his guilt, does not appear. In
Tezcuco this was done by the rest of the court. But the king
presided over that body. The Tezcucan prince, Nezahualpilli,
who rarely tempered justice with mercy, put one judge to death
for taking a bribe, and another for determining suits in his own
house, a capital offence, also, by law.-^"

The judges of the higher tribunals were maintained from the
produce of a part of the crown lands, reserved for this purpose.
They, as well as the supreme judge, held their offices for life.
The proceedings in the courts were conducted with decency
and order. The judges wore an appropriate dress, and
attended to business both parts of the day, dining, always, for
the sake of despatch in an apartment of the same building
where they held their session ; a method of proceeding much
commended by the Spanish chroniclers, to whom despatch was
not very familiar in their own tribunals. Officers attend to
preserve order, and others summoned the parties, and produced
them in court. No counsel was employed ; the parties stated
their own case, and supported it by their witnesses. The oath
of the accused was also admitted in evidence. The statement of

^ "Ah! si esta se repitiera hoy, que bueno scria I " exclaims Sahagun's
Mexican editor. Ifi^t. de Niieva Espana, torn. II. p. 304, nota Zurita.
Rapport, p. 102. 1 orquemada, Monarch. Ind., ubi supra. IxtlilxochitU
Hist. Chicb., MS, cap. 67.

8 AZTEC CIVILIZATION,

the case, the tes^V.ony, and the proceedings of the trial, were
all set forth by a clerk, in hieroglyphical paintings, and handed
over to the court. The paintings were executed with so much
accuracy, that, in all suits respecting real property, they were
allowed to be produced as good authority in the Spanish tribu-
nals, very long atier the Conquest ; and a chair for their study
and inierpreiation was established at Mexico in 1553, which
has long since shared the fate of most other provisions for learn,
ing in that unfortunate country.-"^

A capital sentence was indicated by a line *^raced with r^n
arrow across the portrait of the accused. In Tezcuco, where
the king presided in the court, this, according to the national
chronicler, was done Vviih extraordinary parade. His description

hich is of jaiher a poetical ca^t, 1 give in his own words.

* In tlie royal palace of Tezcuco was a courtyard, on the
opposite sides of which were two halls of justice. In the
principal one, called the ' tribunal of God,' was a throne of
pure gold, inlaid with turquoises and other precious stones.
On a stool, ii; front, was placed a human skull, crowned with an
immense emerald, of a pvramidal form, and surmounted by an
aigrette of brilliant plumes and precious stones. The skull was
laid on a heap of military weapons, shields, quivers, bows,
and arrows. Th^- v^'alls were hung with tapestry, made
of the hair of different wild animals, of rich and various
colors, festooned by gold rings, and embroidered with figures
of birds and flowers. /. oove the throne was a canopy of
variegated plumage, from the centre of which shot forth re-
splendent rays of gld and jewels. The other tribunal, called
* the King's,' was also surmounted by a gorgeous canopy of
feathers, on which were emblazoned the royal arms. Here the
sovereign gave public audience, and communicated his despatches.
But, when he decided important causes, or conhrmed a capital
sentence, he passed to the ' tribunal of God,' attended by the
fourteen great lords of the realm, marshalled according to thcii
rank. Then, putting on his mitred crown, incrusted with pre-
cious stones, and holding a golden arrow, by way of sceptre, in
his left hand, he laid his right upon the skull, and pronounced
judgment." ^' All this looks rather fine for a court of justice, it

1*^ Zurita, Rapport, pp. 95, 100, 103. Sahagun, Hist, de Nveva Espana,
loc. cit. Humboldt, Vues des Cordilieres, pp. 55, 56. Torqucmada, Mon-
arch. Ind. , lib. II, cap. 25.

Clavigero says, the accused night free himself by oath; " II reo poteva
gurgarsi col giuramento." (Stor. del Messico, torn. II. p. 129.) Whal
rogue, then, could ever have been convicted ?

^'^ Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., MS., cap. 36.

These various objects had a symoolical meaning, according to Boturiiv
Idea, p. 84.

lAlVS AND REVRNUES. 49

must be owned. But it is certain, that the Tezcucans, as we

shall see hereafter, possessed both the materials, and the skill
requisite to work them up in this manner. Had they been a
little further advanced in refinement, one might well doubt their
having the bad taste to do so.

The laws of the Aztecs were registered, and exhibited to the
people, in their hieroglyphical paintings. Much the larger
part of them, as in every nation imperfectly civilized, relates
rather to the security of persons, than of property. The great
crimes against society were all made capital. Even the murder
of a slave was punished with death. Adulterers, as among the
Jews, were stoned to death. Thieving, according to the degree
of the offence, was punished by slavery or death. Yet the
Mexicans could have been under no great apprehension of this
crime, since the entrances to their dwellings were not secured
by bolts, or fastenings of any kind. It was a capital offence to
remove the boundaries of another's lands ; to alter the establish-
ed measures ; and for a guardian not to be able to give a good
account of his ward's property. These regulations evince a
regard for equity in dealings, and for private rights, which
argues a considerable progress in civilization. Prodigals, who
squandered their patrimony, were punished in like manner ; a
severe sentence since the criine brought its adequate punishment
along with it. Intemperance, which was the burden, moreover,
of their religious homilies, was visited with the severest penal-
ties ; as if they had foreseen in it the consuming canker of their
own, as well as of the other Indian races in later times. It wa.'
punished in the young with death, and in older persons with
loss of rank and confiscation of property. Yet a decent con-
viviality was not meant to be proscribed at their festivals, and
they possessed the means of indulging it, in a mild fermented
liquor, called piilque, which is still popular, not only with the
Indian, but the European population of the country.^^

The rites of marriage were celebrated with as much formality

'" Paintings of the Mcndoz.i Collection, PI. 72, and Interpretation ap.
Ant;.[u. (jf Mexico, vol. VI. \i. 87. Torcjueinada, Monarch. Ind.. \\\\ i ?,
cap. 7. Clavij^cro, Stor. del Messico, torn. II. pp. 130-134. t!aniartvi,
liist. de Tlascala, MS.

Thev could scarcely have been an intemperate ]5eo]:>Ic, witli these hcav\'
penaliies hanging over them. Indeed, Zurita bears testimony that those
Sjjaniards, who thought they were, greatly erred. (Rapport, p. I12.) Mons,
Ternaux's translation of a passage of the Anonymons Conqueror, " aucun
peupie n'est aussi sobre," (Kecueil de Pi&ces Relatives ^ la Conquete de
Mc.xique, ap. Voyage, &c., (Paris, 183S,) \>. 54,) may give a more favorable
impression, however, than that intendecl by his original, whose remark is
confined to abstemiousness ia eating. See the Relatione, ap, Ramusio,
Raccolta delle Navigationi et Viaggi. (Venetia, 1554-1565.)

JO AZTEC CIl^ILIZA T70N.

as in any Christian country ; and the institution was held in
such reverence, that a tribunal was instituted for the sole pur-
pose of determining questions relating to it. Divorces could
not be obtained, until authorized by a sentence of this court,
after a patient hearing of the parties.

But the most remarkable part of the Aztec code was that
relating to slavery. There were several descriptions of slaves ;
prisoners taken in war, who were almost ahvays reserved for the
dreadful doom of sacrifice ; criminals^ public debtors, persons
who, from extreme poverty, voluntarily resigned their freedom,
and children who were sold by their own parents. In the last
instance, usually occasioned also by poverty, it was common
for the parents, with the master's consent, to substitute others
of their children successively, as they grew up; thus distributing
the burden, as equally as possible, among the different members
of the family. The willingness of freemen to incur the penal-
ties of this condition is explained by the mild form in which
it existed. The contract of sale was executed in the presence of
at least four witnesses. The services to be exacted were limited
with great precision. The slave was allowed to have his own
family, to hold property, and even other slaves. His children
were free. No one could be born to slavery in Mexico ; ^'
an honorable distinction, not known. I believe, in any civilized
community where slavery has been sanctioned.^ Slaves were
not sold by their masters, unless when these were driven to it
by poverty. They were often liberated by them at their death,
and sometimes, as there was no natural repugnance founded on
difference of blood and race, were married to them. Yet a
refractor}' or vicious slave might be led into the market, with
a collar round his neck, which intimated his bad character, and
there be publicly sold, and, on a second sale, reserved for sac-
rifice.^^

Such are some of the most striking features of the Aztec

15 In Ancient Egypt the child of a slave was born free, if the father were
free. (Diodorus, liibl. Hist., lib. i, sec. 80.) This, though more liberal
than the code of most countries, fell short of the Mexican.

^^ In Egypt the same penalty was attached to the mutder of a slave, as to
that of a freeman. (Ibid., lib. i, sec. 77.) Robert,=on speaks of a class of
slaves held so cheap in the eye of the Mexican law, that one might kill them
with impunity. (History of America, (ed. London, 1776,) vol. III. p. 164.)
This, however, was not in Mexico, but in Nicaragua, (see his own authority,
Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 3, lib. 4, cap. 2,) a distant country, not incorpo-
rated in the M'-xican empire, and with laws and institutions very different
from those of the latter.

-1 Torquemada, Monarch. Ind., lib. 12, cap. 15; lib. 14, cap. 16, 17.
Sahagun, Hist, de Nueva Espafia, lib. 8, cap. 14. Clavigero, Stor. del
Me.ssico, torn. II. pp. 134-136.

LA yVS AND RE VENUES.

code, to which the Tezcucan bore great resemblance.'*' With

ionie exceptions, it is stamped with the severity, the ferocity
indeed, of a rude people; hardened by familiarity with scenes of
blood, and relying on physical, instead of moral means, for the
correction of evil.''^ Still, it evinces a profound respect for the
great principles of morality, and as clear a perception of these
principles as is to be found in the most cultivated nations.

The royal revenues were derived from various sources. The
crown lands, which appear to have been extensive, made their
returns in kind. The places in the neighborhood of the capital
were bound to supply workmen and materials for building the
king's palaces, and keeping them in repair. They were also
to furnish fuel, provisions, and whatever was necessary for his
ordinary domestic expenditure, which was certainly on no
stinted scale.^* The principal cities, which had numerous
villages and a large territory dependent on them, were dis-
tributed into districts, with each a share of the lands allot-
ted to it, for its support. The inhabitants paid a stipulated
part of the produce to the crown. The vassals of the great
chiefs, also, paid a portion of their earnings into the public
treasury ; an arrangement not at all in the spirit of the feudal
institutions.*'

22 Ixtlilxocliiil, Hist, Chich., MS., cap. 38, and Relaciones, MS.

The Tezcucan code, indeed, as digested under the great Is'ezahualcoyotl,
formed the basis of the Mexican, in the latter days of the empire. Zurita,
Rapport, p. 95.

'^^ In this, at least, they did not reseml)le the Romans; of whom their coun-
tryman could boast, " Gloriari licet, iiuUi gentium mitiores placuisse pcenas."
Livy, Hist., lib. i, cap. 28.

^ The Tezcucan revenues were, in like manner, jjaid in the produce of the
country. The various branches of the royal expenditure were defrayed by
sjiecified towns and districts; and the whole arrangements here, and in
Mexico, bore a remarkablf resemblance to the financial regulatiaais of the
Persian empire, as reported by the Cireek writers; (see Herodotus, Clio,
sec. 192;) with this difference, howe er, that the towns of Persia proper
were not burdened with tributes, like the conquered cities. Idem, Thalia,
sec. 97.

'^ Lorenzana, Hist, de Nneva Espafia,p. 172. Torquemada, Monarch.
Ind., lib, 2, cap. 89; lib. 14, cap, 7. lioturini. Idea, p. t66. Camargo,
Hist, de Tlascala, MS. Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 2, lib. 7, cap 13.

The people of the provinces were distributed into calpulli or tribes, who
held the lands of the neighborhood in common. Officers of their own ap-
pointment parcelled out these lands among the several families of the
calpulli ; and, on the extinction or removal of a family, its lands reverted to
the common stock, to be again distributed. The individual proprietor had
no power to alienate them. The laws rcgulatir;;; these matters were very
precise, and had existed ever since the occupation of the country by th
Aztecs. Zurita, Rapport, pp. 51-62.

AZTEC CTVTLTZATTOI^.

In addition to this tax on all the agricultural produce of the

kingdom, there was another on its manufactures. The nature
and variety of the tributes will be best shown by an enumera-
tion of some of the principal articles. These were cotton
dresses, and mantles of featherwork exquisitely made ; orna-
mented armor ; vases and plates of gold ; gold dust, bands and
bracelets ; crystal, gilt, and varnished jars and goblets ; bells,
arms, and utensils of copper ; reams of paper ; grain, fruits, copal,
amber, cochineal, cacao, wild animals and birds, timber, lime,
mats, &C.26 In this curious medley of the most homely commo-
dities, and the elegant superrluities of luxury, it is singular that
no mention should be made of silver^ the great staple of the
country in later times, and the use of which was certainly
known to the Aztecs."'

Garrisons were established in the larger cities, probably
those at a distance, and recently conquered, to keep down re-
volt, and to enforce the payment of the tribute.^ Tax-gatherers

2 The following items of the tribute furnished by different cities will give
2 more precise idea of its nature : 20 chests of ground chocolate ; 40 pieces:
of armor, of a particular device; 2400 loads of large mantles, of twisted
cloth; 800 ioads of smali mantles, of rich wearing apparel; 5 pieces of armor
of rich feathers ; 60 pieces of armor, of common feathers; a chest of l>eans;
a chest of chian; a chest of maize 5 8000 reams of paper; likewise 2000 loaves
of very white salt, refined in the shape of a moukl, for the consumption
only of the lords of Mexico; 8000 lumps of unrefined copal; 400 smaU
baskets ol white refined copal; 100 copper axes; 80 loads of red chocolate;
800 xicaras, out of which they drank cliocolatc ; a little vessel of small tur-
quoise stones; 4 chests of timber, full of maize; 4000 loads of lime ; tiles of
gold, of the size of an oyster, and as thick as the finger ; 40 bags of cochineal;
20 bags of gold dust, of the finest quality; a diadem of gold, of a specified
pattern; 20 lip-jewels of clear amber, ornamented with gold; 200 loads of
chocolate: 100 pots or jars of liquid-amber; 8000 handfuls of rich scarlet
feathers; 40 tiger-skins; 1600 bundles of cotton, &c., &c. Col. de Mendoza,
part 2, ap. Antiqu. of Mexico, vols. I. , VI.

^Mapadc Tributos, ap. Lorenzana, Hist, de Nueva Kspana. Tribute-
roll, ap. Antiq. of Mexico, vol. I., and Interpretation, vol, VI.. pp. 17-44.

The Mendoza Collection, in the Bodleian Library at O.xford, contains a
roll of the cities of the Mexican empire A-ith the specific tributes exacted from
them. It is a copy made after the Conquest with a pen on European paper
(See Foreign Quarterly Review, No. XVII. Art. 4.) An original painting of
the same roll was in l]oturini's museum. Lorenzana has given us engravings
of it, in which the outlines of the Oxford copy are filiea up, though some-
what rudely. Clavigero considers the explanations in Lorenzana's edition
/ery inaccurate, (Stor. del Messico, tom. I. p. 25,) a judgment confirmed by
Aglio, who has transcribed the entire collection of the Mendoza papers, in
the first volume of the Antiquities of Mexico. It would have much facili-
tated reference to his plates, if they had been numbered; a strange omission !

28 The caciques, who submitted to the allied arms, were usually confirmed
In their authority, and the conquered places allowed t' .;tain their laws and
wsages. (Zurita, Rapport, p. 67.) The conquests were .lOt always partitioned,
but sometimes, singularly enough, weie held in common by the three power*
Ibid., p. II.

LA WS AND RE VENUES.

^ere also distributed throughout the kingdom, who were recog-
nized by their official badges, and dreaded from the merciless
rigor of their exactions. By a stern law, every defaulter was
liable to be taken and sold as a slave. In the capital were
spacious granaries and warehouses for the reception of the
tributes, A receiver-general was quartered in the palace, who
rendered in an exact account of the various contributions, and
watched over the conduct of the inferior agents, in whom the
least malvers^wtion was summarily punished. This functionary
was furnished with a map of the whole empire, with a minute
specilication of th imposts assessed on every part of it. These
imposts, moderate under the reigns of the early princes, became
so burdensome under those at the close of the dynasty, being
rendered still more oppressive by the manner of collection, that
they bred disaffection throughout the land, and prepared the
way for its conquest by th Spaniards.^"*

Communication was maintaiwed with the remotest parts of the
country by means of couriers. Post-houses were established on
the great roads, about two leagues distant from each other. The
couriers, bearing his despatches in the form of a hieroglyphical
painting, ran with them to the ikst station, where they were
taken by another messenger and e&rried forward to the next,
and so on till they reached the capital. These couriers, trained
from childhood, travelled with incredible swiftness ; not four or
five leagues an hour, as an old chrouicier would make us be-
lieve, but with such speed that despatches were carried from one
to two hundred miles a day.^ Fresh fish was frequently served
at Montezuma's table in twenty-four hours from the time it had
been taken in the Gulf of Mexico, two hundred miles from the
capital. In this way intelligence of the move^jents of the royal
armies was rapidly brought to court ; and ehe dress of the

Collec. of Mendoza, ap. Antiq. of Mexico, vol. VY, ^. jT Carta de
Cortes, ap. Lorcnzana, Hist, de Nueva Espan.-x, p. no. Twqviehiada, Mon-
arch. Ind., lib. 14, c:ip. 6. 8. Ilerrera. Hist. General, dec. :?. lib 7, cap.
13. Sahagun, Hist, de Nueva Espafia, ib. 8, cap. 18, 19.

*' Ti.e Hon. C. A. iMiirray, whose imperturbable got)d hiinnir imder real
trouV)les forms a contrast, rather striking, to the sensitiveness of s;.iTie of his
predecessors to imaginary ones, tells us, among other marvels, tliM an Indian
of his ]5ariy travelled a hundred miles in four and twenty hours. (J'ravels in
N. America, (New York, 1839,) vol. I. ]). 193.) The Greek, who, according
to Plutarch, brought the news of victory to I'latoea. il hundred and twentv-
five miles, i;i a day, was a better traveler still. Some interesting facts on the
pedestrian capabilities of man in the savage state are collected bv iiufton, v/ho
concludes, truly enough, " L'homme civilise ne connait pas ses force*-"
(Ilistoire Naturellc; iJe la Jeuncsse. )

M'.'xico 3 \ oL. 1

AZTEC civilizatton:

courier, denoting by its color that of his tidings, spread joy of
consternation in the tor/ns through which he passed.

But the great aim of the Aztec institutions, to which private
discipline and public honors were alike directed, was the pro-
fession of arms. In Mexico, as in Egypt, the soldier shared
with the priest the highest consideration. The king, as we have
seen, must be an experienced warrior. The tutelary deity of the
Aztecs was the god of war. A great object of their military ex-
peditions v/as, to gather hecatombs of captives for his altars. The
soldier, who fell in battle, was transported at once to the region
of ineffable bliss in the bright mansions of the Sun.*^ Ever)
war therefore, became a crusade ; and the warrior, animated by
a religious enthusiasm, like that of the early Saracen, or the
Christian crusader, was not only raised to a contempt of danger,
but courted it, for the imperishable crown of martyrdom. Thus
we find the same impulse acting in the most opposite quarters of
the globe, and the Asiatic, the P^uropean, and the American,
each earnestly invoking the holy name of religion in the perpe-
tration of human butchery.

The question of war was discussed in a council of the king
and his chief nobles. Ambassadors were sent, previously to its
declaration, to require the hostile state to receive the Mexican
gods, and to pay the customary tribute. The persons of ambas-
sadors were held sacred throughout Anahuac. They were
lodged and entertained in the great towns at the public charge,
and were everywhere received with courtesy, so long as they did
not deviate from the highroads on their route. When lliey did,
they forfeited their privileges. If the embassy proved unsuccess-
ful, a defiance, or open declaration of war, was sent ; quotas
were drawn from the conquered provinces, which were always
subjected to military service, as well as the payment of taxes ;

^ Torquemada, Monarch. Ind., lib. 14, cap. i.

The same wants led to the same expedients in ancient Rome, and still
more ancient Persia. " Notliingin the world is borne so swiftly," says Herod-
otus, " as messages by the Persian couriers " ; which his commentator, Valck-
cnaer, prudently qualifies by the exception of the carrier pigeon. (Herod-
otus, Hist., Urania, sec. 98, nee non Adnot. ed. Schweighauser.) Couriers
are noticed, in the thirteenth century, in China, by Marco Polo. Their
Stations were only three miles apart, and they accomplished five days' journey
in one. (Viaggi di Marco Polo, lib. 2, cap. 20, ap. Ramusio, torn. II.) A
similar arrangement for posts subsists there at the present day, and excites
the admiration of a modern traveller. (Anderson, British Embassy to China,
(London, 1796,) p. 282.) In all these cases, the posts were for the use of gov-
trnment only.

""Sahagun, Hist, de Nueva Espafia, lib. 3, Apend.,cap. 3.

MILITARY INSTITUTION.

and the royal army, usually with the monarch at its head, began

its march. ^

The Aztec princes made use of the incentives employed by
European monarchs to excite the ambition of their followers.
They established various military orders, each having its privi-
leges and peculiar insignia. There seems, also, to have existed
a sort of knighthood, of inferior degree. It was the cheapest
reward of martial prowess, and whoever had not reached it
was excluded from using ornaments on his arms or his person,
and obliged to wear a coarse white stuff, made from the threads
of the aloe, called nequen. Even the members of the royal
family were not excepted from this law, which reminds one of
the occasional practice of Christian knights, to wear plain armor,
or shields without device, till they had achieved some doughty
feat of chivalry. Although the military orders were thrown open
to all, it is probable that they were chiefly filled with persons of
rank, who, by their previous training and connexions, were able
to come into the field under peculiar advantages.^

The dress of the higher warriors v^as picturesque and often
magnificent. Their bodies were covered with a close vest of
quilted cotton, so thick as to be impenetrable to the light missiles
of Indian warfare. This garment was so light and serviceable,
that it was adopted by the Spaniards. The wealthier chiefs
sometimes wore, instead of this cotton mail, a cuirass made of
thin plates of gold, or silver. Over it was thrown a surcoat of
the gorgeous featherwork in which they excelled.^^ Their hel-
mets were sometimes of wood, fashioned like the heads of wild
animals, and sometimes of silver, on the top of which waved a
panache of variegated plumes, sprinkled with precious stones

'^^ Zurita; Rapport, pp. 68, 120. Col. of Mendoza, ap. Antiq. of Mexico,vol.
I. PI. 67; vol. VI. p. 74. Torquemada, Monarch. Ind., lib. 14, cap. i.

The reader will find a remarkable resemblance to these military usages, in
those of the early Romans. <Jomp. Li\-., Hist., lib. r, caps. 32; lib. 4, cap. ^,0,
et alibi.

'^' Ibid., lib. 14, cap. 4, 5. Acosta, lib. 6, ch . 26. CoUec. of Mendoza, ai>-
Antiq. of Mexico, vol. i. Pi. 6:;; vol. VI. p. 72. Camargo, Mist, de Tlascala,
MS

36" Their mail if mail, it may be called, was woven
Of v.^eetaiile dnsvi , iikf finest flax,
Bleached to the whiteness of newfallen snow.
*.**
O'li'-rs, of lustier nffice, were anaverl
\'.i feathery biea-.t|.latr;s. of more fzor^'eous hue
Thai: tlie cay plumace of the niountain-cock,
Than the pheasant's >;litteiinf^ jiride. But what were these.
Or what thi: tl-.in f;old liauberk. when opposed
To arms liKe ourb in battle ? '"

Madoc, p. I. cnnto 7.

Beautiful painting ! One mav dnubt, however, the propriety of the Welsh
man's vaunt, before the use of fire-arms.

^6 AZTEC CIVILIZATIOl^.

and ornaments of gold fhey wore also collars, bracelets, and

ear-rings, of the san.'j rich materials.36

Their armies were divided into bodies of eight thousand men ;
and these again, into companies of three or four hundred, each
with its own commander. The national standard, which has
been compared to the ancient Roman, displayed, in its eni-
broidery of gold and feather-work, the armorial ensigns of tlic
state. These were significant of its name, which, as the names
of both persons and places were borrowed from some material
object, was easily expressed by hieroglyphical symbols. The
companies and the great chiefs had also their appropriate ban-
ners and devices, and the gaudy hues of their many-colored
plumes gave a dazzling splendor to the spectacle.

Their tactics were such as belong to a nation, with whom war,
though a trade, is not elevated to the rank of a science. They
advanced singing, and shouting their war-cries, briskly charging
the enemy, as rapidly retreating, and making use of ambuscades,
sudden surprises, and the light skirmish of guerilla warfare. Yet
their discipline was such as to draw forth the encomiums of the
Spanish conquerors. '" A beautiful sight it was," says one of
them, " to see them set out on their inarch, all moving forward
so gayly, and in so admirable order ! ''^' In battle, they did not
seek to kill their enemies, so much as to take them prisoners ;
and they never scalped, like other North American tribes. The
valor of a warrior was estimated by the number of his prisoners ;
and no ransom was large enough to save the devoted captive.**

Their military code bore the same stern features as their other
laws. Disobedience of orders was punished with death. It was
death, also, for a soldier to leave his colors, to attack the enemy
before the signal was given, or to plunder another's booty or pris-
oners. One of the last Tezcucan princes, in the spirit of an

^^'Sahagun, Hist, de Nueva Espana, lib. 2, cap. 27 ; lib. 8, cap. 12.. Re-
latione d'un gentil' huomo, ap. Ramusio, torn. III. p. 305. Torquemada,
Monarch. Ind., ubi supra.

^" Relatione d'un gentil' huomo, ubi supra.

^' Col. of Mendoz;), ap. Antiq. of Mexico, vol. I. PI. 65, 66; vol. VI. p. 73,
Sahagun. Hist, de Nueva Espana, lib. 8, cap. 12. Toribio, Hist, de los
Indios, MS., Parte I. cap. 7. Torquemada, Monarch Ind., lib. 14, cap. 3
Relatione d'un gentil' huomo, ap. Ramusio, loc. cit.

Scalping may claim high authoritv, or, at least, antiquity. The Father of
History gives an account of it among the Scvthians, showing that they per-
formed the operation, and wore the hideous trophy, in the same manner as
our North American Indians. (Herodot., Hist. Melpomene, sec. 64.) Traces
of the same savage custom are also found in the laws of the Visigoths, among
the Franks, and even the Anglo-Saxons. See Guizot, Cours d'Histoir*
Moderne, (Paris, 1S29,) torn. I. p. 283.

MILITARY INSTITUTIONS.

ancient Roman, put two sons to death, after having cured their

wounds, for violating the last-mentioned law.^

I must not omit to notice here an institution, the introduc-
tion of which, in the Old World, is ranked among the beneficent
fruits of Christianity. Hospitals were established in the prin-
cipal cities, for the cure of the sick, and the permanent refuge
of the disabled soldiers ; and surgeons were placed over them,
*' who were so far better than those in Europe," says an old
chronicler, '" that they did not protract the cure, in order to in-
crease the pay."*^

Such is the brief outline of the civil and military polity of the
ancient Mexicans ; less perfect than could be desired, in re-
gard to the former, from the imperfection of the sources whence
it is drawn. Whoever has had occasion to explore the early
history of modern Europe has found how vague and unsatisfac-
tory is the political information which can be gleaned from the
gossip of monkish annalists. How much is the dilBculty in-
creased in the present instance, where this information, first
recorded in the dubious language of hieroglyphics, was inter-
preted in another language, with which the Spanish chroniclers
were imperfectly acquainted, while it related to institutions of
which their past experience enabled them to form no adequate
conception ! Amidst such uncertain lights, it is in vain to ex-
pect nice accuracy of detail. All that can be done is, to at-
tempt an outline of the more prominent features, that a correct
impression, so far as it goes, may be produced on the mind of
the reader.

Enough lias been said, however, to show that the ATrtec and
Tezcucan races were advanced in civilization very far beyond
the wandering tribes of North America.'' The degree of civili-
se Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich.. MS., cap. 67.

*' Torqucmacia, Monarcli. Incl., lib. 12, cap. 6 ; lib. 14, cap. 3. Ixtlilxo-
chitl, Hist Chich,, MS., cap. 36.

*^ Zurita is indignant at the e])ithet of barbarians besto\vccl on the Aztecs;
an epithet, he says, " wliich coulci come from no one who had personal knowl-
edge of the cajjacity of the people, or their institutions, and which, in some
respects, is quite as well merited \)v the European nations." (!\apport. p.
200, et sefj.) This is strong language. Yet no one had better means of
knowing tnan thii eminent jurist, who, for nineteen years, held a post in the
royal auilieiucs of New Spain, During his long residence in the country lie
had ample opportunity of acquainting liimself with its usages, both through
his own personal observation and iiuercourse with the natives, and through
the first missionaries who came over afier tiic Conc[uest. On his return to
Spain, probably abnut 1560, he ocru])ied himself with an answer to queries
which have been pr< .pounded by the government, on the character of the
Aztec laws and institutions and on that of the modifications introduced b}
the Spaniards. Mucli of his treatise is taken up with the latter subject. In
what relates to the former he is more brief than could be wished, from Lh

^8 AZTEC CIVILIZATION.

lation which they had reached, as inferred by their political in-
stitutions, may be considered, perhaps, not much short of that
enjoyed by our Saxon ancestors, under Alfred. In respect to
the nature of it, they may be better compared with the Egyp-
tians ; and the examination of their social relations and culture
may suggest still stronger points of resemblance to that ancient
people.

Those familiar with the modern Mexicans will find it difficult
to conceive that the nation should ever have been capable of
devising the enlightened polity which we have been considering.
But they should remember that in the Mexicans of our day they
see only a conquered race ; as different from their ancestors as
are the modern Egyptians from those who built, I will not say,
the tasteless pyramids, but the temples and palaces, whose
magnificent wrecks strew the borders of the Nile, at Luxor and
Karnac. The difference is not so great as between the ancient
Greek, and his degenerate descendant, lounging among the
master-pieces of art which he has scarcely taste enough to ad-
mire, speaking the language of those still more imperishable
monuments of literature which he has hardly capacity to compre-
hend. Yet he breathes the same atmosphere, is warmed by the
same sun, nourished by the same scenes, as those who fell at
Marathon, and won the trophies of Olympic Pisa. The same
blood flows in his veins that flowed in theirs. But ages of tyranny
have passed over him ; he belongs to a conquered race.

The American Indian has something peculiarly sensitive in
his nature. He shrinks instinctively from the rude touch of a
foreign hand. Even when this foreign influence comes in the
form of civilization, he seems to sink and pine away beneath it.
It has been so with the Mexicans. Under the Spanish domina-
tion, their numbers have silently melted away. Their energies
are broken. They no longer tread their mountain plains with
the conscious independence of their ancestors. In their falter-
ing step, and meek and melancholy aspect, we read the sad
characters of the conquered race. The cause of humanity, in-
deed, has gained. They live under a better system of laws, a
more assured tranquillity, a purer faith. But all does not avail.

difficulty, perhaps, of obtaining full and satisfactory information as to the
details. As far as he goes, however, he manifests a sound and discriminating
judgment. Tie is very rarely betrayed into the extravagance of expression
BO visible in tli^ writers of the time; and this temperance, combined with his
uncommon sources of information, makes his work one of highest authority
on the limited topics within its range. The original manuscript was con-
sulted by Clavigero, and, indeed, has been used bv other writers. The work
is now accessible to all, as one of the series of translations from the pen of
the indefatigable Ternaux.

MILITARY IXSTITUTIONS.

Their civilization was of the hardy character which belongs to
the wilderness. The fierce virtues of the Aztec were all his
own. They refused to submit to European culture, to be en-
grafted on a foreign stock. His outward form, his complexion,
his lineament, are substantially the same. But the moral char-
acteristics of the nation, all that constituted its individuality as
a race, are effaced forever.

Two of the principal authorities for this chapter are Torquemada and Clav
igero. The former, a Provincial of the Franciscan order, came to the New
World about the middle of the sixteenth century. As the generation of the
Conquerors had not then passed away, lie had ample opportunities of gather-
ing the particulars of their enterprise from their own lips. Fifty years, dur-
ing which lie continued in the country, put him in possession of the tradi-
tions and usages of the natives, and enabled him to collect their history from
the earliest missionaries, as well as from such monuments as the fanaticism
of his own countrymen had not then destroyed. From these ample sources
ke compiled his bulky tomes, beginning, after the approved fashion of the
ancient Castilian chroniclers, with the creation of the world, and embracing
the whole circle of the Mexican institutions, political, religious, and social,
from the earliest period to his own time. In handling these fruitful themes,
the- worthy father has showi; a full measure of the bigotry which belonged to
his order at that period. Every page, too, is loaded with illustrations from
Scripture or profane history, which form a whimsical contrast to the barbaric
staple of his story ; and he has sometimes fallen into serious errors, from
his misconception of the chronological system of the Aztecs. Hut, notwith-
standing these glaring defects in the comjjosition of the work, the student,
aware of his author's infirmities, will find few better guides than Torquemada
in tracing the stream of historic truth up to the fountain head ; such is his
manifest integrity, and so great were his facilities for information on the
most curious points of Mexican antiquity. No work, accordingly, has been
more largely consulted and copied, even by some, who, like Ilerrera, have
affected to set little value on the sources whence its information was drawn,
(Hist. Genera], dec. 6, lib. 6, cap, 19.) The Monarchta InJtaiia was first
published at Seville, 161 5, (Nic Antonio, Bibliotheca Nova, (Matriti, 1783,)
torn. II. p. 787,) and since, in a better style, in three volumes folio, at Madrid,
in 1723.

The other authority, fretjuently cited in the preceding pages, is the Abbe
Clavigero's Storia Antica del Messico. It was originally printed towards the
close of the last centery, in the Italian language, and in Italy, whither the
author, a native of Vera Cruz, and a member of the order of the Jesuits, had
retired, on the exinilsion of that body from America, in 1767. Daring a re-
sidence of thirty-five years in his own country, Clavigero had made himself
intimately acquainted with its antiquities, by the careful examination of paint-
ings, manuscripts, and such other remains as were Ut be found in his day.
The plan of his work is nearly as comprehensive as that of his predecessor,
Torquemada ; but the later and more cultivated period, in which he wrote,
is visible in the superior address with which he has managed his com])]icated
subject. In the elaborate dis<|uisitions in his concluding volume, hehasdiine
much to rectify the chronology, and the various inaccuracies of prerrtling
writers. Indeed, an avowed object of his work was, to vindicate his cauntry-
men from what he conceived to be the misrepresentations of Robertson

4^ AZTEC CIVILIZATION.

Raynal, and De Pau. In regard to the last two, he was perfectly successful.

Such an ostensible design might naturally suggest unfavorable ideas of his
impartiality. But, on the whole, he seems to have conducted the discussion
with good faith ; and, if he has been led by national zeal to overcharge the
picture with brilliant colors, he will be found much more temperate, on this
score, than those who preceded him, while he has applied sound principles
of criticism, of which they were incapable. In a word, the diligence of his
researches has gathered into one focus the scattered lights of tradition and
antiquarian lore, purified in a great measure from the mists of superstition
which obscure the best productions of an earlier period. From these causes,
the work, notwithstanding its occasional prolixity, and the disagreeable aspect
given to it by the profusion of uncouth names in the Mexican orthography,
which bristle over every page, has found merited favor with the public, and
created something like a popular interest in the subject. Soon after its pub-
lication at Cesena, in 1780, it was translated into English, and mor- lately,
into Spanish and German'<

iaifXiCAN MYTHOLOGY, 6i

CHAPTER III.

Mexican Mythology. The Sacerdotal Order. The
Temples. Human Sacrifices.

The civil polity of the Aztecs is so closely blended with their
religion, that, without understanding the latter, it is impossible
to form correct ideas of their government or their social institu-
tions. I shall pass over, for the present, some remarkable tradi-
tions, bearing a singular resemblance to those found in the
Scriptures, and endeavor to give a brief sketch of their mythol-
ogy, and their careful provisions for maintaining a national
worship.

Mythology may be regarded as the poetry of religion, or
rather as the pootic de\elopment of the religious principles in a
primitive age. It is the effort of untutored man to explain the
mysteries of existence, and the secret agencies by which the
operations of nature are conducted. Although the growth of
similar conditions of society, its character must vary with that of
the rude tribes in which it originates ; and the ferocious Goth,
quai^ng mead from the skulls of his slaughtered enemies, must
have a very different mythology from that of the effeminate
native of Hispaniola, loitering away his hours in idle pastimes,
under the shadow of his bananas.

At a later and more refined period, we sometimes find these
primitive legends combined into a regular system under the
hands of the poet, and the rude outline moulded into forms of
ideal beauty, which are the objects of adoration in a credulous
age, and the delight of all succeeding ones. Such were the beau-
tiful inventions of Hesiod and Homer, " who," says the Father of
History, " created the theogony of the Greeks "; an assertion
not to be taken too literally, since !t is hardly possible that any
man should create a religious system for his nation.^ They
only filled up the shadowy outlines of tradition w^ilh the bright
touches of their own imaginations, until they had clothed them

*xot^(7avTr OmyiyrbiV "EM.tj^i Herodotus, Euterpe, sec. 53. Ileeren haza-
rds a remark equally strong, respecting the epic poets of India, *' who,"
ays he, " liave supi)lied the numerous gods that fill her Pantheon." Hi-
torical Rebearches, Eng. trans., {(Jxford, 1833,) vol. III. p. 139.

g^ AZTEC CIVILIZATiON

in beauty which kindled the imaginations of others. The powof

of the poei, indeed, may be felt in a similar way in a much
riper period of society. To say nothing of the " Divina Corn-
media," wlio is there that rises from the perusal of " Paradise
Lost," without feeling his own conceptions of the angelic hier-
archy quickened by those of the inspired artist, and a new and
sensible form, as it were, given to images which had before
floated dim and undefined before him ?

The last-mentioned period is succeeded by that of philosophy ;
which, disclaiming alike the legends of the primitive age, and
the poetical embellishments of the succeeding one, seeks to
shelter itself from the charge of impiety by giving an allegorical
interpretation to the popular mytholog)', and thus to reconcile
the latter with the genuine deductions of science.

The Mexican religion had emerged from the first of the
periods we have been considering, and, although little affected
by poetical influences, had received a peculiar complexion from
the priests, who had digested as thorough and burdensome a
ceremonial, as ever existed in any nation. They had, moreover,
thrown the veil of allegory over early tradition, and invested
their deities with attributes, savoring much more of the grotesque
conceptions of the eastern nations in the Old World, than of the
lighter fictions of Greek mythology, in which the features of
humanity, however exaggerated, were ne\er wholly abandoned.*

In contemplating the religious system of the Aztecs, oi> is
struck with its apparent incongruity, as if some portion of it had
emanated from a comparatively refined people, open to gentle
influences, while the rest breathes a spirit of unmitigated feroc-
ity. It naturally suggests the idea of two distinct sources, and
authorizes the belief that the Aztecs had inherited from their
predecessors a milder faith, on which was afterwards engrafted
their own mythology. The latter soon became dominant, and
gave its dark coloring to the creeds of the conquered nations,
which the Mexicans, like the ancient R.omans, seem willingly
to have incorporated into their own, until the same funereal
superstitions settled over the farthest borders of Anahuac.

The Aztecs recognized the existence of a supreme Creator
and Lord of the universe. They addressed him in their prayers
af ' the God by whom we live," '" omnipresent, that knoweth

-The lion. .Moum-tuart Elphinstone has fallen into a similar train c\
thought, ii! a coniyjarison of die Hindoo and Greek Mythology, in his *' His-
tory of India.'' puljli.-^hed since the remarks in the text were written. {See
Book I. ch. 4.) The same chapter of this truly philosophic work suggests
some curious points of resenibiance to the Aztec religious institutions, that
may furnish pertinent illustrations to the mind bent on tracing the affinitiOi
of the Asiatic and American races

MEXICAN MYTHOLOGY

11 thoughts, and giveth all gifts," " without whom man is as
nothing," *' invisible, incorporeal, one God, oi perfect perfection
and purity," '' under whose wings we find repose and a sure de-
fence." These sublime attributes infer no inadequate concep-
tion of the true God. But the idea of unity of a being, with
whom volition is action, who has no need of inferior ministers
to execute his purposes was too simple or too vast, for their
understandings ; and they sought relief, as usual, in a plurality
of deities, who presided over the elements, the changes of the
seasons, and the various occupations of man.^ Of these, there
were thirteen principal deities, and more than two hundred in-
ferior ; to each of whom some special day, or appropriate festi-
val, was consecrated.^

At the head of all stood the terrible Huitzilopotchli, the
Mexican Mars ; although it is doing injustice to the heroic war-
god of antiquity to identify him with this sanguinary monster.
This was the patron deity of the nation. His fantastic image
was loaded with costly ornaments. His temples were the most
stately and august of the public edifices ; and his altars reeked
with the blood of human hecatombs in every city of the empire.
Disastrous, indeed, must have been the influence of such a su-
perstition on the character of the people.5

^ Ritter has well shown, by the example of the Hindoo system, how the
idea of unity suggests, of itself, that of plurality. History of Ancient phil-
osophy, Eng. trans., (Oxford, 1838,) book 2, ch. i.

* Sahagun, Hist, de Nueva Espaiia, lib. 6, passim. Acosta, lib. 5, ch. 9.
Boturini, Idea, p. 8, et seq. Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich.. MS., cap. i
Camargo, Hist, de Tlascala, MS.

The Mexicans, according to Clavigero, believed in an evil Spirit, the ene-
my of the human race, whose barbarous name signified " Rationai Owl."
iStor. del. Messico, torn. H. p. 2.) The curate Bernaldez speaks of the
)evil being embroidered on the dresses of Columbus's Indians, in the like-
ness of an owl. (Historia de los Reyes Catolicos, MS., cap. 131.) This
must not be confounded, however, with the evil Spirit in the mythology oi
the North American Indians, (See Heckewelder's account, ap. Transactions
of the American Philosophical Society, Philadelphia, vol. I. p. 205.) still less
with the evil Principle of the Oriental nations of the Old World. It was
only one among many deities, for evil was found too liberally mingled in the
natures of most of the Aztec gods, in the same manner as with the Greek,
to admit of its personification by any one.

* Sagahun, Hist, de Nucva Espaiia, lib. 3, cap. i, et seq. Acosta, lib. 5,
eh. 9. Torquemada, Monarch. Ind.. lib. 6. cap. 21. Botiirini, Idea, pp.
7, 28.

Huitzilopotchli is compounded of two words, signifying " humming-bird."
and " left," from his image having the feathers of this bird on its left foot;
(Clavigero, Stor. del Messico. torn. II. p. 17;) an amiable etymology for so
ruffian a deity. The fanta-tic forms of the Mexican idols were in the highest
degree symbolical. See Oania's learned ex]50sition of the devices on the
statue of the goddess found in the great square of Mexico. (Descripcion de

^4 AZTFC Cn'lLIZATION.

A far more int'^.res'^lug personage in their mythology was

Quetzalcoatl, god of the air, a divinity who, during his residence
on earth, instructed the natives in the use of meials, in agricul-
ture, and in the arts of government. He was one of those ben-
efactors of their species, doubtless, who have been deified by the
gratitude of posterity. Under him, the earth teemed with fruits
and flowers, v.'ithoui the pains of culture. An ear of Indian corn
was as m'j.ch as a single man could carry. The cotton, as it
grew, took, of its own accord, the rich dyes of human art. The
air was filled with intoxicating perfumes and the sweet melody
of birds, in short, these were the halcyon days, which find a
place in the mythic systems of so many nations in the Oid
World. It was the go/dcn age of Anahuac,

From some cause, not explained, Quetzalcoatl incurred the
wratli of one of the principal gods, and was compelled to abandon
the country. On his way, he stopped at tlie city of Cholula,
where a temple was dedicated to his worship, the massy ruins
of which still form one of the most interesting relics of antiquity
in Mexico. When he reached the shores of the Mexican Gulf,
he took leave of his followers, promising that he and his de-
scendants would revisit them hereafter, and then, entering his
wizard skiff, made of serpents' skins embarked on the great
ocean for the fabled land of Tlapallan. He was said to have
been tall in stature, with a white skin, long, dark hair, and a
flowing beard. The Mexicans looked confidently to the return
of the benevolent diety; and this remarkable tradition, deeply
cherished in their hearts, prepared the way, as we shall see
hereafter, for the future success of the Spaniards.^

las Dos Piedras, (Mexico, 1832,) Parte i, pp. 34-44 ) The tradition respect-
ing the origin of tiiis god, or, at least, his appearance on earth, is curious.
He was born of a woman. Hi.- mother, a devout person, one day, in her at-
tendance on the temple, saw a ball of bright-colored feathers floating in the
air. She took it, and deposited it in her bosom. .She soon after found her-
self pregnant, and the dread deity was born, coming into the world, like
Minerva, all armed, with a spear in the right hand, a shield in the left, and
his head surmounted by a crest of green plumes. (See Clavigero. Stor. del
Messico, tom. \l. p. 19, et seq.) A similar notion in respect to the incarna-
tion of their principal deity existed among the people of India beyond the
Ganges, of China, and of Thibet. " ]!udh,"says Milman, in his learned and
luminous work on the History of Christianity. *' according to a tradition
known in tlii; West, was born of a virgin. So were the Fohi of China, and
the Schakaof of 'Jliibci. no doubt the same, whether a mythic or a reaJ per-
sonag'j. The Jesuits in China, says Barrow, were appalled at finding in the
mythology of that country the counterpart of the Virgo Deipara." (Vol. I.
p. 99. note. The existence of similar religious ideas in remote regions, in-
habited by different races, is an interesting subject of study; furnishing, as
it does, one of the most important links in the great chain of communication
which binds togcthtr the distant fnmilie' of nations.

^ Codex Vaticanus, PI. 15, anzt Codex Teilexiano-Remensis, Part 2. Pi

MEXICAiV MYTHOLOGY. 5

We have not space for further details respecting the Mexican
divinities, the attributes of many of whom were carefully de-
fined, as they descended, in regular gradation, to the fenaUs or
household gods, whose little images were to be found in the
humblest dwelling.

The Aztecs felt the curiosity, common to man in almost every
stage of civilization, to lift the veil which covers the mysterious
past, and the more awful future. They sought relief, like the
nations of the Old Continent, from the oppressive idea of
eternity, by breaking it up into distinct cycles, or periods of
time, each of several thousand years' duration, There were
four of these cycles, and at the end of each, by the agency of
one of the elements, the human family was swept from the earth
and the sun blotted out from the heavens, to be again rekindled.7

They imagined three separate states of existence in the future
life. The wicked, comprehending the greater part of mankind,

2. ap. Antiq of Mexico, vols. I.. VI. Sahagun, Hist, de Nueva Espana,
lib. 3, cap. 3, 4, 13, 14. Torquemada, Monarch. Ind., lib. 6, cap. 24.
Ixtlil.Kochitl, Hist. Chich., MS., cap. i. Gomara, Cronica de la Nueva
Espana, cap. 222, ap. Barcia, Historiadores Primitivos de las Indias Occiden-
tales, (Madrid, 1749,) torn II.

Quetzalcoad signifies " feathered serpent." The last syllable means, like-
wise, a "twin "; which furnished an argument for Dr. Siguen;ca to identify
this god with the apostle Thomas, (Didymus signifying also a twin,) who, he
supposes, came over to America to preach the Gospel. In this rather start-
ling conjecture he is supported by several of his devout countrvmen, who
appear to have as little doubt of the fact as of the advent of St. James, for a
similar purpose, in the mother country. See the various authorities and
arguments set forth with becoming gravity in Dr. Mier's dissertation in Busta-
mantc's edition of Sahagun, (lib. 3, Suplem.,) and Veytia, (torn. I. pp. 160-
200.) Chir ingenious cfiuntryman, McCulloh, carries the Aztec god up to a
still more respectable antiquity, by identifying iiim with the patriarch Noah.
Researches, Philosophical and Antiquarian, concerning the Aboriginal
History of America, (Baltimore, 1829,) p. 233.

'Cod. Vat., PI 7-10, ap. Antiq. of Me.xico, vols. I., VI. I.^ctlilxochitl,
Hist. Chich., MS., cap. i.

M de Humboldt has been at some pains to trace the analogy between the
Aztec cosmogony and that of h^astern Asia. He has tried, though in vain,
to find a multi[)!e which might serve as the key to the calculations of the
former. (Vues des CordillDres, pp. 202-212.) In truth, there seems to be
a material discordance in the Mexican statements, boih in regard to the num-
ber of revolutions and their duration. A manuscript before ine, of Ixtlilxo-
ch'tl. reduces them to three, before the present state of the workl, and allows
only 4394 years for them; (Sumaria Kelacioii, MS., No. i;) Gania, on the
faith of an ancient Indian MS., in Boturini's ('atalogue, (VIH. 13,) reduces
the duration still lower; (Descripcion de las Dos Picdras, Parte i, p. 49, et
etq. ;) while the cycles of the Vatican paintings take up near 18,000 years.
It is interesting to ob-x-rve how the wild ronjectiti-es of an ignorant age have
been confirmed by the more recent (liuin>eries in geology, making it probable
that the earth has expcrienccfi a number of convulsions, jiossibly thousands
of jears distant from eacii other, which have swept away the races then ex-
isting, and yiven a new aspect to the xlobe.

^ AZTEC civilization:

were to expiate their sins in a place of everlasting darknesat
Another class, with no other merit than that of having died of
certain diseases, capriciously selected, were to enjoy a negative
existence of indolent contentment. The highest place was re-
served, as in most warlike nations, for the heroes who fell in battle,
or in sacrifice. They passed, at once, into the presence of the
Sun, whom they accompanied with songs and choral dances, in his
bright progress through the heavens ; and, after some years,
their spirits went to animate the clouds and singing birds of
beautiful plumage, and to revel amidst the rich blossoms and
odors of the gardens of paradise.^ Such was the heaven of the
Aztecs ; more refined in its character than that of the more
polished pagan, whose elysium reflected only the martial sports,
or sensual gratifications, of this life. In the destiny they
assigned to the wicked, we discern similar traces of refinement ;
since the absence of all physical torture forms a striking con-
trast to the schemes of suffering so ingeniously devised by the
fancies of the most enlightened nations. ^'^ In all this, so con-
trary to the natural suggestions of the ferocious Aztec, we see
the evidences of a higher civilization, inherited from their pre-
decessors in the land.

Our limits will allow only a brief allusion to one or two of
their most interesting ceremonies. On the death of a person,
his corpse was dressed in the peculiar habiliments of his tutelar

^ .Sahagun, Hist, de Xueva Espana , lib. 3, Apend. Cod. Vat, ap.
Antic[. of Mexico, PI. 1-5. Torquemada, Monarch. Ind., lib. 13, cap 48.

The last writer assures us, '' that as to what the Aztecs said of their going
to hell, they were right; for as they died in ignorance of the true faith, they
have, without question, all gone there to suffer everlasting punishment"!
Ubi supra.

^ It conveys but a poor idea of these ]jleasures, that the shade of Achilles
can say, " he had rather be the slave of the meanest man on earth, than sov-
ereign among the dead." (Odyss. A. 488-490.) The Mahometans believe
that the souls of martyrs pass, after death, into the bodies of birds, that haunt
the sweet waters and bowers of Paradise. (Sale's Koran, (London, 1825,)
vol. I. p. 106.) The Mexican heaven mav remind one of Dante's, in its wia-
Urial enjoyments; which, in both, are made up of light, music, and motion.
The sun, it must also be remembered, was a spiritual conception with the
Aztec :

'' He sees with other eyes thar. theirs ; where they
Behold a sun, he sjiies a deity."

^ It is singular that the Tuscan bard, while exhausting his invention in
devising modes of bodily torture, in his '" Inferno," should have made so
little use of the moral sources of misery. That he has not done so might be
reckoned a strong proof of the rudeness of the time, did w: not meet with
examples of it in our own dav ; in which a serious and Sublime writer, like
Dr. Watts, does not disdain tn employ the same coarse machinery for mov
ing the conscience of the reader

SACERDOTAL ORDER. 5y

dfcity. It was strewed with pieces of paper, which operated as
charms against the dangers of the dark road he was to travel.
A throng of slaves, if he were rich, was sacrificed at his obse-
quies. His body was burned, and the ashes, collected in a vase,
were preserved in one of the apartments of his house. Here
we have successively the usages of the Roman Catholic, the
Mussulman, the Tartar, and the Ancient Greek and Roman ;
curious coincidences, which may show how cautious we should
be in adopting conclusions founded on analogy.^

A more extraordinary coincidence may be traced with Chris-
tian rites, in the ceremony of naming their children. The hps
and bosom of the infant were sprinkled with water, and " the
Lord was implored to permit the holy drops to wash away the
sin that was given to it before the foundation of the world ; so
that the child might be born anew."" We are reminded of
Christian morals, in more than one of their prayers, in which
they used regular forms. " Wilt thou blot us out. O Lord, fo?
tv^xl Is this punishment intended, not for our reformation,
but for our destruction ? " Again, " Impart to us, out of thy
great mercy, thy gifts, which we are not worthy to receive
through our own merits." '' Keep peace with all," says another
petition ; " bear injuries with humility ; God, who sees, will
avenge you." But the most striking parallel with Scripture is in
the remarkable declaration, that " he, who looks too curiously
on a woman, commits adultery with his eyes." These pure and
elevated maxims, it is true, are mixed up with othere of a pue-
rile, and even brutal character, arguing thnt confusion of the
moral perceptions, which is natural in the twiligiiL of civilization.
One would not expect, however, to meet, in such a state of so-
ciety, with doctrines as sublime as any inculcated by the enlight-
ened codes of ancient philosophy."

" Carta del \\c. Zuazo, (Nov., 1521,) MS. Acosta, lib. 5, cap. 8. Tor-

qutjmada. Monarch. Ind., lib. 13, cap. 45 Sahagun, Ilist.de Nt;eva Espaiaa.
'ib. 3, Apend.

."^omeiitnes the body was buried entire, with valuable treasures, if the
def.easc'i was rich. The " Anonymous Contiueror," as he is called, saw gold
to the value of 3000 castellanos drawn from one of these tombs. Relatione cf
uti L'entil' huomo, ap. Ramiisio, torn. III. p. 310.

'- This interesrin;', rite, usually s<j:eir.nized wiLh rrc ii fo.-inality, in the

presence of the assemViicd friends and relatives, is drt.iiled with minuteness

Sahai^uii, (Hist, de Nueva Esjiana, lib. 6, cap. 37.) and by Zuazo, (Carta,

:IS.,) both of them e\ewitncsses. Fcir a version of part of Saiiagun's account,

see A '/'fndix, Part /, note 26.

'^ "; l"'.s possible, fjue esteazote y este castigo no se nos da para nuestra
rorreccion v enmienda, sino para tot.il destruccion y asolamiento ?" (Saha-
gun, Hist, de Nueva P^spafia lib, 6, cap. i.) '' Y esto por sola vuestra lilx^rali-
dad y magnificencia lo habeis de h.^ccr, que ninguno es digno ni merecedoT

^8 AZTEC CIVILIZ AT/OX.

But, although the Aztec mythology gathered nothing from
the beautiful inventions of the poet, nor from the refinements of
philosophy, it was much indebted, as I have noticed, to the
priests, who endeavored to dazzle the imagination of the people
by the most formal and pompous ceremonial. The influence of
the priesthood must be greatest in an imperfect state of civiliza-
tion, where it engrosses all the scanty science of the time in its
own body. This is particularly the case, when the science is of
that spurious kind which is less occupied with the real phenom-
ena of nature, than with the fanciful chimeras of human super-
stition. Such are the sciences of astrology and divination, in
which the Aztec priests were well initiated ; and, while they
seemed to hold the keys of the future in their own hands, they
impressed the ignorant people with sentiments of superstitious
awe, beyond that which has probably existed in any other coun-
try, even in ancient Egypt.

The sacerdotal order was very numerous ; as may be inferred
from the statement, that five thousand priests were, in some way
or other, attached to the principal temple in the capital. The
various ranks and functions of this multitudinous body were dis-
criminated with great exactness. Those best instructed in music
took the management of the choirs. Others arranged the festivals
conformably to the calendar. Some superintended the educa-
tion of youth, and others had charge of the hieroglyphical paint-
ings and oral traditions ; while the dismal rites of sacrifice were
reserved for the chief dignitaries of the order. At the head of
the whole establishment were two high-priests, elected from the
order, as it would seem, by the king and principal nobles, with-
out reference to birth, but' solely for their qualifications, as
shown by their previous conduct in a subordinate station. They
were equal in dignity, and inferior only to the sovereign, who
rarely acted without their advice in weighty matters oi public
concern.-^*

de recibir vuestras larguezas por su dignidad y merecimiento, sino qae por

Tuestra benignidad." (Ibid., lib. 6, cap. 2.) " Sed sufridos y reportados,
que Dios bien os ve y respondcra por vosotros, v el os vcngara (a) sed
humildescon todos yconestodos haraDios merced y tambien honra." (Ibid.,
lib. 6, cap. 17.) " Tampoco mires con curiosidad ei gesto y disposicion de la
gente principal, mayormente de las nmgeres, y sobre todo de las casadas,

f)orc^ue dice el refran que e'l que curiosamente mira a la muger adultera con
a vista." (Ibid., lib. 6, cap. 22.)

'* Sahagnn, Hist, de Nneva ICspana, lib. 2. Apend , lib. 3. cap. 9. Tor-
quemada, Monarch. Ind., lib, S, cap. 20; lib 9, cap. 3, 56. Gomara, Cron.,
cap. 215, ap. Darcia, torn. 11. Toribio, Hist.de los Indios, MS., Parte 1,
cap. 4.

C^avigero says that the highpriest was necessarily a person of rank. (Stor.
del Messico, torn. II, p. 37.) I find no authority ior this, not ven in his

SACERDOTAL ORDER, (g

The priests were each devoted to the service of some particu-
lar deity, and had quarters provided within the spacious pre-
cincts of their temple ; at least, while engaged in immediate
attendance there, for they were allowed to marry, and have
families of their own. In this monastic residence they lived in
all the stern severity of conventual discipline. Thrice during
the day, and once at night, they were called to prayers. Tiiey
were frequent in their ablutions and vigils, and mortified the
flesh by fasting and cruel penance, drawing blood from their
bodies by flagellation, or by piercing them v/ith the thorns of the
aloe ; in short, by practising all those austerities to which fanat-
icism (to borrow the strong language of the poet) has resorted,
in every age of the world,

" In hopes to merit heaven by making earth a hell."^*

The great cities were divided into districts placed under the
charge of a sort of parochial clergy, who regulated every act of
religion within their precincts. It is remarkable that they ad-
ministered the rites of confession and absolution. The secrets
of the confessional were held inviolable, and penances were im-
posed of much the same kind as those enjoined in the Roman
Catholic Church. There were two remarkable peculiarities in
the Aztec ceremony. The first was, that, as the repetition of
an offence, once atoned for, was deemed inexpiable, confession
was made but once in a man's life, and was usually deferred to
a late period of it, when the penitent unburdened his conscience,
and settled, at once, the long arrears of iniquity. Another pe-
culiarity was, that priestly absolution was received in place of
the legal punishment of offences, and authorized an acquittal in
case ef arrest. Long after the Conquest, the simple natives,
when they came under the arm of the law, sought to escape by
producing the certificate of their confession.'^

oracle, Torquemada, who expressly says, '" There is no ', /arrant for the as-
sertion, however probal)le t!ie fact may uc." (Monarch. Inch. lib. 9, cap. 5.;
-I't- is contradicted by Sahagun, whom I have followed as the higliest authoriU'
in these matters. Clavijrero had no other knowledge of Sahagun's work
than what was filtered through the writings of Torquem.acia, and later
authors.

^'^' .Sahagun. Hist clc Niieva Ksrana. ubi supra, T'lrqueniada, Monarch.
Ind., lib. 9, ca]) 25. C)(;niara. C'ron., a]x l^arcia, ubi Jtupra, Acosta, lib. ^
cap. 14, 17.

' Sahagiin, Hist, de Xueva I''s!>ina, lib i, caj). 12 ; lib 6, cap. 7.

The address of the confessor, un these occasions, contains some tiiiugf
too remarkable to l)e oiniitiKi '" < > merciful Lord," he says, in his prayer.
" thou who knowest the secrets of all hearts, let thy forgiveness and favof
descend, like the pure waters of heaven, to wash away the staioB from the

m0 AZTEC C/V/LIZ at/on:

One of the ^I'lCw important duties of the priesthood was that
of education, lo ,.hich certain buildings vere appropriated with-
in the inclosure of the principal temple. Here the youth of both
sexes, of the higher and middling orders, were placed at a very
tender age. The girls were intrusted to the care of priestesses ;
for women were allowed to exercise sacerdotal functions, ex-
cept those of sacrifice.^". In these institutions the bovs were
drilled in the routine of monastic disipline ; they decorated the
shrines of the gods with flowers, fed the sacred fires, and took
part in the religious chants and festivals. Thosj in the higher
schools the Calmecac. as it was called were initiated in their
traditionary lore, toe mysteries of hieroglyphics, the principles
of government, and such branches of astronomical and natural
science as were within the compass of the priesthood. The girls
learned various feminine employments, especially to weave and
embroider rich coverings for the altars of the gods. Great
attention was paid to the moral discipline of both sexes. The
most perfect decorum prevailed ; and offences were punished
with extreme rigor, in some instances with death itself. Terror,
not love, was the spring of education with the Aztecs. ^^

At a suitable age for marrying, or for entering into the world,

soul. Thou knowest that this poor man has sinned, not ft-om his ojvn fret
will, but from the influence of tlie sign in under which he was born." Afccr a
copious exhortation to the penitent, enjoying a variety of mortifications and
minute ceremonies by way of ])enance, and particularly urging the necessity
of instantly procuring a slave for sacrifice to the Deity, the priest concludes
with inculcating charity to the poor. " Clothe tlie naked and feed the hungry,
whatever privations it may cost thee ; for remember, their flesh is like thine,
and they are men like thee.'" Such is the strange medley of truly Christian
benevolence and heathenish abominations which pervade the Aztec litany,
intimating sources widely different.

'^' The Egyptian gods were also served by priestesses. (See Herodotus,
Euterpe, sec. 54.) Tales of scantlal similar to those which the Greeks
circulated respecting them, have been told of the Aztec virgins (See Le
Noir's dissertation, ap. Antiquites Mexicaines, (Paris, 1834,) torn. II. p. 7.
note) The early missionaries, credulous enough certainly, give no counte-
nance to sucli reports ; and father Acosta, on the contrary, exclaims, " In
truth, it is very strange to see that this false opinion of religion hath so great
force among these young men and maidens of Mexico, that tliey will serve
the Divell with so great rigor and austerity, which many of us doe not in the
service of the most high God ; the whicli is a great shame and confusion."
Eng. Trans., lib. 5, caji. 16.

1** Toribio, Hist, de los Indios, MS., Parte 1, cap. 9. Sahagun, Hist, de
Nueva Espana, lib. 2,, Apend. ; lib, 3, cap. 4-8. Zurita, Rapport, pp. 123-
126. Acosta, lib. 5, cap. 15, 16. Torquemada, Monarch. Ind., lib. 9, cap.
I1-14, 30, 31.

" 1 hey were taught." says tlie good father last cited, " to eschew vice,
and cleave to virtue, 'iccordi7t^ to their notions of them ; namely, to abstam
from wrath, to offer violence and do wrong to no man, in short to perform
the duties plainly pointed out b*' natural religion."

SA CERD O 7'A /. ORDER.

the pupils were dismissed, with much ceremony, from the con

vent, and the recommendation of the principal often introduced
those most competent to responsible situations in public life
Such was the crafty policy of the Mexican priests, who, by
reserving to themselves the business of instruction, were enabled
to mould the young and plastic mind according to their own
wills, and to train it early to implicit reverence for religion and
its ministers ; a reverence which still maintained its hold on the
iron nature of the warrior, long after every other vestige of
education had been effaced by the rough trade to which he was
devoted.

To each of the principal temples, lands were annexed for the
maintenance of the priests. These estates were augmented by
the policy or devotion of successive princes, until, under the last
Montezuma, they had swollen to an enormous extent, and
covered every district of the empire. The priests took the
management of their property into their own hands ; and they
seem to have treated their tenants witli the liberality and indulg-
ence characteristic of monastic corporations. Besides the large
supplies drawn from this source, the religious order was enriched
with the first-fruits, and such other offerings as piety or supersti-
tion dictated. The surplus beyond what was required for the
support of the national worship was distributed in alms among
the poor ; a duty strenuously prescribed by their moral code.
Thus we find the same religion inculcating lessons of pure
philanthropy, on the one hand, and of merciless extermination,
as we shall soon see, on the other. The inconsistency will not
appear incredible to those who are familiar with the history of
the Roman Catholic Church, in the early ages of the Inquisition."

The Mexican temples teocallis, " houses of God," as they
were very numerous. There were several hundreds in each of
the principal cities, many of them, doubtless, very humble edi-
fices. They were solid masses of each, cased with brick, or
stone, and in their form somewhat resembled the pyramida'
structures of ancient Egypt. The bases of many of them were
more than a hundred feet square, and they towered to a still

"* Torqiieniada, Monarch. Iiul , lib. 8, cap. 20,21. Camargo, ffist. de
Tlascala, MS.

It is iinjjo.ssible not to Ije struck with the great resemblance, not merely
in a few empty forms, l)ut in the wlioh; way of life, of the Mexican and
Egvptian priesthood. Comj^are Ilerodotus (Kuterpe, passim) and Diodorus
(lib. I, sec. 73, 81). The English reader may consult, for the same purpose,
Heeren, (Hist. Res., vol. V. chap 2,) Wilkinson, (Manners and Custotns
of the Ancient Egyptians, (London, 1837,) vol.1, pp. 257-279,) the last writer
especially, who has contributed, more than all others, towards opening t
s the interior of th social life of this interesting people.

2 AZTEC CIVILIZATION.

greater height. They were distributed into four or five stories,
each of smaller dimensions than that below. The ascent wa
by a flight of steps, at an angle of the pyramid, on the out
^ide. This led to a sort of terrace, or gallery, at the base of the
second story, which passed quite round the building to another
flight of stairs, commencing also at the same angle as the preced-
ing and direcUy over it, and leading to a similar terrace ; so that
one had to make the circuit of the temple several times, before
reaching the summit. In some instances the stairway led directly
up the centre of the western face of the building. The top was
a broad area, on which were erected one or two towers, forty or
fifty feet high, the sanctuaries in which stood the sacred images
of the presiding deities. Before these towers stood the dreadful
stone of sacrifice, and two lofty altars, on which fires were kept,
as inextinguishable as those in the temple of Vesta. There
were said to-be six hundred of these altars, on smaller buildings
within the inclosure of the great temple of Mexico, which, with
those on the sacred edifices in other parts of the city, shed a
brilliant illumination over its streets, through the darkest night. ^

From the construction of their temples, all reJigious services
were public. The long processions of priests, winding round
their massive sides, as they rose higher and higher towards the
summit, and the dismal rites of sacrifice performed there, were
all visible from the remotest corners of the capital, impressing
on the spectator's mind a superstitious veneration for the mys-
teries of his religion, and for the dread ministers by whom they
were interpreted.

This impression was kept in full force by their numerous
festivals. Every month was consecrated to some protecting
deity ; and every week, nay, almost every day, was set down in
their calendar for some appropriate celebration ; so that it is
difficult to understand how the ordinary business of life could
have been compatible with the exactions of religion. Many of
their ceremonies were of a light and cheerful complexion, con-
sisting of the national songs and dances, in which both sexes
joined. Processions were made of women and children crowned

-' Rel. d'un gent., ap. Ramusio, torn. III. fo!. 307. Camargo, Hist, de
Tiaacala, MS Acosta, lib, 5, cap. 13. Gomara, Cron., cap. 80. ap. Barcia,
torn. II. Toribio, Hist, de los Indios, MS., Parte i, cap. 4. Carta del Lie.
Zaazo, MS,

'I'his last writer, wlio visited Mexico immediately after the Conquest, in
1521, assures us that jonie of the smaller temples, or pyramids, were filled
with earth impregnated with odoriferous gums and go'ld dust ; the latter,
onietimes in such quantities as probably to be worth a million of castdlanosl
|Ubi supra.) These were the temples of Mammon, indeed 1 But I find n
cor.firmation of such golden reports.

HUMAN SACRIFICES.

with garlands and bearing offerings of fruits, and ripened maize,
or the sweet incense of copal and other odoriferous gums, while
the altars of the deity were stained with no blood save that of
animals.^^ These were the peaceful rites derived from their
Toltec predecessors, on which the fierce Aztecs engrafted a
superstition too loathsome to be exhibited in all its nakedness,
and one over which I would gladly draw a veil altogether, but
that it would leave the reader in ignorance of their most strik-
ing institution, and one that had the greatest influence in form-
ing the national character.

Human sacrifices were adopted by the Aztecs early in the
fourteenth century, about two hundred years before the Con-
quest." Rare at first, they became more frequent with the
wider extent of their empire ; till, at length, almost every festi-
val was closed with this cruel abomination. These religious
ceremonials were generally arranged in such a manner as to
afford a type of the most prominent circumstances in the char-
acter or history of the deity who was the object of them. A sin-
gle example will suffice.

One of their most important festivals was that in honor of the
god Tezcatlipoca, whose rank was inferior only to that of the
Supreme Being. He was called " the soul of the world," and
supposed to have been its creator. He was depicted as a
handsome man, endowed with perpetual youth. A year before
the intended sacrifice, a captive, distinguished for his personal
beauty, and without a blemish on his body, was selected to re-
present this deity. Certain tutors took charge of him, and in-
structed him how to perform his new part with becoming grace
and dignity. He was arrayed in a splendid dress, regaled with
incense and with a profusion of sweet-scented flowers, of which
the ancient Mexicans were as fond as their descendants at the
present day. When he went abroad, he was attended by a train
of the royal pages, and, as he halted in the streets to play some
favorite melody, the crowd prostrated themselves before him,
and did him homage as the representative of their good deity.
In this way he led an easy, luxurious life, till within a month

^' Cod. Tel. Rem., PI. i, and Cod. Vat. passim, ap, Antiq. of Mexico,
vols. I., VT. Tortiuemada, Monarch. Ind., lib. lo, cap, lo, et seri. .Saha-
gut), Hist, do Xueva Espaiia, lib. 2, pa.ssim.

.\mong the offerinc^s, quails may be particiiharly noticed, for the incredible
quantities of them sacrificed and consumed at many of the festivals.

'-' The traditions of their origin have somewhat of a fabulous tinge. But,
whether true or false, they are equally indicative of unparalleled ferocity in the
people who could l)e the subject of thcni. Clavigero, .Stor. del Messico,
torn. I, J). 167, et s{tr|. ; .ilh<j Ilunibohlt, (who does not appear to doubt
them,) Vues des CordiUeres, p. 95.

j^^ AZTEC CIVILIZATION.

of his sacrifice. Four beautiful girls, bearing the names of the

principal goddesses, were then selected to share the honors of
his bed ; and with them he continued to live in idle dalliance,
feasted at the banquets of the principal nobies, who paid him

all the honors of a divinity.

At length the fatal day of sacrifice arrived. The term of his
short-lived glories was at an end. He was stripped of his gaudy
apparel, and bade adieu to the fair partners of his revelries.
One of the royal barges transported him across the lake to a
temple which rose on its margin, about a league from the city.
Hither the inhabitants of the capital flocked, to witness the con-
summation of the ceremony. As the sad procession wound up
the sides of the pyramid, the unhappy victim threw away his
gay chaplets of flowers, and broke in pieces the musical instru-
ments with which he had solaced the hours of captivity. On
the summit he was received by six priests, whose long and mat-
ted locks flowed disorderly over their sable robes, covered with
hieroglyphic scrolls of mystic import. They led him to the
sacrificial stone, a huge block of jasper, with its upper surface
somewhat convex. On this the prisoner was stretched. Five
priests secured his head and his limbs : while the sixth clad in
a scarlet mantle, emblematic of his bloody office, dexterously
opened the breast of the wretched victim with a sharp razor of
itztU., a volcanic substance, hard as flin:. and, inserting his
hand in the wound, tore cut the palpitating heart. The minister
of death, first holding this up towards the sun, an object of
worship throughout Atiahuac, cast it at the feet of the deity to
whom the temple was devoted, while the multitudes below pros-
trated themselves in humble adoration. The tragic story of this
prisoner was expounded by the priests as the type of human
destiny, which, brilliant in its commencement, too often closes
in sorrow and disaster.'^*

Such was the form of human sacrifice usually practiced by
the Aztecs. It was the same that often met the indignant eyes
of the Europeans, in their progress through the country, and
from the dreadful doom of which they themselves were not ex-
empted. There were, indeed, some occasions when preliminary
tortures, of the most exquisite kind, with which it is unneces-

^ Sahagun, Hist, de Nueva Espana, lib. 2, cap. 2, 5, 24, et alibi. Herrert,
111:, vieneral, dec. 3, lib. 2, cap. 16. Torquemada, Monarch. Ind., lib. 7,
caj.. 19; lib. 10, caj\ 1.4 Rel. d'un gent., ap. Ramusio, torn III. fol. 307.
Acosta, lib. 5. cap. 9-21. Carta del I.ic- Zuazo, IV" Relacion por d
Regimiento <!.j Vera Cruz, (Julio, 1519.) MS.

Few readers probably, will svmpathize with the sCiitence of Torquemaday
who concludes his tale'of woe bv cooUv dismissing " the soul of the viciin,
to sleep with those of his false guds, in heii I " LHj. 10, cap. 23.

HUMAX SACRIFICES ye

iary to shock the reader. were inflicted, but they always ter-
minated with the bloody ceremony above described. It should
be remarked, however, that such tortures were not the sponta-
Beous suggestions of cruelty, as with the North American
Indians ; but were all rigorously prescribed in the Aztec ritual,
and doubtless were often inflicted with the same compunctious
visitings which a devout familiar of the Holy Office might at
times experience in executing its stern decrees. '^ Women, as
well as the other sex, were sometimes reserved for sacrifice.
On some occasions, particularlv in seasons of drought, at the
festival of the insatiable Tlaloc, the god of rain, children, for
the most part infants, were oftered up. As they were borne along
in open litters, dressed in their festal robes, and decked with
the fresh blossoms of spring, they moved the hardest heart to
pity, though their cries were drowned in the wild chant of the
priests, wlio read in their tears a favorable augury for their peti-
tion. These innocent victims were generally bought by the
priests or parents who were poor, but who stifled the voice of
nature, probably less at the suggestions of poverty, than of a
wretched superstition."'^

The most loathsome part of the story the manner in which
the body of the sacrificed captive was disposed of remains yet
to be told. It was delivered to the warrior who had taken him
in battle, and by him, after being dressed, was served up in an
entertainment to his friends. This was not the coarse repast of
famished cannibals, but a banquet teeming with delicious bever-
ages and delicate viands, prepared with art, and attended by
both sexes, who, as we shall see hereafter, conducted themselves
with all the decorum of civilized life. Surely, never were re-

^ vSahagun, Hist de Nueva Espana, lib. 2, cap, 10, 29. Comara, Cron.,
cap. 219, ap. Barcia, torn. II. Toiibio, Ilist. de los Indios, MS., Parte I,
cap. 6-1 1.

The reader will find a tolerably exact picture of the nature of these
tortures in the twenty-first canto of the " Inferno." The fantastic creations
of the Florentine poet were nearly realized, at the very time he was writing,
by the barbarians of an unknown world. One sacrifice, of a less revolting
character, fieserves to be mentioned. The Spaniards called it the "gladia-
torial sacrifice," and it may reinind one of the bloody games of antiquity. A
captive of distinction was sometimes furnished with arms, and brought
against a number of Mexicans in siiccession. If he defeated them all, as
did occasionally happen, he was allowerl to escape. If vanquished, he wa.s
dragged to tlie block and sacrificed iti the usual manner. The combat was
fought on a huge circular stone, before the assembled capital. Sahagun,
Hist, de Nueva Kspana, lib. i, cap. 21. Kcl. d'un gent., ap. Ramusio, torn.
III. fol. 30 -V

'* Sahagun, Hist, de Nueva P^spafia, lib. 2, caj). i, .4, 21, et alibi. Tor-
quemada., .Monarch. Ind., lib. 10, cap lu. Clavigcro, Stor. del Messico, toiUa
II. pp. 76, 82.

m% AZTEC CIV/LIZA TION.

finement and the extreme of barbarism brought so closely in

contact with each other ! ^

Human sacrifices have been practiced by many nations, not
excepting the most polished nations of antiquity j'* but never
by any, on a scale to be compared with those in Anahuac. The
amount of victims immolated on its accursed altars would stag-
ger the faith of the least scrupulous believer. Scarcely any
author pretends to estimate the yearly sacrifices throughout the
empire at less than twenty thousand, and some carry the num-
ber as high as fifty ! ^

On great occasions, as the coronation of a king, or the conse-
cration of a temple, the number becomes still more appalling.
At the dedication of the great temple of Huitzilopotchli, i486, the
prisoners, who for some years had been reserved for the purpose,
were drawn from all quarters to the capital. They were ranged
in files, forming a procession nearly two miles long. The cere-
mony consumed several days, and seventy thousand captives are
said to have perished at the shrine of this terrible deity ! But
who can believe that so numerous a body would have suffered
themselves to be led unresistingly like sheep to the slaughter ?
Or how could their remains, too great for consumption in the ordi-

^-^ Carta del Lie. Zuazo. MS. Torquemada, Monarch. Ind., lib. 7, cap.
19. Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 3, lib. 2, cap. 17. Sahagun, Hist, de
Kueva Espana, lib. 2, cap. 21, et alibi. Toribio Hist, de !os Indios, MS.,
Parte i, cap. 2.

^ To say nothing of Egypt where, notwithstanding the indications on
the monuments, there is strong reason for doubting it. (Comp. Herodotus,
Euterpe, sec. 45. ) It was of frequent occurrence among the Greeks, as
e%'ery schoolboy knows. In Rome, it was so common as to require to be
interdicted by an exprass law, less than a hundred years before the Christian
era, a law recorded ma very honest strain of exultation by Pliny; (Hist,
Nat., lib. 30, sec. 3, 4;) notwithstanding which traces of the existence of the
practice may be discerned to a much later period. See, among others,
Horace, lipod.. In Canidiam.

'' See Clavigero, Stor. del Messico, torn. II. p. 49.

Bishop Zuiriarraga, in a letter written a few years after the Conquest,
.states that 20,000 victims were yearly slaughtered in the capital. Torq-ie-
rnada turns :'ii- into 20,000 i7ifaii:s (Monarch. Ind., lib. 7, cap. 21.,
Herrera, foliowin;r Acosta. savs 20.000 victim^ on a specified day of the
year, througlioiit the kingdom. (Hist, General, dec. 2. lib. 2, cap. id.)
Clavigero, more cautious, infers that this number may have been sacrificed
aninially thrf)ughout Anahuac. (Ubi supra.) Las Casas. however, in his
rt-uiy to Sepulveda's assertion, that no one who had visited the New World
P ii the number of yearly sacrifices at less than 20,000. declares that " this is
til', e^timate of brigands, who wish to find an apolosyfor their own atrocities,
and that the real number was not above 50" ! (tEuves, ed. Llorente, (Paris
i:-!;;2,; toin. ' i'p- 3^j5, 3S6. ) Probably the good I! '^nop's arithmetic, here,
as in most 'ji'icr instances, came more from his heart than his head. With
such loose and li intradictory ^/(i/rt, it is clear that any specific number is
mere conjecture, Lindestrving'ihe name of calculation.

HUMAN SACRIFICES,

nary way, be disposed of, without breeding a pestilence in the

capital ? Yet the event was of recent date, and is unequivocally
attested by the best informed historians.'' One fact may
be considered certain. It was customary to preserve the
skulls of the sacrificed, in buildings appropriated to the pur-
pose. The companions of Cones counted one hundred and
thirty-six thousand in one of these edifices \^ Without attempt-
ing a precise calculation, therefore, it is safe to conclude that
thousands were yearly offered up, in the different cities of
Anahuac, on the bloody altars of the Mexican divinities.^

Indeed, the great object of war, with the Aztecs, was quite as
much to gather victims for their sacrifices, as to extend their
empire. Hence it was, that an enemy was never slain in battle,
if there were a chance of taking him alive. To this circum-
stance the Spaniards repeatedly owed their preservation. When
Montezuma was asked, " why he had suffered the republic of
Tlascala to maintain her independence on his borders," he re-
plied, " that she might furnish him with victims for his gods " !
As the supply began to fail, the priests, the Dominicans of
the New World, bellowed aloud for more, and urged on their
superstitious sovereign by the denunciations of celestial wrath.
Like the militant churchmen of Christendom in the Middle
Ages, they mingled themselves in the ranks, and were conspicu-
ous in the thickest of the fight, by their hideous aspect and
frantic gestures. Strange, that, in every country, the most

I am within bounds. Toiquemada states the iramber most precisely, at
72,344. (Monarch. Ind., lib. 2, cap. 63.) Ixtilxochitl, with eqnal precision,
fii 80,400. (Hist. Chich., MS.) Quien sabe ? The latter adds, that the
captives inassscred in the capital, in the course of that memorable year,
exceeded 100,000! (Loc. cit. ) One, however, has to read but a little way,
to find out that the science of numbers at least, where the party was not an
eyewitness is anything but an exact science with these ancient chror.i^ lers.
The Codex Tel-Rem.ensis, written some fifty years after the Conquest,
reduces the amount to 20,000 (Antiq. of Mexico, vol I. PI. ic^; vol. W p.
141, Eng. note ) Even this hardly warrants the Spanish inter])reter in call-
ing king Ahuitzotl a man " of a mild and a moderate disposition," teinp'Uida
V bentgna coiidicion ! Ibid., vol. V. p. 49.

^' Gomara states the number on the authority of two soldiers, wiiose names
he gives, who took the trouble to count the grinning horrors in one of these
Golgothas, where they were so arranged as to i)roduce the most hideous
effect. The existence of these conservatories is attested by every writer of
the time

'' The "Anonymous Conqueror " assures as, as a fact beyond dispute,
thai the T)evii introduced himself into the bodies of the idols, and persuaded
the silly i)rie.<<ts th,it his only diet was human hearts! It furnishes a very
sati-sfactory solution, to his mind, of the frequency of sacrifices in Mexico.
Kel. d'un gent., ap. Kaniusio, torn. III. fol. 307.

^g AZTEC civilization:

fiendish passions of the human heart have been those kindled
in the name of religion ! ^'^

The influence of these practices on the Aztec character was
as disastrous as might have been expected. Familiarity with
the bloody rites of sacrifice steeled the heart against human
sympathy, and begat a thirst for carnage, like that excited in
the Romans by the exhibitions of the circus. The perpetual
recurrence of ceremonies, in which the people took part, asso-
ciated religion with their most intimate concerns, and spread
the gloom of superstition over the domestic hearth, until the
character of the nation wore a grave and even melancholy as-
pect, which belongs to their descendants at the present day.
The influence of the priesthood, of course, became unbounded.
The sovereign thought himself honored by being permitted to
assist in the services of the temple. Far from limiting the
authority of the priests to spiritual matters, he often surren-
dered his opinion to theirs, where they were least competent
to give it. It was their opposition that prevented the final
capitulation which would have saved the capital. The whole
nation, from the peasant to the prince, bowed their necks to the
worst kr^d of tyranny, that of a blind fanaticism.

In reflecting on the revolting usages recorded in the preced-
ing pages, one finds it difficult to reconcile their existence with
anything like a regular form of government, or an advance in
civilization. Yet the Mexicans had many claims to the charac
ter of a civilized community. One may, perhaps, better under-
stand the anomaly, by reflecting en the condition of some of the
most polished countries in Europe, in the sixteenth century,
after the establishment of the modern Inquisition ; an institu-
tion, which yearly destroyed its thousands, by a death more
painful than the Aztec sacrifices ; which armed the hand of
brother against brother, and, setting its burning seal upon the

^ The Tezcucan priests would fain have persuaded the good king Xeza-
ualcoyotl, on occasion of a pestilence, to appease the gods by the sacrifice
of some of his own subjects, instead of his enemies ; on the ground, that,
not only thev would be obtained more easilv, but would be fresher victims,
and more acceptable. (Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., MS., cap. 41.) This
wri::er mentions a coo! arrangement entered into by the allied monarchs with
the republic of Tlascala and her confederates. A battlefield was marked
out, on which the troops of the hostile nations were to engage at stated sea-
ions, and thus supply themselves with subjects for sacrifice. The victo-
rious party was not to pursue his advantage by invading the other's territory,
and they were to continue, in all other respects, on the most amicable foot-
ing. (Ubi supra.) The historian, who follows in ' j track of the Tezcucat
Chronicler, may often find occasion to shelter hii .self, like Ariosto, with

" Mettendo!o Turpin, lo nieuo ancli' io."

HUM AX SACRIFICES.

Kp, did more to stay the march of improvement than any other
scheme ever devised by a human cunning.

Human sacriiice, however cruel, has nothing in it degrading
to its victim. It may be rather said to ennoble him by devoting
him to the gods. Although so terrible with the Aztecs, ii was
sometimes voluntarily embraced by them, as the most glorious
death, and one that opened a sure passage into paradise.^
The Inquisition, on the other hand, branded its victims with in-
famy in this world, and consigned them to everlasting perdition
in the next.

One detestable feature of the Aztec superstition, however,
sunk it far below the Christian. This was its cannibalism ;
though, in truth, the Mexicans were not cannibals, in the
coarsest acceptation of the term. They did not feed on human
flesh merely to gratify a brutish appetite, but in obedience to
their religion. Their repasts were made of the victims whose
blood had been poured out on the altar of sacrifice. This is a
distinction worthy of notice.^ Still, cannibalism, under any
form, or whatever sanction, cannot but have a fatal influence on
the nation addicted to it. It suggests ideas so loathsome, so
degrading to man, to his spiritual and immortal nature, that it
is impossible the people who practice it should make any great
progress in moral or intellectual culture. The Mexicans furnish
no exception to this remark. The civilization, which they pos-
sessed, descended from the Toltecs, a race who never stained
their altars, still less their banquets, with the blood of man.
All that deserved the name of science in Mexico came from this
source; and the crumbling ruins of edifices, attributed to them,
Still extant in various parts of New Spain, show a decided
superiority in their architecture over that of the later races of
Anahuac. ft is true, the Mexicans made great proficiency in
many of the social and m.echanic arts, in that material culture,
if I may so call it, the natural growth of increasin<2; opulence,
which ministers to the gratification of the senses In purelv in-
tellectual progress, they were behind the Tezcucans. whose wise
sovereigns came into the abominable rites of their ncighijors
with reluctance, and practised them on a much more moderate
scale.'*

''^'- Rel. d'un gent. ap. R:uiiu-io, toni. III. f"l. 307.

Among other instaiicc:-, i-, thrit of rhinKili^opoca, third king of Mexico,
who doonicfi himself, with a nmnljcr (.)f i.is lords, to this deati-., to wip" aff
an indignity off'jrcd him by a Ijr'/liicr m iiiarch. (Torqucm;iila, .Monarch,
Ind., hb. 2, cap. 2!~!. ) Tliis was the law :ii honor with the Aztecs.

''' Voltaire, douijt.es.-,, intends this, when he says, " lis nV'taient point
anthroi)ophages, comme un trCs-pctit tiomhre de pcuplades Amf^ricaines,"
(Essai sur les M(urs, chap. 147. )

* Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., MS., cap. 45, et alibi.

8o AZTEC CIVILIZATION.

In this State of things, it was beneficently ordered by Provi-
dence that the land should be delivered over to another race, vi^ho
would rescue it from the brutish superstitions that daily exteuded
wider and wider, with extent of empire.*^ The debasing institu-
tions of the Aztecs furnish the best apology for their conquest.
It is true, the conquerors brought along with them the Inquisi-
tion. But they also brought Christianity, whose benign radiance
would stiil survive, when the fierce flames of fanaticism should
be extinguished ; dispelling those dark forms of horror which
had so long brooded over the fair regions of Anahuac.

'*' No doubt the ferocity of character engendered by their sanguinary rites
greatly facilitated tlieir conquests. Machiavelli attributes to a similar cause,
in part, the military successes of the Romans. (Discorsi sopra T. Livio,
lib. 2, cap. 2.) The same chapter contains some ingenious reflections
much more ingenious than candid on the opposite tendencies of Chris-
tianity.

The most important authority in the preceding chapter, and, indeed,
wherever the Aztec religion is concerned, is Bernardino de .Sahagun, a Fran-
ciscan friar, contemporary with the conquest. His great work, Historia
Universal de A'ueva Espana, has been recently printed for the first time.
The circumstances attending its compilation and subsequent fate form one of
the most remarkable passages in literary history.

Sahagun was born in a place of the same name, in old Spain. He was ed-
ucated at Salamanca, and, having taken the vows of St. Francis, came over
as a missionary to Mexico in the year 1529. Here he distinguished himself
by his zeal, the purity of his life, and his unwearied exertions to spread the
great truths of religion among the natives. He was the guardian of several
conventual houses, successively, until he relinquished these cares, that he
might devote himself more unreservedly to the business of preaching, and of
compiling various works designed to illustrate the antiquities of the Aztecs.
For these literarv labors he found some facilities in the situation which ha
continued to occupv, of reader, or lecturer, in the College of Santa Cruz, in
the capital.

The " Universal History" was concocted in a singular manner. In order
to secure to it the greatest possible authority, he passed some years in a
Tezcucan Knvn. where he conferred daily with a number of respectable na-
tives unacquainted with Castilian. He propounded to them queries, which
they, after deliberation, answered in their usual method of writing, by hiero-
glyjihical paintings. These he submitted to other natives, who had been ed-
ucated under his own eve in the college of Santa Cruz, and the latter, after
a consultation among themselves, gave a written version, in the Mexican
tongue, of the hieroglyphics. This process he repeated in another place
in some ])art of Mexico, and subjected the whole to a still further revision by
a third body in another quarter. He finally arranged *! ' combined results
into a re;4ular history, in the form it now bears: com- ,sing it in the Mex-
ican language, which he could both write and speak with great accuracy and
legance, greater, indeed, than any Spaniard of the time.

The work presented a mass of curious information, that attracted much

SAHAGU?f, 8 1

attention among his brethren. But they feared its influence in keeping alive

in the natives a too vivid reminiscence of the very superstitions which it was
the great object of the Christian clergy to eradicate. Sahagun had views
more liberal than those of his order, whose blind zeal would willingly have
annihilated every monument of art and human ingenuity, which had not
been produced under the influence of Christianity. They refused to allow
him the necessary aid to transcribe his papers, wfiich he had been so many
years in preparing, under the pretext that the expense was too great for their
order to incur. This occasioned a further delay of several years. What
was worse, his provincial got possession of his manuscripts, which were soon
scattered among the different religious houses in the country.

In this forlorn state of his affairs, Sahagun drew up a brief statement of the
nature and contents of his \vorl<. and forwarded it to Madrid. It fell into
the hands of Don Juan de Ovando, ])resident of the Council for the Indies,
who was so much interested in it, that he ordered the manuscripts to be re-
stored to their author, with tlie request that he would <it once set about
translating them into Castilian. This was accordingly done. His papers
were recovered, though not without the menace of ecclesiastical censures ;
and the octogenarian author began the work of translation from the Mexican,
in which they had been originally written by him thirty years before. He
had the satisfaction to complete the task, arranging the Spanish version in a
parallel column with the original, and adding a vocabulary, explaining the
difficult Aztec terms and phrases; while the text was supported by the numer-
ous paintings on which it was founded, In tliis form, making two bulky
volumes in folio, it was sent to Madrid. There seemed now to be no further
reason for postponing its publication, the importance of which could not be
doubted. But from this moment it disappears ; and we hear nothing further
of it, for more than two centuries, except only as a valuable work, which had
once existed, and was probably buried in some one of the numerous ceme-
teries of learning in which Spain abounds.

At length, towards the close of tlie last century, the indefat:gal)!e Mufioz
succeeded in disinterring the long lost manuscript from the place tradition
had assigned to it, the library of a convent at Tolosa, in Navarre, the north-
ern extremity of Spain. With his usual ardor, he transcribed the whole
wrjrk with his own hands, and added it to the inestimable collection, of
which, alas 1 he was destined not to reap the full benefit himself. P'rom this
transcript Lord Kingsborough was enabled to procure the copy which was
published in 1S30, in the sixth volume of his magnificent compilation. In it
he exipresses an honest satisfaction at being the first to give Sahagun's work
to tiie world. But in this supposition he was mistaken. The very year pre-
ceding, an edition of it, with, aiinotations, aj^peared in Mexico, in three vol-
umes 8vo. It was prepared by Ilustamante, a scholar to whose editorial
activity his country is largely indebted. from a copy of the Muiroz manu-
script which came into his p')ssession. Thus this remarkable work, which
was denied the honors of the press during the author's lifetime, after passing
into oblivion, reappcired, at the distance of near'v three centuries, not in his
own country, but in foreign lands widely reniote'froin c;ich ofhei , and that,
almost simultaneously. The story is exirnoiflinarv though unhappily not so
extraordinary in Spain ns it would be eNewhtre.

S.ihagun divided his history into twt i vc books. The first eleven are occupied
w:i:i the social institutions of Mex'co. and tlie last with the Conquest. (_>n
thfj religion of the countrv he is p.u tirnl.ii Iv fall. His great object evidently
was. to give a clear view of it,-, juvtholo;.',-, and of the burdensome ritual
which bel(;n[;cd to it. Religion entered so ir.timately into the most private
concern- arid usages of the .Azi'-r^, that Srilvigun's work must be .7 text-book
ff,r vr.T.- -':,.i,.;-,, ,,f t|,(.;r :i!>t'f]uiiics. Toro 'i(,:mada availed Ivimself of a man-
uscript copy, wiiich fell into hi^ himils before it was '^"nt to Spain, to enrich

g2 AZTEC CIVILIZATION'.

his own pages, ? circumstance more fortunate for his readers than for
Sahao'un's reputa'..;).!, whose work, now that it is published, loses much of
the originality and interest which would otherwise attach to it. In one re-
spect it is invaluable ; as presenting a complete collection of the various
forms of prayer, accommodated to every possible emergency, in use by the
Mexicans. They are often clothed in dignified and beautiful language, show-
ing, that sublime speculative tenets are quite compatible with the most de-
grading practices of superstition. It is much to be regretted that we have
not the eighteen hymns, inserted by the author in his book, which would
have particular interest, as the only specimen of devotional poetry preserved
of the Aztecs. The hieroglyphical paintings, which accompanied the text,
are also missing. If they have escaped the hands of fanaticism, both may
reappear at some future day.

Sahagun produced several other works, of a religious or philological char-
acter. Some of these were voluminous, but none have been printed. He
lived to a very advanced age, closing a life of activity and usefulness, in 1590,
in the capital of Mexico. His remains were followed to the tomb by ;
numerous concourse of his own coimtrynien, and of the natives, who lament-
ed in him the loss of unaffected piety, benevolence, and learning.

MEXICAN HIEROGLYFHIC, i^x

CHAPTER IV.

Mexican Hieroglyphics. M axl-scrtpts.- Arithmetic

Chronolugv. Astro \MjMv.

It is a relief to turn I'loni the gloomy pages of tlie preceding
chapter, lo a brighter side of the picture, and to contemplate the
same nation in its generous struggle to raise itself from a state
of barbarism, and to take a positive rank in the scale of civiliza-
tion. It is not the less interesting, that these efforts were made
on an entirely new theatre of action, apart from those influences
that operate in the Old World ; the inhabitants of which, form-
ing one great brotherhood of nations, are knit together by sym-
pathies, that make the faintest spark of knowledge, struck out
in one quarter, spread gradually wider and wider, until it has
diffused a cheering light over the remotest. It is curious to
observe the human mind, in this new position, conforming to
the same laws as on the ancient continent, and taking a similar
direction in its first inquiries after truth, so similar, indeed, as,
although not warranting, perhaps, the idea of imitation, to
suggest, at least, that of a common origin.

In the eastern hemisphere, we find some nations, as the
Greeks, for instance, early smitten with such a love of the beau-
tiful as to be unwilling to dispense with it, even in the graver
productions of science ; and other nations, again, proposing a
severer end to themselves, to which even imagination and elegant
art were made subservient. The productions of such a people
must be criticised, not by the ordinary rules of taste, but by their
adaptation to the peculiar end for which they were designed,
Such were the Egyptians in the Old World, ^ and the Mexicans
in the New. We have already had occasion to notice the re-
semblance borne by the latter nation to the former in their re-
ligious economy. We shall be more struck with it in their
scientific culture, especially their hieroglyphical writing and their
astronomy.

1 " An Egyptian temple," .^ays Dcii<;ii, strikingly, " is an open volume, in
which the teaching's of science, innrality, and the arts are recorded. Every
thing seems to speak one and the same language, and breathes one and tha
amc spirit." The passage is cited by Ileeren, Hist. Kes.. vol. V, p. i^ii.

g^ AZTEC civilization:

To describ' xtion'- :.id events by delineating visible objects
seems to be a natural suggestion, and is practised, after a certain
fashion, by the rudest savages. The North American Indian
carves an arrow on the bark of trees to show his followers the
direction of his march, and some other sign to show the success
of his expeditions. But to paint intelligibly a consecutive series
of these actions forming what Warburton has happily called
picture-writing - requires a combination of ideas, that amount?
to a positively intellectual effort. Yet further, when the object
of the painter, instead of being limited to the present, is, to pen-
etrate the past, and to gather from its dark recesses lessons q\
instruction for coming generations, we see the dawnings of a
liierary culture, and recognize the proof of a decided civiliza^
tion in the attempt itself, however imperfectly it may be executed.

The literal imitation of objects will not answer for this more
complex and extended plan. It would occupy too much space,
as well as time, in the execution. It then becomes necessary to
abridge the pictures, to confine the drawing to outlines, or to
such prominent parts of the bodies delineated, as may readily
suggest the whole. This is the representative or ^figurative wnimg,
which forms the lowest stage of hieroglyphics.

But there are things which have no type in the material world ;
abstract ideas, which can only be represented by visible objects
supposed to have some quality analogous to the idea intended.
This C'.stitutes symbolical writing, the most difficult of all to the
interpreter since the analogy between the material and immaterial
object is often purely fanciful, or local in its application. Wo,
for instance, could suspect the association which made a beetle
represent the universe, as with the Egyptians, or a serpent typify
time, as with the Aztecs ?

The third and last division is the phonetic, in which signs are
made to represent sounds, either entire words, or parts of them.
This is the nearest approach of the hieroglyphica! series to that
beautiful invention, the alphabet, by which language is resolved
into its elem.entary sounds, and an apparatus supplied for easily
and accurately expressing the most delicate shades of thought.

The Egyptians were well skilled in all three kinds of hierogly-
phics. But, although their public monuments display the first
class, in their ordinary intercourse and written records, it is now
certain, they almost wholly relied on the phonetic character.
Strange, that, having thus broken down the thin partition which
divided them from an alphabet, their latest monuments should

* Divine Legation, ap. Works, (London, 1811,) vol. IV. b. 4. sec. 4.
The bishop of Gloucester, in his comparison of the various hieroglyphical
ystnns of tt*" world, shows his characteristic sagacity and boldness by an.

MEXICAN HIEROGL YPHICS. 85

exhibit no nearer approach to it than their earliest. ^ The
Aztecs, also, were acquainted with the several varielies of hiero-
glyphics. But they relied on the figurative infinitely more than
on the others. The Egyptians were at the top of the scale, the
Aztecs at the bottom.

In casting the eye over a Mexican manuscript, or map, as it
is called, one is struck with the grotesque caricatures it exhibits
of the human figure ; monstrous, overgrown heads, on puny, mis-
shapen bodies, which are themselves hard and angular in their
outlines, and without the least skill in composition. On closer
inspection, however, it is obvious that it is not so much a rude
attempt to delineate nature, as a conventional symbol, to express
the idea in the most clear and forcible manner; in the same
way as the pieces of similar value on a chess-board, while they
correspond with one another in form, bear little resemblance,
usually, to the objects they represent. Those parts of the figure
are most distinctly traced, which are the most important. So,
also, the coloring, instead of the delicate gradations of nature,
exhibits only gaudy and violent contrasts, such as may produce
the most vivid impression. " For even colors," as Gama
observes, ''speak in the Aztec hieroglyphics."*

But in the execution of all this the Mexicans were much in-
ferior to the Egyptians. The drawing of the latter, indeed, are
exceedingly defective, when criticised by the rules of art ; for
they were as ignorant of perspective as the Chinese, and only
exhibited the head in profile, with the eye in the centre, and
with total absence of expression. But they handled the pencil
more gracefully than the Aztecs, were more true to the natural
forms of objects, and, above all. showed great superiority in
abridging the original figure by giving only the outline, or some
characteristic or essential feature. This simplified the process,
and facilitated the communication of thought. An P^gyptian

nouncing opinions little credited then, though since established. He affirmed
the existence of an EgviUian alphabet, but was not aware of the phonetic
property of hieroglyphics, the great literary discovery of our age.

''* It appears that the hieroglyphics on the most recent monuments of
Egypt contain no larger infusion of phonetic characters than those which
existed eighteen centuries before Christ; showing no advance, in this respect,
for twenty-two hunrlrefl vears ! (See Champollion, Precis du Svsteme Hiero-
glyphiquc des Anciens Kgyptiens, (Paris, 1834,) pp. 242, 2.S[,) It may seem
more strange that the enchorial alphabet, so much more commodious, should
not have been substituted. But the l<".gvptians were familiar with their
hieroglyphics from infancy, which, moreover, took the fancies of the most
illiterate, probably in the same manner as our children are attracted and
taught by the picture-alphabets in an ordinary spelling-book.

^ Descripcion Hist4rica y Cronologica de las Dos Piedras, (Mexico, 1833,)
Parte 2, j). 39.

15 AZTEC CIVILIZATION.

text has almost the appearance of alphabetical writing in its re^
guiar lines of minute figures. A Mexican text book looks usually
like a collection of pictures, each one forming the subject of a
separate study. This is particularly the case with the delinea-
tions of mythology ; in which the story is told by a conglomera-
tion of symbols, that rnay remind one more of the mysterious
anaglyphs sculptured on the temples of the Egyptians, than of
their written records.

The Aztecs had various emblems for expressing suck things
as, from their nature, could not be directly represented by the
painter; as, for example, the years, months, days, the seasons,
the elements, the heavens, and the like. A " tongue " denoted
speaking; a " foot-print,"" travelling; a " man sitting on the
ground,'' an earthquake. These symbols were often very
arbitrary, varying with the caprice of the writer ; and it requires
a nice discrimination to interpret thern, as a slight change in the
former position of the figure intimated a very different mean-
ing.i An ingenious writer asserts that the priests devised
secret symbolic characters for the record of their religious
mysteries. It is possible. But the researches of Champoilion
lead to the conclusion, that the similar opinion, formerly en-
tertained respecting the Egyptian hieroglyphics, is without
foundation,"

Lastly, they employed, as above stated, phonetic signs, though
these were chiefly confined to the names of persons and places;
which, being derived from some circumstance, or characteristic
quality, were accommodated to the hieroglyphical system.
Thus the town Cimatlan was compounded of cimatl., a " root,"
v/hich grew near it, and tlan, signifying " near " ; Tlaxcallan
meant *' the place of bread," from its rich fields of corn :
Huexotzi7ico, " a place surrounded by willows." The names of
persons were often significant of their adventures and achieve-
ments. That of the great Tezcucan prince, Nezahualcoyotl,
signified ' hungrv fox." intimating his sagacity, and his dis-

'" Ibid., pp. 32. 44. Acosta, lib. 6. cap. 7.

Tlie continuation of Gama's work, recently edited by Bustamante, in
Mexico, contains, among other things, some interesting remarks on the Aztec
^ , -ogivphics, The editor has rendered a good service by this further publi-
ca'.ion of the writings of this estimable scholar, who has done more than any
of i,;s coLi rrvmen to explain the mysteries of Aztec science.
f.:in:a, Descripcion. Parte 2, p. 32.

\\ arbur;');i, with his usual penetration, rejects the idea of mystery in
the figurative hieroglyphics. (Divine Legation, b. 4,, sec. 4.) If there wa
any mvstery rcservcci for the initiated, ChampolIior\ t'..nks it mav have been
thf sv-,:em of tif ai apivphs. ( Prt^cis. p. 360. 1 V ny mav not this be true,
likewise, o*^ iht i.ionhtMiUs s, mijolica! combinations which repre*ented tb
Mexican dJtie^ .-

.\rExrcAr\r hif.rogl yphics. 87

tresses in early lifeJ The emblems of such names were no
sooner seen, than they suggested to every Mexican the person
and place intended ; and, when painted on their shields, or
embroidered on their banners, became the armorial bearings, by
which city and chieftain were distinguished, as in Europe, in
the age of chivalry.**

But, although the Aztecs were instructed in all the varieties
of hieroglyphical painting, they chiefly resorted to the clumsy
method of direct representation. Had their empire lasted, like
thi Egyptian, several thousand instead of the brief space of two
hundred years, they would, doubtless, like them, have advanced
to the more frequent use of the phonetic writing. But, before
they could be made acquainted with the capabilities of their
own system, the Spanish Conquest, by introducing the European
alphabet, supplied their scholars with a more perfect contriv-
ance for expressing thought, which soon supplanted the ancient
pictorial character.'-*

Clumsy as it was. however, the Aztec picture-writing seems
to have been adequate to the demands of the nation, in their
ivnperfect state of civilization. By means of it were recorded
all their laws, and even their regulations for domestic economy ;
their tribute-rolls, specifying the imposts of the various towns ;
their mythology, calendars, and rituals ; their political annals,
carried back to a period long before the foundation of the city.
They digested a complete system of chronology, and could
specify with accuracy the dates of the most important events in
their history ; the year being inscribed on the margin, against
the particular circumstance recorded. It is true, history, thus
executed, must necessarily be vague and fragmentary. Only a
few leading incidents could be presented. But in this it did
not differ much from the monkish chronicles of the dark ages,

' Boturini, Idea, pp. 77-S3. Gama, Descripcion. Parte 2, pp. 34-43.

Heeren is not awaie, or does not alk)\v, that the Mexicans used phonetic
characters of any kind. (IFisl. Res,, vol. V. p. 45.) Thev, indeed, reversed
the usual order of ]5roceeding, and, instead of adapting the hieroglvjihic to
the name of the object, accommodated tlie name of tiie object to the hiero-
gl}l)hic. This of course, could not admit of great extension. We find phonetic
characters, however, applied, in some instances, to common, as well as
proper names.

" lioturini, Idea, nbi supra.

* Clavigero has given a catalogue of the Mexican historians of the six-
teenth century, some of whom are often cited in this history, which bears
honorable testimony to the literary ardor and intelligence of the native raooK.
Stor. del Messico, torn. I., Pref. Also, Gama, Descripcion, Parte t,
pcMsim.

88 AZTEC CIVILIZATION.

which often dispose of years in a few brief sentences ; quite

long enough for the annals of barbarians.^"

In order to estimate aright the picture-writing of the Aztecs
one must regard it in connexion with oral tradition, to which it
was auxiliary. In the colleges of the priests the youth were
instructed in astronomy, history, mythology, &c. ; and those
who were to follow the profession of hieroglyphical painting
were taught the application of the characters appropriated to
each of these branches. In an historical work, one had charge
of the chronology, another of the events. Every part of the
labor was thus mechanically distributed." The pupils, instructed
in all that was before known in their several departments, were
prepared to extend still further the boundaries of their imper-
fect science. The hieroglyphics served as a sort of stenography,
a collection of notes, suggesting to the initiated much more
than could be conveyed by a literal interpretation. This com-
bination of the written and the oral comprehended what may be
called the literature of the Aztecs. -"^

^' M. cle Humboldt's remark, that the Aztec annals, from the close of the

eleventh century, " exhibit the greatest method, and astonishing minuteness,"
(Vues des Cordilleres, p. 137,) must be received with some qualification.
The reader would scarcely understand from it, that there are rarely more
than one or two facts recorded in any year, and sometimes not one in a dozen
or more. The necessary looseness and uncertainty of these historical
records are made apparent by the remarks of the Spanish interpreter of the
Mendoza codex, who tells us that the natives to whom it was submitted
were very long in coming to an agreement about the proper signification of
the paintings. Antiq. of Mexico, vol. VT p. 87,

'^ Gama, Descripcion, Parte 2, p. 30. Acosta, lib. 6 cap. 7.

" Tenian para cada genero," says Ixtlilxochitl, " sus Escritores, unos que
traiaban. de los Anales, ponienclo por su orden las cosas que acaecian en cada
U!i an .., con dia, mes, y hora ; otros tenian a su cargo las Genealogias, y
desce.idencia del los Reyes, Senores, v Personas de linaje, asentando por
cuen'a v rizjn los que nacian, v borraban los que morian con la misma
'"utn I I tcnun cuidado de las pinturas, de los terminos, limites, y

moj L i^ 1 hs Cmdades, Provincias, Pueblos, v Lugares, y de las suertes,
y rtp ui n ) de las tierras, cuvas cran, v a quien pertenecian ; otros de
l0'> ' 1 e^, ritos. v seremonias cjue usaban." Hist. Chicli., MS.,

Pr I C

Li K n^ t ) Boturini, the ancient Mexicans were acquainted with the

I I II

d of recording events, bv means of the quippus, knotted
1 us cjlors, which were afterwards superseded by hieroglyph-
(Itea, p. 86.) lie could discover, however, but a single
' ' t met with in Thiscala. and that had nearly fallen to pieces
1^1 h suggests that it mav have been only a wampum belt,
n among our North America, Indians. (Researches, p.
2 I I c 1 re is plausible enough. St .igs of wampum, of various

C" V. I I ^ 1 1 v the latter people for t lie similar purpose of registering

C^*"""^ ' ;ed fact, rccrrded l)v ]-!orurini, is hardlv sufficient un-

uppcit*-!, a <ii IS I k!.< w. bv aiiv'<i!c' tes!imonv to establish tb*

MA A'L'SCAVr TS. 89

Their manuscripts i^-ere made of different materials, of

cotion cloth, or ski'" . .ely prepared ; of a composition of silk
and gum ; but, for the most part, of a fine fabric from the leaves
of the aloe, agava Americana, called by the natives, maguey,
which grows luxuriantly over the table-lands of Mexico. A
sort of paper was made from it, resembling somewhat the
Egyptian /(Z/^'r/^j',^'' which, when properly dressed and polished,
is said to have been more soft and beautiful than parchment.
Some of the specimens, still existing, exhibit their original fresh*
ness, and the paintings on them retain their brilliancy of colors.
They were sometimes done up into rolls, but more frequently
into volumes, of moderate size, in which the paper was shut up,
like a folding-screen, with a leaf or tablet of wood at each ex-
tremity, that gave the whole, when closed, the appearance of a
book. The length of the strips was determined only by con-
venience. As the pages might be read and referred to sepa-
rately, this form had obvious advantages over the rolls of the
ancients.^*

At the time of the arrival of the Spaniards, great quantities of
these manuscripts were treasured up in the country. Numerous
persons were employed in painting, and the dexterity of their
operations excited the astonishment of the Conquerors. Un-
fortunately, this was mingled with other, and unworthy feelings.
The strange, unknown characters inscribed on them excited sus-
picion. They were looked on as magic scrolls; and were re-
garded in the same light with the idols and temples, as the
symbols of a pestilent supeistition, that must be extirpated.
The first archbishop of Mexico, Don Juan de Zumarraga, a
name that -houkl be as immortal as that of Omar. collected
these paintings from every quarter, especially from Tezcuco, the

existence of qui/'pits among the Aztecs, who had but little in common with
the Peruvians.

^* J'liny, who gives a minute account of i\\& papyrus reed of Egvpt, notices
the vari(jus manufactures obtained from it, as ropes, cloth, paper, &c. It
also served as a thatch for the roofs of houses, and as food and drink for the
natives. (Hist. 2sat., lib. 11, caj). 20-22.) It is singular that the American
agave, a plant so totally different, should also have been ajjpiicd to all these
fario\is uses.

" I-or(,-n/.ana, Hist, de Nue\a ivspana, \). '6. Boiurini, Ide.M p- 96.
Humboldt, Vues des (.'ordilitires, p. 52. I'eter .Martyr Anglcriiis, De Orbe
Novo, (Compluti, 1530,) rjcc. 3, cap. <S ; dec. q, raii. 10.

Martyr has given a uiiniitc descrii)iii;ii ol tnti Indian maps, sent home
soon after the .nvasinn of \( w Si'iin. His inijuisitive mind was struck will.
the evidence tiicy afff)rded of a pcjsitive civilization. Ribera, the friend ol
Cortes, brought b.ick a stoiy, that the paintings were designed as patteins
ffjr ernl)rr)i(!erers and j(;wellcrs. ]5ut Martyr had been in Egypit. pnd he felt
little iifsitation in placing the Indian drawings in the same class with those hr
had seen on the obelisks ai.d temples of that country.

AZTEC CIVILIZATION.

most cultivated capital in Anahuac, and the great depository of
the national archives. He then caused them to be piled up in a
"mountain-heap," as it is called by the Spanish writers them-
selves, in the market-place of Tlatelolco, and reduced them all
to ashes !^ His greater countryman, Archbishop Ximenes, had
celebrated a similar auto-da-fe of Arabic manuscripts, in Granada,
some twenty years before. Never did fanaticism achieve two
more signal triumphs, than by the annihilation of so many cu-
rious monuments of human ingenuity and learning. ^"^

The unlettered soldiers were not slow in imitating the exam-
ple of their prelate. Every chart and volume which fell into
their hands was wantonly destroyed ; so that, whpu the scholars
of a later and more enlightened age anxiously sought to recover
some of these memorials of civilization, nearly all had perished,
and the few surviving were jealously hidden by the natives.^''
Through the indefatigable labors of a private individual, how-
ever, a considerable collection was eventually deposited in the
archives of Mexico ; but was so little heeded there, that some
were plundered, others decayed piecemeal from the damps and
mildews, and others, again, were used up as waste-paper.^^ We
contemplate with indignation the cruelties inflicted by the early
conquerors. But indignation is qualified with contempt, when
we see them thus ruthlessly trampling out the spark of knowl-
edge, the common boon and property of all mankind. We may
well doubt, which has the strongest claims to civilization, the
victor, or the vanquished,

A few of the Mexican manuscripts have found their way, from
time to time, to Europe, and are carefully preserved in the pub-
lic libraries of its capitals. They are brought together in the
magnificent work of Lord Kingsborough ; but not one is there
from Spain. The most important of them, for the light it
throws on ilie Aztec institutions, is the Mendoza Codex ; which,
after its mysterious disappearance for more than a century, has

J* Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich.. MS.. Prologo. Idem, Sum. Relac, MS.

Writers are not agreed whether the contlagraiion t(jok place in the square
of Tlatelolco or Tezcuco. Comj'). C,"!avigero. Stor. del Messico, torn. II.
p. i88, and Bustamante's Pref. to Ixtlilxochitl, Cruautes des Conquerans,
trad, de Ternaux, p. xvii.

"^ It has been my lot to record both these displays of human infirmity, so
humbling to the pride of intellect. .See the History of Ferdinand and
Isabella, Part 2. chap. 6.

'" Saliagun, Hi>t. de Nueva-Kspana, lib. 10, cap. 27. Bustamante,
Mafianas de Alameda, (Me'xico, iS;,6. ) tom. II. Prologo.

"* The enlightened governor, Don Lorenzo Zavala sold the documents in
the archives of the .Audience of Mexico, according to Bustamante, as wrapping
paper, to apothecaries, shopkeepers, and rocket-makers 1 Boturini's noble
collection has not farsd much better.

MAXrSCKIPTS.

at length reappeared in the Bodleian library at Oxford. It has
been several times engraved. i^ The most brilliant in coloring,
probably, is the Borgian collection, in Rome.''^^ The most curi-
ous, however, is the Dresden Codex, which has excited less at-
tention than it deserves. Although usually classed among Mex-
ican manuscripts, it bears little resemblance to them in its exe-
cution ; the figures of objects are more delicately drawn, and
the characters, unlike the Mexican, appear to be purely arbi-
trary, and are possibly phonetic.--' Their regular arrangement

^^ The history of this famous collection is familiar to scholars. It was
ent to the Emperor Charles the Fifth, not long after the Conquest, bv the
viceroy Mendoza, Marques de Mondejar. The vessel fell into the hands of
a French cruiser, and the manuscript was taken to Paris. It was afterwards
bouu;ht bv the chaplain of the English embassy, and, coming into the pos-
session of the antiquary Purchas, was engraved, in ex.'enso, bv him, in the
third volume of his ''Pilgrimage." After its publication, in 1625, the Aztec
original lost its importance, and fell into oblivion so completely, that, when
at length the public curiosity was excited in regard to its fate, no trace of U
could be discovered. Many were the speculations of scholars, at home and
abroad, resj^ecting it, and Dr. Robertson settled the question as to its exis-
tence in England, by declaring that there was no Mexican relic in that
country, except a golden goblet of Montezuma. (History of America, (Lon-
don, 1796,) vol. III. p. 370.) Nevertheless, the identical Codex, and several
other Alexican paintings, have been since discovered in the Bodleian library.
The circumstance has brought some obloquy on the historian, who, while
prying into the collections of Vienna and the Escurial, could be so blind to
those under his own eyes. The over-sight will not appear so extraordinary
to a thorough-bred collector, whether of manuscripts, or medals, or any other
rarity. The Mendoza Codex is, after all, but a copy, coarsely done with a pen
on European paper. Another copy, fronr which. Archbishop Eorcnzana en-
graved his tribute-rolls, in Mexico, existed in Boturini's collection. A third
is in the Escurial, according to the Marcpiess of Spineto. (Lecttires on the
Fllenients of Hieroglyphics, (London.) lect. 7.) This may possibly be the
original jjaititing. The entire Codex, copied from the Bodleian maps, with
its Spanish and English interpretations is included in the noble compilation
of Lord Kingsborou'^h. (Vols. L, V.. VI.) It is distributed into three parts;
embracing the civil history of the nation, the tributes paid by the cities, and
the domestic economy and discipline of the Mexicans; and, from the fulness
of the interpretarion, is of much importance in regard to these several
topics.

-' It formerly belonged to the Ciustiniani familv; but was so little <:;ired
{or, that it was suffered to fall into the mischievous hands of the -iomesHcs'
children, who made sundry attemjjts to burn it, Fortnnatciv ir w.'is jiainted
oil deerskin, and, though somewhat singed. Was not (ic>lruycd. i Humboldt,
Vues '-orriilii res, ]i. S9, et scq.) It is inipnssi1)lf t-i '-.xst ihe eve over this
brilliant as-^emblrige of forms and colore without feeling how hopeless must
be the atterniH to recover a kcv t',' tlit; Aztec mvthohigicai s\mbols; whicli
are here tlistributerl with the svminetrv, indeed, but in all the endless cim-
biii.itioiis, of the kaleidoscope. It is in the third volunu; of Lord Kings-
bnrough's work.

-' Humboldt, who has co])icd some pages of it in his " Atlas PittorestMie,"
intimates no doubt of its Aztec origin. (Vues des Cordill^res. pp. 266 267. J
M. Lc Noir even reads in it an exposition of Mexican Mythology, with occ-

^2 AZTEC civilization:

is quite equal to th' xi'gyptian. The whole infers a much higher
civilization than the Aztec, and offers abundant food for curious
speculation.^

Some few of these maps have interpretations annexed to
them, which were obtained from the natives after the Conquest.'^
The greater part are without any, and cannot now be unriddled.
Had the Mexicans made free use of a phonetic alphabet, it
might have been originally easy, by mastering the comparatively
few signs employed in this kind of communication, to have got
a permanent key to the whole.-^ A brief inscription has fur-
nished a clue to the vast labyrinth of Egyptian hieroglyphics.
But the Aztec characters, representing individuals, or, at most,
species, require to be made out separately ; a hopeless task, for
which little aid is to be expected from the vague and general

sional analogies to that of Egypt and of Hindostan. (Antiquites Mexicaines,
torn. II., Introd.) The fantastic forms of hieroglyphic symbols may afford
analogies for almost anythingi

22 The history of this Codex, engraved entire in the third volume of the
"Antiquities of Mexico," goes no further back than 1739, when it was pur-
chased at Vienna for the Dresden library. It is made of the American agave.
The figures painted on it bear little resemblance, either in feature or form,
to the Mexican. They are surmounted by a sort of head-gear, which looks
something like a modern peruke. On the chin of one we may notice a beard,
a sign often used after the conquest to denote a European. Many of the
persons are sitting cross-legged. The profiles of the faces and the whole
contour of the limbs, are sketched with a spirit and freedom, very unlike the
hard, angular outlines of the Aztecs. The characters, also are delicately
traced, generally in an irregular, but circular form, and are very minute.
They are arranged, like the Egyptian, both horizontally and perpendicularly,
mostly in the former manner, and, from the prevalent direction of the profiles
would seem to have been read from right to left. Whether phonetic or
ideographic, they are of that compact and purely conventional sort which
belongs to a well-digested system for the communication of thought. One
cannot but regret, that no trace shouid exist of the quarter whence ttiis MS.
was obtained; perhaps, some part of Central America; from the region of
the mysterious races who built the monuments of Mitla and Palenque.
Though, in truth, there seems scarcely more resemblance in the symbols to
the Palenque bas-reliefs, than to the Aztec paintings.

'^ There are three of these; the Mendoza Codex; the Telleriano Rem-
ensis, formerly the property of Archbishop Tellier, in the Royal library
of Paris; and the Vatican MS., No. 3738. The interpretation of the last
bears evident marks of its recent origin; probably as late as the close of
the sixteenth, or the beginning of the seventeenth century, when the ancient
hieroglyphics were read with tlie eye of faith, rather than of reason. Who-
ever was the commentator, (comp. Vues des Cordilleres, pp. 203, 204; and
Ant:r|. of Mexico, vol. VI. pp. 155, 222,) he has given such an exposition, as
shows the ol'l Aztecs to have been as orthodox Christians, as any subjects
of tiie P(jpe.

^ The total number of Egyptian hieroglvphics discovered by Champollion
amounts to 864; and of these i3oonlva're phonetic, notwithst4nding that
this kind of character is used far more frequently than both the others.
Precis, p. 263, also .Spineto, Lectures, lee. 3.

ARrTHMETTC.

tenor of the few interpretations now existing. There was, as
already mentioned, until late in the last century, a professor in
the University of Mexico, especially devoted to the study of the
nati(?nal picture-writing. But, as this was with a view to legal
proceedings, his information, probably, was limited to decipher-
ing titles. In less than a hundred years after the Conquest,
the knowledge of the hieroglyphics had so far declined, that a
diligent Tezcucan writer complains he could fiiid in the country
only two persons, both very aged, at all competent to interpret
them.^

It is not probable, therefore, that the art of reading these pic-
ture-writings will ever be recovered ; a circumstance certainly
to be regretted. Not that the records of a semi-civilized people
would be likely to contain any new truth or discovery important
to human comfort or progress ; but they could scarcely fail to
throw some additional light on the previous history of the na-
tion, and that of the more polished people who before occupied
the country. This would be still more probable, if any literary-
relics of their Toltec predecessors were preserved ; and if report
be true, an important compilation from this source was extant
at the time of the invasion, and may have perhaps contributed
to swell the holocaust of Zumarraga.^ It is no great stretch of
fancy, to suppose that such records might reveal the successive
links in the mighty chain of migration of the primitive races,
and, by carrying us back to the seat of their possessions in the
Old World, would have solved the mystery which h.as so long

2o Ixtlilxochitl., His*.. Chich., MS., Dedic.

B'jiuriiii, who iraveil"J iLiuagii ever part of the coiimrv, in tiie middle of
tliC 'ast century, ccuKi ;iot meet witii an indi^ idi'.al who could r.fford him the
lea>t clue to the Aztec hieroglyphics. So completely had every vesti,i:;e of
their ancient language been swept away for the memory of the natives. (Idea,
p, !i6. ) If we are to believe Bustamante, however, a complete kev to the
"'; 'le system is, at this moment. so?fn'whcre in Spain. Tt was lairied home,
at the time of the process against father Mier, in 1795. ' '^^ name 01 the
Mexican Champollion who discovered it is Borunda. Gama. nescrincion,
torn. II. p. -^j^^, nota.

'' I\>uHox!:i. "the di\'ine book." as it was called.. A cci iilirj, !') Ixtlil-
xoc'ii:!. it wa'^ composed bv a Tezciu-an df)ctor, named Iluema^zin. to',\.ird
tp.e close of the seventh centur\-. (Relaciones, MS.; It i.'.i'.e :in :nc;nmt of
th' migrations of his nation from Asia, of th.e various station.^ o.i their jour-
nev. iif their social arid rellLoous institutions, their .^C!^;>'e. ar'-. A'c. , d'C, a
^o'.'d dca' too much for o!ie book. /s;i!c!uvi pro in.i 'iiifito. It has never
been see;t by a Kuropean. A ( opv is said (o have been in [possession of the
Te:<cuc.in chroniclers, on tlv taki"/ of their cr'Mtal. 'Bustamante, Cronici
Mexicatia, (.\[exi(.:o, 1X22,) carta 3. | Lore} K ingsborough, who can scent out
a Hebrew root, be it btiri' il 11' ver so deep, has discovered that the Tioa-
moxtli v>-Xi^ the I'ent.itr'ii.i,. Thm-, /.-, nietuis "divine." an:o''. '' paper "ot
"book," ^w\ rrii'xtH ; '/r ;rf to b'- Moses." "Divine Book of Moses,"!
/ntlq. of .Mexico, vo-:. \ I p. 20.4, no i.

^ AZTEC CIVILIZATION.

perplexed the learned, in regard to the settlement and civiliza
tion of the New.

Besides the hieroglyphical maps, the traditions of the country
were embodied in the songs and hymns, which, as already men-
tioned, were carefully taught in the public schools. These were
various, embracing the mythic legends of a heroic age, the war-
like achievements of their own, or the softer tales of love and
pleasure.'^^ Many of them were composed by scholars and per-
sons of rank, and are cited as affording the most authentic rec-
ord of events.''^ The Mexican dialect was rich and expressive,
though inferior to the Tezcucan, the most polished of the idioms
of Anahuac. None of the Aztec compositions have survived,
but we can form some estimate of the general state of poetic
culture from the odes which have come down to us from the
royal house of Tezcuco.^ Sahagun has furnished us with trans-
lations of their more elaborate prose, consisting of prayers and
public discourses, which give a favorable idea of their elo-
quence, and show that they paid much attention to rhetorical
effect. They are said to have had, also, something like theatri-
cal exhibitions, of a pantomimic sort, in which the faces of the
performers were covered with masks, and the figures of birds or
animals were frequently represented ; an imitation to which they
may have been led by the familiar delineation of such objects in
their hieroglyphics.*" In all this we see the dawning of a liter-
ary culture, surpassed, however, by their attainments in the se-
verer walks of mathematical science.

They devised a system of notation in their arithmetic, suffi-
ciently simple. The first twenty numbers were expressed by a
corresponding number of dots. The first five had specific
names ; after which they were represented by combining the
fifth with one of the four preceding ; as five and one for six,
five and two for seven, and so on. Ten and fifteen had each a
separate name, which was also combined with the first four, to
express a higher quantity. These four, therefore, were the rad

^ Boturini, Idea, pp. 90-97. Clavigero, Stor. del Messico. torn. II. pp.
174-178.

-" " Los cantos con que las observaban Autoies niuy graves en su modo
de ciencia y facultad, pues fue'ron los mismos Reyes, y de la gente mas ilustre
y entendida, que siempre observuron y adquirie'ron la verdad, y esta con
tanta, y razon, quanta pudieron tener los mas graves y fidedignos Autoies."
Ixllilxochitl, Hist. Chich., MS., PrcSlogo.

23 See Chap. 6, of this Introduction.

*^ See some account of these mummeries in ^ ,osta, (lib. 5, cap. 30,)
alio Clavigero (Stor. del Messico, ubi supra). Stone models of masks are
sometimes found among the Indian ruins, and engravings of them are both
in Lord Kingsborough's work, and in the Antiquite's Mexicai.

IHRONOLOGt.

ical characters of their oral arithmetic, in the Same manner aO
they were of the written with the ancient Romans : a more sim-
ple arrangement, probably, than any existing among Euro-
peans.^ Twenty was expressed by a separate hieroglyphic, a
flag. Larger sums were reckoned by twenties, and, in writing,
by repeating the number of tiags. The square of twenty, four
hundred, had a separate sign, that of a plume, and so had the
cube of twenty, or eight thousand, which was denoted by a
purse, or sack. This was the whole arithmetical apparatus of
the Mexicans, by the combination of which they were enabled
to indicate any quantity. For greater expedition, they used to
denote fractions of the larger sums by drawing only a part of
the object. Thus, half or three fourths of a plume, or of a
purse, represented that proportion of their respective sums, and
so on.*^ With all this, the machinery will appear very awkward
to us, who perform our operations with so much ease, by means
of the Arabic, or, rather, Indian ciphers. It is not much more
awkward, however, than the system pursued by the great mathe-
maticians of antiquity, unacquainted with the brilliant invention,
which has given a new aspect to mathematical science, of deter-
mining the value, in a great measure, by the relative position of
the figures.

In the measurement of time, the Aztecs adjusted their civil year
by the solar. They divided it into eighteen months of twenty
days each. Both months and days were expressed by peculiar
hieroglyphics, those of the former often intimating the season
of the year, like the French months, at the period of the Revo-
lution. Plve complementary days, as in Egypt,'" were added, to
make up the full number of three hundred and sixty-five. They
belonged to no month, and were regarded as peculiarly unlucky.
A month was divided into four weeks, of five days each, on the
last of which was the public fair, or market day.'" This arrange-
ment, differing from that of the nations of the Old (Continent,
whether of Europe or Asia,^ has the advantage of giving an

^ Gama, Descri[)cion, Parte 2, Apend 2S.

Gama, in coninaring liie language of Xfexican notation with the dccl-
lal system of the luiropeans. and llie ingenious Ijinary system of Leibnitz,
coafounds oral with written arithmetic.

^ Ibid., ubi supra.

This learned Mexican has given a very satisfactory treatise on the arMi-
nctetic of tlie Aztecs, in liis second part.

** Herodotus, I'jitcr])e, sec. 4.

' Sahagtin, Hist, fie .Vueva Lspafia, lib. 4. Ajjeiul.

According to rUivigaro. the fairs were lield on tlie days bearing the .'^ign
of the year. Stor. del Messi<'o, torn. II. p. (11.

*'' The people of Java, according to Sir Stamford Raffles, regulated their
marketH, also, by a week i>f live days. They luid, besides, our week of

6 AZTEC CIVILIZATION.

equal number of days to each month, and of comprehending en-
tire weeks, without a fraction, both in the month and in the
year.*^

As the year is composed of nearly six hours more than three
hundred and sixty-Jfive days, there still remained an excess,
which, like other nations who have framed a calendar, they pro-
vided for by intercalation ; not, indeed, every fourth year, as
the Europeans,^' but at longer intervals, like some of the
Asiatics.^ They waited till the expiration of fifty-two vague
years, when they interposed thirteen days, or rather twelve and
a half, this being the number which had fallen in arrear. Had
they inserted thirteen, it would have been too much, since the
annual excess over three hundred and sixty-five is about eleven
minutes less than six hours. But, as their calendar, at the time
of the Conquest, was found to correspond with the European,
(making allowance for the subsequent Gregorian reform,) they
would seem to have adopted the shorter period of twelve days
and a half,^ which brought them, within an almost inappreci-

seven. (History of Java. (London, 1S30,) vol. I., pp. 531, 532.) The latter
division of time, of general use throughout the East, is the oldest monument
existing of astronomical science. See La Place, Expositii^n ciu Svstfeme du
Monde, (Paris, 1S08,) lib. 5, chap, i.

** Veytia, Plistoria Antigua de Mejico, (Mejic<3. 1S06,) torn. L cap. 6, 7.
Gama, Descripcion, Parte i, jjp. 33, 34, et alibi. lioturini, Idea, p]3. 4,
44, et seq. Cod. Tel. Rem., ap. Antiq. of Mexico, vol. VL p. KJ4.
Camaruo, Hist, de Tiascala, MS. Toribio, Hist, de los Indios, MS., Parte
\. cap. 5.

'' Sahagun intimates doubts of this. " Otra fiesta hacian de cuatro en
cuatro anos a honra del fuego, y en esta fiesta es verosimil, y hay congeturas
que hacian su vLsicsto contando seis dias de nemontemi^' ; the five unlucky
C()inpiemen;a-y days were so called. (Hist, de Nueva Espafia, l:b. 4, Apend.)
Put this author, however good an authority for the superstitions, is an in-
different one for the science of the Mexicans.

"= The Persians had a cycle of one liundred and twenty years, of three
hundred and sixty-five days each at the end of which they intercalated thirty
days. (Humboldt, Vues dcs Cordilleres, p. 177.) This was tiie same as
thTtccn a'^ter the cvcle of fiftv-two years of the Mexicans ; but it was less
accurate than their probable intercalation of twelve days and a half. Ii is
oL'viously indiff^i-cnt, as far as accuracy is concerned, whicli nuiltipje of four
i."5 selected to form the cvcle ; though the shorter tiie interval of intercalation,
the less of course, will be the temporary departure from the true time,

'' This is t:ie conciusion to which Gama arrives, after a very careful in-
vestigation of the subject. He supposes that the "bundles," or cycles, of
fiftv-f.vo years. bv which, as we shall see, the Mexicans computed time,
ended, alternately, at midnigiit and midclay. (Descripcion, Parte i, p.
52. et seq.) lie finds some warrant for this in Acosta's account, (lib. 6, cap.
2,1 thou;_;n coiuradicted by Torquemada, (Monarch. Ind., liK > cap. 33,)
anri, as it ajjpears, l)y .Sahagun, whose work, however, Gam . never saw,
(H:st. de X:k v,i li-Mafia, lib. 7, c;u). 9.) botli of whom place the close of the
year at midnigli;. (lama's h\iJo:iiesis dt-rive.- confirmation from a circum-
stance I liave not seen not'ced. lle.^ide.^ liic " b-.mdle " of ^_fty-two years, thc

CHKOXOLOGY.

able fraction, to the exact length of the tropical year, as estab-
lished by the most accurate observations.^' Indeed, the inter-
calation of twenty-five days, in every hundred and four year"
shows a nicer adjustment of civil to solar time than is presentea
bv any European calendar ; since more than five centuries must
elapyse, before the loss of an entire day.^' Such was the aston-
ishing precision displayed by the Aztecs, or, perhaps, by their
more polished Toltec predecessors, in these computations, so
difficult as to have bafffed, till a comparatively recent period,
the most enlightened nations of Christendom ! ^^

The chronological system of the Mexicans, by which they de-
termined the date of any particular event, was, also, very re-
Mexicans had a larger cycie of one hundred and four years, called " an old
age." As this was not used in their reckonings, which were carried on by
their " bundles,'' it seems highly probable that it was designed to express
the period which would bring round the commencement of the smaller
cycles to the same hour, and in which the intercalary days, amounting to
twenty-five, might be comprehended without a fraction.

*J This length, as computed by Zach, at 365d. 511. 48m. 48sec., is only
2m. gsec. longer than the Mexican ; wh;\*'.! corresponds with the celebrated
calculation of the astronomers of the Caliph Almamon, that fell short about
two minutes of the true time. See La Place, Exposition, p. 350.

<i ''El corto exceso de 4hor. 38min. 40seg., que hay de mas de los 25dias en
el pen'odo de 104 anos, no puede componer un dia entero, hasta que pasen
mas de cinco de estcs periodos maximos 6 538 anos." Gama, Descripcion,
Parte i, p. 23.) Gama estimates the solar year at 365d. 5h. 48m. 5osec.

'-The ancient Etruscans arranged their calendar in cycles of iiosolat
years, and reckoned the year at 365d. 5h. 40m. ; at least, this seems probable,
says Xiehuhr. (History of Rome, I'.ng. trans., (Cambridge 1828,) vol, T,
p. 113. 23S.) The earlv Romans had not wit enough to avail themselves
of this accurate measurement, which came within nine minutes of tho
true time. The Julian reform, which assumed 365d. 5Jh. as the length ot
the year, erred as much, or rather more, on the other side. And when tho
Europeans, who adopted tliis calendar, landed in Mexico, their reckoning
was nearly eleven days in advance of the exact time, or, in other words^
of the reckoning of the barbarous Aztecs; a remarkable fact.

Gama's researches lead to the conclusion, that tiie year of the new cycla
began with the Aztecs on the ninth of January ; a date considerably earliei
than that usually assigned by the Mexican writers. (Descripcion, Parte i,
pp. 49-52.) Uy postponing the intercalation to the end of fifty-two years, th<j
annual loss of six hours made every fourth vear begin a day earlier. Tims,
the cycle commencing on the ninth of January, the fifth year of it began on
the eighth, the ninth year on the seventh, and so on ; so that the last day of
the series of fifty-two years fell on the twenty-sixth of December, when (he
intercalation of thirteen days rectified the chronology, and carried the com-
nieiicement of the new year to the ninth of January again. Torquemada,
puz/.led by the irregularity of the new-vcar's day, asserts that the Mexicans
were unacfpiainted with the annual excess of six hours, and therefore never
intercalated ! (Monarch. Ind., lil). 10, cap. 36.) The interpreter of the Vati-
can Codex has fallen into a series cjf blunders on the same subject, still more
ludicrous. (Antiq. of Mexi( o, vol. VI. PI. 16.) So soon had Aztec scienct
iallen into oblivion, after the Conquest)

^8 AZTEC CIVILIZATIOA\

markalble. T' e epo'"';, from which they reckoned, corresponded

with tlie ye<a.. 1091, -^f the Christian era. It was the period of
the reform of their calendar, soon after their migration from
Aztlan. They threw the years, as already noticed, into great
cycles, of fifty-two each, which they called "sheafs," or "bun-
dles,"' and represented by a quantity of reeds bound together
by a string. As often as this hieroglyphic occurs in their maps,
it shows the number of half centuries. To enable them to
specify any particular year, they divided the great cycle into four
smaller cycles, or indictions, of thirteen years each. They then
adopted two periodical series of signs, one consisting of their
numerical dots, up to thirteen, the other, of four hieroglyphics
of the years.*^ These latter they repeated* in regular succession,
setting against each one a number of the corresponding series
of dots, continued also in regular succession up to thirteen.
The same system was pursued through the four indictions, which
thus, it will be observed, began always with a different hiero-
glyphic of the year from the preceding ; and in this way, each of
the hieroglyphics was made to combine successively with each
of the numerical signs, but never twice with the same ; since
four, and thirteen, the factors of fifty-two, the number of years
in the cycle, must admit of just as many combinations as are
equal to their product. Thus every year had its appropriate
symbol, by which it was, at once, recognized. And this symbol,
preceded by the proper number of "bundles," indicating the
half centuries, showed the precise time which had elapsed since
the national epoch of 1091.'" The ingenious contrivance of a
periodical series, in place of the cumbrous system of hieroglyph-
ical notation, is not peculiar to the Aztecs, and is to be found
among various people, on the Asiatic continent, the same in
principle, though varying materially in arrangement.*^

*' These hieroglyphics were a " rabbit," a " reed," a " flint," a ' house."
The\ were taken as symbolical of the four elements, air, water, fire, earth,
according 10 Veytia. (Hist. Antig. , torn. I. cap. 5.) It is not easy to see
the conne:\i()n between the terms '' rabbit '" and ' air," whicli lead the re-
spective series.

* The foiiowin.q table of two of the four indictions of thirteen -ears each
wi:; make the te.vt more clear. The first column shows the actual year of the
great cycle, or ' bimdle." The second, tb.e numerical doti used in their

'' An'iO!;g ihe Chinese, Japanese, Moghols. Mantchous, and other families
of the Tar'ar ri:ce. Their series are composed of symbols of their five ele^
ment-. and tne twelve zodiacal signs making a cycle of sixty years' duration.
Their sever.Hl system^; are exhibited, in connection with the Mexican, in the
lumintius p.iL'es .if Humboldt, (Vues dfes Cordillores, p. 149,) who draws im-
portant con^;-fiiienceb from the comparison, to which we shall have occasion
to return hereafter.

CHRONOLOGY.

The solar calendar, above described, might have answered
all the purposes of the nation ; but the priests chose to con-
arithmetic. The third is composed of their hieroglyphics for rabbit, reed,
flint, house, in their regular order.

First Indiction. [

Second iMCjie'i'ieN.

Year
of ihe
Cyclo.

"Year
of ths
Cycle.

14.

. .

f>?

15,

16.

....

17.

<8f

18.

! * ' * *

fY?

19.

M * * '

20.

'. . ' '

','.'.'

21.

.' . . .

23.

! '*!^i

fVf

23.

^
E

11.

,;* ' '- '

24.

IS,

i.'.-.' >: * !J ^'

!"!!*! !

13.

26.

: : :

fff

By pursuing the combinations through the two remaining Indictions, it
will be found that the same ninuber (jf dots will never coincide with the same
hieroglyphic.

These tables are generally thrown into the form of wheels, as are those,
also, of their months and days, having a very pretty effect. Several have
been published, at different times, from the collections of Siguenza and
Boturini. The wheel of the great cycle of fifty-two years is encompassed I'y

lOo AZTEC CHRONOLOGY.

Struct another for them^slves. This was called a " lunar reckon.

ing," though nowis'" accommodated to the revolutions of the
moon.* It was formed, also, of two periodical series, one of
them consisting of thirteen numerical signs, or dots, the other,
of the twenty hieroglyphics of the days. But, as the product of
these combinations would only be 260, and, as some confusion
might arise from the repetition of the same terms for the remain-
ing 105 days of the year, they invented a third series, consisting
of nine additional hieroglyphics, which, alternating with the two
preceding series, rendered it impossible that the three should
coincide twice in the same year, or indeed in less than 2340
days; since 20x13X9=2340.^' Thirteen was a mystic number
of frequent use in their tables.'*^ Why they resorted to that of
nine, on this occasion, is not so clear. -^^

a serpent, which was also the symbol of ' an age," both with the Persians
and Egyptians. Father Toribio seems to misapprehend the nature of these
chronological wheels; ' Tenian rodelas y escudos. y en ellas pintadas las
figuras y armas de sus Demonios con su blason."' Hist, de los Indios. MS.,
Parte l, cap. 4.

^" In this calendar, the months of the tropical year were distributed into
cycles of thirteen days, which, being repeated twenty times. the luunber of
days in a solar month, completed the lunar, or astrological, year of 260 days;
when the reckoning liegan again. "By the contrivance of these trecenas
(terms of thirteen days) and the cycle of fifty-two years," says Gama, " they
formed a luni-solar period, most exact for astronomical purposes." (Descrip-
cion. Parte i, p. 27.) He acids, that these trecettas v/tre suggested by the
periods in which the moon is visible before and after, conjunction. (Loc.
cit.) It seems hardly possible that a people, capable of constructing a cal-
endar so accurately on the true principles of solar time, should so grossly err
as to suppose, that, in this reckoning, they really "' represented the daily
revolutions of the moon," "The whole Eastern world," says the learned
Niebuhr, " has followed the moon in its calendar ; the free scientific division
of a vast portion of time is peculiar to the West. Connected with the
Weit is that primeval extinct world which we call the New." History of
Rome. vol. I. p. 239.

^''J'hey were named "' cotnpanions." and " lords of the night," and were
suppo.ied to preside over the night, as the other signs did over the day.
Boturini, Idea. p. 57.

^" rivis. their astrological year was divided into months of thirteen days,
there were thirteen years in their indictions, which contained each three
hundred and sixty-five periods of thirteen days, &c. It is a curious fact, that
the number of lunar months of thirteen days, contained in a cycle of fifty-two
years, witi: the intercahuion, should correspond precisely with the number of
yesr.s in the great Sothic period of the Egyptians, namely. 1491 ; a period, in
wh)ch the -easons and festivals came round to the same place in the year
aga!;i.. The C'jii-.cidence maybe accidental. But a people employing periodi-
cal s'-ries. n.r,(t astrolo:;ical calculations, have generally some meaning in the
nuniii'jrs tiiey .^eicct and th'. combinations to which they lead.

^'' Arc irr'::,;T ;,, Gama, (I.)escripcion. Parte I pp, 75, 76,) because 360
can be divided bv nine without a fraction ; the nine "companions " not being
attached to the five complementary davs. But 4, a mystic number much used
in their arithmetical combinations, would have answered the same purpose.

CHRONOLOGY. loi

This second calendar rouses a holy indignation in the early
Spanish missionaries, and father Sahagun loudly condems it, as
"most unhallowed, since it is founded neither on natural reason,
nor on the influence of the planets, nor on the true course of the
year ; but it is plainly the work of necromancy, and the fruit ot
a compact with the Devil!"*' One may doubt, whether the
superstition of those who invented the scheme was greater than
that of those who thus impugned it. At all events, we may, with-
out having recourse to supernatural agency, find in the human
heart a sutficient explanation of its origin ; in that love of power,
that has led the priesthood of many a faith to affect a mystery,
the key to which was in their own keeping.

By means of this calendar, the Aztec priests kept their own
records, regulated the festival^ and seasons of sacrifice, and
made all their astrological calculations.^^ The false science of
astrology is natural to a state of society partially civilized,
where the mind, impatient of the slow and cautious examination
by which alone it can arrive at truth, launches, at once, into
the regions of speculation, and rashly attempts to lift the veil,
the impenetrable veil, which is drawn around the mysteries
of nature. It is the characteristic of true science, to discern
the impassable, but not very obvious, limits which divide the
province of reason from that of speculation. Such knowledge

equally well. In regard to this, McCulloh observes, with much shrewdness,
" It seems impossible that the Mexicans so careful in constructing their cycle.
should abruptly terminate it with 360 revolutions, whose natural period of
termination is 2340." And he supposes the nine "companions" were used
in connexion with the cycles of 260 days, in order to throw them into the
larger ones, of 2340; eight of which, witfi a ninth of 260 days, he ascertains
to be equal to the great solar period of 52 years. (Researches, pp. 207, 208.)
This is very plausible. But in fact the combinations of the two first series,
forming the cycle of 260 days, were alwavs interrupted at the end of the year,
since each new vear began with the same hieroglyphic of the days. The third
series of the " companions " was intermitted, as above stated, on the five
unlucky days which closed the year, in order, if we may believe Boturini,
that the first day of the solar year might have annexed to it the first of the
nine "companions," which signified "lord of the year" ; (Idea, p. 57 ;) a
result which might have been equally well secured, without any intermission
at all, bv taking 5, another favorite number, instead of 9, as the divisor. As
it was, however, the cycle, as far as the third .series was concerned, did termi-
nate with 360 revolutions. The subject is a perplexing one; and I can hardly
hope to have presented it in such a manner as to make it perfectly clear to
the reader.

^' Hist, de Nueva Espafia, lib. 4, Introd.

^' " Dansles pavs les plus differetits," says Benjamin Constant, concluding
some sensible reflections on the sources of the sacerdotal powi :, " chez les
pcuples de manirs les plus opposoes, le sacerdoce a dtl an mltc dcs elements
et des astres un i)ouvoir drmt aujourd'hui nous cimcevrns a peine I'idee."
De la Religion, (I'aris, 1S25,) lib. 3, ch. ^. -ir 1 -i

, J - Vol. 1

,02 AZTEC CIVTLIZA TIOM

comes tardily. How many ages have rolled away, in which
powers, that, rightly directed, might have revealed the great law
of nature, have been wasted in brilliant, but barren, reveries on
alchemy and astrology !

The latter is more particularly the study of a primitive agej
when the mind, incapable of arriving at the stupendous fact>
that the myriads of minute lights, glowing in the firmament, are
the centres of systems as glorious as our own, is naturally led
to speculate on their probable uses, and to connect them in some
way or other with man, for whose convenience every other object
in the universe seems to have been created. As the eye of the
simple child of nature watches, through the long nights, the
stately march of the heavenly bodies, and sees the bright hosts
coming up, one after another, and changing with the changing
seasons of the year, he naturally associates them with those
seasons, as the periods over which they hold a mysterious in-
fluence. In the same manner, he connects their appearance
with any interesting event of the time, and explores, in their
flaming characters, the destinies of the newborn infant.^^ Such
is the origin of astrology, the false lights of which have continued
from the earliest ages to dazzle and bewilder mankind, till they
have faded away in the superior illumination of a comparatively
recent period.

The astrological scheme of the Aztecs was founded less on
the planetary influences, than on those of the arbitrary signs
they had adopted for the months and days. The character of
the leading sign, in each lunar cycle of thirteen days, gave a
complexion to the whole ; though this was qualified, in some
degree, by the signs of the succeeding days, as well as by those
of the hours. It was in adjusting these conflicting forces that
the great art of the diviner was shown. In no country, not even
in ancient Egypt, were the dreams of the astrologer more im-
plicity deferred to. On the birlli of a child, he was instantly
summoned. The time of the event was accuratelv ascertained ;
and the family hung in trembling suspense, as the minister of
Heaven cast the horoscope of the infant, and unrolled the dark

*^ " It is a gentle and affectionate tliought,
That, in immeasurable heiglits above us.
At our first birth the wreath of love was woven
With sparkling stars for flowers."

Coi.RRiDGR, Translation of Wallenstein, Act 2, sc. 4.

Schiller is more true to poetry than history, when he tells us. in the beau-
tiful passage of which this is part, that the worship of the stars took the
place of classic mythology. It existed long before ic.

ASTRONOMY. lO,

volume of destiny. The influence of the priest was confessed
by the Mexican, in the very first breath which he inhaled.**

We know little further of the astronomical attainments of the
Aztecs. That they were acquainted with the cause of eclipses
is evident from the representation, on their maps, of the disk of
the moon projected on that of the sun." Whether they had
arranged a system of constellations is uncertain ; though, that
they recognized some of the most obvious, as the Pleiades, for
example, is evident from the fact that they regulated their festivals
by them. We know of no astronomical instruments used by
them, except the dial."" An immense circular block of carved
stone, disinterred in 1790, in the great square in Mexico, has
supplied an acute and learned scholar with the means of estab-
lishing some interesting facts in regard to Mexican science.*"
This colossal fragment, on which the calendar is engraved, shows
that they had the means of settling the hours of the day with
precision, the periods of the solstices and of the equinoxes, and
that of the transit of the sun across the zenith of Mexico.^^

^ Gama has given us a complete almanac of the astrological year, with the
appropriate signs and divisions, showing with what scientific skill it was
adapted to its various uses. (Descripcion, Parte i, pp. 25-31 ; 62-76.) Sa-
hagun has devoted a whole book to explaining the mystic import and value
of these signs, with a minuteness that may enable one to cast up a scheme of
nativity for himself. (Hist, de Nueva Espafia,lib. 4.) It is evident he fully
believed the magic wonders which he told. " It was a deceitful art," he
says, " pernicious and idolatrous ; and was never contrived by human reason."
Tlie gocjd father was certainly no philosopher.

*^ See, among others, the Cod. Tel. -Rem., Part 4, PI. 22, ap. Antiq. of
Mexico, vol. I.

'" ' It can hardly be doubted," says Lord Kingsborough, " that the Mexi-
cans were acquainted with many scientifical instruments of strange invention,
as compared with our own ; whether the telescope may not have been of the
number is uncertain; but the thirteenth plate of M. Dupaix's Monuments,
Part Second, which represents a man holding something of a similar nature
to iiis eye, affc^rds reason to suppose that they knew how to improve the pow-
ers of vision." (Antiq. of Mexico, vol. VT. p. 15, note.) The instrument
alluded to is rudelv carved on a conical rock. It is raised no higher than
the neck of the person who holds it, and looks to my thinking as muoL
like a musket as a telescope; though I shall not infer the use of firearms
among the Aztecs from this circumstance. (See vol. TV. PI. 15.) Captain
Dunaix, however, in his commentary on the drawing, sees quite as nmch in it
as his Lordship. Ibid., vol. V. p. 24 r.

*' (lama, Descripcion, Parte i,soc. 4 ; Parte 2, Apend.

Presides this colossal fragment, Cama met with some others, designed, prob-
ably, for similar scientific uses, at ChapoUepec. Before he had leisure to
examine them, however, they were broken \\\i for materials to build a fur
".a^e I A fate not unlike that which has too often befallen the monuments of
ancient art in the Old World.

^' In his second treatise on the cylindrical stone, Ciama (iwells more at
large on its scientific construction, as a vertical sun-dial, in ord('r to dispel

,o_^ AZTEC CIVILIZATION.

We cannot contemplate the astronomical science of the Me*.
leans, so disproportioned to their progress in other walks of civ
iiization, without astonishment. An acquaintance with some of
the more obvious principles of astronomy is within the reach of
the rudest people. With a little care, they may learn to connect
the regular changes of the seasons with those of the place of the
sun at his rising and setting. They may follow the march of the
great luminary through the heavens, by watching the stars that
first brighten on his evening track, or fade in his morning beams.
They may measure a revolution of the moon, by marking her
phases, and may even form a general idea of the number of such
revolutions in a solar year. But that they should be capable of
accurately adjusting their festivals by the movements of the
heavenly bodies, and should fix the true length of the tropical
year, with a precision unknown to the great philosophers of an-
tiquity, could be the result only of a long series of nice and pa
tient observations, evincing no slight progress m civilization."
But whence could the rude inhabitants of these mountain regions
have derived this curious erudition ? Not from the barbarous
hordes who roamed over the higher latitudes of the North ; nor
from the more polished races on the Southern conthient, with
whom, it is apparent, they had no intercourse. If we are driven,
in our embarrassment, like the greatest astronomer of our age
to seek the solution among the civilized communities of Asia,
we shall still be perplexed by finding, amidst general resemblance
of outline, sufficient discrepancy in the details, to tindicate, in
the judgments of many, the Aztec claim to originality.^

I shall conclude the account of Mexican science, with that of
a remarkable festival, celebrated by the natives at the termi-
nation of the great cycle of fifty-two years. We have seen, in the
preceding chapter, their tradition of the destruction of the
world at four successive epochs. They looked forward confi-

the doubts of some sturdy sceptics on this point. (Descripcion, Parte 2.
Apend. i.) The civil day was distributed by the Mexicans into sixteen parts;
and began, like that of most of the Asiatic nations, with sunrise. M. de
Humboldt, who probably never saw Gama's second treatise, allows only
eight intervals. Vues des Cordileres, p. 128.

''" Un calendrier," exclaims the enthusiastic Carli, "qui est regie' sur la
I'^volution annuelle du soleil, non seulement par I'addition de cinq jours toua
les .ins, mais encore par la correction du bissextile, doit sans doute etre re-
gardi; comme une operation de'duile d'une e'tude re'fle'chie, et d'une grande
conibinaison. II faut done supposer chez ces peuples une suite d'observa-
tions astronomiciues, une idee distincte de la sphere, de la declinaison de
re'cHptique, et I'usage d"un calcul concernant les juurs et les heures des ap-
paritions solaires," Lettres Americaines, tom. I. let. 23.

*' La Place, who suggests the analogy, frankly admits the difficulty,
Syst^me du Monde, lib. 5, ch j.

ASTROXOMY.

los

dently to another such catastrophe, to take place, like the pre-
ceding, at the close of a cycle, when ihe sun was to be effaced
from the heavens, the human race, from the earth, and when
the darkness of chaos was lo settle on the habitable globe. The
cycle would end in the latter part of December, and, as the
dreary season of the winter solstice approached, and the dimin-
ished light of day gave melancholy presage of its speedy exiinc-
tion, their apprehensions increased ; and, on the arrival of the
five " unlucky " days which closed the year, ihey abandoned
themselves to despair.**' 'rhe\' broke in pieces the little images
of their household gods, in whom they no longer trusted. The
holy fires were suffered to go out in the temples, and none were
lighted in their own dwellings. Their furniture and domestic
uien.siis were destroyed; their garments torn in pieces; and
everything was thrown into disorder, for the coming of the evil
genii who were to descend on the desolate earth

On the evening of the last day, a procession of priests, assum-
ing the dress and ornaments of their gods, moved from the cap-
ital towards a lofty mountain, about two leagues distant. They
carried with them a noble victim, the flower of their captives, and
an apparatus for kindling the /lewjifr, the success of which was
an augury of the rei^ewal of the cvcle. On reaching the summit
of the mountain, the procession paused till midnight ; when, as
the constellation of the Pleiades approached the zenith,^ the
nezu fire was kindled by the friction of the sticks placed on the
wounded breast of the victim.'^* The flame was soon communi-
cated to a funeral pile, on which the body of the slaughtered
captive wis thrown. As the light streamed up towards heaven,
sliouts of iov and triumph burst forth from the countless multi-
tudes who covered the hills, the terraces of the temples and the

' M. Jomard errs in placing the nav fire, with which ceremony the old
cvcle i)r')pcrly concluded, at the winter solstice. It was not till the 26th day
of December, if Gama is right. The cause of M. Jomard's error is his fixing
it btffjre, instead uf after, the complementarv days. See his sensible letter
on '.iie Aztec calendar, in the Vucs ties Cordilleres p. 309.

' ' At the actual moment of their culmination, accordin'.j to botn Sahagun
(Mst. (le Xueva Kspana, lib. 4, Apend.) and 'rorcpiemada (Mo!i;irch. Ind.,
\\'.\ 10, cap. -Tj^, 36). Hut this conid not be, as thai took place at midnight,
in X ivcmbor; so late as the last secular festival, which was earl\ in Monte-
zunia's reign, in 1507. (Gama, Descripcion, Pari-.- i, p. 50. nota. Ihmiboldt,
Vnr>^-. des rordillere-, pp. rSr. 1S2. ; '!'h'- lonL'cr we [)osti)one the beginningof
the new cycle, the greater stTil mii-t be tii" discre;)ancy.

Hi " C)ii his bare brta.st tlii> cedar bnuKhs are laid ;

On bis bare breast, drv ^ud^e and odorous gums
Lay ready to ri-ceive the sacred spark
And bla/.e, to lii-r.iM til'; ascimdiuf; Sun,
Upoi; his iiving altar. "

South by' s Madoc, part 3, canto ^

jo6

AZTEC civilization:

house-tops, wit^ : ye: 'anxiously bent on the mount of sacrifice.
Couriers, with torches lighted at the blazing beacon, rapidly bore
t.hem over very part of the country ; and the cheering element
was seen brightening on altar and hearthstone, for the circuit of
many a league, long before the sun, rising on his accustomed
track, gave assurance that a new cycle had commenced its march,
and that the laws of nature were not to be reversed for the
Aztecs.

The following thirteen days were given up to festivity. The
houses were cleansed and whitened. The broken vessels were
replaced by new ones. The people, dressed in their gayest ap-
parel, and crowned with garlands and chaplets of flowers,
thronged in joyous procession, to offer up their oblations and
thanksgivings in the temples. Dances and games were instituted,
emblematical of the regeneration of the world. It was the car-
nival of the Aztecs ; or rather the national jubilee, the great
secular festival, like that of the Romans, or ancient Etruscans,
which few alive had witnessed before, or could expect to see
again.^

6-^ I borrow the words of the summons by which the people were called
to the ludi secidares. the secular games of ancient Rome, " quos nee spectdsset
quistjtmm, nee speetatuyus esset." (Suetonius, Vita Tib. Claudii, lib. 5.) The
old Mexican chroniclers warm into something like eloquence in their descrip-
tions of the Aztec festival, (Torquemada, Monarch. Ind., lib. 10, cap. 33.
Toribio, Hist de los Indios, MS., Parte i, cap. 5. Sahagun, Hist, de
Nueva Espana, lib. 7, cap. 9-12. See also, Gama Descripcion, Parte i, pp.
52-54, Clavigero, Stor. del Messico, torn. H. pp. 84-86. ) The English
reader will find a more brilliant coloring of the same scene in tha canto of
Madoc, above cited, " On the Close of the Century."

M. de Humboldt remarked, many years ago. It were to be wished that
some government would publish at its own expense the remains of the an-
cient American civilization ; for it is only by the comparison of several monu-
ments, that we can succeed in discovering the meaning of these allegories,
which are partly astronomical, and partly mystic." This enlightened wish
has now been realized, not by any government, but by a private individual
Lord Kingsborough. The great work, published under his auspices, and so
often cited in this Introduction, appeared in London in 1830. When com-
pleted, it will reach to nine volumes, seven of which are now before the
public. Some idea of its magnificence maybe formed by those who have not
seen it, from the fact, that copies of it, with colored plates, sold originally at
175. and, with uncolored, at 120. The price has been since much
reduced. It is designed to exhibit a complete view of the ancient Aztec MSS.,
with such few interpretations as exist ; the beautiful drawings of Castaneda
relating to Central America, with the commentary of Dupaix; the unpub
lished history of father Sahagun; and, last, not least, the copious annotations
of his Lordship.

Too much cannot be said of the mechanical execution of the book, its

LORD KIXGSBOKOUGH.

107

splendid typography, the apparent accuracy and the delicacy of the drawings,
and the sumptuous quality of the materials. Yet the purchaser would have
been saved some superfluous expense, and the reader nuich inconvenience,
if the letter-press had been in volumes of an ordinary size. But it is not
uncommon, in works on this magnificent plan, to find utility in some measure
sacrificed to show.

The collection of Aztec MSS., if not perfectly complete, is very extensive
and reflects great credit on the diligence and research of the compiler. It
strikes one as strange, however, that not a single document should have
been drawn from Spain. Peter Martyr speaks of a number having been
brought thither in his time. (De Insulis nuper Inventis, p. 368.) The Mar-
quis Spineto examined one in the Escuriai, being the same with the Mendoza
Codex, and perhaps the original, since that at Oxford is but a copy. (Lec-
tures, lee. 7.) Mr. Waddilove, chaplain of the British embassv to Spain, gave
a particular account of one to Dr. Robenson, which he saw in the same
library, and considered an Aztec calendar. Indeed, it is scarcelv possible
that the frequent voyagers to the New World should not have furnished the
mother-country with abundant specimens of ihis most interesting feature of
Aztec civilization. Nor should we fear that the present liberal government
would seclude these treasures from the inspection of the scholar.

Much cannot be said in favor of the arrangement of these codices. In
some of them, as the Mendoza Codex, for example, the plates are not even
numbered ; and one who would study them by the corresponding interpreta-
tions, must often bewilder himself in the maze of b.ieroglyphics, without a
clue to guide him. Neither is there any attempt to enlighten us as to tlie
positive value and authenticity of the respective documents, or even their
previous history beyond a barren reference to the particular library from
which they have been borrowed. Little light, indeed can be expected on
these matters ; but we have not that little. The defect of arrangement is
chargeable on other parts of the work. Thus, for instance, the sixth book of
Sahagun is transferred from the body of the history to which it belongs, to a
preceding volume; while the grand hy])othesis of liis lordship, for which the
work was concocted, is huddled into notes, hitched on random passages of the
text, with a good deal less connection than the stories of queen Scheherazade,
in the " Arabian Nights," and not quite so entertaining.

The drift of Lord Kingsborough's sjjeculations is, to establish the colon-
ization of Mexico by the Israelites. To this the wliole battery of his logic
and learning is directed. For this hieroglyphics are unriddled, manuscripts
compared, monuments delineated. His theory, however, whatever be its
merits, will scarcely become popular; since, instead of being exhibited in a
clear and comprehensive form, readily embraced by the mind, it is spread
over an infinite number of notes, thickly sprinkled with quotations, from lan-
guages ancient and modern, till the weary reader, floundering about in the
ocean of fragments, with no light to guide him, feels like Milton's Devil,
working his way through chaos,

'' neither sea
Nur good dry land : i.i^li fuundcred, on !r- fares."

7t would be unjust, however, not to admit that the noble author, if his
logic is n(jt alwa\.-> ( ouvincing, shows nuicli acutenc^s ia detecting analogies;
that he dib])lavs familiarity with his subject, and a fluid of erudition, though
it often runs to waste ; that whatever be the defects of arrangement, he has
brought together a most rich (ollecti(;n of im])iiblished materi;ds to illustrate
the .Aztec , and in a wider sense, .Ameriran anticiuities ; anfi that, by this
munificent underiakinjj, which no government, probably, would have,

,o8 AZTEC CIVILIZATION-.

and few individuals coul<^ x;ut , executed, he has entitled himself to the lasting
gratitude of every friend of . cience.

Another writer, whose works must be diligently consulted by every student
of Mexican antiquities, is Antonio Gama. His life contains as few incidents
as those of most scholars. He was born at Mexico, in 1735, of a respectable
family, and was bred to the law. He early showed a preference for mathe-
matical studies, conscious that in this career lay his strength. In 1771, he
communicated his observations on the eclipse of that year to the French
astronomer M. de Lalande, who published them in Paris, with high commen-
dations, of the author. Gama's increasing reputation attracted the attention
of government ; and he was employed by it, in various scientific labors of im-
portance. His great passion, however, was the study of Indian antiquities.
He made himself acquainted with the history of the native races, their tradi-
tions, their languages, and, as far as possible, their hieroglyphics. He had
an oportunity of showing the fruits of this preparatory training, and his skill
as an antiquary, on the discovery of the great calendar-stone, in 1790. He
produced a masterly treatise on this, and another Aztec monument, explain-
mg the objects to which they were devoted, and pouring a flood of light on
the astronomical science of the Aborigines, their mvthology, and their astro-
logical system. He afterwards continued his investigations in the same path
and wrote treatises on the dial, hieroglyphics, and arithmetic of the Indians.
These, however, were not given to the v/orld till a few years since, when
they were publislied, together with a reprint of the former work, under the
auspices of the industrious Bustamante. Gama died in 1802; leaving behind
him a reputation for great worth in private life ; one, in which the bigotry,
that seems to enter too frequently into the character of the Spanish-Mexican,
was tempere'l by the liberal feelings of a man of science. His reputation as
a writer stands high for patient acquisition, accuracy and acuteness. His
conclusions are neither warped by the love of theory so common in the phil-
osopher, nor by the easy credulity so natural to the antiquary. He feels his
way with the caution of a mathematician, whose steps are demonstrations.
M, de Humboldt was largely indebted to his first vork, as he has emphati-
cally acknowledged. But not withstanding the eulogiums of this popular
writer, and his own merits, Gama's treatises are rarely met with out of New
Spain, and his name can hardly be said to have a transatlantic reputafion.

AGRICUL TURK

109

CHAPTER V.

Aztec Agriculture. Mechanical Arts. Merchants.
Domestic Manners.

It is hardly possible that a nation, so far advanced as the
Aztecs in mathemaiical science, should not have made consider-
able progress in the mechanical arts, which are so nearly con-
nected with it. Indeed, intellectual progress of any kind implies
a degree of refinement, that requires a certain cultivation of
both useful and elegant art. The savage, wandering through
the wide forest, without shelter for his head, or raiment for his
back, knows no other wants than those of animal appetites ; and,
when they are satisfied, seems to himself to have answered the
only ends of existence. But man, in society, feels numerous
desires, and artificial tastes spring up, accommodated to the
various relations in which he is placed, and perpetually
stimulating his invention to devise new expedients to gratify
them.

There is a wide ditterence in the mechanical skill of different
nations ; but the difference is still greater in the inventive
power which directs this skill, and makes it available. Some
nations seem to have no power beyond that of imitation ; or, if
they possess invention, have it in so low a degree, that they are
constantly repeating the same idea, without a shadow of altera-
tion or improvement ; as the bird builds precisely the same
kind of nest which those of its own species built at the beginning
of the world. Such, for example, are the Chinese, who have,
probably, been familiar for ages with the germs of some dis-
coveries, of little practical benefit to themselves, but which,
under the influence of European genius, have reached a dcj^^ee
of excellence, that has wrought an important change ia the coa-
stitution of society.

Far from looking back, and forming itself slavishly on the
past, it is characteristic of the Kiiropean intellect to be ever on
^He advance. Old discoveries become the basis of new ones.
It passes onward from truth to truth, connecting the whole by a
succession of links, as it were, into the great chain of science
which is to encircle and bind together the uni\erse. The light
of lear-ning is shed over the labors of art. New avenues are*

J , O AZ TEC CI VI LIZ A flON.

opened for the communication both of person and of thought

New facilities are devised for subsistence. Personal comforts,
of every kind, are inconceivably multiplied, and brought within
the reach of the poorest. Secure of these, the thoughts travel
into a nobler region than that of the senses ; and the appliances
of art are made to minister to the demands of an elegant taste,
and a higher mora! culture.

The same enlightened spirit, applied to agriculture, raises it
from a mere mechanical drudgery, or the barren formula of
traditional precepts, to the dignity of a science. As the com-
position of the earth is analyzed, man learns the capacity of the
soil that he cultivates ; and, as his empire is gradually extended
over the elements of nature, he gains the power to stimulate her
to her most bountiful and various production. It is with satis-
faction that we can turn to the land of our fathers, as the one in
which the experiment has been conducted on the broadest scale,
and attended with results that the world has never before wit*
nessed. With equal truth, we may point to the Anglo-Saxon
race in both hemispheres, as that whose enterprising genius has
contributed most essentially to the great interests of humanity,
by the application of science to the useful arts.

Husbandry, to a very limited extent, indeed, was practised
by most of the rude tribes of North America. Wherever a
natural opening in the forest, or a rich strip of interval, met
their eyes, or a green slope was found along the rivers, they
planted it with beans and Indian corn.^ The cultivation was
slovenly in the extreme, and could not secure the improvident
natives from the frequent recurrence of desolating famines.
Still, that they tilled the soil at all was a peculiarity which hon*
orably distinguished them from other tribes of hunters, and
raised them one degree higher in the scale of civilization.

Agriculture in Mexico was in the same advanced state as the
other arts of social life. In few countries, indeed, has it been
more respected. It was closely interwoven witii the civil and
religious institutions of the nation. There were peculiar deities
to preside over it ; the names of the months and of the religious
fesLi\'als had more or less reference to it. The public taxes, as
we have seen, were often paid in agricultural produce. All,
except tlie soldiers and great nobles, even the inhabitants

^'I'his latter grr\in, according to Humboldt, was found by the Europeans in
the New World, from the South of Chili to Pennsylvania'; (Essai Politique,
torn. II. p. 408 ;) he might have added, to the St. Lawrence. Our Puritaa
fathers found it in abundance on the New England coast, wherever they landed
See Morton, _ New England's Memorial, (Boston. 1826,) p. 68- Gookin, Masssk.
chusetts Historical < oilections, chap. 3.

AGRICULTURE. Hi

of the cities, cultivated the soil. The work was chiefly done by
the men , the women scattering the seed, husking the corn, and
taking part only in the lighter labors of the field.* In this they
presented an honorable contrast to the other tribes of the con-
tinent, who imposed the burden of agriculture, severe as it is in
the North, on their women.* Indeed, the sex was as tenderly
regarded by the Aztecs in this matter, as it is, in most parts of
Europe, at the present day.

There was no want of judgment in the management of their
ground. When somewhat exhausted, it was permitted to recover
by lying fallow. Its extreme dryness was relieved by canals,
with which the land was partially irrigated; and the same end
was promoted by severe penalties against the destruction of the
woods, with which the country, as already noticed, was well cov-
ered before the Conquest. Lastly, they provided for their har-
vests ample granaries, which were admitted by the Conquerors
to be of admirable construction. In this provision we see the
forecast of civilized man.*

Among the most important arcticles of husbandry, we may
notice the banana, whose facility of cultivation and exuberant
returns are so fatal to habits of systematic and hardy industry.'
Another celebrated plant was the cacao, the fruit of which

'Torquemada, Monarch. Ind., lib. 13, cap. 31.

" Admirable example for our times," exclaims the good father, " when
women are not only unfit for the labors of the field, but have too much levity
to attend to their own household ! "

^ A striking contrast also to the Egyptians, with whom some antiquaries
are disposed to identify the ancient Mexicans. Sophocles notices the effem-
inacy of the men in Egypt, who stayed at home tending the loom, while their
wives were employed in severe labors out of doors.

^v(ji.v KareiKacrdivTe koI piov Tpo<pdi.
'Ekca yap oi fjAv (Lpcreves Kara ar^yai
QaKovaiv icrTovpyovvre^ ' ai oe ff'JvvofjM
Td^o) liiov rpocpeia wopcfuvova dsi."

SopHOCL., CEdip Col., V. 337-341.

*Torquemada, Monarch. Ind., lib. 13, cap 32. Clavigero, Stor. del Mes-
sico, torn II. pp. 153-155.

" Jamas pedecieron hambre." savs the former writer, sinu en pocas oca-
siones." If these famines were rare, they were very distressing, however,
and lasted very lor.g. Comp. Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., MS., cap 41, 71,
t alibi.

^ Oviedo considers the musa an important: plant; and Hernandez, in his
copious catalogue, makes no mention of it at all. But Humboldt, wh(j has
given much attention to it, concludes, that if some species were brought into
the country, others were indigenous. (Essai Politi(jue, torn. H. pi>. 382-388 )
If we may credit Clavigero, the bananas was the forbidden fruit that tempted
our poor mother Eve I Stor. del Messicc, torn. 1. p. 49. nota.

112

AZTEC CIVILIZATION.

furnished the chocolate, from the Mexican chocolatl,^-^n<yK 86
common a beverage throughout Europe,* The vanilla, confined
to a small district of the seacoast, was used for the same pur-
poses, of flavoring their food and drink, as with us/ The great
staple of the country, as, indeed, of the American continent,
was maize, or Indian corn, which grew freely along the valleys,
and up the steep sides of the Cordilleras to the high level of
the table-land. The Aztecs were as curious in its preparation,
and as well intructed in its manifold uses, as the most expert
New England housewife. Its gigantic stalks, in these equinoctial
regions, afford a saccharine matter, not found to the same ex-
tent in northern latitudes, and supplied the natives with sugar
little inferior to that of the cane itself, which was not intro-
duced among them till after the Conquest.* But the miracle of
nature was the great Mexican aloe, or maguey, whose clustering
pyramids of flowers, towering above their dark coronals of
leaves, were seen sprinkled over many a broad acre of the
table-land. As we have already noticed, its bruised leaves
afforded a paste from which paper was manufactured ; ^ its juice
was fermented into an intoxicating beverage, /a/^z/^, of which
the natives, to this day, are excessively fond ; ^'"' its leaves
further supplied an impenetrable thatch for the more humble
dwellings ; thread, of which coarse stuffs were made, and strong
cords, were drawn from its tough and twisted fibres ; pins and
needles were made of the thorns at the extremity of its leaves;
and the root, when properly cooked, was converted into a palat-
able and nutritious food. The agave, in short, was meat, drink,
clothing, and writing materials, for the Aztec ! Surely, never

^ Rel. d'un gent., ap. Ramusio, torn III. fol. 306. Hernandez. De Historic
Plantarum Ncjva; llispanie, (Matriti, 1790.) lib. 6. cap. 87.

" Sahagun, Hist, de Nueva Espana, lib. 8. cap. 13, et alibi.

^ Carta del. Lie. Zuazo, M.S.

He extols the honey of the maize, as equa] to that of bees.
(Al.-,o Oviedo, Hist. Naturel de las Indias, cap. .'..ap. Barcia, torn. I.) Her-
nandez, who celebrates the manifold ways in whicli llie maize was ]jrepared,
derives it from the Haytian word, rnahiz. Hist. Plantarum, lib. 6. cap. 44, 45.

'And is still, in one spot at least, .San Angel, three leagues from the cap-
ital. Anoi.her mill was to have been established, a few years since, in Puebla.
Whether this has actually been done I am ignorant. See the Report of the
Committee on .Agriculture to the Senate of the United States, March 12, 1838.

^' Before the Revolution, the duties on the fulqiie formed so important a
branch of revenue, that the cities of Mexico, Puebla, and Toluca alone, paid
$8i7,7-;o to government. (Humboldt, Essai Politique, torn. H. p. 47.) It
requires tinv^ \n reconcile Europeans to the peculiar flav i. of this liquor, on
the merits of which th'-v are conscqueiitlv much divider. There is but one
opinion among the natives. Tlie English reader will find a good account of
its ni;::.i::;;'-v::- \v. W^ir.l'^ M-xico, vol. H. i)]). "-hu.

AGRICULTURE.

did Nature enclose in so compact a form so many of the ele-
ments of human comfort and civilii^ation ! ^^

It would be obviously out of piace to enumerate in these
pages all the varieties of plants, many of them of medicinal
virtue, which have been introduced from Mexico into Europe.
Still less can I attempt a catalogue of its flowers, which, with
their variegated and gaudy colors, form the greatest attraction
of our greenhouses. The opposite climates embraced within
the narrow latitudes of New Spain have given to it properly,
the richest and most diversified Flora to be found in any country
on the globe. These different products were systematically
arranged by the Aztecs, who understood their properties, and
collected them into nurseries, more extensive than any then
existing in the Old World. It is not improbable that they
suggested the idea of those " gardens of plants " which were
introduced into Europe not many years after the Conquest."

The Mexicans were as well acquainted with the mineral, as
with the vegetable treasures of their kingdom. Silver, lead,
and tin they drew from the mines of Tasco ; copper from the
mountains of Zacotollan. These were taken not only from the
crude masses on the surface, but from veins wrought in the
solid rock, into which they opened extensive galleries. In fact,
the traces of their labors furnished the best indications for the
early Spanish miners. Gold, found on the surface, or gleaned
from the beds of rivers, was cast into bars, or, in the form of
dust, made part of the regular tribute of the southern provinces

'- flcrnandc/. enu'ncratcs the several species of tlie maguey, which are turned
to the.-e manif'jkl uses, in liis learned work, De Mist. Plantaruni. Lib. 7,
cau. 71 et seq.) M. de Tluniboldt considers them all varieties of the agave
Ai/urua/ui, familiar in the southern parts, both of the United States and Eu-
rope. (Essai Politique, torn. II p. 4S7. et seq.) This opinion has brought
on h.im a rather sour rebuke from our countryman, the late Dr. Perrine, who
pronounces them a distinct species from the American aguvc: ; and regards
one of the kinds, the pifa, from which the fine thread is obtained, as a totally
distinct genus. (See the Report of the Committee on Agriculture). Yet the
B;ir')n tnav (iiid authority for all the properties ascribed by him to the maguey,
in the most accredited writers, who have resided more or less time in Mexico.
See, among others, Hernandez, ubi suj^ra. Sahagim, Hist, de Nticva Espnfia,
lib. 9, cap. 2; lib. II, cap. 7. Toribio. Hist, de los Indios, ^[S., Parte 3,
can. 19 Carta del Lie. Zuazo, MS The last, speaking of the maguey,
wliicti produces the fermented drink, says expressly, " De lo que queda de
las dichas hojas se a])rovechan, conio dc lino inui delgado, 6 de Olanda,
de rpiehncen lienzos mni primos para vestir, e bien delgados." It cannot be
denied, however, that Dr. Perrine shows himself intimately acquainted with
the structure and habits of the trojn'cal plants, which, with such patriotic
spirit, he proposed to introiiucc into I'lorida.

'^ The first regular establishment of this kind, according to Carii, wa 1
Padua, in 1545. Lettres Am^ric, torn. I. chap. 21.

114

AZTEC civilization:

of the empire. The u'"j of iron, with which the soil was im.
pregnated, was unl<nown to them. Notwithstanding its aburn
dance, it demands so many processes to prepare it for use, that
it has commonly been one of the last metals pressed into the
service of man. The age of iron has followed that of brass, in
fact as well as in fiction. ^^

They found a substitute in an alloy of tin and copper ; and,
with tools made of this bronze, could cut not only metals, but,
with the aid of a silicious dust, the hardest substances, as basalt,
porphyry, amethysts, and emeralds.''' They fashioned tlaese
last, which were found very large, into many curious and fan-
tastic forms. They cast, also, vessels of gold and silver, carv-
ing them with their metallic chisels in a very delicate manner.
Some of the silver vases were so large that a man could not
encircle them with his arms. They imitated very nicely the
figures of animals, and, what was extraordinary, could mix the
metals in such a manner, that the feathers of a bird, or the
scales of a fish, should be alternately of gold and silver. The
Spanish goldsmiths admitted their superiority over themselves
in these ingenious works. '^

1* P. Martyr. De Orbe Novo, Decades, (Compluti, 1530,) dec. 5, p. 191.'
Acosta lib. 4, cap. 3. Humboldt, Essai Politique, torn. III. pp. 114 125.
Torquemada, Monarch. Ind., lib. 13, cap. 34.

" Men wrought in brass," says Hesiod, '' when iron did not exist."

XaXK<Jj 5*' cpyd^ovTo /x^Xas 5' ovk iaK% ai8r}poi.

Hksiom.

The Abbe Raynai contends that the ignorance of iron must necessarily have
kept the Mexicans in a low state of civilization, since without it " they could
have produced no work in metal, worth looking at, no masonry nor architect-
ure, engraving, nor sculpture." (History of the Indies, Eng. trans., vol. III.
b. 6.) Iron, however, if known, was little used by the Ancient Egyptians,
whose mighty monuments were hewn with bronze tools, while their weapons
and domestic utensils were of the same material, as appears from the graen
color given to them in their paintings.

1^ Gama, Descripcion, Parte 2, pp. 25-29. Torquemada, Monarch. Ind.,
ubi supra.

1^ Sahagun, Hist, de Nueva Espafia, lib. 9, cap. 15-17. Boturini, Idea, p.
77. Torquemada, monarch. Ind., loc. cit.

Herrera, who says they could also enamel, commends the skill of the Mex
ican goldsmiths in making birds and animals with movable wings and limbs,
in a most curious fashion. (Hist. General, dec. 2, lib. 7, cap. 15.) Sir Joh
Maundeville, as usual,

" with his hair on end
At his own wonders,"

notices the " gret marvayle " of similar pieces of mechanism, at the court >'
the grand Chane of Cathay. See his Voiage and Travaile, chap. 20.

MECHAXICAL ARTS.

115

They employed another tool, made of itztli., or obsidian, a
dark transparent mineral, exceedingly hard, found in abundance
in their hills. They made it into knives, razors, and their ser-
rated swords. It took a keen edge, though soon blunted. With
this they wrought the various stones and alabasters employed
in the construction of their public works and principal dwell-
ings. I shall defer a more particular account of these to the
body of the narrative, and will only add here, that the entrances
and angles of the buildings were profusely ornamented with im-
ages, sometimes of their fantastic deities, and frequently of
animals. ^^ The latter were executed with great accuracy.
"The former," according to Torquemada, ' were the hideous
reflection of their own souls. And it was not till after they had
been converted to Christianity, that they could model the true
figure of a man.'' ^' The old chronicler's facts are well founded,
whatever we may think of his reasons. The allegorical phan-
tasms of his religion, no doubt, gave a direction to the Aztec
artist, in his delineation of the human figure ; supplying him
with an imaginary beauty in the personification of divinity itself.
As these superstitions lost their hold on his mind, it opened to
the influences of a purer taste ; and, after the Conquest, the
Mexicans furnished many examples of correct, and some of
beautiful portraiture.

Scul]5tured images were so numerous, that the foundations of
the cathedral in \\\q. plaza mayor, the great square of Mexico, are
said to be eiriireh.- composed of them.-'^ This spot may, indeed,
be regarded as the Aztec forum, the great dejjository of the
treasures of ancient sculpture, which now lie hid in its bosom.
Such motiutiienis are si^rcacl all o\'er the capital, however, and a
new cellar can iiardly be dug, or foundation laid, without turning
up some of tlie mouldering relics of barbaric art. But they are
little heeded, and, if iKjt v.-antonly broken in pieces at once, are
usually worked into the rising wall, or supports of the new
edifice.''-' Two celebrated bas-reliefs, of the last iMontezuma
and his father, cut in the solid rock, in the beautiful groves of
Chapoltepec, was deliberatelv destroyed, as late as the last cen-

'' Herrera, Hi.-,t. General, dec. 2, lil). 7, cap. 11. Torqucmaii,:, Monarch.
Inil, lib. 13. rap, 3}. (Irima, I )csi;rip; i'Hi, Parte 2, \i\\ 2-, 2S.

'' Parece, qiic |ierniitia Dios, (pu; la fiLjurr de sns cuerpos sd asimilase k
la tpu; -.cLiau sus alinas, por el jiccaclo, <n ipic sieinpre ])erinanecian." Mon-
arch. Ind., li!). 13. cap. 3 1.

'^ ClavigcTo, St'ir. del Mes.sico, torn. IT. p. 195.

'^ Gama, r)escrii)ci()n, Parte T, p. i. Hcsides the f^aza mayor, Gama points
out the Square of Tlatelolco, as a great cemetery of ancient relics. It wa
^1^ quarter to which tlic Mexicans retreated, on the siege of the capital

,l6 AZTEC CIVILIZATIOX,

turyv by order of tl-', government!^ The monuments of the
barbarian meet wiili as little respect from civilized man, as those
of the civilized man from the barbarian.^^

The most remarkable piece of sculpture yet disinterred is the
great calendar-stone, noticed in the preceding chapter. It con-
sists of dark porphyry, and, in its original dimensions, as taken
from the quarry, is compwted to have weighed nearly fifty tons.
It was transported from the mountains be3'Ond Lake Chalco, a
distance of many leagues, over a broken country intersected by
water-courses and canals. In crossing a bridge which traversed
one of these latter, in the capital, the supports gave way, and
the huge mass was precipitated into the water, whence it was
with difficulty recovered. The fact that so enormous a fragment
of porphyry could be thus safely carried for leagues, in the face
of such obstacles, and without the aid of cattle, for the Aztecs,
as already mentioned, had no animals of draught, suggests to
us no mean ideas of their mechanical skill, and of their ma
chinery ; an*d implies a degree of cultivation, little inferior to
that demanded for the geometrical and astronomical science dis-
played in the inscriptions on this very stone. ^^

The ancient Mexicans made utensils of earthern ware for the
ordinary purposes of domestic life, numerous specimens of which
still exist.'^^ They made cups and vases of a lackered or painted

2'J Torquemada, Monarch. Ind., lib. 13, cap. 34. Gama, Descripcion,
Parte 2, pp. 81-83.

These statues are repeatedly noticed by the old writers. The last was
destroyed in 1754, when it was seen by Gama, who highly commends the
execution of it. Ibid.

21 This wantonness of destruction provokes the bitter animadversion of
Martyr, whose enlightened mind respected the vestiges of civilization wher-
ever found. " The conquerors," he says, " seldom repaired tlie buildings
that were defaced. They woula rather sack twenty stately cities, than
erect one good edifice." De Orbe Novo, dec. 5, cap. 10.

^^ Gama, Descripcion, Parte I. pp. 110-114. Humboldt, Essai Politique,
tom, 11, p. 40.

Ten thousand men were employed in the transportation of this enormous
mass, according to Tezozomoc, whose narrative, with all the accompanying
prodigies, is minutely transcribed by Bustamante. The Licentiate shows an
appetite for the marvellous, which might excite the envy of a monk of the
Middle Ages. (.See Descripcion, nota, loc. cit. ) The English traveller,
Latrobe, accommodates the wonders of nature and art very well to each other
by suggesting that these great masses of stone were transported by means of
the mastodon, whose remains are occasionally disinterred in the Mexican
Valley. Rambler in Mexico, p. 145.

'^-^ .\ great collection of ancient pottery, with various other specimens of
Aztec art, the gift of Messrs Poinsett "and Keating, is deposited in the
Cabinet of the American Philosophical Society, at Philadelphia. .Sec the
Catalogue, ap. Transactions, vol. III. p. 510.

MECHANICAL ARTS. ny

wood, impervious to wet and gaudily colored. Their dyes were
obtained from both mineral and vegetable substances. Among
them was the rich crimson of the cochineal, the modern rival of
the famed Tyrian purple. It was introduced into Europe from
Mexico, where the curious little insect was nc;: ished with great
care on plantations of cactus, since fallen into neglect.!^ The
nati\es were thus enabled to give a brilliant coloring to the webs,
which were manufactured of every degree of fineness, from the
cotton raised in abundance throughout the warmer regions of the
country. They had the art. also, of interweaving with these the
delicate hair of rabbits and other animals, v.hich made a cioth
of great warmth as well as btauty, of a kind altogether original ;
and on this they often laid a rich embroidery, of birds, flowers
or some other fanciful device.^

But the art in which they most delighted was their plumaje.
or feather-work. With this they could produce all the effect of
a beautiful mosaic. The gorgeous plumage of the tropical birds,
especially of the parrot tribe, afforded every variety of color ;
and the fine down of the hummingbird, which revelled in swarms
among the honeysuckle bowers of Mexico, supplied them with
soft aerial tints that gave an exquisite finish to, the picture. The
feathers, pasted on a fine cotton web, were wrought into dresses
for the wealthv. hangings for apartments, and ornaments for the
temples. No one of the American fabrics excited such admi-
ration in F.urope. whither numerous specimens were sent b} the
C"nqueror>. It is to be regretted, tb.at so graceful an art should
have been suffered to fall into decay.-'^

There were no shops in Mexico. Iiutthe various manufactures

^ Mcrnandez, Hist. Pi;uuarn;ii. lib. 6, cap. ii6.

'^^Cartadel Lie. Ziiazo, MS. Herrcra. Hist. General, dec. 2, lib. 7 cap. 15.
Boturini. Idea, p. 77.

It is doubtful how far they were acquainted with the manufacture of silk.
Carli sujiposes that what Cortes calls silk was only the fine texture of hair,
or d'^wn. mentioned in the text. (Lcttres Americ. . torn. 1. let. 2\.) But it
is certain they had a species of catci pillar, unlike our siii^wnrm, indeed,
which spun a thread that was sold in th; markets of ancient Mexico. See
the Essai Politique, (torn. III. pp. 66-69,) where M. de Humboldt ha> col-
lected some intcrcstin'j; facts in regard to the culture of silk bv the Aztecs.
Siiil. that the fabric should be matter of uncertaintv at all shows that it could
n'-it have reached any great excellence or extent.

- Carta del Lie. Zuazo, MS. - .'\costa, lib. 4. cap. 37. Sahagun, Hist, de
Nucva Es[)aha, \\'n. 9, cud. 18-21. 'Poribio. IJist de kjs Indios, MS.. Parte
I, cap. 15, Rel. d'un gent., ap. Ramusio, torn. III. fol. 306.

Count Carli is in rantures with a specimen of feather-painting which he
saw in Strasbourg. " Never did I behold anything so exquisite," he says,
" frjr brillancv and nice gradation of color, and for Ijeauty "f design. No
European artist couid have made such a thing " ( Lettres .Amt'ric., let. 21.

AZTEC CIVILIZATION.

and agricultural products were brought together for sale in the
great market-places of the principal cities. Fairs were held
there every fifth day, and were thronged by a numerous con-
course of persons, who came to buy or sell from all the neigh-
boring country. A particular quarter was allotted to each kind
of article. The numerous transactions were conducted without
confusion, and with entire regard to justice, under the inspec-
tion of magistrates appointed for the purpose. The traffic was
carried on partly by barter, and partly by means of a regulated
currency, of different values. This consisted of transparent
quills of gold dust ; of bits of tin, cut in the form of a T ; and of
bags of cacao, containing a specified number of grains. " Blessed
money," exclaims Peter Martyr, " which exempts its possessors
from avarice, since it cannot be long hoarded, nor hidden under
ground ! " 2"

There did not exist in Mexico that distinction of castes found
among the Egyptian and Asiatic nations. It was usual, how-
ever, for the son to follow the occupation of his father. The
different trades were arranged into something like guilds ; hav-
ing, each, a particular district of the city appropriated to it, with
its own chief, its own tutelar deity, its peculiar festivals, and the
like. Trade was held in avowed estimation by the Aztecs.
'* Apply thvself, my son," was the advice of an aged chief, " to
agriculture, or to feather-work, or some other honorable calling.
Thus did your ancestors before you. Else, how would they have
provided for themselves and their families ? Never was it heard
that nobility alone was able to maintain its possessor." ^ Shrewd
maxims, that must have sounded somewhat strange in the ear of
a Spanish hidalgo! " 20

note.) There is still one place, Patzquaro, where, according to Bustamante,
they preserve some knowledge of this interesting art, though it is practised
on a very limited scale, and at great cost. Sahagun, ubi supra, nota.

^"O felicem monetam, quae suavem utilemque praebet humano generi
potum, et a tartareu peste avaritiae sous immunes servat possessores, quod
suffodi aut diu servari nequeat ! " De Orbe Novo, dec. 5, cap. 4. (See, also.
Carta de Cortes, ap. Lorenzana, p, 100 et seq. Sahagun, Hist, de Nueva
Espana, lib. S, cap. 36. Toribio, Hist, de los Indios, MS., Parte 3, cap. &,
Carta del Lie. Zuazo, MS.) The substitute for money throughout the
Chinese empire was equallv simple in Marco Polo's time, consisting of bits
of stamped paper, made from the inner bark of the mulberry-tree. See
Viaggi di Messer Marco Polo, gentil'huomo Venetiano, lib. 2, cap. 18, ap.
Ramnsio, tont. IT.

^^ " Procurad de saber algun o/ia'o konroso como es el hacer obras de pluma

fc otros oficio.s mecBnicos Mirad (]ue tengaij ''.lidado de lo tocante

& la agriculiura En ninguna parte he visto r.ae alguno se mantenga

por su nobleza.'' Sahagim, Hist, de Nueva Esnatia, V\h. 6, cap. 17.

^-'Col. de Mendo7.a, ap Antiq. of ^^exi(o. vof. I. PI. 71; vcjI. VI. p. 86.
Torquemada, Monarch. Ind., lili- 2 cup. 41.

MERCHAxXTS. i ig

But the occupation peculiarly respected was that of the merch-
ant. It formed so important and singular a feature of their
social economy, as to merit a much more particular notice than
it has received from historians. The Aztec merchant was a sort
of itinerant trader, who made his journeys to the remotest
borders of Anahuac, and to the countries beyond, carrying
with him merchandise of rich stuffs, jewelry, slaves, and other
valuable commodities. The slaves were obtained at the great
market of Azcapozalco, not many leagues from the capital, where,
fairs were regularly held for the sale of these unfortunate beings.
They were brought thither by their masters, dressed in their
gayest apparel, and instructed to sing, dance, and display their
little stock of personal accomplishments, so as to recommend
themselves to the purchaser. Slave-dealing was an honorable
calling among the Aztecs.*'

With this rich freight, the merchant visited the different
provinces, always bearing some present of value from his own
sovereign to their chiefs, and usually receiving others in return,
with a permission to trade. Should this be denied him, or
should he meet with indignity or violence, he had the means of
resistance in his power. He performed his journeys with a
number of companions of his own rank, and a large body of
inferior attendants who were employed to transport the goods.
Fifty or sixty pounds were the usual load for a man. The
whole caravan went armed, and so well provided against sud-
den hostilities, that they could make good their defence, if
necessary, till reinforced from home. In one instance, a body
of these militant traders stood a siege of four years in the town
of Ayotlan, which they finally took from the enemy. 3i Their
own government, however, was always prompt to embark in a
war on this ground, finding it a very convenient pretext for ex-
tending the Mexican empire. It was not unusual to allow the
merchants to raise levies themselves, which were placed under
their command. It was, moreover, very common for the prince
to employ the merchants as a sort of spies, to furnish him infor-
mation of the state of the countries through which they passed,
and the dispositions of the inhabitants towards himself. s-J

Thus their sphere of action was much enlarged beyond that of
a humblt; trader, and they acquired a high consideration in the
body politic. They were allowed to assume insignia and devices

"o Sahagun, Hist, de Nucva Kspana, lib. 9. cap. 4, 10-14.

"' Ibid., lib. 9, cap. 2.

^ Ibid., lib. 9, caj). 2, 4.

In the Mend(jza C!odex is a painting, representing the execution of a cacique
and his faniilv, with the destruction r)f his city, for maltreating the persons of
Jome Aztec merchants. Antiq. of IVIexico, vol. I. PI. 67

I20 AZTEC CIVILIZATION.

of their own. Some of their number composed what is caUed
by the Spanish writers a council of finance ; at least, this was
the case in Tezcuco.^ They were much consulted by the mon-
arch, who had some of them constantly near his person ; address-
ing them by the title of "uncle," which may remind one of that
Qi prima, or " cousin " by which a grandee of Spain is saluted by
his sovereign. They were allowed to have their own courts, in
which civil and criminal cases, not excepting capital, were deter-
mined ; so that they formed an independent community, as it
were, of themselves. And, as their various traffic supplied them
with abundant stores of wealth, they enjoyed many of the most
essential advantages of an hereditary aristocracy.**

That trade should prove the path to eminent political pre-
ferment in a nanon but partially civilized, where the names of
soldier and pri-^st are usually the only titles to respect, is cer-
tainly an anomalv in history. It forms some contrast to the
standard of the more polished monarchies of the Old World, in
which rank is supposed to be less dishonored by a lite of idle
ease or frivolous pleasure, than by those active pursuits which
promote equally the prosperity of the state and of the individual.
If civilization corrects many prejudices, it must be aliowed that
it creates oiliers.

We snail be abl:^ to form a better idea of the actual refine-
ment of the natives, by penetrating into their domestic life and
observing the intercourse between the sexes. We have fortu-
nately the means of doing this. We shall there find the ferocious
Aztec frequently displaying all the sensibilitv of a cultivated
nature ; consoling his friends under affliction, or congratulating
them on their good fortune, as on occasion of a marriage, or of
the birth or rhe baptism of a child, v.'hen he was punctilious in
his visits, bringing presents of costlv dresses and ornaments, or
the more simple offering of fiovvers, equally indicative of his
sympathy. 'i"he visits, at these times, though regulated with all

s^Torquemaila, M jiiarch. Ind., lib. 2, cap. 41.

Ixtlilxochitl j'\ e.-; a curious story of >.>ne of the royal familv of Tezcuco. who
off-^recl, with two other merchants otros mcrcuderes, to visit the court of a hos-
tile cacique, and bring him dead or alive to the capital. They availed them-
selves of a drunken revel, at which thev were to have been sacrificed, to effect
their object. Hist. Chich., MS., cap.' 62.

*' Sahagun, Hist, dc N"ueva Esiiafia, lib. 9, cap. 2, 5.

'I lie r.iiuh liook is taken up with an account of the merchants, their pilgrim-
ages, the rciicrious rites on their departure, and the f'-mptuous way of living
on their r?!;-!!. The whole T)resents a verv remark .jie picture, showing they
enjoyed a consi-leration, amon.Gi; the lialf-civilized nations of Anahuac, to which
there is no ]5arailel. unless it be that possessed by the merchant-princes of aa
Italian republic, or the princely merchanf; of our own.

DOMESTIC MANNERS. 12 1

the precision of Oriental courtesy, were accompanied by expres-
sions of tlae most cordial and affectionate regard.*

The discipline of children, especially at the public schools,
as stated in a previous chapter, was exceedingly severe.*^ But
after she had come to a mature age, the Aztec maiden was
treated by her parents with a tenderness, from which all reserve
seemed banished. In the counsels to a daughter about to enter
into life, they conjured her to preserve simplicity in her manners
and conversation, uniform neatness in her attire, with strict at-
tention to personal cleanliness. They inculcated modesty, as
the great ornament of a woman, and implicit reverence for her
husband ; softening their admonitions by such endearing epithets
as showed the fullness of a parent's love,'^'

Polygamy was permitted among the Mexicans, though chiefly
confined, probably, to the wealthiest classes.^ And the ob-
ligations of the marriage vow, which was made with all the
formality of a religious ceremony, were fully recognized, and
impressed on both parties. The women are described by the
Spaniards as pretty, unlike their unfortunate descendants, of the

^ Sahai^un, Hist, de Nueva Espafia, lib. 6, cap, 23-37. Camargo, Hist, de
Tlasca]a,"MS,

These complinientarv attentions were paid at stated seasons, even during
pregnancy. The details are given with abundant gravity and minuteness by
Sahagun, who descends to paiticulars which his Mexican editor, Bustamante,
has excluded, as somewhat too unreserved for the public eve. If thev were
more so than some of the editor's own notes, they must have been verv com-
municative indeed.

*' Zurita. Rajiport, pp. 1 12-134.

The Third Part of the Clol. de Mendoza (Antiq, of Mexico, vol. I.) exhibits
the various ingenious punishments devised for the refractory child. The flow-
ery path of knowledge was well strewed with thorns for the Mexican tyro.

" Zurita. Rapport, pp, 151-160.

Sahagun has given us the admonitions of both father and mother to the
Aztec maiden, on her coming to years of discretion. What can be more ten-
der than the begirining of the mother's exh(jrtatior. ? '' Hija mia muy amada,
muv querida palomita: va has oido y notado las palabras que tu senor padre
te ha dicho: ellas son palabras preciosas. y que raramente se dicen ni se oyen,
las quales lian iirocedido de las entranas v corazon en ([ueestaban atesoradas ;
y tu muv aniacio padre bicn sabe que eres su hija, engendra de tM, eres su
sar.gre v su i:;irr]'.-, v sabe iJios nuestro sencjr (|ue es asi ; auncpic crt s muger,
e imugen de ui padre? rjinj mas, te puedo decir, hija mia, de lo ciue ya esta
di'.ho?" (Hist, de Xueva r^s]")ana lilj. 6, cap. 19.) The reader will find this
interesting docmTient. which enjoins so nnich of what is deemed most essential
among civilizerl nations, translated entire in the Atl^endix, l\irt 2, iXo \.

^ Vet we finfi the remarkable declaration, in the counsels of a father to nis
son. that, for the multiplication of the species. Hod ordained one .nan onlv
for one wfjinan. "' \f)ta, hijo mio, lo <|ue te digo, mira (pic el numdo ya
tiene este estilo df: eiigendrar v multiplicar, y para esta generacion v mul
tiplicacion. ordeno ])ios (]ue una mn^er i>c- ^'" de un varon, y un varon de oa*
Biuger," Ibid. lib. 6; cap. 21.

122

AZTEC CIVILIZATIOX.

present day, though ;;ith ihe same serious and rather melancholy
cast of countenan^^i. 1 heir long black hair, covered in some
parts of the country, by a veil made of the fine web of the pita,
might generally be seen wreathed with flowers, or, among the
richer people, with strings of precious stones, and pearls from
the Gulf of California. They appear to have been treated with
much consideration by their husbands ; and passed their time in
indolent tranquillity, or in such feminine occupations as spinning,
embroidery, and the like ; while their maidens beguiled the hours
by the rehearsal of traditionary tales and ballads.-^

The women partook equally with the men of social festivities
and entertainments. These were often conducted on a large
scale, both as regards the number of guests and the costliness of
the preparations. Numerous attendants, of both sexes, waited
at the banquet. The halls were scented with perfumes, and
the courts strewed with odoriferous herbs and flowers, which
were distributed in profusion among the guests, as they arrived.
Cotton napkins and ewers of water were placed before them, as
they took their seats at the board ; for the venerable ceremony
of ablution,*^ before and after eating, was punctiliously observed
by the Aztecs. ^^ Tobacco was then offered to the company, in
pipes, mixed up with aromatic substances, or in the form of
cigars, inserted in tubes of tortoise-shell or silver. They com-
pressed the nostrils with the fingers, while they inhaled the

"^Ibid., lib. 6, cap. 21-23; '''^ ^? cap. 23. Rel. d'un gent., ap Ramusio,
torn. III. fol. 305. Carta del Lie. Zuazo. MS.

*^ As old as the heroic age of Greece, at least. We may fancy ourselves at
the table of Penelope, where water in golden ewers was poured into silver
basins for the accommodation of her guests, before beginning the repast.

"Xe'pi'iua 5" du.<piwo\os irpoxoifi ^7r^%i;e (pipovaa
KaXif, xpv'^^^'Ot VTT^p dpyvp^oio \df3tjros,
'^hpaaOai. ' irapb. 8k ^ecrr'qv irdvvacre Tpdirei^ai/.

The feast affords many other points of analogy to the Aztec, inferring a similar
stage of civilization in the two nations. One may be surprised, however,
to find a greater profusion of the precious metals in the barren isle of Ithaca,
than in Mexico. But the poet's fancy was a richer mine than either.

*i Sahagun, Hist, de Nueva EsjDana, lib. 6, cap. 22.

Amidst some excellent advice of a parent to his son, on his general deport-
ment, we find the latter punctilously enjoined not to take his seat at the board
till he has washed his face and hands, and not to leave it till he has repeated
the same thing, and cleansed his teeth. Tlie directions are given with a pre-
cision worthy of an Asiatic. " Al principio de la comida labarte has las manos
y la boca. v dnnde te juntares con otros a comer, no te sientes luego ; mas
antes tomaras el agua v la jicara para que se leben los otros, y echarles has
agua a los manos, y despues de esto, cojera lo que sa ha caido por el suelo y
barreras el lugar, de la comida y tambien despues de comer lavaras te Ja.s
ttanos y la boca, y limpiar&fi los dientes." Ibid., loc. cit.

DOMESTIC MAXXKRS.

123

smoke, which they frequently swallowed. Whether the women,
who sat apart from the men at table, were allowed the indulgence
of the fragrant weed, as in the most polished circles of modern
Mexico, is not told us. It is a curious fact, that the Aztecs also
took the dried leaf in the pulverized form of snuif.**

The table was well provided with substantial meats, especially
game ; among which the most conspicuous was the turkey, er-
roneously supposed, as its name imports, to have come originally
from the East.*^ These more solid dishes were flanked by
others of vegetables and fruits, of every delicious variety found
on the North American continent. The different viands were
prepared in various ways, with delicate sauces and seasoning, ot
which the Mexicans were very fond. Their palate was still
further regaled by confections and pastry, for which their maize-
flour and sugar supplied ample materials. One other dish, of a
disgusting nature, was sometimes added to the feast, especially
when the celebration partook of a religious character. On such
occasions a slave was sacrificed, and his flesh, elaborately

*- Rel. d'un gent., ap. Ramusio, torn. III. fol. 306. Sahagun, Hist. d<
Nueva Espana, lib. 4, cap. 37. 'rorqiiemada. Monarcli. Ind., lib. 13, cap
23. Clavigero, Stor. del ^lessico, torn. II. p. 227.

The Aztecs used to smoke after dinner, to prepare for the siesta, in which
they indulged themselves as regularly as an old Caslilian. Tobacco, in Mex-
ican _}'^//, is derived from a Haytian word, tabaco. The natives of Hispaniola,
being the fir,-t with whom the Spaniards had much intercourse, have sup-
plied Europe with the names of several important plants. Tobacco, in some
form or other, was used by almost all the tril^es of the American continent,
from the North-west Coast to Patagonia. (See McCuUoh, Researches, pi).
91-94.) Its manifold virtues, both social and medicinal, are profusely pane-
gyrized by Hernandez, in his Hist. Plantarum, lib. 2, cap. 109.

** This noble bird was introduced into Europe from Mexico. The Span-
ish called it gallopavo, from its resemblance to the peacock. See Rei. d'un
gent., ap. Ramusio, (torn. HI. fol. 306) ; also Oviedo, (Rel. Sumaria, cap.
38,) the earliest naturalist who gives an account of the bird, which he saw
Boon after the CoiK|uest, in the West Indies, whither it had been brought, as
he says, from Xew Sj^ain. The Europeans, however, soon lost sight of it-
origin, and the name " turkey " intimated the popular belief of its Easterr.
origin. Several eminent writers have maintained its Asiatic or African de-
cent; but they could not impose on the sagacious and better instructed Biii-
fon. (See I listoire Naturelle, Art. Dindon.) The Spaniards saw immei!
numbers of turkeys in the domesticated state, on their arrival in Mexico, when,
they were more common than anv other poultry. They were found wild, no'
only in New Sj^ain, but all along the continent, in the less fioiuented place.'-.,
from the North-western territory of the United States tcj i'anania. The wii'':
turkey is larger, more bcautiliil, and every way an iiicduiparabl v fmer bir.,.
than the tame. I'Vaiiklin, with some point, as well a-^ i)leasantry, insists on
its preference to the bald eagle, as the national emblem. (See his Works, vol.
X. p. 63, in SjKirks's excellent ctliti'in.) interesting notices of the histoiv
anfl habits of the wild turkey ma? l;e found in the Ornithology both of linon.i-
parte and of that enthusiastic lover of nature, .\uduljoii, vox Melcagris Gallt;-
pa-o.

J 2 4. AZ^EC CIVILIZATION.

dressed, forme '. jn'' jf the chief ornaments of the banquet. Can*
nibalism, in the guise of an Epicurean science, becomes even
the more revolting.**

The meats were kept warm by chafing-dishes. The table was
ornamented with vases of silver, and sometimes gold, of delicate
workmanship. The drinking cups and spoons were of the same
costly materials, and likewise of tortoise-shell. The favorite
beverage was the Chocolatl, flavored with vanilla and different
spices. They had a way of preparing the froth of it, so as to
make it almost solid enough to be eaten, and took it cold.*" The
fermented juice of the maguey, with a mixture of sweets and
acids, supplied, also, various agreeable drinks, of different de-
grees of strength, and formed the chief beverage of the elder
part of the company.*

As soon as they had finished their repast, the young people
rose from the table, to close the festivities of the day with dancing.
They danced gracefully, to the sound of various instruments,
accompanying their movements with chants, of a pleasing, though
somewhat plaintive character.*' The older guests continued at

*' Sahagun, Hist, de Nueva Espana, lib. 4, cap. 2il \ 'i'-- 8, cap. 13 ; 9,
cap. 10-14. Torquemada, Monarcli. Ind., lib. 13, cap. 23. Rel. d' un
gent., ap. Ramusio, torn. III. fol. 306.

Father Sahagun has gone into many particulars of the Aztec cuisine, and
the mode of preparing sundry savory messes, making, altogether, no despic-
able contribution to the noble science of gastronomy,

*" The froth, delicately flavored with spices and some other ingredients,
was taken cold by itself. It had the consistency almost of a solid ; and the
*' Anonymous Conqueror," is very careful to inculcate the importance of
" opening the mouth wide, in order to facilitate deglutition, that the foam
may dissolve gradually, and descend imperceptibly, as it were, into the
stomach." It was so nutritious that a single cup of it was enough to sus-
tain a man through the longest day's inarch. (Fol. 306.) The old soldier
discusses the beverage con a?nore.

iS Sahagun, Hist, de Nueva E; pafia, lib. 4, cap. 37; lib, 8, cap. 13. Tor-
quemada, -.ionarch. Ind., lib. 13, cap. 23. ^Rel. d' un gent., ap. Ramusio,
torn. III. fol. 306.

*" Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 2, lib. 7, cap. 8. Torquemada, Monarch.
Ind., lib. 14, cap. 11,

The Mexican nobles entertained minstrels in their houses, who composed
ballads suited to the times, or the achievements of their lord, which they
chanted, to the accompaniment of instruments, at the festivals and dances.
Indeed, their was more or less dancing at most of the festivals, and it was
performed in the court-yards of the houses, or in the open squares of the
city. (Ibid., ubi supra.) The principal men had, also, buffoons and jug-
glers in there service, who amused them, and astonished the Spaniards by
their feats of dexterity and strength; (Acosta, lib. 6, cap. 28;) also Clavi-
gero, Stor. del Messico, tom. II. pp. 179-186,) who has designed several re{>
resentations of their exploits, truly surprising. It is natural that a people
of limited refinement should find their enjoyment in material, rather than in-
tellectual pleasures, and, consequently, should excel in them. The Asiatic na

DOMESTIC MANNERS^

table, sipping pulque, and gossiping about other times, till th

virtues of the exhilarating beverage put them in good-humor with
their own. Intoxication was noi: rare in this part of the company,
and, what is singular, was excused in them, though severely pun
ished in the younger. The entertainment was concluded by
liberal distribution of rich dresses and ornaments among the
guests, vviien they withdrew, alter mianight, ''some commending
the feast, and others condemning the bad taste or extravagance
of their host ; in the same manner," says an old Spanish writer,
*' as with us."* Human nature is, indeed, much the same all
the world over.

In this remarkable picture of manners, which I have copied
faithfully from the records of earliest date after the Conquest,
we tind no resemblance to the other races of North American
Indians. Some resemblance we may trace to the general stylo
of Asiaiic pomp and luxury. But, in Asia, woman, far from be-
ing admitted to unreserved intercourse with the other sex, is too
often jealously immured within the walls of the harem. Euro*
pean civilization, which accords to this loveliest portion of creation
her proper rank in the social scale, is still more rem. ved from
some of the brutish usages of the Aztecs. That such usages
should have existed with the degree of reftnenxnt they showed
in other things is almiost inconceivable. It can only be explained
as the result of religious superstition ; superstition which clouds
the moral perception, and perverts even the natural senses, till
man, civilized man, is reconciled to the very thing? which are
most revoking to humanity. Habits and opinions founded on
religion must not be taken as conclusive evidence of the actual
refinement of a people.

The Aziec character was perfectly original and uniq'ue. It was
made up of incongruities aj^parently irreconcilable, it blended
into one the marked peculiarities of different nations, not only
of the same phase of civilization, but as far removed from each
other as the extremes of barbarism and refinement. It may find
a fitting parallel in their own wonderful climate, capable of pro-
ducing, on a few square leagues of surface, the boundless variety
of vegetable forms, which belong to the frozen regions of the
North, the temperate zone of Europe, and the burning skies of
Arabia and llindostan !

tions, as the Tlindoos and rhinese, for example, surpass the more polished

Europeans Jii (Jisplays of a^ilit v and lcj^ci(J-;:niaiii.

48 >' y ,j(. (^y[;j iTjanera pasaljan gran rato de la noclie, y se dcspediau,
jban a sns casas, iiiios alabando la fiesta, y otros niuniiurando de las ticm-
asi'as, y exrcso- ; cosa niui ordiiiaria en los que asenicjantes actos se junt.ui."
Torf|iiemada. Monarch. Ind., lib. 13, cap. 23. Sahagun, Hist, de Nuev*
Eapaiia, lib. 9, cap. 10-14.

^\ i.-o n 1

126 AZTEC civilization:

One of the works repeatedly consulted and referred to in this Introduction
is Boturini's Idea de una nueva Historia General de la Amirica Septentrional.
The singular persecutions sustained by its author, even more than the merit*
of his book, have associated his name inseparably with the literary history of
Mexico. The Chevalier Lorenzo Boturini Benaduci was a Milanese by birth,
of an ancient family, and possessed of much learning. From Madrid, where
he was residing, he passed over to New Spain, in 1735, '-'^ some business of
the Countess of Santibanez, a lineal descendant of Montezuma. While em-
ployed on this, he visited the celebrated shrine of Our Lady of Guadaloupe,
and, being a person of devout and enthusiastic temper, was filled with the
desire of collecting testimony to establish the marvellous fact of her appa-
rition. In the course of his excursions, made with this view, he fell in with
many relics of Aztec antiquity, and conceived what to a Protestant, at
least, would seem much more rational the idea of gathering together all the
memorials he could meet with of the primitive civilization of the land.

In pursuit of this double object, he penetrated into the remotest parts of
the country, living much with the natives, passing his nights sometimes in
their huts, sometimes in caves, and the depths of the lonely forests. Fre-
quently months would elapse, without his being able to add anything to his
collection ; for the Indians had suffered too much, not to be very shy of
Europeans. His long intercourse with them, however, give him ample op-
portunity to learn their language and popular traditions, and in the end, to
amass a large stock of materials, consisting of hieroglyphical charts on cotton,
skins, and the fibre of the maguey; besides a considerable body of Indian
manuscripts, written after the Conquest. To all these must be added the
precious documents for placing beyond controversy the miraculous appari-
tion of the Virgin. With this treasure he returned, after a pilgrimage of
eight years, to the capital.

His zeal, in the meanwhile, had induced him to procure from Rome a bull
authorizing the coronation of the sacred image at Guadaloupe. The bull,
however, though sanctioned by the Audience of New Spain, had never been
approved by the Council of the Indies. In consequence of this informality,
Boturini was arrested in the midst of his proceedings, his papers were taken
from him, and, as he declined to give an inventory of them, he was thrown
into prison, and confined in the same apartment with two criminals I Not
long afterward he was sent to Spain. He there presented a memorial to the
Council of the Indies, setting forth his manifold grievances, and soliciting re-
dress. At the same time, he drew up liis " Idea," above noticed, in which
he displayed the catalogue of his museum in New Spain, declaring, with af-
fecting earnestness, that " he would not exchange these treasures for all the
gold and silver, diamonds and pearls, in the New World."

After some delay, the Council gave an award in his favor; acquitting him
of any intentional violation of the law, and pronouncing a high encomium on
his deserts. His papers, however, were not restored. But his Majesty was
graciously pleased to appoint him Historiographer General of the Indies,
with a salary of one thousand dollars -fier annum. The stipend was too small
to allow him to return to Mexico. He remained in Madrid, and completed
there the first volume of a " General Historv of North America," in 1749.
Not long after this event, and before the publication of the work, he died.
The same injustice was continued to his heirs; and, notv,-ithstanding repeated
applications in their behalf, they were neither put in possession of their un-
fortunate kinsman's collection, nor received a remuneration for it. What
was worse, as far as the public was concerned, the Collection itself was de*
posited in apartments of the Vice-regal palace at Mexico, so damp, that they

fradually fell to pieces, and the few remaining were still further diminished
y the pilfering of the curious. When Baron "Humboldt visited Mexico, no<
one eighth of this inestimable treasure was in existence 1

BOTUKTNI, itf

I have been thus particular in the account of the unfortunate l]oturini, as
affording, on the whole, the most reinarkalile examjile of the serious obsta*
cles and persecutions, which hterary enterprise, directed in the jiath of the
national antiquities, has. from some cause or other, been exposed to in New
Spain.

Boturini's manuscript volume was never printed, and probably never villi
be, if, indeed, it is in existence. This will scarcely prove a great detriment
to science, or to his own reputation. lie was a man or a zealous tcnii^er,
stronglv inclined to the marvellous, with little of that acuteness requisite for

f)enetratiiig the tangled mazes of antic[uity, or of the pb.ilosophic spirit fitted
or calmlv weighing its doubts and difticulties. His " Idea '" affords a san!-
ple of liis peculiar mind. With abundant learning, ill-assorted and ill-digest
ed, it is a jumble of fact and puerile fiction, interesting details, cra/v dreams
and fantastic theories. But it is hardly fair to judge by the strict rules of
criticism a work, which, put together hastily, as a catalogue of literary treas-
ures, was designed by the author rather to show what might be done, than
that ht coiilddo it himself. It is rare that talents for action and contempla-
tion are united in the same individual. Boturini was eminently bualified, by
his enthusiasm and perseverance, for collecting the materials necessary to il-
lustrate the antiquities of the country. It requires a more highly gifted mind
to avail itself of them.

gsS AZTEC CIVILIZATION,

CHAPTER VI.

Tmcucans. Their Golden Age. Accomplished Princes.
Decline of their Monarchy.

The reader would gather but an imperfect notion of the civil-
ization of Anahuac, without some account of the Acolhuans, or
Tezcucans, as they are usually called ; a nation of the same
great family with the Aztecs, whom they rivalled in power, and
surpassed in intellectual culture and the art of social refinement.
Fortunately, we have ample materials for this in the records left
by Ixtlilxochitl, a lineal descendant of the royal line of Tezcuco,
who flourished in the century of the Conquest. With every op-
portunity for information he combined much industry and talent,
and, if his narrative bears the high coloring of one who would
revive the faded glories of an ancient, but dilapidated house, he
has been uniformly commended for his fairness and integrity, and
has been followed without misgiving by such Spanish writers as
could have access to his manuscripts.^ I shall confine myself
to the prominent features of the two reigns vlnch may be said
to embrace the golden age of Tezcuco ; without attempting to
weigh the probability of the details, which I will leave to be
settled by the reader, according to the measure of his faith.

The Acolhuans came into the Valley, as we have seen, about
the close of the twelfth century, and built their capital of Tezcuco
on the eastern borders of the lake, opposite to Mexico. From
this point they gradually spread themselves over the northern
portion of Anahuac, when their career was checked by an inva-
sion of a kindred race, the Tepanecs, who, after a desperate
struggle, succeded in taking their city, slaying their monarch,
and entirely subjugating his kingdom.- This event took place
about 1418 ; and the young prince, Nexahualco}'Otl, the heir to
the crown, then fifteen years old, saw his father butchered be-
fore his eyes, while he himself lay concealed among the friendly
branches of a tree, which overshadowed the spot.*^ His subse-

1 For a criticism on this writer, see the Postscript to this Chapter.

'^ See Chanter First of this Introduction, p. 15.

* Ixtlilxochitl, Relaciones, MS., No. 9 Idem, Hist. Chich., MS,,

COLDKN ACE OF TEZCUCO.

139

quent history is as full of romantic daring, and perilous escapes,
as that of the renowned Scanderbeg, or of the "young Che-
valier." *

Not long after his flight from the field of his father's blood,
the Tezcucan prince sell into the hands of his enemies, was
borne oil in iriumph to his city, and was thrown into a dungeon.
He ettected his esca!)c, however, through the connivance of the
governor of liie fortre>:>, an old servant of 'his family, who took
the place of the royal fugitive, and paid for his loyaltv with his
life. He was at length permitted, through the intercession of
the reigning familv in Mexico, wiiich was aiiicd co him, to retire
to "hat capi'-'il, and Subse(|uenily to his own, wiiere he found a
shcl;er in nis ancestral palace. Here he remuined unmolested
for eight vears, pursuing his studies under an old preceptor, w-ho
had had me care of his early youth, and who instructed him in
tlie various duues betiuinghis princely station.^

At tlie end of tiiis oeri )d the Tepanec usurper died, bequeath-
ing ills em: ire to liis son, Miixtla, a man of tierce and suspicious
temijer. Nczahualcoyoil hastened to pay his obeisance to him,
on his accession. But the tyrant refused to receive the little
present of flowers which he laid at his feet, and turned his back
on him in presence of his chieftains. One of his attendants,
friendly to the young prince, admonished him to provide for his
own safety, b\ widiclrawing, as speedilv as possible, from the
palace, where his life was in danger. He lost no time, conse-
quently, in retreaiing from the inhospitable court, and returned
to 'I'ezcuc ). Max'la, however, was bent on iris destruction.
He saw v/irh ie:dons eye the opening talents and popular man-
ners of his rivrd, and the fa\'or he was daily winning from his
anc:t;nt suijjects.''

ile acco'xlingly laid a plan for makin.g wav with him at an
eveniiig entertainment. It was defeated by the vigilance of the
prince's tutor, who contrived to mislead the assassiti^. and to
substitute another victim in the jilace of his pupil.'' 'flic
baffled tyrant now threw off ail disguise, and sent a strong partv

* The adventures of the lonncr iiero ,;i-e told svith his nsiia! spirit by Sis-
mondi -' It'-nublirjucs Italiemie--, , i;:;]). "]')). It i- h:irdl\ n'lres'^arv, for the
iatt'.-r, ;,o r<;i'jrtiie Kn^ii.-.h ruadi r ;(i ( 'iiamlxTs".; " !li>t.>!-\ Mt'tho ivehellion of
174:," ; a W'irk wtiicii provs ho-.v li.ih > tiic par;iti(jn in Imniaii life, which
div' !': : r'):ija;;rc frnni rra:;!'.'.

'' Ixiiilx'i' liitl, itclacioncs, MS.. V' . 10.

^ Idcn, itidacioiics, MS., Xo. 10. lii-t. ('!iirh., MS., cap. 20-24.

'i'lcm, llist. <diirii.. MS.. (.!'. 2;. 'rill' ("ontrivance wa'i effected by
sneaiis (A an i xiiaDidinat . p'l^l)nal I'-ciiihlan' e uf (he parties; a frititfu)
Oiir'.e of comic, as everv reader of the chania knows, thou;.;li rarely of
tragic interest.

AZTEC CIVILIZATION.

of soldiers to Tezcuco. with orders to enter the place, seize the
person of Nezahualcoyotl, and slay him on the spot. The
prince, who became acquainted with the plot through the watch-
fulness of his preceptor, instead of flying, as he was counselled,
resolved to await his enemy. They found him playing at ball,
when they arrived, in the court of his palace. He received them
courteously, and invited them in, to take some refreshments after
their journey. While they were occupied in this way, he passed
into an adjoining saloon, which excited no suspicion, as he was
still visible through the open doors by which the apartments com-
municated with each other, A burning censer stood in the pas-
sage, and, as it was fed by the attendants, threw up such clouds
of incense as obscured his movements from the soldiers. Under
this friendly veil he succeeded in making his escape by a secret
passage, which communicated with a large earthen pipe formerly
used to bring water to the palace.^ Here he remained till
night-fall, when, taking advantage of the obscurity, he found his
way into the suburbs, and sought a shelter in the cottage of one
of his father's vassals.

The Tepanec monarch, enraged at this repeated disappoint-
ment, ordered instant pursuit. A price was set on the head of
the royal fugitive. Whoever should take him, dead or alive,
was promised, hov.'ever humble his degree, the hand of a noble
lady, and an ample domain along with it. Troops of armed
men were ordered to scour the country in every direction. In
the course of the search, the cottage, in which the prince had
taken refuge, was entered. But he fortunately escaped detection
by being hid under a heap of maguey fibres used for manufactur-
ing cloth. x\s this was no longer a proper place of concealment,
he sought a retreat in the mountainous and woody district lying
between the borders of his own state and Tlascala.^

Here he led a wretched, wandering life, exposed to all the
inclemencies of the weather, hiding himself in deep thickets and
caverns, and stealing out, at night, to satisfy the cravings of ap-
petite ; while he was kept in constant alarm by the activity of
his pursuers, always hovering on his track. On one occasion
he sought refuge from them among a small party of soldiers,
who proved friendlv to him, and concealed him in a large drum

^ It was customary, on entering the presence of a great lord, to throw
aromaiics into the censei'. "' Heclio en el brasero incienso, y copal, que era
uso y costuml>re donde cstal:>an los Reves y Senores, cada vez que los criados
entraban con mucha reverencia y acamiento echaban sahumerioen el brasero ;
y asi con este jjertunie st- obscurecia algo la sala. '' Ixtlilxochitl, Relacioiies,
MS., No. II.

s Idem, Hist. Chich.. MS., cap. 20 Relaciones, MS., No. 11. Veytia,
Hist. Antig., lib 2. cap. 47.

GOLD EX AGE OF TEZCUCO.

131

around which they were dancing. At another time, he was just
able to turn the crest of a hill, as his enemies were climbing it or?
the other side, when he fell in with a girl who was reaping chidn
a Mexican plant, the seed of which was much used in the drinks
of the country. He persuaded her to cover him up with the
stalks she had been cutting. When his pursuers came up, and
inquired if she had seen tiie fugitive, the girl coolly answered
that she had, and pointed out a path as the one he had taken.
Notwithstanding the high rewards offered, Nezahualcoyotl seems
to have incurred no danger from treachery, such was the general
attachment felt to himself and his house. " Would you not
deliver up the prince, if he came in your way ? " he inquired of
a young peasant who was unacquainted with his person. '' Not I,"
replied the other. " W^hat, not for a fair lady's hand, and a
rich dowry beside ?" rejoined the prince. At which the other
only shook his head and laughed.'''^ On more than one occasion,
his faithful people submitted to torture, and even to lose their
lives, rather than disclose the place of his retreat."

However gratifying such proofs of loyalty might be to his feel-
ings, the situation of the prince in these mountain solitudes became
every day more distressing. It gave a still keener edge to his
own sufferings to witness those of the faithful followers who
chose to accompany him in his wanderings. " Leave me,"
he would say to them, " to my fate ! Why should you throw
away your own lives for one whom fortune is never weary
of persecuting .'' " Most of the great Tezcucan chiefs had
consulted their interests by a timely adhesion to the usurper.
But some still clung to their prince, preferring proscription, and
death itself, rather than desert him in his extremity. ^^

In the meantime, his friends at a distance were active in
measures for his relief. The oppressions of Maxila, and his
growing empire, had caused general alarm in the surrounding
states, who recalled the mild rule of the Tezcucan princes. A
coalition was formed, a plan of operations concerted, and, on
the day appointed for a general rising, Nezahualcoyotl found
himself at the head of a force sufhciently strong to face his
Tepanec ad\ersaries. An engagement came on, in which the

' ' Nezuiiualcoioizin le dixo, que si vicse a f|uicn l)uscal)an, si lo iria
it (lenunciar ? responodi, ciueno; tornundDle a rcplicar diciendole, qii<*
haria mui nial en perder una miigcr liermo.sa y lo dcnias, (ine el rey Maxtlx
prometia, el manccbo se rio de lodo, no liacitndo caso ni do lo uno, ni dc lo
Otro." Ixtiil-ochiil. Hist. Chich., MS., cap. 27.

11 Ibid., MS., cap. 26, 27. Relacioaes. MS., No. 11. Veylia, Hist. Antif^
lib. a, cap. 47, 48.

12 Ixtlilxochitl, MSS., ubi supra. Veytia, ubi supra.

132

AZ TEC CHRONOLOG Y.

latter were totally discomfited ; and the victorious prince, rtr
ceiving everywhere on his route the homage of his joyful subjects,
entered his capital, not like a proscribed outcast, but as the
rightful heir, and saw himself once more enthroned in the halls
of his fathers.

Soon after, he united his forces with the Mexicans, long dis-
gusted with the arbitrary conduct of Maxtla. The allied powers,
after a series of bloody engagements with the usurper, routed
him under the walls of his own capital. He fled to the baths,
whence he was dragged out, and sacrificed with the usual cruel
ceremonies of the Aztecs ; the royal city of Azcapozalco was
razed to the ground, and the wasted territory was henceforth re-
served as the great slave-market for the nations of Anahuac/^

These events were succeeded by the remarkable league
among the three powers of Tezcuco, Mexico, and Tlacopan, of
which some account has been given in a previous chapter.-" His-
torians are not agreed as to the precise terms of it ; the writers
of the two former nations, each, insisting on the paramount
authority of his own in the coalition. All agree in the subordi-
nate position of Tlacopan, a state, like the others, bordering on
the lake. It is certain, that in their subsequent operations,
whether of peace or war, the three states shared in each other's
councils, embarked in each other's enterprises, and moved in
perfect concert together, till just before the coming of the Span-
iards.

The first measure of Nezahualcoyotl, on returning to his
dominions, was a general amnesty. It was his maxim, " that a
monarch might punish, but revenge was unworthy of him.*' ^ In
the present instance, he was averse even to punish, not only
freely pardoned his rebel nobles, but conferred on some, who
had most deeply offended, posts of honor and confidence.
Such conduct was doubtless politic, especially as their aliena-
tion was owang, probably, much more to fear of the usurper,
than to any disaffection towards himself. But there are some
acts of policy which a magnanimous spirit only can execute.

The restored monarch next set about repairing the damages
sustained under the late misrule, and reviving, or rather re-
modelling, the various departments of government. He framed
a concise, but comprehensive, code of laws, so well suited, it
was thought, to the exigencies of the times, that it was adopted

^ Ixtlilxochit], Hist. Chich., MS., cap. 28-31. Relaciones, MS., No. if.
Veytia, Hist Antig., lib. 2, cap. 51-54.

" See page iS of this volume.

^ " Que venjanza no es justo la procuren k)s Reyes, no caatigar al que
lo mereciere." MS. de Ixtlilxochitl.

GOLDEN- AGE OF TEZCUCO.

133

ts their own by the two other members of the triple alliance.
It was written in blood, and entitled the author to be called the
Draco, rather than ' the Solon of Anahuac," as he is fondly
styled by his admirers.^ Humanity is one of the best fruits of
refinement. It is only with increasing civilization, that the leg-
islator studies to economize human suffering, even for the
guilty ; to devise penalties, not so much by way of punishment
for the past, as of reformation for the future."

He divided the burden of government among a number of de-
partments, as the council of war, the council of finance, the coun-
cil of justice. This last was a court of supreme authority, both
in civil and criminal matters, receiving appeals from the lower
tribunals of the provinces, which were obliged to make a full
report, every four months, or eighty days, of their own proceed-
ings to this higher judicature. In all these bodies, a certain
number of citizens were allowed to have seats with the nobles
and professional dignitaries. There was, however, another body,
a council of state, for aiding the l<ing in the despatch of busi-
ness, and advising him in matters of importance, which was
drawn altogether from the highest order of chiefs. It consisted
of fourteen, members ; and they had seats provided for them at
the royal table. ^'^

Lastly, there was an extraordinarv tribunal, called the council
of music, but which, differing from the import of its name, was
devoted to the encouragement of science and art. Works on
aslronomy, chronology, history, or any other science, were re-
quired to be submitted to its judgment, before they could be
made public. This censorial power was of some moment, at
least with regard to the historical department, where the wilful
perversion of truth was made a capital offence by the bloody
code of Nezahualcoyotl. Yet a Tezcucan author must have been
a bungler, who could not elude a conviction under the cloudy
veil of hieroglyphics. This bodv, which was drawn from the

^** See CLivigero, Stor. del Messico, torn. T. p. 247.

Nezahualcoyotl's code consisted of eighty laws, of which thirty-four only
have come down to us, according to V^eytia. (Hist. Antig., toin. III. p.
224, nota.) Ixtlilxochitl enumerates several of them. Hist. Chich., MS.,
cap. 3S, and Relacic^nes, MS., Ordenanzas.

1' Nowhere are these principles kept more steadily in view than in the
arious writings of our adojHed countrvmaii. Dr. Lieher, having more or less
to do with the theory of legislation. Such works could not have been pro-
duced before the nineteenth centiirw

'Mxtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., MS., can . 36. Vevtia, Hist. Antig., lib. 3,
cap. 7.

According to Ziirita, the principal judges, at their general meetings every
four months, constituted also a suri nf parliament or cortes, for advising tb
king on matters of state. See his K ipport, p. 106; also .\nte. u- io-

AZ TEC CIVILIZA TION.

best instructed persons in tlie kingdom, with little regard to
rank, had supervisiou of all the productions of art, and of the
nicer fabrics, ll decided on the qualifications of the professors
in the various branches of science, on the fidelity of their in-
structions to their pupils, the deiiciency of which was severely
punished, and it instituted examinations of these latter. In
short, it was a general board of education for the couniry. On
stated days, historical compositions, and poems treating of
moral or traditional topics, were recited before it by their
authors. Seats were provided for the three crowned heads of
the empire, who deliberated with the other members on the re-
spective merits of the pieces, and distributed prizes of value to
the successful competitors.^^

Such are the marvellous accounts transmitted to us of this in-
stitution ; an institution certainly not to have been expected
among the Aborigines of America. It is calculated to give us a
higher idea of the refinement of the people, than even the noble
architectural remains, which still cover some parts of the conti-
nent. Architecture is, to a certain extent, a sensual gratifica-
tion. It addresses itself to the eye, and affords the best scope
for the parade of barbaric pomp and splendor. It is the form
in whicii the revenues of a semi-civilized people are most likely
to be lavished. The most gaudy and ostentatious specimens of
it, and sometimes the most stupendous, have been reared by
such hands. It is one of the first steps in the great march of
civilization. But the institution in question was evidence of
still higher refinement. It was a literary luxury ; and argued
the existence of a taste in the nation, which relied for its grati-
fication on pleasures of a purely intellectual character.

The influence of this academy must have been most propi-
tious to the capital, which became the nursery, not only of such
sciences as could be compassed by the scholarship of the period,
but of various useful and ornamental arts. Its historians,
orators, and poets were celebrated throughout the country.'" Its

'^ Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., MS., cap. 36 Clavigero, Stor. del Messico,
torn. II. p. 137. Veytia, Hist. Antig., lib. 3, cap. 7.

"Concurrian a cste consejo las tres cabezas del impcrio, en ciertos dias, i
oir cantar las poesias historicas antiguas y niodernas, para instruise de toda
su historia, y tambien cuando habia algun nuevo iiivento en cualquiera facul-
tad, para e.xamiuarlo, aprobarlo, 6 reprobarlo. Delante de las sillas de los
rcyts haljia una gran mesu cargada de joyas de oro y plata, pedreria, plumas,
y otrns cos:is estimables, y en los rincones de la sala nnichas de manta.s de
todas calidades, para premios de las habilidades y estimulo de los profesores,
las cuales alh.'ijas repartian I'ls reyes. en los dias que concurrian, a los que s<
aventajaban en el ejercicio de sus facultades. " Ibid.

*' Veytia, Hist. Antig., lib. 3, cap. 7. Clavigero, Stor. del Messico, torn.
I. p. 247.

GOLDEN AGE OF TEZCUCO. j^^

archives, for which accommodations were provided in the royal
palace, were stored with the records of primitive ages.^^ Its
idiom, more polished than the Mexican, was, indeed, the purest
of all the Nahuatlac dialects ; and continued, long after the Con-
quest, to be that in which the best productions of the native
races were composed. Tezcuco claimed the glory of being the
Athens of the Western World.'^

Among the most illustrious of her bards was tlie emperor
himself, for the Tezcucan writers claim this title for their chief,
as head of the imperial alliance. He, doubtless, appeared as a
competitor before that very academy where he so often sat as a
critic. Many of his odes descended to a late generation, and
are still preserved, perhaps, in some of the dusty repositories of
Mexico or Spain.'^ The historian, Ixtlilxochitl, has left a trans-
lation, in Castilian, of one of the poems of his royal ancestor.
It is not easy to render his version into corresiDonding English
rhyme, without the perfume of the original escaping in this
double filtration.^ They remind one of the rich breathings of
Spanish-Arab poetry, in which an ardent imagination is tempered
by a not unpleasing and moral melancholy.''^^ But, though suffi-
ciently florid in diction, they are generally free from the mere-
tricious ornaments and hyperbole with which the minstrelsy of

The latter author enumerates four historians, some of much repute, of the
royal house of Tezcuco, descendants of the great Nezahualcoyotl. See his
Account of writers, torn. I. pp. 6-21.

^' "En la ciudadde Tezcuco cstaban los Archivos Reales de todas las cosas
referidas, por haver sido la Metropoli de todas las ciencias, usos, y buenas
costumbres. porque los Reyes que fueron de ella se prcciaron de esto. " (Ix-
tlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., IVIS., Prologo.) It was from the poor wreck of
these documents, once so carefully preserved by his ancestors, that the
historian gleaned the materials, as he informs us, for his own works.

2^ "'Aunque es tenida la lengua Mejicana por materna, y la Tezcucana por
mas cortesana y i)ulida." (Camargo, Ilist. de Tlascala, MS.) "Tezcuco,"
says Boturini, '"donde los Senores de la Tierra embiaban a sus hijos para
2.Y>'^t\\z'ndt^r lo ?nus pulido (if ill Ldiigua N'aluiatl, la Poesi'a, Filosofia Moral,
la Theologia Oentilica, la Astronomi'a, Medicina, y la liistoria." Idea,
p. 142.

^ ' Conipuso LX. cantares," says the author last cpioted, " (jue quizas
taml>ien ha\Tan pcrecido en las manos incendiarias dc los ignorantes." (Idea,
p. 79.) Boturini had translations of two of these in his nuiscuni, (('atalogo.
p. 8.) and another has since come to light.

'* Difficult as the task may be. it has been executed by the hand of a fair
friend, who while she has adhered to the (.'astilian with singular lideiity, has
shown a grace and flexibility in her poetical movements, which the C!astilian
ver--ion, and j)robablv llie Mexican original, cainiot boast. See both transla-
tions in Appendix, Part 2, A'o. 2.

'^^ Numerous sjjccimims of this may bs found in Gondii's " Dominacion dc
los Ar&,bcs en Kspaiia." None of them are superior to the plaintive strains
of the royal Abderahman on the solitary paTm-tree, which reminded him o
the pleasant land of hi birth. See Parle 2, cap. 9.

j,^ AZTEC CiriLIZA'J'/o:v.

the East is iist'.ally tainted. They turn on the vanities and mu-
tability of ]' "ian life ; a topic very natural for a monarch who
had himself experienced the strangest mutations of fortune.
There is mingled in the lament of the Tezcucan bard, however,
an Epicurean philosophy, which seeks relief from the fears of
the future in the joys of the present. '' Banish care," he says ,
if there are bounds to pleasure, the saddest life must also have
an end. Then weave the chapler of flowers, and sing ihy songs
in praise of the all-powerful God : for the glorv of this world
soon fadeth away. Rejoice in the green freshness of thy
spring : for the day will come when thou shait sigh for these
joys in vain; when the sceptre shall pass from thy hands, tiiy
servants shall wander desolate in thy courts, thy sons, and the
sons of thy nobles, shall drink the dregs of distress, and all the
pomp of thy victories and triumphs shall li\'e only in their
recollection. Yet the remembrance of the just shall not pass
away from the nations, and the good thou hast done shall ever
be held in honor. The goods of this life, its glories and its
riches, are but lent to us, its substance is but an illusory shadow
and the things of to-day shall change on the coming of the mor-
row. Then gather the fairest flowers from thy gardens, to bind
round thy brow, and seize the jovs of the present, ere they
perish." 26

36 " lo tocare cantando

E! miisico iiittrumento sonoroso

Tuude flores gcizando

Danza, y festcja a Dios que es poderoso:

O gozemos tie e.-ta gioria,

Porqiie la humaiia vida es transitoria."

MS. DE IXTULXOCHITL.

The sentiment, which is common enough, is expressed with uncommon

beauty by the English poet, Herrick:

" CSather the rosebud while you may,
OJd Time is still a flying ;
The fairest flower that biooms to-day,

To-ii!crrow iiiay be dying."

And with still greater beauty, perhaps by Racine ;

' Rions, chantonas, dit cette troupe impie ;
iJe fleurs en lieurs, dc plaisirs en plaisirs,
Promenoiis nos desirs.
Sur I'avenir insense qui se fie.
De nos ans passasers le nombre est incertaiu.
Hatons-nous aujourd'hui de jouir de la vie;
Qui Edit si nous serons demain ? "

Athalib. Acte 2.

It is interesting to see under what different forms the same sentiment, is
developed by flifierenl races, and in different languages. It is an J'])ic..rca ;
sentiment, indeed, but its universality proves its truth to nature.

^JOLDEK AGE OF TEZCUCO.

'37

But the hours of the Tezcucan monarch were not all passed in
idle dalliance with the Muse, nor in the sober contemplations of
philosophy, as at a later period. In' tiie fresh)iess of youth aad
early manhood he led the allied armies in their annual expedi-
tions, which were certain to result in a wider extent of territory
to the empire.'^' In the intervals of peace he fostered those
productive arts which are the surest sources of public prosperity.
He encouraged agriculture above ail ; and there was scarcely a
spot so rude, or a steep so inaccessible, as nni to confess the
power of cultivation. The land was covered with a busy popula-
tion, and towns and cities sprung up in places since deserted,
or dwindled into miserable villages.''"

From resources thus enlarged by conquest and domestic in-
dustry, the monarch drew the means for the large consumption
of his own numerous household, and forlhe costly works which
he executed for the convenience and embellishment of the capi-
tal. He filled it with stately edifices for his nobles, whose
constant attendance he was anxious to secure at his court.*' He
erected a magnificent pile of buildings which might serve both
for a royal reisdence and for the public offices. It extended,

'^'' Some of the provinces and places thus conquered were held by the allied
powers in common ; 'I'lacopan, however, only receiving one fifth of the
tribute. It was more usual to annex the vanquished territory to that one

of the two great .state's, to which it lay nearest. Sec Ixtlilxochitl, Hist.
Chicii., MS., can. 3S. Zurita Rajiport, p. il.

^' Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., MS., cap. 41. The same writer, in another
wuik, calls the population of Tezcuco, at this peritjd, double of what it was
at liie Conquest; founding his estimate on the royal registers, and on the
numerous remains of edifices still \isible in bis clay, in places now de-
po;;'i::i;efi. '' I'arece en las historias que en este ticmpo. antes que se des-
tnr.'j-c-ti, liav'a dob'.aflo mas gente de la que hallo al ticmpo que vino Cortes,
y los demas Espanoies; porque yo hallo en los padroncs reales, que el menor
pueblo tenia 1 100 vecinos, y de alii ]jara arriba, y ab.ora no tienen 200 veciiios,

y aun en algunas partes de todo punto se han acabado Como se

hecha de ver en las ruinas, hasta los mas altos monies y sierras tenian sus
senicntcras, y casas principales para vivir y morar." Relacioncs, MS.,
No. 9.

-' T'lrfiuemaria has extracted the particulars of tlie yearly expeiu'liture of
the oalace from the roval account l)i^t)k, which c;:nie into the historian's
possession. The folbjwing are some of the items, nanicb,-: 4.900,300
fan'-gas of maize : (the fanep;a is cc)ual to about ouc hundred pounds;)
2.744,000 fanegas of cacao; Sooo turkeys; 1300 liaskcts of salt: besides an
in' rrMiihle rpiantitv of game of every kind, veget.-ibh's, condiments, &c.
(M-,:ar,.h. Ind., lib. 2, cap. 53.) Sec, also, Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., MS.,
cap. 3s.

^ 'I 11' in V, 'Tf tRor" tiian four hundred of these lorcllv residences.
"A-i i;i;-i?ii n 'z o ( dif;' :;r miuhcs casas y palacios para los senores y caval-
)er'i, que .-'.-i-tiaii en ^m c.-irtc, cicbi imo conf(jrnie i la calidad v uieritos de
Bu i)ersi)na, las fpialcs ll'i'i'iron k sir mas de fjuatrocientas casas de sefiores v
cavalleros de soiar cui.oolo." Ibid., cap. 38,

,38 AZTEC CIVILTZATION.

from east to west, twelve hundred and thirty-four yards, and
from north to south, nine hundred and seventy-eight. It was
encompassed by a wall of unburnt bricks and cement, six feet
wide and nine high, for one half of the circumference, and
fifteen feet high for the other half. Within this inclosure were
two courts. The outer one was used as the great market-place
of the city; and continued to be so until long after the Conquest,
if, indeed, it is not now. The interior court was surrounded
by the council-chambers and hails of justice. There were also
accommodations there for the foreign ambassadors ; and a
spacious saloon, with apartments opening into it, for men of
science and poets, who pursued their studies in this retreat, or
met together to hold converse under its marble porticos. In
this quarter, also, were kept the public archives ; which fared
better under the Indian dynasty, than they have since under
their European successors.^^

Adjoining this court were the apartments of the king, includ-
ing those for the royal harem, as liberally supplied with beauties
as that of an Eastern sultan. Their walls were incrusted with
alabasters, and richly tinted stucco, or hung with gorgeous tapes-
tries of variegated feather-work. They led through long arcades,
and through intricate labyrinths of shrubbery, into gardens,
where baths and sparkling fountains were overshadowed by tall
groves of cedar and cypress. The basins of water were well
stocked with fish of various kinds, and the aviaries with birds
glowing in all the gaudy plumage of the tropics. Many birds
and animals, which could not be obtained alive, were represent-
ed in gold and silver so skilfully as to have furnished the great
naturalist, Hernandez, with models for his work.^

^' Ibid., cap. 36. "Esta plaza cercada de portales, y tenia asi mismo por
la parte del poniente otra sala grande, y muchos quartos a la redonda, que era
la universidad, en donde asistian todos los poetas, historicos, y philosophos
del reyno, divididos en sus claves, y academias, conforme era la facultad de cada
uno, y asi mismo estaban aqui los archives reales."

^ This celebrated naturalist was sent by Philip II. to New Spain, and he
employed several years in compiling a voluminous w^ork on its various nat-
ural productions, with drawings illustrating them. Although the government
is said to have expended sixty thousand ducats in effecting this great object,
the volumes were not published till long after the author's death. In 1651 a
mutilated edition of the part of the work relating to medical botany appeared
at Rome. The original MSS. were supposed to have been destroyed by the
great fire in the Escurial, not many years after. Fortunately, another copy,
in the a<;hor's own hand, was detected by the indefatigable Munoz, in the
library of the Jesuits' College at Madrid, in the latter part of the last century ;
and a beautiful edition, from the famous press of Ibara, was published in
that capital, under the patronage of government, in 1790. (Hist. Plantarum,
Praefatio. Nic. Antonio, Bibliotheca Hispana Nova, (Matriti, 1790,) torn. XL
P- 432.)

GOLDEN AGE OF TEZCUCO.

139

Accommodations on a princely scale were provided for the
sovereigns of Mexico and Tlacopan, when they visited the court.
The whole of this lordly pile contained three hundred apart-
ments, some of them fifty yards square.** The height of the
building is not mentioned. It was probably not great ; but
supplied the requisite room by the immense extent of ground
which it covered. The interior was doubtless constructed of
light materials, especially- of the rich woods, which, in that
country, are remarkable, when polished, for the brilliancy and
variety of their colors. That the more solid materials of stone
and stucco were also liberally employed is proved by the re-
mains at the present day ; remains, which have furnished an in-
exhausiible quarry for the churches and other edifices since
erected by the Spaniard.-, on the site of the ancient city.**

We are not informed of the time occupied in building this
palace. But two hundred thousand workmen, it is said, were
employed on it ! * However this may be, it is certain that the
Tezcucan monarchs, like those of Asia, and ancient Egypt, had
the control of immense masses of men, and would sometimes
turn the whole population of a conquered city, including the wo-
men, into the public works.^ The most gigantic monuments of
architecture which the world has witnessed would never have
been reared by the hands of freemen.

Adjoining the palace were buildings for the king's children,
who, by his various wives, amounted to no less than sixty sons
and fifty daughters.^' Here they were instructed in all the ex-

The work of Hernandez is a monument of industry and erudition, the more
remarivable, as being the first on this difficult subject. And after all the ad-
ditional light from the labors of later naturalists, it still holds its place as a
book of the highest authority, for the perspicuity, fidelity, and thoroughness,
with which the multifarious topics in it are discussed.

3-nxtlilxochitl, IJist. Chich., MS., cap. 36.

>' " Some of the terraces on wiiich it stood," says Mr. Bullock, speaking
of this palace, " are still entire, and covered with cement, verv iiarci, ;incl equal

in beautv to that found in ancient Roman buildings The great clrarch,

which stands close by, is almost entirely built ol the materials talcen from the
palace, many of the sculj^turcd stones frcmi which may be seen in the walls,
thouL'h most of the ornaments are turned inwards. Indeed, our gr.ide in-
formed us, tliat whoevor built a house at Tczcuco made the ruins of the pal-
ace serve as his quarrv.'" (Six Months in Mexico, chap. 26.) Torquemada
notices the approjjriation of the materials to the same purpose. Monarch.
Ind., lib. 2, cap. 45.

''-' Ixililxochiil, ^iS., ubi supra.

'*Thus, to jDuuish the Chalcas for their rebellion, the whole population
were c(jinpelled, women as well as men, says the chronicler so often quoted,
t(j labor on the royal edifices, fur four years together; and large granaries
were pro-.ided with stores for their maintenance, in the mean lime. Idem,
His',. Chich., MS., cap. 46.

^ Tf tlie pec^ple in general were not much addicted to polvgamy. the sover-

AZTEC CIVILIZATiOA-.

ercises and accomplishments suited to their station ; compre-
hending, what would scarcely find a place in a royal education
on the other side of the Atlantic, the arts of working in metals,
^welry, and feather-mosaic. Once in every four months, the
whole household, not excepting the youngest, and including all
the officers and attendants on the king's person, assembled in a
grand saloon of the palace, to listen to a discourse from an ora-
tor, probably one of the priesthood. The princes, on this occa-
sion, were all dressed in nequeti, the coarsest manufacture of
the country. The preacher began by enlarging on the obliga-
tions of morality, and of respect for the gods, especially im-
portant in persons whose rank gave such additional weight to
example. He occasionally seasoned his homily with a pertinent
application to his audience, if any member of it had been
guilty of a notorious delinquency. From this wholesome ad-
monition the monarch himself was not exempted, and the
orator boldly reminded him of his paramount duty to show re-
spect for his own laws. The king, so far from taking umbrage,
received the lesson with humility : and the audience, we are as-
sured, were often melted into tears by the eloquence of the
preacher." This curious scene may remind one of similar usages
in the Asiatic and Egyptian despotisms, where the sovereign oc-
casionally condescended to stoop from his pride of place, and
allow his memory to be refreshed with the conviction of his own
mortality.^'' It soothed the feelings of the subject, to find him-
self thus placed, though but for a moment, on a IcA-el with his
king ; while it cost little to the latter, who was removed too far
from his people, to suffer any thing by this short-lived familiarity.
It is probable that such an ^ct of public humiliation would have
found less favor with a prince less absolute.

Nezahualcoyotl's fondness for magnificence was shown in his
numerous villas, which were embellished with all that could
make a rural retreat delightful. His favorite residence was at
Tezcotzinco ; a conical hill about two leagues from the capital.*"
It was laid out in terraces, or hanging gardens, having a flight
of steps five hundred and twenty in number, many of them hewn

eign it must be confessed, and it was the same, we shall see, in Mexico,
made ample amends for any self-denial on the part of his subjects.

^ Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., MS., cap. 37.

* The Eg\ptian priests managed the affair in a more courtly style, and
while thev prayed that all sorts of kinglv virtues might descend on the prince,
^ey threw the blame of actual delinquencies on his ministers; thus, "not by
the bitterness of reproof," savs Diodorus^ "but bv the allurements of praise,
enticing him to an honest way of life." TJb. i, cap. 70.

*' Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., MS., cap. 42. 'i^^ Appendix y Part 2, No 3,
for the original descrijition of this royal residenc*.

GOLDEN AGE OF TEZCUCO.

141

io the natural porphyry.*^ In the garden on the summit was a

reservoir of water, fed by an aqueduct that was carried over hill
and valley, for several miles, on huge buttresses of masonry. A
large rock stood in tiie midst of this basin, sculptured with the
hieroglyphics representing the years of Nezahualcoyotl's reign
and his principal achievements in each.'^ On a lower level were
three other reser\'oirs, in each of which stood a marble statue
of a woman, emblematic of the three stales of the empire. An-
other tank contained a winged lion, (?) cut out of the solid rock,
bearing in his mouth the portrait of the emperor.^'^ His like-
ness had been executed in gold, wood, feather-work, and stone,
but this was the only one which pi ased him.

From these copious basins the water was distributed in numer-
ous channels through the gardens, or was made to tumble over
the rocks in cascades, shedding refreshing dews on the
flowers and odoriferous shrtibs below. In the depths of this
fragrant v/ilderness, marble porticos and pavilions were erected,
and baths excavated in the solid porphyry, which are still shown
bv the ignorant nauves, as the "Baths of Montezuma"!**
The visitor descended bv steps cut in the living stone, and
polished so bright as to reflect like mirrors.*^ Tov/ards the
base of the hill, in the midst of cedar groves, whose gigantic
branches threw a refreshing coolness over the verdure in the

^^ " Quinientos y vevnte escaloncs." Davilia Padi'.Ia, IIistt>i"ia de la Pro-
vincia de Santiago, (Madrid, 1596,) lib. 2, cap. S(.

This writer who lived in the sixteenth century, counted tiie steps himself.
Those which were not cut in tlie rock were crumbling into ruins, as indeed,
every part of the establishment was even then far gone to decay.

*^On the summit of the mount, according '.o I'adilla. stood an image of a
(oyctl. an animal resembling a fox, which, according to tradition, repre-
sented an Indian famous for his fasts. It was destroyed bv th.it stancii icon-
cla.-^t. Bishop Zumniarraga as a relic of idolatry. (Mist.de Santiago, lib. 2,
caj:). 81.) This figure s\:is, no doubt, the emblem <;f Nezaliualcovti himself,
wh.se name, as elsewhere noticed, signified ''hungry fo.\."

4.i " Hecho de una pefia un leon de mas de dos brazas de largo con sus alas
y piumas: e.^taba hechado y mirando a la ]jarte del oriente, en cuia lioca
asomaba nn rostro, que era el mismo retrato del Key." Ixiiilxochitl, Hist.
Chich., MS., cap. 42.

^ Mullock speaks of a " beautiful basin, twelve feet long by cigdn wide, hav-
ing a well five feet by four deep in the centre," &c., &c. Whether truth lies in
lh(; Ijottom of this well is nrjt so clc.ir. J.atrtjbe describes the baths as "two
singular basins, ]5erhaj)s two feet and a half in diameter, n<jt large enough for
any monarch bigger tliaii (Jberon to take a duck in." (C;om|). Si.K Months in
Me.Tico, ciiap. 26; and Rambler in Mexico, let. 7.) Ward speaks much, to
the same purpose, (. Mexico in 1827, (London,) 1828, vol. If. p. 296,) which
agrees with, verbal accourits J have received of the same spot.

** r)radas hechas de la misma pefia tan bien gravadas v liz.is que parecian
pspejos." (Ixtlilxochitl, MS., ubi sui)ra. ) The travellers just cited r.otict
the beautiful i^jlish stiil visible in the por|;liyry.

^2 AZTEC civilization:

lultriest seasons of the year,^ rose the royal villa, with its light

arcades and airy halls, drinking in the sweet perfumes of the
gardens. Here the monarch often retired, to throw off the bur-
den of state, and refresh his wearied spirits in the society of his
favorite wives, reposing during the noontide heats in the em-
bowering shades of his paradise, or mingling, in the cool of the
evening, in iheir festive sports and dances. Here he enter-
tained his imperial brothers of Mexico and Tlacopan, and fol-
lowed the hardier pleasures of the chase in the noble woods
that stretched for miles around his villa, flourishing in all their
primeval majesty. Here, too, he often repaired in the latter
days of his life, when age had tempered ambition and cooled
the ardor of his blood, to pursue in solitude the studies of phil-
osophy and gather wisdom from meditation.

The extraordinary accounts of the Tezcucan architecture are
confirmed, in the main, by the relics which still cover the hill of
Tezcotzinco, or are half buried beneath its surface. They attract
little attention, indeed, in the country, where their true history
has long since passed into oblivion ; *" while the traveller, w-hose
curiosity leads him to the spot, speculates on their probable
origin, and, as he stumbles over the huge fragments of sculpt-
ured porphyry and granite, refers them to the primitive races
who spread their colossal architecture over the country, long be-
fore the coming of the Acolhuans and the Aztecs.**

^^' Padillasaw entire pieces of cedar among the ruins, ninety feet long, and four
in diameter. Some of llie massive portals, he observed, were made of a single
stone. (Hist, de Santiago, lib. ii, cap. 8i.) Peter Martyr notices an enor-
mous wooden beam, used in the construction of the palaces of I'ezcuco, which
was one hundred and twenty feet long, by eight feet in diameter! The ac-
counts of this and similar huge pieces of timber were so astonishing, he adds,
that he could not have received them except on the most unexceptionable tes-
timony. De Orbe Novo, dec. 5. cap. 10.

*'' It is much to be regretted that the Mexican government should not
take a deeper interest in the Indian antiquities. What might not l^e effected
by a few hanrls draw from the idle garrisons of some of the neighlDoring towns,
and employed in excavating this ground, " the Mount Palatine " ' of Mexico !
But, unhappil;., the age of violence has been succeeded by one of apathy.

** " They are. doubtless," savs Mr. Latrobe, speaking of what he calls,
"these inexplicable ruins," "rather of Toltec than Aztec origin, and, per-
haps, with still more probability, attributable to a people of an age yet more
remote." (Rambler in Mexico, let. 7.) '"I am of opinion.'" says Mr.
Bullock, ' that these were antiquities prior to the discovery of America, and
erected bv a [jeopie whose historv was lost even before the building of the
city of Mexico. Who can solve this difTficulty ?" (Six months in Mexico,
ubi supra. ) Tiie reader who takes Ixtlilxoch'itl for his guide will have no
great trouble \'\ solving it. He will find here, as he might, probably, in
some other in-tances. that one need go little higher than the Conquest, for
the origin of antiquities, which claim to \)t coeval with Phoenicia and
Ancient Egypt.

Acco.uPLisneD princes.

143

The Tezcucan princes were used to entertain a great numbe:
of concubines. They had but one lawful wife, to whose issue
the crown descended.** Nezahualcoyotl remained unmarri'^'^ ';o
a late period. He was disappointed in an early attachment, as
the princess, who had been educated in privacy to be the partner
of his throne, gave her hand to another. The injured monarch
submitted the affair to the proper tribunal. The parties, how-
ever, were proved to have been ignorant of the destination of the
lady, and the court, with an independence which reflects equal
honor on the judges who could give, and the monarch who could
receive the sentence, acquitted the young couple. This story is
sadly contrasted by the following.*-'

The king devoured his chagrin in the solitude of his beautful
villa of Tezcotzinco, or sought to divert it by travelling. On one
of his journeys he was hospitably entertained by a potent vassal,
the old lord of Tepechpan, who, to do his sovereign more honor,
caused him to be attended at the banquet by a noble maiden,
betrothed to himself, and who, after the fashion of the country,
had been educated under his own roof. She was of the blood
royal of Mexico, and nearly related, moreover, to the Tezcucan
monarch. The latter, who had all the amorous temperament of
the South, was captivated by the grace and personal charms of
the youthful Hebe, and conceived a violent passion for her. He
did not disclose it to any one, however, but, on his return home,
resolved to gratify it, though at the expense of his own honor, by
sweeping away the only obstacle which stood in his path.

He accordingly sent an order to the chief of Tepechpan to
take command of an expedition set on foot against the Tlasca-
lans. At the same time he instructed two Tezcucan chiefs to
keep near the person of the old lord, and bring him mto the
thickest of the fight, where he might lose his life. He assured
them, this had been forfeited by a great crime, but that, from
regard for his vassal's past services, he was willing to cover uj?
hi.-, disgrace by an honorable death.

'i'he veteran, who had long lived in retirement on liis estates,
saw himself, with astonishment, called so suddanly and need-
lessly into action, for which so manv \'ounger men were beiler
fitted. He suspected the cause, and. in the farewell entertaiiv
ment to his friends, uttered a piesentiment of his sad destiny.
His predictions were too soon verilied ; and a few weel<s placed
the hand of his virgin bride at her own disposal.

Xezahualcoyotl did not think it prudent to break his passion
publicly to the princess, so soon after the death of his victim.

*^ Zurita, Kajjpi^rt, p. u.

*> Ixtlilxochitl. Hist, Chi<.L. MS., cap. 43.

144

AZTEC CIVILIZAriOX.

He opened a '. jrres'r.ondence with her through a female relative,

and expresb^j hi., deep symparhy for her less. At the same
time, he tendered the best consolation in his power, by an offer
of his heart, and hand. Her former lover had been too well
stricken in years for the maiden to remam long inconsolable.
She was not aware of the perfidious ploi against his life ; and,
after a decent time, she was ready to comply with her duty, by
placing herself at the disposal of her royal kinsman.

It was arranged by the king, in order to give a more natural
aspect to the affair, and prevent all suspicion of the unworthy
part he had acted, that the princess should present herself in his
grounds at Tezcotzinco, to witness some public ceremony there.
Nezahualcoyotl was standing in a balcony of the palace, when
she^ appeared, and inquired, as if struck with her beauty for the
first time, '' who the lovely young creature was, in his garden."
When his courtiers had acquainted him with her name and r?nk
he ordered her to be conducted to the palace, that she might re-
ceive the attentions due to her station. The interview was soon
follov.ed by a public declaration of his passion ; and the marriage
was celebrated not long after, with great pomp, in the presence
of his court, and of his brother monarchs of Mexico and Tlaco-
pan."^

This story, which furnishes so obvious a counterpart to that
of David and Uriah, is told with great circumstantiality, both by
the king's son and grandson, from whose narratives Ixtlilxochitl
derived it.^^ They stigmatize the action as the basest in their
great ancestor's life. It is indeed too base not to leave an indeli-
ble stain on any character, however pure in other respects, and
exalted.

The king was strict in the execution of his laws, though his
natural disposition led him to temper justice with mercy. Many
anecdotes are told of the benevolent interest he took in the con-
cerns of his subjects, and of his anxiety to detect and reward
merit, even in the most humble. It was common for him to
ramble among them in disguise, like the celebrated caliph in the
''Arabian Nights," mingling freelv in conversation, and ascer-
taining their actual condition with his own eyes.'^

On one such occasion, v.hen attended only by a single lord,
he met with a boy who was gathering sticks in a field for fuel.

Idem. Hi?t. Chicb., MS., cap. 43.

*" Jilcni. uhi supra.

^ ' I^n tr.iie de cazador, (que lo acostumbraba a hacer muy de ordinario,)
aalicndo a soias. v disfrazado para que no fiiese conocido, 4 reconocer las
falta.s y nctesiilad fjuc l.avia en la republicapara remediarlas." Idem, tlist-
Chich., MS., cap. 46.

ACCO^TPLlSIfED PRIXCES.

^45

He inquired of him " why he did not go into the neighboring
forest, where he would find a plenty of them." To which the
lad answered, " It was the king's wood and he would punish hir"
with death, if he trespassed tiiere." The royal forests were very
extensive in Tezcuco, and were guarded by laws full as severe
as those of the Norman tyrants in England, " What kind of
man is your king ? " asked the monarch, willing to learn the
effect of these prohibitions on his own popularity. " A very
hard man," answered the boy, "who denies his people what God
has given them." "* Nezahualcoyotl urged him not to mind such
arbitrary laws, but to glean his sticks in the forest, as there was
no one present who would betray him. But the boy sturdily
refused, bluntly accusing the disguised king, at the same time,
of being a traitor, and of wishing to bring him into trouble,

Nezahualcoyotl, on returning to his palace, ordered the child
and his parents to be summoned before him. They received the
orders with astonishment, but, on entering the presence, the boy
at once recognized the person with whom he had discoursed so
unceremoniously, and he was filled with consternation. The
good-natured monarch, however, relieved his apprehensions, by
thanking him for the lesson he had given him, and, at the same
time, commended his respect for the laws, and praised his
parents for the manner in which they had trained their son. He
then dismissed the parties with a liberal largess ; and afterwards
mitigated the severity of the forest laws, so as to allow persons
to gather any wood they might find on the ground, if they did
not meddle with the standing timber.^

Another adventure is told of him, with a poor woodman and
his wife, who had brought their little load of billets for sale to
the market-place of Tezcuco, The man was bitterly lamenting
his hard lot, and the difficulty with which he earned a wretched
subsistence, while the master of the palace before which they
were standing lived an idle life, without toil, and with all the
luxuries in the world at his command.

He was going on in his complaints, when the good woman
stopped him, by reminding him he might be overheard. He was
so, by Nezahualcoyotl himself, who, standing, screened from
observation, at a latticed window, which overlooked the market,
was amusing himself, as he was wont, with ol^serving the com-
mon people chaffering in the square. He immediately ordered
the querulous couple into his presence. They appeared trem-
bling and conscience-struck before him. The king gravely in-

** Un hombresillo miserable, pues quita a los homhres lo que Dios d mano*
Ucnas les da." Ibid., loc. cit.
5' Ibid., cap. 46.

r^o AZTEC CIVILIZATION,

quired what they had said. As they answered him truly, he told
them they should reflect, that, if he had great treasures at his
command, he had still greater calls for them ; that, far from
leading an easy life, he was oppressed with the whole burden of
government ; and concluded by admonishing them "to be more
cautious in future, as walls had ears." ^ He then ordered his
officers to bring a quantity of cloth, and a generous supply ot
cacao, (the coin of the country,) and dismissed them. " Go."
said he ; " with the little you now have, you will be rich ; while
with all my riches, I shall still be poor.^^

It was not his passion to hoard. He dispensed his revenues
munificently, seeking out poor, but meritorious objects, on whom
to bestow them. He was particularly mindful of disabled
soldiers, and those who had in any way sustained loss in the pub-
lic service; and, in case of their death, extended assistance ta
their surviving families. Open mendicity was a thing he would
never t' 'erate, but chastized it with exemplary rigor.68

It wouid be incredible, that a man of the enlarged mind and
endowments of Nez".hualcoyotl should acquiesce in the sordid
superstitions of his countrymen, and still more in the sanguinar\'
rites borrowed by them from the Aztecs. In truth, his humane
temper shrunk from these cruel ceremonies, and he strenuously
endeavored to recall his people to the more pure and simple
worship of the ancient Toltecs. A circumstance produced a
temporary change in his conduct.

He had been married some years to the wife he had so un-
righteously obtained, but was not blessed with issue. The
priests represented that it was owing to his neglect of the gods
of his country, and that his only remedy was, to propitiate them
by human sacrifice. The king reluctantly consented, and the
akars once more smoked with the blood ot slaughtered captives.
But it was all in vain ; and he indignantly exclaimed, " These
idols of wood and stone can neither hear nor feel : much less
could they make the heavens, and the earth, and man, the lord
of it. These must be the work of the all-powerful, unknown
God, Creator of the universe, on whom alone I must rely tos
consolation and support.^^

58 porque las paredes oian." (Tbid.) A European proverb among the
American .Aborigines looks too strange, not to make one suspect the land ot
the (. iT'onicler.

'''' ' Le d'io, que con aquello poco le bastaba, y viviria bien aventuradc ,
y el con toda la maquina que le parecia que tenia arte, r,- ^enia nada; y asi
JO despidii " Ibid.

5* Ibid.

ry:< <i Verdaderainente ios Dioses cjue lo adoro, que son I'dolos depirdra que
no hablen, ni biei ten, r,o puditron hacer i.i formar '.a hermosura del cielo, <X

ACCOMPLISHED PRINCES. 147

He then withdrew to his rural palace of Tezcotzinco, where
he remained forty days, fasting and praying at stated hours, and
offering up no other sacrifice, than the sweet incense of copal,
and aromatic herbs and gums. At the expiration of this time,
he is said to have been comforted by a vision assuring him of the
success of his petition. At all events, such proved to be the
fact ; and this was followed by the cheering intelligence of the
triumph of his arms in a quarter where he had lately experienced
some humiliating reverses.*^

Greatly strengthened in his former religious convictions, he
now openly professed his faith, and was more earnest to wean
his subjects from their degrading superstitions, and to substitute
nobler and more spiritual conceptions of the Deity. He built
a temple in the usual pyramidal form, and on the summit a tower
nine stories high, to represent the nine heavens ; a tenth was sur-
mounted by a roof painted black, and profusely gilded with stars,
on the outside, and incrusted with metals and precious stones
within. He dedicated this to " the unknowri God, the Cause of
causes." ^^ Jt seems probable, from the emblem on the tower, as
well as from the complexion of his verses, as we shall see, that
he mingled with his reverence for the Supreme the astral worship
which existed among the Toltecs.^ Various musical instruments
were placed on the top of the tower, and the sound of thens,
accompanied by the ringing of a sonorous metal struck by
a mallet, summoned the worshipers to prayers, at regular
seasons."^ No image was allowed in the edifice, as unsuited tJ

sol. luna. y estrellas que lo hermosean, v dan luz a la tierra, rios, aguas, y
fuentes, arboies, y plantas (jue la hermosean, las genles cjue la poseen, y
todo lo criadij; algun Dies inuy poderoso, oculto, y no conocido es el Cria-
dor de todu c! utiiverso. El solo es el que pucde consolarme en mi afliccion,
y socorrerme en tan grande angustia como mi corazon siente." MS. de Ix-
tlilxochitl.

"' M.S. de Ixtlilxochiil.

1"he manuscript here (juoted is one of the many left by the author on the
anti([uities of his country, and forms part of a voluminous compilation made
in Mexico bv father Vega, in 1792, by order of the Spanish government. See
Appendix, Partz, A^o. 2.

*' " Al Dios no conocido, causa tie las causas." MS. de Ixtlilxochiil.

^^ Their earliest temples were dedicated to the Sun. The Moon they wor-
shipped as his wife, and the Stars as his sisters. (Veytia, Hist. Aiitig., torn,
I, cap. 25. ) 1 he ruins still existing at Teotihuacan, about seven leagues
from Mexico, are supposed to have been temples, raised by this .uicient peo-
ple, in honor of the two great deities, l^oturini. Idea, p. 42.

''' MS. de Ixtlilxochitl.

" This was evidently a, .^i?;/^''," says Mr. Ranking, who treads with cnviabl.;
COiififlence over the " suppositos cineres," in the path of the antiquary. .See
hi- Ilistoiical licsearches on the Coiujuest of Peru, Mexico, jfcc., by the
Mongols, (London, 1S27,) j). jim.

AZTEC CIVILIZATION.

the " invisible God " ; and the people were expressly prohibited
from profaning the altars with blood, or any other sacrifices than
that of the perfume of flowers and sweet-scented gums.

The remainder of his days was chiefly spent in his delicious
solitudes of Tezcotzinco, where he devoted himself to astrono-
mical and, probably, astrological studies, and to meditation on
his immortal destiny, giving utterance to his feelings in songs,
or rather hymns, of much solemnity and pathos. An extract
from one of these will convey some idea of his religious
speculations. The pensive tenderness of the verses quoted in a
preceding page is deepened here into a mournful, and even
gloomy coloring : while the wounded spirit, instead of seeking
relief in the convivial sallies of a young and buoyant tempera-
ment, turns for consolation to the world beyond the grave.

" All things on earth have their term, and, in the most joyous
career of their vanity and splendor, their strength fails, and they
sink into the dust. All the round world is but a sepulchre; and
there is nothing, which lives on its surface, that shall not be
hidden and entombed beneath it. Rivers, torrents, and streams
move onward to their destination. Not one tlows back to its
pleasant source. They rush onward, hastening to bury them-
selves in the deep bosom of the ocean. The things of yesterday
are no more to-day ; and things of to-day shall cease, perhaps,
on the morrow."* The cemetery is full of the loathsome dust of
bodies once quickened by living souls, who occupied thrones,
presided over assemblies, marshalled armies, subdued provinces,
arrogated to themselves worship, were puffed up with vainglorious
pomp, and power, and empire.

" But these glories have all passed awav, like the fearful smoke
that issues from the throat of Popocatepetl, with no other
memorial of iheir existence than the record on the page of the
chronicler.

" The great, the wise, the valiant, the beautiful. alas ! where
are they now ? They are all mingled with the clod ; and that
which has befallen them shall happen to us, and to those that
come after us. Vet let us tawe coinage, illustrious nobles and
chieftains, true friends and loyal subjects, Id us aspire to that
/icaTXH, ij/icri: all is eterfuil, ivul o:vn/J)fion cannot come.^'^ The

*'* Toda la reclondez de la ticrra cs un sepuicio: no hay cosa que sustente
f,r.e con titulode piedad no la esconda v enticrre. Corren los rios, los arroy-
OS. 'as fuentes, y las aguas, ningunas retroceden para susalegros nacimientos:
actk;ra;:se cun ansa para ios vastos dotiiinios de Tluloca , Neptuno], y cuanto
nin- ?e arrinian a sus dilatadas margenes, tanto mas van lobarando las melan-
coiicas urnas jiara sepiiltarse. Lo que f ue ayer no es hoy, ni lo de hoy se afi-
an/a que scramafiana "

'' '' Aspirenios al cielo, que alii tudo cs ccrno v nada se corrompe."

ACCOMPLISHED PRINCES.

149

horrors of the tomb are but the cradle of the Sun, and the dark
shadows of death are brilliant lights for the stars.'"* The
mystic Import ot the last sentence seems to point to that super-
stition respecting the mansions of the Sun, which forms so
beautiful a contrast to the dark features of the Aztec mythology.

At length, about the year 1470,^' Nezahuacoyotl, full of years
and honors, felt himself drawing near his end. Almost half a
century had elapsed since he mounted the throne of Tezcuco,
He had found his kingdom dismembered by faction, and bowed
to the dust beneath the yoke of a foreign tyrant, He had
broken that yoke ; had breathed new life into the nation, re-
newed its ancient institutions, extended wide its domain ; had
seen it flourishing in all the activity of trade and agriculture,
gathering strength from its enlarged resources, and daily ad-
vancing higher and higher in the great march of civilization.
All this he had seen, and might fairly attribute no small portion
of It to his own wise and beneficent rule. His long and glorious
day was now drawing to its close ; and he contemplated the
event with the same serenity, which he had shown under the
clouds of its morning and in its meridian splendor.

A short time before his death, he gathered around him those
of his children in whom he most confided, his chief counsellors,
the ambassador of Mexico, and Tlacopan, and his little son, the
heir to the crown, his only offspring by the queen. He was then
not eight years old ; but had already given, as far as so tender a
blossom might, the rich promise of future excellence.''^"

'''' " El horror del sepulcro es lisongera cuna para el, las funestas sombras,
briilantes laces para los astros."

The original text and a Spanish translation of this poem first appeared, I
believe, in a work of Granados y Galvez. (Tardes Americanas, (Mexico,
177S,) p. 9oetseq.) The original is in the Otomie tongue, and both, to-
gether with a French version, have been inserted by M. Ternaux-C-mpans
m the Appendix to his translation of Ixtlilxochitl's Hist, des Chichimeques
(tonn. 1. pp. 359-367.) Bustamanie, who iias, also, published the Spanish
version in his (Valeria dc Antiguos T'rincipcs Mejicanos, (Puebla, 1821. (pp.
16, 17).) calls it the " Ode of the Flower," which was recited at a banquet
of the great Texcucan nobles. If this last, however, be the same mentioned
by Tor([ueinada, {.Monarch. Ind., lib. 2, cap, 45,) it must have been written
in the Tezcucan tongue; and, indeed, it is not probable that the Otomie. an
Indian dialect, so distinct from the languages of Anahuac, however well un-
cicrstood by the royal poet, could have been comprehended by a miscellane-
ous niidience of his cnmirvmen.

" An approximation to a date is the most one can hope to arrive at with
Ixtiiixochitl. who has entangled his chronologv in a manner beyond my skill
to unravel. Thus, after telling us that Nczahualcoyotl was fifteen years old
when his father was slain in 14 18, he savs he died at the age of seventy-on%
fal 1462. Instar omnium. Conq). Hist. Chicli., MS., cap. l8, 19, 49.

MS. de Ixtiiixochitl, alo, Hist. Chich., MS., cap. 49.

Mexico 7 Vol. 1

Igo

AZTEC civilization:

After tenderly er/uiacing the child, the dying monarch threw
over him the robes of sovereignty. He then gave audience to
the ambassadors, and when they had retired, made the boy repeat
the substance of the conversation. He followed this by such
counsels as were suited to his comprehension, and which, when
remembered through the long vista of after years, would serve as
lights to guide him in his government of the kingdom. He be-
sought him not to neglect the worship of "the unknown God,"
regretting that he himself had been unworthy to know him, and
intimating his conviction that the time would come when he should
be known and worshipped throughout the land.*^^

He next addressed himself to that one of his sons, in whom
he placed the greatest trust, and whom he had selected as the
guardian of the realm. " From this hour," said he to him, " you
will fill the place that I have filled, of father to this child ; you will
teach him to live as he ought ; and by your counsels he will rule
over the empire. Stand in his place, and be his guide, till he shall
be of age to govern for himself." Then, turning to his other chil-
dren, he admonished them to live united with one another, and to
show all loyalty to their prince, who, though a child, already
manifested a discretion far above his years. " Be true to him,"
he added, "and he will maintain you in your rights and digni-
ties."

Feeling his end approaching, he exclaimed, " Do not bewail
me with idle lamentations. But sing the song of gladness, and
show a courageous spirit, that the nations I have subdued may
not believe you disheartened, but may feel that each one of you
is strong enough to keep them in obedience ! " The undaunted
spirit of the monarch shone forth even in the agonies of death.
That stout heart, however, melted, as he took leave of his
children and friends, weeping tenderly over them, while he bade
each a last adieu. When they had withdrawn, he ordered the
officers of the palace to allow no one to enter it again. Soon
after, he expired, in the seventy-second year of his age, and the
forty-third of his reign."

Thus died the greatest monarch, and, if one foul blot could be
effaced, perhaps the best, who ever sat upon an Indian throne.
His character is delineated with tolerable impartiality by his

^ " No consentiendo que haya sacrificios de gente humana, que Dios se
enoja de ello, castigando con rigor a los que lo hicieren ; que el dolor que
llevo es no tener luz, ni conocimiento, ni ser merecedor de conocer tan gran
Dios, el qual tengo por cierto que ya que los presentes no lo conozcan, ha di
venir tiempo en que sea conocido y adorado en esta titrra" MS. de Ixtlil-
xochitl.

Idem, ubi supra; also Hist. Cliich., cap. 49.

^ Uiat. Chich., cap. 49.

ACCOMPLISHED PRINCES.

151

kinsman, the Tezcucan chronicler, " He was wise, valiant,
liberal ; and, when we consider the magnanimity of his soul, the
grandeur and success of his enterprises, his deep policy, as well
as daring, we must admit him to have far surpassed every other
prince and captain of this New World. He had few failings him-
self, and rigorously punished those of others. He preferred the
public to his private interest ; was most charitable in his nature,
often buying articles, at double their worth, of poor and honest
persons, and giving them away again to the sick and infirm. In
seasons of scarcity he was particularly bountiful, remitting the
taxes of his vassals, and supplying their wants from the roval
granaries. He put no faith in the idolatrous worship of the
country. He was well instructed in moral science, and sought,
above all things, to obtain light for knowing the true God. He
believed in one God only, the Creator of heaven and earth, by
whom we have our being, who never revealed himself to us in
human form, nor in any other ; with whom the souls of the vir-
tuous are to dwell after death, while the wicked will sufifer pains
unspeakable. He invoked the Most High, as ' He by whom we
live,' and ' Who has all things in himself.' He recognized the
Sun for his father, and the Earth for his mother. He taught his
children not to confide in idols, and only to conform to the out-
ward worship of them from deference to public opinion. '^ If he
could not entirely abolish human sacrifices, derived from the
Aztecs, he, at least, restricted them to slaves and captives." '^

I have occupied so much space with this illustrious prince, that
but little remains for his son and successor, Nezahualpilli. I
have thought it better, in our narrow limits, to present a com
plete view of a single epoch, the most interesting in the Tezcu-
can annals, than to spread the inquiries over a broader, but com-
paratively barren field. Yet Nezahualpilli, the heir to the crown,
was a remarkable person, and his reign contains many incidents,
which I regret to be obliged to pass over in silence.'*

"* " SoHa amonestar 4 sus hijos en secreto bue no adorasen 4 aquellas fig-
Hraa cle idolos, y (jue aquello que hiciesen en publico fuese solo par mtmplimi-
tnto."' Ibid.

"'^ Idem, ubi supra.
' 'i':,c i.ame Nczahu.ilpilli signifies " the prince for whom one has fasted,"
in allusion, no ioubt, to the long fast of his father previous to his birth.
(See Ixtilxochiti, ilist. Chich., MS., cap. 45.) I have explained the meaning
of the equally euphonious name of hit puioni, Xezahualcoyotl. (Ante, ch. 4.)
If it be true, 'that

(..aesar err F.paniinond.is
Could ne'er without names liavc been known to us,"

it ia no less certain that such names as those of the two Tezcucan princci, o
difficult to be uronounced or remembered by a European, arc most unfaYor-

al)!e to immortalit',.

ie2 AZTEC CIVILIZATIOX.

He had, ia ?naDy respects, a taste similar to his father's, and,
like him, displayed a profuse magnificence in his way of living
and in his public edifices. He was more severe in his morals ;
and, in the execution of justice, stern even to the sacrifice of
natural afifection. Several remarkable instances of this are told;
one, among others, in relation to his eldest son, the heir to the
crown, a prince of great promise. The young man entered into
a poetical correspondence with one of his father's concubine:^,
the lady of Tula, as she was called, a woman of humble origin,
but of uncommon endowments. She wrote verses with ease, and
could discuss graver matters with the king and his ministers.
She maintained a separate establishment, where she lived in
state, and acquired, by her beauty and accomplishments, great
ascendancy over her royal lover.''^ With this favorite the prince
carried on a correspondence in verse, whether of an amorous
nature does not appear. At all events, the offence was capital.
It was submitted to the regular tribunal, who pronounced sen-
tence of death on the unfortunate youth ; and the king, steeling
his heart against all entreaties and the voice of nature, suffered
the cruel judgment to be carried into execution. We might, in
this case, suspect the influence of baser passions on his mind,
but it was not a solitary instance of his inexorable justice towards
those most near to him. He had the stern virtue of an anciei t
Roman, destitute of the softer graces which make virtue attrac-
tive. When the sentence was carried into effect, he shut himself
up in his palace for many weeks, and commanded the doors and
windows of his son's residence to be walled up, that it might
never again be occupied.'

Nezahualpilli resembled his father in his passion for astronom-
ical studies, and is said to have had an observatory on one of

"^ " De las concubinas la que mas privo con el rev, fue' la que llamaljan la
Senora de Tula, no por linage, sino porque era hija de un mercader, y era tan
sabia que competia con el rey y con los mas sabios de su reyno, y era en la
poesia muy aventajada, que con estas gracias y dones naturales tenia al rey
muy sugeto a su voluntad de tal manera que lo que queria alcanzaba de el, y
asi vivia sola por si con grande aparato y niagestad en unos palacios que el
rey le mando edificar." Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., MS., cap. 57.

'"'' Ibid., cap. 67.

The Tezcucan historian records several appalling examples of this severity ;
one in particular, in relation to his guilty wife. The story, reminding one
of the tales of an Oriental harem, has been translated for the Appendix, Part
2, JVo. 4. See also Torquemada, (Monarch. Ind., lib. cap. 66,) and Zurita
(Rapport, pp. 108, 109.) He was the terror, in particular, of all unjust mag-
istrates. They had little favor to expect from the man who could stifle the
oice of nature in his own bosom, in obedience to the laws. As Suetonius
aid of a prince who had not his virtue, " Vehemens et in corcendis quidem
4lictis immodicuB." Vita Galb^e, sec. 9.

DECLINE OF THE MONARCHY.

I S3

his palaces." He was devoted to war in his youth, but, as he
advanced in years, resigned himself to a more indolent way of
life, and sought his chief amusement in the pursuit of his favorite
science, or in the soft pleasures of the sequestered gardens of
Tezcotzinco. This quiet life was ill suited to the turbulent tem-
per of the times, and of his Mexican rival, Montezuma. The
distant provinces fell off from their allegiance ; the army relaxed
its discipline ; disaffection crept into its ranks ; and the wily
Montezuma, partly by violence, and partly by stratagems un-
worthy of a king, succeeded in plundering his brother monarch
of some of his most valuable domains. Then it was, that he
arrogated to himself the title and supremacy of emperor, hitherto
bor'ie by the Tezcucan princes, as head of the alliance. Such is
the account given by the historians of that nation, who, in this
way, explain the acknowledged superiority of the Aztec sovereign,
both in territory and consideration, on the landing of the Span-
iards.

These misfortunes pressed heavily on the spirits of Nezahual-
pilli. Their effect was increased by certain gloomy prognostics
of a near calamity which was to overwhelm the countr}'. He
withdrew to his retreat, to brood in secret over his sorrows. His
health rapidly declined ; and in the year 15 15, at the age of fifty-
two, he sunk into the grave -^ happy at least, that, by this timely
death, he escaped witnessing the fulfilment of his own predictions,
in the ruin of his countrj^, and the extinction of the Indian dyn-
asties, forever.*'

In reviewing the brief sketch here presented of the Tezcucan
monarchy, we are strongly impressed with the conviction of its

"^ Torquemada saw the remains of this, or what passed for suck, in his day.
Monarch. Ind., lib. 2, cap. 64.

'* Ixltilxochitl, Hist. Chich., MS., cap. 73, 74.

This sudden transfer of empire from the fezcucans, at the close of the reigru
of two (jf tiieir ablest monarchs, is so improbable, that one cannot but doubt
if they ever possessed it at least, to the extent claimed by the patriotic histo-
rian. .See Ante, Chap, i, note 25, and the corresponding text.

Ixtlilxochit]. Hist. Chich., MS., cap. 72.

The reader will find a particular account of these prodigies, better authen-
ticated than most miracles, in a future page of this History.

*^ Ibifl., cap. 75. Or rather at the age of fifty, if the historian is right, in
placing his birth, as he does in a ])receding chapter, in 1465. (See cap. 46.)
It is not easy to decide what is true, when the writer does not take the trouble
to Imj true to himself.

*i His obsequies were celebrated with sanguinary pomp. Two hundred
male and one hundred female slaves were sacrificed at his tomb. His body
was consumed, amidst a heap of jewels, precious stuffs, and incense, on a
funeral pile ; and the ashes, deposited in a golden urn, were placed in the
great temple of Huitzilopotchli, for who.se worship the king notwithstanding
the lessons of bis father, bad some partiality. Ibid.

,24 AZTEC CHROiVOLOGY.

superiority, in all the great features of civilization, over the rest
of Anahuac. The Mexicans showed a similar proficiency, no
doubt in the mechanic arts, and even in mathematical science.
But in the science of government, in legislation, in speculative
doctrines of a religious nature, in the more elegant pursuits of
poetry, eloquence, and whatever depended on refinement of taste
and a polished idiom, they confessed themselves inferior by re-
sorting to their rivals for instruction, and citing their works as
the masterpieces of their tongue. The best histories, the best
poems, the best code of laws, the purest dialect, were all allowed
to be Tezcucan. The Aztecs rivalled their neighbors in splendor
of living, and even in the magnificence of their structures. They
displayed a pomp and ostentatious pageantry, truly Asiatic. But
this was the development of the material, rather than the intellect-
ual principle. They wanted the refinement of manners essential
to a continued advance in civilization, An insurmountable limit
was put to theirs, by that bloody mythology, which threw its with-
ering taint over the very air that they breathed.

The superiority of the Tezcucans was owing, doubtless, in a
great measure, to that of the two sovereigns whose reigns we
have been depicting. There is no position, which affords such
scope for ameliorating the condition of man, as that occupied by
an absolute ruler over a nation imperfectly civilized. From his
elevated place, commanding all the resources of his age, it is in
his power to diffuse them far and wide among his people. He
may be the copious reservoir on the mountain top, drinking in
the dews of heaven, to send them in fertilizing streams along the
lower slopes and valleys, clothing even the wilderness in beauty,
^uch were Nezahualcoyotl, and his illustrious successor, whose
rnlightened policy, extending through nearly a century, wrought
a most salutary revolution in the condition of their country. It
is remarkable that we, the inhabitants of the same continent,
should be more familiar with the history of many a barbarian
chief, both in the Old and New World, than with that of these
truly great men, whose names are identified with the most glorious
period in the annals of the Indian races.

What was the actual amount of the Tezcucan civilization, it is
not easy to determine, with the imperfect light afforded us It
was certainly far below anything, which the word conveys
measured by a European standard. In some of the arts, and in
any walk of science, they could only have made, as it were, a
beginning. But they had begun in the right way, and already
showed a refinement in sentiment and manners, a Capacity for
receiving instruction, which, under good auspices, might have led
them on to indefinite improvement. Unhappily, they were fast

TX TLILXO CHITL .

15$

falling under the dominion of the warlike Aztecs, And that
people repaid the benefits received from their more polished
neighbors by imparting to them their own ferocious superstition,
which, falling like a mildew on the land, would soon have blighted
its rich blossoms of promise, and turned even its fruits to dust
and ashes.

Fernando de Alva Ixtlilxochitl,\vho flourished in the beginning of the sixteenth
century, was a native of Tezcuco, and descended in a direct line from the sov-
ereigns of that kingdom. The royal posterity became so numerous in a few
generations, that it was common to see them reduced to great poverty, and
earning a painful subsistence by the most humble occupations. Ixtlilxochiti
who was descended from the principal wife or queen of Nezahualapilli, main-
tained a very resi^ectable position, lie filled the office of interpreter to the
viceroy, to which he was recommended l)y his acquaintance with the ancient
hieroglyphics, and his knowledge of the Mexican and Spanish languages.
His birth gave him access to persons of the highest rank in his own nation,
some of whom occupied important civil posts under the new government, and
were thus enabled to make large collections of Indian manuscripts, which
were liberally opened to him. He had an extensive library of his own, also,
and with these means diligently pursued the study of the Tezcucan antiquities.
He deciphered the hieroglyphics, made himself master of the songs and trad-
itions and forfified his narrative by the oral testimony of some very aged per-
sons, who had themselves been acquainted with the Conquerors, From such
authentic sources he composed various works in the Castilian, on the prim-
itive history of tlie Toltec and the Tezcucan races, continuing it down to the
subversion of the empire by Cortes. These various accounts, compiled under
the title of Relaaones, are, more or less, repetitions and abridgements of each
other ; nor is it easy to understand why they were thus composed. The His-
toria Chickemeca is the best digested and most complete of the whole series ;
and as such has been the most frequentJy consulted, for the preceding pages.

Ixtlilxochill's writings have many of the defects belonging to his age. He
often crowds the page with incidents of a trivial and sometimes improbable
character. The improbability increases with the distance of the period; for
distance, which diminishes objects to the natural eye, exaggerates them to the
mental. His chronologv, as I have more than once noticed, is inextricably
entangled. He has often lent a too willing ear to traditions and reports which
would startle the more sceptical criticism of the present time. Vet there is
an appearance of good faith and simplicity in his writings, which may convince
the reader, that, when he errs, it is from no worse cause than national par-
tiality. And surely such partiality is excusable in the descendant of a proud
line, shorn of its ancient splendors, which it was soothing to his own feelings
to revive again, though with something more than their legitimate lustre,
on the canvas of historv. It should also be considered, that, if his narrative
is sometimes startling, his researches i)enetrate into the mysterious depths of
anticjuitv, where light and darkness meet and melt into each other; and when
everything is still further liable to distortion, as seen through the misty me-
'^ium of hieroglyphics.

sVith these allowances, it will be fount! that the Tezcucan historian has just
claims to our admiratioti for the compass of his inquiries, and the sagacity
with which they have been conducted. He has introduced us to the knowl-
edge of the mo3t ptjlished people of Anahuac, whose records, if preserved^,
could not, at a much later period, have been comprehended; and he has thut

ic6 AZTEC Crvn.IZATTON

afforded a standard of comparison, which much raises our ideas of Americai
civilization. His language is simple, and, occasionally, eloquent and touching.
His descriptions are highly picturesque. He abounds in familiar anecdote ;
and the natural graces of his manner, in detailing the more striking events of
history, and the personal adventures of his heroes, entitle him to the name of
the Livy of Anahuac.

I shall be obliged to enter hereafter into his literary merits, in connection
with the narrative of the Conquest ; for which he is a prominent authority.
His earlier annals though no one of his manuscripts has been printed have
been diligently studied by the Spanish writers in Mexico and liberally trans-
ferred to their pages; and his reputation, like Sahagun's, has doubtless suf-
fered by the process. His Historia Chichemeca is now turned into French by
M. Ternaux-Compans, forming part of that inestimable series of translations
from unpublished documents, which have so much enlarged our acquaintance
with the early American history. I have had ample opportunity of proving
the merits of his version of Ixtlilxochitl; and am happy to bear my testimony
to the fidelity and elegance with which it is executed.

Note. It was my intention to conclude this Introductory portion of the
work with an inquiry into the Origin of the Mixican Civilization. " But the
general question of the origin of the inhabitants of a continent," says Hum-
doldt, "is beyond the limits prescribed to history; perhaps it is not even a
philosophic uestion." For tlie majority of readers," says Livy, "the origin
and remote antiquities of a nation can have comparatively little interest."
The criticism of these great writers is just and pertinent; and, on further con-
sideration, I have thrown the observations on this topic, prepared with some
care, into the Appendix Part iv); to which those, who feel sufl5cient curiosity
in tba diacuMior, can turn before entering on the narrative of the Conquest

BOOK SECOND..

HSCOVERY or MEXICO

BOOK 11.

DISCOVERY OK MEXICO.

CHAPTER I.

Spain under Charles V. Progress of Discovery. Colo

NiAL Policy. Conquest of Cuba. Expeditions

TO Yucatan.

1516 1518.

In the beginning of the sixteenth century, Spain occupied
perhaps the most prominent position on the theatre of Europe.
The numerous states, into which she had been so long divided,
were consoUdated into one monarchy. The Moslem crescent,
after reigning there for eight centuries, was no longer seen on
her borders. The authority of the crown did not, as in later
times, overshadow the inferior orders of the state. The people
enjoyed the inestimable privilege of political representation, and
exercised it with manly independence. The nation at large
could boast as great a degree of constitutional freedom, as any
other, at that time, in Christendom. Under a system of salutary
Jaws and an equitable administration, domestic tranquility was
secured, public credit established, trade, manufactures, and even
the more elegant arts, began to flourish; while a higher educa-
tion called forth the first blossoms of that literature, which was
to ripen into so rich a harvest before the close of the century.
Arms abroad kept pace with arts at home. Spain found her
empire suddenly enlarged by important acquisitions both in
Europe and Africa, while a New World beyond the waters
poured into her lap treasures of countless wealth, and opened
an unbounded field for honorable enterprise.

Such was the condition of the kingdom at the close of the
long and glorious reign of Ferdinand and Isabella, when, on the
t3d of January, 1516, the sceptre passed into the hands of their
daughter Joanna, or rather their grandson, Charles the Fiftii,
who alone ruled the monarchy during the long and imbecile em-

1 60 DISCO VBR Y OF MEXICO.

\stence of his unfortunate mother. During the two years folIo"w>.

ing Ferdinand's death, the regency, in the absence of Charlea.
/as held by Cardinal Ximenes, a man whose intrepidity, extraor-
dinary talents, and capacity for great enterprises were accom-
panied by a haughty spirit, which made him too indifferent as to
the means of their execution. His admmistration, therefore,
notwithstanding the uprightness of his intentions, was, from his
total disregard of forms, unfavorable to constitutional liberty ;
for respect for forms is an essential element of freedom. With
all his faults, however, Ximenes was a Spaniard , and the object
he had at heart was the good of his country.

It was otherwise on the arrival of Charles, who, after a long
absence, came as a foreigner into the land of his fathers (No-
vember, 15 1 7.) His manners, sympathies, even his language,
were foreign, for he spoke the Castilian with difficulty. He
knew little of his native country, of the character of the people
or their institutions. He seemed to care still less for them ,
while his natural reserve precluded that freedom of communica-
tion, which might have counteracted, to some extent, at least,
the errors of education. In everything, in short, he was a for-
eigner, and resigned himself to tlie direction of his Flemish
counsellors wi:h a docility that gave little augury of his future
greatness.

On his entrance into Castile, the young monarch was accom
panied by a swarm of courtly sycophants, who settled, like lo-
custs, on every place of profit and honor throughout the king
dom. A Fleming was made grand chancellor of Castile an-
other Fleming was placed in the archiepiscopal see of Toledo,
They even ventured to profane the sanctity of the cortes, by in-
truding themselves on its deliberations. Yet that body did not
tamely submit to these usurpations, but gave vent to its indigna'
tion in tones becoming the representatives of a free people.^

The deportment of Charles, so different from that to which
the Spaniards had been accustomed under the benign adminis-

1 The following passage one among many from that faithful mirror of
the times, Peter Martvr's conespondence, does ample justice to the intern-
perance, avarice, and intolerable arrogance of the Flemings. The testimony
IS worth the more, as coming from one who, though resident in Spain, was
not a Spaniard. " Crumenas auro fulrire inhiant; huic uni studio invigilant.
Nee detrectat juvenis Rex. Farcit quacunque posse datur; non satiattameo.
Quae qualisve sit gens hasc, depingere adliuc nescio. Insutiiat vulgus hie in
omne genus hom.inum non arctoum. Minores faciunt Hispanos, quam si nati
essent inter eorum cloacas. Rugiunt jam Hispani, labra mordent, submur-
murant taciti, fatorum vices tales esse conqueruntur, quod ipsi domitores
regnorum ita fioccifiant ab his, quorum Deus unicus (sub rege temperate)
Bacchus est cum Citherea." Opus Epistolarum, (Amstelodami, 1610,)
op. 608.

SPAIN UNDER CHARLES V. i6|

tration of Ferdins>n.i and Isabella, closed all hearts against him;
and, as his character came to be understood, instead of the
spontaneous outpourings of loyalty, which usually greet the ac-
cession of a new and youthful sovereign, he was everywhere en-
countered by opposition and disgust. In Castile, and after
wards in Aragon, Catalonia, and Valencia, the commons hesi-
tated to confer on him the title of King during the lifetime of
his mother . and, though they eventually yielded this point, and
associated his name with hers in the bovereignty, yet they re-
luctantly granted the supplies he demanded, and, when they did
so, watched over their appropriation with a vigilance which lefs
little to gratify the cupidity of the Flemings. The language of
the legislature on these occasions, though temperate and re-
spectful, breathes a spirit of resolute independence not to be
found, probably, on the parliamentary records of any other na-
tion at that period. No wonder that Charles should have early
imbibed a disgust for these popular assemblies, the only bodies
whence truths so unpalatable could find their way to the ears of
the sovereign!'^ Unfortunately, they had no influence on his
conduct; till the discontent, long allowed to fester in secret,
broke out into that sad war of the coniunidaaes, which shook
the state to its foundations, and ended in the subversion of its
liberties.

The same pestilent foreign influence was felt, though much
less sensibly, in the Colonial administration. This had been
placed, in the preceding reign, under the immediate charge of
the two great tribunals, the Council of the Indies, and the Casa
de Coniratacion, or India House, at Seville. It was their busi-
ness to further the progress of discovery, watch over the infant
settlements, and adjust the disputes which grew up in them.
But the licenses granted to private adventurers did more for the
cause of discovery, than the patronage of the crown or its offi-
cers. The long peace, enjoyed with slight interruption by
Spain in the early part of the sixteenth century, was most au-
spicious for this; and the restless cavalier, who could no longer
win laurels on the fields of Africa or Europe, turned with eager-
ness to the brilliant career opened to hvm uevond the ocean.

It is difficult for those of our time, as familiar from childhood
with the most remote places on the globe as with those in their

' Yet, the nobles were not all backward in manifesting their disgust.
When Charles would have conferred the famous Burgtindian order of the
Golden Fleece on the Conn; of I?enavente, that lord refused it, proudly tell-
ing him, " 1 am a Castilian. I desire no honors but those of my own country,
in my opinion, quite as good as indeed, better than those of any othei-.
Sandoval, Historia de la Vida y Hechos del Emperador Cirlos v., (Anv
b^rw, i6Si,) torn. I. p. lo^

(63 DISCOVERY OF MEXICO.

own neighborhood, to picture to themselves the feelings of the
men who lived in the sixteenth century. The dread mystery,
which had so long hung over the great deep, had, indeed, been
removed. It was no longer beset with the same undefined hor-
rors as when Columbus launched his bold bark on its dark and
unknown waters. A new and glorious world had been thrown
open. But as to the precise spot where that world lay, its ex-
tent, its history, whether it were island or continent, of all this,
they had very vague and confused conceptions. Many, in their
ignorance, blindly adopted the erroneous conclusion into which
the great Admiral had been led by his superior science, that
the new countries were a part of Asia ; and, as the mariner wan-
dered among the Bahamas, or steered his caravel across the
Caribbean seas, he fancied he was inhaling the rich odors of the
spice-islands in the Indian Ocean. Thus every fresh discovery,
interpreted by this previous delusion, served to confirm him in
his error, or, at least, to fill his mind with new perplexities.

The career thus thrown open had all the fascinations of a
desperate hazard, on which the adventurer 'taked all his hopes
of fortune, fame, and life itself. It was not often, indeed, that
he won the rich prize which he most coveted ; but then he was
sure to win ihe meed of glory, scarcely less dear to his chivalrous
spirit ; and, if he survived to return to his home, he had won-
derful stories to recount, of perilous chances among the strange
people he had visited, and the burning climes, whose rank fer-
tility and magnificence of vegetation so far surpassed anything
he had witnessed in his own. These reports added fresh fuel
to imaginations already warmed by the study of those tales of
chivalry which formed the favorite reading of the Spaniards, at
that period. Thus romance and reality acted on each other, and
the soul of the Spaniard was exalted to that pitch of enthusiasm,
which enabled him to encounter the terrible trials that lay in the
path of the discovery. Indeed, the life of the cavalier of that
day was romance put into action. The story of his adventures
in the New World forms one of the most remarkable pages in
the history of man.

Under this chivalrous spirit of enterprise, the progress of dis-
covery had extended, by the beginning of Charles the Fifth's
reign, from the bay of Honduras, along the winding shores of
Darien, and the South American continent, to the Rio de la
Plata. The mighty barrier of the Isthmus had been climbed,
end the Pacific descried, by Nufiez de Balboa, second only to
Columbus in this valiant band of " ocean chivalry." The Ba-
hamas and Caribbee Islands had been explored, as well as the
Peninsula of Florida on the northern continent. To this latter

PROGRESS OF DISCOVERY. 163

point Sebastian Cabot had arrived in his descent along the coast
from Labrador, in 1497. So that before 1518, the period when
our narrative begins, the eastern borders of both the great con-
tinents had been surveyed through nearly their whole extent.
The shores of the great Mexican Gulf, however, sweeping with a
wide circuit far into the interior, remained still concealed, with
the rich realms that lay beyond, from the eye of the navigatoi.
The time has now come for their discovery.

The business of colonization had kept pace with that of dis-
covery. In several of the islands, and in various parts of Terra
Firma, and in Darien, settlements had been established, under
the control of governors who afifected the state and authority of
viceroys. Grants of land were assigned to the colonists, on
which they raised the natural products of the' soil, but gave still
more attention to the sugar-cane, imported from the Canaries.
Sugar, indeed, together with the beautiful dye-woods of the
country and the precious metals, formed almost the only articles
of export in the infancy of the colonies, which had not yet in-
troduced those other staples of the West Indian commerce,
which, in our day, constitute its principal w-ealth. Yet the
precious metals, painfully gleaned from a few scanty sources,
would have made poor returns, but for the gratuitous labor of
the Indians.

The cruel svstem of repartitnientos, or distnbuiion oi" the In-
dians as slaves among the conquerors, had been suppressed by
Isabella. Although subsequently countenanced by the govern-
ment, it was under the most careful limitations. But it is impos-
sible to license crime by halves, to authorize injustice at all,
and hope to regulate the measure of it. The eloquent remon-
strances of the Dominicans, who devoted themselves to the
good work of conversion in the New World with the same zeal
that they showed for persecution in the Old, but, above all,
those of Las Casas, induced the regent, Ximenes, to send out a
commission with full powers to inquire into the alleged grievan-
ces, and to redress them. It had authority, moreover, to inves-
tigate the conduct of the civil ofncers, and to reform any abuses
in their administration. This exiraordinarv commissioi. consist-
ed of three Hieronyniite friars and an eminent jurist, >iii men of
learning and unblemished piety.

They conducted the inquirv in a very dispassionate manner ;
but, after long deliberation, came to a conclusion most unfavor-
able to the demands of Las Casas, who insisted on the entire
freedom of the natives. This conclusion they justified on the
grr.unds that the Indians would not labor without compulsion,
and that, unless they labored, they cor.Id not be brought into

,6^ DISCO VEK Y OF MEXICO.

communication with tlie whites, nor be converted to ChristUn.
ity. Whatever we may think of this argument, it was doubtless
urged with sincerity by its advocates, whose conduct through
their whole administration places their motives above suspicion.
They accompanied it with many careful provisions for the pro-
tection of the natives. But in vain. The simple people, accus-
tomed all their days to a life of indolence and ease, sunk under
the oppressions of their masters, and the population wasted
away with even more frightful rapidity than did the Aborigines
in our own country, under the operation of other causes. It is
not necessary to pursue these details further, into which I have
been led by the desire to put the reader in possession of the
general policy and state of affairs in the New World, at the
period when the present narrative begins.^

Of the islands, Cuba was the second discovered ; but no at-
tempt had been made to plant a colony there during the lifetime
of Columbus ; who, indeed, after skirting the whole extent of its
southern coast, died in the conviction that it was part of the con-
tinent.* At length, in 1511, Diego the son and successor of
the ' Admiral," who still maintained the seat of the government
in Hispaniola, finding the mines much exhausted there, propos-
ed 10 occupy the neighboring island of Cuba, or Fernandina, as
it was called, in compliment to the Spanish monarch.* He
prepared a small force for the conquest, which he placed under
the command of Don Diego Velasquez ; a man described by a
contemporary, as '* possessed of considerable experience in mil-
itary affairs, having served seventeen years in the European
wars; as honest, illustrious by his lineage and reputation, covet-
ous of glory and somewhat more covetous of wealth." The por-
trait sketched by no unfriendly hand.

Valasquez, or rather, his lieutenant, Narvaez, who tooK the of-

^ T will take the liberty to refer the reader, who is desirous of being more
minutely acquainted with the Spanisii colonial administration and the state
of discovery jjrevious to Charles \' ., to the " Mistory of the Reign of Ferdi-
nand and Isabella,"' (Part 2, ch. 9, 26.) where the subject is treated in
extenso.

* See the curious document attesting this, and drawn up bv order of
Columbus, ap. Navarrete, Coleccion de los Viages y de Descubrimientos,
(Madrid, 1825,) torn. II. Col. Dip., No. 76.

'" The island was originally called by Columbus, Juana, in honor of prince
John, heir to the Castilian crown. After his death it received the name of
Fernandina, at the king's desire. The Indian name has survived both. Her-
rera, Hist. General, Descrip., cap. 6.

'^ Erat Didacus, ut hoc in loco de eo semel tantum dicamus, veteranus
miles, rei militaris gnarus, cjuippe qui septem et decern aimos in Hispania
militiara exercitus fuerat, homo probus, opibus genere et fama clarus, honoris
cupidus, pecuniae aliquanto cupidior." De Rebus Gestis Ferdinandi Corteaii,
MS,

PROGRESS OF DISCOVERY. i^J

ft<e on himself of scouring the country, met with no serious op.

position from the inhabitants, who were of the same family with
the eifeminate natives of Hispaniola. The conquest, through
the merciful interposition of Las Casas, " the protector of the In-
dians," who accompanied the army in its march, was affected
without much bloodshed. One chief, indeed, named Hatuey,
having fled originally from St. Domingo to escape the oppres-
sion of its invaders, made a desperate resistance, for which he
was condemned by Velasquez to be burned alive. It was he,
who made that memorable reply, more eloquent than a volume
of invective. When urged at the stake to embrace Christianity,
that his soul might find admission into heaven, he inquired if the
white men would go there. On being answered in the affirma-
tive, he exclaimed, " Then I will not be a Christian ; for I would
not go again to a place where 1 must find men so cruel ! " '

Atier the conquest, Velasquez, now appointed governor, dil-
igently occupied himself with measures for promoting the pros-
perity of the Island. He formed a number of settlements, bear-
ing the same names with the modern towns, and made St. Jago,
on the south-east corner, the seat of governnicnt.8

He invited settlers by liberal grants of land and slaves. He en-
couraged them to cultivate the soil, and gave particular attention
to the sugar-cane, so profitable an article of commerce in later
times. He was, above all, intent on working the gold mines,
which promised beiter returns than those in Hispaniola. The
affairs of his government did not prevent him. meanwhile, from
casting many a wistful glance at the discoveries going forward
on the continent, and he longed for an opportunity to embark in
these golden adventures himself. Fortune favored him the occa-
sion he desired.

An hidalgo of Cuba, named Hernandez de Cordova, sailed
wiili three vessels on an expedition to one of the neighboring Ba-
hama Islands, in quest of Indian slaves. (February 8, 1517.)
He encountered a succession of heavy gales which drove him
far out of his course, and at the end of three weeks he found
himself on a strange and unknown coast. On landing and ask-
ing the name of the country, he was answered by ihc natives,
" Teitetan^" meaning " I do not understand you," but which the

' The story is told by Las Casas in his appalling record of ttie cruelties of
of his countrymen in the New World, which charity and common sense
may excuse us for belicvinsr the good taiher has greatly overcharged. Bre-
issima Relacion de la Destruycion de las Indias, (Venetia, 16/,^ ) p. 28.

'^ Among the most ancient of thtsi; establishments we fiivi the Havana,
Puerto del Principe, Triniriad, St. S.iivador, Matanzas, or the Shtut^/iter, so
called from a massacra ot the .Span-iards there by the Indians. Bernal Uia
Hist, de la Conqui-tu, <,a]j. 8.

S66 DISCOVERY OF MEXICO.

Spaniards, misinterpreting into the name of the place, easily cor.
rupted into Yucatan. Some writers give a different etymology.*
Such mistakes, however, were not uncommon with the early dis-
coverers, and have been the origin of many a name on the Amer-
ican continent. ^^

Cordova had landed on the north-eastern end of the peninsula,
at cape Catoche. He was astonished at the size and solid
materials of the buildings constructed of stone and lime, so dif-
ferent from the frail tenements of reeds and rushes which formed
the habitations of the islanders, fie was struck, also with the
higher cultivation of the soil, and with the delicate texture of the
cotton garments and gold ornaments of the natives. Every thing
indicated a civilization far superior to any thing he had before
witnessed in the New World. He saw the evidence of a different
race, moreover, in the warlike spirit of the people. Rumors of
the Spaniards had perhaps, preceded them, as they were re-
peatedly asked if they came from the east ; and, wherever they
landed, they were met with the most deadly hostility. Cordova
himself, in one of his skirmishes with the Indians, received more
than a dozen wounds, and one only of his party escaped unhurt.
At length, when he had coasted the peninsula as far as Cam-
peachy, he returned to Cuba, which he reached after an absence
of several months, having suffered all the extremities of ill. which
these pioneers of the ocean were sometimes called to endure,
and which none but the most courageous spirit could have sur-
vived. As it was, half the original number, consisting of one
hundred and ten men, perished, including their brave commander,
who died soon after his return. The reports he had brought
back of the country, and, still more, the specimens of curiously
wrought gold, convinced Velasquez of the importance of this
discovery, and he prepared with all despatch to avail himself
of it.i^

He accordingly fitted out a little squadron of four vessels for
the newly discovered lands, and placed it under the command

Gormara, Historia de las Indias, cap. 52, ap Barcia, torn. II.

Bernal Diaz says the word came from the vegetable ywira and tale the name
for a hillock in which it is planted. (Hist, de la Conquista, cap. 6.; M.
Waldeck finds a much more plausible derivation in the Indian word Ouvou.k'
tian, " listen to what they say." Voyage Pittoresque, p. 25.

^" Two navigators, Solis and Pinzon, had described the coast as far back
a'^ f 5d6, according to Herrera, though they had not taken possession of it.
(Hist. Oeneral. dec. i, lib. 6. cap. 17.) It is indeed remarkable it should so
long have eluded discovery, considering that it is but two degrees distant
from Cuba.

^ (^viedo, General y Natural Historia de las Indias, MS , lib. 33, cap. r.
De Rebus Gestis, MS. Carta del Cabildo de Vera Cruz, (July 10, 1519,!
MS.

PROGRESS OF DISCOVERY. igy

of his nephew, Juan de Grijalva, a man on whose probity, pru-
dence, and attachment to himself he knew he could rely. The
fleet left the port of St. Jago de Cuba, May i, 1518.^ It took
the course pursued by Cordova, but was driven somewhat to the
south, the first land that it made being the island of Cozumel.
From this quarter Grijalva soon passed over to the continent
and coasted the peninsula, touching at the same places as hia
predecessor. Everywhere he was struck, like him, with the
evidence of a higher civilization, especially in the architecture ;
as he well might be, since this was the region of those extraordi-
nary remains which have become recently the subject of so much
speculation. He was astonished, also at the sight of large stone
crosses, evidently objects of worship, which he met with in vari-
ous places. Reminded by these circumstances of his own coun-
try, he gave the peninsula the name of " New Spain," a name
since appropriated to a much wider extent of territory. '^

Wherever Grijalva landed, he experienced the same unfriendly
reception as Cordova, though he suffered less, being better pre-
pared to meet it. In the Rio de Tabasco, or Grijalva, as it is
often called, after him, he held an amicable conference with a
chief who gave him a number of gold plates fashioned into a
sort of armor. As he wound round the Mexican coast, one of
his captains, Pedro de Alvarado, afterwards famous in the Con-
quest, entered a river, to which he, also, left his own name. In
a neighboring stream, called the Rio de Vanderas, or *' Rivei
of Banners," from the ensigns displayed by the natives on its
borders, Grijalva had the first communication with the Mexicans
themselves.

The cacique who ruled over this province had received notice
of the approach of the Europeans, and of their extraordinary
appearance. He was anxious to collect all the information he
could respecting them and the motives of their visit, that he
might transmit them to his master, the Aztec emperor.'^ A

Bernal Diaz denies that the original object of the expedition, in which he
took part, was to procure slaves, tliough Valasquez had pri)posed it. (Hist.
de la Conqaista, cap. 2.) Rut he is contradicted in this by the other contctn-
porary records above cited.

^^ Itinerario de la isola de luchathan, novaniente ritrovata per il signor
Joan de Grijalva, per il suo capellano, MS.

The chaplain's word may be taken for the date, which is usually put at tlie
eighth of April.

^ De Rubus Gestis, MS. Itinerario del Capellano, MS.

^* According to the .Spanish authorities, the cacic|ue was sent with these
presents from the Mexican sovereign, who had received previous tidings o"
the approach of the Spaniards. I have followed Sahagun, who obtained iii^
intelligence directly from the natives. Historia de la Conquista, MS.,
p. 2.

, 68 DISCO VER Y OF MEXICO,

friendly conference took place between the parties on shores,
where Grijalva landed with all his force, so as to make a suitable
impression on the mind of the barbaric chief. The interview
lasted some hours, though, as there was no one on either side
to interpret the language of the other, they could communicate
only by signs. They, however, interchanged presents, and the
Spaniards had the satisfaction of receiving, for a few worthless
toys and irinkets, a rich treasure of jewels, gold ornaments and
vessels, of the most fantastic forms and workmanship.^"

Grijalva now thought that in this successful traffic success-
ful beyond his most sanguine expectations he had accom-
plished the chief object of his mission. He steadily refused the
solicitations of his followers to plant a colony on the spot, ^-a
work of no little difficulty in so populous and powerful a country
as this appeared to be. To this, indeed, he was inclined, but
deemed it contrary to his instructions, which limited him to
barter with the natives. He therefore despatched Alvarado in
one of the caravels back to Cuba, with the treasure and such
intelligence as he had gleaned of the great empire in the mterior,
and then pursued his voyage along the coast.

He touched at San Juan de Ulua, and at the Isla de los Sacri-
fidos, so called by him from the bloody remains of human victims
found in one of the temples. He then held on his course as far
as the province of Panuco, where finding some difficulty m
doubting a boisterous headland, he returned on his track, and,
after an absence of nearly six months, reached Cuba in safety.
Grijalva has the glory of being the first navigator who set foot
on the Mexican soil, and opened an intercourse with the Aztecs."

On reaching the island, he was surprised to learn, that another
and iuore formidable armament had been fitted out to follow up
his own discoveries, and to find orders, at the same time, from
the governor, couched in no very courteous language, to repair
at once to St. Jago. He was received by that personage, not
merely with coldness, but with reproaches for having neglected
so fair an opportunity of establishing a colony in the counttT he
had visited. Velasquez was one of those captious spirits, who,
when things do not go exactly to their minds, are sure to shift
the responsibility of the failure from their own shoulders, where
it should lie, to those of others. He had an ungenerous nature

^' Gomara has given the per contra of this negotation, in which gold and
jewels, of the value of fifteen or twenty thousand /t.f>j de oro, were exchanged
for plass beads, pins, scissors, and other trinkets common in an assorted
cargo for savages. Cronica, cap. 6.

^*Itinerario del Capellano, MS. Carta de Vera Cruz, MS.

EXPEDITION TO YL'CATAX. 169

says an old writer, and credulous, easily moved to suspicion."
In the present instance ii was most unmerited. Grijalva, natu-
rally a modest, unassuming person, had acted in obedience to
the instructions of his commander, given before sailing ; and
had done this in opposition to his own judgment and the impor-
tunities of his followers. His conduct merited anything but
censure from his employer/*'

When Alvarado had returned to Cuba with his golden freight,
and the accounts of the rich empire of Mexico which he had
gathered from the natives, the heart of the governor swelled with
rapture as he saw his dreams of avarice and ambition so likely
to be realized. Impatient of the long absence of Grijalva, he
despatched a vessel in search of him under the command of Olid,
a cavalier who took an important part afterwards in the Con-
quest. Finally he resolved to fit out another armament on a
sufiScient scale to insure the subjugation of the country.

He previously solicited authority for this from the Hieronymite
commission in St. Domingo. He then despatched his chaplain
to Spain with the royal share of the gold brought from Mexico,
and a full account of the intelligence gleaned there. He set
forth his own manifold services, and solicited from the court
full powers to go on with the conquest and colonization of the
newly discovered regions.''* Before receiving an answer, he
began his preparations for the armament, and, first of all, en-
devored to find a suitable person to share the expense of it,
and to take the command. Such a person he found, after some
difficulty and delay, in Hernando Cortes ; the man of all others
best calculated to achieve this great enterprise, the last man,
to whom Velasquez, could he have foreseen the results, would
have confided it.

1" " Hombre de terrible condicion," says Herrera, citing the good Bishop of
Chiapa, " i>ra los que le Servian, i aiudaban, i que facilmente se indignaba
contra aquellos." Hist. General, dec. 2, lib. 3, cap. 10.

'*' At least, such is the testimony of Las Casas, who knew both the parties
well, and had often conversed with Grijalva upon his voyage. Historia Gen-
eral de las Indias, MS., lib. 3, cap, 113.

>* Itinerario del Capellano, MS. Las C;asas, Hist, de las Indias, MS., lib.
3, cap. 113.

The most circumstantial account of Grijalva's exjiedition is to be found in
the Itinerary of his chaplain above quoted. The original is lost, but an in-
different Italian version was jniblished at Venice, in 1522. .-\ copy which be-
longed to P'erdinand Columbus, is still extant in the library of the great
church of .Seville. The book had become so exceedingly rare, however, that
the historiographer, Mufioz, made a transcript of it with his own hand, and
from hia manuscript that in my possession was takea.

170

DISCOVERY OF MEXICO*

CHAPTER II.

Hernando Cortes. His Early Life. Visits the New WoRLa
His Residence in Cuba. Difficulties with Velasquez.
Armada intrusted to Cortes.

1518.

Hernando Cortes was born at Medellin, a town in the south-
east corner of Estremadura, in 1485.^ He came of an ancient
and respectable family ; and historians have gratified the national
vanity by tracing it up to the Lombard kings, whose descendants
crossed the Pyrenees, and established themselves in Aragon
under the Gothic monarchy.^ This royal genealogy was not
found out till Cortds had acquired a name which would confer
distinction on any descent, however noble. His father,
Martin Cortes de Monroy, was a captain of infantry, in moder-
ate circumstances, but a man of unblemished honor ; and both
he and his wife. Dona Catalina Pizarro Altamirano, appear to
have been much regarded for their excellent qualities.^

In his infancy Cortds is said to have had a feeble constitution,
which strengthened as he grew older. At fourteen, he was sent
to Salamanca, as his father, who conceived great hopes from his
quick and showy parts, proposed to educate him for the law, a

^Gomara, Cronica, cap. i. Bernal Diaz, Hist, d.e la Conquista, cap. 203.
I find no more precise notice of the date of his birth; excej^i, indeed, by Piz-
arro y Orellana, who tells us " that Cortes came into the world the same day
that that mfernai beast, the false heretic Luther, went out o it, by w^ay of
compensation, no doubt, since the labors of the one to pull down the true
faith were counterbalanced by those of the other to maintain and extend it I"
(Varones Illustres del Nuevo Mundo, (Madrid, 1639,) p. 66.) But this state-
ment of the good cavalier, which places the birth of our hero in 1483, looks
rather more like a zeal for " the true faith," than for historic.

'^Argensola, in particular, has bestowed great pains on the prosapia of the
house of Cortes; which he traces up, nothing doubting, to Names Cortes,
king of Lombardy and Tuscany. Anales de Aragon, (Zaragoza, 1630,) pp.
621-625. Also, Caro de Torres, Historia de las Ordenes Militares, (Madrid,
1629,) fol. 103.

8De Rebus Gestis, MS.

Las Casas, who knew the father, bears stronger testimony to his poverty
than to his noble birth. "Un escudero," he says of him, "queyoconoa
harto pobre y hurnilde, aunque Christiano, viejo y dizen que hidalgo." Hist,
de las Indias, M.S., lib. 3, cap. 27,

HERiYANDO CORTES.

profession which held out better inducements to the young as-
pirant than any other. The son, however, did not conform to
these views. He showed little fondness for books, and, after
loitering away two years at college, returned home, to the great
chagrin of his parents. Yet his time had not been wholly mis-
spent, since he had laid up a little store of Latin, and learned
to write good prose, and even verses " of some estimation, con-
sidering " as an old writer quaintly remarks " Cortds as the
author," * He now passed his days in the idle, unprofitable
manner of one who, too wilful to be guided by others, proposes
no object to himself. His buoyant spirits were continually break-
ing out in troublesome frolics and capricious humors, quite at
variance with the orderly habits of his father's household. He
showed a particular inclination for the military profession, or
rather for the life of adventure to which in those days it was
sure to lead. And when, at the age of seventeen, he proposed
to enrol himself under the banners of the Great Captain, his
parents, probably thinking a life of hardship and hazard abroad
preferable to one of idleness at home, made no objection.

The youthful cavalier, however, hesitated whether to seek his
fortunes under that victorious chief, or in the New World, where
gold as well as glory was to be won, and where the very dangers
had a mystery and romance in them inexpressibly fascinating to
a youthful fancy. It was in this direction, accordingly, that the
hot spirits of that day found a vent, especially from that part of
the country where Cortds lived, the neighborhood of Seville and
Cidiz, the focus of nautical enterprise. He decided on this
latter course, and an opportunity offered in the splendid arma-
ment fitted out under Don Nicolas de Ovando, successor to
Columbus. An unlucky accident defeated the purpose of
Cort^s.^

As he was scaling a high wall, one night, which gave him
access to the apartment of a lad}' with whom he was engaged in
an intrigue, the stones gave way, and he was thrown down with
much violence and buried under the ruins. A severe contusion,
though attended with no other serious consequences, confined
him to his bed till after the departure of the fleei.''

^ Argenso'a, Anales, p. 220.

Las (Jasas and I5ernal Diaz both state that l\e was IJachelor of Laws at vSaU
amuica. (Hist, de las Indias, MS,, ubi supra. Hist, de la Conquista, cap.
20";.) 'I'lio degree was given probal^ly in later life, when the University might
feci a pride in claiming him among her sons.

* De Rebus Ciestis, M.S. Oomara, Oonica, cap. i

De Kebus Gestis, MS, Gomara, Ibid.

Argensola states the cause of his detention concisely enough: " Saspendi4
9I Tiaje,/(7r enamoraJj y por (/iui> f ina> io.^^ AnalfS, p, 62c,

17:

DISCOVERY OF MEXICO.

Two years longer he remained at home, profiting little, as it
would seem, from the lesson he had received. At length he
availed himself of another opportunity presented by the departure
of a small squadron of vessels bound to the Indian islands. He
was nineteen years of age, when he bade adieu to his native
shores in 1504, the same year in which Spain lost the
best and greatest in her long line of princes, Isabella the
Catholic.

The vessel in which Cortes sailed was commanded by one
Alonso Ouintero. The fleet touched at the Canaries, as was
common in the outward passage. While the other vessels were
detained there taking in supplies, Quintero secretly stole out by
night from the island, with the design of reaching Hispaniola,
and securing the market, before the arrival of his companions.
A furious storm, which he encountered, however, dismasted his
ship, and he was obliged to return to port and refit. The convoy
consented to wait for their unworthy partner, and after a short
detention they all sailed in company again. But the faithless
Quintero, as thev drew near the Islands, availed himself once
more of the darkness of the night, to leave the squadron with
the same purpose as before. Unluckily for him, he met with a
succession of heavy gales and head winds, which drove him from
his course, and he wholly lost his reckoning. For many days
the vessel was tossed about, and all on board were filled with
apprehensions, and no little indignation against the author of
their calamities. At length they were cheered one morning with
the sight of a white dove, which, wearied by its flight, lighted on
the topmast. The biographers of Cortds speak of it as a
miracle.' Fortunately it was no miracle, but a very natural oc-
currence, showing incontestably that they were near land. In a
short time, by taking the direction of the bird's flight, they
reached the island of Hispaniola ; and, on coming into port, the
worthy master had the satisfaction to find his companions
arrived before him, and their cargoes already sold.^

Immediately on landing, Cortds repaired to the house of the
governor, to whom he had been personally known in Spain.
Ovando was absent on an expedition into the interior, but the
young man was kindly received by the secretary, who assured
him there would be no doubt of his obtaining a liberal grant of

'Some thought it was the Holy Ghost in the form of this dove; '' Sanctum
esse Spiritum, qui, in illius alitis specie, ut moestos et afflictos solaretur,
venire erat dignatus"; (De Rebus Gestis, MS.;) a conjecture which seems
vltv reasonable to Pizarro y Orellana, since the expedition was to "redound
so much to the spread of the Catholic faith, and the Castilian monarchy"*
Varones Illustres, p. 70.

* Goinara, Cronica, cap. 2.

DIFFICULTIES WITH VELASQUEZ. lyj

\and to settle on. " But I came to get gold," replied Cort<^s,

" not to till the soil, like a peasant."

On the governor's return, Cortes consented to giving up his
roving thoughts, at least for a time, as the other labored to con-
vince him that he would be more likely to realize his wishes
from the slow, indeed, but sure, returns of husbandry, where the
soil and the laborers were a free gift lo the planter, than by
taking his chance in the lottery of adventure, in which there were
so many blanks to a prize. He accordingly received a grant of
land, with a reparthniento of Indians, and was appointed notary
of the town or settlement of Agua. His graver pursuits, how-
ever, did not prevent his indulgence of the amorous propensities
which belong to the sunny clime where he was born; and this
frequently involved him in affairs of honor, from which, though
an expert swordsman, he carried away scars that accompanied
him to his grave.* He occasionally, moreover, found the means
of breaking up the monotony of his way of life by engaging in
the military expeditions, which, under the command of Ovando's
lieutenant, Diego Velasquez, were employed to suppress the in-
surrections of the natives. In this school the young adventurer
first studied the wild tactics of Indian warfare ; he became fa-
miliar with toil and danger, and with those deeds of cruelty which
have too often, alas! stained the bright scutcheons of the Castil-
ian chivalry in the New World. He was only prevented by ill-
ness a most fortunate one, on this occasion from embarking
in Nicuessa's expedition, which furnished a tale of woe, not often
matched in the annals of S])anibh discovery. Providence re-
served him for higher ends.

At length, in 15 ii, when Velasquez undertook the conquest
of Cuba, Cortes willingly abandoned his quiet life for the stirring
scenes there opened, and took part in the expedition. He dis-
played, throughout the invasion, an activity and courage that
won him the approbation of the commander ; while his free and
cordial manners, his good-humor, and lively sallies of wit made
him the favorite of the soldiers. " He gave little evidence,"
says a contemporary " of the great qualities which he after-
wards showed." It is probable these qualities were not known
to himself; while to a common observer his careless manners
and jocund repartees might well scein incompatible with any
thing serious or profound; as the real de]:)th of the current is
not suspected under the light play and sunny sparkling of the
surface.^'

' Bernal Diaz, Hist, de la ConquLsta, cap. 203.

^" De Rehu.s Cicstis, MS. Ciomara, Cronica, cap. 3, 4. Las Casas, Hist
de lata Iiidiasj, M.S., lib. 3, cap. 27.

Mexico 8 "Vol. 1

>74

DISCOVERY OF MEXICO.

After the reduction of the island, Cortes seems to have beei
held in great favor by Velasquez, now appointed its governor.
According to Las Casas, he was made one of his secretaries."
He still retained the same fondness for gallantry, for which his
handsome person afforded obvious advantages, but which had
more than once brought him into trouble in earlier life. Among
the families who had taken up their residence in Cuba was one
of the name of Xuarez, from Granada in Old Spain, It consisted
of a brother, and four sisters remarkable for their beauty. With
one of them, named Catalina, the susceptible heart of the young
soldier became enamoured.^ How far the intimacy was carried is
not quite certain. But it appears he gave his promise to marry
her, a promise, which, when the time came, and reason, it may
be, had got the better of passion, he showed no alacrity in keep-
ing. He resisted, indeed, all remonstrances to this effect, from
the lady's family, backed by the governor, and somewhat sharp-
ened, no doubt, in the latter by the particular interest he took in
one of the fair sisters, who is said not to have repaid it with in-
gratitude.

Whether the rebuke of Velasquez, or some other cause of
disgust, rankled in the breast of Cortez, he now became cold tow-
ard his patron, and connected himself with a disaffected party
tolerably numerous in the island. They were in the habit of
meeting at his house and brooding over their causes of discon-
tent, chiefly founded, it would appear, on what they conceived
an ill requital of their services in the distribution of lands and
offices. It may well be imagined, that it could have been no
easy task for the ruler of one of these colonies, however dis-
creet and well intentioned, to satisfy the indefinite cravings of
speculators and ad^enturers. who swarmed, like so many fam-
ished harpins, in the track of discovery in the New^ World. ^'^

The malcontents determined to lay their grievances before
the higher authorities in Hispaniola, from whom Velasquez had
received his commission. The voyage was one of some hazard,
as it was to be made in an open boat, across an arm of the sea

'1 Hist, de las Indias, MS., loc. cit.

" Res omnes arduas difficilesque per Cortesium. quein in dies niagis mag-
isnne amplectebatur, Velasquius agit. Ex eo ducis favore et gratia niagni
Cortesio invidia est orta." De Rebus Gestis, MS.

'* Soils has found a patent of nobility for tliis lady also, " doncella noble
y recatada." (Ilistoria de la Conquista de Mejico,' (Paris, 183S,) lib i, cap.
9.) I.as Casas treats her with less ceremony. " Una herniana de uti Juan
Xuarez, j^^ente pobre:'' Hist, de las Tiidias, AIS., lib. 3. cap. 17.

'^Gomara, ('ronic.i, ca]i. 4. Las (!nsas. His. de las Indias, MS., ubi supra.
De Rebus Gestis, MS. Memorial de Benito Martinez, capellan de D. Vel-
asquex, contra H. Cortes, M.S.

DIFFICULTIES WI'J'H VELASQUEZ.

^75

eighteen Ip.gue^ wide,,; and they fixed on Cortds, with whose
fearless spirir iney were well acquainted, as the fittest man to
undertake it. The conspiracy got wind, and came to the gover-
nor's ear before tlie departure of the envoy, whom he instantly
caused to be seized, loaded with fetters, and placed in strict
confinement. It is even said, he would have hung him, but for
the interposition of his friends." The fact is not incredible.
The governors of these little territories, having entire control
over the fortunes of their subjects, enjoyed an authority far more
despotic than that of the sovereign himself. They were generally
men of rank and personal consideration : their distance from the
mother country withdrew their conduct from searching scrutiny,
and, when that did occur, they usually had interest and means
of corruption at command, sufficient to shield them from pun-
ishment. The Spanish colonial history, in its earlier stages,
affords striking instances of the extraordinary assumption and
abuse of powers by these petty potentates ; and the sad fate of
Vasquez Nunez de Balboa, the illustrious discoverer of the Pacific,
though the most signal, is by no means a solitary example, that
the greatest services could be requited by persecution and an
ignominious death.

The governor of Cuba, however, although irascible and sus-
picious in his nature, does not seem to have been vindictive, nor
particularly cruel. In the present instance, indeed, it may well
be doubted whether the blame would not be more reasonably
charged on the unfounded expectations of his followers than on
himself.

Conds did not long remain in durance. He contrived to
throw back one of the bolts of his fetters ; and, after extricating
his limbs, succeeded in forcing open a window with the iroiis so
as to admit of his escape. He was lodged on the second fioor
of the building, and was able to let himself down to the pave-
ment without injury, and unobserved. He then made the best
of his way to a neighboring church, where he claimed the priv-
lege of sanctuary.

Velasquez, though incensed at his escape, was afraid to
violate the sanctity of the place by employing force. But he
stationed a guard in the neighborhood, with orders to seize the
fugitive, if he should forget himself so far as to leave the sanct-
uary. In a few days this happened. As Cortes was carelessly
standing without the walls in front of the building, an alguactl
suddenly sprung on him from behind and pinioned his arms,
while others rushed in and secured him. This man, whose

** Las Cata;-, Hi^t. de hi-, liidias, MS., ubi supra.

IjC DISCO VEK Y OF MEXICO.

name was Juan ^ scudero, was afterwards hung by Cortes for

some offence in New Spain. ^^

The unlucky prisoner was again put in irons, and carried on
board a vessel to sail the next morning for Hispaniola, there to
undergo his trial. Fortune favored him once more. He suc-
ceeded, after much difficulty and no little pain, in passing his
feet through the rings which shackled them. He then came
cautiously on deck, and, covered by the darkness of the night,
stole quietly down the side of the ship into a boat that lay
floating below. He pushed off from the vessel with as little
noise as possible. As he drew near the shore, the stream be-
came rapid and turbulent. He hesitated to trust his boat to
it ; and as he was an excellent swimmer prepared to breast it
himself, and boldly plunged into the water. The current was
strong, but the arm of a man struggling for life was stronger ;
and after buffeting the waves till he was nearly exhausted, he
succeeded in gaining a landing; when he sought refuge in the
same sanctuary which had protected him before. The facility
with which Cortes a second time effected his escape may lead
one to doubt the fidelity of his guards ; who perhaps looked on
him as the victim of persecution, and felt the influence of those
popular manners which seem to have gained him friends in
every society into which he was thrown.is

For some reason not explained, perhaps from policy, he
now relinquished his objections to the marriage with Catalina
Xuarez. He thus secured the good offices of her family. Soon
afterwards the governor himself relented, and became recon-
ciled to his unfortunate enemy. A stra<ige story is told
in connexion with this event. It is said, his proud spirit
refused to accept the proffers of reconciliation made him
by Velasquez ; and that one evening, leaving the sanctuary, he
presented himself unexpectedly before the latter in his own
quarters, when on a military excursion at some distance from
the capital. The governor, startled by the sudden apparition of
his enemy completely armed before him, with some dismay in-
quired the meaning of it. Cortds answered by insisting on a
full explanation of his previous conduct. After some hot discus-
sion the interview terminated amicably ; the parties embraced,
and, when a messenger arrived to announce the escape of Cortes,

^''Las Casas, Hist, de la Indias, MS. loc. cit. Memorial de Martinez, MS.

i^Goraara, Cronica, cap. 4.

Herrera tells a silly story of his being unable to swim, and throwing iiinv
lelf on a plank, which, after being carried out to sea, was washed ashore
^th him at flood tide. Hist. General, dec. i, lib. 9, cap. 8.

AKMADA INTRUSTED TO CORTES. i-jj

he found him in ihe apartments of his Excellency, where, hav-
ing retired to rest, both were actually sleeping in the same bed !
The anecdote is repeated without distrust by more than one
biographer of Cortds.-'' It is not very probable, liowever, tliat
a haughty, irascible man like Velasquez should have given such
uncommon proofs of condescension and familiarity to one, so
far beneath him in station, with whom he had been so recently in
deadly feud ; nor, on the other hand, that Cortes should have
had the silly temerity to brave the lion in his den, where a single
nod would have sent him to the gibbet, and that, too, with as
little compunction or fear of consequences, as would have at-
tended the execution of an Indian slave.i^

The reconciliation n iih the governor, however brought about,
was permanent. Cor.es, though not reestablished in the ofhce
of secretary, received a liberal rep ar tint it'tito of Indians, and an
ample territory in the neighborhood of St. Jago, of which he
was soon after made alcalde. He now lived almost wholly on
his estate, devoting himself to agriculture with more zeal than
formerlv. He stocked his plantation with different kinds of
cattle, some of which were first introduced by him into Cuba."
He wrought, also, the gold mines which fell to his share, and
which in this island promised better returns than those in His-
paniola. By this course of industry he found himseT, in a few
years, master of some two or three thousand castellafios, a large
sum for one in his situation. "God, who alone knows at what
cost of Indian lives it was obtained," exclaims Las Casas, '* will
take account of it ! "^ His days glided smoothly away in these
tranquil pursuits, and in the society of his beautiful wife, who,
however ineligible as a connexion, from the inferiority of her
condition, appears to have fulfilled all the relations of a faithful
and affectionate partner. Indeed, he was often heard to say at
this time, as the good bishop above quoted remarks, "that he

I'^Gomnra. Cronica. cai"). 4.

" Ccenat cubatc|ue Cortcsius cum Velasqiiio eodeiii in lecto. Qui postcro
die fngae Cortesii nuntiiis vencrat, Vciasciuium et Cortesiuni juxta accubantes
tntuitus, miratur." l)e Rebus Gestis. MS,

'" Las (Jasas, who rcmcnil)ered Cones at this time "so poor and lowlv that
he would have gladly received any favor from the least of Velas<juez' attend-
ants," treats the story of the bravado with contempt. " For lo (jual si i\
fVelasquez] sintiera de CortC's una puncta de alfiler de rerviguillo 6 pres-
uncion, o lo ahorcara 6 a lomenos lo echara de la tierra v lo sumiera en ella
in fiue alzara cabeza en su vida." Hist, de las Indias, MS. lib. 3, cap 27.

^ Pecuariam primus quofpie habuit, in insulamque induxit, omni pecorura
gcnerc ex Hispania petito.'' De Rel^us Gestis, Mb.

* " Los que por sacarle el oro mnrieron Dios abri tenido mejor cucnt
que yo." nist de las Indias, M8^ lib 3, cap. 37. The text is a fre traa
ftioiit

1 7 8 DISCO VEK Y OF MEXICO.

lived as happily with her as if she had been the daughter of t,
duchess." Fortune gave him the means in after lite of verify.^
I'ng the truth of his assertion.'^^

Such was the state of things, when Alvarada returned with
the tidings of Grijalva's discoveries, and the rich fruits of his
traffic with the natives. The news spread like wildfire through-
out the island ; for all saw in it the promise of more important
results than any hitherto obtained. The governor, as already
noticed, resolved to follow up the track of discovery with a more
considerable armament; and he looked around for a proper
person to share the expense of it, and to take the command.

Several hidalgos presented themselves, whom, from want of
proper qualifications, or from his distrust of their assuming an
independence of their employer, he, one after another, rejected,
There were two persons in St, J ago in whom he placed great
confidence, Amador de Lares, the contador or royal treasurer,**
and his own secretary, Andres de Duero. Cortes was also in
close intimacy with both these persons ; and he availed himself
of it to prevail on them to recommend him as a suitable per-
son to be intrusted with the expedition. It is said, he reinforced
the proposal, by promising a liberal share of the proceeds of it.
However this may be, the parties urged his selection by the
governor, with all the eloquence of which they were capable.
That officer had had ample experience of the capacity and cour-
age of the candidate. He knew, too, that he had acquired a
fortune which would enable him to cooperate materially in fit-
ting out the armament. His popularity in the island would
speedily attract followers to his standard.^ All past animosi-
ties had long since been buried in oblivion, and the confidence
he was now to repose in him would insure his fidelity and grati-
tude. He lent a willing ear, therefore, to the recommendation
of his counsellors, and, sending for Corte's, announced his pur-
pose of making him Captain-General of the Armada.'"

^ " Estando commigo, me lo dixo que estava tan content" con ella como sf
fuera hijade una Duquessa." Hist, de las Indias, MS., ubi supra. Goniara,
Cronica, cap. 4.

*2The treasurer used to boast he had passed some two and twenty years in
the wars of Itaiy. He was a shrewd personage, and Las Casas. thinking that
country a slippery school for morals, warned the governor, he says, more
than once " to beware of the twenty-two years in Italy." Hist, de las Indias,
MS., lib. 3, ca]j. 1 13.

^ " Si el no fuera por Capitan, que no fuera la tercera, paite de la gente
que con el fu^." Declaracion de Puertocarrero, MS. (Coruna, 30 dc Abril,
1520.)

*Bernal Diaz, Hist, de la Conquista, cap. 19. De Rebus Gestis, MS.
Gomara, Crdnica, cap. 7. Las Casas, Hist. General de las Indias, MS., ]iU
4 cap. 113.

ARMADA INTRUSTED TO CORTES.

'79

Cortes had now attained the object of his wishes, the object
for which his soul had panted, ever since he had set foot in the
New World. He was no longer to be condemned to a life of
mercenary drudgery ; nor to be cooped up within the precincts
of a petty island. But he was to be placed on a new and in-
dependent theatre of action, and a boundless perspective was
opened to his view, which might satisfy not merely the wildest
cravings of avarice, but, to a bold, aspiring spirit like his, the
far more importunate cravings of ambition. He fully appre-
ciated the importance of the late discoveries, and read in them
the existence of the great empire in the far West, dark hints of
which had floated, from time to time, to the Islands, and of
which more certain glimpses had been caught by those who had
reached the continent. This was the country intimated to the
"Great Admiral" in his visit to Honduras in 1502, and which
he might have reached, had he held on a northern course, in-
stead of striking to the south in quest of an imaginary strait.
As it was, "he had but opened the gate," to use his own bitter
expression, " for others to enter." The time had at length come,
when they were to enter it ; and the young adventurer, whose
magic lance was to dissolve the spell which had so long hung
over these mysterious regions, now stood ready to assume the
enterprise.

From this hour the deportment of Cortes seemed to undergo
a change. His thoughts, instead of evaporating in empty levities
or idle flashes of merriment, were wholly concentrated on the
great object to which he was devoted. His elastic spirits were
shown in cheering and stimulating the companions of his toil-
some duties, and he was roused to a generous enthusiasm, of
which even those who knew him best had not conceived him
capable. He applied at once all the money in his possession to
fitting out tlie armament. He raised more by the mortgage of
his estates, and by giving his obligations to some wealthy mer-
chants of the place, who relied for their reimbursement on the
success of the expedition ; and, when his own credit was ex
hausted, he availed himself of that of his friends.

The funds thus acquired he expended in the purchase of
vessels, provisions, and military stores, while he invited recruits
by offers of assistance to sucli as were too poor to provide for
themselves, and by the additional promise of a liberal share ot
the anticipated profits.'-^

All was now bustle and excitement in the litf.le town of St

'*Declaracion de Puertocarrero, MS. Carta de Vera Cruz, MS. Pro
banza en la Villa Segura, MS. (4de Oct., 1520.)

,8o DISCO VER Y OF MEXICO.

Jago, Some were busy in refitting the vessels and getting
them ready for the voyage, some in providing naval stores;
others in converting their own estates into money in order to
equip themselves ; every one seemed anxious to contribute in
some way or other to the success of the expedition. Six ships,
some of them of a large size, had already been procured ; and
three hundred recruits enrolled themselves in the course of a
few days, eager to seek their fortunes under the banner of this
daring and popular chieftain.

How far the governor contributed towards the expenses of
the outfit is not very clear. If the friends of Corte's are to be
believed, nearly the whole burden fell on him ; since, while he
supplied the squadron without remuneration, the governor sold
many of his own stores at an exorbitant profit.* Yet it does not
seem probable that Velasquez, with such ample means at his
command, should have thrown on his deputy the burden of the
expedition, nor that the latter had he done so could have
been in a condition to meet these expenses, amounting, as we
are told, to more than twenty thousand gold ducats. Still it
cannot be denied that an ambitious man like Cortes, who was
to reap all the glory of the enterprise, would very naturally be
less solicitous to count the gains of it, than his employer, who,
inactive at home, and having no laurels to win, must look on the
pecuniary profits as his only recompense. The question gave
rise, some years later, to a furious litigation between the parties,
with which it is not necessary at present to embarrass the reader.

It is due to Velasquez to state that the instructions delivered
by him for the conduct of the expedition cannot be charged with
a narrow or mercenary spirit. The first object of the voyage
was to find Grijalva, after which the two commanders were to
proceed in company together. Reports had been brought back
by Cordova, on his return from the first visit to Yucatan, that six
Christians were said to be lingering in captivity in the interior

*The letter from the Municipality of Vela Cruz, after stating that Velas-
quez bore only one third of the original expense, adds, " Y sepan Vras,
Magestades que la mayor parte de la dicha tercia parte que el dicho Diego
Velasquez gasto en hacer la dicha armada fud, emplear sus dineros en vinos
y en ropas, y en otras cosas de poco valor para nos lo vender acd en mucha
mas cantidad de loque a ^1 le costo, por manera que podemos decir que entre
nosotros los Espanoles vasallos de Vras. Reales Altezas ha hecho Diego
Velasquez sii rescate y granosea de sus dineros cobrandolos muy bien."
(Carta de Vera Cruz, MS.) Puertocarrero and Montejo, also, in their de-
positions taken in Spain, both speak of Cortes' having furnished two third*
of the cost of the flotilla. (Declaracion de Puertocarrero, MS. Declaracion
de Montejo, MS. (29 de Abril, 152a).) The letter from Vera Cruz, however,
was prepared under the eye of Cortes ; and the two last were his confidential
crfficers

ARMADA INTRUSTED TO CORTES. x%\

of the country. It was supposed they might belong to the party
of the unfortunate Nicuessa, and orders were given to find them
out, if possible, and restore them to liberty. But the great
object of the expedition was barter with the natives. In pursu-
ing this, special care was to be taken that they should receive
no wrong, but be treated with kindness and humanity. Cortes
was to bear in mind, above all things, that the object whicn the
Spanish monarch had most at heart was the conversion of the
Indians. He was to impress on them the grandeur and good-
ness of his royal master, to invite them "to give in their allegi-
ance to him, and to manifest it by regaling him with such com-
fortable presents of gold, pearls, and precious stones as, by show-
ing their own good-wil), would secure his favor and protection."
He was to make an accurate survey of the coast, sounding its
bays and inlets for the benefit of future navigators. He was to
acquaint himself with the natural products of the country, with
the character of its different races, their institutions and progress
in civilization ; and he was to send home minute accounts of all
these, together with such articles as he should obtain in his in-
tercourse with them. Finally, he was to take the most careful
care to omit nothing that might redound to the service of God
or his sovereign,'^

Such was the general tenor of the instructions given to Cortes,
and they must be admitted to provide for the interests of science
and humanity, as well as for those which had reference only to
a commercial speculation. It may seem strange, considering
the discontent shown by Velasquez with his former captain,
Grijalva, for not colonizing, that no directions should have been
given to that effect here. But he had not yet received from
Spain the warrant for investing his agents with such powers ;
and that which had been obtained from the Hieronymite fathers
in Hispaniola conceded only the right to traffic with the natives.
The commission at the same time recognized the authority of
Cortds as Captain-General of the expedition.^

2^ The instrument, in the original Castilian, will be found in Appendix, Part
2, A'o. 5. It IS often referred to by writers who never saw it, as the Agree
ment between Cortes and Velasquez. It is, in fact, only the instructions
given by this latter to his officer, who was no party to it.

2^ Declaracion de Puertocarrero, MS. Gomara, Cronica, cap. 7.

Velasquez soon after obtained from the crown authority to colonize the
new countries, with the title of adflantado over them. The instrument was
dated at Barcelona, Nov. 13th, 1518. (Herrera, Tl'rt. General, dec. 2, lib. 3,
cap. 8.) Empty privileges! Las Casas gives a c3,-^tic etvmology of the title
of adflantado, so often granted to the Spanish discoverers. " Adelantados
porque se arielantaran en hazer males y dafios tan graviimoi . gentes pact
Bcas." Hist, de las India*, MS., lib. 3, cap. IL7.

l82 DISCOVERY OF MEXICO-

CHAPTER III.

Jealousy of Velasquez. Cortes embarks. Equipmejjt of
HIS Fleet, His Person and Character. Rendezvous at
Havana. Strength of his Armament.

1519-

The importance given to Cortds by his new position, and,
perhaps, a somewhat more lofty bearing, gradually gave un-
easiness to the naturally suspicious temper of Velasquez, who
became apprehensive that his officer, when away where he would
have the power, might also have the inclination, to throw oflf his
dependence on him. altogether. An accidental circumstance at
this time heightened these suspicions. A mad fellow, his jester,
one of those crack-brained wits, half wit, half fool, who
formed in those days a common appendage to every great man's
establishment, called out to the governor, as he was taking his
usual walk one raorning with Cortes towards the port, " Have a
care, master Velasquez, or we shall have to go a hunting, some
day or other, after this same captain of ours ! " " Do you hear
what the rogue says ? " exclaimed the governor to his compan-
ion. " Do not heed him," said Cortes, " he is a saucy knave,
and deserves a good whipping," The words sunk deep, how-
ever, in the mind of Velasquez, as, indeed, true jests are apt
to stick.

There were not wanting persons about his Excellency, who
fanned the latent embers of jealousy into a blaze. These
worthy gentlemen, some of them kinsmen of Velasquez, who
probably felt their own deserts somewhat thrown into the shade
by the rising fortunes of Cortes, reminded the governor of his an-
cient quarrel with that officer, and of the little probability that
affronts so keenly felt at the time could ever be forgotten. By
these and similar suggestions, and by misconstructions of the
present conduct of Cortes, they wrought on the passions of
Velasquez to such a degree, that he resolved to intrust the ex-
pedition to other hands.^

' " Deterrebat." savs the anonymous biographer, " eum Cortesii natura
imperii avida, fiducia sui inpjens, et nimius sumptus in classe paranda.
Timere itaque Vclasciuius ccepit, si Cortesius cum ea classe iret. nihil .t<1 se

CORTES EMBARKS. 183

He communicated his rlesign to his confidential advisers,
Lares and Duero, and these trusty personages reported it with-
out delay to Cortds, although, " to a man of half his penetration,"
says Las Casas, " the thing would have been readily divined
from the governor's allcrttd demeanor."''^ The two function-
aries advised their friend to expedite matters as much as pos-
sible, and to lose no time in getting his fleet ready for sea, if he
would retain the command of ir. Cortes showed the same
prompt decision on this occasion, which more than once after-
wards in a similar crisis gave the direction to his destiny.

He had not yet got his complement of men, nor of vessels;
and was very inadequately provided with supplies of any kind.
But he resolved to weigh anchor that very night. He waited
on his officers, informed them of his purpose, and probably of
the cause of it ; and at midnight, when the town was hushed in
sleep, they all went quietly on board, and the little squadrou
dropped down the bay. First, however, Cortes had visited the
person whose business it was to supply the place with meat,
and relieved him of all his stock on hand, notwithstanding his
complaint that the city must suffer for it on the morrow, leav-
ing him, at the same time, in payment, a massive gold chain
of much value, which he wore round his neck.^

Great was the amazement of the good citizens of St. Jago,
when, at dawn, they saw that the fleet, which they knew was so
ill prepared for the voyage, had left its moorings and was busily
getting under way. The tidings soon came to the ears of his
Excellency, who, springing from his bed, hastily dressed him-
self, mounted his horse, and, followed by his retinue, galloped
down to the quay. Corids, as soon as he described their ap-
proach, entered an armed boat, and came within speaking dis-
tance of the shore. " And is it thus you part from me ! " ex-
claimed Velasquez ; " a courteous way of taking leave, truly ! "
** Pardon me," answered Cortes, " time presses, and there are
some tilings that should be done before they are even thought
of. Has your Excellency any commands ? " But the mortified
governor had no commands to give ; and Cortes, politely waving
his hand, returned to his vessel, and the little fleet instantly
made sail for the port of Macaca, about fifteen leagues distant.

vel honoris \t\ lucri rediturum." I3e Rebus Gestis, MS. Bcrnal Diar,
Hist, de la Coiiqnista, cajx 19. Las Casas, Hist, de las Iiulias, MS.,
cap. 114.

' " Cortes no avia menester mas i^ara entendello de mirar el gesto a Diego
Velasquez scgum su astuta viveza y niundanasabiduria." Hist, de las Indias,
MS., cap. 1 14.

' Las Casas hafi the story from Cortes' own mouth. Hist, de las India*,
MS., cap. 114. Gomara, Cr6nica, cap. 7. De Rebus Gestis, MS.

i84

DISCOVERY OF MEXICO.

(November i8, 1518.) Velasquez rode back to his house t
digest his chagrin as he best might; satisfied, probably, that he
had made at least two blunders ; one in appointing Cortds to
the command, the other in attempting to deprive him of it.
For, if it be true, that, by giving our confidence by halves, we
can scarcely hope to make a friend, it is equally true, that, by
withdrawing it when given, we shall make an enemy.*

This clandestine departuie of Cones has been severely criti-
cised by sorre writers, especially by Las Casas. Yet much
mav be urged in vindication of his conduct. He had been
appointed to the command by the voluntary act of the governor,
and this had been fully ratified by the authorities of Hispani-
ola. He had at once devoted all his resources to the under-
taking, incurring, indeed, a heavy debt in addition. He was
now to be deprived of his commission, without any misconduct
having been alleged or at least proved against him. Such an
event must overwhelm him in irretrievable ruin, to say nothing
of the friends from whom he had so largely borrowed and the
followers who had embarked their fortunes in the expedition on
the faith of his commanding it. There are few persons, prob-
ably, who, under these circumstances, would have felt called
tamely to acquiesce in the sacrifice of their hopes to a ground-
less and arbitrary whim. The most to have been expected from
Cortes was, that'he should feel obliged to provide faithfully for
the interests of his employer in the conduct of the enterprise.
How far he felt the force of this obligation will appear in the
sequel.

From Macaca, where Cortes laid in such stores as he could
obtain from the royal farms, and which, he said, he considered
as " a loan from the king," he proceeded to Trinidad ; a more
considerable town, on the southern coast of Cuba. Here he
landed, and, erecting his standard in front of his quarters, made
proclamation, with liberal offers to all who would join the ex-
pedition. Volunteers came in daily, and among them more

* Las Casas. Hist, de las Inclias, MS., cap. 114. Herrera, Hist, Genera],
dec. 2, lib. 3, cap. 12.

Solis, who follows Bernal Diaz is saying that Cortes parted openly and
amicably from Velasquez, seems to consider it a great slander on the char-
acter of the former to suppose that he wanted to break with the governor so
soon, when he had received so little provocation. (Conquista, lib. i, cap.
10.) But it is not necessary to suppose that Cortes intended a rupture with
his employer by this clandestine movement; but only to secure himself in the
command. At all events, the text conforms in every particular to the state-
ment of Las Casas, who, as he knew both the parties well, and resided on th
island at the time, had ample means of information.

^ Hist, de las Indias, MS., cap. 114.

EQUIPMENT OF HIS FLEET. 185

than a hundred of Giijalva's men, just returned from their voy-
age, and willing to follow up the discovery under an enterpris-
ing leader. The fame of Cortds attracted, also, a number of
cavaliers of family and distinction, some of whom, having
accompanied Grijalva, brought much information valuable for
the present expedition. Among these hidalgos may be men-
tioned Pedro de Alvarado and his brothers, Cristdval de Olid,
Alonso de Avila, Juan Velasquez de Leon, a near relation of
the governor, Alonso Hernandez de Puertecarrero, and Gonzalo
de Sandoval, all of them men who took a most important part
in the Conquest. Their presence was of gr^at moment, as giving
consideration to the enterprise ; and, when they entered the
litile camp of the adventurers, the latter turned out to welcome
them amidst lively strains of music and joyous salvos of artil-
lery.

C'orte's' meanwhile was active in purchasing mJl-itary stores
and provisions. Learning that a trading vessel laden with
grain and other commodities for the mines was off the coast, he
ordered out one of his caravels to seize her and bring her into
port. He paid the master in bills for both cargo and ship, and
even persuaded this man, named Seldeno, who was wealthy, to
join his fortunes to the expedition. He also despatched one of
his officers, Diego de Ordaz, in quest of another ship, of which
he had tidings, with instructions to seize it in like manner, and
to meet him with it ofif Cape St. Antonio, the westerly point
of the island." By this he effected another object, that of get-
ting rid of Ordaz, who was one of the governor's household, and
an inconvenient spy on his own actions.

While thus occupied, letters from Velasquez were received by
the commander of Trinidad, requiring him to seize the person
of Cortes and to detain him, as he had been deposed from the
command of the lieet, which was given to another. This func-
tionary communicated his instructions to the principal officers in
the expedition, who counselled him not to make the at'empt, as
it would undoubtedly lead to a commotion among the soldiers,
that might end in laying the town in ashes. Verdugo thought it
prudent to conform to this advice."

As Cortds was willing to strengthen himself by still further
reinforcements, he ordered Alvarado with a small body of men

' I^s Casas had this, also, from the lips of Cortes in later life. " Todo
esto me dixo el mismo Cortes, con otras cosas c^erca dello despues de Mar-
que?; reindo y mofando ^ conestas formales palabras, y^ la vii fet

ttndube par alH conto un f^entil cosario.'''' Hist, dc las Indias, MS., cap. 115.

"De Rebus Gestis, MS. Gomara, Cr6nica, cap. 8. Las Casas, Hist, de
Im Indias, MS., cap, 114, 115.

1 8 6 DISCO VER Y OF MEXICO.

to march across the country to the Havana, while he himself
would sail round the westerly point of the island, and meet him
there with the squadron. In this port he again displayed his
standard, making the usual proclamation. He caused all the
large guns to be brought on shore, and, with the small arms and
crossbows, to be put in order. As there was abundance of cotton
raised in ihis neighborhood, he had the jackets of the soldiers
thickly quilted with it, for a defence against the Indian arrows,
from which the troops in the former expeditions had grievously
suffered. He distributed his men into eleven companies, each
under the command of an experienced officer ; and it was
observed, that, although several of the cavaliers in the service
were the personal friends and even kinsmen of Velasquez, he
appeared to treat them all with perfect confidence.

His principal standard was of black velvet embroidered with
gold, and emblazoned with a red cross amidst flames of blue and
white, with this motto in Latin beneath; '' Friends, let us follow
the Cross ; and under this sign, if we have faith, we shall con-
quer." He now assumed more state in his own person and way
of living, introducing a greater number of domestic and officers
into his household, and placing it on a footing becoming a man
of high station. This state he maintained through the rest of
his life,^

Corte's at this time was thirty-three, or perhaps thirty-foui
years of age. In stature he was rather above the middle size.
His complexion was pale ; and his large dark eye gave an ex-
pression of gravity to his countenance, not to have been ex-
pected in one of his cheerful temperament. His figure was
slender, at least until later life ; but his chest was deep, his
shoulders broad, his frame muscular and well proportioned. It
presented the union of agility and vigor which qualified him to
excel in fencing, norsemanship, and the other generous exercises
of chivalry. In his diet he was temperate, careless of what he
ate, and drinking little : while to toil and privation he seemed
perfectly indifferent. His dress, for he did not disdain the im-
pression produced by such adventitious aids, was such as to set
off his handsome person to advantage ; neither gaudy nor strik-
ing, but rich. He wore few ornaments, and usually the same ;
but those w^ere of great price. His manners, frank and soldier-
like, concealed a most cool and calculating spirit. With his
gayest humor there mingled a settled air of resolution, which

8 Bernal Diaz, Ilist. de la Conquistn, cap. 24. De Rebus Gestis, MS.
Gomara, Cronica, cap. 8 Las Casas, Hist, de las Indias, MS., cap. I15.

The legend on the standard was, doubtless, suggested by that on the Itf
kttrum. the sacred banner of Constantinc.

STRENGTH OF HFS ARMAMENT. igy

made those who approached him feel they must obey ; and which
infused something like awe into the attachment of his most
devoted followers. Such a combination, in which love was
tempered by authority, was the one probably best calculated to
inspire devotion in the rough and turbulent spirits among whom
his lot was to be cast.

The character of Cones seemed to have undergone some
change with change of circumstances ; or, to speak more correct-
ly, the new scenes in which he was placed called forth qualities
which before lay dormant in his bosom. There are some hardy
natures that require the heats of excited action to untold their
energies ; like the plants, which, closed to the mild influence of
a temperate latitude, come to their full growth, and give forth
their fruits, only in the burning atmosphere of the tropics. Such
is the portrait left to us by his contemporaries of this remarkable
man ; the instrument selected by Providence to scatter terror
among the barbarian monarchs of the Western World, and lay
their empires in the dust.^

Before the preparations were fully completed at the Havana,
the commander of the place, Don Pedro Barba, received de-
spatches from Velasquez ordering him to apprehend Cortds, and
to prevent the departure of his vessels ; while another epistle
from the same source was delivered to Cortes himself, requesting
him to postpone his voyage till the governor could communicate
with him, as he proposed, in person. " Never," exclaimed Las
Casas, "did I see so little knowledge of affairs shown, as in this
letter of Diego Velasquez, that he should have imagined, that
a man, who had so recently put such an affront on him, would
defer his departure at his bidding ! " ^" It was indeed, hoping to
stay the flight of the arrow by a word, after it had left the bow.

The Captain-General, however, during his short stay, had
entirely conciliated the good-will of Barba, And, if that officer
had had the inclination, he knew he had not the power, to en-
force his principal's orders, in the face of a resolute soldier}',
incensed at this ungenerous persecution of their commander,
and " all of whom," in the words of the honest chronicler who
bore part in the expedition, " officers and privates, would have
cheerfully laid down their lives for him."" Barba contented
himself, therefore, with explaining to Velasquez the impractica-

* T!;e most minute notices of the person and habits of Cortes are to be
gather'd from the narrative of the old c.ivalier llernal Diaz, who served so
lonfr under him, and from fiomara, the general's chuplai'' See in particular
the last chajjter of G(jniara'.s Cronica, and cap. 203 of ..e Hist, de la Con-
quista.

''^ I, as Casas. Hist^ dr- las Tndias, MS., cap. 115.

^^ Berna! Diaz, Hist, de la Conquista, caj). 24

1 88 DISCO VEK Y OF MEXICO.

bility of the attempt, and at the same time endeavored to tran
quillize his apprehensions by asserting his own confidence in the
fidelity of Cortds. To this the latter added a communication of
his own, couched " in the soft terms he knew so well how to
use," ^ in which he implored his Excellency to rely on his de-
votion to his interests, and concluded with the comfortable as-
surance that he and the whole fleet, God willing, would sail on
the following morning.

Accordingly on the loth of February, 15 19, the little squadron
got under way, and directed its course towards Cape St. Antonio,
the appointed place of rendezvous. When all were brought to-
gether, the vessels were found to be eleven in number ; one of
them, in which Cortds himself went, was of a hundred tons'
burden, three others were from seventy to eighty tons ; the re-
mainder were caravels and open brigantines. The whole was
put under the direction of Antonio de Alaminos, as chief pilot ;
a veteran navigator, who had acted as pilot to Columbus in his
last voyage, and to Cordova and Grijalva in the former expedi-
tions to Yucatan,

Landing on the Cape and mustering his forces, Cortds found
they amounted to one hundred and ten mariners, five hundred
and fifty-three soldiers, including thirty-two crossbowmen, and
thirteen arquebusiers, besides two hundred Indians of the island.
and a few Indian women for menial offices. He was provided
with ten heavy guns, four lighter pieces called falconets, and
with a good supply of ammunition.^'' He had besides sixteen
horses. They were not easily procured ; for the difficulty of
transporting them across the ocean in the flimsy craft of that
day made them rare and incredibly dear in the Islands." But

^2 Ibid., loc. cit.

1^ Bernal Diaz, Hist, de la Conquista, cap. 26.

There is some discrepancy among authorities, in regard to the numbers ot
the army. The letter from Vera Cruz, which should have been exact, speaks
in round terms of only four hundred soldiers. (Carta de Vera Cruz, MS.)
Velasquez himself, in a communication to the Chief Judge of Hispaniola,
states the number at six hundred. (Carta de Diego Velasquez al Lie. Fig-
ueroa, MS.; I have adopted the estimates of Bernal Diaz, who, in his long
service, seems to have become intimately acquainted with every one of his
comrades, their persons, and private history.

^^ Incredibly dear indeed, since, from the statements contained in the de-
positions at Villa .Segura, it appears that the cost of the horses for the ex-
pedition was from four to five hundred pesos de oro each ? " .Si saben que de
caballos que el dicho Seiior Capitan General Hernando Cortes ha comprado
para servir en la dicha Conquista, que son diez e echo, que le han costado a
^uatrocientos cinquenta e a quinientos pesos ha pagado, e que deve mas de
ocho mil pesos de oro dellos.*' (Probanza en Villa .Segura, MS.) The esti-
mation of these hordes is sufficiently shown by the minute information Bernal
Diaz has thought proper to give of everv one of them ; minute enoiigh for thf;
pages of a s))ortiiig calendar. See Hist, de la Conquista, cap. 23.

STREXGTII OF HIS ARMAMENT. ig^

Cortds rightfully estimated the importance of cavalry, however

small in number, both for their actual service in the field, and
for striking terror into the savages. With so paltry a force did
he enter on a Conquest which even his stout heart must have
shrunk from attempting with such means, had he but foreseen
half its real ditiiculties !

Before embarking, Cortes addressed his soldiers in a short
but animated harangue. He told them that they were about to
enter on a noble enterprise, one that would make their name
famous to after ages. He was leading them to countries more
vast and opulent than any yet visited by Europeans. " I hold
out to you a glorious prize," continued the orator, " but it is to
be won by incessant toil. Great things are achieved only by
great exertions, and glory was never the reward of sloth, ^^ If I
have labored hard and staked my all on this undertaking, it is
for the love of that renown, which is the noblest recompense of
man. But, if any among you covet riches more, be but true to
me, as I will be true to you and to the occasion, and I will make
you masters of such as our countrymen have never dreamed of!
You are few in number, but strong in resolution ; and, if this
does not falter, doubt not but that the Alinigh;y, who has never
deserted the Spaniard in his contest with the infidel, will shield
you, though encompassed by a cloud of enemies ; for your csuse
is z Just cause, and you are to fight under the banner of the Cross.
Go forward, then," he concluded, " with alacrity and confidence,
and carry to a glorious issue the work so auspiciously begun." i6

The rough eloquence of the general, touching the various
chords of ambition, avarice and religious zeal, sent a thrill
through the bosoms of his martial audience ; and receiving it
with acclamations, thev seemed eager to press forward under a
chief who was to lead them not so much to battle, as to triumph.

Cortes was well satisfied to find his own enthusiasm so largely
shared by his followers. Mass was then celebrated with the so-
lemnities usual with the Spanish navigators, when entering on
their vovages of discovery. The fleet was placed under the im-
mediate protection of St. Peter, the patron saint of Corte's ; and

'5 " To vos propongo grandes premios. mas embueltos en grandes trabajos
pero la virtud no quiere ociosidad." (Goniara, Crunica, cap. 9.) It is ihe
thought so finely exjjressed by Thomson:

" Ydt sluggard'k brow the laurel nevtr prows ;
Renown is not the child of indolent re'"^"^c."

* The text is a very condensed abridcjement of th' original speechof Cort^
-or of his chaplain, as the case may be. See it, in Gomara, Cronica,
up. 9-

190

DISCOVERY OF MEXICO.

weighing anchor, took its departure on the eighteenth day of
February, 15 19, for the coast of Yucatan.^'

^' Las Casas, Hist, de las Indias, MS., cap. 115. Gotnara, Cronica, cap.
10. De Rebus Gestis, MS.

" Tantus fuit armorum apparatus," exclaims the author of the last work,
"quo alterum terrarum orbem bellis Cortesius concutit; extam parvis opibu3
tantum imperium Caroio facit; aperitque omnium primus Hispanse genti
Hispaniam novam I " The author of this work is unknown. It seems to
have been part of a great compilation " De Orbe Novo," written, probably,
on the plan of a series of biographical sketches, as the introduction speaks of
a life of Columbus preceding this of Cortes. It was composed, as it states,
while many of the old Conquerors were still surviving, and is addressed to
the son of Cortes. The historian, therefore, had ample means of verifying
the truth of his own statements, although they too often betray, in his par-
tiality for his hero, the influence of the patronage under which the work was
produced. It runs into a prolixity of detail, which, however tedious, has
its uses in a contemporary document. Unluckily, only the first book was
finished, or, at least, has survived: terminating with the events of this
Chapter. It is written in Latin, in a pure and perspicuous style ; and is con-
jectured with some plausibility to be the work of Calvet de Estrella, Chron-
icler of the Indies. The original exists in the Archives of Simancas, where
it was discovered and transcribed by Munoz, from whose copy that in my
Hbrary wa taken.

FOVAG TO COZUMEL. igr

CHAPTER IV.

Voyage to Cozumel. Conversion' of the Natives. Jer6n-
iMo dil Aguilar. Army arrives at Tabasco. Great
Battle with the Indians. Christianity introduced.

Orders were given for the vessels to keep as near together as
possible, and to take the direction of the capitania, or admiral's
ship, which carried a beacon light in the stern during the night.
But the weather, which had been favorable, changed soon after
their departure, and one of those tempests set in which at this
season are often found in the latitudes of the West Indies. It
fell with terrible force on the little navy, scattering it far asunder,
dismantling some of the ships, and driving them all considerably
south of their proposed destination.

Cortds, who had lingered behind to convoy a disabled vessel,
reached the island of Cozumel last. On landing, he learned that
one of his captains, Pedro de Alvarado, had availed himself of
the short time he had been there, to enter the temples, rifle them
ot their few ornaments, and by his violent conduct, so far to
terrify the simple natives, that they had fled for refuge into the
interior of the island. Cortes, highly incensed at these rash pro-
ceedings, so contrary to the policy he had proposed, could not
refrain from severely reprimanding his officer in the presence of
the army. He commanded two Indian captives, taken by Al-
varado, to be brought before him, and explained to them the
pacific purpose of his visit. This he did through the assistance
of his interpreter, Melchorejo, a native of Yucatan, who had
been brought back by Grijalva, and who, during his residence in
Cuba, had picked up some acquaintance with the C'astilian, He
then dismissed them loaded wiih presents, and with an invitation
to their countrymen to return to their homes without fear of fur-
ther annoyance. This humane policy succeeded. The fugitives,
reassured, were not slow in coming back ; and an amicab