University of California Berkeley
Copyright, 1 9 1 3, by Harris & Ewing
WOODROW WILSON,
President of the United States.
MEXICO AND THE
UNITED STATES
A Story of Revolution
Intervention and War
BY
FREDERICK $TARR
OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO
Illustrated with photograpJis and maps
PUBLISHED BY
THE BIBLE HOUSE
443 S. DEARBORN STREET
CHICAGO
COPYRIGHT, 1914,
BY
THE BIBLE HOUSE.
53-77
THIS BOOK
UPON MEXICO AND THE UNITED STATES
IS DEDICATED TO
DK. OTTO L. SCHMIDT
AS A MARK OF APPRECIATION
AND A TOKEN OF REGARD
BY
THE AUTHOR.
YJiAKniJ
Photograph by Koeh
FREDERICK STARR.
PREFACE
Asked to write a book on Mexico, I do so gladly. I know
Mexico from an experience of twenty years ; I love the land and
people. .But there are as many different Mexicos as there are
observers.
This book does not pretend to be a history of Mexico. There
are many such already written, and they are easily accessible.
It must, however, have a thread of history running through it
to connect the different stories, and to make them compre-
hensible. It is an effort to show how and why recent
occurrences happened. It endeavors to explain why the
present turmoil in Mexico, the tendency, the outcome.
The book begins with the Centennial Celebration of 1910.
It marked the culmination of one hundred years of national
life. It marked the beginning of a new and great political move-
ment. It is inevitable that the speeches, books, processions,
celebrations, of the month of September should produce the
revolution which followed. Aquiles Serdan was the martyr
whose death ushered in a new era.
Having marked the culmination of the development inau-
gurated by the man of iron, it is necessary to know the material
from which and the foundation on which his nation was con-
structed. Fundamentally, the Mexican is Aztec or similar
Indian. And Aztec Mexico furnished the material for all later
development. To know and understand this is fundamental.
The old Indian was conquered by the Spanish soldier, but he
was also conquered by the Spanish priest. Following the mili-
tary and religious conquest of the country came the long period
of Spain's control, the glorious century and after. The charac-
teristic features of the social and political life of New Spain
were necessarily fixed by the old Indian and the new Spanish
elements. Vice-royal rule continued the divided, local, dis-
1
2 PREFACE
organized character of the past, personal politics and super-
stitious submission to religious control. There was no unifying
movement, no middle class. The very rich, the very poor, they
alone were present.
With the great liberal movement of the early nineteenth
century in Europe, there began a corresponding liberal move-
ment in the New World. The story of the independence
struggle abounds in interesting and romantic episodes. But it
still repeats the old conditions. It was not a unifying move-
ment. It developed no middle class. The very rich and the
very poor alone remained. Leaders were impelled too often
by personal ambition. Once in power, they forgot principles
and betrayed their cause. With the achievement of inde-
pendence a real struggle for principle emerges. Iturbide,
Santa Anna, the War with the United States, Benito Juarez
Maximilian, these words all suggest a movement in the direc-
tion of real government. Mexico was striving for better things.
The common people were awaking. There was still, however,
but the beginning of a middle class ; there was still the curse of
personal politics and a heavy burden of ecclesiasticism.
Then came Porfirio Diaz. He led his nation in material
progress, and for a long period ruled in peace. He made
errors, fundamental errors. His Mexico was too largely fair
on the outside. His schools did something ; the pity is he failed
to realize it. In order to create a nation of ambassadorial
rank he left his people ignorant, suspicious, divided, Indians
and peons. The impressive structure which he reared fell like
a house of cards. The new gospel preached by Madero led to
a successful revolution.
It is particularly to the period from the time when the Diaz
power tottered that this book is devoted. It is its purpose to
show why Diaz failed; why Francisco I. Madero succeeded in
revolution and failed miserably in government ; why there have
been seven or eight revolutions since 1910; why Mexico hates
us ; why Huerta is in power ; and why we should refrain from
meddling in the internal affairs of Mexico.
PREFACE 3
Mexico and the United States are neighbors; they differ
from each other markedly; they represent and will continue to
represent different forms of government; they may both be
great nations in the future. They should be friends.
FEBRUARY, 1913 AND BEFORE AND AFTER.
BUT THERE ARE OUTRAGES AGAINST CIVILIZATION ELSEWHERE.
TABLE OF CONTENTS.
THE CENTENNIAL,
A GREAT OCCASION THE FOREIGN REPRESENTATIVES PERMANENT IMPROVEMENTS
AN INSTRUCTIVE EXPOSITION THE COMMERCIAL, PROCESSION A CURIOUS
RELIC OF THE REVOLUTION A PICTURESQUE CELEBRATION FLAG DAY
THE MAKTYR CADETS CONGRESS OF AMERICANISTS INTERNATIONAL
COURTESY A DANGER SIGNAL .
THE CENTENNIAL, CONTINUED
THE HUMBOLDT MONUMENT THE EDITORIAL GUESTS THE NATIONAL HOLIDAYS
CIVIC PROCESSION HISTORICAL PAGEANT THE GRITO OF INDEPENDENCE
THE MILITARY PARADE JAPANESE EXPOSITION SPLENDID ILLUMINA-
TION TORCH-LIGHTS AND CHORUS A CITY OF MONUMENTS NEW
NATIONAL UNIVERSITY A TRIO OF SENTIMENTAL FUNCTIONS THE PRESI-
DENT IN THE CENTENNIAL THE COST OF CELEBRATION ; . 53
AQUILES SEEDAN
A BAD GOVERNOR AN OPPRESSED PEOPLE BUTCHER CABRERA ARNULFO ARROYO
INCIDENT A STORY OF CABRERA THE FIRST OUTBREAK OF THE REVOLU-
TION THE SEARCH; DEATH OF CABRERA THE BATTLE OF SANTA CLARA
STREET CARMEN SERDAN THE CAPTURE OF THE SERDAN HOUSE THE
HIDDEN LEADER JOY IN PUEBLA A PENDENT TO THE CENTENNIAL 73
THE IEON HAND
THE EARLY LIFE OF DIAZ HIS MILITARY CAREER BATTLING AGAINST THE ARMY
OF INTERVENTION DURING THE EMPIRE ESCAPE FROM PRISON LEADER
OF OPPOSITION TROUBLE WITH LERDO DE TEJADA PRESIDENT FOR THE
FIRST TIME ADMINISTRATION OF MANUEL GONZALES DIAZ RETURNED TO
POWER MEXICO, A COUNTRY OF AMBASSADORIAL RANK ENCOURAGEMENT
OF PROGRESS THE PIUS CLAIMS RESUMPTION OF RELATIONS WITH
AUSTRO-HUNGARY EXPRESSION REGARDING THE MONROE DOCTRINE 85
AZTEC MEXICO
THE MARKS OF CIVILIZATION THE MIGRATION STORY DAILY LIFE OF AZTECS
AZTEC ARCHITECTURE ARTS OF LIFE EDUCATION AND ART THE NATURE
OF THE AZTECS A BLOODY WORSHIP THE NEW FIRE SECULAR CEREMONY
THE BOUNDS OF EMPIRE WHAT CORTES FOUND 101
THE CONQUEST
HERNAN CORTES EXPEDITION TO MEXICO PLAN OF CONQUEST THE TLAXCALANS
ARRIVAL AT TENOCHTITLAN SUPPRESSION OF PLOT OF NARVAEZ A
CRITICAL SITUATION BATTLE OF OTUMBA THE LAST STRUGGLE CORTES
IN CHARGE CAUSES OF EASY CONQUEST 113
ii TABLE OF CONTENTS.
GUADALUPE
THE RELIGIOUS CONQUEST THE STORY OF THE VIRGIN OF GUADALUPE THE
NATION 'S PATRON DECEMBER 12 IN MEXICO THE CROWNING OF THE VIR-
GIN ALTAMIRANO >S VERDICT 125
THE GLOEIOUS CENTUEY AND AFTER
RELIGIOUS ORGANIZATION SIXTEENTH CENTURY CULTURE BOOK PRINTING
INDUSTRIAL EDUCATION MEXICO UNDER THE VICEROYS MATERIAL DEVEL-
OPMENT SPAIN'S POLICY DISCRIMINATION AGAINST CREOLES EDUCA-
TION NEGLECTED RELIGIOUS SITUATION VASSALAGE AND SLAVERY
MAKE-UP OF THE POPULATION 133
A VILLAGE PRIEST
TROUBLES IN SPAIN COMPLAINTS CF THE COLONISTS THE FIRST MARTYR, VERDAD
CURA HIDALGO THE CRY OF INDEPENDENCE CAPTURE OF GUANAJUATO
CONDITIONS IN THE CAPITAL THE BATTLE OF LAS CRUCES HIDALGO
FLEES TO GUADALAJARA PUNISHMENT OF GUANAJUATO THE NEW GOV-
ERNMENT THE BATTLE AT THE BRIDGE THE END OF HIDALCiO 'S REVOLU-
TION MEXICAN CRUELTY 145
STRUGGLE AND VICTORY
THE SECOND PERIOD; MORELOS CONGRESS ORGANIZED FATE OF MATAMORAS
ITURBIDE, THE TERRIBLE THE THIRD PERIOD MINA THE FINAL STAGE;
GUERRERO DEFECTION OF ITURBIDE SUCCESS OF THE REVOLUTION 157
PATRIOT AND TRAITOR
THE REAL CONDITIONS ITURBIDE FOR INDEPENDENCE THE THREE GUARANTEES
TREATY OF CORDOBA TRIUMPHAL ENTRY INTO MEXICO ITURBIDE
CROWNED EMPEROR REVOLUTION AGAIN DEATH OF ITURBIDE 165
SANTA ANNA
VICTORIA GUADALUPE PLAN OF MONTANO MASONRY IN MEXICO SANTA ANNA
AGAIN GUERRERO'S FAILURE SANTA ANNA IN A CONSTITUTIONAL ROLE
MANGO DE CLAVO A REAL LIBERAL CENTRALIZATION POLICY IN FULL
CONTROL IN THE WAR WITH THE UNITED STATES SERENE HIGHNESS
PLAN OF AYOTLA 173
WAR WITH THE UNITED STATES
SECESSION OF TEXAS ANNEXATION BY THE UNITED STATES WAR BEGUN BY
THE UNITED STATES COURSE OF THE WAR SANTA ANNA 'S PART NATURE
OF THE WAR RESULTS OF THE WAR 185
THE LITTLE INDIAN
THE POLICIES OF GOMEZ FARIAS PROGRESSIVE LAWS NEW CONSTITUTION THE
OPPOSITION BENITO JUAREZ FLIGHT OF THE LIBERAL GOVERNMENT
EVENTS AT VERA CRUZ AGAIN IN CONTROL EUROPEAN INTERVENTION
MAXIMILIAN 'S EMPIRE CHARACTER OF JUAREZ A SPECTACULAR INCIDENT
AFTER THE EMPIRE 191
TABLE OF CONTENTS. iii
FAILURE OF EMPIEE
GUTIERREZ DE ESTRADA EUROPEAN INTERVENTION CONFERENCE OF ORIZABA
PURPOSE OF FRANCE BATTLES OF PUEBLA INVITATION TO MAXIMILIAN
FERDINAND MAXIMILIAN DECLINE OF EMPIRE DECREE OF OCTOBER 3,
1865 THE END OF EMPIRE 207
MATERIAL PROGRESS
RAILROAD DEVELOPMENT MISTAKES THE TEHUANTEPEC RAILWAY FOREIGN
CONTROL HARBOR IMPROVEMENT THE DRAINAGE CANAL INSTITUTIONAL
DEVELOPMENT POST OFFICE AND OPERA HOUSE 219
AFTER DIAZ, WHAT?
TWO PHASES IN THE DIAZ REGIME MATERIAL DEVELOPMENT THE CIENETIFICOS
- LIMANTOUR AFTER DIAZ, WHAT? BERNARDO REYES A CHANGE IN
PROGRAM REYES VERSUS LIMANTOUR RAMON CORRAL ENTERS HIS CHAR-
ACTER RETIREMENT AND EXILE CF REYES THE END OF REYES 227
A VOICE IN THE WILDERNESS
' ' BARBAROUS MEXICO ' ' A FLOCD OF ANSWER TURNER 's BOOK TRUE LAND CON-
FISCATION PLANTATION SLAVERY IN YUCATAN VALLE NACIONAL THE
RAILWAY DEAL AMERICAN PARTNERSHIP WITH DIAZ WEAK POINTS IN
' ' BARBAROUS MEXICO. " 239
THE NEW GOSPEL
THE CREELMAN INTERVIEW LA SUCESION PRESIDENCIAL EN 1910 PERSONAL
POLITICS CONTINUANCE IN POWER RESULTS OF MILITARISM THE VICE-
PRESIDENCY QUESTION CF MATERIAL PROGRESS EFFECTS OF DIAZ ' GOV-
ERNMENT FITNESS OF PEOPLE FOR DEMOCRACY MADERO 's PROGRAM 253
THE STORY OF THE MADERO REVOLUTION
MADERO 'S CAMPAIGN RE-ELECTION OF DIAZ AND CORRAL THREATENING INCI-
DENTS THE FIRST BATTLE REVOLUTION THE STRUGGLE IN CHIHUAHUA
CHANGE OF GOVERNOR NEW TACTICS HOPE IN LIMANTOUR YIELDING
ALONG THE WHOLE LINE OVERTURES FOR PEACE BELATED CONCESSIONS
ARMISTICE AND NEGOTIATIONS THE FALL OF CIUDAD JUAREZ WILD
SCENES THE RESIGNATION OF DIAZ THE PEACE TREATY THE FINAL ACTS . . . 259
INDIAN MEXICO
MEXICAN INDIANS SUSPICIOUS SUPERSTITIONS HOME LIFE OF INDIANS INDIAN
CONSERVATISM IGNORANCE TRANSMISSION OF NEWS THE INDIAN'S
DESIRE MISTAKEN INDIAN POLICY SEPARATED AND ISOLATED THE
HOPE OF MEXICO 277
THE HOUSE OF CAKDS
WIDESPREAD DISSATISFACTION PREMONITORY RUMBLINGS THE STORM BURSTS
AN EYE-WITNESS RESTRAINT OF THE COMMON PEOPLE THE FALL 289
iv TABLE OF CONTENTS.
INTERIM GOVERNMENT: DE LA BAREA
DE LA BARRA'S ATTITUDE A MONGREL CABINET PROBLEMS PRESSING THE DIS-
ARMING OF REVOLUTIONISTS BANDITRY LOCAL OUTBREAKS DEMANDS OF
FOREIGN GOVERNMENTS BREAK BETWEEN MADERO AND VASQUEZ GOMEZ
SOCIALIST REPUBLIC IN LOWER CALIFORNIA LABOR TROUBLES TROUBLE IN
PUEBLA ZAPATISM THE FALL ELECTIONS REYES AND HIS CAMPAIGN
RESULTS OF THE ELECTION ATTITUDE OF THE ARMY 297
FEANCISCO I. MADERO
UNDER THE NEW REGIME A CHANCE FOR OPTIMISM THE COMPLAINTS AGAINST
MADERO COUNTER-REVOLUTION OROZCO REYES VASQUEZ GOMEZ FELIX
DIAZ ZAPATA THE PRESIDENT J S CONFIDENCE 3 1 ?>
HELD UP TO RIDICULE
HE FALLS UPRIGHT WITH HUERTA WAREHOUSED GOODS COPYING THE EMPTY
CHEST A DESPERATE MEASURE THREATENING VOLCANOES A USELESS
PINE BREAKING THE PINATA 32.'}
PASCUAL OROZCO
RELATIONS BETWEEN MADERO AND OROZCO LACK OF DISCIPLINE; MUTINY
A POPULAR HERO SEED OF DISCORD POLITICAL AMBITION THE COUNTER-
REVOLUTION HUERTA IN THE FIELD OROZCO REAPPEARS 335
ZAPATISM
QUESTION OF LAND DISTRIBUTION ATTEMPT TO DISBAND ZAPATA 'S FORCES
RAMPANT BANDITRY ENCIRCLING MOVEMENT BALKED DESPERATE SITUA-
TION EXCITEMENT IN CONGRESS A FERVID ORATION HUERTA 'S CAM-
PAIGN UNDER THE MADERO GOVERNMENT SOURCE OF ZAPATISM
ZAPATISTS IN FEBRUARY, 1913 345
ANTI-AMERICANISM
WE ARE DIFFERENT WE DESIRE TO IMPROVE OTHERS THEY KNOW THE WORLD
MEXICAN CITIES CONSULS AND DIPLOMATS OUR LAND HUNGER THE
EL PASO INCIDENT LATIN-AMERICAN REVOLUTIONS TWO KINDS OP REVO-
LUTIONS EXPLOITATION OUTSPOKEN ANTI-AMERICANISM THE MONROE
DOCTRINE THE FUNDAMENTAL RIGHTS OF NATIONS TAFT'S MOBILIZA-
TION HARD PRESSED FOR EXPLANATION .'555
THE NINE DAYS' BATTLE
A TRIPLE PLOT THE FIRST ATTEMPT THE SECOND EFFORT THE THIRD AND
FINAL ATTEMPT THE NINE DAYS' BATTLE THE ARREST OF MADERO
MURDER OF GUSTAVO MADERO OFFICIAL REPORT OF THE DEATH OF MADERO
AND PINO SUAREZ BERNARDO REYES ANOTHER VERSION OF THE BATTLE
EFFECT IN MEXICO FELIX DIAZ MADE TO UNDERSTAND MADERO 'S ERRORS
THE QUESTION OF RECOGNITION 371
TABLE OF CONTENTS. v
HUERTA AND WILSON
THE CRISIS IN MADERO'S RULE HUERTA 's WORK COST OF THE NINE DAYS'
BATTLE TWO RESULTS REVOLUTION IN THE NORTH CARRANZA AND
VILLA NORTH VERSUS SOUTH ATTITUDE OF THE UNITED STATES
MR. WILSON'S STATEMENT GOOD OFFICES JOHN LIND 's MISSION THE
DEMANDS REPLY OF MEXICO AN EXODUS ORDERED HUERTA 'S COUP
t D'ETAT SHUTTING OFF RESOURCES MYSTERY OF PASS CHRISTIAN HALE
AND CARRANZA THE PRESENT STATUS 387
JAPAN AND MEXICO
OLD RELATIONS BETWEEN JAPAN AND MEXICO JAPAN'S COMMERCIAL GROWTH
THE SCARE ABOUT MAGDALENA BAY THE JUSTICE OF JAPAN'S POSITION
THE MATTER OF THE SPECIAL ENVOY THE FIRST APPOINTMENT THE
SECOND APPOINTMENT FELIX DIAZ AND FINALLY DE LA BARRA 409
WHAT WILL COME!
WHERE IS THE MAN PORFIRIO DIAZ ZAPATA PASCUAL OROZCO " PANCHO "
VILLA FELIX DIAZ VASQUEZ GOMEZ FEDERICO GAMBOA DE LA BARRA
HUERTA CARRANZA THE QUALITIES NECESSARY 421
INTERVENTION
A WILD PROJECT EFFECT OF ANNEXATION COST OF WAR WE WILL NOT
COLONIZE MEXICO PROTECTION OF INVESTMENTS POSITION OF THE
INVESTOR A MEXICAN PROBLEM ONLY A MIDDLE CLASS NEEDED
PERSONAL POLITICS TYPE OF NATION LIKELY 435
ORDERED TO THE BORDER, FORT BLISS.
THE CENTENNIAL
A GREAT OCCASION THE FOREIGN REPRESENTATIVES PERMANENT
IMPROVEMENTS AN INSTRUCTIVE EXPOSITION THE COMMERCIAL
PROCESSION A CURIOUS RELIC OF THE REVOLUTION A PIC-
TURESQUE CELEBRATION FLAG DAY THE MARTYR CADETS CON-
GRESS OF AMERICANISTS INTERNATIONAL COURTESY A DANGER
SIGNAL.
SEPTEMBEE, 1910, must long be remembered for the bril-
liant celebration of Mexico's Centennial. It was splendid
pageantry. The world participated in it, and the world
was astonished at its brilliancy. The Mexican Eepublic had
looked forward to it, and talked of it, for years. Plan after plan
had been proposed and discarded. At one time it looked as if
the celebration might take the form of a great international
exposition, but that idea was abandoned. It was finally decided
to invite the world to come as guests for the inspection of the
condition and achievement of the Eepublic. The Mexican Ee-
public was desirous of proving to the visitors its claim of being
a progressive and advancing nation, entitled to the respect and
admiration of the sister nations of the world.
33
34 THE CENTENNIAL
A GEE AT OCCASION
An elaborate program of events to cover the whole month
was worked out. Arrangements were made to receive and care
for enormous crowds of visitors. A whole month of extra vaca-
tion was granted to the children in the schools that they might
witness the great object lesson in national patriotism. The
entire country united in the celebration. Every station on every
line of railroad was decorated with draperies in the national
colors, with flags, and with escutcheons. Throughout the month
all trains reached the city loaded with passengers. Thousands
of young fellows born from mixed parents in the United States,
many of whom had never seen the country of their fathers
before, came to visit the land where one or the other parent -was
born. Crowds of citizens from the outlying states, who had
never seen the Capital, made their first trip to the great city
many times taking their first journey on a railroad train. The
hotels were crowded, and no rooms were empty; crowds were
turned away without a place to sleep ; the price of lodging was
doubled, trebled ; rooms in private houses were held at stagger-
ing rates; prices of restaurants soared upward; cocheros con-
sidered every day a festival and collected double fares
accordingly.
The city itself was in gala dress for thirty days. Bunting
and flags and escutcheons were on all facades. The night illumi-
nations were brilliant, electric lights everywhere repeating the
national red, white and green, and the tinted plaster facing of
the buildings lending itself admirably to the effect.
THE FOREIGN REPRESENTATIVES
The first great spectacular feature was the arrival and recep-
tion of envoys from foreign lands. They had been sent by their
home governments to participate in the rejoicing. Some came
\n grandeur in war-vessels of their national navies. In some
such cases commissions of welcome went to the coast to see, to
meet, and to escort them. Whether they came by sea or land,
THE CENTENNIAL 35
they were officially received on entering the country. Their jour-
ney toward the Capital was a continual ovation; salutes were
fired, bands played, flags were raised, bells were rung, to wel-
come them. Three grades of these foreign envoys were recog-
nized ambassadors, special envoys with rank of minister, and
delegates. They came from twenty-eight different nations,
Italy, Japan, the United States, Germany, China, Spain and
France sent ambassadors ; special envoys with rank of minister
came from Honduras, Austro-Hungary, Cuba, Costa Rica, Rus-
sia, Portugal, Guatemala, Salvador, Peru, Panama, Brazil, Bel-
gium, Chili, Argentina, Norway, Ecuador and Uruguay; dele-
gates were sent from Switzerland, Venezuela and Columbia.
The ambassadorial party from the United States, headed by
ex-Governor Guild of Massachusetts, consisted of seventeen
persons of whom several were ladies. Among the commission-
ers were Congressmen Slayden and Foster, Senator Overman
and General Harrison Gray Otis. The ambassadors were re-
ceived in a body by President Diaz, the function being the most
stately diplomatic event in the national history. Each ambas-
sador made a speech of congratulation on behalf of his gov-
ernment, and to each the President made an appropriate
response. The following day a similar reception of the special
envoys of ministerial rank took place. On Wednesday the na-
tional delegates were received. Each day there was military
escort, band music, bunting, gay uniforms, hurrahs. Following
these diplomatic receptions a splendid reception and banquet
was given by the Department of Foreign Affairs to the whole
body of envoys. The decoration and illumination were magnifi-
cent, the guests were resplendant in uniforms and decorations.
Probably no equally brilliant social diplomatic function had ever
taken place in North America.
PERMANENT IMPROVEMENTS
Less spectacular were the dedications, foundings, or open-
ings, of philanthropic and ameliorative institutions. Never
since the Conquest has Mexico lacked asylums and hospitals. In
36
THE CENTENNIAL
Copyrighted by Underwood and Underwood
GATHERING TUNAS, SAN" JUAN DE TEOTIHUACAN SITE OF FAMOUS
PYRAMIDS POPULATION LARGELY AZTEC TUNAS ARE FRUIT OF
THE PRICKLY PEAR CACTUS.
THE CENTENNIAL 37
the vice-royal days they were generally foundations due to
individual piety or to the religious orders. The story of these
old institutions abounds in romance and pathos and devotion.
But the new Mexico builds state establishments and utilizes in
them all that science and experience of other nations offer.
One by one the old hospitals and asylums and public prisons
have given way to up-to-date scientific establishments. The
occasion of the centennial was utilized to usher a group of them
into existence. It was good policy to show the world that Mexico
plans institutions upon the finest and most approved standards.
The first public event upon the month's program was the dedi-
cation of the insane asylum at Mixcoac; the President of the
Eepublic was present and performed the act of dedication. Two
clays later Vice-president Corral laid the cornerstone of the
great general prison. Through the month other dedications
and inaugurations proved to the visitors the fact that Mexico
was up-to-date in the matter of public institutions.
AN INSTRUCTIVE EXPOSITION
Tending to the same demonstration was the hygienic exposi-
tion which proved singularly interesting and popular. It was
open through the whole month, free to all visitors. It was com-
plete, well arranged, attractive and instructive, and would do
credit to any nation. It represented and illustrated the food-
supply of cities, street and city cleaning, destruction of waste,
systems of plumbing, the production and handling of food, pub-
lic markets, source and transmission of disease, disinfection,
isolation and care of contagious diseases, and the like. The
practical value of this well developed exposition is evident when
one remembers Mexico's peculiar problems of valley drainage,
yellow fever, typhus, mountain water, etc. The Mexicans have
always been famously skilled for modeling little figures of na-
tional types ; this art was here employed in the production of
groups of figures which taught their lesson even to the young
and ignorant. By such groups of little figures the old crowded
tenements, filthy breeding places of disease, were contrasted
38 THE CENTENNIAL
with model houses for the poor; the old street-cleaning by
human sweeps was contrasted with that by great street-clean-
ing machines; the making of tortillas by hand in dirty rooms
devoid of furniture was contrasted with the same primitive
bread-making in cleaner, wholesomer surroundings, the washing
of clothes in old and neglected public lavenderias was compared
with laundrying in one of the fine new public laundries. Great
public works, as the water-supply in cities, were shown by care-
fully detailed models, on a scale sufficiently large to make them
actual object lessons. The details of hospital management, dis-
infection, lazaretos, isolation and treatment of yellow-fever,
were all shown in detail. The degree to which the common
people visited this exposition was astonishing ; men, women and
children of the poorest class showed extraordinary quickness in
appreciating its meaning. At night the little lecture-room con-
nected with the exposition was crowded with hearers of lectures
on foods and their clean treatment, cause and danger of tubercu-
losis, sanitary care of tenements, drinking-water, purpose and
methods of disinfection, and the like.
THE COMMERCIAL PROCESSION
One hundred and twenty-five thousand persons are said to
have witnessed the commercial procession. The buildings along
the line of march were brilliantly draped. The procession in-
cluded police and military bands, banners, laboring men, dis-
plays and floats of individuals and companies; but its chief
feature was the series of allegorical floats representing industry,
banking, agriculture, commerce and mining. These were
masterpieces of taste and skill. In the industrial float, Industry
enthroned upon a mounting sun of progress was surrounded by
figures of Science, Labor and Force and artistically displayed
coats-of-arms of all nations. Banking was represented by a
horn-of-plenty displayed beneath a dome supported by eight
pillars and surmounted by a lion ; four golden lions guarded the
corners of the car; the design symbolized wealth and strength
in union; the names of the various banks in the capital city
THE CENTENNIAL 39
appeared upon the float. Upon the agricultural car were shown
Mexican laborers with implements, upon a grassy field under
palm-trees ; at the front of the car were the four goddesses of
agriculture, Flora, Fauna, Ceres, and Pomona. For commerce,
Mercury was represented as alighting upon Mexico, displayed
upon a terrestrial globe; four nations representing the world
quarters, drove lions ; female figures in front represented North
and South America; other figures were those of Law, Justice,
and Peace. In the float for mining the old and new mining
methods were represented upon a mountain slope. A seated
human figure represented mining industry ; seated upon a rock,
she held in her hands a cleft globe showing hidden treasure ; in
front female figures represented gold and silver ; above the whole
group was the national eagle.
A CUEIOUS RELIC OF THE REVOLUTION
The personal element in politics is notable in Latin- America.
These warm-blooded southerners need a name, a hero, for full
enthusiasm. The National Museum treasures many an object,
the only interest and value of which is personal association.
Maximilian's gaudy coach-of -state and Juarez ' worn and never
pretentious carriage are the delight of daily visitors. In connec-
tion with the centennial celebration, the National Museum
secured a new personal-association relic ugly and unattrac-
tive in itself, but associated with the father-of-his-coun-
try, the Cura Hidalgo. It is the font from which the patriot,
original leader of the revolution against Spain, hero of the
event around which the whole month 's celebration centered,
was baptized. It is a simple wooden vessel with iron hooping
and a stone support. It was brought from Cuitzeo by railroad,
accompanied by a procession consisting of the parish priest,
the town officials, and a member of the family of the patriot
leader. It was taken from the railroad station through the
city to the National Museum upon an allegorical car, to which
a group of maidens dressed in white served as an escort of honor.
The float was draped' with the national colors above which were
40
THE CENTENNIAL
Copyrighted by Underwood and Underwood
VIEW OF JALAP A, CAPITAL OF VERA CRUZ, ONE OF THE MOST BEAU-
TIFUL CITIES OF MEXICO. IN THE HOT LANDS.
THE CENTENNIAL
41
Copyrighted by Underwood and Underwood
MARKET SCENE IN AMECAMECA.
OF RELIGIOUS PILGRIMAGE.
PETL IS BEST ASCENDED.
IN AN INDIAN REGION. PLACE
PLACE FROM WHICH POPOCATE-
42 THE CENTENNIAL
the sun and cap of liberty with the words, Libertad and Independ-
encia; the floor of the car was strewn with flowers, and at its
four corners were golden vases filled with roses. Behind the car
and its escort marched twenty thousand school children and
teachers. Crowds thronged the way, and the passage of the car
called forth outbursts of vivas. The simple priest, unsuccessful
leader of the Eevolution, is better known to common Mexicans,
both old and young, than any other national hero ; his picture is
displayed in every schoolroom and every village office. When
the procession reached the entrance to the museum court, the
military band played the national hymn; patriotic addresses
were made by the Secretary of Public Instruction and others, as
the precious relic was passed over to the permanent keeping of
the museum authorities. It is said that the people of Cuitzeo
went into mourning and that its old men wept at the loss of the
village treasure.
A PICTURESQUE CELEBRATION FLAG DAY
The public heart was deeply touched and the foreign guests
profoundly impressed by the flag-day celebration. Six thousand
school children participated. Eleven public squares were sites
for the ceremony. The children were first assembled at their
schoolhouses, whence they marched with music to the nearest
plaza, where the salutation was made. The greatest interest
of course was at the central plaza of the city, where the celebra-
tion was witnessed by President Diaz and the members of his
cabinet. When they appeared upon the balcony of the national
palace, they were greeted with cheers and the waving of thou-
sands of national flags. After some music, hundreds of the
smallest children, with a little flag in one hand and a bouquet
of flowers in the other, advanced to the great flag which had been
raised and deposited their flowers. After that, the thousands of
other children advanced in orderly groups and, passing beneath
the national emblem, repeated the vow of allegiance to the flag,
and sang the Song to the Banner which had been written for
the occasion. After all had saluted the flag, the army of children
THE CENTENNIAL 43
sang the national hymn, all kneeling at the passage where the
national land is invoked, and remaining in a kneeling position to
the close of the stanza. When they arose, they waved their
flags to the President with enthusiastic vivas, while the bells
of the cathedral pealed.
THE MARTYK CADETS
On the eighth of September every year, Mexico shows honor
to the memory of the martyr cadets. It is one of the simplest
and sincere&t outbursts of the national heart. We speak of the
victory of Chapultepec, and the assault upon the famous rock
was a deed of bravery ; but the defenders were mere boys, cadets
of the military school, who died in the defense of their nation.
The ceremony is always pathetic and fervent; but in the cen-
tennial year it was more so than usual. The President, in full
uniform as general of division, went to the monument accom-
panied by his military staff and his full cabinet. Each and all
placed there his wreath to the memory of the martyr boys.
General Otis, of the American Commission, was present, and,
as he placed his wreath of flowers, said: " Although I am an
American, I am a Sioldier before all else, and thus I pay homage
to the brave boys of Chapultepec."
CONGRESS OF AMERICANISTS
A notable event of the centennial celebration was the Con-
gress of Americanists. That dignified, international body meets
bi-ennially. In 1910 it held a double session, first at Buenos
Aires, Argentina, then one at Mexico. The gathering includes
anthropologists, ethnographers, archaeologists, geographers
and historians. All are interested in American subjects, and
only such are discussed. The meetings at Mexico in 1910 was at-
tended by governmental delegates from Germany, Austro-
Hungary, Costa Eica, Cuba, Japan, the United States, Guate-
mala, Italy, the Netherlands and Salvador, and representatives
from universities and .learned societies as well as by many non-
official and non-representing students. Its sessions continued
44
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PRIMARY SCHOOL, JALAPA. THE SCHOOL IS HELD IN A TYPICAL
PATIO OR INTERIOR COURT, OPEN TO THE SKY.
THE CENTENNIAL
45
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AZTEC WOMEN AT WELL, AMATLAN. AMATLAN, NEAR CORDOBA, STATE
OF VERA CRUZ, IS A PURELY AZTEC TOWN. THE POPULATION IS
NOTED FOR ITS INDUSTRY AND CLEANLINESS.
46 THE CENTENNIAL
through a week, and its program included several interesting
excursions to famous ruins. The Minister of Public Instruction
extended a reception to the Congress. Among the guests were
distinguished foreigners, men of world reputation, brilliant in
decorations. At the formal session of opening held in the
famous old Mineria the address of welcome was made by Min-
ister Sierra. The President of the Eepublic attended an even-
ing session at the National Museum and welcomed the delegates.
The excursion of the Congress to the Pyramids of San Juan
de Teotihuacan, which lie at about an hour's distance by rail
from the City of Mexico, was especially brilliant. The Congress
had a special train decorated with the national colors. The
excursion was a combined courtesy to the Government Envoys
and to the Congress of Americanists tendered by the Minister
of Foreign Eelations and the Minister of Public Instruction.
Enrique C. Creel, Minister of Foreign Relations was in attend-
ance. He is well known to Americans, having been ambassador
to the United States. Most of the diplomatic visitors made the
excursion, and the party numbered more than two hundred in-
dividuals. From the San Juan station the little pyramid rail-
road took the excursionists out to the ruins. A first-class coach
had been provided for the diplomats ; the members of the Con-
gress rode on platform cars supplied with chairs. Stops were
made to inspect the * ' painted house, ' ' the * ' palace ' ' wonderful
ruins below the level of the surrounding country, stairways,
plastered walls, cement floorings and an ancient well ; the ' ' pyra-
mid of the sun" is an impressive structure with stone facing,
terraces, platforms and stairways; the excursionists walked
through the old "street of the dead," now called "the sacred
way," to inspect a recently excavated old temple pyramid, the
plastered walls of which bear paintings of fruits and flowers in
colors quite fresh and bright.
But even diplomats and scientists must eat and drink, and
the party passed from the museum to the cavern christened
the "Gruta Porfirio Diaz," in honor of the president. In that
THE CENTENNIAL 47
yawning cave, in the red volcanic rock, tables had been
splendidly spread, and the guests sat down to an elaborate
banquet, into the make-up of which fine wines entered. "Well-
trained bands played national airs. At the tables sat Chinese,
Japanese, Chileans, and other South Americans, Central Ameri-
cans, Mexicans, Austrians, Germans, French, Spaniards, Dutch
and Americans. It was an interesting, a curious, gathering.
From above and outside a group of natives crowded round the
opening and peered down through the rocky throat upon the
gay scene, thus adding quaint picturesqueness. They were
largely of Indian blood and talked Aztec. Were they descend-
ants of the builders of the pyramids, or were those of another
race? What were their thoughts as they looked down upon the
eaters in the bowels of the earth 1 Did they think f Who knows ?
INTEKNATIONAL COUKTESY
A striking feature of the centennial was the presentation of
monuments to Mexico by other nations or by the representatives
of other nations living in Mexico. Spain gave a monument of
Isabella the Catholic. The Emperor William presented one
of Humboldt; there was special appropriateness in the gift, as
Humboldt visited Mexico, lived in the city and wrote a great
work upon the politics and economics of the country a work
still quoted with reverence by Mexicans, who know nothing of
more recent foreign writers about their country. France erected
a monument to Pasteur, less strikingly appropriate perhaps, but
graciously and gracefully presented. There were other similar
gifts. We were slow in taking the idea and nationally did noth-
ing; the American residents, however, in Mexico, promised to
give a statue of George Washington. The government of Mexico
accepted their offer and assigned the Plaza Dinamarca, near
the American colony, as its site. The dedication of the site took
place on Sunday, the eleventh of September. A simple stand
had been erected and draped with the national colors of the
nations. Before it, under awnings, were about 150 chairs for
guests. No invitations were issued. The President and his
48
THE CENTENNIAL
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'MANGOES, CUERNAVACA. ONE OF THE FINEST TROPICAL FRUITS
IS THE MANGO. CUERNAVACA, IN THE STATE OF MORELOS,
HAS ONE OF THE FINEST CLIMATES OF THE WORLD. IT IS
WITHIN THE RANGE OF ZAPATA'S CONTROL.
THE CENTENNIAL
49
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STOCK OF SOMBREKOS, MEXICO. THE SOMBRERO IS THE TYPICAL
HAT OF THE TRUE MEXICAN.
50 THE CENTENNIAL
Cabinet, the American Commission and a few guests occupied
the platform. Charles R. Hudson, long in railway service in
Mexico, opened the exercises. The American Ambassador,
Henry Lane Wilson, made the formal address of presentation,
in the course of which he expressed the hope that ' ' the life, the
deeds, the sacrifices, the wisdom and the patriotism of Washing-
ton speaking from the lips of the monument that is to be erected
here, may be an inspiration and a signal to the rising genera-
tion in Mexico, as they are to the children of the Great Patriot's
own land."
A DANGER SIGNAL,
Far more interesting, however, than the dedication of the
site of a Washington. Monument, or the laying of the corner-
stone of a monument to Pasteur (a function far more preten-
tious and brilliant than our own simple ceremony), was the
spectacle we witnessed little more than a stone's throw away
from the Pasteur celebration. We were on our way home from
the dedication, walking through the Paseo ; close by the Colum-
bus statue in the first glorieta, was a dense crowd of men and
women with banners, wreaths and large floral pieces. We knew
that the Circulo Michoacanense was to honor Morelos and be-
lieved this to be their function. Loving beautiful Morelia and
the Tarascan land we walked over to witness their celebration.
But no this was not the Circulo Michoacanense. It was quite
different; it was a demonstration of "the opposition." For
the most part, it was a band of common working people, men and
women; there were, however, a number of well-dressed men
among them. Their conduct was irreproachable. From their
banners we saw that they represented various anti-reelection
societies. One tall, spare, nervous woman bore a banner of red
silk, of the anti-reelection league "the Daughters of Cuauhte-
moc, ' ' a stirring name when one remembers the inflexibility with
which the last great chief of the Aztecs endured the torture of
the Spanish conqueror. One banner was decorated with the por-
trait of the dogged and persistent Indian president whose name
THE CENTENNIAL 51
just now is on many tongues Benito Juarez ; an anti-reelection
league bears his name. There was a white banner with the
words Ley Constitutional de 1857 (Constitutional Law of 1857).
There was no time to look at other banners in detail, as the
groups carrying their beautiful floral pieces and a dozen or so
banners, began to sing the national hymn before they should
march and deposit their offering in memory of the patriot fath-
ers. Castro, chief of the mounted police, face flaming and
sword raised, rode into the party upon his horse, in a rage de-
manding, "Who is leader here 1 " There was no response and
he ordered his men to disperse the crowd. The band stood firm,
secure in their constitutional right of peaceable assembly. A
charge was made, and the mounted police rode into the party
raising their swords and threatening, while a cordon of foot
police closing in, cleared a great circle and kept back the crowd.
The floral pieces were dropped in a heap and some of the ban-
ners; but most of the standard-bearers clung to their ensigns.
The band was dispersed, but almost instantly closed in again,
crowding around the ruins of their celebration. Again the
mounted police charged and broke them down ; again it took but
a moment to reform, but at a little distance. Again and yet
again the same thing happened, but at last the little party
dwindled away. The police bundled a bunch of banners into a
coach and bore them off in triumph. Some of the league leaders,
among them the bearer of the banner of the Daughters of Cuauh-
temoc, were taken off to Belem prison. The heap of floral pieces
lay neglected in the middle of the driveway with a single banner
upright in it, bearing the words, Ley Constitutional de 1857, as
if in derision. A decent-looking young fellow wearing an anti-
reelection badge, seeing me looking at the heap, said, "Un
monumento, Senor, a nuestra independencia." ("A monument,
sir, to our independence/') In reality, talking as a democrat
and a republican, are not two terms too long for any president?
May we never seen one serve more ! for no man is good enough
to serve an actual republic, where a democratic spirit lives,
so long.
52
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WATER-SELLER, GUANAJUATO. ONCE A COMMON SCENE, NOW RARE.
THE CITY IS NOW SERVED BY WATERWORKS.
EXECUTION OF PRISONER.
THE CENTENNIAL, CONTINUED
THE HUMBOLDT MONUMENT THE EDITORIAL GUESTS THE NATIONAL
HOLIDAYS CIVIC PROCESSION HISTORICAL PAGEANT THE GRITO
OF INDEPENDENCE THE MILITARY PARADE JAPANESE EXPOSI-
TION SPLENDID ILLUMINATION TORCH-LIGHTS AND CHORUS
A CITY OF MONUMENTS NEW NATIONAL UNIVERSITY A TRIO OF
SENTIMENTAL FUNCTIONS THE PRESIDENT IN THE CENTENNIAL
THE COST OF CELEBRATION.
THE City of Mexico is notable for its public monuments.
To these was added during the celebration of the cen-
tennial a monument of Baron von Humboldt. Wherever
the Germans go in Latin America they prosper. They conform
so far as may be necessary to local custom and prejudice, and
thus establish substantial business houses and gain a powerful
influence. In Mexico no other foreign "colony" has so strong
53
54 THE CENTENNIAL, CONTINUED
a hold on government and society as the German. When the
German residents act as a body the affair is always notable..
THE HUMBOLDT MONUMENT
The monument of Alexander von Humboldt was a direct
present to the Mexican nation from the German emperor. The
site assigned for it was a most happy one at the corner before
the fine old monastery building which serves as the national
library. The ceremony of the unveiling of the statue had been
indefinitely announced to take place in the forenoon, and by
10 o'clock a crowd had gathered; by 11 the place was jammed;
by 12 it was a surging and pushing mob though a good-
natured one. Probably not one in twenty of the crowd that
stood there jostling in the hot sunshine knew or cared
what was taking place. There was indeed some query as
to why the monument? who Humboldt was? whether he was
a Mexican? a general? When he was declared to be a German
some wanted to know whether there was a difference between
the Germans and the "Gringos Americanos." It was with
difficulty that the police now and then opened a passage for
man or vehicle through the crowd. Occasionally a "bola" of
ragamuffins formed, and by sheer weight-strength, for fun,
forced its way through the struggling mass. When finally at
noon the German Ambassador and a committee from the colony
arrived with an escort of 200 marines from the German man-
of-war, the crowd went into ecstasy, and a wave of vivas fol-
lowed them. Other delegations arrived in coaches, then the
cabinet, and last of all President Diaz heralded of course by the
national hymn. The President was received at the door of the
library building and conducted to the platform. The German
chorus of male voices sang some selections, and after some pre-
liminary speeches, the Ambassador made the formal address
of presentation. In it he said : ' l Marble upon granite, symboliz-
ing the purity of our sentiments and the strength of our friend-
ship." The Governor of the Federal District, Guillermo de
Landa y Escandon, responded, accepting the gift on behalf of
THE CENTENNIAL, CONTINUED 55
the nation. The party then marched to the foot of the curtained
statue where at 1 o'clock the President drew the cords and dis-
played the figure to the crowd which burst into a roar of enthu-
siastic vivas; at the moment when the curtain fell away, flags
of Germany and Mexico were run up. The party was then
whirled away to an elegant champagne luncheon given by the
German residents, where toasts were drunk, speeches made,
and a young nephew of the Kaiser, imported for the occasion,
was lionized. In the evening there was a special rendering of
Lohengrin at the theater. The statue itself is a fine piece of
work in pure white marble; the standing figure represents a
man in the youthful prime of life. We are so used to seeing
the representation of the great scientist as an octogenarian that
this youth comes as a shock ; but it is quite appropriate, as the
Humboldt who lived here in Mexico and wrote the Political
Essay on New Spain was a young man. His work was written
a century ago, and his studies here were made in the vice-royal
days before the grito of independence was sounded. The
pedestal of granite bears the inscription The German Emperor
to the Mexican Nation.
THE EDITORIAL GUESTS
The arrival of the American editorial party was one of the
important events of the week. The bringing of the party into
existence was due to the energy and effort of Paul Hudson,
manager of the Mexican Herald, a well edited paper. Mr.
Hudson went to meet the party and brought it to the city by
a special train. Four of the editors were Canadians, thirty-
seven, Americans. They were well treated en route, stopping
at Guanajuato and Queretaro where much attention was shown
them. In the capital city they were feted and shown the sights.
All of them were live men, and among them were Samuel Bowles,
of the Springfield Republican, Victor Murdock insurgent, of
the Wichita Eagle, Victor Eosewater of the Omaha Bee, Hamil-
ton Holt of the Independent, Arthur W. Page of the World's
Work. Every opportunity was given to these gentlemen to
56
THE CENTENNIAL, CONTINUED
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STRAWBERRIES, IRAPUATO. IN IRRIGATED FIELDS THE FRUIT IS
PRODUCED AND SOLD EVERY DAY THROUGHOUT THE YEAR.
THE CENTENNIAL, CONTINUED 57
see as much of Mexico as their time permitted. They were
" steered 77 of course and saw only what was most favorable;
they went away greatly impressed by the marvelous develop-
ment which has taken place under Porfirio Diaz. It was believed
that their visit would tend to make Mexico better known through-
out the United States.
THE NATIONAL HOLIDAYS
The culmination of the celebrations of the month took place
upon the national holidays the fourteenth, fifteenth and six-
teenth. The fifteenth is the anniversary of the birth of Porfirio
Diaz, he being then eighty years old ; the sixteenth is the anni-
versary of the birth of the nation, then one hundred years old.
CIVIC PROCESSION
On the fourteenth was the Civic Procession in which about
twenty thousand people were in line ; the parade took an hour
and a half in passing the reviewing balcony of the President
at the Palace. Everything under heaven participated in it all
sorts and conditions of men, women and children; there were
brilliant uniforms, there were frock coats and high hats, there
were the daily costumes of ordinary labor, all in line. The
participants were grouped in divisions and marshalled and
labeled. Of course there were police and city fathers, congress-
men and judges, and a horde of bureau clerks and officers; it
could not else have been a civic procession. There were proces-
sions of school children and teachers, professional men of every
grade, and representatives of scientific and literary organiza-
tions. There were students from schools, among whom a band
of Chinese boys attracted great attention. Wonderfully popular
were the marines from the German Ambassador's suite and a
considerable body of marines from the Argentinan man-of-war,
Presidente Sarmiento. There were groups from many parts of
the republic, arranged in the alphabetical order of their local
provenance, but the only one attracting marked attention was
that from Campeche in characteristic rural dress and wearing
58 THE CENTENNIAL, CONTINUED
great sombreros. There was a division showing representatives
of the press, and the independent press was conspicuously non-
represented ; only El Paladin was there ; neither El Mexicano,
El Constitutional, El Progreso Latino, La Republica, El Diario
del Hogar, Lealdad, El Ciudadano, or El Padre Padilla was in
line. This fact is much too significant to be forgotten. Trades
were represented in the labor organizations. All of these groups
carried floral pieces, some large and elaborate, others more
simple, while the great majority of individuals in the procession
carried bouquets or loose flowers. Mexico is the land of flowers.
One of the fine features in the Mexican character, from the
Indian side of their ancestry, is the love of flowers and the
lavish and artistic employment of them in public celebration.
The old Aztecs on festive occasions made bowers and arches of
flowers ; the miserable Indians of Oaxacan villages today, on the
rare occasions when their archbishop makes a pastoral visita-
tion carried in a chair on human shoulders flock to meet
him on the road and almost bury him in flowers; and the
Mexicans of cultured Mexico, from the meanest peon to the
grandest of the land, love to lay flowers at the feet of the
"heroes."* For, to lay flowers at the feet of the "heroes" is
the end and purpose of this great outpouring of thousands of
human beings. At the great Plaza the two approaches to the
Cathedral were bordered by two lines of soldiers drawn up on
guard. After passing in their line of march through the parade
streets of the city, the marchers entered the Plaza, and passed
around the Zocalo, past the Palace, where they were reviewed
by the President and his guests, to the Cathedral, where the
floral offerings were taken from them and carried through the
lines of guards into the Cathedral, where they were laid before
the urns containing the ashes of the "heroes."
HISTORICAL PAGEANT
On the morning of the fifteenth the Historical Procession
took place, a brilliant pageant. It consisted of three parts
representing the three great periods of Mexico's romantic
THE CENTENNIAL, CONTINUED 59
history Conquest, Vice-royalty and Independence. The first
reproduced the famous meeting of Cortes and Montezuma on
the seventh day of November, 1519. In its make-up 839 persons
were employed ; two parties were represented Montezuma and
his Indians, Cortes and his Spaniards. For the first party actual
Indians had been brought in from outside villages; they had
been kept in the city for weeks and carefully trained in their
parts. Great care and much study was made that details of
dress, standards, war equipment, weapons, utensils, etc., might
be historically true. Servants, messengers, warriors, priests,
chiefs, and Montezuma ("the chief of men") were all repre-
sented. In the Spanish group of Cortes and his soldiers, the
Indian woman Malintzin (or Marina) was conspicuous with her
attendants. The "chief of men" was borne in his elegant litter,
while the Spanish war-captain rode his famous gray. When the
procession reached the Plaza, the two parties separated, and
passing by different sides of the Zocalo, met before the Palace,
where President Diaz and his guests viewed the tableau. Cortes
dismounted from his horse, Montezuma descended from his
litter, and they exchanged characteristic salutations and made
presents to each other. The second scene was drawn from Vice-
royal times, say about 1740. It reproduced the pageant of those
days known as the Paseo del Pendon, which was annually cele-
brated on the thirteenth of October, the date of the Conquest.
The reproduction of this favorite pageant of 200 years gone
by was curiously interesting and brilliant. Two hundred and
eighty-eight persons participated in the production, including
the Alfarez on horseback with a pendon (banner), the Alcaldes,
Regidors, Alguacils, Oidors, and the Vice-roy himself. The third
scene consisted of five handsome allegorical cars divided by a
brilliant procession the whole commemorating heroes and inci-
dents of the Eevolution and Independence. The procession
represented the entry of the "Army of the Three Guarantees"
under Augustin de Iturbide; it was a magnificent spectacle, far
too brilliant, for there has surely never been a time since 1810
when any army of Mexico has been so splendidly uniformed.
60
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CUTTING SUGAR CANE, ISTHMUS OF TEHUANTEPEC. AMERICAN
PLANTATIONS HAVE BEEN DEVELOPED ALL OVER THIS REGION.
THE CENTENNIAL, CONTINUED 61
The five allegorical cars were presented by as many states. The
first, to the glorification of the Cura Hidalgo, was furnished by
the State of Hidalgo; the second, to the honor of Morelos, by
the State of Michoacan, the capital of which, Morelia, com-
memorates the hero 's name ; the third allegorized the defense of
Chapultepec by the cadets of the military academy and was given
by Vera Cruz ; the fourth was given by the State of Tabasco ;
the fifth by Colima.
THE GRITO OF INDEPENDENCE
The event of the year for the common Mexican is the giving
of the grito on the night of September fifteenth. Never perhaps
was there a greater crowd in the Plaza than on that night in the
centennial year. The great square was crowded by 8 o'clock;
long before 11 it was a mass of humanity so tightly packed
that one could scarcely find his way through it. The night was
cold, but people perspired and fainted and swooned from heat
and lack of air. One could not fall in such a crowd ; some, weary,
slept on foot. The front of the Palace was a splendor of lights
and its every window-balcony and hundreds of seats upon the
roof, were occupied by the president's guests. The lovely
illumination of the Cathedral towers and of the facades of .the
other buildings fronting on the Plaza, shed a clear light upon
the crowd. To pass the time and keep the people good-humored,
fireworks were discharged set pieces and flights of rockets,
bombs and fire-pots. As 11 o'clock approached, all eyes were
fixed upon the central window-balcony where the President and
his particular guests had long been seated, looking out upon the
brilliant scene and the surging mass of humanity. At that hour
the President arose and stepped forth with the flag of the
nation in his hand ; waving it, he gave the grito : "Viva Mexico,
Viva Libertad, Viva la Republica." At once the great bells of
the Cathedral clanged, and then all the bells of all the churches.
Pandemonium reigned. "Solas" were formed everywhere;
bunches of from a half dozen to fifty boys and young men ran
through the streets, cheering, howling, hooting, blowing paper
62 THE CENTENNIAL, CONTINUED
horns, doing every ridiculous thing that struck their fancy.
This was kept up for hours in the brilliantly lighted city streets.
THE MILITARY PARADE
On the sixteenth took place the great annual Military Parade.
The Ambassadors, the Cabinet, the President, hastened in auto-
mobiles or carriages from the dedication of the Statue of the
Independence to the Palace for review. The procession took
more than two hours in passing any given point and was the
greatest of the kind ever held in Mexico; it differed from its
predecessors by the presence of marines from other nations-
German, French, Argentinan and Brazilian. The cadets led;
then came the foreign marines; then the infantry, the artillery
and the regular cavalry in order; at the end came that which
always most stirs Mexican enthusiasm the rurales, or mounted
country force. The rurales are well mounted and good riders ;
they wear the characteristic charro costume gray felt som-
breros, square-cut buckskin jackets and close-fitting trousers, all
bright with silver braid. The metal helmets and drooping
plumes of other soldiers may be fine and new, but they are not
typically Mexican, and the common man in the pressing crowd
knows it right well; the charro, sombrero and the silver braid
belong to Mexico, and at every annual procession of the military
stir the heart and call forth a wave of vivas as nothing else.
JAPANESE EXPOSITION
Very early in the centennial celebration the Japanese Ex-
position was opened. It was kept open almost continuously
through the month, only closing occasionally for a day that
new exhibits might be installed. It was housed in a very ugly
building variously known as the Iron Hall or Crystal Palace,
near the Buena Vista railroad station. Ugly the building is,
but not badly adapted for exhibition purposes. The exposi-
tion did much to interest the two nations in each other, and its
existence was symptomatic of growing relations between the
two countries. Its opening was made a great social event.
THE CENTENNIAL, CONTINUED 63
The President and Mrs. Diaz, cabinet officials, resident and
visiting diplomats, and the society of Mexico were guests, while
the Japanese Charge d 'Affaires and his lady, and representa-
tives of the Exposition Company were hosts. There were music
and fireworks, inspection of exhibits and a champagne luncheon
after which the President and the Japanese representative ex-
changed compliments. Time was, in the days before we were
born, when there were definite relations between Mexico and
Japan. In the sixteenth, seventeenth and eighteenth centuries
the trade with the Philippines was developed, and Mexico was
the middle point between Spain and the Islands. Japanese and
Chinese goods were brought back in the old galleons ; Mexican
missionaries went to convert the pagan lands. There are few
more romantic features in history than those of this old contact.
But the Revolution and Independence of Mexico interrupted
these relations, and for a long time Japan and Mexico barely
knew each other. Relations have recently again been resumed.
Japanese laborers have been imported to assist in developing
Mexico's resources, and notwithstanding a momentary opposi-
tion, will continue to be brought in; a Japanese steamship line
connects Tokio with Guaymas, Manzanillo, and Salina Cruz;
commerce is developing. All this renders the Japanese Exposi-
tion significant. Its commercial aspect was much too evident;
the things brought together were hardly a fair showing of good
average grade. There was carved wood furniture after
Chinese fashion china and porcelain, carved ivory, lacquer
but to one who- knows and loves Japanese art industry, the show
was disappointing. Still it attracted attention, and visitors
at one peso, charged to keep out the " agglomeration, ' ' were
numerous, and all bought something.
SPLENDID ILLUMINATIONS
The night illuminations through the month were magnificent.
The famous thoroughfare, Plateros-San Francisco-Avenida-
Juarez, was brilliant every night, as were the streets parallel-
ing it on either side ; the central square, the Plaza Mayor, upon
THE CENTENNIAL, CONTINUED
Copyrighted by Underwood an
INDIAN MARKET, AMECAMECA. IN THE VILLAGE CHURCH IS THE
FAMOUS MIRACULOUS IMAGE OF CHRIST. .
THE CENTENNIAL, CONTINUED 65
which they end, was splendid. The Plaza is the heart of Mexico ;
it was the market-place, the gathering-point and temple-site of
the old Aztec city. At either entrance to San Francisco-Plateros
was an arrangement of festooned lights like a canopy ; seen from
a distance, it gave the impression of great crimson curtains set
in, and pendent from gold. Between these canopies, on both
sides of the street, shops and business houses vied with each
other in brilliant and striking combinations. The street is not
wide, and the buildings (from three to five stories) are remark-
ably uniform in height, and not too high. This narrowness of
street and uniformity and lowness of buildings combined to
give a compactness and density to the illumination. The setting
of poles bearing esutcheons, national colors and strings of lights,
at regular intervals, brought the whole mass of illuminations,
varied though they were according to individual caprice and
fancy, into a harmony that is lacking in our own finest displays.
While strings and lines of plain lights were the foundation in
all combinations, green and crimson were scattered in to give
the national' colors. Here and there a store-front blazed with
the national flag, or coat-of-arms in colors, with the lights so
closely set as to give the effect of a gem-studded surface. Now
and then a corner building presented a resplandor. The great
Plaza was like fairy land. The famous Cathedral occupies one
side, the long low National Palace another, the Municipal Build-
ing and business houses, both with portales, fill the other two.
The Municipal Building, recently renovated, remains true to old
Mexican standards in character, with pillars and decorated
work, and lends itself to illumination as if constructed for the
purpose. In the National Palace lines of lights marked out
each window-balcony and doorway, a resplandor was placed
above the famous bell of the president's balcony, and a bril-
liant star-rosette was placed about each window-space along the
roof-line; these star-rosettes were arranged alternately at two
levels. But the cathedral was the most glorious sight ; its grace-
ful towers were trimmed along each curve with plain lights
amid which just enough green and crimson were tipped in to
66 THE CENTENNIAL, CONTINUED
suggest the tri-color; at the base of one tower gleamed, 1810
Libertad at the base of the other 1910 Progreso. Behind and to
the right of the cathedral rose the graceful and slender tower
of a neighboring church all outlined in blue. The effect against
the night sky was weirdly beautiful. After passing from the
Palace through San Francisco-Plateros at the beginning of
Avenida Juarez, a change was necessitated by the conditions.
Here the thoroughfare widens, and buildings occupy but one side
of the street; the other borders the famous Alameda one of
the finest park groves in America. Here the whole system of
lighting had to be changed. The lines of regularly spaced
poles, with escutcheons and colors, continued; from them were
stretched across the wide street pairs of diagonal strings of
lights crossing in the middle. The effect of these many inter-
secting diagonals was that of a continuous star-studded awning
stretching for blocks. It was worth while to walk under this,
from beginning to end, in order to see the illumination of the
new building of the Department of Foreign Eelations. It is a
building of stone, two stories and a half in height, elegantly
simple and plain, save that the upper half-story facade is
adorned with allegorical statues, full figures. At the middle
point of the cornice is the national eagle. The whole fagade of
the building is illuminated by one of those new ghostly lights
uranium perhaps ; its source is concealed, and the light is thrown
upward by reflectors, so that the whole fagade of the building,
figures and eagle included, is bathed in a lovely shimmering
blue-green light like the phosphorescence of the night waves
of tropic seas; all but the upper line of the cornice, which is
of a rich amber-yellow.
TORCH-LIGHTS AND CHORUS
In the Torch-light Procession of the nineteenth it is said
that ten thousand persons carrying banners and paper lanterns
were in line. Every one considered it a novelty for Mexico, and
it was a great hit; after the marchers had been reviewed by
President Diaz at the Palace, a band struck up the national
THE CENTENNIAL, CONTINUED 67
hymn and a chorus of one hundred voices sung to its accompani-
ment. The crowd of thirty thousand took up the song. It is
claimed that this great choral was unpremeditated ; it was most
impressive. But neither torch-light procession or vast volume
of song are new to that historical spot; there is no new thing
under the sun, and history repeats itself. In old pre-Conquest
days, at the end of every particular cycle, the Aztecs poured
out from their City of Mexico, Tenochtitlan, to the "Hill of the
Star" at Ixtapalapa, where a propitiatory sacrifice was made
and the gods answered by sending "new fire." The host of
people had carried unlighted torches with them from the city
and, kindling these by the new fire, returned with their blaz-
ing torches to their homes. That must have been a sight ! paper
lanterns are a poor substitute for blazing resin. So too, in the
Aztec times, on market days, when the plaza was crowded, some
one would strike up a well-known song, others and then others
joined in, until at last thousands were swept away by the intoxi-
cation of song.
A CITY OF MONUMENTS
Mexico has long been a city of monuments; some of these
are famous works of art. During the Centennial it was adorned
with many new ones, gifts from foreign friends, and two by na-
tional appropriation. The Paseo de la Eeforma, the famous
pleasure-drive, was planned by Maximilian. It extends for
about two miles in a straight line and ends at the famous hill,
Chapultepec, upon which are the president's palace and the gov-
ernment Military Academy. At the beginning of this handsome
driveway is the equestrian statue of Carlos IV, commonly called
the caballito (little horse) or the caballo de Troja (horse
of Troy). By whatever name called, it is a notable bronze, cast
at a single throw. The Paseo is broken at six points, equally
spaced, by fine glorietas, each of which is to be occupied by a
monument. Two have already long been occupied the first
by a good Columbus, the other by a universally admired
Cuauhtemoc (last of the Aztec rulers). The fourth glorieta is
68
THE CENTENNIAL, CONTINUED
ZAPOTEC INDIANS AT HOME. THESE WOMEN ARE FAMOUS FOB
BEAUTY OF FOEM AND FACE.
THE CENTENNIAL, CONTINUED 69
now occupied by the monument of the Independence, dedicated
on September sixteenth in the presence of the Government and
all the foreign ambassadors. The shaft, rising to a height of
forty-five meters, twenty-three meters and more above the great
pedestal, surmounted by a golden figure, is a conspicuous object
to a great distance. Bronze statues occupy the four corners of
the pedestal, and many figures of the heroes in the national
history are grouped together here. This great work is a na-
tional monument, erected at the general cost. So too is the
monument to the great Juarez, dedicated on the eighteenth. It
is a notable work. Fronting the Avenida Juarez, it has the
dense foliage of the Alameda for a background.
The figure of Juarez, being crowned by allegorical figures,
caps the center of the colonnade; the whole is constructed of
white marble and 1,347 blocks, each weighing nine tons, were
used in its construction; the total cost of this memorial was
close to 300,000 pesos.
NEW NATIONAL UNIVERSITY
The new National University opened its doors during the
centennial celebration. In 1553, almost seventy years before the
Pilgrim Fathers landed at Plymouth Kock, the old university
of Mexico was founded. Students flocked to it. The occasion
of its opening has been described in history. It was a notable
school, patterned upon the ancient University of Salamanca,
then the equal of any. It did a great work; it had a checkered
career, and at last passed out of existence. The opening of the
new university was a notable occasion. For sponsors and pat-
tern it took three great schools Paris, Salamanca, and Califor-
nia. President Diaz, the Cabinet, and visiting diplomats were
present. Official delegates represented the Universities of Paris,
Berlin, Stockholm, Oviedo, and Oxford. In the list of Ameri-
can institutions sending accredited delegates were, Harvard,
Yale, Princeton, Syracuse, Cornell, Pennsylvania, Columbia,
Northwestern, Illinois, Washington (St. Louis), Texas, and Cali-
fornia. Minister Sierra made a notable address, and speeches
70 THE CENTENNIAL, CONTINUED
were made by many of the delegates, that of President Benja-
min Ide Wheeler being particularly happy. At the ensuing
banquet American college yells were given for Mexico and
Sierra. The new university will include a full complement of
colleges and professional schools.
A TRIO OF SENTIMENTAL FUNCTIONS
Three curious diplomatic functions took place toward the
close of the centennial celebration. General Polavieja, the
special ambassador from Spain, brought President Diaz, as a
gift from King Alfonso, the famous and much prized Order of
Carlos III. The President's uniform already blazed with
decorations, and one more or less might seem to be a matter of
small importance. But this one came from the mother-country,
and the founding of the order goes back to vice-royal days,
1771; so sentiment and history were mingled in the courtesy
and honor of the gift. The ceremony was an impressive one and
took place below the historic portrait of Carlos III presented
by the King himself to the old San Carlos Academy of Fine Arts,
of which he was the founder. More curious, but also full of
sentiment, was the occasion when the French Ambassador,
Lefaivre, gave President Diaz the keys of the City of Mexico!
Half a century ago, when in occupation of the city, it seems the
French forces really took the ceremonial golden keys; these
were carried to France where they have been preserved. Their
return was made a military function, all the actual participants
being in uniform. After receiving the keys, the President
handed them to the Governor of the Federal District, who, in
turn, gave them to the head of the city council. The most curious
of this trio of sentimental courtesies was the return of the uni-
form of the revolutionary hero, Jose Maria Morelos. General
Polavieja was the representative of Spain on the occasion. He
was escorted to the Palace, where the ceremony was held, by a
group of cadets and aspirantes. In the procession the uniform
was carried upon a gun-carriage, in a box made expressly for
the occasion ; General Polavieja followed ; then came .the spe-
THE CENTENNIAL, CONTINUED 71
cial ambassadors. Morelos was one of the most interesting
characters in Mexican history ; like Hidalgo, he was a priest ; he
was perhaps the most vigorous and aggressive of all the revolu-
tionary heroes. Captured by the Spaniards, he was first tried
by the Inquisition and degraded from the priesthood; then,
turned over to the Spanish authorities^ he was sentenced to
death and shot in December, 1815, at San Cristobal Ecatepec.
His uniform was kept by the Spaniards, after the execution,
and was treasured in a Spanish artillery museum until this
favorable opportunity presented itself for disposing of it to the
advantage of sentiment and the knitting of friendly ties.
THE PRESIDENT IN THE CENTENNIAL
Nothing more impressed visitors from other lands than the
vigor and endurance of President Diaz now eighty years of age
in the whirl of celebrations. He was frightfully imposed upon
and was made to be present at and to participate in many events
from which he might have been spared. He attended scores cf
functions, made responses many and happy, participated in pro-
cessions, endured daily banquets and balls. Many a younger
man would have been worn out, but he stood it finely. His name
is Porfirio (porphyry) and curiously, his mother was Petrona
(rock). Rock, son of rock, he showed himself.
THE COST OF CELEBRATION
It is said that the governmental expense for the centennial
celebration was fifteen or sixteen million pesos. It is a goodly
sum one peso for each man, woman and child in the Eepublic ;
and common men, women and children there are very poor.
Had they their money's worth for their outlay? If the celebra-
tion embodied appreciation of the principle for which the heroes
fought, if it emphasized the blessings of freedom, if it increased
respect for the National Constitution and kindled sound patrio-
tism, it was cheap at that price.
72
THE CENTENNIAL, CONTINUED
Copyrighted by Underwood and Underwood
TAPPING RUBBER. ISTHMUS OF TEHUANTEPEC. WHILE RUBBER
HAS BEEN CHIEFLY PRODUCED FROM WILD TREES, CULTIVATED
TREES ARE BEGINNING TO YIELD.
MADEKO AND HIS REVOLUTIONARY HELPEKS. NO. 3 IS
FKANCISCO I, MADERO,
AQUILES SERDAN
A BAD GOVERNOR AN OPPRESSED PEOPLE BUTCHER CABRERA
ARNULFO ARROYO INCIDENT A STORY OF CABRERA THE FIRST
OUTBREAK OF THE REVOLUTION THE SEARCH ; DEATH OF CABRERA
THE BATTLE OF SANTA CLARA STREET CARMEN SERDAN THE
CAPTURE OF THE SERDAN HOUSE THE HIDDEN LEADER JOY IN
PUEBLA A PENDENT TO THE CENTENNIAL.
OF all bad Governors in Mexico, Mucio P. Martinez perhaps
was the worst. For years the people had appealed to
Porfirio Diaz for relief. But Martinez was the friend of
Porfirio Diaz ; more, Puebla, though glorious in his career, was
always a dangerous ground for Porfirio Diaz, and he felt that
there he must maintain a man of iron.
73
74 AQUILES SERDAN
A BAD GOVERNOR
In Mucio P. Martinez the great dictator had such a man.
Nothing better shows the long-suffering disposition of the com-
mon Mexican that the fact that Mucio P. Martinez was not assas-
sinated. He was a gentleman a man of manners, taste, and with
many good ideas along the line of material progress. But he was
a man absolutely without heart and sympathy. He was a grafter,
gained enormous wealth during his term of office, and invested
his ill-gotten gains with such wisdom that they returned him a
large income. He was a master in devising methods of bleeding
his people. There was a time when he coined blood-money by
levying a personal tax upon, every pound of meat eaten by the
people of his state. He was hated, of course. Nor was hatred
confined to the Governor himself; it was extended to his son,
whose lawless brutality was indulged unchecked because no one
dared to interfere with the son of the chief officer of the state.
The common people told hideous stories of his wild doings.
AN OPPRESSED PEOPLE
The City of Puebla, the third in the Kepublic, has a popula-
tion perhaps of 95,000 people. At one time there was talk of its
being the seat of the centennial celebration. The scheme was one
of exploitation ; it meant corruption, blood-money, graft ; fortu-
nately it failed of accomplishment going too far. But in connec-
tion with the centennial important public works were undertaken.
A hospital costing, it is said, a million pesos, was built and
dedicated, and an insane asylum one-third as costly. Surely these
things were creditable? There are two ways of looking at such
things. If these two public buildings had been constructed
honestly at that expense, they would have been curses rather than
blessings in a city of 95,000 people. A city of that size has no use
for a hospital costing one million pesos. A state with the popula-
tion and resources of the State of Puebla ought not to have an
asylum for the insane costing three hundred thousand pesos; the
construction of such asylums levies a burden which tends to fill
AQUILES SERDAN 75
them but they are not needed under normal circumstances.
But, of course, these buildings were not honestly constructed ; it
is doubtful whether the half of their cost was legitimately
applied. There was large money for some one out of these
improvements. And the city of Puebla, instead of feeling
thankful for its splendid public institutions of philanthropy,
groaned the more under the burden of taxation.
BUTCHER CABRERA
Besides the Governor, his son, graft, and taxation, Puebla
had Miguel Cabrera; and Miguel Cabrera was hated also. He
was chief of police- of Puebla. He had been one of the jailer's
force in the City of Mexico. He became famous in connection
with the Arnulf o Arroyo incident. In 1897, when the celebration
of September 16th was taking place, President Diaz was passing
between the double file of cadets from the military school, drawn
up in line upon Avenida Juarez.
ARNULFO ARROYO INCIDENT
A man from the crowd, named Arnulfo Arroyo, a habitual
drunkard and at that time under the influence of drink, stepped
out into the open space and struck the President a blow on the
head with his clenched fist. He was probably unarmed, and his
attack produced no damage to the president's person. He was
seized of course and carried off to jail ; in the afternoon the judge
ordered his appearance in court for examination. The jailer
refused to send him, claiming that a riot would be sure to take
place and an assault made upon the prisoner. When night came,
however, the police inspector, named Velasquez, ordered four
men, among whom was Cabrera, to assassinate the prisoner. At
11 o'clock at night they entered the cell and carried out their
orders. During that night a number of persons passing through
the streets near the police inspector's office were arrested. In
the morning the announcement was made that a group of people
from the city had assaulted the police office and lynched the
prisoner, and it was claimed that the score or so of innocent
76 AQUiLES SERDAN
passers-by who had been arrested were guilty of the crime. The
government did not believe the story, ordered the persons who
had been detained set at liberty, and instituted a case against the
police mentioned. The inspector, as soon as the case was insti-
tuted, committed suicide, shooting himself; the four policemen
were tried and condemned to death. In their defense they urged
the excuse that they had killed the unfortunate Arroyo to show
their indignation at his attempt and their affection for the presi-
dent. Notwithstanding that they had been sentenced to pay the
death penalty, they were never punished; Cabrera, who seems to
have been conspicuous in the deed of murder, was soon trans-
ferred to Puebla, where he was made chief of police. There he
soon made himself profoundly hated. The city reeked with
hideous stories of his brutality and criminal acts. He was com-
monly known as "Butcher Cabrera. "
A STORY OF CABRERA
Among the stories is one connected with this title. It is said
that, on one occasion, Miguel Cabrera, riding through the streets,
encountered a group of children at play ; among them was a child
less than ten years of age who, as the great man passed, said to
the others, "There goes Butcher Cabrera. " It is probable that
he had never heard the man called by any other name ; it is likely
enough he thought it was his real name. However that may be,
Cabrera ordered the whole group of children taken to the jail ;
the rest were released the following morning, but the child who
had mentioned him was never seen again; his mother sought
him day by day, but found him not. The people believed that
again Cabrera visited a cell at midnight; that again he com-
mitted murder upon a defenseless prisoner, but this time a child
of less than ten, whose only crime was speaking of "Butcher
Cabrera. " It makes little difference whether such stories are
true or not, so long as people generally believe them, and the
people of Puebla did believe a thousand things like that of their
police officer.
AQUILES SERDAN
77
Copyrighted by Underwood and Underwood
SELLING CHILIS, CORDOBA. THE CHILI, OR RED PEPPER, IS A
NATIVE OF MEXICO AND IS USED IN EVERY PART OF THE
REPUBLIC.
78 AQUILES SERDAN
THE FIRST OUTBREAK OF THE REVOLUTION
It is not strange that Puebla was ready for revolution. It is
no accident that the first actual battle took place there. Madero
had been in Puebla. He had spoken to the people from the balcony
of the hotel in which he lodged. Among the people of that city,
who had been interested in the cause of anti-reelection, a man
named Aquiles Serdan was leader. He had been active in the
propaganda. He had organized, advised, raised funds, written,
spoken, in favor of the movement. He was recognized by Madero
as the chief agent of the cause in Puebla ; and it is probable that
it was understood that, when the final outbreak came, if success
crowned their efforts, Serdan should be made governor of the
state. He was suspected, watched. It was well understood in the
city of Puebla that plotting was in progress. Twice the house in
which Aquiles Serdan lived had been searched, but nothing of
serious importance had been found. On November 14th, a house
belonging to a family named Rousset was searched, and three
members of the family were arrested and held.
THE SEARCH; DEATH OF CABRERA
The plan arranged by Madero involved a general outbreak on
November 20th throughout the Republic; two days before that
date, on November 18th, Miguel Cabrera, accompanied by a num-
ber of police, appeared at eight o'clock in the morning at Serdan 's
house to make a search again. Some of his force of policemen
were left outside; with others, when the door was opened, he
passed through the zaguan, and the door was closed behind him.
As he directed his way to the patio, a voice cried, "Stop! with-
draw! we are armed and shall defend ourselves by shooting. "
It is said that Cabrera ordered his men to fire ; they did so rather
at random. The shots of the policemen were returned, and
Cabrera and one of his companions named Murrieta fell dead ;
Fregoso, who accompanied them, was said to have been wounded
and retired to an interior room. Stories regarding him vary, and
there is doubt whether he was not intentionally spared by the
AQUILES SERDAN 79
people in the Serdan house. The other policemen who were with
Cabrera quickly withdrew into the streets; immediate aid was
summoned. The bodies of Cabrera and Murrieta were thrown
out of the house onto the street and the door was closed. For a
little time there was silence in Santa Clara street.
THE BATTLE ON SANTA CLARA STREET
Soon, however, forces gathered. General Valle, chief of
arms in Puebla, and Col. Gaudencio de la Llave responded with
considerable forces. The street of Santa Clara was full of troops.
Some of the soldiers mounted the church towers and roofs from
which they looked down upon the house in which the revolu-
tionists were sheltered. A lively firing was carried on against
the balconies and azoteas of Serdan 's house. The firing was
returned with vigor. Every now and then dynamite bombs were
hurled from the house to the street below; they exploded with
great violence, making much noise, but doing little damage. It is
believed that they were intended as signals for summoning
revolutionists from every part of the city of Puebla. If so, they
were without result, for no aid came to the besieged force. The
battle continued for three hours. More than sixty dead and'
wounded were lying in the street before it ended. At one time, in
the early part of the battle, the sister of Aquiles appeared upon
the balcony and appealed for aid to the crowd in the street below.
A newspaper representative, who claims to have been a personal
witness of the event, described her appearance as follows :
CARMEN SERDAN
"In these moments I could see a woman appear upon the
principal balcony of the house, and, addressing the spectators
who were near Santa Teresa, harangued them, brandishing a rifle
in her right hand. I confess that such an act of bravery on the
part of a woman who, I later found, was Carmen Serdan, filled
me with enthusiasm, with admiration, and with sadness, thinking
how without result her heroism would prove. The crowd of
people remained mute, quiet, unmoved. There was no impulse to
80
AQUILES SERDAN
Ighted by Underwood and Underwood
IXTACCIHUATL (THE WHITE WOMAN). SNOW CAPPED RIDGE OF THE
VALLEY OF MEXICO. SEEN FROM THE PLTEBLA SIDE.
AQUILES SERDAN
81
Copyrighted by Underwood and Underwood
WASHING-PLACE, LAVENDERIA; JALAPA.
82 AQUILES SERDAN
run to the aid of that woman who offered arms and ammunition
and who begged for aid. Was it for lack of sympathy with the
Maderist cause? Was it for cowardice? Who can say? I only
know that the multitude, so easy to move in other circumstances,
remained unaffected. Carmen Serdan should have been ashamed
to ask aid from those who could not, or who would not, lend it.
There she stood still in the balcony, her magnificent figure clearly
standing forth, with disordered hair, pale face, flashing eyes,
nervous action, when several shots were heard fired by the
gendarmes into the air. She did not seem to hear the shots,
nor did life count for her in those moments. She continued crying,
gesticulating, until a hand was seen, and a strong arm caught her
by the clothing, and drew her back into the house, the door of the
balcony closing again. "
THE CAPTURE OF THE SERDAN HOUSE
When finally the soldiers of Colonel de la Llave entered the
house and brought the combat to an end, they found only three
living persons all women. Stories differ as to how many insur-
gents had been involved in the battle. One writer claims that there
were none excepting Maximo Serdan, Aquiles, the mother Josefa
Alatriste, the sister Carmen Serdan, and Serdan 's wife, Filo-
mena del Valle. Some claim that there were a hundred insurgents
in the house during the battle, but that they all escaped. Carmen
Serdan herself states that there were in their party seventeen
persons in all, including the three women. Her brother Maximo
was killed; some of the little force escaped; there were dead
bodies in the house at the time of its surrender. During the
battle the women were busily engaged loading guns, bringing
ammunition, and helping the men in every possible fashion.
THE HIDDEN LEADER
But where was Aquiles Serdan? The three women were taken
to the police office ; a guard was left in charge of the surrendered
house. Search was made of the premises, but no sign of the
leader of the insurrection was to be found. The populace was
AQUILES SERB AN 83
certain that there must be secret tunnels through which large
numbers had escaped. Search was made for such, and a tunnel
was actually found, but no sign of persons in it, nor evidence
that it had been used. It was flooded with water in the hope of
drowning out any who might be concealed. Wild stories were
afloat of subterranean mines, and it was believed that any
moment great explosions fired by revolutionists might destroy
the city. But nothing of the kind took place. Everything was
quiet. As a matter of fact, Aquiles Serdan was in hiding. When
only the three women and himself were left of the defenders, he
was concealed by them before the house was carried by assault.
Some of the floor tilings had been lifted, and underneath them,
prepared no doubt beforehand with a view to concealment in
some hour of need, was a small excavated space, just large
enough to contain Aquiles Serdan in a cramped position. He had
crept into this place of shelter. The women had replaced the
flooring. Eugs had been thrown carelessly over the spot. Not-
withstanding a careful search of the premises, the police did not
find him. For hours he lay concealed. He must have suffered
frightful torture from his cramped position and lack of air. The
police guard, however, was in the very room under the floor of
which he lay as if within a coffin. For fourteen hours he occupied
his cell. Finally he could stand it no longer; hearing no conversa-
tion and believing that the guard were asleep, he cautiously and
quietly lifted the flooring and tried to emerge from his retreat.
The noise he made, however, called attention, and he was seen ;
one of the police discharged his pistol. Aquiles cried, "Do not
kill me. I am Serdan." Instantly three revolvers were again
discharged, and he was dead.
.TOY IN PUEBLA
And the people of Puebla went mad with joy because Miguel
Cabrera had gone to his reward. Printed sheets were sold upon
the streets before the day was over, bordered with black, bearing
a cross with flowers, and the words : "To-day at half -past eight
in the morning, there died in the bosom of all the devils, the
84 AQUILES SERDAN
cowardly assassin, the vile inquisitor, chief of informers, Miguel
Cabrera. His victims, trade and the people in general, on the
reception of such pleasant news, invite you to celebrate the loss
of such a heavy burden and the birth in the deepest hells of the
soul of such a bad man. Puebla, November 18, 1910. Deep curses
the soul of this condemned man encounters in the depth of hell. ' '
A PENDENT TO THE CENTENNIAL
The Serdan incident is a suggestive pendent to the celebra-
tion of the centennial. It was only an incident of no great sig-
nificance. Serdan was not a great man ; it is even probable that
he was abnormal ; but he was the first actual martyr to the new
cause. Naturally the Maderists made him a hero. After Madero
came to power, it was ordered that a monument should be erected
by the public to his memory. It was no doubt premature, beyond
his merits ; but the battle of the street of Santa Clara made a deep
impression upon the mind of a considerable portion of the public.
It will not be forgotten.
HTJTCHOT, rNTDTATSTS. SAID TO HAVE COME TO MEXICO TO
SERVE AS MADERO GUARDS.
ARMORED CARS, BUILT FOR DIAZ; IN USE BY MADERO'S FORCES.
THE IRON HAND
THE EARLY LIFE OF DIAZ HIS MILITARY CAREER BATTLING AGAINST
THE ARMY OF INTERVENTION DURING THE EMPIRE ESCAPE FROM
PRISON LEADER OF OPPOSITION TROUBLE WITH LERDO DE TEJADA
PRESIDENT FOR THE FIRST TIME ADMINISTRATION OF MANUEL
GONZALES DIAZ RETURNED TO POWER MEXICO, A COUNTRY OF
AMBASSADORIAL RANK ENCOURAGEMENT OF PROGRESS THE PIUS
CLAIMS RESUMPTION OF RELATIONS WITH AUSTRO-HUNGARY
EXPRESSION REGARDING THE MONROE DOCTRINE.
IN 1907, when in the City of Mexico, Mr. Boot, our Secretary
of State, said the following :
"It has seemed to me that of all the men now living, Presi-
dent Porfirio Diaz of Mexico was best worth seeing. Whether one
considers the adventurous, daring, chivalric incidents of his early
career; whether one considers the vast work of government
85
86 THE IRON HAND
which his wisdom and courage and commanding character ac-
complish; whether one considers his singularly attractive per-
sonality, no one lives today whom I had rather see than President
Diaz. If I were a poet, I would write poetic eulogies ; if I were
a musician, I would compose triumphal marches; if I were a
Mexican, I should feel that the steadfast loyalty of a lifetime
could not do too much in return for the blessings that he has
brought to my country. "As I am neither poet, musician, nor
Mexican, but only an American, who loves justice and liberty,
and hopes to see their reign among mankind progress and
strengthen and become perpetual, I look to Porfirio Diaz, the
President of Mexico, as one of the greatest men to be held up
for the hero-worship of mankind."
One of three things, either Porfirio Diaz was really a great
man, or Mr. Root was no judge of men, or his standard of judg-
ment for a hero in the direction of justice and liberty was errone-
ous. It is worth while for a little to consider the life and the
achievements of the man who in 1910 stood at the head of the
Mexican Nation.
THE EARLY LIFE OF DIAZ
Porfirio Diaz was born in Oaxaca Sept. 15, 1830. It will be no-
ticed that the date coincides with the anniversary of the grito of
independence raised by Hidalgo twenty-four years before. This
was a matter of convenience when, with the achievement of great-
ness, the celebration of his birthday, became a matter of public
interest. His father was a Spaniard, his mother was one-fourth
Mixtec Indian. It was common for those who did not admire
Porfirio Diaz in his days of power to refer to his ' l Indian admin-
istration. ' ' Most of the strong qualities which the man possessed
are really Indian qualities, even though he must be considered
as having only one-eighth of Indian blood in his veins. When
fifteen years of age, the boy entered the Seminary in Oaxaca, and
it looked as if he might become a priest ; at the end of four years,
however, in the Seminary, he entered the famous Institute of
Arts and Sciences and turned his attention to law. In connec-
THE IRON HAND 87
tion with his law studies, he was under the direction and instruc-
tion of Benito Juarez. He left school before he received his
license to practice law. From 1853 he was associated with the
liberal party and soon came to be a power in it within his state.
He gained the hostility of Santa Anna, and was obliged for
several months during the year 1855 to remain in concealment
from his enemies. At the close of that year, he became sub-
prefect of Ixtlan.
HIS MILITAKY CAKEEK
At Ixtlan he was actively interested in the liberal cause and
raised troops to fight against the conservatives. He was
wounded in a battle on Aug. 13, 1857, but gained a victory. In
1858 the conservatives were completely crushed in the capital
city of his state. Shortly afterwards Diaz led the forces which
succeeded in capturing Tehuantepec, and was appointed gov-
ernor and military commander of that department. In 1859 he
gained a victory at Mixtequilla, which brought him the appoint-
ment of colonel in the National Guards. On Nov. 25 of the same
year he again captured Tehuantepec after a brilliant victory,
which secured for him a colonelcy in the regular army. On Aug.
8, 1860, the liberals again captured the city of Oaxaca, and almost
immediately, Diaz and his victorious forces, moved northward
and were with the liberal troops when they entered the capital
city in triumph.
In 1861 he was elected a member of the National Congress
from Ixtlan. He was more interested, however, in military than
in legislative matters, and soon joined General Ortega in pur-
suit of the retreating conservative forces. He assailed and de-
feated the notorious and cruel Gen. Leonardo Marquez near
Jalatlaco, gaining a great victory, and at the same time the ap-
pointment of brigadier-general. Oct. 20 General Diaz took part
in the battle of Pachuca, which practically ended the three-year
War of the Eeform.
88
THE IRON HAND
Photograph by Underwood and Underwood
PORFIRIO DIAZ.
Picture taken after his retirement from office.
THE IRON HAND
89
LTJIZ TERRAZAS: LONG-TIME GOVERNOR OF CHIHUAHUA, A FRIEND OF DIAZ
AND ONE WHO PROFITED BY THE OLD REGIME.
90 THE IRON HAND
BATTLING AGAINST THE ARMY OF INTERVENTION
It was the moment of the French invasion. General Diaz
was put in command of the second brigade of the army and in
1862 sent against the invaders. At Escamula, State of Vera
Cruz, there was a battle between the two armies. Diaz held his
own, but fell back to Puebla. There he joined his forces to those
of Ignacio Zaragoza, who was the commander in charge. A
great and glorious victory was gained on May 5. The battle was
so notable for the bravery shown and the result accomplished
that the date, May 5, has been a national holiday up to the present
time. The French, however, received reinforcements and a sec-
ond battle at Puebla was fought with different results. The
French were successful and many of the Mexican officers were
taken prisoners. Among them was Porfirio Diaz. The French
demanded that the prisoners should sign a promise not to at-
tempt escape. Many of them did so, but Diaz refused. A special
guard was therefore placed upon him, but he succeeded in elud-
ing their vigilance and made good his flight. He reached the
City of Mexico, where he was made general of division.
DURING THE EMPIRE
When finally Maximilian made his appearance and the Em-
pire was established, the liberal forces were scattered. With
some Juarez retreated northward; with others, Diaz protected
the south, and throughout the period of the imperial govern-
ment was more or less active in his field. Maximilian, with his
set policy of trying to win over the leading men of the opposi-
tion, repeatedly made overtures to Diaz to take position in the
imperial army. These were constantly refused, and through the
independent struggle Porfirio Diaz showed himself a genuine
patriot. At Taxco, a valiant assault was made and the town was
captured. This victory won for the loyal leader the appoint-
ment of major-general.
Marshal Bazaine himself moved southward from the capital
city with a considerable force and besieged Diaz in Oaxaca, where
at the time he was governor of the state. After a long siege the
THE IRON HAND 91
city was captured and Diaz made a prisoner. He was transferred
to Puebla, where he was confined. While here, a prisoner, new
overtures were made to him, promising pardon and position.
They were promptly and firmly refused.
ESCAPE FKOM PKISON
In the hope of escaping from his prison Diaz had been en-
gaged in excavating a tunnel, leading from his cell toward free-
dom. It was almost finished, and the hope of escape was bright,
when he was transferred to another building and all his work
was lost. His new prison was an ancient convent building. Here,
too, he planned escape. He was in communication with friends
outside and from them he secured four ropes and a knife. One
night he tied three of the ropes together, rolled them into a coil,
and tossed them to a roof above him. With the single rope he
succeeded in forming attachment to a projecting point above
his room and climbing up it, gained the roof to which he had
thrown his long ropes. He then cautiously walked from roof
to roof, by moonlight, until he reached a place where it was pos-
sible to tie his three-spliced ropes, by which he descended to
the ground below. He quickly found the spot where a horse,
servant and guide were waiting for him, and made good his
escape. The news that he was again at freedom quickly gath-
ered volunteers about him, until by June, 1866, he had a con-
siderable following. It was badly equipped and poorly trained.
But with it he soon gained important victories at Nochixtlan,
Miahuatlan and La Carbonera, These were won against well-
trained and well-equipped European soldiery. He next besieged
the capital city of Oaxaca, which finally surrendered to him on
Oct. 31. The victory was notable, as by it he took 1,100 prisoners,
much ammunition and thirty cannons. During December he was
again in the district of Tehuantepec, where he was successful
in several engagements. The south having been conquered, he
took his way northward, and on April 2, 1867, gained another
victory at Puebla. Eight days later, at San Lorenzo he was suc-
cessful in a battle against Leonardo Marquez. Marquez re-
92
THE IRON HAND
THE IRON HAND 93
treated to Mexico, where he was besieged by the soldiers under
the direction of Diaz. On June 9 he attempted to make a sally
from the city, but met with no success. On June 21 he surren-
dered, the city having been besieged since the 12th of April.
Diaz and his forces now took charge of the capital city of the
republic, where he remained until President Juarez and his
government returned from the north on July 15. He then re-
fused appointment in the new government and retired to his
country place, La Noria. He was unquestionably extremely pop-
ular as the hero of the independent army. He had been at this
time actually engaged in forty-one battles, and had gained many
notable victories.
LEADER OF OPPOSITION
He had been conspicuous in his aid to the Juarez government
and the liberal cause. He was soon, however, dissatisfied" with
Juarez, and when a constitutional election was ordered, entered
the field against him as candidate for position of the President
of the Republic. There were three candidates Benito Juarez,
Sebastian Lerdo de Tejada and Porfirio Diaz. Juarez was suc-
cessful. When Juarez ran for President again, four years later,
Diaz and Lerdo were again competitors with him. Again Juarez
was returned, and now his former supporter and chief military
helper was busied in taking the field in arms against him. The
death of Juarez interfered with vigorous action on the part of
Diaz. When a new election was arranged, Lerdo was again a
candidate and Diaz ran against him. A third time he met defeat.
TROUBLE WITH LERDO DE TEJADA
During the life of Juarez, Diaz had launched the Plan of La
Noria, now he was interested in the Plan of Tuxtepec. This
time he took the field against Lerdo. The President at all times
distrusted him. Once in power, he had taken steps for his re-
moval and Diaz had been in exile or concealment. One of the
stories which Mexicans delight to tell of the hero was during
this time. Diaz had been a refugee in the United States. He
94 THE IRON HAND
had determined to return to Mexico and took steamer at New
Orleans for Vera Cruz. As they neared Tampico, he was recog-
nized by officers of the Mexican army, who were on board with a
considerable number of government soldiers; they kept close
watch upon him with the intention of seizing him and delivering
him a prisoner when they should be in port. He knew that he
had been detected and that the situation was critical; taking a
knife to use as protection in case of need against sharks which
were supposed to swarm in Tampico bay, he leaped overboard in
the hope of saving himself by swimming. It was a bold act from
every point of view. He was, however, seen and captured
and when brought on board the steamer the officers desired to
court martial him. To this the captain of the steamer objected,
but promised that he might be kept a prisoner until Vera Cruz,
where he should be delivered up. He was watched in his cabin
with care ; he nevertheless succeeded in eluding the vigilance of
the guard and threw a life-preserver overboard in order to mis-
lead his enemies. Meantime he took refuge in the purser 's cabin,
where he found concealment in a sort of cupboard, or wardrobe.
Here he remained concealed for several days, in great discom-
fort, living on water and crackers which were secretly conveyed
to him. He was in imminent risk of discovery during the time,
although it was actually believed, the life-preserver having been
discovered, that he had met his death by drowning. When finally
the Plan of Tuxtepec was promulgated, Diaz returned to Mexico
and took part in the revolution against President Lerdo de
Tejada. Political matters were in great confusion. Senor Lerdo
attempted to maintain himself in office ; Jose Maria Iglesias, as
president of the supreme court, declared himself legitimately
in power, in case Lerdo 's right were in dispute ; he not only made
this claim, but organized an actual government, with himself as
head, in Guanajuato. There were thus three claimants for power,
Lerdo, Iglesias and Diaz. Lerdo sent General Alatorre against
the revolutionists. He was defeated at Tecoac by the forces
under Porfirio Diaz and Manuel Gonzales. Lerdo fled to the
United States, where he remained an exile till his death. It is
THE IRON HAND 95
said that lie carried a considerable amount of public money
with him. Iglesias and his paper government came to naught.
PEESIDENT FOK THE FIRST TIME
An election was arranged for Dec. 16 and by it Porfirio Diaz
was elected President of the Eepublic. On April 1, 1877, Con-
gress officially declared his election and dated his term of office
back to Nov. 30. It is interesting to recall that for a time the
United States Government refused to recognize Diaz on the
ground that he had secured the office by non-constitutional meth-
ods. He, however, remained in power and served through his
term of four years. He proved a vigorous ruler, with many
excellent ideas. He had to meet various uprisings. The most
important of these was a mutiny of the garrison and the sailors
on the war vessels at Vera Cruz and a revolution headed by
General Escobedo, who came from Texas for the purpose. These
and various other uprisings, however, were crushed with no great
difficulty. When finally, in 1880, his term of office ended, he re-
fused a reelection, as there was a constitutional prohibition
against the President of Mexico serving two consecutive terms.
Accordingly Gen. Manuel Gonzales was elected to the office and
held from 1880 to 1884. When President Diaz yielded the chair
peacefully to his successor, it was only the second time in the
history of the Mexican Eepublic that such a thing had happened.
During his first term of office, the wife of President Diaz died.
ADMINISTRATION OF MANUEL GONZALES
There is no question that Manuel Gonzales was the choice
of President Diaz and that he was largely under the influence
of his predecessor throughout his term of office. He appointed
General Diaz a member of his cabinet, giving him the department
of Fomento. As secretary of this department, Diaz inaugurated
various works of public improvement, the most important of.
which certainly was the improvements at Tampico. Diaz soon
found, however, that he was looked upon with suspicion and
jealousy by his fellow members of the cabinet and resigned
96 THE IRON HAND
his office. He was elected senator, but this was hardly to his
taste. Chosen Governor of Oaxaca, he found this position more
agreeable and held it for some time. Under his administration,
the state made notable progress. Its financial condition was
greatly improved ; the construction of the Tehauntepec Railway
was undertaken ; the schools and system of public education were
greatly developed. Finally, however, he solicited a leave of
absence and returned to Mexico. Here he married Carmen
Eomero Rubio, daughter of the well-known Manuel Romero
Rubio, who had been a member of Lerdo's cabinet, and with
whom Diaz was well acquainted, although they had represented
different ideas in policies. The marriage took place in 1882.
The lady was beautiful, elegant and accomplished. She has
always been a great favorite with the Mexican people, and not-
withstanding the disparity in age between them, the marriage
has usually been considered a happy one. With his wife, Presi-
dent Diaz made an extended journey in the United States. They
were everywhere lionized, and in our great cities much attention
was shown them.
DIAZ RETURNED TO POWER
When in 1884 Manuel Gonzales* term of office ended, Por-
firio Diaz was elected President for a second term. From this
time on, President Diaz remained in office. When his second
term neared its close, the laws had been so changed that it was
possible for a man to hold two consecutive terms of office. Before
his third term ran out, the constitution had been so amended
that there was no bar to constant reelection. From 1884 to 1910,
with its splendid centennial celebration, Porfirio Diaz was con-
stantly at the helm of the ship of state. He was often referred
to as the ruler with the iron hand. He repressed all efforts at
revolution. He surrounded himself' with strong men whose
.interests were best served by giving him most loyal service. He
made many and notable public improvements to which reference
will be made in another place. Here we shall only speak of his
political achievements.
THE IRON HAND 97
MEXICO, A NATION OF AMBASSADORIAL BANK
In 1899 Porfirio Diaz raised the Republic of Mexico to ambas-
sadorial rank. When it is remembered that out of Mexico 's
15,000,000 population, 6,000,000 perhaps are of pure Indian
blood, and that 7,000,000 more are extremely poor persons of
mixed Indian and Spanish blood, it will be realized that this was
an achievement in politics of an extraordinary grade. It is, of
course, open to question whether it is an advantage for a popula-
tion like Mexico to be weighted down with the costly luxury of
occupying ambassadorial rank; this, however, does not in the
slightest affect the magnitude of the achievement. The last rep-
resentative of the republic at Washington as Minister was the
famous Mateo Romero. The first Ambassador sent to us was
Manuel Aspiroz, who made his fame largely by conducting the
cause against the Emperor Maximilian.
ENCOUKAGEMENT OF PROGEESS
Porfirio Diaz was always anxious that Mexico should par-
ticipate in all sorts of international conferences and gatherings.
Not only were strong delegations sent from Mexico to congresses
and conferences of scientific, literary, artistic and political char-
acter in every portion of the world, but many international meet-
ings were held in Mexico. Mexico and the United States were
the only American Republics invited to the first peace conference
at The Hague. The second Pan-American Congress was held
in the City of Mexico. Three times the Congress of Americanists
has been entertained by Mexico. Geographical, geological and
medical gatherings had met there. There is no doubt that Presi-
dent Diaz desired through such gatherings to impress upon the
outside world the fact that Mexico was truly a great nation,
well abreast of other nations in such lines of progress.
THE PIUS CLAIMS
One of the first cases submitted to The Hague Tribunal was
the matter of the Pius Claims, disputed between Mexico and
the United States. This case was submitted in 1902, and waa
98 THE IRON HAND
decided adversely for Mexico. It is commonly believed through-
out Latin American that justice was with Mexico. Our repre-
sentatives, however, before the tribunal, insisted on confining
the discussion to certain technical points of law instead of per-
mitting a full discussion of the rights and equities at issue. It
is probable that if the whole matter had been fully discussed
upon its merits, the decision would have been different. At all
events, so far as the American Republics are concerned, The
Hague Tribunal fell into disrepute through this decision.
RESUMPTION OF RELATIONS WITH AUSTRO-HUNGARY
An interesting diplomatic incident during the administration
of Porfirio Diaz was the resumption of relations with Austro-
Hungary. These ceased with execution of Maximilian. It will
be remembered that the unfortunate Emperor was a younger
brother of Francis Joseph, ruler of the Austro-Hungarian Em-
pire. It was quite natural that there should have been deep feel-
ing in connection with the execution. At the time when relations
were finally restored, the Government of Mexico erected a small,
but neat chapel at the site of the execution, on the Cerro de Cam-
panas, at Queretaro, in memory of the unfortunate imperial ad-
venturer. This little act of courtesy undoubtedly went far to
restore friendly feelings between the two nations. It is open
to question whether the little chapel should be called, as it fre-
quently is called in Mexico, a capilla expiatoria (expiatory
chapel).
EXPRESSION REGARDING THE MONROE DOCTRINE
Once during his long period of administration, Porfirio Diaz
gave utterance to a thoughtful expression regarding the Monroe
Doctrine. While carefully worded, and diplomatically phrased,
it is of sufficient interest for quotation. It was contained in one
of his official messages to Congress. It was uttered at the time
when America and England had been in some danger of war
on account of Venezulean matters. Godoy translates this por-
tion of the message as follows :/
THE IRON HAND 90
"Without entering into disquisitions as to the origin and the
historic moment which gave rise to its proclamation; without
entering into details as to the proper limitations which its own
authors set to it, and which were referred to so skilfully by Presi-
dent Cleveland, the Mexican Government can do no less than be
in favor of a doctrine which condemns as unjust any invasion
made by monarchical Europe against the American Republics,
against such independent nations which today are administered
by that popular form of government. Our general history and
especially the struggle of our people to shake off the yoke of a
foreign empire of European origin, form and elements and the
torrents of blood, shed in that terrible struggle, testified before
the world our love of independence and our hatred of all foreign
intervention. But we do not consider that in order to attain
the object that we desire, it is sufficient that the United States
alone, notwithstanding the greatness of its resources, should have
the obligation to aid the other republics of this hemisphere
against the attacks of Europe if such are yet considered pos-
sible but that each one of them, by means of a declaration
similar to that issued by President Monroe, should proclaim that
any attack from any foreign power, which may be directed to
injure the territory or the independence or to change the institu-
tions of any one of the American Republics, should be consid-
ered by the nation making such declaration as an offense against
it, if the other nation which sustained the attack or to which a
threat of that character is directed should ask its aid at the
opportune moment.
"In this way the doctrine, now styled Monroe Doctrir a, would
become the American Doctrine in its most ample sense, and if
it is true that it has had its origin in the United States, it could
form a part of the international law of all America. ' '
We have aimed to sketch the career and political work of the
man in charge of Mexico in 1910. Elsewhere we shall take up
his contribution to the material advancement of his country.
100
AZTEC MEXICO
AZTEC MEXICO
THE MAKKS OF CIVILIZATION THE MIGRATION STORY DAILY LIFE OF
AZTECS AZTEC ARCHITECTURE ARTS OF LIFE EDUCATION AND
ART THE NATURE OF THE AZTECS A BLOODY WORSHI]
-THE NEW
FIRE SECULAR CEREMONY THE BOUNDS OF EMPIRE WHAT
CORTES FOUND.
UPON what was Mex-
ico founded? What
was the material
from which it was built ? We
must look back through the
centuries. When Cortes, in
the first third of the six-
teenth century, marched
from Vera Cruz up into the
plateau country, what did he
find? Prescott and Lew
Wallace, basing themselves
upon the ancient Spanish
narratives, tell us that there
was a mighty empire, a pow-
erful emperor, swarms of
nobles, a splendid city, lux-
ury. Nothing could surpass,
in brilliancy, elegance, and
extravagance, the Montezu-
ma's dinner described to us
by Hubert Howe Bancroft.
STONE FIGimE, "THE SAD INDIAN," .
CITY OF MEXICO. that the Spaniards, in con-
quering Mexico, destroyed a
civilization superior to their own. Everyone has read Prescott,
Lew Wallace, and Bancroft.
101
102 AZTEC MEXICO
THE MARKS OF CIVILIZATION
What is civilization! A people who is civilized possesses a
system of writing by means of phonetic characters. The Aztecs
had an ingenious and interesting system of writing by means of
pictures; they were just beginning to grasp the notion that
these pictures might be used to represent sounds instead of to
convey ideas; they were far from having a phonetic system.
A civilized people knows how to smelt metals from their ores,
and specifically, iron from its ore; the Aztecs knew the use of
copper, gold and silver ; they could smelt the native metals and
cast them cunningly; they did not know the use of iron. A
civilized people uses domestic animals as helps in agriculture-
beasts of burden, draught and tilling; the Aztecs had one
domestic animal, a little dog, fattened for food.
The Chinese are civilized, and have been for centuries ; they
have a system of writing, largely with phonetic characters;
they smelt metals from their ores, and specifically iron from
its ore ; they use domestic animals as helps in agriculture ; they
have been civilized for two thousand years. The Japanese are
civilized and were so before the Norman Conquest. The Hindus,
the Persians, and a host of other Asiatic and European peoples,
are and long have been civilized, but the Aztecs had not a single
criterion of civilization; they had an interesting culture which
placed them at the upper level of barbarism, but no higher.
Prescott's dictum is false, and could only have been made by
one who used the term "civilization" uncritically.
THE MIGRATION STORY
The Aztecs had of course a migration story ; most people in
barbarism have their exodus. According to their legend, they
came from Chicomoztoc, the Seven Caves, located far to the
northwest. On divine suggestion and under divine guidance,
they started on their pilgrimage toward the promised land. It
was a weary journey, occupying many years and involving many
pauses. The divine sign where they were to rest and build their
AZTEC MEXICO 103
city was the finding of a rock upon the border of a lake ; from
the rock was to grow a cactus upon which was perched an eagle
tearing a snake. When at last the divine sign was encountered
in the beautiful valley now known as the Valley of Mexico, there
was no room for the new-comers. The valley was already occu-
pied by different tribes, related by blood indeed to the Aztecs
and speaking quite the same language, but far from friendly.
But the gods had spoken here the wanderers must rest; as
there was no room upon the lake-margin, they settled in the
swamp, building up little patches of ground from the mud of the
lake-bottom ; for a long time they suffered every hardship and
disease; suffering reduced their numbers and brought them to
the verge of desperation; at last the worst was past, and the
little remnant began to gain courage, command respect, and to
wedge their way on to the land before refused them.
DAILY LIFE OF AZTECS
For food supply the Aztecs depended upon hunting, gather-
ing and gardening. They ate everything upon which they could
lay hands. The lake yielded fish and ducks, filth-scum and insect-
eggs; snakes, lizards, birds, deer and wild pigs were hunted;
maize, beans, squashes and chilis were cultivated on their garden
patches; dogs were fattened for eating. On the whole, they
depended most upon their agriculture; their crops were their
chief dependence. Field labor was of the simplest kind; brush
and stubble were burned over and the ashes left upon the ground
to enrich the soil. Seed grain was dropped into holes drilled
with pointed sticks, and the earth pushed back over the planted
seed; then the harvest was awaited. There was no individual
ownership of land. The tribal land was divided into quarters,
and these quarters divided among those who chose to cultivate.
Occupation and work gave the right to the harvest. From time
to time, as the population varied, division and redistribution
of fields took place.
The ordinary dress of the Aztecs was simple. Men wore the
breech-clout, a long and narrow strip of cloth passed between
104 AZTEC MEXICO
the legs, wound about the waist, and knotted; it was a decent
covering, but scanty. During the cooler portion of the day a
blanket was worn about the upper body. Simple sandals pro-
tected the feet. Women wore two articles of clothing only:
a strip of cloth wrapped about the lower body, and held in place
by a cord at the waist, fell to the knees; the upper body was
usually exposed, but in the colder season or in the chill of the
evening or morning a sort of waist was worn, like a broad sack
turned upsidedown with a hole for the head to pass through
and with slits in the sides to permit the arms to pass; women
went barefoot and bareheaded. It is true, however, that rulers
and priests were distinguished by more elaborate clothing and
by characteristic decorations and adornments. Soldiers too
wore a dress marked with some design, and frequently wore
elaborate head-dresses.
AZTEC ARCHITECTURE
Few, if any, actual Aztec ruins remain to tell us of their
architectural development. From the ruins of other tribes,
however, and from descriptions of Spanish writers, we may
suppose that the dwelling houses of the common people were
simple structures, easily destroyed, and leaving little trace of
their one-time existence. Temples and governmental buildings
.were more substantial, and whatever knowledge of fine build-
ing the Aztecs possessed, they exercised upon these buildings.
All the ruins in Mexico which have attracted so much attention
seem to be temples and governmental houses. Any great Indian
town in Mexico at the present time contains a substantial church
and a well-built municipal house ; the people live in simple huts
of brush and mud, or houses of adobe bricks; if they were
deserted, very soon the only ruins remaining would be these
structures of the church and state. It is interesting to note, so
far back in the history of Mexican people, the fact that they
contributed largely to these two forms of social control,
AZTEC MEXICO 105
ARTS OF LIFE
Most of the tools and weapons of the Aztecs were made of
stone. They chipped arrows and spearheads and knives from
chert and obsidian ; razors for shaving were flaked from masses
of obsidian a sort of volcanic glass; hatchets and axes of
polished stone were used; the famous war-club of the Aztecs
consisted of a flat blade of hard and heavy wood along the sides
of which sharp splinters of obsidian were fixed in grooves ; orna-
ments also were made of stone ; polished lip-plugs of black ob-
sidian, transparent crystal, or amethyst, were commonly in use ;
ear ornaments and necklaces of stone beads were known. Mirrors
were made of polished obsidian or iron pyrite. By pecking,
battering with a blunt-pointed pebble, great figures were shaped
of basalt and other heavy lava and rock surfaces were covered
with elaborate designs wonderfully wrought. Pottery was pre-
eminently the art of arts among the Aztecs and other tribes of
Mexico ; not only vessels for food and drink, pots for cooking,
griddles for baking cakes, and other objects of utility were
made, but clay was shaped into figures and forms of beauty for
decoration or religious purposes. Native gold, native copper,
and native silver, the latter rarely, were worked both by beat-
ing and casting into forms of use and ornament; Bernal Diaz
tells us that the cunning Aztec smiths knew how to cast figures
of fishes with scales alternately of gold and silver, and little
birds with feathers alternately of gold and silver, which were
produced at a single casting; it is unlikely that they really did
this, though they may have seemed to do so. They could actually
cast little figures of frogs with pellet eyes which rattled loosely
in their rounded sockets, but were too large to be shaken out.
One art in which the Aztecs had great skill was feather-work;
they not only employed large feathers for head-dresses and war-
jackets, but they combined the delicate and brilliant metallic-
lustered dainty feathers from the throats of humming-birds into
pictures which were worked out as delicately as the miniature
paintings of mediaeval Europeans, The Aztecs were passion-
106 AZTEC MEXICO
ately fond of flowers and used them decoratively on all public
occasions; arches of green and flowers were erected along the
line of march of processions.
EDUCATION AND ABT
To the education of the young considerable attention was
given. There is still in existence a manuscript painted by an
Aztec artist shortly after the Conquest at the wish of the Vice-
roy Mendoza, in which the training of youth is shown. In fact,
the career of an individual from the cradle to the grave is repre-
sented in this series of pictures. The boy was taught the proper
occupations of his sex and trained in warfare ; the girl learned
to spin and weave and to do the duties of the home. Instruc-
tion in higher branches what we ourselves usually mean by
education was given by priests and priestesses, but chiefly the
children of the well-to-do and official classes only received this.
Picture-writing was notably developed; we have already
stated that the Aztecs had begun to see that characters might
be used to represent sounds instead of to convey ideas; this
notion, however, was far from being fully grasped, and in the
inscription and books remaining to us, the phonetic characters
are exceedingly rare, while the ideographic are common. A
considerable number of the Aztec books remain, and of most
of these exact facsimiles have been printed for the benefit of
students. For the most part, they deal with magic and religion ;
they are religious calendars intended to assist in following the
ceremonials of the year.
The Aztecs were fond of poetry; it is claimed that we still
possess the seventy songs of Netzalhuatcoyotl ; he was not him-
self an Aztec, but an Acolhua (a neighboring tribe with its
capital city, Texcoco, across the lake) ; his poems are full of
bold metaphors and other figures of speech. While perhaps
we have no actual Aztec poems left, we know that these people
were fond of music; they had a wide range of musical instru-
ments drums, rattles, whistles, pipes, and the like; they had
songs adapted to all occasions. There were spring songs, war
AZTEC MEXICO 107
songs, flower songs, dirges, and many others. There were sing-
ing schools held in special houses-of-song ; many of the songs
were known to all.
The most astonishing intellectual achievement of the Aztecs
was their astronomical knowledge, as shown in their time-
reckoning; they knew the actual length of the year; they knew
how to adjust the excess of some hours and minutes beyond
365 days so as to avoid confusion ; their system of interpolation
was wonderfully exact, and it may perhaps be said that their
calendar was more correct at the time of the Spanish Conquest
than the calendar in use among the conquerors. It is this fact
more than any other, perhaps, which led Prescott to make his
sweeping statement.
THE NATURE OF THE AZTECS
Two words best characterize the nature of the Aztecs : they
were avaricious and blood-thirsty. Merchants were a recog-
nized class among them; they organized extensive expeditions
and went to distant towns to trade their manufactures for
desired products of other regions; these expeditions were
important enterprises, requiring long and careful preparations,
provisions for defense, etc. War was held in highest esteem.
All boys were given more or less of military training. War-
parties were divided into companies of several hundred, these
into smaller divisions, and these into little groups of twenty
fighters, each group with its flag or standard; even these little
groups were subdivided into clusters of six or eight individuals
who, in war, would fight together. In fighting there was less
desire to kill than to take prisoners. When the Aztecs waged
successful war against another tribe, they did not annex
the territory of the conquered, but left it to them; they
demanded, however, the payment of tribute, and sometimes set
aside certain fields, the produce of which was to form a portion
of the tribute. With some nations war was constant. It is even
claimed that, by the Aztecs and their allies in the Valley of
Mexico, a definite arrangement had been made with the
108 AZTEC MEXICO
Tlaxcalans, the object of which was that the Aztecs were to
constantly exploit Tlaxcala for war victims, and that Tlaxcala
was to look to them for captives for their own altar sacrifices.
A BLOODY WORSHIP
It is of course in religion that we find the most complete
exhibition of a people's character. As every people creates
its god in its own image, we may judge a people from the objects
of its worship. The gods of the Aztecs were blood-thirsty
because the people themselves were blood-thirsty. There were
scores of gods, and in the whole long list only one was kind,
and he was borrowed. Lew Wallace's "Fair God" takes its
name from this deity. Quetzalcoatl was his name. He was a
god of fair skin from an eastern home; he was a culture hero
and taught men many of the best things which they knew; his
altars were bloodless, he desired no human sacrifices ; but we
have said, he was a borrowed god. The true Aztec gods were
creatures like Huitzilopochtl, Tetzcatlipoca, Tlaloc, Centeotl.
Huitzilopochtl was preeminently the tribal deity; a hideous
creature of war, he demanded constant human sacrifices. The
Tlalocs were rain gods and demanded innocent children for
sacrifices ; if these wept, so much the better, the rains would be
so much more abundant.
Centeotl was the god of the corn-fields and the harvest ; the
deity was either male or female, being at once a mother and a
son; the fields drank blood, and the celebration to Centeotl
demanded many victims ; after the sacrifice was made, the victim
was flayed, and the celebrant drew the skin of the unfortunate
being over his own body. It was a common rule that the victim
of the sacrifice was ceremonially eaten ; the head was cut off in
order that the skull might be retained and placed in the zompantl
as trophy or evidence of the popularity of the god; certain
portions of the headless body were retained by the priests, and
the balance was thrown down from the temple pyramid to the
men who had captured the victim on the field of battle, who
now carried the mangled corpse to their homes and ate it
AZTEC MEXICO
109
THE PEEMANENT SOVEREIGN
THE AZTEC TEMPLES HAD A SKULL DISPLAY KN T OWN AS TZOM-
PANTL. A SPANISH SOLDIER CLAIMED TO COUNT 160,000
SKULLS OF SACRIFICED VICTIMS AT ONE TEMPLE. MACAU-
LEY'S CARTOON SUGGESTS THE CONTINUED AWFUL SACRI-
FICE OF LIFE.
110 AZTEC MEXICO
THE NEW FIRE SECULAR CEREMONY
Certainly one of the most picturesque and interesting of the
ancient ceremonies was the secular festival celebrated at the
end of the fifty- two years' cycle. The Aztecs counted time in
cycles of fifty-two years as we count it in cycles of one hundred
years. They believed that the world would come to an end at
the close of some such cycle. There had already been four
destructions of the world. The first time it was destroyed by
pestilence, the second time by earthquake, the third by deluge,
the fourth by rain. Tho present, then, was the fifth existence
of our globe. As the end of any cycle approached, dread and
fear took possession of the people; no new enterprises were
undertaken ; houses damaged by earthquake were not repaired ;
weaving and spinning ceased; what was the use of expending
labor, thought and energy upon things which might be of no
utility? On the last day of the cycle weeping and wailing and
woe prevailed. All the fires in the houses were extinguished.
When evening came the whole population left the city and passed
out over the great causeway to the "hill of the star, ' ' Ixtapalapa,
on whose summit was the little temple where the great sacrifice
of the cycle's end was to take place. The victim this time was
an "Aztec who offered himself for the general welfare. Prepara-
tions were made. Darkness came. The priests upon the hilltop
watched the constellations as they swept across the heavens.
When the Pleiades reached the meridian, the moment had come
for the will of the gods to be made known. The victim was
thrown upon the sacrificial stone, with a flint knife his breast
was opened and his heart dragged out ; into the gaping wound a
block of wood (notched at the edge) was laid, and into the notch
an upright stick, blunt-pointed, was placed; five priests held
the victim, two held his feet, two others held his hands, and the
fifth held a wooden yoke over his neck; two other priests
operated the sticks, one holding the lower block in place, the
other whirling the upright stick between his palms, pressing it
downward. If the gods were kind and answered the prayers
AZTEC MEXICO 111
of the people by a spark of fire, all was well, and the old world
would have another fifty- two years' reprieve. Anxiously they
watched the little heap of wood-dust whirled out by the revolv-
ing upper stick; in a moment there glowed within it a spark
of fire, the gift of the gods. Carefully they pressed toward
it, fed it tinder, nursed it into a flame. Instantly they lighted
their torches, and with cries of joy they rushed down the hill-
side with the blazing evidence of divine approval. The crowd
of thousands down below had brought with them from their
homes new torches, and as the priests reached the base of the
little hill, they pressed around them to light their own torches
from those kindled by the heavenly fire. With singing, cries
of joy, and dancing, those who came out weeping and in sorrow
hastened to their homes. New fires were kindled in every house.
The next morning all was life and bustle. Houses were being
repaired, cloth woven, pots shaped. Fifty-two years more of
life for world and people !
THE BOUNDS OF EMPIRE
Naturally those who have imagined the Aztec Empire and
the sway of the mighty Montezumas, after the fashion of Ban-
croft and Lew Wallace, have thought of that empire as being
coterminous with the now-existing Mexican Republic. What
were the facts? The lovely valley in which the Aztecs lived
has a long oval form and measures perhaps not more than forty
miles in length and less than twenty miles in breadth. It is a
rather small area for an empire. But the Aztecs did not own
even all of it; they were but a single tribe within that area.
They had neighbors, distinct tribes like themselves, with inde-
pendent governments. Chief among these neighbors were the
Acolhuas, living across the lake and having as their capital city
Texcoco. Less important, but by no means insignificant, were
the Tecpanecans, their capital city being Tlacopan. The street-
car line today connects the City of Mexico with the suburb of
Atzcapozalco only seven miles separating them; Atzcapozalco
was the capital city of another "kingdom." And with these the
112 AZTEC MEXICO
enumeration of the populations of the valley is not exhausted.
In other words, the Aztecs were one tribe only in a group of
tribes which occupied the little area of the famous Mexican
Valley. When Cortes came, the Aztecs had had wars with many
of their neighbors. They had patched up an alliance with the
Acolhuas and the Tecpanecans; the three tribes formed a con-
federacy like our own; each of the members of the union had
an independent local government ; collectively they acted through
a council of the confederacy ; at the head of the confederacy was
the " Chief of Men" Montezuma at the moment of the Con-
quest, but this confederacy was at that time far from being
imperial ; it was, however, waging aggressive warfare, and when
Cortes came, it maintained outposts of trade and tribute in
various parts of Mexico.
WHAT CORTES FOUND
What, then, did Cortes find? He found Mexico occupied by
scores of warring, barbarous, independent Indian tribes. All
were agricultural and settled populations. Orozco y Berra lists
more than one hundred and fifty languages spoken at that time
in what is today Mexico. The Aztecs were one tribe among this
mass of tribes; it was larger than some, more advanced than
many.
THE CONQUEST
HERNAN CORTES EXPEDITION TO MEXICO PLAN OP CONQUEST THE
TLAXCALANS ARRIVAL AT TENOCHTITLAN SUPPRESSION OF PLOT
OF NARVAEZ A CRITICAL SITUATION BATTLE OF OTUMBA THE
, LAST STRUGGLE CORTES IN CHARGE CAUSES OF EASY CONQUEST.
THE Conquest of
Mexico is one
of the romantic
chapters of history. It
has been written many
times. Hernan Cortes,
its leader, was born
in 1485, at Medellin,
Estramadura, Spain.
His parents were poor,
but of noble family.
The young man was
sent to school at Sala-
manca, but after two
years of study, aban-
doned further education
and determined to seek
a life of fortune and
adventure. In 1504,
when only nineteen
years of age, he went to
the Indies. In Santo
Domingo he enlisted under Diego Velasquez, to war against
the non-pacified tribes of Indians in that island. He was after-
wards scribe of the Ayuntamiento of Azua, at the same time
occupying himself in agricultural pursuits. When Diego
Velasquez went to conquer Cuba, in 1511, Cortes accompanied
him. In the new field, he was an official of the treasury, and
at the same time conducted stock-raising enterprises. In con-
113
HERNAN CORTES.
114 THE CONQUEST
sequence of a love affair, in connection with the lady whom he
afterwards married, he had a serious quarrel with Velasquez,
was imprisoned, escaped, and was forced to seek refuge in a
church edifice. Finally, however, the two men became recon-
ciled, and Cortes served as an alcalde of Santiago de Cuba,
in 1518.
EXPEDITION TO MEXICO
Diego Velasquez and Cortes fitted out an expedition which
was to undertake the conquest of Mexico. The expedition
actually sailed on February 10, 1519. As the date for its start
approached, Velasquez became suspicious of the designs of
Cortes, and undertook to prevent the sailing, but was too late.
The expedition, at its start, consisted of eleven vessels, with 508
soldiers, 110 sailors, 32 cross-bowmen, 13 gunners, something
more than 200 Indians, 16 mares, 1 stallion, 10 bronze cannon,
and 4 falconets. On February 18th, it reached the island of
Cozumel where Pedro de Alvardo, lieutenant of Cortes, sacked
the temples and the native houses. Cortes disapproved of the
violence of Alvarado and restored the property of the Indians.
He then sent messages to Yucatan for the purpose of redeeming
any captives of Grijalva's earlier expedition, who might remain
in the hands of the Indians in that country. . Geronimo de
Aguilar was thus redeemed and proved of great use to the con-
queror on account of his knowledge of the Indians and of some
of the native dialects.
The party sailed from Cozumel to Tabasco, ascending the
river in their smaller boats from its mouth to a considerable
distance. During this excursion, they had three or four battles
with the Indians. In the arrangements for peace, the.Tabas-
quenos gave the Spaniards from ten to twenty Indian girls,
among whom was one known as La Malintzin. She was taken
by Cortes, baptized under the name of Marina, and was of great
use to him in his later dealings with the Indians of the country.
She had great love for him and was the mother of his son Martin.
She figures repeatedly in the story of the conquest. The expedi
THE CONQUEST 115
tion of Cortes finally returned to San Juan de Ulua on April
21, 1519.
PLAN OF CONQUEST
Cortes now founded, close to San Juan de Ulua, La Villa-
Rica de Vera Cruz. He named an ayuntamiento, or town gov-
ernment which, in turn, named him captain-general of the con-
quering force. Here for the first time Cortes heard of Monte-
zuma and the Aztec Tenochtitlan. He then visited the important
Indian town of Cempoala, where he learned of the Tlaxcalans
and their constant hostility toward Montezuma and his Aztecs.
Discovering an insurrection plotting among his followers, Cortes
dealt with it promptly, hanging, whipping, and mutilating the
plotters. Having decided to march to the interior and under-
take the conquest of the Aztec city, he left Cempoala on August
6th, and marched with no events of serious consequence to
Tlaxcala. Here, on September 5th, he had an important battle
with the Tlaxcalan forces led by a notable chief called Xicoten-
catl. He defeated the Indian force, and on September 22nd, a
treaty was arranged with the Indians and a friendly reception
given to the Spaniards in the city of Tlaxcala.
THE TLAXCALANS
From here the Spaniards marched to Cholula, a town at no
great distance upon the road to Tenochtitlan. The Cholultecas
received the new-comers in a friendly manner ; they were plotting
treachery, however, a fact discovered by Marina, who informed
Cortes of the plot. He called the chiefs together, declared their
perfidy to their faces, and slaughtered 3,000 of the people. His
Tlaxcalan friends were present and looted, carrying rich booty
back to their own city. After having visited the measure of his
wrath upon the unfortunate city, he remained two weeks in
Cholula before resuming his march to the valley of Mexico.
ARRIVAL AT TENOCHTITLAN
When he started upon this last stage of his journey of in-
vasion, he had great numbers of Tlaxcalan allies as well as a
116
THE CONQUEST
r*
A- .-.^...ilPjr- .liA '
Copyrighted by I'lidcrwooil and Uiulerw<md
NOOHE TKISTE TREE, POPOTLA.
THE CONQUEST
117
Copyrighted by U:
and Underwood
WEAVING MAGUEY FIBEE, MONTEREY.
118 THE CONQUEST
considerable force of Texcocans supplied by the Acolhua chief,
Ixtlilxochitl, who had quarreled with his brother, Cacama. It
was November 8th when the Spanish force arrived at Tenoch-
titlan, where they were met in state by Montezuma, and Cortes
lodged in the palace of Axayacatl. Cortes spent some days in
making himself acquainted with the city, in ingratiating him-
self with Montezuma, and in trying to persuade him to recog-
nize Spanish authority. He found the inhabitants of the great
Indian city unfriendly and realized that trouble was brewing.
To bring matters to a crisis and exercise authority, he went
with several of his trusted lieutenants to the palace of Monte-
zuma and demanded the punishment of a certain cacique who
had killed Spaniards. Montezuma, intimidated, yielded to the
demand. The chief, Cuauhpopoca, was sent for and was given
up to the Spaniards. Cortes ordered that he should be burned
alive with seventeen attendants.
SUPPRESSION OF PLOT
At this time Cortes learned that Panfilo de Narvaez with 600
soldiers had been sent from Cuba by Velasquez to remove him
from his command. Leaving Pedro de Alvarado in charge
during his absence, Cortes hurried to Vera Cruz. He surprised
Narvaez in Cempoala, completely defeated him, and with the
new forces which he had brought hastened back to Mexico. When
he arrived there, he found things going badly. Alvarado had
had difficulties, arising from his cruel treatment of the Indians.
The Aztecs had desired to hold their regular annual religious
festival of the month of May. They had notified Alvarado of
their desire and asked permission. He had told them they could
hold the festival provided they were not armed. In the midst
of their ceremonials, at night, Alvarado, with fifty of his
Spaniards, entered the building in which the ceremonies were
being conducted and killed the entire party of Indians. The
result was to be expected ; the Aztecs rose and besieged Alva-
rado. "When Cortes returned he found this trouble at its height.
Nor was it easy for him to deal with the difficulty; the Aztecs
THE CONQUEST 119
were completely aroused and in serious earnest. Cortes found
himself in a state of siege. There were constant attacks upon
him, sallies, repulses, and retreats. The number of his soldiers
was constantly diminishing. The outlook was dark.
A CRITICAL SITUATION
Finally, as a desperate measure, he persuaded Montezuma
to harangue his people from the azotea of the palace in which
they were staying. The ruler unwillingly complied; he
harangued his people, but they became the more enraged ; arrows
were shot, stones hurled, and the great Chief of Men was
wounded. On the night of June 29th Montezuma died. Some
writers say that his death was due to the wounds received from
his people; others insist that the Spaniards, in their rage and
desperation, murdered him. However that may be, the Span-
iards found themselves compelled to withdraw from Tenoch-
titlan. Their retreat was made on the night of July 1st. It was
a fearful flight. A constant attack was made upon the retreat-
ing white men. Many Spanish soldiers were drowned or killed.
It was with difficulty that Cortes himself made his escape. The
night is known in history by the Spanish name La Noche Triste
(the sad night). It is said that when Cortes reached the village
of Popotla he paused to rest under a great cypress tree, and as he
contemplated the little remnant of his army, he wept with rage
and sorrow over his defeat. The tree is believed to be still stand-
ing, and is commonly visited by strangers as one of the sights of
Mexico.
BATTLE OF OTUMBA
With the remnant of his force Cortes made his way to Oton-
calpolco, where he captured the temple pyramid of the village
and fortified it. Here he collected his scattered forces, healed his
wounded, and rested. His further retreat from this place was
difficult. They were harassed by thousands of the Aztecs. They
were reduced to such extremities that they were compelled to eat
the dead and worn out horses. They finally reached Otumba
120
THE CONQUEST
THE CONQUEST 121
where a frightful battle took place with a multitude of the
enemy. The day was almost lost when Cortes, noticing the in-
fluence of the leader of the attacking force, had the sudden
inspiration to attempt his capture. With his trusted followers
he made a sudden dash upon the unfortunate chief, seizing him
and taking possession of the standard. The tide of battle was
turned by this act, and a great victory gained by the Spanish
force.
After this incident, Cortes made his way to the city of Tlax-
cala where he was well received by the chief in charge, Maxix-
catzin. The Spanish losses had been great 450 soldiers, 26
horses, and 4,000 Indian allies were left dead. In the midst of
his faithful Tlaxcalan allies, Cortes rested, recuperated, and
strengthened his ties with the Tlaxcalan people. He made
various campaigns from the Tlaxcalan territory, including one
to Vera Cruz. Toward the end of December he felt himself in
the position to resume the offensive.
On December 26th he set out again for the valley of Mexico
with 700 foot-soldiers, 118 cross-bowmen, 86 horses, and 50,000
Indian allies. He reached Texcoco on December 31st. Here he
hung Xicotencatl, his first Tlaxcalan ally, for desertion. Here
he constructed and launched upon the lake several small brigs.
It is said that his Indian allies supplied 16,000 canoes. His lieu-
tenants, Alvarado, Olid, and Sandoval, were sent by land to close
in from three sides upon the city. He himself was to approach
with his brigs and canoes by water, and with him were the hosts
of native allies Tlaxcalans, Cholultecas, and Acolhuas from
Texcoco.
THE LAST STKUGGLE
When Montezuma died, his brother, Cuitlahuac, had become
chief of men; he soon died of smallpox. When Cortes with his
enormous force appeared, the nephew of Montezuma, Cua-
uhtemoc, was in the position of Aztec leader. He was a young
man of little more than twenty years ; he was brave, wise, and
patriotic. He had made preparations for the attack. Provisions
122 THE CONQUEST
Jaad been brought together, strategic points fortified, the cause-
ways had been cut, a great fleet of canoes had been prepared.
Cuauhtemoc himself was in personal charge of the Aztec forces.
A brave defense was made. The enormous army of Cortes made
repeated attempts upon the city and were frequently repulsed
with vigorous fighting and much loss. For a long time the
struggle dragged on. Cortes found that he could make headway
only by destroying all the houses and filling the canals with their
debris. Little by little pursuing this policy, he made advance.
The besieged Aztecs suffered frightfully, but repeatedly refused
to surrender their city. Famine and disease afflicted them. At
last their dwindling force was too sadly weakened to defend the
city longer. After eighty days of formal siege, Tenochtitlan was
surrendered. This took place on August 13, 1521. The brave
chieftain, Cuauhtemoc, was at first well treated. Cortes, on the
surrender of the city, ordered the dead to be burned and the city
cleaned. Later on, impelled by that heart-disease which only
gold can cure, Cortes permitted Cuauhtemoc to be tortured in
the hope that he would surrender the secret of the Aztec treasure
which had disappeared.
CORTES IN CHARGE
Upon the site of the old Indian city the Spanish City of
Mexico was built. Cortes assumed control of the conquered
territory as governor, captain-general, and chief magistrate.
Actually all power centered in him ; but he left some degree of
authority in the hands of native chiefs. Olid, who had been sent
to Central America, plotted an insurrection. Cortes went in
person to suppress it; but when he arrived, he found that his
rebellious lieutenant was already dead.
CAUSES OF EASY CONQUEST
The further story of Cortes does not particularly interest us.
There are, however, some things connected with the conquest
which deserve mention. From a certain point of view, the Con-
quest of Mexico was a great military achievement. It was the
THE CONQUEST 123
victory of a little handful of invaders against enormous crowds of
brave and warlike enemies. The ease of the conquest, however,
was due to a variety of causes. To begin with, Cortes was no
novice in Indian warfare; he had already gained experience in
battling against the refractories of Santa Domingo. Again, we
must remember that the great advantage which the Indians had
in numbers was lost in the disparity of the forces in the matter
of arms and equipment; the Aztecs had never seen horses, and
the mounted soldiers were at a great advantage; the Indians
were armed with darts and slings, clubs and wooden swords with
inlaid splinters of obsidian; against these simple weapons were
firearms and cross-bows. Again, the Aztecs were at a great
disadvantage in their idea of warfare ; it had always been their
practice to capture, not to kill, the enemy ; the practice of the
Spaniards of course was to destroy as many lives as possible.
Another fact which contributed to the easy victory of Cortes
is to be found in the superstitious fears of the Indians against
those whom they fought; when the white men first appeared,
they were looked upon as sacred or divine ; the Aztecs were look-
ing for the return of their fair god, Quetzalcoatl, who was to
come across the seas from the East ; prophecy indicated that his
coming was at hand; and when the Spaniards appeared, they
were considered at least the messengers of Quetzalcoatl ; it was
some time before the natives realized that the new-comers were
dangerous humans, not kindly deities. The most important aid,
however, was the fact that Cortes found a country occupied
by already warring and hostile tribes ; if there had been a bond
of union between the Mexican Indians, and they had made com-
mon cause against the Spaniards, of course the invaders would
have stood no chance of victory. But the people of Tlaxcala were
hostile to the Cholultecas, only a few miles distant from them;
both quarrelled with Texcoco; between the Tlaxcalans and the
Aztecs there were feuds of long duration. It was because of these
petty tribal bickerings and difficulties that Cortes utilized tribe
against tribe and won.
124
THE CONQUEST
Copyrighted by Underwood ad Underwood
INDIA3T MARKET AT OMEALCO. PEANUTS ARE KNOWN BY THE
AZTEC NAME CACAHUATES. THE DRESS HERE WORN IS THE
CHARACTERISTIC DRESS OP COMMON MEXICANS, BOTH MESTIZO
AND INDIANS OF THE MORE ACCESSIBLE DISTRICTS.
GUADALUPE
THE KELIGIOUS CONQUEST THE STORY OF THE VIRGIN OF GUADALUPE
THE NATION'S PATRON DECEMBER 12 IN MEXICO THE CROWNING
OF THE VIRGIN ALTAMIRANO ? S VERDICT.
IN the Aztec language not only nouns and verbs had reveren-.,
tial forms. Even adjectives and adverbs possessed them.
It is suggestive of the psychology of the tribe.
The only ruins that remain of buildings of the Indians of
ancient Mexico are those for governmental and religious pur-
poses. They are palaces or temples. The common people lived
in huts, but they provided splendid and permanent constructions
for their rulers and their priests. Throughout Indian Mexico
to-day the town-house and the church are buildings, which would
outlast the simple houses of the villagers.
THE RELIGIOUS CONQUEST
Close after the conquest of Mexico by the soldier and the
sword, came its conquest by the priest and book. Devoted men
promptly set themselves to work to bring the pagan populace of
the newly conquered region into the bosom of the church. The
story of their conquest is as interesting as that of the followers
of Cortes. The rapidity of the work of conversion to Christianity
was phenomenal. It is as marked as the ease with which the
material conquest was accomplished. Hundreds nay, thousands
were converted under the preaching of single apostles of the
faith. Among the missionaries were men of gentle blood, of
learning men who had been powers had they stayed in Europe.
They submitted to every hardship, risked every danger, courted
martyrdom. Many actually met death, and a great volume could
be filled with an account of their consecrated efforts.
No religion ever makes great headway among a new people
until it is able to take over the sacred places of the old religion.
Outside the old City of Mexico, there was a place sacred to the
mother-god, Tonantzin. It must have been a place of popular
125
126 GUADALUPE
pilgrimage and sanctity. It is to-day the most sacred spot in
Mexico, and in connection with it there is a story. All have heard
it, but it will bear repeating.
THE STORY OF THE VIRGIN OF GUADALUPE
We shall repeat it as told by Vetancurt, the monk, in 1672.
Janvier translates the record from his chronicle as follows:
" Juan Diego, a native of Cuauhtitlan, living with his wife, Lucia
Maria, in the town of Tolpetlac, went to hear mass in the church
of Santiago Tlaltelolco, on the morning of Saturday, December 9,
1531. As he was near the hill called Tepeyacac, he heard the
music of angels. Then beheld he amid splendors, a Lady who
spoke to him, and directed him to go to the Bishop and tell that
it was her will that in that place should be built to her a temple.
Upon his knees he listened to her bidding, and then, happy and
confused, betook himself to the Bishop with the message that
she had given him. But while the Bishop, Don Juan Zumarraga,
heard him kindly, he could not give credence to the prodigy that
he was told. With this disconsolate answer, he returned, finding
there again the Lady, who heard what he had to tell and bade him
come to her again. Therefore, on the Sunday ensuing, he was at
the hillside, when she appeared to him for the third time and
repeated her order that he should convey to the Bishop her com-
mand that a temple should be built. The Bishop heard the
message, still incredulous, and ordered that the Indian should
bring him some sure sign by which he might be shown that what
he told was true ; and when the Indian departed, the Bishop said
to some of his servants to watch him secretly. Yet, as he neared
the holy hill, he disappeared from the sight of these watchers.
Unseen, then, of these, he met the Lady and told her that he had
been required to bring some sure sign of her appearance; and
she told him to come again the next day, and he should have that
sign. But when he came to his home, he found his uncle, Juan
Bernardino, lying very ill. Through the next day he was in
attendance upon the sick man; but the sickness increased, and
early on the morning of December 12th, he went to call a con-
GUADALUPE 127
fessor from Tlaltelolco. That he might not be delayed in his
quest by that Lady 's importunity, he went not by the usual path,
but by another, skirting the eastern side of the hill. But as he
passed the hill, he saw the Lady coming down to him and heard
her calling to him. He told her his errand and of its urgent need
of quickness, whereupon she replied that he need not feel further
troubled, as already his uncle 's illness was cured. Then ordered
she him to cut some flowers on that barren hill, and to his amaze-
ment, he perceived flowers growing there. She charged him to
take these miraculous flowers to the Bishop as the sign that he
had requested ; and she commanded that Juan Diego should show
them to no other until they were seen of the Bishop's eyes.
Therefore, he wrapped them in his tilma, or blanket, and
hastened away. And then, from the spot where most Holy Mary
stood, there gushed forth a spring of brackish water, which now
is venerated and is an antidote to infirmities. Juan Diego waited
at the entrance of the Bishop's house until he came out, and when
he appeared and the flowers were shown him,- there was seen the
image of the Virgin beautifully painted upon the Indian's tilma.
The Bishop placed the miraculous picture in his oratory, venerat-
ing it greatly ; and Juan Diego, returning to his home with two
servants of the Bishop, found that his uncle had been healed of
his sickness in the very hour that the Virgin declared that he
was well. As quickly as possible the Bishop caused a< chapel to
be built upon the spot where the Virgin had appeared and where
the miraculous roses had sprung up from the barren rock ; and
here he placed the holy image on the 7th of February, 1532."
The miraculous painting has long been an object of reverence
to all true Mexicans. The picture, reproduced in every form, is to
be seen in the poorest houses throughout the whole Republic.
She is preeminently, however, the patron of the Indians. Decem-
ber 12th is celebrated as a national holiday. On that date the
throng of Mexicans of every grade at the great church of Guada-
lupe is enormous. The summit of the rock to-day is crowned with
128
GUADALUPE
Copyrighted by T'nderwood and Unde
THE COLLEGIATE CHUKCH, GUADALUPE.
GUADALUPE
129
130 GUADALUPE
a little church known as the CapUla del Cerrito (chapel of the
hill) ; the sacred spring, which sprung forth at the place where
her foot trod, is sheltered by a pretty chapel known as the Capilla
del Pocito (the chapel of the well). At the base of the rock upon
the place where she made her fourth apparition, stands the great
collegiate church, one of the finest in Mexico. Until lately, a
monumental shaft on the lower hill-slope near the chapel of the
well, marked the place of her first apparition.
DECEMBER 12 IN MEXICO
On Guadalupe Day, the whole place is occupied by the crowd
of people. Thousands ascend the rock to the little chapel of the
hill. Thousands carry away vessels of the healing water from the
yellow spring which still gushes forth abundantly. Thousands of
candles are offered in the collegiate church. On the streets,
groups of Indians dressed according to their notions of the
ancient custom, playing old-fashioned instruments of music,
indulge in pretty dances to simple songs of praise in honor of the
Virgin. Nor is pilgrimage and celebration confined to the single
day of December 12th. Throughout the year people come from
many portions of the Kepublic, and a pilgrimage to Guadalupe is
almost obligatory in the mind of the common people. So popular
was she, so beloved, so trusted that her image was borne upon the
banner which led the forces of the revolution under the priest
Hidalgo in 1910. To her the popular mind attributed the victory
when, after years of struggle, Mexico succeeded in freeing her-
self from Spain.
THE CROWNING OF THE VIRGIN
In 1895, the occasion of the coronation of the Virgin of Guada-
lupe was one of the most interesting and impressive functions
ever witnessed within the limits of the Republic. It is said that
almost a half million people from outside were gathered in the
city. The open spaces for a long distance around the rock and the
commemorating churches were filled at night with common people
sleeping out-of-doors on the ground. The collegiate church had
GUADALUPE 131
been reconstructed and splendidly adorned; its walls were
decorated with enormous paintings relative to the history of the
apparition and to the religious conquest of the country; these
paintings, some of good merit, were given by different dioceses,
in various parts of the Republic. Other decorations of the church
of great value represent donations, showing the widespread and
deep interest of the people. The ceremony proper of the corona-
tion was participated in by church dignitaries from many lands.
ALTAMIEANO'S VEKDICT
One of the most famous Mexican writers, Altamirano, himself
an Indian and a man of great ability, wrote an important and
delightful study of La Fiesta de Guadalupe (the festival of
Guadalupe). It sketches the whole history of the famous virgin,
from the time of the claimed apparition up to the date when he
wrote; he presents the interesting discussion which has taken
place regarding the authenticity of the tradition ; it is one of the
most interesting critical discussions ever written regarding any
Mexican matter. He himself was a liberal of liberals in fact, a
pronounced free thinker. He closes his interesting discussion
with the following words: "We have at last arrived at the
present epoch. The worship of the Virgin of Guadalupe, although
without official support, continues as fervent and as universal as
formerly, except that now it is a cult exclusively religious and
peaceful. And no one raised the Guadalupe ensign in the civil
contests, nor in the national wars of 1846 and 47 against the
North Americans ; nor did the patriots unfurl it in the war of
1861 to 1867 against the French imperialists. Some there are
who believe that if, during the first of these national wars the
image of the Mexican Virgin had been placed upon our banners
as in 1810, the Yankees would not have entered into Mexico. It
is more than doubtful and, moreover, experience has proved that
the enthusiasm for the national image has been efficacious against
the Spaniards only.
"To-day nothing is written in favor of the apparition nor is
there necessity of it. The cult is established; no one interests
132 GUADALUPE
himself in contradicting it. ... There is nothing new said
about it ; the Mexicans unanimously adore the Virgin those who
profess Catholic ideas, for religious motives ; the liberals, from
memory of the banner of the year '10 ; the Indians, because it is
their only goddess ; strangers, in order not to wound the national
sentiment; and all consider it as an essentially Mexican symbol.
. . . The festivals each time are celebrated with equal pomp ;
it is difficult to encounter a Mexican family in which there is not
some feminine, or even masculine person, who is named "Guada-
lupe," and there is no one to whom the pronunciation of this
name does not evoke some memory. The day in which the Virgin
of Tepeyac is not worshiped in this land there will certainly have
disappeared not only the Mexican nationality, but even the very
memory of the inhabitants of the Mexico of to-day. ' '
These are strong words for a free thinker to utter. They are
not perhaps too strong. There are few things which unite Mexi-
cans in a common bond of sympathy. Most of the influences
separate and divide them. A common affection and reverence for
their national Virgin is perhaps the strongest tie.
THE GLOBIOUS CENTUEY AND AFTER
RELIGIOUS ORGANIZATION SIXTEENTH CENTURY CULTURE BOOK
PRINTING INDUSTRIAL EDUCATION MEXICO UNDER THE VICEROYS
MATERIAL DEVELOPMENT SPAIN *S POLICY DISCRIMINATION
AGAINST CREOLES EDUCATION NEGLECTED RELIGIOUS SITUATION
VASSALAGE AND SLAVERY MAKE-UP OF THE POPULATION.
TENOCHTITLAN was razed; its canals were filled with
its debris. A new city was reared upon its site. For a
time Cortes ruled supreme in Mexico. In 1522 a
town government ayuntamiento was organized; in 1528 an
audiencia, consisting of five commissioners to act as a check upon
the governor and ayuntamiento, was appointed. In 1535 the first
actual viceroy was named.
RELIGIOUS ORGANIZATION
So much for civil government in the new colony. In 1524
the famous twelve apostles of the Francisco Order came to
Mexico. Dominicans soon followed them. In 1527 the first
Bishop of Mexico was appointed. Before vice-royalty, ecclesi-
astical organization existed. Through the Dominicans the Holy
Office, or Inquisition, was introduced. Let it be said in passing
that Indians were exempted from its operation. The ecclesi-
astical establishment thus early perfected possessed great politi-
cal influence throughout the history of Mexico. Particularly
were the Dominicans ambitious and influential in governmental
matters.
SIXTEENTH CENTURY CULTURE
Eemember the time it was the sixteenth century. There
grew up in Mexico a splendid city with the wealth, culture, and
refinement of the day. On the whole, it was a glorious century.
In the City of Mexico the university was opened in 1553.
Throngs of students were awaiting for the day when its doors
should permit their entrance. In its curriculum it was patterned
133
134 THE GLORIOUS CENTURY AND AFTER
after the'TJniversity of Salamanca, then at the height of its glory ;
the faculty of the new institution was drawn from the graduates
and doctors of the old school. All this took place in Mexico
almost seventy years before the Pilgrims landed on Plymouth
Eock!
BOOK PRINTING
From time to time we read that The Bay Psalter was the
earliest piece of printing in America. Such a claim of course
is false. Perhaps the first printing-press in North America was
established in 1535 in the City of Mexico. During the sixteenth
century there were various printing-houses, and many books
were published. After more than three hundred years, their
paper, type, ink, and binding are frequently in fine condition.
More than two hundred different books printed in the City of
Mexico before the year 1600 are known in libraries many more
probably have disappeared forever. In 1571 the second edition
of Molina 's Aztec Dictionary was printed in Mexico ; it is said
to have been a more voluminous lexicon than existed of the Eng-
lish language at that time.
The man who made a scientific discovery, produced a credit-
able literary work, wrought a work of art painting or sculpture
was expected to present his production publicly for criticism,
discussion, and approval. Such presentations were made the
occasion of public gatherings the fact in itself indicates an in-
teresting intellectual and social condition.
INDUSTRIAL EDUCATION
In the sixteenth century, in Mexico, Pedro de Gante, in his
work for Indians, developed a genuine industrial school too
often considered one of the late developments of the new educa-
tion in the City of Mexico.
Pedro de Gante was really a remarkable man. He was bio 3d-
relative of the Emperor Charles V. He founded, and for fifty
years directed, the great school of San Francisco. It stood
behind the convent church which, by the way, was the first church
THE GLORIOUS CENTURY AND AFTER 135
built in Mexico. Icazbalceta says: " There our lay brother
brought together fully a thousand boys to whom he imparted
religious and civil instruction. Later he added the study of
Latin, of music, and of singing, by which means he did a great
service to the clergy because from there went forth musicians
and singers for all the churches. Not satisfied with this achieve-
ment, he brought together also adults, with whom he established
an industrial school. He provided the churches with painted or
sculptured figures ; with embroidered ornaments, sometimes with
designs interspersed in the feather-work in which the Indians
were so distinguished ; with crosses, candle-stick, standards, and
many other objects valuable for church service, no less than with
workmen for the construction of the churches themselves, for he
had in that school painters, sculptors, engravers, stone-cutters,
carpenters, embroiderers, tailors, shoemakers, and other trades-
workers. He attended to all, and was master of all. "
MEXICO UNDER THE VICEROYS
But after all, little resulted from this brilliant promise. The
splendor of the sixteenth century was succeeded by a period of
stagnation. The seventeenth and eighteenth centuries were
dreary periods in Mexico. From the date of the conquest to the
success of the independence struggle a long list of viceroys ruled
more than sixty of them few of whom were above mediocrity.
There was wealth indeed, much formality, and a certain luxury.
But of real advancement there was none. The rulers, for the
most part, were adventurers, of good families, who must be pro-
vided for. They came poor, they went rich. The salary for a
long period for the viceroy was $40,000 per year; from 1689
onward it was raised to $70,000. The actual salary, however,
was a relatively unimportant matter. The opportunities for a
bad ruler to gain wealth were great. Some of these methods
were quite legitimate; many of them were far from being so,
and corruption was rampant.
136
THE GLORIOUS CENTURY AND AFTER
Copyrighted by Underwood and Underwood
OLD BRIDGE, AMATLAN.
THE GLORIOUS CENTURY AND AFTER 137
Copyrighted by Underwood and Underwood
FOUNTAIN, MEXICO CITY.
138 THE GLORIOUS CENTURY AND AFTER
MATERIAL DEVELOPMENT
It is a mistake to think of Mexico during the viceroyalty as
undeveloped. It is true, as we shall shortly see, that advance in
many lines was discouraged or prevented. But there were many
great estates. There were men who had lands upon which were
thousands of tenants almost in the position of serfs. There were
great mining enterprises, employing thousands of workers and
producing enormous wealth. Every city had well-built, substan-
tial, and expensive public buildings. Churches, cathedrals, and
monasteries abounded; they presented a type of architecture
largely developed within the country itself, but in construction,
decoration, and extravagance they were notable. Good roads
existed in many portions of the country, some of them well paved
with stone. Great public works, like aqueducts for bringing
water from the mountains across miles of intervening country
to the cities were constructed, some of which still remain, in part
or whole, to tell the story of the constructive skill of the workers
of the time. The great tunnel cut of Nochistongo still remains to
show the magnificence of public works undertaken for the gen-
eral welfare. Intended to defend the city against risk of flood-
ing, the great tunnel, representing many years of work, much
money, and a frightful death-list among the workers, was an
interesting early experiment in drainage.
SPAIN'S POLICY
The fact was, that very soon after the establishment of the
colony of Mexico, or New Spain, as it was called, it was con-
ducted solely with the interests of the mother-country in view.
Spain's idea of colonization was to get all the wealth possible
from her possessions. Wealth was drained from Mexico to
Spain. Only those things were encouraged in the way of enter-
prise which produced an immediate value to be transported to
the home-land. Mining of course did this, and mining was the
chief industry throughout the period of the viceroys. On the
other hand, the production of anything which was already pro-
THE GLORIOUS CENTURY AND AFTER 139
duced on a large scale in Spain itself was discouraged in New
Spain. Olives would have flourished in Mexico, but the raising
of olives would have prevented the introduction of oil from
Spain ; vineyards might have been developed on a large scale in
the new country, but Spain already produced wines beyond her
needs, and needed a field for exportation; silk probabfy could
have been easily produced in Mexico, but silk again, was a
Spanish product. So production in many promising lines was
prohibited in Mexico for fear of its interfering with Spain's
exports.
In the same way, and for the same reason, there was no
encouragement of discovery, invention, or manufacture in the
new world. All progress in those directions was frowned upon
or actually prevented. With abundant and numerous natural
water-powers, no development was tolerated, and the oppor-
tunity for useful employment of hundreds of thousands of
workers was absolutely closed.
Not only so, but rigid laws regarding trade were put in opera-
tion. Trade was permitted only with the mother-country, and
Spanish vessels only were allowed to carry exports and imports.
Elsewhere in our discussion we shall find that there were trade
relations between Mexico and the Orient. These relations, how-
ever, were not independent ; they were in the hands of Spaniards,
conducted by means of Spanish galleons, and for the benefit of
Spain. Only incidentally were they advantageous to the colony.
DISCRIMINATION AGAINST CEEOLES
Not only was the viceroyalty considered an opportunity for
providing for needy Spaniards every position in government
and church was considered as an advantage for Spaniards only.
This was most literally enforced; Spaniards meant " penin-
sulars. " Creoles, the children of Spaniards born in Mexico,
though of pure Spanish blood, were not considered fit for offices
or positions of trust and importance in their own country. This
discrimination against Creoles was one of the sore spots in the
whole history of Mexico under the viceroys. That persons of
pure Spanish blood, descended from immigrants of good stand-
140 THE GLORIOUS CENTURY AND AFTER
ing, irrespective of their inherited qualities, should be deprived
of opportunity was galling. Yet through the three centuries of
Spain 's control this discrimination was constant. It showed
itself in state and church. Augustin Rivera presents interesting
statistics. He says that out of the sixty-two viceroys of Mexico,
fifty-nine were Spaniards from the peninsula, and only three
were Creoles of these three one only was born in Mexico; out
of thirty-three bishops of Guadalajara, twenty-six were Spanish
peninsulars and seven were Creoles five of them Mexicans ; out
of thirty-four bishops of Michoacan, thirty were Spanish penin-
sulars, and four were Creoles two only Mexicans ; out of thirty-
one archbishops of Mexico, twenty-nine were Spanish penin-
sulars, and two were Creoles.
EDUCATION NEGLECTED
While the University of Mexico was founded in 1553 under
such excellent auspices and with such promise, while printing
presses did great work in the sixteenth century, while public
literary controversies suggest an interesting intellectual condi-
tion, and while Pedro de Gante's industrial school was attended
by many hundreds education was not encouraged by Spain in
Mexico. No. This promise, so brilliant, disappeared. During
the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries Mexican education was
poor in quality, meagre in amount. It was blindly realized that
it would not help the mother-country to have higher education
thoroughly developed among Creoles, mestizos and Indians. At
the same time it must be admitted that education in the mother-
country also languished during this period.
RELIGIOUS SITUATION
The splendid record of the early missionaries was not con-
tinued, unfortunately, by their successors. Success in propa-
ganda led to pride and luxury. Had the priests failed to take
advantage of the exceptional opportunities which they enjoyed,
they would have been both less and more than human. They
were in contact with a people who, throughout their history, sac-
THE GLORIOUS CENTURY AND AFTER 141
rificed themselves and all they had to the demands of religion.
Subservient, superstitious, devout, and enthusiastic, the Indian
converts were easily led and easily controlled. The condition of
the church during the last portion of the vice-royal period left
much to be desired. In fact, it was one of the great causes for
complaint.
A well known writer says : " In the seventeenth century, the
beneficial influence of the religious orders began to wane. They
had grown rich and worldly; the Carmelites, who had come to
Mexico as late as 1585, had become so wealthy that they owned
estates in the province of San Luis Potosi, one hundred leagues
in extent, reaching from the city of that name to Tampico. The
protection of the Indians from the aggression of the colonists
previously afforded by the Orders, was greatly relaxed. It is
not without significance that one great source of the church's
wealth during this period was found in the opulent colonists,
who, by their munificent gifts to the church, were able to acquire
an ascendency over the ecclesiastical authorities and maintain
it ready for use whenever an emergency arose, rendering it
serviceable. . . . So it came about most naturally that the
influence of the religious orders proved exceedingly harmful dur-
ing the last of the three centuries of Spanish rule in Mexico. The
Dominicans, who had all along been a dominating power, had,
by the exercise of the functions of the Holy Office, engendered
a deep feeling of hatred for the religious government, and this
hatred reacted upon the political government so closely con-
nected with it. The Dominicans alone might be said to have
furnished a powerful cause for the overthrow of Spanish rule,
at the very time when they were laboring hardest to uphold it as
it manifested signs of tottering. And all the orders by seizing
and holding vast amounts of property, by building churches and
monasteries in times when the people were suffering the most
abject poverty, and by enforcing the law of tithes, thus gaining
control of wealth which should have been applied in encouraging
industry and relieving the needs of the people conspired to
142 THE GLORIOUS CENTURY AND AFTER
stimulate the popular discontent which finally broke out into
open revolt. "
VASSALAGE AND SLAVERY
Under the circumstances, only a certain kind of agriculture
and the industry of mining had a chance for development. In
the very nature of things, both of these led naturally to vassalage
and slavery. The only form of agriculture profitable was that
of large estates upon which great numbers of laborers were
maintained at the least possible cost. The pattern for such con-
ditions of course already existed in those of Europe at the time ;
even if it had not, such estates would have developed naturally
in the New World. Such conditions of course prevailed upon
the great estates belonging to the church. Such at first grew up
in the most natural and legitimate fashion. The newly con-
verted Indians were completely under the influence of their
religious teachers. They flocked in droves to their teachers
and settled immediately about the monastery. Under the direc-
tion of the friars they learned arts and trades, constructed build-
ings, worked the fields. At first the relation was a happy and
helpful one, and the kindest spirit existed between the friars and
their Indians. With the development of wealth and luxury within
the Orders, this relation naturally changed, and toward the
end, the condition of the laborers upon the religious estates was
that of serfs. What was true upon the properties belonging to
the church was still more true, and earlier, in individual holdings
in the country. There, usually there was no pretense of instruct-
ing or improving the laborers upon the property. They were
supported, but received practically no wages; they built their
little houses upon the property of their master, and received
from his hand their scanty clothing and their necessary food.
They were not actually owned by the owner of the estate, and
perhaps were free to leave the property. If they did so, however,
there was nothing they could do save to connect themselves with
some new master upon some similar estate.
As for the labor in the mines, it still more nearly approxi-
THE GLORIOUS CENTURY AND AFTER 143
mated the conditions of actual slavery. Mining is hard work;
unless well paid, it presents little attraction to the worker;
Indians particularly always accustomed to a simple out-door
life of agriculture were little likely to go to mining from free
choice. Under the conditions of the viceroyalty, forced labor
became a necessity if precious metals were to be produced. Thus,
through the system of agriculture and the development of min-
ing, the Indians and the common people of mixed blood were,
for the most part, at the end of the eighteenth century and the
beginning of the nineteenth, in a state of peonage or actual
slavery.
MAKE-UP OF POPULATION
Such were the conditions of Mexico after almost three
hundred years of Spanish rule. At the beginning of the nine-
teenth century, there were perhaps something more than six
million in the population. In the year 1793, the viceroy estimated
the make-up of the population of the country as follows: Out
of a total of something over five million people, there were ten
thousand Europeans, nearly seven hundred thousand Creoles,
one million five hundred thousand mestizos, or people of mixed
blood, and two million two hundred and twenty-five thousand
Indians.
144
THE GLORIOUS CENTURY AND AFTER
< pyrig.atu by I
oi.ii ami I'mlerwood
FALLS OF JUANACATLAN.
A VILLAGE PRIEST
A L
TEOUBLES IN SPAIN COMPLAINTS OF THE COLONISTS THE FIRST
MARTYR, VERDAD CURA HIDALGO THE CRY OF INDEPENDENCE-
CAPTURE OF GUANAJUATO CONDITIONS IN THE CAPITAL THE
BATTLE OF LAS CRUCES HIDALGO FLEES TO GUADALAJARA
PUNISHMENT OF GUANAJUATO THE NEW GOVERNMENT THE
BATTLE AT THE BRIDGE THE END OF HIDALGO *S REVOLUTION
MEXICAN CRUELTY.
LEXANDER HUMBOLDT
in his great work, "The
Political History of New
Spain," in 1803, asserted that
the great majority of Mexicans
were entirely indifferent to their
political rights, and not likely to
join in any effort to gain them.
Not that the yoke of Spain was
pleasant; but among the people
there were few, if any, who were
fit for leadership, or who clearly
saw a method of escape from
tyranny.
TROUBLES IN SPAIN
APODACA.
In 1808 the viceroy was Jose
Iturrigaray. He was by no means a bad ruler. He encouraged
progress and held advanced ideas. The moment was a difficult
one. Spain was suffering humiliation. The great Napoleon
was casting longing eyes upon the peninsular kingdom. Through
his meddling, the Spanish king, Carlos IV, had resigned his
throne, and his son, the Prince of Asturias, had ascended to the
kingship, under the name of Ferdinand VII. Napoleon encour-
aged dissension between father 1 and son, and finally, under
pretense of arbitrating difficulties, persuaded Ferdinand to come
145
146 A VILLAGE PRIEST
to Bayonne, where he was thrown into prison. A proclamation
issued, apparently under stress, by Ferdinand VII, urged the
people to submit to Napoleon's schemes. But the nation was
aroused, and loyalty to the imprisoned king led to the formation,
in different parts of Spain, of juntas which assumed local and
temporary governmental ruling in his name. To further his
own schemes, Napoleon sent emissaries to the colonies in order
to stir up sedition and gain favor for his cause. He finally
occupied Spain, and his brother, Joseph Bonaparte, ruled as
king for the period which ended in 1813.
COMPLAINTS OF THE COLONISTS
Naturally Mexico felt the effect of these Spanish difficulties.
Three elements of the population should be carefully distin-
guished in dealing with the events of the time : The Audiencia,
or local government, conservative and despotic, was confined
completely to non-progressive platforms and with it were the
Spaniards sent from the peninsula as officials, or who had come
on their own account as adventurers. The Creoles, of pure
Spanish blood but born in Mexico, were the discontented class ;
they were treated as inferiors and were refused all appointments
of trust and honor in church and state ; they were repressed in
every laudable effort to develop and advance the country. It
was from this class, and this class only, that hostility to Spain
was to be expected. The great mass of the people, Indians and
mixed bloods were, as Humboldt said, indifferent to their politi-
cal rights. On the whole, there was not in Mexico serious opposi-
tion displayed to Spain as such, nor to Ferdinand as ruler. It
was realized, however, that it was impossible for Mexico to be
satisfactorily governed by petty and local juntas in Spain. These
juntas were loyal to the legitimate ruler of the country. But if
that kind of government were to exist, it would be better to have
a local junta in Mexico, recognizing Ferdinand VII as king, but
dealing directly with the affairs of the country. This idea was in
harmony with the aspirations of the Creoles, and it had the
approval qf the viceroy. It would have been a step forward in
A VILLAGE PRIEST 147
the direction of good government. But the Audiencia and the
Spaniards were vigorously against the plan. They declared that
the viceroy was seeking to establish himself in power; that the
movement was aimed against the king. Iturrigaray was seized,
compelled to leave the city, imprisoned for a time in San Juan
Ulna, and at last sent as a prisoner to Spain.
THE FIRST MARTYR VERDAD
The reactionaries put an old soldier, Pedro Garibay, into the
position of viceroy. He did not hold office for long, being removed
by the regency of Cadiz. During his administration, however,
one event of serious interest took place. Among the dissatisfied
and thinking Creoles was a licenciado, named Verdad. He was
outspoken in his hostility to the Spaniards and their control ; he
indulged in writing sharp and sarcastic criticisms. He was
accused of treason, seized, and hung. He was the first martyr to
the new cause.
When Garibay was removed, the Archbishop of Mexico,
Francisco Javier Lizana, was appointed viceroy. This was in
1809. The Archbishop was a man of ideas and acted with some
vigor. He raised a loan of 3,000,000 pesos, of which 2,000,000
was sent to the mother-country; he organized a militia and
ordered considerable purchases of arms ; he embargoed the goods
of prominent Mexicans who were Bonapartist sympathizers ; he
publicly burned one of the seditious proclamations of Napoleon
Bonaparte ; learning of a conspiracy hatching at Valladolid, he
promptly took steps for its suppression. But the influences at
Cadiz were against him, and in 1810 he was succeeded by Pedro
Catani. A little later in the same year, a new viceroy arrived in
Mexico, taking office September 14, 1810. His name was Fran-
cisco Javier Venegas.
CURA HIDALGO
The hero of Mexico's revolution is the simple village priest,
Miguel Hidalgo y Costilla. He was born at Cuitzeo, Guanajuato,
on May 8, 1753. He studied at Valladolid (now known by the
148
A VILLAGE PRIEST
name Morelia). He was educated in the famous old school of
San Nicolas de Valladolid, of which institution he became rector.
In 1779 he took sacred orders at the City of Mexico. He was
appointed to various parishes, and in 1810 was parish priest at
the village of Dolores, in the State of Guanajuato not far from the
capital city of the same
name. He was a man of
considerable ability. He
knew French, at that time
a less common accomplish-
ment in Mexico than at
present, and was inter-
ested in agriculture and
in industrial development.
He encouraged his people
in habits of industry and
succeeded in developing
extensive vineyards, tin 1
raising of silk-worms, and
the making of pottery
among his parishioners.
Such development, how-
ever, was not in accord-
ance with the ideas of 1 1 1 '
Spanish rulers. His vine-
yards had been destroyed,
and his other enterprises
hampered by their hos-
tility.
Perhaps these interferences with his legitimate enterprises
had a part in strengthening his hostility to the existing policies.
However that may be, he was interested in conspiring against
the government. The conspiracy was not confined to him nor to
his immediate neighborhood. Plans had been maturing in vari-
ous towns, and many were interested in them. It was the pre-
MAEIA JOSEFA OETIZ.
A VILLAGE PRIEST 149
mature discovery in Queretaro of these conspiracies that precipi-
tated the revolution before plans were ripe. At Queretaro the
corregidor, Miguel Dominguez, had been the leader of the move-
ment. Upon learning of the plotting, the government ordered
the seizure of the conspirators everywhere. Learning that he
was certain to be seized, if he delayed, Hidalgo late on the night
of September 15 at 11 P. M. indeed gave the famous grito de
Dolores.
THE CKY OF INDEPENDENCE
It was the cry of independence. With him at the moment were
his brother, Mariano, Jose Santos Villa, Aldama, and Allende,
and ten armed men. Two of these men are notably famous
in the list of Mexican heroes Aldama and Allende. Allende
particularly was a man of weight. He was born at San Miguel
Grande, January 20, 1779. He was rich and of good family and
was trained for the profession of arms, becoming captain of the
Queen's dragoons. Creole, cultured, and ambitious, he natur-
ally found the limitations to which he was subjected, galling, and
early became interested in the conspiracies. He was frequently
in the councils of the plotters, both at San Miguel and Queretaro.
The grito given, the little band of fifteen men, all armed, went
to the village jail, where they released the prisoners and supplied
them with swords. They then went to the parish church where
people began assembling, news of the rising spreading rapidly.
By dawn of the 16th, a great crowd was assembled, under the
orders of the beloved priest.
The crowd proceeded to the important city of San Miguel
Grande, where they arrived at night. Allende there joined them,
bringing over with him as an aid to the revolt the Queen's Regi-
ment of which he was in command. They proceeded to organize
the army. Hidalgo was made General of the forces, Allende,
Lieutenant-General. The newly formed army marched to
Celaya, where their numbers were* increased to fully fifty thou-
sand men.
150 A VILLAGE PRIEST
CAPTURE OF. GUANAJUATO
Proceeding to the city of Guanajuato, on the 25th of the
month they demanded its surrender. The demand was refused.
The city officials, together with the Spaniards of the city, took
refuge in the Castillo de Granaditas, carrying great treasure
with them. Several assaults were made by the insurgent force
against the building without result. Finally, however, it was
captured, and all the people who had taken refuge in it were
massacred. The city was panic-stricken. The revolutionary
forces, without training and discipline, went completely beyond
the control of their leaders. Looting, arson, and murder took
place. When, finally, order was restored, Hidalgo proceeded to
organize a local government; he established a cannon-foundry;
a mint was instituted, and coins issued for the new government.
On Oct. 10, the insurrectionists set out for the city of Valladolid,
where they arrived on the night of the 17th. There the army
was completely reorganized, supplies were secured, and prepara-
tions made for an advance movement upon the City of Mexico.
When all was ready, the army of the revolution set out upon the
main road, which coincided with the present line of the Mexican
National Railway. When it reached Monte de las Cruces, 100,000
men were in line.
CONDITIONS IN THE CAPITAL
The new viceroy, Venegas, had meantime been active. Acting
on his orders, the bishops and Holy Office excommunicated
Hidalgo and his companions. Friars preached sermons against
the popular movement. There was panic and terror in the city.
Citizens were fleeing to other places, treasure was being con-
cealed, preparations were being made for defense. A well
trained army of 3,000 under Trujillo was sent against the rebels
in hope of staying their forward progress. On October 30th a
terrible battle took place, known in history as the Battle of Las
Cruces.
A VILLAGE PRIEST 151
THE BATTLE OF LAS CRUCES
It was the pitting of trained troops, supplied with artillery,
against an enormous multitude of undisciplined men with motley
equipment. The result of the battle was that the army of the
viceroy was wiped out of existence; Trujillo himself, one major,
and a cornet escaped. If Hidalgo had been a soldier and pushed
on immediately after this victory, it is probable that the revolu-
tion would have been successful. At the moment Mexico was abso-
lutely undefended, and no force could have been put into the field
against him. He tarried, however, at the field of victory and then
ordered a retreat. No one knows why the priest-general made
such a blunder from the military point of view. It is possible
that he feared the horrors which would certainly occur if his
unruly mob were once in possession of the wealthy capital. His
retreat caused dissatisfaction among his people. Many deserted.
With the remainder he started toward the north, and at Aculco,
unexpectedly, met with a Spanish force which had been organ-
ized in the interior of the country. In the battle which ensued,
the revolutionists were defeated and dispersed. Allende and his
aids found their way to Guanajuato. Hidalgo reached Valladolid.
HIDALGO FLEES TO GUADALAJARA
In Valladolid it was learned that Jose Antonio Torres had
seized Guadalajara, the Spanish authorities fleeing from the city.
Hidalgo succeeded in gathering about seven thousand new
recruits, and went to Guadalajara, where he arrived November
26th. In Guanajuato, Allende had made efforts to prepare him-
self to meet Felix Maria Calleja, who was approaching from the
City of Mexico with a well organized force. As there was no hope
of assistance from Hidalgo, after some resistance, Allende
evacuated toward the north, soon turning west, and reaching
Guadalajara on December 12th.
PUNISHMENT OF GUANAJUATO
Calleja occupied Guanajuato, and as a punishment to the city
for having failed to defend itself against the revolutionists, and
152 A VILLAGE PRIEST
for harboring them after their defeat at Aculco, was permitting
the most hideous pillage. It is said that, in his official report he
boasted, by cutting the throats of the inhabitants of the city, he
had saved the Government expense in powder and shot. It is
claimed that 14,000 persons were "put to the knife." In the
midst of this hideous slaughter, it is said that a bold priest,
Belaunzaran, personally remonstrated with the Spanish leader ;
his intervention was effective, and the pillage checked ; but some-
thing more than fifty Mexicans were apprehended and shot as a
final warning. Valladolid also was occupied by royalist forces
and the whole revolutionary movement was thus centered and
isolated in Guadalajara.
THE NEW GOVERNMENT
In that city, meantime, Hidalgo was organizing a govern-
ment. He assumed the title Generalissimo; he appointed two
ministers of Government one at the head of a Department of
Grace and Justice, the other at the head of a Department of State
and Business. He sent a commissioner to the United States to
announce the organization of the new government and to ask for
sympathy and recognition. He declared slavery abolished,
removed the stamp tax, and prepared an army to withstand the
attack which was now threatening.
THE BATTLE AT THE BRIDGE
Calleja, with his force greatly strengthened and well organ-
ized, was indeed upon his way to Guadalajara. Abasolo and
Allende, informed of his coming, selected as their place for
defense, the Puente de Calderon. There they had assembled
100,000 men with ninety-five pieces of artillery. Calleja 's force
amounted to only from six thousand to ten thousand men, but
they were well disciplined and well equipped. The battle at the
bridge was fought bitterly ; three times it looked as if the inde-
pendent forces would win the day ; but finally the effect of disci-
pline was evident, and the revolutionists met with a complete
defeat ; the insurgent army was dispersed, and fled in every direc-
A VILLAGE PRIEST 153
tion. This decisive battle final indeed took place upon the 17th
of January, 1811.
THE END OF HIDALGO *S REVOLUTION
Hidalgo himself fled to Aguas Calientes, where he united with
Iriarte. Together they retreated to Zacatecas. Allende, Arias,
and others, following, deposed Hidalgo from office, and all of
them together started for the United States where it was their
purpose to prepare for future operations and return. They
almost succeeded in reaching the national border. In the
Coahuila desert, however, they were surprised by royalists under
Elizardo; the chiefs were captured and taken to Las Norias de
Bajan on the 21st of March. Bound and carefully guarded, they
were taken to Monclova. Sent to Chihuahua, they were tried
and sentenced to be shot. Execution was carried out upon all of
them, Hidalgo himself being executed at the end of July. The
heads of the four patriots, Hidalgo, Allende, Aldama, and
Jimenez, were cut off and placed in iron cages at the four corners
of the Castillo de Granaditas, in Guanajuato, the building which
Hidalgo had captured at the beginning of the insurrection. The
ghastly trophies remained there until the final success of the
revolution in 1821, ten years later. In 1823 the bodies of the
heroes were unearthed and buried with ceremony in the great
cathedral in the City of Mexico.
MEXICAN CRUELTY
Thus ended the first attempt. It seemed as if the revolution-
ary movement had completely failed. It was a desperate attempt.
This first struggle was marred on both sides by hideous cruelty.
Cruelty indeed is inherent in the Mexican character. What more
could be expected? The Aztec Indian was cruel, the Spaniard
was cruel. The mixture of the two bloods could not hope to escape
the inheritance of this quality. A prominent writer of the pres-
ent-day Mexico, Julio Guerrero, speaks of the marked cruelty
of his people. He looks upon the quality as the result of
degeneration, and speaks of it as the ferocious tendencies of the
154 A VILLAGE PRIEST
Aztecs reappearing atavistically. It is far simpler to consider
it as Aztec* cruelty continued, reinforced by Spanish cruelty,
even more terrible because more refined. It is worth while to
quote the Mexican writer, although what he says is very sad:
" After ten generations, there has returned to beat within the
breasts of some of our patriots the barbaric soul of the worship-
ers of Huitzilopochtl, of those of the sacred spring-time who
went to the lugubrious sounds of the teponastl to razzias of
prisoners in Tlaxcala and Huejotzinco, to open their breasts with
obsidian knives, to tear out the heart and eat it in the holocaust of
their gods. Three centuries of masses and of barracks have
been too little for the complete evolution of character among the
people; and if, on the Silesian plain, the Sarmatian of Attila
appears, so too in our political struggle there has reappeared,
with the indomitable warrior of Ahuitzotl, the sanguinary priest
of Huitzilopochtl.
" There is, in fact, nothing in our independent history more
lugubrious ; even the most illustrious leaders have stained their
glory by the needless shedding of blood. The burning of vil-
lages and executions en masse present themselves at the turning
of every page like the funeral refrain of an infernal poem ; and,
if it be true that there are not lacking some superior souls as
Don Nicolas Bravo, who set at liberty 300 Spanish prisoners,
although he knew the Spanish leader had just shot his father-
many other leaders of that and later epochs systematically exe-
cuted all who fell into their hands. The system was converted
into a custom and gave such an impress of barbarity to our politi-
cal struggles as is not to be found even in negro Africa, since
their war prisoners are held as captives whose ransom is the
motive of war ; slavery redeems them from death.
"In Mexico, on the contrary, frequently no account was made
of prisoners, but only of the killed and wounded, and the latter
were shot or knifed in spite of the severity of their wounds.
Hidalgo himself not only ordered that those taken in battle
should be killed without fail, b:it in Guadalajara and Valladolid
ordered the seizure of suspects and caused them to be stabbed at
A VILLAGE PRIEST 155
night, in remote places, that they might not, by their cries, cause
a disturbance. In this way 600 innocent persons perished ; and
he advised the leader, Hermosillo, to do the same in El Eosario
and Cosala. Morelos, after the battles of Chilapa, Izucar, Oax-
aca, etc., shot all his prisoners without mercy ; and Osorio did the
same in the valley of Mexico, Garcia in Bajio and all the other
insurgent leaders, though usually in the way of reprisal. ' '
The name of Hidalgo is the most widely known of any name in
Mexico. Ra is always mentioned as the Cura Hidalgo. He seems
to have made a deeper impression as a religious leader in his lit-
tle parish, teaching the people industry, cultivating vineyards,
and rearing silk-worms, than as the generalissimo of the liberat-
ing forces. His picture is seen upon the walls of schoolrooms
and municipal houses in the most remote mountain districts of
Indian Mexico.
156
A VILLAGE PRIEST
STRUGGLE AND VICTOEY
THE SECOND PERIOD ; MORELOS CONGRESS ORGANIZED FATE OF MATA-
MORAS ITURBIDE, THE TERRIBLE THE THIRD PERIOD MINA
THE FINAL STAGE; GUERRERO DEFECTION OF ITURBIDE SUCCESS
OF THE REVOLUTION
THE first period of the revolution ended in defeat. It ?s
gummed up in the name of Hidalgo.
The second period of the struggle is also summed up in a
single name. That name too is the name of a village priest
Morelos. While the Hidalgo struggle was a failure, the spark
of revolution was not abso-
lutely extinguished. Ig-
nacio Eayon had been left
in command at Saltillo with
a few troops by Allende.
He marched against a
Spanish force under Ochoa,
which was on its way to at-
tack him, defeated it, and
took Zacatecas. He then
marched to Zitacuaro,
where he formed a junta,
or governing committee,
consisting of three persons.
Eayon himself was at the
head of this junta, the
other two members of
which were Jose Maria
Liceaga and the priest,
Jose Maria Morelos y
Pavon.
Jose Maria Morelos y
/| Pavon was born at Valla-
JOSE MAEIA MORELOS. dolid-the city which now
bears the name Morelia in
his honor September 30, 1765. His parents were too poor to
157
158 STRUGGLE AND VICTORY
give the boy an opportunity of education. He early went to
work as an arriero or muleteer. At the age of thirty he took to
studying, attending the famous Academy of San Nicolas, in Val-
ladolid, of which Hidalgo was rector at the time. He proved a
remarkable student and became a priest, holding various
charges. Authorized by Hidalgo to do so, he went to Acapulco,
after he had joined the insurgent force in 1810. In December,
1811, after the total failure of the Hidalgo-Allende campaigns,
Morelos kept on fighting and met with several notable successes.
On January 22, 1812, he totally defeated Porier, who had
attacked him, and took away his artillery and ammunition. J$y
his successes, the entire stretch of country in the west, extend-
ing from Acapulco to Cuauhtla, was cleared of Spanish forces.
At Cuauhtla there took place a military event in which Mexico
has justly taken pride. Morelos and his forces were besieged
there by 600 Spanish soldiers under Calleja. The siege lasted
for sixty-two days during which there was vigorous fighting
on many occasions. At the end of that time Morelos was forced
to evacuate the city with his troops by night. He succeeded in
doing so successfully and with the patriot force withdrew south-
ward, making a stand at Tehuacan. Although forced to with-
draw, the whole Cuauhtla incident shows Morelos to have been
a military man of no mean ability. He attacked the city of
Orizaba, and after a desperate battle at close quarters, lasting
hours, in the very streets of the city, he gained a victory, seiz-
ing six cannons and much ammunition. On his way back to
Tehuacan, he was surprised upon the heights of Acultzingo, and
his forces thrown into disorder. He succeeded, however, in
rallying his soldiers, and regained Tehuacan. From there, late
in November, he marched southward and carried the city of
Oaxaca by assault.
CONGRESS ORGANIZED
Just as Hidalgo, in the moment of victory, issued orders of
retreat, instead of pressing forward, so Morelos, when he might
have been expected to make Oaxaca the point from which to con-
STRUGGLE AND VICTORY
159
duct an aggressive campaign toward the center, turned aside to
gain a trivial advantage. He marched his force across the coun-
try to Acapulco which he besieged and captured August 25, 1813.
It was not worth the candle. On September 14, he summoned
the first national congress at Chilpantzingo. This body included
several men of note. Ignacio Rayon, Quintana Eoo, and Carlos
Bustamante were among them. The congress drew up a declara-
tion of independence and appointed Morelos general of the inde-
pendent forces. This congress had a difficult and stormy career.
At the time it was organized, it was intended that the seat of the
new government should be Valladolid. The army was organized
and took its way toward the city which was to be the capital. It
arrived within sight of Valladolid, indeed, on December 22, 1813 ;
but was terribly defeated by the royalist forces led by Iturbide.
After that the congress held meetings wherever possible at
Acapulco, Apatzingan, Uruapan, Tehuacan.
FALL OF MATAMORAS
The success of Morelos had called forth many men whose
names as patriots became famous. Among them were, Mariano
Matamoras, Vicente Guerrero, Nicolas Bravo, Guadalupe Vic-
toria and many others. Matamoras, also a priest, after deeds
of striking bravery, was captured and shot at Valladolid in
August, 1814. Morelos himself, after his brilliant successes and
patriotic services, was captured after a frightful defeat on
November 5, 1815, and was shot December 21. With his death
the second struggle of the revolution came to an end. Upon the
royalist side during this period the two great names were Cal-
leja, already famous as the victor in the Hidalgo-Allende con-
test, and Iturbide.
ITURBIDE, THE TERRIBLE
Augustin de Iturbide was born in the city of Valladolid, Sep-
tember 26, 1783. Son of Spanish parents, but born in Mexico, his
natural affiliations should have been Creole, and his sympathies
with the independent struggle. Such, however, was not the case.
160
STRUGGLE AND VICTORY
STRUGGLE AND VICTORY 161
Before he was sixteen years of age, he was already an official in
the local militia. At the end of 1808, almost two years before
Hidalgo gave the grito of independence, Iturbide had already
pronounced against the independent movement and threw his
whole strength against it. He was brave, a good soldier, but a
man of notable cruelty. He became conspicuous as a leader of
the royalist forces during the period of Morelos. It was he who
gave the dreadful check to the independent forces when they
made their effort to enter Valladolid to make it their capital.
THE THIKD PERIOD
To all appearance, the revolutionary movement was ended.
In 1816, on September 19th, Juan Euiz de Apodaca became vice-
roy. He adopted a policy of conciliation. He offered amnesty
to those who had been revolutionists, and the offer was accepted
by many insurgent leaders. One or two irreconcilables, like
Gruadalupe Victoria, took refuge in the mountains and made no
show of continuing the struggle. The whole of what may be
called the third period of the revolution was a brilliant dash
from the outside. It is summed up in one man's name Mina.
MINA
Francisco Javier Mina was born in Navarra, Spain, in Decem-
ber, 1789. As a Spanish patriot, he fought against Napoleon.
When, finally, the Napoleonic experiment in Spain came to an
end, and Ferdinand VII was again in power, Mina could not
endure the tyranny of his king, and attempted a revolution. His
effort failed, and he himself was forced to flee to England. In
London he met with Padre Mier and other Mexican fugitives.
With them he fell to plotting and arranged an expedition for
Mexican independence. It was a brilliant dash, and for a moment
gave promise. An entrance was actually made; sharp battles
took place ; the fort of Sombrero was captured, and considerable
concern was caused to the royalist government. But there was
no rallying to the support of the bold leader. His effort failed.
Mina was taken prisoner and shot. The capital city was illumi-
162 STRUGGLE AND VICTORY
nated, and the church bells rang in celebration of the victory.
On account of his glorious success, the viceroy was made Count
of Venadito.
THE FINAL STAGE GUERRERO
But the darkest hour is just before the dawn. The fourth
period of the revolutionary struggle is summed up in the name of
Vicente Guerrero. He was born in Tixtla, about 1783. He was
of humble birth. Like Morelos he was at first an arriero. Like
Morelos, too, he joined the revolutionary movement in its first
stage, in 1810. In 1811 he fought under Morelos. The Mexicans
say of him that he was a thousand times defeated, a thousand
times conqueror ; his body was full of wounds ; he was indomita-
ble. When many of the leaders accepted the amnesty offered by
the viceroy Apodaca he, like Guadalupe Victoria, took refuge in
the mountains. On March 6, 1818, a Spanish leader named
Aguirre captured the fortress of Jaujilla, where the Mexican
junta government was then united, and caused it to disperse.
In September, Guerrero gained two victories over Spanish
forces, and in October, reunited and protected the government
junta in Jaujilla and restored the national government. In 1819,
the insurrection gained new headway and more than twenty vic-
tories were gained.
DEFECTION OF ITURBIDE
Straws indicate the direction of the wind. With the turning
tide, Iturbide, the great Iturbide, the terrible Iturbide, saw the
trend of destiny, and determined to throw in his lot with the
insurgent forces. This was in 1820. A liberal constitution had
been proclaimed in Spain, and with its proclamation the idea of
actually separating Mexico from the mother-country became
quite popular. Iturbide was taken with the notion ; he begged the
viceroy to place him in command of the forces which, in the south,
were to fight against Guerrero. He set forth from Mexico in
November; making his headquarters in Teloloapan, he entered
into negotiations with Guerrero, which led to an interview
STRUGGLE AND VICTORY 163
between the two leaders on January 10, 1821. As the result of
the conference, Guerrero yielded the entire command to Iturbide.
A plan of independence was proclaimed in the city of Iguala, on
February 24, 1821. The defection of Iturbide naturally caused
a great excitement in the capital city. The viceroy offered him
pardon, money, a rise in rank, but in vain. He therefore took
steps for immediate defense. Apodaca was, however, no mili-
tary man; he was not a favorite with the Spanish forces; the
garrison revolted, removed Apodaca from the position of vice-
roy, and appointed Francisco Novella to the position. This he
held only until the arrival of Juan O'Donoju, who, sent from
Spain, w r as the last of the long list of more than sixty viceroys.
It was too late, however, for any man to stay the tide. The
revolutionary forces everywhere made advances. A meeting
between the new viceroy and Iturbide took place at Cordoba.
At this meeting Mexico was declared sovereign and independent ;
Ferdinand VII was invited to govern the new country; mean-
time, a government commission was appointed, of which O'Don-
o ju himself was a member.
SUCCESS OF THE [REVOLUTION
Iturbide and the independent forces approached the capital
city. After some conferences and negotiations, the independent
army, known as The Army of the Three Guarantees, entered
Mexico. The three guarantees of this title were religion, union,
and independence. The national flag symbolizes these three
guarantees in its three colors red, white and green. The army
made a triumphal entry to the city on September 27, 1821, and
the revolution, inaugurated by the village priest eleven years
before, had gain its end. It was a long drawn struggle. Its four
periods are embodied in the names of four heroes. There were
periods of victory separated by periods of doubt and despair.
Why was so long a struggle necessary? It was due to the fact
that there was no unity of blood and sentiment. There was no
national feeling. It was the struggle of localities, with local
leaders against a force that was unified and single.
164
STRUGGLE AND VICTORY
PATRIOT AND TRAITOR
THE REAL CONDITIONS ITURBIDE FOR INDEPENDENCE THE THREE
GUARANTEES TREATY OF CORDOBA TRIUMPHAL ENTRY INTO
MEXICO ITURBIDE CROWNED EMPEROR REVOLUTION AGAIN
DEATH OF ITURBIDE.
BUT it would be a great mistake to think the victory was
an absolute triumph of democratic, or republican, prin-
ciples. Between the grito of Hidalgo and the trigarante
entry into Mexico eleven years intervened; between the grito
of Hidalgo and the floating of the tricolor, there was a new
alignment of forces. In Spain
Ferdinand VII was again in
power; he was a reactionary, a
double-faced, treacherous fl
schemer. His conduct had ^
aroused against him a current
of liberal hostility. The people
of the mother-country were
striving for greater freedom
they were willing to share their
liberal views with the distant
colony. But this movement in
the peninsula was anything but
welcome to the Spaniards and
the clergy in New Spain. They
saw, in continuing Spanish rule AGUSTIN DE ITURBIDE.
Of this liberal type, only danger Emperor of Mexico. Patriot and traitor
for their personal and class interests. For them, reactionaries
as they were, severance from Spain was now desirable. They
were not, however, moved by democratic principles ; they were
still Spanish, conservative, aristocratic, and monarchical. They
even dreamed of summoning Ferdinand VII from Spain to
Mexico to govern as legitimate ruler over the country. These
people had no sympathy whatever with the struggle being waged
165
166 PATRIOT AND TRAITOR
by Guerrero, Guadalupe Victoria, and Nicolas Bravo. But they
were willing to utilize the aid of these leaders in severing the
country from Old Spain. It was this coalition of reactionary
elements that saw in Iturbide a chance to gain their end. It was
they who suggested to him the joining with the independents and
forcing a crisis.
ITURBIDE FOB INDEPENDENCE
We have already stated that Iturbide asked the viceroy for
troops, with which to quell the growing insurrection in the south.
We have seen that, once in the field with his 2,500 well trained
soldiers, instead of attacking Guerrero, he held council witli
him, combined forces, and was given control of the entire army.
It may seem surprising that Guerrero, who was in reality a
patriot struggling for independence, should have united in a
movement the avowed end of which was to set Ferdinand VII
upon a throne in Mexico. There is no doubt that it was fairly
understood between the leaders that the probability of Ferdi-
nand VII coming to Mexico was remote. It was one of those
future contingencies which might be left to take care of
itself. The matter of pressing momentary importance was the
freeing of the country from control by Spain itself. Whatever
influence affected Guerrero, he heartily joined with Iturbide, and
we have seen the results of their effort.
THE THREE GUARANTEES
The Three Guarantees were summed up in the words, Reli-
gion, Independence, Union. It may be as well to say a word
in regard to each of these. The guarantee with reference to
religion was that the power of the Roman Catholic Church
should continue absolute in the republic; other religious forms
were not to be tolerated ; the liberalizing movements taking place
in Spain were to be checked in Mexico. The guarantee of inde-
pendence was merely that New Spain should be separated abso-
lutely from the mother-country; it was not promised that any
special form of government should be established, but the plan
PATRIOT AND TRAITOR 167
seemed to involve the coining of Ferdinand VII and the estab-
lishment of a constitutional monarchy. By union was meant
that all citizens of Mexico should have equal civil rights ; for the
first time Spaniard, Creole, mestizo, and Indian were to be equal
before the law.
TKEATY OF COKDOBA
The promulgation of the Plan of Iguala was everywhere
hailed with enthusiasm; support appeared promptly in all
quarters; not only Guerrero, but the old stage-horses of the
independence struggle, like Guadalupe Victoria and Nicolas
Bravo, together with new heroes, like Santa Anna, promptly
gave adhesion and were ready to fight for the Three Guarantees.
As a matter of fact, no fighting was necessary. Apodaca was
removed from office. When O'Donoju arrived from Spain, he
saw at once that it was useless to make a stand for the old con-
ditions, and wisely acquiesced in the condition of things that he
found in the country. By the Treaty of Cordoba, arranged
between him and the supporters of the Three Guarantees, it was
agreed that Mexico should be acknowledged to be independent
and sovereign; a constitutional and representative monarchy
should be established with a Bourbon king in power; a pro-
visional government should be at once organized to hold power
until a definite form should be developed.
TRIUMPHAL ENTRY INTO MEXICO
It was on the anniversary of his birth, with the completion of
thirty-nine years of life, that Iturbide entered the capital city in
great state and was publicly hailed amid rejoicing as the
" Liberator. "
At the moment public opinion was crystallizing, and people
in politics were falling into three groups. All of them recognized
the Plan of Iguala and the Treaty of Cordoba as fundamentals.
The first group, known as Bourbonists, held literally to the two
documents. This party consisted mainly of the Spaniards. They
insisted upon the calling of Ferdinand VII and the actual estab-
168
PATRIOT AND TRAITOR
Copyrighted by DndWOOd and Cnderwoou
EL BUEN TONO CIGARETTE FACTORY, MEXICO.
PATRIOT AND TRAITOR 169
lishment of a monarchy. They were the extremists in one direc-
tion. On the other side were the republicans. These were those
who had been fighting for so long for independence. Among
their leaders were the well known names, Guerrero, Bravo, and
Guadalupe Victoria. They had been of consequence before, and
their aid was needed. Now, however, that the separation had
been made, they were ignored and their claims neglected. They
of course had hoped for the establishment of a republican
form of government, totally independent of Spanish influence.
Between the two were the Iturbidists. Knowing full well that
there was no probability of Ferdinand's coming from Spain,
they looked to Iturbide as the man of the hour. For them,
Mexico indeed was independent, but over the new nation they
would have an arbitrary leader who should have monarchical
power. For this ruler they desired Iturbide.
ITUKBIDE CROWNED EMPEEOE
The provisional government was used by Iturbide to his
advantage. The congress which formed part of it consisted in
large part of republican members. With it Iturbide had his
troubles. However, on the whole, he so shaped things that, on
May 18, 1822, in the military barracks a pronouncement took
place in favor of Iturbide as supreme ruler. In connection with
this pronouncement, through a manipulated congress, Iturbide
was declared "Emperor of Mexico " by a considerable majority
of the voting members. As emperor, he assumed the name, or
title, of Augustin I, and on the 25th of July, he was anointed and
crowned under that title in the cathedral of the city.
REVOLUTION AGAIN
Iturbide was not a man of strength. Handsome in person,
wealthy, aristocratic, he was vain, proud, and weak. He was a
fair soldier, and had shown some ability as a leader in battle ;
he was distinctly cruel. As a ruler he failed to develop strong
qualities of character. Instead of grappling with important
problems, he toyed with the trifles and insignificant externals of
170 PATRIOT AND TRAITOR
rulership. He loved display, form, ceremony. He was arbitrary
and badly bore opposition. He had been but a short time in
power, before he dissolved congress, and threw many of the
deputies into prison. Never having had the strong qualities of
a leader, it is not strange that he soon faced revolt and insurrec-
tion. In November outbreaks took place in the northern portions
of the country ; these were quelled without great difficulty. But
in December a more serious uprising took place under the young
leader, Santa Anna, who proclaimed a republic, promised protec-
tion to the congress which had been dispersed, and vigorously
prepared to battle with the imperial forces. It was the signal
for a general rising, and Guadalupe Victoria, Guerrero, Bravo,
all took the field with forces.
In February, 1823, the Plan of Casa Mata was issued to the
nation. It demanded that a new congress, representative in
character, should be called, and guaranteed a republican form
of government. Coincident with this plan, much disaffection
appeared in the imperial army, and defection on a large scale
threatened. Iturbide recognized the fact that his cause was
seriously weakened. He hurried to release the deputies whom
he had thrown into prison, and called congress again to session.
It was too late, however. The movement against him was serious.
While ambitious, vain, and weak, Iturbide did not care to pre-
cipitate a civil war. Accordingly he abdicated on March 20,
1823. Thus ended the first Mexican empire.
DEATH OF ITURBIDE
Iturbide left the country on May 1, 1823. Had he been wise,
he would have remained in exile. He decided, however, to return
to Mexico, and on July 14, 1824, he arrived with his family at
the port of Soto la Marina. General Garza was at that time in
command in Tamaulipas. He invited Iturbide to land. The
ex-Emperor did so, and was received. Only a few moments later,
however, an officer appeared who told him that he should pre-
pare to die within two hours, as he was to be shot. As a matter
of fact, congress had decreed several months previously that, if
PATRIOT AND TRAITOR 171
Iturbide should return to Mexico, he should have no legal pro-
tection for his person. He believed, however, that he would be
well received, and therefore came back to Mexican soil. The
congress of Tamaulipas, in extraordinary session deliberated
upon the matter. After a heated discussion between the members
of congress and General Garza, it was decided that Iturbide
should be executed. He was taken from the house where he was
held prisoner, in Padilla, and was shot on the 19th of July, 1824.
In his little compendium of Mexican history, Manuel Payno
says in connection with this incident "Thus ended the lieu-
tenant of the Spanish army, the general-in-chief of the army of
the Three Guarantees, the regent, and the Emperor of Mexico,
Augustin I."
There are many in Mexico who still insist that Iturbide was
a great patriot who emphasize his claim to the title of
" Liberator. " There are others who speak of him in terms of
bitterness as a traitor to his country. He is the type of a large
class in Mexican history. Almost every man whose name stands
forth conspicuously in their annals presents a mixture of the
two qualities. They are at once patriot and traitor. In the whole
history of Mexico we find personal politics instead of politics of
principles. It is easy for a man of certain qualities to gain a
following upon almost any platform; the platform is generally
in its presentation one which appeals to patriotic fervor, and
which promises advance reforms. But when the leader has his
party committed to his cause, he forgets his patriotism, his
promises, his protestations of principles ; he becomes intoxicated
with power. From then on he attempts to carry things with
a high hand. Few fail so promptly and so miserably as did "the
lieutenant of the Spanish army, the general-in-chief of the army
of the Three Guarantees, the regent, and the Emperor of Mexico,
Augustin I."
172
PATRIOT AND TRAITOR
SANTA ANNA
VICTORIA GUADALUPE PLAN OF MONTANO MASONRY IN MEXICO
SANTA ANNA AGAIN GUERRERO *S FAILURE SANTA ANNA IN A
CONSTITUTIONAL ROLE MANGO DE CLAVO A REAL LIBERAL CEN-
TRALIZATION POLICY IN FULL CONTROL IN THE WAR WITH THE
UNITED STATES SERENE HIGHNESS PLAN OF AYOTLA.
THE Mexican constitution was adopted in 1824. It was un-
luckily patterned quite closely after our own. There are
many reasons why it would have been better had it not
been so copied. In the first place, the United States was a fed-
eration of states which were already separate and distinct, each
having been in the habit of con-
ducting its own affairs ; each hav-
ing always had its local govern-
ment. In the second place, the
people of the United States were
already accustomed to political
action; they had long had prob-
lems with which to deal and a rea-
sonable amount of freedom in
dealing with them. Again, the
population in the colonies was
fairly homogeneous ; there was no
sharp division into castes; this
was true even though slavery
existed as an institution in the
colonies, and it is significant that,
when our constitution was
adopted, slaves were excluded
from citizenship; in a population
fairly homogeneous, speaking a single language, and without
marked caste divisions, there was possibility of free discussion.
Conditions in Mexico were entirely different. As a colony the
country had always been ruled from a single center; while the
173
GUADALUPE VICTOEIA.
First President of Mexico.
174 SANTA ANNA
influence of local and petty interests was present, it was reduced
to a minimum by the strongly centralistic nature of control.
Again, the people had never had opportunity for political activ-
ity ; not even the Creoles had had any actual voice in government.
Again, the four different classes in the community Spaniards,
Creoles, mestizos, and Indians were so sharply separated that
such a thing as free and general discussion of public questions
was impossible. The social condition of Mexico and the char-
acter of the political training to which it had so long been sub-
ject, were calculated, with the introduction of democratic prin-
ciples, to lead to dangerous local personal leadership.
VICTORIA GUADALUPE
The first president elected under the new constitution was
Victoria Guadalupe. His real name was Felix Fernandez but
he adopted the name Victoria Guadalupe from sentiment. He
was president because he received the largest number of votes
cast. Nicolas Bravo became at the same time vice-president,
having received next to the largest number of votes. In the
very nature of things, this was a bad arrangement, as the two
persons thus elected would generally represent opposite fac-
tions. In this case, Victoria Guadalupe represented the fed-
eralist sentiment which aimed to emphasize the sovereignty and
independence of the states, while Nicolas Bravo represented the
centralistic idea. Victoria Guadalupe served his full term of
four years. The most important incidents during his adminis-
tration were, the plot of Padre Arenas, the expulsion of the
Spaniards, the Plan of Montano, and the strife between the dif-
ferent branches of free masonry. Masonry was introduced into
Mexico in 1820 under the form of Scottish rites. The Spaniards
and aristocratic Creoles were most addicted to it. They repre-
sented the conservative and reactionary elements of the popula-
tion. The plot of Padre Arenas aimed to re-establish the
authority of the Spanish king in Mexico. The plot was betrayed
by one to whom the instigator made it known, with the result
that the padre and a number of his co-conspirators were sen-
SANTA ANNA 175
tenced to be executed. It was commonly claimed that this plot
was instigated by the masons of Scottish rites. To offset the
influence of this reactionary party, the republican leaders also
became masons, but masons of the Yorkist rites. For the intro-
duction of this phase of masonry, Joel R. Poinsett, the first
American minister to Mexico, was largely responsible. Poin-
sett, in fact, took a greater part in the politics of Mexico than a
diplomatic representative would be expected to take.
PLAN OF MONTANO
The plan of Montano was launched against the government
of Victoria Guadalupe at the end of 1827. It demanded the
resignation of the minister of war, the expulsion of the Span-
iards, the expulsion of Poinsett, and the extinction of masonry.
Nicolas Bravo, Vice-President of the Republic, was implicated
in this conspiracy, a fact not strange when we remember the
law regarding the election of president and vice-president.
MASONKY IN MEXICO
The strife between the two wings of the Free Masons came
to further strength with the suppression of this attempt at out-
break. In September, 1828, the new election took place, and the
candidates were the hero Guerrero for the Yorkinos and Ped-
raza for the Scottish party. The Yorkinos were pronounced lib-
erals, federalists; the Scottish party were the conservatives,
Spaniards and others. Pedraza was the Minister of War under
Victoria Guadalupe, whose resignation had been demanded by
the insurrectionists. As the result of the election, Pedraza was
elected. The partisans of Guerrero were unwilling, however,
to recognize him, and made appeal to arms. For thirty days
war was carried on openly in the capital city.
"We have said so much simply to show the beginning of the
republic and the alignment of forces at the moment. It is not
our intention to present an outline of Mexican history in detail.
But at this point, with the appeal of the Yorkinos to arms in
order to unseat the man constitutionally elected to office, a man
176
SANTA ANNA
emerges whose life story we must tell. No name is better known
in connection with Mexican history than his. Antonio Lopez de
Santa Anna was a remarkable man in many ways. He first
PERPETUAL ERUPTION.
came into prominence in 1822, when, by the plan of Casa Mata,
he united with Bravo and Guerrero in a truly patriotic and inde-
pendent movement against Iturbide.
SANTA ANNA 177
SANTA ANNA AGAIN
He now appears again. On November 11, 1828, he pro-
nounced at Perote, seizing the famous castle or prison of
Perote. He declared himself in favor of Guerrero as president,
and demanded the destitution of Pedraza. The president, Vic-
toria Guadalupe, who had not yet completed his term of office,
declared Santa Anna guilty of treason and sent a force against
him. He was besieged, escaped, pursued, defended himself
with bravery, but was at last captured. But while a battle in
the field was being conducted against him, changes were taking
place in the capital city favorable to him. When, finally, he had
been captured, Pedraza 's cause had failed. Santa Anna, called
to Mexico, was placed at the head of the army. On January
12, 1829, Congress declared the election of Pedraza null, and
seated Guerrero in the presidential chair. With him, Anastasio
Bustamante, a man of strong centralistic tendencies, was in-
stalled as vice-president. As was natural, quarrels arose
between the two.
At this time there took place a Spanish invasion, with the
idea of restoring the old control. In the crisis, as perhaps was
necessary, Guerrero assumed dictatorial powers. The vice-
president, Bustamante, had been sent with forces to repel the
invaders. After the actual danger from the foreigners was
past, Guerrero still clung to the dictatorial powers which he had
assumed. This gave Bustamante the chance to pronounce
against him, which he did with his forces at Jalapa, The Plan
of Jalapa was launched by Santa Anna. Guerrero at once left
the City of Mexico with troops to subdue the insurrection. No
sooner was he gone, than the presidency was seized by another.
The old hero lost out everywhere. Unable to subdue the insur-
rection, unable to regain his presidential chair, he was declared
by congress to be "morally incapacitated." Bustamante came
to power. Guerrero had friends, however, and the principles
for which he stood were by no means dead. The country was
178 SANTA ANNA
soon aflame with revolution. Guerrero himself fled to the south
where he and his friends successfully withstood the attacks of
the government troops sent against them. The government,
becoming convinced that it could not conquer Guerrero, appealed
to stratagem and treason. A Genoese navigator named Pica-
luga, captain of the brigantine called the Colombo, was hired to
carry out the plot. He anchored his vessel in the Bay of Aca-
pulco and invited Guerrero to dinner on board ; when they had
eaten, the Genoese informed Guerrero that he was a prisoner,
and sailed to Huatulco. There he was given up to his enemies,
tried, and condemned to death. He was shot in Cuilapa, Feb-
ruary 15, 1831.
It may well be asked whether the death of the old patriot
does not contradict the rather frequent boast of the Mexicans
that they have never assassinated presidents. Two answers
of course would be given to the question : at the time when he
was put to death, Guerrero was not the actual president of the
republic. Again, while the trial was no doubt a farce, it can
be said that he was tried and found miilty of treason against
the constituted government. In him, however, one of the most
stalwart defenders of truly democratic principles passed from
the scene of action.
SANTA ANNA IN A CONSTITUTIONAL ROLE
In January, 1832, Santa Anna again pronounced in Vera
Cruz. This time his cry was "Restoration of the Constitution
and the Constitutional Laws." Notwithstanding the fact that
he had always fought against their principles, the federalists
flocked to his standard and aided in his revolution. Bustamante
in person took the field. He was defeated, and resigned in favor
of Manuel Gomez Pedraza. Santa Anna, in support of Pedraza,
asserted the fact of his constitutional election in 1828. It will
be remembered that he himself had been the cause of the annul-
ling of that election. In other words, Santa Anna had, in turn,
made and destroyed Guerrero, Bustamante, and Pedraza. He
had no absolute principles firmly held. His ambitions were
SANTA ANNA 179
purely selfish; his politics entirely personal; and his followers
did as he did.
It will be noticed, however, that the period for which Pedraza
had been elected was now almost ended. Only three months, in
fact, remained. When a new election was held, the candidates
were both well known old revolutionary leaders, though one
stood for conservative, the other for liberal principles. By the
election General Bravo became president, on the liberal ticket;
his opponent, mortified, committed suicide. Congress, which
was centralistic at the moment, set aside the election and named
Santa Anna as president and Valentin Gomez Farias vice-pres-
ident. As usual, the two officials represented completely oppo-
site tendencies. Gomez Farias was a man of advanced ideas.
He had demonstrated his ability in politics and government in
the State of Zacatecas of which he had been governor.
MANGO DE CLAVO
Santa Anna now developed a peculiar characteristic which
marked the whole remaining period of his life. There is no ques-
tion that he had schemed and worked for the presidential office.
But hardly had he gained the position when he abandoned his
public duties and retired to his estate, Mango de Clavo, between
Jalapa and Vera Cruz, leaving the vice-president, Gomez
Farias, in charge. Two months later, General Duran pro-
nounced, offering the Plan de San Augustin. This plan was the
most reactionary that could be imagined. It demanded the
strengthening the church and army, and named Santa Anna
as the supreme dictator of Mexico. As president of the repub-
lic, Sanj;a Anna hastened from his retirement to the capital city,
appointed Arista to the second place in the army, and went with
him and it against Duran. On the way Arista seized the person
of Santa Anna and proclaimed him dictator. All of this of
course was stage play. The vice-president, Gomez Farias,
rallied the Federals and demanded that the president should
perform his full duty under the constitution. Santa Anna
escaped, naturally without difficulty, from the hands of his cap-
180 SANTA ANNA
tor, Arista, and came back to Mexico, apparently intending to
fulfill his duty. Arrived there, he resumed control, pardoned
Arista, and banished Duran. He had failed in his scheme of
securing dictatorial power. He again retired to his hacienda.
A REAL LIBERAL
Gomez Farias, left in charge of affairs, attempted to put his
own views into operation. These were definitely progressive.
They aimed toward the abolition of class privileges and the
improvement of the condition of the common people. They
were far in advance of anything ever seriously attempted in
Mexico. As was to be expected, they met with strong opposi-
tion. Meantime, in his retreat at Mango de Clavo, Santa Anna
was again plotting. The result was the Plan de Cuernavaca.
It was a definite reaction against the liberal politics of Gomez
Farias, with the distinct aim of conferring dictatorial powers
upon himself. Keturning to office in 1834, he dissolved con-
gress, assembled a new one, annulled the reforms undertaken
by the vice-president, deposed him from office, and in reality
exercised unlimited power. Encouraged by the new conditions,
entirely favorable to themselves, the clergy and military now
loudly demanded a total change of governmental form. This
demand was met in May, 1834, by the Plan of Toluca, which
abolished the Federal constitution with the recognition of
sovereign and independent states, and replaced it by a new
constitution known commonly under the title of The Seven Laws
(Las Siete Leyes).
A CENTRALIZATION POLICY
This was indeed revolutionary. Naturally the states opposed
it. Several of them were outspoken in opposition, but only one
Texas was able to give force to its opposition. It declared
itself independent, and invited other states to join it in seceding
from the Mexican Republic in case the independence of the
states was abrogated. In February, 1836, Santa Anna, with
eight thousand soldiers, hastened to suppress this threatened
SANTA ANNA 181
outbreak. A battle took place at San Antonio which resulted in
a victory for Santa Anna who massacred the entire garrison of
the Alamo. Having gained this victory, with his eight thou-
sand troops the hero was withdrawing, when he met General
Houston with less than a thousand soldiers in his force. The bat-
tle of San Jacinto ensued; the Texans gained a notable victory
and took the entire Mexican army prisoners. By the treaty
arranged with General Houston, the Mexican army was with-
drawn, the independence of Texas acknowledged, and Santa
Anna was to return to his own country by way of the United
States. He did so, taking ten months upon the way. Arrived
in Mexico, he denounced the treaty which he said he had signed
under duress, and then went into retirement again.
This time he remained for two years. In 1838 Mexia led a
force against the government, aiming to restore independent
principles. At the moment, Bustamante was again in power.
He recalled Santa Anna from his retirement and placed him in
charge of the government forces. A victory was gained over
Mexia who was executed. Soon afterwards, there was an inter-
ference by the French government in the effort to collect a claim
against Mexico. In defending his country against this foreign
attack, Santa Anna lost a leg. It was a fortune for him. From
that time onward, it was a great card to play in case of diffi-
culty to have lost a member in defense of his nation was proof
positive of patriotic loyalty. Conditions in the republic, how-
ever, continued in a turmoil. There were pronouncements and
battles. Among these was a battle between the Ciudadela and
the Palace, which was practically repeated in the spectacular
events of 1913 fresh in our memory. As a result of all the diffi-
culties, Bustamante again withdrew to Europe. The Plan of
Tacubaya was launched, a junta of notables was named by the
head of the army who of course was Santa Anna which, in
turn, named him as president. A new constitution, even more
centralizing in its character than that of 1836, was adopted in
June, 1843. The new Congress, installed in accordance with
it, on January 1, 1844, confirmed Santa Anna in the presidency.
182 SANTA ANNA
IN FULL CONTROL
He had now practically achieved his aim, and was in full
charge. Noll says: "The state he observed as President was
altogether inconsistent with the republican institutions he prom-
ised to observe. He rode abroad from the National Palace in a
coach richly decked with crimson velvet and gold, drawn by four
white horses, accompanied by a troop of gaily caparisoned hus-
sars and with six mounted aides-de-camp at the sides. He wore
the rich gold-embroidered dress of a General of Division. A
number of decorations were about his neck, and medal of great
brilliancy upon his breast/' But a storm was rising, and he
retired to Mango de Clava.
The rising against him was actually serious. The leaders of
the insurrection demanded that the constitution should be recog-
nized. Uprisings took place everywhere throughout the coun-
try. Santa Anna hastened to the capital city and tried to stay
the movement. He was unquestionably the constitutional presi-
dent of the republic, but by his own constitution he could not
be in charge of troops. He took troops, however, and went into
the field. The minister of war, directed by congress, ordered
him to give up the command of military forces. Santa Anna
paid no attention to the demand, with the result that congress,
in December, declared that it no longer recognized his authority
as president, nullified his acts, and called upon the forces under
his command to submit at once to the authority of the govern-
ment. After some show of resistance, Santa Anna finally
retreated to Jalapa. His troops surrendered. He himself was
captured and confined in the prison of Perote. He was im-
peached by congress for high treason "in attempt to subvert
the constitution and to elevate himself to the supreme authority
of Mexico as Emperor ; for violating the constitution by an arbi-
trary exercise of former; for malfeasance not conferred upon
him in office in applying funds of the government to his own
use ; and in sending out of the country on his individual account
several millions of public money; for violating the usages of
SANTA ANNA 183
war at Puebla ; for robbing the mint at Guanajuato ; for pillag-
ing cities and appropriating public and private property to his
own use; and for refusing to deliver up the command of the
army, when ordered by the gvernment to do so. ' '
In the nature of things, the political adventurer should have
been executed. In May, however, a general amnesty was offered
to all who had been opposing the government, but it was stipu-
lated that Santa Anna must leave the country of Mexico for-
ever ; the city went wild with delight at his final overthrow. He
who had been in supreme control left his native land humiliated
and disgraced, breathing out threats and rage.
IN THE WAR WITH THE UNITED STATES
But not long after this, there came on the war with the United
States. In that hour of crisis Santa Anna was recalled to Mex-
ico to take charge of the government forces. There was no
question that in that period he again betrayed his country. The
details belong in another chapter. He gained no great victories
during the progress of that struggle, and at its close he again
left the country.
SERENE HIGHNESS
Several years of confusion ensued in the national history.
In 1853 General Lombardini secured the election of Santa Anna
again to office by the states. On April 1, 1853, the political
adventurer returned to Mexico in glory. His journey, as Noll
says, "was in the nature of a triumphal procession from the
coast to the capital. Banners and bells, cannons and triumphal
arches and flowers, were all called into requisition in welcoming
the man who had repeatedly threatened Mexico's destruction,
and who had never yet answered the charges of robbery and
treason brought against him; who had been engaged in secret
negotiations with the United States Government, through which
the issue of the war between that nation and Mexico had been
disastrous to the latter country; who had intrigued with Euro-
pean powers for the institution of monarchy in his native land ;
184 SANTA ANNA
and whom the Mexican people had more than once declared
worthy of death, and had not suffered to remain in their land. ' '
With his return, Mexico achieved the extreme of centralization.
Santa Anna assumed the title of "Serene Highness." On
December 11, he was made perpetual dictator. He revived the
Order of Guadalupe, with its decoration, first established by Itur-
bide. He lived, as before, in almost royal splendor. He nego-
tiated with the United States a sale of land known by us as the
Gadsden Purchase, for ten million dollars, the greater part of
which unquestionably went into his own pockets.
PLAN OF AYOTLA
It would seem as if ideals of liberty had totally disappeared
from Mexico. The reactionary forces were in complete control.
But in the south there was an Indian of pure blood, named Juan
Alvarez. He had served under the patriot Morelos and had im-
bibed his ideals. He had been Governor of Guerrero and looked
with hostility upon the abrogation of the rights of states. He
was an insurrectionist, and in connection wilth his insurrection
the Plan of Ayotla was launched. It gained the aid of other
leaders, among them Ignacio Comonfort. These leaders repre-
sented a cause whiten was far from dead. They won victories.
Santa Anna, perpetual dictator, in vain tried to stay the move-
ment. He was forced to leave the city on August 9, 1855. On
his way to the coast, he issued his last manifesto to the Mexi-
can people. It was like so many others of his grand, eloquent,
and bombastic utterances. It was the last time that he seriously
figured in Mexican politics.
Thus ended the real public career of this much vaunted man.
He represented a great class of Mexican politicians who have
cursed the country from 1810 up to the present hour. Without
principles himself, he espoused any principles which for the
moment, seemed to promise him advancement and personal
power. Mexico's greatest misfortune is that such leaders may
invariably find followers.
WAR WITH THE UNITED STATES
SECESSION OF TEXAS ANNEXATION BY THE UNITED STATES WAR
BEGUN BY THE UNITED STATES COURSE OF THE WAE SANTA
ANNA'S PART NATURE OF THE WAR RESULTS OF THE WAR.
IN 1821, the American colonization of the State of Texas in
the Mexican Republic began; in 1828, Stephen Austin and
three hundred families settled within its area. It was no
doubt largely due to the infiltration of a new stock into Texas
that that state felt more keenly than some others the abrogation
of the rights of states by the centralist constitution of 1834. At
that time Texas remonstrated; it was outraged over aggres-
sions upon the rights of states ; it was angered that the Seven
Laws had been adopted without its consent ; its representatives,
sent to Mexico to express its sentiment, were unheard and
thrown into prison.
SECESSION OF TEXAS
In 1836, then, Texas issued a manifesto in which it declared
itself independent unless its rights, guaranteed by the consti-
tution of 1824, should be restored. It invited other states to
rise in defense of the doctrine of state rights.
The result of the secession of Texas was war. Santa Anna,
with eight thousand soldiers, proceeded to the seat of difficulty,
won the battle of San Antonio and stained his hands with the
blood of the garrison of the Alamo. At San Jacinto he was
defeated by General Houston, and forced to sign the treaty
whereby the Mexican force was withdrawn from Texas,
independence was recognized, and the return of Santa
Anna was to be by way of the United States. As we have already
stated, it was three years before the fallen leader really returned
to Mexico. He repudiated the treaty which he had signed,
and planned an expedition to recapture the seceded state, then
the independent Texas Republic. His plans necessitated an
expenditure beyond the ability of the nation at the time. They
185
186 WAR WITH THE UNITED STATES
never materialized, and the State of Texas continued to exer-
cise independence for a period of something like nine years.
ANNEXATION BY THE UNITED STATES
At the end of that time, Texas asked admission to the United
States. Its annexation was opposed by a considerable party in
our own country naturally it was opposed by almost every one
in Mexico. With annexation all possibility of its recapture dis-
appeared. More than that, a vexing question which had been in
dispute between Mexico and Texas was transferred to a new
and stronger power. This question concerned the boundary be-
tween Mexico and Texas. It was claimed by Mexico that the
Eio Nueces was that boundary; Texas contended that the Rio
Grande must be the limit. By the contention of Texas, Mexico
would lose a considerable strip of territory. As long as Mexico
had only Texas to deal with, she had some reason to hope for a
satisfactory conclusion of this disputed boundary question.
With annexation all such hope disappeared. Feeling over the
matter of annexation was so high that Almonte, minister from
Mexico at Washington, demanded his passports. President
Herrera declared that annexation was a breach of international
laws, and called upon the Mexican people to rally to the national
defense. Troops were at once dispatched toward the north in
expectation that war would ensue.
The man in charge of the troops was General Paredes.
When well upon his way, he decided to pronounce against the
Herrera government. He returned to Mexico with his troops.
He was declared President by a junta which had assumed
power on the fall of President Herrera. Paredes was a man
of marked monarchic tendencies.
WAR BEGUN BY THE UNITED STATES
Meantime, war was indeed a reality. It was precipitated by
the Americans. In March, 1846, Gen. Zachary Taylor advanced
toward the Mexican border. He gained two battles, Palo Alto
and Eesaca de la Palma, within the area that was in dispute
WAR WITH THE UNITED STATES 187
between Mexico and Texas. This perhaps was not, technically
speaking, a war against Mexico. But Zachary Taylor did not
pause within the disputed territory. He crossed the Rio Grande,
thus leading an army of invasion into Mexico, and gained
victories at Matamoras and Monterey.
COURSE OF THE WAE
The war with Mexico was easy. It was an almost undis-
puted march of the American troops. The chief reason for its
being thus easy was the existence of bitter internal feuds be-
tween the Mexicans. After having gained power, Paredes took
the field with forces, leaving Bravo behind in charge of the
government. There was soon a pronouncement in the ciuda-
dela. As the result, Mariana Salas was made president. He
called Santa Anna to take charge of forces. Santa Anna landed
at Vera Cruz the sixteenth day of August, 1846, and sent Al-
monte up to the capital city to feel the popular sentiment, hav-
ing some fear, lest he might be entrapped. While awaiting a
report, he issued one of his notable manifestoes, in which he
excused all his past bad conduct and inconsistency, and attacked
every one who had opposed him. Salas, as president, issued an
edict agreeing in detail with the manifesto of Santa Anna, and
the leader made his way to Mexico where he was received with
patriotic joy. Congress proceeded to elect him President, with
Gomez Farias as Vice-President. Santa Anna himself advanced
to San Luis Potosi with a small army.
SANTA ANNA'S PART
Gomez Farias, left in charge at Mexico, faced serious difficul-
ties. He tried to raise a forced loan from the Church, but met
with resistance. There was at this time a considerable body of
conservatives who were known as "Polkos" because they openly
favored the American attack upon Mexico 's independence. Fi-
nally, Gomez Farias succeeded in forcing his loan act through
congress. Just at this moment Santa Anna, defeated in the bat-
tle of Buena Vista, returned to Mexico. He unseated Gomez
188
WAR WITH THE UNITED STATES
SAN
MEXICO'S LAXD LOSSES TO THE UNITED STATES:
1 AND 3 BY THE WAR; 2 BY THE GODSLEN PURCHASE
WAR WITH THE UNITED STATES 189
Farias, annulled his acts, and encouraged the appointment of
Anaya as acting President.
Again in charge of forces, he was again defeated this time
at Cerro Gordo. He returned to Mexico. The capital city was
occupied by Gen. Winfield Scott in charge of the American
forces. Santa Anna turned the army over to General Lombar-
dini and left the country. During his control of forces, he
gained no serious battles. It is quite certain that he acted in
coalition with the Americans. He could never have landed in
Vera Cruz without an understanding with the enemy. It is
unnecessary to describe in detail the engagements of the war.
President Herrera, in charge of matters at the beginning of dif-
ficulties, with the turn of fortune, was again in power at the end
of the unfortunate war. It was almost immediately after his
restoration to power that the Treaty of Guadalupe-Hidalgo was
signed, June 6, 1848.
NATURE OF THE WAE
It was really a war without honor for the United States. It
was precipitated by us forced on a country which, in a certain
sense, we had assisted in robbing. It was in large part a move-
ment of our slave interests. In it we took advantage of the dis-
tracted condition of our neighboring republic. During the little
more than two years that it lasted, there were thirteen changes
in the presidential office in Mexico. At one time four different
factions were struggling for power. From a military point of
view, the war was no achievement. It was practically a walk-
over not that the Mexicans were incapable of bravery, for there
were battles where splendid heroism was shown on their part,
such as Churubusco, Molino del Eey, and Chapultepec. An inci-
dent quoted by Manuel Payno is in point. After the battle of
Churubusco, where the Mexicans in small numbers in an ancient
convent building held a considerable American force (five or
six thousand men) at bay for a long time, General Twiggs en-
tered the convent building; he inquired from the Mexican in
charge, General Anaya, where the ammunition was. The reply
190 WAR WITH THE UNITED STATES
was, "If there had been ammunition, you would not be here."
Add to all these difficulties against which the Mexicans were
struggling, the unquestionable treachery of Santa Anna, and
it will be seen how little credit to us the war brought.
RESULTS OF THE WAR
By the war Mexico lost the whole of California, Arizona, and
New Mexico 522,955,000 square miles of territory.
Here again we have emphatically illustrated the lack of unity
among the Mexicans. There was no national feeling. In the
face of a common enemy, the petty cliques struggled with one
another for power. Division, separation, and personal politics
were at the bottom of their troubles.
THE LITTLE INDIAN
THE POLICIES OF GOMEZ FARIAS PROGRESSIVE LAWS NEW CONSTI-
TUTION THE OPPOSITION BENITO JUAREZ FLIGHT OF THE LIB-
ERAL GOVERNMENT EVENTS AT VERA RUZ AGAIN IN CONTROL
EUROPEAN INTERVENTION MAXIMILIAN 's EMPIRE CHARACTER
OF JUAREZ A SPECTACULAR INCIDENT AFTER THE EMPIRE.
EVEN in the periods of greatest centralization, a spirit of
real democracy remained. While Santa Anna was plot-
ting centralism, Valentin Gomez Farias was practicing
progressive policies.
THE POLICIES OF GOMEZ FARIAS
It is worth while to pause a moment to see exactly what
he desired to accomplish. The year is 1834. Noll sums up his
principles as follows: "(1) The absolute liberty of the press;
(2) the abolishment of special class privileges, or fueros, as
they were called, whereby the clergy and the army; gained
great advantages over the masses of the people; (3) the separa-
tion of church and state, including the suppression of monastic
institutions, and more particularly the abrogation of the right
of ecclesiastics to interfere in secular affairs; (4) the restora-
tion and maintenance of the national credit by a readjustment
of the public debt; (5) the improvement of the moral condition
of the popular classes, more particularly instruction in colleges
by lay officers in place of, or at least in addition to, the priests
who had heretofore claimed the whole right to teach, and whose
curriculum was far from broad or edifying; (6) the abolition
of punishment for political offenses; (7) laws encouraging emi-
gration and colonization, for the better protection of territory',
and to guarantee the integrity of the national territory. " In
fact, within this program, practically every important liberal
advance achieved in Mexico since that time is involved. The
development of these progressive policies demanded almost
forty years, and in the development three names stand forth
191
192
THE LITTLE INDIAN
IGNACIO COMONFORT.
THE LITTLE INDIAN
193
BENITO JUABEZ.
194 THE LITTLE INDIAN
conspicuously Valentin Gomez Farias, Ignacio Comonfort,
Benito Juarez.
PROGRESSIVE LAWS
We have already mentioned the Plan of Ayotla. It suc-
ceeded. Juan Alvarez was named provisional president by a
junta of three members. When he entered Mexico, he was
escorted by a bodyguard of Indians. In the cabinet which he
organized, Comonfort held the portfolio of war, Juarez that of
justice. The liberal tendencies of the new government were
promptly shown by the suggestion of the Ley Juarez. This law,
named from its author, suppressed all special courts, thus re-
moving civil cases from the jurisdiction of military and ecclesi-
astical tribunals. It was a notable advance. The Indian presi-
dent, Juan Alvarez, soon resigned the position in favor of
Comonfort, who, for a time, pursued an equally liberal policy.
On June 25, 1856, congress passed a law known as the Ley
Lerdo. It was the joint production of Juarez, Ocampo, and
Miguel Lerdo de Tejada, who was secretary of the treasury
under the new president. The law was an exceedingly bold one.
It removed from all corporations, civil and ecclesiastical, the
right to own lands beyond what was necessary for the transac-
tion of their legitimate business. It gave to all persons who had
leased property from the Church the right to purchase the same
at a price to be assessed by commissioners appointed for the
purpose. It permitted the denunciation of improved untenanted
property of the church by any citizen. It* provided for the sale
of all the unimproved land of the Church at an assessed valua-
tion. The proceeds from all these transactions were to go to
the Church. The land, however, would thus be freed from ecclesi-
astical control and no longer exempt from taxation. It was to
be expected that the clerical leaders would make vigorous efforts
to prevent the passage and application of this law. The reac-
tionary movement in Puebla, led by the clericals, was particu-
larly virulent. It was suppressed, and sufficient Church prop-
erty was taken over by the government to pay the expenses of
THE LITTLE INDIAN 195
the suppression and an indemnity to the government for all the
damage caused. In September, 1856, the president ordered the
seizure of the great property of the San Francisco Order one
of the most valuable in Mexico. It was taken over on account
of the hostility of the order to the new laws.
At first the act involved the suppression of the order itself;
this suppression, however, was rescinded, but the confiscation
continued and a street, now known as Independencia, was cut
through the property. The constitution was finally passed and
sent to the president for signature.
NEW CONSTITUTION
It was indeed a liberal constitution. Eecognizing the rights
of a man as fundamental, it declared that the people, and the
people only, had a right to alter forms of government. The
sovereignty of the states was asserted, and the national govern-
ment was a voluntary federation of such. Corporations might
hold property only to the extent necessary to the accomplish-
ment of the immediate and direct object of their institution.
Slavery was abolished, education was to be free, and every per-
son was at liberty to follow such occupation as best suited him.
Freedom of speech and of the press was guaranteed. The right
of petition, of peaceful assembly, and of carrying arms was
granted. Special tribunals religious and military were abol-
ished, and only the properly constituted national courts permit-
ted. Religious toleration was established. This constitution
was, in fact, so liberal that the president was hesitant in affix-
ing his signature to it. Liberal as he undoubtedly was, he began
to feel the mighty pressure of the conservatives against him and
his policies. Finally, however, he signed the constitution, on
February 5, 1857.
THE OPPOSITION
The storm of opposition promptly broke. General Zuloaga
protested, declaring the constitution null and void. Behind him
the clericals and other reactionary and conservative elements
196
THE LITTLE INDIAN
MELCHOB OCAMPO.
THE LITTLE INDIAN
197
ZAEAGOZA,
198 THE LITTLE INDIAN
loomed up conspicuous among them Miguel Miramon, Tomas
Mejia, and Antonio Pelagio de Labastida, as leaders whose
names came to be famous. Miramon was a military leader, born
in Mexico notwithstanding his French name, and had made a
reputation in the late war with the United States. He had been
conspicuous in the battles of Molino del Key and Chapultepec.
He had been engaged on the side of the conservatives in the
disturbances in Puebla, in 1856. He was young and a brave
soldier. Tomas Mejia was a full-blood Mexican Indian. He too
had made a name in military affairs. As for Labastida, he first
came into prominence when Bishop of Michoacan. He was now
Archbishop of Mexico and was destined to play an important
part in the coming struggles. So pronounced was the opposition
and so vigorous its efforts that there was battling on the streets
of Mexico and much bloodshed. The president's cabinet re-
signed. Comonfort appointed Benito Juarez minister of gober-
nacion in the new cabinet. Notwithstanding the opposition and
the threatening condition of affairs, the constitution was put
into operation. Immediately afterwards, an election was held
in which the opposing candidates were Ignacio Comonfort and
Miguel Lerdo de Mejia. Comonfort was elected, and at the
same time, Benito Juarez became president of the supreme
court, a matter of importance inasmuch as he would become
the president of the republic in case of the death or the removal
of the elected president. Only ten days later President Comon-
fort weakened and gave way completely to the clerical party.
He set aside the constitution and threw Benito Juarez into
prison. Nothing could have been more unwise than this sur-
render. It soon became evident that the liberal party was as
able to express dissatisfaction and to threaten trouble as the
conservatives. Distracted, uncertain in his policy, and terrified
by the clamor about him, Comonfort again reversed his action
restoring the constitution and setting Juarez free. Naturally
Zuloaga pronounced. Comonfort resigned January 21, 1858.
By his resignation the capital city was left entirely at the mercy
of the reactionaries.
THE LITTLE INDIAN 199
BENITO JUAREZ
The liberal deputies escaped to Queretaro, where they rec-
ognized Juarez as constitutional president, installing him in the
position January 10, 1858. It is time to make a brief statement
regarding this important man. Benito Juarez was born in the
Indian town of San Pablo Guelatao, in the State of Oaxaco, on
March 21, 1806. He was a full-blood Zapotec. Brought up in
his little village, he know only the Zapotec language until the
age of twelve years. His sister had already gone to the city of
Oaxaca, where she was employed in domestic service. When
twelve years old, Benito followed, and in the capital city of the
state, found a home and employment with a Franciscan lay-
brother ; this man was a book-binder, and with him the boy found
work, and from him received his elementary education. He
entered the Seminary in October, 1821. This was of course a
critical time in the history of the republic ; the long struggle for
independence had ended, and the establishment of the new nation
was in progress. The Seminary was an ecclesiastical institution,
and it was supposed that the boy would enter the clerical pro-
fession. In 1828, however, the Institute of Arts and Sciences
was founded in Oaxaca, and Benito Juarez entered that school,
where he studied law and from which he graduated in 1832.
Juarez was in politics in 1831, when he held the position of
regidor; soon afterwards, he was a member of the state legis-
lature, and when the state took a stand against the centralizing
constitution in 1836, he was thrown into jail ; later he became a
local judge, and then, secretary of the governor ; in 1846 he was
one of the junta of three members in charge of the state gov-
ernment. Through all these years, he was a practicing lawyer,
and it is an interesting fact that Porfirio Diaz studied under his
instruction. Up to this time, his political life had been confined
to state offices. In 1846, he was elected deputy from his state to
the national congress. He was Governor of Oaxaca for five
years. When Santa Anna came to dictatorial power, in 1853, he
was imprisoned at Puebla, Jalapa, and San Juan de Ulua
200 THE LITTLE INDIAN
and exiled. During his exile, he went to New Orleans, where
he was living in 1855. When the Plan of Ayotla was pronounced,
he hurried to Acapulco, going by way of the Gulf and Panama.
He united himself to Alvarez and Comonfort.
FLIGHT OF THE LIBERAL GOVERNMENT
Juarez set up a constitutional government in Guanajuato.
He issued a proclamation as constitutional president. The con-
servative forces, however, were gaining advantages everywhere.
In battles fought at Celaya and Salamanca, the constitutional
forces were beaten. Juarez and his government were forced
to withdraw to Guadalajara. Here a truly spectacular incident
took place. An uprising occurred among the soldiers, and they
seized the palace in which were the president and his advisers ;
all were taken prisoners and were on the point of being immedi-
ately executed when, in this moment of supreme danger, the con-
stitutionalist cause was presented in simple terms to the muti-
nous soldiers, who were gained over, and the lives of the presi-
dent and his helpers saved. Juarez and his advisers now with-
drew to Colima and then to Manzanillo on the Pacific coast. Fi-
nally, with his cabinet, he left the country by steamer, going to
Panama, Havana, New Orleans, and Vera Cruz. This fact has
been much made of by those hostile to the Indian president. It
is claimed that, by leaving the national soil, he ceased to have
legal status, and lost whatever constitutional rights were his.
EVENTS AT VERA CRUZ
However that may be, on the fourth of May, 1858, he estab-
lished his government in the city of Vera Cruz, and shortly
afterwards was recognized by the United States as being the
constitutional ruler of the republic. This recognition was a
great advantage for the Indian president. There was still,
however, much trouble in store from the conservative forces. In
the many battles which were fought, victory was generally with
the reactionaries. General Miramon even invested the city of
Vera Cruz, but failed to seize it. Against the efforts made in
THE LITTLE INDIAN 201
favor of the constitutional government in the capital city, Mira-
mon and the cruel Leandro Marquez held the power securely. In
1860, Miramon again tried to seize the city of Vera Cruz and to
destroy the constitutional government. Negotiations were
entered into and foreign influence both of the United States
and European countries was brought to bear. The negotia-
tions failed, and Miramon bombarded the city. He withdrew,
however, without succeeding in capturing it. With his cause at
lowest ebb, President Juarez took desperate measures. He is-
sued decrees of a more drastic and far-reaching character than
any before promulgated. He declared all church property
nationalized and sequestrated ; he demanded that marriage be by
a civil ceremony, not by a priest ; he pronounced religious tolera
tion ; he secularized the cemeteries. These acts, going far beyond
the principles contained in the constitution, could only weaken
the power of the Church, and indirectly aid his cause. All of
them were included in the Laws of the Eeform. With the pro-
mulgation of these edicts, new force was given to the constitu-
tionalist cause. A battle at Guanajuato resulted favorably to the
liberal forces, and the city was taken. Encouraged by this suc-
cess, a movement was made upon the capital, which was invested.
After a few days ' battle, the Juarists gained and were in power.
Thus ended what was known as The War of the Eeform.
AGAIN IN CONTEOL
Fully seated in power, Juarez put his recent decrees into full
effect and ordered an election. Its result was to make him con-
stitutional president and Gen. Jesus Gonzales Ortega vice-presi-
dent. There followed a period of gradual establishment of the
liberal power. Difficulties arose, and Juarez found himself in
conflict with his congress. His resignation was demanded;
when a vote was taken, fifty-one members of congress demanded
his withdrawal, while fifty-two sustained him. On account of the
pressing need of funds for government purposes, in July, 1861,
Juarez announced suspension of payment on foreign debts for
two years.
202 THE LITTLE INDIAN
EUROPEAN INTERVENTION
This gave ground for foreign interference. England and
France broke off relations in October, 1861. Soon after, the
Treaty of London was drawn up, an agreement between three
nations in regard to Mexico's debts. England, Franco, and
Spain united in a joint effort. It was agreed that forces of the
three nations should occupy certain territory along the east-
ern coast of the republic, and administer the customs-houses in
favor of the creditors. No permanent occupancy was to result
and when the financial obligations of the country had been met,
it was understood that the intervening powers should withdraw.
Before this threatened invasion of the national soil, Juarez
issued the famous decree of January 25, 1862. It declared that
all men between the ages, of sixteen and sixty who refused to
take up arms in the defense of the country, should be regarded
as traitors ; it established court martial in place of the ordinary
tribunals; it authorized governors and magistrates to dispose
of the persons or properties of disloyal persons within their
jurisdiction ; it declared armed invasion of the country by Mexi-
cans or foreigners without previous declaration of war a crime
against the independence of Mexico, punishable by death ; it de-
clared any invitation offered by Mexico or foreign residents of
Mexico for such invasion a similar crime. Such is the sum-
ming up of this decree as given by Noll. The details of this inter-
vention appear elsewhere.
MAXIMILIAN'S EMPIRE
Here, where we are only sketching the life of the little Indian,
it is enough to say that, with French intervention, the liberal
forces scattered. Some, with the Government retreated north-
ward ; others, under Porfirio Diaz, operated in the south. The
government was set up at first at San Luis Potosi, then retreated
to Saltillo, Monterey, Chihuahua, Paso del Norte. At one time
Juarez had but twenty-two faithful adherents about him. Con-
spicuous among them, both for the influence which he had with
THE LITTLE INDIAN 203
the constitutional president, and for his unquestioned ability was
Sebastian Lerdo de Tejada. He was brother of the Miguel
Lerdo de Tejada who figured conspicuously in the cabinet of
Comonf ort. Of course this northward flight of the president and
his advisers corresponded step by step with the success of the
French invasion, and the establishment and development of the
empire under Maximilian. When Juarez was at El Paso del
Norte, Maximilian's power was at its height. In comparison
with the splendor of the imperial capital, El Paso del Norte was
mean indeed. In 1865 the actual period of Juarez ' term of office
came to an end. It would seem as if no one could wish for the
empty title of President of Mexico. General Ortega, however,
who had been useful in the liberal contest, laid claim to the
presidency on account of the fact that he had been elected presi-
dent of the supreme court. He announced himself, therefore,
constitutional president. President Juarez, however, refused to
recognize him, declaring that events themselves forced him to
continue in power until a legal election might be held.
CHARACTER OF JUAREZ
Noll, whose treatment of this period we have closely followed,
says of Juarez that he was t ' simple in his tastes, not personally
ambitious, depreciated pomp or display, gave his life to the effort
to set law above force in Mexico, and served his country in hon-
orable poverty in the Chief Magistracy for thirteen years, the
greater part of the time an exile from his capital. ' ' The empire
fell ; Juarez came back from the north. When again the capital
city was occupied by constitutional forces, elections were ordered.
They took place in August, 1867, and three candidates appeared
for the presidency Benito Juarez, Sebastian Lerdo de Tejada,
and Porfirio Diaz. Juarez was elected.
A SPECTACULAR INCIDENT
But at this critical moment the irrepressible and spectacu-
lar Santa Anna reappeared for a moment on the scene. It was
the month of June. We quote the incident from William But-
204 THE LITTLE INDIAN
ler : i * The surrender of Vera Cruz to the republican army under
General Benavides had already been arranged for, and in a few
days more the Mexican flag would have floated unchallenged
over the capital.
"Warships of England, France, Austria, and the United
States were at anchor in the harbor, waiting to witness the close
of the requisite negotiations when, unexpectedly, on the third of
June, the mail steamer, Virginia, hove in sight, having on board
Gen. Santa Anna, with a staff of five officers, a supply of ammu-
nition of war, and a stock of proclamations for his purpose.
Utter consternation was the result. Knowing the man, they
could anticipate nothing from his advent at such an hour but con-
fusion and destruction. The imperialist General Gomez was in
command of the castle of San Juan de Ulua, which dominates the
city and harbor. He had formerly been a friend and adherent of
Santa Anna ; he promptly invited him to land and remain there
till arrangements could be made for a grand reception in the
city. Within an hour after, the band in the fort was playing
marches of welcome and the garrison shouting, "Viva el Gen-
eral Santa Anna ! ' ' The foreign soldiers on the shore responded,
and all saw that he had but to land, and a hostile force which
he so well knew how to attract and increase, would be around
him, and all other authority at an end. Fortunately, before
he landed, he invited a conference of officials on board the Vir-
ginia, and there announced his purpose, * To set up a republic in
place of the tottering empire, and with the assurance that he
came under American protection, after interviews with Presi-
dent Johnson and Mr. Seward, and with their solicitation,
Maximilian having offered to deliver up the Government of the
country to him.' These outrageous falsehoods opened the eyes
of all present. He had overreached himself in asserting that
the American Government sustained him. A council of war was
called that night at the city hall by the national and military
officers, with the consuls stationed at Vera Cruz. The conclu-
sion was practically unanimous, that Santa Anna should not be
allowed to land and attempt to spoil all that had been accom-
THE LITTLE INDIAN 205
plished. Captain Eoe, of the United States war steamer,
Tacony, was requested by the entire company to take charge of
the matter and see that he was sent off again in the ship that
brought him. This he did in thorough style next morning, to
Santa Anna's amazement and indignation. He escorted the
Virginia for the first twenty miles, and parted from her with
injunctions to her captain not to land the old general anywhere
in Mexico. At Sisal, Santa Anna sent a letter, enclosing one of
his proclamations, to the Governor of Yucatan, with the re-
quest to give it publicity. The governor was aroused to the
danger involved, and as soon as Santa Anna landed, he arrested
him, sending him off, for greater security, to the State of Cam-
pece to await the action of President Juarez. Our own govern-
ment, under the circumstances, approved the action of Captain
Eoe.
Afterwards Santa Anna was tried (for the fourth time) for
treason and sentenced to death. This was commuted by Presi-
dent Juarez to banishment for eight years ; but under the gen-
eral amnesty of 1871, he was permitted to return, and passed
the remaining five years of his life in obscurity in the City of
Mexico."
AFTER THE EMPIRE
After serving out his term of office, in 1871, against the
advice of his friends, Benito Juarez was again candidate for the
presidency. Against him were the same two rival candidates
as four years before Sebastian Lerdo de Tejada, and Porfirio
Diaz. Juarez was elected by a small margin. Diaz pronounced
and prepared to make armed resistance. Juarez had, however,
served but a few months of his new term when stricken by ill-
ness. On July 17 he was attacked by a heart disease and on
the next day died.
It is customary to recognize in the little Indian a truly great
man. Both in Mexico and in foreign lands Benito Juarez has
been considered a valiant fighter for democratic principles and
a great ruler. Only now and then does one hear a voice of
206 THE LITTLE INDIAN
depreciation. A brilliant writer in Mexico, Francisco Bulnes,
some years ago, wrote a book under the title of El Verdadero
Juarez (The True Juarez), in which he attacks the Indian presi-
dent. People generally, however, in Mexico, revere him. He
comes very near the common man. His Indian blood, his pov-
erty, his simplicity gave him a strong hold upon the general
public. It was his Indian characteristics which made him great.
The splendid and costly monument erected to him in Mexico's
centennial was justified. Little else of the great expense
involved in that celebration would be so willingly contributed by
a consulted public.
FAILURE OF EMPIRE
GUTIERREZ DE ESTRADA EUROPEAN INTERVENTION CONFERENCE OF
ORIZABA PURPOSE OF FRANCE BATTLES OF PUEBLA INVITATION
TO MAXIMILIAN FERDINAND MAXIMILIAN DECLINE OF EMPIRE
DECREE OF OCTOBER 3, 1865 THE END OF EMPIRE.
FEOM 1821, when Mexico's independence was achieved,
right on through the whole period of the republic,
monarchical ideas were smouldering. That efforts should
be made during the administration of Guadalupe Victoria to
restore Spain's power was not strange. It was more strange
that, in 1840, after twenty years of independence, a genuine
argument in favor of monarchy should be presented. On the
25th of August, a person of respectable position, well informed
in public matters, and a clear thinker in political questions,
Jose Maria Gutierrez de Estrada, addressed a letter to the presi-
dent of the republic upon the necessity of seeking a possible
remedv for the evils which afflicted the nation.
GUTIERREZ DE ESTRADA
Gutierrez de Estrada was really an able man, who had been
Minister of Foreign Affairs in Bustamante 's cabinet and a sena-
tor of the republic. In this letter the author reviewed the at-
tempts and failures of the Mexicans to rule themselves, and
proposed the establishment of a monarchy under a ^European
prince. His communication caused much feeling and aroused
some wholesome discussion. It led to no serious action, but
Gutierrez de Estrada presented his ideas; and later on he had
opportunity to act upon them. His proposition rendered him
so unpopular that he was forced to retire to Europe where he
lived for many years. In 1854 Santa Anna unquestionably
planned to revive a monarchical government. He appointed
Gutierrez de Estrada a special commissioner to negotiate with
207
208
FAILURE OF EMPIRE
the governments of France, England, Austria, and Spain, for
the establishment of a European prince upon a Mexican throne.
The proposition was made just before his own fall from power,
and nothing came of it. Two years later, in 1856, Haro y
Tamariz, who had been leading in the difficulties in the city of
Puebla, was suspected of monarchical plotting, proposing either
MIGUEL MIRAMON, GENERAL OF MAXIMILIAN, EXECUTED WITH HIM.
to set himself or an Iturbide upon the throne. It was thus not
absolutely a new idea which was presented when, in 1861, the
Juarez government decreed suspension of payments for two
years on the foreign debts. At this moment, the defeated reac-
tionaries, acting through the Spanish Minister and General
Almonte, and using the foreign debts as an excuse, were recom-
FAILURE OF EMPIRE
209
ANTONIO PELAGIO DE LABASTIDA Y DAVALOS, AKCHBISHOP OF MEX-
ICO AND FRIEND OF MAXIMILIAN.
210 FAILURE OF EMPIRE
mending the establishment of a European protectorate over
Mexico.
EUROPEAN INTERVENTION
The decree suspending payments really gave ground for in-
tervention. France and England broke off relations with
Mexico. In the Treaty of London, France, England, and Spain
united to bring pressure to bear on Mexico. They agreed, to
occupy Mexican territory temporarily, and to administer the
customs-houses within the area of occupation in such a way as
to pay out the claims of the three nations. The three were to
act in actual conjunction, but the Spanish fleet with Spanish
troops arrived at Vera Cruz in December, 1861, and made a
landing. This was not according to the agreement. On January
8, 1862, the French and English fleets appeared. The energetic
efforts made by the Juarez government for defense have already
been mentioned.
A conference was arranged with the leaders of the interven-
tion at Soledad, in the State of Vera Cruz. Manuel Doblado
represented the Mexican government ably. He proved that the
chief causes for complaint were matters for which the Juarez
government was not responsible and which it intended to
promptly adjust. Thus, the British representative complained
that at one time, their legation in Mexico had been robbed of
funds ; this had been done by General Marquez, who was at the
time leading an insurrection against the government. One of the
chief causes for Spanish intervention was the fact of assassina-
tions of Spaniards; the Juarez government had taken steps to
punish these outrages. Both the British and Spanish represen-
tatives showed themselves reasonable, and were willing to
accept the explanations offered and reach some sort of agree-
ment with the Mexican government. It soon became evident
that the French representative was less inclined to reach an
understanding. The upshot of the meeting at Soledad was that
the allies would recognize the Mexican government as constitu-
tional and legitimate ; that they would occupy certain towns by
permission ; that a further conference would be held at Orizaba
FAILURE OF EMPIRE 211
in the effort to adjust the matters in dispute ; that, if this con-
ference should fail of reaching a satisfactory conclusion, the
forces would be withdrawn to the places already occupied and
matters should progress as might seem necessary.
CONFERENCE OF OEIZABA
At the second conference held at Orizaba, the French rep-
resentative, Count de Saligny, refused to treat further, and
announced the intention of his government to march upon the
capital. Meantime, the French forces had been reinforced so
that now more than 6,500 men were under arms on Mexican
territory. With these forces were Mexicans who had been dis-
turbers and in arms against the government. General Almonte,
Padre Miranda, Haro y Tamariz, were among them. Under
the protection of the French forces, Almonte even assumed the
title of Provisional President of Mexico and issued manifestos,
calling upon the Mexican people to overthrow the Juarez gov-
ernment. It was now recognized by the English and Spanish
commissioners that France was playing a part in the interven-
tion not warranted by the treaty which the three nations had
entered into in London. Juarez protested against the presence
of the Mexican hostile leaders in the French camp. The Eng-
lish and Spanish commissioners united in supporting his pro-
test. The French paid no attention to these objections. Gen-
eral Miramon attempted to join Almonte and the other Mexi-
can discontents in the French camp, but Commodore Dunlop,
of the British force, declared that, if he attempted to land, he
would at once arrest him on account of his part in the robbery
of the British legation which, it will be remembered, was the
chief cause of complaint on the part of the British government.
PUKPOSE OF FRANCE
As it was clear that France was bound to precipitate war
with Mexico, and as neither Spain nor England was prepared
to go to such an extent in pushing their claims, the English
and Spanish troops were entirely withdrawn from the enter-
212 FAILURE OP EMPIRE
prise. The French were left alone in Mexico. Immediately
after the conference at Orizaba, the French general proclaimed
a military dictatorship in Mexico with Almonte at its head.
The French army was organized into two divisions, and an
advance upon the capital ordered. One division was to proceed
by way of Jalapa, the other by Orizaba. What sympathetic
Mexican forces could be gathered were placed under the com-
mand of Marquez, and joined the French in the advance.
BATTLES OF PUEBLA
Prominent among the military leaders of the republic were
Generals Zaragoza, Escobedo, Comonfort, and Porfirio Diaz.
A great battle took place on May 5, 1862, at Puebla. The Mexi-
can army was under the leadership of Zaragoza, assisted by
Porfirio Diaz. A brilliant victory was gained over the French
forces, who were forced to withdraw to Orizaba. Forey, arriv-
ing at this time with reinforcements, brought up the French
forces to a total of 20,000 men. Acting under orders of
Napoleon, he assumed the title of military dictator. Puebla
was captured by the French forces in May, 1863, and Diaz was
taken prisoner. He succeeded, however, in escaping. Juarez
and his government withdrew to San Luis Potosi, and the army
of intervention occupied the capital city on the llth of June.
Forey, together with Marquez, Almonte and de Saligny, organ-
ized a supreme council which, in turn, named Almonte, Salas
and Labastida at that time in Europe as a regency.
INVITATION TO MAXIMILIAN
A body known as the Assembly of Notables, numbering 231
persons, was brought together in July, and on the tenth, passed
an act establishing monarchy, and inviting the archduke, Maxi-
milian, of Austria, to accept the throne. It is an interesting
fact that Gutierrez de Estrada served upon the committee
which waited upon Maximilian to present this invitation.
Twenty-three years before, he had written his famous letter,
urging the establishment of a monarchical government. Forey
FAILURE OF EMPIRE 213
and de Saligny were recalled to France, and Marshal Bazaine
was sent to take charge of the French soldiers and to prepare
the country for Maximilian's coming. He proceeded to effect-
ively occupy the country, depending upon Marquez and Mejia
as his chief generals. The republican forces were scattered.
The only serious body of men in arms was in the south in charge
of Diaz. The government retreated to Saltillo, then to Monte-
rey. When Maximilian was invited to accept the throne, he
demanded proof that the Mexicans really wanted him as ruler,
and also asked for guarantees of protection of his throne. Mar-
shal Bazaine sent him a certificate which seemed to represent
a general demand on the part of Mexican citizens for his com-
ing; and while Napoleon did not actually guarantee protection,
he gave satisfactory assurance of his intention to support the
newly established throne.
FERDINAND MAXIMILIAN
At this time, the Archduke Ferdinand Maximilian, was
thirty-one years of age. He had been interested in military and
naval affairs and had been at the head of the Austrian navy.
He was a man of scientific and artistic tastes, and wrote several
books which show some literary ability. In 1857 he married
Charlotte, sister of Leopold II, King of Belgium. He was a man
of good impulses, but vain and extravagant in personal expendi-
tures. In accepting the crown of Mexico, there is no question
that he believed he was doing a kindness to that country, and
that he entered upon the experiment of government with high
ideals and noble purposes. His brother, emperor of the Austro-
Hungarian empire, disapproved the movement, but the arch-
duke was firm in his resolve. On April 8, 1864, he signed a com-
pact whereby he relinquished all his rights of succession to the
Austrian throne. On April 10th, the committee of the Assem-
bly of Notables waited upon him and presented the formal offer
of imperial power. He accepted the invitation, and took a for-
mal oath in his palace of Miramar ; the Mexican flag was furled,
salutes fired, and great enthusiasm shown. Soon after he and
214 FAILURE OF EMPIRE
his beautiful wife embarked for Mexico, and arrived at Yera
Cruz May 29, 1864. He was met at that port by Almonte, presi-
dent of the regency, and their progress to the capital city was
a continuous ovation. At every town of consequence through
which they passed triumphal arches and decorations had been
prepared and public functions were carried through. After
Maximilian reached his capital, Juarez retreated still further
north, stopping for a time at Chihuahua, but falling back ulti-
mately to Paso del Norte.
DECLINE OF EMPIRE
It is unnecessary for us to go into the details of Maximilian 's
rule. It was brilliant, extravagant, ill-adapted to the condi-
tions of the country. It was very sad to see the efforts which
the really well-meaning man made to gain the sympathies and
affections of his new subjects. He soon found that even his
own supporters were disorganized and quarreling. His desire
to placate the liberal leaders and bring them to his side caused
great dissatisfaction to his own followers. Himself an ardent
Catholic, he was soon in open rupture with the church party;
the clericals were far from satisfied because he left the laws
of the reform in operation. It was a wise move on his part,
as he saw how sadly the nation had suffered from the absorp-
tion of wealth and power by the Church. So strong, however,
was the feeling of dissatisfaction of the clericals that the
papal nuncio withdrew from Mexico. More and more Maxi-
milian discovered that the certificate which had been sent him,
showing a strong demand on the part of the Mexican people
for his coming, did not actually represent the national feeling.
His party was in reality a small one, and experience soon showed
that its friendship was not to be depended upon. Marshal
Bazaine of course represented his chief hope. At first there
seemed to have been most friendly relations between them, but
with the passage of time, Bazaine >s interest in ftie experiment
waned, and his personal support weakened. The United States,
which had recognized the authority of Juarez when he was in
FAILURE OF EMPIRE 215
Vera Cruz. in 1861, continued to recognize him as the only legal
head of Mexican affairs. While this attitude was, at the moment
of Maximilian's arrival in Mexico, of no great importance, it
became more so when the War of the Rebellion was finished.
Europe of course had anticipated a different outcome of our
civil war. England, France, and Germany, all expected that
the South would gain the victory, and that the Confederate
States were to be counted on in future politics. The sympathy
of England and France was distinctly with the southern states.
Had the Confederacy succeeded, it is probable that the most
friendly relations would have existed between its government
and the Mexican Empire. When, however, the southern cause
proved to be a lost one, affairs looked very different. All
through the war, Washington had made known to France its dis-
approval of the intervention business; no attention had been
paid to its representations. Now that the war was over, the
United States firmly announced to France that she had tres-
passed on the Monroe Doctrine; it demanded the withdrawal
of French troops without delay and the cessation of coloniza-
tion. It sent a military officer of high rank to Paso del Norte
as an adviser to Juarez and located an army on the Mexican
frontier. Napoleon saw the hopelessness of further interfer-
ence and began to act upon our demands.
THE DECEEE OF OCTOBER 3, 1865
Maximilian saw of course that his chief support was fail-
ing. The same objections that had been made to the presence
of French soldiers might with equal propriety apply to any
Belgian or Austrian soldiers who might be in the country. He
knew that reliance upon the Mexican army was dangerous. The
desperate situation of affairs no doubt was responsible for his
passing the famous decree of October 3, 1865, which was blood-
thirsty in its nature, and condemned to death all who should
be found bearing arms against his government, or supplying
arms or material for war. The issuance of the decree was bad
enough; it was, however, actually enforced, and some officers
216
FAILURE OF EMPIRE
FAILURE OP EMPIRE , 217
of the republican forces were executed. This was a fatal
blunder on the part of the unfortunate ruler. It called forth
protest from 200 Belgian prisoners who were held by liberal
forces at Tacambaro. They stated in their communication to
the Emperor that they had come to Mexico solely to act as a'
guard of honor to their empress, and that they had been forced
to fight against principles identical with their own. As the
French troops were gradually withdrawn, and prisoners were
exchanged with, the republican government, courage on the
part of Mexican patriots of course increased. As the French
forces abandoned ground, the republican troops advanced to
occupy. Bazaine, who considered the case hopeless, strongly
advised the abdication of the emperor. Maximilian hesitated,
was in uncertainty. Juarez came south from Paso del Norte to
Chihuahua. Victories began to be gained; Escobedo captured
Monterey and Alteo. Carlota hurried to Europe in the hope of
enlisting the further assistance of Napoleon and of the Head
of the Church, but all in vain. Maximilian, who had left the
city of Mexico, called a council at Orizaba and submitted the
question of his abdication to it in November, 1866. After a
discussion, he was advised by a small majority to remain in
power. The Church party, which had been alienated, offered its
support. In his efforts to placate the public and win liberal
leaders to his support, Maximilian had thought it profitable
to send Marquez and Miramon on foreign missions. Eeturning
now, at this crisis, there were put in charge of imperial forces.
The imperial government was located at Queretaro.
THE END OF EMPIRE
In November, Escobedo, with 15,000 soldiers, advanced
upon Queretaro and laid siege to the city. Matters became des-
perate. Just as an escape had been arranged for the unfortunate
emperor, one of his trusted lieutenants, Miguel Lopez, betrayed
the plan to the independent forces, and showed a method of en-
tering the city quietly by night. His plan was followed, and the
city captured on May 15th. The emperor and General Mejia
218 FAILURE OF EMPIRE
barely escaped capture and took refuge on a little hill known
as Cerro de las Campanas. Here thej&were attacked and finally
surrendered. A trial took place in the Teatro de Iturbide, and
Ferdinando Maximiliano, Miguel Miramon, and Tomas Mejia
were found guilty of filibuster, treason, and the issuance of the
decree of October 3, 1865. In this trial the well known advocate,
Eiva Palacio, made a masterly defense, and was assisted by
skilful lawyers; it was in vain. After the sentence of death
had been passed, he personally went to San Luis Potosi to
plead with Juarez to spare the Emperor's life. The Princess
Salm-Salm, who had been conspicuous in the emperor's court,
did the same. The United States sent in a protest. All was of
no avail, and at seven in the morning of June 19th, the execution
of Maximilian and his two generals took place upon the Cerro
de las Campanas.
MATERIAL PROGRESS
KAILKOAD DEVELOPMENT MISTAKES THE TEHUANTEPEC RAILWAY
FOREIGN CONTROL HARBOR IMPROVEMENT THE DRAINAGE
CANAL INSTITUTIONAL DEVELOPMENT POST OFFICE AND OPERA
HOUSE.
NO ONE denies that in many lines of material progress
much was achieved under Porfirio Diaz. He was a man
of force, ideas, and clear sight. When he came into
power, his first problem was to deal with the financial conditions
of the country. They were desperate. A definite policy was
necessary. He pursued rigid economy, cutting out every un-
necessary expense and reducing public administration to the
minimum compatible with efficiency. Improvement was made
even during his first term of office. In his later terms, the
national debt was consolidated, the rate of interest paid upon
it was reduced, the problem of the depreciation of silver was
solved, and the income of the country enormously increased.
Whatever criticisms one may make of Limantour, there is no
question of this real improvement. From a nation which had
been looked upon as bankrupt, Mexico was raised to one with
high credit in foreign lands. Year by year the scale of both
income and expenditure increased enormously. During the later
years of the Porfirian regime, the government account books
showed a regular surplus of income over expenditure.
RAILROAD DEVELOPMENT
He has been famous for his encouragement of the develop-
ment of railways. It may be said that practically the entire
system of railroad lines in the republic was developed during
the period of his administration. When he first came into
power, there was almost nothing except the Mexican Railway,
from Vera Cruz to the capital city. To-day there are approxi-
mately ten thousand miles. This is creditable even though there
219
220 MATERIAL PROGRESS
are some criticisms to be made. Through a considerable por-
tion of the period of railroad development in Mexico, liberal
subsidies were paid to the constructors. This is not the place
to consider the question of the legitimacy of paying subsidies
to private railway companies, but it is certain that subsidies
should never be more in amount than to serve as an encourage-
ment of the construction ; there have been times when subsidies
paid to Mexican railways exceeded the amount necessary for
their construction. When the Mexican National Railway was
laid down, it received a subsidy per mile of track so liberal that
there was large money in making the line between two cities as
long as possible instead of short. After that railway really be-
came a going concern, conducted as a railway, it was forced to
spend a large portion of its earnings in shortening the line.
The large subsidies were a bonanza for the original construct-
ors; they proved a curse for the practical enterprise.
MISTAKES OF DEVELOPMENT
Most of the Mexican railways were constructed by foreign
capital and with reference to the convenience and plans of for-
eigners. The ideal network of railroads in Mexico would be
one which radiated out from the capital city and which rendered
connection between that city and every portion of the republic
easy, prompt, and convenient. It was the last thing thought of.
Only a few years ago, if Mexico had had serious trouble with
the United States, bodies of soldiers could have been thrown
into points of crucial importance much more easily from Wash-
ington than from the City of Mexico. In fact, they could not
have been better devised, if planned for the conquest of Mexico.
American soldiers could have occupied the west coast, the Gulf,
and the highland of the interior more promptly and conveni-
ently than Mexican soldiery. Only toward the very end of the
Diaz regime did it seem to dawn upon those in power that they
had been blind to the actual necessities and interests of the
country in this matter.
MATERIAL PROGRESS
221
Copyrighted by Underwood and Underwooc
MAKING COFFEE BAGS, SANTA GERTRUDIS, NEAR ORIZABA.
MANUFACTURING DEVELOPED NOTABLY UNDER PORFIRIO DIAZ.
222 MATERIAL PROGRESS
THE TEHUANTEPEC RAILWAY
During the term of office of Manuel Gonzales, Porfirio Diaz,
as governor of the State of Oaxaca, undertook the construction
of the Tehuantepec Kailway. It was a short line connecting
the gulf port of Coatzacoalcos with the Pacific port, Salina Cruz.
Its construction at that time seemed to have been premature.
At all events, it had little business, was neglected, and fell com-
pletely into dilapidation. Much later on, its serious value and
significance again became evident and its reintegration was
undertaken. In connection with it, went the development of the
two terminal ports. In this great work, Porfirio Diaz united the
Mexican government and the great English firm of S. Pearson.
An enormous expenditure for the improvement of the ports and
the development of the railroad was made, and it extended over
a long period of years. This development has taken place, and
to-day the Tehuantepec Kailroad is one of the most important
enterprises in the republic. Properly conducted, it should
render the Panama Canal a matter of no serious commercial
importance. Notwithstanding the disadvantages of loading
and unloading involved in transferring freight from steamers to
railroad, and vice versa, the shortness of the freight journey
by way of the Tehuantepec Railway gives the enterprise a great
practical advantage.
FOREIGN CONTROL
In course of time, considerable disaffection arose in Mexico
over the fact that the railroads of the country were largely
foreign enterprises. It was felt that they not only were taking
money from the country, but that they introduced great num-
bers of foreign employees. The result was, that considerable
agitation took place in the direction of the nationalization of
the railways. Undoubtedly in the beginning there was consid-
erable patriotism in the idea. In the early agitation it was an
anti-foreign feeling and a fear lest foreign interests would in-
terfere in the affairs of the country that gave the impulse to
the taking over of the roads. "When, however, the nationaliza-
MATERIAL PROGRESS 223
tion actually took place, these motives had disappeared or
became secondary ; the nationalization, instead of freeing"
Mexico from the clutch of the outsider, really betrayed her more
fully to it; more than that, it was an opportunity for graft
rarely, if ever, surpassed.
HARBOR IMPROVEMENTS
One of the most important of the lines of material progress
under Porfirio Diaz was the improvement of the national
harbors. Improvement at Tampico was undertaken when
Porfirio Diaz was in the cabinet of Manuel Gonzales as Minis-
ter of Fomento. In the old days Tampico was a place of small
significance ; located near the mouth of the Panuco Eiver, it was
accessible to vessels of small draught only in favorable condi-
tions of the weather. Ships drawing more than nine feet could
never be sure of entrance, on account of the formation of sand-
bars at the river's mouth in connection with gulf storms. The
improvements at Tampico were planned by American engineers
and largely carried out by our people ; to-day the mouth of the
Panuco river is at all times open to the entrance of vessels
drawing even as much as twenty or twenty-two feet. As a re-
sult, the city of Tampico has grown by leaps and bounds; its
business, both of import and of export, has developed
handsomely.
Since those days, great improvements have been made in all
the other important harbors of Mexico on both coasts. Many
millions of dollars were spent during the Diaz administration
on the port of Vera Cruz. The harbor of Coatzacoalcos, in con-
nection with the development of the Tehuantepec Railway, has
been enormously bettered; it is now called Puerto Mexico. At
the other end of the Tehuantepec Railroad, the Pacific port of
Salina Cruz has been practically created. Other Pacific ports,
as those of Mazatlan and Manzanillo, have been developed
beyond recognition. No one can find fault with these notable
improvements of the national harbors. They are examples of
224 MATERIAL PROGRESS
enlightened progressivism, and so far as they are free from
graft, are only to be approved.
THE DRAINAGE CANAL,
In the direction of public utility, many important enterprises
were carried through. " Preeminent among these is the famous
drainage canal of the valley of Mexico. In the olden time, the
lakes in the valley of Mexico were subject to serious overflow.
With this overflow the city was subject to frightful inundation,
with resulting loss of life, property, and subsequent disease.
During the three hundred years of Spanish rule, the problem
was a serious one, and many efforts were made toward its solu-
tion. The great cut of Nochistongo remains as an impressive
monument of such endeavors. In the cutting of the great tun-
nel of Nochistongo years of time, millions of dollars, hundreds
of lives were demanded ; when it was finished, it was not a com-
plete solution of the difficulty. Things were improved, but inun-
dation of the city still took place at times with all its frightful
losses.
INSTITUTIONAL DEVELOPMENT
The drainage canal, however, undertaken and carried
through to completion under Porfirio Diaz, has satisfactorily
settled the problem, and to-day the city is free from danger of
floods. The drainage canal is but one of many enterprises for
public advantage to be credited to the past regime. Many
institutions of philanthropy, education, and betterment were
due to the Porfirian administration. These are generally called
to the notice of the foreign visitor. Among them are such things
as the general hospital, the national penitentiary, and the
geological institute. The only question in regard to all such
institutions is the degree to which the nation's needs demand
them and to which the economic conditions of the nation war-
rant them. There is, and should be, no limits to their develop-
ment except these. The national penitentiary is often said to be
the most complete and perfect building of its kind. If this is
MATERIAL PROGRESS 225
true, so much the worse that in the same city Belem exists. Is
there in any portion of the civilized world a fouler blot in the
way of a punitive institution! It would be much better to have
a decent average between the two than to have such sharply
contrasted extremes. Many of the same visitors to whom the
national penitentiary was shown while they were in the capital
city could not fail to see San Juan de Ulua as they sailed away
from the harbor of Vera Cruz. Those who have actually visited
the dripping lower vaults in it, have much to think of. So far
as the geological institute is concerned, the only question is to
what degree it serves its purpose to the advantage of the nation.
All such institutions are warranted when they are freely voted
by a thinking people who are willing to tax themselves to the
extent necessary for their foundation and support. It would
be difficult to find any section of the United States which would
be willing so to tax itself for the support of an institution of
pure science.
POSTOFFICE AND OPERA HOUSE
It was under Porfirio Diaz that such splendid examples of
national advancement in civilization, art, and culture were con-
structed as the city postoffice and national opera house. Both
are splendid buildings of marble. Either of them would be
creditable in the capital city of the richest nations on the
globe. They evidence clearly that a certain class in Mexico
knows what is fine, beautiful, impressive, artistic. So far as
Mexico is concerned, the splendid postoffice building and the
national opera house exist for two reasons, and two reasons
only. First, they are intended to impress the public and the
foreign world with the advancement of the nation. They may
serve their purpose to deceive outsiders, but they deceive
nobody within. Buildings costing one-fifth as much would serve
legitimate ends fully as well. So far as the national opera house
is concerned, it is doubtful whether a people should be taxed
for the support of an institution which, in its very nature, min-
isters to the needs and pleasure of an extremely small element
226 MATERIAL PROGRESS
of the population. Even in an empire such a building is ques-
tionable ; in a republic it is out of place. Secondly, these splen-
did buildings exist in Mexico because they furnished superb
opportunities for graft. Whatever it may have cost to build
them, it is certain that the people paid far more. The opera
house is yet unfinished. Estimates regarding its cost vary.
Probably it has already demanded an expenditure of 11,000,000
pesos; the end is not yet in sight. It is improbable that it can
be finished at a less total outlay than 15,000,000 pesos. That
means that a tax of one peso upon the total population, man,
woman, and child is represented by it. Such an expenditure is
in itself ridiculous. But the worst feature of the whole thing is
that every one realizes that many have grown rich upon that
single building and there is still chance for several modest
fortunes to be made before the finishing touches are put upon it.
It is these things in the direction of material progress which
have most impressed the visitor to Mexico. Seeing them, he
has returned to his own country sounding high praises for the
neighboring republic. Because of them, Porfirio Diaz has been
lauded. Were such things associated with a steady rise in gen-
eral comfort, they would indeed be causes for congratulation.
If, with the marked material advancement of the country in
showy lines, there had been equal progress in the condition of
the people, the name of Porfirio Diaz would unquestionably be
entitled to all praise.
AFTER DIAZ, WHAT?
TWO PHASES IN THE DIAZ REGIME MATERIAL DEVELOPMENT THE
CIENTIFICOS LIMANTOUR AFTER DIAZ, WHAT ! BERNARDO REYES
A CHANGE IN PROGRAM REYES VERSUS LIMANTOUR RAMON
CORRAL ENTERS -HIS CHARACTER RETIREMENT AND EXILE OF
REYES THE END OF REYES.
TWENTY years ago it was a common question. Every one
was praising Diaz as a great ruler, a constructive states-
man. But there was fear lest, when the iron hand was
lifted, chaos would come and anarchy. The question was asked
with most anxiety of course by foreigners, especially Americans,
who were putting time and strength, money and energy into
Mexican enterprises.
TWO PHASES IN THE DIAZ REGIME
A Mexican writer has said that the old regime must be divided
into two periods if it is to be well understood. ' ' The first period
covers the personal administration of General Diaz from the
time when he was elected for the second term President of the
Republic up to the moment in which that opportunist party was
formed which was called partido cientifico, no one knows why.
The second period covers the time from the moment when this
party began to influence politics until its abuses and deficiencies
gave rise to the armed protest of public opinion. The first period
merits only praise. The blemishes, which might mar, disappear
in the splendor which the country attained in that so happy epoch.
The second offers a sinister picture of demoralization such as the
most benevolent of historians will never be able to dissimulate. "
It is really well to clearly distinguish and sharply contrast the
two periods recognized by the Mexican author.
MATERIAL DEVELOPMENT
It is indeed possible to give too much praise to Porfirio Diaz
for the material development and progress made by his country
227
228 AFTER DIAZ, WHAT?
under his administration. The question may well be asked
whether material development and progress could have been
delayed ; whether it would not have necessarily taken place under
a much less able ruler. It is not true that the material develop-
ment of Mexico has been a phenomenon; other Latin America
republics have made similar development, and yet have had no
man of iron, no Porfirio Diaz. Argentina, Uruguay, Chili, are
better developed, and on the whole more safely, than Mexico.
Still we are willing to give the old man credit for his railroads,
telegraph systems, and works of public improvement. The same
writer already quoted, says: "The country finds itself crossed
in many directions by the iron trackings, some of very doubtful
utility, as well as a vast telegraphic net ; the postal service is one
of the most perfect of the world ; there have been accomplished
good port improvements, and most important drainage systems.
Better, however, would have responded to the exigencies of
progress, less railroad and more good trails ; less costly railways
and more cart-roads accessible to traffic ; less of sumptuous pal-
aces in the capital city and more of rural wealth and culture. "
THE CIENTIFICOS
The cientificos were, for the most part, men of ability. They
had no actual organization ; within the group there were lesser
groups which viewed each other with hostility and suspicion.
They had no organization, no meetings, no announced platform.
They were shrewd, ambitious, heartless schemers, who sur-
rounded the President and lived upon him. In so far as the group
had a leader, it was Limantour. He was the center. To a large
degree he was the brains. In so far as the body recognized any
adviser, it recognized Jose Yves Limantour. In the last cabinet
of President Diaz before the revolution of Madero precipitated
changes there were at least three badly defined cliques of diver-
gent interests. No one of them was strong enough to enter the
open field and struggle for supremacy and leadership. To
attempt to do so was certain suicide. The cientificos recognized
the lack, and their only actual bond of interest was to perpetuate
AFTER DIAZ, WHAT? 229
the old man in power. He recognized that he ought to leave the
presidency ; he was afraid to do so, knowing that his disappear-
ance would bring about a struggle between the elements sur-
rounding him. They brought their whole influence to bear upon
him to keep him in his chair, well knowing that the moment he
gave up control, their period of plundering the people would
come to an immediate end. In his last years of office the Presi-
dent was afraid of his ministers, morally, politically, physically.
His son said to a friend of mine who brought a matter of interest
to his attention, asking that he present the matter to his father :
"My father is afraid of his ministers; he does what they say
he must do, he does nothing which they disapprove." It was a
sad sight to see the man of iron so weakened by the rust of age.
LIMANTOUR
Jose Yves Limantour was for many years the Secretary o*f the
Treasury in Mexico. On the occasion of my first visit to the
capital city, a friend at whose house I visited spoke in high
praise of the man's ability and devotion to his country. He was
said to accept no salary as Secretary of the Treasury. Liman-
tour at that time was not a man of wealth ; if he had been it is
doubtful whether it would be commendable for him to serve his
country without a salary. Every public servant is entitled to
reasonable compensation for his service, if it is good service ; no
country can ever be in such desperate financial straits that it can-
not afford to pay faithful public officers just salaries. The duty
of such officers is to earn their money and to receive it, using it
as they would any other honest income. We have said that
Limantour was not a rich man when he went into the Department
of the Treasury ; yet, before much time had passed in office, he
is said to have erected a 300,000-peso mansion upon the Paseo
de la Reforma. He gained a great reputation as a financier.
When he came into office, the country had entered upon a period
of prosperity; there was an annual surplus in the treasury, but it
was exhausted in paying the accumulated interest charges upon
the national debt, Limantour went to London and arranged the
230 AFTER DIAZ, WHAT?
matter of the debt to the satisfaction of the creditors and the
advantage of his nation. It was really an achievement of conse-
quence. But it was highly overestimated. It was under Liman-
tour that the Mexican government reformed its currency in
order to escape the disastrous fluctuations in exchange which
rendered business enterprises uncertain. He dealt with the
problem fairly well, but it is one which has been solved as satis-
factorily in various other countries, and it is not certain that he
deserves the high credit which he has received. It is not our
intention to detract from the genuine praise which he deserves ;
we only wish to emphasize the fact that Mexico, the world, Presi-
dent Diaz, and Limantour himself took him too seriously and
exaggerated his importance as a financier and political economist.
AFTER DIAZ, WHAT?
After Diaz, what ? Years ago a man who had resided in Mex-
ico for many years asked me the question. I at once replied,
"Bernardo Reyes. " My interlocutor queried: "Who is Ber-
nardo Reyes ?" I refused to tell him, as he was a resident of
years in Mexico. Months afterwards he wrote me: "I know
now who Bernardo Keyes is. You are right. After Diaz, Ber-
nardo Reyes. " At that time President Diaz had just summoned
Governor Bernardo Reyes from Monterey, the capital of his
State of Nuevo Leon, and made him Minister of War in his
Cabinet.
BERNARDO REYES
At that time Porfirio Diaz intended that Bernardo Reyes
should succeed him. He made him understand that fact ; he made
those associated with him in government realize the fact; he
accustomed the people to look to Reyes. Reyes had qualities.
On the whole, he had not been a bad governor. During his admin-
istration his capital city had made great improvement in
appearance, utilities, hygiene, education. .He did away with the
whole vicious system of jefes politicos. Further in his favor, it
was to be said that he was not really a cientifico. We have already
AFTER DIAZ, WHAT? 231
stated that that group had no organization, no officers, no real
adviser. As one associated with the president, he was with the
cientificos, but he was not one among them. In constant dealings
with them, he never committed himself to the interests of any
one of the jealous and suspicious schemers. He was a man apart.
A CHANGE IN PKOGRAM
In 1901 Porfirio Diaz had a mysterious illness ; he retired to
Cuernavaca, and it was given out that his condition was serious.
All sorts of guesses were made as to his trouble. Some were
doubtful and believed that the old man was practicing one of his
favorite tactics. Not infrequently, when he wished to find out
whether plots were being hatched against him, Porfirio Diaz
made some pretense of physical or other difficulties ; under such
circumstances, if a conspiracy was actually on foot, some signs
of it appeared. The old man would immediately suppress it
without difficulty. On this occasion, however, public opinion
generally believed that the old man was dying, and anxiety pre-
vailed regarding his successor. Bernardo Reyes was publicly
considered to be already in power, when President Diaz came
back from Cuernavaca. Whether his illness was serious or
feigned, whether, as many believed, he came near death through
poison, he was somewhat piqued that people had so easily sup-
plied his place.
Shortly after his return, he presented a bill to congress for
action. He desired authority at will to appoint any one he pleased
to take his place in case of death, disability, or absence from the
country. For many years congress had* been complaisant to
every wish of the great dictator. On this occasion they hesitated
and quibbled; for the first time in many years the president
found himself opposed. The point made by congress was that it
would be much better for the position of Vice-President to be
restored and for a definite Vice-President to be elected at the
same time with the President, to take his place in case of
necessity.
232
AFTER DIAZ, WHAT?
d ^
1
1
3S
a g
"I
AFTER DIAZ, WHAT? 233
EEYES VERSUS LIMANTOUR
It was now realized quite generally that the President himself
was not likely to appoint Reyes as his successor. He had been
greatly impressed by the work of Limantour ; he had come to feel
that the money problem was the great question before the nation ;
his views had changed ; it was believed that what he wanted was
to name Limantour in place of Reyes. A furore of excitement
rose in Mexico. Politics became popular. Not only outside
thinkers, but the cientificos themselves divided. There were
definite parties for Reyes and Limantour there were Eeyesistas
and Limantouristas. The fight between the two men waxed warm.
The opposition journals brought up the question whether Liman-
tour was really a citizen of the republic, and therefore eligible
for the position of vice-president or president ; his father was a
citizen of France, and while Limantour himself was born in
Mexico, his father ever continued to pride himself upon his being
a foreigner, a Frenchman. It was also claimed that Limantour
was a Jew; this in Mexico means much. President Diaz was
absolutely afraid to push the matter to an issue. He felt that he
could not force Limantour upon the people ; he determined that
his old favorite, Reyes, should not win against his candidate.
RAMON CORRAL ENTERS
The result of the whole movement was the reestablishment
of the vice-presidency. Bernardo Eeyes was removed from the
cabinet and returned to Monterey, as governor of his state. A
new candidate was substituted for the two who had been strug-
gling for the office. It was Eamon Corral, Governor of the State
of Sonora. The acquaintance between Diaz and Corral was one
of old date. Corral was hated as few men in Mexico. This hatred
was partly due to his supplanting the popular idol for Bernardo
Reyes had been a popular idol ; it was partly because he would
clearly be the continuator of President Diaz' attitude and
methods ; it was partly because he represented the brutal type of
vulgar exploiters of the people, the grafter, which the cientificos
234 AFTER DIAZ, WHAT?
had made so well known. Under him there would be no hope, and
the frightful exploitation of the country would be continued.
While a man with force, with few friends and uncertain affilia-
tions, he was to President Diaz a most subservient assistant. His
loyalty was genuine, but it was associated with a cringing yield-
ing hard to understand in a man so harsh and firm to all other
persons.
HIS CHARACTER
The author already quoted says in regard to Ramon Corral :
"The motives which General Diaz had for fixing himself upon
Senor Corral, are not well known ; it is said that they were great
friends which, though certain, is not sufficient reason why the
President should seek him as his probable successor in command.
It is also said that his candidacy had been little less than forced
by Yankee diplomacy which counted upon a good ally in Don
Eamon Corral, connected already in his private business with
great North American enterprises. Nor is it improbable, from
the energetic character which Seiior Corral showed that he
possessed that, while governor of the State of Sonora, he
promised to Don Porfirio Diaz that his policy of peace and change
from brutal oppression would be continued by him. He was
elected vice-president against public opinion which did not see in
him a man of the necessary talents and prestige for so delicate a
charge, apart from the repugnance with which they saw a
governor, product of the double insistence of General Diaz and of
the government at Washington. ' '
RETIREMENT AND EXILE OF REYES
Bernardo Eeyes returned to Monterey and resumed the gov-
ernorship of his state of Neuvo Leon. He there had some excit-
ing times ; there were local disturbances attributed by many to
influences from the capital city. However, the ex-minister of
war attended to business, and emerged from his difficulties with
fair credit. As the elections of 1910 approached, he was much
talked of as candidate for vice-president. A strong movement
AFTER DIAZ, WHAT ? 235
was started by his friends in Ms favor. No doubt in a fair election
he would have stood considerable chance of being elected. It is
even possible that, under such circumstances, he might have stood
as candidate for a yet higher office. Personal ambition, loyalty
to principles, a spirit of high patriotism all urged him to accept
the nomination and lead the movement. But he vacillated; he
finally printed a manifesto; publicly and privately he told his
friends that he would do nothing against the wishes of the
president. He could not have done a less wise thing; whatever
damage his candidacy could do had already been accomplished ;
his friends and followers were left in a sad plight. His patron,
the friend for whose wishes he expressed such high regard, was
already hostilized. In disgrace he was sent to Europe on a mili-
tary mission. Everybody knew that it was actually exile.
THE END OF REYES
Yet the public had become accustomed to the thought After
Diaz, Eeyes. When his power was tottering near its crash, Diaz
telegraphed for his old favorite. Who knows what hopes he
cherished in that hour of desperation ! Reyes lingered in Havana,
and finally arrived in Vera Cruz by the same steamer Ypiringa,
by which the ex-president left the Republic. Reyes, humbled,
went to Mexico. He entered into compact with de la Barra and
Francisco I. Madero. He agreed that true patriotism required
his falling into line with existing conditions, and promised not to
interfere with the natural course of things in the coming election.
Afterwards he changed his mind, probably under the influence of
some supporters of the old regime, who believed that he might
still retain much of his one-time popularity, and entered the lists
as a presidential candidate in the fall of 1911. He was stoned
upon the streets; the popular idol had hopelessly fallen; his
irresolution and weakening when the people demanded his leader-
ship on two occasions had chilled the popular affections. Politi-
cally, as a military leader, as a man, he had lost his hold. His
candidacy counted for nothing. With Madero 's ascent to power,
he fled to the United States ; there he still dreamed of power, and
236
AFTER DIAZ, WHAT?
AFTER DIAZ, WHAT?
237
I'noto. by Paul Thompson, N. Y.
BEENAEDO EEYES.
238 AFTER DIAZ, WHAT?
organized a revolution. He is said to have issued various mani-
festos, and a revolutionary plan. In December, 1911, he crossed
again into Mexico. He expected an uprising in his favor ; he felt
sure that thousands would rally to his call. No one rallied to him.
With a few friends and servants, he wandered at night, seeking
his promised supporters, and finally, worn out and hopeless,
surrendered himself at Linares, December 25th. It was a sad
Christmas for the man who, at one time, was expected to be the
president of Mexico. In his surrender Eeyes said: "With my
presentation in Linares, my public life comes to an end, and my
actual existence is placed at the disposition of legal action : but
under this conception I have worked as I have done because I
judge myself powerless to make a regular war which will give
results; I have accepted, then, this sacrifice with the end of
avoiding the prolongation of sterile revolts in the Republic. "
General Reyes was tried and sentenced to the Santiago prison
in the City of Mexico.
A VOICE IN THE WILDERNESS
"BARBAROUS MEXICO" A FLOOD OF ANSWER TURNER 's BOOK TRUE
LAND CONFISCATION PLANTATION SLAVERY IN YUCATAN VALLE
NACIONAL THE RAILWAY DEAL AMERICAN PARTNERSHIP WITH
DIAZ WEAK POINTS IN "BARBAROUS MEXICO."
ON ACCOUNT of the material prosperity which seemed to
prevail, and the great progress which Mexico seemed
to have made under the government of Porfirio Diaz,
there was constant adulation of the great man. Foreigners
particularly were fond of speaking of him as a great states-
man, a wise ruler, and a constructive administrator. His per-
sonal character was praised in terms of fulsome flattery. It
was rare indeed that any voice was raised in protest, or any
word of criticism was to be heard.
BARBAROUS MEXICO
In 1909, however, there appeared in several numbers of the
American Magazine articles by John Kenneth Turner. They
created a veritable sensation. They were a vigorous assault
upon Diaz personally, and upon his whole political and economic
system, and upon the partnership which it was asserted existed
between the great dictator and the American Government. The
series had been begun with a great flourish of trumpets; but,
after a few of the articles were printed, the publishers of the
magazine decided to discontinue them. This could not possibly
have been because the public were not interested in them; nor
was it because the facts which they contained were false; nor
was it because the man had exhausted his field of study; nor
because the publishers were finding that the series took more
space in the magazine than had been anticipated. The series,
however, ceased, and Mr. Turner was forced to print his later
articles in another journal. All his articles were finally reprinted
in book form in 1911 under the title of "Barbarous Mexico."
239
240 A VOICE IN THE WILDERNESS
In book form his writing has met with fair success, but the time-
liness and importance of it was in its first appearance in the
periodicals.
A FLOOD OF ANSWER
To many people what Turner said was a surprise. To many
it was so shocking as to seem incredible. It was hard to believe
that, in the nineteenth nay, in the twentieth century, things
could be as he presented them ; it was felt that he must have made
mistakes or lied. A flood of articles was written to refute him.
They varied from the crudest and most ignorant assertions of
the uninformed up to the most skilfully constructed and forcibly
presented arguments. A host of writers came to the support of
fhe assailed ruler and the discredited system. Among the flood
of contributions to this defense, two books particularly were
interesting. One was a book by Jose F. Godoy, the Mexican
Minister to Cuba. It is entitled, "Porfirio Diaz, President of
Mexico. " It is the strangest book ever put out by an American
publisher with the idea of selling it in the open market for a fair
price. How any professional publishing house of good standing
could consent to offer it is incomprehensible. Seventy pages of
fulsome flattery by prominent Americans form an important
part of this strange document. The other book was written to
order by James Creelman. It is unnecessary to make further
comment upon it. It is interesting of course Creelman writes
well ; it is entitled, ' t Porfirio Diaz the Man. " It is easily acces-
sible to all who care to read it. Porfirio Diaz was always ready
to pay well for biographical work in his behalf. As far back as
1899 it was suggested to me that it would be a work of patriotism,
of recognition of high worth, of encouragement of a nation strug-
gling toward advancement under a wise ruler, to prepare a
volume upon the life and work of the great ruler; it was sug-
gested to me at the time that such a work would not fail of recog-
nition, and that time spent in its preparation would be profitably
employed ; it was asserted that, financially, the effort would be
much more remunerative than study of mountain Indians; the
A VOICE IN THE WILDERNESS 241
suggestion was semi-official, but I had no time nor inclination to
act upon it. There were, however, plenty of others who had no
matters of serious importance to occupy their time and thought.
Many such have given the world biographical sketches of the
great ruler. Thus, after producing the truly remarkable work,
"Mexico as I Saw It," Mrs. J. Alec Tweedie returned to Mex-
ico to prepare a life of Porfirio Diaz ; that she had exceptional
opportunities to present the whole truth to the world is sug-
gested by the fact that the private journals and papers of the
President were put at her disposition.
TURNER'S BOOK TRUE
John Kenneth Turner's book is true. It could not possibly
have made so much commotion otherwise. Had it been false,
it would have fallen of its own weight; there would have been
no need of refutation. The simple life of the old ruler and the
fact of Mexico itself would be sufficient answer if Turner were a
liar. The facts he states unfortunately are true. We believe
that he draws mistaken inferences, that he is at times unfortunate
in judgment, but his facts are real. He says in the very brief
note of preface to his book : ' ' The term ' barbarous, ' which I use
in my title, is intended to apply to Mexico 's form of government
rather than to its people." It was perhaps the quickest way
to get a hearing. It is an unjust title. It has been misunderstood
both in this country and in Mexico. People who have not read
the book assume of course that it is an attack upon the people
of our neighboring republic. In Mexico itself the name stung
bitterly. Thousands of high-spirited, well-meaning men, who
know no English and have never seen the book or know its line
of argument, have felt outraged by the title. Of course it may
be said that people who do not read a book have no right to
express an opinion on it or to be influenced by a mere name. It
is true, however, that even among ourselves such things take
place, and in Mexico there has been much feeling against Mr.
Turner by people who, if they knew what he has said, would
find that he was championing their cause, fighting their battle.
242 A VOICE IN THE WILDERNESS
Mr. Turner's articles were actually a voice in the wilder-
ness. They contain many true things well and forcibly said;
they were written with a keen sense of the wrongs from which
the people of Mexico were suffering. Out of the many things
which he discusses we shall consider five only the confiscation
of land, the drifting of Indians into slavery, the drifting of
Mexicans into forced service, the iniquitous railroad deal, and
the American partnership.
LAND CONFISCATION
Under the Diaz regime, brilliant and splendid, thousands of
Mexicans Indians and mestizos who had been little land-
holders were absolutely robbed of their small holdings. This
was done of course under cover of law. It affected whole tribes
of Indians ; it blotted out entire villages of simple and relatively
happy, industrious people. In this matter Turner speaks as
follows: "In a previous chapter I showed how the lands of
the Yaquis were taken from them and given to political favorites
of the ruler. The lands of the Mayas, of Yucatan, now enslaved
by the henequen planters, were taken from them in almost the
same manner. The final act of this confiscation was accomplished
in the year 1904, when the national government set aside the last
of their lands into a Territory, called Quintana Roo. This Terri-
tory contained 43,000 square kilometers, or 27,000 square miles.
It is larger than the present state of Yucatan by 8,000 square
kilometers, and moreover, is the most promising land of the
entire peninsula. It was turned over in practical possession to
eight Mexican politicians. ... In like manner, the Mayos
of Sonora, the Papagos, the Tomasachics in fact, practically all
the native peoples of Mexico have been reduced to peonage, if
not to slavery. ' '
"This is why the typical Mexican
farm is a millionaire farm, why it has been so easy for such
Americans as William Randolph Hearst, Harrison Gray Otis,
E. H. Harriman, the Rockefellers, the Guggenheims, and numer-
ous others, each to have obtained possession of millions of
A VOICE IN THE WILDERNESS 243
Mexican acres. This is why Secretary of Fomento Molina holds
more than fifteen million acres of the soil of Mexico, why ex-
Governor Terrazas of Chihuahua, owns 15,000,000 acres of soil
of that state, why Finance Minister Limantour, Mrs. Porfirio
Diaz, Vice-President Corral, Governor Pimentel of Chiapas,
Governor Landa y Escandon of the Federal District, Governor
Pablo Escandon of Morelos, Governor Ahumada of Jalisco,
Governor Cosio of Querretero, Governor Mercado of Michoacan,
Governor Canedo of Sinaloa, Governor Chauantzi of Tlaxcala,
and many other members of the Diaz machine are not only
millionaires, but millionaires in Mexican real estate. ' '
As to the method, Turner says : i i Chief among the methods
used in getting the lands away from the people in general, was a
land registration law which Diaz fathered. This law permitted
any person to go out and claim any land to which the possessor
could not prove a recorded title. Since, up to the time the law
was enacted, it was not the custom to record titles, this meant all
the lands of Mexico. When a man possessed a home which his
father had possessed before him, which his grandfather had pos-
sessed, which his great-grandfather had possessed, and which
had been in the family as far back as history knew, he consid-
ered that he owned that home, all of his neighbors considered
that he owned it, and all governments up to that of Diaz recog-
nized his right to that home."
It is true that, under the operation of these new laws regard-
ing the registration of properties in land, and the denouncement
of non-registered property, thousands of ignorant but indus-
trious Indians were dispossessed. In many cases the land they
occupied was taken over in such enormous bulk by the
denouncers that whole towns became peons to the new owners.
That such things should lead to restlessness, to complaints, and
even to hostile outbreaks, was to be expected. Turner continues :
"Cases of more recent blood-spillings in the same cause are
numerous. Hardly a month passes to-day without there being
one or more reports in Mexican papers of disturbances, the
result of the confiscation of homes either through the denuncia-
244 A VOICE IN THE WILDERNESS
tion method or the excuse of non-payment of taxes. Notable
among these was the case of San Andreas, state of Chihuahua,
which was exploited by the Mexican press in April, 1909. . . .
The state authorities confiscated lands of several scores of
farmers, the excuse being that the owners were delinquent in
their taxes. The farmers resisted in a body, and two car-loads
of troops, hurried to the scene from the capital of the state,
promptly cleaned them out, shooting some and chasing half a
hundred of them into the mountains. Here they stayed until
starved out, when they straggled back, begging for mercy. As
they came, they were thrown into jail, men, women and children. * '
PLANTATION SLAVERY IN YUCATAN
Closely related to this land confiscation, with the resultant
beggary brought to thousands, was the drifting of the victims
from their old homes to new places where they became actual
slaves upon plantations. Dispossessed owners of little prop-
erties are inconvenient to have around. They are sure to be
discontented ; they may be dangerous. Not only so. The condi-
tions of agricultural labor in the hot lands of the Republic pre-
sented an opportunity of not only getting rid of this discontented
element, but of profiting financially by their removal. Prob-
ably that part of Mr. Turner's writings which made the strong-
est impression upon the readers was this matter. Indians in
great numbers were removed, on one pretext or another, from
their native land and were transferred to Yucatan and other dis-
tricts where plantation help was necessary. Such transferred
Indians had a definite market price. The business was very
profitable. Governors, jefes politicos, and political officials, all
profited handsomely by the business. The unlucky Indians of
course were slaves in fact, though perhaps not slaves in name.
A few quotations from Turner will be sufficient: "The masters
of Yucatan do not call their systems slavery; they call them
enforced service for debt. l We do not consider that we own our
laborers; we consider that they are in debt to us. And we do
not consider that we buy and sell them; we consider that we
A VOICE IN THE WILDERNESS 245
transfer the debt, and the man goes with the debt. ' " . The first
slave debtors in Yucatan were the Maya Indians of the region.
Indians from other districts, however, were imported in great
numbers, and among these the favorites were the strong and well
built Yaquis from the far northwest.
"The Yaquis are transferred on exactly the same basis as
the Mayas the market price of the slaves and yet all the peo-
ple of Yucatan know that the planters pay only sixty-five dol-
lars apiece to the government for each Yaqui. I was offered for
four hundred dollars each, Yaquis who had not been in the
country a month, and consequently had had no opportunity of
rolling up a debt that would account for a difference in price. ' '
"Why do the henequen kings call their
system enforced service for debt instead of by the right name?
Probably for two reasons because the system is the outgrowth
of a milder system of actual service for debt, and because of the
prejudice against the word ' slavery' both among Mexicans and
foreigners. Service for debt in a milder form than is found in
Yucatan exists all over Mexico, and is called peonage. Under
this system political authorities everywhere recognize the right
of an employer to take the body of a laborer who is in debt to
him and to compel the laborer to work out the debt. If once the
employer can compel the laborer to work, he can compel him to
work on his own terms, and that means that he can work him
on such terms as will never permit the laborer to extricate him-
self from his debt. ' '
It is to be noticed that, in the above quotations, the govern-
ment is mentioned as receiving sixty-five dollars each for Yaquis.
The excuse for transferring the Yaquis was that they had been
at war with the Diaz government. It was asserted that the only
way to end their warfare was to transfer them from their homes
to other parts of the republic. The Yaqui wars of course were,
for the most part, due to the fact that the Indians had been
robbed of their lands. Transportation, however, was applied
not only to those Indians who had been at war, but to non-resist-
ing peaceful Indians as well.
246 A VOICE IN THE WILDERNESS
* ' These Yaquis, ' ' he said, ' ' sell in Yucatan for sixty-five dol-
lars apiece men, women and children. Who gets the money?
Well, ten dollars goes to me for my services, the rest is turned
over to the Secretary of War. This, however, is only a drop in
the bucket, for I know this to be a fact, that every foot of land,
every building, every cow, every burro, everything left behind by
the Yaquis when they are carried away by soldiers, is appro-
priated for the private use of authorities of the state of Sonora."
Not only warring Yaquis and peaceful Yaquis were in dan-
ger in northwestern Mexico. Others who were not Yaquis were
likely to be seized and transferred to the hot lands where their
services were in so great demand. " 'We were one hundred and
fifty-three at the start, we of Ures,' went on the old man, 'farm
laborers, all of us. We worked for small farmers, poor men, men
with no more than half a dozen families each in their employ.
One day a government agent visited the neighborhood and
ordered the bosses to give an account of all their laborers. The
bosses obeyed, but they did not know what it meant, until a few
days later when the soldiers came. Then they knew, and they
saw ruin coming to us and to them. They begged the officers,
saying, "This is my peon. He is a good man. He has been with
me for twenty years. I need him for the harvest. ' '
Turner tells us something about the Yaquis after they reach
their new home : "In Yucatan I soon learned what became of
the Yaqui exiles. They are sent to the henequen plantations as
slaves, slaves on almost the same basis as all the hundred thou-
sand Mayas whom I found on the plantations. They are held as
chattels, they are bought and sold, they receive no wages, but are
fed on beans, potatoes, and on putrid fish. They are beaten,
sometimes beaten to death. They are worked from dawn until
night in the hot sun beside the Mayas. The men are locked up at
night. The women are required to marry Chinamen or Mayas.
They are hunted when they run away, and are brought back by
the police if they reach a settlement. Families broken up in So-
nora, or on the way, are never permitted to reunite. After they
once pass into the hands of the planters, the government cares no
A VOICE IN THE WILDERNESS 247
more for them, takes no more account of them. The govern-
ment has received its money, and the fate of the Yaquis is in the
hands of the planter."
VALLE NACIONAL
For my own part, while this whole matter of the henequen
slaves of Yucatan is hideous, it seems to me less so than the con-
ditions of Valle Nacional. For years I have been hearing the
common people of Mexico talk with bated breath of Valle
Nacional. The horror of it is that no poor man was safe. It was
not only Indians in fact it was not Indians but mestizos who
were drifted thither. I know personally hundreds of well-inten-
tioned, moderately educated, industrious laboring men of Mexico
to whom the thought of Valle Nacional is a veritable nightmare.
Of it and the unfortunates drifted thither Turner speaks at
length. He says: "In Yucatan the Maya slaves die off faster
than they are born, and two-thirds of the Yaqui slaves are killed
during the first year after their importation into the country. In
Valle Nacional all of the slaves, all but a very few perhaps
five per cent pass back to earth within the space of seven or
eight months. This statement is almost unbelievable. I would
not have believed it, possibly not even after I had seen the whole
process of working them, and beating them, and starving them
to death, were it not for the fact that the masters themselves told
me that it is true. And there are fifteen thousand of these Valle
Nacional slaves fifteen thousand new ones every year."
"The slaves of Valle Nacional are not
Indians, as are the slaves of Yucatan. They are Mexicans. Some
are skilled artisans, others are artists. The majority of them are
common laborers. As a whole, except for their rags, their bruises,
their squalor, and their despair, they are a very fair representa-
tion of the Mexican people. They are not criminals. Not more
than ten per cent were even charged with any crime. The rest of
them are peaceful, law-abiding citizens. Yet not one came to the
valley of his own free will, not one would not leave the valley on
an instant's notice if he or she could get away."
< < There are just two ways employed to
248 A VOICE IN THE WILDERNESS
get them there. They are sent over the road either by a jefe
politico or by a labor agent working in conjunction with a jefe
politico or other officials of the government. ' '
"The methods employed by the jefe
politico working alone are very simple. Instead of sending petty
prisoners to terms in jail, he sells them into slavery in Valle
Nacional. And as he pockets the money himself, he naturally
arrests as many persons as he can. This method is followed
more or less by the jefes politicos of all the leading cities of
southern Mexico. ' '
"In this partnership of the govern-
ment and the labor agent, popularly called ' enganchador'
(snarer), the function of the labor agent is to ensnare the laborer,
the function of the government to stand behind him, help him,
protect him, give him low transportation rates, and free guard
service, and finally to take a share of the profits. "
"I have heard of many cases of the
kidnapping of men and women. Hundreds of half-drunken men
are picked up about the pulque shops of Mexico City every
season, put under lock and key, and later hurried off to Valle
Nacional. Children also are regularly kidnapped for the Valle
Nacional trade. The official records of Mexico City say that,
during the year ending September first, 1908, three hundred and
sixty little boys between the ages of six and twelve disappeared
from the streets. Some of these were later located in Valle
Nacional. ' '
"The jefe politico of Pachuca has a
contract with Candido Fernandez, owner of the tobacco planta-
tion, San Cristobal la Vega, whereby he agrees to deliver five
hundred able-bodied laborers a year for fifty pesos each. The
jefe politico gets special nominal government rates on the rail-
roads, his guards are paid for, so that the four days' trip from
Pachuca costs him only three and a half pesos per man. This
leaves him six and a half pesos. From this he must pay some-
thing to the governor, Pedro L. Rodriguez and something to the
jefe politico at Tuxtepec; but even then his profits are large."
We have said that no man was safe unless rich ; all kinds of
A VOICE IN THE WILDERNESS 249
tradesmen and artisans were in danger. "Yes," exclaimed
Antonio Pla, "some of. the best artisans in the country came
right here in one way or another. We get carpenters and
cabinet makers and upholsterers and everything. Why, on my
ranches I have had teachers and actresses and artists, and one
time I even had an ex-priest. ' '
"I was a carpenter, and a good one-
six years ago. I lived with my brother and sister in Mexico City.
My brother was a student he was only in his teens my sister
attended to the little house that I paid for out of my wages. We
were not poor no, we were happy. Then work in my trade fell
slack, and one evening I met a friend who told me of employment
he had in Vera Cruz, at three pesos a day, a long job. ' '
The business was a profitable one and placed many in a posi-
tion of luxury. "Seiior P. was kind enough to tell us what
became of the fifty pesos he received for each of his slaves. Five
pesos, he said, went to Rodolfo Pardo, jefe politico of Tuxtepec,
ten to Felix Diaz for every slave taken out of Mexico City, and
ten to the mayor of the city, or jefe politico of the district from
whence came the other slaves. l The fact that I am a brother-in-
law of Felix Diaz/ said Seiior P., 'as well as a personal friend
of the governors of the states of Oaxaca and Vera Cruz, and of
the mayors of the cities of the same name, puts me in a position
to supply your wants better than any one else. I am prepared
to furnish you any number of laborers up to forty thousand a
year, men, women and children, and my price is fifty pesos each.
Children workers last better than adults, and I advise you to
use them in preference to others/
THE RAILWAY DEAL
An example of the gigantic scale on which the people were
taxed that rulers might grow rich is found in the nationaliza-
tion of the Mexican railways. The idea was given a certain
popularity and gained at least a temporary tacit approval from
the unfortunate people, by the pretext that it was a patriotic
movement for limiting the power of foreign capitalists in the
250 A VOICE IN THE WILDERNESS
country. In regard to this Mr. Turner says : ' ' The consolida-
tion under nominal government control of the two principal rail-
road systems in Mexico, the Mexican Central and the Mexican
National, was brought about not, as was officially given out, to
provide against the absorption of the Mexican highways by for-
eign capitalists, but to provide for that very thing. It was a
deal between E. H. Harriman, on the one hand, and the govern-
ment finance camarilla, on the other, the victim in the case
being Mexico. It was a sort of deferred sale of the Mexican
railroads to Harriman, the members of the camarilla getting as
their share of the loot millions and millions of dollars through
the juggling of securities and stock in effecting the merger. On
the whole, it constitutes perhaps the most colossal single piece
of plundering carried out by the organized wreckers of the
Mexican nation.
In this deal with Harriman, Limantour, Minister of Finance,
was the chief manipulator, and Pablo Macedo, brother of Miguel
Macedo, Sub-Secretary of the Department of the Interior, was
first lieutenant. As a reward for their part in the deal, Liman-
tour and Macedo are said to have divided nine million dollars'
gold profits between them, and Limantour was made president,
and Macedo vice-president of the board of directors of the
merged roads, which positions they still hold. The other members
of the board of directors of the merged roads are : Guillermo de
Landa y Escandon, Governor of the Federal District of Mexico ;
Samuel Morse Felton, former president of the Mexican Central,
who was Harriman 's special emissary in Mexico to work &
Diaz to secure his consent for the deal ; E. N. Brown, former vice-
president and general manager of the Mexican National Lines,
and Gabriel Mancera. Each of these four men is said to have
made a personal fortune for himself out of the transaction."
And of course the starving people of the Mexican Eepublic
pay the bills. "The Mexican Central and Mexican National sys-
tems are both cheaply built roads ; their rolling stock is of very
low grade. Their entire joint mileage at the time of the merger
was possibly 5,400 miles, and yet, under the merger, they were
A VOICE IN THE WILDERNESS 251
capitalized at $615,000,000 gold, or $112,000 per mile. Oceans
of water there. The Mexican Central was thirty years old, yet
had never paid a penny. The Mexican National was twenty-five
years old, yet it had paid less than two per cent. Yet in the over-
capitalized merger we find that the company binds itself to pay
four and a half per cent on $225,000,000 worth of bonds, and
four per cent on $160,000,000 worth of bonds, or $16,525,000
interest a year, and pay it semi-annually. " In other words, if
Mr. Turner's figures are accurate, the Mexican people are com-
pelled to pay annually in interest on these bonds two peso each
for every man, woman and child in the Republic.
AMERICAN PARTNERSHIP WITH DIAZ
The last point made by Mr. Turner to which we shall direct
attention is the fact that, for many years the United States Gov-
ernment was a partner with Diaz and his cientificos in their mis-
rule of Mexico. Our officials, our legal equipment, our army,
were at the disposition of the system. Of course the reason was
not far to seek. It was the financial interests of Americans in
Mexico which led to the easy and complaisant attitude of our
government.
WEAK POINTS OF BARBAROUS MEXICO
We have spoken at length in regard to Turner's book because
it deserves attention. It was a voice cryi~ig in the wilderness.
It was the first vigorous appeal from an outsider for justice to
a suffering people. While his facts are true, and his motive
good, the author makes two serious blunders. First, he fails
to realize and emphasize the fact that slavery is no new thing in
Mexico. It has existed in the same frightful forms which he
describes for more than three hundred years. Since the original
settlement of the country, there had been landed estates to be
developed, mines to be worked. During all that time, there had
been open and flagrant slavery, forced labor, peonage for debt,
drifting of unfortunates to places where their lives were worked
out in unwholesome surroundings for the benefit of wealthy
252 A VOICE IN THE WILDERNESS
masters. There were periods indeed of improvement, there were
periods of emphatic and frightful development; but there, has
never been a time since the old city of Tenochtitlan fell when the
fair land has been free of this foul blot. Mr. Turner weakens his
argument sadly, by not realizing this fact. Second, Porfirio Diaz
has been less an active plotter to bring about these evils than one
would think from reading the indictment in "Barbarous Mex-
ico. " Porfirio Diaz was not the creator and originator of these
crying wrongs. He was a man of inordinate ambition, born
into certain conditions, which he selfishly utilized to his ad-
vantage and the advantage of his friends who helped him gain
his aims. He was bad enough from any point of view, but he
was the creature of circumstances. Had he been as strong a
character as has been usually asserted, and at the same time
imbued with a spirit of true patriotism, he might have helped
appreciably in an advance movement of reform ; even so, he could
not have made things over. Had he devoted his lifetime to the
effort of solving the very serious problems surrounding him, he
could have helped his nation, but could not have inaugurated an
actually golden age of justice and perfection.
THE NEW GOSPEL
THE CREELMAN INTERVIEW LA SUCESION PRESIDENCIAL EN IQIO
PERSONAL POLITICS CONTINUANCE IN POWER RESULTS OF
MILITARISM THE VICE-PRESIDENCY ^QUESTION OF MATERIAL
PROGRESS EFFECTS OF DIAZ* GOVERNMENT FITNESS OF PEOPLE
FOR DEMOCRACY MADERo's PROGRAM.
IT is not often that a reporter's interview for periodical pub-
lication becomes an important political document. Such a
fate was, however, in store for an interview by James Creel-
man with President Diaz, which was printed in the March
number of Pearson's Magazine for 1908.
THE CREELMAN INTERVIEW
In that interview the President of the Mexican Eepublic said :
"No matter what my friends and supporters say, I retire when
my presidential term of office ends, and I shall not serve again.
I shall be eighty years old then. I have waited patiently for
the day when the people of the Mexican Eepublic should be pre-
pared to choose and change their government at every election
without danger of armed revolution and without injury to the
national credit or interference with national progress. I believe
that day has come.
"I welcome an opposition party in the Mexican Republic.
If it appears, I will regard it as a blessing, not an evil. And
if it can develop power, not to exploit, but to govern, I will
stand by it, support it, advise it, and forget myself in the suc-
cessful inauguration of complete democratic government in
the country."
This interview became the rallying cry for the opposition
which voiced the sentiments of " No reelection. ' ' It precipitated
the book of Francisco I. Madero La Sucesion Presidential en
1910; it unquestionably hastened the revolution.
253
254 THE NEW GOSPEL
LA SUCESION PRESIDENCIAL EN 19 1
At the beginning of his book, Madero says : i l Nevertheless,
the problem for the reconquest of our rights presented itself
as of most difficult solution, above all, for those who, satisfied
as I, with life, shut up in their selfishness and contented with
the respecting of their material properties, did not occupy them-
selves greatly in studying such a problem. This criminal indif-
ference, child of the times, received a rude shock with the events
of Monterey on the 22nd of April, 1903.
" Until that epoch I remained almost indifferent to the march
of political affairs, and quite so to the political campaign which
the people of Nuevo Leon were conducting, when reports reached
me of the infamous attack of which the oppositionists, in con-
ducting a pacific demonstration, were victims, which resulted
impressive on account of the immense concourse of people, and
which had a tragic end due to the ambush into which it fell.
This occurrence, witnessed by some of my relatives and friends
who took part in the manifestation, impressed me deeply and
sadly. "
From that time on, Madero was grappling with the problems
of politics.
PERSONAL POLITICS
In the beginning of his book, he emphasizes the dangers of
personal politics. It is not altogether easy to quote brief pas-
sages from his argument. In one place he says, in contrasting
the significance of party politics and personal politics, the fol-
lowing: "The probabilities are immense, that a party formed
and founded upon principles, has to be as immortal as the prin-
ciples which it proclaims, though many of its members may
succumb ; but the principle will never succumb, and always will
serve as a guiding light for directing the steps of those who
desire to fight for the welfare of the country; it ever will serve
as a point of concentration to all noble ambition, to all pure
patriotism. The same does not occur with personalist parties,
THE NEW GOSPEL 255
which tend to disaggregate, if not at the death of their chief,
very shortly afterward."
CONTINUANCE IN POWER
In asking how it came about that Diaz so long remained in
power, he says: "It will appear that it is a presumption on
my part to seem to know more in these matters than General
Diaz who, for so many years, has been at the head of the destinies
of the country ; but I do not in the least hold the conviction that
General Diaz has not seen, as clearly as myself, in this affair,
in evidence of which there are the declarations which he made
to Creelman, and further back, looking to the source of his gov-
ernment, we shall see that, if he took up arms against the
governments of Juarez and Lerdo, it was precisely because
he judged the indefinite reelection of governors a threat for
democratic institutions ; and this will continue to happen unless
political parties are now organized; but they must be parties
founded upon principles which satisfy the national aspirations,
and not personalist parties, like those which actually exist in the
republic. ' '
EESULTS OF MILITARISM
In studying the subject of militarism in Mexico, Madero
made review of the whole history of the nation to show what
serious disasters it had always brought. In the case of Comon-
f ort, he shows how great an error it was for that real leader in
democracy to depend upon it. He says: "Comonfort, consti-
tutional president, had the support of the entire nation.
"Comonfort, revolutionist, eight days after his coup d'etat,
could not count even upon the aid of those who induced him to
commit so great a fault; the forces which pronounced in his
favor were the first to turn against him, and he was forced to
leave his country to weep in exile the ills which, in a moment
of blindness, he had inflicted upon his nation.
"Another example which it is well not to forget: A man like
him, so well deserving of the highest honors and the national
256 THE NEW GOSPEL
gratitude; of admirable prudence and tact; of irreproachable
conduct; of a disinterestedness and patriotism for every trial,
committing in a moment of blindness, of folly, or of weakness,
an irreparable fault! Unhappy those nations whose destinies
depend upon the life, will, or caprice, of a single man!"
In the same direction, in speaking of the period when the
French forces were being withdrawn from the national terri-
tory, he exclaims: "Another example of the tremendous pun-
ishment which nations receive that abdicate their liberty; of
the peril of leaving power in the hands of a single man ! ' '
THE VICE-PRESIDENCY
In a chapter devoted to the subject of General Diaz, his
ambitions, his politics, and methods of which he has made use
for remaining in power, our author comes to the delicate ques-
tion of the vice-presidency. He sees only peril in the office.
He says: "(The nation) trusted at the disappearance of
General Diaz from the political scene, it would recover its
rights; but this hope has vanished since the creation of the
vice-presidency, which has for its evident object to protect the
interests created under the shadow of the present administra-
tion, not to permit the people to recover its liberties, to the
end of perpetuating in power the group which surrounds our
present ruler.
"The nation would be contented for the present to choose
the vice-president who undoubtedly will be the successor of
General Diaz, because his advanced age makes it very probable
that he will not be living in the year 1916, the end of the next
presidential period.
"In order to attain even this feeble concession, it appears
that the country is resolving to arouse itself from its lethargy ;
but nations, in awakening, are accustomed to be turbulent, and
to us, who aspire to guide public opinion with our writings, the
task imposes itself of directing the popular energies through
the broad road of democracy, in order to prevent their wander-
ing by the tortuous by-paths of revolts and intestine war. "
THE NEW GOSPEL 257
In another chapter entitled: "Whither does General Diaz
lead us!" he speaks specifically of Corral. He says: "On the
disappearance of General Diaz from the political scene, Seiior
Corral, or whoever may be designated in his place to occupy
the vice-presidency, will put himself in relation with all the
governors, and these w r ill renew the compact celebrated with
his predecessor: 'You sustain us in power, and in our turn we
will sustain you indefinitely/ Perhaps there might be some
governor who would not be in agreement with him. In such a
case, he would send emissaries to agitate public opinion in the
state, and to organize a party of opposition which, supported
by the central government, would be the one which would result
triumphant in the elections, promptly assuring a change of
governor/'
QUESTION OF MATERIAL PROGRESS
In discussing the material progress made under the great
dictator, Madero says : ' ' We will only say that it is an error
to attribute all our progress to General Diaz, considering that,
in the same period of time, many nations of the world have
attained a development which surpasses our own, among which
we will cite : Japan, France, the United States, Italy, Germany ;
and among our sisters of the south: Costa Kica, Argentina,
Chile, and Brazil."
EFFECT OF DIAZ 7 GOVERNMENT
Our author considers that the effect of the Diaz Government
has been to deaden every legitimate effort. Thus he says: "In
summary, absolute power has annihilated the forces of the
nation, because the citizens who might lend their assistance to
the good progress of the government, have abstained from
doing so lest they should appear as discontented individuals.
This custom has made them lose all interest in public matters,
knowing that they could not remedy the situation."
258 THE NEW GOSPEL
FITNESS OF PEOPLE FOB DEMOCRACY
To the constant cry that they are unfit as yet for real democ-
racy, he says: "In fact, their affirmation is easily answered:
Admitting for a moment that we are not fit for democracy, in
what manner shall be arrive at familiarizing ourselves with its
practices, if we are never permitted to practice them? The
expression * democratic practices,' consecrated by custom, im-
plies, besides the theory, the putting of it into action, and as
long as this does not happen, as long as nations do not carry
into practice democratic ideas, they will never become familiar
with them/'
MADERO'S PROGRAM
The program which Madero offered is as follows: "From
this circumstance it is indispensable to strive with energy, even
if certain defeat is to be foreseen because, with the sole fact
of struggling in the field of democracy, of competing at the
electoral urns, and above all, of having constituted ourselves
into a political party, we Independents will have secured the
awakening of the country and the Independent Party, although
defeated, will have in reality saved the institutions, since with
this struggle it will have acquired such prestige that, at the
death of General Diaz, it will constitute itself into a constant
vigilant censorship upon his successor who, from this motive,
must proceed with great moderation, and little by little make
concessions to the nation which will gradually force them into
frequent electoral contests, since the Independents' will not
rest, and will promote electoral campaigns in the states, with
the end of gradually renewing the town governments, local
legislatures, governors, and legislatures of the nation. "
The watchword and rallying cry of the whole movement
were : ' ' Effective suffrage ! ' ' and l i No reelection ! ' '
THE STOEY OF THE MADERO REVOLUTION
MADERO 'S CAMPAIGN REELECTION OF DIAZ AND CORRAL THREAT-
ENING INCIDENTS THE FIRST BATTLE REVOLUTION THE STRUG-
GLE IN CHIHUAHUA CHANGE OF GOVERNOR NEW TACTICS
HOPE IN LIMANTOUR YIELDING ALONG THE WHOLE LINE OVER-
TURES FOR PEACE BELATED CONCESSIONS ARMISTICE AND NEGO-
TIATIONS THE FALL OF CIUDAD JUAREZ WILD SCENES THE
RESIGNATION OF DIAZ THE PEACE TREATY THE FINAL ACTS.
ON June 26, 1910, the presidential election took place in
Mexico. It was interesting because, for the first time
in many years, there was actually a candidate in
opposition to President Diaz. The candidate of course was
Francisco I. Madero, whose claim to popularity rested upon his
book, La Sucesion Presidential en 1910. We have already
called attention to him and it.
MADERO *S CAMPAIGN
Madero was nominated for the office of President by an
actual national convention called by the anti-reelection soci-
eties. The candidate for Vice-President nominated with him
was Francisco Vasquez Gomez. Basing their action upon the
famous Creelman interview, the candidates attempted to ar-
range with President Diaz for an actual election in which the
people should genuinely cast votes for the man of their choice.
Given to understand that they were at liberty to push their
cause, Madero made a campaign of propaganda. He visited
many states, making speeches and organizing the anti-reelec-
tion movement. At many places difficulties were thrown in his
way and at times he was in actual danger of physical attack.
Early in June, only a few days before the election was to be
held, he was in Monterey in connection with his propaganda.
The fact was that he seemed to be making. dangerous headway,
and it was deemed best to check him. He was arrested on the
complaint that he had concealed Roque Estrada, who had been
259
260 STORY OF THE MADERO REVOLUTION
FRANCISCO I. MADERO.
STORY OF THE MADERO REVOLUTION 261
accused of misdemeanors, in his house. . Estrada was Madero's
secretary, and his presence in Madero's house was natural and
no just subject of complaint. Both men were seized and jailed.
The Government, however, seemed to recognize that the com-
plaint made in Monterey was an insufficient basis for vigorous
action; it was in reality only an excuse for once getting him
within the hands of the authorities. He was therefore trans-
ferred to San Luis Potosi, where he was accused of having been
guilty of sedition and lese majesty in his public speeches. He
was finally set at liberty, on heavy bail. While at San Luis
Potosi, he matured his plan of revolution and drew up the
famous document which bears the name of the Plan of San
Luis Potosi, in which the purposes and causes of the revolution
are set forth. Discovering that it was planned to send him to
Puebla, on charges similar to those which had been urged
against him in San Luis Potosi, he determined to flee to a place
of refuge. It was his custom to take a daily walk along the
railroad track. Each day he extended his walk and returned
a little later than before; one day he did not return, and the
most vigorous efforts to locate him met with no success. Dis-
guised and aided by his sympathizers, he found his way* north-
ward to the frontier and entered the United States.
REELECTION OF DIAZ AND CORRAL
Meantime, the election had taken place, resulting in the con-
tinuance of Porfirio Diaz in the office of president, and Kamon
Corral in that of vice-president. It was an election of the usual
type. There is no doubt that with a fair vote Diaz would have
been driven from power, and Madero would have been presi-
dent. The election, however, took place as usual. Our Ameri-
can press had many a piquant item upon it; it was a capital
joke; but, after all, the matter was serious. Closely following
the election came the centennial. While the government was
celebrating that splendid function, the forces of revolution
were gathering. Efforts were first made, however, to settle
the difficulties by legal methods. The anti-reelection clubs sent
262 STORY OF THE MADERO REVOLUTION
in a vigorous protest, with many signatures, to congress, de-
manding that the elections be set aside as fraudulent, and that
a new and honest vote be taken. The effort met with no success.
Congress recognized Diaz and Corral as properly elected. The
only thing remaining for the dissatisfied was actual rebellion.
THREATENING INCIDENTS
There were many little incidents which foreshadowed the
outbreak. The occurrence in the Paseo de la Reforma, at the
foot of the Columbus monument, on September llth, is described
elsewhere. That I saiv. Elsewhere too is described the incident
of. September 16th, in the State of Tlaxcala. These were during
the glorious month of September, when the independence of the
nation was being celebrated. They were at a time of profound
peace.
THE FIRST BATTLE
It would be easy to multiply instances of such things in the
weeks before the serious outbreak began. The first actual inci-
dent in the revolution may be considered to be the famous
battle at the house of Aquiles Serdan, fully described else-
where. That happened on the 18th of November.
REVOLUTION
Madero had arranged that on the 20th there should be
simultaneous uprising throughout the whole Republic. Two
days before that date, he issued a manifesto to the federal
army, inviting them to turn against the government and to aid
the revolutionary movement. His appeal met with ho imme-
diate response, but of course throughout the whole period of
actual revolution defections from the army constantly took place ;
it is the regular story of such movements. There are few
armies whose sympathies can be firmly counted upon by a
tyrannical government.
The 20th of November came. In the State of Vera Cruz, the
working people at Rio Blanco, near Orizaba, rose, but were
STORY OF THE MADERO REVOLUTION 263
easily suppressed ; risings took place also in Tlaxcala, Coahuila,
and Chihuahua, but these outbreaks were far from as general
and serious as had been expected. Everywhere people seemed
to hesitate ; they were waiting to see just how far those in other
places would dare venture before they themselves undertook
what many believed to be a desperate venture. On November
26th, in Chihuahua, an attempt was made by the revolutionists
to capture Ciudad Guerrero ; it was not successful, but the less
important town, San Andres, was seized and fortified. The
next day a serious conflict took place at Fresno, four leagues
from the capital city of Chihuahua. General Navarro, after a
four hours' battle, succeeded in dislodging four hundred in-
surrectos who, at that point, occupied an elevated position.
The revolutionists, however, quickly reformed, and two days
later were at the gates of Chihuahua. The same day another
party captured Chuviscar, eight leagues from the city. Fight-
ing took place also in the district where the states of Coahuila
and Durango come together. The rebels captured Gomez Pala-
cio, but withdrew before a force of federals sent from the
neighboring town, Torreon.
It is not necessary to give a detailed description of all the
little engagements in the different parts of the republic. The
northern states of Chihuahua and Coahuila were the centers of
the most important operations and the region within which
Madero himself operated. It was there that the provisional
government had been quartered; it was there, ultimately, that
the Diaz Government carried on negotiations with it.
THE STRUGGLE IN CHIHUAHUA
During the month of December progress was made. On the
first day of the month Porfirio Diaz took oath for the eighth
time before the Congress of the nation to discharge the duties
of his office well and faithfully. As the conditions in the State
of Chihuahua became complicated, and he saw himself unable
to make headway against it, the acting Governor of the state
resigned, and President Diaz appointed Alberto Terrazas as
264
STORY OF THE MADERO REVOLUTION
STORY OF THE MADERO REVOLUTION 265
Governor for the time being. This was not a masterstroke.
Alberto Terrazas, son of Don Luis Terrazas who for many
years was Governor of the state, and who by misrule and op-
pression had gained the hatred of his people, was not the man
to be appointed to the governorship of a state in open revolu-
tion. During the month, important engagements took place at
Cerro Prieto and Mai Paso. Ciudad Guerrero had been seized
by the revolutionists ; General Navarro, the leader of the federal
forces, attempted its recovery; in the operation Colonel Guz-
man was trapped at Mai Paso with frightful loss. The hero
of the day was Pascual Orozco. The situation was so desperate
that new forces under Colonel Cuellar were sent from the City
of Mexico on December 22nd to the seat of war. In January
Madero's people occupied a considerable area and dominated
stretches of the Central and the Northwestern Railroads. Gen-
eral Navarro again attempted to recapture Ciudad Guerrero,
arranging that forces should close in upon the city from various
sides ; to his chagrin, the city was found empty. Vigorous
efforts were made to locate and pursue the enemy. General
Navarro himself never seemed to find them, but at Galeana,
Colonel Rabago, one of the bravest and best of the federal
officers, found them, fought, and met a terrible defeat, losing
officers and 350 men.
CHANGE OF GOVEKNOE
Meantime, Diaz, at Mexico, realized the mistake made in
appointing Alberto Terrazas governor of Chihuahua. Ter-
razas was removed, and Ahumada summoned from Guadala-
jara; he was hurried to the scene of the disturbance. Much
was hoped for from this action. Ahumada was one of the best
state governors of Mexico for many years. He was at one
time governor of Chihuahua, and had left a good name behind
him ; he was respected and beloved. He had been sent to Guad-
alajara because that region had been misgoverned and a good
man was needed there. It was hoped that his reappearance at
Chihuahua would reduce hostility, arouse enthusiasm, and per-
266 STORY OF THE MADERO REVOLUTION
haps stay the course of the revolution. If ten years before
Porfirio Diaz had realized that people genuinely demanded and
deserved good governors, perhaps the cry of "effective suf-
frage" and "no reelection " would not have been heard until
after he had quietly passed from the stage of action. It was,
however, too late for even a good governor to save the situation
in Chihuahua.
NEW TACTICS
It began to be seen also that Madero 's concentration about
the city of Chihuahua was more or less a ruse to distract atten-
tion from the border. In the effort to save the capital of the
state, all possible force had been brought together there and the
international boundary was left almost unoccupied by federal
forces. The result was that war equipment was constantly
crossing from the United States; supplies and ammunition
were daily entering from the north even cannons and rapid-
firing guns being brought in. When this was fully recognized,
Rabago was ordered to Ciudad Juarez to guard against this
constant importation. At Bauche, Babago had a fight with
the forces of Oroczo, suffering some loss. Garcia, Cuellar and
Navarro were also transferred to Juarez. It was about this
time that the mysterious mobilization of 20,000 American sol-
diers to the Mexican border took place. Meantime, there had
been serious fighting at Casas Grandes. After this, Madero
established his headquarters at Kancho de Bustillos, a hundred
kilometers northwest of Chihuahua City. With him were Pas-
cual Oroczo, Colonel Garabaldi, Capt. Eaoul Madero, and other
leaders. At the time of his establishing his headquarters, about
a thousand men were at his disposition ; this number gradually
grew until finally he had three thousand men well equipped and
under fair discipline.
It was wonderful how this insurrection spread through the
republic. This was true particularly in the south. The move-
ment there was largely undirected. There were no great lead-
ers, no definite plans. But at scores of places, the people, hear-
STOEY OF THE MADERO REVOLUTION 267
ing of the events taking place in the north, armed themselves
for outbreak. The capital city was absolutely stripped of de-
fenders. The President had no settled plan of action ; all advice
failed. In desperation, he announced the suspension of the
guarantees in other words, declared martial law throughout
the republic. In Mexico it is eternally a sign of weakness.
The terms of his proclamation were severe in the extreme. Far
from terrifying the people and deterring them from joining in
the revolution, the proclamation seemed to add fuel to the con-
flagration. Thousands, who had no thought of active participa-
tion in the disturbance, were driven by this document to unite
with the forces fighting against the government. By the middle
of April it might be said tliat every state, from Yucatan and
Tabasco up to Sonora and Sinaloa, was in a blaze. Meantime
in the north, the Madero forces were closing in upon Ciudad
Juarez.
HOPE IN LIMANTOUR
It was pitiful that at this time the old president seemed to
feel that Limantour might still save the day. The man to whom
the growth of the cientificos was due; the man to whom, more
than to any other, the unrest of Mexico may be ascribed; the
man who, at this crisis, could have the least influence, was
Limantour. He was summoned from Paris to Mexico. He
seems to have had complete confidence in himself. In New
York and Washington his coming was hailed by the money in-
terests and politicians with great satisfaction. Much was ex-
pected of him ; it merely shows how blind those interests have
always been to actual conditions in the Mexican Republic. It
was the end of March when he arrived in the capital city. He
was given a free hand; his advice was promptly followed; he
really knew what would once have been effective. Never, how-
ever, in his time of glory, had he suggested the line of procedure
he now proposed. Had he done so, the course of affairs might
have been different; but of course it was impossible for him
to have done so in those days of prosperity.
268 STORY OF THE MADERO REVOLUTION
Harris and Ewing
EMILIO VASQUEZ GOMEZ.
STORY OF THE MADERO REVOLUTION 269
YIELDING ALONG THE WHOLE LINE
It was due to his advice, undoubtedly, that the six most
hated ministers resigned those of Foreign Relations, Justice,
Public Instruction, Government, Fomento and Communications.
There is little question that this change in the cabinet was ar-
ranged when Limantour was in Washington in consultation with
Francisco Leon de la Barra, at that time Ambassador of Mexico
to the United States, and with the approval of Vasquez Gomez
who, as representative of the revolutionary movement, had his
office in the city of Washington. The new cabinet, with de la
Barra at its head, and J. Vera Estanol, was a great improve-
ment on the old one, and would once have been a blessing to the
people. When the change of cabinet was made, it was under-
stood that new laws were being prepared for submission to
congress, which would grant most of the reforms demanded by
the revolutionary party. If it was believed that this announce-
ment would lead to relaxed activity on the part of the revolu-
tionary forces, the supposition was false ; Madero and his people
kept at work.
OVERTURES FOR PEACE
*
It is true that the relatives of Madero at this time held a
consultation with him and made overtures for peace. While
this was not announced as being official, there is no question
that it was done at the request of the government. Probably
his relatives had been informed what concessions the dictator
was willing to make to bring about a cessation of hostilities and
a final adjustment. Whatever they were authorized to offer, did
not meet the needs, and the meeting had no results. It was
realized at the capital city that more concessions must be made.
Vice-President Corral, therefore, asked for a leave of absence
from the country, for a period of eight months on account of
broken health. This request on the part of the hated official
brought about a vigorous and heated discussion in congress,
some of the congressmen demanding that Corral should not ask
for a leave of absence, but should present his resignation.
270 STORY OF THE MADERO REVOLUTION
Finally, however, permission was granted him to leave the coun-
try, and four days later he left for Europe.
BELATED CONCESSIONS
Immediately after congress had voted permission to Corral
to leave the country, the president submitted a law to congress,
providing that there should be no reelection of president or
vice-president of the republic, nor of governors of states. This
being the chief demand of the revolutionary program, was be-
lieved to be a masterstroke of policy; it was intended for con-
ciliation. But the tottering power wished also to suggest that
it was still prepared for war, and eight million pesos were voted
for suppressing the revolution. This was of course intended
to scare the revolutionists by showing that the government was
not yet at the end of its resources. It is probable, however,
that there was no intention of using this money for new mili-
tary enterprises, but that its appropriation was necessary to
meet the heavy costs already assumed in the attempt to suppress
the insurrection. About this same time, a law of liberty of the
press was proposed to congress.
Such was the solution offered by Limantour. Offered in
time, it would have been effective. If in 1909 effective suffrage,
no reelection, liberty of the press, and agrarian reforms had been
honestly proposed, and given to the people, Mexico would have
been spared a revolution, the centennial would have been a
period of popular rejoicing and Limantour and Porfirio Diaz
would have made abiding reputations as statesman and ruler.
ARMISTICE AND NEGOTIATIONS
De la Barra in the City of Mexico, and Vasquez Gomez in
the United States, were keeping wires hot with telegrams re-
garding an armistice. One was finally arranged to begin April
22nd, and to continue for five days, affecting only the area ex-
tending from Ciudad Juarez to Chihuahua. Two "volunteer"
mediators, Oscar Braniff and Toribio Esquivel Obregon, hurried
from Mexico, to reason, as private individuals interested patriot-
STORY OF THE MADERO REVOLUTION 271
ically in their country, with Madero. They claimed that they
came as private individuals, not as official messengers. Madero
consented to receive them. He stated as the prime condition of
peace the resignation of President Diaz. Oscar Braniff 's indig-
nation at the demand was great. He refused to treat further.
Madero remained firm in his demand. It was resignation of the
President or war; the resignation need not take place imme-
diately, but an absolute promise must be given, and a date fixed.
The volunteer peacemakers returned to Mexico.
On April 28th the armistice ended, but it was prorogued for
five days, as the government desired to send an official commis-
sion to treat of peace. The commissioner was Francisco S.
Carbajal with Oscar Braniff and Toribio Esquivel Obregon as
advisers. The revolution was represented in this conference by
Vasquez Gomez, Francisco Madero (father of Francisco I.
Madero), and Pino Suarez. The negotiations continued through
several days, and the armistice had to be extended on May 3d.
Negotiations ceased upon the 6th, when they came to a deadlock.
Carbajal was ready to discuss everything except the resignation
of President Diaz. Madero insisted upon that resignation, but
agreed that he would resign from the position of provisional
president if Diaz resigned from his presidency. As has been
said, negotiations ended on the 6th without agreement. On
May 7th President Diaz issued a manifesto to the nation, in which
he offered to resign, in the following vague terms : "The Presi-
dent of the Republic will retire from power, when his conscience
tells him that his retirement will not deliver the country over to
anarchy. ' ' It is rather interesting to ask how the country could
be in a condition of greater anarchy than at the moment of this
manifesto.
THE FALL OF CIUDAD JUAREZ
Meantime, Madero 's soldiers were chafing ; they were anxious
to attack Ciudad Juarez. During the negotiations General
Luque, of the federal forces, had attacked Cerro del Mulato,
though within the region covered by the armistice. The peace
272 STORY OF THE MADERO REVOLUTION
commissioners of the government, however, and others inter-
ested, had begged that hostilities might still be restrained, hoping
that new negotiations would be opened, and Madero had con-
sented to the request. A small force of his people, however,
had made an attack against the outer defenses of Ciudad Juarez.
It is claimed that a flag of truce was raised with the idea of
explaining the occurrence, but that there was a misunderstanding
in regard to it ; however that may be, noth withstanding the agree-
ment of Madero that hostilities should cease for the time being,
the battle was on. Madero himself, realizing that a serious ad-
vantage would be lost if he restrained his forces, under the
circumstances, gave the order for attack. The battle continued
for two days and ended in a victory for the revolutionary forces.
On the 10th of May, General Navarro, in command of the govern-
ment forces in the north, surrendered. In this engagement the
federals lost three officers killed, and five wounded; 560 soldiers
fell, and the prisoners were General Navarro, twenty -five officers,
and 480 soldiers.
The fall of Ciudad Juarez decided the contest. Madero at
once formed his government. As President, he was to be as-
sisted by a Cabinet consisting of five officers. Francisco Vas-
quez Gomez headed the portfolio of Foreign Relations, Gustavo
Madero that of Hacienda, Venustiano Carranza that of Guerra,
Federico Gonzales Garza that of Gobernacion, and Pino Suarez,
Justicia. Upon receiving the news from Juarez, President Diaz
sent word to Carbajal to arrange for peace at any price.
WILD SCENES
On the whole, the revolutionary forces in the north had been
well held in hand. Few cases of cruelty marred their record
of success. Two important incidents, however, deserve mention
in this connection. On the 10th of May a three-days' battle
began at Torreon. After a brave defense, the federal leader
was compelled to evacuate the town. For some reason the revo-
lutionary forces did not at once enter the place. The result
was that the vicious and criminal element of the town broke out,
STORY OF THE MADERO REVOLUTION 273
and indulged in hideous deeds of arson, pillage, and murder.
For some unknown reason, hostility particularly showed itself
against Chinese residents. More than two hundred, some claim
three hundred, were massacred. That the incident was not due
to general and widespread hostility to foreigners or to Chinese
as such is proved by the fact that at no other place was such
massacre of Chinese indulged in, although there were plenty of
towns in the disturbed area which contained a sprinkling of
Chinese population.
At Pachuca, the capital city of Hidalgo, on May 15th, a de-
mand was made by the revolutionary leaders for the surrender
of the town. Governor Rodriguez was not only ready to sur-
render; he gave the order to the leader of his rurales that sur-
render should be made. Instead of obeying the governor's
order, the leader of the rurales with his forces proceeded to
plunder and loot the city. For some hours they pursued their
destructive rioting. The revolutionary forces, when they en-
tered the city, soon put an end to the disturbance, and restored
order.
THE KESIGNATION OF DIAZ
On May 17th, at a meeting of the cabinet ministers held at
his house, President Diaz agreed that the resignation of himself
as President and Vice-President Corral would be presented to
Congress "before the last day of the month. " When this
news was reported to Madero, he telegraphed an inquiry to
President Diaz: "It is necessary to know whether the notice
of your resignation is certain. I beg that you will answer me
directly. " The answer was: "I shall resign in the course of
the present month. The Licenciado Carbajal will give you the
further particulars."
Why was this delay from the 17th until the 31st of May?
Who can say? People generally were inclined to think that it
was due to the fact that Eeyes had been ordered home from
Paris and was nearing Mexico. On May 20th he reached
Havana, Cuba, on the steamer Ypiranga. Is it possible that
274 STORY OF THE MADERO REVOLUTION
President Diaz hoped even at that late hour to stay the tide of
revolution? Is it possible that he hoped that the appearance
of General Reyes on Mexican soil would rally supporters to the
fallen cause? Eeyes was once a popular idol; would his pop-
ularity perhaps still save the day! It hardly seems that he
could have thought so, but stranger things happened during
1911. However that may be, General Reyes found orders await-
ing him in Havana, directing that he wait there until he be
requested to come further. These orders seem to have been
sent him by Francisco I. Madero. Eeyes delayed.
THE PEACE TREATY
On May 21st the treaty of peace was signed. It consisted
of four points of agreement : First, the resignation before the
end of the month of Porfirio Diaz and Ramon Corral. Second,
the Licenciado Francisco L. de la Barra, Secretary of Foreign
Relations, will have charge of the executive power during the
interim and will order general elections within the terms of the
Constitution. Third, the new government will study the con-
ditions of public opinion in order to satisfy them in each state
within the constituted order and will grant indemnifications for
the damages directly caused by the revolution. Fourth, from
this moment hostilities between the government forces and
those of the revolution shall cease.
These were the terms of the public treaty of peace. There
were also secret understandings arranged regarding the details
of the new governmental organization, the state governors,
congress, and the attitude of the provincial government toward
the revolutionary leaders.
THE FINAL, ACT
The day finally set for the resignation of President Diaz
was the 24th of May. At 3 o'clock in the afternoon a
great crowd of people thronged the House of Deputies to wit-
ness the solemn act. To the surprise of every one, Congress
proceeded with ordinary business of no importance, as if this
STORY OF THE MADERO REVOLUTION 275
matter of vital consequence were not before it. Tumult ensued,
threats of clearing the chamber had to be made, and finally,
in order to quiet public clamor, Senor Calero rose and stated
that the reason why they were not considering the matter of
the resignations was because those documents had not yet been
presented to them.
This was too much for the angry mob. Those who had
gathered in the House of Deputies in order to witness the sol-
emn ceremony left in serious exasperation. Crowds soon gath-
ered on the streets ; the building of the Jockey Club was stoned ;
store windows were broken; the mob hastened to the house of
General Diaz, which was defended by numerous troops. The
noise of tumult, however, penetrated to the house. Part of the
mob directed its way to the great plaza, and in front of the
National Palace, made a demonstration. The police fired upon
the crowd. Three gendarmes and nine citizens were killed,
and nineteen persons are known to have been seriously wounded.
This street demonstration and street killing was simply due to
the vacillation and hesitancy of the old man in carrying out his
promise to the people.
The following day the disturbances continued on the streets.
One killed and three wounded was the net result. The disturb-
ances continued through the morning. In the afternoon the
resignations promised were sent to congress, and immediately
accepted by that body. With this action quiet ensued.
276
STORY OF THE MADERO REVOLUTION
INDIAN MEXICO
MEXICAN INDIANS SUSPICIOUS SUPERSTITIONS HOME LIFE OF
INDIANS INDIAN CONSEEVATISM IGNORANCE TRANSMISSION OF
NEWS THE INDIAN'S DESIRE MISTAKEN INDIAN POLICY SEP-
ARATED AND ISOLATED THE HOPE OF MEXICO.
ONE of the most serious problems left unsolved by Porfirio
Diaz was the Mexican Indian. If we consider the total
population of the republic to reach the figure of fifteen
millions persons, it is likely that six million of these are Indians
of pure blood. If we draw a line across Mexico a little north
of the capital city, we may quite fairly call the portion lying
south of it by the name of Indian Mexico. The cities in this
area are not Indian, though Oaxaca and some others in the south
have a large number of Indians in their population. But out-
side the cities the population is almost purely such. There are
true Indian villages within twenty-five minutes of the Plaza .of
the capital; there are important Indian towns within an hour's
ride by railway train; Aztec may be heard in current use, as
the ordinary language, at points within the valley of Mexico
itself; troops of Otomi Indians pass through the streets of
Mexico almost daily; when celebrating the centennial, it was
not necessary to send far for Indians to participate in the his-
torical procession which formed so striking a feature in that
splendid pageant. The State of Tlaxcala is almost purely
Indian and is one of the most densely populated states of the
republic; the State of Oaxaca has been said to have more than
90 per cent of Indian population ; there are undoubtedly sections
of Mexico where the blood of white men is- breeding out and the
percentage of Indian blood increasing.
I know the Mexican Indian well. During four years the
whole of my free time was devoted to a study of him in his
mountain home, in the states of Hidalgo, Vera Cruz, Puebla,
Tlaxcala, Michoacan, Oaxaca, Chiapas and Yucatan. Thousands
277
278
INDIAN MEXICO
of them have passed through my hands for inspection, measure-
ment and examination. They differ of course from tribe to
tribe, from region to region. The Archbishop of Oaxaca once
said to me : ' i Within my diocese there are many different kinds
of Indians; there are tall ones and short ones, handsome and
ugly ones, stupid and bright ones; they range from black to
orange yellow. " Yet there are certain characteristics common
to all, and one may form a general conception of Mexican Indians
which will be for the most part true.
MEXICAN INDIANS SUSPICIOUS
The Indians of Mexico are suspicious. Within their little
villages every man knows his neighbor; no man knows out-
siders; the stranger is dreaded. There are many towns which
object to harboring an outsider for a single night. They cannot
understand why anyone should come to them unless he has
designs against them. They are afraid of being robbed of land ;
they suspect new forms of taxation; they fear that they may
be forced into military service; they fear lest they be made to
labor on distant plantations for foreign owners. These fears are
based upon old experience, and on the whole are not without
foundation; but beyond this, there is the natural suspicion of
outsiders common to peoples living in isolation. Nor is their
suspicion limited to white men. Not only are there long-standing
feuds between tribes, but there are difficulties often between
villages of the same people. Not uncommonly the traveler finds
it difficult to secure food and shelter for his Indian servant;
the village that may perhaps be willing to supply him with
what he needs will absolutely refuse to minister to the necessity
of his mozo.
SUPERSTITIONS
It is not surprising that the Indians of Southern Mexico are
superstitious. Nominally and theoretically all of them are
Catholics ; many of them, in fact, are devoutly so. They have,
however, been sadly neglected. In many Indian villages the
INDIAN MEXICO 279
priest comes but one a year (upon the Saint's day), or twice,
to say mass, to baptize, to unite in holy matrimony, or to repeat
prayers for the dead. There are few villages but have a church,
and frequently the church is fine, out of all proportion to the
importance of the prosperity of the community. But while
Catholics, the Indians are also pagans. Magic and ancient witch-
craft still form an important element in their life, for most of
the Catholicism is a varnish or veneer over the old idolatry.
Archbishop Gillow once showed me a wooden figure, crudely
painted, of a rain god which had been taken from the church of
Mixistlan. It was found in the church itself at the high altar
with the crucifix and figure of the Blessed Virgin. Many of
the modern churches occupy the sites of ancient temples, and not
infrequently the worship there performed is a worship to the
old gods masquerading under a Christian name. The church
upon the Pyramid of Cholula replaces a temple of Quetzalcoatl
the Fair God; it is likely that the "church of the thieves " in
Huixquilucan of the Otomis, has done the same ; they give room
for thought. The churches at Guadalupe occupy a site that was
sacred to the ancient Aztecs; the mother of God perhaps was
forced to make her apparitions at the rock sacred to Tonantzin
(mother of gods). For many of the thousands of Indians who
gather at those shrines it is certain that the act of worship is
the same today as anciently. Were there room, an interesting
chapter could be filled with citations of survivals of paganism
among the Mexican Indians ; and chapters more could be filled
with examples of their superstitions and superstitious practices.
HOME LIFE OF INDIANS
The Mexican Indians are not lazy, nor are they cowards.
In their mountain homes they cultivate the land and raise
sufficient harvests for their annual needs ; in many villages they
raise coffee and fruits ; some towns produce mattings, basketry,
pottery, manias, and blankets ; in many places they burn char-
coal. Some of these products of their industry are meant for
export and are carried on human backs over the mountains to a
280
INDIAN MEXICO
INDIAN MEXICO 281
market. Bands of Mixes go a hundred miles or more to Oaxaca
with heavy burdens of charcoal, coffee, or fruit. It is said that
the man, who has carried a hundred or a hundred and fifty
pounds upon his back up to the city and having no burden for
his homeward journey, will load his carrying-frame with stones
and carry them over the weary trails back to his village ; perhaps
the practice is not altogether foolish. The Mexican Indians are
timid and suspicious, but they are not cowards. They are not
afraid of death; when they have a leader, they make good
soldiers ; if equipped, they would defend their village and their
land with bravery; to the last man, if they knew they had a
nation, they would fight for it most gladly.
The Mexican Indians are very poor. They may, however,
be happy. If unoppressed, they gain a living rather easily;
they want no more ; why should they ? In their towns they can
produce all that they need; materials for their simple houses
are abundant in their immediate locality ; food sufficient for the
year's needs can be found and cultivated; cotton, and in some
localities wool, is at hand, and the women know how to spin
and weave. Shelter, food and clothing, all are within reach.
What more is necessary? If they have desires for anything
beyond, the coffee and the charcoal will procure it. Whether
they would be any better or happier if their needs were greater
admits of question. Probably if they are to contribute seriously
to the upbuilding of a great nation, their desires must be multi-
plied. As it is, they live close to the margin. A party of a
half dozen quartered on an ordinary Indian town in the mountain
districts, may be a serious burden ; even the traveler who pays
for all he uses is no blessing; the man who sells him food for
himself and fodder for his horses, is dissatisfied ; he knows that
he is likely to be forced to buy the same things for his own
needs a little later at even higher prices.
INDIAN CONSERVATISM
The Mexican Indians are conservative. Curious differences
in this respect are seen. The Mixes on the whole are among
282 INDIAN MEXICO
those that have been least affected by outside influence; all
of them speak their harsh language and most of them know
little or no Spanish. Yet in the matter of dress, they are the
least conservative of Mexican Indians. On the other hand, the
Zapotecs are largely in the habit of speaking Spanisl}, although
all also use their native tongue ; but in the matter of dress they
still wear the old cueitl, huipili, and huipilili, made of material
of their own weaving.
IGNORANCE
In many things the Mexican Indian is frightfully ignorant.
He is not lacking, for the most part, in intelligence; he knows
the necessities for his daily life in his little town; he is well
informed in all the village happenings; he can appreciate jus-
tice and hate injustice. But his range of thought is very nar-
row ; he often speaks no language but his own ; he knows neither
to read nor write, may or may not have been to the nearest
market-town ; he has rarely seen a foreigner and knows nothing
of outside lands.
It is doubtful whether he knows the name of the governor
of his state or of the president of the republic; both state and
republic are very vague, indefinite, ideas for him. Martin
Gonzales, for many years governor of the State of Oaxaca, once
hesitated to give me a general letter of introduction to all the
officials of his state; he said: "You should never go to an
Indian town until you have been to the district capital and
secured ordenes from the jefe politico; these Indians do not
know me nor my name, but they know their jefe politico.'' To
them their village is the center of the world. It is rare for them
to exhibit curiosity regarding the place from which the occa-
sional visitor has come. In order to answer the few who
betray curiosity in such matters, it has been my custom to indi-
cate my own provenance indirectly. A Chinantec Indian once
asked about my home. He had never seen a railroad train, but
knew of it and that it made extraordinary speed. I told him,
1 ' To reach my home, you must travel two days on foot over the
INDIAN MEXICO 283
trail to Cuicatlan ; a train takes you the following day to Puebla ;
the next day another train carries you to Mexico City where
Don Porfirio lives ; another train, taken at night, traveling night
and day, reaches my city in four nights and three days of con-
stant going. " As I spoke, a look of sympathy and pity passed
over the old man's face, and shaking his head, he said: "Ah,
sir, what a remote and out-of-the-world place you come from."
It is probable that most Mexican Indians knew the name of
Porfirio Diaz. He had been a fugitive in their own mountains ;
he had slept in many of their villages ; members of their tribes
had served in his army and as his body-guard; relatives of many
of them had been blown to pieces for disobeying his orders, or
causing him trouble. He was undoubtedly the one man widely
known among them.
TRANSMISSION OF NEWS
Every one who actually knows Mexico is frequently aston-
ished at the way in which news and information travel. Fre-
quently the peon in the City of Mexico knows the result of a
revolutionary battle at a distance as quickly and as perfectly
as the authorities who have control of the means of communica-
tion. It is little less than marvelous how certain kinds of news
travel. An insurrection is no secret, and while the Indian may
know nothing of its causes, methods, principles, or leaders, the
fact is promptly known.
WHAT HE DESIRES
The one desire of the Indian is to be let alone in his little
world. He loves his village and his little patch of land. He
cares nothing for the outside world. Content with little, he
makes no strife for wealth in our sense of the word, though he
can appreciate the kind of comfort recognized among his kind.
To be left alone he will pay taxes ; he has paid heavy taxes in
the past, and is paying heavy taxes in the present ; he does not
know what they are used for; he looks upon them as a tribute
paid for being left alone.
284
INDIAN MEXICO
,,,..,,
I I III
iiihiim,.;
INDIAN MEXICO
285
286 INDIAN MEXICO
MISTAKEN INDIAN POLICY
Under the grand regime he was sadly treated. It was policy,
that he be kept in ignorance. It was easier to deal with Indians
in little tribes with local prejudices than to deal with them as
millions of citizens of a republic. It is true that they knew
their jefe politico. He was appointed by the Governor and
was expected to keep order and turn over the local taxes. As
long as he did that, he was considered a good officer and was
reasonably secure in his position. He was a brute or worse;
his was the iron hand; he not only turned in the taxes which
were assessed to him by the state government, but grew rich
and fattened from the excess which he ground out of the
Indians. In many parts of the republic lands were taken from
the unfortunate and ignorant Indians. This was usually done
through the operation of new laws of which the poor creatures
were completely ignorant or which they could not understand;
they knew that the little patches of ground which they and
their fathers had cultivated since the days of the Conquest were
taken from them and they had no redress; so common were
such acts of dispossession that every village lived in constant
fear; the appearance of a stranger in the town was often con-
sidered to be simply the preliminary of dispossession; the sight
of a surveyor's instrument, or of a camera, which many of
them thought to be the same thing, caused uneasy feelings.
Not only were they dispossessed of their own land, but they
were frequently forced against their will, on flimsy pretexts,
to work upon plantations for the foreigner. There are places
in Chiapas, where large Indian towns have been depopulated,
where the jefe politico, on some pretext or other, had sold
the labor of the town people to American and German coffee,
rubber, and hennequin planters. Once in the hands of these
employers of labor, foreigners, strangers in blood and speech,
exploiters, the unhappy Indians were actually in slavery ; the-
oretically working out a debt or fine, they never succeeded in
paying off their obligations and died as they lived on strang-
INDIAN MEXICO 287
.
ers' land. Ignorant, oppressed, dispossessed, enslaved it is
not strange that their natural suspicions were increased and
that from time to time they attempted resistance. Hopeless
resistance ignorant, undirected, unled. When such evidences
of dissatisfaction and uneasiness appeared, they were promptly
and firmly dealt with by the great ruler. Ask the Totonacs,
who saw their brothers blown to pieces by cannon about the
firm rule of the benevolent dictator.
Yet on the whole Don Porfirio was kindly inclined toward
his Indians. He knew them much better than most people do.
But it was easier to treat them like children than like men;
easier to manage them separated and divided than united. To
be sure it was a temporizing method of procedure. It was not
the way to develop a real nation. But to produce an actual
nation of ambassadorial rank out of such material was a serious
problem. Anyway, it looked as if conditions would remain
in statu until his period was past. And i i After us the deluge. ' '
SEPAKATED AND ISOLATED
Separated and isolated, such are the Indians of Mexico.
They are separated in language and by it; there are fifteen
languages still spoken in the State of Oaxaca; there are
thirteen in Chiapas some of them included in the Oaxaca list ;
there are others in the State of Guerrero, others in Michoacan.
There are not as many as in the days of Cortes many languages
and dialects have disappeared but there is astonishing diver-
sity in language, and of course this diversity is a bar of sepa-
ration between the Indians. They are separated in topog-
raphy and by it. A given tribe occupies a little valley, or
builds its villages upon a single mountain crest, or settles on
the cultivable patches along a stream; located by natural con-
ditions, their little world is marked out for them, and they can-
not, do not, think beyond it. They are separated in ignorance
and by it. Knowing nothing of men and things outside of their
towns, they fear and suspect all others; superstitions flourish;
progress is impossible.
288 INDIAN MEXICO
THE HOPE OF MEXICO
Yet most tribes of Mexican Indians have admirable quali-
ties. They are not lazy, but industrious; they have push and
energy; though badly nourished, they are strong and endur-
ing; they are persistent and firm even to stubborness; they
are capable of purpose and ideals. It was in a miserable Indian
town of Oaxaca that Benito Juarez was born; to him the very
existence of Mexico as an independent nation to-day is due. It
was in a miserable Aztec town of Guerrero that Ignacio M.
Altamirano was born; he was a man of letters and creditably
represented his nation in the courts of Spain and France. The
Mexican Indian is represented in art by the painter Cabrera,
and the sculptor Instolinque. Nor are men of achievement
from the Indian ranks so rare that it would be difficult to extend
this list respectably. Some of the best qualities of Diaz him-
self were unquestionably due to his Indian blood; it was not
much indeed that flowed in his veins; his father was Spanish
and his mother but a quarter blood Mixtec ; but his persistence,
firmness, and force, his simplicity in life, and his endurance
were distinctly Indian traits. The Indian indeed is Mexico's
hope. If the nation is to become truly great, it can only be
through the elevation and development of its Indian population.
INTERIOR OF ARMORED CAR.
THE HOUSE OF CARDS
WIDESPREAD DISSATISFACTION PREMONITORY RUMBLINGS THE
STORM BURSTS AN EYE-WITNESS RESTRAINT OF THE COMMON
PEOPLE THE FALL.
THERE was a time, within my personal knowledge of the
City of Mexico, when any procession caused a delirium
of joy; when any spectacle caused gaiety. In 1910 that
time was past. During the centennial celebration there were
such splendid spectacles as the Mexican people had never seen,
yet scarcely a sign of pleasure; thousands thronged to watch
the passing show, yet there was no outburst of delight; Porfirio
289
290 THE HOUSE OF CARDS
Diaz, brilliant with royal decorations, and distinguished guests
swept by without applause.
WIDESPREAD DISSATISFACTION
Through the month I elbowed my way through the crowds
and talked with man, woman and child. It is safe to say I in-
terviewed a thousand persons. I always began with some nat-
ural word of praise or commendation ; and I never had an appre-
ciative response, not once.
"What a splendid procession ! ' '
"Yes, sir, but what result has it?"
"What a beautiful illumination!"
"Who pays for it, sir?"
"Hurrah! here comes Don Porfirio!"
"He surrounds himself with bad ministers."
"What a magnificent building!"
"Who has grown rich out of it, sir, while the people starve?"
"What a glorious celebration of your independence!"
"Our independence is dead, sir."
But these might be the discontented people of the streets;
so I talked with barbers, tailors, printers, doctors, little shop-
keepers, reporters, lawyers, government officers, soldiers, and
policemen, but it was all the same. No one respected the gov-
ernment of Don Porfirio ; and the mention of that detested man,
Eamon Corral, or of some of the other ministers, brought out
expressions of hatred from this long-suffering, gentle people.
At least in the capital city, ninety-five per cent of the people
seemed ripe for revolution. There was a floating suggestion
that an outbreak might take place on the night of the 14th. I
asked about this, and more than one replied: "What! an out-
break on the 14th ! with all these foreign guests here, invited to
celebrate our independence! oh, no, sir, never! we shall wait;
nothing will happen until September is past."
THE HOUSE OF CARDS 291
PKEMONITORY EUMBLINGS
There were, however, incidents. They were kept out of Eng-
lish papers and the government-subsidized Spanish sheets. One
of these was the interesting incident of Sept. 11, on the
Paseco de la Beforma, in the shadow of the Columbus monu-
ment, elsewhere described. That I saw. I did not see the fear-
ful thing of Sept. 16, in the State of Tlaxcala, but I heard it
talked about on the streets of Puebla and read the notice in
the Diario del Hogar, a reliable opposition newspaper. Tlaxcala
is a little state, largely Indian; it has long been misruled by
Prospero Cahuantzi, himself an Indian, friend of Porfirio Diaz,
and one of the worst of the many bad governors of Mexican
states. In the villages of Santo Toribio Xicotzingo and Zaca-
talco, the anti-reelectionists had asked permission to hold a pro-
cession on the 16th, Independence Day. They gathered and
carried out their program in Zacatalco and then those of Xicot-
zingo marched back to the plaza of their village where they were
on the point of dispersing ; there had been no disorder. A couple
of rurales rode up and assaulted them, but were repulsed with
stones. At that moment fifty cavalry men appeared, and with
insulting words, fired upon the party, killing more than a dozen
men and women ; the others fled to their homes like rabbits.
On Sept. 13, a petition signed by thousands, was presented
to the National Congress from the State of Oaxaea. It pro-
tested against the seating of Governor Pimentel, who claimed
reelection in the election held last June. To sign such a protest
in Mexico at that time demanded great courage. Signers of
complaints became marked men. Perhaps here they felt strength
in numbers. Were not terror the law in Mexico, similar peti-
tions and protests would have been made against Governor
Martinez of Puebla, Mercado of Michoacan, Cahuantzi of
Tlaxcala, and others the list is long. In March, 1911, I was
conversing with an important Mexican official about bad gov-
ernors; after I had mentioned a dozen, he added, " and
and and ?" None of these men were actually elected by
292
THE HOUSE OF CAKDS
popular vote. It was long since any one of them had had a
legal right to office.
A FIRM GRIP.
THE STORM BURSTS
The storm was gathering. The revolution was organizing.
Its war cry was the election of 1910 ; its mottoes were, "Effective
suffrage" and "No reelection' '; its field was a population
reduced to desperation by a long administration of injustice.
Any leader could have gained a following ; any leader of ability
THE HOUSE OF CARDS 293
was almost certain of success. At the time when he began the
struggle, Madero had neither fame nor record, experience, nor
following. His book stated many important principles and
carried force, though it was by no means a well-constructed
argument; his plan of San Luis Potosi is fairly written, shows
little serious thought, and announces nothing really new. He
knew nothing of military matters; he was considered, even by
his intimate acquaintances, a dreamer, unpractical, almost an
imbecile. He had, however, some qualities of leadership. He
was honest, after a fashion fearless, persistent, sanguine, and
had entire confidence in himself and in his mission. In the
preparation for the outbreak, he showed considerable judg-
ment; he succeeded in making a favorable impression upon
Americans and in gaining wide sympathy among the warm-
hearted people along our southern border.
It had been planned that the rising should be general over
the Republic; Nov. 20 had been appointed as the day of
outbreak. The Diaz government realized that trouble was brew-
ing, but they underestimated its seriousness. Several days
before the 20th, the police of the capital city had discovered
some details of the plot. Weapons and ammunition were dis-
covered, in the express offices, declared as agricultural imple-
ments, and these had been seized; those to whom they were
consigned were arrested and held. On the 18th of November,
two days before the date appointed, suspicion led to the search-
ing of the house of Aquiles Serdan in Puebla. The interesting
battle which took place there, and which, in a sense, may bo
considered the first public act of the revolution, has already
been described in an earlier chapter. As the day approached,
Francisco I. Madero, who had been having his headquarters in
San Antonio, Texas, crossed the Eio Grande into Mexico and
joined his supporters, ready to lead the insurrection in his own
state, Coahuila. The general outbreak of the revolution on the
day appointed was disappointing; the demonstrations made
were by no means formidable ; almost everywhere the plotters
seemed to have determined to wait to see what took place in
294
THE HOUSE OF CARDS
other places before they risked themselves in an adventure
which might prove disastrous.
A.N EYEWITNESS
I was so fortunate as to spend the months of January, Feb-
ruary, and March, 1911, in Mexico; it was an opportunity to
feel a people in the throes of a revolution. One felt that Madero
in the field in Northern Mexico was but a part of a great move-
ment. At that time there had been fighting in Chihuahua,
Sonora, and Lower California; there had been outbreaks in
the States of Yucatan, Vera Cruz, Tlaxcala, Puebla, Guerrero,
and elsewhere. The revolutionists lacked leaders and unity of
plan, but everywhere the people were dissatisfied to the degree
that they were ready to sacrifice their lives. No restoration
of quiet was possible in Mexico until the demands of the aroused
populace should be met. The common people were waking;
they were thinking; they were talking. I saw and felt the
movement, not on the battle-field, but at the center the capital
city. Daily the intimidated and subsidized press reported fed-
eral victories and defeats of the revolutionary forces. But
they deceived no one. It was wonderful how quickly and cor-
rectly the common people learned the news; they knew details
of battles, deaths of leaders, plans of campaign, days before
the publication of these facts took place in periodicals.
RESTRAINT OF THE COMMON PEOPLE
One of the most striking and interesting features of the
situation was the calmness of the people in the city. As the
government forces lost ground, and the case began to look
desperate, force after force was sent to the points of disturb-
ance. Every one in the great city knew precisely how the forces
were being drained off into distant regions. Finally, there was
actually no force left in the City of Mexico for its protection.
The fact was known to man, woman and child; the beggars,
rateros, criminals, knew that the city was defenseless. If it
had been Chicago, there would have been violence ; if New York,
destruction of life and property; if London, years would have
THE HOUSE OF CARDS 295
been necessary to repair the damages which would have been
inflicted; if Paris, the horrors would have been such as to be
remembered for generations. But in Mexico there was no dis-
turbance; the starving, vicious, depraved, and criminal, raised
no hand, created no disturbance. I was so happy as to see the
yielding on the part of the old regime. "While I was in Mexico,
Porfirio Diaz announced that he had long recognized the need
of land reforms and that steps would be taken to divide the
great estates when fighting stopped. It is a pity that, as he had
long recognized the need, he did not move sooner. He might
have given the people a grand thing to celebrate in September,
1910.
THE FALL
While I was there, I had the pleasure of seeing the removal
from office of Governors Terrazas of Chihuahua, Aristegui of
Yucatan, and Martinez of Puebla. These men were no worse
then than they had been for years before. The old president
had learned of no new faults in them. Knowing their badness,
he had held them in power against the urgent demand of those
they governed. During my homeward journey, the cabinet
that cabinet of bad ministers, resigned to the public joy.
Corral petitioned congress for long leave of absence ; a com-
mittee in the House of Deputies made a report, advising no
reelection of president, vice-president, or governors. Had
President Diaz taken the lead in those reforms a year sooner,
what glory might be his! but he delayed and lost the chance
of permanent reputation. The revolution triumphed ; the house
of cards fell in total ruin.
296
THE HOUSE OF CARDS
iTruenalo. manito!
EXPLODING JUDAS: IN HOLY WEEK FIGURES OF JUDAS ARE BURNED.
HERE THE PLAN OF SAN LUIS POTOSI IS THE JUDAS. GUSTAVO
MADERO ADVISES HIS LITTLE BROTHER TO EXPLODE IT.
FEDERAL SOLDIERS, IN STEEL CARS.
INTERIM GOVERNMENT: DE LA BARRA
DE LA BARRA J S ATTITUDE A MONGREL CABINET PROBLEMS PRESS-
ING THE DISARMING OF REVOLUTIONISTS BANDITRY LOCAL
OUTBREAKS DEMANDS OF FOREIGN GOVERNMENTS BREAK BE-
TWEEN MADERO AND VASQUEZ GOMEZ SOCIALIST REPUBLIC IN
LOWER CALIFORNIA LABOR TROUBLES TROUBLE IN PUEBLA
ZAPATISM THE FALL ELECTIONS REYES AND HIS CAMPAIGN
RESULTS OF THE ELECTION ATTITUDE OF THE ARMY.
ACCORDING to the terms of the treaty of Ciudad
Juarez, arranged between the Madero revolutionaries
and the official representatives of the Diaz government,
it was understood that de la Barra should occupy the position
of provisional president from the time when Porfirio Diaz
should leave office until a new election should take place. De la
Barra was not an active leader in politics ; he was a good diplo-
mat. He had been Ambassador of Mexico to the United States
297
298 INTERIM GOVERNMENT : DE LA BARRA
and was well and favorably known in Washington; at the
moment of the success of the Madero revolution, he was Min-
ister of Foreign Affairs in Diaz' cabinet. On account of his
having been in Washington, he knew more than almost any
other man of the attitude of the United States to Mexican
affairs, and had been in touch with the representative of the
Madero movement, Emilio Vasquez Gomez, who had headquar-
ters in our capital city. It is doubtful whether a better man
could have been selected to take charge of things in Mexico.
DE LA BARRA *S ATTITUDE
He took the oath of office on May 26, a day after the resig-
nation of Diaz was accepted by the National Congress. In tak-
ing office he said, among other things, the following: "Stranger
to all political ambition and only anxious for the welfare of my
country, I shall be, in the post which, for a time, I occupy, a
jealous defender of the laws, especially of the electoral laws,
in order that the will of the nation may freely manifest itself
in the approaching election, to change the federal and local
powers.
"The happiest day in my public life will be the one on
which, within the shortest time, which the electoral law and
the situation through which the country is now passing permit,
I shall transmit the power which I have received today to that
citizen whom the republic may elect. I shall then return to
private life with the tranquillity which duty performed yields,
and with the satisfaction of seeing my country again exploiting
its riches through the effort of labor, under the protection of
peace."
A MONGREL CABINET
By the agreement entered into at Ciudad Juarez, the cabi-
net of the president was to contain some members who should
directly represent the revolutionary movement and protect its
interests. Accordingly, in his cabinet, which was promptly
organized, Ernesto Madero, uncle of the leader of the revolu-
INTERIM GOVERNMENT : DE LA BARRA 299
tion, was made Secretary of the Treasury; Francisco Vasquez
Gomez, Minister of Public Instruction; and Emilio Vasquez
Gomez, Minister of Gobernacion. In addition to this repre-
sentation in the cabinet, the appointment of Governors in the
states of Coahulila and Chihuahua the states where the chief
battles of the revolution had been fought, and where its inter-
ests had centered were given to friends of the leader. The
Governor of Coahuila was Venustiano Carranza, the Governor
of Chihuahua was Abraham Gonzales, both of whom had been
participants in the revolution. It was also understood that, in
all important matters, the government was to consult with
Francisco I. Madero, whose advice should be given due weight.
PKOBLEMS PKESSING
Many and serious problems faced the new government, and
any man who could deal with them fairly successfully would
demonstrate his ability as ruler. Among the pressing prob-
lems were the disarmament of the revolutionary forces, the
suppression of banditry, the demands from foreign govern-
ments on account of the killing of their nationals, the reimburse-
ment of financial aid privately given to the revolution, the
indemnification of losses of Mexican nationals suffered through
the revolution, and the aid of states to regain calm and stability.
THE DISAKMING OF BEVOLUTIONARIES
Naturally the most urgent matter was to disarm the forces
of the revolution. In the best of governments, strongly en-
trenched and in full control, it is a serious matter to deal with
an army after a victorious war. There is always danger under
such conditions. In the case of Mexico, in 1911, the matter was
particularly delicate. Many of the forces of the revolution
were undisciplined, discontented, ignorant men ; they had taken
part in the uprising, and many of them had joined because they
wished to give rein to their vicious tendencies, and to enjoy
the pleasures of looting and destruction. There were many
who had been liberated from jail, and who had been serving
300 INTERIM GOVERNMENT: DE LA BARRA
Copyrighted by Harris and Ewing
FRANCISCO L. DE LA BARRA.
INTERIM GOVERNMENT: DE LA BARRA 301
terms justly inflicted for actual crimes. There were many who
expected, immediately upon the achievement of victory, to
receive lands for their own use and to see the great estates of
the past divided.
The plan of disarmament adopted was to invite the soldiers
to appear at stated centers and give up their arms to repre-
sentatives of the government in exchange for sums of money
which should depend upon the length of time which they had
served and the reputation they had gained in service. The
sums ranged from twenty-five to forty pesos for each person.
It was understood that not all the revolutionary soldiers would
be retired to private life that was largely a matter for them
as individuals to determine but that some would remain as
rurales in the service of the government with the intention of
being used in combatting banditry. The new government
promptly set aside 8,000,000 pesos from the treasury reserve
for the purpose of this disarmament. It was soon found
that serious problems arose. Many of the worst class of the
revolutionary soldiers, released from prison and supplied with
arms, saw nothing attractive in the idea of returning to calm
and peaceful honest lives. They preferred to become bandits
and continue a career of plunder and destruction. Many who
had been prisoners feared that, if they appeared with arms to
receive their payments, their old crimes would be remembered,
and they would again be thrown into jail. Many honest patriots
willingly came in, surrendered arms, and received their pay-
ments; many others, less patriotic, failed to do so. It was
realized that, all over the republic, banditry was on the
increase, and that thousands of desperate individuals were
at large.
BANDITKY
Not only were such individuals a menace ; there were whole
bands of forces who had taken part in the revolution who re-
fused to give up arms and preferred to remain as organized
302 INTERIM GOVERNMENT : DE LA BARRA
bodies in open banditry. The most notable of these bands of
recalcitrants was headed by Emiliano Zapata, in Morelos.
LOCAL OUTBREAKS
With the iron hand of the old regime lifted, and with so
many difficulties facing the interim government, there were new
outbreaks of trouble in many parts of the republic. Most of
these stood in no actual relation to the past revolution; they
were local troubles with the local leaders and frequently repre-
senting long-standing feuds. Thus, in Sinaloa, there were out-
breaks. The Yaqui Indians threatened trouble. In Chiapas
the so-called war of castes broke out, with all the horrors of a
trouble of its kind. These are but a few, though perhaps the
most significant, of such local outbreaks, which had largely to
be overlooked by the temporary government in Mexico.
DEMANDS OF FOREIGN GOVERNMENTS
Serious demands were being pressed by three foreign gov-
ernments on account of the murder of nationals. At Torreon,
when the Madero forces seized the city, two hundred or more
Chinese were massacred. Naturally the Chinese government
made strong representations to the new government in the
matter. In the state of Puebla, there was a cotton factory with
the name of La Covadonga. Many of its employes were Span-
iards. There has always been a hostile feeling on the part of
the poorer and less reputable of Mexicans against people of
Spanish blood. A band of bandits, belonging to Zapata 's
group, attacked this factory, and as the Spanish employees
attempted to defend it against attack, a battle took place in
which a number of Spaniards were killed; the Zapatists en-
tered the factory and looted it completely. They killed a num-
ber of the workers and frightfully mutilated them. Inflamed
by the savagery already practiced, they went from the factory
to some houses near by, where German families lived, the men
of which were in the employ of the Covadonga Company. These
Germans had in no way opposed the attack of the bandits, nor
INTERIM GOVERNMENT: DE LA BARRA 303
engaged in defending the factory; notwithstanding this, the
bandits entered the houses, ravished the women and killed all,
both men and women. These outrages by Zapata 's bandits had
aroused the governments of Germany and Spain, who were
pressing the interim government for settlement.
BKEAK BETWEEN MADERO AND VASQUEZ GOMEZ
The Madero revolution was fought in support of the Plan
of San Luis Potosi. When peace was finally arranged, there
were many things in the treaty which were not in harmony
with the details of the plan. Thus, the plan had promised an
immediate change of all employees, everyone connected with
the Diaz government being hurled from office; it was impos-
sible, however, in accordance with the terms of the agreement
made at Juarez, to carry out this promise. The Plan of San
Luis Potosi had pledged that a legal judgment should be secured
regarding the acts of the past administration, and that the
officials of Diaz would be held to strict responsibility for mal-
administration; the terms of peace arranged provided for no
such judgment. The plan promised that the great landed prop-
erties of Mexico would be divided into parcels, and that little
properties would be assigned to individuals ; it was recognized
now that such a thing was quite impossible.
Naturally, the failure to keep the promises made in the
plan upon which the revolution was based led to wide criticism
and dissatisfaction. There were many of the prominent aids
of Madero who were offended. Among these was Emilio Vas-
quez Gomez. He had been, according to many, "the brains of
the Madero revolution." He was now the minister of the most
important department in de la Barra 's government. He was
totally opposed to the present state of affairs. He insisted on
the literal fulfillment of the Plan of San Luis Potosi. He was
in favor, if need be, of renewing the revolution in order that
the literal promises might be fulfilled. Between him and
Madero there grew up strong hostility.
304
INTERIM GOVERNMENT: DE LA BARRA
INTERIM GOVERNMENT: DE LA BARRA 305
SOCIALIST KEPUBLIC IN LOWER CALIFORNIA
A serious difficulty arose in Lower California. Two
brothers, Flores Magon, had long been agitating against con-
ditions in Mexico. They had criticized the old Diaz regime.
Refugees in the United States, they had made Los Angeles
headquarters, and had conducted a paper named Regeneration.
Through it they had-, aroused considerable hostility toward the
great dictator. They had been implicated in the movement of
1806 against the Diaz power. At times they had been perse-
cuted by our Government in accordance with the suggestions of
the Diaz administration. At one time the editor of Regeneration
had been imprisoned, and an agitation in his behalf was
waged by some Americans, and on account of petitions in his
favor he was released. During the revolution, the Flores
Magon had been somewhat active. Now that the revolution
was past, it was discovered that they were interested in a plan
to set up a socialistic republic in Lower California. The penin-
sula of Lower California is, and will be, a considerable prob-
lem for Mexico. It is a part of the national territory, but it is
separated by water from the rest of the republic and is con-
nected with only an artificial boundary line with the United
States. It is a desert rock, stone, sagebrush and cactus. It
has a scant population and only one or two settlements of any
consequence. In the Mexican Eepublic it forms, not a state,
but a territory, with its capital at the little city of La Paz.
There is no question that the peninsula has wealth and that it
may some time develop into importance. More than once it has
been seriously suggested that we should in some way acquire it,
if not by purchase, by filibuster. The establishment of a
socialistic republic under dissatisfied Mexicans in Lower Cali-
fornia was a far more serious threat to the integrity of national-
territory 'than might at first have appeared.
The Flores Magon socialism was pronounced doctrine. The
existence of social classes was immoral. Wealth should be
equally divided; the necessities of life should be within the
306 INTERIM GOVERNMENT: DE LA BARRA
reach of all, and equally; there should be no masters, no
employees. In this time of public distraction, the moment
seemed favorable for the setting up of the new experiment. An
invasion of the peninsula was made, and the settlers already
there were driven from their homes, and ruin and destruction
were unchecked. The forces at the disposition of the Flores
Magon were undisciplined, and among them were many for-
eigners, largely Americans. Eecognizing the seriousness of the
situation, de la Barra sent federal forces into the peninsula,
and on June 22nd, at Tijuana, near the line of the United States,
an actual battle took place in which the spldiers were led by an
American named Mosby. It was really a battle, and a number
of dead and wounded were left upon the field. The federal
forces gained the day, and the refugees fled to the United
States, where they were held by the American troops. Before
the battle, the socialistic republic had appealed to the United
States to have a protectorate established by our country.
LABOR TROUBLES
The administration of de la Barra was marked by a verit-
able epidemic of labor strikes. It began with a serious strike
by the employees of the electric company of the capital city.
This is an enterprise under foreign management, employing
hundreds of men in electric railways and lighting plants. The
employees struck for shorter hours and higher pay ; their cause
was just, and popular sympathy was strongly with them; the
strike continued through several days and, before it ended, the
mob, not the workmen, became violent ; attacks were made upon
the electric cars, stones were thrown, damage done; finally the
police were obliged to take vigorous action, and the crowd was
fired on. Some eighteen or twenty persons were wounded, some
were killed. This strike was followed by many others paper-
makers, bakers, seamstresses, matchmakers, one after another
went on a strike. All of them made demonstrations; day by
day the streets were occupied by processions; the workers de-
manded work, better pay, shorter hours ; there was an army of
INTERIM GOVERNMENT : DE LA BARRA 307
unemployed. The government, to prevent acts of lawlessness,
decided to undertake public works in order that all who wanted
employment might find an opportunity. Thousands of people
were thus employed, and the serious situation relieved.
TKOUBLE IN PUEBLA
It was natural to expect that those who had been in power
would be loath to relinquish it. In many states, cities, and
municipalities the old leaders tried to maintain themselves in
positions of importance under the new regime. This was cer-
tain to lead to many and serious difficulties. In places where
the revolution had been hailed as likely to bring about a release
from petty tyranny, it was hard to see the old conditions per-
petuated. It was true also that, in many places, strong feeling
had arisen between the federal forces and the soldiers of the
revolution. It was to be expected that, at times, quarrels would
arise between these forces. Such difficulties actually took place
in many places. The most serious of them were those at Jalapa,
Guadalajara, and Puebla. The latter is of special interest. In
July there were considerable numbers of revolutionary soldiers
in that city; at night, on the twelfth of that month, a carriage
containing several persons, drove past the quarters in which
these soldiers were lodged, and as it passed, several shots were
discharged at the building. The Maderists, thinking that these
shots had been fired at them by federal soldiers, got up,
swarmed upon the roofs of the quarters, and rushed out into
the streets, firing at their supposed attackers. The soldiers of
the federal force repelled the attack, and then in turn assaulted
the building which served the Maderists as headquarters, and
a frightful butchery took place which continued for many hours
and which finally forced the revolutionary soldiers, who had
scant means of defense, to leave the city an*l take refuge on the
;hill of San Juan. As soon as de la Barra was informed of the
^occurrence, he issued orders to the federal forces that they
should not pursue the revolutionary soldiers, nor fire upon
them unless they themselves were again attacked. At the same
308 INTERIM GOVERNMENT : DE LA BARRA
time he did everything in his power to calm the excitement of t
the Maderist soldiers. Francisco I. Madero himself, it is said,
hurried to the scene to quiet conditions. It is believed that the
original shots fired at the cuartel, in which the Maderists were
lodged, were fired by the sons of the ex-governor, Mucio P.
Martinez.
ZAPATISM
Throughout the period of the interim government serious
acts of banditry were being practiced under the leadership of
Emiliano Zapata. Eepeated efforts were made to disarm his
forces, but without result. The whole matter of Zapatism,
however, is too important to be treated as subordinate, and will
be taken up in another chapter.
THE FALL ELECTIONS
As the time of the election neared, intense interest arose.
There had been serious difficulty within the anti-reelection
ranks. Francisco I. Madero had organized a new party under
the title of Partido Constitutional Progresista. His former
friend and adviser, Emilio Vasquez Gomez, headed the liberal
anti-reelectionists who adhered literally to the Plan of San Luis
Potosi. Very quietly, so much so that it may almost be said
secretly, there had grown up also a new party under the name
of Partido Catolico National. It was the re-entering of the
Church into active politics. While composed of a conservative
element, and numbering many excellent adherents, the appear-
ance of this party, based on religious lines, contains a threat
of serious danger for the future of the Republic. There were
other lesser parties, but these three were those that figured
conspicuously.
Of course Francisco I. Madero was the chief presidential
candidate. E. Vasquez Gomez was running independently, being
supported by the liberal anti-reelection element. Notwithstand-
ing the pledges he gave on his return to Mexico, Gen. Bernardo
Reyes had entered the political arena and announced himself as
INTERIM GOVERNMENT : DE LA BARRA 309
candidate for the high office. It was, however, fully realized
that the only serious candidate for president was Madero. It
was far different with the office of vice-president. Here there
was a real question. The original plan of the successful revolu-
tion was to place before the public a ticket on which Madero
should be candidate for president and Francisco Vasquez
Gomez for vice-president. The difficulties which, had arisen,
however, between Madero and the brother of his running mate,
led to the desire on the part of the revolutionary hero to have
another candidate associated with him. Through his influence,
Jose Maria Pino Suarez was the candidate recommended by
the constitutional progressive party. Two other candidates
were in the field F. Iglesias Calderon and Alfredo Eobles
Dominguez. The Catholic national party also was firmly backing
de la Barra as candidate for vice-president. He repeatedly
refused to accept the nomination, but they persisted in their
efforts. Before election time, Iglesias Calderon and Robles
Dominguez had dropped out, leaving the contest to be fought
between Francisco Vasquez Gomez and Pino Suarez.
KEYES AND HIS CAMPAIGN
General Eeyes had been conducting his campaign with some
activity. On September 3rd, a manifestation had been organ-
ized by his partisans in honor of his candidacy. As the proces-
sion was passing through the streets, the crowd showed signs
of anger. When General Eeyes himself appeared to address
his people, the popular fury broke loose, and an attack was
made which forced the candidate to seek refuge in a neighboring
house. Appearing upon a balcony, he attempted to address the
3rowd for the purpose of calming it, but had scarcely begun his
speech, when cries of disapproval drowned his voice and stones
v^ere thrown. The police were obliged to interfere in the dis-
turbance. As soon as President de la Barra heard of the occur-
-ence, he expressed to General Eeyes his regret at what had
lappened, and stated his desire to fully protect him in all his
;hts, even to the extent of calling out the public force if
pgnts,
310 INTERIM GOVERNMENT: DE LA BARRA
necessary. A few days before the primary election, General
Beyes and Vasquez Gomez demanded that the election should
be postponed until a later date. Madero, who was at the mo-
ment in Yucatan, telegraphed to congress, urging that no post-
ponement be permitted. He claimed, and undoubtedly with jus-
tice, that nothing could be gained by prolonging the period of
uncertainty, and that, the sooner a legally conducted election
took place, the better for the country and for the bringing about
of permanent peace.
About this time, General Eeyes left the country, and from
Vera Cruz sent telegrams to the leaders of his party and to
President de la Barra. In that to the latter, he stated that he
was leaving in order to avoid the vexations and bitter discus-
sions being forced upon him by the Maderists, since the gov-
ernment had not known, or cared to give sufficient guarantees
either to himself or to his partisans. To this querulous com-
plaint, de la Barra made a dignified response, sending his tele-
gram to General Eeyes at Havana, Cuba. In it he stated that
he was certain that the government conduct had not influenced
him to the action he had taken, since it had furnished him all
proper guarantees ; that proper investigation had been made to
discover the persons guilty of the manifestations made against
him; that steps had been taken for his protection; that inter-
vention had been personally made by himself to prevent diffi-
culties of all kinds. It was quite generally suspected, as proved
to be the case, that General Reyes was plotting a new revolution,
and that he absented himself from the country in order to make
preparations for it.
RESULTS OF THE ELECTION
The election set for October first, took place as planned. It
passed off with little or no disturbance. One hundred and twenty
thousand votes were cast in the City of Mexico something
which never before had happened. On the whole, it was un-
doubtedly the nearest approach to what could be called a fair
election that Mexico had ever seen. It was not a direct vote
INTERIM GOVERNMENT: DE LA BARRA 311
for the candidates, but for electors. When, later on, the electors
on November 2nd, cast their ballots, the results were as follows :
Francisco I. Madero 19,997
Francisco L. de la Barra 87
Emilio Vasquez Gomez 16
Scattering? 45
As will be seen, more than ninety-nine per cent of the total
votes case were for President Madero.
The vote for vice-president was as follows :
Jose Maria Pino Suarez 10,245
Francisco L. de la Barra 5,564
Francisco Vasquez Gomez 3,373
F. Iglesias Calderon 173
Scattering 51
It will be seen that Pino Suarez received a little more than
the total of all the votes cast for other candidates.
ATTITUDE OF THE AKMY
It will be appreciated that there was a certain danger from
the army after the Madero revolution. It had been defeated in
the field ; its sympathies had been entirely with the old regime ;
it would look naturally with suspicion and dislike upon the
victorious leader. During the interim presidency, de la Barra
was careful to conciliate it and its leaders. Several times on
public occasions he had taken pains to compliment and praise it.
On one occasion, when the generals and other officers of the
army gave a banquet, in his honor, in the speech he made them,
he said: " Gentlemen: With the profoundest emotion and with
the sincerest expression of my thanks, for the high honor which
I have received, I ask you to raise your cups for our father-
land, each day more loved, and for the army, each day more
worthy of our respect, of our affection, of our admiration; for
the national army, which ever waits with splendid serenity, the
moment of test, which is for it the moment of glory, as the
312 INTERIM GOVERNlVtENT : DE LA BARRA
mould waits for the melted bronze, which immortalizes, trans-
mitting to future generations, the grand, the beautiful, and the
good." On a later occasion, when he was leaving his position
as president interim, he spoke to the army as follows : "I shall
carry with me," he said to them, "many sorrows, many bitter
memories, and disappointments; but I shall also carry a deep
satisfaction, and that is that the loyal, honorable, and valiant
army is the strongest guarantee for governments legally con-
stituted. The absolute confidence which the executive reposed
in the army, was responded to by it with the completest and
most honorable loyalty." It was surely wise for the president
interim to adopt this kindly, appreciative, and conciliatory atti-
tude to the military forces of the government. It must, how-
ever, be remembered that there were actually no causes of ill
feeling between the army and de la Barra. He had not been
connected with the revolution; he represented the old regime;
he in himself aroused a sentiment of sympathy as the last sur-
viving representative of the conditions that had ended.
De la Barra was in power from May 26th to November 7th,
a period of about five months and a half. When he came to
power it is claimed that there was a reserve of 60,400,000 pesos
in the national treasury; when he left office, this reserve had
diminished to 48,000,000 pesos. This was to be expected. The
country was passing through a difficult and trying period of
readjustment. Many claims demanded settlement. Many diffi-
culties, calling for large expenditures presented themselves.
On the whole, de la Barra 's administration was a remark-
able achievement. It was a difficult position which he had to
fill. It was impossible for him to have a definite policy to be
developed; the period of time within which he had to operate
was brief. In the nature of things, it was impossible for him to
deal with things with a free hand. Every act of importance was
subject to advice, revision, interference by Madero, and un-
questionably there were many occasions when the forbearance
of both men was seriously tested. That he left office with gen-
eral respect was greatly to his credit.
MAYOR OF JUAREZ, READING MADERO'S DECLARATION, FEBRUARY, 1912.
FRANCISCO I. MADERO
UNDER THE NEW REGIME A CHANCE FOR OPTIMISM THE COM-
PLAINTS AGAINST MADERO COUNTER-REVOLUTION OROZCO
REYES VASQUEZ GOMEZ FELIX DIAZ ZAP ATA THE PRESIDENT^
CONFIDENCE.
PERSONAL business took me to the City of Mexico in
December, 1912. At that time Francisco I. Madero had
been in power something over a year. It was possible
to judge both his honesty and his ability as the chief official of
the country. He was much in evidence. He appeared in public
on every possible occasion. The first time that I saw him, he
opened a congress of scientific workers brought together from
all parts of the Republic. His address on that occasion was
commonplace. A small man, with nothing of the presence or
dignity which marked Porfirio Diaz, dressed in a common busi-
313
314 FRANCISCO I. MADERO
ness suit, with a harsh and unpleasant voice and a quick nervous
manner, the impression he produced was not entirely agree-
able. One could feel that he was a man in earnest, that he
meant well, that he desired to do his duty but one also felt
that he was consciously and intentionally posing. Rarely does
a man give so much the impression that he is thinking that he
is the cynosure of all eyes, the center around which all revolves.
UNDER THE REGIME
Conditions in the city were certainly unlike anything before
seen in a generation. The streets were everywhere torn up;
there was the appearance of improvements begun; nowhere
was there evidence of improvements carried through to the
end. Nothing seemed settled; the impression given was that
more was undertaken than could possibly be completed. Dis-
order prevailed.
Every day during my stay I bought and read nine daily
papers. Only two of them were favorable to the government.
The rest were hostile in various degrees, and the' frankness and
virulence of their hostility was unprecedented in Mexico. Dur-
ing the twenty years almost in which I had been visiting the
country I had seen nothing like it. The President was men-
tioned in abusive terms; he was accused of every undesirable
quality; his acts were criticised with bitterness; what he did
was wrong; his sins of non-commission were even worse. The
opposition press was almost unanimous, in its insistent demand
that he withdraw from office ; this demand was reiterated from
day to day; some journals, indeed, presented an alternative and
demanded that, if he did not himself resign, he should force
withdrawal from office upon his brother, Gustavo Madero, and
the Vice-President, Pino Suarez.
The meetings of Congress were lively. Never before, per-
haps, in the history of the Eepublic had they been the scene of
such disorder. Members spoke out freely. They had ideas and
voiced them. Naturally there were two groups in Congress
those who upheld the government, and those who assailed it.
FRANCISCO I. MADERO 315
But within both groups there was division, and every man was
ready to set forth his own ideas. Members called each other
names, indulged in personalities, came to personal contests.
The galleries had to be cleared and threats were made of closure.
The opposition was outspoken in its criticism, Madero was
accused of breaking all his promises, of indulging in flagrant
nepotism, of stealing from the Nation, of driving the Eepublic
into bankruptcy, of plotting and preparing for a new, con-
tinued, dictatorship.
A CHANCE FOR OPTIMISM
Many of my friends, residents of Mexico for years, shook
their heads doubtfully and longed for the old days of Porfirio
Diaz. For my part, conditions seemed to me encouraging. The
opposition press was virulent, unjust, brutal ; but an opposition
press is necessary in any democracy. No doubt it went to an
extreme, and, as unbridled, became a danger. Perhaps a curb
was necessary, and a new law was pending at the time regard-
ing the liberty of the press, a law, by the way, which was not
without bad features. Such a condition as then existed would
have been impossible at any time during the dictatorship of
Porfirio Diaz. Never, for many years, had the press dared to
speak as it now spoke ; had Diaz still been in power, the situa-
tion w r ould have demanded the jailing of a score of editors and
writers. As for Congress, every one knows what it had been
for many years. No laws were passed except those which
emanated from the government; bills were prepared and sub-
mitted for unanimous approval; in those days there was no
calling of abusive names, no quarreling, no personal attacks, no
fighting ; all was calm and peaceful with the calmness of stagna-
tion and the peacef ulness of death ; sometimes the deputies did
not even take the trouble to go to the meeting hall ; from their
homes they telephoned their votes approving the governmental
measures. Eemembering the old conditions, these new ones
were encouraging. They might contain an element of danger,
but they were wholesome signs.
316
FRANCISCO I. MADERO
THE COMPLAINTS AGAINST MADERO
There were no doubt causes for complaint, just causes.
Among the criticisms of the President, which were heard on
every hand, were such as these :
JOSE MARIA PINO SUAEEZ.
First : He had not destroyed the old regime, root and branch.
He had promised to do so. When the time came to carry out
FRANCISCO I. MADERO 317
his promise, he found it difficult and inexpedient. It was not
altogether easy to fill all offices with new men, responsible and
competent. More than that, when he was once in power, he
found himself necessarily in contact with many men before in
office who, by toadying or readjustment, seemed to harmonize
with the plans and to be ready to carry out his principles.
Great numbers of unfit representatives of the old power re-
mained in office or had a word in the direction of affairs. To
the more radical of his followers this was unsatisfactory.
Second: He had not kept his promises in reference to a
complete investigation and overhauling of the financial affairs
of tlie old administration. In the Plan of San Luis Potosi he
had definitely promised that, as soon as the revolution triumphed,
commissions of investigation would be formed for determin-
ing the responsibilities which the functionaries of thei con-
federacy, the cities, and municipalities had incurred. Once in
power, that promise was entirely forgotten and no serious effort
was made to fix responsibility or to recover damages.
Third: In the same famous document Madero had said:
"by taking advantage of the law of public uncultivated lands
numerous small proprietors, for the most part indigenes, have
been despoiled of their property, either by the approval of the
Secretary of Fomento or by decisions of the tribunals of the
Eepublic. It being the part of justice to restore to their ancient
possessors the lands of which they had been despoiled in a mode
so arbitrary, such dispossessions and judgments are declared
to be subject to revision, and it will be demanded of those who
have acquired them in a mode so immoral, or from their heirs,
that they should restore them to their primitive owners, to whom
also they will pay an indemnity for the losses suffered. Only
in the case where such lands have passed to a third party before
the promulgation of this plan, the ancient proprietors will
receive indemnification from those in whose benefit the spolia-
tion took place." This was one of the powerful influences
which had helped him in his revolution. The fact that he had
promised to the dispossessed the return of their little prop-
318 FRANCISCO I. MADERO
erties had been a mighty factor in his favor. It was easy for
the leader of a revolution to make such promises. It was diffi-
cult for a man at the head of the government to keep them.
Fourth: It is probable that the election of Madero was
honest; it was more nearly a genuine election than Mexico had
known for many years. But if his own election was honest,
the same could not be said for that of the Vice-President, Pino
Suarez. To secure the election of his friend and helper in the
revolution, Madero lent himself to the same unscrupulous
methods of which he had complained so bitterly under the old
regime.
Fifth: One of the chief complaints against Porfirio Diaz
was that he held unfit, unpopular, and wicked men in office,
simply because they were devoted to his personal interests or
could be depended upon, on account of their own interests, to
support him at every cost. No one had more loudly complained
of this condition than Madero. Yet once in power, he forced
unpopular officials upon the public simply because they were
his friends or relatives. Pino Suarez had no claim to be made
Governor of Yucatan, a post of special difficulty and delicacy ;
nor was he the man for Vice-President of the Eepublic. Nor
was it wise to use his own personal family largely in official life.
A brother and an uncle in the Cabinet was too large a representa-
tion. Ernesto, his uncle, was a man of considerable ability, and
perhaps fitted for the office under another president. Gustavo
Madero was a dangerous man ; he had no ideals ; he was shrewd
and interested only in gaining wealth and power. It is prob-
able that he despised Francisco's theories and had contempt
for his ideals. Anyway, he was a bad adviser and a malign
influence. He and Pino Suarez were bosom friends, and together
did much to change the policies of the president and to prevent
his carrying out his pledges.
Sixth : Money had been squandered ; the treasury was empty;
the nation faced bankruptcy. Worse, the Secretary of the
Treasury, Ernesto Madero, was arbitrary in his rendering of
accounts. He claimed the right to disburse large sums of money
FRANCISCO I. MADERO 319
without a statement as to the purpose of expenditure. The
money which the faimly claimed to have expended in the con-
duct of the revolution had been reimbursed. The very respect-
able sum of 700,000 pesos was entered as a single item
without a word as to its destination. Here indeed was opportu-
nity for suspicion, and it was claimed by many that this large
sum was the return of loans from American interests, who had
advanced aid to the revolution.
Seventh : Under the influence of Gustavo Madero and Pino
Suarez, it was claimed that the idealist, the democrat, was tend-
ing toward an autocracy as arbitrary as that of the old dictator.
Eighth: Doubt was felt as to the sincerity of Madero in
the matter of reelection. Whether he still held the principle or
not, it is doubtful whether Gustavo looked forward to retire-
ment to private life when the period for which President Madero
had been elected should terminate. This doubt was increased
by the fact that the president had already broken pledges made
in the Plan of San Luis Potosi. If he had not destroyed the old
regime, if he had not investigated their financial record, if he
had not taken steps to restore the properties to the little dis-
possessed land-owners, what reason was there to believe that he
would hold to the motto of his revolution effective suffrage
and no reelection?
These were but a part of the just causes of complaint so
violently urged in the opposition press and on the floors of
Congress. They and all others practically reduce themselves
to three general objections or criticisms. Madero had made
promises which had not been kept. He had retained Huerta
and Blanquet and many others of the old regime in power
against his pledge and against the advice of his more prudent
counsellors. "With insistency he held Pino Suarez and Gustavo
in position against the violent hostility of the thinking people
of the country.
COUNTEK-BEVOLUTION
At that time President Madero had faced almost constant
revolution from the hour of accession to power. To most peo-
320 FRANCISCO I. MADERO
pie these outbreaks seem purposeless, without significance. Five
of them had taken place. Each had a perfectly distinct character
and cause.
OROZCO
Orozco was a muleteer an arriero in the mining region of
Chihuahua ; he was a man of little education and no experience ;
he had given no special attention to politics or public questions.
Personal and petty spite seems to have led him to join Madero 's
revolution. He became one of Madero 's chief lieutenants was
named a general. Even during the progress of the revolution
he and his leader had squabbles. Shortly after the Diaz down-
fall, Orozco again entered the scene as a revolutionary leader.
His significance was simple ; there was no question as to whence
his backing came. The wealthy interests which, in Chihuahua
and in northern Mexico generally, fattened under General Diaz
the Creel-Terrazas and American mining interests backed
him. It was the attempt of the old power to return.
REYES
When Bernardo Eeyes failed to make a showing at the elec-
tion by which Madero became president, he began to plot against
the new regime. Some believed that he retained something of
his old prestige and popularity; he took himself seriously and
thought he could count upon the army and an independent fol-
lowing; his revolution, launched Nov. 16, came to a miserable
end at Christmas. His attempt represented little; in so far
as it represented anything, it was the effort of the cientificos
to regain position.
VASQUEZ GOMEZ
On Feb. 1, 1812, Emilio Vasquez Gomez launched his revolu-
tion at El Paso, Texas. Embittered against his one-time friend
and leader, he demanded Madero 's renunciation and announced
himself provisional president. He expected the aid of Orozco
who, however, failed him, and his attempt was a complete fiasco.
FRANCISCO I. MADERO 321
FELIX DIAZ
On Oct. 16, in the city of Vera Cruz, Felix Diaz launched a
revolution. He had been a general in the federal army, but
his commission had been resigned. With pride he announced
that he had captured that important city without the firing of
a gun ; he proclaimed that what the nation needed was an imme-
diate and permanent peace. He named himself provisional
president of the Republic and announced that, as soon as vic-
tory was secured, he would order a new election and give way
to a constitutional ruler. Nine days later, on Oct. 25, his revo-
lution ended disastrously, and General Diaz was himself a pris-
oner in the hands of the government forces. He was tried by
a court-marshal, sentenced to be shot, and escaped only through
the personal intervention of President Madero. He was in
prison for a time in San Juan Ulua, but was transferred to the
city prison in Mexico.
ZAPATA
Most picturesque, and indeed most mysterious, of the revolu-
tionary leaders with whom Madero had to deal was the red-
handed Zapata. He is a bandit, without education, training, or
position. Personal difficulties with petty local officials made
him a leader of a band; he may have had good reason for his
bitterness. He aided Madero 's effort. When the revolution
ended, he was called upon as were the other revolutionary
leaders to disarm his men and send them home. He named
the sum necessary for the purpose, and it was sent him by the
provisional government; he accepted it, but did not disband his
forces. A second time he was appealed to ; a second time he set
his price, received his money, and remained with his men in
open banditry. Curiously enough, the performance was re-
peated a third time, but Zapata still remained in the field with
iris wild soldiers, looting and destroying. His escapes were so
3urious, his deeds of daring and his abstinence from actually
ittacking the capital city so strange that many people believe
322 FRANCISCO I. MADERO
that Madero did not wish Zapata to disarm his bandits, but
secretly maintained them in the belief that he might need their
assistance.
THE PRESIDENT'S CONFIDENCE
The last day of my visit I had an interview with President
Madero. He received us in a corridor at the castle of Chapul-
tapec. A small table with some documents upon it was placed
before his chair. He was dressed in a simple business suit and
wore a cap which he removed and placed upon the table as he
received us. He spoke English well, but always loudly, rapidly,
and with oratorical effect, as if addressing a multitude of peo-
ple. I told him that I had read his book upon the presidential
succession with interest, and asked whether his views were still
the same as when he wrote it. He replied that, for the most
part, he still held the same views; but he did not feel that his
people were as competent to take an active part in the govern-
ment as he had thought. After talking over various matters of
policy, among them the new law regarding the freedom of the
press, I asked the President whether he expected to finish his
term of office, or whether he would withdraw. He replied that
he expected to complete his term. I remarked, "But, Mr. Presi-
dent, there will be great difficulties in the way of your doing so ;
there are many thousands who demand your retirement. ' ' With
much earnestness he answered: "Sir, I have met difficulties
before now, many of them; I must expect to meet great diffi-
culties in the future; but I shall surely serve my term of office
through. ' '
HELD UP TO RIDICULE
HE FALLS UPKIGHT WITH HUEBTA WAKEHOUSED GOODS COPYING
THE EMPTY CHEST A DESPERATE MEASURE THREATENING
VOLCANOES A USELESS PINE BREAKING THE PINATA.
A SIMPLE picture often conveys thought more than an
elaborate discussion. A good cartoon is better than an
epigram. McCutcheon speaks more forcibly and to a
greater audience than Keely. Sometimes one gains a clearer
idea of a political crisis by studying the caricatures of the day
than by reading the political arguments. The Mexicans are
quick to learn through cartoons. Throughout the history of
the nation at every time of crisis the cartoon has been used with
great effect. In Madero's case it proved exceptionally effect-
ive. While in the press he was mentioned and referred to in
the most insulting terms, in the cartoons he was treated with
keen and terrible ridicule. In writing he was called the
"orang," the " imbecile, " the " pygmy," the "neurotic" (he
was actually an epileptic) ; in the pictures he was represented
as a pygmy, a child at play. In the beginning indeed he was
represented as an ordinary man, but as time went on, the pic-
ture of him was that of a smaller and smaller, insignificant,
being. Among the cartoons which told the story of his admin-
istration were many which appeared in Multicolor. It is worth
examining some of them.
HE FALLS UPRIGHT
In one a street vendor with tumbling toys is represented.
He is a common sight in Mexico. As he walks along the street,
he throws little weighted figures which he has for sale on the
sidewalk, where they immediately right themselves as they
fall. In the cartoon such a vendor is shown throwing figures
upon the pavement; the legend below says, "He who always
falls upright. " The little figures bear Madero's face. It is
323
324
HELD UP TO RIDICULE
true that Madero was often lucky; he many times fell right-
side-up; the common people had a sort of superstition in the
matter. As he said himself, "I have met many difficulties,
sir." He felt certain that he would emerge from many more.
It was the credulity or superstition of the epileptic.
-jEl que siempre cae paradito!
HE FALLS UPRIGHT.
WITH HUERTA
A gigantic soldier is represented, his shirt-flap marked "V.
H." (Victoriano Huerta), and a little man grasping his sword.
At the time Huerta, operating against the bandits in rebellion,
was constantly reporting brilliant governmental victories.
HELD UP TO RIDICULE
325
Estamos triunfando ino?
WITH HUERTA.
326
HELD UP TO RIDICULE
Sometimes no doubt he was gaining them. In the picture the
little man is represented as saying, "We are triumphing, are
we not?" Even at this time the childlike dependence upon the
military leader was commented on. But the meaning of the
cartoon is to emphasize the insignificance of the nominal power
as contrasted with the actual.
WAREHOUSED GOODS
One of the saddest, because the truest, of the cartoons is
entitled En la bodega In the warehouse. The little man and
an employee are in a storeroom where sacks of stuff are heaped
iY estas mercancfas?
Eat as mercancfas son las qne no ae ban podido realizar
WAREHOUSED GOODS.
HELD UP TO RIDICULE 327
up in great quantities. He inquires of the employee, "How
about these goods V 9 The answer is, "These goods are what
we have not been able to dispose of." But the goods which
had not been disposed of, with which nothing had been done,
and which were left heaped up in the warehouse, were marked,
"Individual guarantees," "Responsibilities of officials," "Re-
distribution of lands," "Effective suffrage," "Independence
of governmental powers" (Executive, Judicial, Legislative), and
"Liberty of the Press." These were goods which Madero had
failed to deliver. The complaint was bitter that he had not
kept his promises.
COPYING
Madero was always complaining of the Diaz methods. The
dictator's cruel and illegal assumptions of power were the con-
stant theme of his complaints. Yet once in power, he used the
hated and discredited dictatorial methods. In the cartoon a
teacher, looking down upon the Little Boy Blue drawing a pic-
ture, inquires, "What are you doing, boy?" The little boy
answers, ' i I am copying. 9 9 The picture he is copying is a por-
trait of Porfirio Diaz, set up before him.'
THE EMPTY CHEST
Another cartoon labeled Auscultando , deals not with the
President, but with Ernesto Madero, Secretary of the Treasury
and uncle of the President. It represents a doctor making a
physical examination of that personage. Feeling the hollowing
curves of the arm-pits of his patient, he asks: "What is the
matter here in the curves ? ' ' The patient answers : i l Nothing,
absolutely nothing." This needs a few words of explanation.
"Que tiene ud" may be translated "What is the matter?" but
it also means "What have you?" "Las areas" means "the
cavities of the body under the ribs," but it also means "chest,"
"coffer," "vaults." So the innocent question of the doctor,
"What is the matter here in your chest?" and his patient's
reply become, "What have you in the treasury?" "Nothing,
328
HELD UP TO RIDICULE
EL DOCTOR. 4 Que tiene us ted en las areas I
DON ERNESTO. -Nada, absolutamente nada.
THE EMPTY CHEST.
HELD UP TO RIDICULE
329
i Mi rate en ese espejo!
A DESPERATE MEASURE.
330 HELD UP TO RIDICULE
absolutely nothing." The picture has reference to the rapid
depletion of the treasury under Don Ernesto's control.
A DESPERATE MEASURE
As difficulties had gathered around him, President Madero
felt himself driven to * * suspend the constitutional guarantees. ' '
This is a measure which always indicates a desperate condi-
tion ; it should be resorted to only when all other procedures are
impossible. I was in Mexico when Porfirio Diaz announced the
suspension of the constitutional guarantees, and well remember
the prodigious effect produced upon the minds of all. Within
the next few hours, thousands who before had been non-parti-
san, openly adopted the cause of the insurrection. In a car-
toon bearing the title, Ensenaza instruction, teaching the
artist represented a little man accompanied by an aged teacher.
They are looking into a mirror in which is reflected the dim
figure of Porfirio Diaz. Upon the frames of the mirror are
the legends, "He suspended the guarantees in the month of
April. He fell from power in the month of May." This was
prophetic.
THREATENING VOLCANOES
The topography of the valley of Mexico is utilized to teach
its lesson under the title of Geologia geology. A cartoon pre-
sents a little hill upon which a pygmy sits ; surrounding it are
larger hills from each of which a face looks out; below is the
legend: "The hill of the grasshopper (Chapultepec) is a hill
of rock surrounded by dangerous volcanoes." Chapultepec
(Aztec, meaning "the hill of the grasshopper") rises from the
level valley of Mexico which is bordered round about by a circle
of mountains. The dangerous surroundings of the President
were his cabinet members, some of them plotters against him,
others heavy burdens on account of their unpopularity. A
dangerous outbreak might be expected at any time on account
of any one of them.
HELD UP TO RIDICULE
331
332
HELD UP TO RIDICULE
A USELESS PINE
A little gardener is represented holding a small pine-tree in
his hand. He asks of his employer, " Where shall I put this
pine-tree I" The employer answers, "Set it out in the street. "
The play here is on the word pino. This means pine-tree, but
the pino here intended is Pino Suarez. The demand on the part
of President Madero's employer the Mexican people was
loud and vigorous to throw the unpopular Vice-President over-
board.
El jardinero. iDonde planto el pino?
El patr6n.-P16ntek> Vd. en la calle.
A USELESS PINE.
BREAKING THE PINATA
The last of these pictures to which we shall call attention
is entitled Pinata politico* the political pifiata. At Christmas
time the Mexicans have the custom of suspending a jar, full
HELD UP TO RIDICULE
333
334 HELD UP TO RIDICULE
of nuts, candies, and fruits, at a good height, in the patio of
their house or in their social room. Such a jar is called a
pinata and is usually concealed by paper trimmings so as to
look like a human figure, a flower, a boat, or other fancied forms ;
the guests mostly children or young people assemble and are
supplied with sticks; blindfolded, they try to strike the pinata,
breaking it and scattering the contents on the floor, where they
are scrambled after by the guests. Of course the pinata must
not be swung so high as to be out of reach. In the picture a
pinata is being swung; the lady of the house, who represents
the people, is directing the raising of the pinata by a soldier
policemen (Huerta), and says to him, "If you keep on raising
it, no one will be able to break it." Five children with clubs
are waiting their chance to hit at. the pinata which has been
raised almost beyond reach. The woman is public opinion, the
soldier policeman, the army, represented in General Huerta, its
head ; the pinata is Madero ; the children with clubs are the lead-
ers of the five revolutions Orozco, Keyes, Zapata, Vasquez
Gomez, and Felix Diaz. Public Opinion warns Huerta that he
should be careful ; that, if he too skilfully protected the Presi-
dent, none of the revolutions could hope to break his power.
The very essence of cartoons is criticism and partisanship.
Both are shown undoubtedly in those which he have described.
Still, every cartoon must appeal to commonly recognized facts,
or to ideas the force of which is generally admitted. There is
more instruction in regard to the mistakes of Madero to be
drawn from an inspection of these pictures than from a long
drawn argument.
PASCUAL OROZCO
RELATIONS BETWEEN MADEKO AND OKOZCO LACK OF DISCIPLINE;
MUTINY A POPULAR HEKO SEED OF DISCOKD POLITICAL AMBI-
TION THE COUNTER-REVOLUTION HUERTA IN THE FIELD
OROZCO REAPPEARS.
THE revolutionary struggle in Mexico brought many new
and unknown men into prominence. Among them few
have gained more notoriety than Pascual Orozco. He
had been a simple arriero in the state of Chihuahua, bringing
in metal and ore from the mining districts for shipment. He
joined Madero's movement on Oct. 15, 1810, when he sought
Abraham Gonzales, at that time active in organizing the inter-
ests of the threatening revolution. It does not seem that the
new recruit was impelled by any deep seated principles of poli-
tics, nor by enmity toward President Diaz; the true motives
335
336
PASCUAL OROZCO
that led him to join the revolution seem to have been desire for
gain and a deep seated hostility to a rival arriero, Joaquin
Chavez, who was aided and favored by the Creel interests.
Whatever influences acted to drive Orozco into revolution, he
was actually one of the first leaders in the field. With seven-
PASCUAL OROZCO.
PASCUAL OROZCO 337
teen men armed with rifles, lie was in the uprising of Nov. 20.
He proved to be an aggressive leader, and had soon been in a
number of battles; in some of these there had been heavy loss
on the part of the insurrectos, and Orozco gained the reputa-
tion of a veteran soldier. He was conspicuous in the first actual
victory of the struggle, the seizure of Ciudad Guerrero. He
also displayed marked bravery in the two or three next notable
successes of the insurgents. The American reporters, who were
in the field with Madero 's forces, did much to make Orozco
famous. Summerfield, of the Associated Press, said at one
time : ' ' Madeno believed in him as in providence itself, coming
to look upon him not only as his own right arm, but as the right
arm of the revolution."
RELATIONS BETWEEN MADERO AND OROZCO
When on March 8, 1911, he was asked what grade Orozco
held in his army, Madero is said to have replied: "Colonel,
only colonel, but I shall make him general as soon as I have
taken Ciudad Juarez." Curiously enough, while Orozco had
actually deserved credit in a number of actions before this
date, he did not distinguish himself again during the course of
the revolution until the battle of Ciudad Juarez. In February
Orozco had advanced against Ciudad Juarez. Before he had,
however, made an actual attack, he was ordered to hurry to
Casas Grandes to join Madero in his attack upon that city.
Unfortunately, Madero did not await his coming. The battle
was fought and lost. It was one of the severest reverses in
the course of the whole revolution. It was one of the very few
occasions when Francisco I. Madero himself led the forces.
After the defeat at Casas Grandes the revolutionary forces were
moved toward the capital city, Chihuahua, where for some time
they tarried, but did not capture it. Finally, the revolutionary
army made its way toward Ciudad Juarez, which was invested.
Operations were for a time interrupted by the negotiations
looking toward peace, but finally the city fell into the hands of
the revolutionists and the armed struggle came to an end.
338 PASCUAL OROZCO
LACK OF DISCIPLINE; MUTINY
While at times he showed bravery in the field and gained
considerable reputation as a soldier and a leader, Orozco was
badly disciplined. There was often difference of opinion
between himself and Madero, and it is claimed that on May 13,
during the period when terms of peace were being considered,
he led a mutiny. This was widely reported at the time in the
newspapers. Exactly what took place has been disputed. The
report published in the El Paso Herald is as follows: "Lack
of funds, and practically lack of food, determined Orozco and
his companions to rebel, discontented with the manner in which
Madero, the provisional president, had conducted himself after
the bitter battle of Juarez, naming ministers with whom, they
say, he consulted political questions, by preference to his mili-
tary chiefs, and for his evident neglect of all the actual necessi-
ties of his troops. At about 9 :30 this morning Pascual Orozco
brought together 100 of his soldiers, all well armed and
mounted, and directed himself to the headquarters of the pro-
visional president. There he demanded of Madero money for
his men, who had not been paid, and food for their empty
stomachs. Madero was not able to satisfy the demand. He
explained that it would be impossible at that moment, but that
afterward some arrangement would be made for meeting the
necessities of the people. Orozco replied that the insurrectos
had suffered for much time, and that Madero and his ministers
had shown themselves incompetent. After this he declared
Madero arrested. Outside, the soldiers of Orozco were drawn
up in line, waiting with anxiety the result of the interview be-
tween Orozco and the provisional president. Madero went to
the door, and begged the soldiers to aid him in that crisis,
explaining as he had done without result to Orozco, that their
needs would be attended to within brief space of time ; but his
requests were not listened to. * Viva Orozco !' was the cry which
issued from the files of soldiers, and Madero returned to Ms-
office, followed by his general. The discussion continued.
PASCUAL OROZCO 339
Orozco demanded the immediate deposition of the whole cabinet
of Madero, saying with contempt that the ministers were incom-
petent, and demanded that in the future Madero should give
more attention to the immediate necessities of his soldiers.
Madero submitted to these demands, he and his general em-
braced each other, and the incipient rebellion concluded with
the understanding that the cabinet should cease to exist and
that the troops should be better cared for in the future." How
much of this story of mutiny is true is uncertain, but that
Orozco was treacherous and unreliable does not admit of ques-
tion. During the time that the peace commissioners sent by
the Diaz government treated with Madero, Orozco repeatedly
went to them privately and discussed the condition of affairs,
especially with Toribio Esquivel Obregon.
A POPULAR HERO
With the success of the revolution and the return of Pascual
Orozco to Chihuahua, he became a popular hero. He who had
been nothing, was now treated with the utmost distinction.
"All the world acclaimed him; they waited breathless to hear
him speak, even a word."
The favorite pictures of the popular leader at this time rep-
resented him as a very common looking, low grade mestizo.
Dr. Eamon Puente, who wrote a book about Pascual Orozco,
but who greatly disliked him, describes his personal appearance
as follows: "Orozco revealed clearly more than country rus-
ticity, the wild instincts and savage passions of the criminal.
His physiognomy has the features which betray the qualities
inclined, and sensitive, to crime. His lower jaw broad and
heavy, the enormous mouth, with thin lips ; the large face, with
broad cheek bones; the discolored skin; the scant beard; the
broad, straight nose; the projecting ears; and lastly, the cold
and repellant glance, shot forth from faded blue eyes, showed
in him an aggregation of anthropological signs extremely com-
mon in the criminal man, to such a degree as to arouse in one 's
conception of him the impression of a mattoid."
340 PASCUAL O&OZCO
SEED OF DISCORD
During the interim presidency of de la Barra, Pascual Orozco
remained in Chihuahua, petted and adulated by those whose
interests he might be able to serve. When the break came
between Madero and Vasquez Gomez, it was commonly believed
that Orozco was wavering in loyalty and inclined to become
Vasquista. It is said that when Madero was making a cam-
paign through Chihuahua in favor of the candidacy of Pino
Suarez for Vice-President the following incident occurred:
Madero was addressing a large group of hearers from a bal-
cony. At his right was Governor Abraham Gonzales, and at
his left Pascual Orozco. The audience heard the leader with
great approbation until he came to speak of the question of the
vice-presidency. "He began by attacking Vasquez Gomez, in-
tentionally exaggerating his defects and the tendencies of his
policies, in order that the virtues of his own candidate might be
more evident." The enthusiasm immediately disappeared. All
looked to see what impression would be produced upon Orozco
by the attacks upon Vasquez Gomez. Orozco showed no sign
of feeling. When, however, the name of Pino Suarez was men-
tioned, the speaker was interrupted by a frightful outcry
mingled with shrill whistlings and hisses. Madero did not lose
serenity, but cried, "Ah, well, then, hiss me also." "No, no,"
thundered the multitude. "Then listen to me," he replied.
The crowd was silenced, and he continued the eulogies of Pino
Suarez, which, however, did not convince them. The author
from whom this incident is quoted, believes that with this
incident Madero lost his last hold upon Orozco.
POLITICAL AMBITION
When Orozco went to the capital city to arrange for the
disarming of his forces, he was received with the same enthu-
siasm as in his own state capital. On that occasion, it is said
that he was paid 50,000 pesos for his services. He was not
satisfied with the amount, and demanded that it should be
PASCUAL OROZCO 341
doubled. This was refused by Madero, and the two parted in
bad humor with each other. Orozco was put in charge of the
rural military zone of Chihuahua. This, too, did not suit him.
He had expected a larger recognition of his merits; he had
expected to be made at least the governor of his state. Nat-
urally he looked with disfavor upon Abraham Gonzales, who
was appointed provisional governor, until elections should take
place. When the elections neared, Pascual Orozco entered the
field as a rival candidate against Don Abraham. He was de-
feated, and Gonzales was elected constitutional governor. Un-
fortunately he was soon after summoned to Mexico to accept a
seat in President Madero 's cabinet. He was made Minister of
Gobernacion, at the time unquestionably the most important
position in the body. To the disgust of Orozco, Aureliano Gon-
zales was made governor interim during the absence of the
actual governor. This man was certainly not adapted to the
position. He soon found difficulties rising and had a rupture
with his secretary of state, Braulio Hernandez. Hernandez
at once announced himself a partisan of Vasquez Gomez and
resigned the position. Meantime the wealthy interests, which
had been encouraged by Diaz, and were committed to his cause,
had in every way attempted to develop hostility in Orozco
against the new government. These interests, of course,
were the Creel-Terrazas faction. Playing upon his vanity,
avarice, and jealousy, they inflamed him to revolt. In January
Orozco was publicly complaining against the Madero govern-
ment.
COUNTEE-KEVOLUTION
He made four points : The Plan of San Luis Potosi had not
been carried out, Madero had entered into league with the
cientificos, the family of the president was practicing enor-
mous abuses with the public treasury, duties of patriotism
drove him to hostility. Matters were so threatening that Gov-
ernor Gonzales was hurried back to his capital city to resume
charge of the state government. Difficulties were thrown in his
342 PASCUAL OROZCO
way and he made a ridiculous figure before he succeeded in
regaining his city. Once there, and again in power, he was
treated with contempt by Orozco and his followers. The Orozco
movement having been supplied with funds to the amount of
1,200,000 pesos by its wealthy backers, Orozco openly took the
field in revolt against the government. The whole of Chihuahua
was soon in open rebellion, outbreaks taking place in Ciudad
Juarez, Casas Grandes and elsewhere.
It is unnecessary to go into complete detail regarding this
revolution of Orozco. It dragged on for months. Orozco him-
self assumed great importance. He was in communication with
various disaffected groups in different parts of the republic.
For a time he seemed committed to the cause of Vasquez
Gomez; he was flirting with the various groups of hostiles in
the City of Mexico, to see where it was best worth while to
throw his aid; he even opened up communication with Zapata.
He took steps to gain the recognition of the government of the
United States. Finally an important body of troops was sent
against him from the City of Mexico under the leadership of
General Gonzales Salas. Associated with him were such well
known officers as Generals Tellez, Trucy Aubert, Blanquet, and
Martinez. They hurried to the city of Torreon, near which an
important battle finally took place. It was badly managed.
General Salas divided his forces, sending them to points the
roads to which were badly known to him. The most serious
combat took place in the Canon de Rellano. It ended in a serious
defeat of the federal forces. The general-in-chief committed
suicide ; the chief-of-staff , a lieutenant colonel and several prom-
inent officers were killed; General Blanquet was wounded;
Trucy Aubert was lost sight of, and for a time it was feared
that he had met disaster; Tellez, with difficulty, succeeded in
drawing his troops back to safety. The report of this disaster
produced consternation in the capital. The hero, by the way,
who gained the victory, was not Orozco, but Emilio Campa.
PASCUAL OROZCO 343
HUEETA IN THE FIELD
General Huerta was hurried to the field as commander-in-
chief of the federal army. He laid out a careful plan of ad-
vance, providing for every contingency. It was carried through
with complete success. It was at this juncture that Emilio
Vasquez Gomez proclaimed himself president interim of the
republic. Although he had been considered a supporter of
Vasquez Gomez, Orozco took exception to his proclamation and
demanded that he should withdraw it. It is possible that he
was looking forward to proclaiming himself president; what-
ever may have been his idea, he succeeded in terrifying the
unlucky Vasquez Gomez, who realized that without Orozco 's
aid he was nothing, and at once withdrew to San Antonio,
Texas. Immediately after this incident there took place the
battle of Conejos ; Orozco lost it, and withdrew to Eellano the
site of the former great victory. Huerta advanced and a sec-
ond battle took place at Kellano ; again discipline and training
counted for something, and the federal forces gained the day.
Orozco fell back to Bachimba, The revolutionary leader un-
doubtedly realized that he had no hope of winning the final
battle. He prepared Chihuahua for the news of his defeat, had
prisoners removed from the capital city to Casas Grandes and
awaited the final test of strength. It came at Bachimba and
resulted in a complete victory for Huerta 's army. With this
battle the actual revolution in the north came to an end. Huerta
and his victorious forces went on to the capital city of Chi-
huahua. Abraham Gonzales, who had been forced to leave the
governor's chair, had been in hiding. It was popularly be-
lieved that he had sought a refuge with Villa. Between this
popular leader in Madero's revolution and Orozco, there was
deep-seated hostility. When Orozco was plotting revolution
against Madero, Villa was still in the state of Chihuahua, and
he and his men remained loyal to Madero's cause. Abraham
Gonzales appeared, while Huerta was making his way slowly
northward. He asserted that he had not been with Villa, but
344 PASCUAL OROZCO
in concealment elsewhere. Huerta replaced him in his position
in Chihuahua.
OROZCO REAPPEARS
Orozco disappeared and for some months nothing was heard
of him. Disturbance of a desultory kind continued in the unfor-
tunate northern state, but its popular leader was not in charge.
With the 20th of February, 1913, when General Huerta had
seized the power in Mexico, and the Madero government had
fallen and its chief had suffered martyrdom, Pascual Orozco
appeared once more upon the scene. He sent a message of
felicitation to the provisional president, his conqueror, be it
remembered, and stated that he should come to Mexico within
a few days to place himself at the orders of the government.
He really did so, and brought with him various of his helpers,
Campa, Argumedo, Caraveo, and his secretary, Cordova. He
was received by Huerta and given a position as brigadier-
general of the regular forces. Not only was the young man
provided for, but his father, who had figured amusingly in all
his period of grandeur, was made colonel. Pascual Orozco
took a part in various battles under the new regime. He gained
no great victories, but his past reputation made his movements
matter of public interest. It was lately reported by General
Bliss of the American army that he had been killed in battle.
So many who have been killed since May, 1910, have later
reappeared alive and active, that one feels a little doubt regard-
ing such reports.
FEDERALS FIRING FROM STEEL CAR, TORREON.
ZAPATISM
QUESTION" OF LAND DISTRIBUTION - ATTEMPT TO DISBAND ZAP ATA 's
FORCES - RAMPANT BANDITRY- ENCIRCLING MOVEMENT BALKED -
DESPERATE SITUATION - EXCITEMENT IN CONGRESS - A FERVID
ORATION HUERTA'S CAMPAIGN UNDER THE MADERO GOVERN-
MENT - SOURCE OF ZAPATISM - ZAPATISTS IN FEBRUARY,
IN the south of the republic, two chiefs aided in Madero's
revolution. One of these was Ambrosio Figueroa, in Guer-
rero. He proved to be a man of definite principles and a
loyal partisan of those to whom he gave his aid. He has quali-
ties of leadership and has developed great ability. The other
was Emiliano Zapata, of Morelos. There seems to be universal
agreement that he is a man of cruel disposition, strong passions,
without education, but a plausible propagandist. He is false,
treacherous, unreliable. During the revolution the most shock-
ing deeds of brutality and barbarism some of which unfor-
345
346 ZAPATISM
innately always take place in such popular movements were
attributed to the wild bands under his direction. They seem
not only to have themselves delighted in arson, rapine, slaughter,
and mutilation, but they were given complete license by their
leaders. Toward the close of Madero's struggle, Zapata seized
Cuauhtla, after a brave defense by the federal forces, and per-
mitted his two thousand men to indulge in hours of loot and
dreadful slaughter. Similar scenes of butchery and destruction
had been permitted in many other places.
QUESTION OF LAND DISTRIBUTION
In the Plan of San Luis Potosi distribution of land to little
holders, the great estates being broken up, was promised.
Zapata claims that it was this promise which led him to revolu-
tion, and that it was the hope of such land distribution that has
kept him in the field. When the treaty of Ciudad Juarez was
signed, and the announcement made of the suspension of hostili-
ties, Zapata and his forces for a moment, but for a moment only,
checked their career of pillage and destruction. They claimed
to have expected immediate distribution of lands. Such distri-
bution of course did not take place.
ATTEMPT TO DISBAND ZAPATA *S FORCES
Be la Barra was suspicious of Zapata and anxious that lie
and his forces should promptly be disbanded. He was, there-
fore, one of the first of the leaders of the revolution to be dealt
with. He expected that he would be left in charge of a rural
force; he seemed to consent to the disbanding of his men.
Events, however, proved that all the time he had not intended
to give up his arms or ammunition, nor to retire unless division
and distribution of lands were made. Agents were sent to deal
with him; after much discussion and vacillation on his part, a
number of his followers were brought together, presented, and
received the money due them ; in return they gave up worthless
arms and worn-out horses. When on account of this treachery,
vigorous action was planned against him, Madero offered to go
ZAPATISM 347
in person to confer with him and try to bring him to submit
to the new conditions, give up his arms and ammunition, and
disband his soldiers. The conference was held; Zapata seemed
to agree to the proposition made by Madero, and promised sub-
mission and disbanding. Before Madero offered to go to see
him, troops had been dispatched against the bandit leader.
Zapata told Madero that he would only give up arms and disband
if these forces were withdrawn. The demand did not please the
interim government, but the troops were drawn back to a cer-
tain distance, and money was paid to the Zapatist soldiers ; again
worthless arms were yielded in exchange, all good ones being
retained in the hands of the guerrillas. Curiously enough, a
third effort was made, a third payment given, and a third decep-
tion practiced. De la Barra 's government had reached the limit
of its patience, and orders were given that he and his should be
pursued relentlessly.
RAMPANT BANDITEY
Conditions really were desperate. Not only did bands of
looters sweep though Morelos, leaving disaster and ruin in their
wake, but they made incursions into the neighboring states of
Puebla, Mexico, and Tlaxcala, These bands were really under
Zapata r s control. Their raiding and looting were going on
during the period when the government was treating with him,
and he was pretending to be making plans for disarmament. In
connection with their excursions hideous crimes were perpe-
trated. Among them was the incident of Covadonga, which in-
volved the nation with the governments of Spain and Germany.
As the result of the Zapata movement, Morelos was almost de-
populated. Whole towns disappeared, the houses being burned.
SURROUNDING MOVEMENT BALKED
It was finally decided to employ the aid of Figueroa in deal-
ing with the problem. He was told to cease disbanding his
soldiers, and to use them in an attempt to suppress Zapata 's
forces. The period of time during which disbandment was to
348
ZAPATISM
Photograph, Underwood and UmK'nvood
THE ZAPATA BROTHERS.
ZAPATISM 349
take place ended with July 1, and it had been announced that,
after that date, all persons found in a state of insurrection
would be considered bandits. In August the headquarters of
the Zapatists was at Yautepec. Together with regular forces,
which had been sent to the field of action, Figueroa and his men
began an enclosing movement. All was going well with the
military enterprise, and it looked as if the problem of Zapatism
would soon be settled. Nearer and nearer drew the enclosing
circle. Then, suddenly, as it was learned later acting under
special orders, one column of the enclosing forces abandoned
its position, and the enemy escaped without difficulty and again
began to overrun the country. The suspicion began to be gen-
erally held that, for some reason, some one desired to maintain
a force of the old revolutionists in arms.
DESPEKATE SITUATION
Finally the Government applied the suspension of guaran-
tees, inherited from the former government, to the present
situation. Any one taken in the act of insurrection might be
shot without investigation. Chaos ruled. The railroad in
Morelos was paralyzed ; trains were assaulted and innocent pas-
sengers murdered; country places were attacked; little towns
were ravaged ; the whole state was sprinkled with ruins, cinders
and ashes, and the dead. On the 23d of October, a band from
Morelos entered the state of Puebla and even penetrated into
the Federal District. On the 24th, Milpa Alta was attacked.
Towns close to the capital city, like Xochimilco and Tlalpam,
were in terror and the people fled from their homes. Of course
a force was hurried against the invaders from the capital city,
but the bandits gained the heights of Ajusco and escaped.
EXCITEMENT IN CONGKESS
This was much too near for comfort. Assault had been
made almost within sight of the capital city. A public demand
for prompt and effective action rose. The clamor was echoed
in the House of Deputies, and Jose Maria Lozano and Francisco
350 ZAPATISM
M. de Olaguibel made long and forcible speeches and demanded
that the secretary of Gobernacion and the sub-secretary of the
Department of War and Marine should appear before the
House to explain the situation. The Sub-secretary of War and
Marine was Manuel Gonzales Salas ; he was a relative of Fran-
cisco I. Madero ; it was reported that he had told a newspaper
reporter that "Zapatism would end three days after Senor
Madero should take upon him the presidency of the Republic/'
In response to the demand of congress, Alberto Garcia
Granados, Secretary of Gobernacion, and Manuel Gonzales
Salas, Sub-secretary of War and Marine, appeared and were
interpellated. In his speech Granados said: " There exists a
powerful influence which hinders the orders of the government
from being executed. ' ' The next day two meetings of the cabinet
were held to discuss the situation, the second lasting for many
hours late into the night. As the result of these meetings, Gran-
ados, Salas, and Francisco Vasquez Gomez resigned from the
cabinet.
A FERVID ORATION
It is worth while to quote a passage from one of these
speeches before congress. Olaguibel said in speaking of the
Zapatists: "The first time the Zapatists gave up their arms
and received the money; after some few days, they presented
themselves before authority in a threatening attitude and took
their arms again, religiously reserving, however, the money in
their possession ; there was necessity of a new disbandment, and
then the Zapatists gave up old worn-out machetes and flint-lock
guns, rusted and worn-out, and kept for a better occasion their
dynamite bombs and their splendid mausers. A third disband-
ing i was necessary and when the Federal Government, now
wearied with treating with such bad faith, of striving with such
notable perfidy, dispatched a strong column of valiant and
devoted men, such as those of our army are, under orders of
General Huerta; then Senor Madero appeared like the biblical
dove of the legend ; Senor Madero said : ' I will reduce these men
ZAPATISM 351
to order;' and Senor Madero succeeded in delaying for fifteen
days the action of the federal forces, detaining the advance of
General Huerta, destroying the effectiveness of action of the
federal soldiers, and, after tenderly embracing that most sin-
cere General Zapata, returned to Mexico to continue his excur-
sions and his speeches."
HUERTA 'S CAMPAIGN
The government had really reached the end of its patience
when the Madero mission failed. Huerta resumed his campaign
in Morelos and made actual headway. Had he been left a free
hand, and the time of the interim government been longer, there
is no doubt that he might have entirely suppressed the diffi-
culty. While his campaign was still in progress, Madero
approached the president interim with the proposition that the
government should issue a safe conduct to Emiliano Zapata,
in order that he might go to live in a foreign country. This
suggestion was refused by de la Barra. After this failure,
Madero sent his personal representative, Gabriel Eobles
Dominguez, to Morelos, where he had many conferences with
Zapata. It is believed that it was these conferences and certain
understandings reached through them, which led to the unwise
utterance of Salas that, three days after Madero should take
upon himself the presidency of the republic, Zapatism would
cease. However that may be, there can be no doubt that there
was really some kind of understanding between Madero and
Zapata, and that the hero of the revolution anticipated no
trouble with the bandit leader when he should come to power.
UNDER THE MADERO GOVERNMENT
In this, however, he was misled. When Madero became
President, Zapata still remained in apparent rebellion. Plun-
der, violence, and crime continued. In April, Colonel Castro
won a victory indeed in the town of Jojutla, leaving 400
Zapatists dead. But in May all communication with Cuernavaca
from Mexico was destroyed, and all trains trying to make the
352 ZAPATISM
journey between the two cities were attacked. J. Figueroa
Domenech, an admirer of Madero and partisan in his writings,
says in one place in his latest book: "Zapatism, yes, was the
blackest nightmare of Senor Madero and the blame of it, with
justice could be imputed to him for not having consented that
it should be destroyed during the interim government of de la
fBarra."
Even worse than Zapata himself seems, however, to be the
new leader, Genovevo de la 0. In speaking of him and his
cruelties at La Cima and Ticoman, the author just quoted says :
"He could not have had human parents-; he must have been
born from the union of a rattlesnake with a tarantula ; in place
of a heart, his breast must have sheltered a pouch full of the
venom of his progenitors. "
SOURCE OF ZAPATISM
Our author, who is conservative in his economic and social
views, enters into some discussion as to why the state of Morelos
should be cursed with such an exceptional population. He
ends his discussion with the following words: "How is it pos-
sible that, this being (the Zapatist) nearer to the anthropoid
than to man, abounds so greatly in Morelos ? If the cause was
rooted only in the atavistic tendencies toward an inferior race,
the fact would be frequent in the whole republic, and fortu-
nately it is not so. The hot climate of the region, its spontaneous
wealth which incites its inhabitants to idleness, the abundance
of money which high wages supply and which facilitates the
great consumption of alcoholic drinks, and above all, the abso-
lute neglect under which in those districts public education lies,
prepare the heart of the people for hardening* itself easily
before the spectacle of blood, and arouses within it the ferocious
appetite of animality." Morelos is a district of great sugar-
plantations. It is possible that, as the author says, wages in
that state are higher than those generally in the republic. It is
hardly likely that this abundant wealth in the hands of plantation
labor is a serious impulse in the direction that he suggests.
ZAPATISM 353
That there may be a relation between the great plantation with
its mass of ignorant, uneducated, untrained workers, and the
widespread dissatisfaction in the state, seems possible.
During the interim government, de la Barra appointed a
land commission to deal with the agrarian problem. When
Madero was in power, a similar commission continued its
operations, and perhaps serious steps were taken to investigate
the problem of lands for distribution and the terms on which
such distribution might take place. As President of the Repub-
lic, he found it much less easy to make progress in this direc-
tion than it had been to make promises when leading revolu-
tionists in the field of battle.
ZAPATISTS IN FEBRUARY, IQIJ
At the very moment when the bloody events of February,
1913, were culminating, the Zapatists again appeared close to
the capital city. Again we quote from Domenech because he is
a Maderist partisan. He says :
"And finally, as if all this were little for the terrorizing of
the populace, there appeared close to the capital, 2,000 Zapa-
tists who, like jackals, awaited the opportune moment for fall-
ing upon the city and looting it.
"And why did they not fall upon the city?"
"Repeatedly we have said that Zapatism enclosed a secret
difficult to discover, which appeared to show some connection
or agreement between Zapata and Madero. Perhaps those
hordes who hung about Tlalpam under orders of the fierce and
sanguinary Genovevo de la 0, had orders to be there, for no
other reason than to cause terror, and perhaps also (which is
more probable), they did not venture to enter the city for fear
of the heavy guns. The bandits of Zapata were only good for
fighting from ambush among the briars of the mountain; they
had no valor for risking themselves in the streets of Mexico."
354
ZAPATISM
GUILTY!
UNCLE SAM'S CHEONIC STATE. HUNGEY FOE A NEW SLICEl
ANTI-AMERICANISM
WE ARE DIFFERENT WE DESIRE TO IMPROVE OTHERS THEY KNOW
THE WORLEH MEXICAN CITIES CONSULS AND DIPLOMATS OUR
LAND HUNGER THE EL PASO INCIDENT LATIN-AMERICAN REVOLU-
TIONS TWO KINDS OF REVOLUTIONS EXPLOITATION OUTSPOKEN
ANTI-AMERICANISM THE MONROE DOCTRINE THE FUNDAMENTAL
RIGHTS OF NATIONS TAFT^S MOBILIZATION HARD PRESSED FOR
EXPLANATION.
WHY do they hate
WE ARE DIFFERENT
Primarily and fundamentally because they are Span-
ish-Indian, while we are Anglo-Saxon. Our characteristics are
profoundly different. Our ideas and our ideals are different.
355
356 ANTI-AMERICANLSM
Our ways of looking at things are different. Our impulses are
different. Our languages are different. The Latin Americans
are artistic, we are not; they delight in beauty of form, line,
and color; they have a sense of proportion; they love har-
monies. We do not. They are graceful and demand grace ; we
are not graceful and are not exacting. They are theoretical
they delight in the development of finished systems; we are
practical. They are rhetorical, delighting in metaphors and
figures of speech; their sentences are models of elegant com-
position ; they delight in hair-splitting arguments ; we are blunt.
In an ideal world, perfect in its construction, they would admire
us, and we would admire them, because of our difference. As it
is, we do not live in an ideal world, and difference is damnable.
We doopise the. Mexicans because they differ from us, they hate
us because we differ from them. On the whole, they are far
more polite and kindly in their toleration of our rudeness and
crudity than we are with reference to their lack of aggressive-
ness and up-to-date development.
WE DESIRE TO IMPROVE OTHERS
They realize that we are different; they consider us most
disagreeable. We assume and try to demonstrate that we are
superior. Our attitude toward them is always critical and
instructive. We are loud in our complaints regarding them, and
that to their faces. We cry out that they are centuries behind
in their development; we deplore that their natural resources
have been neglected ; we note the absence of skyscrapers in their
cities; we bitterly complain because they do not hustle. We
send them missionaries ; we send them tourists. We send them
some men who have failed in our country, for our country's
good. Failures though they are, still they stand among them as
representative Americans and undertake to change them. We
have sent them quantities of adventurers, who have gone there
to show them "how to do things." At times these men make
real success. More frequently they start in with a great
"hurrah," and come out with a grouch. Everything in Mexican
ANTI-AMERICANISM 357
methods and ways of doing business is a mistake ; they will intro-
duce real American methods. For example, it has always been
the custom in Mexico to take a noon-day rest the siesta. Amer-
ican business men looked upon the siesta as lost time ; ' ' These
lazy Mexicans, ' ' said they, ' ' may loll around and sleep at noon,
may close their places of business ; but we will hustle, our places
will remain open; we'll show them." Of course the result was
dismal failure. After all, the business was to be done with Mexi-
cans, and if the Mexicans took their siesta, there was really no
advantage in keeping the places open, with the certainty that
no one would be there. In a thousand ways American methods
of business are ill-adapted to Mexican surroundings; and the
attempt to force them upon the country and to make the people
over after a new and improved fashion is folly. No other for-
eigners who go to Mexico for business ends feel called upon
to bring in reforms and to introduce new modes of life and
action. Even the English do not do so. As for the Germans,
French, and Italians, they adapt themselves, to the conditions
of the country as far as possible ; they adopt the local methods
of doing business. They gain a larger return with less output
of capital, force, and energy, with less wear and tear, than we
do; arid between them and the Mexicans a much better feeling
exists than between these and ourselves. Naturally, because of
difference, all foreigners are looked upon with something of
dislike and suspicion ; but the difference in feeling between the
Mexicans toward continental Europeans and burselves is very
marked.
THEY KNOW THE WORLD
Their dislike toward us is not due to ignorance of the out-
side world. Of course we are here speaking of the upper class
in Mexican society. The peon, the ordinary mestizo, and the
Indian know nothing of the outside world; but the people of
wealth have traveled. It is they, after all, who have been in con-
trol; in the very nature of things it is they who will always
occupy the high positions and come into contact with us politi-
358 ANTI-AMERICANISM
cally. These people are educated; besides Spanish, they know
French, or German, or both; now-a-days most of them speak
English. They have culture and knowledge of social customs.
They have traveled and know the life of great cities. They are
familiar with Paris and London, Berlin and Madrid. As a rule,
they do not like New York, and Chicago only irritates and vexes
them. On the whole, for things intellectual, they look directly
to Paris for patterns and guidance. Anything of interest known
and developed in continental Europe they know, and if they like
it, quickly introduce it. Elegance and luxury have been known
in Mexico for centuries. The University of Mexico was founded
seventy years before the Pilgrims landed on Plymouth Rock;
how long after that event was Harvard founded? The Bay
Psalter is said to have been the first book printed in what is
now the area of the United States; a wide range of important
works, treating of many subjects, were printed in Mexico before
the year 1600. The City of Mexico was world-famous before
the attempt to settle Jamestown. Many of the shops in the
City of Mexico are beautiful, and their show-windows, dressed
with great taste, are brilliant. The display of gems at La
Esmeralda compares favorably with those of the great jewelers
of New York City. The first automobile that I personally saw
was not in the city of Chicago, but on the streets of Mexico;
it was weeks later before the first machine of the kind made its
trial run in my own city. Curiously enough, the new invention
did not at first take well with the Mexicans; the next time I
visited the capital city, I did not see a single horseless car-
riage; shortly afterwards, however, they again appeared, and
to-day are numerous.
MEXICAN CITIES
It is not strange that the Mexicans prefer the cities of Europe
to our own. Their towns and cities are patterned after those
of Spain. They are compactly built; there are no vacant lots;
the buildings are placed close together; while the majority of
the houses are low, generally no more than a single story, they
ANTI-AMERICANISM 359
are of even and uniform height; the idea of streets on which
sky-scrapers, buildings of six or eight stories, stores of two or
three stores, shanties, houses, and vacant lots follow each other
pell mell and without order, can make no appeal to the Mexican 's
idea of beauty, or urban conditions. A Mexican town of 30,000
people is more of a city, better developed, presenting more
of an actual urban plan than most American cities of three
or four times that size. The cities of Mexico have always recog-
nized the necessity of open spaces for public gathering. All of
them have their plaza; all large cities have their public parks
and breathing spaces. As regards civic decoration, their ideas
are certainly better than our own. Decoration and illumination
of cities on the occasion of public celebrations are notably
artistic and beautiful. In public monuments, they far surpass
us. Mexican cities, and even small towns, have always had the*
custom of evening concerts; almost every plaza has its band-
stand, and the music furnished several evenings each week is of
high quality. The point we aim to make here is that, if Mexi-
cans do not like our cities, it is not because of their ignorance
of urban life. It is because they prefer a different style from
our own.
CONSULS AND DIPLOMATS
One reason why the Mexicans do not love us is that they have
had small reason to admire our official representatives among
them. While there have been some marked exceptions, neither
our consuls nor our diplomatic representatives have been high-
grade officials. Our consular service the world over has been
a laughing stock and a disgrace ; it has been particularly bad in
Mexico. We have made great improvements the last few years,
and our consular service approaches respectability. But for-
merly we sent to foreign countries men whose only claim to
appointment was political service rendered at election time.
Our consuls were expected to develop trade relations and to
encourage 'the growth of business between these countries and
ourselves ; our diplomatic representatives were expected to deal
360
ANTI-AMERICANISM
with delicate questions and to develop strong and friendly ties
between the governments. Yet men were repeatedly sent to
Mexico who had no preparation or natural qualities for filling
the office. Sometimes they have been men of inferior ability,
with no intelli-
gence or social
training, and with
no moral ideals.
We have had con-
suls-general whose
chief official busi-
ness seemed to
be to introduce
worthless but rich
Americans to the
seamy side of
Mexican life, and
"to show them the
town." We are in-
formed that one
consular officer,
still occupying one
of the most impor-
tant positions in
the service, had to
have the superin-
tendent of schools
of his own town
write his letter
of acceptance for
him, when he re-
ceived his appointment from Washington; he has proved a highly
successful consul, apparently because all the affairs of his office
have been in the hands of a painstaking German assistant, for
whose engagement, as he was not an American citizen, permis-
sion had to be asked from Washington. The incompetence of our
TURNING OUT FOR GUARD DUTY ALONG
THE RIO GRANDE.
ANTI- AMERICANISM 361
representatives as officials, their lack of character as men, their
scant mental endowments and poor education, and their total
lack of refinement and social qualities, have done much to make
the Mexicans despise us. On the whole, their official representa-
tives in our country have been of much higher quality than those
we have sent to them. They have not always been men of
strong character ; they have feared us and partly through fear,
partly through politeness, have been somewhat yielding and sub-
servient but they have generally been better diplomats than
our appointees.
OUB LAND HUNGEB
The Mexicans hate us because we have deprived them of ter-
ritory. The Republic of Texas could never have been founded
unless Americans had encouraged disaffection. It would never
have been founded had not the interests of our slave states
demanded it. The loss of Texas to Mexico was a serious blow;
it has always been ascribed to us. Mexico lost more than half
of its territory to us as the result of the unfortunate and unjust
war of 1847. We took advantage of her difficulties ; at the time,
she was rent by internal dissension, and four different parties
were struggling for the mastery. A divided enemy is an easy
one to conquer, and the Mexican war was no great credit to our
ability in the military field. As a fact, we wanted land again it
was land for the development of slavery we took it. Mexico
has not forgotten, she never will forget the act. No wonder
she hates us. With this story of past aggression, it is not
strange that she suspects us in the present, and with justice.
Within the last few months, the Chamizal matter has been agi-
tated ; it involves additional loss to Mexico. The idea prevails
throughout the republic, among all who are thinking and talk-
ing, that we have eyes fixed on Lower California, that we are
encouraging dissension and rebellion in the north. It is believed
that we hope to play again the same part that we played when
Texas pronounced its independence. It is feared that American
interests and American influence are so great in the northern
362 ANTI-AMERICANISM
range of states that this region may proclaim its independence.
It is well recognized that the new republic would have as short,
or even a shorter period of existence than had Texas. Ameri-
can mines, American lumber-camps, American grazing lands,
American oil-wells, they believe will be the excuse for taking
over another slice of territory, and reducing Mexico to the posi-
tion of a Central American state of little more significance than
Guatemala.
THE EL PASO INCIDENT
How deep this suspicion of our purpose to seize territory is,
was shown by the popular feeling at the time when the two
Presidents met at El Paso. Probably the occasion was only one
for the exchange of international courtesies ; it is unlikely that
any serious politics were involved. It is almost certain that no
business of consequence was consummated. President Taft
after his experience as Governor-General in the Philippines,
came back to our country with new ideas of state functions. A
Governor-General of the Philippines is, on the whole, a more
autocratic and less simple being than the President of the
United States. He is more used to form and ceremony. He
has imbibed new ideas regarding functions. He looks with new
eyes, tolerantly, upon meetings between potentates and rulers.
Why should we not here in America repeat such meetings as
take place with frequency between crowned heads in Europe?
The question was natural to one who, as Governor-General, had
ruled quite autocratically over millions of people in the Orient.
At all events, President Taft was fond of the spectacular; bril-
liant functions dazzled him; and in the geographical nature of
things, the only brilliant functions in the direction of meetings
of rulers possible were with Canada or Mexico. To arrange
such a meeting with Mexico seemed, on the whole, more easy and
more satisfactory than with Canada. Accordingly the proposi-
tion was made that the two rulers should meet upon the border
and exchange courtesies. Of course there was a difficulty. The
constitution of Mexico provides that the President of the Repub-
ANTI-AMERICANISM 363
lie shall not absent himself from the national territory during
the period of his administration. To do so might be perhaps
considered equivalent to forfeiting his office. Mr. Taft knew
quite well the constitutional disability, but still he urged the
meeting. Don Porfirio was always anxious to please the Presi-
dent of' the United States ; he finally yielded to the influence
brought to bear upon him and petitioned congressional permis-
sion to go to El Paso for the meeting. The occasion of course
was splendid. The details were arranged with care. President
Diaz, for the first time in many years, set foot on our soil ; our
President visited Ciudad Juarez; there were banquets, toast-
ings, flags, bunting, cheers, bands, commemorative medals, and
picture postal cards. In fact, nothing was lacking to make the
affair a great success; and our president's heart was satisfied,
and our people boasted of the additional strength given to the
bond between the two countries. But in Mexico there was seri-
ous head-shaking ; it may be an example of suspicious ignorance,
but there were thousands who asked themselves: "What can
have been the motive? What business of such importance had to
be consummated that it was necessary for our President to vio-
late the terms of our constitution and to go from the City of
Mexico on to American soil? What new concession did he make
to the United States? What secret document was it necessary
for him in person to sign? Who knows whether he has not sold
a portion of our territory to the Americans as Santa Anna did
years ago?"
LATIN-AMEKICAN REVOLUTIONS
We always think of Latin Americans as in a state of constant
revolution. We do not realize how many of these outbreaks
are fomented by outside interests. In 1896 I visited the Central
American Republic of Guatemala, At that time the President
of the Eepublic was Jose Maria Reina Barrios. He was on the
whole a good man for the position. He had of course the bad
qualities inherent in rulers where personal politics are in vogue.
He no doubt was making money in office and through his office.
364 ANTI-AMERICANISM
But he was a man of ideas and ideals and genuinely interested in
the advancement of his country. When we reached the capital
city, the latest revolution had recently been ended. The Presi-
dent had emerged from the struggle victorious. The incident
was still the topic of common conversation. I was astonished
more, I was humiliated to find that it was commonly, agreed
that the whole disturbance was due to American interference.
The cherished plan of President Barrios at that moment was
the construction of the Great Northern railroad. Guatemala had
but a single railroad line in operation; it was the Guatemala
Central, connecting the capital city with the Pacific port of San
Jose. The proposed line in which the president was interested
was to connect the capital city with Livingston on the Atlantic
coast. There was no question that its construction would be
a great benefit to the Nation. It would increase commerce,
develop new industries, connect their republic more directly and
easily with the outside world. But the Pacific Mail Steamship
Company, whose interests in Guatemala were large and almost
without competition, did not look upon the project favorably.
It felt that the construction of the new line would affect its prof-
its ; therefore, whether it would be useful to the country or not,
was a matter of little consequence; its building must be pre-
vented. For a long time the company had successfully fought
against the new enterprise, by bribing legislators and raising
legal difficulties. It had been defeated, however, in this method
of procedure, and from its point of view the only remaining
hope was to oust the President from office. Accordingly an
insurrection was started, funds and advice were supplied. It had
been a sharp and vigorous campaign; it had almost achieved its
end. But President Barrios had issued from the struggle vic-
torious. The Great Northern Eailroad would be pushed to
completion and opened. Of course in the long run it could do
no harm to the Pacific Mail Steamship Company. With the in-
creasing prosperity, which its operation would bring to the
Republic, every line of business and development might be ex-
pected to increase, and the company would receive a greater
ANTI-AMERICANISM 365
benefit from its share of new business than it would suffer loss
from diminution in the business, which it had formerly con-
trolled. The point, however, is that to this great corporation,
financed by Americans and bringing profit into American pock-
ets, the welfare of a nation, the continuance in power of a good
ruler, the life and property of individuals all counted for
nothing. It was ready to be the agent for the commission of
robbery, murder, arson, in order to continue to make profit.
It was my first lesson in international politics. I have looked
at revolutions in Latin America since then, with different eyes.
I have found many of that same sort.
TWO KINDS OF REVOLUTIONS
There are indeed two kinds of revolutions in the Latin
American republics. Those that actually arise within the re-
public, growing out of the political, social, and economic condi-
tions, and those which are fomented from without for purely
mercenary ends by exploiting individuals or companies. The
former are unfortunate, but in countries where personal poli-
tics prevail, are unavoidable, and generally are based upon suffi-
cient causes and are real movements in the direction of national
advance and progress. Such should be looked upon with hope,
arid under no circumstances should call for interference. They
form, however, but a small part of the revolutions of recent
years ; most of these are directly due to interference by foreign
money interests. Such deserve no sympathy from without, the
interests involved should be refused protection by the home
government. Such revolutions, however, do much of course to
deepen and inflame a spirit of hostility to foreigners. To such
revolutions much of the hatred toward ourselves is due.
EXPLOITATION
Undoubtedly the chief reason why the Mexicans to-day hate
us is that they feel and think we are exploiting them and their
country. Everywhere they find American capital owning their
sources of wealth. They feel that, little by little their oppor-
366 ANTI-AMERICANISM
tunities have passed into foreign hands, and that their resources
no longer remain their own. They feel that they are strangers
in a land which has passed into the possession of others. Blindly
and ignorantly they feel that they have been defrauded. They
know that the transfer of properties has been made without
consulting them. Those who think, really believe that these
great and valuable concessions to foreigners were made by a
band of adventurers who personally grew rich, without the mat-
ter being referred to them for approbation. They look, and
justly, upon the acts of Porfirio Diaz and his little clique of min-
isters and politicians cientificosSiS illegal frauds. They
know that they did not elect the man of iron to power; they
know that he did not represent them in these transactions;
they know they have been robbed. But they also know
that we will fight, if need be, for our * ' rights. ' ' They feel the
hopelessness of it all, and in that hopelessness their hatred takes
deeper and deeper root.
OUTSPOKEN ANTI-AMERICANISM
Anti- Americanism does not often find actual voice. It is a
reality, but it is not always being flaunted. Now and then,
however, it shows itself. Thus, in 19 the lynching in Texas
of a Mexican caused a great outburst of feeling in Mexico.
Lynchings in Texas are so common that they have long ceased
to cause any special comment or feeling among ourselves. But
those lynchings are of black men, and we are little likely to be
disturbed by such. It was natural, however, that the reported
lynching of this Mexican should cause a deal of feeling in Mex-
ico. As in other countries, the excitement voiced itself through
an outbreak of students. It was students who, on the occasion
in question, paraded the streets and cried out against Amer-
icans. Much was made of it at the time. It is surprising how
complacently we in this country had assumed that the Mexicans
must naturally love us and admire us beyond all other people
in the world. That there should be a public demonstration of
dislike toward us seemed a strange and unreasonable thing.
ANTI-AMERICANISM 367
There were thousands of Americans of intelligence who were
actually surprised at the condition. But Anti- Americanism is
a reality in Mexico. Not only in Mexico, but throughout the
Central American Republics are we hated, thoroughly hated.
We are hated in Venezuela, in Columbia, in Panama, in all the
South American Republics. We are hated as a people, we are
hated as a nation.
THE MONKOE DOCTKINE
It is time that we knew, and that the world should know,
just what the Monroe Doctrine is. Americans do not know.
Test it by asking two men, in whose judgment and knowledge
you have confidence, about it ; ask them when they are together,
and then sit back and listen to their discussion. Our Congress-
men know no better than the man on the street. Our Depart-
ment of State has no definite idea as to the Doctrine. The na-
tions of Europe would be vastly relieved to have an actual defi-
nition made of it. They might not like the definition, they
might not be able to find it in the famous document, but it would
simplify their problems and relieve their minds to have it stated.
So far as Latin America is concerned, they hate the term. There
is no question that, when Monroe promulgated his " doctrine, "
he had in mind the protection of the newly founded Latin Amer-
ican Republics ; he desired to encourage democratic institutions ;
he was fired with ideals of liberty. There were perhaps some
sordid suggestions in it, but these suggestions were not turned
against the newly founded nations. To-day Latin America con-
siders the Monroe Doctrine nothing more nor less than a notice
to the world that the United States proposes to exploit the
American continent lying south of the Rio Grande for her own
benefit, and that she will tolerate no competition.
THE FUNDAMENTAL EIGHTS OF NATIONS
We have recognized the independence of all the Latin Amer-
ican Republics. So have the other nations of the world. We
have no more right to interfere in their internal affairs and poli-
368 ANTI-AMERICANISM
tics than they have to interfere in ours. The mere fact that
we are great, and strong, and rich, and ambitious, and grafting,
enterprising and commercial, gives us no such rights. The Latin
American states today hate us because they have seen us re-
peatedly outrage this fundamental principle. They have seen
us dictate policy, finance revolutions, make and unmake presi-
dents, interfere in battles, browbeat, and threaten. They feel
that under cover of the Monroe Doctrine theoretically framed
for their protection they are being cut off from outside aid,
finance, and politics, and being held completely at our mercy.
TAFT'S MOBILIZATION
I was in the City of Mexico when President Taft mobilized
a force for the first time on the Mexican border. The feeling
produced by that act was extraordinary. It was certainly a
mistake in policy which could produce no good result. Proba-
bly fifty Mexicans during the day conversed with me about it,
and asked its meaning. Many said: "Does the United States
really propose to force war upon us! If she does, notwithstand-
ing our weakness and the strong odds against us, we will ac-
cept her challenge. We will of course be ultimately defeated,
but we shall make a strong defense, and it will cost your people
time, money, and many lives to gain the victory. "
HARD PRESSED FOR EXPLANATION
Many explanations of course have been offered for Mr. Taft's
action, both in Mexico and in this country. The report went
out from Washington that foreign nations and European powers
were looking to us for the protection of their interests and had
brought influence to bear upon us, forcing us to take steps toward
filling our obligations. This is in the highest degree unlikely.
It was publicly stated in Mexico at the time that, on the appear-
ance of this explanation, the French and German Ambassadors
and the British Charge d 'Affaires called upon President Diaz
and told him that at the request of their Governments they
wished to say that the report from Washington was a lie.
ANTI-AMERICANISM 369
Whether this was actually done may be a question ; it is not un-
likely. What is certain is that President Taft was deluged
with remonstrances from Mexico. It was pointed out to him
that his act had jeopardized every American interest, every
American life in the republic. Long before effective steps could
be taken in this country, American lives and property might
easily be wiped out of existence. A rather popular explanation
on our side of the border was that it might be a suggestive object
lesson to foreign nations ; it might be well for other countries
meaning Japan to know that we could promptly put a military
force into the field. The explanation was ludicrous, especially
in view of the difficulty that we found in moving and maintaining
a force of twenty thousand men in good condition within our
own territory, where we had every means of transportation and
every opportunity for maintaining health and comfort. We can
only hope that foreign nations including Japan did not too
closely follow the details of the instructive object lesson; we
may be sure, however, that they did; and know quite well how
poorly prepared we were for putting forces in the field. The
official announcement that the movement was simply " manoeu-
vres " deceived no one. Our annual manoeuvres had al-
ready taken place, and the funds appropriated for them had been
exhausted. The statement which finally seemed to be officially
made with reference to the movement was that it was to more
strictly maintain the laws of neutrality and to prevent the pas-
sage of arms and war equipment into Mexico. It is proba-
ble that the final conclusion on the part of many Mexicans was,
that the movement was made at the request of Porfirio Diaz.
It is hinted that the old man, finding himself in serious diffi-
culty, and facing ruin, suggested the mobilization of forces along
our border in the hope that it would be generally considered as
a threat of intervention, invasion, war. It is thought that in
the face of such a pressing danger, points of difference would
be overlooked and internal quarrels forgotten; that all Mexi-
cans would unite against the threatening force ; and the govern-
ment would be enabled to reestablish its authority, and perhaps,
370
ANTI-AMERICANISM
later, to retire more gracefully from the field of struggle. The
simplest assumption, after all, is that Mr. Taft moved the
forces at the dictate of Wall Street or rather with the view of
protecting and aiding the large American money interests in
Mexico. It was, however, a false move ; its folly was recognized
in time, and nothing further done. Whatever may have been
the cause, this threat, for threat it was, could but increase the
feeling of hostility toward us already so strong among the Mex-
ican populace.
FIGHTING IN THE STREETS, CITY OF MEXICO.
THE NINE DAYS' BATTLE
A TRIPLE PLOT THE FIBST ATTEMPT THE SECOND EFFOKT THE
THIRD AND FINAL ATTEMPT THE NINE DAYS' BATTLE THE
AREEST OF MADERO MURDER OF GUSTAVO MADERO OFFICIAL
REPORT OF THE DEATH OF MADERO AND PINO SUAREZ BERNARDO
REYES ANOTHER VERSION OF THE BATTLE EFFECT IN MEXICO
FELIX DIAZ MADE TO UNDERSTAND MADERO *S ERRORS THE
QUESTION OF RECOGNITION.
IT is strange that he did not see what was coming. Before
the middle of December, I heard from a source of excep-
tionally-tested accuracy that the Diaz revolution in Novem-
ber was the first of a series of three efforts arranged at one
time by one and the same group of conspirators.
371
372
THE NINE DAYS' BATTLE
THE NINE DAYS' BATTLE 373
A TKIPLE PLOT
If the first effort failed, the second would be made; if it
failed, the third would be tried. The group interested was the
old group, followers of Porfirio Diaz, anxious to restore so
nearly as they could the conditions of the past. If their three
efforts really failed, they would resign themselves to the inevi-
table, and conform to existing circumstances.
THE FIRST ATTEMPT
The first attempt failed dismally. It was launched on Octo-
ber 16th, in the city of Vera Cruz. Its leader was Gen. Felix
Diaz. This man was the nephew of the old President, son of a
brother. He was born in Oaxaca in 1867. When sixteen years
of age, he entered the military college, pursuing his studies for
six years and receiving the appointment of lieutenant. He was
located for some time in the State of Vera Cruz in connection
with the work of the government Geographical Exploring Com-
mission. In 1898 he was chief of the president's staff, married
Isabela Alcolea of Vera Cruz, and was elected to the House of
Deputies, representing the State of Vera Cruz. In 1902 he was
Consul-General in Chile. Three years later he returned to the
City of Mexico and resumed his duties as chief of the presi-
dent's staff. For a time he was Inspector-General of Police.
He had been raised from time to time in military rank, and at
the moment of the Madero Revolution bore the title of General.
When Madero 's difficulties as President were thickening, Felix
Diaz had some aspirations toward the presidency. He had
always been a heavy burden for his uncle, who tried in vain to
find some position of consequence which he was qualified to
occupy.
It was well understood that Felix Diaz was ready to partici-
pate in any effort to remove Madero. On account of his hostile
attitude, his commission had been resigned and he himself
placed upon the retired list. In accordance with the plan
already mentioned, Felix Diaz began his revolution by seizing
374 THE NINE DAYS' BATTLE
the city of Vera Cruz on October 16th. In his proclamation he
announced with pride that he had captured that important city
without the* firing of a gun ; he declared that what the nation
needed was an immediate and permanent peace ; he named him-
self Provisional President of the Republic and announced that,
as soon as victory was secured, he should order a new election
and give way to a constitutional ruler. The ease with which
the revolution was suppressed shows that Diaz himself had
made no serious preparation; counting upon his name and the
wealth and position of his wife's friends, he believed the vic-
tory already won. It is probable that he was betrayed. It is
likely that the President knew all the details of the plot before-
hand. At all events, the matter was promptly dealt with, and
in nine days after his proclamation the revolution came to a
complete end. General Diaz was himself a prisoner. A court-
martial, continuing all night, was held, and he was condemned
to death. Wisdom demanded his execution, but there was a
feeling that much sentiment would be aroused by the outright
killing of one who bore the name of Diaz. It was feared that a
bad impression would be caused in the United States and in
foreign countries. President Madero intervened. Felix Diaz,
instead of being executed, was imprisoned in the fortress of
San Juan Ulua, in Vera Cruz harbor. Through the influence
of Huerta and Blanquet, with reference no doubt to the future
developments already planned, he was transferred from there
to the City of Mexico, where he was held a prisoner in the
penitentiary.
THE SECOND EFFORT
If President Madero had been informed so thoroughly with
reference to the plan of Vera Cruz, it was to be supposed that
he was equally advised with reference to the further plots of
the conspirators. It is probable that the second attempt was
easily nipped. It is difficult to know the actual facts. It seems
probable, however, that the second attempt was to have come
in December and involved a member of the cabinet, J. Flores
THE NINE DAYS' BATTLE
375
Magon, and the Ambassador of Mexico at Washington, Manuel
Calero. Apparently Orozco was to have been the military
man to carry out this plot. There is much mystery in the mat-
ter. J. Flores Magon was forced to resign from the Cabinet;
Manuel Calero was hastily recalled from Washington and Las-
curain, head of the Department of Foreign Affairs, went there
THE AMBASSADOR'S RETURN.
376
THE NINE DAYS' BATTLE
Photographed by Underwood and Underwood
FELIX DIAZ AND JOSE ROMERO.
THE NINE DAYS' BATTLE 377
to take his place. If, as we believe, this Flores Magon-Calero
tangle was the second attempt of the plotters, it was so easily
strangled that it is certain that Madero was fully acquainted
with the plan.
THE THIKD AND FINAL ATTEMPT
So much the more surprising that the third attempt seems
to have found him unprepared. It is still fresh in the public
mind, and its results still trouble us. It was spectacular; it
filled the world with wonder, astonishment, horror. A nine
days' battle in a capital city, between regular troops, with
cannon and complete equipment of war ! From day to day the
newspapers were filled with minute details of its progress.
Streets were barricaded, assaults were made, and the ground
was strewn with dead and wounded. It is not necessary to
narrate the incidents in detail. Briefly stated, it may be said
that on the 9th of February, 1913, some of the government
troops revolted; they were led by students from the military
school of Tlalpam. They first went to the penitentiary where
they released Felix Diaz from prison; thence to the military
prison of Santiago where Bernardo Eeyes was set at liberty.
Up to this time General Mondragon seems to have been in charge
of the mutineers, but after the release of the two old generals,
he gave way to them. The mutinous forces divided ; one group
under Diaz proceeded to the Ciudadela, which was seized; the
other, under Bernardo Reyes, marched to the great plaza and
demanded the surrender of the National Palace. Preparations
had been made for defense, and the surrender of the palace was
refused. In the first encounter, in the early morning, before
the palace, General Reyes was shot in the head and killed. It is
claimed that in the effort of the assailants to gain admission to
the palace courtyard, several cadets were caught and shot,
among them being a son of General Blanquet. It is also stated
that, when the colonel leading the cadets found that resistance
was offered, he ordered a retreat and was shot by them.
378 THE NINE DAYS' BATTLE
THE NINE DAYS' BATTLE
President Madero, hearing the noise of battle, came from
Chapultepec to the center of the city on horseback. He was
accompanied by General Huerta, chief of his army. With them
were some loyal forces cadets from the Chapultepec military
school and rurales. During the day four engagements took
place, the most serious one being before the palace. The plaza
was strewn with the bodies of men and horses. Recognizing
the seriousness of conditions, the President declared martial
law. Villar, who had been in charge of the protecting forces
at the palace, being wounded, General Huerta was put in direct
charge of the defense. Vigorous fighting began again after
the lull of a day or two, and then firing was practically continu-
ous until the 18th of February. Repeatedly Huerta urged the
President to resign. It is said that Madero paid him ten thou-
sand dollars a day for his services, and promised him a hun-
dred thousand on the occasion of the capture of the arsenal.
He made desperate efforts to secure reinforcements from out-
side. Messages were sent to Rabago, who, in the north, was
fighting with Orozco, to send three thousand men; but the
demand was refused. General Blanquet at Pachuca refused to
come in, saying that "his men could not be trusted." When he
did come and camp outside the city, it is said that many of his
officers went to the arsenal and stayed there with Diaz.
THE ARREST OF MADERO
On February 18, General Blanquet appeared before the Palace.
His officers and force gained entrance to the Palace, and the
President was arrested. He was sitting with his Cabinet. The
officer said: "You are under arrest." President Madero, under
great excitement, replied: "You have no right to address the
President of the Republic in that manner. I command you to
cry, * Long live the President of the Mexican Republic ! ' The
officer and soldiers did so, but he repeated: "You are under
arrest. ' ' The members of the Cabinet were armed with pistols,
THE NINE DAYS' BATTLE 379
and some soldiers were shot down. Madero himself escaped
from the room, but on reaching the floor below, found Huerta,
Blanquet, and Colonel Kivarola there. They surrounded him,
and Colonel Eivarola said: "You are under arrest, " whereupon
Madero shot and killed him. Turning to Huerta and tearing
open his coat to expose his breast, he said to him: "Kill me, my
general ; I will die President of Mexico. " Huerta refused to kill
him, but declared him under arrest, and he, together with Vice-
President Pino Suarez, was confined in a room in the Palace.
MURDER OF GUSTAVO MADERO
That same afternoon friends were drinking with Gustavo
Madero at the famous Gambrinus saloon. After Gustavo had
paid the reckoning, an officer brought in some soldiers and
arrested him. It is said that he was kept in a cloak-room of the
saloon, after being tied, until night, when he was taken to the
Ciudadela and killed.
When the report of these occurrences reached the outside
world, natural solicitude was felt lest President Madero him-
self should be summarily executed. Secretary Knox telegraphed
to Huerta about the matter and received assurance from him that
no summary execution would be permitted. After being held
for some time incommunicado in the Palace, it is said that the
two prisoners were ordered to be removed to the penitentiary
as a place of greater security.
THE OFFICIAL REPORT OF THE DEATH OF MADERO AND PINO SUAREZ
The official statement runs as follows: "Madero and Pino
Suarez, who have been detained at the Palace at the disposition
of the War Department, were taken to the penitentiary in accord-
ance with a previous decision, as the result of which the same was
placed yesterday afternoon under the charge of an army officer
for its better security.
When the automobiles had traversed about two-thirds of
the way to the penitentiary, however, they were attacked by an
380
THE NINE DAYS' BATTLE
THE NINE DAYS' BATTLE 381
armed group, and the escorts descended from the machines to
offer resistance. Suddenly the group grew larger, and the pris-
oners tried to escape.
An exchange of shots then took place, in which two of the
attacking party were killed and two wounded. Both prisoners
were killed. The automobiles were badly damaged.
The President and his Cabinet have resolved that the affair
shall be consigned to the military judicial authorities, having to
do with the attempts against military prisoners, such as were
Madero and Pino Suarez, so that they may make a strict investi-
gation with the direct intervention of the Military Prosecutor-
General.
The Government promises that society shall be fully satis-
fied as to the facts in the case. The commanders of the escort are
now under arrest, and the facts above recorded have been ascer-
tained so as to clear up this unhappy event, however incompre-
hensible it may be under the present sad circumstances. "
BERNARDO KEYES
The death of Reyes seems particularly sad. His was a career
that might have been glorious. Twice during his life he missed
the chance to gain high position and perhaps to do his people
good. We say "perhaps" because he always seems to have
fallen just short of accomplishing what might be expected of
him. His own revolution of December, 1.911, was a complete
failure. It is whispered that he was betrayed. Perhaps so ; but
his period of glory had passed, and he actually had no following.
ANOTHER VERSION OF THE BATTLE
Such is the story of the nine days' battle in its simplest
form. There are other versions. All of these perhaps agree in
the belief that Madero and Pino Suarez were murdered in cold
blood. They were dead men before their bodies were put into
the automobiles for transfer from the Palace to the penitentiary.
There are even stories that the whole nine days' battle is a
382 THE NINE DAYS' BATTLE
fiction ; that it was a spectacular performance only, carried out
to blind and deceive, in fulfillment of a most carefully developed
plot. This view is stated clearly in an interesting article by
* ' Observer. ' ' According to him, the whole matter was arranged
by the three military leaders, Huerta, Mondragon, and Blanquet.
The jailors at the penitentiary and Santiago and the cadets of
Tlapam were co-conspirators with them, though informed only
of those portions of the plot which it was judicious for them to
know. From the first, Reyes was marked for death. There was
no actual battle ; out of three thousand persons killed during the
nine days' cannonading, only eight hundred were soldiers and
those were chiefly faithful rurales, devoted to Madero, who had
to be got rid of. The rest of the dead were non-combatants-
men, women, and children on the street. During the apparent
conflict, 3,000 rounds were fired by cannon at the Ciudadela,
and it was hit only eleven times. Madero was practically
a prisoner in the hands of Huerta, from the hour he entered the
Palace. Reyes was killed, not by defenders of the Palace, but
by armed men stationed ready for the deed. If this story is
reliable, the only point of the whole plot that went awry was in
connection with the first attack upon the Palace. It seems that
the soldiers within were actually loyal, and that the killing of
Blanquet 's son and the difficulty in entering the Palace were not
foreseen. According to " Observer, " Madero and Pino Suarez
were killed in the palace room where they were confined, by a
Captain Cardenas. Madero was twice stabbed in the back and
shot in the back of the head. Pino Suarez was shot twelve times.
Cardenas was made major as a return for his performance. In
his version, " Observer " implicates the American ambassador.
He gives the impression that Mr. Wilson knew the whole plan,
and gave his approval to it. He suggests that there was money
compensation in his complaisance.
EFFECT ON MEXICO
Whether " Observer V story is to be accepted in toto or not,
it much better harmonizes with the facts in evidence than the
THE NINE DAYS' BATTLE 383
simple story commonly accepted. It was a dreadful tragedy;
even Mexico, accustomed to horrors, was shocked. Madero, ni>t-
withstanding his faults, was truly loved by the common people.
It is said that at the spot where the official version declares that
he was killed, there was erected a little heap of stones with a
cross, and that candles were burned there by the poor and com-
mon folk, in honor of their leader.
It was the first occasion in the history of Mexico when a presi-
dent has been assassinated. Many and many a time Mexicans
have said to me, "We are not like the Americans; we do not
kill our presidents/' They believe, it may be said in passing,
that we have killed five presidents, not three. This belief is
not unknown in other parts of Latin America and in some
European countries. *
FELIX DIAZ MADE TO UNDEKSTAND
' ' Observer ' ' says that Felix Diaz, when he found himself in
charge of forces and the Ciudadela, and waging an apparently
splendid battle against great odds, lost his head ; he decided that
he should be the leader of the national army and the candidate
for the presidency. After a conference with Huerta, Blanquet,
and Mondragon, he realized the true state of matters. They
gave him clearly to understand that there was no room for his
ambition. He might give up all such pretensions or else prepare
for a genuine attack and the capture of the arsenal. He took
his lesson. With the victory of the conspiracy Huerta was to be
president, Mondragon, minister of war, and Blanquet, head of
the army. Nothing was done for Felix Diaz; nothing was
intended. Many strange things occur in politics, especially in
Mexico; but the course of Felix Diaz is surely run. He has
nothing behind him, nothing under him, to warrant future expec-
tations. Men who "come back" must really have had a follow-
ing and made achievement. Characteristic of the man and fright-
fully indicative of personal politics rife in Mexico, was the tele-
384
THE NINE DAYS' BATTLE
THE NINE DAYS' BATTLE 385
gram which he sent to Porfirio Diaz in Paris on the death of
President Madero. He congratulated him that he had been
avenged. For men like Felix Diaz, the whole great drama of the
past three years was merely personal in its bearings. Such as
he see no meaning, no lesson, in events. For him Francisco I.
Madero was merely a personal enemy well got rid of.
Thus ended the dreamer, the idealist. There is no question of
Madero 's earnestness, good disposition, and devotion to the
cause which for the moment had his sympathies. But wherever
personal politics prevail, success goes to the head. Porfirio Diaz,
in 1872, was fighting for effective suffrage, and his battle-cry was
"No reelection." He too fought the battle of the common people.
Yet, when he gained the victory, he forgot all, and, intoxicated
with glory and power, as a man of iron held himself and his
friends in power. Madero did the same ; and perhaps if he had
lived, he would have rivaled the great dictator in his ability to
forget duty and pledges. We say "perhaps" because, after all,
things are not the same today as they were in 1876. The common
people in Mexico are thinking ; a middle class is rising.
With Huerta the old crowd was in the saddle. It appeared
as if all the bloodshed and the struggle of the past three years
had gone for naught.
THE QUESTION OF KECOGNITION
What was our duty in the matter ? Could we recognize a mur-
derer, his hands dripping with blood? Could we have dealings
with a monster of treachery who forgot personal and official
obligations? The question was serious. On February 25, 1913,
Ambassador Wilson, the man who hoped that Mexican youth
would learn a lesson of high patriotism from the presence of a
monument to Washington in the City of Mexico sent the fol-
lowing message to our Government :
"In the absence of other reliable information, I am disposed
386 THE NINE DAYS' BATTLE
to accept the Government version of the affair in which the
ex-President and ex-Vice-President lost their lives. Certainly
the violent deaths of these persons were without Government
approval, and if the deaths were the result of a plot, it was of
restricted character and unknown to the higher officers of the
Government. Mexican public opinion has accepted this view of
the affair, and is not at all excited. The present Government
appears to be revealing marked evidence of activity, firmness,
and prudence, and adhesion to it, as far as I have been able to
ascertain, is general throughout the Republic, indicating the early
re-establishment of peace. The Government as constituted is
very friendly to the United States and is desirous of offering
effective protection to all foreigners. For the present, American
public opinion should deal with the situation calmly and accept
with great reserve the lurid and highly colored stories which are
being furnished by a few correspondents. The great majority
of the correspondents here are trying to deal fairly with the
situation. ' '
John Basset Moore quotes the utterance of Franklin Pierce
in 1856: "It is the established policy of the United States to
recognize all governments without question of their source or
organization, or of the means by which the governing persons
attained their power, provided there be a Government de facto
accepted by the people of the country. "
We might well hesitate. Huerta was no great popular hero ;
his deed had shocked the people deeply ; perhaps it had terrified
and cowed them also. But retribution would have come soon;
he would have died, as his victim did, at the hands of an assassin,
or he would have been hurled from power by a popular uprising.
To not have recognized in simple silence would have
aided the natural course of his elimination ; it would have weak-
ened him in his position, it would have strengthened the feeling of
hostility against him.
]&EXICAN AEMY OFFICERS.
HUERTA AND WILSON
THE CRISIS IN MADERO S RULE HUERTA S WORK COST OF THE NINE
DAYS' BATTLE TWO RESULTS REVOLUTION IN THE NORTH
CARRANZA AND VILLA NORTH VERSUS SOUTH ATTITUDE OF THE
UNITED STATES MR. WILSON 's STATEMENT GOOD OFFICES
JOHN LINDAS MISSION THE DEMANDS REPLY OF MEXICO AN
EXODUS ORDERED HUERTA *S COUP D*ETAT SHUTTING OFF
RESOURCES MYSTERY OF PASS CHRISTIAN HALE AND CARRANZA
THE PRESENT STATUS.
WE HAVE already indicated that the army was a danger
to Madero. In his famous book he speaks strongly
about militarism and its dangers; he was not himself
a soldier he regularly lost engagements where he tried to lead ;
from the beginning he distrusted the whole federal army
organization. De la Barra had found it wise to treat the army
387
388
HUERTA AND WILSON
Copyrighted by Uuderwood and Uuderwood
VICTORIANO HUERTA.
HUERTA AND WILSON 389
with conciliation and respect. Madero for some time after his
accession to power, pursued the opposite policy. It chafed him
that he, as president, must depend upon the military arm. It
will be remembered, too, that the army upon which he must
depend was the same army against which he himself had fought.
He could not forget that, nor could the soldiers. In this deli-
cate situation it would have been wise for him to try to gain
the affection and sympathy of officers and men. On the con-
trary, he insisted on placing new and untrained men in high
positions; some of his raw, undisciplined guerrilla leaders,
under the new order outranked officers who had been carefully
trained in theory and practice, and who knew the rules of
warfare and of precedence.
THE CRISIS IN MADERO J S EULE
By December, 1912, the weakness of Madero 's government
was clear to all. He had cut loose from his original helpers and
advisers; he had continued many of the old regime in power;
he was repeating most of the flagrant errors of Porfirio Diaz ;
he had practically betrayed every principle of his own Plan of
San Luis Potosi; he had surrounded himself with unwise ad-
visers and was particularly pliant to the wishes of his brother
Gustavo and his Vice-President Pino Suarez. His cabinet was
causing him serious trouble and he was compelled to dismiss
Flores Magon. At the same time he was forced to summon
Manuel Calero from Washington, deposing him from the posi-
tion of ambassador. There is no doubt that these two men,
shrewd and unscrupulous, were plotting against the president.
He seems to have recognized the fact in time. It was unfortunate
that the fact of Japan still being in mourning for its dead
emperor, prevented Gustavo Madero 's leaving Mexico at that
time. His appointment was politic, and his leaving would have
been a real relief to the tension of the moment. His not leaving
increased the strain. General Mondragon at this time already
had his plot, which later met with full success, practically
developed.
390 HUERTA AND WILSON
HUERTA 's WORK
During the interim government of de la Barra, General
Huerta proved his loyalty repeatedly. It was, however, during
that period that Madero gaye the old army leader real cause for
hatred. Zapata and his bandits were devastating Morelos.
President de la Barra ordered Huerta to take the field and sup-
press the outbreak. He would no doubt have done it with suc-
cess, but Madero interfered, begging permission to use his in-
fluence with the rebel leader. Zapata fooled him. The govern-
ment was put to heavy expense, delay, and increased difficulty
by his meddling. Later on, when left an actually free hand,
Huerta proved his ability to cope successfully with the problem.
Had he not been interfered with, Zapatism would have ceased
to be a scourge in Mexico.
When Madero himself came to power, it was on Huerta that
he must depend for suppressing the revolution of Orozco in the
north. Among the old leaders who had aided Madero in his
revolution two were from the north. They were Pascual Orozco
and Francisco Villa. Between the two there arose a personal
hostility. Later on, when Orozco rose in revolution against
Madero, Villa remained loyal. Orozco was always afraid of
Villa and rarely went himself in person against him. Villa was
brave and popular as leader. He was a bandit by instinct and
by practice. When Huerta took the field against Orozco he
laid out a definite plan of campaign. He carried it out in detail
and was entirely successful. When Huerta reached Jimenez
and established headquarters at that place, Villa came to him
from Parral, where he had been operating. At the same time
citizens from Parral came to Huerta to complain of the treat-
ment they had suffered at Villa's hands. They claimed that he
had made a forced loan of 280,000 pesos. General Huerta
ordered him to restore this sum of money, and to go with his
soldiers to reenforce Eabago. Villa, unaccustomed to take
orders, disobeyed the general-in-chief in both matters and
showed a threatening disposition to interfere with his plan of
HUERTA AND WILSON 391
action. As was proper and in accordance with the laws of
war, Huerta ordered him to be made prisoner and executed.
Huerta yielded, however, to the request of Colonel Navarrete
and the petition of Villa himself, and sent the mutinous guerrilla
leader to Mexico for trial. There he was placed in prison and
should have paid the penalty of his disobedience. He escaped
and it was well understood that the President himself connived
in the affair. In fact, Villa more than once thereafter boasted
that he had escaped on account of Madero 's friendship. It is
not strange that Huerta despised and hated his employer, who
set him difficult tasks, and then threw every difficulty in the way
of executing them.
COST OF THE NINE DAYS' BATTLE
These are only some of the many sources of irritation which
produced dislike and hatred between two men, who from their
positions should be friends. The nine days' battle in Mexico
came on. "Whatever may be its inner history, its cost was
hideous. "One thousand five hundred dead, five thousand
wounded; fifty buildings damaged; the military prison of San-
tiago with all its attached constructions destroyed by fire; the
general prison of Belem ruined and the court rooms which were
in it totally destroyed and sacked ; the electric installations of
light, telephones and tramways put out of service, dead, smok-
ing rubbish, ruin everywhere, and 40,000,000 pesos in material
losses. " As the result of it Madero fell, and Huerta came to
power. It may be well enough to state the exact constitu-
tionality of his induction into office.
Congress received and accepted the resignations of Presi-
dent Madero and Vice-President Pino Suarez. It called Pedro
Lascurain, Minister of Foreign Eelations, to the position of
interim president; this was in accordance with constitutional
practice. Lascurain was at once sworn into office. The presid-
ing officer then declared the Congress closed and the session of
the House having 1 been again called, a report was read from the
sub-Secretary of Foreign Affairs, in which he stated that the
392
HUEETA AND WILSON
FRANCISCO VILLA.
HUERTA AND WILSON
393
VENUSTIANO CARKANZA.
394 HUERTA AND WILSON
interim president had named General Victoriano Huerta, Min-
ister of Gobernacion. A half hour later Lascurain presented
his resignation of the charge which had been given to him; his
resignation was accepted, and Congress at once named in his
place, in accordance with the law, General Huerta. It is very
interesting to notice in this moment of excitement and disorder
the cautious care taken to actually meet the legal requirements
in the case.
TWO RESULTS
Kesults of the assumption of power by Huerta and the mur-
der of Madero and Pino Suarez were quick in showing them-
selves. They were first, a rising in the north, and, second, the
development and application of a definite policy upon the part
of the United States.
REVOLUTION IN THE NORTH
For a moment the nation was stunned by the spectacular
battle in the city, the seizure of power by Huerta and the murder
of Madero and Pino Suarez. It looked as if the plotters would
have no trouble, but very soon there was revolution in the
north. The two chief leaders associated with it have been
Venustiano Carranza and Francisco Villa. Both were asso-
ciated with Madero in his revolution of 1910. Carranza in a
sense may be considered the beginning of that revolution, as
it was his unsuccessful running for the position of Governor of
Coahuila which began the contest. He was a member of
Madero *s cabinet when he was provisional president at Juarez.
After the revolution he was Governor of Coahuila at first pro-
visionally imposed by Madero during the interim, and later con-
stitutional governor by election. Carranza and Villa took the
field against the new government, calling themselves constitu-
tionalists, and aiming first at the avenging of the death of their
old leader, and, second, the restoration of constitutional gov-
ernment. They have ever since been in the field and have gained
victory after victory, until practically the whole north of Mexico
HUERTA AND WILSON 395
is in their power. In connection with their struggle, there have
been many border battles, and hundreds of refugees, citizens
and federal soldiers, have been forced across the boundary line
to take refuge in our country. When these refugees have been
soldiers, they have been disarmed and quartered by orders of
our government. The charges to which we go in supporting
them in the temporary camps established under the control of
our soldiery will ultimately form a proper claim against the
government of Mexico.
CARRANZA AND VILLA
Carranza has shown himself somewhat of a leader. He is
primarily a theorizer rather than a practical man of affairs.
He has, however, shown fair powers of organization and con-
trol. Interviews with him have from time to time been printed
which indicate that he is thirsting for revenge. Revenge first
for the death of the fallen leader; and second, that revenge
which is natural to military leaders after victory. He has made
his list of the proscribed; individuals whom he announces will
be pitilessly executed the moment that he is in power in Mexico.
It is certain, however, that there have already been differ-
ences of opinion between Villa and Carranza. Of the two, Villa
is the stronger character. Should Carranza ever come to power
and Villa remain in life, it is to be expected that the story of
Madero-Huerta will be repeated. Villa has tasted power. He
thirsts for more ; brooking no authority, undisciplined, he would
think as little of removing his present leader as of shooting
scores of defenseless federal prisoners at Juarez. Our news-
papers have recently contained much interesting matter regard-
ing the practical socialism of the bandit leader in Chihuahua.
He has seized all sorts of private property, institutions, public
utilities and operates them by his individual will for so-called
public benefit.
NORTH VERSUS SOUTH
One of the most interesting recent articles on Mexican affairs
in an American journal emphasizes the feeling between the
396
HUERTA AND WILSON
Photograph, Underwood and Underwood
A GROUP OF CONSTITUTIONALIST SOLDIEKS.
HUERTA AND WILSON 397
north and south of Mexico. Its writer claims that the progress-
ive awakening consciousness, struggling toward improvement,
is confined to the north. He considers that Madero's fall was
due to the fact of his being a northern man, placed in power in
the City of Mexico. The thought of the author deserves consid-
eration, but he overstates it. It is not true that the common
people in the City of Mexico and the lesser cities of the south
are not thinking, and with result. Nor is it true that Madero 's
downfall was the result of the strong feeling between north and
south. That no doubt had its influence. But it is certain that,
if Carranza, Villa, or both come into power in Mexico, this feel-
ing will seriously affect their position, and endanger their con-
tinuance in power. It is also true that under all circumstances
the federal army will always be drawn chiefly from the south,
and there will be always hostility between it on the one side
and any leader from the scantly populated districts of the north,
especially when they have fought against each other.
ATTITUDE OF THE UNITED STATES
The second notable result of the nine days' battle and the
assumption of power by Huerta was the position which the
United States has taken. The battle in the City of Mexico took
place just as Taft's administration was coming to an end. He
desired so far as possible to avoid committing the incoming
administration to a policy. His attitude, therefore, was one of
no interference. On Feb. 9, it was announced that there
would be no landing of marines unless Americans were killed
or wounded. It was realized that the situation was dangerous,
and that anarchy was threatening, from the lack of a strong
man to take control. It was recognized that foreign nations
had claims, and wanted peace, but that they had redress by
direct diplomatic dealing with Mexico, though estopped from
active intervention by the Monroe Doctrine.
398 HUERTA AND WILSON
ME. WILSON'S STATEMENT
Very soon after coming into power Mr. Wilson announced
that his administration desires : * ' The most cordial understand-
ing and cooperation between the peoples and leaders of
America. ' ' He said : * ' Cooperation is possible only when sup-
ported at every turn by the orderly processes of just government
based upon law, not upon arbitrary or irregular force. We hold,
as I am sure all thoughtful leaders of republican government
everywhere hold, that just government rests always upon the
consent of the governed, and that there can be no freedom
without order based upon law and the public conscience and
approval. We shall look to make these principles the basis
of mutual intercourse, respect and helpfulness between our
sister republics and ourselves. We shall lend our influence of
every kind to the realization of these principles in fact and
practice, knowing that disorder, personal intrigue and defiance
of constitutional rights weaken and discredit government, and
injure none so much as the people who are unfortunate enough
to have their common life and their common affairs so dis-
turbed. We can have no sympathy with those who seek to
seize the power of government to further their own personal
ambition. We are the friends of peace, but we know that there
can be no lasting or stable peace in such circumstances. As
friends, therefore, we shall prefer those who act in the interests
of peace and honor, who protect private rights, and respect the
restraints of constitutional provision. Mutual respect seems
to us the indispensable foundation of friendship between
states, as between individuals. " The United States has nothing
to seek in Latin America "save lasting interests of the people "
and "the security of governments intended for the people and
for no special group or interest."
GOOD OFFICES
There is no question that President Wilson has been im-
pelled by the highest motives. There is very serious question
HUERTA AND WILSON 399
whether his policy has been successful. On Aug. 3, it was
reported from Washington that there would be no armed inter-
vention. " President Wilson is willing and eager to help
Mexico help herself. It is expected that in a few days he will
offer the good offices of the United States toward the settlement
of the republic's internal dissensions. The president hopes
the factions will accept the offer, but if they do not, there will
be no intervention. If an election is held and a stable govern-
ment established, it will be recognized, but if no election is per-
mitted, and Huerta remains in power, he will not be recognized
by the American Government. "
The position of a nation which offers its good offices toward
the settlement of another nation's internal dissensions is neces-
sarily delicate. In its very nature it is an attack upon sov-
ereignty. It is a far more serious matter than to offer to act
as intermediary between two nations. It should be undertaken
only when any misunderstanding is impossible. It could there-
fore never be properly undertaken with regard to Mexico. It
is true that for a long time we have been meddling in the pri-
vate affairs of other nations. We have browbeaten and abused
Panama, Nicaragua, and other Central and South American
republics until we have become blind to the actual meaning of
our action; we have made and unmade presidents; we have
done these things at the dictation of money interests or for
special points in our own politics. With the coming into power
of the democratic party with Mr. Wilson at its head, we might
naturally have hoped that such attacks upon sovereignty of
other nations would cease. Such seems not to be the case.
JOHN LTNT>'S MISSION
Eefusing to recognize Huerta 's government was entirely
within our rights. Such nonrecognition by itself would have
helped the natural elimination of the man in a short space of
time ; but we did more than simply fail to recognize his govern-
ment. Mr. Wilson, in the pursuit of a policy strange and inex-
plicable, sent his private spokesman and personal representa-
400
HUERTA AND WILSON
MARIA GUTIERREZ, LIEUTENANT IN VILLA'S FORCE.
HUERTA AND WILSON 401
tive, John Lind, to Mexico, with certain suggestions. What
was Mr. Lind's status? Whom did he represent? Was he the
spokesman and personal representative of the President of the
United States, armed with authority to act! Or was he the
private letter carrier of Mr. Wilson, an amiable and well mean-
ing individual ? With whom could he deal ? What could he do I
The people of the United States were kept in absolute igno-
rance for days. The newspapers indulged in all sorts of sur-
mises and suggestions. It was queried whether Mr. Lind would
be maltreated personally; whether he would be deported at
Vera Cruz as an undesirable alien; whether Mexico would get
angry and declare war against us. There were days of mys-
tery; suggestions of differences; rumors that negotiations had
been discontinued and that Mr. Lind was on the point of return-
ing to this country. Behind it all loomed up some vague impal-
pable, which was sure to happen, if Mexico failed to meet our
demands.
THE DEMANDS
It is a question whether Mr. Lind's presentation of Presi-
dent Wilson's suggestions or demands was not itself a recog-
nition of Huerta's government. However this may be, the
Mexican Government treated John Lind with every courtesy.
They received him which they were under no obligation to
do as a mark of appreciation of President Wilson's good
intentions. After all, the matter proved "the labor of a moun-
tain, and the birth of a mouse." The four demands made by
President Wilson were as follows: (1) Agreement to a cessa-
tion of hostilities throughout Mexico and to a definite armistice ;
(2) provision for a free and early election for president;
(3) President Huerta not to be a candidate for reelection;
(4) all factions to agree to abide by the result.
In their very nature these demands were ridiculous. The
first was an impossibility; the second would take place in the
nature of things, and had already been provided for ; the third
involves a delicate constitutional point, fully appreciated by
402 HUERTA AND WILSON
the Mexican people, and one only for them to consider; the
fourth is an entirely academic provision, which could never be
operative in any country, at a time of real political excitement.
REPLY OF MEXICO
There is no question that the responses made by Huerta 's
government were dignified and better based in diplomatic usage
than our demands. It is unfortunate that we have not space to
quote in detail. We will only give the following as a sample.
In a second note Wilson insisted on an immediate answer only
to the demand, that Huerta be eliminated from the electoral
contest, and that the other points could be taken up later on.
Gamboa, Huerta 's Secretary of Foreign Eelations, in his note
of answer said that his first answer might stand for a reply to
this demand, "but that Huerta, desiring to exercise extreme
forbearance, was willing to make further explanations to the
suggestion of Wilson, that, if the Mexican Government "acts
immediately and favorably, he would express to American
bankers and their associates assurances that the Government
will look with favor upon the extension of an immediate loan
sufficient to meet the temporary needs of the present adminis-
tration. " Gamboa replied: "There could not be a loan big
enough offered to induce those entrusted with the national dig-
nity to put that dignity aside. " . . . "Not only would we
forego our sovereignty, but our destiny as a separate entity
and all future elections for President would be submitted to the
veto of any President of the United States. Such an enormity
no Government will ever attempt to perpetrate. "
The result of the President's proposition to Mexico was to
greatly strengthen President Huerta 's hold upon his people.
He had not before been a popular leader. From now he was to
be more or less such an one.
AN EXODUS ORDERED
Immediately after sending his report to Congress President
Wilson urged Americans to leave Mexico. Those who were
HUERTA AND WILSON 403
unable to bear the expense of their own transportation were to
be aided in making the exodus. An appropriation of $100,000
was provided for the needs of the refugees. The government
claimed that two or three years before there had been 60,000
Americans in the Eepublic of Mexico; this number had fallen
to one-sixth of that amount, or less. The embassy and con-
sulates were ordered to inform all Americans of the President's
warning. This action was most injudicious. It is possible that
Americans in remote and mountain regions were in danger,
but, if so, they already knew their peril, and should have taken
steps to save themselves. The greater part of the Americans
in the Mexican Republic were in no danger. At the City of
Mexico itself, the American residents were at a loss to under-
stand the warning. Dr. John W. Butler, at the head of the
Methodist missions of the country, telegraphed to his home
board as follows: " Washington instructions for American
exodus much resented by colony. Reasons given appear inade-
quate. Union mission conference representing four churches
objects, except from disturbed territory. What does the board
recommend in the present emergency V 9
Charles E. Cummings, superintendent of the Mexican Tele-
graph Company, telegraphed: " During the thirty-two years'
residence in Mexico I never received better treatment than
now, and if it comes to the worst between the two countries, I
am willing to trust the safety of myself and family to the hos-
pitality and protection of the Mexican people. "
Stones are thrown at dogs that run. If Mr. Wilson desired
.to jeopardize the lives of Americans resident in the Republic
of Mexico, he could have done it in no other way better than by
this hysterical suggestion.
HUEKTA'S COUP D'ETAT
On Oct. 10, Huerta made a coup d'etat. Dr. Belisaro
Dominguez, Senator for Chiapas, had disappeared. It was
believed that he had met with foul play and that the president
was at the bottom of the mystery. One hundred and ten mem-
404
HUERTA AND WILSON
STILL TEACHING SCHOOL.
HUERTA AND WILSON 405
bers of the House of Deputies lodged a resolution of warning
to Huerta on account of this affair, claiming that they should
abandon the capital, and hold their meetings elsewhere, owing
to a lack of guarantees of personal security. When the House
of Deputies came again in session soldiers were found in pos-
session ; Minister Aldape read a communication from the presi-
dent in which he demanded the withdrawal of this resolution.
On refusal to do so the refractory deputies were arrested and
thrown in prison. Congress was dissolved, and the election of
a new Congress ordered. The date of the election had been
fixed for Oct. 25. Four candidates for president were in the lead,
the most conspicuous being Federico Gamboa, nominated by the
Catholic party; the others were Felix Diaz, Manuel Calero, and
David de la Fuente. The vote cast was very small and practically
none of these candidates figured prominently. On the con-
trary General Huerta was declared upon the 30th to have been
elected President, and General Blanquet, Vice-President.
Under the circumstances, this coup d'etat and the following
election were bold strokes on Huerta 's part. They could only
have been carried through on account of the fact that the old
man had been rendered stubborn by opposition and strong by
apparent persecution from without.
On Nov. 15, our newspapers reported Huerta as saying in
answer to an inquiry : " 0, no, I shall not quit ; I shall continue
just as I have been doing, to put forth my best efforts to bring
about the pacification of the country and thus fulfill the promise
I made on taking office. " Mr. Lind is at this time reported as
threatening the withdrawal of the American Embassy and the
landing of marines. In the same newspaper this comment is
made: "Thus once again Huerta has flouted the United States.
If the president would adopt the recommendations of some of
his advisers, he would throw troops into Mexico City, oust
Huerta, establish a provisional president in office, and with-
draw. " It is strange how easy it is for the ordinary reporter
to solve affairs of state.
406 HUERTA AND WILSON
SHUTTING OFF RESOURCES
President Wilson naturally was much offended at the mis-
carriage of his plans. In pursuance of his policy of watchful
waiting he decided next to cut off sinews of war from Huerta.
Not only would he object to our own bankers furnishing loans
to the existing government of Mexico, but he would so represent
the matter to foreign nations as to interfere with their supply-
ing the urgent needs of the republic. Here, again, unquestion-
ably he interfered unwarrantably with the affairs of our sister
nation. Huerta can for some time secure forced loans within
his own territory. Such loans necessarily entail serious suffer-
ing upon the community. Local banks and legitimate enter-
prises alike must suffer during the period of disciplining the
president, who, with Indian tenacity holds to his office. It is
easy enough to dream of subsequent reimbursement, but mil-
lions in the future cannot compensate for the impossibility of
meeting present needs for thousands.
MYSTERY OF PASS CHRISTIAN
While President Wilson was at Pass Christian there was a
mysterious visit to him there. The United States has not yet
been taken fully into confidence in this matter, but it is pretty
certain that on that occasion representatives of the newly organ-
ized Catholic party made some proposition to the president.
It is suspected that the effort there made was to have him agree
with them upon a mutually satisfactory candidate for presi-
dent. History repeats itself, and we can only be reminded of
that time in the sixties when a body, chiefly representing the
Church party, visited Europe and invited an intervening
sovereign.
HALE AND CARRANZA
In his efforts to down Huerta, President Wilson has sent
his personal representative, Mr. Hale, to confer with Carranza
and the constitutionalists. Carranza refused to deal in any
HUERTA AND WILSON 407
way with Huerta. He demanded his elimination. He, how-
ever, absolutely refused to sell the constitutionalist party to
the United States, and demanded that Mr. Hale present creden-
tials. This is actually the shrewdest thing put to the credit
of Carranza.
THE EMBAKGO LIFTED
The latest step in the battle between the two presidents has
been the lifting of the embargo upon arms and ammunition
from this country into the territory of the constitutionalist
forces. It is doubtful whether in practice it may amount to
much. How much further the government may be going than
merely lifting the embargo is uncertain. There has at no time
been difficulty since 1910 in bringing arms across the border
into Mexico. Of course, if we supply arms, or sell at advanta-
geous prices, that will aid the rebels in the field. It is amusing,
however, and saddening, to find ourselves backing Villa and
Carranza at the present. The avowed reason for hostility to
Huerta is his bloody hands. His are clean, compared with
Villa's. And there must come a time of readjustment in
Chihuahua. Villa's socialism makes a good newspaper story,
but some time it must be dealt with and those private rights
which President Wilson asserts should be respected, must be
guarded. Are we really ready to endorse Villa's particular
form of government at the present moment? A dangerous
precedent may be involved.
THE PKESENT STATUS
What is the status at this time! We have impaired a
nation's sovereignty, a serious matter; we have prolonged a
bloody conflict, with hideous cruelties and frightful loss; we
have entrenched a man in power, whose natural elimination
was desirable and would soon have come about; we have pro-
duced ruin and disaster by a hysterical cry of exodus ; we have
408
HUERTA AND WILSON
made it impossible legally to collect damages by refusing to
recognize a de facto government; we are encouraging and abet-
ting flagrant abuse of individual rights of property.
All this we have done, and still are doing, with the best
intentions in the world.
NO MONEY TO MOVE HIS CROP
VIEW IN THE CITY OF MEXICO, MAKCH, 1913,
JAPAN AND MEXICO
OLD KELATIONS BETWEEN JAPAN AND MEXICO JAPAN *S COMMERCIAL
GKOWTH THE SCARE ABOUT MAGDALENA BAY THE JUSTICE OF
JAPAN'S POSITION THE MATTER OF THE SPECIAL ENVOY THE
FIRST APPOINTMENT THE SECOND APPOINTMENT FELIX DIAZ
AND FINALLY DE LA BARRA.
SOME papers of January 5, 1914, contained the following:
PARIS, Jan. 4. Prof. Guglielmo Ferrero, the Italian
historian and critic, has an article on " Japan and
America" in Le Figaro today. He begins by saying that prob-
ably few persons have paid attention to the cable dispatches
describing the warm welcome accorded by the Japanese to Fran-
cisco de la Barra, the special Mexican envoy who went to Tokio
to express to the Mikado the thanks of the Mexican republic for
409
410 JAPAN AND MEXICO
Japan's participation in the celebration of the centennial of
Mexican independence three years ago. . . .
The Italian writer believes that the honors accorded to Senor
de la Barra three years after the events for which he returned
thanks are part of Japan's "curious American policy. "
It is unlikely that the great Italian historian really said
just this, but undoubtedly our people will accept the statement
as his utterance.
OLD RELATIONS BETWEEN JAPAN AND MEXICO
In 1910 we were guests at Sendai, northern Japan. My
companion was my Mexican photographer, Manuel Gonzales.
We spent an afternoon with Mr. Date, the lineal descendant of
the famous old Lord of Sendai, Date Masamune. Our host
was particularly interested in my companion. It is possible
that he had never seen a Mexican. He inquired with interest
about Mexico and its people. He told us with evident and justi-
fiable pride, that 300 years ago his famous ancestor had sent a
delegation to Rome by way of Mexico. That delegation has
entered into history; it was an important link between the
extreme Orient and Europe; it is particularly interesting that
Mexico was the mid-point in the connection.
Trade relations between the two countries were once import-
ant. During vice-royal days galleons were regularly fitted
out from Acapulco, to carry the productions of Europe and
America to the Philippines, Japan and China. Many things
came back in exchange, and there are still numbers of fine old
pieces of Chinese and Japanese porcelain, furniture, laquer, silks
and other fabrics treasured in Mexican families.
There were religious contacts also. Spanish missionaries
went to the Orient, via Mexico, and Mexican priests as well.
The famous Felipe de Jesus, known as the proto-martyr, was a
missionary from Mexico to Japan who found his death in that
country. A ghastly print, often repeated, represents the unfor-
tunate twenty-six missionary priests crucified near Nagasaki.
But while relations between Japan and Mexico were ancient
JAPAN AND MEXICO 411
and varied, they ceased for a long time, and for generations
the two countries were largely out of touch, though relations
were never completely destroyed.
JAPAN'S COMMERCIAL GROWTH
With the development of Japan's commercial interests the
two countries are again in contact. Japanese settlers in con-
siderable numbers have moved into the Republic. At Juchitan,
in southern Oaxaca, we found a hotel kept by a Japanese in
1898' There has been a constant trickling in of Japanese
laborers for the last score of years; for the most part, they
have been well received, and until lately have aroused little, if
any, hostility. Japanese steamers serve Victoria in British
Columbia, Tacoma, Seattle and San Francisco; but they also
serve Salina Cruz and Manzanillo, on the coast of Mexico, and
go down the whole South American coast and even around Cape
Horn. Comparatively few Americans realize that Japan is one
of the great commercial nations of the world; her lines of
steamers are surpassed only by those of Great Britain and
Germany. Transportation is one of Japan's great industries.
It is legitimate business; it is a necessary development; it is as
natural that Japan should be a great shipping nation as it is
that Great Britain should be so and for precisely the same
reason. Japan, until a few years back, has been an island
empire ; the cultivatable area within her territory is small and
incapable of much extension. The population is numerous and
crowded. Japan is driven to manufacture and trade to ship-
ping as inevitably as Great Britain was. There is no accident
in it, it is no deep and dark scheme of the politicians, which
makes her a world-carrier. But, in connection with her rise to
importance in world-trade, suspicion arises in our country.
THE SCARE ABOUT MAGDALENA BAY
Not long ago our papers were filled with rumors of plots and
schemes against ourselves in connection with Magdalena Bay.
Senator Lodge and others turned suspicion into accusation. Our
412 JAPAN AND MEXICO
yellow journals were filled with hostile criticisms, and statesmen
of the Hobson type talked about our unpreparedness for war
and made desperate appeals for a great army. Undoubtedly the
Japanese steamship company wanted a footing in Magdalena
Bay. It needs a footing at many points along the Pacific Coast.
It must have it, it will no doubt secure it; but in such a con-
venience for commercial development there lurks no serious
danger.
THE JUSTICE OF JAPAN'S POSITION
The delicate point of course is the fact that the Japanese
government is said to be a partner in the shipping company;
there is a certain amount of truth in the claim, but it counts
for little. Miss Simcox in her interesting studies of primitive
civilization recognizes two kinds of civilization to which she
gives the name " domestic " and "political." The terms are
happily chosen and name two actually different conditions and
points of view. Japan and China are domestic civilizations.
The fact that they are such is the secret of their long existence ;
it is the reason for the relatively great happiness of their teem-
ing populations. If white men were as crowded as the Chinese
and Japanese, life under our form of social organization would
be not only wretched in the extreme, but actually unendurable.
The fundamental idea of domestic civilization is the subordina-
tion of the individual to the group; Japan and China have
existed with their teeming populations on account of this
altruistic principle. In domestic civilization the interest of the
mass is preeminent; in political civilization individualism is the
rule, and selfish advantage the aim. In domestic civilization
the government must do for the people far more than it does
or can do in individualism. In Japan the people endure what
we would consider a heavy weight of taxation, not only with-
out outbreak, but without difficulty or suffering; the govern-
ment returns to the taxed population far more than we do. Not
only does the Japanese government carry mails for the citizens ;
it conducts the telegraphs and telephones, the railroads, irriga-
JAPAN AND MEXICO
413
Copyrighted by T T nder\vood and Underwood
FELIX DIAZ.
414 JAPAN AND MEXICO
tion systems, adjustment of land-boundaries, and a thousand
other matters of public utility. In Japan, the government deals
with the problem of distribution of population; it encourages
emigration from crowded districts of limited opportunity into
scantly settled regions of larger promise; it aids the man who
is willing to go from Osaka or Hiroshima to the Hokkaido or
to Korea ; if necessary, it supplies him not only transportation,
but tools or even the opportunity of setting up in business. This
is not political scheming aimed to the undoing of other nations ;
it is the natural working out of the fundamental idea of social
and governmental organization. From this point of view, it is as
natural that the Japanese government should be interested in
its shipping enterprises as in any other branch of national
development; it is as natural, if you please, that the Japanese
government should be a partner in the steamship companies
as that she should carry mails, disinfect villages, control the
health conditions of cities, and distribute seed grain to famine-
stricken districts. Only a complete ignorance of the funda-
mentals of domestic civilization can excuse a writer or a public
speaker for criticising this interest in shipping enterprises and
considering it political plotting.
Japan has a perfect right to her system ; so has China. It is
true that our own selfish and individualistic system is so dif-
ferent that we dislike the other way, and even, as Mr. Millard
in his various writings does, demand that those great nations
should conform to our ideas and play the game according to our
rules. It is not only unreasonable for us to make such a demand,
it is hopeless. And if the matter were to be decided by opinion,
and majority rule were to apply, it would be more proper for
Japan to demand that we conform to their ideals and point of
view. Curiously and interestingly, the whole trend of the blind
movements taking place in European and American nations is
actually in the direction of their system.
Magdalena Bay is not a menace. Japanese shipping lines
have a right to terminal facilities. The fact that the Japanese
government is interested in them does not make the effort to
JAPAN AND MEXICO 415
secure conveniences a political plotting. There is not, unless
by our own folly we force the attitude, in the negotiations
regarding this matter, any unfriendliness, nor hint of warlike
preparation.
THE MATTER OF THE SPECIAL ENVOY
But we return to the reputed utterance of Professor Ferrero.
Twenty-eight nations participated in the Mexican Centennial
Celebration. They showed their sympathy and , friendship to
Mexico in her hour of glory. International courtesy demanded
return delegates carrying the thanks of the nation for their
friendship. Promptly after the celebration, official delegates
were named and sent to all the participating nations with the
thanks of Mexico. To all, we say there was one exception ; the
thanks of the nation were not promptly carried to Japan.
THE FIRST APPOINTMENT
The story is a curious one. Fate itself seems to have been
interested in preventing the courtesy. At the time when delega-
tions were named and appointments made to France and Ger-
many, Belgium, the United States, and Argentine, and to all
the rest, there was indeed a delegate appointed for carrying the
national thanks to Japan. It was Porfirio Diaz, Jr., son of the
President, who was appointed. He was a youn man, of amiable
disposition, quite harmless in diplomacy and politics. The
appointment was looked upon as a plum ; a trip to Japan at the
government's expense was a nice little outing. But the moment
was a bad one. The celebration of the centennial filled the
month of September. In November Aquiles Serdan met his
death and the Madero revolution was on. The whole country
was ablaze. The rebellion, which at first seemed insignificant,
gained strength ; the Diaz power began to totter ; the old presi-
dent found himself deserted by those whom he had trusted ; he
did not know upon whom he could depend ; in that hour of trial
he was sadly shaken ; he could trust his son, and disliked to be
left alone in the moment of crisis. One day after another was
416
JAPAN AND MEXICO
JAPAN AND MEXICO 417
set for the young man's departure; each time the old man's
fears prevented his starting and the date was deferred. Senor
Efren Rebolledo, representative of the legation of Mexico in
Tokio, was in the City of Mexico, waiting for young Diaz to
accompany him to the land of the rising sun. Finally, after
several postponements, he could wait no longer for the official
delegate and went back alone to his official duties ; I called upon
Sefior Rebolledo the day he left the City of Mexico; he was
busy packing his trunks and complained bitterly over the long
delay and over the fact that, after all, he had to make the journey
without companionship. A few weeks later and Porfirio Diaz
fell. The thanks of the nation had not been carried to Japan.
THE SECOND APPOINTMENT
There followed the interregnum ; Francisco de la Barra was
too busy with complicated matters to think of sending thanks to
anyone. The fall elections placed Francisco I. Madero in the
presidential chair. Some months of course were necessary
before the machinery of government was moving smoothly.
Then it was remembered that the thanks of the nation had not
been carried to Japan for her participation in the centennial.
Just as Porfirio Diaz considered the occasion fit for a pleasure
excursion for a member of his family, so Madero thought he
would give a near relative an outing. Accordingly Gustavo
Madero was appointed official delegate of the nation to carry
thanks to the Japanese Empire. Again I was in the City of
Mexico at the time set for the departure of the delegate; fare-
well banquets were given by the friends of the appointee. But
before the sailing, it was realized that the death of the Mikado
made the moment an unfavorable one for the occasion. The
departure of the delegate was postponed until the period of
mourning should be past. The Reyes-Diaz revolution came on ;
the Nine Days' Battle in the City of Mexico took place ; not only
the President himself was murdered, but his brother, Gustavo,
was assassinated. The thanks of Mexico were still untold.
418 JAPAN AND MEXICO
FELIX DIAZ
Again a period of uncertainty. As Huerta, however, gained
a firmer hold upon the government, it was again realized that
courtesy demanded that a delegate be sent with thanks to Japan.
The realization of this fact coincided with the desirableness of
the absence from the city of Felix Diaz. If Huerta were to con-
tinue in power, if he were to be a successful candidate for the
election, it were better that Felix Diaz, nephew of the old presi-
dent and a man of no particular significance but still a possible
candidate, should be out of Mexico. Accordingly he was the one
chosen for the official duty of conveying thanks to Japan. His
mission proved a fiasco. The Japanese government refused
to receive him. This refusal was certainly unwise. One of two
things is true either the United States Government made repre-
sentations to Tokio that we did not wish the delegate to be
received, or it did not make such representations. If Washing-
ton did make such representations to Tokio, the Japanese gov-
ernment should have politely but clearly indicated that the
matter was one which did not concern us and in which she should
pursue whatever policy seemed best to her. If Washington did
not make such representations to Tokio, the action of the
Japanese government could only be considered as an act of
uncalled-for effort to conciliate the United States by an ostenta-
tious display of friendliness towards us. Whatever was the fact,
the act was most unwise, and unquestionably the Japanese
government recognized its error promptly. There was a natural
outcry on the part of the Japanese people ; a friendly nation with
whom Japan had treaties had been insulted needlessly. It is
unlikely that the Japanese people were alone in making this
expression of feeling to the Foreign Office in Japan. Not only
was Mexico treated shabbily by the refusal to receive its dele-
gate; every Latin American republic was offended, and in one
way or another must have made its feeling known in Tokio. It
would be strange indeed if European countries as well, watching
with care the movement of international politics, did not express
JAPAN AND MEXICO 419
surprise to the Japanese government over the uncalled-for
incivility to Mexico.
AND FINALLY DE LA BAEEA
Under such circumstances it is not astonishing that the next
man appointed by the Mexican government should have been
received with distinguished courtesy. Senor de la Barra, in
December last, reached Tokio, finally bringing the long-delayed
thanks of the Mexican people and government for Japan's par-
ticipation in her celebration. He was received with open arms.
When the Emperor granted him an interview he was decorated
by the imperial hand. It is unlikely that any public business
of weight was transacted between the two governments. It is
more than likely that the whole was merely an exchange of inter-
national courtesies. It is true, however, that de la Barra is a
very different man from either of the early nominees. No
department of foreign affairs that has ever existed in Mexico
would for an instant think of entrusting matters of consequence
and delicate diplomatic negotiations to Porfirio Diaz, Jr., to
Gustavo Madero, or to Felix Diaz. Porfirio Diaz., Jr., was a
nice young man of no political significance ; Gustavo Madero was
shrewd, a wrecker in politics, but no diplomat ; Felix Diaz has
ever been a failure in military matters, politics and diplomacy.
It is absolutely certain that no one of the three would have
been trusted by either president or department with a matter
of consequence. Francisco de la Barra is different; he could
have been entrusted with important business; he might have
treated business of importance. But it is highly unlikely that
he did so. His absence from Mexico was desired by President
Huerta, and most desirable from his own point of view. The
Mexicans are too shrewd to approach Japan seriously at this
crisis, and Japan is too wise to receive overtures from a totter-
ing government like Huerta 's.
No, the warmth of de la Barra 's reception in Japan was
an atonement for an act of bad judgment. It was not hostility
to the United States.
420
JAPAN AND MEXICO
ARTILLERY LEAVING CIUDADELA, AFTER MADERO'S OVERTHROW.
WHAT WILL COME?
WHEKE IS THE MAN POKFIKIO DIAZ ZAPATA PASCUAL OKOZCO
1 ' PANCHO ' ' VILLA FELIX DIAZ VASQUEZ GOMEZ FEDERICO
GAMBOA DE LA BABEA HUEBIA CABBANZA THE QUALITIES
NECESSABY.
P
ROPHECY is a thankless task. No matter how reasonable
prediction seems to be, no matter upon what certainties
it rests, it is usually a failure.
"The best-laid schemes o' mice and men
Gang aft a-gley."
The best constructed schemes of what will happen are rarely
realized. We will not prophesy; but let us look over the field
and see what cannot happen, what may occur.
WHEBE IS THE MAN?
Where is the man for Mexico 's present crisis ? History shows
us that in the hour of greatest need a hero generally arises. It
421
422 WHAT WILL COME?
has always been so ; it will continue to be true. Mexico 's history
is full of instances. The gentle priest of an obscure town seemed
little likely to become a great leader ; yet Hidalgo was the very
man necessary for the raising of the standard of revolt; he
himself did not see the triumph, but he was the man waited for.
Juarez, insignificant Indian, came to the front in the hour of
need; no one better than he, with his Indian doggedness and
stubbornness, could lead the desperate hope of republican
Mexico through the uncertain days of the intervention empire.
Diaz himself was the man of the hour; his peculiar qualities
fitted him for the task which had to be done if Mexico were to
develop. Madero, again, appeared in the hour of need ; he was
the representative of the spirit rising among the people; the
hour was ripe ; a man was necessary to demonstrate the weak-
ness of the house of cards which the great dictator had reared.
So in the history of other countries. Simon Bolivar, a brilliant
leader, man of great magnetism, but far mightier with word
and pen than with his sword, became the savior of a continent;
the crisis itself produced him. So when we, rent by bitter parti-
san strife, facing great moral questions, facing national division,
needed a man as. leader, the man appeared; our greatest crisis
brought forth a Lincoln.
In Mexico, if the nation is permitted to work out its own
destiny, a man will certainly arise. Who will he be, and why?
At one time the natural man to lead the Kepublic along the
path of progress and legitimate development was certainly
Bernardo Reyes. Twice at least under the old regime, he might
have led a successful revolution. Had he done so, he had done
much for Mexico, and his name would be remembered as a great
leader. He was actually a popular idol his name was on every
tongue, and the common people looked to him for leadership;
he was loved by his soldiers and was trained for military leader-
ship ; he had ideas of education and government ; he had experi-
ence, and while he was governor his state was happy by com-
parison with others of the Republic. But his day ended long
ago; when he withdrew his candidacy for vice-president, to
WHAT WILL COME? 423
please Porfirio Diaz, he destroyed all possibility of ever leading
his nation. Was he, after all, a coward? Or was he stirred by
sentiment and personal affection! Or what was the weak point
in his character which prevented his acting when he might have
acted, when he should have acted? When he finally did act, it
was too late. His hostility to Madero, in the City of Mexico,
before the election of 1911, was puerile ; his invasion of Novem-
ber, was a sadly weak fiasco. His death, before the Palace, in a
treacherous attack against the man who spared his life, was a
hideous ending of a life which once had promised great results.
POKFIRIO DIAZ
Looking the present field over, who is available? All sorts
of ridiculous suggestions have been made. One of the least
sensible, laughable, if it were not so foolish, is that Porfirio Diaz
should be recalled from Paris. Let the old man rest, and end
his days in quiet comfort ! He long outlasted his period of suc-
cessful government. He went, too late for his own honor and for
his country's good. In 1910, the year of the centennial celebra-
tion, he was admitted to be eighty years of age; today he is
officially eighty-four. There is a curious difference of opinion
as to the age of Porfirio Diaz ; while his announced age is what
we have just stated, it is claimed by many that for some per-
sonal reason his age has always been misrepresented, and that
in reality he is five years older than he claims ; if so, he is today
a man of almost eighty-nine ; the idea of recalling a man of this
advanced age to power is ridiculous. Porfirio Diaz is a man
whose simple life and abstemious living have made him seem
much younger than his years ; but every one, who saw him in the
last two years of his administration, knows that he was break-
ing. The last reports from Paris state that he is yielding to
advancing deafness. Infirmity and age render him completely
unavailable.
ZAPATA
Will Zapata answer? The asking of the question is needless.
Zapata is a brigand; he glories in arson, rapine, and plunder;
424
WHAT WILL COME?
WHAT WILL COME? 425
lie is a popular leader of desperate men who wish to loot, steal
and destroy. He is the ideal bandit leader but has not a single
quality of the national ruler. He has no sense of honor; his
promise has no banding force. It would be as impossible for
foreign nations to deal with a government headed by Zapata as
with anarchy itself. Zapata is a danger to any government.
He will no doubt cause trouble in the future. When once a
leader, with money at his disposition and a trained army, holds
power in Mexico, his first duty will be to clear the country west
of Mexico of Zapata and his followers. The man is plausible ;
he can state the crying needs of the common people forcibly;
he can easily point out the errors of Madero and the failure
of Huerta to keep his promises, but he shows none of the quali-
ties of constructive statesmanship.
PASCUAL OKOZCO
Would Pascual Orozco do? It is true that today's papers
announce his death; whether the new r s prove true or not, it is
worth while to consider the question. A popular war-corre-
spondent draws a pleasing picture of Pascual Orozco as a school
boy studying his book and gaining a broader outlook, an ideal
for realization. Several other Americans seem to have been
favorably impressed with the famous guerilla leader when they
saw him with Madero in .front of Juarez. But would he do as
president? Nothing of his public career indicates it. No doubt
Orozco learned to read and write; through that learning
undoubtedly he gained a broader view. But that training and
his broader view led naturally only to the work of arriero or
convoy for ore or bullion on its way from the mines where pro-
duced to a point of shipment. There is nothing to suggest that
he had any higher ambitions or that he grappled with public
questions. When Madero 's revolution broke out, Pascual Orozco
promptly joined with it. To him Madero owed considerable.
He was daring in his attacks upon the federal soldiers. He was,
however, badly disciplined, a man of variable impulses. He
seems to have had little loyalty, less of sentimental friendship.
426 WHAT WILL COME?
When Madero was in power, Pascual Orozco went to the capital
city to receive his share of profit. Given fifty thousand dollars,
he demanded fifty thousand more ; failing to secure it, he became
an enemy of the Madero regime. It was easy for him to secure
leadership and money from the Terrazas interests. He fought,
in other words, for whoever would pay him best. When the
Carranza revolution gained headway, there was nothing left
for him that promised cash except federal leadership, and we
find him in Huerta's forces. Nothing that Pascual Orozco has
ever done warrants the assumption that he is presidential
timber.
"PANCHO" VILLA
What about General Villa? Strikingly in the events of
the last three years in Mexico it has been shown that the only
safe man is a dead man. Two men were spared by Madero when
their lives were forfeited. Madero himself had reason to regret
the reprieve he granted Felix Diaz ; Huerta today has profound
reason to regret the reprieve granted by Madero to General
Villa. The man has proved a good soldier ; he has always been
known as one of bandit instincts. He is cruel, pitiless. It is
not impossible that lie might emerge from the present conflict
with considerable military glory. If he does, it is to be expected
that he may aspire to power in government. Villa as president
of Mexico is conceivable; but his elevation to the highest office
of the nation would be unfortunate. Should it take place, his
period of control would certainly be limited ; he might perhaps
fill up time until the preparation of a more worthy candidate.
FELIX DIAZ
There has been much talk of Felix Diaz for the position.
No one who knows the man and the nation could talk seriously
of it. Newspaper writers have asserted that he is a "popular
idol." He is not, never has been, never will be a popular idol.
He was a heavy burden for his uncle through the years. A man
with absolutely no mental power, without ideas, without ideals.
WHAT WILL COME? 427
Porfirio Diaz was ready to do much for him. .Felix Diaz was
sent to Chile as the diplomatic representative of Mexico; his
stay was short. His name was tentatively suggested several
times for governor of the State of Oaxaca, or of Puebla; when
it is remembered that in those days the old man made governors
and unmade them at will, the fact that Felix Diaz was actually
never made governor of either state proves how thoroughly his
uncle recognized his lack of fitness and his enormous unpopu-
larity. He was, indeed, sometime the chief of police of the City
of Mexico; but he was a misfit. After every failure to place
him elsewhere, Porfirio Diaz regularly made his nephew the
head of his own personal bodyguard, where he could at once
take care of him and see that he did a minimum of harm. His
lack of judgment and of skill in developing a plan of action were
strikingly brought out in his fiasco at Vera Cruz in October,
1912. His vacillation, weakness of character, and cowardice,
came out fully in connection with his futile mission to Japan,
and the events which grew out of it. Only the most ignorant
observer of Mexican affairs could seriously urge him as a presi-
dential possibility.
VASQUEZ GOMEZ
There is more propriety in the mention of the Vasquez
Gomez brothers. Emilio and Francisco Vasquez Gomez have
been leaders in the democratic struggle which has now been
waging in Mexico since 1910. They have been conspicuous in
the councils of the anti-reelection leagues. One of them was
the legitimate candidate for vice-president upon the ticket with
Madero for president. One of them has been more than once
proclaimed provisional president of Mexico; the proclamation
has always taken place when the man himself was in a place of
safety El Paso or near the border. One or the other has held
position in connection with the movements of the day. No one
denies that they are men of ability. They speak well perhaps,
certainly write well, and have high conceptions and ideals. But
experience has failed to prove that they are strong men of
428
WHAT WILL COME?
WHAT WILL COME?
429
430 WHAT WILL COME?
courage. They can plan and advise ; it is doubtful whether they
can lead, control. They are men for cabinet offices or heads of
bureaus, not presidents.
FEDERICO GAMBOA
There is no question that Federico Gamboa is a man of
power. As a literary man, he has few if any superiors in the
Eepublic. He has had wide experience in the field of diplomacy ;
he had been connected with legations in Latin America, in
Europe, in the United States. He can be trusted to deal with
delicate and complicated matters of statesmanship. There is
no question that in the recent exchange of diplomatic papers
between Mexico and ourselves, he beat us absolutely. With all
due respect to our own peerless leader, whom I highly appre-
ciate and respect, Mr. Bryan is no match for Senor Gamboa.
It is legitimate, in looking over the field, for a man of power
and leadership, to think of him. Under ordinary circumstances,
Gamboa would not be outside the range of presidential possi-
bilities. If Mexico were at peace, and a duly-elected president
were going out of power at the termination of his period of
office, and a new election were to take place under peaceful
circumstances, Gamboa would be a proper and strong candidate.
It is doubtful whether he is a man of sufficient strength and
energy, push, enterprise, and magnetism to succeed fully and
lead a party at this time. Still, as a compromise between dif-
ferent factions, where it was recognized that all must yield
something and unite behind a leader who represented no strong
group, he is not inconceivable.
DE LA BARRA
There is no doubt that many believe that the only hope of
Mexico in the present crisis is de la Barra. In his political
history and natural connections he is affiliated of course with
the old regime. It is likely that his natural inclinations con-
nect him with what fragments of the old cientifico group remains.
He is by nature conservative. When ambassador at Washing-
WHAT WILL COME? 431
ton, he made few mistakes, and his diplomatic training is good.
During the interim between the Diaz and Madero administra-
tions, he proved himself a man of considerable character and
with some qualities of leadership. He did not like Madero
nor the new order; but he submitted to many things which he
must have found most hard to bear, and emerged from a severe
trial with a very considerable respect from the general public.
He is far from being a man of the pronounced views and strong
ideals desirable at the present moment. If in office, he would
be forced continually to make concessions to popular demands.
It is possible that he has learned the lesson and is wise enough
to profit by it. If so, there is actually no stronger candidate
at present in sight. In the line of natural development, he
seems to be the most likely man. There is danger that he
would fail to rise to the full height of the occasion. It is not,
however, impossible, and Mexico's friends might wish that he
had a chance to prove his fitness.
HUERTA
Victoriano Huerta, the present incumbent, has been made
a serious problem. His treachery aroused a feeling of natural
repugnance in American minds; his blood-stained hands, red
with the blood of the man who depended upon him and to whom
he owed wealth, power, and position, shocked us. From certain
points of view he is a monster. At first he had no great fol-
lowing, and could not have been considered strong in his posi-
tion. There is little doubt that, left to himself, he would have
been promptly eliminated. We need not have recognized his
government until it proved itself worthy of recognition through
itself. Had we been content simply with non-recognition, the
Mexican people would have made short shrift of him. He would
have been as certainly hurled from power in a few weeks as
the morrow's sun will rise. But he was made a martyr ; he was
put into the position of the leader of a people who were brow-
beaten and directed from outside. Our attitude aroused sym-
pathy, which the man himself would probably never have gained.
He has developed unexpected strength; he has in many ways
432 WHAT WILL COME?
proved himself a leader ; he is a more respected and respectable
'figure today than months ago. In fact, many persons in Mexico,
in the United States, in Europe, today consider Huerta a strong
man, and look on him as something of a ruler. A much worse
policy might be pursued than to supply him with the sinews
of war and to see what he could do in republican Mexico. He
is a man of the Diaz type ; in a sense he is an anachronism. A
man of the Diaz type is not the ideal leader for the moment.
It is doubtful, however, whether the ideal leader exists or can
be summoned forth. It is certain that the savior of Mexico in
the future, as in the past, will be a man with Indian qualities-
stubbornness, persistence, inflexibility. If the Huerta of today,
vastly stronger than the Huerta of a year ago, is not the proper
leader, he will be eliminated by the natural operation of causes
within Mexico. It is doubtful whether the country or the world
will be advantaged by his elimination through influences from
without. It is likely, however, that Huerta cannot withstand the
powerful American influence against him. He has been crippled
financially by it ; probably he cannot maintain himself. The pity
is that the financial crippling, brought about intentionally by
outside influence, has not stopped with the bloody-handed
usurper.
CARRANZA
Last of the long list is Venustiano Carranza. He has been
called the origin of the Madero revolution. In reality, the
attempt to nominate him as an independent candidate for gov-
ernor of the State of Coahuila was Francisco Madero 's first
actual step in practical politics. The effort failed ; the election
was a farce. Carranza remained for the time being in private
life. Afterward he was with Madero. With the success of the
Madero movement, Carranza became governor of Coahuila.
Geographical relations, personal friendship, and political experi-
ence indicated him as the leader of the effort to avenge the
death of the martyr president. He is a man of energy. He has
clean-cut ideas. His leadership has met with much success.
Whether as a civilian he can hold his own against the soldier
WHAT WILL COME? 433
Villa remains to be seen. He may of course be completely
shelved by the military leader. He showed unexpected strength
of character and a true loyalty in his dealings with President
Wilson's privately appointed embassy; as the head of a pro-
visional government, he must know with whom he .deals. His
announcement that he would execute Huerta, Diaz, Blanquet,
Mondragon, Garcia Granados, Eodolfo Reyes and Francisco
de la Barra, when he comes actually to power shocks us, but
would shock few Mexicans. It is unlikely too that, once in power,
he would actually c'arry out his threat. Madero made similar
promises but failed to keep them. It is quite probable that
Carranza really would execute Huerta and Diaz if he could
place hands upon them. It is quite certain if Carranza enters
the capital city Felix Diaz would be in a place of safety; it is
less likely that Huerta would fly from his impending doom.
Carranza 's warning to foreign countries against loans made to
the Huerta government is a common expedient among revolu-
tionaries. It is neither a masterstroke of statesmanship nor
political folly. History has shown that such threats are rarely
carried through; if Carranza were actually to come to power,
after some diplomatic squirming, he would be likely to recognize
the foreign claims and meet the obligations.
THE QUALITIES NECESSAKY
If Huerta falls, whoever comes to power must be a compro-
mise. He must in part represent the past with all its wrongs ;
he must, however, if he is to remain in control, be ready to
yield to the growing demands for change. He must have some
record of achievement either as a military man or as a leader
of reform ; and he must have some name. He must have some-
thing of the iron hand, must to some degree override the con-
stitution, must act with force in crises but he must have
thoroughly learned his lesson from the events of the past three
years. He must be genuinely Mexican not too favorable to the
United States, and yet ready to be just to us and to the world.
He. must needs grapple with great problems. He must realize
434 WHAT WILL COME?
to what degree foreign investment in his country is a danger
to the nation ; he must check the present inflow of outside capital
without jeopardizing the rights of that already there; he must
encourage the development of natural resources through
nationalism. He must lead in the movement to restore lands
to little owners, which have been taken from them by unjust laws,
not understood by those to w r hom they were applied. He must
decide to what degree legitimate old estates should be divided
and sold on favorable terms to little holders. He must lead in
the movement of general education of the people. He must
know the meaning of a rising middle class. He must realize
that one term of office of six years' duration is the period of
his actual usefulness and should emphasize the cry of anti-
reelection, applying it absolutely to himself. He should reiterate
the motto of effective suffrage and should use the power of his
office to train the people in the exercise of their constitutional
right of voting. He should deal with the hideous question of
peonage. The problems that face him are problems that are
analogous to our own; they, however, are Mexican problems,
and must be dealt with from the Mexican point of view.
We have considered the list of known men who stand before
us. But the man for the crisis may be a new man. There are
men who are not conspicuous, who may meet the needs. A man
like Ahumada may arise and develop into power. As likely as
not, the right man, when he comes, may not come through an
election. He is more likely to come out of strife and struggle ;
he is likely to seize power. The sooner he comes, the better.
When he comes, it is to be hoped that we will not make impos-
sible demands as the condition of his recognition.
INTERVENTION
A WILD PKOJECT EFFECT OF ANNEXATION COST OF WAR WE WILL
NOT COLONIZE MEXICO PROTECTION OF INVESTMENTS POSITION
OF THE INVESTOE A MEXICAN PROBLEM ONLY A MIDDLE CLASS
NEEDED PERSONAL POLITICS TYPE OF NATION LIKELY.
SHOULD we intervene? Must we intervene? No, a
thousand times no, for their sake and fx>r ours, we
should keep hands off. Every right thinking American
who knows Mexico, and who knows the points involved, must
thank the President for his insistency upon maintaining peace.
We may regret the exact form of his policy, we may feel that
he has made mistakes, but his fundamental principle is right,
there ought to be no war, and intervention is war.
A WILD PROJECT
It is impossible for us to march to Mexico City, seize it,
appoint a provisional president, and withdraw. There is no
use of trying to deceive ourselves and others. If we go to
Mexico, we must occupy the whole republic. There is no pos-
sible alternative. To enter Mexico and occupy will take time,
money and frightful toll of human life. It would be unjust
aggression. Its final result would involve land grabbing. We
would either hold the whole of the republic, or we would cut
off the northern states and add them to our area. There are of
course plenty who look upon this as our manifest destiny. It
is unfortunate if it should prove manifest destiny, because it
would spell our ruin.
EFFECT OF ANNEXATION
To add Mexico to our republic or to add the northern tier
of states would be infinitely bad for us. It would be the greatest
of misfortunes for Mexico and the Mexicans. We are fond of
talking of assimilation. We have never assimilated anything.
435
436
INTERVENTION
INTERVENTION
437
438 INTERVENTION
We have not assimilated Arizona and New Mexico after sixty-
five years of ownership. We have not assimilated the millions
of negroes in the South. We have not assimilated the Filipino,
nor the Hawaiian, nor the Porto Rican. We have not only not
assimilated them, we are nationally today the weaker for their
presence.
To take over all or part of Mexico would be no advantage
to its people, would harm us, and would profit only a handful
of individuals to whom we owe no great consideration.
COST OF WAR
The war for the conquest of Mexico has been much dis-
cussed. Some claim that it would require 600,000 soldiers and
a period of ten years; others claim that it could be done with
150,000 men and two years' time. This is not the actual ques-
tion, but only selfish and commercial features of the problem.
It is not the size of the army, nor the expense, nor the time
involved which are significant. Far more important is the fact
that such a war of conquest is unjust in itself. There is nothing
in the conditions of the moment to excuse it. The price of war
is not a mere question of dollars and time, it is more seriously
a question of blood and brutalizing. A nation which issues
from a war of conquest against a smaller, poorer nation suffers
far more than it inflicts. Its ideals, its character, its life are
lowered. How heavily has our nation paid for its inglorious
war with Spain. Not only did it cost money and time and
blood. Its toll of disease and weakened moral fiber is a far
more serious matter; and by it we lost those ideals for which
our nation stood through more than a century of independent
life. This last was the heaviest part of the price.
WE WILL NOT COLONIZE MEXICO
It is no accident that our Scandinavian emigrants drift to
the moraine country of Minnesota; that the Hollanders settle
down upon the flat green fields and pastures of Michigan ; that
the Scotch-Irish settle in our eastern hills ; it is just as certainly
INTERVENTION 439
no accident that Spaniards drifted to Mexico., They are at
home in those surroundings. We never would be. We shall
never fill up Mexico. Our migrations will be isothermic and
latitudinal. If we should attempt the occupancy of Mexico by
means of actual colonization, we should again pay a frightful
price, physically, intellectually, morally. We would be changed.'
Is it worth while for a considerable portion of our population
to become Mexican? We have stated the improbability of this
migration taking place upon a large scale. To whatever extent
it would occur, the American aggregate would lose.
PROTECTION OF INVESTMENTS
The only influence active toward producing intervention and
a war of conquest is the investor. We are constantly informed
that we must protect American financial interests in Mexico.
The investor in Mexico puts his money there because he hopes
to gain a return larger than his money should produce. He
has a right to do so if he chooses, but he should carry his own
risk. He knows there is a risk; he has no right to ask us to
carry that risk for him. If every penny of American capital
invested in Mexico were wiped out of existence, there should be
no armed interference on our part. Two other points affect the
question. We are often told that $900,000,000 of American
capital is invested in Mexico. It is certain that much of this is
fictitious value. There are plenty of companies in Mexico capi-
talized at $100,000 which have never had $20,000 actual money
put in the enterprise. As Turner says, l ' Oceans of water ' ' in
the great railway merger. We of course think of piling up
claims against Mexico to the extent of $900,000,000. How much
legitimate claim would be left after a Hague court investigated
that? Again, it must be remembered that a very large amount
of this American capital is invested in "tainted" concessions.
Most of the foreign enterprises favored during the regimes of
Diaz and Madero were never submitted for approval to the
Mexican people and are not to their advantage. It is interest-
ing by the way to notice that the constitutionalists threaten to
440 INTERVENTION
deal seriously with this whole matter of tainted concessions.
Would that they might! But if they should, will our Govern-
ment support them?
POSITION OF THE INVESTOR
The investor in Mexico deserves no sympathy from us; to
the degree that he places his money yonder, he is unpatriotic.
He has a right, of course, to place his money where he pleases,
yet a true patriotism and an enlightened appreciation of con-
ditions would lead him to keep money here. There is not as yet
a single state in our whole Union, not even New York, Pennsyl-
vania, or Ohio, which is legitimately developed. We have as yet
no genuine conception of the development of any area. We have
always been cursed by the fact of greater opportunity in a new
section. We have drifted here and there in the hope of getting
sudden wealth with small outlay of labor. It has been a great
misfortune to ourselves. It has had a frightfully destructive
influence upon the world at large. It will be a good thing when
we are more confined in our possibilities. Real patriotism, not
the blatant kind, would lead men to utilize their capital in the
development of the region in which they were born.
A MEXICAN PROBLEM ONLY
Mexico and the Mexicans ought to work out their own salva-
tion. It sounds well in newspapers to say that we desire to
help Mexico to solve her problems. It is the White Man's Bur-
den. It is meddling. Mexico knows her problems as no out-
sider can. If they are to be solved, she must solve them. We
can best help by solving our own problems, and heaven knows
we have enough of these.
Mexico is what it is because of its geography, its climate,
its streams, its mountains, valleys, deserts, forests. Its alti-
tudes, its atmosphere, make a people different from ourselves.
Its people are Indian, or a mixture of Indian with Spanish.
The race qualities are different from ours ; feeling is different ;
sentiment is different ; point of view is different. It is impos-
INTERVENTION 441
sible for us to think for them, feel for them, act for them, decide
their questions. All that we need to do is to keep hands off.
A MIDDLE CLASS NEEDED
Mexico will never be at peace until a middle class arises.
It has been a land of very rich and very poor, of masters and
slaves. A middle class is rising; it will come. The common
people of Mexico are thinking, reading, talking, more than they
have ever done before. Before the Conquest, Mexico was occu-
pied by many small tribes, absolutely separated and hopelessly
divided. They were ridden by their rulers and their priests.
That was in the old days of paganism. Mexico of today is still
a people divided. It is still ridden by rulers, and by priests.
If it is to become a great nation, it must be unified. It can only
be so through education, thought, and struggle. Its greatest
curse has ever been personal politics. In the direction of
political parties with definitely presented platforms of prin-
ciples much of its hope of advancement lies. Notwithstanding
the discouraging aspect of the moment, notwithstanding the
Madero failure, the Juarez failure, the Guerrero failure, it
has made progress, and it will make progress in these
directions.
TYPE OF NATION LIKELY
But no matter how Mexico may advance, it will never be
like us, it ought not to be so. Latin America does not admire
our style. She does not look northward for her patterns.
James Bryce, in his book on South America, strongly- empha-
sizes the fact that the republics to our south look to Europe for
advice, direction, pattern and example. They look to Spain
and Portugal, Italy, and above all, to France. There are two
types of republics conspicuous in the world at present. When
Mexico reaches an equilibrium, and she will if we permit, she
will present a nation like the French Republic, not like the
United States.
INTERVENTION
NOT AN UNIQUE ELECTION. MUCH LIKE THOSE OF DIAZ, AND PINO
SUAEETZ AND OTHERS
LEADING EVENTS IN MEXICAN HISTORY
1518. Expedition of Grijalva to Yucatan.
1519. Cortes lands in Mexico.
1521. Conquest of Mexico achieved: destruction of Tenochtitlan.
1524. Arrival of Franciscan missionaries.
1527. Juan de Zumarraga, first Bishop of Mexico.
1528. First Audiencia in New Spain.
1529. Second Audiencia in New Spain.
1531. Apparition at Guadalupe.
1535. Antonio de Mendoza, first Viceroy of New Spain.
1550. Luis de Velasco, second Viceroy.
1553. University of Mexico founded.
1566. Gaston de Peralta, Viceroy.
1568. Martin de Enriques de Almanza, Viceroy.
1571. Inquisition established in America.
1572. Arrival of Jesuits in Mexico.
1580. Lorenzo Juarez de Mendoza, Viceroy.
1584. Pedro Moya de Contreras, Archbishop of Mexico and Viceroy.
1585. Alvaro Manrique de Zuniga, Viceroy.
1590. Luis de Velasco (2d), Marquis of Salinas, Viceroy.
1595. Gaspar de Zufiiga of Acevedo, Count of Monterey, Viceroy.
1603. Juan de Mendoza y Luna, Marquis of Montes Glares, Viceroy.
1607. Luis de Velasco (2d) again Viceroy.
1612. Diego Fernandez de Cordova, Marquis of Guadalcazar, Viceroy.
1621. Diego Carrillo Mendoza y Pimentel, Marquis of Gelves, Viceroy.
1624. Eodrigo Pacheco Osorio, Viceroy.
1635. Lope Diaz de Armendariz, Viceroy.
1640. Diego Lopez Pacheco Cabrero y Bobadillo, Viceroy.
1642. Juan de Palafox, Bishop of Puebla, Viceroy: later Garcia Sarmi-
ento Sotomayor, Count of Salvatierra, Viceroy.
1648. Marcos Lopez de Torres y Rueda, Bishop of Yucatan, Viceroy.
1650. Luis Enriques de Guzman, Count of Alba Liste, Viceroy.
1653. Francisco Fernandez de la Cueva, Viceroy.
1660. Juan de Leiva y de la Cerda, Viceroy.
1664. Diego Osorio Escobar y Llamas, Bishop of Puebla, Viceroy;
later, Antonio Sebastian de Toledo, Viceroy.
1673. Pedro Nuiio Colon de Portugal y Castro, Viceroy; later, Payo
de Rivera, Archbishop of Mexico, Viceroy.
1680. Tomas Antonio Manrique de la Cerda, Viceroy.
1686. Melchor Portocarrerro Laso de la Vega, Count of Monclova,
Viceroy.
1688. Caspar de la Cerda Sandoval Silva y Mendoza, Viceroy.
1696. Juan de Ortega Montanez, Bishop of Michoacan, Viceroy; later,
Jose Sarmiento Valladares, Count of Moteczuma, Viceroy.
1701. Juan de Ortega Montanez, again Viceroy; later, Fernandez de las'
Cuevas Enriques, Viceroy.
1711. Fernando Alencastro Norofia y Silva, Viceroy.
1716. Baltasar de Zuiiiga Guzman Sotomayor y Mendoza, Viceroy.
1722. Juan de Acuna, Viceroy.
1734. Juan Antonio de Vizarron y Eguiarreta, Archbishop of Mexico,
Viceroy.
1740. Pedro de Castro Figueroa y Salazar, Viceroy.
1741. Jose Antonio Villaseiior y Sanchez, Cosmographer of New Spain.
1742. Pedro Cebrian y Augustin, Viceroy.
1746. Juan Francisco de Gueines y Horcasitas, Viceroy.
1755. Augustin de Ahumada y Villalon, Viceroy.
1760. Francisco Cajigal de la Vega, Viceroy; later, Joaquin. de Mont-
serrat, Viceroy.
1763. Louisiana acquired by Spain.
1766. Carlos Francisco de Croix, Viceroy.
1767. Expulsion of Jesuits from Spain and Spanish America.
1771. Antonio Maria de Bucareli y Ursua, Viceroy.
1779. Martin de Mayorga, Viceroy.
1783. Matias de Galvez, Viceroy.
1785. Bernardo de Galvez, Viceroy.
1787. Alonso Nunez de Haro y Peralta, Archbishop of Mexico, Viceroy ;
later, Manuel Antonio Flores, Viceroy.
1789. Juan Vicente Pacheco de Padilla, Viceroy.
1794. Miguel de la Grua Talamanca, Viceroy.
1798. Miguel Jose de Azanza, Viceroy.
1800. Felix Berenguer de Marquina, Viceroy.
1801. Louisiana returned to France.
1803. Jose de Iturrigaray, Viceroy.
1808. Intervention of Napoleon Bonaparte in Spanish affairs; acces-
sion of Ferdinand VII and then of Joseph Bonaparte ; Iturrig-
aray deposed and Pedro Garibay, Viceroy.
1809. Franciso Javier Lizana, Archbishop of Mexico, Viceroy.
1810. Pedro Catani, Viceroy; later, Francisco Javier Venegas, Viceroy.
Grito de Dolores, Sept. 15-16.
1811. Execution of Hidalgo and his fellows.
1813. Congress of Chilpantzingo ; Declaration of Independence and
First Constitution.
1815. Jose Maria Morelos executed.
1816. Juan Ruiz de Apodaca, Viceroy.
1817. Mina's expedition.
1820. Inquisition abolished.
1821. Francisco de Novella, Viceroy; Plan of Iguala and Treaty of
Cordoba; Independence achieved; Regency installed; Juan O'
Donoju, last of the Viceroys.
1822. Congress organized. Iturbide emperor, Augustin I.
1823. Abdication of Iturbide.
1824. United States of Mexico ; Constitution proclaimed ; Victoria
Guadalupe (Felix Fernandez), President.
1828. Yorkist and Scottish masonry in conflict ; Manuel Gomez Ped-
raza, President.
1829. Vicente Guerrero, President ; Spanish attempt at restoration :
Jose Maria Bocanegra, acting-President.
1830. Anastasio Bustamante, President.
1832. Melchor Muzquiz, acting President; Antonio Lopez de Santa
Anna, President; Valentin Gomez Farias, Vice-President.
1835. Constitution of Las Siete Leyes; Centralism.
1836. New Constitution effective; General Barragan, acting-President;
Jose Justo Corro, acting-President; Spain acknowledges Mex-
ican Independence; Texas secedes.
1840. Gutierrez de Estrada proposes a monarchial government.
1841. Santa Anna, provisional President.
1842. Javier Echavarria, acting President; Santa Anna, provisional
President.
1843. Bases Organicas Politicas Constitution; extreme Centralism.
1845. Impeachment of Santa Anna; Jose Joaquin Herrera, President;
Texas annexed to the United States; war between Mexico and
the United States.
1846. Mariano Paredes y Arrillaga, President; war of invasion begun;
Nicolas Bravo, President; Mariano Salas, President.
1847. Santa Anna, Gomez Farias, and others, President; American
forces in possession of Mexican capital.
1848. Jose Joaquin Herrera, President. Treaty of Guadalupe-Hidalgo.
1851. Mariano Arista, President.
1852. Juan Bautista Ceballos, President; later, Manuel Maria Lombar-
dini, acting President.
1853. Santa Anna, President ; proclaims himself perpetual dictator.
1854. Juan Alvarez pronounces; Plan of Ayotla; Exile of Santa Anna.
1855. Juan Alvarez, provisional President, later, Ignacio Comonfort.
Ley Juarez passed.
1856. Ley Lerdo passed.
1857. New Constitution adopted. Ignacio Comonfort, President; reac-
tion under Felix Zuloaga.
1858. Comonfort abdicates; Benito Juarez, as President of Supreme
Court, succeeds him; Zuloaga, Migual Miramon, and others
attempt a counter-government.
1859. Juarez government in Vera Cruz; War of the Reform.
1860. Juarez returns to the capital.
1861. Juarez elected President; suspension of payments on foreign
debts precipitates intervention : Treaty of London.
1862. Convention of Soledad, Conference of Orizaba, and withdrawal
of English and Spanish from Mexico; French advance; battle
of Puebla.
1863. French advance; capture Puebla and Mexico; Juarez government
retreats northward San Luis Potosi, Saltillo, Monterey; Max-
imilian becomes Emperor.
1864. Maximilian arrives at Mexico; Juarez government at Chihuahua.
1865. Juarez government at Paso del Norte; United States demands
withdrawal of French troops.
1867. End of Empire; execution of Maximilian; Juarez returns to Mex-
ico; is elected constitutional President.
1871. Juarez re-elected.
1872. Death of Juarez; Sebastian Lerdo de Tejada, President.
1876. Plan of Tuxtepec; Porfirio Diaz, provisional President; United
States delays recognition.
1877. Porfirio Diaz elected constitutional President; mutiny at Vera
Cruz ; Escobedo 's rebellion.
1880. Manuel Gonzales elected President ; Gen. U. S. Grant visited Mex-
ico.
1884. Porfirio Diaz elected; second term.
1888. Porfirio Diaz elected; third term.
1889. Mexico participated in First Pan- American Conference at Wash-
ington.
1892. President Diaz re-elected; fourth term.
1894. Difficulty with Guatemala; agreement reached, April 1, 1895.
1896. President Diaz re-elected : fifth term.
1899. Mexico raised to a nation of ambassadorial rank. May. Mexico
participated in the First Hague Peace Conference.
1900. President Diaz re-elected; sixth term.
1901. Diplomatic relations resumed with the Austro-Hungarian govern-
ment. Second Pan-American Conference held at the City of
Mexico.
1902. Pius claims submitted to the Hague Court; decision against Mex-
ico.
1904. President Diaz re-elected; seventh term; term extended to six
years; Ramon Corral elected Vice-President.
Territory of Quintana Roo organized.
. Gold standard adopted.
-. Mexican railways consolidated under government control.
1906. Mexico participated in the Second Hague Peace Conference.
1907. Mexico participated in Washington Conference upon Central
American affairs, which established the High Court at Cartago,
Costa Rica. Elihu Root visited Mexico.
1909. Political agitation; Bernardo Reyes sent on military mission to
Europe.
1910. Porfirio Diaz re-elected President; eighth term; Ramon Corral
re-elected Vice-President. Francisco I. Madero, a presidential
candidate.
Nov. 18. Aquiles Serdan incident in Puebla.
20. Outbreak of Madero revolution.
1911. May 10. Ciudad Juarez taken by the insurgents; Madero 's pro-
visional government established.
May 25. Porfirio Diaz resigns the presidency; Francisco de la
Barra, President interim.
August 2. Yasquez Gomez element forced out of provisional cab-
inet.
October 1. Madero elected President; Jose Maria Pino Suarez,
Vice-President. Inaugurated November 11.
1912. February 1. Emilio Vasquez Gomez named for provisional Presi-
dent by anti-Maderists.
March. Orozco revolution launched.
October 16. Gen. Felix Diaz siezes Vera Cruz; October 23 his
revolution fails.
November-December. Zapatists in continued rebellion, show
dangerous activity.
1913. February 9. Diaz-R^yes revolution begins; nine days' battle in
the City of Mexico ; Madero and Pino Suarez murdered Feb-
ruary 22-23.
19. Victoriano Huerta recognized provisional President.
