Full text of "The Mirror For Magistrates"

ifltrror for J$ag;i$trate2

H**

ffje

jWtrror for

EDITED from ORIGINAL TEXTS

in the

HUNTINGTON LIBRARY

by
LILY B. CAMPBELL

BARNES & NOBLE, INC. . NEW YORK
PUBLISHERS . BOOKSELLERS . SINCE 1873

Published in 1938 by the
Cambridge University Press

Reprinted by Barnes & Noble, Inc.
by Special Arrangement with the Cambridge University Press

PRINTED IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA

Contents

Introduction pages 3-60

Tragedies of the 1559 Edition 61-240

Prefaces to the 1559 Edition 63

1. Robert Tresilian, Chief Justice of England 73

2. The Two Rogers, surnamed Mortimers 82

3. Thomas of Woodstock, Duke of Gloucester 91

4. Lord Mowbray 101

5. King Richard the Second in

6. Owen Glendower 120

7. Henry Percy, Earl of Northumberland 132

8. Richard, Earl of Cambridge 139

9. Thomas Montague, Earl of Salisbury 143
10. King James the First 155
n. William de la Pole, Duke of Suffolk 162

12. Jack Cade 171

1 3 . Richard Plantagenet, Duke of York 182

14. Lord Clifford 192

15. John Tiptoft, Earl of Worcester 197

1 6. Richard Neville, Earl of Warwick 205

17. King Henry the Sixth 212

1 8. George Plantagenet, Duke of Clarence 220

19. King Edward the Fourth 236

CONTENTS

Tragedies Added in the Edition of 1563 P a g es 241-421

Preface to the Second Part of the 1563 Edition 243

20. Anthony Woodville, Lord Rivers and Scales 245

21. Lord Hastings 268
Sackville's Induction 298

22. Henry, Duke of Buckingham 318

23. The Poet Collingbourne 347

24. Richard Plantagenet, Duke of Gloucester 360

25. Shore's Wife 373

26. Edmund, Duke of Somerset 388

27. The Blacksmith 402

Tragedies Added in the Edition of 1578 427-460

28. Eleanor Cobham, Duchess of Gloucester 432

29. Humphrey Plantagenet, Duke of Gloucester 445

Tragedies Added in the Edition of 1587 461-51 1

30. Sir Nicholas Burdet 463

31. King James the Fourth 483

32. The Battle of Brampton or Flodden Field 489

33. Cardinal Wolsey 495

Appendices 513-554

A. Description of the Huntington Library Copies of the

Texts 5I$

B. Indexes Showing the Arrangement of the Tragedies in the

Various Editions 522

C. Collation of MS 364 in St John's College, Cambridge,

with Sackville's "Induction" and Tragedy 22 532

D. Collation of Poems in Harleian MS 2252 with Tragedies

31 and 32 548

Illustrations

IN COLLOTYPE

Tide-page and Verso from the Dyce Copy of Way-
land's Edition of Lydgate frontispiece
By the courtesy of the Victoria and Albert Museum

Title-page from the Undated Wayland Edition of

Lydgate

[ pages
A Page from the Undated Wayland Edition of * &

Lydgate
Additional Tide-page sometimes bound with Way-

land's Edition of Lydgate
Verso of Additional Tide-page sometimes bound

between
6&j

with Wayland's Edition of Lydgate

The Recto and Verso of the Single Leaf extant from between

the Suppressed Edition of the Mirror for Magistrates 8 & 9

The Verso of Fol. 39 introduced as a cancel into
the 1578 Edition facing 430

LINE BLOCKS IN THE TEXT

The Tide-page of the 1559 Edition 62

The Tide-page of the 1563 Edition 242

The Tide-page of the 1571 Edition 423

The Last Page of the Index to the 1571 Edition 424

The Tide-page of the 1574 Edition 425

The Tide-page of the 1575 Edition 426

The Tide-page of the 1578 Edition 428
The Original FoL 39 (Recto and Verso) from the 1578

Edition 429, 430

The Tide-page of the 1587 Edition 462

vii

THE
MIRROR for MAGISTRATES

INTRODUCTION

SINCE the publication of Warton's History of English Poetry, 1
some account of the Mirror for Magistrates has been included
in almost every history of English literature. 2 Bibliographers
have recognized as intriguing the complex history of its printing. 3
Sackville's induction has been decreed the best poem in English between
Chaucer and Spenser and is duly incorporated in anthologies of the
period. Historians of the drama have from time to time noted that the
work contains tragedies which in the reign of Elizabeth were remade in
dramatic form. 4 Yet the Mirror itself remains practically unknown and
unread, its tragedies are classed as medieval, and literary criticism has
dealt scarcely at all with its experiments in verse, its critical theory, its
poetic vocabulary, its embodiment of a new conception of tragedy, and
similar matters where darkness should be turned into day. The reason
for the neglect of a work so generally recognized as important is not
far to seek, however, for the early editions are extremely rare, and the
only modern edition, that by Joseph Haslewood, was published in 1815
in an edition of one hundred and fifty copies. 5

A number of years ago, while working in the Huntington Library
on a study of Shakespearean tragedy, I discovered that the then unex-
plored library had, through the interest of its former librarian, Mr G. W.

1 Thomas Warton, A History of English Poetry, m (London, 1781), 209-82. It should
be noted, however, that Mrs Cooper's Muses Library (1737) and CapelTs Prolusions
(1760) had preceded Warton's interest in the work.

* See, for instance, W. J. Courthope, A History of English Poetry (London, 1897),
n, 110-26, and J. W. Cunliffe, "A Mirror for Magistrates," in The Cambridge History
of English Poetry (Cambridge, 1930), m, 192-200.

3 For a recent study, see H. J. Byrom, "John Wayland Printer, Scrivener, and
litigant," The Library, 4th Ser., xi, 312-49, csp. pp. 346-49-

4 F. B. Heay, "Excursus on The Mirror for Magistrates," in A Biographical Chronicle
of the English Drama, 1559-1642 (London, 1891), i, 17-20, and F. E. Schelling, The
English Chronkle Play (New York, 1902), pp. 34-3<5 et passim.

5 Mirror for Magistrates, ed. Joseph Haslewood (London, 1815). SirEgertonBrydges
wasoriginally associated withtheplanto publish the Mirror. For evidence, see TheBritish
Bibliographer 9 17 (London, 1814), Appendix, p. 260, and Haslewood, Mirror, I, xxxii.

THE MIRROR FOR MAGISTRATES

Cole, built up a collection of the first editions of the various parts of
the Mirror which was unique in its completeness. Proposing to com-
plement my study of Shakespearean tragedy by a study of the history
plays, I found that I could not get far without knowing the Mirror for
Magistrates. The combination of circumstances resulted in a decision on
the part of the Huntington Library authorities to publish from their
copies a new edition of the Mirror , and I postponed my study of Shake-
speare.

It was, of course, obvious that the first objective of a new edition
of the Mirror must be to make available an accurate text. Since the
publication of the Mirror was progressive and cumulative, it was decided
to use as basic texts for this edition the first extant printed text of every
part of the work, and to collate later editions of these parts with the
original texts.

The second objective has been to bring together all available records
concerning the publication of the Mirror, so that students may have easy
access to the documents which must serve as evidence upon which to
base any conclusions whatsoever as to its history and significance.

The third objective has been to suggest the approach which is neces-
sary if the Mirror is to be comprehended at all, though the limitations of
space render it, of course, impracticable to do more than make sug-
gestions in the introduction.

The text which is here reproduced, then, is arranged in the way in
which it was published. From the abortive first attempt to print the
Mirror there remain only two variant titled-pages and one leaf of text.
These are reproduced in photographic facsimile. The text of the first
edition, that of 1559, is printed in full. Following that is the text of the
additions to the original Mirror, made in 1563, in 1578, and in 1587, with
facsimiles of the tide-pages of these and of intervening editions. Thus, the
history of the various editions and the cumuktive nature of the text should
be apparent at once to the eye of anyone who consults this edition. 1

1 Haslewood used the 1587 edition as a basic text, collating earlier copies with it*
The spelling of die variant readings makes it dear that he did not always collate from
the edition indicated.

INTRODUCTION

What we know concerning the history of the printing of the Mirror
for Magistrates is for the most part gathered from the evidence offered
by the texts of the work itself, but, fortunately, both printer and editor
were explicit in their statements in the early editions.

In the Dyce Collection in the Victoria and Albert Museum in South
Kensington there is an unique ride-page affixed to a copy of Wayland's
undated edition of Lydgate's translation of the old work of Boccaccio
on the fall of princes, though it was evidendy not originally a part of
the volume with which it is now bound. 1 This tide^page reads:

The fall of/ Prynces. / Gathered by lohn Bochas, / fr5 the begynnyng
of the world / vntyll his time, translated / into English by lohn / Lidgate
Monke / of Burye.

([ Wherunto is added the / fall of al such as since that time / were
notable in Englande : / diligently collected out / of the Chronicles. / (?) /
^[LONDINI /In aedibus Johannis Waylandi. / Cum priuilegio per Sep- /
tennium.

On the reverse of the tide leaf appears the address of "The Prynter
to the Reader," which I here transcribe in full:

WHile I attended the quenes highnes plesure in setting fourth an vni-
forme Primer to be vsecf of her Subiectes, for the Printynge wherof it
pleased her highnes (which I besech god long to preserue) to geue me
a Priuilege vnder her letters Patentes, I thought it good to employ and
occupy my Print & seruauntes for that purpose prouided, about sum
necessary & profitable worke. And because that sundry gentlemen very
wel lerned, commended much the workes of Lydgate, chefdy the fall
of Prynces, which he drew out of Bochas, whereof none were to be
got, after that I knew the Counsayles pleasure & aduice therein, I
determined to print it, & for that purpose caused the copy to be red
ouer & amended in dyuers places wher it was before ey ther through the
wryters or Prynters fault corrupted: for verye fewe names were true
besydes muche matter dysplaced as to the conferrers may appere. Yet
is it not so throughly well corrected as I would haue wyshed it, by
meanes of lacke of certayne copies and authours which I could not get
by any meano And yet I doubt not (Gentle reader) but thou shalt
fynde it as clere as any other heretofore set fourth. To which I haue

x For an account of the discovery of this title-page, see W. A. Jackson, "Wayland's
Edition of The Mirror fir Magistrates" The Library, 4th Ser., xra, 155-7.

THE MIRROR FOR MAGISTRATES

added a continuation of that Argument, concernynge the chefe Prynces
of thys Hand, penned by the best dearkes in such kinde of matters that
be thys day lyuing, not vnworthy to be matched with maister Lydgate.
Whose doynges do prayse theymselues, as to the indifferente reader
shall appere. Wherefore I beseche the (good reader) to take in worthe
these my endeuoures, and to iudge and reporte of them as they do
deserue. And as I shall be encouraged herein, so. wyll I procede to cause
other notable woorkes to be penned and translated, whiche I trust shalbe
to the weale of the whole countrey and to the singuler profit of euerye
subiecte: And so Imprynte the Quenes hyghnes Primer, whan I shall
get the copy, as shall content her and all the Realme.

The Primer was off the presses on June 4, 1555, and this tide-page must,
therefore, have been printed some time before that date, since clearly
it was printed before the copy for the Primer had been received.

Wayland's edition of Lydgate's work, in a copy of which this tide-
page is inserted, has in all other copies a tide-page which reads:

^The trage- / dies, gathered by Ihon / Bochas, of all such Princes as / fell
from theyr estates throughe / the mutability of Fortune since / the
creation of Adam, vntil his / time: wherin may be seen what / vices
bring menne to destrucri- / on, wyth notable warninges / howe the
like may be auoyded. / Translated into Englysh by / lonn Lidgate,
Monke / of Burye. / ([ Imprinted at London, by / lohn Wayland, at
the signe / of the Sunne ouer against / the Conduite in Flete- / strete. /
Cum priuilegio per Sep- / tennium.

Sometimes bound at the end of this volume is a second tide-page,
which reads:

A memorial / of suche Princes, as since / the tyme of King Richard /
the seconde, haue been / vnfortunate in the / Realme of/ England. / (?) /
If LONDINI / In aedibus Johannis Waylandi. / cum priuilegio per Sep- /

tennium.

On the reverse of this additional tide-page, Wayland's letters patent
granted him by Queen Mary on October 24, 1553, for the printing of
the Primer are printed in fulL The letters patent begin in the usual
fashion, "MAry by the grace of God, Queue of Englande Fraunce
and Ireland, defendour of the faith, and in earth of the Churche of

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Additional Title-page sometimes bound will Wayland's Edition ofLydgate

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Verso of Additional Titk-page sometimes bound with Waytmfs EJition ofLyJgate

INTRODUCTION

Englande, and also of Ireland, the supreme head. To al Prynters of
bookes, . . ."*

There are in the British Museum duplicates of a single leaf which
by its format seems clearly to have belonged to this continuation of
Wayland's Lydgate. This leaf bears the prose link occurring in the
Mirror between the tragedies of Richard II and Owen Glendower,
together with eighteen stanzas of the latter tragedy. Its running ride
is A briefe memorial off Vnfortunate Englysh princes*

1 The first study of the history of the printing of the Mirror was made by Professor
W. F. Trench, in A Mirror for Magistrates: Its origin and influence (privately printed,
1898). Upon this study all succeeding writers have based their accounts of the Mirror.
Professor Trench did not know the Dyce title-page. He argued for 1554 as the date
of the suppressed edition, on the ground that the letters patent here printed use the
tide of "supreme head," which would have been dropped after 1554. In accordance
with his assumption that the Mirror editors were Protestants, he determined that the
printer who instigated the work was Edward Whitchurch. For a further development
of these ideas, see E. I. Feasey, "The Licensing of The Mirror for Magistrates' 9 The
Library, 4th Ser., m, 177-93. In an article on "The Suppressed Edition of A Mirror
for Magistrates," published in The Huntington Library Bulletin, No. 6, pp. 1-16, 1 argued:
(i) that the Dyce tide-page gives new evidence for Wayland as the printer at whose
instigation the work was undertaken, and that we are without evidence of any previous
plans; (2) that Baldwin's own statement in the 1563 edition as to the date of the
suppressed edition fixes it as four years before the first year of Elizabeth's reign
which would be 1555 ; (3 ) that the Dyce tide-page and that on the verso of which the
letters patent appeared were probably separated by a period of time; and (4) that the
authors were more conspicuous as opportunists than as Protestants. Furthermore, I
argued that the edict of June 13, 1555, suppressing Halle's chronicle was probably
related to the suppression of the Mirror which was based upon it, and that the act of
Parliament instanced by Professor Trench as evidence for the disuse of the tide of
"supreme head" did not forbid the use of the title, but specifically made legal all
letters patent in which it had been used. There would, in any case, have been no reason
for dropping the tide of "defendour of the faith." (Acts of the Parliament held at
Westminster, November 12-January 75, Anno primo & secundo Phillipi and Mariae,
fol. xxii.) In the London Times Literary Supplement "Bibliographical Notes" for
December 28, 1935, Mr Fitzroy Pyle objected to my conclusions. My answer was
published under the same heading on February 29, 1936.

* In the London Standard for June 25, 1836, was printed an account of the rescue
of these duplicates of the single leaf of the suppressed edition of the Mirror from a copy
of Wayland's 1557 edition of The Dyall of Princes.

THE MIRROR FOR MAGISTRATES

The Edition In the Stationers 9 Register is an entry for the year July 10, 1558, to
I559 July 10, 1559, which gives us our next bit of evidence in the history of
the Mirror: 1

Thomas marshe hathe lycense to pryntc The myrronre of mates-
trates vj d

In accordance with this permission there appeared, bearing the date
1559, A MYRROVRE For Magistrates printed by Thomas Marshe. A
four-page address "To the nobilitye and all other in office," signed by
William Baldwin, explains the purpose of the book and also relates
something of its early misadventures, for Baldwin says:

The wurke was begun, & part of it printed .iiii. yearc agoe, but
hyndred by the lord Chauncellour that then was, nevertheles, through
the meanes of my lord Stafford, lately perused & licenced. Whan I first
tooke it in hand, I had the helpe of many graunted, & offred of sum,
but of few perfourmed, skarce of any : So that wher I entended to have
continued it to Quene Maries time, I have ben faine to end it much
sooner: yet so, that it may stande for a patarne, till the rest be ready:
which with Gods grace (if I may have anye helpe) shall be shortly. 3

Following this address, which is printed on leaves bearing the signa-
tures CL .ii. and C, .iii., begins what is apparently the original work, for
a new title heads the address of "William Baldwin to the Reader,"
and the regular signatures commence, the first leaf signed A.i., the
second A.ii., etc. The title as here given is A Briefe Memorial ofsundrye
Vnfortunate Englishe men, a title that clearly recalls the running tide
found on the single leaf remaining from the early edition, A briefe
memorial of j Vnfortunate Englysh princes. The address to the reader sup-
plies information complementary to that on the reverse of the title-page
oftheDycecopy:

WHan the Printer had purposed with hym selfe to printe Lidgates
booke of the fall of Princes, and had made priuye thereto, many both
honourable and worshipfull, he was counsailed by dyuers of theim, to
procure to haue the storye contynewed from where as Bochas lefre,

1 Edward Arber, A Transcript of the Registers of the Company of Stationers of London;
1554-164 AV., i (London, 1875), 97.
J See below, p. n, for the 1563 version of this statement.

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INTRODUCTION

vnto this presente time, chiefly of suche as Fortune had dalyed with
here in this ylande: whiche might be as a myrrour for al men as well
noble as others, to shewe the slyppery deceytes of the waueryng lady,
and the due rewarde of all kinde of vices. Whiche aduyse lyked him
so well, that he required me to take paynes therin: but because it was
a matter passyng my wyt and skyll, and more thankles than gaineful
to meddle in, I refused vtterly to vndertake it, excepte I might haue
the hdpe of suche, as in wyt were apte, in learning allowed, and in
iudgemente and estymacion able to wield and furnysh so weighty an
enterpryse, thinkyng euen so to shift my handes. But he earnest and
diligent in his affayres, procured Athlas to set vnder his shoulder: for
shortly after, dyuers learned men whose many giftes nede fewe praises,
consented to take vpon theym parte of the trauayle. And whan certayne
of theym to the numbre of seuen, were thraughe a generall assent at
an apoynted time and place gathered together to deuyse therupon, I
resorted vnto them, bering with me the booke of Bochas, translated by
Dan Lidgate, for the better obseruacion of his order: whiche although
we lyked well, yet woulde it not cumlily serue, seynge that both Bochas
and Lidgate were dead, neyther were there any alyue that meddled
with lyke argument, to whom the vnfortunat might make their mone.

To make therfore a state mete for the matter, they al agreed that I
shoulde vsurpe Bochas rowme, and the wretched princes complayne
vnto me: and tooke vpon themselues euery man for his parte to be
sundrye personages, and in theyr behalfes to bewayle vnto me theyr
greuous chaunces, heuy destinies, & wofull misfortunes.

This doen, we opened suche bookes of Cronicles as we had there
present, and maister Ferrers, after he had founde where Bochas left,
whiche was about the ende of king Edwarde the thirdes raigne, to begin
the matter, sayde thus.

To these prefatory statements we owe our knowledge of the main facts
concerning the history of the Mirror. They show that Wayland proposed
to print a continuation of the work of Lydgate, that he went to Baldwin
in the matter but that Baldwin refused to undertake so thankless a job
without the help of able men, that die printer secured the promise of co-
operation from a group of gifted men, seven in number, who met to con-
sider the enterprise. Baldwin was to become the interlocutor to whom
the unfortunate English princes might make their complaints, but the

THE MIRROR FOR MAGISTRATES

prospective authors took upon themselves each to write "sundrye"
complaints. That it was decided to begin at the reign of Richard n
and to base the work upon the available English chronicles, we know
also on Baldwin's authority. The words of Baldwin which I have
already quoted from the preface dedicating the work to the nobility
and all others in office, are those of the disillusioned editor who found
the promised co-operation more generous in promise than in fulfilment.

Of the group 1 assembled at the planning of the Mirror, only William
Baldwin and George Ferrers are identified in the 1559 text. How-
ever, the prose link found on the single extant leaf of the suppressed
edition names "master Chaloner" as the author of the preceding tragedy
of Richard II, and in the edition of 1578 the authorship of the tragedy
of Owen Glendower is attributed to Thomas Phaer.

The prose links state explicitly that the work was based upon the
histories compiled by Fabyan, Halle, and Sir Thomas More. Wherever
the chronicles disagreed, the authors accepted the authority of Halle. 2

The 1559 edition of the Mirror contained nineteen tragedies, but two
last-minute omissions are indicated. The first is that of the tragedy
which is indexed in The Contentes and Table of the booke as that of

( Good duke Humfrey murdered, and fol. xl.

Elianor Cobham his wife banished.

The tragedy here indexed is not included in any of the known copies
of this edition, and the prose link on Folio xxxix indicates a sudden
change of plan, for Ferrers suggests that they leave affairs with which
they have been concerned in the tragedy of James I, and return to their
own story. He proposes, then:

How the cardinal Bewford maligneth the estate of good duke Humfrey
the kinges vncle & protector of the realme, & by what driftes he first
banisheth his wife from him. And lastly howe the good duke is mur-
derously made away through conspiracy of Quene Margaret and other:
both whose tragedies I entend at leasure to declare, for they be notable.

1 For a discussion of the number and identity of those so assembled see Haslewood,
I, xx, and Trench, pp. 66-70.

2 See Prose Links 4 and 24, and Tragedy 15, 11. 15-35.

INTRODUCTION

In the usual fashion one of the group bids him, "Do so I pray you," but,
instead of the tragedy's being inserted at this point, the speaker con-
tinues:

And I to be occupied the meane time, will shewe what I haue noted
in the duke of Suffolkes doinges, one of the chiefest of duke Humfreyes
destroyers, . . .

Likewise, Ferrers leads up to the introduction of the Duke of Somerset's
tragedy on Folio xlviii, saying:

... let sum man els take the Booke, for I mynde to say sumwhat of
this duke of Somerset.

But the tragedy is not printed, and, immediately after these words of
Ferrers, a paragraph beginning "Whyle he was deuisyng thereon" is
added to introduce the tragedy of Richard Plantagenet, Duke of York.
A hand is used by the printer to call attention to this added paragraph.

Sometime within the year between July 22, 1562, and July 22, 1563, The Edition
Thomas Marshe was granted a new^ licence. The Stationers 9 Register 1 * I5<53
again records:

Recevyd of Thomas marshe of his lycense for pryntinge of the
ij*'parteof[ihe]myrrorofmagestrates iiij d

This new licence was undoubtedly necessary because Marshe was
printing, in addition to the prose and verse of the original edition,
The seconde PARTE OF THE Mirrourfor Magistrates, containing a new
preface by Baldwin, eight new tragedies, and the usual prose links.

This edition of 1563 reprinted the edition of 1559, with only such
minor variations as are indicated in the collations of the text. It should
be noted, however, that Baldwin made clearer his prefatory statement
as to the date of the suppressed edition, when he revised his dedication
to read:

5 of it prynted in Queene Maries tyme,
but hyndred by the Lorde Chauncellour that then was, nevertheles,
through the meanes of my lord Stafford, the fyrst parte was licenced,
and imprynted the fyrst yeare of the raygne of this our most noble and
vertuous Queene, and dedicate then to your honours wyth this Preface.

1 Arber, 1, 208.
II

THE MIRROR FOR MAGISTRATES

Certain later statements of Baldwin in the revised preface are also of
importance. Rrst, there is an incidental allusion to the fact that, since
he had published the first edition of the Mirror, he had been called
"to an other trade of lyfe," which seems clearly, in the light of other
evidence, to refer to his having become a minister. Second, Lord
Stafford's continued interest in the project is indicated, and Baldwin,
indeed, says that, "through his Lordshyppes earnest meanes," he has
been brought to set forth another part of the Mirror. Third, Baldwin
states that this new part contains as little of his own work as the first
part did of other men's; and on the basis of this evidence many of the
tragedies of the 1559 edition not specifically assigned therein to other
writers are generally attributed to Baldwin.

The new part of the Mirror is linked by the prose narrative to the
first part. Toward the dose of the 1559 edition 1 Baldwin says:

. . . nyghte was so nere cum that we could not conveniently tary to-
gether any longer: and therfore sayd mayster Ferrers: It is best my
masters to staye here. For we be cum now to the ende of Edwarde the
fowerth his raygne. For the last whom we finde vnfortunate therein,
was this Duke of Clarens: In whose behalfe I commende much that
which hath be noted. Let vs therfore for this time leave with him. And
this daye seuen nightes hence, if your busines will so suffer, let vs all
mete here together agayne. And you shal se that in the mean season I
will not only deuise vppon this my selfe, but cause divers other of my
acquayntauns, which can do very well, to helpe vs forwarde with the
rest.

After the recital of Skelton's tragedy of Edward IV, therefore, Baldwin
concludes the first edition with these words:

WHan this was sayde, every man tooke his leave of other and departed:
And I the better to acquyte my charge, recorded and noted all such
matters as they had wyfled me.

The second part, added in the 1563 edition, opens with the account of
the meeting so arranged:

THe tyme beynge cum, whan (according to our former appoynt-
ment) we shuld meete together agayne to deuyse vpon the tragicall

1 Prose 1 8.
12

INTRODUCTION

affayres of our English Rulers, I with suche storyes as I had procured
& prepared, went to the place wherein we had debated the former
parte. There founde I the prynter and all the rest of our frendes and
furderers assembled & tarying for vs, Save Maister Ferrers, . . .

When Ferrers did arrive, Baldwin tells us, he brought with him
certain tragedies: that of the Duke of Somerset, which he had written
himself, that of Jane Shore by Churchyard, and others which he left
without recommendation. The printer gave to Baldwin the tragedy of
Hastings by Dolman, and that of Richard HI by Seager. Baldwin
announced that he had himself secured Sadcville's tragedy of the Duke
of Buckingham and Cavyl's tragedy of the blacksmith. These six
tragedies, together with that of Lord Rivers and Scales, and that of the
poet Collingbourne, constitute the additions made in this second part
and bring the total number of tragedies printed to twenty-seven. As
Baldwin himself noted, Ferrers* tragedy of Somerset should have been
printed in the first part. The tragedy of the blacksmith, added to the
second part temporarily, belonged, he also advised, to the proposed
third part of the Mirror ; which was intended to bring the record down
to the time of Queen Mary.

Certain indications in the prose links between the tragedies of this
second part of the Mirror point to the conclusion that, like the part
printed in 1559, it must have been ready for printing during the reign
of Mary. In the first place, Baldwin says that "Lord Vaulx" was to
have prepared the tragedy of the two young princes slain by Richard ffi,
"butwhat he hath done thereinlam not certayne,& therfore I let it passe
til I knowe farder." 1 Since Lord Vaux died in 1556, this statement must
have preceded that event unless Baldwin was speaking of a dead man,
which does not seem likely. In the next place, the prose passage which
closes the edition could obviously have been written only during the
reign of Mary and Philip, for it was confessedly written to answer those
who objected to the rule of the Queen because she was a woman and
of the King because he was a foreigner. Churchyard's tragedy, the author
records in his Challenge, was written during the reign of Edward VI.

1 Prose 21.
13

THE MIRROR FOR MAGISTRATES

The problem of dating the tragedies of this edition is, therefore, a very
complicated one. 1

It must be noted, too, that the first tragedy of the second part, that
of Sir Anthony Woodville, clearly represents his ghost as speaking after
the first part of the Mirror had been finished. Indeed, the opening stanzas
are given over to a discussion of his complaint's not having been included
in the first edition. He compares himself to the suitors who sit all year
waitingfor the prince, only to be toldat last thathe willhear no moresuits:

My case was such not many dayes agoe.
For after brute had biased all abrode
That Baldwyn through the ayd of other moe,
Of fame or shame fallen prynces would vnloade
Out from our graves we got without abode,
And preaced forward with the rufull rout,
That sought to have theyr doynges bulted out.

But after long waiting, just as he thought at last he was to have his say,
The hearers paused, arose and went theyr way.

His first idea was that it was political exigency which had determined
their action,

But after I knew it only was a pause,
Made purposely, most for the readers ease,
Assure thle Baldwyn, highly it dyd me please.

He recognized the fact that readers easily grow weary, but he noted:

And syth the playntes alredy by the pende,
Are briefe ynough, the number also small,
The tediousnes I thynk doeth none offend,
Save such as have no lust to learne at all, ...

The tragedy thus seems to corroborate Baldwin's statement that the
second installment of tragedies was gathered a week later than the first,
but it would take a better theologian than I am to decide whether the
seven days are to be conceived as existing in time or eternity. At any
rate, this first complaint of the second part must have been either written
or revised after the first edition was finished.

1 See also Trench, pp. 63-66, "Summary of Date-Indications."

THE MIRROR FOR MAGISTRATES

The problem of dating the tragedies of this edition is, therefore, a very
complicated one. 1

It must be noted, too, that the first tragedy of the second part, that
of Sir Anthony Woodville, clearly represents his ghost as speaking after
the first part of the Mirror had been finished. Indeed, the opening stanzas
are given over to a discussion of his complaint's not having been included
in the first edition. He compares himself to the suitors who sit all year
waiting for the prince, only to be told at last that he will hear no more suits :

My case was such not many dayes agoe.
For after brute had biased all abrode
That Baldwyn through the ayd of other moe,
Of fame or shame fallen prynces would vnloade
Out from our graves we got without abode,
And preaced forward witn the rufull rout,
That sought to have theyr doynges bulted out.

But after long waiting, just as he thought at last he was to have his say,
The hearers paused, arose and went theyr way.

His first idea was that it was political exigency which had determined
their action,

But after I knew it only was a pause,
Made purposely, most for the readers ease,
Assure the Baldwyn, highly it dyd me please.

He recognized the fact that readers easily grow weary, but he noted:

And syth the playntes alredy by the pende,
Are briefe ynough, the number also small,
The tediousnes I thynk doeth none offend,
Save such as have no lust to learne at all, ...

1 See also Trench, pp. 63-66, "Summary of Date-Indications."

INTRODUCTION

The tragedy of Lord Hastings, the second of those added, is irregular
in that the author, "maker Dolman," continues the complaint in his
own person, in nine stanzas of description and moralizing.

Moreover, three tragedies which from a literary point of view are
unmistakably superior to the rest make this edition of the Mirror not-
able: -the tragedy of Collingbourne (probably Baldwin's), Churchyard's
tragedy of Jane Shore, and SackviUe's tragedy of Buckingham, with its
great poetic induction. The eight tragedies added in this edition are,
indeed, generally much longer than those of the first part and are defi-
nitely more literary in the amplification and adornment of their material.

The third edition, that of 1571, is indicated on the tide-page as The Edition
"Newly corrected and augmented." 1 The tide is amended to read: of I5?I

A MYRROVR for Magistrates, Wherein may be seene by examples
passed in this realme, with howe greueous plagues, vyces are punished
in great princes and magistrates, and how frayle and vnstable worldly
prosperity is founde, where Fortune seemeth moste highly to fauour.

There is no new material in this edition, but the long preface to the
second part (added in 1563) is omitted, the tragedies are rearranged
(as will be seen in the table in Appendix B), Ferrers' tragedy of the
Duke of Somerset being inserted between that of Jack Cade and that
of Richard Plantagenet, Duke of York, and the tragedy of die black-
smith being placed before that of Jane Shore, so that the complaint of
Jane Shore is now the concluding one of the volume. Signatures are
affixed to certain tragedies. 2

1 Tides of suck editions as are described in Appendix A, and rides of works other
than theMirror, are transcribed without any indication of their arrangement on the page.
In footnotes and in casual references to boob, I have ignored title-page eccentricities in
type and capitalization, when no bibliographical purpose is served by retaining them.

2 Signatures are affixed as Mows: i G.F.;2Ca. (T.CL,ini578);3 G.F.;4T.CL;
5 G.F.; ii W.B.; 21 Maister D; 22T.S.; 24-F.Scg.; 25 Tho.Churchyarde (TLChurch-
yarde, in 1574, 1575, and 1578) ; 26 G.F. ; 27 Maker Cauyll (Maister Cauille, in 1578).
In the 1578 text, 6 is signed TLPh., and 28 and 29 are signed G.F. In the 1587 text, 30 is
signed lohn Higins ; 32 is signed Frauncis Dingley (the name of the scribe in the Scots
MS.) ; 33 is signedTho.Churchyard. The signatures remain the same throughout subse-
quent texts (with variants noted), save in the caseof 6, which appears in one edition only.

THE MIRROR FOR MAGISTRATES

There are 168 folios in this edition, the colophon occurring on the
verso of folio 168. Yet the preliminary "Table of the contents of this
booke" indexes at the very end two additional tragedies:

28. The vnworthy death of y worthy Duke Hufrey of Glocester,
protectour of England, contriued by false practises. FoL 199.

29. The penance & exile of -y Lady Elyanor Cobham Duches of
Glocester, for witchcraft and sorcery.

It will be remembered that the tragedy of "Good duke Humfrey
murdered, and Elianor Cobham his wife banished" was indexed but did
not appear in the 1559 edition, nor did the two tragedies here indexed
in 1571 appear in the text. Apparently the "augmentation" referred
to on the tide-page related to die proposed addition of these tragedies.
The collation of the text proves that the edition was, however, definitely
"corrected." This correction seems to have been concerned, first, with
bettering the poetry of the tragedies, and, secondly, with the revision
of die historical mirror to adapt it to new situations.

The Editions With only minor variations in the text, and with no mention of the
574 additional tragedies indexed in die edition of 1571, another edition of
the original Minor was published in 1574, under the tide of THE LAST
yarte of the Mirourfor Magistrates. The reason for the change of tide was
that Thomas Marshe in 1574 was also publishing a new work by John
Higgins, To this new work Higgins gave the tide:

THE FIRST / parte of the Mirour for / Magistrates, contai- / tring the
falles of the first / infortunate Princes of/ this lande : / From the comming
of Brute / to the incarnation of our / sauiour and redemer / lesu Christe.

Higgins adopted not only the tide but also, with slight changes, the
dedicatory heading used by Baldwin:

Loue and liue, / TO THE NOBELITIE / and all other in office, God
graunt / the increase of wysedome, with all thinges / necessarie for
preseruacion of their / estates, Amen.

He referred to Baldwin's "Episde of the other volume of this booke,"
and in his address to the reader explained that he was induced to under-
take his task by reading Baldwin's words:

INTRODUCTION

It were (saythhee) a goodly and a notable matter to search and discourse
our whole story from the beginninge of the inhabiting of this Isle.

While deferential in his attitude toward die writers of the older Mirror,
Higgins dearly regarded his contribution as an additional volume of the
same work. It should be noted that, whereas the 1574 edition of
Baldwin's Mirror ends with a colophon, Higgins' work ends merely
with his signature after a Finis. It is probable that the two volumes were
to be sold either separately or bound as one.

In 1575 Thomas Marshe printed a new edition of Higgins' own
FIRST parte of the Mirow for Magistrates, with which was sometimes
bound a reissue of the 1574 edition of Baldwin's work, with a' new
setting of leaves * 1-4, and with the colophon deleted from X8 r .

In 1578 there appeared another edition, "Newly corrected and en- The Edition
larged," of THE LAST part of the Mirourfor Magistrates, the most of I578
interesting feature of which was the introduction of the long-promised
tragedy, which now appeared in the index under the following entry:

n. Humphrey Plantagenet Duke of Glocester Protector of England
by practyse of Enemies was broughte to confusion. FoL 40.

That this tragedy, announced in 1559 and again in 1571, should at last
be published as it was originally intended, and that it should even begin
on folio 40, as it was originally indexed to begin, indicates the surprising
pertinacity with which the original plans for the Mirror were carried
out some twenty years later. The prose link preceding this tragedy of
Duke Humphrey was essentially the same as that which had appeared
in the edition of 1559, save that the last sentence did not have to be
distorted to permit the substitution of the tragedy of Somerset

The edition of 1578, however, appeared also with a caned, 1 folio 39
being cancelled and a new unfoliated gathering being substituted for the
cancelled leaf (sig. F(t.), Fft.i. falling on folio 39. This gathering con-

1 ML det^ concerning this c^^

Times Literary Supplement 9 ]wc 30, 1932, p. 480. According to W, C. Hadkt (Hand-
book to the... Literature of Great Britain [London, 1867], p. 378), there was also an
edition of the, first part of the Mirror in 1578, but I have found no other record of a
copy. The cancelled pages are reproduced on pages 429-30-

THE MIRROR FOR MAGISTRATES

tained a new prose link, a new tragedy (not indexed), and a rewritten
prose lir1r to introduce the tragedy of Humfrey, Duke of Glocester.
The new tragedy bore the tide:

HOW DAME ELIANOR Cobham Duchesse of Glocester, for prac-
tising of witchcraft and Sorcery, sufired open penance, and after was
banished the realme into the yle of Man.

The story of Elianor Cobham is, of course, part of the tragedy rehearsed
by her husband, but, curiously, she andher husbandin their two tragedies
disagree not only in the lessons which they draw from their falls but
also in matters of fact. The inference seems to be that these tragedies
were not written to mirror the same contemporary situation, and that
they may have been, and probably were, written at different times. 1
The 1559 edition had indexed one tragedy, the 1571 edition had indexed
two separate tragedies, the edition of 1578 indexed and printed only one
tragedy, but the second tragedy was nevertheless introduced in a cancel.
Such is the problem which has puzzled every student of the Mirror for
Magistrates. It was a problem considerably complicated by the fact that,
until the discovery of a copy of the uncancelled edition of 1578 in the
Huntington Library, the cancelled volume was the only one recorded
by bibliographers.

It will be evident from the collation that the 1578 edition, besides
being enlarged by new material, was also "newly corrected" with an
enthusiasm for change which it is hard to explain. Very often neither
rhyme nor reason is improved by the corrections introduced. It seems
very doubtful whether the text was derived from the immediately
preceding texts.

In 1578 there was also published another supplementary work,
THE/ Seconde part of the / Mirrourfor Ma- / gistrates, conteining thefalles/
of the infortunate Princes / of this Lande. / From the Conquest of /Caesar,
vnto the com- / myng of Duke Wil- / Ham the Con- / querour. / The twelve
tragedies of this volume were all written by Thomas Blenerhasset.

1 See my article, "Humphrey Duke of Gloucester and Elianor Cobham. His Wife
in the Mirror for Magistrates" The Huntington Library Bulletin, No. 5, pp. 119-55.

INTRODUCTION

It was published, not by Marshe, but by Richard Webster, and it seems
to have been less well known than either the original work or the volume
added by Higgins.

In 1587 appeared an edition which fused the work of Higgins with The Edition
the original Mirror, but disregarded that of Blenerhasset, the tragedies of I587
of the first and the last parts being numbered continuously and the
foliation being likewise continuous. The original section of the Mirror
was introduced by Baldwin's original preface to the reader. To this
section, however, fournewpoemswereadded: a tragedy of SirNicholas
Burdet, Churchyard's tragedy of Wolsey, and two poems taken from
an old Scots manuscript rehearsing the tragedy of James IV of Scotland
and the story of Hodden Held. A new prose link was substituted to
introduce the tragedy of Jane Shore a prose link that, like the one
which introduces the tragedy of Wolsey, was designed to fight
Churchyard's battle against Baldwin.

The introduction of these old Scots tragedies raises new problems
concerning the date at which the additions were proposed. In the first
place, the prose link introduced between them says that the manuscript
"was pende aboue fifty yeares agone, or euen shortly after the death of
the sayd King," which, since "the death of the sayd King" took place
in 1513, would indicate not long after 1563 as the date of this conversa-
tion in the Mirror. Further, Holinshed printed in 1577 the letters ex-
changed between King James and King Henry which are here described
in terms that would be inappropriate if they were already available in a
printed text. 1 These Scots tragedies are still to be seen in Harleian MS.
2252 in the British Museum, amended frequently to the reading of the
Mirror text in marginal notes presumably written by the one who revised
the text for the Mirror. 2

As I have said, this manuscript must have been in Holinshed's

1 The First volume of the Chronicks of England, Scotlemie, andlreknde (London, 1577),
pp. 417-20 (misprinted 430). It should be noted that the history of Scotland is written
"vnto the yeare, 1571," which may have been the date of compilation.

2 For further details and a collation of the manuscript with the Mirror text, see
Appendix D.

THE MIRROR FOR MAGISTRATES

possession at some time, for he printed from it in his Chronicles in 1577.
Moreover, the possible participation of Holinshed as a writer for the
Mirror is further suggested by the continuation of the old prose link
which had terminated the 1563 Minor, added by way of introducing
the new tragedy of Sir Nicholas Burdet:

This talke thus being ended: I was willed my maisters (quoth I), by
Maister Holinshed, to bring Sir Nicholas Burdet vnto you. Were you?
(quoth they.) Onhiswordwewillhearewhathesayes. Read it I pray
you (quod one.)

If Holinshed sent the Burdet tragedy, and if the Mirror writers printed
the Scots tragedies from the manuscript from which Holinshed printed
the letters between King James of Scotland and King Henry of England,
the question of date has again to be considered, for Holinshedis supposed
to have died in 1580. It is quite possible that Higgins, deciding to print
a Mirror which should include both the first and the last parts, incor-
porated a section, or sections, written .earlier but never printed.

The 1587 edition was the last of the editions of the Mirror to follow
the original plan. The edition of 1609-10, arranged by Richard Niccols,
cannot be integrated in the tradition. Niccols played Colley Gibber to
the Minor.

The Baldwin wrote of the contributors to the Minor for Magistrates as

Authors of "dyuejs learned men whose many giftes nede fewe praises." If we are

for Magis- to see the Minor in true perspective, it is necessary to understand that

trates i t was -written, not by literary hacks nor by minor writers of the day,

but by learned men who were accepted as important figures in their

own time. I have neither space nor inclination to recount here lives

and adventures which can be read in the Dictionary of National Biography

and in similar works. 1 But it is necessary to recapitulate the evidence

in regard to three points.

1 1 have often included, minor biographical details because they are unknown or
significant, and I have often excluded major biographical facts because they are well
known or are without special significance for die purposes of this study. I have, in
general, paid scant heed to events which occurred in the life of the author after the
date of his relation to the Minor.

INTRODUCTION

First, the men who wrote the Mirror were adroit enough not to suffer
from a change of rulers. So far as we know their history, most of them
might have written their autobiographies as favourites under four reigns.
Second, they were accepted as distinguished men of letters. Third, they
had ample opportunity to know the affairs of the court and the nation.
In other words, 'they had the necessary qualifications for writing a
political Mirror which should take its place in literature : they kept their
heads on their shoulders, which required a good deal of political wisdom;
they had more skill in their craft of writing than did any other group
to be listed during the reign of Mary; and they had intimate and first-
hand acquaintance with the happenings they wrote about Further-
more, so far as the authors of the various tragedies have been identified,
they seem to have written about affairs which were, so to speak, in
their own line.

With the object, therefore, of making the position of these writers
dear, I shall attempt to point out, for each one, only the evidences of
his political adroitness, his literary reputation, and his particular con-
tribution to the Mffror.

It is inevitable that I begin with William Baldwin, 1 the man who was William
chosen by the printer to assume primary responsibility for the whole wm
undertaking. He seems to have been best known for A treatise of Moral
Philosophy, first published by Edward Whitchurchin 1547, and dedicated
to Edward, Earl of Hertford, whose father, the Duke of Somerset, had
just risen to be Protector. The Short Title Catalogue records eighteen
editions of this work before 1640, and, to John Bale, Baldwin was an
English Cato. a

1 Tie fullest surveys of Baldwin's life and work are W. F. Trench, "William
Baldwin," Modern Quarterly of Language and Literature, i, 259 , and E. L Feasey,
"William Baldwin," Modem Lan^gelMew, 10,407-1*. Miss Feasey does not seem
to have known of Professor Trench's earlier study.

* John Bale (Scriptofum illustrium mioris Brytatmie, . . . Catalogus [Basle, 1557-59])
writes: "GUHHELMUS BaMewyn, homo mltarum, ut ex scriptis apparet, literatim
& sapient*?, aualis in ipso Catone rekcehtt t pkrimarum mum usu camparatae" Listing
the four divisions^ the Moral Philosophy as separate works, he adds: "Cmoedias etiam
aliquot." (Pt 2, p. 108.)

THE MIRROR FOR MAGISTRATES

In 1549 was published The Canticles or Balades of Salomon, phraselyke
declared in Englysh Metres, the colophon of which stated that it was
"Imprinted at London by William Baldwin, seruaunt with Edwarde
Whitchurche." This work was dedicated to the young King
Edward VI, and the dedication serves to establish Baldwin as on the
side of Calvin against Castellio in the bitter fight over the interpreta-
tion of The Song of Solomon. The work itself shows dexterity, and the
variety of meters here attempted is astonishing when it is remembered
that TotteTs Songes and sonettes was not to be published till eight years
later. 1

At the end of Edward's reign, we find Baldwin working upon plays
and pastimes at court at the Christmas season of 1552-3 when George
Ferrers was serving as Master of the King's Pastimes. Of a night's
conversation after Ferrers, the King's divine, the King's astronomer,
and Baldwin had gone to bed in the same chamber (Ferrers and Baldwin
in bed and the other two on pallets on the floor), Baldwin has left an
account in the preface to Beware the Cat, a work the significance of
which is still an unsolved mystery, published during the reign of
Elisabeth, but apparently written in 1553.*

To Baldwin is also attributed The Funeralles of King Edward the sixt,
which he says, in a preface to the 1560 edition, he could not succeed in

1 The only appreciative consideration of Baldwin as poet is that of W. F. Trench
in the article on Baldwin previously noted. It should be remembered that, on the
verso of the title-page of Christopher Langton's A very orefe treatise, ordrely declaring the
pncipelpartes ofphisick, which was published by Whitchurch in 1547, there was printed
a poem by Baldwin, which is said to be die first sonnet printed in England. I have
not seen the book.

a For an account of the entertainments prepared during this season, see : A. Feuillerat,
Documents Relating to the Revels at Court in the Time of King Edward VI and Queen Mary
(Louvain, 1914), pp. 89-114, 134-43 and notes; E. K. Chambers, Mediaeval Stage
(Oxford, 1903), i, 405^7; F. Bde, "William Baldwin's 'Beware the Cat/ M Ag/fc,
xm, 303-50; F. Brie, "William Baldwin als Dramatiker," Anglia, xxxvm, 157-^72;
the articles by Professor Trench and Miss Feasey, on William Baldwin, previously
mentioned; and my note, "The Lost Pky of Aesop's Crow" Modern Language Notes,
XLIX, 454-57.

INTRODUCTION

having published before that time. If it is his, he was much more than
a poet-by-conviction. 1

The choice of Baldwin philosopher, poet, printer, playwright as
keystone for the undertaking can easily be accounted for. He had evi-
dently worked with Whitchurch, the Protestant printer, but his revised
edition of the Moral Philosophy, as well as the Mirror, was printed in the
Catholic Wayland's shop during Mary's reign. Further, his pky, Love
and Lyve, was produced at court in the time of Mary, in 1556.* In 1556
Baldwin was also listed among the members of the " community" of the
Stationers' Company, in the charter granted by Mary and Philip. It is

1 This work, found among the papers of Sir John Cheke, was published in 1610 as
his work, under the tide A Royall Elegie. Further to confound confusion, Sir John
Harington, in a statement hitherto unnoticed, attributed the poem to "Mr. Ferres" (A
Tract on the Succession to the Crown, ed. C. R. Markham for the Roxburghe Club [1880],
pp. 99-100). The Funeralles was edited for die Roxburghe Club in 1817; the Royall
Elegie was reprinted as an appendix to W. Trollope's History of the Royal Foundation
ofChristes Hospital (London, 1834).

* Feuillerat, op. cit., pp. 215-17, and Historical MSS. Commission, Seventh Report
(London, 1879), p. 613. Baldwin's letter to Sir Thomas Cawarden speaks of the
desire of the Tnns of Court to put on his play. His popularity in die Inns of Court is
also evidenced by the Preface of Jasper Heywood to his translation of The Seconde
Tragedie of Seneca entituled Thyestes, printed in 1560. Deprecating himself as unworthy
of the task which Seneca lays upon him, the author suggests:

goe where Mineruaes men,
And finest witts doe swarme: whome she

hath taught to passe with pen.
In Lyncolnes Lone and Temples twayne,

Grayes Inne and other mo,

. . . suche yong men three,

as weene thou mightst agayne,
To be begotte as Pallas was,

of myghtie loue his brayne.
There hcare diou shalt a great reporte,

of Baldwyns worthie name,
Whose Myrrour dothe of Magistrates,

prodayme eternal! fame.

THE MIRROR FOR MAGISTRATES

reasonable to suppose that he was working with Wayland. In 1559
Elizabeth confirmed the grant to the Stationers' Company, and exactly
the same names of the members of the community were listed, so that
Baldwin was still numbered among the printers. 1 The first edition of
the Mirror was printed in 1559, and The Tuneralles of King Edward the sixt
in 1560, by Thomas Marshe. I therefore suspect Baldwin to have been
associated with Marshe at this period. From Whitchurch to Wayland to
Marshe, the changing political scene shifted favours. We know from his
own statement that, by 1563 , Baldwin had been called to another way of
life, though he was still responsible for the Mirror. On the authority
of the ghost of Jane Shore, we know he was "a Minister and a
Preacher."'

Baldwin's contributions among the Mirror tragedies are not clearly
identified. In the revised dedication of the 1563 edition he said:

I have nowe also set forth an other parte, conteynyng as lide of myne
owne, as the fyrst part doth of other mens.

On the evidence of this assertion it has been easy to assign to him all
tragedies not claimed by others, but only the tragedies of Richard,
Earl of Cambridge (8), Richard, Duke of York (13), and George,

1 Arbor, I, xxvii-xxxiii.

a According to Anthony & Wood (Athenae Oxonienses [London, 1813], I, col. 341),
a William Baldwin supplicated for a degree in 1532. There was a William Baldwin
among those ordained deacon on January 14, 1559/60, in pursuance of Bishop Grin-
dal's plan "to furnish the Church with men of learning, honesty, and good reli-
gion." (John Strype, The Life and Acts of. . . Edmund Grindal [Oxford, 1821], p. 53.)
Miss Feasey further identifies our author as the William Baldwin who became Vicar
of Tortington in Sussex and in 1561, Rector of St Michael le Quern in Cheapside.
She thinks he died in 1563. In view of Heywood's linking of Baldwin's name with
the Inns of Court, it should be noted also that there was at the time of his writing
a William Baldwin resident in the Middle Temple, to which he was admitted May 20,
1557, being then described as "son and heir of John Baldwin, deceased, of Byfelde,
Northants." Lord Stafford was also a member of the Middle Temple at this time.
William Baldwin still maintained his chambers in the Temple in 1577, and the records
show him to have had a continuous legal career to that date. (C. H. Hopwood,
Middle Temple Records: Minutes of Parliament [London, 1904], i, no et passim.)

INTRODUCTION

Duke of Clarence (18), are consistently attributed to him in the Mirror
texts. 1

Among the "dyuers learned men," George Ferrers was certainly the George
one who gave most assistance to Baldwin.* A man of good family, he crrcrs
seems to have been in turn at Oxford and at Lincoln's Inn, and in 1534
he saw his first work published, a translation of Magna Carta into
English. He rose to place through Cromwell, according to Leland, 3
and in 1538 "young Ferys" was listed, along with Thomas Chaloner
and others, "Among the Gentlemen most mete to be daily waiters upon
my said lord and allowed in his house." In 1539 his name occurs among
"The names of the spears" in "The New Body Guard," and in 1539
and 1540 he was listed among the "Squires" appointed to receive
Anne of Cleves. 4

Thus, George Ferrers rose with Cromwell, but he was adroit enough
not to 611 with him, for he remained after Cromwell's fall as page of
the chamber in the King's Household. In 1542 Ferrers, a member of

1 See: Haslewood's ed., I, xix, xrii; Trench, A Mirror for Magistrates, pp. 66^70;
and Henrietta C. Bartlett, "The Mirror for Magistrates," The Library, 3rd Sen, m,
22-32.

* The best account of the life of George Ferrers is that in The Victoria History of the
Counties of England: Hertfordshire, n (London, 1908), 189-90. Since no adequate
biography is available to students of literature, I have tried to indicate new sources
of information.

3 John Leland ("Ad Georgium Ferrarium," in Principium, Ac illustrium aliauot &
eruditiomm in Anglia virorm, Encomia, Trophaea, GenethUaca f & Epithakmia [London,
1589], p. 99) hails Ferrers as one who is bringing glory again to the ancient city of Veru-
lam (St Albans). He speak of Ferrers' work on the laws of his country, of hi bringing
back the ancient pleading at the bar, of the shrewd Cromwell's Claiming lijm as his
own, of his life at court after Cromwell's fall, of his prowess against the Scotch and
French. He urges him to go on as he has begun and "nostro carmine maior erk"
Ferrers' presence in Lincoln's Inn is attested by an amusing entry in the Records of the
Society of Lincoln's Inn (Black Books, I [n.p., 1897], 240) for November 13, 1534, which
orders Messrs Norwood, Ferrers, and others to put away their lackeys or else to be
put out of commons.

4 For references to Ferrers (whose name is variously spelled), see Letters and Papers
of Henry VJU (London), xra, Pt 2 (1893), p. 497J *rv, Pt. 2 (1895), pp. 202, 345;
xy (1896), 6.

THE MIRROR FOR MAGISTRATES

Parliament and also a member of the King's Household, was the unwit-
ting occasion of a dispute between king and Parliament when he was
arrested for debt, thereby winning prominent mention in English legal
history. 1 Probably his marriage in 1541 to Elizabeth, widow and executrix
of the estate of Humphrey Bourchier, illegitimate son of Lord Berners
and cousin to Sir Francis Bryan, furthered his fortunes. 2 Her will was
probated in I547, 3 but she must have died some time before, since a
licence for the marriage of George Ferrers "of the King's household"
and "Jane Sowthtrote" of St Albans is recorded as of March 5, 1545/6. 4
At the death of Henry YE, Ferrers was heir to 100 marks under
his will, but afterwards Ferrers served the new Protector, Edward,
Duke of Somerset, as is evidenced by Patten's account of him as
"a gentleman of my lord Protectors & one of the commissioners of
the cariages in this army," in his description of the Tfogljsh punitive

1 Letters and Papers of Henry VIII, xvn (1900), 107; K. Pickthorn, Early Tudor
Government: Henry VUL (Cambridge, 1934), pp. 465-72; and the chronicles of Halle,
Grafton, and Holinshed.

a Legal action by George Ferrers and his wife Elizabeth, "executrix of Humphrey
Bourgchier, esquire," is recorded in Public Record Office Lists and Indexes, No. 51:
List of Early Chancery Proceedings, vm (London, 1929), 82 (File 983, No. 15). Ferrers
alone appeared to pay Humphrey's debt to the King, June 24, 1546. (See Letters and
Papers of Henry PICT, xxi, Pt. i [London, 1908], p. 631.) That Ferrers continued in
the King's service is attested by his inclusion, in die lists "For the invasion of France,"
among those of "The Privy Chamber," where he is entered "Ferres 2 billmen."
(Ibid., xix, Pt. i [London, 1903], p. 164.)

3 J. C. C. Smith, comp., Index of Wills Proved in the Prerogative Court of Canterbury,
i (British Record Society; London, 1893), 199: "1547 Ferrers formerly Burgchier,
Elizabeth, High Offelcy, etc., Stafford 45 Alen."

* J. L. Chester and G. J. Armytage, Allegations for Marriage Licences Issued from the
Faculty Office of the Archbishop of Canterbury at London, 1543 to 1869 (London, 1886),
p. 7- This is the marriage noted in Metcalfe's Visitations of Hertfordshire (Harleian
Society Publications, xxn [1886], 142), where the bride's name is given as "Jane,
da, of John Soumcote." Of this marriage (according to Metcalfe) was born Julius,
heir to his father's estates; and probably also Richard, for the Middle Temple Records
(i [London, 1907], 186) lists among the admissions for April 29, 1572: "Richard
Ferrers, kte of Davids Inne, gent., second son of George Ferrers of Markate, Herts.
Esq., generally; fine .305. Bound with his rather."

INTRODUCTION

expedition into Scotland in the first year of the young King's reign. 1
On July 29, 1548, Ferrers seems to have reaped his reward for having
been the servant of Henry VIII and the husband of Elizabeth Bourchier,
for he was given the extensive properties formerly held under lease by
Humphrey Bourchier, 2 the grants being made

for good service by the king's servant George Ferrers alias George de
Ferrariis, esquire, to the king's father and himself; and for 325?. 85. 4d. ;
and in fulfilment of the will of the king's father and a tripartite indenture
between the king of the first part, the Protector and the other executors
(named) of Henry Vin/s will of the second part and the said George
Ferrers of the third part, dated 14. Oct. i Edward VU

When the Protector's star in its turn had set, and the fallen Duke was
in prison at the Christmastide of 1551-2 awaiting execution, Ferrers was
again on the side of the angels, as a passage from Grafton's Chronicle at
Large testifies:

The Duke beyng condempned as is aforesayd, the people spake
diuersly and munnored against the Duke of Northumberlande, and
against some other of the Lordes for the condempnation of the sayd
Duke, and also as the common fame went, the kinges maiestie tooke
it not in good part: wherfore aswell to remooue fond talke out of
mennes mouthes, as also to recreate and refireshe the troubled spirites
of the yong king, it was deuised that the feast of Christes Natiuitie,
commonly called Christmas then at hand, should be solemply kept at
Greenewiche with open houshold, and franke resorte to the Court,

1 The Expedition into Scotlade of the most woorthely fortunate prince Edward, Duke of
Soomerset, vncle vnto our most noble sovereign lord } kiges Maiestie Edward the VI.
Goouernour ofhys hyghnes persone, and Protectour of hys graces Realmes, dominions & and
subiectes: made in the fast yere of his Maiesties most prosperous reign, and set out by way of
diarie, by W. Patten Londoner (London, 154.8), sig. D.v., recto.

a A dear and concise account of the grants to Humphrey Bourchier, and of his
financial difficulties due to Sir Francis Bryan, is given in the Victoria History: Hertford-
shire, n, 189. The complete list of his holdings is recorded in the Calendar of the Patent
Rolb, Edward VI, Vol. I, iffl-W* (London, 1924), p. 314.

3 The complete record of the estates transferred to Ferrers in 1548 is given in ML,
pp. 314-16. It is interesting to note that Croxley Manor was given, at the Dissolution
in 1538, to William Baldwin, under a lease for forty-four years. There is no indication
which William is meant. (Victoria History: Hertfordshire, n, 378.)

THE MIRROR FOR MAGISTRATES

j of the Hall,) what time of olde ordinarye course,
there is alwayes one appoynted to make sporte in the Courte, called
commonly Lorde of Misrule, whose office is not vnknowne to such as
haue bene brought vp in Noblemens houses, and among great house
keepers, which vse liberall feasting in that season. There was therefore
by order of the counsaile a Gentleman both wise and learned, whose
name was George Ferrers appoynted to that office for this yere: who
beyng of better calling then commonly his predecessors had bene before,
receyued all his commissions and warrauntes by the name of the Maister
of the kinges pastimes. Which Gentleman so well supplyed his office,
both in shew of sundry sightes and deuises of rare inuention, and in act
of diuers enterludes and matters of pastime, played by persons, as not
onely satisfied the common sorte, but also were very well liked and
allowed by the counsayle and other of skill in the like pastimes: But
best of al by the yong king himselfe, as appered by his princely liberalise
in rewarding that sendee.

This Christmas being thus passed and spent with much mirth and
pastime, wherewith the mindes and eares of murmorers were meetdy
well appeased, according to a former determination as the sequele
shewed, it was thought now good to proceede to the execution of the
iudgement geuen against the Duke of Somerset touching his conuktion
and attaynder of the felony afore mentioned. 1

So well had Ferrers performed his office, that he was recalled for the
next Christmas season, and further reward came in a new grant:

For war services both in France under Henry VIBL and in Scotland
under the king, and for offices performed at home in the king's Court
meriting a perpetual testimony of the royal munificence.

Grant to the king's servant George Ferrers alias George de Ferrariis,
esquire, of the lordship and manor of Hampsted, Herts, parcel of the
lands called Warwickes Londes.*

For this new grant Ferrers was to pay a yearly fee of a fortieth part of
a knight's fee, 20 marks. That he won favour with the boy King is also
evidenced by a manuscript account of the expedition into Scotland,

1 Richard Grafton, A Chronicle at Large, n (London, 1568), 1317. For the account
of Ferrers' activities at court during tie Christmas seasons of 1551/2 and 1552/3, see
also Feuillerat, op. dt. 9 pp. 56-63, 89-114, 134-43, and the notes thereon.

* Calendar of the Patent Rolls, Edward VI, Vol. IF, 1550-1553 (London, 1926), p. 378.

INTRODUCTION

addressed by the author, J. Berteville, to the King, whereon is an inscrip-
tion which reads, "LIBER GEORGII FERRERS EX DONO
REGIS EDOUARDI." 1

When Edward VI was dead, when the nine-day reign of Jane Grey
was over, and the ambitious Duke of Northumberland had gone to his
death, cringing for his life, Ferrers was again aiding the winning side
by assisting to put down Wyatt's Rebellion. Underbill recorded:

When I came to the courte gate, ther I mett with mr. Clement
Througemartone, and George Feris, tindynge ther lynges to go to
London. Mr. Througemartone was cume post frome Coventry, and
hadde byne with the quene to declare unto her the takynge off the duke
off Suffoke. Mr. Feris was sentt from the councelle unto the lorde
William Hawwarde, who hadde the charge off the whache att London
bryge. As we wentt, for thatt they weare bothe my frendes, and
protestanes, I tolde them my goode happe, . . .

Trying to enter the city at Ludgate, the trio were challenged, and Ferrers
.answered:

"I am Ferris, that was lorde off misrule with kynge Edwarde, and am
sentt from the councelle unto my lorde William, . . . uppon weyghtie
affayres; . . ." a

In 1555 Ferrers was loyally acting as informant to the Privy Council
concerning the machinations of the young Princess Elizabeth, who was
said to have been engaged with Dr John Dee and others in casting the
nativity of King Philip, Queen Mary, and Elizabeth herself. It was
suspected that Elizabeth was using Dr Dee to destroy the King and
Queen by means of enchantments, and all concerned suffered Ipng
detention and severe questioning. In a letter to Edward Courtenay,
Thomas Martyn wrote that Dee evidently had a familiar spirit, since
"Ferys, one of their accusers, had, immediately upon the accusation,

1 Retit de V expedition en Ecosse fan. M.D.XLVL etde la lattayle de Musclehtrgh par
le sieur Berteville au Roy Edouard VI (Bannatyne Club; 1825).

a "Autobiographical Anecdotes of Edward Underbill, One of the Band of Gentle-
men Pensioners," in Narratives of the Days of the Reformation, ed. J. G. Nichols (Camden
Society; 1859), pp. 163-65.

THE MIRROR FOR MAGISTRATES

both his children strucken, the one with present death, the other with
blindness/' 1 According to the Return of Members of Parliament, Ferrers
was elected in 1544/5, 1552/3, 1554> and 1555-

Of Ferrers' activities after Elizabeth's accession we know little. He
was again married,* he held the office of escheator for the counties of
Essex and Hertford in 1567, he was concerned in 1571 in the attempt to
secure the English throne to Mary Stuart. 3 But he contributed to the
entertainment of Queen Elizabeth at Kenilworth Castle in I575. 4 And,
of most significance, he was, according to Stow, the author of the section
of Grafton's chronicle which recorded the eveftts of Queen Mary's
reign.5

According to Sir Sidney Lee, the "administration of his effects was
granted by the prerogative court of Canterbury'' r8 May 1579," but I
can find no evidence in the published records of the court.

It is a curious fact that Ferrers' first name seems not to have been
familiar to those about him. He is referred to as "young Ferys" in

1 For a full account of this incident and its possible mirroring in the tragedy of
Elianor Cobham, see my article on "Humphrey Duke of Gloucester and Elianor
Cobham His Wife in the Minor for Magistrates, " loc. cit. Professor Kittredge apparently
misunderstood the incident, t-liiTilcmg that Dee was called before the Privy Council,
on an accusation, by "George Ferrys," of having blinded one child by magic and
killed another. (G. L. Kittredge, Witchcraft in Old and New England [Cambridge,
Mass., 1928], pp. 69, 254.)

a The licence is recorded as of November 26, 1569, for his marriage to "Margaret
Prestone, Widow, of S 4 Albans, Herts." See J. L. Chester and G. J. Annytage,
Allegations for Marriage Licences Issued by the Bishop of London, 1520-1610 (London,
1887), i, 44. This wife, his third, survived him, married a Thomas Hall after his death,
and continued to hold the manor of St Agnels settled upon her by Ferrers in 1577.
(Victoria History: Hertfordshire, n, 366.)

3 William Murdin, A Collection of State Papers relating to Affairs in the Reign of Queen
Elizabeth ("Burghley Papers"; London, 1759), pp. 20, 30, 43, 51.

4 J. Nichols, The Progresses and Public Processions of Queen Elizabeth (London, 1788),
i, 702-3. Robert Wittington, English Pageantry (Cambridge, Mass., 1920), i, 218, n. 6,
refers to further accounts of Ferrers' later work of this sort, but I have not been able
to locate the reference.

5 John Stow, Annales, or, A Generall Chronick of England. . . . Continued ...By
Edmund Howes (London, 1631), p. 632.

INTRODUCTION

Cromwell's records, King Henry's will bequeaths a sum to " Ferrys,"

and Puttenham and Meres both praise the work of "Edward Ferrys"
(or "Ferris"), though the person indicated is clearly George Ferrers. 1

The evidence of the text makes Ferrers the author of the tragedies of
Tresilian (i) and Thomas of Woodstock (3), together with the three
tragedies which for one reason or another were "stayed": Edmund,
Duke of Somerset (26), Elianor Cobham (28), and Humphrey, Duke
of Gloucester (29).

Thomas Chaloner, whose authorship of the tragedy of Richard n is Thomas
attested by the text of the only remaining leaf of the 1555 edition of the cll aloner
Mirror , was, like Ferrers, a not inconspicuous servant of four rulers of
England, of which service the records of the State Papers give ample
proof. 2 In 153 8, as I have said before, he was, with Ferrers, listed among
the gentlemen favoured by Cromwell. He accompanied Sir Henry
Knevet as ambassador to Charles V and went with the Emperor on his
African expedition, was made Clerk of the Privy Council on his return,
and wrote a great Latin poem, In Laudem Henrici OctaviJ He was
returned to Parliament in 1544/5 and 1547. Like Ferrers, furthermore,
he was of service to the Protector during the reign of Edward VT, and
was knighted by the Duke himself after the battle of Musselborough
in 1547. At the Christmas season of 1551-2, he was working with
Ferrers, apparently as his assistant, in making the young King forget
the plight of his uncle, the Duke of Somerset. 4 Under Mary, however,
he continued to serve England in negotiations with Scotland over the
borderland and similar questions. When Elizabeth came to the throne,

1 The 1813 edition of the Athenae Oxonienses (i, cols. 340, 443~4<5) corrects the
mistake of identification in regard to Edward and George Ferrers. Sir Sidney Lee gave
considerable attention to the subject in his article on Ferrers in the Dictionary of
National Biography.

a The auAoritative source for our knowledge of Chaloner's life is the biographical
account, by William Malim, prefixed to the posthumous edition of his great work,
De Rsp. Anglorum Instauranda Libri Decent (London, 1579). In general, accounts of his
life are fairly accurate, except that his son's activities are sometimes attributed to him.

3 Published in the ed. of his work by William Malim, noted above.

4 Feuillerat, op. dt. t pp. <5o, 61.

THE MIRROR FOR MAGISTRATES

he went, in turn, to Emperor Ferdinand to draw him from the French
alliance, to Philip n in Brussels to conciliate him, and to Spain as
ambassador. When he died, William Cecil was chief mourner, and to
Cecil, William Malim dedicated the posthumous edition of Chaloner's
worb published in 1579.

When, in 1553, John Whitals (or Withals) dedicated to Chaloner
A short Dictionarie for Yonge Beginners, he described him as "beyng
worthily esteemed of all men, to be as well learned wyse and vertuous,
as any gentleman in this realme." 1 Peacham held him up as a model of
the ideal of nobility set forth in The Compleat Gentleman? Indeed, so
numerous are the tributes to his many excellences that it is impossible
to record them here. But it must be noted that, in 1 543 , he had published
a translation of A Book of the Office of Servants, in 1544 a translation of
Sir John Cheke's translation of An Homilie of Saint John Chrysostome,
and,in 1549, atransktionofErasmus'Pr^eofFo/ie. Hemustberanked,
therefore, in 1555, as a man of importance in the service of both Mars
and the Muses (to use Camden's phrase), even though his great Latin
poem, De Republica Instauranda, was not published until after his death,
which occurred in 1565. And it should be mentioned that, among his
works published with this Latin poem, was an epitaph on Thomas Phaer.
Thomas Thomas Phaer, the last of the four whose names have been associated
definitely with the tragedies of the first edition of the Mirror, made a
will in 1558, which included a legacy of friendship:

my body to be bured in the p'ishe churche of Kilgerran, w& a stone
vpon my grave, in man' of a marble stone, with suche Scripture there-
upon, graven in brasse, as shalbe devised by my fryndMr. George fferers. 3

The evidence of this "Scripture" still speaks of the interlocking friend-
ships of the Mirror, as does the epitaph written for Phaer by Thomas

1 Quoted from the edition of 1556.

8 Henry Peacham, The Compleat Gentleman (London, 1622), pp. 93-94.

3 Peter Cunningham, "The Will of Thomas Phaer, the poet and translator from
Virgil," The Shakespeare Society's Papers, iv (London, 184.9), i-5- Cunningham also
quotes an interesting epitaph written by Barnabe Googe on Phaer, comparing him
with earlier translators of VirgiL

INTRODUCTION

Chaloner, of which I have spoken. Furthermore, Phaer must already
have been known to Baldwin through Whitehurch, for by 1555
Whitchurch had published five editions of Phaer's translation of
Goeurot's great medical work, The Regiment ofLyfe (to which he had
added a treatise on the plague and A Bake of Children), as well as the
original edition of The bok&q[Precedentes, in mcwer of a Register (the later
editions of which were published by other printers), with a preface by
Phaer and probably altogether of his writing. These two popular and
important works had given prominence to Phaer as physician and as
lawyer.

However, the work by which Phaer is generally known today is his
translation of the Aeneid, the first seven books of which were published
in 1558. The work was dedicated to Queen Mary in humble words of
adulation, and Phaer described himself as "sollicitour to the king and
quenes maiesties, attending their honorable counsaile in the Marchies of
Wales." He calls Mary "moste famous and excellent princesse," his
"moste souerain good Ladie, and onely redoughted maistresse," and
avows, "I shall praie almightie god for your pre-eminente estate, to
encreas in all vertue, honor, prosperitie, and quiet." Moreover, Phaer
says that he was preferred to Mary's service by William, Marquis of
Winchester, whom he calls "my firste brynger vp and patrone."

Since Phaer professed himself desirous of rendering an account to
the Queen of how he spent his vacations, he has added at the end of
each book of Virgil a statement of the time spent in its translation. The
first book is subscribed:

Per Thomam Phaer .xxv. Maij finitum. Ihchoatum .ix. eiusdem .1555.
in foresta Kilgerran SouthwaUie. Opus vndecim <tWmn,

The second is subscribed:

Per Thomam Phaer in foresta Kilgerranmenselulij. Anno .1555. Opus
viginti dierum.

The third, dated October 10, 1555, is recorded as the work of twenty
days; the fourth, dated April 9, 1556, as the work of fifteen days; etc.
It is well to note, too, that Phaer was returned to Parliament from Car-
digan County, Wales, in 1555, 1557/8, and 1558/9.

THE MIRROR FOR MAGISTRATES

The evidence of these facts concerning Phaer's residence in Wales "is
of importance in considering the problem of his authorship of the
tragedy of Owen Glendower in the Mirror 9 concerning which various
editions give apparently inconsistent accounts. The prose link which
introduces this tragedy in the 1555 edition represents Baldwin as saying :

Howbeit Owen Glendour because he is a man of that countrey whence
(as the welchmen beare me in hand) my Petigre is discended, althoughe
he be but a slender prince, yet rather then he should be forgotten, I wyll
tell his tale for him vnder the priuilege of Martin Hundred:

In the 1559 edition, this passage reads:

Howbeit Owen Glendour because he was one of fortunes darlinges,
rather than he should be forgotten, I wil tel his tale for him vnder the
priuilege of Martine Hundred:

Reference to the Welsh descent of the author is omitted, as Professor
Trench long ago pointed out, and Baldwin seems to claim the author-
ship. But in the edition of 1578 the last phrase of the text, as quoted
from the 1559 edition, becomes:

I wil pray Maister Phaer who of kte hath pkced hymselfe in that
country, & haply hath met with his ghost in the forest of Kylgarran that
he wil say somwhat in his person:

The signature in this edition is "Th. Ph." 1 The appropriateness of
Baldwin's addressing Phaer, in 1555, as one who had lately placed
himself in the country of Wales and who might, therefore, have met
the ghost of Owen Glendower in the Forest of Kilgerran is so apparent
that the reliability of the 1578 text in establishing both text and author-
ship seems pretty well proved.

William Baldwin, George Ferrers, Thomas Chaloner, and Thomas
Phaer are the only contributors whose names are associated with the first

1 Professor Trench (A Mirror for Magistrates, pp. 44-45) argues that George Ferrers
probably edited this edition of the Mirror and in friendly fashion assigned the tragedy
to the dead Phaer. Professor Trench had evidently not seen Phaer 's translation of
Virgil, for he says of Phaer's authorship of the Owen Glendower tragedy: "If he wrote
the Glendour tragedy, it was before undertaking the ^Eneid, for this was not begun
until 1557."

INTRODUCTION

edition of the Mirror on the authority of the extant texts. The preface
to the 1*563 edition, however, adds four names of writers responsible
for additional tragedies. Most famous of these four is Thomas Sack-
ville.

When Richard Niccols in 1609-10 published his edited and enlarged Thomas
version of the Mirror, he wrote of Sackville that Sackville

by how much he did surpasse the rest in the eminence of his noble
condition, by so much he hath exceeded them all in the excellencie of
his heroicall stile, which with a golden pen he hath limmed out to
posteritie in that worthy obiect of his minde, the Tragedie of the Duke
of Buckingham, and in his preface then intituled Master Sackuils in-
duction. 1

With this judgment posterity has been in complete accord.

Sir Richard Sackville, Sackville's father, was a first cousin of Anne
Boleyn, but the record of his services to the Crown during the reigns
of Henry, Edward, Mary, and Elizabeth proves that he was master of
his fate. He seems to have justified his nickname of "Fillsack." Among
his many remunerative appointments was that of Chancellor of the
Court of Augmentation, an office to which he was appointed by
Edward VI but in which he was continued by Mary, who made him
a member of her Privy Council* Thomas Sackville was, therefore,
certainly of surpassing eminence among the group with whom he was
associated in the Mirror} Of his life we have an account written by no
less a person than Queen Elizabeth, according to Dr Abbot, who
included this account in the sermon which he preached at Sackville's

1 A separate tide-page introduces the original Minor, bearing die tide, "THE
VARIABLE FORTUNE AND VNHAPPIE FALLES OF SUCH PRINCES AS
hadi happened since the Conquest," with die date 1609. The account of Sackville is
from Niccols' address "To die Reader," p. 253.

* See the article hy W. A. J. Archbold in the Dictionary of National Biography.

3 Sackville's biography is still to be written, though it has been attempted many
times. Litdc has been added to the account in Arthur Collins, Peerage of England; . . .
Greatly Augmented, and Continued to the Present Time, by Sir Egerton Brydges (London,
1812), n, 110-46. A standard account is that prefixed to the edition of his works by
R. W. Sackville-West, in 1859.

THE MIRROR FOR MAGISTRATES

funeral. 1 Elizabeth, it is said, thus described the first of Sackville's seven
ages, the age which concerns us here:

The first was his yoonger dales, the time of his scholarship, when first in that
famous Vniuersitie of Oxford, and afterward in the Temple, 2 (where he tooke
the degree of Barrister) hegaue tokens of such pregnanrie, such studiousnesse
and iudgement, that he was held no way inferiour to any of his time or standing.

Dr Abbot added to this testimony from the Queen:

And of this there remaine good tokens both in English and in Larine
published vnto the world.

A marginal note on "good tokens" instanced:

The life of Tresilian in the Mirrour of Magistr. Epist. prefix. Aulic,
Earth. Clarke*

This is the only evidence that Sackville was responsible for any part of
the Mirror other that* his "Induction" and the tragedy of the Duke of
Buckingham, which contributions are not mentioned. Since the Mirror

1 A Sermon Preached at Westminster May 26. 1608. At the Funerall Solemnities of the
Right Honorabk Thomas Earle of Dorset, late L. High Treasurer of England. By George
Abbot Doctor of Diuinitie andDeane of 'Winchester } one of Ins Lordships Chapleines (London,
1608). See especially p. 13.

2 Miss Heaisey (see below, p. 3 8, n. i) and a recent contributor of a leading article on
Sackville in die London Times Literary Supplement (Jan. 25, 1936) insist there is no
evidence for Sackville's having been a member of the Inner Temple. Yet F. A. Inder-
wick, The Inner Temple (London, 1896), p. 180, records Thomas Sackville's admission
on July i, 1555. He is also listed in Students Admitted to the Inner Temple, 1547-1660
(London, 1877), p. 20, though here he is said to have been admitted in November,
1554. The admissions in this list seem, however, to include all those of the year between
November, 1554, and November, 1555. It should be noted that, on p. 113, when his
sons' admission to the Inner Temple is recorded, it is again stated that their father is
a member of this Inn. In regard to his university training, see Wood, op. dt. 9 cols.
30-43, and C. H. and T. Cooper, Athenae Cantabrigienses (Cambridge, 1861), n,
484-91, the latter containing a very full bibliography.

3 Bartholomew Qerke's translation of Casriglione's Courtier into Latin (De Curiali
siue Aulico) was published in 1571, with a prefatory epistle written by Sackville to
Clerke. It should be noted that a sonnet, "Thomas Sackevylle in commendation of
the woike. to the reader," was prefixed to Thomas Hoby's translation of the same work

in 1561.

3<S

INTRODUCTION

text specifically reports the tragedy of Tresilian as the contribution of
Ferrers, and since the poem itself shows no resemblance to Sackville's
other work, it seems probable that Dr Abbot remembered only vaguely
the nature of Sackville's contribution to the Mirror.

Far more seriously misleading was Richard Niccols' story of the origin
of the Mirror prefixed to his 1609-10 edition, 1 where he attributed to
Sackville the original design:

This worthie President of learning, intending to perfect all this storie
himselfe from the Conquest, being called to a more serious expence
of his time in the great State-affaires of his most royall Ladie and
Soueraigne, left the dispose thereof to M. Baldwine, M. Ferrers and others,
the composers of these Tragedies, who continuing their methode which
was by way of dialogue or interlocution betwixt euery Tragedie, gaue
it onely place before the Duke of Bwkinghams complaint, which order
I since hauing altered, haue placed the Induction in the beginning, with
euery Tragedie following according to succession and the iust com-
putation of time, which before was not obserued.

His account has proved so intriguing that, in spite of the evidence of the
1563 edition, and in spite of the correction made by Haslewood and
later scholars, it has persisted through Warton to Sidney Lee and the
Dictionary of National Biography.

In the preface to the second part of the Mirror ; added in 1 563 , Baldwin
announced to the group that he had procured from Sackville the Duke
of Buckingham's tragedy. Later, when he came to read the tragedy
into the Mirror, he proposed first to read the "preface or Induction" :

Hath he made a preface (quoth one) what meaneth he thereby, seeing
none other hath vsed the like order? I wyl tell you the cause thereof
(quoth I) which is thys: After that he vnderstoode that some of the
counsayle would not suffer the booke to be printed in suche order as
we had agreed and determined, he purposed with him sclfe to haue
gotten at my handes, al the tragedies that were before the duke of
Buddnghams, Which he would haue preserued in one volume. And
from that time backeward euen to the time of William the conqucrour,
he determined to continue and perfect all the story him selfe, in such
order as Lydgate (folowing Bocchas) had already vsed. And therfore

x See above, p. 20.
37

THE MIRROR FOR MAGISTRATES

to make a meete induction into the matter, he deuised this poesye:
which in my iudgement is so wel penned, that I woulde not haue any
verse therof left out of our volume.

Sackville must, therefore, have been cognizant of events connected with
the suppressed edition, and he may well have been oije of the group
who undertook to write the account of the unfortunate English princes,
but that he was the "primary inventor'' of die design, as Warton calls
him, there is certainly not the faintest suggestion.

The manuscript recently discovered by Miss Marguerite Hearsey in
St John's College, Cambridge, 1 adds new complications when considered
in conjunction with this explanation offered by Baldwin, for here the
induction and the tragedy are written continuously. The tide of the
whole work is given as " The Complaint ofHenrie Duke ofBuckinghame"
Even as it is printed in the Mirror ; the induction introduces the character
of die Duke of Buckingham in preparation forhis complaint, and neither
in manuscript nor in printed form does the work bear any evidence of
having been written to introduce tragedies from William the Conqueror
to the Duke of Buckingham.

Of Sackville's other literary work, we know only the tragedy of
Gorboduc, written in collaboration with Thomas Norton and presented
at the Temple on Twelfth Night, 1560/61, and before the Queen on
January 18, 1561/62, by the gendemen of the Inner Temple, of which
Sackville's father was governor.* Gorboduc applies the methods of the
Mirror for Magistrates in its dramatic treatment of historical material,
again using history as a mirror to the present and making tragedy
rehearse the disastrous ends of political error. Since this tragedy has
been generally accepted as the first English tragedy and the precursor

' Thomas Sadcville, The Complaint of Henry Duke of Buckingham: Edited, from the
Author 's manuscript ...ly Marguerite Hearsey (New Haven, 1936). Another, and later,
manuscript, which contains most of Sackville's "Induction" and four stanzas of the
tragedy of the blacksmith, is recorded by E. A. Strathmann, in "A Manuscript Copy
of Spenser's Hymnes" Modem Language Notes, XLvra, 2x7-21.

inaccurate (pp. 26, 27). See J. W. Cunliffe, Early English Classical Tragedies (Oxford
1912), p. bood, and Ihderwick, op. cit. 9 pp. Ixx-lxxi.

INTRODUCTION

of the great Elizabethan tragedies, it is of special significance that it

adapted to dramatic writing the purpose and the method of the Mirror.

That Sackville did write other poems, however, is indicated by Jasper

Heywood's reference, in 1560, to the work of the Inns of Court men:

There Sackuyldes Sonetts sweetely sauste
and featly fyned bee.

Only one sonnet has been identified as his, 1 but praise of Sackville as a
poet was common to all pens of the sixteenth century. Even Spenser
wrote to him:

In vain I thinke right honourable Lord,

By this rude rime to memorize thy name;

Whose learned Muse hath writ her owne record,

In golden verse, worthy immortal fame:
Thou much more fit (were leasure to the same)

Thy gracious Soverains praises to compile

And her imperiall Maiestie to frame,

In loftie numbres and heroike stile. 2

Far removed in his fortunes from the man who was to be Lord Thomas
Buckhurst, Earl of Dorset, and Lord Treasurer of England, was the
other well-known contributor to the 1563 Mirror, the poor but prolific
soldier-poet, Thomas Churchyard, 3 who wrote and rewrote, published
and republished his work, and continually proclaimed his worth and
his woes to an inattentive world.

That he was early attached to the household of the Earl of Surrey,-
he testified when he dedicated to the Earl's grandson, in 1580, A light
Bondell ofliuly discourses called Churchyardes Charge, protesting that he

1 See above, p. 36, n. 3.

a The octave of the sonnet which was among those added in the second issue of the
1590 edition of the Faerie Queene to the group of complimentary sonnets. See Francis
R. Johnson, A Critical Bibliography of the Works of Edmund Spenser (Baltimore, 1933),
pp. 15-16. I have quoted from the Oxford edition (1916), p. 412.

3 Henry W. Adnitt, "Thomas Churchyard," in Transactions of the Shropshire
Archeological and Natural History Society (Shrewsbury [and] Oswestry, 1880), m, 1-68.
This is still the most complete account of Churchyard's life; the Short-Title Catalogue
is the best authority on his works.

THE MIRROR FOR MAGISTRATES

must show that he had lost no time in the service of him whom he
honoredinhisheart/'yourl^rdshippsgraiindfather; & my master (who
was a noble warrior, an eloquent Oratour; and a second Petrarke)."
It is quite possible, then, that he may have been, as he testified in 1593
in Churchyards Challenge that he was, the author of "many things in the
booke of songs and Sonets," most of which were written in die days
of Henry Vffl though not printed till the reign of Mary, in the work
now known familiarly as TotteTs Miscellany. That he was indebted,
during the reign of Edward VI, to Protector Somerset is likewise attested
by his dedication to the son of the Protector of The Fortunate Farewell
tothe . . . Earle of Essex, printed in 1599, where he explains that "your
most honorable father the Duke of Sommerset (vncle to the renowmed
impe of grace noble King Edward the sixt) fauoured me when I was
troubled before the Lords of the Counsel!, for writing some of my first
verses/' An Epitaph vpon the deth ofkyng Edward proved his resiliency in
sorrow, however, for after bewailing,

The Lorde hath taken him
And for his peoples sinne
A iust plage for our iniquitie,

he was able to conclude:

But his soule we do commende,

Vnto the Lordes hande,

Who preserue our noble Quene Mary.

Longe with vs to endure,
With myrth ioy and pleasure,
To rule her realme a right:
All her enemies to withstande
By sea and by lande,
Lorde preserue her both day and nighte.

God saue the Kinge and the Queene.

It is not my purpose here to rehearse the wanderings of Churchyard
in his varied adventures as soldier-at-large. He tells us that he served
four English princes loyally in war and three foreign kings for wage.
At the time of the publication of the 1559 Mirror, he was the forgotten
man in a French prison whom no one remembered to rescue. He was

INTRODUCTION

probably serving the Emperor when publication of the Mirror was first
attempted.

His literary work was as varied, and received, it would seem, as little
recognition, as his soldiering. With his always diffuse and often dull
writings, I am not concerned here except to note the possible extent of
his contribution to the Mirror and to point out what seems to have
remained unnoticed his particular antipathy toward William Baldwin.

In the list of his works which he prefixed to Churchyards Challenge
by way of daring an apparently doubting world to dispute their author-
ship, Churchyard wrote:

First in King Edwards daies, a book named Dauie Dicars dreame,
which one Cornell wrote against, whome I openly confuted. Shores
wife I penned at that season.

Yet it was not until the 1563 edition of the Mirror that the tragedy of
Jane Shore appeared. In the preface to the second part of the Mirror ,
Baldwin lists, among the works brought by Master Ferrers, the tragedy
of Shore's wife as penned by Churchyard, and at the dose of the reading
of the tragedy he records the favourable comment of the group upon
the poem, together with their desire to have more of Churchyard's
work. He adds that he promised to do his diligence therein.

In 1575, in The Firste parte of Churchyardes Chippes, . . . Deuised and
published, onlyby Thomas Churchy ardGentilman, and published by Thomas
Marshe (the same printer who was reprinting the Mirror at intervals),
there was printed "Syr Symon Burleis Tragedie," which began:

AM I of blud, or yet of byrth so base,
O Baldwin now, that thou forgetst my name
Or doth thy pen, want cunning for that case.
Or is thy skill, or sensis fawllen lame,
Or dost thou feare, to blase abrode my feme.

Five nine-line stanzas of reproach to Baldwin are climaxed with the

taunt ' And so I leaue, the Baldwin in thy bower.

Of lawrell leaues, where thou maist sit and s6e,
At open vcw, what Churchyard writes of me.

THE MIRROR FOR MAGISTRATES

The first poem in this collection is addressed "To the dispisers of other
mens workes that shoes nothing of their owne," but I do not know
whether this was aimed at Baldwin.

In Churchyards Challenge of 1593 was also published "The Earle of
Murtons Tragedie," which was written in the usual seven-line stanza,
and which appealed "to some true writers pen: / That doth the life,
and death of Princes touch." It bears every mark, down to the "qd.
T.C." at its dose, of having been prepared for the Mirror.

The 1587 edition of the Mirror contained two tragedies of Church-
yard's authorship, for, in addition to "Shores wife," the tragedy of
Cardinal Wolsey was set forth. Curiously, both tragedies were here
introduced by prose linlcs which eliminated Baldwin as interlocutor and
as narrator. Jane Shore and Cardinal Wolsey speak their own prose
links instead of waiting for an introduction, and they take this oppor-
tunity to tell us what Churchyard thought of Baldwin. Jane Shore says :

And making more haste then good speede, I appeared fyrst to one
Baldwne a Minister and a Preacher: whose function and calling dis-
daynes to looke so lowe, as to searche the secrets of wanton women,
(though commonly a Preacher with suflferaunce may rebuke vice.)
Wherefore I haue better bethought mee, and so doe sodaynly appeale
and appeare to some martial! man, who hath more experience both in
defending of womens honour, and knowes somwhat more of theyr
conditions and qualityes: and the rather, because my tragedy was in
question among some that would not spare due commendation to the
autor therof. I now appeare to him that fyrst set mee forth, . . . whose
name is Churchyard: hee shall not only haue the fame of his owne worke
(which no man can deny) but shall likewise haue all the glory I can
gieue him, if hee lend mee the hearing of my woefull tale, . . .

The same tone distinguishes Wolsey's introduction of his own tragedy:

As Baldwine indeede being a Minister, had bene most fit to set forth
the life of a Cardinall and Byshop ... so to encourage a writer now
aliue to play the part of a Pasquill, and rather make his pen his plough,
than in a hard season, Hue like a labourer, that doth seruice to many,
and lide good to him sdfe, I thought it necessary ... to bestow some
credit on that person that not only hath preferred my tragedy to the
Printer, (being of his owne deuice and penning) but also hath enlarged,

INTRODUCTION

by pkyne and familier verse, the matter the world desires to heare or
read, and made things common among a multitude, that were secret
and held priuat among a fewe.

A reuyuing of the deade, in 1591, showed Churchyard still tilting at his
favourite windmill:

The Tragedies in my next book called my Challenge) shal make mani-
fest . . . the effect of those passages: . . . that therby die world shall see
what wrong I haue suffred endure a deniall (by busie tunges) of mine
owne workes: Shores wife shall speake in her kinde, to defend me and
such as waites on her . . . shall tell the world I haue beene abused, and
not iusdy and rightly vnderstood.

In 1592 even Thomas Nashe had come to terms with Churchyard and
was assuring him that " Shores wife is yong, though you be stept in
yeares; in her shall you Hue when you are dead." 1 Yet in 1593, in
Churchyards Challenge, not only is there printed a list of the author's
works, but the tragedies of Sir Simon Burley and Jane Shore are re-
printed, the latter with a letter of dedication to "the Lady Mount Eagle
and Compton, wife to the right honourable the Lord of Buckhursts
son and heire," making an interesting new connection with Sackville
and the Mirror* Again Churchyard vilifies those who have doubted
his authorship of this tragedy, professing before God that he wrote it,
and in proof of his continued ability beautifying it with additional verses.
I do not know the explanation of the difficulties between Baldwin and
Churchyard, but this is the story so far as I have been able to recreate it.
In 1592 Churchyard wrote The vnhappye mans deere adewe, in which
he summed up his disappointment with life:

Youth first beguilde, in Court with hope forlorne,
Than middle age, all wearied with sharp war:
And nowe olde eld, to Hue in kck and scorne,
Whose wounded limbs, showes many a wofull skar;

1 R. B. McKerrow, ed., Works of Thomas Nashe (London, 1914), I, 309, in Strange
Names, of the intercepting ofcertaine Letters (1592).

a The poem had stanzas added to prove not only that Churchyard did do it but that
he could do it. Censura Literaria (1806) printed the original tragedy (n, 97-H4). and
the additional stanzas (n, 309-17), the last account being signed T. P.

THE MIRROR FOR MAGISTRATES

And sundry waies, consum'd with trauaile far.
These open plagues, and inward griefes of mind:
Cryes out and saith, my Country is vnkinde.

I seru'd in field, foure Princes of greate fame,
Borne vnder those, an humble subiect true:
Three other Kings, of great renowne and name,
In faithfull sort, I sera 'd for wages due;

But heere liege Lords, I doe appeale from you,
That neuer did, aduaunce my loyall hart,
For treble toile, for paines, nor iust desart 1

But in the following year he could rejoice, for he then could write:

The booke I calld, of kte My deere adiew,

Is now become, my welcome home most kinde: 2

by way of celebrating his peace with God and prince, since Queen
Elizabeth had given him a pension. He died in 1604, but, as the ill-
natured would have it, his works had preceded him in death.

Churchyard was buried in St Margaret's Church, near the poet
Skelton, for whom his admiration is attested by his verses, prefixed to
the works of that writer, published by Thomas Marshe in 1568, and it
is an admissible conjecture that he was "an other" of the original group
who suggested dosing the first part of the Mirror with Skdton's com-
plaint of Edward IV.

John "Maister Dolman," the author of the tragedy of Hastings, which
Dolman was | )roci g| lt to Baldwin by the printer, is generally identified as John
Dolman, andtheidentificationseemsreasonablebeoiuseThomasMarshe
was the printer who in 1561 published Those jyue Questions, which Mark
Tullye Cicero, disputed in his Manor of 'Tusculum . . . translated,& englished,
by lohn Dolman, Studente andfelowe of the Inner Temple. The work was
dedicated to Bishop Jewell. In the dedication Dolman explained that
he had left the university to apply himself to the study of the common
law, but that memories of his earlier studies came between him and the

1 A feast fall of sad cheere (London, 1592), p. 10.

* A Pleasant conceite penned in verse. Collowably sette out, and humblie presented on
New^yeeres day last, to the Queenes Maiestie at Hampton Cottrte (London, 1593 ), rig. B 2,
verso.

INTRODUCTION

law, so that he was forced to experiment with translation. To the reader,
he justified his temerity in undertaking the task in spite of his lack of
years and eloquence.

John Dolman was the grandson of William Dolman, manager to
"Jack of Newbury" made famous by the novel of Thomas Deloney. 1
His father was Thomas Dolman, the rich Newbury clothier who in
1554 acquired the manor of Shaw and began to build Shaw House,
thereby securing to himself the gibes of which the most famous has
come down to us:

Lord have mercy on us miserable sinners!

Thomas Dolman has built a new house, and has turned away all his
spinners.

John Dolman was admitted to the Inner Temple in 1560, when he
was twenty years old. He was admitted to the bar in 1570 and was called
to the bench in 1586. In 1587 he was Autumn Reader and in 1598
Treasurer for the Temple, and the records show him to have been a man
of importance in the law. 2 As eldest son he was his father's heir, but he
sold his one-third interest in the manor of Shaw to his brother Thomas,
probably because he had had Frethornes, in Berkshire, settled upon him
at his marriage. Dolman was, therefore, a very rich young man who
found in the law his opportunity to satisfy the family ambition. He was
a member of the Inner Temple when Sackville and Norton produced
Gorboduc. To have a tragedy published in the Mirror for Magistrates,
along with that of the aristocratic Sackville, whose father was governor
of the Temple, must have been as incense to the nostrils of the ambitious
family of Dolman.

The tragedy which was the young lawyer's contributionis remarkable
in several respects. It is probably the worst poetry in the Mirror, and,
when Baldwin read it to the assembled group, it was noted as difficult

1 For an account of the Dolman family, see Victoria History: Berkshire, iv (London,
1924), 87-89, 274; i (London, 1906), 389-90. See also J. Nichols, Progresses of King
James I (London, 1828), I, 266, n., and my "John Dolman," ELH, iv, 192-200.

a Students Admitted to the Inner Temple, i547-itf, p- 39; Masters oftlie Bench ofttie
Hon. Society of the Inner Temple, 145-*8S3, and Masters of tlv Temple, 1540-1883
(1883 ; "not published"), p. 15; and Inderwick, op. dt. t Index, for later record.

THE MIRROR FOR MAGISTRATES

to be understood. Its language is often curious, and the frequent use of
hit for it distinguishes it from the other tragedies. But, in learning and
in thoughtful philosophizing on the rewards of evil-doing, it is second
only to Sackville's tragedy. Dolman's tragedy is particularly noteworthy,
however, for containing a passage discussing Chaucer's Nuns Priests
Tale, more extensive and detailed than, any other of its date a fact
which is interesting because Shawwasonly a few miles from Donnington
and its Chaucer's Oak, under which, tradition said, Chaucer wrote his
great poems. 1

Francis The other tragedy brought to Baldwin by the printer was that of
Sea 3 er Richard HI, "compiled by Frauncis Segars." Of Seagers, or Seager,
very little is known, save that he made his contribution to the courtesy
books of the sixteenth century. 2 His first work was in this tradition,
being a translation (or an edition of Caxton's translation) of a book
written by Alain Chartier and published in 1549 under the tide of
A brefe declaration of the great my series t courtes ryal. Only two leaves
remain of this book, and its printer is not known, but Francis Seager's
verses to the reader are in the extant portion. In 1553 Seager dedicated
to Lord Russell (later the second Earl of Bedford) his translation of
Certctyne Psalmes select out of the Psalter ofDauid, which was published by
William Seres. In 1557 the work by which he is best known was pub-
lished TAe schoole ofvertue and booke of good nourturefor chyldren a. youth
to learne theyr dutie by. Robert Crowley was joint author with Seager and
seems to have contributed the second section of the book. Republished
in 1582, 1593, and 1626, this work became one of the better known of the
courtesy books. The artideonSeager in ^Dictionary ofNationalBiography
suggests that he may have been the Francis Nycholson, "alias Seager,"
who was made free of the Stationers' Company on September 24, 1557.
Cavyl Of the "Master Cavyl" who "aptly ordered" the. tragedy of the
blacksmith, Michael Joseph, there is nothing known.3 The most likely

1 Henry Godwin, "On Donnington Castle, Berkshire," Archaeologia, xuv, 4.59-79.
a See J. E. Mason, Gentlefolk in the Making (Phikdelphia, 1935), pp. 41, 256.
3 Tragedy 2 (of the Mortimers) was, it will be remembered, signed "Ca." in the
1571 and subsequent editions, save in the 1578 edition, where it was signed "T. Ch."

INTRODUCTION

person seems to be Humphrey Cavell, who was a member of the Middle
Temple, and who was returned to Parliament in 1552/3 , 1554, and 1555,
but there is no evidence to link him to the business of authorship.

There are no new contributors to the later Mirrors, except the author Raphael
of the tragedy of Sir Nicholas Burdet, which was introduced in 1587, Holmslied
along with the two Scots tragedies from an old manuscript. Since
Holinshed's interest in the Mirror has never been considered, it will be
necessary to review the evidence which associates him with its history.

In the 1587 edition, the tragedy of Sir Nicholas Burdet is introduced
by a continuation of the prose which had closed the 1563 edition. No
change of narrator being indicated, Baldwin apparently continued to
serve in that capacity, though it seemingly was Higgins who wrote:

I was willed my maisters (quoth I) by Maister Holinshed, to bring
Sir Nicholas Burdet vnto you. Were you? (quoth they.) On his word
we will heare what he sayes. Read it I pray you (quod one.) You
must thinke then (quoth I) that you see him

Sir Nicholas addressed the closing stanza of his complaint to Higgins:

So SSffns yf thou write, how this my fall befell;
Place it in Baldwines Miroir with the reste.

The tragedy is signed "lohn Higins." In the ensuing prose link, Ferrers
is represented as discussing the poem, though Ferrers is supposed to have
died in 1579, as I have elsewhere noted. Also "M.H." is represented
as commenting on the poem, the usual interpretation of the initials
being that they represent Higgins' own respectful allusion to himself as
Master Higgins. The interlocutor then proceeds to announce other
poems in his possession:

... I haue King lames the fourth here, which was slayne at the batayle
ofBrampton, or Floddonfielde, but hee is very rude.

At the dose of King James' complaint, there is comment on the character
of the Scots King:

Than (quod M.H.) he is still one and the same man: for in life he was
neither well liked, bdeeued, nor trusted. Why than (quoth one) if hee
speake as hee was, let him passe as hee is ; and if not, let him bee mended.

THE MIRROR FOR MAGISTRATES

Mended (quoth hee?) Nay hee is paste mending, hee is to older for it
seemes by the copy, mat it was pende aboue fifty yeares agone, or euen
shordy after the death of the sayd King: for I found therewith, in an
olde hand, the copyes of the sayd King lames letters sent vnto King
Henry at Twrtwtt, and the Kings aunsweres & letters sent to him againe,
with this lamentation ensuing them: and lastly the sayd batayle of
Floddonfielde, in such verse described, with die order of the same, and
the names of the noble men, Knights, and gendemen, which serued at
the same fielde.

Then follows the comment of the group on the desirability of rescuing
these details for history, with the added hope that knowledge of their
ancestors' worthiness may encourage men of the day in like virtues.

Certainly Holinshed was responsible, therefore, for the tragedy of
Sir Nicholas Burdet Whether the tragedy was actually written by him,
or at his request by Higgins, is not dear, but it should be remembered
that Holinshed was steward to Thomas Burdet, Esq., of Bramcote in
Warwickshire. His will, dated October 1, 1578, and probated April 24,
1581, gave all his property to his master. 1 Since Sir Nicholas Burdet -was
an ancestor of Thomas Burdet, 2 it is at least romantically possible that
Holinshed chose this manner of memorializing the family. But it is also
much more natural, in the light of other facts, to read the comments of
"M.H." onthe Scotstragedies as those ofHolinshed,for in I577he printed
from the manuscript which he here described as penned "aboue fifty
yeares agone," "the copyes of die sayd King lames letters sent vnto King
Henry at Turwin, and the Kings aunsweres & letters sent to him againe,"
as may be seen by anyone who will take the trouble to compare them,
the Con- The authors of the Mirror for Magistrates were clearly, their bio-

ffisto n as a S^pk^ 8 *" l0iw men w k cou ld adjust &&* sails to the prevailing winds.
Minor The Mirror, as nought be expected, was written in complete accord with

1 Leslie Hotson, "Shakespeares of Stratford: A Holinshed Link," London Times,
July 6, 1935, pp. 13-14, offers evidence to correct inaccuracies in the article by
Sk Sidney 1^ in the IhVriofM^

op.of.,1, 430-31. There is, of course, a possibility that Ottiwcfl Holinshed may have been
referred to in theMtrror. He is mentioned amongthemiters listedby Holinshedin 1577.

' Sir William Dugdale, The Antiquities of Warwickstire (2nd ed., by William
Thomas; London, 1730), pp. 846-49.

INTRODUCTION

Tudor ideas. The very tide indicates as much, for every apology for
history in the period affirmed that history was a glass wherein the present
might see and learn the patterns of conduct which hadbroughthappiness
or unhappiness to nations and to men in the past. A typical expression
of this conception of history is that of Peter Ashton, who wrote in the
dedication of his translation of A shorte treatise vpon the Turkes Chronicles 1
to Sir Ralph Sadler:

The great lerned philosopher and wise man Pkto, . . . saith, That a
man . . . ought often tymes to behowlde hym selfe in a glasse: . . . This
glasse that Pkto speketh on ... maye be taken not without a cause . . .
espetially for Chronicles & histories

So shal ye see in hystories, euen from the first monarchic vnto this

day, the forme & figure of all Empires & common welthes, . . . But now
to see the course of the world, . . . how kingdomes haue chaunged &
altered, what fasshion hathe bene vsed emonge men, how & by whom
kingdomes haue bene gouerned, how vertue hath bene rewarded, & vices
ponisshed, ... To read and know al these thinges Is not that glasse
worthy to be often tymes loked in . . . ?

More striking than the pleas of the professional historian, however,
were the utterances of those who urged their countrymen to learn
vicariously, in history, what they would otherwise have to learn by
hard experience. Among the most dramatic of such warnings was that
uttered by Sir Thomas Wyatt from the scaffold, when he was about
to be executed for his part in the rebellion of 1554. Given permission
to speak what he would, he began:

I muste confesse my selfe giltie, as in the end the truth of my case must
enforce me, I must acknowlege this to be a iust plague for my synnes,
which most grieuously I therfore haue committed against God, who
sufired me thus brutely & beastly to fell into this horrible offence of the
kw. Wherfore all you Lords & Gentlemen with other here present,
note well my words. Lo here & se in me the same end which all other
commonly had, which haue attempted like enterprice from the begyn-
ning. For peruse the Cronicles through, and you shall see that neuer
rebellion attempted by subiectes against their prince and countrye from

1 A work by Paolo Giovio (Paulus Jovius), the translation of which was- published
by Whitchurch in 1546.

THE MIRROR FOR MAGISTRATES

die begynning did euer prosper or had better successe, except the case
of Icing Henry the fourth, who although he became a Prynce: yet in
his act was but a Rebell, for so must I call him. And though he preuayled
for a time, yet was it not long, but that his heires were depriued and
those that had right againe restored to the kingdome and crowne, and
the vsurpation so sharpdy reuenged afterward in his bloud, as it well
appered that the long delaye of Gods vengeaunce was supplyed with
more grieuous plague in the third and fourth generation. For the loue
of God all you Gendemen that be here present, remember and be taught
as well by examples past as also by this my present infelicity and most

In the original preface to the Mirror, Baldwin wrote, therefore (in
line with this tradition), that the purpose of the printer was to have
Boccaccio's work continued,

chiefly of suche as Fortune had dalyed with here in this ylande: whiche
might be as a myrrour for al men as well noble as others, to shewe the
slyppery deceytes of the waueryng lady, and the due rewarde of all
kinde of vices.

In his dedication of the Mirror "To the nobilitye and all other in office,"
he stated even more definitely the motivating purpose of the book:

For here as in a loking glas, you shall see (if any vice be in you) howe
the like hath bene punished in other heretofore, whereby admonished,
I trust it will be a good occasion to move you to the soner amendment.
This is the dbiefest endc, whye it is set forth, which God graunt it may
attayne.

Those who have written about the history of history have been
accustomed to proclaim the work of Jean Bodin as initiating a new
conception of history when he asserted that, "En effet, la premiere
urilitie de Thistoire est de servir , k politique." 2 Yet it must be apparent
to anyone who has read the English chronicles of such men as Lancjuet

x Giafton, op. tit., pp. 1339-40.

a For a brief summary of Jean Bodin's Methodus adfadlem historiarum cognitionem,
first published in 1566, see J. W. Allen, A History of Political Thought in the Sixteenth
Century (London, 1928), pp. 405-7. See also W. A. Dunning, A History of Political
Theories: jirom Luther to Montesquieu (New York, 1905), p. 83.

INTRODUCTION

and Halle 1 that, long before Bodin, history was serving in England the
purpose of political teaching.

The Mirror for Magistrates was an important pioneer work in literature,
because it transferred to the poet the accepted task of the historian
a task which, if the defenders of poetry are to be believed, he could
perform more delightfully, more directly, and hence more effectively,
than could the historian. Of this superiority of the poet over the his-
torian, Sidney was later to write:

... the best of the Historian is subiect to the Poet; for whatsoeuer
action, or faction, whatsoeuer counsel!, pollicy, or warre stratagem the
Historian is bound to recite, that may the Poet (if he list) with his
imitation make his own, beautifying it both for further teaching, and
more delighting, as it pleaseth him, hauing all, from Dante his heauen
to hys hell, vnder the authoritie of his penned

The importance of this transfer of the function of political teaching
from the historian to the poet 3 can, however, be folly realized only when
consideration is given to the long line of historical pkys and poems
popular during the reign of Elizabeth.

1 The work begun by Lancjuet, and dedicated by him to Protector Somerset,
contains in its preface a complete exposition of the contemporary theory of history.
It was printed in 1559 by Thomas Marshe, as was the Mirror, and the contdnuator who
brought it down to date was Robert Crowley, who, as has been noted, was coaudior
with Francis Seager of The schook ofvertue. The full tide of the chronicle is interesting :
An Epitome ofCronicles. Conteyninge the whole discourse of the histories as well of this
realm of England as al other cottreys, with the succesion of their hinges, the time of their
reigne, and what notable actes they did: much profitable to be redde, namelye of Magistrates,
and such as haue auctoritee in commo weales, gathered out of most probable auctours. Firste
by Thomas Lanauet,from the beginning of the worlde to the incamacion ofChriste, Secondely
to the reigne of our soueraigne lord king Edward the sixt by Thomas Cooper, and thirdly to
the reigne of our soueraigne Ladye Quene Elizabeth, by Robert Crowley. Edward Halle's
work was first published in 1542, but was again published in 1548 (two editions), 1550,
and 1552 (?). The tide was The Vnion of the two nobk and illustre famelies ofLancastre

& Yorke, beeyng long in continual discensionfor the croune of this noble realme (I quote

from a copy of the 1548 edition.)

* Sidneys Apologiefor Poetrie, ed. J. Churton Collins (Oxford, 1907), p. 22.

3 I have discussed this whole matter in a lecture printed as Tudor Conceptions of
History and Tragedy in "A Mirror for Magistrates" (Berkeley, 1936).

THE MIRROR FOR MAGISTRATES

The Political The political doctrine which it was the acknowledged.purpose of the
of Mfoff to tt xfa was the orthodox Tudor doctrine. That it often bore
the stamp of Calvinism in its phraseology was not inconsistent with its
orthodoxy, for, as political historians have pointed out, England and
the Reformation were forced by circumstances to adopt much the same
attitude toward the secular ruler, and the theory which came to be
known as that of the divine right of kings was accepted as the result
of both ecclesiastical and political necessity. The Mirror , then, teaches
in its tragedies, and in the prose expositions of these tragedies, the lessons
that were inculcated alike in the Institutes of Calvin, 1 and in certain
homilies appointed by the Tudor rulers to be read in all the churches,*
as well as in the addresses of the Tudor sovereigns to their people.

The use of the term magistrate is the key to this teaching. Calvin
wrote, in the words of Norton's translation:

Wheraswhosoeuer be in place of magistrates are named gods, let no man
thynke that in that naming is smal importance: For therby is signified
that they haue commaundement from God, that they are furnished with
the authentic of God, & do altogether beare the person of God, whoes
stede they do after a certaine maner supplie. 3

Baldwin, dedicating to the magistrates their mirror, wrote likewise:

For as lustice is the chief vertue, so is the ministration therof, the chiefest
office: & therfore hath God established it with the chiefest name,
honoring & calling Kinges, & all officers vnder them by his owne name,
Gods. Ye be all Gods, as many as have in your charge any ministration
of lustice.

The whole of the theory of the divine right of kings is implicit in this
definition: The King is vicegerent to God. He is responsible to God

1 The Institution of Christian Religion was published in the translation of Thomas
Norton in 1561. Book iv, chapter xx, discussed civil government Norton worked
with SackviHe on Gorloduc, which was produced in the same year.

a An exhortacion, concemyng good ordre and obedience, to rulers and magis-
trates" was published in 1547 among Certayne Sermons, or Homelies. An Homelie
against disobedience and wylfall rebellion, published in 1571, reiterated the same doctrines.
^ 3 Calvin, op. cit. (ed. 1561), foL 161. See also Allen, pp. 126-7, and A. A. Dudky,
"The Attitude of the State in Anglican literature from 1525-1550," Econmica, DC, 42.

INTRODUCTION

alone. Subjects may, therefore, under no circumstances rebel against
the ruler, for he represents God, and to resist him is to resist God. If
God is pleased, he will send a good ruler; if he wishes to try or to punish
the people, he may give them a tyrant for their king. 1

The authors of the Mirror, however, realizing that the doctrine was
a two-edged sword, did not stop with the exemplification of the part
of the doctrine so often expounded by the Tudors. Their tragedies
taught, not only the duties of subjects to their king, but also the account-
ability of kings to the King of Kings a part of the theory of the divine
right less popular with the reigning monarchs. Against the tyrant, God
permits the rebel to rage and war to threaten, conscience torments him,
his kingdom may be taken from him, and by God's doom an igno-
minious death awaits him. These writers in the Mirror would, to use
Sidney's words, make kings fear to be tyrants.

The history of the printing of the Mirror indicates that the poet
Collingbourne was speaking as Baldwin might have spoken in his own
person, when he warned:

BEware, take heede, take heede, beware, beware
You Poetes you, that purpose to rehearce
By any arte what Tyrantes doynges are, . . .

Collingbourne's description of the poet's office concludes, too, with a
timely account of the final requisite for a poet:

He must be swyft when touched tyrants chafe,
To gallop thence to kepe his carkas safe.

It sounds like the work of one who had "felt the whip,'* as Sir John
Tiptoft anachronistically explains that the chronicler Halle had felt it.*
The method by which the lessons of history were to be taught was
indicated in Baldwin's own dedicatory words previously quoted:

1 See, especially, Allen, op. of., and J. N. Figgis, The Divine Right of Kings (Cam-
bridge, 1922). Note, however, Calvin's discussion (Joe. cit.) of the dudes of parliaments.
* See Tragedy 15, 1L 22-42.

THE MIRROR FOR MAGISTRATES

The very tides of the tragedies emphasize the relation of sin to punish-
ment, by way of offering a deterrent to sin, as the following, selected
at random, will show:

The fall of Robert Tresilian dhiefe Justice of Englande, and other his
fdowes, for misconstruyng the kwes, and expounding them to serue
the Princes affections.

Howe kyng Richarde die seconde was for his euyll gouernaunce deposed
from his seat, and miserably murdred in prison.

How Richard erle of Cambridge entending the kinges destruction was
put to death at Southhampton,

How Tring lames the first for breaking his othes and bondes, was by
gods suffrauns miserably murdred of his owne subiectes.

That the tragedies of the Mirror were chosen for their usefulness in
teaching political truth, rather than for their historical importance, is
implicit in die acknowledged purpose. And cutting the doth of history
to fit a political pattern led, in the Mirror (as it must always lead), to a
high degree of sdectiveness in the choice of historical incidents and, in
certain cases, to a dear modification of historical fact. It is not within
die province of an introduction to consider these problems of sdection
and modification, requiring as they do the most eschaustive and detailed
comparison of sources and poetical manipulation of sources. But it may
be well to note, on Baldwin's own authority, that he proposed to divide
the Mirror into three sections, the first to extend from Richard H to
Richard IE, the second to cover the period of Richard ffl, the third to
indude the Tudor period up to the reign of Mary. Of the third division,
there is no tragedy to give evidence save that of the blacksmith (except,
of course, the tragedy of Wolsey added in 1587), and how serious were
Baldwin's efforts to collect tragedies for this division there is no way of
gauging. But, in the first section, the reigns of Henry IV and Henry V
are represented only by the tragedies of Owen Glendower; Henry
Percy, Earl of Northumberland; and Richard, Earl of Cambridge. It is
evident that the tragedies of those omitted "because their examples
were not much to be noted for our purpose" are often of fer more
importance from the historical point of view than are those which

INTRODUCTION

are included. The tragedies of the first section are, indeed, preponder-
antly those dealing with situations which arose during the periods when
England was ruled by minor kings. The tragedies of the second part
picture England in the days of a tyrant, Richard HI, and the political
lessons are definitely concerned with tyranny. Whether or not the
first part was intended to mirror the days of Edward VI, and the
second part those of Mary, I am not prepared to say, but it is at least
probable.

That identifying the persons and situations reflected in the Mirror for
Magistrates was a favourite indoor sport, even as late as 1614, is indicated
in Bartholomew Fair, where hearers and spectators are made to agree that
none "will pretend to affirme (on bis owne inspired ignorance) what
Mirror of Magistrates is meant by the Justice, what great Lady by the
Pigge-woman, what conceal 9 d States-man, by the Seller of Mouse-trappes,
and so of the rest." 1 But into that gossip I do not propose to go in this
introduction. When such identifications are made, however, they should
be made with due consideration of the method which Baldwin said
repeatedly was the method of the Mirror. And it must be borne in mind
that the usefulness of the Mirror as a vehicle for political doctrine de-
pended upon the assumption that God's justice was eternally the same,
so that history did repeat itself in discernible patterns of sin and divine
vengeance for sin.

To a certain extent, the literary form of the Mirror for Magistrates was The In-
conditioned by its having been conceived as a continuation of the Fall rS^V?
of Princes* Like the Fall of Princes it showed the influences of two older rary Types
literary genres: tragedy and vision literature. Its tragic complaints,
however, were not alone those of princes but included any which might
teach useful political lessons. Nor did its ghosts merely bewail the deeds
of fortune "that with unwar strook overturned! the realme of great

1 From the Induction to the play.

a See Willard Farnham, The Medieval Heritage of Elizabethan Tragedy (Berkeley,
1936), especially chap. 7, for a discussion which summarizes much of Professor
Farniam's long and fruitful study of the Mirror in relation to the development of
the ideas of tragedy in England.

THE MIRROR FOR MAGISTRATES

nobleye"; 1 rather, they used their lives as examples to expound the
current political philosophy, and substituted an analysis of divine justice
for the older philosophizing on the uncertainty of fortune.

The vision of the fallen princes that appeared to Boccaccio "as hym
thought in his inwarde syght,"* was given much more elaborate treat-
ment by Baldwin, who made of the prefaces and prose links of the
Mirror a connected narrative which rationalized the appearance of the
ghosts and, at the same time, offered an excellent vehicle for critical
comment by the assembled group of writers who were the dramatis
personae of the prose sections. Into this prose narrative are fitted the
poetic tragedies which it was the primary objective of the Mirror to
relate. But, curiously, some of the tragedies so set in the prose narrative
are in themselves representatives of vision literature. 3 La point of time
of composition, the earliest of these tragedies is that of King James IV of
Scotland. The interlocutor, in introducing James's tragedy into the
Mirror 9 says of him:

Thinke then . . . that you see him, standing all wounded, with a shafte
in his body, and emongst other woundes, one geuen by a byll, both
deadly, to say in his rude and faithlesse maner as followeth. . . .

But, when the poem begins, it is not King James but the author who

speaks:

As I ky musing, my selfe alone,

In minde not stable, but wauering here & there,

1 See Chaucer's translation of Boedhius, De consoladone philosophic (The Works of
Geoffrey Chaucer [Globe Edition; London, 1907], p. 366).

* See Wayland's edition of The tragedies, gathered by Ihon Bochas, the companion
volume to die suppressed edition of the Minor, "Leaf, i " [A ivj, recto.

3 For a very suggestive treatment of vision types see A. B. Van Os, Religious Visions
(Amsterdam, 1932). The most interesting political tragedy, in a vision setting, which
preceded the Minor is Sir David Lindsay's The Tragedie of the Umauhyle Maist Reverend
Father Dauid, be the Mercy of God, Cardinak and Archibyschope of Sanctandrous. And of
the haill Realm of Scotlande Primate, Legate, and Chancekre, and Administrator of the
BysAoprik ofMerapoys in France (1547). (The Works of Sir David Lindsay of the Mount,
ed. Douglas Hamer [Scottish Text Society, 1931], i, 129-43.) Courthope long ago
suggested this poem as a model for the Mirror.

INTRODUCTION

Morpheus my frend espyed mee anone,
And as hee was wont, whistered in mine eare.
Shortly conuyede I was, I wist not where:
Mine eyes were closed fast, I could not see.

It is not, indeed, until the third stanza that the complaint which was
introduced by the interlocutor really begins.

The tragedy of Richard, Duke of York, which was composed later
than this Scots tragedy but found its way into the Mirror much earlier,
is also introduced by a variant type of vision. Baldwin recounts his
own experience thus:

. . . I was so wearye that I waxed drowsye, and beganindede to slumber:
but my imagination styll prosecutyng this [tjragicall matter, brought
me suche a fantasy me thought there stode before vs, a tall mans body
full of fresshe woundes, but kckyng a head, holdyng by the hande a
goodlye childe, . . . And whan through the gastfulnes of this pyteous
spectacle, I waxed afeard, and turned awaye my face, me thought there
came a shrekyng voyce out of the weasande pipe of the headles bodye,
saying as fbloweth.

When Richard had finished his complaint, Baldwin continues:

With this, mayster Ferrers shooke me by the sieve, saying: why how
now man, do you forget your selfe? belike you mind our matters very
much: So I do in dede (quoth I) For I dreame of them. And whan I
had rehearced my dreame, we had long talke concerning the natures
of dreames, which to stint and to bring vs to our matter againe, thus
sayde one of them: . . .

Here is the dream vision in its regular setting.

Of the greatest interest, however, is Sackvifle's induction to the
tragedy of die Duke of Buckingham, which represents a totally different
type of vision literature that of the descent into helL Introducing an
alien type, which derived from Virgil and Dante, it did not fit into the
Mirror. Had Sackville followed out die plan for a new and revised
Mirror with which Baldwin credited him, he must, perforce, have
discarded the Boccaccio type of vision altogether.

THE MIRROR FOR MAGISTRATES

In regard to verse form, too, it will be noted that not all the writers
for the Mirror adhered to the seven-line stanza which Lydgate had
adopted from Chaucer. The metrical experiments in the Mirror demand,
however, more exhaustive study than is possible here.

This edition of the Mirror for Magistrates is being published, not with
the hope of settling the problems of its printing history, or its literary
or political significance, but only with the hope that the accessibility
of the rare and scattered material here assembled may make possible
further research in the comparatively unexplored period of Edward and
Mary. When the Mirror for Magistrates is seriously studied, it will, I
believe, be recognized as a pioneer work of the great English Renais-
sance and of first-rate importance in the study of the Elizabethan his-
torical poems, historical plays, and tragedies.

The There has been no attempt to establish a text of the Mirror for Magis-

FoD^e?in trates m ^ following pages. Instead, the earliest printed text of each
Colktmgthe part of the Minor has been reprinted and later texts collated with this
Tcxt earliest surviving text. The single leaf of text extant from the suppressed

edition is referral to as X and is collated with the corresponding portion
of the 1559 text. The 1559 text is referred to as -4, the two copies of the
1563 text as B and B*; the two copies of the 1571 edition as C and C 3 ;
the 1574 text as D and die 1575 issue of the 1574 text as JB; the uncan-
celled copy of the 1578 edition as F and the cancelled copy asP; the 1587
edition as G. There are no liberties taken with the text as it appeared.
I have made the changes indicated in the lists of faults escaped in the
printing in the 1559 and 1563 texts, referring to the lists as Ae and Be,
but all such authorized changes are noted in the collation. I have ven-
tured few corrections, even where they might be termed obvious, for
I believe that more harm has come through rationalizing and amending
texts than through neglecting to do so, as the 1578 edition of the Minor
amply proves. I have, therefore, made no corrections save where the
letters did not form a word, and in every case where any change what-
soever has been introduced into the text I have indicated in the collation
what has been done, save that turned letters have been silently corrected.

JLJLNJLKUUUUIIUN

I have, however, transcribed long s as 5, and vv and VV as \v and W,
and I have expanded the conventional printer's contractions, except the
ampersand, which I have retained.

The collation is purely a verbal one. To indicate changes in spelling
and punctuation from edition to edition would have necessitated
practically reproducing the texts of all editions. This limitation made
inevitable the omission of much that is of philological interest, but I was
able to devise no half-way system that did not result in confusion. I have
not indicated as a variant reading an elision of an article or preposition
with the initial vowel sound of a succeeding word, save in rare instances
where such elision forms a transition to a later reading. The manner of
collation will easily be seen to be that of quoting the inclosing words
with which the variant begins and ends, except in cases where the change
is an internal change in a single word. I have disregarded the variations
of type in the tides of texts and tragedies, and I have reproduced the
original black-letter texts in roman type, indicating variations from the
original black letter by italics. Finally, I have indented the first line of
prose paragraphs and the first line of stanzas of poetry, in accordance
with modern usage.

The editing of the Mirror for Magistrates has been possible only through
the generous co-operation of the Huntington Library, the Cambridge
University Press, and the university which I serve, the University of
California at Los Angeles. To each of diem I acknowledge my very
great debt of gratitude. The Huntington Library not only gave me
access to its own rare collections but secured from other libraries in
England and the United States supplementary information and repro-
ductions of necessary documents. From every department in the library
I have had technical help without which I should often have gone astray,
but to die bibliographical knowledge of Mr C. K. Edmonds and the
experience of Mr H. C. Schulz in reading sixteenth-century manuscripts,
I owe some special debts of honor. Mr M. H. Crissey, who has
prepared the manuscript for the press, and Mr DeWitt Bodeen and
Mrs Marion Tinling, who have assisted in transcribing the text, have

THE MIRROR FOR MAGISTRATES

given patient and careful help in a tedious task. My special gratitude,
however, is due to Mr Godfrey Davies, of the research staff of the
Library, whose generous co-operation has been far too helpful to be
adequately acknowledged.

To Mr W. A. Jackson, librarian of the Pforzheimer collection in
New York, I am indebted for many suggestions and for copies of the
photostatic reproductions of the unique title leaf now in South
Kensington; to the authorities of the Victoria and Albert Museum for
permission to reproduce the recto and the verso of the tide leaf
bound with the Dyce copy of the Fall of Princes] to St John's College,
Cambridge, for permission to collate the manuscript of Sackville's
contribution to the Mirror with the Mirror text; to the British Museum
for permission to reprint copies of the supplementary title-page and the
leaf remaining from the suppressed edition of the Mirror; and, finally,
to Professor R. W. Chambers I am indebted for wise counsel in regard
to the collating of the texts.

I am grateful to Mr Vincent F. Bonelli, of the New York University
Library, and to Dr F. B. Adams, Jr, of the Pierpont Morgan Library,
New York Gty, whose kindness in loaning copies of the text made it
possible for Barnes & Noble, Inc. to issue this printing.

It is needless to say that I realize that all of the help so generously
given will not have prevented me from making mistakes, which critics
will discover, alas, too late to be remedied here.

LILY B. CAMPBELL

UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA AT LOS ANGELES

TRAGEDIES

OF THE
1559 EDITION

For Magiftrates.

Cample of c^ctjtottt) ijotoegre*

uona plages bice* are pum$eo:ano.

tiotue fraple ano Dnffabte toojlolp

p;ofpc(tle ti fonnte>ten oC

tofanoar.
*

Anno.r 5 5 9.

LONDINI,

In zdibusTtioiose Mariiie

Love and Lyve*

g)d To the nobilitye and all other in office, Preface i]

God graunt wisedome and all thinges

nedeful for the preseruacion

of theyr Estates.

Amen.

PLATO Among many other of his notable sentences concern-
ing the government of a common weale, hath this: Well is,,
that realme governed, in which the ambidous desyer not to
beare office. Wherby you may perceive (right honorable)
what offices are, where they be duely executed: not gaynful spoyles [5]
for the gredy to hunt for, but payneful toyles for the heedy to be
charged with. You may perceyve also by this sentence, that there is
nothing more necessary in a common weale, than that officers be diligent
and trusty in their charges. And sure in whatsoever realme such pro-
vision is made, that officers be forced to do their dudes, there is it as [10]
harde a matter to get an officer, as it is in other places to shift of, and put
by those, that with flattery, bribes, and other shiftes, sue and preace for
offices. For the ambidous (that is to say prollers for power or gayne)

[Tide] TO AL THE C-K The preface is omitted in G, but the dedicatory title, with
slight changes, was adopted by Higgins in 1574 to serve his preface to The First
parte of the Mirour for Magistrates, and was retained in later editions of his
work See above, p. 16.

[i] amonge many of C-F.

[7] sentence, there C-F.

[8] that magistrates be C-F.

[11-12] to repute & shift o those C-F.

[12] brykes C.

THE MIRROR FOR MAGISTRATES

seeke not for offices to hdpe other, for whiche cause offices are ordayned,

[15] but with the vadoing of other, to prankevp them selves. Andtherfore
bar them once of this bayte, and force them to do their duties, & they
will geve more to be rid fro their charges, than they did at the first to
bye them: For they seke only their commodity and ease. And therfore,
where the ambitious seeke no office, there no doubt, offices are duly

[20] ministred: and where offices are duly ministred, it can not be chosen, but
the people are good, whereof must nedes folow a good common weale.
For if the officers be good, the people can not be ylL Thus the goodnes or
badnes of any realme lyeth in die goodnes or badnes of the rulers. And
therfore not without great cause do the holy Apostels so earnestly

[25] charge vs to pray for the magistrates : For in dede the welth and quiet of
everye common weale, the disorder also and miseries of the same, cum
specially through them. I nede not go eyther to the Romans or Grekes
for proofe hereof, neyther yet to the lewes, or other nations: whose
common weales have alway florished while their officers were good, and

[30] decayed and ranne to ruyne, whan noughty men had the regiment, Our
owne countrey stories (if we reade & marke them) will shewe vs
examples ynow, would God we had not seen moe then ynowe. I pur-
pose not to stand here vppon the parriculers, because they be in part set
forth in the tragedyes. Yet by the waye this I note (wishing all other

[35] to do the like) namely, that as good governers have never lacked their

[14] cause officers are C-F.

[15] to enrich themselues. C-F.

[16-17] dueties, then will they geeue C-F.

[17] from C-F.

[17-18] to come by them: C-F.

[18] their priuate profile. And C-F.

[22] the magistrates be C-JF.

[27] specially is misprinted specicMy in the text.

[28] for the proofe B-F.

[29] their Magistrates were C-F.

[30] when vicious men had the gouemment. C-F.

[30-31] Our countrey C-F.

[34] tragedies folo wing. C-F.

BALDWIN'S DEDICATION

deserved renowme, so have not the bad escaped infamy, besides such
plages as are horrible to hear of

For God (the ordeyner of Offices) although he suffer diem for punish-
ment of the people to be often occupied of such, as are rather spoilers
and ludasses, than toylers or lustices (whom the scripture therfore [40]
calleth Hipocrites) yet suffreth he them not to skape vnpunished, be-
cause they dishonour him. For it is Gods owne office, yea his chiefe
office, whych they beare & abuse. For as lustice is the chief vertue, so is
the ministration therof, the chiefest office: & therfore hath God estab-
lished it with the chiefest name, honoring & calling Kinges, & all [45]
officers vnder them by his owne name, Gods. Ye be all Gods, as many
as have in your charge any ministration of lustice. What a fowle shame
wer it for any now to take vpon them the name and office of God, and
in their doinges to shew them selves divyls? God can not of lustice, but
plage such shamdes presumption and hipocrisy, and that with shamefull [50]
death, diseases, or infamy. Howe he hath pkged euill rulers from time
to time, in other nations, you may see gathered in Boccas booke
intituled the fall of Princes, translated into Englishe by Lydgate: Howe
he hath delt with sum of our countreymen your auncestors for sundrye
vices not yet left, this booke named A Myrrourfor Magistrates, can shewe : [55]
which therfore I humbly offire vnto your honors, besedhing you to
accept it fauorably. For here as in a lokrng glas, you shall see (if any vice
be in you) howe the like hath bene punished in other heretofore, where-
by admonished, I trust it will be a good occasion to move you to the

[36] dcserued prayses: so C-F.

[38] for is blurred in the HN copy of the text.

[40-41] the scriptures call Hypocrites) C-F.

[53] Ly^flteaMonkeoftheAbbeyofBuryinSiiff.

[55-56] Magistrates, shall in parte plainlye [misprinted plalinye] set forth before your

eyes which boke I F.

[57] in a mirror or looking glasse, C-F.
[57-58] se if any vice be found how C-F.
[59] moue men to C-F.

THE MIRROR FOR MAGISTRATES

[60] soner amendment. This is the chiefest ende, whye it is set forth, which
God graunt it may attayne.

The wurke was begun, & part of it printed .iiii. yeare agoe, but
hyndred by the lord Chauncellour that then was, nevertheles, through
the meanes of my lord Stafford, lately perused & licenced. Whan I first

[65] tooke it in hand, I had the helpe of many graunted, & offred of sum, but
of few perfourmed, skarce of any : So that wher I entended to have con-
tinued it to Quene Maries time, I have ben faine to end it much sooner :
yet so, that it may stande for a patarne, till the rest be ready : which with
Gods grace (if I may have anye hdpe) shall be shortly. In the meane

[60] the chief end why thysbooke is C-F.

[61] may talke according to the maner of die makers. F.

[62] printed is blurred in the HN copy of the text. [Captain R. B. Haselden, of the
Huntington library, says acid has been used deliberately to eradicate the
word. Other known copies are, however, unmarred.] prynted in Queene
Maries tyme, but JB-F.

[62-0*3] but staid by such as then were chiefe in office, neuertheles, C^-F.

[64] of the right honorable Henry Lord Stafford, C-F.

[64-69] Stafford, the fyrst parte was licenced, and imprynted the fyrst yeare of the
raygne of this our most noble and vertuous Queene, and dedicate then to
your honours wyth this Preface.

Since whych rime, although I have bene called to an other trade of lyfe,
5 yet my good Lorde Stafforde hath not ceassed to call vpon me, to publyshe

so much as I had gotten at other mens hands, so that through his Lord-
shyppes earnest meanes, I have no we also set forth an other parte, conteynyng
as lide of myne owne, as the fyrst part doth of other mens. Which in the
name of all the authors, I humbly dedicate vnto your honours, instandy
10 wishyng, that it may so like and delyte your myndes, that your chearefull

receyuing thereof) maye encourage wurthy wittes to enterpryse and per-
fourme the rest "Which as soone as I maye procure, I entende through Gods
leave, and your favourable allowaunce, to publyshe with al expedition. In
JB-F. [In 1. 2 above read dedicated to for dedicate then to J/.4re^Iwanted
such helpe as before, for I have bene called to another trade of lyfe, In I 5
reofthesaydejormy In i. 6 mserf thereof after so much I/.8r*fasmuch
as I coulde obteyne at the handcs of my fremles. for as lide of myne owne,
as die fyrst part doth of other mens. C-F.]

BALDWIN'S DEDICATION

while my lords and gods (for so I may call you) I most humbly beseche [70]
you, fauourably to accepte this rude myrrour, and diligently to read and
consider it. And although you shall finde in it, that sum haue for their
vertue been enuied and murdered, yet cease not you to be vertuous, but
do your offices to the vttermost: punish sinne boldly, both in your
selues and other, so shall God (whose lieutenauntes you are) eyther so [75]
mayntayne you, that no malice shall preuayle, or if it do, it shal be for
your good, and to your eternall glory both here and in heaven, which I
beseche God you may covet and attayne. Amen.

Yours most humble,

William Baldwin. [80]

[70-71] beseche your honours favourablye B-F.

[71] rude worke, and C-F.

[73] and brought vnto miserie: yet C-F.

[74] vttennoste: suppres sinne B. your office to the vttermost. Embrace vertue

and suppresse the contrary, both C-F.
[75] (whose officers you are) B-F.
[78] maye both covet B-F [read seke^or covet C-F].
[80] W.B. C-F.

[Preface 2] ([ A Briefe Memorial of

sundrye Vnfortunate
Englishemen.

William Baldwin to
the Reader.

"T T" THan the Printer had purposed with hym selfe to prime

\ A / Lidgates booke of the fall of Princes, and had made priuye

Y Y thereto, many both honourable and worshipful!, he was

counsailed by dyuers of theim, to procure to haue the storye contynewed

[5] from where as Bochas lefte, vnto this presente time, chiefly of suche as
Fortune had dalyed with here in this ylande: whiche might be as a
myrrour for al men as well noble as others, to shewe the slyppery
deceytes of the waueryng kdy, and the due rewarde of all kinde of vices.
Whiche aduyse lyked him so well, that he required me to take paynes

[10] therin: but because it was a matter passyng my wyt and skyll, and more
thankles than gaineful to meddle in, I refused vtterly to vndertake it,
excepte I might haue the hdpe of suche, as in wyt were apte, in learning
allowed, and in iudgemente and estymacion able to wield and farnysh so
weighty an enterpryse, thinkyng euen so to shift my handes. But he

[2] Udgates translation of Bodias, of the C-G. Princes, hauinge made priuy R

[4-5] procure a continuance of die Storye from JF.

[6] had abused here F.

[7] nobles B. Myrrour for men of all estates & degres as well Nobles as other to

behold the slippery C-G. [faad others/or other G.]
[n] gaynefull to enterprise I F. vtterly alone to F.
[12] without the hdpe F.
[13-14] and discharge die weight of sutch a burden, F.
[14] thinkinge so to C-G.

BALDWIN TO THE READER

earnest and diligent in his affayres, procured Athlas to set vnder his [15]
shoulder: for shortly after, dyuers learned men whose many giftes nede
fewe praises, -consented to take vpon theym parte of the trauayle. And
whan certayne of theym to the numbre of seuen, were throughe a
generall assent at an apoynted rime and place gathered together to
deuyse therupon, I resorted vnto them, bering with me the booke of [20]
Bochas, translated by Dan Lidgate, for the better obseruacion of his
order: whiche although we lyked well, yet woulde it not cumlily serue,
seynge that both Bochas and Lidgate were dead, neyther were there any
alyue that meddled with lyke argument, to whom the vnfortunat might
make their mone. [25]

I meruaile what Bochas meaneth to forget among his myserable [35]
princes, such as wer of our nacion, whose numbre is as great, as their
aduentures wunderful: For to let passe all, both Britons, Danes, and
Saxons, and to cum to the last Conquest, what a sorte are they, and sum

[15-16] procure me an Athlas to laye the burden vppon my shoulders, which I would

not haue vndertaken, but that shortly P.
[19] at one apoynted G.

[22] wee did not mislyke, yet P. cumly serue, B. conueniendy serue, C-G.
[24] that had medled P.
[30] sundry chaunces, P.
[3 5] maruayle (quoth hee) what P.
[36] our owne nation, G.

THE MIRROR FOR MAGISTRATES

euen in his owne tyme? As for example, king Rycharde the fyrste,
[40] skyne with a quarlle in his chiefe prosperitie, also king lohn his brother
as sum saye, poysoned: are not their histories rufull and of rare example?
But as it shoulde appeare, he beynge an Italien> mynded most the Roman
and Italike story, or els perhaps he wanted our countrey chronicles. It
were therfore a goodlye and a notable matter to searche & dyscourse
[45] oure whole storye from the fyrst beginning of the inliabitynge of the
yle. But seinge the printers mynde is to haue vs followe where Lidgate
left, we wyll leaue that great laboure to other that maye intende it, and
(as blinde bayarde is alway boldest) I wyll begin at the tyme of Rycharde

[39] euen in his own time or not much before. As for Example William Rufus
the second King of England after the Conquest, cyther by malice or mis-
aduenture slaine in the new Forest, as he was in hunting there, by Walter
Tirrell with the shotte of an Arrow. Robert Duke of Normandy eldest
5 sonne to William Conqueror depriued of his inheritance of Hnglande, by

the sayed Wifliam Rufus his second brother, and after by Henry hisyongest
brother hauing both his eyes put oute, miserablye imprisoned in Cardiffe
Castel, where as hee dyed. Lykewise the moste lamentable case of William,
Richard, & Mary, children of the said Henry: drowned vpon the sea. And
10 King Richard C-G. [In 1 1 a&ove ma/ also in the time of Bochas himselfe,

for euen in his own time In I. 3 read skyne hunting in the new Forest, for
slaine in the new Forest, as he was in hunting there, In II. 5-6 omit by the
sayed William Rufus his second brother, and after In L 7 insert and after,
after oute, In I 8 omit Lykewise In 1 9 insert the first called Bcaudcrke,
after Henry, and insert by die negligence of drunken Mariners ajter sea F.
In U. 2-3 omit eymer by malice or misaduenture In 1. 3 omit in G.]

[40-41] prosperity. The most vnnaturall murther of Artur Duke of Britayne right
Heyre of Rng1 aTu ^, by 1"r>g Ihon his vnde, with the death of Isabell his
Sister by Famyne. The myserable ende of the sayd king Ihon their vnde by
Surfet, or as some write poysoned by a Monke of the Abbey of Swinsted
in Lyncolneshrye. Are not P.

[42] apeare, Bochas being C-G.

[43] wanted the knowledge of ours. C-G.

[44] and notable C-G.

[46] vs supply where P.

[48] (as one being bold first to breake the yse) C-G. at the reignc of P.

BALDWIN TO THE READER

the second, a tyme as vnfortunate as the ruler therein. And forasmuche
frende Baldwin, as it shalbe your charge to note, and pen orderly the [50]
whole proces, I wyll so far as my memorie and iudgement serueth, sum-
what further you in the truth of the story. And therefore omytting the
ruffle made by lacke Strawe and his meyny, and the mourder of many
notable men which therby happened, for lacke (as ye knowe) was but a
poore prince: I will begin with a notable example whiche within a [55]
whyle after ensued. And althoughe he be no great prince, yet sythens
he had a princelye offyce, I wyll take vpon me the miserable person of
syr Robert Tresilian chiefe lustice of Englande, and of other which
suf&ed with him: thereby to warne all of his authorytie and profession,
to take heed of wrong ludgementes, mysconstruyng of kwes, or [60]
wrestyng the same to seme the princes turaes, whiche ryghtfullye
brought theym to a myserable ende, whiche they may iustly lament in
maner ensuyng.

[49] rime as troublesome to the people, as vnlucky to the Prince. F.

[50] charge to penne F.

[53] meiney, with the C-G. [Read Lewd meiney, F.]

[56] although the person at whom I begin, was no king nor prince: C-G.

[58-59] other his fellowes learned in the Law that were plagued with F.

[59-60] of theyr callinge & profession, to beware of F.

[61] Prynces turne, F.

The fall of Robert Tresilian chiefe lustice of [Tragedy ij

Englande, and other his felowes, for mis-

construyng the kwes, and expoun-

ding them to serue the Princes

affections.

N the rufull Register of mischief and mishap,
Baldwin we beseche thee with our names to begin,
Whom vnfrendly Fortune did trayne vnto a trap,
When we thought our state most stable to haue bin,
So lighdy leese they all which all do ween to wyn: [5]

Learne by vs ye Lawyers and Judges of the lande
Vncorrupt and vpryght in doome alway to stande.

And print it for a president to remayne for euer,
Enroll and recorde it in tables made of brasse,
Engraue it in marble that may be razed neuer, [10]

Where ludges and lusticers may see, as in a glasse,
What fee is for falshode, and what our wages was
Who for our princes pleasure corrupt with meed and awe
wittyngly and wretchedly did wrest die sence of lawe.

Tide] affections. Anno. 1388. C-G.

6] this Land, G.

7 Vpright and vncorrupt C-G.

8 printe ye this presydent C-G.

ii
12

Where ludges of the Lawe may see, C-G. [Read the ludges G.]
What guerdon is for guyle, C-G.
Who for filthy lucre, corrupt P.

THE MIRROR FOR MAGISTRATES

[15] A chaunge more newe or straunge seldome hath be seen

Then from die benche aboue to cum downe to the bar:
was neuer state so turned in no tyme as I ween,
As they to becmn dyentes that counsaylours erst were,
But such is Fortunes playe, which feady can prefer

[20] The iudge that sate aboue, full lowe beneth to stand,
At the bar a prisoner holdynge vp his hand.

Whiche in others cause coulde stoutly speake and plead,
Both in court and countrey, careles of the tryall,
Stande muet lyke mummers without aduyse or read,
Vnable to vtter a true plea of denyall:
Whiche haue seen the daye when that for halfe a ryall,
We coulde by very arte haue made the blacke seme white,
And matters of most wrong, to haue appered most right.

15] be is printed he but is corrected in Ae.

15-21] A chaunge more new or straunge, when was there euer scene
Then ludges from the Bench, to come doune to the Barre
And counsaylours that were, most nigh to TCing and Quene
Exiled their countrey, from Court and counsaifc farre,
But such is Fortunes play, which can both make and marre,
Exaltinge to most highe, that was before moste Lowe
And turning tayle agayne, the lofty doune to throwe. C-G.
[In I 19 read that^/or which D-F.]

And such as kte afore, could

muet as C-G.

All to seke of shifting, by trauerse or deniall C-G.

- 2 5- ^ ,

when for a golden Riall, C-G.

27-28] By finesse and conning, could haue made black seme white
And moste extorted wronge, to haue appered righte. C-G.
[In L 27 read finenesses/or finesse G.]
Insert between 28 and 29:

Whilst thus on bench aboue, we had the highest place,
Our reasons were to strong, for any to confute,
But when at barre benett, we came to pleade our case
Our wits were in the wane, our pleading very brute,
Hard it is for prisoners, with ludges to dispute
When all men against one, and none for one shall speake
Wto wenes himsdfe moste wise, shall happdy be to weake.

ROBERT TRESILIAN

Beholde me vnfortunate forman of this flocke,
Tresilian sumtime chief Justice of this lande, [30]

By discent a gentleman, no staine was in my stocke,
Loketon, Holt, and Belknap, with other of my bande
Whiche the lawe and iustice had wholy in our hande
Vnder the seconde Richarde a prince of great estate,
To whom frowarde fortune gaue a foule checkmate. [35]

In the common lawes our skill was so profounde,
Our credite and aucthoritie suche and so estemed,
That what so we concluded was taken for a grounde,
Allowed was for lawe, what so to vs best semed:
Lyfe, death, landes, goodes, and all by vs was demed, [ 40 ]

Whereby with easye paine, so great gaine we did get,
That euery thing was fishe that came vnto our net.

At sessions and at syses we bare the stroke and swey,
In patentes and commissions of Quorum, alway chiefe:
So that to whether syde so euer we did wey, [45]

Were it right or wrong it past without repriefe,

To you therefore that sit, these few wordes will I say,
That no man syts so sure, but he may haply stand,
Wherfore whilst you haue pkce, and beare the swinge & sway 10
By feuour without rygor, let pointes of Lawe be skand:
Pitty the poore prisoner that holdeth vp his hand,
Ne kde mm not with kwe, who least of kw hath knowen,
Remember ere ye dye, the case may be your owne C-G.
[In I 6 above read many for all men F. In L 9 read may be brought

to for he may haply F.]

31,
34,
.35

3*
41,

4*
43;
44 1
46'

A Gendeman by byrth, C-G.

great estates F.

To whome and vs also, blinde Fortune gaue the mate., C-G.

That what we C-EG. That what that we F.

paine, greate gaine we did in fet, C-G.

And euery C-G.

and Sises P.

commission, C-G.

Were it by right C-G.

THE MIRROR FOR MAGISTRATES

We let hang the true man sumwhiles to saue a thiefe
Of golde and of syluer our handes were neuer emptye,
Offices, fermes, and fees, fell to vs in great plentye.

[50] But what thing maye suffyse vnto the gredye man?
The more he hath in holde, the more he doeth desyre,
Happy and twise happy is he that wisely can
Content him selfe with that whiche reason doth requyre,
And moyleth for no more then for his needfull hyre:

[55] But gredynes of mynde doth neuer kepe the syse,

Whiche though it haue enough yet doth it not sufiyse.

For lyke as dropsye pacientes drinke, and styll be dry,
Whose vnstaunched thyrst no lyquor can allaye.
And drinke they neuer so muche yet styll for more they cry:
[60] So couetous catchers toyle both nyght and day,
Gredy and euer nedy prollyng for theyr praye.
O endles thyrst of golde corrupter of all kwes,
What mischiefe is on molde whereof thou art not cause?

Thou madest vs forget the fayth of our profession,
[65] When sergeantes we were sworne to serue the common lawe.
Whiche was that in no poynte we should make digression
From approued principles in sentens nor in sawe:
But we vnhappy wretches without all drede and awe

14?] The true man we let hang somewhiles C-G.
55] doth seddome C-G.
5<5J To whomeynough and more doth neuer well suffise. C-G. [Read

at no time doth j(>r doth neuer well F.]
they nere so mutch FG. yet thirst they by and by C-G.

66'
68'

So catchers and snatchers toyle C-G.

Not needy but greedy, styll prolling C-G.

the 6yth we did professe, F.

Makyng a solempne oth in no poynt to dygresse. F.

vnhappy wyghtes C-G.

ROBERT TRESILIAN

Of the ludge eternall, for worldes vayne promocion,

More to man than God dyd beare our hole deuocion. [70]

The lawes we interpreted and statutes of the lande,
Not trulye by the texte, but nuly by a glose:
And wurds that wer most plaine whan thei by vs wer skande
We turned by construction lyke a welchmans hose,
Wherby many one both lyfe and lande dyd lose: [75]

Yet this we made a mean to mount aloft on mules.
To serue kings in al pointes men must sumwhile breke rules.

Thus clymyng and contendyng alway to the top
From hye vnto hygher, and than to be moste hye,
The hunny dewe of Fortune so fast on vs dyd drop [80]

That of kinge Richards counsayle we came to be foil nye:
To crepe into whose fauour we were foil fyne and slye
Alway to his profite where any wurde myght sounde
That way (all were it wrong) the sens we dyd expounnde.

So wurkyng lawe lyke waxe, the subiecte was not sure [85]
Of lyfe, lande, nor goods, but at the princes wyll:
Which caused his kingdome the shorter tyme to dure,
For clayming power absolute both to saue and spyll,
The prince tterby presumed his people for to pyll:
And set his lustes for lawe, and will had reasons place, [90]

No more but hang and drawe, there was no better grace.

[69-70] eternall, more high to be promoted.

To Mammon more then God, aU wholly were deuoted. P.

71] we did interprete and C-G.

74 construction to a C-EG.

75 many a one C-G.

76 made our meane C-G.

77 And seruing times and turnes, peruerted Lawes and rules. C-G.

81 be most nye: C-G.

82 Whose fauour to attaine we were full fine and slye C-G.
Alway to his auayle, where any sense might F. where any thinge

might C-JSG.
[84] the Laws C-G.

THE MIRROR FOR MAGISTRATES-

The king thus transcending the lymittes of his lawe,
Not raygning but raging by youthjfull insolence,
Wyse and worthy persons, dyd fro the courte withdrawe,
[95] There was no grace ne place for auncient prudence,
Presumcion and pryde with excesse of expence
Possessed the palays, and pillage the countrye:
Thus all went to wracke, vnlyke of remedie.

The Baronye of Englande not bearyng this abuse,
[100] Conspyring with the commons assembled by assent,
And seynge neyther reason, nor treaty, coulde induce
The king in any thing his Rygor to relent,
Mawgree all his might they called a parlyament
Francke and free for all men without checke to debate
[105] As well for weale publyke, as for the princes state.

In whiche parlyament muche thinges was proponed
Concerning die regaly and ryghtes of the crowne,
By reason kynge Richarde, whiche was to be moned,
Full lytell regardynge his honour and renowne,

Thus the TCjng oudeaping, C-EG. The King thus oudeaping, F.
raginge, as youth did him entise, C-J5G. as wyll did him entice, F.

persons from Court did dayly drawe, C-G.

95-98] Sage counsaile set at naught, proud vauntours were in price,
And roysters bare the rule, which wasted all in vice,
Of ryot and excesse, grewe scarsitye and lacke,
Of lacking came taxinge, and so went welth to wracke. C-G.

99] The Barons of the Lande not C-G.

no reason F.

Maugre his mighte B-BG. Maugre his princely mynde: F.

101

' I0 3.

men, vncheckedl to F.
106-10] In this high assembly, great thynges were proponed

Touching the Princes state, his regaly and Crowne,

By reason that the King, which much was to be moned,

Without regarde at all of honour or renowne.

Mysledde by yll aduise, had tournd all vpsydowne. C-G.

[In L 106 read which^/or this F. In L 107 read regalty^or regaly G.
In L 108 read Richard/or the King F.]

ROBERT TRESILIAN

By synister aduyse, had tourned all vpsodowne. [no]

For suerty of whose state, them thought it dyd behooue
His corrupt counsaylours, from him to remooue.

Among whom, Robert Vere, called duke of Irelande
with Myghell Delapole of Suffolke newe made erle,
Of Yorke also the Archebysshop, dyspatcht wer out of hande, [115]
with Brembre of London Mayor, a full vncurteous churle,
Sum learned in the kwe in exyle they dyd hurle:
But I poore Tresilian because I was the chiefe
was dampned to the gallowes most vyly as a thiefe.

Loe the fyne of falshode, the stypende of corruption, [120]

Fye on stynkyng lucre, of all vnryght the lure:
Ye ludges and ye lusticers let my most iust punycion,
Teache you to shake of bribes and kepe your handes pure.
Ryches and promocion be vaine thynges and vnsure,
The fauour of a prince is an vntrusty staye, [125]

But lustyce hath a fee that shall remayne alwaye.

what glory can be greater before god or man,
Then by the pathes of equitie in iudgement to procede,

fin]
[112]

in] whose estate, B.

112] His counsaylours corrupt, by reason to remoue. C-G. [Read order

for reason F.]

115] Tharchbyshop of Yorke was also of our band: F.
n6] of London a full C-G. [Read at/or of DE.]

1 18 I iudge Tresilian, F.

119 Gallowes to dye there as F.

121 The fee of dowble fiaude, the fruites it doth procure C-G. [Read

fickle fee offer fee of dowble F.]
[122] ludges vpon earth, let our iuste C-G. [Read now liuing^or vpon

earth F.]

123.
127
128

handes al pure. F.

What glory is more greater in sight of God F.

by pathes of Justice C-G.

THE MIRROR FOR MAGISTRATES

So dulye and so trulye the lawes alwayes to skan,
[130] That ryght may take his place without rewarde or mede,
Set apaite all flattery and vaine worldly drede:
Take god before your eyes the iust iudge supreme,
Remembre well your reckening at the daye extreme.

Abandon all affray, be soothfast in your sawes,
[135] Be constant and careles of mortall mens dyspleasure,

With eyes shut & hands dose you should pronounce the lawes
Esteme not worldly hyre, thynke ther is a treasure
More worth then golde or stone a thousande tymes in valure,
Reposed for all suche as righteousnes ensue,
[140] Whereof you cannot fayle, the promys made is true.

If sum in latter dayes, had called vnto mynde
The fatall fall of vs for wrestyng of the ryght,
The statutes of this lande they should not haue defynde
So wylfully and wytringly agaynst the sentence quyte:
[145] But though they skaped paine, the falte was nothing lyght:
Let them that cum hereafter both that and this compare,
And waying well the ende, they wyll I trust beware.

129] So dudye and trudy F. alway to C-G.

130 That lusticc may take place without F. without regarde or G.

132 Set God before C-G. the righteous Iudge P.

136 hands closdc F.

137 worldly goods, C-JSG. Way not this worldly mucke, F.
141 If Judges in our dayes, would ponder well in minde, C-G.
142] wresting Lawe and right, C-G.

143-46] Such statutes as touch life should not be thus definde
By sences constrained, against true meaning quite,
As well they might affirme the blacke for to be white,
Wherefore we wish they would, our act and end compare, CXI.

[147] well the case, C-G. we trust

TO THE READER

WHan maister Ferrers had finished this tragedye, whiche [Prose i]
semed not vnfyt for the persons touched in the same. An
other whiche in the mean tyme had stayed vpon syr Roger
Mortimer, whose miserable ende as it should appeare, was sumwhat
before the others, sayd as foloweth. Althoughe it be not greatly apper- [5]
tinent to our purpose, yet in my Judgement I thynke it woulde do wd
to obserue the rimes of men, and as they be more aunciente, so to place
theym: for I fynde that before these, of whom maister Ferrers here hath
spoken, there were two Mortimers, the one hanged in Edwarde the
thirdes tyme out of oure date, another slayne in Irdande in Richarde the [10]
secondes tyme, a yere before the fall of these lustices: whose historye
syth it is notable and the example fruitfull, it were pitie to ouerpasse it.
And therfore by your lycence and agrement, I will take vpon me the
personage of the last, who full of woundes, miserably mangled, with a
pale countenaunce, and grisly looke, may make his mone to Baldwin as [15]
foloweth.

[i] WHcn finished was this P. his Tragedy, G.

[4] Mortimer Earle of March, and heyre apparaunt of Englande, whose F.

[6] our purposed matter, F.

[7] tymes of these great infortuncs, F.

[7-8] aundent in tyme, so to place their seucrall plaintes: F.

[9] theoneinC-G.

[9-11] two carles of the name of Mortimer, the one in the tyme of king Edward the

third out of our date : another in Richard the secondes time, slayne in Ireland,

aF.

[12] were not good to C-G.
[13] and fauours, F.
[14] of woundes mangled, C-EG. the cade Mortimer called Roger, who full of

bloudye woundes mangled, F.
[15-16] Baldwin, in this wise. F.

Tragedy 2] Howe the two Rogers, surnamed Morti-
mers, for dieyr sundry vices ended
theyr lyues vnfortu-
natelye.

IciMong the ryders of the rollyng whede,
That lost theyr holdes, Baldwin forget not me,
whose fatall threede false Fortune nedes would reele,
Ere it were twysted by the systers three.
[5] All folke be frayle, theyr blysses brittle bee :
For proofe whereof although none other wer,
Suffyse may I, syr Roger Mortimer.

Not he that was in Edwardes dayes the thyrde,
Whom Fortune brought to boote and efte to bale,
[10] With loue of whom die kyng so muche she sturde,
That none but he was heard in any tale:
And whyles she smooth, blewe on this merye gale,
He was created earle of Marche, alas,
Whence envy sprang whiche his destruction was.

[Tide] vnfortunately the one. An. 1329. the other. 1387. C-G. [Read

Anno 1387. D-jF.]
on the F.
Which lost P.
direct, vntimely death dyd rede F.

brought from boote to extreme bale, F.

10-14] With loue of whom, the Queene so much was stird,
As for his sake from, honour she did scale,
And whilest Fortune, blew on this pleasaunt gale,
Heauing him high on her triumphdl Arch,
By meane of her hee was made Earle of March. P.

[12] tms pleasant gale C-E

THE TWO MORTIMERS

For welth bredeth wrath, in suche as welth do want, [15]
And pryde with folly in suche as it possesse,
Among a thousande shall you fynde hym skant,
That can in welth his loftye harte represse,
Whiche in this Erie due proofe did playne expresse,
For where he sumwhat hauty was before, [20]

His hygh degree hath made hym nowe muche more.

For nowe alone he ruleth as him lust,
Ne recketh for rede, save of kyng Edwardes mother:
Whiche forced envy foulder out the rust,
That in mens hartes before dyd lye and smother. [25]

The Piers, the people, as well the one as the other,
Agaynst hym made so haynous a complaynt,
That for a traytour he was taken and attaynt.

Then all suche faultes as were forgot before,
The skower afresh, and sumwhat to them ad: [30]

For cruell envy hath eloquence in store,
whan Fortune byds, to warsse thinges meanely bad.

[15-21] Whence pryde out sprang, as doth appeare by manye,
Whom soden hap, aduaunceth in excesse,
Among thousandes, scarse shal you fynde anye,
Which in high wealth that humor can suppresse,
As in this earle, playne proofe did wd expresse:
For whereas hee too loftye was before,
His new degree hath made him now much more. F.
breedes G.
fynde one skant, C-EG.

23
24

25'
26

For where as he was somewhat haut hefore, G-EG.

Respecting none saue only the Queene mother, F.

Which moued malice to foulder F.

Which deepe in hate, before F.

one as other, C-G.

traytour, they did the Earle attaynt. F.

forgot afore, C-EG. such crimes as hidden lay before, F.

They skower C-G.

For hydden hate hath F.

biddes small faultes to make more bad, F.

THE MIRROR FOR MAGISTRATES

Fyue haynous crymes agaynst hym soone were had,
Fyrst, that he causde die kyng to yelde the Skot,
[35] To make a peace, townes that were from him got:

And therewithal! the charter called Ragman.
That of the Skots he bribed pryuy gayne,
That through his meanes syr Edward of Carnaruan
In Barkley castell trayterously was slayne:
[40] That with his princes mother he had layne.

And fynally with pollyng at his pleasure,
Had robde die kyng and commons of theyr treasure.

For these thynges loe whiche erst were out of minde
He was condemned, and hanged at the last,
[45] In whom dame Fortune fully shewed her kynde,

For whom she heaves, she hurleth downe as fast:
If men to cum would learne by other past,
This cosen of myne myght cause them set asyde,
High dymyng, brybyng, murdring, lust, and pryde.

[50] The fynall cause why I this processe tell,

Is that I may be knowen from this other,
My lyke in name, vnlyke me though he fell,
Whiche was I thinke my graund sier or his brother:

[34-35] Causing the king to yeld vnto the Scot,

Townes that his father, but late afore had got. F.
[37] he had bribed priuy gayne, C-EG. Yeuen to die Scots for brybes

and priuie gayne, P.
38] That by his P.

39' Castell most traiterously C-J5G. Castd, most cruelly was skynerP
^.i' And last of all by pyllageatP.
42' Had spoyld the P.
44 Dampned he was, P.

48 My coosins 611 might P.

49 brybing, adultery and pryde, P.
53 I wene P.

THE TWO MORTIMERS

To counte my kyn, dame Philip was my mother,

Deare doughter and heyre of douty Lyonell, [55]

The seconde sonne of a kyng that dyd excelL

My father hyght syr Edmunde Mortimer,
True erle of Marche, whence I was after erle
By iust discent, these two my parentes wer,
Of whiche the one of knighthoode bare the ferle, [60]

Of womanhoode the other was the perle:
Throughe theyr deserte so called of euery wight,
Tyll death them tooke, and left in me theyr ryght.

For why the attaynder of my elder Roger,
(whose shamefull death I tolde you but of late) [65]

was founde to be vniust, and passed ouer
Agaynst the lawe, by those that bare hym hate.
For where by lawe die lowest of free estate
Should personally be heard ere iudgement passe,
They barred hym this, where through distroyed he was. [70]

[55-5<5] Eldest daughter and heire of Lyondl,

Of King Edward the third the second sequde. F.

56] kyng who dyd B-EG.
58* CaldEarleF.
59' By true discent F.
6ol bare ferll I>-F.

Of Ladies all, the F.
62^3] After whose Death I ondy stoode in plight,

To be' next heyre vnto the crowne by right. F.
63] left me in their right. C-EG.
64] For the attainder DE.
64-66] Touching the case of my cousin Roger,

(whose ruful end euen now I did relate)

Was found in tyme an vndue atteindre F.
68] lawe ech man of F.
69-70] Should be heard speake before his iudgement passe,

That common grace to him denyed was. F.

THE MIRROR FOR MAGISTRATES

wherfore by doome of courte in parlyament,
whan we had proued our cosen ordired thus,
The Kyng, the Lordes, the Cominens of assent,
His kwles death vnlawfull dyd discus:
[75] And both to blood and good restored vs.

A Presydent most worthy, shewed, and left
Lordes lyues to saue that lawles might be reft.

whyle Fortune thus dyd furder me amayne
Kyng Rychardes grace the seconde of the name
[80] (whose dissolute lyfe dyd soone abridge his rayne)

Made me his mate in earnest and in game:
The Lordes them selues so well allowed the same,
That throwe my tydes duely cummyng downe,
I was made heyre apparaunt to the crowne.

[85] who then but I was euery where estemed?

well was the man that myght with me acquaynte,
whom I allowed, as Lordes the people demed.
To what so euer folly had me bente,
To lyke it well the people dyd assente:

[90] To me as prince, attended great and small,

In hope a daye would cum to paye for all.

71] doome in Court of Parliament, F.
72 His atteindre appering erroneous, F.

76 A president worthy, in record left, F.

77 Lordes lygnes saue, by lawles meanes bereft. P.
78' did frendly me reteyne, F.

79 of that name, C-J5G.

79-80] Rychard the king, that second was by name,
Hauing none heire after hi to reigne: P.

!86] that vnderstoode my bent, F.
88-89] And me to serue was euery mannes entent,

With all that wyt or cunning could inuent: F.
[91] I hoopt a day C-EG.

THE TWO MORTIMERS

But sddome ioye continued! trouble voyde,
In greatest charge cares greatest do ensue,
The most possest are ever most anoyed,
In largest seas sore tempestes lyghdy true, [95]

The fresshest colours soonest fade the hue,
In thyckest place is made the depest wounde,
True proofe wherof my selfe to soone haue founde.

For whyles that Fortune lulde me in her kp,
And gaue me gyftes mo than I dyd requyre, [100]

The subtyll quean behynde me set a trap,
whereby to dashe and laye all in the myre:
The Iryshe men against me dyd conspyre,
My landes of Vlster fro me to haue reft,
whiche herytage my mother had me left. [105]

And whyles I there, to set all thinges in stay,
(Omyt my toyles and troubles thitherwarde)
Among myne owne with my retinue lay,
The wylder men whom lytell I dyd regarde,
And had therefore the recheles mans rewarde: [no]

When least I thought set on me in suche number,
That fro my corps my lyfe they rent a sunder.

soonest chaunge their hue, F.

whyles fayr Fortune B-E. [Read whilst for whyles G.]
whiles Fortune so luld F.

101

102

104
105
107
109,
no

1 12

The double Dame F.

To dash me downe and F.

Irish Kernes F.

Vlster vniustly to bereaue, F.

Which my mother for heritage did me leaue. F.

troble C-E.

wylder sort, whom I did least regard, F.

And therfore the F.

the lyfe they set asunder. F.

THE MIRROR FOR MAGISTRATES

Nought myght auayle my courage nor my force,
Nor strength of men whiche were alas to fewe:
[115] The cruell folke assaulted so my horse,

That all my helpes in pieces they to hewe,
Our blood distayned tie grounde as drops of dewe,
Nought myght preuayle to flee nor yet to yelde,
For whom they take they murdre in the fyelde.

[120] They know no lawe of armes nor none wil lerne:

They make not warre (as other do) a playe,
The lorde, the boye, the Galloglas, the kerne,
Yelde or not yelde, whom so they take they sky,
They save no prysoners, for raunsom nor for pay:

[125] Theyr chiefest boote they counte theyr bodohs heade,

Theyr ende of warre to see theyr enmye deade.

Amongest these men or rather savage beastes,
I lost my lyfe, by cruell murder slaine.
And therfbre Baldwin note thou well my geastes,
[130] And warne all princes rashnes to refraine:

Bid them beware their enmies when they faine,
Nor yet presume vnequally to strive,
Had I thus done, I had ben man alive.

114
117
118'

120

[126

[133

Nor hdpc of firendcs, which F.

distaynes G.

flye or yet F.

No kw of Armcs they know, F.

their bodycs head, DE. Their booty chiefe, they coumpt

a deadmans heade F.
ofwarre'stoseeF.

presume to make their match amisse, F.
Had I not so done, I had not come to this, F.

THE TWO MORTIMERS

But I dispysed the naked Iryshmen,

And for they flewe, I feared diem the lesse: [135]

I thought one man ynough to matche with ten,
And through this careles vnadvisednesse,
I was destroyed, and all my men I gesse,
At vnawares assaulted by our foen,
Whiche were in numbre fourty to vs one. [140]

Se here the staye of fortunate estate,
The vayne assuraunce of this britell lyfe,
For I but yong, proclaymed prince of late,
Right fortunate in children and in wife,
Lost all at once by stroke of bloody knife: [145]

Wherby assurde let men them selues assure,
That welth and lyfe are doubtfull to endure.

[134-38] At naught I set a sort of naked men,

And much the lesse, seeming to flye away,
One man me thought was good ynough for ten,
Making small account of number more or lesse,
Madnesse it is, in warre to goo by gesse, F.

J 39.

142

144

vnwares B-F.

of pompe and highe estate, F.

The feeble hold of this vncerteyn lyfe, F.

Prince but kte, F.

Hailing fayre fruict by my belooued wyfe: F.

THOMAS, DUKE OF GLOUCESTER

A~ er that this Tragedy was ended, mayster Ferrers sayde: seyng [Prose 2]
it is best to place eche person in his ordre, Baldwin take you the
Chronicles and marke them as they cum: for there are many
wurthy to be noted, though not to be treated of. First the lord Morif a
Scotishman, who tooke his deathes wounde through a stroke lenthim by [5]
the erle of Notingham whom he chalenged at the tilte. But to omit him,
& also the fatte Prior of Tiptre, preaced to death with throng of people
vpon London bridge at the Quenes entry, I wil cum to the duke of
Glocestre the kinges vnde, a man muche mynding the common weale,
& yet at length miserably made away, In whose person yf ye wyll gyue [10]
eare, ye shall heare what I thinke mete to be sayd.

[i] After this C-G. Tragedye ended, F.

[4] not treated C-G. Lord Murrey C-G.

[9] man myndynge C-G. common welth, C-G.

Howe syr Thomas of Wudstocke Duke [Tragedy 3 ]
of Glocester, vncle to king Richaide
the seconde, was vnkwfully
murdred.

iHose state is stablisht in semyng most sure,
And so far from daunger of Fortunes blast,
As by the compas of mans coniecture,
No brasen pyller maye be fyxte more fast:
Yet wantyng the staye of prudent forecast, [5]

Whan frowarde Fortune lyst for to frowne,
Maye in a moment tourne vpsyde downe.

[Tide] murdered. Anno. 1397. C-G.

[i] stablisht is printed stalysht but is corrected in Ae. state stablisht is, C-EG.

Who stablisht is in State, seeming P.
[2] blastes, C-G.

THE MIRROR FOR MAGISTRATES

In proofe whereof, O Baldwin, take payne
To hearken awhyle to Thomas of Wiidstocke,
[10] Addrest in presence his fate to complayne,

In the forlorne hope of the Englysh flocke:
Extracte by discent from the royall stocke,
Sonne to kyng Edward third of that name,
And seconde to none in glory and fame.

[15] This noble father to maynteyne my state,

With Buckyngham Erldom dyd me indowe,
Both Nature and Fortune to me were grate,
Denyeng nothing which they myght alb we:
Theyr sundry graces in me did so flowe,

[20] As bewty, strength, high fauour and fame.

Who may of God more wysh than the same?

Brothers we were to the numbre of seuen,
I beyng the syxt, and yongest but one:
A more royall race was not vnder heauen,
[25] More stowte or more stately of stomacke and person,

Princes all pereles in eche condicioix:
Namely syr Edwarde called the blacke prince,
Whan had Englande the lyke before eyther since?

But what of all this, any man to assure,
[30] In state vncarefull of Fortunes varyaunce ?

Syth dayly and hourely we see it in vre,
That where most cause is of afiyaunce,
Euen there is founde moste weake assuraunce,
Let none trust Fortune, but folowe Reason:
[35] For often we see in trust is treason.

9] Turne thine care to F.

Prcst in presence on Fortune to F.
of English, flocke: C-G.
Who by discent was of the royall F.
Denyeng me nothyng B-G.
before or euer since? C-G.

THOMAS, DUKE OF GLOUCESTER

This prouerbe in proofe ouer true I tryed,
Finding high treason in place of high trust.
And most faulte of fayth where I most affyed:
Beyng by them, that should haue been iust,
Trayterously entrapt, ere I coulde mystrust. [40]

Ah wretched worlde what it is to trust thee,
Let them that wyll learne nowe hearken to niee.

After king Edwarde the thyrdes decease,
Succeded my Nephewe Rycharde to reyne,
Who for his glory and honors encrease, [45]

With princely wagies dyd me enterteyne,
Agaynst the frenchmen to be his Chyefteyne:
So passyng the seas with royall puissaunce,
With God and S. George I inuaded Fraunce.

Wasting the countrey with swurde and with fyer, [50]
Ouerturning townes, high castels and towers,
Lyke Mars God of warre enflamed with yre,
I forced the Frenchmen to abandon theyr bowers:
Where euer we matcht I wan at all howers,
In suche wyse visyting both Cytie and village, [55]

That alway my soldiers were laden with pillage.

With honoure and triumph was my retourne,
Was none more ioyous than yong king Richarde:
Who minding more highly my state to adourne,
with Glocester Dukedome dyd me rewarde: [60]

And after in mariage I was prefarde,
To a daughter of Bohan an earle honorable,
By whome I was of Englande high Constable.

138] And most false of fayth DE. And most false fayth P.
42] to is printed vnto but is corrected in Ae.
53] to abandon is printed tabaddon but is corrected in Ae.

THE MIRROR FOR MAGISTRATES

Thus hoysted so high on Fortunes wheele,
[65] As one on a stage attendyng a playe,

Seeth not on whiche syde tie scaffolde doth reele,
Tyll tymber and poales, and all flee awaye:
So fared it by mee, for day by daye,
As honour encreased I loked styll hyer,
[70] Not seyng the daunger of my fonde desyer.

For whan Fortunes flud ran with full streame,
I beyng a Duke descended of Kinges,
Constable of Englande, chiefe officer in the realme,
Abused with esperaunce in these vaine thinges,
[75] I went without feete, and flewe without winges:

Presumyng so far vpon my high state
That dread set aparte, my prince I would mate.

For where as al kings haue counsel of their choyse
To whom they refer die rule of theyr lande,
[80] With certayne famyliers in whom to reioyce,

For pleasure or profyt, as the case shall stande,
I not bearyng this, would nedes take in hande,
Maulgree his wyll those persons to dysgrace,
And such as I thought fyt to appoynt in their place.

[85] But as an olde booke sayth, who so wyll assaye,

Aboute the Cats necke to hang on a bell,
Had fyrst nede to cut the Cats ckwes awaye,

Thus hoysted high on Fortunes whyrling wheele, F.

flie away: C-G.

For Fortunes floode thus running with C-G.

And I a Duke discended of great Kinges, C-G.

officer of the G.

with assuraunce in F. with desperaunce in G.

high estate. C-G.

to settle in C-G.

on any bell, C-G.

THOMAS, DUKE OF GLOUCESTER

Least yf the Cat be curst, or not tamed well,

She haply with her nayles may clawe him to the fell:

For doyng on the bell about die cats necke, [90]

By beyng to busy I caught a sore checke.

Reade well the sentence of the Rat of renoune,
Which Pierce the plowman discribes in his dreame,
And who so hath wyt the sense to expoune,
Shall fynde that to bridle the prince of a realme, [95]

Is euen (as who sayeth) to striue with the streamer
Note this all subiectes, and construe it well,
And busy not your braine about the cats bell.

But in that ye be Lyeges learne to obaye,
Submytting your wylles to your princes lawes, [100]

It fytteth not a subiecte to haue his owne waye,
Remember this bywurde of the Cats clawes:
For princes lyke Lyons haue long and large pawes
That reache at raundon, and whom they once twitch,
They ckwe to the bone before the skyn itch. [105]

But to my purpose, I beyng once bent,
Towardes the atchiuyng of my attemptate,
Power bolde Barrons were of myne assent,
By oth and aUyaunce fastly confederate:
Fyrst Henry of Derby, an Earle of estate, [no]

Richarde of Arundell, and Thomas of Warwicke,
With Mowbray erle Marshall a man most warlicke.

curst, and not C-G.
So putting on C-G.
a cruell checke. C-G.
brains C-G.

102] this prouerbe C-G.

II2J Mowbray the Marshall, C-G.

THE MIRROR FOR MAGISTRATES

At Ratcote brydge assembled our bande,
The Commons in clusters cam to vs that day,
[115] To daunte Robert Vere, then Duke of Irelande,

By whom king Rycharde was ruled alway:
We put hym to flyght, and brake his array,
Then maulgree the kyng, his leaue or assent,
By Constables power we called a parlyament.

[120] Where not in roabes, but with bastardes bright,

We cam for to parle of the Publyke weale,
Confyrming our quaxdQ, with maine and with might
With swurdes and no wurdes we tryed our appeale,
In stede of Reason dedaryng our Zeale,

[125] And whom so we knewe with the kyng in good grace

Playndy we depriued him of power and of place.

Sum with shorte proces were banysht the lande,
Sum executed widi capytall payne,
Wherof who so lyst, die whole to vnderstande,
[130] In the parlyament roll it appeareth playne,

And furder howe stoutly we dyd the king strayne,
The Rule of his realme wholy to resygne,
To die order of those, whom we dyd assygne.

But note the sequde of suche presumption,
[135] After we had these myrades wrought,

The king enflamed with indignation,
That to suche bondage he should be brought,

Studyed nought els but howe that he myght
[140] Be highly reuenged of his high dispight.

126

140

We pkynlye depriued, of C-E.

Myrades thus wrought, F.

By Subiectes thus in bondage to bee brought, F.

C-G.

THOMAS, DUKE OF GLOUCESTER

Aggreued was also this latter offence,
with former matter his yre to renue:
For once at wyndsore I brought to his presence,
The Mayor of London with all his retinue,
To axe a reckening of the Realmes reuenue: [145]

And the soldiers of Brest were by me made bolde,
To dayme entertainment the towne being solde.

These griefes remembred, with all the remnaunt,
Of hate in his hert hourded a treasure,
Yet openly in shewe made he no semblaunt, [150]

By wurde nor by deede to beare displeasure:
But loue dayes dissembled do neuer endure,
And who so trusteth a foe reconcylde,
Is for the most parte alwayes begilde.

For as fyer yll quencht will vp at a starte, [155]

And sores not well salued do breake out of newe,
So hatred hydden in an yrefull harte,
Where it hath had long season to brewe,
Vpon euery occasion doth easely renewe:
Not fayling at last, yf it be not let, [160]

To paye large vsury besides the due det.

Euin so it fared by this frendship fained,
Outwardly sounde, and inwardly rotten:

142] former cause of rancour to F.

145 aske accoumpt of F.

146 Brest by me were made C-G.

147] Their wages to ckimr when the town was solde. C-G. [Read To

dayme their wages, far Their wages to daime F.l
[149] Hourded in his harte hate out of measure, C-G. [Read Fulfyld his

hart wither Hourded in his harte F.]

151 woord or by C-G.

152 But Frendship fayned, in proofe is found vnsure. F.
158 hath not had F.

THE MIRROR FOR MAGISTRATES

For whan the kinges fauour in semyng was gained,
[165] All olde dyspleasures forgyuen and forgotten,

Euin than at a sodayne the shaft was shotten,
Whiche pearced my harte voyde of mistrust,
Alas that a prince should be so vniust.

For lying at Plasshey my selfe to repose,
[170] By reason of syckenes whiche helde me full sore:

The king espying me aparte from those,
with whom I confedered in bande before,
Thought it not meete, to tract the tyme more,
But glad to take me at suche auauntage,
[175] Came to salute me with friendly vysage.

Who hauyng a bande bounde to his bent,
By coulour of kyndenes to vyset his Eame,
Tooke tyme to accomplysh his cruell intent:
And in a small vessell downe by the streame,
[180] Conueyed me to Calays out of the realme,

where without proces or doome of my peres,
Not nature but murder abridged my yeres.

This acte was odious to God and to man,
Yet rygour to doke in habyte of reason,
[185] By crafty compas deuise they can,

Articles nyne of ryght haynous treason:
But doome after death is sure out of season,
For who euer sawe so straunge a presydent,
As execucion doen before iudgement.

1170] With long sickncsse diseased very sore: F.
172] I was confedered before, F.
189] execution to goe before F.

THOMAS, DUKE OF GLOUCESTER

Thus hate harboured in depth of mynde, [190]

By sought occasyon burst out of newe,
And cruelty abused the lawe of kynde,
whan that the Nephewe the Vncle slewe,
Alas king Rycharde sore mayst thou rewe:
whiche by this facte preparedst the waye, [195]

Of thy harde destynie to hasten the daye.

For blood axeth blood as guerdon dewe,
And vengeaunce for vengeaunce is iust rewarde,
O ryghteous God thy iudgementes are true,
For looke what measure we other awarde, [200]

The same for vs agayne is preparde:
Take heed ye princes by examples past,
Blood wyll haue blood, eyther fyrst or last.

1195] preparedst a pkyne waye, P.
200] measure to others we awarde, P.

LORD MOWBRAY

"T" "T "THan maister Ferrers had ended this fruytftdl tragedye, be- [Prose 3]
\ A / cause no man was readye with another, I, hauyng perused
T V the story whiche cam next, sayd : Because you shall not say
my maisters but that I wyll in stunwhat do my parte, I wyll vnder your
correction declare the tragedy of the Lord Mowbray, the chiefe wurker [5]
of the Dukes destruction: who to admonysh all Counsaylers to beware
of flattering princes, or falsely enuying or accusyng theyr Peregalles,
may lament his vices in maner folowyng.

[i] ended his fruitfullG.

[2] with any other, C-EG. an other, hauing F.

[4] wyll somewhat C-G.

[5] of Thomas Mowbray, Duke of Northefolke, the C-G.

[6] the Duke of Glocesters destruction: C-G.

Howe the Lorde Mowbray promoted by [Tragedy

Kyng Richarde the seconde, was by

hym banyshed the Realme,

and dyed miserably

in exyle.

(fl/Hough sorowe and shame abash me to reherce

My lothsum lyfe and death of due deserued,

Yet th^t die paynes thereof may other perce,

To leaue the lyke, least they be lykdy serued,

Ah Baldwin marke, I wil shew thee how I s warned: [5]

Dyssemblyng, Enuy, and Flattery, bane that be

Of all their hostes, haue shewed their power on me.

[Tide] second, to the state of a Duke, was C-G.

Realme, tW yeare of Christe. 1398. and after died C-G. [Read

intheD-K]

be like wyse serued, C-G.
marke, and see how that I swerued: C-G.

101

THE MIRROR FOR MAGISTRATES

I blame not Fortune though she dyd her parte,
And true it is she can doo lytell harme,
[10] She gydeth goods, she hampreth not the harte,

A vertuous mynde is safe from euery charme:
Vyce, onely vyce, with her stoute strengthles arme,
Doth cause the harte to euyll to endyne,
Whiche I alas, doo fynde to true by myne,

[15] For where by byrth I came of noble kynde,

The Mowbrayes heyre, a famous house and olde,
Fortune I thanke her, was to me so kynde,
That of my prince I had what so I wolde:
Yet neyther of vs was muche to other holde,

[ao] For I through flattery abused his wanton youth,

And his fonde trust augmented my vntruth.

He made me fyrst the earle of Notyngham,
And Marshall of the realme, in whiche estate,
The Piers and people ioyndy to me came,
[25] with sore complaynt against them that of late

Made offycers, had brought the king in hate
By makynge sale of lustice, ryght and lawe,
And lyuyng nought, without all dreede or awe.

I gaue them ayde these euyls to redresse,
[30] And went to London with an army strong,

And caused die king against his wyll oppresse
By cruell death, all suche as led hym wrong:
The lorde chiefe lustice suffired these among,
So dyd the Stuarde of his housholde head,
[35] The Chauncelour scapte, for he aforehande fled.

A minde well bent, C-G.

hart from good to yll endine, C-G.

noble race, C-F.

thanke, gaue me so good a grace, C-G.

Yet neyther was, to other gready holde, C-G.

Marshall of England, P.

IO2

LORD MOWBRAY

These wicked men thus from the king remoued,
who best vs pleased, succeded in theyr place:
For whiche both kyng and commons muche vs loued
But chiefely I with all stoode high in grace,
The kyng ensued my rede in euery case, [40]

whence selfe loue bred: for glory maketh proude,
And pryde aye looketh alone to be allowde.

wherfore to thende I might alone enioye
The kinges good wyll I made his lust my lawe:
And where of late I laboured to destroye, [45]

Suche flatryng folke as thereto stoode in awe,
Nowe learned I among the rest to dawe:
For pride is suche, yf it be kindely caught,
As stroyeth good, and styrreth vp every nought.

Pryde pricketh men to flatter for the pray, [50]

To oppresse and pol for mayntenaunce of the same,
To malyce suche as matche vnethes it may:
And to be briefe, pride doth the harte enflame,
To fyer what myschief any fraude maye frame,
And euer at length the euyls by it wrought [55]

Confounde the wurker, and bring him vnto nought.

Beholde in me due proofe of euerye parte:
For pryde fyrst forced me my prince to flatter
So muche, that what so euer pleased his harte,
Were it neuer so evyll, I thought a lawfoll matter, [60]

Whiche caused the lordes afresh against him clatter,
Because he had his holdes beyonde sea solde,
And seen his souldiers of theyr wages polde.

Kinges fauour, I F.

Pryde prouoketh to F.

To pofl, and oppresse for F.
pryde prickt me first my F.
Because of Holdes beyond the sea that he solde, F.

103

THE MIRROR FOR MAGISTRATES

Though all these yls were doen by my assent,
[65] Yet suche was lucke, that eche man deemed no:

For see the duke of Glocester for me sent,
With other lordes, whose hartes did blede for wo,
To see the Realme so fast to ruyne go.
In faulte whereof, they sayde the two dukes wer,
[70] The one of Yorke, the other of Lancaster.

On whose remove fro beyng aboute the king
We all agreed, and sware a solempne oth,
And whyle the rest prouyded for this thyng,
I flatter I, to win the prayse of troth,

[75] Wretche that I was brake fayth and promise both:

For I bewrayed the king theyr whole intent,
For whiche vnwares they all were tane and shent.

Thus was the warder of the common weale,
The Duke of Glocester gyldes made awaye,
[80] With other moo, more wretche I so to deale,

Who through vntruth their trust dyd yll betraye:
Yet by this means obteyned I my praye,
Of king and Dukes I fbunde for this suche fauour
As made me Duke of Norfolke, for my labour.

[85] But see howe pride and envy ioyndy runne,

Because my prince dyd more than me, preferre
Syr Henry Bolenbroke, the eldest sunne
Of lohn of Gaunte, the Duke of Lancaster,
Proude I that would alone be blasyng sterre,

[90] Envyed this Earle, for nought saue that the shine,

Of his desertes dyd glyster more then mine:

by mine assent, C-G.
from place about F.
whilst C-G.
I flattrer I, B-G.
bewrayed to'th King G.
this Duke, C-G.

104

LORD MOWBRAY

To the ende therfore his lyght should be the lesse,
I slyly sought all shyftes to put it out:
But as the peyze that would the palme tree presse,
Doth cause the bowes sprede larger rounde about, [95]

So spyte and enuy causeth glory sprout.
And aye the more the top is ouertrode,
The deper doth the sounde roote sprede abrode.

For when this Henry Erie of Harforde sawe,
What spoyle the kyng made of the noble blood, [100]

And that without all Justice, cause, or lawe:
To suffer him so he thought not sure nor good.
Wherfore to me two faced in a hood,
As touching this, he fully brake his mynde,
As to his frende that should remedy fynde. [105]

But I, although I knewe my prince dyd yll,
So that my heart abhorred sore the same,
Yet myschief so through malyce led my wyll,
To bring this Earle from honour vnto shame,
And towarde my selfe, my souerayne to enflame: [no]

That I bewrayed his wurdes vnto the king,
Not as a rede, but as a most haynous thyng.

Thus where my duty bounde me to have tolde,
My prince his fault, and wylde him to refrayne,
Through flattery loe, I dyd his yll vpholde, [us]

whiche turnde at length both hym and me to payne:
Wo, wo, to kynges whose counsaylours do fayne,
Wo, wo to realmes where suche are put in trust,
As leave the kwe, to serve the princes lust.

93] put him out: G.

99] Henry Duke of C-G.

103] in hood, B. in one hoode, C-G.

109] this Duke C-G.

103

THE MIRROR FOR MAGISTRATES

[120] And wo to him that by his flatteryng rede,

Maynteyneth a prince in any kynde of vyce:
wo wurth hym eke for envy, pryde, or mede,
That mysreportes any honest enterprise,
Because I beast in all these poyntes was nyce,

[125] The plages of all together on me lyght,

And due, for yll ylldoers doth acquite.

For when the Earle was charged with my playnt,
He flatte denyed that any parte was true,
And daymde by armes to aunswere his attaynt,
[130] And I by vse that warly feates well knewe,

To his desyre incontinently drewe:
wherwith the king dyd seme ryght well content,
As one that past not muche with whom it went.

At tyme and place apoynted we apearde,
[135] At all poyntes armde to proue our quarels iust,

And whan our frendes on eche parte had vs chearde,
And that the Haroldes bad vs do our lust,
with spere in rest we tooke a course to iust:
But ere our horses had run halfe theyr way,
[140] A shoute was made, the kyng dyd byd vs stay.

And for to avoyde the sheddyng of our bloode,
with shame and death, which one must nedes haue had
The king through counsaile of the lordes thought good
To banysh both, whiche iudgement strayt was rad:
[145] No maruayle than though both were wroth and sad,

But chiefely I that was exylde for aye,
My enmy straunged but for a ten yeares daye.

I2L
127
130

140

Maynteyns C-G.

the Duke C-G.

warlyke G.

in brest wee G.

kyng commaunded stay. J3-G.

for ten yeares daye. JF.

106

LORD MOWBRAY

The date expirde, whan by this doulfull doome
I should departe to lyve in banysht bande,
On payne of death, to Englande not to coome, [150]

I went my way: the kyng seasde in his hande,
My oflyces, my honours, goods and lande,
To paye the due, as openly he tolde,
Of myghty summes, whiche I had from hym polde.

See Baldwin see, the salarye of synne, [155]

Marke with what meede vile vyces are rewarded.
Through pryde and envy I lose both kyth and kynne,
And for my flattring playnte so well regarded,
Exyle and slaunder are iusdy me awarded:
My wife and heyre lacke landes and lawful right [ifo]

And me theyr lorde made dame Dianaes knyght.

If these mishaps at home be not inough,
Adioyne to them my sorowes in exyle:
I went to Almayne fyrst, a lande ryght rough,
In whiche I founde suche churlysh folke and vyle, [its]

As made me loth my lyfe ech other whyle:
There loe, I learned what it is to be a gest
Abrode, and what to lyve at home in rest.

For they esteme no one man more than eche,
They vse as well the Lackey as the Lorde, [170]

And lyke theyr maners churlysh is theyr speche,
Their lodging hard, their bourd to be abhord:
Their pleyted garmentes herewith well accorde,

148;
152
156'
158'
159
171

this doubtful! dome, F.

Myn offices, C-G.

are regarded D-F.

well rewarded, D-F.

are iust to mee awarded: F.

churlish in theyr C-G.

garments therewith G.

107

THE MIRROR FOR MAGISTRATES

All iagde and frounst, with diuers coloures dekt,
[175] They swere, they curse, and drynke tyll they be flekt.

They hate all suche as these their maners hate,
Which reason would no wise man should allow:
With these I dwelt, lamenting mine estate
Till at the length they had got knowledge, how
[180] I was exilde because I dyd auow

A false complaynt agaynst my trusty frende:
For which they named me traytour styl vnende,

That what for shame, and what for werynes
I stale fro thence, and went to Venise towne,
[185] Where as I founde more ease and frendlynes,

But greater gryefe: for now the great renowne
Of Bolenbroke whom I would haue put downe
Was waxt so great in Britaine and in Fraunce,
That Venise through ech man did him auaunce.

[190] Thus loe his glory grew through great despyte

And I therby increased in defame:

Thus enuy euer doth her host acquyte

Wyth trouble, anguysh, sorow, smart and shame,

But sets die vertues of her foe in flame:
[195] To water lyke, whych maketh dere the stone,

And soyles it selfe by running thervpon.

[182] styll vnhende, C-EG. Which made them thiake, mee worse then

anyfeende. F.
183] and what for other griefe, F.

184 I parted thence, F.

185 more pleasure and reliefe, F.

186 Which was not longer for F.

190 Loo! thus his Glory grewe great, by my dispite, F.

192 her most acquite C-EG. So enuy euer, her natred doth acquite F.

193 and selfe Shame, F.

194] Whereby her Foes do shine in higher Fame: F.
195-96] Lyke water waues, which dense the muddy stone,
And soyles them selves by beatyng thervpon. B-G.

108

LORD MOWBRAY

Or ere I had soiurned there a yere
Strange tidinges came he was to England goen,
Had tane the king, & that which touched him nere
Enprisoned him, with other of his foen, [200]

And made hym yelde hym vp his crowne and throne:
When I these thinges for true by serche had tryed,
Griefe griped me so I pined away and dyed.

Note here the ende of pride, se Flateries fine,
Marke the reward of enuy and false complaint, [205]

And warne all princes from them to declyne
Lest likely fault do find the like attaynt.
Let this my life be to them a restraynt,
By others harmes who lysteth take no hede
Shall by his owne learne other better rede. [210]

[206] all people from B-G.

109

THE MIRROR FOR MAGISTRATES

[Prose 4] ^ | THis tragical! example was of all the company well liked, how
be it a doubte was founde therin, and that by meanes of the
diuersity of the Chronicles : for where as maister Hall whom in
this storye we chiefely folowed, maketh Mowbray accuser, and Boleyn-
[5] broke appellant, mayster Fabian reporteth the matter quite contrary, &
that by the reporte of good authours, makyng Boleynbroke the accuser,
and Mowbray the appellant. Which matter sith it is more harde to desise,
than nedefull to our purpose, which minde ondy to diswade from vices
and exalte vertue, we referre to the determination of the Haroldes, or
[10] such as may cum by the recordes and registers of these doinges, con-
tented in the mean while with the best allowed iudgement, and which
maketh most for our forshewed purpose. This doubt thus let passe, I
would (quoth one of the cumpany) gladly say sumwhat for king
Richard. But his personage is so sore intangled as I thinke fewe benefices
[15] be at this day: for after his imprisonment, his brother and diuers other
made a maske, minding by Henries destruction to haue restored him,
which maskers matter so runneth in this, that I doubt which ought to go

[3-4] wher as Hall whose Chronicle in this workc, we chiefely C-G. [Readvns
/or we P.]

[4-5] Mowbray appellant & Bolinbroke defendant, Fabian C-G.

[6^7] by record of die parliament rolle, whcrin it is playne that Bolinbroke was
appellant and Mowbrey defendant. Wherfore what so euer shalbe saide
here in die person of Mowbray, (who being a most noble prince had to
much wrong to be so causeles defamed after his death) imagin that same to
[5] be spoken against his accuser. Which C-G. [In II. 2-3 above omit here afar

saide D-P. In 1 4 read die/or that F. OmfcsameG.]

[7] to decide, P.

[9-12] refer to such as may com by the records of the acts of the parliamente, con-
tented in the mean while with maister Halles iudgement, which maketh
best for our forshewed purpose. This C-G. [In /. I above omit of the acts P.]

[13] woulde (sayde master Ferrers) saye C-G.

[14-15] Richard, after whose depriuing, his brodier C-G. [Read Rich, the 2. for
Richard P.]

[16] by Ving Henries C-G.

110

KING RICHARD THE SECOND

before. But seing no man is redy to say ought in their behalfe, I will
geue who so listeth leasure to thinke thervppon, and in the meane time
to further your enterprise, I will in the kinges behalfe recount such part [20]
of his story as I thinke most necessary. And therfore imagine Baldwin
that you see him al to be mangled, with blew woundes, lying pale and
wanne al naked vpon the cold stones in Paules church, the people
standing round about him, and making his mone in this sort.

[19] to looke therevpon, G. thereon, F.

[20] in king Rychards behalfe C-G.

[22] that you see the corps of thys Prince all to C-G.

[23 ] wanne, naked vpon a Beere in F.

[24] makynge his complainte in maner as foloweth. C-G.

Howe kyng Richarde die seconde [Tragedy 5 ]

was for his euyll gouernaunce

deposed from his seat, and

miserably murdred

in prison.

pip Appy is the prince that hath in welth the grace

To folowe vertue, keping vices vnder,

But wo to him whose will hath wisedomes pkce :

For who so renteth ryght and kw a sunder

On him at length loe, al the world shall wunder, [5]

Hygh byrth, choyse fortune, force, nor Princely mace

[Tide] seate, in the yeare. 1399- and C-G. and murdered in G. prison the
yere folowing. C-G.

Vertue to folow and vyces to keepe vnder, P.

length all the C-G.

Boast of high byrth, sword, scepter, ne mace.

Boast of high byrth, swor<

ill

THE MIRROR FOR MAGISTRATES

Can warrant King or Keysar fro the case,
Shame sueth sinne, as rayne drops do the thunder.
Let Princes therfore vertuous life embrace
[10] That wilfull pleasures cause them not to blunder.

Beholde my hap, see how the sely route
Do gase vpon me, and eche to other saye:
Se where he lieth for whome none late might route,
Loe howe the power, the pride, and riche aray

[15] Of myghty rulers lightly fade away.

The Kyng whych erst kept all the realme in doute,
The veryest rascall now dare checke and lowte:
What moulde be Kynges made of, but carayn cky?
Beholde his woundes, howe blew they be about,

[20] Whych whyle he lived, thought neuer to decay.

Me thinke I heare the people thus deuise:
And therfore Baldwin sith thou wilt declare
How princes fell, to make the liuing wise,
My vicious story in no poynt see thou spare,
[25] But paynt it out, that rulers may beware

Good counsayle, lawe, or vertue to despyse.

8] rayne do drops of thunder, P.

9J Let kinges therfore the Lawes of God embrace, P.

io] That vayne ddightes cause P.

12 1 On me do gase, and C-G.

lyeth, but kte that was so stout, C-G.

and cyche araye B.
15 1 mighty Princes lighdy P.
17] and floute: G. Dead and least dread, to graue is caryed out, P.

of but earth and day: P.

Behold the woundes his body all about, P.
20 Who liuing here, thought P.

Wherfore Baldwin, C-G. wilt nowe declare C-P.

My kwlesse life, in C-G.

112

M
[35]

KING RICHARD THE SECOND

For realmes haue rules, and rulers haue a syse,

Which if they kepe not, doubdes say I dare

That eythers grydfes the other shall agrise

Till the one be lost, the other brought to care. [30]

I am a Kyng that ruled all by lust,
That forced not of vertue, ryght, or lawe,
But alway put fake Flatterers most in trust,
Ensuing such as could my vices dawe:
By faythful counsayle passing not a strawe. [35]

What pleasure pryckt, that thought I to be iust.
I set my minde, to feede, to spoyle, to iust,
Three meales a day could skarce content my mawe,
And all to augment my lecherous minde that must
To Venus pleasures alway be in awe. [40]

For mayntenaunce wherof, my realme I polde
Through Subsidies, sore fines, loanes, many a prest,

27] haue rulers, and F.

28 they breake, thus much to say I dare. C-G.

30] TyH one be C-G.

31 I was a King, who ruled C-G.

32 Forcyng but light, of Justice, right, or Lawe, C-G. [Read Without

respect of for Forcyng but light, of F.]
[33] Putting always flatterers false in trust, C-J5G.
In false Flatterers reposinge all my trust, F.
Embracinge sutch F.
passing not an hawe, C-EG. Fro counsell sage I did alwayes

withdra.we, F.
[36-37] As pleasure pricte, so needes obay I must:

Hailing ddite to fede and serue the gust, C-G.

138] Of God or man I stoode no wise in awe, F.
39] And to augment B. [Corrected in Be to the original reading.]
39-40] Me liked least to Torney or to lust.

To Venus sporte my fansy did me drawe. C^G.
[In L 40 read gpme&for sporte and more for me F.J
[41-42] Which to maintainc, my people were sore polde

With Fines, Fifienes, and loanes by way of prest, C-G.
[In /. 41 read I gathered heapes of golde/or my people were sore
polde F. In L 42 read By for With F.]

THE MIRROR FOR MAGISTRATES

Bknke charters, othes, & shiftes not knowen of olde,
For whych my Subiectes did me sore detest.

[45] I also made away the towne of Brest,

My fault wherin because mine vncle tolde
(For Prynces vyces may not be controlde)
I found the meanes his bowels to vnbrest.
The Piers and Lordes that did his cause vphold,

[50] With death, exile, or greuous fines opprest.

Neyther lakt I ayde in any wicked dede,
For gaping Guiles whom I promoted had
Woulde furder all in hope of higher mede.
A king can neuer imagine ought so bad

[55] But most about him will perfourme it glad

For sickenes sddeme doth so swiftely brede
As vicious humors growe the griefe to feede.
Thus kinges estates of all be wurst bastad,
Abusde in welth, abandoned at nede,

[60] And nerest harme whan they be least adrad.

My life and death the truth of this can trye:
For while I fought in Ireland with my foes,

[44] which the commons, did C-EG. which the people, my doinges

did detest. F.

45] also sould the noble towne C-G.
47^ Princes actes, may no wise be C-G.
48^ His lyfe I tooke, vntried without Quest, F.
49] The worthy Peeres, which his cause did vphold, C-EG.

And all sutch Lordes as did F.

50] With long exile, or cruell death opprest. C-G.
5 1 None ayde I lackt, in C-G.
54 There can no King ymagin C-G.
55] But shall fynde some that will C-EG. But shall fynde some, to do

the same most glad: F.

57 As humours yll, do growe C-G.

58 estates, bee worst of all bestad, F.
<5i this hath tryde: C-G.

114

KING RICHARD THE SECOND

Mine vnde Edmunde whom I left to gide

My realme at home, right traytrously arose

To helpe the Percies plying my depose, [65]

And cald fro Fraunce Erie Bolenbroke, whom I

Condemned ten yeres in exyle to lye:

Who cruelly did put to death all those

That in myne ayde durst looke but once awry,

Whose number was but slender I suppose. [70]

For whan I was cum back this stur to stay,
The Erie of Worcester whom I trusted moste
(Whiles we in Wales at Flint our castdl lay
Both to refresh and multiply mine oste)
Did in my hall in sight of least and moste [75]

Bebreake his staffe, my houshold office stay,
Bad eche man shifte, and rode him selfe away.
See princes, see the power wherof we boste,
Whome most we trust, at nede do vs betray,
Through whose false faith my land and life I lost. [80]

[63] vnde Edward F.

[64] traytrously is misprinted trayteously in the text, home, rebelliously

arose, C-G.
[65] Percyes to helpe, which plied my depose: C-G. [Read Tray tors

for Percyes F.]

67
68
'70'

7 1 ,
7 2 ,
73,

75
76

77
7
80

Exiled had for ten yeares there to lye: C-G.

Who tyrandike did execute all those, F.

Of which sort soone after some their liues did lose. F.

For comming backe this soden stur C-G.

My Steward false to whom I trusted most: F.

(Whiles I in G-G. Flint my Castle C-G.

There in C-G. Hall, mindinge to fly the Coast, F.

His staffe did breake, which was my householde stay, C-G.

ech make shyfte, B-G.

the strength whereof C-G.

No better stay, then in a rotten Post. F.

115

THE MIRROR FOR MAGISTRATES

For whan my trayterous Stuard thus was goen,
My seruauntes shranke away on euery side,
That caught I was, and caryed to my foen:
Who for theyr prince a prison dyd provide,

[85] And therin kept me, til duke Henryes pride

Dyd cause me yeld him vp my crowne and throne.
Whych shortly made my frendly foes to grone:
For Henry seing in me their falshode tryde
Abhorde them all, and would be rulde by none,

[90] For whych they sought to stoppe him strayt a tyde.

The chiefe conspirde by death to drive him down,
For which exployte, a solemne othe they swore
To render me my libertie and crown,
Wherof them selues deprived me before.
[95] But salues helpe seeld an overlong suffred sore.

To stoppe the brech no boote to runne or rowne
When swelling fluds have overflowen the town:

[81-90] My Stuard false, thus being fled and gone,
My seruauntes slye shranke of on euery syde,
Then caught I was, and led vnto my foen,
Who for theyr Prince, no pallace did prouide,
But prison strong, where henry puft with pride,
causa me resigne, my Kingly state and throne,
And so forsaken and left as post alone,
These holowe frendes, by Henry soone espyed,
Became suspect and fayth was geuen to none,
Which caused them from faith agayne to slyde. C-G.
[In I. 86 read abandoning my for my Kingly state and P.]

[91] And strayt conspierd, theyr newe King to put downe, C-G. [Read
Conspiring strtight for And strayt conspierd, Read Prince for
KingF.]

[92] And to that end a C-EG. Which to performe a F.

[93] my royall seate and C-EG. my scepter and my crowne, F.

195-97] But late medcynes can helpe no sothbynde sore:

When swelling floodes hath ouer flowen the towne
To late it is, to saue them that shall drowne, C-G.
[In I 95 read festred for sothbynde F.]

116

KING RICHARD THE SECOND

Til sailes be spred the ship may kepe the shore.

The Ankers wayed, though al the frayte do frowne,

With streame and steere perforce it shalbe bore. [100]

For though the piers set Henry in his state,
Yet could they not displace him thence agayne:
And where they easily put me downe of late,
They could restore me by no maner payne:
Thinges hardly mende, but may be mard amayne. [105]

And whan a man is faJne in froward fate
Still mischeves light one in anothers pate:
And wel meant meanes his mishaps to restraine
Waxe wretched mones, wherby his ioyes abate.
Due proofe wherof in me appereth playne. [no]

For whan king Henry knew that for my cause
His lordes in maske would kil him if they might,
To dash all dowtes, he tooke no farther pause
But sent sir Pierce of Exton a traytrous knight
To Pomfiret Castdl, with other armed light, [115]

A .ashypC-G.

No ankerhoide can kepe the vessell downe, C-G.
it will be bore. C-EG. When winde and streame hath set the

seasinrore. F.
in suph state, P.
easdy, depriued me of C-EG. where with ease my pride they did

abate. P.
Men by P.
one on anothers B-G.
And meanes well merit all mishaps C-G.
in this appeared pkyne. C-G.
whan the King did knowe that C G.
him on a night, C-EG. would murder him by night, P.
But Pierce of Exton a crudl murdering knight, C-G. [Read

cuttthroate for murdering P.]
[115] Castdl, sent hym armed bright, C-JSG. Castel sent with great

dispite, P.

117

THE MIRROR FOR MAGISTRATES

Who causeles kild me there agaynst all lawes.
Thus lawles life, to lawles deth ey drawes.
Wherfore byd Kynges be rulde and rule by right,
Who wurketh his ml, & shunneth wisedomes sawes
[120] In flateries clawes, & shames foule pawes shal light.

116] Who reft my life by force against F.
11920] And so I end concluding with this clause:

That God though late, at last wil surely smyte. -F.
[120] In snares of woo, ere he beware shall lyght. C-EG.

118

TO THE READER

WHan he had ended this so wofull a tragedy, and to all [Proses]
Princes a ryght wurthy instruction, we paused: hauing
passed through a miserable time foil of piteous tragedyes.
And seing the reyne of Henry the fourth ensued, a man more ware &
prosperous in hys doynges although not vntroubled with warres both of [5]
outforth and inward enemies, we began to serch what Piers were fallen
therin, wherof the number was not small: and yet because their ex-
amples were not much to be noted for our purpose, we passed ouer all
the Maskers (of whom King Richardes brother was chiefe) which were
all slayne and put to death for theyr trayterous attempt. And finding [10]
Owen Glendour next, one of fortunes owne whelpes, and the Percyes
his confederates, I thought them vnmete to be over passed, and therfore
sayde thus to the silent cumpany: what my maysters is euery man at
once in a browne study, hath no man affeccion to any of these storyes?
you minde so much sum other bdyke, that these do not move you: [15]
And to say the troth there is no speciall cause why they should. Howbeit
Owen Glendour because he was one of fortunes darlinges, rather than

[i] WHan master Chaloncr had X. WHenMaister Ferrers had P. so eloquent a X.

[2] right notable and wurthy X. instruction: hauing P.

[3] Tragedies, we paused awhile. P.

[4] a Prince more P. more wary and G.

[4-5] a man more prosperous although X.

[6] what Princes X.

[n] Glendour, a great Prince in Wales, next in succession of ill Fortune with the

stout Percies P.

[12] thought it not meete to ouerpasse, so great persons with silence, and P.
[16] to say troth X.
[17] heisamanofthatcountrcywhencc(asthewelchmenbcaremeinhand)my

Pctigre is discended, althoughe he be but a slender prince, yet rather X.

Fortunes owne darlinges, and affected to be Prince of wales, althoughe to

his own mischiefeand destruction, rather C-G. [JRfdrfMonark/or Prince P.]

THE MIRROR FOR MAGISTRATES

he should be forgotten, I wil tel his tale for him vnder the priuilege of
Martine Hundred: whych Owen cumming out of the wilde mount-
[20] aynes like the Image of death in all poyntes (his dart onely excepted) so
sore hath famine and hunger consumed hym, may lament his folly after
thys maner.

[18-19] I wfll take vpon me by your fauour to say somwhat in his person: which
C-EG. I wil pray Maister Phaer who of late hath placed hymselfe in that
country, & haply hath met with his ghost in the forest of Kylgarran that
he wil say somwhat in his person: which F.

[19] comming naked out X.

[19-20] mountaynes of Wales C-G.

[20] his hart C*-G.

[20-22] excepted) as a ghost forpined with extreme famine, colde, & hunger, may
lament his great misfortune after this manner. C-G. [Read in sutch maner
as you maister Phaer are able most aptly to vtter and set forth, for after this

manner. Jp.l

[21] him, lamenteth. his infortune after X.

agedy6] Howe Owen Glendour seduced by false

prophesies tooke vpon him to be prince of

Wales, and was by Henry then prince

therof, chased to the mountaynes,

where he miserably dyed

forlackeoffoode.

31 Pray the Baldwin sith thou doest entend
To shewe the fall of such as dymbe to hye,
Remember me, whose miserable ende
May teache a man his vicious life to flye:

[Tide] by Henrye Prince of England chased C-G. foode. Anno. 1401.

C-EG. miserably starued for hunger. Anno. 1401. F.
[2] thefidlesofX.
[4] teach all men Ambition to F.

120

OWEN GLENDOWER

Oh Fortune, Fortune, out on her I crye, [5]

My body and fame she hath made leane and slender
For I poore wretch am sterued Owen Glendour.

A Welshman borne, and of a gentle blud,
But ill brought vp, wherby full wel I find,
That neither birth nor linage make vs good [10]

Though it be true that Cat wil after kinde:
Fleshe gendreth fleshe, so doeth not soule or minde,
They gender not, but fowly do degender,
When men to vice from vertue them do surrender.

Ech thing by nature tendeth to the same [15]

Wherof it came, and is disposed like:
Downe sinkes the mold, vp mountes the fiery flame,
With home the hart, with hoofe the horse doth strike:
The Wulfe doth spoyle, the sutde Fox doth pyke,
And generally no fish, flesh, fowle, or plant [20]

Doth any property that their dame had, want.

But as for men, sith seuerally they haue
A mind whose maners are by learning made,
Good bringing vp alonly doth them save
In vertuous dedes, which with their parentes fade. [25]

on thee I C-EG. Oh false Fortune, Fortune vengeaunce on thee I F.

My liuely corps thou hast made C-EG.

Which offeringe a Sop of sweete receyt,

Haste made me byte the Hooke in steede of Bayt. F.

sterued is printed steruen but is corrected in Ae. B prints sterued but
Be corrects to starued. For lacke of foode, whose name was Owen
C-EG.

8] A Brytton borne, P. of the Troyan blood, C-G.
io] make men good X.
12 but not the soule C-G.
14 doo render. X. them surrender. B-EG. they surrender. P.

20 And to conclude, no C-G.

21 Of thcyr true dame, the property doth want. C-G.
25 In honest acts, which C-G.

121

THE MIRROR FOR MAGISTRATES

So that true gentry standedi in the trade
Of vertuous life, not in the fleshly line:
For blud is Brute, but Gentry is diuine.

Experience doth cause me thus to say,
[30] And that the rather for my countreymen,

Which vaunt and boast their selues aboue the day
If they may strayne their stocke for wurthy men:
Which let be true, are they the better than?
Nay farre the wurse if so they be not good,
[35] For why they steyne the bewty of theyr blood.

How would we mocke the burden bearing mule
If he would brag he wer an horses sunne,
To presse his pride (might nothing els him rule,)
His boast to proue, no more but byd him runne:
[40] The horse for swiftenes hath his glory wunne,

To which the mule could neuer the more aspier
Though he should prove that Pegas was his sier.

Ech man may crake of that which is his own,
Our parentes vertues theirs are and not oures:
[45] Who therfore wil of noble kind be knowen

Ought shine in vertue like his auncestors,

Of vertues life, F.

boast them sdfes XB-G.

stocke firo worthy B-G.

presse the pryde JB.

His boastes to C-G.

The mule could neuer the more aspyer, C-G.

Pegas wer his X. Pegas is hys J3.

Ech man crake F. which was his C-G.

vertues, are theyrs and no whit oures: C-G.

Noble byrth be C-G.

122

OWEN GLENDOWER

Gentry consisted! not in landes and towers:
He is a Churle though all the world be his,
He Arthurs heyre if that he liue amys.

For vertuous lyfe doth make a gentleman [50]

Of her possessour, all be he poore as lob,
Yea though no name of elders shewe he can:
For proofe take Merlyn fathered by an Hob.
But who so settes his mind to spoyle and rob,
Although he cum by due discent fro Brute, [55]

He is a Chorle, vngende, vile, and brute.

Well thus dyd I for want of better wyt,
Because my parentes noughtly brought me vp:
For gende men (they sayd) was nought so fyt
As to attaste by bolde attemptes the cup [60]

Of conquestes wyne, wherof I diought to sup:
And therfbre bent my selfe to rob and ryue,
And whome I could of landes and goodes depryue.

For Henry the fourth did then vsurpe the crowne,
Despoyled the kyng, with Mortimer the heyre: [65]

For whych his subiectes sought to put him downe.
And I, whyle Fortune offred me so fayre,
Dyd what I myght his honour to appeyre:
And toke on me to be the prynce of Wales,
Entiste therto by many of Merlines tales. [70]

world were his, C-G.

Yea Arthurs B-G.

life a Gentleman doth make C-G.

elders he can take: C-G.

Merlin whose father was an hob. X.

naughtely C-G.

by prophecies and tales. C-G.

123

THE MIRROR FOR MAGISTRATES

For whych, such Idle as wayte vpon the spoyle,
From euery parte of Wales vnto me drew:
For loytring youth vntaught in any toyle
Are redy aye all mischiefe to ensue.
[75] Through help of these so great my glory grew,

That I defyed my Kyng through lofty hart,
And made sharp warre on all that tooke his part.

See lucke, I tooke lord Reynolde Grey of Rythen,
And him enforst my doughter to espouse,
[80] And so vnraunsomed held him still: and sithen

In Wygmore land through battayle rygorous
I caught the ryght heyre of the crowned house
The Erie of March syr Edmund Mortymer,
And in a dungeon kept hym prysoner,

[85] Then al the marches longyng vnto Wales

By Syverne west I did inuade and burne:
Destroyed the townes in mountaynes and in vales,
And riche in spoyles did homward safe retourne:
Was none so bold durst once agaynst me spume.

[90] Thus prosperously doth Fortune forward call

Those whom she mindes to geue the sorest fall.

Whan fame had brought these tidinges to the king
(Although the Skots than vexed him ryght sore)
A myghty army agaynst me he dyd bryng:
[95] Wherof die French Kyng beyng warned afore,

Who mortall hate agaynst kyng Henry bore,
To greve our foe he quyckely to me sent
Twelve thousand Frenchmen armed to war, & bent.

80] vnraunsomed I held C-G.

88] And with rich X. spoyles had homward B-G.

124

OWEN GLENDOWER

A part of them led by the Erie of Marche
Lord lames of Burbon, a valiaunt tryed knyght [100]

Withheld by winds to Wales ward forth to marche,
Tooke lande at Plymmouth pryuily on a nyght:
And when he had done al he durst or myght,
After that a mayny of his men were slayne
He stole to shyp, and sayled home agayne. [105]

Twelve thousand moe in Mylford dyd aryue,
And came to me, then lying at Denbygh
With armed Welshmen thousandes double fiue:
With whom we went to wurcester well nigh,
And there encampte vs on a mount on high, [no]

To abide the kyng, who shortly after came
And pitched his feild, on a HyU hard by the same.

Ther eyght dayes long, our hostes ky face to face,
And neyther durst the others power assayle:
But they so stopt the passages the space [115]

That vitayles coulde not cum to our auayle,
Wherthrough constrayned our hartes began to fayle
So that the Frenchmen shrancke away by night,
And I with mine to the niountaynes toke our flight:

The king pursued vs, gready to his cost, [120]

From Hyls to wuds, fro wuds to valeyes playne:
And by the way his men and stuf he lost.
And whan he see he gayned nought saue payne,
He blewe retreat, and got him home agayne:
Then with my power I boldly came abrode [125]

Taken in my cuntrey for a very God.

103
106

120

124

all that he C-G.

thousand other in X.

durst others power C-G.

pursued greatly C-G.

he saw he C-G. nought but paine, C-G.

and gat hym B-G.

125

THE MIRROR FOR MAGISTRATES

Immediady after fell a loly larre
Betwene the king, and Percies worfliy bluds,
Which grew at last vnto a deadly warre:
[130] For like as drops engendre mighty fluds,

And Hde seedes sprut forth great leaves and buds,
Euen so small strifes, if they be suffred run
Brede wrath and war, and death or they be don.

The kyng would haue the raunsum of such Scots
[135] As these the Percyes had tane in the feeld:

But see how strongly Luker knits her knottes,
The king will haue, the Percies wil not yeeld,
Desire of goodes soone craves, but graunteth seeld:
Oh cursed goodes desire of you hath wrought
[140] All wyckednes, that hath or can be thought.

The Percies deemed it meter for the king
To haue redeemed theyr cosin Mortymer,
Who in his quarel all his power did bryng
To fight with me, that tooke him prisoner
[145] Than of their pray to rob his Souldier:

And therfore willed him see sum mean wer found,
To quit forth him whom I kept vily bound.

Because the king misliked their request,
They came them selves and did accord with me,
[150] Complayning how the kyngdome was opprest,

By Henries rule, wherfore we dyd agre
To put him downe, and part the realme in three:
The North part theirs, Wales wholy to be mine
The rest to rest to therle of Marches line.

135

sprout G.

Percyes tane had in B-G.
goods some craues, C-G.
To plucke him G.

126

OWEN GLENDOWER

And for to set vs hereon more agog [155]

A prophet came (a vengeaunce take diem all)
Affirming Henry to be Gogmagog
Whom Merlyn doth a Mouldwarp euer call,
Accurst of god, that must be brought in thrall
By a wulf, a Dragon, and a Lyon strong, [160]

Which should deuide his kingdome them among.

This crafty dreamer made vs thre such beastes
To thinke we were these foresayd beastes in deede:
And for that cause our badges and our creastes
We searched out, whych scarcely wel agreed: [165]

Howbeit the Haroldes redy at such a neede,
Drew downe such issues from olde auncestours,
As proued these ensignes to be surely oures.

Ye crafty Welshemen, wherfore do you mocke
The noble men thus with your fayned rymes? [170]

Ye noble men why flye you not the flocke
Of such as haue seduced so many times?
False Prophesies are plages for divers crymes
Whych god doth let the divilish sorte devise
To trouble such as are not godly wyse. [175]

And that appered by vs thre beastes in dede,
Through false perswasion highly borne in hand
That in our feat we could not chuse but spede
To kyll the kyng, and to enioye his land:
For which exployt we bound our selues in band [180]

To stand contented ech man with his part,
So fully folly assured our folysh hart.

[169] do ye mocke, C-G.
171] fly ye not C-G.

127

THE MIRROR FOR MAGISTRATES

But such they say as fysh before the net
Shal seldome surfyt of the pray they take,
[185] Of thinges to cum the haps be so vnset

That none but fooles may warrant of them make:

The full assured, succes doth oft forsake.

For Fortune findeth none so fyt to flout,

As suresby sots whych cast no kinde of doute.

[190] How sayest thou Henry Hotspur, do I lye?

For thou right manly gauest the king a feeld,
And there was slayn because thou wouldest not fly:
Sir Thomas Percie thine vnde (forst to yeeld)
Did cast his head (a wunder seen but sedd)

[195] From Shrewsbury town to the top of London bridge.

Lo thus fond hope did theyr both Hues abridge.

Whan Henry king this victory had wunne,
Destroyed the Percies, put their power to flyght,
He did appoynt prince Henry his eldest sunne
[200] With all his power to meete me if he might:

But I discumfit through my partners fight
Had not the hart to mete mm face to face,
But fled away, and he pursued the chase.

Now Baldwin marke, for I cald prince of Wales,
[205] And made beleve I should be he in dede,

Was made to flye among the hilles and dales,
Where al my men forsooke me at my nede.
Who trusteth loyterers seeld hath lucky spede:
And whan the captaynes corage doth him fayle
[210] His souldiers hartes a lide thing may quayle.

189] As surebe sots G.

196] did both thcyr lyucs C-G.

197] "Whan King Henry this C-G.

128

OWEN GLENDOWER

And so Prince Henry chased me, that loe
I found no place wherin I might abide:
For as the dogges pursue the selly doe,
The brach behind the houndes on euery side,
So traste they me among the mountaynes wide: [215]

Wherby I found I was the hardes hare
And not the beast Colprophete did declare.

And at the last: like as the lide roche,
Must eyther be eat, or leape vpon the shore
Whan as the hungry pickrel doth approch, [220]

And there find death which it eskapte before:
So double death assaulted me so sore
That eyther I must vnto my enrny yedd,
Or starue for hunger in the barayne feeld.

Here shame and payne a whyle were at a strife, [225]

Payne prayed me yedd, shame bad me rather fast:
The one bad spare, the other spend my life,
But shame (shame haue it) ouercam at last.
Than hunger gnew, that doth the stone wall brast
And made me eat both gravell, durt and mud, [230]

And last of all, my dung, my fleshe, and blud.

This was mine ende to horrible to heare,
Yet good ynough for a life that was so ylL

220
226]
227'
229'
230

233

pickerdl G.

Payn bad me C-G.

other bad spend C-G.

hunger stronge, that P.

Forst mee to feede on Barke of trees, and Wood, P.

all, to gnaw my flesh and bloud. P.

that did so P.

129

THE MIRROR FOR MAGISTRATES

Wherby (O Baldwin) warne all men to beare
[235] Theyr youth such loue, to bring them vp in skill

Byd Princes flye Colprophetes lying byll:
And not presume to dime aboue thek states,
For they be faultes that foyle men, not their fates

234] warne mea to forbeare, F.

235] The vayne desires, when, wit doth, yeld to will: F.

236] lyinge skill, F.

130

TO THE READER

WHan starued Owen had ended his hungry exhortacion, it [Prose <5]
was well inough liked. Howbeit one found a dout wurth
the mouing, & that concerning this ride, erle of March:
for as it appereth, there were .iii. men of .iii. diuers nations together in
one time entitled by that honour: Fyrst sir Edmund Mortimer, whom [5]
Owen kept in prison, an Englishman: the second the lord George of
Dunbar a valiante Scot, banished out of his countrey, & well estemed of
Henry the fowerth: the third lord lames of Burbon a frenchman, sent by
the french king to helpe Owen Glendour. These thre men had this tide
all at once, which caused him to aske how it was true that euery one of [10]
these could be Earle of Marche? Wherto was aunswered, that euery
countrey hath Marches belonging vnto them, and those so large, that
they were Earledomes, & the lordes therof intituled therby, so that Lord
Edmund Mortimer was Earle of Marche in Englande, lord lames of
Burbon of the marches of Fraunce, and Lord George of Dunbar erle of [15]
the marches in Scotland. For otherwise nether could haue interest in
others tide. Thys doubt thus dissolued mayster Ferrers sayde: If no man
haue affection to the Perties, let vs pas the times both of Henry the
fowerth & the fifte, and cum to Henrye the syxte : in whose time fortune
(as she doth in the minoritie of princes) bare a great stroke among the [20]
nobles. And yet in Henry the fourths time are examples which I would
wish Baldwin that you should not forget, as the conspiracie made by the
bishop of Yorke, and the lorde Mowbray, sonne of him whom you kte
treated of: prycked forward by the carle of Northumberland, father to
sir Henry Hotspur, who fled him selfe, but his partners were appre- [25]
hended and put to death, with Baynton and Blinkinsops, which could

[1-2] WHan mayster Phaer had ended the Tragedy of thys hunger stamen Prynce
of Wales, it was well liked of all the company that a Saxon would speake
so mutch for a Brytton, then sodenly one found F.

[3] tide, Thearle of P.

[13] so the lord C-G.

[19] the fyfth, J3.

THE MIRROR FOR MAGISTRATES

not see theyr duty to theyr King, but tooke part with Percy that banished
RebeL As he was preceding, he was desired to stay by one whych had
pondered the story of the Percies, who briefly sayd. To thende Baldwin
[30] that you may know what to say of the Percyes, whose story is not all out
of my memory, (and it is a notable story) I wyll take vpon me the person
of lord Henry carle of Northumberland, fatter of Henrye Hotspur, in
whose behalfe thys may be sayd.

[31] of memorye C-G. (and is G. an notabk C-JF.

[32] of the Lorde Henry Percy Erie C-G. of syr Henry C-G.

[33] saide as fofloweth C-G.

[Tragedy 7 ] How Henry Percy Earle of Northhum-
berland, was for his couetous and
trayterous attempt put to
death at Yorke.

flkJR

\^ Morall Senec true find I thy saying,
That neyther kinsfolke, ryches, strength, or fauour
Are free from Fortune, but are ay decaying:
No worldly welth is ought save doubtfol labour,
[5] Mans life in earth is like vnto a tabour:

Which now to mirth doth mildly men provoke
And strayt to war, with a more sturdy stroke.

All this full true I Percy find by proofe,
Which whilom was erle of Northumberland:
[10] And therfore Baldwin for my Piers behoof

To note mens falles sith thou hast tane in hand,

[Tide] Yorke. Anno. 1407. C-G.
[2] neyther kin, riches, C-G.

132

HENRY, EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND

J would diou shouldest my state well vnderstand:
For fewe kinges were more then I redouted,
Through double Fortune lyfted vp and louted.

As for my kinne their noblenes is knowen, [15]

My valiauntise were folly for to prayse,
Wherthrough the Scottes so oft were ouerthrowen
That who but I was doubted in my dayes :
And that kyng Rychard found at all assayes,
For neuer Scottes rebelled in his rayne [20]

But through my force were eyther caught or slayne.

A brother I had was Erie of Worcester
Alwayes in fauour and office with the king,
And by my wife Dame Elinor Mortimer,
I had a son which so the Scottes did sting, [25]

That being yong, and but a very spring
Syr Henry Hotspur they gaue him to name,
And though I say it, he did deserue die same.

We thre tryumphed in king Richards time,
Til Fortune ought both him and vs a spite: [30]

But chiefly me, whom dere from any crime,
My king did banish from his favour quite,
And openly prodaymed trayterous knight:
Whferethrough false slaunder forced me to be
That which before I did most deadly flee. [35]

thou should my C-G.
Whome double C-G.

My T7a.1ia.ttnf acts were C--G.

Alwayes in office and fauour with C-G.

A sonne I had C-G.

Henry Hotspur they C-G. kim vnto C-JBG.

whom deardy from D-G.

Prodayming me a trayterous C-G.

133

THE MIRROR FOR MAGISTRATES

Let men beware how they true folke defame,
Or threaten on them the blame of vices nought,
For infamy bredeth wrath, wreke foloweth shame:
Eke open slaunder, oftentimes hath brought
[40] That to effect, that erst was neuer thought:

To be misdemed men suffer in a sort,
But none can beare the griefe of misreport.

Because my king did shame me wrongfully,
I hated him, and in dede became his foe:
[45] And while he did at war in Ireland lye,

I did conspire to turne his wede to woe:
And through the duke of Yorke and other moe,
All royall power from him we quickely tooke
And gaue the same to Henry Boleynbroke.

[50] Neyther dyd we this alonely for this cause,

But to say truth, force drave vs to the same:
For he dispising god and all good kwes
Slew whom he would, made sinne a very game.
And seing neither age nor counsayle could him tame,

[55] We thought it wel done for the kingdomes sake,

To leaue his rule that did al rule forsake.

But whan sir Henry had attaynde his place,
He strayt becam in all poyntes wurse than he:
Destroyed the piers, & slewe kyng Rychards grace,
[60] Agaynst his othe made to the lordes and me:

And seking quarelles how to disagre,
He shamdesly required me and my sonne
To yeld him Scottes which we in field had wun.

and so became P.
this ondy for C-G.
all his kwes, C-G.

134

HENRY, EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND

My Nephew also Edmund Mortymer

The very heyre apparaunt to the Crowne, [65]

Whom Owen Glendour held as prisoner,
Vilely bound, in dungeon depe cast downe,
He would not raunsum: but did felly frowne
Agaynst my brother and me that for him spake,
And him proclaymed traytour for our sake. [70]

This fowle despite did cause vs to conspire
To put him downe as we did Richard erst,
And that we might this matter set on fyre
From Owens iayle, our cosin we remerst,
And vnto Glendour all our griefes reherst, [75]

Who made a bonde with Mortymer and me.
To pryue the king, and part the realme in thre.

But whan king Henry heard of this devise
Toward Owen Glendour he sped him very quyck
Mynding by force to stop our enterprise: [80]

And as the deudl would, then fell I sick,
Howbeit my brother, & sonne, more politike
Than prosperous, with an oast fro Scotland brought,
Encountred him at Shrewsbury, wher they fought.

The one was tane and kild, the other slayne, [85]

And shortly after was Owen put to flight:
By meanes wherof I forced was to fayne,
That I knew nothing of the former fight.
Fraude oft avayles more than doth sturdy might:

For by my fayning I brought him in belief [90]

^i /*

I knew not that wherin my part was chief.

[69] me which for C-G.
80] stop hur enterprise: C-G.

135

THE MIRROR FOR MAGISTRATES

And while the king thus tooke me for his frend
I sought all meanes my former wrong to wreake,
Which that I might bring to the sooner ende
[95] To the bishop of Yorke I did the matter breake,

And to Therle Marshall likewise did I speake,
Whose father was through Henries cause exyled
The bishops brother with trayterous death defiled.

These strayt assented to do what they could,
[100] So did lorde Hastinges and lord Fauconbridge:

Which altogether promised they would
Set all their power die kinges dayes to abridge.
Be se the spite, before the byrdes wer flidge
The king had woord, and seysoned on the nest
[105] Wherby alas my frendes wer al opprest.

The bluddy tyrant brought them all to ende
Excepted me, which into Scotland skapte
To George of Dunbar therle of March, my frend,
Who in my cause al that he could ey skrapte:
[no] And when I had for greater succour gapte

Both at the Frenchman and the Flemminges hand,
And could get none, I toke such as I fand.

And with the hdpe of George my very frend,
I did invade Northumberlande ful bold,
[115] Whereas the folke drew to me stil vnend,

Bent to the death my party to vphold:
Through hdpe of these ful many a fort and hold.
The which the king right manfully had mand,
I easdy wunne, and seysed in my hand

93 1 all meane my G.

lool dyd the lorde Hastinges B-F. [Corrected in Be to the original reading.]

115] styll on end, C-G.

116] Bent to death C-G.

136

HENRY, EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND

Not so content (for vengeaunce drave me on) [120]

I entred Yorkeshire there to waste and spoyle,
But ere I had far in the countrey gon
The shirif therof, Rafe Rekesby did assoyle
My troubled hoost of much part of our toyle,
For he assauting freshly, tooke through power [125]

Me and lord Bardolph both at Bramham more.

And thence conueyed vs to the towne of Yorke
Vntil he knew, what was the kinges entent:
There loe Lord Bardolf kinder than the Storke,
Did lose his head, which was to London sent, [130]

With whom for frendshippe mine in like case went.
This was my hap, my fortune, or my fawte,
This life I led, and thus I came to naught.

Wherfore good Baldwin wil the pyers take hede
Of slaunder, malyce, and conspiracy, [135]

Of couetise, whence al the rest procede:
For couetise ioynt with contumacy,
Doth cause all mischief in mens hartes to brede.
Ad therfore this to Esperance, my wurd.
Who causeth bludshed shall not skape the swurd. [140]

And therefore B-G. [Corrected in Be to the original reading.]
not escape the C-G.

137

THE MIRROR FOR MAGISTRATES

[Prose 7] T"^\ ^ that this was ended, I had found out the storie of Richard earle
of Cambridge : and because it conteyned matter in it, though not
very notable, yet for the better vnderstanding of the rest, I
thought it mete to touche it, and therfore sayd as foloweth, You haue
[5] sayd wel of the Percies and favourably. For in dede as it should appere,
the chyefe cause of theyr conspiratie agaynst kyng Henry, was for
Edmund Mortimer theyr cosins sake, whom the king very maliciously
proclaymed to haue yelded hym sdfe to Owen colourably, whan as in
deede he was taken forcibly against his wil, & very cruelly ordered in
[10] prison. And seing we are in hand with Mortimers matter, I wyll take
vppon me the person of Richard Plantagenet Earle of Cambridge, who
for his sake likewise died. And therfore I let passe Edmund Holland
erle of Kent, whom Henry the fowerth made Admirall to skoure the
Seas, because the Brittons were abrode: whiche Earle (as many thynges
[ I 5] happen in warre) was slayne with an arrowe at the assaulte of Briake:
shortly after whose death thys king dyed, and his sonne Henry, the fyft
of that name, succeded in his place. In the beginning of this Henry the
fyfts rayne, dyed this Rychard, and with him Henry the lord Scrope &
others, in whose behalfe this may be sayd.

[19] other in B-G.

138

How Ricliard erle of Cambridge en- [Tragedy 8]
tending the kinges destruction
was put to death at
Southampton.

'Ast maketh wast, hath commonly ben sayd,
And secrete mischiefe seeld hath lucky spede:
A murdering mind with proper peyze is wayd,
Al this is true, I find it in my Crede.
And therfore Baldwin warne all states take hede, [5]

How they conspire any other to betrappe,
Least mischiefe meant light in the miners kppe.

For I lord Richard, heyre Plantagenet
Was Erie of Cambridge, and right fortunate,
If I had had the grace my wit to set [10]

To have content me with mine owne estate:
But o false honours, breders of debate,
The loue of you our lewde hartes doth allure
To lese our selues by seking you vnsure.

Because my brother Edmund Mortimer, [15]

Whose eldest sister was my wedded wife,
I meane that Edmund that was prisoner
In Wales so long, through Owens busy strife,

[Tide] Richard Plantagenet Earle C-G. Southampton. Anno. Dom. 1415.

C-G.

3] poyze C-G.
4 this most true F. it, as my F.
7 the meaners kppe. D-F.
13] do allure, F.

139

THE MIRROR FOR MAGISTRATES

Because I say, that after Edmundes life,
[20] His rightes and tides must by law be mine,

(For he ne had, nor could encrease his line)

Because the right of realme & crowne was ours,
I serched means to helpe him thervnto.
And where the Henries held it by their powers
[25] I sought a shift their tenures to vndo,

Which being force, sith force or sleyt must do,
I voyde of might, because their power was strong
Set privy sleyte agaynst theyr open wrong.

But sith the deathes of most part of my kinne
[30] Did dash my hope, throughout the fathers dayes

I let it slip, and thought it best beginne
Whan as the sonne shuld dred lest such assayes :
For force through spede, sleyght spedeth through delayes
And sedd doth treason time so fidy find
[35] As whan al dangers most be out of minde.

Wherfore while Henry of that name the fifte,
Prepared his army to go conquer Fraunce,
Lord Skrope and I thought to attempt a drifte
To put him downe my brother to avaunce:
[40] But were it gods wil, my luck, or his good chaunce,

The king wist wholy wherabout we went,
The night before die king to shipward bent.

Then were we strayt as traytours apprehended,
Our purpose spied, the cause dierof was hid,
[45] And therfore loe a false cause we pretended

Wherdrrough my brodier was fro daunger ryd:

[29] the death of C-G.
M

before to shypward he hym bent. B-G.
140

RICHARD, EARL OF CAMBRIDGE

We sayd for hier of the French kinges coyne, we did

Behight to kil the king: and thus with shame

We stayned our selves, to save our frend fro blame.

Whan we had thus confest so foule a treason, [50]

That we deserved, we suffred by the lawe.
Se Baldwin see, and note (as it is reason)
How wicked dedes to wofull endes do drawe,
All force doth fayle, no crafte is wurth a straw,
To attayne thinges lost, and therfore let them go, [55]

For might ruleth right, and wil though God say no.

[47] of French C-G.

[56] though truth say C-G.

141

THE MIRROR FOR MAGISTRATES

WHan
quot
fauoi

[Prose 8] "\" "Y T&*& stout Richarde had stoutly sayd his mind, belike
quoth one, this Rychard was but a lide man, or els lide
feuoured of wryters, for our Cronides speake very lide of
him. But seyng we be cum now to king Henries viage into Fraunce, we
[5] can not lack valyant men to speake of: for among so many as were led
and sent by the Kyng out of thys realme thyther, it can not be chosen but
sum, and that a great summe, were slayne among theym: wherfore
to speake of them all, I thynke not nedefull. And therfore to let passe
Edwarde Duke of Yorke, and the Earle of Suffolke slayne both at the
[10] battayle of Aginecourte, as were also many other, Let vs ende the rime
of Henry die fyfih, and cum to hys sunne Henry the syxt: whose
nonage brought Fraunce and Normandy out of bondage, and was cause
that fewe of our noble men died aged. Of whom to let passe the
numbre, I wyll take vppon me the person of Thomas Mountague earle
[15] of Salysburye^whose name was not so good at home (and yet he was
called the good erle) as it was dreadful abrode: who exdaming vpon the
mutability of fortune, iusdy may say thus.

[2] saide one, C-G.

[3] of the writers, G.

[7] s in skyne is not printed in the HN copy of the text.

[13] that so fewe C-G.

[17] Fortune may iusdy saye in manner as followed. C-G.

142

How Thomas Montague the earle of [Tragedy 9 ]

Salysbury in the middes of his

glory, was chaunceably

slayne with a piece

of ordinaunce.

JHat fooles be we to trust vnto our strength,
Our wit, our courage, or our noble fame,
Which time it selfe must nedes deuour at length
Though froward Fortune could not foyle the same.
But seing this Goddes gideth al the game, [5]

Which still to chaunge doth set her onely lust,
Why toyle we so for thinges so hard to trust.

A goodly thing is surely good reporte,
Which noble hartes, do seke by course of kinde,
But seen the date so doubtful and so short, [10]

The wayes so rough wherby we do it find:
I can not chuse but prayse the princely minde
That preaseth for it, though we find opprest
By foule defame those that deserve it best.

Concerning-whom marke Baldwin what I say, [15]

I meane the vertuous hindred of their brute,
Among which number reken wel I may
My valiaiint father lohn lord Montacute,

[Tide] Montague Earle C-G. slaine at Orleaunce with C-G. Ordinaunce
the .3. of Nouember. Anno. 1428. C-G. The text misprints a comma
for a period after ordinaunce.

8] thyng it is J3-G. [Corrected in Be to the original reading .]

10] But seeing the G.

n] The way so C-G.

143

THE MIRROR FOR MAGISTRATES

Who lost Ids life (I iudge) in iust pursute:
[20] I say the cause and not the casual spede,

Is to be wayed in euery kinde of dede.

This rule obserued, how many shall we find
For vertues sake with infamy opprest?
How many agayn through helpe of fortune blind,
[25] For yll attemptes atchiued, with honour blest?

Succes is wurst ofttimes whan cause is best,
Therfore say I: god send them sory happes,
That iudge the causes by their after dappes.

The ende in dede, is iudge of euery thing,
[30] Which is the cause, or latter poynt of time:

The first true verdyct at the first may bryng,
The last is slow, or slipper as the slime,
Oft chaunging names of innocence and crime.
Duke Thomas death was lustice two yeres long,
[35] And euer sence sore tiranny and wrong.

Wherfore I pray the Baldwin waye the cause,
And prayse my father as he doth deserue:
Because erle Henry, king agaynst all lawes,
Endeuoured king Richard for to starve
[40] In iayle, wherby the regal crowne might swarve

Out of the line to which it than was due,
(Wherby God knowes what euil might ensue)

My lord lohn Holland duke of Excester,
Which was dere cosin to this wretched king,
[45] Did mooue my father, and the erle of Glocester,

With other lordes to ponder well die thyng:
Who seing the mischiefe that began to spring,
Did all consent, this Henry to depose,
And to restore kyng Richard to die rose.

[19] iudge through iust C^G.

144

THOMAS, EARL OP SALISBURY

And while they did deuise a prety trayne [50]

Wherby to bring their purpose bettre about,
Which was in maske, this Henry to haue slayne:
The duke of Awmerle blew their counsayle out,
Yet was their purpose good there is no doubt.
What cause can be more wurthy for a knight, [55]

Than save his king, and hdpe true heires to right?

For this with them my father was destroyed,
And buryed in the dounghil of defame.
Thus evil chaunce theyr glory did auoyde,
Wheras their cause doth dayme eternal feme. [60]

Whan dedes therfore vnluckdy do frame,
Men ought not iudge the authours to be naught,
For right through might is often overraught.

And God doth suffer that it should be so,
But why, my wit is feble to decise, [65]

Except it be to heape vp wrath and wo
Vpon their heades that iniuries devise.
The cause why mischiefes many times arise,
And light on them that wold mens wronges redresse,
Is for the rancour that they beare, I gesse. [70]

God hateth rigour though it furder right,
For sinne is sinne, how euer it be vsed:
And therfore suflfereth shame and death to light,
To punish vice, though it be wd abused.
Who furdereth right is not therby excused, [75]

If through the same he do sum other wrong:
To every vice due guerdon doth bdong.

66 heape of wrath F.

67^ On wicked heades C-G.

71 God hath B. [CorrectedinBetotheoriginalreading.] God hates C-G.

145

THE MIRROR FOR MAGISTRATES

What preach I now, I am a man of warre,
And that my body (I dare say) doth professe,
[80] Of cured woundes beset with many a skarre,

My broken law vnheald can say no lesse.

Fortune, Fortune, cause of all distresse

My father had great cause thy fraude to cursse.
But much more I, abused ten times wursse.

[85] Thou neuer flatteredst him in all his life,

But me thou dandledst like thy darling <leare:
Thy giftes I found in every corner rife,
Where ever I went, I met thy smyling dheare:
Which was not for a day, or for a yeare,

MBut through the rayne of thre right worthy kynges,
9 J O J J O *

1 found the forward in al kind of thinges.

The while king Henry conquered in Fraunce
I sued the warres, and still found victory.
In all assaultes so happy was my chaunce,
[95] Holdes yelde or wunne did make my enmies sory:

Dame Prudence eke augmented so my glory,
That in all treaties ever I was one
Whan weyghty matters were agreed vpon.

But whan this king this mighty conquerour,
[100] Through death vnripe, was both his realmes bereft,

His sdy infant did receyue his power,
Pore lide babe fill yong in cradell left,
Where crowne and Scepter hurt him with the heft:
Whose wurthy vndes had the governaunce,
[105] The one at home, the other abrode in Fraunce.

flattredst C-G. all thy life, C-G.
'86] lyke the darlyng B.

146

THOMAS, EARL OF SALISBURY

And I which was in peace and war wel skilled,
With both these rulers gready was estemed:
Bare rule at home as often as they willed,
And fought in Fraunce whan thei it nedeful demed.
And every where so good my seruice semed, [no]

That Englishmen to me great loue did beare,
Our foes the French, my force fulfilled with feare.

I alwayes thought it fidy for a prince,
And such as haue the regiment of realmes,
His subiectes hartes with mildnes to convince, [ T IS]

Wyth iustice myxt, auoyding all extremes.
For like as Phebus with his chearfull beames,
Doth freshly force the fragrant floures to florish,
So rulers mildnes subiectes loue doth norish.

This found I true: for through my mild behauour [120]
Their hartes I had with me to liue and dye:
And in their speache for to declare their fauour,
They called me styll good earle of Salisbury,
The lordes confest the commons did not lye.
For vertuous life, fre hart, and lowly mind, [125]

With high and low shal alwayes fauour find.

Which vertues chief becum a man of war,
Wherof in Fraunce I founde experyence,
For in assaultes due mildnes passeth farre
Al rigour, force, and sturdy violence: [130]

For men wil stoudy sticke to their defence
When cruel captaynes covet them to spoyle,
And so enforst, oft geue their foes the foyle.

119] loue do norish. F.

122] speche bewrayer of their C-G.

132] couet after spoile, C-G.

147

THE MIRROR FOR MAGISTRATES

But when they know they shall be frendly vsed,
[135] They hazard not their heades, but rather yelde,

For this, my offers neuer were refused

Of any towne, or surely very seelde:

But force and furies fyt be for the feelde.

And there in dede I vsed so the same,
[140] My foes would flye if they had heard my name.

For whan lord Steward and erle Vantadore,
Had cruelly besieged Crauant towne,
Which we had wunne, and kept long time before,
Which lieth in Awxer on the riuer Youne,
[145] To rayse the siege the Regent sent me downe:

Where as I vsed all rigour that I might,
I killed all, that were not saued by flight.

When the erle of Bedford then in Fraunce lord regent,
Knew in what sort I had remoued the syege,
[150] In Brye and Champayne he made me vice gerent,

And Lieutenaunt for him and for my Lyege:
Which caused me go to Bry, and ther besyege
Mountaguillon, with twenty wekes assaut,
Which at the last was yelded me for naught.

[155] And for the duke of Britayns brother, Arthur,

Both erle of Richmonde and of Yvery,
Against his othe from vs had made departure,
To Charles the Dolphin, our chief enemy,
I with the regent went to Normandy,

[i<$o] To take his towne of Yvery, which of spight

Did to vs dayly al the harme they might.

140] they but heard C-G.
143] Which he had C-G.

148

THOMAS, EARL OF SALISBURY

They at the first compounded by a day
To yeeld, if rescues did not cum before.
And whiles in hope to fight, we at it lay,
The Dolphin gathered men two thousand skore, [165]

With erles, lordes, and captaynes ioly store:
Of which the duke of Alanson was gide,
And sent them downe to see if we would bide.

But they left vs and downe to Vernoile went,
And made their vaunt they had our army skyne, [170]

And through that lye, that towne from vs they hent,
Which shortly after turned to their payne:
For there both armies met vpon the plaine,
And we .viii. M. whom they flew, not slewe before,
Did kil of them, ten thousand men and more. [175]

When we had taken Vernoile thus againe,
To driue the Dolphin vtterly out of Fraunce,
The Regent sent me to Aniowe and to Mayne,
Wher I besieged the warlik towne of Mawns:
Ther lord of Toysers Baldwins valiaunce [180]

pid well appere, which wold not yeeld die towne,
Till all die towres & walles wer battred downe.

But here now Baldwin take it in good part,
Though that I brought this Baldwin ther to yeeld:
The Lion fearce for all his noble hart, [185]

Being overmatched, is forst to flye the feeld.
If Mars him sdfe had there ben with his sheeld,
And in my stormes had stoudy me withstoode,
He should haue yeeld, or els haue shed my bloode.

[186! to
[187] hi

to flee B.

him selfc there had ben C-G.

149

THE MIRROR FOR MAGISTRATES

[190] This wurthy knight both hardy, stout, and wise,

Wrought well his feate: as time and place require,
Whan fortune fayles, it is the best advice
To strike the sayle, least al lie in the mire.
This have I sayd to thend thou take no yre,

[195] For though no cause be found, so nature frames,

Men haue a zeale to such as beare their names.

But to returne, in Mayne wan I at length,
Such towns & fortes as might either helpe or hurt,
I manned Mayon & Suzans townes of strength,
[200] Fort Barnarde, Thanceaux, & S. Gales the curt,

With Lile sues Bolton, standing in the durt:
Eke Gwerland, Susze, Loupeland and Mountsure,
With Malicorne, these wan I and kept full sure.

Besides al this, I tooke nere forty holdes,
[205] But those I razed even with the grounde.

And for these dedes, as sely shepe in foldes
Do shrinke for feare at every lide sound,
So fled my foes before my face fill round:
Was none so hardy durst abide the fight,
[210] So Mars and Fortune furdered me their knight.

I tel no lye, so gastful grewe my name,
That it alone discomfited an host:
The Scots and Frenchmen wil confesse the same,
Els wil the towne which they like cowardes lost.
[215] For whan they sieged Bewron with great bost,

Being fourty .M. Britayns, French, and Scottes,
Fiue hundred men did vanquish them like sottes.

199] Suzans town of C-G.

209] hardy that durst &-G. abyde my fight, F.

213] frenchmen well confesse C-G.

150

THOMAS, EARL OF SALISBURY

For while the Frenchmen did assault them sril,
Our Englishmen came boldly forth at night,
Criyng sainct George, Salisbury, kil, kil, kil, [220]

And offred freshly with their foes to fight,
And they as frenchly tooke them selves to flight,
Supposing surely that I had ben there.
Se how my name did put them all in feare.

Thus was the Dolphins power discomfited, [225]

Power .M. slayne, their campe tane as it stoode,
Wherby our towne and souldiers profited,
For there were vitayles plentifull and good:
This while was I in England by the rood
To appeace a strife that was right foule befall, [230]

Betwene Duke Humfrey and die Cardinal!.

The Duke of Exceter shortly after died,
Which of the king at home had gouernaunce,
Whose roume the earle of Warwike then supplied,
And I tooke his, and sped me into Fraunce. [235]

And hauing a zeale to conquer Orlyaunce,
With much ado I gat the regentes ayde,
And marched thither and siege about it layde.

But in the way I tooke the towne of Yayn,
Wher murdred wer for stoutnes many a man: [240]

But Baugency I tooke with lide payne,
For which to shew them fauour I began:
This caused the townes of Mewne and largeman,
That stoode on Loyer, to profer me the keyes,
Ere I came nere them, welny by two dayes. [245]

[218] Fren
236] haui

enchmen freshly assaulted still, C-G.
hauing zeale to P.

THE MIRROR FOR MAGISTRATES

See here how Fortune forward can allure,
What baytes she layeth to bring men to their endes.
Who having hap like this, but would hope sure
To bring to bale what euer he entendes?
[250] But soone is sowre the sweete that Fortune sendes:

Whan hope and hap, whan helth and wdth is hyest,
Than wo and wracke, desease, and nede be nyest.

For while I, suing this so good successe,
Layd siege to Orlyaunce on the river syde,
[255] The Bastard (Cuckold Cawnyes sonne I gesse,

Tho thought the dukes) who had the towne in gide,
Came fearcely forth, when he his time espide,
To raise the siege, but was beat backe agayne,
And hard pursued both to his losse and payne.

[260] For there we wan the bulwarke on the bridge

With a mighty tower standing fast therby.
Ah cursed tower that didst my dayes abridge,
Would god thou hadst bene fiirder, eyther I.
For in this tower a chamber standes on hie,

[265] From which a man may view through al the towne

By certayne windowes yron grated downe.

Where on a day (now Baldwin note mine ende)
I stoode in vewing where the towne was weake,
And as I busily talked with my frend,

[270] Shot fro the towne, which al the grate did breake,

A pellet came, and drove a mighty fleake,
Agaynst my face, and tare away my cheeke,
For payne wherof I dyed within a weeke.

246] Fortune frowaxd G.
248] but hopcth sure, C-G.

152

THOMAS, EARL OF SALISBURY

See Baldwin see the vncertaynty of glory,
How sodayne mischief dasheth all to dust. [275]

And warne all princes by my broken story,
The happiest Fortune chiefly to mistrust.
Was neuer man that alway had his lust.
Than such be fooles, in fancy more then mad,
Which hope to haue that neuer any had. [280]

[274] the vncertayne of glory, C-R the vncertayne glorye, FG.
279] Then sure be G.

153

THE MIRROR FOR MAGISTRATES

[Prose 9] / | THis straunge aducnture of the good erle drave vs al into a
I dumpne, inwardly lamenting his wofull destynye, out of which
JL we wer awaked, after this sort.

To what ende (quoth one) muse we so much on this matter. This

[5] Earle is neyther the first nor the last whom Fortune hath foundered in

the heyth of their prosperitye. For all through the raine of this vnfor-

tunate king Henry, we shall find many whych haue bene likewise serued,

whose chaunces sith they be marcial, and therfore honorable, may the

better be omitted: And therfore we wil let go the lordes Morlines and

[10] Poyninges, skyne both at the siege of Orleans shortly after the death of

this earle. Also the valiaunt earle of Arundle destroyed with a bowlet

at the assault of Gerbory, whose storyes nevertheles are wurth the

hearyng. And to quicken vp your spirites, I wil take vpon me a tragical!

person in deede, I meane kyng lamy skyne by his seruauntes in his pryvy

[15] chamber, who although he be a Skot, yet seing he was brought vp in

Englande where he learned the language, hys example also so notable,

it were not meete he shoulde be forgotten.

And therfore marke Baldwin what I thinke he may say.

[2] dumpe B-G.

[4] (saide one) C-G. on the matter. B-G.

[5] neither the fyrste nor laste F. neyther first nor last G.

[9] MolynesC-G.

[17] mete it should B-G.

154

How king lames the first for breaking [Tragedy 10]
his othes and bondes, was by gods
suffrauns miserably murdred
of his owne subiectes.

F for examples sake thou write thy booke,
I charge the Baldwin thou forget me not:
Whom Fortune alwayes frowardly forsooke,
Such was my lucke, my merite, or my lot.
I am that lames king Roberts sonne the Skot, [5]

That was in England prisoner all his youth,
Through mine vnde Walters trayterous vntruth.

For whan my father through disease and age,
Vnwiddy was to gouerne well his land,
Because his brother Walter semed sage, [ I0 1

He put the rule therof into his hand.
Than had my father you shall vnderstand
Of lawfull barnes, me, and one only other,
Nempt Dauy Rothsay, who was mine elder brother

This Dauy was prince of Scotland, and so take, [is]

Till his aduoutry caused men complayne:
Which that he might by monyshment forsake,
My father prayed mine vnde take the payne
To threaten him, his vices to refrayne.
But he false traytour, butcherly murdring wretch, [*>]

To get the crowne, began to fetch a fetch.

[Tide] subiectes. An: 1437. C-G.
[i] thou wrote thy PG.

155

THE MIRROR FOR MAGISTRATES

And finding now a proffer to his pray,
Deuised meanes my brother to deuower,
And for that cause convayed him day by day,
[25] From place to place, from castell vnto tower,

To Faulkland fort, where like a tormentour
He starued him, and put to death a wife
Whom through a reede he sukt to saue his life.

O wretched death, fye cruel tiranny,
[30] A prince in prison lost for fault of fbode?

Was neuer enmy wrought such villany.

A trusted brother stroye his brothers blood

Wo wurth foe frendly, fye on double hood.

Ah wretched father, see thy sonne is lost,
[35] Sterved by thy brother, whom thou trustedst most.

Of whom whan sum began to find the fraud,
And yet the traytor made him selfe so dere,
That he should seeme to haue deserued laud,
So wofull did he for his death appeare,
[40] My doubtful father louing me ful deere

To auoyde all daunger that might after chaunce,
Sent me away, but nine yeres olde, to Fraunce.

But windes and wether wer so contrary,
That we wer driuen to the English coast,
[45] Which realme with Skodand at that time did vary

So that they tooke me prisoner, not as oste:
For which my father fearing I wer lost,

,3
[32

,33,

39'

L 47.

for want of foode! G.

A trusty brother D-G. brother distroy his C-G.

wurth so fryndly, B-G.

his prince appere, C-G.

me as prisoner D-G. not an hoast: G.

I was lost, FG.

156

KING JAMES THE FIRST

Concerned shortly such an inward thought
As to the graue immediady him brought.

Than had mine vncle all the regiment [50]

At home, and I in England prisoner ky,
For to him selfe he thought it detryment,
For my releace any raunsum for to pay,
For (as he thought) he had possest his pray:
And therfore wisht I might in durauns dure [55]

Till I had dyed, so should his rayne be sure.

But good king Henry seing I was a child,
And heyre by ryght vnto a realme and crowne,
Dyd bring me vp, not lyke my brother, wylde
But vertuously in feates of high renowne: [60]

In liberall artes in instrumentall sowne:
By meane wherof whan I was after king,
I did my realme to ciuil order bring.

For ere I had been prisoner eyghtene yere,
In which short space two noble princes dyed, [65]

Wherof the first in prudence had no peere
The other in warre most valyant throwly tryed,
Whose rowme his sonne babe Henry eke supplyed
The pyers of England which did gouerne all,
Did of their goodnes hdpe me out of thrall. [70]

They maried me to a cosin of their king
The Duke of Somersets daughter rich & fayre.
Releast my raunsome saue a trifling thing:
And after I had done homage to the hayer,
And sworne my frendship neuer should appayre, [75]

They brought me kingly furnisht to my lande,
Which I receyued at mine vndes hand.

i57

THE MIRROR FOR MAGISTRATES

Wherof my lordes and commons wer ful glad,
So was mine vncle chiefly (as he sayed)
[80] Who in his mouth no other matter had,

Saue punish such as had my brother trayed.
The faut wherof epparandy he layed,
To good duke Murdo, his elder brothers sonne,
Whose father dyed long ere this dede was doen.

[85] My cursed vnde slyer than the snake

Which would by craft vnto the crowne aspier,
Because he sawe this Murdo was a stake
That stayed vp die stop of his desier,
(For his elder brother was Duke Murdoes sier)

[90] He thought it best to haue him made away,

So was he suer (I goen) to haue his pray.

And by his craftes the traytour brought to passe
That I destroyed Duke Murdo, and his kin
Poore innocentes, my louing frendes, alas.
[95] O kinges and Princes what plight stand we in,

A trusted traytour shal you quickely winne
To put to death your kin and frendes most iust:
Take hede therfore, take hede whose rede ye trust.

And at the last to bring me hole in hate
[roo] With god and man, at home and eke abrode,

He counsayled me for surance of my state:
To helpe' the Frenchmen, then nye overtrade
By Englishmen, and more to lay on lode,
Widi power and force al England to invade,
[105] Against die othe and homage that I made.

^84] ere this was don. C-G.
88} the top of C-G.

158

KING JAMES THE FIRST

And though at first my conscience did grudge
To breake the bondes of frendship knit by oth,
Yet after profe (see mischiefe) I did iudge
It madnes for a king to kepe his troth.

And semblably with all the world it goth. [no]

Sinnes ofte assayed are thought to be no sinne,
So sinne doth soyle, the soule it sinketh in.

But as diseases common cause of death,
Bring daunger most, whan least they pricke & smart
Which is a signe they haue expulst the breth [115]

Of liuely heat which doth defende the hart:
Euen so such sinnes as felt are on no part
Haue conquered grace, and by their wicked vre,
So kild the soule that it can haue no cure.

And grace agate, vice stil succedeth vice, [120]

And all to haste the vengeaunce for the furst.
I arede therfore all people to be wise,
And stoppe the bracke whan it begins to burst.
Attaste no poyson (vice is venim wurst,
It mates the mind) beware eke of to much, [125]

All kil through muchnes, sum with only touche.

Whan I had learned to set my othe at nought,
And through much vse the sence of sinne exyled,
Agaynst king Henry, what I could I wrought,
My fayth, my othe, vniusdy foule defiled. [130]

And while sly Fortune at my doinges smiled,
The wrath of God which I had wel deserued,
Fell on my necke, for thus loe was I serued.

107

112
123

the boundes of C-G.

So soyleth synne, the JB-G.

brake G.

159

THE MIRROR FOR MAGISTRATES

Ere I had raygned fully fiftene yere,
[135] While time I kye at Pertho at my place,

With the Quene my wife & children me to chere,
My murdring vnde with the double face,
That longed for my kingdome and my mace,
To sky me there suborned Robert Gram,
[140] With whom his nephew Robert Stuart cam.

And whan they time fit for their purpose found,
Into my priuy chaumber they astart,
Where with their sweardes they gave me many a wound,
And slue al such as stucke vnto my parte:
[145] There loe my wife dyd shewe her lotting harte,

Who to defende me, felled one or twayne,
And was sore wounded ere I coulde be skyne.

See Baldwin Baldwin, the vnhappy endes,
Of suche as passe not for theyr kwfiill oth:
[150] Of those that causeles leaue theyr fayth or frendes,

And murdre kynsfolke through their foes vntroth,
Warne, warne all princes, all lyke sinnes to loth,
And chiefdy suche as in my Realme be borne,
For God hates hyghly suche as are forsworne.

[141] whan their rime C-G. [F prints the F* their] for die

purpose B.

150] fayth and fiendes, G.
154] highly all that are C-G.

160

TO THE READER

WHan this was sayd, let King lamy go quoth mayster [Prose 10]
Ferrers, & returne we to our owne story, & se what
broyls were among the nohility in the kinges minority.
How the cardinal Bewford maligneth the estate of good duke Humfrey
the kinges vnde & protector of the realme, & by what driftes he first [5]
banisheth his wife from him. And lastly howe the good duke is
murderously made away through conspiracy of Quene Margaret and
other: both whose tragedies I entend at leasure to declare, for they be
notable. Do so I pray you (quoth another) But take hede ye demurre
not vpon them. And I to be occupied the meane time, will shewe what [10]
I haue noted in the duke of Suffolkes doinges, one of the chiefest of duke
Humfreyes destroyers, who by the prouidens of God, came shortly
after in such hatred of the people, that the King him sdfe could not saue
hym from a straunge and notable death, which he may lament after this
maner. [15]

[i] go sayd mayster C-F.

[4] the state of Duke F.

[6] the sayd Duke P.

[8] tragedies I haue here ioyned together, for F.

[9] notable. That wil do very wd ( F. (said an other) CF. (saydi another) D-E.

[9-16] ye stay not to long vpponthem, I warranteyou (quoth I) andtherforel would
that first of al ye geeue care, what the Duke frmwlfe doth say, as fbloweth. F.

[10] occupied in the C-E.

[n] thechiefeofC-JE.

[14] death, for being banisht the realme for the terxne of fyue yeares, to appease the
contynuall rumors and inwarde grudges that not onely the Commons but
most parte of the nobility of England bare towardes him for the death of the
Duke of Glocester and sayling towardes Fraunce, was met with a ship of
Deuonshyre, and beheaded forthwith the fyrste day of may Anno. 1450,
and the dead corps thrown vp at Douervpon the sandes, whiche may lament
hys deathe after CE.

[The cancel found in P (see below, pp. 429-45) substituted another prose
link to introduce Tragedy 28; added Prose 28 to introduce Tragedy 29; and for
II 10-15 <d>ove substituted Prose 29. The cancel was incorporated in the 1587
edition, and the original prose link discarded.]

161

THE MIRROR FOR MAGISTRATES

[Tragedy n] How Lorde William Dekpole Duke

of SufFolke was worthily punyshed

for abusing his Kyng and causing

the destruction of good Duke

Humfrey.

p is the hap wherto all men be bound,
I meane the death, which no estate may flye:
But to be banisht, headed so, and drownd,
In sinke of shame from top of honors hye,
[5] Was never man so served I thinke but I:
And therfore Baldwin fro thy grave of j
Reiect me not, of wretched princes

My only life in all poyntes may suffise
To shewe howe base all baytes of Fortune be,
[10] Which thaw like yse, through heate of enuies eyes :
Or vicious dedes which much possessed me.
Good hap with vices can not long agree,
Which bring best fortunes to the basest fall,
And happiest hap to enuy to be thrall.

[Tide] Howe William Dekpoole F. worthdy banished for B-G. of the
good Duke Humfrey. An. 1450. C-EG. and procuringe the
death of Duke Humfrey of Glocester, protector of England.
Anno. 1450. F.

3] banisht, beheded, and than drownd, C-G.
6-7] Wherfore Baldwyn amongest the rest by ryght,
I dayme of the my wofull case to wryte. C-G.
[In /. 6 read good Baldwin for Baldwin F.]
ill Of vicious G.
12] with vice, long tyme cannot agree, C-G.

162

WILLIAM, DUKE OF SUFFOLK

I am the prince duke William De la Poole [15]

That was so famous in Quene Margets dayes.
That found the meane Duke Humfireyes blud to coole
whose vertuous paynes deserve eternal prayse
Wherby I note that Fortune can not raise,
Any one aloft without sum others wracke: [20]

Fluds drowne no fiddes before they find a bracke.

But as the waters which do breake their walles
Do loose the course they had within the shore,
And dayly rotting stinke within their stalles
For fault of moouing which they found before: [25]

Euen so the state that over high is bore
Doth loose the lyfe of peoples love it had,
And rots it selfe vntil it fall to bad.

For while I was but Erie, eche man was glad
To say and do the best by me they might: [30]

And Fortune ever since I was a lad
Did smile vpon me with a chereful sight,
For whan my Kyng had doubed me a Knight
And sent me furth to serve at warre in Fraunce,
My lucky spede mine honor dyd enhaunce. [35]

Where to omit the many feites I wrought
Vnder others gyde, I do remember one
Which with my souldyers valiantly was fought
None other captayne save my selfe alone,
I meane not now the apprinze of Pucel lone [40]

In which attempte my travayle was not smal,
Though the Duke of Burgoyn had the prayse of al.

Called I was Wyllyam C-G.

Of Suffolke Duke in C-G. Margarets C-G.

Whose worthy actes deserue C-G.

breake the walles C-G.

lose theyr course B-G.

douted DE.

163

THE MIRROR FOR MAGISTRATES

But the siege of Awmarle is the feate I prayse
A strong built towne, with castes, walles, & vaultes,
[45] With men and weapon armed at al assayes :

To which I gave nie five times five assaultes,
Tyl at the last they ydded it for naughtes.
Yet Lord Rambures like a valiaunt Knight
Defended it as long as euer he might.

[50] But what prevayled it these townes to winne

Which shortly after must be lost againe,
Wherby I see there is more glory in
The keping thinges than is in their attayne:

LOO J

To get and kepe not is but losse of payne.
[55] Therfore ought men prouide to saue their winnings

In al attemptes, els lose they their beginninges.

Because we could not kepe the townes we wunne

(For they were more than we might easely wydde)

\ j f j j I

One yere vndyd what we in ten had doen:
[60] For envy at home, and treason abrode, dyd yelde

Kyng Charles his Realme of Fraunce, made barain fielde,

For bluddy warres had wasted al encreace,

Which causde the Pope helpe pouerty sue for peace,

So that in Tourayne at the towne of Toures
[65] Duke Charles and other for their Prince appered,

So dyd Lord Rosse, and I than Erie, for oures:
And when we shewed wherein eche other dered,
We sought out meanes all quarels to haue dered,
Wherein the Lordes of Germany, of Spayne,
[70] Of Hungary and Denmarke, tooke exceding paine.

-with castles, G-G.

as ere he F.

losse and payne. G.

had don: C-G.

in is misprinted it in the text.

164

WILLIAM, DUKE OF SUFFOLK

But sith we could no final peace induce,
For neither would the others couenants heare,
For eightene monthes we dyd conclude a truce:
And while as frendes we lay together there
Because my warrant dyd me therein beare, [75]

To make a perfite peace, and through accorde,
I sought a manage for my soveraine Lorde.

And for the French kinges doughters wer to small
I fancied most dame Margarete his niece,
A lovely lady, beautifull and tall, [80]

Fayre spoken, pleasaunt, a very princely piece,
In wit and learning matchdes hence to Grece,
Duke Rayners daughter of Aniow, king by stile,
Of Naples, lerusalem, and of Scicil yle.

But ere I could the graunt of her attayne, [85]

All that our king had of her fathers landes,
As Mauntes the citee, the county whole of Mayne,
And most of Aniow duchy in our handes,
I did release him by assured bandes.

And as for dowry widrher none I sought, [90]

I thought no peace could be to derely bought.

But whan this manage throwly was agreed
Although my king were glad of such a make,
His vnde Humfrey abhorred it in deed,
Because therby his precontract he brake, [95]

Made with the heire of the erle of Arminake,
A noble maide with store of goodes endowed,
Which more than this with losse, the duke allowed.

84] and Scicil G.
And whan G.

165

,THE MIRROR FOR MAGISTRATES

But love and beauty in the king so wrought
[100] That neither profite or promise he regarded,

But set his vndes counsayle still at nought:

And for my paynes I highly was rewarded.

Thus vertue starves, but lustfoode must be larded.

For I made Marquise went to Fraunce againe,
[105] And brought this Bride vnto my soverayne.

At whom because Duke Humfrey aye repined,
Calling their mariage aduowtry (as it was)
The Quene did move me, erst therto endined,
To hdpe to bring him to his Requiem masse,
[no] Which sith it could for no crime cum to passe

His life and doinges were so right and dere,
Through privy murder we brought him to his beere

Thus righteousnes brought Humfirey to rebuke
Because he would no wickednes allowe,
[115] But for my doinges I was made a duke

So Fortune can both bend and smothe her browe
On whom she list, not passing why nor howe.
O lord how high, how soone she did me raise,
How fast she filde me both with prayes and prayse.

[120] The Lordes and Commons both of like assent,

Besought my soverayne, lending on their knees,
To recorde my doinges in the parliament,
As dedes deseruing everlasting fees.
In which attempt they did no labour leese,

102
io6 !
114

117]

was awarded. C-G.
At home because G.
he should no C-F.
why or how. C-G.

166

WILLIAM, DUKE OF SUFFOLK

For they set not my prayse so fast in flame, [125]

As he was ready to reward the same.

But note the ende, my dedes so wurthy demed
Of Kinge, of Lordes, and Commons altogether,
Wer shortly after treasons false estemed,
And al men curst Quene Margets dimming hither, [130]

For Charles the french king, in his feates not lither
Whan he had rendred Rayner Mauntes & Mayne,
Found meane to winne all Normandy agayne.

This made the people curse the mariage
Esteming it die cause of every losse: [135]

Wherfore at me with open mouth they rage,
Affirming me to have brought the reahne to mosse:
Whan king & Quene sawe thinges thus go a crosse,
To quiet all a parliament they called,
And caused me in prison to be thralled, [140]

And shortly after brought me furth abrode.
Which made the Commons more than double wood:
And sum with weapons would have kyed on lode,
If their graund captaine Blewberd, in his moode,
Had not in time with wisedome bene withstoode. [145]

But though that he and mo wer executed
The people still their wurst against me bruted.

And so applyed the Parliament with billes,
Of haynous wronges, and open traytrous crimes,
That Icing & queene were forst against their willes [150]

Fro place to place to adiourne it divers times,
For princes power is like the sandy slymes,
Which must perforce geve place vnto the wave,
Or sue the windy sourges whan they rave.

167

THE MIRROR FOR MAGISTRATES

[155] Their life was not more dere to them than I,

Which made them search all shiftes to save me still.
But aye my foes such faultes did on me trye
That to preserve me from a wurser yll,
The king was fayne, fill sore agaynst his will,

[160] For five yeres space to send me in exile,

In hope to have restored me in a while.

But marke howe vengeaunce wayteth vpon vice.
As I was sayling toward the coast of Fraunce,
The Earle of Deuonshires barke, of lide price,
[165] Encountred me vpon the seas by chaunce,

Whose captaine tooke me by his valiaunce,
Let passe my shippes, with all the frayt and loade,
But led me with him into Dover roade.

Where whan he had recounted me my faultes,
[170] As murdring of Duke Humfrey in his bed,

And howe I had brought all the realme to naughtes
In causing the King vnkwfully to wed,
There was no grace, but I must loose my head.
Wherfbre he made me shrive me in his boate,
[175] On the edge wherof my necke in two he smoat.

[163-4] To shun this storme, in sayling towardes Fraunce,
A Pyrates Barke, that was of lide price, C-G.

166
'167
168
169;
172
174

captain there, tooke me % as in a traunce, C-G.

their frayt C-G.
And led me backe agayne to Douer C-G.
Where vnto me recounting all my C-G.
Causing the C-G.
me to shryue C-G.

And on the brinke my C-G.
168

WILLIAM, DUKE OF SUFFOLK

A piteous ende, and therfore Baldwin warne,
All pyers and princes to abhorre vntroth,
For vicious grayne must cum to fowl endes barne:
Who brueth breach of lawful bond or oth,
God wil ere long, cause all the world to loth. [180]

Was never prince that other did oppresse
Unrighteously, but died in distresse.

[176-82] This was myne end: which was by reason due
To me, and such as others deaths procure.
Therfore be bould to write, for it is true,
That who so doth such practise put in vre,
Of due reward at last shalbe most sure,
For God is iust, whose stroke delayed long,
Doth light at last with payn more sharpe and strong. C-G.

THE MIRROR FOR MAGISTRATES

[Prose n] "Y" \" "7"Han this was sayd: Every man reioyccd to hcare of a
wicked man so maruaylously well punished: For though
Fortune in many poyntes be iniurius to Princes, yet in this
and such lyke she is moost righteous : And only deserveth the name of a
[5] Goddes, whan she prouideth meanes to punish &distroyeTyrantes. And
whan we had a whyle considered the driftes of the Kyng and Quene to
haue saued this Duke, and yet they could not: It is wurth the labour
(sayd one) to way the workes and iudgementes of God: which seyng
they are knowen most euidendy by comparyng contraryes, I wyll

[10] touche the story of lackc Kade in order next folowynge. Whome
Kynge Henrye with all his puissauns was no more able for a while to
destroy {yet was he his rebellious enemie) than he was to preserve the
Duke of Suffolke his derest frend: by whiche two examples doeth
apperc howe notably God dysposeth all thinges, and that no force

[15] stretcheth farther, than it pleaseth him to suffer. For this Cade beinge
but base borne, of no abilitye, and lesse power, accompanied with a few
naked Kentyshmen, caused the Kynge with hys annye at all poyntes
appoynted, to leaue the fyelde, and to suffer hym to doe what so euer he
lusted: In whose behalfe, seynge he is one of Fortunes whelpes, I wyll

[20] trouble you a while to heare the proces of his enterprise, Which he maye
declare in maner folowyng.

[2] wicked person so righteously punished: C-G.
[15-16] being an Irisheman but of meane parentage, of C-G.
[18] and suffer (XJ.

[19] lusted for a tyme, but in the ende hee was slaine at Hothfielde in Sussex, and
caricd thence to London in a cart, an<4 there quartered. In C-G.

170

How lacke Cade traitorously rebelling [Tragedy 12]

agaynst his Kyng, was for his treasons
and cruell doinges wurthely
punyshed.

I cal it Fortune or my froward folly
That lifted me, and layed me downe below?
Or was it courage that me made so loly,
Which of the starres and bodyes grement grow?
What euer it were this one poynt sure I know, [5]

Which shal be mete for euery man to marker
Our lust and wils our evils chefely warke.

It may be wd that planetes doe endyne,
And our complexions move our myndes to yll,
But such is Reason, that they brynge to fine [10]

No worke, vnayded of our lust and wyl:
For heauen and earth are subiect both to skyl.
The skyl of God ruleth al, it is so strong,
Man may by skyl gyde thinges that to him long.

Though lust be sturdy and wyl inclined to nought, [15]
This forst by mixture, that by heavens course,
Yet through the skyl God hath in Reason wrought
And geuen man, no lust nor wyl so course
But may be stayed or swaged of the sourse,
So that it shall in nothing force the mynde [20]

To worke our wo, or leaue the proper kynde.

Cade naming hymsdfe Mortimer, traterously rebelling agaynst his

King in lune. Anno. 1450. was C-G.
me vp and C-G. That lifte mee vp, and F.
Or strength of stars, whiche make men high to growe? F.
wil to course, C-G.

171

THE MIRROR FOR MAGISTRATES

But though this skil be geven every man
To rule the wyl, and kepe the minde aloft,
For lacke of grace ful fewe vse it can,
[25] These worldly pleasures tickle vs so oft:

Skyl is not weake, but wyl strong, flesh is soft
And yeldes it selfe to pleasure that it loueth,
And hales the mynde to that it most reproueth.

Now if this happe wherby we yelde our mynde
[30] To lust and wyll, be fortune, as we name her,

Than is she iusdy called false and blynde,
And no reproche can be to much to blame her:
Yet is the shame our owne when so we shame her,
For sure this hap if it be rightly knowen,
[35] Cummeth of our selves, and so the blame our owne.

For who so lyveth in the skole of skyll
And medleth not with any worldes afiaires,
Forsaketh pompes and honors that do spyl
The myndes recourse to Graces quiet stayers,
[40] His state no Fortune by no meane appayers :

For Fortune is the folly and plage of those
Which to the worlde their wretched willes dispose.

Among which Fooles (Marke Baldwyn) I am one
That would not stay my selfe in mine estate.
[45] I thought to rule, but to obey to none,

And therfore fd I with my Kyng at bate.
And to the ende I might him better mate,

122] geuen to euery C-G.
45] but would obay F.
46-49] Wherefore I thought to be my Princes mate,
And by some meane his power to abate,
And for that jsnde, Mortimer would be nam'de,
Heyre apparant, of England once prodaym'de. P.

172

JACK CADE

lohn Mortimer I caused my selfe be called,
Whose Kingly blood the Henries nye had thralled.

This shift I vsed the people to perswade [50]

To leave their Prince, on my side more to sticke,
Wheras in deede my fathers name was Kade
Whose noble stocke was never wurth a sticke.
But touching wit I was both rype and quicke,
Had strength of lims, large stature, cumly face, [55]

Which made men wene my lynage were not base.

And seing stoutnes stucke by men in Kent
Whose VaHaunt hartes refuse none enterprise,
With false perswasions straite to them I went,
And sayd they suffred to great iniuryes: [60]

By meane wherof I caused them to rise,
And battayle wyse to cum to blacke heth playne
And thence their grefes vnto the Kyng complayne.

Who being deafe (as men say) on that eare,
For we desired releace of subsidies, [65]

Refused roughly our requestes to heare
And came against vs as his enemies.
But we to trap hym, sought out subtiltyes,
Remoued our campe, and backe to Senocke went,
After whom the Staffordes with their power wer sent. [70]

Prince, and on my syde to F.

And say e they F.

as our enemies: F.

To tray hym B. to tary him C-JS. to tary sought F.

power was sent. C-J5G. [In both HN copies of the 1578 text wa is

followed by an indecipherable blur. F* has been emended in ink to read

"waerbent:".]

173

THE MIRROR FOR MAGISTRATES

Se here how Fortune setting vs a flote
Brought to our nettes a porcion of our pray.
For why the Staffordes with their army hote
Assayled vs at Senocke, where we laye:
[75] From whence alive they parted not away,

Whiche whan the Kynges retinew vnderstode
They all affirmed my quarel to be good

Which caused the king, and quene whom al did hate,
To raise their campe, and sodaynly depart:
[80] And that they might the peoples grudge abate,

To imprison sum fill sore against their hart.
Lord Sayes was one, whom I made after smart.
For after the Staffordes & their oast was slaine,
To Blackheath fydde I marched backe againe.

[85] And where the king would nothing heare before,

Nowe was he glad to send to know my minde:
And I therby enflamed much the more,
Refused his grauntes, so folly made ine blind.
For this he flewe and left lord Skales behind,

[90] Mo helpe the towne, and strengthen London tower,

Towardes which I marched forward with my power.

And found there all thinges after my desier,
I entred London, did there what I list,
The Treasurer, lord Sayes, I did conspier
[95] To have condemned: wherof whan I mist,

(For he by kwe my malice did resist)
By force I tooke him in Guyld hall fro the heape,
And headed him before the crosse in cheape.

Lorde Saye C-G.
after Staffordes F. hoasc C-G.
thinges at myne owne desire C-G.
Lord Saye, C-G.

174

JACK CADE

His sonne in law, lames Cromer shrive of Kent,
I caught at Myle ende, where as than he layer [100]

Beheaded him, and on a poale I sent
His head to London, where his fathers laye.
With these two heades I made a prety play,
For pight on poales I bare them through the strete,
And for my sport made ech kisse other swete. [105]

Than brake I prisons, let forth whom I woulde,
And vsed the citie as it had be mine:
Tooke fram the marchanntes, money, ware, & golde:
From sum by force, from other sum by fine.
This at the length did cause them to repine, [no]

So that lord Skales consenting with the mayre,
Forbad vs to their citie to repayre.

For al this while mine hoast in Southwarke lay,
Who whan they knewe our passage was denyed,
Came boldly to the bridge and made a fraye, [115]

For in we would, the townes men vs defied:
But whan with strokes we had the matter tryed,
We wan the bridge and set much part on fire,
This doen, to Southwarke backe we did retier*

The morowe after came the Chauncellour [120]

With generall pardon for my men halfe gone,
Which heard and read, the rest within an houre
Shranke all awaye, eche man to shift for one.
And whan I sawe they left me post alone,
I did disguise me like a knight of the post, [125]

And into Sussex roade away in poste.

[107] had ben myne: B-G.

175

THE MIRROR FOR MAGISTRATES

And there I lurked, till that cursed coyne
That resdes begle sought and found me out.
For strayt the king by promise did enioyne
[130] A thousand marke, to whosoever mought

Apprend my corse: which made men seke about.
Among the which one Alexander Iden,
Found out the hole wherin the fox was hidden.

But ere he tooke me, I put him to his trumpes,
[135] For yeeld I would not while my handes would holde

But hope of money made him stur his stumpes,
And to assault me valiaundy and bolde.
Two howres and more our cumbate was not colde,
Til at the last he lent me such a stroke,
[140] That downe I fell, and never after spoke.

Than was my carkas caried like a hog,
To Southwarke borow where it ky a night,
The next day drawen to Newgate like a dog,
All men reioycing at the rufull sight:

[145] Than were on poales my parboylde quarters pight,

And set aloft for vermine to deuower,
Meete graue for rebels that resist the power.

Full litell knowe we wretches what we do.
Whan we presume our princes to resist.
[150] We war with God, against his glory to,

That placeth in his office whom he list,
Therfore was never traytour yet but mist
The marke he shot, and came to shamefull ende
Nor never shall til God be forst to bend.

131] Apprehend F.

138] For two longe Howres, our F.

176

JACK CADE

God hath ordayned the power, all princes be [155]

His Lieutenauntes, or debities in realmes,
Against their foes still therfore fighteth he,
And as his enmies drives them to extremes,
Their wise deuises prove but doltish dreames.
No subiect ought for any kind of cause, [160]

To force the lord, but yeeld him to the kwes.

And therefore Baldwin warne men folow reason
Subdue theyr wylles, and be not Fortunes slaues,
A troublous ende doth ever fblowe treason,
There is no trust in rebelles, raskall knaues, [165]

In Fortune lesse, whiche wurketh as the waves:
From whose assautes who lyst to stande at large,
Must folowe skyll, and flye all worldly charge*

156

157
158'
161
162
164

168

deputies D-G.

foes therfore fighteth C-G.

AndhisF.

force the Prince, C-G.

Wherfore Baldwin C-G. men to folow F.

A shameful! ende C-G.

who listeth to stand fre, C-G.

Must know his state, F. and so contented be. C-G.

177

THE MIRROR FOR MAGISTRATES

[Prose 12] TT\Y saint mary (quoth one) yf lacke wer as well learned, as you
r^ haue made his oracion, What so ever he was by byrth, I warraunt
JL/hym a gentyhnan by his learnyng. Howe notably and Philo-
sopher like hath he discrybed Fortune and the causes of worldly cum-
[5] braunce? howe vpryghdy also and howe lyke a deuine hath he deter-
mined the states both of officers and Rebelles. For in dede officers be
gods deputies, and it is gods office which they beare, and it is he whiche
ordeynedi thereto suche as himselfe lysteth, good whan he fauoreth the
people, and evyll whan he wyll punysh theim. And therefore whoso-

[10] ever rebelleth agaynst any ruler either good or bad, rebdleth against
GOD, and shalbe sure of a wretched ende: For God can not but main-
tein his deputie. Yet this I note by the waye concernyng rebelles and
rebellions. Although the deuyll rayse theim, yet God alwayes vseth
them to his glory, as a parte of his lustice. For whan Kynges and dbiefe

[15] rulers, suflfer theyr vnder officers to mysuse theyr subiectes, and wil not
heare nor remedye theyr peoples wronges whan they complayne, than
suffireth GOD the Rebell to rage, and to execute that parte of his
lustice, whiche the parcyall prince woulde not. For the Lord Saies a
very corrupt officer, & one whom notwithstanding the king alwaies

[20] mainteined, was destroyed by this lacke, as was also the byshop of
Salysbury (a proude and coueitous prelate) by other of the rebelles. And
therefore what soever prince desyreth to lyue quyedye without re-
bellion, must do his subiectes right in all thinges, and punyshe suche
officers as greue or oppresse theim, thus shall they be sure from all re-

[25] bellion. And for the derer opening herof, it wer well doen to set forth
this Lord Sayes Tragedie. What neede that (quoth another) seyng the

[i] (said one) C-G.

[4-5] cumbraunce? howe lyke C-G.

[6] tkc office both of Magistrates and subiects R in deede Magistrates be F.

[n] a shamcfull ende: C-G. God, and shal neuer see good end of hys attempt:

for P.

[18] Lorde Saye C-G.

[24] Officers as oppresse his People: thus P.

[26] (sayd another) C-G.

178

TO THE READER

lyke example is seen in the duke of Suffolke, whose doinges are declared
sufficiently alredy. Nay rather let vs go forward, for we haue a great
mayny behynde that maye not be omytted, and the tyme as you see,
passeth away. As for this Lorde Sayes whom Cade so cruelly kylled [so]
and spytefully vsed after his death (I dare say) shalbe knowen thereby
what he was to all that reade or heare this stone. For God would never
have suffred him to haue been so vsed, except he had fyrst deserved it.
Therefore let hym go, and with hym the Bushop, and all other slaine in
that rebellion: which was raysed as it may be thought, through sum [35]
dryft of the duke of Yorke, who shortly after began to endeuoure all
meanes to attayne the Crowne, and therefore gathered an armye in
Wales, and marched towarde London: but the kyng with his power
taried and met him at S. Albones. Where whyle the king & he wer about
a treatye, therle of Warwyke set vpon the kings army, and slewe the [40]

[28] NayletC-G.

[30] Lordc Sayc C-G.

[35-36] raysed by some sly drift F.

[36] endeuour him selfe by all C-JBG.

[36-37] Yorke, who shortly after by open War, manifested his tide to die crowne, F.

[38] towards C-G.

[38-41] London: And preuentinge the kinge, goinge northward to prepare an army,
in the waye at Sayncte Albanes : Who for want of a sufficient power to take
the field, was forced with sutch smal power as he had about hin^ to defend
the Lanes, & backsydes of the towne, and to send out the Duke of Bucking-
ham for a treaty, which the Duke of Yorke beinge head of the contrary
faction, woulde not allow without fyrst hauinge the Duke of Somerset and
other at his will, duringe which treaty Richard Neuill Earlc of Warwike,
the stout maintayner of yorckes tide entred the Towne by force, fought a
Battayle in the high streat, where of the Kinges part were slayne the sayd
Duke of Somerset called Edmond Beauford, Henry Percy the second of
that surname, Earle of Northumberland^ P.

[40-41] treaty, Richarde Neuile Earle of Warwicke, cheefe of the faction of the house
of Yorke, set vpon the kinges army, gate the victorye and slue FadTrmnd
Beauford Duke of Somerset. Where also the same day were slaine in the
quarrell of king Henry the syxt, Henry Percy the seconde of that surname,
Earle of Northumberland, C-EG.

179

THE MIRROR FOR MAGISTRATES

duke of Somerset, the Erie of Northumberlande, the Lorde Clyfforde,
and other, and in conclusion got the victorie, and the duke was made
Lord Protector. Whiche so greved the Queene and her accomplices,
that pryvy grutches and open dissemblyng never ceassed tyl the duke

[45] and his allies were gkd to flye the field and Realme, he into Irelande,
they to Calayes, whence they came agayne, with an army, wherof the
Erie of Salisburye was leader, and marched toward Coventry where the
king than was, and had gathered an armye to subdue them, and en-
countred them at Northhampton, and fought and lost the fyelde and

[50] was taken hym selfe, the duke of Buckingham, the erle of Shrewesbury,

[41-42] Northumberland, Humfrey Earle of Stafford son and heyre to Humfrcy
Stafford Duke of Buckingham, lohn Lord Clifford, Babthorp the kingcs
Attorney and his son and heyre, bcsydes many mo of the nobility. But
because the Duke of Somerset was the chiefe of that parte, passing ouer the
[5] rest, let vsonelyheare hym speake for all. C-G. [In 1. 2 a hove omit Stafford
In L 3 read a great number of Knightes, Esquiers, Gentlemen, & yeomen
of the kinges houshold & of other Lordes seruauntes, on whom al the
skughter, and bochery fell, bcinge all for the more part vnarmed.j0r many
mo of the nobility. In L 4 read the Kinges jor that JF.]

[In the 1571 and all subsequent editions the Duke of Somerset's tragedy was
inserted afar that of Jack Cade, where it evidently was to have been placed originally
(see Introduction, p. n). Thisprose link, therefore, was broken at 1. 42. Thesecond
part was treated as a new prose link and was placed after the Duke of Somerset's
tragedy and before that of the Duke of York. The rest of the collation of texts C-G
is given from this new-formed prose tink.]

[42-43] After this tragedye ended, one saidc stinge this Duke hath so vehemendye
exdamed agaynste the Duke of Yorkes practises, it were well done to hcare
what hee can saye for hym selfe. For after the fyrst battell at S. Albanes hee
was made protectoure, whiche so muche greeued Quene Margaret & her
[5] complices, C-G. [In 1 3 above insert when he toke K. Henry prisoner, afar
S. Albanes K]

[45] were fayn to fly both field C-G.

[45-46] Ireland & they C-G.

[46-47] whereof Richard Neuil carle C-G.

[48] kinge was, C-G.

[49] Northhampton on the 10 day of luly in the yeare of grace 1460. fought with
them, lost C-G.

[50-60] himselfe, & many of his frendes slayne, as Humfrey Stafford Duke of Bucking-

180

TO THE READER

the vicounte Beaumount, the Lord Egermount, and many other of his
retinue slayne. Yf no man haue any minde to any of these noble
personages because they were honourably slaine in battayle, let sum man
els take the Booke, for I mynde to say sumwhat of this duke of Somerset.

WWhyle he was deuisyng thereon, and every mansekingfarder notes, [55]
I looked on the Cromdes, and fynding styl fydde vpon fydde, & nianye
noble men skyne, I purposed to haue ouerpassed all, for I was so wearye
that I waxed drowsye, and began in dede to slumber: but my imagina-
tion styfl prosecutyng this tragicall matter, brought me suche a fantasy.
me thought there stode before vs, a tall mans body full of firesshe [60]
woundes, but lackyng a head, holdyng by the hande a goodlye childe,
whose brest was so wounded that his hearte myght be seen, his loudy
face and eyes disfigured with dropping teares, his heare through honour
standyng vpryght, his mercy cravyng handes all to bemangled, & all his
body embrued with his own bloud. And whan through the gastfulnes [65]
of this pyteous spectacle, I waxed afeard, and turned awaye my face, me
thought there came a shrekyng voyce out of the weasande pipe of the
headles bodye, saying as foloweth.

lohn Talbot die second of that name carle of Shiewesbury, lobn
Vicount Beaumont, Thomas Lordc Egremont, Syr William Lucy and
dyucrs other, But ouerpassing all these & many mo because they were
[5] honourably slain in die field, let vs come to hym who was the chief cause
thero that is to saye, Ridharde Plantagenet Duke of Yorke skyn in die
battdl at Wakefield on Christmas euen, and Eadmund carle of Rutland his
yong son, who was there murdered by me Lord ClirTorde as he would
haue fled into die towne to fa"* saued himselfe.
[zo] Therforc imagine that you se a tall C-G.
[59] tc^csSi is misprinted i^csli in the text.

[65-68] bloud. Out of die wesand pipe of whiche headles bodye came a*snrekinge
voice sayinge as followcdi. C-G.

THE MIRROR FOR MAGISTRATES

[Tragedy 13] How Richard Plantagenet duke of York

was skyne through his over rash

boldnes, and his sonne the

earle of Rutland for his

kck of valiauns.

VSI/Rust Fortune (quoth he) in whom was neuer trust,
folly of men that haue no better grace,
All rest, renowne, and dedes lie in the dust
Of al the sort that sue her slipper trace.
[5] What meanest thou Baldwin for to hide thy face?

Thou nedest not feare although I misse my head:
Nor yet to mourne, for this my sonne is dead.

The cause why thus I lead him in my hand,
His skin with blud and teares so sore bestaynd,
[10] Is that thou mayst the better vnderstand

How hardly Fortune hath for vs ordaynde:
In whom her love and hate be hole contaynde.
For I am Richard prince Plantagenet,
The duke of Yorke in royall rase beget.

[Tide] valyaunce. Anno. Do. 1460. CG. valiaunce Anno. 1460. DE.
Sonne Earle of Rutland an Infant cruelly murdered Anno. 1460.
P.

2 O Beastes most brute, that P.
5 How now? Why dost thou Baldwin hide P.
7 See this poore Boy, whom by the hand I lead. P.
9J With bloud, and teares halinge his body staynd, P.
13-14} Rychard I am Plantagenet by name,

Whilom of Yorke the Duke of worthy fame. P.

182

RICHARD, DUKE OF YORK

For Richarde erle of Cambridge, eldest sonne [15]

Of Edmund Langley, third sonne of king Edward,
Engendred me of Anne, whose course did runne
Of Mortimers to be the issue garde:
For when her brother Edmund died a warde,
She was sole hayer by due discent of line, [20]

Wherby her rightes and tides al wer mine,

But marke me now I pray thee Baldwin marke,
And see how force oft overbeareth right:
Waye how vsurpers tyrannously warke,
To kepe by murder that they get by might, [25]

And note what troublous daungers do alight
On such as seke to reposses their owne,
And how through rigour right is overthrowetx.

The earle of Herford, Henry Bolenbrooke,
Of whom duke Mowbray tolde thee now of late, [30]

Whan voyde of cause he had King Richard tooke:
He murdred him, vsurped his estate,
Without all right or tide, sauing hate
Of others rule, or love to rule alone:
These two excepted, tide had he none. [35]

The realme and crowne was Edmund Mortimers
Whose father Roger, was king Richardes hayre,

16] Of Duke Edmond, thirde F.

17 me whereof the course C-G.

19' when Edmond her brother dyed Warde, F.

26 what troubles daungers C-E. what troubles and daungers F.

28 how by might, oft right F.

29] Duke of Hereford, C-EG. Duke Henry of Hereforde called
Bolenbrooke, F.

31 Whan traytourlike he F.

32 Eild him in prison, vsurped F.

36 The Crowne by right came to Edmond Mortimer F.

183

THE MIRROR FOR MAGISTRATES

Which caused Henry and the Lancasters
To seeke all shiftes, our housholdes to appayre,
[40] For sure he was to sit beside the chayre

Wer we of power to clayme our lawfull right,
Wherfbre to stroye vs he did all he might.

His cursed sunne ensued his cruel path.
And kept my gildes cosin strayt in duraunce:
[45] For whom my father hard intreated hath.

But liuing hopeles of his liues assuraunce
He thought it best by politik procuraunce,
To prive the king, and so restore his firend:
Which brought him selfe to an infamous ende.

[50] For whan king Henry of that name the fift,

Had tane my father in this conspiracy,
He from Sir Edmund all the blame to shift,
Was fayne to say the French king, his ally,
Had hyred him this trayterous act to trye,

[55] For which condemned, shortly he was slayne.

In helping right this was my fathers gayne.

38] and diem of Lancaster, F.

39 our houses to F.

42 And therfore thought good, to exrirpe vs quight. F.

43' ensued the fathers trade, F.

44 cosin guildesse in sure hold, F.

45] father ful often did perswade, F.

46-49] With his allies and cousins that they would.
Their Kinsmans right mainteyn and vphold,
And to depose by pollicy or power,
Theheyre of him that was an vsurper. F.

50 Whereof when Henry F.

'51 Had heard, and knew of this F.

'53 Sayd that my Father was the F. French Kings ally, C-G.

54-56] And hyred by him to worke this trecherye,
For which at Hampton as it came to passe,
His lyfe he lost, and there beheaded was. F.

184

RICHARD, DUKE OF YORK

Thus whan the linage of the Mortimers
Were made away by this vsurping line,
Sum hanged, sum slayne, sum pined prisoners:
Because the crowne by right of law was mine, [60]

They gan as fast agaynst me to repine:
In feare alwayes least I should sturre them strife.
For gilty hartes have never quiet life.

Yet at the last in Henryes dayes the sixt,
I was restored to my fathers landes, [65]

Made duke of Yorke, wherthrough my minde I fixt,
To get the crowne and kingdome in my handes.
For ayde wherin I knit assured bandes
With Nevels stocke, whose doughter was my make
Who for no wo would ever me forsake. [70]

O lord what happe had I through mariage,
Power goodly boyes in youth my wife she boore.
Right valiaunt men, and prudent for their age.
Such bretherne she had and nephewes stil in store,
As none had erst, nor any shal haue more: [75]

[57-62] Thus was the name of Mortimer extinct,

Whose right and tide descended vnto me,

Being forst to lyue, within a precinct

For feare I would to other countries flee

And so beeing at myne owne libertee,

Might haplye moue sedicion or strife, F.
58] by hys vsurpyng B-EG. [Corrected in Be to the original reading.]

62 them to stryfe, C-EG.

63 hartes, can leade no quiet F.

70' Whereby great frendes I had my part to take. F.

71 I by mariage, F.

72 Fowre fayre Sonnes my yong wife to me bore, F.

73 Valiaunt men F.

74^ Such brothers she F.

75 As none of the kin had any rime before: F.

THE MIRROR FOR MAGISTRATES

The erle of Salisbury, and his sonne of Warwike,
Wer matchles men from Barbary to Barwike.

Through helpe of whom and Fortunes lovely looke
I vndertooke to ckyme my lawful right,
[80] And to abash such as agaynst me tooke,

I raysed power at all poyntes prest to fight:
Of whom the chiefe that chiefly bare me spite,
Was Somerset the Duke, whom to annoy
I alway fought, through spite, spite to distroy.

[85] And maugre him, so choyse loe was my chaunce,

Yea though the quene that all rulde tooke his part,
I twise bare stroke in Normandy and Fraunce,
And last liuetenant in Ireland, where my hart
Found remedy for euery kind of smart.

[90] For through die love my doinges there did brede,

I had their helpe at all times in my nede.

This spiteful duke, his silly king and quene,
With armed hostes I thrise met in the field,
The first vnfought through treaty made betwene,
[95] The second ioynde, wherin die king did yeeld,

The duke was slayne, the quene enforst to shylde

Were knights pecrdesse, from F.

Fortunes finely loke DJ5. Fortunes frendly grace, F.

I first began to F.

And my chiefe foes with stoutnesse to deface. F.

Al my hole force, I dayly did employ. F.

Queene was wholy on hys syde, F.

bare rule in C-G.

Ireland I did byde, F.

Ful often driuen offeree my head to hyde, F.

Yet through F.

This doutye Duke most deare to King and Queene, F.

hoaste F.

Queene her parrie hdde F.

186

RICHARD, DUKE OF YORK

Her selfe by flight. The third the queue did fight,
Where I was skine being overmacht by might.

Before this last were other battayles three,
The first the erle of Salisbury led alone, [100]

And fought on Bloreheth, and got the victory:
In die next was I and my kinsfolke euerychone.
But seing our souldiers stale vnto our foen,
We warely brake our cumpany on a night,
Dissolved our hoaste, and tooke our selues to flight. [105]

This boye and I in Ireland did vs save,
Mine eldest sonne with Warwicke and his father,
To Caleys got, whence by the reade I gave
They came againe to London, and did gather
An other hoast, wherof I spake not rather: [no]

And met our foes, slew many a lord and knight,
And tooke the King, and drave the Queene to flight.

This done came I to England all in haste.
To make my daime vnto the realme and crowne:
And in the house while parliament did last, [115]

I in the kinges seat boldly sat me downe,

[97-98] Farre in the North, where ouermatcht with power
My life I lost, in an vnlucky howre. F.

Salisburie alone, F.

Fought on F. got vyctory: B-JS.

euery one, C-EG.

100

101

102

102^-5] I at the next was present in persone

With my chiefe fin, whereas by one and one,
Our souldiers false, withdrew away by night,
Vnto our foes and wee put all to flight. F.

113
114

spake no rather: G-G.

done I came to C-G.

To make dayme C-JE. To make a daime G. New daime to make

vnto F.
[116] In the Kinges seate, I boldly F.

187

THE MIRROR FOR MAGISTRATES

And daymed it: wherat the lordes did frowne,
But what for that, I did so wd procede,
That al at last confest it mine in dede.

[120] But sith the king had rayned now so long,

They would he should continue til he died,
And to the ende that than none did me wrong,
Protectour and heire apparant they me cryed:
But sith the Queue and others this denied,

[125] I sped me toward the North, where than she lay,

In minde by force to cause her to obey.

Wherof she warnde prepared a mighty power,
And ere that mine were altogether ready,
Came bold to Boswurth, and besieged my bower,
[130] Where like a beast I was so rashe and heady,

That out I would, there could be no remedy,
With skant fiue thousand souldiers, to assayle
Power times so many, encampt to most avayle.

And so was slayne at first: and while my childe
[issl Skarce twelve yere olde, sought secretly to part,

117] Ckyming the place, whereat F.

119 last to my demaund agreed. F.

120' sith Henry had raigned than so F.

122 to thend to make my tide strong, F.

123 Apparant heire of England they F. they my cryed. C.

125 sped me straight Northward whereas she F. towardes G.

126 Meaning by F.

127 She thereof warned, F.

128 ere my men were F.

129] Came swyfe to Sandale and B-JSG. To Sandale came, where in

a dismal houre F.

[130-33] I like a Beast, so rash was, and so heddy
To trie Fortune, which alwaies is vnsteddy
With thousands fiue, of souldiers to assayle
The double number, in campe to their auayle. F.
my pore infant F.

way himsdfe to saue, F.

188

[134]

wsj

RICHARD, DUKE OF YORK

That crudl Clifford, lord, nay Lordl wilde,
While the infant wept, and praied him rue his smart
Knowing what he was, with his dagger dave his hart:
This doen he came to the campe where I ky dead,
Dispoylde my corps, and cut away my head. [140]

And whan he had put a paper crowne theron,
As a gawring stocke he sent it to the Queen,
And she for spite, commaunded it anon
To be had to Yorke: where that it might be seen,
They placed it where other traytours been. [145]

This mischiefe Fortune did me after death,
Such was my life, and such my losse of breath.

Wherfore see Baldwin that thou set it forth
To the ende the fraude of Fortune may be knowen,
That eke all princes wdl may way the wurth: [150]

Of thinges, for which the sedes of warre be sowen:
No state so sure but soone is overthrowen.
No worldly good can counterpeyze the prise,
Of halfe the paynes that may therof arise.

[136] Clifford that fd bloudy tyrant, F.

[137-38] While the pore chyld with tears did mercy craue,

With dagger sharp his hart a sunder daue. F.
[138] doue C-EG.
[14.1-42] And set a crowne of paper theruppon

Which for a sport he sent vnto the Quene F.
142] gawzing DE.
144] Yorke and set vp to be sene. F.
145-47] In some such place as theuis & Traitors bene,
This mocke I had of fortune for rewarde,
After long hope that she wold me regard F.

148,
149,
150

152.

Baldwin see that F. set her forth F.
With her slipper pranks so as they may F.

And warne an F. wd to way F.

sedeF.

The gaine no surer but as of dice throwen F.

189

THE MIRROR FOR MAGISTRATES

[155] Farre better it wer to loose a piece of right,

Than limmes and life in sousing for die same.
It is not force of frendship nor of might,
But god that causeth thinges to fro or frame.
Not wit, but lucke, doth wield the winners game.

[160] Wherfore if we our follies would refrayne,

Time would redres all wronges, we voyd of payne.

Wherfore warne princes not to wade in warre,
For any cause, except the realmes defence:
Their troublous tides are vnwurthy farre,
[165] The blud, the life, the spoyle of innocence.

Of frendes and foes behold my foule expence.
And never the nere: best therfore tary time,
So right shall raigne, and quiet calme ech crime.

155
156'
158

159
162

i6 3 ;

166

107

'168'

Better it F.

in wrestling for F.

god aboue that kingdomes set in frame F.

but chance doth F.

warne Lordes no wise to F.

cause, saue their countries defence, F.

frendes of foes C-G. my long expence, F.

best than to tary F.

Low by the ground, than ouer high to dyme. F.

190

TO THE READER

With this, mayster Ferrers shooke me by the sieve, saying: [Prose 13]
why how now man, do you forget your selfe? belike you
mind our matters very much: So I do in dede (quoth I)
For I dreame of them. And whan I had rehearced my dreame, we had
long talke concerning the natures of dreames, which to stint and to bring [5]
vs to our matter againe, thus sayde one of them: I am gkd it was your
chaunce to dreame of Duke Richard, for it had bene pity to have over-
passed him. And as concerning this lord Clyfford whych so cruelly
killed his sonne, I purpose to geve you notes: who (as he wel deserved)
came shortly after to a sodayne death, & yet to good for so cruell a [10]
tiraunt. Wherfore as you thought you sawe and heard the headles duke
speake thorow bis necke, so suppose you see this lord Clifford all armed
save his head, with his brest pkte all gore bloud running from his
throte, wherin an hedles arrow sticketh, thrugh which wound he sayeth
thus: [15]

[i] Witt that C-G.

[3] (said I) C-G.

[5] nature B-G.

[10] for a cruell F.

[n] tyrant. For on Palmesonday ncxtc followinge, being the Nine and twenty
daye of Marche, in the yeare of Christ a thousand four hundreth threscore
& one, thys Lord ClyfFord wyth Henry Percy, the 3. Earle of Northumber-
land, the Erie of Wcstmerland, the Lorde Dacres, die Lorde Welles & other
were slaine at Towton in Yorkeshyre. Wherfore C-G.

[12] so now suppose C-G.

[14-15] he radeth out this Rhime. F.

191

THE MIRROR FOR MAGISTRATES

[Tragedy 14] How the lord ClyfFord for his straunge

and abhominable cruelty, came

to as straunge and

sodayne a

death.

Kt' Pen confession axeth open penaunce,
And wisedome would a man his shame to hide:
Yet sith forgeuenes cummeth through repentaunce
I thinke it best that men their crimes ascried,
[5] For nought so secrete but at length is spied:
For couer fire, and it wil neuer linne
Til it breake forth, in like case shame and sinne.

As for my selfe my faultes be out so pkyne
And published so brode in every place,
[10] That though I would I can not hide a grayne.
All care is booties in a curdes case,
To learne by others griefe sum haue die grace,
And therfore Baldwin write my wretched fall,
The brief wherof I briefly vtter shall.

[Tide] death. Anno. 1461. C-EG. his extreame crudtie, came to a cruel,

straunge, & sodaine death. Anno. 1461. F.
[2] Yet wisdome F. his fault should hide: F.
3-5] But sith pardon commeth. by repentaunce,

Pkynesse is best when truth is plainly tryde,

Open or bid, al Suites at length be spyed. F.

fyer neuer so dose within, F.

Yet out it will and so will secret synnc. F.

so abroade in C-EG. Bruted and knowne abroade in F.

cannot them reteyne, F.

others some have had the F.

Whcrfore Baldwin, write thou my F.

192

LORD CLIFFORD

I am the same that slue duke Richardes childe [15]

The louely babe that begged life with teares.
Wherby my honour fowly I defilde.
Poore selly lambes the Lyon neuer teares:
The feble mouse may lye among the beares:
But wrath of man his rancour to requite, [20]

Forgets all reason, ruth, & vertue quite.

I mean by rancour the parentall wreke
Surnamde a vertue (as the vicious say)
But lide know the wicked what they speake,
In boldning vs our enrnyes kin to slay, [25]

To punish sinne, is good, it is no nay.
They wreke not sinne, but merit wreke for sinne,
That wreke die fadiers faultes vpon his kyn.

Because my father lord John Clifford died
Slayne at S. Albons, in his princes ayde, [30]

Agaynst the duke my hart for inalyce fiyed,
So that I cotild from wreke no way be stayed*
But to avenge my fathers death, assayde
All meanes I might the duke of Yorke to annoy.
And all his kin and frendes to kill and stroy. [35]

Clifford I am that F.

that craucd lyfe F.

mine honour G. my feme, most fouly F.

among great beares F.

ruth and mercy quyte. F.

meane such wrath as works parental F.

(as these rcuengers say) F.

know those people what F.

Which kyndLc vs, our F. boldenyng B-J2G.

fault G. The fathers faultes that wreake vpon the kinne. F.

way by stayed. C-E.

193

THE MIRROR FOR MAGISTRATES

This made me with my bluddy daggar wound.
His glides sunne that never agaynst me sturde:
His fathers body lying dead on ground,
To pearce with speare, eke with my crudl swurd
[40] To part his necke, and with his head to bourd,

Envested with a paper royal crowne,
From place to place to beare it vp and downe.

But cruelty can never skape the skourge
Of shame, of horror, and of sodayne death.
[45} Repentaunce selfe that other sinnes may pourge,

Doth flye from this, so sore the soule it slayeth,
Dispayre dissolves the tirauntes bitter breath:
For sodayne vengeaunce sodaynly alightes
On crueU heades, to quite thier cruel spightes.

[50] This find I true, for as I lay in stale

To fight agaynst duke Richardes eldest sonne,
I was destroyed not far from Dintingdale:
For as I would my gorget haue vndoen
To event the heat that had me nye vndoen,

36] This caused me with bloudy F.

38-42] The fathers corps dead lying on the ground,
The necke I cut asunder with my sword
The bleding head I pight by way of borde,
Vpon a speare, with a white paper crowne
And in great scorne I sent it to Yorkc towne. F.
a royall paper crowne, G.
But cruel deedes can F.

48-49] For vengeance due doth sodaynly alight,

On cruel deedes the mischiefe to requite, F.

horror, or of C-JSG. Of open shame, or of some bloudy Af*t\ F.
tyrants blustring breath: F.

crudl deedes, to C-EG.

Agaynst Edward Duke F.

My death I caught not F.

To vent out heate traueiling in the sonne F.

194

LORD CLIFFORD

An headles arrow stroke me through the throte [55]

Wherthrough my soule forsooke his filthy coate.

Was this a chaunce? no suer, gods iust award,
Wherin due iustice playnly doth appere:
An headles arrowe payed me my reward,
For heading Richard lying on the bere. [60]

And as I would his child in no wise heare,
So sodayn death bereft my tounge the power,
To aske for pardon at my dying hower.

Wherfore good Baldwin warne the bluddy sort,
To leave their wrath, their rigour to refrayne: [65]

Tell cruel iudges, horror is the port
To which they sayle through shame, & sodayn payne:
Hel haleth tirauntes downe to death amayne.
Was never yet nor shalbe cruell deede,
Left vnrewarded with as cruel meede. [70]

55] arrowe percyd my tbrote boule F.

56 Which parted straight my body from the soule. K

58 Wherin his iustice K

60 on his bere, C-G.

63 aske mercy at my last dying P.

64 Wherfore Baldwin peiswade the F.

65 wrath, and rigour F.

67 Through which they sayle to shame G. sayle to suffer endlcs payne P.

68' halleth G.

70 Vn<juyted left but had as F.

195

THE MIRROR FOR MAGISTRATES

[Prose 14] ^ "^|" "y Han this tragedy was ended, O Lord quoth an other, how
horrible a thing is division in a realme, to howe many
myschiefes is it the mother, what vyce is not therby
kindled, what vertue left vnquenched? For what was the cause of the
[5] Duke of Yorks death, and of the cruelty of thys Clyfford, save [the] vary-
aunce betwcne king Henry and the house of Yorke: whych at length
besides millions of the commons, brought to destruction all the nobility.
For Edward the dukes eldest sonne immediady after his father was
slayne, through helpe of the Nevels, gave the King a battayle, wherat,
[10] besides this Clifford and .xxxvi. thousand other souldiers wer slayne
their captaynes, the earles of Northumberland & Westmerland, with
the lordes Dacres and Welles: the winning of which fidde brought
Edward to the crowne, and the losse drave King Henry and his wyfe
into Skodand. But as few raines begin without blud, so kyng Edward
[15] to kepe order, caused the Erles of Devonshire and Oxford with diuers
other his enemies, to be attaynted and put to death. And shordy after
he did execution vppon the Duke of Somerset, and the lordes Hunger-
ford & Rosse, whom he tooke prisoners at Exham field. For thither

[i] Lord said an other, C-G.

[5] the is printed as the catchword on the page hit is omitted in the text. It is incorporated
in the text of later editions,

[5] cruelty shewed to his young sonne by this mercilesse man, saue F.

[7] destruction most part of the F.

[8] after Richarde his F.

[9] battaile at Towton in Yorkeshire, whereat F.

[io-ii] Clifford, were skyne the Earles of F.

[12] Welles, besydes mo then 3000. men, the winning F.

[14] without is divided at the end of a line in the text, and the hyphen afar with mis-
printed as a comma.

[15] kcepe the common course, F. caused Itomas Courtney erle of Deuonshyre,
and lohn Veer Earle of Oreforde, and Aubrey Veer eldest son to the said
carle, wyth C-G. [HetttfOxenford/orOxefordeF.]

[16] other of King Henries parte, to bee F.

[16-17] after did F.

[18-19] thyther came those Lordes with F.

196

JOHN, EARL OF WORCESTER

they came with king Henry out of Skodand, with an army of Skottes,
& fought a battaile, which was lost, & most part of the army skyne. [20]
And because these are all noble men, I will leave them to Baldwins dis-
cretion. But seing the earle of Wurcester was the chiefe instrument,
whom king Edward vsed as well in these mens matters, as in like bluddy
affayres, because he should not be forgotten, ye shal heare what I have
noted concerning his tragedy. [ 2 5]

[20] ofthcmslayne. B-EG. lost, wherein most part of thcym were slaine. F.
[24-25] what may bee noted by his ende. JF.

The infamous ende of Lord lohn Tip- [Tragedy 15]
toft Earle of Wurcester, for cru-
elly executing his princes
butcherly commaun-
dementes.

vWIe glorious man is not so loth to lurke,
x As the infamous glad to lye vnknowen:
Which maketh me Baldwin disalow thy wurke,
Where princes faultes so openly be blowen.
I speake not this alondy for mine owne [5]

Which wer my princes (if that they wer any)
But for my Pyers, in numbre very many.

[Title] Lord Tiptoft B. of the Lorde Tiptoft C-G. commaundcmcntes.
Anno. 1470. C-JSG. for executing his princes crudde. Anno.
1470. F.

197

THE MIRROR FOR MAGISTRATES

Or might report vprighdy vse her tong,
It would lesse greve vs to augment thy matter.
[10] But suer I am thou shalt be forst among,

To firayne the truth, the living for to flatter:
And otherwhiles in poyntes vnknowen to smatter.
For time never was, nor ever I thinke shall he,
That truth vnshent should speake in all thinges fre.

[15] This doeth appere (I dare say) by my story,

Which divers writers diversly declare,
But story writers ought for neyther glory,
Feare, nor favour, truth of thinges to spare.
But still it fares as alway it did fare,

[20] Affection, feare, or doubtes that dayly brue,

Do cause that stories never can be true.

Vnfruytfull Fabyan folowed the face
Of time and dedes, but let the causes slip:
Whych Hall hath added, but with double grace,
[25] For feare I thinke least trouble might him trip :

For this or that (sayeth he) he felt the whip.
Thus story writers leave the causes out,
Or so rehears them, as they wer in dout.

But seing causes are the chiefest thinges
[30] That should be noted of the story wryters,

That men may learne what endes al causes bringes
They be vnwurthy the name of Croniders,
That leave them deane out of their registers.
Or doubtfully report them: for the fruite
[35] Of reading stories, standeth in the suite.

9] augment the matter. C-G.

13] nor neuer I C-G.

2i stories alwayes be not true. F.

24 added some with better grace, P.

27 This story F.

28] Or shew them so as they were in some dout. F.

198

JOHN, EARL OF WORCESTER

And therfore Baldwin eyther speake vpright
Of our affayres, or touche them not at afl:
As for my selfe I waye al thinges so light,
That nought I passe how men report my fall.
The truth wherof yet playnly shew I shall, [40]

That thou mayst write, and other therby rede,
What thinges I did, wherof they should take hede.

Thou hast heard of Tiptoftes erles of Wurcester
I am that lohn that lived in Edwardes dayes
The fourth, and was his firend and counsayler, [45]

And Butcher to, as common rumor sayes.
But peoples voyce is neyther shame nor prayse:
For whom they would alive devour to day,
To morow dead, they wil wurship what they may.

But though the peoples verdit go by chaunce, [50]

Yet was there cause to cal me as they did.
For I enforst by meane of gouernaunce,
Did execute what euer my king did byd.
From blame herein my selfe I can not ryd,
But fye vpon the wretched state, that must [55]

Defame it selfe, to serue the princes lust.

The chiefest crime wherwith men do me charge,
Is death of the Earle of Desmundes noble sonnes.
Of which the kinges charge doth me clere discharge,
By strayt commaundement and Iniunctions: [60]

Theffect wherof so rigorously runnes,
That eyther I must procure to se them dead,
Or for contempt as a traytour lose my head*

136] Wherfore Baldwin F. speake thou vpryght F.
44] that Lorde that B-G.
51] Be corrects to read Yet had they cause.

199

THE MIRROR FOR MAGISTRATES

What would mine enemies do in such a case,
[65] Obey the king, or proper death procure?

They may wel say their fancy for a face,
But life is swete, and love hard to recure.
They would haue doen as I did I am sure:
For seldome wil a welthy man at ease
[70] For others cause his prince in ought displease.

How much lesse I, which was lieutenant than
In the Irishe yle, preferred by the king:
But who for love or dread of any man,
Conseates to accomplish any wicked thing,
[75] Although chiefe fault therof from other spring,

Shall not eskape Gods vengeaunce for his dede,
Who skuseth none that dare do yl for drede.

This in my king and me may wel appere,
Which for our faultes did not eskape the scourge:
[80] For whan we thought our states most sure and dere

The wind of Warwick blew vp such a sourge
As from the realme and crowne the Icing did pourge,
And me both from mine office, frendes, and wife,
From good report, from honest death, and life.

[85} For Therle of Warwick through a cancard grudge,

Which to king Edward causeles he did beare,
Out of his realme by force did make him trudge,
And set king Henry agayne vpon his chaire.
And then all such as Edwardes louers were

[90] As traytours tane, were greuously opprest,

But chiefly I, because I loved him best.

our state most B-G.

did vrge, P.

me also from F.

The Earle of Warwicke, through mallice and grudge, JF.

200

JOHN, EARL OF WORCESTER

And for my goodes and livinges wer not small,
The gapers for them bare the world in hand
For ten yeres space, that I was cause of all
The executions done within the land. [95]

For thys did such as did not vnderstand
My enmies drift, thinke all reportes wer true:
And so to hate me wurse than any lewe.

For seeldome shall a ruler lose his life,

Before false rumours openly be spred: [100]

Wherby this proverbe is as true as rife,
That riders rumours hunt about a head.
Frowne Fortune once all good report is fled:
For present shew doth make the mayny blind,
And such as see, dare not disclose their mind. [105]

Through this was I king Edwardes butcher named,
And bare the shame of all his cruell dedes:
I cleare me not, I wurthely was blamed,
Though force was such I must obey him nedes.
With hyest rulers seldome wel it spedes, [no]

For they be ever nearest to the nip,
And fault who shall, for all fele they the whip.

For whan I was by parliament attaynted,
King Edwardes evilles all wer counted mine.
No truth avaylde, so lyes wer faste and paynted, [115]

Which made the people at my life repine,
Crying: Crucifige, kill that butchers line:
That whan I should have gone to Blockam feast,
I could not passe so sore they on me preast.

And sith my F.

Some greedy guiles did beare F.

Murder, and mischiefe, done F.
Myne enmies G-G.
so did hate G.

201

THE MIRROR OR MAGISTRATES

[120] And had not bene the officers so strong

I thinke they would have eaten me aliue,
Howbeit hardly haled from the throng,
I was in the Fleete fast shrowded by the shrive.
Thus one dayes life their malice did me give:

[125] Which whan they knew, for spite the next day after,

They kept them calme, so suffred I the slaughter.

Now tel me Baldwin, what fault doest thou find,
In me, that iusdy should such death deserve?
None sure, except desire of honour blind,
[130] Which made me seke in offices to serve.

What minde so good, that honors make not swerve?

So mayst thou see, it only was my state

That caused my death, and brought me so in hate.

Warne therfore all men, wisely to beware,
[135] What offices they enterprise to beare:

The hyest alway most maligned are,

Of peoples grudge, and princes hate in feare.

For princes faultes his faultors all men teare.

Which to auoyde, let none such office take,
[140] Save he that can for right his prince forsake.

121 1 haue swalowed me F.

127] fault thou doest fynd B. [Corrected in Be to the original reading.]

202

TO THE READER

THis Earles tragedy was not so soone finished, but one of the [Prose 15]
company had prouided for an other, of a notable person, lord
Tiptoftes chiefe enemy: concerning whom he sayd: Lord god,
what trust is there in worldly chaunces? what stay in any prosperity? for
see, the Earle of Warwicke which caused the earle of Worcester to be [5]
apprehended, attaynted, and put to death, triumphing with his olde
imprisoned, and newe vnprisoned prince king Henry, was byandby after
(and his brother with him) slayne at Barnet field by kyng Edward,
whom he had before time damaged divers wayes. As first by his
frendes at Banbury field, where to revenge the death of his Cosin Harry [10]
Nevel, Sir lohn Conyers and lohn Clappam his seruauntes slewe five
thousand Welshemen, and beheaded theyr captaynes, the earle of
Penbroke, and syr Rychard Harbert his brother after they wer yelded
prisoners : of whom syr Rychard Harbert was the tallest gentleman both
of his person and handes that ever I reade or heard of. At which time [15]
also, Robyn of Ridsdale, a rebell of the earle of Warwyks raysing, tooke
the earle Rivers king Edwardes wifes father, and his sonne lohn, at his
manour of Grafton, and caryed them to Northhampton, & there with-
out cause or proces beheaded them. Whych spites to requite, king
Edward caused the lord Stafford of Southwike one of Warwikes [20]
chyefe frendes to be taken at Brent march, and headed at Bridgewater.
This caused the Earle shortly after to raise his power, to encounter the
king which came agaynst frim with an army beside Warwike, at
Woulney wher he wan the field, tooke the king prisoner, and kept him
a while at Yorkeshire in Middleham castd: whence (as sum say) he [25]
released htm agayne, but other thinke he corrupted his kepers, and so
escaped. Then through the lordes the matter was taken vp betwene
them, & they brought to talk together: but because they could not

[i] THis Typtoftes Tragedye F.

[10] cosin Henry C-G.

[16] oEKOsdak, G.

[25] while in Yorkshire CX?.

203

THE MIRROR FOR MAGISTRATES

agree, the earle raysed a new army, wherof he made captayne the lord

[30] Welles sonne. which broyle kinge Edward minding to appeace by
pollicy, fowly distayned his honor committing periury. For he sent for
the lord Welles & his brother sir Thomas Dimocke, vnder safeconduyte
promising them vpon his fayth to kepe them harmles : But after, because
the Lord Welles sonne would not dissolve his army, beheded them both,

[35] and went with his power downe into Lincolnshire, & there fought with
sir Robert Welles, & slewe ten thousand of his souldiers (yet ran they
away so fast, that the casting of of their clothes for the more spede,
caused it to be called loosecoate fyeld) & tooke sir Robert & other, and
put them to deth in the same pkce. This misfortune forced the earle of

[40] Warwike to saile into Fraunce wher he was wel entertained of the Icing
awhile, and at last with such poore helpe as he procured ther of duke
Rayner & other he came into England againe, & increased such a power
in Kyng Henries name, that as the lord Tiptoft, sayd in his tragedy, king
Edwarde vnable to abide him, was faine to flye over the washes in

[45] Lincolnshire to get a ship to saile out of his kingdome to his brother in
lawe the duke of Burgoyne: So was king Henry restored again to the
kingdome. Al these despites & troubles the Earle wrought agaynst king
Edward, but Henry was so infortunate that ere halfe a yeare was
expyred, king Edwarde came backe agayne, and imprisoned him, and

[50] gave the erle a fielde, wherein he slew both him and his brother. I have
recounted thus much before hande for the better opening of the story,
which if it should have bene spoken in his tragedy, would rather have
made a volume than a Pamphlete. For I entende onelye to say in the
tragedy, what I have noted in the Earle of Warwycks person wyshing

[55] that these other noble men, whom I have by the waye touched, should
not be forgotten.

[29] carle araysed B-G.
[35] power into C-G.
[37] dbat casting of their C-G.
[38] Losecoate C-G.
[40] was entertained C-G.
[46] to his G.

204

RICHARD, EARL OF WARWICK

And therfore imagine that you see this Earle lying with his brother
in Paules church in his coat armure, with such a face & countenaunce as
he beareth in portrayture ouer the dore in Poules, at the going downe
to lesus Chappell fro the south ende of the quier stayres, and saying [60]
as foloweth.

[60] from C-G.

How sir Richard Nevell Earle of War- [Tragedy 153
wike, and his brother lohn Lord Mar-
quise Mountacute through their to-
much boldnes wer slayne
at Barnet field.

IciMong the heauy heape of happy knyghtes,

Whom Fortune stalde vpon her stailesse stage,

Oft hoyst on hye, oft pight in wretched plightes,

Behold me Baldwin, a per se of my age,

Lord Richard Nevell, Earle by mariage [5]

Of Warwike duchy, of Sarum by discent,

Which erst my father through his mariage hent.

Wouldest thou beholde false Fortune in her kind
Note well my life so shalt thou see her naked:
Ful fayre before, but toto foule behind, [10]

Most drowsy still whan most she semes awaked:

Title] at Barnet. the 14. of April!. Anno. 1471- C-G.

stailesse is printed stayles but is corrected in Ae.

through thys maryage B.
my safe so C-G.
ib] to to C-JS. too too PC.

205

THE MIRROR FOR MAGISTRATES

My fame and shame her shift full oft hath shaked,

By enterchaunge, alowe and vp alofte,

The Luysard like that chaungeth hewe ful oft.

[15] For while the Duke of Yorke in life remayned

Mine vnde deare, I was his happy hand:
In all attemptes my purpose I attayned,
Though King and Quene & most Lordes of the land
With all their power did often me withstand,

[20] For god gaue Fortune, and my good behaviour,

Did from their prince steale me the peoples fauour,

So that through me in feldes right manly fought,
By force mine vnde tooke king Harry twise:
And for my cosin Edward so I wrought,

[25] When both our syers were slayne through rashe aduice:

That he atchieved his fathers enterprise:
For into Scotland Kong and Quene we chased,
By meane wherof the kingdome he embraced.

Which after he had enioyde in quiet peace,

[30] (For shortly after was king Henry take,

And put in prison) his power to encreace,
I went to Fraunce, and matched him with a make,
The French kinges doughter, whom he did forsake:
For while with payne I brought his sute to passe,

[35] He to a widowe rashly wedded was.

This made the French king shrewdly to suspecte,
That all my treaties had but yll pretence,

Kyng Henry C-G.

As for C-G. Edward I so wrought, C-G.

and match hym C-G.

whom I dyd JB. [Corrected in Be to the original reading.]

brought this sutc CXJ.

to mystrust, B-G.

206

RICHARD, EARL OF WARWICK

And whan I sawe my king so bent to lust,

That with his fayth he past not to dispence,

Which is a princes honors chiefe defence, [40]

I could not rest til I had found a meane.

To mende his misse, or els to marre him cleane.

Wherfore I allyed me with his brother George,
Encensing him his brother to maligne
Through many a tale I did agaynst him forge: [45]

So that through power we did from Calays bring
And found at home, we frayed so the king,
That he to go to Freseland ward amayne,
Wherby king Henry had the crowne agayne.

Then put we the earle of Wurcester to death [50]

King Edwardes frend, a man to fowle defamed:
And in the while came Edward into breath,
For with the duke of Burgoyne so he framed.
That with the power that he to him had named,
Vnlooked for he came to England strayt, [55]

And got to Yorke, and tooke the towne by sleyte.

And after through the sufferans of my brother,
Which like a beast occasion fowly lost,
He came to London safe with many other,
And tooke the towne to good king Harries cost,
Which was through him from post to piller tost,
Til therle of Oxeford, I, and other more,
Assembled power his fredome to restore.

43] I me allyed with C-G.

46 power that we from C-G.

48 That he did fly to C-G.

51' lo towle B. [Corrected in Be to the original reading.] lo foule C-G.

60 kyng Henryes cost: B-G.

61 Who was C-G.

207

THE MIRROR FOR MAGISTRATES

Wherof king Edward warned came with spede,
[6s] And camped with his oste at Barnet towne,

Where we right fierce encountred him in dede
On Easter day, right early on the downe,
There many a man was skyne and striken dowse
On eyther side, and neyther part did gayne
[70] Til I and my brother both at length were skyne.

For we to harten our overmatched men,
Forsooke our stedes, and in the thickest throng,
Ran preacing furth on foote, and fought so then,
That down we drave them wer they never so strong.
[75] But ere this lucke had lasted very long:

With numbre and force we wer so fbwlye cloyed.
And rescue fayled, that quite we wer destroyed.

Now tell me Baldwin hast thou heard or read,
Of any man that did as I have done?
[80] That in his time so many armies led,

And victory at every vyage wunne?
Hast thou ever heard of subiect vnder sonne,
That plaaste and baaste his soveraynes so oft,
By enterchaunge, now low, and than aloft?

[85] Perdbaunce thou thinkest my doinges were not such

As I and other do affirme they were.
And in thy minde I see thou musest much
What meanes I vsed, that should me so prefer:
Wherin because I wil thou shalt not erre,

[90] The truth of all I wil at large recite,

The short is this: I was no hippocrite.

oast in Barnet fi-G.

Till that I C-G. both were C-G.

to hart our C-G.

soucrayne F.

208

RICHARD, EARL OF WARWICK

I never did nor sayd, save what I inente,
The common weale was still my chiefest care,
To priuate gayne or glory I was not bent,
I never passed vpon delicious fare. [95]

Of nedeful foode my bourde was never bare.
No creditour did curs me day by day.
I vsed playnnes, ever pitch and pay.

I heard olde soldiers, and poore wurkemen whine
Because their dutyes wer not duly payd. [100]

Agayne I sawe howe people did repine,
At those through whom their paimentes wer delayd:
And proofe did oft assure (as scripture sayd)
That god doth wreke the wretched peoples griefes,
I sawe the polles cut of fro polling theves. [105]

This made me alway iusdy for to deale.
Which whan the people playnly vnderstoode,
Bycause they sawe me mind the common weale
They still endeuoured how to do me good,
Ready to spend their substaunce, life, and blud, [no]

In any cause wherto I did them move
For suer they wer it was for their behove.

And so it was. For whan the realme decayde,
By such as good king Henry sore abused,
To mende die state I gave his enmies ayde: [115]

But whan king Edward sinful prankes stil vsed,
And would not mend, I likewise him refused:
And holpe vp Henry the better of the twayne,
And in his quard (iust I thinke) was slayne.

[94] pryuate payne B. [Corrected in Be to the original reading.] glory was

I neuer bent, C-G.
99] heard pore souldiers C-G.
lool not tnidy payde. C-G.
102 theyr payment was G.
ii8J holp Henry, G. Henry, better C-G.

209

THE MIRROR FOR MAGISTRATES

[120] And therfore Baldwin teach, by proofe of me,

That such as covet peoples love to get,
Must see their wurkes and wurdes in all agree:
Live liberally, and kepe them out of det,
On common weale let al their care be set,

[125] For vpright dealing, dets payd, poore sustayned,

Is meane wherby all hartes are dirowly gayned.

[124] common wdth G.
126] The text misprints a comma for a period after gayned.

210

TO THE READER

IS soone as the Erie had ended his admonition, sure (quoth one) [Prose 16]
7\ I thinke the Erie of Warwike although he wer a glorious man,
jL Xhathsayd no more of him selfe than what is true. For if he had
not had notable good vertues, or vertuous qualities, and vsed lawdable
meanes in his trade of lyfe, the people woulde never have loved him as [5]
they did: But god be with him, and send his soule rest, for sure his
bodye never had any. And aldiough he dyed, yet tiuil warres ceased
not. For immediadye after his death, came Quene Margarete with a
power out of Fraunce, bringing with her her yong sonne prince Edwarde,
and with such frendes as she found here, gave king Edward a battd at [10]
Tewxbury, where both she & her sonne wer taken prisoners, with
Edmund duke of Somerset her chiefe captayne : whose sonne lord lohn,
and the earle of Deuonshire, were slayne in the fight, and the duke him
selfe with divers other immediadye beheaded: whose infortunes are
wurthy to be remembred, chiefely Prince Edwardes, whom the king [15]
for speaking truth, cruelly stroke with his gaundet, and his bretherne
tirannously murdered. But seinge the time so faire spente, I will passe
them over, and with them Fawconbridge that ioly rover, beheaded at
Southhampton: whose commotion made in Kent, was cause of sely
Henries destruction. And seing king Henrye him selfe was cause of the [20]
destruction of many noble princes, being of all other most vnfortunate
him selfe, I will declare what I have noted in his vnlucky lyfe: who
wounded in prison with a dagger, maye lament his wretchednes in
maner folowing.

[i] ended this admonition, B-G. (said one) C-G.

[13] slaine in fight, C-G.

[16-17] brethren cruelly murdered, C-F.

[21] infortunate G.

[24] folowing is misprinted falowing in the text.

211

THE MIRROR FOR MAGISTRATES

[Tragedy 17] How king Henry the syxt a vertuous

prince, was after many other mi-

series cruelly murdered in

the Tower of

London.

ever woful wight had cause to rue his state,
Or by his rufiill plight to move men moane his fate,
My piteous pkynt may preace my mishaps to rehearce,
wherof the least most lightly heard, the hardest hart may pearce

[5] What hart so hard can heare, of innocens opprest
By fraude in worldly goodes, but melteth in the brest
Whan giltles men be spoylde, imprisoned for theyr owne,
who wayleth not their wretched case to whom the cause is
knowen

The Lyon licketh the sores of selly wounded shepe,
[10] The dead mans corse may cause the Crocodile to wepe,
The waves that waste the rockes, refresh the rotten redes,
Such ruth the wracke of innocens in cruel creature bredes.

What hart is than so hard, but wyl for pitye blede,
To heare so cruell lucke so cleare a life succede?
[15] To see a silly soule with woe and sorowe souste,

A king deprived, in prison pente, to death with daggars doust.

Tide] London the 22. of May. Anno. 1471. C-G.

mishap C-G.
lightly hard, P.
the case is C-G.
licks (XJ.
Corse cause P.
creatures C-G.
sounst, G.
dounst. G.

212

KING HENRY THE SIXTH

Woulde god the day of birth had brought me to my beere,
Than had I never felt the chaunge of Fortunes cheere.
Would god the grave had gript me in her gredy woumbe,
Whan crowne in cradle made me king, with oyle of holy
thoumbe. [20]

Would god the rufull toumbe had bene my royall trone,
So should no kingly charge have made me make my mone:
O that my soule had flowen to heaven with the ioy,
When one sort cryed: God save the king, another, Vive le roy.

So had I not been washt in waves of worldly woe, [25]

My mynde to quyet bent, had not bene tossed so:
My frendes had bene alyve, my subiectes vnopprest:
But death or cruell destiny, denyed me this rest.

Alas what should we count the cause of wretches cares,
The starres do styrre them vp, Astronomy declares: [30]

Or humours sayth the leache, the double true divines,
To the will of god, or yll of man, the doubtfull cause assignes.

Such doltish heades as dreame that all thinges drive by haps,
Count lack of former care for cause of afeerckps.
Attributing to man a power fro God bereft, [35]

Abusing vs, and robbing him, through their most wicked theft.

But god doth gide the world, and every hap by skylL
Our wit and willing power are paysed by his will:
What wyt most wisely wardes, and wil most deadly vrkes,
Though al our power would presse it downe, doth dash our
warest wurkes. [40!

subiccts not opprcst: C-G.
Our humours B-G.

Attributing is printed Astributing but is corrected in Ae.

213

THE MIRROR FOR MAGISTRATES

Than destiny, our sinne, Gods wil, or els his wreake,
Do wurke our wretched woes, for humours be to weaker
Except we take them so, as they prouoke to sinne,
For through our lust by humours fed, al vicious dedes beginne

[45] So sinne and they be one, both wurking like effect,
And cause the wrath of God to wreake the soule infect.
Thus wrath and wreake divine, mans sinnes and humours yll,
Concur in one, though in a sort, ech doth a course fulfill.

If likewise such as say the welken fortune warkes,
[50! Take Fortune for our fate, and sterres therof the markes,
Then destiny with fate, and Gods wil al be one:
But if they meane it otherwise, skath causers skyes be none.

Thus of our heavy happes, chiefe causes be but twayne,
Wheron the rest depende, and vnderput remayne.
[55] The chiefe the wil diuine, called destiny and fate,

The other sinne, through humours holpe, which god doth highly
hate,

The first appoynteth payne for good mens exercise,
The second doth deserve due punishment for vice:
This witnesseth the wrath, and that the love of God,
[<5o] The good for love, the bad for sinne, God beateth with his rod.

Although my sundry sinnes do place me with the wurst,
My happes yet cause me hope to be among the furst:
The eye that searcheth all, and seeth every thought.
Doth know how sore I hated sinne, and after vertue sought.

[65] The solace of the soule my chiefest pleasure was,
Of worldly pompe, of fame, or game, I did not pas:

wretched is misprinted wrethed in the text.

Is iudge how C-G.

of my soule G-G.

worldly is misprinted wordly in the text.

214

KING HENRY THE SIXTH

My kingdomes nor my crowne I prised not a crum:

In heaven wer my rytches heapt, to which I sought to cum.

Yet wer my sorowes such as never man had like,
So divers stormes at once, so often did me strike: [70]

But why, God knowes, not I, except it wer for this
To shew by patarne of a prince, how bride honour is.

Our kingdomes are but cares, our state deuoyde of stay,
Our riches redy snares, to hasten our decay:
Our pleasures priuy prickes our vices to prouoke, [75]

Our pompe a pumpe, our fame a flame, our power a smouldring
smoke.

I speake not but by proofe, and that may many rue.
My life doth crie it out, my death doth trye it true:
Wherof I will in briefe, rehearce my heavy hap,
That Baldwin in his woful warpe, my wretchednes may wrap. [80]

In Windsore borne I was: and bare my fathers name,
Who wanne by war all Fraunce to his eternall fame:
And left to me the crowne, to be receyued in peace,
Through manage made with Charles his haire, vpon his lifes
decease.

Which shortly did ensue, yet died my father furst, [85]

And both their realmes were mine, ere I a yere were nurst:
Which as they fell to soone, so faded they as fast,
For Charles and Edward got them both, or fortye yeres were
past.

This Charles was eldest sonne of Charles my father in law,
To whom as heire of Fraunce, the Frenchmen did them draw. [90]
But Edward was the heire of Richard duke of Yorke.
The hayer of Roger Mortimer, slayne by the kerne of Korke.

F79] rehearce the heauye B-G.
86 1 both the realmes C-G.

215

THE MIRROR FOR MAGISTRATES

Before I came t& age Charles had recovered Fraunce,
And Hide my men of warre, so lucky was his chaunce:
[95] And through a mad contract I made with Rayners daughter,
I gave and lost all Normandy, the cause of many a skughter.

First of mine vncle Humfrey, abhorring sore this acte,
Because I therby brake a better precontracte:
Than of the flattring duke that first the mariage made,
[100] The iust rewarde of such as dare their princes yll perswade.

And I poore sdy wretche abode the brunt of all:
My mariage lust so swete was mixt with bitter gall.
My wife was wise and good had she bene righdy sought,
But our vnkwful getting it, may make a good thing nought

[105] Wherfore warne men beware how they iust promise breake
Least proofe of paynful plagues do cause them waile the wreke:
Aduise wd ere they graunt, but what they graunt, perfourme.
For god wil pkge all doublenes, although we feele no wourme

I falsly borne in hand bdeved I did wd,
[no] But al thinges be not true that learned men do tell:
My deargy sayd a prince was to no promis bounde,
Wliose wordes to be no gospd tho, I to my griefe haue found.

For after manage ioynde Quene Margarete and me,
For one mishap afore, I dayly met with three :
[115] Of Normandy and Fraunce Charles got away my crowne,
The Duke of Yorke & other sought at home to put me downe.

Bellona rang the bell at home and all abrode,
With whose mishaps amayne fd Fortune did me lode:
In Fraunce I lost my fortes, at home the foughten fidde,
My kindred slaine, my frendes opprest, my sdfe enforste to
M ydde

[95] Raynerds C-G.

216

KING HENRY THE SIXTH

Duke Richard tooke me twise, and forst me to resigne,
My crowne, and rides, due vnto my fathers ligne:
And kept me as a warde, did all thinges as him list,
Til rime my wife through bluddy sword had tane me from his
fyst.

But though she slew the duke, my sorowes did not slake, [125]
But like to hiders head, stil more and more awake:
For Edward through the ayde of Warwick and his brother,
From one field drave me to the Skots, and toke me in another.

Then went iny frendes to wracke, for Edward ware the crowne
Fro which for nine yeres space his prison held me downe: [130]
Yet thence through Warwikes wurke I was againe releast,
And Edward driven fro the realme, to seke his frendes by East.

But what prevayleth payn, or prouidens of man
To helpe him to good hap, whom destiny doth ban?
Who moyleth to remove die rocke out of the mud, [135]

Shall myer him selfe, & hardly skape the swelling of the flud.

This al my frendes have found and I have felt it so.
Ordayned to be the touche of wretchednes and woe,
For ere I had a yeare possest my seat agayne,
I lost both it and liberty, my helpers all were slayne. [140]

For Edward first by stelth, and sith by gadered strength,
Arrived and got to Yorke and London at the length:
Tooke me and tyed me vp, yet Warwike was so stout,
He came with power to Barnet fyelde, in hope to helpe me out.

125
126]
130'

Till that my C-G.

though we slew C-G.

to Hydraes head G.

Fro is misprinted For in the text and in B-G. [Corrected in Ae and Be.]

217

THE MIRROR F V OR MAGISTRATES

[145] And there alas was slayne, with many a worthy knight
O Lord that ever such luck should hap in helping right:
Last came my wife and sonne, that long lay in exyle,
Defyed the King, and fought a fyelde, I may bewaile the while.

For there mine only sonne, not thirtene yere of age,
[150] Was tane and murdered strayte, by Edward in his rage:
And shortly I my selfe to stynt al furder strife
Stabbed with his brothers bluddy bkde in prison lost my life.

Loe here the heauy happes which happened me by heape,
See here the pleasaunt fruytes that many princes reape,
[155] The payneful plagues of those that breake their lawful bandes,
Their mede which may & wil not save their frendes fro bluddy
handes.

God graunt my woful haps to greuous to rehearce,
May teache all states to know how depdy daungers pearce:
How frayle al honours are, how brittle worldly blisse,
[160] That warned through my feareful fete, they feare to do amys.

:I4.9] yearcs G.
160) do misse. C.

218

TO THE READER

THis tragedy ended, an other said : ey ther you or king Henry are [Prose 17]
a good philosopher, so narowly to argue the causes of mis-
fortunes: but ther is nothing to experience, which taught, or
might teach the king this lesson, but to precede in our matter, I finde
mencion here shortly after the death of this king, of a duke of Excester [s]
found dead in the sea betwene Dover and Calays, but what he was, or
by what adventure he died, master Fabian hath not shewed, and master
Hall hath overskipped him: so that excepte we bee frendlier vnto him,
he is like to be double drowned, both in the sea, and in the gulfe of
forgetfalnes. About this matter was much talke, but because one tooke [10]
vppon him to seeke out that story, that charge was committed to him.
And to be occupied the meane while, I found the storye of one drowned
likewise, and that so notably, though priuily, that al the world knew of
it: wherfore I sayd: because night approcheth, and that we wil lose no
time, ye shall heare what I have noted concerning the duke of Clarens, [15]
king Edwardes brother, who altobewashed in wine, may bewayle his
infortune after this maner.

[9] in sea, C-G.

[12] ocupied in the C-G. I haue found C-G.

[13] notable, F.

219

THE MIRROR FOR MAGISTRATES

[Tragedy rs] How George Plantagenet third sonne of
die Duke of Yorke, was by his bro-
ther King Edward wrongfully
imprisoned, and by his bro-
ther Richard misera-
bly murdered.

(fi/He foule is fowle men say, that files die nest,
which maketh me loath to speak now, might I chuse,
But seing rime vnburdened hath her Brest,
And fame bio wen vp the blast of all abuse,
[5] My silence rather might my life accuse

Than shroud our shame, though fayne I would it so:
For truth wil out, though all die world say no.

And therfore Baldwin hartdy I die beseche.
To pause awhile vpon my heauy playnt,
[10] And though vnneth I vtter spedy spech,

No fault of wit, or folly maketh me faynt:
No heady drinkes have geven my tounge attaynte
Through quaffing craft, yet wine my wits confound
Not which I dranke of, but wherin I dround.

[Tide] murdered. The n. of January. Anno. 14.78. C-G. [Read 1448 for

1478. D-R]
makes C-G.

out, although the world C-G.
Wherefore Baldwin with tearis I P.
And vnneth though I C-EG.
wit nor folly makes C-G.

Not of which I dranke, but C-EG. Not which I drancke, but
wherein I was dround. P.

220

GEORGE, DUKE OF CLARENCE

What prince I am although I nede not shewe. [15]

Because my wine bewrayes me by the smell,
For never was creature sowst in Bacchus dewe
To death but I, through Fortunes rigour fel:
Yet that thou mayst my story better tell,
I will declare as briefly as I may, [20]

My welth, my woe, and causers of decay.

The famous house sournamed Plantagenet,
Wherat dame Fortune frowardly did frowne,
While Bolenbroke vniusdy sought to set
His lord king Richard quite beside the crowne, [25]

Though many a day it wanted due renowne,
God so preserved by prouidens and grace,
That lawful heires did never faile the race.

For Lionell king Edwardes elder childe,
Both vncle and haire to Richard yssulesse, [30]

Begot a doughter Philip, whom vnfilde
The earle of March espousde, and god did blesse
With fruyte assinde the kingdome to possesse:
I mean sir Roger Mortimer, whose hayer
The earle of Cambridge maried Anne the fayer. [35]

This earle of Cambridge Richard clept by name,
Was sonne to Edmund Langley duke of Yorker
Which Edmund was fife brother to the same
Duke Lyonel, that al this line doth korke:
Of which two houses ioyned in a forke, [40]

My father Richard prince Plantagenet
True duke of Yorke, was lawful heire beget.

neuer creature was soust C-G.

While is misprinted White in the text.

so preferred B-G. [Corrected in Be to the original reading.]

Edwardes eldest child, B-EG. Edwards second child, F.

Both eame and C-G.

whom vndefylde

221

[45]

[55]

[60]

THE MIRROR FOR MAGISTRATES

Who tooke to wife as you shal vnderstand
A maydcn of a noble house and olde,
Raulfe Nevels daughter Earle of Westmerland:
Whose sonne Earle Richard was a baron bolde,
And had the right of Salysbury in holde,

[65]

Whose earned prayses never shal appaire.

The duke my father had by this his wife,
Power sonnes, of whom the eldest Edward hight,
The second lohn, who lost in youth his life,
At wakefield slayne by Clifford cruell knight.
I George am third of Clarence duke by right.
The fowerth borne to the mischiefe of vs all,
Was duke of Glocester, whom men Richard call.

Whan as our syer in sute of right was slayne,
(Whose life and death him selfe declared earst,)
My brother Edward plyed his cause amayne,
And got the crowne, as Warwick hath rehearst:
The pride wherof so depe his stomacke pearst,
That he forgot his frendes, dispisde his kin,
Of oth or office passing not a pinne.

Which made the earle of Warwike to maligne.
My brothers state, and to attempt a waye,

43] as ye shall B-G.

52 second Eadmund who in youth did lose his C-G.

56 men did Richard C-G.

59 Edward, the Quardl styrd agayne, F. v

60 And wan the F.

62-63] That litle passinge on them that brought tiitn in,
Forgat his frendes, and set at naught his 1nn T F.
[6s] His dealinge ingrate, and F.

222

GEORGE, DUKE OF CLARENCE

To bring from prison Henry selly king,

To helpe him to the kingdome if he may.

And knowing me to be the chiefest staye,

My brother had, he did me vndermine

To cause me to his treasons to encline. [70]

Wherto I was prepared long before,
My brother had bene to me so vnkinde:
For sure no cankar fretteth fleshe so sore,
As vnkinde dealing doth a louing minde.
Loves strongest bandes vnkindnes doth vnbinde, [75]

It moveth love to malice, zele to hate,
Chiefe frendes to foes, and bretherne to debate.

And though the Earle of Warwike subtile syer,
Perceyved I bare a grudge agaynst my brother,
Yet towarde his feat to set me more on fire, [80]

He kindeled vp one firebrand with another:
For knowing fansie was the forcing rother,
Which stiereth youth to any kinde of strife,
He offered me his daughter to my wife.

Wherthrough and with his crafty filed tounge, [85]

He stale my hart, that erst vnstedy was:
For I was wides, wanton, fonde, and younge,
Whole bent to pleasure, brittle as the glas :
I can not lye, In vino veritas.

I did esteme the beawty of my bryde, [90]

Above my selfe and all the world beside.

66'

6 7 ;

? 2 '

From, prison to enlarge Henry the sely Kinge, F.

Him to restore to Kingdome F.

To his ill practise the sooner to F.

Because the king to me was so F.

No canker sure, soft flesh doth free so F.

vp is misprinted vy in the text.

223

THE MIRROR FOR MAGISTRATES

These fond affeccions ioynt with lacke of skyll,
(Which trap the hart, and blinde the iyes of youth,
And pricke the minde to practise any yll)
[95} So tickled me, that voyd of kindly truth:

(Which where it wantes, all wickednes ensueth)
I stinted not to persecute my brother,
Till time he left his kingdome to an other.

Thus karnall love did quench the loue of kind,
[100] Til lust were lost through fansy fully fed.

But whan at length I came vnto my minde,
I sawe how lewdly lightnes had me led,
To seeke with payne the peril of my hed :
For had king Henry once bene seded sure,
[105] I was assured my dayes could not endure.

And therfore though I bound my selfe by othe
To helpe king Henry al that ever I might,
Yet at the treaty of my bretherne both,
Which reason graunted to require but right,
[no] I left his part, wherby he perisht quite:

And reconsilde me to my bretherne twayne,
And so came Edward to the crowne againe.

This made my father in kwe to fret and fume,
To stampe and stare, and call me false fbrsworne,
[115] And at the length with all his power, presume

To helpe king Henry vtterly forlorne.
Our frendly prefers stil he tooke in skorne,
Refused peace, and came to Barnet field,
And there was kilde, bicause he would not yeeld:

94]
96]

pricktC-G.

(Which if it wante all wretchcdnes B-G.
106] with oth C-G.

224

GEORGE, DUKE OF CLARENCE

His brother also there with him was slayne, [120]

Wherby decayed the kayes of chiualrie.
For never lived the matches of them twaine,
In manhode, power, and marciall pollicy,
In vertuous thewes, and frendly constancy,
That would to god, if it had bene his wil [125]

They might have turnde to vs, and liued stil.

But what shal be, shal be: there is no choyse,
Thinges nedes must drive as destiny decreeth:
For which we ought in all our haps reioyce,
Because the eye eterne all thing forseeth, [130]

Which to no yll at any rime agreeth,
For yls to yll to vs, be good to it,
So farre his skilles excede our reach of wit.

The wounded man which must abide the smart,
Of stitching vp, or searing of his sore, [135]

As thing to baxl, reproves the Surgeons art,
Which notwithstanding doth his hdth restore.
The childe likewise to science plied sore,
Countes knowledge yll, his teacher to be wood,
Yet Surgery and sciences be good. [140]

But as the pacientes griefe and Scholers payne,
Cause them deme bad such thinges as sure be best,
So want of wisedome causeth vs complayne
Of every hap, wherby we seme opprest:
The poore do pine for pelfe, the rich for rest, [145]

And whan as losse or sicknes vs assayle:
We curse our fate, our Fortune we bewayle.

[129] which ought G-F. For which nc ought B. [Corrected in Be to the
original reading.]

225

THE MIRROR FOR MAGISTRATES

These fond affections ioynt with lacke of skyll,
(Which trap the hart, and blinde the iyes of youth,
And pricke the minde to practise any yll)
[95] So tickled me, that voyd of kindly truth:

(Which where it wantes, all wickednes ensueth)
I stinted not to persecute my brother,
Till time he left his kingdome to an other.

Thus karnall love did quench the loue of kind,
[100] Til lust were lost through fansy folly fed.

But whan at length I came vnto my minde,
I sawe how lewdly lightnes had me led,
To seeke with payne the peril of my hed:
For had king Henry once bene seded sure,
[105] I was assured my dayes could not endure.

And reconsilde me to my bretherne twayne,
And so came Edward to the crowne againe.

This made my father in kwe to fret and fume,
To stampe and stare, and call me false fbrsworne,
[115] And at the length with all his power, presume

To helpe king Henry vtterly forlorne.
Our frendly profers stil he tooke in skorne,
Refused peace, and came to Barnet field,
And there was fcilde, bicause he would not yeeld:

[94] prickt C-G.

[96] (Which if it wante all wretchedncs B-G.

(106] with oth C-G.

224

GEORGE, DUKE OF CLARENCE

His brother also there with him was skyne, [120]

They might have turnde to vs, and liued stiL

But what shal be, shal be: there is no choyse,
Thinges nedes must drive as destiny decreeth:
For which we ought in all our haps reioyce,
Because the eye eterne all thing forseeth, [130]

Which to no yll at any time agreeth,
For yls to yll to vs, be good to it,
So farre his skilles excede our reach of wit.

The wounded man which must abide the smart,
Of stitching vp, or searing of his sore, [13 si

As thing to bad, reproves the Surgeons art,
Which notwithstanding doth his hdth restore.
The childe likewise to science plied sore,
Countes knowledge yll, his teacher to be wood,
Yet Surgery and sciences be good. [140!

But as the pacientes griefe and Scholars payne,
Cause them deme bad such thinges as sure be best,
So want of wisedome causeth vs complayne
Of every hap, wherby we seme opprest:
The poore do pine for pelfe, the rich for rest, [145]

And whan as losse or sicknes vs assayle:
We curse our fete, our Fortune we bewayle.

[129] which ought C-F. For which ne ought B. [Corrected in Be to the
original reading.]

22$

THE MIRROR FOR MAGISTRATES

Yet for our good, god wurketh every thing.
For through the death of those two noble peres
[150] My brother lived and raignde a quiet king,

Who had they lived perchaunce in course of yeares,
Would have delivered Henry from the breres,
Or holpe his sonne to enioye the careful crowne,
Wherby our lyne should have be quite put downe.

[155] A careful crowne it may be iusdy named,

Not only for the cares therto annext,
To see the subiect wel and duly framed,
With which good care few kinges are greatly vext
But for the dread wherwith they are perplext,

[160] Of losing lordship, liberty, or life:

Which woful wrackes in kingdomes happen rife.

The which to shun while sum to sore have sought
They have not spared all persons to suspect:
And to destroy such as they gilty thought:
[165] Though no apparaunce proved diem infect.

Take me for one of this wrong punisht sect,
Imprisoned first, accused without cause,
And doen to death, no proces had by lawes.

Wherin I note how vengeaunce doth acquite
[170] Like yll for yll how vices vertue quell:

For as my manage love did me excite
Against the king my brother to rebell,
So love to have his children prosper well,
Prouoked him against both lawe and right,
[175] To murder me, his brother, and his knight.

154

haue ben quyte B-G.

Not for the cares which thereto bene annext, P.

That which C-R

226

GEORGE, DUKE OF CLARENCE

For by his quene two goodly sonnes he had.
Borne to be punisht for their parentes sinne:
Whose fortunes kalked made their father sad,
Such wofull haps were founde to be therin:
Which to auouch, writ in a rotten skinne [180]

A prophecy was found, which sayd a G,
Of Edwardes children should destruccion be.

Me to be G, because my name was George
My brother thought, and therfore did me hate.
But woe be to the wicked heades that forge [185]

Such doubtful dreames to brede vnkinde debate:
For God, a gleve, a gibet, grate or gate,
A Grave, a Griffeth or a Gregory,
As well as George are written with a G.

Such doubtfull riddles are no prophecies. [190!

For prophecies, in writing though obscure,
Are playne in sence, the darke be very lyes:
What god forsheweth is euident and pure.
Truth is no Harold nor no Sophist sure:
She noteth not mens names, their shildes nor creastes, [195]
Though she compare them vnto birdes and beastes.

But whom she doth forshewe shal rule by force,
She termeth a Wulfe, a Dragon or a Beare:
A wilful Prince, a raynles ranging horse.
A bolde, a Lyon: a coward much in feare, [200]

A hare or hart: a crafty, pricked eare:
A lecherous, a Bull, a Goote, a Foale:
An vnderminer, a Moldwarp, or a mole.

176
17*
185

197,
199'

200

two pryncelyke sonnes B-G.
made the father B-G.
to that wicked C-F.
shal rayne by B-G.
raging horse C-G.
A Bore a Lyon: D-F.

227

THE MIRROR FOR MAGISTRATES

By knowen beastes thus truth doth playne declare
[205] What men they be, of whom she speakes before.

And who so can mens properties compare
And marke what beast they do resemble more,
Shall soone discerne who is the griesly bore.
For God by beastes expressed! mens conditions,
[210] And not their badges, haroldes superstitions.

And learned Merline whom God gave the sprite,
To know, and vtter princes actes to cum,
Like to the Jewish prophetes, did retite
In shade of beastes, their doinges all and sum:
[215] Expressing playne by maners of the dum,

That kinges and lordes such properties should have
As had the beastes whose name he to them gave:

Which while the folish did not well consider,
And seing princes gave, for difference
[220] And knowledge of their issues myxt together,

All maner beastes, for badges of pretence,
They tooke those badges to expres the sence
Of Merlines minde, and those that gave the same,
To be the princes noted by their name.

[225] And hereof sprang the false namde prophecies,

That go by letters, siphers, armes, or signes:
Which all be foolish, false and crafty lies,
Deuised by gesse, or Guiles vntrue diuines:
For whan they sawe that many of many lines

[230] Gave armes alike, they wist not which was he,

Whom Merline meant the noted beast to be.

[211] gai
[217] As

gaue 15 misprinted haue in the text. BC.
have the JB-G.

228

GEORGE, DUKE OF CLARENCE

For all the broode of Warwickes geve the Bear,
The Buckinghames do likewise geve the swan:
But which Bear bearer shoulde die lyon teare
They wer as wise as Goose the fery man: [235]

Yet in their skil they ceased not to skan:
And to be demed of the people wise,
Set forth their gloses vpon prophecies.

And whom they doubted openly to name
They darkly termed, or by sum letter meant: [240]

For so they mought how ever the world did frame,
Preserve them selves from shame or being shent.
For howsoever contrary it went,
They might expound their meaning otherwise,
As haps in thinges should newly sril arise. [245]

And thus there grew of a mistaken truth,
An arte so false, as made the true suspect:
Wherof hath cum much mischiefe, more the ruth,
That errours should our mindes so much infect.
True prophecies have fowly been reiect: [250]

The false which brede both murder, warre & strife,
Belyved to the losse of many a goodmans life.

And therfore Baldwin teach men to dascerne,
Which prophecies be false and which be true:
And for a ground this lesson let them learne, [255]

That all be false which are deuised newe:
The age of thinges is iudged by the hue.
All Riddels made by letters, names or armes,
Are yong and false, for wurse than witches dbarmes.

232
238;
241
247
250
'259'

warwickcs gaue the C-G.
gloses on prophecies. C-F.
they thought C-G.
And art D-F.
True prophets haue C-G.
false, tar wursc &-G.

229

THE MIRROR FOR MAGISTRATES

[260] I know thou musest at this lore of mine,

How I no student, should have learned it:
And doest impute it to the fume of wine
That styrs the tounge, and sharpened! vp the wit,
But harke, a firende did teache me every whit.

[265] A man of mine, in al good knowledge rife,

For which he giltles, lost his learned life.

This man abode my servaunt many a day,
And sril in study set his hole delite:
Which taught me more than I could beare away
[270] Of every arte: and by his searching sight

Of thinges to cum he could forshew as right,
As I rehearce the pageantes that wer past:
Such perfectnes god gaue him at the last.

He knew my brother Richard was the Bore,
[275] Whose tuskes should teare my brothers boyes & me,

And gave me warning therof long before.

But wit nor warning can in no degree

Let thinges to hap, which are ordaynde to bee.

Witnes die paynted Lionesse, which slue
[280] A prince imprisoned, Lions to eschue.

He tolde me to, my youkefelow should dye,
(Wherin would God he had bene no diuine)
And after her death, I should woe earnesdy
A spouse, wherat my brother should repine:
[285] And finde the meanes she should be none of mine.

For which such malice, should among'vs rise,
As save my death no treaty should decise.

271'
281'
284'
285

he would for shew JB-G.
me eke, my B-G.
brother would repyne: B-G.
none myne. B.

230

GEORGE, DUKE OF CLARENCE

And as he sayd, so all thinges came to passe:
For whan King Henry and his sonne wer slayne,
And every broyle so throughly quenched was, [290]

That the King my brother quietly did rayne,
I, reconsiled to his love agayne,
In prosperous health did leade a quiet life,
For five yeares space with honors laden rife.

And to augment the fulnes of my blisse, [295]

Two lovely children by my wife I had:
But froward hap, whose maner ever is,
In chiefest ioy to make the happy sad,
Bemixt my swete with bitternes to bad:
For while I swam in ioyes on every side, [300]

My louing wife, my chiefest iewel died.

Whose lacke whan sole I had bewaylde a yeare,
The Duke of Burgoynes wife dame Margarete
My louing sister, willing me to cheare,

To mary againe did kindly me intreat: [305]

And wisht me matched with a mayden nete
A stepdaughter of hers, duke Charles, his hayer,
A noble damesell, yong, discrete and fayer.

To whose desyer, because I did encline,
The King my brother doubting my degree, [310]

Through prophecies, against vs did repine:
And at no hande, would to our willes agree.
For which such rancor pearst both him and me
That face to face we fell to flat defiaunce,
But were appeased by frendes of our aliaunce. [315]

,3,
302

314

I swim in P.

Whose is printed Who sc but is corrected in Ae.

Duke Chark hayre, C-G.

fell at flat C-G.

231

THE MIRROR FOR MAGISTRATES

Howbeit my manage vtterly was dasht:
Wherein because my servaunt sayd his minde,
A meane was sought wherby he might be lasht.
And for they could no crime agaynst him finde,
[320] They forged a fault the peoples iyes to blinde,

And tolde he should by sorceries pretende,
To bring the King vnto a spedy ende.

Of all which poyntes he was as innocent,
As is the babe that lacketh kindely breth:
[325] And yet condemned by the Kinges assent,

Most cruelly put to a shamefull death.
This fierd my hart, as foulder doth the heath:
So that I could not but exclame and crye,
Against so great and open an iniury.

[330] For this I was commaunded to the tower,

The king my brother was so cruel harted:
And whan my brother Richard saw the hower
Was cum, for which his hart so sore had smarted,
He thought best take the rime before it parted.

[335] For he endeuoured to attayne the crowne,

From which my life must nedes have held him downe.

For though the king within a while had died,
As nedes he must, he surfayted so oft,
I must have had his children in my gyde
[340] So Richard should beside the crowne have coft:

This made him plye the while the waxe was soft,
To find a meane to bring me to an ende,
For realme rape spareth neither kin nor frend.

1327] fodder is printed soulder but is corrected in Ae.
329] open injury, C-G.
334] thought it best C-G. take rime G.

232

GEORGE, DUKE OF CLARENCE

And whan he sawe how reason can asswage
Through length of time, my brother Edwardes yre, [345]

With forged tales he set him new in rage,
Til at the last they did my death conspire.
And though my truth sore troubled their desire,
For all the world did know mine innocence,
Yet they agreed to charge me with offence. [350]

And covertly within the tower they called,
A quest to geve such verdite as they should:
Who what with fear, and what with fauour thralde,
Durst nought pronounce but as my brethern would
And though my false accusers never could [355]

Prove ought they sayd, I gildes was condemned:
Such verdites passe where iustice is contemned.

This feat atchieved, yet could they not for shame
Cause me be kilde by any common way,
But like a wulfe the tirant Richard came, [360]

(My brother, nay my butcher I may say)
Vnto the tower, when all men wer away,
Save such as wer provided for the feate:
Who in this wise did straungely me entreate.

His purpose was, with a prepared string [365}

To strangle me. but I bestird me so,
That by no force they could me therto bring,
Which caused him that purpose to forgo.
Howbeit they bound me whether I would or no.
And in a butte of Malmesey standing by, [370]

Newe Christned me, because I should not crie.

358
359

3^9

could the not B.

Bereue my lyfe by F.

nay Butcher I may rightly say) F.

Tower, commaundingc all away, P.

bound whether F.

233

THE MIRROR FOR MAGISTRATES

Thus drounde I was, yet for no due desert,
Except the zeale of Justice be a crime:
False prophecies bewitched king Edwardes hert.
[375] My brother Richard to the crowne wold dime.

Note these thre causes in thy ruful ryme:
And boldly say they did procure my fal,
And death, of deathes most straunge and hard of al

And warne all princes prophecies to eschue
[380] That are to darke or doubtful to be knowen:

What God hath sayd, that can not but ensue,
Though all the world would have it overthrowen.
When men suppose by fetches of their owne
To flye theyr fate, they further on the same,
[385] Like quenching blastes, which oft reuive the flame.

Will princes therfore not to thinke by murder
They may auoide what prophecies behight,
But by their meanes theyr mischiefes they may furder,
And cause gods vengeaunce heauier to alight:
[390] Wo wurth the wretch that strives with gods forsighte.

They are not wise, but wickedly do arre,
Which thinke yll dedes, due destinies may barre.

For if we thinke that prophecies be true,
We must beleve it can not but betide
[395] Which God in them forsheweth shall ensue:

For his decrees vnchaunged do abide.
Which to be true my bretherne both have tried.
Whose wicked warkes warne princes to detest,
That others harmes may kepe them better blest.

374] Edwardes harte. B-G.

3791 warne Princes P.

385] Like Blasts of Winde, which F.

234

TO THE READER

B5f that this tragedy was ended, nyghte was so nere cum that we [Prose 18]
could not conveniently tary together any longer: and therfore
sayd mayster Ferrers: It is best my masters to stave here. For we
be cum now to the ende of Edwarde the fowerth his raygne. For the
last whom we finde vnfortunate therein, was this Duke of Clarens: In [5]
whose behalfe I commende much that which hath be noted. Let vs
therfore for this time leave with him. And this daye seuen nightes
hence, if your busines will so suffer, let vs all mete here together agayne.
And you shal se that in the mean season I will not only deuise vppon this
my selfe, but cause divers other of my acquayntauns, which can do [10]
very well, to helpe vs forwarde with the rest. To this every man gladly
agreed, howbeit (quoth an other) seing we shall end at Edward the
fowerthes ende, let him selfe make an ende of our daies labour with the
same oracion which mayster Skelton made in his name, the tenour
wherof so farre as I remember, is this. [15]

[4] be now cum B-F. of Edward the fourths raigne. C-G.

[5] the Duke D-G.

[7-8] and some other day when your leasure will beste serue let vs mete here

altogether agayne. F.
[10] Ttie text mistakenly prints but but.
[12] (saide another) C-G.
[12-13! at Edwards the fourth end, D-F.
[14-15! name, the true copy wherof as hee wrote the same I haue here readye to be

redF.
[15] is as foloweth. C-EG.

235

THE MIRROR FOR MAGISTRATES

How king Edward through his sur-

feting and vntemperate life, sodain-

ly died in the mids of his

prosperity.

llseremini mei ye that be my frendes,
This world hath formed me downe to fall:
How may I endure whan that every thing endes?
What creature is borne to be eternall,

[5] Now there is no more but pray for me all.

Thus say I Edward that late was your King,
And .xxiii. yeares ruled this imperiall:
Sum vnto pleasure and sum to no liking:
Mercy I aske of my misdoing,

[10] What auayleth it frendes to be my foe?

Sith I can not resist, nor amend your compkyning,
Quia ecce nunc in pulvere dormio.

I slepe now in molde as it is naturaQ,

As earth vnto earth hath his reverture:
[15] What ordeyned God to be terrestriall,

Without recourse to the earth by nature?

Who to live ever may him selfe assure?

What is it to trust on mutability?

Sith that in this world nothing may endure?
[20] For now am I gone that was late in prosperity.

[Tide] Edwarde die fourth dirough C-G. prosperity, the nynth of April!.

Anno. 1483. C-G. [Read 1485 for 1483 D-F.]
I ] B mistakenly prints the initial M as S.

7] And xxiL yeares C-EG. And yeres xrii. bare Scepter ryafl, F.
12] EteectF.

15] God in die world vniuersall, F.
i8J trust to mutabylyty? B-G.

236

KING EDWARD THE FOURTH

To presume therupon it is but a vanitye,
Not certayne, but as a chery fayre ful of wo.
Rayned not I of late in great prosperitye?
Et ecce nunc in pulvere dormio.

Where was in my life such an one as I, [25]

While Lady Fortune with me had conrinuaunce?
Graunted not she me to have victory,
In England to rayne, and to contribute Fraunce?
She toke me by the hand and led me a daunce,
And with her sugred lyppes on me she smyled. [30]

But what for her dissembled countenaunce,
I could not be ware tyl I was begiled.
Now from this worlde she hath me exiled,
Whan I was lothest hence for to goe,

And am in age as who saieth but a childe. [35]

Et ecce nunc in pulvere dormio.

I had ynough I helde me not contente,
Without remembraunce that I should dye:
And moreover to encroch ready was I bent,
I knew not how long I should it occupy, [40]

I made the tower strong I wist not why.
I knew not to whom I purchased TattersalL
I amended Dover on the mountayne hye,
And London I prouoked to fortify the wall.

but vanity, C-G.

great felicity, P.

such a one F.

Fortune had with me conrinuaunce: G.

for dissembled J3-G.

age who sayeth B-G. [Corrected in Be to the original reading.]

mended B-G.

237

THE MIRROR FOR MAGISTRATES

[45] I made Notingham a place full royalL

Windsore, Eltam, and many other mo.
Yet at the last I went from them all,
Et ecce nunc in pulvere dormio.

Where is now my conquest and victory?
[50] Where is rny ritches, and royall array?

Where be my coursers and my horses hye?

Where is my mirth, my solas, and pkye?

As vanity to nought all is wyddred away:

O Lady Bes, long for me may you call,
[55] For I am departed vntill doomes day:

But love you that lord that is soveraine of all.

Where be my castels and buyldinges royall?

But Windsore alone now have I no moe.

And of Eton the prayers perpetuall,
[60] Et ecce nunc in pulvere dormio.

Why should a man be proude or presume hye?

Saynt Barnard therof nobly doth treat,

Saying a man is but a sacke of stercory,

And shall returne vnto wurmes meat:
[65] Why what became of Alexander the great?

Or els of strong Sampson, who can tell?

Wer not wurmes ordayned their flesh to freate?

And of Salomon that was of wit the well?

Absolon profered his heare for to sell,
[70] Yet for aU his beauty, wurmes eat him also.

And I but late in honour did excell,

Et ecce mine in pulvere dormio.

solace and my pky? B-G.
nought ek is F.
into wormes F.
Absolon preferred his G.
for his C-G.
honours C-G.

238

KING EDWARD THE FOURTH

I have playd my pageaunt: now am I past,
Ye wote well all I was of no great elde.
This all thing concluded shall be at the last, [75]

Whan death approcheth, than lost is the felde:
Than seing dais world me no longer vphelde,
For nought would conserve me here in my place,
In manus tttas domine my spirite vp I yelde,
Humbly beseching the o God, of thy grace. [So]

O you curteous commons your hartes enbrace,
Beningly now to pray for me also,
For right well you know your king I was.
Et ecce mmc in pulvere dormio.

Thus all C-G. thingcs F.

lengar B-E.

in any place, JB. in this place, C-G.

Humbly is misprinted Humby in the text.
well ye know C-F.

239

THE MIRROR FOR MAGISTRATES

Han this was sayde, every man tooke his leave of other and
departed: And I the better to acquyte my charge, recorded
and noted all such matters as they had wylled me.

FINIS.

[i] was red euery F. man for the time tooke C-G. [Read thatjor the G.]
[2-3] departed (for then it waxed darke) appointing a new day of meting C-G.

[B substitutes Thus endeth the first parte for FINIS. In editions C-G there is
no break between the tragedies of edition A and those added in B, this prose link
being combined with Preface 3. See also, therefore^ the variants listed for Preface 3.
[4] The text misprints a comma for a period after FINIS.

240

TRAGEDIES ADDED IN THE
EDITION OF 1563

Mngiftrates.

W&eWnmapebtffcnbP

ewnipie of *ti)er,toit!) fcotte grc*

nous plages H(c arc puni^eD:
tiolnc fra?ieano bnttablc locj
p;ofpc rtt? is founfic, etm of
tljofetoljom f a;tancte

tofatiout.

Tttxytcmftciunt&ciupcriciikuutunt,

MM. 1 5 6 3.

f Imprinted at London mFltteftnte
wrtto SsynSt Dvnftat tburdc

The seconde

PARTE OF THE

Mirrour for Magistrates.

Wylliam Baldwyn [Preface 3]

to the Reader.

THe tyme beynge cum, whan (according to our former ap-
poyntment) we shuld meete together agayne to deuyse vpon
the tragicall afFayres of our English Rulers, I with suche
storyes as I had procured & prepared, went to the place wherein we had
debated the former parte. There founde I the prynter and all the rest of [s]
our frendes and furderers assembled & tarying for vs, Save Maister
Ferrers, who shordy after according to hys promys came thyther.

Whan we had blamed hym for hys long tarying, he satisfyed vs fully
widi this reasonable excuse. I haue been letted (quoth he) dyuers wayes,
but chyeflye in taryeng for suche tragedyes, as many of our frendes at [10]
myne instauns, vndertoke to discours, wherof I am sure you wyll be
right glad: For moe wits are better then one, & diuersity of deuice is
alway most plesante. And although I have presendye brought but a
fewe, becaus no moe are redye, yet shall you be sure hereafter to have
all the rest, which notable men haue vndertaken: wherof sum are half [15]
doen, sum more, sum less, sum scarce begun, which maketh me thynke
that the dyuersytye of braynes in divisyng, is lyke the sundrynes of
beastes in engendryng: For sum wyttes are readye, & dispatch many
matters spedilye, lyke the Conye which lyttereth every moneth: sum

[Preface 3 is continuous with Prose 19 in all editions after B. This collation should,
therefore, be read in connection with the collation of Prose 19, on p. 240.]

[1-53] a new day of meting which being come, wee met all together againe. And
when wee had saluted one an other, then C-G.

243

THE MIRROR FOR MAGISTRATES

[20] other arc slowc lyke the Olyfaunt, skarce delyueryng any matter in .x.
yeares. I disprayse neyther of these byrthes, For both be naturall: But I
commende most the meane, whiche is neyther to slowe nor to swyft, for
that is Lion lyke, and therfore most noble. For the ryght poet doth
neythcr through haste bring forth swift feble Rabettes, neither doth he

[25] weary men in lookyng for hys strong ioyntles Olyphantes: But in
reasonable tyme he bryngeth forth a perfect & liuely Lion, Not a Bear-
whelp that must be longar in lyckyng than in breedynge. And yet I
knowc manye that dooe hyghly lyke that lumpysh deliuery. But every
man hath hys gyft, and the diversirie of our mindes maketh every thing

[30] to be liked. And therfore while the oliphantes are in bredyng (to

whom I haue therfore geuen the latter storyes) I haue brought you such

as are allready doen, to be publyshed in the mean season: wherin there

nedeth no furder labour, but to place them in due order.

Loe you Baldwyne, here is of myne owne the duke of Somerset slain

[35] at .S. Albons with other which I promysed, whom I wysh you shoulde
place last: there is also Shores wyfe, trimly handled by Master Church-
yard, which I pray you place where you thynk most conuenient. here
are other also of other mens, but they are rabettes, Do with them as you
thynk best. I would tary with a good wyll & helpe you in the order,

[40] save that my busines is great & weighty, but I know you can do it wel
inough, & therfore, tyl we meet agayne I wyll leaue you. Than de-
livered he the tragedyes vnto me, and departed.

Dyuers of the rest lykyng hys deuyse, vsed the lyke maner : For the
pryuter delyvered vnto me die lord Hastynges penned by maister

[45] Dolman, &kyngRychard the third compiled by FrauncisS^an. Then
sayd I: wd my masters sith you thinke yt good to charge me with the
order, I am contented therwith: For as you haue doen, so have I lyke-
wyse procured sum of my frendes to ayd vs in our labour. For master
Sackvyk hath apdy ordered the duke of Buckkynghams oracion, and

[50] Master Cavyl the black smythes, and other. I pray you (quoth one of
the cumpany) kt vs hcare them. Nay soft (quoth I) we wyl take the
croaydes, & note theyr places, & as they cum, so wil we orderly reade
[45] Franncis fc m^ifc^

244

ANTHONY, LORD RIVERS

them al. To thys they all agreed. Then one tooke the cronicle whom
therfore we made, & call the reder, & he began to rede the story of
prince Edward called the fift king of that name: & whan he came to the [s$]
apprehending of the lord Riuers: stay ther I pray you (quoth I) For here
is hys complaynt: for the better vnderstanding wherof, you must
ymagin that he was accompanyed with the Lord Richard Graye, and
with Hault and, Clappam whose infortunes he bewayleth after this

manner. [60]

[53-54] tooke the bookc and began C-G.

[54-55] of king Edward die fift: (for there wee left) and when C-G.

[56] (said I) C-G.

[58-59] Gray, Hawt & Clapeham, C-G.

How Sir Anthony Wudvile Lorde Rivers [Tragedy 20]

and Skales, Gouernour of prince Edward,

was with his Neuew Lord Richard Gray

and other causeles imprisoned, and

cruelly murdered.

)*ls sylly i

suiters letted by delayes

To shew theyr prynce the meanyng of theyr mynde,
That long have bought theyr brokers yeas & nayes
And neuer the nyer: do dayly wayte to fynde
The prynces grace, from waighty affayres vntwind: [5]
Which tyme attayned, by attendyng all the yeare,
The weryed prince wyll than no suters heare:

[Tide] murdered. Anno. 1483. C-G.
[2] ofthemyndF.

245

THE MIRROR FOR MAGISTRATES

My case was such not many dayes agoe.
For after brute had biased all abrode
fio] That Baldwyn through the ayd of other moe,

Of fame or shame fallen prynces would vnloade
Out from our graves we got without abode,
And preaced forward with the rufull rout,
That sought to have theyr doynges bulted out.

[15] But whan I had long attended for my turne

To tell my tale as dyvers other dyd:
In hope I should no longar whyle soiourne
But from my suytes have spedily been ryd,
Whan course and place both orderly had byd

[20) Me shew my mynde, and I prepared to saye,

The hearers paused, arose and went theyr way.

These doubtfull doynges drave me to my dumpes,
Vncertayne what should moeve them so to doe:
I feared least affections lothly lumpes
[25] Or inwarde grudge had dryven them therto,

Whose wycked stynges all storyes truth vndoe.

Oft causyng good to be reported yll,

Or dround in suddes of Lethes muddy swyll.

For hytherto slye wryters wyly wittes
[30] Which have engrossed princes cheefe affayres,

Have been lyke horses snaffled with the byttes
Of fansye, feare, or doubtes full diepe dispayres,
Whose raynes enchayned to the chefest chayres,

My cause

That one Baldwin by help of P.

we stert without F.

preaced forth among the JF.

long tended C-G.

prepared is mispriittafprpared in the text.

had moued them F.

246

ANTHONY, LORD RIVERS

Have so ben strayned of those that bare the stroke

That truth was fbrst to chow or els to choke. [35]

Thys caused such as lothed lowd to lye,
To passe with sylence sundry prynces lyues.
Lesse faut it is to leave, than leade awry:
And better dround, that ever bound in gyves.
For fatall fraude this world so fondly dryves, [40]

That whatsoeuer writers braines may brae
Be it neuer so false, at length is tane for true.

What harme may hap by helpe of lying pennes
How wrytten lyes may lewdly be maynteyned.
The lothly rytes, the divilysh ydoll dennes [45]

With gyltles blud of vertuous men bestayned,
Is such a proofe as all good hartes haue playned.
The taly groundes of storyes throughly tryes,
The deth of martyrs vengeauns on it cryes.

Far better therfore not to wryte at all [50]

Than stayne the truth for any maner cause,
For this they meane to let my story fall
(Thought I) and ear my tyrne theyr volume clause.
But after I knew it only was a pause,

Made purposely, most for the readers ease, [55]

Assure thee Baldwyn, highly it dyd me please.

For freshest wits, I know wyll sone be weary,
In redyng long what ever booke it be,
Except it be vayne matter, straunge or mery,
well saust with lyes, and glared all with glee, [60]

With which becaus no grave truth may agre,
The closest style for storyes is the metest,
In rufiil moanes the shortest fourme is swetest.

39] dround, than cuer C-G.

53] rime my volume C-G.

63] rufull moads F. rufull mcanes G.

247

THE MIRROR FOR MAGISTRATES

And syth the pkyntes alredy by the pende,
[65] Are briefe ynough, the number also small,

The tediousnes I thynk doeth none offend,
Save such as have no lust to learne at all,
Regarde none such: no matter what they brail.
Warne thou the wary, least they hap to stumble.
[70] As for the carelesse, care not what they mumble.

My lyfe is such as (if thou note it wel)
May cause the witty wealthy to beware.
For theyr sakes therfore playnly will I tell,
How false and combrous worldly honors are,
[75] How cankred foes, bryng careles folk to care.

How tyrantes suffered, and not qudd in tyme
Do cut theyr throates that sufire them to dime.

Neyther wyll I hyde the chiefest poynt of all
Which wysest rulers least of all regarde,
(80] That was and wyll be cause of many a fell.

This can not be to ernesdy dedarde
Becaus it is so seelde, and skddy heard.
The abuse and skornyng of gods ordynaunces,
Is chefest cause of care & wofull chaunces.

[85] Gods holly orders hyghly are abused

When men do chaunge their aides for straunge respects:
They skorned are, whan they be cleane refused
For that they can not serve our fond affectes.
The one our shame, the other our synn detectes.

[90] It is a shame for Christians to abuse them,

But deadly synne for skorners to refuse them.

the wise, and wdthy F.
stacUyhanie. G.

248

ANTHONY, LORD RIVERS

I meane not this all onlye of degrees
Ordeynde by God for peoples preseruacion,
But of hys law, good orders, and decrees,
Prouyded for his creatures conseruacion. [95]

And specially the state of procreation
Wherin we here the number of them encreace
Which shall in heauen enioye eternall peace.

The only ende why god ordayned thys,
Was for the encreasyng of that blessed number [100]

For whome he hath prepared eternall blysse.
They that refuse it for the care or cumbre
Beyng apt therto, are in a synfiil slumber:
No fonde respect, no vayne devised vowes
Can quit or bar what God in charge allowes. [105]

It is not good for man to lyve alone
Sayd God: and therfore made he hym a make:
Sole lyfe sayd Chryste is graunted few or none,
All seedsheders are bound lyke wyues to take:
Yet not for lust, for landes, or ryches sake, [no]

But to beget and foster so theyr frute
That heauen and earth be stored with the suite.

But as thys state is damnably refused
Of many apt and able thervnto,

So is it lykewyse wyckedly abused [115]

Of all that vse it as they should not doe:
Wherin are gyltye all the gredy : who
For gayne, for firendshyp, landes or honors wed,
And these pollute the vndefyled bed.

[95] Prouyded for his is printed Prouyded his but is corrected in Be. Prouided
hisG-R

[96] specially is misprinted spccalliy in the text.
109] ^set^cdtR is printed Ms^s^edtis but is corrected in Be. like wife

to! 7 .
[113] damnable F.

249

THE MIRROR FOR MAGISTRATES

[120] And therfore god through iusrice can. not ceas

To plage these faultes with sundry sortes of whips:
As disagrement, healthes or wealthes decreas,
Or lothyng sore the neuer lyked lyppes.
Disdayne also with rygor sumtyme nips

[125] Presumyng mates, vnequally that matche:

Sum bytter leaven soures the musty batche.

We worldly folke account hym very wyse
That hath the wyt moste wealthily to wed.
By all meanes therfor alwayes we devyse
[130] To see our issue ryche in spousals sped.

We buy and sell rych orphans: babes skant bred
Must mary ere they know what maryage meanes,
Boyes mary old trots, old fooles wed yong queanes.

We call thys weddyng, which in any wyse
[135] Can be no maryage, but pollucion playne.

A new found trade of humane marchandyse,
The devyls net, a fylthy fleshly gayne:
Of kynde and nature an vnnaturall stayne,
A fowle abuse of gods most holy order,
[140] And yet allowed almost in every border.

Would god I were the last that shall haue cause
Agaynst thys crepyng cancar to complayne,
That men would so regarde theyr makers kwes,
That all would leaue the lewdnes of theyr brayne,
[145] That holly orders, holly myght remayne.

That our respectes in weddyng should not choke
The ende and frute of gods most holy yoke.

The sage kyng Solon after that he sawe,
What myschiefes folow missought maryages,
[150] To bar all baytes, establyshed thys lawe.

No frende nor father shall gyue herytages,

250

ANTHONY, LORD RIVERS

Coyne, catall, stuffe, or other caryages
With any mayd for dowry or weddyng sale.
By any meane, on payne of bannyng bale.

Had thys good law in England bene in force [155]

My father had not so cruelly been slayne.
My brother had not causeles lost hys corps.
Our maryage had not bred vs such disdayne,
My selfe had lackt great part of grevous payne,
We wedded wyves for dignitie and landes, [160]

And left our lyves in envyes bluddy handes.

My father hyght Syr Richard Wudvyle: he
Espoused the duches of Bedford, and by her
Had issue males my brother lohn, and me
Called Anthony. Kyng Edward dyd preferre [165]

Vs far aboue the state wherein we were.
For he espoused our syster Elizabeth,
Whom Syr lohn Gray made wedow by his deth.

How glad wer we, thinke you of this alyaunce?
So nerely coupled with so noble a kyng. [170]

Who durst with any of vs be at defyauns
Thus made of myght the myghtyest to wryng?
But fye, what cares do hyghest honours bryng,
What carelessenes our selves or frendes to know,
What spyte and envye both of high and lowe. [175]

Becaus the kyng had made our sister Queene
It was his honor to prefer her kyn.
And syth the readyest way, as wysest ween,
Was first by weddyng welthy heyres to wyn,
It pleased the prynce by lyke meane to begyn. [180]

161] in enmies bloudy F.
171] vs benc at F.
1 80] prince in like F.

251

THE MIRROR FOR MAGISTRATES

To me he gaue the rych lord Skales hys heir,
A vertuous mayd, in myne eye very fayre.

He ioyned to my brother lohn, the olde
Duches of Norfolke, notable of fame.
My nephue Thomas (who had in hys holde
The honor and rightes of Marquis Dorcets name)
Espoused Cicilie a ryght wealthy Dame,
Lorde Bonuyles heyr: by whom he was possest
In al the rites wherthrough that house was blest.

The honors that my father attaynde were dyuers
Fyrst Chamberlayn, than Constable he was.
I do omyt the gainfullest, Erie Ryvers.
Thus glystred we in glory dere as glas.
Such myracles can prynces bryng to passe
[195] Among theyr lieges whom they mynde to heave

To honors false, who all theyr gestes deceyve.

Honors are lyke that cruel kyng of Thrace,
With newcum gestes that fed his hungry horses.
Or lyke the tyrant Busiris: whose grace
[200} Offered hys gods all straungers strangled corses.

To forreyners so hard false honors force is
That all her bourders straungers eyther geastes
She spoyles to feede her gods & gredy beastes.

Her Gods be those whome God by law or lot,
[205] Or kynde by byrthe, doth place in highest rowmes.

Her beastes be such as gredUye haue got
Office or charge to gyde the sdy growmes.
These officers in lawe or charge are browmes,

182]
1 86

202

in my
right C-G.
wee to glory G.
her bourdens, F.

252

ANTHONY, LORD RIVERS

That swepe away the sweet from symple wretches,

And spoyle the enryched by their crafty fetches. [210]

These plucke downe those whom princes set aloft,
By wrestyng lawes, and false conspyracyes:
Yea kynges them selues by these are spoyled oft.
Whan wylfuU prynces carelesly despyse
To hear the oppressed peoples heavy cryes, [215]

Nor wyll correct theyr pollyng theues, than God
Doeth make those Reues the retchles princes rod.

The seconde Richard is a proofe of thys
Whom crafty Lawyers by theyr lawes deposed.
An other paterne good kyng Henry is [220]

Whose ryght by diem hath dyversly been glosed,
Good whyle he grew, bad whan he was vnrosed.
And as they foaded these and dyuers other
With lyke deceyt they vsed the kyng my brother.

Whyle he prevayled they said he owed the crown, [225]
All Lawes and ryghtes agreed with the same:
But whan by dryftes he seemed to be downe,
All kwes and ryght extremely dyd him blame
Nought saue vsurpyng traytor was hys name.
So constantly the Judges construe kwes, [230]

That all agree styll with the stronger cause.

These as I sayd, and other lyke in charge
Are honors horses whom she feedes with gestes.
For all whome princes frankly do enlarge
With dignities, these bark at in theyr brestes: [235]

Theyr spite, theyr myght, their falshod neuer rests
Tyll they devour them: sparyng neyther blud,
Ne Lym nor Lyfe, and all to get theyr good.

221] them haue diuersly F.

223] they foadred these C-G. [F reads the^/or they]

238] lim ne life, C-G.

253

THE MIRROR FOR MAGISTRATES

The Earle of Warwyck was a praunsyng courser
[240] That hauty hart of hys could beare no mate:

Our welth through him waxt many a time the wurser

So cancardlye he had our kyn in hate.

He troubled oft the kynges vnstedy state

And that becaus he would not be hys warde
[245] To wed and wurke, as he shuld lyst awarde.

He spyted vs becaus we were preferred
By maryage to dignytyes so great,
But craftely hys malyce he deferred
Tyll trayterously he found meanes to entreate
(250] Our brother of Clarens to assyst hys feat:

whome whan he had by maryage to hym bound
Than wrought he strayght our linage to confound.

Through slaunderous brutes he brued many a broil
Through out the realme agaynst the king my brother:
[255] And raised traiterous rebels thirstyng spoyle

To murder men: of whome among all other
One Robin of Riddesdal many a soul did smother:
His raskall rabble at my father wroth
Took syer and sonne, & quicke beheaded bothe.

[260] Thys haynous act although the king detested,

Yet was he fayne to pardone: for the rowte
Of Rebels all the realme so sore infested,
That every way assayled, he stoode in doubte:
And though he were of courage high & stoute,

[265] Yet he assayed by fayre meanes to asswage

His enemyes yre, reveled by rebels rage.

257] Robin of KiddcsdaleG.

265 1 mcanc D-R

266 j ire, reutild by C-F.

254

ANTHONY, LORD RIVERS

But Warwick was not pacyfyed thus,
Hys constant rancor causeles was extreme.
No meane coulde serve die quarell to discus,
Tyl he had driuen the king out of the realme. [270]

Neither would he then be waked from his dream.
For whan my brother was cum and placed again,
He stynted not tyll he was stoudy slayne.

Than grew the kyng and realme to quyet rest,
Our stocke and frendes styll flying higher an higher: [275]
The Quene with chyldren frutefully was blest:
I gouerned them, It was the kynges desyer.
This set theyr vncles furyously on fyer,
That we the quenes blud wer assygned to governe
The prynce, not they, the kynges own blud & bretherne. [280]

This caused the duke of Clarens so to chafe
That with the kyng he braynles fell at bate:
The counsayle warely for to kepe hym safe
From raysyng tumultes as he dyd of late,
Imprysoned hym: where through his brothers hate [285]

He was condempned, and murdered in such sort
As he hym selfe hath truly made report.

Was none abhorred these mischiefes more than I,
Yet coulde I not be therwith discontented,
Consyderyng that hys rancour touched me nye. [290]

Els would my conscience neuer have consented
To wyshe hym harme, could he have been contented.
But feare of hurt, for safegard of our state
Doth cause more myschiefe than desert or hate.

269

271

275

serue my quarel F.
be awaked from F,
higher and higher: C-G.

255

.THE MIRROR FOR MAGISTRATES

[295] Such is the state that many wyshe to beare,

That eyther we must with others blud be stained,
Or leade our lyves contynually in feare.
You mountyng myndes beholde here what is gayned
By combrous honor, paynfully attayned:

[300] A damned soule for murdryng them that hate you,

Or doubtfull lyfe, in daunger lest they mate you.

The cause (I think) why sum of hygh degree
Do deadly hate all sekers to assend,
Is this: The cloyne contented can not be
[305] With any state, tyll tyme he apprehend

The highest top: for therto clymers tende.
Which seeldome is attaynde without the wrack
Of those betwene, that stay and bear hym back.

To save theini selues they therfore are compeld
[310] To hate such clymers, and with wit and power

To compas meanes wherthrough they may be queld,
Ear they ascend theyr honors to devour.
This caused the duke of Clarence frown & lowre
At me and other whom the kyng promoted
[315] To dignities: wherin he madly doted.

For seing we wer his dere alyed frendes,
Our fiirderauns should rather have made him glad
Than enmye like to wyshe our wofull endes.
We were the nerest kynsfolk that he had.
[320] We ioyed with him, his sorowe made vs sad :

But he estemed so much hys paynted sheath
That he disdayned the love of all beneath.

[320] with him, his sorowe is printed withim, hish sorow but is corrected
in Be.

256

ANTHONY, LORD RIVERS

But see how sharpely god revengeth synne:
As he malygned me and many other

Hys faythfuU frendes, and kyndest of hys kyn, [325]

So Rychard duke of Glocester, hys naturall brother,
Malygned hym: and beasdy dyd hym smother.
A divelysh deede, a moste vnkyndly part,
Yet iuste revenge for his vnnaturall hart.

Although this brother queller, Tyraunt fell [330]

Envyed our state as much and more than he:
Yet dyd hys clokyng flattery so excell
To all our frendesward, chiefly vnto me,
That he appeared our trusty stay to be:
For outwardly he wrought our state to furder, [335]

Where inwardly he mynded nought save murder.

Thus in aperaunce who but I was blest?
The chiefest honors heaped on my head:
Beloved of all, enioying quyet rest.
The forward prynce by me alone was led,
A noble ympe, to all good vertues bread:
The Kyng my lyege without my counsayl knowen
nought: though wysest were his owne.

But quyet blisse in no state lasteth long
Assayled styll by mischefe many wayes: [34Sj

Whose spoylyng battry glowyng hote and stronge,
No flowyng wealth, no force nor wysdome stayes
Her smoakles poulder beaten souldyers slayes.
By open force foule mischief oft preuayles,
By secrete sleyght, she seeld her purpose fayles. [350]

[326] his very brother, C-G.

257

THE MIRROR FOR MAGISTRATES

The kyng was bent to much to folysh pleasure,
In banketyng he had to great delyght:
Thys made hym grow in grossnes out of measure,
Which, as it kyndleth carnall appetyte,
[355] So quencheth it the lyvelynes of spryte.

Wherof ensue such sycknes and diseases
As none can cure save death that all displeases.

Through this fault furdered by hys brothers fraude
(Now god forgeve me yf I iudge amys)
[360] Or through that beast hys rybald or hys baude

That larded styll those sinfull lustes of hys,
He sodaynly forsoke all worldly blysse.
That loathed leach, that never wellcum death,
Through spasmous humours stopped vp his breth.

[365] That tyme lay I at Ludloe wales hys border.

For with the prince the kyng had sent me thyther
To stay the robberyes, spoyle, and fowle disorder,
Of dyvers oudawes gathered there together:
Whose bandyng tended no man wyst well whyther.

[370] Whan these by wysdome safely wer suppressed,

Came wofull newes, our soveraygne was deceassed.

The gryefe wherof, whan reason had asswaged,
Becaus the prynce remayned in my guyde,
For hys defende great store of men I waged,
[375] Doubtyng the stormes which at such tymes betyde.

But whyle I there thus warely dyd provyde,
Commaundement came to send them home agayne
And bryng the kyng thence with his householde trayne.

352
355

? 72

,374
375

had so great D-C.

of the sprite. CG. of the spirite. D-F.

reason was asswaged, D-F.

his defence D-G.

tymcC-G.

258

ANTHONY, LORD RIVERS

This charge sent from the counsayle and the Queene
Though much agaynst my mynde I beast obeyed: [380]

The devyll hym selfe wrought all the dryft I weene,
Becaus he would have innocentes betrayed:
For ere the kyng wer halfe hys way convayed,
A sorte of traytors falsely hym betrapt
I caught afore, and close in pryson clapt. [385]

The duke of Glocestre that incarned devyll
Confedered with the Duke of Buckyngham,
With eke Lorde Hastynges, hasty both to evyll
To meete the kyng in mournyng habyt came,
(A cruell woulfe though clothed lyke a Lambe) [390]

And at Northhampton, where as than I bayted
They tooke their inne, as they on me had wayted.

The kyng that nyght at Stonystratford lay,
A towne to small to harbar ail his trayne:
This was the cause why he was goen awaye [395]

While I with other dyd behynde remayne.
But wyll you see how falsely fyendes can fayne?
Not Synon sly, whose fraude best fame rebukes,
Was halfe so sutde as these double dukes.

Fyrst to myne Inne, cummeth in my brother false [400]
Embraceth me: wel met good brother Skales,
And wepes withall: the other me enhalse
With welcum coosyn, now welcum out of Wales
O happy day, for now all stormy gales
Of stryfe and rancor vtterly are swaged, [405]

And we your owne to Lyve or dye vnwaged.

[386] that incarnate deuill C-G.
397] falsely fyendes is printed falsly frendes but is corrected in Be. falsely

fiends C-G.

[406] we your owne is printed we our owne but is corrected in Be. we our
own C-G.

259

THE MIRROR FOR MAGISTRATES

Thys profered sendee, saust with salutacions
Immoderate, might cause me to suspect:
For commonly in all dissimulations
[410] The exces of glaveryng doth the guyle detect.

Reason refuseth falshode to dyrect:
The wyll therfore for feare of being spyed
Excedeth mean, becaus it wanteth gyde.

This is the cause why such as fayne to weepe
[415] Do houle outryght, or waylyng cry ah,

Tearyng them selves, & straynyng syghes moste depe.
Why such dissemblers as would seme to laugh
Brett not Tihhy, but braye out, hah hah hah.
Why beggers faynyng bravery are the proudest

[420] Why cowardes braggyng boldnes, wrangle loudfest.

For commonly all that do counterfayte
In any thyng, excede the naturall mean,
And that for feare of faylyng in theyr feat.
But these conspyrers couched all so cleane,
[425] Through dose demeanour, that theyr wyles dyd wean

My hart from doubtes, so many a fals device
They forged fresh, to hyde theyr enterprise.

They supped with me, propoundyng frendly talke
Of our aflayres, styll gevyng me the prayse.
[430] And ever among die cups to mewarde walke:

I drynk to you good Cuz ech traytor sayes:
Our banquet doen whan they should go theyr wayes
They tooke theyr leave, ofi wyshyng me good nyght
As hardly as any creature myght.

Uis] cry ah, ah, G.

M T

is misprinted Tbt in Ac text and in C.
260

ANTHONY, LORD RIVERS

A noble hart they say is Lyon lyke, [435]

It can not couche, dissemble, crouch nor fayne.
Howe villaynous wer these, and how vnlyke?
Of noble stocke the moste ignoble stayne.
Theyr wulvysh hartes, theyr traytrous foxly brayne
Eyther prooue them base, of raskall race engendred [440]
Or from hault lynage bastardlyke degendred.

Such pollyng heades as prayse for prudent pollicie
False practises, I wysh wer pact on poales.
I meane the bastard kw broode, which can moflyfie
All kynd of causes in theyr crafty nolles. [445]

These vndermyne all vertue, blynde as molles,
They bolster wrong, they rack and strayne the ryght
And prayse for kw both malyce fraude, and myght.

These quenche the wurthy flames of noble kynde,
Provokyng best borne to the basest vyces, [450]

Through crafies they make the bouldest courage blinde,
Dislyking hyghly valeaunt enterpryses:
And praysyng vyly villanous devices.
These make the boare a Hog, the Bui an oxe.
The Swan a Goose, the Lyon a Wulfe or foxe. [455]

The Lawyer Catesby and hys crafty feeres
A rowte that never did good in any realme,
Are they that had transformed these noble peeres:
They turned theyr blud to melancholick fleume.
Theyr courage hault to cowardyse extreame. [460!

Theyr force and manhode into fraude and malyce,
Theyr wit to wyles: stout Hector in to Parys.

439
[440
[457

The text prints two commas after hartes
Or proue G.
that nere did G.

261

THE MIRROR FOR MAGISTRATES

These glaverers goen, my selfe to rest I layd,
And doubtyng nothyng, soundly fel a slepe:
[465] But sodaynlye my seruantes sore afrayed

Awaked me: and drawyng sighes full deepe,
Alas (quoth one) my Lord we are betrayed.
How so (quoth I) the dukes are goen theyr wayes
They have barred the gates, and borne away the keyes.

[470] Whyle he thus spake, there came into my mynde

This fearefull dreame, whereout I waked was:
I saw a ryver stopt with stormes of wynde
Wherethrough a Swan, a Bull and Bore dyd passe.
Fraunchyng the fysh and frye, with teeth of brasse,

[475] The ryver dryed vp save a lytell streame

Which at the last dyd water all the realme.

My thought thys streame dyd drown the cruell bore
In lyde space, it grew so depe and brode:
But he had kylled the bull and swan before.
[480] Besydes all this I saw an ougly tode

Crall toward me, on which me thought I trode:
But what became of her, or what of me
My sodayne wakyng would not let me see.

These dremes consydered with this sodayne newes
[485] So dyvers from theyr doynges over nyght,

Dyd cause me not a lytde for to muse,
I blest me, and ryse in all the hast I myght.
By this, Aurora spred abrode the lyght
Which fro the endes of Phebus beames she tooke
[4$>oJ Who than the bulles chiefe gallery forsooke.

469

476
477

HiTiaueG.
thcrcamc. G.
Me thought C-G.

262

ANTHONY, LORD RIVERS

When I had opened the wyndow to looke out
There myght I see the streetes eche where beset,
My inne on ech syde compassed about
With armed watchmen, all escapes to let
Thus had these Neroes caught me in theyr net. [495]

But to what ende, I could not throwly gesse,
Such was my playnnes, such theyr doublenes.

My conscince was so clere I could not doubt
Theyr deadly dryft, which lesse apparaunt lay
Becaus they caused theyr men returne the rout [500]

That yode toward Stonystratford: as they say
Becaus the dukes wyll fyrst be there to day:
For this (thought I) they hynder me in least,
For gyldes myndes do easely deme the best.

By thys the Dukes were cum into myne inne [505]

For they were lodged in an other by.
I gote me to them, thinkyng it a synne
Within my chamber cowardly to lye.
And meryly I asked my brother why

He vsed me so? he sterne in evyll sadnes [510]

Cryed out: I arrest the traytor for thy badnes.

How so (quoth I) whence ryseth your suspicion?
Thou art a traytor (quoth he) I thee arrest.
Arrest (quoth I) why where is your commission?
He drew hys weapon, so dyd all the rest [515]

Crying: yeld the traytor. I so sore distrest
Made no resystaunce: but was sent to ward
None savef theyr seruauntes assygned to my gard.

1493
501
509

Inne one each G.
That rode toward G.
And merely C-F.

THE MIRROR FOR MAGISTRATES

Thys doen they sped them to the kyng in poste,
[520] And after theyr humble reuerence to hym doen,

They trayterously began to rule the roste
They pycked a quareU to my systers sonne
Lord Richard Gray: The king would not be wonne
To agree to them, yet they agaynst all reason,
[525] Arrested hym. (they sayd) for haynous treason.

Syr Thomas Vaughan and Syr Richard Hault
To wurthy knyghtes were lykewyse apprehended,
These all were gylty in one kynde of fault,
They would not lyke the practyse then pretended:
[530] And seyng the kyng was herewith sore offended,

Back to Northhampton they brought him agayne
And thence discharged most part of his trayne.

There loe duke Richard made hym selfe protector
Of kyng and realme by open proclamation,
[535] Though neyther kyng nor Queene were his elector

Thus he presumed by lawles vsurpacion.
But wyll you see his depe dissimulation?
He sent me a dyshe of deyntyes from his bourd
That day, and with it, this fids frendly wourd.

[540] Commende me to hym: All thynges shalbe well,

I am hys frende, byd hym be of good chere:
These newes I prayed die messanger go tell
My Nephue Richard, whome I loued full deaxe.
But what he ment by well, now shal you heare:

[545] He thought it well to have vs quickly murdered

Which not long after thorowly he furdered.

[519] sped him to CG.

264

ANTHONY, LORD RIVERS

For strayt from thence we closely wer convayed
For iayle to iayle Northward we wyst not whither:
Where after we had a while in sunder straied,
At last we met at Pomfret all together. [550]

Syr Richard Ratclyf had vs welcum thither,
Who openly, all law and ryght contempned
Beheaded vs, before we were condempned.

My Cosyn Richard could not be content
To leave Iris lyfe, becaus he wyst not why, [555]

Good gende man that never harme had meant,
Therfore he asked wherfore he shuld dye:
The priest his gosdy father dyd replye
With wepyng eyes: I know one wofull cause.
The realme hath neyther ryghteous lordes nor lawes. [5<So]

Syr Thomas Vaughan chafyng cryed styl:
This tyraunt Glocester is the graceles G
That will his brothers chyldren beasdye kyll.
And least the people through his talke might see
The mischiefes toward, and therto not agree [565]

Our tormentour that false periured knyght
Bad stop our mouthes, with wurdes of high despyte.

Thus dyed we gyldes, proces heard we none,
No cause alleged, no ludge, nor yet accuser,
No quest empaneld passed vs vppon. [570!

That murderer Ratclyf, lawe and ryghtes refuser,
Dyd all to flatter Richard his abuser.
Vnhappy both that ever they were borne,
Through gyldes blud that have theyr soules forlorne.

[549] Where, after a while wee had in sunder stayed, G.

265

THE MIRROR FOR MAGISTRATES

[575] In parte I graunt I well deserved thys,

Becaus I caused not spedy execution
Be doen on Richard for that murder of hys,
when fyrst he wrought kyng Henryes close confusion.
Nor for his brothers hatefull persecution.

[580] These cruell murders paynfull death deserved

Which had he suffred, many had ben preserued.

Warne therfore all that charge or oflyce beare
To se all murderers spedely executed:
And spare them not for favoure or for fear:
[585] By gyldes blud the earth remaynes polluted.

For lack of Justice kyngdomes are transmuted.
They that save murderers from deserved payne,
Shall through those murderers miserably be slayn.

[579] Not for C-G.

266

TO THE READER

"T T" TTHan I had read this, they liked it very wel. One wished [Prose 20]
\ A / that the cumbat which he had with the bastard of Burgoine,

Y Y and the honor which he wan bothe with speare and axe,
shuld not be forgotten. An other moued a question about a great
matter, and that is the varyaunce of the cronycles about the lord [5]
Thomas Graye Marquis Dorcet: whome Fabian every where callcth the
Queenes brother. Syr Thomas More and Hall call hym the Queenes
sonne. Fabian sayeth he was governour of the prince, and had the
conveyaunce of him from Ludlo towardes London. The other (whom
we folowe) saye he was than at London with the queen prouydyng for [10]
the kynges coronacion, and toke sanctuarye with her as soone as he
heard of the apprehending of his vncle. This disagreynge of wryters is a
great hinderaunce of the truthe, & no small cumbrauns to such as be
diligent readers, besides the harme that may happen in succession of
herytages. Itweretherforeawurthyeandagooddedeforthenobilyrie, [15]
to cause al the recordes to be sought, & a true and perfecte cronicle
therout to be wrytten. vnto which we refer the decydyng of this, & of
all other lyke controversies, gevyng this to vnderstand in the mean
tyme, That no man shall thinke his tide eyther better or wurse by any
thing that is wrytten in any part of thys treatyse. For the onlye thynge [20]
which is purposed herin, is by example of others miseries, to diswade all
men from all sinnes and vices. If by the way we touchc any thing con-
cernyng tides, we folow therin Halles cronicle. And where we seme to
swarve from hys reasons and causes of dyuers doynges, there we gather
vpon coniecture such thinges as seeme most probable, or at the least [25]
most convenient for the forderaunce of our purpose.

Whan the reader would haue preceded in the cronicle which strayght
entreateth of the vilannous destruction of the lord Hastynges, I wylled
hym to surceas, becaus I had there his tragedye very learnedly penned.
For the better vnderstandyng whereof, you must ymagyne that you [30]
see hym newly crept out of his graue, and speakyng to me as followeth.

[2] he fought with C-G.

[8] son as he was in very dcde. Fabian C-G.

[30] better is misprinted bettr in the text.

267

THE MIRROR FOR MAGISTRATES

21] Howe the Lord Hastynges was betrayed by

trustyng to much to his evyl counsayler

Catesby, and vilanously murdered in

the tower of London by Richarde

Duke of Glocestre.

Pastynges I am, whose hastned death whoe knewe,
My lyfe with prayse, my death with plaint pursue.
With others, fearyng least my headlesse name
Be wrongd, by parriall bruite of flatteryng fame:
(5] Cleaving my tombe the waye my feme forewent,
Though bared of loanes which body & Fortune lent
Erst my proud vaunt: present present to thee
My honoure, 611, and forced destenye.

Ne feare to stayn thy credyt by my tale.

[10] In Laet hes floud, long since, in Stigian vale

Sdfe love I dreynt. what tyme hath fyned for true,
And ceasseth not, (though stale) styll to renewe:
Recount I wyl. wherof be this the proofe.
That blase I wyll my prayse, and my reproofe.

[15] We naked ghostes are but the verye man.

Ne of our selves more than we ought we skanne.

] Glocester. the 13. of lune. Anno. 1483. C-G.
I am that Hastings whose to hastye death,

They blame that know wherefore I lost my breath. D-F.
[5-8] Hearing O Baldwin that thou meanst to penne,

The liues and Ms of English noble men.

My sdfe here present do present to thee

My life, my fall, and forced destenye. Z>-F.
6] ofloyns which C

Idrowni D-P.

whereof take this for proofe. D-F.

268

LORD HASTINGS

But doubte distracteth me, yf I should consent
To yeelde myne honourd name a martyrd Saynt.
Yf Martirdome rest in the mysers lyfe
Through tormentes wrongly reft by fatall knyfe: [20]

Howe fortunes Nurslyng I, and dearest babe,
Ought therto stoope, none maye me well perswade*
For howe maye myser martyrdome betyde,
To whome in Cradell Fortune was affyed?

S6e howe this grossest aier infecteth me since, [25]

Forgot have I, of foyaltye to my prynce.
My happye meede is, Martir to be named?
And what the heavens embrace, the world aye blamed:
For, mens vniustyce wreaked but Gods iust Ire,
And by wrong end, turned wreake to Justice hyre. [30]

O ludgmentes iust, by vniustice iustice dealt,
Whoe dowteth, of me may learne, the truth who felt.

So therfore, as my fall may many staye:
Aswell die prynce, from violent headlong swaie,
Of noble peeres, from honours throne to dust, [35]

As nobles lesse in tydde state to trust:
Shonning those synnes, that shake the golden leaves
Perforce from boughes, eare Nature bare the greaves:
So, what my lyfe professed, my death heare teacheth.
And, as with word so with example preacheth. [40]

The hyllye heauens, and valey Earthe belowe,
Yet ryng hys Fame, whose dedes so great dyd grow.

17-40] Omitted D-F.

wrongly left by G.

of loyalty to CG.

Who douts of CG.

tydde 15 printed tide but is corrected in Be. tide C. tides G.

The heauens hye t and earthly vale belowe, D-F.

269

THE MIRROR FOR MAGISTRATES

Edward the fourth ye know vnnamed I meane.
Whose noble nature so to me dyd leane,
[45] That I hys staffe was, I his only ioye,

And even what Pandare was to hym of Troy.
Which moved hym fyrst, to create me chamberlayne.
To serve hys sweetes, to my most sower payne.

Wherein, to iusdy praysed for secretnesse
[50] (For now my guylt with shrykyng I confesse)

To hym to true, to vntrue to the Queene,
Suche hate I wanne, as lasted longe betweene
Oure familyes. Shores wyfe was my nyce cheate.
The wholye whore, and eke the wyly peate.
[55] I fedd his lust with lovely peces so,

That Gods sharpe wrath I purchased, my iust woe.

See here of Nobles newe the dyverse source.
Some vertue rayseth, some clyme by sluttyshe sortes.
The fyrst, though onely of them selves begonne,
[60] Yet circlewyse into them selues doe ronne.

With in theyr Fame theyr force vnyted so,
Both endelesse is, and stronger gaynst theyr foe.
For, when endeth hit that neuer hath begonne?
Or by what force, maye circled knot be vndone?

[65] Thother, as by wycked meanes they grewe,

And raygned by flattery or violence: so sone rue.
First tomblyng stepp from honoures old, is vyce.
Which once discended, some lynger, none aryse

to me so CG.

holy hore, C-G.

Within themsdues their D-F.

Or how may that that hath no end, be vndone? D-F.

once stept downe, D-F. once discend, CG.

270

LORD HASTINGS

To former type, but they catch vertues spraye,

Which mounteth them that clyme by lawfull waye. [70]

Beware to ryse by serving princely lust.

Surely to stand, one meane is rysyng iust.

Which learne by me. whome let it helpe to excuse,
That ruthfull nowe my selfe I do accuse.
And that my prynce I ever pleased with suche, [75]

As harmed none, and hym contented much.
In vyce, som favoure, or lesse hate let wynne,
That I ne wryed to worser end my sinne.
But vsed my favoure to the safetye of such,
As furye of Later warre to lyue dyd grutche. [80]

For as on durt (though durty) shyneth the sonne:
So, even amyds my vyce, my vertue shoane.
My selfe I spared with any his cheate to stayne,
For love and reverence so I could refrayne.
Gisippus wyfe erst Tytus would desyre [85]

With, frendshyps breach. I quenchd that brutyshe fyre.
Manly hit is, to loth the fawnyng lust.
Small vaunt to flye, what of constraynt thou must.

These therfbre rased, yf thou myne offyce skanne,
Loe none I hurt but fiirdered every manne. [90]

My chamber England was, my staffe the law:
Wherby sauns rygoure, all I held in awe.
So lovyng to all, so beloued of all,
As, (what ensued vppon my bloudy fell
Though I ne felt) yet surely this I thynke. [95]

Full many a tricklyng teare theyr mouthes did drynke.

Which rayseth them D-F.

loue or D-F.

the pleasing lust. D-F.

flye, that of D-F.

These faults except, if so my life thou skan, D-F.

271

THE MIRROR FOR MAGISTRATES

Disdayne not prynces easye accesse, meeke cheare.
We knowe, then Angells statelyer port ye beare
Of God hym selfe: to massye a charge for sprytes.
[100] But then, my lordes, consyder, he delyghts

To vayle his grace to vs poore earthely wants,
To symplest shrubbes, and to the dunghyll plantes.
Expresse hym then, in myght and mercyes meane.
So shall ye wynne, as now ye welld, the realme.

[105] But all to long I feare I do dekye

The many meanes, wherby I dyd bewraye
My zdous wyll, to earne my prynces grace.
Least thou differ, to thynke me kynde percace
As nought may last, so Fortunes weathery cheare

[no] With powtyng lookes gan lower on my Syre,

And on her wheele, advaunsd hye in hys roome
The Warwick Earle, mase of Chrystendoome.

Besydes the temptyng prowesse of the foe,
His traytor brother dyd my prynce forgoe.

[115] The cause was lyked, I was hys lynked alye.

Yet, nor the cause, nor brothers trecherye,
Nor enmyes force, ne band of myngled bloude:
Made Hastynges beare hys prynce other mynd thai good.
But tane and scaped from Warwicks gripyng pawes,

[120] With me he fled through fortunes frowardst flawes.

To London come, at large we might have seemed,
Had not we then the realme a pryson deemd.
Ech bush a bane, eche spray a banner spkyed,
Eche house a fort our passage to haue stayed.

104

yc rule the D-F.

Fortunes rhflimgmg chttffC JD^F.

My Princes brother did him then forgo. D-F.

force, nor bandc D-F.

frowardsG.

272

LORD HASTINGS

To Linne we leape, where whyle we awayc the tyde, [125]

My secrete fryndes in secrete I supplyed,

In mouth to mayntayne Henry syxt theyr kynge,

By deede to devoyre Edward to bryng in.

The resdes tyde, to bare the empty baye,
With waltryng waves roames wamblyng forth. Away [130]
The mery maryner hayles. The braggyng boye,
To masts hye top vp hyes. In signe of ioye
The wauering flagge is vaunsd. The suttle Seas
Theyr swellyng ceasse: to calmest even peace
Sinkth down theyr pride, with dronkennes gainst al care [135]
The Seamen armed, awayte theyr noble fare.

On Bord we come. The massye Anchors weyed,
One Englyshe shippe, two Hulkes of Holland, ayde
In suche a pynche. So small tho was the trayne,
Such his constraynt. that nowe, that one with payne [140]
Commaund he myght, whoe erst mought many moe:
Then brought the ghasdye Greekes to Tenedo.
So nought is ours that we by happe maye lose,
What nearest seems, is farthest of in woes.

As banished wightes, such ioyes we mought have made. [145]
Easd of aye thretnyng death, that late we dradde.
But once our countreyes syght (not care) exempt,
No harbouxe shewyng, that mought our feare relent,
No covert cave, No shrubbe to shroud our lyves,
No hollow wodde, no flyght, that oft depryves [150]

The myghty hys pray, no Sanctuary left
For exyled prynce, that shroudes edie slave from theft:

131

141]
142.

wee wayte G.

mariner sayles. G.

The surging seas D-F.

who erst might CG. who late might D-F.

Then ghasdy Greekes erst brought to

273

THE MIRROR FOR MAGISTRATES

In pryson pent, whose woddye walles to passe

Of no lesse peryll than the dying was:
[155] With the Oceane moated, battered with the waves,

(As chaynd at Oares the wretched Galley slaves,

At mercy sit of Sea and enmyes shott,

And shonne \\ith death what they with flyght may not)

But greenysh waves, and desert lowryng Skyes
[160] All comfort ells forclosed oure exyled eyes:

Loe loe from highest toppe, the Slavyshe boye
Sent vp with syght of land our hertes to ioye:
Descryes at hand whole fleet of easterlynges.
As then whote enmyes of the Britishe kynges.
[165] The mouse may somtyme help the Lyon in nede

The byttle bee once spylt the Aegles breed.
O prynces seke no foes. In your distresse,
The Earth, the seas, conspyre your heavinesse.

Oure foe descryed by flyght we shonne in hast,
{170] And lade with Canvase now the bendyng mast.

The shyppe was rackt to trye her saylyng then,
As Squirelk clime the troupes of trusty men.
The stearesinan sekes a redier course to ronne,
The souldyer srirres, the gonner hyes to gonne,
[175] The flemynges sweate, the englyshe shyp disdaynes

To wayte behynde to beare the flemynges traynes.

Forth flyeth the bark, as from the vyolent goonne
The pellet pearsth all stayes and stops eft soone.
And swift she swimmeth, as oft in sunny daye
(180] The dolphine fleetes in Seas in mery Maye.

158

177

death that they D-F.
and heauye lowring D-F.
Forth flyes G.

swimmeth is printed syngcth but is corrected in Be. singcth CG,
swyndgthe, D-F.

274

LORD HASTINGS

As we for lyves, so Theasterlynges for gayne,
Thwack on the sayles, and after make amayne.
Though laden they were, and of burthen great:
A Kyng to master yet, what swayne nold sweat?

So myde the vale, the greyhound seyng stert [185]

His fearfull foe, pursueth. Before she flerteth.
And where she turnth, he turnth her there to beare.
The one pray prycketh, the other safetyes feare.
So were we chased, so fled we afore our foes.
Bett flyght then fyght, in so vneven close. [190!

I end. Some think perhaps, to long he stayeth
In peryll present sheweng his fixed fayth.

This ventred I, this dread I dyd sustayne,
To trye my truth, my lyfe I dyd disdayne.
But, loe, lyke tryall agaynst his civile foe. [195]

Faythes worst is tryall, which is reserued to woe.
I passe our scape, and sharpe retournyng home,
Where we were welcumd by our wonted fone.
To batayle mayne discendes the empyres ryght.
At Barnet ioyne the hostes in bloudy fyght. [200]

There ioynd thre batayles ranged in such arraye,
As mought for terrour Alexander fray.
What should I staye to tell the long discourse?
Whoe wan the pallme? whoe bare away the worse?
Suflyseth to saye by my reserved band, [205]

Oure enemyes fled, we had the vpper hand.
My Iron armye helld her steady place,
My prynce to shyeld, his feared foe to chace.

183
184,
1 86

195

Though hcauy they D-F.

swayne is printed Swyne but is corrected in Be. Swync C-G.

The fearefid hare, D-P.

wee fore our G.

tryall gaynst G.

275

THE MIRROR FOR MAGISTRATES

In pryson pent, whose woddye walles to passe

Of no lesse peryli than the dying was:
[155] With the Oceane moated, battered with the waves,

(As chaynd at Oares the wretched Galley slaves,

At mercy sit of Sea and enmyes shott,

And shonne with death what they with flyght may not)

But greenysh waves, and desert lowryng Skyes
[ido] All comfort ells forclosed oure exyled eyes:

Loe loe from highest toppe, the Slavyshe boye
Sent vp with syght of land our hertes to ioye:
Descryes at hand whole fleet of easterlynges*
As then whote enmyes of the Britishe kynges.
[165] The mouse may somtyme help the Lyon in nede

The byttle bee once spylt the Aegles breed.
O prynces seke no foes. In your distresse,
The Earth, the seas, conspyre your heavinesse.

Oure foe desoyed by flyght we shonne in hast,
[170] And lade with Canvase now the bendyng mast

The shyppe was rackt to trye her saylyng then,
As Squirells clime the troupes of trusty men.
The stearesman sekes a redier course to ronne,
The souldyer stirres, the gonner hyes to gonne,
[175] The flemynges sweate, the englyshe shyp disdaynes

To wayte behynde to beare the flemynges traynes.

Forth flyeth the bark, as from the vyolent goonne
The pellet pearsth all stayes and stops eft soone.
And swift she swimmeth, as oft in sunny daye
[180] The dolphine fleetes in Seas in mery Maye.

158] death that they D-F.
159 and hcauye lowring D-F.
177 Forth flyes G.

179] swimmech is printed syngcth but is corrected in Be. angeth CG.
swyndgthc, D-F.

274

LORD HASTINGS

As we for lyves, so Theasterlynges for gayne,
Thwack on the sayles, and after make amayne.
Though laden they were, and of burthen great:
A Kyng to master yet, what swayne nold sweat?

So myde the vale, the greyhound seyng stert [185]

I end. Some think perhaps, to long he stayeth
In peryll present sheweng his fixed fayth.

This ventred I, this dread I dyd sustayne,
To trye my truth, my lyfe I dyd disdayne.
But, loe, lyke tryall agaynst his civile foe. [195]

Oure enemyes fled, we had the vpper hand.
My Iron armye helld her steady place,
My prynce to shyeld, his feared foe to chace.

183
184
186
189

Though hcauy they D-F.

swayne is printed Swyne but is corrected in Be. Swyne C-G.

The feare&l hare, D-F.

wee fore our G.

tryall gaynst G.

275

THE MIRROR FOR MAGISTRATES

The lyke successe befell me in Tewkesbury field.

[210] My foryous force, there forsd perforce, to yelde

The tray tour foe: and raider to my kyng
Her onelye sonne, least he more bate myght bryng.
Thus hast thou a mirrour of a subiectes minde,
Suche as perhaps is rare agayne to fynd:

[215] The Carving cuts, that cleave the trusty steele,

My fayth, and due allegiaunce, could not fyle.

But out alas, what prayse maye I recount,
That is not spyced with spott, that doth surmount
My greatest vaunt? For bloudy warr to feete
[220] A Tyger was I, all for peace vnmeete.

A Souldyours handes must oft be dyed with goare,
Least starke with rest, they finewd wax, and hoare.
Peace could I wyn by warr, but peace not vse.
Fewe dayes enioy he, whoe warlyke peace doth choose.

[225] When Crofts a Knyght, presented Henryes heyre

To this our prynce, in furyous mood enquere
Of hym he gan, what folye or phrensye vayne,
With armes forsd hym to invade his realme?
Whome answeryng, that he ckymd his fathers ryght:

[230] With Gaundet smitt, commaunded from hys syght:

Clarence, Glocester, Dorcet, and I Hastyngs slewe.
The guylt whereof we shordy all dyd rue.

Clarence, as Cirus, drownd in bloudlyke wyne.
Dorcett I furthered to his spedy pyne.
[235] Of me, my sdfe am speakyng presydent.

Nor easyer fate the brysded boare is lent.

210

211

2Z6

218

223

there for so perforce, C.
My Princes toe: D-R
fcclc. p-F.
not sciind with JD-F.
bloudy for Wane F.
With annycs G.

276

LORD HASTINGS

Oure bloudes have payd the vengeaunce of our guylt,

His fryed boanes, shall broyle for bloud he hath spilt.

O waltsome murther, that attaynteth our fame.

O horryble traytours wantyng worthy name. [240]

Whoe more mischevouslye of all states deserve,
As better they, whoe fyrst dyd such preserve.
Yf those, for gyftes, we recken heavenly wyghtes,
These may we well deeme fends, and dampned sprytes.
And whyle on earth they walke, disguysed devyls, [245]

Sworne foes of vertue, factours for all evylls.
Whose bloudye hands torment theyr goared hartes.
Through bloudsheds horrour, in soundest slepe he sterts.

O happy world were the Lyons men.

All Lyons should at least be spared then. [250]

No suerty now, no lastyng league is bloude.
A meacock is, whoe dreadth to see blud shed.
Stale is the paterne, the fact must nedes be ryfe.
Whyle .ii. were armyes .ii., the issues of fyrst wyfe,
With armed Hert and hand, thone bloudy brother, [255}

With cruell chase pursueth and murdreth thother.

Which whoe defyeth not? yet whoe ceasseth to sue?
The bloudy Caynes theyr bloudy Syre renew.
The horrour yet is lyke in common frayes.
For in eche murther, brother brother slayes. [260}

1238] he spilt. G.
239] attaynts G.
241-42] Who as mischieuously of all men descrue,

As they merite well who do mens liues preserue. D^-F.
who such did first preserue. CG.

243,

2$2

253
2 57.

chose, therefore we D-F.

is he, who D-F.

Old is the practise of such bloudy strife, D-F.

who abhorreth not? D-F.

277

THE MIRROR FOR MAGISTRATES

Traytours to nature, Countrey, kinne and kynde.
Whome no bande serveth in brothers zeale to bynd.
O symple age, when slaunder slaughter was.
The tonges small evyll, how doth this mischefe passe?

[265] Hopest thou to cloake thy covert mischief wrought?

Thy conscience, Caytyf, shall proclayme thy thought.

A vysyon, Chaucer sheweth, discloasd thy cryme.

The Fox descrye the crowes and chatteryng Pyen.

And shall thy felow felons, not bewraye
[270] The guildesse death, whome guilty hands doe slaye?

Vnpunished scaped for haynous cryme some one,

But vnadvenged, in mynde or bodye, none.

Vengeaunce on mynd, the freatyng furyes take.
The synnefull coarse, lyke earthquake agewes shake.

[275] Theyr frownyng lookes, their frounced mindes bewray.

In hast they runne, and mids theyr race they staye,
As gydded roe. Amyds theyr speache they whist,
At meate they muse. No where they may persyst
But some feare nedeth them. Aye hang they so.

[280] So never wanteth the wicked murtherer woe.

An infant rent with lyons ramping pawes?
Whye slaunder I Lyons? They feare the sacred lawes
Of prynces bloud. Aye me, more brute than beast,
Wyth princes sydes, (Licaons pye) to feast?

2<$2

265
267

273,
274
275

280'

283^

284;

no bond G. brothers loue to D-F.
cloake couert thy mischief CG.
difddasd thy C. disdoase thy G.
on my mynde, CG.
sinnefull corps, D-F.
their troubled minds D
wants G.

Ofroyallbloud. D-R
With enfants sides,

278

LORD HASTINGS

O Tyrant Tygres, O insatiable wolues, (285]

Englishe curtesye, monstrous mawes and gulfes.
My death shall forthwith preach my earned meede.
Yf fyrst to one lyke murther I procede.

Whyle Edward lyued, dissembled discord lurked:
In double hertes yet so his reuerencc workd. [290]

But when succedyng tender feble age,
Gave open gap to tyrants rushing rage:

1 holpe the Boare, and Buck, to captyuate

Lord Rivers, Graye, Sir Thomas Vaughan and Hawte.

Yf land would hellp the Sea, well earnd that ground [295]

Hit selfe, to be wyth Conqueryng waves surround.

Theyr spedy death by pryvy dome procured,
At Pomfret: tho my lyfe short whyle endured.
My selfe I slew, when them I damned to death.
At once my throate I ryved, and reft them breth. [300]

For that selfe day, afore or neare the hower
That wythered Atropos nippd the spryngyng flower
With vyolent hand, of theyr foorth runnyng lyfe:
My head and body, in Tower twynd lyke knyfe.

[285] insaciate D-K
Insert between 286 and 287:

Onely because our Prince displcasdc we sawe

With him, we slue him straight before all lawe.

Before our Prince commaunded once his death,
Our bloudy swords on him we did vnsheath.
Preuenting law, and euen our Princes hest,
Wee hid our weapons in the yonglings Brest.
Whom not desire of reigne did dnuc to field,
But mothers pride, who longd the Realme to weld. D-R

287!
288
301;
302

But straight my death shall shewe my worthy meede, D-F.
one another murther D-F.
day, before D-F.
nipt that springing CC.

279

THE MIRROR FOR MAGISTRATES

[305] By this my paterne, all ye peeres beware.

Oft hangeth he hym selfe, whoe others weenth to snare,
Spare to be eche others butcher. Feare the kyte,
Whoe soareth aloft, whyle frogge and mouse do fyght
In civill Combatt, grapplyng voyd of feare

[310] Of foreyn foe. at once all both to beare.

Which playner by my pytied playnt to see,
A whyle anew your Hstnyng lend to me.

To true it is .ii. sondry assemblies kept,
At Crossbyes place, and Baynardes castell sett.

[315] The Dukes at Crossebyes, but at Baynards we.

The one to crown a kyng, the other to be.
Suspicious is secession of foule frends,
When eythers dryft to others myschefe tendes.
I feared the end. My Catesbyes beyng there

[320] Discharged all dowtes. Hym held I most entyre.

Whose great preferment by my meanes, I thought
Some spurre, to paye the diankfullnesse he ought.
The trust he ought me, made me trust him so:
That priuye he was bothe to my weale and woe.
[325] My harts one halfe, my chest of confydence,

My tresures trust, my ioye dwelt in his presence.
I loved hym Baldwyn, as the apple of myne eye.
I lotted my lyfe when Catesby would me dye.

Flye from thy chanell Thames, forsake thy streames,
{330] Leve the Adamant Iron, Phebus ky thy beames :

Ceasse heauenly Sphears at last your weary warke,
Betray your charge, returne to Chaos darke.

330.

to thothers D-F.
Mine ondy oust, D-F.
lay the beames: CG.

280

LORD HASTINGS

At least, some rutheles Tyger hange her whellpe,

My Catesby so with some excuse to hellp.

And me to comfort, that I aloane, ne seeme [335]

Of all dame natures workes, left in extreme.

A Golden treasure is the tryed frend.
But whoe may gold from counterfaytes defend?
Trust not to sone, ne all to lyght mistrust.
With thone thy selfe, with thother thy frend thou hurtst. [340!
Whoe twyneth betwyxt, and steareth the golden meane,
Nor rashely loveth, nor mistrusteth in vayne.
For frendshyp poyson, for safetye mithridate
Hit is, thy frend to love as thou wouldest hate.

Of tyckle credyte ne had ben the mischiefe, [345]

What needed Virbius miracle doubled lyfe?
Credulytye surnamed first the Aegean seas.
Mistrust, doth trayson in the trustyest rayse.
Suspicious Romulus, staynd his walls fyrst reard
With Brothers bloud, whome for lyght leape he feared. [350]
So not in brotherhode ielousye may be borne,
The ialous cuckold weares the infamous home.

A beast may preach by tryal, not fbresyght.
Could I have shonnd this credyte, nere had lyght
The dreaded death, vpon my guylty head. [355}

But fooles aye wont to learne by after reade.

334,
,336
339.

Catesbies C.

workes least in C.

so soone, C. soone, nor yet to soonc mistrust. D-F.

343-44] In frcndship soucraigne it is as mithridate

Thy frend to louc as one whome thou mayst hate. IX-F.
[354] shond light credit, JD-F.

281

THE MIRROR FOR MAGISTRATES

Had Catesby kept vnstaynd, the truth he plyght,
Yet had ye enioyed me, and I yet the lyght.
All Derbyes doutes I cleared with his name.
[360] I knewe, no harme could happ vs, sauns hys blame.

But see the fruites of fickle lyght belief.
The Ambitious dukes corrupt the traytour theef,
To groape me, yf allured I would assent,
To bin a partner of theyr cursd entent.
[365] Wherto, when neyther force nor frendshyp vayld,

By tyraunt force theyr purpose they assailed.
And summond shortly a councell in the tower,
Of lune the fyftenth, at apoynted hower.

Alas, are counsels wryed to catch the goode?
[370] Is no place now exempt from sheadyng bloud.

Sith counsells, that were carefull to preserve

The guyldesse good, are meanes to make them starve.

What may not mischief of mad man abuse?

Religions cloake some one to vyce doth chuse,
[375] And maketh god protectour of his cryme.

O monstrous world, well ought we wyshe thy fine.

The fatall skyes, roll on the blackest daye,
When doubled bloudshed, my bloud must repay.
Others none fbrceth. To me, Syr Thomas Haward
[3*0] As spurre is buckled, to prouoke me forward.

357

360

361

365

3*5]

370

378'

kept vnstain, C.

hap me without his D-F.

of tickle light D-jF.

Whcrto, when as by no meanes frendship D-F.

force behold they me assailde. D-F.

No place is now exempt D-F.

must my bloud repay. G.

282

LORD HASTINGS

Darbie whoe feared the parted syttynges yore.
Whether, much more he knew by experyence hoare,
Or vnaffected, Clearer truth could see:
At midnight darke this message sendes to me.

Hastynges away, in slepe the Gods foreshew [385]

By dreadfull dreame, fell fates vnto vs two.
Me thought a Boare with tuske so rased our throate,
That both our shoulders of the bloud dyd smoake.
Aryse to horse, strayght homewarde let vs hye.
And syth our foe we may not mate, o flye. [390]

Of Chaunteclere you learne dreames sooth to know.
Thence wysemen conster, more then the Cock doth crow.

While thus he spake, I held within myne arme
Shores wyfe, the tender peece, to kepe me warme.
Fye on adultery, fye on lecherous lust. [395]

Marke in me ye nobles all, Gods iudgmentes iust.
A Pandare, murtherer, and Adulterer thus,
Onely such death I dye, as I ne blushe.
Now, least my Dame mought feare appall my hart:
With eger moode vp in my bed I steart, [400]

And, is thy Lord (quoth I) a sorcerer?
A wyse man now becumme? a dreame reader?
What though so Chaunteclere crowed? I reke it not.
On my part pledeth as well dame Partelott.
Uniudgd hangth yet the case betwixt them twaye, [405]

Ne was his dreame Cause of hys hap I saye.

383
390
399

405

the party sittings CG.

Or better mynded, clcarlycr truthc D-F.

we can not matche, D-F.

dame mought thinke appalld my D-F.

I reck it D-F.

Vniudge F.

283

THE MIRROR FOR MAGISTRATES

Shall dremyng doutes from prynce my seruyce slacke?
Naye, then mougk Hastynges lyfe and lyvyng lacke.

Heparteth. Isleepe. my mynde surcharged with synne,
[410] As Phebus beames by mysty clowde kept in,

Ne could missegeve, ne dreame of my mysse happe.

As block I tumbled to myne enemyes trappe.

Securitye causelesse through my carelesse frende,

Reft me foresyght of my approchyng end.
[415] So Catesby clawed me, as when the Catt doth playe

Dalieng with mouse, whom straight he mindes to slaye.

The morow come, die ktest lyght to me,
On Palfray mounted, to the Tower I hye.
Accompanyed with that Haward my mortall foe,
[420] To slaughter led. thou God wouldest have yt so.

(O depe dissemblers, Honouryng with your cheare,
Whome in hydd hart ye trayterouslye teare.)
Never had realme so open signes of wrack.
As I had shewed me of my heavy happ.

[425] The vysyon fyrst of Stanley, late descryed.

Then myrth so extreme, that neare for ioye I dyed.
Were hit, that Swanndyke I foresong my death,
Or merye mynde foresaw the loose of breath
That long it coueyted, from thys earthes annoye.

[430! But even as syker as thende of woe is ioye,

And gloryous lyght to obscure night doth tend:
So extreame myrth in extreame moane doth ende.

407,
413

> 16 !
420

.4*7

; slacke? D-G.
I frende, D-F.

to CG. straight she meancs to D-F.

God didst suffer so. D-F.

foresong is printed forcfong hit is corrected in Be.

384

LORD HASTINGS

For whye, extreames are happs rackd out of course.
By vyolent myght far swinged forth perforce.
Which as thei are pearcingst while they violentst move, [435]
For nearst they cleave to cause that doth them shove:
So soonest fall from that theyr hyghest extreame,
To thother contrary that doth want of meane.
So lawghed he erst, whoe lawghed out his breath.
So laughed I, whan I laughd my selfe to death. [440]

The pleasyngst meanes boade not the luckiest endes.
Not aye, found treasure to lyke plesure tendes.
Mirth meanes not myrth all tyme. thryse happy hyre
Of wyt, to shonne the excesse that all desyer.
But this I passe. I hye to other lyke. [445]

My palfrey in the playnest paved streete,
Thryse bowed his boanes, thryse kneled on the flower,
Thryse shonnd (as Balams asse) the dreaded tower.

What? shoulde I thynke he had sence of after happs?
As beastes forshew the drought or rayny drapps, [450]

As humoures in them want or ells abound,
By influence from the heavens, or chaunge of grounde?
Or doe we enterprete by successe eche sygne?
And as we fansye of ech happ devyne?
And make that cause, that kynne is to theffect? [455}

Not havyng ought of consequence respect?

Bucephalus kneeling onely to his lorde,
Shewed onely, he was, monarche of the world.
Whye maye not then, the steede foreshew by fall,
What Casuall happ the sitter happen shall? [460]

Darius horse by brayeng brought a realme.
And what letteth, why he ne is (as the Asse) Gods meane,
By speakyng sygne, to shew his hap to come,
Whoe is deaf hearer of his speakyng domme?

[436] For chat they are ncare to cause JD-F.

285

THE MIRROR FOR MAGISTRATES

[465] But forward yet. In tower streete I stayed.

Where (could I have scene) loe Haward al bewrayde.
For as I commond with a pryest I mett:
Away my lord quoth he. your tyme ne is yet
To take a pryest. Loe, Synon myght be seene,

[470] Had Troyans eares, as they had hares foole eyen.

But, whome thou God allotted hast to dye
Some grace it is to dye with wympled eye.

Ne was this all. For even at Towerwharfe,
Neare to those walles within whose syght I starfe,

[475] Where erst, in sorowe sowst and depe distresse,

I emparted all my pynyng pensyfiiesse
With Hastynges: (so my pursevaunt men call)
Even there, the same to meete hit did me fall.
Who gan to me most dolefully renewe,

[480] The wofull conference had erst in that Lieu.

Hastinges (quoth I) accordyng now they fare,
At Pomfret this daye dyeng, whoe caused that care.
My self have all the world now at my will,
With pleasures cloyed, engorged with the fyll.
[485] God graunt it so quoth he whye doutest thou tho

Quoth I? and all in chafe, to hym gan shewe
In ample wyse, our drift with tedious tale.
And entred so the tower to my bale.

468! time is ne yet FG.
470J they haue hares foule eyen. G.
470-71] Had not the Troyans hares foolishe forthright eyen,
But since the rime was come that I should dye, D-F.
472} was to D-F.
474 within the which I D-F.
481 now thy fare, CG.

483] world now at my wyl, is printed worlde at my will, but is corrected
in Be. world at my C-G.

286

LORD HASTINGS

What should we thinke of sygnes? They are but happs.
How maye they then, be sygnes of afterclaps? [490]

Doth every Chaunce forshew or cause some other?
Or endyng at it selfe, extendth no furder?
As thoverflowyng floude some mount doth choake,
But to his ayde some other floud hit yoake:
So, yf with sygnes thy synnes once ioyne, beware. [495]

Els wherto chaunces tend, nere curyous care.

Had not my synne deserued my death as wreake,
What myght my myrth have hurt? or horses becke?
Or Hawardes bitter scoffe? or Hastinges talke?
What meane then foole Astrologers to calke, [500]

That twyncklyng sterres flyng downe the fixed fate?
And all is guyded by the sterrye state?
Perdye, a certayne taxe assygnd they have
To shyne, and tymes divyde, not fate to grave.

But graunt they somwhat gyve: is at one instant [505]

Of every babe the byrth in heauen so skannd,
That they that resdesse roll, and never staye,
Should in bis lyfe beare yet so vyolent swaye:
That, not his actions onely next to byrth,
But even last fyne, and death be sweyed therwith? [$]

Howe may one mocion make so sundry effectes?
Or one impression tend to such respectes?

Some rule there is yet. Els, whye were diflferrd
Tyll no we, these plages, so long ere now deserved?
Yf for they are tryfles, they ne seeme of care:
But toyes with god the statelyest scepters are.

^492] Or tending at CG.

^496] tend, doe neuer care. D-F.

501-724] Omitted CG.

cercaine charge assignd D-F.

505
510

geue it at F.

But all his life, and D-F.

287

THE MIRROR FOR MAGISTRATES

Yet in them to playne, doth appere foresett,
The certayne rule and fatall lymytes sett.
Yet thinke we not, this sure foresettyng fate.
[520] But Gods fast prouydence for eche pryncely state.

And hath he erst restraynd his provydence?
Or is he nygard of his free dispence?
Or is he vncertayne foresett dryfts to dryue?
That not Dame Chaunce but he all goods may gyve?
[525] A heathen god they hold, whoe fortune keepe,

To deal them happs, whyle god they ween a sleepe.
Mock godds they are, and many Gods induce,
Whoe fortune fayne to father theyr abuse.

Howe so it be, hit mought have warned me.

[530] But, what I could not, that in me see ye.

Whoe runne in race, the honour lyke to wynn,
Whose fayrest forme, nought maye deforme but synne.
Alas, when most I dyd defye all dread,
By syngle heare deaths sworde hong over my head.

[535] For herk the end and lysten now my fall.

This is the last, and this the fruit of all.

To Councell chamber come, awhyle we stayd
For hym, without whom nought was done or sayd.
At last he came, and curteously excused,
{540} For he so long our patience had abused.

And pleasantly began to paynt his cheare,
And sayd. My lord of Elye, would we had here
Some of the strawberyes, whereof you haue stoare.
The last ddyghted me as nothyng more.

f 540] That he D-F.
me so as D-F.

288

LORD HASTINGS

Would, what so ye wyshe, I mought as well coramaund, [545]
My lord (quoth he) as those. And out of hand.
His servant sendth to Elye place for them.
Out goeth from vs the restlesse devyll agayne.
Belyke (I thynk) scarce yet perswaded full,
To worke the mischiefe that thus maddeth his scull. [550]
At last determynd, of his bloudy thought
And force ordaynd, to worke the wyle he sought:

Frownyng he enters, with so chaunged cheare,
As for myld May had chopped fowle Januere.
And lowryng on me with the goggle eye, (555]

The whetted tuske, and furrowed forhead hye,
His Crooked shotdder bristellyke set vp,
With frothy lawes, whose foame he chawed and suppd,
With angry lookes that flamed as the fyer:
Thus gan at last to grunt the grymest syre. [5<SoJ

What earned they, whoe me, the kyngdomes staye,
Contryved have councell, trayterously to slaye?
Abashed all sate. I thought I mought be bolld,
For conscyence clearenesse, and acquayntaunce olid.
Theyr hyre is playne quoth L Be death the least, [565]

To whoe so seekdi your grace so to molest.
Withouten staye: the Queene, and the whore shores wyfe,
By witchcraft (quoth he) seeke to wast my lyfe.

Loe here the wythered and bewytched arme,
That thus is spent by those .ii. Sorceresse charme. [570]

And bared his arme and shewed his swynyshe skynne.
Suche cloakes they vse, that seek to clowd theyr synne.

545] so you wyshe, D-F.

550] that did madde his Z>-F, [F mistakenly prints is for his]

561] What merite they> who D-F. [For who read whom F.J

289

THE MIRROR FOR MAGISTRATES

But out alas, hit serueth not for the rayne.
To all the howse the coloure was to playne.
[575] Nature had gyven hym many a maymed marke,

And hit amonges, to note her monstrous warke.

My doubtfull hart distracted this replye.
For thone I cared not. Thother nyppd so nye
That whyst I could not. But forthwith brake forth.
[580] Yf so hit be, of death they are doudesse worth.

Yf, traytour quod he? playest thou with yfs and ands?
lie on thy body avowe it with these hands.
And therwithall he niyghtely bounced the bord.
In rushd hys byll men. one hym selfe bestyrrd.

[585] Layeng at lord Stanley, whose braine he had suerly deft

Had he not downe beneath the table crept.
But Elye, Yorke, and I, were taken strayght.
Imprysoned they: I should no longar wayt,
But charged was to shryue me, and shyft with hast.

(590] My lord must dyne, and now midday was past.

The boares first dyshe, not the boares head should be.
But Hastynges heade the boaryshe beast would see.

Whye staye I his dyner? vnto the chapell ioyneth
A greenish hyll, that body and sowle oft twyneth.

[595] There on a block my head was stryken of.

lohn Baptists dishe, for Herode bloudy gnoflfe.
Thus lyved I Baldwyn, thus dyed I, thus I fell:
This is the summe. which all at large to tell
Would volumes fyll. whence yet these lessons note

[600] Ye noble lords, to learne and kenne by roate.

By fylthy rysyng feare your names to stayne.
Yf not for vertues love, for dread of payne.

[59$1 As Baptists head, for D-F.

290

LORD HASTINGS

Whome so the myndes vnquyet state vpheaves,

Be hit for love or feare: when fancye reaves

Reason his ryght, by niockyng of the witt: [605!

Yf once the cause of this affection flytt,

Reason preuaylyng on the vnbrydled thought:

Downe tottreth whoe by fansy clombe aloft.

So hath the ryser fowle no staye of fall,
No not of those that raysd hym fyrst of all. [610]

His surety standes, in maynteynyng the cawse
That heaved him first, which reft by reasons sawes,
Not onelye fallth he to hys former state,
But lyveth for ever in his prynces hate.
And marke my lordes, God for adultery sleaeth [615]

Though ye it thynk to sweet a synne for death.

Serve truely your prynce and fear no rebells myght,
On princes halves the myghty god doth fyght.
O much more then forsweare a forein foe,
Whoe seeketh your realme and countrey to vndoe. [620]

Murther detest, have hands vnstaynd with bloude.
Aye with your succour do protect the good.
Chace treason where trust should be. wed to your firend
Youre hart and power, to your lyves last end.

Flye tickle credyte, shonne alyke distrust. [625]

To true hit is, and credyte it you must:
The lalous nature wanteth no stormy stryfe,
The symple sowle aye leadeth a sower lyfe.

605
<5o8
609'
617

Reason hir right, D-F.

Down faith he who D-F. dymbeF.

staye from fall, D-F.

feare not rebels F.

291

THE MIRROR FOR MAGISTRATES

Beware of flaterers, firends in outward showe.
[630] Best is of such to make thyne open foe.

What all men seek, that aU men seek to fayne.
Some such to be, some such to seeme, them payne.

Marke gods iust iudgments, punishyng synne by synne.
And slyppery state wherin aloft we swymme.

[635] The prouerbe, all day vp yf we ne fall,

Agreeth well to vs hye heaved worldlynges all
From dunghill couche vpsterte, in honours weed
We shyne: whyle fortune false, (whome none erst feed
To stand with staye and forswear ticklnesse:)

[640] Sowseth vs in myre of durtye britdenesse.

And learne ye prynces by my wronged sprite,
Not to misseconster what is meant aryght.
The whinged wordes to oft preuent the wytt,
When syience ceassth afore lie lypps to sytt.
[645] Alas, what may the wordes yedd worthy death?

The words worst is, the speakers stynkyng breath.
Words are but wynd. whye cost they then so muche?
The guylty kyck, when they to smardy touche.

Forth irretumable flyeth the spoken word,
[650] Be hit in scoffe, in earest, or in bourd.

Without returne, and vnreceyved, hit hangs.

And at the takers mercy, or rygour, stands.

Which yf he sowerly wrest with wrathfull cheare,

The shyveryng word turns to the speakers feare.
[655! Yf frendly curtesye do the word resollve,

To the Speakers comfort sweedy hit dissolueth.

630! make your open D-K

637^ couche, vpsterte in ff. From commen sort vpraisd, in I>-F.

655^ word expounds, D-F.

656] it doch rcdoundc. D-F.

292

LORD HASTINGS

Even as the vapour which the fyer repells,
Turns not to earth, but in mydd aer dwells.
Where whyle it hangth, yf Boreas frosty flawes
With rygour ratde yt: not to rayne it thawes, [660]

But thonder, lyghtnynges, rattlyng hayle and snow
Sends downe to earth, whence first hit rose below.
But yf fayre phebus with his countenaunce sweete
Resolue it, downe the dewe, or Manna fleeteth.

The Manna dew, that in the easterne lands, [665]

Excellth the laboure of the bees small hands.
Els for her Memnon gray, Auroras teares,
On the earth hit stylleth, the partner of her feares.
Or sendeth sweete showers to gladd theyr mother earth,
Whence fyrst they tooke theyr fyrst inconstant byrth. {670}
To so great gryefes, ill taken wynd doth grow.
Of words well taken, such delyghtes do flowe.

This learned, thus be here at length an end.
What synce ensued, to the I wyll commend.
Now farewell Baldwyn, shyeld my torne name, [675]

From sdaunderous trompe of blastyng black defame.
But ere I part, hereof thou record beare.
I day me no part of vertues reckned here*
My vyce my selfe, but god my vertues take.
So hence depart I, as I entred, naked. [68oJ

Thus ended Hastynges both his lyfe and tale,
Contaynyng all his blysse, and worldes bale.
Happy e he lyved, to happye but for synne,
Happye he dyed whome ryght hys death dyd bryng.

661
664
'671
'682'

hayle or snow D-F.

sleete. F.

ill taken woordcs do grow. D-F.

his worldly blisse and bale. D-F.

293

THE MIRROR FOR MAGISTRATES

[685] Thus ever happy. For there rests no meane

Twyse blyssefull lyfes and balefull deathes extreame.
Yet feared not his foes to head his name.
And by these sdaunders to procure hys shame.

In rousty armure as in extreame shyft,

[690] They dadd them selues, to cloake theyr diuelysh dryft.

And forthwith for substancyall cytezyns sent,
Declaryng to them, Hastynges forged entent
Was to haue slayne the duke: and to haue seysed
The kyngs yonge person, slayeng whom he had pleasd.
[695] But god of lustyce had withturnd that fate,

Which where hit ought, lyght on hys proper pate.

Then fedd they fame by proclamation spredd,
Nought to forgett, that mought defame hym dead,
Which was so curyous, and so clerkly pennd,
[700] So long with all: that when some dyd attend

Hys death so yonge: they saw, that longe afore
The Shroud was shaped, then babe to dye was boare.
So wonteth god to blynde the worldly wyse,
That not to see, that all the world espyes.

[705] One hearyng hit, cryed out. A goodly cast,

And well contryved, fowle cast away for hast.
Wherto another gan in scoffe replye,
Fyrst pennd it was by enspyryng prophecye.
So can god reape vp secrete mischiefes wrought,

[710] To the confusyon of the workers thought.

685] happy is misprinted happpy in the text, there is no D-F.
686

Twixt Uissefiill D-F. and mortall deathes D-F.
687] to staine his D-F.
689 extreame is printed exareame but is corrected in Be.

697 Then practised they by D-F.

698 mougnt is printed nought but is corrected in Be. nought D-F.
701] long before D-F.

294

LORD HASTINGS

My lords, the tubb, that drownd the Clarence duke,
Dround not his death, ne yet his deathes rebuke.

Your polytyke secretes gard with trusty loyaltye
So shall they lurk in most assured secretye.
By Hastynges death, and after fame, ye learne, [715]

The earth for murther cryeth out vengeaunce sterne.
Flye from his fautes, and spare his quyted fame.
The Eager houndes forbeare theyr slayne game,
Deade, deade. Avaunt Curres from the conquered chase.
Ill mought he lyue who loveth the deade to race. (720]

Thus lyued this lord, thus dyed he, thus he slept.
Mids forward race when first to rest he stept,
Envyous death, that bounceth as well with mace
At Caysars courtes, as at the poorest gates :
When nature seemd to slow, by artes sloape meane, [7*5]
Conueyghd him sooner to his Hues extreame.
Happy, in preuenring woes that after happd,
In slomber swete his liuing lightes he lappd.

Whose thus vnrimely death, yf any grieve:
Knowe he, he lived to dye, and dyed to lyue. 173<>1

Vntimely neuer comes the liues last mett.
In Cradle death may rightly clayme his dett,
Strayght after byrth due is the fatall beere.
By deathes permission the aged linger here.
Euen in thy Swathebands out commission goeth [73 si

To loose thy breath, that yet but yongly bloweth.

The text prints two commas after death death, nor D-F.
secrecie. ~ ~

717

725
729
732
735

spare to hurte his fame. D-F.

by this sloape D-F.

Whose hasty death, if it doe any grieue: D-F.

her debt. G.

in the swathbands C-G.

295

[740]

[745]

THE MIRROR FOR MAGISTRATES

Happy, thrise happy, who so loosth his breath,
As life he gayneth by his liuing death.
As Hastinges here. Whom time and truthe agree,
To engrave by feme in strong eternitie.
Who spareth not spitting, if he spitte but bloud?
Yet this our lord, spared not for others good,
With one swete breath his present death to speake,
Agaynst the vsurpour Boare, that hellyshe freak.

Worthy to Hue, who liued not for him selfe
But prised his feme more then this worldly pelfe.
Whose name and line, if any yet preserue,
We wyshe they Hue like honour to deserue.
Whether thou seke by Martial prowesse prayse,
Or Pallas pollecie hygh thy name to rayse,
Or trusty e seruice iust death to attayne:
Hastinges forded. Trace here his bloudy trayne.

1738] That life D-F. his godly death. D-F.
741] not speaking, -with danger of his bloud? D-F.
742^44] Yet loe this noble Lord did thinke it good

To deare the innocent not to spare to speake,

Although his shoulders -with his bloud should reake. D-F.

i it t ^

,745
,751
752

lyue, but lyu'd G.
seruice honour to D-F.
Tracke here D-F.

296

TO THE READER

WHen I had read this, one sayd it was very darke, and hard [Prose :r
to be vnderstood: excepte it were diligently and very
leasurely considered. I like it the better (quoth an other.)
For that shal cause it to be the oftener reade, and the better remeinbred.
Considering also that it is written for the learned (for such all Magistrates [5]
are or should be) it can not be to hard, so long as it is sound and learnedly
wrytten. Then sayd the reader: The next here whom I fmde miserable
are king Edwards two sonnes, cruelly murdered in the tower of
London: Haue you theyr tragedy? No surely (quoth I) The Lord
Vaulx vndertooke to penne it, but what he hath done therein I am not [10)
certayne, & therfore I let it passe til I knowe farder. I haue here the duke
of Buckingham, king Richardes chyefe instrument, wrytten by mayster
Thomas Sackuille. Read it we pray you sayd they: with a good wyl
(quoth I) but fyrst you shal heare his preface or Induction. Hath he
made a preface (quoth one) what meaneth he thereby, seeing none [15]
other hath vsed the like order? I wyl tell you the cause thereof (quoth
I) which is thys: After that he vnderstoode that some of the counsayle
would not suffer the booke to be printed in suche order as we had agreed
and determined, he purposed with him selfe to haue gotten at my
handes, al the tragedies that were before the duke of Buckinghams, [20]
"Which he would haue preserued in one volume. And from that time
backeward euen to the time of William the conquerour, he determined
to continue and perfect all the story him selfe, in such order as Lydgate
(folowing Bocchas) had already vsed. And therfore to make a mectc

[1-7] saide the admonition giuen in the history was profitable for the auoyding of
the vices conteyned in the sayde historic, and for the imitating of the venues
in the same mentioned and commended. Then D-JF.

[3] (saide an other.) CG.

[4] bee ofmcr G.

[9] (saidel)C-G.

[15! (saide one) C-G.

[16-17] (said I) C-G.

[19] purposed to C-G.

THE MIRROR FOR MAGISTRATES

[25] induction into the matter, he deuised this poesye: which in my iudge-
ment is so wel penned, that I woulde not haue any verse therof left out
of our volume. No we that you knowe the cause and meanyng of his
doing, you shal also heare what he hath done. His Induccion beginneth
thus.

The Induction.

dl/He wrathfull winter prochinge on a pace,
With blustring blastes had al ybared the treen,
And olde Saturnus with his frosty face
With chilling colde had pearst the tender green:
[5] The mantels rent, wherein enwrapped been

The gladsom groves that nowe laye ouerthrowen,
The tapets torne, and euery blome downe blowen.

The soyle that earst so seemely was to seen
Was all despoyled of her beauties hewe:
[10] And soot freshe flowers (wherwith the sommers queen
Had dad the earth) now Boreas blastes downe blewe.
And small fowles flocking, in theyr song did rewe
The winters wrath, wherwith eche thing defaste
In woful wise bewayld the sommer past.

[15} Hawthorne had lost his modey lyverye,

The naked twigges were shivering all for colde:
And dropping downe the teares abundantly,
Eche thing (me diought) with weping eye me tolde
The cruell season, bidding me withholde

[20] My selfe within, for I was gotten out

Into the fieldes where as I walkte about.

iTide] Maystcr Sackuilks Induction. B\
7] cucry tree downe B 3 -G.
12] fowfes is misprinted sowles in B fat is corrected in B a ; in both issues ofB

the change is noted in Be.
[21] fieldes is printed feldes but is corrected in Be.

298

SACKVILLE'S INDUCTION

When loe the night with mistie mantels sprcd
Gan darke the daye, and dim the azure skyes,
And Venus in her message Hermes sped
To bluddy Mars, to wyl him not to ryse, [25]

While she her selfe approcht in speedy wise:
And Virgo hiding her disdaineful Brest
With Thetis no\ve had layd her downe to rest.

Whiles Scorpio dreading Sagittarius dart,
Whose bowe prest bent in sight, the string had slypt, [30]

Downe slyd into the Ocean flud aparte,
The Beare that in the Iryshe seas had dipt
His griesly feete, with spede from thence he whypt:
For Thetis hasting from the Virgines bed,
Pursued the Bear, that ear she came was fled. [35]

And Phaeton no we neare reaching to his race
With glistering beames, gold streamynge where they bent,
Was prest to enter in his resting place.
Erythius that in the cart fyrste went

Had euen nowe attaynde his iourneyes stent. [40]

And fast declining hid away his head,
while Titan couched him in his purple bed.

And pale Cinthea with her borowed light
Beginning to supply her brothers place,
was past die Noonesteede syxe degrees in sight [45]

when sparklyng starres amyd the heauens face
with twinkling light shoen on the earth apace,
That whyle they brought about the nightes chare,
The darke had dimmed the daye ear I was ware.

[301
t4S]

in fight, C-G.

syxe is misprinted syre in the text.

2-99

THE MIRROR FOR MAGISTRATES

[50] And sorowing I to see the sommer flowers,

The liuely greene, the lusty leas forlorne,
The sturdy trees so shattered with the showers,
The fieldes so fade that floorisht so beforne,
It taught me wel all earthly thinges be borne

[55] To dye the death, for nought long time may last.
The sommers beauty yeeldes to winters blast.

Then looking vpward to the heauens leames
with nightes starres thicke powdred euery where,
which erst so glistened with the golden streames
[60] That chearefiill Phebus spred downe from his sphere,
Beholding darke oppressing day so nearer
The sodayne sight reduced to my minde,
The sundry chaunges that in earth we fynde.

That musing on this worldly wealth in thought,
[65] which comes and goes more faster th*n we see

The flyckering flame that with the fyer is wrought,
My busie minde presented vnto me
Such fall of pieres as in this realme had be:
That ofte I wisht some would their woes descryue.
[70] To warne the rest whom fortune left aliue.

And strayt forth stalking with redoubled pace
For that I sawe the night drewe on so fast,
In blacke all dad there fell before my face
A piteous wight, whom woe had al forwaste,
[75] Furth from her iyen the cristall teares outbrast,

And syghing sore her handes she wrong and folde,
Tare d her heare that ruth was to beholde,

!59l gJistredF.
681 in the realme C-G.
75J Forth on her eyes the C-G. teares foorth brast. F.

300

SACKVILLE'S INDUCTION

Her body small forwithered and forespent.
As is the stalke that sommcrs drought opprest,
Her wealked face with woful tearcb besprent, [So]

Her colour pale, and (as it seemd her best)
In woe and playnt reposed was her rest.
And as the stone that droppes of water weares,
So dented were her cheekes with fall of teares.

Her iyes swollen with flowing streames aflote, [85]

Wherewith her lookes throwen vp full piteouslye,
Her forceles handes together ofte she smote,
With dolefull shrikes, that eckoed in the skye:
Whose playnt such sighes dyd strayt accompany,
That in my doome was neuer man did see [90!

A wight but halfe so woe begon as she.

I stoode agast beholding all her plight,
Tweene dread and dolour so distreynd in hart
That while my heares vpstarted with the sight,
The teares out streamde for sorowe of her smart: [95]

But when I sawe no ende that could aparte
The deadly dewle, which she so sore dyd make,
With dolefull voice then thus to her I spake.

Vnwrap thy woes what euer wight thou be
And stint berime to spill thy selfe wyth playnt, [100]

Tell what thou art, and whence, for well I see
Thou canst not dure wyth sorowe thus attaynt.
And with that worde of sorrowe all forfaynt
She looked vp, and prostrate as she laye
With piteous sound loe thus she gan to saye. [105]

181] pale, (as it scmcd C-G.
100] stint in tyme C-G.

301

THE MIRROR FOR MAGISTRATES

Alas, I wretche whom thus thou seest distreyned
With wasting woes that neuer shall aslake,
Sorrowe I am, in endeles tormentes payned,
Among the furies in the infernall lake:
[no] Where Pluto god of Hel so griesly blacke

Doth holde his throne, and Letheus deadly taste
Doth rieue remembraunce of eche thyng forepast.

Whence come I am, the drery destinie
And luckeles lot for to bemone of those,
[115] Whom Fortune in this maze of miserie

Of wretched chaunce most wofiill myrrours chose
That when thou seest how lightly they did lose
Theyr pompe, theyr power, & that they thought most sure,
Thou mayest soone deeme no earthly ioye may dure.

[120] Whose rufull voyce no sooner had out brayed

Those wofull wordes, wherewith she sorrowed so,
But out alas she shryght and never stayed,
Fell downe, and all to dasht her selfe for woe.
The colde pale dread my lyms gan overgo,

[125] And I so sorrowed at her sorowes eft,

That what with griefe and feare my wittes were reft.

I strecht my selfe, and strayt my hart reuiues,
That dread and dolour erst did so appale,
Lyke him that with the feruent feuer stryves
[130] When sickenes seekes his castell health to skale:
With gathered spirites so forst I feare to auale.
And rearing her with anguishe all fordone,
My spirits returnd, and then I thus begonne.

1 14] bcmoane al those F.
117] That thou F.

302

SACKVILLE'S INDUCTION

Sorrowe, alas, sith Sorrowe is thy name,

And that to dice this drere doth well pertayne, [13$ I

In vaync it were to seeke to ceas the same:

But as a man hym selfe with sorrowe slayne,

So I alas do comfort thee in payne,

That here in sorrowe art forsonke so depe

That at thy sight I can but sigh and wepe. [140]

1 had no sooner spoken of a syke

But that the storme so rumbled in her brest,

As Eolus could neuer roare the like,

And showers downe rayned from her iyen so fast,

That all bedreynt the place, rill at the last [145]

Well eased they the dolour of her minde,

As rage of rayne doth swage the stormy wynde.

For furth she paced in her fearfull tale:
Cum, cum, (quod she) and see what I shall shewe,
Cum heare the playning, and the bytter bale [150]

Of worthy men, by Fortune ouerthrowe.
Cum thou and see them rewing al in rowe.
They were but shades that erst in minde thou rolde.
Cum, cum with me, thine iyes shall them beholde.

What could these wordes but make me more agast? [155!
To heare her tell whereon I musde while eare?
So was I mazed therewyth, tyll at the last,
Musing vpon her wurdes, and what they were,
All sodaynly well lessoned was my feare:
For to my minde returned howe she telde [160]

Both what she was, and where her wun she helde.

1141] syke is printed stike but is corrected in Be. sake C-G.
I44J eics C-G.
151] Fortunes G.

303

THE MIRROR FOR MAGISTRATES

Whereby I knewe that she a Goddesse was,
And therewithall resorted to my minde
My thought, that late presented me the glas
[165] Of brittle state, of cares that here we finde,
Of thousand woes to silly men assynde:
And howe she nowe byd me come and beholde,
To see with iye that erst in thought I rolde.

Flat downe I fell, and with al reuerence

[170] Adored her, perceyuing nowe that she
A Goddesse sent by godly prouidence,
In earthly shape thus showed her selfe to me,
To wayle and rue this worldes vncertayntye:
And while I honourd thus her godheds might,

[175] With playning voyce these wurdes to me she shryght.

I shal the guyde first to the griesly lake,
And thence vnto the blisfull place of rest.
Where thou shah see and heare the playnt they make,
That whilom here bare swinge among the best.
[i3o] This shalt thou see, but great is the vnrest

That thou must byde before thou canst attayne
Vnto the dreadfull place where these remayne.

And with these wurdes as I vpraysed stood,
And gan to folowe her that strayght forth paced,
[185] Eare I was ware, into a desert wood

We nowe were cum: where hand in hand unbraced,
She led the way, and through the thicke so traced,
As but I had bene guyded by her might,
It was no waye for any mortall wight.

[173] worlds certainty: C-F.

304

SACKVILLFS INDUCTION

But loe, while thus amid the desert darke, [190]

We passed on with steppes and pace vnmete:
A rumbling roar confusde with howle and barke
Of Dogs, shoke all the ground vnder our fcete,
And stroke the din within our eares so deepe,
As halfe distraught vnto the ground I fell, [195]

Besought retourne, and not to visite hell.

But she forthwith vplifting me apace
Remoued my dread, and with a stedfast minde
Bad me come on, for here was now the place,
The place where we our trauayle ende should finde. [200]

Wherewith I arose, and to the place assynde
Astoynde I stalke, when strayt we approched nere
The dredfull place, that you wil dread to here.

An hydeous hole al vaste, withouten shape,
Of endles depth, orewhelmde with ragged stone, [205!

Wyth ougly mouth, and grisly lawes doth gape,
And to our sight confounds it selfe in one.
Here entred we, and yeding forth, anone
An horrible lothly lake we might discerne
As blacke as pitche, that cleped is Auerne. [210]

A deadly gulfe where nought but rubbishe growes,
With fowle blacke swelth in thickned lumpes that lyes,
Which vp in the ayer such stinking vapors throwes
That ouer there, may flye no fowle but dyes,
Choakt with the pestilent sauours that aryse. [215]

Hither we cum, whence forth we still dyd pace,
In dreadful feare amid the dreadfull place.

200 trauails G.

201 I rose, C-G.
204 And CG.

305

THE MIRROR FOR MAGISTRATES

And first within the portche and iawes of Hell
Sate diepe Remorse of conscience, al besprent
[220] With teares: and to her selfe oft would she tell
Her wretchednes, and cursing neuer stent
To sob and sigh: but euer thus lament,
With thoughtful care, as she that all in vayne
Would weare and waste continually in payne.

[225] Her iyes vnstedfast rolling here and there,

Whurld on eche place, as place that vengeaunce brought,

So was her minde continually in feare,

Tossed and tormented with the tedious thought

Of those detested crymes which she had wrought:

[230] With dreadful cheare and lookes throwen to the skye,
Wyshyng for death, and yet she could not dye.

Next sawe we Dread al tremblyng how he shooke,
With foote vncertayne profered here and there:
Benumde of speache, and with a gasdy looke
[235] Searcht euery place al pale and dead for feare,
His cap borne vp with staring of his heare,
Stoynde and amazde at his owne shade for dreed,
And fearing greater daungers than was nede.

And next within the entry of this lake
[240] Sate fell Reuenge gnashing her teeth for yre,

Deuising meanes howe she may vengeaunce take,
Neuer in rest tyll she haue her desire:
But frets within so farforth with the fyer
Of wreaking flames, that nowe determines she,
[245] To dye by death, or vengde by death to be.

vengeaunce is printed vegeauns but is corrected in Be.
228] with tedious C-G.

306

SACKVILLE'S INDUCTION

When fell Reuenge with bloudy foule pretence
Had showed her selfe as next in order set,
With trembling liinmcs we softly parted thence,
Tyll in our iyes another sight we met:

When fro my hart a sigh forthwith I fet [250]

Rewing alas vpon the wofull plight
Of Miserie, that next appered in sight.

His face was leane, and sumdeale pyned away,
And eke his handes consumed to the bone,
But what his body was I can not say, [255]

For on his carkas, rayment had he none
Saue cloutes & patches pieced one by one.
With staffe in hand, and skrip on shoulders cast,
His chiefe defence agaynst the winters blast.

His foode for most, was wylde fruytes of the tree, [260]

Vnles surname sum crummes fell to his share:
Which in his wallet, long God wote kept he.
As on the which full dayntlye would he fare.
His drinke the running streame: his cup the bare
Of his palme closed, his bed the hard colde grounde. [265]

To this poore life was Miserie ybound.

Whose wretched state when we had well behelde
With tender ruth on him and on his feres,
In thoughtful cares, furth then our pace we helde.
And by and by, an other shape apperes [270]

Of Greedy care, stil brushing vp the breres,
His knuckles knobd, his fleshe deepe dented in,
With tawed handes, and hard ytanned skyn.

258
263
270

shoulder C-G.

would fare C-G.

other is printed ohtcr but is corrected in Be.

307

THE MIRROR FOR MAGISTRATES

The morrowe graye no sooner hath begunne
[275] To spreade his light euen peping in our iyes,
When he is vp and to his worke yrunne,
But let the nightes blacke mistye mantels rise,
And with fowle darke neuer so much disguyse
The fayre bright day, yet ceasseth he no whyle,
[280] But hath his candels to prolong his toyle.

By him lay Heauy slepe the cosin of death
Flat on the ground, and sril as any stone,
A very corps, save yelding forth a breath.
Small kepe tooke he whom Fortune frowned on.
[285] Or whom she lifted vp into the trone
Of high renowne, but as a liuing death,
So dead alyve, of lyef he drewe the breath.

The bodyes rest, the quyete of the hart,
The travayles ease, the still nightes feer was he.
[290] And of our life in earth the better parte,
Reuer of sight, and yet in whom we see
Thinges oft that tide, and ofte that neuer bee.
Without respect esteming equally
Kyng Cresus pompe, and Irus pouertie.

[295] And next in order sad Olde age we found

His beard al hoare, his iyes hollow and blynde,
With drouping chere still poring on the ground,
As on the place where nature him assinde
To rest, when that the sisters had vntwynde

[300] His vitall threde, and ended with theyr knyfe
The fleting course of fast declining life.

[285] throne G.

308

SACKVILLE'S INDUCTION

There heard we him with broken and hollow playnt
Rewe with him selfe his ende approching fast,
And all for nought his wretched minde torment.
With swete remembraunce of his pleasures past, [305)

And freshe delites of lusty youth forwaste.
Recounting which, how would he sob & shrike?
And to be yong againe of loue beseke.

But and the cruell fates so fixed be

That rime forepast can not retourne agayne, [310]

This one request of loue yet prayed he:
That in such withered plight, and wretched paine,
As elde (accompanied with his lothsom trayne.)
Had brought on him, all were it woe and griefe.
He myght a while yet linger forth his lief, [315]

And not so soone descend into the pit:
Where death, when he the mortall corps hath slayne,
With retcheles hande in grave doth couer it,
Thereafter neuer to enioye agayne

The gladsome light, but in the ground ylayne, [320]

In depth of darkenes waste and weare to nought,
As he had neuer into the world been brought.

But who had scene him sobbing, howe he stoode
Vnto him selfe and howe he would bemone
His youth forepast, as though it wrought hym good [325]

To talke of youth, al wer his youth foregone,
He would haue mused, & meruayld muche whereon
This wretched age should life desyre so fayne,
And knowes ful wel life doth but length his payne.

302
322
3*5;

broke and C-G,

nere into G.

as thought it >-F.

309

THE MIRROR FOR MAGISTRATES

[330] Crookebackt he was, toothshaken, and Here iyed,

Went on three feete, and sometime crept on fower,
With olde lame bones, that raded by his syde,
His skalpe all pilde, & he with elde forlore:
His withered fist stil knocking at deathes dore,

[335] Fumbling and driueling as he drawes his breth,
For briefe the shape and messenger of death.

And fast by him pale Maladie was plaste,
Sore sicke in bed, her colour al forgone,
Bereft of stomake, sauor, and of taste,
[340] Ne could she brooke no meat but brothes alone.
Her breath corrupt, her kepers euery one
Abhorring her, her sickenes past recure,
Detesting phisicke, and all phisickes cure.

But oh the doleful sight that then we see,
[345] We turnde our looke and on the other side
A griesly shape of Famine mought we see,
With greedy lookes, and gaping mouth that cryed,
And roard for meat as she should there haue dyed,
Her body thin and bare as any bone,
[350] Wherto was left nought but die case alone.

And that alas was knawen on euery where,
All full of holes, that I ne mought refrayne
From teares, to se how she her armes could teare
And with her teeth gnashe on the bones in vayne:
[355] When all for nought she fayne would so sustayne
Her starven corps, that rather seemde a shade,
Then any substaunce of a creature made.

Great was her force whom stonewall could not stay,
Her tearyng nayles snatching at all she sawe:
{3*0] With gaping lawes that by no meanes ymay

[360] by ne meanes C-P.

310

SACKVILLE'S INDUCTION

Be satisfyed from hunger of her mawe,

But eates her selfe as she that hath no lawe:

Gnawyng alas her carkas all in vayne,

Where you may count echc sinow, bone, and vayne.

On her while we thus firmely fixt our iyes, [365}

That bled for ruth of such a drery sight,
Loe sodaynelye she shryght in so huge wyse,
As made hell gates to shyver with the myght.
Wherewith a darte we sawe howe it did lyght.
Ryght on her brest, and therewithal pale death [370]

Enthryllyng it to reve her of her breath.

And by and by a dum dead corps we sawe,
Heauy and colde, the shape of death aryght,
That dauntes all earthly creatures to his lawe:
Agaynst whose force in vayne it is to fyght [3751

Ne piers, ne princes, nor no mortall wyght,
No townes, ne realmes, cities, ne strongest tower,
But al perforce must yeeld vnto his power.

His Dart anon out of the corps he tooke,
And in his hand (a dreadfull sight to see) [380]

With great tryumphe eftsones the same he shooke f
That most of all my feares affray ed me:
His bodie dight with nought but bones perdye
The naked shape of man there sawe I playne,
All save the fleshe, the synowe, and the vayne. [385]

Lastly stoode Warre in glhteryng armes yclad.
With visage grym, sterne lookes, and blackely hewed
In his right hand a naked sworde he had,
That to the hikes was al with blud embrewed:

fyght: B*.
of his corps P.

311

THE MIRROR FOR MAGISTRATES

[390] And in his left (that kinges and kingdomes rewed)
Famine and fyer he held, and therewythall
He razed townes, and threwe downe towers and all.

Cities he sakt, and realmes that whilom flowred,
In honor, glory, and rule above the best,
[395] He overwhelmde, and all theyr fame deuowred,
Consumed, destroyed, wasted, and neuer ceast,
Tyll he theyr wealth, theyr name, and all opprest.
His face forhewed with woundes, and by his side,
There hunge his targe with gashes depe and wyde.

[400] In mids of which, depaynted there we founde

Deadly debate, al ful of snaky heare,
That with a blouddy fillet was ybound,
Outbrething nought but discord euery where.
And round about were portrayd here and there

(405] The hugie hostes, Darius and his power,

His kynges, prynces, his pieres, and all his flower.

Whom great Macedo vanquish* there in sight,
With diepe skughter, dispoylyng all his pryde,
Peaist through his realmes, and daunted all his might.
[410] Duke Hanniball beheld I there beside,

In Cannas field, victor howe he did ride,

And woful Romaynes that in vayne withstoode

And Consull Paulus covered all in blood.

Yet sawe I more the fight at Trasimene.
{415] And Trebey field, and eke when Hanniball
And worthy Scipio last in armes were scene
Before Carthago gate, to trye for all
The worldes empyre, to whom it should befal.

is printed Tnbcrffydl but is corrected in Be. Treberie

SACKVILLE'S INDUCTION

There sawe I Pompeye, and Cesar clad in armes,

Theyr hostes alyed and al theyr civil harmes. (420]

With conquerours hands forbathde in their owne blood,
And Cesar \veping ouer Pompeyes head.
Yet sawe I SciUa and Marius where they stoode,
Theyr great crueltie, and the diepe bludshed
Of frendes: Cyrus I sawe and his host dead, [425]

And howe the Queene with great despyte hath flonge
His head in bloud of them she overcome.

Xerxes the Percian kyng yet sawe I there
With his huge host that dranke the riuers drye,
Dismounted hilles, and made the vales vprere, [430]

His hoste and all yet sawe I slayne perdye.
Thebes I sawe all razde howe it dyd lye
In heapes of stones, and Tyrus put to spoyle,
With walles and towers flat euened with the soyle.

But Troy alas (me thought) aboue them all, [435]

It made myne iyes in very teares consume:
When I beheld the woftdl werd befall,
That by the wrathfull wyl of Gods was come:
And loves vnmooved sentence and foredoome
On Priam kyng, and on his towne so bent. [440]

I could not lyn, but I must there lament.

And that the more sith destinie was so sterne
As force perforce, there might no force auayle,
But she must fall: and by her fall we learne,
That cities, towres, wealth, world, and al shall quayle. [4451
No manhoode, might, nor nothing mought preuayle,
Al were there prest ful many a prynce and piere
And many a knight that solde his death full deere.

{438] GodC-G.
1443]

perforce is misprinted perfore in the text.
313

THE MIRROR FOR MAGISTRATES

Not wurthy Hector wurthyest of them all,
[450] Her hope, her ioye, his force is nowe for nought.

Troy, Troy, there is no boote but bale,
The hugie horse within thy walles is brought:
Thy turrets fall, thy knightes that whilom fought
In armes amyd the fyeld, are slayne in bed,

[455] Thy Gods defylde, and all thy honour dead.

The flames vpspring, and cruelly they crepe
From wall to roofe, til all to cindres waste,
Some fyer the houses where the wretches slepe,
Sum rushe in here, sum run in there as fast.
[4^>1 In euery where or sworde or fyer they taste.

The walks are torne, the towers whurld to the ground,
There is no mischiefe but may there be found.

Cassandra yet there sawe I howe they haled
From Pallas house, with sperded tresse vndone,
[465] Her wristes fast bound, and with Greeks rout empaled:
And Priam eke in vayne howe he did runne
To armes, whom Pyrrhus with despite hath done
To cruel death, and bathed him in the bayne
Of his sonnes blud before the altare slayne.

[470] But howe can I descryve the doleful sight,

That in th