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3 3433 02284085 8 






OF ./^i^Mr 























llssAi sor I'Etude de la Litt^rature. Written 1759 • - 1 
On the Character of Brutus. Date uncertain . - 95 

On Mr. Hurd's Commentary on Horace. Written Feb. 17^2. 113 
Nomina Gentesque Antiqux I talis. Written 1763, 17^4. 155 
Sect. I. — Nomina - - - - 157 

Sect. II. — RegioneSy Aer et Solum Italian, et Mons 

Apenninus ... ig4 

Sect. Ill, — Alpes et Gentes Inalpina^y et Flumen 

Padus - - - - 171 

Sect. IV. — ^Transpadana - - - 178 

Sect. V. — Liguria • - - - 180 

Sect. FJ.— -Etruria - - - - 133 

Sect, r//.— Urbs Roma - - - 206 

Sect. VIII. — Latium et Campania • - 225 

Sect. IX. — Lucania et Bruttium - - 265 

Sect. X. — Calabria et Apulia - - - 278 

Sect. XL — Samnium - - - . 287 

Sect. XIL — Picenum - - - . 302 

Sect. XIIL—Umbm • - - - 305 

Sect. XlV.--Mm\\\& et Flaminia - - 309 

Sect. XV. — Venetia et Istria - - - 315 

&rf. XFJ.— Itinera - - - - 322 

An Inquiry whether a Catalogue of the Armies sent into the 
Field is an essential part of an Epic Poem. 23d Dec. 

1763 327 

a2 Aa 


An Examination of the Catalogue of Silius Italicus. 24th 

Dec. 1763 - - - - .335 

A Minute Examination of Horace's Journey to Brundusium 

and of Cicero's Journey into Cilicia. 25th Dec. 17^3 346 
On the Fasti of Ovid. Written 1764 - - 354 

On the Triumphs of the Romans. Nov. 1764 - 359 

On the Triumphal Shows and Ceremonies. I3th Dec. 1764. 3^4 
Remarques sur les Ouvrages et sur leCaractere de Sallustc. 
19th Jan. 1756 - .... 399 

de Jules Cesar - - - - 408 

— de Cornelius Nepos - - - 4l6 

de Tite Live - - - - 422 

Remarques Critiques sur un Passage de Plaute. 4th May, 

1757 435 

Remarques sur quelques Endroits de Virgile. April, 1757. 441 
^ Critical Observations on the Design of the Sixth Book of the 
iEneid. Written 1770 - - - - 467 

Postscript to Ditto - - - - - 510 

A Vindication of some Passages in the Fifteenth and Six- 
teenth Chapters of the History of the Decline and Fall of 
the Roman Empire. Sd Feb. 1779 - - ^75 



Pa^e 133» line 7 from top, ftr Clarieros read CloTmos. 

1 j7, bne 6 trom bottoiB,/or Le Sabine read La Sabine. 

166, lute 3 firom top, for neqoe auft> re«<< atqae anio. 

• line 8» Jor de^seque read oleae. 

line :fl from top, /«r ploruno read pinrima. 

167, line 8 iirom top, fir uiida orpit read onde cippit. 

169, liije 9 from bo^om, fir faot tircr read taut pas tiier. 

175, Cdc S from top, ^br Mods Sotu rtad Mons Joiris. 

18:!, liar 15 from bot. /or Transicrim C^enc rrod Traiisierim, CioTra. 

185, line 7 from bottom, /or oomin'rs et read nomiiu* est. 
line Viffor Tom read Tunc. 

186, iinc 11 trom top, fir demos npit read rapk densos. 
1^, liue 5, /or Hfri read tigrl. 

line 6 Irom b^tom, finr qoidpe read qoippe. 
197, line 9 from bottom, /n* aatiquum reau aiitiqucs. 
St>2» li-te 15 from top, jfor trabeiatur reud trat.crctar. 
eCJ, in ciajpo, fir Grid Fast. p. 580, read Ood. Fast. L SiO. 

line 8 fwm Xop^fcr iavat read lavit. 

304. line 1 1 from top, fir stemati read stcriiitaf i. 

!fC6. line 17 frum top,/or post banc read per hunc. 

i:fP, line 15 fiom top, '/or qyos celsa read qoos ceiio. 

t^^ iuie 9 from bottom, for sulrari read suicaris. 

tfJ6, l»>t line, far \U\. 398 read MIL ^9^, 

:23a, in mardii, /^ SiL Italic. b9& rtad Sil. Italic XII. 528. 

95^, line 4 iiom bottom, for latis read late. 

t:55, ::ite 7 from top, far agro read agello. 

S65, Iii;e ^ from top, jfor mugit read sooat. 

tr77, line 4 from bottom, far armenta read armcstum. 

:f8l, iine 13 iroiu top, fir Diomeden rtad Dlomedem. 

line &*> from top, fir accensa ceraunia rtad accensa ceraania. 

i8^ lice Id from top, far vetns itt est read ret us est ut. 

fine :*0 from top, fir ^m^ iiTe, read geui, seu. 

1*83 iine 17 from top, Jor mataet read motet. 

29 1\ V\\» IS., fir Acciap read JEaAx^ 

30rz, I'me 13, Vit fons Blandusa read fons BLmdusis. 

I...C 21 Vrjm top, for precori read pecori. 
506 iine 8 fn»o top, fcr patnJo read patuloque. 

ij.L 9, for FuLinlom read FtWginia, 
516 line- 6 iroro top, for noUior aqua read ruollior apiu. 
317 nne 2 fruni hultom, far solverct cui jusu exa. to rr-m «'./]-. or '.t 

etacto ri.i 5i ra. 
?13 U.t? d iro-n «•)>, ^t litoris read aeqcorls. 

Cla00ual m\> Critical 


Tke fottomng is in Mr. Gibbon*< handrwriting^ on the 
haek of the iitle-page of an interleaved copy of this Essay. 

Mes amis me fireiij; publier cet ouviage, pour 
iinsi dire, malgr^ moi. Cette Q^cuse banale des 
aateuis ne Test point cependant pour moi. Mon 
^iie Toulut me le faire publier lliiver pass^. Ma 
jeoncsse, et unibndsd orgueil quime rend beaucoup 
plus sensible aux critiques qu'aux ^loges, m'em- 
pteh^rent de goiiter son projet. Mais me trouvant 
i la campagne avec lui au mois de Mars, il renou- 
inella ses instances d'une mani^re si vive que je ne 
pus m'en d^fendre. M. Mallet me fit connoitre 
mi libraire nomm^ Becket, k qui je c^dai mon ma-^ 
nuscrit, moy ennant quarante exepiplaires pour moi. 
M. Maty corrigea les feuilles. L'impression de 
Fouvrage, entreprise au commencement de Mai, ne 
At adiev& qnk la fin de Juin, et mon livre ne se 
dibitoit que vers le milieu du mois suivant. M. 
Mallet se chargea de la distribution d'une bonne 

VOL. IV. B p^ie 

( a ) 

partie dcs pr^scns que j'avois cnvic d en fairc. 
Void rextraitd'une lettre qu'il m*6crivit le 9 Juillet 

" Dear Sir, 
" I HAVE executed the orders you gave me, and 
all the books have been delivered some days. Lord 
Chesterfield returns you his thanks, I expect in 
writing, and have had, Lady Hervey'sin that man- 
ner. Lord Hardwicke, with his compliments for 
the book to himself, assured me he would send the 
other to his son, and recommend you to his acquain- 
tance. Lord Egremont will be glad to know you, 
if ever you should think of a journey to Augsbourg. 
I found Lord Granville reading you, after ten at 
night ; his single approbation, which he assures you 
of, will go for more than that of a hundred other 
readers. 1 have gone further, in sending one copy 
to the Count de Caylus, another to the Duchess 
jd'Aiguillon, and in giving a third to M. dc Bussy.*^ 


( 5 ) 


Dbae Sir, 

No perfonnance is, in my opitiion, more con- 
temptible than a Dedication of the common sort; 
when some great man is presented with a book, 
which, if Science be the subject, he is incapable 
of understanding; if Polite Literature, incapable of 
tasting: and this honour is done htm as a reward 
for virtues which he neitheir does, nor desires to 
possess. I know but two kinds of dedications, 
which can do honour either to the patron or author. 
The first is, when an unexperienced writer ad- 
dresses himself to a master of the art, in which he 
endeavours to excel; whose example he is ambi- 
tious of imitating ; by whose advice he has been 
directed ; or whosQ approbation he is anxious to 

The other sort is yet more honourable. It is 
dictated by the heart, and offered to some person 
who is dear to us, because he ought to be so. It is 
an opportunity we embrace with pleasure of making 
public those sentiments of esteem, of friendship, of 
gratitude, or of all together, which we really feel, 
and which therefore we desire should be known. 

I hope, dear Sir, my past conduct will easily lead 
you to discover to what principle you should attri- 
bute this epistle; which, if it surprises, will, I 
b(^>e, not displease you. If I am capable of pro- 

B S ducing 

( 4 ) ^ 

ducing any thing worthy the attention of the pub- 
lic, it is to you that I owe it; to that truly paternal 
care which, from the first dawnings of my reason, 
has always watched over my education, and af- 
forded me every opportunity of improvement 
Permit me here to express my grateful sense of 
your tenderness to me, and to assure you, that the 
study of my whole life shall be to acquit myself, 
in some measure, of obligations I can never fully 

I am, dear Sir, 
With the sinoerest afiection and regard. 
Your most dutiful son, and faithful servant, 

£. Gibbon, junior. 

May tht 88tb, I76l. 


( 5 ) 


C^£8T un v^fitable essai que je produis au grand 
jour. Je sotthaiterois me coanoitre. Ma proven- 
tion et celle de quelques amis, m'en inspireroient 
dcs id^ trop avantageuses, si mon Apollon,* cette 
voix secrette que je ne puis faire taire, ne m'aver- 
tissoit sbuvent de me d^fier de leurs 61oges. Dois^ 
je me bomer k recueillir avec reconnoissance les 
bienfaits de mes pr6d6cesseurs? Puis-je esp^rer 
d ajouter quelque chose au tr^sor commim des v6- 
rit^ ou du moins des id^? Je tAcherai d'enten* 
dre raiT^t du public et m^me son silence, et je ne 
Tentendrai que pour m'y soumettre. Point de 
Philippiques contre mon si^le, point d appel k la 

Ucnvie de justifier une ^tude favorite, c'est-4* 
dire, Tamour-propre un peu d6g\xiu6, fit nattre les 
reflexions suivantes. Je voulois afiranchir un9 
wcieskce estimable, du m^pris oi^ elle languit aujour^ 
d'huL II est vrai qu'on lit encore les anciens, mais 
on ne les 6tudie plus. On n'y apporte plus cette 
attention, et cet appareil de connoissances que Ci- 
c6ioa et Bossuet exigent de leurs lecteurs. II est 
encore des gens de goAt, mais il est peu de littera- 
teurs ; et ceux qui savent que les gens de lettres 
peuvent se passer des recompenses plus ais^ment 
que de Testime du public, ne s'en ^tonneront point, 

C'est un essai, je le repute encore ; ce n'est point 

♦ Cynthios aiirem 

Vellit et admoDuiU 

B 3 ' wn 

( e ) 

un traits complet qu'on va lire. J'ai envisage la lit- 
t^rature sous quelques points de vue qui m'avoient 
frapp^. Plusieurs, sans doute, me tent 6chapp^s. 
J'en ai n^glig^ quelques autres. Jc ne suis point 
entr^ dans la carri^re immense des beaux-arts, deti 
beaut^s qu'ils empruntent de la litt^rature, et de 
celles qu'ils lui rendent. Que ne suis-je un Caylus 
ou un Spence !* J'^leverois un monument 6ternel 
k leur alliance. L'on y verroit Timage de Jupiter 
6clorredans le cerveaud'Hom^re, etvenirse placer 
sous le ciseau de Phidias. Mais je ne me suis 
point dit avec le Corr^ge ; ^^ et moi aussi je sui» 

Lc 3 Fcvrier, 1759- 

Apr^ a\x)ir gai^^, pendant deux ans, ce petit 
ouvrage, Tamusement de mon loisir k la campagne, 
je me hasarde enfin k le donner au public. J'ai 
besoin de son indulgence pour le fond des choses^ 
et pour le langage. Ma jeunesse m'y donne un 
juste titre pour Tun, et ma quality d'^tranger me la 
rend bien n^essaire pour Taut re. 

Lc i6 Avri!, 1761. 

* Auteur d'un ouvrage nomine Polymetis. La mythologie des 
|>oetet y est combin^e avtx celle des sculptenrs. Cet ouvrage 
plein de go^dit et de tavoir m^ritcroit d'etre plus connu en France. 

A L'AU- 

( 1 ) 


Je re^ois, mon cher Moij^ieur^ les feuiUes de 
votre ouvrage, toutes mouill^es au sertir de la 
presse« Le sentiment qui yous engagea i roe \esk 
conununiquer, est pass6 dams mon coeur. Ne me 
demandez plus mon Jugement^ il ne peut ^tre qu^ 

Mais le public aura-t-il les yeux d'un ami ; cet 
essai de vos forces, ce germe heureux d'ouvrage^^ 
plus considerables^ sera-t-il accueilli, sera-^-il ^parr 
gn^r inquietude naturelle ^ un jeune auteurl 
EUe llxonore, elle n'esit pennise qu'i lui. A Dieu 
ne plaise que vous perdiez de long terns cette pr6n 
cieuse defiance de 1 approbation du public, qui vou9 
mit en ^tat de la m^riter ! Si jamais vieux ecrivaii;i 
vous prenez moins de peine, c est que vous vous 
connoltrez mieux et craindrez moins vos juges^ . 

Voudrois-Je dter i la jeuue beauty la modestp 
rongeur qui lui fi^it ra6connoitre ses charmes, et 
qui ne cessera que quand ils ne seront plus? Non, ' 
Monsieur, je ne vous rassure point ; je veux jouir 
de vos allanpes ; vos censeuts yont parol tre; armez- 
vous d'intr^pidite, 

Avez-vQua pu croire quon pardonneroit ^ un 
homme n6 . pour assister aux assemblies tumul- 
tueuses du s^nat, et \ la destruction des renards dp 
sa province, des discussions sur ce qu on pen^a, il y^ 
a deux mille ansj sur le^ divinites de la Gr^ce, et 

b4 ' sur 

( 8 ) 


8ur les premiers si^cles de Rome? Quoi! pas la 
moindre allusion k ce qui se passe de nos jours ! 
Une brochure, oii il n est cjuestion ni de la guerre 
ni du commerce, oii Ton ne present point de limitea 
ni ne propose aucune reduction, oil Ton ne |ait 
aucun compliment au prince, ni de le^on k se$ 
ministres ! En v^rit6 Je vous admire, et qu*eii 
dira-t-on, je vous le demande, en Hampshire ? 

Le Grec doit *tre lalss^ au college et a la roture; 
ainsi I'a-t-on peut-^tre d6cid6 chez nos voisins, et 
cette mode menace de devenir contagieuse, Je. 
sais que Paris ne se croit pas encore d^honoiC d'un 
Caylus et d*un Nivemois, et cjue votre We compte 
avec plaisir ses Lyttelton, ses Marcl\mont, aes Or- 
rery, ses Bath, ses Granville. Mais vous 6t€8 
jeune, et Ton soup^onne ceux que je viens de vous 
nommer d*^tre un pen du si^cle pass^. Vos notes 
sont sa\*antes, mais qui k Newmarket ou-dans le 
cafF6 d^Arthur pent les lire ? 

Point d'ordre ni de liaison, dira le g^omfetrc 
piqu6. N en soyez point surpris, il voit en vous 
un transitige. Vous n'avez point donn^ la pomme 
k sa Venus, et il juge un ^crit dc goAt sur le pied 
des ^i^mens d*£uclide, 

Parmi vos critiques je vols le litterateur lui- 
mime. Je ne dirai pas que vous pensez, et lui 
laissez le soin de recueillir. Je vous respecte trop 
pour voler ce bon mot k Voltaire- Mais vos notes 
ne consistent point en corrections de passages. 
Quel vers d'Aristophane avez-vous resritu^r De 
quel manuscrit vous appuycz-vous ? D'aiHeurs 
TOus envisagez quelques objets sous un point de 


( 9 ) 

vuc ou nouveau ou singuHer. Votre chionologie 
est celle de Newton; vous justifiez ranachronistne 
de Virgile ; vos Dieux ne sont pas ceux de . . . 
Craignez sa nouvelle Edition; vous aurez place 
dans ses notes. 

Je ne vous reproche point Tobscurit^, dirai-je, ou 
la profbndeur de quelques unes de vos pens6es, vos 
phrases couples, la hardiesse de vos figures. La 
nation acad6tnique sera moins facile, ef frondera 
quiconque voudroit vous appliquer une de vos 
notes, et Faveu modeste de I'orateur Romain, en 
relisant dans Tage de la maturity, un morc^u ap- 
plaud! de sa jeunesse. Quant is ilia clamoribus, 
adoU$centulif il avoit 2^ ans, disimus ' de supplicio 
parricidarum f qtuB nequaguam satis deferbuisse 
port aliquanto sentire ccepimus . . . Sunt enim 
tmmia^ sicut adolescentis, nan tarn re et maturitate, 
fmam spe et espectationCy laudati* 

•Tai gard6 pour le demier le plus grand de vos 
crimes. Vous 6tes Anglois, et vous choisissez la 
langue de vos ennemis. Le vieux Caton fr^mit, 
etdans son Club Antigallican, vous d^nonce, le 
punch h, la main, un ennemi de la patrie. " Mes 
chers amis, dit-il, la liberty est pr6te d'expirer. 
Cc peuple, dont nous avons toujours triomph^, re- 
gale par ses artifices plus que lie lui enl^vent nos 
araies« N*est-ce pas assez que nous ayons des ba- 
bdins, des friseurs, des cuisiniers de Paris, qu'on 
boive dans notre tie, quW boive des vins, qu on 
Hsc des livres Francois; <aut-il encore, grands 

♦ Cicero, Orator. 29. 

Dieux ! 

( 10 ) 

Dieux ! est-ce dans le plus liaut p6riode de notre 
gloire qu un Anglois devoit donner ce premier 
example? fkut-il encore quon en derive ?** 

Contre une attaque aussi grave quel rempart 
vous fercz-Tous? Trouverez-vous des d6fenseur» 
ou vous navez point de complices? Oserai-je 
61ever ma voix moi, qui, Anglois simplement par 
choix sans T^tre de naissancc, n ai pu, apr^s vingt 
ans de s^jour dans votre He, naturaliser ma langue 
aussi bien que mon coeur? 

Dirai-je ce que Plutarque, a peu pr^s dans le 
m£me cas que moi, auroit dit, que rien ne fut plus 
vain que la prophetic de lacre censeur, que le 
Grec perdroit sa patrie, puisqu au contraire die 
s'^leva au comblc de la gloire et du pouvoir dam 
le tems que les lettres Grecques et T^ruditioa 
^trang^re y fleurircnt le plus,* que ce peuple qui, 
tant qu'il fut libre, pla^a sa grandeur dans ce qui 
seul fait la grandeur d un peuple, fit venir ses gram- 
mairiens, mais non ses gdu^raux de la Grbce, au 
lieu que Carthage y prit ses soldats et ses g6n6- 
raux, et en d(ifendit la langue ;t que Flaminiu^ 
Scipion, Caton m£me, . . . . mais comme euxje 
parle Grec k votre homme. II ignore ^galement 
que Cic^ron fut initie a Ath^nes, et que le nom 
de Chesterfield se trouvc dans les rcgistres d*une 
c^l^bre academic de Paris : il jureroit que lea 
Edouards et les Ilenris ne parl^rent ou du moioft 
ne lurent jamais de Francois, et si je le pressois, il 
me soutiendroit peut-^tre que le roi de Prusse se* 

* Plutarch, in Cat Major. t Justiq* xx. 6. 


( 11 ) 

Toit d6jk maitre de Vieone, s'il n'efit pas 6crit, eii: 
$tyle de Voltgire, les M^moires de Brandebourg. 

M^priser sa propre langue, rien sans doute de 
plus honteux. Mais la m^prise-t-on k moins qu'oa 
ne donne rexclusion k toute autre? Cic^ron, qui 
terivit riiistoire de son consulat en Grec, prtf(6ra 
done cette langue, lui qui n'eut jamais de rival 
dans la sienne, qui la croyoit, peut-6tre par pr6- 
jugi^, beaucoup plus riche que laGrecque,* et qui, 
s'il ne la rendit pas telle, ^tendit les homes de sa 
juridiction plus que C^^r celles de lempire. 

S'il 6toit vrai que le g^nie insoclable des diverses 
Ungues emp^che celui qui veut les concilier, d ex- 
celler dans aucune, on auroit tort sans doute de 
s'exposer an risque de corrompre la purete de celle 
qui nous est naturelle, sans pouvoir se flatter d^ 
r^ussir daqs celle qui ne Fest pas. Mais tant s'en 
hut que Texp^rience ait confiim^ cette pretend ue 
crainte des melanges. Jamais les Romains n^^cri- 
virent mieux en I^tin qu'au sortir des 6col^ 
Crecques* Le morceau de Cic^ron, dont ^'ai 
parl4 nous a probablement valu les chef-d'oeuvres 
Latins de Salluste, et sans Thistoire de i^olybe^ 
levue par le h^ros qui avoit ^t6 son disciple, nous 
n'aurions peut-6tre jamais eu ni Tite Live ni Ta- 

Xoute langue, qui se sullit,^est bom6e. La v6tre^ 
plus que toute autre, s'est enrichie par ses em- 
prunts. Seroit-il impossible que I'ltalien ne p(M: 
encore la rendre plus douce, TAUemand plus com- 

♦ De Finib. lib. iii. 


( 1« ) 

prehensive, le Francois plus precise ct plus r^u- 
li^ ? SemUables k ces lacs dont les eaux s*^u- 
rent et s'^Iaircissent par le melange et Tagitation 
de oelles qulls resolvent des fleuves voisins, let 
langties roodcmes ne demeurent vivantes que par 
leur communication,' et si je Tosois dire par, leur 
choc r6ciproque^ 

Non, cc n*est point dc T^rivain qui s cxercc i 
^crire avec puret^ dans une langue ^trang^, que 
la sienne a lieu de craindre qu'il ne Talt^re mal i 
propos. Le d^gr^ de perfection, auquel elle pent 
atteindre, est son objet, et Tanalogie sa r^le. II 
connoft trop les richesses de sa langue, pour la 
charger de mots inutilement transpladt^s. U a 
6tudi^ son caract^re, et ne se permet point de con- 
structions fbrc^es, sous pr^texte de se faire lire. 
Respectant m^me ses bizarreries, il sait qu*un kH^ 
usage exige de grands m^nagemens, et que 
l*homme sens^ ne se distingue jamais beaucoup, et 
tr^ rarement le premier. 

•Qui sont done les v^ritables comipteurs des 
lang^ues? Ccs petits beaux-esprits qui, faute de 
nouveUes id^es, n*ont pour se distinguer que leur 
ntologique jargon ; ces jeunes vovageurs qui, de 
Paris quils ont mal vu, rapportent et font circuler 
lexpression du jour quails n ont pas comprise ; et 
plus futiles que les uns et les autres, ces deniMa- 
'vans, qui croyent donner du relief k leur par»* 
doxes, et de la vari^t^ k leur style, par Imtroducs 
tion de synomimes barbares« dont leur dictkmnaire 
leur a, peut-^tre k grand'peine, indiqu^ le sens. 


( IS ) 

• Rarement un Stranger parvient-il k ^rire daM 

une langue, qui n'est pas la sienne, de mani^re k 

a'^tre pas reconnu. Mais faut-il qu'il ne le soit 

pas? Lucullus auroit pu se passer d'aiFecter des 

Latinismes, de peur d'fetre pris pour un Grec, et 

jc nc crois pas que vous vous piquiez d'fetre moins 

6cilc k reconnoitre pour un Anglois que Lucullus 

pour un Romain. Mais c'est cela m^me qui, aux 

yeux d'un Franipis, vous donnera un nouveau 

m^te. II remarquera un mot, un tour'6tranger 

k sa langue, et peut-^tre souhaitera qu'il ne le fUt 

pas. Ces traits saillans, ces figures hardies, ce sa* 

crifice de la r^gle au sentiment, et de la cadence k 

la force, lui caract6riseront une nation originale, qui 

m^te d'etre 6tudi6e,* et qui gagne toujours k Yttre. 

Llndividu ne lui ^chappera pas, et ii saura dis- 

cemer ce que vous devez k votre lie, et ce que 

votrc lie vous doit. 

Quand on ne sait qu'une langue, c'est par les 
traductions seules qu'on connolt les auteurs Stran- 
gers. Suffisent-elles pour en juger ? Ferai-je la 
latjne des personnes qui se consacrent k la pSnibk 
tftche de traduire, en affirmant que leur moindre 
dSfiuit est de nous faire perdre le caract^re national 
et persoimel de leurs auteurs? Ah ! que ces auteurs 
n'ont-ils ^crit eux-mftmes, quoique mai, dans une 
autre langue ! Mon expression est celle qui ac- 
compagne ma pens6e. Vous qui me traduisez, 
lente2^-vous ce que j'ai senti? Montaigne seroit 
toujours Montaigne, s'il cut lui-m^me €t6 le cui- 
sinier Anglois de ses essais, et j'estimerois vingt 
&b plus un des livres de Milton Scrit en Francois 


( 14 ) 

ott en Italien par Milton, que les traductions ^1^« 
gantes dc Du Boccage et de Roili. 

Que si, dans vos ciimats si heureusement Isolds, 
quelques personnes jalouses de Tuniversalit^ que 
le Francois s'est acquis sur le Continent, se plai« 
gnoient que vous rompez la demi^re digue qui s'op- 
pose k rinondation, qu elles me permettent de ne 
pas regarder comme un grand malheur, qa*une 
langue commune lie de plus en plus les 6tats de 
TEurope, faciiite les conferences des ministres, 
pr^vienne les longueurs des n(^gociations et les 
Equivoques des trait^s, fasse souhaiter la paix, et 
la rende plu$ durable et plus ch^re. Le premier 
pas qu on doive fairc pour s'accordcr, c'est dc trt* 
Vailler k s entendre. 

Vous venez, Monsieur, de donncr un grand ex- 
ample. Au milieu des succ^s de vos armes vous 
Svez honore les Icttrcs de vos cnnemis. Ce der- 
nier triomphe est le plus noble. Puisse-t-il devenir 
g^n^ral et r^iproque, et le tems venir, oix les divers 
peuples, mcmbres ^pars de la m^me famille, s'Ele^ 
vant au-dessus des distinctions partiales d'Anglois^ 
de Francois, d'AUemand, et de Russe, m^riterontle 
litre d'homme ! 

J*ai riionneur d etre avee des sentimens qui ne 
dependent d aucun climat ni d aucun sitele. 

Votre tr^s humble et trfes ob<?Tsant serviteur, 


Du Mu»ee Britannique, 
lcl(J JuJn, 1701. 


( IS ) 

£ S S A I 



L L*HisTOiRE deft empires est celle de la mis^re ufe.dc 
dcs hommes. LTiistoire des sciences est celle de t^niie. 
kor grandeur et de leur bonheur. Si mille consi- . 
d^ations doirent rendre ce dernier genre d'6tude 
piccieux aux yeux du philosophe, cette reflexion 
doit le rendre bien cher k tout amateur de Thu^ 

II. Que jc Toudrois qu'une v^t^ aussi conso- 
lante ne re^ At aucune exception ! Mais, h^las ! 
rhomme ne perce que trop souvent dans le cabi- 
act da savant. Dans cet asile de la sagesse, il est 
tgai€ par les pr^jug^s, d^chir^ par les pas- 
arili par les ibiblesses. 

Lempire de la mode est fondi sur Tinconstance 
dcs hommes; empire dont rorigine est si frivole et 
dont ks efiets mmt si funestes. Lliomme de lettres 
t'oae secouer son jong, et si ses reflexions retardent 
a dffiute, elles la rendent plus honteuse. 

Teas les pays, tous les sidles ont vu quelque 
xiaioe Tobjet d'une pr^fi^rence souvent injuste, 
icadant que les autres Etudes languissoient dans 


16 essa; sue l'^tud£ 


un ni^pris tout aiissi peu raisonnable. La m^ta' 
physique et la dialectique sous les successeurs 
d'Alexandre,* la politique "et T^loquence sous la r^- 
publique Romaine, Fhistoire, la poesie dans le 
si^cle d^Auguste, la grammaire et la juiiprudence 
sous ie Bas-£mpire, la philosophie scholastique 
dans le treizi^me si^cle, les Belles-Lettres jusqu'aux 
jours de nos p^res, ont fait, tour-a-tour, Tadmifa- 
tion et le m^pris des homines. La physique et les 
math^matiques sont k present sur le trdne. EUes 
voyent toutes leurs soeurs prostem6es devant elles, 
encluiiu^s k leur char, ou tout-au-plus occupy k 

* Ce si^le fot celui des sectes pbilosophiques^ qui combat- 
Ummt pour les systlmes de leurs maitres respecti&y avec tout 
racharoement des th^ologiens. 

Uamour des syst^mes produit D^cessairement celui des pnm^ 
cipesgeo^raux ; et celui^ci conduit d'ordinaire au m^pris dcscon* 
noissances de detail. 

" Uamour des syst&mes, (dit M. Freret,) qui s'empaim des ea* 
prits apr^ Aristote» fit abandouner aux Grecs I'S^tude de la na* 
ture, et arrf ta le progr^ de leurs d6couvert€S philosopbiqoea: 
les raisonnemeDs subtils prirent la place des cxpirieoces : Icf 
sciences exactn, la g^m^trie, rastronomie, la vraic pbiloaapUs 
dispanirent presqu'enti^rement* On ne s'occopa plus do aoii 
d'acqu^rir dei connoissances nouvelles, roais de oeloi de nngu, 
et de Her les unes aux autrcs, celles que Ton croyoit avoir, pour 
en ftirmer des systlmes. Cest 1^ ce qui forma toutes les diiK* 
rentes sectes : les meiUeon esprits s'^vapor^rent dans les abiCrac* 
tions d'one m^tapbysique obscure^ oii les mots tenoient le ptaa 
souvent la place des cboses, et la dialectique, nonmfe par Aiiif 
tote rinstrument de notre esprit, devint cbet set discipka Fol^ 
principal et presque unique de leur application. La vie 
se passoit k (tudier Tart du raisonnement, et ^ ne raisonoer ji 
ou du moins k ne raisonner que sur det olgets fimtMtiqoes."--^^^ 
Mim. ic I'Acad. des B. L. torn. vi. p. 159. . '^ 



omer leur triomphe. Peut-6tre Icur chute n est 
pas doign^e. 

II seroit digne d'utt liabile honiine de suivre 
cette revolution dans les religions, les gouverne- 
mens, les moeurs, qui ont successivement ^gar6, 
Aho\€ et corrompu les hommes. Qu'il se gardat 
bien de chercher un syst^me ; mais qu'il se gardit 
bien davantage de I'^viter. 

III. Si les Grecs n'avoient 6t€ esclaves, les La- R^nais. 
tins seroient encore barbares. Constantinople SStesX^t- 
tomba sous le fer de Mahomet Les M^dicis ac- J?;*'- , 

Gout qu on 

cueiUirent les Muses d^sol^es : ils encouragferent cut pour 
les lettres. Erasme fit plus, il les cultiva. Ho- 
rn^ et Cic^ron p^n^trferent dans des contr^es in- 
cDimues k Alexandre, et invincibles pour les Ro- 
mains. Ces si^cles trouvoient qu'il ^toit beau 
d'^tudier les anciens et de les admirer:* le ndtre 
pense qu'il est plus ais6 de les ignorer et de les m^- 
priser. Je crois qu'ils ont tons les deux raison. 
Lc guerrier les lisoit sous sa tente. L'homme 
<r^tat les 6tudioit dans son cabinet. Ce sexe 
mtBae^ qui, content des graces, nous laisse les lu- 
miteea^ cmbellissoit I'exemple d'une D^lie, et sou- 
haitoit de trouver un Tibulle dans son amant. 

* Fevilletei la Biblioth^ue Latine de Fabricius, le meilleur 

qai n'ont 6te que coinpilateurs : vous y verrez que 

de quaraote ans, apr^ la d^couverte de rimprime- 

9tf yicM|iie tons les auleurs Latins ^toient imphmes, quelques 

pi I'uoe fois. Le goOit des 6diteurs n'^gala pas, il 

le«i sdle. Les ^crivains de Tbistoire Auguste parurent 

Tite I e; ei Ton donna Aulu-Celle avant de songerik 

=f| TOL. IV. € £li2abQt}i 

» ' 


Elizabeth (ce nom dit tout pour le Sage) apprenoit 
dans H^rodotc a d^fendre les droits de Tliumanit^ 
contre un nouveau Xerxes, et au sortir des combats 
se voyoit c^l^br^e par Eschyle sous Ic nom des 
vainqueurs de Salamine.* t 

Si Christine pr^ftra la science au gouvernement 
d'un ^tat, le politique pent la m^priser. le philosophe 
doit la blSmer, mais Thomme de lettres chdrira sa 
m^moire. Cette reine ^tudioit les anciens : elleen 
consid^roit les interpr^tes. EUe distingua ce Sau- 
maise, qui ne ni^^rita ni Tadmiration de ses contem- 
porains, ni le m^pris dont nous nous efFor^ons de 
le combler. 
OoiepoQiaa I^ • Saus doutc cllc poussa trop loin I'admiration 
*^'***°' pour ces savans. Souvcnt leur d^fenseur, jamais 
leur z^lateur, j avouerai sans peine que leurs 
mocurs ^toient grossi^rcs, leurs travaux quelquetbis 
minutieux ; que leur esprit, noy^dans une^rudition 
p^dantesque, comnientoit cc qu'il falloit sentir, et 
conipiloit au lieu de raisonner. On ^toit assez 

* Eschyle a fait une tragedie, (les Penes,) oii il apeint airec 
)es couleurs les plus vives, la gloire des Grccs et la consternadoD 
^cs Perses apr^s la journce de Salamine. — V. le The4t. des Grecs 
du P. Bruiuoy, torn. ii. p. 171* &c. 

t Ecoutons le Prt'bident Hcnault. *' Cette princesse etoit sa- 
vante. Un jour qu'elle entretenoit CalignoD, qui fut depuis 
Chancclier de NaMire, elle lui fit voir une traduction en Latin, 
quelle avoit faite, de quelques tragedies de Sophocles et dc 
deux harangues de Demosth^ne. Elk lui permit de prendre 
une copie d'une ^pigrarome Grecque de sa fa9on ; et elle lui 
demanda son avis sur des passages de Lycophron, qu'elle avok 
alors entre let mains, et dont elle vouloit traduire quelques en- 
droits."— Abr^g« Chrouolog. in Quart. P^ris, 17^2, p. 397 • 

d£ la litter ature- 19 

fclair^ pour sentir Tutilit^ de leurs recherches; 
taais Ton n'^toit ni assez raisonnable ni assez poll, 
pour connoitre qu'elles auroient pu etre guid^es par 
le flambeau de la philosophie. 

V. La lumi^re alloit paroitre. Descartes ne fut Q^and ii 


pas litterateur, mais les Belles-Lettres lui sont bien plus 
redevables. Un philosophe ^clair^,* h^ritier de sa '^****'™^ 
methode, approfondit les vrais principes de la cri- 
tique. Le Bossu, Boileau, Rapin, Brunioy appri- 
rent aux homines k connoitre mieux le prix des 
tr6sors qu'ils poss6doient. Une de ces soci^t^s 
qui ont mieux immortalis6 Louis XIV. qu'une 
ambition souvent pemicieuse aux hommes, com- 
menfoit d^ji ces recherches qui r^unissent la 
justesse de Tesprit, lam^nit^ et F^rudition, oii Ton 
voit tant de d^couvertcs, et quelquefois, ce qui ne 
chde qu'k peine aux d^couvertes, une ignorance 
modeste et savante. 

Si les hommes raisonnoient autant lorsqu'ils 
agissent que lorsqu'ils discourent, les Belles-Lettres 
seroient devenues Tobjet de Tadmiration du vulgaire 
^t de lestime des sages. 

VL C'est de cctte ^poque qu'elles datent le i>teidcoc« 
commencement de leur decadence. L.e Llefc, a Uure*. 
qui les sciences et la libert6 doivent des ^loges, 
s'en plaignoit d^j^, il y a plus de soixante ans. 
Mais c'est dans la fameuse dispute des anciens et . 
des modemes qu'elles ref urent le coup mortel. II 
ny a jamais eu un combat aussi in^gal. La logique 

* M. Le Clerc, dans son excellent ^r^ cri/ica, et dans plusieurt 
astres de ses ou\Tage$. 

c 2 exactc 

to ESSAI SUR L'£TUi>£ 

exacte de Terrasson, la philosophic d61i6e de Fou* 
tenell/e, le style 6l6gant et heureux de La Motte, Ic 
badinage l^ger de St. Hyacinte, travailloient de 
concert h r^duire Hom^reau niveau de Chapelain. 
Leurs adversaires ne leur opposoient qu'un attache- 
ment aux minuties, je ne sais quelles pretensions h 
une sup6riorit6 naturelle des anciens, des pr^jug^s, 
des injures et des citations. Tout le ridicule leur 
demeura. II en rejaillit une partie sur ces anciens, 
dont ils soutenoient * la querelle : et chez cette 
nation aimable, qui a adopts, sans y penser, le prin- 
cipe de Milord Shaftesbury, on ne distingue point 
les torts et les ridicules. 

Depub ce terns, nos philosophes se sont ^tonn^s 
que des hommes pussent passer une vie enti^re k 
rassembler des faits et des mots ; et k se charger la 
m^moire au lieu de s'^clairer I'esprit. Nos beaux- 
esprits ont senti quels avantages leur reviendroient 
de rignorance de leurs lecteurs. Ils ont combl^ 
de m^pris les anciens, et ceux qui les ^tudient 

encore, ^t 


* On a 6t^ h, cette etude le nom de Belles-Lettres, qu'une 
longue prescription sembloit lui avoir consacr^, pour y substituer 
celui d'^rudition. (1) Nos litterateurs sont devenus des 6rudits. 

L'Abb^ Massieu traitoit cette demi^re expressiop de n^ologisme 
en 1721. (S) Changeroit-il de ton k present? U sieroit mal k 
UD Stranger de vouloir le decider. Je connois tous les droits des 


t Fontenelle dans sa digression sur les anciens et les modemet, 
et ailleurs. — Oeuv. de Cresset, torn ii. p. 45. 

(1) V. U Motte et D*Alerabert 

(«) MatMca dana m prifacc aui oravres de ToaraiL 


VII. Je voudrois faire succ6dcr h ce tableau 
queiques reflexions, qui pourront fixer la juste 
valeur des Belles-Lettres. 

Les exemples des grands hommes ne prouvent g««>^ 

rien ; Cassini, avant de r^gler le cours des plan^tes, ijtt^ntem 

cnit y lire le destin des hommes.* Cependant, 

lorsqu'ils sont en grand nombre, ils pr^viennent 

avant lexamen, apr^s Texamen ils confirmenL 

On sent d abord qu'un g^nie capable de raisonner, 

one imagination vive et brillante ne goCiteroient 

jamais une science, qui ne seroit que de m6moire« 

De tons ces hommes qui ont ^clair^ la terre, plu- 

sieurs se sont livr^s k T^tude des Belles-Lettres; 

beaucoup Tout cultiv^e ; aucun, ou presqu aucun, 

ne Ta m^ris^e. Toute lantiquit^ se montroit sans 

voile aux yeux de Grotius : 6clair6 par sa lumifere, 

il d^eloppoit les oracles sacr^s, il combattoit 

HgnoTance et la superstition, il adoucissoit les hor- 

irurs de la guerre. Si Descartes, livr6 tout entier 

k SSL philosophic, m^prisoit toute 6tude qui ne s'y 

lapportoit pas, Newton f ne d^daigna pas de con- 

ecriraiiif sar la langue; mais je voudrois, qu'apr^ avoir 
iccooDQ qu'un eradit peut avoir du go^t, des vues, de la finesse 
da» Tesprit, (1) ils ne se servissent pas de ce terme pour designer 
■a serrile admirateur des anciens, d'autant plus aveugle qu'il y a 
tost TQ, hors leurs graces et leurs beautes. (2) 
• Fonteoelle dans son Eloge. — Voltaire, torn. xvii. p. jg, 
t Newton reibrmoit la chronologie ordinaire, et y trouvoit des 
crmin de cinq ^ six cens ans. Voyez mes Remarques Critiquet 
cette Chronologie. 

(1) M. D'Akmb. dmnt Vvt, Erudition de PEncycL Frmn^oise. 

(f ) 31. D^ AJemb. daiu k disooois pr^linunaire de TSacjciop^dirs et ailican* 

c 3 struire 


struire un syst^me de chronologic, qui a eu dcs 
partisans et bcaucoup daclmirateurs : Gasscndi, le 
nieilleur pliilosophc dcs litt^ratcui*s et le nicdlcur 
litterateur dcs philosophcs, expliquoit Epicure en 
critique, et le dcfendoit en physicien : Leibnitz 
passoit de scs rcchcrchcs iinmenscs sur Thistoire 
aux iniinimcut-petits. Si son edition dc Marti- 
anus Capella avoit paru, son cxcmple auroit justifi6 
Ic^ litterateurs, ses huni^res les auroient eclair^s.* 
Le Dictionnairc dc Bavle sera un monument etemel 
dc la force, et dc la tccondite de Terudition com- 
bircc avcc le genie. 
pwdT^^" VIIL Si nous ne faisons attention qua ceux qui 
hommci. q^^. cousacr^ prcsquc tons leurs travaux a la litte- 
rature, les vrais connoisseurs sauront toujours dis- 
tinguer et apprecier Tesprit delicat et etendu 
d'Erasme, Texactitude de Casauhon et de Gerard 
Vossius, la vivacite de Juste-Lipse, le gx)ut, la 
finesse de Taneguy-le-Fcbvre, les ressources, la 
f6condite d'Isaac \'ossius, la penetration bardie de 
Bentley, lamenitc de Massieu et de Fraguier, la 
critique solide et (fxlaircc dc Sallier, Tesprit profond 
et philosophiquc dc Le Clerc et de Freret. lis ne 
contbndront point ces grands honimes avec de 
simples compilateurs, un Gruter, un Saumaise, un 
Masson, et tant d'autres, honnnes a la verite utiles 
par leurs travaux, mais qui ne mtritent jamais 
notre admiration, qui excitent rarement notre gout^ 
et qui quelquefois seulement exigent notre estime. 
tsGovT. IX. Les anciens auteurs ont laiss^ des modeles 

^ Lit Tie de Leibnits ptr de Neufviile, it ia t6te de sa Theodic^. 



j>our ceux qui oseront marcher sur leurs traces : Troii 
des lectures aux autres, oil ils pourront puiser les uautlL* 
principes du bon gout, et remplir leur loisir par 
r^tude de ces pr^cicuses productions, oh la v^rit^ 
ne se montre qu'embellie de tous les tr^sors de 
rimagination. . Les poetes et les orateurs doivent 
peindrc la nature. Tout I'univers peut leur fournjr 
des couleurs ; mais parmi cette vari6t6 immense on 
peut ranger sous trois classes les images dont ils se 
servent : • I'homme, la nature, et Tart. Les images 
de la premiere esp^ce, le tableau de I'homme^ de ses 
grandeurs, de ses petitesses, de ses passions, de 
ses changemens, sont celles qui conduisent le plus 
surement un ^crivain k I'immortalit^. Chaquc fois 
quon lit Euripide, oii Terence, on y d^couvre 
de nouvelles beaut^s, Cependant ce h'est ni k la 
conduite souvent d^fectueuse de leurs pieces, ni 
aux finesses cach^es de leur heureuse simplicity, 
que ces poetes doivent leur renomm^e. Le coeur 
se reconnoit dans leurs tableaux vrais et naifs, et 
sy reconnoit avec plaisir. 

La nature, toute vaste qu'elle est, a foumi peu 
d'images aux poetes. Bom^s, par leur objet ou par 
le pr^jug6 des hommes, k son ^corce, ils n'ont pu 
peicdre que la successive vari6t6 des saisons, une 
mer irrit^e par les tempfite^, les z^phirs du printems 
respirant Tamour et les plaisirs. Un petit nombre 
de g^nies ont bient<^t 6puis6 ces tableaux. 

X. L'art leur restoit. J entends par Tart tout ce images 
dont les hommes ont om6 ou 4^figur6 la nature, 
les religions, les gouvernemens, les usages. Ils 
8 en sont tous servis : et il faut convenir qu'ils ont 

c 4 tou9 


tous eu raison. Leurs concitoyens et Icurs con-* 
temporainsks entendoient sans peine, et les lisoient 
avec plaisir. lis aimoient ^•retrouver dans les 
ouvrages des grands hommes de leur nation, tout 
ce qui avoit rendu leurs anc^tres respectables, tout 
ce qu*ils regardoient comme sacr^, tout ce qu'ils 
pratiquoient comme utile. 
«*«» XI. Les moeurs des anciens 6toient*plus favora-t 

initios , , 

fiibi«s • bles a la poesie que les ndtres : c'est une forte pr6- 
I'art somption quails nous y ont surpasses. 
"^ A mesure que les arts se sont perfectionn^s, les 
ressorts se sont simplifies. Dans la guerre, dans la 
politique, dans la religion, de plus grands effetr 
ont Hi produits par des causes plus simples. Sans 
doute les Maurice et les Cumberland * entendoient 
mieux Fart militaire que les Achille et les AJax : 

** Tels ne parurent point aux rives du Scamandre, 

** Sous ces mars tant vant^s que Pyrrfaus mit en cendre, 

^* Ces antiques heros qui montes sur un char 

<< Combattoient en desordre et marcboient au hasard."*f- 

Cependant les batailles du poete Francois sont- 
elles diversifi^es comme ccUes du pocte Greer Ses 
h^ros sont-ils aussi int^ressans ? Tous ces combats 

♦ Je n'ai point cherch^ h faire un compliment k son A. R. Mgr. 
le Due de Cumberland, dont jerespecteinfiniment la naissance et 
le run^, san<i user apprccier ses talens militaires. Si Ton se rap- 
ptflle i|ue les vers sui\ans sont tires du poeme sur la bataille de 
Fontenoy, on stia:r i que c'est pluiot M. de Voltaire qui parle 
que moi. Je nc cruis pas ceite remarque inutile. Des gens 
d*et»prit s*y sont trompi's. 

t Oeuvres de Volt. torn. ii. p. 300. 



abaguliers des chef^, tous ces longs discours aux 
mourans, toutes ces rencontres inattendues^ prou- 
vent I'enfance de Tart, mais donnent au poete le 
moyen de nous faire connoitrg ses h^ros, et de nous 
int^resser k leur destin. Aujourd'hui les ann6es 
sont de vastes machines anim^es par le souffle du 
g^^ral. La Muse se refuse k la description de 
ses manoeiivres : elle n'ose percer ce tourbillon de 
poudre et de poussi^re, qui cache k ses yeux le 
brave et le liche, le chef et le soldat* 

XII. Les anciennes r^publiques de la Gr^ce p""**!*^ 
ignoroient les premiers principesd'un bon gouveme- 
roent. Le peuple s'assembloit en tumulte pour 
decider plut6t que pour d^lib^rer. Leurs factions 
^ient furieuses et immortelles, leurs s^itions 
fWquentes et terribles, leurs plus beaux jours rem- 
plis de m^fiance, d envie et de confusion :* leurs 
citoyens 6toient malheureux, mais leurs 6crivains, 
Ilmagination ^haufF6e par ces afFreux objets, les 
peignoient comme ils les sentoient. La tranquille 
administration des loix, ces arrets salutaires qui, 
sortis du cabinet d un seul ou du conseil d'un petit 
nombre, vont r^pandre la f(6licit6 chez un peuple 
entier, n excitent chez le poete que ladmiration, la 
plus froide de toutes les passions. 

XIIL La mythologie ancienne qui animoit toute !>■" u le. 
la nature, ^tendoit son influence sur la plume du ^ 

• \'oy. le iii. L. dc Thucydidc. 

Diodore de Sicile, depuis le L. xi. jusqu'au L. xx. presquc par 

La Preface de TAbbc Terrasson au iii. torn, de sa Traduction 
^ Diudorc de Sicile, et Hume's Political Easays, p. 191- 



poete. Inspir6 par la muse, il chantoit les attri- 
buts, les aventurcs, et les malheurs dcs dieux. 
L'Etre infini, que la religion et la philosophic nous 
ont fait connoltre, cgt au-dessus de ses chants : le 
sublime k son ^gard devient puerile. Le Fiat de 
Moise nous frappe;* niais la raison ne sauroit 
suivre les travaux do la Divinitc qui 6branle sans 
efforts et sans instrumens des millions de mondes, 
et rimagination nc pout voir avec plaisir les diables 
de Milton, combattre pendant deux jours les ar- 
mies du Tout Puissant. t 

Les anciens connoissoient leurs avantages, et les 
employoient avec succ^s. Ces chefKroeuvres que 
nous admirons encore en sont la meillcurc preuve. 
Mo^tde XIV. Mais nous, places sous un autre ciel, n^s 
Wmotb. dans un autre si^cle, nous perdrions n^cessaire- 
ment toutes ces beaut^s, faute de i>ouvoir nous 
placer au m^me point de vue, ou sc trouvoient les 
Grecs et les Romains. Unc connoissance detaill^c 
de leur si^cle est le seul moyen qui puisse nous y 
conduirc. Quclques idces superficicllcs, quelques 

* V. les pieces de Huct et de Despreaux, dans le iii. torn. de» 
Ocuvres de celui-ci. 

t Ix compas d*or dont le Createur mesurc runivers etonne che^ 
Milton. Peul-^tre chez lui cst-il puerile : chcz Hora^re il cut 
kie sublime. Nos idces philosophiques de la Divinite nuisent au 
poete. Les nodroes ornemens qui auroient releve le Jupiter des 
Grecs, la defigurent. Le beau genie de Milton lutte contra 1« 
syst^roe de sa religion, et ne paroit jamais si grand que lorsqu*il 
CD est un peu affranchi : pendant qu'un Properce, declamateur 
froid et foible, ne doit sa rcnommee qu'au spectacle riant de sa 



lumi^res puisnes au besoin dans un commentaire, 
ne i^ous laisseront saisir que les beaut^s les plus 
sensibles et les plus apparentes : toutes les graces, 
toutes les finesses de leurs ouvrages nous ^cliap- 
peront ; et nous traiterons de gens* sans goOt leurs 
contemporains, pour leur avoir prodigu6 des ^loges, 
dont notre ignorance nous empfechera de sentir la 
justesse. La connoissance de lantiquit^, voil^ 
notre vrai commentaire : mais ce qui est plus n6- 
cessaire encore, c'est un certain esprit qui en est le 
resultat ; esprit qui non seulement nous fait con- 
noitre les choses, mais qui nous familiarise avee 
elles, et nous donne i leur ^gard les yeux des 
anciens. Le fameux Perrault pent 
laire sentir ce que je veux dire : la grossi^ret^ des 
sidles h^roiques choquoit le Parisien. En vain 
Boileau lui remontroit-il qu'Hom^re vouloit et 
devoit peindrc les Grecs, et non point les Francois; 
son esprit demeuroit convaincu, sans 6tre per- . 
suade.* Un gputantique (j'entends pour les id^es 
de convention) Veiit ^clair6 plus que toutes les 
lemons de son adversaire. 

XV. J'ai dit, il y a un moment, que laraison imagess 
autorisoit ces images artificielles; mais au tribunal tnuemi^ 
dc Tamour de la gloire, je ne sais si la decision "j^^^*' 
seroit la m6me. Nous aimons tons la gloire : mais 
rien n'est plus different que la nature et le d^gr^ 
de cet amour. Chaque homme varie dans sa 
mani^re de Taimer. Cet ^crivain n'aime que les 
eloges de ses contemporains. La mort met fin k 

* V. les Bemarques de M. Despreaux sur Longin. 



toutes ses esp^rances et k toutes ses craintes. Le 
tombeau qui couvre son corps peut cnsevelir son 
nom. Un tel homme peut sans scrupule employer 
des images famili^res aux seuls juges dont il re* 
cherche les applaudissemens. Get autre l^gue son 
nom k la post6rit6 la plus recul^e.* II se plait k 
penser que, mille ans apr^s sa mort, Tlndien <les 
bords du Gauge, et le Laponois au milieu de sea 
glaces, liront ses ouvrages, et porteront envie au 
pays et au sifecle qui Font vh naitre. 

Celui qui 6crit pour tous les hommes ne doit 
puiser que dans des sources communes k tous les 
hommes, dans leur coeur et dans le spectacle de la 
nature. Le seul orgueil peut Tengager k passer 
€68 limites. II peut pr^sumef que la beaut6 de 
ses Merits lui assurera toujours des Burmans, qui 
travailleront k I'expliquer, et qui Tadmirerolit 
encore plus, parcequ'ils Tauront expliqu^. 
ZtiUn». XVI. Non-seulement le caract^re de Tauteur, 
•i^t mais encore celui de son ouvrage, influe k cet 
^gard sur sa conduite. La haute poesie, T^pop^, 
la trag^die, et Tode emprunteront plus rarement 
ces images que la com^die et la satire, parccqu'elles 
peignent les passions, et que celles-ci crayon nent 
les mceurs. Horace et Plaute sont presqu'inintel- 
ligibles k quiconque n a pas appris k vivre, et k 
penser comnie le pcuple Romain. Le rival de 
Plaute, r^l^gant Terence, est mieux cntendu, 
parcequ'il a sacrifi6 la plaisanterie au bon go6t, au 
lieu que Plaute a immol6 les biens^ances k la 

* Vie de Bacon par Mallet, p. 27. 


1)£ LA LltriRATU&E. fi§ 

plaisanterie. Terence songeoit qu'il peignoit des 
Ath^niens ; tout dans ses pieces est Grec, hormi^ 
le langage:* Plaute savoit qu'il parloit k des 
Romains : on retrouve chez lui k Thebes, k Ath^es^ 
k Calydon, les moeurs, les loix et jusqu'aux hk- 
timens de Rome.f 

XVII. Dans les poetes h^roi'ques, les moeurs, Contnui 
bien qa'elles ne fassent pks le fond de leurs tableaux, ct^ d^t 
en oment souvent le lointain. II est impossible g*^ 
de sentir le plan, Tart, et les details de Virgile, 
sans £tre instruit k fonds de Thistoire, des loix, et 
de la religion des Romains, de la g^ographie de 
ritalie, du caractere d'Auguste, de la relation 
singuli^re et unique que ce Prince soutenoit avec 
le s^nat et le peuple.;]: Rien de plus frappant, et 
de plus int^ressant pour ce peuple, que le contraste 
de Rome couverte de paille, renfemiant trois mille 
citoyens dans ses murs,§ avec cette mfime Rome 
capitale de Tunivers, dont les maisons 6toient des 
palais, les citoyens des princes, et les provinces des 

• V. Tcrcnt. Eunuch. Act. ii. Sc. ii. Heauton. Act. i. Sc. i. 

Les Cupedinarn dont parle Terence ne delruisent point cette 
i^xiOQ. Ce mot(quand m^rae on n'adopteroit pas la conjecture 
de Saamaise) etoit devenu d'un nom prop re, un nom appellatif. 
V. Terence Eunuch. Act. ii. Sc. ii. 

t Amphytr. Act. i. Sc. i. Quid faciam nunc, si Tresviri me in 
Gvcerem compegerint, &cc, 

I v. les Dissertations de M. de la Bleterie sur le pouvoir des 
Empereurs. M^m de TAcad. des Belles-Lettres, torn. xix. p. 
357—457. torn. x.\i. p. 299, &c. torn. xxiv. p. 26l, &c. p. 279> 

^ Varron de Ling. Ladna, L. iv. Dionys. Halycam. L. xi. p. 
76. Plutarch, in RomuK 



empires. Puisque Florus a su saisir ce contraste,* 
on peut croire que Virgile ne la pas nianqu^. II 
la peint des traits d'uu grand niaitre. Evandre 
conduit son hdte par ce village, oi^t tout, jusqu'au 
monarque, respiroit la rusticity. II lui en expliquc 
les antiquit^s, et le poete laisse habilement en- 
trevoir k quoi ce village, ce capitole futur, cach6 
par les ronces, ^toit r^ser\'6.t Que ce tableau est 

• Voyci ses paroles: " Sora (quis credat ?) et Algidum terrori 
fuenint. Satricuni et Comiculum provincial. De Veruli* ct 
BovilHs pudet ; sed triumphavirous. Tibur nuuc suburbanum, et 
aestivae Prseneste, delicise, nuncupatis in capitolio votis pctebantur. 
Idem tunc Faesulse, quod Carrx nuper. Idem nemus Aricinuno, 
quod Hercynius sal^us : Fregellae quod Gessoriacura : Tiberis 
quod Euphrates. Coriolos, quoque, proh pudor! victos, adeo 
gloriae fuisse ut captum oppidum C. Marcius Coriolanus, quasi 
Kumantiaro aut Africam, nomini induerit extant, et parta de 
Antio spolia, quos Mcenius in suggestu furl, capta hostium classi, 
suffixit; si tamen ilia, classis: nam sex fuere rostrata*. Sed hie 
numerus illis initiis navale belluro fuit."(l) Properce a entrevu 
cctte id6e, roais confusoment. 

** Cossus, at insequitur Veientes caede Tolumni 
Vinccre dum V^eios posse, laboris erat. 
Nee dum ultra Tiberim, belli sonus, ultima pneda 
Noraentum, et capta? jugera terna Conr." (t2) 
Mais dans toute la tirade il mcle deux idecs, qui par clles-m^mea 
ct par leurs eflfets, sont tres diflcrentes. La comparaison de 
Rome florissante avec Rome naissante, penttre lame d*un senti- 
ment de grandeur et de plaisir. Au lieu que ces campagnes 
incultes oil paroissoient h peine les debris de I'ancienne Veies^ 
inspirent la melancolie et Tattendrissement. 
t Virg. .£ned. L. viii. v. 185—370. 

Hinc ad Tarpclam sedem el Capitolia ducit, 
Aurea nunc, oliro sylvestribus horrida dumis. 

armenta videbant 

Roroanoque foro et lautis rougire Carinis. 
(1) L. Aaumi Flori, L. i. c xi. («) Ph>pertu £1^. L. iT.EIeg. xi. w. tS. 



vif ! Que ce contraste est parlant pour un homme 
instruit dans I'antiquit^ ! Qu'il est fade aux yeux 
de celui qui- n apporte k la lecture de Virgile, 
d'autre preparation qu'un goUt naturel, et quelque 
connoissance de la langue Latine ! 

XVIII. Mieux on possfede Tantiquit^, plus on ArtdeYii* 
admire Tart de ce poete. Son sujet 6toit assez **** 
mince. La fuite d'une bande d'exil6s, le combat de 
quelques villageois, T^tablissement d'une bicoque, 
voila les travaux tant vant^s du pieux En^e. 
Mais le poete les a annoblis, et il a su, en les 
annoblissant, les rendre encore plus int^ressans. 
Par une illusion trop fine pour ne pas se d6rober 
au commun des lecteurs, et trop heureuse pour 
d^plaire auxjuges, il embellit les moeurs des siecles 
heroiques, mais il les embellit sans les d6guiser.* 
Le patre Latinus et le s^ditieux Tumus sont trans- 
formes en monarques puissans. Toute Tltalie 
craint pour sa liberty. En^e triomphe deshommes 
et des dieux. Virgile sait encore faire rejaillir 
iur les Troyens toute la gloire des Romains. Le 
fondateur tje Rome fait disparoitre celui de La- 

* Rien de plus difficile pour un ecrivaiD eleve dans le luxe, que 
Je peindre sans bassesse des moeurs simples. Lisez TEpttre de 
Penelope dans Ovide, vous vous y sentirez revolle de cette ra^mr 
rusticity qui vous enchnnte chez Hom^re. Lisez Mademoiselle 
de Scudery, vous serez d^sagreablement surpris de retrouver ^ la 
cour de Tomyris la pompe de celle de Louis XIV. 11 faut ^tre 
fait h ces moburs pour en saisir le ton. La reflexion a tenu lieu 
d experience k Virgile, et peut-^tre k Fenelon. Us ont connu 
qu'il les falloil orner un peu, pour roenager la delicatesse de leurs 
concitoyens ; mais qu'on choqueroit cette m^me delicatesse, si on 
les iardoit beaucoup. . > 


3Si kSSAI SUH L £TUbM . 

viniuniv C est un feu qui sallume. Bientdt it 
embrasera toute la terre. En^e (si j ose hasarder 
I'expression) contient le gernie de -tous ses de* 
scendans. Assi^g^ dans son camp, il nous rappelle 
C^sar et Alexia** Nous ne partageoiis point notro 

Jamais Virgile n'employe micux cct art, que 
lorsque, desceudu aux enfers avec son h^ros, son 
imagination en paroit affranchie. II n y cr^e point 
d'^tres nouveaux et fantasques. Romulus et Bru* 
tus, Scipion et C6sar s'y montrent, tels que Rome 
les admira ou les craignit. 

XIX. On lit les Georgiques avec ce goiit vif 
qu'on doit au beau, et avec ce plaisir d^licieux que 
Tam^nit^ de leur objet inspire k toiite ame honn^te 
et sensible. On pouiroit cependant sentir croitre 
son admiration, si Ton d^couvroit chez leur auteur 
un but aussi relev^ que Tex^cution en est achev6e. 
Je puise toujours mes exemples chez Virgile. Ses 
beaux vers et les pr6ceptes de son ami Horace^ 
fix^rent le goAt des Romains, et peuvent instruire 
la post^rit^ la plusrecul^e. Mais pour.d6velopper 
mes id^es, il faut les prendre d'un peu loin. 

XX. Les premiers Romains combattoient pour 
la gloire et pour la patrie. Depuis le si^ge de 
Veieaf iU redcvoient une paye assez modique, et 

* J'tturoit (16 di re Alctia. Alexia est une le9on fautive de queK 
ques ^idons des com men tai res; mais \c% plus anciens manuscritSy 
d accord avec les aulres 6crivains, portent constamroent Alesia.(l) 

t Liv. L. iv. c. 59, 6a 

<i) Notice de randeiinc Gaulc. per M. d'AATiOe, p^ 49. 



quelcfuefbis des rdcompenses apr^ les trioinphes;* 
maus lis les reoevoient comme ime giace, et non 
oomme one dette. La guerre finie, chaque soldat, 
deveau citoyen, se retiroit dans sa cabane et y sus- 
pcndok ses armes inutiles, pr6t k les reprendre au 
premier signal. 

Quand Sylla rendit la tranquillity k la r^piib- 
lique, les choses ^toient bien chang^es. Plus de 
tiois cens mille hommes, accoutum^ au carnage 
et an luxe,t sans'biens, sans patrie, sans principes^ 
exigeoient des r^mpenses. Si le dictateur les 
kuravoitdonn^ en argent, suivant le taux ^tabli 
ensuite par Auguste, elles lui auroient cout6 plus 
de trente-deux millions de notre monnoye,;]: somme 


* lir. L. XXX. c. 45y &c. ArbnUiDOt*s Tables, p. 181, Sec. 

t S«ll«st in Bell. Cadiin. p. 22. Edit. Thysii. 

; Ce taux etoit de trois mille diacbmes, oa douxe mille se^ 

terces poor le simple legionaireXO ^^ double pour le cavalier et 

le rcntenier, et da quadruple pour le triban.(2) La l^on Ro- 
^9 depub TaugmeDtatioii de Marius,(3) ^toit de six mille 
et de trois cens cbevaux. Ce gnmd corps D'avoit que 

sooEanie-six officiersy savoir soixanle centeniers et six tribuns. 

Votik le calcul: 

Lh. SterL 

tnfiOO l^onaires k 3000 diacbmes ou 12,000 ses- 
terces, ou £105 sterling cbacun, 28,905,000 

t;l20 centeniers et 14,100 cavaliers k (SOOOdracbmes 
on 210 livres sterling cbacun, 3,468,600 

tS2 tribons k 12,000 drachmes oa £410 cbacuD, 1 15,620 

£n tout £32,489,220 
Siivant les calculs de M. Arbuthnot cette somme ne seroit qua 

(l)DioB.CMi.L.liT.Iipt.£x.«LUL ABi»lTacit.C. . 

(t) Wocto^ Hirtory «f Boat, p. 154. (3) Ron. Anti^rp. 9M. 

TOJU IT. P d# 


immense dans les terns les plus prosp^es, inais alois 
au-dessus des facult^s de la r6publique. Sylla cith 
brassa un parti, que \i n6cessit6 et son int6r6t parti- 
culier, plutdt que le bien de I'^tat, luidictfefent: il 
donna des terres aux aoldats. Quarante-sept l^;i- 
ons furent dispers6es dans Tltalie. On fonda vh^t- 
quatre colonies militaires.^ Expedient ruineox: 
si on les m^loit, ils quittoient leurs habitations peur 
se retrouver; si on les laissoit en corps, le premier 
sMitieux y trouvoit une arm^ toute prAtcf C« 
vieux guerriers ennuy6s du repos, et trouvant au- 
dessous d'eux d'acheter par la sueur ce qui pouToit 
ne couter que du sang,;}: dissi parent leurs nonveanx 
biens par la d^bauche, et n'esp^rant de salut que 
dans une guerre civile, servirent puissamment les 
desseins de Catilina.^ Auguste, press6 par les 
m£mes embarras, suivit le m^me plan, et en crai- 

de £50J05fi20, la dracbme valant 7| sous d'Angletene^l) 
Mais quelques recherches que j'aie faites, la drachme AttiqM 
des derniers tems, ^gale au denier Romain en poids comme en 
valear, valoit 8^ de cette roonnoye.(2} 

* Liv. 1. Ixxxix. Epitom. Freinsheim. Suppl. 1. Ixxxix. c. 34. 

Sur Particle des colonies militaires on pent consul ter les Ceno- 
taphia Pisaoa du Cardinal Norris. Le second chapitie de m 
premiere disserution contient des details tr^ iostructife Sur oettt 

t Tacit. Aniial. xiv. p. 249- Edit. Lipsii. 

{ Tacit, de Mor. German, p. 441. 

S Sallttftt. in Bell. Catilin. p. 40. Cicero in Catilin. Orat. ii. 
c. 9. 

(1) Arbutb. Tables, D. 15. 

(f ) V. net Rem. USS. mu lei poids. kc d« tadwi. Hoopir, p. 109. tC 
* '^' p. tXkc 



goit les mtmes suites. La tiiste Italie fumoit en- 

^ Des feaz qii'a rsUuin^ sa liberty mcHinuite.'^ 

Les hardis v^t^rans n'avoient achet6 leurs pos- 
sesnons que par une guerre sanglante^ et leurs fr^- 
quens actes de violence montroient assez qu'ils se 
croyoient toujours les armes k la niain.t 

XXL Qu'y avoit-il alors de plus assorti i la B«*dei 
douce politique d'Auguste, que d'employer les 
chants harmonieux de son ami, pour les rdconcilier 
i leur nouvel ^tat? Aussi lui conseilla-t-il de com- 
poser cet ouvrage. 

cunum, atque audactpUB iuuui€ €4qftui 
Igmarotque via mecum miseratus agrestes, 
Imgredere; et voiisjam nunc auuesce vacari.^ 

L^ag^culture avoit cependant plus de cinquante 
feivains Grecs ;§ les livres de Caton et de Varron 
6tment des guides plus s&rs, phis minutieux, et 
plus exacts que ne pouvoit T^tre un poete. Mais 
H falloit faire goiiter k des sDldats le repos de la 
campagne plutdt que de les instruire dans les 
piincipes de Tagiiculture : de \k toutes ces de- 
scriptions touchantes des plaisirs innocens du cam- 
pagnard, ses jeux, ses foyers, ses retraites d61i- 
cieuses oppos^ aux amusemens frivoles des 
bonunes, et k leurs afiaires plus frivoles que leurs 

* Racio. Mitlirid. Act. iii. Sc. 1. 

t V. Donat. in Vit Virgil, Virgil, £ck>g. ix. v. 2, &c. 

t Vh^ Georg. L i. t. 40. § Varrode Re Ruitic. L L c. 1. 

d8 n 

.9§ CMiUi «nE X STTVjyr 

IJ T-s <biiK 'Of tabkas ^ ton isxdrtsF ^% dt iiatf* 
lieaKiufk. <kr oe<i; ^tituin^ cacdi^et hemeizx^ gni iiautt- 
tosat 'dasM Vii^^^lc im -^!«aDar pom* !& -wiinr ^nr 

pidbKwaat i«£uu3ei ^ cad^^ Quel TvaEoam sr at 

a] tjf(^urwx taa^M Ir bcmlinEXT dass cur mtzEBttp 
ra|^ qut fiei tixrssaC svxmaat tzBtt^fisnm&e 

ttiKtt9 et pla^^Kift foo priDcc dc sr tut 
|/v b raoknor dci T^t^ianft, 

Addmmi in tfteiimm^ tifrwarm rtlimmcmlm 
Ferimr eqmtM mtrig^, tKjme mm£i cmrrm 

et fccoromeofait fc» tiavaax dans Fe^XHr d*Qn 
tiou%'eau fi^^ck d'or. 

XXir Si Ton adapte mes id^es, Viigile b'csI 
plus un simple ^crivain, qui d^crit les travaux nis- 
tiques* CTest un mouvel Oiphee, qui ne manie si 
lyre, que pour faire d^poser aux sau^-ages leur fi^ 

* Hie petit excidiif orbem miserosque pellftte^ 
Ut ^ouiii bibst, et Smmao ^onniat ottm. 

Virg. Georg. L. iL ▼. 505, &C. 
t Virg. Geor. L. vr, v. 125, el leq. 

t II etoit do nombre des pirmtes auxquels Poinp^ avoit doonfi 
dei terret. V. Senr. in Loc. et Veil. Pater. Li iL p« 66. 
§ Virg. Georg. L. i. f . 512. 

' TOCit^, 


iocit6, et pour ks r^iuiir par les liens des mocurs et 

Ses crhants produisirent cette merveille. Les v6- 
titans s'accoutum^rent insensiblement au repos. 
Us pass^rent en paix les trente ans qui -s'^couldrent 
aTant qu*Aiiguste eiit ^tabli, non sans beaucoup de 
Uifficolt^ un tr^r militaire pour les payer oi ar- 


XXIII. Aristote, qui portoit la lumi^re dans les ^ ^'i- 
ten^bresde la nature et de Tart, est le p^re de la id^deia 

II ■*■■ !■■■ 

critique. Le terns, dont la justice lente, maissure, ""^^^ 
met enfin la v^rit^ k la place de Ferreur, a bris^ les 
statues du philosophe, mais a confirme les decisions 
du critique. Destitu6 d'observations, il a donn6 
des chim^res pour des faits. Form^ dans T^cole 
de Platen, et dans les Merits d'Hom^re, de Soi- 
I^Kicle; d'Euripide et de Thucydide, il a puis^ ses 
regies dans la nature des choses et dans la con- 
noissaiice du coeur humain. II les a ^claircies par 
les eiLemples des plus grands modules. 

Deux mille ans se sent ^coul6s depuis Aristote. 
Les critiques ont perfectionn^ leur art. Cepen- 
dant lis ne sent pas encore d'accord sur Ibbjet de 
kurs travaux.- Les le Clerc, les Cousin, les Des- 
maiseaux, les *de Sainte-Marthe,^ nous en ofirent 


* SjlTestrs homines sacer interprcsqae Deorum 
CaDdibm et Ticta faedo detemiit Oqiheos ; , 
Dictus ob hoc lenire tigres rabidosqae leoaes. 

Horat. Are Poet. ▼. Spi. 
t TiUaiiODt. HbU des Emper. TaciL Anoal. L. i. p. 39- 
Ihooju L. Iv. p. 565. Sueton. in August, c. 49* 
I Qehci An Crit, L. i. c. 1. 

D 3 des 

58 usAi nvK l'itudi 

des definitions difF^rentes. Pour moi, je les en^ 
toutes ou tit)p partiales, ou trop arbitraires. La 
critique est, selon moi, Tart de juger des ^rits ct 
des ^crivains, ce qu'ils ont dit, s'ils Tont bien dit, 
s*ils ont dit vrai.* De la premiere de ces branches 
d^coule la grammaire, la connoissance des laaguea 
et des manuscrits, le discemement des ouvragei 
supposes, le r^tablissement des endroits corrompus, 
Toute la th^rie de la poesie et de T^loquence se 
tire de la seconde. La troisi^me ouvre un champ 
immense,' Texamen et la critique des faits. Od 
pourroitdonc distinguer la nation des critiques, ea 
critiques grammairiens, en critiques rh6teurs et en 
critiques historiens. Les pretensions exclusivea 
des premiers ont nui non seulement k leur tFavail, 
mais k cclui de leurs confreres, * 
^^^11 XXIV. Tout ce qu ont et6 les hommes, tout ce 
que le g6nie a cr^e, tout ce que la raison a pes^, 
tout ce que le travail a recueilli, voili le d^parte- 
ment de la critique. Lajustessed'esprit, la finesse, 
la penetration, sont toutes necessaires pour Texefcer 
dignement. Je suis le litterateur dans «on cabinet, 
je le vois entoure des productions de tons les sidles: 
sa bi.blioth^que en est remplie : son esprit en est 
edaire, sans en 6tre charge, II etehd ses regards 
de tous c6tes. L auteur le plys eioigne du travail 
de rinstant, n'est pas oublie: un trait lumineux 
pourroit s'y rcncontrcr, qui confirmeroit les decou- 

^ l\ fiut borner ce vrai au rrai historique, k la v^rit6 de leun 
tfmoigiiages, et non de leun opinions. Cette demi^re esp^ce de 
f^rt estplqlftt du retMHTl de lalogiqoe qu« de celui de la critique. 



Tcrtes du critique ou qui ^branleroit ses hjrpoth^ses. 
Le trairail de I'dnidit est achev6. Le philosophe de 
nu joius sy air&te et loue la m6moire du cojnpila- 
teur. Celui-ci en est quelquefois la dupe, et preud 
les Hiateriaux pour Tddifice. 

XXV. Mais le vrai critique sent que sa tAche ne Op^ndm 
fiut qne commencer. II p^e, il combine, il doute, ^"^^^^'^ 
il decide. Exact et impartial, il ne se rend qak la 
nismiy oa a Fautorit^ qui est la laison des faits.* 
Le ncMn le plus respectable le cMe quelquefois au 
temoignage d*^crivains auxquels les circonstanceg 
seuks donnent un poids momentan^. Prompt et 
fecood en ressources, mais sans fausse subtilit^ il 
ase sacrifier lliypoth^ la plus brillante, la plus 
specieiise» et ne fait point parler k ses maitres le 
Luigage de ses conjectures. Ami de la v6rit^ il 
chercbe le genre *de preuves qui convient k son 
sQJet, et il s'en contente. II ne porte point la faux 
de Tanalyse sur ces beaut^s d^licates, qui se fanent 
sous la toucbe la moins rude ; mais aussi, pen con- 
tent d*une admiration sterile, il fouille jusques dans 
les principes les plus cach^ du cocur hunuun, pour 
se rendre raison de ses plaisirs et de se^ degoAts. 
Modeste et sense il n'^tale point ses conjectures 
omune des v^rit^ ses inductions comme des faits, 
vraisemblances comme des demonstrations. 

XXVI. On a dit que la g&metrie ^toit une Lacntiqnc 
bonne logique, et Ton a cm lui donner un grand logkjiie. 
eioge : il est plus glorieux aux sciences de d6ve- 
k>pper ou de perfectionncr ITiomme, que de reculer 

* Ccst-^-dire, rautorite combinee ftvec rexpericnce. 

D 4 les 

40 l^SSAI SUB L'irUDS 

les bornes de Vunivers. Mais la critique ne peut- 

elle pas partager ce titre ? Elle a m^me cet avan* 

tage : la g6om6trie s'occupe de demonstrations qui 

ne se trouvent que chez elle ; la critique balance 

les difF(6reiis d^gr^s de vraisemblance. C'est erf les 

comparant que nous regions tous les jours nos 

actions, que nous d^cidons souvent de ngtre sort* 

Balan^ons des vraisemblances critiques. 

J52SS XXVII. Notre sitele, qui se croit destin^ k 

■•^^ changer les loix en tout genre, a enfant6 un Pir- 

. rhonfsme historique, utile et dangereux. M. dc 

Pouilly, esprit brillant et superficiel, qui citoit 

plus qu*il ne lisoit, douta dc la certitudef des cinq • 

premiers si^cles de Rome ; mais son imagination 

peu faite pour ces recherches, c6da facilement k 

r^rudition et k la critique de M. Freret et de 

TAbb^ Sallier.;]; M. de Beaufort fit revi\Te cette 

controverse, etlTiistoire Romaine souffrit beaucoup 

des attaques d'un 6crivain, qui savoit douter et qui 

savoit decider, 

Mcntre XXVIII. Uu tralt^ dcs Romains et des Car- 

tkase. thag^nois devint entre ses mains une objection 

accablanteǤ Ce trait6 se rencontre chez Polybc, 

* II t'agit principalement des 616mens de la g^ometrie et d« 
ctuK de la critique. 

4 Une definition claire de cette certitude sur laquelle on se 
dbputoii, auroit pu abr^ger la controverae. ** C'est la certitiide 
htstorique." Mais cette certitude varie de si^le en si^e. Je 
crois en gros k I'existence et aux actions de Charlemagne : mail 
la certitude que j'en ai» n'est point egale & celle des exploits 
de Henri quatre. 

} V. Mto. de TAcad. des Belles-Lettres, torn. vi. p. 14*1 jK>« 

I Dissert sur I'lncertit. de rHist« Rom. p. 35—46. 



historien exact ct 6clair^.* Uoriginal se conservoit 
k Rome de son terns. Cependant ce monument 
authentique contredit tous les historiens. L. Brutus 
ct M. Horatius y paroissent comftie exerjant le 
consulat ensemble, quoiqu'Horatius n'y parvint 
qu*apr^ la mort de Brutus. Les Romains y ont 
des sujets qui n'6toient encore que leurs allies. On 
entend parler de la marine d'un peuple qui ne con- 
struisit ses premiers vaisseaux que dans la premiere 
guerre Punique, deux cens cinquante ans apr^s le 
consulat de BrutuSv Quelles conclusions fatales 
ne tire-t-on pas de cette contrariety? Elles sont 
toutes au d6savantage des historiens. 

XXIX^ Cette objection a fort embarrass^ les u tnit^ 
adversaires de M. de Beaufort. lis ont dout6 de **^***~ 
Tauthenticit^ de ce monument original. lis en 
ont avanc6 la date. Tachons par une explication 
vraisemblable de concilier le monument et les his- 
toriens. S^parons d'abord la date d'avec le corps 
du traits. Celui-ci est du terns de Brutus. Celle- ^^««" 
li est de la fa^on de Polyb^ ou de ses antiquaues 
Romains. Les noms des consuls ne se lisoient 
jamais dans les trait^s solemnels, dans les Jcsdera 
consacr^s par toutes les c^r^monies de la religion. 
Les seuls ministres de cette religion, les ficiauxy 
les signoient : et cette circonstance distinguoit les 
fxdera et les sponsiones. Nous devons ce detail k 
Tite Live.t II fait disparottre la difficult^. Les 


♦ Polyb. Hist, L. iii. c. 22. 

t SpopondeniDt coitfulte, legati, qUaestores, tribuni militum, 
•ominaqae eorum qui tpopondemnt. adbuc extant, ubi si ex 


43 xssiki wn l'stvojk 

Imtiquaires auront pris les ficmix pour les consuls^ 
Mais sans songer k cette m'<6pnse, ces antiquaires^ 
que rien n'obligeoit k la pr^cisioa dans rexplica<» 
tion det monumens publics^ out niarqu6 Tann^ du 
r6gifuge, par les noms c^l^bres du fondateur de li^ 
liberty et de celui du capitole. II leur importoit 
peu de s'assurer s'ils exerc^rent le cousulat en* 
Jj -gf* XXX. Les peuples d'Ard^, d'Antium, de Ter- 
lacine n'^toient point sujets des RomatnSy ou s'iU 
r^toient, les historiens nous ont donn^ une id6e 
tr^ fausse de T^tendue de la r^pubtique* Tran^- 
portons-nous dans le si^cle de Brutus, et puisona 
dans la politique des Romains, une definition du 
terme d alli6 assez ^loign^e de la ndtre^ Rome» 
quoique la demi^re colonie des Latins, songea de 
bonne hcure k r^unir toute cette nation sous sea 
loix. Sa discipline, ses h^ros et ses victoirea lui 
acquircnt bientdt une superiority d^cid^e. Fiers^ 
mais politiques, les Romains en us^rent avec une 
sagesse digne de leur bonheur. lis comprirent que 
des cit^s mal-asservies arr£teroient les armes, ^pui* 
seroient les tr^sors, et corromproient les mceurs de 
la r6publique. Sous le nom plus sp^cieux d'alli^s, 
ib surent faire aimer leur joug aux vaincus. Ceux* 
ci consentirent avec plaisir k reconnoitre Rome 
pour la capitale de la nation Latine, et ^ lui foumir 
un corps de troupes dans toutes ses guerres. La 
r^publique ne leur devoit quune protection, 
marque dc sa souverainete et qui leur coutoit si 

f<rd«re acta res esset praeterquam duonun fecialium non exia* 
rent. Tit Liv. L. ix. c. 5. 



Atr. Ccs peoples 6toieiit alli^ de Bome, mais 
Bs Tirent tnentdt eux-intanes qu'ils en ^toient 

J me 

XXXI. Cette expficatkm dimmue la 
me dim-t-on, mais ne la diasipe pas. Tvixmi, TeX'* 
presskm doot se sert Polybe, signifie sujet, dans le 
tent fwopre du mot Je ne le oontesterai pas. 
3fab nous n*avons que la tiaductioji de ce tiait6 ; 
et si Ton accoide k set copies une confianoe oondi- 
tkmeUe poor le fond des choses^ il ne doit pas £tie 
pennis de rien condure de leurs expressions prises 
a la r^eur. Les assemblages didoes stmt si arbi- 
tiairei;, les nuances si Idg^res, les langues si diff<6- 
rmtn. que le plus hatnle traducteur peut cherdier 
des e xpr e ss ions 6quivalentes, mais n*en trouve 
gaiies que de semblables.t Le langage de ce trait6 
teHtancien, )^oly be se fia aux antiquaires Romains. 
La vanit^ leur grossit les objets. Fitderati ne 
iignifie pas des alli^ ^[^ux : roidons-le, dirent ils, 
par snjets. 

XXXII. La marine des Romains embarrasse en- 
ewe nos critiques. Polybe nous assure que la 
loCte de Duillius iut leur premier essai dans ce 
genre.:^ Eh bien, Polybe se trompe, puisqull se 
contredit; voili toute ma conclusion. Mais en 
sdmetlant m6me son r^t, lliistoire Romaine ne 
i^crouleroit cependant pas. Voici une hypoth^ 

* Tit. Ljt. L. Tiii. c. 4. 

Le pf€teor Anniiis ftppelle le goii?enieiiient des Ronuuns, 

t V. Cleric. An Critic. L. ii. c. 2. § 1, «, 3. 
I Fdjb. L. i. c. 20. 


44 £8&AI SUR L'eTUDE 

qui explique ce ph^nom^ne d'une mani^re raison- 
liable ; et c'est tout ce qu'on est en droit d'exiger 
d une hypothfese. Tarquin opprime le peuple et 1^ 
soldats. II s'approprie tout le butin. On se d^goftte 
de la milice. On 6quipe de petits bAtimens qui 
font des courses sur mer. La r6publique naissante 
les protege, mais met un frein par ce traits 4 leurs 
d6pr6dations. Des guerres continuelles, la paye 
qu'on accorde aux troupes de terre, font n6gliger 
la marine ; et dans un si^le ou deux, on oublie 
qu elle a jamais exists.* Polybe aunt parl6 d'une 
ia$:on un peu trop g^n^rale. 

XXXIII. D ailleurs la premiere marine dte Ro^ 
mains ne pouvoit itre compos6e que de bitimens k 
cinquante rames. Gelon et Hieron construisirent 
des vaisseaux plus grands, t Les Grecs et les Car« 
thaginois les imit^rent ; et dans la prftmi^re guerre 
PuniquCy les Romains mirent en mer de ces vaisr 
seaux k trois ou quatre rangs de rames, qui ^ton^ 
nent encore nos antiquaires ct nos m^chaniciens. 
Cet armement 6toit bien propre k faire oublier leurs 
essais antiques et grossiers. X 

XXXIV. J ai d^fendu avec plaisir une histoive 

* Je ne dis rien de la floUe qui parut devant Tarente. Je croit 
que let vaiaseaux appartenoient aux babitans de Thuricuiu Voyea 
Freioshenn Supplero. Livian. L. xii. c. 8. 

t Arbutbnots Tables, p. 2^5. Hist, du commerce des aii« 
ciens, par Huet. c. 221. 

I On peul voir une autre hypotk^ du cel^bre M. Freret. 
. Elle plait par sa simplicity, mais elle me paroit insou tenable.— 
Voy. M^moires de TAcadem. des Belles-Lettres, torn, xviii. p. 
102, &c. 



Utile et int^ressante. Mais j'ai voulu surtout 
montrer par ces r6flexions, combien sont d^licates 
les discu^ions de la critique, od il ne s'agit pas de 
saisir la demonstration, mais de comparer le poids 
des vnusemblances oppos^es ; et combien il faut se 
d6fier des syst^mes les plus ^blouissans, puisqu'il 
y en a si peii qui soutiennent r^preuve d'un examen 
libre et attentif. 

XXXV. Une nouvelle consideration embarrasse Lacridqi 
la critique d'une nouveUe difficult^. II est des tiqL^ 
sciences qui ne sont que des connoissances : leurs ^'"•' 
principes sont des v^rit^s de speculation et non des 
maximes de conduite. II est plus facile de com- 
prendre sterilement une proposition, que de se la 
cendre famili^re, de Tappliquer avec justesse, de 
s'en servir comme d'un guide dans ses etudes, et 
d'un flambeau dans ses decouvertes. 

La marche de la critique n'est point une routine. 
Ses principes generaux $ont vrais, mais steriles. 
Celui qui ne connoit qu'eux, se meprend egale- 
ment, qu'il veuille les suivre ou qu'il ose sten ecar- 
ter. Le genie plein de ressources, maitre des 
r^les, mais maitre aussi des rai^ns des regies, pa- 
rolt souvent les mepriser. Sa route nouvelle et 
bardie semble Ten eloigner : mais suivez-le jusqu'au 
bout, vous voyez en lui un admirateur, mais un ad- 
mirateur eclaire des m^mes regies, qui sont tou- 
jours b base de ses raisonnemens et de ses decou- 
vertes. Que toutes les sciences fussent legum non 
hominum respublica, voilk le souhait du peupledes 
savans. Son accomplissement feroit son bonhejur : 
mais on ne sait que trop que le bonheur des peuples 



4fi tMAt IITR L*£TUD£ 

et la gloire de oeux qui les 6claireiit ou qui lea 
gouvernent, sont des objets souvent diff^rens, et 
quelquefois opposes. Les sarans du premier ordre 
ne veulent que des 6tudes sembiables i la lance 
d'Achille : elle n'^toit faite que pour ks mains du 
h^ios. Essayons de la manier. 
Lepoite XXXVI. Le l^slateur de la critique a pro* 
l^K&t nonc6, que le poete doit rendre les h^ros tels que 
lliistoire nous les fait connottre : 

Autfamam sequere, out sibi convenientiafingtf 
Scriptor; Hamertum* si forte reponk AchilUn^ 
Impiger, iraeundu$^ inexorabitiSf acer^ 
Jura neget sM mtUa, niUl nam arrogei armi$f Ircf 

R6duirons-nou8 done le poete au r61e d'un froid 
annaliste? Lui dterons-nous ce grand pouvoir de 
la fiction, ce contraste, ce choc des caract^res, ces 
situations inattendues oil Ton tremble pour 
ITiomme, oA Ton admire le h^ros ? 'Ou bien, plus 
amis des beaut^ que des r^les, lui pardonnerona- 
nous plus ais^ment les anachronismes que Tennui? 

UkMctni. XXXVII. Charmer, attendrir, 61evcr Tesprit, 
loi. c'est-lii Tobjetde la poesie. Les loix partiales ne 

vJJJSl* ^. doi vent jamais faire perdre de vue quelles ne sont 
que des moyens destines k aider ses operations, et 
non k les embarrasser. On a vu que la philosophie 
h^rissde de d^monstations, ose k peine entamer les 
id6es revues ; comment la poesie pourroit-elle es» , 
pirer de plaire qu'cn s*y prfetant? Nous nous | 

• V. Bentley et Saaadoo an y, 120. de TAit Poetique dllo- 


t Hocat. An Poet y. 119* et teq. 



plaisons k levoir les h^res et les ^v^nemens de 
Tantiquit^ : paroissent-ib travestis, ils produisent la 
sofprise, mais ime surprise qui r^volte contre les 
DOttveaut^. IxM^u'ua auteur veut hasarder quel- 
que changement, il doit r^fl^hir s'il en na!t une 
bcaiit6 irappante ou l^g^a:e, mais toujouis piopor- 
tioon^ k la violation des 4oix. Ce n'est qu'i ce 
prix qu'il pent racheter son attentat. 

Les anachionismes d'Ovide nous d^fdaisent.* 
La vintt y est corrompue sans 6tre embdlie. 
Que le M^nce de Virgile est d'un caiact^re dif- 
ftrent ! Ce prince ne p^rit que par les armes d'As- 
cagne* '\Mais quel lecteur assez glac^ pour y 
Mmga un instant, lorsqu'il voit £n6e, ministre des 
TOkgaatcts celestes, devenir le protecteur des na- 
tions cfffpnm^es, lancer la foudre sur la ttte du 
ooopable tyran, mais s'attendrir sur la victime in- 
faitaa^6e de ses coups, le jeune et pieux Lausus 
c%ne d'un autre p^re, et d^un destin plus propice ? 
Que de beautds lliistoire faisoit perdre au poete ! 
Enoourag^ par ce succ^ il Tabandonne quand il 
di dii la suivre. £n6e arrive dans Tltalie si d^ 
mic; les Latins acoHirent pour d^fendre leuis 
hyas, tout menace du plus sanglant combat. 

* Ea mati^re dbe geographie et de cbronologie on doit pea 
sar rautorite d'Ovide. Ce poAe ^toit d'une ignorance 
dans ces denx sciences. lisex la description des voy- 
4e Bkf^dte; Metamorph. L. vii. v. 350. k 402. eC le 3dv. L. 
Metamorph. Celle-lk est remplie d'erreurs geogra- 
qui donnent la torture aux commentateors m^mcs ; el 
ibormille de b^yues chronologiques . ^ 

. a^l Virg. .£neid. L. iv. v. 690. DloQ. Halycam. An- 




'' D^i^ de tnuts en Tair s'^levoit un nuage ; 
D^ji couloit le sang pr^mices du carnage."* 

Le nom d'£n6e fait tomber les armes aux ennemis« 
lis craignent de combattre ce guerrier, dont la 
gloire s'^l^ve des cendres de sa patxie. lb courent 
embrasser ce prince annonc6 par tant d'oracles, 
qui leur apporte du fond de TAsie, ses dieux^ une 
race de h^ros, et la promesse de Tempire de Tuni- 
vers. Latinus lui ofFre un asile et sa fille. fQ^^^ 
coup de th^^tre ! Qu'il ^toit digne de la majesty 
de r^pop^e, et de la plume de V irgile ! Qu'on lui 
compare, si on lose, Tambassade dllioneus, le pa- 
lais de Latinus, et le discours du monarque.;): 

XXXVIIL Que le poete, je le r^p^te encore, 
ose hasarder, pourvft que le lecteur retrouve tou- 
jours dans ses fictions, ce m£me d^gr6 de plaisir 
que la v^rit^ et Ics convenances lui eussent offert 
Qu'il ne bouleverse pas les annales d'un si^cle pour 
dire une antith^se. Uinvention ne trouvera pas 
cette loi trop s^v^re, si elle r6fl^chit que le senti- 
ment appartient k tous les hommcs, que les con- 
noissances ne sont le partage que d'un petit 
nombre, et que le beau agit plus puissamment sur 
Fame que le vrai sur Tesprit. Qu'elle se souvienne 
toutefois qu'il est des 6carts que rien ne pent (aire 
oublier. L'imagination forte de Milton, la versifi- 
cation harmonieuse de Voltaire, ne nous recon- 
cilieroient jamab avec C6sar l^he, Catilina ver- 

• Racin. Iphig. Act v. Sc. dem. 

f Tit. Liv. L.i. c. 1. 

X Viig. ^neid. L. vii. v. 14S. jusqu'k 2$5. . 



tueux, Henri IV. vainqueur des Romalns. Disons 
en lassemblant nos id^es, que les caract^res des 
gnmds hommes doivent £tre sacres ; mais que les 
poetes peuvent ^crire leur histojre, moins comme 
ellc a 6t6j que comme elle eikt dA 6tre ; qu'une 
creation nouv^lle r^volte moins que des change- 
mens essentiels, parce que ceux-ci supposent Ter- 
reur, et celle-li unc simple ignorance ; et qu enfin 
on nqiproche plus ais^ment les tems que les lieux. 

On doit sans doute de Tindulgence aux si^cles 
reciil6^ oj^ les syst^mes des chronologistes sont les 
fictioos des poetes, k Tagr^ment pr^. Quiconque 
ose cmidamner T^pisode de Didon est plus philo- 
sopfae ou moins homme de gout que moi.* - 


* On peat doater c^pendant si cet episode blesse la veritable 
ckroooiogie. Dans le systeme plausible du Chevalier Newton, 
Eaee et Didon se trouvent contemporains (1). Des Romaios de- 
voient mienx connoitre lliistoire de Carthage que le^ Grecs. Les 
trefcives de Carthage ^toient passees h, Rome (2). La langue Pa« 
M|«e J ^toit assez connue (3). Les Romains consul toient volon- 
Dm les Africains sur leurs origines (4). D'ailleurs (et c'est assez 
<tisca1per notre poete) Virgile adopte une chronologie plus 
mux supputations de Newton qu'a eel les d'Eratosth^ne. 
FcBl'toe on ne sera pas fiche d« voir les preuves de ce sen- 

Sepc ans snfiirent a peine au courroux de Junon et aux voyages 
Ewe. Cest Didon qui me Tapprend ; 

" Nam te jam septinda portat 

** Omnibus eirantem terris et fluctibus stas (S)."* 

(1- V. X««ton*s Chioooiogy of Ancient Kingdoms refonned, p. 5f . 
^f'l Uahnosal History, ton. xtUL p. ltl» lit. 
*S) Plaot. PcnoL Act. ▼. Sec 1. 

f 4/ SbHtr, in Belt Jogiaitli. c. 17. Amniiui Maroel. L. uii. Mea. de 
lead, des BcUcs Leitres, torn. it. p. 464. 
^> T»gd. .Cacid. L. L v. 755. 

vol- IT. E Quelques 

» ' 


^c» na- XXXIX. Plus on a approfondi Ics sciences, 
TvatLLBs. plus on a vu qu'elles ^toient toutes li^s. On a 



Quelques raois apr^s il arriva au bord du Tibre. Ce fiit-lk qoe 
le Dieu du fleuve lui apparut, lui pr6dit de nouveaux combatSt 
nais lui fit esp^rer une fin glorieuse k ses maax. Un prodige 
confirma I'oracle. Une truie couchee sur le rivage montroit, par 
ses trentc petits qui Tenvironnoient, le nombre d'annees qui de* 
voient s'ecouler avant que le jeuoe Ascagne jettit les fontdemeof 
d'Albe : 


'' Jamque tibi, ne vana putes bxc nngere somnonif 
J^ittoreis ingens inventa sub ilicibus sus, 
Triginta capitum foetus enixa, jacebit; 
Alba, solo recubans, aibi circum nbera nati. 
Hie locus urbis erit, requies ea certa laborum: 
£x quo ter denis urbem redeuntibus annis 
Ascanius clari condet cognoroinis'Albam/'(l) 

Cette ville demeura pendant trois cens ans le si^ge de Tempire et 
le berceau des Roma ins ; 

*' Ilic jam ter centos totos regnabitur annos 
Gente sub Hectorea." (2) 

Ce sont-lk les expressions que V^irgile met k la boucbe de Jo* 
piter. Nos chronologistes s'embarrassent peu de faire tenir ta 
parole au Maitre du tonnerre. lis font dctruire la ville d'Albe 
par Tullus Hostilius pr^ de cinq cens ans ap^^s sa fondation, et 
environ cent ans apr^s celle de Rome (3). Mais tout s'applanit 
dans le syst^me de Newton. I^ prise de Troyes, placee k Vuk 
904, et suivie d*un intervalle de 337 ans, nous conduit h 567^ 60 
ans apres les Palilia, cpoque qui quadre au mieux avec le r^gne 
du treibi^me successeur de Romulus (4). Une ancienne tradition 
conser\ee par Plutarque (5) y coincide avec precision. On de- 
terra les livres de Numa. An. ant. Chr. 1 81, quatre cens am 
apr^ la mort de ce roi et le commencement du r^ne d'Hostiliot. 
Numa mourut done 581 ans avant I'^re Chr^tienne. Quel art 

(1) Virgil, ii-jieid. L. tuu ▼. 4t. (2) Idem. L. i. t. TTt. 

(^) V. let Tablet Chnniolog. d'HeJviciu, e L ann. A. C. 656f &c. 
(4) Newton'f CUruooJog^ , p» bt, &c. (5) V. Plutarch, in Numa. 



era voir un bois immense. Au premier eoup d'oeil 
toiis les arbres qui le formoient paroissoient isol^ 

dua \e poete dc saisir le momcDt oii Enee arrive a Carthage, poar 
rcpoodre a ses critiques, de la seule mani^re que la rapidite de sa 
ttarcbe et la graodenr de son sujet pouvoient le lui permettre ! 
n lear hit seotir ipie dans ses hypotheses la rencontre de Didon 
et d'Eii^e n*est point une licence poelique. Virgile n'est point le 
leal qui ait revoqn^ en doute la clironologie vulgaire des rois La- 
tios. Je Ic aoapconoe m^me d'avoir puis4 ses idees dans les 
ooiE^pes %e SOD contemporain Trogue-Pomp^e. Get historien, 
le mal fcTite-Live et de Salluste (1), d^nnoif au royaume 
f AIhe ift atee dai£e de trois cens ans. Si son histoire univer- 
idle ae W)teil {MS penioe, nous y verrions appareroment le detail 
et les p i e»tes de cette opinion. A present il faut nous contenter 
d'en lire la simple jexposition chez son abbreviateur. '^ Albam 
ioDgam coodidit quae trecentis annis caput regni ruit.''(2) Tite- 
Lre lai*m6me, ce p^re de Thistoire Romaine, qui fait paroitre 
qoelqoefois tant d*attachenient k la chronologie re^ue (3), roais 
^ gUase d'ordinaire sur les endroits scabreux, d'une fa^on qui 
•A bonne foi et son ignorance, seroble se defier de ses 
lians ces siecles • recules. Rien de plus naturel que de 
la duree du r^gne de cbaque roi Latin dont il rapporte 
(4) ! Or il se tait sur cet article. Rien de plus neces- 
<{«ede fixer au moins nnter\allc entre £n^6 et Romulus; il 
ae le frit point. Ce n'est pas tout. ** La destruction d'Albe, dit 
il, soivit de 400 ans sa fondation." (S) £n retranchant cent ans 
poor les r^^gnes de Romulus et de Numa, et pour la moitie de 
dHostilius, il nous en restera 300 au lieu de 400 que nous 
la chronologie d'Eratosih^ne. Tite-Live est done d'ac- 
Virgile h pen de chose pr^ ; et cette petite difference 
kar union plnt6t qu'elle ne Taffoiblit. Je prevois une 
Kjfcction, mais des plus minces. Y repondre ce seroit cr6er des 
■OBscres pour les combattre ; ainsi, je finis cette digression de^ 

'^1 > flsT. Vflfw. in Proem. Anreliao. ( S) Justin. L. zliiL c !• 
*S) Tit. LiT. L. i. c. 18. et aCbi passim. (4) Idem. L L c. ^. 
U) TiL lir. X. i. «• 19. 

x8 inais 

52 E8SAI 8UR l'eTUDE 

mais a«t-on perc6 la superBcie, on a vu que toutes 
les racines ^toient entrem6l6es. 

II n y a point d'^tude, pas mferae la plus ch6tivc 
ct la moins connue, qui nofFre quelquefois des 
faits, des ouvertures, des objections k la plus sub- 
lime et k la plus 61oign^e des connoissances. J'aime 
k peser sur cette consideration. II faut faire voir 
aux nations et aux professions dift^rentes, leure 
besoins r^ciproques. ^lontrez k I'Anglois Ijgs avan- 
tages du Francois; faites connottre au physicien. 
les secours que la litt^rature lui pr^sente; ramour- 
propre suppl^e k ce que la discretion vous a fut 
supprimer. Ainsi la philosophic s'6tend : Hiuma- 
nit6 gagne. Les hommes etoient rivaux ; ils sont 
LMitonde XL. Daus toutcs Ics scicnccs nous nous ap- 
etSiTSr puyons sur les raisonnemens et sur les faits, Saos 
ceux-ci nos 6tudes seroient chimeriques : privies dc 
ceux-lA elles ne sauroient fetre cjuaveugles. (Test.j 
ainsi que les Belles Lettres sont meiangees. Touta 
les branches* de T^tude dc la nature, qui cache 
souvent sous une petitesse apparente une grandeur 
r^elle, le sont pareillenient. Si la physique a ses 
Buffons, elle a aussi (pour parler le langage du 
terns) ses ^rudits. La connoissance de Tantiquit^ 
leur ofFre aux uns et aux autres, une riche moisson ] 
de faits propres k d^voiler la nature, ou du moins k « 
cmp^cher ceux qui r^tudient, de prendre un nuagC v- 
pour une divinit^. Quelles lumi^res le m^decin ne ■ 
puise-t-il pas dans la description de la peste qui * 
desola Ath^nes ? J'admire avec lui la force majes- 





tueuse de Thucydide,* Tart et T^nergie de Lucrfecc jt 
mais il va plus loin : il 6tudie dans les maux des 
Ath^niens ceux de ses concitoyens. 

Je sais que les anciens s'appliqlioient pen aux sci- 
ences naturelks; que destitu6sd'instrumens,etisol6s 
dans leurs travaux, ils n'ont pd rassembler qu'un 
petit nombre d'observations m6l6es d'incertitudes, 
diminu^es par les injures du terns, et jetties au 
hasaid dans un grand nombre de volumes ::{: mais 
la pauyret^ doit-elle inspirer la negligence? L'ac- 
tivit^ de Tesprit humain s'excite par les difficult^s. 
La n^oessit^, m^re du rel Vehement, seroit un as- 
semblage Strange. 

XLI. Les partisans mSmes les plus z616s des Anntaget 
modemes, ne disconviendront pas, je pense, des s^tadST' 
secours que les anciens poss6doient et dont nous f^'!^*^ 
qmnquons. Je rappelle en fr^missant les specta- 
cles sanglans des Romains. Le sage Cic^ron les 
i^testoit ^t les m6prisoit.§ La solitude et le si- 

• Thucydid. 1. i. 

t Locret. de Rer. Natur. [^ vi'u v. 1136, Sec. 

I M. Freret croyoit les observations philosophiques des ahciens 
plus exactes qu'on ne le pense. Quiconque connoit le g^nie et 
leilumi^res de M. Freret, s^nt le poids de son autorite. V.M^m. 
^ FAcad^ra. des Belles Lettres, torn, xviii. p. 97. 

^ Cic^ron envie le sortde ^on ami Man us qui passa k la campagne 
let joare des jeux roagnifiques de Pompee. II parle avec assez de 
mkpm da reste des spectacles : mais il s'attacbe surtout aux com- 
lits des b^tes sauvages. ** Reliqus sunt venationes, (dit il) binae 
per dies quinque ; magnifice, nemo negat, sed quae potest bomini 
tme polito delectatio, cum aut bomo imbecillus k valentissimd 
krtift Uniatur aut praeclara bestia venabulo transverberatur?" 

E 3 lence 


lence rcmportoient de beaucoup chez lui, sur ces 
chcfi-d'cBuvre de magnificence, d'hoireur et de 
mauvais goAt.* En efFet, se plaire au carnage, 
n est digne que d'une troupe de sauvages. On ne 
pouvoit Clever dcs palais, pour y faire combattre 
des Wtes, que chez un peuple qui pr^roit les d6* 
corations aux beaux vers, et les machines aux situ- 
ations.! Mais tels etoient les Romains; leurs 
vertus, leurs vices, et jusqu'd leurs ridicules Etoient 
tons li6s k leur principe dominant, I'amour de la 

Cependant ces spectacles, si affreux aux yeux du 
philosophe, si frivoles k ceux dc Thomme de goAt, 
devoient ^tre bien pr^cieux pour le naturaliste. 
Qu on serepr^sente le nlonde ^puis^ pour foumir ces 
jeux, les tr^'sors des riches et le pouvoir des grands 
mis en oeuvrc pourd^terrer des cr^tures singulii^ret 
par leur figure, par leur force, ou par leur raret^, pour 
les amener dans Tamphith^^tre de Rome, et pour 
mettre en jeu lanimal enticr.;}; Ce devoit ^tre unc 


* Oicero ad Famil. I. vii. Epist. !• 

t Herat. 1. iii. Ep. 1. v. 187. 

I V. E&sais de Mont. vol. iii. p. 140. 

^lon exerople etoit tr6s bon, ma citation fort mauvaise. *J'aii* 
rois dd recourir k Toriginal, (1) Vopiscus. Cet auteur rapporte ^ 
I'occasion dutriomphede Probus, qu'on amena dans I'aniphitbe&tre 
cent lions, autant de lionnes, cent l«>opard» Libyens, le rocme 
oombre de Syriens, et trois cens ours. Je ne connois point db 
spectacle plus Dombreux» mais lesanimaux que Gordienavoatat* 
semblcs, et dont se senrit Philippe dans ses jeux seculaires, etoicat 
plus curieux par leur variele et par leur rarete. II y avoit treolt- 

(1) y. Vupbc ia Vit. Pn>t>. p. t40. edit. SiIibm. Paris 1610. 


D£ LA LITT£&ATU&£. 5S 

tcole admirable^ surtout pour cette partie la plus 
Doble de rhistoire naturelle, qui s applique plut6t 
k ^tudier ]sl nature et les propri^t^ des animaux, 
qu'i d6crire leurs os et leurs cartilages. Souvenons- 
nous que Pline a fr^uent^ cette ^ole, et que 
lignorance a d^ux filles, I'lncr^ulit^ et la foi 
aveugle. Ne d^fendous pas moins notre libejt^ 
amtre Tune que centre Tautre. 

XLIL Si Ton sort de ce th64tre, pour entrer p«is<»i« 
dans un autre plus vaste, et pour examiner quelles aodens etu- 
^ient les contr^es soumises aux naturalistes et i^tara. 
aux physiciens de Tantiquit^, nous ne les plain- 
dioDS pas. 

Je sals que la navigation nous a ouvert un nou- 
Tel h^misph^re ; mais je sais aussi que la d^couverte 
d'un matelot et le voyaged'un marchand, n'^clairent 
pas toujours le monde, comme ils renrichissent. 
Les limites du monde connu sont plus ^troites que 
oeiles du monde materiel ; et les bornes du m<Hide 
icl^xri sont encore plus resserr6es. Du terns des 
Pline, des Ptolom6e, et des Galien, TEurope k pre- 
sent le si^ge des sciences, I'^toit 6galement; mais la 
G rtee, TAsie, la Syne, I'Egypt*, TAfrique, pais f6- 

deiix elephaos, dix elans, dix tigreSySoixante lions apprivoiseSytrente 
leopards apprivois^ dix hyenes, on hippopotame, un rhinoceros, 
dix agnoleomtei{ly) dix camdop&rdaU^ vingt^nes sauvages, etqoa* 
cntecheraox saavages (2.) C'est principfedement dans la d^caulence 
de renpire et du gotit, qu'il fstut chercher cette magnificence. 

(1) On iguore ce qa'ib loat Saomaise lit argoteonta, des lions blancs (a); 
Ciiilion et Scaliger (i) agriattmitat des Ikns samTageii 
(f ) JoL Capitolin. in Gordian. p. 164. 

(«) Cnmwmt. Salwat. in Hist. Aug. 168. 
{h) ConuMOt. Cafluib. iaeand. Hut. p. 169. 

£ 4 conds 


. i 


conds en miracles, ^toient remplis d'yeux dignes d# 
les voir. Tout cc vaste corps 6toit uni par la paix, 
par les loix et par la langue. L'Africaiu et le Bre- 
ton, TEspagiiol et TArabe se rencontroient dans la 
capitale, et s'instruisoient tour-A-tour. Trente des 
premiers de Rome, souvent ^clair^s eux-m^mes, tou- 
jours accompagn^s de ceux qui i'6toient,* partoient 
tous les ans de la capitaie pour gouvemer les pro- 
vinces, et pour peu qu'ils eussent de curiosity, Tau- 
torit^ applanissoit les routes dc la science, 
.j^^^ XLIII. C'^toit sans doute de son beau-p^rc 
*y|** ?•' Agricola, que Tacite apprit que loc^an inondoit 
la Grande Bretagne, et rcndoit ce pais un amas de 
marais-t H^rodien nous confinne cc fait.J Ce- 
pendant aujourd'hui, A quelques endroits pr^, Ic 
terrein de notre lie est assez ^lev^.§ Pourroit-on 
ranger ce fait parmi ceux qui conlirment le syst^me 
de la diminution des eaux ? Trouvera-t-on dans les 
Guvrages des hommes, de quoi afFianchir le pais 
du joug de Toc^^an ? Le sort du marais de Pomp- 
tine || et de quelques autres, nous donneroit d'assez 


♦ V. Strab. L. xvii. p. 8l6. Edit. Casaub. 

t Tacit, in Vit. Agricol. c. 10. 

X Ilerodian. Mist. 1. iii.c. 47. 

§ Void les paroles d'llerodien, '' T* ym^ rXi^r* Tii<6(fT«vMff 

Tacite s'exprime d'une mani^re encore plus forte. ** Unoin 
addideriro (dit-il), nusquam latius dominari mare; iniiltum 
flurainum hue atque illuc ferri, nee littore tenus accrescere aut 
resorberi. sed influere penitus atque ambire; etiam jugis atque 
montibus influere velut in sue." 

II Le consul Ceth^gus dess^cha ce marais A. U.C. 59^, Du 
tems de Jules-Cesar il ^toit derechef inondc. Ce dictateur avoit 



€8 id^es de leurs travaux. ^ Quoiqu'iren Sdit, 

mt d'avoir foumi les mat^riaux, j'en laisse 

>loi aux physiciens. Ce n'est pas chez les 

ns qu'on apprcnd k n'approfondir rien, k ef- 

n chaque chose, et k parler avec le plus de 

esse de sujets qu'on entend le moins. 

LI V. " Aprfes lesprit de discemement, ce qu'il l*Esphit 

le plus rare au monde (dit le judicieux la Bru- phiqui. 

I ce sont les perles et les diamans." Je mets a rcTpriT" 

balancer lesprit philosophique avant celui du ^^ 

mement. C'est la chose du monde la plus 

6e, la plus ignor^e et la plus rare. II n'y a 

t d'^crivain qui n'y aspire. II sacrifie de bonne^ 

J la science. Pour peu que vous le pressiez, il 

iendra que le jugeinent s6vfere embarrasse les 

itions du g^nie: mais il vous assurera toujours 

cet esprit philosophique qui brille dans ses ^ 

\, fait le caract^re du si^cle oil nous vivons. 

>rit philosophique d'un petit nombre de grands 

nes, a form^, selon lui, celui du sifecle. Celui- 

st repandu dans tons les ordres de T^tat, et 

I pr6par6 k son tour de dignes successeurs. 

LV. Cependant si nous jettions les yeux sur ^ q"**' 

ivTages de nos sages, leur diversity nous lais- 

I d'y faire travailler. II paroit qu'Auguste le fit ; mais je 
^ue ses travaux ayent roieux reussi que les premiers. Du 
Pline Tappelle encore marais. Horace Tavoit en quelque 
r^dit. • 

** Deberour raorti nos nostraque 

Sterilis ut palus dudum aptaque remis 

Vicinas urbes alit et grave sensit aratrum.* 
leim. Supp. L. xlvi. c. 44. Sueton. L. i. c. 34. Plin. Hist 
iii. c. 5. . 



seroit dans Fincertitude sur la nature de ce talent; 
et celle-ci pourroit nous conduire k douter s*il leur 
est tomb^ eu partage. Chez les uns il consiste h 
se frayer des routes nouvelles, et k fronder toute 
opinion dominante, fut-elle de Socrate ou d'un in- 
quisiteur Portugais, par la seule raison qu elle est 
dominante. Chez les autres cet esprit s'identifie 
avec la g^om^trie, cette reinc inip^rieuse qui, non 
contente de r6gner, proscrit ses soeurs, et declare 
tout raisonnement peu digne de ce nom, s'il ne 
roule pas sur des lignes et sur des nombres. Ren- 
dons justice k Tesprit hardi, dont les hearts ont 
quelquefois conduit k la v^rit^, et dont les exc^s 
m6mes, comme les rebellions des peuples, inspirent 
xme crainte salutaire au despotisme. P^n^trons* 
nous bien de tout ce que nous devons k Tesprit g6- 
om^trc : mais cherchons pour lesprit philosophique, 
un objet plus sage que celui-1^, et plus universe] 
que celui-ci. 
Cequiiett. XLVI. Quiconque sest familiarise avec les 
Merits de Cic^ron, de Tacite, de Bacon, de Leibnitz, 
de Fontenelle, de Montesquieu, s en sera fait une 
id^e aussi juste et bien plus pariaitc que celle que 
' j'essayerai de tracer, 

L esprit philosophique consiste k pouvoir rcmon- 
ter aux idees simples; k saisir et k combiner les 
premiers principes, Le coup d'oeil de son posses- 
seur est juste, mais en meme terns 6tendu. Plac6 
sur une hauteur, il embrasse unegrande ^tendue de 
pais, dont il sc forme une image nette et unique, 
pendant que des esprits aussi justes, mais plus bom^s, 
n en dccouvrent qu'une partie. II pent fttrc geo- 




fliHre, antiquaire, musicien, mais il est toujours 
philosophe, et k force de p^n6trer les premiei^ prin* 
cipes de son art, il lui devient sup6rieur. II a place 
parmi de petit nonibre de g^nies qui travaillent de 
loin en loin k former cett^ premiere science k la- 
quelle, si elle ^toit perfectionn^e, les autres seroient 
soumises. £n ce sens cet esprit est bien peu com- 
mon. II est assez de g^nies capables de recevoir 
arec justesse des id^es particuli^res ; il en est peu 
qui puissent renfermer dans une senle id6e abstraite, 
on assemblage nombreux d'autres id^es moins g6' 

XLVII. Quelle ^tude pent former cet esprit? Lc 
Je n'en connois aucune. Don du ciel, le grand SrerSTi 
nombre Fignore ou le m^prise ; les sages le souhai- ^"^'■'^ 
tent; quelques-uns Font re^u; nul ne lacquiert: 
mais je crois Tetude de la litt^rature, cette habitude 
de devenir, tour a tour, Crec, Romain, disciple de 
Zenon ou d'Epicure, bien propre a le d^velopper 
et k Texercer. A travers cette diversity infinie 
d'e^Mits, on remarque une conformity g6n^rale en- 
tre ceux k qui leur si^cle, leur pais, leur religion 
cot inspire une mani^re k peu pr^s pareille d'envi- 
ager les m^mes objets. Les ames les plus ex- 
rmptes de prfjug^s, ne sauroient s'en difmre en- 
tiirem«it, Leurs id6es ont un air de paiadoxe; et 
en brisant leurs chaines, vous sentez qu'elles les ont 
pOTt^. Je cherche chez les Grecs des fauteurs 
dela democratic; des entbousiastes de I'amour de 
la patrie chez les Romains; chez les sujets des 
Commode, des S6v^re ou des Caracalla, des apolo- 
^istcs du pouvoir absolu ; et chez TEpicurien de 


J ' 


I'antiquit^,* la coudamnation de sa religion. Quel 
spectacle pour un esprit viaiment philosophique de 
voir les opinions les plus absurdes revues chez les 
nations les plus ^clair^es, des barbares parvenus k 
la connoissance des plus sublimes v^rit^s, des con- 
sequences vraies, niais peu justes, tiroes des prin- 
cipes les plus eiron^s, des principes admirables qui 
approchoient toujours de la v^rit^ sans jamais y 
conduire, le langage form6 sur les id^cs, et les id^ 
justifi6es par le langage, les sources de la morale 
partout les m^mes, les opinions de la contentieuse 
m^taphysique partout varices, d'ordinaire extrava- 
gantes, nettes seulement pendant qu'elles furent 
superficielles, subtiles, obscures, incertaines, toutes 
les fois quelles pr^tendirent k la profondeur! Un 
ouvrage Iroquois, fut-il rempli d absurdit^s, seroit 
un morceau impayable. II offriroit une experience 
unique de la nature de Tesprit humain, plac^ dans 
descirconstances que nousnavons jamais 6prouvees, 
et doming par des moeurs et des opinions religieuses 
totalement contraires aux n6tres. Quelquefois 
nous serious frapp^s et instruits par la contrariety 
des id^cs qui en naitroient; nous en chercherions 
les raisons ; nous suivrions Tame d erreur en erreur, 
Quelquefois aussi nous reconnoltrions avec plaisir 
nos principes, mais d^couverts par d autres routes, 

* Depuit qu'Epicure eut repandu sa doctrine, on cororocnfm^ 
se declarer asses publiqueroent sur la religion dominante, et klie 
hi regarder que comme une institution. V. Lucret« de Rer. 
Natur. 1. i. v. 62, Uc. Sallust. in Bell. Catilia. c. 51. Cicero 
pro Cluent. c. 6l. 



et presque toujours modifies et alt^r^s. Nous y 
apprendrions non seulcment k avouer, mais k sentir 
la force des pr^jug^s, k ne nous ^touner jamais de 
ce qui nou^paroit le plusabsurde, et k nous defier 
souvent de ce qui nous semble le mieux ^tabli. 

J aime k voir les jugemens des hommes prendre 
une teinture de leurs preventions, k les consid^rer 
qui n'osent pas tirer des principes qu'ils reconnois- 
scnt pour ^tre justes, les conclusions qu'ils sentent 
^tre exactes. J'aime k les surprendre qui d^testent 
chez le barhare, ce qu'ils admirent chcz le Grec, 
et qui qualifient la m^me histoire d impie chez le 
Pkjen, et de sacr^e chez le Juif. 

Sans cette connoissance philosophique de Tanti- 
quit^ nous ferions trop d'honneur a Tespfece hu- 
maine. L'empire de la coutume nous seroit peii 
connu. Nous confondrions k tout moment Fin- 
crovable et Tabsurde. Les Romains 6toient ^clair^s: 
cependant ces m^mes Romains ne furent pas 
dKX|u^ de voir r^unir dans la personne de C^sar 
un Dieu, un prfetre et un Ath6e.* II vit Clever des 
temples k sa cl6mence.t Collogue de Romulus, 
il recevoit les voeux de la nation.;}; Sa statue j6toit 
couch^, dans les ffites sacr^es, aupr^s de ce Jupi- 
ter qu un instant apr^s il alloit lui-m£me invo- 

* Atbee en niant sinon TexisteDce, da moins la providence de 
k diTuiit^ ; car Cesar etoit Epicurien. Ceux qui oat envie de 
wmr cofDment un bomme d'esprit peat rend re obscure one T^rit^ 
dure, liront avec plaisir les doates qae M. Cayle a so r^pandre 
sv les sentimeos de Cesar. V . Diet, de Bajle h, larticle Cbar. 

t v. M^nKHres de I'Acad. des Bell. Lett. torn. i. p. 3^, &c. 

I Qcero ad Attic, 1. xii. epist. 46, &c. L. xiii. epist. 28. 


6s feSSAt SUR L'ETUDt: 

quer,* Fatigu6 de cette vaine pompe, il chcrchoit 
Pansa et Tr^batius pour se moquer avec eux dc la 
cr^duHt^ du peuple, et de ses Dieux I'efiet et lob- 
jet de sa terreur.f 

* Cesar 6toit souverain pontife, et ce sacerdoce n'6toit point 
poor les emperotirs un vain titre. Les belles idissertations de M. 
de la Bastie sur le pontificat des empereurs convaiocront les in- 
credulesy si\ en est, sur cet article. Consul tes surtout la troi* 
fti^e de ces pieces inserce dans les Mem. de I'Acad. des Belies- 
Lettres, torn. xv. p. 39* 

t Lucr^ce, ne avec cet enthousiasroe d 'imagination, qui h\i let 
grands poetes et les missionnaires, voulut dtre Tun et Tautre. Je 
plaindrois le theologien qui ne fcroit pas grace au dernier en &• 
v^ur du premier. Lucr^ce, apr^ avoir prouvc la DiviniCe malgre 
lui-m^me, en rapportant les pb^nomAies de la nature k des causes 
generales, chercbe comment Terreur qu'il combat a pu s'eraparer 
de tousles esprits. 11 en trouve trois raisons: I. Nos songet; 
sous y voyons des ^tres et des effets que nous ne rencontrons poini 
dans ce monde; nous leur accordons aussitot une existence r^cUt 
et une puissance immense. II. Notre ignorance de la natuie, 
qui nous fait recourir par tout h Taction de la Divinite. III. 
Notre crainte, Tefiet de cette ignorance ; ellc nous engage k 
flichir devant les calamity qui ravagent la terre, et nous hit ei> 
tayer d'appaiser par nos prices quelque ^tre invisible qui noai 
afflige. Lucr^ce exprime cette dernic^re raiM>n avec une eoergjie 
et une mpidite qui nous enl^ve. II ne nous accorde point le temt 

^ Praeterea cui non animus formidine Div(^m, 
Contrabitur? cui non conrepunt membra pavore, 
Fulminis horribili cum plaga torrida tell us 
Contremit, et magnum percumint murmura coeluniF 
Non populi, gentesque tremunt ? Regesque superbi 
Conripiunt-Divuro percubi membra timore, 
Ne quod ob admissum foede dictumve superbe 
Pcenarum grave sit solvendi tempusadactum." 

Lucret. de Her. Natura, 1. v. ver. I2l6» &c. 



XL VIII. L'histoire est pour un esprit philoso- L^bistoirg 

^ '^ . c»t la »ci- 

phique, ce qu'6toit le jeu pour le Marquis de Dau- ence des 
geau.* U voyoit un systfimc, des rapports, une dcTcffeto. 
suite, 1^ oil les autres ne discenioient que les ca- 
prices de la fortune. Cette science est pour lui 
celle des causes et des efFets. £lle m6rite bien que 
j*ess2ue de poser quelques regies propres, non k faire 
germer le g6nie, mais k le garantir des hearts : pent* 
^tre que si on les avoit toujours bien pes^es, on 
auroit pris plus rarement la subtilit6 pour la finesse 
d'jesprit, Tobscurit^ pour la profondeur, et un air 
de paradoxe pour un g6nie cr^ateur. 

XLIX. Parmi la multitude des faits, 11 y en a, Re^espoat 
et c'est Ic grand nombre, qui ne prouvent rien ^i^' 
au deli de leur propre existence. II y en a encore 
qui peuvent bien 6tre cit^s dans une conclusion 
partielle, d'oii le philosophe pent juger des motifs 
dune action, et d'un trait dans un caract^re: ils 
6claircissent un chainon. Ceux qui dominent 
dans le syst^me g6n^ral, qui y sont li6s intim^ment, 
et qui en ont fait mouvoir les ressorts, sont fort 
rares; et il est plus rare encore de trouver des 
esprits qui sachent les entrevoir dans le vaste 
cabos des ^v^nemens, et les en tirer purs et sans 

A ceux qui ont plus de jugement que d'^di- 
tion, il parol tra peu n^cessaire d'avertir qu'on doit 
toujours proportionner ]es causes aux efFets, ne pas 
bitir sur Taction d^un homme le caract^re d'un 
si^cie, ne pas chercher dans un effort unique, forc^ 

* FoQten. dans TEloge du Marq. de DaDgeau. 



et ruineux, la mesure cks forces et des richesses 
d'un 6tat, et se souvenir que ce n est qu'en rassem- 
blant quon peut juger, qu'un fait ^clatant 6blouit 
comme un Eclair, mais qu'il instruit peu, si Ton ne 
le compare avec d autres de la mfeme espice. Le 
peuple Romain fit voir en ^lisant Caton, qu'il aimoit 
mieux fetre corrig^ que flatt^,* dans ce mfeme si^clc, 
oii il condamna la m^me s6v6rit6 dans la personne 
de Livius Salinatonf 

L. D6f(6rez plut6t aux faits qui viennent d'eux- 
mfemes vous former un systfeme, qu'^ ceux que 
vous d^couvrez aprfes avoir con^ u ce systfeme. Pr6- 
f(6rez souvent les petits traits aux faits brillans. II 
en est d'un si^cle ou d'une nation comme d'un 
homme. Alexandre se d^voile mieux dans la tente 
de Darius;}; que dans les champs de Guagmela. Je 
reconnois tout autant la f(6rocit6 des Romains k 
les voir condamner un malheureux dans I'amphi- 
th^Atre, qu'i les consid^rer qui ^tranglent un roi 
captif au pied du Capitole. II n'y a point d apparat 
dans les bagatelles. On se deshabille lors qu on 
esp^re n'^tre pas vu ; mais le curieux cherche k 
p^n^trer dans les retraites les plus secrettes. Pour 
decider si la vertu triomphoit chez un peuple dans 
un certain siicle, j'observe plut6t ses actions que 
ses discours. Pour le condamner comme vicieux, 
je fais plus attention a ses discours qu'^ ses actions. 
On loue la vertu sans la connoltre, on la connott 
sans la sentir, on la sent sans la pratiquer ; mais il 

• Liv. L. xxxix. c. 40. Plutarch, in Caton. 

t Liv. L. xxix. c. 37. 

I Quint. Curt, de Reb. Gest. Alexandria L. iii. c. 32. 



en est bien diff6reinment du vice. On s'y porte 
par passion ; on le justifie par raffinement. D'ail- 
leurs, il y a toojours et partout de grands crimineb; 
mais si la corruption n est pas g^^rale, ceux-ci 
m^me rcspectent leur si^cle. Si le siicle est vi- 
deux, (et ils sont habiles k le discemer,) ils le m6- 
prisent, ils se montrent k d^couvert, ils bravent 
ses jugemens, ou ils esp^rent de se les rendre fa- 
vorables. Ils ne se trompent gu^res. Celui qui 
dans le si^le^de Caton eftt d6test6 le vice, se con- 
tente d'aimer la vertu dans celui de Tib^re. 

LI. J ai choisi ce si^cle avec reflexion. Le vice ^ •??• 
parvint alors k son comble. La cour de Tib^re me le pios 
Tapprend, mais un petit fait conserve par Su^tone umi. 
et par Tacite, men assure encore mieux; le 
Tokd : la vertu des Romains punissoit de mort Fin- 
amtinence chez leurs femmes.* Leur politique 
pennettoit la d^bauche chez les courtisannes :t et 


* Les Romajns coofioient le soin de la vertu des femmes a leur 
frmilJe. Celle-ci s'assembloit, la jugeoit, si elle etoit accusee; la 
k roort et exccutoit la sentence, si elle se trouvoit 
La loi pardonnoit aussi au courroux du mari ou du 
qui tooit le galant, surtout s'll 6toit de condition servile. V. 
Phttaurh. id Romiil. Dionys. Halicam. L. vii. Tacit. Anna!. 
L. xiM. Valer. Maxim. L. vi. c. 3— ?• Rosin. Antiq. Rom. 
L viii. p. S59» &c. 

t Le discours de Micio dans Terence, la mani^re dont CiceroQ 
cxcoie les debauches de son dieat, et Texhortation de Catoo, 
ftrnwenl nous (aire connoitre la moralb des Romains k cet egard. 
Di ae blamoient la debauche que lorsqu'elle detoumoille citoyen 
4e Kft devoin entiels. 

Leon oreiites n'etoient pas plus chastes que leur cooduite : 
fea de gens coonoissent la Casina de Plaute, mais ceax qui out 
k cctte mnerable p^e^ ne peuvept cproprendrv qtjTiL n'y ait eu 

I^OL. IV. F ^H« 

66* tSbAl SUR l' ETUDE 

pour r^gler Ic desordre m^me, on les forma en 
corps. Sous Tib^rc un grand nombre de femmcs 
de condition ne rougirent point de se presenter 
publiquement dcvant leurs ^dilea, de se faire in- 
scrire dans Ic y6\% des courtisannes, et de briaer par 
leur propre intainie, la barri^re que les Icmx oppcH 
soient i leur prostitution.* 
PwrnUdede LII. Clioisir Ics faits qui doivent fetre les prin- 

Tadteetde . , ^ . t- i 

Tito-Live. cipcs de nos raisonnemcns, on sent combien la 
t&clie est difficile. La negligence *ou le mauviis 
godt d'un historien pcuvcnt nous faire perdre i 
Jamais un trait unique, pour nous 6tourdir du bruit 
d un combat. Si les philosophes ne sont pas ton- 
jour9 historiens, il scroit du moins k souhaiter que 
les historiens fussent philosophes. 

Je ne connois que Tacite qui ait rempli moQ 
id6e de cet historien philosophe. Uint^ressint 
Tite-Live Iui-m6me ne sauroit en ce sens lui ftie 
compart. L'un et Tautre ont bien su s'^Iever au- 
dessus de ces conipilateurs grossiers que ne voyent 
dans les faits que des faits : niais Tun a 6crit llus- 
toire en rh^teur, et Tautrc en philosophe. Ce n'est 
pas que Tacite ait ignor^ le langage des passiom, 
ou Tite-Live celui de la raison : mais Tun, plus at* 

que quarante ^ cinquante ans'de cette force k rAndrimae. Uat 
intrigue sale d*ebC laves, n y est relevce que par des pointes et 4ef 
obsccnites dignes d'eux. C otoit cependant la com^die de Pkilila 
qu*on voyoit'avec le plus de plaisir, et qu'on redenrandoit le phi 
sou vent. Voilk les ma?urs de la seconde guerre Punique^ 4i 
cette vertu que la posterity des anciens Roroains regrettoit cl 
admiroit. V. Terent. Adelpb. Act. i. Sc. 2. v. 5S. Ckeio |N# 
C<elio, c. 17. Horat. Satir. L. i. Sat. 2. v. 29. II. Prolog, mi 
Casm. Plaut. 
* SoetoQ. Lb ill. c. 55. Tteit. Anaal. L. ii» c. ti* 



tach4 k plaire qu'^ instruire,. vous conduit pas-a-pas 
^ la suite de ses h^ros, et vous fait ^prouver tour« 
i4aur, ITiorreur, Fadmiration et la piti6. Tacite 
ne se sert de Tempire que T^loquence a sur le coeur^ 
que pour lier k vos yeux la chaine des ^v^nemens, 
et remplir votre ame des plus sages lemons* Je 
gravis sur les Alpes avec Annibal ; mais j'assiste au 
conseil de Tibfere. Tite-Live me peint Tabus du 
pouvoir, une sdv6rit6 que la nature approuve en 
frimissaaxt^ la vengeance et lamour qui s\inissent 
i la liberty, la tyrannic qui tombe sous leurs coups :* 
mais les loix des decemvirs, leur caract^re, leurs. 
d^fkuts, leurs rapports enfin avec le g^nie du peu-* 
pie Remain, avec le parti des decemvirs, avec 
leurs desseins anibitieux, il les oublie totalement« 
Je ne vois point chez lui comment ces loix faites 
pour une r^publique bdm^e, pauvre, k demi-sau- 
vage, la boulevers^rent, lorsque la force de son 
institution Teat port^e au fafte de la grandeur. Je 
laurois trouv^ dans Tacite. J en juge, non-seule- 
flient par la trempe connue de son g^nie, mais en^ 
core par ce tableau ^nergique et vari^ qu il oiFre 
des UAkj ces enfans de la corruption, de la liberty, 
de r^uit^ et de la faction.f 

LUI. Ne suivons point le conseil de cet 6cri- Remarque 
Tain qui unit, comme Fonlenelle, le savoir et le dc m. va* 
go^t. Je m'oppose, sans cminte du nom fl^tris- *°* ** 
nut d'^rudit, k la sentence par laquelle ce juge 
k]air6, mais s6v^e, ordonne qu'^ la fin dun si^cle 
m rassemble tons ks faits, qu'on en choisisse queU 

* liT. L. iii. c. 44^-60. 

\ Tacit. Aimal. L. iii. p. 84. edit. Lips< 

F 2 ques- 

. 68 EssAt sua l'£tud£ 

ques-uns et qu'on Hvre le reste aux flammes.* Con* 
servons-les tous pr^cieusement. Un Montesquieu 
d^mfilera dans les plus ch^tifs, des rapports incon- 
nus au vulgaire. Imitons les bdtanistes. Toutes 
les plantes ne sont pas utiles dans la m^decine, ce- 
pendant ils ne cessent d'en d6couvrir de nouveWes. 
lis espferent que le g^nie et les travaux heureux 
y verront des propri6t^s jusqu'^ present cachte. 
iwauBet LIV. Uincertitude est pour nous un 6tat forc^. 

nMtiqSoa L'esprit bom6 ne sauroit se fixer dans cet ^quilibre 
2^P"- dont se piquoit I'^cole de Pyrrhon. Le g^nie bril- 
lant se laisse 6blouir par ses propres conjectures : il 
sacrifie la liberty aux hypotheses. De cette disposi- 
tion naissent les syst^mes. On a vu du dessein dam 
les actions d'un grand homme ; on a apper^u un ton 
dominant dans son caract^re, et des sp^culatifs de 
cabinet ont aussit6t voulu faire de tous les hommes, 
des 6tres aussi syst^matiques dans la pratique que 
dans la speculation. lis ont trouv6 de Tart dans 
leurs passions, de la politique dans leurs foiblesscs, 
de la dissimulation dans leur inconstance; en un 
mot, k force de vouloir faire honneur k Tesprit hu- 
main, ils en ont souvent fait bien pen au cceur. 

Justement choqu^s de leur raffinement, et Acb^ 
de voir 6tendre k tous les hommes, des pretensions 
qu on efit du homer k un Philippe ou k un C^siri 
des esprits plus naturels se sont jctt^s dans lautic 
extreme. lis ont banni Tart du monde moral, pour 
y suhstituer le hasard. Selon eux les ibibles mor- 
tels n'agissent que par caprice. La fureiir d' 

* D'Alemb. Melanges de pbilosophie et de liUerature, voL 
u. p. 1. 


^tablit un empire : la fbiblesse d*une 
fcaune le d^tniit. . 

LV. L'^tude des causes d^tenmn^es, mais g6ii6- ^S^^ 
nlesy iloit plaire aux uns et aux autres. Ceux-ci «^J^' 
y voyent avec plaisir rhomme humili^, les motifs 
de scs actions inconnus k lui-m£me, lui-m^me le 
joQCt des causes ^trang^res, et de la libert6 de cha- 
ciuiy lorigine d'une n^cessit^ g^n^rale. Ceux-1^ y 
retiouvent leiichainement quails aiment, et les sp6- 
cnbtioos dcmt leur esprit se nounit. 

Qa'une vaste carri^re s'ouvre k mes reflexions ! 
La tli6oiie de ces cans s g6n6rales seroit entre les 
mains d*un Montesquieu, une histoire philosophi- 
qo^ de lliomme. II nous les feroit voir r^glant la 
grmdear et la chute des empires, empruntant sue- 
cesshreinent les traits de la fortune, de la pra- 
dcDoe, da courage, et de la foiblesse, agissant sans 
ie coDOOurs des causes particuli^res, et quelquefois 
triomphant d elles. Sup^rieur k Tamour de 
pioptes syst^mes, demiere passion du sage, 11 
sa reconnoitre que, malgr6 T^tendue de ces 
leur effet ne laisse pas d'etre bom6, et qu'il 
le mootre principalement dans ces ^v^nemens g^- 
ckmt llnfluence lente mais sixre change la 
de la terre, sans qu'on puisse s'appercevoir de 
r^poque de ce changement, et surtout dans les 
rs, les^religions, et tout ce qui est soumis au 
de IV^inion. Voil^ une partie des le^ns 
oe pbik>90phe eftt tir6es de ce sujet. Pour 
j'y tr ^e si element une occasion de m*es- 
ayer i p< r. Je vais indiquer quelques fsiits in- 
tbessans, et tacherai ensuite d'en rendre raison. 

F 3 LVI, 

70 - ESSAI 8UR L£TUD£ 

gjitinedc LVI. Nous connoifsons le paganisme, ce 8ys< 
'"**'*"'^' tfime riant, mais absurde, qui peuple Funiven 
d'^tres ikntasques, dont la puissance sup^rieure ne 
les rend que plus injustes et plus insens^ que 
nous-m£mes. Quelle fut la nature et lorig^ne de 
ces dieux ? Furent-ils des princes, des fbndateurs 
de soci^t^, des grands hommes inventeurs des arts? 
Une reconnoissance ing^nieuse, une admiration 
aveugle, une adulation int^ress^e pla(a-t-eUe dans 
Ic ciel, ceux qui pendant leur vie avoient 6t6 nom- 
m6s les bienfaiteurs de la terre? Ou bien faut-il 
reconnoitre dans ces divinit^s, autant de parties 
de I'univers auxquelles Tig^orance des premiers 
hommes avoit accord6 la vie et la pens^ ? Cette 
question est digne de notre attention ; elle est cu- 
rieuse, mais elle est difficile. 
2*«^^ LVII. Nous ne connoissons gu^res le s^'st^me 
voe reii. du Paganismc que par les poetes* et par les p^res 
*^ de r^glise, les uns et les autres tr^ adonn^ aux 
fictions.! Les ennemis d une religion ne la oon- ' 
noissent jamais, parcequ'ils la haissent, et souvent ' 
la haissent parccqu'ils ne la connoissent pits. ' 
lis adoptent contr'elle, avec empressement, les oh ' 
lomnies les plus atroces. Us imputent k leurs ad- < 
versaircs des dogines qu'ils d^testent, et des caoa^ 
quences auxquelles ils n'ont jamais song^. Let ' 

* II faut cependaDt disttnguer Hom^re, H^siode, Piiid«e» at 
les poi'tes tragiqucs, qui vecureut pendant que la traditioo 
plus pure. 

t V^oyez sur cette article la Recherche Lihre da 
^lidleton, et THistuire du Manich^isme de M. de BemiiaoW% 
^i:ii\ lieaux moDumcns d'nn si^le^Uiii. 


sectateurs d*une religion, de Tautre c6t^y remplis 
de cette foi qui se fait un crime de douter, sacri- 
fient pour sa defense, leur raison et m£nie leur 
vertu. Forger des proph^ties, ou dcs miracles,^ 
pallier ce qu'ils ne peuvent d^fendre, all^goriser 
ce quils ne peuvent pallier, et nier hardiment ce 
qulls ne peuvent all6goriser, sent des moyens que 
jamais d6vot n a rougi d employer. Rappellons- 
Dous les Chretiens et les Juifs. Interrogez leurs 
cnDemis sur leur compte ; c'^toient des magiciens 
et des idol^tres,* eux, dont le culte ^toit aussi 
^pur6, que leurs moeurs ^toient sev^res. Jamais 
Musulmau n a hesit6 sur Tunit^ de Dieu.f Ce- 
pendant combien de fois nos bons ayeux ne les 
mit-ils pas accuses d'adorer les astres ?;{; Dans le 
sein m^me dc ces religions, il s est ^lev6 cent sectes 
diff<^rentes, qui, s accusant les unes les autres d'a- 
Toir oorrompu leur dogmes communs, ont inspir^ 
h fiireur aux peuples ct la moderation aux sages. 
Cepcndaait ces peuples 6toient civilises, et des 
Ihnes recohnus pour ^tre ^man^s de la divinity 
ixoient les principes de leur croyance. Aiais oii 
tipuver ces principes, dans iin amas confus de 
£d>leSy qu'une tradition isolee, contradictoire, alt6- 
r£e, dictoit k quelques tribus de sauvages dans la 

• Tacit. Hist. L. v. Fleury. Hist. Eccles. torn. i. p. 369. et 
UMB. ii. p. 5, et les Apologies de Justin Martyr et de Tertullien, 
<{i9 J sont citees. 

t mierbelot. Bibliot. Orient. Artie. Allah, p. 100, et Sale's 
JUcofSD. Preli^i. Disc. p. 71« 

I Reland. de Rel. Mahomm. Part ii. c. 6 & 7* 



• ' 



iHMu aiders 

|e colter^ 

voye i 
rotaclc de 

LVIII. Le raisonnement nous est ici d'un foible 
scours. II est absurde de consacrer des templea 
k ceux dont on voit les s^pulcres. Qu y a-t-il de 
trop absurde pour les hommes? Ne connoit-on 
pas des nations tr^s 6clair6es, qui en appellent au 
t^moignage des sens pour les preuves d'\^e reli- 
gion, dout un. dognie principal contredit ce t^moK 
gnage? Cependant si les dieux du paganisme 
avoient €t6 des hommes, le culte r^ciproque* que 
leurs adorateurs leur rendoient, eftt 6t6 bien peu 
raisonnable, et une tolerance peu raisonnftble n'est 
pas Terreur du peuple. 

LIX. Cf6sus fait consulterloraclede Dclphes,t 
Alexandre tiaverse les sables br{ilans de la Lybie 
pour demander k Jupiter Ammon s'il est son fils.j 
Mais ce Jupiter Orec, ce roi de Cr^te, devenu le 
maltre de la foudre, n'en e<it-il pas ^cras^ cet Am- 
mon, ce Lybien, ce nouveau Salmon^c, qui tentoit 
de la lui arracher? Deux rivaux se disputent 
I'empirc de Tunivers, peut-on k la fois les recon- 
noitre tous deux ? Mais si Tun et Fautre ne furent 
que rather, le ciel, la m^me divinity, le Grec ct 
I'Africain I'auront d^sijfn6 par les symboles qui 
convenoient k leurs moeurs, et par les noms que 
leurs langues leur fournissoient pour exprimer ses 
attributs. Mais loin de nous les raisonnemens, ce 
sont les faits qu'il faut interroger. ' Ecoutons leur 

* Vide Warburton's Divine Legation, torn. i. p. 270 — 276. 
f HtTodol. Lib. i. 

I Diodor. Sic. lib. xvii. Quint Curt. lib. iv. cap. 7* Arrimnt 
lib. iii. 


!. 31 alheureux habitans des forfits, ces Grecs i fr^p m 
;iicilleux tenoient tx)ut des Strangers. Les Hoa 
dens leur apprirent Tusage des lettres ; les j-^^Samt. 
es loix, tout ce qui ^I^ve lliomme au dessus 
aimaux, its le durent aux Egyptiens. Ces 
n leur apport^rent leur religion, et les Grecs, 
ioptant, pay^rent le tribut que Tignorance 
a savoir. Le pr^jug^ ne fit qu'une r^istance 
ens^ance, et se rendit sans difficult^, apr^ 
cntendu Toracle de Dodone, qui d^ida pour 
Dveau culte.* Tel est le r^cit d'H^rodote, 
■moissoit la Gr^ce et TEgypte, et dont le 

plac^ entre la grossiferet^ de Tignorance et 
Anemens de la philosophie rend le t6noi- 
t d^cisif. 

X Je vois d6jk disparoitre une bonne partie Jf »«i?p»« 
gendes Grecques, TApoUon n6 dans File de ai^ociqw. 
y le Jupiter enseveli dans la Cr^te» Si ces 

habit^rent autrefois la terre, TEgypte et non 
boe fut leur patrie. Alais si les prdtres de 
Ms surent aussi bien leur religion quel'Abb^ 
r^i* jamais VEgypte ne donna naissance k 
dieux. A travers leur m^taphysique t^6- 
\ la raison luisit assez pour leur faire sentir 
tmais homme ne pent devenir Dieu, ni januds 
Hie transform^ en simple homme.^ Myst6^ 
€lans leurs dogmes et dans leur culte, ces in- 
tes du ciel et de la sagesse, d^guis^rent, par 

aodoi. Lib. ii. 

las sm mjthologie ezpliqaee par lliistoire. 

rodot. Lib. ii. 

74 ESSAl sua l'£TUD£ 

un langage pompeux, les v^rit^s de la nature, 
qu'un peuple grosster eiit m^pris^s dans leur ma- 
jestueuse simplicity. Les Grecs m^connurent cette 
religion k bien des ^gards. lis Talt^r^rent par des 
melanges Strangers, mais le fonds demeura, et ce 
fonds Egj'ptien fut par consequent all^gorique.* 
i^'i^i!*^ LXII. Le culte h^roique, si bien distingu^ de 
celui des dieux dans les premiers si^cles de la 
Gr^ce, nous montre que les dieux n'^toient pas des 
h^ros.f Les anciens croyoient que les grands 
hommes, admis apr^s leur mort aux festins des 
dieux, jouissoient de leur t*(61icite, sans participer k 
leur puissance. lis s^assembloient autour des torn- 
beaux de leurs bienfaiteurs; leurs cliants de 
louanges;}; c^l^broient leur memoire, et faisoient 
naitre .une Emulation salutaire de leurs vertus. 

♦ Jc dois bcaucoup, dans ces recherchcs, au savant Frcrct dc 
TAcademie des Belles-Lettres. \\ a donno des ouvertures dans 
une route, qui paroissoit vue de tous c^ttt. 3cr crob cepetxlant 
qae ses raisonnemens valent mieux, lorsqu'il est question de £uis 
que quand il s'agit de dogmes. Prevenu d'estime pour ce line- 
lateur, je d^vorai avidement sa rcponse a la chronologie New- 
tonienne; mais oserai-je le dire? il ne repondit point h moo 
attente. Que lui reste-t-il de nouveau, si vous lui i>tez les prin- 
cipes d*une tb6ologie et d*une chronologie nouvelles, que doos 
poisedioDS dijitXO ^^ genealogies defectueuses et tr^ peu conclu- 
antes, quclques recherchcs minutieuses sur la chronologie de 
Sparte, une astronoroie ancienne, que je n entends pas trop bien, 
et la belle preface de M. Bougainville, que je rclis toujours avec 
on go{it nouveau ? 

t Hist, de I'Acad. des Belles-Lettres, torn. xvi. p. 28, &c. 

I V. Mem. de Litter, tom. xii. p. 5, See, et Ezecb. Spanheim 
in Callim. 

(1) D«nf les M^a. dei'Aaul. torn. v. itiu. ix. xxiii. 



Lean ombres 6voqu^es des enfers goiitoient avec 
plaisir les ofirandes de la d^rotion.* U est vrai 
que cette d^votioa devint insensiblement un culte 
it^ligieuz, mais ce ne fut que tr^ tard, et lorsqu'on 
identifia ces h6ros avec des divinity ancieunes, 
dont lis portoient le nom, ou rappelloient le carac* 
thre^ Dans le si^cle d'Hom^re, on les distinguoit 
encore;. Hercule n est point un de ses dieux. II 
ne reconnott Esculape que pour un m^decin dis- 
tingu6,t et Castor et Pollux sont pour lui des 
guerriers moits et enterr6s k Sparte.;}: 

LXIII. La superstition avoit cependant iranchi ^^ 
ces limites, les h6ros ^toient devenus des dieux, et 
le culte qu'on rendoit aux dieux les avoit tir^s du 
rang des hommes, lorsqu'un philosophe hardi en- 
treprit de prouver qu'ils Tavoient 6t6. Eph^m^re 
ie Mess^en avan^^ ce paradoxe.§ Mais loin 
d^en appeller aux monumens . authentiques de la 
Gr^e et de TEgypte, qui auroient dA conserverla 
m^moire de ces hommes c^l^bres, il va se perdre 
dans Toc^an. Une Utopie m^pris6e de tous les 
aaciens, une ile de Panchaie, riche, fertile, super- 
stitieuse, et connue k lui seul, lui ofire dans un 

♦ Homer. Odyss. L. xi. f Homer Iliad, L. iv. v. ipS. 

I III. L. V. T. 241. § [octant. Instit. L. i. c. xi. p. 62. 

** Andquus auctor Ephenierus, qui fuit k civitate Messand, res 
gEitss Jovb et cseterorQin qui Dii patantar collegit, historiamque 
omteidt ex tituHs et inscriptionibns sacris, quae in antiquissiinis 
plb babebantur, maximeque in fano Jovis Triphyllii, ubi 
columnam positani esse ab ipso Jove, titulos lodicabat, in 
qniccJiiinnd gesta sua perscripsit ut monimentam taset posteris 
lemra suarum." Ce recit de Lactance diff^re un peu de celui de 



temple magnifique de Jupiter une colonne dW, 
oil Mercure avoit grav^ les exploits et Tapoth^ose 
des h^ros de sa race.* Ces fables ^toient trop gros* 
si^res pour les Grecs eux-mSmes. Elles ne valu- 
rentk leur auteur que le m^pris g^n^ral avec le 

nom d'Ath^ 

LXIV. Enhardis peutrfttre par son exemple, 
les Cr6tois se vant^rent de poss^der le tombeau de 
Jupiter, qui ^toit mort dans leur lie, apr^s y avoir 
long terns r6gn6.|| Callimaque se montre indign^ 
de cette fiction, et son scholiaste nous en d6voile 
Ibrigine.^ On avoit ^crit sur uu tombeau, Tom- 

* Diodore de Sicile, L. v. p. 29. 30, et L. vi. 

II y a sur Eph^m^re une dissertation de M. Fourmont I'ain^, 
qui cofttient det conjectures tr^ hardic \^ et des emportemens fort 
plai8an8.(l) II sied mal k un jeune homme de mf prtser quoi que 
ce soil, mais je ne sauroU refuter cette pi^ce serieusemenL Celoi 
qui ne voit pas que la Panchaie decrite dans Diodore de Sicile 
(toit situ6e an midi de la Gedrosie, et k I'occident peu eloign^ 
de la p^ninsule des Indes, pent croire avec M. Fourmont que le 
Golfe Arabique est au midi de I'Arabie Heureuse, que le pais de 
Phank sur le continent est Hie de Panchaie, que le desert de 
Pharan est le plus beau lieu du roonde, et que la ville de Pierie 
en Syrie est la capitate d'un petit canton aux environs de Mediae. 

t Callim. ap. Plut. tom. ii. p. 8S0. Eratosth. et Polyb. ap. 
Strab. Georg. L. ii. p. 102, 103. et L. vii. p. QQQ. edit. Casaub. 

I Gerrard Vossitss de Histor. Graecis, L. i. c. xi. fait voir que 
non seulement les Payens lui donnoient ce nom, mais encore 
Th^phile d*Antioche parmi les Chretiens et Joseph parmi les 
Juife; ce qui fait voir quTph^m^re en attaquant les dieux des 
Grecs, n*en reconnoissoit point d'autres. 

II Lactant. Instit. L. i. c. xi. p. 65. Lucian Timon, p. 34. et 
Jupit. Frag. p. 701. Cicer. de Nat. Deor. L. iii. c. 21. 

§ Callimach. Hym. in Jovem. v. 8. et Scholiast. Vet. in loc. 
edit. Grsec. 

(1 ) M^ de Litt^. tom. xt. ^ t65, &€. 



bemm de Minos JUs de Jupiter. Le terns ou le des* 
sein fit disparoitre les mots de JiU et de Minos; 
<m lut Tofkbtau de Jupiter* Cependant le sy»- 
t^Bie d'Eph^m^re s'accr6ditoit lentement inalgr6 
ses preuves. Diodore de Sicile parcourut la terre, 
pour rassembler dans les traditions des divers peu- 
ples de quoi Tappuyer.f Mais les Stoiciens, dans 
leur melange bizarre du Th6isme le plus pur, du 
S|M]iosisine et de Tidoldtrie populaire, rapportoient 
cc paganisme, dont ils 6toient les z^lateurs, au 
cake de la nature bris^e en autant de dieux qu'elle 
a de faces diff(6rentes. Cic^ron, cet acad^micien, 
pour qui tout ^toit objection et rien n'^toit preuve, 
ose k peine leur opposer le syst^me d'Eph^m^re.;}; 

LXV. Ce ne fut que sous Tempire Romain,que Nepf^fiiat 
les id^ du Mess^nien prirent le dessus. Dans le i^ 
terns qu'un monde esclave d6cemoit le titre de 
dieox h, des monstres indignes de celui d'hommes^ 
c'^toit £ure sa cour que de confondre Jupiter et 
Domitien. Bienfaiteurs de la terre, ainsi les ap- 
pdknt Fadulation, leur droit k la divinit^ ^toit le 
fli&me; leur nature et leur puissance 6toient ^gales. 
Par politique ou par m^prise, Pline lui-m6me ne 
se gsirantit pas de cette En vain Plur 

* Td est le r^cit du scholiaste adopts par le Chevalier New- 
fas. Mais Lactaoce rapporte nnscripdon ZAN ZPONOT, ce qui 
a'a fair biea plos antiqae. LucieD, car les fables vont toajoois 
CB aagpientant, oous appread, qae rinscription portoit que Jupi- 
va ne tooDoit plus, qa'il avoit subi le sort des morteb, i%h»tu m^ 

t Diodore de Sicile dans les cinq premiers lirres, passim. 

I Cicer. de Nat. Deor. L. iii. c. 21. 

9 Plio. Hist. Natur. L. rii. c. 51. et pass. 




tftrqueessaya-t-ilde revendiquer lafoi de ses ayeux.^ 
Eph^m^re r^gna par tout; et les pferes de I'Eglise, 
se servant de leurs avantages, attaquferent le p»- 
ganisme du c6t6 le plus foible. PourroitK)n les 
bl&merr Si les dieux pr^tendus ne furent pas en 
clfet des hommes d^ifi^s, ils T^toient devenus, du 
moins dans lopinion de leurs adorateurs; et les 
p^res n'en vouloient qu'^ leurs opinions. 

LXVI. Allons plus loin ; tdchons de suivre Ten* 
"»»• chainement non des faits, mais des id6es, de souder . 
le coeur humain, et de d^m^ler ce fil d erreurs, qui 
du sentiment vrai, simple, et universel qu'il y a 
une puissance au dessus de Thomme, le conduisit 
par d^gr6s a se faire des dieux, auxquels il eftt rougi 
de ressembler. 

Le sentiment n'est qu'un retour sur nous-m^mes. 
lUTiige. Les id^es se rapportent aux objets liors de nous. 
Leur nombre, en occupant lesprit, affoiblic le sen- 
timent C'est done parmi les sauvages, dont les 
id^es sont bom^es aux besoins, et les besoins sinh 
plement ceux de la nature, que le sentiment doit^ 
fttre le plus vif, quoiqu'en ni^me tems le plus caor 
fns. Le sauvage rcssent^ tout moment des agita^ 
tions, qu'il ne peut ni expliquer ni reprimer. Ig^* 
norant et foible, il cmiut tout, parcequ*il ne peut 
se defendre de rien. II admire tout, parccqu'il nc 
connolt rien. Ijt m^pris bieu fond^ de lui-m^mc^ 
car la vanit6 est uii ouvrage de la soci6t6, lui fait 
scntir Texistencc d'une puissance sup6rieurc. C*est 
cette pubsance, dont il ignore les attributs^ qull 

^ Plut. de Placit PhUcMoph. de hid. et Osirid. 




iiivoqiie, et dent il demande des graces, sans savoir 
k quel litre il eii peut esp^rer. Ce sentiment peu 
distinct produisit les dieux bons des premiers Grecs, 
et les divinit^s de la pi {i part des sauvages, et les 
uns et les autres n'en surent r6gler ni le nombre, 
ni le caractfere, ni le culte. 

LXVII. Bient6t le sentiment devint id6e. Le ^'^'''^ ,., 

toot ce qn 11 

sauvage rendit son homage k tout ce qui Ten- ^oit; 
touroit. Tout devoit lui paroltre plus excellent 
que lui-m£me. Ce ch^ne majestueux, qui le 
couvroit de son feuillage 6pais, avoit ombrag6 ses 
ayeux, depuis I'origine de sa race. II 61evoit sa pourquoi? 
ttte jusqu'aux nues; le fier Aquilon se perdoit a 
travers ses branches. Aupr^s de cet arbre altier 
qu'^toit sa dur6e, sa taille, sa force? La reconnois- 
sance se joi^it k ladmiration. Cet arbre qui lui 
prodiguoit ses glands, cette onde claire oil il se d^- 
salteroit, 6toient des bienfaiteurs qui rendoient sa 
vie heureuse ; sans eux il ne pouvoit subsister, mais 
quel besoin avoient-ils de lui? £a eifet sans les 
lomi^nes qui nous apprennent combien la raison 
seule^st sup^rieure k toutes ces parties n^cessaires 
dun syst^me intelligent, chacune d elles est au- 
dessus de Fhomme. Mais priv^ de ces lumi^res, 
le saavage leur accorda k chacune la vie et la puis- 
ance. II se prostema devant son ouvrage. 

LXVIII. Les id^es du sauvage sont uniques, Scsid^s 
parcequ'elles sont simples. Remarquer les quali- uaiqdis. 
th diff6rentes des objets, observer ccUes qui leur 
«mt communes, et de cette ressemblance former 
Hue id^e ^bstraite, qui repr^sente le genre, sans 
^tre rimage d'aucun objet particulier; sont 1^ 




Des genSy qui croyoient k Vit6rvM de la ma 
ne pouvoieat gu^res ailer plus loiiu^ 
Mmtk m LXXI. Jupiter, le Dieu de la mer et le 
nete Pluton 6toient fr^res. Toutes les brancbc 
leur post^rit^ s'^tendoient k Tinfini, et renfemi 
tottte la nature. Telle ^toit la inythol<^ 
anciens. Pour des bommes grossiers, I'id^e d 
n6ration itoit plus naturelle que celle de cr6i 
Elle ^toit plus aiste k saisir, eUe supposoit moi 
puissance^ on y itoit conduit par des liaisoni 
iibles; mats aussi cette g^n^ration les men 
^taiblir une hi^rarchie, dont ces 6tres libres 
bom^ ne pou voient pas se passer. Les trois g 
Dieux exer^ient une puissance patemelle sur 
enfans, habitans de la terre, des airs, et des i 
et la primogeniture de Jupiter lui donnoit uq 
p^rioritd sur ses fibres, qui lui m^rita le titre i 
des dieux, et de p^e des hommes. Mais c 
ce p^e supr^e, 6toit trop bom^ k tous ^ 
pour nous permettre de faire honneur aux < 
de la anoyance d*un £tre supreme, 
ipis ^ u LXXII. Ce systfime, tout mal construit 
itoit, rendoit raison de tous les effets de la ni 
Mais le monde moral, Thomme, son sort, et « 
tions 6toient sans divinit^s. L'^ther ou la tc 

^ Le culte du soleil a et6 coddu de tous les peuples. J 
ce qai m'en paroSt la raisoo. C'est peut4tre ie seal ol 
rumTenklaii leet niqtie. Sensible ktoos les pi 

de la man la I et la plus bienfaitiBte, U « 

lean hon I [ue et indivisible, ks raisonaefus <] 

toient ] trop difficiles trouvc^ent en lai tous Ici frudb tt 
la diTtnitft. 

D£ LA LmERATU&E. 83 

cit 6tj6 peu propre. Du besoin de nouveaux dieux 
Biqiiit une Bouvelle chaine d'eireurs, qui, s'unis- 
nnt avec la premi^, ne forma qu'un inline ro- 
man'di^ologique. Je soup^^nne que ce systdme 
■aquit plus tard. Llioinine ne songe g^^res k 
icntrer en lui-m^me, qu'apr^ avoir 6puis^ les objets 

LXXIII. Deux hypoth^se^ ont toujours 6t6, et Sjsi^iMidt 
ferant toujours. Dans Tune, I'homnie n'a refu du ^H^y^^^ 
Crfateur que la raison et la volont6. C'est i lui i "^ 
decider de I'usage qu'il en fera, et k r^gler ses ac- 
tions k son gr6. Dans Tautre, il ne pent ag^ que 
snivant les loix pr66tablies de la Divinity dont il 
n'cst que rinstrument. Le sentiment le trompe, et 
lorsqull cioit suivre sa volont6, il ne suit en efiet 
que c^eDe de son mattre. Ces demiferes id6es ont 
pn naitre daiis I'esprit d'un peuple k peine sorti de 
Fenftnoe. Peu fait aux ressorts compliqu6s de la 
machine, les grandes vertus, les crimes atroces, les Ufa 
iBTentions utiles de ce petit nombre d^ames sii^u- 
Hires, qui ne doivent rien k leur si^le, lui paru* 
rent surpasser les forces humaines. II vit partout 
des dteux ^^^issans, qui inspiroient le vice ou la ver- 
tu aux foibles mortels, incapables de se soustraire k 
leurs Tolont^s.* Ce n'est pas la prudence qui in* 
spire k Pandare le dessein de rompre la trive, et de 
d^cocher un trait au coeur de M6n61as. C'est Mi- 

* Je ne sais pss tiop cootent de cet endroit. Je doope la 
iUcofe rusofi que /si patnniver ; mais il me semble que dans 

CO prrmien sidles, on eikt dA 6tre goid^ par le tentuneDt, et le 

ieiituDentest toot ealier da c6c6de la liberty. 

G S nerve 

84 EssAi SUR l'etude 

verve qui le poussc k cet attentat* La nialheiH 
reuse Ph^Ire n est point coupable. V6nus, outr^ 
des m^pris crHyppolite, allume dans le occur dc 
cette reine une flamme incestueuse, qui la pr^ipite 
au crime ct h la mortf Un dieu se chargea de 
chaquc 6v^nenient dc la vie, de chaque passion de 
lanie, et dc chaque ordre de la soci6t^. 
tJnioades LXXIV. Mais CCS dicux de rhomme, ces pas- 

OCttX CSD9* 

oetUtdkox. sious ct CCS tkcult^ g^n^ralis^ et personnUi^es de 
cctte mani^re, n'avoient qu une existence m6ta- 
physique et trop peu sensible pour les hommes. II 
falloit les fondre avec les dieux de la nature^ et 
c*est ici que lallegorie imagina mille rapports fiin* 
tasques, car lesprit veut au moins une appareoce 
de v^rit^. II ^toit naturel que le dieu de la mer 
le fut des matelots. L expression fig^r^ de cet 
oeil qui voit tout, de ces rayons qui percent les airs, 
pouvoit ais^ment faire du soleil un habile proph^te, 
et un archer adroit. Mais pourquoi la plan^te V6- 
nus est-elle m^re des amours ? Pourquoi s'i^l^ve- 
t-elle de T^cume des flots ? Laissons ces ^nigmes 
aux devins. Aussit6t que les d^partemens des 
dieux de la nature humaine furent ^tablis, ik du- 
rent enlever tout le culte des hommes. lis par« 
loient au coeur ct aux passions, au lieu que les<iieux 

* Homer. Iliad. L. iv. v. 93, kc. 

f AXX irri ravrn rev ^* i^tra xf^ ^nattt, 

Ka% rov fuv «^ «roXi^ov «nf t/»»T« 
ICnvti wmTii0 oMu^i, . . . • . 
H i f MtXfVf fupf mXX ofu§ tfMNAimu 
^aui^ (1 ). 

(n Ruripid. HippoL Act i. ▼. 40. 



pkysiques, qui n'avoient point acquis cVattributs 
mbraux, rentr^rent insensiblement dans le m^pris 
et dans I'oubli. Aussi n'est-ce que dans Tantiquit^ 
la plus recul6e que Je vois fumer les .autels de Sa* 
tume.* • . 

LXXV. Les dieux s*int6ressent done dans les Le»dieu: 
affaires humaines. II ne se passe rien dont ils ne mods hu^ 
soient les auteurs. Mais sont-ils les auteurs du °***™** 
crime ? Cette consequence nous efFraye : un pay en 
nli^itoit point k Tadmettre, etne pouvoiten efFet 
baiter. Les dieux inspiroient sou vent des des- 
seins' vicieux. Pour les sugg^rer, il falloit les 
vouloir, et mftme les aimer. 11 ne leur restoit pas 
la ressource d'un petit mal permis dans le meilleur 
des mondespossibles.f Ce mal n'^toit pas seule- 
ment permis, il ^toit autoris^, et d'ailleurs les difFd- 
lentes divinil^s, bom^es k leurs d^paitemens par- 
ticuliers, 6toient tr^s indifF6rentes k un bien gene- 
ral qu'elles ne connoissoient point. Chacune 
suivoit son caract^re, et n'inspiroit que les passions 
qu'elle ressentoit. he dieu de la guene ^toit /ier, 
brutal, et sanguinaire ; la d^csse de la prudence, 
sage, retenue, peu sincere ; la m^re des amours, 
aimable, voluptueuse, emport^e dans ses caprices; 
la ruse et la souplesse convenoient au dieu des^ 
marchands; et les cris des malheureux flattoient 
Foreille du tyran soup^ onneux des morts, du noir 
monarque des enfers. 

* J'entends chefs les Grecs ; son cultese consenra long terns en 
t FoDtenelle dansFEloge de M. de Leibnitz. 


86 OMAI sun L £TUPB 

wtdet LXX VL Un dieu p^re des hommes l*eit de toitf 
' ^lemeut II ne connolt ni la haine, ni la faveur. 
Mais les divinit^s partiales doivent avoir des favorit. 
Ne distingueront-elles pas ceux dent le goikt eat 
conforme aa leur? Mars ne peut qu'aimeF oea 
Thraces dont la guerre est Tunique occupation,* 
et ces Scythes dont la boisson la plus d^iicieuseest 
le sang de leurs enneniis.t Les moeurs d^uiwhabi* 
tant de Cypre;}: ou de Corinthe, lieux oik tout 
respiroit le luxe et la moUesse, devoient piaire k la 
d^esse des amours. La reconnoissance se joigaoit 
au gqtL Des sentimens de pr6f<6rence 6toient dfts 
k des peupies dont les moeurs n'^toientqu*un culto 
detoum6 de leurs dieux tut^laires. lAi culte m^ne 
qu*on leur rendoit se rapportoit toujours k leur 
caract^. Ces victimes humaines qui expiioim^ 
sur Tautel de Mars,§ ces mille courtisanes qui ae 
d^vouoient au temple de V^us,|| toutes ces femmea 
distingu^es de Babylone, qui lui immoloient leur 

* Herodot. L. v. c. 4, 5. Mesiriac. Comm* tor let Epitr* 
I'OvidCy torn. i. p. l6$. 

t Herodot. L. iv. c. 64, 65. 

t M. de Vaugelas m apprend que iorsqull t'agif de raotiqiiit4 
il iaut toujoara dire Cypre, quoique le nom raodeme loit Chy* 
pre. (1) Je vois que MM. de Fenelon (2) et de VeitoC (9) oM 
^t cette distinction. 

S Herod, L. V. c. 4, 5. Minuc. Fcpl. Octav. c. 85. p. 858. Luc, 
Pbars. L. i. Lactam. L. i. c. 25. 

H Slrab. Geog. L. viii. p. 37 S. 

(1) IUia.d«M.4eVMgdMMrUIiMigiieFi»i9QiM^tOM.LpLlfla»tt^ 

(f) DuislcT^UiMque. 

(5) DansMnUiiLdtMalMw* 



pademv* ne pouvoient qu'attirer k ces divers 
pciq>lesy la fkveaf la plus dbtingu6e de leuis pro* 
tecteurs. Mais comme les int^r^ts des nations ne 
mMt pas moins opposes que leurs mceurs, il falloit 
que les dieux adoptassent les querelles de leurs 
adoiatears. '^ Quoi ! voir avec patience que cette 
▼iUe qui m*^l^ve cent temples succombe sous le fer 
cTim €X>nqiidnuit? Ah! plut6t!. . . .'^ C'est ainsi 
que dsez les Grecs, une guerre parmi les hommes 
en adlmnoit une parmi les dieux. Troye boilleveisa 
le cieL Le Scamandre vit briller T^de de Minerve, 
il fiit t^moin de Veffet des fishes sorties du caiquois 
d'Apolkm, il sentit le redoutable trident de Nep* 
tone, qui soulevoit la terre sur ses fondemens. 
Quelquefois les arrets inevitables du destin r6ta« 
Uissoknt la paix^f JVIais le plus souvent les divers 
dienx oonvenoient mutuellement de s'abandonner 

• Herod. L. i. c. I99. 

EDei £toirat tenueft de te prosdtiier une fois de leur tie aa 
pfcnier wtntL, dam le teidple de Venus. M. de Voltaire, qui 
ifor iflnpoie cette obligation une Ibis tous les ans» la traite de 
hklt intms^. (1) Cependant H^rodote avoit voyag^ sur les lieux^ Voltaire a trop lu llustoire, pour ignorer combien de 
triomphes pareib la superstition a remport^ sur Tbumanit^ et sur 
kvertu. Qnepense-t-tld'anactedefbr? Je pr^riens sa i^ponse. 
Aa icste jlgyiorois que Babylone li&t la rille de Tunivers la mieux 
Quinie Curce la depeint comme la plus licentieuse; 
le Babylonien se plaint lai-m^me que ses concitoychs, 
firancbisBaBt toutcs les barri^res de la pudear, rivoient k la 
—niifrc des b^tesy et le scboliaite de Juvenal nous fait sentir que 
de SCO terns ils n'avoient point d^n^r^. (2) 

t H jtboL de Banier, torn. ii. p. 4S7. Ovid. Metam. L. xt. 

(1) OeBTTCt de Tottaire» to«n. tL p. f 4. 

(t) Quint- Cit. Otit. Ale«, L.Y,c. u ciOgMm«it.JnliiiVdm, inlqfe 

G 4 T^i 

88 £88 AI 8UR L ETUDE 

r^ciproquement leurs ennemis ;* car 8ur rOlympe^ 
comme sur la terre, la haine a toujours €t€ plus 
puissante que Tamiti^. 

LXXVII. Un culte ^pur6 eAt et^ pcu assorti k 
de telles divnnit^s. Les peuples veuleut des objets 
8ensibles ; une figure qui d^cbre leurs temples, et 
fixe leurs id6es. II falloit assur^ment la plus belle 
de toutes les figures. Mais quelle est oette figure ? 
Demandez-le aux hommes, c'est sans doute la leur. 
Peut-Strc un taureau r6pondroit-il un peu dififdrem* 
nientf La sculptiue se perfectionne pour servir 
k la devotion, et les temples se remplissent de sta- 
tues de vieillards, de jeunes gens, de femmes, et 
d'enfans, suivant les attributs difri6rens de chacun 
des dieux. 

LXXVII I. La beaut6 nest peut-^tre fond^ 
que sur Fusage. La figure faumaine n'est belle 
que parce qu elle se rapporte si bicn aux usages 
.auxquels elle est destin^e. La figure divine est la 
m6me ; il faut que. ses usages le soient aussi, et 
m£me ses d^fauts. De-1^ cette g^n^ration grossi^re 
des dieux, qui ne composent plus qu'une tamille k 
la mani^re des hommes ; de-1^ leurs f^tes de nectar 
et d ambrosie, et la nourriture qu'ils re^oivent dans 
les sacrifices.;}; DeAk encore leur sommeil,§ et leurs 
douleurs.n Des dieux, deveaus des hommes trts 

* Eurip. Hippolit. Act. v. ver. 1327. etOvid. Metam. passim, 
t Cic. (le Nat. Deor, L. i. c. 27. 28. 

I V. les Cesan de Julien par M. Spanheim, p. 257, 258. Rom. 
876. les Oiscaux d'Aristophaoe ct Lacicn pretque partout. 

^ Horn. Iliad. L. i. v. 609. 

II Id. L. V. ver. 335. 

A puissanS) 


pitissans, devoient souvent visiter la terre, habiter 
dans les temples, se plaire aux amusemens de 
rhomme, assister a la chasse, k la danse, et quelque- 
fois devenir sensibles aux charmes d'une mortelle 
et donner naissance k une race de h^ros. 

LXXIX. Dans ces grands ^v^nemens, oil, du ^^1^ 
jeu d'un grand nombre d'acteurs, dont les vues, 
la situation et le caract^re different, il nalt une 
unit^ d'action, ou plut6t d'effet ; c'est peut-^tre dans 
les seules causes g6n6rales qu'il faut chercher la 

LXXX. Dans les 6v6neniens plus particuliers, Melange de 
le proc6d6 de la nature est tr^ diff6rent de celui ^**JJ!^J|^ 
des philosophes. Chez elle il y a peu d'efFets assez ™«^» p^^i- 
siroples, pour ne devoir leur origine qu'^ une seule 
cause ; au lieu que nos sages s attachent d'ordinaire 
a une cause, non seulement universelle, mais 
unique. Evitons cet ^cueil; pour peu qu*une 
action paroisse compliqu6e, admettons y les causes 
g^6rales, sans rejetter le dcssein et le hasard. Sy 11a 
se d^met du pouvoir souverain. C^saF le perd avec 
la vie : cependant leurs attentats avoient €t6 pr6- 
c6d€s par leurs conqu6tes: avant de devenir les 
plus puissans des Romains, ils en ^toient les plus 
renomm^s. Auguste les suit de pr^s. Tyran san- 
guinaire,* soup<^onn6 de l^chet^, le plus grand des 
crimes dans un chef de parti,f il parvient au tr6ne, 

* Apr^ la prise de Peruse il sacrifia tmis cens des principaux 
dtoyens f ur un autel 6rig6 k la divinit6 de son p^re. V. Suet. L. 
ii. c. 15. 

t SuetoD. L. ii. c. l6, * 


90 K88A1 8UR L £TUDS 

et fait oublier aux r^publicains qu'iU eiuaent jamaii 
€ti libres. La disposition de ces r^ublicams di* 
minue ma surprise. £galeinent incapables de 
libert6 sous Sylla et sous Auguste, ils ignoroient 
cette v^rit6 sous celui-la: des guerres civiles et 
deux proscriptions plus cruelles que la guerre, leur 
avoient appris, du terns de celui-ci, que la r^pub^ 
lique, afikiss6e sous le poids de sa grandeur et de 
sa corruption, ne pouvoit subsister sans mattre. 
D'ailleurs Sylla, chef de la noblesse, combattoit k 
la t6te de ces fiers patriciens, qui vouloient bien 
Tanner du glaive du despotisme pour les venger de 
leurs ennemis et des siens, mais non laisser entre 
ses mains le pouvoir de les d^truire eux-mftmes. 
Ik avoient vaincu, non pour lui mais avec lui : la 
harangue de L^pide * et la conduite de Pomp^cf 
font assez sentir que Sylla aima mieux descendre 
du tr6ne qu^en tomber. Mais Auguste, k Texemple 
de C6sar,;{; ne se servit que de ces hardis aventuriers, 
Agrippa, M^^ne, PoUion, dont la fortune attach^ 
k la sienne &*6vanouissoit dans une aristocratie de 
nobles, divis^ entr eux, mais unis pour accabler 
tout homme nouveau. 
Scicawes. LXXXI. Dcs circonstauccs heureuscs, les di* 
bauches d'Antoine, la foiblesse de L^pide, la cr6» 
dulit^ de Cic^ron travaill^rent de concert pour lui 
avec cette disposition g^n^rale : mais il faut avoucr 

* Sallust Fragm. p. 404. Edit. Thys. 

t Freiiubeim. Supplem. L. Ixxxix. c. 26—33. 

I Tacit. Annal. L. iv. p. 109. Sueton. ubi infn. 



austi que, s'il ne fit pas naitre ces circonstances, il 
les employa^ii grand politique. Que la vari6t6 de 
mes objets ne me pennet-elle de faire connoitre ce 
gouvemement raffing, ces chaines qu'on portoit sans 
les sentir, ce prince confiondu parmi les citoyens, 
ce s^nat respect^ par son mattre !* Choisissons en 
un trait. 

Auguste, maitre des revenus de Tempire et dea 
richesaes du monde, distingua toujours son patri* 
moine de particulier du trdsor public. II fit ainsi 
paiottre i peu de firais sa moderation, qui laissoit k 
les h^tiers des biens inf^rieurs k ceux de plusieurs 
de aes aajets^f et son amour de la patrie, qui avoit 
abaiKlonn6 au service de I'^tat, deux patrimoines 
entieiB et une somme immense provenue des legs 
de aes amis d6funts.:|: 

LXXXII. Une penetration ordinaire suffit pour mme ac- 
KBtir lorsqu'une action est ^ la fois cause et efiet. ^t^^T* 

* Jkdeiids avec impatience la suite des dissertations sur ce sujet, 
qat M, de la Bleterie nous a promises. Le syst^me d'Auguste si 
mmmmi. bi^coddo y paroitra dessin^ jusqn^ses moindres rameaux. 
Get aateor peme avec finesse et uneaimal>le liberty ; il discuto 
BUM s^beresse, et s'exprime avec toutes Wgraces d'un style clair 
el elegant. Peat-£tre que, Descartes de Tbistoire, il raisonne un 
peo trop i priori^ et quTil ^tablit ses conclusions moins sur les au- 
toritis pardculi^res que sur des inductions g^n^rales: mais ce 
iUuMt est celui d'un bomme de beaucoup d*esprit. 

t TcNiles dMuctions fiutes de ses legs au peuple et aux soldats, 
AogBfte ne laissa k Tib^re et k Livie que millies quingenties, 
treste millions de livres. L'augure Lentulus mort sous son r^gne, 
pcwrfdoit qoater millies, quatre-vingt millions. V. Sueton. L. ii. 
c 101. Senec. de Benefic. L. ii. 

t Qoater decies millies, deux cens quatre vingt millions. V. 
taet Loc dtat et marmor. Ancyran. 



Dans le monde moral il y en a bcaucoup qui le 
8ont ; ou plut6t, il y en a tr^s peu qui ne tiennent 
plus ou moins de la nature de Tune de Tautre. 

La corruption de tous les ordres des Remains 
vint de T^tendue de lem empire, et produisit la 
grandeur de la r^publique.* 

Mais il faut un jvigement peu commun, lorsque 
deux choses existent toujours ensemble, et parois- 
sent intim^ment li^es, pour discemer qu*elles ne se 
doivent point leur origine Tune k Tautre. 
Lettdencet LXXXIII. Lcs sciences, dit-on,naissentdu luxc: 
pu da luxe, uu peuple eclaire sera toujours vicieux. Je ne le 
crois pas. Les sciences ne sont point les filles da 
luxe ; mais Tune et Tautre naissent de Tindustrie. 
Les arts 6bauch^s satisfont aux premiers besoins 
de rhomme. Perfectionn^s, ils lui en trouvent de 
nouveaux, depuis le bouclier de Minerve de Vitel- 
lius t jusqu'aux entretiens philosophiques de Ci- 
c^ron. Mais k mesure que le luxe corrompt les 
moeurs, les sciences les adoucissent; semblablcs 
aux pri^res dans Hom^re, qui parcourent toujours 
la terre k la suite de Finjustice, pour adoucir le^ 
ftireurs de cette cruelle divinit^.J 

* V. Montesq, Consid, sur la Grandeur des Remains. 

Je distingue la grandeur de i'empirc Romain d'avec celle de la 
rfpublique : Tune conbistoit dans le uombrc des provinces^ I'autre 
dans celle des citoyens. 

t Vitellius envoya des galores jusqu'aux colonnes d'Hercule, 
pour chercher les poissK)ns les plus rares, dont il remplit ce 
plat monstrueux. Si nous en croyons M. Arbuthnot, il cofita 
765,625/. sterling. V. Sueton. in Vitellio, c. 13. Dr. ArboClK 
not's Tables, p. 13S. 

X MtrnrwV mm mXtyn^ K»iir«i« Homer. Iliad. L, ix. ▼• 500. 



Voila quelques reflexions qui m'ont paru solides 
SOT les differens usages des Belles-Lettres. Hevt- 
leux si je pouvois en inspirer le gout ! J aurois 
trop bonne opinion de moi-m£me, si je ne sentois 
pas les d^auts de cet essai ; j'en aurois une trop 
mauvaise, si je n^esp^rois j>as que dans un age moins 
precoce et avec des connoissances plus etendues je 
pouirai me voir plus en 6tat dy supplier. On 
poorra dire que ces reflexions sont vraies, mais 
usees, ou qu*elles sont nouvelles, mais paradoxales. 
Qud auteur aime les critiques ? Cependant la pre* 
nArc me deplairoit le moins. L^avantage de I'art 
m*est plus cher que la gloire de f artiste. 


( 95 ) 



The memory of Caesar, celebrated as it is, has 
not been transmitted down to posterity with such 
uniform and increasing applause as that of his 
PATRIOT ASSASSIN. Marc Antony acknowledged 
die rectitude of his intentions. Augustus refused 
to violate his statues.* All the great writers of 
the succeeding age enlarged on his praises,t and 
more than two hundred years after the establish- 
ment of the imperial government, the character of 
Brutus was studied as the perfect idea of Roman 
virtue. J In England as in France, in modem Italy 
as in ancient Rome, his name has always been 
mentioned with respect by the adherents of mo* 
narchy,§ and pronounced with enthusiasm by the 

* nvtsfdi in Antonio, p. 925, in Brat. p. 1011. Aroongthest 
«ac tke statnes, which the Athenimnt had erected to Bratns and 
Cmbw, hy the side of their own deliveieis, Hannodins and 

f Under the jealoos tyranny of Til us, C utios Cordos 
arraigned before the sena for 1 ei s w be be* 

history on Bratn and( b 

ky the toleration of Aogostos ex) le I PoUio, 

Hcsala and livy : nor was it within the ty f s poi to sap^ 
fnm his writings, or the general sense jf i Ti t. An- 

al ir. 34^ 35. 
t M. Antonin. de Rebos suis, L. i. 

S Vdleios Paterculus, an elegant writer, but servilely devoted 
li ihe impeiial fiunily, and most probably one of the judges who 

itinst can only say of Bruuis, Comipto ammo 
ilii mm€$ viriMtcM amus £icti liOKfitefc ah rt»IH i 



friends of freedom. It may seem rash and invi- 
dious to appeal from the sentence of s^cft ; yet 
surely I may be pennitted to inquire, in what con- 

The few patriots who, by a bold and well-con- 
certed enterprize, have delivered their country 
from foreign or domestic slavery, Timoleon, and 
the elder Brutus, Andrew Doria, and Cfustavus 
Vasa, the three peasants of Switzerland,* and the 
four princes of Orange, excite the wannest sensa- 
tions of esteem and gratitude in those breasts 
which feel for the interest of mankind. But the 
design of the younger Brutus was vast and perliaps 
impracticable, the execution feeble and unfortu- 
nate. Neither as a statesman nor as a general did 
Brutus ever approve himself equal to the arduous 
task he had so rashly undertaken, of restoring tlic 
commonwealth ; instead of restoring it, the death 
of a mild and generous usurper produced only a 
series of civil wars, and the reign of three tyrants 
whose union and whose discord were alike fatal to 
the Roman people. 

The sagacious Tully oflen laments that he could 
be pleased with nothing in the ides of March, ex* 
cept the ides themselves ; that the deed was exe* 
cuted with a manly courage, but supported by 
childish counsels; that the tyranny sur\'ivetl the 
tyrant ; as the conspirators, satisfied with fame and 

* Who in the year 130S delivered their country from the A«» 
trian yoke. See Simlerus de Republica Helvetica ; GoiUMMBMjh 
de Rebus Helveticis, and the great CbroDicle of TKhudi. 



t:HAB,ACT£R OF BRUttfS. j^ 

revenge, had neglected every measure that might 
have restored publid liberty.* Whilst Brutus and 
Cassius contemplated their own heroism with the^ 
most happy complacency, Marc Antony, who had 
preserved his life, and the first magistracy of the 
state, by their injudicious clemency, seized the 
papers and treasure of the Dictator, inflamed the 
people and the veterans, and drove them Out df 
Rome and Italy, without any other opposition 
than some grave remonstrances which the patriots 
\'ainly addressed to the Consul. f 

The eloquence of Cicero, and the dangerous aid 
of young Caesar, awakened in the senate a spirit of 
freedom and resistance. Brutus and Cassius had 
time to seize on Macedonia and Syria, whilst the* 
forces of Antony were diverted and almost destroy- 
ed in the memorable siege of Modena. The le- 
gions stationed in those provinces acknowledged 
them -as lawful proconsuls, the wealth of the east 
fell into their hands, and thevhad collected an 
army of one hundred thousand men,J before the 
triumyirs had cemented their union with the no^ 
Mest blood of Rome, and were prepared to lead 
their veteran legions against the last defenders of 
the public liberty; Cassius was of opinion, that 

♦ Seethe XlVth, XVlh, and XVIth Books of the Epistlfes to 

t See Episto]. ad Fainil. xi. 2, 3. The spitit of these letters 
k finely tempered by the politeness with which Bratus and Cas- 
nm address the ConsuK They respect the magistrate whilst they 
iefy the tyrant. 

} Appian. L. iv. p. 640. 

▼oi?. IV. H they 


they should protract their military operations into 
the approaching winter ; but though Cassius was 
the older and the better soldier,* had been the first 
suithor of the conspiracy, and was the principal 
support of the war, he yielded, with a sigh, to the 
authority of Brutus, whose mind, oppressed with 
laborious anxiety, wished impatiently for an imme- 
diate division.! The decision was unfavourable ; 
and both the chiefs, relinquishing all their remain- 
ing hopes, and withdrawing themselves from the 
calamities which they had- brought on their coun- 
try, put an end to their lives by a hasty act of de- 
spair. '^ Brutus and Cassius (says the President 
Montesquieu) killed themselves with a precipitancy 
that cannot be excused; and it is impossible to 
read this part of their history without pitying the 
republic, which was thus abandoned. The death 
of Cato was the catastrophe of the tragedy ; but 
these men, in some measure, opened the tragedy 
by their own deatlis/;!^ 

The justice of the memorable ides of March has 
been a subject of controversy above eighteen hun- 
dred years; and will so remain, as long as the in- 
terests of the conununity shall be considered by 
different tempers in different lights. Men of hi^ 
and active spirits, who deem the loss of liberty, or 

* Fuitautem dux Cassius roelior quAotovirBratus. VeUciai 
Paterculus, ii. 72. 

t This anecdote was preserved by Messalla, wbo hi the cowt 
of Augustus was always proud of remembering Cassius at Ua 
neral. PluUrch. in Brut. Tacit. Annal. it. 34. 

t CoDsid^ratioDS sur la Grandeur dei Ropuins, cbap. xii. 

CflAR ACT£R p¥ BRUTUS. 99 

sometiiilleS) iiti other words, the loss of power, the 
worst of misfortunes, will approve the use of every 
stratagem and every weapon in the cliace of the 
Gommon foe of society. They will ask how a ty- 
rant, who has raised himself above the laws, and 
usurped the forces of the state, can be punished, 
except by an assassination ; and whether the cir- 
cumstance that most aggravates his crime, ought 
to secure his person and government. On the 
other hand, the lovers of order and moderation, 
who are swayed by the calm of reason, rather than 
by the impetuosity of passion, will never Qonsent 
to establish every private citizen the judge and 
avenger of the public injury, or to purchase a tem- 
porary deliverance by the severe retaliation tl^t 
will surely be exercised on those, who have first 
violated the laws of war. The fate of Caesar was 
allied to colour the edict of proscription f and 
perluips the generfous ambition of the younger 
Guise would have been startled at the massacre of 
Paris, had it not satisfied his great revenge against 
tfie Admiral de Coligny, and other leaders of a 
party, whom not without reason he accused of his 
Cher's murder.f We may observe that the assas- 
nnation of tyrants has been generally applauded 
bjr ^be ancients. The fate of a great empire is 
usaaUy decided, by the sword of war ; but against 
the petty usurper of a Greek or Italian city, the 
iitgger of conspiracy had been often found as effi- 

* Appiao. iv. p. 593. 

t See the 34th Book of the History of Thuanus. 

H 2 cacious 


cacious an instrument. The same doctrine is as 
generally condemned by the present natkjtis of 
Europe ; influenced by a milder system of main 
ners, and impressed with a deep sense of the 
bloody mischiefs perpetrated both by the Catholics 
and the Calvinists during the alliance of religious 
and political fanaticism. 

Whilst the merit of Brutus*s godlike stroke, 
(for such it has been called*) is at least donbtfut, 
we can only allow in his favour, that by acting up 
to the established standard of Roman virtue he is 
entitled to our indulgence, and in some measure to 
our esteem. But in these nice cases, where the 
esteem is bestowed on the intention, rather than 
on tlie ACTION, we ought to be well assured that 
t!ie intention was pure from any interested or pas- 
sionate motive ; that it was not the hasty sugges- 
tion of resentment or vanity, but the calm result 
of consistent and well grounded virtue, impatient 
of slavery, and tender of the rights of mankind. 
Tlie praises of antiquity, and the noble spirit that 
breathes in the epistles of Brutus,t may indeed pre-* 

• Tho' Cato liv'd, tho' Tal»y spoke, 
Tho' Brutus dealt the godlike stroke ; 
Yet perish'd fated Rome, 
t He declares (Epist. l6, or C^, in Mtddleton's edition) tbft 
were his father alive again he would not suffer km to poMCH * 
power abm-e the laws and the senate. Pity it b that this wMt 
correspondence, and particularly this celebrated epistle s1k>oM 
be liable to the suspicion of a forgery committed in those ages 
when Latin had ceased to be a living language. See Tunstal 
and Murkland on one ^ide of the question, aad Dr. Middietoif ot 
the other. 



possess US m fevour of his moral character ; but it 
is the uniform tenor of his hfe, private as well as 
public, which must in a great degree acquit or 
condemn the conspirator. 

Plutarch singles out of the whole life of Brutus, 
one exceptionable action ; his promising the plun-^ 
der of Lacedsmon and Thessalonica to his troops,* 
But had Plutarch been better acquainted with the 
epistles of Atticus, he would have seen in that 
faithful mirror of the times, some instances of ava- 
rice and inhumanity, which the philosophic Brutus 
could not have excused by the sad necessity of 
civil war. 

When Cicero was appointed Proconsul of Gili- 
cia, his first object was to relieve the cities of his 
government, almost ruined by the heavy debts 
which they had been obliged to contract in order 
to satisfy the rapaciousness of his predecessors. 
The case of Salamis, in Cyprus, deserved peculiar 
compassion. One Scaptius, a Roman money bro- 
ker, strongly recommended by Brutus, claimed 
very large sums as due to him from that city. The 
deputies of Salamis acknowledged the debt, and 
made a tender of the money with legal interest, as 
it was fixed by Cicero's edict, at twelve per cent, 
and compound interest at the end of every year. 
Bat Scaptius demanded forty-eight per cent, apr 
cording to the condition of his usurious bond ; and 
to enforce his demand by military execution, he 

» PluUrch. in Brut. 

u 3 ha(^ 


had obtained from the former proconsul a troop of 
horse, with which he kept the senate house of Sa» 
lamis closely besieged, till five of the most obsti- 
nate senators were actually starved to death. This 
proconsul was Appius Claudius, the father-in-law 
of Brutus ; and when the province of Cilicia de- 
volved upon Cicero, the same Brutus recommend- 
ed, with more than common earnestness, the aflkirs 
of Scaptius to the favour of the new govemor. Ci- 
cero was at first surprised at finding so intimate a 
Connexion between a man of merit and an infii- 
mous usurer, but he was still more astonished, 
when the shameful secret was disclosed. The 
wretched agent disappeared, and the virtuous Bru- 
tus, without a blush, avowed himself the credi- 
tor of the Salamiana. As soon as he threw off the 
mask, instead of commiserating the ruin of a city 
under his immediate patronage, he insisted on the 
utmost rigour of his iniquitous demands, and re- 
quested of Cicero, in the most haughty terms, that 
he would send the same Scaptius into Cyprus at 
the head of a second troop of horse to exact the 
extravagant amount of the accumulated principal 
and interest. On this occasion the virtue of Ci- 
cero was supported by a noble firmness. " I 
should be desirous (he repeats it in several places) 
to oblige Brutus, but I cannot sacrifice to his in^ 
terest, the feelings of humanity, the principles of 
justice, the uniformity of my character, and the 
approbation of all good men. I shall be concerned 
to lose his friendship, but I shall be still more con- 


eemed to lose the esteem I have ever entertained 
for him.'^ 

The numerous crimes of Verres, exaggerated as 
dicy most probably have been, by the strongest 
powers of eloquence, scarcely furnish such an in- 
slance»of unrelenting ay^ce as this transaction of 
Brutus, which is related by Cicero, with the can- 
did simplicity of a private correspondence. The 
money due from the city of Salamis amounted to 
about twenty thousand pounds ; a small part of 
the immense sums which Brutus appears to. have 
lent out on similar securities.t We cannot forbear 
inquiring, by what arts a private citizen, the son 
of a proscribed father, and who had never com- 
manded armies, or governed provinces, could ac- 
cumulate so ample a fortune;. the inquiry would 
lead to some suspicions severe but not unreason- 

In the beginning of the civil war we find young 
Brutus in the camp of Pompey, by whose order 
his fiither had been put to death about thirty years 

* ^ BnttQS,* lays Cicero, " has not sent me one letter, in 
whkii there was not something singular and arrogant. His styla 
{hfcs me little uneasiness ; but indeed he foi^ets uAaif and to 
vbom he is writing.* For this whole transa2:tion see the Epistles 
Is Atticiis, L. ▼. 21. vi. 1, 2, 5. 
t Bratos, by Cicero's interest, had received from Ariobarsa- 
King of Cappadocia, a hundred talents upon account of a 
larger som that was due to him. The concerns of Brutus 
io Asia, which he recommended to the care of the proconsul, 
i whole T«4ume of requests^ or rather mandates, as they 
eallcd by Cicero. 

H 4 before. 


before,* This sacrifice of filial piety to a superior 
and public duty has been highly applauded. But 
was it in Brutus's power either to remain inactive, 
or to enlist in the army of Caesar? Was it inriiis 
power to refuse to follow the general of the repub» 
lie, his uncle Cato, the consuls, ten consulars, the 
greatest part of the senate, and the flower of the 
equestrian order Pf The defeat of Pharsalia and 
the death of Ponipey removed the general con- 
straint, and displayed the genuine views and char 
racters of the principal men of his party. 

There were some very respectable senators, men 
of an advanced age, moderate tempers, and cool 
penetration, who had never entertained a favour- 
able opinion of the hopes, or even of the designs 
of their own party. Cicero, Marcellus, Sulpicius, 
Varro had been driven bv a sense of honour into 
scenes of war and tumult, as little suited to their 
talents as to their inclination. Tliey resolved to 
consider the decision of Pharsalia as final, and not 
to aggravate, by a vain resistance, the miseries of 
their countrv. M'hcn Cicero returned to Rome, 
he avoided the forum and the senate, and devoted 
his leisure and abilities to the noble design of ex- 
plaining the Grecian philosophy in the Latin lan- 
guage. Yet his retirement was sometimes invaded 

* Plutarch, in Bmt. The father was one of the Heutenants of 
tK«* we«k and wicked I^epidus, \^ho raised a rebellion id Italy 
alter the death of S>lla. 

t Dcctm fiiimuN cunhutarrt^ &c. — Qui vero frtttoriif quonia 
priiirri>s M. Cato, ^c. — ut magna excusattone opus lis ait, q«i 
in liidcustra nun veneiuut. Philipp. xiii. 13, 14, 



by his own reproaches, and by those of the world ; 
hy the comparison of his tame acquiescence, with 
the glorious struggle of Cato, Scipio, Labienus, 
aod their followers who had anew erected the 
standard of liberty in Africa.* 

These patriots, of more active spirits and more 
sanguine hopes, thought it even yet a crime to 
despair of the republic. Fifteen months wasted 
by Csesar in the arms of Cleopatra, the romantic 
campaign of Alexandria and the rapid conquest of 
Poatus, gave them time to assemble a new army 
of twelve legions, disciplined by misfortune, and 
deriving fresh courage from despair. Fertile 
Africa afforded every supply for carrying on the 
war. The alliance of Juba filled the Roman camp 
with an innumerable host of Moors and Numi- 
dians. Spain was in arms, and Italy expected 
her deliverers with a mixture of terror and im- 
patience.t Caesar ag^in fought and triumphed; 
but the unconquered soul of Cato easily escaped 
from life and from the usurper. Such was the 
constancy of that patriot, and such the lessons 
which he had ever inculcated to his nephew 
Brutus^ let us next examine what fruits they 

After the battle of Pharsalia, Brutus lay con- 
cealed in the marshes of Thessaly. He made the 

* See the Epistles to Atticus, xi. 7; where he unbosoms him« 
Hrlf to his friend with a very wonderful, or rather a very natural 
mixture of spirit and meanness, of patriotism and selishness. 

t Hist, de Bello African. IS, 40. Sueton. in Cxsar. 66. Dio. 
Cassius, L. xlii. p. d3S. Cicero ad Attic. L. xi. p. 7* 



first advances to the conqueror, experienced bis 
clemency, and was immediately admitted into his 
confidence. The latter was obtained by revealing, 
I will not call it betraying, whatever he had been 
able to learn of Ponipey s designs.* He then left 
Csesa^ to follow the pursuit lie had pointed out, 
and entertained himself with an agreeable tour 
through tlie cities of Greece and Asia. In a few 
months he returned to Rome, resigned himself to 
the calm studies of history and rhetoric, and 
passed many of his leisure hours in the society of 
Cicero and Atticus. Their literary conversations 
were sometimes intenupted by complaints of- the 
melancholy situation of public afiairs.f 

At a time when Cicero was in retirement, 
Marcellus in voluntary exile,;]^ and Cato in arma, 
we might at least expect that the nephew of Cato 
would have declined any political connexion with 
the usurper. M'hen Caesar set out for the African 
war, Brutus accepted at his hands the govern- 
ment of the Cisalpine Gaul;^ a command of 

* Plutarch, in Brut. Some casuists, Spaniards and oth^n, 
have attempted tojustify this* conduct. (See Bayle, Dictionnure* 
k TArticle Bruhu.) The feelings of a man of honour ans the beil 
confutation of such sophistry. 

t See Cicero's twoTreatises Dc Chris Oratoribus and Dt Ontor. 
both which he dedicated to Brutus about this time. The latter 
gave rise to a celebrated controversy between them. 

I He retired to Mytilene and refused to accept the victor*! 
clemency. His letters (see ad Familiar. L. iv.) are full of noble 
iientiments, and his behaviour does not appear to have disgraced 

^ Plutarch, in Brut. Appian. de B. C. L. ii. p. 477- Cicer. ad 
Faroil. L. xiii. p. 10, ^c. 



infiaite importance from its vicinity to the capital^ 
and fiom die legions always stationed in that 
pnmnce to protect the frontiers of Italy from the ^ 
uoooDquered Rhstians. The same legions gave 
the goFcmor of the Cisapline Gaul an almost 
decisive weight in every civil commotion, as a 
maich of a few days brought him to the gates 
of Rome.* Experience had already acquainted 
Cesar with this advantage, and by thus appointing 
Bnitas his Lieutenant during his absence, he 
shewed the most implicit confidence in his fidelity. 
Suppose that Rome had attempted to break her 
chains; suppose the sons of Pompey from Spain, 
Of Cato from Africa, had made a diversion in Italy, 
what could have been the conduct of the patriot 
Bratiis? His station must have forced him into 
artioii, and by his action he must have betrayed 
dtfaer his trust or his country. Into this fatal 
dilemnia had he wantonly thrown himself. 

When Caesar, on his return from the conquest 
of Africa, visited a part of Gaul, his obsequious 
governor went out to meet him with the respectful 
attention of an experienced courtier, and attended 
him cm his way to the triumph, in which a picture 
of Cato tearing out his own bowels was exposed 
to the eyes of the Roman peoplej^ I wish not 
hawewcT to conceal that about the same time, 
Bmtus gave some proofs of regard for his uncle^s 

* liiwiteiqnico lias already remarked the isportance of that 
fioviace. Comtdefatxms sor la Grandenr, &c. c jd. 
f Piotarcb, io Brat Appian, L. iL p. 49U 



memor}'', by marrying his cousin Portia,* and by 
composing a Treatise on the life and character of 
Cato; an lionourable, rather than a dangerous 
undertaking ; since even the prudence of Cicero 
permitted him to publisli a work on the same 
subject. The dictator disdained to employ the 
arms of power, when those of eloquence were 
sufficient. He appealed to the tribunal of the 
public, and in a severe and masterly censure of the 
conduct of Cato, he treated the persons of his two 
hterary antagonists, Cicero and Brutus, with every 
expression of regard and esteem.t 

This polite controversy was so far from leaving 
any uiifavourable impressions in Csesar's mind, tliat 
a few months afterwards he named Brutus tlic 
first of the sixteen Pra?tors with the honourable 
department of the city jurisdiction, and with a 
promise of the consulship for one of the ensuing 
years.J Could Brutus accept, could he solicit the 
honours of tlie state from a master who had abolished 
the freedom, and who scarcely preserved the forms 
of elections ? 

■ Tingct solennia campi, 

£t non admissae diribet^ suffragia plebia, 
Decaiitatque tribus, et vaiia versat iu umii ; 

♦ Plutarch. Cic*rr. ad Allic. xiii. p. 

t Cicer. ad AUic. xii. 21. xiii. 46. Cassar paid a complinail | 
to these two pieces in favour of Cato ; but bis coinplinneol ii t 
obscure and equivocal. He probably meant it should be so. 

I Plutarch, in Brut. \'elleius Paterculus, ii. 56*. 

^ The common eilitions read dzrimit^ which puziles all the ' 
commentators. Diribcre was a term peculiar to the comitia 
and signifies to poll the Totes ia the regular dniiiotu. 



Nec coelam seniare licet; tonat augure surdo ; 
£t lets juniDtur aves^ bubone sinistro.* 

I have heard much of the heroic spirit of Brutus ; 
of his glorious sacrifice of gratitude to patriotism. 
True patriotism would have instructed him not to 
cancel, but to refuse obligations of such a nature 
from the declared enemy of Cato and the liberty 
of Rome. 

Nay more, by soliciting these honours, Brutus 
solicited a publicoccasion of engaging his fidelity to 
the person and government of Caesar by a solemn 
and voluntary oath of allegiance.t " A few days 
before the execution of their fatal purpose, these 
patriots all swore fealty to Csesar, and protesting 
to hold his person ever sacred, they touched the 
altar with those hands which they had already 
armed for his destruction. ";{; Antiquity has not pre- 
served tlte oath, but we may suppose that it was 
not very different from the warm but faithless 
professions of Cicero. " We exhort, we beseech 
you to guard your safety against the secret dan- 
gers, which you seem to suspect. We all promise 
(that I may express for others what I feel for my- 
•df) not only to watch over your precious life with 
the most anxious vigilance, but to oppose our 
own bodies, our own breasts to the impending 
stioke."§ Relying on these assurances the dictator 

•Xocan. Pharsal. v. 391. 

t Appian. L. ii. p. 494. 

; Home's Dialogae on Ae Principles of Morals. 

) Cicer. pro Marcello, c. 10. 



dismissed his Spanish guards,* and neglected every 
precaution. He could not persuade himself that 
those whom he had conquered would be brave 
enough, or those whom he had pardoned base 
enough, to shorten a life already sufficient either 
for nature or for glory .f By those men he was 
flattered and assassinated. Such solemn perjury 
cannot be justified except by the dangerous maxim, 
that no faith is to be kept with tyrants.:j; 

It was only for usurping the power of the people 
that Caesar could deserve the epithet of tyrant 
He used the power with more moderation and 
ability tlian the people was capable of exerting; 
and the Romans already began to experience all 
the happiness and glory compatible with a mo- 
narchical form of government.^ To this govern- 
ment Brutus had yielded his obedience and services 
during three years before he lifted his dagger 
against Csesar's life. What new crime had Csesar 
committed, which so suddenly || transfonned his 
minister into an assassin ? He aspired to the title 
of king, and that odious name called upon the 

* Sueton. in Caesar, c. 86. 

t Cicero pro Marcel, c. 8. 

t Appian. L. ii. p. 515. This maxim is introduced in a speech 
of Brutus to the people ; but the speech is evidently manuiactured 
by the historian. 

J See some of Caesar's vast and beneficial designs in Suetonios, 
c. 44. The reformation of the calendar still remains a tnall 
specimen of them. 

II Brutus took the oath of allegiaDce, about seveoty-five dajfs 
before the execution of the conspiracy. 



descendant of Junius Brutus to assert the glories 
of his race ? Such a regard to a word, and such in- 
sensibility to the thing itself,' may be excused in 
the populace of Rome; but to a philosopher of an 
enlarged mind it was surely of little moment under 
what appellation public liberty was oppressed. 

Such are the reflections, which an accurate exa- 
mination of the character of Brutus has suggested 
to an enemy of tyranny, under every shape : who 
will neither be awed by the frown of power, nor 
silenced by the hoarse voice of popular applause. 
The monarch and the patriot are alike amenable to 
the severe but candid inquisition of truth. 

Q. HO- 

( 115 ) 

Devises, Feb. 8tb, l'f&2. 



Jg which are added j two Dissei^tations ; the one 
on the Provinces of the Drama, the other on 
Poetical Imitation ; xvith a Letter to Mr. J/<i- 
son : in two volumes \2mo. The second edition. 
Cambridge. 1 757 . 

Mr. Hurd, the supposed autlior of this per- 
formance, is one of those valuable authors who 
cannot be read without improvement/ To a great 
fund of well-digested reasoning, he adds a clearness 
of judgment, and a niceness of penetration, capable 
of taking things from their first principles, and ob- 
serving their most minute differences. I knbw few 
writers more deserving of the great, * though pros- 
tituted name of critic ; but. like many critics, he 
is better qualified to instruct, than to execute. 
His manner appears to me harsh and affected, and 
bis style clouded with obscure metaphors, and 
needlessly perplexed with expressions exotic, or 
technical. His excessive praises (not to give them 
a harsher name) of a certain living critic and divine, 
disgust the sensible reader, as much as the contempt 
affected for the same person, by many who are very 
unqualified to pass a judgment upon him. 

Horace's Art of Poetry, generally deemed an 
unconnected set of precepts, without unity of de- 
void, rv. • T sign 


sign or method, appears under Mr. Hurd's hands, 
an attempt to reform the Roman stage, conducted 
with an artful plan, and carried on through the 
most delicate transitions. This plan is unrivalled 
in Mr. Hurd^s Commentary. If ever those transi- 
tions appear too finely spun, the concealed art of 
epistolary freedom will sufficiently account for it. 
The least Mr. Hurd must convince us of is, diat, 
if Horace had any plan, it was that which he has 
laid down. Every part of dramatic poetry is 
treated of, even to the satires and attellanes; its 
metre, subject, characters, chorus, explained and 
distinguished. The rest of the epistle contains tliose 
precepts of unity and design, accuracy of compo- 
sition, &c. which, though not peculiar to the dra- 
matic poet, are yet as necessary to him as to any 

I shall say little more of the Epistle to Augus- 
tus, than that the subject matter is much plainer 
than in the other, but the connexion of parts far 
more perplexed. In the two lines from SO to 9S, 
a critic must be very sharp-sighted, to discover so 
complicated an argument as Mr. Hurd finds out 
there : however, his own Commentary is fiu* supe* 
nor to that on the Art of Poetry ; and rises here 
into a very elegant paraphrase. As my business 
lies more with Mr. Hurd than with Horace, I shall 
only select one of the numerous beauties of this 
Epistle; it is that elegant encomium upon the 
modern poets, which extends from v. 113 to 199* 
Every one must observe that fine gradation, which, 
from describing the poet as a liappy, inoflfensivc 


0"Sr HURD's COMMENTARY. 115 ' 

creature, exalts him at last into a kind of mediator 
between the gods and men. But an art more re- 
fined, and nicely attentive to its object, only em- 
ploys those praises, which belong equally to good 
and to bad poets. Every one complained of the 
multitude of bad poets ; even these, replies Horace, 
are not to be despised ; such poetry is an employ- 
ment, which makes its possessor good and happy, 
by abstracting him from the cares of men; he may 
turn it to the useful purposes of a virtuous edu- 
cation; and the gods, who attend more to the 
piety, than the talents of the bard, will listen with 
pleasure to his hymns. 

I shall now consider some of Mr. Hurd's notes 
upon these Epistles, aud then pass to his larger 

Upon V. 94, lie starts a new train of thought Voi. t p 68 
upon the use of poetical expressions in tragedy. 
Ilie herd of critics allow them to the hero in his 
calmer moments, and forbid them in his more 
passionate ones. On the contrary, (says Mr. Hurd, 
and I think with reason,) it is that very passion 
that calls them forth, by rouzing every facultj% 
and exciting images suitable to the grandeur of 
his situation. Anger indeed, which exalts the 
mind, inspires more bold and daring images ; those 
of 'grief are more weak, humble, and broken : but 
when passion sleeps, it is fancy alone that can 
create figures, and fancy is a very improper guide 
iofr the severe genius of dramatic poetry. 

Peiiiaps the. natural correspondency between 

1 2 passion 


passion and the poetical figures, may be more ex- 
actly ascertained, by defining what is properly 
meant by poetical figures* It is (if I am not xsuar 
taken) a comparison, either expressed or understood, 
between two objects, about one of which the mind 
is particularly engaged, and which it perceives 
bears some sUiinity to another. The comparison, 
properly so called, expresses every feature of that 
resemblance at full length, the allusion pcnnts it 
out in a more slight and general manner, and the 
metaphor, disdaining that slow deduction of ideas, 
boldly substitutes to tlie object of the companson, 
that to which it is compared. In the instance Mr. 
Hurd has taken from Tacitus, ^^ Ne vestis aerica 
viTosfadareij' we may note this difierence between 
the three species of figures. In a comparison he 
might have said, ^^ that a silken garment was so 
disgraceful to a man, that it was like a pollution 
to his body." Had he said, ^^ that a silken gai^ 
ment, like a pollution, was to be avoided by a 
man,** it would have been an allusion: but, dropping 
every intermediate idea, he reports the law by 
which no silken garment was to pollute a man* 
This is a metaphor, and of his own creation; but 
there are many where spiritual faculties, and ope- 
rations, are expressed by material images, which, 
though figurative in their (Mrigin, are, by time and 
use, almost become literal. These are the figures 
of poetry. I am sensible there are rhetorical ones 
also, but those, I believe, relate rather to the eiqires^ 
sion and distribution of the firmer. 


OK hurd's commenta%y. 117 

Let us now, from these principles, investigate 
the workings of passion. It has been often ob? 
served, that the highest agitation of the mind is 
such as no language can describe; since language 
can only paint ideas, and not that sentimental, si- 
lent, almost stupid, excess of rage or grief^ which 
the soul feels with such energy, that it is not mas- 
tor of itself enough to have any distinct percep- 
tions; such passion bafSes all description: but 
when this'storm subsides, passion is as fertile in 
ideas, as it was at first barren : when some striking 
interest collects all our attention to one object, we 
consider it under every light it is susceptible of; 
even that rebel attention, chained down with dif- 
ficulty to any range of ideas, endeavours as much 
as possible to enlarge the sphere of them; and as 
the agitation of our mind crouds them upon us, al- 
most at the same instant, instead of presenting 
them slowly and singly, we cannot avoid being 
struck with many comparisons suitable to our si- 
tuation. The past, the present, the future, our 
misfortunes, those of other men, our friends, our 
enemies, our ancestors, our posterity, form within 
us numberless combinations of ideas, either to as- 
suage or irritate the reigning passion.* But those 


Wlien Marius, proBcribed by the purty of Sylla, was obliged, 
a dioataad dBugets, to take refiige on the coast of Africa, 
Ae fOBtor of fhat profince sent him an order to leave it imme- 
Cudj: the lictor found him plunged in thonght, and sitting on 
fsase Sicilies on the beach. When he asked him what answer 
he dMrald cany back to the pretor, *^ Tell him, (replied Marios,) 

1 3 that 

1 1 8 o^nvvLjy's coM»f evtarV. 

of the first species, though they strike us with 
force, we reject as much as in our power ; and thcr^ 
fore the poet who expresses them in words ought 
rarely to go farther than an aUusion, or a metaphor: 
those indeed are in general the darling figures of 
passion, as it loves to pass with rapidity from one 
idea to another. However, in those conjunctions 
of ideas which feed and irritate the passion, she 
will sometimes dwell with complacency uj>on them, 
and pursue them to the minutest resemblances of 
a simile. I appeal to the breast of every one for 
the evidence of these positions ; and as to the last, 
I shall instance the noble speech with which Juno 
opens the iEneid, and rousing herself to vengeance, 
from the comparison of her behaviour with that of 
Pallas, collects everj^ circumstance of it which 
could stimulate her more strongly to the execution 
of it. 
k'oi. i. To return to Mr. Kurd's notes. He emplo3rs 
several passages to prove, what I fancy no one 
would have disputed him ; that though the wofds, 
pulchrum, beau, beautiful, are often used to express 
the general conception of beauty, they arc some- 
times made to signify that particular sort of beauty 
which pleases the imagination, opposed to that 
which dFects the heart. 

that thou hast seen Marine sitting upon the ruins of Carthafe." 
This implied comparison between his fall, and that of a ones 
powerful city, displayed on the same spot, is poetically bold. 
Yet passion and real misfortune, joined to the coioridency Jt 
place, could suggest it to Marius, a rough illiterate luMier. 1% 
no( this a striking illustration of Mr. Hurd's tbeorv f 


ON HURD's comment AAV. 1 19 

Aristotle had blamed the Iphigenia of Euripides, 
» a character ill-supported; so timid at first, after- 
wards so determined. The general opinion had 
extended the same reproach to his Electra. Mr. 
Hard undertakes their vindication. If Electra 
feels so much remorse after the murder of her mo- 
ther, though the principal author of it, we must 
consider that she is no where described as devoid 
of natural tenderness ; though the thirst of revenge, 
supported by the maxims of her times, such as the 
doctrine of remunerative justice, of fate, and of the 
heinousness of adultery, had for a time subdued it. 
Besides, her hatred was chiefly pointed at iEgis- 
thus, and her remorse is greatly exaggerated. As 
to Iphigenia, her timidity, when acquainted she 
was to be ssftrrificed, is easily accounted for ; as she 
was surprised, and, at that timi^, ignorant of the 
reasons which required it. Even to the last, her 
constancy is yet mixed with some regret and re- 

Upon V. 148, Mr. Hurd attempts to account for, 
and establish one of the most important rules of 
Epic poetry. A poet may either tell his story in voL i 
the natural historical order, or, rushing at once into p* ^^^^ 
the middle of his subject, he may afterwards intro- 
duce, by way of episode, the events previous to it. 
Which method should he observe? Homer, at least 
in one of his poems, has preferred the last;* and in 

* In the Odyssey. As to the Iliad, properly speaking, he has 
followed neither. The events previous to the subject, the anger 
of Achilles, he neither relates himself, nor throws into an episode ; 
hat as they were few and simple, he leaves the reader to coileot 
them from occasional hints dispersed through the poem. 

1 4 that^ 


that, as well as in most other things, has been fol- 
lowed by his successors; by Virgil, by Milton, by 
Voltaire, and (in this instance I may call him an 
epic poet) by Fenelon. put as many things tliat 
have stood the test of time, cannot endure that of 
reason, I shall venture to start some objections to 
this method, and to consider, in a few words, Mr* 
Kurd's defence of it. 

1st, Supposing the rule founded on reason, it is 
too vague to reduce to practice. Since the greatest 
part of the poem is to consist in a recital, where 
the poet himself speaks, when is that recital to 
begin? with the principal action? But in those 
great, though simple subjects, tlut alone are wor- 
thy of die epic muse; such, for example, as the 
establishment of iEneas in Italy ; theft are a great 
number of previous events, which cither hasten or 
retard the catastrophe. Are they part of the sulv 
ject? They are intimately connected with it, and 
no critic ever required Unity of place in the epopsea. 
Are they not? How then can the loves of Mueas 
and Dido be justified? And if they can, why may 
not ^neas s meeting Andromache in Epirus be as 
much a part of the principal subject, as his meeting 
Dido at Carthage? I might in this manner follow 
the thread of the episodical story, perhaps to thtt 
beginning of the second, but certainly to the begin- 
ning of the third book of the £neid, (and were I 
to take the Odyssey, or any other epic poem, it 
would be the same,) and ask at every pause, why 
the bard might not begin his invocation from 
thence, like Horace himself: 


ON hubd's commektaey. 121 

Demo uBum, demo et etiam lumm. 

Dam cadaty elusus ratioue rueDtis acervL 

But enough has been said on this head. 

£dly. When, without any preparation, we are 
dtfDwn at once into the midst of thb subject, un- 
acquainted with the characters or situation of the 
hero; such a conduct can be productive only of a 
surprise and perplexity to the reader, which, if 
tbey are any beauties, are at least beauties of an 
inferior species of poetrj% Nor is this all ; this very 
^DOfance and perplexity of the reader diminishes 
the interest of that part of the poem ; for how can 
we love beauties we are yet ignorant of, or trem- 
Ue ibr misfortunes of which we have a very faint 
idea? Nor can it be said that the nature of an epic 
subject preserves it from this inconveniency ; since 
it always is, or ought to be, some story already fa* 
nous. It may be so ; but we are not yet acquainted 
vith the alterations it may have suffered under the 
hands of the poet: nor can the similar example of 
dramatic poetry be alleged. It is there an una- 
voidable defect ; but we ought not therefore volun- 
tarily to transfer it to another species of poetry. 

Sdly, When this objection begins to vanish, and 
the reader, interested in the present misfortunes of 
the bero, has little or no curiosity to inquire into his 
past ones, it is then the poet chooses to tell them. 
I mppox we have read the first book of the £neid ; 
it n impossible to read it as it deserves, without 
Uking the greatest part in liie important scene 
vbidi b^ns to disclose itself; so romantic a 
wethig of a Trojan chief and a Tynan princess, 



upon the shores of Africa, and the gods themselve;* 
employing every artifice to inspire them with a 
mutual passion, and prevent the establishment of 
the Roman empire. At the instant we are impa- 
tient to know the event, and expect the poet should 
hasten to it, we are entertained with a long recital 
of the sack of Troy, and the voyages of £neas. 
After this is at last ended, and we return to Dido, 
we have almost forgot who she was. Is this am- 
suiting the pleasure of the reader ? and that plea- 
sure ought to be the aim of every writer. I do not 
know whether I may not have expressed myself 
too strongly in saying, we have little, or no curi- 
osity, to learn the past fortunes of the hero ; but, 
however, let it be considered, 1st, That before 
they are told us in a regular narration, a thousand ^ 
hints of them must have been dropped, which be- 
tray the secret ; so that we only come to it with 
that languid curiosity, of learning the particulan 
of what we have already a general idea. 2dly, 
That vre are not to consider our positive degree of 
curiosity, to know the events previous to the be- 
ginning of the poem, but to compare it with the 
desire we feel of pursuing the sequel, which must 
be far more ardent ; for in every operation of the 
mind there is a much higher delight in descending 
from the cause to the effect, than in ascending 
from the effect to the cause. In the perusal of a 
fable, it is the event we are anxious about, and 
our anxiety increases, or diminishes, as that event 
is known or unknown to us. It is easy to zpfHj 
this to the present ailment. 


oy hurd's cobimentart. 123 

4tfaly, and lastly, (for though I endeavour to be 
concise, I am frightened when I look back,) The 
rtyle of the poet will suffer as much by this in- 
version as his plan. Bold figures and poetical 
im^ery are the essence of the epopcea ; but with 
what propriety can they be introduced in that epi- 
wde, where it is the hero, not the poet, that speaks? 
There are two sources of these figures; strong 
passion, and a fine imagination. The first can 
operate, in any strong degree, only during the 
actual influence of the misfortune which gave 
bffth to it ; and though the recollection of tlie lat- 
ter may call forth some sparks of the former, yet 
it will be a faint, reflected heat, very unequal 
to that great effect, of transporting both the 
^xaker and the hearer. On the other hand, a 
iae imagination is no essential part of a hero* 
Homer and Achilles are very different characters; 
nay, should the chief personage, like Ulysses, be a 
celebrated orator, even that will not authorize his 
mrploy ing the beauties of poetical language, since 
his recital, to be properly introduced, must be un- 
pmneditated, and occasional: not like the poet, 
who, besides the fire of natural genius, is indulged 
with e^'ery adx-antage of time, labour, and a par- 
ticular inspiration of the gods.* The episodical 


* When Antenor, in the third niad, points oot to Priaio, 
Uyaei snong the Grecian chiefe, he describes the naliire of his 

AAX* en Xi woXofuS$i mnu(;utw Ohr^trtoq 
Tru^axify vwM h th^m moU ;i^Imk ftttuOm snlsCy 


Story must, therefore, be simple, unadorned, and 
far inferior, as to style, to the rest of the poem. 
I am sensible the i^neas of Virgil is as great a 
poet as Virgil himself; but either the principles I 
have laid down are false, or this example is a strong 
proof of the inconveniences of the method ; since 
it obliged so correct a writer, to offend either the 
judgment, or the imagination of his readers. 

I cannot pass to Mr. Hurd's arguments, without 
mentioning a difficulty which seems to aflfect my 
second objection, viz. this ignorance and perplexity 
is an objection only to the first perusal. It is true ; 
but, if precepts are to direct the composition of the 
writer, it is certainly that first perusal, and theefiecti 
it may produce, that he should principally conskler ; 
especially as to what relates to the clearness of his 
plot : and should it be said, that in my third ob- 
jection our curiosity to know the event can be 
likewise only balked on tlie first perusal, to the 
preceding answer I must add, that whoever am* 

AXX* 9Tt ^ f •9a n /Atymkifw n m^Mf m*. 
Km* twtm, ft^mi%aa%9 lOftK^k ^tfu^jtaiw, 
Ov« aw fviiT* OivaiH y t^atu fiffl^ aXXtc* 

Iliad iii. v. 2l6— 22X 

Out of the several testimonies to the eloquence of UljftM^ 
collected by Dr. Clarke, I shall only subjoin that of Quiafilka: 
" Sed summam adgressas, (Homenn) ut in Ulyae, fiiciiiidmi^ 
" magnitudinem illi junxit ; cui orationem nitibus hyhcrwii, ft 
*' copia verbonim, atque impetu, parem tribuit. Cum boc igitv 
" nemo mortalium coDtendct*"-— QaintiL xii. C« 10. 



siders the power of imaginatiou, will find that reply 
by no means exact Although, when we can 
coolly reflect, we are acquainted with the events 
1 yet the true poet, by interesting our^-passions, 
I chains us down to the present momi^nt, ai>d pre* 
vents our seeing any thing beyond it. When I 
read the tragedy of Iphigenia for the twentieth 
time, I know Iphigenia will not be sacrificed ; but 
the struggles of Agamemnon, the rage of Achilles, 
the despair of Clytemnestra, make m? ignorant, 
and tremblingly anxious for the event. 

Let us now hear Mr. Hurd, who, employing the 
particular example of the j£ueid, justifies this 
common method from two reasons. 1. The na- 
ture of an epic poem ; and, 2. The state and ex- 
pectation of the reader. 

1. The nature of an epic poem obliges the poet 
to relate, at full length, eveiy event he himself 
relates. Now, the destruction of Troy, related in 
this manner^ must have taken up several books. 
Bv that time it would have taken such hold of the 
imagination of the reader, that the remainder of 
the poem would have appeared little more than an 
appendix to it. The conclusion is certain; but on 
what is the principle founded ? upon an assertion 
advanced without the least proof. I should rather 
think, that, as an epic poem must preserve an unity 
rf hero, and of action, every event, instead of 
bemg related at full length, need only occupy a 
space proportionate with its importance and degree 
of connexion with the principal subject This is 
at least the rule of history ; and if poetry should 


IS6 OK uuuDs couuzmA^r^ 

only deviate from it, for the sake of making the 
fable one, connected, marvellous, heroic, and 
answering to our notions of justice,* I do not see 
how the poet is dispensed from it in this instance* 
If from reason we go to authority, does not Virgil 
"^'^'v 45 ^^"^^^^ dispatch in sixty lines, the state of Italy 
loi. ' at the arrival of the Trojans, with the ancestors, 
history, and character of Latinus ? 

2. I do not see any material difference between 
this and thie last argument. To find any, I must 
suppose Mr. Hurd means that, liad Virgil begun 
the poem with the taking of Troy, that story, how- 
ever concisely told, would have engrossed too mudi 
of the reader's attention. I believe it would ; but 
no rule can be founded upon this particular in- 
stance, where the preliminaries of the poem happen 
to be incomparably more important than the sub> 
ject matter of it When a poet finds himself under 
such a difiiculty, I think the common method may 
be very sen'iceable to him. 

I flatter myself I liave now proved this rule never 
essential to the epopoea, and in general hurtful to 
it. But has it no advantages r The only one I 
can discover is, that making the hero tell part of 
hb own story, gives the poem a more varied, and 
dramatic air, brings the reader more fiuniliarly ac- 
quainted with the chief personages, and furnishes 
the writer with unaffected strokes, ratli^r indeed of 

* Lord Bacon, and Mr. Hurd himself, (vol. ii. (i. l60 — l6f) 
agree that poetry is an imitation of history, deviating h ow L i ct 
from it so OS to answer the above-mcntiooed ends. 



maimers and of character than of passion. To 
these ends it may be serviceable. Let it however 
be remembered, that the poet who has obtained 
them the most completely, has done ft, in one of 
his poems, without the assistance of this method. 

Mr. Hurd, though a very rational admirer of 
antiquity, looks upon the chorus as essentially 
necessary to tragedy, and blames the modems for 
having rejected it. The subject is curious, and, I 
think, has never been well considered; but, as 
such a discussion would lead me too far, I shall 
deter it till another opportunity, and only report 
here the substance of Mr. Hurd's commentary 

The chorus, rejected by us notwithstanding the VoLip^n^ 
audMMi^ of Aristotle and Horace, joined to the '"^*^* 
example of the ancient tragedians, and of our own 
IGlton and Racine, has many advantages to reoom- 
meiid it. The principal are, I . The chorus inter- 
posing in the action, and bearing a part of it, gives , 
it an air of probability, and real life, and fills up that 
waitv which is so sensiblv felt upon the modem 
sts^. 2. The chorus is as useful to the ethics, as 
to die poetry of the stage. It is a perpetual moral 
commentary upon the drama, enforcing every vir- 
tuous sentiment, rectifying every vicious one ; and 
pointing out the important lessons which may be 
drawn from the catastrophe. Nor can it be said 
diat the audience do not want this assistance. A 
sharp-sighted Athenian audience, even Anth the 
help of the chorus, could not distinguish between 
die real sentiments of Euripides and those he was 
•bliged to suit to his characters. These uses of the 


128 ON hurd's commentary. 

chorus naturally ascertain its law^. 1* Its 8ong$ 
must be animated with a spirit of virtue and morib- 
lity ; and 8. Their subject matter must be relative 
to and connected with the plot of the play and the 
actual situation of the personages. The Greek 
tragedians, who invented the chorus, have scarce 
ever deviated from the spirit of it. But Seneca, 
who seems to Jiave endeavoured by his faults to 
illustrate the admonitions of Horace, has often mis* 
.Kp^ifo taken it in the grossest manner. Mr. H^rd selects 
^' his Hippolitus, one of his l^est plays, and examines 
it act by act upon these principles. Every where 
his chorus bears a most idle and uninteresting part 
The example of the third act, which contains the 
false accusation of Hippolitus, and the too easy 
deception of Theseus, may suffice. Wliat had tbs 
cho):us to do here, but to warn against the too 
great credulity, and to commiserate the case of the 
deluded father? Yet it declaims in general upon 
the unequal distribution of good and ill. Mr. 
Hurd traces the source of these blunders to an in* 
judicious imitation of some passages of Euripides, 
without any attention to character or situation. 

Tlie second law of the chorus is without excep- 
tion ; but several things may be said to explain or 
modify the first. . 1. The use of modern sentences 
is not only necessary, but peculiar to the cliorus. 
That is their proper place; if they were frequently 
put into the mouths of the speakers, it would only 
give tlie drama an air of stiffness and pcdantiy, 
very opposite to real life. If the G reeks (especially 
Euripides) have acted otherwise, they were only to 



be justified from the manners of their age. That VoLLiki 
age was peculiarly addicted to moral sentences, " 
from a singular mixture of simplicit}*- and refine- 
ment. Their simplicity inspired them, as it does 
always^ with a spirit of moralizing, expressed in 
short proverbial sentences : at the same time, moral 
philosophy was never more universal, and even 
&shioiiable. Both these causes operating upon the 
mannefs and conversation of the Greeks, could 
allow the poet, without offending against proba- 
bility, to extend those maxims to the personages 
of the drama which succeeding times should con- 
fine to the chorus. Accius and Pacuvius indeed, 
and after them Seneca, injudiciously copied the 
Greeks in this instancy though writing to a 
nation whose manners were very dificrenL 2. 
Though the chorus should always take the side of 
morality, it must not be so much that of a pure, 
philosophical morality, as of tlie popular system of 
ethics of that age and country. This restriction 
will be a reply to many cavils. We are shocked VoLLp^i 
in die Medea, when we see a virtuous chorus not ~^^' 
only conceal, but even abet the cruel designs of 
that princes^ against her husband, her rival, and 
die tyrant Creon ; designs most justly repugnant 
to the purer lights of modem religion and philo- 
sophy : but we must consider that, in the Pagan 
world, the severest revenge for such injuries as the 
violaticm of the marriage-bed, so far from being a 
cnme, was almost an act of duty ; and that since 
positive laws allowed it to the husband, a chorus of 
women might very well think no natural law for- 
roL. IV. K bade 


bade it to the wife. 3. Great allowance most be 
made for bad politics, as well as bad ethics: a 
chorus of free citizens will be virtuous and inde- 
pendent ; but should they (as in the Antigone) be 
composed of the ser>'ile ministers of a tyrant, their 
w^rds, and even dieir thoughts, will be slavish, and 
the will of their masters, their only rule of tight and 
Wrong; their depravity will be the fault of the 
subject, not of the poet. Nay this depravity will 
convey a fine moral lesson of the bale^l inflaenoe 

^ji!*'^*^ of arbitrary power. 

Mr. Hurd thinks the verses from 202 — 4S0; 
which are generally considered as a censure on the 
corruption of the modem music, are in (met an 
encomium on its improvement ; couched under an 
irony, by which he sneers at the too great austerity 
of those who blamed it without a sufficient atten- 
tion to the alteration of manners, and the mixed 
company a public assembly is made up of. 

The account our commentator gives of the 
Satyrs, Mimes, and Attellanes, is as curious as it is 
new. I shall only report the substance. I. The 
attellanes were originally a Roman entertainment; 
so called from Attella, a town of the Osci, in Cam- 
pania; for which reason, both the language and 
characters were Oscan ; and the introduction of an 
old provincial dialect was a source of pleasantly 
very apposite to the unpolished taste of those agos. 
S. In the seventh century of Rome, Pomponius be* 
gan to write Latin attellanes ; preserving however 
an antique cast of expression. This refbnnitmi^ 
and a more moral turn which he gave his attetlanei^ 


OK hued's comhektart. 131 

procured him the name of inventor of. tliem ; and 
the honour of being imitated by the dictator Sylla. 
3. Soon after, and before Horace wrote, the 0»- 
can characters, now become absurd, had disap- 
peared, and made way for the Greek satyrs. 4. 
Horace finding this entertainment established, and 
even necessary for the populace of Rome, under- 
took to regulate it, and to substitute to tlie gross 
ribaldry of the attellanes, the poignant wit of the 
Greek satyrs. 5. If it is asked, in what that wit 
consisted, it may l^ answered, principally in the 
double character of the satyrs themselves, who, 
though rustic and grotesque personages, were sup- 
posed in ancient mythology to be great masters of 
dvil and moral wisdom: but should Horace be 
censured, as he lias been, for preferring these attel- 
lanes to the elegant mimes of Laberius, it may be 
replied, that we rate too high the merit of these 
mimes. Cicero despised them, and the best ancients 
represent them as a confused medley of comic drol- 
lery, on a variety of subjects, without any order or 
design; delivered by one actor, and heightened 
with all the licence of obscene gesticulation. 

This inelegancy (to pass to another remark of If^^^ *^ 
Mr. Hurd) was the general character of ancient 
wit, which consisted rather in a rude illiberal satire, 
than ID a just and temperate ridicule, restrained 
vitfaiii the bounds of decency and good manners : 
Cicero and Horace themselves, though masters of 
Cray other part of elegant composition, joke with 
a rery ill-^ace. A favourite topic of ancient 
iiiUay was corporal defects ; a decisive proof of 

K a the 

13S 6K ttURD*& COMilfiKtAinr. 

the coarseness of their humour ; and this practice 
was recommended by rule, and enforced by the 
2^^ 9^ authority of their greatest masters. After this we 
Ci(9uid66. must not be surprised if they preferred those au- 
thors whose wit was like their own, rough and 
coarse : Plautus to Terence, Aristophanes to Me- 
nander. We must follow Mr. Hurd for a few mo- 
ments into his inquiry into the causes of this 
defect. 1. The free and popular governments of 
antiquity. These, by setting all the citizen^ on a 
level, took off those restraints of civility which 
arise from a fear of displeasing; and which can 

alone curb the licentiousness of ridicule. The onl v 


court to be paid was from the orators to the people. 
Tliese were to be entertained with the coarse ban- 
ter proper to please them;, and, design passing into 
habit, these orators, and after them the nation, ac- 
customed themselves to it at all times. The old 
comedy was therefore an excellent school for an 
orator, and always recommended as such: but 
when arbitrary power had moulded the Roman 
manners to more obsequiousness and decenc}% 
Terence and Menander began to receive a deser%'ed 
applause ; though even then, ancient wit was never 
thoroughly refined ; for, 2. The old festal entertain- 
ments still subsisted, the Panathenasa and Dionysic 
of the Greeks, tlie Bacchanalia and Saturnalia of 
the Romans; and presented always an image, is 
well of the frank libertine wit of their old stagey 
as of the original equality and independency of 
their old times. Upon this subject I agree with 
Mr. Hurd ; but I think this influence of govern- 

ox hubd's commentary. 133 

ment upon the manners and literature of a nation, 
might be the subject of a very original inquiry. I 
have a good many ideas myself, though, as the 
Ahb6 Trublet calls it, '^ Je n'ai pas acheoi de lt$ 

Upon V. 404, Mr. Hurd explains his author dif* 
ferently from his predecessors. They extended 
that encomium to all poetry, which Horacp meant 
only for the lyric. In fact it is only adequate to 
that species which is besides so particularly pointed 
out by " Musa lyres solers, et cantor Apollo'^ 
This is a delicate stroke of Horace, after his pane- 
gyric upon dramatic poetry, to shew the lyric had 
also its merit, and to prevent the Pisos from de^ 
spising the choice he had made. ssv-ssr. 

TTiese are the principal notes upon the Art of 
Poetry. On* the Epistle to Augustus, I find but 
two worthy much notice. 

The first is the explanation of a magnificent al- 
legory, which opens the third Georgic. Virgil, 
after apologizing for the meanness of his subject, 
breaks away, with a poetical enthusiasm, to foretel 
his - successes in the future great work of the 
£neid. He shadows it under the idea of a triumpli, 
in which he is to lead captive all the Grecian 
muses: the monument of the triumph is to be the 
usual one, a temple consecrated by games and sa- 
crifices, and every ornament of which alluded to 
the tutelary divinity Augustus. Thus, under the 
popular authorized veil of the apotheosis of that 
prince, be lets us at once into the whole secret of 
his plan. This explanation is exquisitely fipe; ^**^ 

K 3 but 

134 6S hurd's gommentarv. 

but if my memory is good, the P. Catrou had 
started it before Mr. Hurd. 

Sdly, The other remark is to explode a practice, 
familiar to Ovid, and not unknown to more correct 
writers; fliat of coupling two substantives to a 
verb which does not strictly govern both, or which 
at least must be taken in two diflferent significa- 
tions. He proves very copiously, against the Pro- 
fessor d^Orville, that such a practice breaks the 
natural connexion of our ideas, and turns the at« 
tention of the reader from the subject, to a dis- 
covery and admiration of the art of the writer. 
He therefore pronounces it unworthy of serious 

it%y poetry. 

t. p. 

As yet I have only spoken of Mr. Hurd^s notes. 
His discourse upon the several provinces of the 
drama is a truly critical performance ; I may c^-en 
say, a truly philosophical one. From simple de- 
finitions of each species, he deduces a very exten- 
sive theory. To touch the heart-by an interesting 
story, is the end of tragedy ; to please our curio- 
sity, and perhaps our malignity, by a faithful re- 
presentation of manners, is the purpose of comedy. 
To excite laughter is the -sole, and contemptible 
aim of farce. 

These inquiries are delicate; sometimes we think 
we arc reasoning upon things, when in fact wc are 
only cavilling alx)ut words. It is more especially 
so with regard to those ideas which do not repie^ 
sent sul>stances, but only modes of thinking, and 
moral combinations. There we can be only guided 
by practice and experience. They are out of thi 



uovince of reason. If Plautus and Aristoplianes 
uve given the name of comedy to a species of 
ntertainment of which the essence was ridicule, 
bey had a right to do it. If their successors Te- 
ence and Alcnander liave given the same name to 
faeir more serious drama, we must either prove 
faese definitions not incompatible, or give some 
»tber appellation to the object of the last. All 
hat reason can do upon this head is, dropping 
lames, to investigate the sources of our pleasures, 
o class them, and to see how far they agree, or 
nterfere, with each other. 

It is ver>' natural tliat the contemplation of hu- 
nan life sliould be the favourite amusement of 
nan. It is his easiest, and yet least mortifying, 
nethod of studying himself. This contemplation 
an be only considered in two different lights, 
nanners and actions. We must allow, though we 
annot explain it, that our humanity makes us hurt 
nd yet plea^d with the misfortunes of our fellow 
features ; and that the recital of a stoiy, terrible 
IT pathetic, rouses ever}' facult}' in the human 
leait. On the other hand, daily experience con-^ 
ioces us that our reflections and conversations 
ic\'er turn upon any subject so often, and with so 
Qiicfa pleasure, a^ the various characters of mankind, 
tis to give us these pleasures, less strongly perhaps, 
Nit through the means of fiction, more completely, 
hat two entertainments have been invented, to 
be first of w^hich we may hypothetical]y give the 
moc of tn^gedy ; and to die secood, that of co« 
Kdjr. The laws of each species are to be de- 

K 4 duced 

195 ON Kurd's cohmentart. 

duced from their ends : but in following Mr. Hurd, 
I shall only mention those particular to what we 
have just now called comedy. 

The first law of comedy must relate to the 
choice of character. They must be mixed ones. 
Human nature never deals in manners perfectly 
good or completely bad : but the poet is not con- 
fined to those characters only which excite con- 
tempt and ridicule; virtuous, amiable persons, 
who inspire us with sentiments of love and appio> 
bation, may be prpperly introduced, since all pro- 
bable domestic manners lie within the pro\nnce of 
comedy. These characters will not indeed occur 
so often as those of another kind, not only because 
' they are less frequent in real life, but because they 
sulmit of less variety. For reason and virtue pur- 
sue a steady uniform course, while the extrai'a- 
gant wanderings of vice and folly arc infinite: 
however, when properly brought upon the stage, 
they will occasion more pleasing sensations there 
than in society ; whereas the ridicule of a scenical 
character is much weaker than that of a real one : 
perhaps our malignity may furnish a reason for this 
difference. Sdly, Another rule of comedy relates 
to the management of characters ; they are to be 
displayed in a natural manner, and, as much as 
may be, the personages are to give their own cha- 
racters ; but that by undesigned actions or expres- 
sions, by which they lay themselves open without 
knowing it. Nor is that character always to ap-> 
pear, since it cannot always exist, but as the nilhig 
passion is modified by others, or called forth by 



tances. A contrary method, though too 
% is turning a man into a single passion ; 
such as nature never made, since those 
) the most under the dominion of a ruling 
act and talk, upon many occasions, like 
of mankind. Actions are the province of 
y and manners that of comedy ; this forms 
istinctive difference. However, thevcan- 
Ad running a good deal into each other, 
t manners no action can be carried on, 
s act according to our passions : nor could 
us much, since our terror, or our pity, de- 
hiefly upon our love and hatred. On the 
and, how could manners be represented 
a probable series of events, contrived to 
n forth in a natural manner ? We can only 
Tefore, that in tragedy the action is the 
lI, manners an accessory circumstance ; in 
manners are the principal, action the ac- 
circumstance. In both the poet must take 
t the end be not lost in the means. For 
son the complicated plots of the Spanish 
have been justly laid aside as contrary to 
; genius of comedy.' It may be worthy of 
otice, in speaking of characters, that the 
tural ones are comic ; many highly so, are 
r tragedy. Tragedy requires characters, 
bad, but of a power and energy equal to 
Ltest effects : but many passions, (the pas- 
weak minds,) such as vanity, can never 
ith be raised to that dramatic importance; 
>iis produced by such passions will be al- 


ways, like themselves, puny and insignificant ; but 
the energy of the stronger passions may be soften- 
ed and reduced to tlie level of common life. 
Cruelty and ill-nature may disturb eitlier a family 
or a nation ; besides, therc are other passions, tlie 
power of which, though great, is vilitied by their 
object. The various species of avarice liave pro- . 
duced the most tragic events; but the love of 
money is of so vile and groveling a nature, tliat it 
would degrade the most pathetic tragedy that 
turned upon it. 

This diffcreucc of the two species cannot well 
be disputed : but it has been asked, whether they 
have not been distinguished by the rank, as well 
as the character, oi* the personages ; or in other 
words, whether tragedy is confined to the public 
and exalted characters of kings and generals, and 
comedy to the humbler stations of private life} 
Without any regard to authority, I sliall examine 
this question, mixing indifferently my own rca- 
softs and Mr. Ilurd's. 

As to tragedy, it i^ay indeed l)e said, that we 
are the most affected by those misfortunes wliich 
might happen to ourselves; and that therefore the 
distresses of a private family must touch us more 
nearly than those of a monarch : but to counteract 
that advantage we may remark, tliat the story of 
those whom we are accustomed to look upon M*ith 
awe and veneration, attaches us in the strongest 
manner, and awakes our terror and pity much 
more than the wretchedness of private men. Theie 
indeed are |K>pular notions ; but the poet's biuir 


ON Kurd's couui^staby. 199 

lies in complying with those notions, not in 
rming them. Besides, the misfortunes of the 
t, though not superior in themselves to those 
he multitude, are yet far more important in 
r consequences, which heighten the distress, 
xtending the influence of it to the whole com- 
ity. To these general remarks I may add a 
fcular one, that in the noblest subjects, those 
ded upon ambition, love of our country, &c» 
rank of the personages cannot be too exalted ; 
t upon that depends the greatness of the prize 
he one, and of the sacrifices in the other ; and 
equently great part of the importance of the 
ffi an<l strength of passion. 
At cannot comedy admit of monarchsr they 
: their private life, and may not the ridicules of 
I displayed upon the stage? I think not; but 
ist give my reasons. 

The first will be takcnr'from the spectators* 
love comedv, because it offers to us a faithful 
"sentation of what we meet with in life. It 
; be therefore the life of tlie most considerable 
of the audience, that the poet sliould repre- 
: but what is that part ? The question is easily 
red, by looking through human society, and 
"ving that insensible gradation from the man 
lality to that degree immediately above the 
lanic and the labourer ; every link, from the 
»t to the lowest, enough connected with the 
s to have some acquaintance with their man* 

and enough improved by education, to laugh 
nr own follies. These then are the manners a 



poet should copy in their diflferent appearances: 
should he touch those of the prince or peasant, they 
must either be the same or different. If the same, 
why go out of the way for them ? if different, who 
will be found to understand or relish them ? This is 
particularly true of the manners of princely life. 
With those of the lowest we are better acquainted ; 
and the poet may find some archet\'pes among the 
spectators : but the grossness of them will disgust 
every one whom he can desire to please. 

S. But are the manners of princes different from 
those of their subjects ? are there any qualities pe- 
culiarly royal ? I know but one ; that is, the think- 
ing that there arc such : in other words, I mean a 
fondness for flattery. That ridicule can, I con- 
fess, be no where so well represented as on the 
throne ; since those will always receive, and love, 
the most extravagant adulation, who have it most 
in their power to re^iard and punish : but still I 
tliink it a better subject for satire than comedy. 
It would be difficult to put in action the follies of 
a monarch; the great theatrical resource is, the 
opposition and contrast of characters that display 
each other. The severity of Demea, and the easi- 
ness of Micie, throw a light upon one another. 
Should we be half so well acquainted with the 
misanthropy of Alceste, were it not for the fa- 
shionable, complaisant character of Phiiinte? But 
the poet would be almost destitute of this resource, 
if he laid his scene in courts, which offer one uni- 
form set of manners moulded upon the example of 
the prince. What contrast could be found to set 



fift his character? None; since such a contrast 
supposes ireedom and equality. This I take to be 
the true reason ; not merely that politeness which 
in high life obliges even equals to conceal from 
each other their real characters. This is rather an 
advantage : we pursue with pleasure the various 
arts of concealment which it inspires, and when, 
as it must often happen, chance, familiarity, pas- 
sion, interest, throw it off its guard, and display the 
man in his true colours, the long constraint gives 
diem a new vivacity, and the discovery gives a 
higher relish to our entertainment. 

3. But the most important objection to these 
characters still remains. They can have no pri- 
vate life. They have doubtless many things ridi- 
culous and insignificant in themselves, hardly any 
thing that is so in its consequences. Every action 
of theirs is important by the influence it has upon 
the community ; and if we paint their follies, those 
foUies, rendered vices by their tragical effects, 
vould in themselves excite contempt and indigna- 
tion for their consequences ; and, as the first of 
Aete passions is as repugnant to tragedy, as the 
•eoond is improper for comedy, could produce only 
1 very motley and disagreeable composition. 
Therefore, when M. de Fontenelle asks, whether 
Jfa^;iistus, in his last sickness, surrounded by arus- 
pioeHy who promise him a speedy recovery; by 
Bndiian ambassadors, who restore to him standards 
dMmt whidi he is totally indifierent ; fawned upon 
faf Livia^ who is impatient for his death; whedier 
aU difs would not- make as good a comedy as the 



Maladt Imaginairc; the answer will not be 
cult: No. Because the follies and weaknesses of 
the last, as they are innocent, divert us; while the 
fawning of Livia, and her power over her husband, 
fill us with liorror and indignation; when we re- 
flect that, by setting Tiberius on the tlirone, they 
made the world unhappy for three-and-twenty 
years, and finished the ruin of the liberty and no' 
bility of the republic. 

The practice of M. de Fontenelle, tlK>ugh very 
happy, is rather a confirmation of tliis theory. In 
his comedies he endeavoui*s to reconcile us to those 
great personages, but he is continually reduced to 
shifts of lowering our idea of their importance, and 
divesting them of their power and majesty, before 
he can make them real comic cliaracters. His 
common expedients are, making them of mean ex- 
traction, though raised to the throne; not putting 
them in possession of die crown till the end of the 
play; and laying his scene in Greece, in order to 
fill their court witli simple citizens instead of with 

I cannot help thinking that farce (the third 
species of Mr. Hurd*s) is rather a corruption, thaa 
a distinct sprcies of comedy. Is not his own defi- 
nition a proof of this? Tliat, as comedy is a fkitli- 
ful, so farce is an exaggerated picture of human 
life : if they are distinct, there is little occasion to 
fear any encroachments into the province of com^ 
dy from farce : but many comic writers, to pk 
the corrupt taste of the multitude, have d< 
to all the extravagance of farce. There is another 


^ -W I * • t 


subject, which farce has preserved from the old 
comedy. This is the painting personal, individual 
characters: but that practice, seldom followed, 
and never authorized upon the modem stage^ ra« 
ther deserves the animadversion of the magistrate 
than of the critic. As to follies, not confined to a 
man, but to an age or country, I think Mr. Hurd 
too severe in banishing them into farce : he Seems 
«nsible of it himself; and, in the instance of the 
Alchemist, attempts to soften his sentence by a 
distinction rather chimerical. 

I have, though without design, already so much 
extended this extract, that I shall abridge the other 
discourse of Mr. Hurd far more than its merit 
would otherwise justify. The subject of it is ex- 
tremely curious; poetical imitation examined upon 
veiy original principles ; a question in which the 
reputation of aH the great writers since Homer is 
vitally concerned. It is thus stated by Mr. Hurd : 
** Whether that conformity of phrase or sentiment 
between two writers of different times which we 
call imitatiofh may not, with probability enough, 
for the most part, be accounted for from general 
causes arising from our common nature ; that is, 
from the exercise of our natural faculties upon 
such objects as lie common to all observci-s." Voj. ii p. 

It has often been observed, w ith truth, that as 
oar capacities are narrow, and the materials of ob- 
«rvation the same to all men; it is impossible that 
k so great a number of those who have thought, 
aid published their thoughts, some should not hav^ 
coindded in the same opinions, witliout any know- 


ledge of each other. I believe that I may appeal 
to every man of letters, whether sometimes he has 
BOt met with things in books, which he had ob- 
served before he had ever seen those books ; and 
things too of an uncommon and particular nature. 
Even in those sublimer mathematics, so different 
by their evidence and universality from our other 
specslatipns, the same discoveries have been made 
by different men, who seem rather to have cwii- 
cided with, than to have followed each other. Is 
not that the decision of the moderate part of man- 
kind upon the celebrated dispute of Sir Isaac 
Newton and Leibnitz, in the beginning of this 

wfiie*2*Se ^^'^^"^y ? If ^^"s is ^^^ c^^^ i^ those generM ab- 
Eioiieor *stractcd branches, which contain such amazing 

tam.r. p. Combinations of ideas, it is surely probable that in 
works of imagination, which contain much fewer, 
this ought oftcner to happen. Besides, the most 
original poetry is in fact imitation, imitation of 
nature ; and in those images which are confessedly 
natural, it seems difficult to say why two men of 
genius may not have seen them without any pre- 
vious knowledge of each other. From these rea- 
sons, the candid critic will readily allow that there 
may be similitude without imitation. 

But a slight glance on the history of the sciences, 
and a few reflections on mankind, will reduce this 
candour within its due limits. Let us remember 
that, 1. Since the time of Homer, who perhaps was 
without models to imitate, that author has been in- 
troduced into the earliest part of our education ; 
thatsucccccting times added to his lessons those of 


ruhd's comhentaet/ 145 

the oAfaer Greeks ; that the Romans studied them 
widi care ; and that, since the revival of letters, 
we are made acquainted, as soon as possible, with 
the Greeks and Latins. That those impressions, 
engraved on our minds before we reflect, after- 
wards grow up with us; and when we look abroad 
into the moral and natural world, which these 
ooiqpanions often prevent us ftom doing, we see 
k <mly with the eyes of the ancients. Authority, 
fiHinded on reason, would oblige us to act in this 
way. The ancient compositions have stood the 
teat of time and examination; and the veneration 
that is paid to them, is enough to engage a mo* 
dem to endeavour to associate himself to it, by 
transfusing into his own writings the spirit, the 
thoughts, and even the expressions, of these ad- 
mired models: and, 2. Inclination will direct him 
to the imitation of some particular model; of 
nome writer whose soul is most congenial to his 
own, and whom he can read with the greatest de- 
light, and imitate with' the most ease. These rea- 
sons bring us back to our first suspicion, that 
where there. is a striking similitude, there is imita- 
tion; since where there are two ways of accom- 
plishing it, it is natural to prefer the easiest, espe- 
ciaUy when it is confessedly very common. 

Mr. Hurd found it necessary to go further, if he 
intended to clear his authors from the charge of 
nutation ; accordingly he endeavours to prove, by 
t very elaborate deduction, that both the ideas, 
aad tibe methods, employed by the ancients, were 
lot only natural onesy but the sole natural ones ; 

\oh. IV. L so 

140 tiUHp's COMIISNtAliY« 

ao that if succeeding poets, endued with judg- 
ment, looked abroad into nature, they not aalj 
might f but must meet with them ; while men of 
in^gular fancies could avoid them only by avokU 
ing truth and probability. This theory accounts 
for resemblances of works, by resemblances of 
tilings ; and forbids any suspicion of imitation, 
unless we are guided to it by particular circuln* 
stances. In a matter of such vast extent, it is as 
difficult to refute as to prove. There would in- 
deed be a very short method of overthrowing at 
once Mr. Hurd s doctrine ; could I write a work 
of imagination, full of beauties, formed on the 
model of nature^ and yet different from those of 
the ancients, I should then demonstrate that they 
liave not exhausted it : but such a confutation is 
far beyond my power. Without aspiring to genius, 
I shall think myself very happy, if I can frame 
my opinions according to the dictates of good 

If we examine this question d posteriori, from 
practice and experience of wliat has been done^ 
though we shall meet with nothing very decisive^ 
I think, however, that the advantage will not be 
on Mr. Hurd^s side: he will, indeed, quote many 
striking similarities of this kind, from writers who 
could have had no knowledge of one another; but 
he will be answered, 1. That such writers can 
hardly be found; that the sacred writings should 
not be mentioned, nor compare<l, with Homeri 
since we are talking of human, not divine compo* 
sitions; and that Shakespeare, the modem who 


huhd's commentary. 147 

afypeais freest from exception, though ignorant 
himself, Itred in a learned age. 2. That their 
example can only be quoted against those who 
think every similarity mu^t be an imitation, with- 
out any regard to the circumstances of the ^vriters. 
That, as such a coincidence is possible, we must 
employ it to explain a phsenomenon for which we 
could not otherwise account ; but that when the 
more easy and probable one may be recurred to, 
we ought to employ it On the other hand, an 
antagonist of Mr. Hurd^s would have occasion for 
no great compass of reading to discover, in the 
most modem writers, many original images and 
seirtiments. He would select them, particularly, 
from those I'cry writers, who, from an apprehen- 
sion that every thing had been already said, had 
cramped their* natnral genius, by an open, perpe- 
tual imitation of the ancients ; and he would infer, 
with some plausibility, that had they written from 
their own natural feelings and observations, they 
would have been still more original. He would 
desire Mr. Hurd to reconcile this with his princi- 
ples, and even press him for a precise answer, at 
what period of the history of letters the scene had 
been closed, nature exhausted, and succeeding 
writers reduced to * the hope of imitating success* 
fully. Wherever he chose to fix it, the critic 
would bring against him so many later original 
ioBges, that the resource of disputing their claim, 
lad hunting for some distant allusion, or general 
mmUance, would be hardly sufficient 
Without following minutely our author through 

1.2 his 


his copious deductions i priori^ in which he hat 
certainly shewn great learning and ingenuity, I 
shall only make two or three general observations, 
which may give an idea, both of his method of rea- 
soning^ and of my objections to it. 
• He enters upon a task, in my opinion, far above 
human abilities. To examine the origin of our 
ideas is the business of metaphysics, and the 
greatest philosophers have failed in the attempt 
But it is perhaps still more difficult to embrace 
them all at one view, and to class them according 
to their different objects, in so accurate a manner 
as to assure ourselves that we have suffered no xnBr 
terial species to escape. This is, however, wiiat 
Mr. Hurd undertakes. He makes three divisions 
of the world of ideas which can enter into poetry. 
1. The vast com pages of corporeal forms of which 
this universe is compounded. S. The internal 
workings and movements of our own mind ; under 
which the manners, sentiments, and pas^ons are 
comprehended. 3. The outward operations, which 
«are made objective to sense by the means of speech, 
gesture, and action. These are again by him sub- 
divided with an exactness in which I shall not 
pursue him. I shall only remark, 1. That his 
smallest species are yet too general to prove any 
thing. That Milton, for instance, must, like 
Homer, have made use of moral, religious, and 
economical sentiments, and could not invent any 
new species, I shall readily allow ; nor is it upon 
such general resemblances that a ctiarge of*imit»- 
tion b ever founded. It is upon more particular 



timilarities, where Mn.Hurd can never attain to 
shew that those ideas were the only ones. The 
only method Mr. Hurd can there follow, is a sort 
of vicious reasoning in a circle ; to look for the 
images upon every subject he can meet with in the 
oldest authors, and then to conclude that they ^u:e 
the only ones existing. 

2. Even supposing that he had exhausted the 
whole stock of nature, and had shewn that every 
unage, singly, had been so obvious as to be seen 
and employed by the first writers, a much larger 
field would still remain ; their different combina- 
tions, which are infinite. With regard only to 
human manners, the great sources of character, 
passion, and situation, may be combined in such 
a variety of ways, as no algebra could reach. Let 
us, for a moment, abandon fiction, and enter into 
historic truth. Consult the annals of any nation ; 
observe the various eflfects of the modifications of 
those three principles upon their history, and then 
say whedier the operations of human nature are 
easily classed, or circumscribed. 

3. This consideration of the shifting picture of 
mankind, as an illustration, leads us to consider it 
in itself. We shall find it a most extensive and in-^ 
finite range of ideas, almost sufiicient of itself to 
preserve genius from imitation ; since to the wri- 
ters of every age and counti^ it appears in a diflfer- 
cnt shape. It is the manners, the government, the; 
religion, of that age and country be is to study ; 
and whether the nature of his subject allows him 
to introduce them at full length ; whether be can 

L S only 

ISO uued's commextaey. 

only adorn his works with distant allu&ioos to them; 
whether he can only catch the general spirit of 
them, they will always make him an original. I 
shall quote one instance of what I mean, and that 
rbiif. from an authority Mr. Hurd will hardly dispute. 
^n. When Milton conceived the glorious flun of an 
English epic, he soon saw the most striking sub* 
jects had been taken from him ; that Homer had 
taken all morality for his province, and Virgil ex- 
hausted the su bject of politics. Religion remained ; 
but as Paganism, though it furnished very agree^ 
able scenes of machinery, took too slight a hold on 
men's minds to build the story of the epopcea upon 
it, he had recourse to Christianity; and, taking 
his story from an article of our faith, struck out a 
new species of epic poetry ; but he could never 
' have done it, had not the manners of that age, at- 
tached to religion in general, and to that tenet in 
particular, warmed his imagination, and given it 
a dignity and importance, which lie could never 
have transfused into his poem, if he had not first 
felt it himself. Nor is this observation repugnant 
ii for to another I have made elsewhere, — that the man- 
itt«r». ncrs of the ancients were more favourable to poetry 
^ P* **• than ours. I think so still, of their manners, as 
well as their languages. Yet I would have our 
poets employ our own, not only for the sake of 
variety, but because we shall make tlie best use of 
tliose with which we are the most intimately ac- 

From these observations I must decline subscrib- 
ing to Mr. Hurd s theory, or ciFCumscribii^ the 



poets imiiges within such narrow limits. It is^ 
however, without running into the other extreme, 
or condemning every resemblance as a designed 
formal imitation. I take the exact difference be- 
tween Mr. Hurd and myself to be this: I look 
upon imitation to be the most natural, and general, 
cause of any striking resemblance between two 
writers ; and therefore assign it, without particii^ 
lar reasons to the contrary. Mr. Hurd, on the 
other hand, thinks it may generally be accounted 
fi>r by a resemblance of mental operations; and 
dierefore never suspects an imitation, without par- 
ticalar circumstances which lead to the detection 
of it. 

He employs another discourse with a review of VoiiLp. 
tfaeK circumstances ; but as every one is accompa- 
nied with examples taken from the ancients and 
modems, and criticised with great taste, I can only 
reduce the great number he alleges to throp, drawn 
from the different lights in which we may consider 
every resemblance, and fix the probability of its 
happening, by chance, or by design. 1. How 
close is the resemblance ? Is the thought exactly 
the same? Is it introduced upon the same occa- 
sion? Is it expressed in the same manner, the 
same words, or words nearly the same? Is it a 
diort passage, or one of a considerable length? 
2. What degree of acquaintance can the second 
poet be supposed to have had with the first ? Did 
he live in a learned, or an ignorant age ? Was he 
himself a man of letters, or without education? 
Did he afiect the fame of originality, or did he 

L 4 modestly 

15ft Kurd's coHM£KTARr« 

modestly profess a desire and habit of imitating the 
ancients ? Was the first author an acknowledged 
favourite of his? 3. What appearance is there 
that the idea should have naturally struck the se- 
cond ? Was it common, or particular; did it agree 
with the style and design of his work ; with his 
own character ; with the real appearance of nature ; 
with the manners and opinions of his age, country, 
and profession ; or at least with those he describes ? 
Is it introduced in a general unaffected manner, or 
brought in ^vithout any occasion, and clothed in 
uncommon, obsolete language ? Mr. Hurd thinks 
these circumsances, all or some, necessary to form 
a suspicion :. I allow they are very useful to con* 
firm one. 

I have at last finished Mr. Kurd's performance, 
I reckoned upon six or seven pages ; I am now 
writing the thirtieth. Another time I hope to 
confine my extracts within proper limits. 

Blandford, ISth March, 1762. 




( l« ) 


From the several passages in the Extracts from 
Mr. GiBBOX> Journal of his Studies J it appears 
that previously to his Tour through Italy, he had 
endeavoured to make hiiii3elf a complete master 
of its geographical and classical antiquities ; and, 
lith that view, liad attentively perused the Italia 
Ant'iqua et Sicilia Antiqua of Cluvierus. The 
iollow'ing pages seem to contain regular minutes^ 
made by him in this course of his reading. 

He l>egins with obser\'ations on the ancient 
appellations and inhabitants of Italy ; its divisions, 
is, and soil ; and on the Apennines. Then, cross- 
ing the Po, into the Ci^lpine Gaul, he proceeds 
to Liguria, its western division, and thence de- 
scends through Etniria, Rome, Latium, Campania, 
ind Lucania, to Brutium, the southernmost point 
« the part of Italy which borders on the Tuscan 
^ Then crossing into Calabrifi, the southem- 
tt)tst point on the opposite shore, he ascends 


through Apulia, Samnium, Picenum, Uml 
Emilia, and Flaminia, to Istria and Venetia, 
eastern division of the Cisalpine Gaul. T 
completes the literary tour : and he closes it ^ 
some general observations on the number and c 
struction of the public roads in Italy. 


( 157 ) 




Sect. L 

On salt que Tltalie s'appelloit aussi Oenotria^ 
Saturnia, Ausonia, Hesperia, &c. et que le nom 
d'une tribu particuli^re deveuoit souveut g^u6rique 
jXLT les couqu^tes ou le commerce. Les grammai'^ 
rieas anciens et les critiques modemes ont vaine* 
meut tent^ de percer les t^nebres de ces origiues^ 
ct de trouver daais le Latin, le Grec, le Ph^nicien, 
ou le Celtique, des Etymologies raisonnables pour 
des mots que le caprice et le hasard ont peut-^tra 
dict^ k des peuples qui parloient des langues dont 
nous connoissons k peine les noms, I'Etnisque, 
rOsque, et le Sabine. L'HespErie seule exprime 
une id^ connue et avEr^e. Les navigateurs Grecs 
donnoient toujours ce nom au pays le plus occi- 
dental qu'ils connoissoient ; d'abord k Tltalie, en^ 
suite k TEspagne, et enfin aux lies Canaries, et 
peut-^tre k I'Am^que. 


)5d iJbillVAy GIXTESQUi) 


V. J'ex?oserai Ic systfemc du savant Freret ^ur b 
dct Belles population (le ritalie. Je sens qu*il pent avoir ses 
toJS!^ii. endroits foibles, mais en g^n^ral il me parott simple^ 
p.rt— 114. lumineux, et fond^ sur les grands principcs. II 
suppose, 1. Que les premieres peuplades se sont 
faites par terre. 2. Que ces peuplcs Nomades, peu 
attaches ii leurs terrcs, c^loient sans peine aux 
nouvcllcs migrations, et qu ainsi c est k lextreniit^ 
m^ridionale de Tltalic qu'il faut chercher ses pre- 
miers habitans. 3. Que Tltalie, entour^ede hautes 
montagnes, doit avoir re^u ses premiers peuples par 
les gorges ou elles sont les moins diificiles h franchir 
pour des sauvages, ^qui de pareils obstacles devpient 
fetre tr^s importans. Voici les colonies : 

I. Colonies Illyriennes. Ces nations qui n'^toient 

s6par^»es de Tltalie que par la partie la moins ^lev^ 

des Alpes y pass^rent bient6t. II y avoit troii 

nations Illvriennes, 1. Les Llburni ; 2. Les Siculi: 

et 3. Les Veneti. Les Liburni occupt^rent cnfin 

toute la c6tc orientalc depuis Mont Ciarganus 

jusqu au pays des Salentins. lis ('•toient distingu^ 

en trois tribus. 1. Les Apuli; 2. Les Calabri; 

et 3. Les Peucetii ou Pirdiculi. On voit par Stra- 

l>on c|u'elles avoicnt une langue commune, et par 

Pline que les Peucetii etoient d'origine Illyriennc. 

II parol t que les Peligni et les Pnetutii avoicnt 

x.B-jene aussi uuc originc Libuniicnne. 2. Les Siculi 

la \nvvnt s'^tablircut sur la c6te occidentale. II paroit que 

Jdii'.oi.Mt cc nom g6i6rique, aussi bien qucccux de Osci ou 

br.cuiic. UpiqUCS 


nques et d'Ausones, coitiprenoient tous les peuples 
juis le Tibre. On peut se contenter de cetW 
c g^n^rale, sans vouloir d^m^ler la confusion 
i r^gne dans les auteurs a regard des petites 
crres et des migrations de leurs tribus particuliferes, 
lit il se forma enfin les cit^s des Latins, des Sa- 

B, des Samnites, &c. Une tribu qui n'est connuc 
e par le nom g^n^rique de Siculi le porta en Si- 
e 80 ans avant la guerre de Troye, 1 364 ans avant 

C. selon la chronologie d'H6rodote et de Thucy- 
le. • 3. Les Heneti ou Veneti conservferent tou- 
irs leur pays. lis devinrent bientdt les allies 
\ Romains contre leurs ennemis communs les 
Alois, dont Polybe les a bien su distinguer par 
angue. * lis n'^toient point Celtes ; encore moins 
lent ils Paphlagoniens. 

[L Les Colonies Iberiennes. Ces peuples n'6toi- 
poitlt renferm^s dans les limites de TEspagne. 
occupoient un tenritoire ir^ ^tendu entre les 
rcnn6es et les Alpcs, et ce fat en se r^pandant 
proche en proche le long des cdtes qu'ils fran^ 
rent k la fin les Alpes maritimes pour passer en 
lie, qu'ils parcoururent plutdt qu'ils ne s'y 6ta- 
ent. Dans leur marche un d^tachenfent Ib^rien 
sa du promontoire Populonium dans la Corse 
ses mocurs et sa langue, nialgr^ tant de m6- 
jes, se conserverent jusqu'au terns de Sen^que' 
sut les distinguer de celles des Grecs et des 
uriens. L^ne autre tribu Ib^rienne, (les Sicaniy) 
9a6e pen k peu jusqu'au promontoire de Rhe- 
m, passa en Sicile et sefixa dans la partie occi- 
tale de Tile oi les SicuH les trouvferent. Cette 



circonstance feroit croire que leur migpration en 
Italie a dii avoir lieu pr^s de 1500 ans avant J. C. 
Ne seroit-elle pas par hasard le voyage d'Hercuk 
avec les bceufs de G cry on? Les uns et les autres 
trainent avec eux des troupeaux nombreux, seules 
richesses d un peuple pasteur; ils partent du mime 
point, sui vent la m£me route, surmontent les mimes 
obstacles que leur opposoient les nations de la 
Ligurie et du Latium, s arritent au ni£mc terme, 
le pays d'Er^x, oil ils fondent une colonie apr^ 
avoir vaincu les naturels du pays. Ces conformit^s 
Bontgrandes, etje ne les ai point choisies. 

III. Les colonics Celtigucs. Les Umbrij Jwibr^ 
ou AmbroncSj 6toient d'origine Gauloise selon l5 
t^moignage de Bocchus, et Ton sait 1 aventure dcs 
Liguriens de Tarm^e de Marius qui reconnurent 
pour leurs parens une tribu Helv^tienne de Icun 
ennemis h, leur cri commun d'Ambrones. Gcs colo- 
nies peupl^rent une grande partiede Tltalie depuis 
les Alpes et TAddua jusquau Tibre et au Nar. 
Mais rinvasion des Toscans leur enleva la meil- 
leure partie de leurs ctablissemens, et s^para lo 
citfe qui prirent le nom de Ligures d avec cello 
qui conser\'^rcnt cclui (VUmbri. Je vois que TAbbi 
Langlet dc Fresnoy place cette migration dans lo 
terns les plus recul^s, ii Tan 1912 avant J. C. J'if- 
nore ses raisons, niais je crains qu*elles ne tiennent 
au roman des Titans du P. Pezron. II ne iaut pis 
confondre cette migration des Celtes avec cellc dc 
Bellovesus vers Tan 600 qui reprit sur les Toscaiii 
les pays entre les Alpes et TApennin. 

IV. Lts colonies PHasgiques. Toutes les fiiK 



bles que Denys d'Halicarnasse en. a d6bit6es ne 
8ont propres qu'^ y r^pandre des doutes. UAr- 
cadie, pays mWiterran^, qui n'avoit point de 
vaisseaux k la guerre de Troye, foumit, dix-sept 
generations auparavant dans le terns qu'elle ^toit 
saurage, une flotte nombreuse k Oenotrus qui 
va penpler Tltalie. Rejettons hardiment tons les 
systfimes, toutes les conjectures, et tons les de- 
tails d'un historien qui ^vite les difficult6s et 
qui dissimule les contradictions dans les sifecles re- 
cul6s oik nous voyons k peine la lumi^re. Etendons 
notre id^e des P^lasges k toutes les nations bar- 
bares qui habitoient la Gr^ce, la Mac^doine et 
TEpire, et qui ne quittoient cc nom g^n^rique qu'i 
nesure qu'elles entroient dans le corps Hell6nique, 
Quelques-uns de ces peuples pass^rent en Italic. En 
sacrifiant tons les accessoires de cette tradition il 
en faut conserver le fondement. Je voudrois aussi, 
malgre M. Freret, conserver la mani^re de leur 
migration et croire qu'ils sont venus en Italic par 
mer. Je reconnois le grand principe de cet auteur. 
II est fort etendu, mais s'il 6toit universel, verrions- 
nous des ties trfes ^loign^es du continent peuples 
dliabitans les plus sauvages? L'ignorance totalede 
h navigation est aussi rare que son extrfime per- 
fection. N'6toit-il pas bien plus facile aux P^las- 
g« dc TEpire de traverser un bras de mer de cin- 
qante millesque d'entreprendre une course immense 
itravers cent nations ftroces de I'llljTie? Quelques 
canots auront suffi pour apporter le germe d'une 
odonie pen nombreuse dans son origine. Aussi 
les Peiasges ne ferm^ent jamais en Italic un grand 
corps de nation; ils se r^pandirent dans les cit^s 
VOL. IV. H Sic\}le%^ 


Sicules, Umbricnnes, et Toscancs, dont la lang^ 
les moeurs, ct la religion se ressentirent, jusqu aux 
derniers terns, du nonibre plus ou moins grand de 
ces Strangers qu'elles avoient re^us. 

V. Les colonies Etrusques. Selon le pferc de 
rhistoire, les Etrusques ^toient d origine Lydienne. 
Ce peuple avoit une famine dans le pays ; il in* 
venta les jeux dc d^s pour occuper la moiti^ des 
citoyens les jours qu'elle nc mangeoit pas. Cet 
expedient r^ussit pendant dix-huit ans. Enfin 
cette moiti^ s'ennuya du jeu, ^quipa une flotte 
nombreusey et alia s*etablir d^ns TEtrurie. Faut-il 
r^futer une pareille fable? Denys d'Halicamasse 
s'est donn6 la peine de faire voir que la langue, lc9 
moeurs, et la religion de ces deux peuples 61oign6s 
navoient aucun rapport Les Etrusques, dont . 
le nom veritable 6toit Rasena, n'6toient point - 
Lydiens. On peut soup^onner qu'ils sortoient « 
des montagnes de la Rh^tie. Les historiens cod- | 
viennent qu*ils avoient une Figue commune; et g 
selon Tanalogie de ces migrations, les Etrusques . 
paroissent plutdt les descendans que les ancfttrct 
des Rh^ticns. On determine T^poque de leur mi- , 
gration d'une fa^on assez ing^nieuse. La grande ^ 
ann^e des Etrusques se mcsuroit sur la dur^de la ^ 
vie humaine. La premiere s'^tendoit jusqu^ik b ^ 
mort du dernier survivaiit de tons les enfiuis n^ 
le jour de la tbndation de la colonie. Le jour dc 
cette mort devenoit une nouvelle ^poque sembfah 
ble a la premiere. On sait que leur huititee 
ann^c finissoit au premier consulat de Sylla aviat ^ 
J. C. 88, et que les sept premieres avoient diir<6 7S1 


ans. A supposer la huiti^me ^gale a la plus longue 
des autres elle 6toit de 123 ans; elle commeni^oit 
en 211, et la premiere ^poque de la fondation 
de la colonie a commenc6 en 992. Les Rasena 
avoient ^tendu leurs ^tablissemens dans rEtrurie 
et la Campanie; mais apr^s les conquStes des Gau-^ 
lois et des Sainnites, il ne leur restoit que Mantoue, 
avec Atria sur le Po, et Cupra Maritima dans le 
Picenum; Les T^rrh^niens 6toient les P^lasges 
de ritalie, mais surtout de TEtrurie, oil ils ^toienC 
tr^ puissans. Enclaves dans ce pays, unis avec 
le corps Etrusque, les anciens les ont souvent con- 
fbndus avec les Rasena^ dont Torigine 6toit si diflRS- 
rente. Ils poss6doient les quatre cit^s de Veii, de 
Falerii, de Tarquinii, et d*Agylla, oii leur langue et 
leur religion se conserv^rent jusqu au si^cle d*Au- 
guste. On voit par les anciens monumens qu on 
ad^terr^ dans I'Etrurie, que leurs caract^res ^toient 
les m^mes que les Ib^riens. Les uns et les autres 
ressemblent beaucoup aux lettres Samaritaines 
dont les Ph6niciens auront pu r^pandre Tusage 
dans les pays occidentaux de TEurope. Le voy- 
age de Satume dans le Latiutn, qui civilisa lea 
sauvages de ces cdtes, m*a lair trfes Ph^nicien. Ce 
pqyple commeri^ant auroit naturellement apportd 
k^arts, Targent monnoy^, le culte de Moloch, ou 
Satume, et les sacrifices humains. Je pense aussi 
que c'est k cette communication et peut-^tre k 
quelques colonies Tyriennes, que les Etrusques 
ont Ail leur politesse, leur goiit pour les arts, et la 
navigation, et ce go (it oriental qui se fait sentir 
dans tous leurs ouvxages ; leur divination et leur 
di^ologic paroissent seules originales. 

M 2 Sect. 


Sect. II. 


Dr.Tenpie- ], Magnitudo. L'ltalie conticnt 75,576 mille* 

fluui s Sur- 

yty. quarr^s. Si Ion veut la comparer aux autres pays, 

elle conticnt ilix fois autant de terrain que Ic P^lo- 
ponn^se, la Palestine, ou ies Provinces Unies, et elle 
est d'un tiers plus grande que TAngleterre, ou la 
Gr^ce (y comprise la Mac^doine,) 

L^M*^ L'ltalie a 6OOO stades de longueur depuis 
TApennin jusqui Tarcntum, et environ 1300 de 

]^2J^.*>- 2. Laudes. Denys d'Halicamasse parte de Tlta- 

L L p. 16. lie avec une esp^ce d enthousiasme. En conve- 
nant que quelques pays peuvent Temporter sur elle 
c\ certains ^gards, il trouvc qu'il n'y en a aucun qui 
r^unisse autant tons Ies avantages. 1. Les champs 
fertilcs de la Campanic portent des moissons trois 
fois tons les ans. 2. Les pays des Sabins, des Mcs- 
sapiens et des Dauniens produisent les meilleurs 
olives du monde. 3. Les vignobles de la Toscane, 
d'Albe et de Falenie produisent des vins exquis 
avec tr^s peu de culture. 4. Elle abonde en excel- 
lens pftturages que nourrissent un nombre infinllk 
bceufs, de clicvaux, de moutons, et de chfevres. 
5. Ix's forCts qui croissent sur ses montagnes 
cscarp^*es fournissent les plus beaux bois de con- 
struction; ces forests sont remplies de gibier, et Ic 
sein des montignes renfenne des mines de toutes 
les espi^ccs. 6. Les rivieres navigables r^uuisisent 


'AirriQUiE ITALIJE. l6S 

toutes les parties de lltalie, et ses eaux min^rales 
oflfrent partout des soulagemens pour les maux. 
7. L^air et le climat sont tihs temp^r^ dans tOutes 
les saisons de rann^e. 

L^talie parolt faite pour conquirir Tunivers. str«wk«^. 
1 . La mer et les montagnes la rendent presqu' in- 
accessible de toutes parts. 2. Le petit nombre de 
ports de mer qui s y trouvent, sont grands et excel- 
lens. 3. La vari^te qui r^gne dans son climat et 
dans son terrein en met aussi dans les esprits et 
dans toutes les productions de la nature. 

In toto orbe et qucLcunque coeli convexitas ver- p^^^ ^^^ 
git, pulcherrima est omnium, rebusque merito ^*^\ 
principatum naturae obtinens, Italia, rectrix parens- ^ ^^ 
que mundi altera ; viris, f^eminis, ducibus, militi- 
bus, ser\'itiis, artium prsestantis^ ingeniorum clari* 
tatibus; jam situ ac salubritate coeli atquc tem* 
perie, accessii cunctarum gentium facili, litoribus 
portuosis, benigno ventorum afflatu, (etenim con- 
tingit recurrenter positio in partem utilissimam et 
inter ortus occasusque mediam,) aquarum copi^ 
Demorum salubritate, montium articulis, ferorum 
animalium innocenti^, soli fertilitate, pabuli uber- 
tate. Quicquid est quo carere vita non debet^ 
OBscjoam est prarstaritius. Fruges, \Tnum, olea, 
Tcllera, lina, vestes ; ne equos quidem in trigariis 
pnrferri ullos vemaculis, animadverto; metallis 
anri, aig^iti, ^m, ferri, quas diu exercere libui^ 
naDis cessit, et qunc iis in se gravida, pro omni 
dote, varios succos, et frugum pomorumque sa- 
porcs, fbndit Ab ed, escq>ti4 Indis fabulosis^ prox- 

H 3 imt 



L U. V. 136. 

G«org.L il. 
▼. 14S. 

Lik 149. 


Flin. Hift. 
Kat. I. ill. 

Idem. itT. 

Idem. XTiiL 

^ian. Vtr. 
Ilt«t. U is. 
c. 16. apud 

An6q. L L 
p. 37. 

ime quidem duxerim Hispaniam, qukconque ambi* 
tur mari. 

Sed neque Medorum sylvas, ditistima terra. 
Nee pulcher Gaoges, neque auro turbidus Hebrua 
Laudibus Italiae certent, non Bactra neque Indi, 
Totaque thuriferU Paochaia pinguis arenis. 

gravide frugesi et Bacchi Massicus humor 

Implevere : tenent oleseque armentaque Ispta. 

Hinc bellator equus campo sese arduus infert. 

Hie ver assiduum atque alienu mensibus aestas : 

Bis gravids pecudes, bis pomis utilis arbos^ 

At rabidse tigres absunt, et saeva leonum 

Semina: nee miseros fallunt aconita legentes : 

Nee rapit immensos orbes per huniuni| neque tanto 

Squameus in spiram tracts se colligit angub. 

Adde totegregias urbes operumque laborem. 

Tot congesta man(k praeruptis oppida saxis, 

Fluminaque antiquos subterlabentia niuros. 

An mare, quod supra, memorem, quodque alluit infra ? 

Anne lacus tantos ? 

Haec eadem argenti rivos, srisque metalla 

Osteodit venis, atque auro plurimo fluxit. 

3. Metalla. II y a beaucoup de mines en 
Italic, mais le s^nat avoit d6fcudu qu oif lea ex* 

4. Vina. De quatre-vingt sortes que Ics anciens 
comptoient de vins c^l^bres, Tltalic seule en pro- 
duisoit les deux tiers. 

5. Frumentum. Le froment dltalie rerapor- 
toit sur tous les autres, pour le poids et la blan- 

6. Ukbes. II y avoit autrefois en Italie (dit 
Elien) 1 197 villes. 

7. Forma. 


7. Forma. Ab Alpibus incipit in altum exce- ?««!« 
dere, atque ut procedit se media perpetuo jugo sitaori 
Apennini attoUens montis, inter Adriacum et Tus- J^^' 
cum, Mve (ut aliter appellantur) inter superum ^^^' 
mare et infenim, excurrit diu solida. Verum ubi 
longe abit in duo comua, funditur respicitque alte- 

ro Siculum pelagus, altera Ionium ; tota ang^ta et 
alicubi multo quam unda oepit angustior. 

8. APEXiyycs. L'Apennin, apr^ avoir cotoy6 str«fc.G 
la Ligurie, perce dans Tint^rieur du pays, et partage '^'^ 
ritalie par sa largeur depuis Pise jusqu*^ Ancone 

et Ariminum. De-la il s'^tend au midi et divise ce 
meme pays parsa longueur. II approche toujouis 
assez de la mer Adriatique jusqu au territoire des 
Lucahiens ; deAk il s'inciine insensibiement du 
cdt6 de la mer Toscane, et va finir cnfin a Leuco- 
petra prfes de Rhegium. 

9- Regioxes. Auguste, apr^ avoir ^tendu Tlta- v. pim. 
liejusques dans Tlstrie et la Gaule Cisalpine, par- Lis.s-i 
tagea ce pays en onze regions, savoir, 1 . Campania; 
£. Lucania et Brutium ; 3. Apulia ; 4. Samnium ; 
5. Picenum; 6. Umbria; /. Etniria; 8. Flaminia; 
9. Ugvria; 10. Venetia; 1 1 . Transpadana. 

Constantin, qui r^forma dirai-je, on qui con* 
fimdit toutes les anciennes constitutions, fit plu- 
siears changemens en Italie. 1"^^' II ajouta aux 
anciennes limites dWuguste, leg trois lies de Sicile, 
de Sardaigne, et de Corse, et la Rh6de, partag6e en 
denx provinces. 2"^- II ^tablit' trois provinces 
BoaveUes: les Alpes Cottiennes, qui comprenoient 
CCS iDontagnes proprement dites, et une partie de 
la Tnnspadana ; le Picenum SubiitlMcarium, qui 

M 4 compr^oit 


comprenoit la partie m^ridionale de rXJmbrie; et 
la Valeria, qui cotoyoit le chemin du mime nom et 
qui d^tachoit du Samnium la partie septentrionale 
de cette province. 3"*"*' II en supprima deux, la 
Transpadana qui fut partag^e entre les Alpes Cot- 
tiennes et TEnylia, et TUmbria, dont la partie sep- 
tentrionale, qui seule conservoit son ancieu oom, 
fut r^unie avcc la Toscane. Ainsi Tltalie, selon la 
distribution de Constantin, contciioit dix-sept pro- 
vinces, savoir, 1. Veuetia; 2. Emilia; 3. Liguria; 
4. Picenum Anonarium vel Flaminia; 5. Alpes 
Cottiac; 6. RlKctia prima; 7* Rhaetia secunda; 
8. Tuscia et Umbria; 9« Picenum Suburbicarium; 
10. Campania; ll.Sicilia; 12. Apulia et Calabria; 
13. Lucania et Brutium; 14. Samnium; 15. Va- 
Icria; 16. Sardinia; '17. Corsica, 4"**"* La division 
d'Auguste ^toit utile seulemelit aux g6ographes, 
ou pcut-^tre aux ccnscurs. Celle de Constantin 
^toit une veritable division politique, qui etablissoit 
dans chaque proyince un gouvernement et de$ 
magistrats particuliers. Sept de ces provinces, la 
Venctia, Emilia, Liguria, Flaminia, Tuscia, Picenum 
Suburbicarium et Campania, avoient des consu* 
laires pour gouvemeurs; trois dentr'elles n avoient 
que des correctcurs, la Sicilc, TApulia, et la Lu- 
cania; les sept autres, les deux Rh^ties, les Alpes 
Cottiemies, le Samnium, la Valerie, et les ilcs de 
Sardaigme et de Corse ^toient seulement aux ordres 
dautaut dc pr6sidens. 5"^^' Le diocese d^Itatie 
^toit partag^ en deux vicariats; celui d^Italie pit>- 
premcnt dite, et celui dc Rome. Le vicaire d*Itmlia 
residoit k Milan et gouvemoit les sept premii^rei 



pro^nnces, qui, apr^s avoir ^t€ anciennement hors 
de ritalie, s'^toient appropriees ce nom exciusive- 
ment. Le vicaire de Rome tenoit sa cour dans 
cette capitale. Sa juridiction s'^tendoit sur les dix udJ,v.sZ 
autres provinces, qu on appelloit comniuu^ment i,up^*""'J^' 
les pro\nnces suburbicaires. 6*^*- Comme la police ^*"^°^^»^ 
eccl^^iastique s'est formee sur celle de TEmpirc, j/Hi>i. Or. 
1 cveque de Rome n'^toit que m^tropolitain des ^/(iMn- 
provinces suburbicaires dcpuis Constant in jusqu' p^JJ^ioii 
a Valentinien III; il n'^toit pas mSme exaique; ^J,'^"*^'^' 
pourmeriter ce titre il falloit gouvemerun diocese Grand ch*. 

. ., .^ , ,, . , 1 / * iuiustoiii.L 

entier ; mais il avoit plus d autonte que les evequcs p. 464. 
d'Alexandrie et d'Antioche qui Fetoient; comme il 
n avoit dans sa juridiction que de simples ^v^ques, 
c'etoit k lui seul k leur donner Tordination et k 
decider des Elections litig^es. 

FiX£s. Du cdte du midi, les bomesonttou- anfier. 
jours et6 d^termin^s par la nature. Sur la mer ii^^ 
Adriatique, elle eut pour bomes successivement, ^ 
les rivieres Arsis, RubicOj Formio et Arsia, et sur 
la mediterran^e VArnus et ensuite le Varus. 
Depujs que la Gaule Cisalpine y a ^t€ comprise, 
elle s'est toujours ^tendue jusquau sommet des 

LoxGiTUDO £T Latitudo. Depuis la ville 
d'Augusta Praetoria jusqu' k celle de Rhegium, ron 
comptpit 1020 milles en suivant la route de Rome 
et de Capoue. C*est le calcul de. Pline, mais il 
parolt tn^ forL Entre ces deux endroits k p^ine 
peut on tiouver 800 milles. Cluvier, qui a senii la 
difficoit^ y T^pond fort bien. 1 . II ne faut tirer 
mie ligne droite^ mais Ton doit *suivre le grand 



chemin dont la direction naturelle n auroit point 
suivi celle de Pline. 9. Les milles Bx>ina]ns 6totent 
plus grands que ceux dont on se sert aujourdliui ; 
surtout dans F^tat eccl^siastique et le Royaume 
de Naples. Ce m^me Pline fixe sa plus grande 
largeur entre le Varus et TArsia i 410 milles. 

Aer. L'AbW du Bos croit que les environs de 
Rome sont moins froids qu'ils ne T^toient autrefois. 
A. U. C. 480 lliiver y fut se violent que les arbres 
moururent. Le Tibre prit dans Rome, et la neige 
demeura sur la terre pendant quarante jours. Le 
Tibre pris n'^toit pas meme un ^v^ement singu- 

gl^J^^*^ Hibemiim fracl& glacie descendet in anmeiD, 

5ti. Ter matutino Tyberi mergetnr, et iptis 

Vorticibus timidum caput abluet. 

Do Bot. Plusieurs passages d'Horace supposent les rues 
SvrkPbe- de Rome pleines de neiges et de glaces. Aujour- 
Pdm.'tom. d'hui le Tibre n y g^le guh'es plus que le Nil, 
iL p. 996. ^^ ^'ggj beaucoup si la neige s y conserve pendant 

deux jours. 

Quand on dit que le climat de Rome est chang^, 
on se trompe. Le passage d^Horace sur Ic Tibre 
gel6 ne prouve ricn. II a gel6 en 1709, il geloit 
pendant les grands hivers, et g^le encore. Dans 
rOmbrie, oil 6toit Horace, il souffle un vent ti^ 
ftoid qui vient des montagnes. Cclui de TApcn- 
nin y fciit resscntir un grand firoid k Florence. 

Quel parti faut-il prendre ? — celui de TAbb^ do 

Bos, L'Abb6 de Longuerue ne produit que des 

exemples extraordinaires, ou qui ne regardent point 

Rome et ses enX'irons* 


p» 4i, 4t. 


Si me vivere vis sanum recteque valentenii Hont. 

Quam mifai das segroi dabis aegrotare timenti, ^1^* >• 

Msecenas, vetiiam ; dum ficus prima calorque 
Designatorem decorat lictoribus atris, 
Dum puerb omnis pater et matercula palletj 
Officiosaque sedulitas^ et opella forensU 
Adducit febresy et testamenta resignat. 

Sect. III. 



Alpes. Le mot gen6rique d'Alpe, qui signific 
une hauteur enlangue Celtique, leur fut appliqu6 
par une distinction qu'elles m^ritoient bien. Les 
Grecs eux-m^mes ont 6t6 obliges de convenir que 
leurs montagnes tant vant^es d'Olympe, d'Ossa, et 
de Pelion, n'^toient rien aupr^s de ces masses 6n- 
ormes. Les Pyr^n^es sY^lfevent plus perpendicu- 
lairement, mais la grande 6tendue des Alpes leur 
donne une superiority d^cid^e pour la hauteur. II 
y a telles montagnes dont on n'atteint le sommet 
quapr^s une marche de cinq jours. Ces mon- 
tagnes embrassent Utalle dans la forme d un vastc 
semicercle, qui ne souvre que dans quelques en- cior.ita 
droits. Voici les difFerentes parties des Alpes et ^^ '•'• 
les principaux passages qu on y trouvoit. I"**^* ss«. Bei^ 
Ias Alpes Maritimts qui commen^oient dans les ch«muif» 
environs du Varus et de Nice. C'6toit \ Savone \%l^^ 
(Vada Sabatia), que TApennin, aprfcs avoir partag6 
tout rint^rieurde Fltalie, venoit s'unir aux Alpes. 

\ La 


La Voie Aur^Iienne, qui cotoyoit toujoure la mer 
depuis Rome jusques dans les Gaules, traversoit 
ces tnontagnes. II"*»*- Les Alpes Cottiennes^ qui 
6toient s^parees dc la mer par les Alpes maritimes. 
C'^toit le royaume de Cottius dont Segusio (Suze) 
6toit la capitale. Ces montagnes s'6tendoient en 
largeur depuis cette ville jusqu' k Brian^on (Bri- 
gantium). C est aupr^s de la premiere de ces villes 
quou trouve le mont Ceuis (Mons Matrona). 
Pomp6e osa le premier le passer. Cottius tra- 
vailla beaucoup k rendre ce chemin plus facile et 
plus assur^. La nature et Tart le rendirent bien- 
tdt, ce qu'il est encore, la grande route de Tltalie 
dans les Gaulcs, le passage le plus fr^quent6 des 
empereurs, des armies et des voyageurs. II re^t 
m&mc dans la basse I^tin!t6, Ic nom distiugu^ de 
Strata Romaua. Ill""*- Les Alpes Grecgues. La 
fable du passage dllerculc lui valut ce nom. 
C*^toit le petit St. Bernard, et la Tarantaise. II 
paroit qu'un Ideonnus, roi barbare assez peu 
connuy r^gnoit dans ces montagnes du tems d'Au- 
guste. IV""*- Les Alpes PennineSj qui s'^ten- 
doient depuis les Alpes Grecques jusqu aux sources 
du Rli6ne et du Rbin. II y a beaucoup d apparence 
qu' Hannil)al les traversa pour entrer en Italic, mais 
il n y en a aucune qu'il leur ait donn^ le nom de si 
nation (Poeninaj de Poeni). Pour y trouver cc 
nom, il feut corrompre celui des montagnes elles* 
memes. C est aussi cc qu ont fait plusieurs des 
ancicns. La vall^^c un peu au-del^ des Alpes Pen* 
nines, et qui est traverste par le RhAne, sappd* 
luit la Valine Pennine (Vallis Pennina). II se 



Domme encore le Valais. Au milieu de ces mon- 
tagnes, Ion trouvoit le passage c^lfebre, qu 'on appel- 
loit le Summus Penninus ou le Mons Sovis ; c'est 
le grand St Bernard. Les deux grands chemins 
qui traversoient les Alpes Grecques et les Alpes 
Pennines se r^unissoient i\ Augusta Prcetoriay 
(Aost) a Tentr^e du pays des Salassi ou dm Val 
dAost. V""*- Les Alpes Rh^liques ouTridentines. 
U y avoit deux grands passages. Tun qui partoit de 
Milan et qui passoit par Comum et Curia (Coire) 
jusqu*^ Brigantium, (Bergent,) et I'autre qui alloit 
de V^rone k Tridentinum (Trente) et Augusta 
Vindelicorum (Augsbourg). Le &meux Mont 
Adula ^toit parmi ces Alpes. Mais des anciens 
qui en ont parl6, les tins ont d^crit une haute jnon- 
tagne aupr^s des sources du Rhin, et les autres une 
suite de montagnes dont la situation est assez in- 
certaine. VI""' • Les Aipes NoriqueSj CarniqueSp 
PannaniqueSj ou Juliennes. C'^toit ce contour qui 
embrassoit la Venetia. Un grand chemin partoit 
d*Aquileia, traversoit le niont Ocra, et s'^tendoit 
jusqu*^ Nauportum et Sirmio.dans la Pannonie. 

Padus. On connoit.toutes les fables brillantes 
et absurdes dont les anciens ont om^ Thistoire de 
cc fleuve : le t^m^raire Phaethon qui y fut pr^ci- 
pit6, ses soeurs qui furent chang^es en peupliers et 
qui distilloient de lambre. Cette fable 6toit con- 
nue depuis long terns, mais sa source ne T^toit pas 
autant. Les Grecs tiroient lambre des bonis de 
la mer Baltique vers Temboucbure de la Vistule, 
qui vient d'etre augment^e par les eaux d'une ri- 
^ntx considerable que les gens du pays a|ipellent 



Rodaune, Raddaune, Ruddunc ct Reddune, selon 
leurs dialectes difF(6rentes. Le Po s appelloit aussi 
a«ticr. TEridan. Voil^ le fondement g^ographique de 
M» L u tant de fictions et de la confusion de deux fleuves 
^ aussi ^loign^s Tun de Taut re. Quelle ignorance ! 
^lais ce n est pas tout. Le nom du Rhdne (Rhoda* 
nus) ^'est pas fort difF(6rent de ceux-ci: c'^toit assez 
pour^tablir leur identity dans Tesprit parcsseux des 
Grecs, pour qui tous les pays occidentaux etoient un 
monde inconnu ou fabuleux. On pent remarquer 
cependant une progression de lumi^re. Pour les 
premiers Grecs, le Po, le Rh6ne^ et la Vistula n'e- 
toient qu'un m^me fleuve. lis connurent a la fin 
leurs erreurs. lis apprirent que le premier se d^- 
chargeoit dans la Mer Adriatique, le second dans 
la M^diterran^e, et la troisi^me dans la Mer Bal- 
tique. Ne pouvant nier que les embouchures ne 
fussent diff(6rentes, ils voulurent soutenir qu'ils par- 
toient de la m£me source et qu'ils avoient les niA- 
mes propri^t^s. Les Grecs se seroient cependant 
d^tronip^s plut6t s'ils n'avoient pas pr6f6r^ leurs 
poetes k leurs historians. H^rodote avoit des idto 
fort justes sur TEridan. II reconnoit qu^il ne parlc 
de ces pays ^loign6s que sur des ouis-dire, mats il 
salt fort bien que TEridan, le fleuve de rambre, ne 
se d^charge que dans la mer du Nord. 

Le Po sort de trois sources au pied du Mont 
Vesulus, et tombant avcc fracas au bas d'un preci- 
pice, il coule pendant trois milles sans avoir de lit 
bien marqu6, mais ayant d^Jci assez d*eau pour faire 
aller des moulins. C'est alors qu'il se perd sous 
terre ; il paroit encore au bout de deux milles, et 
devient bientdt un fleuve considerable par le 



grand nombre de rivieres qui s y jettent. Pline en 
compte trente, mais Clavier a pouss6 ce nombre 
jusqu'^ quarante. 

Padi Ostia. Voici les principales circonstan- 
ces qui les regardent. 1. II y en avoit deux bras 
plus considerables que les autrcs. Le premier s'ap- 
pelloit Padusa, Eridanus et ostium Spineticum 
(l^une ville ancienne qui y ^toit situ6e. II parolt 
que les anciens le regardoient comme le veritable 
Po, et ils lui donnent quelquefois ce nom tout 
simplement. L autre se nommoit Volana ou Bolana. 
fi. II y avoit encore deux bras du Po entre ceux-li, 
le Sagis et le Caprasium. 3. Toutes ces embou- 
chures ^toient louvrage de la nature. Mais les 
habitans.du pays, qui ^toient int^ress^s a retenir 
dans son lit cette riviere fougueuse, lui en creuse- 
rent de nouveaux. Parmi ces canaux artificiels, 
qu'on attribut aux Toscans, on pent en distinguer 
trois : Fossa Asconis, ensuite Augusti, qui com- 
muniquoit de la Padusa ^ Ravenne ; Fossa Carbo- 
nuria au-del^ de la Volana, et Fossse Philistinse qui 
6toient encore plus au nord. Ce dernier canal, 
grossi par les eaux du Tartarus, est devenu au- 
jourd'hui le Po, et tons le pays entre ces embou- 
chures qui ^toit anciennement au nord du Po est 
r6put6 aujourd'hui au midi de ce fleuve. 4. Voilk 
les sept embouchures du Po. Leurs d^bordemens 
fr^uens ne faisoient qu'un vaste marais de tout ce 
canton, marais coup6 dans sa lar^eur par les fosses 
de N^ron, et auquel on avoit aonn6 le nom des 
S^tem Maria: Ce titre s'^toit cependant ^tendu 
SOT tous les environs au-deU du Fo et jusqu'^ Al- 

tinum ; 

tinum ; TAth^sis, et les deux M6duacus rinon- 
doicnt de la m6nie manifere, et pendant cent vingt 
milles, de Ravenne jusqu'^ Altinum, l*on ne voyoit 
que le m6nie niarais, sur lequel Ton voyageoit avec 
plus de sftret^ que de vitesse. 
piiiuHUt. Mi NCI us. Le Miucius traverse le Benacus, 
c. toi ' I'Addua le lac Larius, et le Rhdne le lac Leman, 
sans y m^lcr leurs eaux parcequ* ellcb sont plus 

ViisiU An mare, quod supra, memorem, quodque alloit infra? 

L ii. 160. Anne lacus tantos ? tc, Lari niaximey teque 

Fluctibus 6t fremitu assurgens, Benace, marino ? 

Lari US. Pline avoit deux maisons de cam- 
pagnes aupr^s de ce lac. L'une, situ6e sur une 
hauteur, dominoit sur tout le lac. L'autre 6toit au 
milieu des eaux, b&tic sur une lev^e de terre comme 
les maisons de Baies. L'une ct Tautre avoient des 
agri*mens diffi6rens. 
SiTtbon. Salassi. Cc pcuplc rcmplissoit le Val d'Aost, 

p. 141, 145. pays ^troit dans les gorges des Alpes. lis 6toient 
maltrcs du passage du mont St. Bernard; ils 
n'usoient dc cet avantage que pour d^pouiller les 
voyagcurs et pour harceler des armies enti^res en 
se pla^ant en ambuscade dans les d^fil^. Ils oblig^ 
rent Decimus Brutus, qui se retiroit de Mod^ne, de 
payer son passage h un denier par soldat; ils osi- 
rent mf*me piller quelques bagages d'Auguste. 
Cette t^m^rit^ Iqur coftta cher. Ce prince fit 
prendre la nation entiere, et la fit vendre k Epore- 
dia, au nombre de 36,000 ames, parmi lesquelles il y 
avoit 8000 hommes en 6tat de porter les armes. Ii 

y avoit 


y avoit dans leur pays quelques mines d'or, dans 
lesquelles ils fkisoient passer les eaux de la Duria^ 
qu'ils saignoient pour cet eifet, ce qui leur attfroit 
(aussi bien qu'aux fertniers qui les prirent ensuite) 
beau coup de disputes avec les habitans du plat pays. ,*^ ; • 
Agrippa fit faire deux grands chemins qui partoi- 
ent d'Augusta Prsetoria, et qui se r^unissoient k 
Lyon; Tune, qui passoitpar les Alpes Pennines, (le 
grand St. Bernard,) ^toit plus courte, (quant k la 
montagne,) mais il 6toit difficile au point de n'Stre 
praticable que pour les chevaux. L'autre traver- 
soit le pays des Centrones (la Tarantaise.) II ^toit 
plus long mais beaucoup plus facile* 

Taurisci. Ce peuple, subjugu6 sans peine par Stnb.Gcof. 
Tibfere, habitoit des montagnes st^riles. La n^ces- '^' ^' ^*** 
sitt les fori^a de faire des courses dans les cam- 
pagnes, mais la politique leur enseignoit d'^pargner 
les laboureurs pour ne point tarir la- source deleurs 

Salassi. 11 y a encore dans le Val d'Aost des 
mines d'or et des paillettes dans les riviferes. A 
Farsenal de Turin Ton nous a montr^ un morceau 
de marbre tir6 de ces carri^res, et qui contenoit 
beaucoup d'or. II n'y a qu'une soixantaine d an* • 
ndes qu on a recommence k exf>loiter ces mines, 
dont on tire tons les ans environ deux cens marcs 
d or. 

VOL. IV. nt Sect- 


Sect. IV. 


^^^ Le nom et la formation de cette proviace sont 
^^* purement Romains. II est difficile d*en marquer 
pr^cis^ment les limites qui se perdoient dans les 
Alpes. Voici celles qu'on pent trouver dans Pline. 
£lle ^toit compos^e de plusieurs nations Celdquei 
et Liguriennes. 1 . Les InsubreSy qui poss6doient 
Milan et Laus Pompeii (Lodi). 8. Lte Orobii, 
les babitans de Bergomum et de Comum ou Novo- 
comum. 3. Les Laevi, ceux de Picenum (Pink) 
et No^*aria (Navarre). 4. Les Libici, ceux de 
Vercellss et Laumillum. Ces quatre peuplcs 
^oient Celtiques ; ils pass^rent les Alpes vers Fail 
600 avant J6sus Christ. 5. Les Taurini, nation 
Ligurienne, qui babitoient Augusta Taurinorunii 
(Turin) et Forum Vibii. 6. Les Salassi, qui oc- 
cupoient le Val d'Aost. Les Romains y avoient 
biti Augusta Praetoria (Aost), et Eporedia (Vxh 
rie), Les Romains avoient encore d^tach< du 
ro}^ume de Cottius Segusio, (Suze,) pour j en- 
voy er une colonic. Nous avons d6jk vu les Salassi 
parmi les babitans des Alpes. II parott que Pline 
n'a pas dd ^tendre la Transpadana jusqu'li Spina 
et 1 embouchure du Po; ct que M. Dcslisle auroit 
pu laisser Bergomum i cctte province. 

Raudius Campus. Ces plaines sont fameuses 
par la d^faite des Cimbres: mais on est r^uiti 
conjecturer leur situation. Claudien compare k 
rictoire de Stilicon sur les Goths 4 celle de Planus 



et dit que les m^mes lieux ont ^t^ deux fois fatab 
aux barbapes, et que la post^rit6 cOntbndra les osse- 
mens des deux peuples et la gloire des deux g6n6- 
raux. Claudien ^toit contemporain de Stilicon; on OuAer. ' 
peut bardiment en conclurre que les deux champs li/c^isT 
de bataille n'^toient pas fort ^loign^s l!un de Tautre, p.^^*** 
mais je doute qu'il faille prendre ses expressions k 
h rigueur. Nous savons que les Cimbres* ayant 
d^boueh^ dans la Lombardie par les gorges du 
Tientin, ont pass6 TAdige, mais il ne paroit point 
qalls ayent travers6 le Po. Un bourg nomni^ J?m- 
bhy situ^ entre Lomello, Novarra, et Vercelles, 
conviendroit assez par son nom et son emplacement 
aux Campi RatuUi.- Les Cimbres a la v6rit6 n'au- 
ront point suivi le chemin de la capitale; mais 
Hannibal Fa-t-il fait? Ces barbares auront voulu 
subjuguer les Gaulois ; ils cherchoient k les faire 
soulever, Les bords du Po 6toient gardes avec 
assez de soin pour les obliger k remonter le fleuve 
pour y chercher un gu6. Les cKlices de ce pays les 
amollissoient et les captivoient. Ce Rubio n*est 
pas tnop 61oign6 de PoUentia pour contenir Hma- 
gination d'un poete qui debute par une proximity 
r6clle, et qui passe, sans s'en appercevoir, k des cir- 
constances qui supposent faussement une identit6 
de lieux. Je pense que c'est 1^, la clef du passage 
de Claudien; ne le seroit-elU pas aussides Philippi 
^ Virgile? 

Laus Pompeii. . Cette ville, qui peut avoir ref u ide», i. l 
ton nom de Cn. Pompeius Strabon, s'appelloit sou- ^^^ '*'***' 
Tent Laus tout court ; c'est de son datif Laudi qu'on 
t foTm€ le Ifidi d'aujourdliui. Dans le moyen 

K 8 age, 

180 KOlflNA, G£NT£8QU£ 

age, on confondit tous les cas de la lang^e Latine, 

et rien n'^toit si commun surtout que de servir du 

datif au lieu du nominatif. 

Veiicitti Eporedi A. EUe 6toit colonic Romaine, fond6c 

is/ooTicr. sous le slxi^mc consulat de Marius A. U. C. 655. 

1. i/c^is Velleius se niontre ici aussi mauvais chronologbte 

P* ^* que g^ographe peu exact 1 . Eporedia £toit dans 

le pays des Salassi et uon . point dans celui des 

Vagienni. 2. II n y avoit que dix-huit ans entre 

les consulats de Marcius et de Marius. Clavier a 

r^lev6 ces b^vues. J'y ajoute une troisi^me, qui 

ren verse la correction de ce savant. Velleius compte 

153 ans depuis le consulat de Marcius k celui de 

Vinicius, II n'y en avoit que 147. 

Aiiioniiisdc MeDIOLANUM. 

bus. Et Mediolani mira omnia; Gopim rerum; 

li^r£>t Innumeroe cultaque domus; fecun<l. ,iromm 

UsiiieiBe Ingenia; antiqui mores. Turn duplice muro 

Q^J^^^ij. ' Amplificata loci species, populique voluptas 

oopl«, iVnti* Circiis, et inclusi moles cuneata tbeatri. Templa Palatinaeque arces, opulensque Moneta; 

Treves: £j recio HcTcuIci Celebris sub honore lavacri, 

oQbikr Cunctaque marmoreis oniata peristjla signb, 

Moeniaque in valli formam circamdata labro. 
Omnia quae magnis operum velut aemula 
Excellunty nee juneta premit vicinia Rom«, 

Sect. V. 


Il parolt, par un trait conserve par Plutarque 
et expliqu6 par Frcret, que les Ligures 6toient 




dorigine Ambrone ou Ombrienne. *Les anciens 
ont ni^ ou reconnu leur affinity aux Celtes, selon 
qu'ils ont envisag6 la chose sous un point de 
vue prochain ou 61oign6. Les anciens Grecs les 
nommoient hiym^ et Liyoo-ixvi, mais les 6crivains plus 
r^cens se sont conform^s au langage de leurs 
maitres. La perfidie, Tadresse, et une duret^ de 
temp^nunent qui tenoit du prodige, distinguoient 
ce peuple barbare. On y a vu des femmes^ qui 
travailloient dans les champs, accoucher et I'instant 
apres retoumer a leur ouvrage. On pent consi- 
derer les homes de ce peuple sous trois ^tats diffiS- 
rcns. 1. Les premiers Grecs, qui avoient des no- 
tions tr^ imparfaites sur la g6ograpbie de Toccident, 
donnoient le nom g6n6rique de Ligures k tou9 les 
peuples maritimes entre FEtnirie et Tembouchure 
du Rhdne ; peut-£tre m£me qu'avant rarriv^ des 
Marseillois les Ligures s'^toient r^pandus dans la 
Gaule Narbonnoise, et qu'ib y avoient laiss^ des 
colonies. Si Florus 6toit plus exact, on appuye- 
roit cette conjecture de son autorit^, puisque cet 
historien nomme les Salyes, les Deceates, et les 
Oxybii, panni les nations Liguriennes. 2. Quand 
les Remains ^ttaqu^rent les Ligures, ils ^toient 
plus redoutables par leur bravoure que par F^ten- 
dae de leur pays. lis occupoient seulement ces 
territoires qui sont entre TApennin, la mer, le Va- 
rus et rAmuS) c'est a dire ceux qui composent aur 
JDwdliui les r^puliliques de G^nes et de Lucques 
et la principaut6 de Massa Carrara. .3. Les Ro^ aaner 
■ams subjugu^rent les Ligures ; ik transport^ent ^^ ^^ 
la ApaanL habitaiis du pays, entre IsiMacratt TAr- e. r. s. n 

N 3 pus, 


nuSj dans It royaume de Naples, et iU ajoutiM 
leur territoire k TEtrurie. Du cot^ de la Gaule 
conserv^rent k peu pr^s les anciennes limites ; m 
lis ragrandirent beaucoup du c6t6 du nord en 
poussant jusqu'aux bords du Po. Telle 6toit 
nouvelle Ligurie, Tune des onze regions du p 
tage d'Auguste. Strabon Ta confondu un peu ai 
rancienne. On peut remarquer que la Ligu 
(6toit comprise dans la province de la Gaule Cb 
I.C9 *' MoNCECi PoRTus. Quelques savans ont iii 
n^ gin6 que c^^toit Ville Franca; mdis Fancien no 
qui s'est presque conserve, la nature du port, t 
n^^toit fait que pour les petits vaisseaux, et les < 
tances marquees dans les Itin^raires, ont con\'ai|] 
Cluvicr que l^lonaco 6toit le veritable Fcrtus H 
cutis MoniecL 


ViigU. . Nod ego te, Ligurum ductor, fortissime bello. 

1^^^' ' Transieriin Cyene, et paucis comitate, Cupavo, 

Cujus oloriiiSD siirgunt de vertice pennies 
Crimen amor vestnim, formaMjue insigiie patenue. 

Idea, lu Vane LJgur, frustraque animis elate superbisj 

Nequicquam patrias tentisti lubhcua artes. 

Jinrefuii. Nam SI procubiut qui saxa Ligustica portat 

Mur. iii« Axis, et cversum fudit super agmioa montem, 

Qtud superest de corporibus ? 

Cioero m LiguFCs montani, duri, atque agrestes. Doc 
S^si.^^^ ager ipse nihil feroudo, nisi mult^ culture et m 

no labore qusesitum. 
pfiii.Katw. Genua. Le meilleur vin de toute la Ligv 
^^^'^^^ croissoit dans les environs de G^es. 



Dertona. Dertona, (Tortone,) ^toitune ca-VciLP*i 
lonie Romaine. L'^poque de sa fondation est in- 


fusclque ferax Pollentia villi. • Sil. Itilk 

Punic, yn 


Turn pemix Ligus, et sparsi per saxa Vagenni, ^ Idem, ru 

In decus Hannibalis duros misere nepotes. 

LiGURES. Les Ligures^toient un peuple pas- stnbo.G 
tcur qui ne vivoit que de lait, et d'une boisson ti- uo.* ^* 
r6e de Torge. Leurs montagnes fouiiiissoient 
beaucoup de bois de construction, et d'autres bois 
tachet^s dont on faisoit des tables tr^ a la mode k 
Rome. On voyoit des arbres que avoient huit 
pieds de diametre. lis portoient ces bois k G^nes 
avec leur b6tail, des peaux et du miel, pour Ie3 
Changer contre Thuile et les vins d'Italie« 

Sect. VI, 

De toutes les regions de Tltalie, celle-ci ciov.iui 
avoit le plus de rapport aux anciennev limited ^^^' *•; 
des peuples. L'£trurie, avant la conquSte des «56. 
Romains, ^toit bom^e par Ti^mus et Ja mer ; le 
Tibre formoit sa fronti^re jusqu'^ Tifernum Ti- 
berinum ; depuis cette vill^ jusqu'aux sources de 
TAmus c'^toit TApennin. Auguste ajouta seule- 
ment k TEtrurie le pays enlxe F Amus et la Macra, 
c'est k dire le canton qu'avoient occup^ les Apuani 
ligurienSy et la viUe de Pise avec son territoire; 
J N 4 encore 


encore Pise 6toit-elle une ancienne possession des 
Etnisques que les Liguriens leur avoient enlevde. 
La ville de Luna, a la v6rit6, situ6e sur la rive Li* 
gustique de la Macra, 6toit cens^e dans la i^gion 

Etrusci. Voici le precis de ce qu*on pent dire 
des £trusques. 1. Les Grecs les.appelloient Tyr- 
rheni, et Tyrseni; les Romains les nommoient 
Hetrusci, Etrusci, Thusci, et Tusci ; quoiqile leurs 
poetes se servent souvent des noms Grccs. Leur 
pays portoit constamment parnii les Romains le 
Horn d*£truria ; celui de Tuscia n'est point aussi 
ancien* L abbr^viateur Florus est le premier qui 
Fempioye, mais dans le moyen age il devint fort 
usit^. 2. Lorigine de cette nation cel^bre esttr^ 
obscure. L'opinion d'H^rodote, qui les fait venir 
de la Lydie, ne peut convenir qu aux poetes. De- 
nys d^Halicamasse la combat trhs solidement Se- 
Ion ce critique judicieux, le porps Etrusque a 6t6 
form^ par le melange de deux nations, les Tyrrli6- 
Tiiens et les P^lasgcs. Nous connoissons les Pe- 
lasges: c'^toient les Grccs encore barbareset qui 
n ont point fait partie du corps Helleniquc, mais 
qui ^toient les Tyrrh^niens, une nation indigene. 
C'est la r^ponse qu'on nous fait, mais die n'est 
gu^res satisfaisante. S. L'histoire de ce peuple 
seroit curieuse ; on croit qu'il a invent^ Tart au- 
gurale, la trompette, et les omemens des magistrats. 
Leurs artisans et leurs musiciens ^toient renomm^ 
lis ont eu Tempire de la mer, et Ton a soup(onn6 
que TAm^rique ne leur ^toit pas inconnue. Sous 
la fin de leur grandeur leurs mceurs se sont oih^ 



rompues. lis ont donn6 rexemple d'un luxe et 
cl'une mollesse dont on peut voir les details dans 
Ath^n^e et Diodore de Sicile. 4. Les Etf usques 
se sent r^pandus fort au-del^ des bornes de leurs 
pays, dans la Campanie et jusqu'i Tembouchure 
du Po, et dans la Rh^tie. 11 parolt m^meque les 
Grecs ont donn^ le nom de Tyrrh^niens k tou^ les 
peuples de la mer inftrieure depuisTise jusqu'au 
(letroit de Messine. Je conviens qu'il en faut ra- 
battre quelque chose pour Tignorance des Strangers 
qui ne conooissoient sur toute cette c6te que la 
nation principale. 5. Les Etrusques ^toient di- 
vis^s en douze cit6s, qui se r6unissoient toujours 
dans une assembl^e g^n^rale et queiquefois sous 
un dictateur commun. Voici lescit^s: 1. Caere 
ou Agj'lla ; 2. Veii ; 3. Falerii ; 4. Tarquinii ; 5. 
Volsinii; 6. Rusellae;.7. Vetulonii; 8. Volaterra; 
p.Clusium; 10. Perusia; 11. Cortona; 12. Aretium, 
Aucun anpeii n'a fait cp d^nombrement. C'est 
Cluvier qui la fonn6 sur les passages souvent Equi- 
voques de plusieurs Ecrivains. 


Turn quos a niveis exegit Luna metallis, Sil. lulic 

Insignis portft ; quo non spatiosior alter 432^ 

Innumeras cepisse rates, et claudere pontmn. 

Advehimur celeri randentia moenia Iaps&. ^I- R°^il 

^ominis et auctor sole corusca soror. < 

Indigenis superat candentia lilia saxb, 
£t levi radiat picta nitore silex. 

Dives marpioribus tellus ; quae luce colons 
Provocat intactas luxuriosa nives. 

Le vin des environs de Luna ^toit le meilleur de Pim. Hisi 

Joute rEtrurie. ' ^''''**'' 



attv.itai. Lucus FERONiiE. Cct endroit se trouve cntrc 
tt^ pL46o. Luna et Pisa. II y en avoit un autre du m^me 
nom aupr^s du mont Soracte, et un troisi^me dans 
Latium a trois milles de Terracine. Cette d^esse 
6toit certainement Etrusque, mais son culte s^^toit 
bien r^pandu dans les pays voisins. 

PiSJB, &c. 

^''r'^^^ Tertius ille hominum div&mque interpres Afjlatj 

Cui pecudum fibrs^ cceli cui sidera purent, 
Et liuguae ▼olucrum, et pnesagi fulminis ignes, 
Mille densos rapit acie, atque horrentibos haatia* 
Ho8 parere jubent Alpheas ab origtoe PisK 
Urbs Etrusca solo 

CLRatilii Inde Tritunritam petimua ; &!€ villa vocatiir 

SrSo! Q"« ••^^^ expulsui insula pcoe fretia, 

^^« Namque maufi junctis procedit in aeqoora aazia, 

Quique domum posuit, condidit ante aolimu 
Coiitiguum stupui portuiOy quern fama frequeiltmt 

Pisarum emporio divitiisque maris, 
Mira loci facies ; pelago pulsatur aperto, 

Inque omnes ventos litora nuda patent; 
Non uUus legitur per brachia tuta recesaut 

^olias possit qui prohibere minaa. 
Sed procera suo prastexitur alga profundo 

Mblliter offenss non nocttura rati. 
Et tamen insanas cedendo interligmt undas. 

Nee sinit ex alto grande volumen agi. 

Id. u 559. Puppibus ergo meis fidjk in statione reUctia, 

Ipse-vehor Pisas^ qui solet ire pedea. 

Id. i. 565. i^lpheie veterem contemplor originis urbem 

Quam cingunt gemiois Amus et Aoaer aqiiia» 
CoDum pyramidis coeuolia flumina ducunly 
Intratur modico frons patefacta aolo. 



Sed proprium retinet communi in gurgite nomen, 

£t pontum solus scilicet Araus adi^. 
Ante diu quam Trojugena fortuna penates 

Laurentinonim regibus insereret. 
Elide deductas suscepit Etniria Pisas, 

Nominis indicio testificata genus. 

Les Pisans ofFrirent des terres ku s^nat, pour y Tit. lir. 
envover une colonic Latinc. lis souhaitx)icnt 
d'avoir une gamison contre leurs voisins, les Ligu- 
riens. Le s^nat les en remercia, et nomma des 
triumvirs pour cctte commission, A. U. C. 572* 
EUe fut exicut^e, puisque nous voyons dans la 
suite que Pfse est traitte de colonic. 

L'Auser tomboit autrefois dans TAmus k Pise. anr. itaL 
On ne sait pas le terns auquel cette riviere (Le Ser- cs. p'.4<». 
chio) s'est fray^ un nouveau lit qui le conduit en 
dioiture a la mer. Le ruisseau Osari, qui coule 
dans le marais entre I'Amo et le Serchio, conserve 
un peu Tanciien nom. M. Delisle a tort dc donner ^^»«»» 
a TAuser le cours modeme du Serchio. Pise est ranaame 
plac^ k la jonction de T Amus et de T Auser ; le 
choc est si violent qu on ne pent point voir de Tun Geog.LT. 
a Tautre bord. Cependant ces rivieres ne se d6- ^ 
bordent point 

Les Pyliens de Pise, sujets de Nestor, furent jet- 

t^ par une temp6te sur les c6tes de I'Etrurie k leur 

retour de Troye. lis bcltirent Pise, qui devint une 

%ille tr^ florissante, et un grand port de mer. Du 

terns de Strabon elle se soutenoit encore, mais avec 

peine. Les Remains lavoient fort embelli; ils 

avoient rempli tous ses environs d'un grand nombre 

de maiaons de campagne qui ressembloient aux 

palais des rois de Peise. 



Sinbon. LuNA. Le port de Luna ^toit magnifique; une 

?^ '• ''• vaste baye, qui renfermoit un grand nombre de pc- 

tits golfes particulicrs. Dans tons Teau 6to\t pro- 

fonde jusqu'au rivage. On employoit* beaucoup 

de niarbre de Luna dans les bdtimens de Rome h 

cause de sa beaut6 et de la faciiite du transport. 

II y en avoit de blanc ct d'une couleur qui tiroit 

sur un verd foncc. . 

strmboQ. Etruria. Les cotes d'Etrurie s'6tendoient de 

P-lilii*'* Luna ii Ostie, 2i()0 stades selon Strabon, ct 1430 

seulemeut selon Poly be. Sa largeur 6toit d'environ 

la moiti^. Elle ^toit fertile selon cet auteur. Ses 

lacs ne contribuoient pas pen k sa richesse, par Ic 

poisson, le gibier, et le papyrus qu on en tiroit. 

Ow. itaiu Hkrculis Liburni Portus. C'est la Livoume 

c.a!^46a. d aujourdliui : niais est-ce lendroit dont les Li- 

burnes, petit Ixitiment arm6 en guerre, a pris son 

nom? II paroit que Cluvier se trompe, et qu'il est 

plutdt question des Libumes, nation lUyrienne qui 

couroit la mer Adriatic] ue. 

flcrdkon. VoLATERRA. EUc cst situ^c daus un ^'eIIoo 

p. 154. ^' pmtbnd, mais elle est domin^^e par une montagne 

qui a quinze stades de haut, et qui est occup^ par 

une citadelle tr^s forte. Elle servit d*asyle k quatre 

cobortes des partisans de Marius, qui s'y defendi* 

rent pendant deux ans, et ne se rendirent que sous 

la foi publique. 

a.ltatilii VaDA VoLATERRANA. 

IicM*L^ '"^ Volaterranum, vcro vada nomine, tractum 

p. 465. In<!rt:RSu*«, dubii traoiitis aha lego ; 

Despectai proiue riMtos, clavumque scqutetem 
Dni^iX, et puppim voce moiieiite RSii* 



Incertad geoiin^ discrimiiiat arbore fauces 
Defixaaque offert limes uterque sudes. 

m^^m^ ^M^MH* ^^^^^ 

Vix tuti domibus ssevos toleraviiiius imbres. CI.Rotilii 

.,, . . .„ . Numa.Iter. 

Albmi patuit proxima villa mei. j. i. 46.% 

Subjectas villae vacat adspectare salinas, ^^* *• *^^ 

Namque hoc ceiisetur nomine salsa palus 
Qua mare terrcnis declive canalibus iutrat, 

Multiiidosque lacus parvula fossa rigat. 
Ast ubi flagrantes admovit Sirius ignes, 

Cum pallent herbas^ cum sitit omuis ager. 
Turn cataractarum claustris exciuditur »quor. 

Ut fixos latices horrida duret humus, 
Concipiunt acrem nativa coagula Phoebum, 

£t gravis aestivo crusta calore coit. 

PopuLONiuM. Populonium fut cl^truit par les stnbon. 
troupes de Sylla, apr^s avoir soutenu un si^ge. p. 154/ 
Du terns de Strabon il n'en restoit que des temples 
et quclques maisons. Cette ville ^toit situ^e sur 
un promontoire tr^s ^lev6, d'oii ce g^ographe d6- 
couvrit les iles de Sardaigne, de Corse, et d'llva. 
Le port des Populoniens, qui 6toit au bas de la 
montagne, subsista toujours, et 6toit fort frequent^. 

Proxima securum reserat Populonia litus, BatUU Iter, 

Qu^ naturalem arva sinum. * '* ^' 

Non illic positas extollit in asthera moles, 

Lumine nocturno conspicienda Pharos, 
Sed speculam validae rupis sortita vetustas. 

Qu^ fluctus domitos arduus urguet apex, 
Castellum geminos hominum fundavit in usus 

Praesidium terris, indiciumque fretis* 
Adgnosci nequeunt asvi monumenta prions 

Graodk consumpsit nioenia iempus eda|; ; 



Sola mtnent interceptk vestigia nrafiay 
Ruderibus latis tecta sepulta jacent. 

YligB. Ma. Massicufl teratft princeps secal aequora Tigri, 

u^A6$. Sub quo mille manus juvenum, qui moenia Oust 

Quique urbem liquere Cosas ; queis tela, ngilte 
Corytique leves humerisi et letifer arcus ; 
Uni torvus Abas ; huic totum insignibus annit 
AgmeUy et aurato fulgebat Apolline puppis, 
Sexcentofi illi dederat Populonia mater 
Expertos belli juvenes 

Chw. ittL Vetulonii. On voit encore de beaux restes d 
cf.'p.^t. cette ville ancienne entre les mines de Populoniui 
et la tour de St. Vincent k trois milles de la men 

^ ^'*^.. Msoniaeque decus quondam Vetulonia gentis, 

p. 485. Bi* senos hsc prima dedit prscedere fasces, 

Et junxit totidem tacito terrore secures. 

Hsec altas eboris decoravit honore curules, 

Et princeps Tyrio vestem prsetexuit ostro ; 

Haec eadem pugnas accendere protulit aere. 

Umbro fl. 
CL Nam«- Taugimus Umbronem; non est ignobile flumen, 

Un I L '" Quod toto trepidas cxcipit ore rates, 

5Sr. Tarn fiMrilis pronis semper patet alveus uudis 

In poutum quoties sasva procella ruit. 
Id.1. LS71. Laxatum cohibel vicina Falesia cursum 

Quanquam vix medium Phosbus haberet iter, 
Et turn forte bilares per com pita rustica pagi 

Mulcebant sacris pectora fessa jocis, 
I Ho quidpe die tandem renovatus Osyris 
Excitat in fruges germitia Ista novas. 
Egressi villam petimus, lucoque vagamur, 

Stagna placent septo deliciosa vado. 
Ludere lascivos inter vivaria pisces 
Ottrgttb indttsi laxior uoda stmt. 



CosA, PoRTUs Herculis et Mons Argenta- ?^™*>- Q«>, 
Rius. . Losa etoit situe sur une montagne ; plus cia?. itai. 
bas Ion voyoit le port d'Hercule, h c6t6 d'un c*«."p.479. 
6tang d'eau sal6e et pen ^loign^ d'un promontoire. 

Les Romains y envoyferent une colonie sous le Vcii. pw«. 
consulat de Fabius Vorso et de Claudius Canina, 
A. U. C. 480. 

Cernimus antiquas, nullo custode, ruinas, 9- Rotifii 

- Et desolatse moenia foeda Cosse. 1 1 ^^ 

Ridiculam cladis pudet inter seria causam 

Promere^ sed lisum dissimulare piget ; 
Dicuntur cives quondam migrare coacti 

Muribus intfestos deseruisse lares. 

Haud procul hinc petitur signatus ab Hercule portus. Id.L i. t9S, 

Tenditur in madias mox Argentarius undas, ^***^- ■• ***• 

Ancipitique jugo caerula curva premit : 
Transversos colics bis temis millibas artat 

CircuitA ponti ter duodena patet. 
Vix circumvehimur sparsas dispendia nipis^ 

Nee sinuosa gravi cura labore caret, 
Mutantur toties vario spiramina flexft, 

Quae modo profuerant, vela repente nocent. 

Centumcellje. Pline le jeune vit le port que prm. jan. 
Trajan y faisoit faire. Des deux grandes jetties s/l"^ ''*' 
qui devoient le composer Tune ^toit achev^e. L'on 
tiavailloit k Fautre. On construisoit k Tentr^e du 
port une lie artificielle, qui commenf oit d^j^ k pa- 
- loltre. Cat ouvrage de Trajan ^toit tr^ utile pour 
toate la cdte qui ^toit d6pourvue de ports. II de- 
ceit porter le nom de son fondateur : mais il con- 
lerva toujoun celui de Centumcells. Du terns de 


192 NOMINA^ G£NT£5QU£ 

Procope, dans le sixieinc si^cle, cettc ville itoit 
gramle, florissante, et tr^s peupl^e. 

Claud. Rut. Ad C^ntumcellas forti defleximus austro, 

^^''*'* Tranquilla puppes iu statione sedent. 

• . . ^^ Molibus a^uoreum concluditur amphithealram, 

Angustosque aditus insula facta tegit. 
Attollit geminas turres biiidoque meatfi, 

Faucibus artatis pandit utrumque latus. 
Nee posuisse satis laxo navalia portA, 
Ne vaga vel tutas ventilet aura rates. 

Interior medias sinus invitatus in ledes 


Instabilem fixis a'era ncscit aqiiis. 

Castrum Novum. » 

Id. u ifT. Stringimus absumtum fluctuque et tempore castrum; 

Index semiruti porta vetusta loci. 
Pnesidet exigui formatus imagine saxi. 

Qui pastoral! nomina fronte gerit, 
Multa licet priscum nomen dcleverit stas; 
Hoc luui Castrum fama fuisse putat. 

Sen.9d Semus est du mtimc sentiment que Rutilius. 

Lt.775. Mais il y a un autre Castrum aupr^ d'Ardea, qui 
paroit aux yeux de Cluvier le veritable Castrum 
Inui. La question est obscure ; mais comme ellc 
r^toit un peu moins au quinzi^me si^cle, j'aime 
mieux m'eu rap]>orter k ces deux auteurs. Les 
vers de Virgile sur lesquels Cluvier se fonde sent 

GttT. ltd. tres obscurs. On ne voit point pourquoi le poete 

C.S. p. 488. a donn^ la pr^f^rence k des lieux peu consid^rablcf 
et presqu'ignor^s. D ailleurs, Fidfencs et Nomentum 
sont dans le pays des Sabins^ au-del^ des limites de 
Tancicn I^tium. Si le poete a voulu insinuer quo 
les rois d^Albes pousseroient phis Join lours cott* 



quotes; leurs armes n'auroieiit-elles pas pu p6n^trer 
dans TEtrurie? 

Gravisc^e, Graviscse est situ6 au bord de la mer. ^1^'^^ 
II ne peut done pas 6tre Cometo. Les Romains y y«"* !*««• 
envoy^rent une colonie la inline ann^e qu'i Aqui'* 
leia A. U. C. 571. 

Intempestasqtte Graviscc. Tiff..£B. 


Veleres misere Onnscm. SlSIt S* 

Paiilisper litus Aigimus Minione Vaclosanny ^, ^^^^^ 

Suspecto trepidant ostia parva solo. Iter, L f79. 

Inde GraTiscaniin fastigia nura videmus, 
Qitas premit sesdve saepe paludis odor ; 

Sed nemorosa viret deosis vicinia lucis, 
Pioeaque extremis fltictuat unda fretis* 

CjekZj seu Agtlla. Cette ville (une des douze stimb. Oe«. 
cites) etoit anciennement tr^s puissante. EUe 
jouissoit d*un ^loge pen commun parmi les Grecs, 
de n avoir point fait le metier de corsaire, quoi- 
qu elle eut une marine formidable. EUe accueillit 
les prfetres et les Vestales pendant le si^ge de 
Rome. Les Romains r^compens^rent assez mal 
ce trait d'amiti^. lis accordferent aux citoyens de 
Caere une esp^ce de bourgeoisie qui ne leur 6toit 
tfi^k charge. Du tems de Strabon il ne restoit 
que les mines de.Csere, et les bains chauds du 
Toisinage qui attiroient beaucoup de monde. 

Jam Caeretanos demonstrat navita fines.; a. RotiUi 

iBvo deposuit nomeu Agjlla vetus. ' '* *^' 

Hand procul bine sazo incolitur fimdata vetusto ^^11^ ^^' 
Urbis Agyllins sedes;- ubi Lydia quondam 
Gent bdlo praKlara, jugis insedit Etroscis. 

Tou ivl* o Ftroi, 

194 NOmKA, OEKT£8atJ£ 

g^-^ Pyrgi, Alsium, et Fregenje. Pyrgi ^toit Ic 
port de Caere. Denys Uancien y fit unc descentc 
et le prit sans difficult^. 

Vifginius Rufus avoit une maison de campagne 
k Alsium oi!^ ce grand homme passa les demi^res 
ann^e^de sa vie. 

CI. iHtffii -A'si^ pnelegitur tellus, Pyrgique recessunt. 

^""^ •• •^ Nunc vill» graodes, oppida parva prius. 

p^}^ ^^ Nee non Argolicb dilectum litus Aleso 

4Hb Alsium, et obsesss campo squalen!^ Frtgetut. 

vii«H. La mythologie de Silius est plus exacte ici que 

^1^' sa geographic. Halesus, fils d' Agamemnon, vint 
en Italie ; mais ce fut dans la Campanie qu'il r6gna 
et non dans TEtrurie. Silius avoit mal lu. son fa- 
vori Vii^ile. Rien de plus clair que les paroles 
de ce poete. 

CL Raty. Emtoiia Igilii silvosa cacumioa miror. 

Iter* I- !• ^ 

sts. Capraria. 

L i. Processik pelagi jam se Capraria toUit j 

Squalet lucifugis insula plena viris ; 
Ipsi se monachos Graio cognomine dicuot, 
Quod soli nullo vivere teste volunt. 

^^- Ilva, seu iExHALiA. Ccttc llc cst famcusc dans 

p.i5i.' les fables dcs Grecs parralK)rd des Argonautes, de 
qui le Portus Argous avoit rcfu son nom. Elle 
est eioign^e de 300 stadcs du proniontoire dc Po* 
pulonium et de la Corse. Elle ^toit riche p«r ses 
mines de fer qui se reproduisoient k mesure qii*on 
les ^puisoit. Mais on travailioit toujours ce mk- 
tail h Populonium. On ne pouvoit pas le fondre 
dans I'lle mime. Fida penes auctorem. 


ANTiQUiE italic:* 19^ 

Occurrit chalybum memorabilis Ilva metallU ; CI. Ru«m 

Qua nihil uberius Norica gleba tulit. 
Non Biturix largo potior strictura camino^ 

Nee qu» Sardoo cespite massa fluit. 
Plus confert populis ferri faecunda creatrix 

Quain Tartessiaci glarea fulva Tagi. 

Ast Ilva trecentos ^^^h 

Insula, inexhaustis chalybum generosa metallis. its, 

Non totidem Ilva viros, sed lectos cingere ferro CSilioslcd 

Armarat patrio, quo nutrit bella, nieU:llo. ei^' 

Florentia et F^sul^. La consequence laciav. itai. 
plus naturelle qu'on puisse tirer des passages ras- as.'p.soa 
sembl^s par Cluvier, c'est que Florence ^toit d^j^ 
ninsid^rable du tems de Sylla ; que pour s'^tre op- 
pos6e au parti du dictateur elle perdit sa liberty 
et ses terres ; que sur ses debris le vainqueur fonda 
sa colonie favorite de Fsesulas, qui n'en ^toit qu'^ 
trois milles ; mais que dans la suite, Jules C^sar, 
vrai partisan de Marius, 6tablit une colonie h, Flo- 
rence, qui en^Ioutit k la fin sa rivale. 

Affuit et sacris interpres fulminiB alis ^.'!: ^l^' 

*^ vni. 478. 


Tarquinii. Ce fut dans le territoire de Tar- piimHist. 
quinii, un peu avant la guerre civile de Pomp^e, 5^ ^"'' 
que Fulvius Lippinus 6tablit des p^pini^res de 
tDutes sortes de plantes, et ni6me d'anhnaux. 

Lacus Sabatinus. Les Romains en tiroientdes stnUGeo- 
revenus consi4erables par le poisson qu'on y pre- p!*i57/' 
Boil^ €C par le papyrus qui croissoit sur ses bords. 
Plusieuro autres lacs de TEtrurie avoient les m^mes 

Faleslu. Les peuples de Fderii s'appelloient ciaTier. 

o « Faluci licfMi 


Falisci et JEqui Falisci. lis n*^toient point Tyr- 
Spuibein. rh6iiiens, mais P^lasg^es. La ressemblance du nom 
■"^ y a fait conddire laventurier Halesus fils d' Aga- 
memnon. On reconnolt que la dialecte Eolienne 
substituoit volontiers le F^ qui leur £toit particulier, 
k Taspiration des autrcs Grecs, et qu'ellc changeoit 
facilemcnt le s en r. 
^[•^ Les Falisci conserv^rent long-tems les usages 

g9. des P^lasges, leurs bouclicrs, leurs javelots, et leur 
Lv.p.u6. fa^on de declarer la guerre. Junon 6toit ador^ k 
Falerii comme k Argos. On y voyoit pareillement 
des pr£tresses gardieunes du temple, et des chceurs 
de vierges qui chantoient les louanges de la d^cssc 
dans la langue de la patrie. 

P^*^ K^' Vencrat Atridae fatis asilaUis Halesiis 

Edit, ad A quo se dictain terra r aiisca pulat. 

phtfi. Colla, rudes operum, pncbent ferienda juTeoci, 

?/•**• f*f- Quos aluit campis lierba Falisca suis. 

LI. p. 4f7. ^ 

^[P]^ .. Hi Fcscenninas acies, aequosque Faliscos, 

€95. Hi Soractis babent arccs, Flavinaque aira, 

Et Cimioi cum monte lacum, lucosque Capenos. 

Sil. Italic Hos juxta Ncpcslna cohors, squique Faliaci, 

vui. 491. Quique tuos, Flavina, focos, Sabatia quique 

Stagna tenent, Ciminique lacum, qui Sutria tecta 
Haud procul, et Phaebo sacrum Soracte frequentant. 


Vides ut alta stet nive candidum 

^rmb.GMf. i\ ^ faisoit tous les ans un sacrifice k ApoUon 
nin uist. sur cettc montagne. On y voyoit des hoQunes 
^atur. VII. ^^. inQ^f^j^Qi^Ql; g^m^ ^ brCder sur un buchtr cm- 
bras^. Ce privil^e £toit bom^ k un petit nombrc 
de families quon appeUoit Hirpi. Le s^nat les 



zvQit <exempt^s de la milice et di^s autr^s charges 

Feeonia. Le temple et le bois de Feronia peu t. Ur. 
^loign^ du mont Soracte ^toient remplis des riches **''** "' 
oflFrandes de tout le pays. 11 y avoit beaucoup 
dor et d'argent. Hannibal les pilla apr^s avoir 
6chou^ dans sa tentative sur Rome. 

Vadimonjum. C'est un lac peu 6\o\gn^ du pim. se- 
Castellum Amerinum qui est vis-^-vis d'Ameria, ^^'01, 


II est parfaitement rond, et sesbords sont trfes unis. ^: ^ , 

* ' Hist. Nat. 

Ses eaux sont tr^s blanches. EUes ont une odeur "» 95, los. 
de souiFre et des usages dans la m^decine, Nul 
vaisseau ne souille ses eaux sacr^es, mais on y voit 
surnager plusieurs petites lies de dift'(6rente gran- 
deur couvertes de verdure et qui flottent fi et 1^ 
au gr^ des vents. Pline le jeune n'avoit jamais 
entendu parler de ce prodige. II admiroit done 
les ouvrages de son oncle plus qu'il ne les lisoit 


Si te grata quies et primam somnus in horam, Hont. 

Delectat ; si te pulvis strepitusque retarum, EpStll ir. 

Si liedit caupona^ Ferentinum ire jubebo. 

Antiquum Romaois mcenibus horror SiLItdicoi, 

Clusinum vulgus; cum^ Porsenamagne,jubebas ▼ui*479. 

Nequicquam pulsos Romae imperitare superbos. 

Le mausol6e de Porsenna avoit epuis6 Tart et les nin. roit 
tr^sors de Clusium. C'^toit un labyrinthe im- 
mense fait en quanr6. Au itiilieti et aux quatre 
angles de ce bfttimept s'^levoieiit cinq pyramides 
de 150 pieds de baut, dont la base avoit 7S pieds 
de cbaique c6t^. EUes ^toient sunpoQt^ par un 

o 3 vastQ 

Nat. zxxTi. 


vaste couvercle de bronze, qui 6toit cnviroiiii6 
d'une infinite de petites clochettes, et qui soute- 
noit quatre autres pyramides de 100 pieds de haut 
Un troisiime 6tage plac6 sur celles-ci portoit en- 
core cinq pyramides dont Varron n'a pas os6 rap- 
porter la hauteur. Ces labyrinthes, ces pytamides, 
sentent bien un goAt Egyptien, ou plut6t tout re 
mausol^e sent la fable, puisque du terns de Plinc 
il n'en restoit plus de vestiges. 

CoRTONA. II parott que cettc ville, une des 
plus anciennes de rEtrurie, 6toit aussi le Corythus 
des poetes, nom qui d^signoit quelquefois tout le 

^^^11^ — — Lectos CortoiHi superbi 

TarchoDtis domus ' ■ 


Javeiwl. Positis nemorosa inter ju«i Vobiiiiis. 

Satir.iiL '' 

J^ Tusci. Cette maison de Pline ^toit aupr^s de 

cQiid. Epif- Tifcrnum, (Citta de CastcUo) au-deU du Tibre, au 
pied de TApennin et sur la fronti^e de TUmbrie. 
La situation n avoit rien du commun avec les marais 
dc rEtrurie. On y trouvoit un bel amphith^Atre 
cnvironn^ de beaux bois et dc hautes montagnes, 
et partagi par le Tibre d6jk navigable. II y avoit 
beaucoup d cau, le sol ^toit fort et riche, et le climat 
des plus sains. 
y.Ojv. Thrastmenus Lacus. Hannibal attira lesRo- 

ltd. Aiiti% 

L u. c 3. p. mains dans unc plaine, situ^e entre les montagnee 
k Torient et le lac k Toccident. Ellc n^avoit 'que 
deux d^bouch^s, par deux defiles, fort ^troita, entie 
le lac et la montagne. II parott par I'inspectkm da 
local que le premier (en venant d'Aresso) •'appelle 



OssariaB, Osaia, ou Orsaia. Ce nom conserve la 
m^moire du carnage. L'autre d^fil^ est au bourg 
de Passiniano. 

TiB£Ris. C'est dans TEtrurie qu'il faut parler v.aor. 
de ce fleuve c^lfcbre. C'est dans cette province i.u.c.w?^ 
qu'il preod sa^source; il la cotx)ye jusqu'ii son em- 
bouchure, et les poetes lui donnent k chaque in* 
slant r^pith^te de Tuscus amnis ou de Ljfdius 

Turn regesy asperque imrottii corpore Tybfris, ^^4 L 

A quo post Itdi fluYittm cognomine Tybrim tuL 330. 

Diximus. Amisit veruni vetus Albula nomen. 

Et queni nunc gentes Tiberim noruntque timentque, OnA. fut» 
Tunc etiam pecori despicieudus eram. ' 

Arcadlis Efandii nomen tibi sspe refertur ; 
lUe meas remis advena torsit aquas; 

Venit et Alcides turbi comitatus AchW&; 
Albula, si meminiy tunc mihi nomen erat. 

Sed pater ingenti medios illabitur amne ^ ^^ 

Albula, et immoti perstringit mcenia rip^. 

Ego sum, pleno qtiem flumine ceniis ViigO. 

Strii^ntem ripas et pinguia culta secantein, ^^ ^^^ 

Caenileus Tiberis, caelo gratissimus amnis. 

Ipse triumphali redimiuis arundine Tybris CL RutU. 

Rorauleis famulas classibus aptet aquas, ^i^^ i. I5i. 

Atque opulenta tibi placidis commercia ripia 

Devehat hinc niris, subvehat inde maris. 

Le Tibre commence k £tre navigable k Trasi4- Bog. 
annum dans le territoire de Perusia^ et ct n'e^t Oxaiaa, 1. 

^*apr^ une course de 160 millesqu'ii se. 4^barge ^^*^^' 

dams la mer g^rossi de quaranteKleuii autres riyi^f^. ^^ii 
n iervoit k la navigation int^fieure de I'ltaliej dn 
J amenoit m£me par terre des marchandises de 

o 4 TAdri- 


TAdriatique auxquelles on avoit fait remonter le 

Pisaurus. Auguste avoit fait 61argir et nettoyer le 

lit du Tibre pour arr^ter les d^bordemeiis aux- 

• quels il ^toit fort sujet 

d EoiiL ^^^g^ ^^ foss^ par lequel Trajan avoit voulu 

tV. saigner le Tibre, ce fleuve se d^borda aussi bien 

que FAnio. lU inond^nt tout le plat pays ct 

caus^rept des maux afireux. 

rat Car- Vidimus flavum Hberioiy retorti^ 

* ^ f - Litore Etmsco violenter undis, 

Ire dejecUim mooumenta regis 

Templaque VesUe. 

?An*L Q^^i^^ Pline a compt6 quarante-deux riviirei 
u to. qui se jettoient dans le Tibre, il a un peu exag^r6 
' pour justifier la superiority de ce fleuve sur tout 
les autres de ITtalie; c'est par un pareil principe 
qu'il a diminu^ le nombre de celles qui se jettent 
dans le Po. Au lieu de quarante-deux on auroit 
peine k en compter treize. Les voici : la Tinia, 
le Clani^, le Nar, la Himella, le Farfarus, TAUia, la 
Cremera, la Turia, TAnio, Aqua Crabra, TAlmo, 
Aqua Ferentina. Le Clitumnus se jette dans la 
Tinia, comme le Velinus et le Telonius dans le 
Nar. L' Aqua Crabra, T Aqua Ferentina, et la J utur- 
na sont moins des rivieres que des aqueducs et des 
canaux souterrains. £n remontant TAnio on 
trouve aupr^s de Tibur les sources chaudes d*Al- 
bunea, et vingt milles plus haut les trois lacs Sim- 
brivii. Aprhs les avoir traversi la riviere se pr^ipite 
. en bas une chute pour arriver k Sublaqueum, oii les 
empereurs avoient un beau palais. De toutes oes 
rivieres il n'y a que le Clanisi la Cremera, et U Turia 



qui appartieiment k rEtrurie. Toutes les autres par- 
courent FUmbrie, le pays des Sabins ou le Latium 
poor se rendre au Tibre; mais il ne faut pas les 

Unc inondation qui arriva Tan de Rome 7fi8, fit ^ft t^ 
penser s^rieusement au s6nat des moyens de les 
emp^her, en d^tournaBt une partie de la masse des 
eaux qui grossissoit le Tibre au-deU de T^tendue 
de son lit. Mais les representations de plusieurs ' 
villes d*Italie, anim^es par leurs int^r^ts, et arm^ 
des superstitions populaires, firent r6soudre le s6nat 
de ne point attenter aux loix de la nature, ni aux 
honneurs du Tibre. On avoit propose trois partis : 
1. De d^toumer le cours du Clanis du Tibre 
dans TAmus. Les FWrentins repr^sent^rent que 
ce diangement leur seroit tr^ pemicieux. 2. De 
saigner le Nar par un nombre de canaux, et de 
laisser perdre ses eaux dans les campagnes. Les 
habitans dTnteramna firent sentir que ce seroit 
changer en marais, le canton le plus fertile de 
ITtalie. 3. De boucher la sortie du lac Velinus 
et de Tempfecher de se d^charger dans le Nar. Ce 
lac ainsi gSn6 auroit inond^ tout le voisinage, le 
|ieuple de R^ate 6toit int^ress^ k faire valoir cette 

lavat ingentem perfundens flamine sacro ^: ^^ 


Clitamniis tauniniy Narque albescentibus iindis 
In Tybrim properans, Tiniaeque ii^lontis. humor, 
Et Clanis. 

Clttumkus. Le Clitumnus sort d'une petite 
collme couverte d'un bois de cy^rbs. * Sa course PfinSe- 
devjcnt bientdt assez rapide pour se creuser un lit vUi. a.^^ 


309 NOMINA, G£NT£iai|£ 

sur un terrein sans pente, et pour porter des barques 
qui le descendent sans le secours des rames mais 
qui le remontent avec. beaucoup de difficult^. Ses 
eaux claires reiivoyent vivement Timage des bois 
qui couvrent ses bords. Un pout distingue la 
partie profan^e d avec les eaux sacr^. Au des- 
sus de ce pont on peut naviguer mais on ne doit pas 
se baigner. On voit aupr^s le temple du dieu du 
fleuve, un bain public, et un grand nombre de 
beaux chateaux. 

Tirpl Hinc aibi Clitumni greget, et maxima taunis 

14^. ' ' Victima ; sftpe tuo perfuBi flumine sacro 

Romanos ad templa Deum duxere trtumphoa. 

JuTeuaL Si res ampia domi similisque adfectilNis esset ; 

f^' "^ Pioguior Hispellft traberstur taunis, et ips& 

Mole piger, nee finitimi nutritus iD berbi, 
Lseta sed ostendens Clitumni pascua sanguis 
Irety et a grandi cervix ferieuda mmistro. 

Sil. luL Suifureis gelidus qui serpit leniter undis 

Ad geuitorem Anio labens sine murniure Tybrim. 

VirgiL Gelidumque Anienem et roscida rivia 

^^'^ Heraica saxa colunt. 

pbb. Se- Anio, delicatissimus amnium, ideoque adjacen- 
viiL 17. tibus villis veluti mvitatus retentusque, magna 

ex parte nemora, quibus inumbratur, et fregit et 


Hont. Domus Albunes resonantis, 

^^^ ** * Et prsceps Anio, et Tiburoi lucus, et uda 

Mobilibus pomaria ripis. 

Virgil. lucosque sub aiti 

^3^' CoMulk Aibonea ; oenonim que maxiiMii sacra 



Fonte sonat, saevamque exhalat opaca Mephitim ; 
Hinc Italae geotes ooinisque Oeootria tellus 
Id dubiis responsa petunt. 

Sst locus, in Tiberim qud lubricus influit Alaio, oid. Fast 

Et nomen magno perdit in amne minor, '^* P* ^^ 

Biic purpurea canus cum veste sacerdos 
Almonis, Domin^m sacraque lavat aquis. 

JuTUUNA. Les anciens out souvent confondu ciavier. 
cette source avec le Numicus. Mais il parolt que 5["l'j j. jj 
c'^toit proprement un ruisseau qui sort du Mont ^- "^ p- '^^ 
Albaii, qui est d abord assez fort pour toumer des 
moulins, qui forme un petit lac, et qui se jette 
dans le Tibre.sept milles plus has que Rome. 

Ferentinum. Voici une inscription que j'ai 
copi^e sur une table de bronze conserv^e dans la 
Gallerie de Florence, J'y ajouterai quelques ob- 
servations. J'ignore si ce monument a 6t6 public 

L. Ar&uktio 


L. Arruntio Stella)^ x,v 
L. Julio Marino J 
XIIII K. Nov. 
M. Acilius Placidus, L. Petronius Fronto 

IIII Vir id S. C. Fereutini (2) in Curia iEdis M 
curi scribundo adfuerunt (3), Q. Segiamus M 

cianus, T. Munnius Nomanlinus. 

Quod universi V.F.T.PomponiumBassura Cla 

simum Virum (4) dcmandatam sibi curani a 

indulgentissimo Imp. Caesare Nerva Trajai 

Augusto Germanico, qui aeternati Italiae 

suae prospexit (5) secundum liberalitatem eju 

ita ordinare, ut omnis aetas curae ejus merit 

gratias agere debeat, futurumque ut tantac 

virtutis vir auxilio sit futurus municipio 

nostro. Q. O. E. R. F. P. D. E. R. I. < 

Placere Conscriptis (5) legatos ex hoc ordin 

mitti ad T. Pomponium Bassuni, clarissi- 

mum Virum, qui ab eo inipetrent in clien- 

telam amplissimae domus suae muni- 

cipium nostrum recipere dignetur. (7) 

Patronumque se cooptari tabula 

hospitali incisa hoc decreto in domo 

SU& posita permittat, censucre. 

Egerunt Legati 
A. Caecilius, A. F. Quirinalis et 
Quirinalis F (8). 

(1) Ces deux noros ne le trouvent pciint partni les cotisub 
nairetf sous le r^gne de Trajan ; ill n etoient done que sol 
roajs il paroit que les villes d'ltalie nese senroient pas de la n 
timtare des consuls ordinaires pour designer Tannic eoli^re 

AKtiau^ ITAJitJE. 205 

pent croite que e< monument doit se placer entre Tan 97 et Tan 
103 ou 104, 6poque oik Trajan re^ut le titre de Dacicus qui ne 
ae trouve point ici. 

(2) Je ne puis rien decouvrir qui indique si c'est au Ferentinum 
de I'Etrurie ou k celui du pays des Herniques qu'il faut rapporter 
ce monument. Le nutre est appelle k la v^rite municipium, et 

je vois que M. Deslisle donne le nom de Colonic k celui qui est Dans la 1 
cnEtnirie. Mais je sais en m^me tems qu*apr^ que la loi i*xtaiiaAi 
Julia eut rendu inutiles toutes les distinctions de Tancien droit tiqaa* 
Bommin, ces termes sont devenus presque synomymes. 

(3) Je n'ai pas besoin de reiparquer combien cet usage d'assem- 
bier le senat dans une curia consacrce aupr^s d'un temple, et 
celui de souscrire les noms des principaux qui etoient presens a 
«n d«cret, etoient tous les deux emprunt^ de ceux du s^nat 

(4) Si ce Poroponids Bassus est celui de Pline, un terooignage pKn. Se- 
bien plus respectable que celui du senat de Ferentinum m'ap- f«nd. £pi 
prend qu'il ^toit vraiment.un bomme illustre, et qu'apr^s avoir * 
cunsacre sa jeunesse a Tetat dans I'exercice des premieres magis- 
tratures, et dans le commanderoent des armees, il asu jouir de 

la vieillesse dans une retraite savante et tranquille. 

(3) On pent demander quel etoit ce soin dont Bassus s'etoit si 
bien acquittC*, mais qui est ici designe si obscurement ? Quelle 
etoit la prevoyance par laquelle Trajan avoit assure letemitc de 
ritalie? Je ne vois pas h quoi ce terme pourroitse rapporter, si- V.Muniti 
non k Fencouragement du manage ou k leducation des enfans. £ . ^^ 
L*an ou Tautre peuvent seuls etemiser une nation. Nous savons Vdlew. 
que Trajan fut le fondateur d'un grand etablisseroent de la der- 
ni^re esp^ce par toute Tltalie. Bassus aura etc charge du de- 
partement de Ferentinum ou peut-^tre de TEtrurie, et ce det^l 
etoit k la fois penible et delicat. 

(6) Encore une mauvaise imitation du senat Romain, d'autant 
plus mauvaise m^roe que cette 6pith^te n'etoit fondee que sur une 
circonstance arbitraire. Horace, qui s'est si bien amus6 du sot Horat 
ofgoeil do Pr^teur de Fundi, auroit et6 assez surpris de ces airs ^P**^ '• ^ 
de grandeur dans ce petit Ferentinum, le s^jour du silence et de 

f^tM ; si toutefois c'est ce m6me Ferentinum. 

(7) Les relations du patron et du client soot assez connues. On 



sait qoe d'un e6t^ elles supposoient la protection et Taipptti d 
qu'elles exigeoient deTautre le respect et la reconnoissaiice. L'ex* 
VbtSi^e* ^^V^^^ ^ ^^ faroille Claudia, et de kura cliens let LacM^moDieiMi 
fait sentir entre autres que les peuples aussi bien que let pmiticu- 
liers recherchoieiit cet appui. Mait j'ignorois qulb le recfaer> 
chassent encore sous les empereurs ; et quand je tonge ^ la jalootie 
de ces princes, je suis surpris qu'ils ayent laisse aux granda de 
Rome des honneurs qui paroissoient leur donner unluttre et «a 
^tat independant de leurs bienfiiits. 

(8) Au style emporte et hyperbolique de cette inKriptioB on la 
croiroit du quatri^me si^cle, dont la mani^re lui resemble mieux 
que celle du premier; mait I'adulation d'une bourgade est to«» 
jours exprim6e d'uue fi&9on plus excessivf que celle de la capftak» 
Le godt survit h la liberie, et Ton sent qu'un pareil ttyle eti ridi- 
cule autant qu'il est bas. 

„ * Fescenninum. 

£pUc. il 1. Feacennina post bunc iiivecta Itreutia norem^ 

Vendbtas altemis opprobria ruslica ftidit. 

Sect. VIL 

*»*i»i Ambitus, Mcenia, et Port-e. On peut clistin- 

Vefot, Li. giier trois villes de Rome, clout on connoit asses 
pr^cis^meut les limitcs ; celle dc Romulus, ccUc 
de ServiusTullius, et celle d'Aur^lien. I. La villc 
do Romulus nc comprenoit que le mont Palatin. 
Sa figure quadrangulairc lui fit donner le nom 
iVUrbs quadrata^ dont les anciens se servent quel* 
quetbis pour la designer. Ellc n avoit que trois 
portes: Porta Romanula^ plac^'e vis k vis du Fo- 
rum, du Lapitole etde TAsylum; Porta Mugmd§^ 
tr^s utile k 5cs pastcurs, pour mener leur b^tail 



iiix pftturages de rEsquitin, du Caelius, et des val- 
Ions qui Ics s^paroient Porta Trigonia, situ6e 
i cct angle de la ville qui ^toit toum^ du cdti de 
TAventin et du Latium. Romulus environna en- 
core de murs le Capitole, sa forteresse, et son Asy- 
linn. On ne connoit que deux portes k cette en- 
ceinte: Porta CarmentaliSj entre les rochers Tar- 
peiens et le Tibre. Porta JanualiSy chang^e dans 
la suite en un temple de Janus. Elle^toitdans le 
Forum, et faisoit face h, la riviere. II. La ville de 
Serrius Tullius, qui est celle 9es beaux jours de 4a 
r^ublique et de I'empire. Elle comprenoit les 
sept collines fameuses, et s'^tendoit au-del^ du 
Tibre pour embrasser le Janiculum. On pent par- 
tager cct espace en quatre portions. 1 . Une mu- 
raiUequi, partant de la riviere, passoit sous les ro- 
chers escarp^s du Capitole, et du mont Quirinal. 
Dans rintervalle entre le fleuve et le Capitole on 
avoit substitu6 Porta Flumentana k Porta Car- 
mcntalis devenue infame et inutile depuis le mal- 
hcur des Fabii. Dans celui entre le Capitole et le 
Qoirinal, il y avoit Porta Triumphalis qui, s'ou- 
rnintau Forum de Trajan, conduisoit les vainqueurs 
au Capitole. Sous le mont Quirinal, on croit 
pouvoir trouver Porta Catularia et Porta Saluta- 
rii. 2. Les monts Quirinal, Viminal, et Esquilin 
sabaissent du cdt6 de la campagne, avec une pente 
doooe ct presqu'insensible. Sqn'ius Tullius, vou- 
hBt garantir la ville des insultes de ses voisins, fit 
tirer dans cette 6tendue, (elle ^it de 8g>t stades,) 
m f6&a6 laige de cent pieds qu'il fiHtifia d'un bon 
impart. On le traversoit par plusieurs portes. Col- 

Una J 


linCj Nomeyitana, Vtmimlis, Tiburtina, tlsquilina^ 
Pranestina. 3. La muraille qui joignoit Tautre 
extr^mlt6 du rempart k la riviere, et qui embras^ 
soit les nionts Cselius et Avcntin. J y vois, Porttt 
Ccelimontanay Asinaria^ Latina^ Capcna, et Tcrgt- 
mina. 4. La partie de Tenceiute au-del^ du Ti- 
bre, qui n'embrassoit point Ic Vatican. II y avoit 
les portes Portuensisj Janiculensisy et Septimiana. 
Jc viens de compter dix-neuf poitcs. II y avoit 
plusieurs dont la situation est incertainc, et d autre» 
dont on ignore jusquau nom. Pline, qui vivoit 
sous cette ^poque, en connoissoit trente-sepl^ sans 
parler de sept qui n'^toient plus en usage. Des 
trente-sept, douze avoient deux Jani ou arcades. 
III. Aur^lien fit une nouvclle enceinte, pour y 
comprendre le Champ de Mars et quelques autres 
ehdroits. On est assez en ^*tat de la suivrc pour 
pouvoir^s'^tonner de Thyperbole extravagante de 
Vopiscus qui lui donne cinquantc milles d'^tendue. 
A peine peut-on rccevoir le t^moignage d'Olympio* 
dorus, qui en comptc vingt-et-un. II parott claire- 
mcnt que Rome n a jamais it^ plus.^tendue qu ellc 
ne Test aujourdhui. Dans cct agrandissenient oo 
vit paroitre plusieurs portes nouvelles: AurcliOy 
au pont Aur^lien, et Porta Pinciana^ sous le CoUii 
hortulorum. Les portes Latina et Capena furent 
recul^es, mais elles gard^rent leurs anciens noms. 
Tergemina devint Osticnsis ; Flumentana devtnt 
FlaminUiy et Collina^ Solaria. Cependant comme 
pn se voyoit quelquefois oblig6 de songcr ^ la d6> 
fense de la capitale, on boucha plusieurs des portes. 
Du terns de Procopc il n en rcstoit plus de qua* 



torze ou quinze un peu considerables. Ceux qui 
^xaminent avec attention les murailles cle Rome 
distioguent encore les pierres infonnes des pre- 
miers Romains, les marbrcs bien travaill^s dont 
on lescpnstniisoit sous les empereurs, et les briques 
malcuites dont on les reparoit dans les si^cles 

Pline le naturaliste avoit dit que la ville avoit 
trente-sept portes, et qu'en comptant douze de ces 
portes, chacune une fois, on trouvoit 30,765 pas a 
mesurer depuis le milliaire d or dans le Forum. 
L'cDceinte des niurs de Rome 6toit de 13,200 
pas selon le m^me auteur. Comme ce passage n est 
point clair il a ouvert un vaste champ aux explica- 
tions, aux conjectures, et aux corrections des cri- 
tiques. Une condition essentielle de toute hypo- 
^isc doit fetre de concilier Tincertain, les 30,765 
pas, avec les 1 3,200. Le systeme du savant Freret, 
tris naturel d ailleurs, remplit tr^s bien cette con- 
dition, II envisage la ville de Rome comme un 
oeicle dont le milliaire ^tpit le centre. Douze 
giandes rues, qui vont aboutir k autant de portes, 
nous donnent pour leur mesure r^unis 30,765 pas, 
Chaque rue ou le rayon du cercle avoit done 2,562 
pis de longueur, et le diam^tre ^toit de 5,124 pas. 
Les 13,800 pas qu'on nous a donnas pour circonf46- 
loioe du cercle produiroient un diametre de 4,200 
pas: La difference est de 924 pas, difference peu 
imjMHtante et occasionn^e par le grand nombrc de 
inmmtis qu W trouvoit c^ns les rues de Rome. 
Ob peut € )re justifier cette hypoth^ par un 
lotrecakn . Nous connoissons la superficie de 

TOL. IV. p chaque 


chaque region de la ville ; il est aise de tirer, de ces 
^l^nicns, d abord la superficie et cnsuite la circonft- 
rencedcKome. Cclle-ci sc trouveroit de 13,549 
pas Roniains. Telle ^*toit rcnceinte des murs. 
Mai3 les tauxbourgs s'^tendoient bien plus loin. 
Leur {'teiiduc 6toit de 70,000 pas depuis le niil- 
^oircs liare. En continuant le ni6me calcul nous trou- 
«des verons (jue les gnmdes rues, les six diam^tre% 
^"oJi!^ avoient chacun 11,500 pas detenduc. II faut 
s-l-Sbf ^^^^^'^ cependant que tons ces fauxl)ourgs n'^toient 
point remplis de batimens, niais que les villages, 
les jardins, les niaisons qui y ^toient parsemecs, fai- 
soient douter aux Strangers s'ils ^toient en ville 
ou k la campagne: Voih\ le syst^me de Freret; 
celui dc M. Hume est tbnd6 sur les m^mes prin- 
rtbon. Miranda. Straboii adniiroit dans Rome trois 

TdJ. ^ choses que les Grecs avoient n^glig^'es, les grands 
cheinins, les aquediics, et les cloacjues. Ces fleuves, 
quon avoit fait venir dans la ville, balavoient con- 
tinuellenient les cloaques et d^gorgcoient dans Ic 
Tibie toutes les ordures de la capitale. Ces eaux, 
dispcrs^es dans une infinite de canaux et de r^ber- 
voirs, fournissoient aux besoins de chaque maison. 
Rome est redevable de ce bienfait an grand Agrip- 
pa. Le Champ de Mars, rempli de tant de beaux 
monuinens de Pomp^»e, de C^*sar, d'Auguste, de sa 
famille et de ses courtisans, oftVoit un contrastc 
frappant avec d autres endroits du m^me champ, 
toujours converts de verdure et r^*serv^s aux ex- 
ereices militaires de la jcunesse. Le Campus Mi- 
nor, k c6i^y ^toit orn6 de trois th^dtres, d'un am- 


ANTiaUiE ITALIiE. 2 1 1 

phith6Atre, de plusieurs portiques, d'un teniple et 
du mausol^e d'Auguste biti d'une pierre blanche, 
ct dont les Stages diff6rens soutenoient des terras- 
ses plant^es d arbrcs. Cependaiit lorsqu'un voya- 
geur sortoit de ce fauxbourg pour entrer dans la 
rille, les basiliques, les portiques, les temples, et 
surtout le Capitole, lui faisoient oublier tout ce 
qull avoit d^j^ vu. f 

Voici les observations les plus int^ressantes que .Y:*'^ 
jai trouvees dans un memoire de I'Abb^ Barthele- <*« Bei* 
mv sur les anciens monuniens de Rome. I. Ze tom-xxr 
ColUee. II est bati de grosses pienes Tiburtines, P*^^*^ 
unies par des crampons de fer scell^s, pour Tordi- 
n^re, dans une des pierres. La seule enceinte ex- 
terieure, par un calcul 6tabli sur la reduction du 
mur entier en pieds cubiques, et sur les details de 
la main d'oeuvre, nous couteroit aujourdliui plus 
de dix-sept millions. Ce monument a plus souf- 
fert des Romains que des barbares:. on voit dans 
un trait^ original cntre les factions de la ville dans 
le quatorzieme sifecle, qu'il est stipule qu'il sera libre 
aux deux partis d'arracher des p'erres du Co- 
lisfe. 2. Les Obelisques. Les hi^roglyphes sont 
travaill^ d*une fafon singuli^re sur ces monumens 

Ide granite. Le plan des figures est en creux; 
mais dans ce creux les figures ont un relief l^er, 
ct garni tout autour pas la vive arrete du granite : 
4 cest comme Tempreinte d un cachet dans la cire^ 
1 La Colonne de Trajan. Entre le Quirinal et le 
Cq>itole, 6toit une valine ^troite oii Trajan voulut 
coDstruire un Forum. II fallut aplanir le terreiii, 
ct pour marquer jusqu'^ quelle prpfondeur la men* 

p 2 tagne 


tagne s'^toit abaiss^e, on ^leva en forme de t^nion, 
une colonne dont la hauteur est d environ 110 
pieds, sans y comprendre la figure de Trajan, dont 
elle ^toit surmont^e. Le f lit de la colonne, qui, dans 
sa partie inf6rieure, a dix k onze pieds de diam^re, 
est fomi6 de vingt-trois blocs de marbre places ho- 
rizontalement Tun sur I'autre. Dans TintiJrieur 
on a pratiqu^ un escalier de 183 marches, ^claire 
par quarante-un fenfetres. Les victoires de Trajan 
sur les Daces sont representees autour de ce mo- 
nument, dont celle de M. Aur^le n est que la co- 
pie. 4. Les MausoUes. A Paltozolo, sur le lac 
d'Albani, on voit, ' sur la face d'un rocher, douze 
faisceaux, une chaire purule, un sceptre surmont6 
d'un aigle, et une inscription, qu on ne peut pas lire, 
au pied du rocher. Au-dessus plusieurs marches 
s'eifevent en pyramide; k c6t6 des marches un petit 
corridor conduit k une chambrc qui a onze pieda 
deux pouces de long sur neuf pieds six pouces dc 
largeur; le tout est taill^, sculpt^, et creus^ dans 
le roc. Les umes sont (juclquefois quarries et 
faites en maisons. On y distingue le toit avec se$ 
divisions, et la portc tantdt fermee et tantdt a 
demi ouverte, et quelqucfois occup^e par le G^nie 
de la tnort. 5. Les Mosaiques. Les Romains avoi- 
ent des marbres d'une grande x-ariet^ de couleurs. 
Quand une couleur manquoit aux artistes en mar- 
bres, ils y suppl^oient par des ^maux et des 
briques. II y a pen de mosaiques k Rome qui r^- 
pondcnt k V\d6e qu on s en fait. Quant k cellc de 
Pr^neste, TAbb^ Barthelemy croit qu'elle repT<- 
5cnte larriv^e d'Hadrien dans la haute Egj'pte. 

6. Les 


6, Les Statues. Les antiquaires en comptent pr^ 
de 70,000 dans la ville et les environs. Avant le 
terns d^Hadrien on n y trai^oit point les prunelles 
des veux. Elles ont subi bien des revolutions. 
Les empereuTs les d^plai^oient sou vent, et elles ont 
M restaurees par les ouvriers Romains aussi bien 
que par les ndtres. 

Voici les objets que Pline admiroit le plus. 1 . ^- Hi*- 
Lt Circus Maximus constniit par Jules C^sar. II «rtL 15. 
avoit trois stades de long, et un de largeur; mais 
si Ion comprend les b^timens, la largeur ^toit de 
quatte jugera. S. La Basilique de Pauius, dont 
les colonnes ^toient du plus beau marbre de Pliry-^ 
gic 3- Le Forum dAuguste. 4. Le Temple de 
Pair par Vespasien. 5. Le Panthion, dtd\€ par 
Agrippa k Mars le Vengeur. 6. Le Forum de CS- 
sar. dont le terrein seul couta au dictateur cent 
millions de sesterces (vingt millions de France.) 
7- Les maisons particuUeres. L'an de Rome 676, 
la maison du Consul Lepidus 6toit la plus belle 
de la ville pour la depense, les tableaux, et la 
quantity de marbre. Trente-cinq ans apr^ Tan- 
nibe de la mort de Cesar, elle n'^toit pas la centi^me, 
et ces cent maisons fureut bientdt surpass^ a leur 
ttHir par une infinite d autres encore plus belles. 
8. Les Cloaques. Cet ouvrage de Tarquin Tancien, 
avoit dej^ brave les efforts de sept cens ans. Rome, 
inmee sous ses montagnes, ^toit soutenue-partout 
sar des arcades de la hauteur d*un char de foin, et 
(Time telle solidit6 qu*elles soutinrent le transport 
des 360 colonnes de marbre de Scaunis dont cha- 
cime avoit 38 pieds de long. 9. Les Aqueducs. Q. 

p 3 Marcius 

214 NOMINA, G£\T£SQU£ 

Marcius Rex y travaiUa beaucoup pendant sa prd- 
ture; mais TEdile Agrippa, non content d avoir 
purg^ et embelli tons les anciens aqueducs, ajouta 
un nouveau ruisscau, VAqua llrgo. Faire 700 
reservoirs, 105 fontaines, 130 castellan et les or- 
Tier dc 300 statues dc marbre ou de bronze, aussi 
bien que 400 colonnes de marbre, ne fut que Tou- 
vrage d'une ann^c. Lacjueduc commence par 
Caligula et achev^ par Claude surpassoit tous les 
autres. On prit les eaux k 40 milles sur un ter- 
rein tr^s ^leve, on les conduisit k Rome, et on les 
dispersa sur les sept montagnes. Rome ^toit alors 
plac^e sur sept fleuves qui emportoient toutes ses 
luHtic ordures dans leTibre. 10. Le Capitolc. II respira 
iii.s.ei pendant long-terns la simplicity. Du terns dc 
Pline les lambris des maisoiis 6toient converts de 
plaques dor massif; on se contenta de dorer ceux 
du Capitole apr^s la destruction de Carthage sous 
la censure dc Mummius. On doroit jusqu aux 
murs des maisons; mais son si^cle avoit critique Ca^ 
tulus d*avoir convert le Capitole de tuiles dc 
bronze. Sylla y placa les colonnes destinies k sou- 
tenir le temple de Jupiter Olympien k Ath^nes. 
Elles ^toient tr^s simples et peut-^tre seulement de 
^ pierre. 11. Les ObHisques. II y en avoit troii^ 
taill^s dans les carri^res de la Tli^baide par les an- 
ciens rois, et amends i Rome par les empereurs. 
Le premier, qui avoit plus de 125 pieds de hauteur 
sans compter la base, ^toit dans le grand Cirque, 
Le second, placid' dans le Champ de Mars, o6 il 
serxnt long tems de gnomon, avoit 1 \6 pieds. Ati- 
guste les transporta d'Egypte k Rome; le troisi^me, 



plac6 dans le cirque du Vatican, s'etoit cass6 quand 
on la ^lev6. 12. Les Colosses, et les autres Sta- PJ'n.nut. 
tues. II n'etoit pas possible de les' compter. On xxxiv.r.s* 
voyoit dans le Capitole un Apollon que LucuUus 
avoit apport^ du Pont, hautde 30 coud^es, il avoit 
coflt^ liOtalens; et le Jupiter que Sp. Carvilius 
avoit fait jetter en fonte des cuirasses des Samnites 
vaincus: on le distinguoit du sommet du mont Al- 
bain. Le colosse de N6ron ayoit 1 10 pieds. Un 
Alexandre par Lysippe que Neron fit dorer, &c, 
&c. C'^toient des ouvrages de fonte {signa). En 
fait de statues proprenient dites, il y avoit, parmi 
une infinite d'autres, une V^nus dans le temple de 
la Paix qui ne le c^doit point aux anciens, et un idem. 
Nil avec seize enfans, dans le mfime endroit, iait "*'^**^* • 
de basaltes, pierre Ethiopienne, qui rcssembloit au 
fer par sa couleur et sa duret^. Metelkis Mace- Veii. Patw- 
donicus (vers le commencement du septit^me si^cle. H' ' '" ^' 
de Rome) b^tit une portique et deux temples qui 
fijrent renfenn^s ensuite dans Tcnceinte de la por- 
tique d'Octavia. Il avoit apport6 de la Macedoine 
cette troupe de statues ^questres qu'il pla^ a vis-^- 
vis des temples, et qui en faisoit le grand ornement. 
C'^toit Lysippe qui avoit ainsi immortalis6 les amis 
d'Alexandre, qui p^uirent k la bataille du Crranique. 
Les figures ^toient ressemblantes, et le roi ^toit k 
leur tdte. " Hie idem primus omniuni, Romse 
cdem, ex marmore in iis ipsis monumentis molitus, 
vel magnificentiae vel luxuriae princepsfuit" Les 
critiques ne sont point d'accord sur le sens de ees 
paroles, si M6tellus b^tit une maison particuli^re, 
Hn temple de Rome D^cse, ou simplement un tem- 

p 4 pie 

ill6 UOMlSAj 0£NT£$QU£ 

pie dans la ville. Les deux premiers sens me pa^ 
roissent peu conformes k I'esprit du tems. JV 
dopte le troisi^nle qui est aussi le plus littoral. Si 
M. Bumian pcnse ({u on n auroit jamais bl&m6 la 
magnificence a legard des dieux, je le renvoyc 
jQvenai. seuleincnt k Juvenal et k Ovide.* Prfes d'un sii- 
iii.&c^ cle plus tard Mamurra batit une maison sur le 
?ljr*44ir* niorit Cxlius qu'il incrusta de marbre. Ce parve- 
NiuM^ti. ^"' ^1"* 2i^'^i^ P'l'^ les Gaules sous le gouveme- 
6. ment de Cesar, n avoit pas une seule colomie dans 

ce palais qui ne fut de marbre de Lune ou de Ga- 
ry ste. Enfin M. Lepidus osa faire lesseuils de ses 
portes du marbre de Numidie. Selon Pline, ce Le- 
pidus, qui rench^rit sur le luxe de Mamurra, 6toit 
le collogue cle Catulus en 676. Cependant quand 
jc vois que la fortune dc Mamurra n a pu com- 
menccr (juen 695, j'aimerois mieux lentendrc 
VeiL p-ter- dc Lcpidus Ic triumvir. L an 628, les censeurs 
10. cit^rent Taugure ^Emilius Lepidus pour avoir loui 

une maison k six mille sesterces par an (1200 li- 
vres.) Un scnatcur auroit osc k peine habiter une 
maison d'un aussi bas prix du tems de Tib^re. 
RoUi.iter, Cctte uiaiscm de Lepidus na-t-elle jamais donn^ 
s\i. que de mauvais exemplesii la r^publique? Encore 

une conjecture sur Lepidus et Mamurra. Quand 
je r^Heciiis sur le luxe de ces personnages, il ftic 
paroit (jue ccst Marmuria qui a rench^ri sur 
Lcpidus. II taut tout autrement de marbre et dc 

* En 662 L. Crassus mit en autre six coloones de marbre 
d*IIymette de douze pieds de long, dans sa maison Paladoe. 
V. Plin. Hibt. Natur. xxxvi. 3. 



d^pense pour couvrir une maison enti^re dc plaques 
de marbre, que pour en orner les portes de quelques 
apartemens. C est sur ce calcul que Pline auroit 
d& appr^cier le d6gr6 de leur luxe, et uon point 
sur une vaine id^e du marbre prodigu^ aux vils 
usages puisqu on le fouloit aux pieds. Cette pen- 
s€e sent bien le rh^^teur, et elle n'est pas seul de 
sou esp^e dans Thistoire naturelle de cet auteur. 
L'iiidignation que Cornelius Nepos exprimoit con- 
tre Mamurra aura encore pu lui faire prendre le 
change. II n auroit peut-^tre pas vu que cette in- 
dignation se portoit plutdt sur la hardiesse de la 
personne que sur la nouveaut^ de la chose, et que 
les Romains, observateurs scrupuleux des biens6- 
ances, etoient r^volt^s du luxe du parvenu, quoi- 
qu'ils eussent pardonn6 k celui du consul. 

Lorsqu' Auguste cut r6tabli la paix dans I'^tat 5uetoD.iii 
il songea k r^tablir I'ordre dans la ville, qui changea 29, 30, sv 
bientdt de face. II nettoya le lit du Tibre, il 
forma un guet nombreux destin^ h vciller c\ la 
8uret6 publiqueet clpr^venir les vols et les incendies. 
II partagea la ville en quartiers, et ceux-ci en Vict: 
les uns et les autres avoient leurs chefs particu- 
liers. II construisit beaucoup d ouvrages publics : 
1. Un forum, devenu n^ccssaire par la multitude 
des personnes et des affaires, h laquelle les deux 
autres Jora ne suffisoient plus. Dans les deux 
portiques de ce forum, il plaf a les statues de tons 
les grands hommes qui avoient agrandi F^tat, cha- 
cune dans son habit de triomphe. 2. Le Temple 
de Mars le Vengeur ; c'est au vengeur de la mort 
de C^sar. Ce temple devoit fetre celui des tri- 

^^* omphes 


omphcs ct des d^pouiUes. 3. Le temple d*Apollon 
Palatiii, dans Tenceinte m^mc du palais imperial. 
Auguste y ajouta une portique avec uue biblio- 
th?quc Grecque ct latino. 4. Le temple de Ju- 
piter Toiinaut*daiis reiiceinte du Capitole. II dedia 
plusieurs autres ouvrages sous le nom de sa femme, 
de sa soeur, de son neveu, et de ses petits-fils; Ics 
portiques dc Livie et d'Octavie, la portique et la 
basiliquc de Caius et Lucius, et le th^Atre de^Iar- 
cellus. II encouragea Ics s^nateurs k suivre son 
exemple. Marcius Philippus bcltit le temple d'Her- 
cule et des Muses ; L. Cornificius celui de Diane ; 
Asinius Pollio le palais de la liberty ; Munatius 
Plancus le temple de Satume ; Cornelius Balbus, 
un theiltre; Statilius Taurus, un amphith^iitrc ; 
Agrippa beaucoup de gmnds ouvrages. Tant dc 
beaux monumcns, construits ou rdtablis sous le 
r^gnc d'Auguste, justiiicnt bicn son propos, — qu'jl 
uvoit trouve une villc de briquc, ct qu'il en laissoit 
une de marbre. Auguste donna une fois au Capi- 
tole seize mille livres d'or, et cinquante millions 
de sesterces de picrrcries. 

Rutlt. Exaiidiy Regina tui pulcherrima mundi, 

Inter sidereos Roma recepta polos. 
Exaudi, genitrix hominum, genitr'uque Deorum, 
Nou procul a coelo per tua tcmpla sunius. 

T. L47. 


Percensere labor denais decora alta tropsis, 

Ut si quis Stellas peniuinerare velit, 
Coiifunduntque vagos delubra micaiitia visus. 

Ipsos crcdiderim sic habitare Deos. 
Quid loqaar aerio pendentes fomice rivos 

Qui vix imbiifenis tolleret Iris aqaas ? 



Hos potius dicas crevisse in sidera monies : 

Tale Gigauteum Graecia laudat opus, 
Intercepta tuis conduntur flumina muris, 

ConsumuDt totos celsa lavacra lacus. 
Nee minus et propriis celebrantur roscida vents 

Totaque nativo moenia fonte sonant ; 
Fri^us sstivas hinc temperat halitus auras^ 

looocuamque levat puiior unda sitim. 

Quid loquar inclusas inter laquearia sylvas, (x RotiL 

Vemula qui vario carmine ludit avis ? •* ^^' 

Vere tuo nunquam mulceri desinit annus, 

Deliciasque tuas victa tuetur hyems. 
T^tigp crinales lauros seniumque sacrati 

Verticis, in virides Roma recinge comas, 
Aurea turrigero radient diademata cono 

Perpetuosque ignes aureus umbo vomat. 

L'empereur Constance vint a Rome en 356. 

Tout retonnoit dans cetle capitale. II reconnut ^J^io^ 

que la v^rit^ suq>assoit la renomra^e. Dans la ^^J?^ 

visite qu'il fit des objets curieux de la ville et des «»^- 

environs, il admiroit surtout, 1. Le Capitole, 

digue du Dieu qu on y servoit 2. Des bains 

grands comme des' provinces enti^res- 3. L am- 

j^iithMtre construit de grandes pierres Tiburtines, 

et d'une hauteur oii Toeil avoit peine k atteindre. 

4. Le Panth^n, qui paroissoit un quartier entier, 

et dont les arcades etoient tr^s ^lev^es. 5. Les 

ooloiines creus^es en cscalier et portant les statues 

des princes. 6. Lc Temple de Rome. 7- Le Fo- 

nun de la Paix. 8. Le Th64tre de Pomp^. 9. 

L^Odeum et le Stade. 10. Mais surtout le Forum 

de Tiajan, ouvrage dont la gran^ur et le singulier 

: ' \ " frap. 


frappoient ^galement et excluoiciit k la fois la de- 
scription et rimitation. Constantiu et Ic prince 
Hormisdas admirerent surtout la statue colossale 
de Trajan <\ clieval plac^e au milieu de la superbe 
Gmi?/" /Etatjls. On pent distinguer quatre ages de 

ciicniiiisde ecttc villc. 1. Du tcnis des premiers rois, elle 
I. ▼. c.«-r. ressembloit phit6t a un camp dc Tartares, qua 
une ville Europ^ennc ; un assemblage confus de ^ 
cabanes (jiii ne rcnfermoient qu'une troupe de 
pitres dirai-jc, ou dc brigands. Le palais de Ro- 
mulus s'est conserve long tems. Elle n'6tpit qu- 
SSwrnu ^"c petite 6haumi^re. 2. L'an de Rome 138, 
R^Snu. Avant Christ 616, Tarquin Tancien fut 61uroi; 
It^op; il apporta dans I'^tat naissaut le goAt des arts. 
i. is, 36. Quand je songe au goftt Etrusque qu'on apger^ 
voit dans tons Ics premiers monumens de Rome, 
et (jue je le compare avec Tattachement exclutif 
des Grccs pour leurs artistes, lorigine Corinthienuc 
de Tarquin mc parolt tr^s suspccte. Quoiqu'il en 
soit, cet Stranger construisit beaucoup d ouvrages 
publics, le grand Cirque, et le^i Cloaques ; il com- 
men^a le Capitole et des murailles de pierre au- 
tour dc la ville, ct ses succcsseurs n'curent que la 
gloire d ex^*cuter scs id^es. Les anciens parleot 
avec ^tonnemcnt de la grandeur de ces monumens; 
des cloaques surtout, qui auroient fait honneur au 
si^cled'Auguste, et qui paroissoicnt bien au-dessus 
des forces dun petit roitelet. Mais ne scroit-il pas 
pennis de croire que la gloire du fondateur a ob- 
scure! celle des consuls et des censeurs qui ont 
r^tabli, agrandi, et perfectionn^ tous ces ouvra- 


s? Je vois que les censeurs donn^rent unc fois 
iUe talens pour nettoyer et pour r^tablir ces 
oaques qui s'6toient bouch^es. Les premiers 
^nsuls contribu^rent peu h rembellissement de la 
lie- Le magfstrat d'une ann^e ne pouvoit gu^res 
Mier louvrage qu'il auroit commence, pendant 
le la gloire plus brillante d'un triomphe ne coCl- 
^it alors qu'une campagne heureuse de quinze 
»urs. Les Gaulois ont d(k trouver dans Rome une 
illc assez pauvre et mal-b4tie. Je pense qu'on se 
it une idee trop outr6e des ravages de ces bar- 
ires, et que de quelques expressions un peu 
yperboliques de Tite Live, on a conclu un peu 
jgi^renient que toute la ville avoit p^rie dans Tin- T.'4f*5. 
mdie des Gaulois. Mais sans me servir du fameux 
ssage de Polybe, qui soutient qui la ville s'^toit 
:bet^ du feu et meme du pillage, sans map- 
fer d'unc expression de Tite Live, douteuse k la 
it6 et qui pent ne regarder que le premier jour, 
lirai seulement, 1. Que dans Tincendie de T«dt. An- 
on on vit p^rir le temple de la Lune, louvrage "**' *** *^ 
ervius Tullius, et le temple de Jupiter Stator 
truit par Romulus, le temple de Vesta et le 
; de Xuma; et Tautel et le temple d'Hercule 
attribuoit k Evandre, etqui n'^toit certaine- 
pas moins ancien que la ville m6me. 2. Que .^ 
d apr^s la d'rtaite des Gaulois, avant qu'on ▼. ^^ 
is la resolution de r^tablir la ville, le s^nat 
ibla dans la Curia Hostiliaj qui a dii s'^tre 
' au milieu des quartiers Gaulois. Je con- 
ue les Gaulois firent beaucoup de mal k 
et qu'un tres grand nombre de monumens 



publics et dc maisoiis particuli^res furent . embra- 
s^cs. 3. Lcs Romaius rebAtircnt bicntdt la villc, 
mais avcc unc telle precipitation (juon ne tiroit 
point les rues au cordeau, et cjue lcs cloaqueSy 
qui devoieut 6tre toujours sous les licux pub- 
lics, se trouv^rent dans beaucoup d'endroits 
sous lcs maisons. . La ville se ressentit loug- 
tenis de cette circoustiuice. Lcs rues ^toient 
toujours reniplies de sinuosites, et fort ^troites, et 
Ctcerode les niaisous d'unc hauteur extFaoitlinaire. II n'y 

comrm^i*. avoit cjuc Ics fauxbourgs, le champ de Mars, &c. 
am. 11.35. j^/^^-jj^ ^jj^j^^ ^^ ^^^^^^^^ pj^^ hcurcux, qul n'avoient 

point ces di^'sagr^mens. Les embcUissemens de la 
ville ne comnien^^rent que vers leu milieu du 
cinqui^me siecle, sous la censure d'Appius Clau- 
dius, qui construisit un aqucduc et un grand chemiQ 
int.UT.ix. pav^ jusqu'a Capouc. Ccs ouvrages ^toient ori- 
giuaux dans Icur espccc. Rome s'enricbit bicntdt. 
La devotion de ses gcncraux la rcmplit dc temples. 
Chaquc victoirc tburnii^soit ['occasion du vceu, les 
richesses pour batir Te temple, ct lcs ouvrages d art 
PTiiLHisr. pour lorncr. Quand on son^c que Volsinii, petite 
7. ' ville dc TEtruric, a Iburni deux millcs statues, il 

est dirticilc dc calculcr ce que lcs gencraux ont dik 
tircr dc Tarcutum, Syracuse, Cartbagc, Corinthe, 
A thanes, Pclta, ct Alexandric. Pompif^e, Cesar, 
Augustc, ct Agrippa, lavarice dcs gouvcmeurs, ct 
Ic luxe dcs particulicrs, tout contribua i rcmplir 
Tacit. An. Romc dcs plus bcaux Edifices. Enfin le 18 Juillet, 
Z.4x' Tan dc Romc 817, ct dc T^rc Cln^tiemie 64, lo 
Soefon.m liasard, ct pcut-ctrc la vaniti? dc N^ron, alluma unc 
*^^ ^ inccmlic afVrcusc, qui dura six jours et sept iiuits, ct 



qui r^duisit en cenclres un nombrc infini de maisons 
et de temples,, les d^pouillcs des gucrres Celtiques 
et Puniques, et les plus beaux ouvrages de laGr^ce. 
Des quatorze regions, trois f urent ruin^es de fond 
en comble, sept souflPiirent au point qu'il n'en 
resta que peu de bAtimens; il n y en eut que quatre 
ou le feu ne parvint pas. 4. Rome renaquit bien- 
tot de ses eendres plus belle que jamais. Les r^gle- 
me^s de N6ron seroient dignes du plus sage des 
princes. On distribua les quartiers d'une fafon 
rcguli^rc, on tira les nies au cordcau, on leur donna 
une largeur convenable; on les oma partout de 
portiques, on devoit employer les debris des Edifices 
a remplir les marais d'Ostie. Les proprietaires Mp Jow- 
etoient obligft de rebAtir de pierre de Tibur ou de SepiemW. 
Gabii, k T^preuVe du feu, et sans murs mitoyens. 
Cet ^dit, appuy^ de I'autorit^, des recompenses, et 
de Texemple du prince, aussi bien que de son suc- 
cesseur Vespasien, produisit un tel effet, que mal- 
gre les horreurs de trois guerres civiles et de trois 
fantdmes d'empereurs, tout se retrouvoit sur un 
pied bien sup^rieur i I'ancienne ville dans le tems 
que Pline acheva son histoire naturelle en 831. S^nNatur. 
Les fleaux physiques sont bientot repar^s dans une J^^W 
capitale dont les rcssources sont celles d'un empire 
entier. Depuis Vespasien jusqu'ii Marc Aur^lc, 
tous les empereurs se sont piques de oontribuer k 
r rembellissement de Rome, et si la decadence des 
I arts empficha S^v^re, Alexandre, Aur^lien, et 
Diocl^tien d'y mettre autant de go At, ils t&chferent 
au moins dV supplier, par la magnificence. La fon- „ . 
; dation de Constantinople atfoiblit Rome, les bar- mi, le 6 

bares ires. 


bares y fircnt quelque d^gat, mais c'est au zMe dea 

papcs, qui ruin^rent les temples, et k la mis^re des 

si^clcs suivans, qu'il faut attribuer la ruine de U 

pi apart des Edifices dc Tancienne Rome. Gr6- 

goire le Graud et le laps du terns y ont fait plus 

de mal qu'Atila. 

Tacit. An- RoMA Dea. Le pcuplc dc Siiiyme, pour fairc 

sa cour aux Romains, b4tit un temple k Rome 

D^csse. Cet exemple d'adulation et de superstition 

fut bieiit6t imite dans toutes les provinces;. mais ce 

ne fut quVu 874, 315 ans apr(^s la fondation du 

temple dc Smyrne, (jue TEmpereur Hadrien intro- 

duisit le culte de la capitale dans la capitale m^roe. 

V. v«i«i- 11 y bAtit uu temple magnifique, et ordonna que la 

m?an. ihu^ f<^tc dcs Palilla ne seroit plus appellee que Tannic 

p!"»**^^' versaire de la naissance de Rome. Lorsq«e U 

Addiion't Decssc cst representee sur les m^dailles, on la voit 

upon Mc- en habit militaire, une partie de son sein d^cou- 

* veite, Texposition de Romulus grav^e sur son 


piiniiCoi- Qy\ voit, dans la belle biblioth^que du Marquis 

Kiccardi, a rlorence, un excellent manuscrit qui 

contient toute Tllistoire Naturelle de Pline Tancieo 

et les EpitrcN de Pline le jeune. M. Folkes, qui 

» est mort President de la Soci^t^ Royale, a prononc6 

qu'il ^toit le manuscrit leplus anciendeces ^rivains 

que nous ayons; et le Doctcur Lami, garde de la 

biblioth^cjue, le croit au moins du neuvi^me si^le. 

II est ^crit dans cette petite Venture courantc qui 

cst aussi ancienne que les lettrcs Onciales et beau- 

coup plus commune. II est cependant assez net ei 

tr^s bien conserve. Sans avoir eu le terns de Text- 




Ainer en detail, j'ai remarqu6 que I'ordre des livres 
n'est pas toujou)^ conforme aux Editions dont la 
m^thcNde parolt n^anmoins plus naturelle. Ce 
MS. fourniroit beaucoup k un nouvel 6diteur de 
Pline. II n'a pas mfime 6t6 collation^ pour I'^di- 
tion du P. Hardouin. Voici quelques difF(6rences 
que j'ai observ6es dans des endroits int6rcssans. 
1. Dans le fameux passage sur I'^tendue de Rome 
on y lit Censor ibus Imperatoribus Vespasianis A. 
U. C. 926- M. P. 13,200: ita ut XII. praeterean- 
turque ex veteribus VII. quae esse desierunt efficit 

passuum per directum XX M. DCCLXV* 

per vices omnium viarum mensura colligit paullo 
impliusxx P^. 2. L. xxxiii. c. 1. on y lit A. U. 
C. 448, et CCCIV. ann. post Capitolinamy en par- 
lant du temple de la Concorde de Flavins. 3. £n 
parlant du Circus Maximus, on y trouve CCL. 
6crit en figures, sans que mille soit ou exprim6 ou 
d^sign^ par un trs^it. 

Sect. Vllt 


CAMPANiiE Regio.' Cc petit pays, qui n'a v.ciiwicr. 
{aires plus de 180 milles Romains dans son 6ten- J*ai.^h?' 
doe depuis le Tibre jusqu'au Silarus, et qui en a ^ 
peine 50 dans sa plus grande largeur de Sora au 
promontoire Circeii, existera toujours dans la m6- 
nxme des hommes, et attirera lattention de tons 

^ Is. kfoii ordinaire est suppUie it la marge d'une main plus 
ifioate et Umt k fait moderne. 

yoi.. IV. Q les 


fiin. Hiit. les Slides. Nous le cannoissons dans tous 

6tats, le pays cle la barbarie et des tables ; rempli 

LACartedt dc vingt nations libres, vertueuaes, et f(6roce8; le 

cieniie,p»r siegc dc Tempire, dii luxe, et des arts; avili an* 

. Daiuie. j^^j.j^jj^j par la superstition et la mis^re. Dans 

chacun dc ses ^tats k peine y a-t-il un village^ une 
montagne, une riviere (}m ne soit fameuse dans 
riiistoire ou la poesie. II se divise naturellement 
en I. Latium, II. Campania, et III. le pays lea 
PiCENTiNs. Je suis surpris qu'Auguste les ait 
Giumooe. r^unis daus une seule region. Constantin en confia 
de Nmpiei, le gouvemement au consulaire de la (Jampanie, un 
«.3.' '* ' ' des principaux officiers du Bas Empire. Je voudrois 
savoir comment les loix concilioient sa juridictioii 
avec celle du pr^fet de Rome dont rautorit^^ qui 
n'^toit boru6e que par le centi^me milliaire, devoit 
enlever au consulaire plus de la moiti^ de sa pro- 
vince. Ses bomes sont connues; kt Mer, le 
Tibre, le Silarus, TAnio, et le pays des Marsi, des 
Samnites, et des Hiq)ini. 
v.aoTier. I. LATIUM. Dans le sens nouveau et ^tendu 
luJ. Antiq. ^x^ j*^^^ p^^^ cousid^rcr le Latium, ses limites 

s'etendoient bicn plus loin que celles du Latium 

ancien et propre. II ^toit renferm^ entre la mcr, 

u Cane do Ic Tibrc, TAnio, et le Liris. Ce sont-lA les bomes 

HttJiede g^n6rales que les anciens lui ont donn^es; mais oa 

^^***^^ voit le Latium se resserroit en de^k de TAnio pour 

faire place au pays des JEi\u\y et qu'il se d^bordoit 

au-deh\ du Liris, jusqu au mont Massique. C^cst 

aux Romains qu on doit Textension du nom Latin. 

A.mesure qu'ils subjuguoient les cit^ de cette eAte» 

lis les recevoient dans la ligue qu'ils avoient fonntb 



ancienneihent avec la cit6 des Latins, et ces peu- 

pies acqu^roient *par adoption le nom g^n^rique 

dcs Latins. C est au moyen de ces cit^s qu'il faut 

laire un nouveau partage. J'y trouve les cit6s 

suivantes : 1 . Les Latins ou le Latium ancien et 

propre ; 2. Les Rutuli ; 3. Les Hemici ; 4. Les 

Volsci ; et 5. Les Aurunci ou Ausones. Je suis 

^tonn^ que les Romains n'ayent pas 6tendu cette 

denomination aux Sabins, leurs premiers allies, 

mais surtout aux iEqui dont le pays 6to\t pres- 

qu enclave dans le Latium. Ce pays est riche et 

fertile, k Fexception de quelques endroits mari- 

times, tels que le territoire d'Ard^e, le pays entre 

Antium et Lavinium jusqu'^ Pometia, avec une 

partie des environs de Circeii, de Terracine, et de 

Setia. Ces endroits sont mar^cageux et mal-saius. 

On trouve encore des cantons pierreux et remplis 

de montagnes, mais encore y trouve-t-on des fruits, 

des bois, et des p&turages. 

L 1. Latium Vetus seu Proprium. Ce petit v. aimer, 
pays sera mieux d^sign^ par le d^nombrement de ses liu. cs, 4. 
villes que par des bomes que ne sauroient qu'fitre 
un pcu vagues. Les anciens ont voulu I'^tendre 
depuis I'embouchurc du Tibre jusqu'au pronjon- 
toire de Circeii sur une cdte de cinquante milles. 

Je conviens que Circeii 6toit une ville Latine 
anssi bien que plusieurs autres 6trang^res h I'anci- 
eone cit^, quoique les rois de Rome les eussent fait 
cntrer dans I'alliance. Une grande partie des terres 
iaterm^diaires appartenoit toujours aux Rutuli et 
SOX Volsques. Dans ce Latium propre, je trouve. 
la Voie Appienne et la mer, 1. Ostia; 2. 

Q 2 Laurep- 


Fmmt. vuj. 


Laurentum ou Laurolavinium ; 3. Laviniui 
Numicius; 4. Lanuvium, le Champ Solonii 
Politorium; 6. Tellene; et 7. Ficana, sur Ics 
du Tibre. Entrc les Voies Appienne et 
compris les deux chemins, j apper^ois, 1. 
S. Aricia; 3. Alba Longa. Entre la Voie 
et TAnio je vois presque toutes les bonnes 
Latium: l.Tusculum; S. Ortona; 3. Labi< 
le lac Regillus ;. 4. Gabii ; 5. Prsneste ; 6. 
7. Pedum ; 8. iEsula ; 9. Tibur. 

FauDigene Socio bella invasere Sicano. 

Txutrentii/ue domo gaudent etfofde Numici. 

Qiioa celsadevexajogo Junonia aedes - \ 

Lanuvium; atque aluix casli Collatia Bniti, 1 
Quique immite nemus Triviit, atque osiia Ttmi » 
Amnis amant, tepidoque fovent Almone Cjbelai 
Uiiic 2't&i«r, Catilte, tuum, sacrisqae dicatum 
ForUioae Pntneste jugis : Antemnaque prbccr 
Cruatuinio prior, atque habiles ad aratra LaKdp 
Necnon sceptriferi qui potant Tybridis undain* 

ftwrier. ^ J. OsTiA. Uilc sacF^e, oue les deux I 

I.ia.c9. du Tibre formoient aupres dOstia, etoit conin 
^ de verdure dans toutes les saisons. 

CL R«til. Turn demiiin ad naves gradior, qui fronle biconi 

' ' * Dividuus Tiberis dexteriora secat, 

Lcvutf inaccessis fiuvius vitatur arenis; 
Hospitia ^nes gloria sola manet. 

stnhxitog. I. J. Lavinium. Cettc ville, antfefbis ooi 
durable, n'dtoit plus qu'un petit village da temi 



I. Fidense, Antemnse, et Collatia, avoieut ^ 

m^me sort. • c 

t difficile de demfeler la confusion qui r^gne ciuvw. . 

es auciens au sujet de Lanuviumy Lavinium, i. \\i c. s. r 

entum ou Laurolavinium; Comme les noms 
mbloient, on les a quelquefois pris pour un 
iroit, et quelquefois on a attribu6 k Tun ce 
>partenoit qu'aux autres. Cluvier sue sang 
H>ur les conciiier. 
Alba Loxga. On ne connoit Albc que auvier. 

renomm^e; encore une partie de cettc re- i!*ui.c!*4!*' 
ic pourroit bien 6tre fabuleuse puisqu'elle p-^*^^^** 
Tuite, k Taurore des tems historiques, par 

Hostilius qui n'en laissa subsister que les 
%y dont le principal ^toit celui de Jupiter 
I situ^ hors de la ville et au sommet du mont 
. C'^toit-h\ qu'on oflfroit tons les ans cc 
c commun pour toutes les cit^s Latines, qui 
x>ient par leurs d^put^s. Les consuls y pr^- 
t comme chefs de lalliance. On confoit 
eme qu'une pareiile c^r^monie, qui attiroit 
ttde infini, devoit feire rebAtir quelques mai- 
our les loger. Aussi se forma-t-il bientdt 

du temple un petit bourg nomm^ Forum 
• On voyoit aussi sur le mont Albain, et 
es environs, un grand nombre d'autels, de 
les, et de tombeaux consacr^; aussi bien 
^ maisons de plaisance, telles que celles de 
ie et de Clodius. Albe ^toit plac6e au bord 
Je du lac qui baignoit ses murs sur une hau- 
mtre Ic lac et la montagne; elle ^toit au 
^loignement de Rome qu'Ard^e, c'est h dire 

Q 3 ^vingt 


k vingt milles. Aucune de ces caractires ne eon- 
vicnt k Albano k douze milles de Rome, et k <leiu 
du lac d'Albe sur la Voie Appienne. II paroitque 
ce bourg a pris son origine d'un camp des sokkti 
pr^torieMs fameux dans I'antiquit^, et qui faisoit h '• 
garde des empereurs quand tls ^toient dans le 
chateau d*Albe, Farx Albana, si redoutable sooi 
Domitien. Cc bourg devint si considerable quau 
commencement du cinqui^me*si^cle Eutrope et 
Orose Tout pris pour Tancienne Albe. Cettc tr^ 
Diooy.Hfti dition s'cst ix^rp^tu^e dans Ic pays. Les cnvinn 
l IT. p. so. ^^ niont Albain ^toient charmans. lis produisoient 
des fruits exquis, et un vin qui ne c6doit qo*i 
celui de Faleme. 
^•^.l? I. 1- AiuciA. Quod autem municipium hod 

Philip, iiL6« ... ... 

contemnit qui Aricinum tantopere despicit; v^ 
tustate antiquissimum, jure foederatum, propinqui- 
tate pa^ne finitinnun, splendore municipium hones- 
sjnbon. Arlcic ctoit dans un fond ; cependant sa cita- 

p.i«. delle etoit fortifi^e par la nature, 
aovier. Diane ^*toit adorec k Aricie d'une fa(on barbare 

I. iu. c 4. et Scy thique. Les Icgcndes Grecques ne convien- 
^ nent ponit si ce tut Oreste qui apporta son culte 

et sa statue de la Tauride en Italic, ou si Ion en 
est redevablc k Ilippolite, filsde Th6see, que Diane 
elle-mtme y transporta apr^s lui avoir rendu la vie. 
Le temple est hors de la ville du c6t6 gauche de 
la Voie Appienne pour ceux qui vont k Romt. 
Unc chaine de coUines, tr^s escarp^c et preaque 
aussi haute que le mont Albain, renferme dans son 
sein un vallon, oii Ton voit le bois sacr^, le tcmpk 



I milieu du bois, et un grand lac devant le temple, 
nt les sources sont aussi sacr6es. Le Clivus 
iibiuSy et la fontaine avec le bois d'Eg^rie, n'^- 
ient pas ^loignfe de ces endroits. Toute Ten- 
aiitc Vappelloit Nemus^ aussi bien qu'nn bourg 
u s y 6toit form6, et le grand prfttre se nommoit 
Eer Ntmorensis. Cet emploi, par sa dignity et sa 
chesse, ^toit aussi beau que la mani^re de lac- 
tt^rir ^toit singuli^re. II y avoit dans le temple 

n lameau sacr6 ; tout fugitif qui pouvoit Fenlever, Suetoo. a 
rat droit de se battre avec le grand prfetre, et de ciS^. 
? remplacer sll le tuoit Ce sacrifice, qui tenoit 
cu des victimes humaines, m'^tonne. Les eccl^- 
astiques qui font les institutions ne sont gu^res 
liumeur de se faire immoler eux-m£mes. Je pense 
a moins que le rameau sacr6 se gardoit avec beau- 
Dup de soin, et que le combat que Caliguk fit 
lire n avoit pas d exemple depuis longtems. 

Vallb Aricins s%lva praecincttis opacft OTid.Fait. 

Est lacas ; antiqu^ religiooe sicer; ' ^ ^ 

Regna tenent maDibus fortes pedibasqoe fugacet, 

Et pent exemplo postmodo quisqoe suo. 

I. 1. TcscuLUM. Tusciilum, fond^ par Tele- strmkCe©. 

▼. p. 16& 

Jnas, le tils et le meurtrier dX'^lysse, ^toit fort cioy. itat 
msiderabie du terns de Strabon. II ^toit plac^ ^4^ 944 
IT le dos d'une colline. Tous ses environs (mais 
irtout ce cdt^ qui regardoit la capitale) ^toient 
hs omes. Tout aupr^s Ton voyoit une montagne 

II communiquoit k cclles d'Albe. La bont6 de 
lir et des eaux Tavoit rempli de palais magni- 
}ues qui formoient un amphitheatre. La maison 
? Cic6ron ^toit au bas de la montagne entrc Tus- 
dum et Albe. 

9 4 

Bont Cv. Nec ut superni villa caiidens Tuaculi 

^*^ *' CircaMi taogat mcenia. 

M» fii. t. Telegoni juga parricids 

5^9^* I- 1- Pr^eneste. Pr^neste ^toit unc des villci 

y* a>16iS. 

les plus fortes de lltalie. Sa citadelle ^toit plac^ 
sur un rocher escarp6 qui avoit deux stades de hau- 
teur peq)eudiculaire, et la ville enti^re ^toit perc^ 
de toutes parts par de$ souterrains. Sa force 6t enfin 
son malheur. La premiere d-marche de chaque 
thef de parti 6toit de s eniparer de Pr^neste ; ct li 
ville inuocente ^prouva plus d'une fois toutes les 
• horreurs des ^i^es et des proscriptions. Les sorti 
de Pr^neste ^toient fameux parmi le petit nombre 
4 Oleics qu'il y avoit en Italict 

Hocat. Car* Frigidiim 

^ *• Praneste 

Smb. Geo. I, }. TiBUR. Ccttc ville, situfe 8ur les deux 
rives de TAnio, ^toit fameuse pour son temple 
d'Hercule, L'Anio formoit une grande chute en 
se precipitant d'un rocher escarps pr^ de la ville, 
apr^s quoi, il passoit aupr^s des carri^res de Tibur, 
d'oii Ton tiroit beaucoup de pierre pour les b&ti« 
mens de la capitale. On voyoit aussi les sources 
froides de TAlbula qui 6toient tr^ salutaires en 
bain ou en boisson. 

Kom. Cv. Ne seniper udiun Tibur, et .Ssuls 

I)eclive conteiDpleris arvum ' 

•^^^^^•^ Mmm9 Vv 

I. T. Depsa teoebit 

Tiburis umbra tui. 

— Tibur supinum. 

^ ^ Tibur Argeo positum colono. 

Sit meae sedes utioam seuectK^ 
Sit modus lasso maris et viarum 


If>8e Anien (miranda fides) infraque superque statu Sjir. 

Saxeus ; heic tumidani rabiem spuraosaque ponit \l*^ ^^A^ 

Murmura Mania 

Heic aeterna quies; nullis heic jura procellis, Vopiad. 
Nusquam fervor aquis. 

. 8. RuTULi. Cette petite cit6 habitoit un ter- ciuT.itti. 
ire enclav6 dans ceux des Volsques et des La- c ^ ** "** 
^ qui la resserroient du cdt6 des terres. Elle 
poss^doit pas non plus une c6te de mer fort 
idue, puisque Lavinium et Antium 6toient au 
i de ses deux extr^mit^s. Les poetes, qui con- 
Jcnt les Rutuli avee les Latins, pendant que les * 
oriens les en distinguent, me font soup^onner 
cette petite cit6 s'^toit d^tach^e du corps Latin 
% les terns de la fable. Je vois dans le pays des 
uli trois villes, 1. Ardea; 2. Castrum Inui; et 

Qui Volusi autiquo derivat steramate Domeiii CI. Rutna 

Et reges Rutulos, teste Marone, refert. ' . ^^l\ ' ^ 

ette g^n^alogie de 1 200 ans auroit 6ti belle au 
mencement du cinqui^me si^cle, mais . les cri- 
es ont d^j^ vu que Rutilius s'^toit tronip6 et 
Volusus n'^toit qu'un simple trompette. 
2. Abdea. La l^gende fait voyager d'Argos stnKGMf. 
>ays des Rutuli, Danae, mfere de Pers6e, que TiuUrrtul 
p^re avoit jett^e dans la mer enferm^e dans un ^^' "^* "' 
eau. Elle b^tit Ard^e. On connoit assez ce 
ment inique, oil les Romains, pris pour ar- 
s entre les Ardeates et les Aricini, se donn^- 
k eux-m£mes les terres en litige. Tout peuple 
it pv faire cette injustice, mais tout peuple 
t-il eu la justice dirai-je, ou la politique, de la 



r^parer ? Lc s^nat Ic fit d'une fii^on tr^ sage : il 
envoya sur ces nifimes terres une colonic d*Ardc- 
ates. Les environs dWrdee souffrirent beaucoup 
dans la suite des courses des Samnites. 

^p£n» £l Turnoy si prima domus repetatur origo, 

Inacbus Acrisiusque patres, mediaeque Mj< 

^ ^^ Sacra manusy Rutuliy servant qui Daunia regna. 

Qqos Castruniy Phrygibusque gravb quondam Anica 

VifgiL JEd, Protinus hhic fuscis tristis Dea tollitur alis 

^^ Audacis Rutuli ad muros; quam dicitur urbem 

Acrbiomris Dauae fuodasse colonis, 
Prscipiti delata Noto ; locus Ardea quondam 
Dictus avis, et nunc roagiuim roanet Ardea nomen. 
Sed fortuim fuit. 

^•jHl'- I. 3. Herxici. Cette cite, enclav^e dans celte 
C.6. des Volsqucs, des Marses, des *E(|ui, et des Latins, 

et plac^e aux sources de TAnio, du Liris et du 
Trerus, occupoit un petit canton rude et renipli dc 
montagnes. Les seules villes etoient cclles de 
\. Anagnia, le chef lieu de la cite; 2. Alatrium: 
3. VerulsB ; et 4. Ferentinum. 

so. Italic Hemicaque imprcsso raduntur voniere saxa, 

vib. 59i. Queis putri piiiguis sulcan Anagnia glcbft. 

Sylla Fercntinis Privematumque maniplis 

Ducebat simul excitis 

IjL liL surgit suspensa tumenti 

Dorso, frugiferis Cerealis Anagnia glebis. 

L 3. Ferkntixum. Lorsque Silius Italicusas* 
socie ce peuple ^ceux dc Privemuni, laut-il pensei 
qu*il savoit que cette ville avoit appartcnu lUX 
Volsques, et que les Romains, apr^s lavoir prise, It 



donn^rtnt aux Herniques? II avoit lu sans doute 
Tite Live. II pouvoit lui 6tre rest6 une id^e con- rit. LiV. i 
fuse de ce passage; mais elle 6toit bien confuse ^ 

puisque ce d^membrement s'est fait deux ou trois 
sidles avant les guerres Puniques. Le joug Ro- 
main s appesantit beaucoup sur Ferentinum. Un 
pr^teur eut I'insolence de faire enlever les deux 
questeurs. L'un fut pr^cipit^ du baut d'un mur, ^'^"['^i 
et Tautre fut battu de verges. C. Gracchus avoit 9"T- ^?' 

. Antiq. III. 

bien raison de se plaindre an peuple d une tyrannic p- 9B4. 
qui biessoit la politique autant que la justice ; de 
pareils traits ont du aigrir des allies et amener la 
guerre sociale. 

I. 4. VoLsci. Les Volsques 6toient d'une ori- ciut. iid 
gine tr^s difF^rente des Latins puisqu'ils ne par- i.m.7,8. 
l^rent pas la m^me langue. lis formoient une 
nation nombreuse et brave, mais qui niettoit dans 
8CS guerres plus d'imp6tuosit^ et de 16gferet^ que de 
Constance. On les trouve toujours unis avec leurs 
voisinsy mais surtout'avec les iEqui, contie la r6- 
publique naissante, jusquau commencement du 
cinqui^me si^cle de Rome. Aprfes leur d^faite 
totale on les comprit d'abord dans* les allies du 
nom Latin, dont ils embrassferent le parti dans le 
soul^vement des cit^s Latines. Leur pays 6toit 
tres ^tendu. La mcr le bornoit depuis Antium 
jusqu'i Terracine. Ses autres voisins ^toient les 
Rutuli, les Latins, les ^Equi, les Hemici, les Marsi, * 
ks Samnites, la Campanie et le Mont Massique, et 
ks Ausones. La nature en a fait le partage en can- 
ton des marais Pomptins, et canton des montagnes ; 
le premier ^toit fertile, mais mal-sain. J'y tipuve, 

1. An- 


1. Antium; 2. Astura; 3. Circeii, son promontoirey 
et rAmasenus, le bois de Feronie, FUfens; 4. 
Anxur, ou Terracine, les Lautulse. VoWk la cdtc. 
5. Corioli; 6. Longula; 7. Polusca; 8. Suessa Po- 
metia; 9- Latricum entre la Voie Appienne et la 
mer ; mais ces cinq villes paroissent avoir 6te d6« 
truites du terns des rois ou du commencemeiit de 
la r^publique; 10. Ulubrae ; 11. Velitrw; 18. 
Ecetra; 13. Cora; H. Norba; 15. Signia; 16. 
Setia; 17. Priveraum entre la Voie Appienne et 
les montagnes sur la Voie Appienne; 18. Tres 
Tabemae, et 19. Forum Appii. Le pays dcs mon- 
tagnes n'^toit qu'un grand bassin, fonn6 par* unq 
partic de TApennin, le mont Massique, et une cluune 
de hauteurs qui communiquoit des monts Albaiii 
et Algide au mont Massique. Ce bassin itoh fer« 
tilis^ par le Liris et les branches difF(6rentes, le Trc- 
rus, la Cosa, le Fibr^ne, et le Mclfes. J y trouve, 
1. Fabrateria sur le Trerus; 2. Frusino sur la 
Cosa ; 3. Interamna k la jonction du Liris et du 
Melfes; 4. Fregellae; et 5. Sora sur le Liris; 6, 
' Aquinum ; 7. Arpinum ; 8. Alina ; 9. Casimim, 
ville fronti^e du c6t6 de la Campanie. 

L Italic ^t quos ipsius mensis seposta Lysi 

Sitiay et iDcelebri misenint valle f'eliira ; 
* Quotf Cora, quos spumans immili Signia muslo, 
Et quos pestifer& Pompiini uligine campi : 
Qui Saiurst nebulosa palu$ restagnat, «t atro 
Liventea aeno per squalida turbidus arvm 
it aquas Ujens, atque inficit «quora linio. 

LfiiL J9t. Queis Circ4B0jug^ et acopuloaa Tcrtkii Amxwr 



Sormque juventu» sa. Ital. 

Addha, Ailgebat telis ; hie Scaptia pabes, 
Hk Fabraleriit vulgms; nee moote iutoso 
Descendens Alina aberat, detritaqiie bello 
Smeaa ; atqee a dtiro Fruuno baud imbellb aratro. 
At qui Fibreno miscentem flumina Lirim 
SoIAireoniy tacibsque vadis ad litora lapsum 
Accolit ArpinaSf acciti pube Venafro, 
£t Lannatum deztrisy socia hispidus anna 
CoBunovet, atque Tiris ingens exbaurit Aquinum* 


1. 4. AxTiuM. Les Antiates ont eu une marine, stnbuGc«^ 
dont ik firent un mauvais usage, en courant toutes ^' ^ ^^^ 
lesmersde la Gr^ce du terns d' Alexandre, qui s'en 
pla^;nit aux Romains, dont ils d6pendoieut d6j^ 
Du terns de Strabon, Antium n'6toit qu'un lieu 
delicieux, une retraite favorite des seigneurs Ro- 
mains qui y avoient biti des palais magnifiques. 
Hadrien prtftroit le sien k toutes ses autres maisons ^ffj?"^ 
de campagne. Antium 6toit si mal peupl^ du Ac^Uow. 
tems^ N^ron, que ce prince, qui s'int^ressoit pour «^^ . 
nneviUe ou il avoit %'u le jour, y envoy a une co- Vrwa.^^ 
kMue cfe T^t^rans; mais qui ne sy fixa point. La naLzinfr. 
pljkpart de ces nouveaux habitans se dispers^rent 
dans les provinces oil ils avoient servi, et les autres 
ne laiss^ient point de postdrit^. 


O Diva graUun qu« regis Antium. Cm. 

L 4. AsTURA. Cic^ron avoit une maisOn de 
campagne dans cette petite lie oil tout resgiroit la 
solitude ^ la meditation. II y passoit les momens 
iombres de sa vie. 

L 4. CiRCEii. Cette habitation des enchante- stnii.Gc«f. 
mens ^toit tm promontoire tr^ dev^, que la mer ^' ^ 



et les marais rendoient presqu'une tie. La tradi- 
tion se conservoit si bien dans le pays jusqu au 
tenis de Strabon qu'on niontroit encore la coupe 
▼.'p. id5? I- 5. Fregell-€. Fregelte avoit 6t€ conquis 
luTAnii^ par les Samnites sur les Volsques. Les Romains 
'• *5J)55^ Tenlev^rent a ceux-li, et* y envoyferent une colonic 
qui dcvint bientdt si considerable, quelle 6toit une 
des plus belles villes de I'ltalie, et qu'elle avoit une 
juridiction tr^s etendue, A. U. C 628. Cctte 
cite se souleva ; le consul Opimius la rasa de fond 
Epitom. ix. en conible. Du terns de Strabon, ce n'^toit qu'un 
m^cbant L^urg, oii les peuples voisins tenoient en- 
core leurs assemblies civiles et religicuser. 

L 5. Aquinum. 

Sit Italic l^j^jj ^1 vicinus Aquinas. 

Smboa. Et quas fumantem texere gigauta Fregells. 


r.^164. C'etoit une grande ville du terns de Strabon. 
Cto^'- . L 4. Arpixum. Cette ville nest c^l^bre que 
iw. pour avoir donn6 a Rome Marius et Cic^ron. Ce 

Cicmde * dcmier a immortalis6 la maison de campagne que 
^* *•"' ses p^res lui avoient laiss^ dans une petite ilc du 
Fibrenus. Tout lui plaisoit dans ce s^jour ; un air 
sain, un beau paysage, et les vestiges de ses ancf- 
trcs. Son p^re avoit rebiti Ic chAteau d'une fafon 
^R'gante ; mais du terns de son grand-p^re, ce n'itoit 
qu'une maison rustique semblable k celles des pre- 
miers Romains. 

Juvenal. Hic novus Arpinas ignobilifl, et modo Rooue 

^^ *^ Municipalis eq^ies, galeatum ponit ubique 

Pnesidium attonitis, et in omni gente laborat. 



Arpinas alius. Volsconioi in monte solebat ^?.T*?*|: 

Poscere mercedes alieno lassus aratro. 

Hie tamen et Cimbros et sumnia pericula remm Jdtm^Ul^ 

Excipity et solus trepidantem protegit urbem. 

1-4. Casinu3x. Au-dessus de San Germano cioTier. 
f61feve une haute montagne ; c est k son sommet que i.^iH. c.* a? 
St Benoit, apr^s avoir renvers6 un temple d'Apol- ^;J^];r, 
Ion, fonda, Tan 523, ce couvent a6l^bre qui est de- 5^1^. 

Ill • «F* 

renu lacapitale d'un grand empire religieux. L'an- 
crien Casinum 6toit sur le cdteau de cette montagne. 
V^arro avoit une maison de campagne sous la ville 
le Casinum, dont il a laiss^ une description qui 
nontre assez combien il s y plaisoit 

1. 5. Ausoxfcs. Malgr6 la confusion qui r^gne ciuTier. * 
ians les origines de Tltalie, on voit assez que les i.^ul 9!^^ 
Ausones, ou Aurunci, i6toient une cit^ Opique, et 
iin des plus anciens peuples de I'ltalie. lis occu- 
f)oient un petit pays enclave dans celui des Vols- 
]ues, et bom6 par ce territoire, le mont Massique, 
rt*la mer. On y trouve, 1. Amy else, colonic des 
LacM^moniens qui ne subsista pas longtems ; les 
^i^obles de Cecube ; 2. Cai^t6, avec son promon- 
loire ; 3. Formise ; 4. Mintumae et le Liris ; 5. 
Smuessa. Ces villes etoient sur la c6te. II y avoit 
eu dans Tinterieur des terres, L Ausona; et 2. 
Vescia. Apr^s la destruction de ces villes par les rit. Un 
Roroains, il paroit que Vescia seule se r^tablit. **' **" 

1.5. FoRMiiE. Quelques auteurs ont plac^ les 
Lestrigones en Sicile, mais la G^og^phie des Voy- • 
ages d'U lyase, et la tradition constante du pays, 
font voir que ceux d'Hom^re Etoient situ^ aupr^ . . 



de Forniiae. Cic^ron p^rit dans son Formi- 

^^m! Ddmujque 

Antiphats compressa freto— 

Horaf ^ 

Ciirm^.i7. Auctore ab illo ducis originem 

Qui Formiarum moenia dicitur 
Priticeps et innaDtem Maricie 
LitoribuB tenuisse Lirim 
. Lale tyranmis. 

Scnn. i. 5. '" Mamurranini lassi deinde urbe manemus. 

Howt^ '■ nira qu« lirii quietA 

Mordet aqu&, taciturnuar ainnb. 

I. 5. LiRis, Fl. 
SL Italic Vitiferi sacro generatus vertice montis, (Mauid scil.) 
Et Liris nutritus aquis ; qui fonte quieto 
Dissimulat cunum ; ac nullo mutabilis imbre 
Perstringit tacitas gemnianti gurgite ripaa. 

StnhX}top I. 5. PoNTIA ET PaNDATARIA. CcS dcUX !lc$ 
I. n p. 165* 

6toient vis-^-vis de rembouchure du Liris, k deux 
cens cinquante stades du continent et tr^s proches 
Tune de Tautre; elles 6toient petites mais tr^ 
peupl6es. Les empereurs y mettoient li>on ordre 
par les colonies nombreuses d exiles qu'ils y en- 
^■•^- I.* 5. SiNUEssA. EUc 6toit c^l^bre pour les 

sources chaudes qu'ellc avoit dans ses environs. 
STiTnt- II. CAMPANIA. II parol t que les plus ancient 
Lit. ci. habitans du pays ^toicnt les Osques ou Opiqucs, 
Geo^. ▼. nation Sicule, qui s'est vue r^luite ^ la fin 4 la 
likf Hist, seule ville d*Atella, oil sa langue et ses arts se sent 
f\or Hirt! conserves tr^s longtems. Lc restc da pays passt 
Bom. i. 16. successivement sous la puissance des Etrusques, des 



Samnites, et des Romains ; sans compter les Grecs, 
qui etablirent plusieurs colonies sur les cdtes. La 
Cainpanie, pays heureux, m^ritoit bien Texpression 
^nergrqne de Pline qu on y voyoit la nature satis- 
taite et s applaudissant de son ouvrage. Le climat 
6toit doux et sain, les cotes oiTroient cent ports 
excellens, la mer foumissoit une profusion de pois- 
sons les plus exquis. La terre voyoit renouveller 
deux fois tons les ans ses fruits et ses ileurs. Les 
iins des coteaux de Massique, de Gaums, et de 
Faleme ; les bleds des campagnes fertiles de Capoue, 
de Stella, et de Cales ; les oliviers de Venafrum, 
roumissoieut a la nourriture et au luxe de la capi- 
tate. L*art et la richesse avoient perfectionn^ tons 
ces bienfaits de la nature, et cette c6te de la bave 
de Naples ofiroit, avant Tincendie du V6suve, un 
spectacle unique par sa beaut£« Les bomes de ce 
pays etoient la mer depuis Sinuesse jusqu au pro- 
montoire de Minerve, les pays des Picentins, et des 
Hirpini ; le Samnium avec le Vultumus depuis sa 
HNifce jusqu'^ la rencontre du Sabbatus ; et la Cam- 
ponie avec les hauteurs du mont Massique. Dans 
cette etendue, je d^couvre, 1 . Vultumum, et Ic 
Vultumus; 2. Litemumetle Litemus ou Clanis; 
3. Cumes ; le lac Acherusia ; 4. Misenum et le - 
promontoire ; 4. Baiae ; 5. Bauli ; les lacs Lu-^ 
ain et Aveme ; 6. Puteoli ; ?• Naples et le V6- 
sove ; 8. Herculaneum ; 9. Pompeii ; 10. Stabise ; 
U. Surrentum ; voili la c6te maritime. Je trouve 
en de(a du Vultumus, 1. Venafrum ; S. Teanum . 
Sidicium; 3. Suessa Aurunca; 4. Calatia; 5. 
▼OL. IV. E Cales ; 


Cales; 6. Casilinum; 7. Forum Poptlii. Je vo» 
im-deli du VuIturnuSy I. Capoue; S. Saticula; 
^ S. Trebula; 4. Acerrae; 5. Suessula; 5. Atella; 

7- AveHa; 8. Nola; 9- Nuceria, Les principales 
rivieres sont le Vulturnus, le Savo, le Clanis, le 
Sebethus et le Samus. 

AIiaLTiiL Jam vero quas dives op&m^ quos dives avorum, 

E toto dabat ad bellam Campania trectu, 
Ductomm adventft vidnis sedibos 0$ci 
Servabant; Shmesta tepens, fluctAque sooonm 
Fultumum ^ . 

Idem. ¥ia. __^....^ Stagnisqiie palustre 

lAttrnum^ et quondam fatonim conscia Cyme; 
lUic 'Suceria et Gamna aavalibus acta. 
Prole Dicarched, mvito cum milite. Grata; 
Iliic Parthenope ac Poeno nou pervia No/a ; 
Allifasy et Clanio contempts semper Acerret. 
Sarrasie$ etiam populos, totasque videres 
Sarni mitb opes; illic quos sulfure pingues 
Phlegrei legere sinus; Misenus et ardens 
Ore gigaoteOy seda lihactsia Baii ; 
Nod Prochyitf non ardentem sortita TypiKea 
Inarimtf non antiqui saxasa IV/onts 
Jniulaj nee parvis aberat Calatia muris, 
Surrtntum, et pauper sulci Cerealis Abtlla. 

^HMc n. LiTERXUM. S6n^uey poss^doit la maiaoii 

*^* •*• oh Scipion Tancien passa les demi^res ann^ de m 

vie. Elle ^toit b&tie de pierre de taille, a\*ec ime 

muraille et des tours dans le goftt d'une forteresse. 

Ellc ^toit situ6e au milieu d'un bois d oliviers et 
SSaJ^. ^^ m}Ttcs; on voyoit de eeux-Ii du terns de 
^ Plinej qui avoient M plant^s de la main de Scipkm 

deux cens cinquante ans auparavant. On y yojcMt 



un beau r^aervoir capable d'abreuver une arm6e, et 
un petit bain ^troit et t^n^breux k la mode des 

II. Herculaneum. Lextr6mit6 de la ville strabon. 

Geog. I. r* 

s'avanipoit dans k mer. Le vent AfricuSy en la p. i7o. 
rafraichissant, la rendoit tr^s saine. 

II. MoNs Vesuvius. Le sommet de la mon- strab-Gcoi 
tagne, plem de rentes et de cavernes, montroit assez, 
du terns de Strabon, qu'elle avoit autrefois jett6^ des 
flammes. On croyoit que le soufFre et les cendres 
contribuoient beaucoup k fertiliser les campagnes 

II. Falernus. Je vois que les anciens con- J^;P^^ 
fondoient souvent les noms de Massicus^ FalernuSj *• *«^- c.5. 
Faustianus^ GauranuSj et Amineus. Je sens que 
tous ces vignobles ^toient dans le voisinage les uns 
des autres, mais jc voudrois pouvoir les distinguqr. 

II. Capua. Les Etrusqucs fonderent cette VcU.Patci 

cul lie 

ville vers Fan 800 avant T^re Chr^tienne. C'est r. ' " 
Ic sentiment de Velleius Paterculus ; et je pense 
avec lui que celui de Caton, qui ne place cette fou- 
dation qu'en 470, resscrre trop de revolutions dans 
des limites trop ^troites. Capoue, nomni^e par les 
Etrusques Vultumum ou Alturnum, est k peine 
connue des anciens dans cette premiere ^poque, 
jusqu'^ celle oii les Samnites s'en empar^rent par 
tiahison, A. U. C. 423. Le luxe et la douceur J\i E*- ^^' " 
climat produisirent bient6t son efFet. Les petits-fils 
de ces montagnards f(6roces 6toient k peine des 
bommes, et cela pendant que leurs compatriotes se 
distinguoient par leur valeur dans le Brutium c* ^1* y a ^» 
Sicile. Lorsqu'en 343 ib implor^ent le secours itiu. Antiqi 

"j 1. IT. C. 1. p 

R S des 


t44 NOMIKAf G£NT£SaU£ 

BoSlu ul ^^ Romains contre les cit£s Samnitei, ils parais* 
9kw4 ST. soient avoir oublier leur origine ; ils ae r^ardoient 
ce peuplc que comine un enneini Stranger. Cette 
circonstance, et le nom inconnu de Campani qu'ils 
s'^toientdonn^s, me feroit conjectiirer que la colonit 
Samnite €Unt peu nombreuse, et que dans la for* 
mation de la nouvelle cit6y on fut obligi de oon* 
server quelques-ans des anciens habitans, et peut* 
Iftiiv.vii. ^tre m^me dappeller les peuples voisins. Lei 
Romains prirent k defense de Capoue, sujette de 
son propre aveu, alli^e par la grace et la politiqut 
de la r^publique. Apr^s la bataille de Cannes, elle 
JjJ'^J^' pr^ftra Taltiance du vainqueur, qui la vit prendre 
u^ sous ses yeux par les Consuls, Av U. C. 543, A 
C. 211. Les Romains usferent durement de la 
victoire. On fit p^rir tout le s^nat par la main du 
bourreau, on rel6gua les foibles restes de la nation^ 
<)n d^truisit la cit6 de Capoue. On d61ib^ l<xig- 
tems sur le sort de la ville^ On la conser^'a enfia 
pour servir de retraite aux paysans qui iaisoient 
valoir le domaine de la r^publique, ces riches cam- 
ju Sr** P^g'^cs autour de la ville. Rullus le Tribun pro- 
A«rw.coiit. posa une loi airrarienne pour distribuer aux citoyens 
—36. ce ro'enuc le plus assure de T^tat. Sans les lu- 
mi^res et T^loquence de Cic^ron il eut peut-^tre 
r^ussi, comme C^r le fit pendant son consulate 
|*«*«^ Ac U. C. 694. II partagea les champs de Capoue 
€. ti. ' et Stellatin parmi vingt mille citoyens; Squill 
donna dix Jugera par t£te en celui-l& et douie 
dans celui-ci. II envoya en m£me tems une colo- 
nic k Capoue, qui devint assez consid^iahl^ Ic 
si^ge du consulaire de la Campanie, et la huibemr 



ville de Tempire* Capoue 6toit situ6e au milieu ^"^ 
d'une belle plaine au pied du mont Tifata, et ^ Lit.cj^ 
trois milles de la rive gauche du Vultumus. Mais ^^^' 
entre 851 et 856, le comte et I'^vfeque, voyant 
que les incendies et les courses des Arabes Tavoient 
presque ruin^e, la reb&tirent sous le in^me nom, et 
la plac^rent aupr^s du Vulturnus et sur les masures 
de Fancien Casilinuiu. I^sauteurs qui parlentdu 
lu^e de ces anciens Campani corronipus par leur 
commerce, leur richesse, et la fertility de leurs 
terres, font k peine mention de leur goiit pour les 
arts. Je vois qu' A Ibana et Seplasia ^toient deux 
places remplies de tons les in3trumens des plaisirs ; 
je ne vois aucun de ces ouvrages qui immortalisent 
un peuple. Tarentum remplit la capitale de ses 
tableaux et de ses statues, mais il ne parott pas que 
Capoue rendit beaucoup, quoiqu'assvr^mept on jip 
r^pargnat pas. 

Talem dives anit Capua, et vicina Vesevo JT"*"'" , 

Ora jago • n4. 

In primis Capua, heu ! rebus servare sereiiis Sil. IteK 

loconsulta modum, et pnivo peritura tumoie. *^- ^ 

Nec Capuam pelago, cult&que pen&que potenteni, Aomq. i 
Deliciis, opibus, famftque priore, ailebo, ^^ ' 

Fortun& variante Vices, qus freta secundis 
Nescivit servare modum; nunc subdita Romae, 

JEmula tunc ^ i . ■ 

Ilia potens opibusque valens, Roma aUera quondam 
Comere quae paribus potuit fastigj^ conis, 
Octavum rejecta locum viz pone Uietur. 

JjtB Romains pensoient qu'il n*y avoit que tiob CkmM 
TilleSy Carthage, Corinthe^ et Capoue, en 6tat de u^. 
soutenirdignement le fardeau d'un grand empire. 

R 3 \Jt 



^■119. 1, iv. 

rn. LiT. iv. 


Ital. Aotiq. 
L ir. c ^ 

^,-1 ,1.1 

Gcog. V. p. 




Le mont Tifata ^toit cette chaine de cotlines qui 
s*6tenddii Vultiirousau-dessusdesruinesde Capoue, 
de la ville de Caserta, et des bourgs de Matalone 
et d*Arvenzo. £lie dominoit Capoue ; mais il y 
avoit entre le pied de la montagne et la ville une 
plaine assez grande pour y mettre en bataille uue 
troupe nombreuse. 

— ——————— Arduus ipse 

Tifata invmdit propior, qui inoeiiibuB instal 
Collby et e tumulii sut^tam despicit urbem. 

III. PICENTINI. Ce peuplc 6toit une co- 
lonie que les Romains avoient tir6e des Piccni de 
la mer Adriatique. Les Picentiiii ne leur demeiir^ 
rent pas attach^ pendant la guerre d'Hannibal ; et 
Ie> s^nat les en punit en d^truisant leurs ^nlles 
pour ne leur plus permettre de demeurer que dans 
des bourgs ouverts. Leur pays s^^tendoit du pro- 
montoire de Minerve au Silarus. Jy trouve, I. 
Piccntia, chef lieu dc la cite; 2. Salemuni dans les 
montagncs, (celui daujourd*hui est sur les bords 
de la nier) ; les Romains y envoy^rent une colonie, 
la septi^me ann^e apres la seconde guerre Punique ; 
3. Marcina. 

Ille et pugnacis laudavit tela Salemiy 
Fulcatos cntes _^___- 

II. Bai.%:. 

Niilliis in orbe sintis Baiis pnelucet amoniis, 
Si dixit Dives; laciis et mare sensit amorem 
Festinanlis heri 


■ locuples qtiem ducit fnvnu triremis. 

L 1. Pedana Reoio. 

Quid nunc te dicain (accre in regione Pcdaoa? 

L 1. Alba. 


L 1. 'Alba. 

Quod si brama nives Albanift iDinet agris^ ^^ 

Ad mare descendet vates tufts, et sibi parcet 

I. 3. SlNUESSA. 

Vma bibes, iterum Tauro^ diffusa palusCres Idea-LS 

Inter Miutumas Sinucssanumque petrinam. 

I. 4. AguixuM. 

qui Sidonio cootoMiere caUidus ostro ^'f^. 

Nescit Aqninatem potantia vellera focom. hm^-i- 

I. 5. Gabii et Fidbnje. 

Scis Lebedns quid sit; Gabiis desertior atqoe Hont. 

THms ■ '^ 

m. Salebncm. 

Que sit hiems \e\m, quod coelnm, Vala, Salemi; Hont 

Qnorom bomioum regio, et qualis via; ^^""^ 

Ma|or otrBm populnm rrumenti cofMa pascat^ 
Collectosne bibant imbres, puteocne perenoes 
Dulcis aquae: (nam lioa nihil moror illius one. 

Tractus uter plures lepores, uter educet apros ; 
Utra magis pisces et echinos sequora celent ; 

ut inde domum possim Phsaxque reverti. 

1. Feroxia. On n'61evoit plus de tours entre Pno-ffi* 
Feronia et 'Terracina parcequelles ^toient toutes 55.. 
trappees de la foudre. 

S' Pith£Cusj£ Ixsul^. On dit que les ties de« 
Pithecusa et de Prochyte Stolen t sorties de la mer 
par un tremblenient de terre. 

3. Pl'teoli et Sikuessa. Les exhalaisons de I4eii.u.9; 
ces endroits etoient mortels pour les animaas^ e.t 
quelquetbis pour les hommes. 

4. Bai^ II y a des sources cbaudes. dans la idea.s.. . 

•^ tax 


R 4 5. Aricia. 


Pfin. piiL 5. Aricia. II y a des auteurs qui disent que la 

^j^' terre y est si remplje de chaleur, qu'un charbon qui 
tombe 6 enflamme tout de suite. 

M«"Mi^**- Cineas^ ambassadeur de Pyrrhus, remarqua que 
les vigpes sy.^levoient k une grande liauteur, mais 
que le vin avoit un go&t dur et d^sagr6able. 

ldf |iw ,t> 6. Campania. Ses habitans attachoient tou- 
jours leurs vignes k des peupliers. 

Id«Miv«6- 7« Setia et C-tcuBUM. Auguste pr6f6roit Ic 
vin de Setia k tpus les autres. Celui de Cecubum 
livoit auparavant la grande reputation ; mais du 
tems de Pline il ^toit tout^ fait tonib^, plut6t par 
la negligence des cultivateurs que par le canal que 
N^ron avoit fait tirer k travers leurs marais. 

Xfim.iW.6. 8. Falerkum {VifiUm). I^e vin. de Falernum 
etoit le second en dignity. Le raisin n en 6toit 
point agr^able non plus que celui des deux autres« 
Le Gaurum et le Faustinum en ^toient des cms 
difF(6rens. On le gAta k la fin, k force d en vouloir 
trop avoir. 

ldaMW.6. 9- Albanum (r//7{4m). Lc viu d'Alba tcnoit le 
troisi^me rang. II ^toit fort doux. 

Um.^w.6. 10. SuRRENTiNUM (J^tnuni). L'Empercur Ti- 
b^re le trouvoit plut6t sain qu agr6able. 

iaciB,xiT.6. IL Massicum (Fi/ft/m). Ce vin, aussi bien que 
ccux do Fundi et de Calenum, avoit beaucoup de 

ldM.m.6. 12. Signium (Vinum). Ce vin est fort astrin- 
gent. Le souper du triomphe de Jules C^sar teur 
donna le quatri^me rang dans les repas. 

ut% ifii. 13. LvcuLLiETSCitvouEyiLL^ Le fonds de 



Scrvola itoit trop grand pour sa msuson ; le foods 
de Locallus trop petit pour la sienne. 

14. Marii Villa. Sylla louoitla situation de Piin.Hi«t. 
la maison de Marius. II y trouvoit la science d'un i xwuL &. 
faomme de guerre, qui savoit bien asseoir son 

15. Plteoli. Auguste fit venir d'Alexandrie WeiiMnH. 
uDe ob^lisque, qu'il consacra dans les chantiers de 
Puteoli ; une incendie ly consuma. 

16. Campania. Sa plaine, de qtiarante milles, !<)«», zriii. 
au pied des montagnes, est Ic canton le plus fertile 

de ritaliec cette partie surtout que les Grecs ap- 
pellant Phl^rseus. 

17. Naples. La colline entre Naples et Pute- Mem, itSL 
oil, appellee Leucogea, produit une certaine craie 

dont on melange le pain. Auguste en donna vingt 
jDille sesterces par an aux Napolitains, pour I'usage 
de sa colonic de Capoue. 

1 8. Appia (Fia.) La Voie Appia'^toit la plus Bergicr. 
belle comme la plus ancienne de toutes. £lle 6toit g^ki/ 
de grandes pierres de taille. Le censeur Appius Jj^^J^ ^ 
Cbwdius Tavoit faite A. U. C. 442, et elle s'est R«»«in.*i. 

c. 8. p. tS. 

tr^s bien conservfe jusquau tems de Procope. eti.ii.c. 
Appius ne Tavoit conduite que jusqu'i Capoue ; n^^ 
on croit que ce fut Jules C^sar qui la continua 
jusqu*^ Brundusium. II paroit que c'^toit des car- 
ri^res de Sinuesse, et du Mont Misenus qu'on tira 
ks pierres pour la construire. 

19- Domitiaka (Via). L'Empereur Domitien r<ieiB,Li; 
tirade Sinuesse sur la Voie Appia, jusqu'^ Puteoli, tnJ^ 
un maguifique chemin, pour Tagr^ment des voya- 
qui ^toient auparavant oblig^ de traverser 



des maraia et dcs sables fort incommodes. Dani 
plusieurs endjoits il 6toit pav6 de grands carreaux 
de marbre. II passoit sur le fleuve Viiltume, que 
Domitien rendit navagable en nettoyaqt son lit, ft 
en emp^cliant ses d^bordemens. Le poete Staoe 
fait une belle description de cette route. 
GrambCiM. PoMPTiN^ (Paludcs). Trajan constniisit unc 
niiit>i-k chaus$6e depuis Forum Appii jusqu'a Terracina, a 
' travers les niarais Pomptins, qu on traversoit aupa- 
ravant sur un canal. Trajan fit aussi dess^her ces 
marais, qui avoient inond6 un terrein si considera- 
ble quil y avoit autrefois vingt-trois vilies. 
tdeiDbi. li. 21. TiBUR. La picrrc de Tibur ^toit du jsenrc 

c 4w p. 1S1» , 

t^mp^re. £lle resistoit aux poids, k Thuniidit^ et 

k la gel6e. Mais le feu lui ^toit fatal. 

Idem. I. u. 22. Privernas. Lcs cliemius du territoirc dc* 

rrivemates etoicnt creux et protonds. lis tor- 

moieut des dc&les tr^s dangereux pour la marchc 

des troupes. 

ideiB.i.iL £3. Terracina. Lc ccuseur Appius en tra- 

&i6.p.i68. yjyji^j^f ^ 5QJJ chemin fit pcrcer un roclier pr^ de 

Terracina. Louverture est de cent pieds de long 
sur quinze de large, avec des trottoirs de chaque 
c6t6 larges de deux pieds. Les murailles, taillees 
dans le roc, sont charg^es d*inscriptions, de dix 
pieds en dix pieds sur sa hauteur, qui vous parois- 
sent toutes egales, parceque Icur grandeur aug- 
jnente a proportion ([u'elles s'eloignent de Toeil. 
UMi.i.ii. 24. Preneste. Sylla fit connoitrc le premier 
^ ^'^ * en Italic, les pav^s k \a Mosaique. II en pla^a un 

dans le temple de la Fortune a Preneste. 
idrm. I XI. La famillc des Gordieus avoit une tres belle mai- 

son de campagne aupr^s de Pr6neste. Sans parler 
des basiliques, des bains et des jardins, il y avoit 
un peristyle, soutenu de deux cens colonnes de 
marbre, dont cinquante ^toient de Caryste, cin- 
quante de Syene en Egypte, et cinquante de la 

Nee Pi»De8tin» fundator defuit urbis, VIvl'^' 

Volcano genitum^ pecora inter agrestia regem, 
Inventumque focis, omnis quem credidit »ivi», 
Cseculus. Hunc legio comitatur agrestTs, 
Quique altum Prasneste viri. — 

Apr^s la d^fai^e g^n^ralc des Latins, on 6ta aux t. Ur. ^m. 
P-^nestins une partie de leur territoire pour les *'** 
punir d avoir fait alliance avec les Gaulois. 
Malgre la loi Cornelia, le territoire de Pr^neste Ciceroin 
^tcMt, au terns de Cic^ron, entre les mains d'un petit h. ^s. "^ 
Dombre de grands seigneurs. 

25. SiKUEssA. Le s6nat et le peuple eriffferent Bergier. 


un arc de triomphe i\ Domitien, k Tendroit oi\ sa miiu, i. it 
nouvellc route de Puteoli k Sinuessa se joignoiti c.4o.p.3oo. 
la Via Appia. 

26. TiBUH. L'Empereur Hadrien y avoit unc ideiD,i.xL 
maison de campagne, qui rassembloit les difF(6rentes ^ '^ 
parties de I'uniji ers. Ath^nes, Tempe, Canope et 

jusqu aux Enfers, tout s y trouvoit imit6 avec le 
plus grand soin. 

Turn gemini fratres Tiburtia moenia linqiiunt, ^^'1^'' ^^• 

Fratris Tiburtis dictam cognomiue gentem, ^"' 

Catillusque, Acerque Coras, Argiva juventus. 


doraus Alboneae resonantis, Homt 

Et pTBBceps Anio, et Tibunu lucus, et uda Od?^u. if. 

Mobilibus pomaria rivis. 

proni Tiburis arce, JuT.^irtiy^. 

• L'allfemce '^^^99. 



1 Setia. Onyenvoyaunecolonie,A.U.C.S72. Poarcw 

A TT i^ colonici 

). Aricia. ....... A.U,C4I3. v.yeii.p»t. 

i. Cales ; • - . A.U.C.433. 

!. Fundi. . A.U.C.43e- 

5. FoRMiiE A.U.C.436. 

I. ACERRiE A.U.C.437. 

k Terracina A.U.C.440. 

I. LUCERIA A.U.C.444. 

K SUESSA AURUNCA. . . . A.U.C.447* 

\ Saticula A.U.C.447. 

;. SoRA A.U.C.459. 

K MiNTCRx^ A.U.C.459- 

). SlNUESSA A.U.C.459. 

. PUTEOLI A.U.C.575. 

I. Salernum A.U.C.575. 

L Fabrateria A.U.C.630. 

k Fregell-*: A.U.C.514. 

2 calcul de Velleius paroit un peu enibrouill6 
qui voudroit I'^plucher un peu soigncuse*' 

L Dans cette reduction je me auis particu* 
ment attach^ aux consulats qu^il a indiqu^s 
me aux dates les mieux constat^es. 
»'. OsTi A. Le Tibre, avant que de se jetter dans 
ler, se partage en deux bras qui forment Ttle 
«. La ville d'Ostie est situ6e k Tune des B«'g- 
3uchures sur le continent, et le fameux portdu chemins, 
le nom a 1 emboucliure septentrionale aussi sur p "447, 449, 
►ntinent. Comnie le limon, qui remplissoit ccs 4g^^stt-. 
3uchures, emp6choit Ics grands vaisseaux de ®**- 
irocherdes cdtes, Jules C6sar coniput ledessein 
i port, inais ce fut Claude qui Tex^cuta avec 
I6peuscs prodigieuses. H fit creuser un fprand 



£56 NOMINA, GENTfsauir 

port, bdtit deax grander lev^ de terre et de liu 

(oimerie, pour en embrasser le comtour, et coi 

struisit k Tentr^e une tie artificielle, dont on appu} 

les fondemens sur le fameu^ navire qui avoit iq 

port6 Tob^lisque d*Alexandrie. Sur cette He 

61eva un phare. Dans la suite Trajan r6para a 

ouvrage. Comme le chemin du port ^toit tr^ fii 

quent6 on Tavoit partag6 en deux parties, Tun 

pour ceux qui alloient k Rome, Tautre pour ceu 

qui en revenoient 

66. Laurens. La maison de caropagne de Plin 

6toit k dix-sept milles de Rome. Pour y aller o 

suivoit le chemin de Laurentinum, jusqu'au quato 

zi^me milliaire, ou celui d'Ostie, jusqu au onzi^ 

La route est en partie sablonneuse, et fatigante poii 

les voitures, mais tr^ agrdablc lorsqu on la fait 

cheval. La vari^t^ du pays, les pr6s, les p&turage 

et les troupeaux nombreux de bacufs et de chevau 

qui descendent des montagnes pour y jouir d 

soleil du printems, tout contribuoit k enibellirc 

canton. On y manque d'eaux courantes, mais c 

creuse partout des puits, et Ton trouve toujou 

tr^ pr^ de la surface une excellente eau, que i 

\*oisinage de la mer n a point corrompu. On 

beaucoup de bois et de lait, mais la mer n'est pi 

poissonneuse. II y a beaucoup de maisons « 

campagne le long de cette c6te. 

67* Alba. 
ir««i^ _____ gratus liilo^ 

Atque Dovercali scdes pnrlaU Lavioo, 

Conspicitur tublimis apex: cui Candida nomeQ 

Scrofa dedit, laetis Pbnrgibus mirabile sumcn, 

Et nuiMniam mis triginta clam nainiUis. 

68. OsTi 



Tanciein intrat positas inclusa per seqiiora moles, >ovMaL 

Tmfaeoanique Phoron, poirectaque brachia rursum '''^ ' 

Quae Pelago cumint medio, longeque felinquunt 
Italiam ; non sic igitur mirabere portus^ 
Qaos natuia dedit : 

69- ClRCElUM. 

Proxima Circane raduntnr litora terrae ; tlrg. 

I^es inaccesBOs ubi Solis filia lu^os lO— si. 

Aisiduo resoeat cant&, teciisque superbis 

Urit odoratam nocturna in lumina cedrum, 

Aiguto tenues percuireos pectiiie telas. 

Hific exaudiri gemitus, iraeque leonum 

Vincla recusantum, et sera sub nocte nideDtum : 

Setigmque sues, atque in pnesepibus ursi 

SaeTire, et forms magnorura ululare lupomm : 

Qoos bominum es facie Dea saeva potentibus herbis 

Indoerat Circe in vultus et terga feranim. 

70. Cajbta* 

To qaoque litoribos nostris, Mneiz nutris^ ldem.nL i. 

.Stemam moriens famam, Cajeta, dedisti : 

Et nuDC senrat honos sedem tons; ossaque nomen 

Hesperii in magnal (si qua e^ ea gloria) signant 

71. LucuLLi ViLLiE. Lucullus lira die quelques Berg, 
lies du Nil un beau marbre noir, dont il se semt cbeiuiit, 
beaucoup dans ses b&timens. II fut le seul parti* p. »7^ 
colier qui donna son nom a une esp^ce de marbre. 

72. CcMM. La ville de Cumes, la plus ancienne scnK l r^ ' 
de toutes le» colonies Grecques en Italie^ fiit fbnd^ ^ ^^ 
par ceux de la ville du Cumes en Asie, et ceux de 

b riUe de Chalcis dans Tile d'Eub^ Les com-^ 
mcnoenicns de la colonic furent brillans. £Ue 
ktodit bient6t sa domination sur les champs fer- 
tiles qu'on nommoit Phl^gr^ns ; mais les Campa* 
VOL. iV. n niens 


niens la soumirent enfin, et trait^rent ses habitatis 
avec beaucoup de tyrannic et dMndignit^. II restc 
• encore quelques vestiges dcs moeurs et des usages 

Grecs. Aupr^s de la ville il y a un assez grand 
bois dont le terrein est sablonneux et sans eau. Ce- 
fut \k que Sexte Pomp^e rassembla sa flotte des 
- • corsaires. Un cndroit qui manquoit d'eau mc parotfc 
un singulier rendez-vous pour une escadre« 

Tup tandem Euboicis Cumarum adiabitur oris. 

I. ti. «. "^ "^ """ 

U. vL9. ^^ P'"^ ^neas arces quibus alius Apollo 

Pnesidet^ horrendaeque procul secreta Sibylbe, 

Antrum imtnane, petit ; magnam cui mentem animnmqi\e 

Delius inspirat vates, aperitque futura. 

Jam subeunt Trivis lucos, atqiie aurea tecta. 


I-L tL 17. Clialcidic&que lev is tandem super adstitit arce. 

Redditu^ hie primum terris^ tibi, Phtebe, sacravk 
Remigium alanim, posuitque immania templa. 

M. ▼!. 41. vocat alta iu templa sacerdos. 

Excisum Euboicae latus ingens rupis in antrum^ 
Quo lati ducunt aditus centum, ostia centum : 
Unde ruunt totidem voces, responsa Sibylla?. 

javcnal. Quartvis digressA veteris confusus amici, 

Sluir.uj. Laudo tamen vacuis quod sedem figere Cumit 

Destinet, atque unum civem donare Sibyllae. 

Jahua Bajarum est, et gratum litus anioeui 


Veil Pat«r. Peu de terns apr^s la guerre de Troie les habitans 
Aouuil. de Chalcis fond^rent la ville de Cumcs. 

a!:J L5^ '*' cles et Megasth^nes y conduisirent une flotte doni 
le cours ^toit dirig^ (dit*on) par une colombe • qui 


?s pr&Woit toujours; ou selon dautreS, par des 
>ns d airain semblables k ceiix dont on se sert dans 
a rits de Cer^, et qu'ils entendoient pendant la 
DiL Cumes envoya bient6t une colonie qui 
>Bda Naples. La belle situation de Cumes et sa 
d^lit^ aux Romains Font fait fleurir, mais le voi- 
inage des Osci lui a fait perdre les moeurs Grecques 
n bonne partie. La grandeur des murailles montre 
uellc a dii 6tre I'ancienne splendeur de cette 

Selon Eus^l^e, Cumes ne fut fondle que 311 ans 
pr^s la guerre de Troie. 

Naples. Naples est une colonie des Cum^- siraWJeog. 
m. Comme elle s'est distingu^e par sa fid^lit^ 
iux Romains elle a mieux conserv6 les moeurs 
jrecques. Son ancienne grandeur se prouve 
•galement par I'^tendue de ses murailles. Naples, 
ond^eoriginairement par les Cum^ens, fut obligee 
le recevoir dans la suite une colonie de Campa- 
]iens, ce qui a un pen m61ang6 les moeurs^ Celles - 
les Grecs Temportent cependant de beaucoup. On 

voit des confrairies religieuses, des lieux d*exer- 
:icepour la jeunesse, des combats gymniques c6l6' 
)res par lordre d'un oracle, aupr^s du tombeau de 
?arthenope, une des Sir^nes. La beaut6 du lieu, 
es bains chauds qui sont tr^ om6s, et les usages 
jrecs qui y r^gnent, en font une retraite charmante 
xmr ces Romains que Tage, les infirmity ou le 
aract^re out d^goiit^ du tracas des afiaires, etde 
a capitale. 

IIlo Virgilium me tempore dulcii alefatt Vir^Geoit* 

Ptrtbenope, studiis floreotem %iiobilii oti. 

s 2 N^ron 

960 NO]ftINA, GZSrT%Q9E 

Ir*»^"^ N^roti la choisit commc une ville Grecquc, poor 

^octon. m - y faire le premier essai des th64tres publics*. II y 

c «>, 15. chanta k une assembl^e tr^ nombreuse, srec tant 

d'ardeur, qu'un tremblement de terre. qui ^branla 

le th^fttre, put k peine rinterroropre. A son rctour— 

des jeux de la Gr^ce, il suivit tous les usages di 

vainqueurs. II fit son entree dans Naples par une 

br^che faite expr^s, et dans un char de trtompbe, 

atteI6 de chevaux blancs. 

Hrrt. CiTiie Elle 6toit ville libre et alli6e ; du terns des Ro- 

pvGwD- mains, se gouvemant par ses propres loix, et ne 

f. t(>~9i. devant pour tout tribut que le secours de ses vais^ 
seanx en terns de guerre. Elle refiisa m^e la 
bourgeoisie de Rome. Enfin sous les empereurs, 
elle devint colonic. Parmi ses confrairies, les plus 
connues 6toient celles d Eumelus, d'Hebon, de Cas- 
tor, c\ d'Arist^e. 


^Jm^ At piua ^neas ingenti mole sepolchram 

Ti.fSf, Imponit, 8uaque arms viro, remumque, tubamqiiej 

Monte sub serio, qui nunc Minenus ab illo 
Dicitur, ftteroumqiie tenet per aecida nomen. 

Befg. Auguste fit ^re un beau port h Misenum capa- 

ble de recevoir un grand nombre de vaisseaux ; ce 

i-siL^' fut la qu il ^tablit la flotte destin^e k la garde de U 
mer Toscane. 

N^ron ayant ordotin^ k ses galores de rcvcnir en 

Campanie, k un jour precis ib partirent de Formies, 

mais ayant rencontr^ une temp^te furieuse, elles ne 

purent point doubler le promontoire de Misenom, 

ctutcr.iisi. niais elles ^cliou^rent sur la cAtede Cumes. 

p °n5r' ^' PuTEOLi. Cette ville est appellte Puteoli par 



les Latins, et Dicasarchia par les Grecs. Ce n'est 
pas que les poetes Romains ne se servent quelque- 
fbis du nom de Dicsearchia, et que les historiens 
Grecs qui ont v6cu sous Tempire Romain, ne la 
Domroent quelquefois Puteoli. £lle fut b&tie par 
les Samiens la quatri^me ann^e de la soixante-qua- 
tri^me Olympiade, 52 1 ans avant Jesus Christ. 

Elle n'^toit dans le commencement que le port stimUGeog 
de Cumes, situ6e sur le bord du rivage. Dans la 
aeconde guerre Punique, ses habitans la plac^rent 
Ik oik elle est actuellement dans un terrein rempli 
desouiFre, devolcans, et de sources min^rales. Elle 
est tr^ commerf ante ; ses ports et ses moles sont 
coDstruits avec beaucoup d art, Un sable dont on 
fait un ciment qui se durcitdans I'eau, leurdonne 
line grande facilit6 k faire toute sorte d'ouvrages 
dans la mer. _. 


Du tems de Cic^ron Puteoli ^toit ville libre et Roi. de 
autonoroe. Ontiirsi 

N^ron donna k I'ancienne ville' de Puteoli, les Taot. Ami 
droits d'une colonic et son propre nom. ^' 

Les habitans de Puteoli ^rig^rent k Antonin le Bog. 
pieux, un arc de triomphe, pour avoir r^par^ le CKemaii^ 
port et les moles de leur ville. Un golfe de trois p.^ 
mille six cens pas Romains de largeur s^pare les 
nlles de Puteoli et de Baies. Ce fut 1^ que Cali- c5?p.7si 
gula fit construire son fameux pont II le com- cS^u"* 
posa de navires ronds, accoupl^ deux k deux, et ^ ^^- 
anft6s k leurs ancres, II les couvnt ensuite d*un^ 
levfe de terre, qu'il fit paver de grands carreaux de 
pierre. II passa en triomphe sur ce pont deux 
jours coQS^utifs. Le premier jour k cheyal por- 

s 3 ^ tant 


tant la cuirassc d'Alexandre, ct le lendemain clana 

un char attel^ de deux chevaux c^l^bres, toujoun 

environii6 d'un grands corps de cavalerie et dlnfan- 

terie, q\xi\ harangua sur le pont, et k qui il fit unc 

distribution d argent. 

g^^^ Dans le chemin de Puteoli k Naples se trouvi 

^^* la montagne de Pausilipus qui s'^tend jusqu'ii k 

L ti. & 16.' mer. On la perc6 k jour pour y faire un passage 

^•du Ann. souterrain oiideux voitures pen vent passer dc fYont 

Nr,58. Ti.t6. ji ^ environ un mille de longueur, sur douze k qutwn 

pieds de largeur et de hauteur. II ne re^oit Vmm 

et le jour que par plusieurs soupirails.* StralNN 

attribue ce grand ouvrage k un certain Cocceiuit 

(celui peut-£tre dont Tacite fait mention,) niais b 

tradition du pays le donne k LucuUus. QuoiquH 

en soit, le roi Alphonse d'Arragon le r^para, et k 

viceroi Don Pierre de TolMe Tacheva. 

I. V. p. iS' Ba j.£. Le luxe et la sant6 attir^rent les Ro 

""^^^ mains a Baies, dont la situation ^toit channantc. 

et les eaux min^rales tr^ salutaires. Des maisoa< 

de campagne couvroient tons ses environs. Lfa 

bains sont nombreux et magnifiques, et Ton a con 

struit autour d eux une villc nouvelle aussi grandi 

que Puteoli, 
jlof^, Tu ^ecanda marmora 

Locas sub ipsum fiiniiBy ac sepulchri 

lU. IS. , 

immenior sUuis domos ; 

Marisque BaiU obstrepentis urges 

Summovere litora, 

Panim locuples continente ripa. 

Jtnr. Snt. Qui vefterc solum Bajas et ad Ostia curnint. 


1. \^t6i^ An memareia portos Lucnfaoque idditS'claustnr, 

165. ^ ■ AtqiM 


Atque indigiimtum magnis stridoribus aequor : 
Julia qui pooto looge mugit unda refuse, 
Tjrrfaenusque fretis immittitur aestus Avenus ? 

Cc fut Agrippa qui fit tous ces ouvrages. Voici scnKGe 
ridee quon peut s'en fkire en combinaut lesr^cits -.7^/^ 
de StraboD et de Ser\-ius. 1. Le lac Lucrin 6toit ?!fT:4li 
fm>prement un golfe long et 6troit ; mais comme 

1 Idee d*en faire un port s'^toit pr6sent6e aux an- 
ciens habitans du canton, Agrippa trouva une 
kx6e de terre qui traversoit son embouchure, et 
qui ^toit assez large pour porter un chariot ; il la 
fit retahlir dans toute sa longueur qui 6toit d'un 
mille; y laissant une ouverture (apparemment au 
moyen d*un pont-levis) pour les vaisseaux. Ce port 
na jamais cependant pu servir que pour les plus 
petits vaisseaux, mais la p^he des huitres y est tr^ 
considerable. 52. II fit couper une communication 
entre le lac Lucrin, et celui d*Aveme qui n'en 6toit 
sipar^ que par une petite langue, et fit entrer la mer 
dans ce dernier, qui ^toit situ^ plus dans Tint^rieur 
des terres. Agrippa en fit un port tr^ magni^ 
fique et tr^ commode pour la reception des vais- 
seaux. 3. Le lac Aveme ^toit dans un emplace- 
ment singulier. Des montagnes escarp^es, cou- 
^"ertes de for^ts anciennes et sombres Tenviron- 
Doient de toutes parts, et ses eaux ^toient tr^ pro- 
fondes m6me tout pits des bords. II ^toit devenu 
k tfa^tre des fiibles. C'^toit le lac infernal d'Ho- 
mere ; on voyoit tout aupr^ la fontanie de S^x ; 
jamais oiseau n avoit pu trsverser TAveme sans j 
tmnber morL .Ses riyages dtoient remplies des h^ 
Ittations des Cimmeriens; c'6toient des mortels 

s 4 (dirai- 





(dirai-je ou des ombres) qui demeuroient dans des 
maisons souterraines oii ils ne voyoient jamais le so- 
leil. Agrippa fit couper ces bois, les environs du 
lac se d^tVichirent et se peupl^rent bientdt, et 
toutcs ces fables disparurent. 
••l\. Prochyta et PiTHECusjE. Os lles (le sepul- 
chre fabuleux de Typhon) paroissent assises sur des 
feux souterrains, qui percent tr^.souvent par les 
volcans et les tremblemens de terre, et toujouis 
par les eaux chaudes. Un treniblement de teme 
ddtacha Prochyta des autres iles. 

CAPREiE. II y avoit aupaiavant deux bourgs. 
Du terns de Strabon il n'en restoit qu'un seul. Au- 
guste rendit les lies Pitecuses aux Napolitains en 
6change pour celle-ci, qu'ii s'appropria, et oii il fit 
beaucoup de b^timens. 
iu Ann. Tib^rc go6ta beaucoup cette lie ; la beaut^ de 
tun- in la vue, (de cette c6te de Campanie si belle avant 
3^7%. leruption du mont V^uve,) la douceur du climat, 
le promontoire de Surrcntinum dout elle n^^toit 
eioign^e que de trois milles ; tout en faisoit unc 
retraite d^licieuse : pendant quune merorageuse, 
des rochers qui Tentouroient et qu'on ne pou^xHt 
gr^vir que par un seul endroit, la rendoient une soli- 
tude digne du caract^re sauvage et soup^onneux 
de ce tyran. II y b^tit douze maisons de cam- 
pagne pour les diff(6rentes saisons ; toutes dignes 
de la magnificence et de la d^bauche du maltre. 
Les bois ^toicnt remplis de lieux de prostitution, et 
des satyres et des nymphes ne les laissoient point 
pisifs. Tib^re se fixa k Capr6es A. U. C. 780» et 



dans dix 
deux fois. 

Sect. IX. 

LucANiA. Le sang unissoit les Lucaniens et v. ritaib 
les Bruttiens avant que les Roinains en fonnassent ^^ ^ 
nne province. L'un et 1 autre people sortoient des cinr. i. ir. 
Samnites, dont les colonies successives se poussoient scyaiomg. 
peu k peu jusqu'^ Textr^mit^ de Tltalie. On ig- ^ ^' 
nore lepoque ou les Lucaniens se detach^rent du 
coq)s des Samnites, niais on sait que vers Tan 356 
avant J. C. une gnmde multitude de bergers Lu- 
caniens se jett^rent sur les debris de la monarchic 
de Syracuse et prirent la forme d'une nation et le 
nom de Bruttiens. Quelques uns onft cm que 
c etoit un sobriquet injurieux d'esclaves fiigitiis 
que leurs voisins leur donnoient. Cette r^on 
etoit la seule qui s'^tendit aux deux mers, jusqu'au 
Silanis sur la mer Toscane qui la separoit de la 
Campanie, et jusqu au Bradanus sur le golte de 
Tarente qui la divisoit de TApulie. Ces deux na- 
tions demeur^rent toujours fiddles k leurs ayeux 
Samnites et soufirirent avec eux. Des revers per- 
p^eb les avoient telleroent abattus que du terns 
de Strabon ils vivoient ^pars dans quelques bouF- 
gades obscures et foibles, ayant peidii leurs usages, 
leur laogue, et tout ce qui pent distinguer un oorps 
politique. On ne pent suivre une autre m^thode, 
en parlant de cette province, que cdle-ci, L La Lu- 
I ouie propre, et 2. Le Brvittium. 



?"^»7- . LucANiA Propria. Lfe8«.boraeft de la Lu< 
Lir.c. 14. nie sent faciles a marqiier. Du c6te 4168 tema^ 
c'^toient celles de la region. Le Laus sur la roe^j 
Toscane et le Cratbis sur le golfe de Tarente la 
s^paroient du Bruttium. L'Apennin la coupoit du 
nord au midi, et formoit ainsi deux parties, doot 
cellc du golfe de Tarente 6toit une grande et belle 
plaine arros6e de vingt rivieres. J*y trouve, I. Sy- 
baris, ou Thurium ; S. Zagarina; 3. Heraclea entre 
le Siris et TAciris; 4. Metapontuni; 5. Grumen- 
tuiu ; et 6. Acalandnu L'autre c6t6 de rApeunin 
n offroit qu un pays plus ^troit et en g^^ral sablon- 
neux et peu fertile, J'y voi$, 1. Passtum ou Po- 
sidonium; 2. Lisa ou Velia; 9. Pyxus ou Bux- 
entum. Je ne parle pas de quelques bourgades 
dont nous ne connoissons que les noms. 
V. Clavier.^ SvBARis. Cctte viUe Grccque, situ^ entre 
uJ^ciJ?!! les deux rivieres Sybaris et Crathis, et qui s ^teqdoit 
^ff^"" de Tune k lautre dans un espace de cinquante 
s?»^^K- stades, devint puissante bientdt Elle avoit rang^ 
sous ses loix quatre nations barbares; vingt-cinq 
villes lui ob^issoient. Elle mettoit sur pied trois 
cens milles hommes. II y a surement de Thy per- 
bole; quand ce nombre seroit celui de tous ses 
citoyens et sujets en age viril, il nous donneroit 
encore pour cet €tat pr^ de 900,000 ames. On 
pent s en contenter. Son luxe 6galoit sa puissance. 
Ses festins se pr^paroient une ann^e k lavance, er 
lorsque les citoyens voyageoient ils efla^oient la 
magnificence des plus grands rois. Les Croto- 
niateti d^truisirent Sybaris et sa puissance 510 ans 



avant J. C. Ses malheu'reux citdyens, disperse par 
toute la Grhce, engag^rent les Ath^niens k r^tablir 
leur villc Tan 452. Thessalus, k la tfete d'une colonie 
nombreuse, la reMtit avec be?ucoup de r^gularit^, 
ayant tir6 au cordeau trois grandes rues, couples 
par quatre autres. Bient6t la discorde se mit dans 
r^t k roccasion du partage des teires. Les nou- 
vaux citoyens extermin^rent les anciens, et de- 
meurferent mattres de la ville sous le nom de 7%tf- 
rium. £lle fleurit pendant quelque terns. Rivale 
malheureuse de Tarente, elle se mit sous la pro- 
tection des Romains qui lui envoy^rent une colo- 
nie. Elle prit alors le nom de CopMj mais elle ne 
regagna plus son ancienne splendeur. 

Lagaria, colonie des Phoc^ens; son vin ^toit stryfc.G«of. 
doux^ et tr^s estim6 par les m6decins. piin. Hiit. 

Heraclea, colonie des Phoc6ens. On y raori- StowTcog. 
troit un Palladium^ relique fameuse qu'on se *•^^*••• 
vantoit aussi de poss^der k Rome, k Lavinium, et 
dans plusieurs autres endroits. 

Metapoxtum. La tradition veut qu*un ca- straKGeog. 
pitaine Pylien, s^par6 par une tempfete de Nes- vdiAteic 
tor son chef dans leur retour de Troie, ait fond^ 
Metapontum ; mais Thistoire en fait une colonie des 
Ach^ens que les Lac^demoniens avoient chass^ de 
leur pays: aussi furent-ils toujours les ennemis im- 
placables de ceux de Tarente. 

La vigne est quclquefois tr^s grande; il y en PiuuHist. 
avoit des colonnes dans le temple de Junon k IVIeta- * '**'''' * 

PiESTUM. Cette ville, nomm^e par les Grecs siimb.Qeog. 



Posidonium^ et qui a donn^ son nom au golfe o& 

ellc est situ^e, est une coionie Dorieime, qui a 

pass6 successivement aux Sybarites, aux Lucaniens, 

et aux Romains. £ile est situ^eaupr^ du Silarus. 

Clavier. Oil voit aupr^s de Paestum, un ^tang sal6, d oi 

I. w. c. \4. sort une riviere de la m^me quality, qui, apr^ ud 

^ ^^^^ cours de deux milles, se perd dans les marais, et 

rend le cliniat de Paestum assez mat sain. Ce fut 

aupr^ de cet ^tang, Stagnum SaUum^ que Ciassus 

remporta un avantage sur les gladiateurs, 

SL Itmlk, quem Picenlia PksIo 

^ ^- M isit, : — 

Yirf^eoig. Forsitao eC pingiies hortos qu» cnra cdendi 

Ornaret, caiiefem, biferique rosiria P^tii. 

L mL^^**^ Les Romains envoy ^rent une coionie i Psestum 

A. U. C. 480. 
SirakGMg. Fluvius Silarus. Lc Silanis, qui re^oit Ic 
n |i. 175. Tanagrus, a la propri^t^ de changer en pierre tc 

bois qu on y jette sans lui faire perdre sa couleur 

ni sa figure. 

V'irg.G«org. £^1 lucos Siiari circa, ilicibusqtie vtrentem 

Plurimus Alburoum volitans, cui nomen Asilo 
Romauum est oestron Graii vertere vocaiites : 
Asper, acerbi sonans : quo tota exteniu syWit 
Diffugiunt arnienta, furit mugitibus etber 
Concussus, 8}K^ue, et sicci ripa Tanagri. 

Sil. lulic. Nunc Silarus quos nutrit aquis, quo gurgite trwhuit 

Duritiem lapiduxn mersis inolescere ramis. 

vitt. 6at'. 

strrnkGcog. Vklia. Ccttc villc, appcll^c par les Grecs EUtm^ 
"^ ^' * est une coionie des Phociens, Ce pcuple s'y rcdn 



apfhs la prise de sa ville par les Perses. Un terri- 
toire borne et sterile I obligeade s attacher a la mer. 
Une marine puissante et de sages loix le mirent 
bient6t en 6tat de se d^fendre avec avantage cen- 
tre les Lucanicns et le peuplc de Pssstuni quoi- 
cfu'ils lui fussent tr^s sup^rieurs en forces. 

Pro. Palinurus. 

tua finitimi longc lateqne per urbcf Virg. 

Prodigiia acti coelestibus ossa piabunt, ^i, 57^ 

Et statiient tumulumy et tiimulo solemiiia miueiit : 
fternumqiie locus Palintiri nomen habebit. 
His dictis cune emotse, pulsiisqiie paniinper 
Corde dolor tristi : gaudet cognomtne terra. 

Bl'xentum. Buxentum, ou Pyxns, est k la strah.Gcofir. 
fois le nom du promontoire, de la riviere, et de la Vei.Paterc! 
ville. Ceux de Messana y envoyferent une colonic, 
qui se dispersa bient6t. I/CS Romains y en ^tabli- 
rent une Tan de Rome 558. 

quae Buxcntia pubes S.!: ^*"'»*^ 

Aptabat dextris, irrass robora clavse. 

seu sunt Biixe/itia cordi Idem. 

Rura magis, centum Cereri fruticantia culniis. 

Comme Buxentum 6toit un pays sterile, Cluvier cionVr. 
a conjecture qu'il faut lire Byzacia^ la partje la /'J^:^ ^/^*)* 
plus fertile de I'Afrique. L'idde est ing^nicuse; et ^,?„*^i\;p 
depuis Cluvier, Byzacia^ appuy^ de Tautoritd d'un ca« pabii^ 
MS. est entr^ dans le texte de Silius Italicus. II boirh » 
me parott cependant qu' Hannibal ne pent guferes ^^ ' 
oflrir 4 ses soldats que le choix des campagnes Ita- 
liqueSy le prix de leur victoire ; seloh Tusage an- 



cien crenvoyer des colonies sur Ics tcrrcs -dont on 
d6pouilloit des peuples vaincus. 
^■'«^-. II. BauTTiuM. Comme il n'^toit point soudi- 
'. c 15. vis6 par la politique il faut suivre la m^thode que 
I ^^' nous foumit la nature. Sur la cdte Toscane je 
trouve, l.Cerillse; 8. Clampetia; 3. Terina; 4. 
Tempsa; 5. Lamella; 6. Vibo Valentia; 7* Mc- 
dama; 8. T^urianum; 9. Scyllseum, avec sonpro- 
montoire, le promontoire Csenis, la colonne de Rhe- 
gium ; 10. Rhegium, et le promontoire Leucopetra, 
la pointe la plus mdridionale de I'ltalie. Du promon* 
toirc Leucopetra k celui d'Hercule, la c6te suit la 
direction de Toccident k Torient Apr^ avoir tourn^ 
celui-ciy on se porte au nord. J'y vois le promon- 
toire Zephyrium, 1. Locrii la Sagra ; 8. Caulonia, 
le promontoire Cocinthum ; 3. Scyllaceum ; 4. Le 
Campd'Hannibal; 5. Petilia^ les trois promontoires 
lapygiens et Tentr^e du golfe de Tarente ; le tem- 
ple de Junon Laciniennc ; 6. Croton, le Naecthus; 
7. Crimisa, avec sa rivifere et son promontoire; 8. 
Ruscianum, et un pen plus loin, le Cfathis. Presque 
toutes ces villes 6toient des colonies Grecques 
qui s'dtoient empar^es des cdtes en laissant aux 
barbares Tint^rieur du pays. Celui-ci itoit sau- 
vage et mal peupl6, convert de montagnes qui 
^toient une suite de I'Apennin, et d une forAt im- 
mense nomm^e Sila qui foumissoit de la poix 
exccHente. J*y vois, 1. Pandosia; 2. Consentia; 
3. Volcentum ; et 4. Mamertum. 

I. i^i. Et exhaust® mox Psno Marte, CerilUs. 



Tei^tpsa. Cette ville, noinm6e anciennement 
Temesa, 6toit fameuse du terns d'Hom^re pour scs 
mines de cuivre dont Strabon a vu les traces. Les 
marchands y venoient de la Gr^ce. 

On obsen^oit h Tempsa un usage assez commun Homer. , 
pamii les Payens, d'offrir tous les an^ line jeune i. t^ m. 
fille pour appaiser un g^nie imt6 qui devoit 6tre 
triysse, Un jeune Grec eut la hardiesse de se 
battre avec le g^nie, qui s'enfuit et qui se jetta k 
la mer. La superstition finit, mais la fable continua 
toujours de faire partie du symbole des Tempsains, 
Pausanias y vit un ancien tableau oit cette aven- 
ture £toit representee. 
ViBO Valextia. Cette ville, nommee par stmb-Ocog^ 
] les Grecs Hipponium, 6toit une colonic des Lo- veii. 
' criens. Les Bruttiens Tenlev^rent k cc peuple, ct i. l^^u. 
1 les Remains y envoyerent, A. U. C. 509, une colo- 
■ oie qui devint tr^s florissante. Agathocle^ Roi de Sy- 
; racuse, s'^tant rendu mattre de la ville, y construisit 
; un port. La ville est situ6e au milieu de riches 
prairies om6es de fleurs de toutes les esp^ces. La 
tradition se saisit de cette circonstance pour y 
transporter la sc^ne de Fenlfevement de Proser- 

RuEGiuM. Cette ville fut fondle par ceux v.aanw. 
dc Chalcis. Une colonic de Mess6niens ^chapp^e i. ir. c i?' 
a la fureur des Lac^demoniens vint s'y 6tablir et p**^* 
acquit bient6t Fautorite souverame. £lle se dis- 
tingua bient6t par sa puissance, ses colonies, et par 
les grands hommes qu'elle a produits. Denys stmboa. 

I'ancien I'^i^ "•' 



Appian. «1c 
Bell. Civil. 
1. iv. p. .590. 
658. ^£dir. 
Heii. S(e- 

Piiii. Hint. 
Nat. ill. 8. 

AMcid. iii. 


p. 178. 
PItn. Hift 
N«t. iii. 8. 

lul. Antiq. 
I. iv. r. 15. 
p. 131)1. 

kvi. p. 179. 

I'ancicn la prit et la d^truisit de fond en comble; 
mais son fils la r^tablit en partie, et liii donna If 
nom de Phcebea qu'elle ne coiiserva pas. Elle souffrit 
beaucoup par la trahison de sa gamison Campani* 
enne qui (:gorgea tous les anciens habitans, et par 
im treniblement de tcrre. Pcu avantia guerre soeiaic 
Rbegium etoit du nombre de ces dix-huit villes 
malheurcuses que la beaute de leurs Edifices, et la 
richcsse de leurs tones avoient fait choisir aux 
Triumvirs pour assouvir la cupidit^ de leurs v6- 
t^'rans. Cependant Cesar aceorda sa grace k Rhe- 
gium ; mais voyant que la ville ^toit depeupl^ il 
y envoy a unc colonie de scs troupes de la marine, 
et lui donna le nom de Julium Rhegium. Sa 
situation avantageuse la soutenu dans toutes Ics 
revolutions. C est le lien de Tltalie et de la Siciler 
dont il n'est s^par6 (jue par un detroit de douze 
milles de longueur, et dont la largeur ^ la Colonue 
Rhegine nest (jue d'un mille et demi. 

Hec loca, vi quondam ot vasul comiilsa ruiiii 
(Tantum aevi longitiqiia valet mutare vetustas) 
Dissiluisse feruni ; quum protinus utraquc telluf 
Una foret, venit medio vi pontiis, et undia 
Hesperium Siculo latus abscidit; arvaque el urbes 
Litore diductas angiisto inteduit aestu. 

II paroit que Virgile n a feit que suivre une an- 
cienne tradition adoptee par Eschyle, Strabon et 
Pline le Xaturaliste. 

LocKi Epizephyrii. C'est la troisi^me tribu 
des Locriens. Les auteurs ne sont pas d^accord de 
laquelle des deux autres elle est sortie, des Oasobel 
aupr^s de TEtolie ou des Epicnemedii aupr^ At 


Hie d'EuWe, mais on convieut que cette migra* 
tion s'est faite Olymp. xxiii. 2. avant J. C. 683-^ 
Locri, favorite de la nature; ne resse.ntbit jaftlais des 
horreurs de la peste, mais die jouissoit d'Uti bon- 
heur encore plus grand dans les sages loi:^ que 
Zaleucas lui donna; lotx fornixes sur T^tude r^- 
fl^bie de celles de la Cr^te, de Sparte, et de I'Ar^ 
pagr ; loix dont la clart6 et la simplicity surpassoient 
de beaucoup les ratiitienicns ing6nieux de celles de 
Thurium. Dans la bataille de la Sagra Locri 
avoit 100,000 combattans ; en prenant ce nombre 
pour celui des citoyens en age viril la colonic 
enti^rc ^it compos^e d'environ 300,000 ames. 
Denys, Roi de Syracuse et maltre de Locri, Ic traita 
avec une cruaut6 et une insolence que ce peuple 
ne rendit que trt^p bien k la famille innocente et 
iafbrtun^ de ce prince. Les Locriens 6toient les 
bcms amis des Rtt^giens, ils passoient librement stir 
les terres les uns des autres, ihals leurs cigales plus 
r^rv6es ne traversoient jamais la riviire qui 
fiusoit la borne. De ces cigales il n y avoit que 
celles de Rh^um qui chantassent L'aridit^ 
d*im terrein sans ombre quelconque leur donnoit 
et talent. 

^ ctldcU malis babitantiir moeuia Graecis. TirgU. 

Hie et Narycii pofuerunt mocnia Locri. 398^"*' **' 

ScvLLACEUM. C'cst k Scyllaceum, colonic 
des Ath^niens, que I'ltalie est la plus ^troite. La 
tnvente dime met k Tautre n'est que de vingt 
auUes. Denys de Syracuse s'^toit propose d'y 
cnrtruke une muiaiUe pour ^^parer ses sujet^ 

' YQV. IV. T de 


de risthme du commerce et des incursions des 

Lucaniens. Mais il ne put ex6cuter ce dessein. 

<«• . Croton. Cette ville, ^loign^e de Thurium 

c. 15. de deux cens stades, ^toit colonie des> AcMiBf» 

JlJo^. fondle dans le m&me terns que Syiacne. Elle se 

'^'uT distii^g^oi^ P^ 1^ bont6 de Tair et la bravoure de 
ses citoyens qui s*adoim^nnit avec tant de succ^ 
k la gymnastique que sept Crotoniates remport^ 
, rent une tbis les sept prix des jeux Olympiques. 
Milon, ieur fameux athlete, commandoit en m^me 
terns larm^ qui remporta cette victoire mgnaldc 
sur les Sybarites. Mais k la joum6e de la Sag^^ 
Crotone succomba k son tour sous les annes des 
Locriens et de^ Rh^giens. Ce combat, oik il est 
question de 130,000 Crotoniates, me ^t juger 
que la r^pnblique avoit environ 400,000 dtoyens. 
Depuis ce moment Crotone n'^prouva que des 
revers. Deuys sen rendit maitre, et cette vilk^ 
dont lesmursavoient douze milles de circonf<6rence, 
6toit k peine k moiti^ habits du tems d'Hannibal. 
Junonis Lacinije Teuplum. a six milks 
de Crotone, on voyoit ce temple respect^ de toutes 
les nations voisines. II ^toit au milieu d'un grand 
bois sacr^ qui renfermoit des p&turages fertiles oik 
paissoient les troupeaux de la d^se sans craindre 
ni les hommes ni les animaux fi^roces. Le soir 
chaque esp^ce se s^paroit d ellc-m^me des autret 
pour rcgagner tranquillement son 6curie. Les 
troupeaux ne contribuoient pas moins aux richesses 
du temple que les oflrandes m^mes. Les prfttiet 
avoient employ^ ce revenu k faire feire une cokmiie 
d or massif. Hannibal nosa Jamais filler ce temple. 



le Censeur Fulvius Flaccus fit enlever la 
moiti^destuiles, qui ^toient de marbr/^, pour couvrir 
son temple de la fortune des Chevaliers. Sa mort 
subite fut attribute h la vengeance de Junon et le 

S6nat fit remporter les tuiles. La l^fi^ende porte ^^ Hiit. 
,1/1 • 1 '^- Nit.ii.iar. 

qu un autel place devant le temple ne voyoit ja- 
mais ses cendres ^branl^es le moins du monde par 
les vents. 

Pandosia. Cette ancienne viUe des Oeno- straKGeo^ 
triens et ensuite des Bruttiens 6toit plac^e sur trois 
€oIlines« L' Acheron couloit sous ses murs. Ce 
Alt 1^ que p6rit Alexandre, Roi d'Epire. Elle ^toit 
sur la fronti^re du Bruttium et de la Lucanie. 

CoKSENTiA. Elle ^toit le chef lieu des Brut- idem. ^ 

•p. 176. 

Petilia. Fondle par Philoctite, elle demeu- sc»bX3eof. 
la fiddle aux Romains, pour qui elle soutint un Tit^iiT. * 
si^e opinidtre contre Hannibal. Je ne consols ***^*^* 
pas comment cette ville Grecque aufond du Brut- 
tium pouvoit £tre du tems de Strabon la capitale 
des Lucaniens ; elle 6toit alors assez considerable. 

H^jC ilia ducis Melibsi Virga. 

Panra Pbiloctetae, subnixa Petilia muro. iOtT**^^ 

Magna Gil£cia. Lorsque les Grecs traverse v. aimer. 
rent la mer lonienne pour chercher de nouvelles n^.^id?" 
terres, frapp^s de rimmensit6 de ce continent dont ^^^J^ 
ib ignoroient les homes, ils lui donn^rent le nom 
de la Grande Gr^e. Dans les premiers tems on 
dooDoit haidiment ce nom g6n^que k tons les 
pajrs k Toccidentde la Gr^ce oii la nation avoit des 
ookmieSy la dicile, I'ltalie, la Gaule, et r£^>agne. 
ScmUables aux Europ^ens en Am^rique ils ne 

T 2 com* 


comptoient les barbares pour rien; ils croyoieiit 
qif un ^tablissement sur les c6tes leur dpnnoit des 
droits sur un pays immense peupl6 de cent nations 
dont ils connois^ient k peine les noms/ Dans nn 
»ens plus precis ces colonies mfemes Violent la Grande 
Grece; mais dispers^es sur une grande 6tendiie dc 
c6te dont clles n'occupoient que des portions d6- 
tach^es, on ne pent -en fixer les bomes qu*en en 
faisant le d^nombrement. Depuis Cumes cc- 
pendant jtisqu'-^ Tarentum, toute la c6te (aus^i bien 
que cellos de la Sicile) 6toit couverte de colonies 
Orecques dont les territoires se touchoient. Cette 
circonstance d^termina enfin \€ nom de la Grande 
Grhcc k ces pays cxclusivement Les malheun 
de la nation, plusieurs villes d^truites, et d^autres 
qui devinrent barbares, resserr^rent encore la 
Grande Gr^ce, qui ne s'^tendoit plus quedeTaren- 
tum au promontoire I^ucopetra; cest k dire dans 
le canton qu'on appclioit Ic front de Tltalie. Dans 
cette description de la Lucanieaussi bien que dans 
les autres regions, j ai marqu^ la pl6part des colo 
nies Grecques. Du tem« de Strabon, Tarentum, 
Rhegium, ct Naples ^toient les seulcs qui con- 
servoient encore les moeurs Grecques. Quant a 
J'^poque de ces migrations il y a du fabuleux et dc 
rhistorique. C'cst dans la premiere classe que jc 
mets les Oenotriens, les Arcadiens, Evandre, Pht- 
k)ct^te, Ep^e, Diomt^de, et taut d'autres cheva- 
liers errans qui sc sont ^tablis en Italic avant la 
premiere Olympiade. Pesons mes deux raisons. 
1. J ose assurer quedu terns d'Homere la cAte occi- 
dentale de Tltalie n'avoit point rei^a de colonies 


antiquje; italic, 277 

Grecques; et par consequent Cumes est beaucoup 
rooins ancienne qu'on ne Ta dit. Ce n'est pas dans 
un pays rempli de Grecs qui soutenoient des rela- 
tions les plus 6troites avec leur pays, que ce poete 
auroit flac6 des geans, des enchantemens, et le 
sejour m£me des morts, prodiges qui ne convien*- 
nent qu'a un monde nouveau a peine d^couvert et 
qu on ne connoissojt encore que par les hyperboles 
mal interpr^t^es des voyageurs Ph^niciens. 2. II 
y a peu de villes de la Grande Gr^ce qui n'ayent 
une double origine. L'une qui remonte aux dieux 
ct aux h^ros de la mythologie; Tautre plus his- 
torique et plus r^cente. Peut-on balancer? Qui 
ne supposera pas avec raisoh que les fondateurs 
r^els ont voulu se donner des ayeux imaginaires 
pour relever Tantiquit^ et la noblesse de la colonic? 
U me paroit que les migrations commenc^rent un 
peu apr^ la premiere Olympiade, et qu elles dur^r 
rent environ SOO ans. On voit (surtout par Stra? 
bon) que Aeurs discordes ci viles et les courses des 
barbares les livr^rent enfin k la tyrannic des Sy- 
lacusains, ^t que les gu^rres des Samnites, de 
Pjrrrfaus, et d'Hannibal les ruin^rent si totalement, 
que la Graade Gr^ce paroissoit d^truite du terns de 

Cic^ron, Goero. if 

Nee tibi sit minim Gneco rem nomine dici. ^ . . „ 

Itala nam telius^ Uracta major erat. tor. i w. 

Venerat Evander pleni cum classe suorom, ^^' 

Yenerat Alcides ; Graius uterque genus. 
Hospes Aveotims armenta pavit in lierbis 

Claviger;' et tanto est Albula pota Deo. 
Dux fooqiie Ntnyeku; testes LKSt^^ones exstant. 

^ qnodadlnic Circes noqiiiMI.Ulqs babet, 

T3 ^t 


Et jam Telegoni, jam moenia Tiburis udi 

Stabant ; Argolicsc quie posuere manuf • 
Venerat Atridas fails agitatus Halesus ; 

A quo se dictam terra Faliaca putat; 
Adjice Trojanae suasorem Antenorm pmcis, . 

£t generum Oeniden, A pule Daune, tuum. 
Scrus ab Iliacis et post Antenora flammis 

Abstulit .flilneas in loca nostra Deos. 

Hortt Quidve Calabrb 

Saltibus adject! Lucani 

Sect. X. 

Apuxta. Cette region, qui comprenoit one de$ 

comes de Tltalie, ^toit bom6e par la Lucanie, la 

Campanie, et le Samnium. Sur la mer Adriatique 

elie s'6tendoit jusqu'au Frento, et sur le golfe de 

Tarentc jusqu'^ Metapontum. Le mont Vultur 

et le Bradanus la s6paroient de la Lucanie, et le 

fleuve Sabbatus du Samnium et de la Campanie. 

de^D^tujc, ^" P^^* ^ partagcr en trois provinces, 1. Le pays 

rtciorier. j^s HiRPiNi; 2. L'Apulie propre; ct 3- 1a 

I. ir. c 10. C ALABRE. La Daunie parolt n'^tre que la seconde 

des provinces. L'lapygic n'<^toit qu'un nom gdnt- 

\'\(\uc et un peu vague que les Grecs donnoient 

;\ toute cette cdte. On voit confus^ment que la 

Mcssapic et les Salentini n'6toient que Textr^miti 

de la come, et que les Peucetii ou Psediculi fbr- 

])ioient unecit6 ancienne, d'origine Illyrienne, qui 

6toit plac^e dans les environs de Tarentum. 

2«^if^ I. HIRPINI. Je suis surpris que les Romains 

c •• ' ayent enlev^ ce peuple aux Samnites pour le don- 



ner aux Apuli. II 6toit d ori^ne Samnite, et sa 
liaison avec cette nation 6toit si ^troite que les his- 
toriens de la guerre Samnite les ont presque tou* 
jours confondus. Cette cit^ s'^tendoit des deux 
cotes de TApennin depuis le Sabbatus jusqu'i^ TAu- 
fidus. Je trou ve en-de^a des montagnes, 1 . Equus 
Tuticus; 2. Callifas, colonie; 3. ^'Eculanum; 4. 
Romula; 5. Taurasium; 6. Avillinum, colonie. 
Au-dela des montagnes, 1. Aquilonia;2. Herdonia; 
3. Rufse, ou Rufrse, ou Rufrum ; 4. Compsa. 

Tal RASiuH. On voyoit une nation Ligurienne J^- 
dans les environs de Taurasium. Les Romains^ 
ennuy^ des courses des Apuani, prirent la resolu- 
tion de les transporter dans un pays fort ^loign^ 
du leur. Les Consuls Bsebius et Cornelius, les 
ajant pouss^ dans les montagnes, les oblig^rent de 
se lendre au nombre de douze milles hommes. 
Cette petite arm^ foomit, avec les femmes et les 
cnfans, quarante mille ames, que le s^nat fit passer 
dans le pays des Hirpini, oil on leur distribua des 
terres avec un present de 150,000 sestores (dix 
mille €cus) pour les y 6tablir. Du terns de Pline 
ib coDservoient encore les noms de Comeliani et de 
BebianL Peu de terns apr^s, le Pr^teur Fulvius y 
oooduisit par mer encore sept mille hommes. 
Cette migration se fit A« U. C. 573. 

Amsakcti Lacus. Ce lac rendoit des exl pgb. 
hdaoDM Uhs dangereuses pour oeux qui s^en ap 
cfacnent. On avoit m&l^ beauooup de fab k la 
description de ce ph^nom^e. Pline lui me 
aVa est point exempt U n'toit pas loin Tau- 

t4 Ert 

280 N03IIKA, G£NTC8QU£ 

^•^^'J^^' Est locus Italis in medio, sub montibus altiq, . 

Nobilis. et fam& multis veneratus in oris, 
Amsancti valles ; den&is hunc frondibus atnim 
IJrget utrinque latus nemoris : medioque fragosua 
l)at sonitum saxis et torto vertice torrcns. 
Hlc specus horrendum saevi spiracula Ditis 
..Monstratur ; niptoque ingens Acheronte Torago 
Pestiferas aperit fauces. — r^ 

II. APULIA PROPRIA. Cette province, quj 
ne parolt pas avoir jamais fbrm6 un corps politique 
et national, 6tpit la plus grande des trois. La mcr, 
ie Frento, Ics Hirpini, Ic Bradanus, et une ligne de 
^Tarcntum k Brundisium en-deja de ces villcs, — 
yoil^ ses homes. .Dans la Daunie propre, ou Ic 
pays entre 1? Frento et TAufide, je trouve, 1. Ape- 
iiesta au pied du mont Garganus ; 2. Uria ; 3. Si- 
pus ou Sipontum ; 4. Salepia avec la Patus Sola- 
pina ; ccs quatrc villes 6toicnt sur les bords de la- 
mer ; 5. Teanum Apulum sur le Frento ; 6. Gerion 
ou Gerunium ; 7. Luceria; et 8. Arpi, Argos 
Hippium, ou ArgjTippa. Dans la portion de TA- 
pulic qui est entre TAufide et le mont Vultur, por- 
tion plus longue, mais plus ^*troite que la premiere, 
je trouve, 1. Venusia; 2. Canusium; 3. Canna?; 
4. Barium ; et 5. Gnatise. Dans le petit canton entre 
le Vultur et le Bradanus, je ne voisque, 1. Banlia; 
2. Forentum ; 3. Acherontia ; et 4. Genusium. 
c»c«rou^ Sipus ET Salapia. Quaud Cic^ron veut don- 
faTRaii. ner une id^e des endroits les moins desirables de 
' ritalie, ii choisit le territoire aride de Sipus, ct 
les marais pestif6r^s de Salapia. 
^**^^«- Arpi. On voit que les colonies Grecqiies en 
Italie ont agi conune les Europ^ens idans le 



iveau monde, et qif ils ont saisi avidcment ies 
isemblances Ies moins dteisives pour y trouver 
trapes de leurs ancfetres. C est ainsi que Dio- 
le doit avoir r^gne sur Ies bords de TAdriatique. 
y voit Ies insuke DiomedciEj et Ies preens que 
b^ros ofTrit k Minerve dans son temple k Luce- 
Mais ces traditions sont aussi contradictoires 
:lles sont fabuleuses. Le judicieux Strabon a 
remarqucr qu'on racontoit Ies aventures de 
^m^e de qiiatre famous essentiellement diflr<6- 

Et Venulu:!, dicto parens, sic farier infit: Virg. JEq, 

Vidimasy O cives, Diomed^n Argivaque castra ; 

Atque iter einensi casus superavimus omuesy 

Cootigini usque manum qui coiicidit Ilia tellus. 

Ille urbem Jrgi/ripamy patriae cognomine gCDtis, 

Victor Gargani condebat Japygis agris. 

I'on seulemeut Arpi, mais encore Bcneventum, 

!lquu$ Tuticus reconnoissoient DiomMe pour 

r fbndateur, 

[oNs Garganus, 8cc- 

Nutantique ruens pra^travit vertice silvas SiL lul. 

Garganus ; fundoque imo mugivit anhelans 

Aujidus; et magno late distantia pooto 

Temierunt pavidos accensi ceniuiii& nautas. 

QmesiTit Calaber, subducti luce repente 

Immensis tenebris, et terrain et litor^ Sipus* 

Jakusium. Cette ville, fameuse par la jour- J^^J^- 
'de Cannes qui arriya dans son voisinage, ^toit qn, l tr. 
6e au mttieu des plaines de Diom^de tou- 
rs couvertes de troupeaiix nombi^ux, dont la simkGeof. 
c omte, et d'un^ couleur fom^, ^ervoit k^'^ *^* 
t des mant uc, et allpit de pair d/^vec odle de ^ Hise. 

Tarentum p 48. 


Taxentum la plus cstim^e de Tltalie. Ce canton, 
aussi bien que le reste de TApulie, avoit 6t6 iris 
florissant; mais la guerre d'Hannibal, et celles qui 
la suivirent, le r6duisirent dans T^tat de d^soUtioii 
oil Strabon le voyoit. Peut-dtre que Canusium le 
r^tablit un peu sous Adrien apr^' qu'H^rode eut 
gu6ri le idee radical de sa situation en y faisint 
conduire de Teau. 

Hor. Sem. Canosini more bilinguis. 

8cnb.Geog. Venusia. Vcuusia ^toit considerable du tcm 
^. p. irt. j^ Tib^re. C'est k tort que Strabon Ta plac* dam 

le Samnium. 
vdL pmw. Les Romains y envoy^rent une colonic A. U. C. 
^^ 460, pendant le plus fort de la guerre Samnite. 


Hor. Sena. Sequor huDC, Lucaous an Apulus anceps : 

^ ^' Nam Vaiusinus arat finem sub utrumque colonusy 

Missus ad hoc, pulsb (vetus ut est foma) Sabeliis, 

Qu6 ne per vacuum Romano incunreret hostis ; 

Sive quod Apula gens, sive quod Lucania bellum 

Incuteret violenta — 


Idem, L 5, Dehinc Gnatia, lyraphis 

Iratis extracta, dedit risusque jocosque, 
Dum flammft sine thura liquescere limine sacro 
Persuadere cupit : credat Judcus Apella, 
Non ego 

pPm. Hist. Pline assure qu'^ Egnatia le bois plac^ sur unf 
2fftt.iL lor. certaine pierre sacree s allumoit de lui-mfemc. 
strftb.G«>g. I "• CALABRIA. Cette come de fltalie ^toit ui 
u vi. p. 194. pays excellent. II manquoit d'eaux, mais le sOl Mk 
itmi. Anriq. fort ct richc, ct scs bois et ses p&turages ^toient d*M 
grand rapport. II ^toit tr^ peupl^ ^ncictmrment ; 



m y comptoit treize villes ; mais du tems dc Stra- 
Km, on n'y voyoit plus que celles de Tarentum et 
le Brundisium. Voici les noms des endroits prin* 
jpaux de la province: 1. Tarentum; 2. Calli- 
K>iis, le promontoire Japygien ou Salentin; 3. 
\jeuca : 4. Castrum Minervse ; 5. Hydrus, ou Hy- 
Inintum ; 6. Lupia ; 7. Valetium ; 8. Brundi- 
ium : c'^toient les villes man times. Dans rint6- 
ieur des terres j'apperf ois, 9. Veretum; 10. Ux- 
Atum; 11. Neretum; 12. Manduria; IS. Rhu- 
lia, la patrie d'Ennius. Je vois que I'extr^mit^ de 
a come 6toit connue sous le nom de pays des Sa- 
ientini, colonic Cr^toise ; mais je ne d^couvre au- 
run vestige de Salente, ville d'Idomtete, ou plut6t 
ie Fenelon. 

Pecusve Calabris ante sidus fervidiim Hor. Carm. 

Lucana mutuet pascuis. ^^^ ** 

Les bereers Calabrois menoient leurs troupeaux Vet. Com. 
pattre dans la Lucanie au mois de Juillet pour 
hriter les chaleurs de la canicule. lis les rame- 
Qoient en Calabre avant les froids de Thiver. 

Tarentum. Les Lac^d^moniens fond^rent Ta- v.ciuTier. 
rentum. On sait que pendant le sihge dlthome, i!*iv.Tis! 
ils renvoyferent leurs jeunes gens k Sparte et leur 2«^^*yl p. 
ibandonn^rent leurs femmes pour conserver la na- i^i— iw- 
tion sans violer leur serment. N'auroit-il pas et6 
plus Baturel de faire venix leurs femmes au camp 
llthome ? Et ces vingt ans perdus pour la g6n6ra- 
ion ! je con^ois k peine qu'nn peuple ait pu se re- 
ever d'une calamity cent fois plus afllreuse que la 
poerre ou la peste. J'avoue bien qui Td^eest tres 
(partiate, d'un peuple qui badinoit suf les adult^res 




ct qui m^prisoit les doux penchans de la nature, j 
II eut beau les m^priser ici. Les enfans de ce 
commerce vague ignoroient leurs p^res, iie te- 
noient point k T^tat, et n'excitoient que des «Aii- 
tions pour obtenir ces heritages que les loix leur 
refusoieut. La r^publique fut charmte des'end^*^ 
livrer en les envovant avec Phalanthus leur chef 
chercher des ^tablissemens. lis b^tirent Tarente 
environ 700 ans avant Jesus Christ. Cette rt- 
publique devint trt^s puissante. Elle eut une nit- 
rine tr^s sup^rieure a tons ses voisins, avec une 
anneedc trente mi lies hommes d'infanteric et trois 
di cavalerie, sans compter mille cavaliers d'^lite j 
(]u on nommoit llipparques. La philosophie P}* i 
thagoricienne y fleurit beaucoup, ct Tarente eut, ] 
pendant longtems, le bonheur de voir k sa t£te If " 
philosophe Archy tas. Enfin le luxe vint k la suite 
de Tabondance et tout fut perdu. La moUesse dc : 
Tarente ne pouvoit se comparer qu avec celle de 
Capoueet de Sybaris. Leurs jours de fttes 6toient 
en plus grand nombre tjue les jours ouvriers. lb 
avoient invent^ une toile presque transparente qui 
p&roit les charmes plut6t qu elle ne les cachoit. 
Quand les Tarentins ^toient obliges dc se dffendit 
contre leurs voisins bclliqucux, ils ne savoieat 
(lAiappeller des g^n^raux ^ti^angers, Alexandre 
contre les Lucaniens, et Pyrrhus contre les Ro- 
mains, dont ils s'^toient attires les annes par Icui 
folic presomption. Rome les soumit. Ils se li- 
vrerent pendant la guerre Punique aux Carthagi* 
nois. Fabins ne reprit TarentMm qu'au bout di 
vdi. Pater, ciuq ans. On y envoya une colonic Tan de Rome 

cul. Li. c. r*^^ 

AxttavA iTAtiife. i^S 

6S9j qui se soutint avec splendeur jusqti'^ la deca- 
dence de rEmpirc. Tarente jouissoit d'un beau 
port dans un golfequin'en avoit prcsqu' aiicun. Le 
hien, qui entroit fort avant dans les terres, avoit cent 
stades de circonf(6rencc. L'embouchure en ^toit si 
^troitequouyavoitjett^unpont. Gettecirconstance' TiuVw, 
rendoit la citadelle batie k lextr^mite de la pointe, **^' ' 
maitresse absolue du port. Construite sur une pe- 
ninsule qui ^toit environnee dc rochers tr^s hauts 
du c6t6 de la mer, clIen'6toit jointc k laville que 
par une petite langue de tone fortifi^e d'un mur et 
d'un foss^ tr^s profond. I^ ville ^toit situ^e dans 
laplaiue depuis rint^rieur du port jusqu"a la mer. 
Cet espace ^toit perc6 en tout sens par des rues 
larges et droites dont Hannibal se servit pour faire 
«ortir les vaisseaux du poit, pendant que les Romains 
^toient maitres de la citadelle. Du terns de Stra- 
bon, on voyoit les anciens murs de Tarentum, qui 
ne les remplissoit plus, mais qui s'etoit retiree du 
cote de la citadelle et de Tentr^e du port. Elle 
avoit encore un beau gymnase, et un grand forum, 
an milieu duquel il y avoit une statue colossale de 
Jupiter qui ne le c^doit qu'^ celle de Rhodes. De 
tant d'autres monumens des beaux arts qu'cUe avoit 
possed^s la plClpart 6toient passes k Carthage et k 
Rome. Tarentum et ses environs avoient le nora 
de Saiurunij ou d'abondant. II le meritoit bien. 

Dulce pellitis ovibus, Galesi Hont. 

Hamen, et regnata petam Laconi v«nu.ii.o. 

Rura Phalantho. 
f Jlle temruin mihi praeter omnes 
Aogtdas ridety ubi oon Hymetto 




S|^. i. 7. 
Sfttjr. vi. 

Oeorgic ii. 

Mdla decedonty viridiqiie certit 

Bacca Venafro. 
Ver ubi longuaiy tepidasque pnebet 
Jupiter bnimas^ et amicus Aulon 
Fertili Baccho minimum Faleniis 

f nvideC iivis. 
Ille te mecum locus, et beats 
Postulant arces; ibi tu calentem 
Debitl^ sparges lacrymft faviilam 

Vatis amici. 
Imbelle Tarenturo. 

Atque coronatum et petulans, madidumque Tareotum. 

Sin armenla magis stadium, vitnlosque tueri, 
Aut foetus ovium, aut urentes culta capellas 
Saltus et saturi petite longinqua Tarenti. 

Castrum Mineevjs. 

Prevehimur pelago viciua Ceraunia juxta, 
Unde iter Italiam, cursusque bre? issimus undis. 
Jamque rubescebat stellis Aurora fugatis : 
Quum procul obscures colles, humilemque Tidemu^ 


Crebescunt optatae aurae : pertusque patescit 
Jam propier, (emplumque apparet in arce Minerrs. 
Vela legunt socii, et proras ad litora torquent* 
Portus ab £oo fluctu curvatur in arcum, 
Objecta* salsa spumaiU aspergine caute*. 
Ipse latet : gemiue demittui\^ brachia muro 
Turriti scopuli, refugitque a litore templum. 

ftrabuOcog. Brundisium. Le port de Brunclisium, tih 

▼I. 19*. fr6quent6 paries Remains pour passeren Grftcc,^toit 

excellent en lui-m£me. On la comparoit k uM 

corne de ccrf qui pousse beauooup de branches difr 

f(6rentes. Comme elle il rentermoit pluneurs ports 


.JEjMifdm ill. 
506. 5fl. 



dans un seul. Partout k Tabri des vents et d'une 
\ pro£bndeur suffisaiite, il n avoit aucun des d6fauts 

de celui de Tarentum. 

Les Romains envoyferent une colonie k Brundi- ^^^ |J^' 
- 3ium A. U. C. 509. 

I Nee non Brundisium qu6 desinit Itala tellus. 



\ Sallentinos obsedit milite campos 

Sil. Italic, 
▼iii. 576. 

JEMtld. ii2. 

EpisU il. t,. 

Ljctius IdomeD^us 


Ltoa Tarentino violas imitata veneno. 

M. Oabganus. 

Gargaoum mugire putes memus, aut mareTuscum. 

Sect. XI. 

Cette region, une des plus 6tendues de Tlta- 
iie, mais des plus recul^es dans Tint^rieur des 
terres, touchoit k cinq autres regions. Le Ma- 
trinus et TApennin la s^paroient du Picenum; le 
Nar de TUmbrie ; le Tibre de TEtrurie ; I'Anio et 
une ligne de ses sources k Bene vent um la divisoient 
de la Campanie ; Telesia, Herculaneum, Larinum, 
et le Tifemus fonnoient sa frontifere avec I'Apu- v. ]• Carte 
lie. Sa c6te maritime ne s'^tendoit que depuis *^*''£jj^^ 
rembouchure du Tifemus, jusqu'^ celle du Matri- « pkd. 
BUS. £lle comprenoit (outre les Samnites) un 
grand nombre de cit^s que les Romains avoient 
rixaxL dans, ujae seule province. J 'en compte huit 

principales : 

388 NOMINA, G£NtE&4t;E 

principales: I. Les Sabins ; 2. Les Mami ; 3. Lti 
jiEgui; 4. Les Peligni ; 5. Les Vesihii; 6. La 
Marrucini; 7. Les Frentani ; et 8. Les Sammies. 
ud?Anrk|. ^- Sabini. Ce peuple indigene de Tltalie, ou 
u. c. 8 ci sorti des Lac^d^nioniens, s est toujours distingu^ par 
riccr. ad son courage, par sa probite, et par des moeurs vc^ 
V. u. tueuses et giossieies qui ne soiit jamais resscntiesdu 
voisinage dc la capitale. Son pays etoit born^ pai 
le Nar, IcTibre, ct les montagnes duc6t^dc TUm- 
brie, dc TEtrurie, et du tcrritoire des Marses. II 
pen^»troitau nord cntre rUmbrie etle Picenum, ct 
aboutissoit en pointc au MmU Fiscellus. Vjie 
autre langue, tbrm^e par le voisinage du Tihrc 
et de TAnio et tenninec par leur jonction, Fappro- 
cboit de Rome. II paroit meme que dans les terns 
les plus recul^s les Sabins s'6toient rcpandus au- 
dela de TAnio, mais que dans la .suite les Liitiiis 
repasserent ccttc riviere a leur toirr. Voici Ic'? 
principales villes des Sabins dans le canton le plus 
voisin de Uonie, c est a dire dans la parlie qui c^t 
entre le Tibre, TAnio, le \\*linus et le Nar : I. Col- 
latia aunlela de TAnio: 2. Antemnse aux portcs 
dc Rome ; 3. Fidefia? ; 4. Crustumcrium ; 5. Fh 
cidea ; 6. Corniculum ; 7- Nomcntum sur TAIlva; 
8. Ei^ctum; 9. Regillum, la patrie des Claudii; 
10. Cures, la capitale de Tatius; .11 Casperia sor 
rHimella, un pen plus bant que Cures. Dansce 
canton riclie, qui est auprt^s du lac et du flcuve Ve- 
linus et qu on nous donne pour la premiere patrie 
des Aborigines, jc trouve, 1. Keate; 3. 
3. Tiora; 4. Trebula Mutusca; et 5. Cutiliaf, 
les eaux du ni^me nom qu'on apptlloit Ic Dombrit 



1 le centre de I'ltalie. Parmi les montagncs je 
yiSj 1. Falacrinum; 2. Amitemuin; 3. Foruli. 

Interocrea ; 5. Forum Decii ; 6. Vespasiae ; 

Nursia ; 8. Corsula. Entre les montagnes je 
rmarque ndmm^ment, Severus, Tetrica et Gur- 

Le pays des Sabins est long mais ^troit. II pro- stn^Gcof. 
uit de rhuile et du vin, et nourrit beaucoup de *^ 
Jtail. Les guerres avoient detruit la plupart de 
urs villes. Du tems d'Auguste, Cures," autrefois 
considerable, n'^toit plus qu'une bourgade, Ere- 
im et Trebula n'etoient que de mauvais villages. 

Ecce inter primos Therapnaeo a sanguine Clausi SiLItaLviiL 

Exultat rapidis Nero non imitabilis ausis ; ^^^ 

HuDc Amilerna cohors, et Bactris nomina ducens 

Casperia ; hunc Foruli^ magna^ue Reate dicatum 

Ccelicolum matri ; nee non habitata pruinis 

Nursia, et a Tetrica comitantur mpe cohoites : 

Cunctis basta decus, clipeosque refertur in orbem, 

Conique implumes, ac la»vo tegmina crare. 

Ibant, et laeti pars Sancum voce canebant, 

Anctorem gentis ; pars laudes ore ferebant, 

Sabe, tiias, qui de proprio cognomine primus 

Dixisti populos magni ditione Sabinos. 

Ecce, Sabinorum prisco de sanguine, maguum TirgU. 

Agmen agens Clausus, magnique ipse agmims instar : ^^^ ^' 
Claudia nunc a quo diffunditur et tribus et gens 
Per Latium, postquam in partem data Roma Sabinis : 
Una ingens Amiterna cohors, priscique QuiriUs, 
Ereti manus omnis, oliviferaque Muiusca: 
Qui y omentum urbem, qui rosea rura VeUni; 
Qni Tetric4t horrentes rapes, montemque Severum, 
Cesperiamque colonly Forulosque exftumen HimelUt. 
Qni TiberiiD, Fabarimqiu bibmit : tposfrigida misit ' 
TOL, IV. V Nursia, 


Nursiaf et HortiiuB classes, popultque LaUm : 
Quosque secans infiBustuin interluit Allia nomen. 

^Jn^ Quinque adeo magiue posids incudibus urbes 

Tela novaiiti Atina potens, Tlburque superbum. 

Ardea, Crustumerique, et turrigene AniemM. 

^^^^' HoRATii Villa. Ce poete avoit unc m 
L&C9. son nomm6e Uitica dans le pays des Sabins: 
' ' mons Lucretilis, le canton de Mandela, le niissc 
Digentia, et la Fontaine Blandusia, tout en d6l 
mine la situation h, Monte Libretto entre Cures 
Regillum, et k vingt milles du mont Soracte que 
poete appercevoit de loin. Je sais cependant qi 
y a une petite dispute sur la situation de cet 

Ilont Scribetur tibi forma loquaciter, et situs agri. 

^^ '* CoQtinui montes ; ni dissocientur opacA 

Vallei sed ut venieos dextrum latus aspiciat sol, 
LaeTum decedeus curHk fugiente \^poret. 
Temperiem laudes. Quid, si rubicuuda benigne 
Coma vepres et pruua feruut i si quercus et ilex 
Multi fruge pecus, mult& dominum juvat umbra ? 
Dicas adductum proptus frondere .Tareutum. 
Fons etiam rivo dare nomen idooeus ut iiec 
Frigidior Thracam, nee purior ambiat Mebrus, 
Iiifinno capiti fluit utilis, utilb alvo. 
He latebrs dulces, etiam (si credis) amoeoe, 
Incolumem tibi me prsstaut Septembribus horii. 

VanodeRe Reate. Le tcrritoire de Reate ^toit tout 
•^i.ct€. pAturages. On y voyoit les anes de Tltalie 
plus grands et les plus beaux. lis se vendoii 
quelquefois de soixante ^ cent mille sesterces. ^ 
adonn^jusqu^ trois ou quatreceas xoille sester 

ANTiQU-fi italt:x. 291 

I)Our des ^talons de cette race. La come de leurs 
pieds s'endurcissoit si on les envoyoit k la montagne 
pendant T^t^. 

Les environs de Reate et du lac Velinus s'ap- f"^?"- . 

11 » -r^ n T ji 1 ..... ItaLAntiq. 

pelloient Rosea Rura. L herbe croissoit si bien et i. ".cp. p. 
si vite dans ses beaux p&turages que si on y laissoit 
line perche le soir, le lendemain matin on ne la 
retrouvoit plus. Quelques commentateurs I'ont 
entendu plaisamment de la hauteur et ilon de 
I'^paisseur d'une perche, mais la demifere 6toit bien 
assez pour faire donner k ces champs le nom de 
£rai$$e de ritalie. 

Et quantum longis carpent armenta diebns VirgU. 

Exigu& tantum gelidus ros nocte reponet. SjJ^**'* 

n. Marsi. Ce nom leur donna d'abord une ori- 
gine Phrj^enne et les fit descendre dans I'esprit 
des Grecs du c^l^bre Marsyas. Leur pays, que les 
-exploits de ses habitans et surtout la Guerre So- 
ciale ou Marsique* a rendu si fameux, ^toit petit 
€t rempli de montagnes. La grande chaine de 
lApennin le s6paroit des Piceni, des Vestini, et des 
Peligni. II ne partageoit qu'avec les Sabins tout 
k pays qui est entre ces montagnes, le Nar, le 
Tibre, et TAnio. Je n y trouve que pen de villes 
autour du lac Fucinus. 1 . Alba Fucentia, ou Fu- v. aimer, 
cetia, colonic au nord du lac ; 2. Cerfeonia, k J^^^ 
Torient; 3. Marubium, au midi; 4. Anxantia; 

5. Lucus Angitise, k Toccident. Dans les mon- 
fftignes je ne vois que quelques bourgades sans nom 

it la situation est mal connue. 

* Mon Jounial le 1 Noyembre, 17^^ 

u S Quu% 

j«k •* 


Virgil. Quin et Mnrnbid venit de gente sacerdosi 

750.* '^" Fronde super galeam et felici comptos oliv&i 

Archippi regis missiiy fortissimus Umbro : 
Vipereo generi ct graviter spirantibus hydris 
Spargere qui somnos cantuque manuque solebat, 
Mulcebatque iras, et morsus arte levabat. 
Sed non Dardanisc medicari cuspidb ictum 
Evaluit ; n'eque eum juvire in vulnera cantus 
Somniferi, et Marsis qucsitae in montibus herbst* 
IV riemiis Atigitiitj vitrei te Fucinus uodk, 
Te liquidi flevere lacus. ■■ 

▼^'49^*^' Hae bellare acies norant; at Marsica pubc* 

Et bellare inanft et chelydris cantare soporenif 
Vipereunique herbis hebetare et carmine dentem. 
Acelae prole in Angitiam mala gramina primam 
Monstravisse feruiit ; tact&que domare veneoa, 
£t lunaai excusstsse polo, stridoribus amnes 
Frsenantem, et silvis nioutes nudasse vocatis, 
Seu populis iiomen posuit metuentior hospes 
Cum fugeret Phrygios trans aequora Marsya Creuas 
Mygdouiam Phasbo buperatus pectine loton. 

Iden. viii. Marnivium veteris celebratum nomiBe Mirri, 
^^' Urbibus est illis caput. 

Alba Fucentia. 

Idem. Tiii. — ' Interiorque per ados 

^^' Alba sedet campos, pomisquc rependit aristas. 

Caetera in obscuro famfr, et sine nomine vulgi, 
Sed nuinero castella valent. 

Vrii. p»ter. Les Roiiiains y envoy ^rent une colonie, Ian d 

Rome 459. 
flniiK Conime elle ^toit dans Tinttiricur des terres^ i 

M^li. ^' tr^s bicn fortifii^e, le S^nat y cnvoyoit aouvent dc 

prisonniers d'iinportaiic& 



Le Senat ordonna k Q. Cassius dV conduire son TiLiir. 
capiif le Roi Pers6e, avec son fils Alexandre, de lui 
faire une maison, et de lui foumir de Fargent et 
des meubles, Le Roi Syphax avoit d^j^ 6i6 traits 
de la mSme niani^re. 

Apr^s avoir demeur^ quatre ans a Albe, Pers^e VcU. pmw. 
y roourut, aussi bien que son fils Alexandre. .lcxl 

Lacus Fucixus. Ce lac, nomm6 aujourdliui 
Lago de Celano, a environ trente milles Ro- 
mains de circonftrence, quaud il est dans son etat 
naturel; mais souvent il se debordoit dans les 
campagnes voisines. Tout le terrein jusqu aux 
montagnes 6toit quelquefois sous les eaux et 
quelquefois des champs fertiles et cultiv^. Uan 
de Rome 6 16, le lac Fucin inonda tout le pays cir- jui.oiMe. 
convoisin k cinq milles alentour. Strabon at- ^jj^^ 
tribue ces ph^nom^nes aux sources dans le lac scrabxj^. 
meme et qui sont plus ou nioins atx)ndantes. Ju- Soetoa. in 
les C^sar, qui voyoit tout en grand, vouloit creuser iHr. 
un canal qui d^chargeroit ce lac de ses eaux super- 
flues. La mort arr^ta I'ex^cution de ce projet 
qu'Auguste, plus sage ou plus timide, n^osa jamais 
entreprendre, quoiqu'il y fut souvent soUicit^ par 
les Marses. Claude enfin eut le courage de la j,^^^ 
tenter. II falloit creuser ce canal depuis le lac ■*^»^* 


jusqu au Liris. I^'inter\*alle n'^toit que de trois Soeton. m 
milles ; mais on ne pouvoit ^viter une montagne prm. b^l 
haote et pierreuse. On la coupa dans une partie ^^\s. 
dc son ^tendue; dans le reste on se contenta de la 5*°^ ,".■*• 
percer. Enfin au bout de onze ans el par le tra- Betger, 
^aii assidu de trente mitle hommes, ce canal se cheMmw 
^ tiouva achev6 A. U. C. 805 et de Vire Chritienne JL^it*^ 

V 3 52. 

294 NOMIXA, 0£KT£5<^UE 

52. L empereur, pour Staler aux yeux de la capi- 
tate la grandeur de son ouvrage, y attira tout Ic 
peuple par une superbe naumachie qu'il leur donna. 
Deux flottesy qui repr^sentoient les Rhodiens etles 
Siciliens, y combattirent k toute outrance. Chaqne 
escadre 6toit compos^e de douze galores k tiois 
rangs de rames, et k leur donner trob ccns 
honunes par galore, il y auroit eu plus de sept 
miiles combattans. Le nombre me plairoit bkii 
mieux que les dix-neuf mille de Tacite. Un Tri- 
ton d'argent s*61evoit du fond des eaux pour son* 
ner la charge, et une flotte encore plus nombreuse 
environnoit ces malheureux condamn^ et les obli* 
geoit de verser leur sang pour Tamusement du 
peuple Romain. Apr^s ce spectacle on ou\Tit le 
canal, mais on s apper^ut bientdt combien 1 ouvrage 
itoit imparfait, et que Tignorance ou la negligence 
des ouvriers ne lui avoit pas donn^ la profondeur 
n^ccbsaire. On chercha k y rem^dier, on crut 
avoir r^ussi, mais une inondation montra bientot 
^UiuSpar. que le principe du mal subistoit totijours. Faut-il 
driM."* *^ done s ^tonner si N^ron et Iladrien ont ^t^ obliges 
itaLAlSL ^^ r^tablir cet ouvrage, et que malgr^ leurs tra- 
Lii. C.15. vaux il n'en reste plus de vesticces? Pour les faci- 

p. 765-767. , r . , . , 

liter et les perfectionncr il falloit Tart des ecluM> 
que les anciens n avoient point. 
aatier.Lu. III. iEQui. Lcs iEqui, quou appclloit aiisM 
les jEquiculi, ces anciens ennemis de Rome nais- 
sante, habitoient les deux rives de TAuio depuis 
Varia juscju'^ ses sources. Leur pays perfoit dun 
c6te entre les Sabins et les Marses; d'un autre 
cdt^ il s^^tendoit jusqu 4 Algidum entre Alba^ Tua^ 


c. 16. 


Culum, et Preneste. Je crois que dans la suite on 
ajouta au Latkim tout ce qu^il falloit pour le pous- 
ser jusqu'a I'Anio, mais il ne vaut pas la peine de 
partager les ^Equi. Je trouve dans leur pays, 1. 
Algidum, avec sa montagne et sa forfit; c'^toit la 
place forte des iEqui et leur poste avanc6e; 2. 
Corbio; 3. Vitellia; 4. Boise; en-de^^ de TAnio. 
Au-del^ de I'Anio, 1. Varia; 2; Sublaqueum; et 
3. Treba sur la riviere ; 4. Carseoli dans les nfion- 

Et te montosae misere in praelia Nurss, Virgil. 

Ufens, insignem fam^ et felicibus armis: ^^^ ^^' 

Horrida prascipue cui gens, assuetaque multo 
Venatik nemorumy duris Mquicula glebis : 
Armati terrain exercent, semperque recentes 
Convectare juvat praedas, et vivere rapto. 

Quique Anienis habent ripas^ gelidoque rigantur SU. Itiliti 

Simbrivio^ rastrisque domant Mquicula rura. 


Scilicet hlc olim Volscos iEquosque fugatos Ovid. FM; 

Viderat in campis Jlgida terra tuis. ^^ ^ 

Duris ut ilex tonsa bipennibus Hor.Cann. 

Nigrae feraci frondis in Algidoy 8cc. 

It. 4. 

■ Nee amoena retentant Sil. ItaL ■ 

Algida. "'^ 

Frigida Carseolis ; nee olivis apta ferendis Ovid. Fast 

Terra ; sed ad segetes ingeniosus ager. *^' ^ 

On y envoya une colonie A. U. C. 461. VciUPatet 

IV. Peligni. Cette nation, qui 6toit Illy- ciurtitai. 
rienne d'origine, occupoit un petit canton entre Antiq.LU. 
FApennm, le Sagrus, et TAternus. II ^toit tout 
dans rint^rieur des terres. Les Marucini et les 

u 4 Frentani 

$Q6 NOMINA, G£NT£8<m« 

Frentani l^emp^choient de s'^tendre jusqu'4 la incn 
Je n'y trouve que, 1. Sulmo; 2. Corfinium plus 
prfes de TApennin et de I'Ateraus; et 3. Super 
jior.iiifi. Sulmo. Sylla fit raser cette ville apr^s sa 
victoire, mais il parolt qu'ellc sc r^tablit bient6t 

Ovid. Fast. Serus ab Iliacis et post ADtenora flammis 

if. p. 56r. Attulit iEneas in loca nostra Deos. 

Hujns erat Solymus Phr}'gi& comes unus ab Id& 

A quo Sulinonis moenia nomen babent. 
Sulmonis gelidi patrise Germanice nostras 

Me miserum Scythico quam procul ilia solo estl 

OvidAmor. Me pars Sulmo tenet, Peligni tertia ruris. 

iL £leg. 16. Parva, sed irriguis ora salubris aquis. 

8il.Itafie. Conjungitur acer 

^""* *^^* Pelignus, gelidoque rapit Sulmone cohortes. 

Diodor.Sic. CoRFiNiUM. Lcs allies dc la liguc Italiquc 
iioerpt choisirent cette ville pour leur nouvelle capitale. 

lis rembellirent beaucoup et construisirent un fo- 
rum avee une tr^s belle Curia. Toutc cette gran- 
deur tomba avec la ligue. 
SnTniiq ^* Vestini. II cst aussi difficile qu'il seroit 
L iL & If. inutile de marquer avec precision les borncs de ces 
petites cities qui sc confondoient les unes daiis les 
autrcs. II paroit que les Vestini ^toieut renferm^ 
entre le Picenum, la mer, et la rive gauche de 
TAtcrnus. J y trouve, 1. Atemum sur les bords 
de cette riviere; 2. Pinna, le chef-lieu du canton; 
S. Peltuinum; 4. Aufina; et 5. Avia, la plus doi- 
gn^ de la men £lle s appelloit aussi Aveia et 



Haud illo levior bellu Festinajuventus sn lulic. 

jAgmina deusavit : veoatfi dura ferarum. ^"^ *^^- 

Quae, Fiscelle, tuas arces, Pinnamque virenl^m^ 
Pascuaque haud tarde redeuntia toudet ^viUa. 

VI. Marrucini. Ce petit pcuple occupoit leciur. itak 
ranton entr^ TAternuset Ic Forum. On ne trouve c."ii? '"' 
)arnii eux que la seule ville de Teate qui paroit k 

a verity avoir 6t6 tr^s considerable. 

Marrucina simul Frentanis aemula pubes. SU. Italic. 

Corfini populos magnumque Teate trahebat. ^'"* 

iilius se trompe a la v^rit^ par rapport i Corfi- 
Ce fut du vivant mfeme de Pline, la demi^re an- Pii". Hv*. 

. Nat. ii. 83* 

i6e de N^ron, qu'il arriva un prodige dans ce pays, 
?t sur les terrcs de Vectius Marcellus, chevalier 
domain. Une vigne et un terrein plants d'oli- 
iers travers^rent r^ciproquement le chemin public 
|ui les s^paroit et changferent de place. Ce fut 
ipparemment un tremblement de terre. 

VII. Frentani. Ce peuple, avec moins de r^- ciur.iui. 
mutation peut-6tre que ses voisins, occupoit plus de c-U."* 
erritoire. II s'^tendoit sur une c6te maritime de 
[uatre-vingt milles depuis lembouchure du Forum 
usqu*^ celle du Frento et au commencement du 
iromontoire du Mont Garganus. Voici ses en- 

Iroits principaux, 1. Ortona, le Sagrus; 2. Histo- 
iium ; 3. Buca, le Tifemqs ; 4. Anxanum ; 5. La- 
inum, ville considerable, le chef-lieu des Larinates 
|ui avoient un territoire ^tendu, et qui formoient 
me cit6 presque ind^pendante du corps des Fren- 

VIII. Samnites. Ce peuple c^l^bre a donn6 

^ ^ Stnb.Geog. 

son L T. p. \7t. 


son nom k la region enti^re qui n 6toit remplie en 
effet que de ses allies. II descendoit des Sabins, 
(avec qui on la souvent confondu,) et les autres 
cit^s de la province paroissent avoir 6t6 ses colo- 
nies, ses conf<6d^r6s, ou ses sujets. Les Samnites 
habitx)ient un pays assez ^tendu, rempli de forftts et 
de montagnes, et renferm6 entre les Frentani, les 
Peligni, le Latium, la Campanie, les Hirpini et 
TApulie, et, pour parler plus pr6cis6ment, entre Ic 
Sagrus, le Vultumus, le Sabbatus, et le Frento. 
Mais cette cit6 belliqueuse, qui mettoit sur pied 
80,000 fantassins et 8,000 cavaliers, se r^pandoit 
souvent au-del^ de ses fronti^res. Elle avoit sub- 
jugu6 les Campaniens, les Marses, et plusieurs cites 
du JLatium ; ses troupes couvroient TApulie et la 
Lucanie. EUes faisoient quelquefois des courses 
jusqu'^ Ardea dans le pays des Rutuli. C'est une 
reniarquc qu'il faut faire quand on lit Titc Live, 
que le th^Atre de la guerre Samnite est rarement 
dans le Samnium m^me. Le peu que nous savons 
de leurs loix me paroit digne de Lycurgue. On 
donnoit tous les ans les dix plus belles filles aux 
dix jeunes guerriers qui s^etoient le plus signal^ 
T.iir.x. Dans leurs dans:ers extremes ils ofFroient un sacri- 
iice public dans un pavilion immense. Ils y fai- 
soient entrer leurs braves les uns apr^s les autres 
pour les engager <\ leurs drapeaux' et k la bravoure 
par les sermens les plus atroces. lis se choisis- 
soient ensuitc mutuellement jusqu'^ la concurrence 
de 1 6,000 hommes. Cette plialange redoutable so 
nommoit Legio LinteatOy non pas de leurs cuirasses 
puisqu elles ^toient d or et d argent, mais des toiles 




qui avoient couvcrt le pavilion sacr^. Cette insti- 
tatkm toute belliqueuse leur avoit valu beaucoup 
de victoires. Elle fit longtems balancer la fortune 
cntr eux et les Romains. La r^publique ne les 
sabjugua qu apres six guerres sanglantes, ou plu- 
tot apr^s une guerre continue de soixante-dix 
zns, oil leurs g^n^ux m^rit^rent vingt-quatre tri- 
omphes, et essuy^rei^t presqu' autant de revers. 
Les Samnites demeur^rent soumis pendant quelque 
tems qu'ils ne signal^rent leur \'aleur que contre 
leurs ennemis du nom Romain; on les regardoit 
avec raison comme les meilleures troupes de la t6- 
publique. lis reprirent les armes a la fin, et on 
voit qu'ils ^toient les chefs de la guerre sociale. 
Leur r^volte leur couta cher. Apr^s quelques 
avantages les legions Romaines victorieuses par 
tout port^rent le fer et le feu dans leur pays, 66- 
truisirent jusqu aux vestiges de leurs villes, et ex- 
tenninerent leurs habitans.* Svlla les massacra 
partout, il en fit ^gorger quatre ou cinq mille dans 
YOciUj et il d^fendit qu*on leur fit jamais quartier; 
moins par cruaute que pour assurer le salut des Ro- 
mains qui 6toit incompatible -avec celui de ses ri^ 
\-aux. L'entreprise de Pontius Telesinus ne le 
justifie que trop. Le peu qui restoit des Samnites 
se sauva de Tltalie, et le pays n'etoit qu'un desert 
du terns de Tib^re: la plikpart des villes ^toient 
dctmites. Celles qui subsistoient encore n'^toient 
plus que des \allages. Voici les endroits princi- 

Plntarqiie dit 6,000, Samnites et Lucaoiens. Cetoient Ic^ 
de ranee de TdcsDOi^ (in Sylla.) 




1. ii. 167. 

SiL Ital. 

tar U Suisse, 
tcMn. iiu p.^ 
theque Rai> 

ilvii. p.41- 

paux du Samniuni, 1. iEsemia, colonic pr^s des 
sources du Vultvimus ; S. Alliiie, sur la mdine ri- 
viere; 3. Telesia, colonic sur le Sabbatus; 4. Be- 
neventum, colonic; 5. Caudium, entre fieneventum 
et Capoue; 6. Saepinum, colonic; 7- Tifemum; 

8. Trivcntinuni sur les fronti^res dcs Frentani; 

9. Bovianum, colonic vers la source du Tifcmus ct 
dans Ic centre du pays; 10. Aufidena, colonic en- 
dcf a du Vultumus et sur les fronti^res du Latiuni. 
II y a encore beaucoup d endroits dont on ignore 
la situation. 

Haec genus acre vir&iD, Mamos pubemque Sabeltem 

AflTuit ct Samnis, uoiidum vergcnte favorc 
Ad Poeiios; sed ncc vctcri purgatus ab ir&: 
Qui Batulum, Nucrasque metunt, Boviaiiia quique 
Exagitnnt lustra, aut Caudinis faucibus ha>rent; 
Kt quos aut Kufra?, quos aut iEsernia, quosvc 
Obscura incultis (Icrdouia niisit ab agris. 

Bexevextum. Tons les anciens ont place Ik- 
neventum dans le Samniuni. Pourquoi dans h 
carte de Fltalie ancienne de M. Dclisle le trouvc- 
t-on dans le pays des Hirpini et dans la region 
d'Apulia ? 

On sait qu'il s appelloit auparavant Maleventuni. 
*M. de Bochat, savant Suisse, i\u\ a tr^s fort appro- 
fondi les origines Celticjues, trouvc cjue ces deux 
mots ont la m^nie signification. Ben-ecen-tun 
tout comme Mal-vend-tun^ vouloit dire ville sur 
une colline de la campagne d eau. (^ette ville etoit 
en effet sur une hauteur au milieu d*une belle 
plaine arros^e d'un grand nombre de ruisscaux. 


AS'TIQr.t ITALKt. 301 

Dans le nioycn age Beneventum tlevmt la capi- 
tate cl'un grand 6tat. Uan 571 les Lombards, 
1 avant conquis, T^rig^rent en duche qui Tempor- 
ta bientdt sur ceux de Spol^te et de Frioul, et 
qui s'etendit sur toutes les provinces du royaumc 
de Naples a Texception de la Calabre et de quelques 
lieux maritimes. On Tappelloit I'ltalie Cistiberine 
et la petite I^mbardie. Ses dues, en efFet de • 
pouv^rneursdevenus souverainsher^ditaires, ^toient 
aussi puissans que les rois dont ils etoient feuda- 
taires. Ils s atfranchirent meme de cette depen- 
dance apres la ruine des Lombards. Au lieu de re- 
connoitre Ic vainqueur Francois pour son seigneur 
suzerain, Arechis due de Beneventum, prit le titre 
de prince, s arrogea tons les droits regaliens, et 
viutint TefFort des armes de Charlemagne. Ce tut 
sous ce prince et son successeur Grimoald qu'on 
vit tleurir cet 6tat. Beneventum s'embellissoit ; on 
y avoit ajout^ une nouvellc ville, les sciences y 
rtrgnoient. Au commencement du neuvieme siecle, 
on y comptoit jusqa^ trente-deux philosophes, 
cest a dire professeurs des arts lib^raux. Cette v. Histoii 
splendeur passa bientdt. Beneventum devint tri- k*bI€^ p 
butaire des Franf ois : Capoue et Saleme, qui ^^^^; 
n etoient que du nombre de ses comtes ou Castaldes, ▼«•▼»•«" 
devinrent des principautes ind^pendantes. Les 
Arabes d^sol^rent cette souverainete mourante, et a 
la fin en 891 les Grecs s'en rendirent maitres. 


Imposilus mannis^ arvum coelumque SabiDam Hor.Epb 

'Son cessat laudare. '•^* 






HoRATii Villa. 

Haec tibi dictabam fmum pott putre Vaca me ■ 

Villice, syWarum et m3ii me reddenlis agelli, 
Quern tu fastidis, habitrntum quinque focis, et 
Quioque boQos solitum Bariam dimittere patres. 

Velox amoenum saepe Lucretileiii 
Mutat Lya^o Faumu; et igneam 
Defeodit antatem capellis 

Usque meis^ pluviosque ventos. 


Utcunque dulci, Tjndari, fistulft 
Valles, et Ustics cubantis, 
Levia personuere saxa. 

O fons Blandusia, splendidior vitro^ 
Dulct digue mero, non sine floribus- 
Cras donaberis bsMio. 



Te flagrantis atrox bora canicule 
Nescit tangere ; tu frigus amabile 
Fessis vouiere tauris 

Prsebes et precori vi^o.' 

Me quoties reficit gelidus Digeutia rims 

Quem Mandela bibit, rugosus frigore pagus. 

VIII. Samnitks. 

Caedimur, ac totidem plagis consumimus bosteuii 
Leuto Samuites ad lumina prima duello. 

Sect. XII. 


it!d^ Aot ^ ^^^^ province s'^tendoi t sur rAdriatiquc depub 
Ltcii. rembouchure de TJil^is jusqu*^ cellc du Matrinus. 



a premiere de ces rivieres la s^paroit de FUmbrie, 
lutre formoit sa frontifere avec le pays des Ves- 
ni. Dans Tint^rieur des terres elle s'^tendoit 
isqu au pied de TApennin qui la divisoit du pays 
es Sabins. On pent la partager dans deux cantons. 
. Le Picenum Propre, ou I'Ager Picenus ; et, 2. 
I pays des Pretutii, av^c le territoire d'Hadrie; 
I premier prenoit depuis T^sisjusqu'^ I'Helvinus, 
t le second de I'Helvinus jusqu'au Matrinus. 

Les Piceni, descendans des Sabins, habitent un |f»bafc 
ays plutdtlongque large, qui fournitabondamment p. i66. 
>utes les choses n6cessaires k la vie, mais les arbres 
"uitiers y viennent mieux que le bled. 

Cette demi^re remarque me fait voir avec sur- 
rise que dans la division de rempire par Constan- 
n on ait donn6 k cette province le nom de Pice- 
urn Anonarium. 

Le Picenum 6toit tr^s peupl^ quand ils sc soumi- piin. Hist. 
»nt k la r^publique, les Romains y gagn^rent fiof. E*pin 
60,000 sujets: cet ^v^nement arriva A. U. C. 485, ** ^^• 
"ois ans avant la premiere guerre Punique. 

I. Ager Picenus. Voici les lieux maritimes de clavier. 
L province depuis I'iEsis i 1 . Ancone, colonic ; 2. ]%\ ^"t** 
lumana; 3. Potentia, colonic; 4. Truentum, la p-^**-^-*^- 
vi^re Truentum, la Tinna ; 5. Firmum, colonic ; 
. Cluana; 7. Cupra Maritima, c^lfebre par le 
^mple de Cupra, la Junon des Etrusques. On 
oyoit dans Tint^rieur des terres, 1. Auximum, 
ui a ^t^ la m^tropole du pays ; 2. Cingulum ; 3. 
eptempeda; 4. Asculum la capitale, colonie; 5. 
/upra Montana ; 6. Novana ; 7. PoUentia. 

304 XOMIKA, G£NTit8JtfC£ 

Sil. Ittiic. Quid qui PIcena stimulat telluris alumnos 

^m. 4'*6. Horridus et squamis et equinik Curio cristi 

Pars belli quani magiia venit. 

Hie et quos pascunt scopulosse rura Numana, 
£t quis litorese fumant altaria Cupra ; 
Quique Trucntinas servant cum flumine turret 
Cenicre erat : clipeata procul sub sole corusco 
Agniina sanguineft vibrant in nubila luce. 

inclemcns hirsuti signifer Ascli. 

stfjikJGeog. AxcoNA. Ccttc villc doit sa fondation aux 
^ p- • I'^fiigi^ji Je Syracuse qui avoient ^chapp^ au tyran 
Denys. Elle ^toit situ^e sur un promontoire qui 
se rccourboit au nord pour former le port. II crois^ 
soit dans ccs environs beaucoup de bled et de viii. 
Dergcr, Ti*ajan avoit construit «\ Anconc un grand et 

Chcioiiit, niagnificjue port. Pour c^*k*brer cet ouvragc Ic 
p.*94.**' s(*iiat fVappa non sculement unc mcdaille, mais il 
812^*^ lui (^TJu^ca encore sur les licux un arc de trioniphc. 
L.T. c. 14. II avoit <lc beaux orneniens qui ne subsistent plus, 
tels quune statue du prince dans un cbar a quatre 
clievaux, mais c'est toujours un beau monument 
II est composii du marbre blanc de Paros, dont les 
grands carreaux sont si bien unis qu on apper^oit 
a peine les jointures. Les membres extdrieurs, les 
cliapiteaux, corniches, arcbitraves, &c. aussi bien 
que les moulure^, ne sont point des pieces de rapport 
qu on y a a[)pos6 ; Tarchitecte les a tailles dans 
le marbre nitme. Dans Tinscription de Tare, An- 
cone est appelk*e labord de Tltalie. 

Stat fucare colus nee Sidone vilior Ancon^ 

fili/-ii. Muricc nee L>bico. 



tncidit Adriaci spatium admirabile ibombi i^^^' 

Ante domum Veneris^ quam Dorica susiinet jincon. 59. 

Ag£r Pr^tltiaxus* Ce petit pays est tra- ciorier. 
verse par le Vomanus. Je ny trouve que, 1. lu.c.2! 
Hadria, qui partage avec celle du Po Thonneur 
de nonimer la mer Adriatique; elle ^toit colonic 
(Ics Svracusiens et ensuite dcs Romains; 2. Cas- 
irum Novum, colonid; 3. Interamua. 

Statque humecUta VomauQ Sil. TiaL 

Hadria ^-^*^' 

Sect. XIIL 

Voici les homes de cette prmince sous Ics V.aork 
Romains: le Rubicon et le Sapis la separoient des ii.e!4. p 
Gaulois Lingones; 1 Apennin et le Tibre de ^^ ^^ 
lEtrurie; KiEsis du Picenum; et le Nar, des 
Sabins. Un petit canton se d^bordoit au-del^ du 
Xar, jusqu'a Ocriculum; et dans Tint^ricur des 
terres une autre portion, un peu plus considerable, 
setendoit au-del^ de l\£sis jusqu'a Camerinuin. 
Les Gaulois Senones leur avoient enlev^ toute la 
eote maritime du Rubicon, ou plutdt de TUtens 
jusqu'^ l^-Esis, mais apres la destruction de cette 
cite les Romains rendirent a TUmbrie leur pays, 
qui porta pendant asse2 longtems le nom A^Ager 
GaUicus. II s*6toit assur^ment ^tendu dans le pays, 
mais comme nous ignorons ses bomes, je ne len- 
^isagerai que conmie la cdte maritime de TUmbrie 
etla I'* division de la province* La nature foumit 
les deux autres. L'Apennin coupe cette province 

Tou iv« X dans 


906 xoMiK\, GEvrnavE 

dans toute sa largeur depuis les sources du Ti 
jusqu'ii celles du Nar. La 2^ division sera Tl 
brie aii-delii de TApeunin, et la S"* rUmbric 
de^a de TApennin toujours par rapport & la c 
fpf^i^' L'Umbric est une province fertile mais icni| 
de niontagnes. 

I. Flumina. 
Sl ♦mT ^^ "^" Raricola firmntiiit robore caatra 

Deteriorc, cavis Yenientes montibus Umbri ; 
IIos A^sis Sapisque lavant, rapidasqiie sonanti 
Venice contorqueos undas per saxa MetauruL, 
— — et RubicOy et Senonum de Domine Sema. 

T. ciuT. Voici ks lieux de TUmbrie maritime dans For 

it^Anti^ de leur situation, 1. UArimnum^ colonic, TArii 

nus; 2. Pisaurum^ colonic, le Crustumtus, r 

seau t^^s rapide; 3. Fanum Fortuntt^ colonic 

villc ancienne; le Metaurus; 4. Sena Gatlica 

Senogallia, colonic ; la Sena, TiEsis. 

SlY^V" Ariminl'm. Le s^nat y envoya unc cole 

JJ; J^ ' A. U. C. 487, et k Pisaurum A. U. C. 568. . 

Gnndt. guste avoit fait r^parcr la Voie Flaminienne. 

L 1. c. 25. s^nat lui fit ^riger deux arcs de triomphe aux d 

^ ^^* cxtr^mit^ de son ouvrage, Tun sur le pont 

Tibre, I'autre h Ariminuni. 
i<ien»i. iv. Le pont d'Ariminum, entrepris par Augustc 
tjJl acheve par Tib^re A. U. C. 779, avoit deux c 

pieds de long. II avoit cinq arcades, les trois 
milieu avoient 25 pieds de largeur, et les A 
autres SO pieds ciiacune. II <^*toit omd d accoud 
de marbre, de colonnes Doruiues, et de statues 

Augtiste y avoit aussi con^truit un beau port, de idemj. !▼. 
^randes pierres de marbre, dont Sigismond Mala- ait!'^' 
testa, seigneur de Rimini, se ser\'it dans la suite 
pour la superbe ^glise de St Francois. 

II. UmBRIA trans ApENNINUM. DepUlS la Clavier. 

montagne jusqu'a Ariminum on trouvoit sur la Voie e. "* ** 
Flaminienne, 1. Suillum Helvillum; 2. Cales ; 
S. Petra Pertusa; 4. Forum Sempronii, A Torient 
dela Voie, 1. ^sisj ou Msium ; 2. Camerinunij 
alli^ libre, ct^gal des Romaiiis; 3. Attidium; ct 4. 
Bust a Galloruniy fameux par la d6faite des Gaulois 
en 459, et non point par celle de Camille comma 
les Grecs moderacs I'ont cru. A Toccident de la 
Voie, 1. Tifcrnum Metaurense; 2. Urbinum Hor- 
tense; et 3. Urbinum Metaurense; on y voit 
Ibrigine du ducli6 d'Urbin; 4. Sassina, pr^s du 
Sapis et au milieu de la tribu Sapinienne. 

armis Sil. Italic 

Vel rastris laudande Camers, his Sassina dives ^^^ P* *^' 


Petra Pertusa. Une haute montagne s'avan- ciurier. 
foit jusqu'au Metaurus a six milles de Forum L?tfc^(^ 
Sempronii. Pour y faire passer la Voie Flami- ^^^' 
nienne, les Romains furcnt obliges de creuser dan? 
Ic roc une ouverture qui avoit 35 pas ordinaires de 
bngueur, 5 de largeur, et autant de hauteur. 

III. Umbria CIS Apennixum. En descendant auwer. 
leTibrc Ton apperifoit, 1. Tifemum Tiberinum; ui'c.7. 
2. Arna; 3. Vettona; 4. Tuder; 5. Aineria; 6. 
Ocriculum. Entre FApennin et laTinia, Ton voit, 
1. Iguvium; 2. Assisium; 3; Hispellum; 4. Me- 
vania; 5. Fulginium; 6. Foliim Sempronii; 7- Nu- 
ceria Camellaria. Entre la Tinia ct Ic Nar, ou sur 

X 2 ^ c^XXt. 


cette dcmiere riviere, 1. Carsulse; 2. Spolctium 
3. Interamna ; et 4. Narnia. Entre la Voie Flami 
tiienne et TApennin je ne vois qu'un terrein closer 
sans vestiges clliabitations. 

Sil. Halle His urbes Arna et latis Mevania pnitis, 

Hispelluniy et duro monti per saxa recumbeBs 
Narnia, et infestum nebtdis humeiitibus olim 
Iguvium, patulo jacens sine moenibus arvo 
Fulginium \ his populi fortes, Amerinus, 

et baud parci Martem coluisse Tuderta. 

tci!.p«ter- Spoletium. Lcs Romains cnvoy^reiit udc CO 

n. *• '• "• lonie h Spoletium A. U. C. 5 1 8- 

v.VHb. Ildevint sous les Lombards la capitale de rUm 

dt Nkp'iM. ^^^^ ^^ ^^ duch^ de Spol^te, qui alloit toujours d< 

mii^imL P^^^ *^'^^ ^^^^ ^^ B^n^vcntc et de Frioul. C« 

i fivr« 4, 5» gouverneurs amovibles, qu'on appelloit dues, eurenl 

Tart de se rendre des princes h^r6ditaires et presqu- 

ind^pendans. Charlemagne les laissa subsister, el 

je les vois tr^s puissans encore au commencement 

du dixi^mc sifecle. 

Berber, Narnia. Ou travcrsoit le Nar pour entrei 

Cbemint, 1. daus Narnia, sur un pont qui joignoit deux Tno& 

75^' ^' ^' ^^gnes tr^s hautes. On voit encore le reste dcj 

arcades. On n'en connoit aucunes d aussi ^lev^es. 

auvicr. IxTERAMNA* A cu croirc Tauteur anonymc 

LiLe^r.'p! ^^ Oly mpiades et une inscription ancienne trouvA 

•**• sur les lieux, cette ville fut bdtie 704 ans avant la 

19*** ann^e de Tib^re. C'est ik dire, Olym. xxvi, 

4- A. U. C. 81, et 673 ans avant Fire Chr^tienne. 

ptin. Hut. Ameria. Selon Caton Tancien Ameria fut 

' bAtie 964 ans avant la guerre de Pers^, c*est 

ii dire 1 1 37 avant Jesus-Christ, et 47 ans apris U 

guerre dc Troyc. 



Sect. XIV. 


JEhili.^. Cette province avoit 6t6 occup6e par ?3^'f^. 
quatre peuples Gaulois. 1 . Les Auanes, ou Ana- q^L'u 
mani, qui poss^oient le duch^ de Plaisancc ; 2. s9. ' 
Les Boii 6toient r6pandus dans les duch^s de c2S 
Panne, de Modfcne, et de Reggio, et dans unc ^^^jf^Jj 
paitie du Bologne; 3. Les Lingones habitoient 
dans une partie du Bologne et du Ferrarois, et dans 
la Romagne ; 4. Les Senones s'empar^rent du duch6 
dT'rbin jusqu'^ Ancone, mais les Romains boule- 
vers^rent toutes ces di\'isions. lis extermin^rent 
les Senones, ajout^rent leur pays k TUmbrie, et fix- 
^rent le Rubico pour la borne nouvelle de la Gaule 
Cisalpine. lis chass^rent de leurs territoires les 
Boii ; les deux autres peuples furent 6pargn6s ; il 
parolt cependant qu'ils perdirent bientdt leurs 
bix, leurs nuKurs, leurs noms, et tout ce qui pent 
disdnguer un corps politique. Cette province,, 
bomde par le Po, la Mer, le Rubicon, TApennin, et 
ia Ligurie fut remplie de colonies Romaines. L"n 
grand chemin militaire la traversoit d'Ariminum h 
Placentia, qui i6toient 6Ioign^ Tune de lautre de 
184 roiUes Romains. Ce chemin, qui re^ut son 
iKnn de son fondateur iEmilius, le donne 4 cette 
r^icm. On y trouvoit les villes de Placentia, Flo- 
rentia, Fidentia ( Julia) ^ Parma, Taaetqm, Re* 
giom heplUik Mutina, Forum GaUorum^ Bononia 
(FeUktsX Cni^ema, FcmiDi Comelii, Fav^itia, Fo- 
mm Lim^ j^arum F<^Ui^ et Csi^s^na. Au nord 4q 
• ' X 5 chemin, 

810 NOMINA, 0£NT£tCl|rX 

chemin, on ne voyoit que Brixillum, coloi 
maine, ct an midi quelqiies bourgadcs Ga 
telles que Solsona, Aquinum et Saltus G 
La province n'^toit proprement que la Voi 
aoT.itftJia Forum Gallorum. Ce bourg, ihuit m 
2«^iu. ** Mod^ne et ^ dix-sept de Bolognc, est c^lel 
^' ^^^ une bataille qui s y donna pendant les guc 
viles. Marc Antoine assi^geoit Mod&ne do 
tins tftchoit de faire lever It si^ge. Pansa, 
consul, lui amenoit des secours de Tltalu 
Voie Emilienne. Marc Antoine alia au dei 
Pansa, 1 attaqua un pen au-del^ du Forum 
rum, et Tobligea de se retirer dans son camp 
k la h^te, mais que les ennemis ne purent 
dant pas forcer. Hirtius arriva bientdt au ; 
de son collogue, rencontra dans Ic bourg les 1 
d'Antoine, qui se retiroient du cdt^ de Mod 
les de(it entiirement. 
Idem,!. i. Rhexi Ixsula. Lcs aucicns ont par] 
n^ W7. ' beaucoup de confusion de Tile de la conf6rci 
Triumvirs. II feut ccpendant en trouver i 
r^unisse les trois conditions suivantes, 1. D< 
pas ^loign^c de Bolognc ; 2. D'etre formee 
deux bras d une petite riviere qui se divisc d 
cndroit ; 3. D'etre assez grandc pour que les 
virs, assis k la vue des deux armies, pusscnt i 
tenir n6anmoins en secret sans 6tre cnten 
leurs amis qui gardoient lcs ponts de chaqu 
Le Rheno forme sur la Voic Emilienne et 
milles de Bologne, une petite tie qui r^pcn 
- hicn k CCS conditions. Le Lavinius, qui es 

ITAUJE. 311 

tant nomm^ par Appien pour ^tre la ri\i^rc en 
, question, est tr^s proche de Mod^ne. 

RuBico. On voit encore aupr^ deC^sene une«j. 

A t I S 

I oolonne d'un beau niarbre, mais dont rinscription c. »Tiii. 
j nest pas si bien grav^e. EUe porte defense k tout ^ -^'^ 
.[ g^n^ral ofiicier ou soldat de passer le Rubicon k 
main arm^e pour entrer en Italic ; mais die pai-olt 
suppos^e. Son langage barbare et le silence de 
tous les ennemis de C^sar, pour qui elle auroit ^t^ 
une pi^e victorieuse, le prouve assez. Cependant 
nVt-elle pas pu £tre dressee apres Texpedition de 
ce dictateur ? 

Ravenna. Jusqu'au r^gne de Diocl^tien et de 
ies collogues, les enipereurs demeuroient k Rome, 
ft ne se transportoient sur les fronti^res que lors- 
qu une guerre ^trang^re les y appeloit. Mais 
quand les barbares mena^oient Fempire de tout 
cdt^ ces princes, toujours k la t^te des armies, vo* 
loient de province en province, et etablissoient 
leur quartier-g^n^ral plut6t que leur cour dans les 
grandes villes qui ^toient les plus k port^e des bar- 
bares, dans Treves, Simiio, Nicom^die, Antioche, 
ct Milan. Cette demi^re ville devint leur s^jour 
oidinaire en Italic, et les Empcreurs Chretiens 
tiouv^rent dans leur haine pour Rome une nou- 
velle raison pour la pr^ferer. Mais Tltalie elle- 
m£nie fut bientdt ouverte aux barbares, et une ville 
immense au milieu des terres exposoit trop la per- 
lODne du prince. Ravenne obtint alors la pr(6f6- 
itnoe. Situ^ au milieu des eaux, elle ^toit en- 
iMirfe d^'un rempart naturel qui la rendoit presque 

ible. JLc souverain ty trouvoit k port^ idemj. 

X 4 dc p. so^ 


dc reccvoir les secours qui pouvoient lui venir dc 
Torient ; ^t la flotte, dont elle ^toit la station con- 
stante, assiiroit toiijours sa retraite. Depuis Hono* 
rius, tous les empereurs y ^tablirent leur cour : lei 
rois Goths suivirent cet exemple, et peudatit plui 
d'un si^cle et demi Ravenne ^toit la capitale dc 
ritalie. On se piquoit de T^galer h Rome; Aponc 
6toit ses Baiae, et la province d'Istrie, d ou elle tiroil 
ses bleds, lui tenoit lieu de la Campanie. Lorsquc 
les Lombards envahirent Tltalie, cette ville, de- 
meur^e sous le pouyoir des empereurs, ne fut plui 
que le sit^ge d'un gouvcmcment qu on d^membroit 
tous les jours. La situation de Ravenne etoit sio- 
guli^re-: c'^toit la Venise de Tltalie ancienne. 
Sidonius en fait une description qui seroit jolie, si 
elle n'^toit point aussi remplie d'antith^ses. 
in.Hiu. H y ^ ^^^ esp^cc de raisins qui se nourrit de 
It. xiT. f. brouillards ; c est pourquoi, elle est particuli^rc 

au territoire de Ravenne, 
„g^^ Lorsqu' Auguste stationna une partie de sa flottc 

**^* k Ravenne, il v fit construire un beau port, avec 
It. e.49. uu pharc, ct un camp pour les matelots bien for 

tifi^, cntour^ de hautes murailles. 
in. Hist. MuTiXA. Sous Ic cousulat de L. Marcius ct d^ 
Sextus Julius, on vit un prodige inoui dans le ter 
ritoirc de IVIod^ne ; deux montagnes qui s*entpe 
clio<iuoicnt avec violence, en jettant du feu et de h 
fum^e. Des animaux, des maisons, tout ce qui ft 
trouva cntr elles fut 6cras^. Des chevaliers Romain 
qui voyageoiept sur la Voie Emilienne furent t^ 
moins de ce prodige, qui parut annoncer la gueilt 
sftciale. N*^toi^ce point un tremblement de terre 


Placexti A. Cettc ville fut fondle comme une Veii. Patei 
I colonic Romaine, peu avant la seconde guerre Pu- 
: nique. 

j BoxoNiA. Les Romains envoyerent une colo- w«ni. ibk 
j nie ci Bologne sous le consulat de Manlius Volso et 
1 de Fulvius Nobilior, A. U. C. 565. 

Parvique Bononia Rheni. CSil. liaR 

T» * Punic Till 

Ravenna, 6oi. 

Quique gravi remo, limosis segniter undis^ ^"- ^"»« 

I^efita paludosae proscindunt stagna Ravennas. 
MuTiNA, &c, 

Vos etiam accbae desolataeque virorum Idem^Tui. 

Eridani gentes ; nullo attendente Deoruin ^ 

Votis tunc vestrisy casura ruistis in arma. 

Certavit Mutinae^ quassata Placentia bello. 

Gallia Cisalpina. II n'y avoit point de r^- strabon. 
giou en Italie que TemportAt sur la Gaule Cisal- ^^^^^ 
pine, pour la bont6 des terres, le nombre des liabi- 
tans, et la grandeur et la richesse des villes< Voici 
quelques avantages qui la distinguoicnt. 1. Leurs 
forftts, dont le gland nourrissoit des troupeaux si 
Dombreux de cochons, que la capitalc navoit 
presque pas d autres provisions. 2. Le pays tr^s 
bien arrose produisoit beaucoup de millet qu'on 
recueilloit en abondance dans lesann^es mfeme que 
les autres esp^ces de bled manquoieut 3. Le vin 
etoit excellent. On le conservoit dans des ton- 
neaux de bois, qu'on faispit quelquefois plus grands 
qu une maison. 4. Les laines : la plus molle et la 
meilleure 6toit celle de Mod^ne. Le pays des Li- 
gures en foumissoit upe esp^e forte et rude, dont 
fc pcuple sTiabilloit. Celle de Padoue ^toit d'une 
q^alit^ moyenne. On en faisoit des tapis tr^s 


914 XOMISAi G£NT£MtU£ 

beaux. 5. II y avoit m£me quelques mines d\ 
que celles dt TEspagne firent n6gliger. On < 
trouvoit a Vercelles, et k Ictomulum dans le vc 
sinage de Plaisance. 


P. Aufidius L. F. I-I-H Vir. H Vir. 

Tr. Milit. Praef. Fab. sibi et 

L. Aufidio C. N. F. Patri et 

Fadianae P. F. Matri et 

L. Aufidio L. F. fratri |-|-|-l Vir et 

Sal viae Cilae fratris uxori et 

Libumiac L. F. Consobrinae 

Factum ex testamento H-S. CI3 arbitrate 

C. Annisidi C. F. Rufi. 

J ai copi^ cette inscription dans le couvent d< 
Roquelins attenant k TEglise de St. Augustin 
Plaisance le 13 Juin, 1764. La pierre pent avo 
cinq picds de long sur trois et demi de largeu 
Lcs Icttres, qui sont tr^s bicn taill^es, ont enviro 
tn)is pouccs de hauteur chacune. 

Sect. XV. 


Veneti. Il y a trois opinions sur loriginc d 
Veneti. 1 . Cclle de Tite Live ct des poetcs qui co 
tent rhistoire d'Antenor <^chapp6 de la prise i 
Trove, chef des Ileneti de Paphlagonie, ct fondate 
de Padoue. 2. Ccllede Polybe, qui en fait une col 
nie des Illyricns. 3. Celle de Strabon qui les tire d 
rai. Antiq. Vcnctif |)euple Gaulois. La premiere est une ial: 
.'i25-ii». sans viuisemblance, mais on pcut sc partagcr entie I 



Constahtin. Lltin^raire de Bourdeaux k Jerutt^ 
lem avec le retour par un chemin different est une 
pi^ce tr^s curieuse, et qui est k peu pr^ du tn^me 
tcins. C'cst dommage qu'elle soit corrompuc «u 
point que les details ne s'accordent presque jamiis 
avec les sommes totales. Les Tables de Peutinger, 
(qu'on nomme aussi Tables Th^odosiemies) paroi»- 
sent au premier coup une carte g6ographique ; les 
villes, les rivieres et les mers y sont d^ignte; 
mais qu on pense que la but d'une carte est dc 
fairQ sentir la forme d un pays, la situation de ses 
parties, et le rapport mutuel des lieux, et qu*on st 
rappelle que dans cette table il n'y a ni ordre ni 
proportion, on sentira qu'on a voulu pemdre sur 
un des longs rouleaux des anciens, une tables des 
chemins et nullement une carte de TEmpire. 

G«^d?*'' ^^^'*' AIiLiTAREs. Je ne dirai rien ici d'une in- . 

rE^""' 1* finite de digressions aussi belles que savantes doni ' . 

u. ۥ 1-^1,' AI. Berger a rempli son histoiredes Grands Chemins 

Si. ' de TEmpire Romain, et qui ont un rapport plus ou 
moins ^loign6 avec son objet principal; les de- 
penses qu'ont coAt6 ces voies militaires qui pa^ 
toientde la capitalc pour s'^tendre jusqu'aux fion- 
ti^res les plus recul^es, les milliaires, les tombeaux, 
les maisons, les pouts, dont elles ^toient om^es, et 
Tordre qui s observoit k regard des postes qui n ont 
jamais appartenuesqu*^ T^tat et dont la permission 
gratuite se communiquoit aux particuliers par les 
diplomes des princes et des magistrats. Jc ne 
parlerai que de la construction des chemins. Les 
ouvriers commen^oient par tracer au cordeau deux 
sillons profouds. lU creusoient ensuitc un fossi 




de Tun k I'autre qu'ils remplissoient de sable et de 
bonne terre pour donner au chemin une assiette 
ferme. Dans un teirein uni et solide, cette lev6e, 
qu'on nommoit Agger^ ne s'61evoit qu'i fleur de 
^ terre, en lui donnant toujours une pente sufiisante 
1 pour r6coulement des eaux. Mais dans la pi Apart 
^ des endroits on lui donnoit jusqu'^ dix, quinze et 
1 mdme vingt pieds de hauteur au-dessus des champs 
\ Toisins, et puisqu'on n'a certainement pas voulu 
J les d^pouiller de leurs meilleures terres, il a fallu 
I beaucoup de d^pense pour les charier de loin. Sur 
) cet Agger on pla^oit quatre couches diff6rentes de 
^ mat^riaux. 1 . Le Statumen. C'^toient des pierres 
larges et plattes, couch^es les unes sur les autres 
et assises dans un cimentdechauxnouvelle; cette 
couche avoit dix pouces d'^paisseur. 2. La Ru- 
deratia. C'^toient des pierrailles, des pots cassis, 
des tuiles, des briques r6pandues avec la p61e, et 
afiermies k grands coups de barre. Elle avoit dix 
pouces d'6paisseur. 3. Le Nucleus. C'^toit une 
craie grasse et gluante, qui servoit de ciment et 
qui unissoit tout Touvrage. II avoit un pied 
d'^paisseur. 4. La Summa Crusta. Elle avoit six 
pouces d'6paisseur, et par consequent Fouvrage 
entier avoit trois pieds. Cette surface 6toit ordi- 
nairement compos^e de pierres d'une grandeur 
in^gale et mediocre, {Glared); quelquefois k la 
v^rit^ c'^toient de gros cailloux (Siles), et quelque- 
fois m^me on y a vu des carrcaux taill6s d'une 
ia^on r^gulifere. Domitien alia jusqu'i paver son 
chemin de carreaux de marbre. On choisissoit 
surtout ces pierres un pcu raboteuses, (qu'on 

Y 3 nommoit 

( 3S7 ) 

S3d December, 1763. 
An INQUIRY whether a Catalogue of the AR- 
MIES sent into the Field is an essential part of 

All epic poets seem to consider an exact cata- 
logue of the armies which they send into the field, 
and of the heroes by whom they are commanded, 
as a necessary and essential part of their poems. 
A commentator is obliged to justify this practice; 
but to what reader did it ever give pleasure? Such 
catalogues destroy the interest and retard the pro- 
gress of the action, when our attention to it is 
most alive. All the beailties of detail, and all the 
oraaments of poetrj', scarcely suffice to amuse our 
weariness; a weariness produced by such enume- 
rations even in historical works, but which are par- 
doned in them, because necessary. In history, the 
victory commonly depends on the number and 
quality of the troops; but in epic poetry, it is al- 
ways decided by the protection of tlie gods and 
dw marvellous valour of tlie hero. Achilles is in- 
viwdble; his Myrmidons are scarcely known. Ho- 
mer bu indeed given a catalogue; yet this per- 
il^ wu not light in Homer, or right only in him. 
Ought hb particular example to make a general 
lav? In that case, the subject of every epic poem 
ought to be a siege, and the poem ought to con- 
le,before either the place is taken or the siege 
I P s themselves afford a convincing 
. i f were sensible of following custom 
y by treating those catalogues 
T 4 merely 

ought to b 




merely as episodes, and by introducing into them 
heroes, who afe rarely those of history ; and who^ 
after shining a moment in those reviews, totdly 
disappear, in order to make room for chaiacteti 
more essential to the action. An epic poet stands 
not in need of so dull and vulgar an expedient for 
making the reader acquainted with his true he- 

A critic may condemn those poetical catalogues; 
but woe to the critic, if he is insensible to all tfie 
beauties by which that of Virgil is adorned ; the 
brightness of his colouring, the number and variety 
of his pictures, and that sweet and well-sustained 
hannony, which always charms the ear and the 
soul. The army of the Tuscans is not inferior to 
that of Tumus ; being also composed of the flower 
of many warlike nations assembled under the 
standards of heroes and demigods. But it enjoyi 
over the Uutuli an advantajje which it wasnatuial 
should belong to the allies of yKneas; having jus- 
tice and the go<ls on its side. Ever}- reader, while 
he detests the crimes of Mezentius, must applaud 
the exertions of a free and generous [>cople, who 
liave ventured to dethrone their tyrant, and are 
eager to punish him. I have always womlemi 
that the courtier of Auijustus should have inrn>- 
duced an opiscHle which would have been more 
properly treated l>y the friend of Brutus. Every 
line breathes repul)lican sentiments, the boldest, 
ami {KThaps the most extravagant. Mezentins 
was the lawful and hereilitar}- sovereign of a eoun- 
try, of which he rendered himself the tyrant. His 



iibjects hurled him from the throne, and thence- 
brth regard themselves as free, without once con- 
idering the rights of his unfortunate and virtuous 
on. Mezentius finds an asylum among the Ru- 
uli ; but his furious subjects implore the assistance 
rf their aUies. All Etruria in arms determine to 
car their king from the hands of his defenders, in 
wtler to subject him to punishment ; and this fury 
>f the Tuscans is approved by the gods and the 

Ergo omnis furiis sarrexit Etrnria justis^ 
R^em ad supplicium praesenti Marte reposcunt. 

If I wished to establish it as a general and un- 
imited principle, that subjects have a right to pu- 
aish the crimes of their sovereigns, I would prefer 
this example, which admits of neither modification 
nor restriction. Among the ancients themselves, 
it appears to me to have been as singular in theory 
IS the death of Agis was in practice. Augustus 
must have read both with terror; and had Virgil 
xmtinued to recite the eighth book of the jEneid, 
[ suspect that he would not have been so well re- 
Branded for the storv of Mezentius as he was for 
'ht panegyric of Marcellus. 

My surprise increases when I consider that the 
Jtory of Mezentius is entirely Virgil's invention ; 
hat it entered -not into the general plan of his 
K)em; and that he himself had not thought of it 
vhen he composed his seventh book. It appears 
hat Virgil, after forming a general idea of his de- 
ign, trusted to his genius for supplying him with 
he means of carrying it into execution ; and that 



entering into the character and situation of his 
hero, he prepared for him difficulties to encounter, 
without knowing exactly how he would sunnount 
them : in one word, when he landed ^neas on the 
banks of the Tiber, that he knew not the whole 
series of events which should lead to the death of 
Tumus. I say the whole series of events; for the 
part of Mezentius depends on the introduction of 
Evander and Pallas, and the death of Pallas is in- 
timately connected with that of Tumus. This 
manner of writing is not destitute of its advan- 
tages. It is applauded in Richardson, who has 
only imitated Virgil. The truth and boldness by 
which it is characterised far surpass the timid per- 
plexity of a writer, who, while he forms his plot, 
is at the same time considering hgw he shall un- 
ravel it. VirgiFs example is surely more worthy 
of imitation than that of Cliapclain, who wrote the 
whole of his Pucellc in prose, before he translated 
it into poetry. 1 am sensible that had Virgil lived 
to revise his work, he would have given to it uni- 
formity and unity ; and carefully effaced all those 
marks by which an attentive reader may perceive 
in it detached parts, not originally written the one 
for the other. Of these take the following exam- 
ples : 

1. Mezentius appears, at the head of the war- 
riors who follow Turnus, but appears as a king 
completely master of his dominions. He arrive! 
from tlie Tyrrhenian coasts with numerous troopSi 
and his son, the valiant Lausus, follows him with 
a thousand warriors from the city of Ca^re. S. 



Messapus, king of the Falisci, is a Tuscan. Fes- 
cennium, Soracte, the Ciminian forest, are among 
the most celebrated places of Etruria. This Tus- 
can prince, would he have forsaken the whole 
body of his nation united by the crimes of Mezen- 
tius ? Is it to be expected that he should be found 
in the camp of the enemy ; or that he would have 
brought, as auxiliaries to Turnus, a people sunk 
in eiFeminacy, and who knew war only by their 
detestation of it? The poet would have coloured 
«o extraordinary a measure, by assuming for it 
some probable motive. Would he have said that 
all Etruria was in insurrection against Mezentius? 
3. Aventinus, of Mount Aventine, the son of 
Hercules, makes a striking figure in the catalogue ; 
but his part is inconsistent with that of Evauden 
They reigned at the same time, and over the same 
place. It will be said that one of those princes 
occupied the Palatine, while the other reigned 
over the Aventine Mount. This is impossible; 
for Evandcr shews the Aventine to iEneas, which 
was a barren rock,* situate in his little kingdom, 
which had no other boundaries than the Tiber, and 
the territory of the Rutuli.f 

I believe that Virgil would also have corrected 
some faults, which it is painful to see in his enu* 
meration of the Tuscan warriors. Jie well knew 
that when a poet speaks of a science, he ought to 
do it with precision ; and he could not forget that 
accurate geography is not incompatible with poetry. 

♦ Virgil, ^neid. viii. 190. t Idem, 4/3. 



Of the twelve cities which composed the confede- 
racy of Etruria, he would have named more than 
Caere and Clusium, and he would not have dwelt 
on the crowd of secondary towns, which could not 
do otherwise than follow the standards of their 
respective capitals. 2. He would not have thought 
that seven or eight beautiful verses compensated 
for introducing the Ligurians, a foreign and hos- 
tile njttion, into the civil wars of the Tuscans, 
which could only be interesting to the members of 
their own confederacy. 3. I see the camp of the 
Tuscans on the sea-shore near to Cjerc ; I see their 
vessels, and all the preparations for a distant expe- 
dition. They embark, but it is only for a voyage 
of thirty miles. They prefer this navigation to an 
easy march of two days, which would have brought 
them to the country of their ally Evander. There 
they would have passed the Tiber, and found 
themselves on the frontiers of the Rutuli. 4. Thb 
naval expedition affords matter of surprise; but 
that of the troops of Mantua is totally incrediUe. 
Five hundred warriors, embarking on the Mincius, 
could not arrive in tlie Tuscan sea without making 
the circumnavioration of the whole Italian coast 
Virgil loved the place of his birth ; but he might 
easily have discovered the means of bringing its 
ancient inhabitants to the assistance of .£neas, 
without offending against probability and geo- 


( 333 ) 

I^usanne, 24th December, 1763. 


I PROCEED to say a few words on the catalogue 
*Silius Italicus. 1. It would ill become me to 
cak of the general plan of a poem, of which I 
ive read only a detached passage : yet this pas- 
ge is sufficient to convince me that Pliny well 
lew his contemporary, when he pronounced that 
lius owed more to art than to nature. This art 
less apparent in the style, which is easy and 
»wing, than in the thoughts, which are those of 
oian who is continually striving to be sublime, 
d continually struggling against his own genius 
favour of his subject I am persuaded that 
lius would have judged better in taking Ovid 
an Virgil for his model. Wherever he does not 
fer violence to his genius, his-fancy is rich, easy, 
d natural. With such a character, it is surpri- 
ig that he did not prefer the elegiac to the epic. 
ic greatest part of those who have failed in this 
;t species of poetry are distinguished by a seve- 
y of character, and a wild irregularity of fancy; 
d, as they had as little taste as talent, they easil}' 
siook those qualities for strength, elevation, and 
iginality of genius. Faults were confounded 
th excellencies, to which they bore some bas- 
d resemblance. 2. Virgil was free, Silius in 
:ters. The former might choose among all the 
tions of Italy those who most suited his design : 



the latter could not omit any of those natioiis with- 
out being guilty of a fault. ^He was under the 
hard necessity of writing 'a poetical geography of 
the whole country between the Strait of Rhegium 
and the Alps ; and this constraint is but too visi- 
ble in his performance. 3. Silius followed his 
model with a respect bordering on superstition, 
Italy no longer contained in her bosom a multi* 
tude of different nations, whose arms, manners 
and even languages, diffused a pleasing varictj 
over the subject, while the story of their chicli 
and founders invited the Writer to agreeable excur 
sions in the tegion of fancy. All those natioa< 
were become strictly Roman, and had exactly con 
formed to the kws, ensigns, and discipline of tin 
republic ; a vast but uniform object, which vm 
better fitted for suggesting reflections to a philo 
sopher, than for animating the descriptions of s 
poet. Silius, after seeking for* characteristic difFe 
rences which no longer prevailed among the m- 
tions whom he describes, is continually introduc 
ing those of the countries which they inhabited 
His pictures have life and variety ; but they an 
not in their proper place. The character of th< 
people who were to fight was of importance ii 
deciding the issue of the battle; the nature of th< 
countries which tlicy left behind them was entireh 
foreign to the subject. 4. Silius ought to hav( 
remembered that Aquilina was not in existeno 
during the second Punic war;* and that we knev 

• Silius lul. viii. 606. 


•Horace's journey to brundusiual 335 

nothing of this place till it became the seat of a 
Latin colony, sent thither to check the incursions 
of the Gauls, thirty years after the battle of 


25th December, 1763. Lausanne. 

An useful chapter might be added to the His- 
tory of the great Roads of the Roman Empire, by 
Berger, explaining the uses to which the Romans 
applied them. He has indeed mentioned posts, 
which afforded conveniency to a small nunvber of 
persons ; but has omitted many important particu- 
lars that still remain to be told. A critical exami* 
nation of the ordinary joumies of travellers would 
afford important information concerning the pri- 
vate life of the Romans, and even throw light on 
geography and chronology. 1 am sensible that the 
differences of age, condition, and circumstances, 
must render our general conclusions uncertain; 
but as the means were universally the same, 
these uncertainties will be reduced within certain 

Augustus travelled with an extraordinary slow- 
ness in the neighbourhood of Rome. A journey 

♦ Tit, Liv. xxxix. 55» Veil. Patercul. 1. i. c. 15. 


336 Horace's journey to brundusiuv. 

to Tibur (20 Roman miles*), or to Preneste (85 
miles tX consumed two days, or rather two nights.^ 
But the situation of Augustus was as singular ai 
his taste. The weakness of his health from hit 
youth upwards compelled him to the strictest rcgi- 
meii ; and by liis own temper he would be inclined 
to carry tlie dictates of prudence to an extreme. 
It appears from his faithful biographer that this 
prince was soon tired of debauchery ; and that he 
always despised luxur}', though much addicted to 
effeminacy. We may add to these circumstanoesi 
that he ti-avelled in a litter carried by slaves; and 
pn)cecded with great slowness, tliat his atteiitioa 
might not be withdrawn a moment from hb usual 
occupations. The gentle motion of his carriap 
allowed him to read, write, and attend to the sane 
affairs which employed him in his cabifiet.§ From 
>»uch an example, no general consequence can be 

The same may be said of those rapid and extra- 
ordinary journies of which the ancients sometimei 
make mention. How wide is the dilferenoe be- 
tween the nunle of travelling of Augustus and thai 
of his sou TilKM'ius, who accomplished a journey 
of two hundred miles in twenty-four hours, when 
he ha^tened to close the eves of his brother Dni- 
Mis:|| or that of Caesar the dictator, who posted 

* ItiiuTaiia Anliq. VaIh. Wesscling, p. JOp, 

i hirin, J). oiVi. 

I Siu'tiUi. in August. I.xwiii. 

^ IMin. Kpist. ni. 5. JuM-nal. Salir. iii. Mp. 

il V\\i\, llist. Nui. \ii. JO. 



hundred miles a-day with hired carriages.* 
Strndus speaks of a rapidity as extraordinary, when 
lie says that a traveller might set out from Rome 
n the morning, and sleep at Baiae or Puteoli ; an 
aipeditious journey indeed, since the distance is 
141 Roman,t or 127 English miles. 

Nil obstat cupidis; nihil moratur 
Qai primo Tiberim reliquit orta 
Primo vespere naviget Lucrinuni.;{; 

I know that the poet wished to celebrate the fine 
road which Domitian had made from Sinuessa to 
Cumse ; which had fixed the sands of Litemum, 
and restrained the inundations of the Vultumus. 
Ihc tliirty miles which he had passed, and which 
lucd to be the work of a day, now scarcely con- 
AUDed two hours. Perhaps we must make some 
allowance for the flatter}- of a poet, who wished to 
pay his court. Yet the possibility of the journey 
must be admitted, since falsclioods are not to be 
nsked in matters so simple, public, and precise. 

We may perceive how much the Roman roads 
omst have facilitated travelling, when we call to 
mind the journey of the courier, who brought to 
Bwne the first news of the defeat of Perseus. The 
date of the battle is precisely fixed by an eclipse 
of the moon, which happened the day preceding 
die nones of September, that is, the £ 1st of June 

* SuetoB. iD Caesar. Ivii. 
t Vetera Itiner. p. 107, 108, leS. 
; Stau SjlTar. 14. Carin. iii. 
VOL. IV. Z of 


of the Julian vcar.* The courier arrived in the 
Circus tlie second clay of the Roman ganiea^ and 
the thirteenth after the defeatj; These two cir- 
cumstances shew, that to get the thirteen days we 
must reckon I)oth the day of his departure and 
that of his arrival, which will bring us to the 16th 
of the calends of October, J tlie 4tJi of July. -Wc 
may therefore reckon twelve complete days ; two 
of which might be employed in sailing from 
Dvrrhachium to Brundusium, since the distance b 
1300 stadia, or 225 miles ;§ and Ptolemy estimates 
an ordinary ship s way at 1000 stadia each day.| 
Tlic ten remaining days were consumed in the 
journey from Pclla to Dvrrhachium, 253 miles if 
and inthatfnmi Brundusium to Rome, 368 miles ;^ 
in all, 6*21 ; which gives no more tlian sixty miles 
a-day. Wc are to rcnioml>cr that this journey was 
perfornicrl by one courier, in the finest season of 
the year, and bringing the news of a great victorj*. 
He therefore anticipated, by several days, the de- 
puties of the consul, although they likewise tra- 
velled with the greatest expedition. The Egns- 
tian road was not yet made; the Appian extended 

• Isac. Bulliad. Epist. ad Calcem. lorn. iii. Tit. liv. ex EJit. 

I Tit. Liv. xliv. 37. xlv. I. 

I RuMii. Anti<|. L. iv. c. 13. 

i Itiucraria, |>. Jl?. et Not. Wesscling. riin.Hi^t. Natiii.l 

II Ptolema;! (ico^. c. ix. |^ 
IF Ilineraria, p. 319. 

•• Itincraria Ant. p. 307. iii. 117. 


. Horace's journey to brundusium. SS9 

D further than to Capua ; and the Greeks never 
iplied themselves to the making of highways.* 
Among the ordinary joumies of the Romans, 
ho travelled neither like invalids nor couriers, 
icre are two which we know with some degree of 
xniracy : the journey of Horace to Brundusium, 
f the way of Canusium ; and that of Cicero to 
le same place, by the way of Venusia and Taren- 
un : I shall speak of both, beginning with that 
F Horace. 

1. Horace's aim was not to inform, but to amuse 
s: his days' joumies are described confusedly, 
id we rather guess at, than ascertain them. He 
rells on the places in his route, in proportion 
\ the objects which they presented to his fancy, 
ither than to the time during which he remained 
L them. Commentators would persuade us that 
[orace was fifteen or seventeen days on the road;t 
lit the foundation of this opinion, namely, that 
le poet slept at all the places of which he makeft 
lention, appears to me to be an exceedingly weak 
DC. Our conjectures will be more natural, if we 
tend to the characteristic circumstances of the 
rening, morning, the hour of repast, &c. circum- 
Imces which are scattered through the satire, 
lie following is the journal with which this conr 
ideration will furnish us. The first day Horace 
rft Rome, with the rhetorician Heliodorus, to 
ike up his night's abode at Aricia, sixteen miles 

* Strebon. Geog. ▼. p. l62. 

t Hor^u L. !• Sat 5. y. IM. Edit, ad Qifim Delphiiii* 

xS Egietsom 

340 Horace's journey to brukduswu. 

Egressum niagn& me accepit Aricia Roml, 
Hospitio modico.* 

The second day he arrived at the Forum Ap 
towards the evening ; twenty-seven miles. 

Jam noi inducere tenia 

Umbras, et cuelo diffundere sigua parabat. 

He sailed along the canal in the night, and laiK 
at the fourth hour (ten o'clock A. M, of the tl 
day.) After a light breakfast at Feronia, he 
yelled three miles towards Terracina, whid 
eighteen miles distant from the Forum Appit. 
do not perceive that he halted either at Terrai 
or at Fundi ; so that he was much fatigued wl 
he arrived at Formiaj, which is thirty-two m 
from Feronia, 

In Mamurrarum lassi deinde urbe mancmus, 
Muren& pnebeiitc domuni^ Capitone culinam. 

The fourth day, Mecienas and his suite arrive « 
at Sinucssa, eighteen miles from Formiae. 

Postera lux oritur multo gratissima : namque 
Plotius et Varius Sinuesss Virgili&aque 

The commentators have tlicmselves observed t 
our travellers only dined at Sinuessa, and tl 
proceeded to the bridge of Campania, Pons C 
panius, on the Savo, eighteen miles from Sinu^ 
and sixteen from Capua.f 

* The whole journey is described in the fifth Satire of the 
book of Horace. 

t Cluvier. Ital. Antiq. L. iv. c. v. p. 1077. llincr. Uieia 
taouni. Edit. Wessel. p. 6ll. 



Proxima Campaino ponti quse villula tecttim 
Pnebuit ; et parocbi quae debent ligm salemque. 

fifth day, the mules brought them early to 

Hinc mail Capuse clitellas tempore pootmt. 

poets went to sleep, while Mecaenas diverted 
self at tennis ; which shews tliat it was the 
I fo exercise, which ended before two o'clock 
I. Horace says notliing of the bath and supper 
ch commonly followed. I conclude, therefore, 
: instead of sitting douTi to table, they again 
rred into their carriage, and proceeded twenty- 
miles, to sup and sleep at the house of Coc- 
Ls, one of the company, which was situate on 
heights of Caudium. 

Hinc DOS Cocceii recipit plenissima villa. 
Quae super est Caodi caupooas. 

Pronus jucunde coeoam produsimus illam. 

sixth day, they performed only a very short 
nev from the castle of Cocceius to Beneven- 
: it was no more than eight miles. It is pio- 
e that the gaiety and good cheer of the house 
!Jocceius made them sit up late, and that he 
not allow them to depart next day till after 
ler; for which reason I shall reckon this but 

a day's journey. In the whole, therefore, we 
I 164 Roman miles to divide by fire days and 
If, which *gives 30 Roman, or 27 English miles, 
y. But I am of^ opinion that we ought to 

z 3 divid? 


divide by four days and an half. Horace travelkd 
with the laziness of a man of letters, until he met 
the ambassadors at Terracina. He employed two 
days between Rome and the Forum Appii ; but he 
confesses that more expeditious travellers would 
have performed that journey in one day. 

Hoc iter ignavi divbimus, altius ac not 
Praecinctifl uDum. Mioiks est grans Appia lanBf. 

The ambassadors were embarrassed with la moie 
numerous suite, but they travelled with more can- 
veniencies and greater expedition. Yet we ought 
to be better informed than we are of the object <^ 
their negociation, to determine whether they woe 
bent on reaching Brundusium with all possible 
haste. An ambassador wishes to accelerate or r^ 
tard his journey as the business of his mission miy 
require. These four days and an half to which I 
would reduce the journey of Horace from Rome 
to Beneventum will give 36k Roman, near SS 
English miles, for the progress of each day. 

While we travel to Beneventum, we tra\-crse i 
well-known country. But, after quitting this city, 
Horace b lost among the mountains of ApuliSi 
until he re-appear at Canusium. We meet widi 
little but obscurity in this part of his route ; tad 
the glimmerings of light are so well fitted to de* 
ceive us, that Father Sanadon suspects Honure of 
having lost his way among his native mountains.* 
Yet why should we suppose that the villa Trivid 

* Horace de Saaadoiip (on. r. p. 1M» 


Horace's journey to brundusium. 343 

Bust mean Trivicum, or that Equotutium must 
)e the name of the place that cannot be intro- 
iuced into an hexameter verse ? These conjectures 
ire inconsistent with geography. Why should we 
persist in fixing with accuracy the situation of a 
:x)untry-house, and of a village (oppidulum)^ be- 
longing to the most desert and least known district 
of all Italy ? Let us be contented with knowing 
that these two undiscovered places stood on the 
high road from Beneventum to Canusium ; and all 
difficulties will be removed. Yet this general 
knowledge will not allow us to ascertain the days' 
journies as above. Our poet, however, though he 
fpeak in obscure terms of* the places, is exact with 
respect to time. We may continue, therefore, his 
journal, and then compare it witli the well-known 
distance between Beneventum and Brundusium. 
The seventh day, he left Beneventum, clambered 
with difficulty over ttie mountains which separate 
flie territory of the Hirpini from Apulia, and rested 
in the castle of Trivicus. 


D^unqnam erepsemus ; nisi nos vicina Trivici 
Villa recepisset, lacrymoso non sine fiimo. 

The eighth, our travellers proceeded twenty- 
ibur miles, and slept at a small village, whose 
{Itatesque name could not enter into a verse. * 

Mansuri oppidulo quod versu dicere non est. 

The i^nth day I find them at Canusium^ but I 
imagine they proceeded to Rubi; at least they 
arrived th^e much fatigued with a long journey. 

z4 This 

344' Horace's journey to brundusxuh. 


This appellation could not have been given t» 
twenty-three miles. 

Indc Rubos fessi pervenimuS| utpotc longum 
Carpentes iter. 

The tenth clay, they proceeded to Ban; the 
eleventh, to Gnatia; and the twelfth at length 
brought them to Brundusium. It is true that 
these three last days are not accurately distin- 
guished; but it is certain there were no more: 
and without obliging our travellers to make one 
day's journey of sixty miles, it is impossible to re- 
duce their number. From Benevcntum to Brun- 
dusium we have 205 miles ; which gives the rate 
of 34 Roman, nearly 3 1 English, each day. They 
travelled faster the first days, not being then re- 
tarded by the Apulian mountains, and by roads, 
bad in themselves, and then rendered worse by 
the rain. Their repeated complaints on this sub* 
ject give reason for suspecting that the Appian 
way then reached only to Capua, and that it was 
not Julius Cit»sar that carried it to Brundusium.* 
Raised causeways, formed of three layers of mate- 
rials, and paved with flint stones, have resisted tlie 
impressions of time. Is it credible, that in twenty 
years after they were made, they should have been 
spoiled by a shower of rain? 

With the eyes of a commentator, I should ^tc 
nothing but excellence in this satire, and c^'' it, 
with Father Sanadon, a model of the r*rrative 

f Berg. Grands Chemins, 1, ii. c. 26. p. 22f 


Horace's journey to brundusium. 345 

ityle.* It is true that I obsen^'e in it with plea- 
sure two well-applied strokes of satire ; one against 
:he stupid pride of the pretor of Fundi, and another 
igainst the more stupid superstition of the people 
jfGnatia: but I would not hesitate to pronounce 
that the almost unknown journey of Rutilius is 
juperior to that of Horace in point of description, 
peetry, and especially in the choice of incidents. 
The gross language of a boatman, and the ribaldry 
of two buffoons, surely belong only to the lowest 
species of comedy. They might divert travellers 
in a humour to be pleased with every thing ; but 
bow could a man of taste reflect on them the day 
after ? They are less offensive, however, than the 
infirmities of the poet, which occur more than 
once ; the plasters which he applies to his eyes, 
and the nasty accident which befel him in the 
night. The maxim, that every thing in great men 
it interesting, applies only to their minds, and 
ought not to be extended to their bodies. What 
unworthy objects for the attention of Horace, when 
tbc face of the country and the manners of its in- 
habitants in vain offered to him a field of instruc- 
tkm and pleasure! Perhaps this journey, which 
our poet made in company with Mecsenas, creating 
Bindi envy against him,f he wrote this piece to 
cmvince his enemies, that his thoughts and occu- 
patHns on the road were far from being of a serious 
«r pobical nature. 


• Hora*. de Sanadon, torn. v. p. 119. Paris, 17S6, 
t V. Hoifc serm. ii. 6. v. 2O-60, 



2. In the year of Rome 702, a decree of the se- 
nate entrusted Cicero with the government of C-i- 
licia. In compliance with the decree, he quitted 
a city the theatre of his glory, and w^ent to gather 
laurels on Mount Amanus. Atticus and his other 
friends were requested to attend to his interests, 
and to shorten as much as possihle the ter^n of his 
banishment. It was with difficulty that he could 
tear himself from the delightful neighbourhood of ' 
the capital. He travelled from one villa to ano- 
ther, l)efore he could seriously set out on his jour- 
ney. He left Ilome the first of May ;• the tenth 
of the same month, I find him at his villa nev 
Pompeii. The following is the most natural divi- 
sion of these nine davs. The 1st. Cicero went no 
further than to his house near Tusculum. He 
mentions the conversation he had there with Atti- 
cus, who probably accompanied him to that 
charming villa; where he would certainly sleep 
that night. The 2d May : Tusculum is sixty-three 
miles from Arpinum. This would have been too 
great a journey for a man who did not travel with 
the speed of a courier. I therefore divide it into 
tw^o, and suppose that Cicero stopt short at Teren- 
tinum. 3d May : in that case he had but twenty 
miles to travel to his villa at Arpinum. Tlie plea- 
sure of seeing his fellow-citizens, and receiving the 
compliments of a people who considered his story 

♦ For the detail of this voyage it is proper to t*nise tb« 
epistles to Atticus, 1. v. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9- ^^ '^i ^ 
History of Cicero, by Fabricus, and by Middl^^» the year of 
Rome 70(2. 


Cicero's journky into ciucia. 347 

IS their own, woukl detain him there the remain- 
der of that clay. The 4th May : this day, which 
was less agreeable than the preceding, is marked 
very distinctly. Cicero dined at the villa of bis 
brother Quintiis at Arcanum, not far from Arpi- 
num ; and witnessed a domestic scene, in which 
the bad- humour of Quintus's wife disturbed the 
pleasure of the entertainment, and tired the pa- 
tience of her husband and brother-in-law. Cicero 
jlept that night at Aquinum, only fifteen miles 
From Arpinum. The 5th and 6th of May : from 
A^quinum to Cumae the distance is sixty-five miles.* 
rhe journey would have been rather too long. Be- 
lides, in passing from Aquinum, which is on the 
Latin way, to Mintumse, which is on the Appian, 
it was necessary to cross the country ; since the 
bighway extended in that direction only nine miles, 
[t was necessary to quit it again at Sinuessa, to 
irade through the marshes of Vultumus and the 
nnds of Lit u mum. I imagine that Cicero slept at 
sue of these places, and proceeded next day to his 
bouse at Cumse. Tlie 7th of May must have been 
ipent entirely at Cumse. I know that the whole 
bay of Naples was adorned by country-houses con- 
tiguous to each other ; but it must have required 
It least one day to assemble a little Rome in the 
bouse of Cicero. The 8th of May, he went to his 
rilla at Pompeii. The distance was thirty-nine 
miles by land, through Puteoli, Naples, and Her- 

* All tbe distances not noticed in the ItineiEries, I have 
neaaured on the chart of M. Delisle. 



culaneum. He might have much shortened it bv 
crossing the bay: yet one day must be allowed for 
this journey. The 9th day was surely spent at 
Pompeii. Some motive of business or pleasure 
must have carried Cicero so far out of his road. 

In this journey, we see a great man travelling in 
the neighbourhood of the capital, making great 
joumies without being in haste, and every where 
enjoying his conveniencies. Among the ancients, 
these conveniencies could onlv l>e enioved bv the 
great ; because it was necessarj' to procure them 
for one's self, to supply the want of posts by relays, 
and the want of good inns by private houses. In 
ino<lem times, the interest of individuals supplies 
to the public all these conveniencies, which each 
man may purchase whenever he stands in need of 
them. On the 10th of May, Cicero left Pompeii: 
and went to sleep in a country-house which one of 
his friends had at Trebula: thirtv miles. He 
l>egan to travel seriously ; and \\Tites to Attieus 
that he purposed in future to make good joumies, 
justa itinera. The lltl/of May brought him to 
Benevcntum, thirty miles. The 12th of May, he 
seems to have stopped there,, since he speaks of a 
letter received earlv, and one which came later. 
The 15th of May, he left Venusia to climb Mount 
Vultur, and thence descend into the plain of Ln* 
cania. He arrived at Tarentum on the 18th of 
Mciv : this place is 155 miles from Benevcntum. 
He spent three days with the great Pompey, em- 
ployeil in fortifying the good principles of a man 
who vet held, or believed that he held, the balance 



the republic. On the 22cl of May, Ciceio pro- 
dded to Brundusiiim, fortv-three miles from Ta- 
itum.* Contrary winds and business detained 
Q several davs in that harbour. He at leusrth 
led the loth of June, and arrived at Actium. 
* asrain set out« crossed the Achelous and the 
enus. passed through the cities of Delphi, Thes- 
\ Mesrara and Eleusis, and arrived at Athens on 
r 2oth of June, after travelling 205 miles from 
tium.t I shall not dwell longeron this journey 
Cicero ; but only remark, tliat from Pompeii to 
liens he travelled 46^3 Roman, about 417 English 
ies. in nineteen days: which gives 24l Roman 
les for each day's journey. 
rhis slowness is surprising, ^ince Cicero did not 
vel in a dav farther than a Roman soldier, loaded 
Ji his arms and so manv other burdens, advanced 
five hours of summer (alx)ut six ec|uinoctial 
its). My surprise is, however, diminished by 
: following considerations. Cicero left his 
uitr\' without knowing precisely how long his 
mce from it was to continue. A multitude of 
parations were necessarj- for a governor who 
s going to establish a great household in a dis- 
iC and barbarous province. He had to wait for 
umber of conveniencies which were collecting 
him at Beneventum, Tarentum, and Brundu- 
m, and which could not but retard his joume}'. 
IS possible that I may be mistaken; but I think 

iDDenr. p. 1 19. Pliny says 33 milei. Nat. Hist. iiL iC 
liiosnr. p. 32i — 326. 



it apparent in all our orator's letters, tliat such eco- 
nomical arrangements were by no means suited to 
his genius. 2. The family of a proconsul was too 
numerous to admit of dispatch in travelling. A 
questor, four lieutenants, twelve tribunes, accom- 
panied Cicero to execute their respective functions 
under Ris government. A crowd of young Ro- 
mans of high rank followed the proconsul, to learn 
under his auspices the art of war, or rather that o( 
politics. To this illustrious band we must add 
one, far more numerous, of officers, lictors, clerks, 
freed men, and slaves, belonging to the proconsul 
himself, or to the companions of his journey. 
This little army was embarrassed with too many 
wants to allow him to proceed with the expedition 
of an ordinary traveller. He would have prefer- 
red going by sea from Actium to Patras : but in 
that case he must liave made use of the little barks 
of the country ; and the passage would not have 
been performed with the dignity of a public mi- 
nister, who wished to surprise the Ci reeks as much 
by the magniliccnce of his equipage, as by the 
moderation of his conduct. 3. The roads must 
have been verj' bad between Actium and Athens. 
The motive of the Romans in making roads was 
neither the benefit of the provinces, which those 
conquerors always despised, nor the convenience 
of commercial intercomse, of which they never 
knew how to estimate the value; but merely to 
facilitate the marches of their troops. Greece, 
which early became an interior and submissive 
province, was not in any of the direct lines which 



initcd Rome with the frontiers: and had butonlv 
me road, while the other parts of the empire were 
ntersected by military' ways, in all possible direc- 
tions. The proconsul might have followed this 
TMkl, if it was then made ; but as we are ignorant 
>f its era, we ought rather to think that it was not 
fio earlv. Most of the Roman njads are works of 
iie emperors.* 4. Greece attracted but weakly 
:he attention of the Roman government; but how 
urell did it dcser\c that of Cicero! How could he 
rapidly traverse a countrA\ each village of which 
yvas illustrious in historv or fable r The man of 
letters, who admired the Greeks in proportion as 
lie was eager to surpass them ; the curious anti- 
:juar\% who had discovered with such transports 
the tomb of Archimedes ; the enlightened philo- 
sopher, who had unveiled the frauds of Delphi ; 
must have been arrested at every step by an hun- 
ired objects unknown and indifferent to vulgar 
?yes. With what pleasure would I follow such a 
^ide in such a journey ! 

In uniting the 369 Roman miles which Horace 
travelled in ten davs, with the 463 which Cicero 
travelled in nineteen, we shall have the middle 
term of 30 Roman miles for an ordinary day's 
joamey. I should prefer, however, extending it 
to 33 Roman, or 30 English miles ; the slowness 
of Cicero being better ascertained than the sup- 
posed rapidity of Horace. 

I shall not expatiate on the posts, the inns, or 

Bergier Hist, des Gnnds Chemins de ITin^, K i. c. 9- P- ^7- 



the carriages of the Romans. The last, if we may 
judge of them by subsisting monuments, were 
small, open, and inconvenient. Tliey had two or 
four wheels; but, not being suspended, must have 
been verj' fatiguing to travellers on the paved mi- 
litary' roads. These carriages were of various 
kinds ; and what is extraordinary, almost all the 
different kinds had been borrowed from the Gauls. 
The Romans adorned them with silver, gold, and 
sometimes with precious stones ; a barbarous and 
misplaced luxury, indicating more riches tlum 
taste. It was reserved for modern times to invent 
those soft and elegant machines which gratify at 
once the efteminacy, laziness, and impatience of 

I shall speak briefly of another kind of travel- 
ling, the march of troops. These marches, I am 
inclined to think, both by the exercises (of whidi 
I have made mention) and by my general opinion 
on the subject, were longer than ours ; but, pre- 
viously to making the researches necessary for de- 
termining this matter with precision, I shall cast 
a glance on the longest and boldest march which I 
have ever met with in history, either ancient or 

The fortune of the Carthaginians was sustained 
in Italy by the exertions of Hannibal, when As- 
drubal crossed the Alps with a numerous army. 
The republic was in danger of sinking under their 
united ettbrts. Nero the consul observed the mo- 

* Voyci I'iUitiquitc expliquc« du P. Moafiiucoa. 


Cicero's journey into cilIOia. 353 

tions of Hannibal, who exhausted the whole sci- 
ence of marching and cduntennarching. The 
Roman general perceived that a bold stroke only 
could ward off the dangers which threatened his 
country. With a chosen body of a thousand horse, 
and six thousand foot, he .marched from his camp, 
deceived the vigilance of the Carthaginians, effect- 
ed a junction with his colleague in Umbria, saved 
the republic at the battle of IMetaurus, and returned 
with the same celerity, announcing to Hannibal 
the death of his brother, and finding that general 
himself still astonished and inactive.* He had 
left Hannibal in the neighbourhood of Canusium; 
he foimd the consul Livius in that of Sena Gallica. 
His route through the territories of the Larinates, 
Frentani, Marrucini, Praetutii, and Picenum, into 
Umbria, was about 370 Roman miles.f I know 
not how many days he employed in marching thi- 
ther; but I know that only six were spent in his 
retum.:|; Expedition became daily more neces- 
sary; and it is not a small stain on the glory of 
Hannibal that he remained ignorant for twelve 
days of the departure of the Roman general. I 
think this would not have escaped the vigilance of 
Asdrubal ; and that he would have destroyed an 
army weakened by the absence of its general, and 
by a powerful detachment.^ 270 Roman miles in 

• Tit. Liv. xxvii. 43—51. 

t Itineraria Auton* p. 312, 313, 314, 315. I have measured* 
•n the chart of Delisle the distance from Canusium to Larinum. 
X Tit. Liv. xxvii. 50. xxviii.9* 
§ Tit. Liv. xxvii. 46* 
VOL. IV. A A six 


six days give 45 Roman, or 40i English miles for 
each daily march. The fact is scarcely credible. 
Ncrp's forces, indeed, were selected from the whole 
army ; he marched night and day ; and the zeal of 
the allies co-operated with the attentions of the 
general in procuring for them in abundance every 
comfort and assistance proper for softening their 
fatigues and reviving their strength. With all 
these advantages, it would be impossible for mo- 
dem troops to make such a march. To accom- 
plish it required Romans, and Romans of the age 
of Scipio. As soldiers, their bodies were patient 
. of fatigue and toil ; as citizens, they had a country 
for which to fight. Their exertions were quite 
different from those of a herd of mercenaries^ 
whose only hope is that of pay, and whose only 
fear is that of punishment. 

This is a sketch of the chapter which I said was 
wanting ; — but still, how imperfect liave I left it ! 


LausaDue, 17&^. 

Much philosophical and much theological know- 
Medgc may be derived from Ovid's Fasti. The re- 
ligion of the Romans, the points in wliich it agrees 
with or differs from that of the Greeks, is a subject 
as curious as it is new. I reckon for nothing the 
researches of a Coyer. 



The poetrj' of the Fasti appears to me more lia- 
ble to blame than worthy of praise. I acknow- 
ledge with pleasure all the merit of OWd; his 
astonishing fancy, a perpetual elegance, and the 
most agreeable turn of mind. I prfncipally admire 
his variety, suppleness, and (if I may say so) his 
flexibility of genius, which rapidly embraces the 
most opposite subjects, assumes the true style of 
each, and presents them all under the most pleasing 
forms of which they are susceptible. The thought 
almost always suits the subject; and the expres- 
sion rarely fails in beinor suitable to the thouo:ht. 
In the Fasti, the same ideas are perpetually recur- 
ring ; but the images under which they are repre- 
sented are continually different. The passages of 
the Fasti which have given me most pleasure are, 
1. The origin of sacrifices: 2. The adventure of 
Lucretia: 3. The festival of Anna Perenna: 4. 
The origin of the name of May : 5. The dispute of 
the goddesses tor that of June. 

The following are some of the faults in the cha- 
racter either of the poet or of his subject; which 
it is painful to perceive. Ovid appears to me de- 
fective in point of strength and elevation; and his 
genius loses in depth what it gains in surface. In 
painting nature, his strokes are vague, and without 
clfiuacter. His expression of tlie passions is rarely 
just; he is sometimes weak, sometimes extrava- 
gant, always too diffuse; and though he continu- 
ally seeks the road to the heart, isseldom fortunate 
enough to find it. His light and tender character, 
softened by pleasure, and rendered more interesting 

A a2 by 


by misfortune, made him acquainted with the 
tones of sadness and joy. He knows how to la- 
ment the miser}' of a forsaken mistress, or to cele- 
brate the triumphs of a successful lover. But the 
great passions are above his reach ; fury, venge- 
ance, the fortitude or ferocity of the soul, which 
either subdues its most impetuous movements, or 
precipitates their unbridled career. His heroes 
think more of the reader than of themselves; and 
the poet, who ought to remain concealed, is always 
ready to come forward, and to praise, blame, or 
pity them. Ovid wrote a tragedy; but, notwith- 
standing the judgment of Quintilian, I cannot 
much regret its loss. 2. He was ignorant of the 
rules of proportion, rules so necessary to a vrriter 
who would give to each sentiment its due extent, 
and arrange it in its proper place, agreeably to its 
own nature, and the end for which he employs it. 
In Ovid, you may perceive thoughts tlie most in- 
teresting, and narratives closely connected with 
the very essence of his subject, pass away lightly 
without leaving a trace behind; while he dwelb 
with complacence on parts merely ornamental, 
frivolous, or superfluous. Can it be believed that 
tlic rape of Proserpine should be described in two 
verses, when the enumeration of the flowers which 
she gathered in the garden of Eden had just filled 
sixteen?* I acknowledge tliat the subject of the 
Fasti exposed him to faults in proportioning the 
parts of his work. That subject is connected with 

^ Ovi<l Fast. 1. iv» p. 5S3« 



the whole of the Greek mythology; it contains, 
also, much of the Roman histon'- It was some- 
times necessary to relate the whole fable ; at other 
times, to hint at or even to suppose it, was suffi- 
cient. It was requisite for him to decide how far 
each story was likely to be known by an ordinary 
reader, and how much the knowledge of it contri- 
buted to that of his subject: but the principles of 
such decisions arc extremelv delicate. 3. Some 
writers have praised Ovid for the artfulness of his 
transitions in a work so various as that of the Me- 
tamorphoses. Yet this subject, without possess- 
ing the unity of epic poetry, supplied him with 
verj* natural principles of connection. But the 
Fasti is a subject totally disjointed. Each cere- 
mony, and each festival, is altogether distinct from 
that which follows it, and which follows it only 
by an imaginary chronology. Tlie poet always 
traces the a^ra of their institution, which falls, if 
you will, on the month of January; but they are. 
Januaries of different years, or rather of different 
centuries. Ovid was so sensible of this defect in 
his subject, that he endeavours to associate festi- 
vals on the earth with the phenomena of the hea- 
vens, in order to give a connection more real, but 
extremely uninteresting, to his calendar. 4. Ovid 
heard from the mouth of the gods the laws of their 
worship, the origin and principle of each fable, 
and of each ceremony. Such is the nature of the 
human mind; even in fiction we require the ap- 
pearance of truth. We cannot bear to see the poet's 
invention at work. But Ovid shews to ua too 

A A 3 plainly. 


plainly, that all his ingenious conversations \eith 
the gods are the work of his own brain. When 
he speaks seriously, as he once does in mentioning 
Vesta, it is to overturn the whole fanciful imbric at 
one blow. I acknowledge, that a Roman poet 
must have been perplex^ by the perpetual mix- 
ture of the serious with the fantastic, and by a 
poetical religion which was also that of the state. 
Among the early Greeks, the inspiration of Homer 
did not differ from that of Calchas. His works 
and those of his successors were the scriptuTcs of 
tlie nation. With us, on the other hand, the in- 
spiration of poets is merely a transient and volun- 
tarv illusion to which we submit ourselves. But 
among the Romans, who alternately believed in 
and laughed at their gods, but who had no faith 
whatever in their poets, the part of these last was 
very difficult to act. 5. I ought not to reckon the 
employment of elegiac verse as a particular fault, 
though heroic measure would have Ix^en w^ell 
adapted to the subject of the Fasti. Elegiac verse 
has always tired me. The pause constantly recurs 
on the middle of the third foot of the pentameter; 
and the sense must always be included in a cou- 
plet. This monotony fatigues the ear ; and causes 
the introduction of manv useless words merelv 
for the sake of the measure. There is far more 
variety, lil>erty, and true harmony in the flow of 
heroic verse. 


( S59 ) 


Rome, 28th November, 17^4. 

Romulus was soon obliged to take arms against 
the little cities of the Sabines, whom the rape of 
their daughters had justly provoked against his 
rising state. Acron, king of the Ceninians, was 
the first victim of Roman valour. He fell by the 
hand of Romulus; and his subjects had the good 
fortune to be allowed to unite with the new 
colony. The conqueror was eager to reap the 
first fruits of his glorj'. Driving before him herds 
and prisoners, and attend&i by the companions of 
his victory, he entered the city amidst public accla- 
mation, and ascended the Capitoline hill, in order 
to deposit his trophies and his gratitude in the 
temple which he had dedicated to Jupiter Feretrius. 
By this ceremony, military virtue was for ever 
associated with religion in the imagination of the 
Romans. Such was the origin of the triumph, an 
institution which praced the principal cause of the 
greatness of Rome* Three hundred and twenty 
triumphsf raised her to that exaltation, which she 
had attained under the reign of Vespasian. I ven- 
ture to submit the following reflections on the 
right of triumph, the road through which it pro- 
ceeded, and the show itself. 

* Montesquieu on the Greatness and Decline of the Romans, 
t Onuphr. Panvin. on Triumphs. The number is taken from 

AA4 The 


The right of triumph may be considered under 
three aspects. 1 . The authoritj' by which it was 
conferred; 2. the persons upon whom; and, 3. die 
reasons for which it was granted. 

1. Under the royal government, I should sup- 
pose that the kings, whose authority was as inde- 
pendent in militar}^ as it was limited in civil affairs, 
entered the city in triumph, whenever they thought 
themselves entitled to that honour; and thus dis- 
pensed in their own favour the benefits of an 
institution which load been established by their 
predecessor. After the expulsion of Tarquin, the 
senate, which had been the council of the prince, 
and was now that of the nation, naturally assumed 
the power of dispensing military rewards.* The 
senate conferred on Valerius Publicola the honour 
of a triumph for having defeated the Tarquins in 
that battle in which Brutus was slain. From this 
sera, the triumph possessed a real value in the opi- 
nion of all acquaintal with true glor}\ This cere- 
mony was no longer a vain show, fitted merely to 
dazzle the populace; but a solemnity in which a 
meritorious consul found the best of all panegyrics; 
the praise of his equals and of his rivals. Some 
senators had attained, many of them aspired to, 
the triumph; and as all of them felt an interest in 
keeping untarnished an honour which was in some 
measure their own, they judged the candidate with 
a severity as salutary for the state as glorious for 
himself. The senate considered this right as its 

♦ Tit. Lit. L. ii. Dionjs. Halicam. L, v* 



most precious prerogative ; preserved it in reality 
to the last clays of the republic; and affected to 
preserve it to the latest times of the empire. It 
once had the pain to see itself divested of this 
right, and to feel that it justly merited the punish- 
ment. In the year of Rome 305, Valerius and 
Horatius, the two consuls who had abolished the 
Decemvirate, gained two complete victories over 
the Volsci, the Equi, and the Sabines; but their 
conduct too partial to the populace, and their 
eagerness inprosecuting the Decemvirs, drew on 
them the hatred of the leaders of the senate, who 
pitied their unfortunate kinsmen, at the same time 
that they detested their crimes. The senate re- 
fused to these consuls the honour of a triumph;* 
affording therein an example highly pernicious in 
a free state, of being influenced in the distribution 
of military favours by the party which the gene- 
rals take in poHtics. In consequence of this injus- 
tice, a tribune appealed to the people, who seized 
with pleasure the opportunity of at once reward- 
ing their favourites, and of extending their own 
power. Valerius and Horatius triumphed without 
the consent of the senate ; to which, however, the 
people restored a prerogative, which they them- 
sek'es had usurped on this particular occasion. I 
am not ignorant that this politic council, which 
had^es of wisdom and only moments of passion, 
endeavoured, by the impartiality and prudence of 
}ts decrees, to confirm its precarious authority; 

* Tit. Liy. L. ill. Dionyi* Ilsrlictm. L. xi. 



and that the public at lai^e profited by its fears. 
It could not indeed but fear the decision of a deli- 
cate question respecting its own constitution. 
Since the decrees of the people superseded the best 
established rights of the senate, in what other light 
could that senate be regarded, but as a commission 
Tlelegated by the people, for the purpose of exer- 
cising rights, which those who had conferred them 
might at pleasure resume? The patrician party 
were glad to have the senate considered as the re- 
presentatives of their own order, as the comitia 
tributa represented the plebeians. Agreeably to 
this principle, these two bodies united composed 
the commonwealth ; but each of them apart enjoy- 
ed its sacred and inviolable rights. The consent at* 
the senate opened the gates to the triumphal car; 
but the people were entitled to stop its career. 
Upon entering the Pomoerium, all military com- 
mand ceased; and the consuls, who were generals 
abroad, became simple magistrates in Rome; which 
acknowledged no other authority than that of the 
laws. Yet the triumphant general retume<l at the 
head of his legions, and continued to ap|>ear in a 
military character. To reconcile respect for the 
laws with the glory due to conquerors, the senate 
always proposed continuing the general in his 
command during the day of his triumph. The 
peo|)le usually acceded to this proposal; which 
they were entitled, however, to reject; and which 
they had nearly rejected, in order to hinder the 
triumph of Paulus Emilius. 
S. Those only could demand a triumpli wlni 



liad been invested with supreme command. The 
discipline of the Romans would never have allowed 
a tribune or a lieutenant, to apply to the senate 
for the reward of his services. What reward could 
a subaltern deserve, whose only virtues were those 
of valour and obedience; virtues which it was the 
duty of his general to remunerate? The principle 
of military subordination was carried so far, that a 
commander in chief appropriated the glorj' of his 
most distant lieutenants,* who were considered as 
indebted for their success mcrclv to the orders 
which he had given to them.f Tlic emperors 
therefore, as sole heads of the amiv, were alone 
entitled to triumph for the victories which their 
genius had oi)tained, at the same time, on the 
Rhine and the Euphrates. On this occasion, also, 
we may perceive the perpetual connection, among 
the Romans, of religion and policy. Tlie people, 
in conferring the supreme command, conferred 
with it the right of taking the auspices, and of in- 
terrogating the gods, concerning the fortune of the 
state. This sacred prerogative established a pecu- 
liar connection between the general and the gods 
of his country. He alone could interrogate them, 
and solicit their favour by vows, which the state 
was bound to perform. When his prayers were 
heard^ it belonged, therefore, to him in particular, 
to demonstrate the public gratitude to the gods; 
and to lay at their feet hostile spoils and victorious 

♦ Ciccr. in Pison, C. xxiii. 

t See the Abb^ Bleterie's Dissertation on the title Iroperator. 
Ikf^m. de rAcad^m. des Belles Letfres, tome xxi. 



trophies. To the martial superstition of the Ro- 
mans, no offerings could appear more acceptable. 

In the first ages of the republic, it was easy for 
the consuls and pnetors to unite with their civil 
functions the management of campaigns, which 
consisted only in marches of a few days, immedi- 
ately followed by a battle. But when Rome was 
obliged to act, both offensively and defensively, in 
all the provinces of Italy; in Sicily, Spain, and 
Africa*; it became necessary to increase the nuro- 
ber of generals, and to extend the military command 
of the consuls and prsetors beyond the tenn assigned 
for their civil authority. These proconsuls and 
propnttors finally became the only generals of the 
state; and in consequence of the weight of affairs 
which increased with the extent of the empire, al- 
though the same persons continued to exercise 
both civil and militar\' functions, vet thev ceased 
to exercise them simultaneously. These extraor- 
dinary' magistrates, who enjoyed the same sacred 
prerogatives as when they were consuls and pnr- 
tors, were entitled also to demand a triumph, when 
their exploits merited that honour. It would 
have \yeen unjust indeed to debar them from this 
reward, and to blast their laurels, because the dis- 
tance of the province and the difticulty of tlic war 
had prevented them from terminating it in a sin- 
gle campaign. During the second Punic war, 
young Scipio demanded a triumph, which he had 
fairly earned, by avenging the death of his uncles, 
and by recovering for the republic the great pro- 
vince of Spain. His situation was as singular as 



his services. His own boldness and the favour of 
the people had raised him to supreme command at 
the age of twenty-four. He became a general 
without having ever been a magistrate. It ap- 
peared dangerous to accustom the favourites of the 
people to despise civil employments, and to open 
for themselves shorter roads to power. By refus- 
ing a triumph to Scipio, the Romans protested in 
favour of maxims which themselves had violated: 
the people Mere taught to understand that their 
authoritv was subordinate to the laws; and that 
rash ambition was suppressed, which might too 
probably have been inflamed by the success of 
Scipio in separating the reward of military- gloiy 
trom the honours of civil magistracy. The senate 
maintained the cause of wisdom and of discipline ; 
and the conqueror submitted to their refusal. This 
decree, which was founded on reasons of state, ra- 
ther felt than expressed, came to be considered as 
the law of triumphs ; which the people never 
granted to any but magistrates : the precedent in 
the case of Scipio was thenceforth decisive. The 
strict sense of this decree allowed a triumph only 
to those consuls and praetors whose magistracies 
bad been prolonged by the people; but both rea- 
son and custom extended this honour to citizens 
invested by public authority with the power be- 
longing to offices* which they had formerly filled ; 
the indulgence of the senate obliterating, as it 
were, the years which had elapsed since the term 

* I can only cite the aathority of Livy and the Fasti of the 
I. . azth and tercoth ceotories of Rome. 



oF their employment, and considering them as still 
bearing: a cliaracter which thev had once bonour- 
abiv sustained. I know not how far the senate 
extended this indulgence ; and whether it allowed, 
for example, the triumph to a praetor of a former 
year, when invested with proconsular authori^. 
I am inclined to think that this wise council 
never antici|jated the decisions of cases which had 
not actually happened; and tliat according to cir- 
cumstances it would have extended the right of 
triumph even to a proconsul, w1k> Iiad never held 
any other magistracy than the sedileship. The 
»lilc having attained at least the age of thirty- 
eight, must have been known for twenty years in 
the army and in the city. His talents and his 
character might have been appreciated by his be- 
haviour in the qua^storship, and his political prin- 
ciples could not fail of being discovered in the 
senate. But Ix^tli the letter and the spirit of this 
decree excluded from triumplial honours the sim- 
ple citizen or knight, that the laws might not be 
suspended even in favour of the most distinguislied 
merit. The authority of these laws became so 
thoioughly established, tliat the people no longer 
sought to dispense their favours, but agreeably to 
the order which they preserilied. I know that 
young Pompey, while yet a simple knight, tbrced 
the dictator Sylla to grant him a triumph, at that 
unha|)py crisis when the laws wea* overwhelmed 
\/y the po\> er of individuals.* Although the senate 

* Appian de ik'll. Civil. L. i. Cicer. pro leg. Marcii. 



afterwards bestowed on him a similaj power, the 
authority of Pompey, and the enthusiastic admira- 
tion of the multitude, justified an indulgence which 
would not be construed into a precedent. 

3. It is well known that the victorious general, 
at his return to Rome, assembled the senators in a 
temple without the walls, and explained to them 
his just pretensions to a triumph, by supplying 
them with a written narrative of his victorj', con- 
finned by a solemn oath. The form by which 
Claudius Nero and Livius Salinator demanded a 
triumph for their victory at Metaurus was that 
employed by the subsequent generals. They re- 
quested that thanks might be rendered to the gods; 
and that they themselves might be allowed to 
enter tlie city in triumph, for their faithful and 
courageous management of the affairs of the repub* 
lie.* I am of opinion that this condition, which 
admitted of great latitude of interpretation from 
the prudence and equity of the judges, was the 
only one essential, although several writers sup- 
pose a variety of particular laws, which controlled 
the deliberations of the senate, and compelled them 
either to admit or to reject the pretensions of those 
who demanded a triumph.f Yet those writers 
have not been able to bring for^vard, on this sub- 
ject, any thing deserving the sacred name of a law. 
The particulars which they mention are inferred 
fiom a few examples, the force of which is de- 

♦ Tit. liv. xxriii. « 

t V*. Ooophr. Panvin. de Triumphis, et Applan in Lybicis. 



stroyed by others directly opposite ; and diey can- 
not but perceive that he who maintains the nega- 
tive against them, overturns, by a single feet, aH 
the probabilities which they can accumulate. 

They hiy it down as a law of the triumph, thai 
a general coidd not claim that honour, who bad 
not in a pitched battle killed live thousand of the 
enemy ; and suppose that he was entitled to de- 
mand it, upon fuliilling this single condition, » 
the due recompense of his merit. Yet it is lOt 
easy to believe that in appreciating militai^* ser- 
vices, the senate should have been guided by a cir- 
cumstance so excealingly uncertain as the number 
of the slain. On how many occasions might a 
general deserve the warmest gratitude of the 
republic, without contenting those nice arithme- 
ticians who calculated the quantity of human 
blood with such scrupulous accuracy? If he car- 
ried on war against the efteminate nations of tlie 
East, whose cowardice was alarmed even by the 
war-shouts of the legions, a victory almost blood- 
less might put him in possession of a whole king- 
dom. A commander, s|>aring of the blood of his 
fellow-citizens, might think military talents more 
honourablv disi)lavc(l in the skill and success of a 
campaign, than in the blind fortune and luvoc of 
a dav of battle. His well-contriveil and well-exe- 
cuted movements might deprive the enemy of 
every resource, without excepting that of an en- 
gagement; and compel them to surrender their 
arms and their persons, a prize undiminished by 
any loss in the field. Towns strongly fortified by 



It or nature, and defended by garrisons more ob- 
tinate than numerous, might oppose obstacles 
rorthy of exercising all the skill and perseverance 
f a general ; who, by carrying such places, might 
ften terminate wars as burdensome to the repub- 
c as pernicious to the provinces. I shall exem- 
lify only the second of those cases ; and my ex- 
mple shall be that of the younger Scipio, whose 
lory equalled that of his uncle, though he had 
ever conquered an Hannibal ; and who triumphed 
wice, without having ever fought a single pitched 
attle. By taking Carthage and Numanrium, he 
btained those triumphs, and two surnames, still 
lore glorious. Yet, in the course of those sieges, 
; is impossible to find an action in which five 
bousand of the enemy perished; and there are 
uthors who affirm, that those brave Numantines 
rho resisted with such perseverance and success 
ae forces of the republic, never exceeded four 
iiousand men, whose numbers were multiplied 
nly by their valour.* 

Another regulation is mentioned, not less wis^ 
nd just as well founded as that already stated. 
L triumph, it is said, could be obtained only by 
lie conquerors of nations, who had never previ- 
uslj acknowledged the authority of the Romans ; 
iie reduction of a revolted province did not suffice; 
iie senate made no account of victories which did 
ot extend the frontiers of the empire. In this 

• V. Flori Epitom. Orositis, T. liv. Ir. Auctor de Vir. 
VOL. IV. B B sup- 


supposed regulation, it seems to me as if the 1i6- 
roism of romance were substituted instead of flte 
dictates of prudence and true honour. Was a pro- 
vince the less valuable to the Romans because it 
had been long in their possession, peopled by their 
numerous colonies, and enriched by their atten- 
tion in improving its natural and artificial advan- 
tages ? Was the honour of the republic more con- 
cerned in subduing free nations, who had scarcely 
ever heard of the name of Rome, than in suppras- 
sing the rebellion of a revolted province^ wbich 
upbraided her injustice, defied her power, and se- 
duced by a dangerous example the allegiance of 
her other subjects ? Was a less obstinate reMsl- 
anCc to be expected from a people who faad no 
other choice than victory or death, whose generan 
and even soldiers had learned war under the Ro- 
man standard, tlian from those barbarous nations, 
whose slightest submissions were readily accepted 
by a senate, always content with merely imposing 
the yoke at first, that its weight might afterwards 
be more severely felt ? In one word ; were the 
wars against revolted provinces regarded as too un- 
important to merit the only reward worthy of i 
victorious general ? The existence of such a regu- 
lation could be proved only by the most dedsive 
facts ; but the facts on record are directly against 
it. I will not avail myself of the numerous tri- 
imiphs over communities, an hundred times con- 
quered, to which tlic Romans granted very un- 
e(iual conditions of peace, and treated rather as 



mbjects than allies ;* but when Titus and his fa« 
tber triumphed over the Jews, and when the 
senate commemorated their victories by medals and 
that triumphal arch which has subsisted to the pre« 
sent day, they did nothing more than triumph over 
a revolted province, which had been subdued by 
the arms of Pdmpey, and governed by Roman ma- 
gistiates for the space of fifty years. I agree with 
Onuphrius Panvinius, that Fulvius did not obtain 
a triumph for the important conquest of Capua. 
Of the reasons which made the senate refuse it to 
him, I am ignorant ; it is uncertain whether jus? 
tice or intrigue defeated the prospects of tliis pro- 
ciNisul ; but I know that nearly about the same 
time, Fabius Maximus triumphed for the conquer 
of Tarentum,t a city which had acknowledged the 
sovereignty of Rome ever since the war against 
I^rrhus. I go farther; and observe, that Rome 
more than once experienced those disasters, which 
made it her duty to bestow the highest marks of 
her gratitude on those generals who had saved 
their country, without adding a foot of ground to 
its territory. Neither Scipio nor Pompey, but 
Camillus and Marius, were associated with Romu- 
lus, in the honourable appellation of Founders of 
Kome. These great men repressed the inunda- 
tions of the BarbEuians, and destroyed their armies; 
but never thought of pursuing them into their own 
wild^ with the situation of which they were 

* V. Joseph. Antiq. Jadaic. et de BelL Jadaico« 
t Tit Liv. xxvii. 

BBS scarcely 


scarcely acquainted. What must have been tfao 
absurdity of a law, which denied to such men the 
triumph, w hile it lavished that honour on piopnt- 
tors, whose names are known only by the Capito 
line records ? 

Hie trnmen et Cimbros, el tarama pericola 
£xcipit, et solus trepidantem protcgit urbem. 
Alque ideo poslquam ad Cimbros, stragemqiie 
Qulramquam attigeraot majora cadavera corri, 
Nobilis omaUu' lauro coUega secunda,* 

It may be asked with greater probability, wbe^ 
dier the senate was satisfied with a single vi<rtory? 
or whether, to have a right to demand the triumph 
it Mras not necessary to terminate the war by sub- 
duing the enemy, or at least by making a treaty 
advantageous to the republic. In such a regula- 
tion, I should perceive nothing but the wisdom 
of the senate, which was careful not to debase 
its honours by too lavish a prodigality; and 
which itself, always sovereign and free, knew 
how to refuse to a presumptuous general, who 
courted the triumph by inglorious conquests over 
unworthy enemies. But in deciding according to 
facts, and by facts we ought to decide, I perceive 
that the conduct of the senate varied in diiierent 
ages of the republic ; and that the cause of this 
variation depended on a circumstance altogether 
distinct from the merit of the general. It w*as cus- 
tomary that the brave citizens who had shared his 
dangers should also partake of the glory of his 

• Juvenal Satyr, ▼iii. «49, el teq. 


*- . V 


triumph. The soldiers followed his chariot, crowned 
with laurel, and decorated with the military orna- 
ments, which their valour had lAerited.* They 
appropriated to themselves the honours conferred 
on their commander ; and this commander derived 
his sweetest reward from the praises of his soldiers, 
and still more from their coarse raillery, the surest 
mark of their frankness and esteem. During the 
first wars of the republic, while Rome contended 
against enemies in her neighbourhood, and unpro- 
vided with regular troops, the victorious consul 
brought back his legions to the capital, and the 
troops needed no other winter-quarters than their 
respective homes. I perceive that in ages the most 
observant of discipline, the senate granted tri- 
umphs for victories which decided the fortune of 
a campaign, without terminating the war. Fabius 
RuUianus was allowed to triumph over, the Tus- 
cans, Umbrians, Samnites, and Gauls-f The 
senate well knew that the confederacy of those 
nations was conquered without being subdued; and 
diat the victory of Fabius had given neither pos- 
sessions nor peace to his country. In the war 
against Hannibal, the senate indeed varied its con- 
duct, but its principles were unalterable. Rome 
was obliged to act on the defensive in all the pro- 
vinces of Italy at once. Whenever a considerable 
▼ictory allowed her to withdraw the army employed 
in one of those provinces, she g^ranted a triumj^ to 

* See the Oimdoti of M. ServiUios. TiL lir. x\r. 
^ T. lir. X. 

BBS its 

ito general, that he might not be sepaiated from hit 
troops. When the senate decreed a triumph to 
Livius Salinator,* his colleague Nero folknred his 
car on horseback, and swelled the train of him 
whom he had enabled to conquer. One reaaon for 
this was, that the army oT Livius Iiad returned to 
Rome, and that the troops commanded by Kero 
eon Id not be recalled because they then opposed 
Hannibal. W hen Rome attacked the great powers 
of Greece; the East, and Africa, her legions did 
not recross the sea until they had subdued the 
countries which they im^aded. Triumphs in diose 
wars were purphased only by conquests ; and, in 
consequence of the excellence of those laws whose 
execution varies with the nature of things, rather 
than with the passions of men, the increasing ma- 
jesty of the triumph kept pace with the growing 
greatness of the state. But from the time that 
Marius polluted the legions by a mixture of the 
vilest populace, war became a trade instead of a 
dut}*; the troops remained in the provinces; and, 
in disbanding or calling home the legions, the 
senate obeyed the maxims of policy rather than 
those of justice. It became the custom to crown 
generals, who, after once conquering an enemy, 
left it for their successors to subdue him, and who 
conducted back to Rome only a small band of ofii* 
cess and soldiers who were peculiarly attached to 
them, and who were best qualified to grace their 
triumph. I shall cite only the example of Lucul- 

* T. lif . xxwuL 




lus. He triumphed for his victories over the great 
Mithridates, so often conquered, yet 'always se 
formidable. A glance at Cicero's oration in favour 
of the Manilian law, will convince us that the Ro- 
mans were far from thinking this war concluded. 

These observations are sufficient to prove that 
there never existed a code of triumphal laws, such 
as the fancies of Appian of Alexandria and Onur 
phrius PanWnius have thought fit to compile. 
The Egyptian rhetorician and Augustine hermit, 
being alike unqualified for sounding the profound 
policy of the senate, have considered as general laws 
w^hat were only particular examples. The spirit 
of this wise tribunal, which knew so well how to 
unite prudence with jusrice, formed to*itself a liv- 
ing law, which comprehended all that variety of 
cases,, concerning many of which the dead letter 
of written laws must ever be silent, imperfect, or 
contradictor}'. The senate compared the abilities 
of tlie general with the character of the enemy, 
the importance of the acquisition with the wisdom 
or good fortune with which it had been obtained, 
and the facility of the conquest with the means 
employed in effecting it. The aged senators, 
whose authority guided the votes of their assessors, 
had grown old in military command ; and granted 
rewards whose value they could estimate, to gene- 
rals whose worth they were capable of appreciating* 
I perceive also, that they were not less attentive to 
the safety of tlie citizens than to the glorj- of the 
state ; and more than once refiised triumphs to 
Tictorious consuls, who had purchased their advan- 

BB 4 tages 


tages by an unnecessary or useless prodigality of 
Roman blood.* They thought it their duty to re- 
press the cruel ambition of leaders, by refusing to 
them a triumphant return into a city which their 
exploits had filled with mourning. 

There was, as far as I can Jttiscover, but one 
precise condition always required by the senate, 
namely, the rank and quality of the enemy. The 
triumph would have been disgraced by granting it 
for victories over slaves or pirates ; their blood too 
vile, and that of the citizens too precious, equally 
blasted the laurels of a victorious general. . 

It belongs to the civil magistrate, rather than to 
the militaiy commander, to curb the audacity of 
malefactors, who set at defiance justice and die 
laws. When bands of robbers become so nume- 
rous that they must be opposed by a military 
force, such wars have always been regarded as 
more necessary than difficult, and more difficult 
than glorious. The weakness and tj-ranny of 
masters made the slaves in Sicily twice shake off 
the yoke. The Romans were ashamed to employ 
their legions against such ignoble adversaries; hot 
their shame was greater to see those legions de- 
feated ; and when their generals finally succeeded 
in repressing the insurrection, the senate wa.5 
sensible that it had often decreed a triumph for 
less meritorious exploits. Yet the name of slave 
was not to be got over ; the senate feared lest the 
triumph should be profaned; to deny it seemed 

* Til. Liv. jt. 



not pregnant with very evil consequences. The 
victorious generals, therefore, Were honoured only 
with an ovation ; which gave to them crowns of 
myrtle, instead of those of laurel ; and entitled 
them to be attended with a train of peaceful citizens, 
not by a military procession. The Romans reason- 
ably expected that the dreadful discipline thence- 
forth established respecting slaves would in future 
prevent similar revolts. But, by a strange combi- 
nation, of circumstances, the republic was obliged 
in the same age to carry on two obstinate wars 
against pirates and gladiators ; the one of which 
endangered the commerce and dignity of the em- 
pire, and the other threatened the destruction of 
the Roman name. Could the senate foresee such 
events, or uniformly decree the triumph according 
to rules previously established? . But when Crassus 
had ruined the army of Spartacus, the wisdom of 
the senate perceived that the public disgrace would 
be commemorated rather than the glory of the ge- 
neral, by granting to him a triumph for termi- 
nating a servile war. The partisans of Pompey 
would naturally employ on this occasion the elo- • 
quence of Cicero ; and would be themselves heard 
with pleasure by the people, when they ascribed to 
their favourite almost the whole merit of this ex- 
ploit. Afterwards, when the same Pompey sub- 
dued the pirates, the pride of two triumphs, and 
the laurels which he expected to reap in the Mith- 
ridatic war, made him. disdain the honour of an 
ovatiQn, which Crassus had accepted : and which 



henceforth became, in the estimation of the Ro« 
mans, the natural rewaid for such victories. 

Pride, opposite as it is to contempt, produced indie 
present case precisely the same effects; the Romans 
refused to triumph over slaves, the objects of their 
contempt ; and over citizens who were the objects 
of their esteem. The conquerors in the civil wan 
might have extorted from the senate the rewards 
most flattering to their vanity ; but, tluiugh masteri 
of the laws, they still respected the public opini<Hi| 
and the prejudices of their country, from which 
they themselves were not perliaps totally exempted. 
They were afmid of degrading the dignity of the 
Roman name by treating their fellow-citizens like 
conquered kings ; and even Sylla, wlio ventured 
to kill by his proscriptions so many senators and 
knights, would have been ashamed to drag them 
after his triumphal chariot, and to have thanked 
the gods of tlie Capitol for melancholy victories^ 
whicli it was his dutv to wibh buried in etenu^ 
oblivion. I am persuaded that those tyrants of 
their country, Sylla, Caesar, and Augustus,, who 
knew the dignity of the laws which they violated, 
and the disposition of the people whom they op- 
pressed, dreaded to provoke thein despair, by pre- 
senting to the public eye, in an offensive s1k>w, the 
picture of lost liberty, and the illustrious victimi 
sacrificed to ambition. Caesar himself was morti- 
fied at hearing the lamentations of public sorrow 
when the images of Scipio, Cato, and PetrcMtf 




Oil THE YEJVHf H8 OF T9S HOMj^KS • 879 

passed in the train of his African triumph.* If 
the image of the great Pompey had not been cauti- 
ously concealed, what was grief might have become 
fury in a people, whose only consolation for slavery 
was, that it was artfnlly disguised. But if, on one 
hand, satiated ambition could still retain the justice 
of feeling itself undeserving of the rewards of virtue, 
avenged liberty might surely decree to its restorers 
die laurel as well as the civic crown. During the 
short joy inspired into the senate by the news of 
die battle of Modena, Cicero f proposed a resolu- 
tioa to which Cato would have been happy to have 
acceded. He granted, in honour of the consuls 
and young Octavius^ a supplication or thanksgiving 
of fifty days ; and the name of Imperator. He 
could not have refused them the triumph whiob 
usually followed these honours; and it appears that 
lie foresaw the consequence without alarm. ^^ Shall 
<wc grant,'- he observed in the senate, " rewards to 
tliMe wiio have killed a thousand Barbarians, which 
we deny to the saviour of the republic ? Let us 
forget in Antony and his adherent the character 
of citizens, justly lost by their violation of all its 
duties. Rome ought to see in them nothing but 
enemies equally cruel, and an hundred times .more 
deserving of punishment than Hannibal himsdf." 
The only objection that could have been made to 
Cicero was the defeat of Catiline, whose con^ 
qneror had not obtained a' triumph. But that con- 
queror was the feeble-minded Antonius, who had 

♦ Appian de Bell. Civil. 1. ii. 
t Cicer. Philippic xi? . pass. 5. 


not spirit to act the part cither of a conspirator or 
of a citizen, and who tamely submitted to be- 
hold the destruction of his ancient friends by the 
arms of his lieutenant Petreius. Cicero would 
have been pleased to add, that Catiline had been 
conquered by himself in the senate ; and that this 
conspirator, who was formidable only in Rome, 
^ became, from the moment of his flight from the 
. Capital, no better than the leader of a miscimble 
band of robbers. 

The subverters of liberty, who were unwilling* 
that their exploits should be forgotten in fighting 
against their country, endeavoured, like the great 
Cond6, to 'contrive means for immortalizthg dieir 
glory without perpetuating the memory of their 
crimes. 1 . For the ostentation of a triumph, they 
substituted the more modest ceremony of an ova- 
tion, in which the victors were honoured, and tlie 
vanquished were not insulted. It was thus that 
Augustus returned to Rome after the defeat of 

Brutus and Cassius ; and after the war in Sicilv, 


and his victory over young Pompey. 2. As the 
civil wars involved the whole Roman world, and 
each factious leader had kings and nations for Ins 
allies, the triumph openly exposed only those fo- 
reign allies, and left to tltfe imagination of the Ro- 
mans the supplying of the domestic victims which 
the conqueror had tlie address to appear willing to 
conceal. Augustus triumphed for the defeat of 
the Egyptian fleet at Actium, and the conquest of 
Kgypt. lie suppressed the name of Antony and 
his lieutenants ; but who did not recollect them at 



hearing tliat of Cleopatra ? This artifice was em- 
ployed so late as the reign of Vespasian,* when 
the name of the Sarmatians was used to justify the 
triumphal honours decreed by the senate to Muci- 
anus for his services in the civil war. 

There remain many observations to be made on 
the right of triumphs ; the title of Imperator ; the 
triumphs on Mount Alba ; and the triumphal orna- 
ments. But we have already detained our gene- 
rals too long at the gates of Rome. It is time tq 
conduct them into the city, and to examine the 
road which they followed in ascending the Capitol. 



I AT first thought that the triumphs did not fol- 
low any particular road ; and that the gate through 
which they entered into the city, as well as the 
streets through which they passed to the foot of 
die Capitol, depended on the situation of the coun- 
try which had been the theatre of the war. The 
triumphs, I considered, were nothing but a pic- 
ture of the general's return. Amidst all the artifi* 
cial decorations of pride and magnificence, there 
must have been an inclination to confine them 
within the bounds of nature and probability. 
When Paulus Emilius returned from the conquest 
of Macedon, he must have pursued the Appian 
way to the Porta Capena ; and the conqperors of 
die northern provinces must have entered Rome 

♦ Tacit Hist IT. 4. 



through the gates distinguished by the names Fla- 
minia and Coliina. A passage of CicerD first mada 
me change this opinion. In his bloody invective 
against Piso, the orator set^ before his eyes his 
shameiul return to Rome, a return truly worthy 
of his scandalous administration. To tlie numer- 
ous train, the acclamations, and the public joy by 
which victorious proconsuls were constantly at- 
tended, and which already gaVe them a foretaste 
pf their triumph, he sets in opposition the contempt 
or obscurity with which Piso had returned fitun a 
province, that would ha\^ afforded laurels to every 
man but himself:* " Dreading," he observes, "to 
meet the light and the eyes of men, you dismissed 
your lictors at the Coelimontane gate. Piso 
foolishly enough interrupted him, " You are mis- 
taken ; I entered by the Esquiline.'* " lilTiat 
matters that," rejoitied the orator, " provided you 
did not enter by the porta triumphaUs, a gate al- 
ways open to your predecessors ?" The consequence 
naturally follows; that triumphant generals eih 
tered by a gate which was open for them alone. 
This custom raised the dignity of the triumph by 
clearly distinguishing it from an ordinary return; 
and was worthy oFthe policy of the Romans, who 
regarded no circumstance as unimportant which 
had a tendency to affect the imagination of the 
multitude. Cicero's authority proves that such an 
institution prevailed in his time ; and the nature of 
the thing persuades me that it was still more an- 

♦ Cicer. in Pison. c. 23. 



6ient In enlightened ages, men seldom venture 
to establish customs which are respectable only lA 
their end and pui-pose. The people, who respect- 
fully follow the wisdom of their ancestors, would 
despise that of their contemporaries ; and would 
regard such establishments merely in that point of 
view which laid them open to ridicule. Romulus, 
besides, when he instituted the triumph, fixed by 
his example, not only the place where the trophies 
were to be deposited, but the road which the pro- 
cession was to follow. Conformably to this ex- 
ample, all those who afterwards entered in triumph 
came to adore the Jupiter of the Capitol. I am 
pe]:3uaded they also came by the same road which 
Romulus had traced ; and which, in the eyes • of 
posterity, must have acquired the character. of 
sanctity. Who would have been the first to ven- 
ture to change the route of this ancient procession, 
to despise an authority fortified by time, and to 
forsake the footsteps of the founder of Rome and 
of the triumph? What could be the motive for 
such an innovation, since the example of Romulus 
was surely sufficient to determine a choice totally 
indifferent in itself? Had there been any of the 
triumphant generals of so very extraordinary a 
temper as to despise ancient ceremonies which 
were highly flattering to their own personal glory, 
would the wisdom of the senate have indulged so 
very unreasonable a caprice ; and have substituted, 
for the revered institution of their ancestors, an in- 
novation proceeding from no warrantable motive, 



and terminating in no useful end ? Romulus chose 
the Capitoline Mount as a place 

Religione patnim, et saeva fonnidine sacrtfm; 

and doubtless pursued the shortest and most con- 
venient road in his return *from Cenina. Amidst 
the different accounts of authors concerning dm 
city, we may form a general notion of its situatioD. 
Some place it in the territory of the Sabines, others 
in that of the Latins ; which makes me believe 
that it stood in that slip of ground on the banks of 
the Anio, where the colonies of the two nations 
were mixed and confounded with each ather.^ 
The different lines which may be drawn from Ais 
district to Rome meet in the Campus Martius. 
The side of the Capitoline hill which faces Ae 
Campus Martius is rude and almost inaccessible. 
Romulus therefore was under the necessity of 
making a circuit, either by the valley between the 
Quirinal and Capitoline hills, or by the plain 
which lies between the latter and the Tiber. The 
gate of which we are in quest ought to be found 
within these limits. A chain of conjectural evi- 
dence leads me to this conclusion, which facts 
alone can substantiate.f Among the extraofdi- 
narj' honours designed for the memory of Augus- 
tus, it was proposed that his funeral procession 
should pass through the triumphal gate. The 
place of his sepulchre was already iixed. Thcciti- 

" Plutarch and Stephanus, Tit. Liv. Dlonys. Halicain. tad 

t Tacit. Annal. i. 8. Sueton. in Aug. c. 100. 



aens constantly beheld before their eyes that lofty 
mausoleum which already entombed a part of his 
iamily. It stood in the Campus Martius. The 
triumphal gate therefore could not be far distant 
^Tom it. 

Guided by such preliminary notions, we may 
easily follow the triumphal processions, particu-- 
larly those of Paulus Emilius and Vespasian. The 
lattery after spending the night in the temple of 
Isis, met the senate, which waited for him in the 
Octavian Portico. These two circumstances bring 
us to the Field of Mars, and even to the vicinity 
of the theatre of Marcellus. At the triumph of 
Paulus Emilius, the people raised scaffoldings in 
the two circuses to see the procession pass. It 
proceeded therefore by the circus of Flaminius,- as 
well as by that distinguished by the epithet of 
Ifaximus. Horace, moreover, indulged the hope 
of one day seeing the Britons in chains descend 
the Via Sacra. This word " descend," combined 
with the supposition that the triumphal gate was 
near to the Campus Martins, enables us to trace 
the whole progress of the procession. On this 
subject, I could only follow and abridge Father 
Donati,* a skilful antiquary', who has treated this 
cjuestion with a degree of taste and erudition, 
which fully removes all difficulties. 

It may be supposed, therefore, with much pro- 
bability, that the triumphal train having assembled 
in an opea space, such as the Equiria, of that pro- 
perly called the Campus Martins, immediately 

• Donat. Roma Vctus, L. i. C. 22. p. ^9— 8*. 

VOL. IV. CO under 


under the mausoleum of Augustus, passed tlmnigh 
the circus of Fiaminius, entered the city by the 
triumphal gate between the Capitol and the Tiber, 
traversed the place called the Velabrum, as well 
as the whole length of the Circus Maximus, ani 
completed the circuit of the Palatine Mount by 
descending through the Via Sacra into the Forum, 
in order again to mount to the Capitol by the 
Clivus CapitolinuSy which begins at the arch of 
Septimius Severus. Tliis hypothesis, which ii 
supported by the direct testimony ' of ancient au- 
thors, also corresponds with all the circumstances 
known respecting tlie triumph. Romulus (to re- 
sume our first conjecture) not being able to Uavci s c 
his new colony, which then occupied only tlie 
craggy top of Mount Palatine, naturally 4rsolved 
to make a circuit round it, in order to display before 
the citizens the monuments of his first victory. 
When Rome afterwards extended over the scvea 
hills, the procession would naturally advance along 
the most considerable and tK\st peopled partsxyf ibe 
city. A numerous crowd of people, seated at their 
ease in the circuses and porticoes of the Forum, 
beheld it pass under their eyes; and there were few 
of the inhabitatits of the Palatine, or of one side of 
the Esquiline and Aventine, who might not pe^ 
ceive it at a distance from the tops of their houia 
and temples. We still find triumphal arches of 
several of the emperors, Constantine, Titus, and 
Septimius ; all of whom really triumphed. It h 
difficult to determine how the senate proceeded in 
raising them. I am inclined to tliink, tliat after 
adorning tlic triumphal road by temporary wooden 




arches, more solid ones were afterwards erected of 
•tone or marble, in such places as were least crowded 
with those monuments. As to the arches of those 
emperors who never actually triumphed, it should 
ieem that their own will, the choice of the senate, 
or some particular circumstance, determined the 
site of those eternal proofs of imperial vanity and ^ 
Bomdn meanness. 

On this subject I am not afraid to oppose the 
united authority of Nardini and Donati.* They 
differ from each other with respect to the situation 
of the triumphal gate. Nardini places it between 
the Capitol and the Tiber ; Donati, between the 
Quirinal and the Capitol ; and both* of them re- 
move it to a part of the city far distant from the 
Porta Flaminia; whereas its proximity to that 
gate seems to me essentially connected with every 
probable hypothesis on the subject. I might con- 
tent myself with allowing these antiquaries to 
dispute with each other; and listen to Nardini^ 
while he proves that the Porta Flaminia was the 
sme with the Flumentana, and therefore near to 
the river ; and to Donati, while he maintains that 
the triumphal gate stood between the Capitol and 
die Tiber; and from the particular facts which 
ftqr prove, might infer a general eonclusion. But 
instead of displaying vain eniditioli, I choose 
tadier to appeal to the following plain and coo- 
Tinciag leflections : 1. There must haiee been an 

• Dooat loc. dtat. L. i. C. 21. p. 79. Nardim Roma Antica, 
L L C. 9- p. 3S ; ct a tl0.9.V^9Q. 

CCS easy 


of Pjso. The same sense may be extracted froni 
the most Correct writers of antiquity.- I too well 
know the danger of exclusive propositions to 
affirm, that the phrase ^^ Temple of Janus'* is not 
to be found in any writer of pure Latinity ; but I 
perceive that Livy, Honure, Suetonius, and Pliny* 
always employ the proper expression of Janus 
Geniinus, or Janus Quirini, or Quirinus. Virgil, 
who describes ancient customs with the fire of a 
poet, and the accuracy of an antiquary, makes 
fliention of this institution among the ancient 
Latins ; but never introduces the woid ** temple'* 
in speaking of tlie gates of war. 

Sunt gcmiDas belli portas, (sic nomine dicuat,) 
Religione sacrae et ssevi fonnidipe Martis^ 
Centum aerei claudunt vectes, fttemaque ferri 
Robora: nee custom absistit limine Jaiius.^ 

In this description, every word indicates an arcade, 
such as that of the gates of cities, shut on both 
sides by doors of bronze, and consecrated by a 
statue of Janus, placed p'crliaps in a niche in the 
wall. Although modern writers have endeavoured 
to convert the Janus Gcmiuui into a celebrated 
temple, their want of accuracy needs not hinder 
me from giving to the words their primitive sense, 
which perfectly accords with the expressions of 
Varro. The triumplml gate and that of Janus 
belonged, therefore, to the same walL I may 

* Tit. IJv. L. i. Sucton in August, xxii. ct in Ncron. xiii* 
Horat. Carrn, iv. 15. Plin. Hist, Nat, xxxif. 7. 
t Viipl. 4£neid. L. vii. 60S, 



em, to remark the state of arts and manners in a 
rtam age or country ; but our eyes are soon tirqd 
disgusted by perceiving that these immense ex- 
nses are consumed in relieving the hmguor or 
atifying the vanity of one man. I perceive 
9wds of courtiers indifferent, or yawning, or 
retchedly occupied in concealing, under the mask 
pleasure, their inward uneasiness. I hear the 
Lid complaints of a whole people; who have felt, 
an expensive hunting-match, the desolation of 
province; and can trace, in ^ gilded dome, the 
arks of an hundred cottages, overwhelmed by 
e weight of. taxes. From such objects I remove 
y attention with liorror. The ceremonies of re- 
1^1014 when presented to mankind in a venerable 
Lfb, ought powerfully to interest their aftections; 
tt their influence caiyiot be completely felt, un-* 
IS the spectators ItK e a firm faith in the theolo- 
cal system on which they are founded; and un- 
is they also feel in themselves that particular 
sposition of mind which" lays it open to religious 
rrors. Such cewmonies, when they are not 
ewed with respect, are beheld with the contempt 
:cited by the most ridiculous pantomime. 
In the triumph, every circumstance was great 
id interesting.. To receive its full impression^ it 
as enough to be a man and a Roman. With the 
'es of citizens, the spectators saw the image, oi 
ther the reality of the public glory. The trca- 
ires which were carried in procession, the most 
ecious monuments of art, the bloody spoils of 
le encsiy, exhibited a faithful picture of the war, 



and illustrated the importance of the conquest 
A. silent but forcible language instructed the Ro- 
mans in the exploits and valour of their country* 
men :■ symtx>ls chosen with taste shewed to them 
the cities, rivers, mountains, the scenes of their 
national enterprize, and even the gods of their 
prostrate enemies, subdued under the majesty of 
Capitoline Jupiter. Under the impression of le- 
cent and manifest favours, pride, curiosity, and 
devotion wanned into one strong and pre%*ailing 
passion of enthusiasm. Sometimes sentiment! 
more tender penetrated the citizen's heart, when 
he beheld a son, a broths, or a friend, escaped 
from the^ dangers of war, following the triumphal 
chariot, and crowned with the rewards of hit va- 
lour. The generars glory was not confined within 
the narrow sphere of his own family and friends. 
It redounded to the honour (#every citizen, who 
rejoiced at the new dignity thereby acquired to 
the Roman name ; and who remembered, perhaps, 
that his own vote had helped to raise to the con- 
sulship the great man, whose merit he had the dis- 
cernment to perceive, and whom he had the dis'ui* 
terestedness to prefer to all his rivals. 

When the citizen cast his eye on the vanquished 
kings dragged in triumph, his own pride triumphed 
at once over them and insulted humanity. But if 
a sentiment of compassion overcame his stem pre- 
judices, and he melted at the sight of a falleii mo- 
narch, and his innocent children still unconscious 
of their misfortuuCi bis tenderness must have been 



rewai'ded with that delightfiil pleasure with which 
nature repays such tears. 

The lot of those unfortunate princes is but too 
well known. Victims of state- policy and Roman 
pride, they ended a shameful captivity by an ig- 
nominious death, which had been delayed only by 
their disgrace of being led in triumph. Intlie 
conduct of the Romans towaids them, there was 
however a singular capriciousness, which it is not 
easy to explain. Of this, the following is a me- 
morable example. After the triumph of Pauliis 
Emilius for the conquest of Macedon, the senate 
banished Perseus to Alba Facetia, in the territory 
of the Marsi, supplied him with every comfort that 
caii be enjoyed without liberty, and honoured his 
remains with the pomp of a public funeral. This 
treatment was totally the reverse of that experi- 
enced by the unhappy Jugurtha, who expired in a 
dungeon, after enduring the torments of hunger 
and despair ; torments the more horrible in his 
forlorn and solitary state, unrelieved by the hope 
of glory, the presence of spectators, or the show of 
a public execution, which, while it frightens, for- 
tifies the mind. What was the reason for making 
this difference ? Both princes were sworn enemies 
of the Roman name, and each was stained with 
the blood of a brother who had been a friend to 
the Romans. To these crimes Perseus had added 
the assassination of a king allied to the senate, and 
an attempt to poison the Roman ambassadors. 
But Per&eus was a monument of the virtue of the 
republic. With him was associated the idea of a 
; /: glorious 

$9S ^v T&£ niiTirPHAL SHOWS) fte. 

glorious war; but, with Jugurtha, the RomtBi 
must have wished to bury for ever the memory of 
their own disgrace ; their legions made to pass un- 
der the yoke; consuls, ambassadors, the whole 
senate, corrupted by the bribes of that prince ; the 
concealed baseness of the republic unveiled to the 
whole world. Such were the cringes of Jugurtha, 
crimes for which the Romans could never possibly 
forgive him.* 

KoMEi iStk December, 176^ 


( 399 ) 


Janxner le IQf-de fAn 1756. 

J'ai pris la r^^solution de lire de suite tous les 
classiques Latins, les partageant, suivant les ma- 
ti^res qu'ils out trait^es, en I. Les Historiens ; II. 
Les PoETEs; III. Les Orateurs; dans laquelle 
classe, je renfermerai tous les autres auteurs qui ont 
^crit en prose sans 6tre ni philosophesi ni histo- 
riens ; IV. Les Philosophes. 


I. Classe. 


C. Crispi Sallustii opera quce extant omnia^ 
cum selectissimis varioriun Obseroationibus. Kr 
accuratd Recensione Ant. ThysiL Lugd. Batav. 

J'ai eu aussi sous la main 

C. Crispi Sallustii qua extant Opera. Lutet. 

Paris. 1 744. 

C. Crispus Sallustius, qui nous est connu flous JtnWer it. 
le nom (le FhistoFieii Saliuste, naquit k Amitemuin 




au pays des Sabins A. U. C. 669. Apvhs avoir 
rempli Temploi de trilbun du peuple, il fut chass6 
du s^nat par les censeurs k cause de IHnfamie <k 
ses moeurs ; il y reiitra par le moyen de C^r qui 
le fit questeur, pr^teur, et ensuite gouvemeur dc 
la Numidic. Cc fut dans ce dernier emploi qua- 
yant amass6 de grandes richesses par la concus- 
sion, il se trouva en 6tat d^acheter ces fameux 
jardins dc Salluste qui ont toujours ^t^ si calibres 
k Rome. Nous ne sayons rien de lui depuis 
cette ^*poquc jusques k celle de sa mort qui armz 
quatrc ans avant la bataille d'Actium, A- U. C. 
<i)VicLii- 718. (1) Ce fut apparemment dans cette p^riode 
iu«e*mif*^ qu'il ecrivit les ouvrages que nous avons de lui. M. 
M.Phiiippe Philippe paroit en douter, puisqu'il met la compo- 
hMitkmde sition de la guerre de Jugurthe, et ses 'autres ou- 
%i"Isd"D-* vragcs, conime des suites imm^diates de son tribu- 
*'*^""* nat, quoiqu'avec un air peu assur^. Pour ce qui 
(2) Bell, est des passages de Salluste oil il dit expressftnent(2) 
c^3.4. qu'il avoit df]k abandonn6 la poursuite des hon- 
neurs publiques, et qui ne peuvent se rapporter i 
aucun tems ant^rieur a sa pr^ture, ils ne lui parois- 
sent pas decisifs, puisqu'il conclut en disant quou 
il n'esp^*roit plus d'honneurs, ou qu'il cachoit birn 
finement sonambition. J avoue que Salluste, homme 
tr^s capable de dissimuler ses veritablcs sentimcns 
ailleurs, ^'toit bien capable de le faire danscet article. 
Mais il nie paroit que dans une chose de fait aussi 
pul)ti(jiie il ne lauroit gu^res os6, et que ce passage 
se rapporte bien plus naturellement k la vie dc 
tranquillity^ c}u*il nienoit dans ces jardins d^licieux 

apres son re tour d^Afriquc. £t je crois que u M 



teotion a deux chapitres de scs ou\Tages. (1) rOMian 
verm une refutation foraielle des accusations c.xa. 
lui intentoit sur cette vie de mollesse; accusa* ^ ^'*' 
qui ne sauroient convenir qu'aux derni^res 
s de sa vie. Outre que, suivant la remarque 
Philippe, ses histoiresne sentent point lejeune 
le, mais paroissent bien plutdt le fruit de 
^t de la maturity, j aurai m^me deux raisons 
ulieres pour le croire de chacunde ses ouvrages 
msrestent en entier: I. Si vous considerez le 
ere qu'il nous donne de Caton dans sa guerre 
naire et le parallMe qu'il en fait avec C^r, 
verrez quelle ne pourroit point avoir it& 
qu'apr^s la mort de ce dernier. Salluste Tau- 
mis au niveau de C6sar et lui doim6 meme 
elque fa^on I avantage, lui qui, d^von6 k la 
le de Cesar, savoit qu'on ne pouvoit pas lui 
ire davantage qu'en encensant les vcrtus d'un 
le qu'il baissoit personnellement, et contre qui 
uposa deux invectives m^e apr^s sa mort ? 
1 prenne garde toujours que je me fonde 
plus sur le caract^re de Salluste que sur celui 
tsar. Un Cic6ron, qui portoit la dignit6 dans 
D meme de ladulatipn, (fi) pouvoit defendre (2^ Vore. 
1 sans que C6sar y r^pondit autrement qu*en tunnspc 
aede lettres; mais notre historien, le flatteurle piYjT 
^fironte, n auroit jamais risqu6 sa £iveur afin 
»uvoir contredire ce qu*il avoit lui-mdme dit 
Lton en ^crix-ant a C^sar ; (3) oik il ne lui donne (^) }• £p« 
tout m6rite qu un gteie rus6 et haiai^^eur. 
JSL raison que j'ai pour croire que la guerre Ju- 
line n est point un ouvrage antirieur k sa pr6- 
L. IV. D D ture 


turc est tir6e de la mati^re qui le compose. Dam 
quel terns peut-il avoir mieux con^u le desaeia 
d'^crire Thistoire d'une guerre particulifcre qu abn 
lorsqu'il 6toit gouvemeur de la province qui a 
avoit ^t6 le tli^^tre r La circonstance qu^oa qoui 
a conserv6 de son voyage pour examiner les lieuz 
fi) De u c^lfebres, (1) et les citations qu'il fait dea livrea Pu- 
Vajrcr, ja- riiqucs, uc sauroicut etre concihees avec unc antre 

Biiuent des , . , 
iMoricDi, penocie. 

^95^361. Quoique Salluste fut un homme dea mo6un lei 
plus d^r^l6es, et qu'4 cause de cela il avoit M 
(comme je Tai d6jk dit) chass^ du s^nat par lei 
censeurs, il ne laisse pas de prendre le ton dans aei 
ouvrages d'un vieux Fabricius. Aucun des hiatcv 
riens Latins ne fait d*aussi fr^quentes ni d^aiisn 
vives plaintes sur la corruption de son temps. A 
tout propos de ces actions de d^bauche, d'a varices 
de cruaut^, et d'injustice, dont les annales de ce 
si^cle n'^toient que trop rem plies, il prend occa- 
sion de les censurer en les mettant en opposition 
/ avec les mceurs des anciens. Les pr^fiices k ces 
deux histoircs ne sont autre chose. Bien plus, tr^ 
peu de terns apr&s son expulsion du s^nat, 6crivant 
deux lettres publiques k C^sslt sur la mani^re dont 
on pouvoit r^m^dier aux d^sordres de T^t^t, il ne 
s'en prend qu'^ la corruption des Romaqis qu'il 

W^^P- falloit extirper. (2) 

Nous n avons aujourdliui que deux ouvrages de 
Salluste dans r^tat o ill il les a publics: 1. La Con- 
juration de Catilina, et 2. La Guerre de Jugurthe; 
deux morceaux dit-il lui-m6me des plus curieux, 
et des plus int^ressans de toute I'histoire Romaine* 



>it fait outre cela une histoire de son terns 
s A. U. C. 663, jusques k A. U. C. 681. II 
•us en reste plus que quelques harangues et 
sez grand nombre de fragmens detach^ dont 
Ipart nous ont 6t6 conserves par les vieux 
mairiens. Tout le monde sait que Salluste 
listingu6 dans le genre concis, mais peut-^tre 
1 ont pas fait la remarque que Tus^e frequent 
fait des infinitifs absolus y contribue beau- 
La pi Apart de ses lecteurs peuvent y avoir 
€ quelquefois de Tobscurit^, toujours une cer- 
duret^; mais malgr6 tout cela ce st\'le a bien 
aiut^s, et me paroit mSme assez propre pour 
>ire, puisqu'il cache en quelque ia^on les cir- 
ances peu int6ressantes qui p^sent tie tems k 
sur la plume de rhistorien| en ne laissant 
reposer le lecteur, mais Tentrainant avec une 
it6 ^gale k travers les jardins et les bniyfcres. 
it pourtant faire attention k une fgtt bonne 
que dit la-<lessus De la Mothe le Vayer:(l) (i)i>ei* 
quoiqu on puisse dire que Salluste et Tacite v.jer, 
]Ous les deux des auteurs concis, c'est d'une i^^^^nu. 
. bien difFi^rente, puisque celui-ci Test autant P- ^^ • 
les choses que pour les mot^ au lieu que 
e ^rit pour le fonds des mati^res d*une fai^on 
diffuse que Tite Live lui-m^me; quoique je 
is pas de 1 avis de ce savant, qui eutend de 
fa^on-la le bon mot de Servilius Nonianus^ 
ialluste et Tite Live ^' P&res magis esse quam 
^s.'' II semble que s'il avoit bien €0nsid6r6 
sage de Quintilien,(2) ou il se trouve, il auroit W Qo'imiL 
I'ii ne falloit point le prendre d*une faj^n aossi 

D D 2 particuli^rCp 


particuli^re, et que son auteur ne vouloit piikr 
par l^ que de legality de m^rite de cesdeux gnndi 
^crivains quoique leur talens fussent aussi diffihcm 
Pour ce qui est du fonds de Thistoire, Salluste n*cst 
pas tout k fait exempt du reproche davoir £ut 
paroitre de la passion dans ce qull a 6crit au sojct 
de Cic^ron et de C6sar. On Taccuse davoir 
cach^ plusieurs faits assez considerables, par haine 
pour Tun et par flatterie pour lautre. II est aa 
moins certain que, quoiqu'il donne k ce premier k 
titre d'Optimus Consul et qu1l ne lui attribue lict 
qui en soit indigne, les nones de Decembic ftat 
une bien autre figure dans les ouvrages de Ck^roo 
lui-ni(^me que dans la conjuration -de Catilina. 
Conime Salluste avoit et^ tribun du peuple, et qull 
^toit creature de Cesar qui ne faisoit que iaiie le* 
vivre le parti de Marius, il n'est point ^tonnint 
qu'il ne se niontre aucunement favorable k celui du 
5<!*nat, qu il regardoit comme une oligarchic toutc 
pure. Aussi (juoiqu'il u entreprenne point de justi- 
fier tous les proc^des du peuple, 4 on voit assez ce 
qu'il pensoit liinlessus. II est charm^y par exemplc, 
de pouvoir attribuer i\ Sulla, chef des Optimates* 
toutes ces cruaut^s abominablesqui le renddient si 
w^IS* odieux,(l) mais il n'a garde de dire mot des Iior- 
'■»• reurs dont les deux Marius, Cinna, Carbo, Damasrp- 
pus, remplirent Ilonie pendant qu*ils avoicnt le 

Je tVrai deux petites remarques sur un couple 
d endroits de Salluste, qui me paroissent en de- 
mander. 1 . Parian t de la corruption des Romains 
il dit '^ Igitur primo pecuniar, deia imperii, cupido 



crevit."(0 Un moment apr^s il dit " Sed primo ^}^^^^ 
Tnagis ambitio quam avaritia animos hominum lo. 
cxercebat;" et il en donne une raison toute natu- 
' Telle, que I'avarice n'a rien que de sordide, au lieu 
que la vertu et le vice sc proposent les m6mes ob- 
jets d'aihbition, et ne diff(&rent que dans les nioyens 
4u'ils eniployent pour y parvenir.(2) Cette con- (OWcm-e, 
trari^t^, qui paroit si marquee, n'a point arr6t6 les 
conmientateurs que j'ai: ils n'en ont rien dit 
Pour moi je ne saurois mieux r^soudre ce noeud 
Gordien qu'en le coupant, ct je rectifierois sans 
balancer le second passage sur le •premier. Ce qui 
my determine, outre le t^moignage de I'histoire, . . 
c'est le raisonnement qu'il y fait, au lieu que le 
premier n'est qu'une simple affirmation. 2. Nous 
d6crivant le caractfere des compagnons de Ca- 
tilina, Salluste dit, " Quicunque impudicus, adul- 
ter, ganeo, aled, manA, ventre, pene, bona patria 
laceraverat."(3) L'expression pene est si forte, (3)idcm.t. 
que bien loin det la soufFrir dans une histoire ^ 

grave, nous en serious choqu^s dans un roman; 
comment done comprendre que Salluste, dont les 
Merits ne respirent que la s6v^rit6 et la vertu, se 
soit 8er\''i d'une expression qui les choquoit autant 
que celle-li? car penis n'6toit point de ces mots 
que la biens^ance permet pour nommer les choses 
qui lui sont contraires. Cette r^ponse, qui est 
assez naturelle, m'est d abord venue dans F^sprit; 
mais un passage de Cic6ron prouve qu'elle ne vaut 
rien^ le voici: ^^ Caudam antiqui penem vocabant; 
ex quo est, propter siniilitudinein, penicillus. At 
bodie penis est in obscenis. At vero Frugi-ifle 

D p 3 Piso 


Piso in annalibus suis queritur adolescentes pcai 

deditos esse. Quod tu in epistold appellu rao 

nomine^ ille tectius penem. Sed quia mttltit fiic- 

turn est tarn obscoenum, quam id verbum quo tn 

V^- usus es.'XO Vous voyez par 1^ que le mot ^oiif, 

"ttJiw. L innocent dans son origine, ^toit devenu »^ obec^ 

qu'il parle avec suq>iise de Pison qui s'^toit icivi 

d'un terme qui n'auroit point 6t6 permis de ton 

terns qui 6toit n^anmoins celui de Salluate. Si 

j'osois hasarder une conjecture au sujet de oette 

difficult^ je dirois que peut-£tre Salluste ^toit 

Stoicien, secte qui avoit pour maxime fbndi- 

MLPirit. mentale dappeller un chat un chat.(8) Nous 

Savons que cette doctrine avoit fait beaucoup de 

partisans k Rome dans ce si^le-1^ et le canct^ 

de s^v^rit6 qu'il se donnoit tant de peine pour 

afFecter y convient fort bien. 

J*aiconsult6quelquefoisnne traduction Fran^oise 
de Salluste par M. T Abb^ Thyon. Ne layant point 
lu je n'en dirois rien, si non que si elle est fid^ 
pour le fonds elle ne Test point pour la fonneii 
puisque le st}'le concis de ses deux petits ou- 
vrages se trouve noye dans deux grands in-douie . 
Elle est accompagnde d'un assez grand nombre de 
notes historiques et critiques qui ro'ont pani 
bonnes; j>n rapporterai une au sujet d*aiie cor- 
rection du texte. Notre auteur, dans sa Mconde 
Icttre k C^sar, en faisant une Enumeration des cm- 
aut^s que la faction des nobles avoient cx citto 
apr^ leur victoire sur leiirs ennemis, k desiein de 
les rendre odieux, dit, selon toutes les 6ditioBi, 
*' At hcrcule nunc cum Catone L* Domitio.* 



D£ 8ALLUSTE. 407 

Quoiqu'il y ait quelque difficult^ sur le praenoinen 
du Domitius que Pomp^c vainquit en Afrique 
pendant ladictaturede Sylla, on pent pourtant croire 
que Salluste vouloitparler de celui-la. Mais pour 
le Caton on ne trouve aucun k qui on puisse le 
rapporter : M. Thy on voudroit(l) done qu'bn lut, ^^^T^ 
" At bine cum Caijpone, L. Domitio." Tout le i«. 
monde connoit le fameux Carbon qui p6rit en 
Italie apr^s la victoire de Sylla, et par \k m^me 
notre auteur aura blam6 non seulement la cruaut6 
de tout le parti mais encore de Pomp^e en 
particulier, lequel en eiFet est accus6 d'avoir sei-vi 
les sanglans sacrifices du dictateur avec un peu 
trop d'empressement. 

Au reste M. Tbyon se trompc lorsqu'il nous dit 
que le phre de Pomp^e mourut pendant son con- 
sulat.(2) II n'y a rien de plus certain que qu'il ne (<) w«a 
mourut que dans le consulat de Cinna et d*Octa- 
vius, deux ans aprfes le sien.(3) pa{^ 

On a beaucoup attaqu6 Salluste .sur ce que, par 
4ine affectation bl^mable, il vouloit toujours pr^- 
ftrer les mots et les mani^res d'^crire surann^es k 
celles usit6es de son tems. Une des choses qui 
choque le plus un lecteur modeme c'est de le 
voir pr6f<6rer continuellement les u aux t dans des 
mots tels que laciymae, maximus, &c« Mais 
quoique la demi^re fai^on d'^crire gagna le dessus 
dans la suite, la premiere ^toit encore fort en usage 
dans son si^cle : car Varro assuroit, au rapport ^^ . x ^ , 
Cassiodore,(4) que ce n'6toit que I'autorit^ du Fra^niei 
premier C6sar, qui la recomroandoit tant par ses dins ie! 
prfeeptes que par son exemp}e^ qui donna la vogue oTTrlgt 

4 IV. C Am, 

P D 4 C. JULII p. 881. 

V/l OVV2.ACI.9 17 CX 

C Juut r'.f.*Akn Opera quit t2t<mt, c 
tariorum Cf/mmentariijf, quorum plcrif^i 
Opera ei Studio Arnoldi MontanL 
Kt OJJicind Eherv. I67O. S'" 

'* On paric lieaticoup dc la fortune de Cc 

iriuii ret hoiiiinc cxtraorrlinairc avoit tant degr 

(\\iiil\U:s SUMS ]}:i*% ijii defaut, quoiqu'il eut bicniks 

vircH, ijiril cfit ^-tc hum (liilicile, que quelquc 

aiiji/'c (|u'il cfit coiDinandc il neCit ^te vaiDqucoi; 

I't (|uVii(|iirlqii(! iV-|)iilili({ucqu'ilfut iiequ'il neTeuC 

(i,Mnuiru. j(ouvniio."(l) Kii fflet on nc f>eut que souscrire 

•MiX"i. Tmi :iu jii^jriiunt (Ic M. <Ic MoiitcMiuicu. Scs talcns 

I'lVii'""* I"'"' '•' |)oliti(|iic nc (Icmaiulcnt pa:* dautrc preuvc 

inmuiUwit ipn- j|^. jjii^. ,m(. I,/, .suict, scs iiitiiicues le £rrnt 

iiriiii tiri hoiivciaiti. Dii vCtic dc la guerre il cstreconnude 

ItiillMilll. |l. , , I ' / 1 

ivi. Uii toiiM c'oniiiu* W plus paiid <;cncral que nous coo- 
iVvT* iinihMuis. Mal){r<: sacouitc Nic,(t2) ct la multitude 
iv>ii MiiHi j|^. j^^.^ orrupalions, il nc .sc distin<i:ua cucrcs nioius 

fill «|j(; ilii I 00 

M. .II.. till 4'oi(. lUv*, Iftiivs. Sa reputation dans cc genre 
^'iDit assr/ hiin rtal)lic dans un siccle aussi ecl^re 
i\\\c IVtnit i'cliii do Ciccron, puisque Quintilicn 

(iMj.....iii. uc rtaint point dc dirc.(:^) <pio la force dc son jEcnic 
nc sc niontroit {utsavcc nioinsd eclat par scs cents 
que |>ar m> victoircs. Non sculcnicnt il sVtoit beau- 
coup applique A I'eloiiucncc, qui lui ctoit alisolu- 



nent necessaire dans une r^publiqne comme celle 
le Rome, mais il y cut peu de sciences, qu'il ne 
losseda: — il etoit a la fois, historien, poete, tWolo- 
rien, graminairien, astronome; et les ecrits qu'il 
aissa sur tons ces sujets sont cit^s avec ^loge par 
oas les anciens qui ont eu occasion den parier.(]) ^^^'^g 
Dc tant d'ouvrages le seul qui reste ce sont les ** ^^ ^« **• 

«... ouTrages. 

Irl^moires qu'il ^crivit de ses guerres . avec les 
jaulois, et des guerres civiles. Les premiers sont 
le sept livres, les autres n'en contienneut que trois, 
Jn de ses amis (on ignore si c'etoit Hirtius ou 
!>ppius) y a ajout6 un huiti^me livre des guerres 
[jauloises, et a fait en entier celles d"Alexandrie, 
rt d'Afrique: car il ne faut point lui attribuer 
a Hirtius), un livre ou plut6t un journal qui marque, 
elon Tordre des jours, les ev^nemens d'une partie 
le cette guerre que C^sar soutint en Espagne con- 
re les fils de Pompee. Les barbarismes qu on y 
louve a tout moment en sont les moindres de- 
smts. II y a une quantite dendroits qu'on ne 
peat absolument point entendre. Par bouheur on 
rmt qu'on nV perd pas grande chose. Voici un 
k:hantillon de cette belle histoire. Apr^s un long 
i^gc Cordoue est prise par C^sar.(2) Vous lisez («)Coi^ 
mcore quelques pages, et vous ^tes tout surpris(3) bcIl Hbp. 
ie voir Cesar venir Tattaquer tout de nouveau, ^jfiJ^ 
ons qu on ait dit un mot de sa revoke. Quelques p* ^^^ 
critiques attribuent cet ouvrage a un centurion de 
Tannfe de Cesar qui notojt grossi^rement jour 
par jour ce qui s'^toit pas86. J'avQue que j'ai de 
b peine k comprendre que cette pihcesoit, du terns 
it la belle ktiuite ; toutefois si elle Test, elle peut 
. . confirmer 


confirmer une v6rit6 que nous ne savions dijk que 
trop; que le m^me si^cle peut preduire dcs de 
Thous et des Parivals. Pour ceux qui sont de 
C6sar lui-m£me, ilsont toujours 6t6 r^ard6 comme 
des modules en fait de m^moires. Lea plus grandes 
choses cont6esavec la derni^re simplicity, quoiqtfcn 
langage tr^ elegant, — ce sont \k les commentaiies 
de C6sar. On y admire surtout une g^rande mo- 
destie ; car on peut remarquer, fort k rhonBCur de 
C^sar, que pendant que Hirtius Tencense en plus 
(i)Com. d'un endroit,(l) le h6ros lui-m£me ne se loue que 
Bdi.G»uic. par le r6cit de ses actions. Quelques persoones 
401. eiiUt pourtant croyent que Tamour-propre Fa qudque- 
fois emport^ sur la sinc6rit^ de lliistorien, comme 
par exemple de sa guerre avec les Usipetes et 
les Tencteri, son expedition en Angleterre, et le 
commencement de la guerre civile. Malheurcux 
sort de Thistoire ! les spectateurs sont trop pcu in- 
struits, et les acteurs trop int^ress^s, pour que nous 
puissions compter enti^rement sur les r^cits des 
uns ou des autres! Quoiqu'une des plus giandes 
beaut6s de C6sar soit la clart^ il ne laisse pas . 
d avoir bien des endroits obscurs pour les lecteurs 
qui ne sont pas guerriers. Je voudrois que M. le 
Chevalier de Folard nous edt donn6 un commen- 
taire militaire sur cet auteur qui en a bien plus 
besoin que Poly be. S'il n'y avoit que C^sar qui fut 
digne de nous donner sa propre histoire, il ny 
avoit gu^res que M. de Folard qui e(kt d& com- 
menter C6sar. II y a, outre cela, beaucoup d*autici j 
passages qui ont bien donn^ de la torture aux cri- | 
tiques qui finissent pour Foniinaire apris dix ni- 


I>£ JULES C£SAR. 411 

tiemens, et vingt conjectures, par avouer qu'ils 
entendent rien. N'auroieut-ils pas pu nous le 
: au commencement ? Ces sortes de passages 
rouvent n^anmoins en bien plus grand nombre 
s les Guerres Civiles que dans celles des 
lies; apparemment parceque Cesar avoit eu 
I de tems pour revoir et pour corriger celles-ci. 
itefois si nous consid^rons que ces m^moires 
)Ouvoient gu^res £tre le fruit que de quelques 
ees dans ses quartiers d'hiver nous trouverons ('i)i>od- 
:dt ^tonnant qu'il n y en a pas davantage. En veneu^' 
t ce qui fait un des plus grands m^ritesde T^cri- ^^^J^ 
I de ces M^moires c'est cette m£me promptitude. VeiietLBnr- 

* . * . man. 

5 Live fut vingt ans k 6crire son histoire.(l) («) Lough, 
rate en mit dix pour faire son pan^gyrique, (2)^ SubJime. 
I C^sar ne mettoit pas plus de tems k 6crire de'sJi^ 
^'ictoires qu'^ les remporter, et c'est tout dire J^q^J;^ 
rapport a C6sar. Aussi Hirtius remarque-t-il g*- p- si. 
bien, Ca&teri enim quam bene et emendate, Dre^e. 
etiam quam facile et celeriter eos confecerit, (3)Cmiiiii. 

ai dit que cette promptitude faisoit un grand Ln«.p.sfl9, 
itede T^crivainde ces M^moires, et non des M^ 
PCS mSmes, et je me suis servi de cette ex- 
sion k dessQin. Je distingue tr^s fort d'eii- 
le xn^rite d'un ^crivain et celui de son li< 
Le m^rite de celui-ci consiste k m'appren- 
des choses que je ne savois pas, ou a m'en dire 
elles que je savois d6jk d'une ia^n juste et 
ante. Dans cet examen il faut iiure abstrac- 
de lauteur pour ne faire attention qu'i ce que 
ens de dire. Tel livre qui 6toit de peu d*uti- 
wtiefois; pent 6tre aujourd'luu d'un grand prix 



h cause que tous tes autres sur le m^me sujct 9ont 
perdus. Des plagiats peuvent bien iaire le m^te 
d'un li\Te, quoique jamais de son auteur. Car son 
nitrite doit ^tre appr6ci6 d'une toute autre fa^on. 
Comme c'est le g^uie de quoi il s'agit, pour pou- 
voir decider l^-dessus, il faudroit examiner tous les 
secours qu'il peut avoir eu, de son siicle, de son 
pays, de son ^ucation, de ses devanciers, et dc 
mille circonstances. Souvent un rien, un mot 
I^ch^ par quelqu'un qui nen sentoit pobt 
toute rimportance, une lecture, met quelquefois 
sur les voies des plus grandes d^couvertes. New- 
ton con^ut le syst^me de Tattraction en voyant 
tomber des pommes dans son verger. II faudroit 
encore combiner tous les pr^jug^ quil a eu a 
combattre, le terns qu'il a mis k son ouvrage, les 
distractions qu'il a eu, &c. de fafon que si nous 
pouvions d^couvrir tous oes accessoires nous trouve- 
rions souvent que tel autre, dont nous meprisons 
avec raison les ouvragcs, avoit un g^nie bien supe- 
rieur <\ tel autre (]ue nous lisons avec admiration. 
Mauvaise reflexion pour ramour-propredesauteurs! 
le prix dc ce dont nous pouvons juger ne leur ap- 
partient quelquefois pas, et le seul m^rite qui soit 
r6clicment k eux il est presque impossible que nous 
puissions Tappr^cier avec certitude! Mais reve- 
nons ;\ nos chevres. 

Pour suivre ce cjue je disois toute k ITieure de 
cette distinction, on peut remarquer un autre mi- 
rite dc ces Mdmoires, ind^piendamment dc celui dc 
son auteur; cest d'etre les premieres relations 
que nous ayons tant soit peu detail 1^ de notie 
continent ; j cntends par Ik l^Angleterre, la Fiance, 


D£ JULES CESAR. - 419 

la Suisse, TAlIemagne, les Pays Bas. C'est l^ oA 
il faut aller puiser le gouvemement, la religion, les 
moeurs, &c. de rios ancfetres, et voir au moins en 
partie la fa^on dont ils sont pass6 sous le joug des 
Remains. Le morceau surtout oil C6sar nous d6- 
crit les moeurs des Gaulois et des Germains (1) est 0)Ccsar. 


admirable, celui surceux des Bretons ne Test pas dcBeii. 

. ^ < Gall. I. ▼!. 

mOmS.(2) p. 22«-249. 

Je ferai deux remarques sur un couple d'endroits l^^/p^^g^. 
de C^sar. 1. C6sar, en parlantde sa guerre avec- 
les Usipetes et les Tencteri, parol td6guiser un peu 
les choses. II assure (3) que qutod il fit saisir les WCew. . 
chefs des ennemis qui 6toient yenus dans son camp Beii. GaJi. • 
sur la foi d'une tr6ve. On pensoit bien de cela it ^ '^' 
Rome, puisque Caton opinat en plein s^nat pour 
qu'on le renvoyAt li6 et garott6 aux Germains, 
comme un homme qui avoit d6shonor6 la foi de 
la r^publiqiie, par une perfidie insigne. En tout 
cas, n'auroit-il pas mieux fait de se souvenir de ce 
qu'il avoit dit en s^nat quelques ann^es auparavant? 
" Bellis Punicis omnibus cum saepe Carthaginienses 
et in pace et per inducias, multa n^fanda facinora 
fedssent, nunquam ipsi par occasionem talia fe- 
cere, magis quod se dignum, quam quod in illos 
jure. fieri posset, qu^rebant."(4) Mais on pent (4)Saiiast 
bien dire par rapport k tons les discours publics ce ijn. c. 5^. 
que Cic6ron disoit de ceux du barreau. " Sed errat 
vehementer si quis in orationibus nostris aucton^ 
tates nostras consignat se habere arbitratur." (5) (5) Ciccio 
Car, €ontinue-t-il, ces harangues sont celles des l%o. ***" 
causes et des terns, et non pas des hommes ni des 
advocats. S. La description que C^sar donne desr 



Druicles Gaulois ressenible si parfaitement k oelle 
du clerg^ catholique qu on seroit presque tmtt 
de croire que ceux-ci avoient form^ leur conduite 
sur celle de leurs pr^decesseurs payens. Mais 
comme on ne lisoit gueres C^sardans leonzi^e si^ 
cle, couten tons-nous de dire que Iesc1erg6s de tous 
les siecles et les peuples de tous les si^cles se resaem- 
blent assez, <^ ♦ ♦ • • • • 

•♦♦♦♦••. Rasaemblons 

les traits priucipaux de cette description des Druides. 

11) Cesar. (1) 1. lis avoicnt entre leurs mains T^uca- 

gJl'Ii.'t. tiou de la jeunesse qui ne sortoit jamais de kun 

p. st4. ^coles que remplis d'une profonde v6n^tion pour 

leurs mattres. S. lis s*^toient rendus juges de 

presque tous les proems civils et criminels. 3. lis 

se ser>'oient de Texcomniunication envers les con- 

travenans, laquelle inspiroit au peuple unesi grande 

horrcur pour le coupable, qu il se voyoit s^par^ de 

tout commerce civil. 4. lis avoient un chef qui 

avoit une grande autorit^. A sa mort on lui choi- 

sissoit un successeur entre les Druides les plus dis- 

tingu^s. 5. lis 6toient exempts du ser\'ice mili- 

taire. 6. lis ne payoient point d'impdts et jouis- 

soient de toute soite d'immunit^s. Je m*etoiuie 

que le P^re Ilardouiu n'ait point all^gu^ cette de- 

it\ b scription comme une preuvc de son syst^me^it) 

I n Archontius Severus (3) auroit bien pu 

I ' un C^sar, pour y insurer ce passage, qui 

d'une fa(on bien odieuse, le syst^me de 

ne envelopp^e sous le nom de 

Ce p^re a bien fait d objectkNis 


% oici 


bici deux remarques de Lipsius. T. HirtiuSi 
variant des Bellovaci, (1) dlt qu'ils prirent leurs (i)De 
ines, ^' ubi consederant, nam in acie sedere Gal- L^iiLpj^ 
lonsuesse, superioribus commentariis declaratum 
• La difficult^ est bien forte ; comment con- 
>ir une arm^e rang^e en ordre de bataille^ 
nin assis sur sa fascine ? Cela devoit 6tre im* 
ible aussi bien que ridicule. Lipsius voudroit 
: (2) que par acies on n'entendit pas I'arm^e (t) Epi«f. 
;^e en bataille, selon la signification usit6e de e^L^x 
lot, mais seulement le terns de la guerre en 
Jral, et il appoite deux passages Tun de Ta- 
(S) Tautre de Strabon,(4) pour prouver que WTacitm 
it Ik une chose qui distinffuoit les Romaihs des Morib. 
ares, ceux-ci etant presque toujours assis dans mLib.iii. 
\ camps, au lieu que les premiers sy prome- 
Qt beaucoup. II croit pourtant que pour in on 
roit lire ante aciem. 2. Dans ce que C6sit 
des machines qu'il employoit pour prendre 
lilies, il parle d'un musculus ou galerie 
n^e k prot^ger ceux qui devoient sapper les 
lilies de la ville, laquelle devoit avoir eu, sui- 
la lection ordinaire, soixante pieds de Ion- 
ir.(5) Lipsius trouve cela beaucoup trop, et ^^^^^\ 
)rte plusieurs raisons tiroes du nom, des pro- i*u. p*554. 
DBS et de I'usage de cette pifece pour auto- 
Ic changement qu'il a fait de LX. en IX.(6) (6)at^ 
r,(7) parlant de Metellus Scipio, dit qu'il ^ «dbc 
le titre d'empereur : " Detrimentis quibus- ^ Bdiilai. 
circa montem Amanum acceptis sese impera- '•"»-p-«>9. 
n appellaverat." Cela parott manquer de sens^ 
[ue les g^^raux ne prenoient jamais ce titre 



qu apr^s quclqiies avantages considerables. Urbi- 

nus voudroit qu'au lieu de detrimentis on hit 

(i)UninaB emolument isSY) qui s'y trouve oppos^ en Cice- 

ad locum. , v 

(t)Ub.Ki. ron.(2; 

de flnibus. 

CoRNELii Nepotis Vttcs Excdletitium Impcrato- 
rumj Obset^ationibus et Notis Covimentatorum* 
Lugduni Batavorum. 17S8. 

Nous Savons tr^s peu de chose de la personne 
de cet 6crivain, sinon qu'il ^toit de la Gaule Cisal- 
pine, (de Verone selon quelques uns,) et qu*il a v^u 
du terns de Jules C6sar et au commencement du 
regne d'Auguste. II parolt que c'etoit un auteur 
fort fertile. Les anciens nous paiient d*un assex 
grand nombre de livres de sa fa^on qui ^voieiit la 
pliipart rhistoire pour objct. Mais de tout cela il 
ne nous restc plus quclcs viesde vingt fameuxge- 
n^raux Grecs, de deux Carthaginois, du pro- 
niier Caton, et de T. Pomponius Atticus. EUcs 
sont toutes tres pcu detaill^es, quoiquon y 
trouve des particularit^s tr^s curieuses qui nc sc 
rcncontrent nulle part aillcurs, et que leur auteur 
saciic fort bien i'art de renfcrnier bien des chosa 
eu peu de place, de fa^on qi^on est quelquctbis 
tente de lui appliciuer ce qu'il dit lui-m£me des iu- 
scriptions d'Atticus: '* vix credendum esse tantas 
(i)inAt- res tarn brevitcr potuisse declarari.'\l) II cxcellc 
"^"^' ' dans cet art, la diiliculte diu|uei rend les boos 
abr(*g^\s si pcuconinuins, celui desaisirles traitsqui 
peiguent les honuucs et les cvcucmens, etdesavoir 


• D£ CORKELIUS NEPOft. . 417 

laisser k I'^cart tx)utes les circonstances qui ne font 
qu embarrasser une narration et d6toumer Tatten- 
tiofa du lecteur du principal sur Taccessoire. . Le 
caractfere d'Alciabade (1) est r^ellement tel que (i)IbAIcI. 
Tite Live n'en auroit pas honte. Pour son style, li. **^ 
sans £tre beau, (ce qui n auroit pas convenu a son 
ouvrage,) il ne laisse pas de marquer un ^crivain 
du si^le de la belle latinit^, et de le rendre (k 
n CTvisager que cela) tr^ propre k 6tre mis entre 
les mains des jeunes gens. On ne pent gu^res 
d^ider de sa fid^lit^ comme tout ce que nous 
avons de lui ne rouleque sur des tems dont T^loigne- 
ment k tout ^gard ne lui donnoit point de pr6- 
jug^ et n'ayant qu'a travailler avec un es- 
prit de critique sur les m^moires des auteurs plus 
anciens, ce qu'il paroit qu'il a assez eu soin de 
&i]ie. Uue chose qu'il faut dire ^ sa louange c'est 
qull paroit avoir €t€ fort bien intentionn^ pour la 
r^publique. II prend occasion plus d'une fois de 
(aire, k Toccasion des faits qu'il rapporte, (et c'6toit 
li tout ce que son sujet lui permettoit,) des reflexions 
qui d^Ment assez clairement ses v^ritables senti- 
mens. Une feis, (2) en rapportant la soumission (f)iDAgef. 
qu' Ag^ilaus t^moigna aux ordres des Epbores ^ ^ 
Spartiates, en s'arr^tant au milieu de ses conqu^tes 
pour revenir chez lui, il souhaite que les g^n^raux 
de son tems qussent suivi ce bel exemple. C6sar 
aviMt donn6 assez lieu k ce souhait. Dans un 
autre endroit (3) il compare Tinsolence du phalange (s) ids^ 
MaQ^donien apr^s la mort d' Alexandre, k celle ■"«»•«• •^ 
des v^t^rans de son tems, qui fut, comme on sai^ 
one des principales causes de la mine de la r^ubli- 
VOL. iv. £ £ que. 


que. Si dans la vie d'Atticus il se trouve obligi 
une fois de louer Auguste, c'est en quatre mots 
' qu'il le fait : encore y ajoute-t-il une modiiiGatioii 

qui ne devoitgu^res 6tre du goAt de ce prince: en 
parlant de sa fortune il dit qu'elle lui avoit doDni 
tout k ce quoi un citoyen Remain pouvoit parvenir. 
^19*' (^) N'^toit-ce pas le reprocher tacitement de son 
ambition ? Cctte vie d'Atticus, oil se trouve ccttc 
louange, est beaucoup plus longue que toutcs 
les autres, et comme avec cela il n avoit k d^criie 
que les 6v6nemens pen varies d^une vie privfe, it 
pouvoit entrer dans un assez grand detail snr le 
caract^re et les moeurs de cet homme singulier, qui 
k su si bien se rendre c^l^bre sans le secours d au* 
cune action 6clatante. Aussi Ta-t-il fait jusqu*i 
nous apprendre la d^pense joumali^re de sa maison. 
ibiAc Elle montoit (2) k quatre niille cinq cens livres 
3000 argent de Suisse ; (3) sonime tr^s petite, consi- 
^^ d6r6e en elle-m^.me, puiscjue son domestique 6toit 
fort nombreux, niais qui nous donne une bien 
grande id^e de sa moderation si nous nous souv^ 
nous qu'il ^toit de la mfeme vilie et du m^me siicic 
que ce Lucullus qui mangea a un seul repas plus 
50.000 de cinq fois autant. (4) Atticus d^mentit, par si 
conduite, les calomnies de ceux qui accusoient les 
Epicur^ens de placer leur souverain bonheur dans 
la jouissance dcs plaisirs sensucls. II leur fit voir 
qu'un vrai philosophe de cettc secte r^ardoit une 
volupte delicate et un loisir studieux comme seals 
capables de rendre heureux un homme raisonnable. 
Ce n'est point ici la place d entreprendrc la jus- 
tification d'Atticus contre les sanglantes accusa- 



tiODs de rAbb6 cltf St. Real, (1) et dans lesquelles (i)Dub 
U paroit avoir eu bien des sectateurs. . Aussi je ne J|^m~ 
Ic ferai pas. Je dirai seulem^it (aprfes avoir re- STMa*** 
marqu^ qu'il 6toit bien difficile pour un honnSte 
homme de prendre un parti quand il n'y en avoit 
aucun qui pensa au bien public) que s'il est dijQi- 
cile de justifier sa conduite en tout, il ne Test pas 
moins de s'emp6cher d'aimer son caractfere. II en 
est tout autrement des Catons ; en lisant leur 
vie nous devenons plus ais^nent leurs admirateurs 
que leurs imitateurs. Le danger est plut6t de laur 
tre c6t^ ici. 

Dans les demiers si^cles notre auteur a eu uir 
sort bien different de celui de bien d autres. Nous 
avons regard^ beaucoup de fictions modemes com- 
me des pi^es authentiques de Tan'tiquit^ ici un 
^rivain a risqu6 de se voir enlever son propte 
ouvrage. Plusieurs critiques, tromp^s par les titres 
des anciens manuscrits, ont cm que ces vies des fa- 
meuit g^n^raux ^toient, non pas^ de Cornelius 
Nepos, mais d'uu certain ^milius Probus qui doit 
avoir v6cu sous Tempire de Thtodose et lui avoir 
pr6(eilt6 son livre. Mais aujourd'hui on est g6n6- 
ralement rcvenu de cette opinion, et on rtnd k Ne- 
pos ce qui est k Nepos. La seule latinit^ <le son 
livre seroit bien assez pour nous convaincre qu'il 
ne pouvoit jamais 6tre 6crivain du sitele de Th^o- 
ddse. EUe suffit pour prouver Tantiquit^ de 
Quinte Curce, et avec raison, car il est tr^s siir 
qu'il y a quinze cens ans qu'on n'6crit plus comme 
cela en Latin. Mais nous en avons bien d'autres 
nufions. Su{^>osons pour un moment qu' .£milius 

£ £ S Probus 


Frobus soit Tauteur de te livrd, que liii fsut-OH 
faire ? On le fait se vanter d'avoir H6 \\€ fprt fami^ 
li^rement avec Atticus, qui v^cut cinquante ans 
avant I'^re Chr^tienne, dans le m^me ouvrage qu il 
pr^^nte k TEmpereur Th6odose, qui mounit 
pris de quatre ccns ans apr^s cette ire. Ccr- 
tainetnent ou ^milius Probus ou nos critiques 
avoient uu coup de marteau. Je ne dis rien de 
ces passages des vies que j'ai d^j^ cit6s par rapport 
aux g^n^rauK Remains, aux v^t^rans, 4 Aug^uste, 
tons tris convenables au siicle de Nepos, mats ri* 
dicules dans celui de Probus. Les vers de Pn^Mis^ 
qui se trouvent dans tons les anciens manuscritSi 
aussi bien que le titre qui Tappelle auteur de Too- 
vrage, font bien voir comment il faut expliquer ce 
titre. Comme je ne sais point s'ils se trouvent daiu 
toutes les Editions, les voici : 

Vade, liber noster, fato meliore memento^ 

Cum leget haec Dominus, tc sciat esse meum. 
Ne timeas fulvo strictos diedeniate crines, 

Rident^s blandum vel pietate oculos ; 
Communis cunctis : hominem se regna tenere 

Sed meminit ; vincit bine magis ille homines. 
Ornentur steriles : facilis tectura libelli 

Tbeodosioy et doctis carmiua nuda placent. 
Si rogat auctorem, paullatim detege nostrum 

Tunc dominc/ nomen, me sciat esse Probum. 
Corpore in hoc manus est genetricis, avique, meaqtte 

Felices domini qui meniere manus. 

Je ferai deux ou trois reflexions sur ces vers. 
1. Que veut dire le " fato meliore memento?'' II 
me paroit ne pouvoir convenir quk un livrc qui 




avoit d6jk vu le jour, mais qui comptoit parottre 
alors avec un 6clat que lui donnoient quelques cir- 
Constances particuli^res qui accompagnoient sa 
pubiication d alors. Ce seroit justement le ton que 
prendroit un iditeur qui publieroit une Edition de 
quelque auteurd^j^counu, bien sup^rieure i toutes 
les autres, et qui la pr^senteroit k quelqu^ grand 
prince. Je n appuie pourtant pas trop sur cet ar- 
gument, quoique je le croie bon, parceque je sais 
qu on peut me r^pondre, qu'un homme qui auroit 
pr6sent^ un exemplaire de son propre ouvrage k ce 
prince auroit pu s'dtre servi des m£mes expressions, 
par n^port seulement aux autres ei^emplaires du 
m^me ou\Tage qui n'avoient pas eu le bon)ieur de 
tomber dans des mains aussi respectables. S. Ui| 
auteur (surtout parlant k un empereur) auroit-il 
]ou6 son propre ou vrage comme il fait dans ce y^J[Sj 
Omentur steriles ? 3. Alais ce qui, selon moi, ^t 
la raison la plus forte de toutes, c'est ce qu'il dit 
dans le onzieme vers, ^^ Corpore in hoc manus est 
genitricis, avique, meaque.'' A-t-on jamais en ten- 
du parler d ouvrage bien 6cnt aux frais communs 
dc Tauteur, de sa m^re et de son grand-pire ? 1^ ri- 
dicule de cela saute aux yeux. Concluons clone 
de tout cela que Cornelius Nepos est le veritable 
auteur des vies des fameux g^n^raux, et que 
Probus n avoit fait que de faire une copie exacte 
de louvrage, laquelle il pr6senta k TEmpereur 

E E 3 Tin 


TiTi Livii Patavini Historiarum ab Urbe Con- 
ditd Tomi Tres. L' Edition de Gronaqius. Am- 
stelodami. A pud D^ Elzeivir. 1 678. 

TiTE Live est un de ce petit nombrc de grands 
homraes dont le nom seul fait le plus bel 61oge 
qu'il est possible de faire d>ux. Son propre si^le 
lui a accord^ la gloire d'avoir 6t€ parmi les histo- 
riens ce que Virgile a 6t6 pour les poctes, et Cic^ 
ron pour les orateurs. Seize si^cles la lui ont coo- 
firm6, et ce seroit . en vain que quelqu W pense- 
roit k la lui ravir aujourdliui. On convient que 
la majesty de son histoire ^galoit celle du peuple 
de qui ellc traitoit. Soit qu'on le consid^re du 
cAt6 des choses qu'il raconte, ou de sa fk^on de les 
raconter, dc sa fidelity ou de son style, les plus 
grands niaitrcs dc Tart devroient lavoir continuelle- 
mcnt entrc les mains, et tous ses lecteurs,de quclque 
ordre qu'ils soicnt, pcuvcnt toujours trouver de quoi 
se plairc et s'instruirc. Comme je compte que 
Tarticle de son histoire, que je vais conimencer 
h present, mc m^nera un peu plus loin que 
les autrcs, jc partagerai cc que j'ai a dire dan< 
quelques portions; jen ferai quatre: I. Dans h 
premiere, je dirai quelquc ehosc de la personne et 
de Touvrage de Titc Live. IL Dans la sccondo. 
je donncrai quelques des qualites qui cli>tingucnt 
son histoire de la plupait des autres. II L Dans la 
troisi^me, je considererai les objections et les accu- 
sations quon fait contre lui; et IV. Dans la der- 


D£ TIT£ LIVE. 4S3 

ni^re, je ferai quelques remarques d6tach6es sur 
quelques endroits de cet histoiien. 

I. Tite Live naquit k Padoue, alors Patavium, 
Fan de Rome 6^4 ; des autres veulent qu'il ait 6t6 
ii6 k Apone, bourg dans le territoire de cette ville, 
qu'il n'ait €t€ appell6 de Padoue que comme V irgile 
a 6t6 appell6 de Mantoue quoique n^ k Andes. 
Nous ignorons totalement la vie de Tite Live jus- 
qu^au terns qu'il se mit '^ 6crire Thistoire des afiaires 
Romaines. II s'y prit d'assez bonne heure. Car 
quoique nous ne sachions pas pr6cis^ment Tannic 
qull raentreprise, nous pou vons toujours 6tre assur6s 
qu^il avoit commenc6e le premier livre avant Tan de 
Rome 730 ; car il dit que jusqu'^ son tems le Temple 
de Janus n avoit 6t€ ferm6 depuis le commence- 
ment de la ville que deux fois. Or nous n'igno- 
lons que cette ann^e-U Auguste le ferma pour la 
troisi^me fois. Dod well, savant Anglois, croit que 
Tite Live avoit commence son grand ouvrage Tan 
725, et qu'il y mit la demi^re main en 745. En 
efiet, quand on consid^re d un cdt^ la gprandeur de la 
tache et de Tautre les tfoins prodigieux que Tite Live 
a dii y avoir apport^s pour le rendre aussi parfait qu'il 
est, on ne trouvera point vingt ans mal employ6s, 
mais au contraire on admirera presque autant Tap- 
plication que le g^nie de cet auteur. La publication 
de son livre lui attira certainement unegrande et bien 
juste reputation ; quoique les livres, avant Tinven- 
tion de>rimpriraerie, ne se r^pandissent point avec 
la m^me rapidity. N^anmoins (et c'est encore ce 
qui ajoute a sa gloire) un citoyen de Gades, ville 
que le$ anciens regardoient comme Textr^mit^ de 

£ £ 4 la 


la terre du cdt^ de Toccident, fut si frapp^ de ce qull 
avoit oui dire de Tite Live, et de I'id^e que la lec- 
ture de son histoire lui en avoit peut-6tre donn6e, fit 
un voyage exprfes k Rome pour le connoltrc de 
plus pr^s, et aussitdt qu'il lent vu, il quitta la capi- 
talc comme s'il n'y avoit plus rien qui m^ritAtral- 
tention d'un homme raisonnable. II est vrai que 
quelques uns disent que de son ^vivant on fid- 
soit plus de cas k Rome d'un historien fort 1116- 
prisable que de lui. Quelques critiques se 9ont 
pourtant inscrit en faux contre ce fait, et cela k cause 
qu'on ne pent point Taccorder avec la chronologies 
qui nous apprend, que cet historien ne v^ut que 
du terns de TEmpereur N^ron, au lieu que le ndtre 
mourut dans la cinqui^me ann^e de TEnipereur 
Tib^re. lis conjecturent que c'^toit du fils dc 
Tite Live et non de lui-m6me qu'il s'agit dans cc 
passage. Cela se pent, quoique je ne sache point 
que le fils dc Tite Live sc soit distingu6 du c6t^ 
dc rhistoire. Mais je nc trouve point admissible 
lautrc faison qu'ils alleguent pour d^truire cette 
circonstance, je vcux dire Ic voyage de ce citoyen 
de Ciades comme prouvant que Tite Live avoit unc 
grande reputation de son vivant. Du tems que 
Montesquieu ^-toit le Ic^gislateur des nations, on se 
dechainoit contre lui a Paris. Et qu'on ne pense 
pas <\ mc termer la bouche en me vantant le gout 
du siircle des Cic(!Tons et des \'irgiles. Celui des 
Newton et des Pope le vaut bien. Quoiqu'il en 
soit, Tite Live surv(!*cut long-tems k cettc publica- 
tion, et ce (jui pourroit nous faire juger favorable* 
mcnt de IcfFet quelle avoit produit, cest qu*AiF 



gnste, qui se connoissoit admirablement en m6nte^ 
le choisit pour former Tesprit de son petit-fils 
Claude, celui qui parvint ensuite k I'empire, et il 
parolt que ce prince ne profita pas mal sous ses 
mstnictions, puisqu'^tant encore fort jeune il 
entreprit une histoire des affaires Romaines qu'il 
ex^uta assez bien. Aussi ^tx>it-ce un g^nie plus 
propre k raconter les grandes actions qu'^ les 
faine. Tite Live mourut, comme nous Favons d^j^ 
dit, la cinqui^me ann^e du r^gne de TEmpereur 
Tib^re. II doit avoir laiss^ un fils qui ne nous est 
connu que par le conseil que son p^re lui adressa 
par rapport k ses Etudes : " de lire Cic^ron et 
D^mosth^ne, et ensuite les autres auteurs, a me- 
sure qu'ils approchoient de ces deux-l^" Tons ceux 
qui ont rapporte ce trait Font lou6 comme sa 
modestie le m^ritoit. En effet c'6toit beaucoup de 
navoir point indiqu^ ses propres ^rits en une 
semblable occasion. II falloit 1^ £tre plus que bel 
eq>rit, ou m^me que grand g^nie, il falloft £tre 
gnmd bomme. II eut aussi une fille qu'il maria k 
un nomm6 Lucius Magius, froid orateur, dont les 
dtelamations n'^toient souffertes, que comme ^tant 
du fils de Tite Live. 

II faut k present, apr^s avoir ramass6 le petit 
nombre de traits que Tantiquit^, bien pen soigneuse 
de nous f^re connoltre les hommes qui Font illustr^, 
nous a foumi par rapport k sa personne, dire 
quelque chose de ses ouvrages. II en a laiss6 
plosieurs sur divers sujets; mais son histoire est 
tout ce qui est ^happ6 aux ray;ages qui nous 
fait perdre une si bonne partie des pr6cieux tr( s 

4A6 OUVRAGES £T caractere 

des Grecs et d63 Romains. Originairement dl 
contenoit cent quarante livres, et eiie s*6teiidoit ck 
puis la fondation de la r^publique jusqu'^ la moitd 
Drusus Nero, fils adoptif d'Aoguste, parune suited 
sept slides etdenii ; c est k dire, qu on y voyoit Roa 
naissant, s'^tendant ses bras sur Tltalie, subjuguai 
toute la terre, et s aifaissant sous son propre poidi 
Je ne sais point pourquoi quelques critiques* m 
voulu qu au lieu de cent quarante livres, elte a 
ait contenu cent quarante-deux. L^ abr^g6idi 
tons les livres, lesquels nous avons, prouvent (oe ■ 
semble) qu'il n y avoit- que le nombre iudiqpi 
d abord. Si nous avions cette histoire en son a 
tier nous nc pourrions pas souhaiter quelque choai 
de plus parfait pour les tems qu'elle embrasse, inai 
par un malheur aifreux, et peut-^tre k jamais irr^ 
parable, nous en avons perdu la plus grande partic 
II nc nous reste encore que, I. Les dix premier 
livres, dont la perte auroit ^te la moins consideraU 
de toutes, tant k cause que les si^cles dont il 
contiennent Thistoire sont ceux qui nous int^ 
ressent Ic moins, k cause-de leur ^loignement et d 
la petite figure les Romains faisoient alons qw 
parcetjue ccs mt^mcs si^cles ont 6t^ trait^ (j 
Tavcu dc tous les critiques) dune mani^rc beau 
coup plus (Ictaillec et plus exactc. II. Dix autres 
depuis Ic vingticmc cxclusivcment jusquau trcn 
tiemc cxclusivcment, ct ils contiennent seulemen 
les dix-scpt ans que dura la sccondc guerre Puniquc 
oil Hannibal, aprcs avoir fait trembler les Romaia 
pour Icurjj autds ct Icurs foyers, futoblig^dc cod 
scillcr, conmic n^ccssaire, un trait^ qui fit passr 


DE TITE LIVE. 427 » 

■. Teinpire du monde de Carthage h Rome. C'^toit- 

■ li un morceau digne de la plume de Tite Live, 

■ aussi parott-il y avoir travaill6 avec un goAt tout 

* particulier. III. t)ix autres livres qui contien- 
^ Bent Fabaissement de Philippe et d'Antiochus, 

■ ct le changement des chalnes des G recs, change- 
' ment que ces Francois de Tantiquit^ appelloient. 

■ IV. Cinq autres livres, qui commencent oil ceux- 

* d finissent, et qui vont jusqu'au quarante cinqui^me 
P inclusivement, et qui renferment la chAte de 

* Perse, et la grandeur Romaine (si on fait attention 
^ aussi bien au dedans qu'au dehors) k son fatte. 
' Ces demiers cinq livres n*ont point 6t6 trouv^s 

* ni publi6s en mfime tems que le reste. Aussi, 
' pendant que les trente autres livres sont sans la 

moindre lacune, ceux-ci sont coupes et tronqu^s 
' dans cent endroits, et ccla non de quelques mots 
^ ou de quelques lignes, mais souvent de pages en- 
^ tiferes qui renfermemt les 6v6nemens les plus int6- 
ressans ; et 1^ m6me ou il ne manque rien par rap- 
port k la narration, le texte est fort corrupt et a 
" souvent besoin de la main d'un bon critique. II 
" est facile* par ce petit tableau de voir combien 
grande est notre perte, puisqu'on y voit que des 
cent quarante livres qui formoient autrefois ce beau 
corps d'histoire nous n*en avons plus de nonante 
cinq. II me semblc avoir lu quelque part dans les 
ouvrages de milord Bolingbroke, que ce grand 
homme faisoit bien plus de cas des livres de Tite 
Live qui sont perdu que de ceux qui nous restent 
encore, et que^sans faire attention k la quantity de 
Tun ou de Tautre) il auroit volontiers donn6 ce 



que nous avons pour recouvrer ce que nous n^vooi 
plus. Je trouve que milord Bolingbroke avoit 
assez raison de le dire ; mais je crois que, quand on 
en vieudroit k T^preuve, lui, et tout homme dc 
go6t, auroit bien dc la peine k s^ d^faire d^aucune 
partie d'^un tr^sor aussi ine^tiiti'able, On seroit 
dans le cas de Philippe V. lorsqu'il ialloit opter 
entre la couronne d'Espagne, et la succession de 
cellq de France; le choix 6toit facile, mais la diffi- 
cult6 d'en laisser une d'elles. J'avoue pourtant qull 
y auroit bien des auteurs de Fantiquit^ q^>e je sacri- 
fierois pour avoir seulementleslivresd? Tite Livequi 
contieunent Thistoire des 60 ansdepuis Tan de Rome 
663jusqu'i723 ; on ne pent guferesconcevoirun point 
de vue plus magnifique que celui-1^, oil toute U 
terre counue 6toit le th^^tre, et une foule de grands 
homines, que la nature pour Tordinaire ne produit 
qu'^ r^loignement de quelques si^cles, mais quelle 
avoit alors fait contemporains, ^toient les acteurs; 
tels que Marius, SyUa, ^(etellus, Catqlus, Pompce, 
C^sar, Crassus, LucuUus, Cic^ron, Hortensius, M. 
Antoinc, Auguste, et taut dautres hommes ca- 
pables de faire le bonheur des hommes ou leur 
malhcur. Uu pinccau tcl que le sien, sans sejetter, 
cominc Salluste, dans des d(*clamations continuelles 
contrc Ics mcrursde sou tcnis, et sans don ner,conime 
Tacite, a rcsprit des hommes ce qui etoit k Icur 
ccEur, auroit tlccrit ics moeurs du si^de de LucuUus 
avec le nicine sangfroid quil fa fait de ceux de cclui 
de rahricius, voyant que les unes et les auties 
^*toient des etats diftercns dc la r^publique, et que 
vouloir qu'un pcuple maitre du moude tQt aninic 
du mt^me esprit (jue les habitant dc Home nais- 


DS T1T£ LIVE. 4S9 

Dte, ^toit vouloir une r^publique de Platen, 
rmblable aux observateurs de la nature il auroit re- 
•nnu que les experiences valoient mieux que les 
st^mes, et en consequence de ce principe il auroit 
:pl]qu6 le caract^re de rbomme par ses actions, 
acore s y seroit-il pris avec bien des precautions,) 
iQ point les actions suivant Tid^equ ons'^toit forme 
ivance du caract^re. II auroit vu que bien loin 
le le caract^re qu on pose k la base de la narration 
it uniforme, que bien loin, dis-je, qu'il puisse nous 
ndre raison de la conduite d*une vie enti^re, rien 
est plus dissemblable k rhomme de hier 'que 
K>mme d aujourdliui. Les messieurs qui croyent 
»uvoir nous developper ainsi tons les motifs des ac- 
>ns des hommes (qui tr^s souvent ne les connois- 
nt pas eux-m^mes) ont k la fois bien bonne opi- 
on et de la constance des hommes et de leur 
opre penetration; maisqu'ilsse souviennent que, 

In vain the sage, with retrospective eye, 

Woald from the apparent what conclude the why, 

Infer the motive from the deed, and shew 

That what we chanced, was what we meant to do. 

Behold ! if Fortone or a mistress frowns, 

Some plunge in business, others shave their crowns : 

To ease the soul of one oppressive weight. 

This quits an empire, that embroils a state : 

The same adust complexion has impell'd 

Charles to the convent, Philip to the field ! 

11 resechissant k cette immense perte que nous 
ons fait d'un si bel ouvrage, nous ne pouvons 
i^res pardonner k nos barbares anc^tres d avoir 
cruellement detruit ou au moins estropie presque 
ut ce que les anciens avoient fait de beau. Encore 



patience pour que dans les niille ans que leitf 
regne a dur^ ils n ayent point avanci les sciences^ 
s'iis nous avoient au moins laiss^ dans le mtant 
^tat oil se trouvoit le monde litt^raire vers Fan 
400, quand ils ont commence tout de bon leun 
inondations, et qu'ils n'eussent pas niin^, sib 
ne pouvoient bdtir. Ils nous ont k la \inti 
conser\'6 quelque chose de ces hasards si on peut 
appeller consen'er, laisser quelques ouvrages i 
Foubli que le hasard, bien plus que leurs soinsi t 
ainen^ jusquau r^tablissement des sciences en 
Europe. Le sort de Ce petit nombre, dont piesque 
tous ont ^te trouv^, foumiioit bien de la mati^ 
k des reflexions sur le bizarre sort que quelques 
uns pnt subi. Mais ce ne seroit pas ici un lica 
convenable de s y livrer, de parcourir tout ce qui 
nous reste de tant d ouvrages dignes de rimmor- 
talitt, et de nioutrer pourquoi les uns plutdt 
que les autres sont echapp^ au grand naufn^ 
des lettres. Tout ce que je dirai ici c*est de re- 
niarqiier qu'en gros les poetes se sont beaucoup 
inieux conserv(^*s que les historiens. Mettons en 
paranoic Salluste, Tite Live, et Tacite, les plus 
il lustres des deruicrs, avec Virgile, Horace et Oridc, 
les plus c^l^brcs dVutre les premiers. Salluste est 
prcMjue enti^rement perdu, i la reserve dc deux 
petits morceaux. A peine uous reste-t-il un tiers 
de Tite Live. Nous n'avons pas la moitie dc 
Tacite. l^ar contre, A'irgile et Horace se sont 
conscrv^*s en leur entier, et il ne nous manque que 
la moitie d\in soul ouvrage, celui encore qui tient 
le plus de riiistoire. Si on vouloit rechercher 1« 
raisons dc ce pheuom^ne peut-fitre nc seroit-elles bien 



es k trouver. I. Casteris paribus, rouvrage 
oete doit se conserver plus naturellement que 
Tun historien, parcequ'il int6ressse davantage 
^s terns et tous les pays. Nous ne pouvons 

1 nous dispenser de savoir ce qui est arriv6 4 
patrie pendant le sifecle dans lequel nous vi- 

Tout nous y rappelle. Les livres done qui 
itent sont entre les mains de tout le monde. 
jnement de quelques si^cles diminue de 
)up la vivacity de cet int6r6t. Ces ouvrages 
)issent de chez les cabinets des gens du 
^ pour se r^fugier dans ceux des savans. 
dant c'est toujours I'histoirc de la patrie, et 
consideration fait que bien des gens ne la 
ent pas enti^rement. L'origine des families 
;s, celles dc tant de coutumes anciennes, la 
encore int^ressante pour I'homme curjeux, 
principes de la constitution civile et eccl^si- 

2 la rendent souvent nec^ssaire pour Thomme 

Mais lorsqu'a T^loignement du tems on 
encore celui des lieux, on trouvera qu'ils ont 
presque tout leur m^rite, except^ celui que 
iteur a su leur donner par la mani^re dont il 
6 son sujet. lis ne sont plus gueres int6- 
j qu'aux 6rudits, k qui tout plait qui est 
, pen utile, et inconnu de presque tout le 
I, et qu'^ quelques philosophes qui aiment 
adorer Thomme dans toutes ses diflR6rentes 
cations. Faut-il done s'^tonner si Ton ap- 
beaucoup moins de soin k leur conservation 
elle des poetes, dont les beaut6s peuvent 
nties k Paris aussi bien qu'^ Rome, dans !• 



si^Ie de Louis XV. aussi bien i^^^ Jans cdd 
d*Auguste? IL Quelques circonstaoces paiticu- 
litres peiivent encore fonder si non une imiscm da 
moins une conjecture : la voici. Dans les terns 
ou ies auteurs etoient encore en leur enticr, ccst i 
dire dans les deux ou trois premiers sidles qui onl 
suivi la chute de Tempire d*occident, les pa3rs oik h 
langue Latine se conser\'oit se trouvoient posstiei 
par des nations difTerentes entre elles mais toates 
ennemis jures du nom Romain. Ces peuplesd^ 
voient-iis voir avec plaisir des ou\'rages sc multi-. 
plier et se perpetuer qui faisoient voir leurs propia 
ancetres dans T^tat de la plus grande humiliatioOi 
et ceux de leurs esclaves au conible de la grandeur? 
Ne devoient-ils pas craindre que la lecture de ces 
mt^nies auteurs n*inspirasscnt aux RonuuDS des 
sentimeiis peu convenables h leur condition ac- 
tucllc, ct (juc s ils ne les tUisoicut pas entrepn^ndrc 
de sccouer Ic j()ujr,(|ue du moins ils ne le Icurfisbcnt 
supporter iinpaticninient? Je ne pense pas quon 
ait publie dordrcs sur ce sujet. Mais il taut bien 
peu ronnoitrc les nioincs (.ilors seuls depositaires du 
savoir) pour cioire cjuils ne sentoient pas les idees 
de leurs niaitrcs; ct bien peu leur avarice si ron 
s'imagiiieciu'ils ne se soucioient bien plusde gagncr 
quclijues arpeus que leur complaisance pouvoient 
attirer a leur couvcnt, cjue de conserver tons les 
plus beaux morccaux des anciens. D'uu autre 
c6t(^' lU ne devoient pas etre bien gracieux pour les 
vaincus de rappellcr les trion;plies de leurs ancetres. 
D^'g^u^'i^s comme ils Etoient ils devoient dire, avec 
J aft'ranchi de Terence, *' Ista commemoratio quasi 




t>bratio est." Or ces considerations n existoient 
t, ou n'existoicnt que tr^s foiblement par rap- 
aux poetes. Je n'appuye cependant pas sur 
t raison, elle vaudra ce qu'elle pourra. 
^ans les si^cles depuis la renaissance des lettres 
i souvent esp6r6 de recouvrer ce qui nous 
que des cent quarante livres de Tite Live, 
dant longtems on les a cru dans le s6rail du 
ad Seigneur; mais toutes les tentatives in- 
tueuses qu'on a faites pour les en retirer et les 
ides sommes qu^on a ofiertes sans effet, ont 
fin convaincu tout le monde qu'ils ne pouvoi- 
pas y 6tre. Monsieur Des Cloires, un homme 
a beaucoup de connoissances dans tout ce qui 
rde les belles lettres, et qui connott parfaite- 
t la Gr^ce pour avoir €t€ longtems dans ces 
Ak, m'a dit que si le manuscrit entier de Tite 
t existoit encore il croyoit qu'il devoit • se 
ver dans le celebre monast^re d'Athos, oh, 
it la prise de Constantinople, on avoit trans- 
6 tout ce que la ville poss^oit de consi- 
ble en fait d anciens manuscrits. II ajouta 
sous le minist^re du grand Colbert on avoit 
i^ le dessein d'envoyer a Athos deux bonnes 
sites sous pavilion Maltois pour enlever tout 
[u'on pouvoit trouver en ce genre ; mais qu*on 
idonna ce projet, par la crainte de se compro- 
:re avec la Porte, qui n auroit pas manqu6 de 
uvrir la feinte ; qu'on se contenta de le faire 
er par quelques gens de lettres d^gui^s en 
rhands, mais que leur recherche ftit sans 
's ; les moines ou n'ayant rien, ^ou cachant 
}L. IV. F F soigneuse- 


soigneusement ce qu'ils avoient Cette demifcre cif* 
Constance m'afait presque croire * qu'ik n'^toiait 
pas en ^tat de le produire en manusciit. Lei. 
Grecs modernes sont k la fois si ignoians et si pan- 
vres, qu'on ne pent se persuader, qu'avec Uen de li 
peine, qu'ils eussent pu faire plus de cas de quet 
ques vieilles paperasses dont ils ne connoissoient 
point le prix, que des sommes considerables quVUci 
leur auroient valu aupr^ des Latins. 

Un auteur incertain (quelques uns croyent que 
c'est Florus) a voulu supplier en quelque fkjpMi i 
la perte des cent cinq livres de Tite Live que Miis 
n'avons plus, pendant qu'ils existoient encore. 
nous fit des sommaires de chaque livre, oii dans 
peu de mots il fait connottre les mati^res qui v 
sont contenues. Quoiqu'on voit que ce petit 
ouvrage doit avoir n6cessairement toute la s^be- 
resse d'un abr6g^, cependant s'il 6toit encore exact 
et qu on pfti compter que, par rapport aux faits. 
c'est Tite Live lui-m6me, il pourroit ^trc encore 
d une certaine utility ; mais voici deux exemplc* 
pris du m^me livre qui montrent combien il est [ 
61oign6 de cette exactitude. 1 . Parlant du second j 
Scipion, qu on fit consul plusieurs ann^ avant ^ 
qu'il cut Tage requis par les loix, le •••••• 


( 435 ) 

Lausaoiiey 4 Mai, 1757* 



Ii. y a un passage du Poenulus de Plaute, Act. 
TIL 9. 3. V. 50. que je n'entends point suivant la 
[^tion ordinaire. Les commentateurs que j'ai vus 
Q'y trouvent cependant point de difficult^, pas 
oi^me M. de Saumaise. 

Un domestique, d6guis6 en soldat pour tromper 
Em marchand d esclaves, paroit sur le th^Atre. On 
lui demande qui il est, une personne au fait de la 
fburberie r^pond, 

• Hie latro in Spart& fiiit, 

Ut quidem ipse nobis dixit, apad regem Attalum, 
Inde nunc aufugit quoniam capitur oppidum. 

Je crois pouvoir ^tablir comme premier princip^ 
i|ue, comme on vouloit tromper le marchand d'une 
mani^re plausible, la vraisemblance exigeoit qu'on 
piit, pour b^tir 1^-dessus leur invention, un 6v6ne- 
ment r^l, recent, et connu de tout le monde. M. 
TAbb^ Sevin a bien consid^r^ les choses comme 
moi, puisque dans ses curieuses recherches sur 
THistoire de Pergame (V. Mhnoircs de VAcadimU 
dcs Belies LettreSy torn. xd. p.i\9') il s'est bien 
&ervi de ce passage comme une preuve qu'Attale 
avoit des troupes Grecques k sa solde. 

Cela ^tant, il est question de trouyer une ^poque 
oik Sparte fut prise pendant qu'un roi Attale coiop 
mandoit dans ses murs. Si lliistoire n*^ foumit 
pcHnt pour exptiquer ce passage, il fiuit avoir r^ 



cours k la critique pour la r6tablir. On peut 
encore remarquer qu'il faut la trouver entre Tan 
Av. Ch. 241, premiere ann^e du premier roi Attar 
lus, et Tan 1 84, terns de la mort de Plaute. 

Sparte fut prise par Antigonus Doson en 821* 
V. Plutarch, in Cteomen. p. 819- Potjfb. I. U. p. 
155. Justin. I. xjroiii. c. 4. Rolling Hist. And 
enncy torn. iv. p. 239. Petac. Ration. Tempor. 1. 1 
I. iv. c. 4. p. 127. Un Attalus r6gDoit alors ; ce- 
pendant piusieurs raisons m emp^chent de dOiR^ 
qu'il ait ^t^ question de ce fait. En voici quclqiies 
unes. I. Tons les auteurs *6e taisent sur oettc 
circonstance. Cependant, un secours conduit paf 
le roi de Pergame en personne, ne devoit guilts 
^chapper h I'exactitude d'un Plutarque et d'un Po- 
iy^Cf (|ui nous ont d^crit toutes les plus petitcs 
particularit^s de cctte guene avec an si grand de- 
tail. II. Lan 221 Attalus ^'toit bicn loin de 
pouvoir sortir de ses ^^tats pour aller secourir sei 
allies. AchiEus, gouvemeur et ensuite roi d'Asie, 
ratta(|uoit, Tavoit d^j^ depouill6 d*une partie de soa 
royaume, et le pressoit vivenient dans le restc. 
Attalus, qui prenoit lui-m^me des Gaulois k st 
sokle,pouvoit-il se dessaisirde ses propres troupesen 
unc telle conjoncture, et snrtout pouvoit-il aller 
en personne en Grirce? En vinm le terns dont nous 
parlouH, les liyzantins, ses anciens amis, lui de* 
niamlcrcnt du secours contre les Rhodiens; il iw 
put leur en donner. l\ ubi supra, Sevin. p. 217. 
ill. Quand nicynie rien d autre ne sy opposeroi^ 
la seule circonstance cKun Antiochus alors <ur le 
trdne sutliroit pour iaire voir que nous nyaomflm 



pas encore, Pcm. Jet. III. ^. 3. «?. 31 . L'an 223 Se- 
leucus Callinicus ^toit assis sur le trdne des Seleu- 
ndes. V. Prideaux Hist, des Juifs^ i tan 223. 
La r^ponse que je connois k cette preuve c'est 
Je dire que c'6toit un des traits que Timitateur 
Latin avoit con$erv6 de son tnodMe Grec, du terns 
le qui un Antiochus r^gnoit peut-dtre. Mais sui- 
rant toutes les apparences, Plaute prit son Pes- 
oulus du Xa^x^io^hQi de M^nandre. V. Menand. 
^ PhiUrs. Reliq. Amstel 1709. p: 96. OrM6^ 
■andre mourut Tan A. C. S92, douze ans avant le 
Mtemier Antiochus. Pet am. Ration. Temp. p. 1. 
lULc. 18. p. 114. 

Sparte fut assi^gee en 1 95 par les Romains et 
curs allies, (J^iv. l.jcxxh. c. 34, &c. Just, l.xxxi.c. 3) 
nais elie ne fut pas prise. Cependant comme le cas 
(uivant roule sur les m6mes principes j'examinerai 
3clui-ci. L L'an 197, Eumenes 6toit roi de Per* 
;ame, son fr^re Attains n'^toit point associ6 k la 
x>uronne. Seoin. ubi supra j p. 270. Liv. I. xlii. c. 16. 
[I. Ce mfeme Attains, aussi bien que son frfere, bien 
oin de commander dans Sparte, 6toit actuellement 
ians Tannic Romaine. 

Dans ce petit raisonnement j'ai sui vi la ponctua* 
ion la plus naturelle du passage qui rapporte 
^apud Regem Attalum k hie latro in SpartAfuity 
rt non a inde non auf'ugit. Ceux qui adoptent la 
lemi^reponctuation, toute dure qu'ellerend la con- 
tniction, feront bien de r6fl6chir; I. Que la 
lifficult^ de trouver une prise et m^me un A^ge de 
iparte pendant qu^un Afitale et qu'un Antiochus 
dgnoient subsiste en son entier ; et 11. Qu'il auroit 

F T 3 ^t^ 


it6 ridicule k Plaute de (aire venir en £tolie un 
homme fuyant de Sparte k Pergame. 

Quelle est done la correction que je propose ? 
la voici ; au lieu de regem Aitalum je liiai regem 
Attolum. Expliquons-nous. L'an I9I9 les £to- 
liens, voulant sVmparer de LacMemone, envDv^ 
rent Alexam^ne avec mille iantaasins et trente ct- 
valiers d'f^lite, en apparence pour secourir letyian 
Nabis, mais en efTet pour le tuer, ce qu*Alesuihie 
fit par un coup de main fort hardi ; mais s^amunit 
trop long terns k piller les tr^sors du palaiti la 
Spartiates reprirent courage et massacr^rent la 
^toliens. Phiiopoemen vint a Sparte avec rannfc 
Achseenne, s en reudit maitre, et lajouta k la ligue 
du Pdoponn^e. Lro. L xxjv. c. 3J, 3^. On 
feig^oit done que ce soldat avoit 6te lairo ou garde 
du corps, (Pitiscus, Lexic. sub voce Latro. Serv. 
ad JEiieid. aii, r. 7.) d'Alexamene, ct qu apres U 
prise de la villc par Philopoemen 11 avoit eviti par 
la fuite le sort do ses conipagnons. Comme les 
faits vicnnent toujours au secours des systime* 
bien fond^s, toutes lescirconstarces qui enibarra5- 
soient ci-dcvaiit vicnnent ici se placer d'ellcv 
ni^mcs. I. L'Antiochus en question est le Grand 
Antiocluis bicn connu aux Romains, qui r^gnoit 
dcpuisune trcntaincdannccs. Hionplus. h lepoquo 
en question il ^toit actiicllcmcnt a Chalois, oil, 
au lieu do .socciipcr dcs prcpaiatifs cle la guerre, ii 
passoit i hivcr dans la dcbauchc et dan> les plai- 
sirs, Liv. I, d\i\iri. c. 11; Justin. I. xxxi. c. 6 ; con- 
duite qui pouvoit bicn tairc naitre chez ses enne- 
niis Texpressiou, " Moilius ({uam regi Antioch*^ 


oculi curari solent^" Flaut. Panul. Act. III. s. 3. 
v. 81, pour d^igner une moUesse pouss6e ^ Tex- 
G^ II. Quantity de circonstances de la pi&ce 
conviennent beaucoup mieux aux terns qui out 
suivi la seconde guerre Punique, ^poque de la 
mort de Nabis, qu'i Tiatervalle de la premiere k la 
seconde oik tomba la prise de Sparte par Antigonus. 
En voici deux assez feippantes. Hannon le Car- 
thaginois de la pi^ce, lorsqu'on lui dit qu'un jeune 
enfant avoit it€ enlev^ de Carthage^s'6cria, '^ Proh 
]>ii immortales ! plurimi ad hunc modum periere 
paeri liberi Carthagine.'" PcamL Act. V. s. 2. v. 
S8. De tels enl^vemens conviennent mal au terns 
oil les Carthaginois, ma]gr6 leurs pertes, maltres de 
la mer, ^toient sans ennemi en Afrique, mais fort 
4 celui oil Massanissa, m^me avant la venue de 
Scipion en Afrique, faisoit des incursions sur leurs 
terres et vendoit ses capti& aux marchands Stran- 
gers, Lie. L xxix. c. 31 ; et encore mieux k cdui oh, 
les Carthaginois, priv6s de leurs armes et de leurs 
Taisseaux, 6toient en proie i quiconque vouloit 
les attaquer. Tout le monde connolt la fameuse 
ac^ne en langue Punique qui a co(it6 tant de veilles 
aux savans. Quelle apparence que Plaute eut su 
lui-mdme, qu'il eut os6 printer k ses compatri- 
otes cette langue, quand la gSnSration qui avoit 
€X>nibattu et connu les Carthaginob 6toit 6teinte, 
an lieu que dix-sept ans de guerre, qu*une armSe 
Punique au milieu de Tltalie devoit la leur avoir 
fait connoitre ? Quand m^e on supposeroit qu'il 
Tavoit trouvS ea MSnandre ne Tauroit-il pks rejettS 
eomme un jargon barbare et inintelli^ble ? ^ 

F F 4 Je 


Je ne connois que deux objections qu*on poui^ 
roit mc fkire. I. On me dira que je suppose k 
soldat avoir 6t6 £toIien, au lieu que la pi^ce, dont la 
sc^ne est en iEtolie, le dit Stranger. Mzh Plaute 
explique lui-meme ce qu'il entend par Stranger, 
" ex alio oppido." Pctnul. Act. III. s. \. r.57. cc 
qu'il pouvoit £tre sans cesser d*&tre ^tolien. II. 
Je donne le titre de roi k Alexam^nc quoiqu'ii ne 
f6t que g^n^ral. Mais il faut £tre peu instniit 
des usages dc Tantiquit^ pour ignorer que les aiK 
ciens attachoient au mot de roi une id6e bien ph» 
^tenducquc nous : on appelloit ainsi tous ceux que 
leur rang ou Icurs richesses ^levoient au-dessus del 
autres ; V. Donat. ad Tercnt. Eunuch. Act. I. $. 8. 
V. 88.* et Plaute lui-m^me y a donn6 autre part, 
(RudenSy Act.IF.s.a.v.iG.) une signification en- 
core plus ^tendue qu'ici ; car si jamais sujet pouvoit 
m^ritcr ce titre c'^toit Alexamfene. I-.a commission 
des iEtoliens lui donnoit une autorite sur ses 
troupes qui 6toit sans bomes ct au-dessus de celle 
de bien des rois. lis ordonnoient aux soldats. 
^^ Quicquid Alexamenum res monuissct subiti 
consilii capere, ad id quamvis inopinatum, temera- 
niim,audax,obedienter exsequendum parati cssent; 
ac pro eo acciperent tanquani ad id uuum agcnduui 
missos ab domo se scirent." 

Au lieu done de la Ic^on rc^ue, je lis 

Hie latro in Sparta fuil, 

Ut quidcm ipse nobis dixit, apud regem .Etolum : 
lude nunc aufugit quoniam capitur oppidum. 

♦ Voycz aus6i le Horace de Dacier, torn. i. p. 9, 10. Paris, 1709, 



Je n ai pas besoin, je crois, d avertir combien ce 
hangement ^toit facile et ais6 k faire. 

Cependant si Ton me disoit qu*il y a i la v^rit^ 
n une faute contre Thistoire, mais qu1l faut s^en 
rendre a i'ignorance de Piaute et non k la n^li- 
ence de ses copistes, il ne trouvera pas beaucoup 
opposition de ma part. Piaute ^toit ignorant; 
n ne sauroit en douter. 11 n y a qu'^ comparer 
s Maenechmes, Act. IIL s. 2. v. 56^ S^. avec 
s liores xxii. et xxiii. de JusiiHy pour sentir 
Mnbien ses idees ^toient confuses sur Thistoire de 
t Sicile ; comme le plan de ses Captifs, oii il fait 
iler et revenir un homme de T^tolie en Elide dans 
espace de quelques heures, fait sentir quelles 
toient ses connoissances sur la geographic de la 
rrkrc. Cependant j'aimerois mieux d^nouer le 
crud que de le couper. 

Laosanney I Avril, 1757- 


Et te, maxime Caesar, 

Qui nunc extremis Asis jam victor in oris 
Imbellem avertis Romanis arcibut Indiim. 

ViRG. Georg. lib.ii. v. I6l. 

Les savans sont fort partag6s sur les peuples 
u'il faut ici entendre par Indiens. Les uns veu- 
mt que ce soient les iEthiopiens, les autres pr6- 
mdent qulls ne peuvent £tre que les habitans de 
Uindostan* Le p^ Catrou prend ce dernier 
arti ; il croit y tcouyer imappui ii son systhne que 



Virile revit et corrigea ses Bucoliques la p^ul- 
ti^me ann6c avant sa mort. En effet TambaaiUk 
du roi Porus, de laquelle, suivant lui, il s^agit id, 
tomba sur I'an de Rome 734, dix ans apr^ la pie> 
mifere publication des Georgiques. Pour moi je 
ne saurois adopter son idte. Tout me parott na- 
turei si vous i'entendez des ^thiopiens, tout r6- 
volte si vous I'entendez des Indiens orientaux. Je 
n'aurois point de dispute avec le Rev. P^re pour 
lui faire avouer que les anciens donnoient souvent 
aux .£thiopiens le nom dlndiens, il Tavoue lai- 
m£me fonne\lement Tom. IL du Virgile dc Catron, 
p. 248, 487. Mais comme quelque autre poonoit 
en douter et que je ne veux pas ici traiter la mati^re 
ex professo, je le renverrai h la belle dissertatioD 
de AI. Freret sur la gdographie de Xenophon, Ale- 
moir. de FAcad. des Belles LettreSj torn. iv. p. 
588, edit. PariSj oil il prouve, k n en laisser aucuu 
doutc, la v^rit^ que j avance. Si Ton demandoit 
pourquoi on les confondoit, je dirois que leur 
origine commune, leur couleur basan^e, et Tor 
qui se trouve dans les deux pays suffisoient bien 
pour induire en erreur daussi petits g^ographes 
que les anciens. II ne sagit plus que d'examincr 
si les paroles de Virgile convicnnent mieux aux 
Indiens occidentaux ou h ceux dc Toricnt. Vir- 
gile lui-m^nic sera son mcilleur interpr^te* II taut 
trouvcr I"'''^* un people distingue asscz par sa mol- 
lessc, |)our que Virgile f(it oblig^ de leur dooncr 
unc epith^te qui est bien loin de rentermer un com- 
pliment ik son maitre; et voil^justemeut cc qucje 
trouve au sujet des £tliiopiens. Strabon nous dit 

D£ YIRGILE, 443 

quHls n'6toient propres ni k la guerre ni h au- 

mploi de la vie. Oiap wpoti'tro/Atv ah wapaantvet^' 
•pof froXifMov ovrt vpo^ ecXXof (3»op. Strap. Gcog. 1- 

p. 563. Edit. Casaub. II appuye extr^mement 
tte inaptitude k la guerre, et il semble rnSme 
est pour la d^montrer qu'il fait le r^cit d'une 
e dont je parlerai dans un moment. En 
x>ute cette guerre nous les repr6sente comme 
lus foibles des hommes; ils surprennent k la 
: trois cohortes Romaines, mais d^s que le 
; de I'Eg}- pte marche contr'eux avec dix mille 
les, trente mille iEthiopiens, la moiti^ k peine 
r, fuyent en confusion, et le laissent p^n^trer 
obstacle au coeur de leur pays : voil^ bien 
llem Indum. Mais je doute quon puisse 

de la sorte des vrais Indiens. Quoiqu'ils ne 
lent jamais distingu6s par leurs conqu6tes, 
; Font jamais 6t6 par leur foiblesse. Alex- 

les subjugua, mais ils lui avoient oppos6 
avant une resistance infiniment sup6rieure 
e qu'il avoit ^prouv^e des autres peuples de 
. Voyez Q. Curt. I. ix. c. 4, s. 16, qui donn^e a 
ations Indiennes le titre de ferocissinue. II. 
t encore trou ver un peuple voisin de Tempire 
tin qui pouvoit y faire des incursions, et qui 
)it 6tre emp^ch^s d'attaquer les forteresscs 
lomains : avertis Romanis ab arcibus. L'on 
k la simple vue de la carte, combien un tel 
lage convenoit aux iEthiopiens. Ils 6toient 
ophes de I'Egypte devenu province Romaine 
s la mort de C16opatre. Voyez Suet, in de- 
iugust c. 18. Veil. Paterc. /• ii. c. 39, s. 2. 



Les Indiens au contraire 6toient s^par6s des Ro« 
mains par des pays immenses, par tout Tempire 
des Parthes. J aimerois autant que Boiieau cut 
lou6 Louis XIV. d avoir garanti la France des iap 
vasions des Siamois, apr^s qu'il eut re^u une am- 
bassade de ce dernier peuple. III. II faudroit que 
ce peuple en question ett eu quelque d6nidl6 avec 
les Romains, mais que la reputation et les victoires 
d'Auguste les eftt obliges de se tenfr en repos.* 
Tout cela parol t fetre exactement vrai des £thto* 
piens. Candace, Icur reine, fit une invasion en 
^gypte quelques ann^es aprfes pendant que les 
troupes Romaines ^toient engag^es dans une ex- 
pedition en Arabie. Plin. Hist. Nat. L vL c. 29. 
Strab. Geog. L tcU. 564. Prideaux HUtoire dc$ 
Juifs sous ran avant Christ • L on donne m^me 
k comprendre (juc les iEthiopiens avoient voulu 
remuer pendant peut-fetre qu'Auguste ^toit en 
-Slgypte, puisquc le pr^texte qu'ils all^guoient (sa- 
voir certains torts qu'ils avoient re^us des anciens 

monarques du pays, Xtyo^ruy ft ug aJixoi»TO uto rtn 

Movapp^wk) subsistoit cUjk ; mais cfFray^s apparem- 
mcnt du bruit de scs expoloits ils rcnvoy^rcnt leur 
entreprisc i\ des terns plus favorables. II ny a 
rien de pareil dans Ic cas des Indiens. Jamais ils 
n ont eu do d^mi^ie avec les Romains. Ils envovi^ 
rent a la vcrite une amhassade <\ ce prince, mais ce 
fut uni(iuenieiit pour demander sa protection et 
rendrc hoinmage k ses vcrtus, (^Strab. Geog. /. jt. 
495. Flori Uistor. Roman. I. iv. c. 12.)circoD- 

* Jam victor avertit. 


1D£ VIltGILE. 445 

qui me confinne dans Tid^e qu'ii n'est 
uestion ici des ludiens orientaux, ni de leur 
ide. Virgile, habile adulateur, auroit-il 
expos^ des lecteurs k confondre im €v€ne- 
jssi unique, aussi flatteur pour son h^ros, 
lui d*un peuple libre qui vient de I'exti^ 
: la terrc rendre hommage k ses vertus, k le 
Ire, dis-je, avec ces avantages qu'on ob- 
si souvent sur ies barbares limitrophes de 

• r* 
w • 

autre raison, qui ne me periiiet pa^ d'adop- 
rstenie du Pfcre Catrou, c'est le phrase A sue 
s in oris. Quelque tour que le Rev. Phrc 
e lui donner, on ne pent pas se dispenser 
ir, que la seconde ligne de celles que j'ai 
6es n^indiqueTendroit ouC^sar^toitlorsqu'il 
oit a ce qui est d^crit dans la troisifcme. Or 
e^ut Tambassade des Indiens a Samos. V. 
lisl. Roman. L /r. p. 626. Quelqu« licence 
inciens se soientdonnesdans Fapplication du 
\sie aussi bien que ceux d'Inde, de Syrie, 
:hie, &c. on ne me persuadera jamais quHls 
&ppell6 Ies frontieres Ies plus recul^es de 
me lie qui en forme Tentr^e. Au lieu que 
:e, oil C^sar ^toit, s^aroit en effet TAsie des 
intains et inconnus de TAfrique, suivant un 
5 fort rc^u du tems de Virgile, qui donnoit 
e a I'Asie. V. Kotit. Orb. Ant. Cellar, torn, 
p. 3. et Sallust. in Jugurth. c. 18. 
i Ies laisons qui m'engagent k rejetter le 
? du P^re Catrou, et k croire que nqtre poete 
oit parler dans cet endroit que des .£thio- 



piens. II he reste qu'^ examiner deux de ses ob» 
jections contre mon opinion, lesquelles me parob* 
sent assez foibles. I"^^* Les iEthiopiens, dit-il, 
£toient-ils assez considerables dans la bataille d^Ae- 
tium pour ne la repr^senter que par 1^ ? torn. S. ^ 
849 ; peut-^tre que non. £n tout cas c^est k c^ix 
qui Ic croyent k le soutenir. Cette objection Re 
me regarde pas, moi qui ne parle point des JEibkh 
piens auxiliaires d'Antoine, mais comme von- 
lant fair^ la guerre en leur propre nom. II. Vir* 
gile devoit avoir fini son second livre avant la bt> 
taille d'Actium : soit, quoique Donat n'ait beaucoup 
de poids dans mon esprit. Mais il ne puUia lo 
Georgiques que Fannie apr^ etje crois bienqull 
les retouchoitjusqu au jour de leur publicatioii. 

A Lausaniie, 13 Mai, 1757. 


Nam qua Pellsi geiis fortunata Canopi 
Accolit effuso stagiiantem fluniine Niliun, 
£t circum pictis vehitur sua rura phaselis ; 
Quique Pharetrata: viciiiia Pen»idis ui^t, 
£t viridem iEgyptum nigra fanruudat areol, 
£t diversa mens septeni discurrit in ora 
Uhque coloratis amnis dcvexus ab Indis. 
Oninis in liac certani r^io jacit arte saluteu. 

ViRc. Georg. h\ v. C87. 

Ce passage a bien cout^ des veilles aux sa\'aiis. 
C est propremcnt la quatri^me lignc qui en fait 



ite la difficult^. Le voisinage du Nil et de la 
rse choque les premiers principes de la g6ogra- 
ie et paroit inconcevable, sur tout se trouvant 
IS Virgile qui r^unissoit les connoissances du 
"ant aux talens du bel-esprit. On s'est pris 
'ersement pour s'en tirer. Les uns out cm le 
:te corrompu ; les autres out voulu Texpliquer. 
icore ceux-ci ont-ils suivi des routes diff(6rentes ; 
a rapproch6 la Perse du Nil ; on a recul^ le Nil 
qu'^ la Perse. Voyons quel sentiment il nous 
ivient le mieux d'embrasser. 
Fe ne fais qu'indiquer la correction de M. dc Se- 
tts qui transposoit r^ciproquemetit les vers Quh* 
? Pharetrata:^ S^c. Et viridem^ Sgc. de manifcre 
e les quatre premieres lignes se rapportoient au 
1 et ^ r^ypte, et les quatre demi^res k Tlndus, 
ive limitrophe de la Perse. (1) M. Huet a si cieUde^ 
n r6fut6 cette Emendation (2) qu'^ moins d'avoir ^Ij^j^* 
xlu Tesprit on ne sauroit Tadmettre: aussi ^c.po&. 
oique M. de Segrais fAt tr^s bel-esprit (3) il ™«iet;i« 
voit ni la penetration ni rErudition n6cessaire m. de Se^ 
ir faire un bon critique. (4) ShoIu* 

L'opinion qui trouve des Perses sur les bords du [["** ^"^^ 
1 est celle du P^re Catron. II la propose avec es. 
confiance ordinaire, et il faut convenir que son 54. 
t^me est joli. II fait venir un passage de Sal- deLoob* 
te pour nous apprendre que les Perses pass^rent ?j|^ J^ 
Afrique apr^s la mort de leur general Hercule, If^J^"**" 
lis y prirent le nom de Nomades ou Numides, p. «6*. 
qu'ils s'^tendirent dans la plus grande partie de 
Aique int^rieure. " Voici done un grand em? 
e 6tabli en Afrique par les Persans qui bordent 



FEgypte, etqui la serrent du cdt6 occidental, mais 

<i) virgiic sur tout la Haute Egypte." (1) II essaye ensuite 

UHii.iLp.' de r^pondre ^ quelques objections qu'on pouvoit 

lui faire, mais il n a point pr^veuu les iniennes. II 

fautconvenir aveclui que, quoique Salluste nenoui 

domic cette tradition que d'un air peu assur^, (f^ 

^iw"j!^ e/uj: rti penes auctorU critj) (2) il nous la dcmne 

«arth.c.i7. pourtant, et ce qui ^toit bon pour Thistorien T^it 

sdrcmcnt pour le poete ; comme on ne pent luidisr 

puter (lue Virgilc ue se soit plu k designer les ay 

Ionics du nom des paysdont elle venoient : m^je 

dis, l»^^^' que la tradition en question (quand mfane 

elle conviendrolt au sens de Virgilc) n'^toit pas de 

nature k pouvoir en 6tre employ^, et 1 1""*- quelle 

n y convient pas. 

jm«Dt. ji y ^ ^1^ certains traits d'histoirc ancienne^ 
vraisou faux, qui vont bien dans un pocme; ilsde- 
lasscnt le lectcur et ils donnent bonne id^ du sa- 
voir du poiitc, mais dcs (ju on les y fait entrer (sur- 
tout (|uand ce nest qu en allusion) on les suppose 
dija connus de tout le moiidc, et ilsdoivent T^trc 
on cftct. Mais cette colonic des Persans nc pcut 
point avoir ]>Iace dans cette classc. Salluste, qui 
le premier Tavoit Uv6 des livres Puniques du roi 
llicmpsal, avouc, qucc'etoit ab ed Jama yua pit' 
rosf/ue obtinet dhersum. En eflVt un llerculc, ge- 
neral des Mcdes, des Pcrscs, et des Armenieus, 
mort en Espagne, est si totalement oppose aux no- 
tions connnunes, qu'il faudroit qu'un lecteur tul 
averli d'avance de ce quon vouloit lui dire, 
pour pouvoir y comprendre quelquc chose. H 


eut pu donner lieu k une episode, k use descrip* 
tion, mais pour une allusion aussi courte, autant 
sans preparation, non seulement Virgile, mais m£me 
le pedant Properce Tauroit siirement exclu. traits les plus fabuleux, mais dans la bouche 
de tout le monde, les Gorgones, les Jardins des 
Hesp^rides, avec tous Icurs prodiges, pouvoient 6tre 
refus plutdt que cette tradition, vraie peut-fetre, 
mais heurtant de front toutes les id^es du vulgaire. 
De plus elle ^toit nouvelle, autre circonstance fi- 
cheuse. Virgile doit avoir ^crit les lignes en ques- 
tion au plus tard d'abord apr^s lamort de Cornelius 
Gallus, (1) Tan de Rome 726.^(2) S.aUuste avoit mserr. 
€cnt la Guerre Jugurthine dans sa retraite, (3) en- y!^^ 
viron Tan 71 1 ou 712. Or Salluste 6toit le premier ^a^ 
qui fit connottre k ses compatriotes I'opinion des j^ST^ 
Numides sur leur propre origine, en traduisant les Empeiea 
morceaux de la langue r unique qui en traitoient. (s) SaUo 
Quinze ans, qui s'^toient ^coul^s depuis la publi- 4. %^ 
cation de cet ouvrage, bien loin de Tavoir mis ^^'^ 
entre les mains de tout le monde, ne devoient (vu 
la raret^ des livres et les troubles des tems) Tavoir 
fiut connottre qu'^ un petit nombre de curieux, de 
gens particuli^rement adonn^s k T^tude des anti- 
quit^s de leur patrie. Peut-6tre que Virgile ne 
lavoit pas encore vu, mais k coup sClr de mille de 
ses lecteurs (et un poete n'^crit pas seulement pour 
les savans) k peine s en trouvoit un qui I'eut eu 
entre les mains. Virgile seroit-il all6 rechercher 
dans un tel 6crivaiu, des id^es aussi singuli^res que 
leur auteur ^toit nouveau ? £t oil les est-il all^ 
chercher? Dans le Latium peut-6tre ou tout au 
voi^. IV. G G plus 


plus dans Tenceinte de lltalie. Un ceitain nom- 

bre de personnes connolt toujours bleu rhistoire de 

sa patrie. Point du tout: k toutes les autres cir- 

Constances propres k embarrasser ses lecteurs, il 

auroit joint T^loignement des lieux, il seroit alU 

en Perse pour en faire venir une colonic en Afri- 

que afin de pouvoir dire qu'ils habitoient pr^ des 

bords du Nil. Les exemples que le P^re Catrou ap- 

porte comme semblables k celui-ci ne le sont point 

II n'y a jamais eu qu^une voix sur le pays d'oA 

sortoient les Toscans, ni sur les ancetres de oenx 

de Cumes. Depuis qu'H^rodote avoit parl6 de la 

li???***' premiere migration (1) il a6t^ suivi par une tbule 

Ei stepk*^* d autres, (2) et Varron, (3) aussi bien que Catoiu 

(t) Jutin, (4) avoient si bien ^clairci la tbndation des princt- 

Tngn^om- pales viUes de Tltalie qu'il nV restoit que peu ou 

prii^l; point de difficultes. Aussi Velleius Paterculus du 

222?^i ni^me si^le que Virgile (5) n a point h6sit^ d at- 

Isy^'c^ firmer la m£me chose que lui sur la fondation d< Cumes. (6) 

r. L II. ^f ais en second lieu je (lis que cette tradition. 

(4) Com. vraie ou fabuleuse, ancienne ou modeme, connue 
o2I!r^8. ^" obscure, ne convicnt millement au sens dc Vir- 
^F^JT* • S''^* Sui\'ant le P. Catrou lui-m£me il falloitquele 

^XotI^HJ* Vila 

▼.678. Veil, peupleen question touchat les borcbdu Nil; or a 
C.7. suivre la narration de Salluste nous trouverons que 

un,KMy '^s Numides Pcrsans n'itoicnt point dans ce cas, ei 
D^wfii^' que leur pays ^toit Ubs ^loign^ du Nil et dc 
Apiiai. Vei. TEgj-pte. II est dlAicile de fixer au juste les bomc-s 
(6)VdLpi. des (livers peuplcs de TAfrique, c'est parcequ'iU 
t.4. ** ^^*<^n avoient point de bien d^tcrmin^^es, et quiU 
changeoient (commc nous le dit Virgile lui-m^mc) 



(1) leurs habitations lorsqu'ils ne trouvoient plus (i)Omii]» 
de p^turage Ik oil ils 6toient. Cependant comme I^Shm 
toute TAfrique ^toit peuplee, leurs erreurs ne pou- ^^■*'^ 
voient pas s'^tcndre bien loin, ct on a era pouvoir i^remque. 
leur assigner de certaines limites qu'ils ne passoient gUt^l s. 
gu^res. De cette manifere on a donn^ la rivifere ^' 
Tusca pour borne orientale de la Nuniidie. (2) WPin. 
Cette rivifere, situ^e plus k loccident que Carthage, ▼. c. s. ' ' 
^toit ^loign^e de plus de la moiti^ de la largeur de ^orb. An^ 
l*Afrique du Nil, avec lequelces peuples n'a voient ^^Mo"*-"- 
aucun commerce, de sorte que j'aimerois autant m- 
parler du voisinage du Portugal et de la Pologne 
que de celui de ces deivx nations. Si Ton me rd- 
pondoit que telles a la v^rit^ pouvoient £tre les 
bornes de la Numidie du tems de Salluste et de 
Piine, mais que dans les anciens tenis^ dont il s'^git 
ici, elks s'^tendoient bien plus loin, ma r^plique 
seroit facile ; je lui dirois qu'il fonde son objection 
.8ur un fait qu'il suppose mais dont il n apporte 
point de preuve; que Salluste n'insinue nuUe part 
rien de pareil; qu'au contraire ildit expressdment 
.-que tous les peuples vaincus re^urent le nom des 
Numides leurs vainqueurs. Je sais .bien qu apr^ 
Juba, la Numidie se r^tr^cit, et qu*une bonne partie 
de ce royaume prit le nom de Mauritanie; (3) mais (3)CeiJ«r. 
ccla aniva dansun tems bien postdrieur non seule- Am^.?Q^ 
ment k T^tablissement des Perses en Afrique mais J^g^*"^' 
m&me au tems de Salluste : k la ydrit6 le P^re Catrou, 
pour accabler ses adversaires, nous cite un passage 
de Salluste, '' Africa interior pars pleraquc ab Nu- 
midis posscssa est,' d'oil il conclutque leur empire 
(puisqu'il renfermoit la plus grande partie de I'Af- 

G G 2 rique 


rique int^rieure) alloit jusqu'au Nil et la Haute 

Egypte. Mais je lui nie son principe et sa conai- 

(i)L'«M quence. Dans deux Editions asset bonnes (1) que 

Im^SS^ j'ai de Salluste, au lieu d' interior oft a inftrior^ cc 

****• ""■ qui felt un sens bien difFi^rent, sans qu'il aoit felt 


dltn^^w n*€'^tw)rt de diff6rente le^pon. Interior^ par tip- 
P*ri^jir4i. port k TAfrique, ne sauroit signifier que la partie 
situ6e fort avant dans les tcrres. Mais, sans nous 
arr^ter au sentiment de Soldus qui y donne un seB% 
dont on ne pourroit trouver d*exemple, Glareanus 
TMitd^ (a) en ofFre deux pour le mot inftrior. II peit 
c 18. BeiL signifier la partie de TAfrique la plus pr^s de la mcr 
"**'^' et de rembouchure des rivi^es, ou bien la partie 
occidentale de cette region. Sans m'arrftter k exa- 
miner ces diff<6reiites explications, puisqu*elles ne 
sont ^galement fevorables, je ne dirai qu*un mot 
sur la hardicsse du P^re Catrou, quiose ainsi felsi- 
fier un auteur entre les mains de tout le monde 
pour le plier k ses syst^mcs. Etoit-ce exc^s dlnat- 
tention ? Etoit-ce manque de boune foi ? Je n'ai 
garde de decider: mais le caract^re de confrere du 
P^re Hardouin est bien loin de foumir un pr^juge 
en sa feveur. Je lui nie aussi sa cons^ucnce. 
Admettons son interior^ donnons-lui toute r^feo- 
due possible, n y mettons dautres borues.queU 
longitude de Catalialtomus borne de TAfriqce 
(3)8aUosrij m(^me suivant Salluste, (3) il restera toujours uue 

Bell. Jd- • JL», \ \ i« • 


h.c.17. immense ^tcnduc de pays avant que darriveren 

lar. abi 

supra, ,^66. ^-R^P^^' ^^ Garamautcs, les Dlemmyes, et les de- 
serts de la Lybie. Sans compter que I'urgtt de 
Virgile indiquc ce qui est, non ce qui ^toit, un 
poete de nos jours diroit-il que la Toscaoe toucha i 


la Sicile parceque les Toscans d'autxefois poss^- 
doient toute Tltalie jusqu'aud^troitde Mes8iner(l) [/^^*^''' 

Les Persans de I'autre c6t€ du Nil ne sont pas 
plus r^els. S^n^que nous parle bien d'une nation 
irers les cataractes qui avoit 6t€ plac6e 1^ par les 
PerSans, mais il ne nous dit point qu'elle 6toit Per- 
Kuine fBlle-m6me. Au contraire, k enjugerpar les 
oputumes de la nation des Perses, c'^toit une de ces 
nations sujettes k son empire, mais difF(6rente d'elle- 
m^me, qu'elle tmnsportolt hors de son pays par 
iiverses raisons de politique, comme elle avoit fkh 
k regard des Branchides,(2) des £gyptiens,(3) des ^j^^J?"^ 
Hyrcaniens,(4) des Eretriens,(5) des BarcaBens,(6) Re*>.AiM. 
fee. II n'est pas niSme naturel de croire que les (s) Xcno- 
Persans s'^loignassent volon tiers de leurs pays; J^if^ 
Bux qui y jouissoient de si grands privilfeges(7) et £dJ/*HeD. 
qui mj6prispient ou estimoient les autres peuples ^^^v^ 
k proportion qu'ils ^toient 61oign6s ou voisins de la mnnt. dm 
Perse.(8) to«. w.dcf 

En voici assez, et peut-6tre trop, sur le systime J^^^^ 
Ju J^suite. II nous reste k examiner celui de M. ^"«» i*«- 

r» , tre«,p. 588. 

Huet, nom cher aux savans, et qui conservera (5)Cmier. 
k jamais sa place dans les fastes de la litt^rature k t^m^ntm, 
cAtd de ceux de ses amis les Sirmonds, les Petaus, Sl '^'^ '^ 
Bt les Bochards. II a fait une dissertation sur cette ^^l ?^ 

dot. i. iv.p« 

question, mais je crains qu'elle ne soit de ce^ pro- i*^* 
luctions qui pe^yent nuire k une r^pi^tation nm. xmo. 
oaissante, sans pouvoir ajouter it pnc reputation ^^^'^ 
itablie. II y verse T^rudition k pleines mains, mais f^^^ 
ir^n'est pas ce que j'y trouve k r6dirc. Son sujet la W Hwo* 
mnportoit, il la demandoitm£me. Mais j'y aurois 64. 
roolu plus de choix dans ses citations, plus de net- 

o o 3 tet^ 


tet^ dans ses id^es, plus de m^thode daiis son plan ; 
j'y cherchois i'esprit philosophique qui rassemblr, 
}e n y ai trouv^ que Tesprit compilateur qui la- 

Le fouds de son systime revient k ceci. Lcs 
anciens, petits g^ographes, croyoient que la mer 
Indienne et Persanne n'^toit qu'un grand lac der- 
ri&re lequel ^toit une grande 6tendue de teme qui 
joignoit rinde k I'-Ethiopie, pays que lcs anciens 
coufoudoient sou vent; que le Nil, dont la source 
^toit en Asie, traversoit ces terres par un grand 
detour pour arriver en ^thiopie ; et qu'ainsi, comme 
il traversoit Flnde et que Flnde touchc k la Penie, 
on pouvoit Tappellcr voisin de la Perse. Quarante 
k cinquante citations viennent prouver tout ceci. 
Tl nic seroit cnnuyeux de lcs ^pluchcr toutes les 
uncs aprcs les autres quand nii^me j aurois tous les 
autcurs alk^gu^'s. Trois remarques generales que 
jc fcrai en retranclRTont la plus grande partie; 
quatre ou cin(| qui vont plus au fait c|ue les autres 
me re^tcront, Icscjuelles j examincrai k part. 

jment. jj ^^^ boiHic partic des autoritc's dc M. Huet 
tombent dVUcs-ni^nies conmic trop vagucs ou trop 
obscures. Jc nc fais point dc difficult^ cfavouer 
que je ncntcnds point Vibius Sc(|uestcr, quand il 
dit (|uc le CJangc est la sciilc riviere qui coule vcr^ 
le levant avcc Ic midi, noii |)his (|uc Solin (maljrit 
Texplication dc M. Hucl) lorscju'il vciit (juc le Nil 
ct TKiipliratc soicnt sitiics '* ad modum cjusdcm 
perpaidiculi ;'^ \u Ilcliodorc, qui pr^'tend que Ic Nila 
sa source la ou Ic cliniat dc Poriont finit ct rclui d« 
niidi commence. Lorscpic i'Kgvptien Nounus rvc 



dit que la mer Arabique retentit des coups des 
combats de Bacchus je le regarde comme la ridi« 
cule amplification d'un poete oriental, et je ne 
pense pas k lappliquer k la .g6ographie. Quand 
Tagr^able Ovide rassemble k la cour de Cepheus 
tant de difF^rentes nations, je n'y fais pas attention, 
puisqu'outre que les poetes, ailssi bien que les ix>- 
manciers, ont coutume de faire trouver a la cour 
de leurs rois les gens des pays les plus 61oign^ il 
n'est pas plus favorable {k Texaminer k la rigueur) 
k M. Huet qu'^ moi. II n'est pas plus naturel de 
trouver des Nabothaeans et des habitans de la Par 
lestine k la cour du roi des Indes, qu'il ne Test de 
faire venir des Bactriens et des Indiens en j£thiopie. 
Je fais le m^me jugement des passages d'JEschyle 
et de Stace. L'^Ethiopie ^toit en effet orientale 
pour des Grecs et des Rbmains qui ne faisoient 
attention qu'aux points cardinaux. 

jjaent. jj y eu a bcaucoup qui rapprochent k la 
^r^rit6 rinde et T^thiopie ; mais quand on considire 
na cbose de plus pr^s on volt que ce n'est unique- 
inent qu'une m^prise et une confusion de nom. 
On connoissoit bien I'^thiopie mais on I'appelloit 
rinde; Ton ne se m^prenoit point sur la situation 
de rinde mais on lui donnoit le nom d'£thiopie. 
Ainsi on pouvoit dire que le Nil avoit sa source 
dans rinde, non dans I'lnde Asiatique mais dans 
TAfricaine, et Ton pouvoit assurer qu'un tel fkisoit 
un voyage aux Indes lorsqu'en effet il n'alloit 
qu en iEthiopie. Parmj d autres causes voici la 
principal^ raison de cette reciprocity de nom. Les 
JEthiopiens (d6j^ nomm^s ainsi) habitoient sur les 

G a 4 bordi 


bords de Tlndus/doii ils all^rent dans le pays att 

dessus de TiEgyptc conservant leuraBcien iK>in,en 

m^mc terns qu*ils donn^rent cclui dlnde k lou 

O) V. u nou velle patrie.( 1 ) Une telle explication d^brouilk 

M. Freret bieii la difficult^, mais fait tomber les annes k M. 

deVAa^ Huct. Une erreur de nom ne lui sufiisoit point, il 

^a^ut. lui en falloit un de* fait qui ^tablit Texistenoe de 

^ sSL ^^ continent imaginaire, qui s etendoit depuis k 

Manham. pays des Gai*amantes jusqu'^ celui des Seres, et an- 

chrooic. p. Qucl les aucicus donnoient indiff(6remnient le nom 

torpor, d'Inde et cclui d'iEthiopie. M. Huet sent 

EL^b-pT combien cette difF(6rence lui est essentielle, puis> 

s^k •• qu'apr^s avoir avou6 tout ce que je viens de dire(S) 

1^109. sur les JEthiopiens dans le Levant et les Indicns 

L uL c. 6.' dans le midi il se contredit quelques pages apr^ (S) 

2\^J|J^ et s'^chauffe beaucoup contre les critiques qui 

i,^4o"* vculent (juc TjEthiopie se soit appellee autrefois 

(S)idein,i>. rindc. Apr^s cette explication on voit k quoi 

servent ses citations d'll^rodote, dWgalarchide, 

d'Hygin, de Sen^quc, de St. Chrysostome, de Non- 

nus, de Thi^ophylactc, d*£umenius, de Sidonius 

ApoHinaris, et dc Procope. 

jjjmcnt. Dj^i^jj quelques autrcs autorites, plus 
pressantes peut-^tre, M. Iluet n observe point 
line precaution trcs n^cessaire a prendre, II cite 
indifferemnient tons ccux (jiii paroissent contenir 
quel<iuc chose de favorable a sa cause, sans faire 
attention au tcnis ou ils ont v6cu, comme si c etoil 
rendie vraisemblable lerreur de Virgile en d^tcr- 
rant (iuel(]ue chose dc pareil dans un ^crivain qui 
a v^Tu six cens ans avant ou apr^s lui. Les con- 
uoissances gt^ograpirujucs encore plus qu aucunes 



cQtres sont dans un flux et reflux continue!. Les 
T>yages, les conqu6tes, le commerce, les ^tendent: 
es transmigrations, le partage des ^tats, la barba- 
je, les r^tr^cissent. Les occidentaux ont eu I^- 
lessus leur aurore, leur midi, et leur couchant. 
!)u terns des premiers Grecs on se bomoit k la 
>rfece et k I'Asie mineure. L'occident n'^toit pas 
»nnu,(l) lorient ne T^oit que par des fables. (i)J«n*. 
ja voyages de leurs aoges et les conqu£tes de AppMo.!^ 
curs h^ros leur ouvrirent celui-ci. .lis connurent ^ 
t devinrent esclaves des Romains presqu'en m£me 
ems. Pendant quelqiies si^cles ces deux peuples 
onnoissoient la terre beaucoup moins que nous, 
Dais beaucoup plus que leurs anc^tres. Pendant 
•ette p^riode les Strabons et les Plines 6crivlrent; 
r^it le grand jour des connoissances. Les Arabes 
inrent, subjugu^rent tout, et obscurcirent tout, 
[^'orient se referma aux occidentaux et la nuit fut 
ongue. M. .Huet, voulant expliquer les opinions et 
cs connoissances du ^i^le d'Auguste, (et Virgile 
itoit plutdt au-dessus qu'au-dessous de son sitele,) 
I'auroit du citer que des auteurs de la seconde 
i^ode. II me dispensera done dexaminer les 
i^moignages de Pindare, d'iEschyle, de Cedrenus, 
le Benjamin de Tudfele, d'Aben Ezra, de Vincent, 
le Beauvais, de Marc Paule, et dc Cocceius Sabel- 

£x6cutons k present notre promesse et exarai- 
Kms un pen plus particuli^rement quelques auto- 
it6s qui m^ritent d'etre tir^ de la foule. 

I"^*- Polybe nous dit, k ce que M. Huet assure, 
|ue TAsie et TAfrique se touchoient par TiEthiopie, 



d oii il conclut pour Texistence de son continent 
derri^re la nicr Indienne. Mais quoique oe pas- 
sage paroisse plausible au premier abord il sc r6- 
duit presqu'^ rien. 1. Poly be ne nous ledit point 
de la mani^re que M. Huet suppose. II ne Ic 
(1) Cenao- doune poiut comme sa propre opinion, ni comme 
Na'taii. c celle des gens de lettres de son terns ; il raoonte 
(f ) piin. seulement, k propos de Tignorance de ses contenh 
L?'/c7."'' P^'^^^^s *"r ^^ g6ographie,^qu'on ignoroit prcsqut 
^>rn^ tout ce qui 6toit au septentrion de Narbonne^ cc 
Fmgm! p. qu on ne savoit pas bien si TAsie et TAfrique ^toient 
(s) Piin. contigues, ou si elles 6toient 8^par6es par la mcr, 
]f^[^ tout comme Varron a trait6 de fabuleux toutc 
^3t^'^ rhistoire Grecque avant les OIympiades,(l) sans 
(4)Siroo que ni Tun ni Tautreayent voulu traiter de iaux 

▼eat nvotr 

qui ^ok ce tout CC qu'on rapportoit et qui 6toit ant^rieur k leurs 

v*iifc"of ^poqucs ou au-clch\ de Icurs l>omes. 2. Polybe, 

Middie^^ *P*^^^^l m^mc il diroit tout cc qu on lui fait dire, 

torn.!. p. nallirme rien du tout de lorigine du Nil» article 

Cicero. non nioins cssentiel cjue la jonction des deux con- 

cSio.^'.*e4. tinens. 3. Dcpuis Ic terns de Polybe k cclui de 
FaralTir* ^"irgilc on avoit acquis dc nouvelles lumi^res sur 

ftP- *• cctte mati^re. Eudoxe, fuvaut Ptol^niee Lathvrus. 

Cicrron ^ * 

etoit amide avoit fuit Ic touF dc rAtVuui 0.(^2) Dcs Indien^ 

aussibien avoiciit ctc jcttcs par Ics teiiipctcs sur Ics cotes 

^ *^* '^ ci'AlIcina2:nc.(3) Le Roi dcs Sui^ves Ics donna au 

hi'j^u!^. procoiiMiI Mctcilus C\»lcr.(4) StralK>n, ;i la ve- 

}!»' , 1 itc,(.5) rcvo(|ue en doutc Ic vovain? d'Eudoxus,niai> 

\ OM. de ^ . . / . . . * . 

iiiktor. lorM|uc \'irgilc ccrivit il passoit pour surcinent 

c. •4w * vrai, ct Strabon lui-mcmc, c|U()iqu'il rcjctte cettc 

i.Vi/j!.^7*. prcuvc. rcirardoit bicn TAtVique comme une peniii- 

(».) Idem. j,uIc.C6) 

I. »▼. p. ^ ' 

*<i7. Il"*'*- Alexauiiiti 

tS PASSAGE BE viviaitt. 459 

"• Alexandre s'imagina, sur quelques res- 

mccs qu'il trouva de Tlnde au Nil, que 

une seule et m6me riviere. J'en conviens, 

oue m^ine que, comme *^ regis ad exemplum 

vmponitur orbis,'' ce pouvoit bien 6tre I'opi- 

ivorite de la i:ouT pendant quelque terns ; 

ar la mfeine raison comme il d^couvrit son 

bient6t aprfes,(l) elle devoit avoir perdu tout ^^J^J^ 

idit, d'autant plus que Tintervalle n'6toit pas Aiexand. l 

^and pour qu'elle eAt pu prendre racine 

*s esprits. Apr^s une telle experience on 

mfeme 6tre devenu plus r6serv6 k admettre 

ations et les conjectures qui joignoient les 

continens, et qui trouvoient le Nil dans 

le rivifere des Indes. 

^*- Josephe (dit-on) place la source du Nil, 

ppelle Geon, k lorient. Cela jest vrai dans 

tain sens. Mais en mfeme tems il est facile 

r qu'il parloit de ce qu'^toit ce fleuve du 

ju'il arrosoit le Paradis terrestre, et ndn de 

1 6toit de son tems, 6tant apnaremment dans 

le ceux qui croyent que la chute d'Adam et 

3 le deluge avoient apport6 un grand change- 

i la terre primitive. Je ne demande d'autres 

!S de ce que j'avance que les paroles monies 

sephe. II dit que le jardin d'Eden itoit 

par un fleuve qui environnoit toute la terre, 

I se partageoit dans quatre branches, le 

s, TEuphrate, le Tigris, et leNil. " kfitroti 

yro^y og ug Tf9af« /A£fti X*C*'*'*»'(2) ^ f^lUt 6tre (pJotepK 

me de la plus crasse ignorance pour ignorer i.i.c.*f. 



que tout ceci n'est point vrai de T^tat present < 
choses, et imaginer que Josephe I'a ^ pouf i 
poser qu'il Tait cru teK 

XV""*- La fable dc Memnon, fits dc TiQiom 
d'Aurore, est toute fondle sur la supposition i 
r^thiopie ^toit en orient. Voil^ (je m^imagi 
ri)VirgiL pourquoi. JI etoit suppos^ fils del'Aurore, c*ci 
^^^•- dire qu'il 6toit n6 en orient ; (1) mais d'un as 
•fiM. cdt6 on le supposoit iEthiopien ou au moms H 
i xvTi. p. iEg>'ptien ; on trouvoit de ses monumens daoi 
i^t^ Th^baide, Qi) comment arranger tout ccla sa«i 
****"•" syst^mede M. Huet? tr^s facilement. II yai 

d^dopp^ ici deux traditions diff(6rentes qu'il ne faut pc 

OBin la IDT* 

tboione d« sougcr k coucilicr ensemble, d autant plus que, i 
aier,tom.uL vauttoutes Ics apparcuccs, it ^toit question de di 
(4^s^b. hommes tr^s diiF(6rens. (3) II y avoit un 
I rriL ^gyptien nomm^ Menmon, ou plutdt Amenopi 
TtduAn. autrenient dit Ismmdas ou Osymandas. (4) 
(5) Mar- suvans sc sout (lonu^ bien des poines pour fi 
S^^cw r^poque de son rfegne. (5) II y avoit enrorc 
^j*^^ ^^ fils dc Tit hone, son p^rc alia en Perse fort k Y 
Krriionrius. ent dc Trovc. Lc roi d'Assvrie lui donna le e 
&c ' vemement de Susc, ct lors du sibfr^ de Trovi 
Sicoi. I. u envoya Mcmnon avcc une arniee au secours de j 
{i;^;, parent Priam. (6) II y vint, mais fut tu^ dab 
^^•"•"- par Achille. (7) 

Wvthoi Kie v»«^. j^^ vicns a present ;\ la preuve qu on tire 
BanMT. quelques ligncs dc Lucain ct que j avoue ^tre I 
p-400/ plausible. Im poiftc y fait connoltre la source 
Nil ; voici ce (ju'il en dit: 

• — — Tua flumifM prodam 

Qui Deus uodurum regnator, Nile, tuarum 

VH 1»A^AG£ D£ VIEGILB. 461 

Te ttiibi nosse dedit ; mundi nam surgit ab axe, 

Atuus in ardeotem lipas altoUere Cancnim : 

la Borean is rectus aquis, mediumque BooteOi 

Curstis in occasum flexu torquetur et ortum. 

Nunc Arabum populis, Lybicis nunc ftquus arenis, 

Teque vident primiy quserunt tamen hi quoque Seres 

iEthiopumque feris alieno gurgite campos. (1) (i) Locai 


II paroit que le poete dit express^ment que le ' '* ^' 
Kil commence au-del^ du pays des Seres. Or tout 
lemoudesait que les Seres 6toient lesChinoissepten- (f)Cciiar 
trionaux. (2). La consequence est facile k tirer. JJ^^' 
U faut avouer de bonne foi que Lucain a fait ici toiii.u.5< 
une b^vue ; k la v^rit^ je crois que M. Huet se 
trompe sur le genre de la b6vue, quoique ce soit de 
ce genre que depend la force ou la foiblesse de son 
argument. Je crois que Lucain se trompe non sur 
la source du Nil, mais sur la situation des Seres, 
(ce qui ne me fait rien,) qu'il place ceux-ci en 
Afrique et non celle-1^ en Asie. Ma th^se est 
ais^ k prouver par le reste de ce m^me passage. 
1. Le Nil (suivant Lucain) s'^l^ve sous le tropique 
de Cancer. La seule inspection de la carte peut 
faire voir que cela est tr^s vrai de T^thiopie, mais 
qu'il ne sauroit point T^tre d'une region au-del^ du 
pays des Seres. 2. Lucain dit que, quoiqu'il se 
oourbe quelquefois un pen k droite et k gauche, 
cependant sa course est toujours constamment au 
Nord, In Borean is rectus aquis. Je ne suis point 
oblige de rendre raison de cette m^prise de Lucain 
d^ qu'elle naffecte plus mon sentiment; cepen- 
dant je crois qu'il ne seroit pas difficile si non de 
le justifier au moins de Texcuser. On pourroit 



dire que comme les anciens appelloient les Sera 

i)Piin. primi hominum, (1) Lucain vouloit seulemait 

vLc. 17.^' faire connottre par 1^ que le Nil venoit des extie- 

mit^s du monde saiis avoir en vue la situation pv- 

ticuli^re des Seres Asiatiques. Ou bien on poiu^ 

roit conjecturcr, non sans vraisemblance, que gooibk 

les Indicns donn^rent leur nom k TiEthiopie poor 

se rappeller toujours le souvenir de leur paya^ de 

ni6me its s'etoient fait un Hydaspe et des Scnsi 

Cette pratique, fondle sur la uiaturei ^toit ibit 

t) VirgU. commune aux anciens. (S) 

^^- ^- Je crois avoir assez lait voir que ce vaste ama 
d'^rudition que M. Iluet nous pr^nte ne n^tSclair- 
cit point la question. Mais j aurois pu m^^pargncr 
cette peine ; j avois une voie plus courte, c*6toit dc 
prouver que le syst^me du savant Pr^lat, quand 
nit^mc il seroit vrai, nc l^ve point les dit)iculte& 
Accordons-lui pour un moment que le Nil coulc 
dans les Indes, par ou y passe-t-il? ce nest sure- 
ment pas en de^a de Tlndus, puisque les anci- 
ens depuis Alexandre connoissoient toute la mer 
jusquW rembouchure de ce fleuve. Par la m^me 
raison ce ne pouvoit pas (rtre non plus en^le^a du 
Ganges. II taut que les anciens ayent cru que U 
jonction des deux continens se faisoit k la Chine 
ou aux extr^mit^s des Indes. Mais depuis les 
frontif^res de la Perse jus(|u'i cettt contrte il y a 
encore plus loin que depuis cette mt^me Perv I 
jusqu a rKgypte: et cette distance devient encore 
bien plus grande si, avec M. Huet, vous entenck'i 
) Recueu P^^ '^ Pel se, la Persis proprcment dite. (3) Va- 

la. II. I 




it-il la peine de faire {aire tant de courses au Nil 
^ar le laisser en plus piteux 6tat qu'auparavant ? 
Mais nV a-t-il done aucun moyen d'expliquer ce 
flsage? ou iaut-il se condamner pour jamais a 
^[Dorancer Jen ai un, que je proposerai, non 
ec la pr^somption du P^re Catrou, mais avec la 
nidit^ d'un critique qui sait quels obstacles les 
ombres de I'antiquit^, le d^faut des monumens, et 
rtout sa propre insuffisance, ne peuvent qu ap- 
oter dans la recherche de la v^rit^. 
Le mot urget signifie bien pressCy acoisinCf mais 
Tcut dire aussi incommode^ comme les signifi- 
dons figur^es urgeri fame et tant d'autres moi^ 
3it suffisamment. Je pose aussi en fait que le 
'ihqut indique une region distingu^ de celle od 
Dit situ^e Canopc mais comprise dans TEgypte, 
mt le P. Catrou a bien iait voir qu'il est unique- 
ent question dans ce passage. (1) Si done on O^^^S^ 
ut trouver une contr^e de TEgj^pte qui 6toit xom.u. 
rticuU^rement sujette aux incursions des Perses ^ 
HIS pouvons esp^rer d'avoir saisi le sens de Vir- 

La partie orientale de TEgypte, le long de la 
incfa^ Bubastique du Nil, oil ^toit situ6 Pelu- 
im, la clef du pays, 6toit toujours la plus expos^ 
X incursions de tons les peuples qui ^toient puis- 
is en orient Comme les ddserts de FArabie 
itoient propreme&t k personne, vu le genre de 
I peu stable de leurs habitans, ils ^toient un ex- 
llent canal pour toutes les nations guerri^res de 
rceler I'Egypte. Les Assyriens, les Syriens, les 



Juifs, les Idum^ns, les Chald^ns, les Penes en 
profit^rent tour k tour. Les rois pasteurs, d^ qulb 
6toient maitres de TEgypte, sentirent cet inconve- 
nient de sa situation, et laissant des gamisons dms 
les lieux convenables, ils firent fortifier surtout h 
partie orientale, pr^voyant qu'il prendroit a 
(1) joteph. en vie aux Assyriens de Tattaquer de ce c6t6-li : (1) 

eontr» Api- 

oo. 1. L vp«p»» fir roK firi Tniuararoif K»rmXtiwup mrMC, fuUUri 

fiU¥ woTi [*u^0¥ i;^uo»T«tr iff'OfAiimw raritvpiAir tik *vnc ^ 

cixcia; £f o^o».^ Quelques sidles apr^ Sesostris fit 
tirer un canal et b^tir im mur pour d^fendic 
^P^/ I'Egypte des Arabes et des Syriens. (2) En iin 
r-*i- mot cette partie a toujours 6t6 tellement cnvi- 
sag^e comme Fendroit foible que c'6toit la designer 
suffisamment de dire, Qu^que pharetiatae vici- 
nia Persidis urgct. Restent seulement k prouvcr 
deux choscs : Que les icrivains du si^Ie d'Au- 
guste appclloicnt les Parthes, alors maitres de Fori- 
ent, du noni de Perses, et que ces monies Perscs 
faisoient quelquefois des incursions jusquau Xilet 
en iEsjypte. 

I. Le premier point saute aux yeux k quiconquc 
a ({uelque lecture des auteurs de ce beau siitrlc 
<3)Horir. Tous les passagcs d'Homcc, (3) ou il parle des 
f.u.OAT. Perses comme dun ennemi formidable a lempire 
fv^od.W' M" '1 '^'^ eompte avec les Bretons, &jc. ne peuvenl 
^ *^ s entendre que des Parthes, dont Tempire avoit pri> 
la place de celui des Perses 6teint depuis Alexan- 
dre. Les veritables Persans du terns d'Auguste, 
Lien loin d'etre con(|ueraus, ^toient esclaves. R«?- 



tr^is dans leui^ anciennes limites ils avoient bien 
- conserve une espfece de roi, mais Ce roi n 6toit au 
fonds qu'uu satrape tributaire et sujet du grai^d 
-ix)i des Parthes. (I) Cette m^prise 6toit facile k f.^xy.^^. 
faire; les moeurs, Ic gouvemement, la religion des 
deux peoples avoient beaucoup de rapport, et un 
empereur Romain, qui avoit eu des avantages sur 
les vainqueurs de Crassus^ 6toit charm6, qu on les 
appell4t Perses, pour pouvoir lui-m^me 6tre com- 
part k Alexandre que plusieurs empereurs admi- 
roient et copioient particuliferement. (2) Ce n'est W i^ 
done faire aucune violence aux paroles de Virgile, Juiien.trt- 
de les entendre des Parthes. L'^pith^te phare- a^SpS^ 
tratm nous y Conduit naturellement. Personne ij"*£m. 
n'lscnore Thabilet^ des Parthes a se servir de Tare. -*<>*•. Su«- 
II. Mais faisoient-ils quelquefois des incursions c.7. iden, 

ill Anon«f 

jusqu'en Egypte ? Souvent apr^s la moit de Crassus, c is. 
vingt-cinq ans avant Virgile, ils pass^rent I'Euphr&te, 
ravag^rent toute la Syrie, (3)nxirent le sifege devant W v. le^ 
Antioche, et n'^pargnferent pas vraiscmblablement des EpUrcs 
les frontiferes de I'Egypte qui 6toient sans defence, ad FamUi- 
et qui se remettoit k peine de ses gucrres civiles. ".'^'ii!*^"'' 
(4) Une douzaine d'ann^es aprfes, le roi Orodes mv.Pri. 
envoya son fils Pacore * en def a de TEuphrate avec \^^\l^ 
une grande arm^e, lui ordonnant de porter la guerre 
en Syrie et jusqu'aux portes d'Alexandrie. (5) (n^^^** 
Pacore ex^cuta ses ordres, conquit la Syrie, et ne p^^^ 

uitiiu ubi 
♦ Jam bis Monasses, et Pacori manus ■"P'** 

Non auspicates contudit impetus 
Nostros, et adjecisse praedam 
Torquibus exiguis renidet. 

HoRAT. Od^ L iii. Od. 6. c. 9* 

VOL, IV. H H s'en 


m joMph. s'en tint pas 1^ car aprfes avoir ravag^ la Pale8tiiie,*(l) 
j.ii!l!'c.M. ^^ Emanabat latius malum, "dit Florus* (S) L*]^yple 
ft)1nor. devoit asscz se ressentir de ces maux pour que li 
i.if. c 9. designation du poete ne renferm&t point d'obio- 

Voici mon id6e sur ce passage, peutr^tre est-cik 
aussi d6fectueuse qu'aucune de celle9 que j^ai tOr 
min^s. Mais dans ces sortes de recherches ce nai 
qu'en tout tentant, qu'on parvient k quelque choK 
d un peu assur^. 


( 467 ) 




or THE 



The allegorical interpretation which the Bishop 
of Gloucester has given of the sixth book of the 
JEneid, seems to have been very favourably re- 
ceived by the public. Many writers, both at home 
and abroad, have mentioned it with approbation^ 
or at least with esteem; and I have more than 
once heard it alleged, in the conversation of scho- 
lars, as an ingenious improvement on the plain 
and obvious sense of Virgil. As such, it is not 
undeserving of the notice of a candid critic; nor 
can the inquiry be void of entertainment, whilst 
Virgil is our constant theme. Whatever may be 
the fortune of the chace, we are sure it will lead 
us through pleasant prospects and a fine country. 

That I may escape the imputation as well as 
the danger of misrepresenting his lordship's hypo- 
thesis, I shall expose it in his own words. " The 
purpose of this discourse is to shew that JEneas's 
adventure to the infernal shapes, is no other 
than a figurative description of hb initiation 



INTO THE mysteries; and particularly a very ex- 
act one of the spectacles of the Eleusiniaw.'^ 
This g^eral notion is supported with singular in- 
genuity, dressed up with an easy yet pompous 
display of learning, and delivered in a style much 
fitter for the Hierophant of Eleusis, than for i 
modern critic, who is observing a remote object 
through the medium of a glimmering and doubt* 
ful light: 

I bant obscuri, so\Sl sub nocte, per umbram. 

His lordship naturally enough pursues two dif* 
ferent methods, which unite, as he apprehends, in 
the same conclusion. From general principles ||b- 
culiar to himself, he infers the propriety and even 
necessity of such a description 6f the mysteiies; 
and from a comparison of particular circumstances^ 
he labours to prove that Virgil has actually intro* 
duccd it into the iEneid. Each of these methods 
shall be considered separately. 

As the learned Prelate's opinions branclr them- 
selves out into luxuriant systems, it is not easy tD 
resume them in a few words. I shall, however, 
attempt to give a short idea of those general prin- 
ciples, which occupy, I know not how, so grtati 
share of tlie Divine Legation of Moses demonUr^- 
ted. I 

" The whole svstem of Pasranism, of which die 
mysteries were an essential part, was instituted bv 

• Sec Warburton's Dissertation, &c. in the third volone rf 
Mr. Warfon's ^'i^giI. I shall quote indiffcrenlly thai Dmttisr 
lion or the Divine Legatioa itself. 



the ancient lawgivers for the support and benefit 
of society. The mysteries themselves were a 
school of moraUty and religion, in which the va- 
nity of Polytheism,* and the unity of the First 
Cause, were revealed to the initiated. Virgil, 
who intended his immortal poem for a republic m 
action, as those of Plato and Tully were in pre- 
cept, could not avoid displaying this first and no- 
blest art of government. His perfect lawgiver 
must be initiated, as the ancient founders of states 
had been before him; and as Augustus himself 
was many ages afterwards." 

What a crowd of natural reflections must occur 
to an unbiassed mind! Was the civil magistrate 
the mover of the whole machine; the sole con- 
triver, or at least the sole support of religion? 
Were ancient laws always designed for the bene- 
fit of the people, and never for the private in- 
terest of the lawgiver? Could the first fathers of 
rude societies instruct their riew-made subjects ii^ 
philosophy as well as in agriculture ? Did they all 
agree, in Britain as in Egypt, in Persia as in 
Greece, to found these secret schools on the same 
common principle; which subsisted nearly eigh- 
teen hundred years at Eleusisf in its'primseval 
purity? Can these things be? Yes, replies the 
learned Prelate, they are : " Egypt was the mys- 

^ At least of the vulgar polytheism, by reyealing that the 
mqforum gentium had been, mere mortals. 

f From their institution, 1399 years before the Christiaii asra, 
(Marm. Arundel. £p. 14.) till their suppression, towards the end 
#f the fourth century. 

H H 3 terious 

470 CRITIC A i: opsEEVATioirs OV 

terious mother of Religion and Policy ; and th6 
arts of Egypt were diffused with her colonies ovw 
the ancient world. Inachus carried the mysteries 
into Greece, Zoroaster into Persia,* &c, fitc.** — I 
retire from so wide a field, in which it would be 
easy for me to lose both myself and my adversaiy. 


PHALjt would, under tolerable management, far* 

^ Though I hate to be poiiitive, yet I would almost venture to 
aflfirro, that Zoroaster's connection with £g)'pt is no.Hrhere to be 
found, except in the D. L. 

t See a list of four hundred authors, quoted, &c. in the D. L. 
from St. Austin and Aristotle down to Scarroo and Rafadaiii 
Amongst these authors we may observe Saochoniatho, Orpheu^ 
Zaleucus, Charondas, the Oracles of Porphyry, and the Histoiy 
of Jeffrey of Monmouth. 

The bishop has entered the lists with the tremendous Bentler, 
who treated the laws of Zaleucus and Charondas as the for^enct 
of a sophist. A whole section of mistakes or misrepresentatioos 
is devoted to this controversy: but Bentley is no more, and 
W n may sleep in peace. 

I shall, however, disturb his repose, by asking him on what au- 
thority he supposes that the old language of the Twelve Tablet 
was altered for the convenience of succeeding ages. The fraf> 
ments of those laws, collected by Lipius, Sylburgius, ^c. bear 
the stamp of the most remote antiquity. Upsius himself (torn, 
i. p. Q06) was highly delighted uith those antiquiuima vrrl^: but 
what is much more decisive, Horace (L. ii. Ep. i. ver. t3\ Se- 
neca (Epistol. lU), and Aulus Gellius (XX. 1), rank thoie lawt 
aroong)»t the oldest remains of the Latin tongue. Their obsolete 
language was admired by the lawyers, ridiculed by the witK ftad 
pleaded by the friends of antiquity as an excuse for the frequeat 
obtcurities of that code. 

Had an adversary to the Divme Lrgatiom been guilty of lUi 
mistake, I am afraid it would have been styled an tgregtnm 



some volumes of controversy; and since I 
perused the two thousand and fouiteen pages 
e unfinished Legation, I have less inclination 
ever to spin out volumes of laborious trifles, 
shall, however, venture to point out a fact, 
very agreeable to the favourite notion, that 
inism was entirely the religion of the magis- 
. The oracles were not less ancient, nor less 
rable tlian the mysteries. Every difliculty, 
ious or civil, was submitted to the decision of 
^ infallible tribunals. During several ages no 
could be undertaken, no colony founded, 
out the sanction of the Delphic oracle; the 
and most celebrated among several hundred 
rs.* Here then we might expect to perceive 
lirecting hand of the magistrate. Yet when 
»tudy their history with attention, instead of 
alliance between church and state, we can 
^ver only the ancient alliance between the 
ice of the priest and the credulity of the peo- 

>r my own part, I am very apt to consider the 
^es in the same light as the oracles. An 
late connection subsisted between them:t 

lee Vandale de Oraculis, p.. 559- That valuaUe book con* 
ivhatever can now be known of oracles. I have borrowed 
:tft; and could with great ease have borrowed his quota- 
lie prophet Alexander, whose arts are so admirably laid 
by Lucian, instituted his oracle 9nd his mysteries as regular 
c»f the same plan. It is here we may say, with the learned 
lie, '' La nottveauji^ $aiiits me fo^t'dooter des aDcfens.'' 

H H 4 Both 



These three virtues, of justice, of fiett, of 
VALOUR, are finely supported throughout the 

1. I shall here mention one instance of the 
hero's justice, which has been less noticed than its 
singularity seems to deser\-e. 

After Evander had entertained his guests, with 
a sublime simplicity, he lamented, that his age 
and want of power made him a very useless ally. 
However, he points out auxiliaries, and a cause 
worthy of a hero. Tlie Etruscans, tired out with 
the repeated t3'rannies of Mezentius, had driven 
that monarch from his throne, and reduced him 
to implore the protection of Tumus. Unsatisfied 
with freedom, the Etruscans called loudly for 
revenge ; and in the poet's opinion, revenge was 

Ergo omnis fur lis surrexit Etruriajfis/u : 
Regem ad Supplicium presenti Marte repo5ainl.+ 

^neas, with the approbation of gods and men, 
accepts the command of these brave rebels, and 
punishes the tyrant with the death he so well 
deserved. The conduct of iEneas and the Etrus- 
cans may, in point of justice, seem doubtful to 

♦ M. dc Voltaire condemns the latter part of the ^Cneid, at 
far inferior in fire and spirit to the former. As quoted in the 
Legation^ he thinks that Virgil 

sepuise avec Didon et raU ^ la fin Lavinie; 

a pretty odd quotation for a Bishop ; but I most sincerely hope, 
that neither his lordship nor Mrs. W n are acquaioted witk 

the true meaning of the word rater. 

t iEncid, viii. 495. 

manv; # 

mm * 


many ; the sentiments of the poet cannot appear 
equivocal to any one. Milton himself, I mean 
the Milton of the commonwealth, could not have 
asserted with more energy the daring pretensions 
of tlie people, to punish as well as to resist a tyrant. 
Such opinions, published by a writer whom we 
are taught to consider as the creature of Augustus, 
have a right to surprise us; yet they are strongly 
expressive of the temper of the times; the repubhc 
was subverted, but the minds of the Romans were 
still republican. 

2. iEneas's piety has been more generally con- 
fessed than admired. St Evremond laughs at it 
as unsuitable to his own temper. The Bishop of 
Gloucester defends it, as agreeable to his o^oi sys- 
tem of the lawgiver's religion. The French wit 
was too superficial, the English scholar too pro- 
found, to attend to the plain narration of the Poet, 
and the peculiar circumstances of ancient heroes. 
We believe from faith and reason ; they believed 
from the report of their senses. iEneas had seen 
the Grecian divinities overturning the foundations 
of fated Troy. He was personally acquainted with 
his mother Venus, and with his persecutor Juno. 
Merciiry, who commanded him to leave Carthage, 
was as present to his eyes as Dido, who strove to 
detain him. Such a knowledge of religion, founded 
on sense and experience, must insinuate itself into 
everv instant of our lives, and determine everv 
action. All thi^ is, indeed, fiction; but it is fiction 
in which we choose to acquiesce, and whicli we 
justly consider as the charm of poetry. If we 



allow, that ^neas lived in an intimate comnicice 
with superior beings, we must likewise allow his 
love or his fear, his confidence or his gratitude, 
towards those beiugs, to display themselves on 
every proper occasion. Far from diinking Mku 
'too pious, I am sometimes surprised at his want 
of fkith. Forgetful of the Fates, which had so 
often and so cleaCtly pointed out the destined shores 
of Latium, he deliberates whether he shall not sit 
down quietly in the fields of Sicily. An apparitioQ 
of his father is necessary to divert him from this 
impious and ungenerous desigpi. 

3. A hero's valour will not bear the rude breath 
of suspicion; yet has the courage of £neas suf- 
fered from an unguarded expression of the Pcet: 

Extemp16 ^iieee soWuntur frigore membra ; 
Ingemit.* • 

On every other occasion the Trojan chief is darini: 
without rashness, and prudent without timidit^'. 
In that drcadftil night, when Troy was delivercii 
up to her hostile gods, he perfonned every duty or 
a soldier, a patriot, and a son. 

Moriamur, et in media arma mamus. 

Una salus victis, nullam sperare saluteni.-t' 

Iliaci cilieres, et flamma extrema moonim, 
Testor, in occasu vestro, nee tela, nee ullas 
Vitavisse vices DauaCim; et, si fata fuisseoi 
Ut cadereni, meruisse manu.J 

To quote other proofs of the same nature wouU 
be to copy the six last books of the *Eneid. I can- 

* ^neid, i. 96. f Idem, ii. 353. I Idem, ii. 431. 



not, however, forbear mentioning the cahn and * 
superior intrepidity of the hero, when, after the 
perfidy of the Rutuli, and his wound, he rushed 
again to the field, and restored victory by his pre- 
tence alone. 

Ipse Deque a versos d^oatur stemere morti; 
Nee pede coogressos a&qao, nee tela ierentes 
Insequitur : solum densa in caligine Tomum 
Vestigat lustrans, solum in certamina poscit.* 

At length, indignant that his victim has escaped, 
his contempt gives way to fiiry : 

Jam tandem invadit medtos, et Marte secundo 
Terribili^ saevam oullo discrimine caNlem 
Suscitat, irarumque omoes effundit babenas.f 

The heroic character of iEneas has been under- 
stood and admired by every attentive reader. But 
to discover the lawgiver in MneaSj and a system 
OF-PGJLiTics in the £neid, required the critical 

tELEscoPE]}: of the great W n. The naked eye 

of common sense cannot reach so far. I revolve 

* iEneid, xii. 4^4. f Idem. xii. AST* 

I Others are fiimbhed by criticism with a tdacope. They see 
with great clearness whatever is too remote to be discovered by 
the rest of mankiDd ; but are totally blind to all that lies imme^ 
diately before them. They discover in every passage some secret 
meaning, some remote allusion, some artful allegory, or some oc- 
cnlt imitation, which no other reader ever suspected : but they 
have no perception of the cogency of arguments, the contexture 
of narration, the various colours of diction, or the flowery embel- 
lishments of fancy. Of all that engages the attention of others 
Ihcj are totally insensible ; while they pry Into the worlds of 
conjecture, and amuse themselves with phantoms in the clouds. 



ill my memory the liannonious sense of Viipl; 
Virgil seems as ignorant as myself of his political 
character. I return to the less pleasing pages of 
the Legation : so far from condescending to 
proofs, the Author of the Legation is even spAiing 
of conjectures. 

'' Many political instructions may be drawn 
from the iEneid/' And from what book which 
treats of man, and the adventures of human life, 
may they not be drawn? His Lordship's cheniiv 
try (did his hypothesis require it) would extract a 
SYSTEM OF POLICY fVom the Arabian Nights 


" A system of policy delivered in the example 
of a great prince must show him in ever}' public 
occurrence of life. Hence, £neas was of ncce^ 
sity to be found voyaging with Ulysses, and fight- 
ing with Achilles."* 

There is another public occurrence, at least a* 
much in the character of a lamgiver, as eitlier 
vovaginsror fisj:htin<j:; Imean(iivi.vG laws. E\- 
cept in a single line,t iEneas never appears in llut 
occupation. In Sicily, he compliments Acestc^ 
with the honour of giving laws to the colonv. 
which he himself had founded : 

IiUerea /Eneas urbera designat aratro, | 

Sortiturque donios : hoc Ilium, et h»c locm Tfojs J 
Esse jiibel. Gaudet regiio Trojaiuis Acrstes, 
htdicitque tbrumy et patribus dat jura \ocat 

In the solemn treatv, which is to lix the fate of 

♦ D. L. vul. i. p. 212. t .i^neid, hi. 137. : Idem, i. 7S^ 

^ 1 


liis*posterity, he disclaims any design of innovating 
the laws of Latium. On the contrary, he only 
demands a hospitable seat for his gods and his 
Trojans ; and professes to leave the whole autho- 
rity to King Latinus : 

Non ego, nee Teucris Italos pariere jubebo> 
Nee mihi regna peto : paribus se legibus ambae 
Iiivietae gentes seterna in foedera mittant. 
Saera deosque dabo : socer arma Latinos habeto> 
Imperium solemne soeer : mihi moenia Teucri 
Constituent, urbique dabit Lavinia nomen.* 

" But, after all, is not the fable of the ^neid 
tlie establishment of an empire?" Yes, in one 
sense, I grant it is. iEneas had many extemat 
difficulties to struggle ^vith. When the Latins 
were defeated, Turnus slain, and Juno appeased^ 
these difficulties were removed. The hero's labour 
was over, the lawgiver's commenced from that 
moment ; and, as if Virgil had a design against the 
bishop's system, at that very moment the Mneid 
ends. Virgil, who corrected with judgment and 
felt with enthusiasm, thought perhaps, that the 
sober arts of peace could never interest a reader, 
whose mind had been so long agitated with scenes 
of distress and slaughter. He might perhaps say, 
like the Sylla of Montesquieu, '* J'aime k rem- 
porter des victoires, k fonder ou d6truire des ^tats, 
k faire des ligues, k punir un usurpateur; mais 
pour ces minces details de gouvemement, oil les 
g^nies m^diocres out tant d'avantages, cette lente 

* £neid, xii. 1S9. 

VOL. IV. 1 1 eX'' 


execution des loix, cette discipline d*une milice 
tranquille, nion ame ne s^auroit $>n occuper.*^ 

Had Virgil designed to compose a political 
INSTITUTE, the example of Feuelon, bis elegant 
imitator, may give us some notion of the fiumncr 
in which he would liave proceeded. Tlie precep- 
tor of the Duke of Burgundy professedly designed 
to educate a prince for the happiness of the people. 
Every incident in his pleasing romance is subser- 
vient to that great end. The goddess of wisdom, 
in a human shape, conducts her pupil through a 
varied series of instructive adventure ; and even* 
adventure is a lesson or a warning for Telemachus- 
The pride of Sesostris, the tyranny of Pygmalion, 
the perfidy of Adrastus, and the imprudence of 
Idomeneus, are displayed in their true light. The 
innocence of the inhabitants of Boetica, the com- 
merce of Tyre, and the wise laws of Crete and 
Salentum, instructed the prince of the various 
means by which a people may be made Iwppy. 
From the Tclcniachus of Fenelon, I could pass 
with pleasure to the Cyropocdia of Xenophon. 
But I should be led too far from my subject, were 
I to attempt to lay open the true nature and de- 
sign of that philosophical history. We must re- 
turn from Fenelon and Xenophon to the Bishop of 

His Lordship props the legislative clmracter of 
.Eneas with an additional suj)|iort : '* Augustus* 
who w a^ shadowed in the person of JEneas, wai 

♦ Oeuvrcs de Montesqaiou, torn. iii. p, 3J5. 




initiated into the Eleiisinian mysteries.* ErgOy ^t.** 
This doctrine of types and shadows, though true 
in general, has on tliis, as well as on grarer occa^ 
skms, produced a great abuse of reason, or at least 
of reasoning. To confine myself to Vii^l, I shall 
only say, that he was too judicious to compliment 
the emperor at the expense of good sense and 
probability*. Every age has its manners ; and the 
poet must suit his hero to the age, and not the age 
to his hero. It is easy to give instances of this 
truth. Afarc Antony, when defeated and besieged 
in Alexandria, cliallenged his competitor to decide 
their quarrel by a single combat. This was rejected 
by Augustus with contempt and derision, as the last 
efibrt of a desperate man ;t and the world applauded 
Ac prudence of Augustus, who preferred the part of 
a general to that of a gladiator. The temper and 
good sense of Virgil must have made him view 
things in the same light ; yet, when Virgil intro- 
duces £neas in similar circumstances, he gives 
him a quite different conduct. The hero wishes 
to spare the innocent people, provokes Tumus to 
a single combat, and, even after the perfidy and 
last defeat of the Rutuli, is still readv to risk his 
person and victory', against the unhappy life and 
desperate fortunes of his rival. The laws of he- 
nour are different in different ages ; and a beha- 
Tiour which in Augustus was decent, would have 
covered JEncas with infamv. 

• D. L. vol. i. p. 2?8. 

t Plutarch, in Vit. M. Anton, torn. i. 9^« edit Wcchel. 

I I 2 Wc 

4M CBtncAL oBszzrATzom 0m 

We mar apfiy diis ofafcrrxtiasi to iJbe yot 

<if the Eleuioiiian mysteries. Augustas was inidft* 
ted into them, at a time when Firwas vss lioimi c 


Trojan hero could not, with the ^ittlVst prapffiecy^ 
tet him that example ; as the Trojan hcfo UveA in 
an age « hen those rites were confined to dbe na- 
tives €j^ Greece, and cren of Attica.* 

I have now wandered through die scientific 
maze in which the Bishop of Gloucester has con- 
cealed his first and general aigumenl. It appears 
(when resumed) to amount to this irrefragable de- 
monstration, '^ That if the mtstejiies wees 

INSTITUTED BY LEGISLATORS, (which they piobt- 

bly were not,) iExEAS (who was no leg;isbtor) 



And licrc I shall mention a collateral reason as- 
signed by his Lordship, which might engage Vir- 
gil to introduce a description of the mysteries: the 
J'UACTICK OF OTHER POETS. This proof is SO ex- 
ceedingly brittle, that I fear to handle it; and 
shall rejK)rt it faithfully in the words of our inge- 
nious critic:! 

" 1 lad the old poem under the name of Orpheus 
been now- extant, it would perhaps have shewn 
lis, that no more was meant than Orpheus's initia- 

• Plutarch, in Vit. Thesci* torn. i. p. \6. Herodot. viii. 65. 
C'lccro dc Nut. Dcor. i. 4*2. The gradation of Athenians, Giccks» 
ami nmnkiiulut hirgo. may be traced in these |>assages« 

I D. L. \ol. i. |). '2:VJ. 



tion; and that the hint of this Sixth Book was 
taken from thence." 

As nothing now remains of that old poem, ex- 
cept the title, it is not altogether so easy to guess 
what it would or would not have shewn us. 

" But farther, it was customary for the poets 
of the Augustan age to exercise themselves on the 
subject of the mysteries, as appears from Cicero, 
who desires Atticus, then at Athens, and initiated, 
to send to Chilius, a poet of eminence, on account 
of the Eleusinian mysteries ; in order, as it should 
seem, to insert them in some poem he was then 

The Eleusinian mysteries are not mentioned in 
the original passage. Cicero using the obscure 
brevity of familiar letters, desires that Atticus 
would send their friend Chilius, ETMOAIIIAXIN 
nATPIA,* which may signify twenty different 
things, relative either to the worship of Ceres in 
particular, or to the Athenian institutions in gener 
ral ; but which can hardly be applied to the Eleusii- 
Bian mysteries.f 

* Chilius te rogat, et ego ejus rogatfi, w^inim mwffim. Of« 
tero ad Attic j i. 9* 

t As the Bishop of Gloucester alleges the authority of Victo- 
rioSy I shall shelter myself under the names and reasons of Cro 
Tios and the Abbe Mongauh, and even transcribe the words of 
the former. '^ Non est ut hie intelligentur ritus illi secretiores, 
c]oi tantiim mystis noti erant, et sine capitis periculo vulgari non 
poterant, sed ilia sacra et ceremonial, quibus in Eleusiniis cele* 
brandis utebantur in omnium oculis Eumolpidae; quasque poet« 
et prisci scriptores alii commemorant passim : aut fort^ per £u- 
molpidas intelligit tect^ ipsos Athenienses : ut petierit Chilius, 
Atheniensium leges et disciplinam sibi d^scribi et mitti* 

1 1 3 " Thu^ 


^^ Thus it appears that both the ancient and 
modem poets afforded Virgil a pattern for tfai 
famous episode." 

How does this appear? From an old poem, of 
whose contents the critic is totally ignorant, and 
irom an obscure passage, the meaning of which he 
has most probably mistaken. 


Instead of conjecturing what Virgil might or 
ought to do, it would seem far more natund te 
examine what he has done. The Bishop of Gloiir 
cester attempts to prove, that the descent to hell if 
properly an initiation ; since the Sixth Book of the 
JEneid really contains the secret doctrine aa well 
as the ceremonies of the Eleusinian mysteries. 

What was this secret doctrine? As I profess 
my ignorance, we must consult the oracle. " The 
tecret doctrine of the mysteries revealed to the 
initiated, that Jupiter .... axd the whole 
rabble of licentious deities were onlt dead 
MORTALS.'* Is any thing like this laid open in 
the Sixth Book of Virgil r Not the remotest hint 
pf it can be discovered throughout the whole 
book ; and thus, to use his Lordship's owti word>» 
soMETUiXG (I had almost written everv thixc) 
is still wanting "to complete the identifica- 
tion. "f 

Notwithstanding this disappointment, which u 
cautiously concealed from the reader, the learned 
Bishop still courses round the Elysian Fields in 

* D. L. vol. i. p. 154. t Wcm, p. 277- 



quest of a secret Once he is so lucky as to find 
JEneas talking with the poet Musseus, whom tra- 
dition has reckoned among the founders of the 
Eleusinian mysteries. The critic listens to their 
conversation ; but, alas ! ^neas is only inquiring, 
in what part of the garden he may find liis father s 
shade ; to which Musaeus returns a very polite an- 
swer. Anchises himself is our last hope. As that 
venerable shade explains to his son some myste- 
rious doctrines, concerning the universal mind and 
the transmigration of souls, his Lordship is pleased 
to assure us, that these are the hidden doc- 
trines OF PERFECTION rcvcalcd only to the initi- 
ated. Let us for a moment lay aside hypothesis, 
and read Virgil. 

It is observable, that the three great poets of 
Rome were all addicted to the Epicurean philoso- 
phy ; a system, however, the least suited to a poet; 
since it banishes all the genial and active powers 
of nature, to substitute in their room a dreary void, 
blind atoms, and indolent gods. A description of 
the infernal shades ^was incompatible with the 
ideas of a philosopher whose disciples boasted, 
that he had rescued the captive world from the 
tyranny of religion, and the fear of a future state. 
These ideas Virgil was obliged to reject: but he 
does still more ; he abandons not only the chance 
of Epicurus, but even these gods, whom he so 
nobly employs in the rest of his poem, that he 
may offer to the reader's imagination a. far more 
specious and splendid set of ideas: 

1 1 4 Priocipio 

: e«L rut asaMsmt pfxzij <£ idaeuL. But llicy 
lijLtrerix zn 2di of ntettsoDinr. and nrca of 
rri^zy>:^ vhSch ?<je«> off <m a Deajrr approadv 
The xthid ir'nicb it ixFr*£i>t intotbe ^evcial puts 
of jiiSLtteT. aod vmch jiiscles itself with tbe 
JD:j^hr^ Tn2LS%. scairely retains anv pioperty of a 
spiritu^ sub^UiDce^; and» too near an affinity 
to the principles, whkrh the ucpious Spinoza re- 
vived rather than invented. 

I am not insensible, that we should be slow to 
sus[Krct, and still slower to comiemn. The poverty 
of human lan^ruacc- and tlie obscuritv of human 
idea«i, make it diiiicuit to spc-ak wortiiily of the 
ORLAT Fih'^T Calse. Ouf most religious poets, io 
strivinix to express the presence and energy of the 
Deity, in ever}' part of tlic universe, deviate un- 
warily into iniafi:es, whicli are scarcely di>tiih 
quished fioni materialism. Thus our Ethic Poet: 

Ail are but parts of one stupendoui ^liolc, 
\Vlio<»e body Nature \», and God the soul;! 

and seycral passages of Thomson require a like fa- 

• .flnricl, vi. 734. 

1 Qiioin(*<ln |>(»rro Dcub iste si nihil esset nisi anirauK, aut in- 
/ixiiH atjt inJuAUS essct in inundo. Cicent de Sa/urd Dcor. L. i. 
r. II. 

\ I'opc'b Ilbsay on Man, Epist. i. ver. 3^7- 



irable construction. But tliese writers deserve 
t favour, by the sublime manner in which they 
rbrate the g^reat Father of the Universe, and by 
se effusions of love and gratitude, which are in- 
sistent with the materialist's system. Vii]gil 
no such claim to our indulgence. The Mi kd 
lie UNIVERSE is rather a metaphysical than a 
^logical being. His intellectual qualities are 
itly distinguished from the powers of matter, 
his moral attributes, the source of all religious 
ship, form no part of Virgil's creed, 
"^et is this creed approved* by our orthodox pre- 
, as free from any mixture of Spinozism. I 
gratulate his Lordship on his indulgent and 
lerate temper. His brethren (I mean tliose of 
ner times) had much sharper eyes for spying out 
tent heresy. Yet I cannot easily persuade roy- 
\ that Virgil's notions were ever the creed of 
Jigious society, like that of the mysteries. 
Jcily, indeed, I have no occasion to persuade 
ielf of it ; unless I should prefer his Lordship s 
e authority to the voice of antiquity, which 
res me, that this svstem was either invented 
oiported into Greece by Pythagoras; from the 
ings of whose disciples Viigil might so veiy 
iiallv borrow it. 

Hchises then proceeds to inform his son, that 
souls both of men and of animals were of ce- 
al origin, and (as I understand him) parts of 
universal mind ; but that by their union with 

* D. L. Tol. i. p. 278- 



earthly bodies they contracted such impuridcs as 
even death could not purge away. Many expia- 
tions, continues the venerable shade, are requisite, 
before the soul, restored to its original simplidtr, 
is capable of a place in Elysium. The far gieitcr 
part are obliged to revisit the upper world, in other 
characters and in other bodies; and thus, by gra- 
dual steps, to reascend towards their first per- 

This moral transmigration was undoubtedlj 
taught in the mysteries. As the Bishop auseits 
tins from the best authority, we are surprised at a 
sort of diffidence, unusual to his Lordship, when 
he ad\'ances things from his own intuitive know- 
ledge. In one place, this transmigration is part ci 
tlie hidden doctrine of perfection;* in aiiothef« it 
is one of those principles which were promiscu- 
ously communicateil to all.f The truth seems to 
be, that his Lordship was afraid to rank among the 
secrets of the mysteries, what was professed and 
believed by so many nations and philosophers. The 
pre-existcncc of the human soul is a very natural 
idea; and from that idea speculations and fables ot 
its successive revolution throucjh various bodies 
will arise. From Japan to Egypt, the transmi- 
gration has been part of the popular and religious 
creed.;}: Py thagoras§and Plato |j have endeavoured 

♦ D. L vol. i. p. 279' t Idem, p. U2. 

I Sec our modern relations of Japan, China, India, &c. azidii- l 
Eg>'pt, Herodotus, L. ii. [ 

S Ovid. Metamorph. xv. 69, Sec, 158, &c. 
I Plato in Phsedro and is Republic. L. x. 


monstrate the truth of it, by facts, as well as 


' all these visions (which should have been 

necl to the poets) none is more pleasing and 

Dfie, than that which Virgil has invented. 

IS sees before him his posterity, the heroes of 

nt Rome ; a long series of airy forms 

Demanding life, impatient for the skies, 

prepared to assume, with their new bodies, the 
passions and transient glories of their destined 

Lving * thus revealed the secret doctrine of the 
erics, the learned Prelate examines the cere* 
es. With the assistance of Meursius,t he 
; out a torrent of erudition to convince u% 
^he scenes through which JEneas passed in his 
nt to the shades, were the same as were re- 
nted to the aspirants in the celebration of the 
ftinian mysteries. From thence his Lordship 
> his great conclusion, that the descent is no 
than an emblem of the hero's initiation, 
itaunch polemic will feed a dispute, by dwell- 
n every accessary circumstance, whibt a can- 
ritic will confine himself to the more essential 
s of it. I shall, therefore, readily allow, what 
eve may in general be true, that the myste- 
jchibited a theatrical representation of all that 

shall mention here, once for all, that I do not always con- 
iTself to the order of his Ix>rdship'8 proofs. 
eursii Eleusinia, sive de Cereris Eleusinae sacro. 



was believed or imagined of the lower ..^orld; flat 
the aspirant was conducted through the numic 
scenes of Erebus, Tartarus, and Elysium ; and dnt 
a warm enthusiast in describing these awful speC' 
tacles, might express himself as if he had actuaDj 
visited the infernal regions.* All this I can alknr, fi 
and yet allow nothing to the Bishop of Glouo» i 
ter*s hypothesis. It is not surprising that the 
COPY was like the original; but it still remains 
undetermined, whether Virgii. intended to 


Lear and Garrick, when on the stage, are the 
same ; nor is it possible to distinguish the player 
from the monarch. In the green-room, or after 
the representation, we easily percei^'e, what the 
warmth of fancy and the justness of imitation had 
concealed from us. In the same manner it is from 
extrinsical circumstances, that we may expect the 
discovery of Viri^rirs alle«:or\\ Ever>- one of those 
circumstances persuades me, that Virgil described 
a real, not a mimic world, and that the scene lav 
in the infernal shades, and not in the temple of 

The singularity of the Cumaean shores must be 
present to every traveller who has once seen them. 
To a superstitious mind, the thin crust \-ast cani- 
ties, sulphureous steams, i)oisonous exlialations, and 
fierv torrents, mav seem to trace out the narrow 
confines of the two worlds. The lake Avemus wa> 
the chief object of religious horror; the black 

* See D. L. vol. i. particularly p. 280. 



^oods which surrounded it, when Virgil first came 
> Naples, were perfectly suited to feed the super- 
ition of the people.* It was generally believed, 
lat this deadly flood was the entrance of hell ;'f 
id an oracle was once established on its banks, 
hich pretended, by magic rites, to call up the 
^parted spirits.:|; iEneas, who revolved a more 
iring enterprise, addresses himself to the priestess 
' those dark regions. Their conversation may 
niiaps inform us, whether an initiation, or a de- 
ent to the shades, was the object of this enter- 
ise. She endeavours to deter the hero, by set- 
ag before him all the dangers of his rash under- 

Faciiis descensus Avemi : 

Noctes atque dies patet alri janua Ditis ; 

Sed revocare gradum, superasque evadere ad auras. 

Hoc opus, hie labor est.§ 

These particulars are absolutely irreconcileablc 
ith the idea of initiation, but perfectly agreeable 
that of a real descent. That every step, and 
reiy instant, may lead us to the grave is a me- 
Dcholy truth. The mysteries were only open at 
ated times, a few days at most in the course of 
be year. The mimic descent of the mysteries 
as laborious and dangerous, the return to light 

• Strabo, L. v. p. 1 68. 

t Silius Italicus, L. xii. 

I Diod. Sicul. L. iv. p. 267- edit. Wesseliog. 

\ Mocid, Ti. 126. 



easy and certain. In real death, this order is in- 
verted : 

Pauci, quos aequus amavit 

Jupiter, aut ardent evexit ad stbera Tirtiu, 
Diis geaiti, potuere.* 

These heroes, as we learn from the speech of 
^neas, were Hercules, Orpheus, Castor and Pol- 
lux, Theseus, and Pirithous. Of all these, aoti- 
quity believed, that before their death they had 
seen the habitations of the dead ; nor, indeed, will 
any of the circumstances tally with a supposed 
initiation. The adventure of Eurvdice, the alter- 
natc life of the brothers, and the forcible intnisioii 
of Alcidcs, Theseus, and Pirithous, would mock 
the endeavours of the most subtle critic, who 
should try to melt them down into his favourite 
mysteries. The exploits of Hercules, who tri- 
umphed over the king of terrors, 

Tartareuni illc manu custodcm in viiicla pcti%it, 
Ipsius a solio regis traxit(|ue trementeui ;f 

was a wild imagination of the Greeks.;}; Dut it 
was the duty of ancient poets to adopt and em- 
bellish these jwpular traditions: and it is the in- 
terest of every man of taste, to acquiesce in tueie 


After this, we niav leave imxenious men to seaah 
out what, or whether any thing gave ri>e to llios*: 

♦ -flneid, >i. l^p. + IJem, vi. 305. 

J llojiicr, Oilvbb. L. xi. vcr. 6'23. Apoll. Biblioih. L. ji. c. ' 

• at 


idle stories. Diodorus Siculus represents Pluto 
as a kind of undertaker, who made great improve* 
ments in the useful art of funerals.* Some have 
sought for the poetic hell in the mines of Epirus,t 
and others in the mysteries of Egypt. As this last 
hotion was published in French,;); six years before 
it was invented in English,^ the learned author of 
the D. L. has been severely treated by some un- 
generous Appearances, it must be 
confessed, wear a very suspicious aspect: but 
irbat are appearances, when weighed against his 
lordship's declaration, ^^ That this is a point of 
honour in which he is particularly delicate ; and 
that he may venture to boast, that he believes no 
author was ever more averse to take to himself 
what belonged to another. "5[ Besides, he has 
enriched this mysterious discovery with many 
collateral arguments, which would for ever have 

* Diodor. Sicul. L. v. p. 386. Edit. Wesseling. 

-f Leclerc Bibiioth. Universelle, torn. vi. p. 55. 

X By the Abbe Terasson, in his philosophical romance of 
Sethos, printed at Amsterdam in the year 1732. See the third 
book, from beginning to end. The author was a scholar and a 
philosopher. His book has far more variety and originality than 
Telemachus. Yet Sethos is forgotten, and Telemachus will be 
immortal. That harmony of style, and the great talent of speak- 
ing to the heart and passions, which Fenelon possessed, was un* 
known to Terasson. I am not surprised that Homer was ad- 
mired by the one, and criticized by the other. 

S See D. L. vol. i. p. 228, &c. The first edition was printed 
in London, in the year 1738. 

II Cowper's Life of Socrates, p. 102. 

f Letter from a late professor of Oxford^ &c. p. 133* . 



edocation pf a young Athenian ; but a barbarian^ 
a Roman, would most probably pass through life 
without directing his devotion to the foreign ritea 
of Eleusis. 

The philosophical sentiments of Vitgil were still 
more unhkely to inspire him with that kind of 
de^'Otion. It is well known that he was a deter- 
mined Epicurean ;* and a very natural antipathy 
subsisted between the Epicureans and the mana^ 
gers of the mysteries. The celebration opened 
with a solemn excommunication of 'th6se atheisti- 
cal philosophers, who were commanded to retire^ 
and to leave that holy place for pious believers ;t 
the zeal of the people was ready to enforce this 
admonition. I will not deny, that curiosity might 
•ometimes tempt an Epicurean to pry into these 
secret rites ; and that gratitude, fear, or other mo- 
tives, might engage the Athenians to admit so ir- 
rel^ious an aspirant. Atticos was initiated at 
Eleusis ; but Atticus was the friend and benefae- 
tor of Athens.;]; These extraordinary exceptions 
may be proved, but must not be supposed^ 

Nay, more; I am strongly inclined to think that 
Virgil was never out of Italy till the last year oif 
his life. 1 am sensible, that it is not easy to prove 
a negative proposition, more especially when the 
materials of our knowledge are so very few and so 

• S«tf the Life of Virgil by DooatOi, Ibe Sixth Eck>gue, aod 
Second Georgky v. Ago. 

f Lacian in Alexandro, p. 489^ 

t Cornel. Nepos, in Vit. Attici, c. 2» 3| 4. 

K K S Yery 


very defective ;* and yet by glancing our eye over 
th^ several periods of VirgiFs life, we may perhaps 
attain a sort of probability, which ought to ha%'e 
some weight, since nothing can be thrown into 
the opposite scale. 

Although Virgil's father was hardly of a lower 
rank than Horace s, yet the peculiar character of 
the latter afforded his son a much superior educa- 
tion : Virgil did not enjoy the same opportunities 
of observing mankind on the great theatre of 
Rome, or of pursuing philosophy, in her favourite 
shades of the academy. 

Adjec^re bonae paul6 plus artis Athens: 
Scilicet ut possem curvo digooAcere rectiun, 
Atque inter sylvas academi qiuerere venun.t 

The sphere of Virgil's education did not extend 
beyond Mantua, Cremona, Milan, and Naples.^ 

After the accidents of civil war had introduced 
Virgil to the knowledge of the great, he passed a 
few years at Rome, in a state of dependance^ the 
JuvENUM NoBiLiuM Cliens.§ It was during that 

* The life of Virgil, attributed to Donatus, contaixii 
characteristic particulars; but which are lost in confmion, an^ 
disgraced with a mixture of absurd stories, such as none but i 
monk of the darker ages could either invent or belie%'e. I al»an 
considered them as the interpolations of some more recent writer; 
and am confirmetl in that opinion by the life of VirgiU pure froai 
those additions which Mr. Spence lately published, from a Flo- 
rence MS. at the beginning of Mr. Holdsworlh's \-aluable obKr- 
vations on Virgil. 

t Horat. L. II. Ep. ii. ver. 43. 

I Donat. in Virgil. 

S Horat, L. IV. Od. xii. 



time that he composed his Eclogues, the hasty pro- 
ductions of a •muse capable of far greater things.* 

By the liberality of Augustus and his courtiers, 
Virgil soon became possessed of an affluent for- 
tune.f He composed the Georgics and the iEneid 
in his elegant villas of Campania and Sicily ; and 
sddom quitted those pleasing retreats even to 
come to Rome. J 

After he had finished the i^neid, he resolved on 
a journey into Greece and Asia^ to employ three 
years in revising and perfecting that poem, and to 
devote the remainder of his Ufe to the study of 
philosophy .§ He was at Athens, with Augustus, in 
the summer of A.U.C. 735 ; and whilst Augustus 
was at Athens, the Eleusinian mysteries were 
celebrated.!! It is not impossible, that Virgil 
might then be initiated, as well as the Indian philo- 
sopher ;5r but the Mueid could receive no improve- 
ment from his newly acquired knowledge. He 
was taken ill at Megara. The journey increased 

• Dooat in Virgil. 

t Prope Ccnties Scsterthtmf about eighty thottaand pounds. 

X Donat. in Virgil. 

S Id. ibid. 

I They always beggn the fifteenth of the Attic month Boedio- 
mion, and lasted nine days. Those who take the trouble of cai« 
culating the Athenian calendar, on the principles laid down by 
Mr. Dodwell (de Cyclis Antiquis) and by Dr. Halley, will find, 
that A.U.C. Varr. 735, the 15th of Boedromioii coincided with 
the 24th of August of the Julian year. But if we may believe 
Dion Cassius, the celebration was this year anticipated, on ac- 
count of Augustus and the Indian philosopher. L. LIV« p. 739« 
edit. Reiroar. 

f Strabo, L. xy. p. 720. 

K K,3 his 


his disorder, and he expired at Brundusium, tim 
twenty-second of September of the same year 

Should it then appear probable, that Virgil had 
no opportunity of learning the secret of the mys- 
teries, it will be something more than probable 
that he has not revealed what he never knew. • 

His Lordship will perhaps tell me, that Viigil 
might be initiated into the Eleusinian mysteries 
without making a journey to Athens*: since those 
mysteries had been brought to Rome long before.f 
Here indeed I should be apt to suspect some 
mistake, or, at least, a want of precision in bis 
Lordship's ideas; as Salmasius;}: and Casaubon,^ 
men tolerably versed in antiquity, assure me, that 
indeed some Grecian ceremonies of Ceres had been 
practised at Rome from the earliest ages ; but that 
the mysteries of Eleusis were never introduced 
into that capital, either by the emperor .Hadrian, 
or by any other : and I am the more induced to 
believe, that these rites were not imported in 
Virgil's time, as the accurate Suetonius speaks of 
an unsuccessful attempt for that purpose, made by 
the emperor Claudius, above threescore years after 
Virgifs dcath-ll 

IL None but the initiated could reveal the 
secret of the mysteries ; and the initiated could 


• Donat. in Virgil. t D.L. vol. i. p. 11 S. 

} Salma&iusad Sriptores IlisC. August, p. 55. 
§ Casaubon ad Scriptor. Hist. August, p. 25. 
H SuctOD. in Claud, c. 25. 


AS WELL OF HONOUR AS OF RELiotoK. I siiicerely 
acquit the Bishop of Gloucester of any design; 
yet so unfortunate is his system, that' it represents 
a most virtuous and elegant poet, as equally devoid 
of taste, and of common honesty. 

His Lordship acknowledges, that the initiated 
were bound to secrecy by tb^ most solemn obliga- 
tions f that Virgil was conscious of the imputed 
impiety of his design ; that at Ath^s he never 
durst have ventured on it ; that even at Rome such 
a discovery was esteemed not only impiItUs but 
iXFAKous : and yet his Lordship maintains, that 
after the compliment of a formal apology, 

Sit mihi fas, audita loqui.f 

Virgil lays open the whole secret of the mysteries 
under the thin veil of an allegory, which could 
deceive none but the most careless readers. J 

An apology ! an allegory ! Such artifices might 
perhaps have saved him from the sentence of the 
Areopagus, had some zealous or interested priest 
denounced him to that court, as guilty of publish- 
ing A BLASPHEitfous POEM, But the laws of honour 
are more rigid, and yet more liberal than those of 
civil tribunals. Sense, not words^ is cionsidered; 
and guilt is aggravated, not protected, by artftil 
evasions. Virgil would still have incurred the 
severe censure of a contemporary, who was him- 
self a man of very little religion. 

Vetabo, qui Cereris tfacrum 
Viilg&rk dotcaam, aob ibdem 

* D. L« Tol. i. p. 14(r« t Mem, p. diO. | UcM, f. £77.. 

K K 4 Sit 


rseemed to be resented for the prudence and felkritr 
of Augustus; who became sole mastei of the 
Roman world in the year 724; but it was not till 
the year 729, that, having changed the civil tdni- 
nistration and pacified the Western provinces, he 
had leisure to turn his views towaitls the East. 
From that time, Horace, in compliance Mrith the 
public wish, began to animate both prince and 
people to revenge the manes of Crassus.* The 
cautious policy of Augustus, still averse to war, 
was at length roused in the 'year 734, by some 
disturbances in Armenia. He passed over into 
Asia, and sent the young Tiberius with an amy 
beyond tlie Euphrates. Every appearance pfo* 
niised a glorious war. But the Parthian monaicfa, 
Phraliates, alarmed at the approach of the BomaB 
lep^ions, and diffident of the fidelity of his subjects, 
diverted the storm, l)y a timely and humble sub- 
mission : 

Jus, imperiumquc Phrahates 

Caesaris accepit genibus minor.*)' 

Caesar returned in triumph to Rome, with thf 
Parthian hostages, and the Roman ensigns, which 
had been taken from Crassus. 

These busy scenes, which engage the attention of 
contemporaries, are far less interesting to posterit}. 
than the silent labours, or even amusements of & 
man of genius. 

♦ Ilorat. L. I. Od. ii. L, III. Od. v. L, II. Serm. i. ▼. 15, Ac 

t Ilorat. L. i. Epist. xii. Veil. Pater. L. ii. c. xciv. Tacs- 

Annal. L. ii. c. i. Sueton. in Octav. ^. \xi. and in Tiber, c. i^v. 

Justin, L. xUi. c. v. Dion Cas&ius, L. liv. p. 736. edit. RciAif 

Joseph. Ant. L. v. c. v. Ovid. Fast. ▼. rer. 551. &€• 


Tere sense of Aristotle with the suMime imagi* 
nation of Loxginus. Yet a judicious critic (who 
is now, I believe, Archdeacon of Gloucester) 
assures the public, that his patron's mere amuse- 
ments have done much more than the joint labours 
of the two Grecians. I shall conclude these Ob- 
servations with a remarkable passage from the 
Archdeacon's Dedication :* " It was not enough, 
in YOUR enlarged view of thin*gs, to restore 
either of these models (Aristotle or Longinus) 
to their original splendour. Th^y were both to b^ 
revived ; or rather a new original pla^ of cri- 
ticism to be struck out, which should unite 
TrfE virtues of each OF THEM. This experiment 
"WBs made on the two greatest of our own poets, 
(Shakspeare and Pope,) and by reflecting all the 


i«ASON* ever}' thing was effected which the warm- 
est admirer of ancient art could promise himself 
from such a union. But you wej^t fawtwk»« 
by joining to these powers a perfect insight 
INTO HUMAN NATURE J and SO eunobling the cx- 
ercise of literary, by the justest moral censure, you 


* See the DedicatFon of Horace's Epistle to Aagustos, with an 
English commentary and notes. 


( 510 ) 


I WAS not ignorant, tliat several years ftince,.tfae 
Rev. Dr, Jortin had favoured the Public with a 
Dissertation on the State of the Dead, as 


\xx>k is now grown so scarce, that I was not able 
to procure a sight of it till after these papers bad 
been alrcady sent to the press. I found Dr. Jor- 
tin's performance, as I expected, moderate, learned, 
and critical. Among a vs^ricty of ingenious ob- 
servations, there are two or three which arc van 
closely connected w^ith my present subject. 

I had passed over in silence one argument of 
the Bishop of G loucester, or rather of Scarron and 
the Bishop of Gloucester; since the former found 
the remark, and the latter furnished the inference. 

Disrite justitiain uioiiiti, et noii tcmncre divos, 

cries the unfortunate Phlegyas. In the mid^t of 
his torments, he preaches justice and piety, like 
Ixion iu Pindar. A very»ful piece of advice, 
says the French buffoon, for those w ho were al- 
ready damned to all eternity : 

Cette sentence est bonne et belle : 

Mais en enfer, de quoi scrt-clle ? 

From this judicious piece of criticism his lord* 
ship argues, that Phlcgyas was preaching not to 

♦ Six Dissertations on ditlercnt SubjecU, published in ft to- 
lume^ tK'taxo, in the year iro. It is the Sixth DisserutiOB, 



MSTscmtn' Stih 

idonged to toe art of magic, and toagic was 
m afaomiMlion by the Romans. Yet if it 
bdd in abomination, it was supposed to be 
A writer would not have made his court to 
s the First, by representmg the stories of 
bcraft as the phantoms of an OTer-heated una- 

liilst I am writing, a sudden thought occurs 
le, which, rude and imperfect as it is, I shall * 
uie to throw out to the public. It is this, 
r Virgil, in imitation of Homer, had described 
:wo gates of sleep, the horn, and the ivoiy, he 
1 takes up the first in a different sense: 

^ Qua teris facilis datub exitus vmbkis. 

TRUE shades, vERiE UMBR^, wcie thosc airy 
IS which were continually sent to animate new 
et, such light and almost immaterial -natures as 
d without difficulty pass through a thin tians- 
ot substance. In this new sense, J£neas and 
Sybil, who were still encumbered with a load 
sh, could not pretend to the prerogative of 
I SHADES. In their passage over the Styx, 
had almost sunk Charon's boat. 

Gemuit sub poodere cymba 

Sutilis, et mulum accepit riinosa p alodem. 

>me other expedient was requisite for their 
m ; and since the horn gate would not afford 
1 an easy dismission, the other passage, which 
adorned with polished ivory, was the only one 
remained either for them, or for the poet. 
11- IV. hh ' ^ Bj 

514^ vosnctLin. 

By this explanation, we save Virgirs judgflfnt' 
and religion, though I must own, ai the expense 
of an uncommon harshness and amoigui^ of ex* 
pression. Let it only be remembered, that thosc^ 
who ill desperate cases conjecture with modesty, 
have a right to be heaifl with indulgence.* 

* It appears from Uie Memoirs thai this work was sent lo At 
press early in 1770. 



( SIS ) 






?£RHAPs it may be necessary to inform the 
ublic, that not long since an Examination of the 
jfteenth and Sixteenth Chapters of the History 
f the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire was 
ublishcd by Mr. Davb. He styles himself a 
tachelor of Arts, and a Member of Baliol College 
1 the university of Oxford. His title-^nge is a 
eclaration of war; and in the prosecution of his 
eligious crusade, he assumes a privilege of disre- 
;arding the ordinary laws which are respected in 
be most hostile transactions between civilized 
sen or civilized nations. Some of the harshest 
pithets in the English language are repeatedly 
pplied to the historian, a part of whose work Mr. 
)avb has chosen for the object of his criticism. 
To this author Mr. Davis imputes the crime of 

L L S betraying 


betraying the confidence and seducing the fiuth of 
those readers, who may heedlessly stray in the 
flowery paths of his diction, without perceiving 
the poisonous snake that lurfts concealed in the 
grass — Latet anguis in herba. The Examiner his 
assumed the province of reminding them of " the 
imfair proceedings of such an insidious friend, who 
offers the deadly draught in a golden cup, that 
they may be less sensible of the danger.* In 
order to which Mr. Davis has selected several of 
the ii\ore notorious instances of his misreprefenfai- 
tions and errors ; reducing them to their respecti^'e 
heads, and subjoining a long list of almost incredi- 
ble inaccuracies : and such striking proofs of ser- 
vile plagiarism, as the world will be surprised to 
meet with in an author who puts in so bold a 
claim to originality and extensive reading.'^ BIr. 
Davis prosecutes this attack through an octavo 
volume of not less than two hundred and eighty- 
four pages with tlie same implacable spirit; per- 
petually charges his adversary with i>crverting the 
ancients, and transcribing the modems; and, in- 
consistently enough, imputes to him the opposite 
crimes of art and carelessness, of gross iguorancr 
and of wilful falsehood. The Kxaminer closes his 
w ork;}; with a severe reproof of those feeble critic^ 
who have allowed anv share of knowledsre to an 
odious antagonist. He presumes to pity and to 
condenm the first historian of the present asre, fur 

♦ Da\is, Preface, p. ii. f Idem. Premce, p. lii. 

: Idem, p. 5?8?, eSJ. 

vi!rt)iCATioN, kc. 517 

snero^s approbation which he had bestowed 
ivriter, who is content that Mr. Davis should 
I enemy, whilst lie has a right to name Dr. 
rtson for his friend, 
len I delivered to the world the First Volume 

important History, in which I had been 
*A to connect the progress of Christianity 
the civil state and revolutions of the Roman 
re, 1 could not be ignorant thdt the result of 
iquiries might. offend the interest of some 
he opinions of others. , If the whole work 
avourably received by the public, I. had the 
reason to expect th^t this obnoxious part 
1 provoke the zeal of those who consider 
elves as the Watchmen of die Holy City^ 

expectations were not disappointed; and a- 
il crop of Answers, Apologies, Remarks, 
jnations, &c. sprung up with all convenient 
As soon as I saw the advertisement, I gcr 
Y sent for them; for I have never affected^ 
1 I have never understood, .the stoical apathy^ 
roud contempt of criticism, which some 
rs have publicly professed. Fame is the mo- 
t is the reward, of our labours; nor can I 

comprehend how it is possible ' tliat we 
1 remain cold and indifferent with, regard to 
tempts which are made to deprive, us of the 
^'aluable object of o\h: possessions, or at least 

hopes. Besides this strong and natural im- 
of curiosity, I was prompted by the more 
)le desire of applying to my owb, and.the 
: benefit, the well-grounded censures of a 

L L S learned 


learned adversary ; and of correcting fhoBe fiialtt 
which the indulgence of vanity and friendship had 
wffered to escape without observation. I read 
with attention several criticisms which were pub- 
liriied against the two last chapters of my HistDiy, 
iwd unless I much deceived myself, I wdgfaed 
them in my own mind without prejudice and with* 
out resentment. After I was cleuiy satisfied that 
their ^ncipal objections were founded on mioe^ 
presentation or mistake, I declined, widi sincere 
and disinterested reluctance, the odious tttk of 
controversy, and almost formed a tacit rescrfutioB 
of committing my intentions, my writings, «nd my 
adversaries to the judgment of the paUic, of 
whose favourable disposition I had received the 
most flattering proofs. 

The reasons which justified my silence were ob- 
vious and forcible: the respectable nature of the 
subject itself, which ought not to be rashly violated 
by the rude hand of controversy ; the ine\'itable 
tendency of dispute, which soon degenerates into 
minute and personal altercation ; the indifference 
of the public for the discussion of such questions 
as neither relate to the business nor the amusement 
of the present age. I calculated the possible loss 
of temper and the certain loss of time, and con- 
sidered, that while I was laboriously engaged in i 
humiliating task, wliich could add nothing to mv 
own reputation, or to the entertainment of mr 
readers, I must interrupt the prosecution of a work 
which claimed mv wliolc attention, and which the 
public, or at least my friends, seemed to require 




ome impatiepce at my hands. The judici- 
les of Dr. Young sometimes offered then)- 
to my memory, and I felt the truth of his 
ation, That every author lives or dies by his 
en, and that the unerring sentence of Time 
I its proper rank to every composition and to 
criticism, which it preserves from oblivion/ 
ould have consulted my own ease, and per- 
should have acted in stricter conformity to 
les of prudence, if I had still persevered in 
t silence. But Mr. Davis may, if he pleases, 
t the merit of extorting from me the notice 
I had refused to more honourable foes. I 
eclined the consideration of their littfary 
ions ; but he has compelled me to give an 
r to his criminal Accusations. Had he con- 
limself to the ordinary, and indeed obsolete 
» of impious principles, and mischievous in- 
is, I should have acknowledged with readi- 
id pleasure that the religion of Mr. Davis 
ed to be very different from mine. Had he 
kted himself with the useof that style which 
:y and politeness have banished from the 
iberal part of mankind, I should have smiled, 
>s with some contempt, but without the least 
re of auger or resentment. Every animal 
ys the note, or cry, or howl, which is peculiar 
species ; every man expresses himself in the 
t the most congenial to his temper and incli- 
, the most familiar to the company m which 
\ lived, and to the authors with whom be is 
rsant; and while I was disposed to allow that 

XrL4 'Mr. 


- Mr. Davis had made some prpficiency in eccksF 
astical studies, I should have considered the di& 
ference of our language and manners as an uitsur* 
mountable bar of separation between us. Mn 
Davis has overleaped that bar, and forces me tD 
contend with him on the very dirty ground whidi 
he lias chosen for the scene of our combat. He 
has judged, I know not with how much propriety, 
that the support of a cause, which would disclaim 
such unworthy assistance, depended on the ruin of 
ipy moral and literary character. The different 
-misrepresentations^ of which he has drawn out the 
ignprninious catalogue, would materially affect my 

. credit as an historian, my reputation as a schol^ 
and even my honour and veracity as a gentlema. 
If I am indeed incapable of understanding what I 
•read, I can no longer claim a place among those 
writers who merit the esteem and confidence of the 
public. If I am capable of wilfully perverting what 
I understand, I no longer deserve to live in the so- 
ciety of those men, who consider a strict and inviola- 
ble adherence to truth as the foundation of every 
thing that is virtuous or honourable in human na- 
ture. At the same time, I am not insensible that 
his mode of attack has given a transient pleasure 

to my enemies, and a transient uneasiness to mv 


•friends. The size of his volume, the boldness of 
his assertions, the acrimony of his style, are con- 
trived with tolerable skill to confound the igno- 
rance and candour of his readers. There are few 
who will examine the truth or justice of his accu- 
sations; and of those persons who have been di- 
rected by their education to tlie study of ecclesi- 

. Vlnf oiCATioH, kc. 5S1 

J antiquity, many will believe, or will afiect 
lieve, that the success of their champion has 
equal to his zeal, and that the serpent pierced 
an hundred wounds lies expiring at his feet. 
Oavis^s book will cease to be read (perhaps 
rammarians may already reproach me for the 
fan improper tense) ; but the' oblivion towards 
1 It seems to be hastening, will afford the 
ample scope for the artful practices of those, 
nay not scruple to affirm, or rather to ihsinu- 
hat Mr. Gibbon was publicly convicted of 
lood and misrepresentation ; that the evidence 
iced against him was unanswerable; and that 
ence was the effect and the proof of conscious 
Under the hands of a malicious surgeon, 
ing of a wasp may continue to fester and in- 
, long after the vexatious little insect has left 
nom and its life in the wound, 
e defence of my honour is undoubtedly the 
nd prevailing motive which urges me to repel 
rigour an unjust and unprovoked attack ; and 
dertake a tedious vindication, which, after the 
tual repetition of the ^-ainest and most dis- 
ig of the pronouns, yrill only prove that / 
Docent, and that Mr. Davis, in his charge, has 
frequently subscribed his own condemnation. 
yet I may presume to affirm; that the public 
some interest in this controversy.' They 
some interest to know, whether the writer 
1 they have honoured with their favour is de- 
ig of their confidence ; whether they most 
nt themselves with raiding the Hbtoiy of 
^line and Fall of the Roman Empire as a 


tale amusing enough^ or whether they may ventoit 
to receive it as a fair aud authentic history. Tbe 
general persuasion of mankind, that where umA 
has been positively asserted, something must'k 
true, may contribute to encourage a secret i» 
picion, which would naturally diffuae itself over 
the whole body of the work. Some of tfaoR 
friends who may now tax me with imprudeaoe be 
taking this public notice of Mr. Davis*s book, faifc 
perhaps already condemned me for silently a^ 
'quiescing under the weight of such serious, such 
direct, and such circumstantial imputations. 

jMr. Davis, who in the last page of his work* 
appears to have recollected that modesty is an uu- 
able and useful qualification, aftinps, tint hb plan 
required only that he should consult the authors 
to whom he was directed by my references ; and 
tliat the judgment of riper years was not so nece^- 
sarv to enable him to execute with success the 
pious lalx>ur to which he had devoted his pen. 
Perhaps, before we sepaiate, a moment to wliich I 
most fervently aspire, Mr. Davis may find that a 
mature judgment is indispensably requisite for the 
sueeessful execution o^ any work of literature, aiui 
more especially of criticism. Perhapys he will di*- 
cover, that a young student, who hastily consuls 
an unknown author, on a subjeet with which he is 
unac(iuainted, cannot always Inr guidetl by the 
most accurate reference to the knowledge of the 
sense, as well as to the sight of the passage whidi 
has been quoted by his adversary. Abundant 

♦ Davis, p. 2S*. 


viKDiCATioK, kc 5£3 

pnxrfs of these maxims will hereafter be suggested. 
Vbr the present, I shall oaly remark, diat it is my 
intention to pursue, in my defence, the order, or 
nther the course, which Mr. Davis has mailed 
out in his Examination; and that I have num- 
iKicd the several articles of my impeachment ao- 
txnding to the most natural division of the sub- 
ject. And now let me proceed on this hostile 
march over a dreary and barren desert, where 
tiiinft, hunger, and intolerable weariness, are much 
fDore to be dreaded than the arrows of the enemy. 


'* The remarkable mode of quotation which Mr. Q'^ota- 
Gibbon adopts, must immediately strike everyone 
who turns to liis notes. He sometimes only men- 
tions the author, perhaps the book; and often 
l€a%'es the reader the toil of finding out, or rather 
jguessing at the passage. The policy, however, is 
not without its design and use. By endeavouring 
to. depriye us of the means of comparing him with 
the authorities he cites, he flattered himself, no 
doubt, that he might safely have recourse to mis- 
nprcsentation.^ Such is the style of Mr. Davis; 
who in another placet mentions this mode of quo- 
taticm ^' as a good artifice to escape detection ;" and 
applauds, with an agreeable irony, his own labours 
in turning over a few pages of the Theodosian code. 

I shall not descend to animadvert on the rude 
a]i4 illiberal strain of this passage, and I will 

• Dcm, Pktfiu?t, p. ii. tld.p.ir9a 



frankly o\vi| that my indignation is lost in astonislh 
' ment. The Fifteenth and Sixteenth Chapters of 
my History are illustrated by three hundred ind 
eighty-three Notes; and the nakedness of a fev 
"Notes, which are not accompanied by any quolae 
tion, is amply compensated by a much greater 
number, which contain two, three, or perhaps four 
distinct references; so that upon the whole my 
stock of quotations, which support and justify my 
facts, cannot amount to less than eight hundred 
or a thousand. As I had often felt the inoofr- 
venience of the loose and general method of 
quoting which is so falsely imputed to me, 1 have 
carefully distinguished the bookSj the chapters^ die 
sections^ the pages of the authors to whom I re- 
ferred, with a degVee of accuracy and attention, 
which might claim some gratitude, as it has seldom 
been so regularly practised by any historical writers. 
And here I must confess some obligation to Mr. 
Davis, who, by staking my crctlit and his outi on 
a circumstance so obvious and palpable, has given 
me tliis early opportunity of submitting the merits 
of our cause, or at least of our characters, to the 
judgment of the public. Hereafter, when I am 
summoned to defend myself against the imputa- 
tion of misquoting tlic text, or misrepresenting the 
sense of a Greek or Latin author, it will not be in 
my power to communicate the knowleilge of the 
languages, or X\\c possession of the lx>oks, to tb'He 
readers who mav Ik* destitute either of one or of 
the other; and the part wliich theij are obliged to 
take between assertions equally strong and {>ereu?p 



tory, may sometimes be attended with doubt and 
hesitation. But, in the present instance, every 
reader who will give himself the trouble of con- 
mlting the first volume of my History, is a com- 
petent judge of the question. I exhort, I solicit 
[lim to run his e\;e down the columns of Notes, 
md to count haw many of the quotations are minute 
lod particular, ' how few are vague and general. 
lichen he has satisfied himself by this easy compu- 
istkm, there is a word which may naturally suggest 
itself; an epithet, which I should be sorry either to 
ieserve or use ; the boldness of ^iv. Davis's asser- 
tioii, and the confidence of my appeal, will tempt, 
nay, perhaps, will force him to apply that epithet 
sidier to one or to the other of the adverse parties. 
. I have confessed that a critical eye may discover 
wme loose and general references; but as they 
bear a very inconsiderable proportion to the whole 
VDsm&j they cannot support, or even excuse, a false 
md ungenerous accusation, which must reflect dis- 
boDOur either on the object or on the author of it. 
[f the examples in which I have occasionally 
deviated from my ordinary practice were specified 
md examined, I am persuaded that they might 
dws^s be fairly attributed to one of the following 
1 . In some rare instances, which I have 
attempted to conceal, I have been obliged 
to adopt quotations, which were expressed with 
Ic38 accuracy than I could have wished. 2. I may 
have accidentally recollected the sense of a passage 
which I had formerly read, without being able to 
find the place, or even to transcribe from memory 
die precise words. 3. The whole tract (as in a re- 

$ft6 VIKDICATIOM, kc. 

markable instance of the second apcJogy of Justii 
MartjT) was so short, that a more particular dcscrip 
tion was not required. 4. The form of the oom* 
position supplied the want of a local reference; 
the preceding mention of the year fixed the pat> 
sage of the annalist; and the reader was guided to 
the proper spot in the commentaries of GrotiuSi 
Valesius, or Godefroy, by the more accurate citi* 
tion of their original author. 5. Hie idea whicfa 
I was desirous of communicating to the reader, 
was sometimes the general result of the author or 
treatise that I had quoted ; nor was it possibk to 
confine, within the narrow limits of a pwtiaikr 
feference, the sense or spirit which was mingled 
with the whole mass. These motives are eidxr 
laudable, or at least innocent In two of tibrse 
exceptions, my ordinary mode of citatioo was 
superfluous; in the other three, it was imprac- 
ticable. • 

In quoting a comparison which Tertullian had 
used to express the rapid increase of the Mar 
cionites, I expressly declared that I was obl^:cd 
to quote it from memon-.* If I have been guitty 
of comparing them to bees instead of ur^sps, I cu 
however most sincerely disclaim the 
suspicion of Mr. Davis,t who imagines that I 
tempted to amend the simile of Tertullian, from a 
improper partiality for tlH)se odious heretics. 

A rescript of Diocletian, which declared ike oid 
law (not an old law;};) had been alleged by meet 

* Gibbon^ IlUtory, p. 351. 1 shall usually re£er to thelki^ 
edition, unlcvs there arc any various readings. 
i Davis, p. 144. ♦ Gibbon, p. 595. 


t respectable authority of Fra-Paolo. The Ex- 

iner, who thinks that he has turned over the 

;e8 of the Theodosian code, informs * his reader 

t it may be found, 1. vi.- tit. xxiv. leg. 8.; he 

I be surprised to learn that this rescript could 

; be found in a code where it does not exist, but 

t it may. distinctly be read in the same number, 

! same title, and the same book of the code of 

(TiNiAN. He who is severe should at least be 

t : .yet I should probably Imve disdained this 

Kute animadversion, unless it had served to dis- 

Y the general ignorance of the critic in the his- 

f of the Roman jurisprudence. If Mr. Davis 

[not been an absolute stranger, the most 

icherous guide could not have persuaded him 

t a rescript of Diocletian was to be found in the 

Dodosian code, which was designed only to pre- 

/e the laws of Constantine and his successors. 

!ompendiosam (says Theodosius himself) Diva- 

a Constitutionum scientiam, ex D. Constantini 

iporibus roboramus." (Novell, ad calcem Cod. 

^. L. i. tit. i. leg. 1.) 

1. Few obiects are below the notice of Mr. Erbois or 

vis, and his criticism is never so formidable as 

en it is directed against the guilty corrector of 

press, who on some occasions lias shewn him- 
' negligent of my fame and of his own. Some 
>r8 have arisen from the omission of letters; 
m the confusion of ciphers, which perhaps were 

very distinctly marked in the original manu- 
ipt. The two of the Roman, and the eleven of 

* Davit, p. 330. 


52ft viKDiCATioK, ke. 

the Arabic numerals, have been unfortunately nm^ 
taken for each other ; the similar forms of a 8 and 
a 3, a 5 and a 6, a 3 and an 8, have improperly 
been transposed ; Antolycus for Atitolycus, Idoiar 
tria for Ido/iolatria, Holsterius for Holsteiiiua^ had 
escaped my own observation, as well as the; ^i- 
gence of the person who* was employed to revise 
tkic sheets of my History. These important enois, 
from the indulgence of a deluded public, have 
been multiplied in the numerous impreasions of 
three different editions ; and for the present 1 cm 
only lament my own defects, while I deprecate die 
wrath of Mr. Davis, -who seems ready to infer that 
I cannot either read or write. I sincerely admire 
his patient industry, which I despair of being aUe 
to imitate ; but if a future edition should ever be 
required, I could wish to obtain on any reasonable 
terms, the services of so useful a corrector. 
DiPFi- III. Mr. Davis had been directed by my reie- 

EoiTi'oNi. rences to several passages of Optatus Milevitanus,* 
and of the Bibliothfeque Eccl^siastique of ^f . Du- 
pin.f He eagerly consults those places, is unsuc- 
cessful, and is happy. Sometimes the place which 
I have (juotcd does not offer any of the circum- 
stances which I had alleged, sometimes only a few; 
and sometimes the same passages exhibit a sense 
totally adverse and repugnant to mine. These 
shameful misrepresentations incline Mr. Davis to 
suspect that I have never consulted the original, 
(not even of a common French book !) and he as- 

* Davb, p. 73' t W- P- 132—136. 


VirfDJCATION, &c. 529 

his right to censure my presumption. These 
rtant charges form two distinct articles in the 
f misrepresentations ; but Mr. Davis has amu- 
imself with adding to the shps of the pen or 
e press, some complaints of his ill success, 

he attempted to verify my quotations from 
ian and from Shaw's Travels.* 
e success of Mr. Davis would indeed have 

somewhat extraordinary, unless he had con- 
1 the same editions^ as well as the same places. 
Jl content myself with mentioning the edi- 

which I have used, and with assuring him, 
if he renews his search, he will not, or rather 
[le will, be disappointed. 

r. Gibbon's Editions. 
IS Milevitanus, by Du- 
fol. Paris, 170G. 
. Biblioth^que Ecclest- 
jue, 4to. Paris, 169O. 
ni Opera, Edit, Fell. fol. 
Jterdam, 1700. 
i Travels; 4to. London, 


Mr. Davis's Editions. 
Fol. Antwerp, 1702. 

8vo. Paris, l687» 

Most probably Oxon, 168^. 

The folio Edition. 

'. The nature of my subject had led me to Unnsn 
ion, not the real origin of the Jews, but their Ta«tu».' 
ippearance to the eyes of other nations ; and I 
Dt avoid transcribing the short passage in 
h I had introduced them. " The Jews, who 
r the Assyrian and Persian monarchies had 
lishcd for many ages the most despised por- 

^ Davis, p. 151 — 1^5. 

L. IV. M M tion 


tion of their slaves^ emerged from their obscurity 
under the successors of Alexander. And as diey 
multiplied to a surprising degree in the east, and 
afterwards in the west, they soon excited the car 
riosity and wonder of other nations/** This sim- 
ple abridgment seems in its turn to h&ve excited 
the wonder of Mr. Davis, whose surprise almost 
renders him eloquent. ^^ What a strange assem- 
blage/' says he, '^ is liere ? It is like Milton s 
chaos, without bound, without dimenaon, whoe 
time and place are lost. In shorty what does thb 
display afford us, but a deal of boyish colouring to 
the prejudice of much good history ?"t If I rightly 
underhand Mr. Davis's language, he censures, as 
a piece of confused declamation, the passage whidi 
he has produced from my History ; and if I collect 
the angry criticisms which he has scattered over 
twenty pages of controversy, J I think I can disco* 
ver that there is hardly a period, or even a word, 
in this unfortunate passage, which has obtained 
the approbation of the Examiner. 

As nothing can escape his vigilance, he censures 
me for including the twelve tribes of Israel under 
the common appellation of Jews,§ and for extend- 
ing the name of Assyrians to the subjects of the 
kings of Habvlon ;|| and again censures me, be- 
cause some facts which are affirmed or insinuated 
in my text, do not agree with the strict and pro- 
per limits which he has assigned to those nariooal 

♦ Gibbon, p. 537. t Davis, p. 5- 

i Davis, p. 2—2Q, } Id. p. 3, 

II id. p. 2. 



denominations. The name of Jews has indeed 
been estabhshed by the sceptre of the tribe of 
Judah, and, in the times which precede the cap- 
tivity, it is used in the more general sense with 
some sort of impropriety ; but surely I am not pe- 
culiarly charged with a fault which lias been cop- 
seccated with the consent of twenty centuries, the 
practice of the best writers, ancient as well as mo- 
dem, (see Josephus and Prideaux, even in the 
titles of their respective works,) and by the usage 
of modem languages, of the Latin, the Greek, and 
if I may credit Reland, of the Hebrew itself (see 
P^destin; L. i., c. 6). With regard to the other 
word, that of Assyrians, most assuredly I will not 
lose myself in the labyrinth of the Asiatic monar- 
chies before the age of Cjtus ; nor indeed is any 
BK>re required for my justification, than to prove 
that Babylon was considered as the capital and 
royal seat of Assyria. If Mr. Davis were a man of 
learning, I might be morose enough to censure his 
ignorance of ancient geography, and to overwhelm 
him under a load of quotations, ^which might be 
collected and transcribed with verv little trouble : 
but as I must suppose that he has received a clas- 
sical education, I might l)a\ns expected him to 
have read the first tx>ok of Herodotus, where that 
historian describes, in the clearest and most ele- 
gant terms, the situation and greatness of Babylon : 

Tvc ii Acavpini ra (aip xou xai aXA« voXt^uxrx fAtyaXa 
v«XA«y TO ii otofMtrroTXTOp xsn iirp^u^orarov xxi iwS'x c^i^ 
NftMv x¥xrTXTQ\) ytPOfAiTfi^^ rx |3a0*iAi|ia xarrfrmxify nv B»- 

CnXtfy. {Glio.c. 178.) I may be surprised that he should 

H M 2 be 


he so little conversant with the Cyropasdia of XeiM^ 
phon, in the whole course of which the king of Babj« 
Ion, the adversary of the Medes and Persians^ b re- 
peatedly mentioned .by the style and title of the 

Assyrian, 'O ^f Ao-tu^io^, e BaCuX«»a n t^mw xai iw 

a^n» A^-o-ufiav: (L. ii. p. 102, 103, edit. Hutchinson.) 
But there remains something; more : and Mr. Davis 
must apply the same reproaches of inaccuracy^ ^ 
not ignorance^ to the prophet Isaiah, who, in the 
name of Jehovah, announcing the downfall of 8i* 
bylon and the deliverance of Israel, declares with 
an oath, ^^ And as I have purposed the thing shall 
stand : to crush the Assyrian in my land, and to 
trample him on my mountains. Then shall bb 
yoke depart from off them ; and his burthen shall 
be removed from off their shoulders.*' (Isaiah, xir. 
21,25. Lowth's new translation. See likewise the 
Bishop's note, p. 1)8.) Our old translation ex- 
presses, with less elegance, the same- meaning: 
but I mention with pleasure the labours of a re- 
spectable prelate, who in this, as well as in a for- 
mer work, has very happily united tlie most criti- 
cal judgment, with the taste and spirit of poetr}'. 
The jealousy which Mr. Davis affects for the 
honour of the Jewish people m ill not suffer him 
to allow that they Mere slaves to the conquerors of 
the East: and while he acknowledsres that thev 
were tributary and dependant, he seems desirous 
of introducing, or even inventing, some milder 
expression of the state of vassalage and stib$€r^ 
vience ;* from whence Tacitus assumed tlic words 

• Davis, p. 6, 



of despectissima pars seroientiuin. Has Mr. Davis 
never heard of the distinction of civil and political 
slavery? Is he ignorant that even the natural 
and victorious subjects of an Asiatic despot have 
been deservedly marked with the opprobrious epi- 
thet of slaves by every writer acquainted with the 
name and advantage of freedom ? Does he not 
know that, under such a government, the yoke is 
imposed with double weight on the necks of the 
vanquished, as the rigour of tyranny is aggravated 
by the abuse of conquest ? From the first invasion 
of Judaea by the arms of the Assyrians, to the sub- 
version of the Persian monarchy by Alexander, 
there elapsed a period of above four hundred years, 
which included about twelve ages or generations 
of the human race. As long as the Jews asserted 
their independence, they repeatedly suffered every 
calamity which the rage and insolence of a victo- 
rious enemy could inflict: the throne of David 
was overturned, the temple and city were reduced 
to ashes, &nd the whole land, a circumstance per- 
haps unparalleled in history, remained threeseore 
and ten years without inhabitants, and without 
cultivation. (2 Chronicles, xxxvi. 21.) According 
to an institution which has long prevailed in Asia, 
and particularly in the Turkish government, the 
most beautif\il and ingenious youths were carefully 
educated in the palace, where superior merit some- 
times introduced these fortunate slaves to the fa- 
vour of the conqueror, and to the honours of the 
state. (See the book and example of Daniel.) The 
f9st gf the unhappy Jews experienced the hard 

M H 3 ships* 



ships of captivity and exile in distant lands ; and 
while individuals were oppressed, the nation seem- 
ed to be dissolved or annihilated. The gracioitt 
edict of Cyrus was offered to all those who wor- 
shipped the God of Israel in the temple of Jeru- 
salem ; but it was accepted by no more than forty- 
two thousand persons of either sex and of every 
age, and of these about thirty thousand derived 
their origin from the tribesof Judali, of Benjamin, 
and of Levi. (See Ezra, i. Nehemiah, vii. and Pri- 
deaivix's Connections, vol. i. p. 107, foL edit. Lon- 
don, 17 IB.) The inconsiderable band of exiles^ 
who returned to inhabit the land of their fathers^ 
cannot be computed as the hundred and fiftieth 
part of the mighty people that ha<l been numbered 
by the impious rashness of David. After a survey, 
which (h(l not comprchciul the tribes of Ix'vi and 
Bcnjaniin, the monarch was assured that he reiirned 
o\'cr one mi/lion Jive hundred and seventy thousand 
7urn that drew sword, (1 ChroniclcvS, xxi. ] — 6^. 
and the Country of Judaea must have containetl 
near seven millions of free inhabitants. The pro- 
gress of restoration is always less rapid than tliat 
of destruction ; Jerusalem, which had l>een ruinal 
in a few months, was rebuilt by the^low and inter- 
rupted lalK>urs of a whole century ; and the Jews 
w ho jxiadually multiplied in their native seats en- 
joyed a servile and precarious existence, which 
depended on the capricious will of their master. 
The books of Ezra and Nehemiah do not afford a 
ver}'- pleasing view^ of their situation under the 
Persian empire; and the book of Esther exhibits 

a mo5t 


a most extraordiiiaiy instance of the degree of 
timation in which they were held at the court of 
SussL A mmister addressed his king in the fol- 
lowing words, which may be considered as a com- 
mentary on the despectissima pars servientium of 
the Roman historian : ^' And Haman said to King 
Ahasuems, There is a certain people scattered 
abroad, and dispersed among the people in all the 
provinces of thy kingdom ; and their laws are di- 
verse from all people, neither keep they the King's 
laws ; therefore it is not for the King's profit to 
suffer them. If it please the King, let it be written 
that they may be destroyed ; and I will pay ten 
thousand talents of silver to the hands of thosp 
that have the charge of the business, to bring it to 
the King's treasuries. And the King took his ring 
fiom his hand, and gave it to Haman, the son of 
Uammedatha the Agagite, the Jews' enemy. And 
the King said unto Haman, The silver is giveii 
unto thee ; the people also, to do with them as it 
seemeth good to thee." (Esther, iii. 8 — 11.) This 
trifling favour was asked by the Minister, and 
granted by the Monarch, with an easy indifference, 
which expressed their contempt for the lives and 
fortunes of the Jews ; the business passed without 
difliculty through the forms of office; and had 
Esther -been less lovely, or less beloved, a single 
day would have consummated the universal slaugh- 
ter oS a submis^ve people, to whom no legal de- 
fence was allowed, and from wlM>m no resistance 
seems to liave been dreaded. I am a stranger to 
Mr. Davis s pohtical principles; but I should think 

H II 4 that 


that the epithet of slaves^ and of despised slaves 
may, without injustice, be applied t6 a captive na* 
tion, over whose head the sword of tvrannv was 
suspended by so slender a thread. 

The policy of the Macedonians was very diffe- 
rent from tliatof the Persians; and yet Mr. Davis, 
who reluctantly confesses that the Jewsnvere op- 
pressed by the former, does not understand how 
long they were favoured and protected by the 
latter * In the shock of those revolutions whidi 
divided the empire of Alexander, Judsea, like the 
other provinces, experienced the transient ravages 
of an advancing or retreating enemy, wlio led away 
a multitude of captives. But, in the age of Jose- 
phus, the Jews still enjoyed the privileges granted 
by the kings of Asia and Egypt, who had -fixed 
numerous colonics of that nation in the new cities 
of Alexandria, Antioch, &c. and placed them in the 
same honourable condition (i(ro7roAiTac, icoti/a^c) as 
the (j reeks and Macedonians themselves. (Joseph. 
Antiquitat. 1. xii. c. 1. 3. p. 585. 596. vol. i. edit. 
Ilavcrcamp.j Had they been treated with less in- 
dulgence, their settlement in those celebrated 
cities, the seats of commerce and learning, was 
enough to introduce them to the knowledge of the 
world, and to justify my absurd proposition, that 
they emerged from obscurity under the successors 
of Alexander. 

The Jews remained and flourished under tlie 
mild dominion of the Macedonian princes, till they 

* Davis, page 4. 



were compelled to assert their civil and religious 
rights against Antiochus Epjphanes, who had 
adopted new maxims of tyranny ; and the age of 
the Maccabees is perhaps the most glorious period 
of the Hebrew annals. Mr. Davis, who on this 
occasion is bewildered by the subtlety of Tacitus, 
does not comprehend why the historian should 
ascribe the independence of the Jews to three ve- 
gative causes, " Macedonibus invalidis, Parthis 
nondum adultis, et Romani procul aberant." To 
the understanding of the critic, Tacitus might as 
well have observed that the Jews were not de- 
stroyed by a plague, a famine, or an 'earthquake; 
and Mr. Davis cannot see, fot his own part, any 
reason why they may not have elected kinga of 
their own two or three hundred years before,* 
Such indeed was not the reason of Tacitus ; he 
probably considered that every nation, depressed 
by the weight of a foreign power, naturally rises 
towards the surface, as soon as the pressure is re- 
moved ; and he might think that, in a short and 
rapid history of the independence of the Jews, it 
Vas Sufficient for him to shew that the obstacles 
did not* exist, which, in an earlier or in a later pe- 
riod, would have checked their efforts. The cu- 
rious reader, who has leisure to study the Jewish 
and Syrian history, will discover, that the throne 
of the Asmonaean princes was confiimed by the 
Uvo great victories of the Parthians over Deme- 
trius Nicator, and Antiochus Sidetes (see Joseph. 

^ Davit, jmge 8. 


538 VINDICATIOy, &c. 

Antiquitat. Jud. 1. xiii. c. 5, 6. 8, 9. Justin, xxxvi 
1. xxxviii. 10. with Usher and Prideaux, before 
Christ 141 and 130;) and the expression of Taci- 
tus, the more closely it is examined, will be the 
more rationally admired. 

My quotations* are the object of Mr. Davis's 
criticism,! as well as the text of tliis short, but 
obnoxious passage. He corrects the error of my 
memor}', which had suggested serviiuiis instead 
of servientium ; and so natural is the alliance be- 
tween truth and moderation, that on this occasbo 
he forgets his character, and candidly acc|uits me 
of any malicious design to misrepresent the words 
of Tacitus. Tlie olher references, which arc con- 
tained in the first and second Notes of mv Fif- 
teenth Ciiapter are connected with each other, and 
can onlv be mistaken after thev have been forciWv 
separated. The silence of Herodotus is a fair evi- 
dence of tlic obscurity of the Jews, who had esca- 
ped the eyes of so curious a traveller. The Jews 
are first mentioned by Justin, when he relates \\\c 
siege of Jerusalem by AnticK'hus Sidetes; and tli« 
eoncjucst of Judiea, by the arms of Pompey, en- 
gaged l)io<lorus and Dion to introduce that angu- 
lar nation to the acquaintance of their reader*. 
These epochs, which are within seventy years ot 
each other, mark the age in which tlu* Jewish 
people, emerging tVom their obscurity, l)egau tu 
act a part in the society of nations, and to exeilc 
the curiosity of the Greek and Roman historian 

' G.i'Luii, [kjHJ, Note 1,jJ. f Davis, p. 10, 11. 20. 



For that purpose only, I had appealed to the au* 
thority of Diodorus Siculus, of Justin, or rather of 
Trogus Pompeius, and of Dion Cassius. If I had 
designed to investigate the Jewish antiquities, 
reason, as well as faith, must have directed my in- 
quiries to the Sacred Books, which, even as human 
productions, would deserve to be studied as one of 
the most curious and original monuments of the 

I stand accused, though not indeed by Mr. Da- 
vis, for profanely depreciating tlie promised Land, 
as well as tlje chosen People. , The Gentleman 
without a name has placed this charge in the front 
of his battle,* and if my memor\' does not deceive 
me, it is one of the few remarks in Mr. Apthorpe's 
book, which have* any immediate relation to my 
Histor}^ They seem to consider in the light of a 
reproach, and of an unjust reproach, the idea which 
I had given of Palestine, as of a territory scarcely 
superior to Wales in extent and fertility ;t and 
they strangely convert a geographical obser^^a- 
tion into a theological error. When I recollect 
that the imputation of a similar error was employed 
by the implacable Calvin, to precipitate and to 
justify the execution of Servetus, I must applaud 
the felicity of this country, and of this age, which 
has disarmed, if it could not mollify, the fierceness 
of ecclesiastical criticism. (See Dictionnaire Cri- 
tique de ChauflFepie, tom. iv. p. 223.) 

As I had compared the narrow- extent of Phoeni- 

* Remarks, p. 1. t Gibbon, p. 30. 


cia and Palestine with the important Uesnngi 
which those celebrated countries had difliiacd over 
the rest of the earth, their minute size became an 
object not of censure but of praise. 

IngeiUes animos angusto in pectore Tersuit. 

The precise measure of Palestine was taken froa 
Templeman's Survey of the Globe; he allows to 
Wales 7011 square English miles, to the Moitt 
or Peloponnesus 7220, to the Seven United Pro- 
vinces 7346, and to Juda?a or Palestine 7fi00. 
The difference is not very considerable^ and if any 
of these countries has been magnified beyond tti 
real size, Asia is more liable than Europe to have 
been affected by the inaccuracy of Mr. Temple- 
man*s maps. To the authority of this modem sur- 
vcv, I shall only add the-ancient and weisrhtv to- 
timony of Jcrom, who passed in Palestine above 
thirty vcars of his life. From Dan to Bcr>hc!>alu 
the two fixed and proverbial boundaries of the 
Holy Land, he reckons no more than one hundred 
and sixty miles (Hieronym. ad Dardanum. torn, 
ijl. p. 66), and the breadth of Palestine cannot bv 
any expedient be stretched to one half of it< 
length. (Sec Reland, Palestin. L. ii. c. 5. p.421 ) 
The degrees and limits of fertility cannot be as- 
certained with the strict simplicity of ge»>graphical 
measures. Whenever we speak of the productions 
of the earth, in different climates, our ideas muvl 
be relative, our expressions vague and doubtful, 
nor can we always distinguish Ijetween the gitt» 
of Nature and the rewards of industry. The em- 
peror Frederick II., the encmv and the victim of 



I clergy, is accused of saying, after his return 
m his Crusade, that the God of the Jews would 
re despised his promised land, if he had once 
n the fruitful realms of Sicily and Naples. (See 
mnone Istoria Civile del Regno di Napoli, torn, 
p. 245.) This raillery, which malice has per- 
is falsely imputed to Frederick, is inconsistent 
:h truth and pietr; yet it must be confessed, 
t the soil of Palestine does not contain that in- 
laustible, and as it were spontaneous principle 
fecundity, which, under the most unfavourable 
cumstances, has covered with rich harvests the 
iksof the Nile, the fields of Sicily, or the plains 
Poland. The Jordan is the only navigable river 
Palestine: a considerable part of the narrow 
ice is occupied, or rather lost, in the Dead Sea, 
lose horrid aspect inspires every sensation of 
gust, and countenances every tale of horror. 
le districts which border on Arabia partake of 
* sandy quality of the adjacent desert. The 
:e of the country, except the sea-coast and the 
lley of the Jordan, is covered with mountains, 
lich appear for the most part as naked and bar- 
I rocks; and in the nefghbourhood of Jerusalem 
rre is a real scarcitv of the two elements of earth 
d water. (See Maundrel's Travels, p. 65y and 
iland Palestin. torn. i. p. 238-^393.) These di»- 
vantages, which now operate in their fullest ex- 
it, were formerly corrected by the labours of a 
merous people, and the active protection of a 
se government. Tlie hills were clothed with 
h beds of artificial mould, the laiu was collected 



in vast cisterns, a supply of fresh water wis 
veyed by pipes and aqueducts to the dry' lands^ the 
breed of cattle was encouraged in those puti 
which were not adapted for tillage, and almost 
every spot was compelled to yield some productioB 
for the use of the. inhabitants. (See the same tes- 
timonies and observations of Maundrel and St- 
land.) • 

Pater ipse coleodi 

Haud facilem esse viam voluil, primttsque per 
Movit agros; curis acuens mortalia cordm 
Nee toqiere gravi passus sua R£gma vetemo. 

Such are the useful victories which have bees 
achieved by Man on the lofty mountains of Swit- 
zerland, alonii: the rocky coast of Genoa, and upoi 
the barren hills of Palestine; and since Wales hat 

flourislicd under the influence of English treedoia 
tliat rugp^ed country has surely acquired some 
bharc of the same industrious merit and the same 
artificial fertility. Those critics who inteq>nrt 
the comparison of Palestine and M'ales as a tacit 
libel on the former, are themselves guilty of an un- 
just satire against the latter of those countrie>. 
Such is the injustice of Mr. Apthorpe and of llic 
anonymous Gentltman: but if Mr. Davis (a* wc 
may suspect from his name) is himself of Cam- 
brian origin, his ])atriotism on this occasion has 
protected me from his zeal. 

\ . 1 shall begin this article by the confession of 
an error w inch candour might perhaps excuse, hut 
which my Adversary magnifies by a |>athetic in- 
tcirogation. *' When he tells us, that he has i-an?- 



examined all the original materials, are we 
lieve him? or is it his design to try how far 
redulity and easy disposition of the age will 
r him to proceed unsuspected and undiscover- 

Quousque tandem abuteris Cdtilina patten tid 

speaking of the danger of idolatry, I had 
id the picturesque expression of TertuUian, 
cogita sylvam et quanke latitant spinse," and 
ig it marked c. 10. in my Notes, I hastily, 
jh naturally, added de Idololatria^ instead of 
^rona MilitiSj and refeiTed to one Treatise of 
dlian instead of another.f And now let me 
1 my turn, whether Mr. Davis had any real 
ledge of the passage which I had misplaced, 
lethcr he made an ungenerous use of his ad- 
ige, to insinuate that I had invented or per- 
d the words of TertuUian? Ignorance is less 
nal than malice, and I shall be satisfied if he 
>lead guilty to the milder charge, 
e same observation may be extended to a pas- 
of Le Clerc, which asserts, in the clearest 
{, the ignorance of the more ancient Jews 
regart! to a future state. Le Clerc lay opeh 
e me, but while my eye moved from the book 
» paper, I transcjibed the reference c. 1 . sect, 
itead of sect. 1 . c. 8. frontthe natural, but er- 
>us persuasion, that Chapter expressed the 
r, and Section the smaller division ::|; and this 

avis, p. ^5. t Gibbon, p. 553. Note 40. 

ibboD, p. 560. Note 58. 



difference, of such trifling moment and so easitv 
rectified, holds a distinguished place in the list of 
Misrepresentations which adorn Mr. Davis's Table 
of Contents.* But to return to Tertullian. 
. The infernal picture, which I had producedf 
from that vehement writer, which excited the lior- 
ror of every humane reader, and which even Mr. 
Davis will not explicitly defend, has furnished him 
with a few critical cavijs.;}: Happy should I tliink 
myself, if the materials of my History could be 
always exposed to the Examination of the Public; 
and I shall be content with appealing to the impar- 
tial Reader, whether my Version of this Passage is 
not as fair and as faithful, as the more literal trans- 
lation which Mr. Davis has exhibited in an oppo- 
site column. I shall only justify two expressions 
which have provoked his indignation. 1. I hail 
observed that the zealous African pursues the in- 
fernal dcscri|>tion in a lonir vaiietv of affected and 
unfeeling witticisms; the instances of Gods, ot' 
Kings, of Magistrates, of Philosophers, of PoeU 
of Traufcdians, were introduced into mv Tramla- 
tion. I'hose which I had omitted, relate to the 
Dancers, the Charioteers, and the Wrenlers ; and 
it is almost impossible to express those conceits 
which are coimectecl with the language and man- 
ners of the Romans. But the reader will be sutn- 
cienily shocked, when he is informed that Tertul- 
lian alludes to the improvement which the aarilitv 


• Davis, p. Ip. t Gibbon, p. 566. 

I Davis, p. 29—33. 



Dancers, the red livery of the Charioteers, 
e attitudes of the Wrestlers, would derive 
le effects of fire. " Tunc histriones cognos-- 
K)lutiores multo per ignem ; tunc spectan- 
iriga in ftammea rota totus ruber. Tunc 
i contemplandi, non in Gymnasiis, sed in 
Lculati." 2. I cannot refuse to answer Mr. 
i very particular question. Why I appeal to 
ian for the condemnation of the wisest and 
irtuous of the Pagans ? Because 1 am in- 
to bestow that epithet on Trajan and the 
nes, Homer and Euripides, Plato and Aris- 
vho are all manifestly included within the 
ascription which I had produced. 
L accused of misquoting Tertullian ad Sea- 
* as an evidence that Martyrdoms were 
ntroduced into Africa-f Besides TertuUian, 
|uoted from Ruinart (Acta Sincera, p. 84.) 
ts of the Scyllitan Martyrs ; and a very mo- 
knowledge of Ecclesiastical History would 
iformed Mr. Davis, that the two authorities 
nnected establish the proposition asserted m 
xt. Tertullian, in the above-mentioned 
T, speaks of one of the Proconsuls of Africa, 
us Saturninus, " qui primus hie gladium in 
it;" the Acta Sincera represent the same 
rate as the Judge of the Scyllitan Martyrs ; 
linart, with the consent of the best critics, 
5 their sufferings* to the persecution of Se- 

• Davis, p. 35, 36. 

t Gibbon, p. 609. N. 172- 

IT, N N vcrus. 


verus. Was it my fault if Mr. Davis was incapable 
of supplying the intermediate ideas ? 

Is it likewise necessary that I should justify the 
frequent use which I have made of TertuUian? 
His copious writings display a lively and interest* 
ing picture of the primitive Church, and the scan- 
tiness of original materials scarcely left me the 
liberty of choice. Yet as I was sensible, that the 
Montani^m of TertuUian is the convenient screen 
which oqr orthodox Divines have placed before 
his errors, I have, with peculiar caution, confined 
myself to those works which were composed is 
the more early and sounder part of his life. 

As a collateral justification of my frequent ap- 
peals to this African presbyter, I had introduced, 
in the third edition of my History, two passages 
of Jerom and Prudentius, which prove that Ter- 
tuUian was the master of Cyprian, and that Cyprian 
was the master of the Latin Church.* Mr. Davis 
assures me, however, that I should have done bet- 
ter not to have " added this note,t as I have only 
accumulated my inaccuracies." One inaccuracy 
he has indeed detected, an error of the press, 
Hicronym. de Viris illustribus, c. 53 for 63 ; but 
this advantage is dearly purchased by Mr. Davis. 
ixJoq ro¥ iiioKTXixXoy^ wliich he produces as the ori- 
ginal words of Cyprian, has a braver and more 
learned sound, than Damagistrum ; but the quo- 
ting in Greek, a sentence which was pronounced, 

• Gibbon, p. 566. N. 7%. 
t Davis, p. 145. 


I recorded, in Latin, seems to bear the mark 
e most ridiculous pedantry ; unless Mr. Davis, 
ilting ror the first time the Works of Jerom, 
K>k the Version of Sophronius, which is 
ed in the opposite column, for the Text of 
riginal Author. My reference to Prudentiu^ 
B. xiii. 100. c^not so easily be justified, as I 
.mptuously believed that my critics would 
nue to read till they came to a full stop. I 
now place before them, not the first verse 
but the entire period, which they will find 
express, and satisfactory. The Poet says of 
yprian, whom he places in Heaven, 

c minus involitat tenis, nee ab hoc recedit orbe : 
(serit, eloquitur, tnurtat, docet, instniit, prophetat; 
c Libya papulas tantom reget, exit osqoe in ortmi 
is, et usque obitum ; Gallos fovet, imbait Briiammat, 
sidet Hesperia, Christum sent ultitnis 

[. On the* subject of the imminent dangers Solpiciwi 
h the Apocalypse has so narrowly escaped,* aud tra- 
Davis accuses me of misrepresenting the sen- 
its of Sulpicius Severusand Fra-Paolo,t with 
difference, however, that I was incapable of 
ng or understanding the text of the Latin 
3T ; but that I wilfully perverted the sense of 
[talian historian. These imputations I shall 
Y wipe away, by shewing that, in the first 
nee, I am probably in the right ; and that, in 
econd, he is certainly in the wrong. 

« GibboD, p. 56X 564. N. 67. 
t Davis, p. 40—^14. 

xn9 I.The 



1. The concise and elegant Sulpicius, who \a3 
been justly styled the Christian SaJlust. aftenn cn- 
tioning the exile and revelations of ot. John in 
the isle of Patnios, observes (and surely the obser- 
vation is in the language of complaint,) ** liibmm 
sacras Apocalypsis, qui quidem a plerisquc ant 
stulte aut impie non recipitur, conscriptum edidit** 
I am found guilty of supposing )D»/^i^iie to signify 
the greater number ; whereas Mr. Da^-is, with 
Stephens's Dictionary in his hand, is able to piov€ 
ihsX plerique has not always that extensive mean- 
ing, and that a classic of good authcMity has used 
the word in a much more limited ainl qualified 
sense. Let the Examiner therefore try to apply 
his exception to this particular case. For my part, 
/ stand under the protection of the ge&erai xssagt 
of the Latin language, and with a strong presump- 
tion in favour of the justice of my cause, or at 
least of the innocence and fairness of mv inten- 
tions; since I have translated a familiar word, 
according to its acknowledged and ordinary ac- 

But, *' if I had looked into the passage, and 
found that Sulpicius Scverus, there expressly telU 
us, that the Apocalypse was the work of St. Johiu 
I could not have committed so unfortunate a Utah 
der^ as to cite this Father as savins:, Tliat the 
greater number of Christians denied its CanoniaU 
authority/** rnfortunate indeed would have been 
my blunder, had I asserted that the same Chris- 


• Dan*, p. :ro. 



tians who denied its Canonical authority, admitted 
it to be the work of an Apostle. Such indeed was 
the opinion of Severus himself, and his opinion 
has obtained the sanction of the Church ; but the 
Christians whom he taxes with folly or impiety for 
rejecting this sacred book, must have supported 
their error by- attributing the Apocalypse to some 
uninspired writer; to John the Presbyter, or to 
Cerinthus the Heretic, 

If the rules of grammar and of logic authorise^ 
or at least allow me to translate plerique by the ^ 
greater number ^ the Ecclesiastical History of the 
fourth century illustrates and justifies this obvious 
interpretation. From a fair comparison of the 
populousness and learning of the Greek and Latin 
Churches, may I not conclude that the former con- 
tained the greater number of Christians qualified 
to pass sentence on a mysterious prophecy com-r 
posed in the Greek language ? May I not affirm, 
on the authority of St. Jerom, that the Apocalypse • 
was generally rejected by the Greek Churches ? 
" Quod si eam (the Epistle to the Hebrews) Lati- 
norum consuetudo non recipit inter Scripturas Ca- ' 
jionicas; nee Graecorum Ecclesias Apocalypsim 
Johannis ead^m libertate suscipiunt. Et tamen 
nos utramque suscipimus, nequaquam hujus^emr 
pons consuetudinem, sed , veterum auctoritatem 
sequentes," Epistol. ad Dardanum, tom. iii. p. 

It is not my design to enter any farther into tlie 
controverted history of that famous book ; but I 

N N 3 aiQ 

550 TIKDICATIOK) ftc. 

am called upon* to defend my Remark that the 
Apocal}T)se was tacitly excluded from the sacred 
canon by the council of Laodicea. (Canon LX.) 
To defend my Remark, I need only state the fact 
in a simple but more particular manner. The 
assembled Bishops of Asia, after enumerating all 
the books of the Old and New Testament which 
should be read in churches, omit the Apocalypse, 
and the Apocalypse alone ; at a time when it was 
rejected or questioned by many pious and learwd 
Christians, who might deduce a very plausible ar- 
gument from the silence of the Synod. 

2. When the Council of Trent resolved to prth 
nounce sentence on the Canon of Scripture, the 
opinion which prevailed, after some debate, was 
to declare the Latin Vulgate authentic and aimoii 
infallible; and this sentence, which was guanled 
by formidable anathemas, secured all the books of 
the Old and New Testament which composed that 
ancient version, " che si dichiarassero tutti in tuttc 
Ic parte come si trovano nella Biblia Latina, esser 
di Divina h ugual autoriti." (Istoria del Concifio 
Tridentino, L. ii. p. 147. llclmstadt (Viccnzd) 
1761.) When the merit of that version M-as dis- 
cussed, the majority of the theologians urge<l 

with confidence and success, that it was absolutelv 


necessary to receive the Vulgate as authentic and 
inspireil, unless they wished to abandon the vic- 
tory to the Lutherans, and the honours of the 

* By Mr. Daris, p. 41. and by Dr. Chcbum, RciDafk% p. 



church to the Grammarians. ^' In contrario dtlla ^ 
maggior parte de* teologi era detto . . . che questi 
uuovi Grammatici confouderanno ogni cosa, e 
sar^ £sirgli giudici e arbitri delia fede ; e in luogo 
de' teologi e canonist!, con verr^ tener il pri moconto 
neir assumere a Vescovati e Cardinalati de' pedanti." 
(Istoria del ConcilioTridentino, L. ii. p. 149) The 
sagacious historian, who had studied the Council, 
and the judicious Le Courayer, who had studied 
his author (Histoire du Concile de Tiente, torn. i. 
p. 245. Londres 1736), consider this ridiculous ' 
reason as the most powerful argument which influ- 
enced the debates of the Council : but Mr. Davis, 
jealous of the honour of a synod which placed tra- 
dition on a level with the Bible, affirms that Fra- 
Paolo has given another more substantial reason on 
which these Popish bishops built their determina^ 
tion, That after dividing the books under their 
consideration into three classes; of those which 
had been always held for-divine ; of those whose 
authenticity had formerly been doubted, but which 
by use and custom had acquired canonical autho- 
rity ; and of those which had never been properly 
certified ; the Apocalypse was judiciously placed 
by the Fathers of the Council in the second of 
these classes. 

The Italian passage, which, for that purpose, 
Mr. Davis has alleged at the bottom of his page, 
is indeed taken from the text pf Fra-Paolo ; but 
the reader, who will give himself the -trouble, or 
rather the pleasure, of perusing that incomparable 
historian, will discover that Mr. Davis has only 

X N 4 mis- 

55t riNDiCATiOK, kc. 

mistaken a motion of the opposition, for a measure 
of the administration. He will find, that this cri- 
tical division, which is so crroneouslv ascribed to 
the public reason of the council, was no more thai 
the ineffectual proposal of. a temperate minority, 
which was soon over-ruled by a majority of art- 
ful statesmen, bigotted monks, and dependent 

" We have here an evident proof tliat Mr. Gib- 
bon is equally expert in misrepresenting a modem 
as an ancient writer, or that he wilfully conceab 
the most material reason, with a design, no doubt, 
to instil into his reader a notion, that the authen> 
ticity of the Apocalypse is built on the slightest 
iMBiit. VII. I had cautiously obser\'ed (for I was ap- 
prized of the obscurity of the subject) that the 
Epistle of Clemens does not lead us to discover 
any traces of Episcopacy cither at Corinth or Ronie.t 
In this observation I particularly alluded to tlic 
republican fonn of salutation, '* The church of 
Gml inhabiting Rome, to the church of Cuxl inha- 
biting Corinth r'' without x}\c Ica^t nienti(m of a 
bishop or president in cither of those ecclc:>ia>lical 

Vet the piercing eye of Mr. Davis '^ can discover 
not only traces, but evident proofs, of Episi*oj>ae\ . 
in this Epistle of Clemens; and he actually (]uote5 
two passages, in which he distinguishes by capiul 

♦ Da\is, p. 44. j Giblx^n, p. 5<K, N. 110. 

: Da\LN p. 44, 45. 



letters the word Bishops, whose instittition Cle- 
meus refers to the Apostles themselves. But can 
Mr. Davis hope to gain credit by such egregious 
trifling? While we are searching for the origin of 
bishops, not merely as an ecclesiastical title, but 
as the peculiar name of an order distinct from that 
of presbyters, he ^ idly produces a passage, which, 
by declaring that the apostles established in every 
place bisfiops and deacons^ evidently confounds the 
presbyters with one or other of those two ranks. 
I have neither inclination nor interest to engage in 
a controversy which I had considered only in an 
historical light ; but I have already said enough to 
shew, that there are more traces of a disingenuous 
mind in Mr. Davis, than of ah episcopal order in 
the Epistle of Clemens. 

VIII. Perhaps, on some future occasion, I may Evtssiva^ 
examine the historical cliaracter of Eusebius ; per- 
haps I may inquire, how far it appears from his 
words and actions, that the learned bishop of Cae- 
sarea was averse to the use of fraud, when it was 
employed in the service of religion. At present, I 
am only concerned to defend my own truth and 
honour, from the reproach of misrepresenting the 
sense of the ecclesiastical historian. Some of the 
charges of Mr. Davis on this head are so strong, 
so pointed, so vehemently urged, that he seems to 
have staked, on the event of tlie trial, the merits 
of our respective characters. If his assertions are 
true, I deserve the contempt of learned, and the 
abhorrence of good men. If they^ are false, • • ♦ 

1. Ihad 

554 viXDiCATioy, &c. 

1. I had remarked, without anv malicious inten- 
tion, that one of the seventeen Christians who sut 
fered at Alexandria was likewise accused of rob- 
ben'.* Mr. Davis t seems enraged because I did 
not add that he was faUely accused^ takes some 
unnecessary pains to convince me that the Gieek 
word fo^xo^amtSf) signifies falso accusoius^ and 
*' can hardly think that anv one who had looked 
into the original, would dare thus absolutely lo 
contradict the plain testimony of the author he 
pretends to follow.^ A simple narrative of thb 
fact, in the relation of which Mr. Davis has realh 
suppressed several material circumstances, wnl 
afford the clearest justification. 

Eusebius has preser\'ed an original letter from 
Dionysius bishop of Alexandria to Fabius bishop 
of Antioch, in which the former relates the circum- 
stances of the persecution which had lately afflicted 
the capital of Egypt. He allows a rank among 
the martyrs to one Ncmesiou, an Egyptian, who 
M'as falsely or maliciously accused as a companicm 
of robbers. Before the centurion he justified him- 
self from this calumnv, which did not relate to 
him ; but l)cing charged as a Christian, he wi* 
brought in chains before the governor. Tliat un- 
just magistrate, after inflicting on Neroesion a 

• Gibbon, p. 654. N. 75. 

f Da\is, p. 01, 6'2, 6:3. This cidiculous charice is rppraied k* 
tnotlier sycophant^ (^in ihe Greek sense of the word,^ arni k»rtJ 
one of the laluabie communications, which the learning of a Ra*- 
Holph suggested to (lie candour of a Chclsuro. Sec RenuL-U 
p. CO9. 




Amble measure of stripes and tortures j gave orders 
that he should be burnt with the robbers. (Dio- 
i^ys. apud Euseb. L. vi. c. 41 .) 

It is evident that Dionysius represents the re* 
ligious sufferer as innocent of the criminal accusa- 
tion which had been falsely brought against him. 
It is no less evident, that whatever might be the , 
opinion of the Centurion, the supreme magistrate 
considered Nemesion as guilty, and that he affected 
to shew, by the measure of his tortures, and by 
the companions of his execution, that he punished 
him, not only as a Christian, but as a robber. The 
evidence against Nemesion, and that which might 
be produced in his favour, are equally lost ; and 
the question (which fortunately is of little mo- 
ment) of his guilt or innocence rests solely on the 
opposite judgments of his ecclesiastical and civil 
superiors. I could easily perceive that both the 
bishop and the governor were actuated by different 
passions and prejudices towards the unhappy suf- 
ferer; but it was impossible for me to decide 
which of the two was most likely to indulge his 
prejudices and passions at the expense of truth. 
In this doubtful situation I conceived that I had 
acted with the most unexceptionable caution, 
when I contented myself with observing that 
Nemesion was accused; a circumstance of a public 
and authentic nature, in which both parties were 

Mr. Davis will no longer ask, " What possible 
evasion then can Mr. Gibbon have recourse to, to 


556 TIKDICATI09, toC 

convince the worid that I }»\efaUdjf accused 
of a gross misrepresentation of Eusebius ?" 

S. Mr. Pavis^ charges me with falsifying Cfd' 
slfying is a very serious word) the testimony of 
Eusebius ; because it suited my purpose to nu^nify 
the humanity and even kindness of Maxentius 
towards the afflicted Christians-f To support this 
charge, he produces some part of a chapter of Eu- 
sebius, the English in his text, the Greek in his 
notes, and makes the ecclesiastioU historian ex- 
press himself in the following terms: ** Although 
Maxentius at first favoured the Christians iiith a 
view of popularity, yet afterwards, being acklicted 
to magic, and every other impiety, he exerted 
himself in persecuting the Christians, in a more 
severe and destructive manner than his predeces- 
sors had done before him." 

If it were in my power to place the volume and 
chapter of Eusebius (Hist. Eccles. L. viii. c. 14.) 
]>efore the eves of every reader, I should be satii- 
fied and silent. I should not be under the neces- 
sity of protesting, that in the passage quoted, or 
rather abridged, by my adversary', the second 
meml)er of the period, whieh alone contradicts my 
account of Maxentius, has not the most distant re- 
fereuce to that odious tyrant. After distinguish- 
ing the mild conduct which he affected touanb 
the Christians, Eusebius proceeds to animadvert 
with becoming severity on the general vices of 

• Da\i^, p. 64, 65. t Gibbon, p. 69J. N. l6^. 


yiNDiCAtioN, kc. 557 

Ills reign ; the rapes, the murders, the oppression, 
the promiscuous massacres, which I had faithfiilly 
teliated in their proper place, and in which the 
Christians, not in their religious, but in their civil 
capacity, must occasionally have shared with the 
rest of his unhappy subjects. The ecclesiasti- 
cal historian then makes a transition to another 
tyrant, the cruel Maximin, who carried away from 
his friend and ally Maxentius the prize of superior 
wickedness ; for he yras addicted to magic arts, 
and was a cruel persecutor of the Christians. The 
evidence of words and facts, the plain meaning of 
Eusebius, the concurring testimony of Caecilius or 
Lactantius, and* the superfluous authority of ver- 
sions and commentators, establish beyond the reach 
of doubt or cavil, that Maximin, and not M axenr 
tins, is stigmatized as a persecutor, and that Mr, 
Davis alone has deser\^ed the reproach oi falsify* 
ing the testimony of Eusebius. 

Let him examine the chapter on which he 
founds his accusation. If in that moment his 
feehngs are not of the most painful and humilia- 
ting kind, he must indeed be an object of pity ! 

3. A gross blunder is imputed to me by this 
polite antagonist,* for quoting, under the name of 
Jeroni, the Chronicle which I ought to have de- 
scribed as the work and property of Eusebius ;t 
and Mr. Davis kindly points out the occasion of 
my blunder, That it was the consequence of my 

• Davis, p. 66. t Gibbon, p. 673. N. 125. . 

- • 



looking no farther than Dodwell for this remark, 
and of not* rightly understanding his reference. 
Perhaps the Historian of the Roman Empiric may 
fa^ credited, when he affirms that he frequently 
'consulted a Latin Chronicle of the afiairs of that 
empire ; and he may the sooner be credited, if be 
shews that he knows something more of this 
Chronicle besides the name and the title-page. 

Mr. Davis, who talks so famiHarly of the Chro- 
nicle of Eusebius, will be surprised to hear that 
the Greek original no longer exists. Some chro- 
nological fragments, which had successively paaaed 
through the hands of Africanus and Eusebiui, art 
still extant, though in a very corrupt and muti- 
lated state, in the compilations of Syncelhis and 
Cedrenus. They have been collected, and dis- 
posed by the labour and ingenuity of Joseph Sea- 
liger; but that proud critic, always ready to ap- 
plaud his own success, did not flatter himself that 
he had restored the hundredth part of the genuine 
Chronicle of Eusehius. " Ex eo (Syncello) omnia 
Eusebiana excerpsimus qu'<je (luidcni deprehendere 
potuimus ; quae, quanquam ue centCbima quidem 
pars eorum esse videtur quie ab Eusebio relicta sunt 
aliquod tanien justuni volunien explere possunt.** — 
(Jos. Scaliger. Aniniadvcrsiones in Gmcca Eusebii 
in Thesauio Teniporum, p. 401. Amstelod. l6oS.^ 
While the Chronicle of Eusehius was perfect and 
entire, the second liook was translated into Latin 
by Jerom, with the freedom, or rather licencf. 
which that voluminous author, as well as his friciiJ 
or enemy Rufinus, always assumed. ** Plurinu m 



xtendo mutat, infulcit, prseterit," says Scaliger 
mself, in the Prolegomena^ p. 22. In the per- 
cution of Aurelian, which has so much offended 
r. Davis, we are able to distinguish the work of 
iisebius from that of Jerom, by comparing the 
:pressions of the Ecclesiastical Histoiy with 
ose of the Chronicle. The former affirms, that 
wards the end of his reign, Aurelian was moved 
r some councils to excite a persecution against 
le Christians ; that his design occasioned a great 
id general rumour; but tliat when the letters 
ere prepared, and as it were signed, divine justice 
smissed him from the world. HJii rio-t GsXanf ug 

%^a vao'i vfpi TSTs Xeyo;* fAiWoyra ft ntn xai 9j(fiH 
rf«» roic xaO* %iM»y y^afAfAotcip viroa*fif*f»sfAfvoir, Ofi» /tf* 

ici» iixn. Euseb. Hist. Eccles. L. vii. c, S0« 
^hereas the Chronicle relates, that Aurelian was 
lied after he had excited or moved a persecution 
^nst the Christians, *^ cum adversum nos per« 
scutionem movisset.'' 

From this manifest difference I assume a right 
» assert ; first, that the expression of the Chro* 
icle of Jeroniy which is always proper, became in 
ds instance necessary; and secondly, that the 
nguage of the fathers is so ambiguous apd in- 
>rrect, that we are at a loss to determine how far 
urelian had carried his intention before he was 
oassinated. I have neither perverted the Jact^ 
:>T have I been guilty of a gross blunder. 

IX. *^ The persons accused of Christianity had ^j^jj^ 


560 nxDiCATfov, Sue. 

a convenient time allowed tbem to settle llieif 
ciomestic concerns, and to prepare dieir answer."^ 
This observation had been suggested, pardr bri 
general expression of Cyprian (de f apsis, p. 8S. 
Edit. Fell. Amstelod. 1700.) and more esp^riilh 
by the second Apology of Justin Martyr, who gives 
a particular and curious example of this l^al 

The expressions of Cyprian^ " dies negantibns 
praestitutus, SccJ^ which Mr. Davis most pnidendj 
suppresses, are illustrated by Mosheim in the M- 
lowing words : '^ Primum qui delati erant aut sus^ 
pecti, illis certum dierum spatium judex definieboit, 
quo decurrente, secum deliberare poterant, utnun 
profiteri Christum an negare mallent; explaramit 
jidti prctfinicbantur dieSy per hoc tempus liberi mi- 
nebant in domibus suis; nee impediebat aliquis 
qucxl ex consequentibus apparet, ne fuga sibi con- 
sulcrent. Satis hoc crat humanum." (De Rebus 
Christianis ante Constantinum, p. 480.) The prac- 
tice of Eg^ pt was sometimes more expeditious and 
severe; but this humane indulgence was still al- 
lowed in Africa during the persecution of De- 

But my appeal to Justin Martyr is encountered 
bv Mr. Davis with the tbllowins: declaration:! 
*' The reader will observe, that Mr. Gibbon does 
not make anv reference to anv section or divisiOT 
of this part of Justin's work ; with what view wt 
may shrewdly suspect, when I tell him, that after 

• Gibbon, p. 66'3, t Davis, p. 71, 7t. ? 


accurate perusal of the whole second Apology, 
:an boldly affirm, that the following instance is 
5 only one that bears the most distant similitude 
what Mr. Gibbon relates as above on the autho^ 
y of Justin. What I find in Justin is as follows: 
\ woman being converted to Christianity, is 
aid to associate with her husband, because he is 
abandoned reprobate, lest she should partake of 
\ sins. Her husband, not being able to accuse 
^j vents his rage in this manner on one Ptole- 
Bus, a teacher of Christianity, and who had con- 
rted her, &c." Mr. Davis then proceeds to re- 
e the severities inflicted on Ptolemaeus, wlio 
ide a frank and instant profession of his faith ; 
d he sternly exclaims, that if I take every op- 
rtunity of passing encomiums on the humanity 
Roman magistrates, it is incumbent on me to 
)duce better evidence than this4 
His demand may be easily satisfied^ atid I need 
ly for that purpose transcribe and tmnslate the 
irds of Justin, which immediately precede the 
•eek quotation alleged at the bottom, of my ad- 
rsary's page. I am possessed of two editions of 
stin Martyr, that of Cambridge, 176'8, in 8vo. by 
'. Ashton, who only published the two Apolo^ 
» ; and that of all his works, published in folid^ 
ris, 1 742, by the Benedictines of the Congre- 
tion of St. Maar : the following curious passage 
ly be found, p. 164, of -the former, and p. 89, of 
I latter edition : KaTijyopiair w£tc*ijt«i^ Aiywir aMr%n 

VOL. IV. O O «gi»r«. 


rnv rw¥ iFfay^artiw Murtic Jioixuriir. xai 9\ntj(ft^€ati nrrt* 

^' lie brought an accusation against her, saying, 
that she was a christian. But she presented a peti* 
ti(m to- the emperor, prayii^ that she might fint 
be allowed to settle her domestic concerns; and 
promising, that after she had settled them, she 
would then put in her answer to the accusatioiL 
This you granted. " 

I disdain to add a single reflection ; nor shall I 
qualify the conduct of my adversary with any of 
those harsh epithets, which might be interpreted 
as ^e expressions of resentment, though I should 
be constrained to use them as the only words in 
the English language which could accurately re* 
present my cool and unprejudiced sentiments. 

X. In stating the toleration of Christianity dur- 
ing the greatest part of the reign of Diocletian, I had 
observed,* that the principal officers of the palace, 
whose names and functions were particularly speci- 
fied, enjoyed, with their wives and children, the 
free exercise of the Christian religion. Mr. Davis 
twice affimis,t in the most deliberate manner, that 
tliis pretended fiict, which is asserted on the sol« 
authority, is contradicted by the positive evidence, 
of Lactantius. In both these affirmations Mr. Davis 
is iuexcusablv mistaken. 

1. When the storms of persecution arose, the 
priests, who were offended by the sig^n of the 

♦ Gibbon, p. 676. N. 133. 134. 
t Davis, p. 75, 70. 



s, dbtained an order from the Emperor, that 
)rofane, the Christians, who accompanied him 
e Temple, should be compelled to offer sacri-^ 
and this incident is mentioned by the rheto* 
1, to whom I shall not at present refuse the 
5 of Lactantiusi The act of idolatry, which, 
e expiration of eighteen years, was required 
le officers of Diocletian, is a manifest proof 
their religious freedom had hitherto been in- 
te, except in the single instance of waiting 
leir master to the Temple ; a service less cri- 
1 than the profane compliance for which the 
iter of the King of Syria solicited the permis- 
>f the prophet of Israel. 
The reference which I made to Lactantius 
!ssly pointed out this exception to their free- 
But the proof of the toleration was built on 
ferent testimony, which my disingenuous ad- 
ry has concealed ; an ancient and curious in- 
tion composed by Bishop Theonas, for the use 
ician, and the other Christian eunuchs of the 
e of Diocletian. This authentic piece was 
shed in the Spicilegium of Dom Lucd'Acheri; 
i^d not the opportunity of consulting the ori- 
. I was contented with quoting it on the faith 
illemont, and the reference to it immediately 
des (ch. xvi. note 133.) the citation of Lac- 
js (note 1 34.) 

•. Da\'is may now answer his o\m question^ 
lat apology can be made for thus asserting, on 
)le authority of Lactantius, facts which Lac- 
is so expressly denies ?** 

Q o 2 XL 


09 CAt- XI. '^ I have already given a curious instance 
of our author's asserting, on the authority of Dion 
Cassius, a fact not mentioned by that historian. 
I shall now produce a very singular proof of \m 
endeavouring to conceal from us a passage really 
contained in him/'* Nothing but the angry ?e- 
hemence with which these cliarges are urged, 
could engage me to take the least notice of them. 
In themselves they are doubly contemptible ; they 
are trifling, and they are false. 

1. Mr. Davis t had imputed to me as a crimei 
that I had mentioned, on the sole testimony of DioD, 
(L. Ixviii. p. 1145,) the spirit of rebellion wkidi 
inflamed the Jews, from the reign of Nero to that 
of Antoninus Pius,;]: whilst tlie passage of that 
historian is confined to an insurrection in Cyprus 
and Cyrene, which broke out within that period. 
The reader who will cast his eye on tlie note 
(ch. xvi. note 1.) which is supported by that quo- 
tation from Dion, will discover that it related only 
to this particular fact. The general position, 
which is indeed too notorious to require any proot. 
I had carefully justilied in the course of the same 
paragraph; partly by another reference to Dion 
Cassius, partly by an allusion to the well-known 
history of Joscphus, and partly by several quota- 
tions from the learned and judicious Ba&nage. vkho 
has explained, in the most satisfactory manner, 
the principles and conduct of the rebellious Jews. 

2. The passage of Dion, which I am accuscii 01* 

• Davis, p. S3. t Idem, p. 11. t Gibbon, p. 622. 



ideavouring to conceal, might perhaps have re- 
ained invisible, even to the piercing eye of Mr. 
avis, if / had not carefully reported it in its 
oper place:* and it >vas in my power to report 

without being guilty of any inconsiderate con" 
adiction. I had obser\'ed, that, in the large his- 
ry of Dion Cassius, Xiphilin had not been able 

discover the name of Christians : vet I after- 
aids quote sl passage, in which Marcia, the fa- 
mrite concubine of Commodus, is celebrated as 
e patroness of the Christians. Mr. Davis has 
inscribed my quotation, hut he has concealed the 
iportant words which I now distinguish by Ita- 
a. (Ch. xvi. note 106. Dion Cassius or rather 
8 abbrerciator Xiphilin j L. Ixxii. p. 1206.) The 
ference is fairly made and cautiously qualified: 
am already secure iVopfi the imputations of fTau4 

inconsistency ; and the opinion which attributes 
e last-mentioned passage to the abbreviator, 
ther than to the original historian, may be sup- 
rtted by the most unexceptionable authoriti^. I 
all protect myself by those of Reimar (in his 
lition of Dion Cassius, torn. ii. p. 1207. note 34) 
id of Dr. Lardner : and shall only transcribe the 
ords of the latter, in his Collection of Jewish and 
eathen Testimonies, vol. iii. p. 37- 
" This paragraph I rather think tp he Xiphilin's 
lan Dion's. The style at least is Xiphilin's. In 
le other passages before quoted, Dion speaks of 
ipiety^ or atheism, or Judaism ; but never usetb 

♦ Gibbon, p. 69^. N. 107. 

o o 3 the 


-the word Christians. Another thing that may 
make us doubt whether this observation be entiiely 
Dion's is the phrase, * it is related (icro^ nrat).' For 
at the beginning of the reign of Commodus, he says, 
^ These things, and what follows, I write not from 
the report of others, but from my own knowledge 
and observation/ However, the sense roav be 
Dion's ; but I wish we had also his stvie, without 
any adulteration." . For my own part, I must, in 
my private opinion, ascribe even the sense of this 
passage to Xiphilin. Tlie Alonk might eagerly 
collect and insert an anecdote which related to the 
domestic history of the church ; but the religioQ 
of a courtezan must have appeared an object of 
very little moment in the eyes of a Roman consul, 
who, at least in every other part of his histor}\ dis- 
dained or neglected to mention the name of the 

** Wliat shall we sav now ? Do we not disotivcr 
the name of Christians in the histor\* of Dion : 
With whaj assurance then can Mr. Giblx>n, alter 
asserting a fact manifestly untrue, lay claim to 
the merits of diligence and accuracy, the inili- 
pensable duty of an historian? Or can he expcvt 
us to credit his assertion, that he has carefully c\- 
amined all the original materials?''* 

Mr. Gibbon may still maintain the character <»f 
an historian; but it is dilhcult to conceive how 
Mr: Davis will support his pretensions, if he as- 
pires to that of a gentleman. 

* Davuy p. 83. 

I aln'40>t 

VINDICATIOlf, &C. $67 

I almost hesitate whether I should take any 
notice of another ridiculous cliarge which Mr. 
Davis includes in the article of Dion Cassius. My 
adversary owns, that I have occasionally produced 
the several passages of the Augustan History 
which relate to tlie Christians; but he fiercely 
contends that they amount to more than six lines.* 
I really have not measured them ; nor did I mean 
that loose expression as a precise and definite num- 
ber. If, on a nicer survey, those short hints, 
when they are brought together, should be found 
to exceed six of the long lines of my folio edition, 
I am content that jny critical antagonist should 
substitute eight, or ten, or twelve lines ; nor shall 
I think either my learning or veracity' much ihte^ 
rested in this importmt alteration. 

XII. After a short description of the unworthy p&urr, 
conduct of those Apostates who, in a time of pen- 
secution, deserted the Faith of Christ, I produced 
the evidence of a Pagan Proconsul,t and of two 
Christian Bishops, Pliny, Dionysius of Alexandria, 
and Cyprian. And here the unfoi^ving Critic 
remarks, '' That Pliny has not particularized tliat 
difference of conduct (in the different apostates) 
which Mr. Gibbon here describes ; yet his name 
stands at the head of those authors whom he has 
cited on the occasion. It is allowed - indeed that 
this distinction is mad^ by the other authors ; but 
as Pliny, the first referred to by Mr. Gibbon, 

• Gibbon, p. 634. N. 24. f ^^^^^ P- ^^' N. 103. 

004 gives 



gives him no cause or reason to use thtm^ (I can- 
not help Mr. Davis s bad English,) it is certainlj 
very reprehensible in our author, thus to conibuiid 
their testimony, and to make a needless and im- 
proper reference/** 

A criticism of this sort can only tend to expose 
Mr. Davis's total ignorance of historical composi- 
tion. The writer who aspires to the name of his- 
torian, is oblig^ to consult a variety of originii 
testimonies, each of which, taken separately, is 
perhaps imperfect and partial. By a judicious re- 
union and arrangement of these dispersed materi- 
als, he endeavours to form a consistent and iDte* 
resting narrative. Nothing ought to be inserted 
which is not proved by some of the witnesses ; 
but their evidence must be to intimately blended 
together, that as it is unreasonable to expect that 
each of them should vouch for the whole, so it 
would l)c impossible to define the boundaries of 
their respective property. Neither Pliny, nor 
Dionysius, nor Cyprian, mention all the circum- 
stances and distinctions of the conduct of the 
Christian apostates ; but if any of them was with- 
drawn, the account which I have given would, in 
some instance, be defective. 

Thus much I thought necessarj- to say, as seve- 
ral of the subsec|uent misrepresentations of Oro^ius, 
of Bayle, of Fabricius, of Gregory of Tours, &c.,t 
which provoked the fur}' of Mr. Davis, are derived 

♦ Davis, p. 87, 88. + Davis, p. 88. 00. 137. 



from the ignorance of this common historical 

nother class of jnbrepresentations, which my 
irsary urges with the same degree of velie- 
ce, (see in particular those of Justin, Diodorus 
lus, and even Tacitus,) requires the support of 
her principle, which has not yet been intro- 
jd into the art of criticism ; that when a mo- 
historian appeals to the authority of the 
ents for the truth of any particular fact, he 
e's himself answerable, I know not to what 
nt, for all the circumjacent errors or incon- 
ncies of the authors whom he has quoted. 
III. I am accused of throwing out a false ac- Ignatius. 
tion against this Father,* because I had ob- 
edf that Ignatius, defending against the Gnos- 
the resurrection of Christ, employs a vague 
doubtful tradition, instead of quoting the cer- 
testimony of the Evangelists : and this obser- 
>n was justified by a remarkable passage of 
itius, in his Epistle to the Smymaeanrf, which 
ed according to the volume and the page of the 
edition of the Apostolical Fathers, published 
Amsterdam, 1724, in two volumes in folio, 
criticism of Mr. Davis is announced by one 
lose solemn declarations which leave not any 
ge, if they are convicted of falsehood. " I 
lot find any passage that bears the least affinity 
hat Mr. Gibbon observes, in the whole Epistle, 
ch I have read over more than once.** 

9 Davis, p. 100, 101. t Gibbon, p. 551. N. 35. 

I had 


I had already marked the situaiUmj nor is h in 
my power to prove the existCNce of this passage, 
by any other means than by producing the wonl5 
of the original. Eya* y«f xs« §UTa to awmwrmtm a 

W'mfui «;/T6> ••J« xjti virTfi>n •»t«, x«i m «rf k tsc vifi 

•ri owe* ffft^ft ixifAni^w ft0'VjbMr«»ft x» fvtuf mmv 'inl^rrfy ss 

nriCTf*.ra»* '^ I have knoiinu and I belierc, that 
after his resurrection likewise he existed in die 
flesh : And when he came to Peter, and to the 
rest, he said unto them, Take, handle me, and see 
that I am not an incorporeal dxmon or sfunr. 
And they touched him, and believed." The taith 
of the Apostles confuted the impious error of the 
Gnostics^ w^hich attributed only the appearmnees of 
a human bodv to the Son of God: and it was the 
great object of Iirnatiiis, in the last moments of 
his life, to secure the Christians of Asia Ironi the 
snares of those dangerous Heretics. According to 
tlie tradition of the modern Greeks, I<rnatiu> wis 
the child wlioin Je^us receivcii into his arms /see 
Tillemont Mem. Eccles. torn. ii. part ii. p. 43- ; 
vet as he could scarcelv be old enousjh to remciD- 
ber the resurrect itm of the Son of Ciod, he must 
have deriveti his know ledge tithcr from our p'c- 
sent Evangelists, or from some apocrjpliai Gos- 
pel, or iVoni some unwritten tradition. 

1. The Gt»spei> ot' St. Luke and St, John wouU 
undoubtedly have Nupplieil Ignatius with the mo»t 
in\ j-.KiMe pn>»fs of the reality vX the botiy i-: 
t*hi:>t. when l.e appeared to the A|>ostios after : s 
iCMincciiou; but neither of tl)ose GospcU cvHit;;:n 


tlie characteristic words of xx tmi*t»w atu^mnf and 
the important circumstance that either Peter, or 
those who were with Peter, touched the body of 
Christ and beheved. Had the saint designed to 
quote the Evangelist on a very nice subject of 
controversy, he would not surely have exposed 
himself, by an inaccurate, or rather by a false, re- 
ference, to the just reproaches of the Gnostics. 
On this occasion, therefore, Ignatius did not em- 
ploy, as he might have done, against the Heretics, 
the certain testimony of the E%'angelists. 

2. Jerom, who cites this remarkable passage 
from the Epistle of Ignatius to the Smymxans 
Jsee Catalog. Script.. Eccles. in Ignatio, torn. i. p. 
273. edit. Erasm. Basil, 1537-), is of opinion that 
it was taken from the Gospel which he himself 
tiad lately translated : and this, from the compari- 
son of two other passages in the same work (in 
Jacob, et in Matthxo, p. S64.), appears to have 
been the Hebrew Gospel, which was used by the 
N^azaienes of llerxa, as the genuine composition 
of St. Matthew. Yet Jerom mentions another 
Copy of this Hebrew Gospel, (so different from 
the Greek Text,) which was extant in the library 
formed at Csesarea, by the care (^famphilus: 
(vhilst the learned Eusebius, the friend of Pam- 
philus and the Bishop of Cxsarea, very frankly de- 
clares (His. Eccles. L. iit. c. 36.), that he is igno- 
rant from whence Ignatius borrowed those words, 
which are the subject of the present inquiry. 

3. Tlie doubt which remains, is only whether 
be took them fnnn an Apociyplial Book, or from 


mnmritten traditioni and I thought myself safe 
from every species of critics, when I e m b rMcd the 
ntional sentiment of Casiubon' and Ptiurkm. I 
shall produce the words of tiie Bishop : ^ yiictci ea 
ilenim obsenrandum est, quod de hac le acriprit 
Isaacus Casaubonus, Quinetiam fartaae veriuSf mm 
ex Evamgtlio Hebraico^ Tgnatium ilta verim ich 
tripriin^ vemm truditumem aliegaue mm wcr^Nm, 
fmw y&itea in literas Jkcrit rdata^ et HehrtM 
JBvangeliOt quodMattkae trihuehant^ ituertm. Et 
hoc quidem milu multo verisimilius videtor* 
(Peanon. Vindicise Ignatianae, part ii. c ix. pu SSfi. 
in torn. iL Patr. ApostoL) ^ 

I may now submit to the jftdgment of the Pub- 
lic, whether I have looked into die Epistle which 
I cite with such a parade of learning, and kamfn- 
Jitably Mr. Davis has read it over more than once. 
MBsiM. XIV. The learning and judgment of Mosheim 
had been of frequent use in the course of my His- 
torical Inquir}% and I had not been wanting in 
proper expressions of gratitude, lify vexatious 
adversary is always ready to start from his ambus- 
cade, and to harass my march by a mode of atta^ 
which cannot easily be reconciled with die laws of 
honourable \v%n The greatest part of the ^fisr^- 
presentations of Mosheim, which Mr. Davis hai 
imputed to me,* are of such a nature, that I must 
indeed be humble, if I could persuade myself to 
bestow a moment of serious attention on them. 
IFheiher Mosheim could prove that an abaolute 

^ Davh, p. 9li^^. 104— »1Q7. 1 14*132. 



rommunity of goods was not established among 
the Urst Christians of Jerusalem ; whether he sus- 
pectetl the purity of the Epistles of Ignatius; whe- 
ther he censured Dr. Middleton with temper or 
indignation (in this cause I must challenge Mr. 
Davis as an incompetent judge); whether he cor- 
roborates t\ie whole of my description of tlie pro- 
phetic oftice; whether he speaks with approbatioQ 
[>f the Immanity of Pliny ; and whether he attri- 
buted the same sense to the malejica of Suetonius, 
and the exitiabUis of Tacitus ? These questions, 
even as Mr. Davis has stated them, lie open to the 
judgment of every reader, and the superfluous 
observations which I could make, would be an 
abuse of their time and of my own. As little shall 
I think of consuming their patience, by examining 
whether Le Clerc and Mosheim labour in the in* 
terpretation of some texts of the Fathers, and par- 
ticularly of a passage of IrenEeus, which seem to 
favour the pretensions - of the Roman Bishop. 
The material part of the passage of Irenxus con- 
sists of aboutybwr lines ; and in order to-shew that 
the interpretations of Le Clerc and Mosheim are 
not laboured, Mr. Davis abridges them as much as 
possible in the space of twelve pages. I know not . 
whether the perusal of my History will justify the 
suspicion of Mr. Davis, that I am secretly inclined, 
to the interest of the Pope: but I cannot discover 
how the Protestant cause can be affected, if Irenasus 
in the second, or Palavicini in the seventeenth cen- 
tury, were tempted, by any private views, to coun- 
tenance in their writings the system of ecclesias- 


tical dominion, which has been pursued in every 
age by the aspiring Bishops of the Imperial city. 
Their conduct was adapted to the revolutions of 
the Christian Republic, but the same spirit ani- 
mated tlie haughty breasts of Victor the First, and 
of Paul the Firthf 

There still remain one or two of these imputed 
Misrepresentations, which appear, and indeed only 
appear, to merit a little more attention. In stating 
the opinion of Mosheim with regard to the pro* 
gress of the Gospel, Mr. Davis boldly declares, 
" tliat I have altered the truth of Moslieim*s his- 
tory, that I might have an opportunity of contra- 
dicting the belief and wishes of the Fathers."* 
In other words, I have been guilty of uttering a 
malicious falsehood. 

I had endeavoured to mitigate the sanguine ex- 
pression of the Fathers of the second ccntur}-, who 
had too hastily diffused the licjht of Christianirv 
over every part of the globe, by observing, as an 
undoubted fact, *' that the barbarians of Scythia 
and Gcrmanv, who subverted the Roman Mo- 
narchy, were involved in the errors of Paganism : 
and that even the conquest of Iberia, of Anncnia, 
or of iKthiopia, was not attempted with anv de- 
gree of success, till the sceptre was in the hamli 
of an orthodox Eniperor/'t I l^d referred the cu- 
rious reader to the Iburth renturv of Moslieim's 
General ilistorv of the Church: now Mr. Davii 
has discovered, and can prove, from that excellent 

♦ Davis p. V27. t Gibbon, p. 6l 1, 0'lC. 



H-ork, " that Christiani^, not long af^er its first 
rise, had been iDtnxluced into the less as well as 
greater Arnienia; tliat part of the Goths, Trbo in< 
iiabited Thracia. Mcesia, and Dacia, had received 
the Christian religion long before this century; 
ind that Theophilus, their Bishop, was present at 
the Council of Nice."* 

On this occasion, the reference was made to a 
popular work of Mosheim, for the satisfaction of 
the reader, tliat he might obtain the general vicvf 
}f the progress of Christianity in the fourth cen- 
tury, which I had gradually acquired by studying 
Kith some care the Ecclesiastical Antiquities -of 
the Nations beyond the limits of the Roman Em- 
pire. If I had reasonably supposed that the result 
3f our common inquiries must be the same, should 
[ have deserved a very harsh censure for my un- 
nispecting confidence? Or if I had declined the 
invidious task of se|Kuating a few immaterial errors, 
from a justand judicious representation, might not 
my respect for the name and merit of Mosheim 
save claimed some indulgence? But I disdain 
those excuses, which only a candid adversary would 
illow. I can meet Mr. Davis on .the hanl ground 
>f controversy, and retort on his own head the 
charge of concealing a part of the truth. He him- 
idf has dared to suppress the words of my text^ 
■inch immediately followed his quotation. " Be- 
fan that time the various accidents of war and 
oommerce might indeed dHfuse an imperfect 

* Daim, p. 136, 127. 



the writings of Mosheim, would alone convince 
me how little he has read them, since he must have 
been perpetually offended and disgusted by a train 
of thinking, the most repu^ant to his own. His 
je^ousy, however, for the honour of Mosheim, 
provokes him to arraign the boldness of Mr. Gib- 
bon, who presumesyii/^e(y to charge such an emi- 
nent man with unjustifiable assertions.^ I might 
' observe, that my style, which on this occasion was 
inore modest and moderate, has acquired, perhaps 
undesignedly, an illiberal cast from the rough hand 
of Mr. Davis. But as my veracity is impeached, I 
may be less solicitous about my politeness; and 
though I have repeatedly declined the fairest op- 
portunities of correcting the errors of my predeces- 
sors, yet, as long as I have truth on my side, I am 
not easily daunted by the names of the most emi- 
nent men. 

The assertion of Mosheim, which did not seem 
to be justified! by the authority of Lactantius, was, 
riiat the wife and daughter of Diocletian, Prisca 
and Valeria, had been privately baptized. Mr. 
Davis is sure that the words of Mosheim, " Chris- 
tianis sacris clam initiata," need not be confined 
to the rite of baptism ; and he is equally sure, that 
the reference to Mosheim does not lead us to dis- 
cover even the name of Valeria. In both thes^ 
assurances he is grossly mistaken; but it is the 
misfortune of controversy, that an error may be 

* Davis, p. 131. t GibboD, p. 676. N. 152. 

p p S committed 

i80 vrNDicATioKy kc* 


committed in three or four words^ which ^noM 
he rectified in less than thirty or forty lines. 

1. The true and the sole meaning of tiiie Chiii* 
tiaa initiation^ one of the familiar and fimmrile 
allusions of the Fathers of the fourth century^ ii 
clearly expkuned by the exact and laborious Bkng- 
ham. ** The baptized were also styled i$ nifisyiwii 
which the Latins call initiatif the initihted, ^batkf 
admitted to the use of the sacred offices, and knowr ' 
ledge' of the sacred mysteries of the Christian Bd& 
gion. Hence came that form of speaking so fier 
quently used by St Chrysostom, and other andMsat 
writers, when ^hey touched upon any docitxines or 
mysteries which the Catechumens understood aot^ 
i^Ms-tw i$ li^vniwi, the initiated know what is spo- 
ken. St Ambrose Mrrites a book to these mitiali; 
Isidore of Pelusium and Hesychius call them i^erm 
and fA\t^ray»yfiroi. Whence the Catechumens have 
the contrary names, A/*v0toi, A/uvirroii AfAv^rmymywruj 
the uninitiated or unbaptizcd." (Antiquities of the 
Christian Church, L. i. c. 4. No. 2. vol. L p. 1 1. 
foL edit.) Had I presumed to suppose that Mo- 
sheim was capable of employing a technical ex* 
pression in a hx^se and equivocal sense, I should 
indeed have violated the respect which I have al- 
ways entertained for his learning and abilities. 

S. , But Mr. Davis cannot discover in the text of 
Mosheim the name of Valeria. In that case- Mo- 
sheim would have suffered another slight innaccu- 
racy to drop from his pen, as the passage of Lac* 
tantius, " sacriiicio poUui coegit,'' on which he 
founds his assertion, includes the names both of 


Vindication, 8cc. 581 

?risca and Valeria. But I am not reduced to the 
necessity of accusing another in my own defence. 
Mosheim has properly and expressly declared that 
Valeria imitated the pious example of her mother 
Prisca, " Gener Diocletiani uxorem habebat Va- 
leriam matris exemplum pietate erga Deum imi- 
tantem et a cultu fictorum Numinum alienam." 
(Mosheim, p. 9 1 3.) Mr. Davis has a bad habit of 
greedily snapping at the first words of a reference, 
without giving himself the trouble of going to the 
end of the page or paragraph, 

These trifling and peevish cavils would, peri- 
haps, have been confounded with some criticisms 
of the same stamp, on which I had bestowed a 
slight, though sufficient notice, in the beginning 
of this article of Mosheim ; had not my attention 
been awakened by a peroration worthy of Tertul- 
lian himself, if TertuUian had been devoid of elo- 
quence as well as of moderation—" Much less does 
the Christian Mosheim give our infidel Historian 
any pretext for inserting that illiberal malignant 
insinuation, * That Christianity has, in every age, 
acknowledged its important obligations to female 
devotion;* the remark is truly contemptible.*'^ 

It is not my design to fill whole pages with a 
tedious enumeration of the many illustrious exr 
amples of female Saints, who, in every age, «nd 
almost in every country, have promoted thp jnto- 
rest of Christianity. Such instances will readily 
offer themselves to tho^e who have the slightest 

« Davis, p. 132. 

p p 3 Jcnow- 



knowledge of Ecclesiastical History ; nor is it 
cessary that I should remind them how much the 
charms, the influence, the devotion of Clotilda^ 
and of her great-grand-daughter Bertha, contri- 
buted to the conversion of France and England. 
Religion may accept, without a blush, the serviccf 
of the purest and most gentle portion of the human 
species: but there are some advocates* who would 
disgrace Christianity, if Christianity could be dis» 
graced, by the manner in which they defend her 

XV. As I could not readily procure the works 
of Gregory of Nyssa, I borrowed* from the accu- 
rate and indefatigable Tillemont, a passage in the 
life of Gregory Thaumaturgus, or the M'oiidcr- 
worker, which aflSrmed, that when the Saint took 
possession of his episcopal see, he found only se- 
venteen Christians in the city of Neo-Cajsarea, 
and the adjacent country, " Les environs, la cam- 
pagne, le pays d'alentour/' (Mem. Eccies. torn, 
iv. p. 677.691. Edit. Brussclles, I7O6.) Tliese 
expressions of Tillemont, to whom I explicitly 
acknowledged my obligation, appeared synony- 
mous to the word diocese, the whole territorv* en- 
tnistcd to the pastoral care of the Wonder-worker, 
and I added the epithet of extensive; because I 
was apprised that Nco-Ca^sarea was the capital of 
the Polenioniac Pontus, and that the whole king- 
dom of Pontus, which stretched above five hundrni 
miles along -the coast of the £uxine> was di\i(kti 

• Gibbon, p. 605. N. 156. 


VJHPICATIOy, &c. 583 

t>etweeo sixteen or seventeen bishops. (See the 
Geographia Ecclesiastica of Charles de St. Paul, 
ind Lucas Holstenius, p. 249, 250, 25 1 .) Thu:^ 
far I may not be thought to have deserved any 
::ensure ; but the omission of the subsequent part 
>f the same passage, which imports, that at his 
leath the Wonder-worker left no more than tcotn- 
teen Pagans^ may seem to wear a partial and sus« 
picious aspect. 

Let me therefore first observe, as some evidence 
3f an impartial disposition, that^I easily admitted, 
IS the cool observation of the philosophic Lucian, 
the angr^' and interested complaint of the false 
prophet Alexander, that Pontus was filled with 
Christians. This complaint was made under the 
reigns of Marcus or of Commodus, with whom the 
impostor so admirably exposed by Lucian was con^ 
temporary : and I haicl contentai myself with re« 
marking, that the numbers of Christians must 
bave been very unequally distributed in the several 
parts of Pontus, since the diocese of Neo-Cassarea 
cxmtained, above sixty years afterwards, only se« 
venteen Christians. Such was the inconsiderable 
Bock which Gregory began to feed about the year 
two hundred and forty ; and the real or fabulous 
conversions ascribed to that Wonder-working Bi* 
ihop, during a reign of thirty years, are totally fo- 
reign to the state of Christianity in the preceding 
century. This obvious reflection may serve to^ui- 
swer the obJectioA of Mr« Davis,^ and of another 

^ Davis, p. 136, 137. 

? p 4 adverwry^ 

584 TIMDICATIOir, ftp. 


adversary/ who on this occasion is more fibcial 
than Mr. Davis of those harsh qiitfaeta. so ftnnliar 
to the tribe of polemics. 

XVI. « Mr. Gibbon says,t * Pliny was sent 
into Bithynia (according to IHigi) in the yor 

'^ Now that accurate chronologer places it in tfie 
year 102. See the Act recorded itL his Ciitioo- 
Hbtprico Chronologica in Annates C. Banwii, 
A. D. 108. p. 99- s»c 8. § 1" 

^' I appeal to my. reader, whether this anadno* 
nism does not plainly prove that our historian 
never looked into Pagi s Chronology, tlio^^ 1m 
has not hesitated to make a pompous icfcre nc c ttr 
him in his note P*^ 

I cannot help observing that either Mr. Hwnit 
dictionary is extremely confined, or that in his 
philosophy all sins are of equal magnitude. Every 
error of fact or language, every instance where he 
does not know how to reconcile the original and 
the reference, he expresses by the gentle word of 
fnUrepreseniation. An inaccurate appeal to the 
sentiment of Pagi, on a subject where I must have 
been perfectly disinterested, might have been 
styled a lapse of memory, instead of being cen- 
sured as the effect of vanity and ignorance. Pigi 
is neither a difficult nor an uncommon writ*, nor 
could I hope to derive much additional fame from 

* Dr. Randolph, in Chelsum's Remarks, p. 159, ^60. 
t Gibbon, p. ^5, N. 157. 
) Davis, p. 140. 


a pompous quotation of his writings, which I had 
never seen. 

The words employed by Mr. Davis, of fact ^ of 
record^ of anachronism^ are unskilfully chosen, 
and so unhappily applied, as to betray a very 
shameful ignorance, either of the English Ian* 
guage, or of the nature of this chronological ques- 
tion. The date of Pliny's government of Bithynia 
is not a fact recorded by any ancient writer, but an 
opinion which modern critics have variously 
formed, from the consideration of presumptive 
and collateral evidence. Cardinal Baronius placed 
the consulship of Pliny one year too late; and, as 
he was persuaded that the old practice of the re- 
public still subsisted, he naturally supposed that 
Pliny obtained his province immediately after the 
expiration of his consulship. He therefore sends 
him into Bithynia in the year which, according to 
his erroneous computation, coincided with the 
year one hundred and four (Baron. Annal. Eccles. 
A. D. 103. No. 1. 104. No. 1.), or, according to 
the true chronology, with the year one hundred 
and two, of the Christian aera. This mistake of 
Baronius, Pagi, with the assistance of his friend 
Cardinal Noris, undertakes to correct. From an 
accurate parallel of the Annals of Trajan and the 
Epistles of Pliny, he deduces his proofs that Pliny 
remained at Rome several years after his consul- 
ship, by his own ingenious, though sometiitfes 
fanciful theory, of the imperial Quinquennalia, &c. 
Pagi at last discovers that Pliny made his entrance 
into Bithynia in the ye^r one hundred and ten. 

" Pliuiua 


'^ Plinius igitur anno Cbristi centesiho DEcma 
Bithyniam intravit" Pagi, torn, i. p. 100. 

I will be more indulgent to my adversary than 
he has been to me : I will admit that he has looUd 
into Pagi ; but I must add, that he has only looked 
into that accurate chronologer. To rectify the 
errors, which, in the course of a laborious and 
original work, had escaped the diligence of the 
Cardinal, was the arduous task which Pagi pio» 
posed to execute : and for the sake of perspicuity, 
he distributes his criticisms according to the parti* 
cular dates, whether just or faulty, of the ChroiM>> 
logy of Baronius himself. Under the year \Q% 
Mr. Davis confusedly saw a long argument about 
Pliny and Bithynia, and without condescending 
to read the author whom he pompously quotes, this 
hasty critic imputes to him the opinion which he 
had so laboriously destroyed. 

My readers, if any readers have accompanied me 
thus far, must be satisfied, and indeed satiated, 
with the repeated proofs which I have made of the 
weight and temper of my adversary's weapons. 
They have, in every assault, fallen dead and Ufe- 
less to the ground ; they have more than once re- 
coiled, and dangerously wounded the unskilful 
hand that had presumed to use them. I have now 
examined all the misrepresentations aad inaccura- 
cieSj which even for a moment could perplex the 
ignorant or deceive the credulous : thcjeuv impu- 
tations which I have neglected are still more pal- 
pably false, or still more evidently tritling, and 


viNDiCATtox, &a 587 

even the friends of Mr. Davis will scarcely conti- , 
nue to ascribe my contempt to my fear. 

The first part of his critical volume might ad- Pi^oia- 
mit, though it did not deserve, any particular re- 
ply. But the easy, though tedious compilation, 
which fills the remainder,* and which Mr. Davis 
has produced as the e\ndence of my shameful pla* 
giarismsj may be set in its true light by three or 
four short and general reflections. 

' I. Mr. Davis has disposed, in two columns, die 
passages which he thinks proper to select from my 
two last chapters, and the corresponding passages 
from Middleton, Barbeyrac, Beausobre, Dodw^ll^ 
&c. to the most important of which he had been 
regularly guided by my own quotations. Accord- 
ing to the opinion which he has conceived of lite- 
rary property, to agree is to folUnVy and to fol- 
lose is to steal. He celebrates his own sagaci^ 
with loud and reiterated applause, and declares, 
with infinite facetiousness, that if he restored to 
every author the passages which Mr. Gibbon has 
purloined, he would appear as naked as the proud 
and gaudy daw in the fable, when each bird had 
plucked away its own plumes. Instead of being 
angry with Mr. Davis for the parallel which he has 
extended to so great a length, I am under some 
obligation to his industry for the copious proofs 
which he has furnished the reader, that my repre- 
sentation of some of the most important facts of 
ecclesiastical antiqui^ is supported by the autho- 

• Davis, p. 16S— 274w 


rity or opinion of the most ingenious and learned 
of the modem writers. The public may not, per- 
haps, be very eager to assist Mr. Davis in his fa- 
vourite amusement of depluming me. They may 
think, that if the materials which compose my two 
last chapters are curious and valuable, it is of little 
moment to whom they properly belong. If my 
readers are satisfied with the form, the colours, 
the new arrangement which I have given to the 
labours of my predecessors, they may perhaps con- 
sider me not as a contemptible thief, but as an ho- 
nest and industrious manufacturer, who has fairly 
procured the raw materials, and worked them up 
with a laudable degree of skill and success. 

II. About two hundred years ago, the court of 
Rome discovered that the system which had been 
erected by ignorance must be defended and coun- 
tenanceti bv the aid, or at least bv the abuse, of 
science. The grosser legends of the middle ages 
were abandoned to contempt, but the supremacy 
and infallibility of two hundred Popes, the virtues 
of many thousand Saints, and the miracles which 
they either performed or related, have been labo- 
riously consecrated in the Ecclesiastical Annals of 
Cardinal Baronius. A theological barometer might 
be formed, of which the Cardinal and our countrv- 
man Dr. Middleton should constitute the opposite 
and remote extremities, as the former sunk to the 
lowest degree of credulity, M'hich was compatible 
with learning, and the latter rose to the highest 
pitch of scepticism, in anywise consistent with re- 
ligion. The intcnnediate gradations would bt 


Vindication, &c. Si$ 

y a line of ecclesiastical critics, whose rank 
sn fixed by the circumstances of their tern- 
d studies, as a^i^II as by the spirit of the 
or society to Avhich they were attached. It 
be amusing enough to calculate the weight 
udice in the air of Rome, of Oxford, of 
uid of Holland ; aad sometimes to observe 
gular tendency of papists towards freedom, 
nes to remark the unnatural gravitation of 
mts towards slavery. But it is useful to 
the assistance of so many learned and inge- 
len, who have viewed the first ages of the 

in every light, and from eveiy situation. 
skilfully combine the passions and preju- 
the liostile motives and intentions, pf the 

theologians, we may frequently extract 
rdge from credulity, moderation from zeal, 
ipartial truth from the most disingenuous 
ersy. It is the right, it is the duty of a 
historian to collect, to weighs to select the 
IS of his predecessors ; and the more dili- 
be lias exerted in the search, the more ra- 
f he may hope to add some improvement to 
ck of knowledge, the use of which has been 
in to all. 

Besides the ideas which may be suggested 
study of the most learned and ingenious of 
dems, the historian may be indebted to them 
occasional communication of some passages 
ancients, which might otherwise have es- 
bis knowledge or his memory. In die con- 
ion of any extensive subject, none will pre* 



tend to have read all that has been written, or to 
recollect all that they have read ; nor is there any 
disgrace in recurring to the writers who have pfo- 
iessedly treated any questions^ which, in the conne 
of a long narrative, we are called upon to mcntkn 
in a slight and incidental manner. If I touch upon 
the obscure and fanciful theology of the Gnostics, 
I can accept without a blush the assistance of the 
candid Beausobre ; and when, amidst the fiiiy of 
contending parties, I trace the progress of ecclesi- 
astical dominion, I am not ashamed to confess my- 
self the grateful disciple of the impartial Moshein. 
In the next volume of my history, the reader and 
the critic must prepare themselves to see me make 
a still more liberal use of the labours of those inde* 
fatigable workmen who have dug deep into the 
mine of antiquity. The Fathers of the fourth and 
fifth centuries are far more voluminous than their 
predecessors; the writings of Jeroni, of Augustin. 
of Chrvsostom, &c. cover the walls of our libraries 
The smallest part is of the historical kind: yet the 
treatises which seem the least to invite the curio- 
sity of the reader, frequently conceal ver\' useful 
hints, or very valuable facts. The polemic, who 
involves himself and his antagonists in a cloud of 
argumentation, sometimes relates the origin and 
progress of the heresy which he confutes; and the 
preacher who declaims against the Iuxurj\ de- 
scril>es the manners of the ajsre; and sea^jnablv 
introduces the mention of some public calamity, 
that he may ascribe it to the justice of offended 
heaven. It would surely be unreasonable to ex- 



pect that the historian should peruse enormous 
volumes, with the imcertain hope of extracting a 
few interesting lines, or that he should sacrifice 
whole days to the momentary amusement of his 
reader. Fortunatdy for us both, the diligence of 
ecclesiastical critics has facilitated our inquiries : 
the compilations of Tillemont might alone be con- 
sidered as an immense repertory of truth and fable, 
of almost all that the fathers have preserve or in- 
vented, or believed ; and if we equally avail our- 
selves of the labours of contending sectaries, we 
shall often discover, that the same passages whicl> 
the prudence of one of the disputants would havo 
suppressed or disguised, are placed in the most 
conspicuous light by the active and interested zeal 
of his adversary. On these occasions, what is the 
du^ of a faithful historian, who derives from some 
modem writer the knowledge of some ancient tes- 
timony, which he is desirous of introducing into 
his* own narrative ? It is his duty, and it has been 
my invariable practice, to consult the original ; to 
study with attention the words, the design, the 
spirit, the context, the situation of the passage to 
which I had been referred ; and before I appropri- 
ated it to my own use, to justify my own declara- 
tioiiy '^ that I had carefully examined all the origi- 
nal materials that could illustrate the subject which 
I had undertaken to treat." If this important obli- 
gation has sometimes been imperfectly fulfilled, I 
have only omitted what it would have been im- 
practicable for me to perform. The greatest city 
m, tb^ world is still destitute of that useful institu- 

692 ViVDICATION, 8cG. 

tion, a public library; and the writer who has iin* 
dcrtaken to treat any large historical subject, is 
reduced to the necessity of purchasing, for hb 
private use, a numerous and valuable collection of 
the books which must form th% basis of his work. 
The diligence of his booksellers will not always 
prove successful ; and the candour of his readen 
will not always expect, that, for the sake of verify- 
ing an accidental quotation of ten lines, he should 
load himself with an useless and expensive series 
of ten volumes. In a very few instances, where I 
had not the opportunity of consulting the originals, 
I have adopted their testimony on the faith of mo- 
dern guides, of whose fidelity I was satisfied ; but 
on these occasions,^ instead of decking myself with 
the borrowed plumes of Tillemont or Lardner, I 
have been most scrupulously exact in marking the 
extent of my reading, and the source of my intbr- 
mation. This distinction, which a sense of truth 
and mcxlcsty liad engaged me to express, is unge- 
nerously al)used by Mr. Davis, who seems liappy 
to inform his rcaderSj that " m ose instance (chap, 
xvi. 164, or in the first edition, l63) I have, by an 
unaccountable oversight, unfortunately for myself, 
forgot to drop the modern, and that I modestly 
disclaim all knowledge of Athanasius, but what I 
had picked up from Tillemont."t Without anim- 
adverting on the decency of these expressions, 
which arc now grown familiar to me, I shall con- 

♦ Gibbon, p. 6'05, N. 150'; p. 606, N. 16I ; p. 690, N. l6i, 
P ^99, N. 178. 
i Davis, p. 273, 


viKdication^ &€» 69S 

tetit myself with observing, that as I had frequently 
quoted Eusebius, or Cyprian, or TertuUian, 6^ 
dnue I had read them ; so, in this instance, I only 
made my reference to Tillemont, because I had not 
read) and did not possess the works of Athanasius. 
The progress of my undertaking has since directed 
me to peruse the Historical Apologies of the Arch- 
bbhop of Alexandria, whose life is a very interest- 
ing part of the age in which he lived ; and if Mr. 
DaVifl should have the curiosity to look into my 
Second Volume, he will find that I make a fi^ee and 
frequent ap|>eal to^the writings of Atlianasius. 
Whatever may be the opinion or practice of my 
adversary, this I apprehend to be the dealing of a 
ftir and honourable man. 

. J V. The historical monuments of the three first 
centuries of ecclesiastical antiquities are neither 
very numerous nor very prolix. From the end of 
the Acts of the Apostles, to the time when the first 
apology of Justin Martyr was presented, there inter- 
vened a dark and doubtful period of fourscore years; 
and, even if the £pist)es of Ignatius shoukl be 
approved by the critic, they could not be very ser- 
viceable to the historian. From the middle of the 
secpnd to the beginning of the fourth century, we 
gain our knowledge of the state and progress of 
Christianity, from the successive apologies which 
were occasionally composed by Justin, Athenagora% 
•TertuUian, Origen, &c. from the Epistles of Cyprian ; 
from a few sincere acts of the Martyrs; from' 
jSome moral orcontroversial tracts, which indirectly 
iexplaia the events and manners of the times; froni 

^ VOL. IV. Q Q the 


the rare and accidental notice which profane 
ters have taken of the Christian sect; from the 
declamatory narrative which celebrates the deads 
of the persecutors; and from the Ecclesiasticil 
History of Eusebius, who has preserved some ti- 
luable fragments of more early writers. Since the 
revival of letters, these original materials have been 
the common fund of critics aiid historians; nor 
has it ever been imagined, that the absolute nd 
exclusive property of a passage in Eusebius or Tcr* 
tullian was acquired by the first who had an op- 
portunity of quoting it The learned work of 
Mosheim, de Rebus Christ ianis ante Cw^ttantimm^ 
was printed in the year 1753; and if I were pos- 
sessed of the patience and disingenuity of Mr. 
Davis, I would engage to find all the ancient tes- 
timonies that he has alleged, in the writings of 
Dodwell or Tillemont, which were published 
before the end of the last century. But if I were 
animated by any malevolent intentions against 
Dodwell or Tillemont, I could as easily, and as 
unfairly, fix on them the guilt of plagiarism, hj 
producing the same passages transcribed or tran- 
slated at full length in the Annals of Cardinal Ba- 
ronius. Let not criticism be any longer disgracrd 
by the practice of such unworthy arts. Instcai! 
of admitting suspicions as false as they are unge- 
nerous, candour will acknowledge, that Moshcim 
or Dodwell, Tillemont or Baronius, enjoyed the 
same right, and often were under the same obliga- 
tion, of quoting the passages which they had m^ 
and which were indispensablv requisite to confirm 




the truth and substance of their similar narratives* 
Mr. Davis is so far from allowing me the benefit of 
this common indulgence, or rather of this common 
right, that he stigmatises with the name pf plagia- 
rism a close and literal agreement with DodweU in 
the account of some parts of the persecution of 
Diocletian, where a few chapters of Eusebius and 
Lactantius, perhaps of Lactantius alone, are the sole 
materials from whence our knowledge could be 
derived, and where, if I had not transcribed, I must 
have invented. He is even bold enough (bold is 
not the proper word) to conceive some hopes of 
persuading his readers, that an historian who has 
employed several years of his life, and several hnii- 
drcd pages, on the Decline and Fall of the Roman 
Empire, had never read Orosius, or the Augustin 
History ; and that he was forced to borrow, at se- 
cond-hand, his quotations from the Theodosian 
code. I cannot profess myself very desirous of 
Mr. Davis's acquaintance ; but if he will take the 
trouble of calling at my house any afternoon when 
I am not at home, my servant shall shew him my 
l]brar}% which he will find tolerably well furnished 
with the useful authors, ancient as well as modem, 
ecclesiastical as well as profane, who have directly 
supplied me with the materials of my History. 

The peculiar reasons, and they are not of tlie 
most flattering kind, which urged me to repel the 
furious and feeble attack of Mr. Davis, have been 
already menti<nied. But since I am drawn thus 
itluctantly into the lists of controversy, I shall not 
retire till I have saluted, either with stem defiance 

Q Q S or 

596 VlNDfCATlt)N, &C. 

or gentle courtesy, the theological champions who 
haVe signalized their ardou^ to break a lance 
against the shield of a Pagan adversary. The Fif- 
teenth, and Sixteenth Chapters have been honoured 
with the notice of several writers, whose names 
and characters seemed to promise more maturity of 
judgment and learning than could reasonably be 
expected from the unfinished studies of a, Bachelor 
of Arts. The Reverend Mr. Apth6q)e, Dr. Wat- 
son, the Regius Professor of Divinity in the Uni- 
versity of Cambridge, Dr. Clielsum of Christ 
Church, and his associate Dr. Randolph, President 
of Corpus Christi College, aind the Lady Marga* 
ret's Professor of Divinity ifn the University of 
Oxford, have given me a lair right, which, how- 
ever, I shall not abuse, of freely declaring my 
opinion on the sulycct of their respcctiv^e criti- 

If I am not mistaken, Mr. Apthorpe was the 
first who announced to the pul)lic his intention of 
examining the interesting subject which I had 
treated in the Two last Chapters of my Histor}*. 
The multitude of collateral and accessarv idea* 
which presented tliemselves to the author, insen- 
sibly swelled the bulk of his papers to the size ot 
a large volume in octavo; the publication was de- 
laved uianv months In^vond the time of the first 
advertisc*ment ; and when Mr. Apthorpe's Letters 
appeared, I was surprised to find, that I had 
scarcely any interest or concern in* their contents. 
They arc filled with general obser\ations on the 
Study of History, with a large and useful cata- 

• ON. 


logue of Historians, and with a variety of reflexions, 
moral and religious, all preparatory to the 
direct and formal consideration of my Two last 
Chapters, which Mr, Apthorpe seems to reserve 
for the subject of a Second Volume. I sincerely 
respect the learning, the piety, and* the candour of 
this gentleman, aud must consider it as aimark of 
his esteem, that he has thought proper tp^begin his 
Approaches at so great a distance from the fortifi- 
cations which 4ie designed to attack. 

When Dr. Watson gave to the public his Apih i>*. Wa 
logy for Christianity, in a Series of Letters, he 
addressed them to the Author of the Decline abd 
Fall of the Aoman Empire, yritU a just confidence 
that he had considered 'this important object in a 
manner not unworthy of his, antagonist or of hiin- 
self. Dr. Watson'^ mode of thinking bears a libe- 
ral ^nd a philosophic cast ; his thoughts are ex- 
pressed with spirit, and that spirit is always tem- 
pered by politeness and n)oderation, . Such is the 
man wh<pn I should b^ happy to call my friend, 
and whom I should npt blush to call my antago? 
nist. But the same motives which might tempt 
me to accept, or evei^tp ;solicit,;:a private md ^inp- 
cable conference, dissuaded me from ent^ing into 
a public controversy with a writer of so respectable 
a cbaiacter ;. and I embracjed th^ earliest opportiir 
9ity of expressing to Dr, Watson . himself, how 
sincerely I agreed with him in thinking, " Tliat as 
the world is now .possessed, of. ihe opinion of us 
both upon tlie snbjfedt in question^ it mayibe^per- 
V : ; J Q Q 3 haps 


haps as proper for us both to leave it in thb stmte."^ 
The nature of the ingenious Professor's Apology 
contributed to strengthen the insuperable reluc- 
tance to engage in hostile altercation which was 
common to us both, by convincing me, that such 
an altercation was unnecessary as well as unplea- 
sant He very justly and politely declares, that a 
considerable part, near seventy pages, of his small 
volume are not directed to me,t but to a set of 
men whom he places in an odious snd oontempti* 
ble light He leaves to other hands the defence of 
the leading Ecclesiastics, even of the primitiTe 
church ; and without being very anxious, either 
to soften their vices and indiscretion, t>r to aggnb 
vate the cruelty of the Heathen persecutors, he 
passes over in silence Jthe greatest part of my Six- 
teenth Chapter. It is not so much the purpose of 
the Apologist to examine the facts which have 
been advanced by the Historian, as to remove the 
impressions which may have been formed by many 
of his readers ; and the Remarks of Df. Watson 
consist more properly of general argumentation 
than of particular criticism. He fairly owns, that 
I have expressly allowed the full and irresbtible 
weight of the Jirst great cause of the success of 
Christianity ;J and he is too candid to deny that 
the five secondary causes, which I had attempted 
to explain, operated with some degree of zc\x\x 

♦ Wat»n*s Apology for Chriitianity, p. WO. 
t Id. p. 202—268, I Id. p, 5. 


yiyDiCATiox, &C. 599 

energy towards the accomplishment of that great 
event. The only question which remains between 
us, relates to the degree of the weight and effect 
of those secondary causes ; and as I am persuaded 
that our philosophy is not of the dogmatic kind, 
we should soon acknowledge that this precise d^ 
gree cannot . be ascertained by reasoning, nor per- 
haps be expressed by words. In the course of this 
inquiry, some incidental difficulties have arisen, 
which I had stated with impartiality, and which 
Dr. Watson resolves with ingenuity and temper. 
If in some instances he seemsi to have misappre- 
hended my sentiments, I may hesitate whether I 
should impute the fault to my own want of clear- 
ness or to his want of attention, but I can nevw 
entertain a suspicion that Dr. Watson M'ould de- 
scend to employ the disiagenuous arts of vulgar 

There is, however, one passage, and one passage 
only, which must not pass without some explana- 
tion ; and I ^hall the more eagerly embrace this 
cxxasion to illustrate what I had said, as the mis- 
construcUon of my true meaning seems to have 
made an involuntary, but unfavourable impression 
on file liberal mind of Dr. Watson. As I endea- 
^^our not to palliate the severity, but to discover 
the motives, of the Roman magistrates, I had re- 
marked, ** it was in vain th^t the oppressed be- 
liever asserted the unalienable rights of conscience 
and private judgment. Though his situation might 
excite the pit}% his arguments could never reach 
Hxe understanding, either of the philosophic or of 

Q Q 4 the 


the believing part of the Pagan world.'^ The hu- 
manity of Dr. Watson takes fire on the supposed 
provocation, and he asks me with unusual quick- 
ness, " How, Sir, are the arguments for libertj- of 
conscience so exceedingly inconclusive, that yoa 
tSiink them incapable of reaching the understand- 
ing even of philosophers ?"t He continues to o!^ 
ser\'e, that a captious adversary would embrace 
with avidit}' the opportunity this passage effordi, 
of blotting my character with the odious stain of 
being a persecutor ; a stain which no learning can 
wipe out, which no genius or ability can rendor 
amiable ; and though he himself does not entertain 
such an opinion of my principles, his ingenuity 
tries in vain to provide me with the means of 

I must lament that I have not been successful 
in the explanation of a very simple notion of the 
spirit both of Philosophy and of Polytheism, which 
I have repeatedly inculcated. The arguments 
which assert the rights of conscience are not in- 
conclusive in themselves, but the understanding 
of the (ireeks and Romans was fortified against 
their evidence by an invincible prejudice. When 
we listen to the voice of Bavle, of Locke, and of 
genuine reason, in favour of religious toleration, 
we shall easily perceive that our most forcible ap- 
peal is made to our mutual feelings. If the Jew 
were allowed to argue with the Inquisitor, he 
would re(|uest that for a moment they might ex- 

* Gibbon, p. 623. f Watson, p, 1S5. 



ange their different situations, and might safely 
chis Catholic Tyrant, whether the fear of death 
mid compel him to enter the synagogue, to re^ 
ive the mark of circumcision, and to partake of 
s pasch^ lamb. As soon as the case of persecu^ 
u was brought home to the breast of .the Inqui* 
or, he must have foiind some difficulty in sup** 
sssing the dictates of natural equity, which. 
»ald insinuate to his conscience, that he could 
v^e no . right to inflict those punishments which 
der similar circumstances, he would esteem k as 
t duty to encounter. But. this argument could 
t -reach the understanding of a Poly theist, or of 
ancient Philosopher. The* former was ready^ 
lienever he was summoned, or indeed without 
ing summoned, to fall prostrate before the altars 
any Gods who were adored in any part of the 
irld, and to admit a vague persuasion of the truth 
i divinity ofkhe most difierent modes of religion, 
le philosopher, who considered them, at least in 
^r literal sense, as equally Jalse and absurd, was 
t: ^shamed to disguise his sentiments, and to 
mehis actions according to the laws of his coui^ 
^.if hich imposed the same obligation on the phk 
ophers and the people. . When Pliny declared. 
It whatever was the opinion of the Christiaiui; 
rir .obstinacy deserved punishment,. the absurd 
lelty of Pliny was excused in his own eye, by 
3 consctbusness that, in the situation of the 
iristians, he would not havie refused the religir 
s compliance which be exacted. I shall hot 
jcat, that the Pagan worship wals a matter, iiot 



of Opinion^ biit of custom ; that the toleration of 
the Romans was confined to nations or families 
who followed the practice of their ancestors; and 
that in the first ages of Christianity their penecu- 
tion of the individuals who departed from the 
establishecl reUgion was neither moderated by pure 
reason, nor inflamed by exclusive zeal. But I 
only desire to appeal, from the hasty apprehension, 
to the more deliberate judgment, of Dr. Watson 
himself ' Should there still remain any difference 
of opinion between us, I shall be satisfied, if be 
will consider me as a sincere though perliaps un- 
successful lover of truth and as a firm friend to 
civil and ecclesiastfcal freedom. 
Da. Cb«l- Far be it from me, or from any faithful historian, 

•UM mnd , , . \ 

DB.RAir. to impute to respectable societies the fieiults of 
'** 5onie individual members. Our two Universities 
most undoubtedlv contain the same mixture, and 
most probably the same proportions, of zeal and 
moderation, of reason and superstition. Yet there 
is much less ditierence between the smoothness o\ 
the Ionic, and the roughness of the Doric dialect, 
than may be found Ixitween the polished style ot* 
Dr. Watson, and the coarse language of Mr. Davk 
Dr. Chelsum, or Dr. Randolph. The second or' 
these critics, Dr. Chelsum of Christ Church, is 
unwilling that the world should forget that he was 
the lirst who sounded to arms, that he was the first 
M'ho furnished the antidote to the poison* and \\\\i\ 
as early as the month of October of the year I77l>. 
published his Strictures on the two last (Miaptersot 
Air. Gibbons History. The success of a pauiplilec, 



▼IKDICATIOK, tec. 60S 

which he modestly styles imperfect and ill-digested, 
encouraged him to resume the controversy. In 
the beginning of the present year, his Remarks 
made their second appearance, with some alteration 
of form, and a large increase of bulk; and the 
author who seems to fight under the protection 
of two episcopal banners, has prefixed, in the front 
of his volume, his name and titles, which in the 
former edition he had less honourably suppressed. 
His confidence is fortified by the alliance and com- 
munications of a distinguished writer. Dr. Ran- 
cfelph, S^c. who, on a proper occasion, would, no 
doubt, be ready to bear as honourable testimony to 
the merit and reputation of Dr. Chelsum. The 
two friends are indeed so happily united by art 
and nature, that if the author of the Remarks had 
not pointed out the valuable communications of 
the Margaret Professor, it would have been impos- 
sible to separate their respective propertj\ Writers 
who possess any freedom of mind, may be knoMrn 
from each other by tl^ peculiar character of their 
style 4md sentiments ; but the champions who are 
inUsted in the service of Authority, commonly 
wear the uniform of the regiment. Oppressed 
with the same yoke, covered with the same trap- 
pings^ they heavily move along, pethaps not with 
an equal pace, in the same beaten track of preju- 
dice and preferment. Yet I should expose my 
own injustice, were I absolutely to confound with 
Mr. Davis the two Doctors in Divinit}*, who are 
jmied in one volume. The three critics appear 
to be aniniated by the same implacable resentment 



against the historian of the Roman Empire ; thcr 
are alike disposed to support the sanle opinions by 
the same arts; and if in the language of the two 
latter, the disregard of politeness is somewhat less 
gross and indecent, the difference i^ not of such a 
magnitude as to excite in my breast any lively 
sensations of gratitude. It >vas the mistbrtuneof 
Mr. Davis that he undertook to tvriie before he 
had read. He set out with the stock of authori- 
ties which, he found in my quotations, and boldly 
ventured to play his reputation against mine. 
Perhaps he may now repent of a loss which is not 
easily recovered ; but if I had not surmounted my 
almost insuperable reluctance to a public dispute, 
many a reader might still be dazzled by tlie vehe- 
mence of his assertions, and might still believe 
that Mr. Davis had detected several wilful and 
important misrepresentations in my two last cb.a|v 
ters. But the confederate doctors appear to be 
scholars of a higlier form and longer experience; 
they enjoy a certain rank in their academical 
world ; and as their zeal is enlightened by some 
rays of knowledge, so their desire to ruin the cre- 
dit of their adversary is occasionally checkt-d by 
thfi apprehension of injuring their own. Th<^5e re- 
straints, to which Mr. Davu was a stranger, ha\e 
confined them to a very narrow and humble path 
of historical criticism ; and if I were to correct, 
according to their wislics, ail the particular fact* 
against which they have advanced any objections, 
these corrections, admitted in their fullest extent, 



1 hardly ivrnish materials for a decent list of 

.' dogmatical part of their work, which in 
sense of the word deserves that appellation, 
idapted to engage my attention. I had de- 
the consideration of theological arguments, 
they were managed by a candid and liberal 
ar}'; and it would be inconsistent enough, 
hould have refused to draw my sword iii 
rable combat against the keen and well-tem- 
weapon of. Dr. Watson, for the sole purpose 
countering the rustic cudgel of two staunch 
urdy polemics. 

lali not enter any farther into the character 
>nduct of Cyprian, as I am sensible that, if 
linion of Le Clerc, Mosheim, and myself, is 
lated by Dr. Chelsum and his ally, the dif* 
t must subsist, till we shall entertain the 
notions of moral virtue and ecclesiastical 
.♦ If Dr. Randolph will alk)w that the 
ive clergy received, managed, and distri- 
the tithes, and other charitable donations of 
ithful, the dispute between us will be a dis- 
of words.t I shall not amuse myself with 
ig that the learned Origen must have derived 
the inspired authority of the church his 
ledge, not indeed of the authenticity^ but of 
tspiration of the four Evangelists, two of 
1 are not in the rank of the Apostles.^ I 

p. 558, 559. Cbelsum, p. 132—: 
n. A09. Ran^olnh in Chehnm. T%. 

>boD, p. 558, 559' Cbelsum, p. 132—139. 
ibon, p. 592. Randolph id Chehom, p. 122. 
fboD, p. 551, N. 33. Chdsum, p. 39- 



shall submit to the judgment of the public, whe- 
ther the Athanasian Creed is not jead and received 
in the Church of England, and whether the wisest 
and most virtuous of the Pagans* believed the Ca- 
tholic faith, which is declared in the Athanasian 
Creed to be absolutely necessaiy for salvation. 
As little shall I think myself interested in the ela- 
borate disquisitions with which the author of the 
Remarks has filled a great number of pages, con- 
cerning the famous testimony of Josephus, the 
passages of Irenseus and Theophilus, which relate 
to the gift of miracles, and the origin of circumci- 
sion in Palestine or in Egypt.f If I have rejected 
and rejected with some contempt,' the interpalaiiM 
which pious fraud has very aukwardly inserted in 
the text of Josephus, I may deem myself secuit 
behind the shield of learned and pious critics (ser 
in particular Le Clerc, in his Ars Critica. part iii 
sect. i. c. 15. and Lardncr's Testimonies, vol. i. p 
150, &c.), who have condcnuied this passagt 
and I think it very natural that Dr. Chelsun 
should embrace the contrary opinion, which is nnt 
destitute of able advocates. The passages r* 
Irenseus and Theophilus were thoroughly sifted :r 
the controversy about the duration of miracles: asui 
as the works of Dr. Middletcm niav l)e found :r 
every library, so it is not impossible that a dil; 
gent search may still discover some remains nt'ii< 
writings of his adversaries. In mentioning lix: 

• (iibbon, p. 565, N. 70. Cht-Uum, p. 66. 

t Chcbunib Rcroiirks, p. 13—19. 67—91. 180 — 1S3. 



fession of the Syrians of Palestine, that thej 
leceived ircmi Egypt the rite of circumcision, 
ad simply alleged the testimony of Herodotus^ 
bout expressly adopting the sentiment of Mar- 
m. fiut I had always imagined, that in these 
ibtful and indifferent questions, which have 
n solemnly argued before the tribunal of the 
ilic, every scholar was at liberty to choose his 
iy without assigning his reasons; nor can I yet 
luade myself, that either Dr. Chelsum, or my- 
^ are likely to enforce, by any new arguments, 
opinions which we have respectively followed. 
5 only novelty for which I can perceiye myself 
ebted to Dr. Chelsum, is the very extraordi- 
y scepticism which he insinuates concerning 
time of Herodotus, who, according to the 
onology of some, flourished during the time of 
Jewish captivity * Can it be necessary to in- 
n a divine, that the captivity which lasted 
enty years, according to the prophecy of Jere- 
b, was terminated in the^ year 536 before 
fist, by the edict which Cyjus published in the 
I year of his reign? (Jeremiah, xxv. 11, 1S« 
X. 1(K Ezra, i. 1. &c. Usher and Prideaux, 
ler the years 606 and 536.) Can it be necessary 
nform a man of letters, that Herodotus was fi^- 
9e years old at the commencement of the Pelo- 
inesian war (Aulus GelUus, Noct Attic, xv. 
from the commentaries of Pamphila), and con- 
uently that he was bom ia the year before 

• awbaiB, p. IS. 



Christ 484, fifty-two years after the end of the 
Jewish captivity? As this well attested fact is not 
exposed to the slightest doubt or difBcully, I am 
somewhat curious to learn the names of tlmse un- 
known authors, whose chronology Dr. Chelsum 
has allowed as the specious foundation of a probt- 
ble hypothesis. The author of the Remarks does 
not seem indeed to have cultivated, with much 
care or success, the province of literary history: 
as a very moderate acquaintance with that usefai 
branch of knowledge would have saved him from 
a positive mistake, much less excusable than the 
doubt which he entertains about the time of Hero- 
dotus, (le stvles Suidas '' a Heathen writer, who 
lived about the end of the tenth century/^ I ad- 
mit the period which he assigns to Suidas; and 
which is well ascertained by Dr. Bentley. (See 
his Reply to Boyle, p. 2*2, 23.) We are led to rix 
this epoch, by the chrouoloiry which this II oi then 
writer has deduced from Adam, to the death oi' 
the emperor John Zimisces, A. D. 975: and a 
crowd of passages might bo produced, as the un- 
answerable evidence of his Christianitv. But the 
most unanswerable of all is the verj* date, which 
is not disputed between us. The philosopher 
who nourished under Justinian (see Airathias* L 
ii. p. ()5, 66.) appear to have l)een the last nt' li.e 
Heathen writers: and the ancient reliirion of the 
Cireeks was annihilated almost four hundred vcan 
before the hirth of Suidas*. 

• Chcl&uro, p. 73. 



After this animadversion, which is not intended 
either to insult the failings of my Adversary, or to 
provide a convenient excuse for my own enors, I 
shall proceed to select two important parts of Dr. 
Chelsum's Remarks, from which the candid reader 
may ibrm some opinion of the whole. They re- 
late to the military service of the first Christiana, 
and to the historical character of Eusebius, and I 
diall review them with the less reluctancei as it 
may not be impossible to pick up something fu- 
rious and useful even in tlie barren waste of coif 

I. In representing the errors of the pHiAitive ^wAmt 
Christians, which flowed from an excess of virtue^ tsb nuT 
I had observed, that they exposed themselves} to T,'Vr 
the reproaches of tlie Pagans, by their obstinate 
refusal to take an active part in the civil admi- 
nistration, or military defence of the empire ; thai 
the objections of Celsiis appear to have been mu- 
.tilated by his adversary Origen; and that the 
Apologists, to whom the public dangers W6re 
111^1^ returned obscure and ambiguous answers, 
MB they were unwilling to disclose the true ground 
of dieir security, their opinion of the approaching 
€3id of the world.* In another place I had related, 
from the acts of Ruinart, the action and puniih- 
mmt of the Centurion Marcellus, who was put to 
death for renouncing the service in a public and 
seditious manner.f 

On this occasion Dr. Chelsum is extremely 


* Gibbon, p. 5S0, 5S1. t Uem, p. 6S0. 

VOL. IV. R R alert. 

010 VIKD1CATI0N» ftc. 

«lcrt. He denies my facts, controverts my opi- 
nions, and, with a politeness worthy of Mn Davis 
himself, insinuates that I borrowed the stoiy of Ma^ 
melius, not from Ruinart, but from Voltaire. My 
learned adversary thinks it highly improbable diit 
Origen should dare to mutilate die objections of 
Celsus, '' whose work was, in all probabili^, cstant 
at the time he made this reply. In such case, hvl 
he even been inclined to treat his adversary un- 
fairly, he must yet surely have been withheld fina 
the attempt, through the fear of detection.*^ The 
experience both of ancient and modem con tioi ci ij 
has indeed convinced me that this reasoniiig, just 
and natural as it may seem, is totally incondushrt; 
and that die generality of disputants, especially io 
religious contests, are of a much more dariBg and 
intrepid spirit. For the truth of this remark, I 
shall content myself with producing a recent an<i 
very singular example, in which Dr. Clielsum 
himself is personally interested. He charges t me 
with passing over in '^ silence the important aoii 
unsuspected testimony of a heathen historian (EKon 
Cassius) to the persecution of Domitian ; and he 
aflirms, that I have produced that testimony so fir 
only as it relates to Clemens and Domitilla; yet in 
the vcrj' same passage follows immediately, tlu: 
on a like accusation maxv others were alsocoo- 
demned. Some of them were put to death, othe^ 
suft'ercd the confiscation of their goods^^ Ai- 

• Cb€l$um, p. 1 IS, 1 10. f Id. p. 18S, : Gibbon, p. 6#5. 


yiVDICATION> i» 611 

through I should not b^ ashamed to undertake the 
apology of Nero or Domitian, if I thought them 
innocent of any particular crime with which zeal or 
malice had unjustly branded their memory ; yet I 
should indeed blush, if, in favour of tyranny, or 
even in favour of virtue, I had suppressed the truth 
luid evidence of historical facts. But the Reader 
will feel some surprise, when he has convinced him* 
self that, in the three editions of my First Volume, 
after relating die death of Clemens, and the exile of 
Domitilla, I continue to allege the entirI: testi* 
MONT of Dion, in the following words: ^^ and 
sentences either of death, or of confiscation, were 
pronounced against a great number of persons 
who were involved in the same* accusation. The 
g^ilt imputed to their charge, was that of Atheism 
and Jewish manners; a singular association of 
ideas which cannot with any propriety be applied 
except to the Christians, as they were obscureljr 
and imperfectly viewed by the magistrates ^nd 
writers of that period." Dr. Chelsum has not been 
tieterred by the fear of detection, from this scanr 
didous mutilation of the popular work of a living 
adversary. But Celsus had been diead above fifty 
yeans before Qrigen published his Aj)ology ; &nd 
the copies of an ancient work, instead of being in- 
staataneously multiplied by the operation of the 
press, were separately .and slowly transcribed by 
•the) labour of the hand. 

If any modern divine qhould still maintain that 
the fidelity of Origea was secured by motives 
Hiore. honourable than >the fe^r of detectiony he 

r R 2 may 

6li ViKlilCATIOK, kc. 

may learn ftom Jcrom tlie diflfcrencc of the gym- 
nastic and dogmatic styles. Truth is the objccf 
of the one, victory of the other; and the same arts 
which would disgrace the sincerity of the teachcTi 
ser\*e only to display the skill of the disputant 
After justifying his ow^ practice by that of die 
orators and philosophers, Jprom defends himsdf 
by the more respectable autliority of Christiaii 
apologists^ '* How many thousand lines^ says be^ 
have been composed against CeUus and Porphyiy, 
by OrigeUj Methodius, £usebius> ApoUinaiis? 
Consider with what arguments, with what slip* 
pery problems, they elude tkc inventions of dk 
Devil; and how, in their controversy with die 
Gentiles, they are' sometimes obKged te speak, not 
what they really think, but what is most advan- 
tageous for the cause they defend/* " Origenes, 
&c. multis vcrsuum millibus scribunt adversus 
Celsum et Porphyrium. Considerate quibus argu- 
mentis et quam lubricis problematibus diaboli spi- 
ritu contexta subvertunt : et quia interdum cogun- 
tur loqui, non quod scntiunt, sed quod necesse est 
dicunt adversus ea quse dicunt Gentiles/* (Pro 
Libris advers. Jovinian. Apolog. torn. ii. p. 1S5.) 

Yet Dr. Chelsum may still ask, and he has i 
right to ask, why in this particular instance I suv 
pect the pious Origen of mutilating the objections 
of his adversar)-. From a very obvious, and, in 
my opinion, a very decisive circumstance. Ccl- 
8us was a Greek philosopher, the friend of Lucian; 
and I thought that, although he might support 
error by sophistiyi be would not write nonsense 

yxtmiCAnov, ftc. 613 

wn laoguage. I renounce my suspicion, if 
St attentive reader is able to understand the 
and purport of a passage which is given as 
il quotation from Celsus, and which begins 
le following words : '^ Ou f^nv ^it ocurp tmxrw 
ro^, Mfy &c. (Origen contr. Celsum,* L. viii. 
edit Spencer, Cantab. 1677.) I have care- 
ispected the original, and I have availed 
of the learning of Spencer, and even Bou- 

(for I shall always disclaim the absurd 
ected pedantry of using without scruple a 
ersion, but of despising the aid of a French 
ion,) and the ill success of my efforts hdi 
lanced the suspicion to which I stUl adhere^ 
just mixture of doubt and hesitation. Oi> 
y boldly denies, that any of the Christians 
^rmed what is imputed to them by Cclsus, 
unintelligible quotatipu ; and it may easily 
ited, that none had maintained ^hat n^ne 
iprjebend. Dr. Cbeisum has produced tlie 
;)f Origen ; but on this occasion there is a 

ambiguity in the language of the modem 
^ as if he wished to insinuate what bedai^ 
rm ; ai^d every reader must i:onclude, from 
B of the question, that Origen expressly 
the tnith of the accusation of Celsus, who 
msed the Christians of declining to assist 
;llow-subjects in the military defence of the 

assailed on every side by the arms of the 

* Cbeisum, p. 118. 

B E 3 Will 


Will Dr. Chelsum justify to the world, can he 
justify to his own feelings, the abuse which he has 
made even of the privileges of the Gymnastic 
style ? Careless and hasty indeed must have been 
his perusal of Origen, if he did not perceive that 
the anoient apologist, who makes a stand on sonie 
incidental question, admits the accusation of his 
adversary, that the Christians refustd to bear arms 
even at the command of their sovereign. ** K«4 ■ 

rvrrf Ar£u«ufO« fi>iii aurw, xav firfiyti.^' (Origetl, L. viii. 

p. 427-) He endeavours to palliate tliis undutiful 
refusal, by representing that the Christians had 
their peculiar camps, in which they incessantly 
combated tor the safety of the emperor and the 
empire, by lifting up their right hands — in prayer. 
The apologist seems to hope that his countiy will 
be satisfied with this spiritual aid, and dexterously 
confounding the colleges of Roman priests ^itli 
the multitudes which swelled the Catholic church, 
he claims for his brethren, in all the provinces, tiic 
exemption from military service, which was en- 
joyed by the sacerdotal order. But as thi> cxciih^ 
might not readily be allowed, Origen l(K>k> tn:- 
w^ards with a lively faith to that auspicious i^\<y 
lution, which Celsus had rejected as inip^SHihic. 
when all the nations of the habitable earth, re- 
nouncing their passions and their arms, shnulii 
embrace the pure doctrines of the Ci0s|h'I, and lead a 
lifeofpeace and innocence under the immediate pnv 
tection of Heaven. The faith of Oriaren seems tr> K 
principally founded on the predictions of the Tn- 
phet Zephauiah (See iii. 9, 10.;) and he prudently 



ofaserreSy that the prophets often speak secret 
things (fv awffwrm Xfyin p. 4S6,) which may be 
understood by those who can understand them ; 
and that if tiiis stupendous change cannot be 
effected while we retain our bodies, it may be 
accomplished as soon as we shall be released from 
them. Such is tibe reasoning of Origen : though I 
luve not followed the order, I have faithfully fm- 
moved the substuice of it; which fully justttci 
Ae truth and prc^riety of my observations. ' 

The execution of MarceUus, the Ceninrion, is 
natuially coimected with the Apology of jQfigei^ 
as the former declared fay hia artionsy what tte 
latter had affirmed in his writings, that tSti^mb- 
•cience of a devout Christian would not allow hiill 
to bear arms, even at die cmnmand of his sove- 
feign« I had represented thb religious scruple as 
one of the motives which provoked Maroellus, ^tt 
the day of a puUic festival, to throw away the 
ensigns of his office; and I presumed to observe, 
fliat such an act of 'desertion would have beeh 
punished in any government according to martial 
or even civil law. Dr. Chelsum* very blunthf ac- 
cuses me of misrq>resenting die story, and of sup- 
pressing those circumstances which would have 
defended the Centurion from the unjust imputa- 
tion thrown by me upon his conduct The dis- 
pute between the advocate for Marcellus^ and 
snysdf lies in a very ruuTOw compass; asthewhofc 

• Chdsinn,p. 114— 117. * 

aa4 evidence 


evidence is comprised in a short, simple, and, I 
believe, authentic narrative. 

1. In another place I obser\'^ed, and even preawi 
the observation, '^ that the innumerable deities and 
rites of Polytheism were closely interwoven with 
every circumstance of business or pleasure, of pub- 
lic or of private life ;** and I had particularly sped* 
fied how much the Roman discipline was con- 
nected with the national superstition. A solemn 
oath of fidelity was repeated eveiy year in the 
name of the gods and of the genius of the Em- 
peror, public and daily sacrifices wane perfonned 
at the head of the camp, the legionary was con- 
tinually tempted or rather compelled, to join in 
the idolatrous worship of his fellow-soldiers; and 
had not any scruples been entertained of the law- 
fulness of war, it is not easy to understand how 
any serious Christian could enlist under a banner 
which has been justly termed the rirai of tkt 
Cross. " Vexilla jemula Christi." (TertuUian de 
Corona Militis, c. xi.) With regard to the soldiers, 
who before their conversion were already engaged 
in tlie military life, fear, habit, ignorance, necessity, 
might bend them to some acts of occasional con- 
formity; and as long as they abstained from abso- 
lute and intentional idolatry, their behaviour wa* 
excused by the indulgent, and censured by tlic 
more rigid casuists. (See the whole Treatise dt 
Corona Militis.) We are ignorant of the adven- 
tures and character of the Centurion Marcellus. 
bow long he had conciliated the profession of arm) 



knd of the Gospel, whether he was only a Gate* 
chumeni or whether he was initiated by the sacrar 
ment of baptism. We are likewise at a loss to 
ascertain the particular act of idolatry which so 
suddenly and so forcibly provoked his pioys indig- 
nation. As he declared his faith in the midst of 
a public entertainment givea on the birtli-day of 
Galerius, he must have been startled by some of 
the sacred and convivial rites (Convivia ista pix>> 
fima reputans) of prayers, or vows, or libations, or, 
perhaps, by the offensive circumstance of eating 
the meats which had been offered to the idols. 
But the scruples of Marcellus were not confined to 
these accidental impurities; they evidently reached 
the essential duties of his profession; and when^ 
before the tribunal of theinagistrates, he avowed 
his faith at the hazard of his life, the Centurion 
declared, 4is his cool and determined persuasion, 
that it does not <bepome a Christian man, who is 
the soldier of the Lord Christ, to bear anns for any 
object of earthly concern. ^' Non enim decebat 
Christianum hominem molestiis secularibus mili- 
taie, qui Christo Domino militat:" a formal de- 
daiatioii, which clearly disengages from each 
other the different questions of war and idolatry* 
With reg^d to both these questions, as they were 
understood by the primitive Christians, I wish to 
jcfer the reader to the sentiments and authorities 
of Mr. Moyle, a bold and ingenious critic, who 
{read the Fathers as their judge, and not as their 
ilaye, and who has refuted, with the most patient 
candour, all that learned prejudice could suggest 


6 1 8 VIKDICATIOK, tec 

in favour of the silly story of the Tbonderiiig 
Legion. (See Moyle's Woriw, Vol. ii. p. 84 — 88. 
1 1 ]_] 16. 16S— S12. 898—308. S87— Ml.) Ami 
here let me add, tliat the passage of Origen, whs 
in the name of his brethren disclaims the dotv of 
military service, is understood by Mr. Moyle in ill 
true and obvious signification. 

8. I know not where Dr. Chebum has imbibed 
the principles of logic or morality which teidi 
him to approve die conduct of Afarodlus, iriio 
threw down his rod, his belt, and his arms, at the 
head of the legion, and* publicly renoiuiced the 
military service, at the very time when he found 
himself obliged to offer sacrifice. • Yet surely this 
is a very false notion of the cmidition and duties 
of a Roman Centurion.' Marcellus was bound, by 
a solemn oath, to serve with fidelitv till he shouM 
be regularly discharged; and according to the 
sentiments which Dr. Chelsum ascribes to him, he 
was not released from his oath bv anv mistaken 
opinion of the unlawfulness of war. I H*oukl pro 
pose it as a case of conscience to any philosopher, 
or even to any casuist in Europe, Whether a par- 
ticular order which cannot be reconciled with 
virtue or piety, dissolves the ties of a general aiul 
lawful obligation? And whether, if tliey had been 
consulted by the Christian Centurion, thev wouM 
not have directed him to increase his diligence in 
the execution of his military functions, to refuse 
to yield to any act of idolatry, and patiently to 
expect the consequences of such a refusal? But 
instead of obey ing the mild and moderate dictates of 


tligion, instead of distingubhing between the 
aties of the soldier and of the Christian, Mar« 
^Ilus^ with imprudent zeal, rashed forwards to 
nze the crown of martjnrdom. He might have 
rivately confessed himself guilty to Ihe tribune 
r praefect under whom he served : he chose on 
le day of a public festival to disturb the order of 
le camp. He insulted, without necessity, the 
fligion of his sovereign and of his countn% by 
le epithets of contempt which he bestowed on 
le Roman gods. '^ Deos vestros ligneos et lapideos 
lorare contemno, quas sunt idola-suida et mnta." 
Fay more; at the head of the legioji, and in the 
!oe of the standards, the Centurion Marcellus 
^enly renounced his allegiance to the Emperors. 
Ex hoc militare iicpeeatoribus vestris desisto." 
rom this moment I no longer serve toue eiifk* 
jnSy are the important words of AfarcelluSi-whicfa 
is advocate has not diought proper to translate, 
again make my appeal to any lawyer, to any mili^ 
ly man. Whether, under such circumstances, the 
ncynoun your has not a seditious, and even trea- 
Knable import? And whether the officer who 
Hmld make this declaration^ and at the same time 
now away his sword at the head of the regiment, 
Duld not be condemned for mutiny and deser- 
on by any court-martial in Europe? I am the 
Lther disposed to judge favourably of the conduct 
r the Roman government, as I cannot discorer 
%y desire to take advantage of the indiscretion of 
[arcellus. The commander of the legion seemed 
I lament that it was not in his power to dissemUe 



this rash actioiL After a delay of more than time 
months, the Centurion was examined before thi 
Vice-praefect, his superior judge, who bfieiedlua 
the fairest opportunities of explaining or quali^ 
ing his seditious expressions, and at last cot* 
demned him to lose his head ; not simply bedUM 
he was a Christian, but because be had violated 
his military oath, thrown away his belt, and pub- 
licly blasphemed the Gods and the Empeion 
Perhaps the impartial reader will confirm the «&- 
tence of the Vice-praefectAgricolanua, ^ Itm « 
habent facta Marcelli, ut haec diiciplind debeut 

Notwithstanding the plainest evidence. Dr. 
Chelsum will not believe that either Origen in 
theory, or Marcellus in practice, could scrimisly 
object to the use of *anns^ " because it is well 
known, that, far from declining the business of war 
altogether, whole legions of Christians ser\-ed in 
the Imperial armies."* I have not yet discovered 
in the author or authors of the Remarks, many 
traces of a clear and enlightened understanding, 
yet I cannot suppose them so destitute of every 
reasoning principle, as to imagine that they here 
allude to the conduct of the Christians who em- 
braced the profession of arms after their religion 
had obtained a public establishment Whole le- 
gions of Christians served under the banners of 
Constantinc and Justinian, as whole regiments of 
Christians are now enlisted in the ser\'ice of France 

* Cbelsum, p. 113. 

' or 

or England. The ret>resentation which I had 
pven, was confined to the principles and practice 
Kf the church of which Orig^ and Mstfcellus were 
nembersy before the sense of public and private 
interest had redpced the lofty standard of evangeli- 
al perfection to the ordmary level of human nar 
^re. • In those primitive times, where are the 
Christian legions that served in the imperial armies? 
3ur ecclesiastical Pompeys may stamp with their 
foot, but no armed men will arise out of the earthy 
accept the ghosts of the Thundering and the The* 
iMsan legions ; the former renowned for a miracle, 
ind the latter for a martyrdom. Eidier the two 
E^testant Doctors must acquiesce imder some 
imputations which are better understood than 
apressed, or they must prepare, - in the full light 
md freedom of the eighteenth century, to under- 
:ake the defence of two obsolete legions, the least 
ibsurd of which staggered the^veU-disciplined cre^ 
lulity of a Franciscan Friar. (See Pagi Critic, ad 
^nnal. Baronii, A. D. 174. torn. i. p. 168.) Very 
lifierent was the spirit and taste of the learned and 
ngenuous Dr. Jortin, who^ after treating die silly 
rtoiy of the Thundering legion with the contempt 
t deser\^ed, continues in the following words: 
' Moyle wi^es no greater penance to the believess 
)f the Thundering L^ion, than that they may 
ilso believe the Martyrdom of the Thebsean L^ion 
Moyle s Works, vol. ii. p. 103.) : to which good 
Irish, I say with Le Clerc (Bibliotheque A. et M. 
x>m. xxvii. p. 193.) Aues. 

^ TyiDiCATiQirf.fte. » 

(Jortin'^s Itemark* on Ecclesiastical lfiailfai]^^1NLl 
p. 367. 2d Editton, London, I767.) ^ / 

"Yet I shall Apt attempt to conceal a fiwii^idile 
iarmy of Clirbtiana a even' bf Martyrs^ irfaldl ii 
readjr to enli&t unde^ ' iiuien of the caaM^ 
iate Doctors, if th^ II roept thdr netvick M 
a spedinen of th^ extras emt lqi;eiids dtftut mid- 
dle age, I had prdduced t i instanci; of tda fboit 
sanil Christian soldiers osed to have IfMB tOh 
dfied on Mount Ararat, by the brder' ddier ft 
Trajan or Hadriah.*' For the minctioiK uvd'&r ^ 
boi]drutatiOn of this story, I had appealed to a papfat 
and a protestant,' to the learned TiUiiiMnit (Mobl 
Ecclesiast toin.'ii. part ii. p. 438.), itfoll to die 
diligent Geddes (Miscellanies, ^L n. p. fiOS-X 
and when Tillemont was not afraid to ' say that 
there are few histories which appear more fabufouSi 
I was not ashamed of dismissing the Jaile with 
silent contempt. We may trace the degrees of 
fiction as well as those of credibility, and the im- 
partial critic will not place on the same level the 
baptism of Philip and the donation of Constantine. 
But in considering the crucifixion of the ten dxni- 
sand Christian soldiers, we are not reduced to the 
necessity of weighing any internal probabilities, or 
of disproving any external testimonies. This le- 
gend, the absurdity of which must strike evciy 
rational mind, stands naked and unsupported bj 

• Gibbon, p. 654. N. 74. 



le authority of any writer who li%'ed within a 
lousand years of the age of Tiajan, and has not 
sen able to obtain the poor sanction of the uncor- 
ipted martyrologies which were framed in the 
lost credulous period of ecclesiastical history. 
he two Protestant Docton will probably reject 
le unsubstantial present whichr has been offered 
lem; yet there is one of my adversarieSy the 
§09gfmous Gttttlanan, who boldly declares him- 
^If the votary of the ten thousand martyrs, and 
lallenges me ^ to discredit a fact which hitherto 
y many has been looked upon as well esta- 
lished.*^ It is pity that a prudent confessor did 
ot whiqier in his car, that, although the martyr- 
Dm of these military Saints, like that of the eleven 
lousand virions, may contribute to the edification 
F the faithful, these wonderful tales should not be 
Lshly exposed to the jealous and inquisitive eye 
F those pro£me critics, whose examination always 
recedes, and sometimes checks, their religious 

II. A grave and pathetic complaint is introduced ^" 
y Dr. Chebum, into hispreface,t that Mr. Gib- cmcoir'or 
cm, who has (^ten referred to the Fathers of the '^•""*' 
Ihurch, seems to have entertained a general dis- 
list of those respectable witnesses. The critic b 
amdalized at the epithets of scanty and suspiciouSj 
rhich are applied to the materials of ecclesiastical 
istory ; and if he cannot impeach the truth of the 
irmer, he censures in the most angr}' terms the 

^ Remarks, p. fiS, £S, 67* t P- "• i"* 




* ^ mjiistice jofthe latter. He assmieti ffidi p^pAif^ 

" j^t of Ebcleritai^iattovy, aadlilwwMr«i"if<|l 
bu diuiMrter.froil^d^ grw# mi t re prtMtmimtm m ca 
whidfftkifn GflJkMi has openly innatedL? Heob- 
aerves, as if he ngiuianaly ftiraaw the olgectifli^ 
^ That it will ootAft sufficient beve to aUtge s ifv 
instances of apparelift eredulity in aoQve of die Si^ 
then, inonlertoAtf gencnddiBig&ofMq^iCMi 
onall.**. ButitMQf&e sufficient to allq[6 « ckar 
and fundamental principle of historical aa irdlas 
^gal Criticism, ^uit whenever we aw destitute ef 
tile means of compaiing the testunonea of the e^ 
posite parties^ die evidence of Mjr witapaib Itss^ 
ever illustrious fay bis rank and lides^ is juady to 
be iu^eeted in his own cause. It is infiirtHHie 
enough, that I should be engaged widi a d vei ia i i c% 
whom their habits of study and omvenation ap- 
pear to have left in total ignorance of the prind- 
pies which universally regukte the opinioiis and 
practice^of mankind. 

As the ancient world was not distracted by the 
fierce conflicts of hostile sects, die free and do- 
quent writers of Greece and Rome had few oppor* 
tunities of indulging their passions, or of exercis- 
ing their impartiality in the reladon of religious 
events. Since the origin of Theological Factioni 
some historians, Ammianus Marcellinus, Fra-PMilo^ • 
Thuanus, Hume, and perhaps a few others, have 
deser\'ed the singular praise of holding the bafautt 

* Cbclsttin and Randolph, p. 220— SSS. 


VIKMCATION^ &c. 625 

a steady and equal hand. Independent and 
onected, they conteniplated with tjbe same 
erence, the opinions and interests of the con- 
ng parties; or, if they were seriously attached 
particular system, they were armed with a 
ind moderate temper, which enabled them to 
'ess their affections, and to sacrifice their 
tments. In this small, but venerable Synod 
»torians, Eusebius cannot claim a seat. I had 
Dwledged, and I still think, that his character 
ess tinctured with credulitv tlian that of most 
s contemporaries; but as his enemies must 
t, that he was sincere and earnest in the pro- 
>n of Christianit}', s^ the warmest of his admi- 
or at least of his readers, must discern, and 
probably applaud, the religious zeal which 
aces or adorns every page of his Ecclesiastical 
»ry. This laborious apd useful work was pub- 
1 at a time, between tlie defeat of Liciuius 
he Council of Nice, when the resentment of 
Christians was still warm, and when the Pa- 
were astonished and dismayed by the recent 
ry and conversion of the great Constantine. 
materials, I shall dare to repeat the invidious 
ets of scanty and suspicious, weie extracted 
the accounts which the Christians themselves 
nven of their awn sufferiui^s. and of the cru- 
>f their enemies. Tlie Pagans had so long 
» contemptuously neglected the rising great- 
o/ the Church, that the Uishop of Ca^sarea 
ittle either to hope or to fear from the writers 
le opposite parly; almost all of that utile 
L. IV. s s which 

6aS f nvDicA 

^ , which did exists has been acddentally lost^ ol^ 

« ' posely Astroyed ; and die candid inyiirer nay 

^ Jpunly wish to compare with the History of Ease* 

. Bius^sone'Heatfamnanativeofthepen^^ 

of Dedus and Diocletian. Under diese citcom- 

stances, it is the dut^t>f 'an impartial judge to be 

/^ cowhsel for the piisoner, who is incapaUe of ma* 

^^ king any defence for himself; and it b the tat 

office of a counsel to examine with distrust and 

suipicwn the interested evidence of the aocoMfc 

Rrason justifies the suspicion, and it'ia c on finnrd 

by the constant experience of modem History, in 

almost every instance where we have an opporbn 

nity of comparing the mutual complaints and apo- 

lo^es of the religious fiuitions, whoJia^ cBstorbed 

each other^s happiness in this world, for die sake 

of securing it in the next. 

As wc arc deprived of the means of contrasting 
the adverse relations of the Christians and Piigans ; 
it is the more incumbent on us to improve the op- 
portunities of trying the narratives of Eusebius. by 
the original, and sometimes occasional, testimo- 
nies of the more ancient writers of his own party. 
Dr. Chelsum * has obser\-ed, that the celebrated 
passage of Origcn, which has so much thinned the 
vanks of the army of Martj'rs, must be confined to 
the persecutions that had already happened. I 
cannot dispute this sagacious remark, but I shall 
venture to add, that this passage more immediately 
relates to the religious tempests which had been 

* GibboD, p. 6i»3. Cbdium, p. S04— S07. 



excited in the time and country of Origen ; apd 
still more particularly to the city of Alexandria, 
and to the persecution of Severus, in which young 
Origen successfully exhorted his father to sacri- 
fice his life and fortune for the cause of Clirist. 
From such unquestionable evidence, I am autho- 
rised to conclude, that the number of holy victims 
who sealed their faith with their blood, was not,, 
on this occasion, very considerable : but I cannot 
reconcile this fair conclusion with the positive .de- 
claration of Eusebius (L. vi. c. 2. p. 258.), that at 
Alexandria, in the persecution of Severus, an innu- 
merable, at least an indefinite multitude (/eau^im) 
of Christians were honoured with the crown of 
. martyrdom. Tlie advocates for Eusebius may exert 
their critical skill in proving that /xu^ioi and oXi^M 
many ^nd few, are synonimous and convertible 
terms, but they will hardly succeed in diminishing 
so palpable a contradiction, or in removing the 
suspicion which deeply fixes itself on the historical 
character of the Bishop of Csesarea. Tliis unfortu- 
nate experiment taught me to r^d, with becoming 
caution, the loose and declamatorv stvle which 
seems to njagnify the multitude of martyrs and con- 
fessors, and to aggravate the nature of their suffer- 
ings.' From the same motives I selected, with 
careful observation, the more certain account of 
the number of persoijs who actually suficred death 
in the province of Palestine, during the Avhole 
eight years of the last and most rigorous perse- 

Besides the reasonable grounds of suspicion, 

s s 2 which 


which suggest themselves to every libenl mind, 
agiunst the credibility of the Ecclesiastical Histo- 
riansy and of Eusebius, their venerable leader, I 
had taken notice of two very remarkable paasagct 
of the Bishop of Csesarea* He frankly , or at least 
indirectly, declares, that in treating of the last 
persecution, " he h^s related whatever might re- 
dound to the glory, and suppressed all that oouU 
tend to the disgrace, of Religion**^ Dr« Chdsom, 
who, on this occasion, most lamentably exclaims 
that we should hear Eusebius, before we utterly 
condemn him, has provided, with the aaaistancr of 
his worthy colleague, an elaborate defence for 
their common patroti; and as if he were secretly 
conscious of the weakness of the cause, he has 
contrived the resource of intrenching himsdf in a 
very muddy soil, behind three several fortificatioDs, 
which do not exactly support each other. Tlie 
advocate lor the sincerity of Eusebius maintains . 
1st, That he never made such a declaration : 2dlv. 
That he had a right to make it : and, Sdly, That 
he did not These separate and almost 
inconsistent apologies, I sliall separately consider. 
I. Dr. Chelsum is at a loss how to . reconcile, 

1 beg pardon for weakening the force of his 

dogmatic style ; he declares, tluit ** It was plainly 
impossible to reconcile the express words of the 
cliarge exhibited, with any part of cither of the 
passages appealed to in support of it.^^f If h< 
means, as I think he must, that the express words ui 

• Gjbbon, p. 609. t Chehum, p. 232, 



fiiy text cannot be foun4 in that of Eusebius, I con- 
gratulate the importance of the discovery. But was 
it possible? Could it be my design to quote the 
words of Eusebius, when I reduced into one sen- 
tence the spirit and substance of two diffuse and 
distinct passages? If I have given the true sense 
and meaning of the Ecclesiastical Historian, I have 
discharged the duties of afair Interpreter; nor shall I 
refuse to rest the proof of my fidelity on the trans- 
lation of those two passages of Eusebius, which Dr. 
Chelsum' produces in his favour.* * " But it is not 
oiir part to describe the sad calamities which at 
last befel them (the Christ iam)y since it does not 
agree with our plan to relate their dissensions and 
wickedness before the persecution ; on which ac- 
count* we have determined to relate nothing more 
concerning them than may serve to j ustify the Di vine 
Judgment. - We therefore have not been induced 
to make mention either of those who were tempted 
in the persecution, or of those who made utter 
shipwreck of their salvation, and who were sunk 
of their own accord into the depths of the storm ; 
but shall only add those things to our General 
History, which may in thfe first place be profitable 
to ourselves, and afterwards to posterity." In the 
other passive, Eiisebius, after mentioning the dis- 
sensions of the Confessors among themselves, again 
declares that it is his intention to pass over all 
these things. *^ Whatsoever things, (continues the 
Historian, in the words of the Apostle, who was 

* Chelsum, p. 22S. 231. 

8 s 3 recom- 

^30 TINDICATIOir, ftC 

recommending the practice of virtue,) whatsoever 
things are honest, whatsoever things are of good 
leport, if there be any virtue, and if there be any 
praise ; these things Eusebius thinks most auitabfe 
to a History of Martyrs ;** of tmmdaful Martyn^ 
is the splendid epithet which Dn Chelaum had not 
thought proper to translate. I diould betray a 
very mean opinion of the judgment and candoor 
of my readers, if I added a single reflectioii on the 
dear and obvious tendency of the two pamges of 
the Ecclesiastical' Historian. I shall only ofasenrc^ 
that the Bbhop of Geesarea seems to have chimed 
a privilege of a still inore dangerous and extensive 
nature. In one of the most learned and elafaoiate 
works that antiquity has left us, the Thtrty-aeoond 
Chapter of the Twelfth' Book of his Evangelical 
Preparation bears for its title this scandalous Pro- 
position, " How it. may be lawful and fitting to 
use falsehood as a medicine, and for the benefit of 
those who want to be deceived." On hwu »•« tii 

Toirrs rgoTTH. (P. 356, Edit. Graec. Rob. Stephani, 
Paris, 1544.) In this chapter he alleges a passage 
of Plato, which approves the occasional practice of 
pious and salutary frauds ; nor is Eusebius ashamed 
to justify the sentiments of the Athenian philoso- 
pher by the example of the sacred UTitcrs of the 
Old Testament. 

2. I liail contented myself with oI)ser%'ing, that 
Eusebius had violated one of the fundamental laws 
of lii>tory, AV quid veri dicerc non audeat ; nor 
could I imagine, if the fact was allowed, that any 


viXDiCATioy, &c. -631 

iquestion could possibly arise upon the matter of 
right. I was indeed mistaken ; and I now begin 
to understand why I have given so little satisfac- 
tion to Dr. Chelbum, and to other critics of the 
same complexion^ as oajf ideas of the duties and 
the privileges of an historian appear to be so 
Avidely dift'ereait. It is alleged, tliat " every M'ri- 
ter has a right to choose his subject, for.the parti- 
cular benefit of his reader; that he lias explained 
his own plan consistently ; that he considers him- 
self, according to it, not as a complete historian of 
the times, but rather as a didactic writer, whose 
main object is ' to make his work, like the Scrip- 
tures themselves, profitable for Doctrine; 
that, as he treats only of the affairs of the Church, 
the plan is at least excusable, perhaps peculi^ly 
proper ; and tliat he has conformed himself to the 
principal duty of an historian, while, according to 
his ihimediate design, he has not particularly re- 
lated any of the transactions which could tend to 
the disgrace of religion/** The historian must 
indeed be generous, who will conceal, by his own 
disgrace, that of his countiy, or of his religion. 
Whatever subject he has chosen, whatever persons 
he introduces, he owes to himself, to the present 
age, and to posterity, a just and perfect delineation 
of all that may be praised, of all that may be ex- 
cused, and of all that must be censured. If he 
fails in the discharge of his important office, he 
jfeu'tially violates the sacred obligations of truth, 

♦ Chelsum, p. 229, 230, Wl. 

S8 4 and 


our ignorance. But if Eusebius had fairly and 
circumstantially related the scandalous dissensions 
of the Confessors ; if he had shewn that their 
virtues were tinctured with pride and obstinacy, 
and that their lively faith was not exempt from 
some mixture of enthusiasm ; he would have 
armed his readers against the excessive veneration 
for those holy men, which imperceptibly degene- 
rated into religious worship. The success of these 
didactic histories, by concealing or palliating every 
circumstance of human infirmitv, was one of the 
most efficacious means of consecrating the memory, 
the bones, and the writings of the saints of the 
prevailing party ; and a great part of the errors 
and corruptions of the Church of Rome may fairly 
be ascribed to this criminal dissimulation of the 
ecclesiastical historians. As a Protestant Divine, 
Dr. Chelsum must abhor these corruptions; but 
as a Christian, he should be careful lest his apology 
for the prudent choice of Eusebius should fix an 
indirect censure on the unreserved sincerity of the 
four Evangelists. Instead of confining their nar- 
rative to those things which are virtuous and of 
good rcport^, instead of following the plan which 
is here recommei^ded as peculiarly proper for the 
affairs of the Chur^rh,- the inspired writers have 
thought it their duty to relate the most minute 
circumstances qf the fall of St. Peter, without con- 
sidering whether the behaviour of an Apostle, who 
thrioe denied his Divine Master, might redound to 
the honour, or to the disgrace of Christianity. If 
Dr. Chelsum should be frightened by this unex- 



pimple obsenation may extinguish a very 
trifling objection of my critic, That Eusebius has 
not represented the tyrant Maxentius under the 
character of a persecutor. 

Without scrutinizing the considerations of inte- 
rest which might support the integrity of Baronius 
and Tillemont, I may fairly observe, that both 
.those learned Catholfcs have acknowledjred and 
condemned the dissimulation of Eusebius, which is 
partly denied, and partly justified, by my adversary. 
The honourable reflection of Baronius well de- 
serves to be transcribed.- " Hjec (the passages 
already quoted) de suo in conscribendA persecu- 
tionis historia Eusebius; parum explens numeros 
sui muneris; dum perinde ac si panegynm scriberet 
non historiam, triumphos dumtaxat martyrum 
atque victorias, non autem lapsus jacturamque 
fidelium posteris scripturse monumentis curaret.** 
(Baron. Annal. Ecclesiast. A. D. 302, No. 11.. See 
likewise Tillemont* Mem. Eccles. tom. v. p. 62. 
156; tom. vii. p. 130). In a former instance, Dr. 
Chelsum appeai'ed to be more credulous than a 
Monk : on the present occasion, he has shewn him* 
self less sincere than a Cardinal, and more obstinate 
than a Jansenist. 

3. Yet the advocate for Eusebius has still ano- 
ther expedient in reser\'e. Perhaps he made the 
unfortunate declaration of his 'partial design, per- 
haps he had a right to' make it; but at least his 
accuser must admit, that he has saved his honour 
by not keeping his word; since I myself have 
taken notice of the corruption of manners 



Chaque instant de ma vie est cbarg£ de souillures, 
Elle n'est qu'un amas de crimes et d'ordures. 

Oui, mon cher fils, parlez, traitez-moi de perfide^ 
D'infanie, de perdu, de voleur, dliomicide; 
Accablez-moi de noms encore plus detest^s: 
Je, n y contredis point, je les ai m^rit^s, 
£t j'ea veux ^ genoux soufFrir rigiiominie, 
Commc une honte due aux crimes de ma vie. 

It is not my intention to compare the character 
of Tartuflfe with that of Eugebius; the former 
pointed His invectives against himself, the latter 
directed them against the times in which he had 
lived: but as the prudent Bishop of Cassareadid 
not specify any place or person for the object of 
his censure, he cannot justly be accused, even by 
his friends, of violating the profitable plan of.his 
didactic history. 

The extreme caution of Eusebius Avho declines 
any mention of those who were tempted and who 
fell during the persecution, has countenanced a 
suspicion that he himself was one of those unhappy 
victims, and that his tenderness for the wounded 
fame of his brethren arose from a just apprehension 
of his own disgrace. In one of my notes,* I had 
observed, that he was charged witl\ the guilt of 
some criminal compliances, in his own presence, 
and in the Council of Tyre. I am therefore ac- 
countable for the reality only, and not for the 
truth of the accusation : but as the two doctors, 
who Oil this occasion unite their forces, are angry 

*Gibbon,p. 699. N.l 78. - 


638 VVnj)ication, Ac. 

and clamorous in asserting the innocence of tlic 
Ecclesiastical Historian,* I shall advance one step 
farther, and shall maintain, that the charge against 
Eusebius, though not legally proved, is supported 
by a reasonable share of presumptive* evidence- 

I have often wondered why our orthodox divines 
should be so earnest and zealous in the defence of 
Eusebius; whose moral character cannot be pre- 
served, unless by the sacrifice of a more illustrious, 
and, as I really believe, of a more innocent victim. 
Either the Bishop of Csesarea, on a ver}' important 
occasion, violated the laws of Christian cliarit}' and 
civil justice, or we must fix a charge of calumny, 
almost of forger}', on the head of the great Atha- 
nasius, the standard-bearer of the Homoousian 
cause, and the finnest pillar of Uie Catholic faitk 
In the Council of Tvrc, he was accused of mur- 
dering, or at least of mutilating a bishop, whom he 
proiiuced at Tvre alive and unhurt (Alhanas. torn, 
i. p. 783. 786.); and of sacrilegiously breaking a 
consecrated chalice, in a village where neither 
church, nor altar, nor chalice, could j>os^ibly have 
existed. (Athanas. toni. i. p. 731, 732. SO-\ 
Notwithstanding the clearest proofs of his inn<>- 
cence, Athanasius was oppressed by the Arian fac- 
tion; and Kusebius of Ciesarea, the venerable fatlur 
of Ecclesiastical history, conducted thi^ iniqniti'ii^ 
prosecution from a motive of personal cnn\itv 
(Athanas. tom. i. p. 7C8. 793. 797). Four ye-AP^ 
afterwards, a national council of the lii>hops of 

• CLclbum and Randolph, p. 23tf, Qo7, '23$. 

^ • 4 


Egypt, forty-nine of whom had been present at 
the Synod of Tyre, addressed an epistle or mani* 
festo in favour of Athanasius to all the bishops of 
the Christian world. In this epistle they assert^ 
that some of the confessors, who accompanied 
them to Tyre, had accused Eusebius of Cxsarea of 
an act relative to idolatrous sacrifice, sx £uo-(£io; 9 

€vp nfAiy ofAoXgynruv. (Athanas. toni. i. p. 728). Besides 
this short and authentic memorial, which escaped 
the knowledge or the candour of our confederate ' 
doctors, a consonant but more circumstantial nar« 
rative of the accusation of Eusebius may be found 
in the writings of Epiphanius (Useres. Ixviii. p. 
723, 724.)j the learned Bishop of Salamis, who was 
bom about the time of the Synod of Tyre. He 
relates that, in one of the sessions of the council, 
Potamon, Bishop of Heraclea in Egypt, addressed 
Eusebius in the following words: " How now, 
Eusebius, can this be borne, that you should be 
seated as a judge, while the innocent Athanasius is 
left standing as a criminal? Tell me, continued 
Potamon, were we not in prison together during 
the persecution? For my own part, I lost an eye 
for the- sake of the truth; but I cannot discern 
that you have lost any one of your members. You 
bear -not any marks of your sufferings for Jesus 
Christ; but here you are, full of life, and with all 
the parts of your body sound and entire. How 
could X you contrive to escape from prison, unless 
you stained your conscience, either by actual guilt 
or by a criminal promise to our persecutors?*' 



Eusebius immediately broke up tbe ineetiii|^ ml 
discovered, hy his anger, that he was confounded 
or provoked by the reproaches of the CcMiicsMr 

I should despise myself, if I were capable of 
magnifying, fqr a present occasion, the authority of 
the witness whom I have produced. Potaann 
was most assuredly actuated by a strong piejodfae 
against the personal enemy of his Prinyate; and if 
the transaction to which he alluded had been of a 
private and doubtful kind, I would not take any 
ungenerous advantage of the respect which my 
reverend adversaries must entertain ibr die dia- 
lacter of a confesson But I cannot distnyrt die 
veracity of Potamon, when he confined hjmirlfni 
the assertion of a fact, which lay within die coflh 
pass of his personal knowledge: and collatend 
testimony (see Photius, p. 296, £97) attests, that 
Eusebius was long enough in prison to assist his 
friend, the Martyr Pamphilus, in composing the 
first five books of his Apologj' for Origen. If we 
admit that Eusebius was imprisoned, he must 
have been discharged, and his discharge must 
have been eitlier honourable, or criminal, or inno- 
cent. If his patience vanquished the cruelty of 
the tyrant s ministers, a short relation of his own 
contesbiou and sufterings would have formed an 
useful and eilitying chapter in his Didactic His- 
tory of the persecution of Palestine; and the 
reader would liave been satisfied of tlic veracity of 
an historian who valued truth above his lite. If 
it had been in his power to justify, or even to ex* 



ciise, the manner of his discharge from prison, it 
was his interest, it was his dut>% fo prevent the 
doubts and suspicions which must arise from his 
Silence under tlicse delicate circumstances. Not- 
withstanding these urgent reasons, Eusebius has 
obser\'ed a profound, and perhaps a prudent silence: 
though he frequently celebrates the merit and 
martyrdom of his friend Pamphilus (p. 371. 394. 
419- 427. Edit. Cantab.), he never insinuates that 
he was his companion in prison; and while he co- 
piously describes the eight years persecution in 
Palestine, he never represents himself in any other 
light than that of a spectator. Such a conduct in 
a writer, who relates with a visible satisfaction the 
honourable events of his own life, if it be not ab- 
solutely considered as an evidence of conscious 
guilt, must excite, and may justify, the suspicions 
of the most candid critic. 

Yet the firmness of Dr. Randolph is not sha- 
ken by these rational suspicions ; and he conde- 
scends, in a magisterial tone, to inform me, '^ That 
it is highly improbable, from the general well- 
known decision of the Church in such cases, that 
had his apostacy been known, he would have risen 
to those high honours which he attained, or beea 
admitted at all indeed to anv other than lav-com- 
nuinion." Tliis weighty objection did not sui^rise 
me, as I had already seen the substance of it in 
the Prolegomena of Valesius ; but I safely disre- 
garded a difiiculty which had not appeared of any 
moment to the national council of Egypt ; and I 
stiO think that an hundred bisliops, with Athana- 

rou IV. T T sius 


si US at their head, were as competent judges of the 
discipline of the fourth ccntun% as even the Lady 
Margaret's Professor of Divinity in the University 
of Oxford. As a work of supererogation, I ha\'C 
consulted, however, die Antiquities of Bingham 
(See L. iv. c. iii. s. 6, 7. vol. i. p. 144, &c. fbl. edit) 
and found, as I expected, that much real leammg 
had made him cautious and modest. After a care- 
ful examination of the facts and authorities already 


known to me, and of those with which I was sup- 
plied by the diligent antiquarian, I am persuaded that 
the theory and the practice, of discipline were not 
invariably the same, that particular examples can- 
iiot always be reconciled with general rules, and 
that the stern laws of justice otYen yielded to mo- 
tives of policy and convenience. The temper of 
Jerom towards those whom he considcrwl as here- 
tics, was fierce and iinfort^iviiig ; yet the Dialoixiio 
of Jeroin against the Lucifcrians, which I have 
read with iiiiinitc pleasure, (torn. ii. p. 135 — 147. 
Edit. Basil. 1536,) is the seasonable and dexterous 
performance of a statesman, who felt the expt-di- 
ency of soothing and reconciling a numerous party 
of offenders. The most rigid discipline, with re- 
gard to the ecclesiastics who had fallen in time of 
persecution, is expressed in the lOth Canon of the 
Couiicil of Nice; the most remarkable indulgencr 
was shewn bv the rather> of the same Council v> 
the lapsed^ the degraded, the schismatic bishop of 
Lycopolis. Of the penitent sinners, some might 
escape the shame of a public conviction or confes- 
sion, and others might be exempted from the 


viXDiCATiOy,* &,c. ' 64S 

rigour of clerical punishment If Eusebius in- 
curred the guilt of a sacrilegious promise, (for we 
are free to accept the milder alternative of Pota- 
mon,) the proofs of this criminal transaction might 
be suppressed by the influence of money or favour; 
a seasonable journey into Egypt might allow time 
for the popular rumours to subside. The crime of 
Eusebius might be protected by the impunity of 
many Episcopal Apostates (See Philostorg. L. ii. 
C- 15. p. 21. Edit. Gothofred.); and the governors 
of the Church very reasonably desired to retain in 
their service the most learned Christian of the age. 
Before I return these sheets to the press, I must 
not forget an anonymous pamphlet, Avhich, under 
.the title of A Few RemarkSy &c. was published 
against my History in the course of the last sum- 
mer. The unknown writer has thought proper to 
distinguish himself by the emphatic, yet vague, 
appellation of A Gentleman : but I must lament 
that he has not considered, with bec-oming atten- 
.tion, the duties of that respectable character. I 
fun Ignorant of the motives which can urge a man 
X>f a liberal mind, and liberal manners, to attack 
.witliout provocation, and without tenderness, any 
work which may have contributed to the informa- 
.|;ion, or even to the amusement, of the public. 
\BMt I am well convinced that the author of such a 
' .work, who boldly gives his name and his labours 
" ito the world, imposes on his adversiirics the fair 
^:4Ik1 honourable obligation of encountering him in 
^ open daylight, and of supporting the weight of 
^itiieir assertions by the credit of their names, Tlie 
3^ T T 2 effu- 


effusions of wit, or the productions of reason, may 
be accepted from a secret and unknown hand. 
The critic who attempts to injure the reputation of 
another, by strong imputations which may possi- 
bly be false, should renounce the ungenerous liope 
of concealing behind a mask the vexation of disap- 
pointment, and the guilty blush of detection. 

After this remark, which I cannot make with- 
out some degree of concern, I shall frankly declare, 
that it is not my wish or my intention to prosecute 
with this Gentleman a literary altercation. There 
lies between us a broad and unfathomable gulpb ; 
and the heavy mist of prejudice and superstition, 
which has in a great measure been dispelled by the 
free inquiries of the present age, still continues to 
involve the mind of my adversary. He fondly 
embraces those pliantoms (for instance, an imagi- 
nary Pilate,*) which can scarcely tind a shelter in 
the gloom of an Italian convent; and the re>cnt- 
mcnt which he points aji^ainst nic, mijj^ht tVequently 
be extended to the most enlightened of the Pro- 
testant, or, in his opinion, of the IIlkettcm 
critics. His observations arc dividal into a nuiih 
bcr of unconnected paragraphs, each of wliich cm- 
tains some quotation from my History, and iiK 
angry, >et commonly trifling, exj)ression of his 
disapjirohation and displeasure. Those sentiments 
I cannot hope to remove ; and as the religious opi- 
nions of this Gtutltnnan are principally founded ^a 
the infallihilitv of the Church,t thev are not c^\' 

• Remarks, p. 100. f Id. p. 15, 



w * 


culated to make a very deep impression on the 
mind of an English reader. The view ofjacts 
will be materially affected by the contagious influ- 
ence of doctrines. The man who refuses to judge 
of the conduct of Lewis XIV. and Charles V. to- 
wards their Protestant subjects,* declares himself 
incapable of distinguishing the limits of persecu- 
tion and toleration. The devout Papist, who haa 
implored on his knees the intercession of St Cy- 
prian, will seldom presume to examine the actions 
of the Saint by the rules of historical evidence and 
of moral propriety. Instead of the homely like- 
ness which I had exhibited of the Bishop of Car- 
thage, my adversary has substituted a life of Cy- 
prian,f full of what the French call onction^ and 
the English, canting (See Jortin's Remarks, Vol. 
ii. pw 239.) : to which I can only reply, that those 
who are dissatisfied with the principles of Mosheim 
and Le Clerc, must view with eyes very diffe- 
rent from mine, the Ecclesiastical History of the 
tlmd century. 

It would be an endless discussion {endless in 
every sense of the w^ord) were I to examine the 
ca^k which start up and expire in every page of 
this criticism, on the inexhaustible topic of opi- 
nioiis, characters, and intentions. Most of the 
instances which are here produced are of so brittle 
a substance, that they fall in pieces as soon as they 
ire touched : and I searched for some time before 
I was able to discover an example of some moment 


* Remarks, p. 111. f I<1* P* 73 — 88. 



the consciousness, or at least by the opinion, that 
I was discharging a debt of honour to the public 
and to myself. I am impatient to dismiss, and to 
dismiss for ever, this odious controversy, with 
the success of which I cannot surely be elated; 
and I have only to request, that, as soon as my 
readers are convinced of vafy innocence, they would 
forget my Vindication. 

Februarys, 1779. 


London : Printed bv C. Rowor'.b 
ikU-^ard, Tcmplc^bv.