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THE 

o 

MISCELLANEOUS 

" '      •  '  '  -I  «-'1  ' '     Cl  '"*'  ' '    4  M  ' 

r:v  v '      WORKS  '|(^;v.'- 

OF 

EDWARD  GIBBON,  ESQ. 

WITH 

MEMOIRS  OF  HIS  LIFE  AND  WRITINGS, 

COMPOSED  BY  HIMSELF: 
ILLUSTRATED  FROM  HIS  LETTERS, 

WITH  OCCASIONAL    NOTES  AND   NARRATIVE, 

BY    THE   RIGHT    HONOURABLE 

JOHN,  LORD  SHEFFIELD. 


A  NEW  EDITION,  WITH  CONSIDERABLE  ADDITIONS, 
IN  FIVE  VOLUMES. 


VOL.  III. 

HISTORICAL  AND  CRITICAL. 


LONDON : 

PRINTED  FOR  JOHN  MURRAY,  50,  ALBEMARLE  STREET, 

By  C.  Roworth,  Sell-yard,  Temple-bar. 

1814. 


PR 

3  if  1  ^ 


ADVERTISEMENT 


TO    THE 


FIRST  EDITION. 


THE  following  Pieces  have  already  been  noticed 
in  the  Introduction  to  the  First  Volume.  Many 
of  them  were  juvenile  performances;  and  under 
the  persuasion  that  they  will  be  candidly  received 
as  such,  they  are  now  delivered  to  the  Press. 
They  certainly  are  entitled  to  greater  indulgence 
than  could  be  claimed  for  Compositions  more 
finished  and  elaborate,  and  written  at  the  time 
of  mature  age. 

The  minute  account  of  Mr.  Gibbon's  studies 
each  day,  extracted  from  the  Journal  of  his  ac 
tions  and  opinions,  and  his  observations  on  the 
several  Works  he  had  perused,  evince  a  singular 
and  unremitting  industry. 

In  that  view  they  may  afford  an  useful  lesson 
and  example  to  such  young  readers  as  shall  not 
already  be  convinced  of  the  necessity  of  assi 
duous  application  in  the  acquisition  of  every  kind 
of  learning. 

My 


IV  ADVERTISEMENT  TO 

My  first  intention  was,  to  have  given  only  a 
short  specimen  of  the  observations  made  by  Mr. 
Gibbon,  in  the  course  of  his  reading;  but  I  found 
them  so  interesting,  that  I  could  not  desist,  so 
soon  as  I  intended,  from  making  Extracts;  and, 
upon  the  whole,  I  thought  that  the  part  to  be 
published  would  be  more  curious,  if  given  ex 
actly  as  it  stands  in  the  Journal. 

I  hope  1  shall  not  be  thought  to  have  published 
too  much:  in  truth,  there  still  remain  in  my 
possession  many  Papers  which  I  think  equally 
worth  attention. 

Mr.  Gibbon's  manuscript  Observations  were 
much  detailed,  from  the  year  1754  to  1764;  and 
he  afterwards  continued  to  write  remarks  and 
hints  on  all  subjects,  in  various  common-place 
books,  on  detached  papers,  and  even  on  cards, 
till  a  short  time  before  his  death,  although  not 
so  copiously,  nor  so  regularly  and  methodically, 
after  his  return  from  Italy,  in  the  year  1765. 
His  common-place  books  are  voluminous.  One 
of  the  largest  has  for  title,  "  Common-place 
Book;  in  which  I  propose  to  write  what  I  find 
most  remarkable  in  my  Historical  Readings; 
begun  at  Lausanne  the  19th  of  March  1755."  In 
this  he  introduces  a  great  variety  of  Observa 
tions  on  almost  every  subject,  particularly  on 
History. 

In  another  Book,  dated  the  19th  of  January, 

1756, 


THE  FIRST  EDITION.  V 

1756,  he  says,  "  J'ai  pris  la  resolution  de  lire  de 
suite  tous  les  Classiques  Latins,  les  partageant 
suivant  les  matures  qu'ils  ont  traite\  1.  Les 
Historiens.  2.  Les  Poetes.  3.  Les  Orateurs; 
dans  laquelle  classe  je  renfermerai  tous  les  autres 
auteurs  qui  ont  6crit  en  prose,  sans  £tre  ni  Phi- 
losophes  ni  Historiens.  4.  Les  Philosophes." 
He  begins  with  Observations  on  Sallust;  then 
proceeds  to  the  Commentaries  of  Caesar,  Corne 
lius  Nepos,  Livy,  always  mentioning  the  edition 
which  he  used. 

There  are  other  Books,  containing  various 
Dissertations  on  ancient  and  modern  Weights, 
Measures,  Monies,  Coins,  Finance,  Number  of 
the  People,  Chronology,  ancient  Geography,  and 
on  several  States  of  the  ancient  and  modern 
World. — "  M£moire  sur  la  Monarchic  des  Medes, 
pour  servir  de  Supplement  aux  Dissertations  de 
Messieurs  Freret  et  de  Bougainville." — "  Du 
Gouvernement  F6odal,  surtout  en  France." — 
"  Remarks  on,  and  an  Abridgment  of,  Black- 
stone's  Commentaries." — "  Remarques  Critiques 
sur  le  Nombre  des  Habitans  dans  la  Cite*  des 
Sybarites." — "  Remarques  Critiques  sur  le  nou- 
veau  Syst&me  de  la  Chronologic  de  Newton." — 
"  Remarques  sur  quelques  Prodiges." — "  Re 
marques  Critiques  sur  les  Dignity's  Sacerdotales 
de  Jules  C6sar." — "  Remarques  sur  quelques 
Passages  de  Virgile." — "  Sur  un  Passage  de 

Plaute." 


VI  ADVERRISEMENT. 

Plaute." — "  Examen  de  la  Mort  du  Poete  Ca- 
tulle."— • "  Reflexions  sur  FEtude  des  Belles  Let- 
tres,  (i.  e.)  des  Anciens,  et  de  l'Antiquit6  Grec- 
que  et  Latine." — "  Remarques  sur  les  M6moires 
de  1'Academie  des  Belles  Lettres." — A  very  con 
siderable  Work  on  Ancient  Italy,  intitled,  "  No- 
mina  Gentesque  Antiques  Italioe,"  with  many 
curious  Dissertations  on  several  Parts  of  that 
interesting  Country.  — "  Observations  on  the 
Churches,  Palaces,  Pictures,  Artists,  Antiqui 
ties,  &c.  of  Italy." — "  Index  Expurgatorius." — 
"  Chronological  Tables." — Many  loose  sheets  of 
Geography,*'  the  Greek  and  Arabian  Cosmo 
graphy,  the  Navigation  of  the  Portuguese,  &c. — 
"  Digression  on  the  Character  of  Brutus." — "  In 
troduction  a  THistoire  GeneVale  de  la  Republique 
des  Suisses." — Detached  sheets  on  the  subject  of 
the  Antiquities  of  Brunswick,  and  many  frag 
ments  on  separate  papers. 

His  well-known  and  acknowledged  learning 
may  have  made  this  display  of  the  proofs  of  his 
industry  unnecessary;  but  it  may  be  acceptable 
to  many  to  have  a  short  sketch  of  the  very  vari 
ous  subjects  on  which  he  had  occupied  himself. 

*  His  attention  to  Geography  had  always  been  very  great,  and 
few  were  better  informed  in  that  science.  His  friend  Major 
Rennell  was  of  that  opinion,  and  I  cannot  cite  a  higher  autho 
rity. 

CON- 


CONTENTS. 


VOL.  III. 

HISTORICAL  AND  CRITICAL. 


Page 

OUTLINES  of  the  History  of  the  World — The  Ninth  Century 
to  the  Fifteenth  inclusive.  (Written  in  Mr.  Gibbon's 
early  handwriting  between  1758  and  1763.)  1 

Memoire  sur  la  Monarchic  des  Medes,  pour  servir  de  Sup 
plement  aux  Dissertations  de  MM.  Freret  et  de  Bougain 
ville.  (In  Mr.  Gibbon's  early  handwriting  between  1758 
and  17^3)  -  56 

Les  Principales  Epoques  de  THistoire  de  la  Grece  et  de 
TEgypte,  suivant  Sir  Isaac  Newton,  comparees  avec  les 
Chronologies  ordinaires,  et  Remarques  critiques  sur  1'Ou- 
vrage  de  Newton.  Jan.  13,  1758  -  -  150 

Extrait  de  trois  Memoires  de  M.  L'Abbe  de  la  Bleterie  sur 
la  Succession  de  1'Empire  Remain  et  d'un  sur  le  Praenom 
d'Auguste.  Fev.  20,  1758  -  169 

Remarques  Critiques  sur  le  Nombre  des  Habitans  dans  la 

Cite  des  Sybarites.     Date  uncertain ;  early  writing.  178 

Gouvernement  Feodal,  surtout  en  France.     Date  uncertain, 

but  in  Mr.  Gibbon's  early  writing  between  1758  and  1763    183 
Relation  des  Noces  de  Charles  Due  de  Bourgogne  avec  la 
Princesse  Marguerite,  So3ur  d'Edouard  IV.  Roi  d'Angle- 
terre.     Date  uncertain  -         202 

Critical  Researches  concerning  the  Title  of  Charles  the 

Eighth  to  the  Crown  of  Naples.     Written  1761  206 

An  Account  of  a  Letter  addressed  to  Cocchi  by  Chevalier 
L.  G.  Aretino  respecting  some  Transactions  in  the  Cisal 
pine  Gallic  War,  A.  U.  C.  529.    Written  1764  222 
a  2  An 


viii  CONTENTS  TO  VOL.  III. 

Page 
An  Examination  of  Mallet's  Introduction  to  the  History  of 

Denmark.     July  14th,  1764.  231 

Introduction  a  FHistoire  generale  de  la   Republique  des 

Suisses.     Written  17^7  239 

Remarques  touchant  les  Doutes  Historiques  sur  la  Vie  et  le 
Regne  du  Roi  Richard  III.  Par  M.  Horace  Walpole. 
Written  1768  331 

Antiquities  of  the  House  of  Brunswick. — Written  1790.     In 
troductory  Letter  to  M.  Langer  -  -         353 
Section  I. — The  Italian  Descent  359 
Section  II.— The  German  Reign                                393 
Section  III. — The  British  Succession  of  the  House 

of  Brunswick    -  423 

Section  IF. — Additional  to  the  above  Sections          478 
An  Address  recommending  Mr.  John  Pinkerton  as  a  Person 
well   qualified  for   conducting  the    Publication   of    the 
"  Scriptores  Rerum  Anglicarum,"  our  Latin  Memorials 
of  the  Middle  Ages.     Written  1793  559 

Appendix  to  an  Address  explanatory,  &c.  by  Mr.  Pinkerton  578 


HISTORICAL 


an*  Critical 


OUTLINES  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF  THE 
WORLD. 

THE  NINTH  CENTURY.  300-900, 

THE  more  civilized  part  of  the  globe  was  divided 
between  the  Christians  and  the  Mahometans ;  the 
former  under  two  emperors,  the  latter  under  two 
caliphs.  1.  The  newly-erected  empire  of  the 
Franks  extended  over  France,  Germany,  and  Italy, 
and  even  the  Christian  princes  of  Britain  and  the 
mountains  of  Spain  respected  the  power  and  dig 
nity  of  Charlemagne.  2.  The  empire  of  the 
Greeks,  or  as  they  vainly  styled  it,  of  the  Romans, 
had  preserved  only  Macedonia,  Thrace,  and  Asia 
Minor.  3.  The  caliphs  of  the  house  of  Ommiyah 
reigned  in  Spain.  4.  Africa,  Egypt,  Syria,  Arabia, 
and  Persia,  were  subject  to  the  Abassides.  What 
ever  lay  beyond  the  limits  of  these  four  empires 
was  still  pagan,  and,  excepting  China,  still  bar 
barous. 

The  overgrown  monarchy  of  the  Abassides  soon 
declined.  The  powerful  viceroys  of  great  and  dis 
tant  provinces  gradually  usurped  the  prerogatives, 

VOL.  in.  B  though 


2  OUTLINES   OF   THE 

though  they  still  respected  the  dignity  of  the  caliph, 
776-809.  The  ,ei  .ns  Of  Al  Rashid,  Al  Mam  an,  and  Al  Motas- 
S£SS;  sem  were,   however,   wise   and  prosperous  :    but 
their  feeble  successors,  immersed  in  the  luxury  ot 
the  seraglio,  resigned  the  guard  of  their  throne  and 
person  to  a  body  of  Turkish  mercenaries,  who,  as 
their  interest  or  passions  might  dictate,  deposed, 
massacred,  and  created  the  lieutenants  of  the  pro- 
866-869.    het     At  length  they  began  to  experience  the  dire 
S*      effects  of  the  enthusiasm  to  which  they  owed  their 
grandeur.     A  sect  of  desperate  fanatics,  called  Kar- 
mathians,  disturbed  Irack  and  Arabia.     The  assas 
sins  of  Syria,  so  much  dreaded  during  the  crusades, 
were  the  last  remains  of  them. 

The  ruin  of  the  French  empire  was  more  preci 
pitate  and  attended  with  greater  calamities.     It  is 
chiefly  to  be  ascribed  to  the  fierce  spirit  of  the 
Franks,  unable  to  support  either  an  arbitrary  or  a 
614—840.  legal  government  ;  to  the  incapacity  of  Lewis  the 
D6bonnaire,  and  to  the  ambition  of  his  four  sons, 
who,  in  one  battle,  destroyed  a  hundred  thousand 
of  their  subjects.     The  dignity  of  the  throne  and 
blood  of  Charlemagne  was  eclipsed,  as  every  prince 
divided  his  dominions  among  his  children;  and  the 
spirit  of  union  was  irrecoverably  lost.     Charles  the 
Bald  disgraced  the  imperial  purple  by  acknowledg 
ing  that  he  held  it  from  the  favour  of  his  subject 
the  bishop  of  Rome.     Another  Charles,    as  un 
worthy  as  the  former,  was  deposed  by  his  subjects, 
and  the  vacant  empire  usurped  by  the  kings  of 
France,  of  Burgundy,  of  Aries,  of  Germany,  and 
of  Italy,  all  strangers  to  the  family  of  Charlemagne. 

The 


84  J* 


HISTORY    OF   THE    WORLD.  3 

The  dukes  and  the  counts  who  had  served  their 
ambition,  converted  their  governments  into  here 
ditary  possessions,  which  they  shared  among  their 
barons,  and  these  again  among  their  followers ; 
the  superior  still  reserving  the  faith,  homage,  and 
military  service  of  his  vassal.  The  people,  both 
of  the  cities  and  country,  was  reduced  to  a  state  of 
slavery.  The  clergy  sometimes  imitated,  and  some 
times  moderated  the  tyranny  of  the  military  order. 

In  the  mean  while  the  Normans  from  the  North, 
the  Hungarians  from  the  East,  and  the  Arabs,  or 
Saracens  from  the  South,  assaulted  this  defenceless 
empire  on  every  side.  Rome  and  Paris  were  be-  849 
sieged,  and  these  invaders  often  met  each  other  hi 
the  centre  of  the  ruined  provinces.  The  Normans  80^ 
especially,  animated  by  the  Saxons,  great  numbers 
of  whom  had  retired  into  Scandinavia  to  escape  the 
bloody  baptism  of  Charlemagne,  inflicted  a  dread 
ful  revenge  on  the  persons  and  property  of  the 
Christian  priests* 

The  union  of  the  Saxon  heptarchy  was  effected 
by  Egbert,  king  of  the  West  Saxons,  who  had 
been  trained  to  arms  and  policy  in  the  school  of 
Charlemagne ;  for  it  was  scarcely  yet  cemented^ 
when  England  experienced  the  same  calamities  as 
the  Continent  from  the  Danes  or  Normans.  They 
were  with  much  difficulty  expelled,  or  subdued,  by 
the  victories  of  Alfred.  Amidst  the  deepest  gloom 
of  barbarism,  the  virtue  of  Antoninus,  the  learning- 
and  valour  of  Ciesar,  and  the  legislative  genius  of 
Lycurgus,  shone  forth  united  in  that  patriot  king. 
Several  of  his  institutions  have  survived  the  Nor- 

B  <2  man 


4  OUTLINES    OF   THE 

man  conquest,  and  contributed  to  form  the  Eng 
lish  constitution. 

The  Arabs,  whether  subject  to  the  house  of 
Abbas  or  to  that  of  Ommiyah,  formed  but  one 
people.  The  Christians  of  the  western  and  eastern 
empires  had  scarcely  any  common  resemblance, 
except  of  religious  superstition,  The  Franks  had 
almost  forgotten  to  read  or  write,  in  the  most  literal 
sense  of  these  words.  The  Greeks  preserved  their 
ancient  authors  without  attempting  to  imitate  them. 
But  the  Arabs  were  poets  and  philosophers ;  bewil 
dered  themselves  very  ingeniously  in  the  maze  of 
metaphysics,  and  improved  the  more  useful  sciences 
of  physic,  astronomy,  and  the  mathematics.  The 
arts,  which  minister  to  the  convenience  and  luxury 
of  life,  were  known  only  in  the  East,  and  at  Con 
stantinople. 

From  these  arts  the  Arabs  derived  their  splen 
dour,  and  the  Greeks  their  existence.  A^people 
without  valour  or  discipline,  and  a  throne  per 
petually  stained  with  blood  and  occupied  by  weak 
princes,  could  not  long  have  withstood  the  nume 
rous  enemies  which  on  every  side  surrounded 
them.  Constantinople  alone,  attracting  by  its  si 
tuation  and  industry  the  commerce  of  Europe  and 
Asia,  supplied  the  absolute  monarch  with  an  inex 
haustible  source  of  wealth  and  power. 

900-1000.  THE  TENTH  CENTURY. 

898—987.  OUT  of  respect  to  Charlemagne's  memory, 
Charles  the  Simple  and  his  descendants  to  the  third 
generation,  were  permitted  to  hold  the  crown  of 

France : 


HISTORir   OF   THE    WORLD.  £ 

France :  but  it  was  a  crown  without  either  power 
or  splendour.  Italy,  with  the  imperial  dignity; 
Germany,  with  the  neighbouring  provinces  of  Lor 
raine,  Alsace,  Tranche  Comte,  Dauphine",  and  Pro 
vence,  were  separated  from  the  French  monarchy. 
The  last  Carlovingian  princes,  reduced  to  the  city 
of  Laon,  beheld  the  misery  of  their  country,  and 
the  wars  among  their  great  vassals.  Of  these  the 
most  powerful  were  the  dukes  of  France,  of  Nor 
mandy,  of  Burgundy,  and  of  Acquitain;  the  counts 
of  Flanders,  of  Champagne,  and  of  Thoulouse. 
Hollo,  the  first  duke  of  Normandy,  acquired  that  912. 
fertile  province  by  conquest  and  by  treaty :  his 
barbarian  followers  readily  adopted  the  French 
manners,  religion,  and  language.  Hugh  Capet,  987—996. 
duke  of  France,  and  count  of  Paris  and  Orleans, 
wrested  from  the  last  of  the  Carlovingians  the  98?. 
sceptre,  which  still  remains  in  the  hands  of  his 
posterity  :  but  his  new  regal  title  scarcely  gave 
him  any  authority  over  his  peers,  and  his  ample 
fiefs  composed  a  very  inconsiderable  kingdom. 

The  Germans,  freed  from  the  French  yoke, 
elected  for  their  king  Conrad  duke  of  Franconia, 
and  after  him  a  line  of  Saxon  princes.  Henry  the 
Fowler  chastised  the  Hungarians,  civilized  his  rude 
subjects,  and  was  the  first  founder  of  cities  in  the 
interior  parts  of  Germany.  His  son,  Otho  the 
Great,  passed  the  Alps,  gave  laws  to  Italy  and  to 
the  popes,  and  for  ever  fixed  the  imperial  dignity 
in  the  German  nation.  He  imposed  a  tribute  on 
the  vanquished  Danes  and  Bohemians,  and  since 
that  time  the  King  of  Bohemia  has  acknowledged 

B  3  himself 


6  OUTLINES    OF    THE 

himself  the  first  vassal  of  the   German   empire, 

which  was  treated  with  contempt  by  the  Greeks, 

reluctantly  submitted  to  by  the  Italians,  but  re- 

973— res.  spited  by  the  rest  of  Europe.     The  second  and 

983-1C02.  fafrfi  Qt}10j  son  and  grandson  to  the  first,  supported, 

though  with  less  vigour  and  capacity,  the  claims 

which  he  transmitted  to,  them. 

Spain  flourished  under  the  happy  government  of 

the  Ommiades  more  than  in  any  former  or  later 

period.     Their  capital,  Cordovo,  is  said   to  have 

contained  two  hundred  thousand  houses,  and  the 

adjacent  country  twelve  thousand  villages.     The 

active  genius  of  the  Arabs  was  at  once  employed 

in  war,  science,    agriculture,    manufactures,    and 

commerce.     The   annual   revenue   of  the   caliph 

912—961.  Abdoubrahman  III.  exceeded  six  millions  sterling, 

976—1006.  and  probably  surpassed  that  of  all  the  Christian 

kings  united.     Under  the  reign  of  his  grandson, 

the  viziers  became  masters  of  the  palace,  and  the 

.  governors  of  their  provinces. 

The  Christian  princes  of  Gothic  or  Gascon  ex 
traction,  who  had  maintained  their  independence 
in  the  Pyrenean  and  Asturean  mountains,  and  of 
whom  the  King  of  Leon  was  the  most  considerable, 
prepared  to  take  advantage  of  the  intestine  divi 
sions  of  the  Mahometans. 

A  new  empire  arose  in  Africa.  Obeidollah,  who 
styled  himself  the  descendant  and  avenger  of  Ali, 
reduced  under  his  obedience  the  whole  country 
from  the  Atlantic  ocean  to  the  frontiers  of  Egypt, 
together  with  the  island  of  Sicily ;  and  founded 
969-  the  dynasty  of  the  Fatimite  caliph.  Moez  Ledi- 

-  nilla, 


HISTORY    OF   THE    WORLD.  7 

nilla,  the  fourth  in  descent  and*  succession  from 
him,  conquered  Egypt  and  Syria,  and  built  Grand 
Cairo  on  the  banks  of  the  Nile,  which  soon  be 
came  one  of  the  first  cities  of  the  world.  But  in 
proportion  as  the  Fatimite  caliphs  extended  their 
conquests  towards  the  East,  their  western  domi 
nions  of  Africa  escaped  from  their  yoke.  In  the 
mean  while  the  Arabs  of  Mauritania,  who  still  re 
tained  their  pastoral  life,  spread  the  terror  of  their 
arms  and  the  law  of  Mahomet  among  the  negro 
nations  in  the  interior  parts  of  Africa. 

The  empire  of  the  Abassides  was  dismembered  936, 
by  twenty  dynasties,  Arabs,  Turks,  and  Persians. 
The  caliph  of  Bagdad,  a  prisoner  in  his  palace,  en 
joyed  the  vain  honour  of  being  named  first  in  the 
public  prayers,  and  of  granting  the  investiture  of 
his  provinces  to  every  fortunate  usurper.  The 
Greeks  seized  the  favourable  opportunity,  reco 
vered  Antioch,  and  once  more  extended  their 
power  as  far  as  the  banks  of  the  Euphrates. 

As    England   formed  a   separate  world,  which 
maintained  very  little  intercourse  with  other  na 
tions,  it  may  be  reserved  for  the  last  place.     Ed-    900—924, 
ward  the  elder  and  Athelstan.  inherited  the  military    924-940. 
virtues   of  Alfred.     The  great  grandson  of  that    959—975, 
prince,  Edgar,  is  celebrated  by  the  monks  for  his 
profuse  devotion  to  their  order;  and  by  rational 
men,  for  the   attention  he   gave  to   the  natural 
strength  of  his  kingdom,  a  maritime  power.     The 
Danes,  who  since  the  time  of  Alfred  had  respected 
the  coasts  of  England,  renewed  their  attacks  as 

B  4  soon 


8  OUTLINES    OF   THE 

soon  as  they  discovered  the  weakness  of  young 
Ethelred,  the  son  of  Edgar. 

973-1016.  While  the  Musulmans,  notwithstanding  their 
intestine  troubles,  preserved  the  light  of  science, 
Europe  sUnk  still  deeper  into  ignorance,  barbarism, 
and  superstition.  The  Benedictine  abbeys,  though 
they  nursed  the  last  of  these  monsters,  opposed 
some  faint  resistance  against  the  two  former.  They 
transcribed  ancient  books,  improved  their  lands, 
and  opened  an  asylum  for  the  slaves  of  feudal  ty 
ranny,  which  had  every  where  erected  fortified 
castles  on  the  ruins  of  cities  and  villages.  The  in 
habitants  of  the  rocks  of  Genoa,  and  of  the  marshes 
of  Venice,  began  to  seek,  first  a  subsistence,  and 
soon  afterwards  wealth  and  power,  in  the  useful 
employments  of  trade  and  navigation. 

THE  ELEVENTH  CENTURY. 

1000-1100.  The  general  history  of  this  age  may  be  compre 
hended  under  four  great  events.  1.  The  empire 
of  the  Turks  in  Asia.  2.  The  disputes  between 
the  emperors  and  the  popes.  3.  The  conquest  of 
England  and  Naples  by  the  Normans  ;  and  4.  The 
crusades  against  the  Mahometans. 

1.  Mahmud  of  Gasna  was  the  first  prince,  who, 
under  the  empire  of  the  caliphs,  assumed  the  title 
of  Sultan.  He  reigned  over  the  eastern  parts  of 
Persia,  and  invaded  the  rich  and  peaceful  nations 
of  Hindostan,  several  of  which  bowed  to  his  yoke, 
and  to  that  of  the  Alcoran.  As  he  had  occasion 
for  great  armies,  he  invited  into  his  service  the 

tribe 


HISTORY   OF   THE   WOULD.  Q 

tribe  of  Seljuk,  one  of  the  bravest  and  most  nume 
rous  among  the  Turks.  They  served  the  father, 
but  rebelled  against  the  son.  The  several  dynas-  1031. 
ties  of  Persia  fell  successively  before  the  sword  of 
Togrul  Beg,  their  first  sovereign.  The  feeble  ca-  loss-ioe 
liph  of  Bagdad  was  obliged  to  grant  him  the  inves 
titure  of  his  conquests,  and  to  receive  a  Turk  for 
his  protector  and  his  son-in-law.  Alp  Arslan,  the  loe 
successor  of  Togrul,  took  the  Emperor  Romanus 
Diogenes  prisoner  in  a  great  battle,  and  treated 
him  with  a  generous  courtesy  that  would  have 
done  honour  to  the  most  civilized  nations.  Asia  108o. 
Minor,  a  part  of  the  Greek  empire,  and  Syria  and 
Palestine,  then  subject  to  the  caliphs  of  Egypt, 
were  subdued  by  the  victorious  Turks.  The  em 
pire  of  Malek  Shah  extended  from  India  to  the  1072-1092. 
Hellespont :  his  court  was  the  seat  of  learning, 
justice,  and  magnificence.  The  Turks,  who  had 
adopted  the  religion  and  manners  of  the  Arabs, 
studied  to  conceal  from  the  nations  of  Asia  that 
they  had  changed  their  masters. 

2.  The  Emperor  Otho  III.  was  succeeded  by  1002-1024. 
his  cousin  Henry  II.  surnamed  the  Saint,  because  1024-1043. 
he  chose  to  be  the  last  of  his  family.     The  Fran-  1043-1055. 
conian  princes,  Conrad  the  Salic,  Henry  III.  and  1056-1106. 
Henry  IV.   succeeded  to   the  house  of  Saxony. 
These  emperors  possessed  as   much  power  as  was 
compatible  with  the  feudal  system.     Their  great 
vassals  were  more  accustomed  to  order  and  obedi 
ence  than  those  of  France.     They  enjoyed  a  large 
domain  and  revenue  in  Germany.     Italy,  once  the 
mistress,  and  since  the  slave  of  the  nations,  was 

treated 


|0  OUTLINES  OF  THE 

treated  as  a  conquered  country.  The  right  of 
granting  the  investiture  of  benefices;  and  even  of 
the  see  of  Rome,  became  in  their  hands  an  inex 
haustible  source  either  of  power  or  of  profit.  Gre- 

1073-1085.  gory  VII.  a  monk  of  a  daring  and  obstinate  spirit, 
embraced  the  pretence  of  abolishing  simony,  and 
the  opportunity  of  delivering  himself  and  his  sue- 
ce'ssors  from  an  odious  yoke.  The  emperor  was 
excommunicated  and  deposed,  and  these  spiritual 
arms  were  seconded,  either  from  interested  or  pious 
motives,  by  the  Normans,  by  the  Countess  Matilda, 
by  the  princes  of  Germany,  and  even  by  the  sons 
of  Henry.  Though  he  defended  himself  with 
vigour,  and  was  victorious  in  sixty-six  battles,  the 
church  still  maintained  the  war  with  new  re 
sources,  and  inflexible  resolution;  and  the  Roman 
Pontiff  exalted  his  mitre  above  all  the  crowns  in 
Europe. 

3.  In  this  century,  England  was  twice  subdued 
by  foreign  invaders.     Sweyn   the  Dane  ravaged 

1016-1036.  the  country;  but  his  son  Canute,  who  had  em 
braced  Christianity,  was  acknowledged  king  by 
the  nation,  and  shewed  himself  as  mild -in  peace  as 
he  had  been  terrible  in  war.  The  dominion  of  the 

1042-1066.  Danes  expired  with  the  sons  of  Canute,  and  Ed 
ward  the  Confessor  ascended  without  opposition 
the  vacant  throne.  The  more  than  doubtful  tes 
tament  of  this  weak  prince,  the  last  of  the  Saxon 
line,  was  however  the  best  pretence  with  which 
William  the  bastard,  Duke  of  Normandy,  could 
1066.  colour  his  invasion  of  England.  In  the  decisive 

October  14.  .  _ 

battle  of  Hastings,  the  valour  of  the  English  was 

unable 


HISTORY  OF  THE  WORLD.  1 1 

unable  to  withstand  the  flower  of  Europe's  chivalry, 
led  on  by  an  experienced  general,  and  supported 
by  the  thunder  of  a  papal  excommunication.  Wil- 
liam  secured  his  conquest,  at  first  by  the  most 
gentle,  afterwards  by  the  most  violent  measures. 
He  attempted  to  abolish  the  laws  and  language  of 
the  Anglo-Saxons,  and  divided  their  country 
among  the  companions  of  his  victory.  Fourteen 
hundred  manors,  which  he  reserved  for  the  crown, 
formed  an  ample  and  independent  revenue.  Sixty 
thousand  knights  were  bound  by  duty  and  interest 
to  support  the  throne  of  their  benefactor.  The 
government  was  military ;  and  a  military  govern 
ment  always  verges  towards  despotism.  The  only 
compensation  which  England  received  for  so  many 
calamities,  was  a  system  of  manners  somewhat 
more  polished,  and  a  more  extensive  influence  on 
the  Continent.  The  power  of  William  the  Con-  losr-noo. 
queror  and  of  his  son,  William  Rufus,  eclipsed 
their  sovereigns  the  kings  of  France.  Robert,  996~ 1031« 
Henry  I.  and  Philip  I.  the  successors  of  Hugh  losi-ioeo. 
Capet  in  lineal  descent,  wanted  both  talents  and  loeo-noa. 
opportunity  to  wrest  the  prerogatives  and  pro 
vinces  of  their  crown  from  the  great  vassals  on 
whose  usurpations  time  had  almost  bestowed  a 
legal  sanction. 

The  Normans  were  at  that  time  renowned  in 
arms  beyond  all  the  European  nations.  A  few  1016< 
private  gentlemen  of  Normandy,  who  visited  the 
southern  parts  >  of  Italy  as  pilgrims,  and  served 
there  as  mercenaries,  soon  formed  themselves  into 
*  little  army  of  conquerors,  and  erected  a  formida-  1057-1085* 

ble 


]£  OUTLINES  OF  THE 

ble  power  on  the  ruins  vof  the  Greeks,  the  Arabs, 
and  the  Lombards.  Robert  Guiscard,  the  greatest 
of  their  chiefs,  who  passed  the  Alps  with  only  six 
horsemen  and  thirty  foot,  attained  the  honour  of 
protecting  Gregory  VII.  and  of  seeing  both  the 
emperors  of  the  West  and  of  the  East  successively 
fly  before  him.  His  vast  projects  against  the  lat 
ter  of  these  empires  were  interrupted  only  by  an 
untimely  death.  The  devotion,  or  the  policy  of 
the  Normans,  engaged  them  to  put  their  con 
quests  under  the  protection  of  St.  Peter;  and, 
since  that  time,  the  kingdom  of  Naples  has  been 
a  fief  of  the  church  of  Rome. 

loss.  4.  As  soon  as  the  caliphate  of  Spain  was  de 
stroyed,  the  Christians  emerged  from  obscurity, 
and  in  their  turn  attacked  the  Moors  or  Arabs, 
now  divided  into  twenty  petty  sovereignties. 
While  each  Mahometan  prince  defended  himself 
separately,  all  were  vanquished,  but  the  victory 
was  long  doubtful  and  bloody.  Every  district 

1085.  cost  a  battle :  every  city  a  siege.  The  siege  of 
Toledo  lasted  a  year,  and  the  reputation  of  the 
Spanish  general,  celebrated  in  history  and  romance 
under  the  name  of  the  Cid,  attracted  the  bravest 
knights  of  Italy  and  France  to  his  standard.  The 
1065-H09.  dominions  of  his  master,  Alfonso  VI.  compre 
hended  both  the  Castiles,  Leon,  Biscay,  Astureas, 
and  Gallicia.  The  Spanish  princes  of  Navarre, 
Arragon,  and  Catalonia  were  still  confined  between 

1072>  the  Ebro  and  the  Pyrenees.  About  the  same 
time  Count  Roger,  the  Norman,  brother  of  Robert 

Guiscard, 


HISTORY  OF  THE  WORLD.  13 

Guiscard,  expelled  the  Arabs  from  the  island  of 
Sicily,  and  pursued  them  to  the  coast  of  Africa. 

These  advantages  were  preludes  to  the  great 
enterprise  of  the  crusades.  When  we  recollect 
that  arms  and  devotion  were  the  ruling  passions  of 
the  independent  barons  and  their  numerous  fol 
lowers,  and  that  fame,  riches,  and  Paradise  were 
held  forth  as  the  sure  rewards  of  this  holy  warfare, 
we  shall  be  the  less  surprised  that  more  than  a 
million  of  men  enlisted  under  the  banner  of  the 
Cross.  Of  this  undisciplined  multitude,  the  far 
greater  part  perished  in  Hungary  and  Asia  Minor. 
Godfrey  of  Bouillon,  and  the  other  Christian 
leaders,  arrived  on  the  banks  of  the  Jordan  with 
with  only  twenty  thousand  foot  and  fifteen  hun 
dred  horse;  but  even  this  handful  of  warriors  was  1099. 
sufficient  to  recover  the  holy  sepulchre,  and  to 
establish  a  feeble  and  transitory  dominion  over 
Jerusalem,  Antioch,  Tripoli,  and  Edessa.  The 
French  and  Normans  had  the  greatest  share  in  the 
folly  and  glory  of  the  first  crusade,  which  roused 
Europe  from  its  long  and  profound  lethargy,  and 
Was  productive  of  much  unforeseen  benefit  to  the 
popes,  the  kings  of  France,  and  the  commercial 
states  of  Italy. 

Denmark,  Norway,  Sweden,  Poland,  Bohemia, 
and  Hungary,  adopted  the  Christian,  or  rather 
Popish  faith,  a  more  civilized  life,  and  the  first  ru 
diments  of  feudal  policy.  The  conversion  of 
Russia  was  the  work  of  the  Greek  church.  The 
Sclavonian  tribes  on  the  coasts  of  the  Baltic,  from 

the 


J4  OUTLINES  OF  THE 

the  Elbe  to  the  gulph  of  Finland,  still  preserved 
tiieir  ancient  religion  and  savage  independence. 

uoo-1200.  THE  TWELFTH  CENTURY, 

THE  popes  prevailed  against  their  ancient  sove 
reigns  the  emperors  of  Germany,  and  deprived  the 
nod.     unfortunate  Henry  IV.  of  his  dominions,  his  repu- 

1106-H25.  tation,  his  life,  and  the  last  honours  of  a  grave.  To- 
escape  a  similar  fate,  Henry  V.  resigned  the  long^ 
contested  right  of  investitures,  which  was  gradu- 
ally  usurped  by  the  Roman  Pontiff.  The  clergy, 
instead  of  regaining  their  liberty,  soon  experi 
enced  a  yoke,  still  heavier  when  imposed  by  one 
of  their  own  order.  The  fictitious  donation  of 
Constantine,  and  the  will  of  Matilda,  were  like 
wise  asserted  by  the  popes,  but  with  less  success ; 
and  they  found  it  easier  to  shake  the  thrones  of 
other  princes  than  to  establish  their  own  temporal 
dominion.  A  jealous  truce  subsisted  between  the 

1125-H37.  church  and  empire  during  the  reigns  of  Lothaire 
II.  and  Conrad  III.  the  latter  of  whom  was  the  first 

1137-H52.  of  the  house  of  Swabia.     The  war  was  renewed 

1152-H90.  between  the  Emperor  Frederic  I.  surnamed  Barba- 
rossa,  and  Pope  Alexander  III.  each  of  whom  pre 
tended  that  the  other  was  his  creature  and  vassal. 
The  cities  of  Lombardy,  enriched  by  commerce 
and  aspiring  to  liberty,  ranged  themselves  under 
the  papal  banner.  Though  Frederic  maintained 
his  lofty  claims  with  the  greatest  resolution  and 
ability;  though  he  set  up  an  anti-pope,  marched  six 

times 


HISTORY  OF  THE  WORLD.  15 

times  into  Italy,  besieged  Rome,  and  levelled  Milan 
•with  the  ground,  yet  he  was  at  last  obliged  to  bend 
before  the  throne  of  Alexander,  and  confirm  all  the 
immunities  of  the  Italian  confederacy. 

This  emperor  and  his  successor  Henry  VI.  were,  1190-1193 
however,  dreaded  and  obeyed  in  Germany,  now  en 
larged  by  the  forced  conversion  of  the  Vandals  of 
Mecklenburgh  and  Pomerania.  In  the  north  of 
Italy  the  Imperial  authority  was  almost  lost :  but 
in  the  south,  Henry  VI.  acquired  the  kingdom  of 
.the  Two  Sicilies,  by  marrying  Constantia,  the 
daughter  of  Roger  I.  who  had  united  the  Norman 
conquests,  and  assumed  the  regal  title.  A  power-  113°- 
fill  party  was  unable  to  resist  the  right  and  the 
arms  of  Henry,  but  he  sullied  his  victory  with 
cruelty  and  avarice. 

The  kings  of  France  still  remained  the  feeble 
heads  of  a  great  body.  In  private  quarrels,  the 
most  inconsiderable  baron  was  able  to  wa«-e  war 

•  o 

against  his  sovereign :  but  when  Lewis  VI.  as-  i108-11^. 
sembled  the  national  force  against  a  foreign  enemy,      1124. 
two  hundred  thousand  men  appeared  under  the 
banner  of  the    Oriflamme.      Lewis    VII.    was   a  nsr-iiso. 
prince  of  slender  abilities,  who  lost  the  great  duchy 
of  Aquitain  by  divorcing  his  wife  Eleanor  on  a 
jealous  suspicion.      His  minister   Suger,  and  his  nso-isss. 
son  Philip  Augustus,  deserve  to  be  considered  as 
the  founders  of  the  French  monarchy.     The  for 
mer  was  an  honest  statesman  and  a  monk,  with 
out  the  prejudices  of  a  convent.     The  fortune  of 
the  latter  was  equal  to  his  genius. 

In  England  the  weak  title  of  Henry  I.  youngest  1100-113*. 

sou 


16  OUTLINES  OF  THE 

son  of  the  conqueror,  his  marriage  with  a  Saxon 
princess,  and  above  all  the  hand  of  time,  gradu 
ally  uniting  the  Normans  and  the  English  into 
one  people,  contributed  to  abolish  the  memory  of 
the  conquest,  and  to  relax  the  chains  of  despot- 

1135-H54.  ism.  After  the  death  of  Henry,  England  was 
afflicted  with  a  civil  war  between  his  daughter 
Matilda  and  his  nephew  Stephen,  till  at  length  the 

H54-1189.  contending  parties  acknowledged  Henry  II.  the 
son  of  Matilda,  an  active,  powerful,  and  fortunate 
monarch.  From  his  mother  he  inherited  England 
and  Normandy;  from  his  father,  Fulk  Plantage- 
net,  the  counties  of  Anjou,  Maine,  and  Touraine. 
By  the  marriage,  which  he  most  eagerly  contract 
ed  with  the  repudiated  Eleanor,  he  obtained  the 
provinces  of  Aquitain  and  Poitou.  He  disposed 
of  the  duchy  of  Britanny  in  favour  of  his  third  son 
Jeffrey.  The  King  of  Scotland  did  him  homage, 
the  Welch  dreaded  his  power,  and. -to  the  adven- 
1171-  turous  valour  of  some  subjects  he  was  indebted 
for  the  sovereignty  of  Ireland;  a  conquest  at  that 
time  of  little  value,  but  which  now  contains  more 
wealth  and  industry  than  the  extensive  empire  of 
Henry  II.  His  reign  was  however  disturbed  by 
117°*  the  ambition,  and  still  more  by  the  murder  of 
Becket ;  by  the  intrigues  of  the  French  king,  and 

1189-H99.  by  the  ingratitude  of  his  sons.  Richard  the  First, 
the  second  of  them,  possessed  only  the  personal 

H99-1216.  courage  of  a  soldier.  John,  the  youngest,  (who 
usurped  the  crown  in  prejudice  to  his  nephew 
Arthur,  the  son  of  Jeffrey,)  was  even  devoid  of  that 

vulgar 


&IS1VORV   OF   THE   WOULD.  17 

Vulgar  merit.  The  crusade  and  captivity  of  Richard 
exhausted  England,  and  impoverished  the  crown. 

The  Christians  of  Spain  acquired  a  manifest 
superiority  over  the  Infidels.  The  kingdom  of 
Castile  was  already  a  considerable  power,  and  Al 
fonso  VIII.  vainly  styled  himself  Emperor  of  Spain.  1135. 
The  little  kingdom  of  Navarre  still  remained  among 
the  Pyrenees ;  but  the  kings  of  Arragon  (one  of 
whom  married  the  heiress  of  Catalonia)  descended  lies, 
from  the  mountains  into  the  plain,  took  Saragossa, 
and  carried  their  arms  to  the  frontiers  of  Castile  and  me. 
Valentia.  The  progress  of  the  kingdom  of  Portu 
gal  was  still  more  rapid.  A  prince  of  the  house  of 
France  had  received  from  Alfonso  VI.  the  city  of 
Porto  Calle,  with  the  title  of  count ;  his  successor  1139. 
assumed  that  of  king,  took  Lisbon,  with  the  assist 
ance  of  some  English  and  Flemish  crusaders,  and 
subdued  the  western  coast  of  Spain,  from  Gallicia 
to  the  Algarves.  All  these  victories  were  attended 
with  the  greater  difficulty  and  glory,  as  the  Moors, 
both  of  Spain  and  Africa,  were  united  under  the 
empire  of  the  Miramolins ;  in  whom  were  revived 
the  zeal,  the  valour,  the  learning,  and  the  magni 
ficence  of  the  caliphs.  Their  capitals,  Fez  and 
Morocco,  were  superior  to  any  cities  in  Christen 
dom. 

Each  state,  unconnected  with  its  neighbours, 
had  its  own  revolutions;  but  the  expeditions  to 
Palestine  were  the  common  business  of  Europe. 
Though  the  sermons  of  St.  Bernard  excited  a 
second  crusade  more  formidable  than  the  first,  the 
far  greater  part  of  the  numerous  armies  which  fol- 

VOL.  in.  c  lowed 


18'  OUTLINES    OF   THE 

lowed  the  Emperor  Conrad  and  Lewis  VII.  of 
France,  perished  by  the  artifices  of  the  Greeks,  and 
the  arms  of  the  Turks ;  and  those  monarchs  appeared 
in  the  Holy  Land  rather  as  pilgrims  than  as  con 
querors.  The  most  dangerous  enemy  of  the  Chris- 

ii7i.  tians  was  Saladin,  who  abolished  the  Fatimite 
caliphs,  and  raised  himself  from  a  private  station  to 
the  sovereignty  of  Egypt  and  Syria.  Zeal  and 
policy  forbade  him  to  suffer  a  Christian  kingdom 
in  the  heart  of  his  dominions.  Jerusalem  yielded 

liar,  to  his  arms,  and  the  Christians  experienced  a  gene 
rous  treatment,  as  unexpected  as  it  was  undeserved. 
The  news  of  this  loss  filled  Europe  with  shame, 
grief,  and  indignation.  Suspending  their  domestic 

nap.  quarrels,  the  military  force  of  Germany,  France, 
and  England,  marched  into  the  East,  under  their 
respective  monarchs.  Frederic  Barbarossa  died  in 
Asia  Minor,  in  a  career  of  useless  victories.  Philip, 
Augustus,  and  Richard  I.  who  preferred  the  safer 
but  more  expensive  method  of  transporting  their 
troops  by  sea,  took  the  inconsiderable  town  of  St. 
John  D'Acre  after  a  siege  of  two  years.  This 

1191.  third  crusade  was  followed  by  the  death  of  Saladin, 
1193.     wno  left  a  name  admired  in  Asia,  dreaded  and 

esteemed  in  Europe. 

The  provinces  beyond  the  Tigris  no  longer, 
obeyed  the  house  of  Seljuk.  New  princes  (to  use 
the  Eastern  expression)  had  arisen  from  the  dust 
before  their  throne.  A  race  of  slaves,  the  gover 
nors,  afterwards  sultans  of  Carizme,  enriched  by 

1192.  their  favour,  and  spared  by  their  clemency,  de- 
1136-H60.  prived  the  last  of  these  mouarchs  of  his  sceptre  and 

life, 


.   HISTORY   Ofr   THE   WORLD.  19 

life.  The  caliphs  of  Bagdad,  with  a  juster  title, 
had  recovered  their  independence  and  the  adjacent 
provinces  of  Irak.  Two  younger  branches  of  the 
house  of  Seljuk  still  reigned  in  Kerman  and  Asia 
Minor. 

Under  the  feudal  system,  the  rights,  natural  as 
well  as  civil,  of  mankind,  were  enjoyed  only  by  the 
nobles  and  ecclesiastics,  who  scarcely  formed  the 
thousandth  part  of  the  community.  In  this  cen 
tury  they  were  gradually  diffused  among  the  body 
of  the  people.  The  cities  of  Italy  acquired  full 
liberty :  the  greater  towns  of  Germany,  England, 
France  and  Spain  became  legal  corporations,  and 
purchased  immunities  more  or  less  considerable; 
even  the  peasant  began  to  be  distinguished  from 
the  rest  of  the  cattle  on  his  lord's  estate. 

With  the  liberty  of  Europe  its  genius  awoke ; 
but  the  first  efforts  of  its  growing  strength  were 
consumed  in  vain  and  fruitless  pursuits.  Ignorance 
was  succeeded  by  error.  The  civil  and  canon 
jurisprudence  were  blindly  adopted,  and  labori 
ously  perverted.  Romances  of  chivalry,  and  monk 
ish  legends  still  more  fabulous,  supplied  the  place 
of  history.  The  dreams  of  astrology  were  dignified 
with  the  name  of  astronomy.  To  discover  the 
philosopher's  stone  was  the  only  end  of  chemistry. 
Superstition,  instead  of  flying  before  the  light  of 
true  philosophy,  was  involved  in  thicker  darkness 
by  the  scholastic  phantom  which  usurped  its 
honours.  The  two  great  sources  of  knowledge, 
nature  and  antiquity,  were  neglected  and  for 
gotten. 

cQ  THE 


20  OUTLINES    OF    THE 

1200-1300.  THE  THIRTEENTH  CENTURY. 

WE  may  now  contemplate  two  of  the  greatest 
powers  that  have  ever  given  laws  to  mankind  ;  the 
one  founded  on  force,  the  other  on  opinion:  I 
mean  the  Tartar  conquerors,  and  the  Roman  pon 
tiffs. 

TheMoguis.  Birth-right,  election,  personal  merit,  force  of 
arms,  and  some  claims  to  a  divine  mission,  invested 
Zingis  Khan  with  the  absolute  command  of.  all  the 
Tartar  and  Mogul  tribes*  As  soon  as  he  had  intro 
duced  a  degree  of  order  and  discipline  among  his 

1211.  barbarous  host,  he  invaded  the  empire  of  China, 
took  Pekin,  and  subdued  the  northern  provinces. 

i2i8.  From  thence  he  marched  into  Persia  against  Mo 
hammed,  sultan  of  Carizme,  who,  by  putting  to 
death  the  Mogul  ambassadors,  drew  ruin  on  him 
self,  his  family,  and  his  dominions.  From  the 
Jaxartes  to  the  Tigris,  nothing  could  withstand  the 
numbers  and  fury  of  the  Moguls.  Carizme,  Bo- 
cara,  Samarcand,  £c.  were  levelled  with  the  ground, 
and  the  rich  provinces  to  the  east  and  to  the  south 
of  the  Caspian  Sea  were  changed  from  a  garden  to 
a  desert,  Zingis  died  loaded  with  the  spoils  and 
curses  of  Asia,  His  successors  trod  in  the  same 

1234.  paths  of  rapine  and  conquest.  About  the  same 
time,  one  army  of  Moguls  completed  the  reduc 
tion  of  the  northern  empire  of  China,  and  pene 
trated  to  the  farthest  point  of  Corea,  almost  within 
sight  of  the  shores  of  Japan ;  a  second  over-ran 
Russia,  Poland,  and  Hungary,  threatened  Con 
stantinople,  and  won  the  battle  of  Lignite  in  Sile 
sia; 


HISTORY    OF    THE    WORLD.  21 

sia ;  a  third  army  took  Bagdad,  destroyed  the  em 
pire  of  the  Caliphs,  and  laid  waste  Asia  Minor  and     1258, 
Syria.     The  Mogul  princes  of  Persia  and  the  West 
ern  Tartary  long  hesitated  between  the  Gospel  and 
the  Alcoran.     Their  conversion  would  have  been 
of  greater  benefit  to  the  church  than  all  the  cru 
sades  ;  but  at  length  they  preferred  the  faith  of 
Mahomet,  and  renounced  all  intercourse  with  the     129?. 
great  Khan,  who  still  adhered  to  the  worship  of    1273. 
the  Dalai  Lama.     Cublai  Khan,  the  grandson  and 
fourth  successor  of  Zingis,  united,  by  the  extinc 
tion  of  the  dynasty  of  the  South,  the  whole  Chi 
nese  monarchy  with  Eastern  Tartary,  adopted  the 
laws  and  manners  of  the  conquered  people,  encou 
raged  the  arts  and  artists  of  every  nation,  and  is 
reckoned  by  the  Chinese  themselves  among  their 
best  emperors. 

The  Roman  pontiffs  claimed  an  universal  mo-  The  popes. 
narchy,  temporal  as  well  as  spiritual ;  and  main 
tained  that  all  inferior  powers,  emperors,  kings, 
and  bishops,  derived  from  the  chair  of  St.  Peter 
their  delegated  authority.     Of  all  the  Popes,  none 
asserted  these  lofty  pretensions  with  more  spirit  1193-1216. 
and  success  than  Innocent  III.     By  establishing 
the  doctrine  of  Transubstantiation,  and  the  tribu 
nal  of  the  Inquisition,  he  obtained  the  two  most 
memorable  victories  over  the  common  sense  and 
common  rights  of  mankind.  He  reduced  the  schis 
matic  Greeks,  exterminated  the  Albigeois  heretics, 
despoiled  Raymond,  count  of  Thoulouse,  of  his  do 
minions,  excommunicated  two  emperors,  a  king  of 
-  France,  and  a  king  of  England ;  the  last  of  whom 

c  3  confessed 


22  OUTLINES    OF   THE 

confessed  himself  the  vassal  and  tributary  of  the 
see  of  Rome.  Innocent  reigned  in  Rome  as  the 
successor  of  Constantine,  and  in  Naples  as  the  na^ 
tural  guardian  of  young  Frederic  the  son  of  Henry 
the  Sixth;  who,  after  Philip  of  Suabia  and  Otho 
IV.,  was  acknowledged  Emperor  of  Germany. 

The  empire.  The  superior  abilities  of  Frederic  II.,  his  Italian 
education,  the  Imperial  sceptre,  the  kingdom  of 
the  two  Sicilies,  and  the  vast  possessions  of  the 
House  of  Suabia,  rendered  him  formidable  to  the 
Popes,  who,  unmindful  of  their  accustomed  policy, 
had  rather  assisted  than  checked  his  elevation. 
This  fatal  error  could  be  retrieved  only  by  the  de- 

i22r-i268.  struction  of  the  House  of  Suabia,  and  the  design 
was  prosecuted  during  more  than  forty  years  with 
a  constancy  worthy  of  the  ancient  senate.  The 
Roman  pontiffs  seized  the  first  ground  of  dispute, 
rejected  all  terms  of  peace,  and  convinced  both 
their  friends  and  their  enemies  that  they  were  re 
solved  either  to  perish  or  to  conquer.  The  parties 
of  the  church  and  of  the  empire,  under  the  names 
of  Guelphs  and  Ghibellins,  divided  and  desolated 
124^.  Italy.  Amidst  this  confusion,  Innocent  IV.  so 
lemnly  deposed  Frederic  in  the,  council  of  Lyons, 
and  pursued  that  unfortunate  monarch  to  the 
1250.  grave.  After  his  decease,  the  name  of  emperor 
was  assumed  for  a  short  time  by  his  son  Conrad  IV. 
and  the  kingdom  of  Naples  was  defended  by  his 
bastard  Mainfroy,  till  the  papal  arms  were  entrusted 
to  Charles  count  of  Anjou,  the  brother  of  Lewis 
1266.  IX.  Followed  by  the  bravest  and  most  pious  war 
riors  of  Christendom,  that  active  prince  passed  the 

Alps, 


HISTORY  OF   THE   WORLD.  23 

Alps,  and  in  a  single  battle  deprived  Mainfroy  of 
his  sceptre  and  his  life.  Conradin,  the  grandson 
of  Frederic,  and  the  last  of  that  unhappy  line,  lost  1208. 
his  head  on  a  scaffold  at  Naples,  after  a  brave,  but 
unsuccessful  attempt  to  recover  the  throne  of  his 
ancestors.  His  blood  was  soon  revenged  by  the 
blood  of  eight  thousand  French  in  the  Sicilian  ves-  1282. 
pers,  who  fell  just  victims  of  their  licentious  inso 
lence.  A  long  and  bloody  quarrel  commenced  be 
tween  the  House  of  Arragon,  which  was  called  by 
the  oppressed  people  to  the  throne  of  Sicily,  and 
the  House  of  Anjou,  which  still  remained  in  posses 
sion  of  Naples. 

The  free  cities  of  Italy,  now  delivered  from  the  Italy. 
German  yoke,  began  to  enjoy  and  to  abuse  the 
blessings  of  wealth  and  liberty.  Of  a  hundred  in 
dependent  republics,  every  one,  except  Venice, 
was  destitute  of  a  regular  government,  and  torn  by 
civil  dissensions.  The  Guelphs  and  the  Ghibel- 
lins,  the  nobles  and  the  commons,  contended  for 
the  sovereignty  of  their  country.  The  most  trifling 
incident  was  sufficient  to  produce  a  conspiracy,  a 
tumult,  and  a  revolution.  Among  these  troubles, 
the  dark,  insidious,  vindictive  spirit  of  the  Italians 
was  gradually  formed. 

In  Germany,    the  death  of  Frederic  II.    was  Germany, 
succeeded  by  a  long  anarchy.     The  prerogatives  1230~1272- 
and  domains  of  the  emperors  were  usurped  by  the 
great  vassals.     Every  gentleman  exercised  round 
his   castle  a  licentious  independence;   the  cities 
were  obliged  to  seek  protection  from  their  walls  « 

and  confederacies;  and  from  the  Rhine  and  Da- 

c  4  nube 


£4  OUTLINES    OF   THE 

nube  to  the  Baltic  the  names  of  Peace  and  Justice 
were  unknown.  It  was  at  length  discovered,  that 
without  an  appearance  of  union  the  Germanic 
body  could  not  subsist.  The  great  princes,  who 
began  to  assume  the  title  of  electors,  agreed  to 
invest  a  first  magistrate  with  the  ,  dignity,  but  not 
1272-1291.  with  the  power,  of  their  ancient  emperors.  Their 

1292—1298 

jealous  caution  successively  fixed  on  Rodolph  count 
of  Hapsburgh,  and  Adolph  count  of  Nassau ; 
whose  fortune  was  far  inferior  to  their  birth  and  perr 
sonal  merit.  The  former,  however,  who  was  father 
of  the  House  of  Austria,  transmitted  to  his  son  Al 
bert  such  ample  hereditary  dominions,  as  enabled 
him  to  form  a  party  against  the  emperor  Adolph, 

1298-1308.  t0  wrest  from  him  the  sceptre,  and  to  display  that 
ambitious  pride  which  has  ever  since  been  the  cha 
racteristic  of  that  family. 
France,         The  aggrandisement  of  the  French  monarchy 

1180-1223.  bore  the  appearance  of  an  act  of  justice.     Philip 
Augustus  summoned  John,  king  of  England  and 

1203.  peer  of  France,  before  the  parliament  of  Paris,  to 
justify  himself  of  the  murder  of  his  nephew  Ar 
thur,     The  parliament  punished  the  contumacious 
vassal  by  the  confiscation  of  his  fiefs,  and  the  king 
executed  the  sentence  before  the  indignation  of 
the  other  peers  could  subside  into  a  sense  of  their 

1204.  common  interest.     JJorinandy,  Anjou,  Maine,  and 
Poitou  were  united  to  the  crown.    .Aquitain,  or 
Guyenne,    still  remained  in   the   hands   of    the 
English,  The  victory  of  Philip  over  the  empire  was 

^  1214.      more  splendid,  but  less  useful.     In  the  decisive 
and  well-bought  battle  of  Bo  vines,  he  defeated 

Otho 


HISTORY   OF   THE   WORLD.  25 

Otho  IV.  at  the  head  of  two  hundred  thousand 
Germans.     His  navy  threatened  England ;  and  his 
son  Lewis,  afterwards  Lewis  VIII.,  was  for  a  time 
acknowledged  king  by  the  English  nation.     The     1215. 
reign  of  that  prince  was  short  and  inglorious  :  but 
France  owes  as  much  to  the  laws  of  Lewis  IX.  as  1223-1226. 
to  the  arms  of  Philip  Augustus  his  grandfather. 
Lewis  IX.,  notwithstanding  he  has  been  disgraced  1226-1270. 
by  the  title  of  Saint,  possessed  uncommon  virtues 
and   abilities.     To  abolish  private  hostilities  and 
judicial  combats;    to    introduce  an  uniform   and 
equitable  jurisprudence;  to  receive  appeals  from 
the  barons'  courts ;  to  protect  and  extend  the  liber 
ties  of  the  people ;  to  acquire  the  esteem  and  con 
fidence  of  his  neighbours,  were  the  honest  arts  of  his 
wise  policy,     Notwithstanding  his  mad  passion  for 
the  crusades,  (the  only  blemish  of  this  accomplished 
character,)  he  left  his  son,  Philip  III.  surnamed  1270-1235. 
the  Bold,  the  most  flourishing  kingdom  of  Europe,     1271. 
which  was  soon  augmented  by  the  reunion  of'  the 
rich  county  of  Thoulouse.     Philip  III.  \vras  sue- 
ceeded  by  his  son  Philip  IV.  surnamed  the  Fair. 

To  break  the  fetters  which  had  been  forged  at 
the  Norman  conquest  was  the  great  business  of  the 
English  barons.  John,  whose  misfortunes  deserve 
no  pity,  lost  his  reputation  and  foreign  power  by 
his  contests  with  Rome  and  France ;  and  his  do 
mestic  authority,  by  signing  Magna  Charta,  which 
contains  tlie  rude  outlines  of*  British  freedom.  The 
fifty-six  years  of  his  son  Henry  III.  were  a  long  1216-1272, 
•  minority ;  during  which,  the  reins  of  government 
were  successively  resigned  to  foreign  favourites, 

and 


26  OUTLINES   OF    THE 

1258.  and  usurped  by  the  turbulent  barons,  under  their 
leader  Simon  de  Montfort,  earl  of  Leicester.  Ed 
ward  I.  then  only  the  heir  apparent,  rescued  his 
father,  vanquished  Montfort  and  his  adherents  in 

1265.  the  field,  and  restored  the  royal  authority ;  but  his 
1272--1307.  good  sense  soon  taught  him  to  respect  the  new  bar 
riers  raised  against  it,  to  confirm  Magna  Charta, 
and  to  desist  from  a  rash  attempt  to  resume  the 
alienated  crown-lands.  Amidst  these  troubles,  the 
House  of  Peers  became  less  numerous  and  more 
powerful;  the  Commons  were  admitted  to  a  share 
of  the  legislature,  the  common  law  and  courts  of 
justice  received  their  present  form,  and  the  first 
statutes  were  enacted  against  the  avarice  of  Rome. 
Edward  the  First,  to  whose  wisdom  we  owe  many 
of  those  advantages,  conceived,  and  almost  exe 
cuted,  the  great  design  of  uniting  the  whole  island 

1283.  under  one  dominion.  The  Welsh  lost  their  ancient 
independence,  but  for  several  ages  preserved  their 

1291.  savage  manners.  The  throne  of  Scotland  was  dis 
puted,  almost  with  equal  claims,  by  several  candi 
dates.  Edward,  who  was  acknowledged  as  umpire, 
l92'  awarded  the  crown  to  Baliol,  the  most  obsequious 

1296.  of  the  competitors,  treated  him  first  as  a  vassal,  and 
soon  afterwards  as  a  rebel ;  endeavoured  by  every 
expedient  to  break  the  spirit  of  a  haughty  nation, 

1298.  and  sullied  his  glorious  end,  by  the  injustice  and 
cruelty  of  the  means  which  he  used  to  attain  it. 

Spain.-         The  empire  of  the  Miramolins  was  destroyed  by 

1212-      the  greatest  battle  ever  fought  between  the  Moors 

and  the  Christians.     The  latter  pursued  their  ad- 

1236-1218.  vantage  :  Seville  and  Cordova  were  taken,  and  the 

provinces 


HISTORY   OF    THE   WORLD,  27 

provinces  of  Estramadura,  Andalusia,  and  Murcia 
were,  in  about  forty  years,  annexed  to  the  crown 
of  Castile.     The  kings  of  Arragon  were  not  less 
successful.     They  wrested  from  the  Moors  the  fer-     1238« 
tile  kingdom  of  Valencia,  and  established  a  naval 
power  by  the  conquest  of  the  islands  of  Majorca     1229. 
and  Minorca.     The  bravest  of  the  Moors  took  re 
fuge  in  the  kingdom  of  Grenada,  and  displayed  as 
much  industry  in  the  improvement,  as  they  exerted 
valour  in  the  defence  of  this  last  remnant  of  their 
extensive  conquests.     The  kings  of  Castile  who 
acquired  the  greatest  reputation  were  Ferdinand  1217-1252. 
III.  and  Alphonso  the  Astronomer;  the  former  for  1252-1204. 
his  political  wisdom,  the  latter  for  his  speculative 
knowledge. 

Four  great  crusades,  besides  many  smaller  expe-  The  eru 
ditions,    were   undertaken   in   this  century ;    but  Sd 
though  Palestine  was  still  the  object  of  the  war,  it 
was  no  longer  the  scene  of  action.     The  French     1204. 
and  Venetians  of  the  fourth  crusade  turned  their 
arms  against  the  schismatic  Greeks,  took  Constan 
tinople,  and  divided  the  empire.     Constantinople     1261- 
was  indeed  recovered  by  the  Greeks,  but  the  trade 
and  dominions  which  had  once  belonged  to  that 
capital  were  irretrievably  "lost.     John  de  Brienne,  a     1218- 
soldier  of  fortune,  and  titular  king  of  Jerusalem, 
invaded  Egypt,  took  Damietta  (the  old  Pelusium) 
after  a   siege  of  two  years ;   but  soon   thought 
himself  happy  to  purchase  a  safe  retreat,  by  sur 
rendering  that  important  place.     The  crusade  of    1245. 
Lewis  IX.  was  more  splendid  at  first;  but  in  the 
end  more  unfortunate.     It  seemed  impossible  that 

Egypt, 


28  OUTLINES    OF    THE 

Egypt,  subdued  as  often  as  it  had  been  attacked, 
should  withstand  a  young  hero,  at  the  head  of  sixty 

1250.  thousand  valiant  enthusiasts.  The  army  was,  how 
ever,  destroyed,  and  the  French  monarch  remained 
a  prisoner  among  the  infidels.  Rather  from  a 
vague  passion  of  combating  the  Mahometans,  than 
from  any  rational  prospect  of  recovering  the  Holy 

im  Land,  Lewis  IX.  led  another  crusade  to  Africa, 
and  died  of  the  plague  under  the  walls  of  Tunis. 

i29i.  The  few  places  yet  held  by  the  Christians  on  the 
coast  of  Syria  were  swept  away  by  the  sultans,  the 
successors,  but  no  longer  the  descendants  of  Sala- 
din.  The  Mamalukes,  a  body  of  Circassian  and 
Tartar  slaves,  had  dethroned  their  masters,  usurped 

1250.  the  sovereignty  of  Egypt  and  Syria,  and  established 
a  military  government,  oppressive  at  home,  but 
formidable  abroad. 

Of  these  seven  great  armaments,  which  shook 
Asia,  and  depopulated  Europe,  nothing  remained 
except  the  kingdom  of  Cyprus  in  the  House  of 

1307'  Lusignan,  and  the  three  military  orders.  The 
Templars,  by  their  luxury  and  pride,  hastened 
their  dissolution.  The  Hospitaliers  and  Teutonic 
Knights  preserved  themselves  by  their  valour. 

isio.  The  former  conquered  Rhodes,  and  are  still  settled 
1^27-1309.  at  Malta:  the  latter  formed  a  great  dominion  in 
Prussia  and  Courland,  at  the  expense  of  the  idola 
ters,  whom  they  compelled  to  become  Christians 
and  subjects.  A  great  part  of  the  old  nobility  of 
Europe  perished  in  the  crusades,  their  fiefs  reverted 
to  their  lords,  and  their  place  was  supplied  by  new 
men,  raised  by  wealth,  merit,  or  favour ;  and  whp 

soon 


k   - 


HISTORY    OF    THE    WORLD.  2<) 

soon  imbibed  the  vanity,  though  not  the  indepen 
dence,  of  their  predecessors. 

The  numerous  vermin  of  mendicant  friars',  Fran-  Learning, 
ciscans,  Dominicans,  Augustins,  Carmelites,  who 
swarmed  in  this  century,  with  habits  and  institu 
tions  variously  ridiculous,  disgraced  religion,  learn 
ing,  and  common  sense.  They  seized  on  scho 
lastic  philosophy  as  a  science  peculiarly  suited  to 
their  minds ;  and,  excepting  only  Friar  Bacon, 
they  all  preferred  words  to  things.  The  subtle,  the 
profound,  the  irrefragable,  the  angelic,  and  the  se 
raphic  Doctor  acquired  those  pompous  titles  by 
filling  ponderous  volumes  with  a  small  number  of 
technical  terms,  and  a  much  smaller  number  of 
ideas.  Universities  arose  in  every  part  of  Europe, 
and  thousands  of  students  employed  their  lives 
upon  these  grave  follies.  The  love-songs  of  the 
Troubadours,  or  Provencal  bards,  were  follies  of 
a  more  pleasing  nature,  which  amused  the  leisure 
of  the  greatest  princes,  polished  the  southern 
provinces  of  France,  and  gave  birth  to  the  Italian 
poetry. 

THE  FOURTEENTH  CENTURY. 

BOTH  the  popes   and  the   emperors,   the  con-  1300-1400. 
querors  and  the  vanquished,  withdrew  from  Italy,      1305. 
their  field  of  battle.     The  former,  invited  by  the 
kings  of  France,  and  disgusted  with  the  rebellious 
spirit  of  the  Romans,  established  the  papal  resi 
dence  at  Avignon  during  more  than  seventy  years. 
These  French  pontiffs  \vere  more  strongly  pos 
sessed 


30  OUTLINES  OF  THE 

sessed  by  the  love  of  money  than  the  love  of  power. 
1316-1334.  John  XXII.,  by  the  sale  of  benefices,  indulgences, 
and  absolutions,  accumulated  a  treasure  of  twenty- 
five  millions  of  gold  florins.  At  the  repeated  so 
licitations  of  the  Romans,  who  felt  their  error 

1377.  when  it  was  too  late,  Gregory  XL  returned  to  his 
capital;  but  his  eyes  were  scarcely  closed,  when 

1378.  the   enraged    people    surrounded    the    conclave, 
threatening  the  cardinals  with  instant  death  unless 
they  chose   an   Italian   pontiff.      The   affrighted 
Frenchmen  yielded  to  their  fury,  but  were  no 
sooner  at  liberty,  than  they  protested  against  their 
first  election,  and  nominated   one  of  their  own 
countrymen.      Europe  was  divided  between  the 
two  rivals.     Italy,  Germany,  and  England  acknow 
ledged  the  Pope  of  Rome  :  France  and  Spain  sided 
with  the  Pope  of  Avignon.     Each  had  his  ad 
herents,  his  doctors,  his  saints,  and  his  miracles; 
but  their   mutual  excommunications,   which    at 
another  time   might  have  produced   a  battle  of 
swords,  only  occasioned  a  war  of  pens. 

The  eiupe-  Emperors,  whose  authority  in  Germany  was  so 
-  much  circumscribed,  could  not  invade  with  any 
success  the  confirmed  liberty  of  the  Italians. 

1308-1313.  Henry  VII.  of  Luxembourg,  and  Lewis   V.   of 

1314-1347.  Bavaria,  entered  Rome  in  triumph;  but  their 
triumph  was  not  attended  with  any  solid  or  perma 
nent  advantages.  The  grandson  of  Henry  of  Lux* 

1347-1378.  embourg,  Charles  IV.,  Emperor  and  King  of  Bo 
hemia,  was  invited  by  the  eloquent  Petrarch  to 
assume  the  station  and  character  of  the  ancient 
Caesars.  The  Bohemian  Csesar  marched  into  Italy ; 

but 


rors. 


HISTORY  OF  THE  WORLD.  31 

but  it  was  only  to  see  himself  excluded  from  every 
fortified  city  as  an  enemy,  or  cautiously 'received 
as  a  prisoner.  He  was  crowned  at  Rome,  but 
quitted  it  the  very  day  of  his  coronation ;  meanly, 
or  perhaps  wisely,  resigning  to  the  popes  all  the 
ancient  rights  which  he  derived  from  Charlemagne 
and  Otho.  His  son  Wenceslaus  would  glady  (to  1378-14°Q- 
use  his  own  expression)  have  relinquished  the  em 
pire,  with  its  remaining  prerogatives,  for  a  few 
hogsheads  of  Rhenish  or  Florence  wine. 

Although  neither  leisure,  independence,  nor  in-     Ital-r> 
genuity  were  wanting  to  the  Italians,  they  were 
never  able  to  connect  themselves  into  a  system  of 
union  and  liberty.     Naples  flourished  under  the 
administration  of  Robert,  the  grandson  of  Charles  1309-134$ 
of  Anjou,   but  was  almost  ruined  by  his  grand 
daughter  Joan.     By  the  murder  of  her  first  hus 
band  Andrew,  she  drew  down  the  vengeance  of  his  1343-138% 
brother,  the  stern  king  of  Hungary ;  by  adopting 
Lewis  Duke  of  Anjou,  the  brother  of  Charles  V., 
entailed  on  her  dominions  a  civil  war,  of  which  she 
was  herself  the  first  victim.     Rome  saw,  for  a  mo-      1347. 
ment,  her  tribunes,  her  freedom,  and  her  dignity 
restored  by  Nicholas  Rienzi,  whose  extraordinary 
character  was  a  compound  of  the  hero  and  the  buf 
foon.     Florence,  like  Athens,  experienced  all  the 
evils  incident,  or  rather  inherent,  to  a  wild  de 
mocracy.     The  Venetians  and  the  Genoese  wasted  1350-1355, 
each  other's  strength  in  naval  wars,  which  allowed 
not  the  latter  a  moment's  respite  from  their  intes-  1377-1381. 
tine  dissensions.     The  free  cities  of  Lombardy  and 
Romagna  were  oppressed  by  domestic  tyrants,  uii- 

.    der 


32  OUTLINES  OF  THE 

der  the  specious  titles  of  vicars  of  the  church  or 

i3i7.     of  the  empire;  but  these  petty  usurpers  were  gra- 

1395.      dually  swallowed  up  in  the  power  of  the  Viscbnti, 

first  lords,  and  afterwards  dukes  of  Milan. 
Germany.  The  more  phlegmatic  Germans,  though  poor 
and  barharous,  maintained,  and  even  improved,  the 
form  of  their  constitution.  Whatever  concerned 
the  election  and  coronation  of  the  emperors,  the 
most  fruitful  source  of  civil  discord,  was  finally  re- 

1356.  gulated  by  the  golden  bull  published  by  Charles 
IV.  in  a  general  diet.  The  title  and  power  of 
electors  were  confined  to  seven  great  princes,  the 
Archbishops  of  Mentz,  Treves,  and  Cologne,  the 
King  of  Bohemia,  the  Duke  of  Saxony,  the  Mar- 

1400.  grave  of  Brandenburgh,  and  the  Count  Palatin. 
These  electors  soon  asserted  over  the  Emperor 
Wenceslaus  their  right  of  deposing  an  unworthy 
sovereign. 

^le  Swiss  owe  their  reputation  to  their  free 
dom,  and  their  freedom  to  their  valour.  The  pea 
sants  of  three  vallies  among  the  Alps,  Uri,  Schwitz, 

1308.  and  Underwald,  oppressed  by  the  officers  of  the 
Emperor  Albert,  entered  into  a  strict  alliance,  at 
first  for  seven  years,  and  afterwards  for  ever.  Leo 
pold  duke  of  Austria,  and  son  of  Albert,  marched 
against  them  at  the  head  of  twenty  thousand  men; 

1315.  but  was  overthrown  in  the  battle  of  Morgarten 
by  1300  Swiss.  The  little  communities  of  Zug 
and  Claris,  and  the  cities  of  Lucerne,  Zurich,  and 
Berne,  gradually  acceded  to  the  confederacy  which 

1386.  was  cemented  with  the  blood  of  another  Duke 
Leopold,  who  fell,  with  the  flower  of  the  Austrian 

nobility, 


HISTORY  OF  THE  WORLD.  33 

nobility,  in  the  battle  of  Sempach.  Zurich,  and 
Berne  were  allowed  the  first  rank  among  the  eight 
cantons;  the  former  for  its  wealth,  the  latter  for 
its  military  power.  In  the  five  rustic  communities 
the  government  was  a  pure  democracy;  in  the 
three  cities,  it  was  tempered  with  a  small  mixture 
of  aristocracy,  which  time  and  circumstances  have 
very  much  strengthened.  The  whole  common 
wealth,  disclaiming  the  tyranny  of  the  House  of 
Austria,  retained  their  ancient  allegiance  to  the 
German  empire. 

The  constitution  of  the  French  monarchy  re-  France. 
ceived  new  strength  and  harmony  from  the  fol 
lowing  events :  1 .  In  the  memorable  quarrel  be- 
tween  Pope  Boniface  VIII.  and  Philip  the  Fair, 
the  greater  part  of  the  French  clergy  remembered 
that  they  were  subjects  as  well  as  priests.  The 
liberties  of  the  Galilean  church  were  asserted  with 
spirit  and  success;  and  the  crown  was  in  some  de 
gree  delivered  from  -a  servile  dependence  on  a 
foreign  prelate.  2.  The  States  General,  composed  1301. 
of  the  clergy,  the  nobility,  and  the  commons,  were 
assembled  by  Philip  the  Fair,  for  the  first  time 
since  the  decline  of  the,  Carlovingian  race.  As 
their  meetings  were  short  and  irregular,  they  never 
acquired  the  authority  of  legislators,  and  their  tu 
multuous  opposition  commonly  subsided  into  an 
obsequious  compliance  with  the  demands  of  the 
court,  3.  The  parliament  of  Paris  was  styled  the 
Court  of  Peers,  and  should  have  been  composed  of 
the  great  vassals  of  the  crown;  but  as  they  dis 
dained  the  humble  office  of  judicature,  their  place 

VOL.  in.  D  was 


34  OUTLINE*  OF  THE 

was  supplied  by  the  bishops,  the  barons,  and  the 
principal  officers,  whose  noble  ignorance  was  di 
rected  by  some  plebeian  assessors.  The  servants 
gradually  supplanted  their  masters,  combated  the' 
violence  of  the  nobility  with  the  subtilties  of  law, 
£nd  laboured  to  erect  a  pure  monarchy  on  the 
ruins  of  the  feudal  system.  For  a  long  time  these 
magistrates  held  their  places  only  during  the  king's 
pleasure.  4.  The  Salic  law,  though  of  the  most 
lasting  benefit  to  the  monarchy,  occasioned  the 
long  and  destructive  wars  between  France  and 
England.  After  a  series  of  eleven  kings,  in  lineal 

1314-1317.  and  male  descent  from  Hugh  Capet,  Lewis  X. 

isiz-isgs-  Hutin,  was  succeeded  by  his  brothers  Philip  V. 

1322-1328.  and  claries  IV.,  and  afterwards  by  his  first  cousin, 

1328-1350.  Philip  VI.  of  Valois,  on  the  acknowledged  princi 
ple  that  females  were  incapable  of  inheriting  the 
crown  of  France.  Whether  that  principle  be  ad 
mitted  or  rejected,  the  claim  of  Edward  III.  of 
England  is  equally  indefensible.  The  question 
was  not,  however,  decided  by  arguments,  but  by 
arms.  Both  nations  signalized  their  valour  in  the 

1346-1356.  battles  of  Crecy  and  Poitiers;  but  the  discipline  of 
the  English  triumphed  over  the  numbers  of  the 

4350-1364.  French,     The  captivity  of  John,  who  had  succeed 
ed  to  the  crown  and  misfortunes  of  his  father 
Philip,  exposed  France  to  a  total  dissolution  of 
government,    with    all    its   attendant   calamities. 
However,  though  Edward  was  able  to  ruin,  he  was 
1360.     unable  to  conquer  that  great  kingdom.     By  the 
treaty  of  Bretigny,  he  accepted  of  three  millions 
of  gold  crowns,  the  city  of  Calais,  and  seven  pro 
vinces 


HISTORY    OF    THE    WORLD.  35 

vinces  adjacent  to   Guyenne;    but  the  last  were     1359. 
soon  wrested  from  him  by  the  arms  and  policy  of 
Charles  V.,  whose  wise  administration  healed  the  ise-t-isao. 
wounds  of  his  country.     They  bled  afresh  under  1380-1422. 
his  unhappy  son  Charles  VI.  :  first  a  minor,  and 
afterwards  deprived  of  his  senses,  he  was  ever  a 
victim  of  the  ambition  and  avarice  of  his  uncles. 
In  this  century,   Champagne  and  Dauphine*,  the 
first  by  inheritance  and  treaty,  the  second  by  do 
nation,  were  re-united  to  the  crown. 

The  iron  fetters,  in  which  Edward  I.  seemed  for  England. 
ever  to  have  bound  Scotland,   were  broken  by  the     1306* 
valour  and  fortune  of  Robert  Bruce,  a  descendant 
of  the  ancient  kings.     To  resist  the  heroic  leader 
of  a  brave  nation,  combating  for  freedom  and  a 
throne,  required  all  the  powerful  genius  of  Ed 
ward  I.,  and  was  a  task  by  far  too  arduous  for  his 
feeble  son.     The  victory  of  Bannocks  Boarn  se-  1307-1327. 
cured  to  Robert  a  sceptre,  which,  by  the  marriage     1315. 
of  his  daughter,   was  transmitted  to  the  house  of 
Stuart.     Edward  II.,  vanquished  by  his  enemies,      1371. 
despised  by  his  subjects,  governed  by  his  favour 
ites,  betrayed  by  his  brother,  his  wife,  and  his  son, 
descended  from  a  throne  to  a  prison,  and  from  a 
prison  to  an  untimely  grave.     The  English  dwell 
with  rapture  on  the  trophies  of  Edward  III.  and  13*7-1377. 
his  gallant  son  the  Black  Prince ;  on  the  fields  of 
Crecy  and  Poitiers ;  and  on  the  Kings  of  France 
and  Scotland,  at  the  same  time  prisoners  in  Lon 
don.     To  a  thinking  mind,   Edward's  encourage 
ment  of  the  woollen  manufacture  is  of  greater  value 
than  all  these  barren  laurels.     Richard  II.,  son  of 

D2  the 


36  OUTLINES    OF    THE 

i3?7-i399.  tne  Black  Prince,  affords  the  second  instance  in 
this  century  of  an  English  king  deposed  and  mur 
dered  by  his  subjects.  The  House  of  Commons 
acquired  its  present  form,  and  a  dignity  unknown 
to  the  third  estate  in  any  other  country,  by  the 
junction  of  the  knights  of  shires,  or  representatives 
of  the  lesser  nobility,  who,  about  this  time,  separa 
ted  themselves  from  the  peers.  After  the  deposition 
1399'  of  Richard,  Henry  IV.,  son  of  John  of ^  Gaunt, 
duke  of  Lancaster,  the  third  son  of  Edward  III., 
usurped  the  crown.  The  posterity  of  the  second 
^son,  Lionel  of  Clarence,  was  disregarded,  but  still 
existed  latent  in  the  House  of  York. 

Spain.  The  Mahometan  kingdom  of  Grenada,  and  the 

four  Christian  monarchies  of  Castile,  Arragon,  Na 
varre,  and  Portugal,  preserved  their  respective  laws 
and  limits.  The  constitution  of  the  Christian 
states  was  suited  to  the  haughty  and  generous 
temper  of  the  people.  The  justiciary  of  Arragon, 
a  name  dreadful  to  royal  ears,  possessed  the  noble 
but  dangerous  privilege  of  declaring  when  the  sub 
jects  were  justified  in  taking  arms  against  their 
sovereign.  The  Castilians,  without  waiting  for 
the  sentence  of  a  magistrate,  knew  how  to  resist  a 
tyrant,  either  in  the  Cortes  or  in  the  field.  The 

1366-1368.  civil  war  between  Peter  the  Cruel,  King  of  Castile, 
and  his  brother,  occasioned  a  great  revolution,  in 
which  France  and  England  took  the  opposite  sides, 
rather  from  a  wild  love  of  enterprise,  than  from 
any  rational  motives  of  policy.  After  several  turns 
of  fortune  the  bastard  was  victorious,  transmitted 
the  crown  to  his  posterity,  and  ratified  a  strict 

union 


HISTORY   OF   THE    WORLD.  37 

union  with  his  French  allies ;  binding  France  and 
Castile  to  each  other,  king  to  king,  people  to  peo 
ple,  and  man  to  man. 

Africa,  relapsing  into  its  native  barbarism,  no 
longer  merits  our  attention.  Egypt  and  Syria 
continued  to  groan  under  the  tyranny  of  the  Ma- 
malukes  ;  although  some  of  those  sultans  correct 
ed,  by  their  personal  virtues,  the  defects  of  their 
institution.  In  the  East,  two  formidable  powers 
arose.  The  greatness  of  the  Othman  Turks  was 
gradual  and  permanent ;  the  conquests  of  Timur 
were  rapid  and  transitory. 

During  the  anarchy  which  overspread  Asia  The  Turks. 
Minor  on  the  fall  of  the  Seljukian  dynasty,  the 
Greeks  recovered  many  of  the  maritime  places, 
and  every  Turkish  emir  made  himself  independent 
within  his  jurisdiction.  Othman  first  erected  1300_1526 
his  standard  near  Mount  Olympus  in  Bithynia; 
and  as  he  commanded  only  a  small  tribe  of  shep 
herds  and  soldiers,  he  was  branded  with  the  name 
of  robber.  A  more  numerous  army,  and  the  re 
duction  of  Nice,  Nicomeda,  and  Prusa,  bestowed  13S(5_136() 
on  his  son  Orcan  the  appellation  of  Conqueror. 
The  imprudent  Greeks,  in  the  madness  of  civil 
discord,  invited  the  Turks,  opened  the  Hellespont, 
and  betrayed  Christendom.  Adrianople  became 
the  capital  of  the  Othman  power  in  Europe ;  and 
the  Eastern  empire,  reduced  to  the  suburbs  of  Con- 
stantinople,  was  pressed  on  either  side  by  the  arms 
of  Amurath  I.  That  sultan  instituted  the  janiza 
ries,  a  body  of  infantry,  from  their  arms,  discipline, 
and  enthusiasm,  almost  invincible.  The  flower  of 
P  3  the 


38  OUTLINES    OF    THE 

the  Christian  youth,  torn  in  infancy  from  their 
parents,  were  gradually  aggregated  to  the  Turkish 
nation,  after  they  had  lost,  in  the  severe  education 
of  the  seraglio,  all  memory  of  their*  former  country 
1389-1402.  anc[  reiigion.  Bajazet  I.  deserved  his  surname  of 
Ilderim,  or  Lightning,  by  the  rapid  impetuosity 
with  which  he  flew  from  the  Euphrates  to  the  Da 
nube.  He  triumphed  by  turns  over  the  Mahome 
tans  of  Asia  Minor,  and  the  Christians  of  Bulgaria, 
1396.  Servia,  Hungary,  and  Greece;  and  the  total  de 
feat  of  an  army  of  French  in  the  battle  of  Nico- 
polis,  spread  the  terror  of  his  name  to  the  most 
remote  parts  of  Euiope.- 

Timur.  Timur,  or  Tamerlane,  raised  himself  from  a  pri- 

1369-1405.  vate?  though  not  a  mean  condition,  to  the  throne 
of  Samarcand.  His  first  dominions  lay  between 
the  Jaxartes  and  the  Oxus,  in  the  country  called 
Sogdiana  by  the  ancients,  Maurenahar  by  modern 
Persians,  and  by  the  Tartars  Zagatay,  from  one  of 
the  sons  of  Zingis.  The  lawful  successor  of  Za 
gatay,  rather  mindful  of  his  situation  than  of  his 
descent,  served  with  humble  fidelity  in  the  army 
of  the  usurper.  After  reducing  the  adjacent  pro 
vinces  of  Carizme  and  Khorasan,  Timur  invaded 
Persia,  and  extinguished  all  the  petty  tyrants  who 
had  started  up  since  the  decline  of  the  House  of 
1335.  Zingis.  The  khan  of  the  Western  Tartary  (who 
ruled  the  kingdoms  of  Cazan  and  Astracan,  and 
exacted  a  tribute  from  the  Grand  Duke  of  Mus 
covy)  was  unable  to  elude  the  pursuit,  or  to  resist 
the  arms  of  Timur.  From  the  deserts  of  Siberia 
he  marched  to  the  banks  of  the  Ganges,  and  re 
turned 


HISTORY   OF   THE   WORLD.  39 

turned  from  Delhi  to  Samarcand  laden  with  the 
treasures  of  Hindostan.  He  knew  how  to  reign 
as  well  as  how  to  conquer.  Although  very  pro 
fuse  of  the  blood  of  his  enemies,  he  was  careful  of 
the  lives  and  property  of  his  subjects.  He  loved 
magnificence  and  society :  encouraged  the  arts, 
and  was  versed  in  the  Persian  and  Arabian  litera 
ture.  His  zeal  for  the  Mussulman  faith  inflamed 
his  natural  cruelty  against  the  Gentoos  of  India 
and  the  Christians  of  Georgia. 

The  empire  of  the  Moguls  in  China,  founded 
on  violence,  and  maintained  by  policy,  was  at 
length  dissolved  by  its  own  weakness.  The  Chi 
nese  placed  a  dynasty  of  their  countrymen  on  the 
throne,  whilst  the  Tartars,  returning  to  the  pastoral 
life  of  the  desert,  gradually  recovered  the  martial 
spirit  which  they  had  lost  amidst  the  arts  and  lux 
ury  of  the  conquered  provinces. 

A  more  diffusive  commerce  began  to  connect  the 
European  nations  by  their  mutual  wants  and  con 
veniences  ;  the  discovery  of  the  compass  inspired 
navigators  with  greater  boldness  and  security.  The 
Hanseatic  cities  of  Prussia  and  Saxony  formed  a 
powerful  association,  engrossed  the  fishery,  iron, 
corn,  timber,  hides  and  furs  of  the  North;  and 
contended  for  the  sovereignty  of  the  Baltic  with 
the  Kings  of  Denmark  and  Sweden.  The  ex 
change  of  money,  the  finer  manufactures,  and  the 
trade  of  the  East  were  in  the  hands  of  the  Italians. 
The  merchants  of  Venice  and  of  Dantzic  met  at 
the  common  mart  at  Bruges,  which  soon  became 
the  warehouse  of  Europe,  The  Flemings,  animated 

D  4  bv 


40  OUTLINES    OF    THE 

by  the  spectacle  of  wealth  and  industry,  applied 
themselves  with  great  ardour  to  the  useful  arts, 
and  particularly  to  the  making  broad  cloth,  linen, 
and  tapestry. 

Literature.  The  advantages  of  trade  were  common  to  several 
nations  ;  but  the  pleasures  and  glory  of  literature 
were  confined  to  the  Italians,  or  rather  to  a  few 
men  of  genius,  who  emerged  from  an  ignorant 
and  superstitious  multitude.  The  writings  of 
Dante,  Boccace,  and  Petrarch,  for  ever  fixed  the 
Italian  language.  The  first  displayed  the  powers 
of  a  wild  but  original  genius  :  the  Decameron  of 
the  second  contains  a  just  and  agreeable  picture 
of  human  life.  A  few  stanzas  on  Laura  and  Rome 
have  immortalised  the  name  of  Petrarch,  who  was 
a  patriot,  a  philosopher,  and  the  first  restorer  of 
the  Latin  tongue,  and  of  the  study  of  the  ancients. 
If  any  barbarian  on  this  side  the  Alps  deserves  to 
be  remembered,  it  is  our  countryman  Chaucer, 
whose  Gothic  dialect  often  conceals  natural  hu 
mour  and  poetical  imagery. 

1400-1500,  THE  FIFTEENTH  CENTURY. 


AFTER  breaking  the  power  of  the  Mamalukes, 
and  ruining  the  cities  of  Bagdad,  Aleppo,  and 
Damascus,  Timur  advanced  towards  the  frontiers 
of  Bajazet.  The  situation  and  character  of  the 
two  monarchs  rendered  a  war  inevitable.  The  ar- 
1402.  rciies  met  in  the  plains  of  Angora,  and  the  contest 
was  decided  in  the  Tartar's  favour,  by  the  total  de 
feat  and  captivity  of  his  rival.  After  this  victory, 

the 


HISTORY   OF   THE   WORLD.  41 

the  empire  of  Timur  extended  from  Moscow  to 
the  Gulph  of  Persia,  and  from  the  Hellespont  to 
the  Ganges  ;  but  his  ambition  was  yet  unsatisfied  : 
death  surprized  him  as  he  was  preparing  to  invade  1405. 
China,  to  assert  the  cause  of  his  nation  and  of  his 
religion.  His  feeble  successors,  far  from  meditat 
ing  new  conquests,  saw  province  after  province 
gradually  escape  from  their  dominion,  till  a  few 
cities  near  the  Oxus  were  the  only  patrimony  that 
remained  to  the  House  of  Timur. 

The  Turks  had  been  defeated,  but  not  subdued.   The  TU&S. 
As  soon  as  Timur  was  no   more,  they  collected 
their  scattered  forces,  replaced  their  monarchy  on 
its  former  basis,  and  under  the  conduct  of  Maho-  1413-1421. 
met  I.  were  again  victorious  both  in  Europe  and 
Asia.     Amurath  II.  swayed  the  Othman  sceptre  1421-1451. 
with  the  abilities  of  a  great  monarch,  and  twice 
resigned  it  with  the  moderation  of  a  philosopher. 
He  was  forced  from  his  retreat  to  chastise  the  per 
fidy  of  Ladislaus  king  of  Hungary,  who,  at  the  in 
stigation  of  the  court  of  Rome,  had  violated  a  so 
lemn  truce.     That  act  of  justice  was  most  com 
pletely  executed  in  the  decisive  battle  of  Warna,      1444. 
which  was  fatal  to  the  king,  to  the  papal  legate, 
and  to  the  whole  Christian  army.     The  easy  but      1453. 
important  conquest  of  Constantinople  was  reserved 
for  Mahomet  II.     The  little  empire  of  Trebizond,  1451-1481. 
and  the  other  independent  provinces  of  Greece  and      1462. 
Asia    Minor,  soon    experienced    the    same    fate. 
Though  Mahomet  was  obliged  to  raise  the  sieges 
of  Belgrade  and  Rhodes,  though  he  was  for  a  long 
time  stopped  by  Scanderbeg  in  the  mountains  of 

Albania, 


42  OUTLINES    OF   THE 

Albania,  yet  his  arms  were  generally  successful 
from  the  Adriatic  to  the  Euphrates,  on  the  banks 
of  which  he  vanquished  Uzun  Hassan,  a  Turcoman 
prince,  who  had  usurped  Persia  from  the  posterity 
of  Timur.  The  conquest  of  Rome  and  Italy  was 
the  great  object  of  Mahomet's  ambition ;  and  a 
Turkish  army  had  already  invaded  the  kingdom  of 
Naples,  when  the  Christians  were  delivered  from 
this  imminent  danger  by  the  seasonable  death  of 
Mahomet,  and  the  inactive  disposition  of  his  son 
I48i-i5i2.  Bajazet  II.  But  the  valour  and  discipline  of  the 
Turks  were  still  formidable  to  Christendom,  and 
the  passion  for  crusades  had  ceased  at  the  very 
time  when  it  might  have  been  approved  by  reason 
and  justice.  '.>*u 

P°oPunSc-iand  e  counc^  °f  Pisa>  by  tne  election  of  a  third 

1409.  pontiff,  multiplied,  instead  of  extinguishing,  the 
'  evils  of  the  great  schism.  The  council  of  Con 
stance,  in  which  the  five  great  nations  of  Europe 
were  represented  by  their  prelates  and  ambassadors, 
acted  with  greater  vigour  and  effect.  They  re 
jected  the  defective  title  of  two  pretenders,  and 
judicially  deposed  the  third,  by  whose  authority 
they  were  assembled.  The  election  of  Martin  V. 
restored  peace  to  the  church ;  but  the  spirit  of  in 
dependence,  which  had  animated  the  fathers  of 

1432-1445.  Constance,  revived  in  the  council  of  Basil.  The 
assembled  bishops  of  Christendom  attempted  to 
limit  the  despotic  power  which  the  bishop  of  Rome 
had  usurped  over  his  brethren ;  but  the  treasures 
of  the  church,  distributed  with  a  skilful  hand,  si 
lenced  the  opposition;  and  nothing  remains  of 

those 


HISTORY   OF    THE    WORLD.  43 

those  famous  councils  but  a  few  decrees,  revered 
at  Paris,  detested  and  dreaded  at  Rome.  Amongst 
these  disorders,  the  laity  of  some  countries  disco 
vered  as  much  discontent  at  the  riches  of  the  clergy, 
as  the  clergy  expressed  at  the  power  of  the  popes.  1415, 
John  Huss  and  Jerom  of  Prague,  two  Bohemian 
doctors,  who  taught  principles  not  very  different 
from  those  of  the  protestants,  were  committed  to 
the  flames  by  the  council-  of  Constance,  before 
which  they  appeared  under  the  sanction  of  the 
public  faith.  From  their  ashes  arose  a  civil  war, 
in  which  the  Bohemians,  inflamed  by  revenge  and 
enthusiasm,  for  a  long  time  inflicted  and  suffered 
the  severest  calamities. 

Italy,  undisturbed  by  foreign  invasions,  main-  Italy, 
tained  an  internal  balance,  through  a  series  of  art 
ful  negociations  and  harmless  wars,  attended  with 
scarcely  any  effusion  of  blood.  The  sword,  which 
had  fallen  from  the  hands  of  the  Italian  sovereigns, 
was  taken  up  by  troops  of  independent  mercena 
ries,  who  acknowledged  no  tie  but  their  interest, 
nor  any  allegiance  except  to  leaders  of  their  own 
choice.  The  five  principal  powers  were,  the  popes, 
the  kings  of  Naples,  the  dukes  of  Milan,  and  the 
republics  of  Florence  and  Venice.  1 .  The  popes, 
after  the  council  of  Constance  and  Basil,  applied 
themselves  to  reconcile  the  Roman  people  to  their 
government,  and  to  extirpate  the  petty  usurpers  of 
the  ecclesiastical  state.  2.  Their  great  fief  the 
kingdom  of  Naples  was  the  theatre  of  a  long  civil 
war  between  the  Houses  of  Anjou  and  Arragon.  1442-1408. 
It  flourished  under  the  administration  of  Alphonso 

the 


44  OUTLINES    OF   THE 

1458-1494.  the  Wise,  who  preferred  Italy  to  his  Spanish  domi 
nions.  Ferdinand  his  natural  son  succeeded  him 
in  Naples  only,  oppressed  the  barons,  protected 
the  people,  and  was  delivered  by  a  seasonable 
death  from  the  arms  of  Charles  VIII.  king  of 
1448.  France.  3.  After  the  death  of  the  last  of  the  Vis- 
conti,  the  duchy  of  Milan,  superior  in  value  to  se 
veral  kingdoms,  was  claimed  by  the  duke  of  Or 
leans  in  right  of  his  mother ;  but  was  usurped  by 

1450-1466.  Francis  Sforza,  the  bastard  of  a  peasant,  and  one 
of  the  most  renowned  leaders  of  the  mercenary 
bands;  who,  with  a  policy  equal  to  his  valour,  left 
Milan  the  peaceable  inheritance  of  his  family.  4. 
The  elevation  of  the  Medici  was  the  more  gradual 

1433-1464.  effect  of  prudence  and  industry  :  Cosmo  the  father 

1472-1492.  of  his  country,  and  Lorenzo  the  father  of  the 
muses,  in  the'humble  station  of  citizens  and  mer 
chants,  revived  learning,  governed  Florence,  and 
influenced  the  rest  of  Italy.  The  old  forms  of  the 
commonwealth  were  preserved,  and  it  was  only  by 
an  unusual  tranquillity  that  the  Florentines  could 
be  sensible  of  the  loss  of  their  freedom.  5.  The 
wisdom  of  the  Venetian  senate,  the  arts  and  opu 
lence  of  Venice,  an  extensive  commerce,  a  formi 
dable  navy,  the  possession  of  a  long  tract  of  sea 
coast  in  Dalmatia,  with  the  islands  of  Candia,  Cy 
prus,  &c.  formed  the  natural  strength  of  a  republic 
respected  in  Europe  as  the  firmest  bulwark  against 
the  Turkish  arms.  The  imprudent  conquests  in 
Lombardy,  from  which  the  Venetians  were  not 
able  to  refrain ;  the  Friul,  Padua,  Vicenza,  Verona, 
Brescia,  and  Bergamo,  drained  the  treasury  of  St. 

Mark, 


HISTORY    OF    THE    WO$LD.  45 

Mark,    and  excited  the  jealousy  of  the  Italian 
powers. 

The  reign  of  the  emperor  Robert  Count  Palatin  Germany. 
was  obscure  and  inglorious.     Though  Sigismund  uoo-uto. 
of  Luxembourg  presided  with  some  dignity  at  the 
council  of  Constance,  his  administration  was  rather  1410-1438. 
busy  than  active.     After  his  death,  the  Imperial 
crown  returned  for  ever  to  the  House  of  Austria, 
first  in  the  person  of  Albert  II.  and  then  of  Frecle-  1433-1440. 
ric  III. ;  the  latter  possessed  the  title  of  emperor  1440-1493. 
above  half  a  century  without  either  authority  or 
reputation.     Germany  was  without  influence   in 
Europe;  but  judicious  foreigners  began  to  disco 
ver  the  latent  powers  of  that  great  body,  when 
once  roused  into  action  by  the  necessity  of  its  own 
defence.     The   levity  of  Maximilian  I.  engaged  1493-1519. 
him  in  perpetual  wars  and  treaties,  which  com 
monly  ended  in  his  disappointment  and  confusion. 
However,  he  may  be  considered  as  the  founder  of 
the  Austrian  greatness,  by  his  marriage  with  Mary 
of  Burgundy ;  and  as  the  founder  of  the  public  law, 
by  his  useful  institutions  of  the  circles  and  of  the 
Imperial  chamber. 

The  usurpation  of  the  House  of  Lancaster  was  England. 
supported  by  the  fortune  and  abilities  of  Henry 
IV.  His  warlike  son  Henry  V.  asserted,  by  the 
victory  of  Azincourt,  the  claim  of  the  Plantagenets 
to  the  French  monarchy.  The  conquest  of  it  was 
a  task  much  too  difficult  for  a  prince  whose  reve 
nue  did  not  exceed  an  hundred  and  ten  thousand 
pounds  of  our  present  money,  and  whose  subjects 
were  neither  able  nor  willing  to  make  any  extra 
ordinary 


46  OUTLINES  OF  THE 

ordinary  efforts  to  render  England  in  the  end  £ 
province  of  France.  The  vindictive  spirit  of 
Queen  Isabella,  and  of  Philip  duke  of  Burgundy, 
betrayed  their  country  and  posterity.  The  Eng 
lish  monarch  was  solicited  to  sign  the  treaty  of 
Troyes,  and  to  accept,  with  the  hand  of  the  Prm 
cess  Catharine,  the  quality  of  regent  and  heir  of 
France.  His  infant  son  Henry  VI.  was  proclaim 
ed  at  Paris  as  well  as  at  London.  His  reign  was  a 
series  of  weakness  and  misfortunes.  The  French 
conquests  were  gradually  lost,  and  the  English 
barons  returned  into  their  island  exasperated 
against  each  other,  habituated  to  the  power  and 
licence  of  war,  and  as  much  discontented  with 
the  monkish  virtues  of  Henry,  as  with  the  mascu 
line  spirit  and  foreign  connections  of  his  Queen 
Margaret  of  Anjou.  The  pretensions  of  Richard 
duke  of  York,  and  of  his  son  Edward  IV.,  in 
flamed  the  discontent  into  civil  war.  Hereditary 
right  was  pleaded  against  long  possession;  the 
banners  of  the  white  and  red  roses  met  in  many  a 
bloody  field,  and  the  votes  of  parliament  varied 
with  the  chance  of  arms.  Edward  of  York  as 
sumed  the  title  of  king,  revenged  the  death  of  his 
father,  and  triumphed  over  the  Lancastrian  party : 
but  no  sooner  was  the  imprudent  youth  seated  on 
the  throne,  than  he  cast  away  the  friendship  of 
the  great  Earl  of  Warwick,  and  with  it  the  Eng 
lish  sceptre.  That  warlike  and  popular  nobleman, 
impatient  of  indignities,  drove  Edward  into  exile, 
and  brought  back  Henry  (scarcely  conscious  of  the 
change)  from  the  tower  to  the  palace.  Edward's 

activity 


HISTORY  OF  THE  WORLD.  47 

activity  soon  retrieved  his  indiscretion.  He  landed 
in  England  with  a  few  followers,  called  an  army  to 
his  standard,  obtained  the  decisive  victories  of  Bar- 
net  and  Tewksbury,  and  suffered  no  enemy  to  live 
who  might  interrupt  the  security  and  pleasure  of 
his  future  reign.  The  crimes  of  Richard  III.,  who 
ascended  the  throne  by  the  murder  of  his  two 
nephews  (Edward  V.  and  his  brother),  reconciled 
the  parties  of  York  and  Lancaster.  Henry  Tudor, 
carl  of  Richmond,  was  invited  over  from  Britanny 
as  the  common  avenger,  vanquished  and  slew  the 
tyrant  in  the  field  of  Bosworth,  and  uniting  the 
two  roses  by  his  marriage  with  the  eldest  daugh 
ter  of  Edward  IV.,  gave  England  a  prospect  of 
serener  days.  The  kingdom  had  however  suffered 
less  than  might  be  expected  from  the  calamities  of 
civil  war.  The  frequent  revolutions  were  decided 
by  one  or  two  battles;  and  vso  short  a  time  was 
consumed  in  actual  hostilities  as  allowed  not  any 
foreign  power  to  interpose  his  dangerous  assist 
ance:  no  cities  were  destroyed,  as  none  were 
enough  fortified  to  sustain  a  siege.  The  churches, 
and  even  the  privilege  of  sanctuaries  were  respect 
ed,  and  the  revenge  of  the  conquerors  was  com 
monly  confined  to  the  princes  and  barons  of  the 
adverse  party,  who  all  died  in  the  field  or  on  the 
scaffold.  The  power  and  estates  of  this  old  nobi 
lity  were  gradually  shared  by  a  multitude  of  new 
families  enriched  by  commerce,  and  favoured  by 
the  wise  policy  of  Henry  VII.;  but  between  the 
depression  of  the  aristocracy  and  the  rise  of  the 

commons, 


48  OUTLINES  Of  THE 

commons,  there  was  an  interval  of  unresisted  des 
potism. 

France.  The  factions  of  Burgundy  and  Orleans,  who 
disputed  the  government  of  Charles  VI.,  filled 
France  with  blood  and  confusion.  The  Duke  of 
Orleans  was  treacherously  murdered  in  the  streets 
of  Paris,  and  John  duke  of  Burgundy,  who  avow 
ed  and  justified  the  deed,  was  some  years  after 
wards  assassinated  in  the  presence,  and  probably 
with  the  consent  of  the  young  Dauphin.  That 
prince,  persecuted  by  his  mother,  disinherited  by 
the  treaty  of  Troyes,  and  on  every  side  pressed  and 
surrounded  by  the  victorious  English,  assumed  the 
title  of  Charles  VII.  on  his  father's  death,  and  ap 
pealed,  though  with  little  hopes  of  success,  to  God 
and  his  sword.  The  French  monarchy  was  on  the 
brink  of  ruin,  but,  like  the  Othman  empire  in  the 
same  century,  rose  more  powerful  from  its  fall. 
A  generous  enthusiasm  first  revived  the  national 
spirit,  and  awakened  the  young  monarch  from  his 
indolent  despair.  A  shepherdess  declared  a  divine 
commission  to  raise  the  siege  of  Orleans,  and  to 
crown  him  in  Rheims.  She  performed  her  promi 
ses  ;  and  the  consternation  of  the  English  was  still 
greater  than  their  real  loss.  The  genius  of  Charles, 
seconded  by  his  brave  and  loyal  nobility,  seemed 
to  expand  with  his  fortune.  The  Duke  of  Bur 
gundy  was  reconciled  to  his  kinsman  and  sove 
reign,  Paris  opened  its  gates  with  willing  submis 
sion,  and  at  length,  after  some  years  of  languid 
operations  or  imperfect  truces,  the  French  re 
covered 


HISTORY  OF  THE  WORLD.  49 

covered  Normandy  and  Guyenne,  and  left  the 
English  no  footing  in  their  country  beyond  the 
walls  of  Calais.  The  last  years  of  Charles  Vllth's 
reign  were  employed  in  reforming  arid  regulating 
the  state  of  the  kingdom.  He  is  the  first  modern 
prince  who  has  possessed  a  military  force  in  time 
of  peace,  or  imposed  taxes  by  his  sole  authority. 
The  former  were  composed  of  1500  lances,  who 
with  their  followers  made  a  body  of  9000  horse. 
The  latter  did  not  exceed  360,000  pounds  sterling. 
This  great  alteration  was  introduced  without  op 
position,  and  felt  only  by  its  consequences,  which 
gradually  affected  all  Europe. 

The  feudal  system,  weakened,  in  France,  by 
these  innovations,  was  annihilated  by  the  severe 
despotism  of  Lewis  XI.,  into  whom  the  soul  of 
Tiberius  might  seem  to  have  passed.  As  it  was 
his  constant  policy  to  level  all  distinctions  among 
his  subjects,  except  such  as  were  derived  from  his 
favour,  the  princes  and  great  nobility  took  up 
arms,  and  besieged  him  in  Paris:  but  their  con 
federacy,  surnamed  of  the  public  good,  was  soon 
dissolved  by  the  jealousy  and  private  views  of  the 
leaders,  few  of  whom  afterwards  escaped  the  re 
venge  of  a  tyrant,  alike  insensible  to  the  sanctity  of 
oaths,  the  law  of  justice,  or  the  dictates  of  humani 
ty.  The  .Gendarmerie  of  the  kingdom  was  in 
creased  to  4000  lances,  besides  a  disciplined  militia, 
a  large  body  of  Swiss  infantry,  and  a  considerable 
train  of  artillery,  the  use  of  which  had  already 
altered  the  art  of  war.  The  revenue  of  France  was 
raised  to  nearly  a  miHion  sterling,  a*  well  by  extra- 

VOL.  in.  E  ordinary 


5(J  OUTLINES  OF  THE 

ordinary  impositions,  as  by  the  union  of  Anjo-tt, 
Maine,  Provence,  Roussillon,  Burgundy,  Franche- 
Comte,  and  Artois,  to  the  body  of  the  French 
monarchy,  which,  under  this  wise  tyrant,  began  to 
improve  in  domestic  policy,  and  to  assume  the  first 
station  in  the  great  republic  of  Christendom. 

The  revolution  which  restored  Burgundy  to  the 
French  monarchy  merits  more  than  common  atten 
tion.  Charles  the  Bold  of  the  house  of  France, 
duke  of  Burgundy,  and  sovereign  of  the  Nether 
lands,  was  the  natural  and  implacable  enemy  of 
Lewis  XL  His  subjects  of  Burgundy  were  brave 
and  loyal ;  those  of  Flanders,  rich  and  industrious ; 
his  revenue  was  considerable ;  his  court,  magnifi 
cent  ;  his  troops  numerous  and  well  disciplined ; 
and  his  dominions  enlarged  by  the  'acquisition  of 
Guelders,  Alsace,  and  Lorraine.  But  his  vain 
projects  of  ambition  were  far  superior  either  to  his 
power  or  his  abilities.  At  one  and  the  same  time 
he  aspired  to  obtain  the  regal  title,  to  be  elected 
King  of  the  Romans,  to  divide  France  with  the 
English,  to  invade  Italy,  and  to  lead  a  crusade 
against  the  Turks ,  The  Swiss  Cantons,  a  name 
till  then  unknown  hi  Europe,  humbled  his  pride. 
Many  writers*  more  attentive  to  the  moral  precept 
than  to  historic  truth,  have  represented  the  Swiss 
as  a  harmless  people,  attacked  without  justice  or 
provocation.  Those  rude  mountaineers  were,  on 
the  contrary,  the  aggressors:  and  it  appears  by 
authentic  documents,  that  French  intrigues,  and 
even  French  money,  had  found  a  way  into  the 
senate  of  Berne.  Lewis  XI.,-  who  in  his  youth 

had 


HISTORY  OF  THE  WORLD.  51 

had  experienced  the  valour  of  the  Swiss,  inflamed 
the  quarrel  till  it  became  irreconcileable,  and  then 
sat  down  the  quiet  spectator  of  the  event.     The 
Gendarmerie   of    Burgundy   was   discomfited    in 
three  great  battles,  by  the  firm  battalions  of  Swiss 
infantry,  composed  of  pikemen  and  mfcisqueteers* 
At  Granson,  Charles  lost  his  honour  and  treasures ; 
at  Morat,  the  flower  of  his  troops;  and  at  Nancy, 
his  life.     He  left  only  an  orphan  daughter,  whose 
rich  patrimony  Lewis  might  perhaps  have  secured 
by  a  treaty  of  marriage*     Actuated  by  passion, 
rather  than  sound  policy^  he  chose  to  ravish  it  by 
conquest.     Burgundy  and  Artois  submitted  with 
out  much  difficulty ;  but  the  Flemings,  exasperated 
by  the  memory  of  ancient  injuries,  disdained  the 
French  yoke,  and  married  their  young   Princess 
Mary  to  Maximilian,  son  of  the  Emperor  Frederic 
III.     The  low  countries  became  the  inheritance  of 
the  House  of  Austria,  and  the  subject,  as  well  as 
theatre,  of  a  long  series  of  wars,  the  most  celebrated 
that  have  ever  disturbed  Europe. 

Such  was  the  growing  prosperity  of  France,  that 
even  the  disturbances  of  a  minority  proved  favoura 
ble  to  its  greatness.  Britanny,  the  last  of  the  great 
fiefs,  escaped  a  total  conquest  only  by  the  marriage 
of  Anne,  heiress  of  that  great  duchy,  with  Charles 
VIII.,  son  and  successor  of  Lewis  XL  The  ex 
pedition  of  Charles  VIIL  into  Italy  displayed  his 
character,  and  that  of  the  nation  which  he  com 
manded.  In  five  months  he  traversed  affrighted 
Italy  as  a  conqueror,  gave  laws  to  the  Florentines 
and  the  Pope,  was  acknowledged  King  of  Naples, 

E  2  and 


52  OUTLINES  OF  THE 

and  assumed  the  title  of  Emperor  of  the  East. 
Every  thing  yielded  to  the  first  fury  of  the  French; 
every  thing  was  lost  by  the  imprudence  of  their 
councils.  The  Italian  powers,  recovered  from 
their  astonishment,  formed  a  league  with  Maxi 
milian  and  Ferdinand,  to  intercept  the  return  of 
Charles  VIII.  The  kingdom  of  Naples  escaped 
from  his  hands,  and  the  victory  of  Feraova  only 
served  to  secure  his  retreat.  He  died  soon  after 
wards,  leaving  his  kingdom  exhausted  by  this 
rash  enterprize,  and  weakened  by  the  imprudent 
cession  of  Roussillon  to  the  Spaniards,  and  of 
Franche-Comte'  and  Artois  to  the  house  of  Austria. 
Spain.  Spain  was.  hastening  to  assume  the  form  of  a 
powerful  monarchy.  Castile  and  Arragon  were  first 
united  under  the  same  family,  and  not  long  after 
wards  under  the  same  sovereigns.  Henry  IV., 
Kingf  of  Castile,  a  prince  odious  for  his  vices,  and 
contemptible  for  his  weakness,  was  solemnly  de 
posed  in  a  great  assembly  of  his  subjects ;  who, 
despising  the  suspicious  birth  of  his  daughter  Ju- 
anna,  placed  the  crown  on  the  head  of  Isabella,  his 
sister.  The  marriage  of  that  princess  with  Ferdi 
nand  of  Arragon  completed  the  salutary  revolution. 
The  Spaniards  celebrate,  with  reason,  the  united 
administration  of  those  monarchs ;  the  manly  vir 
tues  of  Isabella,  and  the  profound  policy  of  Fer 
dinand  the  Catholic,  always  covered  with  the  veil 
of  religion,  though  often  repugnant  to  the  princi 
ples  of  justice.  After  a  ten  years'  war,  they  exe 
cuted  the  great  project  of  delivering  Spain  from 
the  infidels.  The  Moors  of  Grenada  defended  that 

last 


HISTORY    OF   THE   WORLD.  53 

last  possession  with  obstinate  valour,  and  stipu 
lated,  by  that  capitulation,  the  free  exercise  of  the 
Mahometan  religion.  Public  faith,  gratitude,  and 
policy  ought  to  have  maintained  this  treaty ;  and 
it  is  a  reproach  to  the  memory  of  the  great 
Ximenes  that  he  urged  his  masters  to  violate  it. 
The  severe  persecutions  of  the  Mahometans,  and 
the  expulsion  of  many  thousands  of  Jewish  fami 
lies,  inflicted  a  deep  but  secret  wound  on  Spain,  in 
the  midst  of  its  glory.  The  prosperity  of  Ferdi 
nand  and  Isabella  was  embittered  by  the  death  of 
their  only  son.  Their  daughter  Juanna  married 
the  Archduke  Philip,  (son  of  the  Emperor  Maxi 
milian,  and  of  Mary  of  Burgundy,)  and  the  great 
successions  of  the  houses  of  Austria,  of  Burgundy, 
of  Arragon,  and  of  Castile,  were  gradually  accu 
mulated  on  the  head  of  Charles  V.,  the  fortunate 
offspring  of  that  marriage. 

The  dominion  of  Spain  was  extended  into  a  new 
hemisphere,  which  had  never  yet  been  visited  by  the 
nations  placed  on  our  side  of  the  planet.  Christopher 
Columbus,  a  Genoese,  obtained  from  the  ministers 
of  Isabella,  after  long  solicitations  and  frequent  re 
pulses,  three  small  barks  and  ninety  men,  with 
which  he  trusted  himself  to  the  unknown  Atlantic. 
His  timid  and  ignorant  sailors  repeatedly  exclaimed, 
that  he  was  carrying  them  beyond  the  appointed 
limits  of  Nature,  whence  they  could  never  return. 
Columbus  resisted  their  clamours,  and  at  the  end 
of  thirty- three  days  from  the  Canaries,  shewed 
them  the  Island  of  Hispaniola,  abounding  in  gold, 
and  inhabited  by  a  gentle  race  of  men.  In  his 

E  3  subse- 


54  OUTLINES    OF    THF 

subsequent  voyages,  undertaken  with  a  more  coiv> 
siderable  force,  he  discovered  many  other  islands, 
and  saw  the  great  continent  of  America,  of  whose 
existence  he  was  already  convinced  from  specula 
tion. 

The  discoveries  of  Columbus  were  the  effort  of 
genius  and  courage ;  those  of  the  Portuguese,  the 
slow  effect  of  time  and  industry.  They  sailed 
round  the  continent  df  Africa ;  found,  by  the  Cape 
of  Good  Hope,  a  new  and  more  independent  route 
to  the  East  Indies,  and  soon  diverted  the  commerce 
of  the  east  from  Alexandria  arid  Venice  to  Lisbon. 
rtaiy.  A  new  world  was  opened  to  the  studious  as  well 

as  to  the  active  part  of  mankind.  It  was  scarcely 
possible  for  the  Italians  to  read  Virgil  and  Cicero, 
without  a  desire  of  being  acquainted  with  Homer, 
Plato,  and  Demosthenes.  Their  wishes  were  gra 
tified  by  the  assistance  of  many  learned  Greeks, 
who  fled  from  the  Turkish  arms.  The  manuscripts 
which  they  had  saved,  or  which  were  discovered  in 
old  libraries,  were  quickly  diffused  and  multiplied 
by  the  useful  invention  of  printing,  which  so  much 
facilitated  the  acquisition  of  knowledge.  For  some 
time,  however,  the  genius  of  the  Italians  seemed 
overpowered  by  this  sudden  accession  of  learning. 
Instead  of  exercising  their  own  reason,  they  acqui 
esced  in  that  of  the  ancients;  instead  of  transfusing 
into  their  native  tongue  the  taste  and  spirit  of  the 
.  classics,  they  copied,  with  the  most  awkward  ser 
vility,  the  language  and  ideas  suited  to  an  age  so 
different  from  their  own. 

If  we  turn  from  letters  to  religion,  the  Christian 

must 


HISTORY   OF   THE   WORLD.  5$ 

must  grieve,  and  the  philosopher  will  smile.  By 
a  propensity  natural  to  man,  the  multitude  had 
easily  relapsed  into  the  grossest  polytheism.  The 
existence  of  a  Supreme  Being  was  indeed  acknow 
ledged  ;  his  mysterious  attributes  were  minutely, 
and  even  indecently,  canvassed  in  the  schools;  but 
he  was  allowed  a  very  small  share  in  the  public 
worship,  or  the  administration  of  the  universe. 
The  devotion  of  the  people  was  directed  to  the 
Saints  and  the  Virgin  Mary,  the  delegates,  and 
almost  the  partners,  of  his  authority.  From  the 
extremities  of  Christendom  thousands  of  pilgrims, 
laden  with  rich  offerings,  crowded  to  the  temples 
and  statues  the  most  celebrated  for  their  miracu 
lous  powers.  New  legends  and  new  practices  of 
superstition  were  daily  invented  by  the  interested 
diligence  of  the  mendicant  friars ;  and  as  this  re 
ligion  had  scarcely  any  connection  with  morality, 
every  sin  was  expiated  by  penance,  and  every  pe 
nance  indulgently  commuted  into  a  fine.  The  popes, 
bishops,  and  rich  abbots,  careless  of  the  public 
esteem,  were  soldiers,  statesmen,  and  men  of  plea 
sure  ;  yet  even  such  dignified  ecclesiastics  blushed 
at  the  grosser  vices  of  their  inferior  clergy. 


*  4  Mf  MOIRE 


(    56  ') 

MEMOIRE  SUR  LA  MONARCHIE  DES 
MEDES, 

POUR  SERVIR  DE  SUPPLEMENT  AUX  DISSERTATIONS  DE 
MM.  FRERET  ET  DE  BOUGAINVILLE. 

PARMI  les  savans  qui  ont  os6  penetrer  dans  la  nuit 
du  terns  pour  y  de*couvrir  les  origines  des  nations  de 
rOrient,  Ton  doit  distinguer  M.  Freret  de  F  Aca 
demic  des  Belles  Lettres.  Get  habile  homme, 
egal  aux  Scaliger  et  aux  Marsham  par  son  Erudi 
tion,  a  su  substituer  a  leurs  vues  borne"es,  a  leurs 
conjectures  hasardees,  et  a  leurs  hypotheses  par- 
tiales  et  deTectueuses,  un  esprit  de  syst£me,  de 
critique,  et  de  philosophic.  II  a  rassemble  toutes 
les  autorite"s  qui  nous  sont  parvenues.  II  les  a 
6tudi£,  appre"cie,  rapproch6  et  compare*.  De  ce 
travail  il  a  vu  sortir  une  masse  de  lumiere  qui 
e*claire  sans  nous  e"blouir.  Je  vais  exposer  son  sys- 
teme.  Dans  ces  sortes  d'etude  nous  devons  cher- 
cher  la  v^rit6  et  nous  contenter  de  la  vraisem- 
blance.  .  , 

1 '  L'an  1 96S  avant  J^sus  Cnrist  est  1'^poque  radi- 
cale  de  1'empire  des  Assyriens.  Ce  peuple  et  leurs 
405]  °  successeurs  les  Medes,  les  Perses  et  les  Macedoniens 
ont  r%n6  1905  ans.  L'an  63  le  Grand  Pompee 
d^pouilla  le  dernier  des  Seleucides  de  Fhe'ritage  de 
ses  peres  et  fit  passer  FAsie  sous  les  loix-de  la  r6- 
publique.* 

2.  Velleius 

*  Ce  fragment  est  curieux.     Mais  il  y  a  bien  quelque  chose 
&  dire.    1.  Nous  ne  connoissons  point  cet  Emile  Sura.     2. 

Lipse 


SUR    LA    MONAJRCUIE    DES    MEDES,  o? 

2.  Velleius  Paterculus   place  la  r£ volte  d'A  - 

ap.  Vel.  "a- 

bace    1070  apres  le  regne  de  Ninus.     Dans  son  ter.i.i. 
prop  re  systeme,  c'est  898  ans  avant  J.  C.     La  voix 
unanime  de  I'antiquit6  nous  rapproche  de  pette 
e*poque. 

3.  Castor,  fameux  chronologiste  de  Fantiquite*, 
assignoit  1280  ans  de  dur£e  a  cet  empire.     Us  nous 
conduisent  a  688  ans  avant  J.  C.     C'est  Fanne'e 
que  les  Medes  d'He*rodote  enleverent  aux  Assy- 
riens  1'empire  de  1'Asie. 

4.  Ctesias  nous  donne  1360  ans  jusqu'a  la  de 
struction  totale  de  Nineve  et  la  mort  du  dernier  de 
ses  rois.     L'on  trouve    par  les   combinaisons   les 
plus  sures  que  Fan  avant  Christ  608  fut  celui  de 
cette  grande  revolution. 

Trois  souverains  de  cette  dynastic  ont  port£  le 
nom  de  Sardanapale,  et  la  ressemblance  des  noms, 
jointe  a  celle  des  ^venemens,  a  r^pandu  sur  les  r^cits 
des  Grecs  une  confusion,  dont  une  critique  e"clairee 
peut  seule  nous  garantir. 

Nous  sommes  parvenus  a  1'aurore,  mais  cette  v.deBou- 
aurore  est  couverte  de  nuages.     M.  Freret  n'a  point  ^Xcad"1' 
essay e"   de  les   dissiper.     Mais  le  premier  de  ses  **'"•  P-  1~ 
disciples,  M.  de  Bougainville,    son  confrere,   son 
successeur,  son  interprete  et  son  ami,  a  vouiu  con- 
sommer  ce  grand  ouvrage.     D'un  coup  d'oeil  sur 
et  lumineux  il  a  parcouru  le  tableau  de  1'Asie  sou- 

Lipse  a  soupponne  que  cet  endroit  n'est  pas  du  texte  de  Vel 
leius.  3.  II  y  a  des  varianles  quant  au  nombre.  II  faut  opter 
entre  1905  et  1995.  4.  Cet  auteur  semble  indiquer  1'epoque 
de  la  defarte  de  Philippe  et  d'Antiochus  plutot  que  celle  des  con- 
quetes  de  Pompee. 

mise 


58  SITE   LA   MONARCHIE    DES    MEDES. 

mise  aux  Medes.  II  a  vu  que  les  deux  dynasties 
de  Ctesias  et  d'He*rodote  e"toient  essentiellement 
diffe'rentes,  et  que  les.loix  de  la  critique  nous  per- 
mettoient  aussi  peu  de  les  rejetter  que  de  les  ac- 
corder.  Un  seul  parti  lui  restoit.  Son  heureuse 
simplicity  1'avoit  d6rob6  a  tous  les  yeux.  II  sup 
pose  que  les  deux  historiens  ont  par!6  de  deux 
monarchies  diffe'rentes  et  que  les  successeurs  d'Ar- 
bace  r6gnoient  a  Suse  lorsque  Dejoce  jetta  les 
fondemens  d'Agbatane.  M.  de  Vignoles  avoit  deja 
propos6  cette  explication,  mais  il  e*toit  reserv6  a 
M.  de  Bougainville  de  changer  -en  syst£me  rai- 
sonn6  ce  qui  n'£toit  encore  qu'une  conjecture  ha- 
sarde"e.  II  lui  restoit  encore  le  soin  de  deVelopper 
1'origme,  la  liaison,  et  les  revolutions  des  deux 
dynasties,  et  de  montrer  que  cette  distinction  met- 
toit  dans  1'histoire  ancienne  un  accord  et  une  har- 
monie  qu'on  chercheroit  vainement  ailleurs.  II  se 
proposoit  de  remplir  cette  t^che  dans  un  second  m6- 
moire.  Ses  occupations  et  ses  maux  auront  re- 
cu!6  I'ex6cution  de  sa  promesse,  et  la  mort,  qui  1'a 
enlev6  a  la  soci6t6  et  ^ux  lettrea,  ne  permet  plus 
d'esperance.  Je  me  propose,  de  poursuivre  ses 
id6es.  Je  donnerai  quelques  coups  de  crayon  au 
tableau  imparfait  d'un  grand  maitre.  Ce  maitre 
etoit  mon  ami.  Je  goute  un  triste  plaisir  dans  cette 
occupation  qui  me  retrace  si  vivement  tout  ce  qu/il 
a  6t6,  et  tout  ce  qu'il  n'est  plus. 

Je  crois  devoir  rn'arre'ter  un  instant  pour  r^- 
fie"chir  sur  le  caractere  de  Ctesias,  et  sur  le  d&gr& 
de  foi  que  m6ritent  ses  annales.  On  peut  le  fixer 
en  peu  de  mots.  Ctesias  se  servoit  assez  mal  des 

excel- 


SUR   LA    MONARCHIE    DES    MEDES.  59 

cxccllens  mat^riaux  qu'il  avoit  sous  les  yeux.  Un 
s£jour  de  dix-sept  ans  a  la  cour  de  Perse  et  la  fa- 
veur  d'Artaxerxe  dont  il  £toit  le  m6decin,  lui  ou- 
vrirent  toutes  les  archives  de  la  monarchic,  et  lui 
clonnent  un  avantage  decide*  sur  les  historiens  qui 
n'ont  rempli  leurs  ouvrages  que  des  traditions  po- 
pulaires  qu'ils  avoient  recueilli  dans  leurs  voyages. 
Mais  resolu  de  s'61ever  sur  les  dehris  de  la  r£puta- 
tion  d'H^rodote,  il  lie  sacrifioit  que  trop  souvent 
les  int^rets  de  la  verite"  a  Fenvie  de  plaire  a  sa  na 
tion  toujours  avide  de  nouveautes  et  de  fables. 
Voila  Fide'e  que  les  plus  habiles  critiques  de  Fan-  Voy.  Phot. 

.    ,  ,     ,  ,      .       .  .     .,      Biblioth. 

tiquite  nous  ont  donne  de  cet  ecrivain ;  mais  us  p  157.133. 
ont  cru  en  ineme  terns  que  son  imagination  a  ton-  ^"^,^6 
jours  respecte  les  grands  principes  de  Thistoire  de  J^^6™6* 
Torient ;  et  les  ouvrages  nationaux  qui  ont  paru  850,  tom. 

,  i,  A  i  i  .    r       .      vi.  p.  175. 

sous  les  successeurs  dAlexandre  nont  jamais 
6hranl6  le  syst£me  de  Ctesias  sur  1'origine,  la  du- 
r^e,  et  la  mine  des  empires  des  Medes  etdes  Assy- 
riens.  Une  critique  modeste  et  impartial e  pourroit 
decomposer  le  tissu  des  recits  de  cet  historien,  de- 
m^ler  la  v^rite',  et  eclaircir  souvent  la  source  des 
erreurs.  Une  pareille  recherche  exigeroit  sans 
doute  un  examen  attentif  et  detaille.  Je  dirai 
seuleinent  ici  qu'au  lieu  de  rejetter  ou  d 'adopter 
en  gros  son  histoire  orientale,  je  distinguerois  plu- 
sieurs  classes  de  faits,  d'opinions  et  de  fables ;  tres 
ind6pendentes  par  leur  nature  et  leur  autorit6,  et 
r^unies  seulement  dans  la  narration  de  Ctesias. 
1.  Les  traits  vraiment  historiques  qu'il  a  puis6 
dans  les  annales  et  qui  portent  tous  les  caracteres 
de  1'evidence.  2.  Les  traditions  fabuleuses  des 

peuples 


60  SUR    LA    MONARCHIE    DES    MEDES. 

peuples  qui  font  partie  de  leur  syst&me  religieux, 
ou  qui  servant  a  oraer  le  berceau  des  empires.  Le 
plus  sage  des  historiens  les  rapporte.  Le  lecteur 
sourit ;  il  les  detache  sans  peine  du  corps  de  Fhis- 
toire,  et  la  croix  de  Constantin  ne  lui  fait  point 
reietter  la  defaite  de  Maxence.  Je  citerois  ici 

Diodor.  Sic.       If 

i.ii.  p.  116.  la  naissance  et  1  education  de  Semiramis.     3.  Les 

Ed.Wessel.  .  ,  r*        •        \     i          j>        \  ^L 

interpretations  que  Ctesias  a  donnees  a  ses  mate- 
riaux.  Nous  ignorons  la  nature  precise  des  secours 
qu'il  a  eu,  si  les  ecrivains  originaux  de  Nineve  ex- 
istoient  encore,  s'il  a  travail!6  sur  des  abreges  faits 
sous  la  dynastic  des  Medes  ou  me*  me  sous  celle  des 
Perses.  II  se  voyoit  oblige"  de  rendre  dans  une 
langue  6trangere  des  noms  de  dignites,  de  lieux, 
et  mille  idees  devenues  obscures  dans  le  siecle  de 
Ctesias.  Quelle  source  f^conde  d'erreurs !  II  vou- 
loit  composer  une  histoire  generale  par  la  reunion 
de  plusieurs  chroniques  particulieres ;  mais  peu 
accoutum^  aux  Etudes  chronologiques,  destitue 
d'une  6poque  generale,  egare  par  la  difference  ou  par 
la  ressemblance  des  noms,  il  marchoit  en  aveugle 
et  nous  autorise  a  distinguer  entre  les  faits  parti- 
culiers  qu'il  rapporte,  et  le  syst£me  de  chronologic 
par  lequel  il  les  rassemble.  4.  A  1'exemple  de  ses 
devanciers  il  interrompt  souvent  son  re"cit  par  des 
L.H.  p.  digressions  menag^es  avec  art  et  liees  avec  son  su- 
ils!  126,  jet  principal :  mais  cette  liaison  qui  existe  dans 
iS,'  &c8'  l'esPrit  de  1'historien  n'a  point  de  fondement  dans 
la  nature  des  choses.  A  1'occasion  des  grands  tra- 
vaux  de  Seiniramis,  Ctesias  decrit  la  plupart  des 
monumens  que  la  tradition  attribuoit  ,a  cette  prin- 
cesse.  Mais  I'autorit6  de  ces  traditions,  et  la  v^rite" 

des 


SUR    LA    MONARCHIE    DES    MEDES.  6l 

des  descriptions  n'ont  rien  de  commun  avec  la  foi 

des  anciennes  annales   qui  constatent  1'existence 

d'une  Se*miramis  et  les  grands  e"ve"nemens  de  son 

regne.     5.  Je  sens,  et  je  1'avoue  sans  peine,  qu'il  y 

avoit  des  fictions  aussi  bien  que  des  erreurs  dans 

les  ouvrages  de  Ctesias.     II  a  souvent  quitt6  le 

personnage    d'historien    pour  celui  de  rhe"teur  et 

m£me  de  poe'te.      Je  mets,    sans  balancer,   dans  i*ii.p.i28, 

cette  classe  1'oracle  d'Ammon,   et  le  secours  qu'un 

roi  d'Assyrie  envoya  aux  Troyens.     J'accorderai, 

si  Ton  veut,  que  les  armies  de  Ninus  et  de  Semira-  i""«p.nr, 

130,  &c. 

mis  sont  trop  nombreuses,  et  que  nous  pournons 
donner  un  pen  moins  d^tendue  a  leur  empire.  6. 
Si  1'ouvrage  de  Ctesias  subsistoit  encore  nous  n'au- 
rioris  point  a  craindre  de  nous  tromper  sur  ses  ve"- 
ritables  sentimens.  Mais  nous  ne  le  connoissons 
plus  que  par  FAbre'ge'  de  Photius,*  et  par  les  ex- 
traits  d6taill£s  de  Diodore  de  Sicile,  de  Nicolas  de 
Damas,  &c.  L'on  ne  sent  que  trop  combien  nous 
sommes  ported  a  m£ler  nos  idees  avec  celles  que 
nous  rapportons  et  a  faire  des  changemens  dont  • 
nous  ne  voyons  pas  la  consequence.  Diodore  de 
Sicile  doit  en  general  nous  tenir  d'un  original  qu'il 
suit  de^  pres,  dont  il  rapporte  souvent  les  paroles,  et  v  .. 
qu'il  a  cependant  alte"re  plus  d'une  fois.  Mais  je  lariet 

re  •  >  i\  i>  i  i      /     Wesseling, 

ne  puis  souftnr  qu  on  releve  les  erreurs  d  un  abbre-  not.  eo. 
viateur,  d'un  Justin  copiste  de  la  troisieme  main  et 

*  II  est  assez  surprenant  que  ce  patriarche  se  soit  contente  phot.  Bibl. 
d'indiquer  les  six  premiers  livres  de  Ctesias  qui  contenoient  This-  P- 106,  &c. 
toire  des  Medes  et  des  Assyriens,  et  qu'il  n'ait  commence  son  ex- 
trait  que  par  le  septieme.    II  avoit  lu  tous  les  vingt-trois  livres  de 
cet  historien. 

qu'on 


62  SUR    LA    MONARCIIIE    DES    MEDES, 

qu'on  les  employe   centre   Fautorite"    de  Ctesias; 
L'abbreviateur  lui  a  fait  dire  que  Ninus  fut  le  pre* 

Justin         m*er  ^l11*  ^t  *a  guerre  ^  ses  v°isms-     Helas !  ce  ne 

*•  *•  c-'1-      fut  pas  Ninus,  ce  fut  ce  sauvage  que  enleva  le  pre 
mier  a  son  frere  le  gland  qu'il  venoit  de  cueillir ! 
On  a  deVeloppe*  toute  Fabsurdite  d'une  proposition 
qui  renverse  meme  le  systeme  de  son  auteur.     Mais 
.  sicui.  cet  auteur  n'est  point  Ctesias.     Le  Ctesias  cle  Dio- 
a.  p.  is.    (jore  avojt  fat  seulement  que  Ninus  est  le  premier 
dont  Fhistoire  nous  ait  conserve  les  exploits, 
Vixere  fortes  ante  Agamemnona 

Multi 

La  foule  des  savans  a  voulu  encore  opposer  au 
systeme  de  Ctesias  Fautorit6  d'H^rodpte,  qui  n'a  ja- 
mais  expose*  ses  sentimens  sur  les  grands  principes, 
de  Fhistoire  Asiatique,  etdont  le  temoignage  bati  sur 
Fobservation  et  sur  la  tradition  s'affoiblit  en  s'61oi- 
gnant  du  si^cle  dans  lequel  il  a  vecu.  Mais  encore 
je  d£mele  dans  cette  obscurite  le  systeme  assez 
conforme  a  celui  de  Ctesias,  qu'il  aura  suivi  dans 
ses  Assynaques.  Je  d£velopperai  cette  proposition 
avec  d'autant  plus  de  plaisir,  que  la  tradition  ge*- 
n6rale  y  rendra  t^moignage  a  la  haute  antiquite"  de 
la  domination  Assyrienne. 

%rab.Geo.  1 .  Le  nom  de  Syrie  ou  Assyrie  n'a  point  ^te4born6 
*  cette  petite  pfovince  sur  les  bords  du  Tig-re  dont 
Nin^ve  est  la  capitale.  II  sYtendoit,  selon  Stra- 

P.  202.  bon,  depuis  le  fond  de  la  Babylonie  jusqu'au  Pon& 
Euxin.  Les  habitans  de  la  Chalde"e,  de  FAturie, 
de  la  Mesopotamie,  et  de  la  Syrie  propre,  dtoient 
les  Syriens  noirs  ou  de  la  haute  Syrie.  Ceux  du 
Pont  et  de  la  Cappadoce,  plus  avanc^s  que  les  pre 
miers 


SUR   LA    MONARCHIE  DES   MEDES.  63 

rniers  du  cote"  du  nord  et  de  la  mer  Mediterran£e, 
s'appelloient  les  Syrians  blancs  ou  de  la  basse  Sy- 
rie.  Plusieurs  auteurs  ont  regard^  le  fleuve  Ha- 
lys  comme  la  borne  occidentale  du  nom-  Syrien, 
mais  il  est  constant  qu'il  s'e"toit  e"tendu  dans  la 
Phrygie  majeure.  2*  On  ne  peut  rendre  raison  de  c 
ce  nom  commun  qu'en  supposant  line  domination  i-vi.p.  435. 
commune  a  toutes  ces  provinces.  Tons  les  anci- 
ens  ont  pense"  que  les  Assyriens  de  Nineve  out 
communiqu^  leur  nom  aux  pays  dans  lesquels  ils 
ont  port6  leurs  armes  victorieuses.  3.  On  voit 
qu'ils  placoient  cette  conquete  dans  ce  terns  ob- 
scur  que  les  Grecs  ont  nomine*  fabuleux  mais 
qui  ne  1'etoit  que  pour  eux.  He"rodote  nous  ap- 
prend  que  les  Ph^niciens,  transplant^s  des  bords  de  c. 
la  Mer  Rouge  a  leur  nouvelle  demeure,  commen- 
cerent  aussit6t  a  faire  de  longs  ^7X)yages  de  mer,  et  c\ 
porter  les  marchandises  d'Egypte  et  d'Assyrie  dans 
les  ports  les  plus  £loign£s  et  en  particulier  a  celui 
d'Argos  d'ou  ils  enleverent  la  fille  du  roi  Inachus. 
Du  terns  d'Inachus,  c'est  a  dire  1  800  ans  avant  J. 
C.*  les  Assyriens  £toient  deja  (dans  le  sentiment 
d'H^rodote)  une  nation  qui  possedoit  une  c6te  ma 
ritime,  et  qui  alloit  de  pair  avec  les  Egyptiens 
pour  la  reputation,  le  luxe,  et  les  arts.  4.  On  me 
demandera  peut-£tre  pourquoi  le  nom  d'Assyrie  ne 
s'est  jamais  *e"tendu  aux  provinces  Orientales  de 
1'empire?  Je  n'en  sais  rien,  mais  je  re"pondrois 
volon  tiers  que  les  fondateurs  de  la  monarchic  ont 


Praepar. 
Evangel. 

*  Phoronee,  fils  d'Inachus,  ctoit  contemporain  d'Ogyges  qui  a  1-  x.  c.  9. 

vecu  1020  ans  avant  la  premiere  Olympiade,  c'est  k  dire  796  ans  ^M^de 

avant  1'^re  Chrctienne.  1'Acad.  torn. 

obscurci 


64  SUR   LA    MONARCHIE    DES  MEDES. 

obscurci  la  gloire  de  leurs  successeurs  qui  ont  sub- 
jugu6  ces  provinces  long  terns  apres  eux.  Cette 
conjecture  expliqueroit  tres  bien  les  520  ans  de 

Jd.i.i.c.95.  regne  qu'H^rodote  accorde  aux  Assyriens  sur  les 
Medes.  II  paroit  que  le  dernier  roi  des  Assyriens* 
avoit  recu  de  ses  peres  un  empire  qui  s'etendoit 

v.Frcret,  depuis  les  frontieres  de  1'Inde  jusqu'a  FEuphrate 
et  1'Halys.  La  Syrie  propre  s'en  6toit  d£tacbe"e 
depuis  cent  cinquante  ans,  et  les  extre* mite's  de  la 
monarchie?  telles  que  I'Arm^nie  et  les  c6tes  de  la 

tiq.  i.  vii.    Mer  Rouge,  6toient  encore  plonge'es  dans  la  bar- 

Arrian.       baric  la  plus  grossiere. 

indm.  c.22.  ^vec  1'empire  Sardanapale  avoit  he'rite  de  la 
mollesse  de  ses  peres.  Depuis  long  terns  on  ne 
voyoit  plus  les  rois  d'Assyrie  a  la  t£te  des  armies. 
La  chasse  leur  6toit  aussi  inconnue  que  la  guerre. 
Renferm6s  dans  leur  palais,  ils  ne  regnoient  plus 

Diodor.       que   sur  un  s6rail  dans  lequel  tout,  jusques   aux 

Seal.  1.  xi.     l .    .    .  .  ,      \  ,  . 

P.  137.  plaisirs,  ne  respiroit  que  la  langueur,  la  contramte 

mas? in  *  et  la  servitude.     Mais  leur  nom  re"gnoit  encore  sur 

Vales1*"  1'Asie,  et  les  sages  institutions  des  premiers  mo- 

P-  4.25-  narques  sembloient  assurer  la  puissance  de  leurs 

Justin.  !•»•,,.  T  fl 

c.  2.          foibles  successeurs.     Une  armee  nombreuse,  com- 
"    pos^e  de  toutes  les  provinces,  se  rassembloit  tous 
les  ans  a  Nineve  ;  politique  adroite,  qui  environnoit 
&9«  ^e  trone  d'une  garde  formidable,  et  qui  la  dispef- 
soit  sans  lui  donner  le  terns  de  connoltre  ses  forces. 
Ce  f  ut  cependant  dans  le  sein  de  ces  troupes  que 
la  r£volte  se  forma.     Arbace,  qui  commandoit  les 

*  Dernier  roi  selon  1'interpretation  de  Ctesias.  C'est  le  Sarda 
napale  de  Velleius  Paterculus,  le  premier  des  trois  que  M.  Freret 
a  distingues. 

troupes 


SUR   LA    MOtfARCHIE    DES    MEDES.  65 

troupes  de  la  province  de  Me"die  posse"doit  la  faveur 

publique  et  la  me'ritoit  par  toutes  les  vertus  oppo- 

s6es  aux  vices  de  son  maitre.     Ce  guerrier,  qui  se 

sentoit  digne  de  donner  des  loix,-  rougissoit  d'en 

recevoir  d'un  souverain  qu'il  me'prisoit.      II    ne 

cherchoit  que  les  moyens  de  s'en  affranchir,  et  les 

conseils  de  son  ami  Belesus  acheverent  de   de*ve- 

lopper  le  germe  d'une  re"  volte  qui  changea  la  face  P.  137. 

de  1'Asie.     Ce  chef  Chald6en  lui  annonca  hardi- 

ment  cet  empire  que  les  astres  (dont  il  se  disoit  1'in- 

terprete)  lui  destinoient.     Arbace,  e*bloui  lui-meme 

par  les  promesses  de  cet  art  trompeur,  ou  charme' 

d'en  eblouir  les  autres,  le  crut  sans  peine.     Des  ce 

moment  il  ne  s'occupa  plus  qu'a  inspirer  ses  senti- 

mens  a  tbus  les  chefs  de  1'armee.     II  ne  seroit  pas 

difficile  de   composer  la  harangue  d' Arbace.     La 

mollesse  de  Sardanapale,  la  honte  de  lui  obeir,  la 

facilite  de  la  re*  volte,  le   bien  public  £ta!6   avec 

beaucoup  de  pompe,  et  les  avantages  parti  cullers 

insinue"s  avec  art: — telles  furent   sans  doute    les 

raisons  qu'il   employa.     A   force    d'intrigifes.,    de 

promesses    et   de  pre"sens,    il   associa   a   ses  des-  w.  p.  iss. 

seins    les  Medes,    les  Persans,    les  Babyloniens, 

et  quelques  tribus  d'Arabes   qui    reconnoissoient 

la  superior ite  plut6t  que  le  joug  de  1'empire.    Au 

commencement    de    1'ann^e   suivante,    tous    ces 

corps  s'avancerent  vers  la  capitale  sous  pre'texte  de 

faire  leur  service..    Les  anciennes  troupes  se  joi- 

gnirent  a  celles  qui  les  relevoient.     Arbace  arbora 

1'etendard  de  la  Iibert6,  etse  campa  pres  de  Nineve 

a  la  t^te  de  400,000  homines  composes  de  ces  qua- 

tr.e  nations. 

VOL.  in.  F  A  la 


66  SUR    LA    MONARCHIE    DES    MEDES. 

A  la  nouvelle  de  la  revolte  Sardanapale  se  re- 
veilla  de  sa  lethargic,  et  brisa  les  liens  de  la  mollesse, 
des  plaisirs,  et  de  1'habitude.  II  assembla  bient6t 
une  arme"e  nombreuse,  marcha  a  la  rencontre  des 
rebelles,  les  attaqua,  les  battit  apres  un  combat 
sanglant,  etleschassa  jusqu'au  pied  des  montagnes 
qui  terminent  la  plaine  de  Nineve.  Apres  avoir 
vainement  mis  a  prix  les  tetes  d'Arbace  et  de  Be- 
lesus,  il  livra  une  seconde  bataille  aux  troupes 
d'Arbace,  et  remporta  une  autre  victoire  plus  deci 
sive  que  la  premiere.  Ces  defaites  r6iterees 
Diod.  sicui.  n'6branlerent  point  la  Constance  du  chef  des  r6vol- 

1.  ii.  p.  139.      ,  T  i    '  •     i> 

t6s,  qui  se  montra  digne  de  soutenir  i  entrepnse 
qu'il  avoit  commenced  ;  mais  les  autres  conjures, 
decourag6s  par  le  malheur,  parloient  deja  d'eviter 
par  la  fuite  la  vengeance  d'un  prince  irrite,  d'occu- 
per  les  forte resses  de  leurs  pays  respectifs,  et  d'y  at- 
tendre  tranquillement  un  moment  plus  propice. 
Arbace  avoit  inutilement  employ^  toutes  les  res- 
sources  de  la  politique ;  mais  celles  de  la  supersti 
tion  spnt  in^puisables.  Belesus  annonca  a  1'arm^e  , 
constern^e  que  les  dieux  les  £prouvoient  pour  cou- 
ronner  enfin  leur  Constance.  Le  fanatisme  ranima 
le  courage  des  chefs  et  des  soldats,  mais  il  ne  leur 
donna  point  la  victoire.  Sardanapale  les  battit  une 
troisieme  fois,  s'empara  de  leur  camp,  et  les  pour- 
suivit  jusqu'aux  frontieres  de  la  Babylonie.  Le 
g&ieial  des  Medes  fut  blesse  dans  ce  dernier  com*- 
bat  apres  s'y  &tre  distingu6  par  mille  actions  de  va- 
leur.  Les  conf6der6s,  etfray^s  par  la  Constance  de 
leur  infortune,  r^solurent  de  se  retirer ;  mais  le 
prophete  Chald^en,  qui  sentoit  que  1'instant  de 

leur 


SUR   LA    MONARCHIE    DES    MEDES.  67 

leur  separation  seroit  celui  de  letir  destruction  com 
mune,  tenta  encore  de  les  arr£ten  II  y  re\issit. 
II  passa  la  nuit  entiere  a  observer  les  astres*  "  Les 
Dieux  (leur  dit-il  le  lendemain)  vous  annoncent 
par  ma  voix  une  revolution  subite  et  inespe're'e,  un 
grand  secours  que  vous  n'attendez  point.  Dans 
cinq  jours  vous  verrez  raccomplissement  de  leur 
parole."  Belesus  et  Arbace  savoient  sans  doute 
que  les  troupes  de  la  Bactriane  s'avancoient  au  se 
cours  de  la  capitale.  Ce  dernier,  accompagne  d'un 
corps  choisi,  alia  a  leur  rencontre.  II  eut  1'art  de 
lier  une  n^gociation  avec  eux,  son  Eloquence  et 
ses  intrigues  leur  firent  aise"ment  pre*fe*rer  le  parti 
de  la  Iibert6  a  celui  du  tyran :  il  les  ramena  avec 
lui  au  camp  des  confide"  res,  et  sans  donner  le  terns 
auX  ennemis  d'apprendre  cette  nouvelle,  il  attaqua 
1'arm^e  Assyrienne,  enivre"e  encore  de  sa  derniere 
victoire  et  plong^e  dans  la  d^bauche  et  la  negli-  id.  p.  uo, 
gence.  II  en  fit  un  carnage  excessif,  tua  Salo3- 
mene,  beau-frere  du  roi  et  g6n6ral  des  Assyriens  ; 
et  poursuivit  leurs  debris  disperses  jusqu'aux  portes 
de  la  capitale. 

Le  roi  y  attendit  Tennerm  sans  crainte ;  il  se 
confioit  dans  la  force  de  la  ville,  aux  anciennes  pro- 
ph6ties,  et  a.ux  secours  qu'il  esp^roit  de  recevoir 
des  autres  provinces  de  1'empire.  Le  siege,  ou 
plut6t  le  blocus  de  Nineve,  dura  deux  ans;  etelle 
ne  seroit  peut-^tre  jamais  tombe'e  sous  la  puissance 
des  Medes  si  le  Tigre,  en  se  de"bordant  avec  une 
violence  extreme,  n'eut  renvers6  vingt  stades  des 
murs.  Sardanapale  vit  alors  que  1'oracle  e"toit  id.  p.  HI. 
rempli  puisque  le  fleuve  ^toit  derenu  ennerai  de 

£2  la 


'X1 


68*  SUR   LA,  MONA&CHIE    0ES    MED£S> 

la  ville,  et  qu'il  ne  lui  restoit  plus  qu'a  choisirentre 

la  mort  et  la  captivitA     II  fit  dresser  un  vaste  bu~ 

cher  dans  la  cour  du  Serail,  le  couvrit  de  tout  ce 

qu'il  avoit  de  plus  pr^cietix,  d'un  nombre  infmi  de 

robes  de  pourpre,  cent  cinquante  lits  d'or,  et  un  tre*- 

sor  incroyable.*     II  s'y  enferma  (dans  une  cham- 

bre  qu'il  avoit  fait  batir)  avec  toutes  ses  femmes. 

Ses   eunuques  y  mirent  le  feu  et  1'incendie  dura 

quinze  jours.     Cependant  les  ennemis  entrerent 

par  la  breche,  se  rendirent  maltres  de  Nineve,  et 

une  assemblee  generate  des  chefs   salua  Arbace 

Tacit.  Hist,  conime  roi.     Telle  fut  la  fin  de  Sardanapale  qui 

&Sueton.in  veciit  et  qui  mourut  comme  Othon.    Tous  les  deux 

cuTis.    ik  niontrerent  a  1'univers   que   la  mollesse  peut 

e'touffer  des  vertus  qu'elle  n'6teint  pas.     Tel  fut 

encore  le  sort  de  cette  dynastie  Assyrienne ;  voici 

le  tableau  energique  et  vrai  d'un  homme  qui  voy- 

oit  beaucoup  d'histoire  dans  une    seule   reflexion. 

Esprit  des    "  Apres  les  trois  ou  quatre  premiers  princes,  la  cor- 

Loix.  1.  vii.  .  ,,  ,,    .   .          ,      ,          , ,,.  , 

c.  7.  ruption,  le  luxe,  1  oisivete,  les  delices  s  emparent 
des  successeurs;  ils  s'enferment  dans  leur  palais, 
leur  esprit  s'afToiblit,  leui  vie  s'accourcit,  la  famille 
decline,  les  grands  s'elevent,  les  eunuques  s'accr^di- 
tent ;  on  ne  met  sur  le  trone  que  des  enfans,  le 
palais  devient  ennemi  de  1'empire,  un  peuple  oisif 

Iletodat.  *  Ce  tresor  etoit  celebre.     Herodote  en  fait  mention.     Mais 

Athenai*0'  ^6  Cr°is  qu'  Atn^n^e  ou  Plut^t  Ctesias  se  sont  laisse  eblouir  par 

Deipnosop.   une  exageration  orientale,  qui  designoit  plutot  un  nombre  infini, 

1.  xii.  qu'elle  ne  fixdt  une  somme  particuliere.    Ce  nombre  est  de  mille 

myriades  de  talens  d'or,  et  de  dix  mille  myriades  de  talens  d'ar- 

gent.     A  n'employer  que  des  talens  Attiques,  et  une  proportion 

decuple,  il  nous  donnera  plus  de  quarante  quatre  milliards  de 

livres  sterling;  a  toute  rigueur,  £44,174,999,760. 

qui 


SUR  LA  MONARCHIE  DES  MEDES.  69 

qui  1'habite  mine  celui  qui  travaille,  1'empereur  est 
tue*,  ou  d^truit  par  un  usurpateur,  qui  foncle  une 
famille  dont  le  troisi^me  ou  quatri£me  successeur 
va  dans  ce  m£me  palais  se  renfermer  encore." 

Dans  ce  re"cit  abrege  je  ne  me  suis  point  arr£t£ 
k  corriger  une  erreur  de  mes  originaux  qui,  dans 
plus  d'un  endroit,  placent  la  ville  de  Nineve  sur  les 
bords  de  1'Euphrate.  Elle  etoit  situee  sur  ceux  du 
Tjgre.-  Plusieurs  critiques  ont  deja  relev6  cette 
m6prise  que  je  ne  saurois  attribuer  a  Ctesias.  II  y 

1        J  J 

a  des  fautes  geographiques  quun  nomine  qui  a 
parcouru  1'Asie,  d'Ephese  jusqu'aux  Indes,  ne  peut 
jamais  commettre  et  les  commettre  encore  sans 
motif  et  sans  interet.  Je  ne  cratndrois  pas  de  la 
reprocher  a  un  Diodore  qui  ne  se  perdoit  que  trop 
souvent  dans  I'immensit^  de  son  ouvrage  et  dans 
Fabondance  de  ses  materiaux.  Mais  qu'il  me  soit 
permis  de  conjecturer  quelque  expression  equivoque 
dont  Ctesias  aura  pu  se  servir  et  qui  laissoit  quelque 
incertitude  dans  1'espritde  Diodore;  les  Orientaux 
disent  souvent  le  grand  fie  Live,  le  fleuve  royal,  en 
parlant  de  la  riviere  qui  baigne  les  murs  de  la  capi- 
tale.  Si  Ctesias  avoit  conserve  cette  phrase,  la  m^- 
prisedu  Sicilien  seroit  des  plusnaturelles.  Si  Ctesias 
avoit  employe  le  nom  Assyrien,  ou  Persan,  du 
Tigre,  s'il  I'avoit  m^me  exprime  par  un  nom  vague 
qui  designoit  toutes  les  grandes  rivieres  qui  sortent 
des  montagnes  de  I'Arm&iie;  la  situation  de  Dio 
dore  auroit  6t£  encore  plus  embarrassante.  II  est 
difficile  d'expliquer  plusieurs  des  anciens  sans  sup- 
poser  que  le  Niphates  (nom  d'une  chaine  de  mon-  Cellar,  t.  it 
tagnes  dans  la  grande  Arm^nie)  avoit  aussi  ce  sens  p' 2 

F  3  vague 


70  SUR  LA  MONARCHIE  DES  MEDES. 

strab.  p.  vague  et  ge*ne*ral.  Tzetes,  qui  lisoit  encore  1'his- 
72?'.  72  toire  de  Ctesias  ou  du  moins  les  recueils  de  Con- 
Pflarr'iu.v.  stantin  Porphyroge"nete,  confirme  ma  conjecture, 
245.  en  rencherissant  sur  1'erreur  de  Diodore  :  il  ne  met 

Juvenal  Sat.  '..  .  '.  . 

vi.  p.  409.    point  1'Euphrate  a  la  place  du  Tigre  :  il  .  y  met  le 

Horat.  XT*! 

Carm.  ii.  9.     Nil. 

**       Mais  il  y  a  une  erreur  bien  plus  importante,  et 


qu'on   doit  imputer    a   Ctesias    lui-meme  :    c'est 
d'avoir  fix6  a  la  mort  de  Sarclanapale,  la  derniere 

Chil.  111.  f  l    .     ' 

430.  YOSS.    mine  de  Nineve  et  de  Fempire  Assyrien.     Les  mo- 

deHistoricis  1  ,  i      1?          •         •     / 

i.  ii.   numens  les  plus  purs  de  I  antiquite  nous  assurent 


un  e^  Tautre  out  subsist^  quoique  avec  un 
^clat  atToibli  jusqu'a  Fan  608  avant  J.  C.  et  pres  de 
trois  siecles  apres  cette  revolution.  M.  Freret  a 
prouv£  tres  solidement  qu'il  y  a  eu  trois  Sardana- 
pales,  et  que  sous  le  premier  et  le  dernier  de  ces 
princes  les  Medes  et  les  Babyloniens  ont  renverse" 
la  puissance  Assyrienne.  Tant  de  conformit^s 
auront  ebloui  Ctesias  ou  ses  interpretes,  au  point  de 
lui  faire  confondre  sous  la  m&me  ^poque  lar^volte 
d'Arbace,  et  la  ruine  finale  de  I'empire  de  Nineve, 
Dans  cette  confusion  il  nous  est  tres  difficile  d'en 
se"parer  les  traits  detaches.  Je  crois  pourtant  qu* 

Sicul.  I.  ii.        4*  .  11^  i  -1  JMI 

p.  142.       Arbace,  jaloux  de  la  force  de  cette  capitale,  qu  il 
avoit  £prouve  lui-meme,  la  fit  raser  de  fond  en  com- 

He,  "  -rw   $s  TroXiV  £1?   idotQQq   %<x.T£<ntz$j£v."      Les  villes 

de  FAsie,  qui  ne  sont  baties  que  de  briques  cuites, 
se  d^truiseiit  et  se  rebatissent  avec  une  facilite* 
merveilleuse.  Nous  voyons  reparoitre  apres  les 
ravages  affreux  des  Mogols  toutes  ces  villes  qu'ils 
aVoient  d6truites^  et  Ton  ne  sera  pas  6tonn6  de  re- 
trouver  Nineve  dans  le  siecle  suivant  Arbace 


SUE  LA  MOttARCHIE  DES  MEDES.  71 

usa  des  droits  de  la  victoire  avec  une  moderation 
qui  fit  aimer  son  joug  aux  vaincus;  en  detruisant 
Nineve  il  e"pargna  les  biens  des  citoyens,  il  se  con- 
tenta  de  les  disperser  dans  les  bourgs  du  pays. 
Heias !  qu'un  Arbace  seroit  utile  a  Londres  ou  a 
Paris!  Cette  moderation  du  vainqueur  nous  per- 
met  de  croire  qu'il  laissa  a  quelque  prince  du  sang 
royal  une  autorite  subalterne  sur  1'ancien  heritage 
de  Ninus,  qu'il  lui  conf^ra  meme  le  titre  de  roi,  et 
que  c'est  par  ces  dynastes  que  les  anciens  out  con 
tinue  la  liste  des  monarques  Assyriens.* 

La  moderation  d'Arbace  eclata  encore  plus  a 
i'6gard  des  compagrions  de  sa  victoire.  Lorsqu'ils 
prirent  les  armes  il  leur  avoit  promis  la  liberte.  Sa 
promesse  ne  fut  pas  vaine.  Mais  il  est  bon  de 
fixer  ride*e  precise  d'un  mot  toujours  vague  en  lui- 
m&me,  et  assez  etranger  au  langage  des  Orientaux. 

1.    Aux   gouvemeurs    des    provinces,    Arbace 


*  Qu'on  me  passe  encore  une  conjecture.  Un  passage 
d'Athenee  (copie  sur  Ctesias)  a  toujours  fait  de  la  peine  aux 
savans.  "  T«?  yaq  T^SK  viovq,  KOU  $vo  Oyyars^*?,  Q%U»  to.  w^ayprra  Athenaei. 
xotx.oviJt.tvot,  9r§ow£9ro/A^«»  £»?  Nn<o»,  w§o?  rot  EXE*  $otff\\iot"  &c.  Personne 
ne  comprend  comment  Sardanapale,  Roi  de  Nineve,  a  pu  envoyer 
ses  enfans  au  Roi  de  Nineve.  Voici  mon  interpretation  de  cet 
endroit  qu'  Athenee  a  tres  bien  pu  gater  en  1'abregeant.  Sardana 
pale  etoit  resolu  de.perir,  mais  le  sort  de  ses  enfans  le  touchoit. 
II  les  fit  sortir  du  serail  dont  1'enceinte  etoit  peut-£tre  distjnguee 
de  celle  de  la  ville,  et  il  les  fit  conduire  aux  pieds  du  vainqueur 
qui  entroit  deja  dans  Ja  capitale  et  qu'il  regardoit  avec  raison, 
comme  le  souverainde  Nine.ve.  Si  j'ajoutois  qu'  Arbace,  touch^ 
du  malheur  de  ces  jeunes  princes,  leur  laissa  le  royaume  d^Ass^rie, 
je  le  dirois  sans  preuves,  mais  le  caractere  d'Arbace  me  justi- 
fieroitdans  cette  idee. 

F  4  donna^ 


72  ,     SUE  LA  MONARCHIC  DES  MEDE3. 

donna  une  autorite  plus  grande  que  celle  dont  ils 
jouissoient.  II  les  distribua  parmi  ses  amis.  On 
devine  sans  peine  les  de'gre's  successifs  par  lesquels 
ces  satrapes  s'attribuerent  tous  les  droits  regaliens 
et  secouerent  enfin  jusqu'au  nom  de  la  de*pen- 
dance,  II  paroit  meme  qu'Arbace  accorda  a  ses 
capitaines  le  privilege  important  de  ne  jamais  per- 
dre  la  vie  ou  Jeur  satrapie  que  par  la  sentence 
d'une  assemblee  gen6rale  des  capitaines  leurs  pairs. 
Arbace  suivit  du  moins  cette  regie  a  1'egard  de 
Belesus  a  qui  il  avoit  donne  la  satrapie  de 


sic.  lone.  Son  avarice  lui  fit  enlever  les  cendres  du 
.  bucher  de  Sardanapale.  II  fut  condamn6  a  perdre 
.  la  t^te,  mais  Arbace  oubliason  crime,  nesesouvint 
que  de  ses  services,  et  lui  rendit  jusqu'a  son  gou- 
vernement  et  le  tr6sor  m^me  qu'il  avoit  de"robe. 

2.  Les  cbariots  des  Scythes,  les  tentes  des  Arabes, 
et  toutes  les  branches  du  Taurus  et  du  Caucase 
ont  toujours  renferme"  une  multitude  de  sauvages 
fiers  de  leur  pauvret6  et  de  leur  ind^pendance 
f6rocet  De  terns  en  terns  ils  sortent  de  leurs  -re- 
traites  pour  subjuguer  les  peuples  amollis  par  le 
luxe,  pour  se  corrompre  qt  pour  pe"rir  comme  eux. 
II  seroit  aussi  difficile  qu'inutile  d'iiKliquer  toutes 
les  nations  a  qui  Arbace  se  contenta  de  faire  re 
connoitre  sa  souverainete\  On  y  peut  distinguev 
les  Cadusiens,  les  habitans  d'une  partie  de  la  Per- 
side,  quelquesmontagnards  de  la  M6die,  et  plusieurs 
peupla4es  des  Scythes  en  deca  de  1'Oxus  connues 
sous  le  nom  de  Pajthes,  de  Saques,  de  Derbices, 
&c. 

A.C.  898.       1,  Arbace  se  soutint  sur  le  trone  par  les  memes 

vertus 


SUR    LA    MONARCHIE    DES    MEDES.  73 

vertus  auxquelles  il  le  devoit.      II  gouverna  1'Asie  PI(?d- Sicul- 

v  v  /-i      1- xi. p.  146. 

vmgt-huit  ans  et  laissa  1  empire  a  sa  mort  a  son  nls 
Mandauces. 

2.  Manclauces  r6gna  vingt  ans,  ou  cinquante  selon  A.  c.  sro. 
Diodore. 

3.  Sosarme  r6gna  trente  ans.  A.  c.  850. 

4.  Attycas  r£gna  trente  ans,  ou  cinquante  selon  A.  c.  820. 
Diodore.* 

5.  Arbianes  r£gna  vingt-deux  ans.  A- c  ™°- 
Je  n'ai  point  d'6v£nemens  pour  remplir  ces  cinq 

regnes  des  premiers  rojs  des  Medes  et  de  1'Asie. 
Ctesias  n'avoit  rien  trouve"  dans  les  annales,  ou 
Diodore  s'est  pen  souci6  de  conserver  ses  details. 
Je  vois  tres  clairement  que  ce  copiste  a  neglige" 
plusieurs  faits  des  plus  interessans,  que  nous  trou- 
vons  ailleurs.  Sa  liste  des  rois  est  defectueuse, 
peut-etre  inline  remplie  de  fautes.  Je  lui  trouve 
clans  cette  partie  de  sa  bibliotheque  une  sorte  d'im- 
patience,  II  s'6toit  fort  6tendu  sur  le  regne  de 
S^miramis,  les  merveilles  de  Babylone  et  la  science 
des  Chald£ens ;  ce  grand  morceau  aVoit  deja  pass6 
les  bornes  que  la  proportion  g£n£rale  de  son  ouvrage 
lui  prescrivoit.  II  se  dedommage  aux  depens  de 
la  monarchic  des  M£des. 

On  n'est  pas  en  droit  d'exiger  que  je  remplisse 
ce  vuide :  il  y  en  a  tant  dans  ces  si^cles  recul^s. 

*  Diodore  a  done  compte  282  ans  au  lieu  des  232  de  Jules 
Africain  cite  par  les  chronologistes  Chretiens.  J'ai  suivi  I'exemple 
de  M.  de  Bougainville;  mais  je  crains  qu'un  certain  petit 
interet  de  systeme  n'ait  contribue  a  cette  preiFerence  que  nous 
lui  donnons.  Artec,  le  sixieme  roi  de  la  dynastie,  devoit  regner 
^vant  Tere  de  Nabonassar. 

Mais 


74  3UR    LA    MONARCHIE    DES 

Mais  je  sens  que  le  systeme  que  je  propose  devien- 
dra  bien  plus  vraisemblable  et  plus  lumineux  si 
je  re*ussis  a  decouvrir  quelques  traces  de  cette 
monarchic  etde  ses  premiers  rois,  dans  les  traditions 
des  compatriotes  et  des  contemporains,  je  veux  dire 
dans  celles  des  Perses  modernes  et  des  anciens 
Grecs. 

Je  ne  connois  Fhistoire  Persanne  que  par  les 
extraits  que  nos  savans  nous  en  ont  donna's,  et  par- 
ticulieremeht  par  la  Bibliotheque  Orientale  de 
M.  d'Herbelot*  Cette  ignorance  me  donne  une 
sorte  de  nitrite  ;  c'est  celui  de  I'lmpartialite*  .  Mon 
amour-propre  n'est  point  inte"ress6  a  justifier  une 
science  dont  1'acquisition  ne  m'a  rien  cout6.  Voici 
en  peu  de  mots  Fid^e  que  je  me  suis  fait  de  1'au- 
thenticite'  de  cette  histoire. 

Dans  ce  long  intervalle  de  cinq  si^cles  qui 
s'e*coula  depuis  la  destruction  de  la  premiere  monar 
chic  des  Perses  jusqu'a  I'^tablissement  de  la  seconde, 
la  haute  Asie  etoit  retomb^e  dans  la  barbaric. 
justin.Hist.  Les  Parthes,  .ses  maitres,  conserverent  toujours  la 
ferocite  de  leurs  ayeux  Scythes.  Le  luxe  cor- 


c!18x.'xi.u' 

Hist.duMa-  moient  les  Persans  et  se  rendoient  odieux  a  tous 


cx.x.       rompit  leurs  moeurs  sans  les  adoucir.     Ils-oppri- 


r  M.  de    les  vrais  Masres  par  mille  superstitions  ^ 

eausobre,          .,.  &.  . 

tom.i.p.i65.  qu  ils  avoient  mtroduites  dans  le  culte  de  Zoroastre. 
Les  malheureux  n'ont  d'asile  que  Tavern  r  et  le 
pass6.  Les  predictions  et  les  fables  les  consolent 
de  leur  misere  actuelle.  Lorsqu'Ardshir  Baha- 

r. 

*  Sur  toute  eette  histoire,  v.  Biblioth.  Orient,  aux  mots  Pis- 
ehadiens  et  Caianides,  et  a  ceux  de  chaque  roi  en  particulier.  — 
Universal  Hist.  Kdd.  Fol.  torn.  ii.  p.  172—240. 

man 


SUE   LA    MONARCHIE    DES    MEDES.  75 

man  renclit  1'empire  aux  Perses,  les  poemes  histo- 
riques  qui  sembloient  renfermer  les  origines  de  la 
nation  furent  rccus  sans  critique  et  sans  contra 
diction.  Ecrits  d'ailleurs  d'une  maniere  interes- 
sante;  ils  franchirent  bient6tles  bornes  de  I'empire. 
On  les  ecoutoit  avec  autant  d'avidit6  a  la  Mecque 

qu'a  Madvan.    Enfin  les  Arabes.parurent  et  subiu- 

/    _  T ,.  i      *      A«         Orient- au 

guerent  la   Perse.     L  ignorance   et   le   ranatisme  mot  Nasser. 

marcherent  devant  eux :  ils  detruisirent  partout 
les  monumens  d'un  culte  etrangcr.  Au  bout  de 
trois  siecles  les  arts  avoient  civilis6  ces  barbares ;  P-  114- 
et  ils  ne  chercherent  plus  qu'a  reparer  les  ravages 
de  leurs  ancetres.  Ferdoussi,  fameux  poete  Per-  Bibiioth. 
san,  composa  un  poeme  bistorique  de  30,000  vers 
sur  les  debris  des  vieux  romans  qu'il  avoit  re- 
cueillis.  Mais  Ferdoussi  6toit  poete  et  Musulman. 
On  peut  croire  que  dans  cette  premiere  qualit6  il 
preferoit  toujours  le  merveilleux  au  vraisemblable, 
et  que  c'est  a  la  derniere  que  nous  devons  Abra 
ham,  Salomon,  et  tous  les  prophetes  Juifs.  Fer 
doussi  est  cependant  la  source  ou  la  plupart  des 
historiens  et  des  poe'tes  ont  puise.  Mirkhond  et 
Kbondemir,  deux  historiens  Persans  de  la  fin  du 
quinzieme  siecle,  sont,  pour  ainsi  dire,  les  seuls  ori- 
ginaux  que  nos  savans  sont  accoutum^s  a  citer. 

Je  passe  aux  caracteres  internes  de  cette  histoire. 
Je  n'y  vois  rien  de  plus  vraisemblable.  C'est  un 
assemblage  de  fictions  grossieres.  Nulle  ge"ogra- 
phie,  nulle  chronologic,  des  paladins,  des  g£nies, 
des  f£es  et  des  nionstres.  Nous  avons  surtout  un 
excellent  inoyen  de  comparaison  dans  les  deux 
siecles  depuis  Cyrus  jusqu'a  Darius.  Les  Grecs 

cohtem- 


76  SUE    LA    MONARCHIE    DES    MEDES. 

contemporahis,  sujets  ou  ennemis  du  grand  roi, 
ont  pu  prendre  de  fausses  idees  sur  les  revolutions 
interieures  et  sur  les  caracteres  de  ces  princes,  mais 
ils  connoissoient  sans  doute  leurs  noms,  la  duree 
de  leurs  regnes,  leurs  successions,  et  les  grands 
eVenemens  qui  les  regardoient  eux-memes.  Les 
relations  d'Herodote,  de  Xe"nophon  et  de  Ctesias, 
n'ont  avec  celles  de  Mirkhond  que  ce  rapport  qui 
suifit  pour  nous*convaincre  combien  les  iddes  de  ce 
dernier  e"toient  confuses  et  clefectueuses. 

De  cet  amas  de  traditions,  tout  imparfait  qu'il 
est,  nous  pouvons  ne"anmoins  extraire  quelques  ve*- 
rites  utiles.  Les  ev6nemens  g6n6raux  se  gravent 
dans  le  souvenir  des  honimes,  1'id^e  des  grands 
etablissemens  passe  a  la  posterite*,  et  1'imagination 
born6e  et  sterile  de  cette  creature  singuliere,  qui 
ne  peut  souiFrir  ni  la  verity ni  le  mensonge,  altere  plus 
de  ^its  qu'elle  n'en  invente.  Je  tacherai  de  choisir 
quelques  uns  de  ces  traits  saillans.  Des  que  je  n'en- 
treprends  point  dejustifier  tout  1'enchainement  des 
petits  faits,  la  bonne  critique  me  defend  d'en  tirer 
avantage  dans  les  occasions  ou  ils  me  seroient  fa- 
vorables.  Je  m'arreterai  a  trois  chefs  principaux. 
1 .  L'idee  generale  de  chaque  dynastie.  2.  Les 
monumens  de  Persepolis.  3.  La  reformation  du 
calendrier. 

1.  R6duisons  1'histoire  ancienne  de  la  Perse  a 
cette  proposition  generale  et  simple,  "  Que  quatre 
dynasties  dirT^rentes  y  ont  regne  dans  ces  sieclek 
qui  ont  precede  la  conquete  des  Arabes ;  c'est  a 
dire  les  Pischadiens,  la  Caianides,  les  Asch- 
khaniens,  et  les  Sassanides,  et  que  la  tradition  a 

conserve^ 


SUR   LA    MONARCHIE    DES    MEDES.  77 

conserve  les  noms,  1'origine,  la  ruine,  et  le  caractere 
des  trois  premieres  races."*  Je  respecte  peu  la  foi 
de  la  tradition,  mais  je  lie  crois  pas  1'avoir  charge" 
d'un  de"p6t  au-dessus  de  ses  forces.  Nous  connois- 
sons  les  Sassanides.  Les  Parthes  sont  d^sign^s 
assez  clairement  sous  le  nom  d'Aschkhaniens.  Da- 
rab,  le  dernier  des  Caianides,  ftit  vaincu  par  Isken- 
der  le  fils  de  Filikous  :  ce  sont  les  noms  sous  les- 
quels  les  Orien-taux  connoissent  Darius  Codaman, 
Alexandre,  et  son  pere  Philippe.  La  dynastic  des 
pre'de'cesseurs  de  Darab  remonte  au-dela  du  regne 
de  Cyrus,  et  semblc  comprendre  les  Medes  d'He- 
rodote.  II  ne  reste  qu'a  chercher  la  place  de  la 
dynastic  des  Pischadiens,  la  plus  ancienne,  et  peut- 
etre  la  plus  illustre  de  celles  qui  ont  gouverne"  la  Chronoio- 
Perse.  Le  Chevalier  Newton  y  a  cm  reconnoitre  293, 376. 
les  Assyriens.  Mais  ce  grand  homme  avoit  peu  re"- 
fl£chi  sur  le  g6nie  de  Fhistoire  Persanne.  Les 
Mages  etoient  les  seuls  d6positaires  de  la  v^rite  et 
des  fables.  Us  ne  connoissoient  de  souverains  1^- 
gitimes  de  la  Perse  que  ceux  qui  en  avoient  pro- 
fess6  la  religion.  Une  identit^,  ou  du  moins  une 
ressemblance  de  culte,  soutonoit  la  chaine  de  la 
succession.  Tous  les  idolatres  iv Etoient  a  leurs 
yeux  que  des  usurpateurs  dignesd'undubli^ternel; 
les  h^r^tiques  (tels  que  les  Aschkhaniens)  passoient 

*  Je  dis  des  trois  premieres.  L'authenticite  de  1'histoire  des 
Sassanides  n'a  besoin  de  preuves.  Un  habile  homme,  qui  nous 
donneroit  une  bonne  histoire  de  cette  race,  fondee  sur  la  combi- 
naison  des  ecrivains  Persans  et  Arabes  avec  les  historiens  de 
1'eglise  et  du  bas  empire,  enricheroit  la  litterature  sacree  et  pro 
fane  d'un  ouvrage  tres  interessant. 

a  la 


78  SUE   LA    MONARCHY    DES    MEDES. 

a  la  poste>ite  sans  61oge  et  sans  detail.*     Nous  con* 
noissons  la  religion  des  Assyriens  :  c'6toit  le  sabisrrie, 
le  culte  le  plus  ennemi  de  celui  des  Mages,  Fadora- 
.      tion  des  astres,  des  images,  et  peut-etre  enfin  Fapo- 
tb£ose  des  h6ros.    Mais,  si  Famour  d'un  syst£me  (qui 
n'est  pas  le  mien)  ne  m'6blouit  point,  tous  les  grands 
caract&res  de  cette  dynastic  conviennent  avec  tout 
autant  de  justesse  aux  M&des  de  Ctesias  qu'ils  se- 
roient  deplace*s  a  Fegard  des  Assyriens  de  Nineve 
Bibiioth.      ou  de  Babylone.     Les  Pischadiens  e"toient  M&des 
d'origine  ;  Souster  et  Istekhar  (Suse  et  Persepolis) 
^toient  leur  demeure  ordinaire.    Us  se  distinguoient 
Pal  ^a  magnificence  de  leur  cour  et  par  F^tendue  de 
P.  ire,  205.  leur  empire  ;  mais  c'est  encore  plus  a  la  sagesse  de 
Connexion,  leurs  loix,  a  une  conduite  moder^e  et  populaire  qu'ils 


gran(je  reputation.  Us  ont  soutenu  de 
longues  guerres  contre  les  Scythes  jusqu'a  ce  qu'en- 
fin  ces  barbares,  inondant  FAsie,  ont  d£truit  cette 
dynastic  dont  les  malheurs  ont  6t6  venges,  et  Fem- 
pire  r6tabli,  par  les  princes  du  nom  de  Cai,  ou  Cy, 
qui  descenderent  des  montagnes  de  la  M^die  pour 
chasser  les  barbares.  Je  n'entreprends  point  d'ex- 
pliquer  les  exp6ditions  de  Thamurath  dans  le  Gin- 
nistan,  et  les  guerres  de  Huschenk  contre  les  peu- 
pies  de  Mahiser,  qui  avoient  des  tetes  de  poisson,  et 
qui  n'£toient  peut-^tre  que  des  ictyophages.  M. 
d'Herbelot  ne  cite  ici  que  les  romans  modernes, 
dont  le  gout  et  le  principe  sont  toujours  tres  diiF<6- 

Ilerodot.  *  Uapplication  de  ce  principe  jetteroit  beaucoup  de  lumi^re 

.  j.  c.  120.    5Ur  jes  entjrojts  ies  p|us  Obscurs>     £He  rendroit  une  sorte  de  rai- 

son  du  silence  etonnant  qu'ils  ont  garde  a  1'egard  de  Cyrus.     J'ai 

de  bonnes  raisoss  pour  croire  qu'il  n'etoit  pas   Mage.     Je  ne 

«iterai  que  le  temoignage  formel  d'Herodote. 

tens 


SUR   LA    MONARCHIE    DES    MEDES.  7£ 

rens  de  ceux  des  anciens  poemes,  qui  tenoient  lieu 
d'annales.  On  pent  remarquer  que  les  Persans  ont 
place"  sous  ces  premiers  rois  1'invention  des  arts  les 
plus  ne'cessaires.  Vanit6  insense'e !  mais  commune 
a  tons  les  peuples ;  qui  ont  voulu  confondre  1'ori- 
gine  de  leur  nation,  ou  de  leur  secte,  avec  celle  du 
genre  humain. 

%.  .Tous    les  voyageurs  ont  de*crit  les  fameux 
restes  de  la  grandeur  de  Persepolis,  et  M.  le  Comte  vuUifp. 
de  Caylus,  dont  1'oeil  attentif  et  p6ne"trant  suit  par  l^f' 
tout  le  progres  des  arts,  leur  naissance  et  leur  per-  Hist- de 

f*  11/1  /         •         i      !'Acad- des 

fection,  a  rassemble  dans  un  excellent  memoire  le  Belies  Lett. 

/    .       -,  •  .  •  \  •    torn.  xxix. 

precis  de  nos  connoissances  sur  une  matiere  aussi  p.  113-149. 
mt^ressante.  Accoutum6  depuis  longtems  a  tous 
les  prodiges  de  1'architecture,  il  ne  pense  qu'avec 
^tonnement  a  cette  vaste  esplanade  taiHe"  dans  un 
roc  de  marbre,  aux  canaux  qu'on  y  avoit  creus^s, 
a  la  hardiesse  du  dessein,  a  la  grandeur  des  masses, 
et  a  l'extr£me  perfection  de  toutes  ses  parties.  II 
rend  justice  aux  beaut^s  replies  de  1'ouvrage  tout 
£loign£es  qu'elles  sont  des  regies  des  Grecs.  Tout 
s'y  ressentit  (a  son  avis)  du  gout  Egyptien  qui  a  . 
pass6  au  fond  de  Torient  et  sur  les  cdtes  de  1'Etrurie 
dans  le  terns  que  la  Grece  n'^toit  remplie  que  de 
cabanes.  M.  de  Caylus  voit  partout  dans  ces  debris 
Tempreinte  de  1'arcbitecte,  mais  il  n'en  voit  aucune 
du  fondateur.  II  fait  sentir  meme  qu'on  rencontre 
des  difficulty's  insurmon tables  lorsqu'on  veut  les 
attribuer  aux  dynasties  qui  ont  regne*  sur  la  Perse 
'flans  ces  siecles  que  nous  nommons  historiques. 
Us  subsistoient  sans  doute  avant  les  Sassa- 
nides.  La  tribu  connue  sous  le  nom  de  Parthes, 

detrui- 


80  SUR   LA    MONARCHIC    DES    MEDES. 

detruisoit  les  villes  mais  n'en  batissoit  pas.  Le 
regne  cle  la  barbaric  n'a  rien  de  commun  avec  celui 
des  arts,  Les  Acbcmenides  n'ont  jamais  e"tabli 
i.  vii)pp'.545.  leur  sejour  a  Persepolis.  Us  partageoient  Panne'e 
riJsIecudi-  entre  Suse>  Babylone,  et  Agbatane.  Les  temples, 
gditeur  S°"  'es  Pa^ais?  et  les  tombeaux  de  Persepolis  supposent 
]a  residence  ordinaire  d'un  grand  roi.  M.  de  Caylus 
expose  ses  difficultes,  et  en  laisse  la  solution  a  quel- 
qu'un  plus  habile  ou  plus  heureux  que  lui.  Peut- 
^tre  serois-jc  plus  heureux.  Je  vois  que  les  Per- 
Orient,  au  sans  attribuent  la  construction  de  Persepolis  a  la 
»chid»  p.  dynastie  des  Pischadiens.  Un  fait  aussi  simple  a 
pu  se  conserver.  Le  souvenir  du  fondateur  sem- 
bloit  lie"  avec  celui  d'un  monument  e"ternel.  Je 
pardonne  sans  peine  a  quelques  ornemens  que  la 
tradition  a  acquis  en  viellissant,  et  meme  a  1'en- 
ceinte  de  douze  parasanges  (36  milles  Romains) 
que  Giamschid  donna  a  sa  capitale.  Je  ne  sais 
meme  si  elle  a  besoin  de  pardon,  puis  qu'elle  ren- 
fermoit  des  maisons  cle  plaisance,  des  champs,  des 
'bois  et  des  villages  entiers.  Je  suis  encore  tres 
content,  que  les  genies  n'y  soient  entres  pour  rien 
dans  ces  grands  ouvrages.*  Si  Ton  me  permet  de 
lier  1'histoire  orientale  avec  celle  des  Grecs,  et  de 
supposer  que  les  Pischadiens  n'etoient  pas  difF(6rens 
des  Arbacicles,  nous  aurons  trouv6  les  vrais  fonda- 
teurs  de  Persepolis.  Je  ne  vois  rien  qui  ne  s'ac- 

*  Ceux  qui  lisent  avec  quelque  attention  1'histoire  Persanne 
peuvent  remarquer  que  les  gentes  et  les  prodiges  ne  sont  point 
dans  le  tableau,  et  qu'ils  en  ornent  seulement  le  quadre.  On  doit 
sentir  le  poids  de  cette  distinction. 

corde 


SUR    LA    MONARCIIIE    3}ES    MEDES.  81 

corde  avec  cette  idee.  Le  siecle  d' Arbace  est  celui 
de  la  grandeur  et  du  gout  Egyptian.  Leurs  ar- 
chitectes  venoient  d'achever  les  pyramides.*  La 
monarchic  des  M£des,  qui  s'£tendoit  d'abord  sur 
FAsie  de'l'Inde  a  1'Euphrate,  n'etoit  point  au-des- 
sous  de  cette  entreprise,  et  sa  splendeur  a  assez 
dure  pour  trouver  a  toute  rigueur  les  deux  cens 
ans  que  M.  de  Caylus  exige  pour  1'achever. 

Mais  a-t-il  droit  de  1'exiger.?  Je  respecte  inlini- 
ment  Fautont^  de  cet  habile  academicien,  mais  je 
ne  sais  s'il  a  assez  r^flechi  sur  la  combinaisoii  de  la 
puissance  despotique  avec  la  grandeur,  les  tr£sors/ 
et  la  resolution  de  triompher  de  tous  les  obstacles. 
J'ai  encore  devant  les  yeux,  les  restes  augustes  de 
I'amphitheatre  de  Vespasien.  des  bains  de  Titus,  v. 

1    Roma  Au- 

de  la  colonne  Trajane,  des  arcs  de  tnomphe  de  Ti-  tic,.,  Dmm- 

i       rn      •  *i  11  •  i  *us  R()ma 

tus  et  de  Irajan,  du  temple  de  paix,  et  de  cent  vetus,&c. 
autres  ouvrages  qui  luttent  encore  contre  le  terns 
et  la  barbaric.  Trouveroit-il  ces  ouvrages  indignes 
d'etre  compares  avec  les.monumens  de  Persepolis? 
Prononceroit-il  qu'il  a  fallu  deux  siecles  entiers 
pour  les  Clever  ?  Personne  ne  sait  mieux  que  lui 
que  leur  construction  n'a  pas  cout6  une  cinquan- 
taine  d'ann6es. 

3.  L'ere  de  Yezdegerd  est  aussi  fameuse  en 
Perse  que  celle  des  S^leucides  1'a  6t6  parmi  les 
Grecs,  ou  1'h^gire  parmi  les  Musulmans.  Celle-ci, 
chere  aux  Musulmans,  et  r^pandue  dans  la  vaste 

*  Diodore  de  Sicile,  qui  vecut  un  peu  avant  la  naissance  de  J. 
C.  place  la  fondation  des  pyramides  1000  ans  auparavant. — Voyez 
Diodor.  Sic.  lib.  i.  p.  72.  Greaves,  Pyramidographia,  dans  ses 
ouvr.  Tom.  i.  p.  23,  &c.  Voss.  de  Histor.  Grace.  1.  ii.  c.  2. 

VOL.  in.  G  £tendue 


82  SUR    LA    MONARCHIE    DES    MEDES. 

6tendue  de  leurs  conquetes,  n'a  point  aboli  1'usagc 
de  la  premiere  dans  ces  provinces  qui.ont  conserve 
la  langue  Persanne.  L'epoque  radicale  de  Fere  de 
Yezdegercl  nous  est  connue  avec  la  plus  grancle 
precision.  Tous  les  astronoines  de  Forient  la  fixent 
au  16  Juin,  1'an  de  J.  C.  632;  c'est  aussi  la  pre 
miere  annee  du  regne  de  ce  prince  qui  lui  a  donne" 
son  nom.  Mais  quelle  est  Forigine  de  ce  p6- 
riode,  est-il  civil  ou  astronomique  ?  En  faut-il 
chercher  la  source  dans  les  cieux  ou  sur  la  terre? 
Je  crois  qu'il  faut  la  chercher  dans  les  cieux.  Je 
ne  puis  y  voir  aucun  des  caractkres  d'un  p6riode 
civile  et  historique.  Toutes  ces  eres  ont  com 
mence'  par  quelque  grand  ev£nement  int£ressant  et 
flatteur  pour  la  societe"  qui  les  a  etabli  ;  des  6v6ne- 
mens  qui  sembloient  annoncer  un  nouvel  ordre  de 
choses.  La  duree  du  pe"riode  se  mesure  sur  celle 
du  peuple,  et  si  la  premiere  survit  au  dernier,  ce 
n'est  que  lorsqu'un  long  usage  lui  a  fait  prendre 
des  racines  fortes  et  in^branlables. 
v.  ^Herbe-  Lorsqu'une  conjuration  des  grands  du  royaume 


Orient,  au    mit  Yezdegerd  sur  le  tr6ne,   la  Perse,  d£chue  de 

mot  Yezde-  .  ,         ,  ,  ,       T7,, 

gerd,  p.485.  son  anciennc  splendeur  depuis  la  mort  de  Khos- 
Hist&ofihe  roes  e^  d^chir^e  pas  ses  discordes  civiles,  alloit  suc- 
Saracens,  comber  sous  la  fortune  des  Arabes.  Cette  nation 

grande  victoire  sur  F&ite 


de  1'arm^e  Persanne.     Elle  franchissoit  sans  peine 
Pers.  p"-as'  toutes  les  barri^res  qu'on  lui  opposoit.     L'av6ne- 
m%i6.     ment  de  Yezdegerd  ne  ramena  point  la  victoire 
aux  drapeaux  Sassanides  ;  ses  premieres  ann^es  ne 
se   comptoient   que  par  ,  ses  revers.      En  637   les 
Arabes  s'empar&rent  de  sa  capitale  et  de  son  palais. 

II 


SUR    LA    MONARCIIIE    DES    MEDES.  83 

II  se  cantonna  dans  les  montagnes  de  la  Sogdiane, 
ou  il -se  soutint  jusqu'en  651.  Avec  lui  on  vit 
peYir  pour  jamais  la  gloire  et  1'empire  des  Perses. 
Les  rochers  du  Mazanderan  et  les  sables  du  Ker- 
inan  furent  les  seals  asiles  que  les  vainqueurs 
lai»serent  aux  sectateurs  de  Zoroastre.  Sur  ces 
principes  je  me  crois  en  droit  de  conclure  que  Fere 
de  Yezdegerd  n'est  point  une  £poque  arbitraire  que 
les  hommes  ont  imaging,  mais  un  peViode  astrono- 
mique,  quel'ordrenaturel  du  terns  ramenoit  au  point 
de  sa  premiere  institution. 

C'estau  savant  Docteur  Hyde  que  nous  devons  V.ICM&- 

i  •  /    •          i  /    •      i  J  J    m°ire  de. 

la  connoissance  precise  de  ce  penode,  ou  du  grand  Freret  dans 
cycle  de  1440  ans  employ 6  par  les  Perses  pour  ra- 
mener  leur  ann6e  vague  a  la  vraie  anne'e  solaire. 
L'ann£e  Persanne  £toit  composed  de  365  jours,  c'est 
a  dire  de  12  mois  chacun  de  30  jours  avec  cinq  Greave,&<$, 
jours  £pagomenes  ou  surnume'raires.  Mais  leurs 
astro nomes  6toient  encore  parvenus  a  savoir  que 
cette  annee  avoit  un  quart  de  jour  de  moins  que 
I'ann6e  solaire.  Us  negligeoient  ces  quarts  de 
jeurs  pendant  120  ans  pour  les  rassembler  alors,  et 
pour  en  fairs  un  mois  de  30  jours,  qui  devenoit  ainsi 
le  troisieme  mois  de  la  120me  ann6e.  Le  grand 
cycle  £tqit  compost  de  douze  de  ces  petits  cycles, 
le  mois  intercalate  changeoit  de  place,  et  avancoit 
toujours  un  mois  dans  le  calendrier.*  II  lui  falloit 

une 

*  M.  Freret  se  fonde  sur  quetques  details  obscurs  et  peu  deci-  M6m.  de 
sifs  des  regies  de  cette  intercalation,  pour  croire  que  du  terns  de  Litt.  torn. 
Yezdegerd  il  ne  s'etoit  ecoule  qu'une  portion  du  grand  cycle  de 
960  ans.    Ce  cycle  a  done  commence  en  329  A.  C.  avec  le  regne 

&  2  d'Alexandre 


84  SUR    LA    MONARCHIE    DES    MEDES* 

une  duree  cle  1440  ans  pour  parcourir  1'annee 
entiere  et  pour  achever  la  grande  revolution. 
Puisque  l'ere  de  Yezdegerd  a  commence  une  de  ces 
revolutions,  elle  fait  remonter  le  peYiode  precedent 
a  Tan  809  avant  J.  C.  C'est  aussi  1'epoque  radi- 
cale  que  M.  Hyde  lui  a  donn£e.  Dans  le  systeme 
de  Ctesias,  Attycas,  quatrieme  roi*  des  Medes, 
r^gnoit  alors  sur  FAsie.  Les  Persans,  qui  ont  con- 
nu  retablissement  de  ce  grand  cycle,  le  placent  sous 
le  regne  de  Giamschid,  quatrieme  roi  de  la  dynas- 
tie  des  Pischacliens.  Ce  synchronisme  trouv6  sans 
3C95id'p'  effort  me  flatte  beaucoup.  J'y  vois  1'identit^  des 
Medes  de  Ctesias  avec  les  Pischacliens,  prouv6e 
par  les  faits.  Je  reconnois  dans  cette  reformation 
du  calendrier  une  nation  policee  et  £claire*e;  et 
dans  toutes  les  ceremonies  qui  1'accompagnoient  je 
retro uve  jusqu'a  la  bont6  populaire  des  Arbacides. 
Reifione  Pendant  les  six  jours  du  Neurouz*  le  monarque  se 
Persar.  livroit  a  ses  suiets.  II  leui*  rendoit  iustice,  man- 

c.  14.  .  i        !    /     -         -  -       i, 

geoit  avec  eux,  les  bemssoit  et  recevoit  d  eux  des 
pr^sens  de  fruits  et  de  grains,  le  gage  et  les  pr£- 
mices  de  1'abondance.  A  ce  spectacle  interessant  on 
eut  cru  voir  un  pere  cultivateur  au, milieu  de  sa 
famille. 


Voyea  d'Alexandre  sur  la  Perse,  et  le  cycle  precedent  remojite  jusqu'en 
de^Go^uet  1^^  avant  J.  C.  dans  un  terns  ou  les  notions  astronomiques 
surl'origine  etoient  bien  eloignees  de  la  justesse  d'une  annee  Julienne.  Je 
arts^et 'des8  voyois  la  raison  et  M-  Hyde  d*un  cote,  Freret  seul  de  1'autre. 
sciences.  Cependant  je  balanfois  encore*  Uautorite  de  Freret  m'emba- 
Litt?  dt  rassoit,  jusqu'au  moment  que  je  1'ai  vu  changer  d'opinion  et  env 
xix.  '  '  brasser  lui  meme  le  systeme  de  mon  compatriote. 
*  La  fe"te  du  nouvel  an. 

Les 


SUR  LA    MONARCHIE    DES    MEDES.  85 

Les  Arbacides  ne  sont  plus,  mais  Torient  en  a 
conserv^  la  me"moire  sous  le  nom  de  Pischadiens. 
II  est  encore  plein  des  monumens  de  leur  grandeur, 
de  leur  g6nie,  et  de  leurs  vertus.  Je  pense  bien 
que  ces  rois  ne  se  sont  pas  uniquement  occup£s 
des  loix,  des  sciences,  et  des  beaux-arts.  L'huma- 
nite"  seroit  trop  heureuse  si  ses  fastes  n'^toient 
remplis  que  de  pareils  e"  ve"nemens.  Si  cette  histoire 
s'£toit  conservee,  on  y  liroit,  comme  dans  toutes  les 
autres,  les  vices  des  grands,  et  les  malheurs  des 
peuples  ;  on  y  verroit  ce  triomphe  perp^tuel  de  la 
violence  et  de  I'lntrigue  sur  la  justice,  qu'elles  ou- 
tragent  en  la  violant,  et  qu'elles  outragent  cent 
fois  davantage  en  se  servant  impunement  de  son 
nom  sacre*.  Les  traditions  Persannes  ont  effective- 
ment  conserve"  un  grand  nombre  de  ces  faits  qui 
ne  sont  que  trop  vraisemblables ;  mais  je  ne  sais 
par  quel  art  je  pourrois  les  se"parer  de  cet  alliage 
grossier  dont  on  les  a  charge.  Je  ne  demanderois 
grace  que  pour  un  seul  fait.  Giamschid,  le  fonda- 
teur  de  Persepolis  et  le  reTormateur  du  calendrier,  ^'t(1B 
fut  chasse  enfin  de  son  tr6ne  par  un  usurpateur  Orient. 

Giamschid 

Arabe.     Ce  tyran  lassa  par  ses  cruautes  la  patience  P.  395. 

i,  •      <  A  TI  Dhokak, 

a  un  peuple  soumis  a  ses  maitres.  II  courut  aux  p.  943. 
armes,  un  forgeron  se  mit  a  la  t^te  des  s^ditieux,  d^- 
livra  sa  patrie  du  joug  des  Arabes,  et  rendit  le  sceptre 
a  son  h^ritier  l^gitime.  Cette  revolution  m^rita  de 
passer  a  la  poste"rit6  par  une  f^te  solemnelle  qu'on 
c^l^broit  tous  les  ans :  et  c'est  en  sa  faveur  que 
j'ai  demand^  cette  exception  particuliere.  Je 
m'e"tonne  toujours  que,  si  le  tablier  du  forgeron 
enrichi  de  pierres  pr^cieuses  devint  effectivement 
G  3  Tori- 


&6  SUR    LA    MONARCHIE    DES    MEDES. 

roriflamme  de  la  Persie,  il  ne  soit  pas  tomb6  entrc 
les  mains  d'Alexandre,  et  que  tons  les  historiens 
°lui  ont  d^crit  Faigle  d'or  qu'on  portoit  a  la  tete 
in  edit.       des  armies,  n'ayeiit  iamais  fait  mention  d'un  drapeau 

Plan.  .  i«  i     •      • 

1638.  torn,  aussi  singulicr  que  celui-ci. 

iii.  p.  106.  T  /~\  A  i  / 

Je  passe  aux  Grecs.  A  travers  les  images  re- 
pandus  sur  tout  1'orient,  e-t  qui  ne  se  sont  dissip6s 
qu'au  regiie  cle  Cyrus,  les  Grecs,  plus  anciehs  que 
ce  prince,  ont  entrevu  Fempire  des  successeurs 
d'Arbace.  Mais  ces  si&cles,  f^conds  pour  eux  en 
poetes,  etoient  encore  destitu^s  d'historiens,  Je  ne 
puis  espeier  de  d^couvrir  quelque  v6rit6  qu'en 
creusant  la  source  des  fables. 
strab.  Geo.  Strabon  6toit  adrnirateur  6clair6  du  2'6nie  et 

].  xv. 


m  . 

p.rso.       m^me  des  connoissances  d'Homere,  dont  il 

roit  souvent  I'autorit6  a  celle  des  historiens  les  plus 
c£lebres.  Ce  grand  geographe  remarque  avec  son 
bon  sens  ordinaire,  que  le  poete  qui  connoissoit  les 
ri  chesses  de  •  Thebes,  et  le  commerce  des  Phe"- 
niciens,  n'avoit  jamais  entendu  parler  de  la  gran 
deur  des  Assyriens.  II  le  prouve  parcequ'il  a  paiie 
des  mis,  et  qu'il  n'a  rien  dit  des  autres.  La  force 
de  cet  argument  n^gatif  6chappera  a  ceux  qui  ne 
Tapprofondissent  pas.  Homere  parloit  a  des  peu- 
ples  encore  grossiers,  qui  ont  toujours  -plus  de  cu- 
riosite  que  de  gout,  et  qui  ecoutent  avec  avidit6 
les  actions  merveilleuses  de  leurs  heros,  et  les  rela 
tions  singuli&res  et  ^loign^es.  La  construction  de 
ses  ouvrages  lui  donnoit  une  facilite  extreme  pour 
y  faire  entrer  tout  ce  qu'il  avoit  recueilli  dans  ses 
voyages.  Toutes  les  nations  se  sont  assemblies 
3ous  les  murs  de  Troye.  Ulysse  et  M£nelas  ont 

parcouru 


SUR  LA  MONARCHIE  DES  MEDES.  87 

parcouru  toutes  les  mers.  Rempli  de  son  objet,  il 
y  sacrifie  jusqu'aux  regies  de  1'art,  et  eel  les  de  la 
nature.  Dans  quel  moment  ne  suspend-t-il  pas 
le  courroux  d'Achille  pour  lui  faire  d^crire  assez 
froidement  les  cent  portes  de  Thebes  !  Ce  m£me 
Achille,  qui  ne  rentre  an  combat  que  pour  immoler 
tous  les  Troyens  aux  manes  de  son  ami,  e"coute 
avec  une  patience  admirable  la  g6n£alogie  des 
rois  cl'Ilium  depuis  Dardanus  jusqu'a  Priam. 
L'homme  de  gout  s'impatiente;  I'homme  curieux 
s'y  instruit.  Le  philosophe  jette  un  coup  d'oeil 
sur  les  contemporains  d'Homere,  et  reconnoit  que 
la  premiere  loi  dim  poete  est  celle  de  leur  plaire. 

Homere  n'a  conserv£  qu'tin  seul  6v6nement  qui 
paroisse  avoir  trait  aux  affaires  de  1'orient  :  c'est 
1'histoire  ou  fable  de  Memnon;  qu'il  n'a  touched 
m6me  qu'en  peu  de  mots.  La  voici  dans  sa  purete* 
originate,  tellc  que  nous  la  trouvons  en  rapprochant 
plusieurs  endroits  detaches.  "  Tithon  6toit  fils  Iliad-  xx-  Y- 

237 

de  Laomedon  et  frere  de  Priam.     II  fut  aim£  de  la 


d^esse  Aurore,  dont  il  eut  un  fils  nomine*  Memnon,  v.  521?* 
qui  se  distingua  a  la  guerre  de  Troye  par  sa  beaut6 
et  sa  valeur."  Cette  histoire  n'a  rien  que  de  vrai- 
semblable,  si  Ton  suppose  que  Tithon,  cadet  de  la 
maison  de  Dardanus,  passa  dans  1'orient  pour  y 
chercher  fortune,  qu'il  y  £pousa  une  princesse,  et 
que  leur  fils  Memnon  conduisit  les  forces  de  leurs 
nouveaux  £tats  au  secours  de  sononcle.  Le  poete 
n'a  d%£sign6  ce  pays  que  par  le  nom  vague  de  1'Au- 
rore,  mais  ce  terme  £toit  permis  a  la  licence  de  la 
poesie  ;  et  1'ignorance  des  Grecs  sur  Fint&'ieur  de 

f,  ,    .  1t?.  V.  Cleric. 

1  Asie  nous  oblige  seulement  a  le  reculer  un  peu  au-  ad 

Th 

985. 


,    ,>    Theog.y. 

G  4  dela  985. 


88  SUR  LA  MONARCHIE  DES  MEDES. 

dela  de  1'Asie  mineure  et  des  cotes  de  la  Ph6nicie, 
Sous  le  nom  d'Hemathionqu'a  donne  Hesiode  au 
frerede  Memnon,  M.  le  Clerc  a  cru  voirla  villede 
Hemath  en  Syrie.  La  conjecture  me  parolt  tres  na- 
turelle. 

Cette  histoire  ou  fable  (je  ne  la  garantis  point)  ne 
conserva  pas  longtems  sa  premiere  simplicity.  Cent 
vingt  ans  apr&s  Homere,*  Hesiode  a  donn6  sa  gene"- 
ration  des  Dieux,  le  premier  syst&me  suivi  de  la 
mythologie  Grecque.     II  vouloit  indiquer  le  nom 
de  la  nation  sur  laquelle  ce  fits  de  1'Aurore  avoit 
re"gne.     II  nomma  les  Ethiopians  orientaux,  peu- 
pie  limitrophe  de  1'Inde,  et  situ6  aux  bords  de 
1'ocean.     Ces  Ethiopiens  ii'etoient  point  inconnus 
Homer.       ^  Homere.     II  les  connoissoit  avec  une  precision 
23.24.'        singuliere,  mais  il  ne  les  a  peints  que  sous  les  traits 
Fyth?od.6.  de  la  piete  envers  les  clieux,  de  la  simplicite  de 
Si™,  od  nioeurs,  et  d'un  extreme  eloignement  ou  le  nom  de 
NeVou'e  Troye  n'^toit  jamais  parvenu.     La  fable  de  Mem- 
v.  82.         non  reussit  tres  bien;  on  lui  trouva  bient6t  un 

Paosan.lv.   ^^    digne    d'un  tel  h^ros         $a  mQrt  ^jjt  ^  fut 

Commen-     ]e  pius  \)Q^U  des  triomphes  d'Achille.     Ce  combat 

taires  de  ^  * 

Meziriac  etoit  represent^  sur  le  fameux  coffre  des  Cypselides, 
teestfOnde,  monument  tres  ancieri  de  la  sculpture  Grecque,  et 
290. 1  P'  qui  remonte  jusqu'a  la  fin  du  huitieme  siecle  avant 
«hamlac"an  Jesus-Christ.  L'imagination  continua  toujours  a 
chronic,  p.  ensevelir  la  v6rite.  ou  du  moins  la  vraisemblance 

423—433  ... 

primitive,    sous   une   foiue  dornemens  etrangers. 
Enfin  les  antiquaircs  des  Ptol^mees  d6terrerent  en 
le  Sat!0'     Egypte  je  ne  sais  quelle  torse  rniraculeuse,  qu'ils 

Hesiod.  in 

sua  edi-  *  On  est  tr^s  peu  d'accord  sur  1'age  tTHesiode.     J'ai  suivi  le 

Velf  Pater    ca^cu^  ^e  Velleius  qui  paroit  avoir  suivi  de  tres  bons  memoires. 

i«  i»  trouverent 


SUR  LA  MONARCHIE  DES  MEDES.  89 

trouverent  a  propos  de  nommer  Memnon.  Les 
6crivainspost6rieurs,qui  semblent  avoir  perdu  Fid£e 
des  Ethiopiens  de  1'Inde,  adopterent  avidement  un 
prodige  qui  transportoit  cette  fable  dans  1'Ethiopie 
occidentale,  peut-etre  dans  1'Egypte  meme. — Mais 
je  m'arrete ;  je  n'ai  besoin  ici  que  de  connoltre  les 
sentimens  des  premiers  Grecs. 

Des  que  les  colonies  de  FAsie  mineure  avoient  v.  Mar- 

sham.  Can. 

pris  quelque  consistence  dans  leurs  nouvelles  de-  Chronic.  P. 
meures,  Fhumeur  active  et  inquiete  des  Grecs  les 
porta  a  se  r^pandre  sur  toutes  les  c6tes  de  la  M£di- 
terran£e,  et  a  fonder  des  villes  depuis  Fembouchure 
du  Tanais  jusqu'a  celle  clu  Nil.     Le  commerce,  la 
curiosite",    le   service  militaire,    Fesclavage  meme, 
auront  souvent  conduit  des  particuliers  de  la  na 
tion  dans  les  cours  de  la  haute  Asie.     Le  caractere 
national  les  suivoit  partout;  c^toit  un  gout  vif  . 
pour  les  ouvrages  de  leurs  poe'tes.  et  un  vanite"  ex- 
tr^me  qui  rapportoit  les  antiquites  de  toutes  les 
nations  a  leur  mythologie.     Par  tout  1'orient  un 
vrai  Grec  ne  cherchoit  que  les  vestiges  des  Argo- 
nautes,  de  Bacchus  et  de  Memnon.     S'il  a  cru 
trouverle  royaume  de  Memnon,  jedirai  qu'il  a  vu  un 
souverain  puissant  qui  regnoit  sur  les  Ethiopiens 
orientaux,    "et    dont   Fempire    s'etendoit   jusqu'a 
Foc£an,  j'en  conclurrai  Fexistence  de  ce  monarque,  y 
et  Ferreur  des  Grecs  m'assurera  d'une  v6rit6  histo-  helm's  EC- 
rique.     Lorsque  les  Portugais  ont  voulu  faire  du  History,  v. 
Negus  d'Abyssiiiie,  le  Pr^tre  Jean  si  pr6ne"  par  les  L 
missionnaires  Nestoriens,  on  dira  tout  ce  qu'bn 
veut  du  Pr^tre  Jean,  mais  la  m^prise  m^me  des  voi.duRe 
Portugais  m'apprend  que  dans  le  quinzi£me  siecle  Voyages 

.,     parRamu- 
lls  So, 


gO  SUR  LA  MONARCHIE  DES  MEDES. 

ils  out  trouv£  au  fond  de  1'Afrique  un  empire  puis 
sant  et  Chretien. 
Herodot.         £'est  &  Suse  qUe  les  Grecs  out  fix6  la  demeure 

Hist.  1.  v.c. 

53,54.i.vii.  de  Memnon  longtems  avant  queue  est  devenue  la 
Esch/i.  in  cap i tale  des  Rois  de  Perse.  Suse  se  nommoit  deja 
la  Ville  Memnonienne  ;  c'etoit  deja  la  denomina 
tion  par  laquelle-  les  Grecs  d^signoient  son  palais, 
sa  citadelle,  et  son  enceinte.  En  un  mot,  pour 
r£sumer  mon  argument,  je  crois  pouvoir  conclure 
que  dans  le  septieme  et  le  huitieme  siecle  avant 
J.  C.  Suse  6toit  la  capitale  d'un  empire  qui 
s'£tendoit  jusqu'a  Foce"an  et  la  frontiere  de  1'Inde; 
ct  cet  empire  ii'a  pu  etre  que  celui  des  successeurs 
cTArbace.  Cet  ^clat  de  Suse,  qui  a  pre'ce'd^  le  regne 
de  Cyrus,  nous  explique  parfaitement  la  raison 
pourquoi  cette  ville  a  partage  la  •  residence  de  ce 
prince  avec  Baby  lone  et  Agbatane. 

En  quittant  pour  quelques  instans  les  Medes  de 
Ctesias,  j'ai  essay e  d'en  prouver  Fexistence  par 
des  autorit6s  6trangeres,  et  de  remplir  en  partie  ce 
vuide  de  cent  trente  ans  qui  a  du  etre  le  moment 
le  plus  brillant  de  leur  histoire.  Je  vais  reprendre 
ce  fil  historique*que  Diodore  nous  en  a  laiss^,  mais 
qui  seroit  bien  imparfait  sans  le  secours  de  Nicolas 
de  Damas.  ,  tr^n 

Avant  i.e.  Art6e  fut  le  sixieme  roi  des  Medes.*  Je  dois  ici 
raconter  un  6v6nement,  petit  dans  son  origine, 
bisarre  par  ses  effets,  mais  dont  les  consequences 

*  Cette  histoire  se  trouve  dans  les  fragmens  de  Nicolas  d« 
Damas  tires  du  Recueil  de  Constantin  Porphyrogenete  et  publics 
par  M.  de  Valois,  p.  426—437. 

£branl£rent. 


SUR   LA    MONARCHIE    DES    MEDES.  gi 

e"branlerent,  et  enfin  renverserent  le  tr6ne  des 
Arbacides.  Parsondas,  qui  sortoit  d'une  famille 
Persanne,  se  distinguoit  parmi  les  favoris  du  roi. 
Un  choix  aussi  judicieux  faisoit  e"galement  hon- 
neur  au  maitre  et  an  sujet;  sous  les  traits  d'un 
Adonis,  Parsondas  avoit  Fame  d'un  he"ros.  Adroit 
dans  tous  ses  exercices,  infatigable  a  la  chasse, 
intre"pide  a  la  guerre,  il  sembloit  forme*  pour  la 
cour,  le  conseil,  et  le  camp.  Un  seul  vice  ternissoit 
l'e"clat  de  tant  de  vertus  :  c'etoit  1'orgueiL  Fier 
de  son  me"rite  et  de  Famiti6  du  monarque,  il  se  com- 
paroit  souvent  avec  le  Satrape  de  Babylone,  Nany 
brus,  dont  la  mollesse,  qui  surpassoit  celle  des 
femmes,  le  rendoit  indigne  de  gouverner  la  plus 
belle  province  de  Fempire.  II  la  demanda  au  roi 
pour  lui-meme.  Artee  montra  dans  cette  occasion 
une  vertu  d'autant  plus  respectable  qu'elle  est  rare 
parmi  les  souverains  Asiatiques.  II  fit  taire  I'amiti6 
pour  n'ecouter  que  les  loix.  II  respecta  les  insti 
tutions  d'Arbace,  et  ces  institutions  assuroient 
F^tat  des  satrapes.  Nanybrus  n'etoit  que  mepri- 
sable.  II  n'6toit  point  coupable.  Etonn6  d'un 
refus  auquel  il  ne  s'attendoit  pas,  Parsondas  ne  se 
rebuta  point,  mais  le  roi  opposa  aux  instances 
r£iter6es  de  son  favori  une  fermet6  qui  le  r^duisit 
enfin  au  silence.  Ces  intrigues  de  cour  parvinrent 
facilement  a  la  connoissance  de  Nanybrus.  II 
avpit  tout  a  craindre  des  importunit^s  de  son  rival. 
II  ne  lui  restoit  que  la  ressource  dangereuse  de 
prevenir  les  desseins  de  Parsondas  en  s'assurant  de 
sa  personne.  Tous  ses  orriciers,  animus  par  1'espoir 
des  recompenses,  ne  cherchoient  qu'une  occasion 

favorable, 


$2  SUR   LA    MONARCHIE    DES    MEDES. 

favorable,  lorsque  le  hazard  les  servit  mieux  que 
toute  leur  Industrie.  Parsondas,  qui  suivoit  le  roi 
a  la  chasse,  se  laissa  emporter  un  jour  a  son  ardeur, 
perdit  de  vue  toute  sa  compagnie,  et  se  trouva  vers 
le  de"clin  du  jour  aupres  d'un  endroit  ou  les  gens 
de  Nanybrus  dressoient  les  tentes  de  leur  maitre, 
et  pr^paroient  son  souper.  Des  qu'ils  appercurent 
leur  proye,  qui  se  jettoit  ainsi  dans  leurs  filets,  ils 
lui  offrirent  avec  la  politesse  la  plus  empresse"e  tous 
les  rafraichissemens,  qui  ne  pouvoient  £tre  qu'agre*- 
ables  au  chasseur  fatigu6  et  afFame\  Parsondas  se 
laissa  bient6t  vaincre*  par  la  douce  violence  des 
Babyloniens.  II  accepta  meme  un  repas  exquis 
qu'on  lui  servit.  Les  vins  les  plus  recherches 
agirent  bientot  sur  un  corps  ejchauffe  par  un  exercice 
aussi  violant,  et  le  Persan,  qui  vouloit  toujours 
monter  a  cheval  pour  rejoindre  le  roi,  fut  enfin 
convaincu  que  la  nuit  etoit  trop  avancee,  et  qu'il 
feroit  mieux  d'attendre  le  retour  du  jour  dans  les 
tentes  de  Nanybrus.  Les  belles  Babyloniennes 
qu'on  lui  pr^senta,  ne  contribuerent  pas  peu  a  cette 
resolution.  Parsondas  s'endormit  dans  les  bras  de 
1'amour.  Son  r^veil  fut  terrible.  II  se  trouva 
charg6  de  fers  et  au  pouvoir  de  son  plus  cruel 
ennemi.  Conduit  a  Babylone,  il  soutint  avec 
fermet£  les  reproches  du  satrape.  "  Jai  voulu 
t'enlever  ton  royaume  (lui  dit-il  fierement)  parce- 
qu'une  femme  n'est  pas  cligne  de  r^gner  sur  les 
hommes,  et  que  les  recompenses  de  la  vertu  ne 
sont  pas  faites  pour  les  laches."  Nanybrus  sentit 
vivement  que  son  ennemi  le  braveroit  encore  au 
milieu  de  supplices.  Par  un  raffinement  de  ven 
geance 


SUR    LA    MONARCIIIE    DES    MEDES.  93 

geance  il  preTera  de  le  laisser  vivre,  mais  de  le 
d6ppuliler  de  sa  superbe  vertu,  de  1'avilir  a  ses 
propres  yeux  et  de  jouir  de  sa  misere.  II  le  confia 
a  1'eunuque  charge  du  soin  des  clianteuses  de  son 
s£rail,  avec  un  ordre  d'habiller  en  fille  ce  jeunc 
homme,  et  d'6puiser  sur  lui  tous  les  arts  de  la 
mollesse'  Asiatique.*  L'eunuque  remplit  les 
ordres  et  les  intentions  de  son  maitre  avec  un 
succes  extraordinaire.  Parsondas  fut  force  de  s'y 
preter.  La  fraicheur  de  la  plus  belle  jeunesse 
acquit  un  nouvel  6clat;  ses  talens  se  deVelopperent; 
bient6t  cette  nouvelle  Veiius  auroit  enlev6  &  toutes 
ses  compagnes  le  prix  du  chant,  de  la  musique,  et 
m£me  de  la  beautA  Artec  fut  £tonne  de  ne  plus 
revoir  son  favori.  Les  recherches  les  plus  exactes 
furent  inutiles.  Le  roi  crut  enfin  qu'il  avoit  p£ri 
^  la  chasse ;  il  le  pleura  sept  ans ;  et  ce  secret  seroit 
mort  dans  les  obscures  profondeurs  du  s6rail  de 
Babylone  sans  rinfidelite  d'un  eunuque  qui  en 
e"toit  instruit.  Outr^  d'une  punition  qu'il  avoit 
recue,  cet  esclave  £couta  facilement  les  seductions 
de  Parsondas  qui  lui  proposa  de  se  sauverdu  palais, 
de  se  rendre  a  la  capitale,  et  d'instruire  le  roi  du 
triste  sort  de  son  ami.  Ce  prince  en  recut  la 
nouvelle  avec  une  joie  incite  d'6tonnement  et  de 
douleur.  Sur  le  champ  il  fit  partir  un  ministre 
fidele  pour  le  tirer  des  mains  de  Nanybrus.  On 

*  Nicolas  de  Damas  decrit  oes  arts.  Je  m'etonne  que  Nany 
brus  oublia  une  precaution,  avilissante  pour  son  captif,  et  neces- 
snire  pour  rassurer  la  jalousie. 

peut 


94  SUR    LA    MONARCHIE    DES    MEDES. 

peut  s'imaginer  quelle  e"toit  la  surprise  de  ce  rus6 
Babylonian.  II  assura  le  ministre  royal  qu'il  igno- 
roit  avec  le  reste  du  public  le  sort  de  Parsondas 
depuis  le  jour  qu'il  avoit  disparu.  Cette  ignorance 
pr<kendue  ne  trompa  point  le  souverain.  II  ren- 
voya  un  second  ministre  d'un  rang  tres  sup6rieur  au 
premier  avec  ordre  de  lui  retrouver  son  ami,  ou  de 
rapporter  la  tete  du  satrape  de  Babylone.  "  Plus 
de  renvois,  (lui  dit-il,)  plus  d'excuses.  S'il  balance, 
prenez-le  par  la  ceinture  et  conduisez-le  sur  le 
champ  a  la  mort."  On  reconnoit  ici  le  style  d'un 
despote,  et  le  changement  de  la  moderation  en 
fureur,  si  nature!  a  ceux  dont  on  a  me"  prise"  la  trop 
facile  bont6.  II  fallut  obeir ;  Nanybrus  promit  de 
remettre  son  prisonnier  a  I'envoy6  du  roi,  aux  yeux 
de  qui  il  n'etoit  point  embarass6  (disoit-il)  a  justifier 
tout  ce  qu'il  avoit  fait.  Le  soir  le  satrape  r6gala 
magnifiquement  le  ministre.  Cent  cinquante 
chanteuses  et  musiciemaes  egayerent  ce  festm» 
lorsque  Nanybrus,  qui  s'appercevoit  1'attention  avec 
laquelle  I'envoy6  consideroit  ce  spectacle  riant,  lui 
demanda  1'objet  de  son  choix ;  C'est  celle-la,  lui  dit 
le  ministre.  Apres  avoir  joui  quelques  instans 
d'un  embarras  qu'il  se  plaisoit  a  augmenter,  Le 
voila,  lui  dit-il,  vous  avez  cboisi  ce  Parsondas  que 
vous  cherchez.  Je  ne  de'crirai  point  I'^tonnement 
et  la  joie  qui  suivirent  cette  reconnoissance. 
Parsondas  fut  ramen6  a  Suse  ou  le  roi  faisoit  sa 
demeure  actueile.  Art^e  ne  reconnut  pas  d'abord 
cette '  chanteuse  qu'on  lui  pr^senta  a  la  place  du 
guerrier  qui  s'^toit  distingu6  a  la  tete  de  ses  armees. 

II 


SUE   LA    MONARCHIE    DES    MEDES.  $5 

11  s'etonnoit  que  ce  guerrier  n'eut  pas  preTer£  la 
mort  &  tant  d'infamie.  "  Seigneur,  (lui  re"pondit  le 
Persan,)  "  deux  idees  consolantes  m'ont  toujours 
soutenu  an  milieu  de  mes  malheurs;  l'espe"rance 
de  te  revoir  et  celle  de  me  venger  un  jour  de  mon 
lache  persecuteur.  Je  jouis  deja  de  la  premiere. 
La  justice  ne  me  trompera  point  sur  Faccomplisse- 
ment  de  la  derniere."  Le  caractere  d' Artec  le 
ramenoit  toujours  a  cet  esprit  de  moderation  dont 
il  ^  ne  s'etoit  e'carte'  qu'uii  instant.  II  renvoya 
1'examen  de  cette  affaire  importante  a  la  visite  pro- 
chaine  qu'il  faisoit  a  Babylone.  Le  Persan  atten- 
doit  avec  impatience  le  moment  de  la  vengeance, 
et  rempli  de  cet  espoir  il  reprit,  avec  les  habits  de 
son  sexe,  cet  exte*  rieur  guerrier  qu'il  avoit  perdu 
depuis  longtems.  Le  roi  les  fit  enfin  comparoitre 
devant  son  tribunal.  Parsondas  exag6ra  1'enormite' 
d'un  attentat  qui  attaquoit  sous  les  yeux  du  roi  les 
fondemens  de  la  surete  publique.  Nanybrus  fit 
valoir  la  cl^mence  avec  laquelle  il  avoit  trait£  un 
ennemi  qui  cherchoit  a  le  d^pouiller  de  ses  e"  tats  et 
de  la  vie.  Cette  cle"mence  dans  Texercice  d'un  droit 
illegitime  balancoit  encore  dans  Tesprit  d'Art6e  la 
justice  et  lamitie\  II  renvoya  au  dixieme  jour 
la  decision  finale  de  cette  affaire.  Le  satrape  de 
Babylone  profita  de  cet  intervalle  pour  faire  agir 
les  ressorts  les  plus  efficaces  dans  toutes  les  cours. 
II  s'addresse  a  1'eunuque  Mitrapherne,  un  de  ces 
favoris  domestiques  dont  I'autorite'  ne  Femporte 
que  trop  souvent  sur  celle  des  premiers  de  1'e'tat. 
Aux  pr^sens  qu'il  lui  offroit,  il  joignoit  des  dons 
immenses  pour  le  roi,  si  ce  prince  daignoit  lui 

conserver 


96  SUR    LA    MONARCHIC    DES    MEDES. 

conserver  la  vie  et  la  province  de  Babylone.*  L# 
facilit6  naturelle  d'Arte"e  ne  put  register  aux  vives 
instances  de  son  favori ;  peut-etre  fut-il  encore 
e"bloui  par  1'appas  s6ducteur  des  richesses.  Mais 
en  pardonnant  la  faute  de  Nanybrus  il  n'oublia 
point  les  mt£rets  de  Parsondas.  II  imposa  au 
premier  une  amende  de  cent  talens  en  faveur  de 
1'ofFense.  Cette  16gere  satisfaction  n'appaisa  point 
le  courroux  du  Persan,  et  les  conseils  de  1'eunuque 
ne  servirent  qu'a  1'irriter.  II  refusa  cet  or  qu'on  lui 
apportoit.  "  P£risse  le  premier  (s'e"cria-t-il  avec 
indignation)  qui  a  trouv6  ce  funeste  m6tail !  C'est 
par  lui  que  je  deviens  aujourdhui  le  jouet  d'un 
vil  Babylonien."  II  ne  rouloit  plus  dans  son  esprit 
que  des  projets  de  vengeance.  II  y  r6ussit  enfin 

Mais  nous  ignorons  de  quelle  facon  il 

y  r6ussit.  L'Extrait  de  Nicolas  de  Damas,  que 
nousavons  suivi  jusqu'ici,  esttir6du  livre  des  Vices 
et  des  Vertus  du  grand  Recueil  de  Constantin  Por- 
phyrog6n£te;  mais  le  compilateur  nous  renvoie 
pour  la  suite  de  cette  aventure  au  livre  des  Strata- 
gemes,  et  ce  livre  n'est  plus.  M.  de  Valois  a  d^terre* 
fort  heureusement  une  citation  de  Suidas  qui  nous 
permet  de  continuer  le  fil  de  Fhistoire,  mais  ce 
lexicographe,  qui  par  gout  et  par  etat  pr6f<6roit  les 

*  II  achetoit  la  faveur  de  1'eunuque  avec  dix  talens  d'or, 
cent  talens  d'argent;  dix  gobelets  d'or,  deux:  cens  d'argent;  et 
beaucoup  de  vestes  precieuses,  II  offroit  au  roirent  talens  d'or^ 
mille  d'argent;  cent  gobelets  d'or,  trois  cens  d'argent,  et  une 
garderobe  prodigieuse.  Le  seul  argent  monnoye  de  ces  presens 
(y  compris  le  cent  talens  d'amende)  se  montoient  &  pres  de  six 
cens  mille  livres  sterling ;  £592,  689  selon  les  principes  du  savant 
Ev6que  Hooper.  V.  Inquiry  into  the  state  of  Ancient  Measures, 
&c.  in  8vo.  London,  1721. 

mots 


SUR    LA    MONARCHfE    DES    MEDES.  97 

mots  aux  idees,  n'a  rapporte  ici  qu'un  sens  obscur 
et  imparfait.  II  y  paroit  cependant  que  Parsondas 
(qui  aura  tromp6  ses  ennemis  par  une  reconciliation 
simule"e)  invita  le  Satrape  Nanybrus  et  1'Eunuque 
Mitrapherne  a  un  repas  .qu'il  leur  donna  chez  lui ; 
qu'il  enfcrma  sans  bruit  les  portes  sur  leur  suite ;  et 
que,  dans  les  exces  d'une  debauche  a  laquelle  il 
encourageoit  ses  convives,  Parsondas  se  m6nagea 
toujours  avec  art,  et  ne  buvoit  qu'avec  moderation. 
C'est  aiious  a  supplier  le  reste ;  mais  le  caractere  de 
Parsondas  et  les  consequences  de  sa  vengeance 
me  persuadent  qu'elle  fut  sanglante,  et  que  Nany 
brus  et  Mitrapherne  en  furent  les  victimes. 

Diodore  de  Sicile  ne  s'6toit  point  arret£  sur  la 

.,  ,..  .  _. .  .      Sicul.  1.  ii. 

premiere  partie  de  cette  mstoire  singuliere,  mais  P.  145. 
nous  luidevons  la  connoissance  de  son  denouement. 
C'est  lui  seul  que  je  suivrai  d£sormais.  Parsondas 
avoit  satisfait  a  sa  juste  fureur,  mais  il  craignoit  la 
s6v^rit6  des  loix  et  la  colere  d\m  maitre  irrit6.  II 
assembla  promptement  mille  cavaliers  et  trois  inille 
fantassins ;  et  se  retira  avec  ce  corps  tout  d6voue" 
a  sa  fortune,  dans  le-pays  des  Carduches.  Ces 
peuples  habitoient  les  montagnes  situ^es  entre 
1'Assyrie  et  TArmenie.  Ce  pays,  fortifie  par  la  na 
ture,  lui  paroissoit  un  sur  asyle.  Mais  peu  content 
d'etre  mis  a  convert  des  poursuites  d' Artec,  il 
voulut  encore  punir  ce  foible  prince,  qui  avoit  pr6- 
f6re  un  eunuque  a  un  ami  tel  que  lui.  Parsondas 
s'e"tablit  bient6t  dans  sa  retraite  par  une  alliance 
qu'il  con tracta. avec  la  maison  d'uii  des  chefs  des 
Carduches.  Ses  intrigues  r6unirent  les  tribus  divi-  L.ii.p.i4r, 
sees,  son  indignation  centre  .les  Medes  passa  dans 

VOL.  III.  H  tOUS 


0,8  &Tft    £A    MONARCHIC    £>£S 

tous  les  coeurs,  et  la  nation  entiere,  toujours  enne-< 
mie  du  repos,  ne4  craignit  point  de  declarer  la  guerre 
au  Grand  Roi.  Le  feu  de  la  reVolte  se  repandit 
peut-£tre  dans  toutes  les  montagnes  de  l'Arme"nie 
et  des  provinces  limitrophes.  Je  le  soupconne,  sur 
le  nombre  de  200,000  hommes  qui  coururent  aux 
drapeaux  de  Parsondas,  et  qui  me  parolt  trop  fort 
pour  un  pays  sterile  qui  n'avoit  que  sept  journees 
Xenophdnt.  de  largeui.  Cette  armee,  toute  nombreuse  qu'elle 
Uvabp.S284.  &oit,  paroissoit  encore  bien  foible  centre  une  mul 
titude  de  800,000  hommes,  qu'Arte"e  rassembla 
dans  I'etendue  de  son  empire  pour  marcher  i 
leur  tete  contre  les  rebelles;  mais  la  nature  du 
pays,  theatre  de  la  guerre,  oftroit  a  chaque  in 
stant  des  ressources  que  Parsondas  ne  negligea 
point.  Les  Carduches  se  trouvpient  partout,  dans 
les  d6fil6s,  et  sur  les  bords  des  pre"cipice&  dont  ce 
pays,  qu'ils  connoissoient  parfaitement,  ^toit  h6- 
risse".  De  ces  postes  avantageux  ils  ecrasoient 
leurs  ennemis  par  les  rochers  6normes  qu'ils  leur 
rquloient  sur  la  t^te,  ou  ils  les  percoient  ^  travers 
leurs  boucliers  et  cuirasses  avec  ces  fleches  longues 
de  deux  coud6es  qu'ils  tiroient  avec  une  force  et 
une  adresse  inconcevable.  A  chaque  pas  il  falloit 
recommencer  un  combat  toujours  in^gal  pour  une 
arme"e  accabl^e  de  ses  propres  forces  et  retard^e 
par  tout  1'attirail  du  luxe  Asiatique.  Un  g6n6ral 
assez  adroit  pour  surmonter  tous  ces  obstacles  ne 
voit  plus  d'ennemis.  Les  retraites  souterraines 
des  bar  bares  lui  sont  mconnues.  La  nature  ac- 
corde  a  peine  a  ces  tristes  contr^es  quelques  fruits 
sauvages.  S'il  ose  s'srreter  dans  ces  montagnes, 

un 


SUR    LA    MOtfAUCHIE    DES    MEDES.  <$ 

un  hiver  encore  plus  rigoureux  dans  un  pays  qui 
n'a  point  de  bois,  acheve  bientdt  1'ouvrage  de  la 
faim.  Une  retraite  paisible  devient  sa  seule  espe"- 
rance.  Heureux  si  elle  lui  est  encore  permise. 
Darius,  Xe'nophon,  et  Artaxerxe  eprouverent  ces  fo 
difficuite"s  qu'  Artec  avoit  e'prouve'es  avant  eux.  II  e™e-  Xen°- 

.    .  .  phon. 

se  retira  avec  la  honte  de  sa  deYaite  et  la  perte  cle  Anabasis. 
50,000  hommes  de  ses  meilleures  troupes.    Parson-  —284. 
das  profita  de  sa  victoire  pour  faire  des  courses 
dans  les  provinces  encore  sujettes  a  1'einpire.     Le  ^or< 
reste  de  sa  vie  ne  fut  rempli  que  ties  avantages  i.  H.p.i47. 
journaliers   qu'il  remportoit   sur   les  Medes.     Ce 
guerrier  mourut  dans  une  vieillesse  assez  avance"e 
au  milieu  des  regrets  d'une  nation  qui  le  regardoit 
comme  son  libe'rateur.     II  exhorta  ses  successeurs 
a  suivre  son  exemple,  et  a  faire  passer  a  la  poste- 
rit6  son  amour  pour  la  libert£  et   sa   haine  des 
Medes.     Jamais  les  demieres  volonte's  d\m  prince 
n'ont  e"t6  plus  religieusement  observees,  mais  aussi 
janiais  prince  n'en  donna  de  plus  conformes  au  gc- 
iiie  de  sa  nation. 

Tout  ce  reVit  me  montre  assez  clairement  que 
1'empire  des  Arbacides  conserva  son  premier  e*clat 
jusqu'a  la  r^volte  de  Parsondas.  Les  armies  nom- 
breuses  d'Art^e,  les  richesses  et  la  magnificence  de 
ses  vassaux,  et  Tautorit6  despotique  qu'il  exercoit  a 
leur  6gard ;  tout  m'annonce  dans  sa  personne  un 
monarque  souverain  de  TAsie.  Mais  la  reVolte  de 
Parsondas  etoit  propre  a  faire  naitre  partout  des 
sentimens  d'independance?  et  les  deTaites  honteuses 
et  r6it6r6es  d'Art6e  avilissoient  la  majest^  du  tr6ne, 
d^couvroient  tons  les  vices  du  gouvernement,  et 

H  2  divi- 


100  SUR   XA    MONARCHIE    DES    MEDES. 

divisoient  les  forces  de  Fe"tat.  N'est  il  pas  permis 
de  croire  que  cette  reVolte  brisa  le  joug  que  des 
satrapes  puissans  eteloigne"s  supportoient  a  regret  ? 
et  lorsque  nous  retrouvons  des  fois  d'Assyrie  et  de 
Babylone  sous  le  regne  d'Art6e,  ne  peut-on  pas  con- 
jecturer  qu'ils  £toknt  du  nombre  de  ces  satrapes 
ambitieux?  . 
Arant  c.  ]  Tous  les  savans  ont  conside*re  avec  raison  1'ere 

747.    • 

de  Nabonassar  comme  une  de  ces  6poques  precieu- 
ses  qui  lient  1'histoire  de  la  terre  avec  celle  des 
cieux,  et  qui  en  assurent  par  ce  moyen  la  certitude. 
Elle  nous  est  encore  plus  utile  pour  la  chronologic 
Orientale,  puisqu'elle  sert  de  base  au  canon  astro- 
nomiquede  Ptole'me'e,  qui  contient  une  suite  exacte 
et  non-interrompue  des  rois'de  Babylone,  de  Perse, 
d'Egypte,  et  des  empereurs  Romains,  depuis  le  com 
mencement  du  regne  de  Nabonassar  le  26  FeVrier" 
v.  Scaiiger.  avant  J.  C.  747.  Cette  liste  estaussi  de'nue'e  de  faits, 
dat.Tem-  qu'cllc  est  fournic  de  caracteres  chronologiques. 
p?39i.v'  Le  Syncelle  cependant  nous  apprend  (je  ne  sais  par 
quel  droit)  que  Nabonassar  fit  bruler  tous  les  anci- 
ens  livres  et  qu'il  tacha  d'eteindre  la  memoire  de 
ses  pr£d6cesseurs.  Ce  fait  n'est  vraisemblable  que 
du  fondateur  d'une  dynastic  nouvellc,  et  son  ere, 
qui  n'est  certainementpas  un  p6riode  astronomique, 
confirmeroit  assez  cette  idee.  Elle  a  du  moins  assez 
:  %  d'apparence  pour  donner  quelque  avantage  au  sys* 
teme  qui  rend  raison  de  ce  nouveau  royaume  de 
Babylone.  M.  de  Bougainville  avoit  pr6vu  cet 
avantage.  Je  tache  de  suivre  les  traces  des  id£es, 
qu'il  s'est  content^  de  montrer  de  loin,  mais  je  sens 
ici  qu'il  %  vu  quelque  chose  de  plus  que  moiy  et  que 


SUR    LA    MONARCHIE    DES    MEDES.  101 

je  voudrois  voir  aussi.  II  n'auroit  pas  surement 
conjecture  que  Nabonassar  £toit  lils  de  Nanybrus, 
qu'il  ne  pardonnoit  point  a  Art£e  la  mort  de  son 
pere,  et  que  ce  prince  subit  le  sort  commun  de 
ceux  qui  choisissent  les  partis  mitoyensr — Non — 
M.  de  Bougainville  n'^crivoit  pas  un  roman.  Un 
critique  judicieux  respecte  toujours  ces  bornes  qui 
s^parent  la  conjecture  permise  de  la  supposition 
arbitraire;  bornes  sacre"es,  quedes  mains  te'me'raires 
ont  tant  de  fois  arrachees.  Les  loix  de  la  critique 
m'autorisent  seulement  a  soupconner  que  Nabo 
nassar,  successcur  de  Nanybrus,  mais  d'un  caractere 
bien  different,  profita  habiietnent  de  la  confusion 
ou  la  re"  volte  de  Parsondas  avoit  jette  1'empire 
Mede,  pour  en  demembrer  la  grande  satrapie  de 
Babylone,  et  pour  y  fonder  un  royaume  indepen- 
dant  qui  ne  futd&ruit  que  par  lesconquetes  de  Cy 
rus.  Pendant  longtems  ce  royaume  languissoit 
dans  1'oubli ;  dans  le  terns  me'me  que  la  nouvelle 
dynastic  Assyrieiuie  remplissoit  1'Asie  du  bruit  de 
ses  exploits,  celle  de  Babylone  n'opposoit  a  sa 
grandeur  renaissante  qu'une  vaine  jalousie  et  des 
n6gociations  frivoles.  Les  discordes  civiles  ct  un 
trdne  mal-assure  aifoiblissoient  peut-etre  les  forces 
cle  la  monarchic.  J'en  juge  sur  les  deux  inter- 
regnes,  et  les  onze  regnes  qui  remplissent  les  soix- 
ante-six  premieres  anne'es  du  Canon  de  Ptol^m^e: 
Dans  unesuccession  aussi rapide  j'entrevois  des  tra- 
hisons,  des  conjurations,  des  massacres, 

et  infidos  agitans  Discordia  fratres. 

Mais  ^enfin  deux  grands  rois  connurent  les 
forces  de  Babylone  et  les  firent  sentiv  ^  1'Asie. 
Nabuchodonosor  recula  les  bornes  de  ses  £tats  Avant  c 

,  607. 

H  3  jusquaux 


Avant  C. 
713. 


102  SUR  LA  MONARCHIE  DES  MEDES. 

jusqu'aux  extreinites  de  FOrient,  et  par  un  sort 
assez  commun  les  successeurs  d'Arbace  devin- 
rent  les  vassaux  de  leurs  esclaves  re"  volte's.  Dans 
tout  ce  periode,  Babylone  itoit  le  centre  des  sci 
ences,  des  arts,  du  commerce  et  du  luxe.  On  y 
voyoit  regrier  des  moeurs  douces  et  des  loix  sages. 
J'invite  ceux  qui  ont  quelque  gout  pour  la  philo- 
—  sophie  de  1'histoire  a  lire  la  description  qu'  H£rodote 
nous  a  laiss^e  de  Babylone,  de  ses  ouvrages,  et  de 
ses  habitaris.  Au  lieu  de  ce  faiseur  de  contes  qu'on 
leur  a  si  souvent  annonce",  ils  seront  ^tonnes  d'y 
trouver  un  observateur  dont  le  coup  d'ceil  pe'ne'trant 
et  juste  ne  voit  que  les  grands  objets,  qui  les  voit 
de  sang-froid,  et  qui  les  peint  avec  chaleur. 

2.  Le  Chretien  doit  un  respect  aveugle  aux  livres 
saints  qui  renferment  le  depot  de  la  foi.  Le  cri 
tique  e*clair6  mais  profane  doit  pilferer  leur  t6moi- 
gnage  des  aifaires  d'orient  a  celui  des  premiers  his- 
toriens  de  la  Grece.  Les  Juifs  ont  sur  eux  Favan- 
tage  cle  la  proximite  des  terns  et  des  lieux,  la  con- 
formite'  de  langue,  et  la  liaison  intime  qui  subsiste 
entre  1'esclave  et  le  maitre.  L'envie  extreme  qu'ont 
eu  la  plupart  des  chronologistes,  de  concilier  Ctesias 
avec  FEcriture,  a  produitmille  hypotheses  forcees  et 
arbitraires,  qui  de"figurent  1'une  et  1'autre,  en  vou- 
lant  les  expliquer.  Le  Chevalier  Newton,  qui 
n'avoit  que  trop  6tudie  les  prophetes,  a  tir£  de  leurs 
Merits  aussi  bien  que  des  livres  historiques,  Tidee 
simple  et  naturelle  de  la  monarchic  Assyrienne  telle 
que  les  Juifs  1'ont  connue  sous  les  successeurs  de 
Antc.sso.  David.  Vers  Tan  830  avant  J.  C.  Fautorite  du 
Roi  cle  Nineve  ne  s'6tendoit  qu'aux  environs  de  sa 

capitale. 


SUflL  £A  MONARCHIE  DES  MEDES.  103 

capitale.     Cette  capitale  ne  contenoit  que  120,000 

habitans,   et  la  foiblesse  de  ce  petit  royaume  ne 

lui  rencloit  les  menaces  de  Jonas  que  trop  vraisem- 

blables.     Vers  Fan  770,  Pul,  roi  d'Assyrie,  soumit  Ant. c.  770. 

les  provinces  voisines,  et  se  rnontra  le  premier  en 

deca  de  1'Euphrate.     Le  royaume  de  Damas  tomba  Ant.c.74o. 

sous  les  armes  de  Tiglath-Pelassar ;    celui  de  Sa- 

marie  fut  detruit  par  Salmaneser,      Sennacherib  Am.c.rss. 

lie'rita  des  6tats  et  de  Tambition  de  ses  peres.     Fier 

de  leurs  succes  il  attaqua  a  la  fois  la  Jud^e  et 

I'Eo'ypte.     Un  revers  terrible  et  subit  fit  echouer  Ant, c.  710. 

&1'  r  V.  Pri- 

tous  ses  desseins.     Les  Egyptians  et  les  Juifs  se  deal's 
clisputent  la  destruction  de  son  arme"e  au  nom  de  v.T'^ip"' 
leurs  clieux  respectifs.     Cette  histoire  entre  sans  Perodot  '• 

•*•  11.   C»    J  T*l»  j 

peine  dans  le  systeme  que  j'adopte.  Arbace,  qui 
laisse  subsister  les  dynastes  de  Nineve,  leur  permet 
bient6t  de  r^tablir  leur  ville.  La  puissance  des 
Medes  decline,  celle  de  Nineve  se  renouvelle.  Elle 
remet  sous  ses  loix  une  partie  de  son  ancien  patri- 
moine.  Elle  brille  quelques  instans.  Mais  les 
effets  ruineux  de  cette  splendeur  passagere  ne  font 
que  hater  sa  destruction.  H^rodote  lui-m^me 
nous  confirme  un  trait  de  cette  histoire;  c'est  le 
regne  et  la  defaite  de  Sennacherib.  Lorsqivil  ap- 
pelle  ce  monarque  Roi  des  Assyriens  et  des  Arabes, 
il  nous  indique  une  des  principales  causes  de  la 
grandeur  nouvelle  de  Nineve.  Ses  princes  surent 
re"unir  sous  leurs  drapeaux  un  grand  nombre  des 
tribus  Arabes.  En  un  mot  mon  systeme  me  per 
met  cTadopter  le  troisi&me  chapitre  de  Newton 
presqu'en  son  entier;  s'il  veut  me  permettre  d'ap-  Chronology 
peller  renouvellement,  ce  qu'il  regarde  comme  le  Ki^om"1, 

H4  premier  P-266"294- 


104  SUR  LA  MONARCHIE  DES  MEDES. 

premier  etablissement  de  1'empire  Assyrian.  Le 
silence  de  1'Ecriture  ne  me  le  defend  point.  Le 
royaume  de  Damas,  fond6  du  terns  de  David,  for- 
moit  une  barriere  entre  la  Jud6e  et  1'Assyrie  que 
les  foibles  'predecesseurs  de  Sardanapale  n'essayoient 
jamais  de  briser.  Sur  les  siecles  ante'rieurs  nous 
n'avons  rien  que  le  livre  des  Juges,  abrege  fidele 
inais  imparfait;  son  temoignage  est  d'un  grand 
poids,  mais  on  ne  pent  rien  conclurre  de  son  silence. 
L'ind6pendance  des  rois  de  Nineve  et  de  Baby- 
tone  remonte  jusqu'au  regne  d'Arte"e,  sixieme  roi 
des  Mecles.  Nous  avons  fixe"  l'6poque,  et  devine' 
Toccasion  de  leur  revolte.  II  y  cut  sans  doute 
plusieurs  autres  satrapes  qui  profiterent  des  vic- 
toires  de  Parsondas.  J'oserois  nommer  ceux  de 
I'Arme'me,  du  Pont  et  de  la  Cappadoce.  II  semble 
que  vers  le  ni^me  terns  une  nation  Scythique  tres 
nombreuse,  que  les  Persans  ont  nomme  Saques, 
s'est  6tabli  en  deca  cle  1'Oxus,  et  que  la  Perse  a 
beaucoup  souifert  des  ravages  de  ces  barbares. 
J'ai  promis  de  ne  me  point  servir  des  details  qui  se 
sont  conserves  de  la  dynastie  des  Pischadiens.  Un 
critique  plus  harcli  que  moi  feroit  sentir  que  sous 
ie  ree-ne  de  Manou^eher.  sixieme  roi  de  la  pre- 

Orientale,  &  .&  '  f 

au  mot  Ma-  miere  race,  les  provinces  de  1  Occident  et  de  1  orient 

5sof  (   }*  se  sont  revoltees,  et  que  les  successeurs  de  ce  prince 

n'ont  regn6  que  sur  les  pays  places  entre  ces  deux 


A.  c.  738.  Le  regne  d'Artynes,  successeur  d'  Artec,  fut  de 
vingt-deux  ans.  L'histoire  n'en  a  point  conserve" 
les  eVe"nemens,  mais  la  chronologic  y  fixe  1'epoque 
de  Dejoces;  et  nous  laisse1  entre  voir  combien  la 

dynastie 


SUR  LA  MONARCHIE  DES  MEDES.  105 

dynastic  des  Arbacides  perdoit  tous  les  jours  de 
son  ancienne  grandeur. 

Astibaras,   huitifeme  successeur  d'Arbace,    oc-  A.  c.  roe. 
cupa  le  tr6ne  de  Suse  quarante  ans.     Son  r£gne 
fut  distingue"  par  la  r^volte  des  Parthes,  nation  P'0^-.. 

blCUl.    1.   11. 

belliqueuse  et  inconstante,  qui  conservoit  trop  bien  P.  147, 148. 
I'ide'e  de  son  origine  Scythique  pour  ne  pas  pre"- 
f£rer  la  domination  des  Saques  a  celle  des  Medes. 
Cette  defection  causa  une  guerre  sanglante  entre 
les  deux  empires,  qui  fit  r6pandre  tres  inutilement 
bcaucoup  de  sang,  et  qui  finit  enfin  par  l'£puise- 
ment  des  deux  partis.  Le  traite"  de  paix  rendit 
les  Parthes  a  leurs  anciens  maitres,  et  les  deux 
nations  se  j'urferent  une  ainitie"  £temelle.  Cette 
guerre,  qui  ressemble  a  ,tant  d'autres,  ne  sert  qu'a 
nous  faire  connoitre  les  forces  qui  restoient  encore 
au  tr6nc  chancelant  de  Suse.  Diodore  de  Sicile 
nous  a  conserve*  le  caractere  inteiessant  de  la  sou- 
veraine  qui  re"gnoit  alors  sur  les  Saques:  elle 
s'appelloit  Zarine.*  Avant  son  r£gne  sa  nation 
e*toit  le  me'pris  de  ses  voisins.  Elle  en  devint  la 
terreur.  Sa  force  et  sa  valeur  6tonnoient  ccs  bar- 
bares,  parmi  qui  une  Education  rude,  et  des  tra- 
vaux  perp^tuels  6galisoient  les  deux  sexes.  Mais 
des  vertus  inconnues  dans  ces  climats  les  £ton- 
nfcrent  bien  davantage.  Elle  adoucit  les  moeurs 
de  ses  sujets.  Des  villes  florissantes  s'61ev^rent 
sous  ses  auspices,  et  les  Saques  £prouverent  pour 
la  premiere  fois  les  douceurs  de  la  paix  et  des  arts. 

Les  mots  de  Czar  et  de  Czarine  appartiennent  aux  langues  Voltaire 

Hist,  de 
Pierre  I.  t. 
La   1.  P.  63. 


106  SUR  LA  MONARCHIE  DES  MEDES. 

La  reconnoissance  £ternelle  de  son  peuple,  un  torn- 
beau  superbe,  et  des  honneurs  divins  furent  la  re 
compense  de  ces  bienfaits,  Telle  fut  Zarine.  Ce 
point  de  vne  sous  lequel  nous  1'avons  consider^  est 
8Tand  sans  ^tre  romancsquc,  Je  rougis  d'y  meler 
une  intrigue  amoureuse  sur  laquelle  Ctesias  s'est 
436-440.  6tendu  avec  la  complaisance  d'un  rhe'teur  Grec,  et 
vuaTes.°p.s'  que  M.  Boivin  1'aine  nous  a  donnee  de  nouveau 
^ans  un  sty^e  precieux  et  cligne  du  grand  Sender! 


]ui-meme.     La  voici  cependant  en  pen  de  mots. 

ture,  t.  ii.  p. 

64—80.  Stryangee,  gendre  d'Astibaras,  commandoit  les 
arme'es  Medes  dans  la  guerre  contre  les  Saques, 
Dans  une  bataille  il  sauva  la  vie  a  Zarine.  Us 
s'aimerent.  Apres  la  guerre  ils  se  virent  a  la  capi- 
tale  cles  Saques;  mais  le  Mede  amoureux  exigea 
un  prix  de  ses  services  que  la  princesse,  aussi  ver^ 
tueuse  qu'elle  6toit  belle,  ne  voulut  jamais  lui  ac- 
corder.  Stryangee  se  livra  a  son  desespoir,  lui 
^crivit  ses  derniers  reproches,  et  se  tua.  Get 
amour  de  romans,  Stranger  aux  moeurs  de  1'orient, 
a  rarement  decid6  des  6v6nemens  de  la  politique, 
et  du  destin  des  grands  bommes.  La  gloire,  1'in- 
t^ret,  la  vertu  quelquefois  ;  voila  leurs  tyrans.  Le 
Dieu  de  1'amour  se  retire,  en  soupirant,  .a  1'oisivetd 
d'une  vie  obscure  et  priv6e. 

Diodor?6'  Astibaras  laissa  le  tr6ne  des  Medes  a  son  fils 
sicui.  i.  ii.  Aspadas.  Si  nous  en  croyons  Diodore,  ce  prince 
n'est  pas  different  d'Astyage,  1'ayeul  du  grand  Cy 
rus.  Mais  il  paroit  que  Diodore  n'a  cherche  ici 
qu'a  concilier  deux  auteurs,  qu'il  entendoit  mal, 
et  que  cette  identit6  pretendue  n'est  point  appuy^e 
sur  I'autorite  de  Ctesias.  Cet  historien,  qui  sui- 

voit 


SUR    LA    MONARCHIE    DES    MEDES.  107 

voit  une  ortographe  differente  de  celle  des  Grecs, 
a  l^gard  clu  nom  d'Astyage,  ne  s'en  6cartoit  ce- 
pendant  qu'en  le  nommant  Astiagas.  Dans  notre  Phot.  BIH. 
systeme  le  regne  d'Aspadas  a  pr6c6de*  de  106  ans, 
celui  de  Cyrus.  II  semble  que  1'historien  n'a 
compte  1'existence  des  e"  tats  que  par  leur  grandeur,  et 
qu'il  de"daignoit  de  con  tinner  une  suite  de  rois  dont 
le  lustre  s'e"clipsoit  tons  les  jours  devant  la  dynastic 
yiaissante  d'Agbatane.  Je  vais  y  porter  toute  moil 
attention ;  sans  perdre  de  vue  ces  rois  d'Elam  ou 
de  Suse  dans  lesquels  je  retrouve  toujours  les  suc- 
cesseurs  d'Arbace.* 

C'est  ici  qu'Herodote  va  nous  tenir  lieu  de 
Ctesias.  Une  curiosite*  insatiable  avoit  conduit  cet 
historien  aux  extremes  dc  TAsie  :  il  a  interrog6 
toutes  les  nations  sur  leur  origine  et  leur  histoire ; 
ses  Merits  soiit  encore  le  de*p6t  pre"cieux  de  leurs 
traditions,  de  leurs  fables  et  de  leurs  pre'juge's. 


*  Je  clois  une  explication  generale  au  lecteur.  Tout  ce  sys- 
teme,  je  le  regarde  com  me  assez  vraisemblable.  Mais  j'y  dis 
tingue  tres  clairement  plusieurs  degres  de  vraisemblances,  qui 
vont  en  diminuaot.  Les  voici  tels  qu'ils  se  soiit  places  dans  mon 
esprit.  1.  Vers  Tan  900,  Arbace,  general  des  Medes,  fonda  un 
empire  tres  puissant  dans  la  haute  Asiesur  les  debris  de  celui  .des 
Assyrians.  Cet  empire  s'affoiblit  vers  Tan  750  ;  cent  ans  apres, 
il  ne  meritoit  plus  d'attention  des  historiens.  2.  Cette  dynastic 
Mede  dc  Ctesias,  est  la  race  Pischadienne  des  Persans.  3.  Suse 
etoit  la  capitale  de  cet  empire,  que  les  Grecs  ont  nomme  Mem- 
nonien.  4.  II  se  reduisit  enfin  au  royaume  d'Elam  ou  de  Suse; 
tributaire  des  Babyoniens  selon  TEcriture  et  Xenophon*  Si  Ton 
craint  d'adopter  ces  dernieres  consequences,  on  peut  s'arreter  k 
la  troisieme,  alaseconde,  ou  meme  a  la  premiere  qui  a  prete  aux 
autres  plus  de  forces  qu'elles  n'en  refoit. 

Yoici 


108  SUE    LA    MONARCHIE    DES    MEDES. 

Voici  les  ide"es  qu'il  nous  alaissees  de  la  formation 
Herodot.     de  la  monarchic  des  Medes:  "  Les  Assyriens  (dit  il) 

lie  9£) 

•  e"toient  maltres  de  la  haute  Asie,  depuis  cinq  cens 
vingt  ans,  lorsque  les  Medes  donnerent  les  premiers 
1'exemple  de  la  revoke.  Leur  liberte"  fut  le  prix 
•de  plus  d'une  victoire,  mais  cette  liberte*  ne  fut 
pour  eux  qu'une  licence  effrenee,  ou  plutot  qu'une 

c.  96.  anarchic  sans  loix  et  sans  magistrate ;  dans  laquejle 
personne  n'e*  toit  ind£pendant  parceque  chacun  vou- 
loit  1'etre.  Partout  la  violence  fouloit  aux  pieds 
la  timide  e'quite',  et  Fliomme  rendu  a  sa  premiere 
6galite,  apprit  qu'un  maitre  est  pour  lui-mchiie  un 
^frein  n6cessaire.  Des  talens  extraordinaires  atti- 
roient  seuls  un  hommage  volontaire.  La  jeunesse 
obeissoit  a  ce  chef,  parcequ'il  s'etoit  deja  distingue 
a  leur  t^te ;  les  particuliers  soumettoisnt  leurs  dif- 
f^rens  a  la  decision  de  cet  autre  vieillard,  dont  ils 
r6v^roient  la  vertu  et  I'exp^rience.  Dejoce  se 
distinguoit  parmi  ces  derniers.  Sa  voix  sembloit 
etre  1'organe  de  la  justice.  Bientot  sa  reputation 
franchit  les  limites  du  canton  qu'il  habitoit.  De 
tous  c6tes  on  voyoit  accourir  les  Medes  a  son  tri 
bunal.  Sans  force,  sans  licteurs,  il  6toit  devenu 
Funique  juge  de  la  nation.  Cet  homme  habile, 
qui  cachoit  sous  une  simplicite  apparente -une  am 
bition  extreme,  sentit  sans  peine  combien  il  ^toit 

Herodot.  n^cessaire  a  ses  compatriotes.  Pour  leur  faire  con- 
noitre  un  bien  par  sa  privation,  il  se  de"robe  tout 
d'un  coup  aux  importunit^s  des  plaideurs,  quil'ac- 
cabloient  (disoit-il)  d'affaires,  qui  lui  etoient  6tran- 
geres.  La  retraite  d'un  seul  homme  d^chaine  de 
nouveau  la  licence  et  le  crime.  Une  assemblee 

ge"  lie*  rale 


SUR   LA    MONARCHIE    DES    MEDES.  109 


fut  enfin  convoqu^e,  pour  d£couvrir  un 
remede  efficace  aux  maux  qu'on  ne  pouvoit  plus 
enclurer.  Tout  se  disposoit  a  une  revolution,  et  les 
amis  de  Dejoce  paroissoient  ceux  de  la  nation, 
lorsqu'ils  proposerent  l'election  d'un  roi,  dont  le  . 
regne  ne  seroit  que  celui  des  loix.  Ce  conseil  fut 
recuavec  1'acclamation  g^n^rale  de  1'assembiee;  et 
Dejoce  consentit  enfin  a  se  charger  du  fardeau  pe-  c.  98. 
sant  de  la  royaute.  II  fonda  la  ville  d'Agbatane,  de-  c.  99. 
fend  ue  par  sept  enceintes,  qui  s'elevoient  les  unes  au- 
clessus  des  autrcs.  Ce  fut  dans  la  derniere  que  ce 
prince  etablit  son  sejour.  Pendant  un  long  regne 
decinquante-trois  ans,  les  Medes  ne  le  voyoient  plus  ; 
mais  son  esprit  actif  et  £clair6  sembloit  etre  present 
partout,  et  animoit  toutes  les  parties  de  son  gou- 
vernement.  Un  pareil  systeme  de  politique  n'est  pas 
celui  d'un  conqu^rant.  Dejoce  ne  le  fut  point.  II  c.  too. 
ne  laissa  a  son  fils  Phraorte  que  des  peuples  que  le  c.  101, 
respect  et  Famour  lui  avoient  soumis.  Us  6toient 
partag^s  en  six  tribus  :  les  Buzae,  Paretaceni,  Stu- 
chates,  Arizanti,  Budii  et  Magi."  Voila  1'abr^ge 
du  r£cit  d'H^rodote,  pur  et  sans  melange  etranger. 
Avant  que  de  prononcer  sur  le  systeme  d'un  auteur 
il  fautl'etudier  en  lui-m^me;  maximeassez  simple, 
mais  qu'on  a  rarement  suivie.  Qu'il  me  soit  per- 
mis  a  present  d'y  joindre  quelques  reflexions. 

1.  H^rodote  n'a  point  mdique"  la  dur^e  de  cet 
£tat  d'anarchie  parmi  les  M&des.  II  doit  avoir  fini 
par  l'election  de  Dejoce  1'an  710  avant  J.  C. 
mais  nous  n'avons  rien  qui  nous  aide  a  fixer  le 
terme  auquel  il  a  commence.  Dans  cet  extrait 
infidele,  que  Diodore  nons  a  Iaiss6  du  systeme 

d'Herodote, 


110  SU&    LA    MOXARCHIE    DES    MEDES, 

d'He"rodote,  il  accorde  a  cette  autonomie  une  dure"6 
de  plusieurs  generations  :  les  critiques  modernes, 
aussi  avares  du  tems  que  les  anciens  en  6toient  pro- 
n-  digues,  Font  extremement  re"tre"ci.  Usserius  r6- 
duit  cet  interregne  a  trente-sept  ans,  et  Prideaux  lui 
assigne  a  peine  une  annee  entiere.  Le  calcul  de 
™i.i,p.2o.  Diodore  n'est  fond6  que  sur  un  sort  de  convenance. 
Le  recit  d'Herodote  le  remplit  tres  bien  et  paroit 
meme  Fexiger.  Ceux  qui  cherchent  a  concilier 
cet  historien  avec  son  rival  Ctesias,  doivent  trouver 
ici  leur  point  de  reunion.  II  n'est  pas  difficile  a  le 
saisir.  Cet  Arbace,  destructeur  de  1'empire  de  Ni- 
neve,  aura  suivi  dans  toutes  scs  actions  cet  esprit 
de  moderation  qui  le  distingue  de  tous  les  usurpa- 
teurs.  II  aura  accord^  a  ses  compatriotes  la  liberte*, 
digne  prix  de  ce  sang  qu'ils  avoient  vers6  pour  le 
placer  sur  le  tr6ne  de  1'Asie.* 

2.  Si  nous  joignons  aux  lumieres  de  la  critique, 
la  connoissaiice  de  1'homme,  nous  verrons  sans 
peine  qu'un  vaste  pays  tel  que  la  M^die,  n'a  jamais 
pu  rentrer  dans  l'6tat  de  la  nature  apres  avoir  port^ 
pendant  plus  de  cinq  siecles  le  joug  des  loix.  Les 
revolutions  changent  le  contrat  politique,  mais  elles 
n'ont  jamais  bris6  les  liens  du  contrat  social.  Le 
premier  n'est  appuy6  que  sur  la  crainte  ou  le  pre- 
jug£.  L'babitude  et  1'interet  de  chacun  assurent  la 


piodor.  Sic.  *  ^^Cl  une  circonstance  qui  fortifie  notre  conjecture.  Dio- 
l.ii.  p.  138,  dore  nous  assure  qu'Arbace  attira  les  Persans  dans  la  revoke  par 
Nicol.  Da-  l'esP°ir  de  la  liberte.  Selon  ce  meme  historien  Parsondas  etoit 
mas.  in  Ex-  Persan,  Nicolas  de  Damas  en  fait  un  Mode.  Si  nous  avions  en- 
cerpt.Val.  CQre  je  tej£te  (}e  Ctesias>  nous  y  verrions  peut-etre  qu'Arbace 
affranckit  ses  compatriotes  plutot  que  les  Persans. 

dure"e 


SITU   LA    MONARCHIE    DES    MEDES.  Ill 

dure"e  £ternelle  clu  second.  Des  qu'il  est  forme*  il 
fait  partie  de  la  constitution  de  Fhomme,  qui  y 
tient  6galement  et  par  ses  vices  et  par  ses  vertus. 
Pour  rendre  la  vraisemblance  au  re"cit  d'H6rodote,  je 
dois  supposer  qu'il  ne  s'agit  que  de  quelques  tribus 
de  barbares,  enferme'es  dans  les  forets  et  les  mon- 
tagnes  de  la  Me" die,  qui  n'avoient  jamais  forme*  une 
socie*te  politique,  et  que  ces  sauvages  belliqueux, 
excites  par  la  voix  d'Arbace,  descendirent  en  foule 
dans  la  plaine  pour  briser  leurs  fers,  et  ceux  de 
1'Asie  entiere.  Us  y  rapport^rent,  avec  la  gloire 
du  succes,  le  principe  des  vices  qui  les  forcerent 
enfin  a  pilferer  la  tyrannic  a  Fanarchie.  Cette 
explication  naturelle  en  elle-meme  n'a  rien  que  de 
tres  analogue  au  tableau  general  de  FAsie.  Le 
systeme  de  M.  de  Bougainville  s'y  pr£te  tres  heu- 
reusement.  II  y  acquiert  rneme  un  air  de  fran 
chise  et  d'aisance,  clout  il  avoit  besoin.  Des 
qu'on  6tablit  la  distinction  des  Medes,  on  y  voit  le 
germe  des  deux  dynasties  collat^rales ;  les  Medes 
des  montagnes  sont  ceux  d'H6rodote,  pendant  que 
les  Medes  de  la  plaine  (c'est  a  dire  de  la  partie  la 
plus  6tendue  de  la  province)  ont  passe*  sous  les 
loix  d'Arbace,  et  qu'ils  out  donne*  leur  nom  a  la 
dynastie  de  Ctesias  dont  ce  prince  est  le  fondateur. 
Ctesias  est  descendu  de  Ninus  a  Aspadas,  en  sui- 
vant  le  fil  de  Fhistoire ;  H£rodote  est  remont^  de 
Cyrus  a  D^joce,  en  suivant  celui  de  la  tradition. 
Ces  deux  lignes  paralleles  ne  se  sont  jamais  touche* : 
et  par  une  erreur  assez  naturelle,  chacun  des  6cri- 
vains  a  cru  qu'il  n'exisfoit  rien  au-dela  de  ce  qu'il 
voyoit. 

3.  Dans 


1J2  SUR    LA    MONARCHIC    DES    MEDES, 

3.  Dans  le  recit  d'H6rodote  tout   est   iiaturel 
et  instructif :  ce  pacte  solennel  entre  le  prince  et 
le  peuple,  que  les  philosophes  supposent  partout 
ailleurs,  mais  que  Fhistorien  ne  trouve  que  dans 
Election  de  Dejoce ;    1'anarchie   qui   se   change 
tout  d'un  coup  en  despotisme  par  I'imp6tuosit6  d'un 
peuple  barbare,  quine  sent  jamais  que  le  inal  actuel, 
et  qui  ne  sait  pas  se  d^pouiller  d'une  partie  de  sa 
puissance :  enfm  1'art  raffing  du  nouveau  monarque 
qui  cache   aux  regards  profanes  1'homme  et  ses 
foiblesses,  pour  ne  leur  montrer  dans  un  lointain 
obscur  et  r6ve"re  que  lejuge  etle  souverain. 

4.  La  chronologic   de  cette   dynastic  n'est  pas 
cependant  sans  (difficulty's.     Si  le  texte  d'Herodote 
n'est  pas  corrompu,  cet  historien  se  contredit  en 
nous  laissant  deux  calculs  contradictoires.     II  est 
certain  que  la  somme  collective  des  regnes  de  ses 
quatre  rots  ne  monte   qu'a  150  ans.     Dejoce,  le 
premier,  en  remplit  53;    il  en  reste  97  pour  le 
regne  de  Phraorte  et  de  ses  deux  successeurs,  c'est 
a  dire  pour  la  dure'e  de  Fempire  des  Medes  sur  la 
haute  Asie,  puisqu'Herodote  lui-m^me  nous  assure 

M^IO'I  c^e  tro^s  facons  ditTerentes,  que  ce  Phraorte  fut  le 
102.  premier  conque"rant  de  la  dynastic.  Cependant 

ce  m£me  H^rodote  nous  apprend,  que  lorsque 
id.Ki.  Astyage  fut  detr6ne  par  Cyrus,  les  Medes  avoient 

r£gn6  sur  la  haute  Asie   128  ans.     II  faut  choisir. 

Je  choisis  sans  peine  le  calcul  general.*     Mais  ii 

est  permis  d'embrasser  1'hypothese  qui  concilie  les 

*•  Voici  ma  raison.  Ce  nombre  unique  peut  ^tre  erronc;  je 
le  sais,  rnais  des  quatre  membres  du  calcul  particulier  chacun 
pent  I'^tre.  J'ai  trois  degres  de  vraisemblance  centre  un. 

deux 


SUR    LA    MONARCHIE    DES    MEDES.  113 

deux  calculs  avec  la  moindre  erreur  possible.  C'est 
ainsi  que  j'adopte  les  quatre  termes  particuliers  des 
quatre  regnes  de  la  dynastie,  en  supposant  seule- 
ment  que  la  me"  moire  dlierodote  Fa  trompe*  sur 
leur  application.      Selon  ce  principe  de  la  saine 
critique,  je  vois  clairement  que  Dejoce  a  regne'  vingt- 
deux  ans  au  lieu  de  Phraorte.    II  est  efrectivement 
assez  peu  naturel  qu'im  vieillard,  dont  la  sagesse  et 
P6quit£  ont  prepaid  la  grandeur,  ait  pu  regner  53 
ans.     II  nous  reste  pour  les  trois  autres  regnes  les 
128  dont  nous  avons  besoin.     Tous  les  d6tails  du 
regne  de  Cyaxare  nous  convaincront,  combien  il  a 
de  droits  aux  anne'es  de  Dejoce.     On  ne  peut  que 
kisser  a  Astyage  ses  35  ans  de  regne.     Les  40  qui 
restent  a  Phraorte  suffisent  pour  les  conquetes  de 
ce  prince  guerrier.     Je  vais  mettre  devant  les  yeux, 
cette  nouvelle  chronologic  de  la  dynastie,  et  Ton 
de"cidera  sur  la  hardiesse  et  la  ne'cessite'  de  mes 
changemens. 

Chronologic  vulgaire.          Ma  Chronologic. 
710  Dejoce  -  -  53  710  Dejoce  -  -  22 

657  Phraorte  -  22  688  Phraorte  -  40 

Empire  des  Medes  128  ans. 
635  Cyaxare   -  40  548  Cyaxare   -  53 

595  Astyage    -  35  595  Astyage    -  35 

560  Cyrus. 

5.  Voila  des  difficulte's  qui  ne  sont  que  trop 
r^elles ;  mais  il  y  en  a  d'imaginaires  qui  ont 
embarrass^  les  plus  grands  hommes  de  ce  siecle, 
Eschyle  £crivit  les  Perses  de  la  m^me  main  avec 
laquelle  il  avoit  combattu  aux  rivages  de  Salamine. 

VOL.  in.  i  J 'admire 


114  SUR   LA   MONARCHIE    DES    MEDES. 

J'admire  avec  les  hommes  de  ge"nie  la  ve"rite  ener- 
gique  de  cette  trage"die,  et  j'oublie  en  sa  faveur 
cette  regie  timide  du  gout  qui  defend  de  traiter 
les  sujets  contemporains.  On  y  a  cru  voir  je  ne  sais 
quel  d6nombrement  des  pr^decesseurs  $e  Cyrus, 
qui  ne  s'accorde  pas  avec  la  chronologic  d'Herodote. 
Eh  bien,  Eschyle,  poete  et  soldat,  s'£toit  trompe  en 
recueillant  sans  attention  les  premiers  bruits  de  la 
renomm^e  !  Au  lieu  de  prendre  un  parti  aussi 
Chronology  naturel,  le  Chevalier  Newton  a  suppos6  qu'Asy  tage 
Kingdoms,  £toit  fils  de  Phraorte,  et  pere  du  Cyaxare  d'Hero- 


dote.     Le  Chevalier  Marsham  s'y  est  pris  avec  bien 
Canon        pjus  ^'artifice.      II  a  cree   deux  Cyaxares,  deux 

Chroiucus,  * 

!P-  604.  Astyages,  et  un  royaume  des  Medo-Perses  inconnu 
a  toute  1'antiquite.  II  seroit  facile  de  miner  ces 
deux  systemes,  mais  il  n'est  pas  n^cessaire.  Les 
Edifices  batis  sur  le  sable  s'ecroulent  par  leur 
propre  poids. 

HeJrfdot88'  Phraorte,  successeur  de  Dejoce,  ne  se  contenta 
K  i  c.  102.  '  point  des  etats  de  son  pere.  Les  Persans  furent 
sa  premiere  conquete  ;  et  cette  nation  belliqueuse 
se  rangea  sous  ses  drapeaux,  et  lui  pr£para  de  nou- 
velles  victoires.  Nous  avons  des  preuves  que  des 
Tan  670,  1'Arm^nie,  le  Pont,  et  la  Cappadoce  recon- 
noissoient  ses  loix.  Ce  fut  ainsi  qu'il  jetta  les  fon- 
demens  d'un  empire  qui  s'^tendoit  du  fleuve 
Halys,  jusqu'aux  deserts  de  la  Parthie.  On  peut 
conjecturer  que  la  vaine  ombre  qui  restoit  encore 
de  la  monarchic  des  Arbacides,  s'obscurcissoit  a 
la  vue  de  ses  progres;  mais  il  sembleroit  que  le  roi 
d'Ecbatane  epargna  leurs  debris,  et  qu'il  pre'fe'ra  la 
gloire  de  porter  les  derniers  coups  a  I'ancien  empire 

de 


SUR   LA    MOtf  ARCHIE    DES    MEDES.  115 

de  Nin&ve.  Un  revers  affreux  Fattendoit  sous  les 
murs  dl  cette  capitale.  Les  Assyrians  ne  comp- 
toient  plus  tous  les  peuples  de  1'orient  au  nombre 
de  leurs  esclaves  ;  mais  il  leur  restoit  encore  des 
forces  et  du  courage.  Us  marcherent  a  la  rencontre 
des  Medes.  Phraorte  perdit  dans  une  seule  bataille 
le  fruit  de  toutes  ses  victoires.  II  y  p6rit  avec  la 
plus  grande  partie  de  son  arm£e. 

Un  synchronisme  aussi  bien  constate*  qu'il  est  Ant.  c.  665. 

.    .  1  ausanias, 

mteressant  se   presente   ici,    et  nous   sert   a    her  i.iv.p.242, 
1'histoire  de  la  Grece  avec   celle  de  1'Asie.     La 


liberte*  Mess6nienne  luttoit  depuis  quatre-vingt  ans 
centre  la  tyrannic  des  Spartiates.  Aristomene 
soutenoit  seul  la  cause  chancelante  de  sa  patrie;  Defense  de 

,  .  /*          /  i     •       \  .la  Chrouol. 

mais  ce  grand  homme  se  vit  ennn  reduit  a  sortir  Andenne, 
de  cet  asyle,  la  citadelle  d'Ira,  qu'il  avoit  d^fendu  p*  l 
pendant  onze  ans.  II  laissa  partir  la  jeunesse  de 
Messene,  sous  la  conduite  de  son  fils,  pour  aller 
chercher  un  £tablissement  sur  les  c6tes  de  1'Italie. 
Pour  lui  il  se  retira  a  Rhodes,  mais  non  point  y 
gouter  les  douceurs  du  repos.  II  n'avoit  surve'cu  a 
sa  patrie  que  pour  la  venger,  et  pour  susciter  dans 
tout  I'univers  des  ennemis  aux  Spartiates.  II  se 
pr6paroit  a  passer  aupres  d'Ardyes,  roi  de  Lydie,  et 
de  Phraorte,  roi  des  Medes.  II  espeVoit  d'int£resser 
ces  princes  a  sa  querelle;  et  d'armer  tout  1'orient 
contre  les  destructeurs  de  Messene.  La  mort 
arr^ta  tous  ses  projets.  II  seroit  inutile  de  recher- 
cher  si  cette  expedition  auroit  eu  un  sort  plus 
heureux  que  celle  de  Xerxes.  Qu'ii  nous  suffise 
ici  de  remarquer,  que  la  reputation  de  Phraorte, 
sa  puissance,  et  ses  victoires,  sont  £tablies  par  la 

1  2  seuje 


116  &UR    LA    MONARCHIE    DES    MEDES. 

seule  idee  d'Aristomene,  qui  detestoit  trop  les 
Spartiates  pour  leur  preparer  uii  triomphe  facile. 
.Nous  n'avons  rien  de  mieux  constate  dans  Thistoire 
ancienne  que  la  seconde  guerre  de  Messene^  dont 
les  details  sont  appuyes  du  temoignage  des  con- 
temporains.  Elle  finit  1'an  668  avant  J.  C.  et  la 
mort  d'Aristomene  la  suivit  de  fort  pres. 
Ant.  c.  648.  La  nouvelle  monarchic  des  Medes  etoit  perdue 

Herodot.l.i.      .-,/»,         i        -i-u  5  /,/  i 

c.103.  si  le  fils  de  Phraorte  navoit  pas  ete  un  grand 
homme.  Cyaxare  vit  bien  qu'il  6toit  necessaire 
d'ajouter  la  discipline  a  la  valeur.  Avant  lui,  les 
armies  n'etoient  qu'une  foule  de  soldats,  distingu^s 
seulement  par  nations,  et  par  tribus.  Ce  prince 
introduisit  parmi  ses  troupes  les  loix  cl'une  nou 
velle  tactique*  Chaque  arme  cut  sa  place  marquee, 
et  Ton  vit,  pour  la  premiere  fois,  des  corps  de 
cavalerie,  (1'archers,  et.de  ceux  qui  se  servoient  du 
javelot.  Cette  tactique  etoit  cependant  bien  grbs- 
siere,  et  la  maniere  de  combattre  des  Asiatiques 
annoncoit  aussi  pen  d'art  que  de  bravoure.  La 
journee  se  passoit  a  se  tirer  de  loin,  jusqu'a  ce  que 
le  plus  foible  se  retirat,  sans  avoir  jamais  vu 
Fennemi  de  pres.  Cyaxare  a  du  employer,  pour 
le  moins,  quatre  ans  &  tons  ces  travaux  importans 
et  preliminaires ;  a  ranimer  le  courage  des  Medes, 
a  former  sa  nouvelle  armee,  a  la  discipline!*,  et  a  lui 
inspirer  une  conliance,  avant-coureur  de  la  victoire. 

Ant,  c.  644*  Sans  perclre  de  vue  1'idee  d'agrandir  sa  puissance, 
en  vengeant  la  mort  de  son  pere,  il  voulut  com- 
mencer  par  essay er  ses  forces  centre  des  ennemis 
moins  redoutables  que  les  Assyriens.  II  parcourut 
toutes  les  provinces  de  son  empire,  qu'il  soumit 

aux 


SUR    LA    MOXARCHIE    DES    MEDES.  117 

aux  loix  qu'elles  avoient  me'prise'es  depuis  la  mort 
de  Phraorte.     Enfin  il  osa  attaquer  les  Assyriens, 
les  vainquit  dans  un  grand  combat  ct  mit  le  siege 
devant  Nineve.     Cette  ville  fut  sur  le  point  de 
succomber,    lorsquc    Cyaxare    fut    rappell^    a    la  c.  104! ' 
defense  cle  ses  etats  par  une  irruption  cles  Scythes.  Ant.c.604. 
Ces  barbares  enleverent  l'empire  de  la  haute  Asie 
aux  Medes,  et  penetrerent  meme  jusqu'aux  fron- 

•s  i        ,,TI  in  •  Herodot. 

tieres  de  1  Lgypte.     Lyaxare  soufrnt  avec  impa-  c.  105. 
tience  le  joug  de  ce  peuple  feroce  pendant  vingt- 
huit  ans.     II  attendit  le  moment  de  la  vengeance. 
II  le  trouva  enfin  dans  un  festin,  qu'il  prepara  pour  c.  ioe. 
les  chefs  de  la  nation.     Us  y  furent  massacres,  et 
cette  demarche  bardie  et  bien  soutenue  rendit  a  Aut.c.cis. 
Cyaxare  cet  empire  qu'il  avoit  perdu.     II  s'en  ser- 
vit  pour  reprendre  ses  projets  centre  les  Assyriens, 
qu'il  n'avoit  jamais  perdus  de  vue.     II  se  fbrtifia 
par  une  alliance  avec  le  Roi  de  Babylone,  etr6unis- 
sant  ses  forces  avec  les  siennes,  ils  formerent  de 
concert  le  siege  de  Nineve.     Ce  fut  alors  que  la  Ant.c.eoa. 
monarchic  et  la  ville  de  Ninus  perirent  pour  ne  se 
jamais  retablir;  apres  avoir  subsist^  ]  360  ans  depuis 
leur  premiere   fondation.      Je  me   suis   content^ 
d'indiquer  ces  faits.     Je  ne  pourrois  rien  ajouter 
aux  £claircissemens  de  plusieurs  de  nos  savans  ;  et  v.  Scaiiger, 
je  n'ai  pas  envie  de  les  r^p^ter.    Par  la  inline  raison,  prTdeaux, 
je  passerai  sous  silence  la  guerre  des  Medes  contre  Newton™' 
Alyatte,  roi  de  Lydie.     L'inquietude  et  la  jalousie  A1""^  &c' 
y  donnerent  lieu.     On  se  battit  six  ans  de  suite. 
La  lassitude  et  la  superstition  disposerent  enfin  les  Ant. 0.597. 
esprits  a  la  paix.     Cyaxare  mourut  bientot  apres.  Ant.  c. 595. 
Jl  laissa  un  empire  affermi  et  un  nom  iljustre.     II 

1 3  le 


.118  SUR    LA    MONARCHIC    DES    MEDES. 

le  m6ritoit  par  la  fermete'  pleine  d'habilete  et  de 
ressources  avec  laquelle  il  avoit  soutenu  et  la 
prosperity  et  les  revers. 

Je  ne  m'arrete  qu'un  instant  sur  Firruption  des 
Scythes.  C'est  en  vain  qu'on  a  voulu  refuser  aux 
peuples  du  Nord  cette  force  et  ce  courage  phy 
sique,  qui  les  a  rendus  tant  de  fois  maitres  de  la 
terre.*  Dans  les  conquetes  des  Romains  ou  des 
Arabes,  je  ne  vois  qu'un  courage  d'institution,  et 
des  vertus  d'autant  plus  heroiques,  qu'elles  sont 
Fouvrage  d'une  legislation  sublime.  Les  Scythes 
out  rarement  connu  d'autres  loix  que  eel  les  des 
lions  de  leurs  deserts ;  le  sentiment  de  leur  force, 
et  la  soif  du  carnage.  Un  conque'rant  s'eleve  sur 
les  bords  glacis  des  mers  de  la  Cor£e ;  le  tonnerre 
gronde,  la  terre  s'^branle,  mille  nations  se  precipi- 
tent  les  unes  sur  les  autres,  et  les  derniers  des  fuy- 
ards  e"crasent  le  midi,  Forient  et  Foccident.  Les 
hommes  amollis  par  les  arts,  par  le  luxe,  et  par  le 
ciimat,  cherchent  vainement  line  retraite  contre  la 
cavalerie  rapide  et  les  fleches  inevitables  des  Scythes. 
La  resistance  et  la  fuite  leur  sont  egalement  fatales. 
C'est  ainsi  que,  prec6d6s  de  la  terreur,  arm6s  du 
glaive  destructeur  et  suivis  de  la  desolation,  Ta- 
-merlan,  Jenghiz,  et  avant  eux  le  Madyes  d'He"ro- 
dote,  ont  parcouru  FAsie  6tonn£e.  C'est  ainsi 
qu'avec  cet  enthousiasme  qui  fait  les  poetes  et  les 

*  Ecoutons  Lucain. 

Pharsal.  Omnis,  in  Arctois,  populus,  quicunque  pruinis 

v.^363.  Nascitur ;  indomitus  bellis,  et  Martis  amator. 

Quidquid  ad  Eoos  tractus,  mundique  leporera 

Labitur,  emollit  gentes  dementia  coeli. 

pro- 


c.  i,Vt  v,  vi. 


SUR   LA    MONARCHIE    DES    MEDES.  119 

prophetes  J£r£mie  les  a  decrit:  "  Des  hommes 
f^roces,  dont  le  langage  inconnu  ressemble  au  bruit 
cles  flots  irriteX  qui  ne  connoissent  ni  la  crainte  ni 
la  *  pitie",  et  dont  le  carquois  redoutable  est  un 
tombeau  toujours  ouvert  pour  les  nations." 

II  me  paroit  que  la  mernoire  de  cette  premiere 
expedition  s'6toit  conservee  dans  les  traditions 
Tartarcs,  et  que  leur  Oguz  Khan  n'est  pas  different 
du  Madyes  des  Grecs.  On  y  voit  que  ce  conque"- 
rant,  apres  avoir  soumis  les  Indes  et  le  Turkistan.  des  T*rtfr- 

3   par  Abul- 

passa  TOxus  avec  une  arm6e  nombreuse;  et  se  ghoziKhan, 
rendit  maitre  de  toutes  les  provinces  jusqu'aux  3. 
frontieres  de  1'Egypte.  II  s'arreta  longtems  dans 
la  ville  de  Damas,  ou  il  d^signa  les  successeurs  de 
son  vaste  empire.  II  mourn  t  enfin  accab!6  d'ans  et 
de  gloire.  Ses  enfans  partagerent  les  conqu£tes 
du  pere,  et  il  n'est  plus  fait  mention  de  ces  con- 
quetes.  Toutes  ces  circonstances  conviennent 
parfaitement  avec  Fhistoire  de  Madyes,  et  ne  con 
viennent  qu'a  lui.  Dans  le  dernier  trait  on  apper- 
coit  la  cause  de  la  chute  de  cet  empire.  Cyaxare 
avoit  redout^  les  Scythes,  r^unis  sous  les  drapeaux 
de  Madyes  ;  divises  par  ses  foibles  successeurs,  il 
les  detruit  sans  peine. 

Je  sens  qu'a  cette  conjecture  Ton  se  recriera  1'igno- 
rance  des  Tartares,  et  1'incertitude  de  leur  histoire 
jusqu'au  regne  de  Jenghiz  Khan.  Je  n'opposerai  a 
ce  pr6jug6  qu'un  fait  unique  dans  son  espece,  puis- 
qu'il  nous  permet  de  consid^rer  le  m^me  ^v6nement  \roy.  M.  <fc 
confie  a  la  tradition  d'un  peuple  barbare,  et  racont^ 
clans  les  annales  contemporaines  de  ses  voisins  ;  c'est  $u™> 
le  r^tablissement  de  1'empire  Turc  ou  Mogol  dans 

i  4  le 


120  SUR   LA    MONARCHIE    DES    MEDES. 

le  septieme  siecle  ;  ces  barbares  avoient  fidelement 
conserve"  tous  les  grands  traits  de  cette  revolution  ; 
la  destruction  de  Fempire  Mogol,  1'asyle  que  les 
debris  de  la  nation  trouverent  clans  les  montagnes, 
le  terme  precis  de  458  ans  qu'ils  y  passerent,  et 
leur  sortie  qui  arriva  vingt  ge"  negations,  c'est  a  dire 
700  ans  avant  la  naissance  de  Jenghiz.  L'histoire 
Chinoise  et  Grecque  les  justifie  sur  tous  ces  de"- 
tails,  et  n'enleve  qu'un  vernis  merveilleux,  dont 
les  Mogols  avoient  embelli  une  circonstance  assez 
humiliante  pour  leurs  ancetres.  Dans  nos  syste"mes 
de  critique  on  de  logique  nous  6tablissons  trop  ais6- 
ment  des  regies  gene"rales,  sur  notre  facon  de  sen- 
tir.  Nous  ne  concevons  pas  assez  qu'une  jeunesse 
passionne*e  pour  la  gloire  militaire  e"coutoit  avec 
transport  les  exploits  de  ses  ayeux,  qu'elle  bruloit 
de  surpasser  ;  et  que  ces  re"  cits  se  gravoient  avec 
cles  traits  de  feu  dans  ces  ames  fortes,  simples,  et 
peu  chargers  d'id£es  etrangeres. 

II  me  paroit  que  ce  m£me  Madyes,  1'Oguz  des 
Tartares,    est  aussi  cet  Apherasiab  si  fameux  dans 
les  romans  Persans:    mais   cet  esprit  de   fiction, 
v  <TH  r-    ^U^  ^^^a^ne  ^a  V^rit6  historique,   ne  permet  point 
beiot.  Bibi.  de  compter  sur  les  details  de  ses  exploits,  et  feroit 
presque  douter  de  son  existence.     II  semble  pour- 
tamf'  tant  clue  cet  Apherasiab  detruisit  la  premiere  dy- 
Ilas^e»  et   qu'apres   avoir  ravage  impun^ment  la 


P.  235,  et'ia  Perse,  il  fut  enfin  de"truit  par  Kai  Kaus,  dans  les 
roiseca1a-     montagnes  de  la  M6die.    Si  les  Pischadiens  s'identi- 


avec  ^es  Arbacides,  je  vois  ici  un 
640.  naturel-     L'irruption  des  Scythes  6branla  tous 

les  trones  de  1'Asie;   la  jeunesse  vigoureuse   de 

ceux 


SUR   LA    MONARCHIE    DES    MEDES.  121 

ceux  de  Babylone  et  d'Agbatane,  les  soutint  au 
milieu  cle  Forage,  mais  la  premiere  dynastie  des 
Medes,  deja  foible  et  languissante,  ne  se  releva  ja-  A.  c.  6i2; 
mais  de  sa  chute.  La  plupart  des  romanciers  Per- 
sans  semblent  avoir  ve"cu  dans  les  provinces  orien- 
tales.  L'empire  y  perit  sans  retour  ;  mais  sembla- 
ble  a  celui  des  successeurs  de  Constantin,  il  perdoit 
tous  les  jours  une  partie  de  son  existence,  jusqu'au 
terme  fatal  que  les  fauxbourgs  de  sa  capitale  de- 
venoient  sa  frontiere.  C'est  ainsi  que  la  dynastie 
d'Arbace  se  vit  enfin  renferme'e  dans  la  petite  pro-  A  c  59g 
vince  de  la  Susiane  ou  d'Elymais;  lorsque  Nabu-  JfrSmie, 

c  xlix   54 

chodonosor,  roi  de  Babylone,  en  fit  la  eonqu&te.    II  39. 

se  contenta  cependant  d'y  e'tablir  un  roi  tributaire  c"nnec-x$ 


qui  gouvernoit,   soumis  a  son  autorite",  les  tristes 

debris  de  ce  vaste  empire.     Les  prophetes  Juifs,  Sir  l-  New- 

...  J   ton's  Chron. 

qui  annon^erent    cette  revolution,  ont  exalte  la  p.  su. 
puissance  et  la  reputation  du  royaume  d'Elam  ;  sa 
gloire  passed  ne  servoit  qu'a  rendre  sa  chute  plus  E(igeb  p^ 
deplorable.     Nous  lisons  dans  Alexandre  Polyhis-  Evang.  i.  9. 
tor,  que  le  grand  Nabuchodonosor  invita  Astibares,  A-  c-  588- 
roi  des  Medes,    a  Taccompagner  dans  sa   guerre 
contre  les  Juifs.     Dans  ce  nom  d'Astibares,  on  ne 
peut  pas  me"connoitre  les  Medes  de  Ctesias.    Lors 
que  le  Roi  de  Babylone  assembla  ses  forces,  pour 
marcher  contre  la  Palestine  et  la  Ph^nicie  ;  il  etoit 
tres  naturel  qu'il  convoquat  tous  les  princes,  vas- 
saux  de  son  empire.     Si  Ton  veut  mettre  Astibaras 
de  ce  nonibre,  on  auroit  de  la  peine  a  lui  trouver 
une   situation  aussi  vraisemblable  que  celle  de  roi 
d'Elam,  ou  de  Suse.     Si  I'amour  d'une  syst^me  ne 
me  s£duit  point,  je  vois  ici  un  enchainement  de 

faits 


SUR    LA    MONARCHIE    DES    MEDES. 

faits  qui  unit  la  d^faite  cle  Sardanapale  avec  les 
conquetes  de  Nabuchodonosor  et  de  Cyrus. 
A.  c.  59ot.  Astyage,  le  fils  de  Cyaxare,  remplit  sans  gloire 
un  trone  qu'il  devoit  aux  vertus  de  ses  peres.  II 
est  mieux  connu  par-sa  qualite  de  pr6decesseur  de 
Cyrus ;  de  ce  Cyrus  qui  r6unit  sous  ses  loix  les 
monarchies  de  Medie,  de  Lydie,  et  de  Baby  lone,  et 
qui  laissa  dans  toute  1'Asie  un  nom  qui  a  surv^cu  & 
la  mine  de  son  empire.  On  connoit  les  relations 
contradictoires  qu'H6rodote,  Ctesias,  et  X6nophoii 
nous  ont  transmis  de  ses  exploits.  II  y  a  pen  de 
lectures  aussi  interessantes  et  aussi  utiles  que  la 
Cyrop6die  du  dernier  de  ces  e"crivains.  La  phi 
losophic  s'y  mpntre  paree  de  la  main  des  graces. 
Mais  la  muse  de  Thistoire  a-t-elle  presid6  a  ce  tra 
vail?  N'y  doit-on  chercher  que  la  morale,  a  la- 
quelle  son  auteur  a  prete  les  attraits  d'une  fiction 
ingenieuse  ?  C'est  une  question  qui  a  toujours 
partag6  les  esprits ;  mais  a  laquelle  on  ne  peut  re- 
pondre,  qu'apres  un  examen  r^flechi  de  Fouvrage 
et  des  vues  de  1'ecrivain.  Je  m'en  occuperai  quel- 
ques  instans ;  mon  sujet  principal  m'y  conduit ;  et 
nous  rapporterons,  de  cette  recherche,  quelques 
id£es  de  gout  et  de  philosophic,  propres  a  nous  d£- 
dommager  de  ces  details  chronologiques  auxquels 
il  a  fallu  s^  livrer. 

Retire  depuis  longtems  du  bruit  des  armes, 
X^nophon  cultivoit  en  paix  les  lettres.  Sa  pre 
miere  6tude  etoit  celle  de  Fhomme.  L'histoire, 
l'exp£rience,  et  la  reflexion  Feclairoient  dans  cette 
science ;  qui  est  d'^utant  plus  difficile  qu'elle  pa- 
roit  aisee  aux  observateurs  superficiels.  T^moin  de 

tous 


SUR   LA    MONARCHIE    DES    MEDES.  123 

tous  les  malheurs  cle  la  Grece,  il  reftechissoit  com- 

,  .          .,  ,    •  Cyropaed. 

men  il  avoit  vu  cle  gouvernemens  populaires,  que  i.  i.  p.  1,2, 

.        .     ,    .  ,  D  ,  .  L .  T  .         Ed.  Hutch. 

les  intrigues  des  grands  avoient  asservis ;  combien  , 
d'aristocraties  renverse'es  par  la  fureur  des  peuples ; 
et  que  parmi  les  tyrans,  le  petit  nombre  de  ceux 
qui  conserverent  leur  puissance  usurped,  passoient 
pour  les  plus  heureux  et  les  plus  sages  des  homines. 
II  ne  remarquoit  point  cet  esprit  indocile,  parmi 
les  troupeaux  tranquilles,  qui  paissoient  dans  les 
campagnes  de  Scillus.  De  tous  les  animaux 
(s'£crioit-il)  rhomme  est  le  plus  difficile  a  conduire. 
Mais  lorsqu'it  se  rappelloit  1'exemple  de  Cyrus  qui  ^r°P^d-6 
inspiroit  1'amour  et  la  terreur  a  cent  nations  obe"- 
issantes  et  heureuses ;  ah !  qu'il  est  ais6  (se  disoit-il) 
de  gouverner  les  hommes  lorsque  la  prudence 
tient  les  renes  de  Tempire.  La  conclusion  etoit 
peut-etrc  un  peu  precipitec.  Cyrus  r6gnoit  sur 
des  peuples  accoutum^s  a  porter  le  joug  de  la  ser 
vitude,  qui  trembloient  devant  un  maltre  severe, 
et  qui  versoient  cles  larmes  de  reconnoissance  sur 
la  main  qui  les  prot^geoit.  Cette  fierte  cFame 
qu'inspire  la  liberte,  n'est  que  trop  souvent  capri- 
cieuse,  cruelle  et  inconstante.  L'admiration  de 
Xenophon  lui  fit  naitre  une  curiosite  naturelle 
d'examiner  1'histoire  de  Cyrus,  et  les  institutions 
par  lesquelles  il  avoit  forme  un  empire;  d£chu,  a 
la  verite,  d£puis  sa  mort,  mais  qui  6toit  encore  la 
puissance  la  plus  formidable,  qui  cut  jamais  re'gne' 
sur  la  terre,  La  Cyrop^die  est  le  fruit  de  ces  re- 
cherches,  et  de  ces  reflexions.  "  Nous  rapporte- 
rons  les  choses  que  nous  avons  apprises  et  celles 
qu'il  nous  semble  appercevoir."  Ces  paroles  im- L.  i.  p,  4;. 

portantes 


SUR    LA    MONARCHIE    DES    MEDES. 

portantes  me"ritent  un  plus  grand  de"  veloppement. 
Essay onsde  le  leur  donner. 

Si  nous  consid6rons  la  Cyrop6die  sous  ce  point 
de  vue,  qui  est  celui  de  son  auteur,  nous  sentirons 
d'abord  qu'un  philosophe,  qui  cherche  a  rendre 
raison  d'un  ph6nomene  bistorique,  n'appuyeroit 
jamais  cette  explication  sur  la  fable.  Une  lecture 
r&lechie  de  cet  ouvrage,  est  seule. capable  de  nous 
convaincre,  que  c'est  par  une  histoire  s6rieuse,  que 
Xe"nopbon  a  pretendu  remplir  cet  objet,  aussi  in- 
teressant  pour  ses  compatriotes.*  Dans  cette  fa- 
ineuse  expedition,  dans  laquelle  notre  historien 
s'immortalisa  avec  les  dix  mille  Grecs,  qu'il 
ramena  victorieux  au  sein  de  leur  patrie,  il  avoit 
parcouru  1'empire  Persan  les  armes  a  la  main.  II 
avoit  e"tudie  les  loix,  les  moeurs,  et  1'bistoire  de 
cette  nation  celebre;  qui  ne  conservoit  de  sa 
premiere  puissance  que  le  nom  et  Forgueil.  Nous 
lisons  encore  le  resume  de  ces  connoissances  dans 
&c!UEdit. '  le  tableau  6nergique  par  lequel  il  acbeve  la 
Hutdun.  CyrOpedie.  Les  moeurs  de  la  cour  d'Artaxerxe  y 
sont  partout  contrast6es  avec  la  discipline  ver- 

*  Encore  un  trait:  il  me  seroit  facile  de  les  multiplier.     L'ex- 

pedition   Armenienne  de  Cyrus   paroit  avoir  Tair  d'un  roman; 

Cyropaed.      mftis  un  romancier  n'auroit  jamais  remarque  que  les  articles  de 

l.ui.  p.  202.  la  paix  que  ce  prince  fit  signer  aux  Armeniens  et  aux  Chalcleen* 

subsistoient  encore,  et  qu'il  etoit  du  devoir  du  satrape  d'Armenie 

de  les   faire   observer.     C'est   une  attention   que  Xenophon  a 

souvent,  de  co-nstater  les  traits  historiques  qu'il  rapporte  par  les 

vestiges  qui  s'en  etoient  conserves.      On  voit  ailleurs  que  les 

chansons  par  lesquelles  les  barbares  celebroient  les  exploits  de 

Cyropied.      Cyrus  ne  lui  avoient  pas  echappe.     Sans  doute  qu'il  les  avoit 

1. 1.  p.  6.       gouvent  entendu  dans  sa  marche  avec  Tarmee  Persanne. 

tueuse 


SUR    LA    MONARCHIE    DES    MEDES.  125 

tueuse  des  compagnons  de  Cyrus,  et  la  corruption 
qu'il  decrit  des  meilleures  institutions  de  ce 
prince,  suppose  et  prouve  1'existence  de  ces  insti 
tutions;  qui  sont  li^es  avec  1'liistoire  et  le  carac- 
tere  du  fondateur. 

Un  historien  qui  offenseroit  a  chaque  instant  la 
geographic  et  la  chronologic,  me"riteroit  peu  de 
coniiance.  C'est  un  reproche  qu'on  a  sou  vent  fait 
a  Xenophon,  et  que  le  grand  Frerct  n'a  pas  d^- 
daigne  d'examiner.  II  a  prouv£,  de  la  maniere  la  v.  sesdis- 

/  -i     .  1          1          /^  /    T  Ser*'  SUr  '* 

plus  victoneuse,  que  la  geographic  de  la  Cyropedie 
ne  differe  de  celle  qu'on  suit  commune" ment  que 
parceque  son  auteur  avoit  des  connoissances  plus 
approfondies,  et  plus  particulieres,  sur  .  retat  de 
TAsie.  II  n'en  est  pas  de  m£me  de  sa  chronologic,  xi. 
que  M.  Freret  sacrifie  avec  justice  peut-etre,  mais 
avec  un  peu  trop  de  rigueur.  X^nophon  n'a 
point  marque^  les  ^poques  des  conqu^tes  de  Cyrus ; 
mais  dans  la  chaleur  de  sa  narration,  il  semhle  les 
avoir  rapproch^  un  peu  trop  les  unes  des  autres. 
La  critique  doit  respecter  les  homes  des  diffe'rens 
genres;  et  ne  pas  exiger  d'un  ouvrage  de  gout, 
cette  precision  severe  qu'elle  s'attend  a  trouver 
dans  une  dissertation  chronologique.  HeVodote  ^du0dtle,z  ?c* 
ne  seroit  pas  moins  coupable  que  X^nophon.  La  c.  37—92. 
revolution  de  la  Medic,  le  dessein  de  Cr6sus  d'en 
tirer  vengeance,  les  ambassades,  la  guerre,  et  la 
prise  de  Sardes,  se  succedent  avec  une  telle  ra- 
pidite  que  Thistorien  semble  a  peine  accorder  trois 
a  quatre  ans  a  tous  ces  6y6nemeiis,  qui  en  out 
rempli  une  quinzaine.  Un  censeur  un  peu  in 
dulgent  pardonneroit  a  1'auteur  de  la  Cyropedie, 

d'avoir 


SUR    LA    MONARCHIE    DES    MEDES. 

d'avoir  conserve"  aussi  longtems  qu'il  Fa  pu  un  air 
de  jeunesse  an  conquerant  de  1'Asie.  A  cet  age 
les  vertus  sont  plus  aimables,  et  les  sacrifices  qu'on 
leur  fait  sont  d'un  plus  grand  prix. 

Je  n'ai  garde  cependant  de  penser,  que  Xe"no- 
phon  se  soit  contente  du  role  d'un  historien.  Aux 
yeux  d'un  philosophe,  les  faits  composent  la  partie 
la  moins  interessante  de  1'histoire.  C'est  la  con- 
noissance  de  1'homme,  la  morale,  et  la  politique 
qu'il  y  trouve,  qui  la  relevent  dans  son  esprit. 
Tachons  de  suivre  cette  idee,  et  de  voir  jusqu'a 
quel  point  elle  conduiroit  un  e'en  vain,  qui  ne  voit 
dans  les  faits  particuliers  que  la  preuve  de  ses 
principes  ge'ne'raux. 

1.  Tout  homme  de  genie  qui  ecrit  1'histoire,  y 
repand,  peut-etre  sans  s'en  appercevoir,  le  carac- 
tere  de  son  esprit.  A  travers  leur  variete  infinie 
de  passion  et  de  situation,  ses  personnages  semblent 
n'avoir  qu'une  facon  de  penser  et  de  sentir;  et 
cette  facon  est  celle  de  1'auteur.  Le  ge"nie  de 
Socrate  6toit  passe"  dans  Tame  de  Xe"nophon:  il 
regne  encore  dans  la  Cyrope"die,  et  Ton  pourroit 
croire  que  le  fondateur  de  Fempire  Persan  avoit 
etudi6  dans  I'acad6mie  d'Athenes.  II  y  a  appris 
cette  m6thode  ing£nieuse,  qui  perce  jusqu'aux 
premiers  principes;  et  qui  transports  les  id6es 
philosophiques  clans  tous  les  arts.  Ses  raisonne- 
mens  consistent  dans  cette  suite  artificieuse  de 
questions,  par  laquelle  le  plus  sage  des  hommes 
conduisoit  ses  eleves  aux  conclusions  qu'il  vouloit 
leur  inspirer.  On  y  sent  tous  les  agr6mens  de  sa 
logique,  sa  simplicity  son  616gance,  et  sa  modestie 

toujours 


SUR    LA    MONARCHIE.  DES    MEDES. 

toujours  victorieuse.  On  y  reconnoit,  jusqu'a  ses 
deTauts,  sa  marche  foible,  timide  et  trainante;  peu 
faite  pour  les  grands  mouvemens  de  Fame,  in 
capable  d'une  eloquence  vigoureuse,  et  plus  propre 
a  refuter  des  sophistes,  qu'a  animer  des  soldats. 
L'esprit  de  cette  £cole  n'^toit  que  trop  conforme 
an  caractere  de  X&iophon,  qui  avoit  des  talens 
sublimes,  de'pourvus  des  passions  fortes  qui  sem- 
blent  £tre  leur  aliment  naturel.  Sa  composition 
est  grande  et  re"guliere,  son  coloris  est  doux  et 
agreable,  son  dessein  est  pur,  mais  son  expression 
est  foible,  II  de'crit  les  passions  plus  qu'il  ne  le& 
peint,  et  il  les  peint  plus  qu'il  ne  les  sent.  Si 
Fenelon  avoit  eu  a  trailer  1'^pisode  da  la  guerre 
cF Armenia,  il  auroit  effac6  Fesprit  que  X^nophon 
y  a  inis  pour  substitucr  le  sentiment,*  Dans  un 
moment  important  et  terrible,  Cyrus  lie  se  seroit  i.ui.0{I*  ?••.•. 
pas  amuse  a  6couter  les  sophismes  du  jeune 
Tigrane,  afm  de  se  manager  le  plaisir  de  les  r^- 
futer.  De  F^cole  de  Socrate,  X^nophon  6toit 
passe*  a  Farmee.  On  ne  reconnoit  que  trop  le 
soldat,  et  le  soldat  Grec  a  toutes  les  plaisanteries  v.Entrcau- 
grossieres,  que  la  licence  des  camps,  et  la  franchise  paed.i.is.  p. 
militaire  enfantoient  tous  les  jours ;  mais  qui  nous  * 
paroissent  froides,  d6goutantes,  et  indignes  d'un 
ouvrage  philosophique  sur  1'histoire.  L'ecrivain 
ne  pouvoit  les  rendre  au  lecteur  accompagnees  de 
toutes  les  circonstances  du  moment  et  du  caractere, 
qui  leur  avoient  donne"  une  sorte  cle  chaleur  et 
d'int^ret. 

*  Fenelon  auroit  conserve  un  trait  de  cet  episode.     Malheur 
au  lecteur  a  qui  il  faille  Tindiquer ! 

2.  Lors- 


128  SUR  LA  MONARCHIE  DES  MEDES* 

2.  Lorsqu'il  s'agit  d'une  histoire,  dont  les.  varia 
tions  permettent  quelque  liberte"  a  la  critique,  et 
meine    a    la    conjecture;    1'historien    philosophe 
choisira  parmi   les   faits  contested,  ceux  qui  s'ac- 
corderit  le  mieux  avec  ses  principes,  et  ses  vues. 
Le  desir  de  les  employer,  leur  donnera  m£me  un 
degre  d'evidence  qu'ils  n'ont  pas;  et  la  logique  du 
coeur  ne  1'em-portera  que  trop  souvent  sur  celle  de 
1'esprit.      Lorsque   la  chronologic  proscrivoit  un 
trait  cle  morale,  Plutarque  meprisoit  la  chronologic ; 
et  Voltaire  est  peu  difficile  sur  ses  autorite"s,  quand 
il  s'agit  de  peindre  les  artifices  des  pr£tres,  les  bi- 
sarreries  de  la  superstition,  et  les  contradictions  de 
1'esprit  humain.     II  y  avoit  plusieurs  relations  de 
la  vie  de  Cyrus;  celle  qui  se  pretoit  davantage 
aux   vues  de  Xenophon  lui  parut  sans  cloute  la 
plus  vraisemblable. 

3.  Les   histoires  les  plus   particulieres  laissent 
beaucoup  a  d6sirer  au  lecteur  curieux.    Lorsqu'elles 
d^crivent  les  faits,  il  souhaiteroit  de  connoltre  les 
causes  les  plus  cach^es  qui  les  out  produit.     II 
voudroit  p6n6trer  dans  les  conseils,  et  jusqu'a  dans 
la  pense"e  de  leurs  auteurs,  pour  y  voir  les  circon- 
stanccs  qui  out  fait  eclorre  les  plus  grands  desseins, 
le  but  qu'ils  se  proposoient,  les  obstacles  qu'ils  ont 
rencontre^  et  les  arts  par  lequels  il  les  ont  vaincu .  Un 
esprit  philosophique  se  plait  a  supplier  tous  ces 
termes  intermediaires;  et  a  tirer  du  vrai,  le  vrai 
semblable  et  le  possible.     S'il  donne  a  ses  reflexions 
la  forme  d'une  histoire,  il  est  oblige"  de  prendre  un 
ton  plus  ferme.     Ses  hypotheses  deviennent  des 
faits,  qui  semblent  d^couler  des  faits  g£n£raux  et 


SUR  LA  MONARCHIE  DES  MEDES.  129 

acre's.  Je  tacherai  d'^claircir  cette  id6e,  en  suivant 
la  marche  naturelle  de  1'esprit  de  X6nophon,  lors-  Cyrop*d.  i. 
qu'il  d£crit  Finstitution  de  la  cavalerie  Persanne.  So!' 2 
II  savoit  que  le  pays  des  Perses  6toit  rude  et  plein 
de  montagnes,  que  les  chevaux  y  6toient  tres  rares,  L.  i.p.20. 
et  que  les  troupes  de  cette  nation,  dans  le  terns 
qu'elle  entreprit  ses  conquetes,  n'ont  pu  consister 
qu'en  infanterie.  II  voyoit  cependant  que  deja  p^pM' 
sous  le  r£gne  de  Cyrus,  leur  cavalerie  6toit  nom- 
breuse  et  bien  discipline,  que  les  premiers  de  la 
nation  ne  paroissoient  jamais  qu'a  cheval,  et  que 
cet  art  faisoit  un  objet  des  plus  importans  de  l'£du- 
cation  de  leur  jeunesse.  Sans  doute  (se  disoit-il) 
leur  fbndateur,  grand  capitaine  et  prince  habile,  fut 
1'auteur  de  cette  institution,  si  n^cessaire  pour 
donner  a  ses  troupes,  a  tons  £gards,  la  sup£riorite 
sur  les  autres  peuples  de  FAsie.  II  aura  choisi  (con- 
tinua-t-il)  un  moment  favorable  a  ses  desseins.  Le 
lendemain  (par  exemple)  d'une  victoire,  qui  leur 
avoit  Iivr6  un  camp  ennemi  rempli  d'excellens 
chevaux,  quand  les  fantassins  Persans  s'impati- 
entoient  de  voir  la  cavalerie  des  allies,  qui  rentroit 
charged  du  butin,  qu'elle  avoit  fait  a  la  poursuite 
des  ennemis,  si  dans  cet  instant,  Cyrus  avoit  as- 
semb!6  les  chefs  de  Farmed,  s'il  leur  avoit  mis  de- 
vant  les  yeux,  leurs  besoins,  la  facilit6  d'y  satisfaire, 
et  les  avantages  qui  en  r£sulteroient;  voila  F^poque 
de  la  cavalerie  Persanne.  X6nophon  a  devine"  les 
circonstances  d'un  fait,  tel.  qu'il  a  du  arriver;  les 
conjectures  d'un  philosophe,  qui  connoissoit  1'his- 
toire,  les  hommes,  et  la  guerre,  sont  d'un  poids  peu 
vot.  in.  K  inftrieur 


130  SUR  LA  MONARCHIE  DES  MEDES. 

inf&ieur  au  t6moignage  d'un  ecrivain  partial,  ou 
mal-instruit. 

Je  reconnois  en  m£me  terns,  qu'un  homme  d'es- 
prit  poussera  trop  loin  les  consequences  de  ses 
conjectures;  et  que  les  vues  de  ses  personnages, 
s'etendront  aussi  loin  que  les  siennes.  Cyrus  sen- 
tit  qu'il  ne  pouvoit  multiplier  ses  forces,  qu'en 
.  i.  chano-eant  la  nature  de  ses  armes.  II  forma  une 

ii.  p.  106,       •     /•''•'•  i        ,     i  •>  i  A     • 

&c.  infanterie,  dont  les  armes  pesantes  netoient  re- 

doutables  que  de  pres.  Ildisciplina  bient6t  cette 
phalange,  par  les  loix  d'une  nouvelle  tactique,  qui 
reunissoit  la  leg&rete  des  mouvemens  avec  la 
solidite  des  masses.  Je  crains  que  X£nophon, 
rempli  de  son  objet,  ne  leur  ait  pret6  tous  les  raf- 
finemens  de  la  phalange  Spartiate,  auxquels  ces 
barbares  ne  parvinrent  jamais. 

4...  -L'historien  d'un  grand  homme  est  presque 
toujours  son  ami.  Le  sculpteur  se  prosterne  de- 
vant  son  ouvrage.  Ce  raffinement  d'amour-propre 
est  aussi  connu  qu'il  paroit  singulier.  Lorsque 
rhistorien  philosophe  se  propose  un  systeme  de 
politique,  ou  de  morale,  les  exceptions  particuliferes 
qu'une  v£rite  odieuse  lui  montre,  1'accablent  de 
Jeurpoids  importun;  il  les  affoiblit,  il  les  dissimule, 
il  les  fait  enfin  disparoitre,  pour  ne  voir  que  le 
genre  de  faits.qui  convient  a  son  but.  On  est  en 
droit  de  supposer  cette  foiblesse  au  philosophe.  Ce 
philosophe  est  homme  et  ecrivain.  Mais  en 
s'6cartant  de  la  v6rit6,  il  la  respecte  toujours;  il 
ne  s'en  61oigne  qu'a  regret;  il  ne  se  permet  que 
des  erreurs  douces,  insensibles  et  n^cessaires.  Le 

fondateur 


SUR  LA  MONARCHIE  DES  MEDES.  131 

fondateur  de  Fempire  Persan  offroit  le  plus  beatf 
module  des  vertus  guerrieres  et  politiques.  En 
rasscmblant  les  traits,  dont  He"rodote  et  les  autres  Hcrodot.  i. 

,      .  ,  ,  ,     i.  passim.  1. 

histonens  out  compose  son  'portrait;  nous  y  de-  Hi.  c.  89, 


couvrirons  un  grand  homme,  qui  n'a  du  son  e'le'va- 
tion  prodigieuse  qu'&  lui-meme,  "a  son  activite*,  a  f 
son  eloquence,  a  sa  connoissance  profonde  de  Fart  Vaies.p. 
cle  la  guerre;  un  prince  dont  la  prudence  affcrmit  Nicoi.  Da- 
son  nouvel  empire;  et  dont  la  moderation  lui  me"-  Vai'p.  454  '. 
rita  le  titre  glorieux  de  Pere  de  ses  sujets.  Frapp6 
de  ce  caractere  sublime,  Xe*nopliori  s'est  attach^  a 
deVelopper  le  plan  qu'il  a  suivi,  et  a  trouver  dans 
toute  son  histoire,  Fart  de  vaincre  et  de  re"gner. 
Cette  id£e  syste"matique  1'a  bientdt  6gar6:  elle  a 
fait  disparoitre  des  succes  de  Cyrus  le  hasard,  1'er- 
reur,  la  ibiblesse  et  les  revers.  Un  juste  ^quilibre 
s'^tablit  entre  chaque  6v6nement,  et  sa  cause;  et 
cette  cause  se  retrouve  toujours  dans  les  vues  ex 
acted  et  r^fl^chies  de  ce  h^ros.  Voila  ce  qu'on  a 
os6  nommer  un  systeme  vraisemblable.  Un  homme 
parfaitement  sage  et  parfaitement  heureux  seroit 
un  monstre  cent  fois  plus  chim^rique  que  ceux 
d'Ovide.  JNlais  il  n'est  pas  necessaire  d'embrasser 
cette  ide*e  dans  toute  sa  rigueur.  X6rtophdn  ad- 
miroit  avec  raison  un  corps  lumineux;  Fesprit 
dans  lequel  il  le  consid6roit,  ne  lui  pcrmettoit  pas 
d'en  observer  les  taches. 

On  a  cru  que  X&iophon  a  voulu  rassembler  dans 
le  caractere  de  Cyrus,  les  vertus  d'un  sage,  aussi 
bien  que  les  taiens  d'un  conqu6rant,  et  d'un  M- 
gislateur.  Helas  !  s'il  Feut  fait,  X&iophon  ne  seroit 
que  trop  bien  convaincu  de  n'avoir  compos6  qu'un 

K  2  roman. 


SUR  LA  MONARCHIE  DES  MEDES. 

roman.     La  plupart  des  modemes  ont  adopte  cette 

idee,  sur  la  foi  d'un  orateur,  dont  les  eloquens  ou- 

vrages  se  ressentent  quelquefois  d'un  travail  pr6- 

cicer.        cipite\     Cic^ron  a  dit  que  sous  le  nom  du  r&gne 

Fratre^.u  de  Cyrus,  X£nopbon  a  voulu  d^crire  celui  de  la 

Ep'1'       justice.     Chacun  a  r£p6t6;  sous  le  nom  du  regne 

de  Cyrus,  Xe*nophon  a  voulu  d£crire  celui  de  la 

justice.    Get  e*cho  s'est  perp6tu6  de  siecle  en  siecle  ;* 

ct  le  bon  Rollin  lui-m^me,  cet  ennemi  jur^  des 

vertus  payenneSj  ne  parle  qu'avec  enthousiasme 

de  cette  vertu  parfaite,  qui  ne  s'est  jamais  d^mentie 

un  seul  instant.     II  paroit  pr^t  a  s'ecrier,  Sancte 

Cyre,  or  a  pro  nobis.    J'ose  cependant  m'opposer  a  sa 

canonisation  sur  Fide'e  qu'une  lecture  attentive  de 

ia  Cyrop^die  m'a  donn^  de  son  caractere  moral. 

On  peut  me  citer  des  propos  tres  honnetes,  et  des 
actions  vertueuses  de  ce  prince.  Je  le  sens;  je 
Tavoue;  jecomprends  meme,  comment  1'onest  e*b- 
loui  d'un  air  de  moderation  et  de  bont6,  qui  regne 
dans  toute  sa  conduite.  Mais  c'est  dans  le  principc 
de  sa  conduite  qu'il  faut  chercher  le  caractere  dc 
sa  vertu.  Cyrus  n'avoit  point  1'ame  de  Henri  IV. 
dont  on  n'a  jamais  lu  Fhistoire  sans  attendrisse- 
ment;  de  ce  prince  qui  pleuroit  letristesort  de  ses 
sujets  rebelles,  etqui  aimoit  son  peuple,  comme  les 
autres  rois  ont  aime"  la  gloire  ;  jamais  le  sentiment 
n'a  £mu  le  caractere  froid  du  Persan. 

Jamais  un  trait  n'est  parti  de  son  coeur.     La  rai- 

Erasm.  in         *  Je  dois  excepter  Erasme,  qui  lisoit  les  anciens  dans  un  autre 

re®'  mi HiC"  CSprit  que  la  Pi<-lPart  des  savans-  II  a  tres  bien  vu  que  "  Xeno- 
phon,  vafrum  quendam,  et  ayxy^o/x^TJjr  expressit  potius,  quam 
vere  prudentem  aq  salutarem  principeni/' 

son 


SUE  LA  MONARCHIE  DES  MEDES.  133 

son  conduisoit  toutes  ses  demarches;  mais  cettc 
raison  n'avoit  rien  de  commun  avec  celle  de  Marc 
Aurele;  qui  consultoitla  volont6  desdieux,  la  na 
ture  de  1'homme,  et  1'ordre  de  1'univers,  et  qui  pr6- 
f(6roit  la  vertu :  la  raison  de  Cyrus  n'^toit  que  la 
connoissance  de  ses  int6tr£s.  II  etoit  juste,  humain, 
et  bienfaisant;  parceque  la  justice,  I'humanite!  et  la 
bienfaisance  nous  attirent  cette  estime  g£n£rale, 
dont  il  avoit  besoin.  Voila  la  source  de  toutes  ses 
vert  us  specieuses.  C'est  deja  une  vfrite"  importante, 
que  le  conqu£rant  et  son  historien  out  enseign6 
aux  princes ;  que  la  vertu  n'est  qu'une  politique 
bien  entendue;  mais  cette  politique  chancelantc 
doit  se  dementir  dans  quelques  occasions,  et  se 
contenter  presque  toujours  d'un  ext£rieur  imposant. 
Pour  examiner  celle  de  Cyrus,  je  vais  le  consid^rer 
sous  ses  trois  relations  cliff^rentes,  rcment  de  vain- 
queur  de  1'Asie;  2mcnt  d'alli6  des  M£des,  et  3mev 
de  general  des  Persans.  Sa  conduite  envers  scs 
ennemis,  ses  amis,  et  ses  sujets,  ne  peut  que  nous 
£clairer  sur  son  veritable  caractere. 

1.  La  guerre  a  ses  droits  comme  la  paix,  qui  ne 
sont  pas  moins  sacres  pour  avoir  6t£  m^connus  ou 
violas  par  la  plupart  des  conqu^rans.  Lorsque  le 
jeune  Cyrus  prit  le  commandement  de  I'arm6e,  cyroP*d. 
son  pere  lui  communiqua  dans  une  instruction  g6- 
nerale,  tout  le  fruit  de  ses  reflexions,  et  de  son  ex- 
p^rience.  C'est  un  chef  d'oeuvre  de  raison  politique ; 
et  je  ne  connois  rien  de  plus  propre  a  former  un 
g£n£ral  et  un  homme  d'etat.  Mais  on  peut  lui 
reprocher  d'avoir  6tendu  trop  loin  les  droits  de  la 
guerre;  ou  plut6t  de  ne  leur  avoir  point  donn£  dc 

K  3  bornes. 


1.  i.  p.  66- 
99. 


134  SUR    LA    MONARCHIE    DES    MEDES. 

ff  °P86—  bornes.     "  Les  devoirs  (dit-il)  n'existent  qu'envers 

96-  nos  amis.     L'injustice,  le  mensonge,  la  calomnie, 

sont  des  arts  qu'on  ne  doit  point  rougir  d'employer 
centre-  les  ennemis.  La  chasse  estxl'image  de  la 
guerre;  tout  moyen  est  permis  qui  nous  y  fait  re- 
ussir."  Je  n'ai  pas  besom  de  faire  s.entir  toutes  les 
exceptions,  que  la  philosophic  mettroit  a  cette  doc 
trine  generale.  ojj; 

Si  nous  examinons  la  conduite  de  Cyrus,  il  nous 
tiendra  lieu  d'un  commentaire  aux  lecons  de  son 
pere.  D&s  sa  premiere  jeunesse,  je  le  vois  deVor6 
(Tune  ambition,  qui  ne  peut  s'assouvir  que  par  la 
conquete  de  FOrient.  II  nous  instruit  assez  claire- 
ment  de  ses  vues,  dans  ce  discours  d'inauguration, 
qu'il  tient  devant  l^lite  de  la  jeunesse  Persanne. 

L.i.  p.  ei,  II  s'6tonne  de  la  stupidite*  de  leurs  ayeux,  qui  ont 
cultive"  la  vertu  sans  y  trouver  leur  avantage ;  "  de 
quel  prix  seroit-elle,  cette  inutile  vertu;  si  elle 
n'oiFroit  pas  des  recompenses  qui  distinguent  la 
bnavoure  de  la  lachet^?  La  vertu,  1'eloquence,  la 
science  militaire,  sont  autant  de  moyens.  Nous- 
m^mes  et  notre  p'atrie  nous  aliens  y  trouver  la 
gloire,  les  richesses,  etles  honneurs."  Ces  idees  se 
concilient  assez  mal  avec  celle  d'une  guerre  defen 
sive,  que  Cyrus  alioit  entreprendre ;  cependant  il 
ne  les  perd  jamais  da  vue.  Apres  la  premiere 

L.iv.p.29o.  victoire  sur  les  Assyriens,  il  sollicite  une  aug 
mentation  de  troupes  pour  executer  son  des* 
sein  de  reduire  TAsie  sous  ses  loix,  et  sous  celles 
des  Persans.  II  ne  connolt  de  paix  que  la  victoire, 
et  ne  concoit  jamais  que  la  guerre  puisse  finir  que 

546."' ]       par  la  soumission  de  tous  ses  ennemis,  qui  doivent 

se 


SUR   LA    MONARCHIE    DES    MEDES.  135 

se  croire  heureux,  si  le  maitre  le"gitime  cle  tout  ce 
qu'ils  possedent  daigne  encore  leur  en  laisser 
quelque  portion.  Assis  enfm  sur  les  tr6nes  de 
Sardes  et  de  Babylone,  ses  vceux  ne  sont  point 
combl^s.  II  leve  une  arme*e  nombreuse,  et  soumet 
toutl'Orient,  depuis  la  Syrieet  1'Ethiopie,  jusqu'a 
I'Oce'an.  Mille  nations  eutendirent  pour  la  pre 
miere  fois  le  uom  de  leur  vainqueur,  et  ses  con- 
quotes  furent  a  peiiie  arrete'es  par  les  obstacles  que 
la  nature  y  opposoit.  Telle  fut  la  justice  et  la  mo- 
deiation  de  Cyrus  envers  ses  ennemis.  Montagne 
Fa  tres  bien  apprecie".  "  Et  certes  la  guerre  (dit-il)  ""**£* 
a  beaucoup  de  privileges  raisonnables  au  prejudice 
de  la  raison ; — mais  je  m'e"tonne  de  P&endue  que 
X6nophon  leur  donne,  et  par  les  propos  et  par 
1'exemple  de  son  parfait  empereur;  auteur  de 
merveilleux  poids  en  telles  choses ;  comme  grand 
capitaine,  et  philosophe  des  premiers  disciples  de 
Socrate ;  et  ne  consens  pas  a  la  mesure  de  sa  dis 
pense  en  tout  et  partout."  La  morale  relache'e  de 
Xe"nophon  auroit  moins  etonne  Montagne,  s'il  eut 
re'fle'cbi  que  ce  philosophe  e"toit  du  nombre  de  ces 
aventuriers  mercenaires,  qui  vendent  leur  sang  au 
plus  otfrant ;  et  qui  ne  s'informent  jamais  de  la 
justice  du  parti  qu'ils  embrassent.  Ce  n'est  pas 
d'un  colonel  Suissti  qu'on  doive  esperer  un  trait6 
sur  le  droit  des  gens.* 

*  Cyrus    envoye  demander  de  1'argent  au  Roi   des  Tndiens,  cyrop^ 
prince  neutre  et  independant.     S'il  1'accorde  (disoit-il  k  ses  amis)  l.i»i.  p.  205. 
nous  lui  en  devrons  de  la  reconnoissance.  S'il  le  refuse,  nous  se- 
rons  en  droit  de  ne  consulter  que  notre  avantage,  dans  notre 
conduite  k  son  egard.    Ce  droit  me  paroit  assez  plaisant ! 

K4  Je 


136  SUR    LA    MONARCHIC    DES    MEDES. 

Je  reconnois  cependant  avec  plaisir,  que  la  poll* 
tique,  et  peut-etre  le  caractere  de  Cyrus,  n'avoit 
rien  de  la  ftrocite"  d'un  conqu£rant  Tartare.  II  exer- 
£oit  une  cl^mence  qui  feroit  honneur  aux  si&cles 
les  plus  6claires  :  il  6pargnoit  le  sang  des  vaincus, 
et  ne  portoit  point  le  flambeau  dans  les  villes 
prises  d'assaut.  Trop  sage  pour  miner  ce  qu'il 
regardoit  comme  son  bien ;  il  n'ajouta  jamais  au 
courage  des  ennemis,  1'aiguillon  puissant  du  d6sesr 
poir.  Je  n'ai  pas  le  loisir  de  m'arr&ter  sur  cette 
partie  int6ressante  de  son  histoire.  II  me  suffit 

Cyropaed.       l 

i.  v.p.376.  d'indiquer  son  trait6  avec  le  Roi  d'Assyrie,  par  ler 

quel  il  exceptoit  les  cultivateurs  des  horreurs  de  la 

guerre ;  sa  bonte  6clair6e  envers  les  Egyptiens  a  la 

L  vii        journ6e  de  Thymbree,  et  sa  conduite  apres  la  prise 

486-          de  Sardes.     Au  lieu  de  permettre  a  ses   soldats  de 

1.  vii.  p.496,     ,         .    ,  .  ,  .  ,  ., 

&c.  s  enrichir  par  la  destruction  de  cette  capitale,   il  se 

contenta  d'exiger  des  citoyens  une  forte  contribu 
tion;  qu'il  versa  ensuite  parmi  les  compagnons  de 
sa  victoire.  Les  uns  le  regard£rent  comme  un 
dieu  sauveur;  les  autres  comme  un  bienfaiteur 
g£n£reux,  qui  ne  laissoit  jamais  la  valeur  et  la 
fld&ite'  sans  recompense.  On  peut  dire  que  la  for 
mation  d'un  grand  empire  n'a  jamais  cout6  si  peu 
a  Fhumanit^. 

2.  Pour  juger  de  la  conduite  de  Cyrus  envers 
Cyaxare  et  les  M&des,  il  est  necessaire  de  conr 
noitre  ses  relations  avec  eux.  Dans  le  syst£me  de 
X£nophon,  les  Pei'sans  ne  d£pendoient  point  des 
Medes ;  avec  lesquels  jls  6toient  unis  par  les  liens 
d'une  £troite  alliance.  Cyaxare  leur  demande  un 

L;,i.  P.  57,  corps  de  troupes,  pour  se  d&fendre   contre  les 

desseins 


SUR   LA    MONARCHIE    DES    MEDES.  137 

desseins    ambitieux    de  1'  Assyrian,   leur   ennemi 

commun.     Le  grand  conseil  de  la  nation  lui  accorda 

trente   mille  homines,   dont    Cyrus   fut   nomm6 

general.     Ces  troupes  n'£toient  point  auxiliaires, 

ils  £toient  merc^naires,  et  ce  mot  seul  nous  instruit 

de  toutes  les  obligations  de  cette  espece  de  servi-  &"'p'100> 

tudc  imparfaite.   Cyrus  devint  le  soldat  de  Cyaxare, 


qui  portoit  le  fardeau  de  la  guerre,  et  qui  devoit  en  «t  Pads, 

r.11.  ,,  &~        .  ,  l.ii.c.5.n.30. 

recueilhr  tout  1  avantage.  Pendant  quelque  terns 
le  nouveau  general  se  distingua  par  son  ob&ssance 
et  sa  fid£lite\  Mais  on  peut  d£couvrir  le  germe  de 
1'independance,  j  usque  dans  son  empressement  Cyrop^d. 
affect^,  son  refus  de  prendre  une  robe  Mfcde,  et  —153.'  lv 
I'ostentation  avec  laquelle  il  6tala  aux  yeux  des 
ambassadeurs  Indiens,  le  contraste  du  roi  et  du 
guerrier.  Sa  valeur,  son  humeur  populaire,  et  sa 
conduite  artificieuse,  lui  donn&rent  bientot  un  parti 
dans  la  cour  d'Ecbatane;  le  roi  d'Arm&iie  lui 
devoit  le  tr6ne  et  la  vie  ;  et  son  armee,  formee  par 
ses  soins,  6toit  d^vou^e  a  sa  fortune.  Enhardi  par 
ces  avantages,  il  commence  a  prendre  un  ton  plus 
libre.  C'est  a  la  t^te  de  ses  mille  capitaines,  qu'il  L.u 
va  proposer  au  roi  de  porter  la  guerre  dans  le  pays  &c' 
cles  ennemis.  On  ne  refuse  rien  a  une  pareille 
deputation.  Les  allies  se  mettent  en  marche,  ils 
livrent  une  bataille^  et  la  gagnent.  Cyrus  veut 
profiter  de  sa  victoire.  Pr^t  a  suivre  1'ennemi  a 
la  t£te  des  Persans,  il  demande  au  roi  la  permission 
d'y  ajouter  les  volontaires  MMes.  L'arm^e  entiere 
part  avec  lui  ;  et  Cyaxare  demjeure  seul,  avec  un 
petit  nombre  de  ses  gardes.  II  envoye  un  ordre 
pour  rappeller  les  M&des,  dont  il  se  croyoit  au 

moins 


138  SUR    LA    MONARCHIE    DES    MEDES. 

moins  le  maitre.  Mais  Cyrus  avoit  pris  un  si  grand 
ascendant  sur  ces  troupes,  qui  le  traitoient  deja  de 
roi,  qu'ils  resolurent  unanimement  de  ne  point 
abandonner  ses  drapeaux.  II  repondit  aussit6t  a 
Cyaxare;  a  qui  il  n'avoit  encore  donne*  aucune 
nouvelle  de  sa  situation.  Son  ton  est  celui  d'un 

J.iv.p.295  . 

—397.  nomme,  qui  sent  ses  forces  et  qui  mepnse  son 
maitre.  Apres  avoir  exager6  des  services,  ainsi 
recompense's,  il  finit  sa  lettre  par  une  menace  assez 
mai  d^guisfe :  "  Ne  r£voquez  point  (lui  dit-il)  ce 
que  vous  avez  accorde;  un  semblable  proc£d6 
changera  en  ennemis  vos  amis.  N'enseignez  point  a 
vos  sujets,  par  vos  plaintes  deplacees,a  vous  meprisei\ 
Quant  a  nous,  lorsque  nous  aurons  mis  fin  a  une 
entreprise  utile  pour  le  bien  commun,  nous  t&che?. 
rons  de  nous  rendre  aupres  de  votre  personne." 
Sur  le  champ,  il  fait  partir  un  ministre  fidele  pour 
lever  quarante  mille  autres  Persans,  que  Cyaxare 
ne  demandoit  point,  et  pour  les  conduire  en  Medie. 

j*v.p.  589.  Enfin  Cyrus  ramena  son  arm^e  victorieuse  d'une 
expedition  dans  laquelle  il  p6i6tra  jusqu'aux  portes 
de  Babylone.  L'oncle  et  le  neveu  se  virent,  et 
l^claircissement  ne  se  passa  point  sans  difficulte* 
Cyaxare  sentoit  son  humiliation,  et  la  comparoit, 
tristement  avec  l'6clat  naissant  d'un  alli6  qui  ne  le 
seroit  pas  long-terns.  La  v^rite"  perce  a  travers 
Tart  de  1'ecrivain;  et  chaque  lecteur  plaint  le 
triste  sort  de  ce  monarque,  qu'on  a  voulu  rendre 
m^prisable.  II  se  rend  cependant  aux  sophismes 

L.r.p.4oi.  ^loquens  que  Cyrus  daigne  encore  employer;  et 
aux  assurances  qu'il  lui  donne  qu'il  ne  faisoit  des 
conquetes  que  pour  son  avantage.  Flatte  par  ses 

assurances. 


fiUR   LA    MONARCHIC  DES   MEDES. 

assurances,  et  par  le  respect  que  Cyrus  permit  aux 
Medes  de  lui  rendre,  il  consentit  sans  peine  a  tous  Cyropffid. 
ses  projets.     Le  roi  des  Medes,  avec  latroisi£me  ltVi>i)-448t 
partie  de  I'arm6e,  se  charges  de  la  garde  du  pays; 
pendant  que    le   general  Persaii  marcboit  centre 
I'ennemi  a  la  tete  du  reste.     Cyrus  ne  doit  jamais 
oublierqu'il  est  le  soldat  de  Cyaxare,  on  du  inoins  de 
la  cause  commune.     Depuis  ce  moment,  je  ne  vois 
plus  qu'un  prince  ind^pendant,  qui  fonde  un  empire 
pour  lui-m£me.    II  soumet  les  deux  monarchies  de 
Lydie  et  d'Assyrie.     Partout   il   agit  en  maitre.  L.vi.P.5oa. 
Les    gouverneurs,    les    garnisons,  les    trdsors,   il  j^n    530 
s'empare   de   tout,   et  re*git  tout  par  sa  volonte* 
supreme.     Pendant  qu'il  se  fait  couronner  roi  de  L.viii.P.593, 
Babylone,  sa  politesse  attentive  prepare  a  Cyaxare  L.viii.p.6so. 
un  palais,  propre  a  le  recevoir,  lorsqu'il  voudra  faire 
visite  a  son  neveu,  dans  ses  nouveaux  etats.     Ce 
neveu  lui  permet  meme  d'achever  ses  jours  sur  le 
trdne  d'Ecbatane.     II  se  contente  d'^pouser  sa  fille  L.viii.P.63i. 
unique,  et  derecueillir  son  heritage  apres  sa  mort. 
Tel  est  le  Cyrus  de  Xenophon.     Mais  j'ai  de  la 
peine  a  croire,  que  Cyrus  ait  garde*  jusqu'a  ce  point 
les  dehors  de  la  moderation.      Herodote  et  Ctesias  Herodot  1 1 
(je  ne  parle  point  de  leurs  copistes)  nous  assurent  c^^30' 
que  ce  prince  prit  les  armes  centre  son  souverain,  apud  Phot. 
et  que  la  victoire  transfera  Fempire  des  M^des  aux  p* l 
Persans.     II    n'est  gu^res  possible  que  ces  deux 
historiens  se  trompent     Le  t^moignage  de  Ctesias 
est  celui  des   archives  qu'il  avoit  consultees,   et 
lorsqu'H6rodote  voyagea  en  Asje,  la  tradition  de 
ce  grand  eV6nement  etoit  grav^e  dans   tous   les 
esprits,  disons  mieux,  dans  tous  les  coeurs.     L'or- 

gueil 


140  SUR   LA    MONARCHIE    DES  «MEDES. 


des  vainqueurs,  et  la  douleur  des  vaincus, 
ne  retracoient  que  trop  fidelement  la  revolution, 
qui  avoit  mis  les  uns  dans  les  fers,  et  les  autres  sur 
le  tr6ne.      Si  1'empire   ne  s'e"toit  form6  que  par 
1'union  volontaire  des  deux  nations,  leur  sort  se- 
roit-il  deVenu  aussi  different?     Les  Persans,  mat- 
Herod,  i.iii.  tres  de  Fetat,  £toient  libres  et   exempts  de   tout 
tribut  :  la  Me"  die  e"toit  confondue  dans  la  foule  des 
strab.Geog.  provinces.     Les  e*crivains  post6rieurs,  Strabon  et 
Xenophon°'  X&iophoii  lui-m£me,  ont  retrouv6  des  vestiges  de 
uuSk  cette  guerre,  des  endroits  qu'elle  avoit  rendu  c6- 
237.          lebres.     II  sembleroit  que  cette  flamme  civile  em- 
brasa  tous  les  pays  des  bords  du  Tigre  jusqu'au 
fond  de  la  Perside.     L'existence  de  cette  guerre 
ne  me  paroit  point  douteuse.     II  en   resulteroit 
que  Xenophon  a  respect^  son  heros  plus  que  la 
v6rit6,  c,t  qu'il  a  efFac^  un  trait  d'injustice  et  de 
violence,  qui  auroit  d^par6  la  douce  politique  de 
Cyrus.     L'e'crivain  n'a    pas   voulu    permettre    a 
1'homme  de  sortir    un   instant  de   son  caractere 
g^n^ral.    Mais  en  reconnoissant  ce  silence  affecte, 
ne  perdons  point  de  vue  nos  principes.      Essayons 
jusqu'a  quel  point  une  hypothec  naturelle  pour- 
roit  adoucir  sa  faute,  et  rapprocher  deux  historiens 
dont  on  ne  voit  I'&oignement  qu'avec  une  sorte  de 
regret. 

Herod,  i.i.  Cyrus  n'abusa  point  de  son  victoire.  Herodote 
^a^  1'^logc  de  sa  cl&nence,  a  1'^gard  d'Astyage. 
Ctesias  y  ajoute  un  melange  assez  singulier,  mais 
tres  naturel,  de  rigueur  et  de  bonte".  Des  qu'il  se 
vit  maitre  d'Agbatane,  il  met  a  la  torture  la  far 
mille  entiere  d'Astyage,  pour  leur  arracher  1'aveu 

de 


SUR    LA    JtfONARCHIE    DES    MEDES,  141 

cle  sa  retraite.     La  g6ne*rosit£  de  ce  prince  malheu- 
reux,  rendit  inutile  la  Constance  de  ses  amis.  II  sortit 
de  son  asyle  pour  terminer  leurs  tourmens.     Des 
cet  instant  Cyrus  s'assura  de  sa  personne  ;  mais  le 
traita  toujours  avec  le  respect  d'un  fils  ;  ii  e"pousa 
m£me  sa  rille  et  se  donna  par  la  quelque  titre  le- 
gitime  au  trone  des  Medes.     Je  suppose  done  qu'ii 
lui  laissa  le  vain  titre  de   Roi,  et  que  se  re'servant 
Tautorit^  souveraine,  sous  le  nom  de  son  general, 
ou  de  son  premier  ministrc,  il  e*blouit  sans  peine 
un  pen  pie  attache*  a  la  race  de  Dejoce,  et  qui  ne  v. 
s'appercevoit  point  qu'il  eut  chang6  de  maitre.    La  OQ 
politique  de  Tamerlan  ne  seroit  pas  indigne  de  Cy-  Hist-  Ge- 
rus.     Ce   prince  Tartare  ^toit  maitre  absolu  de 


1'empire  de  Zagatai  :  bientot  il  le  fut  de  1'Asie.  Slst.  dec>nl 
Un  ordre  de  sa  bouche  an^antissoit  la-  maison  de  panrrs^herif. 
Jenghiz  Khan.  II  la  respecta,  il  se  contenta  des  j^'j,n4^H 
titres  modestes  de  ge'ne'ral  et  d'alli6  des  princes,  Emiret 

,  ,      .  ,  /•         /       i      Kurkhan. 

et  par  un  menagement  adroit  pour  les  prejug^s  de 
sa  nation,  il  conserva  toujours  aux  d^scendans  de 
leur  l^gislateur,  les  noms  sacr^s  de  Khan  et  de  Sul 
tan.  Astyage  surve"cut  a  la  prise  de  Sardes.  II 
pe"rit  alors  d'une  facon,  qui  laissoit  soupconner 
que  1'usurpateur  ^toit  1'assassin.  II  ne  pouvoit  p-  109> 
mieux  se  justifier  de  ce  reproche,  qu'en  placant  un 
Cyaxare,  fils  du  deYunt,  sur  le  trone  pr£tendu  d'Ag- 
batane.  II  n'est  pas  e"  tonnant  qu'H^rodote  et  Ctesias 
ayent  ignor6  Texistence  de  ce  fantdme,  qui  dispa- 
roissoit  a  mesure  que  I'autorit6  de  Cyrus  s'affermis- 
soit  ;  et  qu'ils  ayent  fix£  l'6poque  du  regne  de  ce 
conqu^rant  par  la  d£faite  d'  Astyage.  II  Test  en 
core  rnoins,  que  X^nophon  ait  profit^  de  la  con- 

duite 


142  SlTR    LA    AlOtfAllCHIE    i)ES    MEDES; 

duite  politique  de  son  heros,  et  qu'en  suivant  son 
exemple  il  ait  tache  de  faire  eVanouir  toutes  les 
traces  d'une  guerre  aussi  odieuse*  Je  ne  sais  si 
FOOT  doit  attribuer  au  dessein,  ou  au  hasard,  cette 
erreur  chronologique,  sur  la  mort  d?  Astyage,  qti'- 
assurement  il  a  avance  de  plusieurs  amides :  le  con* 
•£entement  unamine  de  Fantiquite  me  persuade 
que  c'est  a  Astyage  et  non  a  Cyaxare,  que  Cyrus 
a  an-ache"  le  sceptre;  et  Fautorite'  de  Ctesias  me 
prouve  que  c'est  la  fille  d' Astyage  qu'il  a  £pous6< 
Ce  d£placement  repand  quelque  confusion  sur  la 
Cyrop6die,  qui  pr6sente  d'ailleurs  un  tableau  tres 
Vraisemblable  de  Felevatioii  du  prince  Persan^ 
jusqu'a  Finstant  qu'elle  jette  un  voile  favorable 
sur  le  denouement  de  ses  intrigues.  ,, 

Cyropaed.         $    Les  (louze  tribus  des  Persans,  qui  montoieiit 

Ii  l.  p.  16.  if  L 

a  peine  au  nombre  de  120,000  hommes,  n'occu- 
poient  qu'une  portion  sterile  de  la  province,  a  la- 
quelle  ils  ont  donne*  le  nom  de  Perside.*  Lors-* 
qu'on  voit  une  peuplacle  aussi  peu  iiombreuse  sub^ 
juguer  FAsie  en  moins  de  trente  ans ;  nous  sou- 
haiterions  de  connoitre  les  causes,  qui  leur  acqui 
red  une  superiority  aussi  decid^e  sur  les  autres 
nations*  C'^toient  un  gouvernefnent  libre,  et  une 
-i,  i  passim,  e*ducation  perfection 6e ;  les  deux  moyens  les  plus 

V.  Strabon.  *  On  distinguoit  dans  la  Perside,  1.  La  cote  maritime,  qtii 

p.e?li,  Ar-  ^toit  aride,  sabloneuse,  et  briileepar  les  chaleurs  excessives.     2. 

Tian.  India  La  partie  tempereei     C'etoit  la  plus  belle  plaine  du  monde.     3* 

^rig?."  ^a  Part'e  septentrionale,  froide,  sterile  et  remplie  de  montagnes. 

l.ix.adfin,  C'etoit  la  patrie  des  Persans.     J'ai  neglige  le  roman  de  la  nais- 

C^o^d"  sance  et  ^e  Implication  de  Cyrus;  qu'  Herodote  a  ecrit  avec  au* 

kvi.p.543.  t»nt  d'agrenjens  que  de  mepris  pour  la  vrai&emblance. 

propres 


SUR    LA    MONARCHIE    DES    MEDES.  143 

propres  a  Clever  Fame,  et  £  former  de  grands 
homines.  X^nophon  a  peut-£tre  trop  consult^  la 
legislation  Spartiate  lorsqu'il  a  compost  son  ta 
bleau  vraiment  philosophique  de  celle  des  Per- 
sans ;  mais  la  conformite  de  ses  id^es  avec  les  ob 
servations  d'Herodote,  me  persuade  qu'il  a  travail!6  i.'T 
sur  un  fond  tres  historique ;  et  que  la  re"publique  "~1?4f 
Persanne  se  distinguoit  par  des  loix  et  des  vertus 
inconnues  aux  vils  troupeaux  d'esclaves,  qui  cou- 
vroient  le  reste  de  FAsie.  La  formation  d'un  sembla- 
ble  ^tat  doit  avoir  e"  t£  accompagn6e  de  circonstances 
singulieres,  mais  nous  ignorons  jusqu'au  nom  de 
ce  g6nie  sublime,  qui  en  fut  1'auteur.  Le  jeune  v.  Cyro- 
Cyrus  apprit  dans  cette  £cole  a  mepriser  la  mort  et  Su'.ad!vH.' 
a  ne  craindr.e  que  les  loix.  Dans  toutes  ses  guerres,  mclu9t 
il  sembloit  n'£tre  que  le  compagnon  de  cette  jeu- 
nesse,  dont  il  6toit  le  premier  dans  un  jour  de  com 
bat.  La  raison,  I'^loquence,  la  plaisanterie,  des 
recompenses;  voila  les  serds  moyens  qu'il  em- 
ployoit  pour  s'assurer  Fobeissance  d'une  armee 
nombreuse.  Ennemi  du  faste  et  des  plaisirs,  ii 
soutenoit  par  ses  lecons  et  par  son  exemple,  les 
institutions  rigoureuses  de  sa  patrie.  Une  pareille 
discipline  maitrisa  la  fortune.  Cyrus  se  vit  enfin 
assis  sur  les  de'bris  sanglans  de  tous  les  tr6nes  de 
1'Asie. 

La  victoire  ne  Feblouit  point ;  mais  il  d^couvrit 
des  lors  le  plan  refl6chi  d'un  gouvernement  despo- 
tique,  qu'il  avoit  form6  depuis  longtems.     II  d^-  L.vii.P.53i 
butapar  la  ruse  ordinaire  aux  ambitieux;  en  fai-  ""540' 
sant  sentir  aux  grands  tous  les  inconve"niens  d'une 
d^mocratie,  qui  les  laissoit  dans  la  foule  des  citoy- 

ens. 


144  SUR    LA    MOtfARCHIE    BES    MEDE&. 

ens.     Des  qu'il  les  vit  inte"resse"s  dans  ses  projets^ 
et  convaincus  qu'il  valoit  mieux  etre  les  esclaves 
iCvHPpd>     d'un  maitre,  que  de  la  multitude,  il  changea  tout 
L7viii        d'un  COUP  de  conduite,  A  son  ancienne  simplicity, 
•&  &c.     ii  substitua  la  parure  des  Medes,  qu'il  avoit  m6- 
prise*,  et  tout  le  luxe  Babylonien.     Ses  manieres 
populaires  et  affables  avoient  fait  place  a  1'orgueil 
des  rois  de  1'Orient.     La  jalousie  marche  a  cote 
du  despotisme.     Ce  guerrier,    qui  n'avoit  jamais 
connu  la  crainte,  commencoit  a  se  defier  des  com- 
pagnons  de  ses  victoires.     II  ne  paroissoit  plus  en 
public,    qu'environn^  d'une   garde  de  dix  mille 
L.  Tii.  p.     nommes.     II  ne  confioit  plus  sa  personne  qu'aux 
L.  vii.  P.      eunuques  de  son  palais.     II  esp6roit  que,  mepris^s 
541'          de  tous  les  hommes,  ils  se  devoueroient  au  maitre 
qui  les  prot£geoit.     Cyrus  sentoit  cependant  qu'il 
devoit  chercher  ailleurs,  un  appui  solicle  de  son 
L.  vii.  P.      empire.     II   rassembla  l'61ite  des  Persons,  et  des 
allies;     qu'il    formoit    continuellement    aux    fa 
tigues  de  la  guerre   et  de   la  chasse:    toujours 
exerc£s  sous  ses  yeux,  ils  jouissoient  des  richesses 
L.  via.  p.     Je  rOrient,  sans  en  6tre  corrornpus.     Aux  portes 
»    de  son  palais  ils  se  faisoient  une  habitude  de  la 
bravoure,    de    la  temperance,     mais    surtout   de 
1'obeissance,  la  premiere  des  vertus  aux  yeux  de 
L.viii.p.     Cyrus.     S'ils  n6gligeoient  ce  service,  le  roi  leur 
faisoit  enlever  leurs  biens ;  et  leur  montra  que  ses 
seuls  courtisans  avoient  droit  a  sa  faveur,  ou  m£me 
^J"1' p'     a  sa  justice.     Les  Persans  apprirent  pour  la  pr6- 
miere  fois  a  Fadorer.    Jaloux  des  hommages  de  ses 
sujets,    il  F6toit  encore   de  leur  amour  mutuel. 
L.  viii.  P.     Pendant  que  ses  bienfaits  lui  assuroient  1'attache- 

ment 


SUR  LA  MONARCHIE  DES  MEDE3.  145 

ment  de  ses  guerriers  ;  il  favorisoit  parmi  eux  une  Cyropad. 
division,  qui  les  rendoit  moins  redoutables.    Voila  p.  SB'S.' 
les  principes  que  Cyrus  6tablit  dans  son  gouverne- 
ment,  et  que  cliacun  de  ses  satrapes  imitoit  dans 
sa  province.     Tout  s'y  rapportoit  au  prince,  rien  L.  viii.  p. 
au  peuple. 

Ne  dissimulons  cependant  point,  que  Cyrus  re-  L.  vni.  P. 
specta  toujours  la  liberte*  Persanne  dans  sa  source 
sacree.  Le  citoyen  Persan  jouissoit,  au  sein  de  sa 
patrie,  de  Findependance  et  de  la  pauvrete",  s'il 
osoit  les  pre"f£rer  aux  grandeurs  serviles  de  la  cour. 
Je  pense  que  la  Perside  se  depeuploit  tous  les 
jours. 

Quel  fat  le  genre  de  mort  de  ce  heros  ?     Je  ne  Herodot. 

J  i.  c.  201 

r6p£terai  point  son  expedition  Scythique,  et  la  vie-  -Lsii. 
toire  de  Tomyris.     Je  ne  parietal  pas  non  plus  de 
cette  mort  douce,  tranquille,  et  digne  de  Socrate  cyropaed. 
dont  la  faveur  des  dieux  couronna  son  bonheur. 
H^rodote  et  X^nophon  sont  entre  les  mains  de 
tout  le  monde ;  mais  on  a  fait  peu  d'attention  au 
r6cit  vraisemblable  et  conciliant  de  Ctesias.    Cyrus 

.     ,  i         T-V      i  •  i  apud  Pliot. 

avoit  pns  les  armes  contre  les  Derbices,  nation  bar- 
bare,  qui  erroit  dans  ces  vastes  plaines  a  Torient  de 
la  mer  Caspienne.  Au  plus  fort  de  la  me'le'e,  le 
cheval  de  Cyrus,  effray6  d'une  odeur  d'^16pbant, 
qu'il  ne  connoissoit  pas,  se  renverse  avec  son 
maitre.  Un  Indien  le  blesse  avec  un  javelot.  Les 
Persans  1'emportent  au  camp ;  mais  de"courag6s  par 
la  blessure  de  leur  g6n6ral,  ils  sont  repouss6es  avec 
une  perte  tres  considerable.  A  la  nouvelle  de  cette 
deTaite,  Amorges,  ami  et  auxiliaire  de  Cyrus,  ac- 
courut  a  la  t&te  d'une  arm6e  de  Saques :  il  se  livra 
VOL,  ii !„  L  une 


146  SUR  XA  MONARCHIE  DES  MEDE5. 

une  bataille  sanglante,  mais  decisive  en  faveur 
Persans.  Cyrus  ne  survecut  a  sa  blessure  que  trois 
jours.  II  mourut  aii  milieu  de  ses  amis,  apres 
avoir  distribu6  ses  £tats  a  ses  fils,  qu'il  exhortoit  & 
s 'aimer  toujours.  C'est  la,  a  mon  avis,  la  mort  de 
Cyrus.  Chacun  des  autres  historiens  n'a  voulu 
voir  que  la  portion  qui  convenoit  a  ses  vues  pbilo- 
sophiques.  He"rodote  vouloit  prouver  1'existence 
d'une  puissance  toujours  jalouse  du  bonheur  des 
hommes.  X^nophon  vouloit  soutenir  jusqu'au 
dernier  moment  la  fortune  de  son  h6ros ;  1'ouvrage 
et  la  recompense  de  sa  prudence. 

II  a  fallu  se  livrer  a  une  discussion  un  pen 
longue,  pour  appre"cier  le  vrai  caractere  de  Cyrus 
et  de  la  Cyropedie ;  qu'on  a  envisag6  d'une  maniere 
assez  confuse,  Elle  nous  a  aid6  a  d6meler  la  de 
struction  de  la  dynastic  des  Mecles,  dont  Herodote 
nous  a  consent  Fhistoire.  Nous  y  decouvrirons 
aussi  ces  rois  de  Suse,  les  tristes  successeurs  de 
Fempire  d'Arbace,  que  nous  avons  perdu  de  vue 
depuis  longtems.  Us  vont  briller  un  instant,  pour 
se  perdre  a  jamais  dans  la  nuit  de  1'oublL 

Xenophon,  d'accord  avec  nos  ^crivains  sacr^s, 
nous  repre'sente  le  petit  j-oyaume  de  Suse  comme 
etant  soumis  aux  loix  des  Babyloniens.  Le  prince 
tributaire  qui  le  gouvernoit,  se  nommoit .  Abra- 
date.  H6ritier  des  vertus  d'Arbace,  sans  Fetre  de 
sa  fortune,  il  souifroit  impatiemment  1'orgueil  d'un 
maltre.  Ce  maltre  osa  meme  jetter  un  oeil  t^m^- 
raire  sur  la  Princesse  Pantb^e,  son  Spouse  et  son 
amante,  dont  la  vertu  le  rassuroit  autant  que  sa 
beaut6  lui  inspiroit  d'inqui6tudes.  Dans  le  terns 

qu'Abradate 


SUE  LA  MONARCHIC  DES  MEDES.  147 

qu'Abradate  e"toit  parti  du  camp  des  Assyrians, 
pour  entamer  une  n6gociation  avec  les  Bactriens, 
la  bataille  se  donne;  les  Assyrians  y  sont  de"faits, 
et  leur  camp,  rempli  de  leurs  tremors,  de  leurs 
femmes,  et  de  leurs  enfans,  tombe  au  pouvoir  des 
vainqueurs.  Lorsque  ceux-ci  firent  le  partage  du 
butin,  on  re\serva  Panthe"e  pour  Cyrus  lui-m£me. 
La  plus  belle  femme  de  1'Asie  devoit  couronner 
le  premier  de  ses  guerriers.  Araspe  lui  annonca 
avec  un  gout  vif,  les  plaisirs  qu'il  alloit  gouter 
entre  ses  bras.  II  lui  fit  une  description  touchante 
de  sa  captive,  de  sa  beaute",  de  sa  dignite"  modeste, 
et  de  son  d^sespoir.  Cyrus  fut  insensible  aux  at- 
traits  de  la  volupte",  et  aux  mouvemens  de  la  pitie". 
Occupe"  de  ses^desseins  politiques,  il  lui  re"pondit 
froidement,  "  qu'il  ne  verroit  point  cette  captive ; 
que  ses  appas  pourroient  Tengager  a  re'pe'ter  sa  vi- 
site ;  et  que  ses  affaires  ne  lui  laissoient  pas  un 
moment  pour  ses  plaisirs."  II  confia  Panthe*e  &  la  L.v.p. 
garde  d' Araspe.  Ce  jeune  Mede  ne  la  vit  point 
avec  indifference ;  et  essaya  vainement  d'e"branler 
une  Constance  fond6e  sur  1'amour  et  sur  la  vertu.  Lib.  vi 
La  seduction  fit  plajpe  aux  menaces;  et  la  reine  de  p'4*0< 
Suse  se  vit  enfin  obligee  d'instruire  Cyrus  de  Fin- 
fide'lite',  et  de  la  foiblesse  d' Araspe.  Ce  prince  le 
fit  bient6t  rougir  d'une  faute,  que  la  violence  de 
sa  passion  rendoit  presqu'ineVitable,  et  que  son  re- 
pentir  effa^oit.  II  la  lui  pardonna,  mais  cet  etalage  Lib.vi. 
de  cl^mence  se  termina  dans  une  s6verit^  plus 
raffin^e.  Cyrus  osa  charger  son  ami  d'une  com 
mission  honteuse,  qui  Texposoit  a  une  mort 
cruelle  et  infame,  et  qui  devoit  1'avilir  a  jamais  a 
L  2  ses 


148  S0R  LA  MONARCHIE  DES  MEDES, 

ses  propres  yeux.  Araspe  passa  au  camp  des  Ly- 
diens,  et  chacun  crut  qu'il  avoit  eVit6  par  cette 
desertion,  la  juste  colere  de  son  souverain. 

Panthee  fut  tromp^e  comme  les  autres.     P6n£- 
tr^e  des  bont£s  de  son  vainqueur,  elle  ne  voulut 

P.  426.  p^  qu'il  regrettat  son  ami  perfide.  Elle  6crivit 
a  son  £poux,  qu'elle  tenoit  de  Cyrus  sa  vie  et  son 
honneur ;  Abradate  partit  sur  le  champ,  a  la  t£te 

p.1 427.  de  deux  mille  chevaux;  et  vint  se  devouer  au  ser 
vice  de  ce  vainqueur  bienfaisant.  Attentif  a  toutes 
ses  demarches,  il  vit  que  ce  g&neral  changeoit  la 
forme  de  ses  chariots  de  guerre,  et  qu'aux  anciens, 
il  substituoit  des  chariots  d'une  nouvelle  construc- 

Lib>i        ti°n>    et  Qu*  etoient  arm6s  de   faux  tranchantes. 

FK  428.       Aussit6t  il  en  fit  faire  cent,  sur  le  m^me   principe. 

P. .462.        Ce  fut  a  la  t£te  de  ce  corps  de  troupes,  qu'il  menoit 

p.1 463-467.  1'avant-garde  a  la  bataille  de  Thymbr^e.  Panthee 
1'arma  de  ses  mains,  d'une  armure  d'or  massif  dont 
elle  lui  fit  present;  elle  Fexhorta  a  m^riter  1'estime 
et  les  bienfaits  de  Cyrus,  le  vit  monter  sur  son 

Lib.  vii.  ,  ,.  .  _,..  ii«u 

P.  484.  char,  et  s  evanouit.  Lxcite  par  la  gloire,  1  amour, 
et  la  reconnoissance,  Abradate  se  pr^cipita  sur  les 
phalanges  Egyptiennes,  qui  occupoient  le  centre 
de  Farme'e  ennemie;  mais  son  imp6tuosit6  se  brisa 
contre  la  fermet^  de  ces  masses  profondes.  Ran- 

p^se*  §^es  sur  cent  de  hauteur,  elles  lui  pr^senterent 
par  tout,  1'ordre  serr6  de  leurs  longues  piques.  Le 

Lib.  vii.       cnar  d' Abradate  fut  renvers^  ;    et  les  ennemis  le 

P.  485.  percerent  de  mille  coups.  II  y  p£rit  avec  la  plu- 
part  de  ses  compagnons. 

Li504-5d  Apres  les  premiers  soins  de  la  victoire  et  la  prise 
'  de  Sardes,  Cyrus  s'informa  du  sort  d' Abradate. 

On 


SUR  LA  MONARCHIE  DES  MEDES.  149 

On  lui  dit,  que  Panth£e  avoit  retire*  son  corps  de 
la  m£16e;  et  qu'elle  le  faisoit  ensevelir  sur  les  bords 
du  Pactole.  Aussit6t  il  monte  a  cheval,  pour  lui 
rendre  les  derhiers  honneurs.  II  la  trouve  assise 
a  terre,  supportant  sur  ses  genoux  la  t£te  de  son 
6poux,  et  s'accusant  de  lui  avoir  donne*  la  mort. 
Le  prince  Persan  veut  prendre  la  main  de  son  ami: 
cette  main  se  s£pare  du  corps  auquel  les  tristes 
soins  de  Panth^e  1'avoient  re"uni.  Attendri  par  ce 
spectacle,  il  lui  offra  tout  ce  qui  peut  soulager  sa 
douleur.  Elle  1'entend  a  peine;  de'vore'e  de  son 
de"sespoir  elle  ne  connoit  qu'un  remede  a  ses  maux. 
Elle  embrasse  son  e*poux  pour  la  derniere  fois,  se 
frappe,  et  expire  sur  son  sein.  Trois  de  ses  eu- 
nuques  imitent  Fexemple  de  leur  maitresse.  Un 
m&me  tombeau  recoit  ces  amans.  Le  monceau 
de  terre  qui  leur  tenoit  lieu  de  mausole'e,  se  voyoit 
encore  du  terns  de  X£nophon.  Leurs  noms,  en 
Jettres  Syriaques,  6toient  graves  sur  une  colonne. 
Elle  6toit  accompagnee  de  trois  autres  colonnes, 
plac^es  un  plus  bas,  et  qui  portoient  les  titres  des 
eunuques.  Us  partagoient  la  gloire  de  leurs  mat- 
tres  comme  ils  avoient  partag6  leur  mort. 

Avec  Abradate  perit  la  dynastie  des  Arbacides.* 
Leur  empire  a  passe",  leur  no  in  s'appercevoit  a 
peine  dans  les  te"nebres  de  1'antiquit^.  Je  n'ose  pas 
me  flatter  d'avoir  port6  dans  ces  te*nebres  le  flam 
beau  de  la  critique  et  de  la  philosophic. 

*  On  ne  sait  point  s'il  laissa  d'enfans ;  mais  il  est  sdr  que  Cyrus 
j'empara  de  ses  etats,  et  que  Suse  devint  une  de  ses  capitales. 

1 3  LES 


(150    0 


Lausanne,  Janvier  13,  1758. 

LES  PRINCIPALES  EPOQUES  DE  L'HISTOIRE 
DE  LA  GRECE  ET  DE  L'EGYPTE, 

Dans  la  Nouvelle  Chronologic  du  Chevalier  Newton,  comparers 
avec  les  Chronologies  ordinaires. 


1 
1 

•    y 

1    ° 
IS'! 

CO         Jr 

DiffS- 
reuce. 

1440 

Conqu£te  de  1'Egypte  par  les  pasteurs 

1643 

223 

Ph^niciens,    que    Newton    regarde 

ou 

ou 

comme  des  Canan6ens  qui  fuyoient 

2184 

744 

devant  Josu6 

1080 

Phoroneus  civilise  les  peuples  du  Pelo- 

1843 

763 

ponnfese  et  batit  Argos 

'.• 

1080 

Cecrops,  Egyptien  de  Sais,  arrive  en 

1582 

502 

Grece  et  fonde  le  royaume  d'Ath&nes 

1070 

lere  expulsion  des  pasteurs  par  Amosis 

1132 

62 

ou 

Oil 

1824 

754 

1045 

Cadmus  le   Ph^nicien   fonde   le  roy 

1510 

465 

aume  de  Th&bes  ;  Newton  croit  que 

. 

son  voyage,  aussi  bien  que  celui  de 

quelques  autres,  £toit  une  suite  de  la 

prise  de  Sidon  par  les  Edomites  qui 

fuyoient  devant  Davide 

1045 

Le  deluge  de  Deucalion,  ou  Newton 

1574 

529 

place  le  commencement  des  quatre 

1008 

ages 
Etablissement  du  conseil  des  Amphic- 

1522 

514 

tyons 

1008 

[nstitution  des  mysteres  de  C6res  a 

1399 

389 

Eleusis 

1006 

:l£gne  de  Minos  dans  Flsle  de  Crete 

1432 

426 

NOUVELLE  CHRONOLOGIE  DU  CHEV.  NEWTON.  151 


Newton. 

Marshara 
ou 

Usserius. 

s  i 
-S  i 

974 

Expedition  de  Sesostris  en  Asie.    Mais 
Ne  w  ton  hon  seulement  con  vicnt  avec 

974 
ou 

0 
ou 

Marsham;*  mais  encore  il  croit  que 

1491 

517 

Sesostris  £toit  le  Bacchus  des  Grecs 

et    1'Osiris   des   Egyptiens,    et    son 

pere  le  Jupiter  Amman  de  1'Afrique  : 
au  lieu  cjue,  suivant  Marsham,  Osiris 

e*toit  le  meme  que  Menes  ou  Mez- 

raim,  et  Jupiter  Hammon  que  Cham 

2344 

1370 

964 

Danaiis  fuyant  son  frere  Sesac  ou  Da- 

1511 

547 

naiis  vient  a  Argos 

937 

Expedition  des  Argonautes 

1245 

308 

930 

2me  expulsion   des  pasteurs  par  Ame- 

nophis 

904 

Prise  de  Troye 

1208 

304 

ou 

ou 

1184 

280 

870 

Homere  et  Hlsiode  fleurissent 

944 

74 

et 

et 

907 

37 

825 

Retour  des  H^raclides  dans  le  Pelo- 

1128 

303 

ponnese 

794 

La  migration  des  loniens  dans  1'Asie 

1068 

2/4 

mineure 

790 

Pul  ou  Belus  jette  les  fondemens  de 

790 

0 

1'empire  d'Assyrie  sur  les  ruines  de 

ou 

ou 

celui  d'Egypte 

126? 

477 

776 

La  lrc  Olympiade  d'lphitus 

876 

100 

708 

Lycurgue  donne  des  loix  4  Spavte 

884 

176 

'652 

lere  guerre  de  Mess£ne 

743 

91 

627 

Fondation  de  Rome 

754 

127 

562 

Solon  clonne  des  loix  a  Ath^nes 

595 

33 

529 

Mort  de  Cyrus 

529 

0 

*  Pour  confondre  Sesostris  avec  Sesac. 

L   4 


(     15S     ) 

Lausanne,  Janvier  23,  1758. 

REMARQUES  CRITIQUES  SUR  LE  NOU- 
VEAU  SYSTEME  DE  CHRONOLOGIC 
DU  CHEVALIER  NEWTON. 

LE  nom  de  Newton  reveille  Tid6e  d'un  genie 
profond,  lumineux,  et  original.  Son  systeme  de 
chronologic  suffiroit  seul  pour  lui  assurer  I'im- 
inortalite.  II  le  .composa  pour  satisfaire  a  la  noble 
curiosit^  d'une  princesse,  qui  avoit  Fhonneur  d'etre 
de  ses  amies,  et  qui  en  £toit  digne. 

Magnum  reginae  sed  enim  miseratus  amorem 
Daedalus,  ipse  dolos  tecti  ambagesque  resolvit 
00  Virgil.  Caeca  regens  filo  vestigia.  (  J  ) 

1.  vi4 


L'exp6iience  et  1'astronomie,  voila  le  fil  de  M. 

Newton.     De  ces  deux   principes  simples,  com 

bine's  avec  les  monumens  les  plus  pures  de  1'anti- 

quite\  il  avu  naitre  une  foule  de  consequences  les 

plus  singulieres.    Ses  r6sultats  different  de  ceux  de 

ses   pr£d6cesseurs,    souvent    de   plusieurs   si^cles, 

presque  toujours  d'un  grand  nombre  d'ann^es.     Ce 

seroit  peu  connoitre  les  hommes,  de  croire  qu'ils 

ayent  facilement  renonce  a  leurs  anciennes  id£es. 

Ce  systeme  a  6te  vigoureusement  attaqu6  en  An- 

(2)parM.  gleterre(2)  et  en  France:(3)     Je  vais  faire  quelques 

fh^kford!'  remarqucs  sur  les  principaux  points  de  ce  syst£me, 

O)'parM    ma^s  ^es  remarques  telles    que  les  put  dieter  le 

Freret,  le    simple  amour  de  la  v^rit6  :  je  me  contredirai  peut- 

&c.  etre  :  ici  je  paroltrai  ardent  deYenseur  du  syst^me^ 

la  arm6  pour  sa  ruine,    Je  peserai  indirr^remment 

toutes 


SUR  LA  NOUVELLE  CHRONOLOGIE,  &C.   1,53 

toutes  les  raisons  qui  se  pr^senteront,  quelle  que 
soit  leur  origine  et  quel  que  soit  leur  but.  Pour 
cle  jugement  n'en  attendez  point.  Auguste  ne  trou- 
voit  que  trois  hommes  qui  pouvoient  etre  candidats 
pour  1'empire.  L'un  y  aspiroit  sans  le  me"riter,  un 
second  le  me'ritoit  sans  y  aspirer.  Un  seul  re'unis- 
soit  les  talens  a  Fambition.  (4)  II  en  est  de  me*  me  (4)  Tacit. 
ici.  II  faut  connoitre  peu  et  la  trempe  de  ces  c.  is.  ** 
matieres,  et  celle  de  son  esprit,  pour  pr<§cipiter  sa 
decision.  Dans  les  sciences  ou  nous  n'avons  que 
la  simple  probability  pour  guide,  la  verit£  ne  se 
trouve  que  par  la  comparaison  de  toutes  les  cir- 
constances  qui  peuvent  se  rapporter  a  1'objet  qu'on 
examine,  et  dont  beaucoup  en  paroissent  d'abord 
fort  eloigne'es.  Quel  travail  assez  grand  pour  ras- 
sembler  toutes  ces  circonstances  ?  Quelle  main 
assez  delicate  pour  les  peser  avec  impartiality  ?  Je 
commencerai  par  montrer  les  points  de  vue  les  plus 
favorables  de  ce  nouveau  syst&me,  et  quelques  unes 
des  principales  raisons  qui  peuvent  1'appuyer,  apres 
quoi  j'exposerai  avec  la  ni£me  franchise  mes  doutes 
et  mes  objections. 

I.  Un  synchronisme  des  plus  connus  des  gens 
de.  gout  et  des  plus  combattus  des  savans,  c'est 
celui  de  Didon  et  Ene"e.  Un  poete  aussi  distingue 
par  ses  connoissances  que  par  ses  talens,  les  avoit 
fait  contemporains,  quoique  les  cbronologistes  les 
eloignent  Tun  de  1'autre  de  plus  de  300  ans.  On 
sent  assez  que  Ten  vie  de  rapprocber  les  fondateurs 
de  Rome  et  de  Carthage  pouvoit  avoir  tente"  le 
poete,  mais  on  ne  concoit  pas  comment,  de  tant  de 
critiques  que  les  quatre  siecles  suivans  ont  produit, 

aucun 


154      SUR  LA  NOUVELLE  CHRONOLOGIE 

aucun  ne  se  soit  appercu  d'une  licence  extraordi 
naire,  et  que  Macro  be  ait  e*t6  le  premier  a  la  re- 
procher  a  Virgile.  Dans  le  nouveau  syst£mey 
Virgile  n'en  nitrite  point.  Troye  fut  prise  1'an 
904  avant  J.  C.  Diclon  acheva  de  batir  Carthage 
(5)Newtor>,  Tan  884,  (5)  Ene"e  et  Didon  furent  bien  contempo- 

ChronoJ.  .  1  •  ,    A  ,         -i  ,     •  • 

Reform.      rams,    et  quoique  peut-etre  ils  ne  se  soient  jamais. 


vus,  encore  moins  aim6s,  il  y  a  bien  de  la  difference 
tiiion.c.  i.    entre  se  servir  des  privileges  de  son  art  etatfribuer 
des  actions  a  des  personnages  qui  ne  les  out  jamais 
fait,  mais  qui  auroient  pu  les  faire,  et  renverser 
tout  Fordre  des  terns  pour  produire  des  situations 
frappantes;  entre  faire  voyager  Henry  IV.  en  An-* 
(6)Comme  gleteiTe  (6)  et  manager  une  entrevue  entre  le  Due 
dans  son     de  Guise  et  la  Pucelle  d'Orleans.     Les  Remains 
.    Qnt  jj^^  gujyj  ja  chronologic  technique  ponr  leur 
propre  histoire  ;  mais  puisqu'ils  s'en  sont  ^cart6sdan& 
un  article  aussi  essentiel,  il  est  naturel  de  croire 
que  les,  archives  de  Carthage  leur  ont  fourni  des  me*- 
moires  opposes  a  ceux  desGrecs  et  que  ces  derniers 
Piaut.    ignoroient.    La  fameuse  scene  de  Plaute  (7)  prouve 
v.i  act   que  la  langue  Punique  6toit  assez  commune  ^  Rome 
pour  leur  faciliter  Tusage  de  ces  monurnens,  et 
(s)  Saiust.    1'exemple  de  Saluste(S)  fait  voir  combien  ils  e"toient 

Bell.  Ju-         ,.  f    j,  £. 

gurth.  c.  17.  disposes  d  en  pronter. 

II.    La,  tradition   ancienne   de  1'Italie  donnoit 
Pythagore  pour  maitre  a  Numa.     La  chronologic 
ordinaire  met  entr'eux   un  siecle  d'intervalle,  et 
les  6crivains  suivans  ont  mieux.  aim4  s,uivre  cette 
C9)Cicer.    chronologic  que  la  tradition.  (9)  Newton  la  re"tablit, 
TuS.f.'iv.  cet  tradition.    Numa  monta  sur  le  tr6ne  en  610  au 
u  nouveau  syst&me.     Mais  quoi  qu'en  disc 

M.  Freret, 


DU  CHEVALIER  NEWTON,  J55 

M.  Freret,  (10)  l'e"poqne  la  plus  incontestable  de  la  (io)Dans 
vie  de  Pythagore,  c'est  1'observation  qu'il  fit  de  la  dans  tome. 
planete  Venus  en  6 12.  (11)     L'imagination  seroit 
fach^e  de  perdre  ce  syncbronisme :  elle  aime  a  en- 
visager  le  le'gislateur  aux  pieds  du  philosophe,  $t 
fL  retrouver  dans  le  g£nie  et  l'exp£rience  de  ce  Hjst.Natur. 
grand  maitre  le  germe  de  ces  institutions  qui  ont 
rendu  le  peuple  Romain  maitre  de  tous  les  peu- 
ples.     La  raison  n'ose  1'abandonner;  sans  son  se- 
cours  elle  auroit  trop  de  peine  a   rendre  raison 
d'une  conformit6  de  doctrine  aussi  singuliere  que 
celle   de   ces   deux  grands  hommes.     Cette  con- 
formit6  brille  dans  plusieurs  institutions  Romaines, 
(12)  mais  encore  mieux  dans  ces  livres  de  Numa  (i2)Teiie 
qu'on  d£terra  plusieurs  siecles  apres  la  mort  de  ce  ?"»de 
prince,  et  qui  contenoient  la  philosophic  Pytha- 
goricienne.  (13)     Elle  n'oseroit  jamais   pre"tendre  P°urla 
que  Numa  dans  sa  campagne  Sabine,  sans  livres,  cis) 'piin. 

.»  «.  Hist.Natur. 

sans  communication,  et  sans  voyager,  se  soit  ren-  j.  xiii.  c.  is. 
coritr6  avec  Pythagore  dans  tout  ce  que  la  philo-  HuV^ii 
«ophie  a  de  plus  sublime.     Plus  les  dogmes  de  ce  y  |29*M 
dernier  6toient  abstrus,  61oign^s  de  la  route  com-  «n.i.i.c.  i. 
mune,  plus  ce  ph^nomene  devient  difficile  a  ex- 
pliquer. 

III.  Quiconque  a  lu  ce  qui  nous  reste  sur  1'his- 
toire  ancienne  de  1'Egypte  n'a  vu  qu'un  chaos  com 
post  d'el£mens  qui  se  d^truisent  les  uns  les  autres. 
Si  cet  homme  s'est  trouv6  quelque  talent,  il  a  es 
say  6  de  le  d£brouiller,  mais  pour  peu  qu'il  ait  eu 
de  bonne-foi,  il  a  reconnu  bient6t  la  vanit£  de  ses 
efforts.  Cependant  dans  ces  deserts  on  avoit,  mais 
en  petit  nombre,  quelques  indices  qui  paroissent 

devoir 


156     SUR  LA  NOUVELLE  CHRONOLOGIE 

devoir  guider  le  voyageur  avec  surete*.     En  voici 

deux  qui  regardent  le  terns  de  S6sostris,  epoque 

de  la  grandeur   Egyptienne.      L'un   lie  Fhistoire 

d'Egypte  avec  celle  de  la  Grece,  en  nous  assurant 

qtie  le  Sesostris  des  Egyptiens  e"toit  1'Egyptus  des 

(i4)JosePh.  Grecs,  et  son  frere  Armais  le  me"  me  que  Danaiis.  (  1  4) 

Apeou.  i.  i.  L'autre  regarde  les  affaires  des  Hebreux.  Toutes  les, 

P.  1092.      circonstances  concourent  a  nous  engager  a  ne  point 

se"parer  Se*sostris,  conque"rant  d'Asie,  d'avec  Sesac 

qui  pilla  Jerusalem  du  tems  de  Relioboam.     L'au- 

(i5)Josepb.  torit6  de  Josephe  y  met  le  sceau.(15)     Ces  deux 

Antiquitat.  ..  ,    ,  . 

judaic.i.     synchromsmes  ont  partage  les  savans.      Smvant 
leurs  gouts  diffe'rens,  les  uns(l6)se  sont  attaches  an 


Cumber-'  premier,  les  autres(17)  ont  bati  leur  chronologic 
ford'&cd  Egyptienne  avec  le  secours  de  ce  dernier.  Le  sys- 
(i7)Comme  t^me  de  M.  Newton  adopte  ces  deux  6poques  a  la 

Marsharn,       /»•!/>•  A  / 

shuckford,  tois,  les  rait  rencontrer  an  meme  tems,  et  reconcihe 
&c*  tous  ces  savans  en  litige,  en  profitant  de  ce  que  leurs 

differens  syst^mes  pen  vent  fournir  de  solide. 

IV.  Rien  de  plus  celebre  parmi  les  poetes,  c'est 

a  dire  parmi  les  historiens  de  1'antiquit^,  que  les 

quatre  ages  du  genre  humain,  qu'on  distinguoit  par 

(is)Vid.     les  noms  des  m6taux.(18)     Les  savans  de  nos  jours. 

Poetas  i  i  -      v  ..   .         J      , 

y  ont  trouve,  les  uns  des  chimeres  poetiques,  les 
!  autres  desVestiges  de  1'histoire  que  les  Hebreux 
nous  ont  Iaiss6  des  premiers  siecles.     Rien  de-plus 
or^h  i  •    ^orc^  e^  ^e  P^us  vague  que  tout  cela.     Rien  de  plus 
.  89,  &c.    naturel  111  de  plus  precis  que  les  idees  de  M.  New 
ton.     Ces  quatre  siecles  sont  les  quatre  genera 
tions,  ou  les  cent  quarante  ans  entre  Farriv£e  de 
Cadmus  en  Grece  et  la  prise  de  Troye,  pendant 
lesquelles  la  Grece  a  perdu  les  moeurs  a  mesure 

qu'elle 


DU  CHEVAI/IER  NEWTON.  157 

qu'elle  a  recu  les  arts  de  1'Egypte  et  de  la  Ph£- 
nicie.(19) 

V.  Le  Bacchus  des  Grecs,  disons  mieux  des 
Egyptians,  n'est  plus  line  personne  all^gorique  ni 
m£me  un  prince  dont  1'^poque  se  perd  dans  1'ob- 
scurit£  des  terns,  et  dont  la  pliipart  des  actions 
doivent  s'expliquer  en  les  rapportant  a  ses  attri- 
buts  ;(20)  c'est  un  prince  qui  civilisa  Forient,  re"- 

,     r     ,  .    ,  ,,  Mythologie 

pandit  les  arts  de  necessite  et  dagrement  dans  et  Fables,  t. 
toute  I'^tendue  de  ses  conquetes,  qui  poussa  jus-  " 
qu'aux  Indes,  souifrit  beaucoup  de  la  part  du  Roi 
de  Thrace,  et  dont  il  faut  placer  l'£poque,  comme 
les  Grecs  ont  fait,  une  g^n^ration  ou  deux  apres 
Cadmus. 

Voila  quelques  avantages  du  nouveau  syst^mc. 
Peut-£tre  on  ajouteroit  facilement  plusieurs  autres. 
Avant  que  de  passer  aux  endroits  foibles,  remar- 
quons  trois  choses. 

I.  On  est  d'abord  reVolte"  de  la  hardiesse  de  M. 
Newton.  On  est  surpris  de  voir  un  Anglois  deux 
mille  ans  apres  que  les  Grecs  avoient  reg!6  leur 
chronologic,  venir  accuser  les  Acusilaus,  les  Ephores, 
les  Eratosthenes,  les  Apollodores,  &c.  d'avoir  ig- 
nor6  les  premiers  61^mens  de  la  chronologic  de  leur 
patrie.  Mais  dissipons  1'illusion ;  ce  n'est  point  des 
t^moins  qu'il  rejette,  c'est  des  critiques  dont  il  de^ 
truit  les  suppurations.  Us  avoient  form6  leurs 
calculs  long-terns  apres  I'^v^nement,  et  ils  s'e"toient 
servis  d'un  principe  erron6  en  les  formant.(21)  (21)11* 

M-VT  ,     .  ,     ^.  A  -.^  faisoient  les 

.  Newton  lui  en  substitue  un  autre.     Feut-etre 

leurs   raisons  valent-elles  mieux  que  les  siennes,  gl 
mais  ce  sera  leurs  raisons  qui  vaudront  mieux  et 

non 


158  SUR  LA  tfOUVELLE  CHRONOLOGIC 

non  point  leur  autorite".  Je  me  retracterois  ce* 
pendant  si  je  voyois  la  n6crologie  originale  cles 
pre  tresses  d'  Amy  cles,  dont  nous  parle  M.  Freret,  et 
que  M.  FAbb6  Fourmont  doit  avoir  apporte*  en 
(22)  Me-  France.(22)  Mon  eloignement  de  Paris  me  laisse 

moires  de 


.  ,  i  /  IT 

des  ignorcr  si  le  voyage  de  ce  savant  est  devenu  public. 

Belles  Let-      &  TT  J    *?  .  v    i       r- 

tres,t.x.P.  II.  Ne  pourroit-on  pas  substituer  a  la  fameuse 
division  des  terns  de  Varron,  une  autre  qui  auroit 
au  moins  cet  avantage  qu'on  en  sentiroit  d'abord 
les  raisons?  La  voici;  le  terns  inconnu  sera  celui 
pendant  lequel  les  Grecs  n'ont  point  eu  de  lettres, 
ou  jusqu'a  Farrive"e  de  Cadmus.  La  tradition  peut 
conserver  les  principaux  6v6nemens,  rarement  les 
circonstances,  et  presque  jamais  les  dates.  Le 
terns  fabuleux  s'£tendra  jusqu'a  la  mort  de  Cyrus. 
Les  Grecs  pendant  cet  espace  ont  eu  des  e*crivains 
et  des  monumens,  mais  point  d'historiens.  Les 
pretres  et  les  poe'tes  corrompirent  la  religion  qui 
n'^toit  que  Fhistoire  des  premiers  siecles.  Le  tems 
historique  commence  avec  les  premiers  historiens, 

(5S)Joseph.  Cadmus  de  Milete,  H^catee,  et  H6rodote.(23) 

contra  TTT  .  .  .     .       , 

Apeon.i.i.  III.  Quand  je  parle  de  cet  esprit  original  qui 
Ne«°ton;s  brille  dans  1'ouvrage  de  Newton,  je  ne  pretends 
f  *p.  Pal'ler  4ue  ^es  deux  premiers  chapitres.  Les  autres, 
1  ^  veu^  r^er  1'histoire  des  Assyriens,  des  Baby- 
A**-  loniens,  des  Medes,  et  des  Perses,  n'est  plus  la 
meme  chose.  Ce  n'est  pas  qu'on  n'y  trouve  bien 
des  remarques  curieuses.  Mais  Fame  de  Newton 
6toit  faite  pour  fonder  et  pour  d^truire  des  empires 
et  non  pour  £plucher  des  details  minutieux.  Je 
pense  m^rne  que  peu  de  lecteurs  se  rendront  a  la 
transposition  de  Cyaxare  et  d'Astyage;  et  que 

beaucoup 


n 


I>U  CHEVALIER  NEWTON. 


beaucoup  souliaiteront  qu'il  eut  cite"  quelquefois  le 
Chevalier  Marsham.(24)  (24)  Mar* 

-r  i  •  TMI         sham,  Ca- 

Je  vais  a  present  proposer  mes  objections.     JLlles  non  chro- 


ne  serviront  peut-etre  pas  a  6claircir  la  question,  x^ 
mais  elles  pourront  toujours  faire  sentir  combien  &c< 
elle  est  difficile  il  6claircir. 

I.  Je  disois  que  M.  Newton  s'est  servi  de 
I'exp^rience  pour  clever  son  nouveau  systehne. 
Voici  comment  il  raisonnoit  Les  Grecs  ont 
forme"  leur  chronologic  en  donnant  a  leurs  rois  les 
uns  avec  les  autres  35  a  40  ans  de  regne.  Or 
1'exp^rience  fait  voir  que  ce  nombre  est  beaucoup 
trop  grand.  Les  rois  d'Angleterre,  de  France, 
<et  presque  tous  les  autres  qui  ont  regne'  dans  les 
terns  vraiment  historiques,  ii'ont  re'gne*  qu'environ 
<lix-huit  a  vingt  ans  chacun.  II  faut  done  rabattre 
-environ  la  moiti6  de  la  dure^  qu'on  attribue  a  leur 
histoire;  (25)  XDU  pour  parler  plus  exactement,  il  tff 
faut  faire  cette  reduction  dans  la  proportion  de  Reform.  LI. 
quatre  a  sept.  (26)  II  n'y  auroit  rien  a  niordre  (26)  idem. 
clans  ce  raisonnement  ;  il  faudroit  d'abord  lui  ac-  c< 
corder  qu'il  vaut  mieux  consulter  la  nature  que  les 
hommes,  s'il  £toit  question  d'une  suite  de  rois  qui 
«ut  r6gn6  dans  tout  autre  teins  que  dans  ces  siecles 
recul^s.  Mais  le  cas  est  un  peu  different,  et  les 
supputations  de  Newton  ne  suffisent  point  icl  1. 
Si  on  doit  ajouter  quelque  foi  aux  monumens  les 
plus  respectables,  la  vie  des  hommes,  et  par  con- 
s6quent  leurs  regnes,  6toit  beaucoup  plus  longue 
que  la  n6tre.  Suivant  la  chronologic  ordinaire, 
Phoron6e  6toit  contemporain  de  Jacob,  C^crops  de 
Moyse,  et  Cadmus  e^t  Danaiis  de  Josue".  Les 

Hebreux 


160  SUR  LA  NOUVELLE  dttllONOLOGiE 

H6breux  de  ce  terns  1&  approcherent  presqiie 
toujours  des  cetit  ans  et  souvent  les  passoient.  Au 
dire  d'Ephore  les  anciens  rois  d'Arcadie  vivoient 
trois  cens  ans;  c'est  beaucoup,  quand  eel  ne  seroit 


(27)Hei-     que  des  anne'es  lunaires.  (27)     La  nature  paroit 

degger.Hist.    *  m  >•       '      .  .  r 

Sacr.  Pa-     meme  avoir  observe  une   certaine   gradation   en 

triarch.  /  i     •  ,     i  •          i        IM  •  i»r     • 

reduisant  la  vie  de  1  homme  au  niveau  d  aujour- 
ph!  'An-  dhui.     Homere  reconnolt  une   grande   difference 


/c1"  entre  les  heros  du  siege  de  Troye  et  les  homines 
de  son  terns,  et  quoiqu'il  parle  prdprement  de  la 
force  du  corps,  il  est  a  croire  que  la  nature  ne  se 
r™l  bornoit  pas  la.  (28)  Ce  n'est  proprement  qUe  du 
vent  tems  de  Solon  que  la  vie  ordinaire  des  hommes 
ade.  ^toit  fix6e  a  70  ans.  (29)  Or  on  sent  d'abord  le 
dot.i.i?c°.  peu  d'equite  du  proc^de  de  M.  Newton.  C'est 
juger  des  hommes  sur  des  loix  toutes  differentes 
de  celles  qu'ils  ont  suivies.  2.  Non  seulement  la 
nature  avoit  tres  bien  pourvu  a  la  conservation  de 
ces  princes,  mais  le  genre  de  vie  qu'ils  inenoient 
e*toit  propre  a  leur  assurer  une  toute  autre  dure'e 
^que  celle  de  nos  rois.  La  vie  de  ceux-ci  est 
toute  propre  a  les  conduire  bient6t  au  tombeau; 
les  plaisirs  les  plus  recherch^s  menent  peu  a  peu 
le  faineant.  Les  fatigues  les  plus  excessives  de*- 
truisent  dans  peu  le  h6ros.  Ainsi  nos  princes  sont 
ordinairement  ceux  de  leur  royaume  qui  vivent  le 
moins.  En  voict  un  exemple  pris  sur  un  assez 
grand  nombre.  Les  trente  rois  de  France  de  la 
troisieme  race  ont  v6cu  1427  ans  en  tout.  Ce 
n'est  que  47  J  pour  la  vie  de  chaque  rot.  Que  le 
sort  de  leurs  sujets  est  different  !  Voyons  combien 
une  trentaine  de  gens  de  lettres,  dont  la  vie  6toit 

simple, 


DU  CHEVALIER  NEWTON.  l6l 

simple,  quoique  les  travaux  fussent  grands,  Font 
emport6  sur  eux  a  cet  £gard.  Prenons  les  trente 
premiers  de  la  liste  que  M.  de  Voltaire  a  mis  a  la 
fin  de  son  siecle  de  Louis  XIV.  A  mettre  leurs  vies 
a  la  suite  les  lines  des  autres  la  somme  sera  de 
1919  ans,  qui  en  font  presque  64  pour  la  vie  de 
chaque  savant.  Or  la  vie  des  princes  Grecs 
6toit  tres  diffe'rente  de  celle  des  n6tres,  on  ne  se 
tromperoit  pas  m&me  en  assurant  qu'elle  etoit 
encore  plus  amie  de  I'homme  que  celle  des  gens 
de  lettres.  Peu  de  travaux,  encore  moins  de 
luxe.  La  petitesse  de  leurs  e"tats  ne  leur  laissoit 
que  la  decision  de  ce  petit  nombre  de  disputes  qui 
doivent  s'elever  parmi  un  peuple  simple  et  sans 
richesse,  et  le  commandement  de  ces  arme'es  qui 
faisoient  des  guerres,  ou  plut6t  des  incursions,  dans 
le  pays  de  leurs  voisins.  Aussi  la  plupart  sont 
morts  dans  un  age  fort  avanc6  entre  les  bras  de 
leurs  sujets.  Vous  ne  voyez  pas  une  seule  minorit£ 
dans  la  liste  des  rois  d'Athenes,  et  seulement  deux 
dans  celle  des  rois  de  Sparte. 

II.  On  a  de  la  peine  a  se  preter  au  nouveau 
syst£me  au  sujet  des  rois  d'Egypte  qui  ont  recu 
l'apoth£ose,  Ammon,  Osiris,  &c.  Peut-on  se 
persuader  qu'ils  n'ont  £t£  connus  en  Egypte  que 
cinq  cens  ans  avant  He*rodote,  du  terns  de  qui  les 
pr6tres  avoient  recu!6  les  regnes  de  leurs  dieux  de 
plus  de  quinze  mille  ans,  .et  avoient  convert  leur 
histoire  d'un  voile  all6gorique,  sans  que  des 
me" moires  de  families,  sans  que  des  genealogies  des 
compagnons  de  S6sostris  y  apportassent  le  moindre 
obstacle,  et  cela  dans  un  terns  ou  la  connoissanee 

VOL.  ni.  M  des 


SUE  LA  NOUVELLE  CHRONOLOGIC 

des  lettres  fournissoit  des  moyens  de  transmettre 
les  evenemens  a  la  post6rit6  tout  autrement  surs 
et  pr&is  <lue  les  hieroglyphes  ?(SO)     M.  Newton 
sous  paroit  n'avoir  et6  sur  ses  gardes  contre  la  vanit6 

Osiris.  1          _  &.  i    •  ,1  i         • 

des  Egyptiens  que  pour  mieux  se  laisser  eblouir 
par  celle  des  Grecs.  Ce  peuple,  dont  1'orgueil  sur 
son  origine  n'6toit  6gal6  que  par  son  ignorance,  ne 
pouvant  par  s'elever  au  niveau  des  Egyptiens, 
rabaissoit  ceux-ci  au  sien,  et  tacboient  de  faire 
croire  premierement  que  les  dieux  Egyptiens 
t  descendus  de  ses  heros;(31)  ensuite,  par 
isidis  une  fable  un  pen  moins  grossiere,  qu'ils  en  6toient 

apudOvid.  .    J  1. 

Metamorph,  contemporams,      On    pourroit    meme    dans    ces 
&e.V'  58°'    fables  trouver  de  quoi  6branler  le  nouveau  syst^me. 
C^crops  de  Sais  en  Egypte  apporta  en  Gr^ce  le 
culte  de  Minerve(32)  ador^e  depuis  long  terns  en 
^SJ Pte'    Cecrops  aborda  en  Attique  1 080  ans  avant 
ii.  p.  s,     J.  C.  suivant  M.  Newton,  mais  Minerve  ou  Myrine 
n'6toit,  suivant  ce  meme  M.  Newton,  que  cette 
reine   des    Amazones,    qui   en   974    accompagna 

(33)  New-    Osiris  dans  ses  expeditions. (33)      Mars  et  Nep- 

ton,Chron.  .  ,  ' 

Reform, c.ii.  tune  plaidcrent  devant  1  Areopage  sous  le  regne  de 

(34)  c'hro-    Cranaus.(34J      Je  ne  conclus  rien  de  cette  fable, 

sinon  <Jue  sous  IG  rfegne  de  ce  prince  les  personnes 
et  le  culte  de  Neptune  et  de  Mars  £toient  deja 
connus  dans  la  Gr&ce ;  mais  cette  conclusion  n'est 
pas  compatible  avec  les  principes  de  M.  Newton, 
puisque  Mars  et  Neptune,  autrement  appelle"s 
Osiris  et  Typhon,  ne  devinrent  fameux  que  pres 

^e  cent  ans  aPr^s  le  r^gne  de  Cranaus.  (35) 
e r*'       HI-  J'ai  dit,  il  y  a  un  moment,  que  le  syncbro- 
p.i6i,'1]    nisme  de  Danaiis  et  d'Egyptus  avec  Sesac,  leve  de 

grandes 


DU  CHEVALIER  NEWTON", 

grancles  difficult^  ;  mais  il  faut  avouer  aussi  qu'il 
en  fait  naitre  d'autres  non  moins  considerables.  II 
faut  Facheter  par  le  bouleversernent  total  de  la 
g^n^alogie  des  rois  d'Argos.  Abas,  le  pere  d'Acri- 
sius  et  le  bisayeul  de  Pers6e,  qu'on  a  toujours 
regarde  comme  fils  de  Lynceus  et  petit-neveu  de 
Danaiis,  se  trouvera  beaucoup  plus  ancien  que 
celui-ci,  d'une  famille  tres  difte"  rente,  et  le  m£me 
qu'un  autre  Abas  qui  vint  s'etablir  dans  1'isle 
d'Eube'e.  II  n'y  a  personne  peut-etre  qui  ajoute 
moins  de  foi  que  moi  aux  genealogies  du  terns  fa- 
buleux  ;  mais  ceux  qui  veulent  les  prendre  pour 
regie  le  plus  souvent,  et  qui  essayent  d'en  tirer 
des  preuves  victorieuses,  ne  doivent  pas  les  fouler 
aux  pieds,  sur-tout  lorsqu'il  est  question  d'une  des 
genealogies  les  plus  anciennes,  et  les  plus  illustres 
de  la  Grece,  dont  par  consequent  la  succession  a 
du  se  conserver  avec  plus  de  purete  que  les  autres. 
Le  savant  M.  Freret  a  fort  bien  senti  combien  le 
syst£me  de  Newton  etoit  foible  de  ce  cote  la.(36)  (se)  M£- 
IV.  Homere  et  Hesiode  ont  vecu  400  ans  avant  r'lcad.  de 


Herodote.     Get  historien  le  dit  lui-meme,(37)  la 
Chronique  de'Paros  en  tombe  d'accord,  et  M.  New-  ^ 
ton  sefeiicitede  se  rencontrer  avec  lepere  de  This-  dot. 
toire.(38)      Us   v6curent    done   environ  Tan  870  ('33) 
avant  J.  C.     Mais  cette  epoque  ne  tombe,  suivant 
M.  Newton,  que  34  ans  apres  la  prise  de  Troye.  P-  24< 
-  Or  a  qui  persuadera-t-il  qu'Homere  (car  je  ne  dis 
rien  d'Hesiode)  n'ait  \^cu  qu'une  generation  apres 
ce  fameux  e\4nement?  S'il  y  en  aquelqu'un,  qu'il 
ecoute  un  ancien  auteur  qui    1'a  refute  d'avance 
avec  autant  de  solidite    que   d'eiegance.     "  Hie 

M  2!  longius 


164     SUR  tA  NOUVELLE  CHRONOLOGIC 

longius  &  temporibus  belli  quod  composuit  Troici, 
quam  quidam  rentur,  abfuit :  nam  ante  annos  non~ 
gentos  quinquaginta  floruit,  intra  mille  natus  est, 
quo  nomine  non  est  mirandum  qu6d  saepe  illud 
USUrpat  oToi  vuv  (3poTot  £i<n5(39)  noc  enim  ut  homi- 

cesmots  par  num  ita  sseculorum  notatur  differentia. "(40)  On  est 
sur  de  plus  que  dans  quelque  endroit  des  colonies 
que  naquit  Homere,  il  y  naquit  apres  F£tablisse- 
ment  des  Grecs  dans  ce  pays  la.  Or  la  premiere 
migration  qui  se  fit  de  la  Grece  dans  1'Asie  mineure, 
savoir  celle  des  Eoliens,  ne  se  fit  que  quinze  ans 
apres  le  retour  des  H6raclides,(4iy  ou  en  810 
suivant  les  prmcipcs  de  M.  Newton. 

V.  Parmi  ces   premiers  Grecs   qui  civiliserent 

p°s63t*  1'Italie,  Evandre  tient  un  rang  distingue\  II  ap- 
porta  dans  ce  pays  la  connoissance  des  lettres,"  et 

(42)  Tacit.   quantit6  d'arts  utiles.(42)    On  Ten  r6compensa  en 

AnnaLxi.  .  '  ,.    . 

c.  7.  reconnoissant  sa  mere  C  armenta  pour  une  divi- 
nit6.(43)  Get  Evandre  vint  en  Italic  60  ans  avant 
^a  8'uerre  Troycnne,  suivant  Denys  de  Halicar- 
i.vai.v.313.  nasse,(44)  ou  39  ans  suivant  M.  Newton. (45)  Her- 
Antiquit.  cule  fut  I'h6te  de  cet  Evandre ;  ce  fut  chez  lui  qu' 
i.  xi"p?  228.  apres  avoir  deYait  Cacus,  il  abolit  les  sacrifices  hu- 
Hanc?rn"y*  mams  ^  CEnotrus,  fils  de  Lycaon,  avoit  apport^ 
}(45}  New  en  ^ta^e-(46)  Newton  croit  qu'il  est  question  de 
ton,chron.  I'Hercule  Egyptieii,  et  rapporte  cette  action  a 

Reform.         ^  /  -r,  i         s~<        i 

P.  19.         oesostns  qui  revmt  en  Egypte  par  les  Gaules  et 

Ha6£°nys'  ritalie  apres  avoir  defait  les  fils   de  Geryon  en 

1. 1.  P.  16.    Espagne  vers  Tan  1008.     Cette  conjecture  se  con- 

firme  par  la  coutume  reconnue  des  rois  d'Egypte 

depuis   1'expulsion  des  pasteurs,    d'abolir  partout 

ces  sacrifices  abominables ;  mais  comment  peut-on 

la 


DU  CHEVALIER  NEWTON.  ]&5 

la  concilier  avec  la  chronologic,  puisqu'  Evandre 
ne  vint  en  Italic  que  65  ou  du  moins  que  44  ans 
apres  Se"sostris?  Au  reste  cette  remarque  ne  porte 
point  autant  sur  le  corps  du  systeme  que  les  quatre 
premieres.  Peut-£tre  inline,  qu'on  y  re"pondroit 
facilement  par  un  l£ger  changement. 

J'allois  finir;  mais  une  reflexion  s'est  d'abord 
offerte  a  mon  esprit ;  je  me  rappellois  avec  com- 
bien  d'art  M.  Hooke  avoit  voulu  regler  Thistoire 
Romaine  sur  les  principes  de  Newton,  et  combien 
d'argumens  sp^eieux  il  avoit  apporte  pour  faire 
voir  que  les  sept  rois  de  Rome  n'avoient  regn6 
que  1 19  ans  au  lieu  des  244  qu'on  leur  donne  ordi- 
nairement.  (47)  J'ai  voulu  faire  le  me"me  essai  sur  (47)jour- 

.  v  .  .  nal.Brittan. 

1  histoire  des  Latins,  et  montrer  au  moms  que  des  tom.  vii. 
auteurs  anciens  paroissoient  appuyer  a  cet  6gard  ai 
le  nouveau  systcme, 

Virgile  met  dans  la  bouche  de  Jupiter  une  ma- 
gnifique  prediction  de  la  future  grandeur  des  Ro- 
mains.  En  parlant  de  leurs  anc^tres  les  Troyens, 
il  dit  qu'  En6e  sera  toujours  victorieux  pendant 
trois  ans, 

Tertia  dum  Latio  regnantern  viderit  aestas, 

Ternaque  transierint  Rutulis  hiberna  subactis.(48)  (43)  Virgil. 

Qu'  ensuite  Ascanius  fondera  Albe,  (trente    ans  i.i.c.ic5. 
apres  1'arriv^e  d'En^e  en  Italic,)  et  que  cette  ville 
sera  le  siege  de  1'empire  pendant  trois  cens  ans, 

Hie  jam  tercentum  totos  regnabitur  annos 

Gente  sub  Hectorea.(49)  (49)  Idem. 

1.  i.  v.  272. 

Arre tons-nous :    Albe  fut  done  d^truite,  suivant 
M  3  Virgile, 


166     5UR  LA  NOUVELLE  CHRONOLOGIE 

Virgile,  330  ans  apres  1'arrivee  d'Ene"e  en  Italic,  ou 
337  ans  apres  la  prise  de  Troye,  puisque  selon  ce 
m£me  Virgile,  ^En6e  erra  sept  ans,  avant  que  d'ar- 
river  a  la  terre  promise  ; 

(50)  Virgil.  nam  te  Jam  sePtima  Portat 

JEneid.  Omnibus  errantem  terris  et  fliictibus  as§tas.(oO) 
l.i.v.755. 

Mais  suivant  les  chronologies  ordinaires  Virgile 

auroit  fait  ici  une  beVue  singuliere,  puisqu'elles 
disent  qu'Albe  fut  d^truite  vers  le  milieu  du  r£gne 
de  Tullus  Hostilius,  environ  cent  ans  apres  la  foii- 
dation  de  Rome,  6poque  qui  tombe  43%  ans  apres 
la  prise  de  Troye.  Une  difference  de  232  ans  sur 
cinq  a  six  si^cles  n'est  pas  a  m6priser.  Le  syst^me 
de  Newton  est  aussi  favorable  a  Virgile  que  les 
autres  lui  sont  contraires.  337  ans  apres  la  destruc 
tion  de  Troye  nous  conduisent  a  1'ann^e  567  avant 
J.  C.  £poque  qui  coincide  bien  avec  le  r&gne 
d'Hostilius:  car  ce  prince  6toit  le  troisi^me  suc- 
cesseur  de  Romulus  dont  nous  fixons  T6poque  a" 

2§53fc  1>an  6%7'  (51)  II  y  a  m^me  quelque  chose  de  plus 
Reform.c.i.  precis.  Plutarque  nous  a  conserv^  1'ancienne  tra 
dition  sur  le  terns  de  Numa,  lorsqu'il  dit  qu'on 
deterra  les  liyres  de  Numa  400  ans  apres  sa  mort. 
On  les  deterra  en  181  ;  done  il  mourut  en  581,  et 
son  successeur  pouvoit  bien  r£gner  encore  en  567. 
Qui  est-ce  qui  peut  lire  ce  morceau  de  Virgile,  sans 
sentir  le  dessein  et  Tart  du  poete,  qui  dans  le  terns 
m£me  qu'il  conduit  ^Ene"e  chez  Didon,  r£pond  a  ses 
critiques  de  la  seule  maniere  que  la  rapidite"  de  sa 
marche,  et  la  grandeur  de  son  sujet  pouvoit  lui 
permettre,  en  leur  faisant  sentir  qu'il  suivoit  un 

systeme 


DU  CHEVALIER  NEWTON.  167 

syst£me  de  chronologic  (que  Newton  n'a  fait  que 
retablir)  ou  ce  synchronisme  d'^En^e  et  de  Didon 
n'^toit  plus  une  licence  poetique  ? 

Virgile  n'est  pas  le  seul  qui  revoque  en  doute 
la  chronologic  vulgaire  des  rois  de  Latium.     Justin 
en  re'duit  la   durie   a  trois  cens    ans.     "  Albam 
longam  condidit  quas  treccntis  annis  caput  regni 
fuit."(52)      L'autorite  de  Justin  sera  peu  de  chose  ps)  Justin. 
si  Ton  veut,  mais  celle  de  Trogue  Pompe"e,  qu'il  ne 
fait  qu'abre*ger,  sera  toujours  regard^  cornme  du 
plus  grand  poids.  Les  anciens  mettoient  cet  historien 
dans  la  classe  des  Tacites,  des  Tite  Lives,  et  des 
Sallustes.(53)  Tite  Live  lui-m£me,  ce  pere  de  This-  (.53)  FI. 
toire  Romaine,  qui  fait  paroitre  quelquefois  tant  Jroem°.' '" 
d'attachement  pour  la  chronologic  ordinaire,(54)  et  f;^1'3111 
qui  la  prenoit  pour  sa  regie  invariable  dans  les  j5^11'^* 
terns  qui  mit  suivis  la  fondation  de  Rome,  paroit  y  et  alibi 
ajouter  peu  de  foi  pour  les  siecles  ante>ieurs.    Rien  p 
de  plus  nature!    a  un  historien  Remain  que  de 
marquer  la  dur£e  du  regne  de  chaque  roi  Latin  dont 
il  rapporte  le  nom.(55)      II  se  tait  sur  cet  article.  (55)Tit.Liv. 
Rien  de  plus  necessaire  que  de  marquer  au  moins     1>c"  " 
1'intervalle  entre  la  prise  de  Troye  et  le  regne  de 
Romulus.     II  ne  le  fait  point.     Bien  plus,  parlant 
de  la  destruction  d'Albe,  il  dit  qu'elle  suivit  de 
quatre  cens  ans  sa  fondation. (5 6)    Albe  ( je  1'ai  deja  (56)Tit.Liv, 
dit)  fut  d6truite  par  les  Remains  environ  cent  ans  ]>  l>  c' 29< 
apres  la  fondation  de  Rome  suivant  la  chronologic 
deTite  Live.  Cet  auteur  ne  differe  pas  de  beaucoup 
de  Virgile,  ce  qui  est  deja  d'un  grand  poids,  mais 
il  ne  se  rencontre  pas  pre*cis£ment  avec  lui,  ce  qui 
est  bien  davantage. 

M  4  Quelqu'un 


168    SUR  LA  NOUVELLE  CHRONOLOGIE,  SiC. 

Quelqu'un  qui  voudra  comparer  ma  citation  de 
Virgile  avec  le  texte  de  cet  auteur,  trouvera  peut- 
£tre  que  je  1'ai  tronque*,  et  que  la  suite  fait  bien 
voir  qu'il  faut  entendre  ces  300  ans  de  Fintervalle 
entre  la  fondation  de  Rome  et  celle  d'Albe,  et  non 
entre  la  fondation  de  cette  derniere  ville  et  sa 
mine.  Quiconque  me  fait  cette  difficult^,  je  le 
prierai  de  peser  ces  deux  r£ponses,  et  de  choisir 
entr'elles. 

I.  Que  la  licence  d'un  poete  dispensoit  bien 
Virgile  de  cette  exactitude  genante.  II  suit  plut6t 
1'ordre  des  choses  que  celui  des  terns,  et  il  pensoit 
qu'il  n'^toit  permis  qu'a  Tannaliste  d'interrompre 
son  discours  par  une  parenthese,  pour  apprendre  a 
son  lecteur  que,  quoique  les  rois  d'Albe  ayent  bien 
r6gn6  en  tout  300  ans,  n6anmoins  il  faut  compter 
60  de  ces  ans  depuis  la  fondation  de  Rome.  Y 
a-t-il  quelqu'un  d'assez  peu  de  gout  pour  en  bl&mer 
Virgile?  S'il  y  en  a  qu'ils  sachent  qu'ils  blament 
du  plus  au  moins  tous  les  grands  poetes.  "  Quos  hie 
noster  auctores  habet,  quorum  aemulari  exoptat 
negligentiam,  potius  quam  istorum  obscuram  dili- 
C57)Terent.  gent  Jam.  (5  7) 

Prolog.  °    TT  \      '  TT.       .  ,  , 

Andrffi,v.i9  II.  Qu  en  avouant  que  Virgile  s  est  tenu  dans 
les  bornes  qu'on  lui  prescrit,  on  peut  le  d^fendre  en 
disant  qu'il  n'a  voulu  parler  que  des  anne*es 

L5exicPAnt'  ^^anes  ^e  ^x  mo*s  et  de-304  jours  seulement.  (58) 
Roman,  sub  Romulus  les  introduisit  a  Rome  mais  Numa  les 
A°ibanur.nus  abolit.  Virgile  pent  avoir  trouv^  ces  6poques  dans 
'  ^es  nionumens  Latins  ou  Romains  qui  conservoient 
1*  ^e  v^eux  calendrier.  Les  premiers  37  ans  jusqu'a 
la  fondation  de  Rome  se  r^duisent  a  31,  et  les  300 

suivans 


SUR  LA  SUCCESSION,  &C. 

suivans  a  environ  249,  en  tout  280.  Or  la  prise 
de  Troye  tombe  en  904,  suivant  Newton.  280 
ans  nous  conduisent  jusqu'a  Tan  624,  £poque 
qui  ne  differe  que  de  deux  ou  trois  ans  de  celle  de 
la  fondation  de  Rome  selon  la  nouvelle  chrono 
logic. 

Quand  1'ouvrage  posthume  de  M.  Freret  paroitra, 
on  peut  espe*rer  de  voir  e*claircir  des  matieres  que 
je  n'ai  qu'effleure.  Les  questions  en  litige  auront 
recu  tout  le  de*gre*  de  lumiere  dont  el.es  sont  sus- 
ceptibles,  par  les  combats  de  ces  deux  grands 
homines. 


Lausanne,  20  Fevrier,  1758. 

EXTRAIT  DE  TROIS  MEMOIRES  DE  M. 
L'ABBfe  DE  LA  BLETERIE  SUR  LA  SUC 
CESSION  DE  L'EMPIRE  ROMAIN  ET 
D'UN  SUR  LE  PRfiNOM  D'AUGUSTE. 

V.  les  Memoires  de  t'Acadtmie  des  Belles  Lettres,  tome 
xix.  p,  357 — 447,  avec  des  Remarques  Critiques. 

CE  sont  de  vrais  modeles  dans  ce  genre  que  les 
Me*moir-es  de  M.  1'Abbe"  de  la  Bleterie.  Porter  un 
esprit  denettet^dans  les  te*nebres  de  I'antiquit6surrit 
pour  Fhomme  de  lettres  qui  veut  s'instruire  ;  jon- 
cher  des  fleurs  sur  les  Opines  de  la  science,  arr£te  le 
bel  esprit  qui  ne  cherche  qu'a  s'amuser.  Re*unir 
Futile  a  1'agr^able;  voila  tout  ce  que  le  lecteur  le 
plus  difficile  peutdemander :  qu'il  le  demande  hardi- 
ment  a  M.  de  la  Bleterie.  II  pourra  peut-^tre  lui 

reprocher 


170  SUR  LA  SUCCESSION 

reprocher  quelques  details,  mais  s'il  a  du  gout,  il 
Ips  lui  pardonnera  avec  plaisir,  et  s'il  connoit  la 
nature  de  ces  discussions,  il  sentira  qu'on  ne  pouvoit 
gueres  les  £viter. 

Notre  auteur  croit  que  Tempire  a  toujours  e"te 
61ectif  sans  avoir  jamais  6  te"  ni  patrimonial  ni  h6r6- 
ditaire ;  que  le  s6nat  conjointement  avec  le  peu- 
ple  avoit  defere  1'einpire  a  Auguste  et  a  Tibere,  et 
que  par  1'abolition  des  Cornices  sous  ce  dernier, 
le  senat  se  trouvoit  seul  d^positaire  du  droit  d'e'lire 
ses  souverains.  Pour  6tablir  sa  these  d'une  facon 
incontestable,  il  se  propose  de  parcourir  les  elections 
cle  tons  les  empereurs.  Mais  les  trois  memoires 
que  j'abrege  ne  remplissent  qu'une  petite  partie  de 
ce  Vaste  objet.  Voici  les  preuves  principales  qu'elle 
lui  fournit. 

I.  Nous  ne  voyons  nulle  part  une  stipulation 
telle  qivil  en  auroit  fallu  pour  d^pouiller  le  peuple 
Romain  des  droits  de  se  donner  des  maitres.  Nous 
connoissons  en  detail  toutes  les  (lignite's,  tous  les 
titres  dont  la  politique,  la  flatterie,  la  reconnoissance 
avoient  comble  Octavien.  Bien  loin  que  cbacun 
de  ses  dignit^s  fut  her6ditaire,  sous  la  republique, 
el  les  n'6toient  pas  m&me  perpetuelles.  On  sent 
combien  leur  Tassemblage  donnoit  d'eclat  a  celui 
qui  en  6 tolt  revetu ;  maia  pouvoit-ii  les  denaturer 
au  point  de  les  rendre  le  patrimoine  d'une  seule 
famille?  Tout  ce  qu'une  longue  prescription  pour- 
roit  faire,  ce  seroit  de  rendre  1'empire  h6r6ditaire 
de  fait.  Mais  si  le  fait  et  le  droit  se  confondent 
aux  yeux  du  politique,  ils  sont  bien  differens  a 
ceux  du  jurisconsulte. 

II. 


BE  L'EMPIRE  ROMAIX.  171 

II.  On  connoit  la  politique  d'Auguste.     Onsait 
avec  combien  d'art  il  pre"sentoit  toujours  aux  Ror 
mains  1'esclavage  sous  I'image  de  la  libertA     Pre 
mier  citoyen,  homme  de  la  nation  il  n'avoit  accepte" 
la  commission  de  re"tablir  Tordrc,  que  pour  s'en  de"- 
mettre   lorsque  son  ouvrage  seroit   acheve\      Un 
prince  de  ce  caractere  auroit-il  jamais  fait  sentir 
aux   Romains   que   de   souverains   du  monde  ils 
e"toient  deVenus  esclaves  d'une  fainille  de  chevaliers, 
sans  avoir  meme   consent  le  pouvoir  de  choisir 
leurs  tyrans?  Auroit-il  accepte  undroit'qui  le  ren- 
doit  plus  odieux  sans  le  rendre  plus  puissant? 

III.  Les  faits  viennent  appuyer  les  raisonne- 
mens.     L'an  727  Auguste  fit  mine  de  vouloir  ren 
dre  la  libert^  aux  Romains.     Mais  il  se  rendit  en- 
fin  aux  instances  du  se"nat  qui  cherissoit  sa  servi 
tude.     Ce  fut  alors  que  se  fit  la  celebre  division 
des  provinces.    Auguste  ne  voulut  recevoir  Tempire 
que  pour  dix  ans ;  et  sous  son  regne  le  peuple  Romain 
elut  cinq  fois  son  prince,  quoiqu'ala  verit^  il  choisit 
toujours  la   meme   personne.      Croira-t-on  qu'uii 
pouvoir  ait  6t6  h^r^ditaire  qui  n'etoit  pas  m^ine 
perpetuel? 

IV.  Le  commencement  de  1'histoire  imp^riale 
n'ofrre  qu'une   suite  de  comedies  dont  la  plaisan- 
terie  ^toit  encore  rehaussee  par  la  gravit^  qui  s'y 
m£loit.     Tibere  est  deja  reconnu  pour  empereur 
par  les  armees  et  par  les  provinces.     II  entre  au 
s^nat,  il  y  joue  le  role  de  particulier.     Le  s^nat  le 
prie  de  se  charger  du  gouvernement  de  1'empire. 
II  allegue  sa  vieillesse,  il  refuse,  il  capitule,  il  cede. 
Dans  un  etat  her£ditaire  auroit-il  jamais  pris  ce 

r61e? 


172  SUR  LA  SUCCESSION 

r61e  ?  II  auroit  pu  paroitre  vouloir  abdiquer,  mais 
il  cut  avou6  qu'il  r^gnoit.  Le  s£nat  auroit-il  jamais 
avou6  que  la  r^publique  etoit  sans  chef?— Non — 
requite",  de  concert  avec  la  flatterie,  auroit  fait  valoir 
les  principes  du  droit  public,  les  droits  de  Tibere, 
ceux  de  Drusus,  et  de  Germanicus.  La  force  ren- 
doit  hommage  aux  loix,  Tibere,  maitre  de  vingt- 
cinq  legions,  craignoit  de  paroitre  empereur  avant 
que  d'avoir  obtenu  1'aveu  du  s^nat. 

II  faut  voir  dans  notre  auteur  lui-meme,  avec 
combien  de  precision,  il  repond  aux  objections. 
En  voici  les  deux  principales,  1.  Que  le  senat 
avoit  rendu  1'empire  h6r6ditaire  dans  la  famille  de 
Jules  Cesar.  2.  Que  Tibere  en  disposa  par  son 
testament.  J'aurai  cependant  la  hardiesse  d'en 
proposer  quelques  autres,  apres  avoir  pos6  un  prin- 
cipe  qui  me  paroit  incontestable:  c'est  que  le 
temoig'nage  d'un  historien  contemporain  est  d'une 
toute  autre  autorit6  dans  ces  mati&res  que  les  hi" 
ductions  que  nous  autres  Francois  pouvons  tirer 
des  faits  qui  se  rencontrent  dans  leurs  e"crits.  La 
raison  en  est  claire.  C'est  que  nous  ne  voyons 
1'histoire  de  ces  terns  qu'en  gros,  au  lieu  qu'ils  la 
voyoient  en  detail :  et  c'est  de  ce  detail  que  tout 
depend  dans  des  discussions  aussi  d^licates  que 
celles-ci.  Le  spectacle  de  l'£tablissement  de  1'em 
pire  se  montroit  tout  entier  a  leurs  yeux.  Tout 
leur  en  rappelloit,  la  constitution,  les  actes  du 
s£nat,  les  sermens  de  fidelity  les  examples  dont  ils 
6toient  temoins.  A  peine  nous  en  est-il  parvenu 
quelques  foibles  rayons  de  lumi&res.  Or  je  vais. 
faire  voir  que  Su^tone,  Tacite,  et  Dion  croyoient 

1'empire 


DE  L'EMPIRE  ROMAIN.  173 

Tempire  h6r£ditaire,  au  moins  dans  les  commence- 
mens. 

I.  Voici  de  quelle  facon  le  premier  de  ces  e*cri- 
vains   s'exprime    au   sujet   de   1'Empereur  Titus. 
"  Fratrem  insidiari  sibi  non  desinentem,  sed  pene 
ex   professo   sollicitantem    exercitus,  meditantem 
fugam,  nee  occidere  neque  seponere  ac  ne  in  honore 
quidem  minori  habere  sustinuit:  sed  ut  a  primo 
imperil  die  consortem  successor 'emque  testari  perse- 
veravit.Cl)     Un  prince  qui  pouvoit  disposer  de  ses  (i)  Sueton. 

.         .  r  .  1.  viii.  in 

etats  comme  de  son  patrimome  auroit  tait  un  Tito,  c.  9. 
present  magnifique  a  son  frere.  Une  telle  d^clara- 
tion  dans  un  £tat  h6r£ditaire  lui  rendoit  justice. 
Mais  dans  une  monarchic  Elective  elle  renferme  un 
outrage,  une  violation  des  droits  du  peuple,  dont 
j'ai  peine  a  croire  Titus  capable.  L'ami  du  genre 
humain  l'£toit  surement  aussi  des  loix  qui  y'main- 
tiennent  1'ordre,  et  qui  en  resserrent  les  noeuds. 

II.  Ecoutons  parler  Tacite  ou  plut6t  1'Empereur 
Galba;  c'est  de  Fadoption  de  Pison  qu'il  d61ibere 
avec   ses    amis.      Apres    avoir    form6   des   vceux 
impuissans   pour  le  r^tablissement  de  la  liberte", 
"  Sub  Tiberio  et  Claudio  et  Caio  unius  familias 
quasi  hereditas  fuimus,   loco  libertatis  erit   quod 

eligi  coepimus."(2)      Qui  est-ce  qui  ne  reconnoit  (s)  Tacit. 
pas  deux  propositions  dans  ce  passage  ?  1'une  que  E 
sous  Tibere,  Caligula,  et  Claude,  1'empire  avoit  6t6 
h6r6ditaire,  1'autre  que  Galba  fut  le  premier  qui 
songea  a  le  rendre  61ectif.     J'entrevois  quantit6 
d'entorses  qu'un  homme  d'esprit  peut  donner  a  ce 
passage ;  mais  qu'il  se  souvienne  qu'il  est  de  Tacite, 
c'est  £  dire  de  I'terivain  dont  tous  les  faits  sont 

exacts, 


174  SUR  LA  SUCCESSION 

exacts,  toutes  les    ide'es    profondes,  et  toutes  le$ 
expressions  precises. 

III.  Dion  est  le  dernier  dont  je  citerai  le  te'moi- 

gnage.  Get  hjstorien  dit  que  Brittannicus  avoit  un 

droit  incontestable  a  Fempire  comme  fils  de  Claude, 

et  que  si  NeVon  y  pouvoit  pretendre,  c'etoit  comme 

(3)  Dion,    fils  adoptif  de  ce  m£me  Claucle.(3)      Ce  texte  n'a 

Hist.  Rom.  L  .  .  v    '    . 

i.ki.p.687.  pas  besom  de  commentaire*     Je  sais  an  reste  que 

rien  n'est  plus  commode,  ni  en  meme  terns  plus 

incommode,  que  Pantoi'lte*  de  Dion :  nous  est  il  favo^ 

rable  ? — c'est  un  homme  du  monde  et  du  cabinet 

qui  poss^da  les  plus  grandes  dignites  de  Fempire,  et 

dt  Miothe  (lu*  empl°ya  vingt-deux  ans  a  £crire  son  histoire.  (4) 

iqVayer,     Nous  coiidamne-t-il  ? — c'est  un  ennemi  de  toute 

tom.i.p.324.   ...  ,  ,  .  .,,,.. 

liberte  et  de  toute  vertu,  ame  anti-republicame, 

anti-romaine,  et  remplie  des  prejuges  d'un  Grec 

DekBTet-  Asiatique.(5)     Qu'on  decide  une  fois  pour  toutde 

erie;Mera.   §011    d6&T6    de    poids,    mais    QUC    CC    UC    SOlt    pas     le 
del'Acad.  .      &  .  \7  .  \ 

des  Belies,    besom  du  systcmc  qui  en  decide. 

xix.  p?^  En  attendant  que  M.  de  la  Bleterie  eclaircisse 
ces  difficulty's,  tenons  nous  toujours  a  son  systeme. 
II  est  clair,  plausible,  et  bien  Ii6.  Si  c'est  une 
erreur,  c'est  une  de  ces  erreurs  qui  e"clairent  1'esprit 
en  le  trompant.  En  le  supposant  prouve  je  vais 
hasarder  quelques  id^es  sur  la  part  qu'avoient  les 
soldats  au  choix  des  empereurs.  J'entends  de  la 
part  qu'ils  y  avoient  conjointement  avec  le  s6nat, 
et  de  Taveu  de  ce  me1  me  s^nat;  car  il  seroit  aussi 
ridicule  de  conside"rer  tant  de  princes  massacre's, 
1'empire  meme  mis  a  Fenchere,  comme  des  actes  de 
pouvoir  legitime  de  la  part  de  la  milice,  qu'il  le 
seroit  de  regier  nos  notion^  des  droits  des  empe 
reurs 


1>E  L'EMPIRE  ROMAIN.  175 

reurs  sur  les  exces  d'un  Neron.  Je  trouve  que  le 
s£nat  rev£tissoit  le  nouveau  prince  cle  ses  titres,  et 
que  les  armees  confirmoient  son  choix  par  leur 
consentement.  Etablissons  le  fait,  et  cherchons  en 
les  raisons. 

La    grand  e    ame    cle    Cesar    en    imposoit    aux 
soldats.     La  politique  delicate  d'Auguste  les  con- 
tenoit  dans  leurs  devoirs.     Us  detestoient   et  ils 
craignoient  Tibere.(6)      Ils  aimoient  dans  Caius,  (6)  v.  Tacit. 
la   inemoire   de   Germanicus    et   de    Drusus.  (7)  pr*sert. 
D'ailleurs  Auguste,  qui  forma  les  cohortcs  pre*to-  (^I'ueton. 
riennes,  les  eUoignoit  toujours  de  Rome.(8)  Tibere  /gij^3" 


les  y  rassenibla  dans  un  camp.  (9)      Ils  devinrent  l-  »•  c-  49. 
redoutables,  et  ils  sentirent  qu'ils  1'etoient.    Caius,  Annai.iv, 
apres  avoir  vecu  en  monstre,  perit  en  tyran.    Aussi- 
t6t  les  soldats  deterrent  Claude  dans  le  palais.     II 
demande  la  vie,  on  lui  offre  1'empire.     Le  mot  de 
libert^   rassemble   le  se*nat;  il  croit  etre  dans   le 
siecle   des  Scipions,  il  commande  ;  il  se  souvient 
qu'il   est  dans  celui  des   C6sars,    il    supplie;    les 
deputes  du  se"nat  alleguent  Fautorit^  des  loix,*(10)  CioVoseph: 
Claude  ne  se  prevaut  que  de  celle  des  armes.  Celle-  i.xix.p.669. 

.   19  f^-t         i  /~\  t  Dion.  Hist. 

ci  1  emporte,  et  Claude  est  empereur.      Cependant  Rom.  1.  1\. 
jusqu'ici  les  soldats  ne  font  valoir  d'autres  droits  que  s'ueton'.  j.  v, 
celui  des  brigands,  mais  nous  allons  voir  que  dans  c-  10- 
peu  de  terns  Tusage  s'erige  en  droit,  et  que,  pour 
parler  avec  Tacite,    ".Mofem  accommodari  prout 
conducat,    et  fore   hoc  quoque  in  his  qua?  mox 
usurpentur."(l  I)  (11)  Tacit. 

Annul,  xii. 
c.6. 

*  Oi  ^t^a|nav  (MI  ^e»v  iiri  xa,Qe%u  TJJ?  ap^^'  ^»a^icr0«»,  crapa%wp«~v 
$1  rn  wyxtiru.     Ce  sont  111  les  paroles  de  Josephs. 

Ala 


176  SUR  LA  SUCCESSION 

A  la  premiere  vacance  du  tr6ne,  on  voit 
qui  y  monta.  II  harangue  le  s6nat  le  lendemain 
de  son  Election.  II  parle  aVec  plaisir  de  1'autorite 
du  s6nat,  mais  il  y  joint  le  consentement  des 
soldats.  "  De  auctoritate  patrum,  et  consensu 
militum  prasfatus."(12)  On  sent  assez  la  conse"- 

(12)  Tacit.  *       ' 

Annai.  xiii.  quence  de  cette  expression*  quand  on  re'fle'chit, 
qu'elle  se  trouve  dans  une  harangue  d'appareil,  et 
qui  se  fit  devant  le  s6nat  m&me. 

Je  ne  me  propose  pas  de  parcourir  toute  Fhistoire 
Romaine  pour  y  chercher  des  preuves  de  ma  these. 
Cependant  je  ne  puis  pas  me  dispenser  de  parler  de 
la  singuliere  contestation  entre  Farme'e  et  le  s6nat 

(i3)v.Vo-  apres  la  mort   de  1'Empereur  Aur£lien.(13)     On  y 

pise,  in  Vit.      r  ...  /  i        i 

Tacit.  voit  deux  corps  assez  moderes  pour  se  ceder  leurs 
droits  respectifs,  assez  avou^s  dans  leurs  pre"  ten 
sions  pour  pouvoir  le  faire  avec  bienseance. 

Quand  1'origine  et  les  pr^textes  de  ce  droit  se 
deVoberoient  a  notre  vue,  nous  ne  devrions  pas  en 
£tre  surpris.  Quiconque  est  maitre  des  armes 
Test  a  la  fin  de  tout.  Mais  ici  nous  n'avons  pas 
besoin  de  cette  maxime.  Les  soldats  pouvoient 
fonder  leur  droit  sur  des  raisons  aussi  sp6cieuses 
qu'elles  6toient  peut-etre  peu  solides. 

I.  Us  repr^sentoient  en  quelque  sorte  le  peuple 
Romain.  Les  Cornices  ne  subsistoient  plus,  le 
peuple  de  la  ville  ne  demandoit  que  du  pain  et  des 

(14)  vide    spectacles. (14)    Autrefois  toute  la  nation  6toit  sol- 

Tacit.  pra. 
Hist.  1.  i. 
c.4. 

*  II  semble  que  1'expression  consensus  militum  devint  la  formule 
ordinaire,  du  moms  Pibon  s'en  servit  aussi  en  parlant  de  son 
adoption  par  Galba. 

dats, 


DE  L'EMPIRE  ROMAIC  177 

tlats,  et  toute  la  nation  elisoit  ses  chefs  ;  sous  les 
empereurs  la  partie  la  plus  choisie  l'6toit,  et  cette 
partie  sembloit  avoir  succ£d6  aux  droits  du  tout, 
et  devoir  concourir  avec  le  s£nat  dans  1'e*  lection  de 
ses  princes.  Par  cette  raison,  les  pretoriens  habi- 
tans  de  Rome  croyoient  y  avoir  plus  de  droit  que 
les  legionnaires,  qui  n'6toient  que  citoyens  Ro- 
mains,  et  que  ceux-ci  en  excluoient  tout  a  fait  les  DU  BOS," 

•i«    •  •  /•  1  ~  \  Hist.  Crit. 

auxihaires.  (15.) 


IL  Sous  la  r6publique,  les  soldats,  dans  de  cer-  f"111'^"1' 
taines   occasions,  avoient  elu  leurs  chefs  :   temoin  (16)  Tit 
le  brave  Martius.  (16)     II  est  vrai  que  cette  elec-  JJv'Hlst* 

^       '  1  1.  xxv.  c.37. 

tion  passoit  pour  ill6gitime.  (17)     Mais  dans  des  (I7)uem> 
usages  qui  favorisent  nos  pretensions  nous   nous  ^x^'-c-2- 
souvenons  de  la  pratique,  et  nous  oublions  sa  con- 
damnation. 

III.  L'equivoque  du  mot  ftlmperator  leur  four- 
nissoit  une  nouvelle  raison;  je  crois  m^me  que 
c'est  celle  qui  a  eu  le  plus  de  poids.     Les  soldats 
confe"roient  le  titre  ftlmperator,  imperatorem  saluta- 
bant,  comme  auparav^ant,  (18)  mai's  ce  mot  avoit  (is)  Vide 
bien  chang^  de  signification.     Sous  la  r^publique  il  Andq'.  sub^ 
ii'£toit  que  le  titre  d'un  g^n^ral    vainqueur,  sous  voce  1&per' 
1'empire  il  avoit  ajout6  a  son  ancien  sens  unautre 
bien  plus  releve,  c'^toit  le  nom  de  la  premiere  dig- 
nite  de  T^tat;  lapersonne  qui  1'avoit  recu  d6venoit 
ff6n6ralissime  absolu  de  toutes  les  arme*es.  flQ")  (19)Dioi'> 

'P  \    ^  J   J]jst.  Rora. 

Nouvel  exemplede  1  attachement  cks  homines  aux  1.  xiin. 
noms,  et  de  leur  negligence  pour  les  ide"es  qu'ils  P'  * 
renferment. 

II  faut  (suivant  M.  de  la  Bleterie)  considerer  le 
titre  d'Auguste  sous  trois  points  deLVue  diffe'rens. 

VOL.  III.  N  1.- 


1/8  SUR    LE  NOMBRE  DES  HABITAXS 

1.  Pour  Octavien,  c'etoit  un  titre  personnel;  comme 
Pius,  Magnus,  Feliv.  Les  Remains  lui  recpn- 
noissoient  par-la  quelque  chose  supe'rieure  a 
rhomme,  qivi  tenoit  de  la  divinite.  2.  Pour  Ti- 
bere,  pour  Livie,  pour  Caius,  c'etoit  un  nom  de  fa 
in  ille.  3.  II  devint  un  titre  de  dignite*  sous-  les 
empereurs  suivans.  Cependant  il  conservoit  tou- 
jours  quelques  marques  de  son  origine  personnelle. 
C'etoit  le  seul  titre  que  gardoient  les  princes  qui 
avoient  abdiqu6s.  C'e'toit  le  seul  qu'on  commu- 
niquoit  aux  feinmes  des  empereurs. 


REMARQUES  CRITIQUES  SUR  LE  NOM 
BRE  DES  HABITANS  DANS  LA  CITE 
DES  SYBARITES. 

BOILEAU  apprit  a  Racine  Fart  de  rimer  difficile- 
ment.  Je  voudrois  que  M.  Wallace  m'eut  Fobli- 
gation  de  lui 'avoir  appris  a  croire  difficilement. 
II  en  auroit  assez  besoin.  Les  trois  cens  mille  com- 
battans  de  Sybaris  ne  lui  font  aucune  peine.  Quel 
Pyrrhonien  que  ce  M.  Hume !  La  seule  incr^di- 
bilit6  du  nombre  le  lui  fait  rejetter.*  Entrons  c€- 
pendant  dans  la  pens6e  de  ce  M.  Hume,  et  faisons 
voir  que  le  territoire  de  Sybaris  n'a  jamais  pu  etre 
peuple  a  ce  point  la.  La  litt^rature  ne  comportc 
gukres  les  demonstrations.  Quel  bonbeur  poui 
nous,  si  nous  en  trouvions ! 

*  Vide  Wallace  upon  the  Numbers  of  Mankind,  p.  303. 

Cn 


DANS  LA  CITE  DCS  SYBARITES.  179 

Crotone,  I'eimemie  dc  Sybaris,  en  etoit  e'loigne'e 
d'environ  deux  cens  stades  du  cot£  du  midi.* 
Ces  deux  cens  stades  sont  done  la  plus  grande 
6tendue  possible  de  la  cite*  de  Sybaris.  He'racle'e', 
sujette  aux  Tarentins,  Femp£choit  de  s'e'tendre 
beaucoup  plus  loin  vers  le  septentrion.f  La  mer 
qui  baignoit  ses  murs  formoit  sa  frontiere  orientale, 
et  Ton  n'a  qu'a  jetter  les  yeux  sur  la  carte  pour 
voir  combien  FItalie,  re'tre'cie  elle-m£me,  lui  four- 
nissoit  peu  de  conqu£tes  occidentals.  Pour 
mettre  les  Sybarites  a  leur  aise,  accordons4eur  un 
cercle  dont  le  rayon  soit  de  deux  cens  stades. 

Le  stade  Grec  est  compose*  de  six  cens  pieds. 
Or,  corrime  le  pied  Grec  est  au  pied  de  roi  en 
raison  de  23  a  24,^  600  pieds  nous  donnent  575 
pieds  de  roi.  Le  rayon  du  cercle  en  a  155,0{X),  et 
par  les  operations  ordinaires,  la  circonf6rence 
974,286,  et  Fespace  circonscrit  par  le  cercle  con- 
tiendra  37,997,154,000  pieds  quarres.  28,800  pieds 
quarre's  des  Remains,  on  24,365  pieds  de  roi  for- 
inoient  lejiigerum.  Ce  cercle  contenoit  1,559,498 
jugera. 

Du  terns  de  la  fonclation  de  Rome  deux  jugera 

suffisoient  pour  1'entretien  cFune  famille§  compose'e 

de  sept  personnes.  ||     Le  territoire  de  Sybaris,  cul- 

tive'  de  la  m^rne  maniere,  en  auroit  pu    nouirLr 

:    * 

*  Strabon,  I.  vi.  p»  404-. 

t  Voyez  Mazochii  Comment,  in  Tub.  Heracleens.  ap.  Journal 
desSavanS)  Novembre,  1758,   p.  16. 

J  Eisenschid.  de  Ponderibus  et  Mensur.  Veterum,  p.  110. 
§  Plin.  Hist.  Natural.  1.  xviii.  c.  2. 
H  Wallace,  page  lip. 

N  2!  5,458,243- 


180  SUE  LE  NOMBRE  DES  HABITANS 

5,458,243.  Malheureusement  les  r6cits  de  Dio- 
dore  et  de  Strabon*  nous  obligent  d'en  trouver  pres- 
qu'une  fois  autant.  Trois  cens  mille  hommes  se 
niirent  en  campagne  centre  ceux  de  Crotone,  C'6- 
toit  tout  au  plus  la  moiti6  des  Sybarites  en  etat  de 
porter  les  armes.  Ceux-ci  £toient  au  nombre  de 
600,000 ;  toutes  les  personnes  libres  de  2,400,000, 
et  tous  les  habitans  de  9,600,000 :  comptant  la  pro 
portion  des  esclaves  aux  maitres  comme  trois  a  un. 

L'on  sentira  assez  combien  toutes  les  supposi 
tions  ont  £t6  faites  favorables  aux  Sybarites.  J'ai 
suppos6  tout  leur  territoire  cultive",  villes,  deserts, 
rivieres,  tout  a  e"te  supprime' .  Je  n'ai  point  fait  at 
tention  au  luxe  et  a  la  mollesse  cles  Sybarites. 
Je  ne  leur  ai  pas  donn6  plus  d'esclaves  qu'  a  ces 
Romains  dont  les  consuls  eux-m£mes  bechoient  la 
terre.  Je  leur  ai  suppose  la  meme  simplicity  la 
rn£me  patience,  la  meme  assiduit6  au  travail  qu'a 
ces  patres  qui  s'exercoient  a  conqu6rir  1'univers. 

Que  sera-ce  encore  si  le  fondement  de  cette  sup 
position  est  ruineux,  si  les  Romains  eu-x-m£mes  ne 
pouvoient  pas  nourrir  une  famille  du  cru  de  deux 
jugera  ?  On  exagere  avec  tant  de  plaisir.  Les 
Romains  sont-ils  pauvres? — deux  jugera  entretien- 
nent  une  famille.  Sont-ils  riches? — leurs  bains 
couvrent  des  provinces.  Mais  venons  a  quelque 
chose  de  plus  precis.  Du  terns  tie  la  simplicity 
Grecque  et  Romaine,  un  chcenLv  par  jour,  ou  qua- 
tre  modii  a  peu  pres  par  mois,  nourrissoient  une 
personne.  C'^toit  l^troit  n6cessaire.  On  le  don- 

*  Diodor.  1.  xii.  c.  9.     Strab.  1.  vi.  p.  404. 

noit 


DANS  LA  CITE  DES  SYBARITES.  181 

Tioit  aux  esclaves.*  Or  quel  £toit  le  produit 
d'un  jugerum?  Cic^ron  nous  1'apprend  de  la 
campagne  de  Leontium;  dix  rnedimni,  les  bon 
nes  anne"es, — huit,  ami6e  commune.t  Mais  cette 
campagne,  distinguee  par  sa  fertilite,  $  ne  doit 
point  servir  de  modele  pour  toutes  les  autres.  Si 
nous  leur  accordons,  aux  unes  portant  les  autres, 
cinq  medimni,  ce  sera  beaucoup.  II  en  faut  encore 
de"duire  un  medimnus  d'ensemencement,  reste  a 
quatre  medimni  a  vingt-quatre  modii.  Deux  ju- 
gera  ne  suffisent  done  qu'a  1'entretien  d'une  seule 
personne ;  et  le  territoire  de  Sybaris,  en  supposant 
les  deux  tiers  cultiv^s,  pouvoit  en  nourrir  cinq 
cens  vingt  mille,  pas  la  seizieme  partie  de  ceux 
que  Diodore,  Strabon,  et  M.  Wallace  y  out  places. 
Je  ne  d£ciderai  pas  s'il  les  nourissoit  en  effet. 

Votre  raisonnement  seroit  juste,  me  dira-t-on,  si 
les  Sybarites  ne  se  nourissoient  que  du  produit  de 
leurs  terres.  Mais  il  faisoient  venir  du  grain  de 
chez  Tetranger.  Cette  ressource  est  commode. 
Elle  garantit  les  Sybarites  de  la  disette,  et  leurs 
panegyristes  des  objections.  II  faut  cependant 
prendre  garde  de  ne  pas  Temployer  trop  souvent, 

*  V.  Hortensius  de  Re  Frument.  apud  Ciceroi)..  Olivet. 
Tom.  iv.  p.  605. 

f  Cicero  in  Verr.  Actio  II.  1.  iii.  c.  47-  In  jugere  Leontini 
agri,  medimnum  fere  tritici,  perpetud  et  aequabili  satione,  ager 
efficit,  cum  octavo,  bene  ut  agatur;  ut  omues  Dii  adjuvent  cum 
decimo. 

I  Cicero,  in  Verr.  Actio  H.  1.  iii.  c.  18. 

Quod  caput  est  rei  frurnentaria?,  campus  Leontinus,  cujus 
antea  species  erat,  ut  curn  obsitum  vidisses,  annonae  caritatcm 
non  vererere. 

N  3  de 


182         SUR  LE  NOMBRE  DES  HABITANS,  &C. 

de  peur  de  faire  entrer  du  bled  dans  tous  les  pays 
sans  en  faire  sortir  d'aucun.  Les  importations  de 
cette  espece  ne  se  peuvent  faire  que  chez  des 
peuples  riches  et  commercans.  Les  exportation^ 
annoncent  a  coup  sur  une  contree  moins  peupl^e 
qu'elle  ne  pourroitl'£tre;  et  si  la  fertilite  du  terroiiv 
on  Fart  des  habitans  n'y  suppl^ent  en  partie,  un 
pays  assez  d£garni  d'habitans.  Cependant,  selon 
les  admirateurs  des  anciens,  les  environs  de  Syba- 
ris,  la  Grece,  1'Italie,  la  Sicile,  1'Afrique  regor- 
geoient  alors  de  monde. 

Mais  que  les  Sybarites  ayent  fait  venir  du  grain, 
leur  commerce  n'a  pas  surement  surpass^  celui 
d'Ath^nes/  le  siege  de  1'empire  et  des  arts.  Celui- 
ci  n'alloit  qu'a  1,600,000  medimni  tout  an  plus, 
peut-etre  a  la  moitie  seulement*  200,000  per- 
sonnes  ont  pu  subsister  de  ce  commerce,  et  Ton 
pourroit  trouver  dans  la  cite  de  Sybaris  720,000 
ames ;  la  douzifeme  partie  du  nombre  requis. 

Puisque  deux  auteurs  estim^s  ont  pu  convenir 
drun  fait  impossible,  que  la  population  de  1'anti- 
quite  nous  devient  suspecte  !  II  est  si  pen  de  faits 
appuyes  sur  des  autorite's  aussi  bonnes.  En  tout, 
hormis  la  religion,  il  vaut  mieux  ne  pas  croire 
assez,  que  de  croire  trop. 

^Wallace,  p.  2£)1. 


(     183     ) 


DU   GOUVERNEMENT  FEODAL,  SUR- 
TOUT  EN  FRANCE. 

La  terre  (clisoit  le  Jupiter  d'Homere)  est  sus-  Homer, 
pendue  dans  les  airs,  par  une  chaine  d'or;  seul  je  ^ 
soutiens  ce  poids    immense.      L'effort   re*uni   des 
dieux  ne  sauroit  me  1'arracher.     Cette  chaine  d'or 
c'est  le  syste"me  fe*odal,  mais  il  s'ea  falloit  bien  que 
son  chef  put  tenir  le  meme  langage. 

Des  milliers  de  legistes  out  comment^  tous  les 
details  minutieux  de  ce  systeme.  Depuis  un 
siecle,  et  surtout  en  France,  on  a  voulu  re- 
chercher  son  origine  et  ses  principes.  Les  para 
doxes  hard  is  du  Comte  de  Boulainvilliers,  et  les 
sophismes  adroits  de  1'Abbe"  Du  Bos  sont  assez 
connus.  Le  President  de  Montesquieu,  toujours 
brillant  et  toujours  profond,  y  a  porte  ses  vues 
systematiques  et  philosophiques.  L'Abb£  de  M ably 
vient  de  nous  donner  sur  oette  matiere  un  ouvrage 
utile  et  bien  £crit.*  L'esprit  juste  et  me"thodique 
emprunte  les  conjectures  du  g£nie,  et  lui  rend  des 
critiques.  Instruit  par  ^lably,  on  lit  Montesquieu 
avec  plus  de  fruit  et  de  suret6 ;  Ton  marche  ,sans 
s'egarer  a  la  lueur  de  ses  Eclairs.  Ces  hommes 
c^lebres  ont  ouvert  la  carriere;  je  les  suis  en 
tremblant. 

N'obscLircissons  point  nos  id£es  sous  pr6texte 

*  V.  Le  Comte  de  Boulainvilliers  sur  1'ancien  gouvernemeEtt  de 
la  France;  TAbbe  du  Bos,  Histoire  Critique  de  I'Etablissenaent 
de  la  Monarchic  Fraupoisc ;  TEsprit  des  Loix,  livres  xxx  et  xxxi ; 
Observations  sur  THistoi  rede  France  de  TAbbe  de  Mably,  &c.&c. 

N  4  de 


J84  DU  GOUVERNEMENT  FEODAL, 

de  les  simplifier.  Le  syst£me  feodal,  assemblage 
mbnstrueux  de  tant  de  parties,  que  le  terns  et  le 
hasard  ont  reunies,  nous  offre  un  objet  tres  com- 
pliqu6 ;  pour  F6tudier  il  faut  le  decomposer. 

J 'examine  la  France  au  commencement  .du 
douzieme  siecle,  lorsque  le  gouvernement  feodal 
avoit  acquis  un  pen  de  tranquillit6  sans  rien  perdre 
de  sa  vigueur,  j'y  vois,  1.  Une  hierarchic  pres- 
qu'infinie,  qui  ne  laisse  a  son  chef  qu'un  vain 
fantdme  de  prominence,  et  dont  chaque  membre, 
a  la  fois  suzerain  et  vassal,  exerce  tous  les  droits 
de  la  puissance  publique,  en  demembrant  F£tat* 
2.  La  foi  et  Fhommage,  seuls  liens  de  ce  grand 
corps.  3.  Le  service  militaire  que  chaque  vassal 
doit  a  son  seigneur  pour  le  fonds  qu'il  reconnoit 
tenir  de  sa  bontA  4.  Des  millions  de  paysans 
enchain^s  a  la  terre  qu'ils  cultivent. 

Foi  et  hom-       ^es  anc^ens  Germains  respectoient  la  naissance, 

mage.         niais  ils  n'obeissoient  qu'au  nitrite ;   et  ne  connois- 

soient  de  m^rite  que  la  valeur.     Leurs  chrfs,  aussi 

barbares  qu'eux,  sentirent  cependant  cette  v6rit6, 

et  ils  appellerent  de  bonne  heure  les  moeurs  au 

secours  des  loix.     Rois,  ils  presidoient  a  peine  dans 

ce   champ  de    Mars  toujours    convert    d'orages; 

Tacit,  de     guerriers,  ils  surent  rassembler  autour  d'eux  une 

Moribus  ,  .  .     , 

Germanor.   troupe  de  jeunes  guerriers  qui  leur  juroient  un 

d^vouement  sans  bornes  parcequ'il  etoit  volontaire. 

Ils  6toient  craints  et  respect^s   a  proportion   du 

nombre  et  de  la  bravoure  de  cette  escorte,  dans 

laquelle  la  noblesse  la  plus  illustre  du  pays  ne 

L'Espritdes  rougissoit  point   de  s'inscrire.     La    foi,    Famiti6, 

'  1'amour  de  la  gloire,   la  honte  de  survivre  a  leur 

chef; 


SURTOUT  EN  FRANCE.  185 

chef;  voila  les  liens  des  compagnons.  Ce  chef  leur 
clevoit  sa  protection,  son  exemple  aux  combats,  et 
des  dons  grossiers  et  militaires,  des  repas,  des 
armes,  et  des  chevaux  de  bataille.  Dans  ce  tableau 
6nergique  que  Tacite  nous  a  trac6  des  moeurs  des 
Germains,  je  crois  qu'il  faut  principalement  en 
tendre  les  peuples  Sicambres,  plus  voisins  de 
Fempire  que  la  ligue  Sueve.  Cette  confederation 
Sicambrique  se  renouvella  dans  le  troisieme  siecle, 
sous  le  nom  de  Francois.  L'institution  cle  ces 
compagnons  d'annes,  qui  arrachoit  Felite  de  la 
jeunesse  a  la  patrie  pour  la  consacrer  au  prince, 
auroit  dft  faire  trembler  la  r6publique  pour  sa 
liberty.  Mais  les  Francois  e"toient  deja  16gers  et 
inconsequens ;  et  1'amour  de  Finde"pendance  6toit 
grave"e  dans  tous  les  creurs.  Get  esprit,  plus  fort 
que  les  loix,  arre"toit  egalement  les  uns  et  les 
autres,  et  les  e'mpe'choient  de  former  des  projets 
tyranniques,  d'y  consentir,  ou  de  les  craindrer 
Mais  Ton  peut  deviner,  (et  j'ose  me" me  Fassurer,) 
que  ces  associations  militaires  et  domestiques  n'en- 
troient  point  dans  Fordre  politiqiie  de  la  nation. 
Ellesavoient  leur  grade  dans  la  maisondu  prince, 
sans  en  avoir  dans  Fassemble"e  des  citoyens.  Le 
champ  de  Mars  nommoit  les  chefs  des  commu- 
naut6s  et  les  juges  des  cantons.  Je  pense  que  les 
vassaux  avoient  droit  d'y  pr^tendre,  mais  ce  droit 
g6n^ral,  fonde*  sur  leur  qualit6  de  Francois,  ne 
devoit  point  exqlurre  les  autres  Francois  leurs 
compatriotes. ' 

Je    passe    rapidement    sur   les  objets   connus. 
Pourquoi  rappeller  la  decadence  de  Fempire  et  les 

conqu£tes 


186  DU  GOUVERNEMENT  FEODAL, 

conquetes  des  Francois?  Les  rois  s'agrandirent 
ayec  la  nation.  Les  vassaux  partagerent  la  for 
tune  de  leur  seignettr,  desormais  en  £tat  de  leur 
prodiguer  les  richesses  des  vaincus.  Du  terns  de 
Tacite  les  nations  Germaniques  avoient  plusieurs 
chefs  qui  partageoient  les  coeurs  et  le  service  de  la 
jeunesse,  et  qui  s'iuspiroient  mutuellement  vine 
crainte  salutaire  pour  Fetat.  Le  terns,  les  revolu 
tions,  et  Fa  vantage  commun  avoient  enfin  re\mi 
chaque  nation  sous  les  drapeaux  d'un  seul  general 
qui  devint  bientdt  F  unique  Roi.  On  sait  d'aiileurs 
qiie  la  liberte"  s'arTermit  dans  les  r£voltes  et  se  perd 
dans  les  conquetes. 

On  eut  dit  que  les  Francois  ne  formoient  qu'une 
t.  soci6t6  de  brigands,  qui  ne  se  connoissent   plus 

c.3,4,et6.  '    i  ,    '  ^     .  T1  rt 

apres  le  partage  du  butm.  11s  parurent  dans  les 
Gaules,  envahirent  tout  et  se  disperserent.  Chaque 
citpyen  exercoit  a  son  gr6  sa  tyrannic  sur  les 
vaincus,  et  assouvissoit  sa  vengeance  centre  ses 
concitoyens.  Les  champs  de  Mars  ne  s'assem- 
bloient  plus,  et  le  roi,  par  cette  dissolution  de  la 
republique,  ^toit  d^venu  la  seule  autorite  legitime. 
C'est  depuis  cette  epoque  que  les  vassaux,  connus 
sous  les  noms  de  Leudes,  RAntrustions  et  de  Fiddles, 
paroissent  revetus  d'une  noblesse  personnelie 
r^v^r^e  des  peuples,  et  reconnue  par  les  loix.  Le 
roi  ne  leur  distribuoit  plus  que  des  terres  con- 
sid^rables  qu'on  nommoit  benefices.  Conjointe- 
ment  avec  les  eveques,  ils  composoient  le  grand 
conseil  de  F^tat,  qui  s'assembloit  quelquefois,  mais 
dont  la  politique  adroite  imitoit  bien  mal  la  liberte 
guerriere  des  champs  de  Mars.  Le  prince  choi- 

sissoit 


»   SURTOUT  EN  FRANCE.  187 

sissoit  lui-m£me  les  juges  et  les  centeniers  des 
villages,  mais  ces  villages  etoient  devenues  des 
provinces,  et  leurs  chefs  portoient  les  noms  de 
dues  et  de  comtes.  Je  vois  sans  surprise  que  le 
prince  les  prenoit  toujours  parmi  ces  hommes 
fideles  que  ses  bienfaits  et  leur  serment  de  fid&ite* 
sembloient  consacrer  a  son  service. 

Mais  les  tyrans  n'ont  jamais  d'amis,  et  le  prix  de 
la  seduction  m£rite  peu  de  reconnoissances.  Ces 
Leudes,  d6venus  courtisans  depuis  que  les  enfans 
de  Clotaire  I.  ne  paroissoient  plus  a  la  t£te  des 
armies,  ne  song&rent  qu'a  assurer  leur  6tat  aux 
d£pens  de  leur  bienfaiteur.  Les  b6n£fices  Etoient 
amovibles  ;  bient6t  ils  les  renclirent  perp^tuels  et 
enfm  heVe'ditaires.  Le  trait6  d'Andely  autorisa 
cette  aristocratic  hereditaire  qui  s'^tablissoit  au  L'Espnt  da 
milieu  de  1'^tat.  II  fut  confirm^  par  Clotaire  II.  et  i,  t.  * 
scel!6  du  sang  de  la  malheureuse  Brunehaut.  C'est 
de  cette  assemble  de  Paris  en  615  qu'on  pent 
dater  1'humiliation  des  rois  de  la  premiere  race. 

C'est  aussi  a  la  succession  h6r£ditaire  des  b^n6- 
fices  qu'on  peut  fixer  1'origine  de  la  noblesse 
Fran^oise  comme  un  ordre  de  l'6tat.  Assur^ment 
•il  y  avoit  deja  des  families  distingue'es  dans  1'ordre 
civil  et  dans  Tesprit  de  la  nation.*  Les  autres 
Francois  s'empresserent  a  donner  leurs  alleux  pour 
les  recevoir  ^rig^s  en  b^n6fices,  et  pour  partager 
les  avantages  attach6s  a  ce  grade,  dont  la  possession 
d'un  ben6fice  paroissqit  le  caractere  distinctif  bien 

*  Parmi  les  Grecs  et  les  Romains  il  y  avoit  tine  noblesse  tres 
rcelle,  respectce  de  la  nation,  mais  ignoree  des  loix. 

plus 


188  DU  GOUVERNEMENT  FEODAL, 

plus  que  la  prestation  du  serment.  Je  pense  m£me 
que  les  ben^ficiers  avoient  su  profiter  de  ce  change- 
ment  dans  les  id£es,  pour  s'attribuer  une  pretension 
exclusive  aux  grandes  dignites.  Une  equivoque 
de  mots  a  suffi  pour  changer  peu  a  peu  la  face  de 
la  terre. 

Lesbe'ne'ficierSjde'venus  seigneurs,  s'affranchirent 
facilement  du  nom  m£me  de  reconnoissance ;  mais 
l'ide*e  subsista  dans  la  nation,  se  deVeloppa  avec 
le  systeme  des  fiefs,  imagina  Fhommage  lorsque  le 
serment  de  fide'lite'  etoit  cleVenu  g6n6ral,  et  im- 
posa  au  seigneur  et  au  vassal  un  systeme  de  de 
voirs  pur,  g£n6reux  et  r6ciproque. 
ii.  La  foule  des  historians  nous  ont  trace*  le  plan 

Miiltah-e.     ge'ne'ral  de  1'institution  des  fiefs  avec  une  simplicity 
v.  enteau-  satisfaisante  a  1'esprit,  et  qui  6 vite  les  difficulte's  en 
d'Ecossede  eVitant  les  details.     Les  barbares  (disent-ils)  qui 
^ceiie°n    envahirent  les  provinces  de  Tempire  songerent  aux 
dmeglar     moyens   les   plus   propres    a   conserver   ce   qu'ils 
Hume.       avoient  acquis.      Us    partagerent  les   terres  des 
vaincus,  le  g6n6ral  prit  pour  lui  un  domaine  con- 
sid^rable.     Les  commandans  des  principaux  corps 
en  recurent  aussi,  a  condition  de  le  servir  dans  ses 
guerres.     Ceux-ci  a  leur  tour  s'assurerent  par  une. 
semblable  distribution  de  la  fid61it6  des  soldats. 
Les  terres  tenoient  lieu  de  solde,  et  I'arm6e  subsis- 
toit  toujours  cantonnee  dans  le  pays,  et  prete  a  se 
rassembler  au  premier  signal  de  ses  officiers, 

Quand  cette  institution  seroit  plutdt  le  resultat 
des  faits  que  le  fruit  de  Fimagination,  elle  surpren- 
droit  le  philosophe  qui  seroit  ibrc6  de  1'adopter.  Une 
subordination  aussi  re"guliere  dans  une  nation  qui 

ne. 


StJRTOUT  EN  FRANCE.  189 

ne  cherchoit  qu'a  jouir  d'une  inde"pendance  person- 
Jielle,  et  qui  daignoit  a  peine  faire  des  loix  g^n^- 
rales  !  Une  arm^e  qui  ne  recevoit  point  de  solde, 
et  qui  se  fait  donner  des  terres  au  lieu  de  cette 
solde;  des  vues  aussi  re'fle'chies  dans  une  soci£t6  de 
brigands  !  Un  chef,  le  premier  de  ses  pairs,  qui  dis- 
tribue  les  recompenses  de  1'^tat,  et  qui  les  reprend 
a  son  gre* ! 

Rappellons-nous  encore  que  le  service  militaire 
chez  les  nations  nombreuses  et  policies,  est  anim6 
par  un  esprit  bien  different  de  celui  que  regne  chez 
les  peuples  libres,  pauvres,  et  guerriers.  Ce  n'est 
que  chez  les  premiers  qu'on  est  oblige"  de  choisir 
parmi  les  citoyens  un  ordre  permanent  cle  soldats, 
et  d'entretenir  par  des  recompenses  une  ardeur  tou- 
jours  pr£te  a  s'eteindre.  L'homme  civilise  craint  les 
perils  et  les  fatigues,  I'homme  sauvage  les  recherche. 
Chez  les  bar  bares  tout  est  soldat ;  Tamour  de  la 
patrie,  celle  de  la  gloire,  le  plaisir  d'assouvir  sa 
ferocite,  et  1'esperance  du  butin — voila  ses  chefs  et 
ses  loix.  II  rejetteroit  avec  m^pris  une  indigne 
exemption  du  service ;  et  sa  femme,  ses  enfans, 
ses  foyers  domestiques,  il  ne  les  defend  que  par- 
cequ'ils  lui  sont  chers.  Tel  est  1'esprit  qui  s'est 
r6pandu  du  nord  au  midi,  depuis  les  frontieres  de  la 
Chine  jusqu'au  fond  de  1'Afrique.  II  a  dii  s'aiFoi- 
blir  par  la  mollesse  du  climat,  les  melanges  des 
nations,  et  les  revolutions  des  ^tats ;  mais  quelle 
nation  de  barbares  a  pr6vu  des  inconv^niens  qui  ne 
se  feroient  sentir  qu'a  leur  post^rite,  et  un  syst£me 
de  moeurs  eioign^  de  toutes  leurs  id^es  ? 
.  Je  combine  I'exp6rience  avec  le  raisonnement. 

J'ouvre 


190  DU  GOUVERNEMENT  FEODAL, 

J'ouvre  les  codes  de  ces  peuples  qui  renverserent 
1'empire.  Dans  les  uns  il  est  question  d'un  par- 
tage  des  terres  des  vaincus.*  Les  autres  n'en  font 
pas  mention,|  mais  tous,  sans  exception,  se  taisent 
sur  ce  service  militaire  impose  a  leurs  proprietaires; 
service  qui  auroit  du  reparoitre  a  chaque  instant 
dans  les  loix  de  ces  peuples  de  guerriers.  J'ouvre 
leurs  annales,  je  ne  vois  que  des  homines  libres 
qui  suivent  les  drapeaux  d'un  roi,  d'un  due,  ou 
d'un  comte.  Enfm  j'appercois  1'aurore  de  la  nou- 
velle  institution;  j'en  fixe  la  date,  je  marque  ses 
progres.  Je  la  vois  sortir  de  la  terre,  cette  plante 
foible  et  tardive.  L'arbre  s'eleve.  II  couvre  FEu- 
rope  entiere  de  son  ombre. 

Dans  1'intervalle  du  quinzieme  siecleau  huitieme. 
les  barbares  (je  parle  surtout  des  Francois)  e"toient 
de"  venus  plus  corrompus  sans  etre  plus  civilises.  Leur 
humeur  guerriere  avoit  perdu  de  sa  vigueur,  et  leur 
gouvernement  civil  etoit  rude  et  informe;  lorsqueles 
Arabes  passerent  les  Pyrenn^es  et  sembloient  leur 
pr6parer  le  sort  des  Visigoths.  Le  gout  n'appel- 
loit  plus  les  Francois  a  leurs  drapeaux ;  la  patrie 
ii'6toit  qu'un  vain  nom,  et  la  necessity  de  se  de*- 
fendre  agissoit  avec  moins  d'efficace  que  Fesp^rance 
^labiy.i.i.  d'acquerir.  La  France  etoit  perdue,  mais  Charles 
Martel  la  gouvernoit.  Ce  grand  homme  (que  son 
mt^r^t  personnel  eclairoit  peut-^tre  sur  celui  de 
F^tat)  institua  une  milice  consacre*e  au  service  de  la 
monarchic.  II  de'pouilla  le  clerg6  cle  la  plus  grande 
paitie  de  ces  terres  qu'ildevoit  a  ses  artifices  et  a  la 

*  Les  Visigoths,  et  les  Bourguignons. 

t  Les  Allemanni,  les  Franpois,  les  Lombards,  &c. 

devotion 


SURTOUT  EN  FRANCE.  191 

devotion  des  Francois ;  et  les  distribua  a  ses  capi- 
taines.  II  se  crut  autorise"  sans  doute  a  employer 
les  tresors  de  la  religion,  a  la  defense  de  cette  me'me 
religion  contre  les  plus  cruels  de  ses  emiemis. 

Les  premiers  monumens  de  cette  institution  ce*- 
lebre  sont  perdus;  mais  au  deTaut  des  diplomes  de 
Charles  Martel,  nous  pouvons  puiser  clans  les 
annales  du  tems  et  dans  les  capitulaires  des  rois 
Carlovingiens,  une  ide"e  assez  sure  de  la  nature  de 
ces  nouveaux  be"ne"flces,  et  des  obligations  des  be'ne'- 
ficiers.  On  y  voit  clairement  que,  1 .  Au  lieu  de 
cette  reconnoissance  vague  dont  les  anciens  vassaux 
s'^toient  si  facilement  dispenses,  Charles  Martel 
leur  imposa  des  devoirs  precis,  de  s'attacher  a  la 
personne  du  prince,  de  le  servir  dans  le  palais,  et 
de  le  suivre  dans  ses  guerres;  qu'on  exigeoit 
se"rieusement  ces  devoirs^et  que  le  vassal  negligent 
ou  infidele  perdoit  son  fief,*'  par  une  sentence  au- 
tant  plus  a  craindre  qu'elle  ^toit  revetue  de  toutes 
les  formalit^s  de  la  justice.  2.  II  ne  s'agissoit  plus 
de  choisir  quelques  braves,  pr^ts  a  mourir  avec  leur 
prince.  Ce  maire  politique  vouloit  donner  un 
parti  a  sa  maison  et  une  arm6e  a  l'6tat.  Chaque 
vassal  ^toit  a  la  foi  soldat  et  capitaine.  Sa  troupe, 
plus  ou  moins  nombreuse,  marchoit  sous  sa  ban- 
niere,  et  remplissoit  a  son  6gard  les  m^mes  devoirs 
que  le  prince  attendoit  cle  lui.  Aussi  ce  n'est  que 


*  Selon-l'Abbe  de  Mably  on  n'a  connu  le  mot  de  fief  que  sous 
Charles  le  Simple.  M.  Muratori  pense  qu'on  s'en  est  tr£s  peu 
servi  avant  Tan  1000. — V.  Mably,  1.  ii.  c.  1.  rem.  1.  €t  Muratori, 
sopra  le  Antichite  Italiane.  Dissert,  xi. 

SOUS 


192  BU  GOUVERNEMENT 

sous  Pepin  et  Charlemagne  que  nous  trouvons  la 
premiere  mention  des  arriere-vassaux.  Dans  la 
suite  cette  chaine  s'e"tendit  presqu'a  Finfini.  3.  Pour 
mettre  les  grands  vassaux  en  6tat  de  soudoyer  ces 
troupes,  il  falloit  leur  donner  des  terres  conside 
rables,  des  maisons,  des  me"  tairies,  et  des  seigneuries, 
Je  vois  dans  les  capitulaires  des  benefices  de  200 
maisons,  Louis  le  Debonnaire  donne  au  fils  de 
Fimp£ratrice  Judith  un  fief  dans  la  haute  Baviere 
de  4000  manoirs,  48,000  arpens.  Je  cherche  vaine- 
ment  dans  les  diplomes  le  nombre  de  soldats  que 
chaque  vassal  devoit  fournir.  J'en  conclus  qu'un 
rapport  g£n£ral,  qui  nous  est  inconnu,  fixoit  une 
proportion  entre Tetendue  du  fief  et  le  service  qu'il  . 
devoit.  Ce  rapport  seroit-il  different  de  celui  que 
Guillaume,  due  de  Normandie,  etablit  en  Angle- 
terre  lorsqu'il  porta  dans  *ce  pays  tout  le  syst£me 
v.  Hume's  f^odal  ?  Chaque  fief  de  quatre  hides  cle  terre  (de 
England,  4  a  500  arpens)  devoit  entre  ten  ir  un  chevalier, 
lud'ior.145  c'est  ^  dire  un  gendarme  bien  monte,  arm6  de 
toutes  pieces,  et  suivi  de  son  £cuyer  et  de  trois  a 
quatre  soldats.  On  peut  remarquer  que  le  service 
militaire  simple  et  g6n£ral  dans  les  premiers  terns, 
ne  pouvoit  donner  que  des  fantassins.  La  cavalerie 
exigeoit  trop  de  soins  et  de  frais.  Elle  convenoit 
mieux  aux  seigneurs  des  fiefs  et  a  leurs  vassaux. 
L'exp6rience  s'accorde  avec  les  conjectures :  Fm- 
fanterie,  seule  force  des  armees  Francoises  sous  la 
v.  Herauit,  premiere  race,  s'aiFoiblit  deja  sous  Pepin,  et  dispa- 
ChJon.  rut  sous  les  successeurs  de  Charlemagne. 

Les  institutions  conformes  au  g6nie  et  aux  be- 
soins  d'un  siecle  s'etablissent  sans  peine  et  s'eten- 

•  dent 


SURTOUT  £N  FRANCE.  1<)3 

dent  avec  rapidite".  Les  r&glemens  de  la  maison  et 
de  rarme"e  du  Maire  du  palais  devinrent  bient6t  le 
code  politique  de  1'Europe.  Pepin  donna  plus  de 
consistence  au  syst£me  des  fiefs,  qui  prit  d£s  lors  de 
fortes  racines  dans  le  royaume  des  Francois,  c'est 
a  dire  dans  la  France,  la  Suisse,  les  Pays  Bas,  et 
dans  une  grande  partie  de  rAllemagne.  II  se  r6- 
panclit  avec  les  conqu£tes  de  Charlemagne  jusqu'* 
aux  frontieres  de  la  Pologne  et  de  la  Transilvanie, 
jusqu'a  Beneventum  dans  le  fond  de  I'ltalie,  et  en 
Espagne  jusqu'a  1'Ebre.  Les  rois  de  Navarre  et 
d'Arragon  en  firent  la  loi  commune  de  tous  ces 
6tats  chr^tiens  qui  s'elverent  sur  les  debris  des 
Arabes.  Les  Normands  1'adopterent  en  Neustrie,  et 
le  porterent  avec  leurs  armes  victorieuses  en  Ang- 
leterre,  en  Irlande,  en  Naples,  et  en  Sicile.  Les 
Crois£s  F6tablirent  aux  rives  du  Bosphore,  du 
Jourdain,  et  de  1'Euphrate.  Les  royaumes  du  Nord 
imiterent  leurs  voisins  des  qu'ils  les  connurent.  Us 
recurent  les  fiefs  avec  le  christianisme  et  les  arts. 

Charles  Martel  avoit  suivi  la  politique  de  Septi-  TT./I1L 

r  Hierarchic 

me  Severe.  Sa  situation  etoit  la  m^me,  et  leurs 
caracteres  avoient  beaucoup  de  rapport.  II  ne  m6- 
nageoit  que  ses  soldats,  a  qui  il  permettoit  tout,  a 
qui  il  prodiguoit  tout,  et  qu'il  regardoit  comme 
Funique  appui  d'un  tr6ne  usurp6.  II  humilioit  la 
noblesse,  depouilloit  le  clerg6,  opprimoit  le  peuple, 
et  gouvernoit  impunement  d'un  sceptre  de  fer  une 
nation  libre.  Mais  il  nourrissoit  en  secret  une 
b^te  f<6roce,  terrible  a  ses  ennemis,  redou table  a  son 
maitre.  Ces  grands  vassaux,  possesseurs  des  plus 
belles  terres  du  royaume,  juges  et  capitaines  des 
VOL.  in.  o  homines 


194  DU  GOUVERNEMENT  FEODAt, 

hommes  qui  les  cultivoient,  suivis  d'une  maison 

militaire  qui  oublia  bientdt  la  source  premiere  de 

v.  Mabiy,    leurs  bienfaits,  etoient  peu  faits  pour  respecter  les 

J*  loix,  d&s  qu'ils  pouvoient  les  violer  impun6ment. 

Charlemagne  lutta  vainement  centre    son  siecle. 

Ce  grand  homme,  qui  sentit  comme  Pierre  I.  qu'il 
L'Espritdes  n'etoit  qu'un  barbare,  trouva  dans-  son  g£me  tout 

Loix,  xxxi. 

18.19.  ce  que  le  Russe  chercha  dans  1'Europe  civilised. 
Les  arts  se  reveillerent  a  sa  voix.  II  fit  respecter 
aux  Francois  les  loix  qu'il  respectoit  lui-me"me.  II 
rendit  au  clerge"  sa  discipline  et  sa  dignite*,  il  es- 
saya  de  soulager  et  de  ranimer  un  peuple  abruti 
par  ses-  malheurs*  II  contemploit  avec  plaisir  la 
face  d'une  nation  libre  r£unie  enfm  dans  ses  diettes 
gen£rales.  Je  crois  d^meler  qu'il  prevoyoit  tous 
les  dangers  de  la  milice  f '^odale.  Dans  le  terns  m^me 
qu'il  regloit  ses  droits  et  ses  devoirs,  il  lui  opposoit 
ees  troupes  d'hommes  libres  qui  marchoient  sous- 
les  etendards  de  leur  comt^.  II  tachoit  de  les  ren- 
dre  a  la  fois  plus  utiles  et  plus  respectables.  L'au- 
torit£  de  ses  loix,  et  plus  encore  celie  de  son  g6nie, 
tenoit  tout  immobile  pendant  se  vie.  Pour  assurer 
la  tranquillit6  de  ses  peuples,  il  se  vit  oblig6  de 
troubler  celle  de  ses  voisins.  Des  troupes  tou- 
jours  en  campagne  et  toujours  victorieuses  connois- 
.,  sent  rarement  la  sedition. 

De  tous  les  empires,  celut  des  Remains  s'est 
^leve  le  plus  lentement  et  s'est  soutenu  le  plus 
longtems.  Voila  h  la  fois  la  cause  et  1'effet,  Cha- 
que  province  subjugu^e  ^toit  deja  prepar^e  a  se 
perdre  dans  le  nom  Remain.  Les  autres  monar 
chies  se  sent  etablies  et  se  sent  aifoiblies  avec  la 

meme 


6URTOUT  EN  FRANCE. 

m£me  rapidit£.  La  vie  dd  leiir  fondateur  a  mar- 
qu6  la  peViode  de  leur  grandeur,  souvent  celle  de 
leur  existence.  Les  conquetes  peuvent  rassembler 
cent  nations  di verses,  le  terns  seul  et  tes  loix  peu 
vent  les  unir ;  et  cette  harmonic,  cette  correspon- 
dance  des  parties  £loigne"es  d'un  vaste  empire  exi- 
geoit  des  lumieres  et  des  institutions  que  le  siecle 
de  Charlemagne  ne  pouvoit  ni  imaginer  ni  sup 
porter.  Ce  prince  se  fit  surle  gouvernement  de  ses 
royaumes  un  systeme  different  de  celui  de  ses  pr£- 
decesseurs.  II  supprima  ces  dues  puissans  qui 
administroient  des  provinces  fort  £tendues,  pour 
les  partager  chacune  en  plusieurs  cantons,  r6gis  par 
autantde  comtes;  ceux-cinerecevoientd'ordreque 
du  souverain  lui-meme,  ou  de  ses  ministres,  qui 
parcouroient  1'empire  pour  tenir  les  e"tats  de  chaque 
legation.  II  se  rappelloit  sans  doute  que  les  maires 
d'Austrasie,  de  Bourgogne,  et  de  Neustrie,  avoi- 
ent  accab!6  le  trone  des  Mesovingiens  sous  le 
poids  de  leur  puissance.  Maissa  nouvelle  institu 
tion  perdit  1'^tat  pour  ne  prolonger  que  de  quel- 
ques  instans  1'existence  foihle  et  pr^caire  de  ses 
descendans.  Sous  ses  indignes  successeurs  ie 
champ  de  Mars  n'offroit  plus  que  1'image  d'une  de 
mocratic  tumultueuse.  Tons  ces  comte's  s'exci- 
toient  mutuellement  a  me'priser  une  autorit6  trop 
foihle  pour  ^touffer  une  hydre  qui  renaissoit  sous 
leur  pas.  Pen  redoutables  par  leur  nombre  et  le 
peu  d'£tendue  de  leurs  juridictions,  personne  ne 
songeoit  a  usurper  rempire,  chacun  a  le  d^menv 
brer,  a  s'attribuer  tous  les  droits  r^galiens  dans  le 
canton  auquel  il  bonioit  son  ambition,  et  a  les  faire 

o  2  passer 


196  DU  GOUVERNEMENT 

passer  a  sa  post£rit£.  Ce  ne  fut  qu'en  Allemagne, 
que  1'Empereur  laissa  subsister  les  dues  cles 
Saxons,  Bavarois,  &c.  qui  gouvemoient  sous  ses 
auspices  cles  nations  entieres.  Ces  sujets  formi- 
dables  rejetterent  bient6t  des  princes  indignes  de 
re*gner  sur  eux,  mais  ils  respecterent  les  droits  d'un 
tr6ne  sur  lequel  chacun  d'eux  esperoit  de  monter 
un  jour.  Voila  ce  qui  conserva  dans  la  Germanic 
I'ide'e  d'un  corps  politique,  dans  le  terns  m£me  qu'elle 
sembloit  se  perdre  parmi  les  Francois. 

Partout  les  gouverneurs  vouloient  se  faire  sou- 
verains ;  partout  les  vassaux  cherchoient  a  se  ren- 
dre  independans.  De  ce  conflit  il  auroit  pu  r6sul- 
ter  un  6quilibre  capable  de  soutenir  encore  cet 
empire  chancelant.  Mais  tout  tendoit  a  r£unir  les 
int^rets  des  deux  systemes,  et  a  confondre  m^me 
les  persoimes.  1.  A  1'exemple  du  souverain,  les 
comtes  se  firent  bient6t  des  vassaux  qui  ne  d£- 
pendoient  que  d'eux,  et  a  qui  ils  distribuoient 
quelque  partie  de  leur  domaine.  2.  On  leur  per- 
niit  de  conf6rcr  les  b^n^fices  publics.  3.  Chaque 

Lorn,  xxxi.  vassa]_  (peut-£tre  m^me  chaque  homme  libre)  pou- 
voit  se  choisir  un  seigneur ;  des  lors  le  prince  n'eut 
plus  ni  sujets  ni  vassaux.  Dans  ces  terns  d'anar- 
chie  tout  le  monde  prdfe'roit  un  gouverneur  puissant 

Mabiyj.ii.  ^  un  monarque  foible  et  ^loigne*.  Charles  le 
Chauve  accorda  bient6t  Ther^dit6  des  fiefs.  Bien- 
tot  il  donna  cette  vaine  ombre  d'autorite*  qui  lui 
restoit  encore.  II  confirma  aux  comtes  la  posses 
sion  h^reditaire  de  leurs  6tats.  Toutes  les  parties 
de  la  monarchie  se  pli^rent  a  ce  nouveau  syst^me. 
Les  ide"es  feodales  domin^rent  dans  cette  revolu 
tion. 


SURTOUT  EN  FRANCE.  197 

tion.  Le  roi  devint  suzerain,  et  les  comtes  n'6toient 
plus  que  des  fiefs.  L'idee  d'un  hommage  ne  s'ef- 
faca  jamais,  et  cette  idee  conserva  les  debris  de  la 
monarchic.  Un  petit  nombre  de  seigneurs  se  de"- 
roba  a  cette  nouvelle  forme,  osa  se  dire  souverain, 
et  pendant  quelque  terns  ne  relevoit  de  Dieu  et  de 
Icur  epe'e.  Un  plus  grand  nombre  de  gentils- 
hommes,  qui  possedoient  des  terres  en  roture,  vi- 
\7oient  au  milieu  d'une  patrie  qui  leur  sembloit 
etrangere,  et  se  deYendoient  a  peine  contre  des 
seigneurs  qui  ne  comioissoient  gueres  de  milieu 
entre  le  vassal  et  le  serf. 

L'empire  porta  dans  son  sein  ces  principes  de 
destruction.  La  discorde  des  enfans  de  Louis  le 
Debonnaire  les  developpa  de  bonne-heure,  et  les 
courses  des  Normands  leur  donnerent  une  nou 
velle  force.  Les  bar  bares,  qui  menacoient  et  qui 
Favagoient  a  la  fois  TEurope  entiere,  d£tachoient 
(pour  ainsi  dire)  chaque  partie  du  corps  politique 
pour  fixer  son  attention  sur  ses  propres  malheurs. 
Des  villes  presque  ruine'es,  des  monasteres  bruits, 
des  campagnes  de'sole'es,  etoient  ouvertes  a  ces  bri 
gands  domestiques  plus  cruels  encore,  qui  oppri- 
moient  sans  peine  quelques  malheureux  ^chapp^s 
au  carnage.  Des  forteresses  s'61evoient  partout, 
et  ces  forteresses  devinrent  bientdt  les  asyles  de  la 
tyrannic. 

Les  derniers  successeurs  de  Charlemagne,  tristes 
spectateurs  de  tous  ces  malheurs,  conservoient  a 
peine  1'indigne  honneur  de  consacrer  des  usurpa 
tions  et  de  preter  leur  nom  aux  attentats  d'un 
vassal  puissant  qui  daignoit  remployer.  Ce  nom 

o  3  £toit 


DU  GOUVERNEMENT  FEODAL, 

e"toit  encore  respectable  a  la  nation,  et  la  foiblessc 

de  Charles  le  Simple  et  de  Louis  d'Outremer  d£- 

tachoit  le  respect  des  Francois  de  la  personne  du 

v.  mist,     roi  pour  le  fixer  au  tr6ne.     Le  clerge^  riche,  mais 

Eccl.du  -IT,  i      ,  ,7V  ., 

Neuvieme    sans  force,  conservoit  le  depot  de  la  tradition;  il 

et  Dixieme  11*-  i  >  •     /i.    •"A.   i 

siecie  dans  rappelloit  aux  grands  qu  un  roi  etoit  le  premier 
magistrat  deson  peuple;  qu'en  braves  guerriers  ils 
devoient  de  la  reconnoissance  au  suzerain  dont  ils 
tenoient  leurs  fiefs ;  et  qu'il  e"toit  cle  leur  interet  de 
conserver  a  la  monarchic  un  chef,  et  d'en  reunir  les 
forces  contre  ses  ennemis  communs.  Ce  corps 
nombreux  de  pretres,  re"pandu  dans  toutes  les  pro-, 
vinces  de  1'e"  tat,  tenoit  partout  le  meme  langage,  et 
luttoit  conti-e  cette  anarchic  dont  il  etoit  la  pre- . 
miere  victime.  Ses  Merits,  ses  sermons,  les  decrets 
de  ses  conciles,  ne  travailloient  qu'a  adoucir  la  f6ro- 
cit6  des  seigneurs,  et  a  donner  quelques  bornes  4 
leur  ind6pendance.  On  peut  voir  qu'ils  ne  tra 
vailloient  point  sans  fruit,  par  1'esprit  qui  subsistoit 
en  France  sous  I'imb^cile  Charles  le  Simple.  Rollo, 
rraLe  d  c^ef  des  Normands,  se  fit  c£der  une  grande  pro- 
p.paniei,  vince,  Mais  ce  pajeu  vainqueur  des  Francois 
—234.  sentit  que  sa  souverainet6  ind6pendante  revolteroit 
un  peuple  qu'il  voulpit  se  concilier,  II  se  mit  a 
genoux  devant  ce  phant6me  dont  il  avoit  6branl6 
le  tr6ne,  et  lui  jura  sans  peine  un  hommage  qu'il 
^toit  maitre  de  violer  a  son  gr6.  Ce  grand  exem- 
ple,  qui  multiplioit  ceux  cle  la  revolte,  fortifia  la 
theorie  de  la  va^ssalit^,  et  lorsque  Hugue  Capet 
unit  un  grand  fief  a  la  couronne,  elle  ^toit  recon- 
nue  de  la  nation  entiere.  Les  grands  vassaux  se 
soumettoient  a  suivre  le  suzerain  dans  les  guerres 

qui 


SURTOUT  EN  FRANCE.  199 

qui  inteVessoient  le  bien  commun  de  son  fief.  Dans 

c  2  3 

quelques  circonstances  ils  liii  faisoient  cles  dons 
gratuits.  Ils  composoient  sa  cour  de  judicature,  et 
cette  cour  deVidoit  souverainement  de  tout  ce  qui 
regardoit  les  devoirs,  Fhonneur,  et  la  dignite"  de 
cette  pairie.  Les  services  qu'ils  rendoient  au  roi 
ils"  les  exigeoient  de  leurs  barons,  qui  y  assujettis- 
soient  a  leur  tour  les  gentilshornmes  et  seigneurs 
particuliers;  et  ce  poids,  dont  la  ve'locite'  s'augmen- 
toit  dans  sa  chute,  accabloit  enfin  le  peuple  sous  le 
joug  de  tous  les  ordres  de  F£tat. 

On  a  toujours  cherch£  a  rassembler  les  mem- 
bres  £pars  du  syst£me  feodal,  et  a  les  rapporter  &  du 
une  cause  unique  et  ge'ne'rale.  Les  barbares,  (dit- 
on,)  qui  ont  bris6  la  tyrannic  des  empereurs,  out 
apporte  a  la  fois  la  Iibert6  et  la  servitude.  Leur 
orgueil  les  a  persuade  qu'ils  6toient  seuls  dignes 
d'etre  libres,  et  les  malheureux  habitans  des  pro 
vinces  ont  £chang6  1'esclavage  politique  centre 
1'esclavage  civil, 

Mais  ne  se  souvient-on  plus  de  la  fiere  aristo 
cratic  des  Gaulois,  ou  la  puissance  des  nobles  n'etoit 
balancee  que  par  la  puissance  eccl^siastique?  A-t- 
on  oubli^  que  le  peuple  n'y  6toit  rien,  et  qu'une 
partie  nombreuse  de  la  nation  ob£issoit  a  des  maltres 
qui  exer^oient  sur  elle  tous  les  droits  d'un  maitre 
sur  ses  esclaves?  Ne  connoit-on  plus  ces  troupeaux 
sans  nombre  de  malheureux  qui  cultivoient  dans 
les  fers  les  terres  des  Romains,  et  qui  laissoient  a 
peine  des  habitans  libres  a  1'Italie?  Get  usage  a  du 
passer  les  Alpes  avec  les  richesses  et  le  luxe,  et 
s'accroitre  dans  une  province  frontiere  qui  profitoit 

o  4  de 


200   i  DU  GOUVERNEMENT  FEODAL, 

de  toutes  les  de"faites  des  barbares.  Lorsque  le 
Bourguignon  et  le  Remain  ont  fait  ce  fameux 
partage  qui  respire  l'equit£  bien  plus  que  la  vio 
lence,  avec  les  terres  ils  ont  partag6  les  serfs  qui 
les  cultivoient. 

Les  Germains  trainoient  avec  eux  des  prisonniers 

deVenus  esclaves  par  le  droit  de  la  guerre;  chaque 

chef  en  a  beaucoup  trouve  sur  les  domaines  ou  il 

s'est  e"tabli.     II  aura  regi  cet  empire  domestique 

Tacit,  de      selon  les  maximcs  de  sa  nation  ;  souvent  cles  actes 

Mor.  Ger-  ,1-1  •  * 

man.          de  cruautc  et  de  violence;  jamais  un  systeme  suivi 
de  tyrannic.     II  aura  abandonne  a  ses  serfs  une 
par  tie  des  fruits  de  ses  champs,  et  content  de  sub- 
sister  sans  travail  il  n'aura  point  demand^  a  s'en-r 
richir:  les  besoms  du  barbare  sont  simples  et  en 
petit  nombre;    ceux  de  1'homme  corrompu  sont 
sans  bornes,      L'anarchie  de  l'6tat  sous  la  d^ca- 
dence  des  deux  premieres  races  multiplia  le  nom- 
Mabiy,  i.     bre  des  serfs.     Les  uns  d£pbuil!6s  de  tout  achetoient 
Muratori.     leur  pain  aux  d6pens  de  la  Iibert6 ;  les  autres,  me- 
Dissert,  xiv.  nac£s  par  ia  violence,  se  donnoient  un  maitre  pour 
trouver  un  protecteur  plus  puissant  que  les  loix, 
14.        et  la  marche  lente  du  terns,  ramenant  les  monies 
causes  que  C£sar  avoit  appercues,  ramenoit  aussi 
les  m£mes  eiFets. 

Tant  de  servitudes  volontaires  ou  forc6es  ont 
bientot  fait  naitre  plusieurs  classes  difP6rentes  parmi 
les  hommes  qui  reconnoissoient  un  m£me  seigneur, 
Des  contrats,  ou  des  coutumes,  fixerent  bient6t  leur 
6tat,  leurs  devoirs,  et  leurs  droits.  Je  passe  sous 
silence  plusieurs  nuances  que  nous  distinguons  a 
peine,  pour  m'arr£ter  a  la  diif^rence  reconnue  du 

serf 


SVRTOUT  EN  FRANCE.  QOl 

serf  et  du  vilain.  Les  droits  du  second  d^pendoient 
moins  du  caprice  du  seigneur ;  sa  personne  £toit 
plus  sacr£e,  et  ses  enfans  pouvoient  sortir  de  leur 
misere,  et  monter  a  des  grades  supe"rieurs.  Le 
vilain  6toit  le  dernier  des  hommes,  le  serf  •e'toit 
une  b£te  de  somme  qui  diffe'roit  peu,  dans  1'esprit 
de  son  maltre,  du  boeuf  son  compagnon  de  travail. 

Le  maitre  devint  bient6t  juge.  Int6ress6  & 
maintenir  Ja  police  sur  ses  terres,  a  pr^venir  tous 
les  de"sordres  qui  pouvoient  survenir  parmi  des  mil- 
liers  de  rustres,  que  leur  misere  rendoit  encore  plus 
f(6roces,  il  e'toit  peu  dispose"  a  c6der  au  magistral  de 
la  province  1'intendance  de  sa  famille.  Ses  pre*  ten- 
sions  sembloient  raisonnables.  Bient6t  les  loix  les 
autoriserent,  et  il  6tendoit  tous  les  jours  \es  droits 
de  sa  terre  sous  I'ombre  de  sa  juridiction  domes- 
tique,  Voila  1'origine  la  plus  naturelle  des  jus 
tices  seigneuriales  qui  sont  connus  en  France  depuis 
le  commencement  du  septieme  siecle. 

On  peut  croire,  et  on  le  sait,  qu'un  grand  nom- 
bre  de  ces  malheureux  qui  fuyoient  la  violence  se 
reTugierent  au  pied  des  autels,  et  que  St.  Martin 
ou  St.  Denys  leur  parurent  des  maltres  dont  la 
protection  ^toit  assured,  et  le  service  doux  et  hono 
rable.  Les  6glises  avoient  £tendu  partout  le  nom- 
bre  de  leurs  serfs  et  la  juridiction.  de  leurs  terres. 
Lorsque  Charles  Martel  d6pouilla  les  eccl^sias- 
tiques,  ces  serfs  et  cette  juridiction  pass^rent  entre 
les  mains  de  ses  vassaux,  et  la  justice  devint  un 
des  caract&res  les  plus  essentiels  d'un  fief. 

Je  m'arr£te :  j'ai   conside're1  le   syst^me  f6odal,  Conciu»ioiL 
rhierarchie   politique,    la    foi    et    Thommage,   le 

service 


202  RELATION  DES  NOCES 

service  militaire,  et  Tesclavage  du  peuple.  Ce  fleuve 
rapide,  gross!  de  mille  eaux  6trangeres,  inondoit 
encore  1'Europe  dans  le  douzieme  siecle. 

J'entrevois  une  nouvelle  carriere  plus  vaste  et 
plus  utile  encore  :  la  decadence  de  ce  syst£me,  et 
ceux  qui  se  soiit  Sieves  sur  ses  debris,  sa  chute 
rapide  et  terrible  en  Italic,  son  dep6rissement  lent 
et  tranquille  en  Angleterre  et  en  France,  et  la 
solidite"  qu'il  s'est  procure  en  Allemagne. 

Rappellons  seulement  quelques  idees  de  la  poll- 
tiq.ue  des  rois  de  France  depuis  Louis  le  Gros, 
jusqu'a  Charles  VII,  jLes  barons  6toient  puissans 
parcequ'ils  poss6doient  seuls  toutes  Jes  richesses, 
I'autorit6  et  les  forces  de  1'etat.  A  la  richqsse  des 
terres  les  rois  ont  oppose*  celles  du  commerce  et  des 
arts ;  ils  ont  suscite  des  tribunaux  civils  et  ecc!6- 
siastiques  centre  les  justices  seigneuriales.  Enfin 
ils  ont  remplace*  par  des  troupes  reglees  la  mil  ice 
f^odale. 


RELATION  DES  NOCES  DE  CHARLES 
DUC  DE  BOURGOGNE,  AVEC  LA  PRIN- 
CESSE  MARGUERITE,  SGEUR  D'EDOU- 
ARD  IV.  ROI  D'ANGLETERRE. 

ON  doit  une  sorte  de  reconnoissance  aux  histo- 
riens  qui  nous  ont  conserve  les  details  souvent 
minutieux,  mais  qui  nous  peignent  les  moeurs  d'un 
siecle,  son  gout  pour  les  arts,  et  le  genre  et 
r&endue  de  son  commerce.  II  y  a  plus  de 

vari£t6 


DE  CHARLES  DUC  D£  BOURGOGNE.     203 

vari6t6  et  souvent  plus  d'instruction  dans  ces  objets 
que  dans  la  relation  d'urie  bataille,  ou  d'un  trait6  de 
paix. 

Olivier  de  la  Marche  nous  a  Iaiss6  une  description 
fort  d^taille'e  des  f£tes  qui  se  donnerent  a  1'occasion 
de  ces  noces,  dans  lesquelles  Charles  £tala  toutes 
la  pompe  et  toute  1'^tiquette  de  la  maison  de  Bour- 
gogne.  Olivier  en  £toit  parfaitement  instruit.  II 
e"toit  alors  premier  maitre  d'h6tel  du  due ;  c'est  a 
son  bon  ami  et  confrere  Gilles  du  Mas,  premier 
maitre  d'hotel  du  Due  de  Bretagne,  qu'il  adresse 
sa  relation  dont  je  choisirai  les  traits  qui  me  parois- 
sent  les  plus  curieux. 

Apres  une  longue  n^gociation  dans  laquelle  le  uer. 
Hoi  d'Angleterre  et  le  Due  de  Bourgogne  ne  sacrie- 
fierent  qu'avec  beaucoup  de  peine  leur  inclination 
ci  leur  politique,  ils  conclurent  enfin  un  traite 
d'alliance  et  de  commerce,  et  le  confirmferent  par 
le  mariage  de  Charles  avec  la  soeur  d'Edouard. 

La  Princesse  Marguerite  arri va  an  port  de  1'Ecluse  1468. 
aupres  de  Bruges,  le  25  Juin,  1468.  Pendant  les 
huit  jours  qu'elle  y  passa,  elle  recut  les  visites  du 
due  son  £poux  futur,  de  la  Duchesse  douariere, 
de  la  Princesse  Marie,  et  des  principaux  person- 
nages  de  la  cour.  Lorsque  tout  fut  pr6par6  pour 
sa  reception,  elle  partit  de  1'Ecluse.  Le  due 
alia  au  devant  d'elle  jusqu'^Dam,  petite  ville  sur  le 
chemin  de  Bruges,  ou  il  l'6pousa,  apres  quoi  il 
retira  dans  son  h6tel,  et  croy  que.  tandis  que  les 
autres  ceremonies  sefrent,  il  jit  provision  dc  dormir, 
comme  s'il  eust  afaire  aucun  guet  ou  escouade  pour 
la  nuict  avenir.  La  princesse  continua  sa  route  et 

fit 


204  RELATION  DES  NOCES 

fit  son  entree  solemnelle  dans  Bruges.  Elle  avoit 
amene  un  cortege  nombreux  de  la  cour  d'Angle- 
terre:  on  y  voyoit  la  Duchesse  de  Norfolk, 
l'Ev£que  de  Winchester,  le  Lord  Scales,  frere  de  la 
Reine  d'Angleterre,  et  sa  femme;  quarante  ou 
cinquante  dames  et  demoiselles  ;  quatre-vingt  a 
cent  gentilshommes  ;  et  plus  de  dix-huit  cens  per- 
sonnes  de  leur  suite:  la  cour  nombreuse  du  Due  de 
Bourgogne,  les  gens  d'eglise  qui  portoient  les 
reliques,  et  les  magistrats  de  la  ville  augmenterent 
r^clat  de  cette  procession,  qui  e*tala  encore  un 
genre  de  magnificence  propre  a  la  premiere  ville 
commer^ante  de  1'Europe,  c'6toient  les  compa- 
gnies  de  negocians  Strangers  qui  rench£rissoient  les 
unes  sur  les  autres  par  la  richesse  de  leurs  Equipages, 
les  V6n6tiens,  les  Genois,  les  Florentins,  et  les  villes 
Hans^atiques.  Marguerite  6toit  portee  dans  une 
litiere  qu'accompagnoient  a  pied  les  premiers 
seigneurs  des  deux  cours.  De  ses  dames  les  unes 
etoient  montees  sur  des  haquen£es  blanches ;  les 
autres  la  suivoient  dans  cinq  chariots.  La  pro 
cession  finit  a  Fh6tel  du  Due  de  Bourgogne. 

Pendant  les  dix  jours  que  durerent  les  f£tes,  on 
ne  vit  a  Bruges  qu'un  enchainement  de  luxe  et  de 
plaisir.  Les  banquets  et  les  tournois  sont  ce  qui 
nous  int6resse  le  plus. 

Je  passe  sous  silence  la  maison  ouverte  que  le 
due  tint  pendant  tout  ce  terns  la  avec  une  magni 
ficence  digne  des  plus  grands  rois.  Des  fontaines 
de  vin  couloient  dans  les  rues,  les  etrangers  6toient 
servis  en  vaisselle  d'argent  a  sept  tables  diif^rentes, 
dont  les  seigneurs  de  la  cour  leur  faisoient  les  hon- 

neurs. 


DE  CHARLES  DUG  DE  BOUKGOGNE.      205 

neurs.  Plus  de  six  cens  personnes  travailloient  dans 
les  differens  offices  du  palais.* 

On  avoit  eleve"  ime  tres  grande  salle  de  bois, 
tendue  d'une  belle  tapisserie  en  soie  et  en  or  qui 
repre"sentoit  1'histoire  des  Argonautes;  sujet  que 
1'ordre  de  la  toison  d'or  mettoit  fort  a  la  mode  a  la 
cour  de  Bourgogne.  Elle  e"toit  ^clairee  par  un 
grand  nonibre  de  candelabres  de  bois  peints  en 
blanc,  mais  surtout  par  deux  grands  chandeliers 
suspendus  vers  les  deux  bouts  de  la  salle.  C'e'toient 
des  chateaux  places  sur  des  rochers  et  des  mon- 
tagnes,  parmi  les  sentiers  desquelles  on  voyoit  des 
hommes  et  des  b£tes,  qui  montoient  ou  qui  descen- 
doient.  Le  fond  6toit  compost  de  sept  miroirs  qui 
renvoyoient  1'image  de  tout  ce  qui  se  passoit  dans 
la  salle.  Ces  chandeliers  6toient  1'ouvrage  d'un 
chanoine  de  Lisle ;  qui  y  avoit  manage  au-dedans 
vine  place  pour  le  machiniste  qui  faisoit  tourner  le 
chandelier  en  faisant  sortir  du  chateau  des  dragons 
qui  vomissoient  des  flammes.  Le  buffet  e"toit  dresse* 
en  forme  de  losange  au  milieu  de  la  salle.  La 
riche  vaisselle  d'or  et  d'argent.enrichie  de  pierreries 
y  e"toit  disposed  avec  gout.  Elle  passoit  le  poids  de 
soixante  mille  marcs.  La  grande  table,  qui  occu- 
poit  en  forme  de  potence  le  fond  da  la  salle,  6toit 
toujours  couverte  de  trois  services  magnifiques,  dont 
la  decoration  pr£sentoit  des  coups  d'oeil  aussi  varies 
qu'agr  tables.  An  premier  souper  Ton  y  vit  trente 

*  A  la  cuisine  300;  k  la  saulserie  80;  h  Teschanionerie  et 
panneterie,  pour  chacune60;  k  1'espicerie  quinze;  etgen6rale- 
ment  tous  les  offices  etoient  fort  fournis  de  gens. 

vaisseaux 


206  RELATION  DES  NOCES,  &C. 

vaisseaux  qui  repre"sentoient  autant  de  seigneuries 
de  la  maison  de  Bourgogne,  et  qui  en  portoient 
les  armoiries.  Us  etoient  enrichis  de  peinture  et 
de  dorure ;  leur  cordages  6toient  d'or  et  leurs  ban- 
nitres  de  soye.  Quatre  chaloupes,  qui  portoient 
le  fruit  et  les  e"piceries,  accompagnoient  chacun  des 
vaisseaux  ;  trente  gros  pates  en  forme  de  chateaux, 
annoncoient  le  meme  nombre  de  grandes  villes  qui 
obeissoient  au  Due  Charles.  Une  autre  fois  la 
table  repre*sentoit  un  camp  compose"  d'un  grand 
nombre  de  pavilions  et  de  tentes  qui  couvroient 
tous  les  plats ;  ou  bien  un  jardin  dont  les  arbres, 
les  fruits,  et  les  feuilles,  Etoient  travail!6s  tres  ar- 
tistement. 


CRITICAL  RESEARCHES  CONCERNING 
THE  TITLE  OF  CHARLES  VIII.  TO  THE 
CROWN  OF  NAPLES  * 

NATURAL  and  civil  law  has,  each  of  them,  its 
principle;  but  by  what  maxim  shall  we  regulate 
the  succession  to  states  ?  The  rules  of  private  suc 
cession  cannot  apply  to  them,  their  object  being  so 

*  I  meditate  a  history  of  the  expedition  of  Charles  VIII.  into 
Italy;  an  event  which  changed  the  face  of  Europe.  Should  I 
ever  undertake  such  a  work,  these  researches  will  find  their  place 
in  it,  but  written  with  more  care  and  precision.  At  present,  both 
leisure  and  books  are  wanting;  for  which  reason,  being  unable  to 
cite  the  original  historians,  I  think  it  better  to  trust  to  the  no 
toriety  of  the  transactions,  than  to  refer  the  reader  to  compila 
tions. 

different 


ON  THE  TITLE  OF  CHARLES  VIII.  &C.         207 

different.  Public  agreements  are  rarely  sufficiently 
determinate;  treaties  are  liable  to  chicane;  exam 
ples  are  wanting;  and  each  party  rejects  those  ex 
amples  which  are  not  favourable  to  his  cause. 

The  kingdom  of  Naples,  and  Europe  itself,  were 
often  distracted  by  the  quarrels  between  the  houses  of  AUJOU 
of  Anjou  and  Arragon.     Victory  remained  long  gon. 
doubtful.     I  am  going  to  examine  by  which  of 
the  contending  parties  it  was  merited.     The  con 
test  is  at  an  end.     In  the  treaties  of  Madrid  and  of 
Cambray,  the  house  of  France  solemnly  renounced 
ks  pretensions;  and  even  Father  Daniel*  was  not 
obliged  to  maintain  them. 

Let  us  first  discover  some  proposition  acknow-  ^  EmP«- 
ledged  by  both  parties.      Before  the  council  of  n.  was  law- 
Lyons,  the  Emperor  Frederic  II.  was  lawful  king  Naples.8  ° 
of  Naples ;  regarded  as  such  by  the  pope  his  liege 
lord  or  superior,  by  his  own  subjects,  and  by  all 
the  princes  of  Europe.     Through  his  mother  he 
inherited  all  the  rights  of  the   Norman  family. 
The  Greek  emperors,  who  would  have  been  his 
only  competitors,  were  no  more. 

Ferdinand,  whose  title  was  called  in  question  bv  1?!  famlI-T 

«/     of  Arragou 

Charles  VIII.  descended  from  the  house  of  Arra-  descended 
gon.     He  asserted  the  right  of  inheritance.    Peter  Their  rights. 
I.  of  Arragon,  his  ancestor,  had  married  Constance, 
the  daughter  of  Mainfroy,  the  grandchild  of  the 
Emperor  Frederic  II.  and  the  sole  heiress  of  the 
house  of  Swabia:  a  title  incontrovertible,  had  it 


V.  la  Grande  Histoire  du  P.  Daniel,  tome  v.  p.  196,  et  p. 
. 

been 


208  ON  THE  TITLE  OF  CHARLES  VIII. 

been  pure;  but  Ferdinand's  blood  was  defiled  by- 
two  bastardies,  that  of  Mainfroy,  and  his  own. 

institution  of  marriage  is  necessary  in  ci- 


tards  are      viliscd  countries.     Hereditary  property  in  land  im- 

deprived  of  .      .  J  *        r        / 

the  right  of  plies  the  appropriation  or  women  :  since  the  best 

succession.  /»  .  •,  .  •   '       ,  .     i  ...          « 

means  of  transmitting  property  is  by  proximity  of 
blood;  which  must  therefore  be  ascertained  by 
marriage,  the  public  engagement  of  one  man  with 
one  woman,  whose  children  are  regarded  as  his 
successors.  Whoever  violates  this  law  ought  to 
be  punished  in  his  descendant,  whose  birth  being 
an  outrage  to  society,  he  cannot  be  considered  as 
its  child,  nor  participate  in  the  property  of  which  it 
secures  the  succession.  Such  are  the  laws  which 
Their  dia-  reason  has  dictated  to  all  nations.  Manners,  often 

grace  m  the 

public  opi-  more  powerful  than  laws,  here  corroborate  and  con 
firm  them  ;  condemning  to  perpetual  ignominy  the 
unhappy  bastard,  whose  father  must  ever  be  un 
certain,  and  who  knows  his  mother  only  by  her 
crime  :  a  cruel,  but  salutary  punishment,  since  on 
it  depend  the  chastity  of  women,  the  education  of 

They  can-    children,  and  the  peace  of  the  community.     If 

not  succeed     .  *  111  i     • 

to  king-  then  both  laws  and  manners  declare  bastards  inca 
pable  of  inheriting  private  estates,  on  what  princi 
ple  ought  they  to  succeed  to  kingdoms?  The  title 
of  a  sovereign  cannot  be  too  clear,  nor  his  birth  too 
much  respected. 

Laws  are  deaf  to  every  voice  but  that  of  justice 
and  the  public  good.  But  it  belongs  to  princes  to 
judge,  according  to  circumstances,  whether  they 
ought  to  soften,  or  rigorously  to  enforce  the  laws. 
When  the  repentance  of  his  mother,  or  his  own 

merit 


TO  THE  CROWN  OF  NAPLES.  209 

nierit,  have  efficaciously  pleaded  for  an  illegitimate 
son,  the  clemency  of  a  prince  may  remove  the.  stain 
from  his  birth,  and  thus  restore  him  to  society  and 
his  rights. 

But  in  applying  this  maxim  to  the  house  of  Ar-  Difficulties 
ragon  a  multitude  of  difficulties  occur,  of  which  it  Jh 
is  impossible  not  to  fbel  the  force,  1.  By  what 
means  is  legitimation  by  a  prince  to  be  ascertained  ? 
Ferdinand  was  legitimated  by  a  solemn  act;  but 
I  know  not  whether  that  was  the  case  with  Main- 
froy :  his  father  indeed  bequeathed  to  him  the 
principality  of  Salerno,  and  even  the  inheritance 
of  the  kingdom.  It  remains  to  determine,  whe 
ther  a  prince,  entitled  to  perform  an  act  of  favour 
and  mercy,  actually  does  so  by  conferring  an  office 
of  dignity,  which  cannot  be  enjoyed  unless  the  act 
of  mercy  has  previously  been  obtained ;  that  is  to 
say,  whether  the  substance  ought  to  prevail  over 
the  form,  or  the  form  over  the  substance.*  2.  Can 
a  prince  legitimate  his  own  children?  Being  sub-  u 5i 

children, 

*  The  following  is  an  example  where  the  same  reasoning  oc 
curred.  Sir  Walter  Raleigh  was  condemned  to  death  for  treason. 
After  a  confinement  of  many  years  in  prison,  he  received  from 
James  I.  the  command  of  a  fleet  to  be  employed  in  discovering  a 
gold  mine  in  South  America.  The  enterprise  failed;  and,  at  Sir 
Walter's  return  home,  James  ordered  his  head  to  be  cut  off,  ac 
cording  to  the  sentence  formerly  passed  against  him.  The  nation 
murmured  loudly,  asserting  that  the  commission  of  admiral  was 
equivalent  to  a  formal  pardon,  since  it  was  impossible  to  bestow 
that  authority  and  confidence  on  a  traitor  condemned  to  death  .f 

t  Voyez  Rapin,  Hist.  d'Angleterre,  tome  vii.  page  122  j  et  Hurae,  History  of 
Uie  Stuarts,  vol.  i.  page  74.  Howell's  Letters,  vol.  i.  s.  1,  letter  iv. 

VOL.  in.  p  ject 


210 


ON  TffE  TITLE  OF  CHARLES  VIII. 


and  call 
them  to  the 
succession, 
before  col 
lateral 
keirs  ? 


John  the 
uncle  of 
Ferdinand. 


Can  a 
prince  re 
nounce  for 
his  poste 
rity  ? 


ject  to  the  laws,  he  cannot  violate  them  without 
being  amenable  to  justice ;  though  the  public  good 
requires  that  his  person  should  not  be  liable  to 
punishment.  But,  in  the  supposed  case,  his  vio 
lation  of  the  laws  may  be  punished  in  the  persons 
of  those  who  are  most  dear  to  him ;  it  cannot  sure 
ly  be  said,  that  he  is  obliged  to  submit  to  a  punish 
ment  which  his  own  pardon  can  forgive.  3.  Does 
this  legitimation  extend  to  the  right  of  succession 
to  the  crown  ?*  4.  Do  legitimated  children  recover 
completely  the  rights  of  lawful  offspring,  and  of 
the  nearest  heirs  to  the  crown ;  or  rather,  ought 
they  not  to  be  the  last  in  the  order  of  succession 
after  all  the  collateral  branches  ?  It  is  not  fit  that 
we  should  be  bountiful  before  we  have  been  just. 
Even  Lewis  XIV.  when  he  trampled  on  the  rights 
of  the  nation,  still  respected  those  of  the  princes 
of  the  blood. 

This  last  question  is  extremely  important.  Al- 
phonzo,  the  father  of  Ferdinand,  left  a  brother 
named  John,  who  succeeded  to  him  in  the  king 
dom  of  Arragon.  John  did  not  indeed  dispute  his 
nephew's  right  of  succession  to  the  kingdom  of 
Naples,  but  could  his  renunciation  bind  his  poste 
rity?  This  is  a  question,  with  the  decision  of 
which  we  shall  not  now  meddle,  since  it  was  for 
merly  the  occasion  of  so  many  disputes. f 

*  This  question  depends  on  the  same  principles  with  that  of 
adoption,  which  I  shall  shortly  examine. 

t  This  question  was  much  agitated  half  a  century  ago,  in  the 
business  of  the  Spanish  succession,  which  Lewis  XIV.  renounced 
by  the  treaty  of  the  Pyrenees,  but  which  his  family  afterwards 
claimed  and  vindicated* 

These 


A 
TO  THE  CROWN  OF  NAPLES.  211 

These  reflections  create  just  suspicions  concern 
ing  the  title  of  the  house  of  Arragon,  particularly 
of  Ferdinand  :  but  in  the  ages  of  iron  when  this 
contest  arose,  the  prevalent  customs  of  the  times 
were  more  favourable  to  their  claim.  In  those 
ages,  as  wicked  as  they  were  ignorant,  princes  dis 
graced  themselves  by  a  life  of  profligacy  ;  and 
when  they  had  not  any  legitimate  children,  their  in  the  m 
barons  were  easily  prevailed  on  to  acknowledge  bastard* 


the  rights  of  their  bastards.     How  could  the  barons  in 

despise  an  appellation  which   they   often  prided  crowni; 

themselves  in  bearing,*  or  disavow  a  right  which 

was  often  their  own  ?     A  partisan  of  the  house  of 

Anjou  could  not  attack  the  title  of  his  rivals,  with 

out  challeno-ino-  the  rights  of  the  kings  of  England,  in  England, 

-n.        -i  7    ••?  -r  Castile,  aud 

Castile,  and  Portugal.  f  In  matters  merely  con-  Portugal. 
ventional,  examples  are  more  powerful  than  prin 
ciples.  Amidst  the  light  of  the  XVIIIth  century, 
the  pretensions  of  the  house  of  Arragon  may  ap 
pear  extremely  unjustifiable  ;  but  might  have  worn 
a  very  different  aspect  during  the  ignorance  of  the 
XVth. 

I  am  not  sensible  of  omitting  any  of  the  arsru-  Mamfroy'* 

Dostcritv 

ments  either  for  or  against  the  title  of  that  house,  not  usurp- 
Mainfroy  indeed  usurped  the  crown,  to  the  preju-  he 

wa 

*  We  sometimes  read  in  old  charters,  Ego  --  bastardus. 
The  appellative  became  a  surname.  In  the  time  of  Philip  Co- 
mines,  there  was  little  distinction  made  in  Italy  between  natural 
and  legitimate  children. 

t  In  the  Xlth  century,  William  the  Conqueror;  and  in  the 
XlVth,  Henry  of  Trastamare,  and  John,  Grand  Master  of  the 
Order  of  Avis,  were  all  bastards. 

p  2  dice 


212  ON  THE  TITLE  OF  CHARLES  VIII. 

dice  of  his  nephew  Conradin  ;  but  as  Conradin  died 
childless,  Mainfroy's  crime  was  merely  personal* 
and  extended  not  to  his  posterity. 

The  rights  The  rights  of  Charles  VIII.  were  far  more  com- 
vni"1'  plicated.  The  deposition  of  Frederick  II.  by  the 
pope,,  and  the  investiture  of  Naples  granted,  by 
him  to  Charles  I.  formed  the  title  of  the  first  house 
of  Anjou.  The  adoption  of  Lewis  of  Anjou  by 
queen  Joan  transmitted  this  title  to  the  second 
branch,  from  which  Charles  VIII.  received  it  by 
the  testament  of  Charles,  the  last  count  of  Pro 
vence,  and  titular  king  of  Naples.  These  are  the 
three  links  of  the  chain,  which  must  be  separately 
examined. 
The  deposi-  The  deposition  of  Frederick  II.  by  pope  Inno- 

tionofFre-  TTT         .          ,  ^  ,  , 

derickii.    cent  IV.  stirred  up  Lurope  against  that  unhappy 


prince.  The  multitude  commenced  a  salutary  se 
verity,  which  did  not  spare  even  sovereigns  them 
selves,  when  they  became  the  enemies  of  the 
church.  A  very  few  only  condemned  the  pope's 
sentence,  not  as  unjust,  but  as  too  harsh  :  they 
thought  that  his  holiness  took  away  crowns  with 
too  little  ceremony,  but  they  acknowledged  that 
he  had  the  right  of  taking  them  away.* 

Sound  philosophy  would  teach  us  to  smile  at 
sophj.°       this  pretended  right,  had  it  not  been  productive  of 
too  melancholy  consequences.     The  most  nume 
rous  portion  of  every  community  determines  the 

*  Observe  the  equivocal  conduct  of  Lewis  IX.  He  blamed  the 
pope's  severity  ;  he  endeavoured  to  make  peace  ;  but  .the  council 
of  Lyons  he  always  considered  as  a  tribunal  from  which  Frede 
rick  was  not  entitled  to  appeal. 

prevailing 


TO  THE  CROWN  OF  NAPLES.  213 

prevailing  religion :  the  sovereign  establishes  mi- 
nisters  to  practise  its  rules,  and-  to  teach  its  pre^  the  state. 
cepts  to  the  people :  the  sovereign  also  regulates 
its  functions,  hierarchy,  and  appointments ;  eccle 
siastics  being  not  less  subject  to  his  authority  than 
judges  and    soldiers.     But   without  recurring  to  Maxims  of 
principles  which  would  not  be  universally  admitted,  ^urch?0"1 
the  maxims  of  the  Gallican  church  afford  a  suffi 
cient  answer  to  those  transalpine  pretensions.     Ac-  The  clergy's 

ill-*  •      authority 

cording  to  these  maxims,  the  church,  it  is  true,  is  entirely 
not  bound  in  obedience  to  the  state ;  but  neither  s* 
has  the  former  any  controul  over  the  latter.    They 
are  two  independent,  but  allied,  powers;  which 
ought  always  to  contribute  their  mutual  assistance, 
without   ever   infringing    their   reciprocal  rights. 
The  pope  can  no  more  depose  the  emperor,  than  Jahnen^p" 
the  emperor  can  pass  decisions  of  faith.     Excom-  depose  a 

.  .          f*  •  «    •  i    sovereign. 

mumcation  is  of  a  nature  entirely  spiritual ;  and 
the  person  excommunicated,  though  no  longer  a 
Christian,  ceases  not  to  be  a  father,  a  master,  or  a 
king.  The  emperor  Frederick  II.  was  not  less 
king  of  Naples  after  the  council  of  Lyons  than  be 
fore  ;  and  whatever  was  done  on  the  supposition 
that  he  and  his  family  were  divested  of  the  rights 
of  sovereignty,  was  completely  null. 

But  if  Innocent  could  not,  as  sovereign  pontiff,  The  pope 
depose  Frederick.;  yet,  as  lord  paramount  of  the  J^dF^d«. 
kingdom  of  Naples,  he  could  deprive  a  rebellious  ™*-  *SJ|"8 
vassal  of  his  fief.     This  right  is  far  more  specious,  mount. 
The  Norman  conquerors,  through  devotion  or  po 
licy,  had  consented  to  hold  their  Italian  possessions 
as  fiefs  of  the  Holy  See;  which  conferred  their  in- 

p  3  vestiture 


214  ON  THE  TITLE  OF  CHARLES  VILI, 

vestiture  on  those  princes,  and  on  the  Swabian 
emperors,  their  successors. 

Answers  of  Yet  in  examining  this  right  of  sovereignty  by 
the  principles  of  the  feudal  law,  I  know  not  whe 
ther  Frederick's  partisans  needed  to  have  given  up 
^e  cause.  They  might  have  said,  1 .  It  belonged 
to  the  pope  to  show  by  his  conduct,  whether  he 

pope.  really  acted  as  lord  paramount.  Is  it  by  a  solemn 
excommunication,  in  a  general  council  of  bishops, 
and  by  absolving  subjects  from  their  oaths  of  fide 
lity,  that  a  superior  condemns  his  vassal  ?  In  such 
condemnations  is  it  usual  to  join  with  the  crime  of 
felony,  the  accusations  of  perfidy,  sacrilege,  and 
heresy  ?  An  assembly  of  peers,  and  of  all  the  great 
vassals  of  the  Holy  See,  with  a  king  of  England  at 
their  head,  was  the  only  tribunal  to  which  Frede 
rick  was  amenable ;  and  felony  was  the  only  crime 
of  which  that  tribunal  could  take  cognizance.  But 
in  the  council  of  Lyons,  Innocent  IV.  appears 
under  no  other  character  than  that  of  sovereign 

«.  The  sen-  pontiff,     2.  Never  did  any  court  of  justice  less  de- 

tence  was  .-,  T      ,  .11 

irregular,  serve  the  name.  It  heard  neither  the  accusation 
nor  the  defence ;  and  refused  to  grant  to  the  per 
son  accused  the  smallest  delay,  although  his  minis 
ters,  entrusted  with  full  powers,  hastened  to 
Lyons.  Sentence  was  pronounced  before  their 
arrival ;  a  sentence  founded  neither  on  acknow^ 
ledged  law,  nor  on  judicial  evidence,  but  on  a 
pretended  notoriety  of  facts,  vague  reports,  and 

3.  and  public  rumours.  3.  The  substance  was  not  less 
defective  than  the  form.  Frederick  had  not  de^ 

Duties  of  a  served  to  be  stripped  of  his  fief.     Though  a  vassal 

vassal.  „ 

of 


TO  THE  CROWN  OF  NAPLES,  215 

of  the  Holy  See,  he  was  not  its  subject.     The  vassal 
of  a  great  fief  reigned  over  it  with  absolute  sove 
reignty;    owing  nothing   to   his  paramount   but 
homage,  military  service,  and  the  negative  duty  of 
not  bearing  arms  against  his  liege  lord.     These 
duties,  besides,  were  defined  so  loosely,  that  it  was 
difficult  to  convict  him  of  their  violation.     If  his 
superior  refused  to  do  him  justice,  he  might  assert 
it  by  force  of  arms ;  and  his  own  immediate  vassals 
were  bound  to  follow  him  into  the  field  against  a 
prince,  of  whom  they  were  themselves  the  rear- 
vassals.*     By  still  stronger  cogency  of  reason,  the  Frederick 
vassal,  when  attacked  by  his  lord,  was  entitled  to  defended 
defend  himself  by  arms.     But  the  pope  surely  was  lumself- 
the  aggressor;  if  this  appellation  could  be  merited 
by   excommunicating  Frederick,  by  offering  his 
states  to  all  the  princes  of  Europe,  and  by  openly 
exciting  the  revolt  of  his  subjects  in  the  Milanese, 
Ravenna,  and  the  Trevisan  march.     4.  If  the  pope  4.Frede.Lk, 
could  at  pleasure  assume  the  character  of  sovereign  '^fur  the 
pontiff,  or  of  prince  paramount  of  the  kingdom  of  pope,  amid 

XT       i  n        i       •  i  •         •  f      i    •  •  i        rcake  war 

.Naples,  rreclenck  also  was  justified  in  using  the  on  him,  as 
same  right  of  option  between  his  titles.     As  king  e' 
of  the  two  Sicilies,  he  held  of  the  court  of  Rome; 
but  as  emperor  of  the  Romans,  he  was  subject  to 
God  only;  and  in  a  quarrel  between  the  church 
and  empire  about  Sardinia,  he  had  not  any  account 
to  give  of  the  employment  of  his  arms.     He  was 
even  entitled,  consistently  with  his  duty,  to  make 

*  Hainault,  AbregeChronol.  de  1'Hist.  de  France,  p.  6l?. 

P  4  use 


ON  THE  TITLE  OF  CHAtlLES  Till, 


use  of  the  forces  of  Naples  itself,  when  that  king* 
dom  was  not  the  object  of  dispute.  These  dis 
tinctions  appear  to  be  too  subtle;  and  even  con 
tradictory.  They  may  really  be  so  ;  but  they  are 
deducible  from  that  work  of  barbarism  and  chance, 
the  feudal  system,  which  admitted  that  a  sovereign 
mignt  ke  the  vassal  of  his  own  subject.  Without 
8UPP°smg  this,  let  it  be  explained,  how  the  kings 
Normandy,  of  'England  since  William  I.  to  Edward  III.  could 
levy  war  against  France.  As  dukes  of  Normandy 
or  Aquitaine,  they  were  vassals  of  that  kingdom  ; 
yet  these  wars  were  acknowledged  as  lawful,  since 
in  the  treaties  of  peace  which  followed  them,  there 
is  not  any  mention  of  pardon  or  amnesty. 

On  the  justness  of  Frederick's  deposition  depends 

that  of  the  investiture  of  Charles  of  Aniou.     The 

»/ 

kingdom  of  Naples  was  then  indeed  possessed  by 
an  usurper  ;  but  if  Conradin  could  not  lose  his  title 
by  fae  crime  of  his  0-randfather.  the  authority  of 

*  J 

the  pontiff  could  not  be  lawfully  exerted  but  in 
restoring  his  inheritance  to  that  young  prince.  2. 
Charles  acquired  the  kingdom  of  Naples,  and  left  it 
to  his  posterity.  He  was  ancestor,  the  fourth  in 
ascent,  to  Joan,  so  well  known  by  her  infamous 
debaucheries.  This  princess,  when  ready  to  be 
overwhelmed  by  the  arms  of  her  cousin  Charles  de 
la  Paix,  and  dissatisfied  with  her  nearest  relations, 
applied  for  assistance  to  Lewis  Duke  of  Anjou, 
brother  to  Charles  V.  king  of  France;  and  by 
letters  patent,  dated  from  the  castle  of  Oeuf  at 
Naples,  the  29th  June,  1  380,  adopted  him  for  her 


The  iavesti- 

Charles  of 
. 


Frederick 

in  1265. 


son 


tO  THE  CHOWX  OF  NAPLES.  217 

son,  and  appointed  him   heir   to  all  her  posses 


sions.* 


May  I  be  permitted,  however,  to  inquire,  whe- 
ther  an  European  prince  is  entitled  to  make  so  fair  S^om*? 
a  present;    and  whether  he  enjoys  the  right  of  mons? 
choosing  for  himself  a  son  and  a  successor  ?     The 
name  of  king  is  universally  used;  but  in  different 
countries  it  is  taken  in  very  different  acceptations. 
Among  the  natives  of  the  East,  a  kino-  is  the  vice-  -An  Asiatic 

'  T  ,  .  1-11  •  despot  may. 

gerent  of  Heaven,  invested  with  despotic  power 


over  the  lives  and  properties  of  his  subjects. 
Under  such  governments  a  king  can  dispose  of  his 
people  for  the  same  reason  that  a  shepherd  can 
dispose  of  his  flock.  They  are  his  property.  But 
there  are  other  nations,  more  deserving  the  name 
of  men,  who  see  in  a  sovereign  nothing  more  than 
the  first  magistrate,  appointed  by  the  people  for  the 
purpose  of  promoting  public  happiness,  and  respon 
sible  to  the  people  for  his  administration.  Such  a  A 
magistrate  cannot  transfer  to  another,  a  power  with  ^tnce  can" 
which  he  is  entrusted  only  for  his  own  life.  At 
his  demise,  this  power,  if  the  government  be  elec 
tive,  returns  to  the  people  ;  if  the  government  be 
hereditary,  the  same  power  devolves  on  the  nearest 
heir,  according  to  the  law  of  the  land;  and  should 
the  royal  family  be  extinct,  the  people  would  re 
sume  all  their  rights.  These  maxims,  surely,  pre 
vailed  among  the  northern  nations,  who  founded 

*  In  my  compilation  the  consent  of  the  states  to  this  adoption 
is  not  mentioned.  This,  however,  was  a  very  essential  circum 
stance.  But  I  have  since  found,  that  the  accurate  Giannone  is 
also  silent  respecting  it. 

almost 


ON  THE  TITLE  OF  CHARLES  VIII; 

almost  all  the  kingdoms  of  Europe.     Observe  the 

steps  by  which  they  rendered  their  kings,  though 

These        always  subject   to  the  laws,  hereditary.     These 

princes  be-    n   .  •     •       11  i  i 

came  here-  kings  were  originally  only  -temporary  and  occa- 
sional  chiefs.  By  degrees  they  came  to  hold  their 
offices  for  life.  Gratitude  confined  the  sphere  of 
election  to  some  distinguished  family  ;  the  son 
commonly  succeeded  to  the  father,  but  the  so 
lemnity  of  an  election  was  still  requisite  ;  silence 
and  obedience  were  finally  thought  to  imply  the 
consent  of  the  nation  ;  which  always,  however,  re 
sumed  to  itself  the  right  of  changing  the  order  of 
succession,  when  the  public  good  demanded  an 
alteration. 

^  Perceiye  a  glimpse  of  this  liberty  even  among 
People  languishing  in  the  vilest  servitude.  The 
among  monarchs  of  the  East,  who  name  their  successors, 
•isvUh  na-  must  choose  him  from  the  royal  family  ;  and  their 
Yet'thena-  subjects  would  not  obey  a  stranger,  though  in- 
vested  with  authority  by  their  late  king.  .  They 

J        J  J 

have  a  confused  perception  that  the  law  ought  tc* 
power.       be  above  the  prince.     Yet  (for  I  am  in  search  only 
rnentofa"    of  the  truth)  it  may  be  observed  on  the  other  side, 
that  the  authority  of  European  princes  has  been 
acknowledged  to  extend  to  the  power  of  transfer 
ring  their  dominions.     Charles  II.  of  Spain,  be 
lieving  himself  entitled  to  appoint  his  successor, 
named  Philip  of  Bourbon.     France  accepted  the 
testament;  Spain  submitted  to  it,  and  the  allies 
felt   the   necessity  of  calling  its  authenticity  in 
Theautho-  question.      Without  acknowledging   a   power  of 

tSofJeT"  this  kind  in  princes,  I  know  not  how  we  can  jus- 
don.  tify 


roe  seem  to 


TO  THE  CROWN  OF  NAPLES. 

tify  those  treaties,  in  which  a  king  transfers,  not 
to  a  kinsman  or  friend,  but  to  a  stranger  or  enemy, 
the  obedience  of  a  portion  of  his  subjects.  The 
public  law  of  Europe  considers  those  subjects  as 
rebels,  when  they  refuse  to  submit  to  their  new 
prince.  The  famous  distinction  between  domain 
and  frontier,  when  examined  to  the  bottom,  will 
be  found  to  contain  more  sound  than  sense. 

3.  By  the  adoption  of  Joan  I.  the  second  branch  Testament 
of  the  house  of  Anjou  obtained  only  the  county  of  Charles  iv. 
Provence.    After  contending  with  the  eldest  branch  of  An^ou* 
of  their  family  about  the  crown  of  Naples,  they 
found  themselves  unable  to  defend  it  against  the 
house  of  Arragqn.     They  fled  into  France,  making 
from  thence  various  expeditions  that  were  unsuc 
cessful.     Rene",  the  grandson  of  Lewis  I.  had  no  Charles 
other  choice  to  make  than  that  f)f  Charles  his  bro-  heir.  '  * 
ther's  son,  or  that  of  Ren£  of  Vaudemont,  duke  of 
Lorraine,  the  son  of  his  daughter.     He  preferred 
the  former  ;  and  this  Charles,  titular  king  of  Na 
ples,  and  count  of  Provence,  dying  without  chil 
dren,  bequeathed  all  his  rights  to  Lewis  XI.  king 
of  France,  and  father  of  Charles  VIII. 

An  attentive  perusal  of  a  chapter  of  Philip  Co- 
mines  (Mem.  L.  viii.  c.  1.)  suggests  the  following 
propositions,  which  appear  to  me  incontestible. 
1.  Rene"  of  Anjou  appointed  his  nephew  Charles, 
and  Charles  appointed  Lewis  XL  heirs  to  all  their 
rights.  2.  The  king  of  France  acknowledged  that  cro™  of 
these  princes  were  not  entitled  to  alter  the  order  Naples' 
of  succession  by  their  testaments.  3.  Lewis  XL 
and  Charles  VIII.  took  possession  of  Provence 

only 


e 


ON  THE  TITLE  OF  CHARLES  VIII. 

only  because  it  was  a  male  fief;  and  that  the  male 
line  being  extinct,   Rene  of  Vaudemont  could  not 
n^ve  $&$  legitimate  claim.     4.  Instead  of  disput* 
first  ac-       jn£  the  title  of  the  duke  of  Lorraine  to  the  kiner- 

knowledges        e  . 

the*;. ''  dam,  of  Naples,  where  the  Sahque  law  was  un 
known,  the  court  of  France  ordered  its  ambassa 
dors  to  espouse  his  cause,  and  permitted  him  to 
lead  his  company  of  an  hundred  lances  in  the  expe- 
dition  against  that  country.  5.  A  discovery  is 
made  of  ancient  testaments  of  Charles  I,  and 
other  princes  of  the  house  of  Anjou,  by  which 
they  irrevocably  unite  the  kingdom  of  Naples  and 
the  county  of  Provence;  but  the  authenticity  of 
these  testaments  was  never  clearly  ascertained.  6. 
Charles  VIII.  concluded,  that  because  he  was 
count  of  Provence  by  the  testament  of  Charles  IV. 
of  Anjou,  failing  his  male  issue,  he  therefore  also 
became  lawful  king  of  Naples.  From  this  time, 
there  was  no  longer  any  mention  of  the  rights  of 
the  duke  of  Lorraine.  Yet  this  duke,  so  much 
despised,  might  surely  have  asked,  since  the  two 
states  were  to  be  subject  to  the  same  law  of  suc 
cession,  why  the  county  ought  to  serve  as  a  rule 
for  the  kingdom,  rather  than  the  kingdom  for  the 

whether     county  ?     Would  it  not  have  been  more  consistent 

the  Salique  y 

law  ought  with  justice  to  reject  the  Salique  law  in  ascertain- 
to  have  ,J  •  T»  i  i 

been  re-  mg  the  succession  to  Provence,  because  that  law 
Provence,or  wa§  unknown  in  Naples,  than  to  introduce  a  new 
introduced  jaw  at  Napies  because  it  was  admitted  in  Pro- 

at  iMapies. 

vence? 

Maxim  of  But  we  need  only  adopt  a  maxim  of  Father 
Biei CI  Daniel,  to  terminate  the  controversy  at  once.  The 

duke 


TO  T&E  CROWN  OF  NAPLES. 

duke  of  Lorraine  had  not  force  to  maintain  his 
right;  the  king  of  France  had;  and  this  force 
entitled  him  to  a  preference.  Yet  I  know  not 
whether  we  can  justly  adopt  a  maxim,  which  may 
be  thus  expressed  in  general  terms.  "  If  a  lawful  explained. 
heir  cannot  maintain  his  pretensions,  they  become 
of  course  extinct;  and  the  next  person  in  the 
order  of  succession  may  assume  his  place,  assert 
and  obtain  the  inheritance  for  himself  and  his 
posterity." 

Such  are  the  principal  titles  of  the  houses  of  other  titles 
Anjou  and  Arragon  to  the  crown  of  Naples.     It  ^^ 
belongs  to  the  reader  to  pronounce  sentence ;  after 
first  casting  his  eye  on  some  other  rights  of  both 
parties,  too  weak  or  uncertain  to  merit  a  long  dis 
cussion.     1.  The  house  of  France   might   assert  The  act  of 

i  -,  ,  .  n    f-ii  T        i        investiture 

that  by  the  popes  investiture  of  Charles  I.  the  ofChariesi 
rights  of  that  prince  devolved  to  the  family  of 
Anjou.  I  pretend  not  to  decide.  The  monk  who 
prepared  that  act  with  scholastic  formality,  suc 
ceeded  so  well  in  perplexing  it,  that  I  cannot 
-perceive  whether  those  rights  returned  thereby  to 
the  pope,  or  descended  to  the  family  of  Bourbon 
or  to  that  of  Valois. 

2.  The  right  of  conquest,  an  odious  right,  lit  Right  of 
only  to  make  illustrious  criminals;  which  alter-  comiuest- 
nately  favoured  both  parties. 

3.  The  right  of  adoption  by  queen  Joan  II.  Right  of 
But  as  she  successively  adopted  Lewis  of  Anjou 

and  Alphonzo  of  Arragon,  the  one  of  those  quan-  JI' 
tities,  to  speak  in  the  language  of  algebra,  destroys 
the  other. 

4.  The 


ON  THE  TITLE  OF  CHARLES  VIII. 

•  , 

Right  of         4.  The  right  of  possession.     The  house  of  Af- 

possession,   ^^^  enjOyed  it  sixty  years.     Yet  the  house  of 

Anjou  had  never  relinquished  its  pretensions  ;  but, 

on  the  contrary,  seized  every  opportunity  of  as* 

serting  them. 

Title  arising      6.  The  consent  of  the  subjects,  the  fairest  of  all 
people's6      titles.     The  princes  of  the  house  of  Arragon  might 
joiibent.       aiiege  the  universal  obedience  paid  to  their  au 
thority  ;  but,  according  to  the  opposite  party,  the 
cruelties  exercised  by  that  house,  and  the  murmurs 
of  the  people,  clearly  proved  their  obedience  to  be 
involuntary. 

The  only         The  right  of  conquest  is  only  made  for  wild 

Habietoob-  beasts.      The    laws    of   succession,   though  well 

contrived   in   themselves,   are   destitute  of  fixed 

principles.     The  only  title  not  liable  to  objection, 

is  the  consenting  voice  of  a  free  people. 


AN  ACCOUNT  OF  A  LETTER  AD 
DRESSED  TO  COCCHI,  BY  CHEVALIER 
L.  G.  ARETINO, 

Respecting    some  Transactions    in    the  Cisalpine 
Gallic  War,  A.U.  C. 


Florence,  5th  August,  1764. 

I  HAVE  been  reading  a  little  work,  intitled,  A 
Critical  Letter  of  the  Chevalier  Lorenzo  Guazzesi 
Aretino,  to  Doctor  Anthony  Cocchi,  Physician  and 
Antiquary  of  his  Catholic  Majesty,  respecting 

some 


LETTER   TO    COCCHI.  223 

some  transactions  in  the  Cisalpine  Gallic  War,  in 
the  year  of  Rome  5Z9  ;  Arezzo,  1752;  in  \Zmo.pp. 
103.  I  find  in  this  little  work,  erudition,  good 
sense,  sound  criticism,  with  much  local  knowledge. 
Its  chief  fault  is  that  of  the  Chevalier's  country,  an 
Asiatic  style,  prejudicial  to  strength,  precision,  and 
brevity.  I  shall  unite,  under  one  point  of  view, 
what  I  have  learned  from  him  on  the  subject,  and 
the  additions  which  my  own  reflections  have  made 
to  it.  This  sketch  would  be  less  imperfect,  had  I 
a  Poly bi us  at  hand. 

1.  I  cannot  imagine  any  event  that  would  have 
more  endangered  the  greatness  of  Rome  than  the 
union  of  the  Gauls  and,  Carthaginians  in  the  first 
Punic  war.  Both  these  nations  were  formidable  to 
that  ambitious  republic ;  and  in  both  the  projects 
of  vengeance  would  have  been  directed  by  the 
wisest  policy.  Each  would  have  brought  with  it 
the  advantages  in  which  its  ally  was  deficient. 
Carthage  was  powerful  in  wealth,  shipping,  and 
military  discipline.  The  populousness,  valour,  and 
advantageous  situation  of  the  Gauls  made  the 
Romans  always  consider  a  Gallic  war  as  an  event 
big  with  alarm  and  danger.  Had  the  allies  suc 
ceeded,  the  difference  of  their  views  and  character 
would  have  facilitated  the  friendly  division  of  their 
conquests,  and  cemented  their  union.  But  the 
cautious  and  narrow  policy  of  the  Carthaginians, 
and  the  lazy  insensibility  natural  to  improvident 
Barbarians,  delivered  the  Romans  from  the  danger 
of  this  alliance.  The  republic,  I  imagine,  who 
knew  how  to  dissemble  her  hatred  as  well  as  her 

ambition,  • 


.         CHEVALIER;  L.  G.  ARETINO'S 

Ambition,  was  careful  to  keep  on  good  terms  with 
the  Gauls ;  and,  before,  provoking  their  resent 
ment,  patiently  waited  until  they  should  have  no 
other  resource  than  in  themselves. 

In  the  year  of  Rome  470,  the  Galli  Senones  were 
almost  extirpated.  The  colonies  of  Castrum  and 
Sena  were  sent  into  the  country  extending  from 
the  JEsis  to  the  Ufens ;  and  the  whole  of  their 
territory,  the  Ager  Gallicus,  was  added  to  the 
dominions  of  the  state.  Fifty-eight  years  after 
wards,  a  tribune,  ambitious  of  popularity,  obtained 
a  law  for  dividing  this  public  property  among  the 
citizens.  It  is  difficult  to  perceive  why  this  dis 
tribution  of  lands,  which  fyad  ceased  to  belong  to 
the  Gauls,  should  at  once  provoke  a  war  as  fierce 
as  it  was  general :  all  that  I  understand  is,  that  the 
neighbouring  Boii  enjoyed  the  right  of  public 
pasturage,  on  paying  a  small  quit-rent  called  Scrip- 
tura;  and  that  the  lands  were  perhaps  subfarmed 
by  individuals.  The  avarice  of  the  new  proprietors 
may  be  supposed  to  have  expelled  the  feeble  rem 
nant  of  the  Senones,  which  the  wise  moderation  of 
government  had  left  unmolested.  The  neighbour 
hood  of  the  Romans  would^grow  more  formidable 
to  the  Gauls,  in  proportion  as  that  frontier  was^ 
fortified  and  peopled  by  a  rival  and  warlike  colony. 
Whatever  were  the  reasons,  it  is  certain  that  this 
law  spread  dismay  and  fury  through  the  whole  of 
Cisalpine  Gaul.  These  nations  flew  to  arms,  and 
invited  into  Italy  numerous  mercenaries  from 
beyond  the  Alps.  The  Romans  prepared  for -re 
sisting  the  storm.  By  an  enumeration  of  their 

forces 


LETTER  TO  COCCHI*  226 

-forces  in  Italy,  they  found  they  could  send  into 
the  field  700,000  foot  and  70,000  horse,  The  con 
sul  ^EmiliuS)  at  the  head  of  a  numerous  army,  took 
post  at  Ariminum,  to  defend  the  Ager  Gallicus,  the 
object  of  the  war;  and  one  of  the  prsetors  was 
entrusted  with  the  defence  of  Tuscany.  Atilius, 
the  other  consul,  had  sailed  to  Sardinia,  with  a  view 
of  conquering  the  barbarians  of  that  island. 

It  is  not  material  to  determine  by  what  route 
the  barbarians  penetrated  into  Etruria,  which  they 
thought  fit  to  render  the  first  theatre  of  the  war. 
The  praetor  had  naturally  posted  himself  near  to 
Arezzo,  the  principal  fortress  of  the  Romans  in 
Tuscany.  If  they  marched  by  the  sea-side,  the 
Gauls  might  have  deceived  his  vigilance;  if  they 
pursued  the  road  of  Bologna  and  Valclimugello,* 
the  general  must  have  been  too  weak  to  resist 
them,  and  therefore  felt  the  necessity  of  allowing 
them  to  ravage  .with  impunity  the  rich  Tuscan 
pastures. f  They  got  possession  of  an  immense 
booty  in  cattle  and  slaves.  Proud  of  following  the 
footsteps  of  their  ancestors,  they  advanced  to  Clu- 
sium,  on  the  straight  road  to  the  capital.  There 
they  heard  that  the  praetor,  who  had  perhaps  re 
ceived  a  reinforcement,  pursued  them  by  forced 
marches.  They  changed  their  direction,  in  order 
to  meet  him ;  and  on  the  evening  of  the  first  day's 
march,  the  two  armies  were  in  sight  of  each  other. 
Both  sides  fortified  their  camp.  If  we  examine 
the  road  by  Clusium  to  Arezzo  in  the  Valdichiana, 

*  Littcra  Crit.  p.  37.  t  Id.  p.  39. 

VOL.  in.  Q  we 


CHEVALIER  L.  G.  ARETINo's 

we  shall  find  the  villages  of  Lucignana  and  Sina* 
lunga  situated  at  a  convenient  distance.*  The 
Romans  had  occupied  an  excellent  camp;  and 
the  barbarians,  notwithstanding  their  impetuosity, 
thought  it  wiser  to  withdraw  them  from  it  by  stra 
tagem,  than  to  dislodge  them  by  force.  They 
marched  with  their  whole  infantry,  left  their  fires 
burning  to  deceive  the  Romans,  as  well  as  their 
cavalry,  who  might  continually  harass  them  until 
they  were  drawn  to  the  place  to  which  they  wished 
to  decoy  them.  The  praetor  fell  into  the  snare, 
and  was  punished  for  his  credulity  by  a  bloody  de 
feat.  He  with  much  difficulty  retired  to  an  emi 
nence,  and  defended  himself  till  the  arrival  of  the 
consul  J^milius,  who  by  forced  marches  had  passed 
the  Appennines.  His  arrival  saved  the  praetor  ;  and 
the  Gaulsjiow  thought  only  of  securing  their  booty 
and  making  their  retreat  along  the  sea  coast.  The 
narrative  of  Polybius  is  clear;  and  if  Casaubon  had 
taken  the  sense  of  the  passage  as  well  as  Mr.  Guazzesi, 
the  text  of  this  great  historian  would  no  longer  con 
tain  any  geographical  difficulties.  He  says  of  the  re 
treat  of  the  Gauls,  IIoi»i<ra/x£i/o»  rnv  U7rop£w/>»j<nv  tay  t7n  7roAu> 

pat<roAav.  If  we  translate  the  words  Fcesulas  ten- 
dunt  we  suppose  the  Gauls  to  perform  a  march  al 
most  incredible,  and  to  make  a  movement  altoge 
ther  absurd,  since  it  implies  that  the  Romans  pur 
sued  their  cavalry  sixty  miles  without  putting 
them  to  the  rout.  These  difficulties  are  increased 
when  we  follow  the  Gauls  to  F^esul^e  and  to  the 


*  Littera  Crit.  p.  54. 

foot 


LETTER  TO  COCCHI.    (    ,  227 

foot  of  the  Appennines ;  and  as  it  is  impossible  to 
understand  how  they  can  retreat  to  Telamon,  we 
adopt  the  opinion  of  Cluverius,  in  preferring  on 
this  occasion  the  authority  of  Orosius  to  that  of 
Polybius,  and  supposing  that  the  last  battle  was 
fought  near  to  Arezzo.  Why  should  not  the  words 
«Jff  SKI  pa«roAai>  versus  Fcesulcts  be  translated  in  the 
direction  of  Fcesulte,  according  to  the  most  natu 
ral  signification  and  the  easiest  construction?  The 
Gauls  then  pursued  the  road  from  Clusium  to 
FassuliEj  but  had  scarcely  concealed  themselves  be 
hind  the  chain  of  hills  which  separates  the  duchy 
of  Tuscany  from  the  district  of  Sienna,  when  they 
were  obliged  to  come  to  an  engagement.  Thanks 
to  the  happy  discovery  of  Mr.  Guazzesi,  the  whole 
plan  of  the  campaign  is  unravelled.*  The  Romans 
retired  to  one  of  those  hills ;  and  by  dispatching 
couriers  across  the  thick  woods  by  which  they 
were  covered,  communicated  the  news  of  their 
situation  to  the  consul. 

Why  did  the  Barbarians  prefer  the  road  by  the 
coast  to  that  of  Valdimugello,  which  is  far  shorter? 
Why  did  they  not  traverse  the  country  in  a  right 
line,  in  order  to  arrive  at  the  mouth  of  the  Arno, 
and  then  follow  the  coast  to  the  openings  of  the 
hills  of  Valdimagra?  We  are  sure  that  Port  Tela 
mon  is  nearer  than  the  mountains  of  Sienna  to 
Rome.  Mr.  Guazzesi  well  explains  these  diffi 
culties,  by  the  changes  which  time  has  effected  in 
the  nature  of  the  country,  and  by  our  ignorance 

*  V.  particularly  Littera  Crit,  p,  41—58. 

Q  2  whether 


228  CHEVALIER  t.  G. 

whether  this  route  was  not  the  only  one  practical 
ble  for  an  army;  by  the  preference  given  by  the 
Gauls  to  the  plain  country,  where  they  could  avail 
themselves  of  their  numerous  cavalry,  and  by  the 
hope  of  meeting  with  piratical  vessels  belonging 
to  their  own  nation  or  the  Ligurians,  in  which 
they  might  transport  their  booty  without  difficulty 
or  danger.  But  I  believe  it  will  be  necessary  to 
penetrate  into  the  motives  by  which  the  Barbari 
ans  were  actuated,  before  we  can  fairly  appreciate 
their  conduct  in  passing  from  fury  to  dismay;  and 
in  marching  up  to  their  enemies,  merely  that  they 
might  fly  before  them,  especially  after  they  had 
just  tasted  the  sweets  of  victory.  The  Gallic  army 
was  governed  by  two  principles  extremely  dif 
ferent.  The  Cisalpine  nations  perceived  that  such 
a  war  could  only  terminate  in  their  own  destruc 
tion  or  that  of  the  Romans.  They  fought  like 
men,  who  had  their  dearest  interests  at  stake ;  but 
their  allies  the  Gesatre  were  not  animated  by  a 
similar  spirit.  These  troops  were  not  a  nation, 
but  rather  an  assemblage  from  different  nations, 
who  had  passed  the  Alps  merely  for  the  sake  of 
plunder,  and  who  wished  to  secure  their  booty  by 
a  speedy  retreat,  without  longer  exposing  their 
persons  in  a  war  which  did  not  concern  them. 
Their  leader  Anocrestes  was  the  first  who  proposed 
this  measure;  and  as  the  age  was  ignorant  of  the 
principles  of  geography,  and  the  Barbarians  were 
unacquainted  both  wfodi  the  country  and  the  lan 
guage,  they  could  only  shape  their  route  by  the 
course  of  those  rivers  which,  swelled  to  torrents, 

had 


LETTER  TO  COCCHI. 

had  forced  their  passage  through  the  least  ob 
structed  vallies.  They  were  then  near  the  source 
of  the  Umbro;  and  as  that  river  flows  from  the 
south-west,  they  must  have  approached  Rome,  as 
they  came  to  its  mouth  aiear  Port  Telamon.  If 
the  Cisalpine  Gauls,  who  were  better  acquainted 
with  the  country,  were  loath  to  leave  it,  there  is 
reason  to  think  that  they  would  with  pleasure 
avail  themselves  of  this  circumstance. 

I  say  that  they  followed  the  course  of  the  Umbro 
till  they  came  to  its  mouth,  although  Port  Tela 
mon  be  eighteen  miles  nearer  to  Rome.  But  we 
learn  from  a  passage  of  Frontinus's  Stratagems, 
that  they  entered  the  plain  at  Colonia;  and  that 
the  Boii  posted  ten  thousand  men  in  a  wood  in 
that  neighbourhood.  The  consul  jEmilius  dis 
covered  the  ambush,  and  cut  the  enemy  in  pieces. 
Critics,  to  whom  the  name  of  Colonia  was  un 
known,  have  endeavoured  in  their  usual  way  to 
explain  or  correct  it.  This  place,  now  Colonna, 
was  called  Columnata  in  the  middle  ages;  it  is  a 
village  in  the  territory  of  Grossetto,  between  the 
mouth  of  the  Umbro  and  Lake  Castiglione,  or 
Aprilis;*  and  was  the  scene  of  the  battle,  which 
derives  its  name  from  Port  Telamon,  a  place  far 
better  known. 

History  informs  us,  that  the  consul  ^Emilius 
continued  to  follow  the  army  of  the  Barbarians 
without  venturing  to  provoke  them  to  a  battle; 
and  that,  by  a  singular  chance,  his  cplleague 

*  Littera  Crit.  p.  77—87, 

Q  3  Atilius, 


230  CHEVALIER  L.  G.  AEETINo's 

Atilius,  who  had  disembarked  his  army  at  Pisa,  un 
expectedly  fell  in  with  their  vanguard;  that  a  bat 
tle  ensued,  in  which  that  consul  was  slain;  while. 
jEmilius,  on  his  side,  having  also  attacked  the 
enemy,  obtained  a  complete  victory,  destroyed  the 
whole  Barbarian  army,  and  gave  the  mortal  wound 
to  the  liberty  of  the  Cisalpine  Gauls.  Of  all  those 
circumstances,  I  find  most  difficulty  in  understand 
ing  the  surprise  of  Atilius.  He  could  not  have 
left  his  province  of  Sardinia  without  the  orders  of 
the  senate.  His  instructions  must  have  required 
him  to  gain  information,  both  of  the  motions  of 
the  enemy  and  of  those  of  his  colleagues,  in  con 
cert  with  whom  he  was  to  act.  This  duty  was 
easily  performed  in  a  friendly  country,  where  the 
consternation  of  the  people  and  the  flight  of  the 
peasants  loudly  proclaimed  the  approach  of  the 
Barbarians.  In  whatever  manner  this  may  be  ex 
plained,  the  Gallic  army,  attacked  in  front  and 
rear  by  two  Roman  consuls,  advancing  in  contrary 
directions,  will  always,  in  my  opinion,  wear  the 
aspect  of  a  well-combined  project,  rather  than  of  a 
military  neglect,  hardly  conceivable.  *  .#  *  * 
Mr.  Guazzesi*  is  of  opinion  that  Tuscany  for 
merly  abounded  in  forests;  and  that  the  districts 
of  Cortona,  Arezzo,  and  Fsesulae  were  entirely 
covered  with  them.  The  extent  of  the  Ciminian 
wood  is  well  known.  In  the  year  of  the  city  444, 
Livy  tells  us,  that  there  was  a  forest  near  Clusium. 
During  the  Punic  wars,  the  Romans  brought  their 


*  Littera  Crit.  p.  59—64. 

timber 


LETTER  TO  COCCHI.  231 

timber  for  ship-building  from  Rusellae,  Perugia, 
and  Clusium;  and  wood  abounded  in  the  terri 
tories  of  Sienna,  Volaterra,  and  Populonium, 
whose  inhabitants  wrought  the  iron  from  the 
island  of  Elba.  Flavius  Vopiscus  observes,  that 
in  the  time  of  Aurelian  there  was  a  great  quantity 
of  wood  near  the  Aurelian  way;  and  Strabo 
extends  the  remark  to  all  Tuscany.  By  digg'ing 
into  the  Valdichiana,  even  near  the  surface,  the 
workmen  still  find  trees  of  a  prodigious  size,  which 
are  now  petrified.  Need  we  appeal  to  the  ancient 
names  and  epithets  of  the  country,  la  Farneta, 
Alberoso,  Frassinetto,  Cereto,  la  Selve;  or  to  the 
obligations  imposed  on  the  communities  in  those 
parts,  as  late  as  the  eleventh  century,  of  furnishing 
yearly  to  their  lords  a  certain  number  of  wild  boars? 


AN  EXAMINATION  OF  MALLET'S  IN 
TRODUCTION  TO  THE  HISTORY  OF 
DENMARK. 

July  14,  1764.]— I  read  Mr.  Mallet's  Introduc 
tion  to  the  History  of  Denmark,  with  a  Translation 
of  the  Edda,  the  sacred  book  of  the  ancient  Celts. 
We  have  now  half  a  dozen  of  bibles,  if  we  include 
our  own.  A  valuable  work  might  be  written,  giving 
a  philosophical  picture  of  religions,  their  genius, 
reasonings  and  influence  on  the  manners,  govern 
ment,  philosophy,  and  poetry  of  their  respective 
votaries.  Mr.  Mallet  is  a  man  of  sense  and 

Q  4  candour; 


ON  MALLET'S  INTRODUCTION  TO 

candour;  he  has  carefully  examined  his  subject, 
but  treats  it  with  more  perspicuity  than  elegance. 
His  great  principle,  that  the  religion  of  Odin 
formed  that  character  of  the  northern  nations, 
whose  effects  are  still  perceptible  among  ourselves, 
is  judicious,  in  many  respects  well  founded,  and 
perfectly  well  illustrated.  He  makes  excellent 
observations  on  the  populousness  of  the  North; 
tending  to  shew  that  the  numerous  swarms  which 
issued  from  it  in  ancient  times  do  not  prove  it  to 
have  been  more  populous  than  it  is  at  present. 
The  Edda  supplied  him  with  copious  materials  on 
the  subject  of  religion  and  morals.  In  treating  of 
government,  he  has  not  a  voucher  equally  au 
thentic,  and  is  obliged  to  have  recourse  to  Tacitus 
and  analogy.  These  guides  are  not  always  to  be 
trusted.  Tacitus  indeed  comprehended  Scandi 
navia  under  the  name  of  Germany;  but  in  his 
general  description  of  the  Germanic  institutions, 
he  had  chiefly  in  view  the  nations  with  which  he 
was  best  acquainted,  those  situate  near  the  Rhine 
and  the  Danube.  Besides,  it  is  not  certain  that 
the  religion  of  Odin  is  as  old  as  the  time  of 
Tacitus.  When  that  historian  takes  it  for  a  truth 
certain  and  incontrovertible,  that  the  Germans 
were  indigenous,  and  that  the  purity  of  their  blood 
was  never  corrupted  by  any  foreign  admixture, 
there  is  some  difficulty  in  conceiving  how  he  could 
be  ignorant  that  a  great  Scythian  colony  had 
conquered  Scandinavia  one  hundred  and  fifty  years 
before  his  own  times.  I  would  rather  suppose 
with  Dalin,  that  Odin's  migration  happened  in  the 

reign 


THE  HISTORY  OF  DENMARK.  235 

reign  of  Trajan.  That  conqueror's  design  must 
have  been  greatly  facilitated  by  the  weakness  of 
the  Cimbri,  and  the  slavery  of  the  Sinones,  suffi 
ciently  indicated  in  Tacitus.  This  asra  tends  to 
shew  that  the  poverty  of  human  invention,  as 
well  as  the  policy  of  prophets,  always  obliges  them 
to  enrich  new  religions  at  the  expense  of  the  old, 
and  to  mould  them  conformably  to  the  national 
character.  A  religion  inculcating  the  fear  of 
death  would  have  met  with  a  very  unfavourable 
reception  among  the  Celts.  The  genius  of  Odin's 
superstition  and  morals  prevailed  among  the 
Cimbri,  who  were  long  anterior  to  that  legis 
lator;  and  among  the  Celtiberians,  who  probably 
never  heard  of  his  name.  As  to  the  country  from 
which  the  author  of  the  Edda  came,  I  would  adopt 
the  common  tradition  which  fixes  his  ancient  seat 
in  the  neighbourhood  of  the  Tanais  and  the  Palus 
Maeotis.  I  am  not  frightened  at  the  greatness  of 
the  distance.  Great  journies  are  accomplished  by 
savage  nations;  and  their  scanty  geographical 
knowledge  is  often  extended  by  accident.  A  Scy 
thian  of  the  tribe  of  Asa?,  taken  prisoner  by  his 
neighbours,  may  have  passed  through  successive 
masters  to  the  shore  of  the  Baltic.  At  his  return, 
he  would  describe  the  advantageous  situation  of 
the  country,  and  the  facility  with  which  its  con 
quest  might  be  effected,  Odin  (we  must  suppose 
him  a  man  of  genius)  would  perceive,  that  the  na 
tions  bordering  on  the  empire  were  less  ignorant, 
and  more  warlike,  than  those  removed  at  a  greater 
distance ;  and  that  the  leader  of  a  small  tribe,  who 

-wished 


ON  MALLET'S  INTRODUCTION  TO 

wished  to  found  a  great  kingdom,  must  march 
against  the  northern  extremity.  The  intermediate 
nations  would  gladly  deliver  themselves  from  a 
dangerous  invader  by  granting  to  him  a  free  pas 
sage;  a  favour  which,  in  an  age  little  skilled  in 
the  art  of  fortification,  is  of  small  importance;  and 
which  the  heroical  sincerity  of  barbarians  seldom 
permitted  them  to  abuse.  The  courses  of  the  great 
rivers  must  have  much  facilitated  his  journey.  He 
would  sail  up  the  Tanais  and  the  Volga,  to  de 
scend  with  the  stream  of  the  Dina  to  the  neigh 
bourhood  of  Riga.  The  sources  of  those  rivers  are 
npt  widely  distant  from  each  other ;  and  when  the 
land  was  less  elevated  by  seventy-eight  feet  than  it 
is  at  present,  there  may  have  been  communica 
tions,  now  lost,  between  neighbouring  seas.  Odin 
established  his  worship  in  Scandinavia.  Thence 
it  spread  among  the  northern  nations  of  Germany 
called  Saxons,  by  whom  it  was  carried  into  Eng 
land  in  the  fifth  century.  In  those  countries  only, 
I  think,  we  ought  to  look  for  it :  Mr.  Mallet's 
system  supposes  it  too  extensive.  I  do  not  find  in 
the  Edda  that  Odin  the  conqueror  of  the  North, 
and  the  priest  of  a  god  also  named  Odin,  wished  ever 
to  pass  himself  for  a  divinity ;  nor  that  the  Scandi 
navians  ever  worshipped  deified  men;  a  worship 
much  rarer  than  is  commonly  imagined.-  Odin 
the  conqueror  boasted  of  being  a  magician ;  a  pre 
tension  altogether  inconsistent  with  that  of  his 
divinity. 

July  16.] — I  did  not  wish  to  proceed  with  Mr. 
Mallet's  large  history,  which  followed  his  introduc 
tion  ; 


THE  HISTORY  OF  DENMARK.  235 

tion ;  this  would  have  diverted  me  too  much  from 
my  present  pursuits ;  but  I  could  not  deny  myself 
the  pleasure  of  reading  a  detached  part,  relative  to 
the  conversion  of  Scandinavia,  in  order  to  see  the 
downfall  of  Odin's  superstition,  of  which  I  had 
beheld  the  establishment,  and  examined  the  prin 
ciples.  This  subject  is  treated  dryly,  and  without 
taste.  An  important  question  occurs,  why  the 
inhabitants  of  the  North  should  have  so  obstinately 
rejected  Christianity,  while  their  countrymen  esta 
blished  in  the  empire  embraced  it  with  the  utmost 
readiness.  Mr.  Mallet  will  answer,  that  the  latter 
consisted  only  of  unsteady  young  men  who  had 
left  their  native  country  before  they  were  tho 
roughly  confirmed  in  the  prejudices  of  their  ances 
tors.  Yet  he  well  knows  that  several  of  those  mi 
grations  were  made  by  communities  at  large ;  and 
that  the  young  men  were  accompanied  by  men  far 
advanced  in  years,  whose  hearts  and  principles 
were  no  longer  susceptible  of  change ;  by  women 
whose  weakness  and  timidity  render  them  pecu 
liarly  prone  to  superstition ;  as  well  as  by  bards, 
priests,  and  prophetesses,  who  combated  the  new 
worship  by  every  weapon  that  either  custom,  fear, 
or  honour  could  supply.  This  explanation,  there 
fore,  will  not  answer  the  purpose.  Neither  do  I 
think  it  probable  that  the  leaders  of  the  Barbarians 
embraced  Christianity  through  policy,  and  ven 
tured  to  provoke  the  conquerors,  in  order  to  ingra 
tiate  themselves  with  the  conquered,  whom  they 
despised.  Besides,  those  leaders  of  the  Vandals 
and  Burgundians  embraced  Arianism.  Policy 

would 


236          ON  MALLET'S  INTRODUCTION  TO 

would  not  have  taught  them  to  adopt  the  senti^- 
ments  of  the  smallest  portion  of  their  subjects.  I 
believe  the  true  reason  for  the  difference  arose 
merely  from  this  circumstance,  that  the  one 
class  left  their  country,  whereas  the  other  remained 
at  home.  I  speak  not  here  of  the  Saxons,  who 
knew  Christianity  only  by  baptism  and  punish 
ment;  and  whose  love  of  liberty  rejected  that 
religion  as  a  badge  of  the  imperious  laws  im 
posed  by  Charlemagne.  I  have  in  view  only 
those  nations  among  whom  Christianity  appear 
ed  not  as  a  conqueror  or  persecutor,  but  as  a 
supplicant.  All  religions  depend  in  some  degree 
on  local  circumstances.  The  least  superstitious 
Christian  would  feel  more  devotion  on  Mount  Cal 
vary  than  in  London.  Among  learned  nations 
reading  and  reflection,  and  among  the  nations  of 
the  East  a  natural  warmth  of  fancy,  supply,  in 
some  measure,  the  real  presence  of  objects,  and 
give  to  them  in  all  times  and  in  all  places  a  mental 
existence.  But  mental  representations  are  too 
subtile  to  make  an  impression  on  the  phlegmatic 
insensibility  of  Scandinavians-;  and  a  missionary 
must  have  combated  their  faith  with  great  disad 
vantage  in  their  native  country.  The  temple  of 
Upsal  in  which  they  had  purchased  the  favour  of 
Odin  by  thousands  of  human  victims ;  those  rocks 
which  the  ancient  Scaldi  had  covered  with  Runic 
characters,  the  more  venerable  because  unintellin 
gible ;  those  mounts  which  religion  had  raised  to. 
the  glory  of  their  ancestors,  and  by  which  they 
hoped  that  their  own  would  be  perpetuated: — all 

these 


THE  HISTORY  Of  DENMARK.  237 

these  objects  kept  possession  of  their  minds,  be 
cause  they  were  continually  striking  their  senses. 
But  the  nations  of  Germany,  when  transported 
into  southern  countries,  lost  hold  of  the  firmest 
foundation  of  their  faith.  Temples,  altars,  tombs, 
and  consecrated  places  were  all  on  the  side  of  a 
new  religion,  which  naturally  insinuated  itself  into 
the  void  of  credulity  left  craving  in  their  minds. 
They  first  wondered,  and  then  believed.  The 
changes  produced  by  anew  climate  in  their  modes 
of  life,  and  in  the  education  of  their  children, 
tended  to  estrange  them  from  a  superstition  better 
adapted  to  the  banks  of  the  Elbe  than  to  those  of 
the  Tagus,  and  to  forests  than  to  cities.  A  barba 
rian,  who  had  tasted  the  wine  of  Falernum,  would 
not  feel  much  desire  of  intoxicating  himself  with 
hydromel  at  Odin's  festival ;  and  when  he  panted 
under  an  African  sun,  a  hell  open  to  the  north 
wind  would  not  greatly  excite  his  terror.  His  un 
derstanding  would  be  improved,  and  his  heart  soft 
ened,  in  his  perpetual  intercourse  with  the  van 
quished  ;  and  every  cause  would  concur  to  make 
him  quit  a  mode  of  worship  founded  on  ignorance 
and  barbarism,  and  to  substitute  in  its  stead  a  re 
ligion  connected  with  a  science  which  he  began  to 
relish,  and  inculcating  the  virtues  of  humanity 
which  he  began  to  value.  He  was  besides  sur 
rounded  by  a  nation  of  missionaries,  whose  zeal 
was  animated  by  a  personal  interest  in  the  conver 
sion  of  their  masters,  that  those  fierce  tigers  might 
be  confined  in  the  chains  of  religion.  Bishops, 
priests,  and  women,  who  mingled  caresses  with 

con- 


23$        ON  MALLET'S  INTRODUCTION,  &c. 

controversy,  were  sedulous  to  convert  the  princes 
and  great  men,  whose  example  was  easily  followed 
by  that  of  the  careless  multitude.  Such  means  of 
conversion  are  far  more  efficacious  than  those  with 
which  a  few  Benedictines  are  furnished,  who  travel 
into  the  woods  of  Sweden  to  preach  patience,  hu 
mility,  and  faith  to  numerous  bands  of  pirates. 
These  warriors  either  massacred  the  priests,  or 
spared  them  through  mere  contempt.  An  apparent 
exception  to  this  theory  tends  really  to  confirm  it : 
the  Saxons,  who  settled  in  England,  were  not  con 
verted  till  one  hundred  and  fifty  years  after  their 
establishment  in  that  country.  This  happened, 
because  they  drove  the  ancient  inhabitants  into 
Wales ;  because  the  climate  of  England  was  not 
widely  different  from  their  own ;  and  because  this 
kingdom  was  the  least  polished  of  all  the  Roman 
provinces.  But  the  same  causes  operated  on  the 
Saxons,  though  more  slowly;  and  when  they  began 
to  enjoy  tranquillity  at  home,  they  readily  embraced 
Christianity  as  taught  them  by  the  Roman  mission 
aries. 

A  Protestant  would  also  observe,  that  the  Chris 
tianity  of  the  tenth  century  is  of  far  more  difficult 
digestion  than  that  of  the  fifth.  It  certainly  is  so 
to  a  man  who  reasons. 


IN- 


(    239 


INTRODUCTION  A  L'HISTOIRE  GENE- 
RALE  DE  LA  REPUBLIQUE  DES 
SUISSES. 


CHAPITRE  I. 

Etat  de  VAllemagne  ei  de  la  Suisse — La  Maison  d'Autricht 
— La  Noblesse — Le  Clergt — Les  failles  libres — Les 
trois  Cantons  populaires — Ambition  d' Albert  I, — Ty 
rannic  de  ses  Gouverneurs — Conjuration — Soulevement 
des  Suisses — Mort  d' Albert  I. — Henri  VII. — Frederic 
d'Autriche  et  Louis  de  Bavtire — Bataille  de  Morgarten 
— Alliance  perpttuelle  des  trois  Cantons — Fonddtion  du 
Corps  Helvetiqiie. 

LA  Suisse  est  situee  au  milieu  de  1'Europe,  entre 
la  France,  ITtalie,  et  TAllemagne.  Sa  largeur,  de- 
puis  Basle  jusqu'au  mont  St.  Bernard,  estd'environ 
quarante-deux  lieues,  et  sa  plus  grande  £tendue  de 
Geneve  jusqu'au  lac  de  Constance  ne  surpasse 
point  soixante-dix  lieues.  Toute  la  partie  m6ri- 
xiionale  et  orientale  de  cette  province  est  couverte 
par  la  masse  £nbrme  des  Alpes,  et  compose  le  som- 
met  de  cette  chaine  de  montagnes  qui  s'^tend  de 
la,  mer  Adriatique  jusqu'a  la  M6diterran6e.  C'est 
dans  le  sein  de  ces  montagnes  que  les  eaux  du 
ciel  se  sont  creus£es  mille  reservoirs  in^puisables, 
dont  les  canaux  vont  porter  1'abondance  jusques 
dans  les  extr£mit£s  de  1'Europe.  D'un  c6t6,  le 

Rhin, 


240      INTRODUCTION  A  1'HISfOIRE  GENERAL^ 

Rhin,  qui  sort  du  pjed  du  mont  St.  Godard,  em- 
brasse  clans  les  replis  de  son  cours  tranquille  une 
grande  partie  du  contour  de  la  Suisse  qu'il  s£pare 
aujourdhui  de  FAllemagne.  Sorti  du  lac  de  Con 
stance  il  recoit  le  tribut  de  1'Aar,  de  la  Reuss,  et  du 
Limmat,  qui  se  r6unissent  apres  avoir  arros6  Tinte^ 
rieur  des  terres.  II  se  tourne  enfin  du  c6t6  du 
Nord,  et  se  perd  dans  les  sables  de  la  Hollande. 
Au  midi  le  Rhone  se  precipite  avec  fureur  de  la 
meme  montagne,  et  court,  a  travers  le  lac  de  Ge 
neve,  joindre  sous  les  murs  de  Lyon  ses  eaux  fa- 
pides  aux  eaux  lentes  dc  la  Sa6ne.  Les  Alpes 
s'abaissant  insensiblement  forment  des  c6teaux 
moins  ingrats,  fertilises  par  des  mains  libres  et  in- 
dustrieuses.  Ces  montagnes  se  relevent  enfin  de 
nouveau  pour  former  cette  chaine  qui  s'^tend  sous 
le  nom  de  Jura  depuis-le  Rhone  jusqu'au  Rhin,  et 
qui  sert  de  rempart  a  la  Suisse  contre  la  Bour- 
gogne. 

Vers  la  fin  du  treizieme  siecle,  la  Suisse  £toit 
encore  une  province  de  Fempire  d'Allemagne.  Ce 
grand  corps  sortoit  de  Tanarchie,  et  sa  constitution 
politique  prenoit  des  lors  la  forme  singuliere 
qu'elle  a  conserved  jusqu'a  nos  jours.  L'autorit6 
imp^riale  fut  la  victime  d'une  revolution  que  les 
eV6nemens  pr^paroient  depuis  longtems,  Frederic 
II.  6toit  digne  d'un  autre  siecle  et  d'un  sort  plus 
heureux,  mais  il  combattit  avec  plus  de  Constance 
que  de  bonheur  contre  Fanibition  des  grands;  le 
fanatisme  des  peuples,  et  la  politique  de  la  cour  de 
Rome.  Les  villes  Italiennes,  devenues  riches  de 
leur  commerce,  et  fieres  de  leurs  richesses,  se  ran- 

geoient 


t>£  LA  REPUBLIQUE  DES  SUI9SES.  241 

geoient  avec  ardeur  sous  1'etendard  des  pontifes 
qui  e"toit  pour  eux  celui  de  la  liberte".  Pendant 
que  1'empereur  poursuivoit  en  Italic  un  fant6me 
de  puissance  qui  lui  e"chappoit  toujours;  les  princes 
d'Allemagne  briserent  les  foibles  liens  qui  les  at- 
tachoient  encore  a  leur  souverain,  usurperent  ses 
droits,  ses  domaines,  et  ses  revenus ;  et  s'arrogerent 
dans  leurs  provinces  respectives  une  autorit6  inde"- 
pendante  et  he*r£ditaire.  La  mort  de  Frederic  mit 
le  comble  aux  d6sordres  publics;  et  1'empire  sembla 
rentrer  dans  cet  £tat  de  nature,  dans  lequel  chacun, 
libre  du  frein  des  loix,  est  1'ennemi  de  son  sembla- 
ble. 

Apres  un  interregna  de  vingt-cinq  ans  les  elec- 
teurs*  c6derent  avec  repugnance  au  cri  de  la  nation  Struv- Cor' 

l      ^  pus  Hist*> 

qui  leur  demandoit  un  chef.  Us  s'assemblerent  enfin  Gorman. 
a  Francfort,  et  ce  fut  Rodolphe,  Comte  de  Habs-  G 
bourg,  qui  r^unit  les  suffrages  d'une  assemble  dont 
il  m^ritoit  1'estime  et  dont  il  n'excitoit  point  la 
jalousie*  Ses  vertus  justifierent  leur  choix.  Son 
administration,  a  lafois  douce  et  ferme,  rendit  bien- 
tdt  la  paix  a  1'empire,  et  la  vigueur  aux  loix.  II 
ne  se  laissa  jamais  s6duire  par  la  vaine  ambition 
de  faire  valoir  sur  iltalie  les  droits  d'un  empire 
Remain  qui  n'existoit  plus.  II  respecta  toujours 
les  droits  et  meme  les  usurpations  <;les  princes,  et 

*  Les  empereurs  etoient  anciennement  choisis  par  le  corps 
entier  de  la  noblesse  Allemande.  Vers  ce  tems-ci  les  sept  grands 
officiers  de  la  maison  imperiale,  <Jui  avoient  toujours  eu  une  part 
distinguee  dans  les  elections,  commenfoient  a  y  preXendre  un 
droit  exclusif.  La  pretension'  ieur  reussit  et  fut  enfin  confirmee 
par  la  bulle  d'or. 

VOL.  in.  R  pr£fe>a 


242        INTRODUCTION  A  L  HISTOIRE  GENERALE 

prefera  sagement  son  repos  et  celtii  de  la  patrie, 
aux  pretensions  ambitieuses  d'une  digniteV  qui 
allpit  peut-etre  passer  en  des  mains  etrangeres.  II 
borna  tons  ses  projets  a  1'^tablissement  de  sa  mai- 
son  :  les  empereurs  conservoient  encore  le  droit  de 
conferer  de  nouveau  1'investiture  des  fiefs  toutes 
les  fois  qu'ils  etoient  devolus  a  I'empire.  Les  inal- 
heurs  de  ce  siecle  oiFrirent  a  Rodolphe  les  plus 
heureuses  occasions  pour  exercer  ce  droit  en  faveur 
de  ses  enfans.  Lorsqu'il  cut  affermi  son  autorit.6  par 
dix  ans  de  victoire,  il  assembla  tous  les  ordres  de 
1'^tat  dans  la  diette  d'Augsbourg;  sous  les  yeux 
de  cette  assemblee,  Albert  et  Rodolphe,*  ses  deux 
flls>  rejfurent  de  leur  pere  les  duches  d'Autriche  et 
not.  90.  cje  Sua[je.  deux  provinces  qui  n'avoient  plus  de 
maitre  depuis  la  mort  de  Frederic  et  de  Conradin, 
que  leur  malheureux  destin  avoit  conduits  a  Na- 
P^es  Pour  7  p^rii*  sur  un  ^chafaud.  Ces  jeunes 
princes  6toient  les  derniers  rejetons  des  anciennes 
maisons  de  Suabe  et  d'Autriche. 

Le  diich6  d'Autriche  etoit  un  des  plus  beaux 

vii.  Hist. 

Frederic,  fiefs  de  1'empire.  Ses  plaines  fertiles  ^toient  cou- 
&c.  PEdit.  vertes  d'un  peuple  nombreux,  accoutum^  aux 
armes  par  jes  guerres  continuelles  qu'il  avoit  £ 


soutenir  centre  les  Hongrois  et  les  Boh^miens.  La 
Dipiom.      Iiberalit6  de  Frederic  Barberousse  avoit  airranchi 

ad  calcein 

^EneaeSjhr.  les  souverains  d'Autriche  de  tous  les  devoirs  on^- 
reux  d'un  membre  de  Tempire  ;  pendant  qu'ils  en 
conservoient  les  honneurs  et  tons  les  avautages. 

*  Le  Due  Rodolphe  mourut  avant  son  p£re. 

Le 


DE  LA  REPUBLIQUE  DES  SUISSES.  243 

Le  duche  clc  Suabe  ou  d'Allemanriie  e"toit  d'une 
grande   e"tendue  ;    puisqu'il   comprenoit   les   pays 

\  ,/       -  /      t  i»        de  Rebus 

dans  tesquelsles  ancicns  Allcmans  s  etoient  etabhs;  ueivetids, 
le  cercle  de   Suabe,  1'  Alsace,   et   la  plus   grande  l  K  c'  b* 
partie  de  la  S.uisse.     Ses  dues  donnerent  sou  vent 
la  couroime  imperiale,  et  la  porterent  eux-m£mes  Struv  s  n 
pendant  plus  d'un  siecle.     L'Empereur  Philippe  de  tag'ua  Hist- 
Suabe  acheta  le  premier  la  fidelite  de  ses  vassaux  p.  433. 
an  prix  de  ses  droits  et  de  ses  domaines  qu'il  leur 
abandonnoit.     Frederic  II.  se  vit  attaqu£  par  une 
foule  d'ennemis  qui  vouloient  meriter  le  ciel  en 
d£chirant  le  patrimoine  d'un  tyraii  condamne  par 
r^glise.     Le  parti  des  pentifes  se  croyoit  en  droit 
de  lui  tout  arracher  ;  ses  amis  se  eontentoient  de 


lui    tout  demander.      L'interregne  ann^antit   les 

de  lleb. 

debris  de  Fautorite  des  dues  de  Suabe;  et  lorsque  Heivet.i  \\i 
les  fils  de  Rodolphe  furent  revetus  de  ce  vain  titre,  Republic, 
ils  ne  recurent  qu'un  domaine  difficile  a  retrouver  H 
et  une  souverainet6  -q-u'on  ne  reconnoissoit  plus. 
Une  setile  circonstance  rendoit  cet  6tablissement 
d'un  grand  prix  aux  yeux  des  comtes  clc  Habs- 
bourg.     Ils  y  Etoient  situes  au  sein  de  leur  patrie. 
Vers  le  concours  de  I'Aar  et  de  la  Reuss.  s'^levoit  v-GtlilIi- 

nianni 

uii  aricieii  chateau  bati  sur  les  masures  de  Vin-  Habsbuf* 
donisse  plus  ancienne  encore.*     Par  la  foible  lueur  8' 

qui 

*  Une  assez  petite  enceinte  contient  des  monumens  de  tons  les  V.Guilli- 
si^cles.     On  pent  tracer  encore  les  ryines  de  Vindonisse,  ville  JJpJJu^HcI- 
Romaine,  ruinee  au  quatricme  siecle  par  les  Allemans  centre  vetiorum, 
lesquels  elle  avoit  servi  de  rempart.  Elle  etoitle  siege  de  la  vingt-  vl'^n^ 
uni&me  legion,  et  des  premiers  eveques  de  Constance,     lln  pen  D£lices  de 

plus  loin  le  donjon  de  Habsbourg  nous  offre  I'image  de  la  tyrannic  la  S"^336- 
J  J  torn.  n. 

R  2  feodale  p.  174-186, 


244     INTRODUCTION  A  I/HISTOIRE  GENERALE 

qui  e*claire  ces  terns  te"ne*breux,  on  peut  y  d£cou- 
vrir  les  ayeux  de  Rodolphe  vers  le  commencement 
du  onzieme  siecle,  et  suivre  sans  interruption  les 
progres  d'une  noblesse  qui  se  de"montre  par  les 
preuves  ordinal  res,  par  les  croisades,  les  tournois, 
les  brigandages,  et  les  fondations  pieuses.  An  bien 
de  ses  peres,*  Rodolphe  avoit  ajoute"  le  riche  he'ri- 
tage  de  sa  mere,  fille  unique  du  dernier  des  anciens 
comtes  de  Kybourg.  Uii  domaine  qui  s'e*tendoit 
,  i.  vi.  sur  la  plus  belle  partie  de  la  Suisse,  l'£clat  de  la 
dignite"  impe'riale,  et  des  conjonctures  heureuses  lui 
permirent  d'espe*rer  qu'il  pourroit  un  jour  faire  re 
connoitre  les  loix  de  la  maison  d'Autriche  depuis 
le  lac  de  Constance  jusqu'a  celui  de  Geneve.f 

Trente 

feodale  et  le  berceau  de  vingt  empereurs.  Les  debris  encore 
plus  considerables  de  Tabbaye  de  Konigsfeld  nous  montrent  les 
trophees  abattus  de  la  superstition.  Enfin  la  petite  ville  de  Bruck, 
qui  termine  le  paysage,  nous  presente  dans  son  industrie  et  sa 
proprete  un  objet  de  comparaison  assez  favorable  au  siecle  dans 
lequel  nous  vivons. 

V.  Tscbudi,  *  Rodolphe  possedoit  cinq  des  plus  beaux  comtes  de  la  haute 
Allemagne;  savoir,  ceux  de  Habsbourg,  de  Kybourg,  de  Lentz- 
bourg,  de  Bade,  et  de  Frobourg,  avec  les  villes  de  Bremgarten, 
Mellingen,  Siersee  et  Sempach ;  celles  "de  Zoffinguen,  Arau  et 
Bruck  dans  1'Argew,  les  villes  de  Winterthur,  de  Frowenfeld,  et 
de  Diessenhofen  dans  la  Turgovie,  avec  les  pays  de  Gastern  et 
de  Zug,  et  beaucoup  d'autres  bourgs  et  villages.  Le  comte  de 
Bade  et  le  canton  de  Zug  ont  toujours  conserve  leurs  anciennes 
limites;  1'Argew  et  la  Turgovie  sont  assez  connues.  II  est  diffi 
cile  de  designer  avec  clartfc  les  autres  territoires  qui  sont  engloutis 
dans  les  cantons  de  Zurich  et  de  Lucerne  dont  ils  comprenoient 
V.  Gullli-  Presque  tout  le  plat  pays. 

man.de  Re-  f  Les  Allemands  et  les  Bourguignons  partagerent  la  Suisse, 
o"um!elVeU"  ^ePu's  ^e  cinquieme  siecle,  en  deux  portions  assez  inegales,  maia 
I  ii.  iir  qui 


DE  LA  RE'PUBLIQUE  DES  SUISSES.  245 

Trente  ans  d'intrigues  et  de  combats  lui  avoient 
developp6  cette  vari^te"  confuse  de  moeurs,  d'inte"- 
r£ts,  et  de  prejuge's,  qu'on  n'e*prouve  que  parmi  les 
peuples  libres  ;  et  lui  avoient  enseigne"  1'art  de  les 
ramener  toujours  a  un  seul  point  qu'il  ne  perdoit 
iamais  de  vue.  II  conserva  sur  le  trdne  imperial  v.  la  ciiro- 

~  .  .  .  .  T»V    A          nique  de 

1  humble  simphcite  de  son  premier  etat.     Maitre  Jean  de 


des  esprits,  il  les  subjuguoit  e'galement  par  Fainour 
et  par  la  terreur  ;  et  son  ambition  artificieuse  etoit 
d'autant  plus  redoutable  qu'elle  ne  se  montroit  ja*-  rain,  p.  7— 
mais  que  sous  les  clehors  de  la  franchise  et  de  la 
moderation.     La  conqu£te  importante  qu'il  me'di- 
toit  ne  pouvoit  £tre  le  fruit  que  du  terns  et  de  la 
patience.     L'Empereur  Rodolphe  ne  travailla  point 
sans  succes  ;  la  mort  en  fin  1'obligea  de  laisser  a  son      1291 
fils  Albert  ses  desseins  imparfaits,  son  exemple,  et 
ses  maximes.     JNlais  la  politique  depend  moins  de 
la  raison  que  du  caractere.    De  celui  de  son  pere,  Al 
bert  n'avoit  herit^  que  1'ambition  et  la  valeur.     Un 
naturel  tlur  et  feroce,  qui  se  de"  veloppa  en  lui  des  sa 
plus  tendre  jeunessq,  eftrayatous  les  ^lecteurs  et  Y-  Strilv; 
donna  la  preference  a  son  rival  Adolphe,  comte  de  At"&e5h. 
Nassau;  mais  la  conduite  imprudente  du  nouvel  p'° 

qui  furent  toujours  distinguees  par  les  loix  et  le  langage  ;  la  Reuss  De  Watte- 
et  ensuite  TAar  marquoient  leurs  frontieres.     L'Allemannie  fit  ville»  Hist; 

,  .  de  la  Conf6- 

toujours  partie  du  royaume  d  Austrasie,  et  ensuite  de  rempire.  deration 
La  Bourgogne  Transjurane,  (c'est  ainsi  qu'elle  senommoit.)  con-  Helvet. 

.       T,  .  .  ....  toin.i.  p.  18. 

quise  par  les  t  ran9ois,eut  ensuite  ses  rois  particuhers,  dontle  der 

nier  le  laissa  par  testament  a  1'Empereur  Conrad  le  Salique  en       1032. 

1032.     Les  dues  de  Zeringen  la  gouvernerent  longtems  au  nom 

de  l'empire.     Dans  1'anarchie  qui  suivit  la  mort  de  Berchtold  V. 

dernier  due  de  Zeringen,  ces  divisions  de  la  Suisse  commencoient       1218, 

insensibleraent  ^  se  confondre, 

R  3  empereur 


£46     INTRODUCTION  A  I/HISTOIRE  GENERALE 

empereur  les  fit  bientot  repentir  clu  choix  qu'ils 
venoient  de  faire.  Albert  sut  profiter  du  me"  con- 
ten  tement  general  pour  soulever  toute  rAllemagne 
centre  un  prince  qu'elle  meprisoit.  Une  guerre 
civile  de"cida  de  leurs  droits,  et  le  malheureux 
Adolphe  pent  par  la  main  du  due  d'Autriche  qui 
fut  reconnu  par  toute  1'empire  pour  son  souverain 
legitime.  Mais  il  apporta  sur  le  tr6ne  1'orgueil 
d'un  vainqueur  et  tous  les  prejuges  d'un  chef  de 
parti,  et  sa  conduite  se  resseiitit  souvent  de  Finflu- 
ence  de  ces  passions. 

Une  noblesse  aussi  nombreuse  qu'independante 
formoitle  premier  obstacle  aux  desseins  ambitieux 
Leu,  Die-     de  Rodolphe  et  de  son  fils.     Cinquante  comtes, 

.  •  -,-, 

cent  cinquante  barons,  et  pres  de  mille  gentdsr 
hommes,  ^crasoient  du  poids  de  leurs  chateaux  la 
terre  qui  les  portoit,  et  ils  se  faisoient  tous  une  gloire 
de  ne  relever  que  de  1'empire  et  de  leur  ep6e.  II 
^toit  plus  ais6  de  flatter  que  de  dompter  Torgueil 
de  cet  ordre  guerrier,  tour  a  tour  esclave  et  rival 
de  se&  princes,  mais  toujours  enneini  du  peuple, 
des  loix,  et  de  la  libert^.*  Les  dues  d'Autriche 


tionnaire 


man'simier,  se  plaisoieiit  a  le  rassembler  souvent  a  leur  cour 

joan.nvito-  c^ans  des  toumois  brillans,  a  adoucir  la  gross!  erete 

duran.&c.    de  ses  moeurs  par  les  institutions  vertueuses  de  la 

chevalerie,  a  le  conduire  aux  combats  et  a  la  vic- 

toire.f     Combles  d'honneurs  et  de  riehesses,  ces 

fiers 

*  Je  dois  biefttot    parler   d'une   exception   rare  et  peut-etre 
unique  a  cette  maxime  gcnerale. 

Guilliman;  t  Dt's  son  berceau  la  maison  d'Autriche  a  adopte  la  maxime 
des  t>rans'  c]e  gaSner  les  militaires  et  de  mepriser  le  peuple.  Wer 
ner,  evcque  de  Strasbourg,  avoitdonne,  vers  Tan  1026,  une  somme 

tres 


DE  LA  REPUBLIQUE  DES  SUISSES.  2  i7 

fiers  gentilshommes  revoyoicnt  enfin  leurs  foyers 
-tlomestiques;  pleins  d'attachement  pour  leur  bien-  Jf*r 
faiteur,  et  cle  me*pris  pouy  leur  triste  inde'pendance,  1*  <^eva- 

...  '    leritf  par  31. 

dont  les  avantages  ne  subsistoient  que  par  le  mal-  d«st.p»- 
heur  public.  Lcs  chateaux  etoient  les  asyles  cle  '°c' 
Finjustice,  et  le  commerce  etoit  interrompu  parun. 
brigandage  honteux.  Rodolphe  et  son  ills  arre"- 
terent  bient6t  ce  de"sordre  par  la  destruction  d'un 
grand  nombre  des  forteresses  des  plus  coupables. 
Tout  Fein  pi  re  applaudit  a  leur  punition,  et  1'auto- 
rit6  des  dues  d'Aut^'iche  se  confondoit  avec  celle 
des  loix.  Tout  ilechit  sous  leur  joug,  et  se  recon- 
nut  vassal  de  la  maison  de  Habsbourg,  a  1'exception 
d'un  tres  petit  nombre  de  comtes  parmi  lescjuels 
nous  devons  distinguer  les  comtes  de  Savoye,  qui 
s'etoient  rendus  maitres  du  pays  de  Vaud,  et  qui 
jettoient  dans  le  silence  les  fondemens  de  leur 
grandeur  future. 

L'ordre  ecciesiastique  avoit  plus  acquis  par  la 
politique  que  la  noblesse  n 'avoit  arraclie  par  la 
violence.  Les  eVeques  de  Basle  et  de  Constance 
Etoient  au  rang  des  plus  grands  princes  ;  plusieurs 
abb^s  leur  ceVloient  a  peine,  et  la  Suisse  etoit  rem- 
plie  de  maisons  religieuses  sur  lesquelles  la  sainte 

tres  considerable  k  son  frere  Ratbot  pour  construire  le  chdteaude 
Habsbourg.  -  Lorsqu'il  le  visita  peu  d.e  terns  apres  il  se  montra 
peu  content  de  la  diligence  de  son  frere.  Attendez,  lui  dit  Ratbot, 
a  demain.  Le  lendemairt  matin,  1'eveque  vit  avec  effroi  une 
troupe  nombreuse  et  armee  qui  entouroit  le  chateau.  Cette 
troupe,  lui  dit  son  frere,  est  composee  de  toute  la  noblesse  des 
environs  que  mes  largesses  ont  attache  a  notre  maison.  Voila 
les  fortifications  que  vous  desiriez.  En  connoissez  vous  de  plus 
fortes? 

R  4  profusion 


248     INTRODUCTION  A  I/HISTOIRE  GENE'RALE 

profusion  des  fideles  avoit  verse  les  biens  de  la 
terre.  Ces  eccle'siastiques  me'prisoient  tons  les 
••'•i  arts  auxquels  leurs  pre'de'cesseurs  avoient  du  leur 
grandeur ;  et  le  peuple  ne  les  distinguoit  des 
la'iques  que  par  la  superiorite  de  leur  faste  et  de 
leur  orgueil.  II  auroit  e"te  cependant  dangereux 
de  les  d£pouiller  de  ces  biens  consacre's  par  la  su 
perstition,  s'ils  n'avoient  pas  eux-m£mes  consent! 
a  les  remettre  aux  dues  d'Autriche.  Les  uns 
leur  vendirent  le  patrimoine  de  1'^glise  pour  en* 
richir  leurs  families  aux  de"pens  de  1'ordre.  Les 
autres  les  recurent  pour  maitres  sous  le  nom 
d' A  voile's  ou  Ministres.*  L'ev£que  de  Basle, 
I'abb6  de  St.  Gall  et  Tabbesse  de  Zurich,  eurent 
cependant  le  courage  de  register  aux  menaces  et 
aux  insinuations  de  Rodolphe  et  de  son  fils. 

Si  1'eglise  posse'doit  des  richesses  immenses,  This- 
toire,  qui  juge  les  hommes  sans  faveur  et  sans  ma- 
lignite,  doit  avouer  que  leur  source  n'a  pas  tou- 
jours  et6  impure,  et  que  leur  emploi  a  souvent  6t6 
utile  aux  hommes.  Dans  le  terns  qu'une  noblesse 

VJMuratori,  *  Pour  se  former  une  idee  des  causes  de  la  grandeur  ecclesi- 
^onTsop'ra  astique  et  $e  sa  decadence,  j'ose  renvoyer  mes  lecteurs  aux  dis- 
le  Antichita  sertations  du  savant  Muratori  sur  les  Antiquit6s  Italiennes.  Us 
y  trouveront  uiie  erudition  profonde,  une  bonne  critique,  et  une 
s,age  hardiesse,  II  a  ecrit  pour  I'lfalie,  mais  ses  grands  principes 
et  meme  la  plupart  de  ses  details  sont  communs  a  tous  les  pays 
qui  ont  compose  1'empire  de  Charlemagne.  II  sembleroit  que 
dans  ces  siecles  barbares  deux  passions  opposees  regnoient  a  la 
fois:  Tune  de  tout  donner  a  Teglise;  et  1'autre  de  lui  tout  a r- 
racher.  Le  meme  homme  eprouyoit  souvent  toutes  les  deux;  et 
la  vieillesse  ri'etoit  occup6e  qu'a  restituer  les  sacrileges  de  la 
jeunesse, 

barbare 


DE  LA  REPUBL1QUE  DES  SUISSES.  249 

barbare  ne  se  livroit  qu'aux  travaux  destructeurs 
de  la  guerre  et  de  la  chasse,  le  flambeau  sacr£  des 
arts  se  conservoit  entre  les  mains  des  pretres.  Des 
terres  considerables,  quelquefois  des  provinces  en- 
tieres,  devenoient  la  recompense  de  leurs  arts  pieux, 
mais  c'etoient,  pour  la  plupart,  des  marais  a  des- 
secher,  des  foists  a  defricher,  des  deserts  qu'il 
falloit  cultiver.  La  terre  changea  bient6t  de  face; 
des  milliers  d'esclaves  qui  fuyoient  de  toutes  parts 
la  tyrannic  de  leurs  maitres,  se  reTugioient  au  pied 
des  autels  et  se  consacroient  eux  et  leur  posterit6 
au  service  du  saint,  protecteur  de  r^glise.  Des 
communaute's  nombreuses  se  formoient  autour  de 
ces  eglises.  On  vit  nattre  des  citoyens,  des  loix, 
et  des  remparts.  La  plupart  des  villes  de  1'Alle- 
magne  et  de  la  Suisse  n'ont  point  d'autre  origine. 
L'humanite  dirai-je,  ou  la  politique,  de  leurs  mai 
tres  les  affranchit  bient6t  de  la  servitude  a  laquelle 
elless'etoient  condamn^es,  et  Findustrie,  qui  marchc 
a  la  suite  de  la  Iibert6,  leur  fournit  le  moyen  de  se 
racheter  des  devoirs  les  plus  one>eux.  Leurs  pri 
vileges  n'£toient  point  les  memes.  Les  unes,  d6- 
cor6es  du  titre  imposant  de  villes  imp^riales,  parois- 
soient  libres  et  souveraines.  Les  autres  d^pcndoient 
presqu'en  tout  de  leur  6v^que  ou  de  leur  abb6; 
rnais  elles  avoient  toutes  un  conseil  qui  rendoit  la 
justice,  et  une  banniere  qui  rassembloit  la  bour 
geoisie  lorsqu'elle  vouloit  prentlre  les  armes.  Con- 
yaincues  des  avantages  de  leur  situation,  plusieurs 
de  ces  comrmmautes  avoient  stipule  que  leur  prince 
ne  les  ce"deroit  jamais  a  de  nouveaux  maitres;  mais 
cette  condition  n'emp£cha  point  1'abbe"  de  Mur- 

bach 


250     INTRODUCTION  A  L  HISTOIRE  GENERALE 

bach  de  vendre  a  TEmpereur  Albert  la  ville  de 
Lucerne ;  et  ce  fut  an  mepris  de  ses  sermens  que 
1'abbesse  de  Seckingen  recut  ce  prince  et  ses 
descendans  pour  ses  avoues  perpe"tuels  dans  le  pays 
de  Claris.  Basle,  Zurich,  Soletire,  St.  Gall,  Schaff- 
hausen,  et  plusieurs  autres  villes  de  la  Suisse,  ne 
subirent  point  le  meine  joug.  Elles  en  furent 
sauv^es  par  leurs  propres  forces  ou  par  la  fid£lit6  des 
pre"lats  qui  les  gouvernoient. 

1179.  Les  deux  vilies  de  Berne  et  de  Fribourg  jouis- 
soient  d'une  liberte  encore  plus  entiere,  et  dont 
rorigine  commune  remontoit  &  leur  fondateur 
Berchtold  V.  due  de  Zeringen.  Ce  prince,  dans 
le  dessein  de  s'en  faire  un  rempart  centre  la 
noblesse  de  ses  etats,  leur  donna  une  situation 
avantageuse,  des  privileges  sans  bornes,  et  une  con 
stitution  toute  militaire.  II  mourut  apres  leur 
avoir  recommande  de  s'aimer  toujours  et  de  ne 
jamais  pardonner  a  ces  barons  qui  avoient  fait 
Leu,  Die-  perir  la  maison  de  leur  bienfaiteur.  Friboursr,  la 

.  .  .  ° 

moms  puissante  des  deux  villes,  oubha  bientot 
un  conseil  aussi  dangereux,  et  chercha  le  repos 
et  ^a  suret6  dans  la  soumjssion  a  la  maison 
d'Autriche.  Berne  soutint  son  independance  avec 
i.iii.  plus  de  fermeteVse  choisit  plus  d'une  fois  des  pro- 

c.  8  et  9.        r 

r  de  tectcurs,  mais  ne  voulut  jamais  de  maitre,  s  exerca 
aux  vertus  militaires  et  politiques,  remporta  des 
victoires  sur  les  seigneurs  qui  1'entouroient,  osa 
r^sister  m^me  a  1'Empereur  Rodolphe,  et  vit 
e*chouer  au  pied  de  ses  remparts  la  fortune  de  ce 
monarque. 

Toutes  ces  villes  ^toient  le  fruit  lent  du  terns  et 

des 


tionnaire 


I)E  LA  REPUBLIQUE  DES  SUISSES.  251 

cles  travaux  humains;  mais  il  existoit  dans  le  fond 
des  Alpes,  des  societes  obscures,  dont  la  libert£ 
male  et  vigou reuse  sembloit  £tre  1'ouvrage  de  la 
seule  nature.  Les  trois  cantons  d'Uri,  de  Schwitz, 
et  d'Underwald.  formoient  un  pays  qui  s'etendoit  man-  Etat 

v       i  T  i  -J-  1,1 

pres  de  seize  lieues  du  nord  au  midi,  et  dont  la 
plus  grande  large ur  d'orient  en  Occident  £toit  de 
douze  lieues.  Le  Mont  St.  Godard,  borne  meii- 
dionale  de  ce  territoire,  parmi  les  eaux  qu'il  verse 
sur  1'Europe  entiere,  laisse  echapper  un  torrent  qui 
traverse,  sous  le  nom  de  Reuss,  le  long  et  £troit 
vallon  d'Uri,  et  se  jette  enfin  dans  un  lac  qui 
separe  le  canton  de  Schwitz  de  ceux  d'Underwald 
et  de  Lucerne.  Tout  ce  pays  est  convert  de 
montagnes,  dont  les  sommets  ne  decouvrent  a  la 
vue  que  des  rochers  escarped  et  des  for&ts  de 
sapins  toujours  courbe's  sous  le  poids  des  neiges. 
Leurs  cotes  offrent  cependant  en  e"te  une  nour- 
riture  abondante  aux  troupeaux  de  betail  qui 
font  la  richesse  du  paysan,  et  une  branche  assez 
lucrative  de  son  commerce  rustique.*  On  a  porte 
Findustrie  jusqu'a  semer  du  bled  dans  ies  vallons 
les  moins  steriles;  mais  leurj-^colte  foible  et  incer- 
taine  trompe  souvent  Tesperance  du  laboureur,  et 


*  Oswald  Myconius,  de  Lucerne,  nous  a  donne,  au  commence-  y  iep0erae 
ment  du  seizieme  siecle,  un  commentaire  fort  utile  sur  un  tres  etCommen- 
mauvais  poe'me  de  son  ami  Henri  Glareanus.     II  s'extasie  sur  le  ^redar"sle 
grand  commerce  de  beurre  et  de  fromage  que  font  ses  com  pa-  Historiae 
triotes  en  Bourgogne,  en  Suabe  et  en  Italic.     Suivant  son  calcul  P^vetlc*» 

(•>    T<  .     .  i,   .       a  Zurich, 

un  troupeau   de  vingt  vaches  rapporte  a  son  propnetaire  une  1735. 
somme  claire  et  nette  de  cent  ecus  par  an.     Ce  trait  est  bien  fort 
pour  le  seizieme  siecle. 

le 


£52      INTRODUCTION  A  I/HISTOIRE  GENERALE 

le  contraint  de  recourir  aux  secpurs  etrangers.  Un 
air  vif,  une  terre  ingrate,  une  vie  dure  avoient 
form£  le  caractere  cle  ce  peuple.  II  leur  devoit  un 
corps  grand  et  robuste,  des  passions  inipe'tueuses, 
des  appetits  grossiers  mais  vigoureux,  des  moeurs 
simples  et  vertueuses.  La  Suisse  cherissoit  sa 
famille  et  ses  compagnons,  respectoit  la  religion  et 
les  loix,  meprisoit  la  fatigue,  bravoit  la  mort,  et  ne 
craignoit  que  Finfamie.  La  Iibert6  lui  £toit  chere, 
et  cette  inde'pendance  qui  iiait  de  1'egalite  des 
fortunes  et  du  sentiment  de  ses  forces,  e"toit  le 
premier  ressort  de  son  ame.  Le  gouvemement 
des  trois  cantons  etoit  celui  de  la  nature,  et  ce 
gouvernement  s'est  perpetue  jusques  a  nos  jours. 
Le  pouvoir  legislatif  se  conservoit  dans  1'assemblee 
generale  des  citoyens.  Tous  'les  rangs  y  etoient 
confondus,  tous  les  suffrages  y  etoient  egaux,  et  ce 
peuple  roi,  jaloux  cle  sa  dignite,  ne  confioit  a  ses 
magistrats  annuels  que  Fautorit6  n6cessaire  au 
maintien  des  loix  et  de  1'ordre.  Le  noble  et  le 
Tschudi,  paysan.  confondus  dans  ces  assemblies,  apprenoient 

*om  «.  p.        \  ..  ,  .  N 

236.  a  se  respecter  mutueiiement,  et  s  accoutumoient  a 
penser  que  la  premiere  distinction  parmi  les 
hommes  est  celle  des  talens  utiles  a  la  soci6te\ 

Je  pardonne  aux  historiens  Suisses  les  fables 
dont  ils  ont  cru  embellir  les  premiers  terns  de  This- 
toire  de  leur  nation,  mais  je  dois  e"pargner  a  un 
siecle  philosophe  les  Taurisques,  les  Huns,  les 
Goths,  parmi  lesquels  ils  leur  ont  cherche"  des  an- 
cetres.  Ce  n'est  qu'au*  commencement  du  dou- 
1114.  zieme  siecle  que  j'appercois  les  cantons  d'Uri,  de 
Schwitz,  et  d'Underwald,  distingu6s  en  trois  com- 

munaut^s 


tionnaire 


BE  LA  REPUBLIQUE  DES  SUISSES.  253 

munaut6s  libres  et  allie"es,  independantes  mais  sou*  J>u,  D;C- 

.  .  .      *  .  ; 

mises  a  1  empire,  et  a  son  chef,  qui  leur  envoyoit 
quelquefois  cles  juges  pour  decider  en  dernier  res- 
sort  des  affaires  criminelles.  Un  arre"t  que  1'Em- 
pereur  Conrad  III.  rendit  contre  eux,  leur  parut  un  1144. 
acte  d'injustice  qu'ils  ne  devoient  point  supporter; 
ils  lui  annoncercnt  par  vine  declaration  publique, 

' 


torn.  i.  p.  73. 

"  Qu  ils  s  etoient  mis  volontairement  sous  la  pro 
tection  de  1'empire  ;  qu'ils  Tavoient  me*  rite",  cette 
protection,  par  des  services  importans;  qu'elle  leur- 
devenoit  inutile  et  dangereuse;  et  qu'ils  y  renon- 
coient  a  jamais  pour  eux  et  pour  leur  posteriteV' 
Ils  persisterent  plus  d\m  siecle  dans  cette  re"solu- 
tion  qui  bravoit  1'autorit^  imperiale.     Othon  IV. 
et  Frederic  II.  les  engagerent  cnfin  a  recevoir  de 
ieurs  mains  des  juges  et  baillifs.      Ce  fut   alors     1249. 
qu'ils  obtinrent  ce  diplome  c^lebre  qui  reconnoit  i.  H.  ""IG. 
leur  independance,  recoit  leurlibre  hommage  et  pro- 
met  de  ne  les  jamais  s6parer  du  corps  de  1'empire. 
Pendant  le  gTand  interregne  ils  prirent  llodolphe  de 
Habsbourg  pour  leur  deTenseur,  et  ce  prince,  lors-  SiraJer  de 
qu'il  fut  mont6  sur  le  trone  imperial,  leur  con-  RcPub-HeI- 

.  ,  .   r  vet.  1.  i.  p.4. 

tmua  sa  protection,  et  nattentajamais  a  Ieurs  pn-  inter  scrip. 

tores  The- 


Son  fils  Albert  avoit  concu  des  desseins  bien     1298. 
dirTi6rens.   II  voyoit  d'un  ceil  d'indignation  qu'au  mi-  tom.i?p;2i7. 
lieu  m£me  de  ses  ^tats  une  poign^e  de  montagnards  &c* 
osat  encore  se  nomm^a:  iibre.    II  resolut  d'employer 
a  lafois  toutes  les  forces  de  sa  maison  et  toute  1'au- 
torit^  de  sa  place  pour  les  r&luire  sous  le  joug 
Autrichien.      II   £toit  assez  injuste  pour   les  re- 
procher  la  fid^lit^  qu'ils  avoient  gard^e  a  1'Empe- 

reur 


254    ifttRObuCTioN  A  L'HISTOIRE  GENERALE 

reur  Adolphe,  et  dans  sa  colere  il  lui  etoit  echapp^ 
uae  menace  de  les  punir  aussi  bien.que  de  les 
sou-mettre*  Ce  fnt  en  vain  que  les  trois  cantons 
travaillerent  a  regagner  sa  bienviellance  et  a  ob- 
tenir  la  confirmation  de  leurs  privileges  qu'ils  lui 
demanderent  par  des  deputations  reite'rees.  Pen 
dant  qu'il  renvoyoit  cet  acte  de  justice,  sous  les 
pr^textes  les  plus  fri voles,  il  traitoit  secretement 
avec  les  corps  ecclesiastiques  qui  possedoient  des 
droits  ou  des  terres  dans  ces  pays.  Le  college  de 
Minister  lui  remit  toutes  ses  pretensions  dans  le 
canton  d'Underwald,  et  1'abbaye  de  Wettingen  lui 
vendit  tons  les  services  qu'une  partie  des  habitans 
de  Schwitz  devoit  a  son  6glise.  La  prefecture  du 
val  d'Urseren,  dont  il  confera  en  meme  terns  le 
fief  a  son  fils,  le  rendoit  maitre  du  passage  des 
monts  et  de  tout  le  commerce  clu  canton  d'Uri. 
II  se  flattoit  encore  que  les  Suisses,  accoutum^s  i 
passer  souvent  sur  ses  terres,  puiseroient  dans  la 
conversation  de  ses  sujets  des  id6es  plus  favorables 
a  I'autorit6  souveraine. 

Tschudf  ^es  Pr°Jets  auroient  peut-^tre  reussi,  si  le  carac- 
tora.i.p.225.  tere  impatient  d'Albert  lui  cut  permis  d'en  attendre 
le  fruit.  Deja  persuade  que  tous  les  obstacles 
etoient  leves,  et  que  les  trois  cantons  £toient  dis- 
pos^s  ^  le  reconnoitre  pour  leur  souverain,  il  leur 
envoya  une  ambassade  compose"e  des  ministres  les 
plus  distingue's  de  sa  cour,  et  charge* e  de  recevoir 
leur  bommage  et  leurs  sermens.  Us  Etoient  instruits 
de  toutes  les  raisons  qu'ils  devoient  employer ;  les 
forces  de  la  maison  d'Autricbe,  la  foiblesse  de  rem- 
pire  Germanique,  tous  les  avantages  d'une  sou- 
mission 


S:.*DE  LA  REPUBLIQUE  DES  SUISSES.  255 

mission  volontaire,  et  les  droits  affreux  d'une  con- 
quete,  a  laquelle  ils  e"toient  hors  d'etat  de  s'oppo- 
ser.  Us  devoient  ajouter  que  les  droits  dont  Tem- 
pereur  avoit  fait  1'acquisitioii  embrassoient  dans 
leu.r  totalit^  lepays  entier,  etlui  devieudroient  plus 
incommodes  que  les  services  qu'uii  grand  roi  exige 
de  ses  vassatix.  On  entendit  lesmiiiistres  •impe'riaux 
dans  les  assemblies  gene"rales  de  chaquc  canton. 
La  reponse  qu'on  leur  fit,  fut  la  meme  partout,  et 
partout  unanime :  "  Que  les  Suisses  acccptoient 
avec  plaisir  1'amitie  de  la  maison  d'Autriche,  qu'ils 
reve>oient  la  majest6  imp6riale,  mais  qu'ils  n'6toient 
soumis  qu'a  1'empire,  dont  ils  avoient  tant  de  fois 
soutenu  la  gloire  et  les  interets.  Qu'il  ne  leur  6toit 
pas  permis  de  delibe'rer  sur  les  propositions  d' Albert. 
Qu'ils  en  appelloient  aux  constitutions  de  Tempire, 
aux  diplomesdeses  pr^d^cesseurs,  a  la  m^moire  de 
son  pere,  et  a  ses  propres  devoirs.  Qu'ils  ^toient 
pr^ts  a  rendre  aux  maisons  religieuses  tous  les  ser- 
.vices  auxquels  la  pi£t6  de  leurs  ayeux  les  avoit  as- 
sujettis,  mais  qu'ils  ne  permettroient  point  qu'ou 
vendit  la  libert£  des  hommes  et  ne  sacrifieroient 
jamais  celle  de  leur  posteriteY' 

Albeit  fut  vivement  irrite'  d'un  refus  aussi  na- 
turel,  mais  qu'il  n'attendoit  point :  cependant  la  v.msi£«et 
prudence  Tengagea  a  dissimuler  son  indignation. 
Les  Suisses  avoient  fait  valoir  le  titre  de  membres 
libres  de  Tempire,  titre  autrefois  m^prisable  a  leurs 
yenx,  mais  que  la  puissance  Autrichienne  leur  ren- 
doit  maintenant  tres  pr^cieux.  En  attaquant  un 
peuple  reconnu  libre  et  qui  invoquoit  ce  nom  sa- 
cre,  il  risquoit  d'alarmer  la  jalousie  de  toute  1'Alle- 

magne. 


256     INTRODUCTION  A  I/HlSTOIRE  GENERAt£ 

inagne.  Le  feu  de  la  discorde  couvoit  sous  sS 
cendre  et  le  sort  d'Adolphe  6toit  une  lecon  eifray^ 
ante  pour  son  successeur.  Sans  perdre  de  vue  ses 
desseins  sur  les  trois  cantons,  ce  prince  orgueilleux 
ne  d^daigna  point  de  substituer  Tart  a  la  force* 
Apres  avoir  vainement  essay 6  de  soumettre  les 
Suisses  a  ses  triburiaux  de  Lucerne  et  de  Zug,  et  de 
confondre  la  juridictiori  Autrichienne  avec  cellede 
Fempire,  il  leur  accorda  enfin  ce  que  leurs  instances 
1304.  r£it£rees  lui  demandoient  depuis  six  ans, — -des  gou* 
verneurs  qui  de*cidassent  leurs  causes  criminelles  au 
nom  de  Fempire,  II  leur  en  donna  effectivement, 
mais  qui  ne  ressembloient  que  par  le  nom  a  ceux 
que  ses  pred£cesseurs  leur  avoient  envoy  es.  Ceux- 
ci  e*toient  tir£s  de  la  premiere  noblesse  des  provin 
ces  voisines  et  ne  visitoient  jamais  le  pays  des 
Suisses  que  lorsqu'ils  y  £toient  appelles  pour  tenir 
leurs  assises  g£n6rales.  A  la  place  de  ces  ministres 
bienfaisans  de  la  paix  et  de  Fordre,  les  Suisses 
virent  arriver  avec  effroi  deux  satellites  du  tyran; 
gentilshommes  a  la  verite",  mais  encore  plus  dis 
posed,  par  cette  qualit£,  a  ^eraser  un  peuple  qu'ils 
me'prisoient.  Gesler,  Fun  de  ces  gouverneurs, 
avoit  le  d^partement  d'Uri  et  de  Schwitz.  Lan- 
denberg,  son  collegue,  devoit  contenir  le  canton 
d'Underwald.  Us  s'6tablirent  dans  les  plus  forts 
chateaux  du  pays  dont  la  maison  d'Autriche  avoit 
1304,  &a  fait  Facquisition,  travaillerent  a  r^tablir  leurs  forti 
fications,  et  les  assurerent  par  de  bonnes  garnisons 
de  troupes  merc^naires. 

On  voit  avec  surprise  que  les  Suisses  se  soient 
soumis,  sans  la  moindre  resistance,  a  un  joug  qui  ne 

leur 


DE  LA  REPUBLIQUE  DES  SUISSES.  257 

leur  laissoit  qu'un  vain  nom  de  liberte*  .  Mais  il  y  1304, 
a  des  occasions  ou  les  nations  semblent  oublier 
leuf  caractere.  L'autorit6  de  1'empire,  les  forces 
de  PAutriche,  et  la  hardiesse  .  adroite  avec  la- 
quelle  Albert  se  servoit  de  Tun  et  de  Pautre  £ton- 
nferent  leur  courage  et  ne  leur  laissferent  que  le 
sentiment  de  leur  misere. 


ct 
Les  premieres  demarches  des  gouverneurs  parois-  ^  V 

soient  dict^es  par  un  esprit  d'humanit£  et  de  c!6-  tom.i.p! 

mence;  niais  lorsqu'ils  virent  que  leurs  artifices  ne  231% 

captivoient  point  Pesprit  grossibrement  libre  de  ces 

montagnards,  ils  se  livrfcrent  avec  plaisir  a  leur  du- 

ret^  naturelle  et  aux  instructions  de  leurs  maitres. 

Un  despotisme  militaire  succ^da  aux  loix  donees 

ct  6gales  que  les  Suisses  avoient  recues  de  leurs  «n- 

C(&tres.     On  violoit  journellement  tons  leurs  anci- 

ens  privileges  ;  des  fautes  l£g£res  ou  suppos^es  6toi- 

ent  punies  par  des  amendes  excessives  et  arbi- 

traires  ;  les  ci  toy  ens,  arrach^s  du  sein  de  leurs  fa 

milies,  g£missoient  au  fond  des  cachots,  pendant 

que  leurs  compatriotes,  accabl£s  sous  le  poids  des 

impels  et  des  corv^es,  6toient  contraints  a  travailler 

aux  forteresses  qui  montroient  et  confirmoient  leur 

esclavage.      A  Poppression,  que   fe  peuple  peut 

quelquefois  pardonner,  les  ministres  de  la  tyrannic 

Autrichienne  ajouterent  encore  le  mdpris  qu'il  ne 

pardonne  jamais.     Sur  la  place  publique  d'Altorf, 

bourg  principal  du  canton  d'Uri,  Gesler  fit  dres 

ser  une  perche  sur  laquelle  on  posa  son  chapeau. 

II  pr^tendoit  que  tous  les  passans  rendissent  a  c^ 

chapeau  les  monies  honneurs  qu'ils  eussent  rendus 

a  la  personne  de  Pempereur  ou  k  celle  de  son  re* 

roL.  in.  $  pr6sentanl, 


£58     INTRODUCTION  A  I/HISTOIRE  GENERALE 

lap*,  &c.    pre'sentant.     Cette  ce*re*monie  humiliante  servoit  & 

la  fois  a  satisfaire  1'orgueil  ridicule  d'un  tyran  et  a 

de*couvrir  ces  ames  libres  qui  conservoient  encore 

les  sentimens  et  la  fiert6  de  leur  premier  e"tat. 

Tschuci.          On  s'attachoit  surtout  a  connoltre  ceux  dont  les 

234.* '  P*     conseils  avoiefit  detotirne"  leurs  coneitoyens  de  se 

soumettre  a  I'empereur,  et  qui  jouissoient  parrni  eux 

de  la  consideration  que  leurs  vertusavoient  me'rite'e. 

L'estime  publique  denonca  an  gouvemeur  d'Un- 

derwald,  Henri  de  Melchtal  pour  sa  premiere  vic- 

time.     Ce  paysan  respectable  cultivbit  en  paix  le 

champ  de  ses  peres,  lorsqu'un  ministre  de  Landen- 

berg  lui  d£clara  qu'il  venoit  enlever  les  boeufs  de 

sa  charrue,  comme  Famende  impos6e  a  une  faute 

qujavoit  commis  son  fils  ain6.      Get  officier  s'ac- 

quitta  de  sa  commission  avec  tout  1'orgueil  de  la 

servitude,    et   mena^a  les   paysans   de   leur   faire 

trainer  eux-memes  la  charrue.     Le  sage  vieillard 

soupira  et  se  tut ;  mais  son  fils,  excit6  par  1'ardeur 

aveugle  de  la  jeunesse,  r<6sista  a  1'officier  qui  alloit 

emmener  les  boeufs,  lui  cassa  le  doigt  d'un  coup  de 

bclton,  et  se  r^fugia  par  une  fuite  pr6cipit6  dans 

le  canton  d'Uri.     II  fut  assez  puni  en  laissant  son 

malheureux  pere  expos6  a  toute  la  cruaut6  de  Lan- 

denberg.     Le  gouverneur  le  fit  arreter  dans  le  vain 

espoir  de  d6couvrir  la  retraite  de  son  fils,  mais  en- 

ischudi,      fin  furieux  de  voir  qu'il  ne  pouvoit  lui  arracher 

vSi'1'/'      ce  secret?  ilconfisqua  son  bien  et  lui  fit  crever  les 

233!  *       yeux. 

L'honneur  des  femmes  tient  aux  sentimens  lea 
plus  d^licats  du  coeur  humain;  et  les  attentats 
qui  portent  le  trouble  et  Famei'turne  dans  le  sein  des 

families 


DE  LA  REPUBLIQUE  DES  SUISSES.  259 

families  ont  donn6  naissance  a  plus  d'une  re*  volu-  1304,  &c. 
tion.  Le  jeune  Wolfenscheisseii  de  Rotzberg,  sous 
les  ordres  de  Landenberg,  traversoit  le  pays  suivi 
seulement  de  deux  domestiques,  lorsqu'il  appercut 
la  femme  d'un  paysan  qui  travailloit  dans  un  pre". 
II  s'arre"ta  un  moment  pour  la  consideVer,  et  ne  vit 
point  sans  Emotion  une  beaut£  modeste,  embellie 
par  la  joie,  la  sant6,  et  la  pudeur.  II  commenca 
1'entretien  par  lui  demander  des  nouvelles  de  son 
mari.  Le  bon  Boumgarten  ne  travailloit  que  dans 
le  bois  voisin,  mais  son  Spouse  craintive,  qui  voyoit 
dans  le  baillif  un  ministre  de  vengeance  plut6t  que 
de  graces,  supposa  un  voyage  dont  elle  ignoroit, 
clisoit-elle,  et  1'objet  et  la  dur£e.  Charm£  d'une 
occasion  aussi  heureuse,  le  gouverneur  la  pria  de 
le  conduire  chez  elle  pour  lui  donner  quelque 
rafraicbissement  dont  il  avoit  besoin.  Ce  fut  la 
qu'il  lui  de"clara  les  desirs  qu'elle  lui  avoit  inspires, 
la  pressa  de  les  satisfaire,  la  felicita  de  se  voir 
associ£e  aux  plaisirs  de  son  maltre,  et  lui  laissa 
entrevoir  le  clanger  d'un  refus  imprudent.  Elle  le 
sentoit  elle-m£me,  et  son  effroi,  qui  avoit  cbang^ 
d'objet,  ^toit  Punique  sentiment  de  son  ame.  Elle 
^toit  seule,  elle  connoissoit  la  puissance  du  gouver 
neur,  elle  n'ignoroit  point  son  caractere,  et  se  crut 
enfin  perdue  lorsqu'il  lui  commanda  de  lui  pr^parer 
un  bain  et  d'y  entrer*  avec  lui.  L'art  est  natural 
aux  femmes;  beureuses  qui  ne  la  font  servir 
qu'aux  int^r^ts  de  la  vertu  !  Seigneur,  lui  r^pondit- 
elle,  en  baissant  les  yeux,  e"pargnez  la  pudeur 
d'une  femme  qui  vous  aime.  C'est  ma  premiere 
foiblesse — nous  ne  sommes  pas  seuls — vos  domes- 

5  2  tiques — 


260     INTRODUCTION  A  I/HISTOIRE  GENERALK 

1304,  &c.  tiques— — Je  vais  les  renvoyer,  lui  dit  le  gouverneur 
transport^.  Des  qu'elle  les  vit  partis  elle  ne  vou- 
loit  se  d6shabiller  que  dans  une  chambre  voisine  du 
bain.  Elle  obtint  sans  peine  cette  grace  d'un 
amant  qui  m6nageoit  une  pudeur  dont  il  alloit 
triompher.  Elle  en  profita  pour  s'6chapper  de  la 
maison  et  pour  courir  du  c6t6  du  bois,  lorsqu'elle 
vit  son  mari  qui  quittoit  son  travail  pour  revenir  a 
la  maison.  Le  d£sordre  de  sa  femme,  ses  soupirs, 
et  ses  mots  entrecoup^s,  lui  apprirent  le  danger 
auquet  elle  s'£toit  d6robe\  Dieu  soit  b6ni,  lui 
dit-il,  ma  chere  Spouse  !  aujourdhui  il  t'a  conserv£ 
Thonneur  et  a  moi  le  repos.  L'insolent— mais  la 
vengeance  est  juste  et  je  cours  Fachever.  II  trouve 
le  gouverneur  deja  au  bain,  nud  et  sans  armes,  et 
lui  fend  la  tete  d'un  coup  de  sa  hache.  Le  canton 
d'Uri  devint  son  asyle  et  le  cacha  aux  yeux  de  ses 
ennemis.  Le  gouverneur  de  Landenberg  voulut 
persuader  aux  autres  seigneurs  de  Wolfenscheissen 
de  poursuivrele  meurtrier  de  leurfrere,  mais  ils  lui 
rdpondirent  que  leur  frere  avoit  m6rit6  son  sort,  et 
le  courroux  d'un  mari  irrite,  condamn^  par  les  loix, 
fut  justifi^  par  les  sentimens  d'un  peuple  vertueux. 
La  mort  de  Wolfenscheissen  avoit  d6Hvr£  le  pays 

232.  -  d'un  tyran ;  mais  il  g6missoit  toujours  sous  le  poids 
de  la  tyrannic.  Les  trois  cantons  prirent  enfin  la 
resolution  de  faire  uri  dernier  effort  aupres  de 
l'empereur.  Leurs  d6put6s  6toient  charges  de  repre"- 

1307  .  senter  1'exc^s  de  leur  maux,  et  de  supplier  Albert 
de  rappeller  ses  ministres,  et  de  ne  plus  mettre  sa 
gloire  a  opprimer  un  peuple  qui  le  respectoit  tou 
jours.  Ce  prince  orgueilleux  ne  daigna  point  les 

voir ; 


D£  LA  REPUBLIQUE  DES  SUISSES. 

voir;  mais  il  les  renvoya  a  son  conseil  dont  le  13o; 
tondur  et  inflexible  n'annoncoit  que  trop  clairement 
les  dispositions  de  leur  maitre.  On  leur  dit  sans 
detour,  que  pour  m6riter  les  bienfaits  de  1'em- 
pereur  il  falloit  reconnoitre  son  autorite",  mais  qu'ils 
6prouveroient  son  indignation,  aussi  longtems  qu'ils 
oseroient  reclamer  leur  liberte*  pretendue. 

Le  retour  des  deputes  r£pandit  le  desespoir  dans 
tout  le  pays ;  mais  le  de"  sespoir  d'un  peuple  guerrier 
est  voisin  de  la  fureur.  On  entendoit  partout  les 
cris  d'une  indignation  qu'on  ne  daignoit  plus  dissi- 
muler.  "  Pourquoi  fl6chir  plus  longtems  sous  le 
joug  d'un  maitre  dont  1'orgueil  s'accroit  avec  notre 
lache  patience  ?  On  viole  nos  privileges ;  on  nous 
de"pouille  de  nos  biens,  mais  il  nous  reste  clesarmes; 
nous  sommes  libres  des  que  nous  voulons  Fetre." 
Les  malheurs  de  la  patrie  faisoient  Fentretien  de 
tous  les  bons  citoyens.  Us  pleuroient  ces  malheurs, 
mais  ils  craignoient  la  puissance  Autrichienne. 
Tous  les  esprits  etoient  disposes  a  la  re* volte,  mais 
il  leur  manquoit  encore  un  esprit  sup6rieur  qui 
donnat  le  mouvement  a  cette  grande  entreprise. 

Werner  de  Stauffacher  sortoit  d'une  des  premieres  Leu,  r>io 
families  du  pays  de  Schwitz,  qui  respectoit  encore 
la  m^moire  de  son  pere,  a  qui  la  communaute 
devoit  un  traite  avantageux  conclu  par  ses  soins 
avec  la  ville  de  Zurich.  Son  fils  avoit  h^rit^  de 
lui  une  fortune  assez  considerable,  1'estime  publique, 
et  1'amour  de  la  patrie.  Ce  sentiment  6tpit  devenu 
triste  et  amere  pour  un  citoyen  qui  ne  pouvoit  lui 
donner  que  des  regrets  impuissans.  Un  jour,  assis 
devant  §a  maison,  il  vjt  passer  le  Gouyerneur  Gesler 

s  3  qui 


INTRODUCTION  A  I/HrSTOIRE  GENERALE 

i3or.  qui  s'arr&ta  pour  lui  demander  d'un  ton  fier  le  nom 
^u  pr°prietan'e-  Une  reponse  pleine  de  respect  et 
de  sagesse  ne  lui  fournit  point  le  pr6texte  qu'il 
cherchoit  pour  perdre  un  homme  vertueux  qu'il 
d^testoit:  mais  il  s'empoita  vivement  contre  lui. 
et  lui  dit  que  1'empereur  ou  son  representant  6toit 
I'lmique  proprietaire  du  pays,  et  qu'on  sauroit  bien 
reduire  1'orgueii  et  1'opulence  de  ces  paysans  qui 
se  pr6tendoient  nobles. 

Ces  discours  remplirent  le  coeur  de  Werner  de 
honte  et  d'indignation.  II  versa  ses  chagrins  dans 
le  sein  de  son  Spouse,  dont  il  connoissoit  la  ten- 
dresse,  la  prudence  et  le  courage.  II  n'h^sita  point 
a  lui  communiquer  le  dessein  qu'il  avqit  concu  de 
sonder  les  esprits,  et  d'eprouver  si  la  Iibert6  n'avoit 
pas  encore  des  ressources  dans  les  coeurs  des  Suisses. 
"  Oui,  cher  £poux,"  lui  r^poridit  cette  femme  vertu- 
euse,  "  tes  jours  me  sont  chers,  ta  gloire  ine  Test 
davantage.  Un  vrai  citoyen  ne  doit  jamais  sur- 
vivre  a  sa  patrie :  venge-la,  ou  p6ris  avec  elle.  Nos 
tyrans  ont  des  ennemis  partoat  ou  il  existe  de  la 
vertu.  Tu  trouverez  parmi  eux  des  amis  dignes 
d'etre  associ^s  a  tes  desseins  g6n6reux.  Vous 
aurez  pour  vous  le  temoignage  de  la  conscience, 
1'approbation  de  FEtre  Supreme,  les  voeux  de  tous 
les  gens  de  bien,  et  la  reconnoissance  de  la  post^rite*." 
Elle  le  conseilla  ensuite  de  concerter  ses  mesures 
avec  ses  amis  d'Uri.  II  suivit  son  conseil,  et  fit 
bient6t  apres  ce  voyage  sans  exciter  la  defiance 
de  ses  mattres. 

II  examina  d'un  oeil  attentif  les  dispositions  de 
ce  pays,  et  vit  sans  peine  que  le  nom  Autrichien 

y 


D£  LA  REPUBLIQUE  DES  SUISSE8. 

y  £toit  en  horreur.  II  entendit  le  Baron  d'Atting- 
hausen,  premier  magistrat  du  canton,  qui  se  plaig- 
noit  de  1'insolence  de  Gesler;  il  fut  t6mom  de  Fin- 
dignation  de  son  propre  n£veu  le  seigneur  de 
Rudentz.  II  craignoit  cependant  de  leur  com- 
muniquer  des  projets  aussi  dangereux  que  les  siens. 
II  ne  s'en  ouvrit  qu'a  son  ancien  ami  Walter  Furst, 
qui  justifia  sa  confiance,  et  lui  proposa  d'y  associer 
le  jeune  Arnold  de  Melchtal,  ennemi  jur6  de  leurs 
tyrans,  et  dont  le  credit  leur  seroit  utile  pour  attirer 
dans  leur  parti  le  canton  d'Underwald.  Ces  trois 
homines  s'engag&rent  par  un  serment  assez  inutile, 
a  tout  souffrir  et  a  tout  entreprendre  pour  briser 
leurs  fers,  mais  a  s'acquitter  toujours  des  devoirs 
que  la  justice  exigeoit  d'eux. 

Les  trois  conjures  se  s£par&rent  apres  avoir  fonn.6 
ces  liens.  Chacun  d'eux  se  rendit  dans  son  pays 
pour  y  jetter  les  fondemens  de  leur  alliance.  Le 
noble  et  le  roturier,  unis  par  leurs  malheurs  com- 
muns,  g£missoientsouslem£mejouget  led^testoient 
egalement;  mais  il  falloit  une  prudence  extreme 
pour  distinguer  parmi  ces  m^contens  le  petit  nom- 
bre  de  ceux  dont  la  fld&ite'  et  le'courage  les  ren- 
doient  dignes  de  cette  confiance.  II  les  amenfcrent 
sans  bruit  an  rendez-vous  g^n^ral  qu'ils  avoient 
choisi  a  Rutlin,  lieu  ^cart^  sur  les  bords  du  lac,  et 
tres  propre  a  tromper  la  vigilance  de  leurs  ennemis. 
La  on  leur  d^couvrit  ce  secret  important,  d£pot 
sacr^  de  la  vie  de  leurs  amis  et  Fesp£rance  future 
de  la  Suisse.  Us  se  devouerent  par  les  memes  ser- 
inens  aux  principes  g6n6reux  de  leur  Talliance,  et  a 
leur  retour  ils  travaiil£rent  avec  la  meme  precaution 

s  4  a 


264    INTRODUCTION  A  I/HISTOIRE 

i3or.     a  les  re'pandre.     Leur  nombre  croissoit  a  chaque 
assemblee ;  et  cette  socie*  te,  unie  par  les  nceuds  de  la 
vertu  et  de  Famitie,  devenoit  tous  les'  jours  plus 
redoutable.*      Us  sentirent  enfin  que  leurs  forces 
e*toient  suffisantes  et  qu'il  ne  s'agissoit  plus  que  de 
Tschudi,      les  employer.     Us  s'assemblerent  pour  la  derniere. 
tNovem-37'  fois  au  nombre  de    112    citoyens   pour    fixer   le 
bre-  moment  de  leur  entreprise  et  pour  en  choisir  les 

moyens.  Les  uns  vouloient  prendre  les  armes  sur 
le  champ,  et  comrnen^oient  deja  a  rougir  de  leur 
patience,  mais  cette  impetuosit6  ceda  aux  sages 
conseils  de  leurs  chefs,  dont  le  courage  plus  rare  et 
plus  tranquille  voyoit  sans  s'etonner  toute  Tetendue 
du  danger.  Us  representerent  a  1'assemblee  qu'une 
telle  entreprise  n'avoit  qu'un  instant,  et  que  cet 
instant  pr6cieux  devoit  embraser  le  pays  entier 
d'un  m^me  feu ;  qu'il  falloit  surtout  enlever  aux 
tyrans  ces  asyles  odieux  qu'ils  avoient  fortifies  avec 
tant  de  soins,  mais  qu'au  lieu  d'un  siege  dangereux 
et  incertain,  Ton  devoit  profiter  des  premiers 

*  Us  se  donnoient  le  nom  d'Eidgenossen,  qui  signifie  allies  par 
serment;  terme  dont  on  s'est  ensuite  servi  pour  designer  la  nation 
entiere.  Uon  doit  efFectivement  regarder  cette  conjuration  comme 
le  germe  de  la  confederation  Helvetique.  Les  ecrivains  etrangers 
ont  reproch6  aux  Suissesla  bassesse  de  leurs  premiers  conjures, 
qui  n'etoient,  disent-ils,  que  des  paysans  obscurs.  Le  reproche  est 
&  la  fois  ridicule  et  injuste.  Un  assez  grand  nombre  de  noblesse 
cut  1'honneur  d'etre  admis  parmi  ces  hommes  respectables,  les 
Guilliman.  Barons  d'Attinghausen,  d'Utzingen  et  de  Schwintzberg.  les  Seig- 

do  Reb.       -neurs  de  Rudentz,  d'Iberg,  de  StaufFacher,  et  plusieurs  autres  dont 
Helvet.l.iii.    ,     ,  '        T     :  i  n 

c  i6t  le  lecteur  me  dispensera  de  rapporter  les  noms  barbares.     II  ne 

me  pardonneroit  point  si  j'oubliois  le  bon  Boumgarten,  qui  fut 
associe  aux  premiers  conjures. 

momens 


BE  LA  REPUBLIQUE  DES  SUISSES.  $65 

momens  de  la  surprise  pour  s'en  rendre  maitre's. 
Us  conseillerent  surtout  a  leurs  amis  d'Underwald 
<]e  songer  aux  moyens  les.plus  propres  pour  y 
re"ussir;*  et  pour  leur  en  dormer  le  terns  ils  convin- 
rent  de  renvoyer  1'entreprise  an  premier  jour  de 
Tan;  et  pendant  Fintervalle,  de  n'opposer  aux  in 
justices  de  leurs  maitres  que  le  respect  et  lasoumis- 
sion.  Get  intervalje  etoit  encore  de  deux  mois, 
mais  jls  ne  craignirent  point  de  confier  a  la  discre 
tion  de  plus  de  cent  personnes  le  poids  importun 
d'un  secret  aussi  dangereux. 

Un  seul  des  conjures  risqua,  dit-on,  par  son  or- 
gueil  le  salut  de  tons  ses  compagnons ;  mais  son 
imprudence,  soutenue  par  la  hardiesse  et  couronne"e 
par  le  succes,  est  de  venue  la  source  de  sa  gloire,  et 
par  une  injustice  assez  bisarre,  le  nom  de  Guillaume 
Tell  a  obscurci  les  noms  des  vrais  fondateurs  de  la 
Iibert6  Helvetique.  Je  ne  rappellerai  point  toutes 
les  circonstances  d'une  aventure  aussi  singuliere 
qu'elle  me  paroit  douteuse.  Personne  n'ignore 
que  par  la  crijaute  du  gouverneur  Autrichien,  Tell 
fut  expose"  a  une  epreuve  terrible  pour  Tamour  pa- 
ternel,  que  son  adresse  Ten  tiva  heureusement,  mais 
qu'une  r6ponse  intrepide  plutot  que  sage  le  rejetta 
dans  de  nouveaux  clangers.  L'on  sait  assez  que  le 
baillif  le  conduisoit  au  chateau  de  Kusnacht,  lors- 
qu'un  orage,  qui  s'^leva  sur  le  lac,  Tobligea  a  lui 
confier  le  gouvernail  du  bateau.  Le  bonheur  de 
Tell,  sa  fuite,  et  sa  vengeance  sont  assez  celebres. 
]\lais  notre  siecle,  qui  substitute  un  doute  ^claire  a 

*  Les  deux  chateaux  de  Sarnen^et  de  Rotzberg  etoient  situes 
dans  leur  terriloire. 

la 


%66      INTRODUCTION  A  I/HISTOIRE  GENERALE 

• 

la  credulit^  cle  nos  ancetres,  semble  reprouver  uiie 
fable  qui  n'a  pas  meme  le  merite  de  1'invention  ;  et 
ne  voit  dans  Guillaume  Tell  que  limitation  assez 
grossiere  d'un  heios  Danois  aussi  fabuleux  peut- 
£tre  que  lui.  Quoiqu'il  en  soit,  1'aventure  de  ce 
citoyen  n'a  point  influ6  sur  la  revolution  generale. 
Tous  les  conjures  attendirent  dans  le  silence  le 
commencement  d'une  annee  qui  devoit  servir  de 
signal  a  leur  entreprise  et  d'epoque  a  la  liberte"  des 
Suisses. 
1308.  Enfm  ce  jour  arriva  ;  tous  les  associes,  fideles  a 

1  Janvier.  ' 


.  . 

leurs  sermens,  pnrent  les  armes  a  la  fois  dans  les 
,  240.  trois  cantons.     Us  trouverent  partout  des  ennemis 
endormis  par  le  luxe  et  par  I'orgueil;  et  qui  ne 
Heiveti.iii.  s'attendoient  point  a  des  efforts  aussi  hardis  d'une 

c.  16, 

simierde     troupe  cle  pavsans  qu'ils  osoient  mepriser.      Les 

Kepub.Hel-    ,  r  1       T>    4-   1  J       C 

vet.  i.i.  deux  forteresses  de  Kotzberg  et  de  oarnen,  qui 
contenoient  le  pays  d'Undcrwald,  furent  surprises 
sans-  &ffiwS&  La  premiere  fut  trabie  par  1'amour. 

mots          Une  fille  du  cbateau  avoit  donne  rendez-vous  a  son 

Schwitz,  .  . 

Un,  Under-  amant  pour  la  nuit  du  premier  de  Janvier,  mais  cet 
nen,  Rotz".  amant  etoit  1'un  des  conjures.  II  monta  sans  bruit 
berg,&c.  ^  ja  faveur  fYune  corde  qu'elle  lui  tendit  de  la 
fenetre.  Vingt  de  ses  compagnons  se  servirent  du 
meme  moyen  pour  le  suivre,  se  repandirent  dans  la 
forteresse  sans  perdre  un  instant,  desarmerent  la 
garnison,  et  se  saisirent  de  la  personne  du  baillif. 
Us  donnerent  aussit6t  avis  de  leur  succes  a  leurs 
amis  qui  les  imiterent  a  Sarnen,  cbateau  plus 
considerable  encore  par  la  force  de  la  garnison  et  par 
la  residence  du  gouverneur  principal.  Trente  con 

jures 


;  •     DE  LA  REPUBLIQUE  DES  SUISSES.  267 

j  lire's  se  posterent  dans  un  petit  bois  aupres  de  Sar-  isog. 
nen,  pendant  que  vingt  autres  saisirent  le  moment 
ou  le  baillif,  snivi  d'une  garde  nombreuse,  £toit 
sorti  pour  aller  a  F^glise.  Us  se  presentment  a  la 
porte  du  chateau  charges  de  ces  pr£sens  rustiques 
que  la  tyrannic  des  Autrichiens  exigeoit  au  pre 
mier  jour  de  1'an.  Les  sentinelles  leur  permirent 
de  passer  sans  la  moindre  defiance;  mais  jetter  leurs 
fardeaux,  armer  leurs  gros  batons  des  pointes  de  fer 
qu'ils  tiroient  de  leur  sein,  attaquer  la  garde  avec 
fureur,  et  sonner  du  cor  pour  appeller  leurs  com- 
pagnons,  ne  fut  pour  ces  braves  paysans  que  1'ou- 
vrage  d'un  moment.  Leurs  compagnons  accouru- 
rent  au  signal,  et  la  forteresse  fut  prise.  Le  gou- 
verneur  se  sauva  du  cot6  de  Lucerne  le  long  de  la 
montagne  et  au  milieu  des  neiges.  Sa  fuite  fut 
appercue  des  Suisses  sans  en  £tre  inquire.  Le 
soulevement  des  citoyens  d'Uri  et  de  Schwitz  ne  * 
fut  pas  moins  heureux.  Us  s'emparerent  sans  peine 
des  forts  qui  s'^levoient  dans  leur  pays,  et  sur  le 
champ  ils  raserent  avec  transport  ces  monumens 
odieux  de  leur  servitude.  La  moderation  fait 
rarement  entendre  sa  voix  dans  les  fureurs  d'une 
revolution  populaire;  mais  les  Suisses  s'^toient 
-promis  de  respecter  les  personnes  de  leurs  tyrans, 
dans  1'instant  m^me  qu'ils  puniroient  leur  tyrannic. 
On  se  contenta  de  les  renvoyer  avec  les  domes- 
tiques  et  les  soldats  qui  les  avoient  accompagn£s ; 
et  pour  de"montrer  qu'une  justice  desinteress6e  e"toit 
le  principe  de  la  conjuration,  ils  ne  toucherent 
point  a  leurs  tr^sors  depouilies  du  pays  et  fruit  de 

1'oppression. 


Tier. 


268      INTRODUCTION  A  I/HISTOIRE  GENERALE 

1308,     1'oppression.     Quelques  auteurs  out  ajoute"  qu'ils 
exigerent  d'eux  le  serment  de  ne  jamais  rentrer  sur 
les  terres  des  Suisses,  mais  ce  serment  supposoit 
une  estime  qu'ils  avoient  assez  pen  m6ritee.     Peu 
8me  jan-     de  jours  apres  la  revolution  les  trois  cantons  s'en-^ 
voyerent  des  deputes  pour  se  f61iciter  mutuelle- 
ment,  et  pour  jurer  une  alliance  de  dix  ans.     La 
conjuration  devintun  traite*  solemnel,  mais  les  con 
ditions  en  etoient  toujours  les  m£mes. 
Avrii.         Un  prince  du  caractere  d' Albert  dut  £tre  vive- 

Tschudi,  . .    .      .,  .  •     i  i  /       i 

torn.  i.  ment  irnte  d  une  revolte  qui  blessoit  egalement 
duran.p.i5.  s°n  orgucil  et  son  ambition.  II  se  consoloit  cepen- 
dant  par  I'id6e  d'une  vengeance  terrible ;  et  cette 
vengeance  lui  6toit  trop  chere  pour  la  confier  a  des 
mains  e"trangeres.  II  se  rendit  lui-meme  a  Bade, 
ville  principale  de  ses  etats  Helv^tiques.  La  dans 
une  assembled  tres  nombreuse  de  sa  noblesse  ii 
exagera  le  crime  des  paysans  qui  avoient  indigne- 
ment  chassis  les  officiers  de  leur  prince,  la  n6ces- 
sit6  de  chatier  leur  audace,  et  les  secours  qu'il  at- 
tendoit  de  la  fid61it6  de  ses  vassaux.  II  leur  or- 
donna  a  tous  de  rassembler  leurs  troupes  et  de  le 
suivre  dans  une  expedition  qui  int^ressoit  les  droits 
de  tous  les  seigneurs.  Les  Suisses  virent  avec  in 
quietude  mais  sans  efrroi  Torage  qui  se  formoit  con- 
tre  eux  dans  toute  1'etendue  des  pays  Autrichiens ; 
ils  exercerent  leur  jeunesse  aux  armes,  fortifierent 
par  de  bonnes  lignes  les  endroits  les  plus  exposes 
de  leur  frontiere,  et  se  pr^parerent  a  vivre  ou  a 
mourir  libres.  Un  eVe*nemeut  impr^vu  sauva  leur 
r^publique  naissante  de  la  destruction  qui  la  mena- 
coit.  L'empereur  fut  assassine"  par  son  neveu  Jean, 

due 


DE  LA  REPUBLIQUE  DES  SUISSES.  269 

due  de  Suabe,  dans  le  terns  qu'il  alloit  porter  le  fer  isofr, 
et  le  feu  sur  les  terres  des  Suisses.  Injuste  envers 
les  siens  comme  envers  les  Strangers,  Albert  rete- 
noit  depuis  longtems  l'h£ritage  de  son  neveu  sous 
le  nom  de  tutelle,  et  lui  refusoit  toujours,  avec  un 
me"pris  plus,  dur  que  le  refus,  la  restitution  cl'un 
bien  qu'il  6toit  encore  trop  foible  pour  gouverner* 
La  conduite  du  jeune  prince  justifia  ce  me"pris 
d'une  maniere  fatale  a  tous  les  deux.  II  se  livra 
aux  conseils  pernicieux  et  int£ress£s  de  quelques 
favoris;  il  saisit  le  moment  ou  1'empereur,  qui  avoit 
passe*  la  Reuss,  se  trouvoit  se'pare'  de  son  arme'e,  et 
le  fit  poignarder  dans  le  champ  de  Konigsfeld. 
Telle  fut  la  fin  malheureuse  d'Albert  I.  dont  1'am- 
bition  avoit  inqui6t6  1'empire  pendant  plus  de 
dix  ans. 

Ses  projets  peiirent  avec  lui.  La  famille  impe"- 
Hale,  qui  £toit  rassemble'e  aupres  de  son  chef,  le  vit 
massacrer  sous  ses  yeux  sans  pouvoir  le  secourir. 
Dans  les  premiers  momens  de  consternation  et  de 
defiance  qui  suivirent  un  pareii  attentat,  elle  ne 
songea  qu'a  conserver  ses  amis  et  qu'a  manager  ses 
ennemis.  L'lmp^ratrice  Elizabeth  fit  partir  un 
ministre  pour  assurer  les  trois  cantons  de  sa  bien- 
veillance,  et  pour  les  prier  de  se  joindre  a  la  maison 
d'Autriclie  pour  punir  les  assassins  du  premier  des 
souverains.  La  re"ponse  des  Suisses  fut  celle  d'un 
peuple  qui  connoissoit  a  la  fois  ses  inte>£ts  et  ceux 
de  la  justice :  "  Qu'ils  etoient  bien  e"loign6s  d'ap- 
•  prouver  le  crime  du  Due  de  Suabe,  qu'ils  plai- 
gnoient  le  triste  sort  de  1'empereur,  et  qu'ils  le  plai- 
gnoient  surtout  de  1'avoir  m^rit6:  mais  que  ce 

n'^toit 


$70      INTRODUCTION  A  L  &ISTQZES 


J508. 


Joan.  Vito- 
dur.  p.  17. 


Leu,  Dic- 

tionnaire 

aux  Mots 
Add  et 
Asms. 


n'etoit  point  a  eux  a  venger  la  mort  d'un  prince 
qu'ils  n'avoient  jamais  connu  que  par  ses  injus 
tices."  Us  dissiperent  cependant  les  soupcons 
auxquels  cette  reponse  donnoit  lieu,  en  rejettant 
avec  me'pris  toutes  les  propositions  avantageuses 
que  leur  faisoit  le  Due  Jean.  On  se  contenta  de 
lui  faire  dire  qu'une  re*publique  libre  ne  seroit  ja 
mais  1'asyle  des  meurtriers.  Ce  prince,  malheu- 
reux  autant  que  coupable,  qui  n'avoit  de  hardiesse 
que  pour  le  crime,  se  trouva  seul,  sans  appui,  sans 
ressource,  abandonn^  a  lui-m£me  et  a  ses  remords. 
II  se  retira  en  Italic  et  finit  ses  tristes  jours  dans 
le  fond  d'un  cloitre. 

La  mort  d' Albert  fut  venge'e  par  sa  veuve  et  par 
ses  enfans  avec  une  cruaute  qui  eftraya  meme  ce 
siecle  barbare.  Ils  imputerent  a  toute  la  noblesse 
Helve'tique  le  crime  d'un  tres  petit  nombre;  et 
firent  e"galement  pe"rir  dans  les  supplices,  les  cou- 
pables  et  les  innocens.  Quarante-cinq  gentils- 
hommes  furent  exe'cute's  dans  le  chateau  d'Alburen 
par  Fordre  du  Due  Leopold.  Soixante-trois  autres, 
pris  dans  la  forteresse  de  Arwangen,  furent  d£ca- 
pit6s  malgre"  la  foi  des  capitulations ;  et  la  Heine 
Agnes,  fille  de  1'empereur,  temoigna  une  joie  af- 
freuse  a  voir  couler  sous  ses  yeux  le  sang  le  plus 
pur  de  la  Suisse.  Cette  princesse  acquit  dans  la 
suite  une  haute  reputation  de  saintete  pour  avoir 
fonde  1'abbaye  de  Konigsfeld.  L'ambition  ap- 
prouvoit  ces  horreurs  dont  les  sentimens  meme 
de  la  nature  ne  justifioient  pas  1'exces.  Tant  de 
chateaux  rose's  partout  la^.  Suisse  confirmoient  la 
puissance  de  la  maison  tVAutriche,  pendant  que  les 

terres 


DE  LA  REPUBLIQUE  DES  SUISSES. 

terres  de  leurs  anciens  proprie'taires  augmentoient 
son  domaine.  Les  Suisses,  a  qui  leurs  ennemis 
out  toujours  reproche  la  destruction  de  la  noblesse 
Helv^tique,  savent  repondre  que  toutes  leurs 
guerres  lui  ont  et6  moins  funestes  que  la  ven 
geance  sanguinaire  des  enfans  d' Albert. 

Henri,  comte  de  Luxembourg,  fut  elu  Empe- 
reur  apres  la  mort  d' Albert.  Les  auteurs  contem- 
porains  attribuent  ce  choix  aux  intrigues  du  Pape 
Clement  V.  qui  craignoit  de  voir  passer  la  cou- 
ronne  imperiale  dans  la  maison  de  France.  Ce 
pontife  connoissoit  mal  les  homines;  cet  empereur 
qu'il  avoit  fait,  ne  travailla  qu'a  retablir  les  anciens 
droits  de  1'empire  sur  Rome  et  1'Italie. 

Les  Suisses  se  haterent  de  feliciter  leur  nouveau 
souverain.     Us  lui  envoyerent  unc  deputation  so- 
lemnelle  pour  exposer  leurs  droits,  justifier  leur 
conduite,  et  implorer  sa  justice  et  sa  protection. 
Henri  VII.  les  e"couta  avec  bont6  et  leur  accorda     1309. 
par  un  diplome  semblable  a  celui  de  Frederic  II.  Tschudi, 
la  confirmation  de  tous  leurs  privileges.     Cepen-  ^4^  &c. 
dant  la  prudence  lui  dictoit  de  grands  me"nagemens 
pour  les  dues  d'Autriche,  dont  la  puissance  orgueil- 
leuse  bravoit  son  maitre  etmenacoit  1'empire  d'une 
guerre  civile.     Dans  une  dispute  qui  survint  a  Stniy  Cor 
1'occasioii  de  leur  investiture  ils  oserent  rappeller  Hist.  Germ. 
a  1 'empereur  que  1'Autriche  avoit  deja  cout6  la  P 
vie  a  six  rois.     Henri  se  rendit  a  cette  menace,  et 
conclut  un  trait£  avec  le  Due  Leopold  qui  le  suivit 
en  Italic  a  la  t£te  de  deux  cens  chevaux.     Trois 
cens  Suisses  furent  aussi  de  Fexp^dition  Romaine 
qui  procura  a  leur  r6publique  naissante  un  calme 

precieui 


INTRODUCTION  A  I/HISTOIRE  GENERALE 

pr^cieux  de  cinq  ans.  Ce  calme  resserra  les  nceuds 
de  leur  union,  les  accoutuma  a  jouir  de  la  liberte\, 
leur  en  fit  sentir  le  prix,  et  les  disposa  a  tout  risquef 
pour  la  conserver. 

La  mort  de  Henri  VII.  empoisonne,  dit-on, 
en  Italic,  fut  suivie  d'une  guerre  civile.  Louis, 
due  de  Baviere,  et  Frederic  le  beau,  due  d'Au- 
triche,  clisputerent  par  les  armes  la  couronne  imp6- 
riale  qu'ils  prdtendoient  avoir  obtenue  par  les  suf 
frages  des  £lecteurs.  L'Allemagne  fut  divis£e  et 
d£chir£e  par  ces  deux  princes ;  les  succes  se  balan- 
coient,  et  leur  foiblesse  respective,  qui  lesempe'choit 
de  faire  des  efforts  decisifs,  sembloit  6terniser  les 
malheurs  de  1'empire.*  Leopold,  frere  de  Frederic 
Vit°"  d'Autriche,  &oit  le  plus  fort  appui  de  son  parti, 
chronic,  in  Un  corps  petit  et  mal  fait,  qu'il  ne  relevoit  point 

Thesaur.  i  i      •  A  n  •          /     •  i 

P.  is.  Par  la  parure,  cachoit  une  ame  cruelle  et  mtrepide. 
II  avoit  acquis  le  nom  d'un  guerrier  distingu^ ;  il 
justifia  sa  reputation  en  traversant  FAllemagne  a 
la  t^te  de  20,000  homines  pour  fair  reconnoitre  1'au- 
torit6  de  Frederic.  Louis  de  Baviere  n'avoit  pas 
os6  tenir  la  campagne  contre  lui,  et  il  vit  bruler 
i3i5.  sous  ses  yeux,  Landsberg  et  plusieurs  autres  villes 

*  M.  de  Voltaire  nous  a  trace  d'un  pinceau   leger  le  tableau 

de  Thistoire  generale  de  TEurope.     Le  coloris  en  est  toujours 

brillant,  mais  le  dessein  est  souvent  tres  incorrect.     Ce  Leopold, 

dit-il,  est  le  meme  cjui  viola  si  lachement  le  droit  de  Thospitalite 

Oeuvres  de    dans  la  personne  de  Richard  Cceur  de  Lion.     Dois-je  m'arreler  k 

tomlxH6'       Prouver  qu'un  due  d'Autriche  qui  regnoit  en  1193  ne  fut  point 

p.  67.  battu  a  Morgarten  en  1315,  cent  vingt-deux  ans  apres  ?  L'imagina- 

tion  de  M.  de  Voltaire  1'a  emporte.    Nous  serions  pourtant  fachcs 

.qu'il  en  eut  moins. 

d« 


DE  LA  REPUBLIQUE  DES  SUISSES.  273 

de  ses  pays  he're'ditaires.     Leopold  alloit  peut-etre     isid. 
triompher  du  rival  de  sa  maison,  lorsqu'un  courroux 
indiscretlui  fit  tourner  ses  armes  centre  les  Suisses, 
qui  avoient  assez    naturellement  embrass6  le  parti 
des  ennemis  de  l'Autriche. 

Les  moines  de  1'abbaye  d'Einsidlen*  e"toient  les  Tscimdi, 
anciens  ennemis  du  canton  de   Schwitz,   et  leur  t206™;1'p' 
nouvelle  liaison  avec  les  princes  Autrichiens  qui  £i*JS£. 
les  avoient   pris  sous  leur   protection,  les  rendoit  'og.de  Sui. 

1  •  .  .  tensions,  p. 

plus  iinplacables  que  jamais.  Ces  religieux,  qui  3.  in  The- 
iie  Fe'toient  que  de  nom,  insultoient  tons  les  Suisses 
qui  passoient  sur  leurs  terres,  les  battoient,  et  les 
d^pouilloient.  Ces  bonnes  gens  soufTrirent  long- 
terns  sans  se  plaindre,  se  plaignirent  enfin,  n'obtin- 
rent  point  la  justice  qu'ils  demandoient,  et  re'solu- 


lices  de  la 

*  Cette  abbaye,  riche  plutot  que  puissante,  subsista  avec  eclat  Suisse,  torn. 
xlepuis  huit  siecles.     Le  contraste   cle  ses^batimens  magnifiques  Histoire  de 

avec  le  pays  affrcux  qui  les  entoure  fait  naitre  1'idee  des  palais  la  Reforma. 

,        ,  v  -Tit/  tion  de  la 

cnchantes  qui  paroissoient    tout  a  coup  au  milieu  des  deserts.  §u5sse  paj. 

La  magie  d'Einsidlen  est  celle  de  la  superstition  qui  lui  attire  en-  Ruchat. 
core  de  toutes  les  provinces  voisines  une  foule  de  pelerins  et  d'of-  jo^i'  ^'3 
frandes.     Ce  que  Valentin  Compar,    secretaire  d'etat  du  canton  402. 
d'Uri,  ecrivit  au  Reformateur  Zuingle,  peut  nous  donner  quelque  R^fo^ 
idee  de  ses  richesses  ;  richesses  qu'elle  avoit  rassemblees  dans  le  tion  de  la 
pays  le  plus  pauvre  de  TEurope.     Je  connois  (dit  il)  une  abbaye  fUISSJ'9g0ra' 
(Einsidlen)  k  laquelle  on  a  donne  plus  d'un  million  d'or  ;  et  qui  7,000,000 
possede  tant  de  bijoux  et  de  choses  precieuses  qu'il  n'y  a  point  de  Jj^^j 
prince  qui  put  en  payer  la  dixierae  partie.     Jl  est  assez  singulier  OrdresRe* 
que  ces  religieux  ayent  pu  gouter  la  doctrine  des  Reformateurs  ^gti,eux  par 
qui  prechoit  1'inutilite  des  pelerinages.     Mais  jl  ne  Test  point  torn,  vi!  p, 
qu'ils  ayent  renonce  bientot  a  une  erreur  ausst  detestable,     L'ab-  267* 
baye  d'Einsidlen  est  a  present  une  des  neuf  maisons  de  la  Con 
gregation  Benedictine  Helvetique.     Pour  le  temporel  elle  recon- 
noit  la  protection  du  canton  de  Schwitz. 

VOL.  in.  T  rent 


274     INTRODUCTION  A  I/HISTOIRE  GENERALS 

1315.  rent  de  se  la  faire  eux-m£mes.  Us  entrferent  dans 
le  couvent  a  main  arm^e,  y  commirent  de  grands 
d^sordres,  et  emmen£rent  avec  eux  beaucoup  de 
be*tails,  aussi  bien  que  six  moines,  auxquels  ils  ne 
rendirent  la  liberte  qu'assez  longtems  apres.  L'on 
conceit  assez  qui  Teglise  d'Einsidlen  lanca  contre 
ces  sacrileges  les  anathemes  les  plus  effrayans; 
tnais  1'usage  trop  frequent  de  ces  foudres  leur  avoit 
fait  perdre  leur  force  dans  1'esprit  m£me  des  peu- 
pies,  et  les  moines  furent  obliges  de  recourir  a  leur 
protecteur.  Leopold  £couta  avec  plaisir  des  plaintes 
qui  Tautorisoient  a  confondre  les  injures  de  sa 
famille  avec  celles  de  la  religion.  II  marcha  contre 
les  Suisses  plein  de  fureur  et  de  confiance,  r£solu 
de  consommer  la  vengeance  que  la  mort  avoit  en- 
Iev6  a  son  pere.  II  alloit,  disoit-il,  a  la  chasse  de 
ses  paysans  rebelles,  et  se  faisoit  suivre  par  un 
grand  nombre  de'charettes  chargees  de  cordes  pour 
emmener  les  captifs  et  le  b^tail,  seuls  tremors  du 
pays  pauvre  et  agreste  qu'il  alloit  subjuguer.* 
Taut  de  preemption  n'^toit  point  extraordinaire. 
II  se  voyoit  a  la  t^te  de  plus  de  1300  cavaliers 
converts  de  fer,  accoutum^s  a  la  victoire  et  tires 
de  ^a  premiere  noblesse  de  la  Suisse,  de  PAlsace, 

Repub.Hel- 
vet.  1.  i. 

tionnSe'au       *  Suivant  Tetiquette  des  cours  barbares  Leopold  se  faisoit  ac- 

mot  Mor-      compagner   de  son  astrologue  et  de  son  bouffon.     La  folie  du 

/rarte«.         premier  se  paroit  toujours  des  dehors  de  la  sagesse.     Le  masque 

comique  du  second  cachoit  assez  souvent  1'esprit  et  la  raison. 

L'un  annonpa  k  son  maitre  les  succes  les  plus  eclatans;  1'autre 

temoigna  de  1'inquietude  de  ce  qu'il  ne  voyoit  point  les  preparatifs 

necessaires  pour  sortir  des  montagnes  de  Schwitz  aussi  bien  qut* 

pour  y  entrer. 

et 


DE  LA  RE'PUBLIQUE  DES  SUISSES.         275 

et  de  la  Suabe.  20,000  fantassins  bien  disciplines 
composoient  le  reste  d'une  arm£e  a  laquelle  1'Alle- 
magne  avoit  pu  a  peine  opposer  des  forces  6gales. 
Laperte  des  Suisses  paroissoit  inevitable.  Le 
Due  d'Autriche  avoit  fait  ses  dispositions  pour  les 
attaquer  a  la  fois  par  tous  les  c6te*s  accessibles. 
Le  Comte  de  Strasberg  £toit  charg6  de  rassembler 
les  troupes  de  Hasli,  de  Frulingen,  et  du  Sibenthal, 
au  nombre  de  4000hommes,  pourentrer  a  la  pointe 
dujour  dans  le  canton  d'Underwald,  tandis  que 
1000  Lucernois,  traversant  le  lac  sur  des  bateaux,  se 
joindroient  a  lui  dans  le  coeur  du  pays.  Leopold 
lui-m£me  marchoit  du  c6t6  de  Zug  pour  attaquer  le 
canton  de  Schwitz,  et  il  tachoit  par  des  ma 
noeuvres  assez  adroites  de  faire  abandonner  aux 
Suisses  le  village  de  Morgarten.  C'£toit  le  d£fll6 
par  lequel  il  comptoit  deboucher  comme  le  moins 
difficile  de  ceux  qui  couvroient  les  terres  de  la  R6- 
publique.  Le  Comte  de  Toggenbourg,  serviteur 
du  due,  fut  touch6  du  triste  sort  de  ces  hommes 
libres  et  vertueux  dont  le  malheur  et  1'innocence 
leur  avoit  acquis  des  amis  dans  I'arme'e  Autri- 
chienne.  II  se  jetta  aux  pieds  de  Leopold  pour 
lui  demander  la  permission  de  leur  repr&senter  leur 
danger  et  de  leur  offrir  le  pardon  et  la  paix.  Ce 
prince,  longtems  inflexible,  consentit  enfin  a  leur 
accorder  la  vie  et  les  biens  a  condition  qu'ils  re- 
connussent  Frederic  son  frere  pour  le"gitime  Em- 
pereur,  et  eux-m£mes  pour  sujets  de  la  maison 
d'Autriche.  Charg6  de  ces  pouvoirs  le  Comte  de 
Toggenbourg  se  rendit  au  camp  des  Suisses.  Ce 
peuple  g£n£reux  le  remercia  avec  une  vive  recon- 

T  2  noissance 


£76      INTRODUCTION  A  I/HISTOIRE  GENERALE 

noissance  des  efforts  qu'il  faisoit  en  sa  faveur ;  mais 
il  lui  d^clara  qu'ils  6toient >  inutiles,  et  que  les 
Suisses  periroient  jusqu'au  dernier  d'entr'eux  plu- 
t6t  que  d'accepter  des  conditions  aussi  honteuses. 
Qu'il  s'avance,  (s'ecrierent-ils,)  ce  fier  ennemi,  il 
apprendra  peut-£tre  ce  que  peuvent  le  desespoir  et 
la  liberte  contre  ses  armies  formidables.  Le  comte 
les  plaignit  et  se  retira.  On  croit  m£me  que  la 
pitie"  lui  fit  oublier  le  devoir,  et  qu'il  leur  com- 
muniqua  tout  le  plan  des  attaques.  II  est  sur  que 
les  citoyens  de  Schwitz,  instruits  du  lieu  et  du 
moment  deleur  danger,  commanderent  600  hommes 
pour  se  joindre  sur  le  champ  aux  700  qui  occu- 
poient  deja  le  poste  important  de  Morgarten.  Us 
erivoy£rent  en  m6me  terns  avertir  leurs  allies  du 
besoin  qu'ils  avoient  de  leur  secours.  Ceux  d'Uii 
leur  envoy ^rent  400  hommes  qui  arrivkrent  vers 
l'entre*e  de  la  nuit.  Les  habitans  d'Underwald, 
attaques  dans  leurs  propres  foyers,  ne  purent 
leur  donner  que  300  hommes  qui  parvinrent  vers 
le  minuit  au  camp  de  Morgarten.  Cette  petite 
troupe  ainsi  re"unie*  passa  la  nuit  dans  le  jeune 
et  la  priere,  occupa  toutes  les  hauteurs,  et  ne  mit 

*  On  voitqu'elle  etoit  composee  de  deux  mille  hommes,  mal- 
gr&  les  efforts  de  ceux  qui  ont  cherche  k  diminuer  ce  nombr« 
pour  augmenter  le  merveilleux  de  1'action.  II  fauty  ajouter  en 
core  cinquante  citoyens  bannis  pour  leurs  offenses;  h  qui  Ton  re- 
fusa  1'honneur  de  mourir  pour  la  patrie,  mais  qui  meriterent  leur 
grace  par  leur  valeur.  Pour  peu  qu'on  reflechisse  sur  les  circon- 
stances  de  cette  guerre  on  se  persuadera  sans  peine  que  ces  deux 
mille  hommes  faisoient  pres  de  la  moitie  de  ceux  qui  etoient  en 
etat  de  porter  les  armes,  et  que  par  consequent  les  trois  cantons 
iie  renfermoient  pas  vingt  mille  dines  du  terns  de  la  revolution. 

SOU 


DE  LA  REPUBLIQUE  DES  SUISSES.  277 

son  espoir  que  dans  sa  valeur  et  dans  la  proteo 
tion  de  cet  Etre  qui  aime  la  justice,  et  qui  punit 
1'orgueil. 

Leopold  e"toit  parti  de  Zug  vers  le  milieu  de  la 
nuit.  II  se  flattoit  d'occuper  sans  resistance  le  de"- 
fil6  de  Morgarten  qui  ne  percoit  qu'avec  difficult^ 
entre  le  lac  JEgT&  et  le  pied  d'une  montagne  es- 
carp^e.  II  marchoit  a  la  tete  de  sa  gendarmerie. 
Une  colonne  profonde  d'infanterie  la  suivoit  de 
pres,  et  les  uns  et  les  autres  se  promettoient  une 
victoire  facile  si  les  paysans  osoient  se  presenter  a 
leur  rencontre.  Us  etoient  a  peine  entry's  dans 
un  chemin  rude  et  e"troit,  et  qui  ne  permettoit  qu'a 
trois  ou  quatre  de  marcher  de  front,  qu'ils  se  sen- 
tirent  accab!6s  d'une  gr&le  de  pierres  et  de  traits. 
Rodolphe  de  Reding,  landamman  de  Schwitz  et 
ge'ne'ral  des  confe"d£r£s,  n'avoit  public"  aucun  des 
avantages  que  lui  offroit  la  situation  des  lieux.  II 
avoit  fait  couper  des  rochers  e*normes,  qui  en 
s'6branlant  des  qu'on  retiroit  les  foibles  appuis  qui 
les  soutenoient  encore,  se  d6tachoient  du  somniet 
de  la  montagne  et  se  pr£cipitoient  avec  un  bruit 
affreux  sur  les  bataillons  serr^s  des  Autrichiens.* 
Deja  les  chevaux  s'eifrayoient,  les  rangs  se  eon- 
fondoient,  et  le  de"sordre  ^garoit  le  courage  et  le 
rendoit  inutile,  lorsque  les  Suisses  descendirent  dela 
montagne  en  poussant  de  grands  cris.  Accoutum^s 
a  poursuivre  le  chamois  sur  les  bords  glissans  des 


*  Les  habitans  de  1'Engadine  employment  un  semblable  artifice  y. 
ilibandus  Pirckheimer  le  decrit  as- 

T  3  precipices. 


dans  la  guerre  de  Suabe.     Bilibandus  Pirckheimer  le  decrit  as-  Helvet.  p. 

.   ,  •  20.  in  The- 

sezjohment.  -.  sauro% 


278      INTRODUCTION  A  I/HISTOIRE  GENERALE 

1315.  precipices,  ils  couroient  d'un  pas  assure*  au  milieu 
des  neiges.  Ils  e"toient  arm6s  de  ces  grosses  et 
pesantes  hallebardes  auxquelles  le  fer  le  mieux 
trempe'  ne  resistoit  point.  Les  soldats  de  Leopold, 
chancelans  et  decourag6s,  c6derent  bientdt  aux  ef 
forts  d6sesp£res  d'une  troupe  qui  combattoit  pour 
tout  ce  qu'il  y  a  de  plus  cher  aux  hommes. 
L'abbe"  d'Einsidlen,  premier  auteur  de  cette  guerre 
malheureuse,  et  le  comte  Henri  de  Montfort,  don- 
nerent  les  premiers  1'exemple  de  la  fuite.  Le  d£- 
sordre  devint  ge*n6ral,  le  carnage  fut  affreux,  et 
les  Suisses  se  livroient  au  plaisir  de  la  vengeance. 
A  neuf  heures  du  matin  la  bataille  etoit  gagnee, 
Un  grand  nombre  d'Autrichiens  se  precipitant  les 
uns  sur  les  autres,  chercherent  vainement  dans  le 
lac  un  asyle  contre  la  fureur  de  leurs  ennemis.  Ils 
y  p6rirent  presque  tous.  Quinze  cens  hommes 
resterent  sur  le  champ  de  bataille.  Ils  e"toient 
pour  la  plupart  cle  la  gendarmerie  qu'une  valeur 
malheureuse  et  une  armure  pesante  arretoient  dans 
un  lieu  oil  Tun  et  1'autre  leur  ^toient  inutil.es. 
Longtems  apres  Ton  s'appercevoit  dans  toutes  les 
provinces  voisines  que  Felite  de  la  noblesse  avoit 
p^ri  dans  cette  fatale  journ6e.*  L'infanterie, 
beaucoup  moins  engag^e  dans  le  defile",  vit  en 
tremblant  la  d^faite  des  chevaliers  qui  passoient 

Joan.Vito-  *  Un  historien  contemporain  assure  que  longtems  apres,  la 
rudan.  p.  gendarmerie  noble  (militia)  etoit  rare  dans  les  provinces  voisines. 
Tsclmdi,  On  vit  perir  dans  cette  journee  le  Comte  Rodolphe  de  Habsbourg, 
torn.  i.  p.  trois  barons  de  Bonsletten,  deux  seigneurs  de  Halevil,  deux 

Gesler,  et  beaucoup  d'autre  noblesse  de  1'Argau,  de  la  Turgovie, 

et  de  TAlsace. 

pour 


DE  LA  RE'PUBLIQUE  DES  SUISSES.  279 

pour  invincibles,  et  clout  les  escadrons  effray6s  se 
renversoient  sur  elle.  Elle  s'arr£ta,  voulut  se  re- 
tirer,  et  dans  1'instant  cette  retraite  devint  une  fuite 
honteuse.  Sa  perte  fut  assez  peu  considerable, 
mais  les  historiens  de  la  nation  ont  consent  la  m6- 
moire  de  cinquante  braves  Zuriquois  dont  on 
trouva  les  rangs  couches  morts  sur  la  place.  Leo 
pold  lui-m£me  fut  entraine*  par  la  foule  qui  le  por- 
toit  du  c6t6  de  Zug.  On  le  vit  rentrer  dans  sa  Joan, 
ville  de  Winterthur.  La  frayeur,  la  honte,  et  Tin- 
dignation  e"toient  encore  peintes  sur  son  front. 
Des  que  la  victoire  se  fut  de'clare'e  en  faveur  des 
Suisses,  ils  s'assemblerent  sur  le  champ  de  bataille, 
s'embrasserent  en  versant  des  larmes  d'allegresse,  et 
remercierent  Dieu  de  la  grace  qu'il  venoit  de  leur 
faire  et  qui  ne  leur  avoit  cout6  que  quatorze  de 
leurs  compagnons. 

Au  milieu  de  la  joie  commune  les  citoyens 
d'Underwald  songeoient  au  danger  de  leur  patrie. 
Ils  ne  perdirent  pas  un  moment  pour  marcher  a 
son  secours.  Bient6t  ils  apprirent  qu'elle  e*  toit 
livre'e  a  toute  la  fureur  des  de'tachemens  Autri- 
chiens.  Animus  par  cette  nouvelle,  ils  pre"cipi- 
terent  leur  marche,  traverserent  le  lac,  joignirent 
les  Lucernois,  les  repousserent  jusques  dans  leurs 
bateaux,  et  s'avancerent  dans  la  partie  supe- 
fieure  du  pays  pour  s'unir  avec  ceux  de  leurs  com- 
patriotes  qui  faisoient  t^te  au  Comte  de  Strasberg. 
Les  deux  bannieres  que  ce  g^n^ral  appercut  parmi 
les  troupes  ennemies  le  remplirent  d'un  juste  eifroi. 
II  comprit  que  1'une  de  ces  bannieres  avoit  com- 
battu  a  Morgarten :  il  trembla  pour  son  maltre  et 

T  4  pour 


280      INTRODUCTION  A  I/HISTOIRE  GENERALS 

1315.  pour  lui-meme ;  et  se  retira  avec  la  pefte  de  30Q 
homines  et  celle  de  tout  son  butin.  Le  meme  jour 
suffit  £  ces  trois  victoires. 

La  Suisse  e"toit  sauv^e  par  les  mains  de  la  vic- 
toire.  Il  ne  s'agissoit  plus  que  de  la  rendre  utile. 
e£  que  d'assurer  a  jamais  la  liberte  pour  laquelle 
Ton  avoit  combattu.  Les  sentimens  de  la  nation 
et  la  situation  des  affaires  demandoient  egalement 
que  les  trois  cantons  formassent  une  union  etroite 
et  indissoluble.  Lorsqu'un  trait^  est  dicte  par 
I'amit6  et  la  bonne  foi  il  est  facile  d'en  r6diger  les 
conditions.  L'acte  solemnel  de  cette  alliance  fut 
confirm^  par  une  assemble  g6n6rale  des  Suisses  un 
peu  plus  de  trois  semaines  apres  la  bataille.  Je 
^°is  donner  une  idee  juste  d'une  piece  qui  a  tou- 
jours  fait  la  base  de  la  Confederation  HelV6tique. 

Tous  les  hommes  d'Uri,  de  Schwitz,  et  d'Un- 
derwald  se  promettent  une  amiti6  a  I'^preuve  du 
terns  et  des  malheurs.  Us  unissent  a  jamais  pour 
le  bonheur  general  leurs  forces  et  leurs  conseils. 
L'on  pent  decouvrir  ici  lax  premiere  ebauche  de  la 
soci6te  civile,  et  ce  contrat  social,  que  tant  d'ecri- 
vains,  mieux  instruits  des  droits  de  1'homme  que  de 
son  histoire,  ont  vainement  chercbedans  les  grands 
6tats.  Us  jurent  de  se  soutenir  mutuellement  en- 
vers  et  contre  tons.  Us  s'engagent  a  sacrifier  leurs 
vies  pour  la  defense  commune,  ^  ne  jamais  per- 
inettre  qu'un  Suisse  soit  mal-traite  ou  opprim^,  ^ 
le  secourir  ou  a  le  venger.  Us  consentent  a  sou- 
inettre  a  des  arbitres  impartiaux  tous  les  differens 
qui  pourroient  un  jour  troubler  cette  harmonic;  et 
ils  e"tablissent  le  troisieme  canton  juge  naturel  de 

tout 


DE  LA  REPUBLIQUE  DES  SUISSES.  281 

Joutce  qui  pourroitdiviser  les  deux  autres.  Convain- 
£us  que  1'amitie"  ne  pent  subsister  parmi  1'injustice 
et  les  crimes,  ils  decernent  la  peine  de  mort  centre 
les  homicides  volontaires,  et  celled'un  exil  perpetuel 
centre  les  voleurs.  Ils  s'assujettissent  a  tous  les  de 
voirs  qu'onavoit  droitd'exigerd'euxavant  la  re"  volu 
tion,  mais  ils  ne  reconnoissent  plus  ceux  que  la  ty 
rannic  a  ane'anti  et  qu'une  paix  Equitable  peut  seule 
restituer  a  la  maison  d'Autriche.*  Ces  devoirs  one*- 
reux,  et  qui  blessoient  I'ind6pendance  d'unetat  libre, 
leur  etoient  cependant  odieux.  Ils  ne  veulent  point 
en  contracter  de  nouveaux,  et  ils  dependent  a 
chacun  d'engager  son  hommage,  sa  parole  ou  ses 
biens,  sans  le  consentement  de  tous  les  autres  con- 
federe's.  Ils  finissent  par  denoncer  a  tous  les  con- 
trevenans,  la  honte  du  parjure,  un  exil  perp£tuel, 
et  la  confiscation  de  leurs  biens. 

La  premiere  demarche  de  la  nouvelle  republique  simier,  de 
fut  d'instruire  1'Empereur  Louis  de  Baviere  de  tout  i.  i.  * 
ce  qui  s'6toit  passe"  parmi  eux.     Ge  prince,  par  deRe™Hei. 


gout  et  par  politique,  etoit  Tami  des  Suisses.  II  ^d«,i.iu. 
leur  avoit  deja  ecrit  pour  les  plaindre,  pour  les  con 
soler,  et  pour  leur  faire  esperer  un  avenir  plus  fa 
vorable.  Trop  foible  lui-merne  pour  les  secourir 
d'une  maniere  efficace,  il  les  fit  du  mo  ins  relever 
par  rautorite*  superieure  de  1'archev^que  de  May- 
ence  de  toutes  les  censures  ecclesiastiques  qu'ils 
avoient  encourues. 

II  apprit  avec  joie  que  son  ennemi  le  plus  re- 

*  L'on  peut  trouver  dans  le  dictionnaire  de  Leu,  les  exemples 
de  plusieurs  servitudes  dont  les  cantons  se  racheterent  longtemt 
apres  la  revolution. 

doutable 


282       INTRODUCTION  A  I/HISTOIRE  GENERALE 

1316*  doutable  avoit  perdu  sa  gloire  et  Mite  de  ses 
troupes  dans  la  journe'e  de  Morgarten.  II  se  hate 
de  confirmer.  tous  les  privileges  des  trois  cantons, 
d'approuver  leur  alliance,  et  de  confisquer  en  leur 
faveur  tout  ce  que  la  maison  d'Autriche  poss6doit 
encore  au  milieu  d'eux.  Les  Suisses  recurent 
sans  difficult^  de  sa  main  un  preTet  imperial  qui 
jura  de  respecter  leurs  droits  et  de  les  deTendre 
centre  tous  leurs  ennemis.  Cette  magistrature, 
1'ombre  d'une  autorit6  re"  v6r6e,  disparut  insensible- 
ment,  et  les  empereurs  suivans  accorderent  aux 
Suisses  le  privilege  de  choisir  des  magistrats  qui 
fussent  en  meme  terns  les  ministres  du  peuple  et 
de  1'empire. 

Je  viens  de  tracer  d'une  plume  foible  maisjm- 
partiale  1'histoire  d'une  revolution  obscure  qui  a 
chang6  le  sort  de  quelques  paysans  des  Alpes, 
Elle  me"rite  n6anmoins  Fatten tion  du  philosophe  qui 
cherche  1'homme  dans  la  chaumiere  plutot  que 
dans  les  palais.  II  sait  que  le  nom  sacr6  de  liberte" 
a  presque  toujours  designe"  les  prerogatives  injustes 
d'un  petit  nombre  de  citoyens,  et  que  les  nations 
s6duites  ou  entrain^es  par  leurs  chefs  out  mille  fois 
combattu  avec  fureur  pour  des  inte>ets  qui  leur 
6toient  Strangers.  II  parcourt  d'un  ceil  attentif  le 
tableau  de  1'Europe  dans  les  siecles  barbares  de 
Vanarchie  f^odale.  Qu'il  est  triste,  ce  tableau,  pour 
un  ami  des  hommes !  Des  barons  et  des  6v£ques 
qui  disputent  a  leur  roi  la  d£pouille  sanglante  des 
communes  ;  ces  communes  malheureuses  qui  s'ar- 
ment  quelquefois  de  leurs  fers,  mais  dont  la  fu 
reur  incertaine  et  aveugle  d£shonore  par  ses  execs 

une 


DE  L.A  REPUBLIQUE  DES  SUISSES.  283 

une  Iibert6  clont  elles  ne  savent  point  jouir;* 
quelques  r^publiques  populaires  au  fond  de  Tltalie, 
cle"chir£es  par  une  discorde  toujours  renaissante,  et 
qui  se  livrent  avec  la  meme  ardeur  a  leurs  tribuns 
et  leurs  tyrans.  Qu'il  reconnoisse  ici  un  spectacle 
plus  rare  et  plus  digne  de  la  nature  humaine ;  un 
peuple  vertueux,  qui  a  deTendu  les  droits  les  plus 
saints  par  les  moyens  les  plus  legitimes ;  qui  a  eu 
de  la  fermet£  dans  le  pe"ril  et  de  la  mode* ration ap res 
la  victoire.  • 


CHAPITRE  II. 

Alliance  de  Lucerne  —  Guerre  de  Lauppen  —  Origins  de 
Zurich  —  Revolution  dans  son  Gouvernement  —  Rodolphe 
Brun,  bourguemestre  —  Conjuration  des  Exiles  —  Guerre 
avec  CAutriche  —  Combat  de  Tatwyl  —  Alliance  de  Claris 
—  Alliance  de  Zug  —  Si&ge  de  Zurich  par  I'Empereur 
Charles  IP  —  Trcve  —  Alliance  de  Berne. 

LA  bataille  de  Morgarten  humilioit  1'orgueil 
Autrichien;  les  forces  de  cette  maison  n'etoient 
cependant  point  6puis£es,  et  les  Suisses  avoient  tout 
a  craindre  d'un  ressentiment  irrite  par  la  honte  et 

*  Les  communes  attroupees  en  Angleterre  sous  Richard  II.  y  Chronique 
commirent  de  grands  desordres.     L'humanite  fremit  au  recit  des  deFrois- 
cruautes  de  la  Jacquerie  a  qui  le  desespoir  mit  les  armes  a  la  p.189.  PII. 
main  apres  la  bataille  de  Poitiers.     Mais  les  paysans  qui  desole-  p.  I29,&c. 
rent  de  1'Allemagne  sous  le  nom  d'Anabaptistes  surpasserent  les 


horreursdes  uns  et  des  autres.     Us  etablissoient  le  royaume  du  cai  Hist.  vol. 
seigneur.  ii.p.*32Ac. 

par 


$84     INTRODUCTION  "A  I/HI^TOIRE  GENE&ALE 

par  le  malheur.  Mais  ces  forces  6  toient  divise"es,  et 
ce  ressentiment  se  tournoit  centre  le  Due  de 
Baviere  qui  disputoit  1'empire  a  Frederic  et  ses 
freres.  Apies  avoir  vaincu  cet  ennemi  qui  parois- 
soit  le  plus  redoutable,  ils  se  proposoient  de  punir 
les  Suisses  de  leur  premiere  r^volte  et  de  la  victoire 
qu'ils  avoient  ose"  remporter  sur  leurs  maltres.  Le 

i32t.  succes  ne  r6pondit  point  a  leur  attente.  Frederic 
le  beau  perdit  enfm  la  liberte  avec  la  bataille  de 
Mulhdorf,  et  ne  sortit  de  prison  qu'apres  avoir 
sign6  un  trait6  qui  lui  accordoit  des  avantages 
assez  considerables  a  la  place  d'un  empire  auquel 
il  renon^oit  a  jamais.  L'inflexible  Leopold  soutint 
son  parti  encore  quelque  terns  avec  plus  d'opinia- 
tret<6  que  de  gloire,  mais  sa  mort  et  celle  de 

j525.  Frederic  assur&rent  le  repos  de  1'Allemagne,  Otbon 
et  Albert  h6rit&rent  des  6tats  de  leurs  fibres,  sans 
h^riter  de  leurs  talens  et  de  leur  ambition.  Louis 
de  Baviere  fut  reconnu  par  tout  le  corps  Ger- 
manique  malgr6  les  anathkmes  du  Pape  Jean 
XXII.  qui  s'indignoit  que  1'Allemagne  n'eut  point 
attendu  le  consentement  du  Saint  Siege  pour  se 
donner  un  souverain.j^  : 

jj;  Cette  guerre  malheureuse  et  Tetat  de  foiblesse 
auquel  elle  r^duisit  la  mai3on  d'Autriche  ne  leur 
permit  point  de  se  venger  des  Suisses.  Elle  se 
contentoit  de  les  inquirer  dans  la  jouissance  de 
cette  liberte  qu'elle  ne  pouvoit  pas  leur  arraeher. 
Elle  d6fendit  a  ses  sujets,  qui  habitoient  les  riches 
campagnes  de  FArgau  et  de  la  Turgovie,  de  fournir 
a  ce  peuple  rebelle  le  bled,  le  vin,  les  6tofTes,  et 
tout  ce  que  lui  refusoit  la  nature  du  pays  et  son 

ignorance 


DE  LA  REPUBLIQUE  DES  SUISSES.  285 

ignorance  cles  arts.  Les  Suisses  sentirent  la  triste 
v6rit£,  que  Fhomme  est  esclave  par  ses  besoins; 
mais  ils  deployerent  en  meme  terns  les  ressources 
presqu'infmies  de  la  patience  et  de  la  moderation. 
La  faim  les  obligea  quelquefois  a  sortir  de  leurs 
retraites  les  armes  a  la  main,  et  dans  ces  courses 
qu'ils  faisoient  sur  les  terres  de  FAutriche,  ils 
enlevoient  les  moissons,  d^truisoient  tout  ce  qu'ils 
ne  pouvoient  emporter,  et  poussoient  la  desolation 
et  1'eiFroi  jusques  aux  portes  de  Zug  et  de  Lucerne. 
La  gendarmerie  que  Ton  avoit  jett6  dans  ces  places 
importantes  se  joignoit  aux  milices  du  pays  pour 
arr&ter  ces  montagnards,  et  mille  petits  combats 
plus  sanglans  que  d^cisifs  ne  servoient  qu'a  ac- 
croitre  leur  haine  mutuelle.  Un  historien  Suisse 
contemporain,  mais  de"  vou6  a  la  maison  d'Autriche, 
ge"mit  des  cruaute's  qui  signaloient  cette  mal- 
heureuse  guerre  dans  laquelle  Ton  n'e"pargnoit 
jamais  les  prisonniers.  La  tyrannic  des  Autrichiens, 
la  durete  grossiere  des  Suisses,  et  le  droit  afTreux 
des  repre"sailles  me  persuadent  que  ses  plaintes 
n'^toient  que  trop  16gitimes.  Ces  malheurs 
etoient  communs  aux  deux  partis,  mais  leurs 
sentimens  ^toient  bien  diffirens.  Les  Suisses 
payoient  sans  regret  le  prix  de  leur  liberte".  Les 
Autrichiens  s'indignoient  d'etre  les  victimes  d'une 
ambition  aussi  pernicieuse  a  eux-m^mes  qu'a  leurs 
voisins. 

Nous  avons  deja  vu  que  la  ville  de  Lucerne,  si- 
tu^e  sur  le  bord  occidental  du  lac  de  ce  nom,  avoit 
appartenue  a  Tabbaye  de  Murbach  en  Alsace,  et 
qu'au  meprisde  leurs  sennens,  cesmaltres,  eioignes 

et 


286   INTRODUCTION  A  I/HISTOIRE  GENERALE 

1325.  et  indifferens,  1'avoient  vendue  a  1'Empereur  Al 
bert.  Les  citoyens  s'opposerent  longtems  a  cette 
transaction,  mais  ils  se  rendirent  enfin  a  la  crainte 
de  la  puissance  Autrichienne,  et  aux  assurances 
qu'on  leur  donnoit  qu'ils  ne  connoitroient  jamais 
cette  puissance  que  par  la  protection  et  les  bien- 
faits.  Ils  ne  la  connurent  jamais  que  par  leurs 
'  malheurs.  A  ceux  dont  j'ai  deja  parle*,  il  faut 
ajouter  I'interruption  totale  d'un  commerce  qui 
avoit  fonde"  Lucerne  et  qui  la  faisoit  encore  sub- 
sister  avec  6clat.  Placed  entre  1'Italie  et  1'Alle- 
magne  sa  situation  avantageuse  la  rendoit  1'entre- 

1332.  p6t  de  ces  deux  pays.  La  Reuss,  qui  coule  au  pied 
de  ses  murs,  recevoit  toutes  les  marchandises  qu'on 
avoit  voitur6  sur  le  Mont  St.  Godard  et  les  versoit 
dans  le  Rhin ;  mais  depuis  le  commencement  de 
cette  guerre  destructive  les  habitans  d'Uri  avoient 
ferm6  ce  passage  dont  ils  etoient  les  maitres.  Les 
Autrichiens  ne  furent  point  touche  du  triste  sort 
d'un  peuple  dont  la  foi  donne"e  a  regret  ne  s'etoit 
cependant  jamais  d6mentie;  au  fle"au  de  la  guerre 
ils  ajouterent  celui  de  la  tyrannic.  La  ville  jouis- 
soit  des  plus  beaux  privileges  que  lui  avoient  ac 
cord  e"  les  abbes  cle  Murbach.  Le  gouvernement 
6toit  entre  les  mains  d'un  s6nat  qui  se  tiroit  de  la 
noblesse,  et  1'officier  du  prince  qui  y  assistoit 
6coutoit  leurs  deliberations,  mais  il  ne  les  dirigeoit 
point.  Sous  les  dues  d'Autriche  le  s^nat  ne  fut 
plus  qu'un  vain  simulacre,  et  1'officier  du  prince 
devint  un  gouverneur  arm6  de  toutes  les  terreurs 
du  despotisme  et  soutenu  par  la  garnison  nom- 
breuse  du  cMteau  de  Rottembourg.  Au  poids 

d'une 


DE  LA  REPUBLIQUE  DES  SUISSES.  28? 

d'une  guerre  qui  de"soloit  leur  pays  deptiis  vingt- 
quatre  ans,  les  Lucernois  avoient  eu  la  complaisance 
d'ajouter  celui  d'une  expedition  £loign6e.  S£duits 
par  les  promesses  qu'on  leur  prodiguoit  ils  avoient 
rendu  les  plus  grands  services  a  la  maisond'Autriche 
dans  la  guerre  de  Colmar:  mais  a  leur  retour  ils 
solliciterent  vainement  la  recompense  de  leurs  tra- 
vaux.  Ils  ne  recurent  pas  m£me  la  solde  qu'on 
leur  devoit.  La  mauvaise  monnoie,  que  les  dues 
d'Autriche  r£pandoient  dans  leurs  6tats,  acheva  de 
les  £puiser.  Ces  princes  ne  rougirent  point  d'em- 
ployer  un  artifice  aussi  vil  qu'il  est  commun,  et  de 
tromper  la  confiance  publique  dont  le  d£p6t  sacre*  leur 
etoit  remis  entre  les  mains.  Les  Lucernois  souffri- 
rent  longtems  sanssepermettred'autresarmes  que  la 
patience  et  les  plaintes  les  plus  respectueuses.  Las 
enfin  d'un  joug  qui  s'appesantissoit  tous  les  jours 
sur  leurs  tetes,  ils  oserent  se  servir  de  leurs  droits 
pour  interdire  la  monnoie  Autrichienne,  et  pour 
conclurre  avec  les  trois  cantons  une  treve  de  vingt 
ans  qui  ranimoit  leur  commerce,  et  qui  leur  pro- 
curoit  du  moins  un  calme  passager. 

Mais  ils  sentirent  bient6t  que  par  une  demarche 
aussi  mesur^e  ils  avoient  fait  trop  et  trop  peu.  Ils 
se  virent  exposes  a  toute  1'indignation  de  leur 
souverain,  sans  ^tre  assures  de  1'appui  des  Suisses. 
Dans  une  situation  aussi  critique  ils  jett^rent  les 
yeux  sur  cette  r^publique  qu'ils  avoient  si  long 
tems  combattu  parcequ'elle  avoit  su  briser  les  fers 
qu'eux-m^mes  portoient  a  regret.  Pleins  d'admi- 
ration  pour  leur  courage,  les  Lucernois  voulurent 
partager  le  sort  heureux  qu'il  leur  avoit  m6rit6.  Ils 
firent  aux  trois  cantons  la  proposition  de  les  re- 

cevoir 


288     INTRODUCTION  A  L  HISTOIRE  GENERALE 

1332.  cevoir  comme  un  quatrieme  membre  de  leur  alliU 
ance  perp^tuelle,  pour  deTendre  leur  liberte"  com 
mune  contre  ceux  qui  oseroient  Fattaquer.  La 
n£gociation  6prouva  peu  de  difficulty's.  Le  senti 
ment  de  leurs  avantages  r^ciproques  ramena  bien- 
tot  les  esprits  des  deux  partis  qui  s'e"toient  toujours 
estimes;  ils  se  jurerent  une  amide*  e'ternelle  avec 
une  joie  qui  paroissoit  sincere  et  unanime. 

Le  meme  esprit  qui  avoit  inspir6  la  premiere 
confederation  dicta  dans  celle-ci  les  monies  condi 
tions  ;  Funion  perp6tuelle,  le  secours  mutuel,  Fobeis- 
sance  aux  magistrats,  la  haine  des  tyrans.  L'on 
employoit  les  monies  precautions  pour  pre"  venir  les 
difTe'rens  ou  pour  les  terminer.  Le  corps  Hel- 
v^tique  semble  deja  avoir  pris  de  la  consistence. 
On  le  reconnoit  au  style  de  cc  traite.  Ce  ne  sont 
plus  des  hommes  libres  qui  s'unissent  par  un  en 
gagement  volontaire,  ce  sont  des  £  tats  ind^pen- 
dans  qui  s'allient  par  un  acte  politique,  et  dont  les 
loix  et  les  privileges  s^par^s  ne  sont  point  con- 
fondus  dans  un  melange  aussi  intime.  La  politique 
juste  et  respect ueuse  des  Lucernois  conserva  en 
core  a  la  maison  d^Autriche  tous  ses  droits  16gitimes 
en  laissant  au  terns  et  a  la  fortune  Finterpr6tation 
de  ces  droits. 

Cette  maison  redoutable  avoit  encore  a  Lucerne 
un  parti  nombreux.  Ceux  qui  posse"doient  des 
fiefs  dans  les  e"tats  Autrichiens  pref^roient  cet  in- 
te"r£t  personnel  au  bien  g^n^ral;  une  jeunesse 
aveugle  et  imprudente  regrettoit  encore  la  cour 
d'un  maitre,  ses  honneurs  et  ses  bienfaits,  Fegalite 
d'uner^publique  et  la  se"ve"rite  sourde  et  inflexible 

des 


DE  LA  REPUBLIQUE  DES  SUISSES.  289 

des  loix  paroissoieut  &  leurs  yeux  le  plus  rude  es-  1332. 
clavage.  Cette  partie  me"prisable  du  peuple  tou- 
jours  indigne  de  la  liberte",  incapable  d'ob£ir,  joig- 
noit  ses  clameurs  a  leurs  murmures.  Mais  leurs 
vains  efforts  n'eftrayerent  point  le  parti  plus  nom- 
breux  encore  des  bons  citoyens.  Aux  entreprises 
dont  ils  preVoyoient  Fobjet  sans  de"meler  les  moyens, 
ils  opposerent  la  barriere  d'une  loi  nouvelle,  qui 
d^noncoit  1'exil  perpe"tuel  et  une  amende  de  vingt 
marcs  contre  quiconque  seroit  cause  que  la  r£pub- 
lique  recut  du  dommage  ; — loi  singuliere  et  dan- 
gereuse,  qui  permet  au  magistrat  le  choix  des  crimes 
et  des  victimes :  un  gouvernement  libre  y  peut 
trouver  son  salut,  mais  elle  deviendroit  entre  les 
mains  d'un  tyran  ['instrument  le  plus  terrible  du 
despotisme. 

Cette  loi  n'intimida  point  les  partisans  de  1'Au- 

triche;    ils  se  me'nagerent  des  intelligences  avec 

les  gouverneurs  des  garnisons  dont  1'enceinte  resser- 

roit   la  ville.      Ils    convinrent   d'une   nuit    dans 

laquelle    ils    ouvriroient   les  portes   aux   troupes, 

qui  s'approcheroient  sans  bruit,  tandis  qu'ils  pren- 

droient  les  armes  dans  la  ville  et  qu'ils  feroient 

p6rir,  par  un  massacre  g^n^ral,  tous  les  amis  des 

Suisses  et  de  la  liberte".     L'indiscr6tion  trahit  ce 

projet  afFreux  peu  de  momens  avant  son  execution ; 

un  citoyen  entendit  par  hasard  la  conversation  de 

quelques  conjures  qui  se  croyoient  seuls,  iHa  com- 

muniqua  sur  le  champ  au  magistrat,  qui  assembla 

la  bourgeoisie,  s'assura  des  portes,  et  fit  arr&ter  tous 

les  conjures,  qui  n'6toient  point  pr6par£s  a  la  r^sis- 

tance.    Les  manches  rouges,  signal  dont  ils  s'e"toient 

VOL.  in.  u  convenus 


290      INTRODUCTION  A  L  HISTOIRE  GENERAL^ 

1*533*  convenus  pour  se  distinguer  dans  la  confusion  d'un 
tumulte  nocturne,  servoient  a  les  decouvrir  a  leurs 
ennemisi  Apres  avoir  fortifie  la  r£publique  par  un 
secours  de  trois  cens  Suisses  que  leurs  nouveaux 
allies  leur  envoyerent  a  la  premiere  requisition, 
les  Lucernois  jugerent  les  criminels  dont  leurs  pri 
sons  e"  toient  remplies.  Partage*s  entre  Fhorreur  du 
crime,  et  la  compassion  qu'inspiroient  le  nombre  et 
la  qualit6  des  coupables,  ils  craignoient  egalement 
de  les  punir  ou  de  leur  pardonner.  Ils  accorderent 
leur  grace  aux  deputes  des  trois  cantons  qui  les 
prioientde  ne  point  souiller  les  commencemens  de  la 
Iibert6  par  le  sang  meme  des  plus  criminels.  De  tous 
ces  conjures  qui  avoient  jur6  la  ruine  de  la  patrie, 
aucun  ne  perdit  la  vie.  On  se  contenta  d'exiger 
d'eux  une  amende  considerable  et  un  serment 
solemnel  de  meYiter  la  clemence  qu'ils  avoient 
£prouv6e.  On  clefendit  en  meme  terns,  par  une 
loi  de  l'£tat,  toutes  les  assemblies  secrettes,  et  il 
fut  ordonn£  qu'un  citoyen  n'engageroit  sa  fidelite 
qu'a  la  communaute',  et  que  tout  serment  parti- 
culier  seroit  puni  comme  un  crime.  Cette  saintc 
et  salutaire  jalousie  des  loix  auroit  e'pargne'  les 
guerres  civiles  a  plus  d'un  pays. 

Les  dues  d'Autricbe,  indignes  de  la  r^volte  des 
Lucernois,  6toient  cependant  trop  foibles  pour  les 
require.  L'orgueil  leur  fit  pendant  quelque  terns 
soutenir  contre  eux  une  guerre  languissante.  Les 
succes  6toient  balances,  jusqu'a  ce  qu'enfin  ces 
princes,  humilie's  au  point  de  rechercher  Fappui 

1334.  ^es  ^°^x'  P°rterent  devant  le  tribunal  de  1'Empereur 
leurs  plaintes  ameres  de  tous  les  attentats  que  cette 

nouvelle 


DE  LA  REPUBLIQUE  DES  SUISSES. 

nouvelle  confederation  avoit  commis  contre  leur 
autorite.  Louis  de  Baviere  se  souvenoit  encore 
que  les  Suisses  e"toient  ses  plus  fermes  amis,  et  que 
les  Autrichiens  etoient  des  enneinis  a  peine  r6con- 
cili6s.  II  associa  les  Bernois,  les  Zuriquois,  et  les 
Baslois  au  jugement  qu'il  prononca,  et  qui  parolt 
d'abord  assez  favorable  a  1'Autriche ;  il  confirme  sa 
monnoye,  lui  restitue  les  biens  qu'elle  posse*doit 
dans  les  pays  des  Suisses,  et  lui  laisse  toutes  ses  pre"- 
tensions  legitimes;  mais  en  confirmant  Falliance 
perp^tuelle  des  quatre  cantons,  il  lui  enleve  tout  ce 
qu'il  sembloit  lui  donner,  et  conserve  a  la  r6pub- 
lique  des  Suisses  tons  les  a  vantages  r6els  qu'ils 
sollicitoient.  Cette  sentence  arbitrate  n'e"tablissoit 
entre  les  deux  partis  qir'une  treve  de  trente  mois. 
Souvent  renouveltee,  elle  ne  fut  jamais  qu'un 
calme  perfide  et  mal-assur^. 

Les  Suisses,  tranquilles  et  victorieux,  commen- 
coient  a  sortir  de  leur  obscurit^,  et  a  jouir  de  la 
gloire  qu'ils  avoient  m6rit6e.  L'Helv^tie  entiere, 
divis^e  et  d^chir6e  depuis  tant  de  siecles,  cherchoit 
a  se  re"unir  avec  eux  sous  l'6tendard  de  la  Iibert6. 
Tons  les  malheureux  qui  g^missoient  sous  1'oppres- 
sion  ou  qui  la  craignoient,  demanderent  la  protec 
tion  de  la  r£publique,  et  apres  avoir  senti  le  prix 
de  son  alliance,  ils  se  crurent  heureux  de  former 
avec  elle  les  noeuds  etroits  d'une  confederation 
perpe*tuelle.  C'est  ainsi  que  les  villes  de  Berne  et 
de  Zurich  sont  devenues  membres  d'un  corps  dont 
elles  sont  aujourd'hui  le  plus  ferme  appui. 

Toujours  fidele  aux  volont^s  de  son  fondateur,     1337. 
Berne  poursuivoit  depuis  centvingt  ans  la  ven- 

u  2  geance 


INTRODUCTION  A  I/HISTOIRE  GE^ERALE 

1337.  geance  qu'il  leur  avoit  commandee  et  qui  se  con- 
cilioit  si  bien  avec  les  inteVets  de  son  ambition. 
La  noblesse  de  la  Bourgogne  Transjurane'e  voyoit 
avec  6tonnement  cette  ville  enneniie  qui  s'elevoit 
au  milieu  d'eux,  qui  bravoit  deja  leur  puissance,  et 

1338.  menacoit  de  leur  donner  un  jour  des  loix.     La 
crainte  qui  succede  au  me'pris  est  toujours  accom- 
pagn^e  de  la  haine.     Celle  des  seigneurs  fut  le  ci- 
ment  d'une  ligue  redoutable  qui  se  proposoit  pour 
objet  Fane'antissement  du  pouvoir  Bernois.     Parmi 
le  grand  nombre  de  comtes,  de  barons,  et  de  gentils- 
hommes  qui  formerent  cette  alliance,  Fon  distin- 
guoit  les  comtes  de  Neufcbatel,  d'Arberg,  de  Ni- 
dau,  de  Gruyere  et  de  Kybourg ;  ce  dernier,  d'une 
branehe  cadette  de  lamaison  de  Habsbourg,  maitre 
de  Berthoud  et  de  Thun,  tenoit  la  ville  de  Berne 
comme  assieg6e  au  milieu  de  ses  terres,  et  pr6ten- 
doit  que  le  fbnds  meme  sur  lequel  elle  avoit  e'te' 
batie  n'etoit  qu'une  usurpation  de  son  domaine. 
Fribourg,  qui  jouissoit  d'une  assez  grande  inde'pen- 
dance  sous  la  protection  de  FAutriche,  eut  la  foi- 
blesse  trop  naturelle  a   une  rivale   malheureuse ; 
elle  e*couta  la  voix  de  la  jalousie  plutdt  que  celle 
de  la  raison,  et  joignit  ses  forces  a  celles  d'une  no 
blesse  dont  les  int6rets  ii'avoient  rien  de  coinmnn 
avec  les  siens.    La  maison  d'Autriche,  toujours  en 
neniie  des  villes  libres,  .envoya  ordre  a  son  gouver- 
neur  de  FArgau  de  faire  marcher  ses  troupes  au  se- 
cours  cles  conf6deres  pendant  qu'on  voyoit  par  une 
fatalite  assez  singuliere  FEmpereur  Louis  de  Ba- 
viere  qui  appuyoit  le  meme  parti.     II  etoit  m^con- 
teiit  des  Bernois,  dont  lapolitiquedirai-je,  ou  la  su 
perstition 


DK  LA  REPUBLIQUE  DES  SUISSES.  293 

perstition  lui  refusoit  le  respect  qu'on  devoit  au 
chef  de  1'empire,  etdeferoit  aux  anathemes  du  pon- 
tife  Romain  plutot  qu'au  choix  de  rAlleraaghe. 
Une  ne"gociation  inutile  ne  fut  qu'un  prelude  de  la 
guerre.,  Les  Bernois  cherchoient  a  conjurer  Forage 
qui  les  menacoit,  inais  il  leur  etoit  impossible  de 
souscrire  aux  conditions  dures  et  humiliantes  qu'on 
exigeoitd'eux.  Chacun  des  allies  leur  redemandoit 
des  droits  hypoth^ques,  des  terres  acquises  depuis 
longtems,  et  une  foule  cle  sujets  qu'ils  avoient  d£- 
robes  a  la  tyrannie  fe"odale  pour  les  recevoir  au  1339 
nombre  de  leurs  citoyens.  Apres  avoir  justifie' 
leur  conduite  par  cette  demarche,  les  princes  ras- 
semblerent  leurs  troupes  qui  etoient  deja  pretes,  et 
parurent  devant  Lauppen,  dont  ils  formerent  le 
siege  avec  une  arme'e  de  3000  chevaux  et  de  plus 
de  15,000  fan tassins. 

Les  Bernois  ne  voyoient  autour  d'eux  que  des  , 
ennemis  declares  ou  des  amis  foibles  et  peu  surs. 
La  ville  de  Soleure  cut  cependant  le  courage  de 
leur  envoyer  un  secours  de  80  gendarmes  ;  300 
paysans  desmontagnesde  Hasli  accoururent  alaban- 
niere  des  maitres  qu'ils  s'^toient  choisis,  et  le  Baron 
de  Weissembourg  se  signala  par  une  iidelit6  encore 
plus  singuliere.  Ennemi  des  Bernois,  il  avoit 
^prouv^  depuis  peu  leur  valeur  et  leur  clemence ; 
apres  Tavoir  vaincu  ils  le  recurent  parmi  leurs  ci 
toyens  ;  ils  se  montra  cligne  de  ce  title  et  servit  sa 
nouvelle  patrie  a  la  t£te  de  150  de  ses  vassaux. 
Ces  ressources  Etoient  encore  foibles  et  en  petit 
nombre;  et  les  Bernois,  ^tonne's  de  la  force  de 
leurs  ennemis,  s'addresserent  enfin  aux  cantons 

u  3  Suisses 


INTRODUCTION  A  I/HISTOIRE  GENERALE      • 

1339.  Suisses  avec  lesquels  ils  n'avoient  point  d'autre  liai 
son  que  celle  de  I'humanite'.  Cette  liaison  leur 
suffit,  et  les  trois  cantons  d'Uri,  de  Schwitz,  et 
d'Underwald  leur  accordkrent  sur  le  champ  900 
hommes,  secours  moins  considerable  par  le  nombre 
que  par  la  qualit6  des  troupes  qui  le  composoient 
Je  suis  surpris  que  les  Suisses,  toujours  attach 6s  a 
leur  protecteur  Louis  de  Baviere,  ayent  embrass6 
avec  chaleur  le  parti  de  ses  ennemis.  Mais  les 
£tats  populaires  se  gouvernent  autant  par  passion 
que  par  politique ;  et  la  passion  des  Suisses  etoit  la 
haine  de  1'Autriche,  des  nobles,  et  de  1'injustice. 
Ils  se  mirent  en  marche,  traverskrent  une  assez 
grande  6tendue  des  terres  des  conf<6d£res,  sans  qu'- 
on  osat  les  attaquer,  et  arriv^rent  a  Berne  ou  ils  fu- 
rent  recus  comme  des  dieux  tut^laires.  On  les 
en  fit  aussit6t  sortir  pour  profiter  du  premier  feu 
de  leur  courage  et  pour  6viter  les  d^sordres  qu'au- 
roient  pu  commettre  des  hommes  peu  accoutumeV 
au  s^jour  des  villes.  Apres  avoir  confie  aux  vieil- 
lards  la  garde  de  la  capitale,  la  jeunesse  Bernoise 
avec  ses  auxiliaires,  au  nombre  de  5200  homines, 
marcha  a  1'ennemi  encore  occup6  au  siege  de  Laup- 
pen,  dont  la  garnison  se  d^fendoit  avec  une  con- 
stance  intrepid  e.  Les  chefs  de  la  r^publique  avoi- 
ent  employ^  tout  ce  que  la  raison  et  la  superstition 
peuvent  coritribuer  au  salut  de  la  patrie.  Ils 
avoient  remis  toute  1'autorite  de  l'6tat  a  Rodolphe 
d'Erlach  sous  le  nom  de  dictateur.  II _  m6ritoit  ce 
d6p6t  important  par  ses  talens  militaires,  par  la  r£- 
putation  qu'il  avoit  acquise  dans  six  batailles,  et  par 

le 


DE  LA  REPUBLIQUE  DES  SUISSES. 

le  sacrifice  qu'il  venoit  de  faire  de  tons  les  avantages  1339. 
dont  il  jouissoit  au  service  du  cornte  de  Nidau.* 
Apres  avoir  examin6  sa  situation  et  celle  des  enne- 
mis  il  r^solut  de  les  attaquer  sur  le  champ  sans 
leur  donner  le  terns  de  recevoir  les  secours  Autri- 
cliiens  qu'ils  attendoientdel'Argau.  A  cot£  du  dic- 
tateur  marchoit  le  doyen  de  l'6gljse  collegiale ;  il 
portoit  I'eucharistie  a  la  main ;  il  harangua  les  sol- 
dats,  les  remplit  de  cet  enthousiasme  qui  e"leve 
rhomme  au-dessus  de  lui-m£me  et  leur  donna  sa 
benediction  pour  le  signal  du  combat.  Les  Ber- 
nois  6toient  opposes  aux  Fribourgeois  et  a  1'infanr 
terie  des  allies  ;  ce  fut  a  regret  qu'ils  se  contente- 
rent  de  ce  poste,  mais  ils  n'avoient  pu  refuser  aux 
vives  instances  des  Suisses  Fhonneur  dangereux  de 
combattre  la  gendarmerie ;  dont  ils  6toient  accou- 
tunics,  disoient-ils,  a  abattre  Forgueil.  Leur  fer- 
mete  ne  re"sista  cependant  point  au  premier  choc 
de  ces  escadrons  he"risses  de  lances  et  months  sur  de 
grands  chevaux  de  bataille ;  leurs  rangs  en  furent 
ebranl^s  ;  mais  ils  se  r6tablirent  dans  1'instant  et  re- 
nouvellerent  le  combat  avec  fureur.  Les  Bernois 
de  leur  c6t6  pousserent  vivement  1'infanterie  des 
confeder£s  et  la  mirent  en  de"route.  La  sage  va- 
leur  du  dictateur  ne  leur  permit  point  de  s'egarer 
dans  une  poursuite  vaine ; ;  il  les  remena  au  secours 

*  Cette  maison,  qui  subsiste  encore  k  Berne,  yjouit  d'tine  con- 
sidcration,  que  la  naissance  et  la  richesse  ne  sauroient  l.ui  procu 
rer.  Elle  fait  preuve  d'une  noblesse  recormue  dans  les  tournois  du 
douzieme  siecle,  mais  elle  y  ajoute  une  gloire  plus  rare  et  plus 
veritable,  celle  d'avoir  deux  fois  sauve  sa  patrie  et  de  lui  avoir 
rendu  en  tout  terns  les  services  ies  plus  distingues. 

u  4  de 


INTRODUCTION  A  I/HISTOIRE  GENERALE 

1339.  de  leurs  amis.  Us  etoient  deja  victorieux,  et  la  no 
blesse  de  la  Bourgogne  fuyoit  de  toutes  parts  de- 
vant  les  Suisses.  Quatorze  comtes  et  quatre-vingt 
chevaliers  qui  portoient  les  casques  cou rounds,  per- 
dirent  la  vie  dans  cette  journee  decisive.  Les  Ber- 
nois  profiterent  de  leur  victoire,  et  les  Suisses  re- 
tournerent  dans  leur  patrie  contens  de  la  gloire 
qu'ils  avoient  acquise  et  de  la  reconnoissaiice  de 
leurs  amis  qu'ils  avoient  sauv6s.  L'Europe  apprit 
pour  la  premiere  ibis  qu'une  infanterie  de  paysans 
avoit  battu  en  rase  campagne  la  gendarmerie 
plus  formidable  encore  par  son  courage  que  par 
1'armure  pesante  dont  elle  £toit  couverte.  -il> 

Ce  fut  dans  cette  guerre  de  Lauppen  que  les 
Suisses  et  les  Bernois  apprirent  a  se  connoitre, 
L'estime  mutuelle,  et  les  services  qu'ils  avoient 
rendus  et  recus,  les  preparoient  insensiblement  a 
1'alliance  perpetuelle  qu'ils  .contracterent  bient6t 
apres ;  mais  avant  que  de  la  voir  il  faut  arrfcter 
les  yeux  sur  une  revolution  qui  changea  par  ses 
consequences  la  face  de  I'Helvetie.  Pour  cet  effet 
je  dois  remonter  jusqu'a  1'origine  de  Zurich,  et  par- 
courir  Fhistoire  de  cette  ville,  qui  devint  la  pre 
miere  de  la  confederation  Helv^tique. 

La  ville  de  Zurich  est  situee  a  la  tete  du  lac  de  ce 
nom,  au  milieu  d'un  pays  fertile  et  delicieux, 
On  pretend  que  les  anciens  Helvetians  avoient  re^ 
marque  les  avantages  d'un  lieu  que  la  nature  sem- 
ble  avoir  forme"  pour  le  sejour  de  1'homme,  et  qu'ils  y 
avoient  bar!  une  de  leurs  bourgades  qui  fut  bruise 
lorsqu'ils  sortirent  de  leur  patrie  pour  chercher  de 
nouvelles  habitations,  r6tablie  ensuite  par  ce  peu*- 

pie 


DE  LA  REPUBLIQUE  DES  SUJSSES. 

pie  apres  son  retour,  ernbellie  par  les  Remains,  et 
d^truite  par  les  Allemans  vers  le  commencement 
du  quatrieme  siecle.  Elle  demeura  quelque  terns 
d^serte  et  ruin£e,  jusqu'a  ce  que  la  superstition  fit 
sortir  de  ses  masures  une  autre  ville  plus  consid£- 
rable  que  la  premiere.  II  s'£toit  r£pandu  une  opi 
nion  que  quelques  soldats  de  la  legion  Thebienne 
avoient  souffert  le  martyre  a  Zurich.  On  y  de"couvrit 
bientot  leurs  tombeaux ;  ces  tombeaux  devinrent 
des  £glises  celebres,  et  le  bruit  des  prodiges  dont 
elles  etoient  le  theatre,  attira  des  habitans  de  toute 
la  contr^e  voisine,  quise  fixerentsous  la  protection 
immediate  des  saints  Felix  et  Regula.  Charle 
magne  paya  aux  prejuges  de  son  siecle,  et  peut-£tre 
aux  siens,  le  tribut  crime  £glise  de  chanoines  qu'il 
consacra  avec  les  plus  beaux  privileges  au  service 
de  ces  martyres.  Louis,  Roi  de  Germanic,  son  petit 
fils,  les  honora  encore  davantage  par  une  ab- 
baye  de  religieuses  qu'il  fonda  en  faveur  de  sa  fille 
Hildegarde.  II  accorda  aux  Saints  Martyrs,  et  aux 
religieuses  qui  les  repr£sentoient,  le  domaine  utile 
de  Zurich,  aussi  bien  que  du  pays  d'Uri,  et  leur  c^da 
&  perpetuit£  ces  terres  avec  to  us  les  serfs  qui  leur 
6toient  attaches,  et  tous  les  droits  et  revenus  que 
le  souverain  en  retiroit.  D'une  donation  aussi  li- 
b^rale  il  semble  n'avoir  except^  que  la  suzerainet^ 
m£me.  Les  dues  de  Suabe  n'avoient  rien  a  pr^- 
tendre  sur  une  ville  enclave^  dans  leur  gouverne- 
ment,  mais  qui  ne  d^pendoit  que  d'un  prefet  impe'- 
rial  pr^pos^  pour  veiller  a  la  fois  aux  droits  de 
1'empire  et  a  ceux  de  T^glise.  Les  ernpereurs  eux- 
memes  y  tenoient  souvent  leur  cour,  et  c'^toit  la 

qu'ils 


INTRODUCTION  A  I/HISTOIRE  GENEHALli 

3.55.  qu'jls  6tablissoieiit  leur  tribunal  toutes  les  fois 
qu'ils  eVoquoient  les  causes  des  Italiens  en  deca  des 
Alpes.  Tant  d'honneurs  et  de  privileges  avoient 
fait  de  Zurich  une  des  plus  belles  villes  de  la  haute 
Allemagne.  Les  historiens  du  douzieme  siecle  out 
rendu  t^moignage  a  sa  grandeur,  sa  beaut£,  et  a 
1'abondance  qui  y  re"gnoit.  Cependant  dans  les 
diplomes  des  princes  Carlovingiens  elle  n'est  d£- 

1218.  gig-ne'e  que  par  le  nom  de  bourg  et  m£rne  de  village. 
Elle  ne  fut  entoure'e  de  murailles  que  sous  le  regne 
de  Frederic  II  et  son  territoire  fut  toujours  born6 
a  1'enceinte  de  ces  murailles.  Le  principe  de  ses 
richesses  etoit  en  elle-m£me  et  dans  1'industrie 
d'un  peuple  nombreux  et  infatigable.  Je  ne  sais 
si  je  dois  assurer  que  Zurich  a  poss6d6  une  des 
premieres  manufactures  de  soie  qu'on  ait  vu  en 
Europe,  manufacture  que  ses  guerres  civiles  lui 
enleverent  pour  la  transporter  a  Come  dans  le  Mi- 
lanois;  mais  il  est  constant  que  la  plupart  des  tra- 
vaux  utiles  y  fleurissoient  depuis  les  premiers  terns, 
et  qu'elle  s'enrichissoient  en  r^pandant  sur  les  con- 
tr6es  voisines  le  fruit  de  son  Industrie.  Cette  in- 
dustrie  £toit  a  la  v6rit6  tres  inf<6rieure  a  celle  des 
Italiens.  Les  Zuriquois,  simples  et  grossiers,  se  con-r 
tentoient  d'un  n6cessaire  .  assez  abondant  et  ne 
connurent  point  le  besoin  et  les  agr6mens  des 
beaux  arts. 

Les  objets  les  plus  ge*ne"raux  n'existent  pour  les 
hommesque  relativement  a  leurs  id^es  particulieres. 
C'est  ainsi  que  chaque  ordre  porte  dans  la  soci£t6 
les  moeurs  etles  prejug^s  de  son  6tat,  Le  noble  ne 

daigne 


DE  LA  REPUBLIQUE  DES  SUISSES. 

daigne  jetter  les  yeux  que  sur  un  petit  nombre 
d'hommes  destines  par  le  droit  de  la  naissance  a 
r£gner  sur  la  multitude.  Pour  le  militaire  la  societe* 
politique  n'est  qu'un  camp  toujours  arm  6  centre  ses 
voisins  et  qui  ne  reconnoit  d'autres  loix  que  les 
volonte"s  de  son  chef.  Le  pretre  appercoit  partout 
des  institutions  divines  et  le  don  de  la  terre  que 
Dieu  a  fait  a, ses  61us.  Le  n6gociant  sent  que  des 
hommes  libres  par  leur  nature  sont  unis  par  leurs 
besoins  r6ciproques.  L'esprit  du  commerce  est 
celui  de  la  Iibert6,  et  le  commerce  ne  peut  fleurir 
qu'a  Fombre  des  loix.  Celui  de  Zurich  s'accrut 
avec  les  privileges  qui  se  multiplioient  tous  les 
jours  sous  la  douce  administration  des  abbesses. 
L'Empereur  Frederic  II.  mit  enfin  le  sceau  a  sa 
libert^  en  confirmant  tous  ses  droits  et  en  la 
declarant  ville  impe*riale  et  inalienable. 

Dans  Fobscurite  repandue  sur  le  premier  age  de 
1'histoire  Ton  entrevoit  assez  confus6ment  la  forme 
de  la  r6publique  Zuriquoise:  elle  6toit  gouvern^e, 
selon  Fopinion  la  plus  probable,  par  un  conseil  de 
trente-six  personnes,  choisies  a  la  v£rite  par  le  corps 
de  la  bourgeoisie,  mais  dont  les  places  etoient  per- 
pe*tuelles  et  Fautorit6  a  pen  pres  souveraine.  Us 
Etoient  partag^s  en  trois  chambres,  qui  se  succ6- 
doient;  et  chaque  chambre  se  voyoit  a  la  t^te  de 
1'^tat  pendant  quatre  mois  de  Famine.  Dans  les 
affaires  difficiles  elle  s'associoit  les  lumieres  de  ses 
collegues,  et  dans  celles  qui  sembloient  inte"resser 
la  communaut6  entiere  elle  s'autorisoit  par  le 
suffrage  d'un  nombre  considerable  des  bourgeois. 
Cette  aristocratic  gouverna  longtems  avec  une  jus 
tice 


300     INTRODUCTION  A  L  HISTOIRE  GENERALE 

1335.  tice  et  une  tranquillite*  qui  fournit  pen  d'eVenemens1 
a  1'histoire;  mais  enfin  elle  fut  corrompue  par  le 
vice  de  son  institution.  Ces  conseillers,  abusant 
de  leur  pouvoir,  se  crurent  les  maitres  d'un  peuple 
dont  ils  n'etoient  que  les  ministres.  Les  graces  et 
m£me  la  justice  n'6toit  que  pour  ceux  dont  les 
bassesses  briguoient  leur  faveur  et  flattoient  leur 
orgueil.  Leur  avarice  et  leur  profusion  e*puisoient 
le  tre*sor  public,  et  le  peupie  n'£toit  instruit  de  leur 
infidelite  que  par  les  nouveaux  imp6ts  qu'elle 
exigeoit  de  lui.  II  sentit  le  .triste  etat  auquel  ses 
magistrats  I'avoient  re*duit,  et  n'esperoit  point  un 
avenir  plus  heureux.  L'esprit  du  conseil  se  per- 
p6tuoit  dans  tous  ses  membres,  et  les  Zuriquois,  qui 
changeoient  leurs  tyrans  trois  fois  par  an,  6prou- 
voient  toujours  la  m£me  tyrannic. 

Un  seul  citoyen  aspira  a  la  gloire  de  liberateur 
de  sa  patrie.  II  s'appelloit  Rodolphe  Brun,  iiom 
consacre  par  la  reconnoissance  de  la  poste'rite',  Sa 
naissance  et  son  merite  lui  avoit  donne  une  place 
dans  le  conseil ;  mais  sa  prudence  et  peut-etre  sa 
vertu  lui  dicta  des  maximes  tres  opposees  a  celles 
de  ses  collogues.  II  pr^vit  que  cette  puissance 
fondee  sur  Finjustice  alloit  bientdt  s'ecrouler,  et 
qu'en  se  declarant  le  vengeur  de  leurs  crimes  il  ne 
lui  seroit  pas  difficile  de  s'elever  sur  leur  chute  au 
lieu  de  la  partager.  Des^  moeurs  populaires  et  une 
reputation  sans  tache  prevenoient  deja  ses  con- 
citoyens  en  sa  faveur,  et  il  employoit,  pour  gagner 
leur  confiance,  tous  les  arts  de  1'ambition  qui 
s'humilie.  II  s'inte'ressoit  a  toutes  leurs  aifaires, 
6coutoit  leurs  plaintes  avec  une  bont6  attentive, 

s'attendrissoit 


DE  LA  REPUBLIQUE  DES  SUISSES.  301 

s'attendrissoit  sur  leurs  maux,  leur  rappelloit  leurs  1335* 
droits  et  le  bonheur  de  leurs  ancetres,  exageioit  la 
durete*  clu  conseil  et  ne  leur  laissoit  d'espe"rahce 
qu'en  eux-m£mes.  "  Ami  du  peuple,  et  des  loix, 
j'ai  souvent  £leve",  leur  disoit-il,  ma  foible  voix 
centre  1'oppression  qu'on  d^guise  ici  sous  le  nom  de 
justice.  Mes  efforts  ont  e"t£  inutiies  a  mes  citoyens 
et  peruicieux  a  moi-meme.  J'ai  tout  a  craiudre 
de  1'inimitie'  des  mes  collegues.  Je  1'ai  me*  rite"  pour 
avoir  defend u  un  peuple  qui  ne  sait  se  deTendre 
lui-meme."  Ses  discours  de"couvroientaux  Zuriquois 
le  secret  de  leurs  forces  et  de  la  foiblesse  du  con 
seil.  Leur  me"pris  pour  ces  maitres  qu'ils  avoient 
si  longtems  reVe're's,  s'augmentoit  tous  les  jours  avec 
leur  admiration  pour  ce  grand  homme  qui  avoit 
ranim6  leur  courage.  Guides  par  ses  avis,  les 
citoyens  refuserent  a  la  chambre  qui  entroit  en 
office  au  commencement  du  mois  de  Mai,  le 
serment  de  fid61it6  qu'elle  exigeoit  d'eux.  Avant 
que  de  reconnoitre  son  autorit6,  its  pr^tendoient 
qu'elle  rendit  un  compte  de  sa  derniere  adminis 
tration,  et  de  tous  les  revenus  publics  qui  lui  e"toient 
passes  par  les  mains;  ils  d£claroient  hautement 
qu'ils  pre"paroient  le  meme  examen  pour  les  deux 
autres  chambres,  et  qu'ils  ne  soufTriroient  plus  les 
exces  honteux  qui  ne  leur  laissoient  qu'un  vain 
nom  de  r6publique.  Les  conseillers,  ^tonn^s  d'une 
audace  a  laquelle  ils  ^toient  si  pen  accoutumeX 
essayerent  encore  de  se  soutenir  par  la  hauteur,  et 
commencerent,  sans  6gard  aux  remontrances  des 
bourgeois,  a  s'acquitter  des  fonctions  de  leurs 
emplois ;  mais  la  hauteur  irrite  toutes  les  fois  qu'elle 

n'intimkfe 


302     INTRODUCTION  A  I/HISTOIKE  GENLfRALE 

1335.  n'intimide  point;  leurs  menaces  cle  punir  Brun 
et  les  autres  conjureY  ne  servirent  qu'a  les  con- 
vaincre  de  la  ne"cessite  ou  ils  etoient  de  prendre  un 
parti  de"cisif.  Ils  le  prirent  enfin;  la  bourgeoisie 
s'assembla,  courut  aux  armes,  investit  la  maison 
de  ville,  dissipa  sans  repandre  de  sang  le  conseil 
qui  y  si6geoit,  et  an^antit  dans  un  instant  la  vaine 
puissance  de  1'aristocratie.  Les  magistrats  qui  se 
sentoient  les  plus  criminels  se  sauverent  de  la  ville. 
Quelques  uns  oserent  se  confier  a  la  justice  ou  a  la 
cl&nence  de  leurs  concitoyens.  Ceux-ci  n'etoient 
qu'au  nombre  de  sept.  Brun  lui-meme  se  trouvoit 
parmi  eux,  mais  sa  justification  fut  achaque  moment 
interrompue  par  les  applaudissemens  d'un  peuple 
entier  qui  le  nommoit  son  chef,  son  ami  et  son 
sauveur.  En  attendant  la  tranquillite  n£cessaire 
pour  les  soins  importans  d'une  nouvelle  legislation, 
ce  peuple  lui  remit  1'administratioii  souveiuine  de 
1'^tat.  Brun  se  chargea  de  ce  fardeau  glorieux 
avec  une  repugnance  qu'il  ne  dissimuloit  point.  II 
connoissoit  la  multitude  et  Penvie,  et  se  hata  de 
donner  a  sa  puissance  des  bornes  qui  la  rendissent 
moms  odieuse  et  plus  assur^e. 

Peu  de  terns  apres,  la  bourgeoisie  s'assembla  pour 
donner  son  consentement  a  un  corps  de  loix  qui 
etablissoit  une  nouvelle  r6publique  sur  les  ruines 
de  Pancien  conseil.  Treize  conseillers  repr6sen- 
toient  encore  la  partie  aristocratique  de  la  consti 
tution,  mais  leur  emploi  passager  expiroit  a  la  fin 
de  six  mois,  et  ne  pouvoit  se  renouveller  en  leur 
faveur  qu'apres  un  pareil  intervalle.  Ils  6toient 
tir^s  de  la  classe  des  nobles  auxquels  on  laissa 

Phonneur 


1)E  LA  REPUBLI4UE  DES  SUISSES.  $03 

4'honneur  d'etre  le  premier  ordre  de  1'etat,  mais  en 
associant  a  leurs  privileges  la  partie  la  plus  riche 
et  la  plus  considered  de  la  bourgeoisie.  Quinze 
jours  avant  le  changement  du  conseil,  le  Bourgue- 
mcstre,  d£clar6  chef  de  la  re*publique  par  ce  nouveau 
reglement,  £toit  tenu  a  nommer  les  deux  chevaliers 
et  les  quatre  bourgeois  qu'il  estimoit  le  plus,  et  a 
consulter  avec  eux  sur  le  choix  des  secateurs. 
Leur  puissance  6toit  balancee  par  celles  des 
tribuns  qui  sie"geoient  avec  eux,  et  qui  par  le 
nombre,  la  duree,  et  I'autorite'  ne  dhTe'roient  point 
des  secateurs  eux-memes.  Ces  tribuns  6toient  a 
la  fois  Torgane  et  les  protecteurs  du  peuple  qui  les 
^lisoit.  La  bourgeoisie  de  Zurich  fut  partage"e 
en  treize  tribus  ou  corps  de  metiers.  Chaque 
tribu  composoit  une  partie  int^grante  de  l'£tat, 
elle  avoit  ses  privileges,  ses  revenus,  ses  assemblies, 
et  son  repr£sentant  dans  le  conseil  souverain. 
Toutes  les  puissances  de  la  r^publique  s'an^antis- 
soient  et  se  renouvelloient  deux  fois  par  an,  a 
Texception  de  I'autorit6  du  Bourguemestre,  qui 
£toit  fixe  et  perp^tuelle.  II  £toit  chef  du  s6nat,  et 
son  pouvoir  s'^tendoit  6galement  sur  la  guerre,  les 
negotiations  ^trangeres,  la  justice,  et  la  police  in- 
t£rieure.  Le  serment  de  fid£lit6  qu'il  avoit  droit 
<l'exiger  de  tous  les  ci  toy  ens  6toit  regard^  par  les 
•loix  comme  le  premier  des  sermens.  Les  Zuriquois 
avoient  cru  qu'une  ville  mal-affermie  dans  sa 
libert^  et  pleine  de  m£contens  demandoit  un  dic- 
tateur,  et  ils  ne  craignerent  point  1'ambition  d'un 
citoyen  qui  avoit  acquis  toute  leur  confiance. 
Rodolphe  Brun  fut  nomm6  Bourguemestre  par  une 

acclamation 


304     INTRODUCTION  A  L^HISTOlRE  GENERALS 

1336.      acclamation  general e,  et  gouverna  vingt-quatre 

plus  encore  par  la  consideration  personnelle  que 
par  la  dignite  de  sa  place.  Mais  ses  successeurs, 
qui  n'avoient  que  cette  dignit6,  ne  purerit  conserver 
des  prerogatives  aussi  excessives,  qui  n'etoient  plus 
n£cessaires  an  salut  de  1'etat  et  qui  mena^oient  sa 
liberte.  On  partagea  bient6t  Fautorite  en  etablis- 
sant  deux  bourguemestres,  qui  se  succedoient  de 
la  meme  maniere  que  les  autres  officiers  de  la 
r£publique;  ils  furent  depoui!16s  de  la  nomination 
du  s£nat,  et  Ton  dispensa  les  citoyens  du  serment 
tie  rldelit^.  L'esprit  populaire,  qui  se  fortifioit  tons 
les  jours,  epargna  aussi  peu  les  privileges  de  la 
noblesse  que  les  droits  de  bourguemestre.  Les 
tribus  se  plaignoient  qu'un  s£nat  trop  peu  nom- 
breux  ramenoit  les  terns  de  leur  ancienne  aris 
tocratic.  Elles  voulurent  regner;  mais  sensibles- 
encore  aux  deTauts  d'une  multitude  qui  ne  sait  ni 
d61ib6rer  ni  agir,  elles  se  content^rent  d'etablir  un 
conseil  de  deux  cens  personnes  choisies  dans  toutes 

1593,  les  tribus  par  les  suffrages  des  bourgeois.  Ils  se 
repos&rent  sur  ce  conseil,  la  creature  et  1'image  du 
peuple,  des  soins  d'une  autorite  qu'ils  ne  savoient 
exercer  eux-m£mes.  Ils  lui  confierent  le  choix  des 
bourguemestres  et  du  s6nat,  et  toute  la  puissance 
ex£cutnce.  De  la  puissance  legislative  ils  n'ex- 
cept^rent  que  les  affaires  qui  interessoient  la  re 
ligion,  1'empire,  et  la  confederation  Helv^tique, 
dont  la  connoissance  6toit  r6serv6e  aux  assemblees 
g6nerales  du  peuple.  Tous  les  grands  traits  de 
cette  constitution  subsistent  encore  a  Zurich,  mais 
Texception  est  oubli^e  ou  abolie,  et  Ton  doit 

regarder 


DE  LA  REPUBLIQUE  DES  SUISSES.  305 

regarder  le  conseil  des  deux  cens  comme  le  veri-  1393. 
table  souverain  de  la  r6publique,*  qui  fait  la  nuance 
entre  les  e"  tats  populaires  de  la  Suisse  et  ceux  dont 
les  se"nats  aristocratiques  se  renouvellent  eux- 
m£mes  par  une  succession  qui  ne  depend  point  du 
choix  de  la  communaute*. 

Le  le"gislateur  de  Zurich,  apres  avoir  donne"  ces 
loix,  crut  devoir  obtenir  la  confirmation  de  tous 
ceux  dont  les  droits  e"  toient  encore  reconnus  par  les 
citoyens.  L'Empereur  (c'£toit  toujours  Louis  de 
Baviere)  approuva  la  forme  de  gouvernement  qu'ils 
avoient  6tabli.  L'abbesse  du  couvent  de  Zurich 
les  aifranchit  de  sa  clependance  avec  une  facile 
bonte"  qui  ne  lui  laissa  que  le  titre  de  prince  dont 
elle  se  pare  avec  complaisance  dans  le  diplome  qui 
existe  encore  de  cette  transaction.  Le  chapitre 
des  chanoines  suivit  son  exemple,  et  remit  a  la 
ville  la  plupart  des  anciens  droits  qui  lui  restoient 

*  Les  propositions  generates  sont  rarement  exactes  par  la  raison 
meme  qu'elles  sont  gene  rales.  J'ai  tache  de  bien  voir  mon  objet, 
mais  cet  objet  assez  vaste  renferme  dans  ses  details  mille  ex 
ceptions  que  la  nature  de  mon  plan  ne  m'a  point  permis  de 
suivret  C'est  ainsi  que  je  semble  con fo n d re  les  senate urs  et  les 
tribunsde  la  nouvelle  constitution  actuelle.  Ceux-ci,  qui  sont  k 
la  tete  des  representans  de  chaque  tribu,  entrent  au  senatpar 
Telection  immediate  du  peuple,  pendant  que  les  premiers,  avec 
les  bourguemestres  et  les  autres  magistrals,  sont  tires  du  nombre 
des  deux  cens  parle  choix  mSme  de  ce  conseil.  Je  me  suis  vu 
force  k  ne  donner  qu'une  idee  treslegere  de  la  classe  des  nobles, 
(en  Allemand  Constoffil,)  qui  a  perdu  quelques  unes  de  ces  prero 
gatives  et  qui  en  conserve  plusieurs  autres.  J'attends  d'ailleurs 
de  1'indulgenCe  ou  plutot  de  1'equite  des  Suisses  qu'ils  n'oublient 
jamais  qu'etranger  moi-m^me,  j'ecris  principalement  pour  les 
strangers. 

VOL.  in.  x  encore,   . 


306    INTRODUCTION  A  L'HISTOIRE  GENERALE 

1336.      encore,  et  qui  n'etoient  plus   qu'un  t6moignage 
honteux  de  la  premiere  servitude  des  bourgeois. 

Occupe*s  de  cette  revolution,  nous  avons  perdu 
de  vue  le  sort  des  mauvais  citoyens  qui  1'occasion- 
nerent.  On  les  jugeaavec  rigueur,  mais  leurs  arr£ts 
portent  le  caractere  de  la  justice  dans  1'exactitude 
scrupuleuse  avec  laquelle  on  y  proportionne  les 
punitions  aux  crimes.  Les  uns  sont  punis  par 
les  amendes.  On  impose  aux  autres  un  exil  plus 
ou  moins  long;  on  fletrit  le  nom  des  plus  coupables 
en  interdisant  a  eux  et  a  leurs  enfans  l'entre*e  des 
charges  publiques.  Quelques  conseillers,  qui  pre*- 
f6roient  un  repos  assure*  a  une  vengeance  incer- 
taine,  se  soumirent  a  leur  sentence,  reconnurent  la 
nouvelle  r^publique,  et  s'6tudierent  a  mieux  obe"ir 
qu'ils  n'avoient  command^.  Tous  les  autres  se  rc- 
tirerent  aupres  du  Comte  de  Raperschwyl,  qui  se 
trouvoit  par  la  situation  de  ses  e*tats  ami  tres  utile 
ou  ennemi  dangereux  des  Zuriquois,  dont  la  poli- 
tique  avoit  eu  soin  de  manager  peu  auparavant  avec 
lui  une  alliance  e*troite.  Mais  ce  prince,  sorti  de 
la  maison  d'Autriche,  £toit  trop  sensible  au  plaisir 
d'affoiblir  une  ville  libre  et  puissante  pour  ne  pas 
accueillir  tant  de  ses  citoyens  m6contens  qui  la 
d6chiroient  de  leurs  propres  mains.  II  leur  accorda 
le  chateau  de  Raperschwyl  pour  retraite,  et  leur 
permit  de  travail ler  a  la  mine  de  leur  patrie.  Aussi- 
t6t  que  la  nouvelle  de  leur  r^volte  fut  port£e  a 
Zurich,  le  s£nat  confisqua  tous  leurs  biens,  et 
leur  d^nonca  un  exil  perpetual.  Irrit6  enfin  par 
la  mauvaise  foi  du  comte  et  par  la  protection  qu'il 
accordoit  toujours  a  leurs  sujets  rebelles,  il  voulut 

1'en 


BE  LA  REPUBLIQUE  DES  SUISSES.  307 

Ten  punir.     Les  citoyens,  rassemble's  sous  la  ban-     issr. 
niere  de  la  ville,  monterent  sur  leurs  bateaux,  et 
voguerent  sur  le  lac  de  Zurich  du  c6t£  de  Raper- 
schwyl.     Les  exile's  joignirent  leur  desespoir  au 
courage  des  habitans ;  les  assaillans  furent  repousses, 
et  le  Comte  de  Toggenbourg,  qu'une  querelle  par- 
ticuliere  avoit  engage*  a  joindre  ses  armes  a  celles 
des  Zuriquois,  demeura  prisonnier  entre  les  mains 
des  ennemis.     Le  Comte  de  Habsbourg  assiegeoit 
alors  la  petite  ville  de  Grynau  situe"e  a  rextr6mite* 
du  lac,  et  les  Zuriquois  s'avancerent  jusques  la  pour 
se  venger  sur  sa  personne  de  1'echoc  qu'ils  avoient 
recu  devant  sa  capitale.    L'entreprise  fut  heureuse ; 
le  comte  fut  tue"  apres  un  combat  opiniatre  qui  fit 
peVir  la  plupart  des  siens.     Les  Zuriquois  rentrerent 
dans  leur  ville  contens  et  victorieux,  mais  leur 
joie  fut  troubled  par  le  triste  sort  de  leur  allie*.     II 
fut  la  victime  de  la  fureur  de  ceux  de  Raperschwyl, 
qui  croyoient  signaler  leur  amour  pour  leur  prince, 
en  sacrifiant  a  ses  manes  ce  prisonnier  malheureux, 
qui  fut  coup6  en  mille  morceaux :  la  republique 
de   Zurich  profita  de  la   premiere   terreur   qu'in- 
spirerent  ses  succes  pour  detruire  plusieurs  chateaux 
qui  rincommodoient,  et  fit  des  alliances  avec  Tabbe* 
tt  la  ville  de  St.   Gall,  et  les  villes  de  Basle,  de 
SchafTbuse,  et  de  Constance.     Elle  reussit  aussi  ^ 
attirer  dans  son  parti  un  grand  nombre  de  maisons 
des  chevaliers  de  Rhodes,  aujourd'hui  de  Malte, 
dont  lafoietla  valeur  ont  ^t6  les  memes  dans  tou^ 
les  siecles. 

Zurich  jouit  d'une    assez    grande   tranquillit^     13*9- 
pendant  1'enfance  du  jeune  Comte  de  Habsbourg, 

x2  fils 


308     INTRODUCTION  A  I/HISTOI&E  GENERALE 

1350.      £js  ^e  cejui  qui  avoit  e*te"  tue  au  combat  de  Grynau. 
mais  sa jeunesse fut empoisoimee sans  peine  paries 
conseils   inte"resses   des  exiles  qui  lui   rep^toient 
toujours  qu'il  avoit  a  la  fois  son  pere  et  sa  gloire  a 
venger.     Trop  foible  cependant  pour  prendre  les 
armes  il  choisit  une  vengeance  lache  et  perfide. 
Les  exiles  avoient  toujours  entretenu  des  intelli 
gences  secrettes  dans  leur  ancienne  patrie.     Toutes 
les  r£publiques  renferment  des  m^contens  a  qui 
les  magistrats  sont  odieux,  des  coupables  qui  craig- 
nent  les  loix,  des  homines  ruin£s  qui  n'esperent 
que  dans  la  confusion  g6n£rale,  et  des  esprits  ambi- 
tieux  qui  travaillent  a  fonder  leur  grandeur  sur 
cette  confusion.     lis  se  r^unirent  tous  par  les  in 
trigues  des  exiles,  se  devouerent  a  leurs  int^r^ts,  et 
promirent  de  les  ramener  dans  Zurich  embras6  et 
inond6  du  sang  de  tous  les  partisans  du  bourgue- 
mestre  et  du  s6nat.     Huit  cens  soldats  du  comte  se 
glisserent  dans  la  ville  a  la  faveur  de  leurs  deguise- 
mens  et  se  disperserent  dans  les  maisons  de  leurs 
partisans.     Une  cavalerie  choisie  s'approchoit  de 
toutes  les  portes,  pendant  que  plusieurs  chaloupes 
armies  se  pr^paroient  a  entrer  dans  le  port  a  la 
faveur  de  la  nuit.     Le  Comte  de  Habsbourg  avoit 
communiqu6  ses  desseins  a  un  grand  nombre  de 
gentilshommes  qui  ne  rougirent  point  d'etre  les 
complices  des  assassins.    II  gardoit  encore  quelques 
dehors  de  biens^ance  avec  les  citoyens  de  Zurich, 
et  Ton  ne  fut  point  surpris  de  le  voir  arriver  dans  la 
ville  avec  une  suite  tres  nornbreuse  de  nobles  et  de 
militaires.     Quelques  uns  des  exiles  eurent  la  har- 
diesse  de  le  suivre,  le  s6nat  ne  voulut  pas  les  voir,  et 

le 


DE  LA  REPUBLIQUE  DES  SU1SSES.  30<J 

Ie  peuple  s'imagina  qu'ils  venoient  pour  faire  leur  1350 
soumission  et  pour  recevoir  la  grace  que  leur  pro- 
tecteur  avoit  taut  de  fois  sollicit^e  pour  eux.  Le 
complot  se  tramoit  avec  un  secret  qui  d£roboit  aux 
yeux  vigilans  du  bourguemestre  les  manoeuvres 
des  conjures,  dont  aucun  ne  fut  £bran!6  ni  par  la 
crainte  ni  par  les  remords.  Un  jeune  garcon  fut 
le  sauveur  de  l'6tat.  Le  hasard  lui  fit  entendre  les 
diseours  de  quelques  soldats  du  Comte  de  Habs- 
bourg,  qui  se  communiquoient  mutuellement  les 
ordres  qu'ils  avoient  recus  de  prenclre  les  armes  k 
une  heure  apres  minuit,  de  s'emparer  de  la  maison 
de  ville,  et  de  massacrer  Rodolphe  Brun  et  toute  sa 
faction.  II  apprit  jusqu'au  mot  de  ralliement  qui 
servoit  a  distinguer  les  s£ditieux.  Deja  1'heure 
approche,  le  terns  presse,  et  le  danger  croit  a  chaque 
instant.  Ce  jeune  homme  court  chez  le  bourgue 
mestre,  le  fait  lever,  et  lui  apprend  que  dans  peu  de 
momens,  la  Iibert6  et  les  amis  de  la  Iibert6  vont 
perir.  Brun  prend  son  parti  avec  ce  courage  tran- 
quille  qui  voit  le  danger  et  ne  s'en  6tonne  point. 
II  change  d'habit  avec  son  valet,  traverse  les  flots 
s&iitieux,  qui  remplissent  deja  les  rues  et  qui  n  at- 
tendent  que  le  signal  du  carnage,  perce  jusqu'a 
Th6tel  de  ville,  s'enferme  dans  le  clocher,  et  sonne 
le  tocsin.  R6 veil!6s  par  ce  bruit;  terrible,  les  citoyens 
effray^s  s'arment,  sortent  de  leurs  maisons,  et  vo- 
lent  au  secours  de  leur  cbef  qui  se  deYendoit  dans 
la  maison  de  ville,  dont  les  conjures  travailloient  k 
enfoncer  les  portes.  L'allanne  se  r6pandit  dans 
tous  les  quartiers  de  la  ville,  et  1'on  combattoit;  dans 
les  t£nebres  de  la  nuit,  sans  trop  connoitre  son 

x  3  danger 


310      INTRODUCTION  A  I/HISTOIRE  GENERALS 

1350.  danger  ni  ses  ennemis.  Les  bouchers  terrassoient 
avec  leurs  grandes  haches  tout  ce  qui  se  presentoit 
devant  eux.  Les  pr£tres  de  la  cathedrale  inter- 
rompirent  Foffice  pour  courir  au  secours  de  la  patrie 
avec  les  armes  qu'ils  trouverent  dans  la  sacristie. 
Bientdt  la  voix  du  bourguemestre  fit  connoitre  aux 
citoyens  les  objets  de  leur  juste  terreur.  Mille 
flambeaux  s'allumoient  dans  toutes  les  rues,  les 
conjures  furent  accables  du  haut  des  maisons 
d'uiie  grele  de  pierres  et  de  traits,  Le  jour  parut 
enfin  et  de"couvrit  le  spectacle  affreux  du  carnage 
d'un  combat  nocturne.  Mais  les  Zuriquoisvictorieux 
virent  avec  transport  leurs  ennemis  etendus  k  leurs 
pieds,  le  petit  nombre  qui  restoit  encore,  charge"  de 
fers,  les  campagnes  remplies  d'une  cavalerie  qui 
fuyoit  avec  precipitation,  et  le  lac  convert  des  debris 
des  bateaux  qui  s'^toient  brisks  dans  la  confusion 
cle  leur  retraite.  Les  corps  morts  cles  conjures  de* 
jneurerent  sans  sepulture,  abandonn6s  a  la  fureur  et 
aux  insultes  de  la  populace.  Les  prisonniers  ne  fu 
rent  epargnes  que  pour  ^prouver  le  supplice  qu'ils 
avoient  si  bien  m6rit6.  Dix-sept  d'entre  eux  furent 
expos6s  surla  roue  devant  leurs  maisons;  dix-hujt 
furent  d&apites  devant  I'h6tel  de  ville.  Le  Comte 
de  Toggenbourg  avoit  p^ri  dans  le  lac.  Le  Baron 
de  Mazingen  et  un  Seigneur  de  Landenberg  furent 
tue"s  les  armes  a  la  main.  Le  Comte  de  Habs- 
bourg  lui-mfime  avec  le  Baron  de  Bonstetten 
i^toient  du  nombre  des  prisonniers,  mais  on  re- 
specta  encore  en  eux  la  naissance  qu'ils  avoient 
d£shonor6e,  et  Ton  se  contenta  de  les  garder  ^ti  oite- 
ment. 

Le 


DE  LA  RE'PUBLIQUE  DES  SUISSES.  311 

Le  Bourguemestre  Brun  ne  laissa  point  a  re-     1350. 
froidir  1'indignation   publique.     II   profita  de   sa    2Mars< 
premiere  fureur  pour  conduire  la  banniere  de  Zu 
rich  clevant  la  ville  de  Raperschwyldont  le  voisinage 
lui  avoit  toujours  &t&  incommode.      Les  Zuriquois 
la  prirent  par  capitulation,  detruisirent  ses  murs 
et  sa  citadelle,   d^vasterent  toutes  les  terres  du 
Comte  de  Habsbourg,  et  obligerent  tous  ses  sujets 
a  leur  prater  serment  de  fkieiite. 

Des  succes  aussi  rapides  eieverent  la  gloire  de 
Zurich :  le  peuple,  qui  passe  avec  tant  de  facilite 
de  la  consternation  a  la  fierte,  fut  ebloui  de  cette 
gloire,  pendant  que  son  sage  magistrat  n'en  voyoit 
que  les  perils.  II  savoit  que  le  sang  ou  TinteVet 
unissoient  le  Comte  de  Habsbourg  a  la  maison 
d'Autriche  et  &  toute  la  noblesse  Helv6tique.  Pour 
soutenir  le  choc  de  tant  d'ennemis,  que  1'indigna 
tion,  la  honte,  et  la  jalousie  alioient  armer  centre 
sa  patrie,  il  lui  cherche  un  nouveau  rempart.  La 
foi  et  la  valeur  des  Suisses  lui  e" toient  connues ;  pour 
les  interesser  en  sa  faveur,  il  proposa  aux  quatre  can 
tons  de  recevoir  Zurich  dans  leur  confederation 
perpetuelle.  Les  Suisses  eurent  la  sage  hardiesse 
de  mepriser  le  danger  actuel  et  de  le  sacrifier  aux 
ayantages  futurs  et  a  I'honneur  que  leur  promettoit 
une  pareille  alliance.  Ils  Taccepterent  sans  h^siter, 
et  pour  t^moigner  leur  respect  a  la  premiere  ville 
de  FHelv£tie,  ils  lui  accorderent  cette  primaut6 
dont  elle  jouit  encore  dans  la  confederation. 

Le  fond  de  cette  alliance  est  le  m£me  que  dans     isst. 
les  traites  precedens,  mais  on  s'appercoit  que  les  liens 
de  1'amitie  se  relachent  en  s'etendant.  Au  lieu  d'une 

x  4  '!v>- obligation 


INTRODUCTION  A  I/HISTOIRE  GENERALE 

i35i.  obligation  simple  de  marcher  avec  toutes  ses  forces 
&  la  premiere  requisition  d'un  alli6,  une  diette 
g6nerale  cloit  juger  de  1'objet,  du  peril,  et  du  se* 

1  cours  qu'il  exige,  et  le  canton  qui  a  recu  les  avan- 

tages  de  ce  secours  doit  fournir  aux  frais  de  l'exp£- 
dition.  Les  allies  ne  se  d£pouillent  point  du  droit 
de  prendre  des  engagemens  avec  les  puissances 
6trangeres;  maisils  jurentque  ces  engagemens  n'au- 
ront  jamais  rien  de  contraire  a  ceux  qu'ils  viennent 
de  contracter.  Les  quatre  cantons,  attaches  a  leurs 
premiers  nceuds,  d6clarent  qu'ils  auront  toujours  la 
preY6rence  sur  cette  alliance  plus  r^cente  et  moins 
6troite.*  Elle  porte  cependant  les  caracteres  sacres, 
d'une  union  intime,  egale  et  perpetuelle,  qui  dis 
tingue  la  Confederation  Helv6tique  de  tous  les 
autres  trait6s,  tristes  monumens  de  Fambition  et  de 
la  perfidie  de  I'hoinme. 

Les  craintes  des  Zuriquois  n'avoient  point  etc 
sans  fondement.  Le  Due  d?Autriche  se  d£clara 
leur  ennemi ;  c'6toit  Albert,  surnomm6  le  boi- 
teux,  seul  fils  qui  restoit  encore  de  TEmpereur 
Albert.  Etranger  a  la  Suisse,  qu'il  ne  visitoit  que 
tres  rarement,  il  meconnut,  aussi  bien  que  les  auti'es 
princes  de  sa  maison,  la  force  et  la  foiblesse  de  ses 
6 tats  eloign6s.  II  temoigna  son  indignation  de 

V.  Tschudi,       *  C'est  dans  ce  traite  qu'il  faut  chercher  la  premiere  idee  de 

I)e  Watte-    ce  4u'on  a  ensuite  norame  droit  Helvetique,  auquel  chaque  can- 

•ville,  Hist,     ton  et  chaque  individu  etoit  tenu  a  soumettre  ses  diftcrens.     Les 

d^ratiou"^"  ^eijx  Part's  nommoient  quatre  arbitres  tires  du  corps  Helyetique. 

Helvetique,  Cesjuges  assermentes  prononfoient  leur  arret.     S'ilsse  trouvoient 

tom.i.p.262.  partages  ils  choisissoient  un  sur-arbitre  qui  n'avoit  que  le  droit 

d'opter  entre  les  deux  avis.     Lorsque  la  patrie  des  arbitres  s'y 

trouvoit  interessee,  on  avoit  la  precaution  de  les  dispenser  du  sei- 

rnent  de  fidelite  qu'ils  lui  avoient  pret6. 


DE  LA  REPUBLIQUE  DES  SUISSES.  313 

1  attentat  que  les  Zuriquois  avoient  ose"  commettre ;  1351. 
it  r^clama  hautement  la  personne  et  les  droits  du 
Comte  de  Habsbourg,  son  parent  et  son  vassal,  et 
il  exigea  encore  qu'apres  lui  avoir  rendu  la  liberte", 
ils  expiassent,  par  une  amende  considerable,  les  ou 
trages  qu'il  avoit  soufferts.  Les  Zuriquois  repr£~ 
senterent  vainement  qu'ils  avoient  suivi  la  pre 
miere  des  Iqix;  qu'ils  n'6toient  coupables  que 
d'avoir  de"tourn6  le  glaive  de  Fassassin ;  et  que  le 
Comte  de  Habsbourg,  cet  assassin,  leur  devoit  la  vie 
qu'il  avoit  me'rite'  de  perclre.  On  leur  re"pondit 
qu'il  falloit  choisir  de  la  soumission  ou  de  la  guerre. 
Ils  choisirent  la  guerre,  et  se  preparerent  a  la  soute- 
air.  Les  Suisscs,  leurs  nouveaux  a  lies,  leur  en 
voy  erent  un_  secours  dc  quinze  cens  homines  qui 
ne  de*mentirent  point  la  gloire  de  la  nation.  D'un 
autre  c6te,  la  noblesse  Helvetique,  qui  se  pretoit 
avec  une  sorte  d'enthousiasme  au  ressentimeiit  de 
leur  due,  le  mit  bient6t  en  £tat  de  lever  une  arme'e 
nombrcuse  e]t  de  marcher  en  person  e  centre  la 
ville  de  Zurich, 

Ce  fut  dans  cette  guerre  que  le  Due  Albert  as- 
sie"gea  deux  fois  cette  capitale.  C'est  ainsi  du 
moins  que  les  historiens  de  la  nation  ont  de'signe' 
des  operations  militaires  qui  ressemblent  assez  peu 
a  nos  sieges.  L'armee  Autrichienne  s'approchoit 
de  la  place  pour  1'investir,  ceux  qui  cherchoient  a 
signaler  leur  bravoure  s'avancoient  jusqu'aux  portes 
pour  d6fier  les  habitans  au  combat.  Les  Zuriquois, 
tranquilles  sur  leur  foibles  remparts,  ricient  des  ef 
forts  impuissans  d'un  ennemi  destitu6  de  tout  ce 
que  1'art  a  invent^  pour  les  attaquer.  Quelquefois 

irrit^s 


314       INTRODUCTION  A  I/HISTOIRE  GENERALE 

1331.  mite's  de  leurs  insultes  ils  y  re"pondoient  avec  au- 
dace.  Ils  ouvroient  les  portes  pour  inviter  1'ap- 
proche  des  Autrichiens,  et  la  prevenoient  par  cles  sor 
ties  fre*quentes,  qui  ne  produisoient  que  des  combats 
sanglans  et  inutiles.  Le  courage  de  cette  noblesse 
ind^pendante  s'animoit  dans  le  peVil  et  c^cloit  assez 
facilement  aux  difficulte's.  Elle  se  degoutoit  bien- 
t6t  d'un  siege  qui  ne  lui  annoncoit  que  1'ennui  et 
la  fatigue,  se  retiroit  et  entrainoit  dans  sa  retraite 
le  Due  d'Autriche,  dont  les  forces  principales  con- 
sistoient  dans  le  service  volontaire  de  ses  vassaux. 
Ce  due,  trop  foible  pour  vaincre,  etoit  n^anmoins 
assez  fort  pour  nuire.  Les  habitans  de  cette  triste 
contree  distinguoient  leur  marche  et  leur  retraite 
par  leurs  villages  epibrase*s,  leurs  moissons  enlevees, 
leurs  vignes  arrache'es,  et  par  les  cris  des  malheu- 
reux  qui  eprouvoient  la  fureur  du  soldat  livr^  a  lui- 
m^me.  Le  Due  Albert  avoit  amen6  de  FAutriche 
quinze  cens  Hongrois,  dont  la  f6rocit6  naturelle 
ighoroit  egalement  les  loix  de  la  discipline  et  celles 
de  rhumanite\  Je  ne  m'appesanterai  point  sur  le 
detail  de  ces  horreurs  qui  efFrayent  sans  instruire. 
L'objet  de  Fhistoire,  c'estl'homme;ondoit  Tetudier 
jusques  dans  les  exces  qui  de*shonorent  sa  nature; 
mais  ces  exces  renou veiled  dans  tous  les  siecles  nous 
ont  deja  depuis  longtems  appris  combien  il  est  foi 
ble  et  mediant. 

Les  Zuriquois  souffroient  beaucoup  d'un  ennemi 
qui  poussoit  ses  ravages  jusqu'aux  pieds  de  leurs 
murs,  mais  ils  goiiterent  quelqu^fois  le  triste  plaisir 
d'une  vengeance  qui  ne  s'exercoit  a  la  v^rit6  que  sur 
lessujets  innocens  d'un  prince  coupable  envers  eux. 

Dans 


DE  LA  REPUBLIQUE  DES  SUISSES.  315 

Dans  une  de  ces  courses  que  fit  le  bourguemestre  & 
la  tete  de  IgOO  hommes,  il  brula  les  bains  de  Bade 
et  deVasta  tout  le  pays  des  environs.  Charge*  du 
butin,  il  avoit  repiis  le  chemin  de  Zurich  lorsqu'il 
s'engagea  dans  le  d6fil£  de  Tatwyl  sans  avoir  re* 
connu  les  '  hauteurs  qui  le  dominoient.  Eiles 
£toient  occupies  par  les  Autrichiens,  qui  Tattaque- 
rent  dans  le  me'me  instant  de  tous  c6t£s  avec  une 
confiance  et  une  impe'tuosite'  qui  sembloient  an- 
noncer  et  assurer  la  victoire.  Rodolphe  Brun  fit 
voir  dans  cette  occasion,  qu'il  y  a  des  mo'mens  de 
surprise  et  de  terreur  dans  lesquels  Tame  la  plus 
ferine  est  trahie  par  les  sens.  II  oublia  le  d£pot 
important  que  lui  avoit  confi6  la  patrie,  et  pour  se 
d£rober  a  un  peril  incertain  il  se  condamnaarinfamie 
qui  poursuit  toujours  la  lachete.  Les  Zuriquois, 
decourage"s  par  la  fuite  de  leur  chef,  se  crurent 
perdus.  Us  I'^toient  en  effet,  si  son  Lieutenant, 
Roger  de  Mamies,  n'eut  r^tabli  1'ordre  et  la  con- 
fiance  par  un  artifice  heureux.  "  La  grande  ban- 
Tiiere  de  la  r6publique,  s'ecria-t-il,  s'avance  pour 
nous  de*gager.  Notre  bourguemestre  nous  a  quitt6 
pour  pr^cipiter  sa  marche.  Mais  si  vous  m'en 
croyez,  notre  salut  et  la  gloife  de  cette  journ^e  ne 
seront  Touvrage  que  de  nos  mains."  Aussit6t  il 
vole  par  tous-  les  rangs,  il  donne  au  bataillon  Zuri 
quois  la  forme  serree  et  pointue  d'un  coin,  pousse  lei^ 
Autrichiens,  6branl6s  d'un  effort  aussi  impreVu,  les 
enfonce  et  se  fait  un  chemin  sanglant  pour  sortir  du 
defile.  Le  combat  recommenca  dans  la  plaine  avec 
une  nouvelle  opiniatrete,  mais  avec  plus  d'e'galite', 
Iorso4u'une  circonstance  heureuse  seconda  la  valeur 

des 


316      INTRODUCTION  A  I/HISTOIRE  GENEfcALE 

des  Suisses.  Une  petite  troupe  de  cent  cinquante 
hommes  parut  tout  a  coup  et  donne  sur  le  flanc  des 
Autrichiens.  L'imagination  trompe'e  fit  voir  aux 
deux  partis  la  grande  arme'e  de  Zurich,  dont  cette 
troupe  ne  formoit  que  1'avant-garde.  Les  Autri 
chiens  c^derent  le  champ  de  bataille  qu'ils  avoient 
si  bien  dispute.  Sept  cens  morts  y  demeurerent, 
et  les  vainqueurs  recueillirent  soix ante-cinq  casques 
couronn6s,  avec  les  bannieres  de  Bremgarten,  Mel- 
lingen,  &c.  Roger  de  Mannes  rentra  dans  Zurich 
parmi  les  acclamations  des  citoyens  qui  apprirent 
en  m£me  terns  son  danger  et  sa  victoire. 

Au  milieu  de  la  joie  publique  le  malheureux 
bourguemestre,  cache*  dans  une  maison  de  cam- 
pagne,  fuyoit  la  lumiere  et  les  hommes.  Mais  la 
reconnoissance  de  ses  compatriotes  leur  fit  oublier 
une  faute  que  les  peuples  guerriers  ne  savent  par- 
donner.  Toute  la  bourgeoisie,  assemble'e  sous 
la  banniere,  alia  le  chercher  avec  une  compassion 
respectueuse,  et  le  ramena  dans  une  ville  qu'il 
avoit  sauve"  deux  fois.  On  le  remercia  de  n'avoir 
pas  expose*  l'£tat  en  sa  personne.  La  politique  des 
Zuriquois,  remplie  de  justice  et  d'humanite*,  pardonna 
sa  foiblesse  a  ses  services,  et  lui  conserva  1'estime 
publique  dont  51  avoit  besoin  pour  r6parer  cette 
foiblesse,  et  pour  6tre  toujours  utile  a  la  r^pub- 
lique. 

Les  combats  les  plus  c61&bres  sont  bientdt  ou- 
bli^s,  ce  sont  de  petits  traits  qui  se  confondent 
avec  mille  traits  semblables  dans  le  grand  tableau 
des  mis&res  humaines.  Mais  on  ne  doit  point  ou 
blier  que  de  la  confusion  de  cette  guerre  sortirent 

deux 


DE  LA  REPUBLIQUE  DES  SUISSZ.S.  317 

deux  etatslibres  quifurent  ajoutes  a  la  confederation 
Helvetique  par  les  victoires  et  par  la  moderation 
des  Suisses. 

Le  pays  de  Claris  a  de  grands  rapports  avec  les 
cantons  de  Schwitz  et  d'Uri,  dont  il  n'est  s^par^ 
que  par  de  hautes  montagnes.  Le  ciel  et  la  terre 
sont  les  m£mes;  et  Ton  sait  assez  combien  1'hommc 
est  esclave  du  climat.  Dans  le  terns  que  la  haute 
Allemagne  n'etoit  qu'un  vaste  desert  parseme  d'un 
petit  nombre  de  bourgs  et  de  villages,  un  de  ses 
dues  donna  le  territoire  de  Glaris  avec  tous  ses  serfs 
a  St.  Fridelin,.et  ce  moine  transporta  ce  present 
assez  peu  considerable  aux  religieuses  de  Seckin- 
gen  sur  le  Rhin,  dont  il  etoit  le  directeur.  Les  ab 
besses  ne  firent  jamais  sentir  a  leurs  nouveaux  su- 
jets  le  poids  de  la  servitude.  Elles  ne  se  reserve- 
rent  que  la  haute  justice  et  des  redevances  assez 
modiques.  La  liberte*  de  Glaris  se  formoit  entre 
leurs  mains,  et  ses  habitans  6tablirent,  sous  la  pro 
tection  de  1'abbaye,  une  r^publique  populaire. 
Nous  avons  deja  vu  que  ces  bons  pay  sans,  con  tens 
d'une  liberte  obscure,  avoient  obtenu  de  leur  souve- 
raine  la  promesse  de  ne  les  jamais  aligner,  et  qu'au 
me"pris  de  ses  sermens  elle  les  c6da  aux  dues  d'Au- 
triche,  en  nommant  ces  princes  avocats  hereditaires 
ou  protecteurs  de  1'abbaye  dans  le  pays  de  Glaris. 
Les  citoyens,  qui  preTeroient  1'exil  aux  fers,  se  re- 
tirerentles  uns  a  Zurich,  les  autres  dans  les  cantons 
populaires.  L'on  arcacha  a  ceux  qui  resterent 
dans  le  pays  un  serment  de  fid61it6  qu'ils  ne  viole- 
rent  jamais,  et  la  maison  d'Autriche  trouvoit  parmi 
eux  le  secours  utile  d'une  infanterie  impenetra 
ble. 


3J8    INTRODUCTION  A  l/HISTOIRE  GENERALE 

1351.  ble.*  Cette  maison  paya  leurs  services  avec  la  recon-^ 
noissance  ordinaire  des  princes : — le  mepris,  1'oppres- 
sion  et  les  injustices.  Les  imp6ts  et  les  corv^es  se 
multiplierent.  L'on  enleva  aux  habitans  le  choix 
de  leur  premier  magistrat  qui  fut  remplac6  par  un 
gouverneur  etranger.  Le  feu  qui  prit  au  d6p6t 
des  archives  avoit  detruit  un  grand  nombre  des  an- 
ciens  diplomes  sur  lesquels  se  fondoit  la  liberte  de 
Glaris.  Ses  nouveaux  maitres  leur  refuserent  la 
permission  qu'ils  sollicitoient  de  les  faire  r£tablir, 
et  ne  cacherent  plus  le  dessein  qu'ils  avoient  form6 
d'6teindre  jusqu'a  la  m6moire  de  leurs  anciens  pri 
vileges.  Leurs  voisins  les  Suisses,  instruits  de 
Fesclavage  sous  lequel  ils  gemissoient,  prirent  la 
resolution  d'affoiblir  leur  ennemi,  en  lui  enlevant 
des  sujets  qu'il  n'6toit  pas  digne  de  gouverner.  Ils 
entrerent  dans  le  pays  de  Glaris  avec  des  forces 
assez  consid6rables.  Les  officiers  du  due  s'en- 
fuirent  a  leur  approche,  le  peuple  vint  au  devant 
de  ses  libe"rateurs,  renonca  a  ix  noeuds  qu'avoit 
bris6  la  tyrannic,  et  preta  avec  transport  le  serment 
de  fidelit6  qu'on  exigeoit  de  lui  au  nom  des  quatre 
premiers  cantons.  Assures  de  leur  obeissance,  les 
Suisses  lie  commanderent  aux  vaincus  que  de  re- 
prendre  leur  Iibert6  et  de  la  meiiter.  Bient6t  ils 
les  61everent  au  rang  de  leurs  allies  par  un  trait6 

Chron.  *  En  1330  le  Due  Othon  assiegeoit  la  ville  de  Colmar  en  Al- 

duran.          sace.    Voici  les  paroles  cl'im  historien  contemporain  :  "  Rex  Bo- 

p.  29.  hemiae  pertransiens  per  circuitum   castrorum    Duels,  et  perve- 

niens  ad  aciem  virorura  de  Glarus,  vidensque  illorum  instrumenta 

bellica,  et  vasa  interfectionis  dicta  Gesa,  in  vulgari  Helnbarton  ; 

admirans  ait,  O  quam  terribilis  est  aspectus  istius  cunei,  cum 

suis  instruments  horribilibus  et  non  modicum  metuendis !" 

qui 


DE  LA  REPUBLIQUE  DES  SUISSES.  319 

q ui  fit  de  G laris  un  des  cantons  du  corps  Helve"  tique. 
On  reconnoit  cependant  dans  ce  traite",  des  condi 
tions  in^gales  qui  ne  furent  dtct^es  que  par  une 
juste  crainte  des  partisans  cache's  de  la  maison 
cTAutriche,  et  qui  disparurent  des  que  cette  crainte 
ne  subsistoit  plus.  Les  quatre  cantons  se  r6servent 
Interpretation  de  toutes  les  difficulties,  et  s'attri- 
buent  jusqu'au  pouvoir  de  changer  par  leur  con- 
sentement  unanime  les  articles  de  cette  alliance. 
Us  d^pouillent  le  canton  de  Claris  du  droit  de 
prendre  des  engagemens  avec  les  puissances  6tran- 
geres,  mais  ils  assujettissent  ce  canton  a  toutes  les 
obligations  qu'ils  trouveront  a  propos  de  contracter 
eux-m£mes.  On  retrouve  dans  ce  trait6  1'excep- 
tion  de  tous  les  droits  de  la  maison  d'Autriche,  et 
1'exception  plus  sincere  des  services  que  le  pays 
devoit  a  1'abbaye  de  Seckingen  et  dont  il  se  racheta 
enfin  quelques  ann£es  apres. 

Enhardis  par  ce  premier  succes,  les  Suisses  ne  135*. 
songerent  qu'a  pousser  leurs  avantages  contre  un 
ennemi  qui  ne  savoit  supporter  ni  la  paix  ni  la 
guerre.  Ils  s'avancerent  dans  le  territoire  de  Zug 
et  mirent  le  siege  devant  cette  ville,  dont  la  situa 
tion  et  la  force  Tavoient  rendue  une  place  d'armes 
tres  importante  qui  menacoit  lafrontiere  des  Suisses, 
et  qui  ne  leur  laissoit  qu'une  communication  assez 
difficile  avec  leurs  nouveaux  allies  de  Zurich.  Le 
pays  de  Zug  est  une  plaine  favorise'e  par  la  nature, 
mais  il  n'avoit  jamais  connu  les  douceurs  de  la  li- 
bert6.  Ce  patrimoine  des  anciens  comtes  de  Lentz- 
bourg,  6toit  entr6  dans  la  maison  d'Autriche  avec 
la  succession  des  comtes  de  Kybourg  ;  et  le  peuple 

-     soumis 


320       INTRODUCTION"  A  I/HISTOIRE  GENERALE" 

1362.  soumis  au  joug  respectoit  ses  princes  par  devoir  et 
par  habitude.  La  patience  et  le  devouement  qui 
font  FheVoisme  de  la  servitude  lui  tenoient  lieu  de 
1'amour  d'une  patrie  qui  n'existoit  point  pour  lui, 
Rempli  de  cet  esprit,  il  re"sista  avec  courage  aux 
Suisses  et  supporta  sans  murmures  tons  les  maux 
d'un  siege  opiniatre.  Lorsque  les  habitans  se  vi- 
rent  enfin  pr£ts  a  succomber  aux  efforts  cles  assie- 
geans  ils  leur  demanderent  une  treve  de  trois  jours 
pour  instruire  leur  souverain  de  leur  danger.  Le 
Due  Albert  se  promenoit  dans  les  cloitres  de  Ko- 
nigsfeld  lorsque  les  de"pute"s  de  Zug  Faborderent. 
Au  lieu  de  Taccueil  qu'il  devoit  a  de  pareils  sujets, 
il  se  plaisoit  a  leur  marquer  un  me"pris  qui  ne  des- 
honoroit  que  lui-me"me.  II  e"couta  leurs  plaintes 
d'un  air  distrait,  les  interrompit  pour  donner  des 
ordres  a  ses  fauconniers,  et  leur  dit,  avec  une  indif- 
f£rence  hautaine,  qu'ils  n'avoient  qu'a  se  rendre,  et 
qu'il  sauroit  bien  les  reprendre.  Les  citoyens  de 
Zug  ne  profiterent  qu'a  regret  cles  droits  que  leur 
prince  leur  avoit  rendus  :  mais  il  fallut  c^der  a  la 
n^cessit^  et  traiter  avec  les  Suisses,  qui  leur  pro- 
poserent  de  signer,  au  lieu  d'une  capitulation  humi- 
liante,  une  alliance  perpe*tuelle.  La  mod6ration  de 
cette  re'publique  naissante  n'etoit  point  encore 
corrompue  par  le  gout  des  conqu£tes ;  ^clair^e  sur 
ses  vrais  int^rets,  elie  pre'fe'ra  Famiti6  d'un  peuple 
brave  et  libre  au  triste  soin  de  garder  des  es- 
claves ;  Zug  devint  un  nouveau  canton  du  corps 
Helv^tique.  Les  peuples  de  son  territoire  ^ta- 
blirent  un  gouvernement  populaire,  que  Funiondu 
bourg  principal  tempera  d'un  melange  d'aristo- 

cratie, 


DE  LA  REPUBLIQUE  DES  SUISSES.  321 

cratie,  qui  laissoit  dans  sa  constitution  le  gevme  de      1352- 
la  discorde  civile. 

J'ai  rassemb!6  les  traits  principaux  d'une  guerre 
qui  fut  plus  d'une  fois  suspendue  par  les  n£gocia- 
tipns  et  interrompue  par  les  treves.  Albert  se  voyoit 
de"pouiller  de  ses  £tats  here'ditaires  par  les  Suisses; 
pendant  que  Zurich  opposoit  toujours  a  sa  fureur 
un  rempart  impenetrable.  Ce  prince  foible  et 
inquiet  traitoit  avec  un  ennemi  qu'il  ne  savoit 
vaihcre,  violoit  les  traites  qu'il  venoit  de  signer,  et 
achetoit  la  guerre  et  la  paix  aux  d^pens  de  sa  gloire. 
J'entrevois  dans  une  de  ces  negotiations  une  scene 
assez  singuliere  mais  que  les  historiens  out  mal 
su  deVelopper.  Le  due  d'Autriche  et  les  Suisses 
ne  pouvant  pas  s'accorder  au  sujet  de  leurs  pr^ten- 
sions  mutuelles  convinrent  de  s'en  rapporter  au 
jugement  des  arbitres.  Agnes,  Reine  de  Hongrie, 
soeur  du  Due  d'Autriche  et  fille  de  1'Einpereur 
Albert  premier,  fut  choisie  pour  decider  entre  sa 
familie  et  une  nation  ennemie.  Get  honneur  fut 
deTe're'  a  quarante  ans  de  retraite  et  a  sa  reputation 
de  saintete" ;  mais  elle  montra  par  sa  conduite  que 
cette  saintete"  n'avoit  rien  de  commun  avec  la  jus 
tice.  Les  inte"rets  de  son  frere  dicterent  la  sentence 
qui  lui  accorda  tout  ce  qu'il  avoit  demand^,  et  qui 
exigeadesZuriquois  seize  de  leurs  premiers  citoyens 
pour  lui  repondre  de  1'exe'cution-du  trait6.  La 
confiance  excessive  des  Suisses  ne  paroit  aujourd'hui 
qu'une  imprudence  assez  ridicule,  mais  ce  ridicule 
est  celui  d'un  peuple  qui  croit  a  la  vertu  dans  un 
siecle  corrompu.  Us  se  pr^paroient  a  remplir  les 
Conditions  dures  et  injustes  qu'on  leur  avoit 

VOL.  in.  y  impos^es, 


INTRODUCTION  A  L'HISTOIRE  GENERALE 

1352.  imposees,  lorsque  le  Due  se  rappella  que,  par  un 
oubli  des  plus  etranges,  Farticle  le  plus  essentiel 
avoit  £te  neglig6,  et  qu'on  n'avoit  rien  stipule  en 
faveur  du  Comte  de  Habsbourg  pour  qui  Ton  avoit 
entrepris  la  guerre.     Furieux  de  ce  que  les  Suisses 
ltd  refusoient  la  liberte  de  son  parent,  il  reprit  les 
armes,  et  renonca,  par  sa  perfidie,  a  tous  les  avan- 
tages   qu'il  trouvoit  dans    la   sentence   arbitrale. 

,  Bient6t  il  fallut  n^gocier  cle  nouveau ;  un  arbitre 
moins  int6ress6  prononca  un  arret  plus  impartial ; 
c'^toit  Louis,  Margrave  de  Brandenbourg,  et  fils 
du  feu  Empereur  Louis  de  Baviere.  II  rendit  la 
libert^  au  Comte  de  Habsbourg  sans  rancon,  mais 
aussi  sans  d6dommagement,  il  confirma  toutes  les 
alliances  des  Suisses,  mais  il  n'affranchit  point  les 
sujets  de  la  maison  d'Autriche  de  1'obeissance  a 
leur  souverain.  II  devoit  pr6voir  et  sans  doute 
il  pr£voyoit  que  les  deux  partis  ne  s'accorde- 
roient  jamais  sur  Finterpr^tation  des  derniers  articles 
qui  semblent  se  contredire.  Le  sort  de  Zug  et  de 
Claris  devint  une  source  de  difficultes  qui  se  ter- 
minerent  bient6t  par  une  nouvelle  guerre. 

1353.  Toutes  ces  tentatives  inutiles  d'Albert  lui  appri- 
rent  enfin  qu'il  6toit  trop  foible  pour  reussir  dans 
une  entreprise   qu'il    ne  pouvoit  ni  ex6cuter  ni 
abandonner.     II  s'adressa  a  FEmpereur,  lui  repr£- 
senta  le  danger  de  ces  alliances  particuli^res  qui 
se  formoient  dans  le  sein  de  Fempire  sans  le  con- 
sentement  de  son  chef,  et   lui  fit  entrevoir  avec 
terreur,  cette  ind^pendance  f<6roce  qui  s'^toit  formee 
dans  les  montagnes  de  la  Suisse,  qui  descendoit 

dans  la  plaine,  etqui  s'insinuoit  avecimpunitd 

dans 


DE  LA  REPUBLIQUE  DES  SUISSES.  32S 

dans  toutes  les  provinces  de  1'Allemagne.  Get  1353< 
Empereur  n'£toit  plus  Louis  de  Baviere.  Charles, 
Roi  de  Boheme  et  petit-fils  de  Henri  VII.  occu- 
poit  depuis  six  ans  un  tr6ne  qu'il  devoit  a  ses  pro 
fusions  et  a  la  faveur  des  pr£tres.  II  avoit  achete* 
cette  faveur  par  des  bassesses  qui  avilirent  sa 
dignit6,  et  la  comparaison  de  son  caractere  timide 
et  artificieux  avec  la  franchise  intre'pide  de  son 
pr6d6cesseur  1'exposa  au  m£pris  des  peuples.  La 
post6rit6  reconnoit  qu'avec  un  esprit  £clair6  il  avoit 
Tame  petite  et  foible.  II  e"couta  avec  trop  de  com 
plaisance  les  plaintes  du  Due  d'Autriche,  partit  du 
fond  de  la  Boheme,  et  se  rendit  a  Zurich  dans  le 
dessein  de  briser  les  noeuds  d'une  confederation 
qu'il  voyoit  d'un  ceil  d'inqui£tude  et  de  jalousie, 
Mais  avant  que  de  se  declarer  I'ennemi  ouvert  des 
Suisses  il  commenca  par  des  moyens  plus  assortis 
a  son  caractere.  II  se  para  de  I'impartialite'  d'un 
M6diateur  qui  ne  cherchoit  qu'a  terminer  une 
guerre  si  funeste  aux  provinces  de  la  haute  Alle- 
magne,  et  proposa  aux  Suisses  de  soumettre  a  sa 
decision  tous  leurs  diffi6rens  avec  1'Autriche.  Ce 
peuple,  a  qui  les  artifices  de  son  emiemi  avoient 
enfin  inspir6  la  defiance,  p£netra  sans  peine  les 
desseins  de  1'Empereur,  qui  ne  les  avoit  pas  assez 
bien  dissimule's.  Us  lui  r6pondirent  avec  une  fer- 
met6  respectueuse  "  qu'ils  consentoient  a  le  rendre 
juge  de  cette  triste  et  longue  querelle,  mais  qu'ils 
exceptoient  la  question  de  leurs  alliances.  Que 
ces  alliances,  justifies  par  leurs  privileges  et  par  les 
loix  de  1'Empire,  e"toient  le  fondement  de  leur 
suret6  et  de  leur  libert£,  et  qu'ils  n'exposeroient 

y  21  jamais 


324      INTRODUCTION  A  I/HISTOIftE  GENERALE 

jamais  au  jugement  des  hofnmes  ces  noeuds  chers 
et  indissolubles  qui  ne  pouvoient  deplaire  qu'a  leurs 
ennemis  et  ceux  de  la  justice."  Les  insinuations 
de  I'Empereur  ni  ses  menaces  ne  purent  jamais  les 
faire  de"partir  de  cette  reponsc. 

1354.  Une  resistance  aussi  opiniatre  irrita  enfin  1'or- 
gueil  de  1'empereur.  II  voulut  parler  en  vain- 
queur  aux  peuples  qui  avoient  refuse"  de  l'e"couter 
comme  juge  et  comme  me*diateur.  Le  Due  d'Au- 
triche,  charm6  d'une  resolution  aussi  conforme  a  ses 
interets,  se  pr^paroit  a  joindre  les  drapeaux  de 
Charles  avec  toutes  les  forces  de  sa  maison.  L'on 
voyoit  sous  les  m ernes  drapeaux  les  troupes  Bohe*- 
miennes  qui  suivoient  leur  roi,  et  les  corps  auxili- 
aires  que  les  princes  et  les  villes  libres  de  Tempire 
ne  pouvoient  refuser  a  la  requisition  de  leur  chef. 
L'exage"  ration  a  porte  cette  arm^e  formidable  jus- 
qu'au  nombre  de  cent  mille  hommes,  mais  les  his- 
toriens  les  plus  exacts  nous'  assurent  qu'elle  etoit 
composee  de  quatre  mille  cavaliers  et  de  quarante 
mille  fantassins.  Elle  s'approcha  de  Zurich  et  in- 
vestit  la  ville  par  deux  camps  s6pare"s,  dontl'un  fut 
compost  des  troupes  des  princes  et  1'autre  de  celles 
des  villes.  Les  Zuriquois,  etonn6s  de  voir  fondre 
sur  eux  toutes  les  forces  de  FAllemagne  avec  1'em- 
p ereur  a  leur  tete,  ne  songerent  cependant  qu'a  se 
d^fendre  avec  fermete\  Le  bourguemestre  en- 
couragea,  par  sa  conduite  et  par  ses  discours,  un 
peuple  aguerri  qui  combattoit  pour  sa  liberte"  et 
pour  ses  foyers.  Qui-nze  cens  Suisses  augmen- 
terent  cette  petite  troupe  qui  se  croyoit  invincible. 
Brun  profita  de  cet  enthousiasme,  fit  ouvrir  toutes 

les 


t>£  LA  REPUBLIQUE  DES  SUISSES.  325 

les  portes,  et  se  campa  fierement  sous  les  remparts  1354- 
&  la  vue  d'un  enncmi  £tonne"  de  son  audace,  qui 
n'e'toit  point  une  imprudence  te"m£raire.  II  savoit 
que  cette  arme'e  nombreuse  cachoit  dans  son  sein 
le  principe  de  sa  foiblesse  et  de  sa  destruction ; 
qu'elle  e"toit  sans  union  et  sans  obe"issance,  et  que 
ce  sou ve rain  de  la  Chr6tient£  ne  trainoit  a  sa 
suite  tant  de  princes  puissans  que  pour  ^prouver  a 
chaque  instant  leur  discorde  et  leur  indocilite'. 
L'eV£nement  ne  trompa  pas  les  esp£rances  de  ce 
sage  magistrat.  Le  point  d'honneur,  ce  principe 
utile  et  dangereux,  qui  sacrifie  I'inte're't  ge'ne'ral  a 
la  gloire  de  1'individu,  fit  naitre  une  mesintelli- 
gence  entre  les  nations  diffe'rentes  de  1'arm^e  de 
1'empire,  qui  se  disputoient  I'honneur  et  le  danger  de 
la  premiere  attaque.  Les  Boh^miens  demandoient  a 
se  signaler  sous  les  yeux  de  leur  prince ;  l'Ev6que 
de  Constance  declaroit  au  nom  cles  Suabes  qu'ils  ne 
cederoient  jamais  le  privilege  que  Charlemagne 
avoit  accorde  a  leurs  ayeux.  Les  Autrichiens  in- 
sistoient  que  c'^toit  a  eux  de  venger  leurs  injures 
et  celles  de  leur  souverain.  L'assaut  ne  se  donna 
point  et  Zurich  fut  sauve\  Les  troupes  des  villes 
ne  firent  de  leur  c6t6  que  des  efforts  assez  foibles. 
La' vue  de  I'e'tendard  de  1'empire,  que  le  bourgue* 
mestre  avoit  arbor^  sur  les  murs,  les  fit  rough*  de  la 
lc\che  complaisance  avec  laquelle  elles  avoient  sui- 
vi  les  drapeaux  d'une  foule  de  princes,  ennemis  de 
la'liberte'  et  cle  toute  ville  imperial e.  Elles  se  reti- 
rerent  malgr^  les  remontrances  de  1'Empereur  et  du 
Due  d'Autriche.  L'Empereur  lui-m^me  suivit 
bient6t  leur  exemple  5  il  reprit  ie  chemin  de  la  Bo- 
T  3  heme, 


326     INTRODUCTION  A  I/HISTOIRE  GENERALE 

1334.  h£me,  et  laissa  sans  gloire  une  entreprise  sur  laquelle 
1'Allemagne  avoit  les  yeux  ouverts.  Le  Due  Al 
bert  s'opiniatra  encore,  mais  ses  efforts  impuis- 
sans  ne  servirent  qu'a  redoubler  sa  honte. 

Charles  sentit  bient6t  qu'il  avoit  d^shonore"  la 
majest6  imperiale  par  une  demarche  assez  contraire 
a  ses  vrais  interets.  Peu  content  de  Iui-m6me,  il 
cherchoit  a  hair  le  Due  d'Autriche,  Fauteur  de  sa 
faute  et  de  son  repentir.  L'ancienne  jalousie  de 
leurs  deux  maisons  s'aigrissoit  par  leurs  reproches 
mutuels,  et  la  haine  ne  succede  que  trop  facilement 
a  la  vaine  amiti6  des  grands.  L'Empereur,  m6con- 
tent  d'Albert,  vit  d'un  ceil  moins  seVere  cette  con- 
f6deration  ennemie  de  1'Autriche.  II  s'oiFrit  de 
nouveau  pour  mediateur  avec  une  sincerit6  qui 
persuada  aux  Suisses  cle  lui  rendre  une  partie  de 
leur  confiance.  Mais  ce  prince,  ami  timide  et 
ennemi  peu  redoutable,  m6nagea  toujours  le  Due 
d'Autriche  qu'il  n'aimoit  plus,  et  n'osa  jamais 
prononcef  1'arr^t  clair  et  d6finitif  qu'on  lui  deman- 
doit.  Toutes  ses  sentences  portoient  le  caractere 
de  la  foiblesse  et  de  l'obscurit£,  et  la  variete"  d'in- 
terpr6tations  dont  elles  6toient  susceptibles  sem- 
bloit  faite  pour  6terniser  les  n£gociations  et  la 
discorde.  Les  ministres  Autrichiens  mirent  dans 
ces  negociations  toute  la  subtilite  qu'on  nomme 
prudence  dans  les  cours ;  mais  leurs  arts  insidieux 
se  bf isfcrent  contre  la  franchise  ferme  et  simple  des 
Suisses.  Je  n'engagerai  point  mon  lecteur  dans  les 
sombres  labyrinthes  d'une  politique  inutile;  il  lui 
suffira  de  savoir  qu' Albert,  accab!6  d'age  et  d'in- 
iirmite',  quitta  enfin  les  renes  du  gouvernement,  et 

que 


DE  LA  REPUBLIQUE  DES  SUISSES.  327 

que  ses  deux  fils  Rodolplie  et  Leopold,  qui  avoient  1354. 
moins  de  prejuge's  a  vaincre  que  leur  pere,  con- 
clurent  avec  les  cantons  une  treve  de  onze  ans  qui 
fut  renouvell^e  plusieurs  fois  dans  la  suite.  Zug 
et  Glaris  y  conservent  leur  alliance  avec  le  corps 
Helvetique,  sans  renoncer  aux  services  qu'ils  doi- 
vent  a  la  maison  d'Autriche,  et  cette  maison  pourra 
nommer  parmi  les  citoyens  le  premier  magistrat  du 
pays.  Ces  deux  r6publiques  avoient  bris6  leurs 
fers ;  mais  il  leur  restoit  encore  des  noeuds  qui  ne 
furent  d61i6s  que  par  les  mains  de  la  vie  to  ire* 

II  y  avoit  longtems  que  les  Berhois  connois- 
soient  les  Suisses,  et  qu'ils  sentoient  tout  le  prix  de 
leur  amitie',  mais  ce  ne  fut  qu'au  milieu  de  cette 
guerre  qu'ils  rechercherent  leur  alliance.  Elle 
fut  pr6par£e  par  un  eVenement  qui  n'annoncoit 
que  la  discorde.  Quelques  paysans,  sujets  des 
Bernois,  se  plaignirent  de  leurs  injustices,  et  sollici- 
terent  la  protection  de  leurs  voisins  du  canton 
d'Underwald,  un  appui  que  la  ge"n6rosite  plut6t 
que  la  politique  leur  accorda  assez  facilement.  Les 
Bernois  marcherent  en  force  pour  require  ces 
peuples  re" voltes  ,et  les  trouverent  campus  aux 
environs  du  lac  de  Brientz  avec  un  secours  assez 
considerable  qu'ils  avoient  recu  du  pays  d'Under^ 
wald.  Apres  un  combat  opiniatre  Favantage  se 
d^clara  in  faveur  de  ceux  de  Berne ;  les  rebelles  se 
soumirent,  les  Suisses  se  retirerent  dans  leurs  mon- 
tagnes,  et  porterent  leurs  plaintes  devant  la  diette 
ge*n£rale  de  leurs  compatriotes  des  trois  premiers 
cantons.  Les  Bernois  parurent  dans  cette  as 
semble.  Us  parlerent  en  vainqueurs  mais  en 

Y  4  vainqueurs 


328      INTRODUCTION  A  I/HISTOIRE  GENERALE 

1352.  vainqueurs  qui  ne  cherchoient  que  la  paix  et  la 
justice.  Leur  ton  tie  raison  et  de  franchise  desarma 
le  courroux  des  Suisses:  "  Us  ne  rougirent  point 
de  rappeller  toutes  les  obligations  qiTils  leur 
avoient,  et  ne  refuserent  point  de  prendre  pour 
mediateur  et  pour  juge  un  peuple  dont  ils  connois- 
soient  FequiteV  Les  espiits  se  rapprocherent,  on 
vit  renaitre  Famiti6  et  la  confiance.  L'on  avoit 
commenc6  par  les  plaintes,  on  finit  par  une  alliance 
etroite  et  perpetuelle  qui  associa  Berne  a  la  con 
federation  Helvetique.  Je  ne  rappellerai  point  les 
conditions  de  ce  traite",  il  ne  differoit  des  premiers 
pngagemens  des  Suisses  que  par  une  circonstance 
qui  fut  dicte"e  par  1'eloignement  des  Heux.  C'est 
la  solde  d'un  sous  par  jour  que  les  confe'clere's 
promettoient  aux  troupes  de  leurs  allies  dont  ils 
demanderoient  le  secours.  Les  Bernois  ne  con- 
tractent  cette  alliance  qu'avec  les  trois  premiers 
cantons,  mais  ces  cantons  deviennent  un  point  de 
reunion  qui  joint  les  inte're*  ts  de  Berne  a  ceux 
de  Lucerne  et  de  Zurich ;  ils  s'engagent  les  uns  et 
les  autres  a  se  fournir  des  secours  mutuels  sur  la 
requisition  de  leurs  amis  communs.  L'executiori 
de  ce  dernier  article  fut  n^anmoins  suspendue,  et 
la  banniere  de  Berne  suivit  a  regret  les  drapeaux 
de  1'Empereur  et  de  1'Autriche  jusques  sous  les 
murs  de  Zurich. 

L'alliance  des  Bernois  ajouta  un  grand  poids  a 
la  confederation,  dont  les  racines  profondes  s'6ten- 
doient  depuis  le  lac  de  Constance  juscju'a  celui  de 
Neufchatel,  et  qui  se  trouvoit  composed  de  cinq 
communaute's  populaires  et  de  trois  villes  des  plus 

considerables. 


DE  LA  REPUBLIQUE  DES  SUISSES.  329 

considerables  de  FHelv6tie.  Celle  de  Berne  6toit 
deja  la  plus  puissante  des  trois ;  mais  cette  puissance 
born£e  et  mal-assur£e  n'annoncoit  qu'assez  foible- 
ment  sa  grandeur  future.  Elle  ne  consistoit  alors 
que  dans  une  bourgeoisie  aguerrie  plut6t  que  nom- 
breuse,  dans  la  possession  des  deux  petites  villes 
d'Arberg  et  de  Lauppen,  et  dans  les  services  aux- 
quels  les  paysans  de  Hasli  et  du  Bas  Sibental,  avec 
leur  Seigneur  le  Baron  de  Weissembourg,  s'6toient 
obliges  envers  eux.  Mais  elle  avoit  droit  de 
tout  esp6rer  de  la  sagesse  de  ses  magistrats  et 
de  Tesprit  de  son  peuple.  L'amour  de  la  patrie 
r£gnoit  au  fond  de  tous  les  coeurs,  et  par  une  illu 
sion  qui  fait  la  vertu  des  r^publiques  le  citoyen 
confondoit  ses  int6rets  avec  la  gloire  et  le  bien  de 
l'£tat.  Berne  apporta  dans  les  conseils  des  Suisses 
une  politique  plus  ferine,  plus  r6fl£chie  et  plus 
eclaire"e;  mais  elle  y  apporta  en  me"me  terns  ses 
desseins  int£ress6s,  le  gout  des  conqu£tes,  et  une 
ambition  moins  soumise  aux  loix  de  la  iustice  qu'ct 
celles  de  la  prudence. 


ON  the  passage  relating  to  William  Tell,  Mr.  Gibbon  in  the 
original  manuscript  marked  an  intention  of  introducing  a  Note 
respecting  a  Publicaiion  by  M.  Teophile  Emanuel  de  Haller, 
eldest  son  of  M.  Albert  de  Haller,  which  however  he  omitted,  or 
neglected  to  insert.  M.  de  Haller,  the  son  of  Teophile  Emanuel, 
has  favoured  me  with  the  following  account:  That  his  father 
published  a  speech,  which  he  made  as  orator  of  an  assembly  of 
young  patricians  of  Berne,  called  L'Etat  Exterieur :  an  insti 
tution  well  calculated  to  prepare  and  bring  forward  in  eloquence 
those  who  from  their  hereditary  rank  might  aspire  to  the 
principal  offices  of  state.  In  the  speech,  M.  de  Haller  disputed 

the 


330    INTRODUCTION  A  I/HISTOIRE  GENERALE,  &C. 

the  authenticity  of  the  story  of  William  Tell,  more  for  the 
purpose  of  exercising  his  talent  for  discussion,  than  because  he 
doubted  the  fact,  of  which  so  many  testimonials  and  chapels 
erected  at  the  time  on  the  spot,  and  other  documents,  left  little 
doubt.  It  was  usual  for  the  speakers  to  embrace  either  side  of  a 
question  according  as  they  thought  they  could  best  distinguish 
themselves.  The  Canton  of  Uri,  however,  was  highly  offended, 
and  demanded  satisfaction  from  the  Canton  of  Berne.  M.  de 
Haller  absented  himself  from  Berne  for  some  time,  and  afterwards 
wrote  another  tract  to  prove  the  authenticity  of  the  story;  which 
satisfied  the  Canton  of  Un,  and  the  affair  was  forgotten.  M.  de 
Haller  adds,  concerning  the  suggestion  that  the  story  of  William 
Tell  was  taken  from  the  Danish  history,  that  it  is  very  im 
probable,  even  if  such  a  circumstance  had  occurred  in  a  very 
remote  period  in  Denmark,  that  it  should  have  been  known  in 
Switzerland  at  the  time  of  Tell,  in  1307,  when  that  country  had 
no  connexion  whatever  with  distant  nations. 

Mr.  Coxe,  in  his  interesting  account  of  Switzerland,  supports 
the  story  of  William  Tell,  but  seems  to  admit  that  the  circum 
stance  respecting  the  apple  may  be  doubtful,  and  that  it  may 
have  been  borrowed  from  the  probably  fabulous  story  of  Toko, 
mentioned  by  Saxo  Grammaticus,  and  said  to  have  happened  in 
<X>5.  But  the  most  intelligent,  and  those  best  acquainted  with 
the  affairs  of  Switzerland,  and  the  two  late  and  most  enlightened 
historians  of  that  country,  Muller  and  Planta,  seem  to  be  in 
general  satisfied  of  the  authenticity  of  the  story  of  the  man  who 
has  been  for  ages  universally  considered  throughout  the  cantons 
as  their  great  deliverer  from  Austrian  tyranny.  Mr.  Planta 
observes  that  the  popular  tale  of  the  apple,  which  Tell  was 
ordered  to  shoot  at  on  the  head  of  his  infant  son,  is  wholly 
omitted  by  Muller. 

The  story  of  Toko,  as  related  by  Saxo  Grammaticus,  is  not 
exactly  the  same  as  that  of  William  Tell;  and  the  opinion  of  M. 
de  Haller  seems  well  founded,  that  at  that  early  period,  the 
Swiss  had  not  the  slightest  intercourse  with,  nor  probably  any 
knowledge  of,  the  most  northern  nations  of  Europe ;  and  as  it 
was  before  the  invention  of  printing,  such  communication  of 
Danish  history  was  still  more  improbable.  S. 

DOUTES 


(     331     ) 

DOUTES  HISTORIQUES  SUR  LA  VIE  ET 
LE  RJEGNE  DU  ROI  RICHARD  III.  PAR 
M.  HORACE  WALPOLE.* 

M.  WALPOLE  est  fits  cadet  du  celebre  ministre 
de  ce  nom.  Sa  naissance  et  ses  talens  lui  ouvroient 
la  route  des  premiers  emplois;  mais  il  a  preT<6r6, 
aux  vaines  poursuites  de  1'ambition,  les  plaisirs 
plus  surs  et  plus  doux  de  la  socie"t6  et  des  lettres. 
Ses.  ouvrages  d'imagination  sont  marques  par  le 
gout,  lal£g£rete",  et  par  le  ton  d'un  homme  de  con 
dition  qui  semble  badiner  avec  les  muses.  Mais 
il  s'est  distingue  par  deux  ouvrages  plus  consid£- 
rables,  et  d'un  genre  nouveau  qu'ii  a  ere"  6  lui- 
meme.  Avant  lui  1'histoire  litteraire,  abandonee 
aux  manoeuvres  de  la  literature,  n'avoit  pr£sent6 
que  des  nomenclatures  s£ches,  ou  des  recherches 
minutieuses  et  pu6riles.  La  noblesse  savante  de 
M.  Walpole  aamus6  les  gens  du  monde,  et  a  m^rite 
1'attention  des  philosophes.  Des  traits  iiiteVessans 
mais  ignores,  des  vues  fines  et  nouvelles  sont  em- 
bellies  par  le  plus  s6duisant  colons.  Les  grands 
noms  de  Bacon,  de  Clarendon,  et  de  Shaftesbuiy, 
y  sont  dignement  c£l&bres,  etune  foule  d'^crivains 
oublie's  des  longtems,  recoit  des  mains  de  son  his- 
torien  une  immortalite  qu'elle  se  promettoit  vaine- 
ment  de  ses  propres  travaux.  A  cet  ouvrage  M. 
Walpole  en  a  fait  succ^der  un  second,  c'est  This- 
toire  des  artistes  Anglois,  sujet  tres  ingrat  pour  tout 

*  This  was  written  by  Mr.  Gibbon,  in  the  year  1768,  for  the 
Memoires  Britanniques,  a  periodical  work. 

autre 


332  DOUTES  HISTORIQUES 

autre  que  pour  lui.  L'Angleterre,  qui  aclopte  Hol 
bein  et  Vandyck,  n'a  jamais  eu  une  6cole  de  pein- 
ture,  et  les  efforts  qu'elle  fait  encore  annoncent  ses 
vosux  plutot  que  ses  succes.  Un  antiquaire  labo- 
rieux(M.  Vertue)avoit  employe"  un  travail  de  trente 
ans  a  Fhistoire.des  arts  de  son  pays,  et  ses  recueils, 
dont  M.  Walpole  fit  Facquisition,  lui  inspirerent 
Fidee  de  les  mettre  en  oeuvre.  C'est  Faimable 
Fontenelle  qui  devient  Finterprete  du  savant  Van- 
dale.  Aux  eloges  qui  conviennent  egalement  aux 
deux  ouvrages  de  notre  auteur,  il  faut  ajouter  pour 
celui-ci  Famour  et  la  connoissance  des  beaux  arts 
qu'il  a  toujours  aimes  et  proteges.  Avec  tant  de 
merite,  il  est  permis  d'avoir  quelques  deTauts,  et 
ce  sont  pr^cis6ment  les  deYauts  d'un  homme  d'es- 
prit  que  les  Anglois  ont  r^proche  a  M.  Walpole, 
des  pens^es  trop  recherch^es,  un  style  coup6  et  ^pi^ 
grammatique,  des  antitheses  un  peu  trop  frequentes. 

Ces  critiques  peuvent  avoir  quelquefois  raison. 
L'imagination  d'Ovide  1'a  trahi  assez  souvent.  Le 
pmceau  du  Guide  n'est  pas  toujours  correct;  mais 
I'homme  de  gout,  frapp6  des  graces  vives  et  tou- 
chantes  qui  brillent  dans  leurs  productions,  oublie 
sans  peine  leurs  d6fauts  menus. 

Pour  donner  a  nos  lecteurs  une  id£e  juste  de  la 
maniere  de  cet  agitable  ecrivain,  nous  lui  commu- 
niquons  en  entier  la  preface  de  sonouvrage.  Elle 
renferme  d'ailleurs  des  reflexions  ing^nieuses,  s,ur 
Thistoire  en  g£n6ral,  reflexions  plus  interessantes 
pour  les  Strangers,  que  les  discussions  particuli&res 
sur  Fhistoire  d'Angleterre.* 

*  For  the  preface  see  Mr.  Walpole's  original  work. 

M.  Wai- 


PAR  M.  HORACE  WALPOLE.  333 

M.  Walpole  s'est  propos6  uii  clessein  cligne  du'n 
antiquaire  curieiix  ct  cTun  ami  cle  la  justice.  II 
veut  justifier  Richard  III.  Roi  d'Angleterre,  des 
accusations  affreuses,  dont  la  post£rit£  a  charg6  sa 
m£moire.  Des  historiens,  selon  notre  critique, 
trop  credules  ou  trop  pr^venus,  lui  out  imput6  le 
meurtre  de  Henri  VI.  du  jcune  Prince  de  Galles, 
de  son  propre  frere  le  Due  de  Clarence,  de  ses 
neveux  le  Roi  Edouard  V.  et  le  Due  d'Yorc,  et 
enfin  celui  de  sa  femme  la  Reine  Anne.  Us 
comptent  encore  parmi  les  assassinats  les  ex£cu- 
tions  de  Hastings,  de  Rivers,  de  Vaughan,  et  de 
Grey,  dans  lesquels  ce  tyran  negligea  jusqu'aux 
apparences  de  la  justice.  '  Pour  achever  ce  noir 
portrait,  ils  associent  en  sa  personne  toutes  les  dif- 
formites  du  corps  avec  tons  les  vices  de  Fame. 
Shakespeare  a  ajout6  de  nouveaux  traits  a  ce  ca- 
ractere  effrayant,  et  les  crimes  de  Richard,  repre*- 
sente"s  sur  nos  theatres  depuis  un  siecle  et  demi,  se 
sont  ^tablis  dans  tous  les  esprits  avec  une  autorit6 
que  1'histoire  seule  ne  leur  auroit  donn6.  Un 
seul  critique  (Buck)  s'est  elev6  contre  le  senti 
ment  g6ne>al ;  mais  son  ton  de  panegyriste  a  re"- 
volt^  tous  les  esprits.  M.  Walpole  defend  la  meme 
cause  avec  plus  de  moderation  et  plus  d'habilet^. 

II  remarque  d'abord  qu'il  ri'y  a  que  trois  histo- 
riens  de  Richard  qui  puissent  meriter  le  nom  de 
contemporains ;  Jean  Fabian,  1'auteur  de  la  Chro- 
iiique  de  Croyland,  et  le  fameux  Thomas  More. 
Les  deux  premiers  n'ont  que  le  seul  meiite  de 
1'^tre.  C'^toient  un  moine  et  un  bourgeois,  1'un 
et  1'autre  ramassoient  tous  les  bruits  populaires  sans 

examen 


334  DOUTES    HISTORIQUES  - 

examen  et  sans  choix.  Apres  avoir  temoign<£  un 
juste  m£pris  pour  des  autorit£s  aussi  minces,  M. 
Walpole  essaye  de  ruiner  celle  de  More.  II  veut 
nous  faire  regarder  son  histoire  du  regne  d'Edouard 
V.  comme  le  pendant  de  son  U  topic,  comme  la 
premiere  tentative  d'un  jeune  homme  qui  essayoit 
ses  forces,  imitoit  les  historiens  de  Fantiquite,  dont 
il  s'^toit  nourri,  et  qui  s'attachoit  a  Felegance  bien 
plus  qu'a  1'exactitude.  Notre  critique  remarque 
que  1'Archeveque  Morton,  qui  protegea  la  jeunesse 
de  More,  mourut  lorsque  celui-ci  n'avoit  que 
vingt  ans,  et  qu'enfm  ce  prelat  etoit  int6ress6  a 
noircir  le  caractere  du  prince  malheureux  que  ses 
intrigues  avoient  perdu. 

Ces  soupcons  sont  tres  ing^nieux;  peut-£tre  le 
sont-ils  un  peu  trop.  Si  Ton  rejette  le  t£moignage 
des  auteurs  parcequ'ils  sont  mt£resse"s,  et  celui  des 
spectateurs  parcequ'ils  sont  peu  exacts,  toute  1'his- 
toire  cleviendra  un  probl£me,  ou  plut6t  un  roman. 
Grafton,  Hollinshed,  Stowe,  &c.  ne  sont  que  de$ 
copistes,  dont  chacun  a  cependant  ajoute  quelques 
nouveaux  traits  a  ceux  qu'il  a  trouv£s  dans  1'original, 

Nous  ne  suivrons  point  M.  Walpole  dans  son 
examen  de  la  plupart  des  crimes  de  Richard;  exa 
men  qui  montre  avec  avantage  toute  la  variete  de 
ses  connoissances  et  les  ressources  de  son  esprit. 
Des  crimes  imputes  a  Richard,  les  uns  6toient  inu- 
tiles  aux  int^rets  de  son  ambition;  les  autres  y 
6toient  m6me  contraires.  II  y  en  a  qui  sont  en 
contradiction  avec  les  dates  les  mieux  6tablies.  II 
resulte  enfin  de  cet  examen  que  nous  sommes  tres- 
peu  autorises  a  regarder  Richard  comme  le  meur- 

trier 


PAR  M.  HORACE  WALPOLE.      ,  335 

trier  de  Henry  VI.  du  Prince  de  Galles,  du  Due  de 
Clarence,  et  de  la  Reine  Anne.  L'assassinat  de  ses 
jeunes  neveux,  crime  plus  atroce  en  lui-m£me, 
mieux  etabli  et  suivi  des  consequences  les  plus 
importantes,  nitrite  de  nous  arr£ter  plus  longtems. 
Dans  le  tableau  historique  de  la  conduite  de 
Richard  que  nous  allons  tracer,  M.  Walpole,  bien 
loin  de  reconnoitre  Fassassin,  veut  a  peine  y  apper- 
cevoir  1'usurpateur. 

Edouard  IV.  Roi  d'Angleterre,  mourut  le  9 
April,  1483.  De  ses  deux  fils,  Edouard  Faine* 
avoit  treize  ans  ;  Richard  Due  d'Yorc  le  cadet  n'en 
avoit  que  neuf.  Deux  partis  puissans  pre"tendoient 
au  gouvernement  du  jeune  roi  et  du  royaume. 
La  Reine  Mere  avoit  joui  d'un  credit  immense  sous 
le  regne  d'un  £poux  qui  1'avoit  tir£e  de  Fobscurit6 
pour  la  placer  sur  le  tr6ne.  Elle  avoit  profit^  de  sa 
faveur  pour  enrichir  sa  famille ;  mais  ce  credit  et 
ces  richesses  avoient  r6volte  Fancienne  noblesse, 
qui  envioit  a  la  fois  et  qui  me'prisoit  ces  hommes 
nouveaux.  Elle  se  r6unit  aupres  de  Richard  Due 
de  Glocester.  Ce  prince  rus6  et  ambitieux  n'eut 
pas  beaucoup  de  difficulte  a  tromper  la  Reine 
Mere.  II  Fengagea  a  cong^dier  les  troupes  assem 
blies  pour  escorter  le  jeune  roi  dans  son  voyage 
de  Ludlow  Castle  a  Londres,  Taccompagne  lui- 
m^me  avec  de  grandes  demonstrations  de  respect, 
se  rend  bient6t  maitre  de  sa  personne ;  et  fait  ar- 
reter  le  Comte  de  Rivers  et  les  autres  parens  de  la 
Reine.  Jus  tern  en  t  effray£e  des  dangers  qui  la  me- 
nacent,  cette  princesse  se  r^fugie  dans  F^glise  de 
Westminster  avec  son  fils  cadet.  Mais  toujours 

foible 


336  DOUTES  HlSTORIQUES 

foible  et  irr6solue,  elle  renonce  aux  privileges  qu*ori 
n'auroit  jamais  ose  violer,  et  les  remet  entre  les 
mains  du  Protecteur ;  c'est  ainsi  qu'il  faut  d£sor- 
mais  nommer  le  Due  de  Glocester,  qui  prit  ce  titre 
et  Fadministration  de  l'6tat  avec  le  consentement 
du  conseil  prive".  Les  executions  du  Comte  de 
Rivers,  de  Vaughan,  et  de  Grey,  servirent  a  cimen^ 
ter  sa  nouvelle  puissance,  mais  tout  le  monde  fut 
etonn6  de  la  mort  du  Lord  Hastings,  1'ami  du  Pro 
tecteur,  qui  1'avoit  associ6  A  ses  desseins.  Tout 
e*toit  violent,  subit  et  irregulier  dans  cette  ex£cu- 
tion. 

Jusques  ici  notre  critique  est  assez  content  de  la 
conduite  de  Richard.  Sa  naissance  lui  donnoit  un 
juste  titre  a  la  regence,  et  Fautorisoit  a  employer 
les  moyens  les  plus  viol  ens  centre  ceux  qui  vou^ 
loient  la  lui  disputer.  L'ex£cution  des  parens  de 
la  reine  est  excused  par  la  n^cessite  et  par  les 
moeurs  d'un  siecle  barbare.  Quant  a  celle  de 
Hastings,  M.  Walpole  suppose  avec  un  peu  trop 
d'indulgence,  que  Richard  n'aurpit  jamais  sacrifi6 
le  meilleur  de  ses  amis,  si  cet  ami  perfide  n'avoit  pas 
trame*  une  conjuration  centre  sa  personne. 

Cette  supposition  me  paroit  des  plus  gratuites, 
et  la  mort  de  Hastings  ne  pent  s'expliquer  que 
d'une  maniere  peu  favorable  a  ^Richard.  Ce 
seigneur  6toit  ennemi  de  la  reine,  mais  il  conser- 
voit  un  fort  attachement  pour  les  enfans  d'Edouard, 
II  ne  pouvoit  se  trouver  en  opposition  avec  Fambi- 
tion  du  Due  de  Glocester,  que  lorsque  ce  princCj 
peu  content  de  la  regence,  aspiroit  a  la  couronne. 

Les  moyens  dont  il  se  servoit,  selon  More,  pour 

ypar- 


PAR  M.  HORACE  WALPOLE.  337 

y  parvenir,  sont  a  la  fois  violens,  ind£cens  et  ridi 
cules.  ~Un  pr£dicateur  merc^naire  (le  Docteur 
Shaw)  avanca  dans  un  sermon,  que  par  Fadultere 
de  la  mere  d'Edouard  IV.  et  par  un  premier  con- 
trat  de  ce  prince  avec  Elizabeth  Lucy,  le  Due  de 
Glocester  £toit  le  seul  h^ritier  de  la  maison  d'Yorc ; 
que  le  Due  de  Buckingham  harangua  les  bour 
geois  de  Londres,  qu'ils  le  recurent  tres  froide- 
ment ;  que  la-dessus  le  maire  offrit  la  couronne  a 
Richard,  qui  fit  quelques  difficulte"s  avant  que  de 
1'accepter. 

Tout  ce  r£cit  porte  aux  yeux  de  M.  Walpole  les 
caracteres  d'un  roman,  et  d'un  roman  tres-mal 
imaging;  que  Richard  ait  voulu  fletrir  Fhonneur  de 
sa  mere,  princesse  vertueuse,  pour  laquelle  il  eutdans 
la  suite  beaucoup  d'6gards;  qu'une  troupe  de 
bourgeois  ait  donne"  la  couronne  d'Angleterre. 
D'ailleurs,  More  ne  pent  ici  se  concilier  avcc  les 
monumens  les  plus  assures.  Un  registre  du  Par- 
lement,  d6terre  depuis  peu,  nous  assure  que  le  pre 
mier  contrat  d'Edouard  ne  regardoit  point  Eliza 
beth  Lucy,  maitresse  reconnue  de  ce  prince;  mais 
Lady  El^onore  Butler  d'une  des  premieres  families 
du  royaume.  Ce  nj^me  titre  ajoute  que  le  Pro- 
tecte-ur  accepta  la  couronne  qui  lui  f  ut  d^f^r^e  par 
une  assemblee  des  trois  ordres  de  l'e"tat.  Tout  se 
passa  dans  les  regies,  et  ce  grand  6v6nement  ne 
ressemble  pas  mal  a  la  revolution  de  1688,  qui  mit 
le  Prince  d'Orange  sur  le  tr^ne.  Telle  est  du 
moins  la  comparaison  de  M.  Walpole. 

Les  princes  d£pos£s  passent  assez  rapidernent  du 
tf6ne  au  tombeau ;  tel  aussi  a  £t&  k  sort  des  en 
voi*  in.  z  fans 


338  DOUTJES  HISTORIQUES 

fans  d'Edouarcl,  si  nous  en  croyons  More  et  la 
foule  des  historiens.  A  leur  temoignage  notre  in- 
genieux  critique  oppose  les  reflexions  suivantes. 
J.  Dans  les  premiers  jours  de  son  r&gne,  Richard 
temoignoit  beaucoup  d'^gards  pour  son  neveu ; 
mais  de  ces  £gards  qui  montroient  une  severite  d6- 
daigneuse.  Un  registre  de  la  garderobe,  qu'on  a 
communiqu6  a  M.  Walpole,  indique  le  detail  des 
robes  et  autres  ornemens  destines  a  1'usage  du 
Seigneur  Edouard,  fils  du  feu  Roi  Edouard  IV. 
pour  la  ceremonie  du  sacre  de  son  oncle.  Ce  titre 
est  effectivement  des  plus  singuliers ;  mais  la  con 
sequence  qu'on  en  veut  tirer  me  paroit  des  moins 
decisives.  2.  Le  r^cit  de  More  est  pen  juste  et 
peu  vraisemblable.  Richard  confie  ses  inquietudes 
a  un  page,  qui  lui  recommande  un  certain  Jacques 
Tyrell,  dont  Fambition  mal  recompensed  le  rendoit 
prop  re  a  tout.  Richard  goute  1'idee,  appelle  ce  Ty 
rell,  le  fait  chevalier,  et  I'envoye  a  Londres  pour 
assassiner  ses  neveux.  Cependant  nous  savons 
d'ailleurs  que  ce  Tyrell  etoit  c^ja  Chevalier  et 
Grand  Ecuyer  du  Roi.  3.  Henri  VII.  si  interess6 
a  noircir  son  rival,  paroit  peu  assure  de  ce  crime. 
L'acte  du  Parlement  qui  condamne  le  meurtre  de 
Richard,  lui  reproche  seulement  et  en  termes 
vagues,  d'avoir  repandu  le  sang  des  enfans.  On  ne 
fit  point  d'enqu£tes  alors,  et  celles  qu'on  fit  dans  la 
suite  paroissent  tres  suspectes.  Get  argument  a 
beaucoup  depoids,  et  le  silence  de  Henri  VII.  et  de 
son  Parlement  est  assurement  tres  difficile  a  expli- 
quer.  4.  More  lui-m£me  avoue  qu'on  douta  long- 
terns  si  ces  enfans  perirent  du  terns  de  Richard. 

5.  La 


PAR  M.  HORACE  WALt>OLE>  339 

5.  La  Chronique  de  Croyland  suppose  que  ces 
jeunes  princes  vivoient  encore  lorsque  Richard  se 
fit  sacrer  de  nouveau  a  Yore.  Le  registre  du  Par- 
lement  semble  insinucr  la  m£me  chose.  Selon 
More  cette  c£r£monie  suivit  1'assassinat  des  enfans, 
et  le  peu  d'exactitude  de  cet  auteur  doit  aflfoiblir 
son  tlmoigftage.  Mais  la  curiosite  inquiete  des 
lecteurs  demandera  toujours :  "  Si  ces  enfans  n'ont 
pas  e"t£  les  victimes  de  la  cruaut6  de  leur  oncle, 
rendez-nous  compte  de  leur  sort,  que  sont-ils  deve- 
nus,  pourquoi  ont-ils  disparu  ?"  &c.  Toute  hypo- 
these  qui  ne  satisfait  point  a  ces  questions  paroitra 
foible  et  d£fectueuse.  M.  Walpole  essaye  de  ga- 
rantir  la  sienne  de  cet  inconvenient.  Edouard  V. 
a  pu  mourir  a  la  Tour  de  mort  naturelle ;  sa  sant6 
£toit  mauvaise  et  chancelante,  et  le  chagrin  ne  con- 
tribue  a  raffermir.  D'ailleurs  on  soup^onnoit  du 
terns  de  More  que  ce  jeune  prince  surv£cut  a  Ri 
chard.  Si  1'usurpateur  Henri  le  trouva  vivant,  le 
caractere  de  ce  tyran  jaloux  et  cruel  nous  annonce 
assez  clairement  le  sort  du  malheureux  Edouard. 
Je  crains  qu'on  ne  reproche  a  notre  Pyrrhonien,  qui 
r^duit  partout  ailleurs  les  faits  a  des  probi£mes,  de 
convertir  ici  ses  soupcons  en  certitudes.  Quant  a 
Richard  Plantagenet,  le  lecteur  instruit  peut  pre"- 
voir  sans  difficult^  1'hypothese  de  M.  Walpole. 
Perkin  Warbeck,  ce  jeune  pr£tendant  qui  ^branla 
plus  d'une  fois  le  tr6ne  de  Henri  VII.  est  a  ses 
yeux  le  vrai  Due  d'Yorc.  Voici  les  principaux  ti- 
tres  qui  ont  engag6  notre  savant  critique  a  le  re 
connoitre.  1.  Warbeck  paroissoit  tout  ce  que  le 
jeune  Plantagenet  auroit  du  £tre.  La  ressemblanc^ 

z  %  avec 


340  DOUfES  HISTORIQUES 

avec  Edouard  IV.  le  souvenir  exact  de  la  cour  An- 
gloise,  &c. ;  tout  sembloit  annoncer  en  lui  le  vrai 
he"ritier  de  la  maison  d'Yorc.  2.  II  r6ussit  par- 
tout  a  inspirer  une  confiance  qu'un  imposteur  n'au- 
roit  jamais  obtenue.  Le  Roi  d'Ecosse  lui  donna  en 
manage  une  de  ses  parentes,  la  Duchesse  de  Bour- 
gogne  le  reconnolt  pour  son  neveu,  et  soutint  ses 
intents  avec  chaleur.  Le  Chevalier  Guillaume 
Stanley,  qui  avoit  mis  la  couronne  sur  la  t£te 
de  Henri,  aussi  bien  que  plusieurs  autres  partisans  de 
la  Rose  blanche,  abandonnerent  le  roi  pour  suivrc 
le  fils  de  leur  bienfaiteur,  et  p^rirent  sur  un  6cha- 
faud  toujours  convaincus  qu'il  l'6toit.  3.  Henri 
lui-m£me  se  conduisit  &  l'6gard  de  Perkin  (lorsqu'il 
fut  entre  ses  mains)  de  la  maniere  la  plus  propre  £ 
confirmer  toutes  les  pr6tensions  de  ce  jeune  homme. 
Tout  itoit  incertain,  obscur,  et  myst6rieux  dans  le 
proce'de'  du  roi,  qui  sembloit  craindre  de  d^couvrir 
la  ve'rite'.  II  n'osa  jamais  le  conf renter  avec  la 
Reine  mere,  ses  filles,  et  les  seigneurs  de  la  cour. 
C'e*toit  cependant  le  moyen  le  plus  sur  et  le  plus 
naturel  d'exposer  1'imposture ;  c'e"toit  encore  celui 
que  Henri  lui-m£me  avoit  employ^  a  1'^gard  de 
Lambert  Simnel  dont  personne  n'a  depuis  ^pous6 
les  inte're'ts.  4.  Le  conte  que  Henri  d^bita  enfin 
sous  le  nom  de  1'Histoire"  de  Perkin  Warbeck  est 
pleine  d'absurdit6s  et  de  contradictions.  M.  Wai- 
pole  en  relive  quelques  unes  avec  beaucoup  de  force 
et  de  vivacite".  II  remarque  m^rne  que  le  Charice- 
lier  Bacon,  historien  fort  estim6  de  Henri  VII.  en  a 
e*t6  si  peu  content  qu'il  a  bien  voulu  inventer  un 
autre  qui  n'est  pas  plus  vraisemblable.  Tons  les 

£crivains 


PAR  M.  HORACE  WALPOLE.  341 

£crivains  ont  cependant  adopt6  l'ide"e  d'une  impos 
ture  n^cessaire  a  la  gloire  de  Henri,  et  M.  Carte 
£toit  le  seul  qui  eut  encore  os£  s'eloigner  du  senti 
ment  general. 

II  estdifficilede  quitter  M.  Walpole,  mais  ilfaut 
le  quitter.  Observons  seulement  qu'il  r£duit  la 
difformite  monstrueuse  de  Richard  a  quelques  d6- 
fauts  assez  lagers.  II  6toit  petit  de  taille,  son 
visage  e"toit  court,  et  ses  epaules  un  peu  inegales. 
Un  dessein  fort  ancien  que  M.  Walpole  a  fait 
graver,  et  le  t£moignage  d'un  moine  tres  passionn6 
a  l'6gard  de  Richard,  lui  fournissent  ces  traits 
adoucis.  La  vieille  Comtesse  de  Desmond  le  de*- 
peignoit  d'une  maniere  encore  plus  favorable.  Elle 
se  souvenoit  d'avoir  dans£  avec  lui  et  se  rappelloit 
qu'a  son  frere  Edouard  p-res,  il  etoit  1'homme  le 
mieux  fait  de  Tassembl^e.  M.  Walpole  n'a  donn6 
ses  observations  que  sous  le  titre  modeste  de  Doutes 
Historiques.  Get  aimable  critique  doit  sentir  mieux 
que  personne  que  dans  un  sujet  aussi  obscur,  la 
v£rite\  et  m£me  la  vraisemblance,  sont  envelopp^es 
de  milles  nuages,  que  tout  y  est  probl&me,  doute, 
objection  et  r^ponse.  C'est  surtout  aux  yeux  d'un 
homme  de  g*6nie,  instruit  de  1'histoire  de  son  pays, 
que  les  points  de  vue  se  muitiplient  a  Tinflni. 
Les  argumens  de  M.  Walpole  nous  avoient  6bloui 
sans  nous  convaincre.  Les  reflexions  suivantes 
nous  ont  ramene'  au  sentiment  general;  elles 
sont  de  M.  Hume,  qui  nous  les  a  communiquees 
avec  la  permission  d'en  enrichir  nos  M6moires. 

II  r^gne  en  g£n6ral  une  grande  obscurit^  sur  les 
circonstances  des  guerres  entre  les  deux  Roses; 

z  3  mais 


342  DOUTES  HISTORIQUES 

Tnais  la  narration  de  Thomas  More  jette  beaucoup 
de  lumieres  sur  toutes  les  transactions  du  regne 
de  Richard,  et  sur  le  meurtre  des  deux  jeunes 
princes  ses  neveux.  La  magnanimite^  la  probit6, 
et  le  grand  sens  de  cet  auteur  rendent  son  t6moi- 
gnage  assur6 ;  et  il  n'y  a  point  d'historien  ancien  ou 
moderne  qui  doive  avoir  plus  de  poids.  On  peut 
aussi  le  regarder  au  juste  titre  comme  contem- 
porain ;  car  quoiqu'il  n'eut  que  cinq  ans  lorsque  les 
deux  princes  furent  massacres,  il  vecut  et  fut 
£leve"  parmi  les  principaux  acteurs  du  regne  de 
Richard ;  et  on  voit  clairement  par  son  r6cit  qui  est 
souvent  tres  circonstancie',  qu'il  en  tenoit  les  par- 
ticularite"s  des  temoins  oculaires  eux-memes.  On 
ne  sauroit  done  se  refuser  a  son  autorit£,  et  elle 
doit  emporter  la  balance  sur  cent  legers  doutes, 
scru pules,  et  objections,  car  on  n'a  point  forme' 
contre  lui  d'objection  solide,  et  on  n'a  pu  le  con- 
vaincre  encore  d'aucune  erreur.  II  dit,  a  la  verit6, 
que  les  partisans  du  Protecteur,  et  en  particulier  le' 
Docteur  Shaw,  repandirent  le  bruit  d'un  premier 
contratd'Edouard  IV.  avee  Elizabeth  Lucy,  tandis 
qu'il  paroit  par  des  titres  que  le  Parlement  d^clara 
les  enfans  d'Edouard  ill£gitimes,  sous  pr6texte  d'un 
premier  contrat  avec  Lady  El£onore  Butler.  Mais 
il  faut  remarquer  qu'on  n'essaya  pa§  seulement  de 
prouver  l'un  ou  1'autre  deces  contrats;  etpourquoi 
les  flatteurs  et  partisans  du  Protecteur  n'auroient- 
ils  pas  r^pandu  tant6t  un  bruit,  tantdt  un  autre? 
More  les  cite  tous  les  deux,  et  les  traite  aussi 
16g&rement  qu'ils  le  m^ritent.  M.  Carte  trouve 
incroyable  que  Richard  ait  engage"  le  Docteur 


PAR  M.  HORACE  WALPOLE.  343 

Shaw  a  calomnier  la  Duchesse  d'Yorc  sa  mere, 
avec  laquelle  il  6toit  en  tres  bonne  intelligence. 
Mais  si  Ton  trouve  cflfectivement  de  la  difficulte  a 
le  croire,  pourquoi  ne  supposeroit-on  pas  que  le 
Docteur  Shaw  ayant  pris  I'ide'e  ge'ne'rale  de  son 
sermon  du  Protecteur  ou  de  ses  amis,  choisit  lui- 
m£me  les  chefs  particuliers  et  les  choisit  avec  fort 
peu  de  jugement?  La  disgrace  qu'il  eprouva 
ensuite  paroit  appuyer  cette  supposition. 

Q.  Si'  Ton  refuse  a  More  la  qualite  de  con- 
temporam  relativement  au  protectforat  du  Due  de 
Glocester,  ou  ne  pent  la  lui  disputer  quant  a 
Timposture  de  Perkin;  il  e'toit  alors  honime  fait, 
et  il  avoit  toutes  les  facilites  n^cessaires  pour 
connoitre,  examiner,  et  se  decider  sur  la  ve*rite* ; 
ainsi  en  nous  assurant  que  Richard  fit  massacrer 
le  Due  d'Yorc,  il  nous  assure,  en  effet,  de  la 
maniere  la  plus  claire,  que  Perkin  qui  prit  son 
nom  etoit  un  imposteur. 

3.  Un  autre  grand  ge"nie  a  traite*  avec  soin 
ce  point  d'histoire;  ge'nie  qui  est  regard^  avec 
justice  comine  un  de  ceux  qui  fait  le  plus  d'hon- 
neur  a  notre  nation,  et  qui  est  effectivement  un 
des  g&nies  les  plus  sublimes ;  c'est  le  Chancelier 
Bacon  dont  je  veux  parler.  II  fait  au  long  1'his- 
toire  de  Perkin  Warbeck,  et  le  traite  positivement 
d'imposteur,  sans  temoigner  le  moindre  doute  a 
cet  ^gard.  Si  Ton  nous  objecte  que  Milord  Bacon 
n'etoit  pas  contemporain,  et  que  nous  devons 
former  nos  jugemens,  non  d'apres  les  mateViaux 
que  lui-meme  employa,  nous  repondrons  qu'il 
paroit  clairement  que  Bacon  composa  son  histoire, 

z  4  histoire 


344  DOUTES  HISTORIQUES 

histoire  exacte  et  travaillee  avec  soin,  sur  plusieurs 
papiers  et  titres  qui  sont  maintenant  perdus,  et 
qu'en  consequence  en  doit  toujours  le  citer  comme 
un  ^crivain  original.  Suppos6  que  1'opmion  de 
M.  Carte  fut  fondee,  il  seroit  bien  Strange  que 
parmi  tous  les  papiers  que  M.  Bacon  parcourut,  il 
n'eut  pas  trouv£  la  moindre  raison  de  soupconner 
Perkin  d'etre  le  vrai  Plantagenet.  On  n'avoit 
plus  d'inteVet  alors  a  noircir  Richard  III.  et 
d'ailleurs  Bacon  est  un  historien  droit,  qui  n'est 
point  partial  pour  Henri,  puisque  c'est  de  lui  seul 
que  nous  tenons  les  details  du  gouvernement 
tyrannique  de  ce  prince.  Tout  ce  que  Ton  peut 
seulement  lui  reprocher,  c'est  qu'en  tracant  son 
caractere,  il  ne  1'a  pas  blame  aussi  fortement  que  les 
faits  qu'il  rapporte  paroissent  1'exiger.  Qu'on  me 
permette  de  remarquer  en  passant,  comme  une 
singularity,  combien  1'histoire  Angloise  doit  a 
quatre  grands  hommes  qui  ont  poss6de  la  premiere 
dignite  de  la  magistrature,  More,  Bacon,  Cla 
rendon,  et  Whitlocke. 

4.  Mais  si  Ton  exige  des  t6moignages  contem- 
porains,  on  peut  sur  cet  article  en  presenter  des 
plus  forts,  et  .des  moins  suspects.  La  reine,  son 
fils  le  Marquis  de  Dorset,  homme  d'un  grand  sens ; 
le  Chevalier  Edouard  Woodville,  frere  de  la  reine ; 
le  Chevalier  Thomas  St.  Leger,  qui  avoit  epous6 
la  soeur  du  roi;  le  Chevalier  Robert  Willoughby  ; 
le  Chevalier  Giles  d'Aubeney ;  le  Chevalier  Tho 
mas  Arundel ;  les  Courteney;  les  Cheyney;  les 
Talbot;  les  Stanley;  et  en  un  mot  tons  les  par 
tisans  de  la  maison  d'Yorc,  parmi  lesquels  on 

compte 


PAR  M.  HORACE  WALPOLE. 

compte  les  personnes  les  plus  illustres  de  la  nation., 
etoient  si  persuades  du  meurtre  des  deux  princes 
qu'ils  s'adresserent  au  Comte  de  Richmond,  1'en- 
nemi  mortel  de  leur  famille,  et  de  leur  parti.  Us 
formerent  le  projet  de  le  placer  sur  le  tr6ne ;  pro- 
jet  insense,  et  qui  les  perdoit  si  le  prince  e*toit 
vivant ;  et  ils  promirent  de  lui  donner  en  manage 
la  Princesse  Elizabeth,  comme  he"ritiere  de  la  cou- 
ronne,  qui  n'y  avoit  de  droit  que  par  la  mort  de  ses 
freres.  Y  a-t-il  une  seule  de  ces  personnes  qui,  en 
e"crivant  les  memoires  de  son  terns,  n'eut  assure*  que 
Richard  avoit  fait  mourir  ses  neveux  ?  Et  qu'avons 
nous  besoin  de  leurs  ecrits? — leurs  actions  nous 
montrent,  bien  plus  surement  encore,  leurs  ve"ri- 
tables  sentimens. 

5.  Mais  nous  avons  une  autre  autorite"  contem- 
poraine  plus  sure  encore,  et  d'une  personne  des 
plus  interessees  a  connoitre  la  verite",  c'est  celle  de 
Richard  lui-meme.     II  re"solut  d^pouser  sa  niece 
(alliance  tres  extraordinaire  en  Angleterre)  pour 
unir  par  la  son  titre  au  sien  propre.     II  savoit  done 
que  cette  princesse  avoit  un  droit  reel  a  la  cou- 
ronne;  car  pour  ce  qui  regarde  sa  pr^tenclue  ille- 
gitimit6,  comme  on  n'en  donna  jamais  de  preuves, 
et  qu'on  n'essaya  pas  meme  d'en  donner,  la  nation 
en  traita  la  declaration  avec  le  plus  grand  mepris, 
et  sur  le  meme  pied  que  quantite"   d'actes  parle- 
mentaires,  si  frequens  dans  ce  periode,  qui  Etoient 
scandaleux,  et  sans  aucune  autorite.     On  ne  son- 
gea  meme  pas  a  casser  cet  acte  lorsque  Henri  et 
Elizabeth  furent  sur  le  trone. 

6.  Nous  devons  aussi  regarder  comme  un  te"moi- 

gnage 


346  DOUTES  HISTORIQUES 

gnage  contemporain  1'opinion  gene"ralement  recue, 
et  dans  le  pays  et  chez  1'e"  tranger.  On  etoit  si  per 
suade  du  meurtre  des  deux  princes,  que  lorsque 
Richard  notifia  a  la  cour  de  France  son  av6nement  au 
tr6ne,  cette  cour  fut  frapp e"e  d'horreur  de  1'abomi- 
nable  parricide  qu'il  avoit  commis  en  faisant  mourir 
ses  neveux,  ainsi  que  nous  1'apprend  Philippe  de 
Comines ;  et  ces  sentimens  se  manifesterent  avec 
force,  puisque  comine  nous  le  dit  le  meme  auteur, 
la  cour  ne  voulut  pas  faire  la  moindre  reponse  a  la 
notification  du  ministre. 

7.  Les  monies  raisons  qui  persuaderent  aux  con- 
temporains  la  ve"rite  de  ce  parricide  subsistent  en 
core,  et  doivent  £tre  pour  nous  les  preuves  les 
plus  claires.  Ces  deux  jeunes  princes,  apres  avoir 
disparu  tout  d'un  coup  de  la  Tour,  ne  se  montre- 
rent  point  ailleurs.  Chacun  disoit :  "  Us  n'ont  pas 
6chappe  a  leur  oncle,  puisqu'il  ne  fait  aucune  re 
cherche  ;  il  ne  les  a  point  fait  transporter  ailleurs, 
sans  quoi  il  le  declareroit  pour  sejustifier  de  1'accu- 
sation  de  les  avoir  fait  mourir.  II  ne  s'exposeroit 
pas  inutilement  a  1'infamie,  et  au  danger  attach6 
au  nom  de  meurtrier,  sans  acqu^rjr  la  securite"  qui 
est  le  prix  de  ce  crime ;  ils  e"  toient  sous  sa  garde, 
c'est  a  lui  a  en  repondre ;.  s'il  ne  les  repr^sente  point, 
comme  il  a  un  interest  bien  clair  a  leur  mort,  le 
bori  sens  doit  nous  engager  a  le  regarder  comme  ^ 
leur  meurtrier.  Son  usurpation  manifeste,  et  ses 
autres  actions  perfides  et  cruelles  ne  nous  font  rien 
attendre  de  mieux  de  sa  part.  II  ne  pouvoit  pas 
dire  comme  Cain,  '  Suis-je  le  garde  de  mes  neveux  ?' " 
Ces  raisonnemens,  solides  des  le  commencement, 

prenoient 


PAR  M.  HORACE  WALPOLE.  347 

prenoient  de  jour  en  jour  une  nouvelle  force,  par  le 
silence  soutenu  de  Richard,  et  la  profonde  igno 
rance  ou  Ton  6toit  sur  le  sejour  des  princes.  II 
s'e'coula  deux  ans  depuis  cctte  6poque  jusqu'a  la  fin 
du  regne  du  roi,  et  il  n'auroit  pu  certainement 
mieux  renverser  les  projets  du  Comte  de  Riche- 
mond,  et  justifier  son  propre  caractere,  qu'en  pro- 
duisant  les  princes  ses  neveux. 

8.  Si  apres  des  evidences  aussi  lumineuses,  il 
£toit  necessaire  de  produire  des  preuves,  qui  dans 
tout  autre  cas  paroitroient  considerables   et   plus 
valides,  je  citerois  les  temoignages  de  Dighton,  et 
de  Tyrell ;  il  n'est  pas  naturel  surtout  que  ce  der 
nier,   qui  £toit  gentilhomme,  se   soit   expos6  lui- 
me"me  aux  justes  reproches  que  lui  attiroit  tin  si 
grand  crime,  par  une  imposture,  qui  ne  paroit  pas 
m£me  lui  avoir  acquis  la  faveur  de  Henri. 

9.  Le  Due  d'Yorc  ne  pouvoit  a  1'age  de  neuf  ans 
s'echapper  sans  Fassistance  de  quelques  personnes 
plus  ag^es  que  lui.    N'auroient-elles  pas  averti  sur 
le  champ  de  ce  grand  e"ve"nement  la  Reine  Doua- 
riere  sa  mere,  la  Duchesse  de  Bourgogne  sa  tante, 
et   tous  ceux   qui   e"toient  attaches    a   la  maison 
d'Yorc  ? 

10.  Le  silence  total  qui  a  r6gne  sur  ceux  qui 
avoient  aid6  au  Due  d'Yorc  dans  sa  fuite,  et  sur 
le  lieu  de  sa  residence  pendant  neuf  ans,  est  encore 
une  preuve  suffisante  de  1'imposture  de  Perkin. 

11.  Le  recit  meme  de  Perkin  est  destitu6  de 
toute  vraisemblance.  II  dit  que  les  assassins  massa- 
crerent  son  frere  ;  mais  qu'ils  eurent  compassion  de 
lui,  et  lui  permirent  de  s'enfuir.     On  trouve  ce 
re"cit  dans  tous  les  historiens  de  ce  tems-la. 

12.  Per- 


348  DOUTES  HISTORIQUES 

12.  Perkin  fit  lui-m£me  une  entiere  confession 
de  son  imposture,  et  ne  la  fit  pas  moins  de  trois  fois. 
La  premiere  lorsqu'il  fut  mis  au  carcan  a  la  cite  etxa 
Westminster;  et  la  troisi&me  (qui  fait  une  preuve 
bien  cpmplette)  au  pied  de  la  potence  ou  il  fut 
pendu.     On  ne  trouve  pas  la  moindre  insinuation 
que  ces  confessions  lui  ayent  6t6  arrache'es  par  la 
torture,  et  lorsqu'il  fit  la  derniere  il  n'avoit  certaine- 
ment  rien  de  plus  a  redouter. 

1 3.  Si  Henri  n'avoit  pas  6t6  bien  convaincu  quc 
Perkin  6toit  un  ridicule  imposteur,  d£savou6  par 
toute  la  nation,  il  ne  1'auroit  pas  laisse"  vivre  une 
heure  depuis  qu'il  1'eut  en  son  pouvoir ;  encore 
moins  lui  auroit-il  pardonne  deux  fois.     La  ma- 
niere  dont  il  traita  1'innocent  Comte  de  Warwick, 
qui  n'avoit  aucun  droit  au  trone,  donne  bien  de  la 
force  a  cette  raison. 

14.  Nous   trouvons   bien  clairement  la  source 
des  impostures  de  Perkin  dans  les  intrigues  de  la 
Duchesse  de  Bourgogne.     Elle  avoit  reconnu  et 
support^  auparavant  Lambert  Simnel,  reconnu  ge*- 
n^ralement  pour  imposteur.      Nous   remarquons 
que  M.  Carte,  pour  conserver  le  poids  du  t£moi- 
gnage  de  la  ducbesse  en  faveur  de  Perkin,  supprimc 
entierement  ce  fait  important :  eifet  bien  frappant 
des  prejuge's  de  parti,  et  preuve  de  Fenvie  qu'avoit 
eet  auteur  de  noircir  Henri,  qui  n'avoit  pas  un 
droit  b£r£ditaire  a  la  couronne. 

15.  On  ne  produisit  jamais  dans  le  tems  meme 
k  moindre  preuve  que  Perkin  fut  Richard  Planta- 
genet.    Richard  dispar ut  a  1'age  d'environ  neuf  ans  5 
Perkin  ne   parut  pas  avant  d'etre   homme   fait; 

quelqu'un 


PAR  M.  HORACE  WALPOLE.  349 

quelqu'un  &  sa  vue  pouvoit-il  £tre  convaincu  qu'il 
e"toit  Richard  ?  Perkin  savoit,  a  la  v£rite\  quelques 
anecdotes  sur  Fenfance  de  Richard  et  la  cour 
d'Angleterre ;  mais  tout  ce  qu'un  enfant  de  neuf ans 
pouvoit  avoir  retenu  lui  avoit  £t6  sugg6r6  fort 
aisement  par  la  Duchesse  de  Bourgogne,  Prior,  se- 
cr6taire  de  Henri,  ou  quiconque  avoit  6t6  a  la  cour 
dans  ce  tems-la.  II  est  vrai  que  plusieurs  per- 
sonnes  de  distinction  y  furent  d'abord  trompe"es; 
mais  le  m6contentement  qu'inspiroit  le  gouverne- 
ment  de  Henri,  et  Fenthousiasine  g£n£ral  qu'on 
avoit  pour  la  maison  d'Yorc,  rendent  assez  raison 
de  cette  illusion  passagere.  Tons  les  yeux  6toient 
ouverts  longtems  avant  le  supplice  de  Perkin. 

16.  La  circonstance  de  la  de"couverte  que  Ton 
fit  a  la  Tour  de  deux  corps  morts,  sous  le  regne  de 
Charles  II.  n'est  certainement  point  indiff<6 rente. 
On  les  trouva  dans  la  m6me  plac^  ou  More,  Bacon, 
et  d'autres  anciens  6crivains  nous  assurent  que  les 
deux  jeunes  princes  furent  enter-re's.  Les  os  de 
ces  cadavres  etoient  d'une  grosseur  proportionn^e 
a  1'age  des  princes.  La  place  secrette  et  irr6guliere 
(puisqu'elle  n'^toit  pas  en  terre  sainte)  oft  ils  furent 
enterr£s,  prouve  que  ces  enfans  avoient  6t^  assas- 
sin^s  secrettement.  Et  quels  enfans,  excepte"  ceux 
qui  touchent  de  pres  a  la  couronne,  pourroient 
^tre  exposes,  dans  la  Tour,  a  une  mort  violente  ? 
En  comparant  toutes  les  circonstances,  nous  avons 
raison  d'inf6rer  que  ces  cadavres  6toient  ceux 
d'Edouard  et  de  son  fi;ere,  et  telle  fut  aussi  I'inf6- 
rence  qu'on  en  tira  dans  le  terns  de  la  d^couverte. 

ANTI- 


ANTIQUITIES 


OF  THE 


HOUSE  OF  BRUNSWICK, 


(     353     ) 

The  following  Letter,  from  Mr.  Gibbon,  without  any  Ad 
dress  to  it,  zeas  found  with  the  Manuscript  of  the  Anti 
quities  of  the  House  of  Brunswick:  there  can  be  little 
doubt  of  its  being  the  Copy  of  a  Letter  to  M.  L  ANGER, 
Librarian  to  the  Ducat  Library  of  Wolfenbuttel ;  and  it 
is  here  inserted  as  relating  to  them. 

Mr,  GIBBON  to  Mr.  LANGER. 

SIR,  Rolle,  12th  October,  1790. 

I  SHOULD  have  acknowledged  sooner  your  kind 
ness  in  procuring  for  me  the  Origines  Guelficce,  if 
I  had  not  been  %  told  by  our  obliging  bookseller, 
Mr.  Pott,  that  you  were  on  a  journey,  while  I  my 
self  was  confined  with  the  longest  and  most 
severe  fit  of  the  gout  that  I  ever  experienced.  But 
we  are  now,  both  of  us,  restored  to  our  ordinary 
state;  I  can  walk,  and  you  no  longer  travel  post. 
I  suppose  by  this  time  you  are  thoroughly  es 
tablished,  and  deeply  immured  in  your  immense 
library.  Your  curiosity,  perhaps  your  friendship, 
will  desire  to  know  what  have  been  my  amuse 
ments,  labours,  and  projects,  during  the  two  years 
that  have  elapsed  since  the  last  publication  of  my 
great  work.  To  indiscreet  questions  on  this  sub 
ject,  with  which  I  am  often  teased,  I  answer 
vaguely  or  peevishly ;  but  from  you  I  would  keep 
nothing  concealed;  and  to  imitate  the  frankness 
in  which  you  so  much  delight,  will  freely  confess, 
that  I  more  readily  trust  you  with  my  secret,  be 
cause  I  greatly  need  your  assistance.  After  re 
turning  from  England,,  the  first  months  were  spent 
in  the  enjoyment  of  my  liberty  and  my  library; 
i  VOL.  in.  A  A  and 


354  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE 

and  you  will  not  be  surprised  that  I  should  have 
renewed  my  familiar  acquaintance  with  the  Greek 
authors,  and  vowed  to  consecrate  to  them  daily  a 
portion  of  my  leisure.     I  pass  over  in  silence  the 
sad  hours  employed  in  the  care  of  my  friend,  and 
in  lamentation  for  his  loss.     When  theagitation  of 
my  mind  abated,  I  endeavoured  to  find  out  for  my 
self  some  occupation  more  interesting  and  more  in 
vigorating  than  mere  reading  can  afford.  But  the  re 
membrance  of  a  servitude  of  twenty  years  frightened 
me  from  again  engaging  in  a  long  undertaking, 
which  I  might  probably  never  finish.     It  would 
be  better,  I  thought,  to  select  from  the  historical 
monuments  of  all  ages,  and  all  nations,  such  sub 
jects  as  might  be  treated  separately,  both  agreeably 
to  their  own  nature,  as  well  as  to  my  taste.     When 
these  little  works,  which  might  be  entitled  Histo 
rical  Excursions,  amounted  to  a  volume,  I  would 
offer  it  to  the  public ;  and  the  present  might  be 
repeated,  until  either  the  public  or  myself  were 
tired;  for  as  each  volume  would  be  complete  in  it 
self,  no  continuation  would  be  requisite;  and  in 
stead  of  being  obliged  to  follow,  like  the  stage 
coach,  the  high  road,  I  would  expatiate  at  large  in 
the  field  of  history,  stopping  to  admire  every  beau 
tiful  prospect  that  opened  to  my  view.     One  in 
convenience,  indeed,  attends  this  design.     An  im 
portant  subject  grows  and  expands  with  the  labour 
bestowed  on  it.     I  might  thus  be  carried  beyond 
my  prescribed  bounds;    but  I  should  be  carried 
gently,  without  foresight  and  without  constraint. 
This  suspicion  was  justified  in  my  first  excur 
sion, 


HOUSE  OF  BRUNSWICK.  355 

sion,  the  subject  of  which  will  explain  the  reason 
why  I  was  so  earnest  to  procure  the  Origines 
Guelfic(K.  In  my  History,  I  had  given  an  account 
of  two  illustrious  marriages;  the  first,  of  the  son 
of  Azo,  Marquis  of  Este,  with  the  daughter  of 
Robert  Guiscard;  and  the  second,  of  a  Princess  of 
Brunswick  with  the  Greek  Emperor.  The  first 
view  of  the  antiquity  and  grandeur  of  the  House 
of  Brunswick  excited  my  curiosity,  and  made  me 
think  that  the  two  nations,  which  I  esteem  the 
most,  might  be  entertained  by  the  history  of  a  fa 
mily,  which  sprung  from  the  one,  and  reigns  over 
the  other.  But  my  researches  showed  me  not 
only  the  beauty,  but  the  extent  and  difficulty  of 
my  subject.  Muratori  and  Leibnitz  have  suffici 
ently  explained  the  origin  of  the  Marquisses  of 
Liguria,  and  perhaps  of  Tuscany:  I  am  well  ac 
quainted  with  the  history  and  monuments  of  Italy, 
during  the  middle  ages ;  and  I  am  not  dissatisfied 
with  what  I  have  already  written  concerning  that 
branch  of  the  family  of  Este,  which  continued  to 
reside  in  its  hereditary  possessions.  I  am  not  un 
acquainted  with  the  ancient  Guelphs,  nor  incapa 
ble  of  giving  an  account  of  the  power  and  down 
fall  of  their  heirs,  the  Dukes  of  Bavaria  and  Saxony. 
The  succession  of  the  House  of  Brunswick  to  the 
Crown  of  Great  Britain  will  doubtless  form  the 
most  interesting  part  of  my  narrative;  but  the 
authors  on  this  subject  are  in  English;  and  it 
would  be  unpardonable  in  a  Briton  not  to  have 
studied  the  modern  history  and  present  constitu 
tion  of  his  country.  But  there  is  an  interval  of 
A  A  2  '  four 


S56  ANTIQUITIES  OF 

four  hundred  and  fifty  years  between  the  first 
Duke  of  Brunswick  and  the  first  Elector  of  that 
family;  and  the  design  of  my  work  compels  me  to 
follow  in  obscurity  a  rough  and  narrow  path; 
where,  by  the  division  and  subdivision  of  so  many 
branches  and  so  many  territories,  I  shall  be  in 
volved  in  the  mazes  of  a  genealogical  labyrinth. 
The  events,  which  are  destitute  of  connection  as 
well  as  of  splendour,  are  confined  to  a  single  pro 
vince  of  Germany;  and  I  must  have  reached  near 
the  end  of  the  period,  before  my  subject  will  be 
enlivened  by  the  reformation  of  religion,  the  war 
of  thirty  years,  and  the  new  power  acquired  by 
the  Electorate.  As  it  is  my  purpose,  rather  to 
sketch  memoirs  than  to  write  history,  my  narrative 
must  proceed  with  rapidity ;  and  contain  rather  re 
sults  than  facts — rather  reflexions  than  details ;  but 
you  are  aware  how  much  particular  knowledge  is 
requisite  for  this  general  description,  the  author  of 
which  ought  to  be  far  more  learned  than  his  work. 
Unfortunately,  this  author  resides  at  the  distance 
of  two  hundred  leagues  from  Saxony;  he  knows 
not  the  language,  and  has  never  made  the  history 
of  Germany  his  particular  study.  Thus  remote 
from  the  sources  of  information,  he  can  think  of 
only  one  channel  by  which  they  may  be  made  to 
flow  into  his  library;  which  is,  by  finding  in  the 
country  itself  an  accurate  correspondent,  an  en 
lightened  guide,  in  one  word,  an  oracle,  whom  he 
may  consult  in  every  difficulty.  Your  learning 
and  character,  as  well  as  your  abilities  and  situa 
tion,  singularly  qualify  you  for  gratifying  my 

wishes; 


HOUSE  OF  BRUNSWICK.  357 

wishes ;  and  should  you  point  out  to  me  a  substi 
tute  equally  well  qualified  with  yourself,  yet  I 
could  not  have  equal  confidence  in  the  assistance 
of  a  person  unknown  to  me.  I  would  tease  you 
with  questions,  and  new  questions  would  often  be 
suggested  by  your  answers;  I  would  request  you 
to  ransack  your  vast  library,  and  to  supply  me 
with  books,  extracts,  translations,  and  information 
of  every  kind,  conducive  to  my  undertaking.  But 
I  know  not  how  far  you  are  inclined  to  sacrifice 
your  leisure  and  your  favourite  studies  to  a  labori 
ous  correspondence,  which  promises  neither  fame 
nor  pleasure.  I  flatter  myself,  you  would  do  some 
thing  to  oblige  me;  you  would  do  more  for  the 
honour  of  the  family  with  which  you  are  connect^ 
ed  by  your  employment.  But  what  title  have  I  to 
suppose  that  any  work  of  mine  can  contribute  to 
its  honour?  I  expect,  Sir,  your  answer;  and  re 
quest  that  it  may  be  speedy  and  frank.  Should 
you  condescend  to  assist  my  labours,  I  will  imme 
diately  send  you  some  interrogatories.  Your  re 
fusal,  on  the  other  hand,  will  make  me  lay  aside 
the  design,  or  at  least  oblige  me  to  give  it  a  new 
form.  I  venture,  at  the  same  time,  to  entreat  that 
the  subject  of  this  letter  may  remain  a  profound 
secret.  An  indiscreet  word  would  be  repeated  by 
an  hundred  mouths;  and  I  should  have  the  un 
easiness  of  seeing  in  the  foreign  journals,  and  soon 
afterwards  in  the  English  newspapers,  an  account, 
and  that,  perhaps,  an  unfaithful  one,  of  my  lite 
rary  projects,  the  secret  of  which  I  entrust  to  you 
alone. 

A  A3  ANTI- 


ANTIQUITIES 


OF  THE 


HOUSE  OF  BRUNSWICK. 


CHAP.  I.     SECT.  I. 

AN  English  subject  may  be  prompted,  by  a  just 
and  liberal  curiosity,  to  investigate  the  origin  and 
story  of  the  House  of  Brunswick,  which,  after  an 
alliance  with  the  daughters  of  our  kings,  has  been 
called  by  the  voice  of  a  free  people  to  the  legal 
inheritance  of  the  crown.  From  George  the  First 
and  his  father,  the  first  Elector  of  Hanover,  we 
ascend,  in  a  clear  and  regular  series,  to  the  first 
Duke  of  Brunswick  and  Lunenburgh,  who  rd- 
ceived  his  investiture  from  Frederick  the  Second, 
about  the  middle  of  the  thirteenth  century.  If 
these  ample  possessions  had  been  the  gift  of  the 
Emperor  to  some  adventurous  soldier,  to  some 
faithful  client,  we  might  be  content  with  the  an 
tiquity  and  lustre  of  a  noble  race,  which  had  been 
enrolled  nearly  six  hundred  years  among  the 
Princes  of  Germany.  But  our  ideas  are  raised, 
and  our  prospect  is  opened,  by  the  discovery,  that 
the  first  Duke  of  Brunswick  was  rather  degraded 
than  adorned  by  his  new  title,  since  it  imposed  the 
duties  of  feudal  service  on  the  free  and  patrimonial 

A  A  4  estate, 


360  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE 

estate,  which  alone  has  been  saved  in  the  ship 
wreck  of  the  more  splendid  fortunes  of  his  House. 
His  ancestors  had  been  invested  with  the  powerful 
duchies  of  Bavaria  and  Saxony,  which  extended 
far  beyond  their  limits  in  modern  geography :  from 
the  Baltic  Sea  to  the  confines  of  Rome  they  were 
obeyed,  or  respected,  or  feared ;  and  in  the  quarrel 
of  the  Guelphs  and  Ghibellines,  the  former  appel 
lation  was  derived  from  the  name  of  their  progeni 
tors  in  the  female  line.  But  the  genuine  masculine 
descent  of  the  Princes  of  Brunswick  must  be  ex 
plored  beyond  the  Alps  :  the  venerable  tree,  which 
has  since  overshadowed  Germany  and  Britain,  was 
planted  in  the  Italian  soil.  As  far  as  our  sight  can 
reach,  we  discern  the  first  founders  of  the  race  in 
the  Marquisses  of  Este,  of  Liguria,  and  perhaps  of 
Tuscany.  In  the  eleventh  century,  the  primitive 
stem  was  divided  into  two  branches;  the  elder 
migrated  to  the  banks  of  the  Danube  and  the 
Elbe;  the  younger  more  humbly  adhered  to x the 
neighbourhood  of  the  Adriatic :  the  dukes  of 
Brunswick,  and  the  kings  of  Great  Britain,  are  the 
descendants  of  the  first ;  the  dukes  of  Ferrara  and 
Modena  were  the  offspring  of  the  second. 

This  short  review  may  explain  and  justify  the 
threefold  division  of  these  Memoirs,  which  appro 
priates  a  separate  book  to — I.  THE  ITALIAN  DE 
SCENT;  IT.  THE  GERMAN  REIGN;  and  III.  THE 
BRITISH  SUCCESSION  of  the  House  of  Brunswick. 
The  obscure  interval,  from  the  first  duke  to  the 
first  elector,  will  be  connected  on  either  side  with 
the  more  splendid  scenes  of  their  ancient  and  mo 
dern  history.  The  comparative  date  and  dignity 

of 


HOUSE  OF  BRUNSWICK.  36*1 

of  their  pedigree  will  be  fixed  by  a  fair  parallel 
with  the  most  illustrious  families  of  Europe.  Even 
the  flowers  of  fiction,  so  profusely  scattered  over 
the  cradle  of  the  princes  of  Este,  disclose  a  remote 
and  decreasing  light,  which  is  finally  lost  hi  the 
darkness  of  the  fabulous  age.  But  it  will  be  pru 
dent,  before  we  listen  to  the  rude  or  refined  tales 
of  invention,  to  erect  a  strong  and  substantial  edi 
fice  of  truth  on  the  learned  labours  of  Leibnitz  and 
Muratori. 

The  genius  and  studies  of  Leibnitz  have  ranked 
his  name  with  the  first  philosophic  names  of  his 
age  and  country ;  but  his  reputation,  perhaps, 
would  be  more  pure  and  permanent,  if  he  had  not 
ambitiously  grasped  the  whole  circle  of  human 
science.  As  a  theologian,  he  successively  con 
tended  with  the  sceptics,  who  believe  too  little, 
and  with  the  papists,  who  believe  too  much,  and 
with  the  heretics,  who  believe  otherwise  than  is 
inculcated  by  the  Lutheran  confession  of  Augs- 
burgh.  Yet  the  philosopher  betrayed  his  love  of 
union  and  toleration :  his  faith  in  Revelation  was 
accused,  while  he  proved  the  Trinity  by  the  prin 
ciples  of  logic ;  and  in  the  defence  of  the  attributes 
and  providence  of  the  Deity,  he  was  suspected  of 
a  secret  correspondence  with  his  adversary  Bayle. 
The  metaphysician  expatiated  in  the  fields  of  air : 
his  pre-established  harmony  of  the  soul  and  body 
might  have  provoked  the  jealousy  of  Plato;  and 
his  optimism,  the  best  of  all  possible  worlds,  seems 
an  idea  too  vast  for  a  mortal  mind.  He  was  a  phy 
sician,  in  the  large  and  genuine  sense  of  the  word  : 
like  his  brethren,  he  amused  himself  with  creating 

a  globe; 


36Q  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE 

a  globe;  and  his  Protog&a,  or  Primitive  Earth, 
has  not  been  useless  to  the  last  hypothesis  of  Buffon, 
which  prefers  the  agency  of  fire  to  that  of  water. 
I  am  not  worthy  to  praise  the  mathematician :  but 
his  name  is  mingled  in  all  the  problems  and  disco 
veries  of  the  times ;  the  masters  of-  the  art  were  his 
rivals  or  disciples.;  and  if  he  borrowed  from  Sir 
Isaac  Newton  the  sublime  method  of  fluxions, 
Leibnitz  was  at  least  the  Prometheus  who  imparted 
to  mankind  the  sacred  fire  which  he  had  stolen 
from  the  gods.  His  curiosity  extended  to  every 
branch  of  chemistry,  mechanics,  and  the  arts;  and 
the  thirst  of  knowledge  was  always  accompanied 
with  the  spirit  of  improvement.  The  vigour  of 
his  youth  had  been  exercised  in  the  schools  of 
jurisprudence;  and  while  he  taught,  he  aspired  to 
reform,  the  laws  of  nature  and  nations,  of  Rome 
and  Germany.  The  annals  of  Brunswick,  of  the 
empire,  of  the  ancient  and  modern  world,  were 
present  to  the  mind  of  the  historian;  and  he  could 
turn  from  the  solution  of  a  problem,  to  the  dusty 
parchments  and  barbarous  style  of  the  records  of 
the  middle  age.  His  genius  was  more  nobly  di* 
rected  to  investigate  the  origin  of  languages  and 
nations ;  nor  could  he  assume  the  character  of  a 
grammarian,  without  forming  the  project  of  an 
universal  idiom  and  alphabet.  These  various  studies 
were  often  interrupted  by  the  occasional  politics 
of  the  times ;  and  his  pen  was  always  ready  in  the 
cause  of  the  princes  and  patrons  to  whose  service 
he  was  attached  :  many  hours  were  consumed  in  a 
learned  correspondence  with  all  Europe:  and  the 
philosopher  amused  his  leisure  in  the  composition 

of 


HOUSE  OF  BRUNSWICK.  $63 

of  French  and  Latin  poetry.  Such  an  example 
may  display  the  extent  and  powers  of  the  human 
understanding,  but  even  his  powers  were  dissi 
pated  by  the  multiplicity  of  his  pursuits.  He  at 
tempted  more  than  he  could  finish;  he  designed 
more  than  he  could  execute :  his  imagination  was 
too  easily  satisfied  with  a  bold  and  rapid  glance  on 
the  subject  which  he  was  impatient  to  leave ;  and 
Leibnitz  may  be  compared  to  those  heroes,  whose 
empire  has  been  lost  in  the  ambition  of  universal 
conquest. 

When  he  was  about  thirty  years  of  age,  (1676,) 
the  merit  of  Leibnitz  was  discovered  and  adopted 
by  the  dukes  of  Hanover,  at  whose  court  he  spent 
the  last  forty  years  of  his  life,  in  free  and  honour 
able  service,  In  this  station  he  soon  became  the 
author,  or  at  least  the  architect  of  a  monument, 
which  they  were  ambitious  of  raising  to  the  glory 
of  their  name.  With  the  view  of  preparing  the 
most  authentic  documents  for  the  History  of  the 
House  of  Brunswick,  he  travelled  over  the  pro 
vinces  of  Germany  and  Italy,  their  ancient  seats. 
In  this  learned  pilgrimage,  he  consulted  the  living 
and  the  dead,  explored  the  libraries,  the  archives, 
the  monasteries,  and  even  the  tombs,  and  diligently 
collected  or  copied  the  books,  the  manuscripts,  and 
the  charters  of  every  age.  As  the  curiosity  of  the 
historian  had  not  been  limited  to  the  proper  bounds 
of  his  subject,  the  various  treasures  which  he  had 
imported  were  published  in  several  volumes,  with 
as  much  speed  and  care  as  the  multitude  of  his 
Avocations  would  allow;  and  it  may  be  deemed 
~  either 


364  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE 

either  a  praise  or  a  reproach,  that  the  raw  mate 
rials  are  often  less  valuable  than  the  observations 
and  prefaces  of  the  editor  himself.  In  the  year 
1 695,  the  nuptials  of  the  Prince  of  Modena  with  a 
Princess  of  Hanover  engaged  him  to  dispel  the 
errors  and  fables  of  preceding  genealogists,,  and  ta 
restore  the  true  connection  of  the  kindred  branches, 
which  were  thus  united,  after  a  separation  of  more 
than  six  hundred  years.  This  occasional  pamphlet 
was  designed  as  the  prelude  of  the  great  Latin 
work  which  he  meditated  on  the  Brunswick  anti 
quities.  With  a  genius  accustomed  to  draw  lines  of 
communication  between  the  most  distant  sciences, 
he  traced,  in  his  Introduction,  the  revolutions  of 
the  country  and  its  inhabitants;  of  the  country,  from 
the  natural  remains  of  fossils  and  petrifactions ;  of 
the  inhabitants,  from  the  national  vestiges  of  lan^ 
guage  and  manners.  The  story  of  a  province  and 
of  a  family  swelled,  in  his  capacious  mind,  into  the 
annals  of  the  western  empire:  the  origins  of  the 
Guelphs  of  Bavaria,  -and  the  Marquisses  of  Este^ 
would  have  been  interwoven  in  their  proper  place; 
and  the  narrative  would  have  been  deduced  from 
the  reign  of  Charlemagne  (A.  D.  7^9,)  to  the  last 
emperor  of  the  Saxon  line  (1025.)  But  the  term 
of  an  antediluvian  life  would  have  been  scarcely 
adequate  to  the  labours  and  projects  of  Leibnitz: 
the  imperfect  manuscript  of  his  annals  was  buried 
in  the  library  of  Hanover ;  and  the  impression, 
though  long  since  promised,  is  still  refused  to  the 
curiosity  of  the  public.  But  the  ideas  and  papers 
of  that  great  man  were  freely  communicated  to  his 

disciple 


HOUSE  OF  BRUNSWICK.  365 

d  isciple  and  successor  Eccard,  and  the  researches 
more  particularly  belonging  to  the  house  of  Bruns 
wick  have  formed  the  basis  of  the  Origines  Guel- 
jicce,  which  were  compiled  by  the  industrious  his 
toriographer.  The  rashness  of  Eccard,  who  changed 
his  service  and  religion,  condemned  his  work,  till 
envy  and  malevolence  had  subsided,  to  a  long  ob 
livion  ;  nor  was  it  till  many  years  after  his  decease 
that  the  Origines  Guelficce  were  printed  in  five 
volumes  in  folio,  by  the  care  of  the  Electoral  libra 
rians.  The  hands  of  the  several  workmen  are  ap 
parent;  the  bold  and  original  spirit  of  Leibnitz, 
the  crude  erudition  and  hasty  conjectures  of  Ec 
card,  the  useful  annotations  of  Gruber,  and  the 
critical  disquisitions  of  Scheid,  the  principal  editor 
of  this  genealogical  history. 

In  the  construction  of  this  domestic  monument, 
the  Elector  of  Hanover,  ten  years  after  the  return 
of  Leibnitz,  had  dispatched  a  second  missionary 
(1700)  to  search  the  archives  of  his  Italian  kins 
men.  Their  archives  were  in  the  most  deplorable 
state :  but  the  princes  of  Este  were  awakened  by 
shame  and  vanity,  and  their  subject  Muratori  was 
recalled  from  Milan,  to  reform  and  govern  the  du 
cal  library  of  Modena.  The  name  of  Muratori  will 
be  for  ever  connected  with  the  literature  of  his 
country :  above  sixty  years  of  his  peaceful  life 
were  consumed  in  the  exercises  of  study  and  devo 
tion;  his  nume/ous  writings  on  the  subjects  of  his 
tory,  antiquities,  religion,  morals,  and  criticism, 
are  impressed  with  sense  and  knowledge,  with 
moderation  and  candour:  he  moved  in  the  narrow 

circle 


366  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE 

circle  of  an  Italian  priest ;  but  a  desire  of  freedom, 
a  ray  of  philosophic  light  sometimes  breaks  through 
his  own  prejudices  and  those  of  his  readers.  In  the 
cause  of  his  prince,  he  was  permitted,  and  even 
encouraged,  to  explore  the  foundations,  and  to 
circumscribe  the  limits,  of  the  temporal  power  of 
the  bishops  of  Rome  :  and  his  victorious  argu 
ments  in  the  dispute  for  Commachio  accustomed 
the  slave  to  an  erect  posture  and  a  bolder  step. 
One  of  his  antagonists,  the  learned  Fontanini,  had 
been  provoked,  in  the  heat  of  controversy,  to  cast 
some  reflections  on  the  family  of  Este,  as  if  they 
had  been  no  more  than  simple  citizens  of  Padua, 
who,  in  the  thirteenth  century,  were  invested  by 
the  popes  with  the  title  and  office  of  Marquis  of 
of  Anconia.  Truth  and  honour  required  an  an 
swer  to  this  invidious  charge ;  and  the  firmest  an 
swer  was  a  simple  and  genuine  exposition  of  facts. 
The  courts  of  Brunswick  and  Modena  were  joined 
in  the  same  family  interest ;  and  their  trusty  libra 
rians,  Leibnitz  and  Muratori,  corresponded  with 
the  confidence  of  allies  and  the  emulation  of  rivals. 
But  the  speed  of  the  German  was  outstripped  in 
the  race  by  the  perseverance  of  the  Italian :  if  the 
conjectures  of  Muratoi  i  were  less  splendid,  his  dis 
coveries  were  more  sure ;  and  he  could  examine, 
with  the  leisure  of  a  native,  the  monuments  and 
records  which  his  associate  had  formerly  viewed 
with  the  haste  of  a  traveller.  After  a  diligent  in 
quiry  of  three  years,  both  at  home  and  abroad,  he 
gave  to  the  world  the  first  volume  of  the  Antichith 
E$  tense,  a  model  of  genealogical  criticism ;  and  in 

the 


HOUSE  OF  BRUNSWICK.  367 

the  second  volume,  which  was  delayed  above 
twenty  years,  he  continues  the  descent  and  series 
to  his  own  times.  The  more  strenuous  labours  of 
his  life  were  devoted  to  the  general  and  particular 
history  of  Italy.  His  Antiquities,  both  in  the  vul 
gar  and  the  Latin  tongue,  exhibit  a  curious  picture  of 
the  laws  and  manners  of  the  middle  age;  and  a 
correct  text  is  justified  by  a  copious  Appendix  of 
authentic  documents.  His  Annals  are  a  faithful 
abstract  of  the  twenty-eight  folio  volumes  of  origi 
nal  historians ;  and  whatsoever  faults  may  be  no 
ticed  in  this  great  collection,  our  censure  is  dis 
armed  by  the  remark,  that  it  was  undertaken  and 
finished  by  a  single  man.  Muratori  will  not  aspire 
to  the  fame  of  historical  genius :  his  modesty  may 
be  content  with  the  solid,  though  humble  praise 
of  an  impartial  critic  and  indefatigable  compiler. 

With  such  guides,  with  the  materials  which  they 
have  provided,  and  with  some  experience  of  the 
way,  I  shall  boldly  descend  into  the  darkness  of 
the  middle  age ;  and  while  I  assume  the  liberty 
of  judgment,  I  shall  not  be  unmindful  of  the  du 
ties  of  gratitude. 

An  old  charter  of  the  reign  of  Charlemagne  and 
the  beginning  of  the  ninth  century,  has  casually 
preserved  the  memory  of  BONIFACE  the  Bavarian; 
the  count  or  governor  of  Lucca,  the  father  of  the 
marquisses  of  Tuscany,  and  the  first  probable  an 
cestor  of  «the  house  of  Este  and  Brunswick.  His 
name  and  country,  his  title  and  province,  I  shall 
separately  consider :  and  these  considerations  will 

explain 


368  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE 

explain  the  state  of  Italy  in  his  time,  and  that  of 
his  immediate  descendants. 

1.  In  the  origin  of  human  speech,  a  method 
must  have  been  wanted,  and  sought,  and  found,  of 
discriminating  the  several  individuals  of  the  same 
tribe,  who  were  mingled  in  the  daily  offices,  even 
of  savage  life.  In  every  languagfe  the  invention  of 
proper  and  personal  names  must  be  at  least  as  an 
cient  as  the  use  of  appellative  words.  The  truth 
of  this  remark  is  attested  by  the  ancient  continent 
from  India  to  Spain,  from  the  lakes  of  Canada  to 
the  hills  of  Chili,  the  same  distinctions  were  fami 
liar  to  the  inhabitants  of  the  New  World ;  and  our 
navigators  who  have  recently  explored  the  islands 
of  the  South  Sea,  add  their  testimony  to  the  gene 
ral  practice  of  mankind.  As  soon  as  a  new-born 
infant  has  enjoyed  some  days,  and  begins  to  pro 
mise  some  years  of  life,  he  is  distinguished  as  a 
social  being  from  his  present  and  future  compa 
nions  :  the  friends  of  the  family  are  convened  to 
congratulate  the  parents  and  to  welcome  the  stran 
ger  ;  and  the  festival  has  been  usually  connected 
with  some  religious  ceremony ;  the  sacrifices  of  the 
Greeks,  Romans,  and  barbarians ;  the  circumci 
sion  of  the  Jews,  and  the  baptism  of  the  Christians. 
The  primitive  choice  of  every  word  must  have  had 
a  cause  and  a  meaning :  each  name  was  derived 
from  some  accident  or  allusion,  or  qualitv  of  the 
mind  or  body ;  and  the  titles  of  the  savage  chiefs 
announced  their  wisdom  in  council,  or  their  valour 
in  the  field.  Such  in  the  book  of  nature  and  anti 
quity  are  the  heroes  of  Homer;  and  the  happy 

flexibility 


HOUSE  OF  BRUNSWICK. 

flexibility  of  the  Greek  tongue  can  .express  in  har 
monious  sounds  all  possible  combinations  of  ideas 
and  sentiments.  But  in  the  lapse  of  ages  and 
idioms,  the  true  signification  was  lost  or  misap 
plied  :  the  qualities  of  a  man  were  blindly  trans 
ferred  to  a  child,  and  chance  or  custom  were  the 
only  motives  that  could  direct  this  arbitrary  impo 
sition.  The  Christians  of  the  Roman  empire  were 
a  mixture  of  Jews,  of  Greeks,  and  of  Latin  pro 
vincials:  their  profane  names  were  sanctified  by 
baptism  ;  those  of  the  Bible  were  respectable  and 
familiar ;  and  the  casual  affinity  with  an  apostle  or 
martyr  might  encourage  the  pious  youth  to  imitate 
his  virtues.  But  in  the  three  centuries  which  pre 
ceded  the  reign  of  Charlemagne,  the  western 
world  was  overwhelmed  by  a  deluge  of  German 
conquerors.  After  their  conversion  to  Christianity, 
they  long  adhered,  from  pride  or  habit,  to  the 
idiom  of  their  fathers ;  and  their  Teutonic  appella 
tions,  with  a  softer  accent  and  a  Latin  termination, 
were  almost  exclusively  used  in  the  baptism  of 
princes  and  nobles.  Till  the  tenth  or  twelfth  cen 
tury,  the  Old  was  abandoned  to  the  Jews,  and  the 
New  Testament  to  the  people  and  clergy.  Adam 
and  David,  Peter  and  Paul,  John  and  James, 
George  and  Francis,  were  neglected  as  unknown, 
or  despised  as  plebeian ;  and  Boniface  is  the  only 
name  of  ecclesiastical  origin  which  the  chiefs  of 
barbaric  race  condescended  to  assume.  This  ho 
nourable  exception  may  be  justly  ascribed  to  the 
fame  and  merit  of  St.  Boniface  the  First,  archbi 
shop  of  Mentz  or  Mayence,  the  missionary  of 
VOL.  in.  B  B  Rome, 


370  ANTIQUITIES  OF  TH£ 

Rome,  the  reformer  of  France,  and  the  apostle  of 
Germany,  who  lost  his  life  in  preaching  the  Gos 
pel  to  the  Frisians.  He  was  born  in  England, 
and  in  his  own  baptism  he  had  been  styled  Winfrid : 
but  with  the  episcopal  character  the  Saxon  re 
ceived  the  more  Christian  appellation  of  Boniface, 
which  had  been  illustrated  by  a  martyr  and  a  pope* 
Of  the  Hessians,  Thuringians,  and  Bavarians, 
whom  he  reclaimed  from  idolatry,  many  were  am 
bitious  even  of  a  nominal  conformity  with  their 
patron :  and  from  his  age  and  country,  the  count 
of  Lucca  might  be  one  of  the  fortunate  infants 
who  were  baptized  by  the  apostle  of  Bavaria, 

2.  The  Christian  priests  who  subdued  the  con 
querors  of  the  West,  had  inculcated  the  duty  of 
damning  their  idolatrous  ancestors,  and  persecuting 
their  dissenting  subjects.  But  the  toleration  which 
they  denied  to  religious  prejudice,  was  freely  ex 
tended  to  the  institutions  of  civil  or  barbaric  life. 
The  Romans  of  Italy,  the  great  body  of  the  clergy 
and  people,  were  still  directed  by  the  codes  of 
Theodosius  and  Justinian.  The  laws  of  the  Lom 
bards  were  promulgated  for  their  own  use ;  after 
the  fall  of  their  kingdom,  they  still  preserved  their 
national  jurisprudence ;  and  the  victorious  Franks 
enjoyed  the  benefit  without  imposing  the  obliga 
tion  of  the  Salic  and  Ripuarian  codes.  The  three 
great  nations  who  successively  reigned  in  Italy, 
were  every  where  mingled,  and  every  where  sepa 
rate.  A  similar  indulgence  was  granted  to  the 
smaller  colonies  of  Goths,  Alemanni,  or  Bavari 
ans  ;  and  so  perfect  was  the  practice  of  civil  tole 
ration, 


HOUSE  OF  BRUNSWICK.  371 

ration,  that  every  freeman,  according  to  his  birth 
or  choice,  might  embrace  the  law  by  which  he 
himself  and  his  family  would  be  tried.  In  the  acts 
which  have  escaped  to  our  times,  Count  Boniface 
and  his  descendants  profess  to  live  according  to  the 
nation  and  law  of  the  Bavarians  :  but  this  profes 
sion  rather  defines  the  origin  of  his  blood,  than  the 
place  of  his  nativity ;  and  it  is  possible  that  some 
generations  of  his  ancestors  might  have  already  felt 
the  milder  influence  of  climate  and  religion.  The 
name  of  the  Bavarians  first  rises  into  notice  amidst 
the  dying  agonies  of  the  Western  Empire:  but 
the  tribe  or  troop  of  adventurers  which  assumed 
that  name,  soon  swelled  to  a  powerful  kingdom, 
and  covered  the  province  of  Noricum  from  the 
Danube  to  the  Alps.  The  vicinity  of  Italy  pro 
voked  their  desires  ;  the  alliance  of  the  Lombards 
encouraged  their  hopes  :  they  joined  the  standard 
of  the  invader ;  and  on  the  confines  of  Modena  and 
Tuscany  the  memory  of  their  ancient  settlement  is 
not  totally  extinct.  If  we  compare,  however,  the 
smallness  of  the  colony  with  the  numbers  of  the 
nation,  it  may  seem  more  probable  that  Count 
Boniface  was  born  in  Bavaria,  perhaps  of  noble 
and  idolatrous  parents ;  and  that  his  services  were 
rewarded  by  Charlemagne  with  the  government  of 
an  Italian  province.  The  eye  of  the  vigilant  and 
sagacious  emperor  pervaded  the  vast  extent  of  his 
dominions;  and  the  merit  of  every  subject,  in 
whatsoever  country  or  condition  he  had  been  cast, 
was  assigned  to  the  station  most  beneficial  for 
himself  and  the  state.  While  the  kingdoms  of  the 

BBS  West 


ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE 

West  obeyed  the  same  sceptre,  a  native  Frank 
might  command  on  the  banks  of  the  Tyber ;  the 
frontiers  of  Britanny  were  guarded  by  a  loyal  Lom 
bard,  and  the  Saxon  proselyte  would  signalize  his 
new  zeal  for  Christianity  against  the  Saracens  of 
Spain.  Charlemagne  affected  to  consider  all  his 
subjects  with  the  impartial  love  of  a  father :  but 
he  was  not  unwilling  to  transplant  a  powerful 
chief  into  a  foreign  soil,  and  he  cherished  a  secret 
preference  of  the  men  and  the  nations  whose  sole 
dependence  was  on  the  royal  favour.  The  Franks 
were  jealous  of  the  elevation  of  an  equal;  the 
Lombards  might  not  easily  forgive  the  triumph  of 
a  conqueror;  but  the  Alemanni  and  Bavarians, 
who  had  been  long  oppressed,  were  devoted,  by 
loyalty  and  gratitude,  to  the  service  of  their  be 
nefactor. 

3.  I  am  ignorant  of  the  parents  of  Boniface  the 
Bavarian ;  of  his  character  and  actions  I  am  like 
wise  ignorant.  But  his  official  title  describes  him 
as  one  of  the  principal  ministers  and  nobles  of  the 
kingdom  of  Italy.  The  Latin  appellations  of  dukes 
and  counts  were  transferred  with  the  latitude  of 
foreign  words  to  the  judges  and  leaders  of  the 
Barbarians:  these  different  titles  were  applied  to 
the  same  person  or  station :  they  varied  according 
to  the  fashion  of  the  age  and  country  ;  and  it  was 
not  till  after  the  ninth  century  that  the  dukes, 
assuming  a  clear  pre-eminence  of  dignity  and 
power,  stood  foremost  on  the  steps  of  the  throne. 
In  the  vulgar  and  legal  idiom,  the  temporal  peers 
(I  anticipate  the  expression  of  more  recent  times) 

were 


HOUSE  OF  BRUNSWICK.  373 

were  styled  princes,  and  in  their  families  the  kings 
and  emperors  of  the  West  might  solicit  a  wife,  or 
bestow  a  daughter,  without  degrading  the  majesty 
of  their  rank.  It  was  at  once  their  privilege  and 
their  duty  to  attend  the  national  council;  nor 
could  any  law  acquire  validity  or  effect  without 
the  consent  and  authority  of  these  powerful  nobles. 
In  their  respective  districts  of  ample  or  narrow 
limits,  each  duke  or  count  was  invested  with  the 
plenitude  of  civil  and  military  power,  and  this 
union  of  characters  must  be  ascribed  rather  to  the 
imperfection  of  the  arts  than  to  the  talents  of  the 
men.  They  presided  in  open  courts  of  justice, 
and  determined  all  criminal  and  civil  causes,  with 
the  advice  of  their  plebeian  assessors,  their  scabini, 
who  were  somewhat  less  illiterate  than  the  judge 
himself.  At  the  royal  summons  they  reared  their 
standard,  assembled  their  freemen  and  vassals,  and 
marched  at  their  head  on  every  occasion  of  danger 
and  honour.  Such  taxes  as  could  be  levied  on  a 
rude  and  independent  people  were  shared  between 
the  supreme  and  subordinate  chief,  and  there 
exists  an  agreement  by  which  a  Lombard  duke 
was  permitted  to  reserve  a  moiety  of  the  revenue 
for  his  public  and  private  use.  The  prerogative  of 
appointing  and  recalling  these  provincial  magis 
trates  was  esteemed  a  sufficient  pledge  of  thejr 
obedience ;  and  the  servants  of  Charlemagne  might 
obey  without  reluctance  the  first  of  mankind.  But 
the  memory  of  a  favour  was  lost  in  the  grant  of  an 
office ;  and  the  grant  of  an  office  was  insensibly 
consolidated  into  the  right  of  a  freehold  possession, 

B  B  3  The 


374  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE 

The  counts  and  clukes  were  amenable  to  the  cir 
cuits  of  the  missi,  or  royal  inquisitors :  but  they 
were  more  able  to  maintain,  than  willing  to  suffer, 
an  act  of  injustice ;  and  it  was  gradually  admitted 
as  a  constitutional  maxim,  that  they  could  not  be 
deprived  of  their  dignity  without  a  charge,  a  trial, 
and  a  conviction  of  felony.  The  founder  of  the 
Western  Empire  might  sometimes  reward  the  son 
by  the  gift  or  the  reversion  qf  his  father's  province ; 
a  dangerous  reward,  which  was  often  extorted 
from  the  fears,  rather  than  from  the  bounty  of  suc 
ceeding  princes.  They  could  not  despoil  the  legi 
timate  heir  of  his  lands,,  his  followers,  and  his  po 
pular  name,  and  it  was  deemed  more  prudent  to 
secure  the  public  peace  by  the  indulgence  of  his 
private  ambition. 

4.  The  province  entrusted  to  the  vigilance  of 
Count  Boniface  is  one  of  the  most  fertile  and  for 
tunate  spots  of  Italy.  It  is  bounded  by  the  rivers 
Magra  and  Arno,  by  the  sea  and  the  Apennine ; 
and  in  the  old  days  of  independence,  this  tract  of 
country  had  been  the  debateable  land  between  the 
Ligurians  and  Etruscans,  till  it  was  finally  annexed 
by  Augustus  to  the  region  of  Etruria.  The  har 
bour  of  Luni  is  capable  of  sheltering  the  navies  of 
Europe ;  the  circumjacent  hills  of  Carara  have 
supplied  an  inexhaustible  store  of  white  marble  for 
the  noblest  works  of  sculpture  and  architecture, 
and  Lucca  itself  is  situate  almost  on  the  banks  of 
the  Ausar  and  Serchio,  a  river  which,  flowing  ten 
miles  farther  to  the  south,  is  finally  lost  under  the 
walls  of  Pisa,  in  the  waters  of  the  Arno,  In  the 

best 


HOUSE  OF  BRUNSWICK.  375 

best  age  of  the  commonwealth,  the  sixth  century 
of  Rome,  an  allotment  of  sixty  thousand  acres  was 
divided  among  two  thousand  citizens,  who  were 
goon  associated  with  the  ancient  natives :  but  the 
colony  of  Lucca  finally  preferred  the  title  and  pri 
vileges  of  a  municipal  town.  After  suffering  some 
injury  from  the  barbaric  storm,  Lucca  appears  to 
revive  and  flourish  under  the  Lombards,  as  the  seat 
of  a  royal  mint,  and  the  metropolis  of  the  whole 
province  of  Tuscany.  The  republic,  less  exten 
sive,  as  it  should  seem,  than  the  command  of  Bo 
niface,  now  contains  one  hundred  and  twenty 
thousand  inhabitants,  who  are  enriched  by  the  ex 
portation  of  oil  and  silk.  But  their  riches  are  the 
fruits  of  industry,  and  their  industry  is  guarded  by 
liberty  and  peace.  I  am  inclined  to  believe,  that 
this  small  and  happy  community  is  more  wealthy 
and  populous  than  was  formerly  the  Tuscany  of 
Charlemagne ;  and  even  in  its  decay  the  state  of 
Tuscany  still  possesses  more  inhabitants  and  more 
treasure,  than  could  have  been  found  in  the  disor 
derly  and  desolate  kingdom  of  the  Lombards. 

From  the  interposition  of  Ildenrand,  Count  of 
Lucca,  it  may  be  suspected  that  at  the  time  of  his 
father's  decease,  Boniface  the  Second  had  not  ac 
quired  sufficient  strength  and  maturity  for  the  va 
cant  office  :  but  these  friends,  or  rivals,  who  had 
exercised  the  government  of  Lucca,  were  soon  su 
perseded  by  the  establishment  of  the  lawful  heir ; 
and  the  youth  approved  himself  worthy  of  his 
name  and  honours.  The  example  and  impunity 
of  treason  could  never  tempt  his  loyalty;  and 

B  B  4  while 


376  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE 

while  the  empire  of  Lewis  the  Pious  was  relaxed 
by  weakness,  or  agitated  by  discord,  Boniface  asr 
serted  the  glory  of  the  French  and  the  Christian 
arms.  He  had  been  entrusted  with  the  defence  of 
the  maritime  coast  and  the  isle  of  Corsica  against 
the  Mahometans  of  Africa,  and  his  right  to  com 
mand  the  service  of  the  neighbouring  counts  may 
entitle  him  to  the  appellation  of  Duke  or  Marquis 
of  Tuscany,  which  was  assumed  by  his  descen 
dants.  With  a  small  fleet  he  sailed  from  Pisa,  in 
search  of  the  robbers  of  the  sea ;  they  had  va 
nished  on  his  approach :  he  cast  anchor  on  the 
friendly  shores  of  Corsica,  and  after  providing 
himself  with  expert  pilots,  he  steered  his  intrepid 
course  for  Africa,  and  boldly  landed  on  the  coast 
between  Carthage  and  Utica.  The  Aglabites,  who 
reigned  in  Africa  as  the  nominal  vicegerents  of  the 
caliphs,  were  astonished  and  provoked  by  the,  in 
solence  of  the  Christians,  whose  valour  had  been 
hitherto  confined  to  a  defensive  war.  Their  camp 
was  immediately  surrounded  by  a  formidable  host 
of  Arabs  and  Moors  :  five  times  did  they  mount  to 
the  assault:  they  were  repulsed  five  times  with 
slaughter  and  shame.  The  field  was  covered  with 
the  bodies  of  their  slain;  in  the  hot  pursuit  some 
adventurous  Franks  became  the  victims  of  their 
own  rashness  ;  but  the  more  prudent  chief  was  sa 
tisfied  with  victory ;  he  embarked  the  troops,  the 
captives,  and  the  spoil,  and  returning  in  triumph 
to  the  port  of  Luni,  or  the  mouth  of  the  Arnq, 
left  an  example  of  successful  enterprise  which  was 
4°ng  remembered  by  the  Moslems  of  Afric,  and 

seldom 


HOUSE  OF  BRUNSWICK.  377  s 

seldom  imitated  by  the  Christians  of  Italy.  The 
]birth,  character,  and  adventures  of  the  Empress 
Judith,  will  be  introduced  with  more  propriety  in 
the  story  of  the  Guelphs,  and  I  shall  only  observe, 
that  after  his  abject  fall  and  fortunate  restoration, 
Lewis  the  Pious  might  still  tremble  for  the  safety 
of  a  beloved  wife.  She  was  confined  in  a  monas 
tery  of  Tortona,  in  the  power  of  a  rebellious  son ; 
and  if  the  ambition  of  Lothaire  was  disappointed, 
the  blood  of  a  step-mother  might  be  a  grateful  of 
fering  to  his  revenge.  Boniface,  with  some  loyal 
subjects,  perceived  her  danger,  and  flew  to  her  re 
lief.  By  their  celerity  and  courage  Judith  was 
rescued  from  prison,  and  they  guarded  her  passage 
over  the  Alps  till  she  met  the  embraces  of  an  im 
patient  husband.  This  gallant  act,  which  deserved 
the  gratitude  of  the  emperor,  exposed  the  Count 
.of  Lucca  to  the  displeasure  of  Lothaire,  who  was 
still  master  of  the  kingdom  of  Italy,  and  who  de 
nied  the  investiture  of  their  fiefs  to  all  the  accom 
plices  of  the  escape  of  Judith.  Boniface  retired 
to  France,  where  his  exile  was  alleviated  by  the 
most  honourable  employments.  In  the  civil  wars, 
after  the  death  of  Lewis,  he  might  secure  his  par 
don  without  forfeiting  his  allegiance  ;  and  there  is 
reason  to  Relieve,  that  he  ended  his  days  in  the  go 
vernment  of  Tuscany.  The  sword  of  chivalry 
was  consecrated  to  the  service  of  religion  and  the 
fair;  and  the  African  victor,  the. deliverer  of  the 
empress,  had  fulfilled  the  duties  of  a  perfect 
knight. 

His  son  and  successor,  Adalbert  the  First,  has  9, 

more 


37S  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE 

more  unquestionable  right  to  the  appellation  of 
Duke  and  Marquis  of  Tuscany.  The  title  of 
Marquis,  or  rather  Margrave,  was  introduced  into 
Italy  by  the  French  emperors ;  the  Teutonic  ety 
mology  of  the  word  implies  the  count  or  gover 
nor  of  a  march  of  a  frontier  province :  his  sta 
tion  gave  him  at  least  a  military  command  over 
several  of  his  equals;  and  in  the  division  of  the 
monarchy  the  number  and  importance  of  these 
hostile  limits  was  continually  multiplied.  Yet  the 
life  of  Adalbert  is  much  less  pure  and  illustrious 
than  that  of  his  father :  either  an  historian  was 
wanted  to  his  actions,  or  his  actions  afforded  no 
materials  for  history ;  and  it  is  only  by  the  glim 
mering  of  old  charters,  that,  during  thirty  years, 
his  existence  is  visible.  The  decay  of  genius  and 
power  in  each  imperial  generation,  had  confirmed 
the  independence  of  the  hereditary  governors ;  till 
the  failure  of  the  eldest  branch,  in  the  person  of 
Lewis  the  Second,  concluded  a  century  of  domes 
tic  peace,  and  opened  an  endless  series  of  revolu 
tions.  The  election  of  the  kings  of  Italy  was  de 
cided  by  the  voices  and  by  the  swords  of  the  fac 
tious  nobles :  they  chose  the  object,  the  measure, 
and  the  term  of  allegiance ;  and  the  name  of  the 
candidate  whom  they  supported,  was  a  sufficient 
apology  for  every  act  of  violence  and  rapine.  A 
pope  of  an  active  and  ambitious  spirit,  John  VIII., 
most  bitterly  complains  of  the  two  marquisses,  or 
tyrants,  of  Lambert  of  Spoleto,  and  of  Adalbert 
of  Tuscany,  who  were  brothers  in  alliance,  in  arms, 
and  in  sacrilege.  They  solicited  the  aid  of  the 

miscreant 


HOUSE  OF  BRUNSWICK.  379 

miscreant  Saracens,  invaded  the  ecclesiastical  State, 
entered  the  city,  profaned  the  churches,  extorted 
an  oath  of  fidelity  from  the  Romans,  and  dared  to 
imprison  the  successor  of  St.  Peter.  After  the  de 
parture  of  these  public  robbers,  as  they  are  styled, 
without  much  injustice,  by  the  pontiff,  he  affected 
to  display  their  guilt  and  his  own  danger  :  the  sa 
cred  relics  were  transported  from  the  Vatican  to  the 
Lateran  palace :  the  altar  was  clothed  in  sackcloth, 
and  the  doors  of  the  temple  were  inhospitably  shut 
against  the  devotion  of  the  pilgrims.  By  the  ap 
prehension  of  a  second  insult  John  VIII.  was  dri 
ven  from  the  apostolical  seat :  he  fled  by  sea  to  the 
usual  asylum  of  France,  offered  the  two  worlds, to 
whosoever  would  avenge  his  quarrel,  and  in  the 
Synod  of  Troyes  proclaimed  the  vices  and  pro* 
nounced  the  excommunication  of  the  two  mar- 
quisses  of  Spoleto  and  Tuscany,  the  enemies  of 
God  and  Man.  Some  political  events  gave  a  new 
turn  to  his  interest  and  language ;  the  most  glorious 
Adalbert  and  his  wife  (so  lately  a  robber  and  an 
adulteress)  are  recommended  in  his  epistles  to  the 
love  and  protection  of  the  friends  of  the  church. 
From  such  invective  and  such  praise  it  might  be 
inferred  that  calumny  is  a  venial  sin,  or  that  every 
sin  is  obliterated  by  a  reconciliation  with  the  Pope. 
A  casuist  less  indulgent,  I  shall  not  so  easily  ab 
solve  the  sacrilegious  Marquis  of  Tuscany  :  he 
lived  in  an  age  of  the  darkest  superstition,  and  his 
assault  on  the  Vatican  is  truly  criminal,  since  it 
*\vas  condemned  by  the  prejudices  of  his  own  con 
science, 

In 


380  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE 

In  the  dignity  of  Duke  and  Marquis  of  Tuscany 
he  was  succeeded  by  his  son,  the  second  Adalbert, 
who  has  been  only  distinguished  from  the  first  by 
the  nice  microscope  of  chronological  criticism. 
Such  and  so  great  was  the  pre-eminence  of  his 
wealth  and  power,  that  he  alone  among  the  princes 
of  Italy  was  distinguished  by  the  epithet  of  the 
rich;  an  epithet  of  ambiguous  praise,  since  it 
expresses  the  liberality  of  fortune  rather  than  of 
nature.  He  married  Berta,  the  daughter  of  Lo- 
thaire  king  of  Austrasia  or  Lorraine,  who  was  the 
great  grandson  of  Charlemagne :  a  distinction 
rather  honourable  than  singular;  since  many  of 
the  princes  of  the  age  were  descended  by  the 
females  from  the  Imperial  stem.  His  indepen 
dence  was  built  on  the  ruins  of  the  empire  of 
Charlemagne :  the  failure  of  lawful  heirs  enlarged 
the  scene  of  contention :  the  sceptre  was  alter 
nately  won  and  lost  in  a  field  of  battle,  and  the 
Italians,  from  a  maxim  of  policy,  entertained  the 
competition  of  two  kings.  The  dukes  of  Friuli 
and  Spoleto  long  disputed  the  crown ;  and  while 
Berengarius  reigned  at  Verona,  his  rivals  Guido 
and  Lambert  were  seated  on  the  throne  of  Pavia. 
These  princes,  the  father  and  son,  were  the  uncle 
and  cousin  of  Adalbert;  but  he  supported  or 
deserted  their  standard  with  licentious  perfidy,  and 
one  of  his  attempts  did  not  much  redound:  to  the 
honour  or  advantage  of  the  Marquis  of  Tuscany. 
He  marched  to  surprize  Lambert,  who  hunted 
without  suspicion  in  a  forest  near  Placentia:  but 
he  forgot  that  discipline  and  sobriety  are  most 

essential 


HOUSE  OF  BRUNSWICK.  381 

essential  to  secret  enterprize.  The  tents  of  the 
Tuscans,  who  deemed  themselves  secure  of  their 
royal  game,  resounded  with  drunken  and  lascivious 
songs;  their  intemperance  subsided  in  sleep;  and 
at  the  dead  of  night  they  were  surprized  by  the 
vigilant  Lambert,  at  the  head  of  no  more  than  one 
hundred  horse.  The  Marquis,  who  could  neither 
fight  nor  fly,  was  dragged  from  his  shelter  among 
the  mules  and  asses  of  the  baggage,  and  his  shame 
was  embittered  by  the  rude  pleasantry  of  the 
conqueror.  "  Thy  wife  Berta,"  said  he,  "  had 
promised  that  thou  shouldest  be  either  a  king  or 
an  ass.  A  king  thou  art  not,  but  thy  second  title 
I  shall  not  dispute;  and  wisely  hast  thou  chosen  a 
place  of  refuge  among  the  animals  of  a  similar 
species."  The  death  of  Lambert  restored  the 
captive  to  liberty  and  dominion:  but  the  character 
of  Adalbert  was  still  the  same,  and  the  state  of 
Italy  long  fluctuated  with  the  vicissitudes  of  his 
interest  or  passions.  Berengarius,  who  was  op 
pressed  by  his  service,  sometimes  accused  and 
sometimes  imitated  the  example  of  his  ingratitude. 
A  new  pretender,  Lewis  king  of  Aries,  was  defeated, 
and  dismissed,  and  recalled,  and  again  established 
and  again  dethroned  as  he  was  the  friend  or  enemy 
of  the  Marquis  of  Tuscany.  In  a  moment  of 
seeming  concord,  the  new  sovereign  visited  Lucca, 
where  he  was  entertained  with  the  ostentation  of 
expense,  which  vanity  will  often  extort  from 
avarice  and  hatred.  As  Lewis  admired  the  nu 
merous  and  well-dressed  ranks  of  the  Tuscan 
soldiers,  the  attendance  of  the  palace,  and  the 

luxury 


382  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE 

luxury  of  the  banquet,  he  softly  whispered,  "  This 
Marquis  is  indeed  a  king,  and  it  is  only  in  a  vain 
title  that  I  am  superior  to  my  vassal."  By  the 
diligence  of  flattery  or  malice  this  whisper  was 
re-echoed :  the  pride  of  Berta  was  offended,  her 
fears  were  alarmed;  she  alienated  her  husband's 
mind;  he  conspired  with  the  disaffected  nobles; 
and  a  hasty,  perhaps  a  harmless  saying  deprived 
the  unfortunate  king  of  Aries  of  the  crown  of 
Italy  and  his  eyes.  Adalbert  the  Second  died  at 
Lucca,  in  a  mature  age,  and  his  real  or  imaginary 
virtues  are  inscribed  on  his  tomb.  We  are  so 
licited  to  believe,  that  he  was  formidable  to  his 
enemies,  liberal  to  his  soldiers,  just  to  his  subjects, 
and  charitable  to  the  poor ;  that  his  memory  was 
embalmed  in  the  tears  of  a  grateful  people ;  and 
that  the  public  happiness  was  buried  in  his  grave. 
An  epitaph  is  a  feeble  evidence  of  merit ;  yet  an 
epitaph  on  the  dead  may  prove  somewhat  more 
than  a  panegyric  on  the  living. 

Adalbert  the  Second  left  behind  him  three 
children,  two  sons,  G  uiclo  and  Lambert,  the  eldest 
of  whom  was  acknowledged  as  Duke  and  Marquis 
of  Tuscany,  and  one  daughter,  Hermenegarda, 
who  married  and  survived  a  prince  of  equal  rank, 
on  the  confines  of  Piedmont.  The  pride  and 
power  of  Berta  were  not  impaired  by  her  husband's 
death ;  and  to  her  passions  I  should  impute  an 
unequal  contest  with  the  emperor  and  king  of 
Italy,  who  by  fraud  or  force  imprisoned  the  mother 
and  her  son  in  the  fortress  of  Mantua.  But  her 
faithful  clients  refused  to  surrender  the  cities  and 

castles 


HOUSE  OF  BRUNSWICK.  383 

castles  committed  to  their  trust:  a  treaty  was  ne- 
gociated;  the  captives  were  released;  their  pos 
sessions  were  restored;  and  I  must  applaud  the 
moderation,  perhaps  the  courage,  of  Guido,  who 
sincerely  submitted  to  forgive  and  to  be  forgiven. 
Of  the  death  of  the  emperor,  Berengarius,  who  was 
stabbed  in  his  palace  by  a  private  villain,  Guido 
was  neither  the  author  nor  the  accomplice :  but  in 
the  subsequent  election  his  voice  had  a  free  and  de 
cisive  weight;  and  the  laudable  motives  of  filial 
or  fraternal  tenderness  might  prompt  him  to  gratify 
his  mother,  by  supporting  the  claim  of  Hugh,  or 
Hugo,  Count  of  Provence,  her  son  by. a  former 
husband.  The  Marquis  commanded  the  sea-ports 
of  Tuscany;  his  sister,  an  active  and  popular 
widow,  could  shut  or  open  the  passes  of  the  Alps* 
A  royal  pretender,  Rodulph  of  Burgundy,  was 
chased  beyond  the  mountains  :  by  the  unanimous 
choice  of  the  nobles,  Hugh  was  invited  and  pro 
claimed  :  he  landed  at  Pisa  ;  and  the  sons  of  Adal 
bert  were  proud  to  salute  their  brother  as  king  of 
Italy.  But  this  event,  which  seemed  to  conso 
lidate  the  fortunes,  was  the  immediate  cause  of 
the  downfal  of  their  house.  The  new  monarch 
insensibly  betrayed  a  faithless  and  ungrateful 
character:  his  vices  were  scandalous,  his  talents 
mean ;  and  if  his  ambition  was  sometimes  checked 
Jby  fear,  it  was  never  restrained  by  humanity  or 
justice.  The  death  of  Berta  dissolved  the  union 
between  the  children  of  her  first  and  her  second 
nuptials.  The  mild  and  moderate  Guido  expired 
in  the  prime  of  life.  The  Duchy  of  Tuscany 

was 


384  ANTIQUITIES  OF  f  H& 

was  occupied  by  Lambert:  but  in  a  hasty  and 
indecent  marriage  with  Marozia,  his  brother's 
widow,  the  king  of  Italy  trampled  on  the  pre 
judices  of  mankind.  Hugh  was  already  conscious 
of  the  public  hatred  and  contempt:  he  might 
justly  dread  the  courage,  the  ambition,  the  popu 
larity  of  the  Marquis;  and  his  avarice  was  stimu 
lated  by  the  hopes  of  a  rich  forfeiture.  Regardless 
of  a  mother's  fame,  he  invented,  or  encouraged  the 
report,  that  the  obstinate  barrenness  of  the  wife  of 
Adalbert  had  tempted  that  impious  woman  to 
procure  and  substitute  two  male  infants,  whom 
she  educated  as  her  own:  and  the  arbitrary 
sentence  of  the  king,  who  disclaimed  Lambert  as 
a  brother,  must  have  denied  his  right  to  the  suc 
cession  of  Tuscany.  Had  this  cause  been  argued 
before  a  tribunal  of  law  and  reason,  the  advocate 
for  the  Marquis  would  have  pleaded  the  long  and 
tranquil  possession  of  his  name  and  state,  and  have 
deprecated  the  injustice  of  a  charge,  which  was 
not  advanced  till  after  the  decease  of  both  his 
parents.  The  orator  would  have  painted  in  the 
most  lively  colours,  the  absurdity  of  the  suppo 
sition,  the  difficulty  of  fascinating  the  eyes  and 
silencing  the  tongues  of  a  jealous  court,  and  the 
strong  improbability  that  the  Duchess  of  Tuscany 
should  have  twice  risqued  the  danger  and  shame 
of  a  discovery.  He  would  have  authenticated  the 
circumstances  of  her  pregnancy  and  delivery ;  and 
after  establishing  his  defence  on  argument  and 
fact,  he  might  have  tried  to  awaken  the  tender 
and  indignant  feelings  of  the  audience.  Instead 

of 


HOUSE  OF  BRUNSWICK.  385 

of  such  a  tedious  process,  the  intrepid  Lambert 
cast  down  his  gauntlet,  and  challenged  to  single 
combat  the  false  accuser  of  his  own  and  his 
mother's  fame.  The  challenge  was  accepted;  a 
champion  arose ;  the  lists  were  opened ;  and  such 
was  the  goodness  of  his  cause,  or  the  vigour  of  his 
arm,  that  the  Marquis  obtained  an  easy  victory  in 
the  judgment  of  God.  Even  this  judgment  was 
not  respected  by  the  tyrant.  Instead  of  embracing 
his  genuine  brother,  he  loaded  the  conqueror  with 
irons,  confiscated  his  dominions,  and  deprived  him 
of  his  eyes;  while  the  nobles  of  Italy,  who  so 
often  resisted  the  execution  of  the  laws,  most 
basely  acquiesced  in  this  act  of  cruelty  and  in 
justice.  The  unhappy  prince  survived  his  mis 
fortune  many  years,  but  he  was  already  dead  to 
his  enemies  and  the  world.  In  a  civilized  society, 
the  mind  is  more  powerful  than  the  body ;  and 
the  influence  of  strength  or  dexterity  is  far  less 
extensive  than  that  of  eloquence  and  wisdom. 
But  among  a  people  of  barbarians,  the  blind 
warrior,  who  is  no  longer  capable  of  managing  a 
horse,  or  of  wielding  a  lance,  must  be  excluded 
from  all  the  honours  and  offices  of  public  life. 

Such  were  the  five  descents  in  the  Bavarian  line 
of  the  Counts  of  Lucca  and  Marquisses  or  Dukes 
of  Tuscany.  The  fourth  generation  of  the  poste 
rity  of  Boniface  coincides  with  the  age  of  the1 
Marquis  <T Adalbert,  who  may  be  styled  the  third 
of  that  name,  if  we  can  safely  rivet  this  inter 
mediate  link  of  the  genealogical  chain.  After  a 
long  hesitation  and  various  trials,  the  active  curio- 

VOL.  in.  c  c  sity 


3S6  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE 

sity  of  Leibnitz  subsided  in  the  opinion  that 
Adalbert  the  Third,  the  unquestionable  father  of 
the  House  of  Este  and  Brunswick,  was  the  son  of 
the  Marquis  Guido,  and  the  grandson  of  Adalbert 
the  Second  :  and  that  his  right  of  succession  to  the 
Duchy  of  Tuscany,  which  had  been  superseded  by 
his  tender  years,  was  finally  lost  in  the  calamity  of 
his  uncle.  In  a  mind  conscious  of  its  powers,  and 
indulgent  to  its  productions,  this  idea  struck  a  deep 
and  permanent  root.  As  an  historian,  Leibnitz 
was  acquainted  with  the  stubborn  character  of 
facts :  as  a  critic,  he  was  accustomed  to  balance 
the  weight  of  testimony:  as  a  mathematician,  he 
would  not  prostitute  the  name  of  demonstration: 
but  he  affirmed  that  his  opinion  was  probable  in  the 
highest  sense ;  and  the  philosopher  could  not 
patiently  tolerate  a  sceptic.  These  historical  in 
quiries  he  compared  to  the  labour  of  an  astronomer, 
who  frames  an  hypothesis,  such  as  can  explain  all 
the  known  phenomena  of  the  heavens,  and  then 
exalts  his  hypothesis  into  truth,  by  exposing  the 
errors  of  every  other  possible  supposition.  From 
the  library  of  Hanover,  the  discovery  was  trans 
mitted  to  that  of  Modena,  with  an  earnest  desire 
of  literary,  or  at  least  of  political  union,  and  the 
pedigree  of  Adalbert  the  Third  was  ratified  by  the 
consent  of  Leibnitz  and  Muratori.  Yet  in  this 
dark  and  doubtful  step  of  genealogy,  impartial 
criticism  may  be  allowed  to  pause,  and  even  the 
silence  of  a  contemporary  writer  may  incline  the 
scale  against  many  loose  and  floating  atoms  of 
modern  conjecture.  The  first  fifty  years  of  the 

tenth 


HOUSE  OF  BRUNSWICK.  387 

tenth  century  are  illustrated  by  the  labour  and 
eloquence  of  Liutprancl,  bishop  of  Cremona,  who 
exposes,  with  a  free  and  often  satirical  pen,  the 
characters  and  vices  of  the  times.  He  relates  the 
death  of  Guido,  and  the  succession  of  Lambert, 
Avithout  insinuating  that  the  former  left  any  chil 
dren,  or  that  the  latter  was  appointed  guardian  of 
their  minority.  He  deplores  the  fate  of  Lambert, 
without  informing  the  reader  of  the  escape  of  his 
nephew;  by  what  resources  of  flight  or  defence, 
of  prayer  or  negociation,  he  escaped  the  cruelty  of 
the  tyrant,  and  lived  to  propagate  the  glories  of  his 
race.  The  Marquis  Otbert,  the  undoubted  son  of 
Adalbert  the  Third,  is  honourably  mentioned  ;  and 
it  might  be  reasonably  expected,  that  some  hint 
should  have  been  given  of  his  lineal  descent  from 
the  Tuscan  princes,  whose  names  and  actions  had 
been  already  celebrated  in  the  history  of  Liutprand. 
Nor  can  the  order  of  time,  that  infallible  touchstone 
of  truth,  be  easily  reconciled  with  the  hypothesis  of 
Lerfomtz.  Guido,  Marquis  of  Tuscany,  was  the 
third  husband  of  the  insatiate  Marozia  :  her  second 
was  killed  in  the  year  nine  hundred  and  twenty- 
five  ;  and  ten  or  twelve  months  must  be  granted 
for  the  shortest  widowhood,  the  term  of  pregnancy, 
and  the  birth  of  her  son  Adalbert.  No  more  than 
thirty-six  years  after  his  birth,  his  son,  the  Marquis 
Otbert,  appears  in  the  world  as  a  statesman  and  a 
patriot.  Such  a  precipitate  succession,  which 
crowds  two  generations  into  one,  is  repugnant  to 
the  whole  experience  of  ages :  a  fact  so  strange 
and  improbable  could  only  be  forced  on  our  belief 

c  c  2  by 


388  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE 

by  the  absolute  power  of  positive  and  authentic 
evidence. 

In  this  inquiry,  I  should  disdain  to  be  influenced 
by  any  partial  regard  for  the  interest  or  honour  of 
the  House  of  Brunswick :  but  I  can  resign,  with 
out  a  sigh,  the  hypothesis  of  Leibnitz,  which  might 
seem  to  exhibit  the  nominal  rather  than  the  natural 
ancestors  of  the  son  of  Guido.  This  doubtful  ex 
pression  is  not  founded  on  the  absurd  and  malicious 
fable,  that  the  two  last  Marquisses  of  Tuscany  were 
stolen,  in  their  infancy,  from  an  obscure,  and  per 
haps  a  plebeian  origin :  Berta  was  their  genuine 
mother ;  and  their  pedigree  would  not  be  tainted 
with  suspicion.  >if  the  right  of  the  father  could  be 
ascertained  with  the  same  clearness  and  certainty. 
But  in  these  barbarous  times,  the  valour  of  the 
men  appears  to  have  been  maintained  with  more 
high  and  jealous  care  than  the  chastity  of  the 
women;  and  such  was  the  peculiar  infelicity  of 
the  Marquis  Guido,  that  his  wife,  his  mother,  and 
his  two  grandmothers,  are  all  accused,  in  their 
respective  generations,  of  a  slight,  or  scandalous 
-deviation  from  the  line  of  virtue.  In  the  Pon 
tifical  Epistles,  the  wife  of  Adalbert  I.  is  branded 
with  the  opprobrious  name  of  adulteress;  and 
without  insisting  on  the  Pope's  infallibility,  it  may 
be  fairly  urged,  that  as  the  character  of  a  public 
robber  was  applied  to  the  sacrilegious  enemy  of 
Rome,  the  vices  of  Rotilda  must  have  afforded 
some  ground  or  colour  for  private  reproach.  The 
mother  of  Berta,  the  famous  Valdrada,  long  fluc 
tuated  between  the  state' of  a  wife  and  the  shame 

of 


HOUSE  OF  BRUNSWICK.  389 

of  a  concubine.  She  might  be  innocent  in  the 
judgment  of  conscience  and  reason ;  but  her  pre 
tended  marriage  with  Lothaire,  King  of  Lorraine, 
was  repeatedly  annulled  by  the  sentence  of  the 
Roman  Pontiff.  By  an  obstinate  resistance,  her 
fame  might  have  been  preserved :  a  false  and  fruit 
less  penitence  could  only  aggravate  her  sin ;  and 
she  became  alike  guilty  in  the  eyes  of  the  church 
and  of  the  public,  when  she  continued  to  dwell  in 
the  embraces  of  her  lover,  after  a  lawful  queen  had 
been  restored  to  the  honours  of  his  throne  and  bed. 
The  pleasures  of  Berta  were  subservient  to  her 
ambition ;  and  Adalbert  the  Second  appears  to  have 
been  endowed  with  the  patient  virtues  of  a  husband. 
By  the  liberal  freedom  with  which  she  imparted  to 
the  nobles  of  Tuscany  every  gift  in  her  power -to 
bestow,  the  duchess  secured  their  grateful  attach 
ment  in  the  hour  of  danger;  and  at  the  age  of 
threescore,  she  might  be  justly  vain  that  her  favours 
were  precious,  her  lovers  fond,  her  friends  and 
clients  still  mindful  of  their  past  obligations.  As 
the  infidelity  of  Hermenegarda  could  sully  only 
the  blood  of  another  family,  it  is  almost  needless  to 
mention  that  the  daughter  of  Berta  most  faithfully 
copied  the  example  of  her  mother.  But  the  sati 
rical  eloquence  of  Liutprand  is  unable  to  paint  the 
vices  of  Marozia,  wife  of  the  Marquis  Guido  : 
"  from  her  early  youth,"  (exclaims  the  bishop,) 
"  she  had  been  inflamed  by  ail  the  fires  of  Venus; 
and  again  and  again  did  she  exact  from  her  lovers 

o  o 

the   payment  of  their  debts."     Her  family  was 
powerful  at  Rome:  by  the  corruption  of  Marozia, 

c  c  3  of 


S90  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE 

of  her  mother,  and  of  her  sister,  the  church  and 
state  were  polluted  and  oppressed :  their  favourites, 
and  their  children,  were  successively  promoted  to 
the  throne  of  St.  Peter ;  and  in  the  spiritual 
Babylon,  the  city  of  the  Seven  Hills,  a  more  inqui 
sitive  age  would  have  detected  the  scarlet  whore  of 
the  Revelations.  The  son  of  Marozia,  the  grand 
son  of  Berta,  and  the  great-grandson  of  Rotilda, 
might  be  perplexed  in  the  discovery  or  the  choice 
of  his  true  progenitors. 

The  hypothesis,  that  Adalbert  III,  was  the  sori 
of  the  Marquis  Guido,  will  not  endure  the  test  of  a 
critical  inquiry :  but  I  am  disposed  to  embrace  the 
general  opinion  of  Leibnitz  and  Muratori,  and  to 
believe  with  them,  that  the  families  of  Este  and 
Brunswick  are  descended  from  a  younger  branch 
of  the  House  of  Tuscany.  A  charter  commemo 
rates  the  name  of  Boniface,  son  of  Adalbert  I.  anc{ 
brother  of  Adalbert  II. :  his  existence  is  certain  • 
his  marriage  probable ;  and,  according  to  the  custom 
of  nations,  the  respectable  name  of  a  grandfather 
and  uncle  would  be  naturally  repeated  in  the  person 
of  his  son.  In  the  last  years  of  the  ninth  century, 
we  may  fix  the  birth  of  Adalbert  III.  who  will 
stand,  in  the  corresponding  degree,  as  the  first 
cousin  to  the  Marquis  Guido  :  the  order  of  nature 
will  be  restored,  and  in  the  succeeding  generation 
a  sufficient  space  will  be  left  for  the  growth  and 
maturity  of  Otbert  I.  By  this  early  separation 
from  the  original  stem,  we  avoid  the  more  scan 
dalous  vices  of  Berta  and  Marozia.  The  silence  of 
Liu tp rand  will  no  longer  surprise  or  embarrass  the 

critic : 


HOUSE  OF  BRUNSWICK.  391 

critic:  Boniface,  and  his  son  Adalbert  the  Third, 
were  neither  the  sovereigns  nor  the  heirs  of  Tus 
cany :  their  private  fortunes  were  less  splendid,  and 
more  secure,  than  those  of  the  Marquisses,  their 
elder  kinsmen ;  and  their  names,  not  conspicuous, 
perhaps,  by  crimes  or  virtues,  might  escape  the 
memory  or  the  pen  of  the  general  historian.  As 
the  objections  diminish,  the  presumptive  proofs  of  a 
connection  between  the  Houses  of  Tuscany  and 
Este  leave  a  deeper  impression  on  the  mind.  The 
repetition  of  the  name  of  Adalbert  has  already  been 
noticed  as  a  family  feature.  In  the  kingdom,  the 
name  of  Adalbert  was  less  rare,  however,  than  the 
title  of  Marquis,  of  such  recent  use  and  such  local 
application,  but  which  was  uniformly  used,  from 
the  tenth  to  the  fifteenth  century,  as  their  here 
ditary  and  proper  -style,  by  the  Princes  of  Este. 
The  military  governors,  who  commanded  on  the 
Alpine  or  Greek  limits,  do  not  suggest  any  traces 
of  conformity ;  and  our  ignorance  of  the  province 
which  was  ruled  by  Adalbert  III.  and  his  imme 
diate  descendants,  will  be  tempted  to  believe,  that 
the  vague  appellation  of  Marquis,  which  was  com 
mon  to  all,  might  be  cherished  by  their  vanity,  as 
a  perpetual  attribute  and  memorial  of  the  long-lost 
dominion  of  Tuscany.  But  the  circumstance  of 
the  clearest  and  most  substantial  presumption  arises 
from  the  rent-roll  of  their  ancient  estates,  which 
were  spread  over  the  heart  of  Tuscany,  the  coun 
ties  of  Lucca  and  Luna,  and  even  the  Isle  of  Cor- 
sica,  a  remote  dependance  of  the  government  of 
Boniface  II.  Tradition  has  preserved  the  name 

c  c  4  and. 


ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE 

and  limits  of  the  Terra  Obertenga,  so  often  cited 
in  old  charters  as  the  lands  of  the  Marquis  Otbert 
I. ;  and  if  he  received  them  from  his  father,  it  will 
not  be  difficult  to  suppose  that  they  were  originally 
granted  to  Boniface  III.  as  the  portion  or  patrimony 
of  a  younger  brother.  The  perfect  and  easy  coa 
lition  of  the  Marquisses  of  Tuscany  and  Este  is 
resisted  only  by  a  single  obstacle;  and  the  resis 
tance,  is  less  insuperable  than  it  may  appear  at  the 
first  glance :  the  former  adhered  to  the  law  and 
nation  of  the  Bavarians,  whilst  the  nation  and  law 
of  the  Lombards  was  professed  by  the  latter.  But 
we  must  not  forget,  that  in  the  barbaric  jurispru 
dence  of  Europe,  a  national  character  might  be 
either  conveyed  by  descent,  or  adopted  by  choice ; 
and  that  each  family,  each  individual,  might  select 
and  renounce  the  name  and  institutions  of  these 
political  sects.  The  Bavarians,  a  minute  colony, 
were  almost  invisible  in  the  mighty  kingdom  of 
the  Lombards :  their  decreasing  numbers  could  not 
secure  a  regular  supply  of  judges  and  witnesses  : 
an  Italian  prince  would  be  desirous  of  obliterating 
the  remembrance  of  his  foreign  origin,  and  the 
smaller  rivulets  were  gradually  lost  in  the  master- 
stream.  Such  a  change  of  law  and  nation  is 
agreeable  to  reason  and  practice ;  but  in  this  par 
ticular  instance,  it  may  not  be  presumed,  it  cannot 
be  proved ;  and  the  objection  must  be  allowed  to 
counterbalance  some  grains  of  probability  in  thq 
opposite  scale. 


SECTION 


HOUSE  OF  BRUNSWICK.  393 


SECTION  II. 

A  JUDICIOUS  critic  may  approve  the  Tuscan  de 
scent  of  the  families  of  Este  and  Brunswick  ;  but 
a  sincere  historian  will  pronounce,  that  the  Marquis 
Adalbert  is  their  first  unquestionable  ancestor; 
that  he  flourished  in  Lombardy  or  Tuscany  in  the 
beginning  of  the, tenth  century  ;  that  his  character 
and  actions  are  buried  in  oblivion;  and  that  his 
name  and  title  alone  can  be  placed  at  the  head  of 
an  illustrious  pedigree. 

This  pedigree  is  animated  by  his  son  the  Marquis 
Otbert  I.,  and  his  life  is  connected  witli  the  revo 
lutions  of  Italy.  If  the  records  of  the  times  were 
more  numerous,  they  might  confirm  the  probabi 
lity  of  his  descent  from  the  Marquisses  of  Tuscany, 
since  the  earliest  date  of  his  name  and  honours  co 
incides  with  the  fall  of  their  oppressors,  and  the 
first  year,  or  even  month  of  a  new  reign.  The  ty 
rant  Hugh  had  fled  beyond  the  Alps,  loaded  with 
the  curses  and  treasures  of  the  Italians  :  his  son 
Lothaire,  a  feeble  youth,  had  passed  away  like  a 
shadow,  and  after  a  vacancy  of  twenty-four  days, 
the  Marquis  Berengarius,  grandson  to  the  empe 
ror  of  the  same  name,  was  exalted  to  the  throne. 
A  grant  of  four  castles  was  made  to  the  bishop  of 
Modena  ;  and  in  the  original  deed  of  gift  the  new 
monarch  is  pleased  to  declare,  that  the  advice  and 
request  of  his  trusty  and  well-beloved  the  Marquis 
Otbert  had  moved  him  to  this  act  of  liberality  or  de 
votion.  /His  power  at  court  may  be  ascribed  to  the 

recent 


394  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE 

recent  merits  of  the  election  ;  and  the  advocate  on 
the  behalf  of  others  would  not  be  mute  or  unsuc- 
'cessful  in  his  own  cause.  Of  the  favours  which  he 
received,  or  of  the  services  which  he  performed,  I 
am  alike  ignorant :  but  at  the  end  of  nine  years, 
the  counsellor  and  favourite  of  Berengarius  was 
transformed  into  a  fugitive  and  a  rebel,  who  es 
caped  to  the  Saxon  court,  inflamed  the  ambition 
of  Otho,  and  soon  retumed  with  an  army  of  Ger 
mans,  to  dethrone  a  sovereign,  perhaps  a  benefac 
tor,  of  his  own  choice.  His  conduct  appears,  at 
the  first  glance,  to  be  tainted  with  ingratitude  and 
treason ;  and  his  guilt  may  be  aggravated  by  the 
reflexion,  that  he  imposed  a  foreign  yoke  on  his 
country,  and  prepared  the  long  calamities  of  ty 
ranny  and  faction.  At  the  distance  of  eight  cen 
turies,  I  shall  not  vindicate  the  pure  and  rigid  pa 
triotism  of  the  father  of  the  House  of  Brunswick. 
According  to  the  experience  of  human  nature,  we 
may  calculate  a  hundred,  nay  a  thousand  chances, 
against  the  public  virtues  of  a  statesman  :  the  Mar 
quis  viewed  the  King  of  Italy,  first  as  an  equal, 
and  after  wards  as  an  enemy;  and  in  the  loose  govern 
ments  of  the  feudal  system,  the  duties  of  allegiance 
were  proudly  violated  by  the  members  of  an  armed 
and  lawless  aristocracy. 

Yet  our  imperfect  view  of  the  history  of  the 
times  will  afford  some  apology,  and  may  allow 
some  praise  for  the  flight  and  rebellion  of  Marquis 
Otbert.  1.  The  patriot  who,  in  the  cause  of  poli 
tical  freedom,  is  false  to  gratitude  and  honour, 
offends  against  the  natural  feelings  of  mankind ; 

but 


HOUSE  OF  BRUNSWICK.,  395 

but  if  those  feelings  are  violated  by  a  tyrant,  they 
applaud  the  sword  of  the  rebel,  or  even  the  dagger 
of  the  conspirator.  Berengarius  was  a  bad  subject, 
and  a  worse  prince :  and  the  most  opposite  vices  were 
reconciled  in  the  dissolute  and  flagitious  character 
of  his  wife  Villa,  From  the  revenge  or  justice  of 
his  predecessor,  he  had  been  saved  by  the  blind 
humanity  of  Lothaire  the  son  of  Hugh,  who  che 
rished  the  faithless  enemy  of  his  crown  and  life. 
His  suspicious  death  was  followed  by  the  persecu 
tion  of  his  widow  Adelais,  the  sister  of  the  King  of 
Burgundy,  At  the  age  of  eighteen  a  beautiful 
and  innocent  princess  was  stripped  of  her  land,  her 
jewels,  and  her  apparel,  exposed  to  the  brutal  re 
petition  of  blows  and  insults,  and  cast  into  a  sub 
terraneous  dungeon,  where  she  endured,  above 
four  months,  the  last  extremities  of  distress  and 
hunger.  A  pleasing  and  pathetic  tale  might  be 
formed  of  her  miraculous  escape  with  a  damsel  and 
a  priest ;  of  their  concealment  among  the  rushes 
of  the  lake  Benacus,  where  they  were  supported 
many  days  by  the  charity  of  a  fisherman  ;  and  of 
her  rescue  by  a  generous  knight,  who  conducted 
the  princess  to  his  impregnable  fortress  of  Canossa, 
and  defied  the  vengeance  of  the  King  of  Italy. 
The  romance  would  conclude  with  the  arrival  of  a 
victorious  lover,  a  royal  deliverer:  the  nuptials  of 
Otho  and  Adelais  were  celebrated  at  Pavia,  and 
her  singular  adventures  were  a  prelude  to  the  fu 
ture  glories  of  the  Empress  and  the  Saint.  The 
arms  of  Otho  had  been  seconded  by  the  revolt  of 
the  Italians ;  but  in  this  revolt  the  name  of  Otbert 

is 


SQ6  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE 

is  not  mentioned;  and  we  should  rather  accuse 
than  admire  the  patient  loyalty  of  the  Marquis. 
Before  he  renounced  his  obedience  and  gratitude, 
the  unrepenting  tyrant  had  accomplished  the  mea 
sure  of  his  sins ;  the  church  and  state,  the  rich  and 
the  poor,  were  the  indiscriminate  victims  of  the 
cruelty  and  avarice  of  Berengarius.  2.  In  his  first 
victorious  expedition,  the  prudence  or  magnani 
mity  of  Otho  had  declined  the  rigour  of  absolute 
conquest,  and  was  content  to  be  styled  the  Pro 
tector  of  an  injured  nation.  A  prostrate  enemy 
Avas  spared  and  forgiven :  after  waiting  three  clays 
before  the  palace  gates,  Berengarius  was  admitted 
to  the  royal  presence,  and  the  golden  sceptre  of 
the  kingdom  of  Italy  was  again  delivered  to  his 
hands.  But  he  pronounced  an  oath  of  fidelity,  a 
solemn  engagement,  that  he  would  be  ready,  in 
council  and  in  the  field,  to  obey  the  commands  of 
his  sovereign,  and  that  he  would  govern  his  people 
with  more  equity  and  mildness  than  he  had  hi 
therto  displayed.  By  this  unequal  treaty,  the 
right  of  Otho  was  established,  to  judge  and  punish 
the  crimes  of  his  feudatory :  the  Marquis  Otbert  is 
no  longer  a  rebel,  who  solicits  the  aid  of  a  foreign 
prince,  and  all  the  vassals  of  Italy  might  lawfully 
appeal  from  their  immediate  to  their  supreme  lord. 
3.  The  appeal  \vas  urged  by  the  most  respectable 
deputies  of  the  church  and  state,  and  their  voice 
was  the  voice  of  the  kingdom  of  Italy.  The  Ro 
man  pontiff  dispatched  his  apostolical  legates  to 
complain  of  the  temporal  and  spiritual  wrongs 
which  St.  Peter  and  St.  Paul  had  long  suffered 

from 


HOUSE  OF  BRUNSWICK.  3,97 

from  the  tyranny  of  Berengarius.  An  Archbishop 
of  Milan  stood  before  the  King  of  Germany,  to 
deliver  the  sentiments  of  the  oppressed  clergy. 
The  illustrious  Marquis  Otbert  (I  copy  the  words 
of  the  historian)  spoke  in  the  name  and  in  the  cause 
of  his  peers ;  and  the  powers  of  these  ambassadors 
were  ratified  by  the  secret  letters  and  messengers 
of  almost  all  the  counts  and  bishops  of  Italy.  4.  In 
the  second,  as  in  the  first  expedition,  Otho  yielded 
to  the  call  of  justice  and  freedom:  but  in  the 
passes  of  the  Trentine  Alps,  his  march  was  stopped 
a  day  and  a  night  by  the  seeming  opposition  of 
sixty  thousand  Italians.  The  suspicions  of  Beren 
garius  had  been  appeased  by  their  ready  obedience 
to  his  -summons  ;  and  in  this  martial  assembly  they 
were  the  masters  of  the  throne  and  the  representa 
tives  of  the  people.  A  temperate  negociation  was, 
however,  proposed  :  the  timely  abdication  of  the 
father  might  have  softened  their  hatred ;  and  they 
had  consented  to  acquiesce  under  the  government 
of  his  son  Adalbert.  The  obstinate  despair  of  the 
old  king  provoked  them  to  abjure  his  name  and 
family  :  they  sheathed  their  swords,  and  opened 
their  gates :  a  hundred  banners  waved  round  the 
royal  standard  of  Saxony  :  the  deliverer  was  saluted 
king  of  Italy,  and  he  received  the  Iron  Crown  in 
the  cathedral  of  Milan.  The  pope  confirmed  the 
revolution;  and  after  a  vacancy  of  twenty-eight 
years,  the  title  of  Emperor  of  the  Romans  was  re 
vived  in  the  person  of  Otho  the  Great.  5.  The 
benefits  or  mischiefs  which  might  arise  from  the 
union  of  Italy  and  Germany  could  be  decided  only 

by 


398  ANTIQUITIES  OF 

by  experience;  nor  could  the  foresight  of  the  Mar 
quis  Otbert  anticipate  the  experience  of  three  hun 
dred  years.  It  was  enough  for  a  mortal  statesman 
to  obey  the  wishes,  and  consult  the  happiness,  of 
the  present  generation,  by  placing  in  the  hands 
of  wisdom  and  power  the  sceptre  of  the  Italian 
kingdom. 

In  one  of  the  annual  odes  which  still  adorn  or 
disgrace  the  birth-days  of  our  British  King,  the 
Laureat,  with  some  degree  of  courtly,  and  even 
poetic  art,  has  introduced  the  founder  of  the  Bruns 
wick  race ; 

"  When  Otbert  left  the  Italian  plain, 
And  soft  Ateste's  green  domain, 
Attendant  on  Imperial  sway, 
Where  Fame  and  Otho  led  the  way, 
The  genius  of  the  Julian  hills, 
(Whose  piny  summits  nod  with  snow, 
Whose  Naiads  pour  their  thousand  rills 
To  swell  th'  exulting  Po,) 
An  eager  look  prophetic  cast, 
And  hail'd  the  hero  "as  he  pass'd." 

By  a  lofty  prediction  of  fame  and  empire,  this  be 
nevolent  genius  exalts  the  courage  of  the  hero, 
and  displays  the  future  greatness  of  his  posterity, 
from  the  nuptials  of  Azo,  to  the  succession  of  Bri 
tish  kings : 

"  Proceed.     Rejoice.     Descend  the  vale, 

And  bid  the  future  monarchs  hail ! 

Hail,  all  hail,  the  hero  cried, 

*And  Echo,  on  her  airy  tide, 

Pursu'd  him,  murmuring,  down  the  mountain's  side." 

I  shall 


HOUSE  OF  BRUNSWICK.  399 

I  shall  not  presume  to  inquire  whether  such  dis 
tinct  and  distant  views  of  futurity  may  not  surpass 
the  prescience  of  a  mountain  god  :  but  I  am  com 
pelled  to  vindicate  my  own  accuracy,  by  observing 
some  geographical  and  historical  errors  of  the  mor 
tal  bard.  The  possessions  of  Otbert  were  not  situ 
ate  in  the  Venetian  plain,  but  among  the  moun 
tains  of  Tuscany ;  and  we  shall  soon  discover, 
that  the  green  domain  of  Este,  or  Ateste,  was  ac 
quired  by  the  marriage  of  his  grandson.  In  his 
attendance,  "  where  Fame  and  Otho  led  the  way," 
he  would  have  passed,  not  the  Julian,  but  the 
Rhastian  Alps ;  he  must  have  followed  the  high 
road  of  Verona  and  Trent,  the  great  and  customary 
passage  between  Italy  and  Germany.  The  name 
of  the  Julian  Alps  is  confined  to  a  low  range  of 
hills,  soon  bounded  by  the  north  eastern  extremity 
of  the  Adriatic,  and  which  opposed,  in  the  tenth 
century,  a  feeble  barrier  to  the  inroads  of  the  wild 
Hungarians.  The  streams  which  issue  from  those 
hills  are  lost  in  the  sea,  or  intercepted  by  the  neigh 
bouring  rivers ;  and  of  their  thousand  rills,  not  a 
drop  can  be  mingled  with  the  waters  of  the  Po. 
Even  the  motive  and  the  date  of  the  passage  of 
Otbert  are  wantonly  corrupted.  The  patriot,  en 
trusted  with  the  cause  of  Italy,  is  degraded  into  an 
adventurer,  who  seeks  his  fortune  in  the  Empe 
ror's  service :  and  he  bids  an  everlasting  farewell 
to  the  country  which  he  was  most  impatient  to 
revisit  and  deliver.  The  poet  may  deviate  from 
the  truth  of  history,  but  every  deviation  ought  to 

be 


400  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE 

be  compensated  by  the  superior  beauties  of  fancy 
and  fiction. 

Among  the  followers  of  his  triumphal  car,  the 
servants  of  his  fortune,  Otho  could  distinguish  the 
patriot  fugitives  who  had  risqired  their  lives  and 
estates  to  assert  his  rights,  and  the  freedom  of 
Italy.  The  most  illustrious  of  these,  the  Marquis 
Otbert,  was  rewarded  with  riches  and  honours; 
and  there  is  some  reason  to  believe  that  his  vague 
title  was  applied  to  the  province  of  Liguria,  which, 
according  to  the  Roman  geography,  included  the 
cities  of  Milan  and  Genoa.  But  the  descendant 
of  Adalbert  I.  might  advance  an  equitable,  though 
not  a  legal  claim,  to  the  Duchy  of  Tuscany :  and 
some  suspicion  will  taint  the  pedigree  of  a  favour 
ite,  who  neglects  to  ask,  or  fails  to  obtain,  the 
restitution  of  a  patrimonial  dignity.  Our  surprise 
will  be  increased  and  removed  by  the  discovery  of 
the  same  fact.  Hugh,  King  of  Italy,  had  granted 
the  Tuscan  Duchy,  first  to  his  brother,  and  then 
to  his  bastard ;  it  was  inherited  by  the  son  of  that 
bastard :  and  succeeding  monarchs,  the  tyrant  Be- 
rengarius,  and  the  German  Otho,  respected  the 
possession  of  these  fallen  and  unpopular  princes. 
So  strange  an  indulgence  must  have  been  founded 
on  some  secret,  but  powerful  motive;  and  the 
same  motive,  could  it  now  be  revealed,  might  ex 
plain  either  the  modest  indifference,  or  the  un 
availing  request,  of  Otbert  himself.  But  the  Mar 
quis  (shall  I  say  ?)  of  Liguria  was  invested  with  an 
office  far  more  worthy  of  his  abilities,  and  far  more 
expressive  of  the  royal  confidence.  The  Count 

of 


HOUSE  OF  BRUNSWICK.  401 

of  the  sacred  palace  was  the  prime  minister  of  the 
kingdom  of  Italy ;  and  it  was  observed,  in  classic 
style,  that  the  Dukes,  the  Marquisses,  and  the 
Counts  submitted  to  the  pre-eminence  of  his  con 
sular  Tasces.  In  an  age,  when  every  magistrate 
was  a  noble,  and  every  noble  was  a  soldier,  the 
Count  Palatine  often  assumed  the  command  of 
armies ;  but  in  his  proper  station,  he  represented 
the  judicial  character  of  the  Emperor,  and  pronoun 
ced  a  definitive  sentence,  as  the  judge  of  all  civil 
and  criminal  appeals.  The  city  of  Pavia,  and  the 
castle  of  Lomello,  were  his  ordinary  residence : 
but  he  visited  the  provinces  in  frequent  circuits, 
and  all  local  or  subordinate  jurisdiction  was  sus 
pended  in  his  presence.  This  important  office  was 
exercised  above  twelve  years  by  the  Marquis  Ot- 
bert :  the  public  acts,  the  few  that  have  escaped, 
announce  the  proceedings  of  his  tribunal  at  Lucca, 
Verona,  &c. ;  and  he  continued  to  deserve  and  en 
joy  the  favour  of  the  Emperor.  If,  in  the  decline 
of  life,  the  lassitude  of  camps  and  courts  had 
tempted  him  to  seek  a  cool  and  independent  soli 
tude,  I  should  praise  the  temper  of  the  philoso 
pher;  but  the  firmest  minds  are  enslaved  by  the 
prejudices  of  the  times,  and  the  retreat  of  Otbert 
was  inspired  by  the  basest  superstition.  Under 
the  monastic  habit,  in  a  Benedictine  abbey  which 
he  had  richly  endowed,  the  Marquis  laboured  to 
expiate  the  sins  of  his  secular  life.  Pride  and  am 
bition  are  the  races  of  the  world:  humility  is  the 
first  virtue  of  a  monk;  and  the  descendant  of 
princes,  the  favourite  of  .kings,  the  judge  of  na* 
VOL.  in.  D  D  tions, 


402  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE 

tions,  was  conspicuous  among  his  brethren  in  the 
daily  labour  of  collecting  and  feeding  the  hogs  of 
the  monastery.  His  sanctity  was  applauded :  but 
if  he  listened  to  that  applause,  the  penitent  was 
entangled  in  a  more  subtle  snare  of  the  daemon  of 
vanity. 

After  the  resignation  of  the  Count  Palatine,  his 
office  was  given  to  favour  or  merit :  but  his  patri 
monial  estates  were  inherited  by  the  Marquis  Ot- 
bert,  who  can  only  be  distinguished  by  the  epithet 
of  the  Second,  from  the  similar  name  and  title  of 
his  father.  The  life  of  the  second  Otbert  was 
tranquil  or  obscure :  he  was  rich  in  lands,  in  vas 
sals,  and  in  four  valiant  sons,  Azo,  Hugh,  Adal 
bert,  and  Guido:  but  their  valour  embittered  his 
old  age,  and  involved  the  family  in  treason  and 
disgrace.  The  reigns  of  the  three  Othos,  a  period 
of  forty  years,  had  been  a  transient  season  of  pros 
perity  and  peace.  But  on  the  failure  of  their  di 
rect  line,  the  Germans  maintained  their  right  of 
conquest,  the  Italians  revived  the  claim  of  inde 
pendence,  and  both  were  ambitious  and  resolute  to 
establish  a  king  of  their  own  nation  and  choice. 
The  princes  and  lords  of  Italy  were  all  of  barbaric 
origin ;  but  as  it  happens,  in  the  progress  of  nobi 
lity,  the  strangers  of  the  second  were  despised  by 
those  of  the  third  or  fourth  generation :  and  the 
old  settlers,  who  could  boast  some  ages  of  usurpa 
tion,  esteemed  themselves  the  ancient  natives,  the 
true  proprietors  of  the  soil.  In  the  hostile  diets  of 
Mentz  and  Pavia,  two  hostile  kings  were  elected, 
Henry  the  Saxon,  and  Arduin  the  Lombard ;  and 

they 


HOUSE  OF  BRUNSWICK.  403 

they  disputed  the  Iron  Crown  in  a  civil,  or  rather 
a  social  war,  often  years.  The  German  invaders 
were  long  checked,  and  sometimes  defeated,  in 
the  passes  of  the  Alps :  but  their  strength  and 
numbers  finally  prevailed.  The  fortunate  Henry 
obtained  the  title  of  Emperor,  and  afterwards  of 
Saint ;  Arduin  was  degraded  and  saved  by  the  mo 
nastic  habit :  and  his  adherents  were  pardoned  or 
punished,  according  to  the  measure  of  their  guilt 
or  power.  Among  these  adherents,  the  first  to 
erect  the  standard,  and  the  last  to  bow  the  knee, 
were  the  Marquis  Otbert  II.,  his  four  sons,  and 
his  grandson  Azo  II.,  the  immediate  founder  of  the 
lines  of  Brunswick  and  Este.  The  distance  of 
their  fields  of  battle  may  prove  the  extent  of  their 
influence,  and  the  obstinacy  of  their  struggle; 
they  made  a  vigorous  stand  in  the  neighbourhood 
of  Pavia,  they  raised  a  dangerous  insurrection  at 
Rome,  and  they  were  vanquished  and  made  pri 
soners  in  the  plains  of  Apulia.  A  judicial  act  re 
cites  their  crimes,  and  pronounces  their  condemna 
tion.  The  six  Marquisses  were  convicted,  by  the 
law  of  the  Lombards,  of  conspiring  against  the 
king's  life :  and  such  conspiracy  was  punished,  ac 
cording  to  the  same  law,  with  confiscation  and 
death.  Their  collateral  offences,  murder,  rapine, 
and  sacrilege,  are  the  inevitable  consequences  of 
civil  war :  but  the  violation  of  some  oath  which 
had  been  extorted  in  the  hour  of  distress,  exposed 
them  to  the  more  ignominious  reproach  of  treason 
and  perjury.  Yet  their  lives  were  spared  by  the 
clemency  of  the  pious  Emperor:  the  portion  of 
D  D  2  their 


404  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE 

their  lands  which  had  been  dedicated  to  pious 
uses,  he  could  not  restore ;  but  he  generously  for 
gave  the  ample  forfeiture  which  had  devolved  to 
the  state :  and  when  they  resumed  their  seats  in 
the  assembly  of  the  peers,  they  professed  them 
selves  the  grateful  and  loyal  servants  of  their  be 
nefactor. 

But  as  the  Saxon  Henry  left  neither  children 
nor  kinsmen  to  inherit  their  obedience  and  grati 
tude,  the  sons  of  Otbert  II.  used,  or  abused,  their 
freedom,  and  again  opposed  the  election  of  Conrad 
the  First,  emperor  of  the  Franconian  line.  In  the 
hope  of  foreign  aid  they  offered  the  iron  crown, 
and  promised  the  Roman  Empire,  to  Robert,  King 
of  France:  and  the  Marquis  Hugo,  the  second 
brother,  was  entrusted  with  this  important  embas 
sy  :  but  the  son  of  Hugh  Capet  was  of  an  inactive 
temper :  his  new  kingdom  was  unsettled ;  and  with 
his  approbation,  the  Italian  deputies  transferred 
their  offer  to  William  of  Aquitain,  a  vassal  not  less 
powerful  than  his  sovereign.  The  Duke  of  Aqui 
tain  behaved,  on  this  momentous  occasion,  with  a 
just  temperance  of  courage  and  discretion.  He 
accepted  the  crown  for  his  family,  protesting  that 
under  his  reign  Italy  should,  enjoy  such  days  as 
she  had  never  known.  His  foremost  troops  were 
dispatched  beyond  the  Alps,  and  he  visited  Rome 
under  the  pretence  of  a  pilgrimage.  But  on  a 
nearer  prospect  of  the  scene,  the  Duke  of  Aqui 
tain  was  satisfied  that  he  could  neither  encounter 
his  antagonist,  nor  confide  in  his  party.  The  tem 
poral  peers  were  inclined  to  his  cause,  but  the 

Archbishop 


HOUSE  OF  BRUNSWICK.  405 

Archbishop  of  Milan,  and  the  most  important  pre 
lates,  had  been  promoted  by  the  House  of  Saxony : 
they  were  steady  to  the  German  interest ;  and  Wil 
liam  rejected  the  sole  effectual  measure,  that  of 
filling  their  vacant  seats  with  his  own  ecclesiastics. 
He  prudently  withdrew  from  the  unequal  and 
ruinous  contest.  In  a  farewel  epistle,  he  acknow 
ledges  the  truth  and  constancy  of  one  Italian  lord, 
and  this  singular  expression  involves  the  sons  of 
Otbert  in  the  national  reproach  of  levity  or  false 
hood.  During  his  embassy  in  France,  the  Mar^ 
quis  Hugo  had  been  pressed  by  the  monks  of  Tours 
to  restore  some  abbey  lands  which  he  had  usurped 
in  the  neighbourhood  of  Milan.  At  the  distance 
of  six  hundred  years  and  six  hundred  miles,  that 
superstitious  rebel  was  subdued  by  the  apprehen 
sion  of  the  vengeance  of  St.  Martin. 

By  such  exploits  the  memory,  or  at  least  the 
names  of  the  four  sons  of  Otbert  II.  has  been  pre 
served  from  oblivion.  Azo  I.  the  eldest  brother, 
propagated  the  race ;  and  by  his  first  marriage  with 
the  niece  of  Hugo,  Marquis  of  Tuscany,  that  chief 
acquired  a  rich  patrimony,  and  a  commanding  in 
fluence  in  the  Venetian  province.  The  character 
of  Hugo,  his  power,  and  his  long  reign,  had  given 
him  a  respectable  place  among  the  princes  of  the 
times :  but  the  title  of  Great ,  thp  title  of  Alexan 
der,  Pompey,  and  Charlemagne,  becomes  ridiculous 
when  it  is  necessary  to  ask,  and  difficult  to  find,  the 
reason  of  the  appellation.  From  the  upper  to  the 
lower  sea,  his  command  extended  over  the  middle 
regions  of  Italy:  with  the  right  he  grasped  the 
D  D  3  Duchy 


406  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE 

Duchy  of*  Tuscany,  with  the  left  that  of  Spoleto ; 
till  on  the  voluntary  or  compulsive  resignation  of 
the  latter,  he  contracted  his  domain  within  the  li 
mits  of  hereditary  sway.  In  the  exercise  of  arms 
Hugo  was  strong  and  fortunate,  and  in  the  siege 
and  chastisement  of  Capua  he  appeared  with  dignity 
as  the  minister  of  imperial  justice;  but  the  same 
sword  might  be  turned  against  his  sovereign  ;  and 
Otho  III.  is  said  to  have  betrayed  a  secret  satisfac 
tion  when  death  delivered  him  from  so  formidable 
a  vassal.  Far  different  were  the  feelings  of  the 
clergy  and  people  of  Tuscany.  The  former  be 
wailed  an  humble  votary  and  a  liberal  benefactor; 
a  convent  at  Florence,  in  which  his  tomb  has  been 
long  shewn,  is  one  of  the  seven  monasteries  which 
he  richly  endowed  with  lands,  slaves,  and  gold  and 
silver  plate,  for  the  service  of  the  altar.  In  the 
opinion  of  the  age  these  virtues  were  more  pleas 
ing  in  the  eye  of  the  Deity  than  the  justice  and 
humanity  which  he  displayed  in  his  temporal  ad 
ministration.  The  Marquis  of  Tuscany  loved 
praise,  and  hated  flattery :  a  nice  touchstone  which 
discriminates  vanity  from  the  love  of  fame.  In 
the  chase,  on  a  march,  he  often  rode  away  from  his 
attendants ;  visited  the  cottages ;  conversed  with 
the  peasants  and  passengers,  to  whom  his  person 
was  unknown;  questioned  them  freely  concerning 
the  character  and  government  of  their  prince;  and 
enjoyed  the  sincere  and  simple  effusions  of  their 
gratitude  and  veneration.  The  birth  of  Hugo  may 
at  once  be  styled  base  and  illustrious ;  since  he  was 
the  doubtful  offspring  of  the  bastard  son  of  the 

King 


HOUSE  OF  BRUNSWICK.  407 

King  of  Italy  of  the  same  name;  but  his  life  was 
deemed  of  such  importance  to  mankind,  that  the 
knowledge  of  its  approaching  term  was  communi 
cated  from  heaven  to  earth  by  a  special  revelation. 
After  his  decease,  the  Duchy  of  Tuscany  was  de 
legated  to  a  stranger ;  but  a  female  might  succeed 
to  his  private  estates ;  and  his  sister  had  married 
Peter  Candianus,  the  fourth  Doge  or  Duke  of 
Venice,  of  his  name  and  family.  In  that  early  pe 
riod  of  the  republic  the  magistrates  were  arbitrary 
and  feeble,  and  the  elective  Dukes  were  alternately 
the  tyrants  and  victims  of  a  tumultuous  democracy. 
By  this  connection  with  the  Tuscan  Marquis,  the 
pride  of  Candianus  was  elated:  he  assumed  the 
manners  of  a  feudal  lord ;  levied  a  body  of  Italians, 
and  insulted  a  free  city  with  the  arms  and  licen 
tiousness  of  his  mercenary  guard.  A  furious  mul 
titude  encompassed  his  palace :  the  gates  and  the 
soldiers  resisted  their  assault :  they  fired  the  adja 
cent  houses,  and  in  the  attempt  to  escape,  the 
Duke  and  his  infant  son  were  transpierced  with  a 
thousand  wounds.  Such  scenes  were  then  fre 
quent  at  Venice :  they  may  reconcile  our  minds  to 
the  silent  and  rigid  order  of  the  modern  aristocracy. 
The  duties  of  the  widow  of  Peter  Candianus  were 
to  revenge  an  husband,  and  to  educate  a  daughter, 
of  the  same  name  as  her  own.  The  daughter, 
Valdrada,  became  the  wife  of  the  Marquis  Albert- 
Azo  the  First;  and  it  is  apparent,  from  the  date  of 
the  birth  of  their  eldest  son,  Albert-Azo  II.  that 
these  nuptials  were  consummated  in  the  lifetime, 
and  approved  by  the  consent  of  a  wealthy  and 
D  D  4  childless 


408  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE 

childless  uncle,  who  could  only  hope  to  live  in  the 
posterity  of  his  niece. 

The  north-eastern  region  of  Italy,  which  began 
to.  be  vivified  by  the  rising  industry  and  splendour 
of  Venice,  extends  from  the  shores  of  the  Adriatic 
to  the  foot  of  the  Alps.  Had  experience  confirmed 
the  prolific  virtues  of  the  climate ;  did  the  Vene 
tian  hens  lay  one  or  two  eggs  every  day ;  did  the 
ewes  drop  their  lambs  twice  or  thrice  in  a  year; 
were  the  women  delivered  of  two  or  three  infants 
at  a  birth,  the  land  must  soon  be  overstocked  and 
exhausted.  After  translating  the  Greek  fables 
into  simple  truth,  we  shall  still  acknowledge  one 
of  the  most  pleasant  and  plentiful  regions  of  Italy, 
a  soil  productive  of  grass,  corn,  and  vines,  a  gene 
rous  breed  of  horses,  and  innumerable  flocks  of 
sheep,  more  precious  by  the  fineness  of  their  wool. 
Padua,  the  first  of  the  fifty  cities  of  Venetia,  had 
been  so  often  trampled  by  the  passage  of  the  bar 
barians,  that  few  vestiges  remained  of  the  ancient 
splendour  which,  in  the  tide  of  human  affairs,  she 
afterwards  recovered  and  surpassed.  Fifteen  miles 
to  the  south  of  Padua,  Albert- Azo  the  First  fixed 
his  permanent  and  principal  seat  in  the  castle  and 
town  of  Ateste,  or  Este,  formerly  a  Roman  colony 
of  some  note :  and  by,  an  harmless  anticipation  we 
may  apply  to  his  descendants  the  title,  of  Marquis 
of  Este ;  which  they  did  not  however  assume  till 
the  end  of  the  twelfth  century.  From  Este,  their 
new  estates,  the  inheritance  of  Hugo  the  Great, 
extended  to  the  Adige,  the  Po,  and  the  Mincius. 
Their  farms  and  cattle  were  scattered  over  the 

plain : 


.HOUSE  OF  BRUXSWICK.  409 

plain :  many  of  the  heights,  Montagnana,  Monse- 
lice,  &c.  were  occupied  by  their  forts  and  garrisons ; 
and  they  possessed  a  valuable  tract  of  marsh  land, 
the  island  (as  it  may  be  styled)  of  Rovigo,  which 
almost  reaches  to  the  gates  of  Ferrara.  The  first 
step  in  the  emigrations  of  the  family  was  from  the 
neighbourhood  of  the  Tuscan  to  that  of  the  Adri 
atic  sea. 

The  name  and  character  of  the  Marquis  Albert- 
Azo  the  Second,  shine  conspicuous  through  the 
gloom  of  the  eleventh  century.  The  most  re 
markable  features  in  the  portrait  are,  1 .  His  Ligu- 
rian  marquisate;  2.  His  riches;  3.  His  long  life; 
4.  His  marriages;  5.  His  rank  of  nobility  in  the 
public  opinion.  The  glory  of  his  descendants  is 
reflected  on  the  founder ;  and  Azo  II.  claims  our 
attention  as  the  stem  of  the  two  great  branches  of 
the  pedigree ;  as  the  common  father  of  the  Italian 
arid  German  princes  of  the  kindred  lines  of  Este 
and  Brunswick. 

1.  The  fair  conjecture  that  the  two  Otberts,  the 
father  and  son,  commanded  at  Milan  and  Genoa 
with  the  title  and  office  of  Marquis,  acquires  a 
new  degree  of  probability  for  Azo  I.  and  ascends  to 
the  level  of  historic  truth  in  the  person  of  Azo  II. 
Before  the  middle  of  the  eleventh  century  the 
ruins  of  Genoa  had  been  restored  ;  its  active  inha 
bitants  excelled  in  the  arts  of  navigation  and  trade: 
their  arms  had  been  felt  on  the  African  coast,  and 
their  credit  was  established  in  the  ports  of  Egypt 
and  Greece.  Their  riches  increased  with  their 
industry,  and  their  liberty  with  their  riches.  Yet 

they 


410  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE 

they  continued  to  obey,  or  at  least  to  revere,  the 
majesty  of  the  emperors.  In  an  act,  as  it  should 
seem,  of  the  year  one  thousand  and  forty-eight,  the 
Marquis  Albert- Azo  presides  at  Genoa  in  a  court 
of  justice,  and  his  assessors,  the-  magistrates  of  the 
city,  are  proud  to  style  themselves  the  consuls  and 
judges  of  the  sacred  palace.  The  royal  dignity  of 
Pavia  was  gradually  eclipsed  by  the  wealth  and 
populousness  of  Milan,  the  first  of  the  Italian  cities 
that  dared  to  erect  the  standard  of  independence. 
The  government  of  Milan  was  divided  between 
the  two  representatives  of  St.  Ambrose  and  of 
Caesar.  The  veneration  of  the  flock  for  the  shep 
herd  was  fortified  by  the  temporal  state  and  privi 
leges  of  the  archbishop,  and  his  annual  revenue  of 
fourscore  thousand  pieces  of  gold  supplied  an  am 
ple  fund  for  benevolence  or  luxury.  The  civil 
and  military  powers  were  exercised  by  the  Duke 
or  Marquis  of  Milan,  (for  these  titles  were  promis 
cuously  used,)  and  the  voice  of  tradition  is  clear 
and  positive  that  this  hereditary  office  was  vested 
in  the  ancestors  of  the  house  of  Este.  Some  of  the 
prerogatives  which  they  assumed  are  expressive  of 
the  rigour  of  the  feudal  system:  they  were  the 
heirs  of  all  who  died  childless  and  intestate,  and  a 
fine  was  paid  on  the  birth  of  each  infant  who  de 
feated  their  claim :  their  officers  levied  a  tax  on  the 
markets,  and  their  minute  inquisition  exacted  the 
first  loaf  of  bread  from  each  oven,  and  the  first  log 
of  wood  from  every  cart-load  that  entered  the 
gates.  Yet  an  old  historian,  more  forcibly  affected 
with  the  calamities  of  his  own  days,  deplores  the 

long 


HOUSE  OF  BRUNSWICK.  411 

long  lost  felicity  of  their  golden  age,  which  had 
been  equally  praised  by  the  blessings  of  the  feeble 
and  the  curses  of  the  strong.  They  drew  their 
swords  for  the  service  of  the  prince  and  people, 
but  their  reign  was  distinguished  by  long  intervals 
of  prosperity  and  peace.  The  distant  possessions 
and  various  avocations  of  the  Duke  or  Marquis 
often  diverted  him  from  the  exercise  of  this  muni 
cipal  trust:  his  powers  were  devolved  on  the  vis 
counts  and  captains  of  Milan;  these  subordinate 
tyrants  formed  an  alliance,  or  rather  conspiracy, 
with  the  valvassors,  or  nobles  of  the  first  class;  and 
the  people  was  afflicted  by  the  discord  or  the  union 
of  a  lawless  oligarchy.  A  private  insult  exaspe 
rated  the  patience  of  the  plebeians :  they  rose  in 
arms,  and  their  numbers  and  fury  prevailed  in  the 
bloody  contest.  The  captains  and  nobles  retired; 
but  they  retired  with  a  spirit  of  revenge ;  collected 
their  vassals  and  peasants  of  the  adjacent  country ; 
encompassed  the  city  with  acircumvallation  of  six 
fortresses,  and  in  a  siege  or  blockade  of  three  years 
reduced  the  inhabitants  to  the  last  extremes  of 
famine  and  distress.  By  the  interposition  of  the 
Emperor  and  the  Archbishop,  the  peace  of  Milan 
was  restored:  the  factions  were  reconciled;  they 
wisely  refused  a  garrison  of  four  thousand  Ger 
mans;  but  they  acquiesced  in  the  civil  govern 
ment  of  the  empire.  The  Marquis  again  ascended 
his  tribunal,  and  that  Marquis  is  Albert-Azo  the 
Second.  A  judicial  act  of  the  year  one  thousand 
and  forty-five  attests  his  title  and  jurisdiction;  and 
as  the  representative  of  the  Emperor,  he  imposes 

a  fine 


412  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE 

a  fine  of  a  thousand  pieces  of  gold.  The  progress 
of  Italian  liberty  reduced  his  office  to  the  empty 
name  of  Marquis  of  Liguria,  and  such  he  is  styled 
by  the  historians  of  the  age.  In  the  next  century, 
his  grandson,  Ohizo  I.  is  invested  by  the  Emperor 
Frederick  I.  with  the  honours  of  Marquis  of  Milan 
and  Genoa,  as  his  grandfather  Azo  held  them  of 
the  empire;  but  this  splendid  grant  commemorates 
the  dignity,  without  reviving  the  power,  of  the 
House  of  Este. 

2.  Like  one  of  his  Tuscan  ancestors,  Azo  the 
Second  was  distinguished  among  the  princes  of 
Italy  by  the  epithet  of  the  Rich.  The  particulars 
of  his  rent-roll  cannot  now  be  ascertained :  an  oc 
casional,  though  authentic  deed  of  investiture, 
enumerates  eighty-three  fiefs  or  manors  which  he 
held  of  the,  empire  in  Lombardy  and  Tuscany, 
from  the  .  marquisate  of  Este  to  the  county  of 
Luni :  but  to  these  possessions  must  be  added  the 
lands  which  he  enjoyed  as  the  vassal  of  the  church, 
the  ancient  patrimony  of  Otbert  (the  Terra  Ober- 
tenga)  in  tfye  counties  of  Arezzo,  Pisa,  and  Lucca, 
and  the  marriage  portion  of  his  first  wife,  which, 
according  to  the  various  readings  of  the  manu 
scripts,  may  be  computed  either  at.  twenty,  or  at 
two  hundred  thousand  English  acres.  If  such  a 
mass  of  landed  property  were  now  accumulated  on 
the  head  of  an  Italian  nobleman,  theannal  revenue 
might  satisfy  the  largest  demands  of  private  luxury 
or  avarice,  and  the  fortunate  owner  would  be  rich, 
in  the  improvement  of  agriculture,  the  manufac 
tures  of  industry,  the  refinement  of  taste,  and  the 

extent 


HOUSE  OF  BRUNSWICK.  413 

extent  of  commerce.  But  the  barbarism  of  the 
eleventh  century  diminished  the  income,  and  ag 
gravated  the  expense,  of  the  Marquis  of  Este.  In 
a  long  series  of  war  and  anarchy,  man,  and  the 
works  of  man,  had  been  swept  away ;  and  the  in 
troduction  of  each  ferocious  and  idle  stranger  had 
been  over-balanced  by  the  loss  of  five  or  six  per 
haps  of  the  peaceful  industrious  natives.  The 
mischievous  growth  of  vegetation,  the  frequent  in 
undations  of  the  rivers,  were  no  longer  checked  by 
the  vigilance  of  labour;  the  face  of  the  country 
was  again  covered  with  forests  and  morasses;  of 
the  vast  domains  which  acknowledged  Azo  for 
their  lord,  "the  far  greater  part  was  abandoned  to 
the  wild  beasts  of  the  field,  and  a  much  smaller 
portion  was  reduced  to  the  state  of  constant  and 
productive  husbandry.  An  adequate  rent  may  be 
obtained  from  the  skill  and  substance  of  a  free 
tenant,  who  fertilizes  a  grateful  soil,  and  enjoys 
the  security  and  benefit  of  a  long  lease.  But  faint 
is  the  hope,  and  scanty  is  the  produce  of  those 
harvests,  which  are  raised  by  the  reluctant  toil  of 
peasants  and  slaves,  condemned  to  a  bare  sub 
sistence,  and  careless  of  the  interests  of  a  rapacious 
master.  If  his  granaries  are  full,  his  purse  is 
empty;  and  the  want  of  cities  or  commerce,  the 
difficulty  of  finding  or  reaching  a  market,  obliges 
him  to  consume  on  the  spot  a  part  of  his  useless 
stock,  which  cannot  be  exchanged  for  merchan 
dize  or  money.  The  member  of  a  well-regulated 
society  is  defended  from  private  wrongs  by  the 
laws,  and  from  public  injuries  by  the  arms  of  the 

state; 


414  ANTIQUITIES  OF  TH£ 

state ;  and  the  tax  which  he  pays  is  a  just  equiva* 
lent  for  the  protection  which  he  receives.  But  the 
guard  of  his  life,  his  honour,  and  his  fortune  was 
abandoned  to  the  private  sword  of  a  feudal  chief; 
and  if  his  own  temper  had  been  inclined  to  mode 
ration  and  patience,  the  public  contempt  would 
have  roused  him  to  deeds  of  violence  and  revenge. 
The  entertainment  of  his  vassals  and  soldiers,  their 
pay  and  rewards,  their  arms  and  horses,  surpassed 
the  measure  of  the  most  oppressive  tribute,  and 
the  destruction  which  he  inflicted  on  his  neigh 
bours  was  often  retaliated  on  his  own  lands. 
The  costly  elegance  of  palaces  and  gardens  was 
superseded  by  the  laborious  and  expensive  con 
struction  of  strong  castles,  on  the  summits  of  the 
most  inaccessible  rocks ;  and  some  of  these,  like  the 
fortress  of  Canossa  in  the  Apennine,  were  built 
and  provided  to  sustain  a  three  years  siege  against  a 
royal  army.  But  his  defence  in  this  world  was  less 
burthensome  to  a  wealthy  lord  than  his  salvation  in 
the  next :  the  demands  of  his  chapel,  his  priests, 
his  alms,  his  offerings,  his  pilgrimages,  were  in 
cessantly  renewed  ;  the  monastery  chosen  for  his 
sepulchre  was  endowed  with  his  fairest  possessions, 
and  the  naked  heir  might  often  complain,  that  his 
father's  sins  had  been  redeemed  at  too  high  a  price. 
The  Marquis  Azo  was  not  exempt  from  the  con 
tagion  of  the  times :  his  devotion  was  amused  and 
inflamed  by  the  frequent  miracles  which  were  per 
formed  in  his  presence;  and  the  monks  of  Vanga- 
dizza,  who  yielded  to  his  request  the  arm  of  a  dead 
saint,  were  ignorant  of  the  value  of  that  inesti 
mable 


HOUSE  OF  BRUNSWICK. 

mable  jewel.  After  satisfying  the  demands  of  war 
and  superstition,  he  might  appropriate  the  rest  of 
his  revenue  to  use  and  pleasure.  But  the  Italians 
of  the  eleventh  century  were  imperfectly  skilled  in 
the  liberal^  and  mechanic  arts :  the  objects  of  foreign 
luxury  were  furnished  at  an  exorbitant  price  by  the 
merchants  of  Pisa  and  Venice;  and  the  superfluous 
wealth,  which  could  not  purchase  the  real  comforts 
of  life,  was  idly  wasted  on  some  rare  occasions  of 
vanity  and  pomp.  Such  were  the  nuptials  of  Bo 
niface,  Duke  or  Marquis  of  Tuscany,  whose  fa 
mily  was  long  afterwards  united  with  that  of  Azo, 
by  the  marriage  of  their  children.  These  nuptials 
were  celebrated  on  the  banks  of  the  Mincius,  which 
the  fancy  of  Virgil  has  decorated  with  a  more  beau 
tiful  picture.  The  'princes  and  people  of  Italy 
were  invited  to  the  feast,  which  continued  three 
months :  the  fertile  meadows,  which  are  intersected 
by  the  slow  and  winding  course  of  the  river,  were 
covered  with  innumerable  tents,  and  the  bride 
groom  displayed  and  diversified  the  scenes  of 
his  proud  and  tasteless  magnificence.  All  the 
utensils  of  service  were  of  silver,  and  his  horses 
were  shod  with  plates  of  the  same  metal,  loosely 
nailed,  and  carelessly  dropped,  to  indicate  his  con 
tempt  of  riches.  An  image  of  plenty  and  profu 
sion  was  expressed  in  the  banquet :  the  most  deli 
cious  wines  were  drawn  in  buckets  from  the  well ; 
and  the  spices  of  the  east  were  ground  in  water- 
mills  like  common  flour.  The  dramatic  and  musi 
cal  arts  were  in  the  rudest  state ;  but  the  Marquis 
had  summoned  the  most  popular  singers,  harpers,  and 

buffoons, 


416  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE 

buffoons,  to  exercise  their  talents  on  this  splendid 
theatre.  Their  exhibitions  were  applauded,  and  they 
applauded  the  liberality  of  their  patron.  After  this 
festival,  I  might  remark  a  singular  gift  of  the  same 
Boniface  to-  the  Emperor  Henry  III.,  a  chariot  and 
oxen  of  solid  silver,  which  were  designed  only  as  a 
vehicle  for  a  hogshead  of  vinegar.  If  such  an  exam 
ple  should  seem  above  the  imitation  of  Azo  himself, 
the  Marquis  of  Este  was  at  least  superior  in  wealth 
and  dignity  to  the  vassals  of  his  compeer.  One  of 
these  vassals,  the  Viscount  of  Mantua,  presented 
the  German  monarch  with  one  hundred  falcons, 
and  one  hundred  bay  horses,  a  grateful  contribu 
tion  to  the  pleasures  of  a  royal  sportsman.  In  that 
age,  the  proud  distinction  between  the  nobles  and 
princes  of  Italy  was  guarded  with  jealous  cere 
mony :  the  Viscount  of  Mantua  had  never  been 
seated  at  the  table  of  his  immediate  lord;  he  yielded 
to  the  invitation  of  the  emperor ;  and  a  stag's  skin, 
filled  with  pieces  of  gold,  was  graciously  accepted 
by  the  Marquis  of  Tuscany  as  the  fine  of  his  pre 
sumption. 

3.  The  temporal  felicity  of  Azo  was  crowned  by 
the  long  possession  of  honours  and  riches :  he  died 
in  the  year  one  thousand  and  ninety-seven,  aged 
upwards  of  an  hundred  years  ;  and  the  term  of  his 
mortal  existence  was  almost  commensurate  with 
the  lapse  of  the  eleventh  century.  The  character, 
as  well  as  the'  situation  of  the  Marquis  of  Este, 
rendered  him  an  actor  in  the  revolutions  of  that 
memorable  period :  but  time  has  cast  a  veil  over 
the  virtues  and  vices  of  the  man3  and  I  must  be 

content 


HOUSE  OF  BRUNSWICK.  417 

Content  to  mark  some  of  the  seras,  the  mile-stones 
of  his  life,  which  measure  the  extent  and  intervals 
of  the  vacant  way.  Albert-Azo  the  Second  was  no 
more  than  seventeen  when  he  first  drew  the  sword 
of  rebellion  or  patriotism,  when  he  was  involved 
with  his  grand-father,  his  father,  and  his  three 
uncles,  in  a  common  proscription.  In  the  vigour 
of  manhood,  about  his  fiftieth  year,  the  Ligurian 
marquis  governed  the  cities  of  Milan  and  Genoa, 
as  the  minister  of  imperial  authority.  He  was  up 
wards  of  seventy  when  he  passed  the  Alps  to  vin 
dicate  the  inheritance  of  Maine  for  the  children  of 
his  second  marriage.  He  became  the  friend  and 
servant  of  Gregory  VII.  and  in  one  of  his  epistles, 
that  ambitious  pontiff  recommends  the  Marquis 
Azo  as  the  most  faithful  and  best  beloved  of  the 
Italian  princes ;  as  the  proper  channel  through 
which  a  king  of  Hungary  might  convey  his  peti 
tions  to  the  apostolic  throne.  In  the  mighty  con 
test  between  the  crown  and  the  mitre,  the  Marquis 
Azo  and  the  Countess  Matilda  led  the  powers  of 
Italy,  and  when  the  standard  of  St.  Peter  was  dis 
played,  neither  the  age  of  the  one,  nor  the  sex  of 
the  other,  could  detain  them  from  the  field.  With 
these  two  affectionate  clients  the  Pope  maintained 
his  station  in  the  fortress  of  Canossa,  while  the 
emperor,  barefoot  on  the  frozen  ground,  fasted  and 
prayed  .three  days  at  the  foot  of  the. rock:  they 
were  witnesses  to  the  abject  ceremony  of  the 
penance  and  pardon  of  Henry  IV. ;  and  in  the  tri 
umph  of  the  church,  a  patriot  might  foresee  the 
deliverance  of  Italy  from  the  German  yoke.  At 
VOL.  in.  E  E  the 


418  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE 

,  •  / 

the  time  of  this  event  the  Marquis  of  Este*  was 
above  fourscore ;  but  in  the  twenty  following  years 
he  was  still  alive  and  active  amidst  the  revolutions 
of  peace  and  war.  The  last  act  which  he  sub-* 
scribed  is  dated  above  a  century  after  his  birth;  and 
in  that  act  the  venerable  chief  possesses  the  com 
mand  of  his  faculties,  his  family,  and  his  fortune. 
In  this  rare  prerogative  of  longevity  Albert- Azo  II. 
stands  alone ;  nor  can  I  recollect  in  the  authentic 
annals  of  mortality  a  single  example  of  a  king  or 
jmnce,  of  a  statesman  or  general,  of  a  philosopher 
or  poet,  whose  life  has  been  extended  beyond  the 
period  of  an  hundred  years.  Nor  should  this  ob 
servation,  which  is  justified  by  universal  expe 
rience,  be  thought  either  strange  or  surprising.  It 
has  been  found,  that  of  twenty-four  thousand  new 
born  infants,  seven  only  will  survive  to  attain  that 
distant  term;  and  much  smaller  is  the  proportion 
of  those  who  will  be  raised  by  fortune  or  genius, 
to  govern  or  afflict,  or  enlighten,  their  age  or 
country.  The  chance  that  the  same  individual 
should- draw  the  two  great  prizes  in  the  lottery  of 
life,  will  not  easily  be  defined  by  the  powers  of 
calculation.  Three  approximations,  which  will  not 
hastily  be  matched,  have  distinguished  the  present 
century,  Aurungzeb,  Cardinal  Fleury,  and  Fonte- 
nelle.  Had  a  fortnight  more  been  given  to  the 
philosopher,  he  might  have  celebrated  his  secular 
festival ;  but  the  lives  and  labours  of  the  Mogul 
king  and  the  French  minister  were  terminated  be 
fore  they  had  accomplished  their  ninetieth  year. 
A  strong  constitution  may  be  the  gift  of  nature; 

but 


HOUSE  OF  BRUNSWICK*  419 

but  the  few  who  survive  their  contemporaries  must 
have  been  superior  to  the  passions  and  appetites 
which  urge  the  speedy  decay  and  dissolution  of  the 
mind  and  body*  The  Marquis  of  Este  may  be  pre 
sumed,  from  his  riches  and  longevity,  to  have  un 
derstood  the  economy  of  health  and  fortune. 

4.  I  remember  a  Persian  tale  of  three  old  men, 
who  were  successively  questioned  by  a  traveller 
as  he  met  them  on  the  road.     The  youngest  bro 
ther,  under  the  load  of  a  wife  and  a  numerous  fa 
mily,  was  sinking  into  the  grave  before  his  time. 
The  second,  though  much  older,  was  far  less  infirm 
and  decrepid :    he  had  been  left  a  widower  and 
without  children.     But  the  last  and  eldest  of  the 
three  brothers  still  preserved,  at  an  incredible  age, 
the  vigour  and  vivacity  of  the  autumnal  season : 
he  had  always  preferred  a  life  of  celibacy.     The 
enjoyment  of  domestic  freedom  could  not  however 
contribute  to  the  longevity  of  the  Marquis  Azo : 
he  married  three  wives;  he  educated  three  sons ; 
and  it  is  doubtful  whether  chance  or  prudence  de 
layed  his  first  nuptials  till  he  had  at  least  accom 
plished  the  fortieth  year  of  his  age.     These  nup 
tials  were  contracted  with  Cuniza,  or  Cunegonda, 
a  German  maid,  whose  ancestors,  by  their  nobility 
and  riches,  were  distinguished  among  the  Suabian 
and  Bavarian  chiefs  ;  whose  brother  was  invested 
by  the  Emperor  Henry  III.  with  the   Duchy  of 
Carinthia,  and  the  Marquisate  of  Verona,  on  the 
confines  of  the  Venetian  possessions  of  the  House 
of  Este.     The  marriage  of  Azo  and  Cunegonda 
was  productive  of  a  son,  who  received  at  his  bap- 
E  E  3  tism 


420  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE 

tism  the  name  of  GUELPH,  to  revive  and  perpe 
tuate  the  memory  of  his  uncle,  his  grandfather, 
and  his  first  progenitors,  on  the  maternal  side.  I 
have  already  defined  the  ample  domain  which  was 
given  as  a  marriage-portion  to  the  daughter  of  the 
Guelphs:  but  on  the  failure  of  heirs  male,  her  for 
tunate  son  inherited  the  patrimonial  estates  of  the 
family,  obtained  the  dukedom  of  Bavaria,  and  be 
came  the  founder  of  the  eldest,  or  German  branch, 
of  the  House  of  Este,  from  which  the  Dukes  of 
Brunswick,  the  Electors  of  Hanover,  and  the  Kings 
of  Great  Britain,  are  lineally  descended.  After 
the  decease  of  Cunegonda,  who  must  have  depart 
ed  this  life  in  the  flower  of  her  age,  the  Marquis 
of  Este  solicited  a  second  alliance  beyond  the  Alps : 
but  his  delicacy  no  longer  insisted  on  the  choice 
of  a  virgin ;  the  widower  was  contented  with  a 
widow;  and  he  excused  the  ambiguous  stain 
which  might  adhere  to  his  bride  by  a  divorce  from 
her  first  husband.  Her  name  was  Garsenda,  the 
daughter,  and  at  length  the  heiress  of  the  Counts 
of  Maine.  She  became  the  mother  of  two  sons, 
Hugo  and  Fulk,  and  the  younger  of  these  is  the 
knowledged  parent  of  the  Dukes  of  Ferrara  and 
Modena.  The  same  liberal  fortune  which  had 
crowned  the  offspring  of  the  first,  seemed  to  at 
tend  the  children  of  the  second  nuptials  of  the 
Marquis  Azo :  but  their  fortune  was  hollow  and 
fallacious,  and  after  the  loss  of  their  Gallic  inhe 
ritance,  the  sons  of  Garsenda  reluctantly  acqui 
esced  in  some  fragments  of  their  Italian  patrimony. 
Matilda,  the  third  wife  of  Azo,  was  another  widow 

of 


HOUSE  OF  BRUNSWICK.  421 

of  noble  birth,  since  she  was  his  own  cousin  in  the 
fourth  degree :  but  this  consanguinity  provoked 
the  stern  and  impartial  justice  of  Gregory  VII. 
His  friend  was  summoned  to  appear  before  a  synod 
at  Rome :  the  inflexible  priest  pronounced  a  sen 
tence  of  divorce,  and  whatsoever  idea  may  be 
formed  of  the  Marquis's  vigour,  at  the  age  of 
seventy-eight,  he  might  submit,  without  much  ef 
fort,  to  the  canons  of  the  church.  Besides  his 
three  sons,  Azo  had  a  daughter  named  Adelais, 
who  was  educated  in  the  family  of  the  Countess 
Matilda.  But  the  damsel  is  only  mentioned  to 
attest  the  miraculous  virtue  of  Anselm,  Bishop  of 
Lucca:  she  was  relieved  in  the  night  from  a  violent 
fit  of  the  cholic,  by  the  local  application  of  a  pil 
low,  on  which  the  Saint  had  formerly  reposed  his 
head. 

V.  A  wealthy  Marquis  of  the  eleventh  century 
must  have  commanded  a  proud  hereditary  rank  in 
civil  society.  In  the  judgment  of  the  Pope,  the 
Emperor,  and  the  Public,  Albert- Azo  was  distin 
guished  among  the  princes,  and  the  first  princes, 
of  the  kingdom  of  Italy.  His  double  alliance  in 
Germany  and  France  may  prove  how  much  he  was 
known  and  esteemed  among  foreign  nations ;  and 
he  strengthened  his  political  importance  by  a  do* 
mestic  union  with  the  conquerors  of  Apulia  and 
Sicily.  I  shall  not  repeat  the  story  of  the  Norman 
adventurers,  nor  shall  I  again  delineate  the  charac 
ter  and  exploits  of  Robert  Guiscard,  which,  to  the 
readers  of  the  History  of  the  Decline  and  Fall  of 
the  Roman  Empire,  are  sufficiently  familiar.  But; 
E  E  3  as. 


ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE 

as  Duke  Robert  had  four  daughters,  the  choice  of 
his  other  three  sons-in-law  may  serve  as  a  test,  a 
touchstone,  of  the  comparative  weight  and  value 
of  the  House  of  Este.  Michael,  Emperor  of  the 
Greeks,  was  the  first  name  in  the  Christian  world. 
Raymond,  Count  of  Barcelona,  was  the  indepen 
dent  sovereign  of  a  warlike  people;  and  the  mean^ 
est  of  the  three,  a  French  Baron,  of  military  renown, 
was  the  cousin  of  the  Kings  of  France  and  Jerusa 
lem,  the  brother-in-law  of  the  King  of  Navarre  and 
Arragon.  Such  were  three  of  the  sons,  by  alliance, 
of  the  Norman  conqueror,  who  had  previously  re-« 
jected  a  proposal  fifr  the  eldest  son  of  the  Emperor 
Henry  IV, :  the  marriage  of  a  fourth  daughter  will 
be  most  accurately  represented  in  the  words  of 
the  Apulian  poet :  "  While  the  hero  resided  within 
the  walls  of  the  Trojan  city,  he  received  the  visit 
of  a  certain  noble  Lombard  Marquis,  accompanied 
by  many  nobles  of  his  country.  Azo  was  his 
name.  The  object  of  his  journey  was  to  request 
that  the  Duke's  daughter  might  be  granted  as  a 
wife  to  Hugo,  his  illustrious  son.  The  Duke  con 
vened  an  assembly  of  his  chiefs,  and  with  their 
consent  and  advice,  the  daughter  of  Robert  was 
delivered  to  the  son  of  Azo.  The  nuptial  rites 
were  solemnized  in  due  form,  and  the  festival  was 
celebrated  with  gifts  and  banquets.  After  the 
consummation  of  the  marriage,  the  Duke  solicited 
his  Counts  and  powerful  vassals  to  bestow  a  free 
gift,  which  might  grace  the  joyful  departure  of 
the  bride  and  bridegroom,  and  he  enforced  his  de 
mand,  by  reminding  them  that  no  subsidy  what 
soever 


HOUSE  OF  BRUNSWICK.  423 

soever  had  been  given  to  her  sister,  the  Greek 
Empress.  The  demand  of  a  tribute  was  enter 
tained  with  a  murmur  of  surprise  and  discontent ; 
but  all  opposition  was  fruitless,  and  they  presented 
their  sovereign  with  mules  and  horses,  and  various 
offerings.  He  bestowed  them  on  the  husband  of 
his  daughter,  with  an  addition  from  his  own  trea 
sures  :  a  fleet  was  prepared,  and  both  the  father 
and  son  were  transported  with  great  honour  to  their 
native  shores."  This  evidence  of  a  contemporary 
poet,  or  rather  historian,  who  had  no  temptation 
to  flatter  the  Princes  of  Este,  would  alone  be  suf 
ficient  to  establish  the  nobility  and  splendour  of 
their  family,  the  family  of  Brunswick,  beyond  the 
distant  term  of  seven  hundred  years.  If  the  Mar 
quis  Azo  were  the  first  of  his  race  whose  name 
and  memory  had  been  preserved,  we  might  ac 
quiesce  in  our  ignorance,  with  a  just  persuasion  of 
the  dignity  and  power  of  his  unknown  ancestors. 
Of  these  illustrious  ancestors,  the  zeal  and  dili 
gence  of  Leibnitz  and  Muratori  have  discovered 
four  probable,  and  four  certain  degrees.  After  the 
examination  of  their  proofs,  a  scrupulous  critic  may 
suspect,  that  in  deriving  the  Marquisses  of  Este 
from  those  of  Tuscany,  "  the  ascent  of  reason  has 
been  aided  by  the  wings  of  imagination ;"  but  he 
must  confess,  that  since  the  beginning  of  the  tenth 
century,  the  series  of  generations  flows  in  a  clear 
and  unbroken  stream* 

SECTION  III. 

.THE   eldest  of  the  three  sons  of  thq  Marquis 
E  E  4  Azo., 


424  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE 

Azo,  the  fortunate  Guelph,  was  transplanted  from 
his  native  soil,  to  become  the  root  of  the  German, 
and,  in  the  fulness  of  time,  of  the  British  line,  of 
the  family  of  Este.  By  his  two  younger  brothers, 
Hugo  and  Fulk,  the  Italian  succession  was  propa 
gated  :  but  the  race  of  Hugo  expired  in  the  second 
degree ;  the  posterity  of  Fulk  still  survives  in  the 
twentieth  generation.  The  ancestors  of  Guelph, 
on  the  father's  and  the  mother's  side,  and  the  series 
of  his  descendants  in  Bavaria  and  Saxony,  form 
the  antiquities  of  the  House  of  Brunswick,  and 
the  proper  subject  of  this  historical  discourse :  but 
our  curiosity  will  naturally  embrace  the  collateral 
branch  of  the  Princes  of  Este,  Ferrara,  and  Mo- 
dena,  who  have  not  been  unworthy  of  their  first 
progenitors,  and  more  powerful  kinsmen.  With 
out  confining  myself  to  the  rigid  servitude  of  an 
nals,  without  resting  on  every  step  of  a  long  pedi 
gree,  I  shall  concisely  display  the  most  interesting 
scenes  of  their  various  fortunes. 

As  the  right  of  female  succession  began  to  pre 
vail  in  the  feudal  system  of  France,  Garsenda,  the 
second  wife  of  Azo,  might  claim  the  duchy  or 
county  of  Maine,  which  had  been  successively 
possessed  by  her  father,  her  brother,  and  her  ne 
phew.  Her  pretensions  were  legitimate ;  but  the 
heiress  of  Maine  had  been  married  into  a  distant 
land:  her  arms  were  feeble,  her  vassals  factious, 
her  neighbours  unjust.  William,  Duke  of  Nor 
mandy,  a  famous  name,  was  tempted  by  the  pro 
spect  of  a  fertile  and  adjacent  territory :  he  mut 
tered  some  pretence  of  a  gift  or  alliance :  but  an> 

bition 


HOUSE  OF  BRUNSWICK.  425 

bition  was  his  only  motive,  and  his  only  title  was 
superior  strength.  Four  years  the  Cenomani,  the 
people  of  Maine,  reluctantly  bowed  under  his  iron 
sceptre ;  but  after  the  forces  of  Normandy  had 
been  transported  beyond  the  sea,  they  were  en 
couraged  by  the  absence,  rather  than  awed  by  the 
success  and  glory  of  the  conqueror  of  England. 
They  solicited  the  Marquis  of  Liguria  to  assert  the 
rights  of  his  wife  and  son.  Azo  listened  to  their 
call :  after  the  expulsion  or  massacre  of  the  Nor 
mans,  the  cities  and  castles  were  delivered  into 
his  hands,  the  Bishop  escaped  to  the  English  court, 
and  his  new  subjects  admired  the  riches  and  libe 
rality  of  their  deliverer.  But  in  a  short  time  the 
reign  of  a  stranger  became  odious  and  contempti 
ble  to  the  haughty  Franks :  they  discovered  that 
his  treasures  were  exhausted;  he  perceived  that 
their  faith  was  wavering;  and  Azo  fondly  ima 
gined  that  all  discontents  would  be  appeased,  and 
that  all  parties  would  be  reconciled  by  his  own 
departure.  In  the  vain  hope  that  the  Cenomani 
would  be  attached  to  the  daughter  and  the  heir  of 
their  ancient  princes,  he  left  Garsenda  and  her  in 
fant  Hugo  under  the  care  of  a  powerful  baron,  the 
guardian  of  his  son,  and  the  husband,  as  it  were, 
of  his  wife.  But  this  suspicious  or  scandalous 
connection  provoked  the  indignation  of  the  people; 
the  young  prince  was  dismissed  to  Italy ;  Garsenda 
disappears ;  and  the  county  of  Maine  was  torn  by 
domestic  feuds,  till  the  presence  of  the  conqueror 
united  his  rebels  in  the  calm  of  servitude.  Azo 
still  retained  a  bitter  remembrance  of  his  loss  and 

disgrace ; 


426*  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE 

disgrace ;  and  his  enemy  the  Bishop,  on  a  pilgrim 
age  to  Rome,  was  arrested  by  the  revenge,  and 
released  by  the  piety,  of  the  Ligurian  Marquis. 
The  death  of  King  William,  and  the  discord  of 
his  sons,  revived  the  spirit  of  the  Cenomani,  and 
their  deputies  invited  the  sons  of  Azo  to  resume 
the  peaceful  possession  .of  their  lawful  inheritance. 
Hugo  again  passed  the  Alps  ;  but  the  first  accla 
mations  again  degenerated  into  the  murmurs  of 
the  people,  and  the  anathemas  of  the  clergy.  The 
new  Count  was  destitute  of  every  resource  that 
could  reward  the  service,  engage  the  esteem,  or 
enforce  the  obedience,  of  his  turbulent  vassals. 
The  honour  of  his  alliance  with  the  daughter  of 
Robert  Guiscard  had  been  soon  obliterated  by  the 
shame  and  scandal  of  a  divorce ;  his  countrymen 
exposed  him,  with  pleasure,  to  the  toils  and  dan 
gers  of  a  transalpine  reign ;  and  the  warlike  natives 
of  Gaul  despised  the  effeminate  manners  of  an 
Italian  lord.  His  fears  were  increased,  and  his 
flight  was  hastened,  by  the  artful  eloquence  of  a 
rival,  who  insinuated  that  his  mild  and  moderate 
temper  was  ill-formed  to  struggle  with  the  furious 
passions  of  the  Barbarians.  The  son  of  Garsenda 
trembled  at  the  approach  or  the  sound  of  an  hun 
dred  thousand  Normans,  sold  his  patrimony  for  a 
sum  of  ten  thousand  pounds,  and  escaped  to  Italy, 
where  he  soon  lost  a  battle  and  an  army,  in  the 
service  of  the  Countess  Matilda.  A  writer  of  the 
times,  who  has  preserved  the  memory  of  this  ig 
nominious  event,  contrasts  the  treason  or  coward 
ice  of  the  man  with  the  nobility  of  his  race.  I 

must 


HOUSE  OF  BRUNSWICK.  427 

must  retract  the  assertion,  that  all  the  Princes  of 
Este  have  been  worthy  of  their  name  and  ancestry ; 
Hugo  is  an  exception ;  but  in  the  space  of  seven 
hundred  years  Hugo  is  a  single  exception. 

After  the  decease  of  his  father  Azo,  the  star  of 
the  House  of  Este  appears  "  shorne  of  its  beams;'* 
their  riches  and  power  are  visibly  diminished ,  and 
the  Marquisses  of  that  name  no  longer  stand  fore 
most  in  the  revolutions  of  Italy.  In  the  annals  of 
the  twelfth  century  their  actions  are  seldom  re 
corded  :  and  as  this  oblivion  coincides  with  the 
increasing  light  of  history,  we  must  seek  the  pro 
bable  causes  in  the  division  of  their  property,  and 
the  ascendant  of  the  municipal  republics.  1 .  After 
the  acquisition  of  the  Duchy,  or  rather  kingdom 
of  Bavaria,  Guelph,  the  son  of  Azo,  might  have 
generously  waved  the  right  of  primogeniture,  and 
resigned  to  his  younger  brothers  the  Italian  estates 
of  the  family,  as  an  equivalent  for  the  loss  of  their 
Gallic  inheritance.  But  such  'generosity  is  seldom 
found  in  the  selfish  conduct  of  princes  or  brothers ; 
and  instead  of  offering,  or  accepting,  an  equal  and 
equitable  partition,  he  claimed  as  his  own  the 
entire  property  of  their  common  parent.  If  Guelph 
were  an  hypocrite,  he  might  colour  his  avarice  by 
a  pious  attachment  to  the  relics  of  his  fathers : 
and  a  demand  so  repugnant  to  the  maxims  of  na 
tural  justice,  seems,  however,  to  have  been  sup 
ported  by  the  matrimonial  contract  of  his  mother 
Cunegonda,  which  had  left  no  provision  for  the 
children  of  a  second  marriage.  In  that  lawless 
age,  a  civil  process  was  decided  by  the  sword. 

Hugo 


428  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE 

Hugo  and  Fulk  had  the  advantage  of  actual  pos 
session  and  personal  influence,  and  the  latter  of 
these  princes  was  the  heir,  the  sole  heir,  of  the 
courage  of  their  ancestors :  they  armed  their  vas 
sals,  occupied  the  passes  of  the  Alps,  and  opposed 
the  descent  of  the  Duke  of  Bavaria,  though  he 
was  assisted  by  the  allied  powers  of  the  Duke  of 
Carinthia  and  the  Patriarch  of  Aquileia.  The  sons, 
of  Garsenda  yielded  at  length  to  the  weight  of 
numbers ;  but  their  resistance  procured  more  fa 
vourable  conditions.  They  preserved  a  rich  do 
main,  from  the  banks  of  the  Mincius  to  the  Adria 
tic  sea ;  they  resigned  the  ample  estates  of  Lom- 
bardy  and  Tuscany  to  their  elder  kinsmen,  the 
German  Guelphs,  and  their  supreme  dominion  was 
acknowledged  by  the  Marquisses  of  Este,  till  the 
yoke  was  lightened  and  removed  by  time  and 
distance,  and  the  rapid  downfall  of  Henry  the  Lion. 
The  law  of  the  Lombards,  which  was  still  professed 
in  the  Italian  branch,  disclaimed  all  right  of  primo 
geniture,  and  the  portion  of  Hugo  and  Fulk  was 
again  divided  into  equal  lots  among  their  eight 
sons.  In  the  beginning  of  the  thirteenth  century, 
these  collateral  lines  were  indeed  united  in  the 
person  of  Azo  VI.,  the  great  grandson  of  Fulk ; 
but  he  was  far  from  uniting  the  whole  inheritance, 
of  his  ancestors.  Many  feudal  possessions  had 
devolved  on  the  failure  of  heirs  male  to  the  supe 
rior  lord :  many  allodial  estates  had  been  convey 
ed,  by  marriage,  into  strange  families.  Much 
wealth  had  been  consumed,  much  land  had  been 
alienated,  to  supply  the  expense  of  luxury  and  Avar : 

and 


HOUSE  OF  BRUNSWICK.  429 

and  of  all  that  had  been  consecrated  to  pious  uses, 
not  an  atom  could  revert  to  the  temporal  successor. 
2.  As  I  am  not  writing  the  history  of  Italy,  I  shall 
not  here  attempt  to  delineate  the  rise  and  progress 
of  the  republics,  which  revived  in  that  country  the 
spirit  of  popular  freedom  and  commercial  industry. 
Their  revolt  against  the  Caesars  of  Germany  was 
embraced  as  a  national  cause:  in  the  successful 
war  against  Frederic  Barbarossa,  their  independence 
was  maintained  by  the  authority  of  the  church,  and 
the  arms  of  the  nobles ;  and  among  the  nobles,  the 
Marquisses  of  Este  were  still  conspicuous  in  their 
decay.  Obizo  the  youngest,  but  the  last  survivor 
of  the  five  sons  of  Fulk,  appeared  at  the  congress 
of  Venice  with  a  retinue  of  an  hundred  and  eighty  A.D.  nrr. 
followers :  he  had  been  engaged  in  the  league  of 
Lombardy ;  and  such  was  his  patriotic  guilt,  that 
when  the  emperor  had  yielded  every  thing  in  the 
peace  of  Constance,  the  pardon  of  the  Marquis 
Obizo  was  one  of  the  last  acts  of  his  clemency.  A.D.  iiss. 
As  we  may  not  suspect  these  feudal  lords  of  any 
tender  regard  for  the  liberties  of  mankind,  it  may  be 
fairly  supposed  that  they  acted  from  the  passion  or 
the  interest  of  the  moment,  without  discerning  that 
they  themselves  would  be  trampled  under  the  feet 
of  the  plebeian  conquerors.  Their  pride  was  in 
sulted,  and  their  poverty  was  exposed,  by  the  pri 
vate  and  public  luxury  of  trade :  their  subjects  of 
the  open  country  were  encouraged  to  rebel,  or 
tempted  to  desert;  and  as  soon  as  the  prejudice  of 
rank  had  been  dissolved,  the  scale  of  power  was 
rudely  weighed  down  by  the  last  and  most  nume- 


430  ANTIQUITIES  OF 

rous  class  of  society.  Even  the  inhabitants  of  EstC,- 
his  peculiar  patrimony,  presumed  to  dispute  the 
jurisdiction  of  the  marquis  :  and  at  the  distance  of 
fifteen  miles,  they  found  an  example  and  a  support 
in  the  populous  city  of  Padua,  which  was  able  to 
levy  an  army,  and  to  support  a  loss  of  eleven  thou 
sand  of  her  sons.  The  institution  of  the  university 
must  have  contributed  to  the  wealth^  and  perhaps 
the  improvement,  of  Padua:  from  the  provinces 
of  Italy,  from  the  kingdoms  of  France,  Spain,  and 
England,  many  thousand  students  were  annually 
attracted  by  the  reputation  of  the  various  profes 
sors;  and  more  than  five  hundred  houses  were  re 
quisite  for  the  accommodation  of  the  strangers* 
The  lessons  of  the  schools  might  serve  only  to  per 
petuate  the  reign  of  prejudice,  but  the  inhabitants 
were  enriched  and  enlightened  by  a  familiar  inter 
course  with  the  nations  of  Europe.  In  this  city, 
the  haughty  ancestors  of  Obizo  I.  had  erected 
their  tribunal,  as  the  lieutenants  of  the  emperor: 
but  Obizo  himself  was  honoured  by  the  choice  of 
a  free  people,  who  elected  him  their  podesta,  or  su 
preme  magistrate.  In  the  time  of  his  great-grand 
son  Aldobrandino,  a  dispute  had  arisen  between 
the  city  of  Padua  and  the  Marquis  of  Este.  The 
Paduans  raised  an  army,  summoned  their  allies  of 
Vicenza.  invaded  his,  territory,  besieged  the  castle 
of  Este,  battered  the  walls,  and  even  the  palace, 
with  their  military  engines,  and  imposed  th'e  terms 
of  a  hard  and  humiliating  capitulation.  The  mar 
quis  was  reduced  to  adopt  the  name  and  obligations 
of  a  simple  burgher,  to  swear  that  he  would  faith- 

fully 


HOUSE  OF  BRUNSWICK.  431 

fully  obey  the  laws  and  ordinances  of  the  commons, 
and  to  reside  some  months  or  weeks  of  every  year 
within  the  walls  of  a  democracy,  in  which  the 
lowest  magistrate  was  his  superior,  and  the  poorest 
fellow-citizen  his  equal.  The  shame  of  this  tem 
porary  submission  could  only  be  alleviated  by  the 
example  of  his  equals:  the  Patriarch  of  Aquileia, 
with  two  suffragan  bishops,  had  solicited  the  ho 
nour  of  being  admitted  among  the  citizens  of  Pa 
dua;  and  the  Count  of  the  Sacred  Palace,  the  im 
mediate  representative  of  Imperial  majesty,  was 
detained  as  a  captive  and  a  subject,  within  the 
walls  of  Pavia.  The  popular  states  of  Lombardy 
triumphed  in  the  fall  of  the  aristocracy ;  and  the 
Marquis  of  Montferrat  was  the  only  noble  who 
had  strength  and  courage  to  maintain  his  here 
ditary  independence. 

Liberty  had  raised  the  minds  of  the  Italians ;  but 
faction,  her  ugly  and  inseparable  sister,  corrupted 
the  peace  and  prosperity  of  the  growing  republics. 
They  fought  against  the  Emperor,  against  their 
neighbours,  against  themselves :  the  necessity  of 
order  and  discipline  compelled  them  to  name  a 
foreign  dictator ;  and  the  nobles,  most  eminent  in 
arms,  in  policy,  in  power,  often  became,  the  cap 
tains,  and  sometimes  the  tyrants,  of  the  indepen 
dent  cities.  The  Marquisses  of  Este,  and  the  Ec- 
celins  of  Romano,  were  the  two  leading  families 
of  the  Trevisane  or  Veronese  March :  the  memory 
of  their  ancestors,  and  the  habits  of  command,  in 
spired  that  lofty  and  martial  demeanour  which 
struck  the  plebeian  with  involuntary  awe;  and 

they 


432  ANTIQUITIES  or  THE 

they  were  sure  to  gain  the  hearts  of  the  multitude, 
when  they  softened  their  pride  into  artful  and  po 
pular  condescension.  The  first  Eccelin  was  a 
gallant  knight  and  a  dexterous  politician :  in  Pa 
lestine  and  Lombardy  he  was  elected  standard- 
bearer  or  general  of  the  confederate  armies;  and 
in  the  great  rebellion  against  Frederic  I.  he  de 
served  the  confidence  of  the  cities,  without  forfeit 
ing  the  esteem  of  the  Emperor.  The  civil  and 
military  virtues  of  his  son,  Eccelin  the  Second, 
were  adorned  with  the  gifts  of  Eloquence :  he 
was  the  public  and  private  adversary  of  the  House 
of  Este ;  and  as  soon  as  the  Marquis  Azo  VI.  had 
declared  himself  chief  of  the  Guelphs,  the  Ghi- 
belline  faction  acknowledged  the  Count  of  Ro 
mano  for  their  leader.  When  the  Emperor  Otho 
IV.  descended  into  Italy,  his  court  was  attended 
by  the  rival  chiefs ;  and  their  interview  describes 
the  'manners  of  the  time.  Eccelin  complained, 
that  in  a  neutral  city,  in  a  moment  of  truce  or 
friendship,  his  life  had  been  treacherously  attacked. 
"  I  was  walking,"  said  he,  "  with  the  Marquis  of 
Este,  on  the  place  of  St.  Mark  in  Venice.  On  a 
sudden  I  was  assaulted  by  the  swords  and  daggers 
of  his  followers :  my  friends  were  slain  or  made 
prisoners  in  my  sight ;  and  it  was  with  extreme 
difficulty  that  I  could  disengage  my  right  arm  from 
the  strong  grasp  of  my  perfidious  companion." 
The  Marquis  explained  or  denied  the  fact ;  but  in 
these  hostile  altercations,  Azo  twice  declined  a  chal 
lenge  of  single  combat.  He  could  not  draw  his 
sword  against  Eccelin,  without  violating  the  majesty 

of 


HOUSE  OF  BRUNSWICK.  433 

of  the  Imperial  presence ;  and  among  his  vassals 
he  had  many  more  noble  than  Salinguerra.  His 
reasons  might  be  good ;  his  courage  was  unques 
tionable  ;  but — Azo  twice  declined  a  challenge  of 
single  combat.  The  next  day,  as  the  two  leaders 
were  riding  on  either  side  of  the  Emperor,  he  com 
manded  them  to  salute  each  other.  "  Sir  Eccelin, 
salute  the  Marquis ;  Sir  Marquis,  salute  Eccelin ;" 
and  the  command  was  given  in  the  French  tongue, 
which  even  in  that  age  appears  to  have  been  the 
fashionable  dialect.  They  obeyed :  but  the  supe 
rior  dignity  of  the  Marquis  was  maintained,  by  his 
receiving  and  returning  the  compliment  without 
vailing  his  bonnet  to  the  humble  salute  of  Ecce 
lin.  They  soon  joined  in  familiar  converse ;  and 
before  they  had  rode  two  miles,  the  suspicious 
Emperor,  who  had  been  alarmed  by  their  discord, 
began  to  be  apprehensive  of  their  union.  His  ap 
prehensions  were  groundless;  and  their  deadly 
feuds,  in  council,  in  the  field,  in  the  cities,  con 
tinued  to  rage,  with  alternate  success,  till  they 
both  slept  in  the  tranquillity  of  the  grave.  Their 
possessions  and  their  quarrels  were  inherited  by 
their  sons,  Azo  VII.  and  Eccelin  the  Third ;  but 
in  a  contest  of  forty  years  the  Marquis  of  Este  was 
long  oppressed  by  the  genius  and  fortune  of  his 
rival.  The  excommunication  of  Frederic  II.  exas 
perated  and  justified  the  hostilities  of  the  two  fac 
tions.  From  a  sermon,  a  bull,  or  a  crusade,  the 
chief  of  the  Guelphs,  the  friend  of  the  Pope,  might 
derive  some  occasional  aid:  but  the  leader  of  the 
Ghibellines  was  more  strongly  supported  by  the 
VOL.  in.  jf  r  power, 


434  .      ANTIQUITIES  OF, THE 

power,  and  often  by  the  presence,  of  a  warlike 
Prince,  who  filled  the  Trevisane  March  with  his 
armies  of  Germans  and  Saracens.  By  the  autho 
rity  of  the  Emperor,  his  own  arts,  and  the  assist 
ance  of  foreign  troops,  Eccelin  became  the  captain 
and  tyrant  of  the  cities  of  Verona,  Vicenza,  Padua, 
Trevigi,  Feltri,  Belluno,  Trent,  and  Brescia :  after 
the  loss  of  his  patron,  he  maintained  ten  years  his 
independent  reign,  and  proudly  boasted,  that  since 
Charlemagne,  no  prince  had  possessed  such  abso 
lute  sway  over  the  Lombard  states.  The  utmost 
efforts  of  his  malice  and  revenge  were  directed 
against  the  Marquis  of  Este.  "  Strike  the  head 
of  the  serpent,  and  you  are  master  of  the  body," 
was  his  frequent  exhortation ;  from  a  hill  near 
Padua,  he  pointed  to  the  towers  of  Este,  and  shew 
ed  the  Emperor  the  hostile  territories  which  were 
spread  over  the  plain.  Destitute  of  strength  and 
succour,  Azo  was  compelled  to  solicit  pardon,  to 
swear  fidelity,  and  to  purchase  a  precarious  respite, 
by  the  captivity,  perhaps  the  death  of  Rinaldo, 
his  only  son,  who  was  delivered  as  an  hostage,  into 
the  hands  of  Frederic  the  Second.  The  town  and 
castle  of  Este  were  at  length  besieged  by  the 
forces  of  Eccelin :  his  artillery  consisted  of  four 
teen  great  battering  engines,  which  cast  stones  of 
twelve  hundred  pounds  weight ;  and  his  pioneers, 
who  were  drawn  from  the  silver  mines  of  Carin- 
thia,  opened  a  subterraneous  passage  for  the  en 
trance  of  five  hundred  soldiers.  The  garrison  ca 
pitulated  ;  and  instead  of  a  total  ruin,  the  fortifica 
tions  were  repaired  by  Eccelin,  who  affected  to 

reve- 


HOUSE  OF  BRUNSWICK.  435 

reverence  the  dignity  of  the  place.     He  had  been 
praised  as  an  hero ;  he  was  gradually,  and  at  length 
generally,  abhorred  as  a  tyrant.     The  seeming  vir 
tues  of  his  youth  were  stained  by  the  jealous  and 
unrelenting  cruelty  of  his  old  age:  and  whatsoever 
deductions  may  be  allowed  on  a  list  of  fifty  thou 
sand  victims,  his  name  will  be  for  ever  recorded 
with  the  savage  monsters   of  Sicily   and   Rome. 
The  hatred  of  mankind  began  to  prevail  over  their 
fears ;  and  after  a  long  persecution,  and  a  firm  re 
sistance,  Azo  found  the  moment  of  victory  and 
revenge.     His  odious  rival  had  been  invited  by  one 
of  the  factions  of  Milan :  the  conspiracy  was  dis 
covered,  the  enterprize  failed  :  but  on  his  return  to 
Brescia,  in  the  passage  of  the  Adda,  at  the  wrell- 
known  bridge  of  Cassano,  he  was  intercepted  by 
the  troops  of  Mantua,  Cremona,  and  Ferrara,  un 
der  the  banner  of  the  Marquis  of  Este.     After  a 
short  combat,  the  valiant  Eccelin  (he  deserves  that 
praise)  was  wrounded  in  the  foot,  and  taken  pri 
soner  :  the  few  remaining  days  of  his  life  were  em 
bittered  by  the  insults  of  the  multitude,  and  the 
more  .insulting  pity  of  the  conqueror.     Azo  VII. 
was  hailed  as  the  saviour  of  Lombardy :  but  he 
derived  more  glory  than  advantage  from  the  ty 
rant's  fall.     The  cause  of  the  Ghibellines  revived 
under  new  leaders :  the   cities  of  the   Trevisane 
March  were  usurped  by  the  new  families  of  Scala 
and  Carrara ;  and  instead  of  asserting  their  ancient 
right  to  the  government  of  Milan,  the  rising  ambi 
tion  of  the  Visconti  was  promoted  by  the  arms  and 
alliance  of  the  marquisses  of  Este. 

F  F2  It 


436  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE 

It  was  in  the  state  of  Ferrara  that  they  first  esta 
blished  a  princely  dominion,  on  the  basis,  and 
finally  on  the  ruins,  of  a  popular  government. 
The  flat  country,  which  is  intersected  by  the 
branches  of  the  Po,  had  formerly  been  a  wild  mo 
rass,  impervious  to  the  Roman  highways.  About 
the  middle  of  the  seventh  century,  twelve  solitary 
villages  coalesced  into  a  fortified  town,  on  the 
banks  of  the  river :  the  safe  and  convenient  situa 
tion  attracted  a  crowd  of  settlers ;  their  labours 
were  rewarded  by  the  conversion  of  the  fens  into 
rich  and  productive  land;  and  the  rising  colony 
was  distinguished  by  the  seat  of  a  bishop,  and  the 
privileges  of  a  city.  After  the  death  of  the  Coun 
tess  Matilda,  Ferrara  tasted  the  blessings  and  the 
mischiefs  of  liberty :  the  patricians  and  the  ple 
beians,  the  Guelphs  and  the  Ghibellines,  disputed, 
in  arms,  the  command  of  the  republic:  thirty-two 
towers  of  defence  were  erected  within  the  walls ; 
and  in  forty  years  the  factions  were  ten  times 
alternately  expelled.  Among  the  thirty-four  noble 
families  of  Ferrara,  the  pre-eminence  of  wealth  and 
power  was  claimed  by  the  rival  houses  of  the  Ade- 
lardi  and  Taurelli.  About  the  year  one  thousand 
one  hundred  and  eighty,  the  former  were  reduced 
to  an  infant  daughter  :  the  proposal  of  a  concilia 
tory  marriage  was  rejected  by  their  adherents :  the 
heiress  was  delivered  into  the  hands  of  Obizo  I. : 
and  his  grandson  Azo  VI.  was  elected  as  the  fu 
ture  husband  of  the  maid ;  and  the  future  chief  of 
the  name  and  party  of  the  Adelardi.  Marchesella 
died  at  the  age  of  eight  years,  before  nature  would 

allow 


HOUSE  OF  BRUNSWICK.  437 

allow  her  to  produce  a  child,  or  the  law  would 
permit  her  to  subscribe  a  will :  but  the  whole  inhe 
ritance  of  her  fathers  was  yielded  to  the  Marquis  of 
Este,  and  his  gratitude,  or  ambition,  distributed 
the  fiefs  among  his  friends  and  followers.     By  this 
step,  he  acquired  a  commanding  influence  at  Fer- 
rara :  Azo  VI.  was  declared  perpetual  lord  and  go-  AtD<  1208 
vernor  of  the  republic  ;  and  the  act,  which  is  still 
extant,  betrays  the  madness  of  party,  by  the  grant 
of  absolute  and  unconditional  power.     From  this 
power,  his  son  was  degraded  to  the  humiliating 
permission  of  an  annual  visit ;  a  popular  and  pros 
perous  state  was  again  established  by  the  Ghibel- 
lines,  and  it  was  not  till  after  thirty-two  years  of 
revolutions  that  the  sovereignty  of  the  House  of 
Este   was  fixed   by  the   valour   and    conduct  of 
the   seventh   Azo.      At   the   head   of  the   confe 
derated  forces   of  the   Pope,  of  Venice,   and  of  A.  D.  1240. 
Bologna,  he  marched  against  Ferrara :  but  a  hu 
mane  conqueror  might  lament  that  the  revolution 
was  effected  by  the  calamities  of  a  siege,  and  con 
demned  by  the  retreat  of  fifteen  hundred  citizens. 
These  evils  were  indeed  compensated  by  the  wis 
dom  and  justice  of  twenty-four  years:  his  funeral  A.  D.  1254. 
was  honoured  by  the  tears  of  the  opposite  faction ; 
and  at  the  age  of  seventeen,  his  grandson,  Obizo  II. 
succeeded  to  the  office,  or  rather  the  inheritance, 
of  his  father.     The  reputation  of  Obizo  II.  en 
gaged  the  turbulent  republics  of  Modena  and  Reg- 
gio  to  accept  him  for  their  prince ;  and  at  the  time 
•of  his  decease,  three  populous  cities,  with  their 
ample  territories,  were  subject  to  the  sway  of  the 
F  F  3  mar- 


43S  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE 

marquisses  of  Este.  Modena  and  Reggio  were  in-, 
deed  lost  by  the  imprudence  of  his  son,  the  levity 
of  the  people,  and  the  arts  of  the  Ghibellines ;  and 
the  separation  lasted  thirty  years  in  the  one,  and 
an  hundred  in  the  other,  before  the  rebellious 
children  were  reconciled  to  their  parent.  But  the 
submission  of  Ferrara  was  pure  and  permanent, 
and  the  lapse  of  time  insensibly  erased  the  forms 
and  maxims  of  the  old  republic.  After  the  death 
of  Azo  VIII.,  whose  last  will  preferred  a  bastard 
A. D.  1308.  to  a  brother,  Ferrara  was  oppressed  by  the  avarice 
of  the  Venetians,  the  ambitien  of  the  pope,  and 
the  Catalan  mercenaries  of  the  king  of  Naples : 
but  the  spirit  of  patriotism  and  loyalty  still  lived 
in  the  hearts  of  the  citizens,  and  they  soon  rose  to 
the  deliverance  and  defence  of  their  country  under 
the  banner  of  the  white  eagle.  This  constant  af 
fection  is  at  once  the  praise  of  the  subject  and 
sovereign.  This  praise  is  the  more  precious,  as  it 
must  almost  be  confined  to  the  subjects  of  the  mar 
quisses  of  Este.  They  were  ranked  among  the 
princes  of  Italy  at  a  time  when  the  families  which 
afterwards  emerged  to  greatness  were  confounded 
with  the  meanest  of  the  people.  They  were  the 
first  who  after  the  twelfth  century  acquired  by  po 
pular  election  the  dominion  of  a  free  city.  And 
they  still  subsist  with  splendour  and  dignity, 
while  the  tyrants  more  conspicuous  in  their  day 
have  left  only  a  name,  and  for  the  most  part  an 
odious  name,  to  the  annals  of  tlieir  country. 

The  states  of  Ferrara,  Modena,  and  Reggio  were 
fairly  won  and  recovered  by  the  labour  and  fortune 

of 


HOUSE  OF  BRUNSWICK.  439 

of  the  Marquisses  of  Este.  But  the  liberality  of 
the  popes  and  emperors  was  an  easy  and  profitable 
virtue :  they  granted  the  right  to  those  who  had 
the  actual  possession,  bestowed  the  title  where  the 
substance  was  lost,  and  confirmed  their  pretensions 
by  resigning  to  others  what  they  were  unable  to 
obtain  or  to  hold  for  their  own  use.  The  court  of 
Rome  was  informed  of  the  merit  and  reputation  of 
Azo  VI. ;  and  he  accepted  from  the  two  sovereigns 
of  Christendom,  from  pope  Innocent  III.  and  the 
emperor  Otho  IV.  a  double  investiture  of  the  mar- 
quisate  of  Ancona,  which  extended  over  twelve 
dioceses  and  counties  between  the  Adriatic  and  the 
Apennine.  But  this  splendid  gift  was  no  more 
than  the  right  without  the  power  of  subduing  a 
warlike  people,  in  strong  opposition  to  the  church 
and  the  empire.  This  enterprize,  which  might 
seem  above  the  strength  of  Azo,  was  vigorously 
prosecuted  by  his  eldest  son  the  Marquis  Aldobran- 
dino,  who  raised  the  supplies  of  the  war  by  pawn 
ing  his  younger  brother  to  the  usurers  of  Florence. 
The  war  was  suspended  by  his  untimely  death ; 
the  conquest  was  never  achieved ;  the  pledge  was 
never  redeemed,  and  in  the  third  generation  the 
vain  title  of  Marquis  of  Ancona  was  silently  dis 
missed.  The  fens  of  Ferrara- might  have  been 
included  within  the  limits  of  the  exarchate,  the 
successors  of  St.  Peter  might  allege  the  donations 
of  Constantine,  of  Pepin,  of  Charlemagne,  and  of 
the  -Countess  Matilda :  but  in  the  first  century 
after  their  election,  the  Marquisses  of  Este  ac 
knowledged  no  superior,  save  God  and  the  people. 

F  F  4  It 


440  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE 

It  was  in  a  moment  of  distress  and  exile,  that  they 
accepted  from  Clement  V.  the  title  of  Vicars  of 
the  Church:  that  they  submitted  to  hold  the 
feudatory  possession  of  Ferrara  by  an  annual 
payment  of  ten  thousand  gold  florins.  They 
regained  their  sovereignty  without  the  aid,  and 
against  the  efforts,  of  the  court  of  Rome :  the 
treaty  was  however  ratified,  and  if  the  tribute  suf 
fered  some  occasional  abatement,  they  could  never 
break  the  chain  of  feudal  dependence,  which  was 
at  length  fatal  to  the  house  of  Este.  After  the  re 
covery  of  Modena  and  Reggio,  they  obtained  on 
more  easy  terms  the  title  of  vicars  of  the  empire : 
and  the  natives  of  Italy,  like  those  of  India,  con 
tinued  to  reverence  the  seal  and  subscription  of 
their  impotent  king.  Before  the  end  of  the  four 
teenth  century,  the  German  emperors,  who  had 
been  accustomed  to  the  traffic  of  avarice  and  vanity, 
were  tempted  to  revive  in  Italy  the  long-forgotten 

A.  D.  1395.  title  of  duke:  and  at  the  price  of  an  hundred 
thousand  gold  florins  the  Visconti  of  Milan  were 
exalted  above  the  heads  of  their  equals.  Twenty- 
two  years  afterwards,  the  exclusive  dignity  of  the 
Dukes  of  Milan  was  somewhat  impaired  by  the 

A.  D.  1417.  similar  honours  of  the  Dukes  of  Savoy.  The  third 
candidate  was  Borso  Marquis  of  Este,  the  twelfth 
in  lineal  descent  from  the  old  Marquis  Albert-Azo 
the  Second  :  his  reign  was  wise  and  fortunate,  and 
the  proverb  which  he  left  behind  him,  "  This  is 
not  the  time  of  Duke  Borso,"  is  far  more  glorious 
than  all  the  trappings  of  mortal  pride.  In  the  year 
one  thousand  four  hundred  and  fifty-two,  by  the 

Empe- 


HOUSE  OF  BRUNSWICK.  441 

Emperor  Frederic  the  Third,  he  was  created  Duke 
of  Modena  and  Reggio.  Eighteen  years  after 
wards  the  ambitious  imitation  of  Pope  Paul  the 
Second  conferred  on  Borso  the  superior  title  of 
Duke  of  Ferrara;  and  the  crowns,  the  mantles, 
and  the  sceptres  used  in  these  pompous  investi 
tures,  were  second  only  to  the  majesty  of  kings. 
In  the  sixteenth  century,  a  Duke  was  imposed  on 
the  republic  of  Florence  by  the  arms  and  authority 
of  Charles  V. ;  and  the  genius  of  the  great  Cosmo 
soon  gave  him  a  rank  in  the  political  system  of 
Europe.  A  dispute  for  precedency  arose  between 
the  Dukes  of  Ferrara  and  Florence ;  and  if  the 
Este  could  boast  the  nobility  of  their  race,  and  the 
priority  of  their  creation,  the  Medici  might  plead 
the  wealth,  the  extent,  and  perhaps  the  indepen 
dence,  of  the  state  over  which  they  reigned.  The 
courts  of  Rome  and  Vienna  long  balanced  their 
respective  claims  without  risking  a  final  sentence  ; 
and  the  dispute  could  be  appeased  only  by  the  in 
vention  of  the  new  title  and  prerogatives  of  Grand 
Duke  of  Tuscany.  In  this  frivolous  contest  the  A.  0.1559. 
powers  of  France  and  Spain  were  interested,  and 
had  it  been  decided  by  arms,  such  a  war  would 
have  added  a  chapter  to  the  annals  of  human 
vanity. 

While  flie  honours  of  the  House  of  Este  were  mul 
tiplied  by  popes  and  emperors,  a  republic  insulted 
and  almost  oppressed  the  Dukes  of  Ferrara.  Had 
Venice  been  prudent,  Venice  would  have  been 
content  with  the  riches  of  commerce  and  the  com 
mand  of  the  sea.  But  this  maritime  empire  served 

only 


442  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE 

only  to  stimulate  the  ambition  of  an  Italian  con 
quest  :  discipline  and  wealth  obtained  an  easy  vic 
tory  over  weakness  and  discord ;  and  in  the  fif 
teenth  century  the  provinces  of  Terra  Firma  were 
added  to  the  dominion  of  St.  Mark.  Nicholas  the 
Third,  Marquis  of  Este,  and  Lord  of  Ferrara,  made 
a  feeble  effort  to  assist  the  Carrara  princes,  and  to 

A.  D.  1405.  save  the  important  barrier  of  Padua.  The  Vene 
tians  instantly  filled  the  Po  with  armed  vessels; 
his  territories  were  ravaged ;  his  capital  was  starved, 
till  he  left  his  allies  to  their  fate;  implored  the 
mercy  of  the  senate,  and  resigned  himself  to  such 
conditions  as  resentment  and  avarice  could  impose. 
After  a  servitude  of  fourscore  years,  his  son  Her 
cules  I.  was  accused  of  a  generous,  or  criminal  re 
volt  :  the  superior  forces  of  Venice  encompassed 
Ferrara  by  sea  and  land,  and  if  a  league  of  the  Ita 
lian  powers  protected  him  from  total  ruin,  the  duke 
was  bound  by  the  new  treaty  in  a  closer  and  more 

A.  D.  t482  weighty  chain.  1 .  A  superior  title,  and  more 
ample  sway,  might  compensate  for  the  loss  of  pro 
perty  and  command  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Pa 
dua.  But  ESTE  was  still  dear  and  sacred  to  the 
princes  of  that  name :  the  transient'  recovery  of 
the  castle,  the  town,  and  the  fief,  had  delighted 

A.  t>.  1389.  their  hereditary  pride,  and  it  was  not  without  re 
gret  that  they  beheld  that  ancient  possession,  the 
source  of  their  title,  for  ever  melted  into  the  Vene 
tian  state.  The  Polesine,  or  island  of  Rovigo, 
which  had  once  been  mortgaged  for  sixty  thousand 
ducats  to  the  Venetians,  was  irrevocably  ceded  by 
Hercules  I. ;  and  not  a  vestige  remained  of  the 

patri- 


HOUSE  OF  BRUNSWICK.  443 

patrimonial  estates  to  the  north  of  the  Po,  which  had 
been  acquired  five  hundred  years  before  by  the  mar 
riage  of  Albei  t-Azo  L'  2.  The  goods  and  persons  of 
the  Venetians  who  descended  the  Po,  were  exempt 
from  all  tolls  and  duties  whatsoever:  every  stranger 
was  shielded  under  that  respectable  name ;  and 
even  the  peasants  of  the  borders  began  to  claim 
the  immunities  of  St.  Mark.  The  same  grievance 
which  impaired  the  revenue,  attacked  the  sove 
reignty  of  the  Duke  of  Ferrara,  since  he  was  for 
bidden  to  raise  any  forts  or  barriers,  which  might 
obstruct  a  free  passage  through  his  territories  either 
by  land  or  water.  3.  With  the  avarice  of  a  trading 
power,  Venice  aspired  to  a  monopoly  of  salt  in 
the  Adriatic  gulf.  The  duke  was  rigorously  de 
prived  of  the  use  and  profits  of  his  salt-works  of 
Commachio ;  and  his  subjects  were  compelled  to 
purchase  in  a  foreign  market  one  of  the  necessaries 
of  life,  which  nature  had  so  profusely  scattered  on 
their  own  shores.  4.  A  citizen  of  Venice  resided 
at  Ferrara  with  the  title  of  Viccdominus  ;  he  was 
the  proper  judge  of  his  countrymen  ;  but  the  arro 
gance  of  his  behaviour  insulted  the  prince,  his  daily 
usurpations  interrupted  the  course  of  justice,  and 
his  last  act  was  the  imprisonment  of  a  native  and  a 
priest.  Peace  was  oppressive;  but  war  might  have 
been  fatal  to  the  House  of  Este.  The  three  last  so 
vereigns  of  Padua,  a  father  and  his  two  sons,  had 
been  strangled  in  the  prisons  of  Venice ;  the  remains 
of  the  Carrara  and  Scala  families  were  proscribed; 
and  the  deliberate  cruelty  of  the  senate  was  justi 
fied  by  the  examples  of  ancient  Rome. 

Twenty- 


444  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE 

Twenty-five  years  after  the  last  treaty  of  Her 
cules  I.  his  son  and  successor  Alphonso  I.  embraced 
the  fairest  hope  of  liberty  and  revenge.  In  the 
league  of  Cambray,  the  four  great  potentates  of 
Europe  united  their  arms  against  a  single  republic ; 
the  Pope,  Julius  II. ;  the  Emperor,  Maximilian  of 
Austria;  Lewis  XII.  King  of  France  and  Duke  of 
Milan ;  and  Ferdinand,  King  of  Arragon  and  Naples. 
Each  of  the  allies  had  suffered  some  injuries,  had 
lost  some  territories,  and  they  all  considered  the 
prosperity  of  Venice  with  the  same  sentiments  of 
indignation  and  envy  which  are  excited  in  the 
breast  of  a  noble  by  the  luxury  and  insolence  of  a 
wealthy  merchant.  While  Maximilian  delayed, 
while  Ferdinand  dissembled,  while  the  Pope  pro 
nounced  his  excommunications,  the  King  of  France, 
at  the  head  of  his  invincible  cavalry,  had  passed 
the  Alps,  and  on  the  banks  of  the  Adda,  the  mer 
cenary  bands  of  St.  Mark  were  trampled  under 
their  horses'  feet.  The  firmness  of  Rome  after  a 
great  defeat  was  not  imitated  by  the  senators  of 
Venice :  they  despaired  of  the  republic,  evacuated 
in  a  day  the  conquests  of  an  age,  and  abandoned  to 
the  confederates  the  division  of  the  spoil.  Under 
the  wing  of  these  confederates,  Alphonso,  Duke  of 
Ferrara,  had  acceded  to  the  league  of  Cambray, 
and  accepted  the  office,  or  rather  the  title,  of 
Standard-bearer  or  General  of  the  Church.  The 
first  act  of  hostility  was  to  vindicate  his  indepen 
dence  :  the  county  of  Rovigo  yielded  to  his  attack ; 
and  he  received  from  the  Emperor  the  investiture  of 
Este.  In  this  public  shipwreck  Venice  was  saved 

by 


HOUSE  OF  BRUNSWICK.  445 

by  the  zeal  of  her  nobles,  and  the  fidelity  of  her 
subjects:  the  nobles  sacrificed  their  lives,  or  at 
least  their  fortunes,  in  their  own  cause ;  the  sub 
jects,  without  speculating  on  the  theory  of  govern 
ment,  had  long  enjoyed,  and  now  regretted  the 
wisdom  and  justice  of  a  parental  aristocracy.  The 
metropolis  was  impregnable  and  rich;  the  trans 
marine  provinces  were  untouched ;  the  navy  was 
entire;  new  armies  were  purchased;  the  allies 
began  to  feel  suspicion,  and  to  affect  pity;  and 
the  deliverance  of  Padua  announced  the  rising- 
fortunes  of  the  republic.  While  the  Venetians 
strove  to  resist  or  disarm  their  more  formidable 
enemies,  the  rebel  Alphonso  (such  was  the  style  of 
the  senate)  was  marked  as  the  object  of  vengeance, 
to  which  his  station  exposed  him  on  every  side. 
Against  the  advice  of  their  wisest  counsellors,  their 
admiral  Angelo  Trevisano,  with  eighteen  gallies, 
and  a  train  of  brigantines,  entered  the  mouth  of 
the  Po,  spread  desolation  on  either  bank,  and  pre 
pared  with  forts  and  bridges  the  passage  of  the 
army  and  the  siege  of  Ferrara.  But  the  army  was 
called  away  by  a  seasonable  diversion;  and  the 
fleet  was  destroyed  by  the  valour  and  conduct  of 
the  Duke  himself,  and  his  brother  the  Cardinal 
Hippolito.  Under  the  shelter  of  the  dikes  they 
had  planted  their  long  batteries,  which  supported 
an  incessant  fire ;  and  the  affrighted  Venetian^ 
were  suddenly  oppressed  by  the  armed  vessels 
which  issued  from  the  city.  The  admiral  ignomi- 
niously  fled  with  the  great  standard  of  St.  Mark ; 
two  gallies  escaped,  three  were  burnt  or  sunk,  and 

the 


446  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE 

the  remaining  thirteen  followed  the  triumph  of  the 
conqueror,  who  immediately  assaulted  and  demo 
lished  all  the  works  of  the  siege.  His  victory  might 
be  ascribed  to  his  superior  artillery,  and  that  supe 
riority  was  the  effect  of  his  own  skill  and  industry. 
Three  hundred  cannons  were  cast  in  his  foundery, 
and  deposited  in  his  .arsenal;  he  liberally  enter- 
/  tained  the  best  engineers ;  and  the  well-adapted 
fortifications  of  stone,  of  earth,  and  of  water,  had 
rendered  Ferrara  one  of  the  strongest  places  in 
Italy.  The  French,  who  served  with  their  ally, 
*  celebrate  the  politeness,  the  knowledge,  the  mag 
nificence  of  .the  Duke :  and  Alphonso  expended 
above  three  hundred  thousand  ducats  to  reward 
the  service,  and  to  secure  the  friendship,  of  the 
Gallic  chiefs. 

But  their  friendship  soon  became  dangerous  to 
the  House  of  Este,  when  the  same  confederates 
who  had  joined  with  France  for  the  destruction  of 
Venice,  conspired  with  Venice  for  the  expulsion 
A.D.i5io.  of  the  French.  The  new  league  was  formed  and 
sanctified  by  Julius  II.,  who  secretly  aspired  to  de 
liver  Italy  from  the  barbarians ;  and  the  fidelity  of 
the  Duke  of  Ferrara  to  his  first  engagements  exas 
perated  the  fiercest  and  most  ambitious  of  the  suc 
cessors  of  St.  Peter.  Alphonso  was  degraded  from 
the  rank  of  a  vassal  and  a  Christian :  his  rich  for 
feiture  was  devoured  by  the  avarice  perhaps  of  a 
papal  nephew,  and  his  sentence  of  condemnation 
was  extended  to  both  worlds.  Against  him  the 
temporal  and  spiritual  arms  of  Rome  were  equally 
directed:  his  city  of  Modena  was  occupied:  in 

the 


HOUSE  OF  BRUNSWICK.  447 

the  depth  of  a  severe  winter  the  presence  of  Julius 
animated  the  troops,  and  the  aged  father  of  the 
Christians  pressed  the  siege  of  Mirandola  with  the 
vigour  of  a  youthful  soldier.  Ferrara  however  was 
saved  by  its  own  strength  and  the  Gallic  succours : 
the  army  of  Lewis  XII.  invaded  the  ecclesiastical 
state  under  the  command  of  his  nephew,  the  valiant 
Gaston  of  Foix  :  in  the  battle  of  Ravenna  the  fury  A,D.i5i& 
of  the  French  cavahy  was  encountered  by  the  firm 
ness  of  the  Spanish  infantry,  and  the  success  of 
the  day  might  be  attributed  in  some  degree  to  the 
Duke  of  Ferrara,  who  led  the  vanguard,  and 
directed  the  infantry.  But  after  the  loss  of  Gaston, 
the  strange  retreat  of  the  victorious  army,  and  the 
rapid  evacuation  of  Italy,  the  solitary  and  humble 
client  of  France  remained  without  defence  under 
the  hand  of  a  merciless  oppressor.  While  he 
waited  as  a  suppliant  in  the  Vatican,  his  city  of 
Reggio  was  surprised  and  stolen ;  he  was  insulted 
by  the  proposal  of  yielding  Ferrara  for  a  poor  and 
precarious  exchange ;  and  even  the  validity  of  his 
safe-conduct  was  questioned  by  a  perfidious  court. 
The  liberty,  and  perhaps  the  life  of  Alphonso  were 
rescued  by  the  grateful  friendship  of  the  Colonna : 
they  forced  the  Lateran  Gate,  lodged  him  in  the 
castle  of  Marino,  and  watched  over  his  escape  in 
the  various  disguises  of  a  huntsman,  a  servant,  and 
a  friar.  A  single  event  could  suspend  his  ruin;  A.D.i3j3, 
and  by  that  event  was  his  ruin  suspended.  Julius 
II.  expired ;  his  passions  were  buried  in  his  tomb ; 
.but  his  policy  with  a  milder  aspect  still  reigned  in 
the  councils  of  his  successors.  Leo  X.  was  top 

generous 


448  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE 

generous  to  be  just ;  and  the  ambition  of  his  family 
was  concealed  by  the  sacred  veil  of  the  honour  and 
interest  of  the  church.  After  the  victory  of 
A.D.1515.  Marignan,  Francis  I.  might  have  discharged  his 
obligations  by  an  act  of  equity  and  power :  but  in 
stead  of  commanding  he  negociated  with  the  court 
of  Rome.  The  restitution  of  Modena  and  Reggio 
to  his  long-suffering  ally,  was  often  promised,  and 
as  often  eluded :  the  failure  of  a  secret  conspiracy 
provoked  the  Roman  pontiff  to  thunder  a  new 
sentence  of  excommunication  and  forfeiture ;  and 
one  of  the  medals  of  Alphonso  attests  his  miraculous 
deliverance  from  the  lion's  paw.  Adrian  VI.  had 
a  conscience,  a  faculty  long  dormant  in  the  vicars 
of  Christ :  but  his  scruples  were  removed  by  the 
Italian  casuists:  and  he  found  it  more  easy  to 
absolve  the  sins  than  to  restore  the  states  of  the 
House  of  Este.  Clement  VII.  an  illegitimate 
son,  adopted  the  politics  of  the  Medici ;  and  had 
his  arts  been  successful,  Machiavel,  who  was  still 
alive,  might  have  been  proud  of  his  disciple. 
After  a  tedious  and  treacherous  delay,  the  sword  of 
Alphonso  vindicated  his  own  rights ;  and  his  pru 
dence  seized  the  fortunate  moments  of  the  conclave 
and  the  captivity  of  Clement  VII.  The  gates  of 
Modena  and  Reggio  were  joyfully  opened  to  their 
native  prince :  and  on  a  payment  to  the  Pope  of  an 
hundred  thousand  ducats,  his  possession  was  con 
firmed  by  the  sentence  of  the  Emperor  Charles  V. 
whose  interest  prompted  him  to  establish  the  peace 
of  Italy.  During  these  revolutions  the  £)uke  of 
Ferrara  concluded  a  truce,  and  finally  a  treaty, 

with 


HOUSE  OF  BRUNSWICK.  449 

With  'the  Venetians:  his  patrimonial  estates  of 
Este  and  Rovigo  were  for  ever  lost :  but  he  no 
longer  felt  or  feared  the  tyranny  of  a  republic 
which  had  been  trained  to  moderation  in  the  school 
of  adversity. 

Among  the  noble  marriages  of  the  Este,  two 
princes,  Azo  VIII.  and  Hercules  I.  had  been 
allied  to  the  crown  of  Naples  in  the  rival  houses 
of  Anjou  and  Arragon.  But  these  lofty  con 
nexions  had  not  been  productive  of  any  solid 
benefit,  and  the  Venetians  signified  their  dis 
pleasure  that  the  Duke  of  Ferrara  had  preferred 
the  daughter  of  a  king,  instead  of  choosing  a 
senator  for  his  father  and  patron.  In  the  next 
generation,  the  House  of  Este  was  sullied  by  a 
sanguinary  and  incestuous  race;  by  the  nuptials 
of  Alphonso  I.  with  Lucretia,  a  bastard  of  Alex 
ander  VI.  the  Tiberius  of  Christian  Rome.  This 
modern  Lucretia  might  have  assumed  with  more 
propriety  the  name  of  Messalina ;  since  the  woman 
who  can  be  guilty,  who  can  even  be  accused,  of  a 
criminal  commerce  with  a  father  and  two  brothers, 
must  be  abandoned  to  all  the  licentiousness  of 
venal  love.  Her  vices  were  highly  coloured  by  a 
contempt  for  decency :  at  a  banquet  in  the  apos 
tolical  palace,  by  the  side  of  the  Pope,  she  beheld 
without  a  blush  the  naked  dances  and  lascivious 
postures  of  fifty  prostitutes :  she  distributed  the 
prizes  to  the  champions  of  Venus,  according  to 
the  number  of  victories  which  they  achieved  in 
her  presence.  Hercules  I.  was  unwilling  to  accept 
such  a  consort  for  his  eldeat  son,  but  he  was 

VOL.  in.  o  o  apprehensive 


450  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE 

apprehensive  of  the  bulls  and  daggers  of  the 
Borgia  family :  he  was  tempted  by  the  sum  of  one 
hundred  and  twenty  thousand  ducats,  the  city  and 
district  of  Cento,  and  the  reduction  of  his  annual 
tribute  to  a  slight  quit-rent  of  an  hundred  florins. 
The  marriage  articles  were  signed ;  and  as  the  bed 
of  Lucretia  was  not  then  vacant,  her  third  husband, 
a  royal  bastard  of  Naples,  was  first  stabbed,  and 
afterwards  strangled  in  the  Vatican.  Perhaps  the 
youth  of  Lucretia  had  been  seduced  by  example.; 
perhaps  she  had  been  satiated  with  pleasure; 
perhaps  she  was  awed  by  the  authority  of  her  new 
parent  and  husband :  but  the  Duchess  of  Ferrara 
lived  seventeen  years  without  reproach,  and 
Alphonso  I.  believed  himself  to  be  the  father  of 
three  sons.  The  eldest,  his  successor,  Hercules 
II.  expiated  this  maternal  stain  by  a  nobler  choice; 
and  his  fidelity  was  rewarded  by  mingling  the 
blood  of  Este  with  that  of  France.  By  kis  second 
marriage  with  Anne  Duchess  of  Britanny,  Lewis 
XII.  left  only  two  daughters :  Claude,  the  eldest, 
became  the  wife  of  his  successor  Francis  I.  and 
Ren£e  her  younger  sister,  who  had  once  been  pro- 
,  mised  to  Charles  V.  was  bestowed  on  Hercules  II. 
hereditary  prince,  and  after  his  father's  decease, 
Duke  of  Ferrara.  Her  portion  of  two  hundred 
and  fifty  thousand  crowns  was  paid  in  a  territorial 
equivalent,  the  dukedoms  of  Chartres  and  Montar- 
gis :  but  Rene'e  was  perhaps  the  true  heiress  of 
Britanny,  since  the  agreement  which  secured  the 
perpetual  independence  of  the  duchy  might  be 
applied  with  as  much  reason  to  a  second  daughter 

as 


HOUSE  OF  feRUNSWICK.  451 

as  to  a  second  son.  The  French  princess,  whose 
mind  was  more  beautiful  than  her  person,  con 
tinued  above  thirty  years  to  adorn  the  court  of 
Ferrara :  her  liberal  understanding  was  improved 
by  the  learning  of  the  age;  nor  was  it  her  fault  if 
in  the  learning  of  the  age  she  discovered  and 
studied  the  vain  science  of  astrology.  During  a 
Ions:  exile  she  cherished  a  tender  remembrance  of 

o 

her  native  country :  every  Frenchman,  according 
to  his  degree,  who  visited  Ferrara,  either  praised 
her  munificence,  or  blessed  her  charity  :  and  the 
relics  of  a  Neapolitan  expedition,  ten  thousand 
naked  and  hungry  fugitives,  were  relieved  by  the 
profuse  alms  of  the  Duchess.  When  her  treasurer 
represented  the  enormous  expense,  "  they  are  my 
countrymen,"  Rene'e  generously  replied,  "  and  had 
God  given  me  a  beard,  they  would  be  now  my 
subjects."  But  these  virtues  were  the  splendid 
sins  of  a  heretic.  From  her  cradle  and  in  her 
marriage,  the  daughter  of  Lewis  XII.  the  daughter- 
in-law  of  Alphonso  I.  had  learned  to  hate  the 
tyranny  of  the  Pope  :  her  firm  and  curious  under 
standing  was  not  afraid  of  religious  inquiries ;  and 
she  listened  to  the  new  teachers,  who  professed  to 
revive  the  old  truths  of  the  gospel.  Clement, 
Marot,  and  John  Calvin  were  hospitably  enter-  A- D- 
tained  at  Ferrara;  in  the  conversion  of  the  Duchess, 
the  eloquence  of  the  preacher  was  seconded  by 
the  wit  of  the  poet ;  and  the  apostle  of  Geneva 
was  proud  to  spread  his  conquests  on  the  verge  of 
the  realm  of  Antichrist.  But  this  spark,  which 
might  have  kindled  a  flame  in  Italy,  was  quickly 
G  G  2  extinguished 


45£  '     ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE 

extinguished  by  the  diligence  of  the  inquisitors?, 
and  Hercules  II.  was  apprehensive  of  the  temporal, 
as  well  as  the  spiritual  punishment  of  the  guilt  of 
heresy.  Calvin  and  Marot  fled  beyond  the  moun 
tains  :  Renee  heard  with  sullen  constancy  the 
sermons  of  the  popish  doctors ;  but  after  suffering 
the  dismission  of  her  French  servants,  and  the 
hardships  of  a  prison,  she  submitted  with  a  sigh  -to 
wear  the  mask  of  dissimulation.  A  more  open 
profession  of  Calvinism  after  her  husband's  death, 
determined  and  hastened  her  departure  from 
Ferrara:  and  the  last  fifteen  years  of  Rene"e  of 
France  were  spent  in  her  native  country.  In  the 
bloody  scenes  of  persecution  and  war,. the  Duchess 
maintained  her  dignity  and  protected  her  brethren. 
Her  castle  of  Montargis,  near  Paris,  was  a  sure 
asylum  for  the  Huguenots ;  and  when  it  was 
threatened  with  a  siege,  she  boldly  replied,  "  the 
Catholics  may  assault  my  residence,  they  will  find 
me  standing  in  the  breach,  and  prepared  to  try 
whether  they  will  fire  on  the  daughter  of  a  king 
of  France."  She  was  the  daughter  of  a  king;  but 
the  wife  of  her  son  Alphonso  II.  was  the  daughter 
and  sister  of  two  emperors,  of  Ferdinand  I.  and 
Maximilian  II.  of  the  House  of  Austria.  > 

The  five  Dukes  of  Ferrara,  Borso,  Hercules  L 
Alphonso  I.  Hercules  II.  and  Alphonso  II.  seem 
to  have  been  magnified  in  the  eyes  of  Europe,  far 
beyond  the  measure  of  their  wealth  and  power. 
Their  merit  was  superior  to  their  fortune ;  they 
supported  with  firmness  the  calamities  of  war ; 
they  improved  and  enjoyed  the  prosperity  of  peace. 

Near 


HOUSE  OF  BRUNSWICK.  453 

Near  a  century  before  the  end  of  their  reign, 
Alexander  VI.  in  his  bull  of  investiture,  applauds 
the  useful  labours  of  Hercules  I.  which  had  in 
creased  the  numbers  and  happiness  of  his  people, 
which  had  adorned  the  city  of  Ferrara  with  strong 
fortifications  and  stately  edifices,  and  which  had 
reclaimed  a  large  extent  of  unprofitable  waste. 
The  vague  and  spreading  branches  of  the  Po  were 
confined  in  their  proper  channels  by  moles  and 
dikes;  the  intermediate  lands  were  converted  to 
pasture  and  tillage;  the  fertile  district  became  the 
granary  of  Venice;  and  the  corn  exports  of  a 
single  year  were  exchanged  for  the  value  of  two 
hundred  thousand  ducats.  The  triangular  island 
or  delta  of  Mesola,  at  the  mouth  of  the  Po,  had 
been  recovered  from  the  waters  by  Alphonso  II, 
who  surrounded  it  with  a  wall  nine  miles  in  cir 
cumference  :  a  palace,  with  its  dependencies  of 
stables  and  gardens,  arose  in  this  new  creation,  and 
it  was  reserved  by  the  founder  for  his  favourite 
amusements  of  hunting  and  fishing.  Ferrara 
became  one  of  the  most  flourishing  of  the  Italian 
cities :  the  walls  and  buildings  have  survived  the 
loss  of  the  inhabitants,  which  are  now  re'duced 
from  fourscore  thousand  to  a  tenth  part:  the 
works  of  superstition  were  enriched  by  each 
generation  :  the  arsenal,  in  a  long  peace,  was  suc 
ceeded  by  theatres  and  palaces,  and  if  the  hand  of 
the  princely  architect  be  most  conspicuous,  many 
vacant  houses  are  the  monuments  of  private 
opulence  and  taste.  Modena  and  Reggio,  more 
favourably  treated  by  nature,  were  not  abandoned 

c  G  3  by 


454  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE 

by  the  House  of  Este :  the  course  of  the  Po, 
opened  much  inland,  and  some  foreign  trade;  and 
a  colony  of  Flemish  exiles  attempted  to  revive  the 
declining  arts,  of  the  loom.  I  ain  not  instructed 
to  define  the  revenue  of  the  Dukes  of  Ferrara: 
but  it  is  the  praise  of  Alphonso  I.  that  he  left  a 
treasure,  without  increasing  his  taxes;  it  is  the 
reproach  of  Alphonso  II.  that,  with  an  increase  of 
taxes,  he  left  behind  him  a  considerable  debt, 
The  court  of  these  princes  was  at  all  times  polite 
and  splendid :  on  extraordinary  occasions,  a  birth, 
a  marriage,  a  journey,  a  festival,  the  passage  of  an 
illustrious  stranger,  they  strove  to  surpass  their 
equals,  and  to  equal  their  superiors ;  and  the  vanity 
of  the  people  was  gratified  at  their  own  expense. 
Seven  hundred  horses  were  ranged  in  Borso's 
stables ;  and  in  the  sport  of  hawking,  the  Duke 
was  attended  to  the  field  by  a  hundred  falconers. 
In  his  Roman  expedition,  to  receive  the  ducal 
investiture,^  his  train  of  five  hundred  gentlemen, 
his  chamberlains  and  pages,  one  hundred  menial 
servants,  and  one  hundred  and  fifty  mules,  were 
clothed,  according  to  their  degree,  in  brocade, 
velvet,  or  fine  cloth :  the  bells  of  the  mules  were 
of  silver,  and  the  dresses,  liveries,  and  trappings, 
were  covered  with  gold  and  silver  embroidery. 
The  martial  train  of  Alphonso  II.  in  his  campaign 
in  Hungary,  consisted  of  three  hundred  gentlemen, 
each  of  whom  was  followed  by  an  esquire  and  two 
arquebusiers  on  horseback;  and  the  arms  and 
apparel  of  this  gallant  troop  were  such  as  might 
provoke  the  envy  of  the  Germans,  and  the  avarice 

Of 


HOUSE  OF  BRUNSWICK,  455 

of  the  Turks,  Did  I  possess  a  book,  printed 
under  the  title  of  the  Chivalries  of  Ferrara,  I 
should  not  pretend  to  describe  the  nuptials  of  the 
same  Duke  with  the  Emperor's  sister :  the  balls, 
the  feasts,  and  tournaments  of  many  busy  days ; 
and  the  final  representation  of  the  Temple  of  Love, 
which  was  erected  in  the  palace  garden,  with  a 
stupendous  scenery  of  porticos  and  palaces,  of 
woods  and  mountains.  That  the  last  shew  should 
continue  six  hours,  without  appearing  tedious  to 
the  spectators,  is  perhaps  the  most  incredible  cir 
cumstance.  In  each  generation  of  the  House  of 
Este,  a  younger  brother,  with  the  rank  of  Cardinal, 
held  sgrne  of  the  richest  bishoprics  and  abbies  in 
Italy  and  France.  These  noble  and  wealthy 
ecclesiastics  were  the  patrons  of  every  art:  the 
Villa  Es tense  at  Tivoli,  near  Rome,  is  the  work  of 
Cardinal  Hippolitus,  brother  to  Hercules  II.  the 
palace,  gardens,  and  water-works,  exhibit,  in  their 
present  decay,  the  spirit  of  a  prince  and  the  taste 
of  the  age. 

A  philosopher,  according  to  his  temper,  may 
laugh  or  weep  at  this  ostentatious  and  oppressive 
splendour;  nor  will  he  be  disarmed  by  the  patronage 
and  perfection  of  the  finer  arts,  which  flourished  in 
Italy  in  the  sixteenth  century.  But  he  will  ap 
prove  the  modest  encouragement  of  learning  and 
genius,  an  expense  which  can  never  drain  the 
treasures  of  a  prince.  An  university  had  been 
founded  at  Padua  by  the  House  of  Este,  and  the 
scholastic  rust  was  polished  away  by  the  revival  of 
the  literature  of  Greece  and  Rome.  The  studies 

G  G  4  °f 


456  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE 

of  Ferrara  were  directed  by  skilful  and  eloquent 
professors,  either  natives  or  foreigners:  the  ducal 
library  was  filled  with  a  valuable  collection  of 
manuscript  and  printed  books;  and  as  soon  as, 
twelve  new  comedies  of  Plautus  had  been  found 
in  Germany,  the  Marquis  Lionel  of  Este  was  im 
patient  to  obtain  a  fair  and  faithful  copy  of  that 
ancient  poet.  Nor  were  these  elegant  pleasures 
confined  to  the  learned  world.  Under  the  reign 
of  Hercules,  I.,  a  wooden  theatre,  at  the  moderate 
cost  of  a  thousand -crowns,  was  constructed  in  the 
largest  court  of  the  palace :  the  scenery  represented 
some  houses,  a  sea-port,  and  a  ship,  and  the  Me- 
nechmi  of  Plautus,  which  had  been  translated  into. 
Italian  by  the  Duke  himself,  was  acted  before  a 
numerous  and  polite  audience.  In  the  same  Ian-, 
guage,  and  with  the  same  success,  the  Amphytrion 
of  Plautus,  and  the  Eunuch  of  Terence,  were  sue-, 
cessively  exhibited ;  and  these  classic  models, 
which  formed  the  taste  of  the  spectators,  excited, 
the  emulation  of  the  poets  of  the  age.  For  the 
use  of  the  court  and  theatre  of  Ferrara,  Ariosto 
composed,  his  comedies,  which  were  often  played 
with  applause,  which  are  still  read  with  pleasure: 
and  such  was  the  enthusiasm  of  the  new  arts,  that 
one  of  the  sons  of  Alphonso  I.  did  not  disdain  to 
speak  a  prologue  on  the  stage.  In  the  legitimate 
forms  of  dramatic  composition  the  Italians  have 
not  excelled :  but  it  was  in  the  court  of  Ferrara 
that  they  invented  and  refined  the  pastoral  comedy, 
a  romantic  arcadia,  which  violates  the  truth  of 
manners,  and  the  simplicity  of  nature,  but  which 

commands 


HOUSE  OF  BRUNSWICK.  457 

Commands  our  indulgence,  by  the  elaborate  luxury 
of  eloquence  and  wit.  The  Aminta  of  Tasso  was 
written  for  the  amusement,  and  acted  in  the  pre 
sence,  of  Alphonso  II.;  and  his  sister  Leonora 
might  apply  to  herself  the  language  of  a  passion, 
which  disordered  the  reason,  without  clouding  the 
genius,  of  her  poetical  lover.  Of  the  numerous 
imitations,  the  Pastor  Fido  of  Guarini,  which  alone 
can  vie  with  the  fame  and  merit  of  the  original,  is 
the  work  of  the  Duke's  secretary  of  state :  it  was 
exhibited  in  a  private  house  at  Ferrara :  but  the 
retreat  of  the  author  from  the  service  of  his  native 
prince,  has  bestowed  on  Turin  the  honour  of  the 
first  public  representation.  The  father  of  the 
Tuscan  muses,  the  sublime,  but  unequal  Dante, 
had  pronounced  that  Ferrara  was  never  honoured 
with  the  name  of  a  poet :  he  would  have  been 
astonished  to  behold  the  chorus  of  bards,  of  melo 
dious  swans,  (their  own  allusion,)  who  now  peo 
pled  the  banks  of  the  Po.  In  the  court  of  Duke 
Borso  and  his  successor,  Boiardo,  Count  of  Scandi- 
ano,  was  respected  as  a  noble,  a  soldier,  and  a 
scholar:  his  vigorous  fancy  first  celebrated  the 
loves  and  exploits  of  the  Paladin  Orlando  ;  and  his 
fame  has  at  once  been  preserved  and  eclipsed  by 
the  brighter  glories  of  the  continuation  of  his 
work.  Ferrara  may  boast,  that  on  her  classic 
ground,  Ariosto  and  Tasso  lived  and  sung  ;  that 
the  lines  of  the  Orlando  Furioso,  and  the  Gerusa- 
lemme  Liber  at  a,  were  inscribed  in  everlasting  cha 
racters  under  t}ie  eye  of  the  first  .and  second  Al 
phonso.  In  a  period  of  near  three  thousand  years* 

five 


458  ANTIQUITIES  OF  TH£ 

five  great  epic  poets  have  arisen  in  the  world :  and 
it  is  a  singular  prerogative,  that  two  of  the  five 
should  be  claimed  as  their  own,  by  a  short  age, 
and  a  petty  state, 

^.D.twr.  But  the  glory  of  Ferrara,  and  perhaps  the  legiti- 
'  mate  race  of  the  Este,  expired  with  Alphonso  II. 
As  he  left  neither  children  nor  brothers,  his  first 
cousin,  Don  Caesar,  the  son  of  a  younger  son  of 
Alphonso  I.,  was  the  next  in  the  lineal  order  of  de 
scent.  His  claim  to  the  succession  was  ratified  by 
the  will  of  the  late  Duke,  who  had  obtained  from 
the  Emperor,  though  not  from,  the  Pope,  the  privi 
lege  of  choosing  an  heir  in  his  own  family.  And 
the  senate  of  Ferrara,  which  still  preserved  a  sem 
blance  of  election,  presented  him,  with  apparent 
loyalty,  the  sword  of  justice,  and  the  sceptre  of 
dominion.  The  people  submitted  to  a  prince, 
who  seemed  to  unite  the  various  titles  of  birth, 
donation,  and  of  the  public  choice ;  the  accession 
of  Don  Caesar  was  announced  to  the  courts  of 
Italy  and  Europe ;  and  his  reign  might  have  been 
peaceful  and  prosperous,  had  not  the  ambition  of 
Clement  VIII.  revived  the  design  of  restoring 
Ferrara  to  the  ecclesiastical  state.  In  the  confi 
dence  of  right,  or  at  least  of  power,  the  Roman 
pontiff  sternly  rejected  the  ambassador  and  obedi 
ence  of  a  pretended  Duke,  who  had  not  expected 
the  approbation  of  the  Holy  See.  A  monitory,  or 
summons,  to  appear  in  fifteen  days,  was  affixed  on 
the  church  doors ;  <and  the  Apostolical  Chamber 
demanded  the  possession  of  the  fief,  till  the  vassal 
should  have  cleared  his  birth  and  title  in  the  court 

of 


OF  BRUNSWICK;,  459 

of  his  supreme  lord,  It  was  in  vain  that  the  Duke 
of  Ferrara  solicited  a  delay,  that  he  provoked  an 
inquiry,  that  he  negociated  a  compromise,  that  he 
submitted  his  cause  to  the  arbitration  of  a  neutral 
judge,  "  The  honour  and  interest  of  the  Church," 
said  the  inexorable  pontiff,  "  must  not  be  deserted. 
In  the  vindication  of  St.  Peter's  patrimony,  I  will 
sell  the  last  chalice  of  the  altar;  I  am  ready  to. 
march  iri  person  against  the  sacrilegious  rebel; 
and  I  would  die  in  the  ditch  of  Ferrara,  with  the 
holy  sacrament  in  my  hands."  This  generous  re 
solution  was  applauded  by  the  Cardinals,  and  they 
protested,  that  if  Clement  VIII.  should  be  taken 
from  the  world,  they  would  impose,  by  a  common 
oath,  the  same  obligation  on  the  future  pope. 
Some  forms  of  judicial  proceeding  were  hastily  dis 
patched;  and  before  two  months  had  elapsed  from 
the  death  of  Alphonso  II.,  a  tremendous  bull  of 
forfeiture,  excommunication,  and  interdict,  was 
thundered  against  the  pretended  Duke  and  his 
impious  adherents.  At  the  same  time,  the  military 
preparations  were  urged  with  incessant  vigour, 
and  an  army  of  sixteen  thousand  horse  and  foot, 
which  fame  had  soon  magnified  to  twenty-five 
thousand,  was  assembled  near  Faenza,  under  the 
command  of  Cardinal  Alclobrandini,  the  pope's 
nephew  and  legate.  The  state  of  Europe  was 
most  favourable  to  the  ambition  of  Rome,  and  the 
prospects  of  Don  Caesar  were  on  all  sides  black 
and  comfortless.  The  Emperor  Rodolph  II.  might 
be  a  well-wisher  to  the  House  of  Este,  but  his 
remote  and  insufficient  forces  were  occupied  by 

the 


460  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE 

the  Turks  in  Hungary.  If  the  rival  monarchs  of 
France  and  Spain  should  deign  to  interfere  in  this 
pigmy  war,  the  enmity  of  the  one  would  not  en 
sure  the  support  of  the  other.  Henry  IV.  had  N 
been  persuaded,  by  a  selfish  agent,  to  prove  the 
sincerity  of  his  conversion,  in  the  sacrifice  of  an 
old  and  faithful  ally;  Philip  II.,  the  demon  of  the 
south,  was  now  anxious  to  leave  his  son  and  his 
dominions  in  peace;  but  the  revolution  was  con 
summated  before  he  could  signify  his  intentions : 
and  the  Spanish  ministers  in  Italy  were  suspected 
of  a  secret  conspiracy  against  the  Imperial  fiefs  of 
Reggio  and  Modena,  The  Italian  princes  balanced 
between  fear  and  envy :  Venice  was  least  desirous 
of  the  neighbourhood,  and  least  apprehensive  of 
the  resentment,  of  the  pope :  but  her  words  were 
ambiguous,  and  her  actions  were  slow.  Don  Cassar 
had  been  left  without  troops  or  treasures  :  the  for 
tifications  of  Ferrara  were  neglected  in  a  long 
peace:  the  people  was  aggrieved  by  taxes;  the 
clergy  was  seduced  by  the  prejudice  of  conscience, 
or  the  hopes  of  preferment;  the  emissaries  of 
Rome  were  busy  and  persuasive;  and  the  ancient 
loyalty  to  the  House  of  Este  was  corrupted  by  the 
promise  of  a  golden  age. 

But  the  instant  cause  of  his  ruin  was  in  the  cha 
racter  of  the  Duke  himself.  Had  Don  Cassar 
been  endowed  with  the  spirit  and  constancy  of  his 
ancestors,  he  might  have  been  saved  by  the  reso 
lution  to  fall.  Had  he  listened  to  the  advice  of  a 
veteran,  a  bold  sally  on  the  half-formed  camp  of 
Faenza  might  have  dissipated  the  pope's  soldiers, 

who 


HOUSE  OF  BRUNSWICK.  461 

who  would  cease  to  be  formidable,  when  they 
ceased  to  be  feared.  The  siege  of  Ferrara  was  an 
arduous  enterprize :  courage  would  have  given  him 
time,  time  would  have  given  him  friends;  the 
Venetians  would  have  armed  for  his  interest  and 
their  own;  many  brave  adventurers  of  France  and 
Italy  would  have  drawn  their  swords  in  his  quar 
rel  ;  and  the  novelty  of  danger,  the  lassitude  of 
war,  the  weight  of  expense,  the  chances  of  morta 
lity,  would  have  inclined  his  enemies  to  a  safe  and 
honourable  peace.  Far  different  were- the  feelings 
of  the  successor  of  Alphonso  :  he  had  been  edu 
cated  remote  from  the  council  and  the  field,  in  the 
bosom  of  luxury  and  devotion  :  his  mild  and  timid 
disposition  was  astonished  by  the  thunder  of  spi 
ritual  and  temporal  arms  ;  nor  could  he  expect 
from  others  the  support  which  he  denied  to  him 
self.  When  he  entered  the  cathedral,  the  priests 
interrupted  their  rites,  and  fled  from  the  altars; 
his  venal  ministers  exaggerated  the  danger,  and 
concealed  the  resources;  he  was  alarmed  each 
hour  by  the  intelligence  of  secret  treason;  and  a 
Jesuit  persuaded  him  that  Modena  and  Reggio, 
that  his  life,  and  even  his  soul,  could  only  be 
saved  by  an  immediate  capitulation.  The  terms 
were  dictated  in  the  camp  by  the  imperious  legate : 
That  Don  Csesar  should  deliver  his  eldes't  son  as  an 
hostage,  resign  the  ducal  sceptre  in  the  presence 
..of  the  magistrate,  divide  his  artillery  with  the 
pope,  and  surrender  the  possession  of  the  duchy 
of  Ferrara,  with  all  its  dependencies ;  and  that  in 
return  for  his  submission,  he  should  be  absolved 

from 


ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE 

from  all  ecclesiastical  censures,  and  permitted  to 
enjoy  the  Diamond  Palace,  with  the  personal 
effects  and  allodial  estates  of  the  House  of  Este* 
After  the  conclusion  of  the  treaty,  the  conqueror 
was  eager  to  reign,  and  the  exile  was  anxious  to 
depart  On  the  twenty-eighth  of  January,  one 
thousand  five  hundred  and  ninety-eight^  Don 
Ca3sar  evacuated  a  city,  in  which  his  ancestors 
had  reigned  near  four  hundred  years*  A  splendid, 
but  mournful  procession,  of  his  family  and  house 
hold,  passed  slowly  through  the  streets :  the  Duke 
of  Modena  (his  remaining  title)  was  seated  in  an 
open  coach;  his  eyes  were  cast  down  on  a  letter 
which  he  seemed  to  read,  as  if  desirous  of  escaping 
the  view  of  those  ohjects  which  he  must  see  no 
more.  The  minds  of  the  people  were  already 
changed:  their  curiosity  was  melted  into  pity: 
they  had  neglected  the  defence,  they  deplored  the 
loss,  of  their  native  price;  and  the  first  evening  of 
his  departure,  five  thousand  persons  were  deprived 
of  their  daily  bread,  which  they  received  from  the 
charity  or  munificence  of  the  ducal  court.  These 
melancholy  reflections  were  suspended  by  the 
triumph  of  the  legate,  and  the  speedy  visit  of 
Clement  VIII.,  who  was  impatient  to  behold  his 
new  conquest.  But  as  soon  as  the  festival  of  the 
revolution  had  subsided,  Ferrara  was  left  to  the 
solitude  and  poverty  of  a  provincial  town,  under 
the  government  of  priests :  a  citadel  was  erected, 
to  fix  the  inconstancy  of  the  inhabitants;  and 
within  seventeen  years  after  the  death  of  Alphonso 
II.,  a  fourth  of  his  capital  was  already  in  ruins. 

Nor 


HOUSE  OF  BRUNSWICK.  463 

Nor  were  the  losses  of  Don  Cassar  confined  to  the 
sacrifice  of  Ferrara :  the  territory,  salt-works,  and 
fishery  of  Commachio,  an  Imperial  fief,  were  seiz 
ed  by  the  hand  of  power :  his  allodial  property  was 
diminished  and  disputed  by  the  chicanery  of  law. 
Even  the  duchy  of  Chartres,  and  the  mortgages 
of  the  House  of  Este  in  France,  were  withheld 
from  the  heir  and  creditor,  under  pretence  that  he 
was  a  foreigner.  It  was  a  just  observation  of  the 
Grand  Duke  of  Tuscany,  that  his  brother-in  law 
Don  Caesar  might  have  resisted  his  enemies,  if  the 
million  and  a  half  of  gold,  which  his  predecessors 
trusted  to  the  Most  Christian  King,  had  been 
safely  deposited  in  the  treasury  of  Ferrara. 

In  this  singular  transaction,  ambition  and  avarice 
were  the  motives  of  Rome.  Her  forms  of  judicial 
proceeding  were  precipitate,  and  violent :  without 
evidence  or  trial,  she  judged  in  her  own  cause,  she 
pronounced  in  her  own  favour,  and  she  forcibly 
seized,  for  her  own  use,  the  valuable  object  in  dis 
pute.  But  as  it  is  possible,  and  barely  possible, 
that  truth  and  justice  may  be  supported  by  the 
means  most  adverse  to  their  nature,  I  shall  freely 
examine  the  descent  of  Don  Caesar,  and  his  right 
of  succession,  without  any  interest  to  corrupt,  or 
any  prejudice  to  mislead,  the  equity  of  my  decree. 
After  the  decease  of  Lucretia  Borgia,  his  second 
wife,  Alphonso  L,  who  was  still  in  the  manly 
vigour  of  life,  embraced  a  decent  mode  of  satisfy 
ing  his  passions,  without  injuring  his  &mily.  In 
stead  of  seeking  a  third  alliance  in  the  courts  of 
Europe,  he  purchased  a  maiden  of  Ferrara,  of 

obscure 


464  ANTIQUITIES  Otf  THE 

obscure  parentage  and  exquisite  beauty.  Laura 
was  entertained  several  years  in  the  state  of  a  con^ 
cubine :  but  this  illegal  union  might  in  some  degree 
be  excused  by  the  dignity  of  her  lover,  and  her 
own  imitation  of  conjugal  virtue.  She  became  the 
mother  of  two  sons,  Don  Alphonso  and  Don 
Alphonsino,  a  title  and  a  name  which  had  been 
lately  introduced  into  Italy  by  the  prevailing 
influence  of  the  Spaniards.  Their  birth  is  acknow 
ledged  to  have  been  illegitimate.  In  the  testament 
of  their  father,-  which  is  dated  fourteen  months 
before  his  death,  they  simply  are  styled  the  children 
of  a  free  man  by  a  free  woman ;  nor  did  he  add, 
in  his  last  illness  of  several  weeks,  any  clause  or 
codicil  to  declare  a  change  of  their  condition.  That, 
according  to  the  laws  of  the  church  and  state,  these 
bastards  were  legitimated  by  a  subsequent  mar 
riage,  is  supposed  by  their  advocates;  but  the  sup 
position  cannot  be  justified  by  the  regular  proof  of 
a  contract,  a  certificate,  or  a  witness.  In  default 
of  such  evidence,  Muratori  produces  a  large  body 
of  presumptions  and  circumstances  :  with  an  artful 
suggestion,  that  much  more  would  have  been  found 
by  a  more  early  scrutiny :  but  it  was  the  interest 
as  well  as  the  duty  of  Laura  to  establish  her.  own 
marriage,  and  the  legitimacy  of  her  sons ;  and  if 
her  neglect  be  not  ascribed  to  conscious  guilt,  it 
must  not,  however,  militate,  as  an  argument  in  her 
behalf.  Her  faithful  champion,  the  librarian  of 
Modena,  has  collected  many  testimonies  of  poets, 
orators,  historians,  and  genealogists,  some  of  whom 
could  not  mistake  the  truth,  and  others  could  not 

have 


HOUSE  OF  BRUNSWICK.  465 

have  any  temptation  for  falsehood  :  and  from  their 
consent  he  infers  the  belief  and  tradition  of  the 
times,  that  the  concubine  of  Alphonso  I.  was 
finally  promoted  to  the  rank  of  his  wife.  The 
same  favourable  conclusion  may  be  drawn  from  the 
honours  which  she  was  permitted  to  enjoy  near 
forty  years,  under  the  reigns  of  his  successors ;  the 
appellation,  dress,  and  attendance  of  his  relict  or 
widow;  the  guardianship  of  her  children;  the 
princely  style  of  Most  Excellent  and  Illustrious; 
and,  above  all,  the  family  name  of  Este,  which  she 
subscribed  on  all  public  and  private  occasions. 
The  title  of  Duchess  of  Ferrara  was  alone  wanting ; 
and  when  pride  and  envy  were  no  more,  that  title 
was  bestowed  in  the  solemn  pomp  of  her  funeral, 
which  was  attended  by  the  Duke  Alphonso  II.  his 
brother  the  Cardinal,  the  court,  the  clergy,  and  the 
arts  or  corporations  of  the  city.  The  rive  sons  of 
Alphonso  L,  with  thQ  sole  distinction  of  primoge 
niture,  were  educated  as  equals  and  companions. 
Don  Alphonso,  the  first  born  of  Laura,  was  treated 
as  a  prince,  both  at  home  and  abroad :  he  was  in 
vested  with  the  Marquisate  of  Montecchio,  and 
the  French  order  of  St.  Michael;  and  his  wife,  the 
mother  of  Don  Caesar,  was  the  daughter  of  the 
reigning  Duke  of  Urbino.  The  same  honours  were 
transmitted  to  Don  Caesar  himself :  he  obtained  an 
alliance  still  more  splendid,  the  sister  of  the  Grand 
Duke  of  Tuscany  :  and,  both  in  his  life-time  and 
at  his  death,  Alphonso  II.  acknowledged  him  as  his 
cousin  and  successor.  Could  we  divest  our  minds 
of  a  secret  suspicion,  arising  from  the  indulgence 
VOL.  in.  H  H  which, 


466  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE 

which,  in  so  many  courts  and  countries,  has  been 
lavished  on  the  bastards  of  princes,  such  presump 
tions  might  amount  to  the  moral,  if  not  the  legal 
proof  of  a  legitimate  descent.  But  the  interest, 
though  not  the  honour,  of  the  Dukes  of  Modena, 
reposes  on  a  firmer  basis,  which  would  not  be  shaken 
by  the  quality  of  their  female  ancestor.  The  Popes 
are  pleased  to  forget  that  they  first  granted  the 
Duchy  of  Ferrara  to  Borso,  a  natural  son  of  the 
Marquis  Nicholas  III.,  and  that  the  bull  of  Alex 
ander  VI.  extends  the  right  of  succession  to  all  the 
descendants  whatsoever  of  Hercules  I.  They  were 
compelled  to  renounce  the  possession  of  Ferrara, 
but  they  have  never  ceased  to  assert  the  justice  of 
their  claim.  The  arguments  which  the  court  of 
Rome  has  disdained,  may  one  day  be  heard  in  the 
louder  tone  of  the  Austrian  cannon,  and  a  severe 
account  may  be  required  of  the  arrears  and  damages 
of  two  hundred  years. 

The  abdication  of  Don  Cassar  is  related  by  Mura- 
tori,  a  loyal  servant,  under  the  name  of  the  Tragedy 
of  Ferrara:  and  in  the  melancholy  tale  I  have 
myself  been  affected  by  the  sympathy  which  we  so 
generously  indulge,  to  the  real  or  imaginary  dis 
tresses  of  the  great.  Yet,  on  a  cooler  survey,  I  am 
inclined  to  doubt  whether  the  last  Duke  of  Fer 
rara  was  the  most  unfortunate  of  men.  His  life 
and  liberty  were  safe :  he  was  neither  beheaded  on 
the  public  scaffold,  nor  dragged  at  the  chariot 
wheels  of  the  conqueror,  nor  cast  into  a  deep  and 
perpetual  dungeon.  By  the  soldiers  and  statesmen 
of  the  age  he  was  indeed  despised,  for  the  feeble 

defence 


HOUSE  OF  BRUNSWICK.  467 

defence  and  hasty  desertion  of  his  ancient  seat. 
But  as  contempt  is  seldom  deserved  where  it  is  felt, 
it  is  seldom  felt  where  it  is  deserved :  Don  Caesar 
was  unconscious  of  the  public  reproach,  and  the 
orators  of  his  reign  reserved  their  panegyric  for  the 
milder  virtues  of  discretion  and  patience.  He  had 
lost  the  most  precious  jewel  of  his  family  :  but  an 
easy  journey  of  two  days  conveyed  his  court  from 
the  palace  of-  Ferrara  to  that  of  Modena,  where  he 
lived,  in  prosperity  and  peace,  above  thirty  years : 
by  the  Tuscan  Princess  he  became  the  father  of  six 
sons  and  three  daughters ;  and  the  reigning  Duke 
is  the  fourth  in  descent,  and  the  sixth  in  succes 
sion,  from  the  eldest  of  his  sons.  In  this  last 
period  of  decline,  the  House  of  Este  has  still  pre 
served  the  external  advantages  of  rank,  riches,  and 
power :  and  these  advantages  were  illustrated  by 
the  antiquity  of  their  name  and  title.  At  the 
beginning  of  the  seventeenth  century,  an  Emperor 
and  six  Kings  were  respected  as  the  chiefs  of  the 
Christian  republic :  but  the  Dukes  of  Modena 
maintained  an  honourable  place  in  the  second  class 
of  the  Princes  of  Europe.  Their  pride  was  seldom 
mortified  by  the  presence  of  a  superior :  as  long  as 
the  isles  of  Sicily  and  Sardinia  were  attached  to 
the  Spanish  monarchy,  Italy  was  not  dignified  with 
a  regal  title ;  a  profane  layman  was  not  degraded 
by  kneeling  to  the  Pope,  or  yielding  the  prece 
dency  to  his  Cardinals,:  nor  was  the  native  pre 
eminence  of  hereditary  rank  disputed  by  the  minis 
terial  honours  of  a  doge  or  a  viceroy.  After  the 
loss  of  Ferrara,  the  successors  of  Alphonso  II.  con- 

H  H  £  tinned 


468  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE 

tinued  to  reign  over  the  united  duchies  of  Modena 
and  Reggio;  and  their  territory,  about  thirty 
leagues  in  length,  about  ten  in  breadth,  was  after 
wards  enlarged  by  the  lordship  of  Corregio,  and 
the  duchy  of  Mirandola.  Their  revenue  is  vaguely 
computed  at  one  hundred  thousand  pounds  ster 
ling,  a  sum  inadequate  to  the  extraordinary  de 
mands  of  war,  but  which  might  support,  with  de^ 
cent  economy,  the  expenses  of  a  court  and  go 
vernment.  Perhaps  the  latter  were  sometimes  sa 
crificed  to  the  former.  When  Addison  traversed 
the  principalities  of  Modena  and  Parma,  he  was 
scandalized  by  the  magnificence  of  those  petty 
courts :  he  was  amazed  to  see  such  a  profusion  of 
wealth  laid  out  in  coaches,  trappings,  tables,  cabi 
nets,  and  the  like  precious  toys,  in  which  there  are 
few  princes  in  Europe  who  equal  them,  while,  at 
the  same  time,  they  have  not  had  the  generosity  to 
make  bridges  over  the  rivers  of  their  countries,  for 
the  convenience  of  their  subjects  as  well  as  stran 
gers.  -Yet  the  annals  of  Modena  describe  many 
public  works  of  use  as  well  as  ornament:  the 
plenty  of  gold  and  silver  is  expressed  in  a  single 
coinage  of  Francis  I.,  of  near  half  a  million  ster 
ling  :  but  I  am  ignorant  whether  the  'two  hundred 
and  thirty  thousand  ducats,  and  the  two  hundred 
thousand  Spanish  doubloons,  which  were  paid  to 
the  Emperor  for  the  investitures  of  Corregio  and 
Mirandola,  should  be  placed  to  the  account  of 
treasure  or  of  debt.  In  the  narrow  sphere  of  their 
dominions,  the  Este  princes  were  absolute;  nor  do 
I  find  any  example  of  resistance  to  their  reason  or 

passion. 


HOUSE  OF  BRUNSWICK.  46*9 

passion.  The  vanity  of  the  human  heart  is  flat 
tered  by  the  degree,  rather  than  by  the  extent,  of 
authority :  and  if  the  sovereign  was  conscious  of 
his  duties,  the  man  might  tremble  at  accepting  the 
trust  of  one  hundred  and  fifty  thousand  of  his 
equals.  His  equals  by  nature,  they  were  many  of 
them  his  superiors  in  merit :  the  natives  of  Mode- 
na  were  distinguished  in  the  arts  and  sciences;  and 
like  the  pastoral  comedy,  the  mock-heroic  poetry 
of  the  Italians  was  invented  by  Tassoni,  a  subject 
of  the  House  of  Este.  The  state  of  such  a  prince 
would  perhaps  be  the  most  desirable  in  human  life, 
if  it  were  accompanied  with  that  domestic  security 
which  a  wealthy  nobleman  enjoys  under  the  pro 
tection  of  a  great  empire.  The  long  peace  of 
Italy,  in  the  seventeenth  century,  was  interrupted 
only  by  some  short  and  bloodless  hostilities :  but 
in  the  three  great  wars  between  the  Austrian  and 
Bourbon  powers,  the  Duke  of  Modena  has  been 
thrice  reduced  to  the  alternative  of  slavery  or 
exile.  His  neutrality  was  violated,  his  dominions 
were  occupied  by  foreign  troops,  his  subjects  were 
oppressed  by  military  contributions,  and  the  mis 
chievous  expense  of  fortifications  only  served  to 
expose  his  cities  to  the  calamities  of  a  siege. 

I  have  long  delayed,  and  I  should  willingly  sup 
press,  three  disgraceful  anecdotes,  three  criminal 
actions,  which  sully  the  honour  of  the  name  of 
Este  :  of  these,  the  first  and  the  third  are  piously 
dissembled  by  the  Librarian  of  Modena.  1.  In 
his  descent  to  the  infernal  regions,  in  the  ninth 
circle  of  hell,  the  poet  Dante  beheld  the  condem- 
H  H  3  nation 


470  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE 

nation  of  sanguinary  and  rapacious  men :  they 
were  deeply  immersed  in  a  river  of  blood,  and  their 
escape  was  prevented  by  the  arrows  of  the  cen 
taurs.  Among  the  tyrants,  he  distinguished  the 
ancient  forms  of  Alexander  and  Dionysius :  of 
his  own  countrymen,  he  recognized  the  black  Ec- 
celin,  and  the  fair  Obizo  of  Este,  the  latter  of 
whom  was  dispatched  by  an  unnatural  son  to  this 
place  of  torment.  This  Obizo  can  be  no  other 
than  the  second  Marquis  of  that  name,  who  died 
only  seven  years  before  the  real  or  imaginary  date 
of  the  Divine  Comedy  (A.  D.  1300):  his  life  does 
not  afford  the  character  of  a  tyrant,  but  he  was 
one  of  the  pillars  of  the  Guelph  faction ;  and 
were  he  not  associated  with  a  Ghibelline  chief,  we 
might  impute  his  sentence  to  the  prejudices,  rather 
than  the  justice,  of  the  Tuscan  bard.  But  the  par 
ricide  of  his  son,  a  crime  of  a  much  deeper  dye,  is 
attested  by  the  commentary  of  Benvenuto  of 
Imola,  who  observes  from  an  old  chronicle,  that 
Azo  VIII.  was  apprehensive  of  the  same  treatment 
which  he  had  inflicted  on  his  father.  It  must  be 
added,  that  this  commentary  on  Dante,  which  was 
composed  only  fourscore  years  after  the  event,  is 
dedicated  to  Nicholas  II.,  Marquis  of  Este,  and 
great-grandson  of  Obizo  II.,  who  tacitly  subscribes 
to  the  guilt  of  his  ancestors.  2.  Under  the  reign 
A. D.  1425.  of  Nicholas  III.,  Ferrara  was  polluted  with  a  do 
mestic  tragedy.  By  the  testimony  of  a  maid,  and 
his  own  observation,  the  Marquis  of  Este  discovered 
the  incestuous  loves  of  his  wife  Parisina,  and  Hugo 
his  bastard  son,  a  beautiful  and  valiant  youth. 

They 


HOUSE  OF  BRUNSWICK.  471 

They  were  beheaded  in  the  castle,  by  the  sentence 
of  a  father  and  husband,  who  published  his  shame, 
and  survived  their  execution.  He  was  unfortu 
nate,  if  they  were  guilty :  if  they  were  innocent, 
he  was  still  more  unfortunate  :  nor  is  there  any  pos 
sible  situation  in  which  I  can  sincerely  approve  the 
last  act  of  the  justice  of  a  parent.  3.  Guicciar- 
dini,  the  gravest  of  the  Italian  historians,  records 
a  bloody  scene  which,  in  his  own  time,  had  sullied  A- D- 1505> 
the  court  of  Ferrara;  the  deed  might  revive  the 
memory  of  the  Theban  brothers ;  "  and  the  mo 
tive  was  still  more  frivolous,  if  love,"  says  he,  "  be 
a  more  frivolous  motive  than  ambition."  The  Car 
dinal  Hippolito  was  enamoured  of  a  fair  maiden  of 
his  own  family  :  but  her  heart  was  engaged  by  his 
natural  brother;  and  she  imprudently  confessed  to 
a  rival,  that  the  beauteous  eyes  of  Don  Julio  were 
his  most  powerful  attraction.  The  deliberate  cru 
elty  of  the  Cardinal  measured  the  provocation  and 
the  revenge :  under  a  pretence  of  hunting,  he  drew 
the  unhappy  youth  to  a  distance  from  the  city,  and 
there  compelling  him  to  dismount,  his  eyes,  those 
hated  eyes,  were  extinguished  by  the  command, 
and  in  the  presence  of  an  amorous  priest,  who 
viewed  with  delight  the  agonies  of  a  brother.  It 
may  however  be  suspected  that  the  work  was 
slightly  performed  by  the  less  savage  executioners, 
since  the  skill  of  his  physicians  restored  Don  Julio 
to  an  imperfect  sight.  A  denial  of  justice  pro 
voked  him  to  the  most  desperate  counsels:  and  the 
revenge  of  Don  Julio  conspired  with  the  ambition 
of  Don  Ferdinand  against  the  life  of  their  sove- 
H  H  4  reign 


472  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE 

reign  and  eldest  brother  Alphonso  I.  Their  de 
signs  were  prevented,  their  persons  seized,  their 
accomplices  were  executed ;  but  their  sentence  of 
death  was  moderated  to  a  perpetual  prison,  and  in 
their  fault  the  Duke  of  Ferrara  acknowledged  his 
own.  These  dark  shades  in  the  annals  of  the 
House  of  Este  must  not  be  excused  by  the  exam 
ple  of  the  Italian  tyrants ;  whose  courts  and  fami 
lies  were  perpetually  defiled  with  lust  and  blood, 
with  incest  and  parricide ;  who  mingled  the  cruelty 
of  savages  with  the  refinements  of  a  learned  and 
polite  age.  But  it  may  be  fairly  observed,  that 
single  acts  of  virtue  and  of  vice  can  seldom  be 
weighed  against  each  other:  that  it  is  far  more 
easy  to  fall  below,  than  to  rise  above,  the  common 
level  of  morality :  that  three  or  four  guilty  days 
have  been  found  in  a  period  of  two  hundred  years : 
and  that,  in  the  general  tenor  of  their  lives,  the 
Marquisses  of  Este  were  just,  temperate,  and  hu 
mane  ;  the  friends  of  each  other,  and  the  fathers 
of  their  people. 

In  a  more  superstitious  age,  I  should  boldly  op 
pose  to  the  sins  of  twenty  generations  the  monastic 
virtues  of  Alphonso  III.,  the  son  and  successor  of 
Don  Caesar.  Yet  even  these  virtues  were  pro 
duced  by  the  blind  impulse  of  repentance  and  fear. 
The  nature  of  Alphonso  was  impetuous  and 
haughty,  and  a  deep,  indignant  regret  for  the 
loss  of  Ferrara  was  the  first  sentiment  of  his  child 
hood.  As  soon  as  he  had  released  himself  From  the 
authority  of  a  governor  whom  he  hated,  and  a  fa 
ther  whom  he  despised,  the  hereditary  prince  be 
came 


HOUSE  OF  BfcUNSWlCK. 

Came  the  slave  of  his  passions  and  the  terror  of 
Modena :  his  appetite  for  blood  was  indulged  in 
the  chace,  and  the  city ;  and  he  soon  considered 
the  life  of  a  man  and  of  a  stag  as  of  equal  value. 
One  of  the  most  considerable  private  families  in 
Italy  (such  is  the  dark  language  of  Muratori)  was 
provoked  by  some  secret  motive  to  form  a  design 
of  assassinating  Alphonso.  Their  dagger  was 
turned  aside  from  his  breast ;  their  chief  was  sacri 
ficed  to  his  justice ;  he  threatened  to  extirpate  the 
"whole  race  ;  nor  could  the  intercession  of  princes, 
or  of  the  Pope  himself,  avert  the  rage  of  persecu 
tion  and  revenge.  The  only  voice  that  could  sooth 
the  passions  of  the  savage  was  that  of  an  amiable 
.  and  virtuous  wife,  the  sole  object  of  his  love;  the 
voice  of  Donna  Isabella,  the  daughter  of  the  Duke 
of  Savoy,  and  the  grand-daughter  of  Philip  II. 
King  of  Spain.  Her  dying  words  sunk  deep  into 
his  memory  :  his  fierce  spirit  melted  into  tears,  and 
after  the  last  embrace,  Alphonso  retired  into  his  A.D.1626. 
chamber,  to  bewail  his  irreparable  loss,  and  to  me-  Ausust  22- 
ditate  on  the  vanity  of  human  life.  But  instead  of 
resolving  to  expiate  his  sins,  and  to  seek  his  sal 
vation  in  the  public  felicity,  he  was  persuaded 
that  the  habit  and  profession  of  a  Capuchin  were 
the  only  armour  that  could  shield  him  from  hell- 
fire.  The  two  years  from  the  death  of  his  wife  to 
the  decease  of  his  father,  were  dedicated  to  prayer 
and  penance,  and  no  sooner  had  Alphonso  attained 
the  rank  of  a  sovereign,  than  he  aspired  to  descend 
below  the  condition  of  a  man.  With  the  approba 
tion  and  blessing  of  the  Pope,  who  might  possibly 

smile 


474  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THIS 

smile  at  this  voluntary  sacrifice,  the  Duke  of  Mo 
dena,  after  a  reign  of  six  months,  resigned  the 
sceptre  to  Francis  his  eldest  son,  a  youth  of  nine 
teen  years  of  age,  and  secretly  departed  to  a  Fran 
ciscan  convent  among  the  mountains  of  Trent. 
By  a  special  privilege,  his  noviciate  and  profession 
were  consummated  in  the  same  day :  the  austere 
and  humble  friar  atoned  for  the  pride  and  luxury 
of  the  prince,  and  it  was  the  wish  of  brother  John 
Baptist  of  Modena  to  forget  the  world  and  to  be 
for  ever  forgotten.  But  obedience  was  now  his 

o 

first  duty,  and  the  noble  captive,  for  the  honour 
of  the  order  and  of  religion,  was  exhibited  to  the 
Emperor,  the  Archdukes,  and  the  people  of  the 
Austrian  provinces,  by  whom  he  was  contemplated 
with  curiosity  and  devotion.  Three  years  he  wan 
dered  between  Venice  and  Vienna  as  .an  itinerant 
preacher :  he  had  the  pleasure  in  one  of  his  joumies 
to  be  half  drowned  in  a  river,  and  half  starved  on 
a  rock,  and  he  vainly  hoped  to  convert  the  heretics 
of  the  North,  or  to  receive  from  their  hands  the 
A*t>.i633*  crown  of  martyrdom.  During  the  last  twelve 
years  he  was  stationed  in  the  convent  of  Modena, 
the  humble  slave  of  the  subjects  of  his  son :  the 
city  and  country  were  edified  by  his  missions  and 
sermons ;  and  as  often  as  he  appeared  in  the  pul 
pit,  the  contrast  of  his  dignity  and  dress  most 
eloquently  preached  the  contempt  of  this  world. 
The  conversion  of  the  Jews,  the  reformation  of 
manners,  the  maintenance  of  the  poor,  afforded  a 
daily  exercise  to  the  zeal  of  the  abdicated  Duke  : 
but  that  zeal  was  always  chargeable,  often  trouble 
some, 


HOUSE  OF  BRUNSWICK.  475 

some,  and  sometimes  ridiculous :  his  death  was  a 
relief  to  the  court  and  people ;  nor  have  the  Princes 
of  Este  been  ambitious  of  adorning  their  family 
with  the  name  and  honours  of  a  saint.  The  Ca 
puchin  might  behold,  perhaps  with  pity,  and  per 
haps  with  envy,  the  temporal  prosperity  of  his 
son.  In  peace  and  war,  in  Italy  and  Spain,  in  the 
Austrian  and  French  alliance,  the  Duke  of  Mo- 
dena  supported  the  dignity  of  his  character :  and 
Francis  I.  in  a  larger  field,  would  have  ranked  A.  D.  1520 
among  the  generals  and  statesmen  of  an  active 
age. 

The  name  of  Rinaldo,  a  name  immortalized  by 
Tasso  in  epic  song,  had  been  applied  to  the 
youngest  son  of  Duke  Francis  I. :  he  might  faintly 
remember  the  last  days  of  his  father,  and  the  short 
government  of  his  brother  Alphonso  IV. ;  but  he 
was  no  more  than  seven  years  of  age  when  his  in 
fant  nephew  Francis  II.  succeeded  to  the  ducal 
title.  In  his  early  youth  Rinaldo  was  proposed  as 
a  candidate  for  the  crown  of  Poland,  a  wild,  and 
had  it  not  failed,  a  ruinous  attempt :  the  example 
of  so  many  of  his  kinsmen  suggested  a  more  ra 
tional  pursuit ;  and  in  the  thirty-second  year  of  his 
age  he  was  promoted  to  the  dignity  of  Cardinal,  at 
the  request  of  James  II.  King  of  Great  Britain, 
who  had  married  his  niece.  The  long  reign  and 
short  life  of  her  brother  Francis  II.  was  an  helpless 
state  of  minority  and  disease :  he  died  without 
children,  and  had  the  right  of  female  succession  pre 
vailed,  the  unfortunate  race  of  the  Stewarts  might 
have  found  a  safe  and  honourable  refuge  in  the 

inheritance 


476  AKTIQUITIES  OF  THE 

inheritance  of  Modena.  But  as  the  order  of  inves 
titure  preferred  the  more  distant  males,  Cardinal 
Rinaldo  ascended  without  a  question  the  vacant 
throne  of  his  nephew.  The  resignation  of  his  hat 
was  accepted  by  the  Pope ;  but  he  might  marry, 
without  a  dispensation,  a  princess  of  Brunswick, 
his  cousin  in  the  nineteenth  degree ;  and  this  alli 
ance  was  soon  dignified  by  the  nuptials  of  her  sis 
ter  with  Joseph  King  of  the  Romans,  the  son  and 
successor  of  the  Emperor  Leopold.  The  life  of 
Rinaldo  I.  Duke  of  Modena,  was  extended  be 
yond  the  term  of  eighty-three  years :  in  the  vari 
ous  fortunes  of  his  long  reign  he  supported  a 
double  exile  with  fortitude  and  patience ;  and  in 
the  intervals  of  peace  the  country  was  restored  by 
a  wise  and  paternal  .government.  His  son  Fran 
cis  III.  was  of  a  more  active  spirit.  He  signalized 
his  valour  in  the  wars  of  Hungary ;  followed  the 
standard  of  the  House  of  Bourbon  ;  commanded, 
or  seemed  to  command,  in  several  battles  and 
sieges,  and  extorted  the  confession,  that,  had  his 
advice  been  followed,  the  events  of  the  war  would 
have  been  more  successful.  His  wife  was  a  prin 
cess  of  Orleans,  the  daughter  of  the  regent :  she 
was  noble,  beautiful,  and  rich ;  Hut  in  the  true 
estimate  of  honour  the  meanest  virgin  among  his 
subjects  would  have  been  a  more  worthy  consort. 
Their  son  Hercules  III.  the  reigning  Duke,  ac 
quired  a  valuable  and  convenient  territory  with 
the  heiress  of  Massa  Carrara.  Their  only  daugh 
ter,  by  the  command  of  his  inexorable  father,  was 
delivered  to  the  Archduke  Ferdinand,  the  Empe 
ror's 


HOUSE  OF  BRUNSWICK.  477 

ror's  brother;  the  marriage  has  been  fruitful  in 
children  of  both  sexes,  and  the  Duchies  of  Mo- 
dena,  Reggio,  and  Mirandola,  will  soon  be  the 
patrimony  of  a  younger  branch  of  the  new  family 
of  Austria.  In  the  decline  of  life,  Hercules  III., 
is  the  sole  remaining  male  of  the  House  of  Este, 
and  the  long  current  of  "their  blood  must  speedily 
be  lost  in  a  foreign  stream. 


ADALBERT 

OTBERT  I. 

OTBERT  II. 

AZO  I. 

AZO  II. 

GUELPH 

HENRY  THE  BLACK 

HENRY  THE  PROUD 

HENRY  THE  LION 

WILLIAM 

OTHO 
ALBERT  I. 
ALBERT  II. 
MAGNUS  I. 
MAGNUS  II. 
BERNARD 
FREDERIC 

OTHO 

HENRY 

ERNEST  THE  CONFESSOR 

1. 


1 

\ 

•     HENRY 

WILLIAM 

AUGUSTUS 

GEORGE 

| 

| 

FERDINAND  ALBERT  I. 

ERNEST 

| 

I 

FERDINAND  ALBERT  II. 

GEORGE  I. 

CHARLES 

GEORGE  II. 

CHARLES  WILLIAM 

FREDERIC 

GEORGE  III. 

SECTION  IV. 

IN  those  happy  times,  when  a  genealogical  tree 
could  strike  its  root  into  every  soil,  when  the  luxu 
riant  plant  could  flourish  and  fructify  without  a 
seed  of  truth,  the  ambition  of  the  House  of  Este- 
Brunswick  was  easily  gratified  with  a  Roman  pe 
digree.  The  name  of  Azo  or  At  to,  so  familiar  to 
the  Italian  line,  was  deduced  as  a  manifest  corrup 
tion  from  the  Latin  original  of  Attius  or  Accius,  or 
Actius :  and  this  fanciful  identity,  an  article  of 
faith  in  the  court  of  Ferrara,  was  not  disputed  in 
the  sixteenth  century  by  the  rudeness  of  foreign 
criticism. 

In  a  visit  to  Venice  (1685)  Ernest  Augustus, 
Duke  and  afterwards  Elector  of  Hanover,  accepted 
with  a  gracious  smile  the  manuscript  of  Theo^ 
dore  Damaidenus,  a  Belgic  abbot,  and  the  Augusta 
Decora  Romano- Brunsvicensia  *  were  honourably 
placed  among  the  archives  of  his  family.  This 
splendid  folio  is  decorated  with  the  luxury  of  me 
dals,  inscriptions  and  classical  authorities ;  but  the 
historian  spins  from  his  own  bowels,  and  from 
those  of  his  blind  or  fallacious  guides,  an  unbroken 
thread  of  two  thousand  four  hundred  and  thirty-six 

*  I  can  only  be  acquainted  with  the  MS.  work  of  Damaidenus 
by  the  learned  preface  of  Scheidius  to  the  first  volume  of  the 
Origines  Guelficae. — pp.  19—33. 

years. 


480  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE 

years.  The  first  of  the  duke's  ancestors  whom 
Damaidenus  pretends  to  know  is  Actius  Novus, 
one  of  the  companions  of  Romulus,  whose  services 
were  rewarded  with  a  statue  by  the  founder  of  the 
city.  His  great-grandson  is  the  famous  augur  who 
divided  a  stone  with  a  razor  in  the  presence  of  the 
elder  Tarquin.  The  Attii  or  Actii  are  enrolled  as 
senators  while  all  the  senators  were  patricians : 
they  continued  to  serve  in  all  the  wars  of  the  re 
public,  but  their  civil  ambition  seldom  aspired 
above  the  office  of  Edile.  In  the  age  of  the  An- 
tonines,  they  migrated  from  Rome  to  Ateste,  their 
riches  and  merit  promoted  them  to  the  honours  of 
the  colony,  and  about  four  hundred  years  after 
Christ,  Caius  Actius,  the  thirty-third  in  lineal  de 
scent  from  the  companion  of  Romulus,  was  chosen 
by  his  countrymen  their  protector  and  prince. 
But  if  the  praetor  M.  Attius  Balbus,  a  real  person 
age  of  the  seventh  century  of  Rome,  could  have 
any  possible  affinity  with  our  fabulous  series,  the 
genuine  lustre  of  the  Accii  would  be  derived  from 
their  union  with  the  human  and  divine  glories  of 
the  Julian  race.  Julia,  the  sister  of  Julius  Caesar, 
was  the  wife  of  the  praetor  Attius,  and  by  their 
daughter  Attia,  their  grandson  Augustus  himself 
might  be  claimed  as  a  kinsman  by  the  Duke  of 
Modena,  and  the  King  of  Great  Britain.  A  pru 
dent  advocate  may  repeat  with  pleasure  the  verses 
of  the  ^Eneid  that  celebrate  the  youthful  command 
of  the  Trojan  Atys,  the  founder,  according  to  Vir 
gil,  of  the  Atian  family. 

Alter 


HOUSE  OF  BRUNSWICK.  481 

Alter  Atys,  genus  unde  Alii  duxere  Latini ; 
Parvus  Atys,  pueroque  puer  dilectus  liilo. 

But  he  will  dissemble  the  reproach  of  Antony,  and 
the  apology  of  Cicero,  which  may  leave  a  stain  on 
the  maternal  descent  of  Augustus.* 

From  the  fifth  century  of  the  Christian  asra,  the 
fables  of  Damaidenus  are  grafted  on  the  romance, 
rather  than  the  history,  of  Pigna,  f  who  is  content 
to  deduce  from  that  period  the  succession  of  the 
Accian  family,  and  the  princes  of  Este.  The  first  of 
these  princes,  Caius  Actius,  was  called  to  the  glo 
rious  labour  of  defending  Italy  against  the  Goths, 
and  his  grandson,  the  more  illustrious  Foresto,  op 
posed  in  arms  the  great  invasion  of  Attila  and  the 
Huns.  On  the  intelligence  of  the  siege  of  Aqui- 
leia,  he  marched  from  Este  and  Padua  with  a  cho 
sen  band  of  subjects  and  allies,  cut  his  way  through 
the  barbaric  host,  and  displayed  the  standard  of 
the  white  Unicorn  in  every  action  of  defence  and 
attack  till  he  was  mortally  wounded  by  a  Scythian 
arrow.  Eloquent  in  council,  invincible  in  the 
field,  an  hero  in  his  life,  a  Christian  in  his  death, 
the  glory  of  Foresto  would  be  complete,  if  such  a 

*  Ignobilitatem  objicit,says  the  orator,  (Philippic,  iii.  6,)  and  we 
may  learn  from  Suetonius  (in  Octavio,  c.  ii.)  that  Antony  was  still 
more  severe  on  the  paternal  ancestors  of  Augustus.  The  Empe 
ror  himself  allowed  that  his  father  was  the  first  senator  of  the 
family. 

f  Historia  dei  Principi  di  Este  di  Gio.  Battista  Pigna,  in  Vinegia, 
1572,  in  4to.  I  possess  likewise  a  Latin  Version  of  the  same 
work,  Ferraria?,  1585,  in  folio.  It  extends  from  the  fall  of  the 
Roman  Empire  to  the  year  14/6.  Pigna  promised,  but  has  only 
promised  a  second  volume. 

VOL.  iii.  i  i  man 


482  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE 

man  had  ever  existed  in  the  world.     After  the  fall 
of  Aquileia,-  the  honour  of  his  son  Acarinus  is  saved 
by  a  prudent  retreat;  and  the  fugitives  of  Este 
withdraw  at  his  command,  and  found  a  new  city 
in  the  morasses  of  Ferrara.     In  the  subsequent  re 
volutions  of  Italy,  the  imaginary  descendants  of 
these  ideal  chiefs,  are  often  oppressed  and  always 
emerge  :  in  the  cause  of  loyalty  or  patriotism  they 
sometimes  support  and  sometimes  resist  the  kings 
of  Lombardy,  and  emperors  of  the  West ;  and  in  the 
light  of  the  twelfth  century,  a  fabulous  Rinaldo  is 
created  to  save  Milan,  and  defeat  the  armies  of 
Frederic  Barbarossa.    The  lust  of  fiction  i§  punish 
ed  by  the  contempt  of  truth,  and  if  some  corrupt 
traces  may  be  discerned  of  the  separation  of  the 
German  and  Italian  lines,  the  genealogist  is  igno 
rant  of  the  fame  and  fortunes  of  the  house^of  Este- 
Brunswick. 

Yet  this  history,  so  pregnant  with  falsehoods, 
was  composed  by  a  man  of  learning  and  character, 
in  a  knowing  .age  and  a  polite  court,  by  the  ac 
complished  John  Baptista  Pigna,  secretary  of  state 
to  Alphonso  II.  duke  of  Ferrara.*  But  the  artful 
courtier  was  disposed  to  shut  his  eyes  and  to  fol 
low  his  leaders.  The  imperfect  papers  of  Count 
Faleti,  who  first  discovered  the  Roman  Attii,  and 
explored  in  Germany  a  long-lost  branch  of  the  fa- 
mily,f  were  given  into  his  hands,  arid  he  used 

with 

*  Pigna,  the  friend  of  Tasso,  is  the  sage  Elpino  of  the  Aminta. 
See  his  various  merits  in  the  Italian  Observations  on  that  Pastoral 
Drama  by  Menage. — pp.  160 — 164. 

fFrom  Pigna's  dedication  I  collect,  that  he  himself  signified 

(156'0) 


HOUSE  OF  BRUNSWICK.  483 

with  equal  confidence  the  manuscript  remains  of 
Pellegrino  Priscian.*  The  War  of  Attila,  a  Pro 
vencal  romance  of  the  fourteenth  century,  appear 
ed  in  his  eyes  a  genuine  and  contemporary  work  of 
Thomas  the  Scribe  of  Nicetas,  patriarch  of  Aqui- 
leia.j~  He  was  probably  deceived  by  the  Lives  of 
the  Emperors  which  the  Count  Boyardo,  with  more 
than  poetic  licence,  has  imposed  as  an  Italian  ver 
sion  of  the  Latin  original  of  Ricobaldus.J  The 
spurious  fragments  had  been  gradually  consolidated 
by  the  public  credulity :  fictions  were  changed 
into  facts,  traditions  into  truths,  and  conjectures 
into  realities.  The  materials  were  prepared ;  and 
while  he  added  the  last  varnish  to  the  pleasing  tale, 
the  conscience  of  Pigna  might  applaud  without 
much  scruple  his  own  veracity  and  innocence. 

(1560)  the  Duke's  orders  to  Count  Girolamo  Faleti,  whose  MS. 
annals  at  the  time  of  his  death  had  been  only  carried  down  to 
Azo  IX.  (1216—1240.) 

*  Pellegrino  Prisciano,  keeper  of  the  archives  to  Hercules  I. 
(1495)  had  collected  and  written  many  volumes  concerning  the 
house  of  Este.  Muratori,  who  praises  his  fidelity,  complains  that 
the  far  greater  part  of  his  MSS.  had  been  shamefully  consumed 
in  fire-works.  (Antichitii  Estense,  torn.  i.  c.  ix.  p.  69.) 

•f  See  Muratori's  preface  to  the  AntichitcL  Estense,  p.  xix. ,  I 
have  neither  the  Provencal  romance  which  is  preserved  in  MS. 
in  the  library  of  Modena,  nor  the  Italian  abridgment  printed  in 
1568.  But  Pigna  (1.  i.  p.  11—30,)  has  extracted  the  most  im 
portant  and  least  improbable  circumstances. 

J  After  much  hesitation  Muratori  has  published  in  the  ninth 
volume  of  his  Scriptores  Rerum  Italicarum  (p.  279—423,)  this 
work  of  Ricobaldus  or  Boyardo.-  The  mention  of  the  Garter  may 
prove  that  it  was  not  composed  till  Hercules  I.  Duke  of  Ferrara 
tad  been  invested  with  that  order  by  Edward  IV.  King  of  England. 

i  i 2  I  am 


484  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE 

I  am  fatigued  with  the  repetition  of  fables,  but 
an  illustrious  race  must  always  be  crowned  with 
its  proper  mythology.  After  fixing  on  the  earth 
the  solid  foundations  of  the  House  of  Este-Bruns- 
wick,  I  am  desirous  of  proving  that  we  are  not 
less  able  to  build  in  the  air. 

Before  the  name  of  Atys  was  invented  by  Vir 
gil,  before  the  Attian  family  was  propagated  to 
modern  times,  a  fabulous  tradition  had  connected 
the  princes  of  Troy  with  the  dukes  of  Ferrara  and 
Brunswick.  But  the  manufactures  even  of  the 
Italians  in  the  thirteenth  century  were  coarse  and 
clumsy,  and  they  could  only  devise  that  Marthus, 
an  unknown  Trojan,  besieged  Milan,  and  founded, 
after  his  own  name,  a  small  city  in  the  Milanese ; 
and  that,  of  four  brothers  who  sprang  from  this 
chief,  the  eldest  was  the  father  of  the  future  Mar- 
quisses  of  Este.*  It  was  not  till  after  the  year 
fourteen  hundred  that  the  romances  of  French 
chivalry  passed  the  Alps  and  the  Pyrennees ;  and 
I  am  inclined  to  adopt  the  sentence  of  Cervantes,f 


*  Muratori,  Antichita  Estense,  torn.  i.  c.  ix.  p.  67,  68.  This 
tradition  of  Paulus  Marrus  (1280)  is  preserved  by  Gualvan  de  la 
Flamma  (1320)  in  his  great  Chronicle  of  Milan,  which  Muratori 
(torn.  xi.  p.  534.)  disdained  to  publish  among  his  Scriptores  Rerum 
Italicarum. 

t  See  Don  Quixote,  part  I.  c.  vi.  p.  55.  of  the  small  edition  of 
Madrid.  The  most  grateful  incense  is  the  praise  which  one  man 
of  genius  bestows  on  another ;  we  are  sure  that  he  feels  the  merit 
that  he  applauds.  Yet  I  do  not  clearly  conceive  the  epithet  of 
Christiana  as  it  is  applied  to  the  most  pleasing  but  least  Christian 
of  poets. 

who 


HOUSE  OF  BRUNSWICK.  485 

who  wishes  to  forgive  the  lies  of  Archbishop  Tur- 
pin,  Charlemagne  and  his  twelve  Peers,  from  the 
grateful  reflection  that  they  afforded  the  first  hints 
to  the  invention  of  Boyardo,  from  which  the  Chris 
tian  poet  Ludovico  Ariosto  has  so  finely  com 
posed  his  inimitable  web.  Such  a  magician  as 
Ariosto  can  annihilate  time  and  space ;  and  he  dis 
penses,  by  the  prerogative  of  genius,  with  the  laws 
of  history,  nature,  and  his  own  art. 

According  to  the  wild  though  delightful  fictions 
of  the  Italian  bards,*  the  house  of  Este-Brunswick 
is  descended  from  the  race  of  the  Trojan  kings.  As- 
tyanax,  the  son  of  Hector,  was  saved  by  an  artifice 
from  the  victorious  Greeks  :  Sicily  gave  him  a  re 
treat  and  a  kingdom ;  and  the  valiant  youth  avenged 
on  Argos  and  Corinth  the  injuries  of  his  country. 
Polydore,  the  son  of  Astyanax,  fixed  his  residence 
in  Calabria,  and  Flovian,  the  grandson  of  Polydore, 
(a  brief  chronology !)  was  the  first  of  the  race  of 
Hector  who  settled  at  Rome.  By  his  two  sons 
two  noble  branches  arose  from  the  same  stem :  the 
one  is  decorated  by  the  Imperial  titles  of  Constan- 
tine  and  Charlemagne  ;  the  other  after  a  long  and 
splendid  succession  is  illustrated  by  the  name  of  Rug- 
giero,  or  ROGER,  the  favourite  hero  of  Ariosto  and 
his  readers.  In  the  spirit  of  chivalry  his  strength 
and  valour  are  his  first  virtues :  the  adverse  ranks 


*  The  original  pedigree  is  recorded,  and  perhaps  invented  by 
Count  Matteo  Boyardo,  (Orlando  Inamorato,  1.  iii.  c.  v.)  but  I 
cannot  gravely  refer  to  all  the  passages  of  Ariosto  who  should  be 
familiar  to  every  reader  of  taste. 

i  i  3  of 


486  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE 

of  battle  are  pierced  by  his  lance  or  shivered  by 
his  sword ;  and  the  effects  of  his  resistless  charge 
are  compared  to  the  explosion  of  the  Gran  Diavolo, 
a  thundering  piece  of  ordnance  in  the  arsenal  of 
Ferrara,'  In  more  equal  combat  he  stands  invin 
cible  against  the  foremost  paladins  of  France;  and 
the  two  pagan  champions,  Mandricardo  the  Tartar, 
and  Rodomonte  the  African,  are  slain  after  two 
desperate  encounters  by  the  hand  of  Roger.  These 
martial  terrors  are  softened  by  youth  and  beauty, 
by  the  generosity  of  his  temper,  his  courteous  man 
ners,  and  the  tenderness  of  his  heart.  He  burns 
with  a  pure  and  honourable  flame  for  the  fair  ama- 
zon  Bradamante,  and  if  he  is  seduced  by  the  arts 
of  Alcina,  if  he  is  fired  by  the  naked  charms  of 
Angelica,  his  affections  are  constantly  fixed  on  his 
noble  spouse,  the  destined  mother  of  the  house  of 
Este.  Their  white  eagle  was  depicted  on  his  shield, 
as  the  hereditary  symbol  of  the  Trojan  line :  the 
arms  of  Hector  he  possessed  by  the  double  claim 
of  inheritance  and  conquest ;  and  if  his  horse 
Front  in,  and  his  sword  Balisarda,  were  obtained 
by  less  worthy  means,  Roger  was  guiltless  of  the 
theft,  and  they  became  his  own  since  he  was  able 
to  defend  them.  But  the  hero  disdained  the  use 
of  supernatural  aid  ;  and  indignantly  cast  into  a 
well,  the  magic  shield  which  dazzled  the  eyes 
and  benumbed  the  senses  of  all  beholders. 

By  his  mother,  a  Saracen  princess,  the  unborn 
Roger  was  transported  from  Italy  to  Africa,  and 
the  helpless  infant  was  saved  and  educated  by  the 
enchanter  Atlas.  His  first  arms  were  pointed 

against 


HOUSE  OF  BRUNSWICK.  487 

against  the  monsters  of  the  desert,  and  he  passed 
the  sea  under  the  imperial  standard  of  Agramante, 
who  invaded  France  with  all  the  powers  of  the 
pagan  or  Mahometan  world.  The  destinies  of  the 
house  of  Este  require  his  conversion;  hut  the 
event  is  artfully  delayed,  and  the  trembling  balance 
is  suspended  by  the  master-hand  of  the  poet. 
Tender  of  his  life,  and  careless  of  his  fame,  the 
African  magician  presumes  to  oppose  the  decrees 
of  heaven;  secludes  his  pupil  from  the  world, 
fascinates  his  eyes,  sends  him  to  wander  through 
the  air  on  a  hippogrif,  and  dissolves  his  courage  in 
the  isle  of  luxury  and  love.  The  example  of  his 
Christian  ancestors  is  a  weighty  argument  for  an 
illiterate  soldier;  and  he  assures  his  mistress  that 
for  her  sake  he  is  ready  to  undergo  a  baptism  not 
only  of  water  but  of  fire.  But  a  man  of  honour, 
a  loyal  knight,  is  apprehensive  of  the  reproach  of 
deserting  his  benefactor  and  his  party,  an  unfor 
tunate  benefactor,  and  a  falling  party.  A  season 
able  wound  allows  the  Christians  to  vanquish  under 
the  walls  of  Paris ;  but  in  a  single  combat  which 
must  determine  the  WORLD'S  DEBATE,  the  lover  of 
Bradamante  is  forced  to  encounter  her  brother  Ri- 
naldo,  till  he  is  delivered  from  the  fatal  conflict  by 
the  treachery  and  flight  of  the  African  monarch.  A 
shipwreck,  a  desert  island,  an  hermit,  and  a  pro 
phecy  assist  the  operation  of  grace :  every  scruple 
is  satisfied,  every  duty  is  accomplished,  every  ob 
stacle  is  removed ;  and  the  poem  concludes  with  the? 
nuptials  and  last  victory  of  the  Christian  heroN 
But  as  the  poet  has  used  and  abused  the  privi- 
i  i  4  lege 


48$  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE 

Icge  of  anticipation,  he  displays  in  a  variety  of 
pictures  the  fortunes  of  Roger  and  his  descendants. 
Seven  years  after  his  baptism  the  Paladin  will  be 
slain  by  a  perfidious  assassin;  his  widow  will  be 
delivered  of  a  son  in  the  fruitful  country  between 
the  Adige  and  the  Brenta;  and  the  warlike  youth, 
after  he  has  avenged  his  father,  will  be  invested  by 
the  Emperor  with  the  Lordship  of  Este,  and  ac 
cepted  as  their  native  prince  by  the  remaining 
Trojans  of  the  colony  of  Antenor.  The  visionary 
forms  of  her  future  progeny  pass  in  rapid  succes 
sion  before  the  eyes  of  Bradamante,  and  a  friendly 
sage  fortels  their  names  and  actions  in  a  mixed 
strain  of  history  and  fable.  According  to  the  po 
pular  opinion,*  the  establishment  of  the  Saxon 
branch  is  ascribed  to  the  marriage  of  Albert- Azo, 
in  the  tenth  century,  with  an  imaginary  daughter 
of  the  Emperor  Otho  the  Great.  The  Italian  states 
of  the  princes  of  Este  are  described,  Ferrara,  amidst 
the  waters  of  the  Po,  the  soft  Reggio,  and  the 
turbulent  Modena;  their  wars  against  the  Vene 
tians  and  the  Popes  are  discreetly  announced;  and 
the  prospect  is  always  closed  by  the  fame,  the  vir 
tues,  and  the  fraternal  union  of  Alphonso  I.  and 
Cardinal  Ippolito.  The  Duke  was  the  sovereign, 
the  Cardinal  affected  to  be  the  patron,  of  Ariosto : 
they  will  live  in  the  everlasting  life  of  their  poet. 
"  Myriads,  perhaps,  of  heroic  names,  are  plunged 

*  See  Ricobaldo  or  rather  Boyardo,  (torn.  ix.  p.  314.  Scriptor. 
Rerum  Italic.)  and  Pigna,  (1.  i.  p.  73 — 76.)  Yet  Pigna  had  learned 
from  Count  Faleti  the  true  descent  of  the  dukes  of  Saxony  and 
Brunswick. 

by 


HOUSE  OF  BRUNSWICK.  48<) 

by  time  into  the  stream  of  oblivion:  whilst  a  few 
are -saved  by  the  grateful  and  melodious  swans, 
and  honourably  deposited  in  the  temple  of  immor- 
tality." 

According  to  the  philosophers,  who  can  discern 
an  endless  involution  of  germs  or  organized  bodies, 
the  future  animal  exists  in  the  female  parent ;  and 
the  male  is  no  more  than  an  accidental  cause  which 
stimulates  the  first  motion  and  energy  of  life.  The 
genealogist  who  embraces  this  system  should  con 
fine  his  researches  to  the  female  line — the  series  of 
mothers;  and  scandal  may  whisper  that  this  mode 
of  proceeding  will  be  always  the  safest  and  most 
assured.  But  the  moral  connexion*  of  a  pedigree 
is  differently  marked  by  the  influence  of  law  and 
customs:  the  male  sex  is  deemed  more  noble  than 
the  female ;  the  association  of  our  idea  pursues  the 
regular  descent  of  honours  and  estates  from  father 
to  son;  and  their  wives,  howsoever  essential,  are 
considered  only  in  the  light  of  foreign  auxiliaries. 
This  rule,  indeed,  will  be  sometimes  broken  by 
an  exception;  the  sole  remaining  daughter  of  an 
ancient  and  powerful  family  will  assume  the  cha 
racter  of  a  son,  and  her  children,  who  inherit  the 
fortunes,  may  be  assimilated  to  the  name,  of  her 
own  ancestors.  The  origin  of  her  less  conspicuous 
husband  may  gradually  disappear;  but  if  she  be 
married  to  an  equal,  their  common  posterity  will 
celebrate  the  union  of  two  illustrious  houses. 

This  last  remark  may  be  applied  to  the  family 

*  Hume's  Essays,  vol.  ii.  p.  192,  193. 

of 


490    v  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE 

of  EsTE-BiuiNswiCK  which  so  prosperously  graft 
ed  the  fruits  of  Italy  on  a  German  stein.  The 
antiquity  and  importance  of  the  Guelphs,  to  whose 
name  and  possessions  they  succeeded,  is  acknow 
ledged  in  the  twelfth  century  (1152)  by  Otho 
Bishop  of  Frisingen.*  "  In  the  Roman  empire 
(says  that  contemporary  writer)  two  famous  fami-* 
lies  have  flourished  till  the  present  time  on  the  con 
fines  of  Gaul  and  Germany;  the  Henrys  of  Guei- 
belinga  and  the  Guelphs  of  Altdorf,  the  one  pro 
ductive  of  emperors,  the  other  of  great  dukes.  By 
the  contests  of  such  men,  armed  with  power,  and 
ambitious  of  renown,  has  the  peace  of  the  repub 
lic  been  often  endangered."  An  equal  opposition 
to  the  Franconian  and  Swabian  emperors  must  re 
dound  to  the  honour  of  a  subject  family,  and  the 
praise  is  the  less  questionable,  as  the  historian  him 
self  was  issued  from  the  rival  house.  This  curious 
passage  unfolds  the  seeds  of  the  two  factions  of 
the  church  and  the  empire;  and  it  likewise  ap 
pears  that  the  name  of  Guelph,  as  well  as  of  Hen 
ry,  was  no  more  than  a  personal  and  Christian  ap^ 
pellation,  the  frequent  use  of  which  might  denote, 
in  the  language  of  posterity,  the  succession  of  an 
entire  dynasty.  Between  the  ascending  and  de 
scending  series  of  the  Guelphs  the  connexion  is 
formed  by  the  marriage  of  Cunegonde,  the  daugh 
ter  of  the  first,  and  the  mother  of  the  second  race. 
The  nobility  and  riches  of  Azo  were  not  inferior 
to  those  of  his  consort;  but,  after  their  sons  and 

*  Otho.  Frisingensis,  1.  ii.  c.  2.  in  Muratori    Script.  Rerum 
Italic,  torn.  vi.  p.  699,  700. 

grandsons 


HOUSE  OF  BRUNSWICK.  491 

grandsons  had  been  invested  with  the  duchies  of 
Bavaria  and  Saxony,  the  distant  fame  of  an  Italian 
marquis  was  gradually  lost;  and  these  princes,  ad 
hering  to  their  maternal  ancestors,  assumed  the 
more  popular  character  of  native  Germans. 

About  the  end  of  the  twelfth  century  a  short 
chronicle  was  composed  by  a  monk  of  Weingarten, 
to  immortalize  in  this  world,  as  well  as  in  the  next, 
the  Lords  of  Altdorf,  the  founders  and  benefactors 
of  his  convent.*  After  a  diligent  search  into  such 
chronicles  and  charters  as  were  then  extant,  he 
fairly  confesses  that  his  visible  horizon  is  bounded 
by  the  age  of  -Charlemagne,  by  the  well-known 
W.elf  or  Guelph,  the  father  of  the  Empress  Judith. 
But  he  is  persuaded  that  the  ancestors  of  his  first 
hero  were  men  of  valour  and  renown, 

Vixere  fortes  ante  Agamemnona, 

that,  for  ages,  before  the  introduction  of  Christiani 
ty,  they  flourished  in  riches  and  honours;  that 
they  governed  their  own  people,  and  that  their 
name  went  forth  into  foreign  lands.  Such  pre 
sumptions  are  more  satisfactory  to  a  rational  mind, 
than  his  romance  of  a  Trojan  colony  and  descent, 
than  an  absurd  marriage  with  Kathilina,  the  daugh 
ter  of  a  Roman  senator,  whose  name  might  be 
translated  into  Whelp  in  the  German  or  English 
idioms.  The  conjectures  of  Leibnitz,  or  his  dis 
ciple  Eccard,  are  follies  of  a  graver  kind;  they 

*  Chronicon  Weingartense,  from  the  Vienna  MS.  in  Origines 
Guelficae,  torn.  v.  p.  31,  32,  33.  It  had  been  published  less  cor* 
rectly  by  Canisius  and  Leibnitz. 

build 


ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE 

build  without  materials  an  edifice  of  characters 
and  adventures,  and  grasping  some  shadowy  sen> 
blances,  they  forcibly  derive'the  Guelphs  from  a 
brother  of  Odoacer,  King  of  the  Heruli,  who  ex 
tinguished  the  Roman  empire  (476)  in  Italy  and 
the  West.  From  the  beginning  of  the  historic 
period  the  chronicle  of  Weingarten  enumerates 
only  six  generations,  Guelph  the  father  of  Judith, 
Ethico,  Henry,  Rodolph,  and  the  two  last  Guelphs 
the  father  and  brother  of  Cunegonde;  a  number 
scarcely  sufficient  for  an  interval  of  two  hundred 
and  fifty  years.  The  probable  chasms  have  indeed 
been  supplied  by  the  industry  of  Leibnitz  and 
Eccard.  The  names  of  Guelph  or  Welf  I.,  Ethico 
I.,  Welf  or  Wolf  hard  II.,  Ethico  II.,  Henry,  Ro 
dolph  I.  the  brother  of  St.  Conrad,  Welf  III.,  Ro 
dolph  II.,  Welf  or  Wolf  hard  IV.,  and  Welf  V.  are 
enrolled  in  their  list ;  but  a  descent  of  ten  genera 
tions  reverses  the  difficulty,  and  the  scene  is  now 
crowded  by  the  new  actors.  At  the  two  extremi 
ties,  the  chain  of  the  ancient  Guelphs  is  strongly 
rivetted  in  truth ;  but  the  intermediate  links  can 
not  be  discriminated  with  clearness  and  certainty.* 
The  nuptials  of  Azo  had  transplanted  the  ESTE 
family  from  Italy  to  Germany,  from  the  Po  to  the 
Danube.  His  grandson  Henry  the  Black,  and  his 
great-grandson  Henry  the  Proud,  acquired  by  mar 
riage  new  and  ample  possessions  on  the  Elbe  and 
Weser;  and  Henry  the  Lion,  the  heir  of  these  pos 
sessions,  is  the  first  of  his  race  to  whom  the  title  of 

*  See  the  first  and  fifth  books  of  the  Origines  Guelficoe. 

BRUNSWICK 


HOUSE  OF  BRUNSWICK.  493 

BRUNSWICK  can  be  strictly  appropriated.  The 
Lion  was  the  tenth  male  in  lineal  descent  from 
the  Marquis  Adalbert :  and  his  maternal  pedigree 
might  be  derived  from  the  dukes,  the  emperors,  and 
the  hero  of  Saxony.* 

I.  The  genius  of  Henry  the  Fowler  might 
govern  the  kingdom  of  Germany  with  one  hand, 
and  the  duchy  of  Saxony  with  the  other  ;  and  the 
arts  and  cities  of  that  savage  region  are  ascribed  to 
his  political  institutions.  Otho  I.  by  a  rare  felicity 
was  not  inferior  in  personal  merit  to  his  father : 
but  the  majesty  of  a  Roman  empire  appeared  in 
compatible  with  the  office  of  a  provincial  duke ; 
the  pursuit  of  Italian  realms  carried  him  far  away 
to  the  south ;  and  his  ancient  patrimony  was  left 
exposed  to  the  inroads  of  the  Slavi  and  the  Danes. 
It  became  necessary  to  station  a  soldier  on  the 
banks  of  the  Elbe;  nor  would  that  soldier  have  been 
obeyed  by  the  Saxon  chiefs,  unless  the  splendour 
of  his  birth,  and  the  extent  of  his  property  had  al 
ready  given  him  a  leading  influence  in  the  country. 
About  the  middle  of  the  ninth  century  the  noble 
race  of  Billing,  an  indigenous  chieftain  or  prince, 
emits  the  first  ray  of  historic  light :  his  blood  was 
mingled  with  that  of  the  French  conquerors, 

Francorum  clarft  de  stirpe  potentum, 
and  his  daughter  Oda  is  celebrated  as  the  grand- 

*  For  these  Saxon  genealogies,  see  the  Dissertations  of  Eccard, 
with  the  annotations  of  Scheidius,  in  the  fourth  volume  of  the 
Origines  Guelficae,  and  the  Prolegomena  of  the  latter  especially. 
Tom.  iii.  p.  10,  &c. 

mother 


494«  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE 

mother  of  Henry  the  Fowler.  The  valiant  Her 
man,  the  son  of  the  second,  and  the  great-grandson 
of  the  first  Billing,  was  appointed  military  gover 
nor,  and  at  length  created  hereditary  Duke  of  Sax 
ony  by  his  cousin  Otho  the  Great  (960)  :  and  four 
descents,  Bernard  I.,  Bernard  II.,  Ordulph,  and 
Magnus,  continued  the  lineal  succession  till  the 
beginning  of  the  twelfth  century.  In  their  wars 
against  the  northern  barbarians,  these  dukes  were 
seldom  successful;  but  they  asserted  their  own 
prerogatives  and  the  liberties  of  the  nation  ;  their 
independence  sometimes  provoked  the  jealousy  of 
the  emperors  ;  nor  did  the  royal  maids  of  Norway 
and  Hungary  disdain  the  alliance  of  such  power 
ful  vassals.  The  male  line  of  the  Billings,  was  ex 
tinct  in  Duke  Magnus  (1 106)  :  his  eldest  daughter 
Wulfilda  had  been  given  to  Henry  the  Black,  after 
wards  Duke  of  Bavaria :  the  modern  duchies 
of  Luneburgh  and  Saxe-Lawenburgh  were  her 
princely  inheritance :  and  her  children,  of  the  fa 
mily  of  the  Este-Guelphs,  succeeded  to  these  ter 
ritories  on  either  side  of  the  Elbe,  which  are  still 
enjoyed  by  the  Electoral  branch  of  the  House  of 
Brunswick. 

II.  From  their  original  patrimony  the  five  Saxon 
Emperors,  Henry  the  Fowler,  the  three  Othos,  and 
Henry  the  Saint  may  be  styled  without  impropriety 
of  the  ancient  House  of  Brunswick.  But  their 
connexion  with  the  Este-Guelphs  can  be  found 
only  in  female  alliances ;  and  their  blood  may  have 
been  transfused  by  three  streams  of  imperfect  clear 
ness.  Their  common  source  is  derived  from  Henry 

the 


HOUSE  OF  BRUNSWICK.  495 

tlie  Fowler,  the  King  at  least  of  Germany,  and  the 
son  and  grandson  of  the  Dukes  of  Saxony,  Otho 
(880)  and  Ludolph  (858).  Otho  enjoyed  the  glory 
of  refusing  the  crown ;  and  of  Ludolph  it  may  be 
sufficient  to  affirm,  that  he  was  the  sole  hope  and 
honour  of  an  illustrious  race,  that  his  birth  was 
equal  to  his  fortune,  his  virtue  to  his  birth,  and 
his  beauty  to  his  virtue.  We  have  reason  to  be 
lieve,  though  we  have  not  a  right  to  assert,  that  his 
uncle  Ecbert  was  sanctified  in  the  chaste  embraces 
of  St.  Ida  ;*  that  his  father  Bruno  is  the  founder 
of  Brunswick  (Brunonis  vicus) ;  and  that  his  grand 
father,  an  elder  Bruno,  was  the  friend  of  Witikind, 
with  whom  he  fought  under  the  standard  of  free 
dom,  and  with  whom  he  yielded  to  the  God  of  the 
Christians.  In  the  fifth  ascending  degree  the  pro 
selyte  must  be  the  progenitor  of  a  Saint,  of  Bruno, 
archbishop  of  Cologne  and  brother  of  the  Emperor 
Otho  I.  His  domestic  biographer  thus  describes  the 
merits  of  this  Saxon  family :  "  As  far  as  reaches 
the  memory  of  man,  the  grandsires  of  the  grand- 
sires  are  all  most  noble :  nor  would  it  be  easy  to 
find  an  obscure  or  degenerate  member  in  the  whole 
series,  "f 

I  now  return  to  the  three  channels  of  commu 
nication  between  the  old  and  the  new  House  of 
Brunswick,  between  the  Saxon  Emperors  and  the 
Este-Guelphs.  1.  According  to  the  monk  of 

Weingarten,  the  father  of  Cunegonde,  Guelph  I V. 

'  •.  f « r 

*  The  original  Life  of  St.  Ida  is  published  by  Leibnitz,  Script. 
Brunswic.  torn.  i.  p.  175—184. 

t  Ruotgerus  apud  Struvium,  Corpus  Hist.  Germanics, p. 2l6. 

was 


4.96   .  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE 

was  the  son  of  Count  Rodolph  of  Altorf,  and  of 
his  wife  Itha,  the  daughter  of  Richlinda,  daughter 
of  the  Emperor  Otho  I.  But  the  children,  alas  !  of 
the  great  Otho  are  conspicuous  in  history ;  Rich 
linda  is  invisible ;  and  her  existence  can  only  be 
saved  by  degrading  her  to  the  rank  of  an  illegiti 
mate  daughter,  whose  alliance,  however,  might  be 
an  object  of  ambition  to  the  proudest  vassal  of 
Germany.  2.  The  matrimonial  conquest  of  Henry 
the  Black  had  extended  over  Luneburgh  and  the 
Elbe ;  Brunswick  and  the  Weser  were  embraced  by 
those  of  his  son  Henry  the  Proud,  whose  nuptials 
with  Gertrude,  the  daughter  of  Richenza  and  the 
Emperor  Lothaire  II.  (1126)  enriched  and  illus 
trated  the  Guelphic  line.  Richenza,  the  female 
parent  of  an  heiress,  was  herself  an  heiress,  and  the 
daughter  of  an  heiress.  From  her  father,  Duke 
Henry,  she  claimed  the  county  or  principality  of 
Nordheim  in  the  southern  part  of  the  Electorate  of 
Hanover;  from  her  mother,  Gertrude,  she  derived 
the  city  and  country  of  Brunswick,  which  had  been 
enjoyed  by  four  successive  generations  of  her 
ancestors.  Gertrude  alone  represented  her  child 
less  brother  Ecbert  II.  Margrave  of  Misnia  and 
Brunswick:  he  was  the  son  of  Ecbert  I.  of  Ludolph, 
of  Bruno  II.,  and  of  Bruno  I.;  whose  pedigree 
would  emerge  into  a  brighter  day,  as  the  younger 
son  of  Henry,  Duke  of  Bavaria,  a  younger  brother 
of  the  Emperor  Otho  I.  This  highest  step  trem 
bles  indeed  under  our  feet :  yet  the  evidence  of 
local  chronicles  must  not  be  despised  :  inheritance 

is 


HOUSE  OF  BRUNSWICK.  497 

is  the  most  natural  mode  of  possession ;  and  in  the 
tenth  century  the  Margrave  Bruno  I.  possessed  the 
patrimonial  estate  of  the  ancient  House  of  Bruns 
wick,  3.  Our  last  and  best  dependence  is  on  the 
maternal  grandfather  of  Henry  the  Lion;  on 
Lothaire  II.  who  was  successively  Count  of  Sup- 
plingeburgh,  Duke  of  Saxony,  King  of  Germany, 
and  Emperor  of  the  Romans.  His  father,  Count 
Gebehard,  fell  in  battle  (1075),  and  is  numbered 
among  the  slain  with  the  first  princes  of  the 
empire.  It  is  almost  certain  that  he  was  the  son 
of  Otho,  Duke  of  Swabia:  it  is  absolutely  certain 
that  the  father  of  Duke  Otho  was  Ezo,  Count 
Palatine,  a  noble  courtier,  who  obtained  in  mar 
riage  Matilda,  the  daughter  of  the  Emperor  Otho 
II.,  by  the  fortune,  as  it  is  fabled,  of  a  game  at 
dice.  The  slight  defect  in  the  genealogy  of 
Lothaire  II.  is  overbalanced  by  the  general  con 
sent  of  the  twelfth  century  that  he  was  the  heir, 
as  well  as  the  successor,  of  Otho  the  Great;  and  the 
three  probable  connexions  of  the  ancient  and  new 
houses  of  Brunswick  will  be  consolidated  into  one 
rational  belief.  It  may  not  be  superfluous  to  add 
that  the  Empress  Theophano,  the  consort  of  Otho 
II.,  was  a  Greek  princess  of  the  Basilian  or  Mace 
donian  dynasty ;  which  held  the  sceptre  of  Con 
stantinople,  and  derived  a  splendid  and  specious 
origin  from  the  royal  race  of  the  Arsacides  of 
Parthia.  Reason  may  suspect,  and  fancy  will 
pronounce,  that  the  French  colours,  on  the  fields 
of  Minden,  were  presented  to  the  descendant  of  a 
VOL.  in.  K  K  king. 


498  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE 

king,  who  had  received  the  Roman  eagles,  after  the 
defeat  of  Crassus.* 

III.  After  a  brave  resistance  and  a  prudent  sub 
mission,  Witikind,  the  Saxon  hero,  ended  his  life 
in  the  bosom  of  peace  and  Christianity.  His  son 
Wicbert  was  not  less  eminent  in  the  church  than 
in  the  state :  his  grandson  Walbert  was  educated 
in  the  manners,  and  promoted  to  the  dignities  of  the 
French  court.  After  a  chasm  of  one  or  two  gene 
rations,  four  brothers  of  the  race  of  Witikind 
appear  with  the  title  of  Count,  in  his  native  coun 
try  of  Westphalia.  Among  these  Theoderic  is 
illustrated  by  the  temporal  and  spiritual  honours 
of  his  daughter  St.  Matilda,  the  Queen  of  Henry 
the  Fowler,  and  the  mother  of  the  Saxon  Emperors.f 
By  this  female  descent  the  Este-Guelphs  and  many 
other  noble  families  participate  of  the  blood  of 
Witikind :  but  his  male  posterity  is  extinguished 
Or  lost;  and  in  the  tenth,  eleventh,  and  twelfth 
centuries,  I  cannot  discover  any  name  which  is 
connected  by  the  writers  of  the  time,  with  the 
name  of  the  hero.  Yet  some  fabulous  claims  were 
cherished  in  silence,  and  four  hundred  years  after 
his  death,  the  chronicle  of  a  French  monk  deduces 
from  the  four  brothers,  the  father  and  uncles  of  St. 
Matilda,  the  nobility  of  all  Saxony,  Italy,  Germany, 
Gaul,  Normandy,  Bavaria,  Swabia,  Hungary,  Bo- 


*  History  of  the  Decline  and  Fall  of  the  Roman  Empire,  vol. 
v.  p.  148. 

f  Vita  St8E  Mathild.  in  Leibnitz.  Script.  Bruns.  torn.  i.  p.  194. 

hernia, 


HOUSE  OF  BRUNSWICK; 

hernia,  Tuscany,  and  Poland,*  a  strange  profusion, 
which  much  debases  the  value  of  the  gift.  Vanity 
may  grasp  these  ideal  trophies :  the  electors  of 
Saxony  and  the  Dukes  of  Savoy  may  embrace  the 
shades  of  their  visionary  fathers,  but  the  hundred 
heads  of  the  male  children  of  Witikind  dissolve 
into  air,  as  soon  as  they  are  touched  by  the  spear 
of  criticism* 

Our  accurate  knowledge  of  the  origin,  establish 
ment,  and  alliances  of  the  Este-Guelphs  may  now 
smile  at  the  errors  and  fables  of  a  darker  age. 
After  the  separation  of  the  House  of  Este  by  the 
two  marriages  of  the  Marquis  Azo,  the  two  diverg 
ing  branches  of  his  posterity  insensibly  became 
strangers  and  aliens  to  each  other :  the  intercourse 
of  the  distant  nations  of  Europe  was  rare  and 
hazardous ;  and  the  fall  of  the  empire  had  separated 
the  worlds  of  Italy  and  Germany.  A  tradition 
still  survived  in  the  court  of  Ferrara,  that  in  some 
remote  age*  an  hero  of  their  blood  had  transported 
his  hopes  and  fortune  beyond  the  Alps  :  but  the 
date,  the  characters,  and  the  consequences  of  his 
emigration  were  soon  obliterated  by  ignorance  and 
supplied  by  fiction«t  In  the  tenth  century,  the 
valiant  Azo>  an  Italian  noble,  attended  the  standard 
and  deserved  the  esteem  of  Otho  the  Great.  Alda, 
a  natural  daughter  of  the  Emperor,  was  the  reward 
of  his  services  ;  she  was  endowed  with  the  imagi- 

*  Alberic.  trium  Fontium.  Chron.  in  Leibnitz.  Accessiones 
Historicae,  torn.  ii.  p.  257. 

fRicobald.  in  Muratori.  Script.  Rerum  Italic,  torn.  ix.  p.  315— 
-317-321. 

K  K  2  nary 


500  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE 

nary  fief  of  Fausburch  or  Friburgh  in  Saxony,  and 
the  twins,  Fulk  and  Hugo,  were  the  offspring  of 
their  marriage.  Hugo  returned  to  his  native  coun 
try,  and  propagated  the  race  of  the  Marquisses  of 
Este,  Dukes  of  Ferrara  and  Modena ;  while  Fulk 
remained  in  Germany,  supported  the  falling  house 
of  Saxony,  and  transmitted  to  his  descendant  some 
great  county  or  duchy,  in  the  unknown  regions  of 
the  north.  The  Dukes  of  Brunswick,  on  the  other 
hand,  preserved  a  faint  remembrance  of  their 
Italian  origin :  the  title  of  their  ancestors  was 
familiar  to  their  ear;  but  they  had  forgotten  the 
name  of  Este,  and  their  misguided  tendeniess  con 
founded  the  Marquisses  of  Montferrat  or  Mantua 
with  their  real  kinsmen.*  About  the  middle  of  the 
sixteenth  century  the  mist  was  in  some  measure 
dispelled  by  the  inquiries  of  Count  Faleti,  who 
had  been  sent  into  Germany  by  Hercules  II.  Duke 
of  Ferrara,  and  the  perfect  connexion  of  the  two 
branches  was  finally  restored  by  the  faithful  ser 
vice  of  Leibnitz  and  Muratori. 

Of  the  first  Guelph  the  rank  is  ascertained  and 
the  name  is  illustrated  by  the  marriage  of  his 
daughter  Judith  with  the  Emperor  Lewis  the 
Pious,  the  son  and  successor  of  Charlemagne.f  The 
magnitude  of  the  French  empire  had  almost  ex 
cluded 

*  Leibnitz.  Opp.  torn.  iv.  p.  ii.  p.  83.     Edit.  Dutems. 

•f  The  Chronological  and  Alphabetical  indexes  of  the  sixth 
volume  of  the  Historians  of  France,  will  direct  the  more  curious 
reader  to  all  the  original  texts  which  speak  of  the  Empress  Judith, 
The  best  proofs  of  the  nobility  of  Guelph  are  the  testimonies  of 

Thegan 


HOUSE  OF  BRUNSWICK.  501 

eluded  the  choice  of  a  foreign  princess :  nor  could 
the  leaders  of  a  warlike  nation  disdain  the  alliance 
of  the  peers  whose  judgment  had  raised  them  to  the 
throne.  The  father  of  Judith  was  of  the  noblest 
race  of  the  Bavarians :  the  nobility  of  her  Saxon 
mother  was  equally  conspicuous;  Guelph  is  indif 
ferently  described  by  the  style  of  Count,  or  Duke, 
or  Prince ;  and  the  more  honourable  appellation  of 
Freeman  (vir  egregice  libertatis)  may  be  applied 
to  the  situation  as  well  as  the  character  of  the 
independent  chief.  After  the  decease  of  his  first 
wife,  Lewis  the  Pious  invited  the  fairest  and  most 
noble  damsels :  the  heart,  or  rather  the  heart  of  the 
Emperor  was  disputed  in  these  nuptial  games ;  and 
the  beauty  of  Judith  was  rewarded  with  a  fond  and 
feeble  husband,  whom  she  continued  to  govern  till 
the  last  hour  of  his  life.  The  loud  praises  of  her 
wit  and  learning,  her  courage  and  piety,  announce 
at  least  the  pretensions  of  the  Empress ;  and  she 
might  excuse  the  invectives  that  were  pointed 
against  the  dangerous  seduction  of  her  graces  and 
charms.  During  ten  years  (819 — 830)  of  specious 
prosperity,  the  daughter  of  Guelph  enjoyed  and 
embellished  the  feasts  of  an  itinerant  court.  But 
the  vices  of  the  state  and  the  calamities  of  the  age 
were  gradually  ascribed  to  her  influence :  Bernard, 
Duke  of  Septimania,  was  known  to  be  her  favourite, 
and  was  believed  to  be  her  lover;  she  wished 
to  provide  a  kingdom  for  her  infant  Charles  :  and 

Thegan  (p.  79)>  of  the  Astronomer  (p.  102),  of  the  Annals  of 
Eginhard  (p.  178),  of  those  of  St.  Berlin  (p.  207),  and  of  the 
Saxon  Chronicle  (p.  219). 

K  K  3  the 


,502  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE 

the  three  sons  of  Lewis,  by  his  first  wife,  conspired 
against  the  stepmother  whom  they  had  provoked, 
By  the  successful  rebels  she  was  twice  torn  from 
the  palace,  and  immured,  under  the  monastic  veil, 
in  the  cloisters  of  Poitiers  and  Tortona  (830-834), 
The  Emperor  was  twice  restored ;  he  embraced  his 
wife  with  the  credulity  of  love :  Judith  and  her 
favourite  asserted  their  innocence  with  oaths  and 
challenges :  her  days  were  concluded  (843)  in  peace 
and  honour ;  and  the  posterity  of  Guelph  reigned 
in  France  (840 — 98?)  till  the  sixth  generation. 

Conrad  and  Rodolph,  two  of  the  sons  of  Guelph, 
had  abandoned  their  paternal  seat  to  share  the 
prosperous  and  adverse  fortunes  of  their  sister, 
When  she  was  degraded  to  a  nun  they  were  shaven 
as  priests :  but  they  stood  beside  the  throne  as 
princes  of  the  blood.  Conrad  I.  had  two  sons, 
Conrad  II.  and  Hugh,  from  his  ecclesiastical  bene 
fices  surnamed  the  Abbot.  Their  ambitious  spirit 
maintained  their  hereditary  rank,  and  they  appear 
conspicuous  in  the  government  of  provinces,  and 
in  the  annals  of  peace  and  war.  According  to 
some  learned  antiquaries,  Conrad  I.  left  a  third  son, 
the  famous  Robert  the  Strong,  the  father  of  the 
kings,  of  France,  of  the  third  race.  Their  opinion 
will  not  sustain  the  rigour  of  critical  inquiry :  but 
the  text  of  an  original  chronicle  is  alleged  in  its 
favour ;  and  a  series  of  an  hundred  kings  still  hangs 
by  the  various  reading  of  a  single  vowel.* 

Yet 


Fratres  or  Fratn's  is  the  question,  of  which  the  opposite  sides 

are 


HOUSE  OF  BRUNSWICK.  503 

Yet  a  kingdom  may  be  found  to  which  the 
purest  history  will  assert  the  title  of  the  Guelphic 
line.  Conrad  II.  and  his  son  Rodolph  were  Dukes 
or  Marquisses  of  the  Trans-Jurane  Burgundy 
which  includes  the  Pays  de  Vaud,  and  the  happy 
spot  where  I  am  now  writing.  In  the  shipwreck 
of  the  Carlovingian  monarchy  (888),  Rodolph,  with 
the  applause  of  his  bishops  and  nobles  assumed  a 
royal  crown  at  the  abbey  of  St.  Maurice ;  his 
sceptre  was  the  martyr's  lance,  enriched  with  a 
nail  of  the  true  cross,  and  the  second  kingdom  of 
Burgundy  which  he  founded,  subsisted  one  hundred 
and  forty-four  years  in  a  lineal  succession  of  four 
princes.  The  independence  of  Rodolph  I.  (888— 
912)  was  confirmed  by  two  victories,  and  finally 
acknowledged  in  a  diet  of  the  German  empire. 
His  son  Rodolph  II.  (912 — 937)  twice  attempted 
the  conquest  of  Italy,  and  his  retreat  was  pur 
chased  by  a  fair  equivalent;  his  dominion  ex 
tended  over  the  French  or  western  part  of  Switzer 
land,  Franche-Comte",  Savoy,  Dauphin^,  and  Pro 
vence  ;  and  the  country  between  the  Rhone  and 
the  Alps  adopted  the  new  appellation  of  the 
kingdom  of  Aries.  The  long  reign  (937 — 993)  of 
Conrad  the  son  of  Rodolph  II.  was  glorious  and 
pacific,  and  the  friendship  of  the  great  Otho  was 
the  firmest  bulwark  of  his  throne.  His  son 
Rodolph  III.  surnamed  the  Lazy,  was  the  spec- 
• 

are  strongly  argued  by  Foncemagne  (Memoires  de  1'Academie 
des  Inscriptions,  lorn.  xx.  p.  558—567)  and  Scheidius  (Prasfat.  ad 
Origin.  Guelfic.  torn.  ii.  p.  24—43.) 

K  K  4  tator. 


504  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE 

tator,  perhaps  the  cause  of  the  decay  and  disso 
lution  of  his  government,  (993— J  032).  After  his 
death,  the  sovereignty  of  the  kingdom  of  Aries  or 
Burgundy  devolved  as  a  fief  or  legacy  to  his 
nephew  the  Emperor  Conrad  the  Salic ;  the  effec 
tive  power  was  usurped  by  the  vassals,  but  the 
regal  titles  of  this  collateral  line  may  reflect  some 
dignity  on  the  fathers  of  the  house  of  Brunswick.* 
While  the  ancestors  of  the  kings  of  Burgundy 
pursued  the  path  of  ambition,  their  kinsmen,  the 
elder  branch  of  the  Guelphs,  preferred  a  life  of 
independence  in  the  free  possession  of  their  allodial 
estates  of  Bavaria  and  Swabia.  From  Guelph  the 
father  of  the  Empress  Judith,  these  estates  de 
scended  to  the  first  or  second  Ethico,  whose  lofty 
spirit  is  commemorated  in  a  curious  tale  by  the 
monk  of  Weingarten.f  As  soon  as  Henry,  the  son 
of  Ethico,  had  attained  the  age  of  manhood,  the 
aspiring  youth,  without  his  father's  privity  or 
consent,  attached  himself  to  the  Emperor,  obtained 
his  favour,  deserved  his  esteem,  and  attended  with 
assiduous  zeal  the  long  circuits  of  the  court  and 
army.  By  the  advice  of  the  princes,  and  at  the 
solicitation  of  his  sovereign,  the  son  of  Ethico 
consented  to  receive  a  fief  or  benefice  of  four 


*  See  the  fourth  book  of  the  Origines  Guelficae,  (torn,  ii.)  and 
the  Baron  de  Zurlauben,  (Hist,  de  1'Academie,  torn,  xxxvi.  p. 
142—159.) 

f  In  this  imperfect  review  of  the  history  of  the  Guelphs,  the 
Chronicle  of  Weingarten  (Origines  Guelficse,  torn.  v.  p.  32 — 35) 
may  be  considered  as  the  text,  and  the  Origines  Guelficae  (torn, 
ii.  1.  4  and  5,)  as  the  Commentary. 

thousand 


MOUSE  OF  BRUNSWICK.  505 

% 

thousand  mansi  or  measures  of  land,  in  the  Upper 
Bavaria,  and  to  perform  the  homage  of  a  faithful 
client.  Henry,  surnamed  of  the  golden  chariot, 
long  flourished  in  the  wealth  and  dignity  of  the 
palace;  but  his  father  was  deeply  wounded  by 
this  sacrifice  of  honour  to  interest,  by  this  base 
abdication  of  the  nobility  and  freedom  of  the 
Guelphic  name.  After  pouring  a  complaint  into 
the  bosom  of  his  friends,  the  high-minded  Ethico 
resolved  to  conceal  his  shame  from  the  world.  He 
quitted  (says  the  monk)  his  regal  edifices,  and 
rich  possessions,  retired  with  only  twelve  com 
panions  to  the  solitary  mansion  of  Ambirgo,  amidst 
the  mountains,  and  there  ended  his  days  without 
seeing  or  forgiving  his  degenerate  son.  The 
acquisition  in  the  ninth  century  of  such  a  fief  as 
Ethico  disdained,  would  satisfy  the  pride  of  the 
noblest  family  in  Europe. 

Had  a  rent-roll  of  the  Guelphic  possessions  been 
preserved,  an  uncouth  list  of  castles  and  villages 
which  have  long  been  tranferred  to  new  owners, 
would  offend  the  ear,  without  informing  the  mind 
of  the  English  reader.  The  authors  of  the  family 
were  of  Bavarian  extraction  ;  but  their  principal 
seat  was  in  Swabia,  in  the  neighbourhood  of  the 
lake  of  Constance,  and  the  Austrian  prefecture  of 
Altorf  and  Ravensperg*  is  derived  from  the 
ancient  Guelphs,  who,  according  to  the  fashion  of 
the  times,  had  abstained  from  the  use  of  any  local 

*  See  Geographic  de  Busching,  torn.  vii.  p.  130— 137, 'and 
torn.  viii.  p.  644—647. 

denominations. 


506  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE 

denominations.  Their  various  estates,  as  they 
might  be  acquired  by  donation,  marriage,  or  pur 
chase,  were  scattered  over  the  wide  extent  of 
Bavaria  and  Swabia,  from  the  mountains  of  Tirol 
to  the  plains  of  Alsace;  and  several  free  com 
munities  of  the  Grisoris  were  once  the  slaves  of 
these  powerful  landlords,  In  their  household  they 
displayed  the  pomp  and  pride  of  regal  economy ; 
and  the  domestic  offices  of  stewards,  butlers, 
marshals,  chamberlains,  and  standard-bearers,  were 
exercised  by  counts,  or  by  nobles  of  an  equal 
rank.  Their  first  officer,  the  Advocate,  represented 
their  person  and  maintained  their  cause  in  the 
imperial  or  ducal  court;  and  they  enjoyed  the 
singular  privilege  of  protecting,  without  effusion 
of  blood,  all  persons  who  were  legally,  proscribed 
till  they  had  answered  or  satisfied  the  demands  of 
justice.  The  episcopal  churches  of  Frisingen, 
Augsburgh,  Constance,  and  Coire,  and  the  monas 
teries  of  popular  sanctity,  were  endowed  by  their 
devotion  with  liberal  grants  of  lands  and  peasants. 
Even  the  humiliating  tribute  which  the  kings  of 
Burgundy  and  the  Guelphs  of  Altorf  were  bound 
to  offer  at  the  shrine  .of  St,  Othmar,  was  an  annual 
commemoration  of  the  antiquity  of  their  house. 
They  made  atonement  for  the  guilt  of  their 
ancestors,  who,  in  the  eighth  century,  had  go 
verned  the  Duchy  of  Alemannia,  and  had  abused 
their  power  in  the  persecution  of  the  saint. 

The  darkness  of  German  history  in  the  ninth 
and  tenth  centuries,  has  cast  a  veil  over  the  lives 
and  characters  of  the  ancient  Guelphs.  But  it 

mav 


HOUSE  OF  BRUNSWICK.  507 

may  be  presumed  that  they  were  illiterate  and 
valiant;  that  they  plundered  churches  in  their 
youth  and  restored  them  in  their  old  age;  that 
they  were  fond  of  arms,  horses  and  hunting ;  and 
that  they  resisted  with  equal  spirit  the  exercise  of 
arbitrary  and  legal  power.  St.  Conrad,*  alone  of 
his  race  (892 — 976)  by  seeking  a  place  in  heaven, 
has  deserved  a  memorial  on  earth.  After  his 
education  in  the  school,  and  his  service  in  the 
chapter  of  Constance,  he  was  raised  by  a  free 
election  to  the  Episcopal  chair  (934)  which  he 
continued  to  fill  forty-two  years.  The  church  was 
enriched  by  his  patrimony  and  defended  by  his 
kindred :  the  Bishop  of  Constance  did  not  affect 
the  austere  life  of  an  hermit,  and  his  temperate 
manners  were  those  of  a  German  noble ;  but  his 
chastity  was  immaculate  from  sin  or  scandal,  he 
was  assiduous  in  prayer,  and  his  religious  merits 
were  crowned  by  the  pilgrimage  of  Jerusalem.! 
The  miracles  of  St.  Conrad  are  fancied  with  some 
degree  of  taste :  he  voided  harmless,  a  spider 
which  he  had  bravely  swallowed  in  the  com 
munion-cup  ;  and  he  delivered  two  souls,  who,  in 
the  form  of  birds,  were  enduring  their  purgatory 


*  The  Life  of  St.  Conrad  (Leibnitz  Scriptores  Rerum  Brims 
wicensium,  torn.  ii.  p.  1 — 14,)  may  be  illustrated  by  ilie  Origines 
Guelficae,  (torn.  ii.  p.  206 — 212,)  and  the  proofs  or  documents  of 
the  fifth  Book  (No.  7,  8,  9.) 

t  From  the  word  ttrtio  in  the  Life  of  St.  Conrad,  (c.  vi.)  it  is 
supposed  that  he  thrice  visited  Jerusalem.  I  am  more  inclined 
to  suspect  that  mense  has  been  dropt  by  a  careless  transcriber: 
three  pilgrimages  are  useless  and  improbable. 

in 


508  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE 

in  the  water-fall  of  the  Rhine.  But  the -most 
marvellous  scene  was  exhibited  at  the  church  and 
abbey  of  Einsidlen,  the  Loretto  of  Switzerland, 
which,  under  the  name  of  our  Lady  of  the  Hermits, 
is  annually  visited  by  many  thousand  pilgrims.* 
The  clergy,  nobility,  and  people,  had  flocked  to 
the  feast  of  the  dedication,  (948) ;  but  at  the 
midnight  hour  of  the  vigil,  the  Bishop  of  Constance 
was  favoured  with  an  extraordinary  vision.  The 
heavens  were  opened ;  Jesus  Christ  arrayed  in  the 
episcopal  habit,  accompanied  'by  the  Virgin  Mary, 
and  attended  by  a  choir  of  angels,  descended  from 
on  high  to  officiate  at  his  own  altar:  the  saints 
and  martyrs  assumed  the  characters  of  priests  and 
deacons,  and  the  whole  consecration  was  performed 
according  to  the  ritual  of  the  church.  In  the 
morning  the  bishop  arose,  he  related  his  dream ;  a 
voice  from  the  sky  or  the  roof,  announced  that 
the  place  was  already  holy ;  and  this  visionary  act 
has  been  acknowledged  by  the  decrees  of  Rome. 
One  hundred  and  forty-seven  years  after  his  death, 
Conrad  was  canonized  by  Pope  Calixtus  II.  (1 123) : 
the  Guelphic  name  was  honoured  by  this  celestial 
kinsman,  and  the  liberal  devotion  of  Henry  the 
Black,  Duke  of  Bavaria,  declared  him  the  worthy 
nephew  of  the  saint. 

As  soon  as  St.  Conrad  was  received  into  heaven 

*  One  hundred  thousand  according  to  the  moderate  calculation  of 
Mr.  Coxe !     The  English  traveller  lashes  our  Lady  of  the  Hermits 
with  the  spirit  of  a  protestant  rather  than  of  a  philosopher ;  and 
his  excellent  translator  corrects  him  with  the  enthusiasm,  not  o  |- 
a  bigot,  but  of  a  poet. 

he 


HOUSE  OF  BRUNSWICK. 

he  should  have  secured  an  act  of  indemnity  for 
the  obsolete  sins  of  his  family.  But  St.  Othmar 
was  still  inexorable,  and  the  effects  of  his  revenge 
were  felt  by  the  tenth  generation  of  the  Guelphs. 
By  the  grand-daughter,  perhaps,  of  the  Emperor 
Otho  I.  Rodolph  II.  of  Altorf,  had  two  sons,  Henry 
and  Guelph.  The  eldest,  an  impatient  youth, 
denied  the  annual  payment  of  his  sin-offering ;  but 
the  denial  was  soon  followed  by  his  untimely 
death.  After  hunting  the  roe-buck  in  the  moun 
tains,  he  reposed  his  wearied  limbs  under  the 
shadow  of  a  rock,  an  huge  fragment  fell  on  his 
head,  and  the  vindictive  saint  might  behold  him 
rolling  down  the  precipice.  The  submission  of 
his  brother  Guelph  IV.  was  rewarded  with  a 
longer  and  more  glorious  life.  Rich  in  lands  and 
potent  in  arms,  he  long  tormented  his  neighbour 
the  Bishop  of  Frisingen,  attended  the  Emperor  to 
his  coronation  at  Rome,  and  afterwards  joined 
against  him  in  a  successful  rebellion.  His  nuptials 
with  Imiza,  daughter  of  the  Count  of  Luxenburgh, 
and  niece  of  the  Empress  St.  Cunegonde,  were 
productive  of  two  children,  of  Guelph  x  V.  who 
succeeded  his  father,  and  of  Cunegonde  or  Cuniza 
the  future  heiress  of  her  family,  who  was  given  in 
marriage  to  the  Marquis  Azo,  with  eleven  hundred 
or  eleven  thousand  mansi  of  land*  in  the  valley  of 

Elisina 

*  From  the  customs  and  charters  of  Lombardy  Muratori  at 
tempts  to  determine  the  usual  mansus  (Antichita  Estense,  torn.  i. 
p.  3 — 5;)  and  his  evaluation  would  produce  two  hundred,  or 
more  probably  twenty  thousand  English  acres.  But  he  finds 

that 


510  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE 

Elisina  in  Lombardy.*  The  portion  appears  td 
have  been  worthy  of  a  prince;  but  the  situation, 
the  measure,  and  th£  value  of  the  estate,  cannot 
now  be  exactly  defined; 

After  Europe  was  moulded  into  the  feudal 
system,  an  independent  chieftain  would  have  stood 
naked  and  alone;  the  fear  of  injury  was  stimulated 
by  the  ambition  of  favour,  and  the  descendants  of 
Ethico  and  Henry  were  more  inclined  to  follow 
the  example  of  the  son,  than  to  sympathize  with 
the  feelings  of  the  father.  Guelph  V.  the  brother 
of  Cunegonde,  was  invested  with  the  Duchy  of 
Carinthia,  and  the  Marquisate  of  Verona  (1047); 
an  important  province,  which  included  the  country 
of  Tirol,  and  commanded  the  passage  of  the 
Rhastian  Alps.  But  the  servant  of  Henry  III* 
maintained  the  vigour  of  his  character,  and  the 
pride  of  his  birth.  An  Italian  diet  was  sunv 
moned  according  to  custom  in  the  plain  of  Ron- 
caglia.  Guelph,  at  the  head  of  his  vassals,  waited 
three  days  without  seeing  or  hearing  from  the 
Emperor :  on  the  fourth  he  sounded  the  trumpet 
of  retreat;  and,  though  he  met  Henry  on  the  way, 
neither  threats,  nor  prayers,  nor  promises,  could 

that  some  mansi  were  of  more  ample  dimensions ;  and  I  could 
acquiesce  in  the  loose  definition  of  as  much  land  as  will  maintain 
a  peasant  with  his  family. 

*  Leibnitz  understands  the  Val  d'Elsa  in  Tuscany,  and  his 
opinion  is  approved  by  Eccard  and  Fontanini ;  (Origiiies  Guelficse, 
torn.  ii.  p.  223,  224.)  But  Gruber  dissents  from  his  text;  and 
Muratori  wishes  to  read  Vallis  Lusina,  the  village  and  manor  of 
Lusia  in  the  Veronese  territory,  which  soon  afterwards  appear  in 
the  possession  of  the  Marquis  Azo. 

prevail 


HOUSE  OF  BRUNSWICK.  511 

prevail  on  him  to  return.  An  arbitrary  tax  of  a 
thousand  marks  had  been  imposed  on  the  citizens 
of  Verona;  their  Marquis  in  arms  flew  to  their 
relief,  and  the  concessions  of  the  Emperor  could 
scarcely  purchase  an  ignominious  escape.  This 
act  of  patriotism  or  rebellion,  for  which  he  is  said 
to  have  testified  some  remorse,  concludes  the  story 
of  the  Duke  of  Carinthia.  He  died  (1055)  child 
less,  in  the  prime  of  life,  the  last  male  of  his  family. 
Desirous  of  exchanging  the  temporal  goods  which 
he  was  about  to  lose,  for  an  everlasting  possession 
in  heaven,  Guelph  endowed  the  Abbey  of  Wein- 
garten  with  the  rich  gift  of  his  estates  and  vassals. 
Two  of  his  principal  servants  accepted  the  tes 
tament;  but  after  his  funeral  they  were  resisted 
in  the  execution  of  this  rash  and  unjust  deed, 
which  offended  even  the  prejudices  of  the  age. 
Imiza  his  mother  was  not  ignorant  that  her 

O 

daughter  Cunegonde  had  left  a  son :  she  dis 
patched  messengers  into  Italy,  and  the  youth  on 
his  arrival  annulled  the  donation,  and  asserted  his 
own  right,  as  the  true  and  legitimate  heir  of  the 
ancient  Guelphs. 

Two  streams  of  noble  blood,  the  two  families  of 
Este  and  the  Guelphs,  were  united  in  the  son  of 
Azo  and  Cunegonde,  who  obtained  the  maternal 
name  of  his  grandfather  and  uncle.  By  the  mar 
riage  settlement,  which  seems  to  have  excluded 
the  younger  children,  Guelph  VI.  was  assured  of 
the  patrimony  of  his  father :  he  already  possessed 
the  inheritance  of  his  mother  (1055)  :  his  fortune 
was  adequate  to  his  birth,  and  his  warlike,  ambi 
tious 


ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE 

tious  spirit  soared  above  his  fortune.  An  Italian 
by  nature  and  education,  he  was  a  German  by 
adoption  ;  and  from  the  age  of  manhood  the  Lord 
of  Altorf  had  fixed  his  residence  and  his  hopes  in 
the  country  that  was  the  seat  of  government.  In 
the  diet  of  Goslar  (1071)  he  was  invested  by  the 
Emperor  Henry  IV.  with  the  duchy  of  Bavaria, 
which  in  that  age  extended  to  the  confines  of  Hun 
gary,  and  his  nuptials  were  celebrated  with  Judith 
the  daughter  of  Baldwin,  count  of  Flanders,  and 
the  widow  of  a  titular  King  of  England.*  These 
titles  are  illustrious :  but  the  Brunswick  princes, 
who  are  lovers  of  truth  and  freedom,  will  permit 
me  to  observe  that  they  were  dearly  purchased  by 
the  sacrifice  of  virtue.  His  first  wife  was  Ethe- 
linda  the  daughter  of  Henry,  duke  of  Bavaria : 
their  alliance  was  consecrated  by  oaths,  and  while 
fortune  smiled  Guelph  was  a  tender  husband  and 
a  pious  son.  But  after  Henry,  in  the  storms  of 
faction,  had  been  proscribed  by  the  Emperor,  the 
Lord  of  Altorf  deserted  the  father,  repudiated  the 
daughter,  and  basely  solicited  the  spoils  of  a  friend 
with  whom  it  was  his  duty  to  fall.  Gold  and  sil 
ver  are  the  idols  of  a  venal  court ;  the  Guelphic  pa 
trimony  was  injured  by  his  profuse  ambition ;  and 
his  ascent  to  one  of  the  most  eminent  dignities  of 
the  republic  was  disgraced  by  the  public  reproach 
of  ingratitude  and  perjury.!  By  the  early  and  ob 
stinate 

*  Of  Tostus,  son  of  Earl  Godwin  and  younger  brother  of  Ha 
rold,  against  whom,  with  a  Norwegian  army  he  had  unsuccess 
fully  disputed  the  crown. 

t  Cunctifrdetestantibus,  quod  clarissimam  et  inopinatissimam  in 

Republica 


HOUSE  OF  BRUNSWICK.  513 

stinate  revolt  of  the  Duke  of  Bavaria  against  his 
imperial  benefactor,  these  reproaches  will  be  tinged 
with  a  blacker  dye,  if  the  defence  of  the  church 
does  not  absolve  from  all  moral  obligations.  What 
soever  were  his  sins  they  were  expiated,  however, 
by  a  pilgrimage  to  the  Holy  Land  :  the  greater  part 
of  his  army  was  buried  in  the  plains  of  Asia  Minor; 
and  he  died  on  his  return,  at  Paphos,  in  the  Isle  of 
Cyprus  (1101).  His  life  had  been  prolonged  to  an 
advanced  period ;  yet  he  survived  only  four  years 
the  longevity  of  his  father  the  Marquis  Azo.  The 
articles  of  settlement  were  rigorously  exacted  by  the 
Bavarian  duke :  but  the  sons  of  the  second  mar 
riage,  Fulk  and  Hugh,  opposed  their  elder  brother 
in  the  passes  of  the  Alps,  and  his  insatiate  avarice 
yielded  to  a  more  equal  treaty  of  partition. 

By  the  Queen  Dowager  of  England,  the  first 
Guelphic  duke  of  Bavaria  had  two  sons,  Guelph 
VII.  and  Henry,  surnamed  the  Black.  The  eldest 
at  the  age  of  seventeen  (1089)  was  sent  into  Italy, 
and  commanded  by  his  parents  to  ascend  the  nup 
tial  bed  of  Matilda  the  Great  Countess  of  Tuscany, 
who  had  attained  the  autumnal  ripeness  of  forty- 
three  years.  This  heroine,  the  spiritual  daughter 
of  Gregory  VII.  wras  twice  married :  but  interest 
rather  than  love  directed  her  choice,  and  her  vir 
ginity  was  twice  insulted  by  a  crooked  dwarf,  and 

an  impotent  boy.    *          *     *     *    * 

#########*•#      #     #•    #    .# 

Republica  dignitatem  tarn  fceda  ambitione  polluisset,  says  Lam 
bert,  with  a  sense  and  style  far  above  the  eleventh  century. 

VOL.  iir.  i;  L  Their 


514  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE 

Their  conjugal  union  was  hopeless  ;*  but  six  years 
(1089 — 1095)  elapsed  between  the  marriage  and 
the  divorce  ;  and  the  government  of  Tuscany  was 
administered  in  their  joint  names,  till  the  imperious 
temper  of  Matilda  provoked  the  grandson  of  Azo 
to  reveal  a  secret  which  her  pride  would  have  con 
cealed  from  the  world.  On  his  father's  decease 
Guelph  VIL  succeeded  to  the  duchy  of  Bavaria 
(1 101)  of  which  he  had  already  obtained  the  rever 
sion  :  his  power  ranked  him  among  the  first  princes 
of  Germany ;  and  when  he  represented  the  ma 
jesty  of  the  empire,  a  sword  of  state  was  carried 
before  him.  The  Bavarians  applauded  the  mild 
ness  of  his  sway,  and  his  paternal  care  in  the  edu 
cation  of  the  noble  youth.  At  Rome  he  appeared 
with  dignity  as  the  mediator  between  the  Emperor 
and  the  Pope.  The  French  who  saw  him  at 
Troy es,  at  the  head  of  a  great  embassy,  \  were  asto 
nished  by  the  huge  corpulence  and  sonorous  voice, 
which,  in  his  person,  however,  were  not  the  attri 
butes  of  manhood.  After  a  reign  of  nineteen  years 
he  died  (1 120),  most  assuredly,  without  children; 
and  his  younger  brother  Henry  the  Black  reunited 
all  the  subordinate  fiefs  and  allodial  estates  of  the 
family  in  Germany  and  Italy .f 

*  For  more  particular  information  see  Cosmas,  Dean  of  the 
church  of  Prague,  whom, I  only  know  by  the  Abrege  Chronolo- 
gique  de  1'Histoire  d'ltalie  of  the  most  accurate  St.  Marc  (ton*. 
iv.  p.  1253).  Some  faults  and  fables  may  weaken  his  credit, 
but  of  the  impotence  of  Guelph  VIL  I  cannot  entertain  a  doubt. 

f  See  the  two  first  Guelphs  of  Bavaria  in  the  sixth  book  of  the 
Origines  Guelficae,  torn.  ii. 

Till 


HOUSE  OF  BRUNSWICK.  515 

Till  the  beginning  of  the  twelfth  century  the 
provincial  honours  of  the  Marquisses  of  Este,  the 
Lords  of  Altorf,  and  even  the  Dukes  of  Bavaria, 
were  those  of  a  private  though  illustrious  family  : 
and  the  series  of  their  names  and  actions  must  be 
painfully  extracted  from  the  occasional  hints  of 
charters  and  chronicles.  During  a  subsequent 
period  of  an  hundred  years  the  Este-Guelphs,  the 
princes  of  the  Brunswick  line,  are  the  first]  actors 
in  the  revolutions  of  the  empire :  their  lives  and 
characters  are  deeply  impressed  on  the  annals  of 
the  times ;  and  our  loose  memorials  will  assume 
the  tone  of  an  historical  narrative. 

After  the  death  of  his  elder  brother,  Henry  the 
Black,  son  of  Guelph  VI.  and  grandson  of  the 
Marquis  Azo,  had  succeeded  to  the  duchy  of  Ba 
varia  and  the  estates  of  the  family.  He  survived 
only  six  years  ( 1 1 20— 1 1 26)  ;  but  his  political 
weight  on  a  vacancy  of  the  throne  contributed  to 
fix  the  right  of  election  in  the  German  aristocracy. 
The  royal  funeral  of  Henry  V.  was  solemnly  per 
formed;  and  the  Duke,  with  the  sacerdotal  and 
noble  attendants,  subscribed  a  writ  of  summons 
which  speaks  the  language  of  liberty  and  resent 
ment.  The  diet  was  held  in  the  neighbourhood 
of  Mentz ;  the  separate  tribes,  the  Franks,  the 
Swabians,  the  Bavarians,  encamped  on  either  side 
of  the  Rhine,  and  the  immediate  vassals  with  their 
numerous  and  warlike  followers,  composed  an 
assembly  or  rather  army  of  sixty  thousand  soldiers 
and  freemen.  But  the  archbishop,  a  dexterous 
L  L  2  statesman, 


51.6  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE 

statesman,  removing  the  scene  from  the  camp  to 
the  cathedral,  transferred  the  right  of  voting  from 
the  many  to  the  few,  and  as  the  comparative  few 
were  still  too  many  in  his  eyes,  the  previous  nomi 
nation  of  an  emperor  was  devolved  on  a  select 
committee  of  ten  princes  and  prelates,  the  first 
rudiments  of  the  electoral  college.  Three  candi 
dates,  Leopold,  Marquis  of  Austria,  Lothaire,  Duke 
of  Saxony,  and  Frederic,  Duke  of  Swabia,  were 
unanimously  named  :  and  the  two  former,  after  a 
modest  refusal  for  themselves,  engaged  to  support 
the  choice  of  the  majority.  The  evasions  of  the 
Duke  of  Swabia  betrayed  a  secret  and  offensive 
presumption  of  hereditary  right.  He  was  the  son 
of  Frederic  of  Stauffen,  a  soldier  of  fortune  :  but 
his  mother  Agnes  was  the  daughter  and  sister  of 
the  two  last  emperors.  He  shared  with  his  brother 
Conrad  the  .rich  inheritance  of  the  Ghibelline  or 
Franconian  house,  and  his  ambition  might  be  co 
loured  by  the  examples  of  the  preceding  reigns. 
These  examples  and  this  ambition  the  electors  had 
resolved  to  crush  by  the  free  choice  of  Lothaire  of 
Saxony  :  but  the  attempt  was  dangerous,  as  long 
as  the  Bavarian  duke  might  cast  into  the  opposite 
scale  the  votes  of  his  dependant  bishops,  and  the 
swords  of  his  military  vassals.  His  personal  attach 
ment,  for  he  had  given  his  sister  to  Frederic,  in 
sensibly  yielded  to  stronger  arguments  of  public 
or  private  interest.  Henry  the  Black  appeared  in 
the  cathedral  of  Mentz,  and  no  sooner  had  he  as 
sented  to  the  wishes  of  the  majority,  than  the 

Saxoii 


HOUSE  OF  BRUNSWICK.  517 

<t_ 

Saxon  was  proclaimed  in  triumph,  and  the  Swabian 
fled  in  despair. 

The  difference  of  an  hereditary  or  elective  mo 
narchy  is  of  small  moment  to  a  dying  man ;  nor 
did  Henry  survive  many  months  the  diet  of  Mentz. 
In  his  last  moments  (1126)  the  fears  of  supersti 
tion  prevailed :  but  he  contrived  to  expire  in  the 
habit  of  a  monk,  and  thus  disappointed  the  infer 
nal  spirits  who  might  have  formed  some  pretensions 
to  the  soul  of  the  duke.  The  devotion  of  Conrad 
his  eldest  son  is  far  more  edifying  and  meritorious. 
The  noble  youth  embraced  the  solitary  life  of  a 
priest :  renouncing  a  princely  inheritance,  the 
pride  of  the  world,  exercise  of  arms,  and  the  hope 
of  posterity.  His  birth  and  virtue  must  have 
raised  him  to  the  archbishopric  of  Cologne,  had 
he  not  escaped  from  this  new  temptation  to  the 
Abbey  of  Clairvaux  in  France,  where  he  pro 
nounced  the  vow  of  a  Cistercian  monk,  under  the 
austere  discipline  of  St.  Bernard.  Even  this  dis 
cipline  was  too  soft  for  his  increasing  fervour ;  he 
undertook  a  pilgrimage  to  the  Holy  Land,  and 
buried  himself  in  the  cell  of  an  hermit  of  the 
desert.  The  decay  of  his  health,  which  had  been 
broken  by  immoderate  penance,  compelled  him 
to  return :  he  found  a  grave  at  Bari  on  the  sea 
coast  of  Italy  ;  his  memory  is  still  revered  by  the 
people;  and  in  the  present  century  (1722)  the  re 
lics  of  St.  Conrad  have  been  carried  in  procession 
to  obtain  from  heaven  the  blessing  of  seasonable 
rain. 

L  L  3  As 


518  ANTIQUITIES  OF 

As  the  eldest  son  was  dead  to  the  world,  the 
feudal  and  allodial  estates  were  divided  between 
the  two  surviving  brothers,  Henry  the  Proud  and 
Guelph  VIII. ;  but  the  right  of  primogeniture 
was  considered,  and  Henry  alone,  in  his  twenty- 
fifth  year,  succeeded  to  the  title  and  office  of  Duke 
of  Bavaria,  His  character  may  be  estimated  by 
the  first  acts  of  his  government  in  the  provincial 
diet  of  Ratisbon ;  every  complaint  was  heard, 
every  wrong  redressed,  every  crime  punished ;  and 
the  civil  judge  was  protected  by  the  military  com 
mander.  In  a  circuit  round  the  province  he  re 
conciled  the  quarrels  of  his  vassals,  and  exacted 
the  most  effectual  sureties  of  oaths  and  pledges 
for  the  suspension  of  private  war ;  the  castles  of 
the  disobedient  were  demolished,  their  persons 
were  proscribed,  and  Bavaria  enjoyed  a  respite  of 
ten  years  (1 126 — 1 136)  from  the  disorders  of  the 
feudal  system.  The  duke  had  levied  a  tax  on  the 
citizens  of  Ratisbon,  but  the  produce  was  surely 
inadequate  to  the  expense  of  a  stone  bridge  of  fif 
teen  arches,  which  he  constructed  over  the  deep 
and  rapid  stream  of  the  Danube.  Churches  and 
convents  are  the  monuments  of  the  middle  age  ; 
and  a  work  of  public  use  attests  the  sense  as  well 
as.  the  riches  of  the  founder. 

The  marriage  of  Gertrude,  the  daughter  and 
heiress  of  the  Emperor  Lothaire,  with  Henry  the 
Proud,  was  not  accomplished  till  after  his  father's 
death  ;  but  it  niay  be  presumed  that  his  desertion 
of  a  brother-in-law  for  a  stranger  was  purchased 

bv 


HOUSE  OF  BRUNSWICK.  519 

by  the  hope  or  promise  of  this  valuable  alliance. 
The  nuptial  feast  was  celebrated,  in  the  summer, 
(1 126)  on  the  banks  of  a  pleasant  river :  the  spaci 
ous  meadows  were  covered  with  tents  and  edifices 
of  timber,  and  the  scene  might  have  presented  a 
pleasing  and  pastoral  image,  if  the  sound  of  arms, 
the  riot  of  intemperance,  and  the  pride  of  rank 
could  have  been  excluded  from  an  assembly  of 
German  nobles.  A  general  invitation  attracted 
twenty  or  thirty  thousand  guests ;  the  princes, 
barons,  and  knights,  their  numerous  retinues,  and 
the  crowd  of  meaner  spectators ;  and  the  festival 
was  continued  several  weeks  by  the  profuse  hos 
pitality  of  the  bridegroom,  who  bore  away  the 
prize  in  all  the  tournaments  of  chivalry.  In  the 
rising  troubles  of  the  empire  the  services  of  the 
Duke  of  Bavaria  recommended  him  to  the  confi 
dence  and  gratitude  of  his  august  father  (1126 — 
1 1 35).  The  Ghibelline  brothers  rose  in  arms 
against  the  successful  candidate,  and  Conrad  ac 
cepted  the  title  of  King  ;  their  adherents  were  nu 
merous  in  Italy  and  Germany,  and  they  seduced 
the  fidelity  of  Albert,  Archbishop  of  Mentz,  the 
master-mover  in  the  election  of  Lothaire.  "  Em 
brace  the  prelate,  (says  Henry  in  a  private  letter,) 
but  trust  him  not.  Honey  is  on  his  lips,  but  his 
heart  is  filled  with  the  blackest  gall."  The  sword 
of  the  Duke  of  Bavaria  was  not  less  useful  than 
his  political  sagacity  ;  and  Lothaire  stimulated  his 
courage  by  exhorting  him  to  march,  like  Judas 
Maccabeus,  against  the  enemies,  of  the  Lord, 
L  L  4  Theiv 


520  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE 

Their  power  extended  from  the  Upper  Danube 
to  the  Lower  Rhine  ;  the  artificial  strength  of  the 
province  had  suggested  a  vulgar  saying,  that  the 
dukes  of  Swabia  never  moved  without  a  castle  at 
their  horse's  tail ;  but  their  best  reliance  was  on 
the  firm  and  faithful  support  of  the  cities  of  Spires 
and  Ulm.  The  reduction  of  these  cities  may  be 
ascribed  to  the  valour  and  conduct  of  the  Guelphic 
prince :  he  surprized  and  vanquished  his  uncle 
Frederic  who  was  advancing  to  the  relief  of  Spires ; 
and  the  walls,  even  the  buildings  of  Ulm  were 
levelled  to  the  ground  by  his  irresistible  assault. 
After  a  series  of  losses  and  defeats  the  Ghibelline 
brothers  resigned  their  pretensions,  and  implored 
their  pardon,  and  Lothaire,  without  a  rival,  was 
acknowledged  sole  monarch  of  the  German  Em 
pire. 

From  Lothaire  II.,  and  his  consort  Richenza, 
the  inheritance  of  Brunswick  would  legally  de 
scend  to  their  daughter,  whose  husband,  the  Duke 
of  Bavaria,  already  enjoyed  in  right  of  his  mother 
the  Saxon  patrimony  of  the  House  of  Billing. 
Before  his  accession  their  ducal  office  had  been 
exercised  by  the  emperor  himself:  he  now  wished 
to  devolve  it  on  some  faithful  client ;  and  what 
client  could  be  more  faithful  than  his  adoptive 
son  ?  The  Guelphs,  by  their  female  alliance,  pos 
sessed  a  natural  command  on  the  banks  of  the 
Elbe  and  Weser ;  the  genius  of  Henry  the  Proud 
was  equal  to  the  double  administration  of  Saxony 
and  Bavaria ;  precedents  might  be  found  of  a  simi 
lar 


HOUSE  OF  BRUNSWICK.  521 

lar  union;  and  the  complaint  of  pluralities  was 
over-ruled  by  affection  and  silenced  by  authority. 
Pew  Christian  kings  in  the  twelfth  century  could 
vie  with  the  power  and  dominion  of  the  Duke  of 
Saxony  and  Bavaria,  Supreme  Governor  of  the 
Danish,  Slavic,  and  Hungarian  borders ;  noi*  was 
a  fair  occasion  neglected  of  restoring  an  Italian 
province  to  the  elder  branch  of  the  Marquisses  of 
Este,  and,  perhaps,  of  Tuscany.  As  the  repre 
sentative  of  the  Cassars,  and  the  King  of  the  Lom 
bards,  Lothaire  II.  contested  the  illegitimate  do 
nation  of  the  Countess  Matilda  to  the  Roman 
Church ;  but  he  accepted,  as  a  compromise,  the 
investiture  of  her  patrimony,  which  was  widely 
diffused  from  the  Adriatic  and  the  Po  to  the  Tiber 
and  the  Tuscan  sea.  An  annual  quit-rent  of  one 
hundred  marks  of  silver  declared  the  supremacy  of 
the  pope,  and  the  reversion  was  granted  to  Henry 
the  Proud  on  condition  that  he  should  swear  fide 
lity  and  perform  homage  to  the  Apostolic  See. 
The  fortunate  Hehry  was  now  raised  above  the 
level  of  a  subject:  he  is  addressed  by  his  august 
father  as  the  presumptive  heir  of  the  monarchy, 
and  had  Lothaire  returned  victorious  from  the 
Apulian  war,  a  loyal  diet  might  have  gratified  his 
wish  in  the  election  of  a  successor.  The  House  of 
Brunswick  might  at  this  day  be  seated  on  the 
throne  of  Germany ;  and  if  the  Sense  and  spirit  of 
the  Guelphs  had  kept  inviolate  their  hereditary 
domains,  they  might  have  rekindled  the  lustre  of 
the  Imperial  Crown,  and  asserted  the  prerogatives 
of  Otho  and  Charlemagne. 

While 


ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE 

While  Lothaire  II.  accomplished  the  indispensa 
ble  pilgrimage  of  his  Roman  coronation,  his  son- 
in-law  was  left  behind  to  maintain  peace  or  to  pro 
secute  war  in  the  Teutonic  kingdom  (1 133).  In  a 
second  expedition,  the  Emperor  prepared  to  vindi 
cate  the  altar  and  the  throne  from  the  schism  of  an 
anti-pope,  and  the  rebellion  of  a  King  of  Sicily* 
The  powers  of  Germany  obeyed  his  summons 
(1136);  fifteen  hundred  knights  and  men  at  arms 
marched  under  the  banner  of  the  Duke  of  Saxony 
and  Bavaria ;  Henry  the  Proud  appeared  as  the 
second  person  in  the  host;  the  Italians  beheld 
their  future  sovereign;  and  instead  of  the  cold 
service  of  a  vassal  or  mercenary,  he  displayed 
the,  active  consciousness  that  he  was  labouring  for 
himself.  On  the  first  descent  from  the  Rhsetian 
Alps  the  great  grandson  of  the  Marquis  Azo 
stormed  the  castles  of  the  lakes  and  mountains, 
visited  the  patrimony  of  his  fathers,  and  granted, 
as  the  superior  lord,  the  fief  of  Este  to  his  cousins' 
of  the  younger  branch.  From  Verona  to  Turin, 
and  from  Turin  to  Ravenna,  he  led  or  followed 
the  royal  standard,  oppressed  the  proud,  interceded 
for  the  prostrate,  and  subscribed  the  feudal  laws, 
which  Lothaire  promulgated  in  the  Diet  of  Ron- 
caglia.  After  celebrating  the  festival  of  Christ 
mas,  the  Emperor  (1137)  divided  his  forces;  with 
the  main  body  he-marched  along  the  Adriatic  coast 
into  the  heart  of  Apulia,  while  Henry  the  Proud 
passed  the  Apennine  at  the  head  of  three  thousand 
German  horse.  The  bishops  and  magistrates  who 

had 


HOUSE  OF  BRUNSWICK.  523 

had  been  expelled  by  popular  insurrection  were 
reinstated  by  his  arms :  Florence  was  besieged, 
Lucca  was  pardoned :  he  inflamed  the  territory 
and  burst  the  gates  of  Sienna :  the  provinces  were 
reduced ;  and  to  his  Saxon  and  Bavarian  honours 
Henry  added  a  third  title  of  Duke  of  Tuscany. 
As  the  vassal  of  St.  Peter  he  conducted  Pope  Inno 
cent  II.  from  the  synod  of  Pisa  to  the  siege  of 
Bari,  a  march  of  five  hundred  miles  through  a 
schismatic  people,  an  hostile  country,  a  line  of 
fortified  towns,  and  the  garrisons  of  Normans  and 
Saracens  in  the  service  of  Roger,  King  of  Sicily. 
The  powers  of  Henry  were  inadequate  to  the  siege 
of  Rome ;  but  in  his  progress  to  the  south,  the 
abbey  of  Mount  Cassin,  the  principality  of  Capua, 
and  the  ecclesiastical  province  of  Beneventum 
were  compelled  to  acknowledge  their  lawful  gover 
nors.  In  the  ;nost  perilous  assaults  his  Germans 
were  guided,  and  rallied,  and  checked  by  the  hand 
of  a  master,  and  against  the  pontiff  himself  his 
vassal  presumed  to  vindicate  the  rights  of  conquest 
and  of  the  empire.  After  the  interview  of  Lo- 
thaire  and  Innocent,  the  Teutonic  army  moved 
from  the  Upper  to  the  Lower  sea;  the  prudent 
valour  of  the  Duke  was  equally  conspicuous  in  the 
successful  sieges  of  Bari  and  Salerno,  and  he  might 
claim  an  ample  share  in  the  glory  of  his  father, 
whose  epitaph  proclaims  that  he  had  driven  the  in 
fidels  from  the  continent  of  Italy. 

But  these  conquests  were  preserved  only  in  the 
epitaph  which  was  speedily  to  be  inscribed  on  the 

sepulchre 


524  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE 

sepulchre  of  Lothaire.  An  Apulian  summer  had 
melted  the  strength  of  the  hardy  Germans ;  their 
retreat  was  spiritless  and  slow,  and  the  Emperor, 
who  felt  the  decay  of  life,  had  scarcely  descended 
from  the  Alps  when  he  expired  (Dec.  3,  1 1 37,)  in 
a  nameless  village  of  Bavaria,  leaving  the  posses 
sion  of  Saxony  and  the  hope  of  the  empire  to  his 
adoptive  son.  The  claims  of  Henry  were  founded 
on  the  superior  advantages  of  merit  and  fortune. 
But  the  epithet  of  the  proud  betrays  a  vice  in  his 
character  most  offensive  to  a  free-horn  people : 
and  his  monopoly  of  power  alarmed  the  jealousy 
of  his  peers  who  were  apprehensive  that  the  lord 
of  so  many  provinces  might  subvert  the  balance  of 
the  constitution.  The  conspiracy  of  the  ecclesias 
tical  and  secular  princes  was  encouraged  by  the 
policy  of  Rome,  alike  unmindful  of  ancient  inju 
ries  and  recent  services.  The  Guelphs,  who  repre 
sented  the  House  of  Saxony,  were  sacrificed  to  the 
heirs  of  the  Ghibelline  or  Franconian  line;  and 
the  ambitious  Conrad,  who  had  abdicated  the 
royal  title,  again  ascended  the  steps  of  the  throne 
(1138).  An  hasty,  irregular  meeting,  anticipated 
the  summons  and  the  forms  of  election,  but  their 
choice  was  ratified  by  the  consent  of  the  nation. 
The  Empress  dowager  Richenza  and  her  Saxon 
vassals  were  compelled  to  attend  the  diet,  and  to 
renounce  the  cause  of  their  own  candidate.  Even 
Henry  himself  desisted  from  the  fruitless  contest, 
and  the  imperial  ornaments  which  he  had  received 
from  his  dying  father  were  delivered  with  many  a 

sigh, 


HOUSE  OF  BRUNSWICK.  525 

sigh,  after  many  a  delay,  into  the  hands  of  a  rival. 
A  barbarous  people  is  attached  to  visible  symbols : 
nor  could  the  Germans  acknowledge  their  lawful 
sovereign  unless  they  beheld  the  crown  and  scep 
tre,  the  sword  and  the  lance,  which  had  been  con 
secrated  by  ancient  use  and  popular  superstition. 

But  the  pride  and  power  of  Henry  could  nei 
ther  stoop  to  obey  nor  expect  to  be  forgiven.  The 
question  was  agitated  whether  two  duchies  could 
legally  be  vested  in  the  same  person,  and  it  was 
soon  decided  in  the  negative  by  those  who  wished 
to  oppress,  and  those  who  aspired  to  succeed  the 
reigning  duke.  Perhaps  Henry  might  have  been 
allowed  to  retain  either  Saxony  or  Bavaria :  but 
his  spirit  scorned  the  ignominious  option :  his 
refusal  was  interpreted  as  a  crime;  by  the  sentence 
of  revenge,  envy  and  avarice  assembled  in  a  diet, 
he  was  stripped  of  all  his  possessions,  and  the  head 
of  the  rebel  was  proscribed  with  the  tremendous 
ceremonies  which  accompany  the  ban  of  the  em 
pire.  The  duchies  of  Saxony  and  Bavaria  were 
respectively  granted  to  their  first  and  most  power 
ful  vassals,  to  Albert  the  Bear,  Margrave  of  Bran- 
denburgh,  and  to  Leopold,  Margrave  of  Austria. 
Leopold  was  the  half-brother  of  the  Emperor,  and 
as  the  father  of  Albert  had  married  a  younger 
daughter  of  Duke  Magnus,  he  disputed  with  the 
Guelphs  the  inheritance  of  the  house  of  Billing. 
Bavaria,  from  the  impulse  of  fear  or  affection,  sub 
mitted  on  the  first  approach  of  the  Austrians,  and 
so  rapid  was  the  revolution,  so  universally  was  he 
deserted,  that  Henry  the  Proud,  with  only  four 

fol- 


5%6  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE 

followers,  escaped  from  the  banks  of  the  Danube 
to  those  of  the  Weser  and  the  Elbe.  There  indeed 
he  made  a  vigorous  and  successful  stand.  Richenza 
embraced  her  daughter,  and  appealed  to  her  fa 
thers  :  the  Saxons '  were  impatient  of  a  foreign 
master,  the  allodial  estates  of  Brunswick  and  Lune- 
burgh  poured  forth  a  swarm  of  soldiers ;  and  no 
sooner  had  they  recovered  from  their  first  astonish 
ment,  than  the  Guelphic  vassals  of  Swabia  and 
Bavaria  resorted  in  crowds  to  the  standard  of 
their  lord.  The  son-in-law  of  Lothaire  found  an 
army,  -and  that  army  had  a  general ;  his  pride  was 
stimulated  by  shame  and  resentment ;  the  Bear  fled 
before  the  Lion,  (I  use  the  quaint  language  of  the 
age,)  and  Albert  of  Brandenburgh  sought  a  refuge 
in  the  court  of  his  benefactor.  Exasperated  by 
this  haughty  defiance,  Conrad  himself  marched 
against  the  rebel  at  the  head  of  a  royal  army :  but 
on  a  nearer  survey  of  his  strength  the  Emperor 
halted,  doubtful  of  the  event ;  a  parley  was 
sounded,  a  negociation  was  opened,  a  diet  was 
announced.  In  a  general,  perhaps  a  more  impartial 
assembly,  Henry  prepared  to  defend  the  justice  of 
his  cause  by  arguments  as  well  as  by  arms,  when, 
after  a  short  illness  in  his  thirty-seventh  year 
(1 139)  his  worldly  contentions  were  terminated  by 
the  hand  of  death.  A  death  thus  premature,  thus 
sudden,  thus  seasonable,  might  awaken  suspicions 
of  poison :  and  these  suspicions  have  been  propa 
gated  and  believed  by  the  zeal  of  party  :  but  they 
are  not  justified  by  the  character  of  the  times,  of 
the  nation,  or  of  the  personal  adversaries  of  the 

Duke 


&OUSE  OF  BRUNSWICK.  527 

Duke  of  Saxony.  The  Germans  of 'the  twelfth 
century  might  be  often  cruel,  but  they  were  sel 
dom  perfidious. 

After  the  decease  of  Henry  the  Proud,  ( 1 1 39)  the 
eldest  hope  of  the  Guelphic  line  reposed  on  his 
only  son,  the  third  Henry,  an  orphan  of  ten  years 
of  age,  who  afterwards  claimed  the  royal  appella 
tion  of  the  LION,  either  from  his  father,  his  cha 
racter,  or  his  armorial  ensigns.  The  personal  re 
sentments  which  had  been  excited  by  the  pride  of 
the  late  duke  might  be  disarmed  by  the  tender 
innocence  of  his  successor;  but  political  enemies, 
and  some  of  them  were  bishops,  are  rarely  moved 
by  generosity  or  compassion,  and  the  young  Lion 
must  have  been  caught  in  the  toils  had  not  his 
brave  and  faithful  Saxons  defended  with  perseve 
ring  arms  the  child  of  the  nation.  His  grand-mo 
ther  Richenza,  a  woman  as  it  should  seem  of  sense 
and  spirit,  possessed  the  affection,  and  assumed  the 
regency  of  the  country :  but  her  daughter  Gertrude, 
a  blooming  and  impatient  widow,  was  too  soon 
(1141)  persuaded  to  form  an  hostile  connexion,  and 
her  second  marriage  with  Henry,  Margrave  of 
Austria,  the  brother  and  successor  of  Leopold,  ap 
peared  to  countenance  the  usurpation  of  Bavaria. 
Yet  this  alliance  was  productive  of  a  truce  and  a 
treaty,  and  the  son  of  Gertrude,  renouncing  by  his 
mother's  advice  the  Bavarian  duchy,  was  acknow 
ledged  as  Duke  of  Saxony  by  the  Emperor  and 
empire ;  a  specious  act,  which  ensured  some  years 
of  domestic  peace,  without  any  material  injury  to 
the  right  of  the  minor.  The  education  of  Henry 

the 


528  .ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE 

the  Lion  was  that  of  a  Saxon  and  a  soldier,  to 
support  the  inclemency  of  the  seasons,  to  disdain 
the  temptations  of  luxury,  to  manage  the  horse 
and  the  lance,  to  contend  with  his  equals  in  the 
exercise  of  military  and  even  civil  virtues,  and  to 
disguise  the  superior  gifts  of  fortune,  perhaps  of 
nature,  by  the  winning  graces  of  modesty  and  gen 
tleness.  At  eighteen  (1 147)  the  Duke  of  Saxony 
and,  as  he  still  deemed  himself,  of  Bavaria,  was 
introduced  at  the  diet  of  Frankfort  into  an  assem 
bly  of  men  and  princes ;  and  the  recent  institution 
of  knighthood  supplied  the  national  custom  of  de 
livering  the  sword  and  spear  to  a  noble  youth. 
Europe  was  then  agitated  by  the  preparations  of 
the  second  crusade  :  the  Emperor  Conrad  and  the 
King  of  France  had  listened  to  the  voice  of  St. 
Bernard,  and  while  the  flame  of  enthusiasm  was 
kindled  in  every  martial  bosom,  the  spirit  of  Henry 
would  prompt  him  to  march,  and  might  lead  him 
to  perish  in  the  dangerous  adventure.  But  the 
northern  states  of  Germany,  with  their  allies  of 
Denmark  and  Poland,  preferred  an  holy  warfare 
less  remote,  more  beneficial,  and  equally  merito 
rious,  against  the  idolatrous  Slavi  of  the  Baltic 
coast ;  and  one  hundred  and  sixty  thousand  sol 
diers  of  Christ  were  speedily  enrolled  to  convert  or 
exterminate  his  enemies.  The  Duke  of  Saxony, 
with  a  numerous  body  of  his  vassals  and  subjects, 
unfurled  the  banner  of  the  cross ;  and  although 
this  first  campaign  was  neither  successful  nor  glo 
rious,  he  shewed  himself  on  a  splendid  theatre  to 
the  Christians  and  Pagans  of  the  North.  After 

the 


HOUSE  OF  BRUNSWICK. 

the  return  of  the  Emperor  from  the  Holy  Land, 
Henry  the  Lion  endeavoured,  without  success,  to 
wrest  Bavaria  from  his  Austrian  competitor ;  but 
while  he  was  detained  on  the  Danube,  a  messenger 
announced  that  Conrad  had  entered  Saxony  with 
a  great  army.  "  Command  my  vassals  (replied  the 
dauntless  chief)  to  assemble  at  Brunswick:  on 
Christmas-day  they  shall  find  me  at  their  head." 
The  term  was  short,  the  distance  was  long,  the 
passes  were  guarded ;  yet  the  Duke  was  faithful 
to  his  appointment.  Disguising  his  person,  with 
only  three  attendants,  he  darted  swift  and  secret 
through  the  hostile  country,  appeared  on  the  fifth 
day  in  the  camp  of  Brunswick,  and  forced  his  im 
perial  adversary  to  sound  a  precipitate  retreat. 
(1150.) 

During  the  minority  of  Henry,  a  valiant  uncle, 
Guelph  'VIII.  asserted  in  arms  the  cause  of  his 
nephew  :  but  if  the  proscription  of  the  father  and 
the  renunciation  of  the  son  were  admitted  as  legal 
acts,  he  claimed  Bavaria  as  the  patrimony  of  his 
ancestors.  His  reasons  were  specious;  his  troops 
were  drawn  from  the  hereditary  estates  of  Swabia 
and  Italy ;  the  subsidies  of  the  Kings  of  Sicily  and 
Hungary  fomented  the  rebellion;  he  often  pre 
vailed  in  the  battles  and  sieges  of  a  ten  years  war ; 
and  if  Guelph  was  sometimes  crushed  by  the 
weight  of  imperial  power  his  invincible  spirit  rose 
more  terrible  from  every  defeat.  It  was  at  one  of 
these  battles  that  the  contending  shouts  of  Hye 
Guelph  !  Hye  Ghibdline  !  produced  the  names  of 
the  two  factions  so  famous  afterwards  and  so  fatal 

VOL.  in.  M  M  in 


530  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE 

in  the  annals  of  Italy.  It  was  in  one  of  these 
sieges  that  a  splendid  example  was  displayed  of 
conjugal  tenderness  and  faith.  As  an  offended 
sovereign,  Conrad  had  refused  all  terms  of  capitu 
lation  to  the  garrison  of  Winesberg;  but  as  a  cour 
teous  knight  he  permitted  the  women  to  depart 
with  such  of  their  precious  effects  as  they  them 
selves  could  transport.  The  gates  of  the  town 
were  thrown  open ;  and  a  long  procession  of  ma 
trons,  each  bearing  a  husband,  or  at  least  a  man, 
on  her  shoulders,  passed  in  safety  through  the  ap 
plauding  camp.  This  moral  story,  which  is  told 
(if  I  am.  not  mistaken)  by  the  spectator,  may  be 
supported,  however,  by  ancient  evidence :  but  the 
wife  of  Guelph,  the  Duchess  Ita,  must  be  excluded 
from  the  honourable  list;  since  her  husband  was 
actually  .in  the  field,  attempting  with  insuffi 
cient  forces  the  relief  of  Winesberg.  Arter  seven 
campaigns,  (1 140 — 1147?)  these  destructive  hosti 
lities  were  suspended  by  the  engagement  of  the 
rival  chiefs  in  the  second  crusade ;  but  no  sooner 
had  they  reached  Constantinople,  than  Guelph, 
under  the  pretence  of  sickness,  deserted  the  ser 
vice  of  the  holy  sepulchre.  He  returned  by  sea  ; 
and,  after  a  secret  conspiracy  with  the  King  of  Si 
cily  and  the  senators  of  Rome,  passed  through 
Italy,  descended  from  the  Alps,  and  resumed  an 
impious  war  against  the  absent  servants  of  the 
cross.  In  the  battle  of  Flocberg  (1150)  against 
Henry,  the  son  of  Conrad,  he  strove  to  cover  the 
retreat  of  his  fainting  troops ;  their  heavy  armour 
protected  them  from  mortal  wounds;  but  three 

hundred 


HOUSE  OF  BRUNSWICK.  531 

hundred  of  his  knights  were  made  prisoners ;  the 
treatment  of  their  leader,  a  supposed  captive,  was 
debated  in  the  Emperor's  council,  and  his  triumph 
was  announced  to  the  east  and  west.  The  captive, 
alas !  was  still  free  and  vigorous,  and  ohstinate. 
Instead  of  suing  for  pardon,  he  stipulated  a  treaty 
(1151);  and  the  favours  of  the  court  were  the  re 
ward  of  his  long  opposition.  But  the  mind  of 
Guelph  was  still  hostile  to  the  persecutors  of  his 
family,  and  he  joined  with  his  peers,  who  refused 
to  attend  their  unpopular  sovereign  in  his  Roman 
pilgrimage. 

After  the  decease  of  Conrad,  the  unanimous 
election  of  his  nephew  Frederic  Barharossa  (1 152) 
appeared  to  open  a  new  prospect  of  concord  and 
peace.  The  aspiring  monarch,  who  already  grasp 
ed  the  kingdoms  of  Italy,  embraced  the  Margrave 
of  Austria  and  the  Guelphic  princes  as  his  friends 
and  kinsmen,  and  sincerely  laboured  to  terminate 
their  Bavarian  quarrel  by  an  amicable  compromise, 
or  a  judicial  sentence.  The  claimant  pressed  a 
speedy  decision ;  but  the  actual  possessor  inter 
posed  so  many  evasions  and  delays,  that  the  final 
settlement  was  postponed  till  the  Emperor  should 
return  from  his  Roman  coronation.  Frederic  pass 
ed  the  Alps  with  a  court  and  army  not  unworthy 
of  the  successor  of  Charlemagne  (1 154)  :  the  uncle 
and  the  nephew  were  desirous  of  showing  their 
power  and  proving  their  loyalty,  and  the  gallant 
squadrons  that  marched  under  the  banner  of  the 
Lion  were  equal  in  number  to  those  of  the  Em 
peror  himself.  From  the  siege  of  Tortona  and  the 
M  M  <2  camp 


ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE 

camp  of  Milan,  in  which  the  name  of  Henry  i£ 
mentioned  with  honour,  I  hasten  to  the  Vatican, 
(1155).  A  transient  harmony  prevailed  between 
the  spiritual  and  temporal  monarchs  of  Christen 
dom  t  but  the  imperial  crown  had  scarcely  been 
placed  on  the  head  of  Frederic,  when  the  alarm- 
bell  rang  from  the  Capitol,  and  the  august  rites 
were  disturbed  by  an  assault  of  the  Romans  from 
the  bridge  St.  Angelo.  The  Germans  stood  in 
arms,  and  battle-array;  after  a  conflict  of  sonxe 
hours,  they  slew  or  drove  into  the  river  a  thousand 
rebels,  without  losing  a  single  man;  and  the  glory 
of  the  day  was  ascribed  to  the  Duke  of  Saxony, 
who  fought  in  the  foremost  ranks.  At  his  entreaty 
the  Pope  relaxed  the  strictness  of  ecclesiastical 
discipline :  the  Emperor  declared  him  the  firmest 
pillar  of  his  throne ;  and  as  Frederic  was  young 
and  brave  he  might  express  the  genuine  feelings 
of  affection  and  esteem.  On  his  first  entrance 
into  Italy,  Henry  had  exercised  the  rights  of  pri 
mogeniture  and  dominion,  in  renewing  the  prece 
ding  grants  to  his  cousins  the  Marquisses  of  Este. 
The  son  of  Cunegonde  was  many  years  older  than 
the  children  of  Garsencla :  and  the  descendant  of 
the  former  was  already  in  the  fourth,  while  the 
posterity  of  the  latter  was  only  in  the  second,  de 
gree  from  their  common  parent. 

Without  involving  Germany  in  a  civil  war,  the 
restitution  of  Bavaria  could  no  longer  be  delayed. 
The  Emperor  had  pledged  his  word ;  the  diets 
had  pronounced  their  sentence ;  and  the  perform 
ance  was  imperiously  urged  by  the  arguments,  the 

services, 


HOUSE  OF  BRUNSWICK.  533 

services,  and  the  power  of  Henry  the  Lion,  who 
had  received  the  homage  of  the  nobles,  and  the 
oaths  and  hostages  of  the  city  of  Ratisbon.  A 
fair  compensation,  however,  was  yielded  to  his 
father-in-law,  the  uncle  of  Frederic  Barbarossa,  as 
soon  as  he  desisted  from  a  possession  of  eighteen 
years ;  and  the  agreement,  which  had  been  dis 
cussed  in  many  private  assemblies,  was  consum 
mated  by  a  public  ceremony  in  the  plain  of  Ratis 
bon  (1 156).  Henry,  Margrave  of  Austria,  resign-* 
ed  the  seven  banners,  or  symbols,  of  the  Bavarian 
duchy,  into  the  hands  of  the  Emperor,  who  deli 
vered  them  to  Henry  the  Lion:  but  the  Guelphic 
prince  immediately  returned  two  of  these  banners 
which  were  used  by  Frederic  in  the  investiture  of 
his  uncle.  The  Margrave  of  Austria  was  created 
an  independent  duke:  his  territories,  with  the  addi 
tion  of  three  neighbouring  counties,  were  for  ever 
enfranchised  from  the  dominion  of  Bavaria:  the 
right  of  succession  was  extended  to  his  female  heirs, 
and  his  extraordinary  privileges  seemed  to  raise 
him  above  a  subject  of  the  empire.  By  this  act 
the  circle  of  the  Duke  of  Bavaria  was  circum 
scribed:  but  the  bishops  of  the  province  still  attend 
ed  his  courts ;  and  he  stretched  a  real  or  nominal 
jurisdiction  over  the  three  remaining  marches  of 
Tirol,  Styria,  and  Istria,  as  far  as  the  shores  of  the 
Adriatic  gulf. 

After  his  return  to  allegiance,  Guelph  VIII.  had 
been  content  with  the  vague  appellation  of  Duke, 
till  it  was  fixed  and  realized  by  the  acquisition  of 
the  Italian  provinces,  in  which  his  elder  brother, 

M  M  3  his 


534  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE 

his  uncle,  and  perhaps  his  more  distant  ancestors, 
.  had  formerly  reigned.  From  the  liberality  of  his 
nephew,  Frederic  Barbarossa,  (1153,)  he  received 
the  titles  and  possessions  of  Duke  of  Spoleto, 
Marquis  of  Tuscany,  Prince  of  Sardinia,  and  Lord 
of  the  house  or  patrimony  of  the  Countess  Matilda, 
against  whose  donation,  as  the  heir  of  her  second 
husband,  he  might  lawfully  protest.  Her  allodial 
estates  on  either  bank  of  the  Po,  on  either  side  of 
the  Apennine  had  been  dilapidated  by  waste  and 
rapine;  but  the  power  of  the  Emperor,  and  the 
prudence  of  Guelph,  reduced  them  into  the  form 
of  a  well  regulated  and  productive  domain.  At 
the  head  of  a  strong  army  he  performed  the  circuit 
of  the  Duchy  and  the  Marquisate  ;  invested  seven 
Counts  with  as  many  banners;  garrisoned  the 
castles  with  his  faithful  vassals,  dictated  his  charters 
to  his  own  notaries,  revived  in  his  parliaments  the 
authority  of  the  royal  laws,  and  bridled,  with  a 
firm  hand,  the  ambitious  independence  of  the 
Tuscan  cities.  Pisa  alone  was  a  free  and  flourishing 
republic :  but  the  Pisans,  in  every  division,  adhered 
to  the  Emperor ;  they  respected  the  dignity  of 
his  Lieutenant,  and  it  was  only  through  the 
medium  of  their  maritime  conquests  that  Guelph 
could  assume  the  title  of  Prince  of  Sardinia. 

The  prosperity  of  Henry  the  Lion  had  now 
reached  its  summit,  and  he  might  justly  fear  the 
revolution  of  the  descending  wheel.  A  sovereign, 
the  most  opulent  and  fortunate  of  his  age,  was 
reduced  to  the  state  of  a  culprit,  a  suppliant,  an 
.exile;  and  the  last  fifteen  years  of  his  life  (1180 


HOUSE  OF  BRUNSWICK.  535 

exemplified  the  sage  remark  of  antiquity, 
that  no  man  should  be  pronounced  happy  before 
the  hour  of  his  death. 

,To  the  resentment,  legitimate  or  unjust,  of  the 
Emperor  Frederic  Barbarossa,  the  cause  of  his  ruin 
must  be  ascribed.    The  long  union  of  these  princes 
had  been  apparently  cemented  by  a  singular  con 
formity  :    they  had  both  passed  the  middle  season 
of  life   without   any    male   posterity.      On   both 
sides  they  entertained  and  encouraged  a  fond  hope 
of   surviving   and    inheriting ;   but    amidst    their 
professions  and  professions,  each  was  tempted  to 
hate  and  despise  the  other  for  indulging  the  same 
wish  which  he  secretly  cherished  in  his  own  bosom. 
The  Duke  of  Saxony  was   first  awakened  from 
this   dream  of  ambition,  and  his  prospects  Avere 
blasted  by  the  birth  (1165)  of  a  royal  infant,  who 
at  the  age  of  four  years  was  crowned  King  of 
Germany  and  heir  apparent  of  the  Roman  Empire. 
Such  a  natural  event,  such  a  just  exclusion  might 
disappoint  a  presumptive  successor;   but  he  could 
loudly  complain  of  the  avarice  and  treachery  of 
his  friend,  who  grasped  with  disingenuous  arts  the 
inheritance  of  their  common  uncle.    I  have  already 
enumerated  the  titles  and  possessions  of  Guelph 
VIII.  who  reigned   in  the  middle  provinces   of 
Italy,  and  aspired  to  found  in  its  native   soil   a 
second  dynasty  of  the  house  of  Este-Brunswick. 
His  designs  were  seconded  by  the  fair  promise  of 
a  son,  the  ninth  and  last  of  his  respectable  name. 
The  youth  was  educated  in  the  arts  of  policy  and 
war;  during  his  father's  absence  beyond  the  sea 

ar  M  4  or 


536  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE 

or  the  mountains,  he  supported  the  weight  of 
government ;  and  his  firm  humanity  protected  the 
Italian  subjects  against  the  rapine  #nd  violence  of 
the  German  soldiers.  But  this  new  Marcellus  was 
only  shewn  to  the  world.  The  father  had  retired 
to  the  banks  of  the  Danube,  apprehensive  of  losing 
the  merit  of  a  pilgrimage  in  the  guilt  of  a  schism : 
the  son  was  permitted  to  lead  his  forces  and  to 
follow  the  Emperor :  but  Guelph  IX.  perished  in 
this  unfortunate  campaign,  a  premature  victim  not 
of  the  enemy's  sword,  but  of  the  epidemical 
disease  which  swept  away  so  many  thousands  at 
the  siege  of  Rome.  After  this  irreparable  loss 
the  Tuscan  prince  considered  Henry  the  Lion  as 
the  sole  representative  of  the  Guelphic  name :  a 
will  was  drawn  in  favour  of  his  nephew  ;  but  as 
the  Caesar  of  the  twelfth  century  was  always 
prodigal  and  often  poor,  he  required,  for  the  as 
surance  of  so  many  provinces,  the  grateful  retri 
bution  of  a  gift,  a  loan,  or  a  fine.  The  demand 
could  not  be  refused,  but  the  ill-timed  parsimony 
of  the  new  Cato  so  long  hesitated,  that  the  peevish 
old  man  was  offended  by  the  hesitation  which 
bespoke  a  doubt  of  his  honour  or  the  expectation 
of  his  speedy  death.  So  fair  an  opportunity  of 
supplanting  his  cousin  was  seized  by  the  vigilant 
and  dextero.us  Frederic;  he  stepped  forwards  with 
an  immediate  offer  of  the  money;  the  offer  was 
eagerly  accepted  ;  the  pride  of  family  yielded  to 
the  impulse  of  passion,  and  Guelph  VIII.  sur 
rendered  to  a  Ghibelline  heir,  all  his  feudal  and 
allodial  estates  in  Italy  and  Swabia,  reserving  only 

the 


HOUSE  OF  BRUNSWICK.  537 

the  enjoyment  of  them  during  his  own  life.  The 
mortification  of  Henry  was  embittered  by  a  tardy 
sense  of  his  own  folly ;  his  wounded  spirit  was 
inflamed  by  fresh  injuries  and  new  suspicions,  and 
he  accused  the  Emperor  of  tampering  with  his 
servants  to  betray  their  trust  and  deliver  his  castles, 
as  soon  as  they  should  hear  of  their  master's  death 
or  his  pilgrimage  to  the  Holy  Land. 

While  this  deep  animosity  rankled  in  his  breast, 
Henry  the  Lion  was  summoned  (1 174)  to  attend 
the  Emperor  beyond  the  Alps,  and  to  draw  his 
sword  against  the  rebels  of  Lombardy.  He  dis 
obeyed  the  summons,  and  his  disobedience  might 
be  justified  by  the  spirit  of  the  times  and  of  the 
constitution.  The  strict  military  duty  of  a  vassal 
was  confined  to  the  defence  of  Germany,  and  the 
imperial  coronation  at  Rome.  At  the  coronation 
of  Frederic,  the  Duke  had  signalized  his  valour 
and  fidelity.  In  a  second  voluntary  expedition  he 
had  freely  exposed  his  person  and  his  troops ;  but 
he  could  not  submit  to  be  the  perpetual  slave  of 
obstinacy  and  ambition,  to  join  in  the  oppression 
of  an  innocent  and  injured  people,  to  persecute  a 
Pope  who  was  acknowledged  by  the  greatest  part 
of  Christendom,  and  to  prepare,  by  the  conquest  of 
Italy,  the  future  servitude  of  his  country.  The 
complaint  of  age  and  infirmity  may  seem  ill-adapted 
to  the  ripe  manhood  of  forty-six  years ;  but  a 
soldier  might  express  no  dishonourable  fear  of  the 
climate,  the  diseases,  and  perhaps  the  poison  which 
had  been  fatal  to  the  bravest  of  his  nation  and 
family.  The  government  of  the  two  great  duchies 

of 


538  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE 

of  Saxony  and  Bavaria,  engaged  the  full  attention 
of  Henry  the  Lion,  and  his  Slavic  labours  in  war 
and  peace  were  an  ample  discharge  of  his  debt  to 
the  church  and  state.  Such  reasons  are  specious, 
such  scruples  might  be  sincere ;  but  he  debased 
their  value  by  offering  to  accept  as  the  reward  of 
his  military  service  the  city  of  Goslar,  which 
would  have  given  him  the  exclusive  command  of 
the  silver  mines.  Frederic  disdained  to  pay  this 
exorbitant  price,  but  he  soon  repented  of  his 
disdain :  Milan  had  arisen  from  its  ashes,  the  league 
of  Lombardy  was  powerful  and  united ;  a  ruinous 
winter  was  consumed  in  the  siege,  or  rather 
blockade  of  Alexandria;  his  Germans  fainted,  his 
Bohemians  retired,  and  his  spirit  was  reduced  to 
implore  the  aid  of  an.  enemy  who  smiled  at  his 
distress.  The  two  princes  had  an  interview  at 
Chiavenna,  near  the  lake  of  'Como.  Henry  was 
still  cold  and  inexorable,  and  after  trying  every 
mode  of  argument  and  prayer,  the  Emperor,  such 
is  the  meanness  of  ambition,  threw  himself  at  the 
feet  of  his  vassal.  The  unrelenting  vassal,  with 
secret  joy  and  apparent  confusion,  raised  his  so 
vereign  from  the  ground;  but  he  listened  without 
displeasure  to  a  loud  whisper  of  one  of  his  at 
tendants,  "  Suffer,  dread  sir,  the  imperial  crown  to 
lie  at  your  feet,  speedily  it  must  be  placed  on 
your  head."  Some  vague  professions  of  loyalty 
faintly  coloured  the  denial  and  departure  of  the 
Duke,  and  the  Empress  who  had  been  an  in 
dignant  witness  of  the  scene,  addressed  her  hus 
band  in  the  vehemence  of  female  passion,  "Re 
member 


HOUSE  OF  BRUNSWICK.  539 

member  what  has  passed,  and  God  will  remember 
it  one  day !"  The  admonition  was  needless,  at 
least  for  the  temporal  monarch.  All  his  sub 
sequent  misfortunes,  the  failure  before  Alexandria 
(1175),  the  loss  of  the  battle  of  Lignano,  (1176), 
the  ignominious  treaty  of  Venice  (1177),  were 
imputed  to  the  desertion  of  Henry  the  Lion ;  and 
the  Emperor  accused  him  in  a  public  assembly  of 
an  indirect  conspiracy  against  his  life  and  honour. 

After  the  revolt  of  Italy  the  genius  and  fortune 
of  Frederic  still  commanded  the  obedience  of  the 
Germans;  and  the  ruin  of  the  Guelphic  house 
was  the  first  aim  of  his  policy  and  revenge.  The 
pride  of  Henry  has  been  arraigned  for  refusing  an 
act  of  oblivion  at  the  moderate  price  of  five  thou 
sand  marks  of  silver ;  but  such  a  fine  would  have 
been  a  confession  of  guilt  rather  than  a  pledge  of 
safety;  and  the  artful  Ghibelline,  after  sacrificing 
his  private  resentments,  would  have  maintained 
the  character  of  an  inflexible  judge. 

In  the  portraits  of  the  uncle  and  the  nephew, 
of  Guelph  VIII.,  and  Henry  the  Lion,  a  contem 
porary  (1 158)  has  presumed  to  borrow  the  pencil 
of  Sallust;  and  Radevic  observes  with  satisfaction, 
that  the  sublime  characters  of  Caesar  and  Cato  had 
been  revived  in  his. own  age.  Such  indeed  was 
the  difference  of  the  times  and  the  countries  that 
the  comparison  could  not  be  very  perfect  or  pre 
cise  :  the  Cato  of  the  twelfth  century  could  not  be 
animated  by  the  patriotism  of  ^a  citizen  and  the 
philosophy  of  a  Stoic :  nor  could  the  new  Caesar 

possess 


54©  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE 

possess  the  universal  genius  which  aspired  and 
deserved  to  be  the  first  of  mankind.  Yet  the 
milder  Guelph  might  be^  endowed  with  an  amiable 
facility  of  giving  and  forgiving,  while. the  more 
rigid  Henry  affected  the  useful  virtues  of  patience, 
constancy,  and  justice.  The  tone  of  panegyric, 
the  propensity  of  human  nature,  and  the  lives  of 
the  two  heroes,  will  even  prompt  a  suspicion  that 
their  dissimilar  merits  degenerated  into  the  oppo*- 
site  faults;  that  the  boundless  indulgence  of  the 
uncle  was  often  careless  and  profuse ;  and  that  the 
inflexible  severity  of  the  nephew  was  not  always 
exempt  from  harshness  and  pride.  By  those  who 
may  have  seen  Henry  the  Lion,  he  is  described 
with  black  eyes  and  hair,  of  a  majestic  countenance, 
middle  stature,  and  muscular  strength.  His  nobi 
lity,  riches  and  power  were  extraneous  accidents ; 
but  the  Duke  of  Saxony  and  Bavaria  stood  near 
thirty  years  (11,50 — 1180)  in  a  lofty  station,  the 
second  only  in  dignity  and  renown  to  one  of  the 
most  illustrious  of  the  German  emperors. 

In  the  rudeness  of  the  middle  age,  the  task  of 
government  required  rather  a  strong  than  a  skilful 
hand.  Servile  labour  and  blind  obedience  were 
imposed  on  the  people :  the  clergy  exercised  a 
separate  jurisdiction;  and  the  nobles  demanded 
only  a  judge  and  a  leader,  who  himself  followed 
the  court  and  the  standard  of  his  supreme  lord. 
The  provinces  of  Henry  the  Lion  extended  to  the 
foot  of  the  Alps,  and  the  shores  of  the  Baltic ;  his 
civil  and  religious  duties  transported  him  beyond 

thQ 


HOUSE  OF  BRUNSWICK.  541 

the  mountains  and  the  sea :  yet  so  rapid  was  his 
motion,  so  vigorous  his  command,  that  the  absent 
prince  was  still  present  to  the  hopes  of  his  subjects 
and  the  fears  of  his  enemies.  His  valour  had  been 
signalized  at  Rome :  in  the  second  expedition  of 
Frederic  into  Italy,  the  distress,  or  at  least  the 
difficulties  of  the  Emperor,  were  relieved  by  the 
welcome  arrival  of  the  Guelphic  troops:  the  Tus 
cans  and  Swabians  of  the  uncle,  the  Bavarians  and 
Saxons  of  the  nephew,  almost  doubled  his  army : 
and  their  seasonable  succour  determined  the  suc 
cess  of  the  siege  of  Crema,  one  of  the  most  de 
sperate  actions  of  the  war  of  Lombardy.  Henry 
visited  Bavaria  as  often  as  he  was  called  (and  he 
was  often  called)  to  redress  injuries  and  pacify 
tumults ;  and  the  foundation  of  Munich  is  a  flou 
rishing  proof  of  his  discernment  and  munificence. 
But  Henry  kept  his  principal  residence  in  Saxony: 
Brunswick  was  his  capital :  the  statue  of  a  lion 
commemorates  his  name  and  dominion  ;  he  fortified 
the  city  with  a  ditch  and  wall;  and,  according  to 
the  balance  of  attack  and  defence,  such  fortifica 
tions  might  afford  a  respectable  protection.  The 
silver  mines  of  the  Hartz,  which  have  been  im 
proved  by  his  successors,  were  already  worked  by 
his  peasants,  and  in  the  scarcity  of  precious  metals, 
this  singular  advantage  rendered  him  one  of  the 
richest  sovereigns  in  Europe.  Jealous  or  envious 
of  his  greatness,  the  ecclesiastic  and  secular  princes 
conspired  on  all  sides  against  the  Saxon  Duke: 
from  Bremen  and  Cologne  to  Magdeburgh  they 
successively  fell  before  him ;  and  a  sentence  of  the 

diet 


542  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE 

diet  pronounced  the  injustice  of  their  fallen  arms 
(1 166.)  A  King  of  Denmark  was  expelled  by -two 
competitors  :  he  had  acknowledged  the  supremacy 
of  the  empire;  and  the  eloquence  of  prayers  or  of 
gold  prevailed  on  Henry  to  vindicate  his  cause. 
The  Duke  passed  the  wall  of  the  limits  (1L56), 
pillaged  the  city  of  Sleswick,  and  advanced  four 
teen  days  inarch  into  the  country  :  the  approach 
of  the  Danes,  the  want  of  provisions,  or  the  holy 
season  of  Lent  compelled  him  to  retreat ;  but  the 
vessels  of  his  Slavic  subjects  transported  Sweno  to 
the  isles,  and  the  fugitive  was  reinstated  in  a  third 
part  of  his  kingdom.  After  the  reunion  of  the 
Danish  monarchy,  Henry  contracted  a  public  and 
private  alliance  with  Waldemar  I. :  these  ambitious 
princes  had  several  personal  interviews ;  and  their 
confederate  arms  invaded  by  sea  and  land  the 
Slavic  idolaters  of  the  Baltic  coast. 

The  alternative  of  death  or  baptism  had  formerly 
been  proposed  to  the  Saxon  ancestors  of  Henry 
the  Lion.  He  presented  the  same  alternative  to 
the  idolatrous  Slavi,  and  a  superstitious  age  ap 
plauded  the  triumph  of  the  Catholic  hero.  At  the 
end  of  ten  years  (11 60 — 1170)  of  an  holy  war, 
interrupted  however  by  some  truces,  the  powerful 
and  obstinate  tribe  of  the  Obotrites,  who  occupied 
the  present  duchy  of  Mecklenburgh,  were  re 
duced  to  accept  the  laws  and  religion*  of  the  con 
queror.  In  the  open  field,  in  fair  battle,  they 
^ could  not  struggle  with  the  arms  and  discipline  of 
the  Germans;  and  such  rude  bulwarks  as  the 
natives  could  raise  were  soon  overthrown  by  the 

engines 


HOUSE  OF  BRUNSWICK.  543 

engines  that  had  been  used  in  the  sieges  of  Italy. 
But  they  often  prevailed  in  the  surprise  and  strata 
gems  of  excursive  hostility  ;  and  the  traces  of  their 
footsteps  were  lost  in  the  impervious  woods  and 
morasses  which  overspread  the  face  of  the  country. 
On  the  sea  they  were  dexterous  and  daring  pirates; 
and  unless  the  mouths  of  the  rivers  were  carefully 
guarded,  they  manned  their  light  brigantines,  and 
ravaged  with  impunity  the  isles  of  Denmark  and 
the  adjacent  coasts.  To  the  first  summons,  Niclot, 
King  or  great  prince  of  the  Obotrites,  returned  an 
answer  of  ironical  submission,  that  he  would  adore 
Henry,  and  that  Henry,  if  he  pleased,  might  adore 
his  Christ ;  a  profane  mockery,  since  the  pagans 
themselves  reconciled  the  worship  of  idols  with 
the  belief  of  a  supreme  deity.  After  the  failure 
of  a  sally,  the  barbarian  upbraided  the  effeminacy 
of  his  two  sons :  it  was  incumbent  on  him  to 
upbraid  them  by  his  own  success ;  but  he  fell  in 
the  rash  attempt;  his  head,  as  a  grateful  present, 
was  sent  to  the  Danish  King ;  and  a  third  son,  who 
served  in  the  Christian  army,  applauded  with 
savage  zeal  the  justice  of  his  father's  punishment. 
The  two  brothers,  Pribislaus  and  Wertislaus,  suc 
ceeded  to  the  command,  and  delayed  the  servitude 
of  the  nation.  In  the  siege  of  their  most  important 
fortress,  the  elder  hovered  round  the  Saxon  camp, 
while  the  younger  assumed  the  more  dangerous 
task  of  defending  the  place.  After  refusing  an 
honourable  capitulation,  Wertislaus  threw  himself 
on  the  mercy  of  the  conqueror,  who  sent  the  royal 
captive  to  Brunswick,  ignominiously  bound  in 

fetters 


544  ANTIQUITIES  0£  THE 

fetters  of  iron.  A  treaty  soon  placed  him  in  the 
more  responsible  situation  of  an  hostage :  the 
Obotrites,  perhaps  by  his  secret  instigation,  again 
rose  in  arms ;  but  Wertislaus  himself  was  the  victim 
of  rebellion,  and  as  soon  as  the  Duke  of  Saxony 
entered  the  Slavic  territory,  he  shewed  the  King 
hanging  on  a  gibbet.  This  act  of  cruelty  may 
perhaps  be  justified  by  the  maxims  of  war  or  policy  : 
but  if  the  Duke  appealed  to  the  recent  massacre 
of  Mecklenburgh,  the  rebels  perhaps  might  plead 
the  retaliation  of  some  prior  injuries.  The  fortune 
of  the  younger  brother  was  less  disastrous ;  after  a 
brave  defence  of  his  country  and  his  gods,  Pribislaus 
submitted,  like  Witikind,  to  the  yoke  of  necessity, 
and  embraced,  with  apparent  sincerity,  the  religion 
and  manners  of  the  victorious  Germans.  Henry, 
who  esteemed  his  valour,  restored  to  the  Christian 
vassals  the  greatest  part  of  the  dominions  which  he 
had  wrested  from  the  pagan  adversary ;  and  the 
reigning  family  of  the  dukes  of  Mecklenburgh  is 
lineally  descended  from  Pribislaus,  the  last  king  of 
the  Obotrites.  The  Slavic  provinces  beyond  the 
Elbe  were  possessed  by  Henry  the  Lion,  not  as  a 
portion  of  the  Germanic  empire,  but  as  an  abso 
lute  and  independent  conquest  which  he  alone  had 
been  able  to  achieve.  The  Guelphic  duke  was 
styled  the  prince  of  princes,  and  legislator  of 
nations,  and  the  three  new  bishops  of  the  Obotrites 
received  from  his  hand  their  pastoral  crosier,  a  pre 
rogative  which  Rome  had  denied  to  the  emperors 
themselves. 

I  observe  with  a  mixture  of  pain  and  pleasure 

the 


HOUSE  OF  BRUNSWICK.  545 

the  beneficial  consequences  of  war  and  persecution. 
The  improvement  of  agriculture  and  the  arts  alle 
viated  in  some  degree  the  servitude  of  the  Christian 
proselytes.  The  Saxon  castles  of  Henry  and  his 
vassals  were  gradually  incorporated  into  flourish 
ing  towns.  By  the  institutions  of  churches  and 
convents  the  first  rays  of  knowledge  were  diffused ; 
and  from  Holland,  Flanders,  and  Westphalia,  the 
vacant  desert  was  replenished  with  industrious  co 
lonies  who  have  almost  extinguished  the  manners 
and  language  of  the  Slavic  race.  The  foundation 
of  Luheck  is  a  memorable  event  in  the  history  of 
commerce.  Near  the  mouth  of  the  river  Trave, 
that  falls  into  the  Baltic,  that  convenient  station 
had  been  discovered  and  used  by  some  Christian 
merchants:  but  their  infant  settlement  was  repeat 
edly  destroyed  by  fire,  and  the  sword  of  the  Pagans  : 
and  its  progress  was  discouraged  by  the  jealousy  of 
Henry  the  Lion,  till  he  had  acquired  (1 15?)  from 
his  vassal,  the  Count  of  Holstein,  the  absolute  and 
immediate  property  of  the  soil.  Under  the  shadow 
of  his  power,  Lubeck  arose  on  a  broad  and  per 
manent  basis :  the  establishment  of  a  mint  and 
a  custom-house  declared  the  riches  and  the  hopes 
of  the  sovereign :  the  seat  of  a  bishop  was  trans 
ferred  to  the  rising  city ;  and  the  grant  of  a  muni 
cipal  government  secured  the  personal,  and  pre 
pared  the  political  liberty  of  the  burghers.  The 
proclamation  of  the  Duke  of  Saxony  to  the  Danes 
and  Norwegians,  the  Swedes  and  Russians,  dis 
covers  a  liberal  knowledge  ,of  the  advantages  of 
trade  and  the  methods  of  encouragement.  They 
VOL.  in.  N  N  are 


546  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE 

are  invited  to  frequent  his  harbour  of  Wisby,  with 
the  assurance  that  the  ways  shall  be  open  and  secure 
by  land  and  water ;  that  they  shall  be  hospitably 
entertained  and  may  freely  depart;  that  the  impo-. 
sition  of  duties  shall  be  light  and  easy :  that  their 
persons  and  property  shall  be  guarded  from  injury ; 
and  that  in  case  of  death  the  effects  of  a  stranger 
shall  be  carefully  preserved  for  the  benefit  of  his 
heirs.  The  charter  of  Henry  to  the  merchants  of 
the  isle  of  Gothland  is  still  extant;  the  first  outline 
of  the  maritime  code  of  Wisby,  as  famous  in  the 
Baltic  as  the  Rhodian  laws  had  been  formerly  in 
the  Mediterranean.  This  judicious  policy  was 
rewarded  with  a  large  and  rapid  increase  :  but  the 
arts  of  cultivation  have  far  less  energy  and  effect 
than  the  spontaneous  vigour  of  nature  and  freedom. 
The  commerce  and  navigation  of  his  favourite 
colony  increased  with  her  growing  independence, 
and  before  the  end  of  the  thirteenth  century, 
Lubeck  became  the  metropolis  of  the  sixty-four 
cities  of  the  Hanseatic  league.  That  singular 
republic,  so  widely  scattered,  and  so  loosely  con 
nected,  was  in  possession,  above  two  hundred 
years,  of  the  respect  of  kings,  the  naval  dominion 
of  the  Baltic,  the  Herring  fishery,  and  the  monopoly 
of  a  lucrative  trade.  Novogorod  in  Russia,  Bergen 
in  Norway,  London  in  England,  and  Bruges  in 
Flanders  were  their  four  principal  factories  or 
staples.  The  large  ships  of  their  numerous  and 
annual  fleets  exported  all  the  productions  of  the 
North,  and  sailed  homewards  richly  laden  with 
the  precious  commodities  and  manufactures  of  the 

southern 


HOUSE  OF  BRUNSWICK.  547 

southern  climates.  Lubeck,  an  imperial  city,  was 
soon  enfranchised  from  the  dominion  of  the  House 
of  Brunswick ;  hut  Henry  the  Lion  was  revered  as 
a  founder ;  and  his  great  grandson,  Duke  Albert, 
obtained  from  Henry  III.  (1266)  the  first  English 
charter  of  the  Hanseatic  towns. 

The  baptism,  or  the  blood,  of  so  many  thousand 
pagans  might  have  expiated  the  sins  of  the  Catho 
lic  hero:  but  his  conscience  was  still  unsatisfied, 
his  salvation  was  still  doubtful,  and  it  was  in  the 
fairest  season  of  victory  and  peace  (1172)  that  he 
accomplished  the  fashionable  devotion  of  a  pilgri 
mage  to  the  Holy  Land.  His  %st  attendant  Pri- 
bislaus,  King  of  the  Obotrites,  exhibited  to  the 
world  his  own  faith  and  the  fame  of  the  conqueror : 
the  Bishop  of  Worms,  the  imperial  ambassador, 
accompanied  him  as  far  as  Constantinople ;  several 
eminent  persons  of  the  clergy  and  nobility  imi 
tated  his  example ;  their  followers  were  numerous : 
a  train  of  horses  and  waggons  transported  the  bag 
gage  and  provisions,  and  the  camp  was  guarded 
by  twelve  hundred  knights  or  soldiers  exercised  in 
the  use  of  arms.  After  leaving  Ratisbon,  and  the 
confines  of  Bavaria,  the  Guelphic  prince  was  kind 
ly  entertained  by  Henry,  Duke  of  Austria,  their 
former  differences  were  buried  in  oblivion,  and 
they  mingled  their  tears  at  the  tomb  of  a  mother 
and  a  wife.  Hungary  was  the  kingdom  of  a 
Christian  ally ;  and  the  journey  was  continued  by 
land  and  water  from  Vienna  to  Belgrade :  the 
duke  preferred  the  more  easy,  though  perilous,  na 
vigation  of  the  Danube ;  but  his  progress  was  mea- 
N  N  2  sured 


548  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE 

sured  by  the  march  of  the  caravan  which  joined 
him  every  evening  on  the  banks  of  the  river.  From 
Belgrade  to  Nissa  he  painfully  advanced  through 
the  woods  and  morasses  of  Servia  and  Bulgaria, 
whose  wild  inhabitants,  the  nominal  subjects  of 
Christ  and  the  Greek  emperor,  were  more  inclined 
to  claim  the  privilege  of  rapine,  than  to  exercise 
the  laws  of  hospitality :  they  attacked  his  camp  in 
the  night;  their  feeble  arms  were  repelled  by  his 
vigilance,  and  his  genuine  piety  disdained  the 
temptation  of  revenge.  In  the  journey  between 
Nissa  and  Constantinople,  the  way-worn  pilgrims 
enjoyed  the  comK  rts  of  a  civilized  and  friendly 
province,  and  the  firjnperor  Manuel,  who  had  sent 
an  embassy  to  Brunswick,  received  Henry  as  the 
equal  of  kings.  The  wealth  and  luxury  of  the 
Byzantine  court  were  ostentatiously  displayed,  and 
after  the  pleasures  of  the  chace  and  banquet, 
the  Sa«on  or  his  chaplains  disputed  with  the 
Greeks  on  the  procession  of  the  Holy  Ghost.  The 
friendship  of  the  two  princes  was  confirmed  by 
mutual  gifts,  and  the  Russian  furs  were,  perhaps, 
overbalanced  by  the  horses  and  arms,  the  scarlet 
cloth  and  fine  linen  of  Germany.  A  stout  ship 
was  provided  for  the  duke  and  his  peculiar  retinue, 
and  the  voyage  from  Constantinople  to  St.  John 
of  Acre,  on  the  coast  of  Palestine,  was  disturbed 
by  a  storm,  and  is  embellished  by  a  miracle.  Af 
ter  a  short  journey  by  land  he  reached  Jerusalem, 
and  was  saluted  in  solemn  procession  by  the  patri 
arch  and  the  military  orders.  Henry  the  Lion 
visited  the  holy  sepulchre  and  all  the  customary 

places 


itOUSE  OF  BRUNSWICK. 

places  of  devotion  in  the  city  and  countiy:  the 
churches  were  adorned  with  the  silver  of  the  Saxon 
mines;  and  he  presented  the  Templars  with  a 
thousand  marks  for  the  service  of  their  perpetual 
crusade.  Palestine  applauded  his  liberal  and  mag 
nanimous  spirit,  and  had  he  not  been  prevented 
by  secret  jealousies,  his  valour  might  have  been 
felt  by  the  Turks  and  Saracens. 

In  his  return  by  a  different  way  the  Duke  of 
Saxony  was  actuated  by  motives  of  convenience 
rather  than  of  curiosity.  He  followed  the  sea 
coast  of  Syria  to  the  northward  :  from  the  harbour 
of  Seleucia  or  St.  Simeon  the  -vessels  of  the  Prince 
of  Antioch  transplanted  him  over  the  gulf  to 
the  river  of  Tarsus  in  Cilicia;  and  by  this  short 
passage  he  escaped  the  territories  of  a  faithless 
Emir.  From  Tarsus  to  Constantinople  his  march 
intersected  in  a  diagonal  line  the  extent  of  Asia 
Minor:  the  mountains  were  of  laborious  ascent; 
the  sandy  plain  was  destitute  of  water  and  provi 
sions  ;  the  more  populous  country  was  full  of  dan 
ger,  suspicion,  and  Mahometan  zeal :  and  Henry 
was  the  only  pilgrim  who,  as  a  peaceful  traveller, 
proceeded  in  safety  through  the  Turkish  domini 
ons.  But  the  Sultan  of  Icoriium,  Kilidge  Arslan 
II.,  of  the  race  of  Seljiik,  watched  over  his  safety, 
embraced  him  as  a  friend,  praised  his  religion,  and 
claimed  on  the  mother's  side  a  distant  affinity  with 
the  House  of  Saxony.  His  presents,  in  the  ori 
ental  style,  Were  adapted  to  the  accommodation 
and  amusement  of  the  noble  stranger ;  a  caftan  or 
flowing  robe  of  silk  embroidery,  the  choice  for 
N  N  3  himself 


550  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE 

himself  and  his  followers  of  eighteen  hundred 
horses,  of  whom  thirty  most  sumptuously  capari 
soned  were  selected  for  his  peculiar  use ;  six  tents 
of  felt,  and  six  camels  to  carry  them;  two  well- 
trained  leopards  with  the  proper  horses  and  ser 
vants  for  that  singular  mode  of  hunting.  Such 
gifts  might  be  accepted  without  a  blush;  some 
precious  gems,  more  precious  for  the  workmanship 
than  the  materials,  might  be  honourably  received 
from  the  Greek  Emperor :  but  the  duke  rejected  the 
gold  and  silver  of  the  Byzantine  court,  declaring  in  a 
tone  of  lofty  politeness  that  of  such  metals  his  own 
treasury  was  sufficiently  provided.  The  avarice  of 
Henry  was  confined  to  the  acquisition  of  holy 
relics,  and  of  these  he  imported  an  ample  store 
from  Palestine  and  Greece:  but  the  reformation 
has  annihilated  their  ideal  value;  the  bits  of  wood 
or  bone  have  been  thrown  away;  and  the  empty 
cases  alone  are  preserved  for  their  curious  and 
costly  ornaments.  The  journey  from  Constanti 
nople  to  Ratisbon  and  Brunswick  is  not  marked 
by  any  accident  or  event.  On  his  return  home, 
after  a  year's  absence  (1173),  the  Duke  of  Saxony 
found  his  name  illustrious,  his  servants  faithful, 
his  enemies  silent,  his  dominions  in  a  peaceful  and 
prosperous  state:  and  to  the  merits  of  his  pilgrim 
age  he  would  reasonably  impute  this  fair  prospect 
of  public  and  private  felicity. 

Henry   the   Lion  was  twice  married :    but  his 
first  wife  Clementia,  of  the  ducal  House  of  Zaerin- 
gen,  gave  him  only  a  daughter,  who,  after  being 
long  considered  as  an  heiress,  was  reduced  to  com 
fort 


HOUSE  OF  BRUNSWICK*  551 

fort  herself  on  the  throne  of  Denmark.  His  desire 
of  male  posterity,  the  wish  of  vanity  and  ambition, 
at  length  determined  Henry  to  solicit  a  divorce ; 
some  bar  of  remote  and  invisible  consanguinity 
afforded  the  pretence  :  every  defect  of  law  or  evi 
dence  was  supplied  by  the  all-sufficient  oath  of  the 
emperor  :  the  sentence  was  pronounced  (1 163)  by 
the  spiritual  court  of  Constance  :  and,  without 
any  stain  on  her  own  honour  or  her  daughter's  le 
gitimacy,  Clementia  found  a  second  husband  in 
the  princely  family  of  Savoy.  The  policy  of  Fre 
deric  Barbarossa  had  eagerly  solicited  the  separa 
tion  ;  he  wished  to  connect  himself  and  his  friend 
with  the  most  powerful  and  illustrious  of  our  Eng 
lish  kings ;  and  the  imperial  ambassadors  de 
manded  Matilda,  eldest  daughter  of  Henry  II.,  for 
the  Duke  of  Saxony  and  Bavaria.  The  fame  of 
Henry  the  Lion,  of  his  birth  and  merit,  his  riches 
and  dominion,  obtained  from  the  father  an  easy 
consent  and  an  ample  dower  :  the  Princess  Royal 
of  England  embarked  for  Germany  with  a  splen 
did  train :  the  marriage  ceremony  was  performed 
(1 168)  at  Minden  in  Westphalia  ;  as  the  bride  was 
no  more  than  twelve  years  of  age,  the  consumma 
tion  was  delayed,  but  she  remained  pregnant  at  the 
departure  of  her  husband  for  the  Holy  Land.  In 
his  absence  the  duchess  kept  her  court  at  Bruns 
wick,  and  administered  a  nominal  regency,  under 
the  guard  and  guidance  of  his  most  faithful  ser 
vants  :  but  her  private  virtues  were  her  own  ;  the 
genuine  lustre  of  meekness,  purity,  and  benevo 
lence  was  enhanced  in  the  popular  esteem  by  de- 
N  N  4  vout 


552  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE 

vou t  prayers  and  frequent  masses;  and  "  she  was 
beautified  (says  an  historian  with  some  elegance) 
by  the  comeliness  of  religion."  After  the  return 
of  Henry  her  riper  age  soon  blessed  him  with  a 
numerous  progeny.  Besides  two,  or  perhaps  three 
daughters,  Matilda  became  the  mother  of  four  sons, 
Henry,  Lothaire,  Otho,  and  William,  from  the 
youngest  of  whom  all  the  princes  of  Brunswick 
are  lineally  derived.  By  this  alliance  they  num 
ber  among  their  ancestors  the  Plantagenets,  Count* 
of  Anjou,  the  Dukes  of  Aquitain  and  Normandy, 
the  Kings  of  Scotland  whose  origin  is  lost  in  a 
Highland  mist,  and  the  Kings  of  England,  the  de 
scendants  of  the  Saxon  conquerors,  who  drew  their 
fabulous  pedigree  from  the  God  Woden.  The 
male  posterity  of  Henry  II.  soon  withered,  almost 
to  the  root :  the  eldest  son  of  the  Princess  Matilda 
was  the  presumptive  heir  of  his  uncle  King  John; 
and  after  the  birth  of  Henry  III.  no  more  than  a 
single  life,  the  precarious  life  of  a  boy,  stood  be 
tween  his  title  and  the  throne  of  England.  Ac 
cording  to  the  probable  order  of  events  the  child 
ren  of  Henry  the  Lion  should  have  reigned  over 
us  five  hundred  years  before  the  accession  of  the 
Hanover  family. 

The  fair  anticipation  of  the  name  of  ESTE- 
BRUNSWICK  may  denote  the  venerable  stem  be 
fore  its  separation  into  the  German  and  Italian 
branches. 

A  generation  of  mankind,  the  common  interval 
between  the  birth  of  a  father  and  that  of  his  sonr 
is  fixed  by  Herodotus  at  the  term  of  about  thirty- 
three 


HOUSE  OF  BRUNSWICK.  553 

three  years,  at  the  computation  of  three  genera 
tions  for  one  century.  The  experience  of  modern 
times  has  confirmed  the  reckoning  of  the  Greek 
historian:  and,  though  a  royal  marriage  may  be 
hastened  for  the  important  object  of  succession, 
yet  the  same  rule  lias  been  verified  in  the  families 
of  sovereigns  and  subjects.*  It  is  strictly  just  in 
the  twenty-two  generations  and  the  seven  hun 
dred  and  sixty-six  years  (99$ — 1 7&2)  which  have 
elapsed  from  the  birth  of  the  Marquis  Azo  to  that 
of  the  Prince  of  Wales ;  and  if  the  collateral  lines 
of  Brunswick  and  Modena  afford  no  more  than 
twenty-one,  and  twenty  generations,  the  difference 
might  be  explained  by  some  peculiar  circumstances 
of  their  respective  history. 

Twenty-two  generations,  seven  or  eight  hundred 
years,  occupy  a  small  place  even  in  the  historical 
period  of  the  world.  But  all  greatness  is  relative; 
and  there  are  not  many  pedigrees,  in  Europe  or 
Asia,  which  can  establish,  by  clear  and  contem 
porary  proofs,  a  similar  antiquity.  If  the  ancestors 
of  the  Marquis  Azo  are  lost,  as  they  must  be  finally 
lost,  in  the  darkness  and  disorder  of  the  middle 
ages,  it  will  be  remembered  that  the  use  of  here 
ditary  names  and  armorial  ensigns  was  unknown  ; 
that  fhe  descent  of  power  and  property  was  fre 
quently  violated ;  that  few  events  were  recorded, 
and  that  few  records  have  been  preserved.  Yet 
human  pride  may  draw  some  comfort  from  the  re- 

*  See  Herodotus,  1.  ii.  c.  142.  and  his  justification  by  Freret. 
Histoire  de  1'Acadeiuie  des  Inscriptions,  torn.  xiv.  p.  15—20. 

flection 


554  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THK 

flection  that  the  authors  of  the  race  of  Este-Bruns* 
wick  can  never  be  found  in  a  private  or  plebeian 
rank  :  their  first  appearance  is  with  the  dignity  of 
princes ;  and  they  start  at  once,  perfect  and  in 
arms,  like  Pallas  from  the  head  of  Jupiter* 


[The  reader  will  probably  regret,  with  the  editor,  that  Mr. 
Gibbon  did  not  complete  this  interesting  disquisition — so  far, 
at  least,  as  to  make  it  reach  the  auspicious  event  of  the 
settlement  of  the  House  of  Hanover  on  the  British  Throne. 
That  the  reader  may  not  be  wholly  dissappointed,  the  editor 
has  inserted,  in  this  place,  an  Extract  from  Mr.  Butler's 
Succinct  History  of  the  Geographical  and  Political  Revolutions 
of  the  Empire  of  Germany,  which  gives  some  account  of  the 
House  of  Brunswick,  from  the  period  at  which  Mr.  Gibbon 
leaves  it,  till  the  period  we  have  mentioned,  after  which 
it  is  familiar  to  every  British  reader.] 

"  HENRY  the  Black  was  the  founder  of  the 
German  Principalities  possessed  by  his  family. 
He  married  Wolphidis,  the  sole  heiress  of  Herman 
of  Billung,  the  Duke  of  Saxony,  and  of  his  pos 
sessions  on  the  Elbe.  His  son,  Henry  the  Proud, 
married  Gertrude,  the  heiress  of  the  duchies  of 
Saxony,  Brunswick,  and  Hanover.  Thus  Henry 
the  Proud, 

"  1st.  As  representing  Azo,  his  great-grand 
father, — inherited  some  part  of  the  Italian 
possessions  of  the  younger  branch  of  the 
Estesine  family:  they  chiefly  lay  on  the 
southern  side  of  the  fall  of  the  Po  into  the 
Adriatic : 

"  2d.  As 


HOUSE  OF  BKUNSWICK.  555 

"  2d.  As  representing  Count  Boniface,  the 
father  of  the  Princess  Mechtildis — he  in 
herited  the  Italian  possessions  of  the  elder 
branch  of  the  Estesine  family ;  they  chiefly 
lay  in  Tuscany:  some  part  of  the  posses 
sions  of  the  Princess  Mechtildis  also  de 
volved  to  him : 

"  3d.  As  representing  Cunegunda,  his  grand^ 
mother — he  inherited  the  possessions  of  the 
Guelphs  at  Altorf : 

"  4th.  As  representing  his  mother,  the  sole 
heiress  of  Herman  of  Billung — he  inherited 
the  possessions  of  the  Saxon  family  on  the 
Elbe: 

"  5th.  And  through  his  wife — lie  transmitted 
the  duchies  of  Saxony,  Brunswick,  and 
Hanover. 

"  All  these  possessions  descended  to  Henry  the 
Lion,  the  son  of  Henry  the  Proud.  He  added  to 
them  Bavaria,  on  the  cession  of  Henry  Jossemar- 
gott,  and  Lunenburgh  and  Mecklenburgh  by  con 
quest.  Thus  he  became  possessed  of  an  extensive 
territory, — he  himself  used  to  describe  it  in  four 
German  verses *which  have  been  thus  translated: 

"  Henry  the  Lion  is  my  name : 

Through  all  the  earth,  I  spread  my  fame, 
For,  from  the  Elbe,  unto  the  Rhine, 
From  Hartz,  unto  the  sea, — ALL'S  MINE. 

"  In  other  words,  his  possessions  filled  a  consi 
derable  portion  of  the  territory  between  the  Rhine, 
the  Baltic,  the  Elbe,  and  the  Tyber. 

"  Unfortunately  for  him,  in  the  quarrels  be 
tween 


ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE 

tween  the  Pope  and  the  Emperor  Barbarossa,  hd 
sided  with  the  former.  The  emperor  confiscated 
his  possessions,  but  returned  him  his  allodial  estates 
in  Brunswick,  Hanover,  and  Lunenburgh  ;  he  died 
in  1 195.  By  his  first  wife  he  had  no  issue  male: 
his  second  wife  was  Maud,  the  daughter  of  Henry 
the  Second,  King  of  England.  By  her  he  had 
several  sons,  all  of  whom  died  except  William, 
called  of  Winchester  from  his  being  born  in  that 
city.  William  of  Winchester  had  issue  Otho7 
called  Puer,  or  the  boy. 

"  At  the  decease  of  Otho  Puer,  the  partition  of 
this  illustrious  house  commences.  The  subject 
of  these  sheets  leads  only  to  the  Lunenburgh 
branches  of  the  Guelphic  shoot  of  the  Estesine  line, 

"  On  the  death  of  Otho  the  boy,  Brunswick 
and  Lunenburgh,  the  only  remains  of  the  splendkl 
possessions  of  his  grandfather,  William  the  Proud, 
were  divided  between  his  two  sons,  John  and  A  I* 
bert:  Lunenburgh  was  assigned  to  the  former, 
Brunswick  to  the  latter.  Thus  the  former  became 
the  patriarch  of,  what  is  callecl,  the  Old  House  of 
Lunenburgh.  Otho  his  son  received  Hanover  as 
a  fief  from  William  Sigefred,  the  *Bishop  of  Hil- 
desheim.  Otho  had  four  sons;  Otho  his  first  son 
succeeded  him,  and  dying  without  issue  was  suc 
ceeded  by  his  brother  William  with  the  large  feet. 
He  died  in  1369,  without  issue  male;  the  two 
other  sons  of  Otho  the  father  also  died  without 
male  issue. 

"  Thus  there  was  a  general  failure  of  issue  mate 
of  John,  the  patriarch  of  the  old  house  of  Lunen 
burgh, 


HOUSE  OF  BRUNSWICK.  557 

burgh.  By  the  influence  of  the  Emperor  Charles 
the  Fourth,  Otho,  elector  of  Saxony,  who  had 
married  Elizabeth,  the  daughter  of  William,  suc 
ceeded  to  the  duchy.  He  died  without  issue,  and 
left  it,  by  his  will,  to  his  uncle  Winccslaus,  elector  of 
Saxony.  It  was  contested  with  him  by  Torquatus 
Magnus,  duke  of  Saxony ;  the  contest  ended  in  a 
compromise ;  under  which  Bernard,  the  eldest  son 
of  Torquatus  Magnus,  obtained  it,  and  became  the 
patriarch  of  the  Middle  House  of  Lunenburgh  ;  he 
died  in  1434.  After  several  descents,  it  vested  in 
Ernest  of  Zell,  who  introduced  the  Lutheran  re 
ligion  into  his  states. 

"  After  his  decease,  his  sons  Henry  and  William 
for  some  time  reigned  conjointly ;  but  William 
persuaded  his  brother  to  content  himself  with  the 
country  of  Danneburgh;  while  he  himself  reigned 
over  all  the  rest,  and  thus  became  the  patriarch  of 
the  new  House  of  Brunswick- Lunenburgh. 

"  He  left  seven  sons ;  they  agreed  to  cast  lots 
which  should  marry,  and  to  reign  according  to 
their  seniority.  The  lot  fell  to  George,  the  sixth 
of  the  sons.  Frederick  was  the  survivor  of  them. 

"  On  his  decease,  the  duchy  descended  to 
Ernest  Augustus,  the  son  of  George,  with  whom 
the  Electoral  House  of  Lunenburgh  commences. 
His  reign  is  remarkable  for  two  circumstances : 
his  advancement  to  the  electoral  dignity,  and  his 
wife  Sophias  being  assigned,  by  an  act  of  the 
British  parliament,  to  be  the  royal  stern  of  the 
Protestant  succession  to  the  throne  of  Great  Britain 
and  Ireland. 

41  On 


55$  ANTIQUITIES,  &C. 

"  On  the  demise  of  Queen  Ann,  George  his  son, 
in  virtue  of  this  act  of  parliament,  succeeded  to 
the  British  monarchy. 

"  The  house  of  Brunswick- Lunenburgh  is  now 
divided  into  branches,  the  German  and  the  English, 
The  former,  under  the  title  of  Brunswick-Lunen- 
burgh  and  Wolfenbuttel,  possesses  the  duchies  of 
Brunswick  and  Wolfenbuttel,  and  the  countries  of 
Blackenburgh  and  Reinskin,  and  reckons  160,000 
subjects.  The  English,  under  the  title  of  Bruns- 
wick-Lunenburgh  and  Hanover,  possesses,  with 
the  electoral  dignity,  the  electorate  of  Hanover, 
the  duchies  of  Lunenburgh,  Zell,  Calemberg, 
Grubenhagen,  Deepholt,  Bentheim,  Lawenburgh, 
Bremen,  and  Verdun,  and  counts  740,000  subjects," 


AN 


Count  I 


IN  DA. 


Herman  of  Billung,  and 
M^rgh,  &c.  on  the  Elbe. 


Heiress  of  Saxony, 
ick,  and  Hanover. 


(    559    ) 

* 

AN 

ADDRESS, 


THAT  History  is  a  liberal  and  useful  study,  and 
that  the  History  of  our  own  country  is  best  de 
serving*  of  our  attention,  are  propositions  too  clear 
for  argument,  and  too  simple  for  illustration.  Na 
ture  has  implanted  in  our  breasts  a  lively  impulse 
to  extend  the  narrow  span  of  our  existence  by  the 
knowledge  of  the  events  that  have  happened  on 
the  soil  which  we  inhabit,  of  the  characters  and 
actions  of  those  men  from  whom  our  descent,  as  in 
dividuals  or  as  a  people,  is  probably  derived.  The 
same  laudable  emulation  will  prompt  us  to  review, 
and  to  enrich  our  common  treasure  of  national 
glory :  and  those  who  are  best  entitled  to  the  es 
teem  of  posterity,  are  the  most  inclined  to  cele 
brate  the  merits  of  their  ancestors.  The  origin 
and  changes  of  our  religion  and  government,  of 
our  arts  and  manners,  afford  an  entertaining  and 
often  an  instructive  subject  of  speculation;  and 
the  scene  is  repeated  and  varied  by  the  entrance  of 
the  victorious  strangers,  the  Roman  and  the  Saxon, 
the  Dane  and  the  Norman,  who  have  successively 
reigned  in  our  stormy  Isle.  We  contemplate  the 
gradual  progress  of  society  from  the  lowest  ebb  of 
primitive  barbarism,  to  the  full  tide  of  modern  ci 
vilization. 


560  AN  ADDRESS,  &C. 

vilization.  We  contrast  the  naked  Briton,  who 
might  have  mistaken  the  sphere  of  Archimedes  for 
a  rational  creature,*  and  the  contemporary  of 
Ne\vton,  in  whose  school  Archimedes  himself 
would  have  been  an  humble  disciple.  And  we 
compare  the  boats  of  osier  and  hides  that  floated 
along  our  coasts  with  the  formidable  navies  which 
visit  and  command  the  remotest  shores  of  the 
ocean.  Without  indulging  the  fond  prejudices  of 
patriotic  vanity,  we  may  assume  a  conspicuous 
place  among  the  inhabitants  of  the  earth.  The 
English  will  be  ranked  among  the  few  nations  who 
have  cultivated  with  equal  success  the  arts  of  war, 
of  learning,  and  of  commerce :  and  Britain  per 
haps  is  the  only  powerful  and  wealthy  state  which 
has  ever  possessed  the  inestimable  secret  of  uniting 
the  benefits  of  order  with  the  blessings  of  free 
dom.  It  is  a  maxim  of  our  law,  and  the  constant 
practice  of  our  courts  of  justice,  never  to  accept 
any  evidence  unless  it  is  the  very  best  which,  un 
der  the  circumstances  of  the  case,  can  possibly  be 
obtained.  If  this  wise  principle  be  transferred 
from  jurisprudence  to  criticism,  the  inquisitive  rea 
der  of  English  History  will  soon  ascend  to  the 
first  witnesses  of  every  period,  from  whose  testi 
monies  the  moderns,  however  sagacious  and  elo- 

*  I  allude  to  a  passage  in  Cicero  (de  Natura  Deorum,  1.  ii. 
c.  34.)  Quod  si  in  Britanniam,  sptaeram  aliquis  tulerit  hanc, 
quam  nuper  familiaris  noster  effecit  Posidonius,  cujus  singulae 
conversiones  idem  efficiuntin  sole,  et  in  luna,  et  in  quinque  stel- 
lis  errantibus,  quod  efficitur  in  ccelo  singulis  diebus  et  noctibus: 
quis  in  ilia  barbaric  dubitet,  quin  ea  sphaera  sit  perfecta  ratione? 

quent, 


AN  ADDRESS,  &C.  56 1 

quent,  must  derive  their  whole  confidence  and  cre 
dit.  In  the  prosecution  of  his  inquiries,  he  will 
lament  that  the  transactions  of  the  Middle  Ages 
have  been  imperfectly  recorded,  and  that  these  re 
cords  have  been  more  imperfectly  preserved :  that 
the  successive  conquerors  of  Britain  have  despised 
or  destroyed  the  monuments  of  their  predecessors; 
and  that  by  their  violence  or  neglect  so  much  of 
our  national  antiquities  has  irretrievably  perished. 
For  the  losses  of  history  are  indeed  irretrievable  : 
when  the  productions  of  fancy  or  science  have 
been  swept  away,  new  poets  may  invent,  and  new 
philosophers  may  reason  ;  but  if  the  inscription  of 
a  single  fact  be  once  obliterated,  it  can  never  be  re 
stored  by  the  united  efforts  of  genius  and  indus 
try.  The  consideration  of  our  past  losses  should 
incite  the  present  age  to  cherish  and  perpetuate 
the  valuable  relics  which  have  escaped,  instead  of 
condemning  the  MONKISH  HISTORIANS  (as  they 
are  contemptuously  styled)  silently  to  moulder  in 
the  dust  of  our  libraries ;  our  candour,  and  even 
our  justice,  should  learn  to  estimate  their  value, 
•and  to  excuse  their  imperfections.  Their  minds 
were  infected  with  the  passions  and  errors  of  their 
times,  but  those  times  would  have  been  involved 
in  darkness,  had  not  the  art  of  writing,  and  the 
memory  of  events,  been  preserved  in  the  peace 
-and  solitude  of  the  cloister.  Their  Latin  style  is 
far  removed  from  the  eloquence  and  purity  of  Sal- 
lust  and  Livy;  but  the  use  of  a  permanent  and 
general  idiom  has  opened  the  study,  and  connected 
the  series  of  our  ancient  chronicles,  from  the  age 

.      VOL,  III.  O  O  Of 


562  AN  ADDRESS,  &C. 

of  Bede  to  that  of  Walsingham.  In  the  eyes  of 
a  philosophic  observer,  these  monkish  historians 
are  even  endowed  with  a  singular  though  acciden 
tal  merit ;  the  unconscious  simplicity  with  which 
they  represent  the  manners  and  opinions  of  their 
contemporaries :  a  natural  picture,  which  the  most 
exquisite  art  is  unable  to  imitate. 

Books,  before  the  invention  of  printing,  were 
separately  and  slowly  copied  by  the  pen ;  and  the 
transcripts  of  our ,  old  historians  must  have  been 
rare;  since  the  number  would  be  proportioned  to 
the  number  of  readers  capable  of  understanding  a 
Latin  work,  and  curious  of  the  history  and  anti 
quities  of  England.  The  gross  mass  of  the  laity, 
from  the  baron  to  the  mechanic,  were  more  ad 
dicted  to  the  exercises  of  the  body  than  to  those 
of  the  mind :  the  middle  ranks  of  society  were 
illiterate  and  poor,  and  the  nobles  and  gentlemen, 
as  often  as  they  breathed  from  war,  maintained 
their  strength  and  activity  in  the  chace  or  the 
tournament.  Few  among  them  could  read,  still 
fewer  could  write;  none  were  acquainted  with 
the  Latin  tongue ;  and  if  they  sometimes  listened 
to  a  tale  of  past  times,  their  puerile  love  of  the 
marvellous  would  prefer  the  romance  of  Sir  Laun- 
celot  or  Sir  Tristram  to  the  authentic  narratives 
most  honourable  to  their  country  and  their  ances 
tors.  Till  the  period  of  the  Reformation,  the  ig 
norance  and  sensuality  of  the  clergy  were  conti 
nually  increasing :  the  ambitious  prelate  aspired  to 
pomp  and  power ;  the  jolly  monk  was  satisfied  with 
jdkness  and  pleasure ;  and  the  few  students  of  the 

ecclesiastical 


AN  ADDRESS,  &C.  563 

ecclesiastical  order  perplexed  rather  than  enlight 
ened  their  understandings  with  occult  science  and 
scholastic  divinity.  In  the  monastery  in  which  a 
chronicle  had  been  composed,  the  original  was  de 
posited,  and  perhaps  a  copy ;  and  some  neighbour 
ing  churches  might  be  induced,  by  a  local  or  pro 
fessional  interest,  to  seek  the  communication  of 
these  historical  memorials.  Such  manuscripts  were 
not  liable  to  suffer  from  the  injury  of  use ;  but  the 
casualty  of  a  fire,  or  the  slow  progress  of  damp  and 
worms,  would  often  endanger  their  limited  and 
precarious  existence.  The  sanctuaries  of  religion 
were  sometimes  profaned  by  aristocratic  oppres 
sion,  popular  tumult,  or  military  licence ;  and  al 
though  the  cellar  was  more  exposed  than  the  libra 
ry,  the  envy  of  ignorance  will  riot  in  the  spoil  of 
those  treasures  which  it  cannot  enjoy.  , 

After  the  discovery  of  printing,  which  has  be 
stowed  immortality  on  the  works  of  man,  it  might 
be  presumed  that  the  new  art  would  be  applied 
without  delay,  to  save  and  to  multiply  the  remains 
of  our  national  chronicles.  It  might  be  expected 
that  the  English,  now  waking  from  a  long  slumber, 
should  blush  at  finding  themselves  strangers  in  their 
native  country  ;  and  that  our  princes,  after  the  ex- 
alnple  of  Charlemagne  and  Maximilian  I.  would  es 
teem  it  their  duty  and  glory  to  illustrate  the  history 
of  the  people  over  whom  they  reigned.  But  these 
rational  hopes  have  not  been  justified  by  the  event. 
It  was  in  the  year  1474  that  our  first  press  was 
established  in  Westminster  Abbey,  by  -William 
Caxton :  but  in  the  choice  of  his  authors,  that 
o  o  2  liberal 


AN  ADDRESS,  &C* 

liberal  and  industrious  artist  was  reduced  to  com 
ply  with  the  vicious  taste  of  his  readers ;  to  gratify 
the  nobles  with  treatises  on  heraldry,  hawking,  and 
the  game  of  chess,  and  to  amuse  the  popular  cre 
dulity  with  romances  of  fabulous  knights,  and  le 
gends  of  more  fabulous  saints.  The  father  of  print 
ing  expresses  a  laudable  desire  to  elucidate  the  his 
tory  of  his  country;  but  instead  of  publishing  the 
Latin  chronicle  of  Radulphus  Higden,  he  could 
only  venture  on  the  English  version  by  John  dc 
Trevisa;  and  his  complaint  of  the  difficulty  of  find 
ing  materials  for  his  own  continuation  of  that  work, 
sufficiently  attests  that  even  the  writers,  which  we 
now  possess  of  the  fourteenth  and  fifteenth  cen 
turies,  had  not  yet  emerged  from  the  darkness  of 
the  cloister.  His  successors,  with  less  skill  and 
ability,  were  content  to  tread  in  the  footsteps  of 
Caxton;  almost  a  century  elapsed  without  pro 
ducing  one  original  edition  of  any  old  English  his 
torian;  and  the  only  exception  which  I  recollect  is 
the  publication  of  Gildas  (London  1526)  by  Poly- 
dore  Virgil,  an  ingenious  foreigner.  The  presses 
of  Italy,  Germany,  and  even  France,  might  plead 
in  their  defence,  that  the  minds  of  their  scholars, 
and  the  hands  of  their  workmen,  were  abundantly 
exercised  in  unlocking  the  treasures  of  Greek  and 
Roman  antiquity ;  but  the  world  is  not  indebted 
to  England  for  one  first  edition  of  a  classic  author. 
This  delay  of  a  century  is  the  more  to  be  lamented, 
as  it  is  too  probable  that  many  authentic  and  valu 
able  monuments  of  our  history  were  lost  in  the  dis 
solution  of  religious  houses  by  Henry  the  Eighth. 

The 


AN  ADDRESS,  &C»  565' 

The  protestant  and  the  patriot  must  applaud  our 
deliverance :  but  the  critic  may  deplore  the  rude 
havoc  that  was  made  in  the  libraries  of  churches 
and  monasteries,  by  the  zeal,  the  avarice,  and  the 
neglect,  of  unworthy  reformers. 

Far  different  from  such  reformers  was  the  learned 
and  pious  Matthew  Parker,  the  first  protestant 
Archbishop  of  Canterbury,  in  the  reign  of  Queen 
Elizabeth.  His  apostolical  virtues  were  not  in 
compatible  with  the  love  of  learning,  and  while  he 
exercised  the  arduous  office,  not  of  governing,  but 
of  founding  the  Church  of  England,  he  strenuously 
applied  himself  to  revive  the  study  of  the  Saxon 
tongue,  and  of  English  antiquities.  By  the  care 
of  this  respectable  prelate,  four  of  our  ancient  his 
torians  were  successively  published  :  the  Flares  of 
Matthew  of  Westminster  (1570;)  the  Historia 
Major  of  Matthew  Paris  (1571  ;)  the  Vita  Elfridi 
Regis,  byAsserius;  and  \\\G- Historia  Brevis,  and 
Upodigma  Neustria,  by  Thomas  Walsingham. 
After  Parker's  death,  this  national  duty  was  for 
some  years  abandoned  to  the  diligence  of  foreign 
ers.  The  ecclesiastical  history  of  Bede  had  been 
printed  and  reprinted  on  the  continent  as  the 
common  property  of  the  Latin  church ;  and  it 
was  again  inserted  in  a  collection  of  British  writers 
(Heidelberg  1587,)  selected  with  such  critical 
skill,  that  the  romance  of  Jeffrey  of  Monmouth, 
and  a  Latin  abridgment  of  Froissard,  are  placed 
on  the  same  level  of  historical  evidence.  An 
edition  of  Florence  of  Worcester,  by  Howard, 
(1592,)  may  be  slightly  noticed;  but  we  should 

o  o  3  grate- 


AN  ADDRESS,  &C. 

gratefully  commemorate  the  labours  of  Sir  Henry 
Saville,  a  man  distinguished  among  the  scholars  of 
the  age  by  his  profound  knowledge  of  the  Greek 
language  and  mathematical  sciences.  A  just  in 
dignation  against  the  base  and  plebeian  authors  of 
our  English  chronicles,  had  almost  provoked  him 
to  undertake  the  task  of  a  general  and  legitimate 
history:  but  his  modest  industry  declining  the 
character  of  an  architect,  was  content  to  prepare 
materials  for  a. future  edifice.  Some  of  the  most 
valuable  writers  of  the  twelfth  and  thirteenth 
centuries  were  rescued  by  his  hands  from  dirt,  and 
dust,  and  rottenness  ( e  situ  squalore  et  pulvere,) 
and  his  collection,  under  the  common  title  of  Scrip- 
tores  post  Bedam,  was  twice  printed  ;  first  in  Lon 
don  (1596,)  and  afterwards  at  Frankfort  (1601.) 
During  the  whole  of  the  seventeenth,  and  the  be 
ginning  of  the  eighteenth  centuries,  the  same 
studies  were  prosecuted  with  vigour  and  success : 
a  miscellaneous  volume  of  the  Anglica  Normanica, 
&c.  (Frankfort  lB03,)  and  the  Historia  Nova  of 
Eadmer  (London  1623,)  were  produced  by  Camden 
and  Selden,  to  whom  literature  is  indebted  for 
more  important  services.  The  names  of  Wheeler 
and  Gibson,  of  Watts  and  Warton,  of  Dugdale  and 
Wilkins,  should  not  be  defrauded  of  their  due 
praise  :  but  our  attention  is  fixed  by  the  elaborate 
collections  of  Twysden  and  Gale :  and  their  titles 
of  Decent  and  Quindecim  Scrip  fores  announce  that 
their  readers  possess  a  series  of  twenty-five  of  our 
old  English  historians.  The  last  who  has  dug  deep 
into  the  mine  was  Thomas  Hearne,  a  clerk  of  Ox 
ford, 


AN  ADDRESS,  &C, 

ford,  poor  in  fortune,  and  indeed  poor  in  under 
standing.  His  minute  and  obscure  diligence,  his 
voracious  and  undistinguishing  appetite,  and  the 
coarse  vulgarity  of  his  taste  and  style,  have  ex 
posed  him  to  the  ridicule  of  idle  wits.  Yet  it  can 
not  be  denied  that  Thomas  Hearne  has  gathered 
many  gleanings  of  the  harvest;  but  if  his  own  pre 
faces  are  filled  with  crude  and  extraneous  matter, 
his  editions  will  be  always  recommended  by  their 
accuracy  and  use. 

I  am  not  called  upon  to  inquire  into  the  merits 
of  foreign  nations  in  the  study  of  their  respective 
histories,  except  as  far  as  they  may  suggest  a  useful 
lesson,  or  a  laudable  emulation  to  ourselves.  The 
patient  Germans  have  addicted  themselves  to  every 
species  of  literary  labour:  and  the  division  of  their 
vast  empire  into  many  independent  states  wpuld 
multiply  the  public  events  of  each  country,  and 
the  pens,  however  rude,  by  which  they  have  been 
saved  from  oblivion.  Besides  innumerable  editions 
of  particular  historians,  I  have  seen  (if  my  memory 
does  not  fail  me)  a  list  of  more  than  twenty  of  the 
voluminous  collections  of  the  Scrip  tores  Rerum 
Germanicarum;  some  of  these  are  of  a  vague  and 
miscellaneous  nature  ;  others  are  relative  to  a  cer 
tain  period  of  time ;  and  others  again  are  circum 
scribed  by  the  local  limits  of  a  principality  or  a 
province.  Among  the  last  I  shall  only  distinguish 
the  Scriptores  Rerum  Brunswicensium,  compiled 
at  Hanover  in  the  beginning  of  this  century  by  the 
celebrated  Leibnitz.  We  should  sympathize  with 
a  kind  of  domestic  interest  in  the  fortunes  of  a 

o  o  4  people 


568  AN  ADDRESS,  &C. 

people  to  whom  we  are  united  by  our  obedience  to 
a  common  sovereign ;  and  we  must  explore  with 
respect  and  gratitude  the  origin  of  an  illustrious 
family,  which  has  been  the  guardian  near  fourscore 
years  of  our  liberty  and  happiness.  The  antiqua 
rian,  who  blushes  at  his  alliance  with  Thomas 
Hearne,  will  feel  his  profession  ennobled  by  the 
name  of  Leibnitz.  That  extraordinary  genius  em 
braced  and  improved  the  whole  circle  of  human 
science;  and  after  wrestling  with  Newton  and 
Clark  in  the  sublime  regions  of  geometry  and  me 
taphysics,  he  could  descend  upon  earth  to  examine 
the  uncouth  characters  and  barbarous  Latin  of  a 
chronicle  or  charter.  In  this,  as  in  almost  every 
other  active  pursuit,  Spain  has  been  outstripped 
by  the  industry  of  her  neighbours.  The  best  col 
lection  of  her  national  historians  wras  published  in 
Germany :  the  recent  attempts  of  her  Royal  Aca 
demy  have  been  languid  and  irregular,  and  if  some 
memorials  of  the  fourteenth  and  fifteenth  centuries 
are  lately  printed  at  Madrid,  her  five  oldest  chro 
nicles  after  the  invasion  of  the  Moors  still  sleep  in 
the  obscurity  of  provincial  editions  (Pamplona, 
1615,  1634;  Barcelona,  1663.)  -Italy  has  been 
productive  in  every  age  of  revolutions  and  writers; 
and  a  complete  series  of  these  original  writers, 
from  the  year  five  hundred  to  the  year  fifteen  hun 
dred,  are  most  accurately  digested  in  the  Scriptores 
Rerum  Italicarum  ofMuratorL  This  stupendous 
work,  which  fills  twenty-eight  folios,  and  overflows 
into  the  six  volumes  of  the  Antiquitates  Italic 
Medii  JEvij  was  achieved  in  years  by  one 

man ; 


AN  ADDRESS,  &C.  569 

man ;  and  candour  must  excuse  some  defects  in  the 
plan  and  execution,  which  the  discernment,  and 
perhaps  the  envy  of  criticism  has  too  rigorously 
exposed.  The  antiquities  of  France  have  been 
elucidated  by  a  learned  and  ingenious  people :  the 
original  historians,  which  Duchesne  had  under 
taken  to  publish,  were  left  imperfect  by  his  death, 
yet  had  reached  the  end  of  the  thirteenth  century ; 
and  his  additional  volume  (the  sixth)  comes  home 
to  ourselves,  since  it  celebrates  the  exploits  of 
the  Norman  Conquerors  and  Kings  of  England. 
About  years  ago  the  design  of  publishing 

Les  Historiens  des  Gaules  et  de  la  France,  was  re-, 
sumed  on  a  larger  scale,  and  in  a  more  splendid 
form ;  and  although  the  name  of  Dom  Bouquet 
stands  foremost,  the  merit  must  be  shared  among 
the  veteran  Benedictines  of  the  Abbey  of  St.  Ger 
main  des  Prez  at  Paris.  This  noble  collection  may 
be  proposed  as  a  model  for  such  national  works: 
the  original  texts  are  corrected  from  the  best  ma 
nuscripts;  and  the  curious  reader  is  enlightened, 
without  being  oppressed,  by  the  perspicuous  bre 
vity  of  the  prefaces  and  notes.  But  a  multitude 
of  obstacles  and  delays  seems  to  have  impeded  the 
progress  of  the  undertaking;  and  the  Historians 
of  France  had  only  attained  to  the  twelfth  cen 
tury,  and  the  thirteenth  volume,  when  a  general 
deluge  overwhelmed  the  country,  and  its  ancient 
inhabitants.  I  might  here  conclude  this  enumera 
tion  of  foreign  studies,  if  the  Script  ores  Rerum 
Danicarum  of  Langebek  and  his  successors,  which, 
have  lately  appeared  at  Copenhagen,  did  not  re 
mind 


570  AN  ADDRESS,  &C. 

mind  me  of  the  taste  and  munificence  of  a  court 
and  country,  whose  scanty  revenues  might  have 
apologized  for  their  neglect. 

It  is  long,  very  long  indeed,  since  the  success  of 
our  neighbours,  and  the  knowledge  of  our  resources, 
have  disposed  me  to  wish,  that  our  Latin  me 
morials  of  the  Middle  Age,  the  Scriptores  Rerum 
Anglicarum,  might  be  published  in  England,  in  a 
manner  worthy  of  the  subject  and  of  the  country. 
At  a  time  when  the  Decline  and  Fall  of  the  Roman 
Empire  has  intimately  connected  me  with  the  first 
historians  of  France,  I  acknowledged  (in  a  note) 
the  value  of  the  Benedictine  Collection,  and  ex 
pressed  my  hope  that  such  a  national  work  would 
provoke  our  own  emulation.  My  hope  has  failed, 
the  provocation  was  not  felt,  the  emulation  was 
not  kindled ;  and  I  have  now  seen,  without  an  at 
tempt  or  a  design,  near  thirteen  years,  which  might 
have  sufficed  for  the  execution.  During  the 
greatest  part  of  that  time  I  have  been  absent  from 
England :  yet  I  have  sometimes  found  opportuni 
ties  of  introducing  this  favourite  topic  in  conversa 
tion  with  our  literary  men,  and  our  eminent  book 
sellers.  As  long  as  I  expatiated  on  the  merits  of 
an  undertaking,  so  beneficial  to  history,  and  so 
honourable  to  the  nation,  I  was  heard  with  atten 
tion  ;  a  general  wish  seemed  to  prevail  for  its  suc 
cess  :  but  no  sooner  did  we  seriously  consult  about 
the  best  means  of  promoting  that  success,  and  of 
reducing  a  pleasing  theory  into  a  real  action,  than 
we  were  stopped,  at  the  first  step,  by  an  insupe 
rable  difficulty — the  choice  of  an  editor.  Among 

the 


AN  ADDRESS,   &C.  571 

the  authors  already  known  to  the  public,  none, 
after  a  fair  review,  could  be  found,  at  once  pos 
sessed  of  ability  and  inclination.  Unknown,  or 
at  least  untried  abilities  could  not  inspire  much 
reasonable  confidence :  some  were  too  poor,  others 
too  rich ;  some  too  busy,  others  too  idle  :  and  we 
knew  not  where  to  seek  our  English  Muratori ;  in 
the  tumult  of  the  metropolis,  or  in  the  shade  of 
the  university.  The  age  of  Herculean  diligence, 
which  could  devour  and  digest  whole  libraries,  is 
passed  away ;  and  I  sat  down  in  hopeless  despon 
dency,  till  I  should  be  able  to  find  a  person  en 
dowed  with  proper  qualifications,  and  ready  to 
employ  several  years  of  his  life  in  assiduous  labour, 
without  any  splendid  prospect  of  emolument  or 
fame. 

The  man  is  at  length  found,  and  I  now  renew 
the  proposal  in  a  higher  tone  of  confidence.  The 
name  of  this  editor  is  Mr.  John  Pinkerton  ;  but  as 
that  name  may  provoke  some  resentments,  and  re 
vive  some  prejudices,  it  is  incumbent  on  me,  for 
his  reputation,  to  explain  my  sentiments  without 
reserve ;  and  I  have  the  satisfaction  of  knowing 
that  he  will  not  be  displeased  with  the  freedom  and 
sincerity  of  a  friend.  The  impulse  of  a  vigorous 
mind  urged  him,  at  an  early  age,  to  write  and  to 
print,  before  his  taste  and  judgment  had  attained 
to  their  maturity.  His  ignprance  of  the  world,  the 
love  of  paradox,  and  the  warmth  of  his  temper, 
betrayed  him  into  some  improprieties,  and  those 
juvenile  sallies,  which  candour  will  excuse,  he 
himself  is  the  fir^t  to  condemn,  and  will  perhaps 

be 


AN  ADDRESS,   &C. 

be  the  last  to  forget.  Repentance  has  long  since 
propitiated  the  mild  divinity  of  Virgil,  against 
whom  the  rash  youth,  under  a  fictitious  name,  had 
darted  the  javelin  of  criticism.  He  smiles  at  his 
reformation  of  our  English  tongue,  and  is  ready  to 
confess,  that  in  all  popular  institutions,  the  laws 
of  custom  must  be  obeyed  by  reason  herself.  The 
Goths  still  continue  to  be  his  chosen  people,  but 
he  retains  no  antipathy  to  a  Celtic  savage ;  and 
without  renouncing  his  opinions  and  arguments, 
he  sincerely  laments  that  those  literary  arguments 
have  ever  been  embittered,  and  perhaps  enfeebled, 
by  an  indiscreet  mixture  of  anger  and  contempt. 
By  some  explosions  of  this  kind,  the  volatile  and 
fiery  particles  of  his  nature  have  been  discharged, 
and  there  remains  a  pure  and  solid  substance,  en-r 
dowed  withfnany  active  and  useful  energies.  His 
recent  publications,  a  Treatise  on  Medals,  and  the 
edition  of  the  early  Scotch  Poets,  discover  a  mind 
replete  with  a  variety  of  knowledge,  and  inclined 
to  every  liberal  pursuit;  but  his  decided  propensity, 
such  a  propensity  as  made  Bentley  a  critic,  and 
Rennel  a  geographer,  attracts  him  to  the  study  of 
the  History  and  Antiquities  of  Great  Britain ;  and 
he  is  well  qualified  for  this  study,  by  a  spirit  of 
criticism,  acute,  discerning,  and  suspicious.  His 
edition  of  the  original  Lives  of  the  Scottish  Saints 
has  scattered  some  rays  of  light  over  the  darkest 
age  of  a  dark  country :  since  there  are  so  many  cir 
cumstances  in  which  the  most  daring  legendary 
will  not  attempt  to  remove  the  well-known  land 
marks  of  truth.  His  Dissertation  on  the  Origin  of 

the 


AN  ADDRESS     &C.  573 

the  Goths,  with  the  Antiquities  of  Scotland,  are, 
in  my  judgment,  elaborate  and  satisfactory  works; 
and  were  this  a  convenient  place,  I  would  gladly 
enumerate  the  important  questions  in  which  he 
has  rectified  my  old  opinions  concerning  the  mi 
grations  of  the  Scythic  or  German  nation  from  the 
neighbourhood  of  the  Caspian  and  the  Euxine  to 
Scandinavia,  the  eastern  coasts  of  Britain,  and  the 
shores  of  the  Atlantic  ocean.  He  has  since  under 
taken  to  illustrate  a  more  interesting  period  of  the 
IJistory  of  Scotland ;  his  materials  are  chiefly  drawn 
from  papers  in  the  British  Museum,  and  a  skilful 
judge  has  assured  me,  after  a  perusal  of  the  manu 
script,  that  it  contains  more  new  and  authentic 
information  than  could  be  fairly  expected  from  a 
writer  of  the  eighteenth  century.  A  Scotchman 
by  birth,  Mr.  Pinkerton  is  equally  disposed,  and 
even  anxious,  to  illustrate  the  History  of  England : 
he  had  long,  without  my  knowledge,  entertained 
a  project  similar  to  my  own;  his  twelve  let 
ters,  under  a  fictitious  signature,  in  the  Gentle 
man's  Magazine  (1788),  display  the  zeal  of  a  pa 
triot,  and  the  learning  of  an  antiquarian.  As  soon 
as  he  was  informed,  by  Mr.  Nicol  the  bookseller, 
of  my  wishes  and  my  choice,  he  advanced  to  meet 
me  with  the  generous  ardour  of  a  volunteer,  con 
scious  of  his  strength,  desirous  of  exercise,  and 
careless  of  reward ;  we  have  discussed,  in  several 
conversations,  every  material  point  that  relates  to 
the  general  plan  and  arrangement  of  the  work ; 
and  I  can  only  complain  of  his  excessive  docility 
to  the  opinions  of  a  man  much  less  skilled  in  the 

subject 


574  'AN  ADDRESS,  &C. 

subject  than  himself.  Should  it  be  objected,  that 
such  a  work  will  surpass  the  powers  of  a  single 
man,  and  that  industry  is  best  promoted  by  the 
division  of  labour,  I  must  answer,  that  Mr.  Pinker- 
ton  seems  one  of  the  children  of  those  heroes, 
whose  race  is  almost  extinct ;  that  hard  assiduous 
study  is  the  sole  amusement  of  his  independent 
leisure;  that, his  warm  inclination  will  be  quick 
ened  by  the  sense  of  a  duty  resting  solely  on  him 
self;  and  that  he  is  now  in  the  vigour  of  age  and 
health ;  and  that  the  most  voluminous  of  our  his 
torical  collections  was  the  most  speedily  finished 
by  the  diligence  of  Muratori  alone.  I  must  add, 
that  I  know  not  where  to  seek  an  associate ;  that 
the  operations  of  a  society  are  often  perplexed  by 
the  division  of  sentiments  and  characters,  and  often 
retarded  by  the  degrees  of  talent  and  application ; 
and  that  the  editor  will  be  always  ready  to  receive 
the  advice  of  judicious  counsellors,  and  to  employ 
the  hand  of  subordinate  workmen* 

Two  questions  will  immediately  arise,  concern 
ing  the  title  of  our  historical  collection,  and  the 
period  of  time  in  which  it  may  be  circumscribed. 
The  first  of  these  questions,  whether  it  should  be 
styled  the  Scriptores  Rerum  Brit annicar urn,  or 
the  Scriptores  Rerum  Anglicarum,  will  be  pro 
ductive  of  more  than  a  verbal  difference :  the 
former  imposes  the  duty  of  publishing  all  original 
documents  that  relate  to  the  history  and  antiquities 
of  the  British  islands ;  the  latter  i$  satisfied  with 
the  spacious,  though  less  ample,  field  of  England. 
The  ambition  of  a  conqueror  might  prompt  him  to 

grasp 


AN  ADDRESS,   &C.  575 

grasp  the  whole  British  world,  and  to  think,  with 
Caesar,  that  nothing  was  done  while  any  thing  re 
mained  undone. 

Nil  actum  reputans  dum  quid  superesset  agendum. 

But  prudence  soon  discerns  the  inconvenience 
of  increasing  a  labour  already  sufficiently  arduous, 
and  of  multiplying  the  volumes  of  a  work,  which 
must  unavoidably  swell  to  a  very  respectable  size. 
The  extraneous  appendages  of  Scotland,  Ireland, 
and  even  Wales,  would  impede  our  progress,  vio 
late  the  unity  of  design,  and  introduce  into  a  La 
tin  text  a  strange  mixture  of  savage  and  unknown 
idiom.  For  the  sake  of  the  Saxon  Chronicle,  the 
editor  of  the  Scriptores  Rerum  Anglicarum  will 
probably  improve  his  knowledge  of  our  mother 
tongue ;  nor  will  he  be  at  a  loss  in  the  recent  and 
occasional  use  of  some  French  and  English  memo 
rials.  But  if  he  attempts  to  hunt  the  old  Britons 
among  the  islands  of  Scotland,  in  the  bogs  of  Ire 
land,  and  over  the  mountains  of  Wales,  he  must 
devote  himself  to  the  study  of  the  Celtic  dialects, 
without  being  assured  that  his  time  and  toil  will 
be  compensated  by  any  adequate  reward.  It  seems 
to  be  almost  confessed,  that  the  Highland  Scots 
do  not  possess  any  writing  of  a  remote  date ;  and 
the  claims  of  the  Welsh  are  faint  and  uncertain. 
The  Irish  alone  boast  of  whole  libraries,  which 
they  sometimes  hide  in  the  fastnesses  of  their 
country,  and  sometimes  transport  to  their  colleges 
abroad :  but  the  vain  and  credulous  obstinacy 
with  which,  amidst  the  light  of  science,  they 

cherish 


676  AN  ADDRESS,   &C. 

cherish  the  Milesian  fables  of  their  infancy,  may 
teach  us  to  suspect  the  existence,  the  age,  and  the 
value  of  these  manuscripts,  till  they  shall  be  fairly 
exposed  to  the  eye  of  profane  criticism.     This  ex 
clusion,   however,   of  the  countries  which  have 
since  been  united  to  the  crown  of  England  must 
be  understood  with  some  latitude :  the  Chronicle 
of  Melross  is  common  to  the  borderers  of  both 
kingdoms :  the  Expugnatio  Hibernice  of  Giraldus 
Cambrensis  contains  the  interesting  story  of  our 
settlement  in  the  western  isle;  and   it  may  be 
judged  proper  to  insert  the  Latin  Chronicle  of  Ca- 
radoc,  (which  is  yet  unpublished,)  and  the  code  of 
native  laws  which  were   abolished  by  the  con 
queror  of  Wales.     Even  the  English  transactions 
in  peace  and  war  with  our  independent  neigh 
bours,  especially  those  of  Scotland,  will  be  best 
illustrated  by  a  fair  comparison  of  the  hostile  nar 
ratives.     The  second  question,  of  the  period  of 
time  which  this  Collection  should  embrace,  ad 
mits  of  an  easier  decision ;  nor  can  we  act  more 
prudently,  than  by  adopting  the  plan  of  Muratori, 
and  the  French  Benedictines,  who  confine  them 
selves  within  the  limits  of  ten  centuries,  from  the 
year  five  hundred  to  the  year  fifteen  hundred  of 
the  Christian  sera.     The  former  of  these  dates  coin 
cides  with  the  most  ancient  of  our  national  wri 
ters  ;  the  latter  approaches  within  nine  years  of 
the  accession  of  Henry  VIII.,  which  Mr.  Hume 
considers  as  the  true  and  perfect  sera  of  modern 
history.     From  that  time  we  are   enriched,  and 
even  oppressed,  with  such  treasures  of  contempo 
rary 


AN  ADDRESS,  &C.  577 

rary  and  authentic  documents  in  our  own  lan 
guage,  that  the  historian  of  the  present  or  a  future 
age  will  be  only  perplexed  by  the  choice  of  facts, 
and  the  difficulties  of  arrangement.  Exoriatur 
aliquis — a  man  of  genius,  at  once  eloquent  and 
philosophic,  who  should  accomplish,  in  the  ma 
turity  of  age,  the  immortal  work  which  he  had 
conceived  in  the  ardour  of  youth. 


VOL.  in.  p  f  AP- 


(    578     ) 


APPENDIX 


TO 


AN   ADDRESS, 


IN  the  Advertisement  to  the  first  edition  of 
Mr.  Gibbon's  Miscellaneous  Works,  it  is  observed, 
that  the  Address,  which  recommends  the  publica 
tion  of  our  Latin  memorials  of  the  middle  ages* 
the  Scriptores  Rerum  Anglicarum,  in  a  manner 
worthy  of  the  subject  and  of  the  country,  was  in 
terrupted  by  death.  It  appearing  to  me  to  be 
highly  desirable  that  interesting  design  should  be 
promoted,  I  took  the  liberty  of  applying  to  Mr. 
Pinkerton  for  an  explanation  of  the  plan  arranged 
by  him  with  Mr.  Gibbon :  he  has  favoured  me? 
with  the  following  Letter  ana!  Extract. 

London,  <24tk  October,  1814. 

Mr  LORD, 

IN  compliance  with  your  desire, 
I  send  the  papers  necessary  to  illustrate  Mr.  Gib- 
kou  s  "  Address,"  on  the  publication  of  our  ancient 

national 


APPENDIX  TO  AN  ADDRESS,  &C.  579 

national  historians;  consisting  of  my  Address, 
which  was  to  have  accompanied  his,  and  of  some 
of  the  Letters  in  the  Gentleman's  Magazine,  1788, 
which  he  said  contributed  to  engage  his  attention 
to  the  subject.  Your  lordship  will  perceive  that, 
in  his  letter  to  me,  he  rather  objected  to  the  ap 
pearance  of  his  name,  as  he  was  only  to  lend  his 
advice,  and  to  write  a  General  Introduction ;  which 
would  have  been  a  master-piece  of  historical  criti 
cism,  a  Corinthian  capital  to  this  national  column, 
consecrated  to  the  memory  of  our  ancestors.  But 
our  plan  was  chiefly  arranged  in  conversations; 
and  he  afterwards  consented  that  his  name  should 
appear  as  conjunct  editor.  Pie  seemed  to  regard 
this  collection  as  a  favourite  pursuit ;  and  said  he 
still  hoped  for  twenty  years  of  existence,  so  that 
he  might  live  to  see  its  completion.  How  vain  the 
views  and  hopes  of  man !  For  he  died,  alas  !  on  the 
very  day  that  our  joint  Prospectus  was  to  have 
appeared. 

Spirantesque  crocos,  et  in  urna  perpetuum  ver ! 

The  transcendent  merit  of  Mr.  Gibbon  was;  that 
his  mind  always  rose  superior  to  his  vast  erudition, 
which  often  oppresses  the  mental  energies,  but  in 
vigorated  his.  The  stomach  was  so  strong,  that 
all  food  became  salutary.  In  the  works  of  Hume 
or  Robertson,  we  see  that  they  had  read  what  was 
necessary  for  their  subject;  but  in  those  of  Gibbon 
we  are  surprised  with  lights  from  every  department 
of  universal  literature. 

No  man  of  extensive  learning,  or  genuine  taste,. 
p  p  2  will 


580  APPENDIX  TO  AN  ADDRESS,  &C« 

will  object  to  the  pomp  and  magnificence  of  Gil> 
bon's  historical  diction,  The  more  a  reader  is 
conversant  in  the  diversified  styles  of  the  Greek 
and  Roman  classics,  the  less  will  he  be  disposed 
to  blame  a  manner  majestic  as  its  subject.  The 
grandeur  of  the  Roman  empire,  in  which  modern 
kingdoms  were  but  provinces,  required  a  corre 
spondent  elevation  of  thought  arid  language,  which 
might  be  justly  objectionable,  if  employed  on  a 
more  confined  topic,  on  the  history  even  of  the 
chief  among  European  sovereignties. 

That  Gibbon  excels  in  the  epistolary  style  is 
allowed  by  alL  The  letters  of  Pope  are  the  af 
fected  themes  of  a  school-boy ;  and  those  of  his 
fair  antagonist,  Lady  M.  W.  Montague,  are  more 
indebted  to  the  topics  than  the  language :  in  rapid 
description,  brilliant  thought,  sudden  flashes  of 
wit,  effusions  of  the  heart,  intuition  of  human  life, 
condensed  views  of  characters  and  manners,  she 
can  never,  be  compared  with  Madame  de  Sevigne". 
Our  epistolary  eminence  is  shared  among  a  trium 
virate,  Gray,  Gibbon,  and  Cowper :  the  last  being- 
preferred  by  many;  though  his  style  be  more 
feeble  and  relaxed,  and  his  topics  more  confined, 
both  by  his  personal  and  chorographic  situation. 
He  had,  however,  an  excellent  heart,  which  gives 
an  ineffable  charm  to  any  composition. 

Your  lordship  will  pardon  this  little  tribute  to 
the  memory  of  our  eminent  friend.  His  last  great 
plan  would  not  have  expired  with  him,  if  a  wrar  of 
twenty-one  years  had  not  engaged  the  whole  at 
tention  of  those  distinguished  characters,  who 

could 


APPENDIX  TO  AN  ADDRESS,  &C.  581 

could  alone  promote  such  an  expensive  design. 
At  present,  it  is  hoped,  it  might  be  resumed  with 
some  prospect  of  success ;  and,  among  our  monu 
ments  of  triumph,  this  literary  temple  might  be 
erected  to  the  ancient  glory  of  our  country.  Esto 
perpetua  ! 

I  have  the  honour  to  be,  with  every  sentiment 
of  respect  and  esteem. 

Your  lordship's 
Most  faithful  servant, 

J.  PlNKERTON. 


Ex- 


(     582     ) 


Extract  from  an  Address  to  the  Eminent,  the 
Learned,  and  the  Lovers  of  the  early  Literature 
and  History  of  England,  concerning  an  intended 
Publication  to  be  intituled  "  Rerum  Anglicarum 
Scriptores  ;"  or  a  Collection  of  the  Original  His 
torians  of  England,  chronologically  arranged ; 
collated  with  the  Manuscripts,  illustrated  with 
Notes,  Chronological  Tables,  Maps,  Complete 
Indexes,  8$c. — By  JOHN  PINKEKTON,  1792. 


THE  GERMANS,  ever  to  be  applauded  as  the  in 
ventors  of  what  is  most  useful  in  arts  and  sciences, 
instituted,  it  is  believed,  the  first  memorable  ex 
ample  of  assembling  national  historians ;  but,  as  is 
usual  in  first  attempts,  only  in  a  small  number. 

In  1566,  Schardius  published  at  Frankfort  four 
of  the  ancient  German  writers,  collected  into  one 
volume;  and  in  1574  the  work  was  enlarged  to 
three  volumes.  Pistorius  began  his  collection  in 
1583,  but  the  third  volume  was  not  published  till 
1607.  Reuber's  curious  assemblage  appeared  in 
1584 ;  that  of  Urstisius  in  1585 ;  of  Freher  in  1600; 
of  Goldastin  160S. 

ITALY  being  divided  into  numerous  small  states, 
no  general  collection  of  the  writers  of  that  country 
deserving  notice  appeared,  till,  in  the  present  cen 
tury,  Muratori's  great  design  was  executed  with 
singular  rapidity.  Some  of  the  Spanish  historians 
were  printed  at  Frankfort,  the  great  literary  mart  of 

Europe 


APPENDIX  TO  AN  ADDRESS,  ScC.  583 

Europe  in  1579,  published  from  the  library  of  Mr. 
Bell,  an  Englishman:  but  Schott's  collection,  com 
menced  in  1603,  is  superior. 

Though  SPAIN  has  begun  to  publish  her  con 
temporary  chronicles  from  the  fourteenth  century, 
yet  she  still  neglects  an  accurate  republication  of 
her  earlier  writers  :  as,  for  instance,  the  Chronicles 
of  the  four  Bishops,  in  the  eighth,  ninth,  tenth, 
and  eleventh  centuries,  published  by  Sandoval, 
at  Pampeluna,  in  1615 — 1634;  not  to  mention 
the  history  of  Dulcidius,  written  about  883,  and 
committed  to  the  press  by  Pellizer,  at  Barcelona, 
1663. 

But  next  to  Germany,  FRANCE  must  be  regarded 
as  claiming  precedence  in  this  department  of  lite 
rature.  The  collection  of  Pithou,  in  1588,  was 
confined;  that  of  Du  Chesne,  in  1636 — 1641,  was 
ample;  and  had  not  his  death  occasioned  the  failure 
of  the  plan,  it  would  have  been  nearly  complete. 
The  grand  collection  by  Bouquet,  Historiens  de 
France,  which  extends  to  twelve  or  thirteen  vo 
lumes  in  folio,  was  begun  in  1738;  and,  though 
objectionable  in  some  parts  of  the  plan,  is  a  model 
of  accuracy  and  typography. 

Having  thus  briefly  considered  the  progress  of 
this  study  in  the  other  chief  countries  of  Europe,* 
let  us  proceed  to  watch  its  dawn  in  ENGLAND. 
Of  Beda  there  are  several  early  editions  in  foreign 
countries  :f  and  to  Polydore  Virgil  we  are  indebt- 

*  The  Historians  of  BRUNSWICK,  collected  by  the  celebrated 
and  universal  Leibnitz,  and  those  of  Denmark  by  Langebek,  de 
serve  especial  praise. 

t  Argent.  1500.  1514.     Hagen.  1506. 


584  APPENDIX  TO  AN  ADDRESS,  &C. 

ed  for  the  first  edition  of  Gildas,  London,  1526, 
12mo.  But  after  this  no  edition  of  any  early  his 
torian  is  recollected  till  1571,  when  the  able  work 
of  Mathew  Paris  issued  from  the  London  press, 
soon  followed  by  Mathew  of  Westminster  ;  and  in 
1574  by  Walsingham  and  Asserius. 

In  1587,  the  earliest  collection  of  English  histo 
rians  appeared  at  Heidelberg,  or,  as  some  of  the 
title-pages  bear,  at  Lyons.  The  writers  contained 
in  it  are  Geofrey,  Gildas,  Beda,  William  of  New- 
burgh,  and  an  abstract  of  Froissart. 

In  1592  Howard  published  Florence  of  Wor 
cester. 

At  length  Sir  Henry  Saville,  in  1596,  gave  his 
valuable  collection;  the  London  edition  of  which 
is  inaccurately  printed,  but  far  from  being  so  faulty 
as  that  of  Frankfort,  1601,  which  Spelman  justly 
execrates;  nor  is  Camden's  Collection,  Frankfort, 
160.2,  much  superior  in  the  important  typography 
of  proper  names. 

During  the  seventeenth  century  many  valuable 
editions  appeared.  Particular  commemoration  is 
due  to  Wheloc's  first  publication  of  a  Saxon  Chro 
nicle,  at  the  end  of  his  Beda,  1643;  and  to  the  ex 
cellent  collections  of  Twysden  and  Gale,  the  latter 
in  particular  deserving  eminent  praise  among  our 
learned  editors  of  earty  history. 

Nor  has  this  interesting  study  relaxed  its  efforts 
till  within  these  fifty  years,  down  to  which  period 
fresh  treasures  have  gradually  accumulated.  Among 
the  editors  Hearne  deserves  especial  notice.  En 
dued  he  was  with  singular  industry ;  but  his  pre 
faces, 


APPENDIX  TO  AN  ADDRESS,  &C.  585 

faces,  and  articles  of  subsidiary  compilation,  vio 
lated  the  dignity  of  the  useful  works  which  he 
published.  The  insignificance,  the  indiscrimina 
tion  of  his  antiquarian  pursuits,  justly  excited  the 
ridicule  of  contemporary  wits :  and,  by  a  sin 
gular  fatality,  the  editor  is  mentioned  with  neglect 
or  contempt,  while  the  editions,  though  loaded 
with  extraneous  matter,  are  allowed  to  possess 
every  praise  of  exactness  and  utility. 

It  is  almost  unnecessary  to  remind  the  reader, 
that  niost  of  the  valuable  works,  above  mentioned, 
are  now  arrived  at  an  exorbitant  price  ;  which,  in 
a  complete  collection,  far  exceeds  that  proposed 
for  this  chronological  and  uniform  compilation. 

The  defects  of  preceding  editions  of  our  histo 
rians  are  too  well  known  to  men  of  letters.     In  the 
publications  of  Saville  and  Twysden,and  not  rarely 
even  in  that  of  Gale  and  Fulman,  the  names  of 
persons  and  places  are  so  mangled,  as  hardly  to  be 
intelligible  even  to  the  skilful.     The  various  read 
ings  which,  when  important,   should   have   been 
annotated,  rarely  appear ;  and  indeed  few  MSS., 
and  those  sometimes  not  the  best,  have  been  con 
sulted.     Amid  similar  instances  of  neglect  shall  be 
selected  one  specimen.     The  Saxon  Chronicle  (im 
properly  so  called,  for  there  are  many  Saxon  Chro 
nicles)  is  perhaps  the  most  important  of  all  our 
historical  monuments,  as  being  the  only  civil  history 
of  England  preceding  the  year  1 100 ;  not  to  men 
tion  that  no  nation  can  boast  of  so  valuable  a 
remain  of  ancient  language.     Yet  in  the  publica 
tion  of  this*  invaluable  piece  the  grossest  inattention 

appears. 


5S6  APPENDIX  TO  AN  ADDRESS,  &C. 

appears.  Gibson  only  used  the  MSS.  at  Oxford, 
where  he  resided;  and  has  omitted  to  consult  the  two 
best,  in  the  Cotton  Library,  Tib.  B.  i.  and  Tib.  B.  iv. 
upon  collating  which  near  fifty  pages  were  re 
covered,  unknown  to  him,  though  amounting  to 
more  than  a  fifth  part  of  his  publication. 

This  neglect  of  our  early  historians  is  the  more 
unpardonable,  as  their  merits  equal,  if  they  do  not 
exceed,  those  of  any  other  modern  country  in 
Europe.  And  it  will  be  difficult  to  name  rivals  to 
William  of  Malmesbury,  Simeon  of  Durham,  the 
Abbot  of  Peterburgh,  Walsingham;  far  less  to 
the  ample  and  authentic  Hoveden,  and  the  un 
daunted  truth  of  Mathew  Paris. 

It  would  be  prolix  and  unnecessary  to  give 
more  enlarged  details  concerning  the  plan  of  the 
new  publication :  but  a  brief  view  shall  now  be 
submitted  to  those  patrons  of  our  literature,  by 
whose  encouragement  alone  so  large  and  expensive 
a  design  can  proceed. 

The  first  volume,  as  containing  all  the  writers 
preceding  the  Conquest,  may  be  regarded  as  com 
plete  in  itself.  The  plan  of  Bouquet  will  not  be 
followed,  in  respect  to  the  extracting  so  much 
from  each  author  as  belongs  to  a  reign,  or  a  cen 
tury;  but  every  author  will  be  given  at  once,  with 
the  additions  made  to  his  work,  if  any  such  occur. 
In  this  part  of  the  plan,  Bouquet's  edition,  though 
perhaps  more  advantageous  to  the  modem  com 
piler  of  history,  presents  many  embarrassments  to 
the  reader,  or  consulter,  of  ancient  historians ;  and 

each 


APPENDIX  TO  AN  ADDRESS,  &C.  58v 

each  production  appears  in  such  a  state  of  mutila 
tion,  as  not  only  to  give  additional  labour,  but 
some  distrust  that  there  may  be  a  defect. 

In  the  compilation  of  a  work  intended  to  be 
complete  in  itself,  and  to  present  to  the  reader  an 
universal  body  of  ancient  English  history,  it  has 
appeared  indispensable,  and  is  consonant  to  the 
opinion  of  the  best  judges,  that  those  parts  of  the 
Greek  and  Roman  writers,  which  relate  to  this 
island,  should  be  extracted,  as  has  been  done  with 
regard  to  Gaul  in  the  edition  of  the  French  histo 
rians.  But  even  this  part  will  not  be  deficient  in 
new  advantages.  The  extracts  from  Caesar  shall 
be  collated  with  the  Editio  Princeps,  and  others, 
the  best  editions :  nor  shall  a  similar  care  be  want 
ing  in  regard  to  Strabo,  Tacitus,  Herodian,  the 
Panegyrists,  Ammianus  Marcellinus,  £c. 

Of  Ptolemy's  Geography,  the  original  of  which 
was  published  from  a  bad  MS.  by  Erasmus,  valua 
ble  variations  have  been  printed  by  Montfaucon  in 
his  Bibliotheca  Coisleniana  :  and  the  third  volume 
of  the  minor  Greek  geographers  presents  various 
readings  of  Guido  of  Ravenna ;  all  of  which,  and 
in  short  all  the  latest  discoveries  concerning  the 
extracts  used,  shall  be  carefully  given. 

To  the  extracts  from  the  Greek  and  Roman 
writers  succeed  Gildas,  Nennius,  Becla,  with  the 
chronicle  at  the  end,  collated  with  that  in  the 
Heidelberg  edition;  some  passages  of  Alcuin;  Ed- 
dius,  Fredegod,  Asserius :  extracts  from  ancient 
lives  of  Saints,  the  lives  of  Offa,  Edward  the  Con 
fessor,  Emma.  These  are  to  be  followed  by  two 

of 


588  APPENDIX  TO  AN  ADDRESS,  &C. 

of  the'  largest  Saxon  Chronicles,  translated  by  skil 
ful  hands,  and  collated  with  alt  the  others ;  with 
fac  similia  of  the  autographic  Chronicle  begun  in 
891,  and  continued  by  divers  hands  till  924,  and 
after  to  1075.  This  invaluable  monument  is  pre-* 
served  in  Bennet  College,  Cambridge,  whence  it 
was  published  by  Wheloc,  but  in  a  careless  manner. 
Extracts  from  the  Icelandic  authors,  but  only  in  the 
Latin  translations,  shall  next  be  given,  with  any 
other  passages,  though  rare,  to  be  found  in  extra- 
iieous  writers  concerning  Britain  during  this  period. 
Nor  shall  the  Saxon  laws  be  neglected,  nor  such 
genuine  charters  and  coins  as  illustrate  history. 

In  the  twelfth  and  thirteenth  centuries  the  ori 
ginal  historians  of  England  are  numerous  and  in 
telligent  ;  and  many  of  them  eminent  in  style  and 
ability.  The  fourteenth  century  rather  declines; 
but  after  Walsingham,  the  last  of  our  early  Latin 
writers,  deserving  the  name  even  of  an  annalist, 
the  series  closes  almost  in  darkness,  just  before  the 
dawn  of  the  revival  of  letters.  Hence,  of  the 
domestic  transactions  of  the  fifteenth  century, 
during  the  reigns  of  Henry  VI.  Edward  IV. 
Richard  III.  and  a  part  of  that  of  Henry  VII.  or 
from  1422  to  1500,  we  have  but  little  and  unsa 
tisfactory  evidence.  The  French  contemporary 
writers  supply  a  great  part  of  the  chasm.  Fabian, 
and  the  other  early  chroniclers  of  the  sixteenth 
century,  must  likewise  be  extracted ;  but  any  MS. 
annals  of  those  reigns  are  of  singular  value,  and 
every  care  shall  be  exerted  to  procure  them,  and 
print  them  in  the  manner  that  Godefroy  has  pub 
lished 


APPENDIX  TO  AN  ADDRESS,  &C.  589 

lished  the  French  historians  during  this,  the  fif 
teenth,  century. 

At  the  year  1500  the  compilation  will  finally 
close,  there  being  no  occasion  to  throw  further 
light  on  centuries  completely  luminous. 

The  manuscripts  and  editions  shall  all  be  care 
fully  collated,  and  any  variations  of  consequence 
annotated  at  the  bottom  of  the  page.  Numerous 
chronicles  and  historic  articles  still  remaining  in 
MS.  shall  be  inserted  in  their  proper  places,  and 
no  research  shall  be  spared  in  libraries,  foreign  and 
domestic,  to  recover  any  valuable  documents. 

As  the  work  is  national,  and  can  interest  only  afew 
curious  foreigners,  to  whom  the  English  language 
is  known,  and  as  many  matters  both  important 
and  minute,  can  be  far  more  clearly  conveyed  to 
the  English  reader  in  his  own  speech,  than  in  the 
Latin,  the  editor  has  been  advised  to  give  the 
prefaces,  chronological  tables,  and  illustrations,  in 
English ;  but  the  Latin  shall  be  preferred,  if  more 
agreeable  to  the  favourers  of  the  publication.* 

To  the  first  volume  will  be  prefixed  a  general 
review  of  the  early  English  historians;  and  a 
preface  to  each  volume  will  present  a  literary  notice 
of  the  authors  contained  in  it,  their  lives,  periods, 
works;  editions  and  manuscripts  consulted.  A 
large  chronological  table  of  all  the  events  will  be 
prefixed  to  each  volume :  and  in  addition  to  the 
indexes,  on  the  plan  of  Bouquet's,  and  which,  as 

s 

*  Mr.  Gibbon  insisted  on  the  English. 

in 


590  APPENDIX  TO  AN  ADDRESS,  &C. 

in  a  book  of  consultation,   shall  be  very  ample, 
one  will  be  added  of  manners  and  customs. 

The  names  of  Du  Chesne,  Leibnitz,  Muratori, 
Bouquet,  Langebek,  editors  of  vast  works  of  this 
nature,  sufficiently  indicate  that  the  united  toils  of 
a  society  are  so  far  from  essential  to  a  publication 
of  early  historians,  that,  on  the  contrary,  scarce  one 
can  be  named  produced  by  a  literary  association. 
The  want  of  unanimity,  the  delays  incident  to  de 
mocracies  of  all  kinds,  the  power  of  accident, 
more  extensive  when  spread  over  a  wide  surface, 
present  obstacles  to  the  labours  of  many,  which 
are  unknown  to  the  industry  of  one.  Yet  as 
sistance  will  be  called  in  when  necessary  or  expe 
dient,  and  the  advice  of  the  best  judges  will  be 
requested  and  venerated. 


N 


(     591     ) 

.  ::^rwi    N°H. 

LETTERS 

ON  THE 

CULTIVATION  OF  OUR  NATIONAL  HISTORY, 

Extracted  from  the  Gentleman  s  Magazine,  1788. 

%*  Some  of  these  letters  are  omitted  as  merely  introductory, 
or  as  relative  to  Welch,  Scotish,  and  Irish  history.  The  two 
last  present  a  proposal  for  the  foundation  of  an  Historical 
Society.  The  following  may  be  considered  as  having  chiefly 
engaged  Mr.  Gibbon's  attention. 

LETTER  II. 

IF  our  National  History  be  not  neglected,  these 
letters  would  be  absurd ;  and  it  is  therefore  proper, 
in  the  first  place,  to  shew  that  it  is  neglected,  and 
to  a  degree  capable  of  exciting  surprise  and  regret 
in  every  mind  at  all  interested  in  the  glory  of  the 
nation. 

To  evince  this  neglect,  it  is  proper  to  turn  our 
eyes  upon  foreign  countries.  Were  the  neglect 
general,  there  would  be  no  occasion  to  complain ; 
but  this  is  so  far  from  being  the  case,  that  Britain,  a 
country  from  its  wealth,  free  government,  and  su 
perior  abilities  of  its  natives,  entitled  to  take  the 
lead  of  most  countries,  is  here  about  a  century 
behind  all ;  nay,  yields  to  Russia,  a  country  where 
literature  was  unknown  till  the  present  century  I 

That 


592  APPENDIX  TO  AN  ADDRESS,  &C. 

That  this  is  no  bold  assertion,  will  appear  from  a 
slight  deduction  from  what  has  been  done,  and  is 
doing,  for  their  history,  by  some  other  countries;  for 
to  dwell  upon  all,  would  occupy  more  room  than 
these  letters  will  admit. 

Let  us  begin  with  France,  our  great  rival  in 
sciences,  arts,  and  arms: — but,  alas!  in  this  all 
rivalship  ceases.  Next  to  the  glory  of  national 
arms,  is  that  of  national  history;  without  which 
the  greatest  actions  are  as  if  they  had  never  been. 
Britain,  which  ought  to  have  led  the  example,  is 
so  far  behind  France  in  the  cultivation  of  her  his 
tory,  that  the  utmost  exertion  will  hardly  com 
pensate  for  the  inglorious  remission.  In  poetry, 
philosophy  moral  and  natural,  mathematics,  divi 
nity,  medicine,  law,  the  belles  lettres,  and  the  arts, 
Britain  is,  it  is  believed,  superior  to  France.  But 
so  fatal  is  the  term  History  to  this  island,  that  we 
have  no  Natural  History  anywise  comparable  with 
Buffon's.  Our  Gibbons  and  Robertsons  perhaps 
exceed  any  modern  French  historians,  though  no 
Frenchman  will  allow  this.  But  historiography  is 
foreign  to  my  subject,  which  concerns  the  founda 
tions  of  historiography,  the  publication  and  illus 
tration  of  the  original  writers  and  documents.  \ 

One  would  have  imagined  that,  upon  the  inven 
tion  of  printing,  the  first  care,  in  every  nation, 
would  have  been  to  publish  their  historical  docu 
ments.  For  the  very  nature  of  history  demanded 
this  attention;  inasmuch  as  every  other  science 
can  recover  its  materials,  when  lost,  except  history 
alone.  If  poetry  perish,  as  good  may  again  ap 
pear; 


APPENDIX  TO  AN  ADDRESS,  &c.          593 

Jjear :  if  natural  or  moral  philosophy,  rrjathematics, 
divinity,  medicine,  the  belles  lettres,  the  arts,  &c. 
were  lost,  they  may  be  recovered,  nay  exceeded, 
as  nature  and  man  remain  the  same.  BUT  IF  ONE 

HISTORICAL    FACT    PERISH,    IT    IS   LOST    FOR    EVER. 

Yet  this  irrefragable  consideration  was,  as  usual, 
forced  to  yield  to  the  fashionable  writing  of  the 
day :  and  near  a  century  elapsed,  after  the  inven 
tion  of  printing,  before  any  attention  was  paid  to 
the  publication  of  the  original  historians  of  modern 
nations.  France  distinguished  herself  among  the 
first ;  and  Du  Chesne's  Bibliothcque  Historique.  de 
la  France,  published  in  16 19,  contains  a  list  of 
published  historians,  which  England  cannot  ex 
ceed  at  present.  Since  that  time  France  has  been 
constantly  proceeding  in  that  noble  pursuit;  and 
hai;dly  a  learned  man  of  France  can  be  mentioned, 
who  did  not  contribute  somewhat  to  illustrate  the 
ancient  history  of  his  own  country,  while  our  lite 
rati  were  lost  in  the  antiquities  of  Greece,  Rome, 
India,  China ;  and,  in  short,  of  every  country  but 
their  own. — But,  not  to  dwell  on  this,  it  is  suffi 
cient  to  observe,  that  in  the  year  1738,  half  a 
century  ago,  that  magnificent  collection  of  all  the 
old  French  historians  was  begun,  of  which  twelve 
or  thirteen  large  volumes  in  folio  have  now  ap 
peared  ;  and,  compared  to  which,  all  our  historic 
labours,  put  together,  appear  as  nothing.  Every 
volume  contains  original  writers  and  documents, 
generally  for  one  century ;  and  the  elegance,  accu 
racy,  and  completeness  of  the  work,  exceed  all 
praise.  It  must  also  be  added,  that  our  polite 
VOL.  in.  Q  Q  scholars 


APPENDIX  TO  AN  ADDRESS,    &C. 

scholars  and  men  of  genius,  our  Lowths,  Wartotis, 
Joneses,  Gibbons,  Jortins,  Warburtons,  &c.  never 
think  our  history  worthy  notice;  whereas  in 
France,  Du  Bos  and  Montesquieu,  to  name  no 
more,  have  deeply  examined  the  early  history  of 
their  country. 

To  avoid  prolixity,  let  ITS  pass  the  great  labours 
of  Leibnitz,  &c.  in  German  history ;  of  Muratori, 
&c.  in  Italian ;  and  let  us  turn  our  eyes  upon  king 
doms  which  in  other  matters  of  science  we  infi 
nitely  exceed.  Yes,  let  us  shew  that  Denmark,  a 
remote  and  unwealthy  state,  and  Russia,  whose 
sciences  are  of  yesterday,  excel  Britain  in  atten 
tion  to  national  history !  Denmark,  in  fact,  rivals 
France,  by  the  elegant  edition  of  her  ancient  his 
torians,  published  by  Langebek  and  now  going 
on.  Why  mention  the  Society  appointed  by  the 
King  to  publish  all  the  Icelandic  monuments  of 
Danish  history  ?  Why  mention  the  expenses  of  the 
Princes  of  the  Blood  in  Denmark  upon  such  pub 
lications,  and  institute  odious  comparisons?  For 
who  does  not  know,  that  the  whole  study  of  the 
Danish  nobility,  gentry,  and  literati,  is  bent  upon 
their  history  ?  And  surely  no  stronger  proof  of  a 
solid  and  manly  mind,  and  of  true  patriotism,  can 
be  given,  than  this  pursuit. 

If  we  pass  to  Russia,  we  shall  find  the  present 
Empress  the  patroness  of  history,  as  of  other  sci 
ences.  Let  the  works  of  Muller,  the  publications 
of  Nestor's  Chronicle,  and  that  of  Sylvester  in 
1767,  under  the  title  of  Letopis  Nestor 'ova,  Strit- 
ter's  Memories  Populorum,  <§•<?.  and  other  works, 

speak 


APPENDIX  TO  AN  ADDRESS,    &C.  595 

speak  the  present  attention  of  Russia  to  her  his 
tory. 

And  what  is  Britain  doing?  Nothing. — Her 
published  historians  are  lost  in  slovenly-printed 
editions;  and  many  remain  unpublished.  Bold 
assertions  !  But  where  are  the  proofs  ?  The  proofs 
are  to  be  found  in  every  bookseller's  shop ;  and  in 
the  catalogues  of  the  Bodleian,  Harleian,  Cotto- 
nian,  and  other  libraries.  Yet,  after  a  prefatory 
remark  or  two,  one  instance  shall  be  given,  which 
will  of  itself  prove,  that  our  history  is  neglected  to 
a  degree  exceeding  all  belief. 

Ever  since  the  time  of  Thomas  Hearne,  of  black- 
letter  memory,  carbone  notandus,  the  publication 
of  our  old  historic  writers  has  been  discontinued. 
The  names  of  Saville,  Camden,  Selden,  Gale,  are 
most  respectable  in  this  line ;  but  such  is  the  effect 
of  weakness,  that  it  dishonours  all  it  touches ;  and 
surely  a  weaker  man  than  Tom  Hearne  never  ex 
isted,  as  his  prefaces,  so  called,  lamentably  shew. 

Pox  on't,  quoth  Time  to  Thomas  Hearne, 
Whatever  I  forget  you  learn. 

Instead  of  manly  erudition,  thought,  and  elegance, 
such  as  became  a  publisher  of  important  works,  his 
prefaces  shew  the  most  trifling  and  abject  pursuits 
of  antiquarian  baubles.  We  are  forced  to  despise 
the  man  to  whose  labours  we  are  obliged :  and  it 
is  suspected  that  the  notorious  character  of  Hearne 
has  not  a  little  contributed  to  the  contempt  into 
which  our  history  has  lately  fallen,  for  great  events 
often  spring  from  small  causes.  This  remark  was 
Q  Q  2  thought 


696  APPENDIX  TO  AN  ADDRESS,    &C. 

thought  necessary  here,  as  those  very  publications 
of  Hearne,  which  might  be  urged  as  a  proof  that 
our  history  is  not  neglected,  on  the  contrary  afford 
a  lamentable  proof  that  it  is,  and  has  long  been. 
For  in  no  other  country  would  he  have  been  forced 
to  publish  a  few  copies,  by  an  extravagant  sub 
scription,  of  books  important  to  national  history, 
and  of  course  interesting  to  all.  Old 'plays,  and 
dead  pamphlets,  are  greedily  fed  on,  perhaps  in 
other  countries  as  well  as  this ;  for  it  is  not  to  be 
conceived  that  literary  disease,  and  mental  sick 
ness,  are  confined  to  Britain  :  in  other  countries 
virtuosi  and  collectors  of  toys  also  abound.  Yet 
it  seems  certain,  that  the  curse  foretold  by  Dr. 
Browne,  in  his  Estimate  of  the  Manners  and  Prin 
ciples  of  the  Times,  has  come  to  pass  ;  that  we  are 
not  vicious,  but  insignificant;  that  we  are  inca 
pable  of  that  exertion  in  which  either  vice  or  virtue 
consists;  and  that  our  taste  has,  as  he  foretold, 
become  trifling  even  to  childishness;  and  so  weak 
ened,  as  to  be  incapable  of  wholesome  gratification. 
Hence  our  greediness  for  the  silliest  literary 
baubles ;  and  our  neglect  of  the  manly  and  austere 
provinces  of  literature.  Such,  indeed,  are  the 
effects  of  great  wealth  and  luxury  in  all  countries, 
enervating  both  body  and  mind.  Herodotus  finely 
calls  poverty,  "  the  nurse  of  Greece ;"  and  the  ef 
fects  of  wealth  on  Roman  literature  may  be  seen 
in  the  dialogue  on  the  causes  of  the  decline  of  elo 
quence,  ascribed  to  Tacitus,  though  most  probably 
by  Quintilian. 

Let  us  now  proceed  to  the  instance  formerly 

promised, 


APPENDIX  TO  AN  ADDRESS,    &C.  597 

'promised,  to  shew  at  once  that  our  history  is  neg 
lected  to  a  surprising  degree.  It  is  well  known 
that  Italy,  France,  and  Germany,  are  the  only 
countries  in  Europe  which  exceed  England  in  the 
series  of  early  historians.  From  Gregory  of  Tours, 
who  wrote  A.  D.  591,  France  has  historians  of 
every  century.  England,  on  the  contrary,  has  no 
historian  after  Beda,  who  wrote  in  731,  till  the 
year  1 100.  For  Ethel werd  certainly  did  not  write 
till  that  time  ,•  and  his  work  is  a  mere  translation 
of  the  Saxon  Chronicle  :  and  Asser  gives  only  the 
life  of  Alfred.  I  say,  no  English  historians  are 
found  from  731  till  1100,  EXCEPT  the  Saxon  Chro 
nicle.  Nay,  Beda,  who  alone  precedes,  is  merely 
an  ecclesiastical  historian,  as  his  title,  Historia  EC- 
clesiastica  Anglorum,  and  his  whole  work,  declare. 
So  that  the  Saxon  Chronicle  is,  in  fact,  the  ONLY 
civil  history  of  England  preceding  the  year  1 100  : 
and  without  it  we  should  know  nothing  of  English 
history  for  SEVEN  centuries.  The  English  histo 
rians,  who  begin  to  be  numerous  after  the  year 
1100,  borrow  all  their  intelligence  of  preceding 
times  from  it,  as  Gibson  shews ;  who  also  deser 
vedly  remarks,  that  no  nation  can  boast  of  so  va 
luable  a  monument  of  their  ancient  language. 

This  noble  monument  is  therefore  chosen  as  an 
instance  of  the  shameful  neglect  shewn  in  publish 
ing  our  ancient  historians.  It  was  natural  to  ex 
pect,  that  our  best  literati  should  exert  themselves 
in  translating  and  collating  this  work.  But  how 
has  it  been  done? — Gibson  confesses,  in  his  pre 
face,  that  he  was  not  much  versed  in  the  Saxon 
<i  Q  3  language. 


598  APPENDIX  TO  AN  ADDRESS,   &C. 

language.  This  may  be  modesty  ;  but — if  true ! 
Supposing  him  qualified,  how  has  he  executed  his 
work  ?  He  only  used  five  manuscripts. 

1 .  The  Laudian,  a  fine  one  upon  vellum. 

2.  The  one  he  oddly  calls  Cantuariensis,  also  for 
merly  belonging  to  Laud ;  on  paper,  and  very  bad 
in  all  respects. 

3.  One  in  Bennet  college,  Cambridge. 

4.  One  in  the  Cotton  library. 

These  two  were  transcripts  of  one  another ;  and 
Gibson  used  them  not,  but  tells  us,  he  copied 
Wheloc,  who,  at  the  end  of  his  Saxon  Becla,  pub 
lished  a  Chronologia  Saxonica  from  these  imperfect 
MSS. 

5.  Another  in  the  Cotton  library,  also  never  seen 
by  Gibson,  but  only  various  readings  which  Ju- 
nius  had  taken  from  it. 

Thus  we  see,  that  Gibson,  living  at  Oxford, 
publishes  the  most  valuable  monument  of  our  his 
tory  from  two  MSS.  left  by  Archbishop  Laud  to 
that  university ;  and  is  too  lazy  to  go  to  Cambridge 
or  London  to  collate  MSS.  but  quotes  them  at 
second-hand !  So  much  appears  from  the  face  of 
his  book,  from  his  own  preface !  But  this  is  no 
thing. 

There  are  other  MSS.  of  the  Saxon  Chronicle, 
never  seen  by  Gibson,  though  most  easily  acces 
sible.  In  the  Cotton  library  there  are  four:  Tib. 
B.  I.— Tib.  B.  IV.— Tib.  A.  VI.— Dom.  A.  VIII. 
The  two  last,  and  worst,  are  those  he  mentions. 
The  two  first  he  never  heard  of,  as  appears  from 
his  edition.  Upon  collating  these  two  with  Gib 
son, 


APPENDIX  TO  AN  ADDRESS,   &C.  599 

son,  and  extracting  the  additions  they  have,  they 
were  found  to  amount  to  FIFTY  pages;  and  his 
book  has  only  244 !  Both  were  written  in  the  ele 
venth  century ;  and  superior  to  the  Laudian  in 
antiquity.  It  need  not  be  mentioned,  that  these 
fifty  pages  contain  at  least  as  many  facts  in  our 
ancient  history,  either  unknown,  or  narrated  with 
new  circumstances. 

Moreover,  in  Corpus  Christi  or  Bennet  college 
at  Cambridge,  is  the  AUTOGRAPH  of  the  Saxon 
Chronicle,  from  which  all  the  rest  are  taken ;  be 
gun  in  891,  by  King  Alfred's  orders,  as  would 
seem,  and  written  up  to  that  year  by  one  hand ; 
continued  by  divers  to  9^4;  and  after  to  1075. 
See  Wanley's  Catalogue,  (Hickes's  Thesaurus.)  I 
know  not  if  this  be  the  one  in  Bennet  college 
published  by  Wheloc.  But  certain  it  is,  that 
this  invaluable  autograph  of  the  chief  monument 
of  our  history  should  be  published  literatim,  by 
itself,  without  any  addition's  from  other  copies; 
and  illustrated  \\it\ifoc-similia  of  every  various 
hand-writing  in  it. 

Jt  need  hardly  be  mentioned,  that  a  precious 
part  of  the  Saxon  Chronicle  is  published  in  Lye's 
Saxon  Dictionary,  from  Mr.  Astle's  library,  \Vhich 
much  illustrates  the  history  of  the  eleventh  cen 
tury.  Instead  of  Saxon  Chronicle,  we  should 
indeed  say  Chronicles ;  for  the  copies  are  written 
in  different  places,  and  vary  in  dates  and  events. 
The  two  fullest  copies,  which  vary  most,  should 
be  published  apart;  and  the  differences  of  the 
others  thrown  into  the  notes.  PHILISTOR. 

Q  Q  4  LETTER 


600  APPENDIX  TO  AN  ADDRESS,    &C, 


LETTER  III. 

IN  my  last  it  was  shewn  that  our  history  is  neg 
lected,  from  the  carelessness  and  inaccuracy  dis 
covered  in  the  publication  of  one  of  its  most 
important  monuments.  It  shall  not  be  asserted, 
that  our  other  ancient  historians  are  published 
with  equal  inattention,  and  want  of  literary  skill. 
But  certain  it  is,  that  all  of  them  should  be  col 
lated  afresh  with  the  MSS.  several  of  which  have 
come  to  light,  and  passed  into  public  libraries,  since 
the  publications  were  made.  The  spirit  of  philo 
sophy  "and  criticism  was  hardly  known  in  antiqui 
ties  till  the  present  century ;  and  the  vast  supe 
riority  of  the  recent  publications  of  ancient  monu 
ments  over  the  former  is  universally  'felt  in  all 
foreign  countries. 

That  many  important  remains  of  our  history  still 
lurk  in  MS.  is  well  known,  and  evinced  from  the 
catalogues  of  great  libraries.  Some  may  also  be  in 
private  hands.  That  every  care  should  be  exerted 
to  recover  and  print  such  pieces,  needs  not  be  in 
sisted  on.  But  there  is  another  matter  which 
claims  consideration,  as  a  convincing  proof  that 
our  history  is  neglected ;  and,  after  stating  this, 
it  may  be  presumed  that  the  reader  will  be  con 
vinced  that  these-letters  are  not  groundless:  and, 
of  course,  this  preliminary  being  adjusted,  the 
other  parts  of  the  plan  may  be  considered  in  their 
order.  This  other  proof  that  our  history  is  neglected, 
consists  in  the  amazing  deficiency  of  dissertations 


APPENDIX  TO  AN  ADDRESS,    &C,  601 

by  our  literati,  upon  curious  or  intricate  points  of 
ancient  English  history. 

In  most  foreign  countries,  the  works  of  this  sort, 
written  by  the  most  eminent  writers,  are  very  nume 
rous.  If  the  reader  will  look  into  the  Historical 
Libraries,  published  for  the  several  countries,  he  will 
be  struck  with  astonishment  to  see  that  English 
works  of  this  kind,  compared  with  those  of  Erance, 
Germany,  Italy,  nay,  the  Northern  kingdoms,  are  in 
number  about  as  one  to  one  hundred.  Let  him  only 
take  up  the  large  Historical  Catalogue,  in  four  vo 
lumes,  at  the  end  of  LengletDu  Fresnoy's  Methode 
pouretudier  FHistoire,  ed.  1772,  15  vols.  12 mo,  he 
will  find  all  the  works  published  on  English  history 
thrown  into  a  few  pages ;  while  those  on  French, 
German,  Italian,  almost  fill  volumes.  It  is  believed, 
that  single  works  of  Selden,  Verstegan,  Sheringham, 
and  Langhorne,  form  almost  the  sum  total  of  books 
expressly  written  to  illustrate  our  history :  and  all 
of  them  published  before  criticism  was  introduced 
into  antiquities,  and  before  we  had  got  so  far  up 
the  hill  of  science  as  to  discover  much  around  us. 
Selden  was  indeed  a  man  whose  erudition,  inde 
pendently  of  his  other  great  merits,  does  high  ho 
nour  to  his  country.  But  he  was  quite  immersed 
in  Oriental  learning;  and  his  works  on  English 
antiquities  are  by  far  his  worst,  and  abound  with 
passages  which  cannot  stand  against  sound  criti 
cism.  The  antiquities  of  the  middle  ages  were  but 
beginning  to  be  studied  in  Selden's  time.  No  Du 
Cange  nor  Muratori  had  appeared.  The  diplo- 
.matic  science,  in  particular,  was  unknown:  and 

Dugdale, 


602  APPENDIX  TO  AN  ADDRESS,  &C. 

Dugclale,  another  very  eminent  antiquary,  has,  in 
his  Monasticon  Anglicanum,  published  charters, 
which  Germon,  De  Re  diplomat ica^  has  evinced 
to  be  forgeries,  from  marks  so  gross  as  to  need  no 
investigation. 

Unfortunately,  we  have  begun  quite  at  the 
wrong  end  of  our  history.  We  abound  in  general 
histories;  but  want  the  proper  authorities  and 
proofs,  the  foundations  upon  which  they  should 
stand.  The  object  is,  first  to  settle  the  grounds  of 
our  history;  and,  after  that,  build  the  fabric  who 
will.  A  hundred  points  of  the  greatest  conse 
quence  remain  to  be  treated  in  detached  disserta 
tions,  to  be  examined  to  the  bottom  by  severe  cri 
ticism,  and  all  the  authorities  produced.  Suppose, 
as  parallel  instances  to  similar  dissertations  of  fo 
reign  writers,  we  had  disquisitions,  On  the  Com 
merce  of  the  Phenicians  and  Greeks  in  Britain: 
Whether  any  British  Nation  paid  Tribute  to  the 
Romans  before  the  time  of  Claudius:  On  the  an 
cient  Languages  in  Britain :  On  the  Use  of  the 
Latin  Tongue  in  Britain;  and  how  it  comes  to 
pass  that  Britain  did  not  furnish  one  Latin  Writer 
in  the  Roman  Times,  while  Gaul  and  Spain  pro 
duced  many :  If  Severus  built  any  Wall  in  Britain : 
What  was  the  real  Cause  of  the  Arrival  of  the 
lutes  in  Kent,  Chance  or  Invitation :  The  Extent 
and  History  of  each  Heptarchic  Kingdom  :  The 
Fonii  of  Saxon  Government:  Of  Regal  Power 
among  the  Saxons  :  Of  the  Power  of  the  People : 
The  Private  Life  of  the  Saxons :  From  what  Year, 
and  what  Time  of  the  Year,  our  old  Historians 

reckon 


APPENDIX  TO  AN  ADDRESS,  &C.  603 

reckon  the  Christian  Era,  &c.  &c.  &c.  These  in 
stances  are  only  given  as  they  flow  from  the  pen ; 
and  the  reader  may  easily  suggest  to  himself  other 
subjects  more  important  and  curious.  It  shall 
only  be  added,  that  such  pieces  would,  in  the 
hands  of  dull  and  illiterate  writers,  become  insipid, 
as  all  other  subjects  would ;  but  that,  in  foreign 
countries,  such  dissertations  not  only  appear,  but 
are  produced  by  writers  of  the  greatest  learning, 
literary  experience,  and  critical  sagacity;  often 
with  every  charm  of  elegant  and  vivacious  lan 
guage.  The  latter  qualities  are,  indeed,  more 
pleasing  than  necessary  in  treating  subjects  of  in 
struction  ;  and  in  which  truth  becomes  suspicious 
if  arrayed  in  the  gorgeous  dress  of  eloquence,  so 
often  worn  by  falsehood.  ]yet  this  point  be  closed 
with  enumerating  a  very  few  names  of  foreigners 
distinguished  by  the  illustration  of  their  national 
history,  that  we  may  consider  what  we  have  to 
oppose  to  them.  The  Germans  boast  of  Cluverius, 
Conringius,  Schard,  Reineccius,  Freher,  Linden- 
brog,  Schilter,  Heinack,  Leibnitz,  Mascou.  Schoep- 
flin,  &c.  The  French  of  Vignier,  Pasquier,  Du 
Chesne,  Valois,  Fauchet,  Mezeray,  La  Carry, 
Masson,  Hottoman,  Pithou,  Petau,  Baluze,  le  Due 
d'Espernon,  Du  Cange,  Montesquieu,  Du  Bos,  Le 
Gendre,  Labbe,  &c.  Italy  has  so  numerous  names 
for  each  petty  state,  that  the  difficulty  lies  in  the 
choice;  but  let  Sigonius  and  Muratori  be  selected, 
names  equal  to  a  thousand. 

Topography  may  be  considered  as  an  historical 

de- 


6*04  APPENDIX  TO  AN  ADDRESS,  &C. 

department,  which  has  thriven  much  in  Britain  of 
late,  chiefly  by  the  fostering  cares  of  the  author  of 
the  British  Topography,  and  the  editor  of  the 
Bibliotheca  Topographica.  It  gives  great  pleasure 
to  see  that,  in  this  branch  at  least,  we  are  perhaps 
equal  to  other  nations.  But  the  warmest  admirers 
of  topography  will  not  put  it  on  a  par  with  the 
general  history,  or  even  geography,  of  a  whole 
kingdom.  Local  history,  however,  may  contribute 
materials  for  general  history ;  though,  in  the  run 
of  our  topographers,  the  historical  part  be  seldom 
profoundly  treated.  It  is  also  remarkable,  that 
while  Germany  has  Cluverius  and  Cellarius;  and 
France  her  Sansons,  De  1'Isles,  and  D'Anvilles; 
Britain  cannot  boast  of  any  geographer  who.  has 
obtained  the  smallest  fame.  In  chronology,  Usher 
and  Sim  son  yield  to  none. 

As  it  is  believed  that  the  reader  will  allow,  from 
the  two  grand  considerations  already  stated,  to  wit, 
deficiency  in  the  publication  of  our  historical  mo 
numents,  and  deficiency  in  modern  works  illustra 
tive  of  our  ancient  history,  that  these  letters  are 
not  unfounded;  but  that  our  national  history  is 
really  neglected ;  this  preliminary  shall  be  consi 
dered  as  allowed;  and  other  parts  of  the  little 
plan,  laid  down  in  the  first  letter,  shall  be  entered 
upon. 

PHILISTOR. 


LET- 


-APPENDIX  TO  AN  ADDRESS,  &C.  605 

LETTER  IV. 

IN  considering  the  next  part  of  our  plan,  name 
ly,  wherein  the  neglect  of  our  history  chiefly  lies, 
it  will  be  proper  to  point  out,  first,  the  period  of 
our  history  which  has  been  least  illustrated;  and, 
secondly,  the  particular  provinces  of  historical  re 
search,  which  have  been  least  cultivated  among  us. 

The  period  of  our  history  which  has  been  least 
illustrated,  strikes  at  once,  as  being  that  preceding 
the  Norman  conquest.  It  is,  indeed,  a  mortifying 
reflection,  that  Englishmen  should  think  the  his 
tory  of  their  own  ancestors  of  no  moment,  in  com 
parison  with  that  of  the  Norman  princes  and  their 
followers,  who  settled  in  this  country ;  should 
seem  to  think  England  of  no  account  till  it  became 
a  prey  to  Norman  ravagers  !  Perhaps  it  may  be 
said,  that  the  want  of  materials  for  our  history, 
preceding  the  Conquest,  is  a  sufficient  excuse  for 
our  neglect  of  that  period.  Certain  it  is,  that 
these  materials  are  not  large,  being  almost  confined 
to  the  Saxon  Chronicles  above-mentioned ;  while, 
after  the  Norman  settlement,  our  numerous  histo 
rians,  chiefly  of  Norman  race,  or  under  Norman 
patronage,  throw  a  blaze  of  light  around  them, 
which  renders  even  minute  parts  of  our  history 
conspicuous.  But  the  attachment  of  these  writers 
to  the  Normans  made  them  pass  the  more  ancient 
history  of  England  with  an  invidious  parsimony, 
while  they  regale  us  with  every  incident  of  Nor 
man  times  in  full  display.  This  partiality  of  our 
original  writers  has  affected  our  antiquaries  and 

his- 


606*  APPENDIX  TO  AN  ADDRESS,  &C. 

historiographers ;  who,  instead  of  running  counter, 
as  they  ought,  to  this  disposition,  have  been  drawn 
into  its  vortex.  Yet  it  is  certainly  a  matter  of  the 
easiest  conception,  and  most  palpable  truth,  that 
the  most  obscure  period  of  our  history  was  exactly 
that  which  required  the  most  illustration.  So  that 
our  antiquaries,  who  have  confined  what  little  re 
searches  they  have  made  to  the  Norman  and  later 
periods  of  our  history,  have  acted  in  diametrical 
opposition  to  their  duty,  both  as  patriots  and  as 
antiquaries. 

Another  reason  for  neglecting  the  earlier  parts 
of  our  history  is,  the  difficulty  arising  from  the 
heptarchic  division.  It  is  certainly  a  matter  of 
some  difficulty  to  give  a  clear  history  of  six  or 
seven  small  kingdoms;  but,  as  the  Greek  proverb 
bears,  all  excellent  things  are  difficult;  and  the 
greater  the  difficulty,  there  is  the  more  merit  in 
good  execution.  All  modern  kingdoms  present 
the  same  difficulty,  in  their  early  history,  and  ge 
nerally  to  a  far  later  period  than  England :  but 
their  antiquaries  have  only  been  excited,  by  this 
difficulty,  to  exert  the  greater  accuracy  and  care. 
Our  heptarchic  history  is  not  only  totally  neglect 
ed;  but  our  writers  think  proper/to  apologise  for 
their  own  indolence,  by  informing  us  that  it  is  not 
worth  writing.  Mr.  Hume,  sensible  of  the  great 
carelessness  with  which  he  had  sketched  this  part 
of  English  history,  quotes  Milton,  as  saying,  that 
the  wars  of  the  heptarchic  states  are  not  more  im 
portant  than  those  of  crows  and  kites.  But  this  is 
like  many  of  Mr.  Hume's  quotations ;  for  Milton, 

in 


APPENDIX  TO  AN  ADDRESS,  &C.  607 

in  that  passage,  speaks  not  of  heptarchic  wars,  but 
of  a  paltry  squabble  between  two  noblemen  of  that 
time.    Take  his  own  words,  p.  183,  edit.  \6j\,  4to. 
of  his  history  of  England :  "  The  same  day  Ethel- 
mund  at  Kinneresford,  passing  over  with  the  Wor 
cestershire  men,  was  met  by  Weolstan,  another 
nobleman,  with  those  of  Wiltshire,  between  whom 
happened  a  great  fray,  wherekt  the  Wiltshire  men 
overcame,  but  both  dukes  were  slain,  no  reason  of 
thir  quarrel  writ'n ;    such  bickerings  to   recount, 
met  oft'n  in  these  our  writers,  what  more  worth  is 
it  than  to  chronicle  the  wars  of  kites,  or  crows, 
flocking  and  fighting  in  the  air?"     The   fact  is, 
that  the  smallest  of  the  heptarchic  kingdoms  w^as 
superior   in   size  and  power   to  any   one  of    the 
heroic   kingdoms   of    Greece,   whose   history  we 
read  with  so  much  attention;  and  the  whole  Gre 
cian  story,  till  the  period  of  Alexander,  is  not  in 
itself  more  important  or  interesting  than  our  hep 
tarchic.     The  genius  of  the  authors  makes  all  the 
difference;  and  this  genius,  it  is  hoped,  will  not 
always  be  wanting  in  our's.     Those,  who  think 
history  becomes  important  in  proportion  to  the 
size  of    the    country  concerned,    should  confine 
themselves  to  study  the  Asiatic  empires,  and  leave 
real  history  to  those  who  know  its  nature.     It  is  in 
minute  history  that  we  find  that  picture  of  human 
society  which  most  interests  the  philosopher. 

It  is  suspected  that  a  third  reason  why  the  pe 
riod  preceding  the  Conquest,  by  far  the  most  im 
portant  of  our  history,  is  neglected,  originates  from 
the  writings  of  an  English  philosopher — Lord  Bo- 

lingbroke. 


608  APPENDIX  TO  AX  ADDRESS,  &C. 

iingbroke.  In  his  Letters  on  History,  this  writer 
considers  the  early  history  of  any  country  as  quite 
useless,  and  regards  the  modern  part,  beginning  at 
the  Emperor  Charles  V.  as  alone  worth  study. 
This  superficial  opinion,  of  a  once  fashionable  au 
thor,  had  perhaps  great  weight  with  those  who 
knew  not  that  it  is  impossible  to  have  any  real 
knowledge  of  the  modern  history  of  any  country 
without  beginning  the  study  at  its  fountains,  in 
ancient  events  and  manners.  One  might  as  well 
think  of  building  a  house  by  beginning  at  the 
garrets.  Nay  more,  the  foundation  is  not  only  to 
be  begun  at  the  proper  place ;  but,  as  every  part 
of  the  superstructure  ultimately  rests  upon  the 
foundation,  this  jadical  part  must  be  examined 
with  far  more  care  and  attention  than  any  of  the 
rest.  Mr,  Hume  began  his  history  with  the 
Stuarts,  and  so  wrote  backwards.  The  conse 
quence  is,  that  he  has  quite  mistaken  the  most 
glaring  features  of  our  constitution,  and  carried 
the  despotism  of  the  Stuarts  along  with  him 
through  all  our  history.  Nor  can  any  problem  in 

.  mathematics  be  more  certain  than  that  it  is  impos 
sible  either  to  write  or  read  history  properly  by 
.retrogression.  The  knowledge  of  the  ancient  part 
is  not  only  necessary  in  itself,  but  necessary  to 

,  understand  the  modern.  To  a  philosopher,  the 
ancient  part  is  the  most  interesting,  from  the 
strong  and  uncommon  views  of  human  nature 
to  be  found  in  it.  Nay,  to  a  common  reader, 
it  must  be  the  most  interesting  from  the  great 
ness  and  singularity  of  its  events.  In  early  his 
tory 


APPENDfX  TO  AN  ADDRESS,  &C.  609 

tory^  alone  are  found  those  great  incidents,  and 
total  revolutions,  which  elevate  and  surprise.  The 
modern  history  of  Europe  consists  merely  of  wars 
which  end  in  nothing,  and  in  the  filthy  chicane  of 
politics,  so  disgusting  to  every  ingenuous  mind. 
Since  the  eleventh  century,  the  several  kingdoms 
'  and* states  of  Europe  remain  almost  the  same;  and 
any  radical  revolutions  which  have  happened  might 
be  comprised  in  a  few  pages.  The  period  of  great 
events  begins  at  the  fall  of  the  Roman  empire,  and 
lasts  till  the  eleventh  century. 

The  History  of  England,  excluding  that  of  the 
Romans  in  Britain,  falls  into  two  periods;  from 
the  arrival  of'  the  Saxons  to  the  Conquest;  and 
from  the  Conquest  till  now.  E#ch  period  contains 
about  seven  centuries.  In  Greek  or  Roman  His 
tory,  either  period  would  occupy  much  about  the 
same  room.  But  the  proportion  in  ours  is,  that 
the  former  part  fills  half  a  volume ;  the  latter,  se 
ven  volumes  and  a  half !  In  Mezeray,  the  part  of 
French  history  preceding  the  year  1066  fills  two 
volumes  and  a  half;  that  succeeding,  four  volumes 
and  a  half.  This  latter  proportion  is  superior  to 
ours;  and  we  might  at  least  allot  two  volumes  out 
of  eight  for  the  period  preceding  the  Conquest. 
As  it  is,  every  one  may  judge  that  the  former  pe 
riod  of  our  history  must  be  miserably  abridged  in 
deed;  and  it  is  much  to  be  wished  that  some  able 
writer  would  give  us  an  history  of  England  pre 
ceding  the  Conquest,  at  due  length.  Materials  he 
will  find  not  wanting,  if  he  brings  industry  to  dis 
cover  and  to  use  them.  PHILISTOR. 

VOL.  in.  U*R  LET- 


610  APPENDIX  T<5  AN  /DDRESS,  &C. 

LETTER  VIII. 
» 

SOME  either  particular  provinces  of  our  history, 

which  have  been  peculiarly  neglected,  remain  to 
be  briefly  hinted  at,  before  proceeding  to  another 
part  of  this  subject,  namely,  the  causes  which  may 
have  contributed  to  the  neglect  of  our  national 
history,  and  which  shall  be  entered  upon  in  the 
next  letter. 

The  chronology  of  our  history  may  be  regarded 
as  a  neglected  department.  Events,  narrated  by 
our  ancient  writers,  are  frequently  put,  with  a  va 
riation  of  one,  two,  or  more  years. ,  This  often  de 
pends  merely  upon  the  different  modes  they  follow 
ed  in  calculating  tl$e  commencement  of  the  year. 
Some  began  it  in  the  month  of  March,  and  ante 
dated  events  near  a  year:  thus  the  year  1000  with 
them  begins  25th  March,  999.  Others  began  the 
year  in  March,  and  yet  retarded  it  three  months ; 
reckoning  for  example,  the  space  of  the  year  1000,- 
preceding  25th  March,  as  belonging  to  the  year 
999-  Others  began  the  year  25th  Dec.  Others, 
at  Easter,  and  varied  its  commencement  as  Easter 
varied.  Some,  who  compute  from  1st  Jan.  still 
reckon  one  or  two  more  years  from  Christ's  birth, 
than  we  do.  Gervase  of  Canterbury,  who  lived  in 
the  thirteenth  century,  tells  us  in  the  Preface  to  his 
Chronicle:  "  Inter  ipsos  etiam  chronicse  scriptores 
nonnulla  dissentio  est.  Nam,  cum  omnium  unica 
et  prsecipue  sit  intentio,  annos  Domini,  eorumque 
continentias,  supputatione  veraci  enarrare;  ipsos 
Domini  annos,  diversis  modis,  et  terminis,  nume- 

rant : 


APPENDIX  TO  AN  ADDRESS,  &C.  6ll 

rant:  sicque in ecclesiam  Dei  multam  mendaciorum 
confusionem  inducunt.  Quidam  enim  annos  Do 
mini  incipiunt  computare  ab  Annunciatione;  alii  a 
Nativitate;  quidam  a  Circumcisione;  quidamver6 
a  Passione." 

The  industrious  and  exact  authors  of  IS  Art  de 
verifier  les  Dates,  from  which  work  the  above  re 
marks  are  borrowed,  have  done  every  thing  to 
adjust  and  settle,  even  to  month  and  day,  the 
events  of  French  history.  But  a  large  and  labo 
rious  work  on  the  chronology  of  ancient  English 
history  is  much  wanted. 

Another  neglected  province  is  the  geography  of 
Britain  and  Ireland  in  the  middle  ages.  The  No- 
titia  Galllarum  of  Valesius,  or  Valois,  3  vols.  folio, 
may  be  proposed  as  an  example  for  such  a  work. 
Hardly  a  village  or  castle  can  be  found  in  ancient 
French  historians,  but  its  situation  is  adjusted  and 
illustrated  in  that  great  work,  published  last  cen 
tury;  while  to  this  clay  we  have  only  Somner's  Glos 
sary  at  the  end  of  Twysden's  Decem  Scriptores,  and 
Gibson's  at  the  end  of  the  Saxon  Chronicle;  pro 
ductions  equally  meagre  and  erroneous.  Instead 
of  solid  and  elaborate  works  on  a  subject  so  radi 
cally  necessary  to  the  understanding  of  our  history, 
it  is  risible  to  see  many  of  our  antiquaries  dealing 
in  etymology  of  names;  a  matter  of  all  others  the 
most  puerile,  uncertain,  and  uninteresting.  Our 
old  writers  drew  all  names  from  the  Latin ;  Bri 
tannia,  from  Brutus,  &c.;  and  though  their  etymo 
logies  were  little  better  than  his,  who  derived  Se 
neca  from  se  means,  because  he  killed  himself, 

yet 


612  APPENDIX  TO  AN  ADDRESS,  &C. 

yet  they  were  fully  as  rational  as  the,  Hebrew  and 
Phenician  etymology  of  names  introduced  by  Bo- 
chart,  or  the  Celtic  etymology  now  in  fashion. 
Of  the  Celtic  dialects  we  .have  no  ancient  remains; 
and  to  derive  ancient  names  frpm  a  language  in  its 
modern  state  seems  complete  absurdity.  Swift, 
who  ironically  gives  'etymologies  of  Greek  and 
Latin  names  from  the  English,  may  be  regarded  as 
the  prophet  of  this  new  frenzy. 

The  diplomatic  line  has  also  been  neglected  by 
our  writers,  though  the  works  of  Madox  deserve 
high  praise.  -  In  England,  the  number  of  ancient 
charters  preserved  is  amazing ;  and  perhaps  no 
country  in  Europe  can  boast  of  equal  treasures  in , 
this  line.  If  only  the  most  valuable  and  curious 
were  published,  they  would  fill  many  volumes  in 
folio.  Rymer's  Collection  of  Historical  Muniments 
does  honour  to  the  nation;  and  Prynne's  compila 
tion  has  its  value.  But  a  .collection  of  those  pre 
ceding  the  Conquest  is  still  wanting;  and  special 
dissertations  on  their  authenticity,  £c.  Of  later 
times,  many  valuable  and  curious  charters  remain 
unpublished;  which,  though  perhaps  of  little  im 
portance  to  our  history,  might,  nevertheless,  illus 
trate  ancient  laws  and  manners. 


END  OF  VOL.  III. 


London :  Printed  by  C.  Roworlh, 
Bell-yard,  Temple-Bar. 


PR     Gibbon,  Edward 

34-76      Miscellaneous  works 

A173 


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