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Full text of "Mission from Cape Coast Castle to Ashantee, with a statistical account of that kingdom, and geographical notices of other parts of the interior of Africa"

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Darlington Ai.emorial Jjihrary 

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Quod si prse metu et formidine pedem referemus, ista omnia nobis adversa 
futura sunt." 




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Quod si prae metu et formidine pedem referenius, ista omnia nobis adversa 
futura sunt." 




Lundon : printed bj W. Uulmer and CVj 
Cleveland-Row, St. James's. 


A CURIOSITY throughout Europe, proportionate to the ignorance 
of the Interior of Africa, exacts the publication of the proceedings 
and researches of every Exploratory Mission, from its Conductor, 
as a duty to the Public : " mandat fieri sibi talia." 

The Public, in acknowledgment of the performance of the duty, 
reflecting that it constrains literary efforts which the Author other- 
wise might never have presumed to expose, should sympathise in 
his diffidence and anxiety, and receive and review them as a task 
imposed, and not as a spontaneous essay. 

If this indulgence is due even to gentlemen who have had the 
most enviable opportunities of qualifying themselves at the expense 
of a liberal Government, it is surely secure to one who never 
enjoyed those advantages ; but, being suddenly called to the 
immediate conduct of a Mission, originated by a public Board 
of very contracted means, when estranged from all facilities, had 
no resource to aid his realization of the scientific desiderata, beyond 
the acquirements common to most private gentlemen. 

The vessel in which I am making my passage to England having 
been chartered to trade in the River Gaboon, Avhich is immedi- 
ately on the Line, I diverted a tedious delay of seven Aveeks in so 


unliealthy a situation, by visiting Naiingo, a town about fifty miles 
from the mouth of the River, where I collected Geographical 
Accounts of the Interior, from several intelligent traders, and 
numerous slaves from different countries. I have added this com- 
pilation, (as it may borrow some interest from the adjacency of 
the Congo,) with a few notices of the customs and productions of 
this ruder part of Africa. 



Chap. I. — The Objects and Departure of the Mission. - - - 3 

Chap. II — The Route and Reception of the Mission. - - - 14 
Chap. III. — Proceedings and Incidents until the Third Dispatch to Cape Coast 

Castle. - - - - ...42 

Chap. IV. — Proceedings and Incidents until the Signing of the Preliminaries to a 

General Treaty. - - . - - 101 

Chap. V.— Proceedings and Incidents until the Ratification of a General Treaty. - 118 
Chap. VI. —Proceedings and Incidents until the completion of the Mission and its 

return to Cape Coast Castle. - - - - 131 


Chap. I. — Geography. - - - - _.i61 

Chap. II.— History. - . - . . . 228 

Chap. III. — Constitution and Laws. ..... 252 

Chap. IV. — Superstitions. . . - - - - -261 

Chap. V. — Customs. . - - - _ - _ 274 

Chap. VI. — Architecture, Arts, and Manufactures. .... 304 

Chap. VII. — Climate, Population, Revenue, City, Market, &c. - . - 315 

Chap. VIII.— Trade. . - - . . - 330 

Chap. IX. — Language. ....._ . 344 

Chap. X.— Music. - . - - - -361 

Chap. XI. — Materia Medica and Diseases. - - - - 370 

Chap. XII. — Mr. Hutchison's Diarj-. - . - - 381 

Chap. XIII. — Sketch of Gaboon, and its Interior. .... 422 

Chap. XIV. — Suggestions for future Missions to the Interior of Africa. . . 453 



No. I.— Extract from Mereditli's Account of the Gold Coast. ... 453 

No. II.— Translations of an Arabic MS. Descriptive of Mr. Park's Death. - - 478 

No. III. — Arabic Routes. ----.. . 402 

No. IV. Dr. Leach's Notice of Reptiles, Insects, &c. - - . . 493 

No. V. — Thermometer Account. - _ . . _ ^g* 

No. VI — Vocabularies. - . . . _ _ cqa 


Map - - - . . to front the Title. 

1. A Captain in his War-dress - - - . . to face p. d2 
Arabic Circular -- - _ . '. j^g 
Map from Dapper - - . _ _ -211 

2. The first Day of the Yam Custom - - . _ _ 275 

3. The oldest House in Coomassie - - _ - . _ 307 

4. Quarters of the Chief of the Embassy, - - - - ib. 

5. Odumata's sleeping room - - - - _ _ 307 

6. Inner square of Apokoo's house - - - - ib. 

1-1 ■ 

_ '> Piazzas of the palace - - - - _ _ 308 
8' J 

9. Part of Adoom Street - - - - - - ib. 

10. Exterior of the King's bed room - - . - - zj. 

Ichnographical Sketch of Coomassie - _ - 323 

Ashantee Music ----._ - 355 

Empoongwa Music - - _ . . 440 


Map. — Affix the name Leeasa to the river flowing from the Niger by Boussa. 

Page 9.— After Frederick James, Esq. add, Member of Council, and Governor of Accra. 

Page 72. — For dated, read dictated. 


Croom. A town or village. 

Caboceer. A chief or magistrate. 

Pynin. An elder or counsellor. 

Palaver. A dispute, debate, argument, or suit. 

Book or Note. A certificate of a monthly pension of the African Comnaittee, paid in trade 
to the Fantee Kings and Chiefs in the neighboiu-hood of the British settle- 
ments, in consideration of their attachment, influence, and services ; which 
Books or Notes were claimed by the King of Ashantee, as his by right of 

Stool. Throne, seat in council, inlieritance. 

Custom. A festival, carnival, public ceremony, funeral rite. 

Panyar. To seize or kidnap. 

A Benda. Two ounces four ackies, or £9. currency. 

A Periguin. Two ounces eight ackies, or £10. currency. 

An Ackie. Five shillings currency. 

A Tokoo. Ten pence, 

A Dash. A present. 

Fetish. A charm, amulet, deity. Any supernatural power or influence. Any thing 




The Objects^ and Departure of the Mission. 

BosMAN and Barbot mention the Ashantees as first heard of by 
Europeans about the year 1700 ; the latter calls it Assiantee or 
Inta, and writes, that it is west of Mandingo, and joins Akim on 
the east ; he asserts its pre-eminence in wealth and power. Issert, 
a physician in the Danish service, who meditated a visit to Ashan- 
tee, writes, " this mighty king has a piece of gold, as a charm, 
more than four men can carry ; and innumerable slaves are con- 
stantly at work for him in the mountains, each of whom must 
collect or produce two ounces of gold per diem. The Akims 
formerly dug much gold, but they are now forbidden by the King 
of Ashantee, to whom they are tributary, as well as the Aquamboos, 
previously a very formidable nation." Mr. Dalzel heard of the 
Ashantees at Dahomey, as very powerful, but imagined them, the 
Intas, and the Tapahs, to be one and the same nation. Mr. Lucas, 


when in Mesurata, was informed that Assentai was the capital of 
the powerful kingdom of Tonouwah. In Mr. Murray's enlarged 
edition of Dr. Leyden's discoveries in Africa, we find," the northern 
border of Akim extends to Tonouwah, denominated also Inta, 
Assientb, or Assentai, from its capital city of that name, which 
stands about eighteen days journey from the Gold Coast." 

In 1807 an Ashantee army reached the Coast for the first time. 
I would refer the reader to the extract in the Appendix, from Mr. 
Meredith's account of the Gold Coast, as the particulars are intro- 
ductory as well as interesting ; and also serve to correct the mis- 
statement in the work last quoted, that in 1808 the King of 
Ashantee destroyed the English fort of Annamaboe ; originating, 
probably, from the storm of the Dutch fort at Cormantine, at that 

The Ashantees invaded Fantee again in 1811, and the third time 
in 1816. These invasions inflicted the greatest miseries on the 
Fantees. Few were slain in battle, for they rarely dared to 
encounter the invaders ; but the butcheries in cold blood wer 
incredible, and thousands were dragged into the interior to be 
sacrificed to the superstitions of the conquerors. Famines, unmi- 
tigated by labour, succeeded the wide waste of the Fantee territory, 
the wretched remnant of the population abandoning itself to 
despair ; and the prolonged blockade of Cape Coast Castle in the 
last invasion, engendered so much distress and hazard, that the 
Government having averted imminent danger by advancing a large 
sum of gold on account of the Fantees, earnestly desired the Com- 
mittee to authorise and enable them to venture an Embassy, to 
deprecate these repeated calamities, to conciliate so poAverful a 
monarch, ;uid to propitiate an extension of commerce. By the 
store ship which arrived in 1817, the African Committee forwarded 
liberal and suitable presents, and associated scientific with the 


political objects of the Mission, in their instructions, which I submit 
in explanation. 

" In order to enable you to redeem the promise to the King of 
Ashantee (and as we are sanguine in our hopes of the good that 
may result from it), we send you sundry articles as presents for 
him, to which you may add such others from the public stores as 
you may deem desirable, provided they will not materially increase 
the expense. The Committee are extremely anxious (and in this 
respect the wishes of all classes of people in this country go with 
them) that no exertions should be spared to become better ac- 
quainted with the Interior of Africa ; and we consider the existing 
state of things to be most favourable for undertaking an explo- 
ratory Mission into the dominions of the King of Ashantee. If, 
therefore, nothing shall have transpired in the interim of this 
dispatch being received by you, to make the measure objection- 
able, we wish you to obtain permission from the King to send an 
Embassy to his capital : if granted, you will select three Gentlemen 
(one of them from the medical department*) for that service ; and 
let them be accompanied by a respectable escort, you giving them 
the fullest instructions for their gov!EVnment. In particular, it will 
be necessary for them to observe, and report upon, the nature of 
the country ; its soil and products ; the names, and distances, and 
the latitude and longitude of the principal places ; and its most 
remarkable natural objects : the appearance, distinguishing cha- 
racters, and manners of the natives ; their religion, laws, customs, 
and forms of government, as far as they can be ascertained ; and 
by whom each place is governed. When at Ashantee, they should 

* We recommend his being well supplied with dressings, &c. for wounds, and bruises, 
so that he may be able to assist any natives whom he may meet with requiring his aid : 
services of this sort give Negroes an exalted idea of white men, and are always gratefully 


endeavour to obtain the fullest information of the countries beyond, 
in each direction ; particularly whether any high mountains, lakes, 
or large rivers are known ; and the width, depth, course, and 
direction of the latter ; and whether the water, as well of the lakes 
as the rivers, is salt or fresh : and how far, and under what cir- 
cumstances, Avhite men may travel with safety, especially in a 
northerly direction. They should collect the most accurate infor- 
mation possible of the extent, population, and resources of the 
Ashantee dominions, and should report fully their opinion of the 
inhabitants, and of the progress they may have made in the arts 
of civilized life. They should be directed also, to procure and 
bring away (with the consent of the chiefs) any specimens of 
vegetable and mineral productions they may be able : and to 
ascertain where and how the natives collect the gold, and the 
extent to which the trade in that article, and in ivory, might be 
carried on. It would, we conceive, be a most important advan- 
tage, if the King of Ashantee, and some of his chiefs, could be 
prevailed upon to send one or more of their children to the Cape, 
to be educated at the expense of the Committee (to be attended 
by their own servants, if required), under the guarantee of the 
Governor and Council for their personal safety, and that they 
should be sent back when required. 

" Another great object would be, to prevail upon the King to 
form, and keep open, a path not less than six feet wide, from his 
capital, as far as his territories extend towards Cape Coast, you 
engaging on the part of the Committee, to continue it from that 
point to Cape Coast, which we presume may be done at a very 
small expense, by means of monthly allowances to the chiefs of 
such villages as be in that line ; upon condition that they shall not 
allow the path to be overgrown Avilh underwood, or otherwise 


" It may perhaps be found, that high mountains, or a large 
river, may be not many days journey beyond Ashantee ; in which 
case, if the Gentlemen composing the Embassy feel themselves 
secure in the attempt, they may probably be disposed to proceed 
so far. In such event, we authorize you to pay their drafts for 
any moderate sums which they may find it necessary to expend, 
as well as for the general objects of the Mission. 

" Besides the escort of which we have spoken, we think it 
necessary, or at least extremely important, that the Embassy 
should be accompanied by natives of character and consequence, 
conversant with the Ashantee language, in whom you have perfect 
confidence, selected, one from each of the towns of Cape Coast, 
Accra, and Apollonia, to whom you may make reasonable allow- 
ances for their time and trouble. 

" We have said that you should obtain the permission of the 
King of Ashantee to send the Embassy : we have doubts of the 
expediency of requiring hostages ; but, we presume you will 
concur with us in thinking, it will be necessar}', before it leaves 
Cape Coast, that a man of consequence should be specially sent 
down by the King, to serve as a guide and protector ; and who, on 
his journey to Cape Coast, may arrange with the messenger whom 
you may send to the King, respecting the places at which the 
Embassy may stop to refresh, and give directions to open the paths 
that may be overgrown. 

" The Gentlemen whom you may select, will of course be well 
advised by you not to interfere with any customs of the natives, 
however absurd ; or in any way to give them offence. And they 
cannot too strongly impress upon the minds of the King and 
people of Ashantee, that the only objects his Britannic Majesty 
has in view, are, to extend the trade with that country ; to prevent 
all interruption to their free communication with the waterside ; 


and to instruct their children in reading, writing, &c. from which, 
as may be easily pointed out, the greatest advantages must arise 
to the Ashantees. 

" From what has been said, you, Gentlemen, will perceive, that 
in selecting the Embassy, it is important that one of the persons 
composing it should be able to determine the latitude and longi- 
tude of places, and that both shall be seasoned to the climate; of 
ability, physical and mental; of cool tempers, and moderate 
habits ; and possessed of fortitude and perseverance ; and that in 
the selection of their escort also, regard be had to the qualifications 
of the parties in those respects. Among them there should be a 
bricklayer, carpenter, blacksmith, gunsmith, and cooper, with 
proper tools ; if these persons can be spared for the purpose. We 
wish also they should take Avith them a number of certificates 
regarding Major Peddie, and his companions, to be circulated as 
distinctly as possible in the Interior ; for though the period may 
be past when they might have been useful to those travellers, it is 
yet possible that they may be of use in making generally known 
the object of Government in sending white men to explore that 

The suggestion of hostages was wholly impracticable, for there 
was not even lime for a communication Avith the King. A variety 
of circumstances conspired to urge the immediate dispatch of the 
Mission ; our interests, to say the least, imperiously demanded its 
early interference; and had we waited for a formal permission from 
the King to relieve the difficulties of the enterprise, the rainy season 
would have been too far advanced, and the critical moment have 
escaped us. The Governor thought it more advisable to dispatch 
the Mission without an escort, and two native soldiers only were 
added to the bearers of the baggage. The perusal of the Governor's 
instructions will be satisfactory to the reader : 


Cape Coast Castle, April Idth, 1817 

Frederick James, Esq. 

In accepting your voluntary offer of conducting the Embassy to 
the King of Ashantee, I have every reason to beUeve, that from 
your long experience in this country, and your knowledge of the 
manners and habits of the natives, it will terminate in a manner 
highly creditable to yourself, and eventually prove of the greatest 
importance to the commercial interest of Great Britain, which is 
the more immediate object of the Mission ; however, as many sub- 
jects of scientific research may be associated with it, they are par- 
ticularly recommended to your attention. For this purpose Mr. 
Bowdich will accompany you; and I have no doubt he will be 
found perfectly qualified to make the necessary observations, in 
which you will afford him every facility and assistance. He is 
provided with instruments for determining the latitude and longi- 
tude of places. Mr. Hutchison, writer, and Mr. Tedlie, assistant 
surgeon, will also be attached to the expedition. 

The Ashantees, who are appointed your guides, have been 
selected by the Ashantee Captain who is now here. They will, I 
hope, aid and assist you in every thing that lays in their power. 

In addition to the Committee's instructions, a copy of which you 
have herewith, you will attend to the following : 

On the subject of your journey, X have nothing to observe 
further, than, that I hope you will take every opportunity of 
travelling when there will be the least exposure to the sun, as the 
officers who accompany you have been but a short time in the 
country, and every precaution will be necessary for the preservation 
of their health. 

As soon as may be convenient after your arrival at the Ashantee 



capital, you will of course see the King, and deliver him the various 
presents in the name of the African Company, to be received by 
him as pledges of the harmony and friendship which is ever to 
subsist between them ; and also of his good will towards the 
natives residing under the protection of their different forts. You 
will not fail to impress upon his mind, the great power, wealth, and 
consequence of the British nation, and how much it is the interest 
of himself and his subjects, to promote and perpetuate their present 
free intercourse with the water side. In the course of your inter- 
view many circumstances will doubtless occur, which will suggest 
various other matters proper to be mentioned to the King, all which 
I shall leave entirely to your own discretion. 

You will acquaint the King, that in order to secure a correct 
communication between him and myself, I request his permission 
to allow an officer to reside constantly at Commassey, who will 
defray all his own expenses, and for whom you will build a house 
without loss of time. A carpenter, bricklayer, and cooper are sent 
Avith you, and you will leave them with Mr. Hutchison, who will 
remain as Resident. On your departure you will give him full 
instructions in writing for his future government, a copy of which 
you will deliver me upon your return. 

You will keep an exact diary of every circumstance possessing 
the least interest, a copy of which you will transmit me by every 

In the course of your stay in the Ashantee country, you will 
embrace every occasion of becoming acquainted with the politics 
of that nation, of ascertaining its extent and boundaries, the power 
of the King over the lives and property of his subjects, the pro- 
bable force he could bring into the field, the number of his alhes, 
the sources and amount of his revenues. Whether he is tributary 
to any other power, and what nations in his neighbourhood are 


tributary to him? The amount of tribute, and in what articles 
paid ? The rule of succession to the throne ? What are the punish- 
ments for crimes of all descriptions? Who are the persons of most 
consequence next to the King ? The names of their offices, and the 
extent of their power : by whom, or how paid ? What are the most 
prominent features in the character, manners, and habits of the 
people, &c. &c. &c.? 

Are any hutnan sacrifices made ? Upon what occasions, and to 
what extent? How are prisoners of w^ar now disposed of? 

Of what nation are the Moors that frequent the Ashantee country, 
and for what purpose do they go there ? 

Ascertain the current medium of exchange, whether gold, or 
cowries; also the usual prices at which the Ashantees sell the 
goods they purchase from the Europeans on the sea coast; and 
the extent of their commercial relations with the Interior. 

You will enquire whether any European travellers have ever 
been seen or heard of in any of the countries to the northward ; 
and what became of them ? Whether any thing be known of the 
river Niger, or Joliba, as it is called by the natives ? This informa- 
tion you will probably obtain from the Moors. 

Ascertain the position of the Doncoe country, and the city of 
Kong; also the mountains of that name. Refer to Park's Travels, 
and acquire as much information as possible of the regions lying 
between Ashantee and the last places he visited. In short, leave 
nothing undone that may add to our present imperfect geographical 
knowledge of the Interior. 

You will receive herewith copies of certificates relative to Major 
Pedde's expedition, which you will distribute amongst any persons 
you find travelling into the Interior from Ashantee. 

It would be of the first importance to have a road cut directly 
down to Cape Coast ; and this you will urge to the King in the 


strongest manner. Your observations will, of course, enable you to 
point out the proper directions. 

I inclose a sketch of a treaty, and it would be highly desirable 
if you could procure its ratification by the King. He might perhaps 
make some objection at first, but may be persuaded at length, by 
your address, and reasoning. If he wished any trifling alteration 
made, you might use your discretion in this respect. 

You will acquaint the King, it is my wish that in future he 
receive his company's pay at this Castle, and not at Accra, as 
formerly. Should he say any thing of an increase to his present 
allowance, you may give him hopes that it will be granted to a 
reasonable extent, provided the objects of this Mission be fulfilled, 
and after twelve months experience shall have proved the sin- 
cerity of his friendship to the British Government, and to the 
natives resident under its protection at the various forts on the 

From the jealous disposition of the natives of Africa, it is highly 
probable, that in the prosecution of your enquiries, you will be 
subject to many unfavourable suspicions. These you will take all 
possible care to remove, by the most candid explanations on every 
point that may be required. 

You will particularly explain to the King, the ill treatment the 
people of Cape Coast have experienced from those of Elmina, 
which has added very much to the distresses they have for some 
time suffered from the extreme scarcity of provisions ; and there 
is reason to believe, that this unjust persecution has been induced, 
from their presuming on their connection with the Ashantees. 
Being perfectly aware that it has been done without the concur- 
rence of the King; I have no doubt but he will, by a proper 
representation of the affair from you, exert his influence, and 
prevent what is at present to be apprehended, and what the 


Elminas are endeavouring to provoke — a war between the two 

In all cases not provided for in these Instructions, 3'ou have of 
course a discretionary power, which I am convinced you will 
make use of with deliberation and prudence, and with becoming 
zeal for the service upon which you are employed. 

Wishing you a prosperous journey and a safe return, 

I am, Sir, your most obedient Servant, 




The Route, and Reception of the Mission. 

1 HE Mission left Cape Coast Castle on the morning of the 22d of 
April, with the intention of quitting the water side at Moree, three 
miles and a half to the eastward ; but on reaching it, we were told 
that the path thence to Pajntree's croom, always bad, was then 
impassable from the rains ; and that we must proceed to Anna- 
maboe before we struck into the bush for the Interior. 

The reluctance of the carriers, who had been pressed into the 
service by the authorities of the town, became thus early almost 
insuperable ; the consideration of pay and subsistence, and the 
reflection, that the dearth inflicted by the invasions the Mission 
was to deprecate, allowed them but a bare existence at home, 
were entirely lost in their aversion to the undertaking, which was 
equally influenced by jealousy and indolence : eleven deserted the 
first day; and the slender authority of the King and caboceers of 
Annamaboe, delayed the procuring of others to replace them until 
the next evening. One party was then started, attended by a 
soldier and a messenger, as they persisted in laying down their 
loads, even in the town ; and many of the Annamaboes who had 
been procured, after lifting their packages, which were of moderate 
weight, walked off again, with the most insolent indifference. The 
devices by which these people displayed their ill will were pecu- 


liarly their own, and none could be more ingeniously tormenting. 
At four o'clock on Thursday morning we started the remainder of 
the packages, and followed them at half past six. Proceeding 
about two miles in a N, N.W. direction, we descended a steep 
hill, a quarter of a mile in length, and entered a beautiful valley, 
profusely covered with pines, aloes, and lilies ; and richly varied 
with palm, banana, plantain, and guava trees : the view was 
refreshed by gentle risings crowned with cotton trees of a stupen- 
dous size. I never saw soil so rich, or vegetation so luxuriant. 

The first croom we reached was Quama's, about three miles and 
a half from Annamaboe ; it presented but a few hovels ; and we 
passed through three others, Simquoi, Taphoo, and Nasmam, just 
as wretched and insignificant, before we reached Booka, roman- 
tically situated amidst the luxuriant foliage of a high hill, termi- 
nating the valley. Abra is about three miles eastwai'd of this 
croom : it has been entirely deserted since the last invasion, the 
Ashantee army under Appia Nanu having made it their head 
quarters. It formerly exceeded Annamaboe, but the little that 
now remains is in ruin, the inhabitants having retired to the small 
crooms of their caboceer, or Captain Quaggherce. 

Passing through Tachradi, which scarcely existed but in name, 
we ascended a gentle rising, with a small croom, called Acroo- 
froom, on the left hand. The astonishment of its miserable inhabi- 
tants engaging our attention, the extensive area of the summit 
burst upon us with the more effect. It was environed by small 
groves ; and clumps of cotton trees rose so happily in frequent 
spots, as to afford all the scenery of a romantic little park ; the 
broken rays of the sun stealing through the small trees in the 
distance, to make the deep shade of the foreground more imposing. 
The path then became more hilly, and the landscape fuller of 
wood : our descents and risings fiequently through long vistas, so 


richly gilded with the sun on the summits, that, impressed witli 
the description of Issert, we naturally yielded to the expectation, 
in ascending each eminence, that it would afford us the delightful 
prospect of an open country ; but we were disappointed, and 
passing through Dunnasee and Assoquah, both small crooms, the 
latter situated on a long level, about three miles and a half from 
Acroofroom, we shortly after arrived at Payntree's. 

On the higher hills the soil Avas generally gravel, with large 
stones ; on the lesser, white flint and whinstone abounded : the 
levels presented few stones, and the earth was black, strong, and 
rich, producing grass from four to ten feet high. The country was 
very thinly inhabited, and more sparingly cultivated, the cassada 
frequent, but producing little from the want of cultivation. 

I made Payntree's croom barely fifteen miles from Annamaboe; 
judging from time, it w^as guessed to be eighteen or twenty ; but 
the impediments which the path almost incessantly presented to a 
hammock, the inequalities of the ground, and many delays which 
insensibly consumed the time, conspired to make such a calcula- 
tion of distance very fallacious. The plan I adopted throughout, 
though laborious, entitled me to more confidence ; and the obser- 
vations confirmed the pretension. Mr. Tedlie, who was always 
just ahead of myself, took the angles of the path by his compass, 
which I pencilled as he uttered them, with their several lengths, 
allowing four yards and a half for every six paces. It is allowed 
too by the natives to be an easy four hours walk. Several hours 
elapsed before all the carriers came up ; most of those who had 
been started by us the preceding day, slept in the bush, and one 
more had deserted. 

The prevailing courses and their proportions were N.i ; N.bW.|- ; 
N.N.W.i; N. N.E.| ; the rest of the distance being made up of 
small lengths, in every point of the compass, from S.W. to S.E.; 


the variation 171° W. The latitude of Payntree, by two altitudes 
of the sun, was 5° 20' 30" N.; the longitude, by the course and 
distance, as afterwards corrected, 1° 47' W. 

We received the compliments of Payntree and several cabo- 
ceers, under a large tree, and were then conducted to a neat and 
comfortable dwelling, which had been prepared for us : a small 
square area afforded a shed for cooking in on one side, and a 
sleeping room in each of the others, open in front, but well 
thatched, and very clean : from this we passed to our sitting room, 
the floor of which was elevated about two feet from the ground . 

The croom Avas prettily situated on a level, encircled by very 
fine trees, and consisted of a very broad and well cleaned street of 
small huts, framed of bamboo, and neatly thatched. Just beyond 
the north end of the croom, there was a stream running to the 
N.N.E. and more than a mile of marshy ground was distinguished 
by the deeper shade and luxuriance of the foliage. We observed 
a great number of small birds, which were even more beautiful 
from their delicate symmetry, than their brilliant plumage ; they 
were generally green, with black wings, and their nests hanging 
from the trees. 

The Ashantee captain, who expected to continue there some 
months, on the king's business, sent us a sheep, pleading the 
scarcity, and his being a stranger, as apologies for so small a pre- 
sent. Old Payntree was attentive and obhging ; he dashed us some 
fowls, yams, and palm wine. We remained there the next day, to 
allow our people to procure four days subsistence, as they would 
not be able to meet with provision on the path during that period. 

I walked Avith Mr. Tedlie along a very neat path well fenced, 
and divided by stiles, to a corn plantation of at least twenty acres, 
and well cultivated. Payntree's farm house was situated here, and 
afforded superior conveniences ; a fowl house, a pigeon house, and 



a large granary raised on a strong stage. As we returned we paid 
him a visit, and were refreshed with some excellent palm wine: 
his dwelling was a square of four apartments, which were entered 
from an outer one, where a number of drums were kept; the 
angles were occupied by the slaves, and his own room, which had 
a small inner chamber, was decked with muskets, blunderbusses, 
cartouch belts fantastically ornamented, and various insignia. 
The order, cleanliness, and comfort, surprised us ; the sun had 
just set, and a cheerful fire on a clean hearth supported the evening 
meal. The old man was seated in his state chair, diverting himself 
with his children and younger wives, the elder one was looking on 
from the opposite apartment with iiappy indiiference ; it was the 
first scene of domestic comfort I had witnessed among the natives. 
There was a small plantation or garden neatly fenced in, near the 
house, for the supply of the family. 

On Saturday the 26th we left Payntree's croom, and proceeded 
through two romantic little valleys, with a few huts in each : the 
variety of trees increased with the number, and ornamented the 
hills with almost every tint and character of foliage : the path was 
frequently covered with water. Just before we reached Cotta- 
coomacasa, a most beautiful landscape opened, the fore-ground 
darkly shaded with large cotton trees, and the distance composed 
of several picturesque little hills ; their fanciful outlines, and the 
beautiful variety of fresh and sombre tint of the small groves which 
encircled them, forcibly reminded me of the celebrated ride by 
Grongar hill, from Carmarthen to Llandilo. 

Cottacoomacasa is about six miles and a quarter from Payntree's 
croom, and consisted but of a few miserable huts and sheds, wliich 
scarcely afforded shelter, and were close and filthy. I took, the 
angles of a cotton tree near us, and the height proved to be 139 
feet ; generally speaking, those we had passed were, to appearance, 


much higher. The bearers had all settled themselves here, and not 
contented with a long rest, refused for some time to proceed until the 
next day ; several were intoxicated with the rum from some ankers 
ihey had designedly broken. We started again however about 
half past three, and almost immediately entered a large forest 
impervious to the sun ; the risings were frequent but gentle ; the 
path, crooked and overgrown, presented such constant obstacles 
to a hammock, that Mr. Hutchison, Mr. Tedhe, and myself, were 
glad to dismount, and found it was much more comfortable as well 
as more expeditious to walk ; the only inconvenience was the 
troops of large black ants, which were too thick to be avoided, and 
stung us sadly. We passed two little streams running E. N. E. 
About six miles from Cottacoomacasa we found all the baggage, 
the people making their fires, and settling themselves for the night; 
it was almost dark ; Quamina, our Ashantee guide, had gone on 
without us, and Mr. James we knew must be far behind ; Ave 
therefore determined to halt for the night, and our hammocks were 
slung to the trees. The distance marched this day was twelve 
miles. The longitude of Cottacoomacasa was one mile E. of that 
of Payntree by account, that of our resting place 1° 46' 30' W. and 
the lat. 5° 28' N. 

The next morning we continued our march through the same 
dark solitude, and passing three small streams running E. we 
reached Mansue soon after ten o'clock. We had scarcely sealed 
ourselves under a tattered shed, which could not defend us from 
the burning sun, when we were encircled by the cooking fires of 
the party, and nothing but violence could remove them to a proper 

Mansue had been the great Eantee market for slaves from the 
Interior, and its former consequence was evident from the extent 
of its site, over which a few sheds only were now scattered. 


We proceeded again at one o'clock, and passing through a small 
river, Assooneara, running eastward, we came to a second, called 
Okee, running in the same direction to the Amissa, which falls 
into the sea between Annamaboe and Tantuni. We passed five or 
six swamps, one nearly half a mile long ; in these the soil was a 
dark clay, but otherwise gravelly. We halted in the woods at a 
spot wliere our guide Quamina was busied in cutting down the 
underwood to accommodate himself and his women ; the bearers, 
resolute in their perverseness, had gone on with our provisions and 
clothes. The ground of our resting place was very damp, and 
swarmed with reptiles and insects ; we had great difficulty in 
keeping up our fires, which we were the more anxious to do after 
a visit from a panther : an animal which, the natives say, resembles 
a small pig, and inhabits the trees, continued a shrill screeching 
through the night; and occasionally a wild hog bounced by, snorting 
through the forest, as if closely pursued. This day's distance was 
eight miles, and the course N. ^ N. b. E. -i-. Lat. and long, by 
account 5° 34' N. and 1° 48' W. Thermometer in shade 6 A. M. 74. 

We started the next morning at seven o'clock, and after three 
miles and a half crossed a small river called Gaia, and sometimes 
Aniabirrim, from a croom of that name being formerly in its neigh- 
bourhood ; it was ten yards wide and two feet deep, and ran to the 
E. just across the path, but afterwards N. N, E. to the Amissa. 
Here Mr. Hutchison waited for Mr. James to come up, whilst 
Mr. Tedlie and myself walked on to overtake the people. The 
doom and iron-wood trees were frequent ; the path was a labyrinth 
of the most capricious windings, the roots of the cotton trees 
obstructing it continually, and our progress was generally by 
stepping and jumping up and down, rather than walking; the 
stems or caudices of these trees projected from the trunks like 
flying buttresses, their height frequently 20 feet. Immense trunks 


of fallen trees presented constant barriers to our progress, and 
increased our fatigues from the labour of scaling them : we were 
also frequently obliged to wait the cutting away of the underwood 
before we could proceed, even on foot. The large trees were 
covered with parasites and convolvuli, and the climbing plants, 
like small cables, ascending the trunks to some height, abruptly 
shot downwards, crossed to the opposite trees, and threaded each 
other in such a perplexity of twists and turnings, that it soon became 
impossible to trace them in the general entanglement. We passed 
through two small streams running S. and several swamps, richly 
covered with palm trees. Parrots and crown birds were numerous. 
At the end of ten miles we came to a small river called Quatoa, 
four yards wide, also running eastward to the Amissa ; and imme- 
diately after to a few sheds bearing the same name, Avhere we 
found the last party of the bearers all lying down, and a soldier 
ineffectually endeavouring to rouse them : we started them with 
difficulty. A mile and a half thence we met with the Okee again, 
running over its rocky bed in a transparent stream, which reflected 
the richest foliage; its course S.W. ^ W., the breadth nine yards, 
and we stepped across it from rock to rock. We soon afterwards 
Avalked through the Antoonso, a smaller river running W. S.W., 
which probably crossed the path to the eastward in one of the 
small streams near Cottacoomacasa, as every report confirmed its 
also running to the Amissa ; it was very near Fousou, where we 
had scarcely arrived, before the Fantees, such was their perverse- 
ness, insisted upon going on, the Cape Coast messengers either 
had no influence or would not exert it; Ave soon stopped them 
with the assistance of Quamina, our Ashantee guide, Mr. James 
not coming up until late in the evening. Fousou was formerly a 
large town, but had been destroyed by the Ashantee invasion of 
1807 ; it presented but a few sheds, in one of which we observed 


the Ashantee traders to deposit yams and plantains to subsist them 
on their return ; so severe was the scarcity in the Fantee country : 
we could purchase nothing, and were admitted to the best hovel 
with relucLance. This day's distance was 14 miles. The courses 
N. i N. N.W. i N. b ^Y. i. The latitude of Fousou by observation, 
was 5° 43' 20'' N. and the longitude by account 1° 52' W. 

The next morning, the 29th of April, we marched seven miles to 
Ancomassa, a name given to half a dozen sheds ; the path was still 
of the same rugged nature, and the gloom unvaried. A strong 
fragrance was emitted from the decaying plants and trees of the 
mimosa kind, whilst others in the same incipient state of putrefac- 
tion were very offensive. We passed through two small rivers, 
Bettensin and Soubin, six yards wide, and shallow ; they both ran 
eastward to the Owa, of which I could not learn more than that it 
emptied itself into the Boosempra. 

We proceeded at four o'clock, and had not gone two miles on 
our gloomy route before it became dark. The path was level, but 
very swampy, and generally covered with water. The fire-flies 
spangled the herbage in every direction, and from the strength of 
their light, alternately excited the apprehension of wild beasts, and 
the hope that we approached the resting place our guide, whom 
we never saw after starting, had told us of in the morning. The 
greatest fear of the people was of the spirits of the woods, (whom 
Mr. Park's interpreter, Johnson, propitiated by a sacrifice between 
Jing and Gangaddi) and the discordant yells in which they 
rivalled each other to keep up their courage, mingled with the 
howls and screeches from the forest, imposed a degree of horror 
on this dismal scene, which associated it with the imaginations of 
Dante. Three or four times we suddenly emerged from the most 
awful gloom into extensive areas, on which the stars shed a 
brilliancy of light gradually softened into the deep shade which 


encompassed them; they were the sites of large and populous 
crooms destroyed in the Ashantee invasions. About nine o'clock 
we discovered a few miserable sheds, which the noise of the 
bearers, who had long arrived, convinced us to be Accomfodey. 
We had passed two small rivers, the Aprinisee and Annuia, both 
running to the Boosempra. This day's distance was 11 miles, and 
the courses N. ~ N. b W. i. The lat. and long, by account 5° 49' 
N. and 1° 55' W. Thermometer 11a. m. 80. 

We marched early the next morning. The scenery of the forest, 
excepting on the banks of the small rivers, was very naked of 
foliage, and only presented a harsh and ragged confusion of stems 
and branches intricately blended. We passed a small river soon 
after leaving Accomfodey, bearing the same name and running 
eastward ; and shortly after another, six yards wide and two feet 
deep (the Berrakoo), running N. E. to the Boosempra. The path 
was sometimes trackless, and appeared to have been little used 
since the invasion of 1807; several human skulls were scattered 
through this dark solitude, the relics of the butcher3\ We halted 
about two o'clock by Mr. James's direction, and passed the night 
in the forest This day's distance was eight miles, the prevailing 
courses N. i N.bW. -i, N.N.W. i N.bE. |. The latitude and 
longitude by account 5° 53' N. 1° 55' W. Thermometer 2 p. m. 
88f, 7 p. m. 82^. 

The next morning we passed some sheds, on the sites of the 
crooms Dansamsou and Meakirring. At the end of five miles and 
a quarter, the herbage to the right disclosed the cheerful reflections 
of the sun from the water ; and we descended through a small 
vista of the forest, to the banks of the Boosempra or Chamah river. 
Nothing could be more beautiful than its scenery : the bank on the 
south side was steep, and admitted but a narrow path ; that on the 
north sloping ; on which a small Fetish house, under the shade of 


a cachou tree, fixed the eye ; whence it wandered over a rich 
variet}' of tint and foliage, in which light and shade were most 
hnppil}^ blended : the small rocks stole through the herbage of the 
banks, and now and then ruffled the water : the doom trees 
towering in the shrubbery, waved to the most gentle air a rich 
foliage of dark green, mocking the finest touch of the pencil; the 
tamarind and smaller mimosas heightening its effect by their 
livelier tint, and the more piquant deUcacy of their leaf: the cotton 
trees overtopped the whole, en wreathed in convolvuli, and several 
elegant little trees, unknown to me, rose in the background, inter- 
mixed with palms, and made the coup d'oeil enchanting. The 
bright rays of the sun were sobered by the rich reflections of the 
water ; and there was a mild beauty in the landscape, uncongenial 
to barbarism, which imposed the expectation of elegance and 
refinement. I attempted a sketch, but it was far beyond my rude 
pencil ; the expression of the scene could only have been traced 
in the profile of every tree ; and it seemed to defy an^^ touches, 
but those of a Claude or a Wilson, to depict the life of its beauty. 
I took two angles from a base on the south side, which gave the 
width of the river, forty three yards ; the depth was 7 feet, and 
the course N.W.^W. with a very strong current. A small river 
called Nimea, ran into it, close to our right as we landed : we 
crossed in the hollow trunk of a tree, thirty feet long, the ends 
plastered up with sticks and swish. 

Mansue was said to have been the last town of the Fantee terri- 
tory ; but we had no opportunity for comparison until we passed 
the river, the country thitiierto presenting all the gloom of depo- 
pulation, and the forest fast recovering the sites of the large towns 
destroyed in the Ashantee invasions. The inhabitants of the few 
wretched hovels, remotely scattered, set-med as if they had tied to 
them as outcasts from society ; they were lost even to curiosity, and 


manners were brutal and sullen.* We could purchase nothing for 
our subsistence. 

The scene brightened from our crossing the Boosempra ; the 
path improved, and Prasoo, the first town, only three quarters of a 
mile from the river, presented a wide and clean street of tolerably 
regular houses ; the inhabitants clean and cheerful, left their 
various occupations to gratify their curiosity, and saluted us in a 
friendly and respectful manner: indeed the Assins may be con- 
sidered, collectively, a more mannerly and orderly people than the 
Ashantees. Kickiwherree, one mile and a half distant, was a 
larger town, not so regular, but presenting the same neat appear- 
ance, improved by the Avhite-washing of many of the houses. We 
halted here under the ganian-f tree, used, generally speaking, for 
recreation only, palavers being talked in the open fronts of the 
houses. We were conducted to a comfortable dwelling, affording 
us four very clean rooms, about 12 feet by 7, in which there were 
shelves containing many articles of superior domestic comfort ; a 
curtain or skreen of bamboo let down in the open front, and the 
floors raised about a foot and half from the ground , were washed 
daily with an earth of the neighbourhood, which coloured them 
Etruscan red. The iron stone abounded. Kickiwherree was 7 
miles from the previous resting place, and the prevailing courses 
N.i N.b.W.i. The latitude by observation was 5° 56' 40" N ; the 
longitude by account 1° 57' W. Thermometer 8 a. m. 77 ; 
1 p.m. 91. 

My observations had not been so frequent as I wished ; the 
nature of the country, and the season of the year were both very 

* Ever}' account I received afterwards, confirmed the boundary of the Fantee and 
Assin territories to be between Mansue and Fousou ; also that Ancomassa, Accomfodey, 
Dansamsou, Meaklrring, &c. &c. had all been large Assin crooms, destroyed with many 
others in their neighbourhood, in the Ashantee invasion of 1807. 

f This is the same tree as the banian or India fig. 



unfavourable to them. I worked the double altitudes, invariably 
by Dr. Pemberton's rule in Keith's trigonometry, which requires 
no assumed latitude, and is in all cases accurate. 

Mr. James having determined to rest the next day at Kicki- 
wherree, we did not proceed until Saturday the 3rd of May. We 
passed through a small river close to the town, called the Ading, 
six yards wide and two feet deep; and soon after a second, the 
Animiasoo, nine yards wide, and three feet deep, both running to 
the Boosempra; close to the latter was a large croom of the same 
name, the seat of Cheboo's government. Pagga and Atobiasee 
were also large crooms near each other, and within four miles of 
Kickiwherrce. At Atobiasee was a small river called Prensa, five 
yards wide, and two feet deep, which ran E.S.E. to the Boosempra : 
two miles thence we came to Becquama, a very old croom, with a 
river nine yards Avide, called Prapong, running E. by S. to the 
Boosempra; and at the end of nine miles we halted at Asharaman, 
a small croom on an eminence, where the Assins under Apootey 
and Cheboo, first engaged the Ashantees in 1807. There was a 
small plot of corn near this croom, the first we had seen since we 
left Payntree, though every croom was surrounded by a tract of 
cultivated land, or plantation of plantains. The path continued 
through forest. Distance 8 miles. Courses N. ~. Latitude by 
observation, 5° 59' 20". Longitude by course and distance 
1° 57' 40" W. Thermometer 6 a. m. 7t), p. m. 89- 

The next day we passed through Ansa, a large croom, where 
Amoo had governed ; north-west of which, at a little distance, was 
Aboiboo, the residence of his enemy Apootey. A small river near 
Ansa, called Parakoomee, eleven yards wide, and three feet deep, 
ran south to a larger, called Ofim or Foom, which rises six days 
northward of Coomassie, and falls into the Boosempra some miles 
Avestward of our crossing. The path was very swampy, and we 


did not reach Akrofroom until three o'clock : this was b}^ far the 
largest croom we had seen. The heavy rains during the night 
floated us in our lodgings, and, as Quamina reported, rendered the 
path to Moisee impassable for the next day ; consequently we did 
not proceed until Tuesday the 6th. Distance 12 miles. Courses N.i, 
N. N.W.i. Latitude by observation, 6° 5' 40". Long: C and D 
2" 2'. W. The path still through forest, presented frequent accli- 
vities, and the iron stone, and a soft grey rock abounded ; the soil 
was sometimes gravelly, but generally of a red coloured clay used 
in the native pottery. We passed the Parakoomee again twice, 
and at the end of 11 miles halted at Moisee, 

" CiDgebant silvae ; quern collibus undique curvis," 

the last Assin town, at the foot of three high hills covered with 
wood, bearing W. N. W., N., and N. N. E. ; the barriers of the 
Ashantee kingdom. Coursfe N.i, N. W.b. N.f . N.b.E.|. Latitude 
by observation 6° 8' 50" N. Longitude C and D 2' 4' 20" W. The 
thermometer was broken on the 4th. 

We passed the northern boundary the next morning; the ascent 
was a mile and a half in length, and very rocky ; a small river 
called the Bohmen ran S.W. to the Jim, which falls into the 
Ofim : the water of the Bohmen is said to instil eloquence, and 
numerous Ashantees repair annually to drink of it : it flowed in a 
very clear stream, over a bed of gravel, and was three feet deep, 
and eight yards broad. The expectation of an open country was 
again disappointed ; I bore several eminent points, in the hope of 
being able to do so again at some distance, and of thus, with the 
intermediate course, checking the distance computed by paces ; 
but the forest soon shut them out entirely. The first Ashantee 
croom was Quesha; and we soon after passed through Fohmannee, 
which had been a very considerable town. We stopped there 
awhile at the request of a venerable old man, who regaled us with 


some palm wine and fruit : his manners were very pleasing, and 
made it more painful to us to hear that his life was forfeited to 
some superstitious observances, and that he only waited the result 
of a petition to the king to commiserate his infirmities so far as to 
allow him to be executed at his OAvn croom, and to be spared the 
fatigue of a journey to the capital : he conversed cheerfully with 
us, congratulated himself on seeing white men before he died, and 
spread his cloth over the log with an emotion of dignity rather 
than shame : his head arrived at Coomassie the day after we had. 
On ascending the hill, the soil became a dark brown clay, and 
very productive. We passed the first large plantation of corn we 
had seen since we left Payntree, and halted at Doompassee. Dis- 
tance 6 miles. Courses N. •§■. N. N.AV. f. N. W. i; Latitude by 
observation, 6° 11' 30". 

Doompassee had been a very large croom, but the caboceer 
having intrigued with one of Sai Cudjoe's wives, who had per- 
mission to visit her family in this place, the greater part of it was 
destroyed in consequence, and the caboceer decapitated : the 
woman possessing irresistible art in practising upon the numerous 
admirers of her beauty, the king spared her life, and employed her 
thenceforth to inveigle those distant caboceers, whose lives or 
properties were desirable to him. It was the most industrious 
town on the path ; cloths, beads, and pottery were manufacturing 
in all directions, and the blacksmiths' forges were alvva3's at work. 
The intelligence of the beginning of the King's fetish week, and 
Mr. James's attack of fever, delayed us at Doompassee, and a 
messenger was dispatched in the interim to announce our approach. 
During our stay, I observed an eclipse of J iipiter's first sateUite, 
which gave the longitude 2° 6' W. 

We did not leave Doompassee until the 14th of May ; after two 
miles, passing a small stream running N.W. we ascended a high 


hill, on which a large croom, called Tiabosoo, was situated. I 
looked into a pit here six feet deep ; the first stratum was vegetable 
mould, the second gravel, the third, a kind of potter's clay, and 
the remaining of brittle stone of a reddish brown, resembling that 
they call cabouc in the East Indies. The next croom was San- 
quanta, where the path took an easterly direction, and about seven 
miles from Doompassee we passed Datiasoo, where large quantities 
of pottery were manufacturing, exclusively : it was not more than 
a mile distant from Dadawasee, where we found a messenger from 
the king, expressing his regret that we had come up in the rainy 
season, as he had heard it was a very unhealthy one for white men, 
and appointing us to enter the capital on the Monday following; 
he sent us a present of a sheep, forty yams, and two ounces of 
gold for our table ; he had also given six ackies to our messenger, 
who returned at the same time. The path had been cleared by 
the king's order, the plantations became more frequent and exten- 
sive, and numerous paths branching off from that we travelled, 
shewed that the country was thickly inhabited, and the intercourse 
of the various parts direct and necessary for an interchange of 
manufacture and produce : the crooms hitherto had appeared 
insulated. The Acassey or blue dye plant grew profusely. Distance 
seven miles. Courses N. i, N.bW. i, N. N.W. i, N. N. E. j^. 
Latitude by observation 6° 16' 20" N. long : C and D 2° 7' 30" W. 
The next day, leaving Dadawasee, close to which was another 
large croom called ModjaAvee, we descended a very steep hill, and 
passed tlie Dankaran or Mankaran, a small river, in the rainy 
season eleven yards wide and four feet deep, running to the 
Birrim : not far from this river was Sahnfoo, and a short distance 
from that croom, a smaller river called Yansee, running N. N.W. 
We then passed through Korraman, near which was the small 
river Dansabow, running westward, and three other large crooms, 


Aquinasee (having a neatly fenced burial ground,) Aniafou, and 
Agabimah ; crossing another small river called Soubirree, near the 
latter, we reached Assiminia, distant eight miles from Dadawasee. 
The path was frequently eight feet wide, and kept as neatly as that 
of a garden in the environs of the crooms, which now disclosed 
themselves very prettily at some distance. Courses N. -i, N.bE. ^, 
N. N. E. ^. Latitude by observation 6" 22', longitude C and D 
2» 7' 50" W. 

There was a violent tornado in the night, during almost the 
whole of which the rain continued in torrents, increasing the small 
streams near the town from ancle to three feet deep. Almost all 
the inhabitants were emploj^ed in weaving the staple manufacture 
of Assiminia, which was formerly of much greater extent. Mr. 
James rested here the whole of the next day, and on Saturday we 
proceeded through Boposoo (on a very high hill), Agemuni, Yoko, 
and Abountum ; near which we crossed the Biaqua, running west 
to the Jim, and about seven yards wide and two feet deep; 
between this and Sarrasou, where we halted, were two large 
crooms, Pootooaga and Fiasou. 

The path was continually well cleared : each croom presented 
one Avide central street, with the ganian or cachou trees at the 
extremities. The soil ceased to be sandy, and became a reddish 
earth : we observed some quartz, but silex prevailed. Distance 
11 miles. Courses N.i, N. N. E.^. Lat. by observation, 6° 30' 20". 
Long. C. and D. 2' 6' 30." 

The river Dah runs close to Sarrasou, rising at Sekooree near 
Dwabin, and falling into the Ofim at Measee in the Warsaw path; 
it is generally about sixteen yards wide, and four leet deej). There 
was an ingenious fishing we\r in this river; two ro\^s of very 
strong wicker work were fixed across it, supported against the 
rapidity of the stream by large stakes, driven into the ground 


obliquely on each side of them, and connected above and below 
by the trunks of two large trees. The funnel-shaped baskets, 
thickly inserted at the bottom, were of spht cane, and about 
twelve feet long. There are large plantations of corn around 
Sarrasou, which is a great nursery for pigs. We left it on Monday 
morning, the 19th, and passing through a small croom, Oyoko, 
stopped at another, Agogoo, about four miles distant, to dress 
ourselves in full uniform. The soil from Sarrasou was a rich black 
mould, and there were continued plantations of corn, yams, ground 
nuts, terraboys, and encruma : the yams and ground nuts were 
planted with much regularity in triangular beds, with small drains 
around each, and carefully cleared from weeds. 

Two miles from Agogoo, we crossed the marsh which insulates 
Coomassie ; the breadth at that part forty yards, and the depth 
three feet. Being within a mile of the capital, our approach was 
announced to the king, who desired us by his messengers to rest 
at a little croom, called Patiasoo, until he had finished washing, 
when captains would be deputed to conduct us to his presence. 
Distance 6f miles. Courses N.|, N. N.W.i. 

We entered Coomassie at two o'clock, passing under a fetish, or 
sacrifice of a dead sheep, wrapped up in red silk, and suspended 
between two lofty poles. Upwards of 5000 people, the greater 
part warriors, met us with awful bursts of martial music, discordant 
only in its mixture ; for horns, drums, rattles, and gong-gongs were 
all exerted with a zeal bordering on phrenzy, to subdue us by the 
first impression. The smoke which encircled us from the incessant 
discharges of musquetry, confined our glimpses to the foreground ; 
and we were halted whilst the captains performed their Pyrrhic 
dance, in the centre of a circle formed by their warriors ; where a 
confusion of flags, English, Dutch, and Danish, were waved and 
flourished in all directions ; the bearers plunging and springing 


from side to side, with a passion of enthusiasm only equalled by 
the captains, who followed them, discharging their shining blun- 
derbusses so close, that the flags now and then were in a blaze ; 
and emerging from the smoke with all the gesture and distortion 
of maniacs. Their followers kept up the firing around us in the 
rear. The dress of the captains (see drawing, No. I.) was a war 
cap, with gilded rams horns projecting in front, the sides extended 
beyond all proportion by immense plumes of eagles feathers, and 
fastened under the chin with bands of cowries. Their vest was of 
red cloth, covered with fetishes and saphies* in gold and silver; 
and embroidered cases of almost every colour, which flapped 
against their bodies as they moved, intermixed with small brass 
bells, the horns and tails of animals, shells, and knives ; long leo- 
pards tails hung down their backs, over a small bow covered with 
fetishes. They wore loose cotton trowsers, Avith immense boots of 
a dull red leather, coming half way up the thigh, and fastened by 
small chains to their cartouch or waist belt ; these were also orna- 
mented with bells, horses tails, strings of amulets, and innumerable 
shreds of leather ; a small quiver of poisoned arrows hung from 
their right wrist, and they held a long iron chain between their 
teeth, with a scrap of Moorish writing aflixed to the end of it. A 
small spear was in their left hands, covered with red cloth and silk 
tassels ; their black countenances heightened the eftect of this 
attire, and completed a figure scarcely human. 

This exhibition continued about half an hour, when we were 
allowed to proceed, encircled by the warriors, whose numbers, 
with the crowds of people, made our movement as gradual as if it 
had taken place in Cheapside ; the several streets branching off to 
the right, presented Img vistas crammed with people, and those on 
the left hand being on an acclivity, innumerable rows of heads 
* Scraps of Moorish writing, as charms agsunst evil. 

fy T,S.£o wdick Esq 



PuHished I>ec,2.jL'!S,fy /shn Jfurraj.AU'ematie Strsti. 


rose one above another : the large open porches of the houses, like 
the fronts of stages in small theatres, were filled with the better sort 
of females and children, all impatient to behold white men for the 
first time ; their exclamations were drowned in the firing and music, 
but their gestures were in character with the scene. When we 
reached the palace, about half a mile from the place where we 
entered, we were again halted, and an open file was made, through 
which the bearers were passed, to deposit the presents and baggage 
in the house assigned to us. Here we were gratified by observing 
several of the caboceers pass by with their trains, the novel splen- 
dour of which astonished us. The bands, principally composed 
of horns and flutes, trained to play in concert, seemed to soothe 
our hearing into its natural tone again by their wild melodies; 
whilst the immense umbrellas, made to sink and rise from the 
jerkings of the bearers, and the large fans waving around, refreshed 
us with small currents of air, under a burning sun, clouds of dust, 
and a density of atmosphere almost suffocating. We were then 
squeezed, at the same funeral pace, up a long street, to an open- 
fronted house, where we were desired by a royal messenger to wait 
a further invitation from the king. Here our attention was forced 
from the astonishment of the crowd to a most inhuman spectacle, 
which was paraded before us for some minutes ; it was a man 
whom they Avere tormenting previous to sacrifice ; his hands were 
pinioned behind him, a knife was passed through his cheeks, to 
which his lips were noosed like the figure of 8 ; one ear was cut oflf 
and carried before him, the other hung to his head by a small bit 
of skin ; there were several gashes in his back, and a knife was 
thrust under each shoulder blade ; he was led with a cord passed 
through his nose, by men disfigured with immense caps of shaggy 
black skins, and drums beat before him ; the feeling this horrid 
barbarity excited must be imagined. We were soon released by 


permission to proceed to the king, and passed through a very 
broad street, about a quarter of a mile long, to the market place. 

Our observations en passant had taught us to conceive a spec- 
tacle far exceeding our original expectations ; but they had not 
prepared us for the extent and display of the scene which here 
burst upon us : an area of nearly a mile in circumference was 
crowded with magnificence and novelty. The king, his tributaries, 
and captains, were resplendent in the distance, surrounded by 
attendants of every description, fronted by a mass of warriors 
which seemed to make our approach impervious. The sun was 
reflected, with a glare scarcely more supportable than the heat, 
from the massy gold ornaments, which glistened in every direction. 
More than a hundred bands burst at once on our arrival, with the 
peculiar airs of their several chiefs ; the horns flourished their 
defiances, with the beating of innumerable drums and metal instru- 
ments, and then yielded for a while to the soft breathings of their 
long flutes, which were truly harmonious ; and a pleasing instru- 
ment, like a bagpipe without the drone, was happily blended. At 
least a hundred large umbrellas, or canopies, which could shelter 
thirty persons, were sprung up and down b}^ the bearers with 
brilliant effect, being made of scarlet, yellow, and the most shewy 
cloths and silks, and crowned on the top with crescents, pelicans, 
elephants, barrels, and arms and swords of gold ; they were of 
various shapes, but mostly dome ; and the valances (in some of 
which small looking glasses were inserted) fantastically scalloped 
and fringed ; from the fronts of some, the proboscis and small 
teeth of elephants projected, and a few Avere roofed with leopard 
skins, and crowned with various animals naturally stuffed. The 
state hammocks, like long cradles, were raised in the rear, the poles 
on the heads of the bearers ; the cushions and pillows were covered 
with crimson taffeta, and the richest cloths hung over the sides. 


Innumerable small umbrellas, of various coloured stripes, were 
crowded in the intervals, whilst several large trees heightened the 
glare, by contrasting the sober colouring of nature. 

" Discolor unde auri per ramos aura refulsit." 

The king's messengers, with gold breast plates, made way for 
us, and we commenced our round, preceded by the canes and the 
English flag. We stopped to take the hand of every caboceer, 
which, as their houshold suites occupied several spaces in advance, 
delayed us long enough to distinguish some of the ornaments in 
the general blaze of splendour and ostentation. 

The caboceers, as did their superior captains and attendants, 
wore Ashantee cloths, of extravagant price from the costly foreign 
silks which had been unravelled to weave them in all the varieties 
of colour, as well as pattern ; they were of an incredible size and 
weight, and thrown over the shoulder exactly like the Roman toga; 
a small silk fillet generally encircled their temples, and massy gold 
necklaces, intricately wrought ; suspended Moorish charms, dearly 
purchased, and enclosed in small square cases of gold, silver, and 
curious embroidery. Some wore necklaces reaching to the navel 
entirely of aggry beads ; a band of gold and beads encircled the 
knee, from which several strings of the same depended ; small 
circles of gold like guineas, rings, and casts of animals, were strung 
round their ancles ; their sandals were of green, red, and delicate 
white leather ; manillas, and rude lumps of rock gold, hung from 
their left wrists, which Avere so heavily laden as to be supported on 
the head of one of their handsomest boys. Gold and silver pipes, 
and canes dazzled the eye in every direction. Wolves and rams 
heads as large as life, cast in gold, were suspended from their gold 
handled swords, which were held around them in great numbers ; 
the blades were shaped like round bills, and rusted in blood ; the 
sheaths were of leopard skin, or the shell of a fish like shagreen. 


The large drums supported on the head of one man, and beaten 
by two others, were braced around with the thigh bones of their 
enemies, and ornamented with their skulls. The kettle drums 
resting on the ground, were scraped with wet fingers, and covered 
with leopard skin. The wrists of the drummers were hung with 
bells and curiously shaped pieces of iron, which gingled loudly as 
they were beating. The smaller drums were suspended from the neck 
by scarves of red cloth ; the horns (the teeth of young elephants) 
were ornamented at the mouth-piece with gold, and the jaw bones 
of human victims. The war caps of eagles feathers nodded in the 
rear, and large fans, of the wing feathers of the ostrich, played 
around the dignitaries; immediately behind their chairs (which 
were of a black wood, almost covered by inlays of ivory and gold 
embossment) stood their handsomest youths, with corslets of leo- 
pard's skin covered with gold cockleshells, and stuck full of small 
knives, sheathed in gold and silver, and the handles of blue agate ; 
cartouch boxes of elephant's hide hung below, ornamented in the 
same manner ; a large gold handled sword was fixed behind the 
left shoulder, and silk scarves and horses tails (generally white) 
streamed from the arms and waist cloth : their long Danish mukets 
had broad rims of gold at small distances, and the stocks were 
ornamented with shells. Finely grown girls stood behind the chairs 
of some, with silver basins. Their stools (of the most laborious 
carved work, and generally with two large bells attached to them) 
Avere conspicuously placed on the heads of favourites ; and crowds 
of small boys were seated around, flourishing elephants tails 
curiously mounted. The warriors sat on the ground close to these, 
and so thickly as not to admit of our passing without treading on 
their feet, to Avhich they were- perfectly indifferent; their caps 
were of the skin of the pangolin and leopard, the tails hanging 
down behind ; their cartouch belts (composed of small gourds 


which hold the charges, and covered with leopard or pig's skin) 
were embossed with red shells, and small brass bells thickly hung 
to them ; on their hips and shoulders was a cluster of knives ; iron 
chains and collars dignified the most daring, who were prouder of 
them than of gold ; their muskets had rests affixed of leopard's 
skin, and the locks a covering of the same ; the sides of their faces 
were curiously painted in long white streaks, and their arms also 
striped, having the appearance of armour. 

We were suddenly surprised by the sight of Moors, who aflforded 
the first general diversity of dress ; there were seventeen superiors, 
arrayed in large cloaks of white satin, richly trimmed with 
spangled embroidery, their shirts and trowsers were of silk, and a 
very large turban of white muslin was studded with a border of 
different coloured stones : their attendants wore red caps and 
turbans, and long white shirts, which hung over their trowsers ; 
those of the inferiors were of dark blue cloth : they slowly raised 
their eyes from the ground as we passed, and with a most malignant 

The prolonged flourishes of the horns, a deafening tumult of 
drums, and the fuller concert of the intervals, announced that we 
were approaching the king : we were already passing the principal 
officers of his houshold ; the chamberlain, the gold horn blower, 
the captain of the messengers, the captain for royal executions, 
the captain of the market, the keeper of the royal burial ground, 
and the master of the bands, sat surrounded by a retinue and 
splendor which bespoke the dignity and "importance of their 
offices. The cook had a number of small services covered with 
leopard's skin held behind him, and a large quantity of massy 
silver plate was displayed before him, punch bowls, waiters, coffee 
pots, tankards, and a very large vessel Avith heavy handles and 
clawed feet, which seemed to have been made to hold incense ; I 


observed a Portuguese inscription on one piece, and they seemed 
generally of that manufacture. The executioner, a man of an 
immense size, wore a massy gold hatchet on his breast ; and the 
execution stool was held before him, clotted in blood, and partly 
covered with a cawl of fat. The king's four linguists were encir- 
cled by a splendor inferior to none, and their peculiar insignia, 
gold canes, were elevated in all directions, tied in bundles like 
fasces. The keeper of the treasury, added to his own magnificence 
by the ostentatious display of his service ; the blow pan, boxes, 
scales and weights, were of solid gold. 

A delay of some minutes whilst we severally approached to 
receive the king's hand, afforded us a thorough view of him; his 
deportment first excited my attention ; native dignity in princes we 
are pleased to call barbarous was a curious spectacle : his man- 
ners were majestic, yet courteous ; and he did not allow his sur- 
prise to beguile him for a moment of the composure of the 
monarch ; he appeared to be about thirty-eight years of age, 
inclined to corpulence, and of a benevolent countenance ; he wore 
a fillet of aggry beads round his temples, a necklace of gold cock- 
spur shells strung by their largest ends, and over his right 
shoulder a red silk cord, suspending three saphies cased in gold ; 
his bracelets were the richest mixtures of beads and gold, and his 
fingers covered with rings ; his cloth was of a dark green silk ; a 
pointed diadem was elegantly painted in white on his forehead ; 
also a pattern resembling an epaulette on each shoulder, and an 
ornament like a full blown rose, one leaf rising above another until 
it covered his whole breast ; his knee-bands were of aggr}-^ beads, 
and his ancle strings of gold ornaments of the most delicate M'ork- 
manship, small drums, sankos, stools, swords, guns, and birds, 
clustered together ; his sandals, of a soft white leather, were em- 
bossed across the instep band with small gold and silver cases of 


saphies ; he was seated in a low chair, richly ornamented with 
gold ; he wore a pair of gold castanets on his finger and thumb, 
which he clapped to enforce silence. The belts of the guards 
behind his chair, were cased in gold, and covered with small jaw 
bones of the same metal ; the elephants tails, waving like a small 
cloud before him, were spangled with gold, and large plumes of 
feathers were flourished amid them. His eunuch presided over 
these attendants, wearing only one massy piece of gold about his 
neck : the royal stool, entirely cased in gold, was displayed under 
a splendid umbrella, with drums, sankos, horns, and various mu- 
sical instruments, cased in gold, about the thickness of cartridge 
paper : large circles of gold hung by scarlet cloth from the swords 
of state, the sheaths as well as the handles of which were also cased ; 
hatchets of the same were intermixed with them : the breasts of 
the Ocrahs, and various attendants, were adorned with large stars, 
stools, crescents, and gossamer wings of solid gold. 

We pursued our course through this blazing circle, which afforded 
to the last a variety exceeding description and memory ; so many 
splendid novelties diverting the fatigue, heat, and pressure we were 
labouring under; we were almost exhausted, however, by the time 
we reached the end ; Avhen, instead of being conducted to our 
residence, we were desired to seat ourselves under a tree at some 
distance, to receive the compliments of the whole in our turn. 

The swell of their bands gradually strengthened on our ears, the 
peals of the warlike instruments bursting upon the short, but sweet 
responses of the flutes ; the gaudy canopies seemed to dance in 
the distant view, and floated broadly as they were springing up and 
down in the foreground ; flags and banners waved in the interval, 
and the chiefs were eminent in their crimson hammocks, amidst 
crowds of musquetry. They dismounted as they arrived within 
thirty yards of us ; their principal captains preceded them with the 


gold handled swords, a body of soldiers followed with their arms 
reversed, then their bands and gold canes, pipes, and elephants 
tails. The chief, with a small body guard under his umbrella, was 
generally supported around the waist by the hands of his favourite 
slave, whilst captains hoUa'd, close in his ear, his warlike deeds 
and (strong) names, which were reiterated with the voices of 
Stentors by those before and behind ; the larger party of warriors 
brought up the rear. Old captains of secondary rank were carried 
on the shoulders of a strong slave ; but a more interesting sight 
was presented in the minors, or young caboceeers, many not more 
than five or six years of age, who overweighed by ornaments, were 
carried in the same manner, (under their canopies), encircled by 
all the pomp and parade of their predecessors. Amongst others, 
the grandson of Cheboo was pointed out, whom the king had 
generously placed on the stool of his perfidious enemy. A band 
of Fetish men, or priests, wheeled round and round as they passed 
with surprising velocity. Manner was as various as ornament; 
some danced by with irresistible buffoonery, some with a gesture 
and carriage of defiance ; one distinguished caboceer performed 
the war dance before us for some minutes, with a large spear, 
which grazed us at every bound he made ; but the greater number 
passed us with order and dignity, some slipping one sandal, some 
both, some turning round after having taken each of us by the 
hand ; the attendants of others knelt before them, throwing dust 
upon their heads ; and the Moors, apparently, vouchsafed us a 
blessing. The king's messengers who were posted near us, with 
their long hair hanging in twists like a thrum mop, used little cere- 
mony in hurrying by this transient procession ; yet it was nearly 
8 o'clock before the king approached. 

It was a beautiful star light night, and the torches which pre- 
ceded him displayed the splendor of his regalia with a chastened 


lustre, and made the human trophies of the soldiers more awfully 
imposing. The skulls of three Banda caboceers, who had been 
his most obstinate enemies, adorned the largest drum : the vessels 
in which the boys dipped their torches were of gold. He stopped 
to enquire our names a second time, and to wish us good night ; 
his address was mild and deliberate : he was followed by his aunts, 
sisters, and others of his family, with rows of fine gold chains 
around their necks. Numerous chiefs succeeded ; and it was long 
before we were at liberty to retire. We agreed in estimating the 
number of warriors at 30,000. 

We were conducted to a range of spacious, but ruinous build- 
ings, which had belonged to the son of one of the former kings, 
and who had recently destroyed himself at a very advanced age, 
unable to endure the severity of disgrace : their forlorn and dreary 
aspect bespoke the fortune of their master, and they required 
much repair to defend us from the wind and rain, which frequently 
ushered in the nights. 



Proceedings and Incidents until the Third Dispatch to Cape Coast 


Coomassie, May 22nd, 1817- 

To THE Governor and Council, Cape Coast Castle. 


1 H E important objects of the Mission, and the safety and pros- 
perity of the Settlements, have this day demanded our pubHc 
dissent from our superior officer, Mr. James ; to prove the act 
tutelary to these objects, can be our only justification. 

The Mission has engrossed our thoughts and exertions from the 
moment we were honoured by the appointments ; we have felt that 
the credit of the Committee, the character of the service, and the 
good of our country Avere associated in the enterprise ; and that 
we were personally responsible for these important objects, to the 
extent of our industry, fortitude, and ability. Our reflections 
^naturally associated obstacles commensurate with the importance 
of the objects affected ; and to overcome the former in a manner 
auspicious to the latter, we conceived to be the duty expected 
from us, as composing a Mission originated to remove a portion of 
the formidable barriers to the interior of Africa. Wc anticipated 
prejudice, intrigue, and difficulty, as inevitable ; as obstacles to 
invigorate and not to sicken our exertions. 


At Dadasey, on Wednesday the 14th instant, we received a 
present from the King, of two ounces of gold, a sheep, and thirty 
yams, with a second appointment to enter his capital the succeed- 
ing Monday. When within a short distance, the messenger who 
announced us, returned, to desire us to wait at a croom until the 
King had washed. We were permitted to enter soon after two 
o'clock, and the King received us with the niost encouraging 
courtesy, and the most flattering distinction. We paid our respects 
in turn, (passing along a surprising extent of line) to the principal 
caboceers, many of remote, and several of Moorish territories ; 
and all of these encircled by retinues astonishing to us from their 
numbers, order, and decorations. We were then requested to 
remove to a distant tree to receive their salutes ; which procession, 
though simply transient, continued until past eight o'clock. It 
was indescribably imposing from the variety, magnificence, and 
etiquette : its faint oudine in Mr. Bowdich's report, will impart our 
impression of the power and influence of the monarch we are sent 
to conciliate. The King as he passed, repeated his former con- 

The next morning (Tuesday) the King sent to us to come and 
speak our palaver in the market place, that all the people might 
hear it : we found him encircled by the most splendid insignia, and 
surrounded by his caboceers : we were received graciously. Mr, 
James, through his linguist, declared to the King's, (who are alone 
allowed to speak to him in pubhc) that the objects of the Mission 
were friendship and commerce ; impressed the consequence of our 
nation, and the good feelings of the Committee and Governor 
towards the King, as would be testified by our presents ; he sub- 
mitted the wish of a Residency, and of a direct path. The King 
enquired if we were to settle the Commenda palaver ; the reply 
was, no ! He rejoined," that he wished the Governor of Cape Coast 


to settle all palavers for him with the people of the forts, and that 
he had thought we came to make all things right, and so to make 
friends with the Ashantees." The King had previously observed, 
as literally rendered, that " the forts belonged to him," meaning 
(as the context, and the whole of his sentiments and conduct have 
confirmed) nothing humiliating to our dignity and independence ; 
but simply, that the advantages derived by the Fantee nations 
from the forts, should now be his. He desired the officer to be 
pointed out to him who was to be the Resident ; and then enquired 
if that was all our palaver, he was told yes : he said he would give 
us his answer the next day. 

Soon after we returned to our house, the King's linguist delivered 
this message. " The King knows very well the King of England 
has sent him presents ; if you wish to be friends with him you 
must bring these presents to his own house, and shew them to him 
and his friends, and not give them before all the people." This, in 
our judgment was a policy, to prevent any favourable bias of the 
body of caboceers and people anticipating the King's and his 
councils satisfaction of our motives and professions. 

We attended : all the curiosity the packages excited could not 
incline the King to regard them, until he had desired distinctly to 
vmderstand who had sent them, the King of England, or the 
Governor. He was told, the Company to whom the forts belonged 
under the King ; the interpreter seemed to render it the King indi- 
vidually ; it was more intelligible, and the agreeable impression it 
made was striking. The presents were displayed. Nothing could 
surpass the King's surprise and pleasure, but his warm yet dignified 
avowal of his obhgations. " Enghshmen,'' said he, admiring the 
workmanship of the different articles, " know how to do every 
thing proper," turning to his favourites with a smile as auspicious 
to our interests, as mortal to the intrigues of our rival. Much of 


the glass was broken ; Mr. James expressed his regret, and offered 
to procure more ; the King replied, " the path we had come was 
bad and overgrown, that we had many people to look after;" and 
waved our excuses with superior courtesy, fie desired the linguists 
to say, " this shewed him that the English were a great people, 
that they wished to be friends with him, to be as one with the 
Ashantees ; that this made him much pleasure to see, (and to 
repeat again and again,) " that he thanked the King of England, 
the Governor at Cape Coast, and tlie officers who brought the. 
presents much, very much." He made very liberal presents of 
liquor to our people, and delivered the distinct presents to his four 
principal caboceers in our sight. 

We learned from Quashie, the Accra Unguist, the favourable 
reports he had collected through his intimacy with some of the 
principal men. All the caboceers, he said, had thought we had 
come for bad, to spy the country ; the King thought so too a little, 
but much fetish was made, and all shewed that we meant well, and 
now the King thought so ; the mulatto sent by General Daendels,. 
directly after Mr. Hydecoper, and who arrived just before us, had 
sent to the King for a pass to go back, and the King told him, that 
he would give him this message, " that the King had thought to do 
good to the Dutch, but now he sees their white mens faces, he 
should do good to the English." This mulatto man (who is not in 
the service, but a free man of Elmina town) visited us afterwards, 
and his complaints and sentiments confirmed these reports in our 

On "Wednesday morning the King's sisters (one the caboceer of 
the largest Ashantee town near the frontier) paid us a visit of 
ceremony, and retired to receive our's in return ; their manners 
were courteous and dignified, and they were handed with a sur- 
prising politeness by the captains in attendance. 


Mr. James being indisposed, we went by invitation to see the 
chief captain's horse, Avhen the King sent to us to say, he was 
walking that way, and requested us to get our chairs and wail, that 
he might bid us good morning. Directly he saw us he ordered the 
procession to alter its course, and stopped to take us by the hand. 
The procession consisted of about 2000 men, and was marked by 
all the suit and parade of royalty. The caboceers that day in 
attendance appeared as warriors, being divested of the rich silks 
of the preceding day ; the executioner, the master of the bands, 
and the cook, were in the train, with suits which shewed the 
importance of their offices ; the latter was preceded by a massy 
service of plate. Mr. Bowdich's report will be more particular. 

The king sent his messenger this morning to repeat, that he 
thanked the King of England and the Governor very much for 

The King was much pleased when Quashie, the Accra linguist 
(who is our only intelligible medium,) attempted to describe the 
use of the sextant ; consequently, when Mr. Bowdich saw the 
King's chief captain this morning, he offered to shew it to the King, 
with the camera obscura and telescope ; the captain said it would 
please the King, and reported, that the King was much pleased 
with us, that he liked to be friends with the English, that he wished 
to make pleasure with us, and would send for us by and by to do 
so. We have been particular in these lesser circumstances, as 
they are the evidence of the King's good feelings, and of the fair 
prospect of the consummation of the Mission, superior to all the 
prejudice and intrigue opposed to it. 

We were sent for to the King's house ; he was only attended by 
his privy counsellors ; he expressed much delight at the camera 
obscura and instruments. He said, " the Englishmen knew more 
than Dutchmen or Danes — that black men knew nothing." He 


then ordered our people to be dismissed , said he would look at the 
telescope in a larger place, that now he wished to talk with us. 
He again acknowledged the gratification of Tuesday, and desired 
Mr. James to explain to him two notes which he produced, written 
by the Governor in Chief at the request of Amooney , King of Anna- 
maboe, and Adokoo, Chief of the BrafFoes, making over to Sai*, 
King of Ashantee, four ackies per month of their company's pay, 
as a pledge of their allegiance and the termination of hostilities. 
The impression seemed instantly to have rooted itself in the King's 
mind, that this was the Governor's individual act, or that he had 
instanced it; his countenance changed, his counsellors became 
enraged, they were all impatience, Ave all anxiety. " Tell the 
white men," said the King, " what they did yesterday made me 
much pleasure; I Avas glad Ave Avere to be friends; but to day I see 
they come to put shame upon my face ; this breaks my heart too 
much. The English know, with my own powder, with my own 
shot, I drove the Fantees under their forts, I spread my sAVord 
OA'^erthem, they were all killed, and their books from the fort are 
mine. I can do as much for the English as the Fantees, they knoAV 
this well, they know I have only to send a captain to get all the 
heads of the Fantees. These Avhite men cheat me, they think to 
make 'Shantee fool ; they pretend to make friends with me, and 
they join Avith the Fantees to cheat me, to put shame upon my 
face ; this makes the blood come from my heart." This was reported 
by his Hnguist with a passion of gesture and utterance scarcely 
inferior to the King's ; the irritation spread throughout the circle, 
and swelled even to uproar. 

Thus much was inevitable ; it was one of our anticipated diffi- 
culties ; it was not a defeat, but a check ; and here originates our 
charge against Mr. James, whom Ave declare to have been deficient 
in presence of mind, and not to have exerted those assurances and 


arguments which, with a considerate zeal, might at least have 
tended to ameliorate the unjust impression of the King, if not to 
have eradicated it. Mr. James said, " the Governor of Cape Coast 
had done it, that he knew nothing about it, that he was sent only 
to make the compliments to the King, that if the King liked to send 
• a messenger with him, he was going back and would tell the Governor 
all that the King said." This was all that was advanced. Was this 
enough for such a Mission to effect? the King repeated, " that he 
had expected we had come to settle all palavers, and to stay and 
make friends with him; but we came to make a fool of him." The 
King asked him to tell him how much had been paid on these notes 
since his demand — that he knew white men had large books which 
told this. Mr. James said he had seen, but he could not recollect. 
Nothing could exceed the King's indignation. " White men," he 
exclaimed, " know how many months pass, how many years they 
live, and they know this, but they wont tell me ; could not the 
other white men tell me." Mr. James said, " we never looked in 
the books." 

We were not so indiscreet as to expect or wish Mr. James to 
<;omniit himself by promising the satisfaction of the King's Avishes ; 
but dwelling on the expense and importance of the Mission, on 
the expectations it had excited, and feeling the reason of the King's 
argument, that its object should be to settle all palavers if we 
wished to be good friends, we conceived we but anticipated the 
feeling of the Council and of the Committee, in our anxiety for Mr. 
James to offer to communicate with the Governor by letter, and to 
wait his reply, with a confidence that his good feeling towards the 
King, his instructions from England, and his own disposition, Avould 
Jead him to do every thing that was right to please him. 

Mr. James's embarrassment had not only hurried him to extri- 
cate himself as an individual at the expense of his own dignity 


and intellect, but, which was worse, he had thrown the whole onus 
of this invidious transaction on the shoulders of the Governor in 
chief, against whom the King's prejudice would be fatal to all, and 
whose interest in his honour was most flattering to the King, most 
auspicious to us, and the hopes of the Mission ; not only the future 
prosperity, but the present security of the Settlements hung upon 
this, and the dagger was at this moment suspended from a cobweb. 
Mr. Bowdich urged this in the ear of Mr. James, urged the danger 
of leaving the King thus provoked, the fatal sacrifice of every 
object of the Mission, the discredit of the service, the disgrace of 
ourselves; Mr. James replied, " he knew the Governor's private 
sentiments best." The Moors of authority seized the moment, and 
zealously fanned the flame which encircled us ; for the King looking 
in vain for those testimonies of British feehng which presence of 
mind would have imposed, exclaimed, as he turned his ear from 
the Moors, " I know the English come to spy the country ; they 
come to cheat me ; they want war, they want war." Mr. James 
said " No! we \vant trade."' The King impatiently continued, 
" They join the Fantees to put shame upon my face ; I will send 
a captain to-morrow to take these books, and bring me the heads 
of all the Fantees under the forts ; the white men know I can do 
this, I have only to speak to my captains. " The Dutch Governor 
does not cheat me ; he does not shame me before the Fantees ; he 
sends me the whole 4 oz, a month. The Danes do not shame me, 
and the English 4 ackies a month is nothing to me ; I can send a 
captain for all ; they wish war." He drew his beard into his 
mouth, bit it, and rushing abruptly from his seat exclaimed, 
" Shantee foo ! Shantee foo ! ah ! ah !" then shaking his finger at 
us with the most angry aspect, would have burst from us with the 
exclamation," If a black man had brought me this message, I would 
have had his head cut off before me." Mr. James was silent. 



Gentlemen ! imagine this awful moment, think what a fatal 
wound menaced the British interests ; the most memorable exertion 
of the Committee, the pledge to the Government of their energies, 
of the zeal and capabiUties of their officers, this important and 
expensive Mission falling to the ground, the sacrifice to supineness ; 
the Settlements endangered instead of benefited, ourselves disgraced 
as officers and men, our key to the Interior shivered in the lock, 
and the territories of a great and comparatively tractable prince 
shut against us for ever. Could we be expected to look with in- 
difference on these sacrifices, to risk nothing to avert them ; to be 
auxiliary to the triumph of the intrigues and duplicity of our rival, 
which you know to have been exerted even to our destruction? 
Not a moment was to be lost; Mr. Bowdich stood before the King, 
and begged to be heard ; his attention was arrested, the clamours 
of the council gradually abated : there was no interpreter but the 
one Mr. James brought from his own fort, and no alternative l^ut 
to charge him promptly in the Governor's name, before reflection 
could associate the wishes of his master, to speak truly. Mr. Bow- 
dich continued standing before the King, and declared, " that the 
Governor wished to gain his friendship more than he could think;" 
that we were sent, not only to compliment him, but to write what 
he had to say to the Governor, and to wait to tell his answer to the 
King, and to do all he ordered ; to settle all palavers, and to make 
Ashantees and English as one before we went back. That the 
Governor of Accra was sick, and in pain, and naturally wished to 
go back soon, but that himself, and the other two officers would 
stay with the King, until they made him sure that the Governor 
was a good friend to him. That we would rather get anger, and 
lose every thing ourselves, than let the King think the Governor 
sent us to put shame on him ; that we would trust our lives to the 
King, until we had received the Governor's letter, to make him 


think so ; and to tell us to do all that was right, lo make the 
Ashantees and English as one ; and this Avould shew the King we 
did not come to spy the country, but to do good." Mr. Bowdich 
then assured Mr. James that no outrage on his dignity was medi- 
tated ; that we should continue to treat him as our superior officer, 
but that we felt the present act imperative, as our duty to the 
Service and our Country. 

Conviction flashed across the countenance of the interpreter, 
and he must have done Mr. Bowdich's speech justice, for the 
cheerful aspect of the morning was resumed in every countenance. 
The applause was general ; the King (who had again seated him- 
self) held out his hand to Mr. Bowdich, and said, " he spoke well; 
what he spoke was good ; he liked his palaver much.'' The King's 
chief hnguist came forward and repeated his commendations with 
the most profound bows ; every look was favourable ; every where 
there was a hand extended. The King then instructed his linguist 
to report to Mr. Bowdich, personally, his arguments respecting the 
books. " That he had subdued the Eantees at the expense of much 
powder and shot ; and that, in consequence, all their notes were 
his : that he had only to send a Captain to bring all their heads, 
that he did not want to do no good, and keep the books ; he would 
do more for the forts than the Fantees could ; that the Dutch 
Governor did not cheat him, but gaveothe four oz. a month. That 
he wished to be friends with the English ; but that the 4 ackies a 
month put shame upon his face." To this Mr. Bowdich replied, 
that he could only say he knew the Governor would do what was 
right ; that he could not say more until he heard from him ; but 
that he would write every word the King said; and he was sure 
the King would see that the Governor would do what was right. 
We shook hands and retired. 

All the Fantees being detained by the King, Mr. Bowdich and 


Mr. Hutchison went in the evening to the chief captain to request 
a messenger from the King to Cape Coast ; about two hours after- 
wards he reported the King's reply almost literally as follows:: 
" The King wishes you good night ; this is his palaver and yours, 
you must not speak it to any one else, the white men come to 
cheat him. The King recollects the face of the white man who 
spoke to him to day, he likes him much, he wishes he would talk 
the palaver; the King likes the other white men who stood up with 
him very much ; he thinks the Governor of Accra wishes to put 
all the wrong on the Governor at Cape Coast, and not to tell any 
thing. The King thinks that not right, and he sees you do not 
like that. You must not speak this palaver again ; 'tis the King's 
palaver, and yours ; the King's captain will speak right to the 
King what you say, and you shall have a messenger." 

We again affirm positively, that Mr, James made no offer to 
communicate with the Governor, but spoke only of his return, 
which we know he was meditating at the expense of the treaty, 
and every object of the Mission. 

Referring to our detail previous to the serious business of to day, 
3'ou will find every circumstance to have been encouraging, and in 
our opinion, auspicious to the consummation of the Mission. Yet 
at that moment, unclouded as it was, we know Mr. James, by his 
own confession, to have written to head quarters with a gloom 
which existed only in his own imagination; this letter did not go 
from the detention of the Fantee bearers. We believe firmly, that 
had there been no interference on our part at the critical moment, 
Mr. James would have returned forthwith to Cape Coast, without 
effecting one object of the Mission, and that the future good of the 
Settlements would not only have been sacrificed, but their present 
security endangered.* 

* " The government of the country is a" military despotism, and I have this day re- 


Mr. James may write that Mr. Bowdich rose with great warmth: 
this we deny, and affirm that he displayed no more than a tempe- 
rate zeal, considerate in its declarations, and respectful even in its 
dissent from Mr. James. The attention of the King was arrested 
bv the novelty of a white man addressing him in the oratorical 
manner of his own country, but it was not until the linguist had 
conveyed the arguments, that the King held out his hand and the 
applause was general. Mere observations whispered in the ear of 
the linguists had lost all effect, and would not have answered the 

Mr. James has talked, and perhaps written much of the King's 
suspicion, but we must contend that much of this is misnamed, 
and is no more than that deliberate policy which is a pledge of the 
durability of the confidence it precedes. Certainly there has been 
suspicion, but not more than must have been expected, not 
more than was commensurate with the important novelty Avhich 
challenged it. It has been confessed here, that our political rival 
has exerted all his address to vitiate our objects in the eyes of the 
King, to convince him our ostensible views were pretences ; our 
real ones dangerous and unjust ; that we sought sovereignty, not 
commerce. The Moorish chiefs and dignitaries by whom the King- 
is surrounded, whose influence is powerful, not only from their 
rank but their repute, naturally urged these arguments against 
unbelievers and competitors in trade, and their extensive inter- 
course has unfortunately possessed them of facts to the point of 
our ambition. Let these considerations be weighed, let our account 
of the King's general deportment be again referred to ; let us 
impress, that he has never once adverted to our destruction of his 

ceived private information, that it is already settled, that if the refusal of the notes 
occasions a war, and any one is hurt or killed by the forts, our lives will be the forfeit." 
Mr. James's Dispatch. 


troops before Annamaboe, or of the critical situation of ihc fort ; 
that he has evinced a disposition to a sound understanding, by 
veiling every irritating retrospect, by acknowledging t\rrv con- 
ciliatory circumstance. 

We do not presume to enter our opinions into the important 
question of the King's demand of the whole of these two notes ; 
we have advanced nothing but our assurance that the Governor 
will do what is right, and we have pledged our hves to convince 
the King of this ; the importance of the Mission would have claimed 
a more valuable pledge. 

Whilst we impress the surprising power and influence of the 
King, we must do him the justice to acknowledge the convincing- 
manner in which he urged the injuries and forbearance which pre- 
ceded the Fantee Avar ; his willingness to do every thing for the 
forts, and the conduct of the Dutch Governor in giving him the 
whole of the four ounces, were impressively and ingeniously 

To wear away suspicion, Mr. Bowdich has ceased his enquiries 
and observations for a time. The resources for intelligence of the 
Interior are infinite. Timbuctoo has been visited by most of the 
sojourners, and a mass of valuable information may be gathered 
with caution.* The eclipses of Jupiter's satellites will be regularly 
observed by Mr. Bowdich, and the mean longitude reported ; the 
want of a good watch imposes considerable trouble. 

We have reflected on what we have done, and if we are so 
unfortunate as to be visited by your and the Committee's displea- 

* " In the present suspicious state of tiic King's inind respecting us, I fear it would 
be impolitic to make the enquiries you ordered in yo»i' instructions. I think it will be 
more prudent to leave them to time. Mr. H. if he remains, will he able, from time to 
time, to obtain such information as they can give, without creating that suspicion which 
would certainly arise from any questions put at the present moment. I have kept Mr. 
H's hammock men, as it is yet uncertain whether he will remain." Mr. James''s Dispatch. 


siire, we shall console ourselves in our reluctant change of pursuit, 
by the satisfaction of our own minds of the honourable zeal of our 

We most respectfully solicit our recall, as we cannot implicate 
our character and our responsibility with Mr. James's judgment 
and perseverance in prosecuting the Mission, of the consummation 
of which we cannot agree to despond. We could not reconcile 
ourselves to the sacrifice of one of its important objects to our per- 
sonal apprehensions (supported as we are by authority and circum- 
stances) whilst the recollection of the illustrious energies of an 
enterprising traveller, forlorn and destitute, appeals to our spirit, 
and impresses the expectations of our country. We are, &c. 





Coomassie, May 24, 1817- 

To THE Governor and Council, Cape Coast Castle, 

The act our former letter has avowed, and we would presume 
(after the most deliberate reflection) to add justified, has made it 
our duty to communicate (independently of Mr. James) the circum- 
stances of the interval we may await your pleasure. 

If this duty had not been imposed on us by the act in question, 
the imminent fatality engendered in the debate of to day, and 
quickened by the ardor of the captains, would have demanded 
from our private as well as our public feelings, the most energetic 
representations (as auxiliary to those of Mr, James,) in impressing 


the calamities and the sacrifices which menace the Settlements and 
the Mission, to secure your serious deliberation, as the only pre- 
ventive we can look to with confidence. 

Yesterday we were conducted some way without the town to an 
assembly of the Moorish caboceers and dignitaries, who exert 
every device against us. A chapter was read from the Koran, and 
we were ordered to sweai' by that book that we had no rogues 
palaver, and that we had put no poison in the King's liquor. We 
severally refused to swear on the Koran, but offered to do so on 
our own prayer books. The King's linguist mediated, and asked 
us if we would only strike that book three times, and then declare 
as much, because the Moors said, that book would kill us if w^e 
lied. We did this, and were about two hours afterwards ordered 
to sit without our house and receive the following present from the 

One bullock, 2 pigs, 8 oz. of gold, for Mr. James. 

One sheep, 2 oz. 4 ackies of gold, for each of us. 

To each of the numerous Fantee messengers, 10 ackies of gold. 

To our cooks, a large assortment of pots and country vessels, 
100 large billets of wood, 100 yams, 100 bunches of plantains, four 
of sugar cane, four (24 gallon) pots of palm oil, three jars of palm 

To the soldiers, 10 ackies of gold. 

To the Accra linguist, 10 ackies of gold. 

On Saturday we were summoned to the King, and waited as 
usual a considerable time in one of the outer courts of the palace, 
which is an immense building of a variety of oblong courts and 
regular squares, the former with" arcades along the one side, some 
of round arches symmetrically turned, having a skeleton of bam- 
boo ; the entablatures exuberantly adorned with bold fan and 
trellis work of Egyptian character. They have a suit of rooms 


over them, with small windows of wooden lattice, of intricate but 
regular carved work, and some have frames cased with thin gold. 
The sc[uares have a large apartment on each side, open in front, 
with two supporting pillars, which break the view and give it all 
the appearance of the proscenium or front of the stage of the older 
Italian theatres. They are lofty and regular, and the cornices of a 
very bold cane work in alto relievo. A drop curtain of curiously 
plaited cane is suspended in front, and in each we observed chairs 
and stools embossed with gold, and beds of silk, with scattered 
regalia. The most ornamented part of the palace is the residence 
of the women. We have passed through it once ; the fronts of the 
apartments were closed (except two open door ways) by pannels 
of curious open carving, conveying a striking resemblance at first 
sight to an early Gothic screen ; one was entirely closed and had 
two curious doors of a low arch, and strengthened or battened 
with wood- work, carved in high relief and painted red. Doors 
chancing to open as we passed, surprised us with a glimpse of 
large apartments in corners we could not have thought of, the most 
secret appeared the most adorned. In our daily course through 
the palace there is always a delay of some minutes, before the door 
of each of the several distinct squares is unlocked ; within the 
inmost square is the council chamber. 

To day, after the delay of nearly an hour (which seems an indis- 
pensible ceremony) in the outer court, (where different dignitaries 
were passing to and fro with their insignia and retinues,) we were 
conducted to a large yard, where the King, encircled by a varied 
profusion of insignia, even more sumptuous than that we had seen 
before, sat at the end of two long files of counsellors, caboceers, 
and captains ; they were seated under their umbrellas, composed 
of scarlet and yellow cloth, silks, shawls, cottons, and every glar- 
ing variety, with carved and golden pelicans, panthers, baboons, 


barrels, crescents, &c. on the top ; the shape generally a dome. 
Distinct and pompous retinues were placed around, with gold 
canes, spangled elephants tails to brush off the flies, gold headed 
swords, and embossed muskets, and many splendid novelties too 
numerous but for a particular report, which will not be neglected 
Each had the dignitaries of his own province or establishment to 
his right and left ; and it was truly " Concilium in Concilio." 
When we recollected the insignificant, though neat appearance of 
the few Ashantee towns we had passed through on the southern 
frontier, and even the extent and superior character of the capital, 
this magnificence seemed the effect of enchantment. 

We have intruded this sketch to impress the power and resour- 
ces of the monarch we are to conciliate, and to anticipate in some 
degree the delay of Mr. Bowdich's report, the transcription of 
■which must yield to the present momentous communication. 

The King having decided a cause then in course, by which one 
of his captains was condemned to death for cowardice, ordered the 
question of the Annamaboe and Braffoe notes to be resumed. The 
several Fantec messengers were heard, the King of Annamaboe's, 
Amooney's, and Payntree's (the interior caboceer) having joined us 
in the path. They appeared all equivocation and embarrassment, 
as Quashie's interpretations confirmed ; they were incompetent 
to answer the King^s linguists, and unable to use the few uninter- 
rupted intervals which were allowed them to any purpose : it seems 
they would not acknowledge what the full amount of these notes 
was. Mr. James was asked, he said " white men's heads were not 
like black men's, and he could not recollect; but he thought 4 oz. 
and 2 oz." He did not offer to learn from the Governor. Several 
impassioned harangues were made by the King's linguists and 
counsellors : the King said, " he ha,d 4 oz. from Elniina, and 2 oz. 
from Enghsh Accra ; was it not putting shame upon him to send 


him 4 ackies from Cape Coast?" The Cape Coast messenger 
(Quashie Tom had absented himself) spoke again with great tre- 
pidation ; the King could not conceal his emotions; his counsellors 
became clamorous ; in an instant there was a flourish of all the 
horns ; all the captains rose and seized their gold headed swords 
from their attendants; the head general snatched Mr. Tedlie's 
from his scabbard ; numerous canopies crowded one upon the 
other in the background, as if some considerable personages had 
arrived ; there was nothing but commotion, wrath, and impatience. 
The captains, old and young, rushed before the King, and ex- 
claimed, as Quashie reported, (who seems to have been afraid to 
tell us all, and was restrained by Quamina) " King, this shames 
you too much ; you must let us go to night and kill all the Fanlees, 
and burn all the towns under the forts." They then presented 
themselves successively with their bands of music and retinues, 
and bowing before the King, received his foot upon their heads ; 
each then directed his sword to the King (who held up the two 
first fingers of his right hand) and swore by the King's head, that 
they would go with die army that night, and bring him the books, 
and the heads of all the Fantees. Each captain made the oath 
impressive in his own peculiar manner; some seriously, some by 
ridicule, at our expense, and that of the Fantees, pointing at our 
heads and ears, and endeavouring to intimidate us by the most 
insolent action and gesture as they held out their swords. The old 
general (Apokoo) who swore the last, after he had done so in the 
most expressive manner, threw Mr. Tedlie's sword to him, over 
the heads of the people with contemptuous defiance. The number 
was so great, that we thought this awful ceremony would never 

The King left the council a short time. In the interval, Quamina 
Bwa (our guide) told Accra Quashie to beg Mr. James to speak 


to the King when he came back, and try and appease him. Mr. 
James did so, but without the zeal, presence of mind, or argument 
the crisis demanded ; it was not adequate even to ameUorate the 
King's impression of the Governor and the English ; it was no more 
than he said at first. The King took not the least notice of it, but 
declared angrily, that " if he did not see white men's faces he 
would cut off the heads of every Fantee messenger on the spot." 
Some sheep and gold were then brought forward and presented to 
the Captains, and the King rose abruptly from his chair. In this 
anxious moment we reflected that the mulatto of General Daendels 
had a long audience of the King just before we were received ; no 
resource was to be left untried, that was manly and appropriate. 
Mr. Bowdich stepped before the King, and declared through the 
linguist, " that he wished to speak what he knew would make the 
King think that the Governor would do him right, and was his 
good friend." The King said he would hear him speak in the 
house; we retired amidst the insults and menaces of the assembly. 
About two hours after, we were summoned, and, as is the 
etiquette, kept some time in waiting ; in this interval, Mr. James 
said that our situation being very critical, it was a pity any differ- 
ence should be observed, and that he thought it much better to be 
reconciled. Mr. Bowdich replied, that he could not think it pos- 
sible our sentiments to be delivered to the King could differ at such 
a moment ; that if they did we should assimilate ours to his as 
much as possible ; but feehng the necessity for the greatest energy, 
for every address and argument for the conviction of the King, we 
must, for the public good, continue our assumption of the privilege 
of strengthening his declarations by our own until our recall, that 
we should be tender of his dignity, but that it being a difference 
on a point of pubhc duty, we could not compound it, but would 
take the consequences. We were received ; the King's aspect was 


stern ; he prefaced that " he did not wish to make war with the 
English ; but that the 4 ackies a month shamed him too much ; 
that the captains said to him, King ! thej cheat you, they put 
shame on you ; we will go to night and bring you the heads of all 
the Fantees; that he Avas forced to say to them, I beg your pardon, 
but as I see the white men's faces, I beg you to stay till to-morrow, 
when they can write to the Governor, and they will tell me them- 
selves what he says ; then if he does not send me Amooncy's and 
the BrafFoes books, you shall go and kill all; that he had been 
obliged afterwards to dash them sheep and gold to make them 
stay until the white men got the Governor's letter." Mr. James 
assured the King " that the King of England and the Governor 
wished to be friends with him, to do all that was right ; and he 
thought in his own mind that the Governor would give up the 
books." The King took no notice, and continued serious : the 
moment called for the most energetic appeal to his reason, for 
every imposing argument and circumstance. There was a long 
pause; Mr. Bowdich rose, and charged Mr. James's hnguist to 
interpret truly. We took the precaution of making notes of this 
speech, feeling we should be particular where we pledge our 
honour, and volunteer our affidavit ; it was as follows. 

" We swore yesterday as the King wished, to day we wish to 
swear as we should before our own King." The King held up the 
two first fingers of his right hand as he did to the captains. " We 
swear" (presenting our swords and kissing the hilt, as the most 
imposing form that occurred to us) " by our God, and by our 
King, and we know the Governor of Accra will do the same, that 
we mean no bad to the King, that the King of England and the 
Company ordered the Governor to send us to make the Ashantees 
and English as one, that we are sure the Governor will do the 
King right, and that when we write him all the King says, we will 


write also that we think the King's palaver good. We were sent 
to make the Enghsh and Ashantees as one, because our's is the 
greatest white, your's the greatest black nation, and when two 
great nations are friends, it makes good. I came out in the ship 
that was sent to tell the Governor this, and when he heard it, he 
said it gave him very much pleasure. The King of England and 
the Company thought the Governor should send to the King, to 
send some of his great men to Cape Coast, that we might be safe ; 
but the Governor said, no ! there was no occasion, and wrote to 
the King and the Company that he could trust all his officers in 
Ashantee, because the King's honour made them safe, so we came 
without sending, because we knew the King was our true fiiend. 

" The Governor, wished always to do the King right, but the 
Fantees never would tell him what was right, so he wrote to the King 
of England to send him some presents, that he n)ight send his own 
officers to the King, and hear properly from the King's own mouth 
what was right, because the I'antees never would tell him what 
was true, or what the King said. When the Governor reads what 
we shall write him, then he will know tlie truth for the first time. 
We shall stay to make the Ashantees and English one, and we 
pledge our lives to the King, that we speak a proper palaver, and 
when we speak true before God and the King we cannot fear." 

There were repeated and general applauses as each sentence 
was interpreted ; the King, smiled, and desired his linguist to say 
to Mr. Bowdich as Quashie interpreted, " The King likes you, 
you speak a proper good palaver, you speak like a man, the King 
wishes to be a friend to white men ; he thinks white men next to 
God." Here the King raised his hands to heaven, and then 
covering his face, Quashie continued to interpret. " The King 
thanks God and his own fetish, that they have sent him white men 
to talk proper like this to him, and when you three white men go 


back to Cape Coast, and the Governor has bad put into his head, 
and think you did wrong, then if you want any thing to eat, send 
a messenger to him and he will send you plenty, for the King 
thinks you do right to God and him, and to your King, and to the 
Governor, and that you will get much honour when you go back ; 
so the King thanks j^ou, and says you speak well/' The King then 
asked Mr. James if he would swear on his sword like us, as we 
said ; Mr. James did so. The King made an observation which it 
seems Ave cannot convey to you in its full force, or nearer than, 
that he liked the three white men because they always stood up to 
speak, and pushed forward to get what they wanted. Many 
auxiliary observations were afterwards offered casually by each of 
us, to confirm his change of sentiment. The Fantee linguists 
attempted to intimidate the linguist Quashie of Accra, but ineffec- 
tually ; this man is invaluable from his influence and intelligence, 
he is our only safe medium, and interprets to the King anxiously 
and impressively. 

The King appeared much pleased, and made us a long speech. 
" The King says the Fantees are all rogues, the Governor knows 
that very well ; the King thinks they always put bad palaver in 
the Governor's head, he always tells his captains so; he is sure 
you come to do him right. The King wishes all good for the 
English ; he swears by God and by the fetish, that if the English 
could know how the Fantees serve him, and all the bad they do, 
they would say his palaver was good. The King speaks true."" He 
then gave vis an ouline of the Fantee war, which must have con- 
vinced even the most prejudiced, of his injuries and forbearance, 
and their injustice and cruelly. 

The King says, " if the English trust to him, he will take more 
care of the forts than the Fantees can, he will do them great good, 
he does not want to do nothing. He will send the English his 


trade ; he will send them good gold like what he wears himself, 
(shewing his armlets,) not bad gold like he knows the Fantees 
make, his people don't know how to do that, the Fantees do it in 
their own houses before they give it to white men. If at any time 
the English in the forts are in want of any thing to eat, and send 
to him, he will send them every thing. To morrow is Sunday, 
but the next day is Monday, then he will give you a proper 

We cannot do justice to the King's sentiments either in detail 
or in expression ; they were incredibly liberal, and would have 
ennobled the most civilized monarch ; they seemed to break the 
spell which has shut the Interior. He begged us to drink with him, 
and Mr. James agreed in the toast of " May the Ashantees and 
English always be one ;" it pleased him, and he begged us to touch 
his glass with ours. He then turned suddenly to the Fantee 
messengers (who were trembling in the rear) and said, "you made 
me very angry with you, and I am very angry with you, but never 
mind, come and drink some of my liquor." 

Our critical situation demands the delivery of our sentiments on 
the subject of these notes ; we do so with diffidence and respect. 
The services of the Braffoes, who hold the one, are merely 
nominal, their enmity nugatory from their political situation ; the 
issuing of a fresh note to Amooney will be but a small addition to 
the expenditure, and even the expense of renewing them both 
cannot be weighed with the prevention of another Fantee war, of 
the destruction of a whole people, and the ruin of our Settlements 
in their defence, with the defeat of the intrigue and devices of our 
rival, and the acquisition of the confidence of a powerful and 
liberal monarch, whose influence may perfect the views of the 
British Government on the Interior. We hail the circumstances as 
auspicious, even in the present serious moment. 


Mr. James confesses that he desponds of consummating the 
objects of the Mission ; we do not ; we would be responsible for 
all of them, but we diffidently await your decision. We must claim 
this momentary calm of the King to ourselves, because it only 
affords us the credit, or rather the justification of having done our 
duty, which we are resolute in repeating Mr. James has not. What 
has been said through Mr. Bowdich is here reported faithfully ; we 
have not committed the Governor or ourselves. 

Gentlemen, our situation is critical ; if your answer determines 
the King on war, we are his prisoners ; if, as we cannot doubt, the 
valour of our countrymen again retards his progress by defences 
as memorable as that of Annamaboe, we may be the victims of an 
irritated soldiery, though we feel it would be with the reluctance of 
a generous prince, who is not independent, but, unfortunately, 
controlled by a military despotism, which deposed his brother and 
invested him. " 

But, Gentlemen, if in your better knowledge and reflection, you 
cannot consistently with your honour and your trust, meet the 
King's demand, the history of our country has fortified our minds 
with the illustrious example of a Vansittart, and his colleagues, who 
were situated as we are, when the dawn of British intercourse in 
India was scarcely more advanced than its dawn in Africa now ; 
and their last request to their Council is our present conclusion to 
you — " Do not put our lives in competition with the honour and 
interests of our country." 

We are, &c. &c. 





Coomatsie, May -ISth, 181 7. 


On Sunday the King visited us at our quarters, and expressed 
much gratification with the trifles we presented him individually, 
and our solicitude in explaining some plates of botanical and 
natural history, which he sends for frequently. 

On Monday we had a public audience before the Captains, 
(whose ill-will has been acknowledged,) when two messengers were 
ordered lo accompany one of ours to Cape Coast, with the letters 
to the Governor, and were impressively sworn ; they received their 
instructions in a speech from the linguist of nearly two hours ; it 
seemed to be intended to conciliate the Captains at the same time. 
In the afternoon the King sent for us again, and said he wished 
to dictate a letter to the Governor. Mr. James wrote the sense of 
the King's expressions, but was obliged to leave off from indispo- 
sition. The King would not trust it out of his hands. Yesterday 
evening it was concluded, when the King proposed to make his 
mark, and insisted on repeating it in the direction. We have taken 
the pains to preserve this curious letter verbatim, which from its 
length, and our constant interruption, we are compelled to reserve 
with many curious particulars for the General Report. 

We are anxiously waiting a summons to hand our dispatches to 
the messenger. Nine days are allowed for the journey to Cape 
Coast, and nine for the return. The whole time has been gradually 
extended, by intreaty of the Fantee messengers, from eighteen to 
thirty days. 

Mr. Hutchison is ill with a bilious attack, and several of the 
people with a fever and dysentery. The heat is veiy powerful 


here, but Mr. Bowdich and Mr. Tedlie continue in excellent 

We would recommend the sending up a common green silk 
umbrella, and a Company's dirk, as presents to the King's favou- 
rite nephew. 

Our confinement to the house is rather irksome ; we are not ' 
allowed to walk in the town without Captains accompanying us. 

12 o'clock. The King sent to say Mr. Bowdich must come to 
the palace, and mount the chief captain's horse, and shew him 
how Englishmen ride. Mr. Bowdich went, and by the King's 
desire gallopped up and down the opposite hill. The King ex- 
pressed great anxiety when the horse was made to play his tricks ; 
and when Mr. Bowdich persevered, and made him gallop back 
and- alighted, the King sent him word that " he rode like a proper 
man, that he stayed on the horse well, and made him do proper." 

4 o'clock. The King sent for us at two, to make some additions 
to the letter, and to seal it in his presence. A long prayer was 
uttered by a Moor after the sealing of the letter, and we were 
called back to be again impressed with the example and justice of 
the Dutch as regards the books. Mr. Hutchison's illness pre- 
vented his attendance to day. The messengers are to go to night. 

May 29th, 3 p. m. The messengers and the Fantee bearers, 
have been delayed in consequence of the death of a person of 
rank, and their assistance in the custom. I am now assured that 
they will leave Coomassie at 4 o'clock. 

In reply to the request we urged to Mr. James, that he would 
dismiss our hammock men, as they had been of so little service to 
us in coming up, and were a considerable expense ; he impressed 
that it would be contrary to your instructions. 

Only one message from the King to day, and that a private one 
to Mr. Bowdich, with permission for him to ride : he went all 


round the town, which he considers to be about three miles in 
circumference: the King afterwards sent him word, that to-morrow 
he must ride on a cloth only, as he had heard the English did. 

We are, &c. &c. 
(Signed) T. E. BOWDICH. 


P. S. Mr. James had a severe relapse of fever last night, and 
was very ill this morning ; at 10 o'clock a. m. he had the cold 
bath, and some febrifuge medicine. Mr. Hutchison is rather 
better, the soldiers also, but the hammock men continue much the 

Sai Tootoo Quamina, King of Ashantee and its Dependencies, 
to John Hope Smith, Esquire, Governor in Chief of the British 
.i. Settlements on the Gold Coast of Africa. 

The King sends his compliments to the Governor, he thanks the 
King of England and him very much for the presents sent to him, 
he thinks them very handsome. The King's sisters and all his 
friends have seen them, and think them very handsome, and thank 
him. The King thanks his God and his fetish that he made the 
Governor send the white men's faces for him to see, like he does 
now; he likes the English very much, and the Governor all the same 
as his brother 

The King of England has made war against all the other white 
people a long time, and killed all the people all about, and taken 
all the towns, French, Dutch, and Danish, all the towns, all about. 
The King of Ashantee has made Avar against all the people of the 
water side, and all the black men all about, and taken all their 

When the King of England takes a French town, he says. 


" come, all this is mine, bring all your books, and give me all 
your pay," and if they don't do it, does the Governor think the 
King of England likes it ? * So the King has beat the Fantees now 
two times, and taken all their towns, and they send and say to him, 
you are a great King, we want to serve you ; but he says. Hah ! 
you want to serve me, then bring all your books, what you get 
from the forts, and then they send him four ackies, this vexes him 
too much. 

The first time he made war against the Fantees, two great men 
in Assin quarrelled, so half the people came to Ashantee, half went 
to Fan tee. The King said, what is the reason of this, so he sent 
his gold swords and canes to know why they did so, and the 
Fantees killed his messengers and took all their gold.f- After they 
fought with the Elminas and Accras, the Fantees sent word to the 
King they would serve him ; the King sent word to the Assins, if 
it is true that the Fantees want to serve me, let me hear ; after that 
they sent to say yes ! they tired of fighting, and wanted to serve 
him, he said, well, give me some gold, what you get from the 
books, and then you shall hear what palaver I have got in my 
head, and Ave can be friends; then he sent some messengers, and 
after they waited more than two years, the Fantees sent word back, 
no ! we don't want to serve the King, but only to make the path 
open and get good trade : this vexed the King too much. 

Then the Fantees sent to a strong man, Cudjoe Coomah, and 

* This is an extraordinary impression, that all the towns in Europe are supported 
like those under the forts, holding notes from their governments for annual stipends. 

•f- Here the King's linguist ceased, and by his desire requested us to repeat 'all the 
King had said, he was much pleased with our accuracy, and begged us to take some 
refreshment, (spirits and palm wine were introduced in silver bowls) fearing he had kept 
us too long without eating, and would continue the letter to-morrow. He locked up 
what had been written, and heard it read again the next day, before his linguists con- 


said, " coine, let us put our heads together against the King ;" after 
that, when the King heard this, he sent one, not a great man, but 
his own shive, and said, well you will do, go kill all the people, 
all the Aquapims, and Akims, and all ; and so he killed all, and 
after he killed all he came and told him. 

When he sent against Akim, the people in Akim sent word, that 
they told their head men not to vex the King, but they would not 
mind them, so he killed the head people, and the others begged 
his pardon. 

When the King went to fight with the Fantees they sent this 
saucy word — we will kill you and your people, and stand on 
you; then they did not kill one Ashantee captain, but the King 
killed all the Fantee captains and people. They do not stand 
on him. 

• That time, after the King fought, all the Fantees sent word, Avell 
we will serve you, but you must not send more harm to hurt us, 
we don't want to fight more, but to make good friends with you. 
Then the King said, what caboceer lives at Cape Coast and 
Annaniaboe, what books they get from the forts, let them send 
all, and then we can be friends. And the King sent word too, if 
my messengers go to Cape Coast fort, and if they bring pots 
of gold, and casks of goods, then I can't take that, but I must 
have the books. 

After that the King sent word to the Governor of Cape Coast 
and the Governor of Annamaboe, well ! you know I have killed 
all the Fantees, and I must have Adocoo's and Amooney's books, 
and I can make friends with you, good brother and good heart ; 
but now they send four ackies, that is what makes the King's heart 
break out when he looks on the book and thinks of four ackies, 
and his captains swear that the Fantees are rogues and want to 
cheat him. When the white men see the Fantees do this, and the 


English officers bring him this four ackies, it makes him get up 
very angry, but he has no palaver with white men. 

All Fantee is his, all the black mans country is his ; he hears that 
white men bring all the things that come here ; he wonders they 
do not fight with the Fantees, for he knows they cheat them. Now 
he sees white men, and he thanks God and his fetish for it. 

When the English made Apollonia fort he fought with the 
Aowins, the masters of that country, and killed them ; then he said 
to the caboceer, I have killed all your people, your book is mine ; 
the caboceer said, true ! so long as you take my town, the book 
belongs to you. 

He went to Dankara and fought, and killed the people, then he 
said ; give me the book you get from Elmina, so they did, and 
now Elmina belongs to him.* 

The English fort at Accra gave a book to an Akim caboceer, 
called Aboigin Adjumawcon. The King killed him and took the 
book. The Dutch fort gave a book to another Akim caboceer, 
Curry Curry Apam. The Danish fort gave a book to another 
Akim caboceer, ArraAva Akim ; the King killed all and took their 

This King, Sai, is young on the stool, but he keeps always in 
his head what old men say, for it is good, and his great men and 
linguists tell it him every morning. The King of England makes 
three great men, and sends one to Cape Coast, one to Annamaboe, 
and one to Accra ; Cape Coast is the same as England. The King- 
gets two ounces from Accra every moon, and the English wish to 
give him only four ackies for the big fort at Cape Coast, and the 
same for Annamboe ; do white men think this proper ? 

When the King killed the Dankara caboceer and got two ounces 
from Elmina, the Dutch Governor said, this is a proper King, we 

* The King always spoke of the acts of all his ancestors as his own. 


shall not play with him, and made the book four ounces. The 
King has killed all the people, and all the forts are his ; he sent his 
captains to see Avhite men, now lie sees them, and thanks God and 
his fetish. If the path was good when the captains went, the King 
would have gone under the forts and seen all the white men. The 
Ashantees take good gold to Cape Coast, but the Fantees mix it ; 
he sent some of his captains like slaves to see, and they saw it ; ten 
handkerchiefs are cut to eight, water is put to rum, and charcoal 
to powder, even for the King ; they cheat him, but he thinks the 
white men give all those things proper to the Fantees. 

The King knows the King of England is his good friend, for he 
has sent him handsome dashes ; lie knows his officers are his good 
friends, for they come to see him. The King wishes the Governor 
to send to Elmina to see what is paid him there, and to write the 
King of England how much, as the English say their nation passes 
the Dutch ; he will see by the books given him by both forts. If 
the King of England does not Hke that, he may send him himself 
what he pleases, and then Sai can take it. 

He thanks the King and Governor for sending four white men 
to see him. The old King wished to see some of them, but the 
Fantees stop it. He is but a young man and sees them, and so 
again he thanks God and his fetish. 

Dated in the presence of, 

T. Edward Bowdich, 

William Hutchison, 

Henry Tedlie. 



■'' Maj 30. Apokoo sent us a present of 30 ackies of gold and 
some fruits. 

June 1. The King sent to desire Mr. Tedlie to bring his instru- 
ments and medicines, and explain their uses to him ; he was 
shrewdly inquisitive, and presented Mr. Tedlie with 6 ackies of 
gold in approbation of his intelligence 

June 4. The King paid us a visit at our quarters, and expressed 
himself highly gratified with some botanical engravings: he said 
white men tried to know so much they would spoil their heads by 
and by. We were allowed to take a walk in the town to day, in 
charge of two captains. We had scarcely passed the palace when 
two men were decapitated for cowardice : three others had been 
executed during the night. 

June 5. Bakkee, to whom our house formerly belonged, had 
been sent the second in command of the army with which Appia 
Danqua invaded Fantee the second time, in pursuit of the Akim 
and Aquapim revolters. Wearied of the procrastination and 
labours of the campaign, he inconsiderately observed to a public 
messenger, that, as the King had declared when he invaded Fantee 
in person, that he would have the head of every Fantee caboceer, 
and yet returned with a part only ; so he could not be expected to 
forego the enjoyment of the riches and luxuries of his home, until 
every revolter was killed. On his return to the capital without 
leave, he was charged with this, and not denying it, was stripped 
of all his property, and hung himself. Aboidwee our present 
house master was raised to Bakkee's stool, or seat in council, to 
which 1700 retainers are attached. 

June 9. The King sent us two sheep and a large quantity of 
fruit; his nephew also sent us a sheep. ,;oa ti; k* rjiirF 

June 11. We Avere invited to attend the King's le\''ee, on the 
Adai custom, and were presented Avith a flask of rum and a fat 



sheep. This walk was a great relief, for the longest court in our 
quarters was not more than 14 feet. , ^^q^ 

June 12. The King sent us a large Hio sheep to look at; it 
measured 4>j feet from the head to the insertion of the tail, which 
Avas two feet long, its height was three feet, and il was covered with 
coarse shaggy hair. ; ri> 

June 13. The King sent for us late at night ; he assured us 
he wished to think well of the English ; and that if Cape Coast 
was not so far off, he should send messengers daily to wish the 
Governor good morning, but the Crambos (Moors) and his great 
men thought we came to do bad, and spy the country ; so he sent 
for us Avhen it was dark, that they might not know it. He h»^ 
only two persons with him. Mr. James was too ill to atterid^:)j/;'j 

n. The King sent a present to our quarters.of,. . ,,, .;. -juiji. 
2 ounces of gold to the officers. troif)*! '^It iff**- n':>«?d 

20 ackies to our people. 
10 ackies to our linguists. 
1 hog, 1 sheep, and a profusion of plantains and oranges. 
This was his reproof of a disgraceful attempt to borrow money of 
him for our subsistence ; of which Mr. Hutchison, Mr. Tedhe, and 
myself, had publicly disclaimed our knowledge and sanction. 
Nothing could be more injurious to our dignity. ol 

18th. Mr. Tedlie having ventured to walk a few yards without 
the town, was arrested by a captain, Avith about 100 followers, 
who detained him in his house Avhilst a message was sent to the 
King, who desiring Mr. Tedlie to be brought before him, enquired 
if he had his small box (compass) in his pocket, and finding he 
had not, affected to reprove the captain severely, for supposing 
either of us could wish to run away, whilst the King Avas our 
friend. After this Ave seldom went out. 

21st. Bundahenna, one of the King's uncles, begged him for 


permission to go and make custom for some relatives whom he 
had lost in the last Fantee war, as he feared their spirits were 
beginning to trouble him. The King subscribed four ounces of 
gold, two ankers of rum, one barrel of powder, and four human 
victims for sacrifice, towards this custom. AVe received a present 
of 11 ackies of gold from Quatchie Quofies household. 

26th. We received a present from a captain called Obossa 
Cudjo, of 10 ackies of gold, and another from Jessinting, of the 
same quantity, a sheep and some plantains. 

28th. The King sent us a large quantity of plantains and 
oranges. Apokoo, one of the four greatest men in the kingdom, 
hearing his mother's sister was dead, killed a slave before his 
house, and proceeded to her croom to sacrifice many more, and 
celebrate her funeral custom; but, when he found, on opening 
her boxes, that the old woman from her dislike of him, had thrown 
almost all her rock gold into the river, and that he should only 
inherit a number of hungry slaves, he sacrificed but one more 
victim, and made but a very mean custom. 

29th. Attended the King's levee, and were presented with a 
flask of rum, and a fat sheep. The King sent us word that he 
would be glad to let us walk out, but there were many bad people 
who would kill us if they could. We were gratified by an invi- 
tation to visit Odumata, one of the four aristocrats ; he begged us 
to drink palm wine with him, and ordered a large jar of it to be 
sent to our servants. He told us he was the first captain who 
fought with the English at Annamaboe ; and that if the books 
were not sent, he would be the first to do so again ; he asked us if 
we \vould take him to England to see our King, and engage to 
brin ; him back again ; for, having sold an immense number of 
captives as slaves, he expected some of them might recognise him, 
and call out to the King of England to stop him, because he had 
sent them out of their own country. 


July 2. A girl was ):)eheacled for insolence to one of the King's 
sons, 'and a man for transgressing the law by picking up gold 
which he had dropped in the public market place, where all that 
falls is allowed to accumulate until the soil is washed on state 

Srd. This morning one of the King's sons (about 10 years of 
age) shot himself : his funeral custom was celebrated in the after- 
noon, and a smart fire of musquetry was kept up until sun-set, 
amidst dancing, singing, and revelry ; two men and one girl were 
sacrificed, and their trunks and heads were left in the market 
place till dark. The mother of this child, a favourite wife of the 
King's, having added crime to a continued perversity of conduct, 
had been put to death ; the boy was banished the King's presence 
from that time. This morning he had stolen into the palace for 
the first time, and the King desiring him to be removed, observing 
that he had, doubtless, as bad a head towards him as his mother 
had shewn ; he replied, that if he could not be allowed to come 
and look at his father, he had better die; half an hour afterwards 
he destroyed himself privately, by directing a blunderbuss into 
his mouth, and discharging it with his foot. The keeper of the 
royal cemetry was this day imprisoned. His wife was soon after 
charged by the council with making fetish to turn the King's 
head ; she replied that it meant no more than to make the King 
think better of her husband ; but they insisted that she invoked 
the Fetish to make the King mad, and she was executed. 

5th. A loud shout from our people announced the return of the 
messengers from Cape Coast Castle, after an absence of thirty- 
eight days. 



Proceedings and Incidents until the Third Dispatch to Cape Coast 


Cape Coast Castle, June 21, 181 7. 


JVIr. James being ordered to return here as soon as possible, will 
deliver you his instructions, and 3'ou will immediately on receipt 
of this letter, take upon yourself the management of the Mission. 
I have every reliance on your prudence and discretion, and still 
firmly hope that the termination of the Embassy will be attended 
with success, and that the sanguine expectations which we have 
entertained as to the result of it, will not be disappointed. 

The King has received a very erroneous impression of the affair 
of the Fantee notes, which I regret to hear was the cause of a 
serious disturbance : I am glad however to find that by your 
prompt mode of conduct, you were in some measure able to repress 
the unfavourable bias it seems to have occasioned, and I have no 
doubt that an explanation of the circumstance will effectually 
remove any remaining prejudice. This transaction was entirely 
between the Ashantee messengers and Fantees, negociated, and 
determined on by them at Abrah, and afterwards ratified here by 
their mutual consent. Hearing that messengers from the King 
were at yVbrah, I invited them down, wishing through their medium 
to communicate with him concerning the conveyance of the pre- 


sents I had received from the Committee. After some delay they 
arrived, and on their first interview made known their errand to 
the Fantees, and the manner it had been arranged, applying at the 
same time for two notes to be made out in favour of Zey, at four 
ackies each, which were to be deducted from the notes of Amooney 
and Aduecoe ; not being perfectly satisfied from the representation 
of these people as to the justness of the claim, I delayed comply- 
ing until it Avas stated to be a pledge of good faith and allegiance 
on the part of the Fantees, and a confirmation of the final adjust- 
ment of all differences between the two parties, and as such they 
were given them. The nature of the claim having been fully and 
satisfactorily explained, I have no hesitation in complying with the 
wishes of the King; and this I do the more readily, knowing that 
by the extension of his authority, good order and subjection will be 
better preserved. 

This will, I hope, evince to the King my friendly intention 
towards him; and you will impress upon his mind, that it is my 
earnest desire to cultivate his friendship, the establishment of which 
will be mutually beneficial ; and in order that the union betweeri 
us may be more closely cemented, I am particularly desirous that 
Mr. Hutchison be permitted to reside at Ashantee, which will be 
the means of preventing any interruption to the good understanding 
which, before you leave, will, I hope, be firmly settled. 

I have no objection to you returning b}' way of Warsaw, but 
your undertaking the journey on foot, I am apprehensive, you will 
find too fatiguing. The hammock-men are engaged for the trip, 
therefore the only additional expense will be their subsistence ; I 
however leave it to you to dismiss them or not. 

The Accra linguist being so very useful, and the only man who 
will interpret faithfully, you will retain him until you return. 

I have sent you, by the King's messenger, 40 oz. of gold to defray 


your expenses ; should any loan have been granted by the King, 
you will of course repay him. 

I send you a piece of muslin and 10 danes for presents to the 
Moors, whose friendship it will be highly necessary to conciliate. 
I have also at your request, sent a dirk and umbrella, intended for 
the King's chief captain and his favourite nephew. 

Quamina, the Ashantee captain at Abrah, has refused to allow 
any letters to pass that place which may be given in charge to 
Ashantee traders, on the plea that by so doing he would incur 
the displeasure of the King ; who, he says, expects that especial 
messengers will be engaged here to proceed with all letters to the 
capital. Not long ago a trader who had received a letter, was 
detained by him at Abrah, and the letter returned. The expense 
of employing messengers here on every occasion Mould be material, 
which is quite unnecessary, as opportunities almost daily occur for 
forwarding letters by the different traders going from hence. I 
therefore hope your representation of this affair to the King, will 
induce him to countermand his orders to Quamina, if any such 
have been given him. 

I am. Sir, 

your most obedient Servant, 


To Thomas Edward Bowdich, Esq. 


John Hope Smith, Esquire, Governor in Chief of the British 
Forts and Settlements on the Gold Coast of Africa, to Sai Tootoo 
QuAMiNA, King of Ashantee. 


I HAVE received your letter of the 26th ult. and am happy to find 
that you are sincerely desirous of cultivating the friendship of the 
British nation. Both inclination and duty urge me to reciprocate 
the sentiments expressed by you, and I shall be anxious at all 
times to promote the harmony and good understanding which, I 
hope, will now be established between us respectively, and which 
cannot fail to be mutually advantageous. 

I regret to find there has been so much trouble about the Fantee 
notes, and I am sorry you did not apply to me in the first instance, 
as the affair should have been settled immediately to your satisfac- 
tion ; but I knew not of it, except from the Fantees having begged 
me to take four ackies per month from each note, which they said 
they had agreed for with your messengers at Abrah. 

I observe by the many instances qvioted in your letter, that the 
notes of conquered countries have been transferred to your ances- 
tors, therefore it shall be the same on the present occasion. Here- 
with I send you two notes, one for two oz. per month, formerly 
held by Amooney, also one from the caboceer at Abrah for two oz. 
the latter was only 12 ackies per month, and I have added 1 oz. 4 
to it. These, and the notes you hold from Accra, will make your 
Company's pay six oz. per month, which shall be regularly paid 
at the Castle. 

I hope my ready compliance with your wishes will convince you 
of the good will of the British nation, but I have every reason to 
believe that attempts have been made to prejudice you against it, 


however your own good understanding will readily suggest to you 
that the only motive is jealousy in trade. 

The conduct of the English you will always find very different; 
they enter into fair competition with the other European residents 
here, but they never, by clandestine means or false assertions, 
endeavour to injure their character with the natives of this country. 

I have learned wilh regret that the people of Elinina are using 
their influence to induce you to make a palaver with the Com- 
mendas. They are a mere handful of people, extremely poor and 
not worth your notice ; besides they are under my protection, 
therefore I hope you will not think further of the affair, and I shall 
consider your comphance in this instance, as the greatest possible 
proof of the sincerity of your intentions towards the English. 

I wish you health and happiness, and I hope you will reign 
many years, enjoying the love of your subjects, and the respect of 
all the Europeans resident in this country. 

I am, Sir, 

your faithful friend, 

(Signed) J. H. SMITH. 

€ape Coast Castle, 20th June, 18 1 7- 

P. S. The abolition of the slave trade was an act of the King 
and the Parliament in England, in which the government in this 
country had no concern. 


*-' ■/ 

Coomassie, July 9, ISl/- 

To John Hope Smith, Esq. Governor in Chief, &c. &c. &c. 

The messengers returned on Saturday the 5th instant. 

To be confirmed by your approbation, in the opinion that my 
zeal for the public good had not exceeded my duty, is a most 
flattering satisfaction. The appointment you have conferred on 
me, is an acknowledgment so far transcending m}' conduct, that 
it must stimulate eyery ability to exert itself for the success of the 
Mission, to justify such an honourable distinction. 

The box containing the letters was opened in the King's pre- 
sence, but being engaged in a custom on the death of a son, he 
deferred the reading of your letter, retaining it Avith the notes. His 
acknoAvledgments of your justice were associated with the decla- 
ration, that, although you had sent him the notes, still, if I could 
not fortify him with the prices of the various articles to be received 
in payment, you would have it in your power (though he did not 
suspect you) to reduce the intrinsic of the whole, to that of the 
moiety rejected. The proposition of the same prices as those 
attached to the Accra note, was annihilated by the argument, that 
Accra was a small fort, and not like Cape Coast or Elmina. So 
much stress was laid on the instance of the latter, that I felt called 
upon to declare, as the onl^^ striking conviction, that you did not 
wish, in the payment of these notes, to treat the King like a trader, 
and therefore would not allow the Elmina Governor to act more 
liberally in prices than yourself: the conviction was entire and 

The next audience did not take place until Monday, Mr. James 
being present. I did justice to the utmost of my ability to your 
impressive letter ; the effect was honourable to you, and encou- 


raging to myself; the King ordered me to take his hand, in his 
sensibiHty to the strong appeal of the several paragraphs, and again 
at the conclusion, as a pledge of his cordial satisfaction of the 
whole ; his linguist followed his example, (as did the whole council) 
when he laid his fore-finger on his head and breast, as the invoca- 
tion to Heaven for the vouchsafement of your several good wishes, 
as I concluded with them. I was reluctantly compelled to yield 
a minor object to a custom consecrated by their constitution. The 
laws of the three first Kings (who were brothers, and cotemporary 
leaders of the colony, Avhose conquests established the Empire) are 
sacred ; and it was a law of Sai Cudjo, the younger brother, and 
the grandfather of the present King, which granted to particular 
captains the honourable patent of receiving the pay of small forts, 
distinctly, each being responsible for his separate duties to his 
settlement. If this law were not inviolable, the King pleads, that it 
would be an invidious act, and unjust to the merits of the Captain 
of English Accra, (Asquah Amanquah) to remove the payment of 
the Accra note to Cape Coast ; but as the other appointments 
originate in him, he will respect your wish, by constituting one 
captain to receive both the Abra and Annamaboe notes at Cape 
Coast. He enquired if it was your wish that no Ashantee trader 
should go to Accra? 1 replied no! you were only desirous to 
induce as many as possible to come to Cape Coast. 

The Cape Coast linguists, and our guide, Quamina Bwa, con- 
firmed your report of the conduct of Quamina Bootaqua, the 
captain now at Payntree, in the negociation of the notes; it excited 
the greatest surprise and indignation ; his interception of letters 
was disclaimed, and will be done away with. I submitted to the 
King, on retiring, that in my next audience, 1 should be desirous 
of declaring the purport of the official instructions transferred to 
me (which had not been yet avowed) with other credentials, 


explanatory and impressive of the good wishes and intentions of 
the Government, the Committee, and yourself. I was favoured 
with my first separate audience at 8 o^clock this morning. I first 
impressed from the dispatches of the Committee, every motive and 
sentiment that was convicting or imposing ; urging your waving 
the hostages and escort, as the demonstration of your confidence 
in the King's honour and friendship ; and insinuating that the 
establishment of a school at Cape Coast, was solely in anticipation 
of the King's committing some of his children to your care for 
education, as the foundation of the pre-eminence of Europeans. I 
then passed to your instructions, rendering them in a manner as 
persuasive and auspicious as possible ; associating in favour of the 
Residency, the commanding motive of facilitating political interests, 
with the imposing one of securing justice to the Ashantee traders. 
Lastly, I introduced the Treaty, as a pledge from the King to give 
force to your application to the Government at home, for the 
increase of his pay ; for, as he continued to dwell on the grant of 
4 ounces from Elmina, I availed myself of this liberty of my 
instructions, to divert the impression, and to propitiate his ratifi- 
cation of the Treaty. I considered the pretence of your being 
obliged to address the British Government on the subject, as 
preservative of the opportunity of judging of the sincerity of his 
professions, and of the duration of the union. 

I think I may pledge myself for three great pillars of our com- 
-mercial intercourse, by the accomplishment of the Residency, the 
Education, and the Treaty. 

I reconcile myself to fresh difficulties by the reflection that they 
are inseparable from all great political views ; and that without 
them, I should be deprived of the satisiaction of proving myself, 
in a small degree, worthy this confidence and distinction, by 
patience and perseverance. A letter accompanies this, written in 


the King's presence, on the subject of the Commenda palaver, 
which wears so decided an aspect, that whilst I pledge all my 
energy and address, and look with hope to the aid of your sug- 
gestions, I must candidly confess, I do not think it can be com- 
pounded in any thing like a reasonable way. I appealed to the 
King's magnanimity, and depicted the poverty of the Commendas, 
but every appeal and every argument was ineffectual ; their 
aggravated offences admit of no amelioration of the King's feelings. 
I depreciated the plea of General Daendels' repeated messages, 
by submitting that they were addressed to the Town, and not to 
the Fort, and I succeeded in retiring him from the negociation, as 
an interference inconsistent with your dignity, and the present 
good understanding. 

I did not discourage the King's great anxiety for clothes of the 
English costume, considering that his example would be more 
auspicious than any thing else, to the introduction of these manu- 
factures. I have distributed the muslins, &c. as politically as 
possible, including with the Moors of repute, the aristocracy, or 
four captains controuling the King, his four linguists, his brother 
and successor, our housemaster, and some other captains of supe- 
rior influence. I made a point of conciliating a Moor of influence, 
about to return through Sallagha or Sarem (the capital of the 
Inta country, and the grand emporium of the merchandize of the 
interior) to Houssa, feeling the policy of communicating every 
favourable impression to the neighbouring kingdoms. In my 
second interview I obtained permission from the King to dismiss 
the remaining Fantees. It was one of the first considerations, for 
the sake of our dignity, to avoid the humiliating circumstances and 
impressions, which have ensued from the want of foresight, and 
the consequent inabihty to meet the demands of our people. ' 
Their conduct since has been so mutinous and insulting, with the 


exception of six, that to preserve the impression of the firmness of 
an Enghsh officer, I secured one who encouraged tlie others, by 
persisting in some insulting indecencies, in contempt of my remon- 
strances, and ordered him to be punished. 

The others (with the above exception) having refused in a body, 
aggravating their disobedience with the grossest insolence, to go 
with a cane to Payntree, and bring the biscuit which had been 
deserted there ; I have disclaimed them, and left them to act for 
themselves, only securing them the King's permission to depart. 

I shall request the King to furnish me with his own people, on 
the conclusion of the business of the Embassy. Such an arrange- 
ment favours ceconomy, and impresses the confidence I afl'ect. 

The frequent presents had enabled me to present the Fantees 
with large supplies of plantains and hogs ; and on paying them 
their arrears, which I did the same evening I received your gold, 
I gave them a bullock which fell to my share in a division with 
Mr. James. 

You will see by the balance of the annexed account, that (pre- 
serving our dignity) every expense should be avoided that can he'> 
and I assure you, that in making the present arrangement for 
bearers for our baggage only, I do not disregard your solicitude for 
our health. I shall order one Cape Coast messenger to attend Mr. 
James, and also the bearers left behind, being sufficiently recovered. 

The statistical and scientific desiderata so impressively recom- 
mended to my attention, are daily realising beyond my expecta- 
tions. Mr. Tedlie has had a severe attack of fever and dysentery, 
but is convalescent : Mr. Hutchison and myself are in perfect 


I am, with respect. Sir, 

Your most obedient Servant, 



Sai Tootoo Quamixa, King of Ashantee and its Dependencies, to 

John Hope ISmitii, Esquire, Governor in Chief of the British 

Settlements on the Geld Coast of Africa. 
The Commenda palaver now rests with you and the King of 
Ashantee only, the Dutch Governor has no more to do with it, so 
the King recals the captain sent to him, and sends a proper 
messenger to treat with you individually. 

The conduct and messages of the Commendas have been so 
irritating and insolent to the King, that nothing but believing you 
to be his good friend, could induce him to treat at all with them, 
or do any thing but kill them ; but for your sake, he will settle the 
palaver, and you must help him proj)erly. 

The King wants to begin the union without any palaver remain- 
ing, and as this Commenda palaver is the only one, it must be 
settled, and if you do this, he will take care the Elminas shall not 
do wrong to the Fan tees, but he will help you in all your palavers. 

The Elminas are always sending him messages about the insult- 
ing conduct and expressions of the Commendas towards him, and 
this is very vexatious to him, so he wishes to put an end to it with 
your help. 

Adoo Bradie, his favorite nephew, the son of the former King 
Sai Quamina, is sent with a proper captain, Quantree, to help you 
settle the palaver. 

Two thousand ounces is the demand. 

The origin of the palaver is, that after the King returned from 
his own campaign against the Fantees, the Commendas went to the 
Elminas and said, " well, you help'd the King, and now he is gone 
back we will fight for it." 

Again, when a war was about to take place between the Cape 
Coast people and the Elminas, the Commendas went to the latter 
and said, well, Ave will help you if you will give us plenty of 


powder to fight for you : they did so, and immediately the Com- 
mendas used it to seize 98 Elminas, and sold them as slaves — this 
the King thinks you will say is very bad. 

The Cape Coast people and the Fantees having joined against 
the Elminas, they sent to tell the King, stating, when he demanded 
the reason, that it was because they had not resisted him when he 
came down against the Fantees; adding, that the Commendas, 
who were their natural allies before, had now joined their enemies, 
and begging the King to revenge this act of perfidy. The King 
much angered, immediately sent a captain for the purpose of their 
destruction (Yaquokroko,) but the Dutch governor sent to him, 
and then sent to the King to beg him to stop, because the English 
and Dutch being one, it would put shame on his face. 

Col. Torrane by giving up Cheeboo, induced the King to con- 
sider the Cape Coast people as his friends, and they took fetish 
accordingly, but their joining the Fantees afterwards to fight 
against Elmina for assisting the King, has made him distrust 
them always since. 

He considers his favourite nephew as the adopted son of Col. 
Torrane, to whom he gave him, and the Colonel gave him English 
clothes, so he is all the same as a Cape Coast Boy. 

Col. Torrane being dead, he considers his nephew to stand in 
the same relation to you, and that he is therefore the proper 
messenger to send to you about this palaver. 

You must Avrite in your great book, that the King is your good 
friend, that he likes you too much, that he thanks God very much, 
so that every future Governor may read that in the Cape Coast 

The mark X of Sai Tootoo, King of Ashantee, 

Present. Per T. E. Bqwdich. 

Wm. Hutchison. 
Henry Tedlie. 
Coomassie, July 9th, 1817. 


Coomassie, July \2th, 1817- 

John Hope Smith, Esquire, Governor in Chief, &c. &c. 

I AM just returned from reading your letter to the King, and 
extracts from that to myself, before the assembly of the captains : 
the effect was satisfactory ; and Quamina Bootaqua is ordered up 
to answer for his conduct. The King enquired if the pay now due 
on the two notes would be liquidated on application ; I repUed, 
immediately ; he is anxious for it, on account of the approaching 
yam custom. 

I am, &c. 

I will not continue to copy the rude diary before submitted, it is 
only a register of dull or disgusting circumstances, illnesses, human 
sacrifices, and ceremonious visits. I would not anticipate the 
better arrangement of my reports, or break the thread of the cor- 
respondence on the political difficulties opposed to the Mission. I 
will abridge some passages of my diary, merely to give an idea of 
the nature of our conversations, ana the biography of the leading 
men. Mr. Hutchison has sent me copious extracts from his diary, 
as Resident, his leisure and tranquillity having afforded him better 
opportunities of social intercourse and domestic observation, than 
I had, or could afford time to cultivate, without neglecting my 
reports. I shall adjoin these extracts, e.vpecting they will contribute 
to the rational entertainment of the public, and to the credit of an 
active and intelligent officer. 

A captain called Asofoo, sent us a present of seven ackies of 



gold, and we also received twelve from Amanquate'a, and three 
from our house master. On the 9th of July the King sent us ten 
ackies of gold, and repeated his satisfaction of the result of the late 
correspondence, and daily presents of meat and fruits from various 
quarters, evinced the better opinion of his chiefs. 

I paid my first private visit to Baba the chief Moor, and took 
some pens, paper, ink, and pencils with me as a present ; the paper 
and pencils were much esteemed, but he preferred his reed and 
vegetable ink. He received me courteously, and was contemplat- 
ing a curiously intricate figure like a horoscope ; the ms. was filled 
with them ; he laid his finger on it, and said, if you have any hard 
palaver, this can make me settle it for you when no other person 
can ; or if you have any dear friend in England you wish to see, 
tell me the name, and this shall bring him to you. I thanked him, 
observing, that when Englishmen knew their palaver was right, 
they always left it to God, and that England was too good a place 
for me to wish any one I regarded to leave it. His disciples and 
pupils were writing on wooden boards, like those Mr. Park de- 
scribes. When a charm Avas applied for, one of the oldest wrote 
the body of it, and gave it to Baba, who added a sort of cabalistical 
mark, and gave it a mysterious fold ; the credulous native snatched 
it eagerly as it Avas held out to him, paid the gold, and hurried 
away to enclose it in the richest case he could afford. I had a 
long conversation Avith Baba, and he begged me to visit him fre- 
quently ; he Avas much gratified Avith the specimens of African 
Arabic at the end of Mr. Jackson's Avork, and read them fluently. 
I visited him the next day, Avhen he sent hastily for a Moor, Avho 
he told me Avas very learned, and just come from Timbuctoo. 
This man expressing no surprise Avhen he first saAv me, Baba 
explained it, by telling me, spontaneously, that this Moor had seen 
three white men before, at Boussa. I eagerly enquired the parti- 


culars of the novelty, and they were again repeated to Baba, and 
were thus interpreted : " that some years ago, a vessel with masts, 
suddenly appeared on the QuoUa or Niger near Boussa, with three 
white men, and some black. The natives encouraged by these 
strange men, took off provisions for sale, were well paid and re- 
ceived presents besides: it seems the vessel had anchored. The 
next day, perceiving the vessel going on, the natives hurried after 
her, (the Moor protested from their anxiety to save her from some 
sunken rocks, with which the Quolla abounds) but the white men 
mistaking, and thinking they pursued for a bad purpose, deterred 
them. The vessel soon after struck, the men jumped into the water 
and tried to swim, but could not, for the current, and were 
drowned. He thought some of their clothes were now at Wauwaw, 
but he did not believe there were any books or papers/^ This 
spontaneous narrative, so artlessly told, made a powerful impres- 
sion on my mind. I saw the man frequently afterwards, his 
manners were very mild, and he never asked me for the most 
trifling present. He drew me a chart before he went away, and 1 
dispatched some certificates for Major Peddie by him, endorsed 
with Baba's recommendations. I heard exactly the same thing 
afterwards from another Moor, but he had not been an eye wit- 
ness. I begged Mr. Hutchison, when I left Coomassie, to note 
any other report on the subject of Mr. Park's death, and he after- 
Avards sent me the ms. a translation of which is in the appendix. 
I continued to call on Baba three or four times a week ; these 
visits afforded much information, for at each I found strange Moors 
just arrived from different parts of the interior, sojourning with 
him. They always affected to deplore the ignorance of the Ashan- 
tees, and presumed it must b# as irksome to me as to them. Baba 
telling one that I could speak different languages, he said that he 
would try me, and addressed me in several, all very uncouth to my ear. 


and their names even unintelligible, except one, which he called 
Hindee or Hindoo; neither had I heard of any of the great cities 
he enumerated, until at last he pronounced Room (Rome) and 
said, if I did not know that I was not a Christian. I never saw the 
Shereef Brahima (to whom I was introduced about this time by a 
Jenne Moor) at Baba's, they did not appear to be on terms ; I 
think the latter was envious of the greater learning and intelligence 
of the former, who had been to Mecca and Medina. One day I 
requested Baba to draw me a map of the world, he did so, encir- 
cling one large continent Avith a sea, bounded by a girdle of rocks. 
Old Odumata's notion of geography was as strange ; for he men- 
tioned one day, that when on the coast above Apollonia, he had an 
idea of walking to England, for he was toid he should reach 
Santonee (Portugal) in 30 days, and that after that, the path was 
very good. He greatly enjoyed our singeing the hair of a foppish 
attendant of his, with a burning glass ; the man's amazement was 
inconceivable, Mr. Hutchison was at some distance, and not 

We were now permitted to walk four or five miles beyond the 
city, and felt quite at home. We seldom went out in the morning, 
lest an occasion for an audience should occur. Apokoo and 
several other daily visitors diverted us with their anecdotes, and in 
the afternoon we made our round of calls. Apokoo was always 
facetious, and looked with much anxiety for our entry, as his 
greatest recreation ; he was very desirous of learning tennis and 
sparring, and daily made some essays, so comical, that neither we 
nor his attendants could contain ourselves. Apokoo became very 
communicative of Ashantee politics, and asked innumerable ques- 
tions about England ; particularly, why the King of England did 
not send one of his own sons to the King of Ashantee, with the 
presents, and why so great a King sent such a small force to Africa. 


The Spanish campaign was gone through, again and again, and 
never tired him. He gave us an excellent dinner,, as did Odumata 
repeatedly. Both were extravagantly enraptured with the miniature 
of an English female, and called all their wives to look at it. 

Having been advised by a note from the Governor, of the 
arrival of an Ashantee boy and girl at Cape Coast Castle, sent by 
the King Avithout any explanation, I desired an audience on the 
subject, and forwarded the following letter, which also communi- 
cates the baseness of one of the King's messengers, just returned 
from the Coast, and other inauspicious circumstances. 

Coomassie, \Qith Aug. 1817- 

John Hope Smith, Esq. Governor in Chief, &c. &c. &c. 

The King has explained to me that he sent the boy and girl you 
mention to have arrived at Cape Coast, to become the property of 
the Committee or Government, conceiving it to be obhgatory on 
him, in justification of his possession of the notes, to allow an 
Ashantee family to rear itself under the Governor's protection, for 
the service of the Settlement, and as an acknowledgment of the 
duties he owes it. He begs me to observe that he put the same 
plates of gold around their necks which distinguish the royal 

1 had reason to believe, from a coolness and some invidious 
comparisons on the part of the King, that the messenger lately 
arrived, Ocianameah, who was so particularly recommended to 
your favour, had been unjust in his report of the treatment he had 
experienced. I did not hesitate to avow my impression to the 
King, having solicited an audience for the purpose. The King 


confessed he had felt his private feehngs hurt ever since the return 
of that messenger, having received his assurance, that you would 
scarcely admit him to your presence ; that he received no present 
or compliment from you, and was wholly neglected during his 
stay at head quarters. I instantly pledged my honour to the King 
that Ocranameah (who was present) was guilty of falsehood and 
ingratitude, adding, that I was not prepared to confront him with 
the particulars of the presents he received from you and the 
officers ; though I was positive, from private letters, as well as my 
own conviction, that you had not slighted the opportunity of evinc- 
ing your private friendship for the King ; and as I might possibly 
identify some trifle, I wished the King to allow a search to be 
made. On the messenger's box being sent for and opened, two 
engravings appeared, to the surprise of the King, and which I 
recognised ; but as the messenger still persists in your entire neglect 
of him, and of his not having received any present or compliment 
worth mentioning, I must trouble you for the particulars of his 
treatment at Cape Coast Castle, for the entire conviction of the 
King. The King expressed his suspicion (founded on reports) 
that many Ashantees imposed on your generosity, by introducing 
themselves as attached to him in various capacities ; and hoped 
that you would only listen in future to such as he recommended to 
your notice by letter, which his three messengers above had been ; 
the second (Ocranameah) the more particularly, and that recollec- 
tion had made him so sensible of the nealect. You will resret, 
with myself, that this inauspicious circumstance has been un- 

The recent intelligence respecting the Buntooko war, has imposed 
serious anxiety, in the place of the King's former confidence. The 
revolt of that people, as may be expected in all revolts from arbi- 
trary controul, has gradually induced the secessions of some other 


tributaries ; and the King feels called upon by these unexpected 
difficulties, to conduct the war in person ; not with his former 
expectation of witnessing their rapid subjugation, but from his 
present conviction of the necessity for every stimulus and energy. 
His precaution has dictated some popular acts, ameliorating the 
condition of the lower order of his subjects. The confidential 
ministers have been instructed to hint to me, that it Avould be 
indiscreet in the King to expose even his temporary reverses in an 
arduous war, by the residence of a British officer; and that he 
would most probably defer that part of the mutual wish, until the 
contest was terminated. I used the same medium to impress upon 
the King, that such a feeling towards the delegate of a friendly 
power was misplaced ; that you had expedited his ex-parte views 
in the confidence of his consummation of the reciprocal objects of 
the Mission, without which (as they had been instituted for his 
benefit and aggrandisement) I could not think of returning ; since 
a protraction would be construed into a slight of the friendly 
overtures of the British Government, which (from its dignity and 
pre-eminence in Europe) could not be vouchsafed whenever they 
might be solicited. 

1 anxiously await your communications on the Commenda 
palaver, to further my exertions for the full accomplishment of the 
Mission. The King and his Council labour under so much anxiety 
and business at the present moment, that though we pay and 
receive visits of ceremony, it is almost impossible to effect an 
audience, but on the receipt of dispatches. 

I am, tScc. &c. 



The most entertaining delassement of our conversations with the 
chiefs, was, to introduce the liberty of English females ; whom we 
represented, not only to possess the advantage of enjoying the 
sole affection of a husband, but the more enviable privilege of 
choosing that husband for herself. The effect was truly comic, the 
women sidled up to wipe the dust from our shoes with their cloths, 
and at the end of every sentence brushed oft an insect, or picked 
a burr from our trowsers ; the husbands suppressing their dislike 
in a laugh, would put their hands before our mouths, declaring 
they did not want to hear that palaver any more, abruptly change 
the subject to war, and order the women to the harem. 

One of the King's linguists was a very old man, called Quancum; 
he spoke but seldom, 3^et the greatest deference Avas paid to his 
opinion ; the King appeared to consult him more than any otlier. 
I was so much interested by this man's deportment, that I enquired 
his history. He had been the linguist of two former Kings, who 
paid frequent, and large sums of gold, as damages for his intrigues; 
neither had age corrected his fault, until very lately, though the 
present King used the most friendl}- remonstrances ; and urged, 
that from his paying large sums so frequently for him on this 
account, his subjects thought, that he countenanced the depravity. 
Quancum confessed to the King, that his ardour for women was 
perpetuated by the sensual devices of one of his wives. Soon 
afterwards, he was detected in an intrigue with the wife of a 
captain of great consequence, and the King refused to interfere. 
The captain declaring that the punishment of Quancum, and not 
gold, was his object, the King permitted him to be despoiled of 
all his property, even to his bed. The favourite wife was amongst 
the spoil, and the injured captain being much smitten with her, 
assured her of an indulgence and preference, even greater than that 
she had enjoyed with Quancum ; she replied, she must always hate 


him, and intreated to be sold. After much importunity the captain 
agreed to do so, provided she would put him in possession of all 
the presents Quancum had lavished on her; she produced them, 
stipulating, that her son might retain a small sum of gold, which 
Quancum had lately presented to him ; this Avas agreed to, and she 
was immediately sold to a distant caboceer ; but her son followed 
her, and buying her with his little property, presented her again to 
his father. On this, the King gave Quancum a house, and some 
furniture, and takes care to continue small supplies of gold daily, 
adequate to his and this woman's comfort ; having exacted a 
solemn oath from him, that he would devote himself to this one 
wife, and never try to recover any of the others. 

Mr. Tedlie's interesting interview with the King, when he desired 
his attendance to exhibit and explain his surgical instruments, and 
medicines, is best described in his own words. 

" The King sent for me this morning, saying he wished to see 
the medicines, books, and instruments. I went immediately, and 
explained through Quashie, the Accra linguist, the proper use and 
advantage of each instrument: he was very particular in his 
enquiries, and asked if I had performed the operations I described ; 
I assured him that I had, and as a proof, exhibited a piece of bone 
that I had taken out of an Indian black man's head in Ceylon, who 
had been wounded, and who lived. The King held up his hand as a 
mark of approbation, and all his attendants were astonished. I 
applied the instruments first on myself, then on the linguists, after- 
wards on the King's two captains, and lastly on the King : nothing 
could exceed the King's approbation. He then desired me to 
shew him the medicines ; he enquired the virtues and doses of 
each, what time in the day they should be taken, and whether it 
was proper to eat or drink after taking them ? I told him : he 
asked if I would sell them? I said no. I brought these medicines 



for the officers ; I could not sell them, but I would give him as 
much as I could, keeping in view that some of the four officers 
might be sick ; he said that I was right, but he could not help 
coveting the greater part of the medicines ; he viewed them all 
over five or six times, and asked me to give him some of them. 
I did give him as much innocent medicine as I could with pro» 
priety afford ; he thanked me " very much." I then shewed him 
the botanical books ; he was astonished, held up his hand and 
exclaimed hah ! at every brilliant or high coloured plant which he 
saw. All his attendants were closely arranged around : the two 
captains laid hold of a volume each, and were admiring the 
flowers ; when either of them ejaculated an admiration, the King 
would seize it, and ask me what that tree was? After I had told 
him the use of them, I said all these trees grow in England; and 
the reason the English write all these in a book is, that they may 
know which is a good tree, and which is bad. He expressed the 
greatest astonishment at the flax (linum), oak " that we build our 
ships with," poppy " that makes a man sleep," and the sensitive 
plant (mimosa), which he pointed out and described himself. 
During this time he whispered to one of his attendants, who went 
out, and returned in a short time with a bit of cloth containing 9 
ackies of gold ; the King presented it to me ; I accepted it, and 
returned thanks. He then asked me if I would come and see him 
at any time he sent for me ; 1 assured him I would do every thing 
to please him, consistent with my duty. lie shook hands with me 
and went into his house. He returned in a short time, leading his 
sister by the hand, in a manner that would shame many beaux ia 
Europe, saying, " this is the white doctor I told you of; go, and 
take his hand ; you are sick, tell him your complaint, and he will 
do you good : the lady complied with his request. He then said 
" give me that gold I gave you, the cloth is not clean ; I want to 


put it in a clean cloth for you." He then put it in a piece of rich 
silk, and after he returned the gold he said " I like you ; I hke 
all the English very much ; they are a proper people, and I wish- 
to drink health with you/' He retired to his own apartment, and 
returned with a flask of gin, and two servants with a silver vase 
and water and glasses ; he helped himself and me, made a bow 
and said " Sai wishes you good health." I returned the bow, 
saying, I wish good health to the King, and hope he never will 
require any of my medicine : when this was explained to him he 
held out his glass to me, we touched and drank. He then took my 
hand, saying, " If I send my sister to you will you talk with her?" 
I assured him I would talk with and advise all the King's friends 
whenever he wished. After I gave all the medicine I could conve- 
niently part with, he sent for a small Dutch liqueur case; he desired 
10 or 12 of his attendants, and his eunuch, to keep in their heads 
what I said ; and requested me to repeat again the use and dose 
of each medicine I gave him, with the proper time and method of 
using it. I did so. He placed his hand on his head saying " Sai 
recollects what the white doctor says;" then placing the medicines 
in the case himself said " that good for my head, that good for 
my belly, that good for my stomach," &c. One of the King's 
sisters sent a message that she wanted to come and see the white 
gentlemen ; and shortly afterwards arrived with her stool and 
retinue, being head caboceer of a large town. After exchanging 
compliments, she complained that her left hand pained her very 
much. I examined it, but must confess I could not see any thing 
the matter with it ; however I rubbed a little liniment on her hand, 
which seemed to gratify her ; she asked if I would come and see 
her in the evening? I answered yes. Quamina, our Ashantee 
guide, came to conduct me : he said I must dress, put on my 
sword and hat, as this woman was a caboceer, and tlie King's 


sister ; he would carry my umbrella. When I arrived I found the 
princess lying on a mat in one of the inner apartments of the 
house she occupied ; she ordered a stool for me ; I rubbed some 
more liniment on her hand ; she Avished me to stop and drink palm 
wine ; this I declined, alledging the English did not like palm wine 
in the evening, because it is sour." 



Proceedings and Incidents until the Signing of the Preliminaries to a 
General Treats/. 

[The Governor's reply to my communication on the subject of the Commenda 
palaver, reached me on the 27th of August.] ; ,_- Jr^.! , 

Cape Coast Castle, August II, '18\7- 

T. E. BowDicH, Esq. ,,jj, r>n\i mii 

Sir, .■■"■' ■■■'■ 

1 ENTERTAINED a Confident hope that no further mention would 
have been made by the King concerning the Commendas, after the 
receipt of my letter, and I am sorry that he should allow so insig- 
nificant a set of people to protract in the least the settlement of our 
union. As it is my particular wish to remove this impediment, I 
have used every endeavour to bring the affair to a conclusion, and 
trust the King will not suffer it to be invincible. The Commendas 
are also naturally anxious for its termination, but their poverty is 
so great, that they have it not in their power to comply with his 
demand. They have acknowledged their fealty to the King, and 
have agreed to pay the sum of 120 oz. of gold, of which, messen- 
gers are sent, by his nephew to enquire whether he will accept. This, 
with the sum they have been unavoidably obliged to promise the 
principal persons deputed to negociate this business, will increase 
the sum to at least 150 oz. The many proofs the King has had of 


my friendly intentions towards him, and the consideration of the 
benefits that will accrue to him from his alHance with the English, 
will, I hope, induce him to concede to the terms offered by the 
Commendas. A refusal must be considered as an avowal of his 
determined resolution not to conciliate the affair, and as the indi- 
gent circumstances of these people, make it utterly impossible for 
them to pay a larger sum, you will, should he persist in exacting 
more, procure his permission to leave the country, and return with 
the other officers as soon as you can. To sacrifice the Mission, 
after the heavy expences which have been incurred, and when we 
are induced to believe that every other object is propitiated to our 
utmost expectations, should be avoided if possit)le ; but if he 
insists on a larger sum being levied from the Commendas than has 
been offered, there remains no other alternative. The dignity of 
the flag must be the superior consideration to all others. 

The King has no need to doubt in the least the sincerity of the 
Cape Coast people, they are his friends, and have every inclination 
to continue so ; and I am convinced his nephew will, on his return, 
confirm this report to him. 

I will make known to the Committee his request for a crown and 
clothes, and I have no doubt but it will be complied with. 

I am, Sir, 
your most obedient Servant, 



Coomassie, Aug. 29, 1817- 
John Hope Smith, Esq. Governor in Chief, &c. &c. &c. 


I HAVE the satisfaction to enclose a copy of the Preliminaries to 
the general Treaty, as signed this day by the King in Council, 
adjusting the Commenda palaver, agreeably to your letter of the 
nth, which did not reach me till the 27th instant. 

I proceed to acquaint you with the transactions of the interval. 

The charge of a political Embassy, in a part of the world where 
respect and security are founded upon the opinion imposed b}'^ our 
conduct, exacted a spirit and dignity, which might have been 
abated in insinuating a Mission through the country for scientific 
purposes, but the inviolability of which was inseparable from the 
improvement and safety of neighbouring settlements. Since my 
last dispatch, I have been obligated to resist various encroach- 
ments, of which I shall mention two or three to justify my treatment 
of them. 

The death of Quamina Bwa, our Ashantee guide, in the early 
part of the last week, creating an idle, but popular superstition 
that he had been killed by the fetish for bringing wiiite men to 
take the country ; I was applied to in the King's name, to ameli- 
orate this impression, by contributing an ounce of gold towards 
the custom to be made by the King for his repose. I refused on 
two grounds ; first, that Quamina Bwa had himself unjustly 
incensed the people against us, by panyaring* their provisions in 
the King's name, for our subsistence, and defrauding them of the 
gold we gave him for the payment : secondly, that the rites of 
customs were unnatural to our religion, which bound us, at least, 
not to encourage them. Fifteen persons had been sacrificed the 

* Seizing. 


week before (in a custom for the mother of a captain) with aggra- 
vated barbarit3\ 

Several of the principal men having applied to me to send to 
Cape Coast for silks, to be paid for on receipt at Coomassie (a 
very dangerous and impolitic indulgence), I impressed, indignantly, 
that I was not sent as a trader to make bargains with them, but as 
an officer to talk the palavers with the King. 

These circumstances, and a personal chastisement of some 
insults from inferior captains, which was provoked after much 
patience, influenced ex parte representations, which, though they 
may not have sickened the King's regard, induced hauteur and 
neglect. In proceeding to the King's house on public occasions, 
which I never did without the flag, canes, and soldiers, we had 
been expected to make way for the greater retinues of superior 
captains, who would rudely have enforced it ; and after sohciting 
audiences for two days, I was kept in waiting above an hour in 
the outer courts of the palace. On the last occasion of the latter 
treatment, knowing that it was att'ected, I returned to our quarters 
until I received the King's invitation ; representing to him, that 
as an officer dignified by an authority to make a treaty with him 
in the name of the British Government, I could not submit to 
disrespectful treatment at the Palace, nor allow the English flag to 
give place to any but himself; that, if it merely affected myself as 
an individual, my esteem for the King would induce me to com- 
promise these points of etiquette with his captains ; but, according 
to the custom of England, I dared not ; for if I did, my sword 
would be taken from me on my return to Cape Coast Castle. It 
produced the desired effect ; the gong gong proclaimed in every 
street that all captains must make way for the flag ; and at the 
monthly levee of the captains (the Adai custom) the King's lin- 
guists were deputed to us first, with the customary present of a 


sheep and rum ; and presented us the first to pay our compUments 
to the King, being followed by Amanquate'a, Quatchie Quophi, 
Apokoo, and Odumata ; the four captains composing the Privy 
Council, or Aristocracy, which checks the King. The first (whose 
power approximates to that of the Mayor of the Palace under the 
early French dynasty) sent his linguist and gold swords to com- 
pliment us on the ground. I determined to take advantage of this 
impression, and of the comparative facility of intercourse, and 
demanded an audience to discuss the treaty, a copy of which I 
enclose, and hope my additions will be satisfactory. I have the 
King's assurance that it shall be formally executed in eight days ; 
when all his tributaries will be present for the yam custom, and 
when I hope to make the King of Dwabin and its dependencies 
a party, whose power is equal to the King of Ashantee's. 

To resume — the audience was granted ; and I read the treaty 
before the King and his Council, submitting it article by article, to 
iheir consideration. It was debated the whole of that and the 
succeeding day. I considered that if I could get the treaty 
discussed and executed in this favourable interval, removing the 
Commenda palaver from the situation of an obstacle, and reserving 
it as the first proof of the King's disposition to coincide with you 
in what was reasonable and just, I might, on the receipt of dis- 
patches, gain the better terms for that people. 

On Saturday the 22d instant, I was summoned to declare the 
articles of the treaty before the assembly of captains, who were 
seated with their attendants and warriors in the large yard of the 
palace, with all the imposing pomp and military parade, which 
had before been collected to subdue us, in the scene of the decla- 
ration of war. The King's sisters, with the females of his family, 
were seated, with their numerous attendants, on an elevated floor 
behind. The deputies from the Fanlee towns in the interior, were 



placed within hearing, and the crowd was almost impervious : the 
most ghastly trophies were mixed with this blaze of ostentation. 
We were seated near the King immediately opposite to his 

In reading the treaty, I paused after every article, leaving it to 
be formally repeated to the King through his linguists, and then 
sat down whilst it was discussed by the assembly. It is not neces- 
sary to repeat the various debates ; and I will only notice that 
Amanquatea, through his linguist, proposed the renewal of the 
Slave Trade as a sine qua non ;* this, however, as I had all along 
declared it to be impossible, was at length over-ruled, but with 
considerable difficulty. It was also proposed to attach a fine to 
the infraction of the treaty ; but this I resisted as derogatory to the 
dignity of the contracting parties ; and urged, that as the King 
and his dignitaries would consider his oath as sacred, as you and 
the Government would mine, I considered no infraction of the 
treaty could take place ; though it might possibly be offended by 
the conduct of his subjects, or of individuals under British pro- 
tection, which was provided for, and must be visited accordingly 
by the authorities pledged to the treaty. 

I had declared from the first, that it would be expected that the 
King should swear in the form of his country to the fulfilment and 
preservation of the treaty, and that his oath should be attested by 
his principal captains, from my anxiety to fortify to the utmost, a 

* Presents fi'om two Spanish slave ships were received throiigli the Mulatto Brue on 
the ICJth instant ; they wei-e general, hut I can only pai'ticularise the following : 

To the King, 3 pieces of cloth, 1 umbrella, and a hat. 

To the chief hnguist, 1 piece, do. 2 flashes hquor. 

To the 4th do. (Otce) 1 do. 2 ditto, do. 

To Odumata, 2 do. 2 ditto, do. 

To Quamina Bwa, agent for the purchase of the slaves, 2 pieces of cloth, 1 umbrella, 
and 1 Dane cun. 


measure not only valuable to commerce but to humanity, in avert- 
ing the renewal of a war, recorded by indelible marks of carnage 
and devastation. 

At the moment I expected the King to execute the treaty, a 
fresh design was disclosed, in a long speech from the chief linguist, 
setting forth the wrongs the King had just received from the 
people of Amissa, who had scourged his messengers, and couched 
their insulting defiance in the foulest language ; yet, he said, the 
King did not want to invade the Fantee country for the sake of 
one town, and therefore I must stay and assist him to settle that 
palaver ; he would then readily swear to the treaty. I replied at 
length, declaring particularly that I could not, and would not 
recognize the Amissa palaver ; that the King vitiated the compli- 
ments he had been pleased to pay me, in expecting me to be such 
a fool as to involve you in the palaver of a people, over whom you 
neither possessed nor desired authority; and that if I had not a 
right to think better of the King, I should view such a proposal as 
evasive of the treaty, and final to the hope of a thorough under- 

The chief linguist rejoined, that I had declared in announcing 
the treaty, that it was the wish of the British Government to put an 
end to war, and for the King to have no occasion to trouble the 
Fanlees ; whereas, if the people of Amissa were not persuaded to 
retract, the King must send a captain to destroy them, which could 
be done at a word, and this perhaps would make another war. I 
urged that the Fantee towns under the British forts must be con- 
sideretl distinctly, and that those, and those only, were viewed by 
the Government and the treaty ; yet, for the cause of humanity, I 
would request you, for the King, to advise the people of Amissa 
better, through some medium, which 1 hoped might do good, but 
if disregarded, you could not even repeat it : that was all I could 


promise, and if that was not enough, our nf^gociations were at an 
end. No ! that was not enough, I must stay and see the palaver 
settled . 

We immediately rose, and I declared as impressively as I could, 
that as the officer of the King of England, your orders only could 
be obeyed by me, that I dared not remain or allow myself to be 
stopped, even if I should be killed on the path, for my life was not 
my palaver, but the King of England's. As I bowed to retire, the 
linguist exclaimed, that the King promised to see me again in an 

I used the interval for reflection, and resolved to act upon the 
conclusion, that nothing but an undaunted resolution could cneck 
these encroachments, which were to be attributed to the Govern- 
ment rather than to the King. 

The hour having fully expired, I sent a cane to Adoo^ee, the 
chief linguist, to desire the audience ; he sent me word that the 
King was asleep, and no one dared to awake him. I then went to 
Odumata (who resides within the palace) and rej)cated to him, that 
I was determined to go, it the King did not keep his word and see 
me; he said I could not; I rejoined, I would, and lelt him. 1 then 
went to Adoocee's house, declared the same, and received the 
same reply. I left a cane in waiting at the palace, with orders to 
quit and return to me at 4 o'clock, (which allowed altogether four 
hours instead of one) if he was not dispatched with a message in 
the interval. No notice was taken ; there was no alternative to 
my making good what I had said. The views of the Mission were 
at risk, but they would have been too dearly purchased by such 
concessions, and I was sanguine, rather than apprehensive of tiie 
success of the measure I adopted ; without spirit and fortitude 
nothing was to be done. 

1 ordered all the baggage out, planted the flag, and giving the 


soldiers' muskets to the officers, converted them and the artificers 
into bearers, as well as our own servants, for 1 saw the previous 
dismissal of my own people was considered a hold on me. 1 
ordered the linguists to declare to the party publickly, that I would 
flog any man who attempted to leave the town in debt; I paid all 
they confessed, by advances on their pay to the amount of 10 ackies : 
this gave the greatest publicity to our movements. 

The King's uncl(>, Bundaenha, and another superior captain 
came in form to entreat me to stay, whilst they affected to address 
the King. I saw through this, and that I might presume on it; 
holding the Avatch in my hand, I promised to wait half an hour, 
and no longer. They returned within the time to conduct me to 
the King, but after lieing kept unusually long in waiting, the 
answer to my remonstrance through the linguists, was, that the 
King was verv busy hearing a great palaver ; I saw they lingered 
still ill their hope of my submission. I sent the two canes to tell 
the King that mine was a great palaver, and ought to be heard, not 
only from its importance, but because he had passed his word that 
it should ; that alter a King disregarded his promise, it was useless 
to wait any longer. Returning to our quarters, 1 ordered the people 
to load the baggage. 

At ihe moment of starting, a royal messenger ran up, to say the 
King was waiting to see me. 1 dismissed him with the message, 
that I could not stop, unless a person of consequence was sent to 
promise for the King. The King's uncle came, and assured me the 
King would receive me himself at the entrance of the palace. We 
went, and were instantly ushered into the presence of the King and 
his captains, who were debating by torch light: the clamour and 
deportment of this assembly might have been subduing, had it 
been novel. The uproar having abated, the King demanded, 
through his linguist, why I had determined to leave so suddenly, 


and whether he had not behaved well to me, adding to much 
declamation, that he knew the King of England and the Governor 
wished to please him, and would not countenance the act. I 
replied, that " I had not only gone the full length of my instructions 
to please the King, but exceeded them ; and all that I had to fear 
was, that you would not approve my remaining a moment after he 
had trifled with me. The King's behaviour to me, as an individual, 
I should always be proud to speak of, but his respect of the 
Embassy was a very superior consideration. Every thing he 
wished had been done, and now he tried to impose a palaver on 
me, with which you had no more to do than with the Buntooko 
war. The King had promised me to settle the point of the treaty, 
I waited the discussion patiently, he pledged his word to see me 
that evening, he had avoided it ; I had said I would wait no longer 
if he did not keep his word ; no English officer dared to break his 
word, if he did, he lost his SAvord." Much declamation ensued, 
but the King's conviction silenced the assembly, and realized the 
tiiumph I expected. He said, what I told him was true, that he 
was very sorry, but he had too much to think about ; he liked the 
Law (the Treaty) very well, but begged me to wait a little longer 
till all his captains came. I received his promise to see me the 
following day. The next morning the head linguist came in form 
to acquaint nie that some palavers had arrived in the night, which 
had made it necessary for the King to go to Berramang (a croom 
about five miles to the N. E. on the road to Sallagha, the capital 
of the Inta country) but he had orders to furnish us with the King's 
hammt)ck-men, if we were inclined to follow him the next day. 
We did so, and I enclose an extract from my diary, with the cir- 
cumstances of the day, as they do not affect the point in question : 
on taking leave in the evening, the King promised that I shoul 
hear from him the next day. 


Apokoo, who had been left in charge of the town, visited me in 
form by the King's orders, with the criers and insignia, to assure 
me there should be no more impediments to the treaty, and that 
the King would return the next day. The evening was productive 
of another disturbance, from my resistance of an indignity. The 
Cape Coast messenger arriving, informed me that the dispatches 
and letters were retained by Adoo Bradie's messenger, who accom- 
panied him. I sent the canes to Apokoo's to demand them, but 
ineffectually ; I then went myself, and insisted on the delivery ; he 
said it could not be allowed until the King returned to the capital. 
I protested so strongly against the act, that he sent for the chief 
linguist (Adoocee) and after a palaver, they promised to send me 
the letters on my return to the house : I left the canes in waiting. 
The time allowed having expired without the receipt, I went again 
to Apokoo's, who referred me to Adoocee. I went to him, and 
he said he dared not interfere in the business. The Cape Coast 
messengers refusing to do so, we proceeded instantly to Adoo 
Bradie's house, and finding the messenger, demanded the letters, 
and obtained them. I had scarcely read them, before Adoocee 
came with some captains, and about 100 persons, (being then 
9 o'clock) to demand my delivery of your letter to his charge, 
until the King's return. I indignantly refused, asserting my au- 
thority, and criminating such a request as injurious to the rights 
of the meanest subject of the King of England, and an insuperable 
affront to you. He tried threats and entreaties alternately ; the 
former I treated with contempt, the latter I regretted 1 dared not 
yield to. The palaver was prolonged till 10 o'clock at night. I 
determined not to lose ground. The King did not amve until the 
evening of the next day, I sent three canes with my compliments 
on his return, and received his with an appointment of an audience 
the next (this) morning. 

We were sent for early, the afliair of the letters was opposed to 


me. I repeated my declarations to Adoocee, and added, that I 
should not think of leaving a Resident, if such were the forms of 
the Ashantee Court. The Ashanlee messengers declared that you 
had ordered 3'our letters to be delivered to the King. I said that 
was impossible. The King was very gentle, but such was the sus- 
picion of the assembly, that they requested me to swear on my 
sword, that 1 had not altered any part of your letter; I did so, 
prefacing the act as such a suspicion merited. I then read your 
letter, abating nothing of its spirit and firmness, and laying stress 
upon your disposition to benefit the King, and the proofs you had 
given. I concluded my illustrations with the declaration, that you 
did not settle the King's palaver from fear, but from friendship, as 
it remained with him to prove. I submitted tiie preliminaries in 
form, for rejection or acceptance. After an ardent debate among 
the captains, they were executed and attested, and I lose no time 
in forwarding the copy. I left a duplicate with the King, as I 
shall of the treaty. 

The King intends to dispatch a messenger directly to empower 
Adoo Bradie to receive the gold, and hopes you will recommend 
the people of Commend a to restore any of the slaves in their pos- 
session belonging to Elmina, although that is not his palaver. 

The King desired me to communicate his best thanks for your 
handsome treatment of his nephew, whose reports have been very 

I urged my intercessions for Quamina Bootaqua, until the King 
vouchsafed me his assurance that he would pardon him. 

I have the satisfaction to inform you, that I have been able, 
privatel}', so far to conciliate the Moors, as to have witnessed their 
forwardance of the certificates* to the Interior, with their own letters 
of recommendation indorsed. 

* For a copy of these certificates vide the opposite engraving. 


I advocated the merits of the Castle Hnguist, De Graff, as you 
desired, and successfully. I flatter myself this will anticipate the 
arrival of the King's, and the Cape Coast messengers. 

I am. Sec. &c. 


Preliminaries of a General Treaty, to be made and entered into by 
Thomas Edward Bowdich, Esquire, for the Governor and 
Council of Cape Coast Castle, and on the part of the British 
Government, with Sai Tootoo Quamina, King of Ashantee and 
its Dependencies. 

1st. The King accepts the offer of the people of Commenda, 
through the Governor in Chief; namely, one hundred and twenty 
ounces of gold for himself, and the customary fees to his embas- 
sadors, as a settlement in full of all demands. 

^nd. The people of Commenda shall acknowledge their fealty to 
the King, and be entitled to all the benefits of his protection. 

3d. The King shall authorize some responsible captain to 
receive the gold, from the hands of the deputies of the people of 
Commenda, at Cape Coast Castle. 

4th. It is hereby agreed, that every palaver is now settled pre- 
paratory to the General Treaty, which shall be executed forthwith. 
Signed and sealed this twenty-ninth day of August, in the year 
of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and seventeen. 
The mark of SAI TOOTOO QUAMINA. X (L. S.) 

In the presence of T. E. BOWDICH. (L. S.) 

William Hutchison. 

Henry Tedlie. 

Adoocee, Chief Linguist. 

Apokoo, Keeper of the Treasurj^ 

Quamina Quatchie, K^ i^^^ ,^ the Mission. 

Quashee Apaintree,j * 



Exti-act from Diary. — Monda}', 25th August, we started soon 
after seven o'clock, and proceeding in a N. E. direction, crossed 
the marsh close to the town, where it was about two feet deep and 
one hundred and fifty yards broad. We travelled the path to 
Sallagha, through a beautiful country', abounding in neat crooms 
(of which we passed through seven), the sites spacious, and en- 
vironed by extensive plantations. The path was wide and so nearly 
direct, that the eye was always in advance through beautiful vistas 
varied by gentle risings. The iron stone still prevailed. 

The King received us in the market place, and enquiring anxi- 
ously if we had breakfasted, ordered refreshment. After some 
conversation we were conducted to a house prepared for our 
reception, where a relish was served (sufficient for an army) of 
soups, stews, plantains, yams, rice. Sec. (all excellently cooked) 
wine, spirits, oranges, and every fruit. The messengers, soldiers, 
and servants were distinctly provided for. Declining the offer of 
beds, we walked out in the town, and conversed and played drafts 
with the Moors, who were reclining under trees ; the King joined us 
with cheerful affability, and seemed to have forgotten his cares. 
About two o'clock dinner was announced. We had been taught 
to prepare for a surprise, but it was exceeded. AVe were conducted 
to the eastern side of the croom, to a door of green reeds, w^hich 
excluded the crowd, and admitted us through a short avenue to 
the King's garden, an area equal to one of the large squares in 
London. The breezes were strong and constant. In the centre, 
four large umbrellas of new scarlet cloth were fixed, under which 
was the King's dining table (heigthened for the occasion) and 
covered in the most imposing manner ; his massy plate was well 
disposed, and silver forks, knives, and spoons (Colonel Torrane's) 
were plentifully laid. The large silver waiter supported a roasting 
pig in the centre ; the other dishes on the table were roasted ducks, 


fowls, stews, pease pudding, &c. &c. On the ground on one side 
of the table were various soups, and every sort of vegetable; and 
elevated parallel with the other side, were oranges, pines, and other 
fruits ; sugar-candy, Port and Madeira wine, spirits and Dutch 
cordials, with glasses. Before we sat down the King met us, and 
said, that as we had come out to see him, we must receive the 
following present from his hands, 2 oz. 4 ackies of gold, one sheep 
and one large hog to the officers, 10 ackios to the linguists, and 
5 ackies to our servants. 

We never saw a dinner more handsomely served, and never ate 
a better. On our expressing our relish, the King sent for his cooks, 
and gave them ten ackies. The King and a few of his captains sat 
at a distance, but he visited us constantly, and seemed quite proud 
of the scene ; he conversed freely, and expressed much satisfaction 
at our toasts, " The King of Ashantee, the King of England, the 
Governor, the King's Captains, a perpetual union (with a speech, 
which is the sine qua non) and the handsome Avomen of England 
and Ashantee." After dinner the King made many enquiries 
about England, and retired, as we did, that our servants might 
clear the table, which he insisted on. When he returned, some of 
the wine and Dutch cordials remaining, he gave them to our 
servants to take with them, and ordered the table cloth to be 
thrown to them and all the napkins. A cold pig, cold fowls (with 
six that had not been dressed) were dispatched to Coomassie for 
our supper. We took leave about five o'clock, the King accom- 
panying us to the end of the croom, where he took our hands, and 
wished us good night. We reached the capital again at six, much 
gratified by our excursion and treatment. 

Mr. Tedhe had brought Quamina Bwa (our guide) into a very 
advanced state of convalescence ; but he so eagerly betook him- 
self from low diet to palm oil soups, and stews of blood, tbat he 


soon relapsed, and a gathering formed on his hver, aggravated 
not a Uttle by the various fetish draughts he swallowed. Seeing 
there was no other chance, Mr. Tedlie, Avho is a very skilful 
operator, would have scarified the liver ; but although I had great 
reason to rely confidently on his judgment and ability, I thought 
our situatiooi too critical to run such a risk. A Fantee boy having 
fractured his leg, and his dissolution appearing inevitable, the 
parents, in great distress, applied to the surgeon of an English 
outfort, who amputated the limb, and after much wearying attend- 
ance, to the surprise of every one, restored the boy to health. 
The family then brought him into the fort, and laying him down 
in the hall, addressed the surgeon (who was in charge of the fort) 
thus; "As Master cut off poor boy's leg, and so spoil poor boy 
for work, we come to ask Master how much he think to give poor 
boy to keep him." 

Quamina Bwa was fetished until the last moment, and died 
amidst the howls of a legion of old hags, plastering the walls, door 
posts, and every thing about him, with chopped egg and different 
messes. I forget how many sheep he had sacrificed to the fetish 
by the advice of these harpies. The King sent him a sheep and a 
periguin of gold, when he heard he Avas ill. This man had settled 
the palaver with Mr. White, after the blockade of Cape Coast, in 
1815, the third invasion of the Ashantees, and was universally 
odious, for his cruel extortions ; these being reported to the King, 
he was disgraced ; and being very extravagant, became much 
involved. Being at Payntree, he prevailed on Quamina Bushma- 
quaw to allow him to conduct us, to retrieve his finances a little. 
Excepting Adoocee, the King's chief linguist, he was the most 
plausible villain I ever met with. 

The head of an Akim caboceer arrived in Coomassie about this 
time. The King and the Ashantee government had proposed that 


every croom of Akim should pay 30 periguins of gold as an 
atonement for their late revolt. Ten periguins were advanced 
immediately by each, and the other moiety was excused until after 
the harvest ; but Aboidedroo caboceer of Manasoo resolutely 
refused to pay a tokoo. The Kingis messengers, however, appealed 
to his people with so much address, that they rose upon their 
caboceer, killed him, and sent his head to the King, with the 20 
periguins required. 



Proceedings and Incidents until the Ratification of a General Treaty. 

1 H E report of an Ashantee having been flogged to death in Cape 
Coast Castle, which was aggravated every hour to our prejudice, 
was explained by the following letter : 

Cape Coast Castle, August 17, ISl"- 

T. E. BowDiCH, Esq. 

The day before yesterday an Ashantee man was guilty of a most 
daring insult to the fort. On passing the gate, he was desired by 
the sentinel to take his cloth off his shoulders, but instead of com- 
plying, he turned round and struck him. The offender was 
instantly secured, and I ordered him to be put in irons. Last 
night about nine o'clock, the captain of the guard came to me to 
say, that the sentry on duty had reported the Ashantee to have 
hung himself. The place in which he was with others confined, 
was immediately opened, and he was found in a room adjoining to 
that in which the prisoners sleep, with his under cloth attached to 
a beam not more than three feet high, and very tightlj' drawn 
round his throat, part of his body was lying on the ground, and it 
must have been by the most determined resolution that he suc- 
ceeded in strangling himself. The surgeon was present, but his 


efforts to recover him were ineffectual. This is the second offence 
of a similar nature that has occurred ; the first person, I most 
assuredly should have punished, had he not ran past the sentry 
and made his escape. 

The King's displeasure will no doubt be excited when he hears 
of such acts of insolence, and I hope lie will issue such orders to 
his people, as will make them more circumspect in future. 

I am, Sir, 
your most obedient Servant, 


Coomassie, 3\st August, 1817. 

John Hope Smith, Esq. Governor in Chief, »Scc. &c. &c. 

I received your letter last evening respecting the suicide of the 
Ashantee. I procured an audience this morning, and have just 
returned from the palace, where I had the honour to address you 
a letter, in the name of the King, on this, and other subjects. 

The messenger sent up by Adoo Bradie, was the brother of the 
deceased, and declared before the King upon oath, that he had 
been killed by the officers. The master (our landlord) proposed a 
fine to the captains assembled, but after the audience was gone 
through, the King retired to council, which is the form, and return- 
ing, dictated the sentiments I had the honour to communicate to 
you, and rebuked our house-master severely for his proposition. 
Of course I impressed the insult to the fort, as the superior consi- 
deration of your letter. 

The insolence of the lower orders here became insufferable, they 
proceeded even to pelting us with stones ; after every effort en our 


part to conciliate them by the exhibition of the telegcope and 
other novelties. As may be expected in a military government, 
they are beyond the King's control, out of the field. He declared 
however, that he would behead any man I would point out to him, 
and begged me to punish them as 1 thought proper : a summary 
chastisement of two inferior captains repressed this spirit. 

All the captains of consequence have become friendly and 

respectful; Apokoo was deputed in form yesterday, in the name 

of the whole, to thank me for my conduct in negociating with the 


The Treaty will be brought forward to be executed in six days, 

before the annual assembly of Kings, caboceers, and captains. All 

the Kings tributaries and allies being compelled to attend him at 

the yam custom. 

The King intends 3'our linguist De Graff, to take fetish with his 

five linguists, to be just to both the powers to be pledged to the 

treaty, and is convinced of his probity. 

I am, with respect. Sir, 

your most obedient Servant, 


Coomassie, 3lst Avg. 1817. 

Sai Tootoo Quamina, King of Ashantee, 4'C. to John Hope 
Smith, Esquire, Governor in Chief, ^-c. <^c. ^c. 


The King assures you, that, anticipating the permanent union of 
the English and Ashantees, so far from alloAving the death of one 
man to retard it, he should take no notice if a thousand were 
flogged to death by you, as reported here, well knowing the inso- 


lent disposition of the lower order of Ashantees, which is as vexa- 
tious to him as to you. He is satisfied however, that this man came 
to his death by his own hands. 

The King wishes you to adjust the palaver between the Com- 
mend as and Elminas, as soon as convenient to you ; that all the 
people who serve him may be united, relying entirely on your 

The King Avill thank you very much if you will make the people 
of Cape Coast, Elmina, and Commenda " all one together." 

The little palaver between these people, is the only one remain- 
ing ; and therefore, though it is not his, he wishes you to settle it. 

The King hereby, and by his messenger, empowers his nephew 
Adoo Bradie, and the Captain Quantree, to receive the gold 
from the deputies of Commenda in your presence. 

You must settle the comphments and fees, which the Com- 
mendas send to the King's linguists and captains. 

The King hopes you will advise the people of Amissa, through 
some medium, to retract their insolent message to the King, that 
the whole of the Fantee territory may be quiet. 

The King has condescended^ personally to solicit Mr. Bowdich 
to protract his stay fifteen days, and obliged all his captains to the 
same condescension, so that you will consider it the King's act 
from the wish to send him down with an honourable escort, and 
other marks of his favour. 

The King wishes you health and happiness. 

The mark ><) of Sai Tootoo Quaniina, &c. 
In the presence of 

Wm. Hutchison. 

Henry Tedlie. 


A few only of the many curious observations of our Ashantee 
friends recur to me. One captain told us lie had heard that the 
English were so constantly in palavers, one with another, that their 
houses, which he understood to be made of wood, the same as their 
ships, were always fixed on wheels ; so that when a man had 
quarrelled with his neighbour, he moved to another part of the 
bush. Another insisted that monkies (whom the Moors said sprung 
from the Israelites, who disobeyed Moses) could talk as well as 
men ; but they were not such fools ; for if they did, they knew 
men would make them work. — This is better than Pliny's account 
of monkies playing chess. 

The King walked abroad in great stale one day, an irresistible 
caricature ; he had on an old fashioned court suit of General 
Daendels' of brown velveteen, richly embroidered with silver 
thistles, with an English epaulette sewn on each shoulder, the coat 
coming close round the knees, from which the flaps of the waistcoat 
were not very distant, a cocked hat bound with gold lace, in 
shape just like that of a coachman's, white shoes, the long silver 
headed cane we presented to him, mounted with a crown, as a 
walking staff, and a small dirk round his waist. 

The King presented one of our servants with six ackies of gold, 
for making trowsers for his child, and mending him a pair of 
drawers, which he thought it extravagant to put on under trowsers 
or small clothes, and therefore wore them alone. 

I fixed a rude leaping bar in the outer yard of our house, and 
trained the horse to it, preparatory to getting him over the trunks 
of trees on the path : this brought even greater levees than the 
camera obscura, or the telescope. Sometimes a gazer would start 
from the eye piece of the latter, to lay hold of the figure at the end, 
as he expected ; and they all insisted on both being taken to pieces 
in their presence, that they might see what was inside At length. 


being inexplicable, it wan pronounced fetish. A captain had told 
the King, that with the telescope we saw, when at Doompassie, all 
that he was doing at Coomassie : and happening, in a sudden and 
heavy rain, to gallop from Asafoo to our house, with Mr. Tedlie on 
the horse behind me, holding the umbrella, it was immediately 
reported to the King as our plan of traveUing to Cape Coast. 

Our Accra hnguist pointed out a man to me named Tando, 
whom he recollected to have visited the Coast some years, in great 
pomp, never going the shortest distance, but in his taffeta hammock, 
covered with a gorgeous umbrella, and surrounded by flatterers, 
who even wiped the ground before he trod on it. This man had 
now scarcely a cloth to cover him. He had been retired from his 
embassy to Akim, in consequence of a dispute with Attah, then 
the king of that country ; for though Attah was adjudged to be in 
fault, after the palaver was talked at Coomassie, the Ashantee 
government thought it politic to displace Tando, though he had 
become disagreeable to the other, only for his vigilance and fidelity. 
After a long interval of the most luxurious life the capital could 
afford, he Avas instructed to proceed to Elmina, to talk a palaver 
for the King ; but thinking it would be a coup d'eclat much more 
important and agreeable, if he could settle the Warsaw palaver as 
well, he visited the country on his return, and persuaded them to 
conciliate the King, and avert their ruin, by carrying a consider- 
able sum of gold to Coomassie, and agreeing to pay twenty-four 
slaves for every Ashantee subject killed or injured by one of 
Warsaw. Deputies returned with this man for this purpose ; but 
the King dismissed them contemptuously ; and to the disappoint- 
ment and surprise of Tando, declared that no man must dare lo do 
good out of his own head, or perhaps he would find he did bad, as 
Tando had done, in spoiling a palaver which he and his great men 
meant to sleep a long time. Tando was immediately stripped of 


all his propert3' for his presumption, and from a noble became a 
beggar. '^l in i 

The Moors now became friendly, and sent us some very good 
coffee, and choice pieces of meat. 

Coomassie, Sept. 8th, 1817- 

John Hope Smith, Esquire, Governor in Chief, &c. &c. 


I HAVE the satisfaction to inform you, that the treat}^ was signed 
and sworn to yesterday, by the King of Ashantee, and this da}', by 
the King of Dwabin. The whole of the caboceers, captains, and 
tributaries having arrived, the treaty was finally discussed on 
Saturday, and two of the four members of the Aristocracy, Avith 
the two oldest captains (i\shantee and Nabbra) were deputed to 
swear for that assembly, with the King, whose oaths (being very 
rare) are solemnized by the presence of his wives. 

The King sent a handsome procession of flags, guns, and music, 
to conduct us to the palace on the occasion ; and meeting us in 
the outer square, preceded us to the inmost, where about 300 
females ^vere seated, in all the magnificence which a profusion of 
gold and silk could furnish. The splendour of this coup d'oeil 
made our surprise almost equal to theirs. We were seated with 
the King and the deputies, under the large umbrellas in the centre, 
and I was desired to declare the objects of the Embassy and the 
Treaty, to an old linguist, peculiar to the women. The King 
displayed the presents to them ] the flags were all sewn together, 
and wrapped around him as a cloth. 

I was afterwards desired to stand before the King, and swear on 
my sword that I had declared the truth : I did so, with the other 


officers. The next form dictated was, that I should seat myself, 
and receive the oaths of the deputies, and lastly, of the King 
himself, for his brother die King of England. They advanced in 
turn, extending tlieir gold swords close to my face, as they declared 
their oaths. I rose to receive the King's, all the women holding 
up two fingers, as their mark of approbation when he received the 
sword, and one of his counsellors kneeling beside him with a large 
stone on his head. The King swore very deliberately, that his 
words might be fully impressed on me, invoking God and the 
fetish to kill him ; first, if he did not keep the law, if we had 
sworn true ; and secondly, if he did not revenge the Ashantees to 
the full, if we had bad in our heads, and did not come for the 
purpose I avowed. The assurances, and the menaces of the oaths 
of the captains were equally forcible. The King sent an anker of 
rum to our people to drink on the occasion, and paid each captain 
the customai'y fee, of a periguin of gold on his oath. 

The King having communicated my wish, by a formal message, 
to Boitinnee Quama, the King of Dwabin, who holds his temporary 
court on the north side of the town, I seconded it, by sending the 
canes to request an audience ; at which I had again formally to 
declare the objects of the Embassy and the Treaty, which, after a 
great deal of form and enquiry, received his signature, with the 
attestations of his chief linguists, Quama Saphoo, and Kobara 
Saphoo, who are his principal counsellors. His court was equally 
crowded with the King of Ashantees, who sits on his right hand 
when he visits Dwabin ; a reciprocal etiquette. 

By an addition to the 4th article of the treaty, I reconciled the 
point of the Amissa palaver ; and the securing you the opportu- 
nity of mediation, (without attaching any thing like responsibility) 
I considered to be not only a precaution due to humanity, but a 
prudent and legitimate measure for the extension of our influence. 


The value of this treaty is enhanced liy the reflection, that the 
justice, dignity, and spirit, of the British Government have been 
preserved inviolate : and that it has been the result of the impres- 
sion, and not of the abatement of these characteristics. 

We are flattered by your acknowledgment of our offer to 
accompany the King to the Buntooko war, and feel the force of 
your reason in the present view of the invasion of that country. 
The lake provmg to be southward instead of northward, and close 
to the Accra path, I did not think it prudent to aggravate sus- 
picion, for so secondary and well defined an object, whilst every 
day exacted some exertion (beyond vigilance) to wear away the 
difiiculties opposed to the more important views of the Mission. 

I expect the King will permit me to take leave on Saturday 
next. To-morrow Apokoo gives us a dinner in public. 

I am, with respect. Sir, 

your most obedient Servant, 


Treaty made and entered into by Thomas Edward Bowdich, 
Esquire, in the name of the Governor and Council at Cape Coast 
Castle on the Gold Coast oj Africa, and on behalf of the British 
Government, with Sai Tootoo Quamina, King of Ashantee and 
its Dependencies, and Boitinnee Quama, King of Dwabin and 
its Dependencies. 

1st. There shall be perpetual peace and harmony between the 
British subjects in this country, and the subjects of the Kings of 
Ashantee and Dwabin. 

2nd. The same shall exist between the subjects of the Kings of 
Ashantee and Dwabin, and all nations of Africa residing under the 


protection of the Company's Forts and Settlements on the Gold 
Coast, anil, it is hereby agreed, that there are no palavers now 
existing, and that neither party has any claim upon the other. 

3rd. The King of Ashantee guarantees the security of the people 
of Cape Coast, from the hostilities threatened by the people of 

4th. In order to avert the horrors of war, it is agreed, that in 
any case of aggression on the part of the natives under British 
protection, the Kings shall complain thereof to the Governor in 
Chief to obtain redress, and that they will in no instance resort to 
hostilities, even against the other towns of the Fantee territory, 
without endeavouring as much as possible to effect an amicable 
arrangement, affording the Governor the opportunity of propitiating 
it, as far as he may with discretion. 

5th. The King of Ashantee agrees to permit a British officer to 
reside constantly at his capital, for the purpose of instituting and 
preserving a regular communication with the Governor in Chief at 
Cape Coast Castle. 

6th. The Kings of Ashantee and Dwabin pledge themselves to 
countenance, promote, and encourage the trade of their subjects 
Avith Cape Coast Castle and its dependencies to the extent of their 

7th. The Governors of the respective Forts shall at all times 
afford every protection in their power to the persons and property 
of the people of Ashantee and Dwabin, who may resort to the 
water side. 

8th. The Governor in Chief reserves to himself the right of 
punishing any subject of Ashantee or Dwabin guilty of secondary 
offences, but in case of any crime of magnitude, he will send the 
offender to the Kings, to be dealt with according to the laws of his 



ptli. The Kings agree to commit their children to the care of 
the Governor in Chief, for education, at Cape Coast Castle, in the 
full confidence of the good intentions of the British government, 
and of the benefits to be derived therefrom. 

lOlh. The Kings promise to direct diligent inquiries to be made 
respecting the officers attached to the Mission of Major John 
Peddie, and Captain Thomas Campbell; and to influence and 
oblige the neighbouring kingdoms and their tributaries, to befriend 
them as the subjects of the British government. 

Signed and sealed at Coomassie, this seventh day of Sep- 
tember, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight 
hundred and seventeen. 

(L. S.) 
(L. S.) 
(L. S.) 




In the presence of 
William Hutchison, Resident. 
Henry Ted lie. Assistant Surgeon. 
The mark of Apokoo X 

Odumata X 

Nabbra tx! 


Kabra Saphoo X I Linguists to the King of 

QuAMiNA Saphoo X ) Dwabiu. 

QuASHEE Apaintree X AcCTa Liuguist. 

QuASHEE Tom X } r^ ^ t- • 

^ „ ^^ f Cape Coast Lmguists. 


Deputed from the General Assem- 

V bly of caboceers and captains to 
swear with the King. 




a ; 




9th. The Kings agree to commit their children to the care of 
the Governor in Chief, for education, at Cape Coast Castle, in the 
full confidence of the good intentions of the British government, 
and of the benefits to be derived therefrom. 

lOlh. The Kings promise to direct diligent inquiries to be made 
respecting tlie officers attached to the Mission of Major John 
Peddie, and Captain Thomas Campbell; and to influence and 
oblige the neighbouring kingdoms and their tributaries, to befriend 
•them as the subjects of the British government. 

Signed and sealed at Coomassie, this seventh day of Sep- 
tember, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight 
hundred and seventeen. 

The mark of SAI TOOTOO QUAMINA X (L. S.) 

The mark of BOITINNEE QUAMA >^ (L. S.) 


In the presence of 

William Hutchison, Resident. 

Henry Tedlie, Assistant Surgeon. 

The mark of Apokoo >^ 1 -r^ , ^ , ^ 

^ . ^ Deputed from the General Assem- 

Odumata XI,,-, , 

,-r L^ ^ biy of caboceers and captains to 


swear with the King. 


KabraSaphoo X I Linguists to the King of 
QuAMiNA Saphoo X J Dwabin. 
QuASHEE Apaintree X Accra Liuguist. 



>Cape Coast Linguists. 




■ ■»••-'««&► ■•■■ 














;"■ ^^ >J $^^^" r^f:.?^ ^ 

^ :i <: Jr3> ";J.k ^cli, <^^ SX 


^ ? 

^' ?^ |L ^ 



C ^ "^ .'I'st- -^ 




!>' " I; '^ ^ ^ , ..- 

)®(5!B*) ® c^) («) c^^ ®<:^ ® (^») ® (*^) ® C«^® ( 


We were present at the trial of Appia Nanu, who had accom- 
panied his brother Appia Danqua in the last invasion of Fantee, 
and was ordered by the King, on his death, to take the command 
of the army, and prosecute the campaign. In the irritation of the 
moment, he exclaimed, before the royal messengers, that though 
the King did not prevent him from succeeding to the stool, and 
the honours of his brother, he kept back all the rock gold which 
belonged to the inheritance, and desired to wear him out in the 
pursuit of the revolters, to prevent his claim and enjoyment of the 
properly of his family. From this time he was. very inactive, and 
became, suspected of cowardice; however, having succeeded in 
o;ettino; the head of one of the revolters, he returned to Coomassie ; 
where he was coolly received, but not accused until the 8th of 
July. The witnesses Avere the messengers the King had sent to 
him, who had been concealed in a distant part of the frontier ever 
since, that Appia Nanu, believing the general report of their death, 
might be the more confounded when they burst upon him at the 
moment of his denial of the charge. He was deprived of his stool 
and the whole of his property, but permitted to retire with three 
wives and ten slaves ; the King hearing the next day that he still 
loitered in the capital, exclaimed, that no proper man would bear 
so much shame before all the people, rather than leave his home, 
and ordered only one wife to be left to him, Avhereupon Appia 
Nanu hung himself. The King considers, that none but the basest 
spirits can endure life after severe disgrace. 

The Moors celebrated the feast of Ramadan in this month : 
there was nothing curious in this ceremony. Men and women 
were dressed in their richest suits, and seated on large skins before 
their houses, for they occupy one street exclusively. They rose 
occasionally in small troops, made short circuits in different direc- 
tions, saluted each other, and then sat down again. In the evening, 



the superiors exchanged visits at their houses ; the one visited 
always accompanied the other some distance along the street on 
his wa}', Avhere they exchanged blessings, and parted. The slaves 
who carried their small umbrella's over their heads, seemed 
thoroughly jaded by this incessant parading. 

The King regretted in one of his visits about this time, that they 
were not more frequent ; he said, our conversation entertained him 
more than any thing else, Ijecause it told him of so many things 
black men never heard of, but when he wished to see us on that 
account, his great men checked him, and said, it did not become 
him as a great King to want us, but that he should only send his 
compliments, see us, and make us wait a long time when he sent 
for us to the palace. 



Proceedings and Incidents until the completion of the Mission and its 
return to Cape Coast Castle. 

On the 11th of September I received the Governor's reply to my 
letter of the 10th of August. 

Cape Coast Castle, August 25, 1817. 

T. E. BowDicH, Esq. 

I HAVE received your letter of the 10th instant. The boy and 
girl shall be disposed of under the protection of the Government 
here, agreeable to the King's wishes. 

The messenger (Ocranameah) has grossly misrepresented to the 
King, the reception he met with at Cape Coast ; he was treated 
with the greatest civility during his stay, and on leaving, expressed 
himself gratified by the attention which had been shewn him. 

For the King's satisfaction, I have subjoined a list of the articles 
I made him a present of;* the three first which I gave him, on 
taking leave, will, when produced, convince him how much he has 
been deceived, and prove to him, that his recommendation of the 
messenger was not unattended to. 

The Buntooko war, I consider a mere pretext for getting rid of 

* One piece of silk. 10 handkerchiefs of Dane. 1 umbrella, 4 gallons of rum. 
20lbs. of pork. 1 basket of rice. Biscuit. 1 sheep. 


the Resident; it cannot be the true motive: to oppose however, 
any disincHnation to the measure, either on the part of the King 
or his principal men, would be entirely useless ; the aversion to it 
has no doubt originated in the latter, with whom, under the present 
order of things, the Resident would be very unpopular; conse- 
quently unsafe. The eager desire which the King has manifested 
for enquiring into every trivial occurrrence, is another cause of its 
beino- objectionable. The residence of a British officer would 
afford him the opportunity, not only of doing this, but of making 
demands which he might otherwise not have thought of. These 
and other circumstances, which were entirely unforeseen, have 
materially altered my opinion in regard to the Residency, which is 
certainly not so desirable as I before considered it. You will 
therefore, on your return, bring Mr. Hutchison with you. 

I am not aware of any Ashantees having introduced themselves 
here, but such as were duly authorised by the King ; you will 
however inform him, that none will be attended to unless they bear 
his cane. 

As Mr. Hutchison is to return, it will be a most important point 
that you bring down two of the King's sons for education, and I 
am very solicitous that you should accomplish this object if 

The Commenda palaver being terminated, there will be nothing 

to detain }■ ou longer at Ashantee. Your returning b}^ Avay of 

"Warsaw will be desirable, and 1 hope the King will not object to 

your so doing. 

I am, Sir, 

your most obedient Servant, 



Coomassie, Sept. 16, 1817- 

John Hope Smith, Esq. Governor in Chief, &c. &c. &c. 

I DID not receive your letter of the 25th of August, until the 11th 
instant, four days after I had advised you of the execution of the 
treaty. I considered it my duty to acquaint you of every variation 
in the prospects of the Embassy, although, even when communi- 
cating the discouraging circumstances of my letter of the 10th ult. 
I could not abate my hopes, or allow doubt to sicken my exertions. 
I valued on the reflection, that I had not been heard before the 
King in vindication of the Residency ; the motives of which I 
knew to have been grossly misrepresented by our natural enemies 
the Moors, to whose arts the suspicion of the natives have been 
suitably auxiliary. My confidence was justified by the favourable 
impression the King and the Government manifested, when the 
subject was publicly advocated ; since which I have never heard 
of an objection to it : it has indeed, become a favourite measure 
with the superior captains, who, as far as may be judged from the 
respect and deference with which they have treated us from that 
time, seem not only to have been conciliated, but won by the 
recent circumstances of the negotiation. The terms of the treaty, 
by exceeding your expectations, will compensate for the accumu- 
lation of difficulties which have been opposed to us. We are taught 
to believe that no law has ever been enacted in this kingdom with 
equal solemnity, or an oath, so serious, been before submitted to 
by the King, or imposed on the captains. Had the treaty disap- 
pointed, instead of exceeded our expectations, I must have viewed 
it as inviolable, and submitted myself to your candour ; Avhich I 
would now, and justify myself by answering the reasonable appre- 


hensions which have recently affected your opinion of the Resi- 
dency, rather than by the plea that the treaty was executed before 
I received them. 

If I had been convinced that it Avas dislike, and not suspicion, 
which actuated the opposition to the Residency,'! should not only 
have considered it imprudent, but derogatory, to have persevered 
in the view ; but, sensible that it was the latter, (from the evidence 
of the King's deportment, and the knowledge of the intrigue and 
calumny excited against us,) I felt the greater anxiety for its 
accomplishment ; since, to have yielded to suspicion, without 
every labour to eradicate it, would have been to have excluded 
ourselves from the kingdom hereafter. 

If the King had been actuated, individually, by the desire of 
detecting the frauds of his messengers, I should have viewed the 
measure as pernicious ; but the Government itself having anxiously 
recommended it, for the sake of their own interest, (Fort pay, and 
purchases from the treasury being always divided amongst the 
superior captains) I considered it harmless ; and not solely from 
the power of its advocates, but also from the impotence of the 
royal messengers in stale affairs, being generally attendants on the 
King, and therefore jealously watched by the other parts of the 
Government. This desire has only been addressed to me in two 
instances, both of which I think justified it: first, respecting the 
fort pay ; it having been since proved, and confessed, that, out of 
62 oz. paid at Christiansburg Castle in 1816 and 17, the Ashantee 
Government has been defrauded of 23 oz. by the messenger : and 
secondly, respecting the goods purchased by Ocranameah, where 
the fraud could not escape notice. Such peculations have proba- 
bly, in the first case, given rise to doubts of our honour ; and in the 
latter, have certainly proved a prejudice to the trade. On the 
occasion of Ocranameah's baseness, I myself requested the King to 


allow me to address you for the particulars of his treatment ; and 
if you consider the mischievous influence of the report, the fatahty 
of the impression that the King's Embassy had been subjected to 
contempt, whilst we had been treated with generosity and respect, 
you will admit that the disproof was imperious on me : he has 
been disgraced, and owes his safety to my intercession. Nothing 
but the most decisive conduct can arrest villainy here. The reports 
of Adoo Bradie have been highly flattering. The King will cer- 
tainly have a better opportunity of making demands from the 
residence of a British officer ; neither can I lessen the probability 
further than by my opinion, which though only indulgent of the 
people in general, is certainly favourable of the honour of the 
King, and the superior captains. The advantages and prospects 
of our preserving our footing by a Residency, have been too fully 
suggested by your experience, to require my dwelling on them. 

I Avill proceed to acquaint you of the circumstances subsequent 
to my receipt of your letter, one of which had nearly been serious. 
After the settlement of the Commenda palaver, the King requested 
me to wait 10 days, which were afterwards extended to 15, as you 
were advised in his letter of the 31st ult. This time expired on 
Saturday last, but the King said then that we must not go until 
Monday. Accordingly, on that day, I delivered Mr. Hutchison 
written instructions (a copy of which I enclose) and sent several 
messages to the King to remind him of his promise. We were not 
sent for until six o'clock in the evening, when the King said he 
could not let me go then, nor before he had time to send me away 
properly. This I considered to be the mere affectation of state ; I 
pleaded that your orders were binding, and that it Avas insulting to 
you, as well as dangerous to me, to prevent m}"^ respect of them, 
now every thing hke business was settled. The King said he 
would only ask me to stop until We,dnesday. I replied, that if he 


would give me his hand, and promise that I should go then, I would 
wait. No ! he could not, but he would promise me for the Monday 
following. I saw that yielding to this would subject me to an 
indefinite delay. I told the King that I should be obliged to go, 
though unwillingly, without his approbation, and that not only my 
duty but his promise justified me. I had only to ask him if he still 
wished me to leave Mr. Hutchison ? All the reply I could get 
was, that I might break the Law if I thought proper. I told them 
the Law would never be broken by an English officer, but still, if 
they were sorry that they had sworn to the Law, I would send for 
it and tear it in pieces before them ; we did not make laws from 
fear. No ! they liked the Law, and could not break it, but I might 
if I chose. I repeated my willingness to stay till Wednesday ; the 
promise could only be given for the Monday : the King and the 
council retired abruptly. I followed them, told them I was obliged 
to be determined, and begged the King to shew his respect for 
you, and the friendship he had condescended to profess for myself, 
by considering your orders : this was construed as indecision ; 
and Monday, or when the King has time, was the reply. I 
thanked him formally for all his kindnesses, told him I must go, 
and retired. It was necessary, at least, to make the attempt, 
although it was then eight o'clock. I left all the luggage in the 
charge of Mr. Hutchison, except two portmanteaus, the sextant, 
and the box containing my papers. We had scarcely proceeded 
fifty 3'ards before the gong-gongs and drums were beat all around us, 
and we were attacked by a crowd of swords and muskets, headed 
by our house master Aboidwee, who in the first rush seized the 
luggage and the flag. I felt myself compelled to attempt to regain 
the flag ; and the value of my papers, and the impolicy of being 
intimidated by the outrage, were also considerations. I begged the 
officers not to draw their swords till the last moment, and taking 


the muskets, the butt ends of which cleared our way to the luggage, 
we fastened on it, with the soldiers, artisans, and our servants, who 
supported us vigorously. The Ashantees did not attempt to fire, 
but attacked us only with their heavy swords and large stones. 
We kept our ground nearly a quarter of an hour, though our belts 
^nd caps were torn away, and we frequently fell. At this time, 
Mr. Tedlie (who had regained his sword, which had been torn from 
his side) was stunned by a blow on the head, and as all were much 
bruised, and some of the people cut, I contented myself with the 
recovery of the flag, the sextant, and the papers, and we retired 
slowly to the house, not expecting they would follow us ; but they 
did so, with a fury which led me to believe they intended our 
destruction. We posted ourselves in the door-way, and I imme- 
diately dispatched the canes by a back way to the King, to tell 
him we had not yet drawn our swords, but we must do so unless 
he rescued us immediately. The tumult did not allow expostula- 
tion, we had no alternative but to defend ourselves, which the 
narrow passage favoured. The captain, Aboidwee, who was quite 
mad with fury and liquor, made a cut at me as I held him from 
me, which would have been fatal but for the presence of mind of 
one of the soldiers, through which it only grazed my face. We 
were soon rescued by the presence of Adoocee, the chief Imguist, 
and Yokokroko, the King's chambferlain, with their retinues. 
Nothing could exceed their servility, they offered to swear the 
King was not privy to the outrage, ordered Aboidwee before them, 
and threatened him with the loss of his head. I told them I knew 
the King's controul, and was not to be treated as a fool ; he had 
forcibly detained us as prisoners, and must take the consequences; 
I should say no more. They continued their professions and 
entreaties upwards of an hour, and did all they could by their 
menaces to Aboidwee, and their deference to the evidence of our 



people, to convince me of their discountenance of the outrage. I 
divided the people into watches for the night. 

By day light the next morning all our luggage was returned, I 
refused to receive it. Yokokroko and Adoo Quamina then sent to 
say they waited below until we had done breakfast ; a long palaver 
succeeded, of the same tenour as that of the preceding night. 
About 11 o'clock, the linguists, Adoocee, Otee, and Quancum; 
Yokokroko, and a crowd of captains came from the King with a 
present of 20 ackies, two flasks of liquor, and a large hog. I asked 
them if they came to put more shame on my face, by brfbing me 
to settle the great palaver they had made the night before with the 
King of England. They flattered and menaced by turns to make 
me take it, and urged, that to refuse the King's present was to 
declare war. I persisted in refusing every thing short of an inter- 
view with the King. The Cape Coast messengers, impelled by 
their apprehensions and their avarice, had the temerity to declare 
at this moment, that you had sent them as a check upon me, and 
that they knew I was not doing as you wished in talking so to the 
King, and that you would make a palaver with me for not waiting 
the King's pleasure. It w as necessary to annihilate the impression 
of such language immediately. I deprived them of their canes, 
and threatened to put them in irons. The King not long after sent 
his eunuch and followers to conduct us to the palace, where he 
had assembled the superior captains. We went in plain clothes, 
alleging that we dared not wear our uniforms as prisoners. The 
King said, I must not say that ; he w-as my good friend, and would 
do me right ; he did not think 1 would have tried to go without 
his leave, and never meant his people to fight with us, he Avould 
give me the heads of all those who led them on, and beg me him- 
self for the rest, as I begged him for Quamina Bootaqua ; he never 
begged any body before ; he did not send the gold, as I thought. 


he sent it to pay for any thing the people had spoiled, and meant 
to do us right all the same ; it would break his heart if the King 
of England heard he had used his officers ill, and if I liked him, I 
must settle the palaver easy. 

Of course I would not hear of any heads being cut off, though 
they all pressed it repeatedly, and doubtless would not have 
regarded sacrificing a few inferior captains to varnish their allega- 
tion ; yet, I must declare, it is my firm opinion, and it is supported 
by the evidence of our private friends, that the King and his prin- 
cipal men merely intended Abo'idwee to stop us, by placing his 
numbers before us and pleading the King's orders, not dreaming 
of any outrage, or that the impetuosity of this man, irritated by 
the loss of his retainer at Cape Coast,* would hurry him to order 
his soldiers to assault us : he has not an atom of influence ; but the 
King selected him as a near relative of his own, to succeed to 
Bakkee's stool, to which 1700 men are attached : the King re- 
peatedly offered me his head. To resume, the King requested us 
to drink with him, and then to shake hands, begged us to resume 
our uniforms, and ordered his own people to attend \is at our 
house. I renewed the subject of our departure. The King said 
this was a bad week, and he did not like us to go in it, he would 
thank me very much to stay till Monday, and then he could get a 
proper present ready. Sunday too was the Adai custom, and then 
I must put Mr. Hutchison's hand in Adoocee's, and Adoocee place 
it in his, and he would promise to take proper care of him before 
all the captains. Odumata and Adoocee came forward to give me 
their hands, as a pledge of their responsibility. I said I could 
receive no one's hand but the King's on such an occasion, but I 
ordered Quashie Apaintree to do so, and it was sworn to. The 
King then said Adoocee had told him the Cape Coast messengers 
* The man who hung himself. 


had tried to put shame on my face — he was very angry with them — 
they ought to know God made white man's head better than black 
man's, and they must come before him, and put iny foot on their 
heads. I tokl him, I coukl not let any one do so, but I sent for 
their canes, and entrusted them to them again, with a suitable 
reprimand. The King then begged me to receive his present, 
which I did, giving the people the hog and liquor, they had 
received another on the Friday before, which the King sent me, 
with 39 yams. 

I have observed that the Government's anxiety for the force of 
the Treaty, and for the Residency, has heightened in proportion 
to the indifference I have affected. I consider the aflkir of yester- 
day to have perfected the impression of our spirit. I certainly 
would not think of leaving any but an ofhcer of the most consi- 
derate conduct as a Resident, and, I beheve, Mr. Hutchison, by 
tempering his spirit with judgment, may safely realize the objects 
of the situation; if, however, on my return, you consider I have 
left him in a precarious situation, I volunteer my services to replace 
him, and deliberately to retire the Residency. 

It occurs to me, the Amissa palaver may possibly be the design 
of this interval, if it should, you may rely on my remaining resolute 
on the subject. 

I am, &c. 

• (Signed) T. EDWARD BOWDICH. 


Coomassie, Sept. 181 7. 
To William Hutchison, Esquire, British Residetit. 
I AM directed by the Governor in Chief to leave you written 
instructions for your future government. 

The conviction of the honour and justice of our public negotia- 
tions, having procured us a footing in opposition to the arts 
which have been practised upon the suspicion of the natives, your 
conduct is looked to, with confidence, to support it, by originating 
an opinion of our nioral character, equally auspicious to the bene- 
volent views of the British Government. The simplicity of our 
religion, tolerating the calumny of the Moors, that Ave are destitute 
of any, you will have the satisfaction of perfecting the confutation, 
by a regular retirement to its duties, and by the practice of that 
benevolence and forbearance, equally congenial to the policy 
prescribed to us. 

It would be premature, as well as dangerous, to direct any other 
than the tacit reproof of your own conduct and sentiments, to the 
cruelties consecrated by the superstitions of the Ashantees ; you 
must be content to avoid the countenance of them by your pre- 
sence, by adhering to the plea of the repugnance of your religion. 
This conduct, associated with a humanity always inclining you to 
induce mercy, whenever the offence, or prudence, may admit of 
an interference, will propitiate your own wishes, and the expec- 
tations of the Government. 

The friendship and respect which the King, and the superior 
captains have manifested, will not only be preserved, but strength- 
ened, by a dignified deportment, and a considerate use of the 
private intercourse these feelings have established ; and you will 
cultivate the frequent opportunities of instilling into their minds, 


that education originated the pre-eminence of Europeans; and 
that peace is most auspicious to the greatness of a Nation, direct- 
ing all its powers to commerce and the arts, and thereby founding 
its superior comfort, prosperity, and embellishment. Thc^ power 

^and resources of your own country should be quoted to illustrate 
this truth ; and you will impress that it is the experience of it, 
which has imposed the benevolent anxiety of the British Govern- 
ment, to improve the condition of the people of Africa, through 
the legitimate medium of commerce. This impression you will 
extend, deliberately, to the visitors from other kingdoms, particu- 
larly to those from the Sarem and Mallowa countries. 

In encouraging the trade with the Coast, your measures must 
disprove any view but that of a fair competition ; and your vigi- 
lance of the British interests must be distinct from any thing hke 
jealousy, suspicion, or intermeddling : you will act as the advocate 
of the views of Europe, but not allow any interference to be 
imposed on you, without the sanction of the Governor in Chief, 
whose letters will be, exclusively, attended to, and to whom you 
will candidly communicate any circumstance or reflection, affect- 
ing our new connection. 

You will repress, rather than encourage the disposition of the 
King and the Council, to detect imposition through your assist- 
ance, by contining your justifications, as much as possible, to 
public transactions ; for although the Government is gratified by 

. it, it may tend to make the Residency unpopular, ..^ 

I enclose you a copy of the Treaty, and particularly direct your 
attention to the 4th article, which authorizes you to submit to 
every thing like a mediation, separable from responsibility, to the 
discussion of the Governor in Chief, for the sake of peace and 
humanity ; but you Avill do this, invariabl}^, with diffidence ; with- 
out betraying any sanguine expectations. 


You will be more sensible to insult than injury ; and the most 
politic conduct will be, to declare that the British Government 
exacts from all its officers, on pain of disgrace, a firm repulse of 
the former ; and that they dare not admit the influence of their 
private feelings, as in the latter case. 

I leave you in possession of the esteem of the King, and the 
friendship of the superior Captains, and with every thing favour- 
able to the objects of the Residency ; but, should any caprice in 
the Government make you invidious to any thing like a parly, or 
diminish their respect, you will immediately address the Governor 
in Chief, who will order your presence at Head Quarters. Another 
important consideration will be your health ; also the character of 
the captain who may be left in charge of the capital, should the 
King go himself to the Buntooko war. Your personal safety is 
out of the question at present, but should the least doubt arise in 
your own mind hereafter, you must consult the Governo/s solici- 
tude, rather than your own spirit. 

You see the necessity of keeping in Avith the Moors ; the flatter- 
ing their inteUigence is most conducive to this, and also elicits 
valuable information. 

I shall afford you a perusal of the dispatch of the Committee, 
and the instructions of the Governor in Chief, to perfect the 

I have directed Mr. Tedlie to leave you a supply of medicines, 
and you will i&ke charge of the Resident's flag. 

I am. Sir, 
your most obedient Servant, 


Baba had a great number of Arabic manuscripts ; I have pre- 
served a leaf finely illuminated. Apokoo astonished us by offering 
to lend us some books to read ; he shewed us two French volumes 
on geography, a Dutch bible, a volume of the Spectator, and a 
Dissuasion from Popery, 1620. It was gratifying to recollect that 
this chief, now become so much attached to us, was the man 
mentioned in our early dispatches as snatching Mr. Tedlie's sword 
from him, on the declaration of war, to make his oath against us 
the more inveterate. Telling the King one day that Mr. Hutchi- 
son's and Mr. Tedlie's countries, Scotland and Ireland, were 
formerly distinct from mine, he begged directly to hear specimens 
of the different languages, and was reluctantly persuaded that it 
was the policy of England to get rid of all national distinctions 
between her subjects, Apokoo was very fond of scribbhng, and 
with a smile frequently begged to know what he had written. 
They could not comprehend how any hieroglyphic that was not a 
picture, could express an object. My name, said the King, is not 
like me. He was rather uneasy at my sketching ; the Moors, he 
hinted, had insinuated that I could place a spell on the buildings 
I drew. I told him, without drawings, the people in England 
could not be convinced that I had visited him ; he appeared 
satisfied, and begged to be drawn handsome. 

There are only four direct descendants now living of the noble 
families which accompanied the emigration of Sai Tootoo, the 
founder of the Ashantee monarchy ; none of them are wealthy, 
and Assaphi, who is one, is a beggar, wandering in the bush, 
having been disgraced from the highest favour, for the following 
fraud. An old linguist of the former King's (Sai Quamina) having 
died at a distant croom, the King, according to custom, sent 
Assaphi with four periguins of gold, and a quantity of expensive 
cloths and mats to bury him; Assaphi kept the gold, and i>ubsti- 


tuted inferior cloths of his own. The wife urged the great and 
zealous services of her husband to Sai Quamina, and her indigna- 
tion at such a mean acknowledgment as the King had sent. 
Assaphi returned, reported her gratitude, and that every thing had 
been handsomely done, to the credit of the King. The Avife 
privately dug up the cloths buried with the corpse, and suspecting 
the fraud, secretly conveyed them to the King, with a full account. 
The King sent for Assaphi and again enquiring the particulars, 
with seeming indifference, suddenly required him to swear to the 
tVuth, which he advanced to do, when the King said no ! you must 
not swear, and the woman was immediately discovered to him with 
all the cloths. He then confessed the particulars, was stripped of 
every thing, and is now the more despised for not killing himself; 
and the King could not put him to death, as the direct descendant 
of one of Sai Tootoo's peers. Part of the King's reproach to him 
was curious : " my brother's linguist did him great good, so when 
he and my brother, who now live with God, make God recollect all, 
and tell him the shame you put on him for me, in so burying him, 
God will kill me." 

A man and a woman were beheaded on the 17th of this month, 
for an intrigue : the woman was very handsome, and the wife of a 
captain : on their being suspected, both were ordered to drink 
doom, which choking them, they were immediately executed. 
The King's sister sent for Mr. Tedlie to go and see her, he enquired 
into her complaint and recommended some medicine, Avhich she 
very thankfully agreed to take ; he prepared some for her, and 
went to give her the proper directions ; upon which, she handed 
the cup to her husband, who beginning to swallow it very fast, 
Mr. Tedlie stopped him, and said he had only prepared sufficient 
for one person; the lady replied, " let him drink this to day, and 
I can have more to-morrow " he told her that he had very little 



medicine, and could not afford to give it to people that were in 
good health : she did not appear pleased with this reasoning. A 
man of Assiminia, who had received medicine and advice from 
Mr. Tedlie on our march up, sent him a third present about this 
time, of fruit, vegetables, and wild deer, with the account that he 
was quite well. 

Apokoo enquired very anxiously, why the King of England had 
not sent one of his sons with the presents to the King of Ashantee. 
He said he had himself conquered five nations, during the present 
and the preceding reign, and he named twenty one nations which 
now paid tribute to Ashantee; but he added, there were three 
countries which would not; two eastward, and one to the north- 
west ; each of those eastward had defeated the Ashantees ; the one 
north-westward, on the King sending for tribute, desired that he 
would come and take it, and afterwards entirely destroyed an 
Ashantee army. 

Akrqfrocm, Sept. 26, 1817. 

John Hope Smith, Esq. Governor in Chief, &c. &c. &c. 

The King only availed himself of our detention to introduce us to 
fresh ceremonies, and to augment the testimonies of his friendship. 
The Amissa palaver was not attempted, and nothing like design 
has disclosed itself. 

On the Monday there was a general assembly of the caboceers 
and captains, the King of Dwabin being present, with his linguists, 
also several Dagwumba caboceers, and the Moorish dignitaries. 
The King announced the execution of the Treaty by himself and 
the deputies, and impressed, in a long speech through his linguists, 
that he would visit the least offence against it with the greatest 


severity. I was then requested to read it for the last time, and the 
King's dupUcate was executed in a similar manner. 

In the evening, the King gave us our last audience before all his 
superior captains : a letter was dictated, which I shall present to 
you on my arrival ; and Adoocee, the chief linguist, was formally 
deputed to receive Mr. Hutchison's hand from me, and to place it 
in the King's, who received it with a solemn avowal of his respon- 
sibility for the charge. The linguist then presented from the King, 
To the Government, four boys for education. 
To the British Museum, six specimens of the goldsmith's work. 
(I had interested the King, by my account of this national repo- 

To the Governor in Chief, one boy, one girl, to be brought up 
in his service. 

To Mr. Bowdich, one boy, one girl, and 2 oz. 6 ac. of gold. 

Mr. Tedlie, one boy, and 1 oz. 4 ac. of gold. 

Accra linguist, one cloth, - 10 ditto. 

Cape Coast linguists, two cloths, 10 ditto. 

De Graaff's messenger, - 10 ditto. 

The officers servants, - - 10 ditto. 

The soldiers, - - 10 ditto. 

I afterwards received a Sarem cloth and some trifles as a further 
dash from Apokoo ; one sheep, &c. &c. from Baba the chief of the 
Moors ; and 15 ackies of gold from the King's linguists, with their 
acknowledgments of my firmness during the negotiation. 

The King having a palaver at present with the Warsaws, 
objected so strongly to our returning through their territory, that 
after one or two attempts to over-rule his apprehensions, I found it 
would be imprudent to persevere in the wish, although the disap- 
pointment was great ; the King assured me the Warsaw path was 
two days longer, and that he will not spare any labour on that of 


Assin directly after the Avar. I had permission to go some miles on 
the Warsaw path, to convince myself of its neglected condition. 

The King's favorite son (a child about five years old) whom he 
had dressed in our uniform for the occasion, was so alarmed at the 
idea of being given over to us, that the King's feelings obliged him 
to promise me that he would send the children after me ; he is too 
jealous of the advantages to allow those of his great men to parti- 
cipate, until his own family are first distinguished by them. 

The King supplied me with bearers, and pressed me to take six 
hammock men in case of sickness ; he would not hear of pay for 
any, and persisted in appointing one of his captains to take care 
of us. He yielded the point of an escort reluctantly, which I had 
combated from the consideration of the expense of a present to 
such a number. The King requested me on taking leave, to wait 
a short time until his captains had distributed the powder to salute 
as on our departure, and it being then dark, to proceed no further 
than a small croom just beyond the. marsh, where the people 
should join us in the morning. The King and his captains were 
seated by torch light with all their insignia, without the palace, 
and we quitted the capital, preceded by the King's banners, dis- 
charges of musketry, and every flattering distinction that could be 
thought of. 

The King has provided one of the best houses for Mr. Hutchi- 
son, very superior to any we could have raised at so short a notice, 
and has anticipated every thing to make him comfortable, and 
respected ; nothing could be more considerate or kind, than his 
speech to him on my taking leave. 

A messenger of the King of Dwabin's accompanies me for a 
suit of our uniform for the King's wear, which I could not refuse. 

I am, &c. &c. 



Coomassie, September 22, I8I7. 

Sai Tootoo Quamina, King of Ashantee, ^c. to John Hope 
Smith, Esquire, Governor in Chief, ^-c. Sfc, Sj-c. 


We are from this time forth good friends, and I shall send all the 
trade I can to Cape Coast Castle, and I hope that you will by and 
by have confidence in my word. 

I beg you will send my best compliments to the King of Eng- 
land, and accept them yourself, in proof of my satisfaction of the 
purposes of the Embassy, and its happy termination. 

You will call all the Fantee caboceers before you, and impress 
the importance of the Treaty, and exact their respect of it, as I 
have from all my great men and caboceers. 

I hope you will always act towards me as a friend, and I shall 
always be ready to protect and support the British interests. 

I wish you health and happiness, and all my captains send their 

best compliments to you, 

1 am. Sir, 

your sincere friend. 

The mark >i of Sai Tootoo Quamina. 

W. Hutchison. 

Henry Tedlie. 

I will thank you to impress on the King of England that I have 
sworn not to renew the Avar with the Fantees, out of respect to 
him, and 1 shall consider them as his people. I hope therefore he 
will, in turn, consider if he cannot renew the Slave Trade, Avhich 
will be good for me. 



I hope the King of England will now let all foreign vessels come 
to the coast to trade, and you must say that the path is now clear 
to do as much English trade as your supplies will allow. 

The following letter was sent after me, to Doompassie. 

Coomassie, 2Zd September, 1817. 

John Hope Smith, Esq. Governor in Chief, &c. &c. &c. 


The King of Ashantee desires me to request you will write to all 
the Governors of English forts, on the African coast, to order the 
caboceers of each town, to send a proper person to Cape Coast, 
and that you will add one messenger yourself; that they may all 
proceed to Coomassie to take the King's fetish in his presence, 
that none may plead ignorance of the Treaty concluded between his 
Majesty and the British nation. 

The King wishes me to express, that he is fully satisfied with 
the objects of the Mission, and that the Treaty may be read by 
me to all the Fantee deputies you may send for that purpose. 

I am, &c. &c. 
(Signed) W. HUTCHISON. 

My last private letters from Cape Coast Castle had imposed the 
most painful anxiety ; the two lives naturally beyond all others the 
dearest to me, were imminently endangered by the seasoning illness 
of the country ; one yielded to it before 1 could arrive, yet, under 
all the impatience of my affliction, 1 must confess, Avhen I took 


the King's hand for the last time, when I reflected on the benevo- 
lence, the solicitude, and the generosity I had exeprienced whilst 
my life was in his hands, affected by the most untoward and 
irritating political circumstances, by the aggravated suspicions of 
his chiefs, and by the poisonous jealousy of the Moors, there was 
a painful gratification in the retrospect, which blended the wish to 
linger another hour in listening to acknowledgments of esteem and 
obligation, more affecting than flattering, and enhanced by the 
consoling reflection, that they were the natural emotions of one of 
those monarchs we are pleased to call barbarians. Night was 
coming on, but as I had so positively declared before the King 
and his council, on the former occasion, that nothing should deter 
me from keeping my word in quitting Coomassie on this day, it 
would not do to delay even until the morning. A strict observance 
of your word, is every thing in the eye of a Negro. The King 
said, he would not beg me to stay, as I had declared I dared not; 
he would only ask me to go no further than Ogogoo, that night, 
and his people should join me early in the morning. Our exit was 
a brilliant scene, from the reflection of the glittering ornaments of 
the King and his captains by the torches ; they were seated in a 
deep and long line, without the palace, accompanied by their 
retinues ; all their bands burst forth together, as we saluted the 
King in passing, and we were enveloped in the smoke of the 
musketry. The darkness of the forest was an instantaneous and 
awful contrast, and the bowlings and screeches of the wild beasts, 
startled us as we groped our way, as if we had never heard them 
before. The torches provided for our protection against them 
were extinguished in crossing the marsh, Avhich had swollen to 
between four and five feet deep, and the descent to it from Coo- 
massie was rocky and abrupt. The linguists and soldiers lost 
themselves in the forest, and did not arrive at Ogogoo until long 


after Mr. Tedlie and myself. The inhabitants were asleep, but 
they rose cheerfully, cleared the best house for us, and made firesJ 
The next morning I received the dash of gold from the King's 
linguists, in a Mallowa bag, with a long compliment ; the conclu- 
sion of which was, that I must always be ready to use the same 
spirit and address, in talking a palaver for the King of Ashantee, 
as I had shewn in talking that of my own King. This testimony 
of their good feeling and esteem, which they could not avow whilst 
we were political antagonists, was grateful. 

Marching through Sarrasoo, where we were liberally refreshed 
with palm wine, we halted in the evening at Assiminia, We were 
received with great hospitality by the principal man, who provided 
us with excellent lodging, to his own inconvenience, and presented 
us with some fowls. The path was almost a continued bog, for the 
rainy season had set in violently. The next day we marched 
through Dadasey to Doompassie, and occupied our former com- 
fortable dwelling. One party spent the night in the woods. 
Thursday morning, the 6th, we had a short but most fatiguing 
march over the mountains dividing the frontiers, to Moisee, the first 
Assin town. The difficulty of procuring provisions until the people 
returned from the plantations, detained us in Moisee until four 
o'clock in the evening. As the stage from Doompassie had been 
short, (although fatiguing) I determined to proceed to Akrofroom, 
as we should gain a day by it. The Ashantees remonstrated, 
knowing the swollen stale of the several small rivers, and the 
aggravated difficulties of the path from the heavy rain ; but I was 
so apprehensive of being detained, by their pleading their super- 
stitious observance of good and bad days for travelling, that I was 
afraid of seeming to yield to them, lest it might encourage the dis- 
position. I recommended them to go back, and started without 
them, but they were soon at my heels, declaring, they should lose 


their heads if they quitted us. Mr. Tedhe, myself, a soldier, and 
the Ashantee next in authority under the captain, outwalked the 
rest of the party, and found ourselves out of their hearing when it 
grew dark. We lost some time in trying to make torches to keep 
off the beasts, and to direct us in the right track, for we were 
walking through a continued bog, and had long before lost our 
shoes. A violent tornado ushered in the night, we could not hear 
each other holla, and were soon separated ; luckily I found I had 
one person left with me (the Ashantee) who, after I had groped 
him out, tying his cloth tight round his middle, gave me the other 
end, and thus plunged along, pulling me after him, through bogs 
and rivers, exactly like an owl tied to a duck in a pond. The 
thunder, the darkness, and the howlings of the wild beasts were 
awful, but the loud and continuing crash of a large tree, which fell 
very near us during the storm, was even more so to my ear. The 
Ashantee had dragged me along, or rather through, in this manner 
until I judged it to be midnight, when, quite exhausted, with the 
remnants of my clothes scarcely hanging together, I let go his 
clothj and falling on the ground, was asleep before I could call out 
to him. I was awoke by this faithful guide, who had felt me out, 
and seated me on the trunk of a tree, with my head resting on his 
shoulder ; he gave me to understand I must die if I sat there, and 
we pursued the duck and owl method once more. In an hour 
we forded the last river, which had swollen considerably above my 
chin, and spread to a great width. This last labour I considered 
final, and my drowsiness became so fascinating, that it seemed to 
beguile me of every painful thought and apprehension, and the 
yielding to it was an exquisite, though momentary pleasure. I 
presume I must have slept above an hour, hfted by this humane 
man from the bank of the river to a drier corner of the forest, 
more impervious to the torrents of rain ; when, being aAvoke, I was 



surprised to see him with a companion and a torch ; he took me 
on his back, and in about three quarters of an hour we reached 
Akrofroom. This man knew I carried about me several ounces of 
gokl, for the subsistence of the people, not trusting to our luggage, 
which we could not reckon on in such a season and journey. 
Exhausted and insensible, my life was in his hands, and infested 
as the forest was Avith wild beasts, he might after such a night, 
without suspicion, have reported me as destroyed by them ; this 
had occurred to me, and was an uneasy feeling as long as my 
torpor left me any. It was about two o'clock in the morning, and 
the inhabitants of Akrofroom were almost all asleep, for it was too 
rude a night for Negro revelry ; however, I was directly carried to 
a dry and clean apartment, furnished with a brass pan full of water 
to wash in, some fruits and palm wine, an excellent bed of mats 
and cushions, and an abundance of country cloths to wrap around 
me, for I was all but naked. After I had washed, I rolled myself 
up in the cloths, one after the other, until I became a gigantic 
size, and by a profuse perspiration escaped any other ill than a 
slight fever. A soldier came up about mid-day, and gave me 
some hopes of seeing Mr. Tedlie again, who arrived soon after- 
wards, having left his companions in a bog, waiting until he sent 
them assistance from the town. Our gratification was mutual, for 
the only trace he had had of me was by no means an encouraging 
one ; my servant meeting an Ashantee in the forest with fragments of 
my clothes, which he persisted he had not taken from any person, 
but picked up on his Avay. Mr. Tedlie (whose feet were cut and 
bruised much more than mine, and whose wretched plight made 
him envy the African toga I had assumed) after we had separated, 
and the storm had drowned our mutual hollaings, the howlings of 
the wild beasts meeting his ears on all sides, had just determined 
to roost in a tree for the night, when an Ashantee appeared with a 


torch, and conducted him out of the track to the remains of a 
shed, where four or five of the people had before strayed and 
settled themselves. Another party arrived at Akrofroom about 
four o'clock, and the last, with the Cape Coast linguist and the 
corporal, not until sun set ; they had lost the track altogether, and 
spent the whole day, as well as the previous night, in the woods. 
We made an excellent duck soup, our grace to which was, " what 
a luxury to poor Mungo Park ;" the name recalled sufferings which 
made us laugh at our own as mere adventures. 

On Saturday the 8th we marched to Asharamang. Here we 
found great difficulties in getting provisions until the Ashanlees 
came up, for Quamina Bwa's knavery had been ascribed to us ; 
and here, panyaring all we required, he had not given the inha- 
bitants a tokoo of the gold. At length we were well supplied and 
comfortably lodged. The next day we marched through Kicki- 
wherree to Prasoo, where we occupied a good house, and an 
Ashantee captain proceeding on an embassy, dashed us a supply 
of fowls and yams. We crossed the Boosempra early the next 
morning, and thence began to leave the rains behind us. Per- 
severing in making but one journey of the distances which occupied 
us two and three days going up, we pressed forward, passing by 
our former bivouacs in the woods, scarcely distinguishable, until 
we reached the site of Accomfodey, for only one hut now re- 
mained ; the Avretched inhabitants having deserted it in terror of 
the Ashantees. The solitary Fantee who occupied it, had the 
address to assure me, that I should find much better lodging at 
Ancomassa, where we recollected to have left some comfortable 
huts going up, and we resolved to try another stage, and were 
recompensed by finding scarcely a wreck of the place, and some 
tattered sheds only instead of the sound roof we had quitted. We 
proceeded early the next morningj passed Foosou, which was 


entirely deserted, and marched until we found ourselves at sun set 
on the banks of the Aniabirrira. The people were all behind, and 
the Ashantees coming up about an hour afterwards, informed us 
they had settled themselves for the night about two hours walk 
distant. Unfortunately we had no flint, and after fasting all day, 
we had the mortification of losing our supper merely for want of a 
fire ; the wood was all so wet that friction had no effect on it, we 
could find no shelter, and a heavy rain set in as it grew dark ; 
fatigue luckily beguiled us of cold and hunger, and of our appre- 
hensions of a visit from the beasts, who were howling about the 
banks of their watering place. I wrapped myself up in the Inta 
cloth Apokoo had given me, and wet as the ground was, I never 
slept better. Hence the forest visibly declined in height towards 
the coast. We pressed on by day light, found some excellent 
guavas to allay our hunger, and reaching Mansue, made a good 
soup of our fowls, peppers growing luxuriantly all around us. We 
waited until we heard of the people behind us, and then proceeded; 
about five in the evening I reached Cottacoomacasa, with the 
Dwabin messenger only. The place was deserted, and a body of 
Ashantee traders had occupied the remaining shed. I would not 
disturb them, but waiting until sun set for Mr. Tedlie, I left him a 
supply of guavas, and proceeded to Payntrec. There was a charm 
in the name of that place, being but one journey from the sea, 
superior to the recollection of the former night's adventure. It 
was a brilliant night, and the dark gloom and hollow echos of the 
long vistas of the forest, formed a fine contrast to the extensive 
areas (sites of large Fantee crooms destroyed by the Ashantees) 
into which we frequently emerged. The wild music and cheerful 
revelry of the inhabitants of Payntree stole upon my ear, and raised 
the tone of my spirits in proportion as the sounds strengthened. 
A loud and continued shout warned me that I was announced ; 


torches and music instantly encircled me, and I was conducted to 
old Payntree's residence, who had built himself a new house 
somewhat in the Ashantee fashion. An excellent bed was pre- 
pared for me of an accumulation of mats and country cloths, and 
a famous supper of soups, stews, fruit, and palm wine. Quamina 
Bootaqua paid his respects, and old Payntree, Amooney King of 
Annamaboe, and two or three other caboceers, unknown to me, 
made a long adulatory speech, complimenting my ability, bewaihng 
my hardships, and magnifying their obhgations. I was requested 
to seat myself on old Payntree's state stool, whilst they stood 
around me, and he begged me to listen to an air composed by his 
band on the occasion of the embassy, and its successful termina- 
tion ; " all would now be well, and Fantee revive and flourish." I 
sat up till midnight, vainly expecting Mr. Tedlie and the soldiers ; 
they awoke me by their arrival before sun rise ; they had passed 
the night in a sound hut, on the path, which from the want of a 
torch had escaped my notice. 

Hearing, as I expected, that there was a path from Payntree to 
Cape Coast Castle, avoiding Annamaboe (whence the Mission had 
departed), I determined to explore it, and Payntree furnished me 
Avith a guide. The country was beautifully diversified with hill 
and dale, but the soil was generally lighter and more gravelly than 
that between Annamaboe and Payntree. We passed through 
several groves of guava trees, and all the other tropical fruits 
abounded. Occasionally there were small plantations of Guinea 
corn, where a few wretched Fantees still lurked in the ruins of the 
crooms the Ashantees had destroyed. We passed through eleven 
which had been considerable, and now presented but a few mud 
houses scattered over extensive sites. Their names were Assequah, 
Daooramong, Amparoo,Taachoo, Coorikirraboo,Perridjoo, Abikar- 
rampa, Aquoitee, Miensa, and Amosima. The only water was near 


Auiparoo ; it was a large pond nearly two miles in circumference, 
and sixty yards broad, impregnated with vegetable matter. After 
travelling 15 miles, we climbed some very steep and rockv hills, 
apparently of iron stone, and descended into a flat country, con- 
tinuing until a small rising about two miles from Cape Coast Castle, 
(which I judged to be 20 miles from Payntree by this ulterior 
path) opened the sea to our view ; as delightful to our sight, as 
land would have been after a prolonged and perilous voyage. The 
shouts and greetings of the natives were a grateful introduction to 
the more congenial congratulations of our countrymen. 



[ 161 ] 



1 HE impression of the Natives that we came " to spy the coun- 
try" was sedulously strengthened by the Moors, who were actuated 
by alarm, jealousy, and a spirit of intolerance unmitigated by a 
previous intercourse with Europeans. I felt compelled, therefore, 
to suppress all curiosity for a considerable time, lest the anxiety to 
detect us in geographical enquiries, to make their calumny more 
imposing, might have been gratified. Latterly, when better feel- 
ings had been induced through patience and candour, as the 
Moorish charts and MSS. evidence, the inaptitude rather than the 
reluctance of the natives, made the shortness of our stay unaccom- 
modating. I shall pass over a mass of memoranda recorded on 
individual report, and only select such, wherein Moors and natives, 
unknown to each other, have agreed ; describing their travels in 
their own way, without my questions anticipating or directing 
them. These routes and observations were fuither confirmed by 
the evidence of children, recently arrived as slaves from the 
various countries, whose artless replies decided my credence. It 
may be remarked, that the children of the African Negroes, early 
accustomed to travel with their parents for their convenience or 
their assistance, and unoccupied by the difficulties of incipient 
education, observe nature more attentively than European children 
of the same age would ; for they have nothing else to think of, of 


to divert the fatigue of these reiterated trading journies : their 
evidence, therefore, was a genuine and acceptable check on the 
Moorish and Negro adults. 

The difficulty of adjusting geography by investigation only, is 
not diminished by the numerous small states, scarcely less frequent 
than those of modem Italy, which we find to compose this part of 
Western Africa. 

Any thing like observations of the Sun's place, during a journey, 
seemed to be so uncommon to the Natives, and so secondary to 
the Moors, from their confused accounts of the occasional changes, 
that, after expending much time to no purpose, I was obliged to 
content myself with placing the different kingdoms in the same 
direction as their several paths bore from Coomassie, taking every 
precaution to be convinced that the paths did not cross each 
other; and afterwards adjusting the positions by the various 
auxiliary evidence which occurred in the general course of my 
enquiries. I allow 15 miles for each days journey (which, from 
observation and report, I have reason to think is the average) and 
two thirds of the sum to be made good on the horizontal distance, 
as we found this to be nearly the case in our journey from 
Annamaboe to Coomassie ; the distance travelled being 146 miles, 
Annamaboe laying in 5° 4' N., and 1° 43' W., and the latitude of 
Coomassie being 6° 34' 50" N. ; and the longitude 2° 11' W. by 
the mean of the observations of the eclipses of Jupiter's 1st and 
2nd satellites. 

I procured the numerals of the various countries whenever I 
could, to assist future enquirers. 

There are nine great paths leading from Coomassie, the Dwabin, 
Akim, Assin, Warsaw, Sauee, Gaman, Soko, Daboia, and 

Dwabm is not more than three quarters of a day's journey 


eastward, from Coomassie, by the route No. 1.; in which I have 
retained only the larger towns, omitting the villages ; as I shall 
invariably. The river Dah is crossed close to the westward of 
Dwabin, and said to be as wide as we found it at Sarrasoo. Two 
journies beyond Dwabin is a small dependent district called 
Mohoo. Several names, such as Measee, Marmpon, Akrofroom, 
tScc, will be found common to different states, as Larissa, Argos, 
and Thebes were in antient Greece. 

There is an eastern branch of the Akim path, entered immedi- 
ately on leaving Coomassie, to a country called Quaoo, northward 
of Akim, (of which it seems formerly to have been a district) and 
adjoining the Volta. Diabbee is its principal town, and the second 
Wantomoo, 8 journies from Coomassie by route No. 2. The 
latter is situated at the foot of a mountain whence the Boosempra 
issues, with two smaller rivers, the Soobirree and Sesee, running 
to the Kirradee. This district is entered the 3d day from 

There are two routes to Accra through Akim, the capital of 
which is Bannasoo, 5 journies, and the northern frontier town 
Feea, 3 journies from Coomassie. The easternmost route to Accra 
is 15 journies ; the other is made 17 journies to pass near the lake 
Boosmaquee. This lake, 3 journies from Coomassie, was described 
as four miles long, and nearly three broad ; upwards of thirty 
^mall crooms were reckoned situated around it, supported by 
fishing : the water was said to be unpleasant to drink, and to give 
a reddish hue to the hair of the people who washed in it. Fish 
were forwarded thence daily for the King's table, by relays of men. 
It was called the white mans fetish, there being a popular super- 
stition, nourished by the Moors, that Europeans were to join it 
with the sea, to introduce vessels for the subjugation of the coun- 
try. Close to the lake is a mountain called Quashee Boposoo, 


sometimes seen clearly from Coomassie, abounding in large black 
stones, described as basaltcs. By this route (No. 3.) to Accra, the 
Akim country is entered the 4th day, the Boosempra is crossed on 
the 6th, by a tree laid over it, and the Birrim, by a line and raft 
on the 12th; it is much wider than the Boosempra is where we 
crossed it, and runs to that river, falling into it just above our 
crossing. The Aquapim, a clear and mountainous country, is 
entered on the l6th day. By the eastern route. No. 4, the Akim 
country is entered the 4th da}' ; a large hill called Abirrawantoo is 
|)assed the 9th : thence the Birrim springs, crossing the path twice 
before it runs to the Boosempra. Three days westward from this 
mountain, is a second, called Papow, in which the Ainshue or the 
Winnebah river rises. A river called Dinshue rises also in this 
neighbourhood, running to the vSaccomo, which falls into the sea 
8 miles west of Accra. Isert, who visited Aquapim, called the 
capital Kommang, but Akropong is so now. The distance from 
Coomassie to Accra may be estimated at 230 miles, which bears 
about the same proportion to the horizontal distance, as the path 
we travelled through Assin from Annaraaboc. Dr. Leyden was 
much imposed on in the extravagant account he has given of the 
extent, power, and commerce of Akim,* whicii is placed in the 
map accompanying his Avork, eastward of Dahomey, instead of 
westward of the Volta. Dr. Isert was a Danish gentleman, who 
had the good fortune to cure the former King of Ashantee's sister 
of a lingering disorder, after she had exhausted all the skill of the 

* " On the west of Aquamboe lies the powerful state of Akiui, sometimes denominated 
Akam, Achem, and Accany, which occupies almost all the interior of the Gold Coast, 
and is supposed by the natives to extend to Barbary. The Accanese arc represented as 
carrying on an extensive commerce with the interior kingdoms of Africa, particularly 
Tonouwah, Gago, and Meczara, by which Mourzouk the capital of Fezzan seems to be 


feti&h women, and came to Christiansburg Castle in despair. He 
afterwards expressed his wish to visit the Ashantee kingdom ; and 
being encouraged, he set out in June 1786, and staying some days 
in Aquapim, was just about to enter Akim, when he was recalled 
by the Governor. A dangerous illness, heightened by his disap- 
pointment, soon afterwards disgusted him with the country, and 
he left it for the West Indies. As Dr. Isert's letters are only known 
in German and Dutch,* and he was an industrious and scientific 
observer, an extract from his description of the Aquapim country 
Avill be acceptable. I am indebted for a Latin translation of this 
and other passages, adduced on different subjects, to Dr. Reyn- 
haut of Elmina Castle. 

" I began my journey early in the morning of the 17th of June, 
and after walking two hours I arrived at a little village, pictures- 
quely situated, named Aschiama. Two hours behind this lies a 
chain of mountains, which are composed of granitous stones ; flints 
are but rarely found. The Avhole prospect shews itself here in a 
very different manner to that observed in sandy countries ; the 
rocks are covered with lofty trees, which are encompassed with 
small forests almost impervious. The soil, no longer sandy, becomes 
argillaceous, and excellent for vegetation. Behind these forests I 
arrived at a Negro village called Abodee, eight leagues from 
Christiansburg : the inhabitants of this place are very tenacious of 
native ceremony and etiquette. Thence I passed by an irregular 
path through the following villages, Fiasso, Eientema, Futu, 
Mampon, Odaky, Manno, and Manseng. An hour afterwards I 
reached a village named Kommong, the residence of H. R. H. the 
Duke of Aquapim. Here the country is charming, though forests 
are still to be found. Mountains, rocks, and vallies vary each 

* " Reize van Koppenhagen naar Guinea, &c. Door den Heer Isert. Amstcld^un^ 
1797- Naar het Hoog Duitsch." 


other in the most striking order ; fresh water, so rarely obtained in 
maritime countries, is found here of an excellent quality. Near 
this village a stream constantly rushes from the summit of a rock, 
and affords a fresh and crystalline water. Trees of a very large 
circumference are also found; I calculated one of the^ biggest to 
be 45 feet round and 15 in diameter. These trees are not the same 
as those of which Adanson speaks in his description of Senegal, 
(Adansonia digitata) but are of a peculiar species; they much 
resemble a round lower, as they do not bear either flowers or 
fruits. Here I found the Ammonium Grana Paradisi, the Ammo- 
nium Zerumber, and a new genus in a perpendicular tree orna- 
mented by flowers, which resembled tulips, (Novum Genus 
Tetandriae) and of great elegance : also a new species of aloe, of 
which the inhabitants make thread ; a new species of citron with 
indented leaves, and a multitude of unknown trees and shrubs. In 
the thickest forests grows a species of Spanish cane, very straight 
and Avell proportioned, and often attaining six feet in height; it is 
to be wished that it could be made use of, treating it as the 
Chinese do, for if, when dry, an equal degree of tenacit}'- could be 
induced, it would prove superior in quality. I observed, on the 
boughs of the trees, the Senna plant (which is parasitic, and con- 
sists entirely of a flower), it Avas almost the shape of a pine when 
open, and the inside is of a ver}'- deep red ; the Negroes use it in 
the syphilitic disorder, when first attacked. I took it for the 
Aphutcia Hydrora of Thunberg, but on examination it differs 
much, as it belongs to Icosandria, Palm trees are here very rare, 
except the oliferous (Elois Guineensis) and the viniferous (an 
Phoenix) which are cultivated in great numbers ; also the true 
cocoa nut trees (Cocas nucifera) and the false (an Borassus.) In 
a word, nature entirely changes her form as soon as you reach the 
summit of the cliain of mountains, and I do not believe one 


twentieth part of the plants found here are the same as those on 
the Coast. With regard to natural history, I was less happy in 
making discoveries. The elephant, so abundantly inhabiting the 
environs of Fidah, (Whydah) and other wild beasts, are here very 
rare, which may be attributed to the scarcity of grass, the growth 
of which is prevented by the almost impenetrable forests. Several 
sorts of birds are here seen, principally paroquets, of which I knew 
six species, Psittacus, Erythaeus and PuUarius (Linn.) the others 
seem to be new, and 1 also saw a great number of insects of new 
species. The mineral kingdom would perhaps be richer if they 
had mines here. The rocks are solely composed of rough stones 
like granite and grens, and their species ; dry quartz and slate 
stones are often found ; on the other hand I could not discover 
calcareous earth. The soil is varied, but consists in general of a 
rich aluminous earth, traced in different colours, and of a rich 
black earth with which sand is never mixed. The atmosphere 
seemed more salubrious than on the sea coast, though physicians 
generally deny this quality to exist near the forests which grow in 
warm climates. I believe the elevated situation of the country 
contributes much to it. The Europeans who inhabit the Coast in 
forts, would do well to establish an hospital and a garden here. 
The Arum Esculentum, the Banana (Musa sapientum) the Ananas 
(Bromelia Ananas) the Carica Papaia and Citron all abound here." 
The Assin path is that described in the route from Annamaboe 
to Coomassie, it branches off" at Foosoo to Ensabra, two journies 
from Winnebah, through Anissoo, Asoidroo (the head quarters of 
the King of Ashantee in the invasion of 1807) and Atoaperrim, 
which means " to fire a gun." The principal town of Assin is 
Ansa, through which we passed, Akrofroom, apparently larger, is 
called the second. A range of stony hills is the boundary of Assin 
and Akim. 


The path to Elmina, through the Warsaw country, makes so 
considerable an angle to the westward, that the Ashantees invariably 
declared it occupied more time to travel than the Assin ; it is 
allowed to be ten journies at Elmina, by route No. 5. The Dah is 
crossed the first day at its town Adahsoo, and in the evening 
Becquoi (one of the five large towns built by the Ashantees) is 
reached. The Dankara country is entered the third day, theTufel 
the fourth, the Warsaw the sixth, the Boosempra is crossed the 
tenth day, the Ofim, which skirts this path to the westward (having 
received the Dah at Mee'asee) falling into it. The capital of the 
Dankara country is four journies westward of Coomassie, and the 
frontier is entered the second by route No. 6 : it is the most pro- 
ductive of gold, but has been extravagantly over-rated in Bosman's 
report of its population. The river Seiinnee, or, as the Portuguese 
have called it, Ancobra, from its serpentine course, has been thought 
to rise just beyond the north eastern frontier, but it will presently 
appear to be a branch of the Tando of the Ashantees. In the 
Dutch copies of the old Portuguese charts, Dankara is placed 
eastward of Ashantee. The Warsaw country will be noticed more 
particularly, in considering the maritime geography from Cape 
Coast Castle to the river Assinee. 

The Warsaw path has two grand branches, one to Apollonia and 
one to Aowin, each thirteen journies; the former is in the small 
kingdom of Amanaheii. The Abwin country extends from Apol- 
lonia to the river Assinee, five journies in length and three in 
breadth ; it is governed by seven or eight caboceers, hke those of 
Warsaw, independent of each other : it can furnish about 5000 
soldiers. The numerals of Amanahea and Aowin will appear in 
an essay on the Eantee language. Both countries are at the mercy 
of the Ashantees, who extort gold from them frequently, though 
they have not yet fixed the tributes. 


Sauee lies eight journies W, N.W. from Coomassie, and Moinsan 
fifteen. I could not procure the routes, but Worn and Sannasee 
are two of the largest towns which are passed through. 

Buntookoo, the capital of the kingdom of Gaman, is 11 journies 
N. N.W. of Coomassie by route No. 7- The river Ofim is crossed 
the second day, the Tando the fifth, thence the country becomes 
open. Yammee, the frontier town of Gaman, is reached the eighth 
day. The name of the King of Gaman is Adinkara ; the capital, 
though not so large, is allowed to be better built than Coomassie, 
and the Moorish influence has been longer established. It is in- 
comparably the richest country in gold, and small pits were 
described to me, like those Mr. Park saw at Shjrondo. The 
numerals are, 







Five - 

- Taw. 

Six - 








Ten - 


The four principal Gaman towns, are Sarem, which some call the 
capital, Bandakeea, Bundoo, and Nassea, five journies from Kong, 
and seven from Buntookoo. 

A powerful kingdom called Bahooree, which has hitherto suc- 
cessfully resisted the Ashantees, was described to be westward, 
and expected to afford refuge to the King of Gaman on the 
approaching invasion. 

I had heard it reported that the Tando formed the Assinee river, 


about 35 miles westward of Cape Apollonia, but a very intelligent 
Ashantee satisfied me this was a mistake, arising probably from 
Seenee being the native name of the Ancobra, which is formed by 
one branch of theTando; a second running westward. The Tando 
is not near so large as the Boosempra, and therefore very unlikely 
to form so large a river as the Assinee ; the western branch may 
possibly run into it. Mr. Meredith, writing from report without 
sufficiently checking it, has made the Tando and the Chamah or 
Boosempra the same ; yet, p. 225, he adds, " the Volta is more 
probably a branch of the Tando, a large ri\'er reported as running 
to the eastward, and which the Ashantees aie obliged to cross in 
coming to the Coast :" he did not reflect that he thus laid down a 
river running out of the sea. The Tando, we have seen, is five daj's 
northward of Coomassie, it rises in some rocky hills called Toofeeii, 
near the large town Aenkroo, between the Banda and Inta paths. 
Soko (formerly a province of Gaman) is 11 journies from Coo- 
massie; and Banda, four beyond, and a little to the eastward ; see 
route No. 8. The first day, Tafoo is reached, a large aboriginal 
Inta town, for, as will be seen in the historical report, the Ashantees 
emigrated, and subjected several Inta districts now forming the 
northern part of their dominions, and trenched considerably on 
that declining kingdom, now entirely at their mercy. If Mr. 
Dalzel had reflected, it would have occurred to him, that the 
Taffoe, Tafoe, or Tafu of Snelgrave (placed so absurdly in his map, 
60 miles west of the mouth of the Volta) and the In-ta* he heard 
of at Dahomey, and confounded with Ashantee, were the same : 
for the In in In-ta is scarcely audible, and only a slight nasal 
sound barely amounting to n, as N-ta ; foo is merely an adjunct 
equal to people or men in our language, affixed in the present 

* This induced me to think that In-ta and Ta-pah, as A\ell as x\ssiantee might mean 
the same place, as we find of Mahee, Yalion, &c. — Dalzel. 


infancy of African language to all names of countries, as if we 
always said the Scotchmen or Irishmen, instead of the Scotch and 
Irish. The Ofim is crossed one day beyond Tafoo at its crooni 
Ofeesoo, the Tando four journies beyond at Tandosoo. Takima 
is reached the eighth day, whence the Fantees are reported, by 
tradition, to have emigrated, and there is yet but little difference 
in the languages. 

Sixteen journies N. N. E. of Coomassie is Boopee (which I have 
placed accordingly in 8° 42' N. and 1° 19' W.) the frontier town 
of Inta, hitherto confounded with Ashantee, than which it is more 
populous and more civilized. The Moorish influence has been 
long established there, and almost all its caboceers affect to profess 
that faith. The river Adirri, Avhich we shall presently identify with 
the Volta, is crossed four hours southward of Boopee, and is 
described as about 120 yards broad; it rises eight journies N.W. 
of Boopee, in a large mountain called Kondoongooree, one of the 
mountains of Kong, which were distinctly and invariably reported 
not to be a chain, but frequently and individually scattered, from 
Kong eastward. Seven journies from Coomassie, on the Inta 
route, is the smaller kingdom Coranza (probably the Corisseno of 
the old maps) the people of which are of the same origin as the 
Ashantees by tradition, but, as the King himself assured me, of 
much more genius and aptitude. Three journies from Boopee is 
Daboia, the second town of Inta. The first journey is to Minsiroo, 
where lions are numerous ; the second to Moronko, the inhabitants 
of which are so fearful of being carried off as slaves by the Ashantee 
traders (who travel in great numbers) that they have no doors to 
their houses, but ascending by a ladder, which they immediately 
draw up, they enter through thg thatch. Close to Moronko is a 
river, about as large as the Boosempra, called Adiffofoo. Pahmee, 
three journies south eastward of Daboia, and Yabo which I cannpt 


place so precisely, are the alternate residences of the King of Inta. 
There is a constant commercial intercourse between Inta and 
Dahomey, the frontiers being five journies apart. The numerals 
of Inta are 

One - 








Five - 


Six - 






Nine - 




Sallagha, the grand market of the Inta kingdom, is 17 journies 
north-eastward from Coomassie, by route No. 10. The first is to 
Marmpon, one of the five large towns built by the Ashantees, and 
possessing palatine privileges; the second, through five smaller 
towns to Aphwaguiassie, the largest market in the Ashantee king- 
dom ; the 9th day the rivers Kirradee and Oboosoom are crossed, 
each about 60 yards wide, and flowing so near together, as to 
appear one in the rainy season ; a high mountain, Aduarreekennee, 
is just beyond them, the boundar}"" of Ashantee and Booroom. 
The tenth day the river Sennee is forded, which afterwards enlarges 
considerably, and runs into the Volta ; it rises five journies from 
Coomassie (by route No. 11) between the Boopee and Sallagha 
paths. The Booroom country is quite open, and the Ashantees 
give the river the figurative name of Birrinsoo, which means that 
its distance is so deceiving, that ^ou Avill cry before you reach it. 
The capital of Booroom is Guia, a considerable town, noticed in 
the route to Odentee, a fetish sanctuary of great repute, and said 


to be splendidly furnished. The Ashantee language is spoken very 
commonly in Booroom, but the vernacular numerals are 

One - 

- Ekoo. 







Five - 

- Annoo. 

Six - 






Nine - 

- Akonno. 

Ten - 

- Edoo. 

The tenth day the Adirri or Volta is crossed, more than a mile 
wide, but much interrupted by rocks, and described to be full of 
hippopotami (which they call sea elephants,) and alligators. This 
river divides Booroom from Inta, Sallagha being one day's long 
march from it. Calculating the 17 journies to Sallagha at 15 miles 
each, the course as N.E. by E. and supposing two thirds to be 
made good on the horizontal distance, according to our own 
experience, which gives 170 B. equal to 147 G. miles, Sallagha 
Avill lie in latitude "7° 56' N., and longitude 9" W. As a check 
upon this position, it will be necessary to follow the Adirri or 
Volta as far as the natives navigate it from Adda, where it is called 
the Flou (as the falls of the Senegal.) Isert's report may be 
interesting as an introduction. 

" The people of Adda think it derogatory to cultivate land, and 
live by fishing, and making salt, which they sell to the people of 
the Interior. The Volta has no breakers, and therefore may be 
presumed to be deep." This is an extraordinary mistake ; Dalzel 
says there are high breakers. Colonel Starrenberg (of Engineers) 
at Elmina Castle, who went about 60 miles up the Volta, accom- 


panied by a Danish officer and flag, and met with no impediment 
so far, but turned back reluctantly in three or four fathoms of 
water, observed to me, that he thouglit the channel between the 
breakers about a mile wide. Dalzel mentions an American brig 
making good her passage over the bar, on which there is about 
two fathoms water; and a Danish schooner has done so since. 
" An arm goes from the mouth to Quitta." This must be the river 
running from Lagos into the Volta, near the mouth, as will be 
shewn in considering the errors in the maritime geography. " Six 
English miles from the mouth, it forms a lake 60 miles long and 
48 broad, whence an arm extends to Pottriba, 3 miles eastward of 
Quitta : in this lake are more than a hundred islands." Colonel 
Starrenberg thought the river widened about 9 British miles from 
the mouth, but the number of small islands prevented even ocular 
demonstration. So large a lake would certainly have been spoken 
of by the natives to Europeans ere this ; those whom I have ques- 
tioned, have gone up the river to the extreme navigable point, and 
crossed it in many parts ; and they all declare that at Ascharee, 2 
days from Adda, it is not two miles wide. I never could find 
either an Ashantee, or a waterside native, who knew of the arm 
running to Pottriba, a name the}^ had not heard of; neither could 
Col. Starrenberg learn any thing of it ; no branch appeared as far 
as he went. Isert probably alluded, from report, to the river 
Assuafroo, which runs from eastward into the Volta, 7 journies from 
Adda, as will appear in the natives account. " From May to 
December the water is good to drink, being then higher than the 
sea ; in the other months it is not so, but produces more fish. The 
river overflows in July, and August, and the neighbourhood of its 
banks is excellent for the cultivation of rice." Rice is abundantly 
cultivated in the Inta kingdom. " Three miles from the sea is an 
island, called Bird Island, full of pelicans of peculiar kinds. There 


is a fish in this river called hardrass, which, when smoked, is 
exactly like European salmon. There are also hippopotami and 
crocodiles : quantities of oysters adhere to the mangroves, but 
when the river is fresh they are good for nothing. There are a 
great number of singing birds, and a nightingale equal to the 
Polish, which sings in May and December." Col. Starrenberg 
heard a nightingale, but saw only one hippopotamus. There is a 
kind of cedar tree, (Avicenniae nov. spec.) which shoots up many 
branches from the ground, about as thick as a pipe, and bare of 
leaves : this tree is so very salt in its nature, that in the morning a 
great quantity of liquid salt is found on the leaves, chrystallizing 
in the course of the day.* Amalfee is on an island, 48 miles from 
the mouth, tiie inhabitants of which, and those on the banks of the 
river, of Agrafee, Wefee, Tophirree, and Bettoo, call themselves 
river inhabitants. The former are the brokers of slaves for the 

* " In tlie province of St. Jago, in Chili, there is a plant of this class and order 
(Dldynamiae gymiiosperma) supposed to be a species of wild basil (Ocimum salinum), 
resembhng the common basil so much as to be hardly distinguished from it, except that 
the flower stem is round and jointed, and its scent and taste not like the basil, but rather 
like the sea flag, or some marine plant. It is an annual, shooting forth in the spring, 
and continuing till the commencement of winter : every morning it is covered with hard 
and shining saline globules, resembling dew, which the countryjnen shake off" the leaves 
to serve them as common salt, and in some respects is thought to be of a superior 
quality. Every plant produces daily about half an ounce of this salt ; but Molina, a 
scientific naturalist, to whom we are indebted for this information, says, that it is 
extremely diflScult to account for this plienomenon, as the situation where he found these 
plants was in the most fertile part of the kingdom, and at a distance from the sea of more 
than seventy miles. When we see some plants secrete flint, separate and distinct from 
their fibres, as well as combined with their organic structure ; and when we also know 
that plants secrete alkali, in every situation, I cannot perceive why Mohna should con- 
sider the contiguity of the sea to be essential to the production of a neutral salt in the 
Ocimum salinum." Linnasan System, London, 1816, vol. ii. p. 303. 

Riley, whose narrative has recently appeared, saw in the desert, " A dwarf thorn bush 
from two to five feet high with succulent leaves strongly impregnated with salt." 



Creppee country, and receive a vast number from one of its pro- 
vinces called Acottim, 3 journies east\vard." 

Mr. Mereditli could scarcely have enquired about the Creppee 

or Aquamboe countries, to have placed them west of the Volta. 

The natives who carry salt up the Volta, pull the 1st day, by 

Agrafee, Foomee, and TefFeree to Amanfee, on the banks ; the 2nd 

to Dofo on an island ; the 3rd, by Ascharee, on the western bank, 

to Adome ; the 4th by Assafoo to the Aquamboe country ; the 5th 

to Sowa ; the 6th to Pessee ; the 7th by Appasoo, to Deyatoompon, 

where a large river flows into the Volta from the eastward ; to 

Doodee the 8th; to Tombo the 9th; to Akorosoo the 10th; to 

Odentee the 11th. Here the river becomes too rocky to proceed 

conveniently, and hence to Sallagha by land is 4 journies, through 

the large towns Oboekee, Akuntong, Enkungquakroo, and Apa- 

passee, famous for making cotton cloth. There is a small state 

northward, between Aquamboe and Inta, called Anoochoo, subject 

to Ashantee, bordering on which is Guasoo, the southern district 

or province of Inta. The Creppee country borders on Aquamboe 

eastward, and is independent. 

I am not in possession of Colonel Starrenberg's bearings, but the 
course of the river may be pretty well ascertained from fixing the 
points of Odentee, Quabo, and Ascharee. Odentee is 6 journies 
southward of east (by route No. 12) from Pattooda, in the Booroom 
country, and mentioned in the route to Sallagha. Quaoo, the coun- 
try where the Boosempra rises, has already been mentioned as 
entered 8 journies from Coomassie. Ascharee, 2 days and a half 
pull up the river, is reached in 1 day's walk from Ningo. The 
course of the Volta is consequently about ^V. N. W. to Quaoo, 
N. E. by N. to Odentee, and N. W. by Sallagha, which course it 
appears to continue to Boopee, if not to its source in the Kondoon- 
gooree mountain. The 10 days pull from Adda to Odentee, and 


the 4 journies by land thence to Sallagha, agree very well with the 
distance and position of that place, as before calculated by the 
17 davs route from Coomassie. The houses of Sallagha and other 
towns of Inta were mentioned as peculiar from being round. 
Leo Africanus observed houses built in the form of bells at 

Seven days- from Sallagha, N. E. according to the Moors, through 
the Inta town of Zongoo, is Yahndi, the capital of Dagwumba, 
which I have placed, calculating the course at N. E. by E., and 
allowing 18 miles for each journey, as the country is said to be 
open, in 55' E. and 8° 38' N.: the position is assisted by the com- 
mon account of its being 8 journies from Daboia, by route No. 13, 
and that two obscure, but direct paths to Daboia and Yahndi, from 
Coomassie, occupy the first 19 days, and tlie latter (described as 
laying between Daboia and Sallagha) 23 days. Sir William Young, 
in his Report of the Geography and History of Northern Africa, 
writes, " the Slatees of Old Calebar are said to carry on their trade 
to Degombah northward," which also supports my placing it more 
to the eastward than it appears in Major Rennel's map. Yngwa, 
a district and large town of Dagwumba, is said to lie 8 days north- 
westward of Yahndi, through Sakoigoo ; its distance from Daboia, 
by report 6 journies, places it about N. N.W. Two journies from 
Daboia, towards Yngwa, is the river Adiffofoo, about 60 yards 
wide, running eastvv'ard, 2 journies from which is Kooboro, a large 
Dagwumba town. 

North-eastward of Yahndi is Tonomah, of which 1 do not recol- 
lect more than the name, though I think it is a town and district of 
Dagwumba. The kingdom of Tonowah, of which Assentai has 
been described as the capital by the Shereef Imhammed,* must 

* Jn the Dutch copies of the old Portuguese chart.^, Xabunda (perhaps Banda) is 

A a 


have been derived from this name, being otherwise unknown. 
Three journies north-eastward of Yahndi is Sokoquo or Ensoko, 
also a considerable town. 

Yahndi is described to be beyond comparison larger than 
Coomassie, the houses much better built and ornamented. The 
Ashantees who had visited it, told me, they frequently lost them- 
selves in the streets. The King, Inana Tanquaree, has been con- 
verted by the Moors, who have settled there in great numbers. 
Mr. Lucas called it the Mahomedan kingdom of Degomba, and it 
was represented to him as peculiarly wealthy and civilized. The 
markets of Yahndi are described as animated scenes of commerce, 
constantly crowded with merchants from almost all the countries 
of the interior. Horses and cattle abound, and immense flocks are 
possessed even by the poorer class. The numerals of Dagwumba 
and Yngwa differing, I submit both. 

Yngwa. Dagwumba. 

One - Lakoo - Yahndo 

Two - Ayee - Ayee 

Three - Attali - Attah 

Four - Anahee - Nasee 

Five - Leerennoo - Ennoon 

Six - Ayoboo - Yohbee 

Seven - Ayapai - Poiee 

Eight - Annee - Nehenoo 

Nine . - Awai - Whyee 

Ten - Pea - - Edoo. 

Yahndi is named after the numeral one, from its pre-eminence. 
Sarem is the name of a region, including Gaman, Inta, and Dag- 
wumba, so called from the open nature of those countries. 

placed as the capital of Ashantee, and two or three large Portuguese towns, one St, 
Lawrence, with several convents and crosses between it and the Coast. 


One day from Sallagha, towards Yahndi, and scarcely one 
journey westward from the latter, is the river Laka, described to 
be as large and as rapid as the Adirri or Volta, which it joins below 
Odentee, and may therefore be safely concluded to be the Assua- 
froo ; for the names of rivers are very mutable in Africa, each 
country through which they pass naturalising them to its own lan- 
guage, and thus increasing the perplexities of a geography founded 
on investigation. I could not procure any authorized account of 
the northward course of this river, the best opportunities had 
escaped me when I heard of it. 

Five journies N. E. from Yahndi is the smaller kingdom of 
Gamba, the birth place of Baba the chief Moor at Coomassie, and 
the boundary of the Ashantee authority, though its influence, 
through the much respected medium of Dagwumba, would extend 
to the Niger. Seven journies northward of Yngwa is the kingdom 
of Fobee : the ri^er Koontoorooa is crossed four days from it, 
being about half a mile broad, it has an edstern and western 
branch, the former running to the Karhala, one day farther, con- 
siderably wider, and the course south-eastward. One journey 
from the river is a large mountain called Sarraka, the same distance 
from Fobee, the capital of the kingdom. Lakoo, Lamma, Karhala, 
and Koomada are the next largest towns. Five journies north- 
ward is an independent kingdom called Chouoocha. The position 
of Fobee is checked by Goorooma, being 15 journies from it, (a 
kingdom to be noticed presently in the direct northern route from 
Yahndi to Houssa,) and Kawerree only nine, doubtless Cayree, a 
kingdom in the route of the Moors from Coomassie to Jinnie. 
The numerals of Fobee are 

One - - Koroom. 

Two - Nalay. 

Three - Poompevarra. 




Five - 

- Kakvvassee. 

Six - 








Ten - 


Five journies from Yngwa is Mosee, a more warlike but less visited 
kingdom ; it consists of many states, but the superior monarch is 
named Billa, and the capital Kookoopella. I place this N.W., 
because, although its traders pass through Yngwa, they do not 
cross the Karhala, or indeed any river but what they can walk 
through. The numerals are 

One - 








Five - 


Six - 





En nee. 

Nine - 




A few days northward of Fobee, through Chamday and Kobafoo, 
is Calanna, described as a very large city, rivalling Yahndi as a 
market, and situated at the foot of a mountain abounding in iron 
stone, which they manufacture for rude purposes in much the same 
manner as Mr. Park witnessed at Jeningalla. Calanna is pro- 
bably the Calanshee of Imhammed, who told Mr. Lucas that it was 
a dependency of Tounouwah or Assentai, situated mid-way between 
it and the coast, 18 journies from each. The numerals are 


One - 






Four - 










Nine - 



Ye woo. 


Kumsallahoo I have not attempted to lay down, having no other 
guide for placing it than the report that it is one moon's journey 
from Dagwumba, that its traders pass through Mosee, and cross 
only one river, the Fachinga, and that not large. The numerals are 

One - 

- Yum bo. 




- Tabo. 

Four - 

- Nasee. 



Six - 

- Yobo. 





Nine - 

- Wahee. 



We will now return to Coomassie and proceed northwards to 
Jinnie, or as it was generally pronounced, Jenne. This route to 
Tombuctoo (or Timbooctoo) is much less frequented by the Moors 
than that from Dagwumba, through Houssa. They alledge that 
the people northward, are neither so commercial, so civihzed, or 
so wealthy as those north-eastward. The first 12 journies are to 
Buntookoo, seven journies whence is a river called by the natives 


Coombo, and by ihe Moors, Zamma ; it is described as Haifa mile 
broad, and running westward. I could not find any Ashantee who 
had travelled beyond this river, which is the northern limit of their 
authority. Five journies eastward of north from the river, is 
Kong, the King of which is named Asequoo. A large mountain 
called Toolileseena is near the capital, and a small river, Woora, 
four journies from it. The kingdom is said to be by no means so 
wealthy or powerful as that of Ashantee ; the market is supplied 
from Houssa, the country is populous, horses numerous, and 
elephants killed daily. The people fight with spears, and bows and 
arrows. Seven journies from Kong several mountains are passed, 
called Koonkoori. Mr. Park says, that " Kong signifies mountain 
in the Mandingo language, which language is in use from the 
frontier of Bambarra to the western sea." The language of Kong 
seems to be a corruption of the Bambarra or Mandingo : the 
numerals are 

One - 

- Kiddee. 







Five - 

- Looroa. 

Six - 






Nine - 

- Konunto. 

Ten - 

- Tah. 

The Ashantees calling all the slaves whom they brought down 
to the water side Dunkos, it had been, for many years, naturally 
concluded that there was a large country of that name in their 
neighbourhood. Isert writes, ♦' the Dunkoers are a people behind 
Ashantee." On enquiry, however, I found to my surprise, that 


there is no country of that name, but that it is merely an epithet, 
synonymous with the barbarian of the Greeks and Romans, which 
they apply to all the people of the interior but themselves, and 
implies an ignorant fellow. I first suspected this from observing 
some Dunkos were cut in the face, and some not, and I presently 
discovered their vernacular languages were various, and unintel- 
Hgible to each other. Generally speaking, the bush or country 
people of Dagwumba have three light cuts on each cheek bone, 
and three below, with one horizontal under the eye ; those of 
Yahndi, three deep continued cuts ; the people of Mosce, three 
very deep and long, and one under the eye ; those of Bornoo are 
frequently cut in the forehead ; of Marrowa all over the body in 
fine, small, and intricate patterns. In Fobee, Kumsallahoo, and 
Calanna, the lower orders have a hole bored through the cartilage 
of the nose. These cuts are made during infancy, to insinuate 
fetish liquids to invigorate and preserve the child. 

Nine journies northward of Kong is Kaybee, the King of which, 
named Mamooroo, killed the former monarch Dabbira. The 
country was said to be very populous, the capital behind a mountain 
called Beseeree, the soil chalky, and asses as numerous as horses. 
Three journies from the frontier of Kaybee, over a large mountain 
called Seboopoo, and across a large river, is Kayree, through 
which country it is very dangerous to pass, the people laying in 
ambush in small parties to rob or kidnaj) travellers, and subsisting 
by rapine. Five journies thence is Garoo (probably Gago*) a very 
powerful kingdom, the King, Batoomo, lives at Netaquolla. 
Twenty journies beyond is the kingdom of Doowarra, the people 
of which are indifferent warriors, but superior agriculturists, and 

* Gago oppidum amplissimum nuUis quoquc cingltur mui-is, dlstat a Tiinil)Uto 
meridiem versus quadringcntes fere passuum millibus, inclinatusque fere ad Enroavistnim. 
Leo Af. 


plant extensively : the soil is red earth. A smaller kingdom called 
Filladoo or Firrasoo, is in the neighbourhood. Five journies north 
of Doowarra is the Niger, and on an island, about a mile from the 
southern bank, is Jenne. The route from Kong to Jenne is the 
only one which has not been checked by Negro evidence, but I 
had reason to think well of the Moor who furnished it, who never 
contradicted himself, though repeatedl}^ cross questioned during 
the four months I was at Coomassie. Tlie places reported to Mr. 
Park on this route, it is true, are none of them mentioned, but, pro- 
bably, the people who were insuperably adverse to his proceeding, 
were the least likely to satisfy his curiosity but by imposing on 
him.* Mr. Park in his route from Sego to Baedoo, has a town 
called Doowassoo, only four journies from Sego ; but I was assured 
repeatedly that Doowarra is a powerful kingdom. In the first 
Mission, Mr. Park reported the kingdom of Gotta to be so close to 
the Niger, that its chief, Mobsee, embarked on it to attack Jinnie, 
and Major Rennell has placed it accordingly : but, in the second, 
he writes, " one month's travel south of Baedoo," (which he makes 
30 journies soutliAvard of Sego) " through the kingdom of Gotto, 
will bring the traveller to the country of the Christians, who have 
their houses on the banks of the Ba Sea Fecna." He says the Ba 
Nimma rises in the Kong mountains south of Marraboo, but does 
not mention the kingdom of Kong in his route, which is about one 
moon's travel from the sea, as he has described Baedoo to be. 

* " To what degree the natives of Silla would have contradicted each other in their 
accounts of Tombuctoo, Park's short stay there could not have allowed him time to 
ascertain, even if his knowledge of their language had enabled him to understand tlieir 
accounts as well as he did those of the slatees on the Gambia. 

" Several instances of the contradictory testimony of the Negroes occur in Park's 
travels, Jennie, for instance, is stated in his first Mission to be situated on the ^'^'iger, but 
on his second journey he renounces that opinion, on the apparently good autiiority of an 
old Somonie (canoe man) who had been seven times at Tombuctoo," Adams's Editor. 


Now it is very unlikely, if Baedoo had been but 20 journies from 
Coomassie, thai we should not have heard of it ; and it is next to 
impossible, that if any kingdom called Gotto laid still nearer, 
(which it must have done, to have been passed through from Baedoo 
to the sea) that it should have been unknown. Indeed, if the 
kingdom of Bambarra extended 28 days south of Sego, as appears 
by the route given to Mr. Park, the Ashantees would not have 
spoken of it from mere report, but would probably have become 
acquainted with it, either through war, commerce, or negotiation. 
It is a little extraordinary that the kingdom of Ashantee, reported 
as eminently powerful to Mr. Lucas even so far distant as Mesu- 
rata, and which must be well known in the neighbourhood of 
Jenne, from the number of Moors who visit it from that city, 
should not even have been noticed to Mr. Park in this southern 
route from Silla or Sego to the sea. Mr. Park writes of the Moors 
not being able to subject Jinbala; I believe they insinuate them- 
selves as residents every where, but I could not hear of their 
having established themselves by force, or of their composing even 
the greater part of a population any where.* 

* Mr. Hutchison writes, that from Inta to Jenne is said to be 41 journies. This 
Gentleman, the Resident at Coomassie, merely accompanied the Mission to act in that 
capacity in case the object could be accomplished, and was not instructed to report : the 
officer conducting the Mission being responsible to the extent of his industry, and the 
opportunities, for the various desiderata, excepting the Botanical and Medical, which were 
expected from the Surgeon, Mr. Tedlie. Mr. Hutchison's time was much employed in 
making duplicates and copies of the frequent and voluminous dispatches to head quarters. 
The Moors dishking even a second European to be present at their geographical com- 
munications, Mr. Hutchison, through his obliging disposition, which accommodated 
itself to every thing auxiliary to the pursuits of the Mission, rendered me a great service, 
and quieted the uneasiness of the Moors by keeping watch, and diverting the various 
Ashantee visitors who would have intruded, with great patience and address. There 
was no time even for a communication of the data I had collected before the Mission left 
Coomassie, for we may be said to have lived in pubhc the latter part of the four months, 



Havino reached the Niger it is time to observe, that it is onl}' 
known to the Moors by the name of Quolla, pronounced rather as 
Quorra by the Negroes, Avho, from whatever countries they came, 
all spoke of this as the largest river they knew ; and it was the 
grand feature in all the routes (whether from Houssa, Bornoo, or 
the intermediate countries) to Ashantee. Mr. Horneman wrote 
that the Niger, in some parts of Houssa, was called Gaora, which 
must sound very like Quorra. The Niger, after leaving the lake 

and Mr. Hutchison's genius inclining more to the cultivation of the Ashantee and Arabic 
languages, wliich I had no doubt would yield to his great industry, I did not intrude 
less congenial pursuits on liis attention, (the desiderata having been amply realized,) but 
merely requested he woidd let me know what any intelligent ]\Ioor, arriving after my 
departure, might say of the Interior, and, if possible, procure a'chart from him, especially 
if he was not a native of Houssa or Bornoo, ■which two of the TNIoors who had drawn for 
me were. After I had finished my Geographical Report, Mr. Hutchison sent, with some 
other interesting particulars, added as notes with his initials, a chart drawn by a Jenne 
Moor just arrived, confirming all I had collected in the most satisfactory manTier. The 
names of the countries from the source of the Niger to Eg\']3t were written in Arabic, 
with IMr. Hutchison's expression of the pronunciation in English opposite. I particularly 
recollect that his ear differed somewhat from mine, which accounts for the trifling diffe- 
rences in our spelling. I shewed Mr. Hutchison my charts as curiosities, but he took 
no minutes of the names, uninteresting from his never having had an opportunity of 
reading Major Rennell's Dissertations, which would alone make them so to any one. He 
gives a better proof of tliis, than my own impression, by the following extract from his 
letter to me, accompanying the chart : " The Bornoo you used to talk about, you will 
find the same as the lake Chaudi, or Al Bahare Noohoo, or else you know a country I 
I do not recollect hearing of;" but, in the postscript, he writes, " On looking over my 
memoranda, I find Bornoo is tlie principal monarchy the Arabs alone stand in awe of, 
and one of the four kingdoms best known on the Quolla." Mr. Hutchison iincoiisciously 
confirming what I had learned, is even more satisfactory than if I had left him any basis 
for his enquiries ; indeed, his own object, the acquirement of the language, was too im- 
portant to be interrupted unnecessarily. Before I attach any quotation from this Gentle- 
man's letters, I must acknowledge the assistance I had previously derived from his 
spirited zeal as an officer, as well as that which lias since resulted from his interest in 
intellectual pursuits. 


Dibbir, was invariably described as dividing in two large streams; 
the Quolla, the greater, pursuing its course south-eastward until it 
joined the Bahr Abiad, and the other branch running northward 
of east near Timbuctoo, and dividing again soon afterwards ; the 
smaller stream running northwards by Yahoodee, a place of great 
trade,* and the larger turning directl}'' eastward, and increasing 
considerably, running to the lake Caudi or Cadi under the name of 
Gambaroo.-j- The Moors call the branch running by Timbuctoo 
the JoUiba, I presume figuratively, as a great water, for I was 
assured by a native of Jenne, who had frequently visited Timbuctoo, 
that this branch was called Zah-mer by the Negroes.;}: 

The variety of the concurrent evidence respecting the Gambaroo, 
certainly made an impression on my mind almost amounting to 
conviction. De Lisle, in his map of Africa for the use of Louis XV. 
(the accuracy of which in one point where our latest charts are in 
error, the Lagos river, will be shewn towards the close of this 
Report) makes a branch from the Niger running near Timbuctoo ; 
and what is even more to the point, writes " Gambarou ou Niger." 
It was not till sometime after my return from Ashantee, that I un- 
expectedly discovered this solitary European record of such a 

* The Moors particularly mentioned buying their writing paper there. One told me 
that the Joliba ran to a river called Hotaiba after it passed Yahoodee, which river ran 
towards Toonis. Several talked of vessels coming to Yahoodee, navigated by white men, 
but whence I could not learn, and Brahima had never visited it, though such reports 
were familiar to him. 

■f The rivers Arauca and Capanaparo in Cumana form bifurcations similar to those of 
the Niger. The Arauca divides itself into two rivers, the northern one, the Arauquito, 
runs through the lake Cabullarito into the Orinoco, and the southern retaining the name 
of Arauca, also flows to the Orinoco. The Capanaparo falls into the Orinoco in4wo 
streams, the northern retaining the original name, and the southern acquiring tliat of 
Mina. See Humboldt's map of the eastern part of the province of Vcrina. 

}; See note, p. 189. 


name, and it will at least be allowed that so respectable a character 
as De Lisle, would neither have laid down the branch from the 
Niger (for it is as likely to be so in the absence of explanation, as 
a river running into it) without some authority, nor have invented 
the name Gambarou : and it will also be allowed, that he must 
have heard of it as being a very large river, to have confounded it 
with the Niger. De Lisle has preserved most of the names reported 
to me, more closely than any other geographer.* In the judicious 
compendium of Mr. Murray, I observe the following note. " It is 
but justice to D'Anville to say, that in his map of central Africa, 
inserted in the 26th volume of the Academic des Inscriptions, he 
has represented a river passing close to Timbuctoo, running S.W., 
and falling into the Niger. This delineation has not been copied by 
others, but it is not the less probable that that excellent geographer 
may have had positive information on which to found it." Now, 
I may presume, this is only recorded in delineation, and not 
noticed by D'Anville in the text, or, his authority would have 
appeared. I shall be indulged in such a conjecture, when it is 

* " No one -who compares the maps of De Lisle and D'Anville with the materials 
then published, can doubt the excellent means of information with which they must have 
been supplied both by government, and by private individuals." Murray. 

We find a remarkable instance of De Lisle's accuracy in Major Rermell's construction 
of the geography of Mr. Horneman''s expedition. " Mr. Horneman was informed that 
there are 101 inhabited places in Fezzan." It is remarkable that this is precisely the 
number stated in ]\I. Delisle's map of Africa, drawn in 1707; and, according to INIr. 
Beaufoy's informant, there are nearly 100. 

I have since found an older authority for the name Gambaroo, and which also shews 
that the name Quolla and its connection with the Gambaroo, have not been wholly 
unkoown hitherto. It is in the L'Afrique de Marmol, livre viii. chap. 3. " Cest une 
chose estrange que ce fleuve venant de si loin, car Ptolomee le fait venir du lac Quelo- 
nide, et de celui de Nuba, il n'cntraine pas taut d'eaux par ce coste-la, et la mar& ne 
monte pas si avant, que jxir rautrc bras que Ton appdJc Gambcr.'" One may almost 
fancy Quolla and Quellonidc to have been derived from the Chalonides of Ptolemy. . 


recollected I am writing where I cannot satisfy myself, in a place 
destitute of literary facilities. If it is only to be found in the deli- 
neation, it is of course, as likely to be a branch running N. E. from 
the Niger, as a river running S.W. into it. Mr. Park has described 
the Niger as dividing into two large branches after leaving Dibbie, 
and their re-union has been admitted by considerate investigators, 
to be a very improbable addition to that report.* Sidi Hamet 
assigns no course to the great river which he described as about 
an hour's ride with a camel south of Tirabuctoo, and distinguished 
from the Niger, or, as he called it, Zolilib, by saying the latter was 
two hours ride. Adams placed La-mar-Zarah, about three quar- 
ters of a mile wide, two miles south of the town, without hesitation, 
but he only conceived that the course was S. W.-f- Leo, ambiguous 
as the context may be, certainly writes that there is a branch of the 
Niger passing Timbuctoo, " Vicino a un ramo del Niger." Mr. 
Beaufoy's Moor says that below Ghinea is the sea into Avhich the 
river of Tombuctoo disembogues itself; on which Major Rennell 
observes, " by the word sea, it is well known the Arabs mean to 

* " The fact of a large lake like the Dibbie, discharging its waters by two streams 
flowing from distant parts of the lake, and re-uniting after a separate course of a hundred 
miles in length, has always appeared to us extremely apocryphal, at least we believe that 
the geography of the world does not afford a parallel case." Adams's Editor. 

•f- " According to these statements of the Moorish traders, Adams would seem to have 
mistaken the course of the stream at Tombuctoo. In fact, I do not recollect that he told 
me at Mogadore that it flowed in a westerly direction : but, I think, I am correct in 
saying, that he discovered some uncertainty in speaking upon this subject, (and almost 
upon this subject alone) observing, in answer to my inquiries, that he had not taken very 
particular notice, and that the river was steady, without any appearance of a strong 
current." Dupuis on Adams. 

Adams's name, La-mar-Zarah (for of course he did not attach La mar to indicate 
water, but pronounced La-mar-Zarah, as an integral name) seems accounted for by his 
confounding or connecting the Arabic name of the river, Lahamar, with the Negro name 
Vfa (for we find these names in Marmol, tom. 3. liv. 8.) making Lahama)--i/^a, La-mar- 


express a lake also :" this river of Tirabuctoo is, doubtless, the 
branch of the Niger forming the Gambaroo, and the sea below 
Ghinea, the lake Caude. In the Description de I'Afrique, traduite 
du Flamand, D'O Dapper, a Amsterdam, 1686, I find " Ce 
Royaume de Tombut ou Tongbutu environ k quatre lieues d'uh 
bras du Niger." The account, to be submitted presentl}^ that this 
branch of the Niger passing Timbuctoo is not crossed until the 
third day going from Timbuctoo to Houssa, is not an argument 
against its identity with the Zarah of Adams, or the river of Sidi 
Hamet, only two or three miles from the city ; because, giving a 
northerly course to the branch, and Houssa laying north eastward 
20 journies from Timbuctoo, as will be shewn presently, the direc- 
tion of the path would not require the river to be crossed imme- 
diately, but, evidently, not till the second or third day. 

De Barros, who considered the Senegal to be the Niger, wrote, 
that it received various names,* and was called by the Caragoles 
(Serawoollies) Colle ; on which Mr. Murray reasonably observes, 
" this name seems readily convertible into Joli-ba, the latter 
syllable being merely an adjunct, meaning a river:" this I was 
also given to understand. Now, if the name Joliba had not been 
reported on the authority of Mr. Park, I might submit that Colle 
is more readily convertible into Quolla, which approximating even 
more closely to Kulla, seems to identify the Colle and KuUa under 
the common name of Quolla.-f Mr. Park in his memoir to Lord 

* Les S^negurs le nomment Senedec, les Jalofes Dengueli, les Turcorons qui sont 
plus au-dedans du pays Maye, les Saragoles qui sont plus haut Colle, et en un contree 
plus vers Torient Zimbale : au royaume de Torabut on le nomme Y^a. Marmol, torn. 3, 
livre 8. The name Zimbale must be derived from Jimballa, by which country the river 
passes; it occurs in the route from Shego to Timbuctoo. P. 194. 

f Kulla, in the Mallowa, if not in the Kassina language, means child ; perhaps, allegory 
being the character of African language, the southern river may be called Quolla or 
Jiulla, from being a branch onlv of the great river which forms it and the Gambaroo, 


Camden, writes, " the river of Dar KuUa, mentioned by Mr. 
BroAvne, is generally supposed to be the Niger, or at least to have 
a communication with that river." The name and course of the 
Quolla suggested this to me before I observed the above remark, 
which I did not until my return.* Other arguments will presently 
appear for the identity of the Kulla and the Niger.-f- 

The Gambaroo seems to me to identify the Gir of Ptolemy ,J 
carried by him into the centre of Africa, and which would appear 
as large as the Niger by the expression, " maximi sunt Gir et 
Nigir." The river of Bornoo, hitherto assumed, is not adequate to 
the impression Ptolemy conveys, and the names " Gir et Nigir," 
seem to indicate a connection. The Niger may be considered to 
terminate when the smaller stream is lost in the Nile. 

Concerning the source of the Niger, there was a difference of 
opinion amongst the Moors, and not the least notion amongst the 
Negroes. Some said that it rose in Bambooch, meaning, as I pre- 
sume, Bambouk, and others in Jabowa, where they described 
another large river to rise also, running westward. Jabowa was 
said to be 40 journies from Sego, and Bambooch 43. 

From Jabowa the Niger was described to run to Fouta Gollabi, 
and in six days thence to Fouta Towra ; the Moors must certainly 
have meant Foota Galla, and Footatora, for their pronunciation 

* See the account of the large interior river known at Gaboon, under the name of 
Wole or Wolela. 

"f" " There is one thing that disagrees wth Mr. Park's account, tliey call the Niger 
Quolla at Jenne, Sansanding, &c. &c. and describe the Jolliba as falling into the Quolla 
east of Timbuctoo.'" W. H. 

The Moors invariably reported to me that it ran from it. Mr. H. might perhaps 
liave misunderstood the Jenne Moor, whose single authority cannot be opposed to the 
concurrence of several. 

\ Illorum vero qui per interiorera jEthiopiam fluant, quique fontes et ostia in conti- 
nente habent maximi sunt Gir et Niglr. (Lib. 2. E. 1. De xaa.^im\sfluminihiis.y 


was more imperfect than their knowledge of tlie native names 
westward, whither they rarely travelled. I induced a Moor on 
each side the (juestion, and of different countries, to draw in my 
quarters, unknown to each other, what they called a chart of the 
Quolla, for the sake of preserving the several names in their own 
writing. They were only inferior to one Moor, from whom I 
never had an opportunity of inducing a chart. Both parties met, 
apparently, at Hasoo, as will be seen by submitting the names.* 

Bambooch. Jabowa. 


10 to Gadima, probably Gadoo, little more than 6* 
journies from the capital of Bambook, 
according to Major Rennell. 
20 to Hasoo - _ - - Hasoowa. 

4 to Jaoora - - - - Jaoona. 
2 to Jamoo _ - _ _ > Gamsoo. 

5 to Mallaia - . _ _ Mallaiu. 
2 to Sh62;o _ _ _ _ - Sego. 

Sego was correctly described according to Mr. Park, and the 
death of the monarch he first knew spontaneously mentioned, with 
his M^arlike disposition, and great power. Mr. Park observes that he 

* The Jenne Moor does not appear to liave been so particiilai'ly acquainted with tlie 
sourcex)f the Niger. He has drawn two hills, from one of which springs a lai'ge river he 
could not name, running westward, the other is the source of the Quolla, and Mr. Hut- 
chison has written its name Bieteerilmlloo. Between this source and Mala, the King of 
which he describes as a great monarch, he mentions no towns or kingdoms. This Mala 
is the Malay of the Moorish charts I procured, between the source and which five places 
or countries were written. Mr. Hutchison writes the course thus, without time or dis- 
tance. Mala, Bambarra, Shego, Sansanding, Jena, Masiiina, Dahleii (a small croom on 
the lake Dibber,) Kabarra : he adds, cannibals are close to the Joliba, and 30 joiu-nies 
from 'limbuctoo, they eat their prisoners : the dead of tlieii- own people are put in the 
Jioliba, in wooden coffins. 



found the language of Bambarra a sort of corrupted Mandingo ; 
this confirms the numerals repeated to me as the Bambarra : 



One - 

- KiUi 









Nani - 

- Nani. 

Five - 

- Looroo 


Six - 

Wora - 

- Woro. 





Sagi - 

- Sie. 




Ten - 

- Ta - 

- Tang. 

From Sego to Sansanding was called one journey, from Sansanding 
to Jenne three. Jenne was described as on an island of tlie Niger, 
the town considerable, and fortified, and with Lirge houses to pray 
in. I did not understand that it was subject to Timbuctoo ; it cer- 
tainly has a distinct monarch, who was called Malai Smaera, and 
the head Moor, Malai Bacharoo. From Jenne through Dibbir, at 
the entrance of which is Sanina, to Kabarra or Kabra, the port of 
Timbuctoo (half a day's walk from it) is a voj-age of 20 days. By 
land, it was only 12 journies, through Mashena (Masina) Farri- 
mabbie, Jimballa (the Jinbala of Mr. Park, which they persisted 
was not on an island of the Niger, but on the northern bank of it) 
Taakim, Assoofoo, Zeddai, DetH-ai (probably the Downie in Major 
Rennell's map) Matarooch, and Makkasoorfoo, probably the 
Soorka's, whom Mr. Park mentioned as inhabiting the northern 
bank of the river between Jinnie and Timbuctoo : he also writes 
that it is 12 journies by land from Jinnie to Timbuctoo. The hori- 
zontal distance from Jenne to Jimballa, on Major Rennell's map 
is about 100 B. miles, and thence to Timbuctoo 90 more. Now 

c c 


12 journies at 18 miles, give but a horizontal distance of 144 B. 
miles, wherefore. I should think the northern bank of the lake 
Dibbir, is not so high as it has been hitherto drawn, and the path 
so distant as not to be deflected by any curve of the lake. Tim- 
buctoo was described as a large city, but inferior to Houssa, and 
not comparable with Bornoo. The Moorish influence was said to 
be powerful, but not superior. A small river goes nearly round 
the town, overflowing in the rains, and obliging the people of the 
suburbs to move to an eminence in the centre of the town, where 
the King lives. This is, probably, the smaller river described by 
Sidi Hamet as close to the town. Leo says, when the Niger rises, 
the waters flow through certain canals to the city. There were 
very few muskets to be seen ; the King, a Moorish Negro called 
Billabahada, had a few double barrelled guns, which were only 
fired at customs, and gunpowder was almost as valuable as gold. 
The two latter circumstances, besides the name of the river, Avere 
all that I recognised in their reports confirming the description 
given by Adams, which I conceive to be as inadequate as those 
collected by Mr. Jackson are extravagant.* The three last Kings 
before Billa, were Osamana, Dawoolloo, and Abass. Mr. Jackson 
says there was a King Woollo reigning in 1800, and a Moor who 
had come from Timbuctoo to Coomassie ten years ago, did not 

* The following sentence in the description of Leo, conveys an idea of the decline or 
decay of the city. " Ciijus domus omnes in tiiguriola cretacea strainincis tectis sunt 
mutatoc.'" Yet immediately after we receive the contrary impression on reading " Visitur 
lamen elegantissimum quoddam templum cujus murus ex lapidibus atque cake vivo est 
fabricatus: deinde et palacium quoddam regiiim quodam Granato viro artificissimo con. 
ditum. Freqiicntissima; hie sunt artificum mercatorum praecipiie autem telae atque 
gossypii textorum officins ; hue mercatores Barbari pannum ex Europa adferunt." In 
the Description de I'Afrique en Flamand, published about a century and a half after- 
wards, the author seems to be aware of the advanced decline or decay of Timbuctoo. 
I* Les maisons etoient autrefois fort sumptueuses, raais elles ne sent maintenant que de 
bois enduites de terre grasse et couvertes de paiile." 


know King Woollo (Adams's King) was dead, as he was reigning 
at the time he left Timbuctoo. Abass probably had a short reign 
like Sai Apokoo the second. This Moor also said that WooUo's 
favourite wife (called by Adams, Fatima) was named Eatooma 
Allizato. The editor of Adams shews that the name of Fatima, 
affords in itself no proof that its possessor was Moorish, or even a 
Mohammedan woman. I think it is probably derived from a 
numeral, for it answers to five in the numerals of Garangi (a 
country described to be northwards of Jenne) which are 

One - 

- Kerriminna! 









Six - 

- Tata. 







Ten - 


Numerals are frequently added to names in Ashantee. 

Perhaps the old ms. which I purchased with difficulty from a 
Jenne Moor, will recompense the translator by a fuller account, 
but I fear religion only is the subject. It contains thirteen i)ages, 
with some marginal notes in a different hand. I should have 
observed, that, generally speaking, I found the Moors vei'y cautious 
in their accounts, declining to speak unless they were positive, and 
frequently referring doubtful points to others whom they knew to 
be better acquainted with them. I did not succeed in procuring 
the numerals of Timbuctoo, but the language is different from that 
of Houssa, as the words opposed to those recollected by Adams 
will shew : 



Timbitctoo. Iloussa. 

Man - Jungo - - Motoo. 

Woman Jumpsa - Motee. 

Camel - So - - Rakoomee. 

Dog - Killab - - Karree. 

Cow - - Fallee - - Sanea. 

House - Dah - - Garree. 

Water - Boca - Looa. 

Tree - - Carna - Leesee'a. 

Gold -Or - - Jennarrea. 

A Moor - Seckar - Bibay. 

From Timbuctoo * to Houssa is 20 journies ; the three first 
through a woody country, and over the branch of the Niger to 
Azibbie, the frontier town. Houssa was said to be the largest city 
north or south of the Quolla, except Bornoo ; the Moorish influ- 
ence to have been established there beyond memory, and the 
King's name Serragkee. Cabi is not the name of the kingdom, 
but of a large dependent town and district on the Niger. Mallowa, 
or Marrowa, as the Negroes pronounce it, (for they seemed inva- 
riably to substitute r for the / of the Moors, as Quorra for Quolla)-f 

* " All the country from where the Joliba discharges itself into the Quolla is subject 
to the Sultan Mallsimiel. What makes the Sultan of Timbu'^too so much talked of, is 
his being near the water side ; but his master, the Sultan of Malisimiel considers him 
merely as a deputy or governor. The four greatest monarchs known on the banks of 
the Quolla, are Baliarnoo, Santambool, Malisimiel, and Malla." W. H. Malla is 

•)■ The Chaymas substitute r for I, a substitution that arises from a defect of pronun- 
ciation, common in every zone. The substitution of r for I characterizes, for example, 
the Bashmouric dialect of the Coptic language. It is thus that tlie Caribbees of the 
Oroonoko have been transformed into Galibi, in French Guiann, by confounding r with 
/, and softening the c. The Tamanach has made choraro (solalo) of the Spanish word 
soldado."" Humboldt's personal narrative, book iii. chap. 9. 


is the next extensive in its limits to Bornoo. It is, no doubt, the 
kingdom of Mell^, misplaced by Leo, and reported to Cadamosto 
in 1455, as 30 journies beyond Timbuctoo. Major Rennell ob- 
serves, " we should naturally look for it on the eastward of 
Timbuctoo,^' and it has only been placed south eastward, and 
south of the Niger, because Edrisi has a city called Malel there- 
abouts, though he calls the name of the kingdom of which it is the 
capital Landam, which Hartman would reconcile by supj)osing it 
to be a. transposition of Malel, certainly a forced conjecture.* A 
large town called Mahalaba is the nearest I have found to Malel, 
to be noticed on the route from Dagwumba to the Niger. -f- In 
speaking of all fortified cities, the negroes of Mallowa invariably 
prefixed Berinne orBrinne to the nanje, as an indication that they 
were so ; this was always the case in mentioning Houssa, Cabi, 
Cassina, Katinna, &c. &c. I shall place the numerals of Cassina, 
as written by Mr. Lucas after the Shereef Imhammed, to the right 
of those of Houssa or Mallowa, from their close affinity, perhaps 
identity ; for this language is spoken far eastward, and the Shereef, 
as we shall presently see, was rather inaccurate in his recollection 
of the numerals of Bornoo. 

One - - Daia - Deiyah. 

Two - - Beeyoo - Beeyou. 

Three - - Okoo - Okoo. 

Four - Odoo - " - Foodoo. 

Five - - Be'a - - Beat. 

* The position of Melle is further confirmed in Dapper " Le Roi de Tombut prend le 
nom d'Empereur de Melli."" This title seems to have heen transferred to the King of 
Houssa from the decHne of Timbuctoo, to which the aggrandisement of the former city 
is to be attributed. 

-}- The King residing in Houssa is the King of Malla ; he has seven tributary Kings. 
W. H. 


Six - - Seddah - Sheedah. 

Seven - Becquay - Bookai. 

Eight - - Tacquass - Takoos. 

Nine - - Tarra - Tarrah, 

Ten - - Gwoma - Goumah. 

Two large lakes were described close to tiie northward of 
Houssa, one called Balahar Soudan, and the other Girrigi Marra- 
gasee. Calculating the 20 journies from 'J'imbuctoo at 18 miles 
each, supposing two-thirds to be made good on the horizontal 
distance (equal to 212 g. miles) and the course N. E., 1 have 
placed Houssa, 18° 59' N. and 3° 59' E. This agrees prelty well 
with the account of ils being 17 journies from the Niger, or Quolla, 
which give 306" B. miles, and the horizontal distance 176 g. miles. 
Houssa has hitherto been laid down about 2 journies N. of the 
Niger. I have an impression that the city of Houssa will be found 
to lay about E. N. E. of Timbuctoo, of course nearer the Gambaroo, 
which runs through its dominions, and thus account for the reports 
of its being situated upon the Niger. Leo certainly meant Mallowa 
and the Gambaroo, when he wrote, " Melli regio quae extendit se 
ad flumen quoddam quod ex Nilo (i. e. Nigro) effluit trecenta 
millia passuum," adding, " regnuni opulcntlssimum, niaxim^ 
artificum et mercatorum copia, frequentia templa, sacenlotes et 
populus qui Nigritas omnes civilitate antecedunt ;" which they 
certainly appear to do : see a few of their articles for the British 
Museum. May not the Maurali of Ptolemy be the Mclli of Leo, 
and the modern Mallowa or Marrowa? his large adjunct to the 
Niger to the south indicates the two rivers. jSlajor Rennell seems 
to have expected the present discovery, when he writes (canment- 
ing on Mr. Park's report that Houssa was 30 journies by land from 
Tombuctoo, and 45 by water) " Possibly it may be that Houssa 
is situated on a different river from that which passes by Tombuctoo 


(the Joliba,) but which may be an adjunct of it, and may run into 
it in the quarter of Tombuctoo." In Dapper's translation of the 
Description De I'Afrique du Flamand, 1686, 1 find " Cette contree 
(Melli) s'etend environ cent lieues le long d'un bras du Niger." 

Tarrabaleese, 50 journies Avestvvard of north, was much spoken 
of from the number of its market places. This must be Tripoli, the 
Arabic corruption of which is Trabolis. The Moors gave me a 
route to Tunis or Toonis, but I cannot recognise any name in 
Major Rennell's map, (which I could not procure until my return,) 
unless Sabbai be Sebba, and Mookanassa Mourzouk, in Fezzan. 
There is also another route eastward which I cannot trace. See 

From Kabarra the QuoUa, continuing its course southward of 
east, passed by Uzzalin, Googara,* Koolmanna, Gauw, Tokogirrij 
(perhaps the Tokrur of Edrisi and Gatterer) Aske'a, Zabirme, and 
Cabi to Yaoora, which 1 imagine to be the Youri of Major Ren- 
nell's map.f De Lisle places a kingdom, Yaouree, south of the 
Niger. It is a very celebrated ferry, occurring in a variety of 
routes from the north of the Quolhito Ashantee, spoken of always 
as westward of Cassina, and with little variation as 25 journies 
from Timbuctoo. Now as the Moors called it one day's journey 
from Sego to Sansanding, and Mr. Park made it scarcely more, I 
will assume this as the rule to calculate the distance from Timbuctoo 
to Yaooree, and afterwards consider its place according to the 
routes from Dagwumba, through it, to Cassina. Twenty five 
journies from Timbuctoo would place Yaoora about 70 miles above 

• I did not hear of the Gotoijegee, Carmasse, or Goumion of Amadi Fatouma ; it is 
clear that he was not very correct in names. I never once heard Silla called Sellee, 
Dibble, Sibbie, or Kabra, Rakbarra. 

f The Jenne Moor notices between Kabarra and Cabi, Gauw (a great kingdom) 
Quoiilla, Askea, Zabirma. Ptolemy has a city called Geua on the Gir. 


the Berrisa in Major Rennell's map, but this makes the horizontal 
distance fn^m Yaoora to Dag\vunil)a about 850 B. miles, and 
therefore too great for 42 journies, the greatest nuu)ber allowed in 
the routes from Dagwumba to Yaoora. 

I would not presume to investigate after Major Rcnnell, it would 
be absurd in me to expect to throw any new interest into the dis- 
cussion, but by making clear the accounts I collected ; to do 
which I must decline the course of the Niger from Cabi (Mr. 
Horneman writes it flows southward from Haoussa) even to a 
junction with the Bahr Kulla. For, j^lacing Yaoora in 13° 30' N. 
and 8° 30' E. in conformity with its distance from Timbuctoo and 
a declining course to the Kulla, the horizontal distance to Yahndi, 
the capital of Dagwumba, will be 600 B. miles : now 42 journies, 
the greatest number allowed by the travellers, at 20 miles each, 
(rejecting one third, as heretofore, lost in the windings of the path) 
give the horizontal distance at 560 B. miles. This is certainh- an 
additional argument to the similarity of the names Quolla and 
Kulla, for the identity of these rivers ; but not so strong a one as 
that the routes both of Moors and Negroes, allow but 40 journies 
from Dagwumba to the point of crossing the Niger for lloussa. 
The course to this point was described by the Moors as a little to 
the eastward of north : now 40 journies on a N. N. E. course, by 
the former rule, places this ferry 15° 1' N. and 3° 33' E. agreeing 
very well with our previous position of Houssa, and proving that 
the course of the Niger must decline considerably, for more than 
two extra journies would otherwise be required for the north east- 
ward route from Dagwumba to Yaoora. Major Rennell only 
writes that the course of the Niger is probably to Wangara. Mr. 
Ledyard, in his comparatively minute description of that country, 
(which I shall notice in the route to Bornoo) says nothing of its 
bordering on the Niger. Major Rennell, in the construction of the 


geogi-aphy of Mr. Horneman's report, writes, " M. D'Anville also 
had an idea, and so describes it in his map of Africa, 1749 (pos- 
sibly from actual information,) that the Niger dechned to the south 
beyond Gana, so that the termination of it in the lake Semegonda 
was 3~ degrees of latitude to the south of Gana," There is a kingdom 
called Kulla as well as a river, and there is also a kingdom Quol- 
laraba : raba being probably no more than an adjunct equal to 
the prefix dar, and signifying a kingdom. Mr. Dupuis, in his 
notes on Adams, says of an intelligent Negro, " his account was 
chiefly curious from his description of a nation which he called 
Gallo or Qitallo, which conveyed to me an idea of a people, more 
advanced in the arts, and wealthier than any that I had previously 
heard of: within three days journey of the capital was a large lake 
or river which communicated with the Wed Nile." The com- 
mended arguments of the Quarterly Review, (which I have never 
had the advantage of reading,) must be in a great degree auxiliary, 
in arguing, to support the Congo hypothesis, a course of the 
Niger equally declined Avith that which I have followed for the 
identity of the Quolla and Kulla. The junction of the Quolla with 
the Bahr Abiad, or Nil, as the Moors called it, cannot be more 
descriptively expressed, according to every account I received, 
than in the words of Mr, Horneman, " Some days past I spoke 
to a man who had seen Mr. Brown in Darfoor, he gave me some 
information respecting the countries he travelled through, and told 
me that the communication of the Niger with the Nile was not to 
be doubted, but that this communication before the rainy season 
was very little."* 

* The Jenne Moor told Mr. Hutchison, " the Quolla was the largest river in the 
world, and about 5 miles wide, having a very rocky channel, the banks on both sides 
very high, and rngged : in many parts canoes often take a day to cross, from the dan- 
gerous whirlpools, and sudden squalls; at other places the stream runs with great 



We Avill pursue the course of the Quolla from Yaoora (where I 
should judge from description it must be about 3 miles wide) 
before Ave apply the routes northward of it.* One journey east- 
ward of Yaoora, (sometimes called Yawooree by the Negroes,) it 
passed Nooffie, doubtless the Nyffe of Mr. Horneman and others, 
and which De Lisle has written Xouffy : 3 journies thence it passed 
Boussa, which Amadi Fatouma reported, as it was to me also (see 
Diar}') as the place of Mr. Park's death, but I could hear nothing 
of the rock and door. Boussa is not in Major Rennell's map, but 
I observed Bousa in the map of De Lisle before alluded to ; it is 
probably the Berrisa of Edrisi. Twelve journies thence it passed 
Atagara, but, previously, Hoomee, and Rakkah.-f Southward of 
the latter, they described an inland country called Koofee, possibly 
Kosie, a country I shall presently introduce, as visited by a mulatto, 
behind Lagos. Thirty journies from Atagara, it flowed through 
the kingdom of Quollaraba,:J: which thus falls precisely where 

rapidity. The houses in its environs are either terraced or shingled, as thatch cannot 
resist the frequent high winds." 

* The Jenne Moor has placed Gangc as an island in the Quolla just below Bousa. 
This must be the Gongoo of Imiiammed, and Ben AJi, south of Cassina. Mr. Lucas 
writes " the width of tlie Niger is such, that even at the island of Gongoo, where the 
ferrymen reside, the sound of the loudest voice from the northern shore is scarcely 

■f- The Jenne jNIoor traces the course from Yaoora, thus : Boussa, Gange, Wawa, 
Noofa, Quollaliffa, Atagara ; the only diiference being the position of the latter place, 
possibly an error of mine, as the name Atagara was not noticed in the charts I made 
the Moors draw, but only in the more particular enumerations of the countries the 
Quolla passed ; the names of which 1 minuted from their utterance, and afterwards 
attached their remarks as interpreted to me. 

+ The Jenne Moor calls this Quollaliffa. Mr. Hutchison, who has a servant, a native 
of it, describes it as a very powerful kingdom, as the Shereef Brahima described it to 
me, and as was the impression of Mr. Dupuis. Mr. H. adds, on Negro and Moorish 
authority, " it is to the King of Quallowliffa that the country in which Canna, Dall, and 


Major Rennell has laid down the kingdom of KuUa. Six journies 
thence it passed Mafeegoodoo, and 13 journies beyond, the lake 
Cadee or Caudee. This 1 should consider to be the Cauga of 
Edrisi, which Majoi Renuell lias identified with the Fittri of Mr. 
Brown, for into this the second large branch of the Niger, or the 
river Gambaroo, is said to run ; but it is considerably too much 
to the southward for the Cauga in Major RennelFs map, being, 
according to the accounts of the Moors, only 3 journies northward 
of the QuoUa : yet Edrisi writes " besides a river of the name of 
Nile or Neel passes hij Kauga." What inclines me to think the 
Cauga may be more distant from Bornoo the capital, though not 
from the frontier of that kingdom, (15 journies being the number 
reported to me as well as to Mr. Brown) is, that the Negroes of 
that city were not so Avell acquainted widi this lake as the Moors, 
My sketch in the map, of course, represents the sketches and 
descriptions of the natives. They described the Cadee or Caudee 
as an immense water, like a small sea, frequently overflowing the 
neighbouring country, and sometimes so convulsed as to throw up 
large quantities of fish and other contents ; meaning, in short, a 
volcanic lake. The Moors called it also the Bahr el Noa, having 
a tradition that the waters of the deluge retired to, and were 
absorbed in it. A very high mountain was spoken of, at an equal 
distance between the Caudee and the Quolla.* Twelve journies 

Yum Yum, where cannibals are, is subject." Mr. Horneman mentions Yem Ycms 
cannibals south of Kano 1 days ; and the account is further confirmed in my subsequent 
geographical sketch of the interior of Gaboon. Mr. Horncman's information that the 
Niger flowed towards the Egyptian Nile through the land of the Heathens, which JMr. 
Park quoted as an argument for the Congo hypothesis, doubtless referred to these 

* " At times the water of this lake is hot, and it boils and bubbles with a gi-eat noise, 
often overflowing the surrounding country. The bones of fish thrown up by the volcano 
are so numerous, that the Arabs mix them in the swish of their houses. There are a 


from Caudee, the Quolla received the river Sharee from northward, 
which, I imagine, if not the Misselad, may be a river deriving its 
name from the Abu Shareb of Major Rennell's map. The Quolla 
was said to pass to the southward of Bagarrimee, (the Baghermee 
of Mr. Brown.) Kalafarradoo, (I cannot find an}- name nearer to 
this than the Courourfa of De Lisle, and Kororfa, said in Mr. 
Beaufoy's MSS. to be W. of Begarmee). Foor (Darfur, according 
to Mr. Brown, means the kingdom of Foor) and lastly to skirt 
Waddai, the Waddey of Mr. Horneman, who wrote that it was east 
of Begharmee, and west of Darfoor ; but, as it was reported to me 
east of Darfoor, by every person, and as Mr. Brown did not hear 
of it to adjust its position, I have placed it so.* 

The junction with the Nile having taken place, as Mr. Horneman 
before reported, south of Darfoor, ihe}^ continued the course to a 
large country called Soonar,f indisputably the kingdom of Sen- 
naar. Hence to Massar,:]: or Egypt, they did not always agree 
themselves in the various names, nor can I recognise any on the 
map, unless their Shewa Abenhassa be Bennassa, Minsoor, Misur, 
Gammeacha, Gammazie ; Sooess, Sohaig ; Kaheea, Kahoul ; 
Zaragoo, Nayazoogoo ; and their Lamabalara, in the country of 

great many islets in tlie lake, which is so extensive, that they cannot see the end. 
Between it and the Quolla rises a very higli hill, from the top of wliich is an extensive 
view ; it is a day's journey from the water on either side. The Arabs eat black rice, 
corn, and sweet beans, called Tummer.'" W. H. 

* The Jenne Moor has also placed it E. of Foor. Mr. Hutchison writes the course, 
after him, from Atagara, thus : " Maffagoodoo, Sharee, Lake Chadee, Phorr (beginning 
of Arabs) " Wadie." Mr. Horneman writes " A great part of the people of Wadey, 
together with their King, are Arabs." 

•f- Mr. Hutchison has written it Sooanar. 

t " Caii'o is still called, in the figurative language of the East, Misr, without an 
equal ; Misr, the mistress of the world." Quarterly Re^-iew. Mr. Hutchison writes, 
that the Moors told him it was so called after Misraim, who settled there. 


Egypt, the Bahr be ]a ma of Mr. Horneinan ; of the latter there 
can be no doubt.* 

My friend, the Shereef Brahima had, as well as some others, 
been to Mecca and Medina. I place great reliance on this man's 
information (invariably confirmed by the Negroes) from his caution 
and diffidence, and my experience of his character ; for he was 
ultimately a valuable friend to the Mission : he was the only Moor 
who dared to refuse to be present at human sacrifices. The MS. 
No. 2. is his writing, and professedly the route from Dagwumba 
through Bornoo to Massar.-j- it consists of six pages well written. 
This would have been a valuable man to have engaged to travel 
through the interior, for he was capable of making circumstantial 
minutes, and I think he might have been engaged to do so by 
a moderate Fort pay. The Moors talk much of the King of 

* The following, in the left hand column, are the places or coiinlries as written by 

Mr. Hutchison, after the Jenne Moor, agreeing with those the Moors reported to me. 

Shuewa - - - - Shewa Abenassa. 

Swiss _ - - - - Spoess. 

Zall , . . . Zaloo. 

Machazoogee - . . Machawazoo. 

Tabarbass, cultivation, volcano from the Quolla two "i _ , 

? X at)arraDass« 
days, two days to the top, - - J 

Askanderee . . _ - Askandaraiaor Sakunderree, 

The latter place is Alexandria. The Moors called the Mediterranean Sea to me by two 

names, Baharle Malee, and Sabbaha Bahoori. Mr. Hutchison writes it Baramela or 

Bahermale, and adds, " Seven rivers from Africa turn their course to it, but only two 

reach the shores, of which the Nile is one. The rush of the waters of the Nile when they 

meet the sea, is so great, that the waves are driven into the air with great force, and 

retire hke waves against a rock. The Red Sea, they say, assumes various colours at 

different periods from seven streams pouring their course into it, salt water and fresh, 

red, blue, yellow, &c." 

-f- " Half of the inhabitants of Massar are white, and half black ; they have a Fort 

and Governor," W. H, 


Santambool, * as a powerful monarch and formidable to the 

It will excite surprise that I heard nothing of Wangara,f- as was 
the case with Mr. Brown, not even after I had, contrary to my 
general custom, submitted the name : but I heard very much spon- 
taneously of Oongooroo. Mr. Hornemau called Wangara, Ungura, 
and De Lisle, Ouangara, we shall find it in the route from Yaoora 
to Bornoo or Barranoo. Bornoo was described to me about north- 
east from Yaoora, which agrees very well with Major Rennell's 
position, established beyond all contradiction short of an observa- 
tion, but, the horizontal distance, (lowering the place of Yaoora as 
I have done) thence to Bornoo would be upwards of 1000 B. 
miles, whereas they described it to be but ol journies, which 
allowing 20 miles to each, as the country was said to be much 
more favourable to travelling, and the path more direct than that 
we came, would give but an horizontal distance of 680 B. miles. 
Mr. Horneman heard that Bornu was but 15 journies from Kassina; 
I was told 33 if walked; 19 if rode. Major Rennell has made the 
distance about 30 journies, considering the 15 journies applicable 
to the western boundaries of the empire, and not to the capital. 

We will now return to Yahndi and proceed northwards to 
Houssa. Nineteen journies from Yahndi is Matchaquawdie, six 
beyond is Goorooma, 10 thence Dolooe, subject to Goorooma, and 
only five journies from the QuoUa, described as about two miles 
wide there. When Amadi Fatouma mentioned that he passed 

* Stambool is the Arabic pronunciation of tlie familiar or vulgar name of Constanti- 
nople, the etymology of which is ig-ajaai toXiv, 

•f- Mr. Hutchison -^n-ites, " Wangara is the name of a region comprehending Mosee 
Kong, and other neighbouring countries south of the Niger (if not some to the nort'i of 
it) but Oongooroo is the name of the country laying between Cassina and Bornoo.)" 
Mr. Park has Wangecra in the route from Scgo to the coast of Guinea. 


Gourounia, I should suppose he meant this kingdom of Goorooma, 
Dolooe, as subject to it, being probably included under that 
name. I must impress, however, that this northern route from 
Dagwumba to the Niger, being, with that from Kong to Jenne, 
the only ones unauthenticated, otherwise than by cross examina- 
tion, I do not report them with the same confidence, Avhich I do 
the others. Two journies from the northern bank of the Quolla is 
Gamhadi, to which three large towns belong, Dogondaghi, Toodon- 
kassalee, and Toompassea, and numerous dependent crooms. 
There were three routes from Gamhadi, the first northward to 
Houssa 15 journies, passing the large river Gambaroo the ninth, 
between which and Houssa is a district called Zessa. The second 
route is to Katinnee, a city and state of the Mallowa kingdom, one 
month from the Quolla. On this route the Gambaroo is crossed 
the tenth day, and Sowhoonde, Souoola, (perhaps Sala) Quattara- 
quassee, Doorooma, Soroo, Zabbakou, Dinka, Doochingamza, 
and Dammisamia Avere mentioned as large towns on the route. 
The third route was through the Fillanee country, (doubtless the 
Fullan* of Ben AH) Avhich had been frequently at war with Mal- 
lowa, to the kingdom of Kallaghee, 14 journies from the Quolla, 
the Gambaroo being passed the tenth. The numerals of Kallaghee 

One - 

- Gadee. 









Six - 

- Zoodoo. 



* " The dress of the people of Fullan (a country to the west of Kassina) resembles 
the cloth of which the plaids of the Scotch Highlanders are made." Ben Ali. 


Eight - Shiddowka. 

Nine - Woollaa. 

Ten - - Wonia. 
A country called Barrabadi was described eastward of Mallowa, 
between it and Borneo ; its numerals corresponded with those of 

We will now return again to Dagwuraba, and follow the route 
thence, over the Quolla, through Yaoora to Bornoo. Gamba we 
have already described as five journies north eastward of Yahndi, 
thence two journies, over a high mountain called Yerim, and 
across a river running southwards (which the Moors called Mory, 
but which it would seem is the continuation of the Karliala) is 
Gooroosie, four journies thence Zoogoo, probably the Zeggo of 
Major Rennell's map ; 10 farther the kingdom of Barragoo. De 
Lisle has placed his kingdom of Bourgou thereabouts. North- 
westward of Barragoo is Koomba, the Kombah of Major Rennell's 
map. The position of this kingdom is pretty well ascertained, 
because those Avho came from it, described Goorooma as its 
northern neighbour, and Barragoo to be the first kingdom passed 
through in their journies to the coast below Whydah. Eight 
journies from Barragoo is Toombeii, three beyond is Goodoobirree. 
A river running to the Quolla (as it was said, but more probably 
from it) called Leeasa, flows close to the eastward of this path, and 
is crossed, going from Goodool:)irree southwards, to a large king- 
dom called Yariba by the Moors, but Yarba more generally by 
the natives. Major Rennell has drawn a river communicating 
with the Niger close to Youri, so has De Lisle. This river Lee'asa 
is the only one 1 heard of, answering in the least degree to that of 
Sidi Ilamet, but Wassana was a name unknown. Aquallie is the 
frontier town of Yariba, one journey from Goodoobirree, and one 
from Bootee, second only to the capital, Katanga, four journies 


beyond it, Yariba was described to be about 24 journies, through 
Hio, (its immediate neighbour) from Aratakassee or Alatakassee, 
which we shall hereafter recognise in Ardra : this determines its 
position pretty well.* Dahomey was said to be tributary to Yariba, 
as well as to Hio, which I have an impression is also tributary to 
Hio. From Hio to Dahomey is seven journies. The military are 
despotic in Hio, they always intercept the new King on his way to 
the palace, and demand his naming some neighbouring country 
for their invasion and plunder, before they confirm him. The 
King before the present, had named Dahomey, but after three 
years neglect of the fulfilment, he ordered the army against a 
northern neighbour. The army went, wasted and pillaged the 
country, but when within a day's march of the capital on their 
return, they sent deputies to enjoin his abdication, as inevitable to 
a falsehood to them ; he was obstinate ; they arrived and cut oS 
his head. The numerals of Hio are 

One - 

- Innee. 







Five - 

- Aroon. 

Six - 

- Effa. 







Ten - 


* Mr. Hutchison sends me this route, as given him by the Jenne Moor, thus, (sup- 
posing me not to have heard of Yariba) " from Goodaberry, over Lasa small water to 
Quolla, at Boussa; few hours walk to Yaraba; 28 days from Dahomey:' he adds, 
" recollect that the Kmg of Dahomey is tributary to the King of Yaraba, who is the 
same in that quarter, as the King of Ashantee is here." 

E e 


The Hio man, who gave me the above numerals, spoke of the 
Apaccas as a more powerful northern neighbour, but I never 
heard of them from any other person. 

Yariba must certainly be the Yarba of Imhammed, though he 
described it as 18 or 20 journies from Gonjah towards the N.W., 
for he is hkely to have been incorrect in this, because we have 
proved him to be so, in stating, that Ashantee was the capital of 
Tonouwah, Avhich appears to be a district or town of Dagwumba, 
the people of which kingdom are by no means warlike as he repre- 
sented them, nor have they any notion of taming the elephant: he 
reported that Calanshee was a dependency of Ashantee, whereas 
no Ashantee knows the name ; that Gonjah was 46 journies from 
the coast, when it is but 30. Major Rennell reasonably conceived 
the Yarba of Imhammed to be the Yarra of De Lisle, at the back 
of Sierra Leone, but as this country is not preserved in his own 
map, I presume it cannot be of much consequence, politically or 
commercially, whereas Yariba, indisputably eastward of Kong, is 
always announced to enquirers, both by Moors and Negroes, as a 
very powerful, and much frequented kingdom. Another argument 
is, that all the Moors I saw at Coomassie, were almost ignorant of 
the countries westward, only speaking of those their enquiries for 
the source of the Quolla had made known to them : indeed, I did 
not see one who had travelled westward, or south westward of 
Bambarra, but our Accra linguist told me that he had recognised 
a Moor at the Rio Pongos, whom he had seen in Coomassie (when 
sent there on the eve of the second Ashantee invasion) who told 
him that he had been two months travelling from Kong, and 
crossed a very large river. Imbammed's AfFow (if not TafFoo, or 
the Inta country) I conceive to be Afflou, a town and district of 
the Krepee or Kerrapay country, and a short walk from the sea by 
Quitta, westward of Yarba, as he says, but more than eight journies. 


The Kerrapay country, which is extensive and independent, will 
be described, in proceeding from Cape Coast Castle, along the 
coast, eastward. 

To return to the route from Yahndi to Yaoora, three journies 
from Goodoobirree towards the Quolla through Gilhmakafoo, 
Garagaroogee, and Paanghee, is the large city of Kaiama, and 
four beyond it, through Mahalaba, (the nearest name to the Malel 
of Edrisi,) Marramoo, and across the small river Wooroo, (running 
to the Quolla) is the city of Wauwaw,* three journies from the 
Quolla. Ten journies from the northern bank, through Yaoora, 
and skirting the eastern limits of Zamfara, is Goobirree, so called 
by the Moors, and Goobur by the Negroes.-j^ Mr. Beaufoy learned 
that Gubur was to the south of Wangara, and De Lisle writes it 
Goubour. Thence to Kassina, having crossed the large river 
Gambaroo, is eight journies. Eighteen journies, calculated at 
18 miles each on a N. E, course, from the altered position of 
Yaoora, would place Kassina in 15° 43' N. and 10° 43' E., instead 
of 16° N. and 11° 45' E. Mr. Lucas learned that Kassina was five 
journies from the Niger, or about 100 miles from that water, which 
it is likely to be from the upper branch or the Gambaroo, which 
river skirting Kanoo, and Oongooroo, (or Wangara.) before it 
descends to the lake Cadee, (though I could not prove satisfac- 
torily that it did so,) would account for Edrisi's placing Kano, 
and Wangara, on the Niger.]; From Kassina to Dawoorra is six 

* The Jenne Moor gave this route thus : Wawa to Kiama, a great kingdom, 3 days ; 
close to the eastward a desert ; 1 day Garagroogee ; 1 day Wala ; 1 day Goodaberry. 

■f- " Guber est a cent Heues de Gago vers I'Orient, et en est separ^ par un desert inha- 
bitable a quatorze ou quinze Heues du Niger. Cette contr^e est entre de hautes mon- 
tagnes, et toute pleine de villages ; celui ou le Prince tient sa Cour a quelque mille 
maisons." Dapper. 

J I shall adjoin an outline of the great river in one of the maps of Dapper's Descrip- 


journies : this must be the Daura of Mr. Horneman, though in the 
drawing of the Marrabut it is placed north of Kano. From Da- 
woorra to Kanoo is four journies. D'Anville placed it 90 miles to 
the N. E. of Kassina, and in the drawing just alluded to, it is 
placed inland northward of the Niger. The only authority for 
supporting Edrisi's position of it, is what Mr. Matra was told at 
Marocco. The Moor who informed Mr. Beaufoy that boats went 
Avith the stream to Ghinea, (the Gano or Kano of Major Rennell) 
placed Jinnie between it and Houssa, so gross an inaccuracy as to 
justify our doubting him on the other point. The Ginea of Leo 
more probably meant J enne, and he seems to write of that naviga- 
tion as a distinct one from that to Melli eastward.* From Kanoo, 
through the large towns Madagee and Adagia, to Oongooroo is 
nine journies, but seven on a joma or camel, "Est iter octo dierum 
versus orientem" (Edrisi.) From Oongooroo to Barranoo is 
15 journies on foot according to the Moors, nine on horseback 
according to the Negroes, by route No. 12. Bornoo or Barranoo 
was spoken of as the first empire in Africa ,-f the King's name, 
according to the Moors, was Baba Alloo, but the Negroes called 
him Massinnama.J Kassina, and the intermediate countries on 

tion de TAfrique, traduit dii Flamand, because the book is very scarce, and I do no^ 
remember to have seen the Niger, the Gir, or the Congo so laid down in any other. 

* The removal of Cano from the banks of the Niger agreeable with every report I 
received, is supported by Dapper. " A cent soixante et dix lieues d'Agadez et a deux 
cent du Niger on trouve ce royaume (Guber), au milieu du quel est la ville de Cano 
fermee de muraUles de bois et de pierre, et qui a des maisons baties de meme." 

-f* " The Mahometans of Senaar number Bornoo amongst the four most powerful 
monarchies of the world ; the other three are Turkey, Persia, and Abyssinia: the sove- 
reign of Bornoo is more powerfid than the Emperor of Morocco." Lucas. 

\ Ce royame, qu'on croit avoir it6 la demeure des Garamantes, est une vaste Province 
au levant de Gangara, qui setend vers I'Orient I'espace de cent soixante dix lieues et est 
^loignee du Niger de cinquante. :/r, i..--^'K:i . 



the route, were subject to him with many others. One district 
belonging to Bornoo was na:ned Panaroo, and the vassal King or 
governor of it, Yandee Kooma. A small river, called Gabooa* 
by the Negroes, ran southwards near Bornoo, and six journies 
eastward from it, close to Aweeac, a large one Zerrookoo Kero- 
boobee. Mr. Horneman writes, the Wad el Gazel is not a river, 
but a large and fertile valley. The Negroes of Bornoo were well 
acquainted with Baghermee. Imhammed's recollection of the 
numerals of Bornoo must have been very imperfect, for I have 
written them at least half a dozen times, both from Moorish and 
Negro inhabitants, and my spelling agreed with that of another 
person present. They are 











Four - 

- Deegah 



Ooogoo - 

- Okoo. 

Six - 










Likkar - 


Ten - 

- Meeagoo 


Ben Ali said the language of the common people of Bornoo had a 
strong resemblance to that of the neighbouring Negroes. Mr. 
Lucas writes that no less than 30 languages are spoken in these 
dominions. The following are the numerals of Maiha, one month 
to the north-eastward, subject to Bornoo, and the King's name 
Sma'i Doonama. 

* Mr. Hutchison heard of another river near Bornoo called Koomoodoo gaiguina : lie 
could not hear of the Wad el Gkizel. 


One - 

- Lagen. 







Five - 

- Ohoo. 

Six - 






Nine - 

- Likar. 

Ten - 

- Inagoon, 

The Negroes called Kanem, Kandera ; were well acquainted with 
Doomboo, and spoke much of the kingdom of Asben. 

We will now return to Cape Coast Castle, and seek the best 
descriptive authorities, in aid of the observations which have been 
made by the Commissioners and others, for the maritime geography 
from the river Assinee to Lagos. 

The latitude and longitude of Cape Coast (called by the natives 
Igwa, and in the AfFettoo district) according to Messrs. Ludlam 
and Dawes, the Government Commissioners who surveyed the 
coast in 1810, is 5° 6' N. and 1° 51' AV. Elmina, the native name 
of which is Addina, is about seven miles to windward of Cape 
Coast. Twelve miles from Elmina is Commenda, an English fort, 
the town is called by the natives Akatayki, the Dutch fort was 
destroyed in the American war. Nine miles thence is Chama, or 
Assema. at the mouth of the Boosempra. Six hours pull up the 
river, is an island, where Attobra, one of the Warsaw caboceers, 
who supplies the Dutch with canoes, is building a large house to 
retire to ; four hours above which is his croom. Colonel Starren- 
berg was pulled three days up the river in a canoe ; his progress 
was much impeded by rocks, and at length arrested by a large 
cataract, which, being considered a powerful fetish b}^ the natives, 


the canoe-men dared not to approach. Nine miles from Chama, 
where the Dutch have a fort called Sebastian, is Succondee, the 
first town in the Ahanta country. The English fort was destroyed 
by the French in the American war, but there is a settlement 
house. The Dutch fort is called Orange. Four miles from Suc- 
condee is Taccorary, and a Dutch fort. Nine miles beyond is 
Boutrie where the Dutch have a fort, formerly belonging to the 
Brandenburgh Company. Three miles from Boutrie is Dix-Cove, 
or Nfooma, and in the interval Boossooa, the capital of Ahanta, 
which is divided into three districts, Amanfoo, Adoom, and Poho. 
The first is about one journey (through Ge'amma) behind Boossooa, 
and one from the river Ancobra, the caboceer is of the next con- 
sequence to the King, whose power and means are extremely 
limited. The two latter districts are not more than half a journey 
behind Taccorary. The small river running into the sea at Bou- 
trie, rises in the Adoom district, which is said to abound in gold, 
but the pits have not been worked for many years, from their fear 
of the Warsaws. Amanfee also abounds in very fine gold, which 
is generally found in quartz, and is ground upon stones arranged 
under large sheds for the purpose. In a respectable periodical 
publication of the last year, I observe, the King of Ashantee called 
King of Ahanta, Inta, or Ashantee; this is one of the many proofs 
of the indiscriminate ideas of that monarch before the Mission. 
Eighteen miles from Dix-Cove passing Achooma and Accoda, 
(where the Dutch have a fort, and which is close to Cape Three 
Points) are the ruins of HoUandia, formerly belonging to the 
Brandenburgh Company, and called Fort Royal Fredericksburg. 
Sixteen miles farther is Axim, Avhere the Dutch fort Anthony, 
their Vice Presidency, is situated. The people of Axim speak a 
dialect of the Ahanta. About two miles westward is the mouth of 
the Ancobra, so called by the Portuguese from its windings, the 


native name is Seenna. Col. Starrenberg, who went up the river 
as far as the ruins of Elisa Carthago, the extreme navigable point, 
for any but a very small canoe, says, he cannot form any accurate 
idea of the distance, but supposes it was about 20 Dutch miles 
and the course N. E. Meredith says 50 English : he was very 
careless and incorrect in Avriting, " the French built a fort on the 
right bank of this river, and at about 50 miles from its mouth ; 
where they had a great gold trade, that soon excited the jealousy 
of the Dutch, who expelled them. The Dutch however did not 
long enjoy this acquisition, for the chief got embroiled with the 
natives, and betook himself to the desperate remedy of blowing up 
the fort." Elisa Carthago was built by the Dutch governor Ruig- 
haven, who died, as appears by his tomb stone at Elmina, before 
1700. The French never had any but a small factor}^ almost at 
the mouth of the river, and the Dutch officer in charge of Elisa 
Carthago had enjoyed a good trade many years before the cupi- 
dity of the natives reduced him to the act of despair, related by 
Bosman, and still recorded by the natives, who narrated it to Col. 
Starrenberg. The following is from the Latin translation of Dr. 
Reynhaut : " The chief of Elisa Carthago being at variance with 
the natives, Avho invested the fort, and finding he could not resist 
them any longer" (for as the story goes, he had been reduced to 
fire pieces of rock gold from the want of bullets) " feigned to treat 
Avith them, and invited them for that purpose into the hall of the 
fort, under which he had placed several barrels of gunpowder, and 
a small boy with a match, ordering him to apply it directly he 
stamped his foot on the floor of the hall above. This he did, after 
reproaching the natives with their cupidity, and they were all 
blown up together. One of the servants of the fort had just before 
contrived to eft'ect his escape with most of the papers." In 
navigating from the mouth of the Ancobra or Seenna to Elisa 


Carthago, the following towns, on the banks, are passed, Boasso, 
TarbOj.Marmeresse, Ejujan, Tetchbrouw, Gura, Barnesoe, Uro- 
manio, Afamkan, and Aduwa. Gura is a small state, the people 
of which speak the same language as those of Axim. From Aduwa 
there are three grand roads, one to the Aowin country, one to the 
Dankara, and one to Asankarie, a considerable town in Warsaw. 
From Aduwa to Dankara numerous small crooms are passed 
through, and the first large one of the latter country is Kenkoo- 
mabaraso, only three journies from Coomassie. The people of 
Dankara come to Axim to trade. From Aduwa to Aowin the first 
considerable town is Taqua. The Warsaw country is governed by 
four caboceers, independent of each other, of whose rehition and 
power, the best idea I can give, is by comparing it with that of 
the tyrants Geron and Theron, who ruled at the same time in 
Sicily. Intiffa, the richest caboceer, and whose power extends the 
farthest, resides at Abbradie, one short journey from Elmina. 
Cudjo Miensa (Miensa is the numeral three) is his principal coun- 
sellor, and will succeed him, Nerbehin was formerly the residence 
of Quashee Jacon, another independent caboceer, but of Intiffa's 
family ; he was driven from thence by Esson Cudjo, who now 
rules there : he fled to Samcow (situated about one day's journey 
on the frontier of Warsaw, behind Succondee) of which Musoe, a 
slave of his, has raised himself to be the caboceer, and now protects 
his master until Esson Cudjoe's death. Attobra, another indepen- 
dent caboceer, lives at Dabroadie, on the Boosempra. The greatest 
breadth of the Warsaw country is supposed to be 60 B. miles, and 
the greatest length 100 or 120. About 28 miles from the Ancobra, 
begins the kingdom of Amanahea, in which the Enghsh fort 
Apollonia is situated : it extends about 100 miles along the coast, 
but not more than 20 in-land. The various numerals of the coast 
will be submitted in an essay on the Fantee language. 



Barely four miles eastward of Cape Coast is Moree, and the 
Dutch fort Nassau. Six miles from Moree is Annamaboe, the 
most complete fortification in the country ; five miles thence Cor- 
mantine, the first fort possessed by the English, and built by them 
about the middle of the seventeenth century. It was taken after- 
wards by the Dutch, and being stormed, was almost destroyed by 
the Ashantee army, before it attacked Annamaboe: the position 
is very commanding. Tantumquerry, a small English fort, is about 
18 miles from Cormantine, (crossing the small river Amissa, an 
hour's walk in-land from which is Mankasim, the capital of the 
Braffoe district of Fantee) the natives call the town Tuam. Eight 
miles from Tantum is the town of Apam, where is a Dutch fort 
and a small river. Eight miles from Apam is Simpah or Winnebah. 
The people of Simpah are Fantees, but their language is called 
Affoottoo. They are in the district of Agoona. About nine miles 
from Simpah is the Dutch fort Berracoe, the natives call the town 
Seniah. Attah of Akim laid a contribution on this fort in March 
1811. About 27 miles from Berracoe is Accra, or Inkran, once 
subject to Aquamboo, which people, according to Isert, formerly 
drove them to Popo. Meredith fully describes Accra and the 
environs, but he docs not mention that according to the natives the 
Portuguese settled here first, (Isert writes in 1452) and exercising 
the greatest cruelties and enormities, were extirpated by the Accras 
(their town was then situated a little behind the present), who exe- 
cuted the governor and his countrymen, on a spot whence they 
still take the earth to rub a new born child, in commemoration of 
the event. Accra, according to the observations of the Commis- 
sioners, is in 5° 20' N. and 10' W. Mr. Meredith, after quoting 
this observation, placed it in his outline of the coast in 58' E. 
Between two and three miles from the English fort, is Christiansburg 
Castle, the D anish head-quarters. 


We will follow* Isert in his route from Accra to the Volta, as he 
travelled it several times. " Two miles from Christiansburg is 
Labbodee, where there was formerly a fort : this is the residence 
of the grand fetish, and the Bishop. Two miles to Pessin, two to 
Temmen, where the Dutch had a small fort, abandoned in 1781, 
two (leaving Nimboe a little in the bush) to Ponee, a deserted Dutch 
fort, now a Dutch factory ; two miles thence (crossing a brakke 
streek or low land, up to the shoulders in the rains, and 300 fathoms 
broad, sometimes called Ponee river) are great and small Pram 
Pram, where the English have a small fort or fortified factory. 
Two long miles thence is Friedensbourg fort at Ningo, the people 
of which speak a different language called Adampee, (the name 
given to their country,) a mixture of Ashantee, Kerrapee, and 
Accra ; it is a republic." Behind Adampee is the Crobo mountain, 
the people of which, though but a few hundreds, have hitherto 
baffled the Ashantees, by leaving their croom at the bottom of the 
mountain, Avhich is of great height, rugged, accessible but by one 
narrow path, and with springs of Avater on the top, Avhence they 
roll down upon their enemies, the large stones and fragments of 
rock which abound. " From Adampee 1 went in one day to 

* I observe, in a modern publication, Dr. Isert's described as a second visit to Africa, 
under the auspices of the Danish government, encouraged by his reports to attempt 
colonization in Aquapim, and that he died from anxiety and exertion. This was not the 
case, it was his first and only visit, the Danes never attempted colonization, and he 
embarked for the West Indies as I have before stated. Having read the above, however, 
I wrote to Dr. Rejnhaut, who translated some passages from the Dutch into Latin for 
me, and the following is an extract from his letter in reply. " Quod attinet Iserti in 
Africam reditum, ibique ejus obitum, ficta ha?c est fama. Verum est juxta Quitam post 
victoriam in Augnaeos populos reportatam, Danos arcem condidisse, cui nomen insigni- 
verunt Prinzenstein ; sed nuUae culturae incubuerunt, nee colonias struxerimt, nee minus 
falsum est uniquam Isertum in Africae littoras inferiora regis jussu rediisse, colonias ex- 
truendi gratia, nam preeter opus Botanicum quod Florae Guinensis titulo occun-it, 
nullum aUud de illo scriptum existit," 


Addah, 12 miles. Two and a half from Ningo is a croom called 
Lai, the inhabitants of which have removed, some to Addah, some 
to Ningo : the English had a factory here, long gone to ruin. One 
mile west of the Volta, there was formerly a croom called Foutchi." 
Reckoning four Enghsh miles to one Danish or Dutch, Addah 
would be 96 miles from Christiansburg, but Meredith makes it but 
67, therefore we will take the medium and call it 87. From the 
Volta to Cape St. Paul's is five leagues by sea, according to Dalzel, 
and 15 miles by land, according to Norris's map of Dahomey and 
its environs. Quitta, about 12 miles from it (according to Norris) 
by the observation made in H. M. S. Argo in 1802, is in 5° 45' N. 
and 1° 29' 30" E. by chronometer. Accra lies, according to the 
Commissioners, in 10' W. Taking the medium between Isert and 
Meredith, Christiansburg Castle, about three miles eastward of the 
English fort, is 87 from Addah, but as that place is six miles from 
the mouth of the Volta, we will call it 81 : allowing one mile for 
the breadth of the river and 18 miles for the difference of longitude 
between it and Quitta, (according to Norris,) the distance from 
English Accra to Quitta will be 303 B. miles, which being equal 
to 89 geographical miles, place Quitta in 1° 19' E. instead of 
1° 29' 30" as by the observation of the Argo, and that supposing 
the whole distance to be made good horizontally, which is impos- 
sible. Wherefore I should think Isert, who had travelled it, was 
more likely to be correct in making the distance from Christiansburg 
to Addah 96 miles, than Meredith in calling it 67. 

Norris's observation, placing Cape St, Paul's in 5° 52' N., I 
conceive to be incorrect, as that of the Argo must be preferred, 
which places Quitta in 5° 42' N., instead of 6° 2'N., as in Norris's 
map. This should not have escaped Mr. Dalzel's notice in the 
" New Sailing Directions," where both observations are cited in 
the same page, without any remark on theinconsistency, for Quitta 


and not St. Paul's, is thus made the Cape or western limit of the 
Bight, the eastern side of which is called the Bight of Benin, I 
regret, amongst other disadvantages, that of not having the oppor- 
tunity to consult the chart of Mr. Demayne (the master of H. M. S. 
Amelia) which is said to be more accurate than any other.* 

Quitta is included in an independent state of Kerrapay, called 
Agwoona, which extends thence along the coast to the Volta ; the 
towns from that river to Quitta are Altoko, Terrobee, Footee, 
Agwoona, Whiee, and Tegbay. Agwoona lays half a mile from 
the shore, and about 15 miles from the Volta. The inhabitants of 
all the other towns are obliged by the law to bury their dead in 
Agwoona, the capital ; the caboceer of which is supreme over the 
others, but not absolute. Between Quitta and Popo, lay the 
Kerrapay towns EgbifFeemee, to which several of the Quittas have 
retired, Edjenowah, Ooogloobooe, and AfHou or Afflahoo, a little 
way from the beach. These towns are governed by caboceers, inde- 
pendent of each other, as well as of Agwoona ; and in the last a 
mixture of Adampe and Kerrapay is spoken, accounted for by the 
emigration of a large body of the former people. Another inde- 
pendent state of Kerrapay is Tettaytokoo, 2 journies behind Popo ; 
the King is said to be despotic, and the capital composed of circular 
houses. There is also another smaller interior state, governed by a 

* Since I have been at sea I have drawn the maritime part of my map again, and laid 
down the Forts and other points according to the observations quoted in Norrie, (4th 
edition, 1816,) which agree so very nearly with those of the Commissioners in the two 
instances cited, that I conclude he has been allowed to copy the whole series from their 
papers, which I believe have never been pubhshed. Even in Dr. Mackay's valuable 
publication, Cape Coast Castle is laid 1" 23' too much to the eastward. I presume too 
that the observations made by H. M. S. Amelia, are part of those quoted by Norrie, 
although the Argo's observations of the longitude of Quitta and Whydah are not con- 
firmed. I observe a small error which makes 1' 28" N. and 7' 24" E. tiie difference 
between Kormantine and Annamaboe, the former is only 5 miles eastward of the latter. 


caboceer called Quaminagah. Tadoo, however, is allowed to be 
the largest kingdom of Kerrapay, 6 journies behind Popo, (which 
the Fantees call Inshan, but the natives Taun or Taum) described 
as a large town; and the Accra language is spoken there as well 
as the Kerrapay, in consequence of the temporary emigration of 
the former people in 1680. The Kerrapay numerals are 

One - 







En nay. 

Five - 


Six - 










The Negroes of this country are of a much more daring and 
desperate character than their neighbours, and were always the 
most severely treated in the slave ships. Mr. Meredith, who writes 
it Crcpee, placed it west of the Volta. 

Whydah, according to an observation of the Argo, is 6° 14' N. 
2° 31' E. I do not recollect Dalzel to have mentioned that Anotto 
is produced in the neighbourhood of Whydah. I am not certain 
whether it is by the Bixa orellana ; but the shrub at Whydah may 
be classed under Polyandria Monogynia. Lambe made it 200 
miles from Whydah beach to Abomey ; Norris 112, Dalzel 96. 
By Mr. Norris's own account of his journey, not more than 20 
hours were occupied in travelling, which at 4 miles an hour, the 
greatest pace which I think the hammock men can average, would 
make the distance 80 miles. An officer in this service went to 
Dahomey, without hurrying, in 3 days ; and considers a dispatch 


would reach it in 2 : he thinks it can scarcely be 70 miles ; but 
calling it 80 as above, and supposing 54, two thirds, to be the 
horizontal distance made good, equal to almost 47 G. miles, 
Abomey would lay in 7° 12' N. Yet Mr. Dalzel writes it lays in 
about 7° 59' N. : Whydah being in about 6° 25' in the map affixed 
to his history ; this requires 108 B. miles to be made good on the 
horizontal distance, whereas he calls that of the whole journey but 
96, and Mr. Norris, who drew the map, 112. The pubhc were 
certainly indebted to Mr. Dalzel for the History of Dahomey, but 
it was his duty, as an intelligent and considerate man, to correct 
siich an error as this ; and if the author of the preface had reflected, 
he would not have written," The map, is that of Mr. Norris, with a 
few additions, which for the places on the coast, and the position 
of Abomey, is near enough to the truth." Mr. DaL^el should have 
corrected a greater error in this map, the course of the Lagos river, 
for altering which I shall presently quote his own authoiity in 
addition to others. 

An officer in this service, who resided at Lagos three years, and 
is the only European resident who has survived of those who have 
made the attempt, enables me to correct the following errors. The 
Pelican bank is much smaller than it appears on the charts ; the 
Doo island (which lays N. W. and not N. of Lagos town) where 
the natives go to make fetish, is not more than one mile in circum- 
ference ; and there is no river of that name. The beach over which 
the Portuguese and French (who never cross the bar, where there 
are 3 fathoms water) transport their goods to the canoes, is not 
more than 100 yards wide, instead of one mile. In Norris's map 
prefixed to Dalzel's History, the Lagos river is made to cross the 
path to Dahomey near Tore." In the Sailing Directions for the 
Coast of Africa, to which Mr. Dalzel was the chief contributor, 
and who revised the work, we find, " River Lagos is the mouth 


not only of the river of that name, which runs to the eastward from 
Ardrah," See. and the river Mr. Norris crossed near Tore, which 
he calls pretty deep and rapid, but with a bridge over it, is by the 
account of other gentlemen, otiicers in this service, who have been 
to Dahomey, no more than a marsh. The gentleman before men- 
tioned to have resided three years in Lagos, informs me the grand 
branch of that river flows from the northward of the island, where 
the pretended river Doo is placed, he found it so wide on entering 
it, that being in the middle, where there are 10 fathoms water, he 
could scarcely see the land on either side. The current is impe- 
tuous, and floating islands, and large masses of alluvial matter 
come down with such force, in the rainy season, as to trip vessels 
from their anchors in the English road. De Lisle makes the Lagos 
river flowing from the N., and the French are allowed to be much 
better acquainted with this part of the coast. That called the West 
river in Norris's map, is only a creek ; and what he calls the Lagos 
river, and draws running close to Badaggry, Ardrah, and passing 
Tore, is the Western river. Badaggry is not more than 5 or 7 miles 
from the beach, instead of 15, and the tide only ebbs and flows so 
far. Ardrah is from 25 to 30 miles from the beach, instead of 18; 
and the river is crossed at about one-third of the distance from the 
sea : this is what we call Porto Novo, for there is not more than 
beachmen's huts on the shore opposite the anchorage. The natives 
call Ardrah Aratakassee, or Allatakassee, and the country Essaam, 
or the great. The river continues its course not more than 100 
yards from the sea, at Whydah, and proceeds equally close (indeed 
frequently the ridge between them is covered with water) until 
passing Quitta, it falls into the Volta near the mouth. 

The above mentioned gentleman proves the informant of Adams's 
editor incorrect, in stating that the Houssa traders were constantly 
to be met with at Lagos, previous to the abolition of the slave trade. 


for it has always been the poUcy of Kosie, a kingdom on the 
eastern bank of the river, and about 60 miles inland from the 
mouth, to prevent all intercourse between the traders of the inte- 
rior, and those of Lagos, to secure to themselves the exorbitant 
profits they made as the brokers or medium. The Europeans who 
traded at Lagos, once meditated forcing a passage up the river in 
armed boats, and a vessel of 18 guns was got over the bar, and 
anchored close to Lago? town ; but the project was abandoned as 
too perilous. Sometime afterwards the King of Kosie desired a 
European might visit him, to gratify his curiosity, and that of his 
people ; but no one being willing, a mulatto, named Peter Brown, 
Avas dressed up and sent. This man, being now at Cape Coast, I 
have questioned. Several armed men were sent to conduct him, 
and relays of canoe men sufficient to continue brisk pulling; which 
they did from the evening till the next day, before he left the river 
to proceed by land ; it was still very wide, and more than 4 fathoms 
deep ; considerably, for aught he knew, for the bamboo poles of 
that length, with which the natives push the canoe forward, when 
they get close enough to the banks to do so, would not touch the 
bottom in the middle. Relays of hamrtiock men then carried him 
at a brisk pace until evening, when he reached Kosie, which he 
described as a town of great extent, and the buildings to resemble 
those in the drawings of Coomassie. The King gave orders that 
the crowd should not intrude themselves into his house, treated 
him very handsomely, and dismissed him after three days. He 
only heard the people of Kosie speak of two great nations, the 
Hios, and the Awissees. 

The gentleman before mentioned has an impression, from all 
the enquiries he recollects to have made, of the slaves of the inte- 
rior, that the merchants convey them by water the greater part of 
the way; and their reports were strengthened by his having an 

G g 


opportunity of seeing canoes brought from Kosie to Lagos, and 
purchased from the slave merchants Of the interior. They were 
very superior in size and convenience to those of the coast, were 
covered in, with a distinct apartment for the trader and his wives, 
and would hold a hundred slaves. I never heard any slaves speak 
of being brought any part of the way by water, but I have not 
seen any who were brought to Kosie or Lagos. 

The Karhala is the only large river likely to communicate with, 
or to form that of Lagos ; possibly the Karhala might run to the 
large lake in Hio, which Snelgrave says (from the information of 
the Portuguese mulatto he found at Abomey) " is the fountain of 
several large rivers which empty themselves into the Bay of Guinea." 
The Lagos river may flow from this lake, but this is mere conjec- 
ture. The gentleman to whom I am indebted, places the Mahees 
north of Dahomey, instead of north-west as in Norris's map, which 
is allowed to be far from discriminate in the interior parts, in the 
preface to Dalzel's History, and this is also more probable, because 
about nine years ago, the King of Hio entirely conquered the 
Mahees, and upwards of 20,000 of them were brought for sale to 

The Jobs, inconsiderately reported to Adams's editor as being, 
with the Anagoos aud Mahees, the principal nations on the journey 
to the Niger, and nearer to the coast, avoiding Dahomey, are pro- 
bably the Jaboos, who are about 40 miles westward of Kosie, and 
not behind Cradoo, as in Norris's map. They are celebrated for 
the cloths of their name, of which the Portuguese have shipped 
such large quantities. The Anagoos, or Nagoos, are the north 
westward neighbours of Dahomey. 

The extent of Fantee is corrected from the conjectural enlarge- 
ment of it by Mr. Meredith, and, with that of As.hantee, Akii;), 
Assin, Warsaw, Ahanta, &c. &c. is sufficienlly distinct in the pre- 


sent map. A more enlarged, and particular map of Fan tee, &c. 
would not be interesting to the public, but as it might be desirable 
to geographers, I shall keep it in view as a duty, and, at some 
future time, endeavor to add to the observations of latitude and 
longitude which have been already made on the coast. 

I may not conclude without acknowledging the guidance, and 
assistance, which Major Rennell's previous investigations have 
afforded me ; without impressing, that had not some sketches of 
the interior been collected by the industrj' of the emissaries of the 
African Association, and afterwards connected and formed into a 
general outline, blended with the feeble lights of the ancients, my 
enquiries would neither have been excited or directed ; and this 
present small contribution to our slender knowledge would have 
perished an embryo. When I retlect on the creative researches of 
the genius of D'Anville, and the acumen and erudition of Major 
Rennell, it is my greatest anxiety to make my deference in investi- 
gation, as manifest as the public duty which exacted the involuntary 
presumption ; and I cannot conclude more appropriately, than by 
addressing the latter in the expressive lines of Virgil : 

" Nee calamis solum asquiparas sed voce magistrum 
Fortunate — tu nunc eris alter ab illo. 
Nos tamen base quocunque mode tibi nostra vicissim 




J o speak of the death of a former king, the Ashantees imagine to 
affect the hfe of tlie present equally with enquiring who would be 
his successor; and superstition and policy strengthening this im- 
pression, it is made capital by the law, to converse eithei of the 
one or the other. The inability of the natives to compute time, 
and the comparatively recent establishment of the Moors, may 
be pleaded as additional apologies for the imperfect histor}'^ I have 

According to a common tradition, Avhich I never heard contra- 
dicted but once, the Ashantees emigrated from a country nearer 
the water side, and subjecting the western Intas, and two lesser 
powers, founded the jiresent kingdom. These people being com- 
paratively advanced in several arts, the Ashantees necessarily 
adopted a portion of their language with the various novelties ; 
which probably created the limited radical difference between their 
language and that of the Fantees ; for I could not find, after taking 
the greatest pains, more than 200 A\ords unknown to the latter. 
The weights of the Inta country, in particular, were adopted with 
their names, by the conquerors, without the least alteration 

The tradition, scanty in itself, is very cautiously adverted to, the 
government politically undermining every monument which per- 
petuates their intrusion, or records the distinct origins of their 


subjects : but, from the little I could collect, it appeared to have 
been an emigration of numerous enterprising or discontented 
families, to whom the parent state afterwards became subject. I 
am inclined to think, (the account of their coming from a country 
nearer the sea being too general for conjecture to revolt from,) that 
they emigrated from the eastward of south, where the territory 
admitted to be Ashantee proper is remote, compared with its 
extent southward, or westward of south, and the former con- 
sequence of Doompassie, and the towns eastward of it, support 
this ; yet, the very few natives Avho pretended to any opinion ou 
the subject, had an impression, that their ancestors emigrated from 
the neighbourhood of a small river, Ainshue, behind Winnebah : a 
croom called Coomadie is to be found there, but there is nothing- 
else to countenance the report. 

The Ashantee, Fantee, Warsaw, Akim, Assin, and Aquapim 
languages are indisputably dialects of the same root ; their identity 
is even more striking than that of the dialects of the ancient Greek: 
now the Fantees and Warsaws both cherish a tradition, which 
exists also in many Ahanta families, that they were })ressed from 
the interior to the water side by the successful ambition of a 
remote power; whence it may be concluded, that the Ashantee 
emigration we are now considering, was posterior to a more im- 
portant movement of the whole people, corresponding with that of 
their neighbours. I will not dilate upon this secondary subject 
by referring to internal evidence, there is nothing to recompense 
either the investigation or the perusal. 

One curious evidence however may be added of the former 
identity of the Ashantee, Warsaw, Fantee, Akim, Assin, Aquam- 
boe, and part of the Ahanta nations; which is a tradition that the 
whole of these people were originally comprehended in twelve 
tribes or families; the Aquonna, Abrootoo, Abbradi, Essonna, 


Annona, Yoko, Intchwa, Abadie, Appiadie, Tchweedam, Agoona, 
and Doomina; in which ihej class themselves still, without any 
regard to national distinction. For instance, Ashantees, Warsaws, 
Akims, Ahantas, or men of any of the nations before mentioned 
will severally declare, that they belong to the Ann5na family ; 
other individuals of the different countries, that they are of the 
Tchweedam family ; and when this is announced on meeting, they 
salute each other as brothers. The King of Ashantee is of the 
Annona family, so was our Accra and one of the Fantee linguists ; 
Amanquatea is of the Essonna family. The Aquonna, Essonna, 
Intchwa, and Tchweedam, are the four patriarchal famihes, and 
preside over the intermediate ones, which are considered as the 
younger branches. I have taken some pains to acquire the etj-- 
mology of these words, but with imperfect success; it requires 
much labour and patience, both to make a native comprehend, and 
to be comprehended by him. Quonna is a buffalo, an animal 
forbade to be eaten by that family. Abrootoo signifies a corn 
stalk, and Abbradi a plantain. Annona is a parrot, but it is also 
said to be a characteristic of forbearance and patience. Esso is a 
bush cat, forbidden food to that family. Yoko is the red earth 
used to paint the lower parts of the houses in the interior, Intchwa 
is a dog, much rehshed by native epicures, and therefore a seri- 
ous privation. Appiadie signifies a servant race. Etchwee is a 
panther, frequently eaten in the interior, and therefore not unne- 
cessarily forbidden. Agoona signifies a place where palm oil is 
collected. These are all the etymologies in which the natives 
agree. Regarding these famihes as primseval institutions, I leave 
the subject to the conjectures of others, merely submitting, that 
the four patriarchal families, the Bufi'alo, the Bush Cat, the Panther, 
and the Dog, appear to record the first race of men living on 
hunting; the Dog family, probably, first training that animal to 


assist in the chase. The introduction of planting and agriculture, 
seems marked in the age of their immediate descendents, the Corn 
stalk and Plantain branches. The origin and improvement of 
architecture in the Red earth ; and of commerce, probably, in the 
Palm oil: indeed, the natives have included the Portuguese, the 
first foreign traders they knew, in that family, alleging, that their 
long and more intimate intercourse with the blacks, has made the 
present race a mixture of the African and Portuguese. The Servant 
race reminds us of the curse of Canaan. This resembles a Jewish 
institution, but the people of Accra alone practise circumcision, 
and they speak a language, as will be shewn, radically distinct, yet 
not to be assimilated to the Inta, to which nation they are referred 
by the Fantees, merely because it is the nearest which practises 
circumcision. Accra is a European corruption of the word Inkran, 
which means an ant, and they say the name was either given or 
assumed on account of their numbers ; this must have been before 
their wars with the Aquamboes. 

When Adokoo, chief of the BrafTues, a Fantee nation, consulted 
the venerable fetish men of the sanctuary, near Sooprooroo, on 
the Ashantee war, they answered, that nothing could be more 
offensive to the fetish, than the Fantees preventing the peaceable 
intercourse of their inland neighbours with the water side, because 
they were formerly all one family. 

The conduct of the later emigration of the Ashantees is ascribed 
to Sai Tootoo, who, assisted by other leading men of the party, 
and encouraged by superstitious omens, founded Coomassie, and 
was presented with the stool, or made King, from his superior 
quaUfications. This account is supported by the mixed nature of 
the government, founded on equality and obhgation, and the exist- 
ence of a law, exempting the direct descendants of any of Sai 
Tootoo's peers and assistants, (in whom the Aristocracy originated) 
from capital punishment. 


The Dwabin monarchy is said to have ))een founded at the same 
lime by Boitinne, who was of the same family as Sai Tootoo, being 
the sons of sisters. Boitinne and his parly, took possession of 
Dwabin, llie largest of the aboriginal towns, (leaving Sai Tootoo 
to build Coomassie) whence it seems his followers were the more 
powerful ; indeed I have heard it confessed by a few Ashantees, 
that Dwabin had formerly the pre-eminence, though they have 
always been firm allies in war, and equal sharers in spoil and con- 
quest. This common interest, preserved uninterrupted more than 
a century, by two rising powers, close to each other, with the view 
of a more rapid aggrandisement, and their firm discretion in making- 
many serious disagreements subservient to the policy, is one of the 
few circumstances worth considering in a history composed of 
wars and successions. I do not think there is such an instance in 
our heptarchy, nor do I recollect any other in history, but that of 
Chalcis and Eretria. 

Bakkee, who died, as I have related,* about a year ago, was the 
son of Sai Apokoo, the second king, and an infant at the breast at 
the time of his father's death ; he was a very old man when he 
incurred the present King's displeasure, which supports the report 
of the Moors, that tlie kingdom has been founded about 110 years. 
Bosman and Barbot mention the Ashantees, as just heard of by 
Europeans, about the year 1700, which confirms this account. 
The anxiety of the Ashantee government for daily records, imme- 
diately on the establishment of the INIoors, who were only visitors 
until the present reign, acknowledges the perplexities and deficien- 
cies of their early history too candidly, to leave any encouragement 
to the researches of strangers. Records beyond half a century are 
not to be found in the archives either of Cape Coast, or Christians- 
burg Castles, so that the chronology can only be founded on that 
of the Moors, and circumstances. 

* See Diary. 



The Ashantee government concentred the mass of its original 
force, and making the chiefs resident in Coomassie and the few 
large towns they built in its neighbourhood, with titular dignities, 
conciliated those whom they subdued by continuing them in their 
governments, and checked them by exacting their frequent attend- 
ance at festivals, politically instituted. Military command seems 
to have been the sole prerogative of Sai Tootoo ; his judicial and 
legislative power being controlled by the chiefs or aristocracy 
much more than at present, who, as in the Teutonic governments, 
directed the common business of the state, only consulting a 
general assembly on extraordinary occasions. 

Sai Tootoo defeated the Akims and Assins, subjected the Tufel 
country, and subdued many small states in the neighbourhood. 
He also conquered Dankara, the King of which, Intim Dakarey, 
was so considerable a trader in slaves, that the Dutch Governor 
General paid him a monthly note from his own purse, and assisted 
him with two or three small cannons, and a few Europeans, on 
the eve of the Ashantee invasion : the former are now placed as 
trophies in Coomassie, at the top of the street in which the Mission 
was quartered. Booroom was subjugated soon after. 

Sai Tootoo did not live to see all the streets of Coomassie com- 
pleted, for war being declared against Atoa, a district between 
Akim and Assin, he invaded that country. The chief of the Atoas, 
unable to face such a power, dexterously insinuated his small force 
through the forest, until he reached the rear of the Ashantee army, 
which the King was following leisurely with a guard of a few 
hundred men, all of whom were destroyed by the Atoas, who 
shot the King in his hammock. This happening near a place 
called Corraantee, (razed to the ground in vengeance,) and on a 
Saturday, the most solemn oath of the Ashantees, is " by Satur- 
day and Cormantee;" (" Miminda Cormantee;") and no enterprise 
has since been undertaken on that day of the week. 



1720. Sai Apokoo, brother of Sai Tootoo, was next placed on 
the stool. Had there been no brother, the sister's son would have 
been the heir; this extraordinary rule of succession, excluding all 
children but those of a sister, is founded on the argument, that if 
the wives of the sons are faithless, the blood of the family is entirely 
lost in the offspring, but should the daughters deceive their hus- 
bands, it is still preserved. 

Sai Apokoo finished the building of Coomassie, and exchanged 
compliments with the King of Dahomey, since which there has 
been no intercourse ; the latter, probably, as a despotic monarch, 
did not wish to give his people any opportunity of contemplating 
tlie greater freedom of the Ashantee government. 

Sai is the family name of the present race of Kings, some of 
their relatives bearing it as well. Innana is also the cognomen of 
the Kings of Dagwumba. 

Apokoo invading the kingdom of Gaman, Abo, the King, fled 
to Kong, whither the Ashantee army pursued him. The King of 
Kong politically compelled Alx) to meet his enemies on the frontier, 
least they might disturb a neutral kingdom. Abo being defeated, 
purchased a peace by presenting large sums of gold to the various 
chiefs, and consenting to an annual tribute Apokoo next sub- 
jected Takima, whence the Fantees are said to have emigrated, 
and forced a second emigration of the people to Gomawa, at the 
back of Winnebah. He dispossessed the Akims of the English, 
Dutch, and Danish Accra notes.* The mortifying destruction of 
European records, confines me to the report of the more intelligent 
natives on the subject of these notes, who declare, that the people 
of Accra being deprived of them by the fraud of the Akims, when 
they were assisted by them against the Aquamboes, the Akims 
were in their turn obliged to yield them to their conquerors the 

* See the explanatory list of words ami the early dispatclifes in the First Part. 


Tribute being demanded from the neighbouring kingdom of 
Dagvvumba, a war ensued, and its troops were defeated. The 
King of Dagwumba, convinced that his former reliance on a 
superior population Avas vain, from the military genius of the 
Ashantees, and the commercial disposition of his own people, dis- 
pirited from their want of fire arms,* prudently invited a peace, 
before a more decisive defeat left him no dignity, and his enemies 
no moderation for treating. As it was, they still respected his 
resources, and were content to secure him as a tributary, rather 
than exhaust their forces in his subjugation, in the infancy of their 
kingdom. A triumph in policy was in the view of the King of 
Dagwumba, equivalent to the small diminution of personal dignity; 
and at the expense of an inconsiderable tribute, he established a 
commercial intercourse, which, his markets being regularly supplied 
from the interior, was both an advantage and a security to him, 
from the great convenience to his warlike neighbours, whose 
superstition assenting to his great reputation for making saphies, 
and for augury, would not only augment his revenue, but insure 
him superior respect as a tributary. Inta had previously become • 

I should have mentioned, that every subject state was placed 
under the immediate care of some Ashantee chief, generally resi- 
dent in the capital, who seldom visited it but to receive the tribute 
from the native ruler, for whose conduct he was in a reasonable 
degree responsible. Thus Quatchi Quofie has now the care of 

* Fire arms are unknown to such of the nations on the south of the Niger as the 
Shereef has visited ; and the reason which he assigns for it is, tliat the Kings in the 
neighbourhood of the coast, persuaded that if these powerful instruments of war should 
reach the possession of the populous inland states, their ovm independence would be lost, 
have stricdy prohibited, and by the wisdom of their measures, have effectually prevented 
this dangerous merchandise from passing beyond the limits of their dominions. Lucas. 


Dankara, Odumata of Soota, Apokoo of Aquamboe, Obosa Quan- 
tabisa of Daboia, &c. &:c. Their policy, in short, not only in this 
particular, but in many others, seems to have been closely similar 
to that of the Persians, as described by Herodotus. 

Boitinne, the founder of Dwabin, died in this reign. 

1741. Sai Apokoo was succeeded by his brother Sai Aquissi. I 
could not learn any particular exploits of his, excepting that he 
preserved the subjection of the states previously reduced. The 
King of Akim, in his time, (the last who had the power of govern- 
ing without consulting the pynins or elders) desiring to go to war 
Avith his neighbours, was obliged to obtain permission from the 
Ashantee government, which he did by the promise of .sending 
them half the spoil ; but, gaining little or nothing, he did not do^ 
so. He soon afterwards heard of Aquissi's intention, to demand 
his head ; and knowing that King^s word was irrevocable, he sum- 
moned his ministers, and desired to sacrifice his life for the quiet 
of his people : his ministers insisted on sharing his fate ; and a 
barrel of powder being brought for each to sit on, thej' drank a 
large quantity of rum, and blew themselves up with the fire from 
their pipes. Dr. Isert also heard of this in Akini. 

1753. Aquissi was succeeded by Sai Cudjo. The Aristocracy 
was retrenched and conciliated by this monarch, who raised his 
favourite captains to the vacant stools,* uniting three or four in one, 
and swearing that their lives should be equally sacred, (see p. 4,) 
to anticipate any doubts of his fidelity to the constitution. 

Sai Cudjo defeating the Warsaws and Assins more decisively 
than his predecessors, first compelled them to acknowledge their 
fealty to Ashantee. He also subjected Aquamboe, and Aquapim, 

* " To sncceed to the stool," does not mean to the seat in tlie council, but is the 
common expression for succeeding to a property even in private life. The saine stool, or 
seat descends through many generations. 


quelled several revolts of other countries, and was esteemed a very 
great captain. The grandfather of Amanquatea Atooa, conquered 
Sawee, killing the king Boomancumma ; and Bakkee, soon after- 
wards, subjugated Moinsea. In this reign Quama, king of Dwabin, 

1785. Sai Quamina succeeded his grandfather Sai Cudjo, at a 
very early age. The Akims revolted soon after his accession, under 
Ofoosoo, their most active ruler for many years : he engaged 
several smaller states in alliance, and defeated the Ashantees 
repeatedly; at length the treachery of his followers procured 
Quatchi Quofie, the Ashantee general, his head ; with which he 
returned to Coomassie, the country having again submitted. The 
fame of Ofoosoo made Quatchi Quofie so vain of this achievement, 
that he had a figure of him made, with which his umbrella is still 
crowned, and before which he dances with every insulting gesture 
and vaunt, when he arrives on the ground at the various cere- 
monies. The present king has frequently been heard to say, that 
it was a great pity this old man did not know better, for the Akim 
caboceers generally attended his summons with alacrity and good 
will ; but the sight of the insulted ethgy of their favourite leader, 
disgusted them, and excited their revolt. These brave people have 
risen from their dependence at least eight times. 

The government finding a pretext to invade Banda, the King 
Odrasee vigorously opposed the Ashantee army ; but at length, 
seeing he must inevitably fall into their hands, to prevent his head 
being found, which circumstance he knew would sorely disquiet 
the enemy,* and solace his own people, ordered, just before he 

* On the death of the late King of Amanahea, two competitors for the stool appeared, 
one called Suikee or Suiquah ; the other's name I am ignorant of. Both collected their 
slaves and adherents, and fought. Suikee was obliged to fly, and hide himself in the 
bush ; but the people being dissatisfied with the conqueror, Sujkee re-appeared against 


filled himself, a woman to be sacrificed, and the abdomen being 
fipped, his head to be sewn up within it, and her body afterwards 
to be buried in the heap of the shiin. It was discovered by bribes, 
and is now on one of the King's great drums. Soota was also sub- 
jugated in this reign, occupying the army under Odumata ten 
years, during which period he was not allowed to see Coomassie. 
Odumata afterwards subdued Coranza, the larger part of his army 
being Gaman auxiliaries. 

Sai Quamina raised Apokoo to the stool of Assimadoo, to whom 
he had been a servant, in exclusion of the family. 

The Danish Governor-General, meditating the punishment of 
the Popos, applied to Sai Quamina for oOOO Ashantee auxiliaries ; 
the request was granted, but while the troops were on their march 
down, the Governor died, and his successor prudently paid 250 
ounces of gold, (alleged to have been advanced by the King for 
their subsistence on their march to Christiansburg Castle) rather 
than involve himself in the expenses and troubles of such an 

1798. Sai Quamina had remained twelve months on a visit at 
Dwabin, deaf to the remonstrances of various deputations urging 

the town. When his rival was reduced beyond all hope, he threw all his gold, whicli 
fiUed several jars, into the lake ; and then collecting his wives and the different branches 
of his family, went with them into a remote part of the bush, and cut all their throats, 
with the exception of one son, whom he reserved to assist him in burying the bodies. He 
then made this son swear on his fetish, to kill and bury him, and never to discover where 
the bodies were laid : the son fulfilled the oath, and returned to Apollonia, but I am 
not certain what became of him. After Suikee had seated himself firmly on the stool, 
he by some means discovered where the bodies were concealed ; he caused them to be 
dug up, and taken to Ap. llonia town ; he then ranged them in a sitting posture, in a 
row along the beach, with stakes to extend their arms, and suppoit their heads : this 
horrid spectacle was exhibited until even their bones had perished. One of Suikee's first 
acts after his accession, was to consecrate his hiding place in the bush, making it death, 
or a heavy fine, for any one to swear by Suikee 's bush, and not to keep the oath. 


fyis return, and infatuated beyond recovery by the arts of his mis- 
tiness, G3'a\va, the daughter of the King ; when it was formally 
announced to him, that if he was not present at the approaching 
Yam custom, he would be deprived of the stool. It is said, that 
this woman refused to accompany him to Coomassie, either dread- 
ing the resentment of his mother, a woman of violent passions, and 
great ambition, or, which is more probable, influenced by her 
father to mingle this repugnance with her blandishments, to acce- 
lerate the ruin of Sai Quamina, which he was not without hopes 
might lead to his own aggrandisement. The form of the dethrone- 
ment is interesting. Appia Danqua, whose power seems to have 
been equal to that of mayor of the palace, repaired to the King's 
mother with the chief captains, and deliberately recounting the 
offences of her son, commanded her to remonstrate with him, as 
the daughter of their old king, and the parent to whom he owed 
his elevation. The mother, who no doubt had assisted in the 
pViVate eOHiticil, affecting to bewail her own misfortune and her 
son's disgrace, confessed, with seeming reluctance, that her re- 
monstrances had already been despised, that the king had even 
attempted her life, and begged them to raise her second son, Sai 
Apokoo, to the stool the elder had forfeited. This was complied 
with, and they sent Sai Quamina a few of his women and slaves, 
desiring him to retire into the bush and build himself a croom, and 
on his death, which happened soon after, as it was said, from the 
poignancy of his feelings, they made the greatest custom for him 
which had ever been known. The sable Cleopatra died soon after 
him. It was whispered, that those he had formerly injured inces- 
santly insulting him in his retirement, even to abusing his wives 
before his face, he had a private interview with the present King, 
communicated several schemes of conquests, invoked him to dis- 
trust, and, if possible, to punish those who had forsaken him, and 


implored death ; which was inflicted (as the blood of the royal 
family could not be shed, and as he could not be private]}' drowned 
in the sacred river) by fixing his feet on the ground, bending his 
body backwards with a prop in the small of his back, and suspend- 
ing several large teeth of ivory from a noose around his neck, 
which, hanging from the prop, strangled him. 

1799. Sai Apokoo did not live more than a few Aveeks after 
being elevated to the stool, and Avas succeeded by his brother 
Sai Tootoo Quamina, the present King, who must then have 
been about seventeen years of age. On this occasion, the 
general assembly of the captains, jealous of the aristocrac}', and 
desirous of making a favourable impression on the young King, 
insisted that the remaining members of it, should propitiate the 
reign, by publicly disclaiming their exemption from capital 

The invasion of the Fan tee kingdom in 1807 was the first im- 
portant military act of the present reign, the circumstances and 
origin of which, being pretty accurately described by Mr. Mere- 
dith, in the extract in the Appendix, I need not repeat. Whilst the 
invasion was meditating, Baba, now the chief of the Moors, pre- 
sented himself to solicit an asylum in Coomassie, having been 
driven from Gamba by the rapacity of the King, his near relative ; 
and professing solely to desire the recovery of a large property 
with held from him, to make tlie King of Ashantee the heir to it. 
The King promised he would oblige the King of Gamba to do him 
justice, on his return from the Fan tee war, if Baba and his com- 
panions were fortunate in their prayers and charms for his success. 
The King of Gamba did not think proper to resist the demand 
afterwards made through the Ashantee government. 

I8O7. Cofmadua, the King's mother, was left regent during his 
absence ; this woman was a second Messalina, and many young 


captains who refused to intrigue with her, from tiear or disgust, 
have been ultimately the victims of her artifice and vengeance. 

Yaboquorra, the King of Dwabin, died in this interval, and was 
succeeded by his grandson, Boitinne Quania, now about twenty 
years of age. 

1811. Attah, caboceer or King of Akim, had followed the King 
to the first Fantee war, and behaved well. Apokoo being sent on 
an expedition against the Fantees of Winnebah and Berracoo, 
Attah received orders to join him with his contingency ; instead of 
which, he sent a message to Apokoo, before he passed the Boo- 
sempra river, refusing to join him, and advising him not to attempt 
to pass through his country. Apokoo reported this immediately 
to the King, who, as is usual, sent to Attah to enquire if he had 
said so. He confessed that he had, without hesitation, adding, 
thai the King treated him like a slave, in incessantly summoning 
him to attend his wars, and besides, that he ne\er could forget that 
Sai Cudjo had cut off his grandfather's head, and that he would 
fight with Apokoo whenever he came. Soon afterwards, Quamina 
Guma, (the father of Becqua, captain of Danish Accra,) and one 
of the King's sons, returning to Coomassie with a large quantity of 
gold collected to make custom for the King's mother, Attah inter- 
cepted, robbed, and murdered them and their party, with the 
excepticm of one, whom he desired to tell the King that this act 
would convince him he was in earnest, and determined to go to 
war with him. Apokoo Avas immediately ordered to proceed 
against Attah, who had engaged Quaw SafFatchee as a party in the 
revolt, who was weary of the same laborious vassalage. When 
Apokoo entered the Akim country, Attah was for attacking him 
immediately, and at sun rise, but Quaw impressing his doubts of 
their succeeding against the superior warfare of the Ashantees, 
begged him to stop until three o'clock, when the Ashantees 

I i 


generally ate and slept, and when they might be better able to 
retreat if worsted, as the enemy never pursued in the dusk. The 
attack was a surprise, but the figiit continued obstinate and unde- 
cided until night, w^hen Apokoo found he had lost so many men, 
that he immediately dispatched a messenger to summon the Accras 
to his aid, as vassals to the King. His messenger reached Accra 
the next day, and that people joined him on the following, on 
which the enemy retreated precipitately ; Attah to windward, and 
Quaw to Adda. Apokoo followed the latter, who having escaped 
him after a tedious watchfulness, Apokoo, believing the Danish 
governor, Mr. Flindt, to have connived, made him his prisoner, 
and kept him with the army, which soon afterwards encamped in 
Aquapim, five months, during which time he was treated with 
kindness and respect, but his ransom amounted to nearly £400. 
Apokoo was soon after ordered back to Coomassie. He told me 
he brought the bell of Adda fort as a trophy. 

Appia Danqua had been sent, at the same time with Apokoo, 
with 6000 men against the Fantee states which were disposed to 
the revolters. He defeated them at Apam, and took BafFoo the 
Annamaboe caboceer prisoner, but whilst his army was before 
Tantum, intelligence of the approach of Attah, who had retreated 
from Apokoo, but whose name was as redoubtable as his disposi- 
tion was rapacious, subdued his firmness, and under the plea of 
prudence, hurried him back to the interior. 

The path was afterwards shut for two years, through the vigilance, 
and from the terror of Cudjo Cooma, who had been elected to the 
stool of Akim, six months after the death of Attah, whose imme- 
diate successor (Quawko Ashantee) tyrannized so cruelly during 
that period, that he was commanded by the people to kill himself, 
and could only obtain the indulgence of a week's respite, which he 
spent in singing and dancing, in fact in' making his own custom. 


Quaw SafFatchee had also leagued with the Fantees who attacked 
the Accra town, but were repulsed. The King suddenly deter- 
mined to open the path to receive the arrears of pay due from 
the Forts, and sent Amanqua Abiniowa with an army of 20,000 1814. 
men, charging him to offer no violence nor commit hostility, unless 
provoked by attack, but to receive the submission of the Akims 
and Aquapims, and merely to exact a fine to seal it. Appia 
Danqua was sent at the same time with a smaller army to the back 
of Winnebah and Tantum, to intercept the revolters if they fled to 
windward. Abiniowa proceeded to Aguiasso, one day's march 
from Aquapim, unmolested, when one of his foraging parties was 
attacked by Cudjo Cooma and seven men killed. A general 
engagement took place the next morning, and after six hours 
fighting the Ashantees were victorious, and sent a jaw-bone and a 
slave to each of the Accra towns. Amanqua then marched to 
Accra to receive the King's pay, and remained nearly twelve 
months in its neighbourhood. He then returned to Aquapim, 
where, after some time, he received a message from the King, with 
a large quantity of gold, advising him that he must not see his face 
again unless he brought the heads of Cudjo and Quaw. Amanqua 
did not immediately communicate this message to his captains, 
but ordered them to deposit their equipage and property in Accra, 
and then, making a large custom for three days, to propitiate the 
enterprise, he took fetish with all his captains that they would never 
return to Coomassie without the heads. 

1816. Appia Danqua had died in Assin in the interim, and was 
succeeded by his brother Appia Nanu, under whom Bakkee was 
the second in command. The King hearing nothing of his pro- 
gress, and his indolence being reported to him, sent orders to 
Amanqua to join him, which he did at Essecooma, reproaching 
him for his cowardice. Soon after this, the skirmish at the salt 


pond near Cape Coast took place, the detachment was principally 
of Assins, and commanded by Quasheemanqua. Yokokroko soon 
afterwards joined the combined army, (which had marched to 
Abra,) with a few hundred men destined to attack Commenda. 

Not long after the palaver was settled at Cape Coast, and the 
army again divided, Cudjo Cooma was killed by a party of Appia 
Nanu's at Insoom or Incoom near Essecooma; upon which, Appia, 
instead of marching to join Amanqua as had been concerted, 
returned to Coomassie, where he was coldly received, but not 
accused until the 12th of July last (see Diary). Adoo Danqua, 
the brother of QuaAV Saffatchee, came to the Accras and con- 
certed the delivering of him up, as he had tired him out with his 
wanderings. The Ashantees agreed to prevail on the King to give 
him the stool if he did. A few Accras and a few Ashantees accom- 
panied him, and when he came near where his brother was hid, 
one day's journey from Accra, he placed an ambush, and sitting 
down, expostulated with him, and recommended him to kill him- 
self; but Quaw would not, alleging that he should eventually 
wear out the King's patience in pursuing him ; on this Adoo rose, 
and a shot was immediately fired at Quaw, who was brought down 
and rose again four times, exclaiming that his brother was his 
murderer, who reflected the reproach on his own obstinacy. The 
body was brought to Accra, and his head sent to Coomassie, and 
it is now a trophy at Bantama or the back town. Amanqua then 
returned to Coomassie, and arrived about six months before the 

The Aowins, to anticipate the ambitious views of the Ashantee 
government, lately sent an embassy with offers of service and 
tribute, but the amount of the latter has not yet been decided. 

The King had sent to demand the royal stool of Buntooko or 
-Gaman which was thickly plated and embossed with gold ; it was 


given up by Adinkara, the King, from fear; his sister, a woman 
of mascuHne spirit and talent, and the soul of the government, being 
absent. On her return, she reproached her brother severely, and 
ordered a solid gold stool to be made to replace it. That being 
also demanded, as the right of the superior, with a large gold 
ornament in the shape of an elephant, dug out from some ruins, 
the sister, receiving the ambassadors, replied, that the King should 
not have either, and added, impressing it with more force than 
delicacy, that her brother and she must change sexes, for she was 
most proper for a King, and would fight to the last rather than be 
so constantly despoiled. The King of Ashantee sent word that she 
was fit to be a king's sister, and a strong woman, and he would 
give her twelve months to prepare for war. Several embassies 
have been sent however to negotiate ; two during our stay, the 
latter, it was said, with an offer of 400 Bendas, (£3200.) but the 
aristocracy were obstinate, and urged to the King, that his other 
tributaries would laugh at him, if he did not get the King of 
Gaman's head. The small pox was raging in Buntooko. 

It is clear, that the King of Ashantee contemplates the reduction 
of the King of Dwabin from an independent ally to a tributary. 
We Avitnessed one circumstance to the point. A messenger being 
sent to require gold of Dwabin, the King of which is a very weak 
young man, a captain of the royal family replied, that there was 
no war on foot to require gold, and as it could only be for the in- 
dividual benefit of Ashantee, the government must be reminded 
that Dwabin had formerly exacted gold, and was not now to be 
subjected to imposition, because the right had been yielded from 
respect to the sister kingdom. This being reported to the King, 
he suppressed his anger, and sent a gold headed sword, with other 
marks of dignity and favour to this man, who, to his surprise, 
refused them, alleging, that the honours he already possessed at 


home became him better. The King still temporised. Some 
months after, at the full assembly convened for the proclamation 
of the treaty with the British Government, the mother of the King 
of Dwabin, who acts as regent, and over whom Sai is known to 
have much influence, suddenly, and no doubt at his instance, 
accused this captain of plotting to deprive her son of the stool. 
The accusation Avas supported by others, who prayed the King to 
judge the palaver. The King of Dwabin sat with the greatest 
indifference. The accused made an animated appeal to the as- 
sembly, and Sai affected to support him vehemently, and ordered 
the linguists to give him chalk, or acquit him. The man thanking 
him very earnestly, Adoosee was desired to tell him, that his ill-will 
to the King of Ashantee had been reported in a very aggravated 
manner; but as it was no longer beHeved, he was only required to 
take fetish, that he liked the King, and would do him all the good 
he could ; this done, the man received several marks of favour and 

Sai Tootoo is considered to take better care of the treasury than 
any of his predecessors : he cautiously extends his prerogative, and 
takes every opportunity of increasing the number of secondary 
captains, by dignifying the young men brought up about his 
person, and still retaining them in his immediate service. 

Sai Acotoo, the King's brother, and the heir to the stool, ap- 
peared to me very inferior in ability ; but the Ashantees say 

The King's private character is amiable ; the children of his 
brothers share the fondness and indulgence which endear him to 
his own, and his few moments of recreation are the liveliest of 
theirs. The circumstances connected with the various instances 
which we witnessed of his generosity to others, justify me in 
ascribing it to the benevolence of his disposition. His admiration 


of ingenious rather than splendid novelty, has frequently imposed 
the appearance of a covetousness, scarcel}^ culpable from his reve- 
rence for invention, and the amazement its extent excited. To 
present him with the trifles which attracted his notice when he 
visited us, offended him, he told us we must only answer his ques- 
tions, and let him examine them ; to make dashes on the occasion 
of a private visit, was to vitiate the motive of the condescension, 
which could not be repeated unless we paid more respect to his 
dignity and friendship. The King is certainly capricious, and his 
liberality of mind is stained by prejudices against individuals which 
he confesses to be unaccountable; and to several of the principal 
actors in his brother's deposition, (which, desirous to extend his 
prerogative, he would tacitly censure,) he has been unjustly severe. 
His humanity is frequently superior to his superstition and policy, 
he offended Quatchi Quofie, one of the four, by limiting the 
human sacrifices at his mother's funeral, and resisted all the impor- 
tunities, founded on precedent, for the allowance of a greater 
number. He dismissed us twice with apologies for not proceeding 
to business, confessing, the first time, that he had been unusually 
irritated just after he sent for us, and had not recovered his calm-^ 
ness ; the latter, that some agreeable news had induced him to 
drink more than fitted him to hear great palavers like ours. In 
his judicial administration, a lie always aggravated the punishment, 
and truth generally extenuated, and sometimes atoned of itself for 
the offence: he invariably anticipated the temerity of perjury, 
where convicting evidence was to be opposed to the accused. 
The King's manners are a happy mixture of dignity and affability, 
they engage rather than encourage, and his general deportment is 
conciliating though repressive. He speaks well, and more logically 
than most of his council, who are diffuse, but his superior talent i.s 
marked in the shrewd questions by which he fathoms a design or 


a narrative. He excels in courtesy, is wisely inquisitive, and 
candid in his comparisons : war, legislature, and mechanism, were 
his favourite topics in our private conversations. The great, but 
natural fault of the King is his ambition ; I do not think it has 
ever proved superior to the pledge of his honour, but it certainly 
has, and that frequently, to his sense of justice, which is repressed 
rather than impaired by it. This sketch of his character being 
narrowed to my own knowledge, will be assisted by the following 
history of Agay, the second linguist. 

Agay, when a boy, cariied salt from Aquoomo to Coomassie for 
sale ; he was afterwards taken into the service of Aquootoo, cabo- 
ceer of that place, against whom the government had instituted a 
palaver, but wrongfully. Agay accompanied the caboceer Avhen 
he was sent for to Coomassie for judgment. After the King's 
messengers had spoken, misrepresenting the case in preference to 
confessing the King to be in the wrong, and the caboceer was con- 
fused, this boy suddenly rose, and said, to use the words of the 
narrators, " King, you have people to wash you, to feed you, to 
serve you, but you have no people to speak the truth to you, and 
tell you when God does not hke your palaver." The assembly 
cried out unanimously, that the boy might be hurried away and 
his head taken off; but the King said, " No! let him finish;" and 
Agay is said to have spoken three hours, and to have disclosed 
and argued the palaver to the King's conviction, and his master's 
acquittal. He was retained to attend the King, but treated with 
no particular distinction. A serious palaver occurring between 
two principal men, it was debated before the council, who were at 
a loss to decide, but inclined to the man whom the King doubted; 
judgment was suspended. In the interim the King sent Agay, 
privately, to the house of each, to hear their palavers in turn, tete- 
a-tete ; he did so, and when the King asked him who he thought 


was right, he confirmed his impression. " Now," said the Kino-, 
" I know you have a good head." Agay was then made a Linguist, 
and presented with a house, wives, slaves, and gold. Sometime 
afterwards, the King confessing a prejudice against a wealthy 
captain, his linguists, always inclined to support him, said, " If 
you wish to take his stool from him, we will make the palaver ;" 
but Agay sprung up, exclaiming, " No, King ! that is not good ; 
that man never did you any wrong, you know all the gold of your 
subjects is your's at their death, but if you get all now, strangers 
will go away and say, only the King has gold, and that will not be 
good, but let them say the King has gold, all his captains have 
gold, and all his people have gold, then your country will look 
handsome, and the bush people fear you." For this the King 
made him second linguist, and much increased his property. 
When Amanqua had the command of the army against Cudjo 
Cooma, the King asked him which linguist he would take, he 
replied, Adoosee or Otee; the King said, no! I will give you this 
boy, he has the best head for hard palavers. Amanqua urged 
that he was too young, the King told him he was a fool to say so. 
He then made Amanqua take fetish with him to report the merits 
of Agay faithfully, who distinguished himself so much, that he is 
always employed in difficult foreign palavers. 

The manners of the higher orders of captains, always dignified, 
are courteous and hospitable in private, though haughty and 
abrupt in public. I believe them to be jealous rather than tenaci- 
ous of their honour, and their sophistry is as ingenious as their 
maxims are prepossessing. They consider that war alone affords 
an exertion or display of ability, and they esteem the ambition 
of their King as his greatest virtue. They have no idea of the 
aggrandisement of a state by civil poHcy alone. They are candid 
in acknowledging their defeats, and just to the prowess of their 

K k 


enemies, but they possess little humanity, and are very avaricious 
and oppressive. They listen to superstition with the most childish 
credulity, but they only cultivate it for the j:)reservation of life and 
the indulgence of passion; beyond this, the Moors could never 
advance their enquiries ; they are neither curious nor anxious 
about a future state, pretending to it from rank and achievement 
rather than domestic virtue ; and believing, if the latter were out- 
raged, the solemnities and sacrifices of their funeral customs would 
purchase their repose. Indeed, licensed as they are by the zealous 
conflicts of rival superstitions, (Moorish and Pagan,) their lives 
are mcderate and benevolent to what might be expected, and 
merit nioic than our excuses. 

The lower order of people are ungrateful, insolent, and licentious. 
The King repeatedly said, he believed them to be the worst people 
existing, except the Fantees, and not comparable with many of 
their inland neighbours. Perhaps we should agree with A'^oltaire, 
" Je crois qu'il faut plutot juger d'une puissante nation par ceux 
qui sont a la tete, que par la populace."* 

* The principal districts of Fanlee, are, the AfFettoo, the BrafFoo, and the Esse- 
coomah ; Cape Coast Is in the former. The Dey of AfFettoo (a title probably introduced 
by the P ituguese) was formerly supreme in Fantee, so far as summoning the other 
kings and caboceers at pleasure, prescribing their political condvict, and being appealed' 
to and sentencing in all cases of life and death, wherever or by whomsoever tlie crime 
may have been committed; witchcraft excepted. Upwards of a century ago the small 
pox almost depopulated AfFettoo, then the largest town and capital of all Fantee, (it is 
about 10 miles inland from Cape Coast,) and all tlie immediate heirs to the stool being 
cut off, the supremacy was transferred to Mankasim. The present Dey, however, pre- 
serves a spiritual authority over the otlier kings and caboceers, and is esteemed as the 
superior fetisii man ; wlien they desire rain, for instance, they apply to him to procure it, 
and they look to him solely for their chronology, which he preserves by knotting strings. 
Mankasim then became the capital and largest town of Fantee, but it was almost 
destroyed by the Ashantees in their first invasion of I8O7. Any Fantee caboceer who 
did not attend the summons of the King of Mankasim, was suspended by him, and after- 


waids displaced by the diet. Adoo, the last King of the BrafFoos, despoiling all his sub- 
jects of their most valuable property, and countenancing the individuals of his family in 
the same assumption and violation, without any regard to persons ; they were all seized, 
on his death, by a simultaneous rising of the people, and sold off the coast as slaves, to 
get rid of the race. Adookoo, one of the leading men, was then called to the care of the 
stool, with the title of caboceer only, it being still considered as an interregnum, but he 
exercised the same supremacy and privileges which the King had done, and was acknow- 
ledged by the whole country. During his retreat and wanderings in the bush, after 
several defeats by the Ashantees, the Fantee towns have assumed many political and 
judicial rights before centered in Mankasim ; but Adookoo is now expected to summon 
them all, and re-establish the ancient order of things, which they deem too sacred to think 
of resisting. It was not the BrafFoos, or the whole people of that district, who had the 
privilege of living abroad at the public expense, and who took whatever they pleased of 
the property of others, as Mr. Meredith has stated ; but the state officers of that district 
called Brofoos, who acquired that name from the hide in which the tobacco is rolled, 
being formed into a seat peculiar to them, never using a wooden stool. They were the 
executors, and not the organs of the law, and always sat to the right and left of Adookoo, 
but had no voice. The number was twelve, and the dignity immemorially hereditary in 
as many families. These men were allowed to take whatever they pleased at home and 
abroad, but since Adookoo''s misfortunes, and inability to support them, they have been 
content to beg for their tithes in the large towns, and only exercise their rapacity in the 
small crooms of their own district. 



Constitution and Laws. 

1 HE King, the Aristocracy, now reduced to four, and the As- 
sembly of Captains,* are the three estates of the Ashantee 

The constitution requires or admits an interference of the Aris- 
tocracy in all foreign politics, extending even to a veto on the 
King's decision ; but they watch rather than share the domestic 
administration, generally influencing it by their opinion, but never 
appearing to control it from authority ; and their opinions on 
civil questions, are submitted with a deference, directly in contrast 
to their bold declarations on subjects of war or tribute, which 
amount to injunction. 

The Ashantees advocated this constitution by the argument, that 
the interference of the Aristocracy in all foreign politics, makes 
the nation more formidable to its enemies, who feel they cannot 
provoke with impunity, wjiere there are so many guardians of the 
military glory ; who, by insisting on a war, become responsible in 
a great degree for the issue, and pledge an energy and exertion, in 

* It has been shewn in the history, that the Aristocracy was originally formed of the 
peers and associates ot Sai Tootoo the founder of the monarchy, who owed his elevation 
not to his superior rank, but to his superior endowments and address. The Aristocracy 
lias been gradually retrenched since Sai Cudjo pointed out the way. 


comparison Avith which, such as could be excited by a despotic 
monarch, must be deemed disinterested. They added, that an 
almost independent administration of the King, Avas better calcu- 
lated for the domestic government, because the decrees of a monarch 
have naturally more force with the people, (over whom his power is 
unlimited) and, further, that a civil power in the Aristocracy could 
not be reconciled to the Assembly of Captains, to whom the former 
estate was already sufficiently invidious for the health of the 

In exercising his judical authority, the King always retired in 
private with the Aristocracy to hear their opinions, to encourage 
their candor without diminishing his majesty in the eye of the 
people ; and in using his legislative prerogative, he was said always 
to give them a private opportunity of defending the old law, rather 
than of objecting to the new ; though, from the same state policy, 
the latter was announced to the Aristocracy as well as to the 
Assembly of Captains, before the people, as the swdden and 
arbitrary pleasure of the King. 

The general Assembly of the Caboceers and Captains, is sum- 
moned merely to give publicity to the will of the King and Aristo- 
cracy, and to provide for its observance ; unless on state emergen- 
cies, or unprecedented occasions, such as the Treaty Avith the 
British Government. The following anecdote, related to me by 
many Ashantees, Avill illustrate the freedom of their constitution. 

A son of the King's quarrelling with a son of Amanquatea's, 
(one of the four) told him, that in com.parison vvith himself, he was 
the son of a slave ; this being reported to Amanquate'a, he sent a 
party of his soldiers, who pulled doAvn the house of the King's son 
and seized his person. The King hearing of it sent to Amanquatea, 
and learning the particulars, interceded for his son, and redeemed 
his head for 20 periguius of gold. 


The most original feature of their law, that of succession, has 
been mentioned in the History, with the argument on wliich it is 
founded : it is universally binding ; the course is, the brother, the 
sister's son, the son, the chief vassal or slave to the stool. In the 
Fantee country, the principal slave succeeds to the exclusion of the 
son, who only inherits his mother's property, frequently consider- 
able, and inherited from her family independently of her husband: 
the daughters share a small part of the fetish or ornamental gold, 
which is much alloyed with silver. 

The sisters of the King may marry or intrigue with whom the^^ 
please, provided he be an eminently strong or personable man ; 
that the heirs of the stool may be, at least, personably superior to 
the generality of their countrymen. . rolqosi 

The King is heir to the gold of every subject, from the highest 
to the lowest ; the fetish gold and the cloths are generally presented 
by him to the successor to the stool, from which the slaves and other 
property of the deceased are inseparable. The King contributes 
to the funeral custom to validate his claim, and usually bestows ten 
periguins of the dust gold on the successor, (if of a rich man,) 
who is in all cases liable for the debls of the deceased, though the 
amount is generally made good to him sooner or later, if he has 
influence Avith those about the King, or recommends himself to his 
notice personally. This law is sometimes anticipated, by a father 
presenting his children with large sums of gold just before his 
death. Boiteem, the father of Otee, one of the King's linguists, 
is known to have done so, but the son discovers his wealth very 

The gold buried with members of the royal family, and after- 
wards deposited with their bones in the fetish house at Bantama, 
is sacred ; and cannot be used, but to redeem the capital trom the 
hands of an enemy, or in extreme national distress ; and even then. 


the King must aA^oid the sight of it, if he would avoid the fatal 
vengeance of the fetish or deity. 

If a slave seeks refuge from an ally or tributary, he is restored ; 
if from an unconnected power, he is received as a free subject. 

TJie tributary state which distinguishes itself in suppressing the 
revolt of another, is rewarded by privileges at the expense of the 
offending power : thus if a subject of the former kills a subject of 
the latter, the price of a slave only can be recovered, instead of the 
fine otherwise attached to the death of a freeman ; and the damages 
for other injuries are reduced in proportion. 

If the subjects of any tributary do not hke the decision of their 
ruler, according to the laws of their own country, they may appeal 
to the King, and claim decision by the law of Ashantee. The 
commission allowed to the collectors of tribute or fine, is two 
periguins out of ten. 

The direct descendants of the noble families who assisted the 
enterprise of Sai Tootoo, the founder of the kingdom, are not sub- 
ject to capital punishment, but can only be despoiled. There are 
now but four remaining, Ananqui, Assafee, (see Diary,) and two 
others, all beggars. 

We were present at the promulgation of the following law : 
" All persons sent on the King's business shall no longer seize 
provisions in any country, whether tributary or otherwise, in his 
name ; but requiring food, shall ofter a fair price for the first they 
meet with, if this is refused, they shall then demand one meal, and 
one meal only, in the King's name, and proceed. This extends to 
all messengers sent by the head captains, whose servants, as well 
as the King's, have been long in the habit of extorting goods from 
traders, and tobacco and provisions in the market place, in the 
names of their masters, which they shall do no longer without in- 
curring the same penalty which is attached to the former part of 


this law, 1 10 penguins." The form of making this law, was, the 
linguists with their insignia advanced and announced it to each of 
the four members of the Aristocrac}', then to the whole assembly ; 
afterwards Cudjo Appani, the chief crier, proclaimed it to the 
people, who shouted their thanks ; his fee from the King was ten 
ackies, from the people twenty. This attachment of the penalty to 
the law (the chief merit of Zaleucus) manifests some advancement 
in polity, in securing the accused against arbitary judgment.* 

The caboceers of Soota, Marmpon, Becqua, and Kokofoo, the 
four large towns built by the Ashantees at the same time with 
Coomassie, have several palatine privileges ; they have an inde- 
pendent treasury, though subject to the demands of the government 
and a judicial power, with the reserve of an appeal to the King. 
They celebrate their own yam custom after they have attended 
that at Coomassie, at which all dependents and tributaries must be 
present, and which seems to have been instituted like the Pana- 
thenaea of Theseus, to unite such various nations by a common 
festival. These four caboceers, «nly, are allowed, with the King, 
to stud their sandals Avith gold. 

The blood of the son of a King, or of any of the ro^^al family 
cannot be shed ; but when guilty of a crime of magnitude, they are 
drowned in the river Dah, by a particular captain, named Cudjo 

If a man swears on the King's head, that another must kill him, 
which is understood to be invoking the King's death if he does 
not, the other man must do so, or forfeit the whole of his property, 
and generally his life. This very frequently occurs, for the blacks 

* By the laws of Ahanta, which are peculiar, if any subject or sojourner is in urgent 
■want of provisions, he may seize the first he meets with, paying the owner the prices 
which have been fixed by the caboceers : this is similar to the law of Lycurgus. At the 
Contoom or annual Harvest Custom, the Ahantas revise their laws, as Solon enjoined the 
Athenians to do, annulling some and adding others. 


in their ardor for revenge, do not regard sacrificing their own lives 
to bring a palaver on their murderer, which their families are sure 
to do. 

To be convicted of cowardice is death. 

A subject may clear any part of the bush for building a croom, 
or making a plantation, without paying any thing to the King as 
lord of the soil ; but he must pay a small sum to the possessor of 
the nearest croom or plantation, through which his path runs. 

The government has no power to direct the traders to any par- 
ticular market, though it interdicts the commerce with any power 
which may have offended it. 

All the King's linguists take fetish to be true to each other, and 
to report faithfully. 

If any subject picks up gold dropped in the market place, it is 
death, being collected only by order of the government on emer- 
gencies ; see Revenue. 

Theft of the King's property, or intrigue with the female atten- 
dants of the royal family, or habitual incontinence, is punished by 
emasculation ; but crim. con. with the wife of a man who has been 
so punished, is death : being considered an aggravated contempt 
of law. 

Interest of money is 33^ per cent, for every forty days, which is 
accompanied after the first period by a dash of liquor. When the 
patience of the creditor is exhausted, he seizes the debtor, or even 
any of his family, as slaves, and they can only be redeemed by the 
payment. This barbarous law was nearly the same in Athens.* 

In almost all charges of treason, the hfe of the accuser is at risk 
as well as that of the accused, and is forfeited on the acquittal of 

* In Ahanta, all old debts must be paid within six weeks from the commencement of 
the Contoom or Harvest Custom. The creditor can panyar or seize not only the family, 
but the townsmen of the debtor. 



the latter. I understood this, from the best authorities, to be in- 
dispensible as a check on the palavers ; envy, spleen, or covetous- 
ness would otherwise accumulate. 

The accuser is never discovered or confronted to the accused, 
nor the evidence revealed, until the latter has fully replied to the 
charge, as outlined by the King's linguists. 

Palavers are frequently allowed to sleep even for years, as in the 
Fantee country, to make the damages sued for, the heavier : for 
instance, if a man stole a hen twelve months before, the value of 
the broods and eggs it would have produced, -on a fair average, in 
the interval, would be shrewdly calculated, and sued for.* State 
palavers are also allowed to sleep for years, but that is to impose 
the confidence on the accused that the principal witnesses are 
dead, and the impression is artfully assisted by the pohcy of the 
council. The witnesses against Appia Nanu, who had reported 
his haughty message to the King, had not been seen for nearly 
twelve months before they burst before him on the day of his trial, 
having been sent into the bush on the most distant frontier. 

No man is punished for killing his own slave, but he is for the 
murder of his wife or child.-f If he kills the slave of another, he 
must pay the value. If a great man kills his equal in rank, he is 
generally allowed to die by his own hands : the death of an inferior 
is generally compensated by a fine to the family, equal to seven 

* The Alianta laws do not allow of these protracted pala\ers, and only award the m- 
trinsic value of the articles stolen or destroyed. If a man robs a plantation of a yam, he 
must pay the owner a tokoo of gold, and take two more. In Fantee the pettiest theft 
frequently entails slavery. 

-|- In the kingdom of Amanahea or Apollonia, the tenth child is always buried alive. 

J A person accidentally kilhng another in Ahanta, pays 5 oz. of gold to the family, 
and defrays the burial customs. In the case of murder, it is 20 oz. of gold and a slave ; 
or, he and his family become the slaves of the family of the deceased. If a man dashes 


If a person brings a frivolous palaver against another, he must 
give an entertainment to the family and friends of the acquitted. 

If an aggry bead is broken in a scuffle, seven slaves are to be 
paid to the owner. 

Trifling thefts are generally punished by the exposure of the 
party in various parts of the town, whilst the act is published ; but 
more serious thefts cannot be visited on the guilty by any but his 
family, Avho are bound to compensate the accuser, and punish 
their relative or not as they think fit ; they may even put him or 
her to death, if the injury is serious, or the crime repeated or 

If a man cohabits with a woman without the house, or in the 
bush, they are both the slaves of the first person who discovers 
them ; but redeemable by their families. 

It is forbidden, as it was by Lycurgus, to praise the beauty of 
another man's wife, being intrigue by implication. 

A captain generally gives a periguin to the family on taking a 
wife, a poor man two ackies : the damages for intrigue in the 
former case are ten periguins ; in the latter, one ackie and a half, 
and a pot of palm wine. 

himself to the fetish on the head of another, the other must redeem liim. If a man kills 
himself on the head of another, the other must kill himself also, or pay 20 oz. to the 
family : in Fantee the sum is indefinitely great : this is frequently resorted to, when there 
is no other prospect of revenge. 

Aduraissa, an extraordinarily beautiful red skinned woman of Cape Coast, possessed 
numerous admirers, but rejected them all. One of them, in despair, shot himself on her 
head close to her house. The family demanding satisfaction ; to save her relations from 
a ruinous palaver, she resolved to shoot herself in expiation. She accordingly assembled 
her friends and relatives from various parts of the country, and sitting, richly dressed, 
killed herself in their presence with golden bullets. After the body had been exposed in 
state, it was buried with a profusion of cloths and gold. The beautiful Adumissa is still 
eulogised, and her favourite patterned cloth bears her name amongst the natives. 


If a woman involves herself in a palaver, she involves her family, 
but not her husband. 

None but a captain can sell his wife, and he, only, if her family 
are unable to redeem her by the repayment of the marriage fee. 

The property of the wife is distinct, and independent of the 
husband, though the King is the heir to it. 

None but a captain can put his wife to death for infidelity, and 
even then he is expected to accept a liberal offer of gold from the 
family, for her redemption. To intrigue with a wife of the King's 
is death. 

If the family of a woman are able and willing, on her report of 
her dislike to her husband, or his ill-treatment of her, to tender 
him the marriage fee, he must accept it, and the woman returns to 
her family, but may not marry again. 

If a husband is not heard of by his wife for three years, she 
may marry again, and if the first husband returns, the claim of the 
second is the better ; but all the children of the after marriage are 
considered the property of the first husband, and may be pawned 
by him. 

Those accused of witchcraft, or having a devil, are tortured to 

The good treatment of slaves is in some degree provided for, by 
the liberty they have of dashing or transferring themselves to any 
freeman ; whom they enjoin to make them his property by invoking 
his death if he does not ; an imperative appeal. 




1 H E Negro tradition of the book and the calabash, cited by St. 
Pierre, is familiar to every native of these parts, and seems the 
source of their religious opinions. Impressed that the blind avarice 
of their forefathers inclined all the favour of the supreme God to 
white men, they believe themselves to have been committed to the 
mediating care of subordinate deities, necessarily as inferior to the 
primary, as they are to Europeans. 

As the Ashantee manner of relating this tradition differs a 
Utile from that of the Fantee, I will repeat it, on the authority of 
Odumata and other principal men. In the beginning of the world, 
God created three white and three black men, with the same 
number of women ; he resolved, that they might not afterwards 
complain, to give them their choice of good and evil. A large box 
or calabash was set on the ground, with a piece of paper, sealed 
up, on one side of it. God gave the black men the first choice, 
who took the box, expecting it contained every thing, but, on 
opening it, there appeared only a piece of gold, a piece of iron, 
and several other metals, of which they did not know the use. The 
white men opening the paper, it told them every thing. God left 
the blacks in the bush, but conducted the whites to the water side, 
(for this happened in Africa) communicated with them every night, 
and taught them to build a small ship which carried them to 


another country, whence they returned after a long period, with 
various merchandise to barter with the blacks, who might have 
been the superior people. 

With this imaginary alienation from the God of the universe, not 
a shade of despondency is associated ; they consider that it dimi- 
nishes their comforts and their endowments on earth, but that 
futurity is a dull and torpid state to the majority of mankind. 

Their fetishes or subordinate deities, are supposed to inhabit 
particular rivers, woods, and mountains, as the imaginary deities 
of the Celts. They are venerated in proportion as their predic- 
tions (always equivocal) chance to be realized. The present 
favourite fetish of Ashantee is that of the river Tando. Cobee, a 
river in Dankara, and Odentee on the Adirree, are two of the 

The kings, caboceers, and the higher class, are believed to 
d\vell with the superior Deity after death, enjoying an eternal 
renewal of the state and luxury they possessed on earth. It is with 
this impression, that they kill a certain number of both sexes at the 
funeral customs, to accompany the deceased, to announce bis 
distinction, and to administer to his pleasures. 

The spirits of the inferior classes are believed to inhabit the 
houses of the fetish, in a state of torpid indolence, which recom- 
penses them for the drudgery of their lives, and which is truly 
congenial to the feelings of the Negro. Those of superior wisdom 
and experience, are said to be endued with foresight after death, 
and to be appointed to observe the lives, and advise the good of 
those mortals who acknowledge the fetish; their state correspond- 
ing, in short, with that of the first race of men after death, as 
described by Hesiod. Those whose enormities nullify the media- 
tion of the funeral custom, or, whom neglect or circumstainces 
might have depri\ed of it, are doomed, in the imagination of otihers, 


to haunt the gloom of the forest, steaHng occasionally to their 
former abodes in rare but lingering visits. Those who have ne- 
glected the custom, or funeral rites of their family, are thought to 
be accursed and troubled by their spirits. 

There are two orders of fetishmen. The first class dwell with 
the fetish,* who has a small round house, built generally at a 
distance from the town. They question the oracle respecting the 
future fortune of a state or an individual, convey its advice, and 
enjoin the attention of the audible spirits of those, any member of 
their family would question respecting property or domestic 
circumstances : 

" Auditur tumulo et vox reddita fertur ad aures." ^n. vi. 

The inferior class pursue their various occupations in society, 
assist in customs and superstitious ceremonies, and are applied to 
as fortune tellers or conjurors are in Europe ; especially in cases 
of theft; when, from a secret system of espionage, and a reluctance, 
frequently amounting to a refusal to discover the culprit, or to do 

* At Nanampong (Nanan means a grand-father) near Mankasim, in the BraiFoo 
country, there is a deep dell, inhabited by a number of aged fetish men, whom the 
Fantees believe to be immortal, and to have lived there beyond all memory, in close con- 
verse with the fetish, and ignorant of the world but by intuition. The spirits of the aged 
and wise are believed to dwell amongst them, and their prophecies and advice are 
revered as emanations from the fetish. Adookoo, the chief of the Braffoos, used some- 
times to consult them in person, but generally through his head fetishman, and the 
Fantees now attribute the successes of the Ashantees, and their own defeats and misfor- 
tunes, to the disregard of what the oracle enjoined ; for, whilst it was obeyed, they say 
the country always prospered ; and, indeed, from the instances which have been reported 
to me, the responses appear to have directed a just and prudent policy, highly conducive 
to the welfare of Fantee. This dell is so impervious, and yet so capacious, that many 
hundred Fantees were secreted there, during the Ashantee invasions, which these priests 
had predicted. The house or temple of the principal fetish of the Ahanta country, called 
Checquoo, is at Apremmadoo, about four miles up theTakaradee river : upwards of fifty 
superior priests are resident there. 


more than replace the property whence it was taken, they are 
generally successful. The magical ceremony consists in knotting, 
confusing, and dividing behind the back, several strings and shreds 
of leather. They are also frequently applied to by shppery wives, 
to work charms to keep their husbands in ignorance of a projected 
intrigue, which they affect to do. 

The primary dignity is hereditary in families, as the priesthood 
was in Egypt, ceUbacy not being enjoined ; their property is also 
hereditary, and they possess other immunities. The latter order is 
frequently augmented by those, who declare that the fetish has 
suddenly seized, or come upon them, and who, after inflicting 
great severities on themselves, in the manner of the convulsionists, 
are ultimately acknowledged. The fetish women, generally pre- 
ferred for medical aid, as they possess a thorough knowledge of 
barks and herbs, deleterious and sanative, closely resemble the 
second class of Druidesses as described, I think by Mela : they 
seem licensed prostitutes, before and after marriage. 

The present state of these people referring them to a comparison 
with the nations of ancient Europe,* the close resemblance of 
many points of their superstition to relative particulars recorded of 
Greece and Gaul, recalls the following reflection of an eminent 
writer. " The truth is, there is hardly any thing more surprising 
in the history of mankind, than the similitude, or rather identity, 
of the opinions, institutions, and manners of all these orders of 
ancient priests, though they lived under such different climates, 
and at so great a distance from one another, without inter- 
course or communication. This amounts to a demonstration, that 

* " And here I cannot but remark, that those accounts, when compared, shew how 
httle manners and minds improve in Africa, and how long, and how much society has 
been there at a stand ; — Jobson saw, in 1620, exactly what Park saw in 1 798." Sir W. 


all these opinions and institutions flowed originally from one 

Half the offerings to the fetish, are pretended to be thrown into 
the river, the other half belongs to the priests. The King's offering 
is generally ten ounces, and three or four slaves : that of a poor sub- 
ject about four ackies. Children are frequently vowed to the service 
of the fetish before their birth. A slave flying to the temple, may 
dash or devote himself to the fetish ; but, by paying a fee of two 
ounces of gold and four sheep, any person shuts the door of the 
fetish house against all his run away slaves.* 

Every family has a variety of domestic fetishes, furnished by the 
priests, and answering to the Penates of the Romans ; some are 
wooden figures, others of arbitrary shapes and materials ; they 
receive offerings and libations at the yam custom, but are not 
brought out of the house, f- 

* A slave dashing or devoting himself to Checquoo, the great fetish of Ahanta, is 
never redeemed ; the impression of the superior power of that fetish being so a^vfnl, that 
the proprietor of the slave, would believe the death of all his family inevitable, were he 
to redeem him from the sanctuary. 

■f The different states of the water side revere different animals as fetish : the hyaena 
is esteemed so at Accra, the alligator at Dix Cove and Annamaboe, and vultures univer- 
sally ; and with more apparent reason, as they consun)e all the offal of the neighbourhood, 
and thus contribute to its health and cleanliness. A black man killing a hyaena at Accra, 
would incur a serious penalty. A European is obliged to pay a case of neat rum and 
one piece of white baft, in which the head of the animal is wrapped, and afterwards buried 
by the natives. Almost every resident on the coast, can speak to the imitative powers of 
the hysena, which Pliny has been ridiculed for reporting. In a fresh water pond at Dix 
Cove, there is an alligator, about twelve feet long, which always appears on the bank, at 
the call of the fetish men, who (hen throw it a white fowl. In a modern natural history, 
I read, " in this part of the world (Africa) also, as well as at Siam, the crocodile makes 
an object of savage pomp, near the palaces of their monarchs. Philips informs us, that 
at Sabi, on the slave coast, there are two pools of water near the royal palace, where cro- 
codiles are bred as we breed carp in our ponds in Europe." I never heard of any royal 

M m 


In Ashantee there is not a common fetish day, as on the coast.* 
Different famihes solemnize different days of the week, by wearing 
white cloths, abstaining from palm wine and labour, as they do 
the day of the week on which they were born, which is in fact their 
second fetish day. The King's family keep Tuesday as their fetish 
da^^ Odumata's, Friday. Saturday was the King's birth day, 
when, as well as on his fetish day, he alwaj's sat on a stool placed 
before his chair as a foot stool would be. Some families never eat 
beef, others abstain from pork. Fowls and beef are the fetish of 
the King's family, and consequently never eaten by it. 

The Ashantees have their Fasti and Nefasti, or lucky and un- 
lucky days, as the Romans had.-f- The former consecrated by 
some good fortune, the latter condemned from some national 
calamity, as Saturday, for instance, from the defeat and death of 
Sai Tootoo. They are also otherwise marked than by the week ; 
for I was told, that our month of September contained fewer bad 
days than any other, and was besides deemed auspicious to 
travelling : 

Ipsa dies alios alio dedit ordine Luna 

Felices operum - - - _ 

- - - - nona fugse melior. Geor. i, 

I have known Ashantees thirty days coming with dispatches from 
Cape Coast Castle to Coomassie, in August ; and in September, to 
have arrived in twelve. 

If the successor to a stool, or any rich inheritance is a child, 
they grind aggry beads into a powder, and rub him with it daily, 

palaces, or of Sabi (probably Assaboo) on the Slave Coast ; the alligator of Dix Cove 

may possibly be alluded to. 

* Tuesday is the common fetish day on the coast, when tliey neither fish or work in 

theii' plantations. 

■f Ille et nefasto te posuit die. Hor. 12, 13. 

Romani pariter quosdaiii atros et nefastos liabuere, eo quod in iis clades acceperant ; - - • 


after washing, believing that it hastens his growth and matnrity. 
When any one denies a theft, an aggry bead is placed in a small 
vessel, with some water, the person holding it puts his right foot 
against the right foot of the accused, who invokes the power of the 
bead to kill hi in if he is guilty, and then takes it into his mouth 
with a little of the water, the rest being thrown on the ground, and 
crossed as he repeats the invocation : their superstition is generally 
superior to their resolution. I shall be expected to notice these 
aggry beads. 

The natives invariably declare that the aggry beads are found in 
the Dankara, Akini, Warsaw, Ahanta, and' Fantee countries, the 
greater number in the former, being the richer in gold ; they say 
they are directed to dig for them by a spiral vapour issuing from 
the ground, and that they rarely lay near the surface: the finder 
is said to be sure of a series of good fortune. The plain aggry 
beads are blue, yellow, green, or a dull red, the variegated consist 
of every colour and shade. The Fantees prefer the plain yellow 
bead, the Amanahe'ans the blue and yellow, for which they will 
give double the weight in gold; those of inferior beauty frequently 
fetch a large price, from having been worn by some royal or 
eminent character. Dr, Leyden, who writes, " the aigris is a stone 
of a greenish blue colour, supposed to be a species of jasper, small 
perforated pieces of which, valued at their weight in gold, are used 
for money," (M'hich I never heard of,) rather describes the popo 
bead ; though that is semi-transparent, (of a bright blue,) re- 
sembling carnelian, (which is frequently found in these countries) 
and said to be obtained in the same manner as the aggry bead. 
Isert writes, " they are a sort of coral, with inlaid work : the art of 
making beads is entirely lost, or was never known in these parts : 
it is not improbable, that in the golden age of Egypt, she had com- 
munication with the Gold Coast ; indeed, it has been thought, and 


perhaps not without some reason, that the Gold Coast is the Ophir 
of Solomon." 

The variegated strata of the aggry beads are so firmly united, 
and so imperceptibly blended, that the perfection seems superior 
to art : some resemble mosaic work, the surfaces of others are 
covered with flowers and regular patterns, so very minute, and the 
shades so delicately softened one into the other, and into the 
ground of the bead, that nothing but the finest touch of the pencil 
could equal them. The agatized parts disclose flowers and patterns, 
deep in the body of the bead, and thin shafts, of opaque colours, 
running from the centre to the surface. The natives pretend that 
imitations are made in the country, which they call boiled beads, 
alleging that they are broken aggry beads ground into powder. 
and boiled together, and that they know them because they are 
heavier ; but this I find to be mere conjecture among themselves, 
unsupported by any thing like observation or discovery. The 
natives believe that by burying the aggry beads in sand they not 
only grow but breed.* 

* The coloring matter of the blue beads has been proved, by experiment, to be iron ; 
that of the yellow, without doubt, is lead and antimony, with a trifling quantity of 
copper, though not essential to the production of the color. Tlie generality of these 
beads appear to be produced from clays colored in thin layers, afterwards twisted toge- 
ther into a spiral form, and then cut across : also from different colored clays raked 
together without blending. How the flowers and delicate patterns, in the body and on 
the surface of the rarer beads, have been produced, cannot be so well explained. Besides 
the suite deposited in the British Museum, I had the pleasure of presenting one of the 
most interesting kind to Baron Humboldt ; and I have also sent one to Sir Richard 
Hoare, as it seemed to correspond so closely with the bead which he found in one of the 
barrows, and describes, as follows, in his History of Wiltshire. The notion of the rare 
virtues of the Glain Neidyr, as well as of the continued good fortune of the finder, 
accords exactly with the African superstitions. " A large glass bead, of the same imper- 
fect petrefaction as the puUy bead.s, and resembling also, in matter, the little figures that 
are found with the mummies in Egypt, and are to be seen in tlie Biitish Museum. Tliis 


To return to the superstitions of the Ashantees : when they 
drink, they spill a little of the liquor on the ground as an offering 

very curious bead lias two circular lines of opaque sky blue and white, which seem to 
represent a serpent entwined round a centre, which is perforated. This was certainly 
one of the Glain Neidyr of the Britons, derived from glain, which is pure and holy, and 
neidyr a snake. Under the word glain, Mr. Owen, in his Welsh Dictionary, has given 
the following article : " The Glain neidyr, transparent stones, or adder stones, were 
worn by the different orders of the bards, each having its appropriate color. There is 
no certainty that they were worn from superstition originally ; perhaps that was the 
circumstance which gave rise to it. Whatever might have been the cause, the notion of 
their rare virtues zvas universal in all places where the Bardic religion was taught. It 
may still be questioned whether they are the production of nature or art."" The beads 
which are the present object of my attention, are thus noticed by Bishop Gibson in his 
improved edition of Camden''s Britannia. " In most parts of Wales, and throughout all 
Scotland, and in Cornwall, we find it a common opinion of the vulgar, that about Mid- 
summer eve (although in the time they do not all agree,) it is usual for snakes to meet 
in companies ; and that by joining heads together, and hissing, a kind of bubble is 
formed like a ring, about the head of one of them, which the rest, by continual hissing- 
blow on till it conies off at the tad ; and then it immediately hardens, and resembles a 
glass ring, ivhich whoever finds (as some old women and children are jKrsuaded) shall 
prosper in all their undertaking's. The rings which they suppose to be thus generated 
are called Gleinu Nadroedh, i. e. Gemmas Anguinum, whereof I have seen at several 
places about twenty or thirty. They are small glass annulets, commonly a1)ont half as 
wide as our finger rings, but much thicker ; of a green color, usually, though some of 
them are blue, and others curiously waved with blue, red, and white. I have also seen 
two or three earthen rings of this kind, but glazed with blue, and adorned with trans- 
verse streaks in furrows on the outside. There seems to be some connection between the 
Glein Neidyr of the Britons, and the Ovum Anguinum mentioned by Pliny,* as being 
held in veneration by the Druids of Gaul, and to the formation of which he gives nearly 
the same origin. They were probably worn as an insigne, or mark of distinction, and 

* Praeterea est ovorum genus in magna Galliarum fama, omissum Grajcis. Angues 
innumeri asstate convoluti, salivis faucium, corporUnique spumis artifici complexu glonie- 
rantur, anguinum appellantur. Druida? sibilis id dicunt in sublime jactari, sagoque 
oportere intercipi ne tellureiif attingat. Profugeie raptorem equo. Serpentes enim 
insequi donee arceant amnis alicujus interventu. Experimentum ejus esse si contra aquas 
fluitet vel auro cinctum Insigne Druidis. Ad victorias litium ac regum aditus maxima 
laudat. Plinii Hist. Natural. L. 29. c, 3. 


to ttie fetish ; and on rising from their chairs or stools, their attend- \ 
ants instantly lay them on their sides, to prevent the devil (whom 
they represent to be white) from slipping into their master's places. 3 

suspended around the neck, as the perforation is not sufficiently large to admit the 

The bead engraved in Tumulus No. 9, resembles closely a coarse sort of bead, still 
mannfactured in Syria, brought over by Dr. iVieryon. The glass globes dug up in 
Lincolnshire, and presented by Sir Joseph Banks to the British Museum, are very like 
a distinct sort of aggry bead, dug by the natives e\en more rarely than the others, but 
not larger than a moderate sized apple : they are more opaque than the other beads, and 
the ground or body is generally black, speckled confusedly with red, white, and yellow. 

Aggry is the generic, not the abstract name; ^ awynnee'' is head, but aggry is an 
exotic word no native can explain. When first I heard of similar beads having been 
lately dug in India, I associated for an instant the expectation that it might have been in 
the neighbourhood of Agra, and thus have thrown some light on the name ; but it 
appears they were found in Malabar. I am indebted for the following account of this 
interesting discovery to a gentleman lately returned from India. " The bead 3'ou sent 
nic is more like those I saw in India, than any I have seen before ; but it is thicker 
and shorter ; neither does the material of which it is formed exactly agi'ee with those in 
India, which appear to be of a red glass, very like red carnelian (such, however, are 
frequent among the Aggry beads) with white lines of enamel, inlaid, at it were, in the 
body of the bead. 1 gave these to a friend in India, who promised to send them to the 
Asiatic Society in Calcutta. The circles of stone in which these beads have been found, 
abound most in Malabar, in the neighbourhood of Calicut ; but I have seen them in 
other parts of India, and I am of opinion that they might be traced throughout the whole 
of the southern peninsula. They are formed of large masses of rough stones, placed 
i-ound in irregular circles, some of very large extent, some of smaller : they appear so 
much like natural rocks, that most persons would pass them unobserved. Several of 
these circles about three years since were excavated, in the vicinity of Calicut, and in the 
centre of each of them we found, at the depth of about five feet, a large earthen jar of 
the same shape as those found in Wiltshire, as near as we could judge, for it was broken 
to pieces : it was about four or five feet deep, its mouth in general closed with a square 
piece of granite : the beads were found at the bottom of these jars with some pieces of 
iron, apparently parts of swords and spears. There was an iron javelin found in one of 
these places, tolerably perfect : it was about five feet long, with a large iron knob at one 
end of it. In the centre of one of the circles we came to a flight of seven steps, which led 


But the most surprising superstition of* tlie Ashantees, is their 
confidence in the fetishes or saphies they purchase so extravagantly 
from the Moors, believing firmly that they make them invulnerable 
and invincible in war, paralyse the hand of the enemy, shiver their 
weapons, divert the course of balls, render both sexes prolific, and 
avert all evils but sickness, (which they can only assuage,) and 
natural death. The Kins; gave to the Kins of Dagwumba, for the 
fetish or war coat of Apokoo, the value of thirty slaves ; for Odu- 
mata's, twenty ; for Adoo Quamina's, thirteen ; for Akimpon's, 
twelve ; for Akimpontea's, nine ; and for those of greater captains 
in proportion. The generals being always in the rear of the arm}' 

to a cave excavated in the rock ; it measured 1 1 feet in diameter, and 7 feet in its highest 
part ; the entrance to it was a square opening of about 1 S inches, which was closed up by 
an immense block of granite. We found in this place a great number of earthen pots of 
very curious shape ; in one of these there were the remains of bones, which appeared to 
have been but imperfectly calcined ; in several of the larger jars there were the husks of 
rice, which dropped into dust immediately they were opened. We found here also an iron 
tripod, and a very curious stone, somewhat similar to what the Indians now use for grind- 
ing their curry powder on. The large stones forming the circles were set upright and 
capped with still larger ones. They are not of granite, but of the stone of the country in 
which they are situated ; they are of different sizes; I have seen some of them 10 or 12 
feet high, and the large stone on the top from 10 to 12 feet in diameter, or perhaps 
more. Coirabatore is a district situated between the Coromandel and Malabar coasts ; it 
is bounded on the east by the river Cavery, on the banks of which the tumuli are in general 
situated. In some, a few silver coins have been found, of a square figure, with characters 
on them, which none of the most learned Bramins have been as yet able to make out ; 
it is in these also that remains of very large swords, &c. have been found. The Roman 
coins to the number of upwards of 90 were all of gold, and Nero's ; each of them had a 
cut or slit in it. They were not found in one of these barrows, but were discovered in a 
garden by one of the natives when digging : they were in a small copper pot. Pandu 
Kiui literally means Pandu 's caves or holes. Pandu is a very celebrated personage in 
the Hindoo Mythology, and a great warrior ; it is common in India to ascribe to him all 
great works of antiquity ; this term therefore only shews that those places are very 
ancient, and that the present inhabitants are quite ignorant of their origin. 


are pretty sure to escape, a circuiustance much in favour of the 
Moors. The drawing of Adoo Quamina will convey the best idea 
of this dress, which has been described before, in our entree; it is 
so weighty that old Odumata could scarcely move in his. Janae- 
quin, who visited Mandingo in 1637, describes exactly the same 
sort of dress as worn by the chiefs of that country, and adds, 
" their bodies are so encumbered Avith these defences, that they 
are often unable to mount on horseback without assistance." For 
a small fetish of about six lines, sewn in a case of red cloth, wl\ich 
the King presented to our Accra linguist, Baba charged and re- 
ceived six ackies. The man valued the gift highly ; he had ex- 
pended two pieces of cloth and a quantit}'^ of rum in fetish, at 
Accra, before he joined the Mission ; but for which, he told me, 
he was convinced the Ashantees would have managed to poison 
him : yet, he was one of the most sensible natives I ever conversed 
with. A sheet of paper would support an inferior Moor in Coo- 
massie for a month. Several of the Ashantee captains offered 
seriously to let us fire at them ; in short, their confidence in these 
fetishes is almost as incredible, as the despondency and panic 
imposed on their southern and western enemies by the recollection 
of them : they impel the Ashantees, fearless and headlong, to the 
most daring enterprises, they dispirit their adversaries, almost to 
the neglect of an interposition of fortune in their favour. The 
Ashantees believe that the constant prayers of the Moors, who 
have persuaded them that they converse with the Deity, invigorate 
themselves, and gradually waste the spirit and strength of their 
enemies. This faith is not less impulsive than that which achieved 
the Arabian conquests. 

Neither the Ashantees or their neighbours have any tradition of 
a deluge, nor does Catcott, the only writer 1 recollect to have read 
on its universality, report any iSTegro tradition, though he submits 


that of the American tribes, with those of the other nations of the 
world. The Moors told me, that the waters of the deluge retired 
to, and Avere absorbed in the lake Caudi or Caughi, which they 
also called Bahar Noohoo, or the sea of Noah. 

Amongst other observations, I recollect the Moors to have said, 
that Moses spoke like God, that Abraham was the friend of God, 
that Jesus was a spirit of God, but that Mahomet was the best 
beloved of God. They added, that there were four books written 
by the inspiration of God, at different times. Moses wrote Tau- 
ratoo ; David, Zaboura ; Jesus, Lingheel ; and Mahomet, Al 
Koran. Lightning, they said, was occasioned by God waving his 
hand to direct the courses of his angels. One Moor was a great 
etymologist; he told me, that Mahomet rushing between two 
armies, who were fighting, exclaimed to one party, " Toorek ! 
Toorek \" (leave oif ! leave off!) and that those people were thence- 
forward called Turks. I questioned them concerning the origin of 
nations ; they told me, that Japhet was the most active in covering 
the nakedness of his father, which Ham discovered, and thence the 
subjection of black men the descendants of Ham, to Europeans 
the descendants of Japhet. Shem, from whom they were them- 
selves descended, they said, was neither so good or so bad as his 
brothers, and therefore his children enjoyed a medium of endow- 
ment and favour. They augured from the sacrifice of sheep, with 
which the King supplied them abundantly, and, excepting those 
who had made a pilgrimage to Mecca, (of which they told us 
wonderful tales) did not hesitate mingling the superstitions of the 
natives with their own, either for their profit or safety. They were 
tolerably expert in slight of hand ti'icks. 




1 H E Yam Custom is annual, just at the maturity of that vegetable, 
which is planted in DecCTiber, and not eaten until the conclusion 
of the custom, the early part of September. All the caboceers 
and captains, and the majority of the tributaries^ are enjoined to 
attend, none being excused, but such as the Kings of Inta, and 
Dagwumba, (who send deputations of their principal caboceers,) 
and those who have been dispatched elsewhere on public business. 
If a chief or caboceer has offended, or if his fidelity be suspected, 
he is seldom accused or punished until the Yam Custom, which they 
attend frequently unconscious, and always uncertain of what may 
be laid to their charge. The Yam Custom is like the Saturnaha; 
neither theft, intrigue, or assault are punishable during the con- 
tinuance, but the grossest liberty prevails, and each sex abandons 
itself to its passions. 

On Friday the 5th of September, the number, splendor, and 
variety of arrivals, thronging from the different paths, was as 
astonishing as entertaining; but there was an alloy in the gratifica- 
tion, for the principal caboceers sacrificed a slave at each quarter 
of the town, on their entre. 

In the afternoon of Saturday, the King received all the caboceers 
and captains in the large area, Avhere the Dankara canons are 




1 H E Yam Custom is annual, just at the maturity of that vegetable 
which is planted in Dec^iber, and not eaten until the conclusion 
of the custom, the early part of September. All the caboceers 
and captains, and the majority of the tribulariesj are enjoined to 
attend, none being excused, but such as the Kings of Inta, and 
Dagwumba, (who send deputations of their principal caboceers,) 
and those who have been dispatched elsewhere on public business. 
If a chief or caboceer has offended, or if his fidelity be suspected, 
he is seldom accused or punished until the Yam Custom, which they 
attend frequently unconscious, and always uncertain of what may 
be laid to their charge. The Yam Custom is like the Saturnalia; 
neither theft, intrigue, or assault are punishable during the con- 
tinuance, but the grossest liberty prevails, and each sex abandons 
itself to its passions. 

On Friday the 5th of September, the number, splendor, and 
variety of arrivals, thronging from the different paths, was as 
astonishing as entertaining; but there was an alloy in the gratifica- 
tion, for the principal caboceers sacrificed a slave at each quarter 
of the town, on their entre. 

In the afternoon of Saturday, the King received all the caboceers 
and captains in the large area, where the Dankara canons are 


placed. The scene was marked with all the splendor of our own 
entre, and many additional novelties. The crush in the distance 
was awfiil and distressing. All the heads of the kings and cabo- 
ceers whose kingdoms had been conquered, from Sai Tootoo to 
the present reign, with those of the chiefs who had been executed 
for subsequent revolts, were displayed by two parties of execu- 
tioners, each upwar(^ of a hundred, Avho passed in an impassioned 
dance, some with the most irresistible grimace, some with the most 
frightful gesture : they clashed their knives on the skulls, in which 
sprigs of thyme we^ inserted, to keep the spirits from troubling 
the King. I never felt so grateful for being born in a civilized 
country. Firing and .drinking palm wine were the only divertisse- 
mens to the ceremony of the caboceers presenting themselves to 
the King ; they were announced, and passed all round the circle 
saluting every umbrella : their bands preceded ; we reckoned 
above forty drums in that of the King of Dwabin. The effi^ct of 
the splendor, the ' tumult, and the musquetry, was afterwards 
heightened by torch light. We left the ground at 10 o'clock ; the 
umbrellas were crowded even in the distant streets, the town was 
covered like a large fair, the broken sounds of distant horns and 
drums filled up the momentary pauses of the firing which encircled 
us : the uproar continued until four in the morning, just before 
which the King retired. I have attempted a drawing, (No. 2.) it 
is by;Qo means adequate, yet more so than description could be. 

On the left side of the drawing is a group of captains dancing 
and firing, as described in our entre. Immediately above the 
encircHng soldiery, is a young caboceer under his umbrella, borne 
on the shoulders of his chief slave ; he salutes as he passes along, 
and is preceded and surrounded by boys (with elephants tails, 
feathers, &c.) and his captains, who, lifting their swords in the air, 
halloo out the deeds of his fore-fathers ; his stool is borne close to 


him, ornamented with a large brass bell. Above is the fanciful 
standard of a chief, who is preceded and followed by numerous 
attendants ; he is supported round the waist by a confidential 
slave, and one wrist is so heavily laden with gold, that it is supported 
on the head of a small boy ; with the other hand he is saluting a 
seated caboceer, sawing the air by a motion from the wrist. His 
umbrella is sprung up and down to increase the breeze, and large 
grass fans are also playing ; his handsomest slave girl follows, bear- 
ing on her head a small red leather trunk, full of gold ornaments, 
and rich cloths ; behind are soldiers and drummers, who throw 
their white-washed drums in the air, and catch them again, with 
much agility and grimace, as they walk along. Boys are in the 
front, bearing elephants tails, fly flappers, &c. and his captains 
with uplifted swords, are hastening forward the musicians and 
soldiers. Amongst the latter is the stool, so stained with blood that 
it is thought decent to cover it with red silk. Behind the musicians 
is Odumata, coming round to join the procession in his state ham- 
mock lined Avith red taffeta, and smoking under his umbrella, at 
the top of which is a stuffed leopard. In the area below is an 
unfortunate victim, tortured in the manner described in the entre, 
and two of the King's messengers clearing the way for him. The 
King's four linguists are seen next ; two, Otee and Quancum, are 
seated in conversation under an umbrella ; the chief, Adoosey, is 
swearing a royal messenger, (to fetch an absent caboceer,) by 
putting a gold handled sword between his teeth, whilst Agay 
delivers the charge, and exhorts him to be resolute. The criers, 
all deformed and with monkey skin caps, are seated in the front. 
Under the next umbrella is the royal stool, thickly cased in gold. 
Gold pipes, fans of ostrich wing feathers, captains seated with gold 
swords, wolves heads and snakes as large as life of the same metal, 
depending from the handles, girls bearing silver bowls, body 


guards, &c. &c. are mingled together till we come to the King, 
seated in a chair of ebony and gold, and dressed much in the same 
way as described at the first interview. He is holding up his two 
fingers to receive the oath of the captain to the right, who, pointing 
to a distant country, vows to conquer it. On the right and left of 
the state umbrella are the flags of Great Britain, Holland, and 
Denmark. A group of painted figures are dancing up to the 
King, in the most extravagant attitudes, beating time Avith their 
long knives on the skulls stuck full of thyme. On the right of the 
King is the eunuch, who superintends the group of small boys, the 
children of the nobility, waving elephants tails, (spangled with 
gold,) feathers, &c.: behind him is the above mentioned captain 
and other chiefs dressed as in the left end of the drawing. Musi- 
cians, seated and standing, are playing on instruments cased or 
plated with gold. The officers of the Mission are next seen, their 
linguists in front, their soldiers, servants, and flag behind, at the 
back of whom is placed the King's state hammock, under its own 
umbrella. Adjoining the officers is old Quatchie Quofie and his 
followers ; at the top of his umbrella is stuck a small black Avooden 
image, with a bunch of rusty hair on the head, intending to repre- 
sent the famous Akim caboceer who was killed by him ; vain of 
the action, he is seen according to his usual custom, dancing 
before and deriding his fallen enemy, whilst his captains bawl out 
the deed, and halloo their acclamations. The manner of drinking 
9» palm wine is exhibited in the next group, a boy kneels beneath 
with a second bowl to catch the droppings, (it being a great 
luxury to suffer the liquor to run over the beard,) whilst the horns 
flourish, and the captains halloo the strong names. The Moors are 
easily distinguished by their caps, and preposterous turbans. One 
is blessing a Dagwumba caboceer, who is passing on horseback, 
(the animal covered with fetishes and bells,) escorted by his men 


in tunics, bearing lances, and his musicians with rude violins, 
distinct from the sanko. The back of the whole assemVjly is lined 
with royal soldiers, and the commoner ones are ranged in front, 
with here and there a captain and a group of musicians, who, some 
Avith an old cocked hat, some with a soldier's jacket, &g. tScc. afford 
a ludicrous appearance. This description will be rendered more 
illustrative of the drawing, by referring to that of our entre. 

The next morning the King ordered a large quantity of rum to 
be poured into brass pans, in various parts of the town ; the crowd 
pressing around, and drinking like hogs ; freemen and slaves, 
women and children, striking, kicking, and trampling each other 
under foot, pushed head foremost into the pans, and spilling much 
more than they drank. In less than an hour, excepting the prin- 
cipal men, not a sober person was to be seen, parties of four 
reeling and rolling under the weight of another, whom they affected 
to be carrying home ; strings of women covered with red paint, 
hand in hand, falling down like rows of cards ; the commonest 
mechanics and slaves furiously declaiming on state palavers ; the 
most discordant music, the most obscene songs, children of both 
sexes prostrate in insensibility. All wore their handsomest cloths, 
which they trailed after them to a great length, in a drunken 
emulation of extravagance and dirtiness.* 

Towards evening the populace grew sober again, the strange 
caboceers displayed their equipages in every direction, and at five 

• The description of tlie siege of Pondicherry in Voltaire occurred to me ; it v ill assist 
the imaginalion of the reader : " De grands magasins de liqueurs fortes y entretenaient 
I'ivrogncrie et tons les maux dont elle est le gcrme. C'cst une situation qu'il faut avoir 

vue. Les travaux, les gardes de la tranchee ctaient fails par des homines ivres 

- - - - De-lh. les scenes les plus honteuses et les plus destructives de la subordination et de 
la discipline. On a vu des ofliciers se collefer avec des soldats et mUle autres actions 
infames, dont le detail, renferme dans les homes de la verity la plus exacte, paraitrait une 
exageration monstreuse," 


o'clock there was a procession from the pahice to the south end of 
the town and back; the King and the dignitaries were carried in 
their hammocks, and passed through a continued blaze of musketry : 
the crush was dreadful. The next day (Monday) was occupied in 
state palavers, and on Tuesday the diet broke up, and most of the 
caboceers took leave. 

About a hundred persons, mostly culprits reserved, are generally 
sacrificed, in different quarters of the town, at this custom. Several 
slaves were also sacrificed at Bantama, over the large brass pan, 
their blood mingling with the various vegetable and animal matter 
within, (fresh and putrefied,) to complete the charm, and produce 
invincible fetish. All the chiefs kill several slaves, that their blood 
may flow into the hole from whence the new j^am is taken. Those 
who cannot afford to kill slaves, take the head of one already 
sacrificed and place it on the hole.* 

The royal gold ornaments are melted down every Yam Custom, 
and fashioned into new patterns, as novel as. possible This is a 
piece of state policy very imposing on the populace, and the 
tribatary chiefs who pay but an annual visit. 

About ten days after the custom, the whole of the royal houshold 
eat new yam for the first time, in the market place, the King 
attending. The next day he and the captains set off for Sarrasoo 
before sun rise, to perform their annual ablutions in the river Dah. 
Almost all the inhabitants follow him, and the^ capital appears 

* In Ahanta, at the Coiitoom or Harvest custom, each family erects its rude altar, 
composed of four sticks driven in the ground, and twigs laid across the top ; the whole is 
then covered with fresh pulled leaves. A hog, a sheep, a goat, or a fowl is killed, accord- 
ing to the means of the family, and the most delicate parts laid on the altar, a mixture is 
made of eggs, palm oil, palm wine, the blood of the animal slain, and other ingi-edients, 
and also dedicated to the fetish, in small pots placed on the altar. In a few days these 
altars become so offensive as to render it disagreeable to pass them, but they are never 


deserted ; the succeeding day the King washes in the marsh at the 
south-east end of the town, the captains hning the streets leading 
to it on both sides. He is attended b_y his suite, hut he laves the 
water with his own hands over himself, his chairs, stools, gold and 
silver plate, and the various articles of furniture used especially by 
him. Several brass pans are covered with white cloth, with various 
fetish under them. About twenty sheep are dipped, (one sheep 
and one goat only are sacrificed at the time,) to be killed in the 
palace in the afternoon, that their blood may be poured on the 
stools and door posts. All the doors, windows, and arcades of the 
palace, are plentifully besmeared with a mixture of eggs, and palm 
oil ; as also the stools of the different tribes and families. After the 
ceremony of washing is over, the principal captains precede the 
King to the palace, where, contrary to usual custom, none but 
those of the first rank are allowed to enter, to see the procession 
pass. The King's fetish men walk first, with attendants holding 
basins of sacred water, which they sprinkle plentifully over the 
chiefs with branches,* the more superstitious running to have a 
little poured on their heads, and even on their tongues. The King 
and his attendants all wear Avhite cloths on this occasion. Three 
white lambs are led before him, intended for sacrifice at his bed 
chamber. All his wives follow, with a guard of archers. 

Another national custom is the Adai, by the number of which 
the Ashantees appear to reckon their year, which began, I could 
not understand why, on the first of October. The common people 
pretend, or believe, that the time for repeating the Adai, is marked 
by the falling of a fruit like a gourd, from a tree called Brebretim, 
and which generally takes place in about twenty days from its first 
appearance, all the birds and beasts in the neighbourhood crying 

* " Idem ter socios pura circumtulit unda, 

Spargens rore levi et ramo felicis olivfe." ^n. vi 


out simultaneously. They further pretend, that from the fruit of 
this tree spring various kinds of vegetables. This account of the 
tree, known in Warsaw as well, is peculiar to Ashantee. The 
customs are alternately called the great and little Adai, the former 
taking place always on a Sunday, the latter on a Wednesday ; and 
it appeared to me, from calculation, that there were six weeks 
between each great Adai, and six between each little one, so that 
the custom was generally held every twenty-one days. 

The large drum which stands at the entrance of the palace, 
adorned with skulls and thigh bones, is struck with great force at 
sun set the preceding day, as a signal ; the whole of the establish- 
ment of the palace shout, and their shout is echoed by the people 
throughout the town. Music and firing generally beguile the night. 
The next morning the King goes to the fetish house, (Hiinma,) 
opposite the palace, and offers several sheep ; the blood of this 
sacrifice is poured on the gold stool, to which extraordinary virtues 
are ascribed, being considered the palladium of the kingdom : the 
deposition of Sai Quamina was protracted from his having it in his 
possession at Dwabin. The caboceers and captains, many coming 
fron) towns two or three days distant, begin to march to the large 
yard of the palace about sun rise, to secure their places. We 
generally attended between nine and ten, when the King had just 
seated himself. The first ceremony was penetrating to the King, 
through the various state oflScers and attendants, to wish him good 
morning, at which he slightly inclined his head. The chiefs as they 
advanced to do so, were supported and followed by a few favourite 
attendants, who flourished their swords in the air, the gold handles 
upwards, and the band of each began to play as he left his seat. 
Young caboceers of five and six years of age, stalked by with 
interesting vanity. After tliis the King left his chair, which was 
turned upside down, and retired a few minutes into the palace. 

o o 


All the horns flourished as he made his exit and entree ; swords, 
feathers, elephants tails, were waved rapidly, and the drums beaten 
with deafening effect. After he was seated, the linguists, preceded 
by their gold canes and insignia, presented a sheep, a flask of rum, 
(drank on the ground,) and ten ackies of gold to each superior 
captain, and somewhat less to the others. Another flourish pro- 
claimed the dispensation of the King's bount3^ Five or six men 
then rose ; and chaunted his deeds and titles for about ten minutes. 
I regret exceedingly that this chaunt was not noted, it was so 
harmonious. I observed them put something between their teeth 
before they began. The same tedious form of saluting the King 
was now repeated to return thanks. Any new law was afterwards 
promulgated, which occurred but twice during our stay, and the 
levee broke up on the King's leaving his chair. Not unfrequently 
the whole took place during heavy rain. It was computed that 
the King dashed or presented forty pereguins of gold (£400.) 
every Ada'i custom.* 

The decease of a person is announced by a discharge of muketry, 
proportionate to his rank, or the wealth of his family. In an 
instant you see a crowd of slaves burst from the house, and run 
towards the bush, flattering themsehes that the hindmost, or those 
surprised in the house, will furnish the human victims for sacrifice, 
if they can but secrete themselves until the custom is over. The 
body is then handsomely drest in silk and gold, and laid out on 

* The Ahanta's divide time into periods of three weeks. The first week is called 
Adai, and is termed tlie good week, in which much work is done ; and traders visit the 
maj-kets more frequently in tliis week than at any other time, supposing all they do in 
it must prosper. The second week is Ajamfoe, or tlie bad week, in which no work or 
trade is done, the natives believing every thing undertaken in it must faiJ. The third 
week is Adim, or the little good week, in which they both work and trade, but not as 
much as in the Ada'i. 


the bed, the richest cloths beside it.* One or two slaves are then 
sacrificed at the door of the house. I shall describe the custom 
for Quatchie Quofie's mother, which we witnessed August the 2d. ; 
it was by no means a great one, but it will give the most correct 
idea of these splendid, but barbarous ceremonies. The King, 
Quatchie Quofie, and Odumata each sacrificed a young girl directly 
the deceased had breathed her last, that she might not want for 
attendants until the greater sacrifice was made. The retainers, 
adherents, and friends of the family then sent contributions of 
gold, powder, rum, and cloth, to be expended at the custom; the 
King, as heir, exceeding every quota but that of the nearest rela- 
tive, who succeeded to the stool and slaves. The King also sent a 
sum of gold, and some rich cloths to be buried with the deceased, 
in the basket or coffin. I could not learn the various sums of gold • 
dust with sufficient accuracy to note them, but the following were 
the quantities of powder presented on the occasion : 

Quatchie Quofie - - 20 oz. (of gold) kegs. 

King - - - _ 4 

King's brother _ _ - 2 

Amanquate'a - - - 2 

Odumata - - - 2 

Apokoo - _ - 1 ^ ' 

Otee - - - - 1 

Yapensoo - - - 1 

Amanqua Abiniowa (the nephew) 2 

(Name illegible) - - 1 

Adoosey - - - 1 

Jessinting - - - 1 

Saphoo _ _ _ - 1 

Ooshoo - - - 1 

Inferior retainers - - 4 

44 nearly 12 barrels. 

* Turn membra toro defleta reponunt, 

Purpureasque super vestes, velamina nota, 
Conjiciunt ; ^n. vi. 

In Fantee they dress the body richly, and usually prop it erect in a chair, exposing it 


The inferior retainers of Quatchie Quotie gave four ackies of gold, 
and eight fathoms of cloth each. I was tokl these contributions 
were unusually small, from the command of the King that the 
greatest economy should be observed in every expenditure of 
powder, on account of the approaching war. 

We walked to Assafoo about twelve o'clock ; the vultures were 
hovering around two headless trunks, scarcely cold. Several troops 
of women, from fifty to a hundred in each, were dancing by in 
movements resembling skaiting, lauding and bewailing the deceased 
in the most dismal, yet not discordant strains ; audible, from the 
vast number, at a considerable distance. Other troops carried 
the rich cloths and silks of the deceased on their heads, in shining 
brass pans, twisted and stuffed into crosses, cones, globes, and a 
fanciful variety of shapes only to be imagined, and imposing at a 
small distance the appearance of rude deities. The faces, arms, 
and breasts of these women were profusely daubed with red earth, 
in horrid enmlation of those who had succeeded in besmearing 
themselves with the blood of the victims. The crowd was over- 
bearing; horns, drums, and muskets, yells, groans, and screeches 
invaded our hearing with as many horrors as were crowded on our 
sight. Now and then a victim was hurried by, generally dragged 
or run along at full speed ; the uncouth dress, and the exulting 
countenances of those who surrounded him, likening them to as 
many fiends. I observed apathy, more frequently than despair or 
emotion, in the looks of the victims. The chiefs and captains were 
arriving in all directions, announced by the firing of muskets, and 
the pecuhar flourishes of their horns, many of which were by this 
time familiar to us ; they were then habited plainly as warriors, 

until it is dangerous to do so any longer : they bury it in their house, with as many gold 
ornaments as they can afford to dedicate. The men called the town drummers are only 
allowed to die standing, and when expiring are snatched up, and supported in thttt 
^wsture. In Ahauta they freciuently exhibit the body chalked all over. 


and were soon lost to our sight in the crowd. As old Odumata 
passed in his hammock, he bade us observe him well when he 
passed again : tliis prepared us in a small degree. Presently the 
King's arrival in the market place was announced, the crowd rolled 
towards it impetuously, but the soldiery hacked on all sides indis- 
crimmately, and formed a passage for the procession. Quatchie 
Quofie hurried by, plunging from side to side like a Bacchanal, 
drunk with the adulation of his bellowing supporters ; his attitudes 
were responsive to the horror and barbarism of the exultations 
which inspired them. The victims, with large knives driven through 
their cheeks, eyed him with indifference; he them with a savage 
joy, bordering on phrenzy : insults were aggravated on the one, 
flattery lavished on the other. Our disgust was beguiled for an 
instant by surprise. The chiefs who had just before passed us in 
their swarthy cloths, and the dark gloomy habits of war, now 
followed Quatchie Quofie, ghstening in all the splendor of their 
fetish dresses ; (see drawing, No. I.) the sprightly variety of their 
movements ill accorded with the ceremony. Old Odumata's vest 
was covered with fetish, cased invariably in gold or silver. A 
variety of extraordinary ornament and novel insignia, courted and 
reflected the sun in every direction. It was like a splendid panto- 
mime after a Gothic tragedy. 

We followed to the market place. The King, and the chiefs not 
immediately connected with Quatchie Quofie, were seated under 
their canopies, with the usual insignia and retinue, and lined about 
the half of a circle, apparently half a mile in circumference; the 
soldiery completed it, their respective chiefs situated amongst 
them. Thirteen victims, surrounded by their executioners, whose 
black shaggy caps and vests gave them the appearance of bears 
rather than men, were pressed together by the crowd to the left of 
the King. The troops of women, before described, paraded without 


the circle, vociferating the dirge. Rum and palm wine were 
flowing copiously, horns and drums were exerted even to frenzy. 
In an instant there Avas a burst of musketry near the King, and it 
spread and continued incessantly, around the circle, for upwards 
of an hour. The soldiers kept their stations, but the chiefs, after 
firing, bounded once round the area with the gesture and extra- 
vagance of iiiadmen ; their panting followers enveloping them in 
flags, occasionally firing in all the attitudes of a scaramouch, and 
incessantly bellowing the strong names of their exulting chief, 
whose musket they snatched from his hands directly he had fired. 
An old hag, described as the head fetish woman of the family, 
screamed and plunged about in the midst of the fire as if in the 
greatest agonies. The greater the chief the heavier the charge of 
powder he is allowed to fire; the heaviest charge recollected, was 
that fired by the King on the death of his sister, 18 ackies, or an 
ounce avoirdupoise. Their blunderbusses and long guns were 
almost all braced closely with the cordage of the country ; they 
were generally supported by their attendants whilst they fired, 
several did not appear to recover it for nearly a minute ; Odumata's 
old frame seemed shaken almost to dissolution. Many made a 
point of collecting near us, just within the circle, and firing as close 
as possible to startle us ; the frequent bursting of their nmskets 
made this rather alarming as well as disagreeable. The firing 
abated, they drank freely from the bowls of palm wine, religiously 
pouring a small quantity on the ground before they raised them to 
their lips.* *' 

* " Hie duo rite mero libans carchesia Bacclio 

" Fundit humi. ^n. v. 

" Oivov S'lx ScTracuv yu\i.c&\z X^ov, ouos tjj srXvj 

The Asbantees do so not only on solemn occasions, but invariably ; and it •would seem 
that the Greeks did, from the following words of Hecuba to Hector, 


The principal females of the family, many of them very hand- 
some, and of elegant figures, came forward to dance ; dressed, 
generally, in yellow silk, with a silver knife hung by a chain round 
their necks; one with a gold, another with a silver horn; a few 
were dressed as fetish women; an vimbrella was held over the grand 
daughter as she danced. The Ashantees dance incomparably 
better than the people of the Avater side, indeed elegantly; the 
sexes do not dance separately, as in Fantee, but the man encir- 
cles the woman with a piece of silk which he generally flirts in his 
right hand, supports her round the waist, receives her elbows in 
the palms of his hands, and a variety of figures approximating, 
with the time and movement, very closely to the waltz. 

A dash of sheep and rum was exchanged between the King and 
Quatchie Quofie, and the drums announced the sacrifice of the 
victims. All the chiefs first visited them in turn ; I was not near 
enough to distinguish wherefore. The executioners wrangled and 
struggled for the oflice, and the indifference with which the first 
poor creature looked on, in the torture he was from the knife 
passed through his cheeks, was remarkable : the nearest executioner 
snatched the sword from the others, the right hand of the victim 
was then lopped off, he was thrown down, and his head was sawed 
rather than cut oflT; it was cruelly prolonged, I will not say wilfully. 
Twelve more were dragged forward, but we forced our way through 
the crowd, and retired to our quarters. Other sacrifices, princi- 
pally female, were made in the bush where the body was buried_ 
It is usual to " wet the grave " with the blood of a freeman of 
respectability. All the retainers of the family being present, and 
the heads of all the victims deposited in the bottom of the grave, 

" 'AAAa fjisv , otpgct xc rot fiEXirjSea olvov hstxai, 
'12f 0";r£io")j5 Aii' Trargt xai aAAoij aSavKToicri 
Ylg&TOV sTTsna 8s x'ctvTos wijVeai, a" xe 7ri'i](rO«' " OfJ-fip, §■ 


several are unsuspectingly called on in a hurry to assist in placing 
the coffin or basket, and just as it rests on the heads or skulls, a slave 
from behind stuns one of these freemen by a violent blow, followed 
by a deep gash in the back part of the neck, and he is rolled in on 
the top of the body, and the grave instantly filled up. A sort of 
carnival, varied by firing, drinking, singing, and dancing, was kept 
up in Assafoo for several days ; the chiefs generally visiting it 
every evening, or sending their linguists with a dash of palm wine 
or rum to Quatchie Quofie ; and I was given to understand, that, 
but for the approaching war and the necessary economy of 
powder, there would have been eight great customs instead of one, 
for this woman, one weekly, the King himself firing at the last. 
The last day, ail the females in any way connected with the fandly 
(who are not allowed to eat for three days after the death, though 
they may drink as much palm wine as they please,) paraded round 
the town, singing a compliment and thanks to all those who had 
assisted in making the custom. 

On the death of a King, all the Customs which have been made 
for the subjects who have died during his reign, must be simulta- 
neously repeated by the families, (the human sacrifices as well as the 
carousals and pageantry) to amplify that for the monarch, which 
is also solemnised, independently, but at the same time, in every 
excess of extravagance and barbarity. The brothers, sons, and 
nephews of the King, affecting temporary insanity, burst forth with 
their muskets, and fire promiscously amongst the crowd ; even a 
man of rank, if they meet him, is their victim, nor is their murder 
of him or any other, on such an occasion, visited or prevented ; 
the scene can scarcely be imagined. Few persons of rank dare to 
stir from their houses for the first two or three days, but religiously 
drive forth all their vassals and slaves, as the most acceptable 
composition of their own absence. The King's Ocras, who will be 


mentioned presently, are all murdered on his tomb, to the number 
of a hundred or more, and women in abundance. I was assured 
by several, that the custom for Sai Quamina, was repeated weekly 
for three months, and that two hundred slaves Avere sacrificed, 
and 25 barrels of powder fired, each time. But the custom 
for the King's mother, the regent of the kingdom during the inva- 
sion of Eantee, is most celebrated. The King of himself devoted 
3000 victims, (upwards of 2000 of whom were Fantee prisoners) 
and 25 barrels of powder.* Dwabin, Kokoofoo, Becqua, Soota, 
and Marmpong, furnished 100 victims, and 20 barrels of powder, 
each, and most of the smaller towns 10 victims, and two barrels of 
powder, each. The Kings, and Kings only, are buried in the 
cemetery at Bantama, and the sacred gold buried with them ; (see 
Laws ;) their bones are afterwards deposited in a building there, 
opposite to which is the largest brass pan I ever saw, (for sacri- 
fices,) being about five feet in diameter, with four small lions on 
the edge. Here human sacrifices are frequent and ordinary, to 
water the graves of the Kings. The bodies of chiefs are frequently 
carried about with the' army, to keep them for interment at home, 
and eminent revulters or enemies also, to be exposed in the capital. 
Boiteam, (the father of Otee the fourth linguist,) who accom])anied 
the army jof Abiniowa in his political capacity, dying at Akrofroom 
in Aquapim, during the campaign, his body was kept with the 
army two months before it arrived at Coomassie. I could not get 
any information on their treatment of the corpse, beyond their 
invariable reply that they smoked it well over a slow fire. 

'J'he laws of Ashantee allow the King 3333 wives, which number 
is carefully kept up, to enable him to present women to those- who 

* Suetonius tells us that Augustus sacrificed 300 of the principal citizens of Pcrusia, 
to the manes of his uncle Julius, We read in Prevost, that 64080 persons were sacri- 
ficed, with aggravated barbarity, in the dedication of a temple in Mexico. 

P p 


distinguish themselves, but never exceeded, being in their eyes a 
mystical one. Many of these reside in a secluded part of the 
King's croom, or country residence, at Barramang; a greater 
number in a croom, at the back of the palace, immediately in the 
marsh ; and the remainder in two streets of the capital. Many, 
probably, the King has never seen. The streets as well as the 
croom, are inhabited by them exclusively, and never approached 
but by the King's messengers, or their female relatives, who only 
communicate with them at the entrances, which are closed at each 
end with bamboo doors, where there is always a guard. If the 
King co7isazt's or marries an infant at the breast, which is not 
unfrequent, she is thenceforth confined to the house, and rigorously 
secluded from the sight of any but the female part of her family. 
The King has seldom more than six wives resident with him in the 
palace. On the occasion of signing the treaty, as explained in the 
public letter, about 300 were assembled, and none but the King's 
Chamberlain, and the deputies of the parts of the government, 
were allowed to be present : they were addressed through their 
own linguist, a very decrepid old man ; many of them were very 
handsome, and their figures exquisite. When they go out, which 
is seldom, they are encircled and preceded by troops of small boys 
with thongs or whips of elephants hide, who lash every one severely 
who does not quit their path for another, or jump into the bush 
with his hands before his eyes ; and sometimes the offenders are 
heavily fined besides. The scrambling their approach occasioned, 
in the more pubhc parts of the city, was very diverting; captains, 
caboceers, slaves, and children tumbling one over another. I was 
told what it cost the King daily to support them, but it has escaped 
me ; they are said to live as daintily as himself. None but the chief 
eunuch, an immense creature, is allowed to bear a message to the 
King when in the seraglio of the palace. 


It has been mentioned before, that the King's sisters are not 
only countenanced in intrigue, with any handsome subject, but 
they are allowed to choose any eminently so, (however inferior 
otherwise,) as a husband ; who is presently advised by the King 
of his good fortune ; thus they consider they provide for a per- 
sonal superiority in their monarchs. But if the royal bride dies 
before the husband, unless his rank be originally elevated, he is 
expected to kill himself on the occasion, and also if the only male 
child dies : if he hesitates, he is peremptorily reminded that as 
either are his superiors, to whom he is to be considered as a slave, 
so he must attend them wherever they go ; and when a male child 
is born, the father does it homage and acknowledges his vassalage 
in the most abject manner. 

The Ocra's are distinguished by a large circle of gold suspended 
from the neck ; many of them are favourite slaves, many, com- 
moners who have distinguished themselves, and Avho are glad to 
stake their lives on the King's, to be kept free from palavers and 
supported by his bounty, which they are entirely ; some few are 
relatives and men of rank. All of the two former classes, excepting 
only the two or three individuals known to have been entrusted 
with the King's state secrets, are sacrificed on his tomb. The royal 
messengers, and others of the suite have been described in the pro- 
cessions; they are sometimes fed in the palace, but they have a free 
seat at the table of every subject. 

The King has a troop of small boys, who carry the fetish bows 
and arrows, and are licensed plunderers ; they are so sly and 
nimble, that it is very diverting to watch them in the market place, 
Avhich they infest every morning. Whatever they can carry off is 
fair game, and cannot be required or recovered ; but the loser, if 
he can catch them before they arrive at the palace, may beat them 
as severely as he pleases, short of mortal injury ; however, they 


bear it as obdurately as young Spartans, Sometimes one party 
trips up a person with a load of provisions, whilst another scrambles 
them up : the anxious alarm of the market people, sitting with 
sticks in their hands, and the comic archness of these boys thread- 
ing the crowd in all directions, is indescribable. Some of the 
earliest European travellers in Abyssinia met with a similar troop 
of royal plunderers, and I believe suffered from them ; our pro- 
perty was always respected by them, but they used to entertain 
themselves with mimicking our common expressions and our actions, 
which they did inimitably : whilst sketching, they buzzed about me 
like musquitoes. The Ashantees are without exception the most 
surprising mimics I have ever heard. I have known a captain, 
called Adoo Quamina, repeat a sentence after I had finished it, of 
at least a dozen words, which he knew nothing about, and had not 
heard before. The King has a sort of butfoon, whose movements 
were as irresistibly comic as those of Grimaldi. 

The King appeared to have nearly a hundred negroes of different 
colors, through the shades of red and pink to Avhite; they were 
collected for state, but were generally disgusting objects, diseased 
and emaciated ; they always seemed as if going to shed their skins, 
and their eyes blinked in the light, as if it was not their element. 

About twenty pots of while soup, and twenty pots of black 
(made with palm nuts) are cooked daily at the palace, (besides 
those for the consumption of the household,) for visitors of conse- 
quence, and a periguin of gold is given daily to Yokokroko, the 
chamberlain, for palm wine. This would have appeared too large 
a sum, had I not witnessed the vast consumption and waste of it ; 
for the vigour of an Ashantee being estimated by the measure of 
the draught he can drink off; nearly half is generally spilt over 
his beard, which it is his greatest pride and luxury to draw through 
his fingers when wet. The King was very proud of the superior 


length of his beard. A large cjuantity of palm wine is dashed to 
the retinues of all the captains attending in the course of the day ; 
much is expended in the almost daily ceremony of drinking it in 
state in the market place ; and our party was always well provided 
for in the course of the evening. The palm wine at the palace 
was seldom good, but a zest was excited by the exquisite pohsh of 
the plate in which it was served. Apokoo, Odumata, and others, 
sent us some daily that was excellent. 

It is to be observed that the King's weights are one third heavier 
than the current weights of the country ; and all the gold ex]:)ended 
in provision being weighed out in the foi'mer, and laid out in the 
latter, the difference enriches the chamberlain, cook, and chief 
domestic officers of the palace, as it is thought derogatory to a 
King avowedly to pay his subjects for their services. In the same 
manner the linguists derive the greater part of their incomes, (their 
influence being occasionally purchased,) for all the dashes or 
presents of gold the King makes in the year, are weighed out by 
the royal weights, and re-weighed by them in the current ones. 
The law allows a debtor to recover of a reluctant or tardy creditor, 
in the King's weights, besides the interest, (noticed in the laws,) if 
he is esteemed enough by Apokoo the treasurer, to be trusted with 
them ; or rather, if he can afford to bribe him, or engages to share 
t\\e profit with him. 

After a subject is executed for crime, the body and head are 
carried out of town by some of the King's slaves, appointed for 
that purpose, and thrown where the wild beasts may devour them; 
but if the deceased be of any cons^-quence, some of his friends 
conceal themselves near where they know the body will be carried, 
and purchase it, and the right of burial, of these domestics, gene- 
rally for eight ackjes. Tiiere are a number of fine large sheep, 
decorated with bells and other ornaments, about the palace. If 


any person gets into an ordinary palaver, and wishes the King's 
interference in his favor, he goes to the captain who has the 
charge of these sheep, pays him 20 ackies for one, and sends or 
takes it to the King, as a dash, who commits it again to the care 
of the captain. 

When the King sends an ambassador, he enriches the splendor 
of his suite and attire as much as possible ; sometimes provides it 
entirely ; but it is all surrendered on the return, (except the addi- 
tional wives) and forms a sort of public state wardrobe. The King's 
system of espionage is much spoken of (for its address and infal- 
libility) by Apokoo and others, who abet it. A shrewd but mean 
boy is attached to, or follows the embassy, (sometimes with a 
trader,) in the commonest capacity and meanest attire ; and he is 
instructed to collect every report as he passes, and to watch the 
motions of the embassy as closely as possible. As the extortions 
of these deputies are always loudly and publicly complained of by 
the injured inhabitants of the dependent or tributary crooms they 
pass through, (perhaps being aware they will reach the King's 
ears,) the particulars are easily acquired. The messengers who 
were sent with our first dispatches to Cape Coast, excusing the 
length of the time, (forty days) by alleging that it was found 
necessary to collect a session of the Fantee caboceers at Paintree ; 
the King replied, " You tell me a lie ; you fined a captain there 
four ounces for breaking an Ashantee law, and you waited to 
procure and expend the gold, not intending it should be known." 
The men instantly confessed, and were put in irons ; one was the 
brother of Yokokroko, who paid six ounces for his release, after 
several days. 

When the King spits, the boys with the elephants tails sedulously 
wipe it up, or cover it with sand ; when he sneezes, every person 
present touches, or lays the two first fingers across the forehead 


and breast, as the Moors did when they pronounced a blessing, 
and the Ashantees, invariably, to propitiate one. These troops of 
boys who carry the elephants tails, are the sons of men of rank 
and confidence ; for whenever the King dignifies a deserving sub- 
ject, with what may be termed nobility, he exchanges some of 
his own sons or nephews, (from eight to fourteen years of age,) for 
those of the individual, who maintains them, and for whom they 
perform the same offices, as his own and others do for the King. 
Thus the present King (the short reign of his brother Sa'i Apokoo 
being unanticipated) carried an elephants tail before Apokoo, 
whose kindness and indulgence to the child secured the preference 
of the monarch. 

It is a frequent practice of the King's, to consign sums of gold 
to the care of rising captains, without requiring them from them 
for two or three years, at the end of which time he expects the 
captain not only to restore the principal, but to prove that he has 
acquired sufficient of his own, from the use of it, to support the 
greater dignity the King would confer on him. If he has not, his 
talent is thought too mean for further elevation. Should he have 
no good traders amongst his dependents, (for if he has there is no 
difficulty) usury and worse resources are countenanced, and 
thought more creditable than a failure, ascribed to want of talent 
rather than to a regard of principle. 

The fees to the King's household on a captain being raised to a 
stool, are generally eight ounces. I saw two instances of the 
HtKing paying them himself; the individuals, very suddenly elevated 
|for extraordinary courage, being too poor to do so. They were 
immediately dispatched to collect tributes, the per centage on 
which, (see Laws,) and the douceurs, which may be judged of by 
the amount provided for them in the settlement of the Commenda 
palaver, would possess them of a good sum to begin with. 


The interference of Amanquatea, Quatchie Quofie, Odumata, 
and Apokoo, is purchased at a most extravagant rate by offenders, 
whether foreigners or subjects ; it is irresistible with the King ; 
Apokoo is generally preferred ; minor influence is purchased in 
proportion. No subject can sit in public with a cushion on his 
stool, unless it has been presented to him by the King, or one of 
the four, who, as well as all the other superior captains, receive a 
periguin of gold for every oath the King exacts of them. 

During the minority, or the earlier part of the reign of a monarch, 
the linguists and oldest counsellors visit him betimes every morn- 
ing, and repeat, in turn, all the great deeds of his ancestors. The 
greatest deference seemed to be paid to aged experience or wisdom. 
Apokoo is the keeper of the royal treasury, and has the care of 
all the tributes, which are deposited, separately, in a large apart- 
ment of the palace, of which he only has the key. Numerous and 
various as the sums are, he disposes of them by a local association 
which is said to be infallible with him, for the Moorisii secretary, 
(who resided some time at Hio,) only records the greater political 
events. Apokoo holds a sort of exchequer court at his own house 
daily, (when he is attended by two of the King's linguists, and 
various state insignia,) to decide all cases affecting tribute or 
revenue, and the appeal to the King is seldom resorted to. He 
generally rechned on his lofty bed, (of accumulated cushions, and 
covered with a large rich cloth or piece of silk,) with two or three 
of his handsomest wives near him, whilst the pleadings were going 
forward. He was always much gratified when I attended, an 
rose to seat me beside him. I observed that all Calculations wen 
made, explained, and recorded, by cowries. In one instance, after 
being convinced by a variety of evidence that a public debtor was 
unable to pay gold, he commuted sixteen ounces of gold, for twenty 
men slaves. Several captains, Avho were his followers, attended 

8 , 



this court daily with large suites, and it was not only a crowded, 
but frequently a splendid scene. Before the footoorh or treasury 
bag is unlocked by the weigher, though it be by the King's order, 
Apokoo must strike it with his hand in sanction. 

In all public trials, the charges are preferred, in outline, against 
the criminal by the King's linguists, and he is always heard fully, 
and obliged to commit or exculpate himself on every point, and to 
take the various primary oaths, before the Avitnesses are confronted 
with him ; of whom he is kept as ignorant as possible until the 
moment of their appearance. The oaths, sometimes four or five, 
are progressive, generally beginning by the King's foot, or some 
arbitrary form, and are, apparently, not considereda wful or deci- 
sive; such perjuries being commutable by fine. But when the oath, 
" by the King's father," is administered, every one looks serious, 
and if, " by Cormantee and Saturday" (see History) is resorted to, 
there is a gloomy silence; but this is seldom ventured, if the wit- 
nesses, (hurried in with a sort of stage effect between that and the 
former oaths,) confound or perplex the accused, 

There are various ways of taking fetish; the two I observed, 
were, licking a white fowl twice or thrice, and drinking a nauseous 
vegetable juice without coughing: it was administered by the 
linguists out of a brass pan in a folded leaf of the plant. If the 
accused is cleared, he comes forward, and is marked with white 
chalk by the linguists, after which he bows to, and thanks all the 
great men in the council. Taking doom is the infallible test, when 
they consider the case to be too doubtful for human decision. The 
bark of that tree is put into a large calabash with water, so as 
to make a strong infusion ; it is stirred up whilst the suspected 
parties sip in turn, It operates, instantaneously and convulsively, 
as a most violent emetic and purge; those who sip first may 


recover, and the dregs are frequently left designedly for the 

The criers, upwards of a hundred, who always attend the linguists, 
are all deformed or maimed, to make them more conspicuous ; 
they wear a monkey skin cap, with a gold plate in front, and the 
tail hanging down behind. Their common exclamations are, 
' Tehoo ! Tehing ! Odiddee ! Be silent ! Be quiet ! Pray hear ! and 
these are so incessantly uttered, that they are themselves the only 
interruption. Several less interesting peculiarities are represented 
in the drawings of the Yam Custom, and associated with other 

A general is appointed to the command of an army b}"^ receiving 
a gold handled sword of the King's from his hand, (who strikes 
him gently with it three times on the head,) swearing to return it 
encrusted with the blood of his conquered enemies. One of the 
King's linguists always- accompanies an army of any consequence, 
to whom all the politics of the war are entrusted, and whose talent 
and intelligence in negotiating, are expected to mature the fruits 
of the military genius of the general, and to reimburse the expense 
of the war by heavy fines and contributions. The Ashantees are 
as superior in discipline as in courage to the people of the water 
side, though their discipline is limited to the following precautions. 
They never»pursue when it is near sun set ; the general is always 
in the rear; the secondary captains lead the soldiers on, whilst 
those in command, with a few chosen individuals, urge them for- 
ward from the rear with their heavy swords, and cut any man 
down Avho retreats until the case is desperate. The first object of 

* In the Warsaw country tliere is said to be a more dreadful poison called Sabe : if 
it is thrown upon the skin, it is absorbed by the pores, and has nearly the same instan- 
taneous mortal effect as when given internally. 


the Ashantee in close fight, is, to fire and spring upon the throat 
of his enemy ; to advance every time he fires he feels to be impera- 
tive, if his commander thinks it possible, Avho would, otherwise, if 
he escaped death in the action, inflict it on him directly it was 
over. It is one of the sentences of the most popular song in Coo- 
massie, " if I fight I die, if I run away I die, better I go on and 
die." They are as the antient Spaniards have been described, 
" prodiga gens animee et properare facillima mortem." The general 
has his umbrella spread in the rear, 'and, besides his guard, has 
several extra muskets ready loaded for those soldiers who may be 
driven to him in case of reverse. His band plays all the time, and 
in his assumed contempt for the enemy, it is the etiquette for him 
to divert himself at some game, whilst the heads of the slain of any 
rank in the hostile army are sent to hint* to put his foot on. When 
the result of an important action is expected, even with an anxiety 
by no means sanguine, lyid the messengers are known to be near 
the capital, the King is always seated in public, with his golden 
worra board before him, plaj'ing with some dignitary ; and thus 
receives the news, to impress the people with confidence by his 
affected indifiference to victory or defeat, when superstition had 
revealed and fated inevitable success ultimately 

All the superior captains have peculiar flourishes or strains for 
their horns, adapted to short sentences, which are always recog- 
nised, and will be repeated on enquiry by any Ashantee you may 
meet walking in the streets, though the horns are not only out of 
sight, but at a distance to be scarcely audible. These flourishes 
are of a strong and distinct character. The King's horns uttered, 
" I pass all Kings in the world." Apokoo's, " Ashantees, do you 
do right now?" Gimma's, " Whilst I live no harm can come." 
Bundahenna's, " I am a great King's son." Amanqua's, " No one 
dares trouble me." This will be further noticed in the chapter on 


Music. These peculiar flourishes are more particularly for their 
government in action, for all the soldiery, indeed I might say all 
the women and children, being familiar with every flourish, the 
positions of the various chiefs are judged of when the}-^ cannot be 
seen; whether they are advancing, falling back, or attempting to 
flank the enemy by penetrating the woods, is known, and the 
movements of all the others become co-operative, as much as pos- 
sible. The King's horns go to the market place every night, as near 
to midnight as they can judge, and flourish a very peculiar strain, 
which was rendered to me, " King Sai thanks all his captains and 
all his people for to-day." 

Several of the hearts of the enemy are cut out by the fetish men 
who follow the army, and the blood and small pieces being mixed, 
(with much ceremony and incantation,) with various consecrated 
herbs, all those who have never killed an enemy before eat a por- 
tion, for it is believed that if they did not, their vigor and courage 
would be secretly wasted by the haunting spirit of the deceased. 
It was said that the King and all the dignitaries partook of the 
heart of any celebrated enemy; this was only whispered; that they 
wore the smaller joints, bones, and the teeth of the slain monarchs 
was evident as well as boasted. One man was pointed out to me, 
as always eating the heart of the enemy he killed with his own 
hand. The number of an army is ascertained or preserved in 
cowries or coin by Apokoo. When a successful general returns, 
he waits about two days at a short distance from the capital, to 
receive the King's compliments, and to collect all the splendor 
possible for his entree, to encourage the army and infatuate the 
people. The most famous generals are distinguished by the addi- 
tion of warlike names, more terrific than glorious, as they designate 
their manner of destroying their jirisoners. Apokoo was called 
Abo'awassa, because he was in the habit of cutting off th^r arms. 


Appia, Sheaboo, as he beats their heads in pieces with a stone. 
Amanqua, Abiniowa, as he cuts off their legs. 

The army is prohibited during the active parts of a campaign, 
from all food but meal, which each man carries in a small bag at 
his side, and mixes in his hands with the first water he comes to; 
this, they allege, is to prevent cooking fires from betraying their 
position, or anticipating a surprise. In the intervals, (for this meal 
is seldom eaten more than once a day,) they chew the boossee or 
gooroo nut. This meal is vevy nourishing and soon satisfies; we 
tried it on our march down. Ashantee spies have been stationed 
three and four days in the high trees overlooking Cape Coast 
Castle, with no other supply than this meal and a little water, 
before the army has shewn itself. There is always a distinct body 
of recruits wMth the army, to dispatch those with their knives whom 
the musket has only wounded, and they are all expected to return 
well armed from despoiling the enemy, or they are not esteemed 
of promise, and dismissed to some servile occupation. I could not 
find that they had any idea of fortifications, though undoubtedly 
common to the large cities on the Niger. 

It is the invariable policy of Ashantee to make the contingency 
of the power last subdued, the revolters recently quelled, or the^ 
allies last accepted, the van of their army throughout the campaign, 
and very frequently there are no Ashantees but captains with the' 
army ; but it is composed entirely of tributaries and allies. Thus 
Odumata subdued Banda Avith an army of Gamans. In the 
Ashantee body of the army, which is alwa3's that of reserve, the 
youngest or last made captain marches and engages first, and the 
others follow seriatim, until Odumata precedes Quatchie Quofie, 
Amanqua follows him, and Apokoo precedes the King. Were the 
country generally open, I have no doubt, necessity and their mili- 
tary genius would have suggested greater arrangement and com- 


pactness in their movement, which is nevertheless very orderly. 
Two divisions of an army are rarely allowed to go the same path, 
lest, being in want of supplies, the neighbourhood should prove 
inadequate. Aboidwee, our house master, (see correspondence on 
the Ashantee suicide) who has 1700 retainers, always precedes the 
King's or Apokoo's division, (which will exclusively occupy the 
Banda path in the invasion of Gaman) to raise a bamboo house for 
the King's reception when he comes up. 

Infants are frequently married to infants, for the connection of 
families; and infants are as frequently M^edded by adults and 
elderly men. The ceremony is to send the smaller piece of cloth, 
worn around the middle, to the infant, and a handsome dash of 
gold to the mother, as her care then ceases to be a duty, but 
becomes a service performed to the husband, who also sends fre- 
quent presents for the support of the child. Apokoo told me it 
was a good plan for a man to adopt who wished to get gold, for as 
the circumstance Avas seldom generally known, the most innocent 
freedom when the girl became ten or eleven years old, grounded a 
palaver against the individual, though he might consider he was but 
fondling a child, and be wholly ignorant of her marriage. I after- 
wards understood from several others, that this view was the 
leading motive.* 

It frequently happens, when the family of the wife is too powerful 
for the husband to venture to put her to death for intrigue, that he 
takes oft' her nose as a stigma and punishment, and makes her the 
wife of one of his slaves. A wife who betrays a secret is sure to 
lose her upper lip, and, if discovered listening to a private conver- 
sation of her husband's, an car. Women so maimed are to be met 

* On the Coast, the bride's character is very notoriously pul)hshed, for part of tlie 
husband's present to her family being a flask of rum, and that not sent until the next day; 
whether it is brimful, or somewhat wanting, indicates her virginity, or early frailty. 


with in all parts of the town. Prostitutes are numerous and 
countenanced. No Ashantee forces his daughter to become the 
wife of the man he wishes, but he instantly disclaims her support 
and protection on her refusal, and would persecute the mother if 
she afforded it , thus abandoned, they have no resource but prosti- 
tution. During the menses, the women of the capital retire to the 
plantations or crooms in the bush.* 

In visiting, the chief always gives his principal slaves a tew sips 
of the liquor offered to him, not for security, for it is more fre- 
quently after than before he has drank, but as a mark of his favour. 
He will frequently give his daughter in marriage to a confidential 
slave, but where there are a few thus distinguished and indulged, 
(apparently as a political check upon a heterogeneous populace,) 
there are thousands barely existing. 

Their principal games are Worra-]- (see drawing. No. 10.) wt^ich 
I could not understand, and Drafts, which both Moors and 
Negroes play well and constantly. Their method resembles the 
Polish, they take and move backwards and forwards, and a king 
has the bishop's move in chess. They have another game, for which 
a board is perforated like a cribbage board, but in numerous 
oblique lines, traversing each other in all directions, and each com- 
posed of three holes for pegs ; the players begin at the same 
instant, with an equal number of pegs, and he who inserts or 
completes a line first, in spite of the baulks of his adversary, takes 
a peg from him, until the stock of either is exhausted. ' 

* The women of Ahanta, on the same occasion, are prohibited from entering any inha- 
bited place ; and if tliey attempt to go into a house, are heavily fined or punished. If 
the family is respectable, they generally erect a temporary shed to shelter her ; the poorer 
class are forced to endure the inclemencies of the weather without any retreat. 

•f- This game is said to be played in Syria also. • 



Architecture, Arts, and Manufactures. 

1 H E construction of the ornamental architecture of Coomassie 
reminded me forcibly of the ingenious essay of Sir James Hall, (in 
the Edinburgh Philosophical Transactions,) tracing the Gothic 
order to an architectural imitation of wicker work. The drawings 
will serve to shew the various and uncommon character of their 
architectural ornaments, adopted from those of interior countries, 
and, confessedly, in no degree originating with themselves. 

In building a house, a mould was made for receiving the swish 
or clay, by two rows of stakes and wattle work, placed at a distance 
equal to the intended thickness of the wall ; as two mud walls were 
raised at convenient distances, to receive the plum pudding stone 
which formed the walls of the vitrified fortresses in Scotland. The 
interval was then filled up with a gravelly clay, mixed with water, 
with Avhich the outward surface of the frame or stake work was 
also thickly plastered, so as to impose the appearance of an entire 
thick mud wall. The houses had all gable ends, and three thick 
poles were joined to each ; one from the highest point, forming the 
ridge of the roof, and one on each side, from the base of the tri- 
angular part of the gable ; these supported a frame work of 
bamboo, over which an interwoven thatch of palm leaves was laid, 
and tied with the runners of trees, first to the large poles running 


from gable to gable, and afterwards, (within,) to the interlacing of 
the bamboo fi-ame work, which was painted black and poUshed, 
so as to look much better than any rude cieUng would, of which 
they have no idea ; a small part appears in the houses in the 
drawing of Adoom-street (No. 9-) The pillars, which assist to 
support the roof, and form the proscenium or open front, (which 
none but captains are allowed to have to their houses) were thick 
poles, afterwards squared with a plastering of swish. The steps 
and raised floor of these rooms were clay and stone, with a thick 
layer of red earth, which abounds in the neighbourhood, and these 
were washed and painted daily, Avith an infusion of the same earth 
in water ; it has all the appearance of red ochre, and from the 
abundance of iron ore in the neighbourhood, I do not doubt it is. 
The walls still soft, they formed moulds or frame works of the 
patterns in dehcate slips of cane, connected by grass. The two 
first slips (one end of each being inserted in the soft wall) projected 
the relief, commonly n)ezzo : the interstices were then filled up with 
the plaster, and assumed the appearance depicted. The poles or 
pillars were sometimes encircled by twists of cane, intersecting 
each other, which, being filled up with thin plaster, resembled the 
lozenge and cable ornaments of the Anglo-Norman order; the 
quatre-foil was very common, and by no means rude, from the 
symmetrical bend of the cane which formed it. I saw a few pillars, 
(after they had been squared with the plaster) with numerous slips 
of cane pressed perpendicularly on to the wet surface, which being 
covered again with a very thin coat of plaster, closely resembled 
fluting. When they formed a large arch, they inserted one end of 
a thick piece of cane in the wet clay of the floor or base, and 
bending the other over, inserted it in the same manner; the enta- 
blature was filled up with wattle work plastered over. Arcades 
and piazzas were common. A white wash, very frequently renewed, 

R r 


was made from a clay in the neighbourhood. Of course the 
plastering is very frail, and in the relief frequently discloses the 
edges of the cane, giving however a piquant effect, auxiliary to the 
ornament. The doors were an entire piece of cotton wood, cut 
with great labour out of the stems or buttresses of that tree ; battens 
variously cut and painted were afterwards nailed across. (See 
drawing, No. 5.) So disproportionate was the price of labour to 
that of provision, that I gave but two tokoos for a slab of cotton 
wood, five feet by three. The locks they use are from Houssa, and 
quite original ; one will be sent to the British Museum. Where 
they raised a first floor, the under room was divided into two by 
an intersecting wall, to support the rafters for the upper room, 
which were generally covered with a frame work thickly plastered 
over with red ochre. I saw but one attempt at flooring with plank, 
it was cotton wood shaped entirely with an adze, and looked like 
a ship's deck. The windows were open wood work, carved in 
fanciful figures and intricate patterns, and painted red ; the frames 
were frequently cased in gold, about as thick as cartridge paper. 

What surprised me most, and is not the least of the many cir- 
cumstances deciding their great superiority over the generality of 
Negroes, was the discov(?ry that every house had its cloacae, besides 
the common ones for the lower orders without the town. They 
were generally situated under a small arch way in the most retired 
angle of the building, but not unfrequently up stairs, within a 
separate room like a small closet, (see drawing No. 3.) where the 
large hollow pillar also assists to support the upper stor}' : the 
holes are of a small circumference, ))ut dug to a surprising depth, 
and boiling water is daily poured down, which eflTectually prevents 
the least offence. The rubbish and offal of each house was burnt 
every morning at the back of the street, and they were as nice and 
cleanly in their dwellings as in their persons , 


Drawing No. 3, is one of the oldest houses in Coomassie, inhe- 
rited by the unfortunate Bakkee, and part of the quarters of the 
Mission. Its comparative rudeness is evident. 

No. 4, is a more modern part of the same house, being one side 
of a small area about 15 feet square, allotted to the chief officer of 
the Embassy. These areas are all distinct, and a house consists of 
an indefinite number of them, some 36 feet square, with several 
long courts. In paying a visit to a principal man, the state was 
to detain us some minutes at the door of each area, as he generally 
received us in the innermost. The figure is one of the King's 
body guards, which have been described before. The figures are 
introduced to shew the proportion of the buildings, and to give 
some idea of the costume. 

No. 5, is the exterior of a bed room of Odumata's, which is one 
side of an oblong area in a very retired angle of his house, about 
25 feet by 8. The cloth suspended to the left of the door on the 
top of the steps, hides the bloody stools which are in the recess. 
The small gallery in front of the upper room is only wide enough 
for one person to walk in. The recess and small room below ac- 
commodate confidential slaves. The bed room was very small, about 
8 feet square, but being hung round with a variety of gold and 
silver ornaments, had a very rich appearance. The bed is gene- 
rally about 5 feet high, and composed entirely of large silk-cot- 
ton pillows piled one above another. The King of Gaman, we 
were assured, had steps of solid gold to ascend to his bed. A man 
wearing a crier's cap, is playing the sanko. 

No. 6, is a perspective view of the entrance area to Apokoo's 
house ; the fourth side is an open fronted building like those on 
the right and left for attendants to wait in, and for the hearing of 
palavers. The opposite closed side is a bed room. The figure is 
playing the bentwa (see Music.) 


No. 7, is a part of a piazza, which hnes the interior of the wall 
secluding the palace from the street. The piazza is 200 yards 
long, and inhabited by captains and other attendants on the King ; 
above is a small gallery. Piles of skulls, and drums ornamented 
with them, are frequent in this piazza. The figure is a common 
soldier of Ashantee, his belt ornamented with red shells, and stuck 
full of knives. 

No. 8, is the upper end of the piazza, which is mo-'e ornamented, 
and appropriated to the superior captains, who have each a suite 
of rooms, rharked by the small doors under the piazza. A woman 
is dancing whilst a man plays the flute and rattle. 

No. 9^ is a view of part of Adoom-street : each open front denotes 
the residence of a captain, being used for talking palavers, receiv- 
ing strangers, observing or superintending customs, and evening 
recreation. The dwelling is entered- by the small door at the side, 
which generally leads through a narrow passage or court to a 
large area like No. 6, and thence by various intricate waj^s to 
smaller and more retired areas like No. 4 and No. o. A fetish wo- 
man has just quitted the centre house ; she has on a white cloth, 
and various pieces of rich silk are hanging round her girdle, her 
breasts are confined with a scarf, a fillet encircles her head, in 
each hand she waves a horse's tail, and she continues yelling and 
swinging round and round until she is quite stupified. A weaver 
and loom are on her right, and a market woman under her shed on 
the left. 

No. 10, is the exterior of the King's bed room, being one side of 
an inner area, about 30 feet square. The stunted silk-cotton and 
the manchineal tree are fetish or sacred, as are the white and red 
rags at the top of the pole, and the small brass cups supported by 
the forked sticks. The colored bags hanging over the round doors 
(the chequering of which is in religft) -contain Moorish charms. The 

IT of a PllAXXA in the PA]LACE. 


-ZJt»«, ^■r.X£m!^.£,f. 

RT of a FIAZZA in the FAIL AC 1 

fUi'Ushed, jD&c7'2.JSAf. fy Ichn Murray. AlMm^rU S£tw£. 

Ih-a:itm fy r.£.Sowd£.eh £sqT 

Jfailishtd DicTlJfJJ. iy A*i Murm: Allcmarli Sh-iei. 




carving of the left hand window is cased in silver, of the right hand, 
in gold. The two men are playing at AVorra. The King made 
frequent enquiries about the architecture of England, of which we 
gave him some idea by drawings. He was very fond of referring 
to a project ascribed to Sai Cudjo, and which he declared he 
would carry into effect directly the Gaman war was over. This 
was to build a house for his own immediate residence, roofed with 
brass pans, beaten into flat surfaces, and laid over an ivory frame 
work appearing within. The windows and the doors to be cased 
in gold, and the door posts and pillars of ivory. Whether the 
Moors originated or encouraged this extravagance by the descrip- 
tions in their tales, for some of the stories of the Arabian Nights 
were commonly in their mouths, or whether it was the scheme of 
his own disposition, prone to magnificence and novelty, the King 
dwelt ardently on the intention, and by their frequent conversa- 
tions on the subject, his chiefs appeared scarcely less anxious for 
the execution than himself. He meditated great improvements 
and embellishments in his capital, on his return from the war, Avhen 
it was intended that every captain should be presented with an 
extraordinary sum out of the public treasury, for adorning or enlarg- 
ing his house. The ruined streets between Asafoo and Bantama 
were to be rebuilt, and the six or seven small crooms between 
Coomassie and Baramang, (the King's country residence,) were 
to be pulled down, and the inhabitants to occupy a wide street to 
extend from the city to that croom. 'i'his was the darling design 
of the King] he had already made a sound, broad, and almost di- 
rect road, and numerous labourers were continuing to bring it as 
near as possible to a straight line. 

The Ashantee loom is precisely on the same principle as the 
English ; it is worked by strings held between the toes ; the web is 
never more than four inches broad. A weaver is represented in 


the drawing, No. 3, and a small loom complete is amongst the 
articles for the British Museum. They use a spindle, and not a 
distaff, for spinning, holding it in one hand, and twisting the 
thread, (which has a weight at the end,) with the finger and thumb 
of the other. The fineness, variety, brilliance, and size of their 
cloths would astonish, could a more costly one be exhibited ; in 
the absence of which, that for the Museum will doubtless be 
admired for the two first qualities, and for having precisely the 
same appearance on both sides. I shall notice in the Chapter on 
Trade, that the richest silks are unravelled to weave into them. 
The white cloths, which are principally manufactured in Inta and 
Dagwumba, they paint for mourning with a mixture of blood and 
a red dye wood. The patterns are various, and not inelegant, and 
painted with so much regularity, with a fowl's feather, that they 
have all the appearance of a coarse print at a distance. I have 
seen a man paint as fast as I could write. There will be a very 
fair specimen in the British Museum, the price of painting which 
was one ackie. 

They have two dye woods, a red and a yellow, specimens of 
which I brought down ; they make a green by mixing the latter 
with their blue dye, in which they excel ; it is made from a plant 
called acassie, certainly not the indigo, which grows plentifully on 
the Coast. The acassie rises to the height of about two feet, and 
according to the natives, bears a red flower, but the leaf is not 
small, fleshy, or soft, nor is it pale or silvery coloured underneath ; 
it is a thin acuminate leaf about five inches long, and three broad, 
of a dark green.* I regret to add, our best specimens of this plant 
perished in the disasters of our march, and no drawing was made 

* It is a shrub with opposite leaves, no stipules, and having a certain degree of re- 
semblance to Marsdenia suave-olens (the indigo of Sumatra) but as tlie leaves are 
toothed in the acassie, it probably does not belong even to the same natural order. 

obumata's Sleeping room. 


3-mwn fy T.E.Saw£UcA£sqT 

lifNKR .Square of Afootkoos Housk. 

THE (Oldest House in Coomassee, 


7>m»« i, T.s.g^Jii-i Afr 

FART of the QUARTEIRS of til e MISSION. 

/Ui-lu-'ud DtcTa.^/if. fyffhn. Murray: ,'f/i^ - ^ ^/^ t>.y^/ 



of it, as it bore no flower in that season ; it grows abundantly in 
the woods, and produces a fast and beautiful colour without requir- 
ing a mordant. They gather a quantity of the leaves, bruise them 
in a wooden mortar, and spread them out on a mat to dry, this 
mass is kept for use, a proportion of it is put into a pot of water 
and remains six days previous to immersing the thread, which is 
left in six da^'s, drying it once every day in the sun, it is then a 
deep lasting blue colour. AVhen a light blue is wished for, the 
thread is only allowed to remain in the dye pot three days. 

They excel in pottery, as the pipes for the Museum will shew; 
they are rested on the ground when smoked ; the clay is very fine, 
polished (after baking) by friction, and the grooves of the patterns 
filled up with chalk. They have also a black pottery which admits 
of a high polish. 

The people of Dagwumba surpass the Ashantees in goldsmith's 
work, though the latter may be esteemed proficients in the art. 
The small articles for the Museum, a gold stool, sanko, bell, jaw 
bone, and drum, are not such neat specimens as I could wish ; the 
man who made them having too much costly work on hand for the 
King, to pay our trifles his wonted attention ; unfortunately too, 
he was committed to prison before they were quite finished ; how- 
ever, they will give an idea. I weighed out nineteen ackies and a 
half of gold dust for making these articles, one third of an ackie 
was lost in melting, and five was the charge of the goldsmith. We 
lost a beautiful silver pipe in the bustle. Bees wax for making the 
model of the article wanted, is spun out on a smooth block of 
wood, by the side of a fire, on which stands a pot of water ; a flat 
stick is dipped into this, with which the wax is made of a proper 
softness ; it takes about a quarter of an hour to make enough for a 
ring. When the model is finished, it is enclosed in a composition 
of wet clay and charcoal, (which being closely pressed around it 


forms a mould,) dried in the sun, and having a small cup of the 

same materials attached to it, (to contain the gold for fusion,) 

communicating with the model by a small perforation. When the 

whole model is finished, and the gold carefully enclosed in the cup, 

it is put in a charcoal fire with the cup undermost. When the 

gold is supposed to be fused, the cup is turned uppermost, that it 

may run into the place of the melted wax ; Avhen cool the clay is 

broken, and if the article is not perfect it goes through the Avhole 

process again. To give the gold its proper colour, they put a layer 

of finely ground red ochre, (which they call Inchuma,) all over it, 

and immerge it in boiling water mixed with the same substance 

and a little salt ; after it has boiled half an hour, it is taken out 

and thoroughly cleansed from any clay that may adhere to it. 

Their bellows are imitations of ours, but the sheep skin they use 

being tied to the wood with leather thongs, the wind escapes 

through the crevices, therefore when much gold is on the fire they 

are obliged to use two or three pair at the same time. Their anvils 

are generally a large stone, or a piece of iron placed on the ground. 

Their stoves are built of swish (about three or four feet high) in a 

circular form, and are open about one fifth of the circumference; a 

hole is made through the closed part level with the ground, for the 

nozzle of the bellows. Their weights are very neat brass casts of 

almost every animal, fruit, or vegetable known in the country. The 

King's scales, blow pan, boxes, and weights, and even the longs 

which hold the cinder to light his pipe, were neatly made of the 

purest gold that could be manufactured. 

Their blacksmith's work is performed with the same sort of forge 
as the above, but they have no idea of making iron from ore, as 
their interior neighbours do. Their swords are generally perforated 
in patterns like fish trowels ; frequently they make two blades 
springing parallel from one handle, which evince very fine work- 


manship. The needles and castanets will only give some idea of 
their progress. The iron stone is of a dark red colour, spotted 
with gray, and intermixed with Avhat had all the appearance of 
lava, they cut bullets out of it for the army, when lead is scarce. 
I have brought some arrows of native iroji. They have no idea of 
making a lock like the people of Houssa and Marrowa. 

They tan or dress leather in Ashantee, but they do this, and dye 
it, in a very superior manner in Houssa and Dagwumba ; see the 
sandals and cushion in the British Museum, the former varied and 
apparently stitched ; doubting that there could be such stitching, I 
undid a part, and discovered that they perforated the surface, and 
then stuck in the fine shreds of leather. The curious will observe, 
that die patterns of the stool cushion are all produced by paring 
the surface. They make their soldiers belts and pouches out of 
elephant or pig skin, ornamented with red shells. (See drawing. 
No. 7.) 

Of their carpenter's work the slool is a fair specimen, being- 
carved out of a solid piece of a wood called zesso, whitie, soft, and 
bearing a high polish ; it is first soaked in water. They sell such a 
stool for about three shillings, in Accra or Fantee it would fetch 
twenty. The umbrella is even more curious, the bird is cut almost 
equal to turning, and the whole is so supple that it may be turned 
inside out. This, only a child's umbrella, is a model of the large 
canopies I have described in the procession ; I gave a piece of 
cloth value twenty shillings for it. The sanko or guitar is also 
neatly made, and the chasteness and Etruscan character of the 
carving is very surprising. The surface of the wood is first charred 
in the fire, and then carved deep enough to disclose the original 
white in the stripes or lines of the patterns. 

Numbers of workmen are employed in breaking, rounding, and 
boring the snail shells, as big as a turkey's egg generally, and 

s s 


sometimes as large as a conch. They are first broken into numerous 
pieces, then chipped round, the size of a sleeve button, and after- 
wards bored with a bow and iron style fixed in a piece of wood. 
Lastly they are strung, and extended in rows on a log of wood, 
and rubbed with a soft and bluish gray stone and water, until they 
become perfectly round. 

Their pine apple thread is very strong, and is made from the 
fineness of a hair to the thickness of whip cord, it bleaches to a 
beautiful whiteness, and would answer for sewing any strong 
material, but, when muslin is stitched with it, it is liable to be cut 
from the harshness. The women frequently join their cloths, and 
ornament their handkerchiefs with a zigzag pattern, worked with 
unravelled silks of different colours. The fetish case is a specimen 
of their needle work, in the manner of chain stitch. 

CLIMATE, &c. 315 


Climate, ^Population, Revenue, City, Market, ^c. 

1 HE climate will be best judged of by the account of the ther- 
mometer (from May to February) in the Appendix. During the 
first two months, May and June, it rained about one third of the 
time, throughout July and August it rained nearly half, and abrupt 
tornadoes were frequent in the evening, just after sun set, ushered 
in by a strong wind from the south-west. The heaviest rains were 
from the latter end of September to the beginning of November, 
they fell even in more impetuous torrents than are witnessed on the 
coast.* The influence of the harmattan was described as very 
powerful. Generally speaking, from the elevation of Ashantee, 
(unfortunately we had no barometer,) it was much cooler in Coo- 
massie than at Cape Coast; indeed, from four to six in the morn- 
ing, there Mas a severity of cold unknown on the coast. 

I can only calculate the population of the kingdom of Ashantee, 
small in itself, from its military force, of which the following is the 
most moderate of the estimates I received. 

* At Cape Coast in 1815 there was scarcely any rain fell in its season, from May to 
August. In 1816", the rains were heavy, but no fogs succeeded. In 1817, there was 
but little rain, but a protracted succession of slight fogs. The climate has been observed, 
by old residents, to alter as unaccountably within these few years as that of Europe. 


Coomassie district (extending to the northern frontier) 60,000 

Dwabin ditto - . - _ _ 35,000 

Marmpon ditto - _ - _ _ 15,000 

Soota ditto - - - _ _ 15,000 

Kokoofoo ditto - - _ _ _ 15,000 

Becqua ditto _ _ > . _ 12,000 
Adiabin ditto (between Coomassie and the lake) - 12,000 

Aphwagwiasee ditto - - - - 10,000 

Uaniasee ditto (southwards of Coomassie) - 8,000 

Koontarasie ditto (on the lake) _ - - 8,000 

Gamasie ditto _ _ _ _ _ 8,000 

Amafoo ditto _ . _ _ . 6,000 

This appears an extravagant force, until we recollect that it is pro- 
bably one fifth of the Avhole population.* The Romans when they 
were a nation of warriors, which these people are, raised a military 
force equally great in proportion to their population. Barbot 
heard of the Ashantees losing 50,000 men in two actions, an 
exaggeration which, nevertheless, serves to argue great military 
resources. Since the Ashantee invasions, their disposable force 
has been estimated by old residents in public reports, as upwards 
of 150,000. From the above particular statement, the population 
may be estimated at one million, which I believe is little more than 
half the population of Scotland, the area of which must be more 
than double that of Ashantee, which certainly does not contain 
more than 14,000 square miles. Amanquatea, Quatchie Quofie, 

* " My friend Mr, Morton Pitt, M. P. has proved, by tlie enumeration of the inlia- 
bitants of a country parish in Dorsetshire, that the men of an age capable of bearing arms 
are one fourth of the wliole community. Mr. Horneman, if I understand him right!}', 
states the number of actual wai-riors to be 1 500 ; so that we ought, perhaps, to multiply 
that number by 5, to get nearer to the total amount of the population." Major RenneU. 

POPULATION, &c. 317 

Odumata, and Apokoo's forces alone amounted to 25,000. The 

contingencies at command from tributaries, (21 in number) are too 

indefinite to attempt to detail. Neither Inta or Dagwuraba furnish 

any, the Ashantees pretending to despise their troops too much to 

use thein. The following, which are known to be pretty correct, 

have generally been the first called into action : 

Coranza l(t,000 

Assin _ - 8,000 

Takima - 6,000 

Dankara - 5,000 

Warsaw - 7,000 

Booroom - 12,000 

Sawee - - 4,000 

Akim - 4,000, before their later destructive revolts 16,000 

Aquapim, &c. 1,000 

Though polygamy is tolerated to such an excess amongst the 
higher orders, I do not think, from observation, that the proportion 
of women to men is two to one. Most of the lower order of free- 
men have but one wife, and very few of the slaves (the greater 
proportion of the military force) any. The following calculation is 
the only one I can think of, and it supports my impression after 
five months residence. 
204,000 Men able to bear arms, about one-fifth of the 

whole population . _ _ 1,000,000 

101,000 Or one-fourth, children under ten years of age 

as found in Great Britain. 
50,000 Boys above that age not capable of bearing arms. 
7,000 Or one in about 28 incapacitated by old age or 

accidents, as found in Great Britain. 
362,000 Males 362,000 

Females 638,000 


The men are very well made, but not so muscular as the Fantees; 
their countenances arc frequently aquiline. The women also are 
generally handsomer than those of Fantee, but it is only amongst 
the higher orders that beauty is to be found, and amongst them, 
free from all labour or hardship, I have not only seen the finest 
figures, (which the ease of their costume and habits may account 
for,) but, in many instances, regular Grecian features, with brilliant 
eyes set rather obliquely in the head. Beauty in a Negress must 
be genuine, since complexion prejudices instead of imposes, and 
the European adjudges it to the features only, which appeared in 
this class to be Indian rather than African ; nor is it surprising, 
when we recollect that they are selected from, or are the daughters 
of the handsomest slaves or captives ; or are expressly chosen by 
their interior neighbours, to compose part of their tribute to the 
King of Ashantec, who retains but a small proportion. 

Both men and women are particularly cleanly in their persons, 
the latter washing themselves, and the former being washed by 
them daily on rising, from head to foot, M'ith warm water and 
Portuguese soap, using afterwards the vegetable grease or butter, 
which is a fine cosmetic. Their cloths, which are beetled, are 
always scrupulously clean. The lowest orders are generally dirt3\ 
Occasionally, small dehcate patterns in green or white paint are 
traced on their cheeks and temples. The Moorish negresses darken 
the edges of their eye lids with lead reduced to a fine powder. 
The ore was brought from MaJlowa and is very rich. The powder 
is moistened a little, and kept in small boxes, like bodkin cases 
with a bulb at the end, and prettily covered with cow's hair, within 
Avhich is a metal stylus to apply the powder, as the women of India 
do antimony for this purpose. Top-cloths are generally worn, and 
not by the higher order only as in Fantee. They are commonly of 
a coarse silk bought at Dagwumba. They wear little or no antiflbo, 

REVENUE, &c. 319 

a sort of cushion projecting from just below the small of the back 
in the Fantee women, by the size of which, frequently preposter- 
ous, and at all times unsightly, their rank, or the number of their 
children is known. The bosoms of girls of thirteen and fourteen 
are frequently models, but the young women sedulously destroy 
this beauty for what is considered a greater, wearing a broad band 
tight across their breasts, until ceasing to be globular they project 
conically. Their heads are shaved in fanciful elaborate patterns, 
having as intricate an appearance as a rich carpet. 

The food of the higher orders is principally soup of dried fish, 
fowls, beef, or mutton, (according to the fetish,) and ground nuts 
stewed in blood. The poorer class make their soups of dried deer, 
monkeys tlesh, and frequently of the pelts of skins. Yams, plan- 
tains, and foofoos, (see the kouskous of Mr. Park) are commonly 
eaten, and they do not make cankey of their corn, (a coarser sort 
of kouskous not cleared from the husk) as the Fantees do, but they 
roast it on the stalk, and when young the flavour closely resembles 
that of green peas. Besides palm wine they drink Pitto, made 
from dried corn, which I think must have been the beer Lieute- 
nant Martyn relished so much, for it is quite as pleasant as a brisk 
small ale. They are forbidden eggs by the fetish, and cannot be 
persuaded to taste milk, which is only drank by the Moors. Their 
stews and white soups are excellent, and my companions reported 
their black soups (made with palm oil) to be equally so. 

I cannot pretend to calculate the variable revenue of Ashanlee, 
nor indeed to report its optional sources ; I noted a few particulars. 

I. The dust gold of all deceased and disgraced subjects. Boi- 
teiim, the father of O tee, left five jars (said to hold about four gal- 
lons each) and two flasks. On Appia Nanu's disgrace three jars 
were seized. 


2. A tax in gold ujoon all slaves purchased for the coast.* 
Customs paid in gold by all traders returning from the coast, 
levied near Ansa in Assin. 

3. A tax on the elephant hunters. 

4. The small pits in Soko, which with the washings were re- 
ported to yield, sometimes 2,000 ounces per month, at others not 
more than 700. 

5. The daily washings throughout Dankara, and the hills divi- 
ding Akim and Assin ; very rich in gold. 

6. A tax on every chief increasing the number of his gold 
ornaments. Apokoo paid 20periguins to the King on melting 100. 

7. The soil of the market place (see Laws) has been washed but 
twice during the present reign. I was told it produced about 800 
ounces of gold each time. During our stay a heav}^ rain washed 
down a large quantity, M'hich was replaced and carefully covered 
with the soil, by the Captain in charge of the market place. It 
was very easily seen after rain. 

The tributes of the various nations they had subdued, were in 
some instances fixed, but more frequently indefinite, being propor- 
tioned to the exigencies of the year ; indeed from various conver- 
sations with Apokoo and others, and my' own observations during 
state palavers, it appeared that the necessities and the designs of 
the Ashantee government were the superior considerations, and the 
rule in levying tribute every where. I made the following me- 

Inta and Dagwumba never pay in gold, which though plentiful 
from commerce, is not found there, cowries being the circulating 
medium. Their capitals and all their large towns send the following 
tribute annually, and the smaller in proportion. 

♦ Issert mentions this being levied in Akim and other tributary states. 

CITY, &G. 321 

500 Slaves. 
200 Cows. 
400 Sheep. 
400 Cotton cloths. 
200 Ditto and silk. 
Takima a smaller proportion of the same kind. 
Coranza is generally excused, from fidelity, and a long series of 
military services, 

Sawee - - - 200 periguins annually. 

Moinse'an - - 50 bendas ditto. 

Gaman had paid, (besides all 

large pieces of rock gold,) 100 periguins ditto. 
Akim, Assin, Warsaw, Aowin, &c. &c. were taxed indefinitely 
by crooras. 'V,' ej-jj. 

Coomassie is built upon the side of a large rocky hill of iron 
stone. It is insulated by a marsh close to the town northwards, 
and but a narrow stream ; half a mile distant from it N.W., and 
60 yards broad; close to it N.E., E., S. E., and S., and about 
100, 20, 70, and 50 yards broad at these points. In many parts 
depth after heavy rains was five feet, and commonly two. The 
marsh contains many springs, and supplies the town with water, 
but the exhalation covers the city with a thick fog morning and 
evening, and engenders dysentery, with which the natives of the 
coast who accompanied us were almost immediately attacked, 
as well as the officers. It is a little extraordinary that we never 
saw a musquito in Ashantee. I could find none but birds eye 
views of the city, which were uninteresting, presenting nothing 
but the thatch of the houses ; it was encircled by a beautiful forest, 
which required more time than I could spare, and a more expres- 
sive pencil to pourtray. Coomassie is an oblong of nearly four 
miles in circumference, not including the suburbs of Assafoo nor 

T t 


Bantama, (the back town,) half a mile distant, and formerly con- 
nected by streets with the city, as is evident from the numerous 
ruins of houses on the path. The slaughter of constant warfare, 
and the extinction or removal of several ill affected chiefs with their 
adherents, account for this even in a rising state. The ruins in the 
interval to Bantama were indeed accounted for by Amanqualea 
(who holds his court there, as Quatchie Quofie does at Assafoo) 
informing us, that almost all the Ashantees killed before Anna- 
maboe (about 2000 by the most moderate computation) behmged 
to him, as it was his division which marched along the beach from 
Cormantine, exposed to the cannon of the fort. Four of the prin- 
cipal streets are half a mile long, and from 50 to 100 yards wide. 
I observed them building one, and a line was stretched on each 
side to make it regular. The streets were all named, and a superior 
captain in charge of each; ours for instance, was Aperremsoo, big 
gun or cannon street, because those taken when Dankara was 
conquered, were placed on a mound at the top of it, near Adoo 
Quamina's house. The area in which we had our first audience 
was called Daebrim, the great market, in distinction to a lower 
street called Gwaba, or the small market. The street ai)ove where 
we lived was called Osamarandiduiim, meaning literally, " with 
1000 mukets you could not fight those who live there." One street 
was named after Oduraata, and there was another near it, whose 
title I forget, but it was equal to prison street. The palace was 
situated in a long and wide street running through the middle of 
the town, from which it was shut out by a high wall, terminating at 
each end at the marsh, where it was discontinued, that being a 
sufficient boundary. It included Odumata's and the King's brothers 
residences, and two or three small streets, (besides the several areas 
and piazzas,) for the King's relief and recreation when the supersti, 
tions of the country confine him to the palace. I reckoned twenty 

, . . . • 

ii 01 CI * « lo N 03 a 0-1 

CITY, &c. ddS 

seven streets in all, which I have laid down in a ground plan of the 
town. The small grove at the back of the large market place was 
called Sammonpome or the spirit-house, because the trunks of all 
the human victims were thrown into it. The bloody tracks, daily 
renewed, shewed the various directions they had been dragged 
from, and the number of vultures on the trees indicated the extent 
of the recent sacrifice ; the stench was insupportable, and the visits 
of panthers nightly. Several trees were individually scattered about 
the town for the recreation of the inhabitants of those quarters, and 
small circular elevations of two steps, the lower about 20 feet in 
circumference, like the bases of the old market crosses in England, 
were raised in the middle of several streets, on which the King-'s 
chair was placed when he went to drink palm wine there, his 
attendants encircling him. 

The Ashantees persisted that the population of Coornassie, when 
collected, was upwards of 100,000. I think it likely to be much 
greater than that of Sego, (which Mr. Park reported as 30,000,) 
from the extended masses of crowd I observed on festivals, when 
the plantations of J.he environs are almost wholly deserted. I 
compared them in my recollection with the crowds I have seen 
collected in the secondary cities of England, on similar occasions 
of public curiosity; the only criterion, as I had not time to finish 
reckoning the number of houses. I say when collected, because 
the higher class could not support their numerous followers, or the 
lower their large families, in the city, and therefore employed them 
in plantations, (in Avhich small crooms were situated,) generally 
within two or three miles of the capital, where their labours not 
only feed themselves, but supply the wants of the chief, his family, 
and more immediate suite. The middling orders station their 
slaves for the same purpose, and also to collect fruits and vegetables 
for sale, and when their children become numerous, a part are 


generally sent to be supported by these slaves in the bush. Per- 
haps the average resident population of Coomassie is not more 
than from 12 to 15,000. 

The markets were held daily from about eight o'clock in the 
morning until sun set. The larger contains about sixty stalls or 
sheds, (a small square frame covered with cotton cloth with a pole 
from the centre, stuck into the ground, see drawing, No. 9) besides 
throngs of inferior venders, seated in all directions. Amongst the 
articles for sale, were beef, (to us about 8c?. per lb.) and mutton, 
cut in small pieces for soup, wild hog, deer, and monkey's flesh, 
fowls, pelts of skins ; yams, plantains, corn, sugar-cane, rice, 
encruma, (a mucilaginous vegetable, richer than asparagus, which 
it resembles,) peppers, vegetable butter; oranges, papaws, pine 
apples, (not equal to those on the coast,) bananas ; salt and dried 
fish from the coast; large snails smoke dried, and stuck in rows on 
small sticks in the form of herring bone ; eggs for fetish ; pitto, 
palm wine, rum ; pipes, beads, looking-glasses, sandals, silk, cotton 
cloth, powder, small pillows, white and blue cotton thread, cala- 
bashes, &c. &c. See Chapter on Trade. 

The following are the comparative prices of the markets of 
Coomassie and Yahndi, the capital of Dagwumba : 

A fat bullock 
A sheep 
A fowl 
A horse 

The surprising exorbitance of the former is to be accounted for by 
the abundance of gold, yet labour and manufacture was mode- 
rately purchased. In Mallowa, provision is dearer than in Dag- 
wumba, but the articles of trade much cheaper ; they manufacture 



£.6 0- 


15 - 



- 5 

24 - 


8 for two 

- 8 for ten 

MARKETS, &c 325 

very little cloth, the Moorish traders supplying it so abundantly. 
The cattle we saw in Ashantee were as large as the English, unlike 
those on the coast, which resemble the Jersey. The sheep are 
hairy in Ashantee, but woolly in Dagwumba, an open country, 
where they manufacture a coarse blanket. The horses in Dag- 
wumba are generally small, some were described to be 15 hands 
high, but these were never parted with, and the Ashantees did not 
desire them, for I never saw but one who rode fearlessly. The 
horses I saw were like half bred galloways, their legs lathy, with a 
wiry hair about the fetlock, only requiring to be pulled. Their 
heads were large ; dun and mouse colours were said to be common; 
they were never shod, and their hoofs consequently in the eye of 
the European, though not in nature, disproportionate ; they were 
fed on guinea grass, occasionally mixed with salt, and sal-ammoniac 
was frequently dissolved in the water. The saddles were Moorish, 
of red leather, and cumbersome ; the bridles of twisted black 
leather thongs, and brass links, with a whip at the end ; the bit 
severe, with a large ring hanging from the middle, and slipped 
over the under jaw instead of a curb chain ; the stirrups were like 
large blow pans, and hung very short. Some of the Moors rode 
on bullocks, with a ring through the nose. 

The extent and order of the Ashantee plantations surprised us, 
yet I do not think they were adequate to the population ; in a 
military government they were not likely to be so. Their neatness 
and method have been already noticed in our route up. They use 
no implement but the hoe. They have two crops of corn a year, 
plant their yams at Christmas, and dig them early in September. 
The latter plantations had much the appearance of a hop garden 
well fenced in, and regularly planted in lines, with a broad walk 
around, and a hut at each wicker gate, where a slave and his 
family resided to protect the plantation. 


All the fruits mentioned as sold in the market grew in spontane- 
ous abundance, as did the sugar cane : the oranges were of a 
large size and exquisite flavour. I believe this fruit has hitherto 
been considered indigenous to India only. We saw no cocoa nut 
trees, nor Avas that fruit in the market. Mr. Park's route was 
through a very different countr}- .* In the marshy ground, a large 
species of fern is very abundant, there are four varieties of it ; in 
shady places that have been cultivated, various tribes of urtica ; and 
the leontodon grows abundantly to the north of Coomassie. The 
miraculous berry, which gives acids the flavour of sweets, making 
limes taste like honey, is common. -f The castor oil, (ricinus com- 
munis) rises to a large tree, I have only seen it as a bush about 
three feet high on the coast ; and the wild fig is abundant, though 
neither of them are used by the natives. The cotton plant is very 
plentiful, but little cultivated. The only use to which they apply 
the silk cotton, is to the stuffing of cushions and pillows. |. Mr. 

* " It is observable, however, that although many species of the edible roots wluch 
grow in the West India islands, are found in Africa, yet I never saw, in any part of my 
journey, either the sugar cane, the coffee, or the cocoa tree ; nor could I learn, on 
inquiry, that they were known to the natives. The pine apple, and the thousand other 
delicious fruits, which the industry of civilized man (improving the bounties of nature,) 
has brought to such great perfection in the tropical climates of America, are heie equally 
unknown. I observed, indeed, a few orange and banana trees, near the mouth of the 
Gambia ; but whether they were indigenous, or were formerly planted there by some of 
the white traders, I could not positively learn. I suspect that they were originally intro- 
duced by the Portuguese." Park's First Mission. 

•f- The cMrious fruit mentioned in the Introduction, and to which I have given the 
name of oxyglycus, I find was known to Des Marchais, who describes it as a little red 
fruit, which, being chewed, gives a sweet taste to the most sour or bitter things. Dalzel's 

t Cotton of the cotton tree (or silk cotton) Bomhax Pcntandritim Lin. This cotton 
is not made into thread, but is used for making pillows and beds. It is also, from its 
catching fire so easily, commonly put into tinder boxes, and employed in the preparation 
of fire works. Ainslie's Materia Medica of Hindostan. 

MARKETS, &c. 327 

Park observed the tobacco-plant, which grows luxuriantly in Inta 
and Dagwumba, and is called toah. The visitors from those 
countries recognised it in a botanical work. They first dry the 
leaves in the sun, then, having rubbed them well between their 
hands, mix them with water into oval masses, as will be seen ; it is 
ftirther noticed in the Trade Report. 

Lions are numerous on the northern frontiers of Inta, elephants 
(assoon, F. A. soorer, B.*) are remarkably numerous in Kong, but 
they are also found in Ashantee, with wild hogs (yambo, F. A.) 
hyaenas (patacoo, F. A. boofooree, B.,) cows (anantwee, F. A. B.,) 
sheep (ygwan, F. A. Isan, B.,) goats (apunkie, F. A. terrie, B.,) 
deer (wonsan, F. A. B..) antelopes (ettwan, F. A. B.,) dogs (bod- 
dum, etcha, F. twea, A. opooree, B.,) approximating to the Danish, 
cats (agrainwaw, F. A. B.,) extremely sharp visaged and long 
necked, Gennet cats (essoor, F. A.B.,) pangolins (appra, F. A. 
aypra, B.,) alligators (dankim, F A. B.,) &c. &c. &c. The rhino- 
ceros (naree) is found in Boroom, and the hippopotamus (shonsa, 
A. tchoosooree, B. ) in the Odirree river. 

The Ashantees say, that an animal called sissah or sissirree, wiH 
attack every other however superior in size. The Fantees who had 
never seen it, had imbibed a tremendous idea of it, from the stories 
in their own country. I doubt its being so formidable to all other 
animals, for the skin I saw was not more than three feet longi:, and 
the legs short, it resembled that of a boar, but the natives said it 
was between a pig and a goat. I enquired of the people of Inta 
and Dagwumba if they had ever heard of a unicorn; one replied, 
yes ! in the white man's country. It is extraordinary that the 
gnoo, (antelope gnu,) which is found behind the Cape of Good 

* F. A. aiBxed to assoon, denote that to be the native name in the Fantee and 
Ashantee languages, as B. represents Boroom. 


Hope, is known in Inta by the same name.* Wliere the beds 
were not an accumulation of cushions, the skin of the gnoo was 
nailed to a large wooden frame, raised on legs about a foot from 
the ground, and stretched as we would sacking. It was a revered 
custom that no virgin of either sex should sleep on this kind of 
bed. Another animal, called otrum, was described by the inha- 
bitants of the eastern frontier as having one very long horn on one 
side of the head and a short one on the other ; it is much larger 
than the gnoo. We met with a spotted animal of the cat kind 
(gahin, F. A. B.,) very common, and allied to the leopard or pan- 
ther, but whether referable to either of those species, or to be con- 
sidered as distinct, we could not determine, owing to the very 
vague and unsatisfactory character by which naturalists have 
attempted to distinguish them, the kind and number of the rows of 
spots ; which we have observed in individuals of the same decided 
species, to present almost an infinity of variation. 

The vulture (pittay, F. A. epraykee, B.,) which I have before 
mentioned to be venerated by the natives, for the sanie reason 
which the Egyptians venerated the Vulturus Percnopterus, is the 
Vulturus Monachus, figured by Le Vaillant. Green pigeons 
(assam) are found, and crows with a white ring round their' 
necks, probably the corvus scapularis figured by Le Vaillant. 
There were several small birds of beautiful plumage, which sung 
melodiously ; two in particular, the one like a blackbird, and the 
other of the same colour as the English thrush, but larger. Also 
a variety of parrots beautifully spangled with different colours. 
M. Cuvier was misinformed when he wrote (Regne animal, torn. i. 
p. 108) " Macaque est le nom g6nerique des singes k la cote de 
Guinee." The name is unknown there as well as in the interior. 

* C'est probablement lui qui a donne lieu a leur catoblepas. Voycz Pline, lib. 8, c. 3i?, 
et iElien, lib. 7j c. 5, Cuvier. The gnoo is almost always looking doivn. 

CITY, &c. 329 

Dokoo is the generic name. The Simia Diana (effoor, F. A. B.,) 
which has the most beautiful skin of any monkey, is found in 
Ashantee as well as in Warsaw. All the natives agree that they 
do not know of any inonkies which dare to attack men, but the 
akoneson, which they describe as small, and always seen in 

Snakes (aboitinnee, F. A. ewavv, B.,) green, and of all colours ; 
scorpions, lizards, &c. &c. were found as on the coast, with a 
curious variety of beetles, and the most beautiful butterflies. A 
few specimens preserved in spirits will be sent to the British Mu- 
seum,* as the best apology for my ignorance rather than neglect 
of natural history. 

* See Dr. Leach's notice in the Appendix. 

V U 




Th e currency of Ashantee is gold dust, that of Inta, Dagwumba, 
Gaman, and Kong, cowries. Mr. Lucas writes, " to the merchants 
of Fezzan who travel to the southern states of the Negroes, the 
purchase of gold, which the dominions of several, and especially 
those of Degombah, abundantly afford, is always the first object of 
commercial acquisition." I could not learn that any gold was dug 
or collected in Dagwumba, though considerable quantities are 
imported, from its extensive commerce. Sixteen ackies make an 
ounce or newemeen, 36 a benda, 40 a periguin : eight tokoos (a 
small berry) are reckoned to the ackie, but it will not weigh more 
than seven : there are eight distinct names for quantities of gold 
dust from one to eight- ackies. Five strings or 200 cowries are 
equal to a tokoo, as at Accra. The clearest manner of shewing 
the articles, prices, and profits of the Ashantee, Inta, and Dag- 
wumba markets, will be by a table with remarks ; substituting, for 
the greater convenience, English monies calculated at the currency 
of gold here, which is £4. the oz. 



Cape Coast. 


SaUagJia and Vahndi. 










per Cent. 






a) Silk, India 


per Piece. 






1 span. 
1 fethom. 

1 span. 
1 hdkchf. 























;) Glasgow Dane 

i) Romal 

j) Guinea Stuff 


/•) Silesia 

Dagwumba white Cotton 



sq. yard. 





1 charge. 


\ inch. 



sq. yard. 




»•) Tobacco, Portuguese . . 


- Inta 


i\ Gunpowder 



i Barrel. 









) Spanish Dollar 







Marrowa Locks 

• • 

(a) The red taffetas ( 1 1 yards in each piece) are unravelled by the Ashantees, and 
wove into the cloths of their own manufacture : they unravel a few of the fancy silks, but 
these are generally bought for wear, though they prefer those from Fezzan for that pur- 
pose, because the colours are more shewy. Coarse thick scarves are also brought from the 
interior, equal in substance to a double wove ribbon. One ackie a span was the price in 
the public market, where it was retailed in these small quantities, for the convenience of 
the weavers, who did not require, or could not afford to purchase more: the price of a 
piece was uncertain, as the person who could purchase so much, generally sent a trusty 
servant to the foreign market, and seldom bought of the traders but when thev were ne- 
cessitated to sell at little more than prime cost. The richest silks, I saw, were worn by 
the Moors, who had bought them at Yahndi and Houssa.* Reckoning nine inches to a 
span, there are eight spans in a fathom, which is the Ashantee measure ; but the fathom 
of Inta and Dagwumba, contains only six spans. Even if the Ashantee ti'aders give 
twenty shillings a fathom, in barter of boossee, salt, rum, iron, &c.; it is considerably 

* Since my return to England I have seen some silk brought from Aleppo, and manu- 
factured there, precisely resembling these, which were frequently enriched by gold threads 


Most of the slaves in Coomassie, were sent as part of the annual 
tribute of Inta, Dagwumba, and their neighbours, to Ashantee ; 

cheaper to them than ours, considering that they get 100 per cent, on it at Coomassie. 
Mr. Lucas mentions " silk wrought and un^v^ought amongst tlie articles exported from 
Fezzan to Rassina. Apokoo and several others related to me, that Sai Cudjo bought a 
piece of silk at Yahndi, so very fine, that although it could be compressed between two 
hands, it was nevertheless larger than any cloth I had seen the present King wear, and 
his appeared monstrous. Apokoo added, that six slaves were paid for it, which would 
have produced £160. at the water side. 

(b) This is a highly glazed British cotton of bright red stripes with a bar of white : it 
is bought solely for the red stripe, (as there is no red dye nearer than Marrowa) which 
they weave into their own cloths, throwing away the white. There are 280 inches in a 
piece. A cloth of Ashantee manufacture will be sent to the British Museum, and, I 
expect, the size, fineness, and variety will surprise. 

(c) This is also a highly glazed British cotton of more colours, and in handkerchiefs ; 
ten of which are in a 30*. piece. 

(d) This is an unglazed I'ndia cotton, not much in demand, and yielding the least 
profit. The Manchester cotton called Tom Coffee is preferred. 

(e) This is India cotton unglazed, for all of which there is, in proportion, but a small 
demand. The Ashantees invariably prefer cloths of the Dagwumba, or their own manu- 
facture, and we rarely saw any others worn in Coomassie. 

(jT) These are white cottons, six yards in a piece, but narrow, they are bought for 
fetish cloths ; but the next article, the white cotton cloth of Dagwumba, is preferred, a 
piece of which, painted, wiU be sent to the British Museum. 

ig) These are the wholesale and retail prices at Coomassie, the average length of a roll 
is 42 fathoms. 

(/t) Powder is retailed for customs or festivals : those who purchase it for war, or can 
afiPord a 5 barrel, send to the water side for it. A 5 barrel contains 25 lbs. and the 
Ashantee charge weighs 1 6 ackies, equal to | of an ounce avoirdupoise. 

(i) This was owing to their brisk intercourse with the Spanish and Portuguese slave 
ships, a dollar generallv fetches two ackies or 10^. Mr. Park \\Titcs, from £l. as. to 
£2. 10s. at Sansanding. 

(k) Sandals and a cushion will be sent to the British Museum. In Marrowa they 
decoct a good red dye from a tree called mossaratee. 

The reason green ells are purchased by the Warsaws only, is, that they must be th» 
wedding garment of the females of that country : if they are fast colours, and will not 
shange to a blue with lime-juice, tliey will not look at them 

TRADE. 333 

very many were kidnapped, and for the few who were bought, I 
was assured by several respectable Ashantees, 2000 cowries, or 
1 basket of Boossee was the greatest price given ; so full were the 
markets of the interior. I have brought some pods of the Boossee ; 
it is astringent, and the natives chew it to excite a flow of saliva, 
and allay the sensation of hunger. The* Boossee must be the 
Gooroo nut, which Mr. Lucas describes as one of the articles of 
trade between Fezzan, Kassina, Bornoo, and the states south of 
the Niger. He writes, " Gooroo nuts, which are brought from the 
Negro states on the south of the Niger, and which are principally 
valued for the pleasant bitter that they communicate to any liquor 
in which they are infused," and again " a species of nut — which 
is much valued in the kingdoms to the north of the Niger, and 
which is called Gooroo. It grows on a large and broad leafed 
tree, that bears a pod of about 18 inches in length, in which are 
inclosed a number of nuts that varies from 7 to p. Their colour 
is a yellowish green ; their size is that of a chesnut, which they also 
resemble, in being covered by a husk of a similar thickness, and 
their taste, which is described as a pleasant bitter, is so grateful to 
those who are accustomed to its use, and so important as a correc- 
tive to the unplatable or unwholesome waters of Fezzan, and of the 
other kingdoms that border on the vast Zahara, as to be deemed 
of importance to the happiness of life. They are purchased at the 
rate of 12s. for 100 pods.'' 

Sal ammonia is found abundantly in Dagwumba : in the 
Ashantee market, a lump the size of a duck's egg, was sold for 2s. : 
they grind it to mix with their snuff, (of which they take large 
quantities,) as it gives it a pungency agreeable to them. They 
also dissolve it in the water they give to their cattle, and some- 
times drink it themselves for pains in the bowels. The Tamool prac- 

* Sterculia acuminata Palis de Beauvais Flore (TOware, 1. p. 41. fab. 24. 


titioners in the East Indies suppose it to be a useful remedy in certain 
female obstructions, and morbid uterine enlargements. Mr. Lucas 
writes. " No commercial value appears to be annexed to the fleeces 
which the numerous flocks of the Negro kingdoms aftbrd ; for the 
cotton manufacture, which, the Shereef says, is established among 
the tribes to the south of the Niger, seems to be the only species of 
weaving that is known among them." In Dagwumba, however, they 
manufacture a coarse kind of blanket from sheep's wool. There is a 
white grease, which has long been called Ashantee grease by the 
natives on the coast, who supposed it to be produced in that country. 
They use it daily to anoint their skins, which otherwise become coarse 
and unhealthy. The Ashantees purchase it from the interior, and 
make a great profit by it : it is a vegetable butter, decocted from 
a tree, called Timkeeii : it is doubtless the Shea butter of Mr. 
Park.* Mr. Lucas mentions, " small Turkey and plain Mesurata 
carpets," among the articles exported from Fezzan to Kassina : 
a small carpet fetches 2 oz. of gold at Coomassie. The Ashantees 
procure most of their ivory from Kong, where they give 8 ackies, 
or 40s. in barter, for a very large tooth. 

" The preference of the Ashantees for the Dagwumba and Inta 
markets, for silk and cloth, results not merely from their having 
been so long accustomed to them, but because they admit of a 
barter trade. Tlie Boossee or Gooroo nut, salt, (which is easily pro- 
cured, and affords an extravagant profit,) and small quantities of 
the European commodities, rum, and iron,-f- yield them those arti- 
cles of comfort and luxury, which they can only purchase with 
gold and ivory from the settlements on the coast. Gold they are 

* See Sketch of Gaboon. 

■f Though iron is manufactured in Dagwumba, that from Europe is preferred for finer 
purposes. The former is an imperfect steel containing a mechanical mixture of unre- 
duced ore. 

TRADE. 33o 

all desirous of hoarding: even those less covetous than is generally 
their nature, that they may be prepared for the purchase of guns 
and powder to a large extent, on any sudden war, and thus ingra- 
tiate themselves with the king and the government. Were the 
Ashantees a commercial people, they might be the brokers be- 
tween the interior and Europeans, or, purchasing supplies more 
adequate to the demands of their neighbours for European com- 
modities, which would be bought with avidity, realize large pro- 
perties. But they have no idea of buying more of the various 
articles than will supply themselves ; and leave a small residue to 
barter for the cloth, silk, and tobacco in the Inta and Dagwumba 
markets, They are as little commercial as the Romans were in 
their infancy, and their government would repress rather than 
countenance the inclination, (believing no state can be aggrandized 
but by conquest,) lest their genius for war might be enervated by 
it, and lest, either from the merchants increasing to a body too 
formidable for their wishes to be resisted, or too artful from their 
experience to be detected, they, might sacrifice the national honour 
and ambition to their avarice, and furnishing Inta, Dagwumba, or 
any of their more powerful neighbours (who have yielded to cir- 
cumstances rather than force) with guns and powder (which are 
never allowed to be exported from Ashantee,*) break the spell of 
their conquests, and undermine their power. The chiefs are fed 
bountifully by the labours of their slaves, and sharing large sums 
of the revenue, (the fines their oppression has imposed on other 

* '• Fire arms are unknown to such of the nations on the south of the Niger as the 
Shereef has visited ; and the reason which he assigns for it is, that the kings in the neighs 
bourhood of the coast, persuaded that if these powerful instruments of war should reach 
the possession of the populous inland states, their own independence would be lost, have 
strictly prohibited, and by the wisdom of their measures have effectually prevented this 
dangerous merchandize from passing beyond the limits of their dominions." Lucas 


governments,) with incalculable fees for corruption or interference, 
refine upon the splendor of equipage even to satiety, and still pos- 
sess a large surplus of income daily accumulating. Were they to 
encourage commerce, pomp, the idol of which they are most jea- 
lous, would soon cease to be their prerogative, because it would be 
attainable by others ; the traders growing wealthy, would vie with 
them ; and for their own security', stimulated by reflections they 
have now too little at risk to originate, they would unite to repress 
the arbitrary power of the Aristocracy ; and even if they did not, 
inevitably (as the chiefs conceive) divert the people's genius for war. 
It will occur that even to furnish the necessities or luxuries of 
the Ashantees alone, in cloth, silk, &c. would, considering the ex- 
tent of the kingdom, considerabl}^ augment the returns of our 
commerce in this part of the world ; and therefore it would be 
well to wean them, gradually, from the markets of the interior, by 
inducing their cultivation of cotton, which grows abundantly, is of 
a superior quality, and Avhich, ofl'ered in quantities, in addition to 
the ivory, would lessen the balance of trade now in our favor, and 
by enabling them, in some degree to purchase M'ith produce in- 
stead of gold dust, remove the present comparative disadvantage 
in trading with Europeans entirely. This occurred to me, and I 
explained the view not only to the king, but to the more enter- 
prising and reflecting natives : but they had no idea of a quantity, 
and immediately concluded cotton to be so desirable to us, that 
40 or 50 lbs. would be received in barter for twenty times its value; 
and they required one tokoo and a half per lb. for it, (sa}'^ one 
shilling,) even in gold, and on the spot. When I urged that they 
must clear the ground, form plantations, and superintend the 
labours of their slaves ; they replied, that the Boossee or Gooroo 
nut grew spontaneously, and required no labour, that salt was 
brought to their frontier by poorer nations^ and sold for little with- 

TRADE. 337 

out the trouble of fetching it ; and these articles, with the value, 
their prevention of all intercourse but their own with the water 
side nations, attached to a little rum and iron in the interior, fur- ' 
nished them with silks and cotton cloths at a much easier rate, 
pattern and quality. 

A serious disadvantage opposed to the English trade, is that the 
Ashantees will purchase no tobacco but the Portuguese, and that 
eagerly even at 2 oz, of gold the roll. Of this, (the Portuguese and 
Spanish slave ships regularly calling at Elmina,) the Dutch Gover- 
nor-General is enabled to obtain frequent supplies, in exchange for 
canoes, two of Avhich, though they cost him comparatively nothing, 
fetch 32 rolls of tobacco ; and the General has sometimes received 
80 oz. of gold a day from the Ashantees for tobacco only. If they 
cannot have this tobacco, they will content themselves with that 
grown in the interior, of which I have brought a sample. A pre- 
ference for the Dutch has long been natural to the Ashantees, 
from an earlier though limited intercourse with them, and from the 
natural impression, that the English settling amongst their enemies, 
the Fantees, have encouraged and assisted their provocations and 
resistance. With this bias in his favor, though the Dutch market, 
destitute of supplies, had not been visited for many years, the 
talent of General Daendels, " callidum quicquid placuit," would 
no doubt have again raised it to a level with the English, caeteris 
paribus ; and his unlimited importation of powder and guns in the 
first place, with the still more valuable supphes of Portuguese 
tobacco he receives at present, as superior advantages, have, of 
course, possessed the Dutch market of superior inducements. 

It is to be lamented, the indifference of the Dutch and Danes 
to their settlements here, being evident from their neglect and re- 
duction of them, that the British government did not take advan- 
tage of the disregard, and add them to their own. Elmina is a 

X X 


much finer position for head quarters than Cape Coast; the 
Dutch fort at Succondee, the best point for the Warsaw trade, and 
where we have but a house, is strong, admirably situated, and 
might be put in good condition for £1000. in addition to which, 
Axim, near the mouth of the Ancobra, would be the only fort to 
windward worth keeping ; and the Danish head quarters, Chris- 
tiansburg Castle at Accra, with their fort at Adda, (to secure the 
navigation of the Volta,) would have answered every purpose and 
view to leeward. One system could then have been acted upon 
towards the natives, the commerce, confined to the English, would 
have grown from wholesome regulations, which no other settlers 
could counteract by selfishness, jealousy, or by facilitating the 
illegitimate trade we would crush ; and the benevolent views of the 
British government for the improvement and civilization of the 
natives, would not be defeated by those, who, holding their private 
interest superior to views in which their own government has 
evinced no interest, militate against them by fostering suspicions 
to bar our progress in the interior, and by indulging those habits 
and customs of the natives, which it must be OAir first step to correct 
and divert. 

In addition to the obstacles which the inconsistent and selfish 
conduct of the diflferent European powers towards the natives pre- 
sents to intercourse and civilization, the continuance of the slave 
trade under the Spanish flag, is one more serious : no one can 
imaeine the stubborn impediment it was to our negotiations at 
Ashantee, where the native emissaries from these slave ships arrived 
not long after us. It not only injures the British commerce here, 
almost to annihilation, but, slaving being the natural trade of the 
natives, because it is the most indolent and the most lucrative, the 
opposition, which is insinuated and believed to proceed from the 
English alone, conveys a disagreeable impression of us to the 


TRADE. 339 

interior, as inauspicious to our intercourse and progress, as the even 
partial continuance of such a trade is to legitimate commerce and 
civilization. One thousand slaves left Ashantee for two Spanish 
schooners or Americans under that flag, to our knowledge, during 
our residence there, doubtless the whole number vvas much greater; 
since our return it must have been very considerable, for the slave 
trade was never more brisk than it is at this moment under the 
cloak of the Spanish flag, and great risk has been incurred, in con- 
sequence, of offending our new friend and formidable neighbour 
the King of Ashantee, from the firm resistance of his strong intrea- 
ties to the Governor in Chief, to allow the return of a powerful 
mulatto slave trader to Cape Coast town, whence he had been 
expelled under the present government, as the most daring pro- 
moter of that commerce. It is a great pity, in the infancy of our 
intercourse with this great interior power, that there should have 
been occasion either for the request or refusal; which there would 
not have been had the slave trade been abolished, instead of 
crippled, at the expense, probably, of our own interests and views 
in the interior, and, which is worse, of the happiness and improve- 
ment of the natives. For it is certainly our duty, because it is the 
most acceptable and the only efficient acknowledgment we can 
make of the superior blessings and endowments by which we are 
so indulgently distinguished from these nations, to extend the in- 
fluence and the participation, both by enterprise and pohcy, even 
if our commerce may not be benefitted ; and if we gain no other 
recompense than the satisfaction of our own minds in the amelio- 
rated condition of others, and the opportunity we have made to 
ourselves of exemphfying our own gratitude.* Whilst one slave 

* Tlie dissuasion from barbarities of which millions are now the victims, as the 
descriptions of the customs of Ashantee and the interior have shewn, and the interests of 
science, render this duty more imperious. It has been well observed, " apologies for our 


ship is allowed to visit this coast, the great convenience and the 
great profits of the trade will recur^ and be perpetuated amongst 
the Ashantees ; they will linger in the hope of its entire renewal, 
and view the English invidiously, as the enemies to what they con- 
ceive to be their only natural commerce ; this is another advantage 
to the Dutch, added to the inherent bias in their favour ; and, from 
the reception and facilities which slave ships meet with at Elmina, 
our odium is aggravated instead of being participated. " Delenda 
est Carthago." 

present ignorance of every thing that regards geography, &c. might be pleaded by mer- 
cantile speculators, but can have little weight with those who have the interests of science 
at heart, or the national honour and fame, whicii are intimately connected with those 
interests. It was not with a view to any immediate commercial advantages, that this 
liberal encouragement for the discovery of the north-west passage was held out, but 
with the same expanded objects that sent Cook in search of a southern continent." 

Voltaire's remark on India is now only applicable to Africa, " Plusieurs y ont fait des 
fortunes immenses, peu se sont appliques a connoitre ce pays." I would even recommend 
indulging the wish of the King of Dahomey to renew and perpetuate his connection with 
the English, not indeed by resuming the fort, that would be a useless expense, as there 
is no trade but in ivory, but by estabhshing a Residency at his capital, the most frugal 
method of collecting the various accounts of the interior of that neighbourhood for geo- 
graphical investigators, besides supplying the naturalist. Geographical discoveries in 
Africa have long been ardently emulated between England and France, and they have 
stimulated a generous rivalry of investigation between the men of science of both countries. 
An Englishman first penetrating to the Niger, and determining its course at the moment 
a learned investigator of the other kingdom had concluded it to be a contrary one, was 
one of those rational and illustrious triumphs which adorn the historical pages of a nation 
much more than those of war ; for the gratification and the benefit is shared by both, 
and such successes cease to be invidious when the interests of science are thus mutually at 
heart. The following immortal tribute from a classic of a rival nation, should stimulate 
us to challenge as illustrious a record of intellectual research, 

- - - - " monumentum aere perennius, 
Regalique situ pyramidum altius;" 
by a correspondent pursuit of intelligence in Africa. 

" Un Angljus, d^truit tout ce vain amas d'erreurs dont sont remplies nos histoires des 
Indes, et confirme ce que le petit nombre d'hommes instruits en a pense." Voltaire. 

TRADE. 341 

Let us suppose this irreconcilable obstacle to be annihilated, as 
no doubt it will be, and resume our reflections on a commercial 
intercourse with the interior. The people of Inta and Dagwumba, 
being commercial rather than warlike, the object, deliberately to 
be obtained, is an intercourse with them, which would in fact be 
an intercourse with the interior as far as Timbuctoo and Houssa 
northwards, and Cassina, if not to Bornoo, eastwards. The wealth, 
civilization, and commerce of Dagwumba, Mr. Lucas has before 
reported. Now, in effecting such an intercourse through the 
Ashantees, who are indisputably the greatest and the rising power 
of Avestern Africa, and who, having acquired their present extent 
of influence and command in little more than a century, may be 
expected to aggrandize their empire considerably ; in seeking this 
connection through them, there are these adverse circumstances, 
their policy, their jealousy, and their inaptitude to commerce. It 
has been suggested to the King, and urged with all the address of 
General Daendels, to open a path to the interior through his king- 
dom, and to receive a duty or tax on all the merchandize tran- 
sported, which would afford him a certain and considerable addition 
to his revenue ; but even this appeal to the avarice of the Ashantee 
government has had no influence. It would be dangerous as well 
as impolitic to offend the King of Ashantee at any time, with the 
present garrisons of the forts, madness ; and though his influence 
through that of Dagwumba, which is at his command, would 
extend to the Niger, 3^et, I think our anxiety to explore so far 
should be suppressed for two or three years, until he is satisfied 
that commerce and not ambition is the impulse. But in the interim, 
it would be desirable gradually to approach Inta and Dagwumba, 
by establishing a settlement up the Volta, which has been shewn 
to run close to Sallagha, the grand emporium of Inta, and is navi- 
gable within four days of it ; and possibly might be made so even 


nearer. The Danes would no doubt relinquish their claim to the 
navigation ot" the Volta, for it is a doubtful one. Dalzel writes, 
" the Danes claim the exclusive navigation of the Volta, which is 
disputed by the English, who have a settlement near it, called 
Loy." The great prices the Ashantees get for rum, iron, &c. from 
the people of Inta and Dagwumba, and the avidit}^ with which 
the}' purchase their small supplies, leave no doubt of the eagerness 
with which they would resort to our market ; and the silks they • 
obtain from Fezzan being dearer than our own, I should think we 
could induce a preference. Our Manchester cloth and cotton 
manufactures would be novel and useful to them, as those I saw 
wore vests and tunics. But here I must observe, that whenever 
our commerce with the interior may be established, the returns of 
it, in my opinion, will fall short of the general idea and expectation. 
The King of Ashantee viewing our settlements on the Volta, 
would, I have no doubt, be reconciled by our undertaking to sell 
neither guns or powder to any but his own people ; a measure due 
to humanity as Avell as policy, for the preponderance of one great 
nation is auspicious to the civilization as well as the tranquillity of 
Africa ; but for that, the slaughter of the human species would be 
incalculable; there would be a constant warfare between the numer- 
ous states, naturally querulous, and our passage to the interior 
would be impossible, not only on that account, but because there 
would be no powerful monarch to recommend or protect us. If 
the King of Ashantee were not satisfied with our new settlement 
confining the trade of guns and powder to himself, he would cer- 
tainly be repressed by the alarming reflection, that it was at our 
discretion, (depending on his behaviour,) to supply Inta and Dag- 
wumba with both, and thus to undermine his empire ; for it is well 
known, and has been confessed, that the greater population of these 
countries, could they but procure fire-arms, would give them a 

TRADE. 343 

superiority over the Ashantees, to which their greater civiHzation 
seems to entitle them. Our force and establishments should be 
respectable ; not to arrogate or to intrude, but to protect the legi- 
timate commercial views, sanctioned and invited by the voice of 
less arbitrary powers, and also to make their first impression of the 
English imposing and preservative. Residencies should be esta- 
blished at these courts, and young men of talent, temper, and 
discrimination be found to fill them, collecting the geographical 
and statistical desiderata, and forwarding them to be investigated 
and digested into one report at head quarters, before they were 
transmitted to England. One or two intelligent Moors might also 
be engaged to trade by different routes, and minute the directions, 
distances, and descriptions of the several places ; thus paving the 
way, and lessening the difficulties of a future Mission to the Niger. 
If the working of gold mines were also an object, the vicinity of the 
Ancobra affords a rich field ; and a small district might either be 
purchased of the natives, or they might receive a dividend of the 
proceeds, which would produce them much more than their pre- 
sent inadequate researches, suppressed by their more powerful 
neighbours the Warsaws. 

The benevolent and politic views of the British Government, 
would thus, by making use of what we have or might easily get, be 
more probably, if not more speedily reaUzed, than by the perilous, 
desultory, and limited enterprises of two or three individuals. 




1 II E hypothesis I have met with, I think in Parsons's Remains of 
Japhet, that the confusion of languages at Babel was a visitation 
on the family of Ham only, which spread itself over Africa, is cer- 
tainly supported (considering the radical affinities which have been 
traced between the Arabic the Russ and the Greek, the Persian 
and the German, the Qquichua, or language of the Incas, and 
the Sanscrit, and many others*) by the variety of languages in 
Africa which cannot be assimilated in the least degree to each 
other, and which would, I think, resist the laborious ingenuity of 
the philologist. 

I have heard about half a dozen words in the Fantee, which 
might be said to be not unlike the same nouns in the Welsh lan- 
guage; and this is the only affinity which has been imagined. 
Two words only in the Accra language have struck me as assimi- 
lating to those of any other, the conjunction " kai/ " (and), which 

* The eastern and western branch of this polai- race, the Eskimoes and the Tschou- 
gazes, notwithstanding the enormous distance of 800 leagues which separates them, are 
united by the most intimate analogy of languages. This analogy extends, as has been re- 
cently proved in the most evident manner, even to the inhabitants of the north-east of Asia ; 
for the idiom of the Tschouktshes at the mouth of the Anadin has the same roots, as the 
language of the Eskimoes who inhabit the coast of America opposite to Europe. The 
Tsphouktsches are the Eskimoes of Asia. Humbolt, P. N. v. 3, p. 291. 


with a broader sound would answer the corresponding Greek con- 
junction Ktxf, and fai {to do,) pronounced as the perfect participle 
of the same verb in French, and which is spelled fai in the old 
songs of Richard the first, and the troubadour Faydit. The 
Fantee word iimpa {true, indeed,) may be imagined to resemble the 
Greek s^juTrccg, which has the same meaning; but it is a solitary 
instanc e 

From Apollonia or Amanaheato the Volta, about 300 miles, six 
languages are spoken : the Amanahea, Ahanta, Fantee, AfFoottoo, 
Accra, and the Adampe. The numerals of which will appear, colla- 
terally with others hitherto unknown, at the end of this chapter. 

The Ashantee, in comparison with the Fantee, Warsaw, &c. &c. 
from its refinement of idiom, oratory being so much more cultivated, 
may be considered as the Attic amongst the dialects of the Greek, 
but it owes its superior euphony, striking to any ear, to the cha- 
racteristics of the Ionic, an abundance of vowel sounds, and a 
rejection of aspirates : 

Fantee. Ashantee. 

Key - - Safie - Saphwooa. 

Lock - Karradacoo Karradoo. 

Night - Adayfwa - Adagio. 

Day - - Aweeabil - Aweeabillee. 

Gun - Etoorh - Oteuh. 

Vocabularies of these languages would not be interesting to the 
public, especially as no affinity can be traced ; and I know not 
how to acquit myself of every thing like indifference to the curiosity 
at home, (without the dulness of the subject proving more irksome 
than a disappointment,) unless I endeavour to give an idea of the 
philosophy of the languages,* and submit their progress, collaterally 

* " I am aware that languages are much more strongly characterised by their structure 
and grammatical forms, than by the analogy of their sounds and of their roots ; and that 



with that of the arts and manners. The genius of the Accra lan- 
guage differing the most essentiall}' from that of the Ashantee or 
Fantee, examples from both will be instanced for illustration. I 
have principally consulted two gentlemen, natives of the country, 
but educated in Europe: the one resident between forty and fifty 
years ; the other, who has a respectable knowledge of the grammar 
of the English and French languages, returned Ironi England 
about ten years back, and both are as fluent as the Negroes in the 
Fantee and Accra, the latter being their vernacular tongue. 

Impressed with the ingenious hypothesis of the learned author 
of the Diversions of Purley, my first care has been to investigate 
the particles of the Fantee and Accra, considering the languages 
of uncivilised people, to be least advanced or removed from the 

their analogy of sounds is sometimes so disfigured in the different dialects of the same 
tongue, as not to be distinguishable ; for the tribes into which a nation is divided, often 
designate the same objects by words altogether heterogeneous. Hence it follows, that we 
are aslly mistaken, if, neglecting the study of the inflexions, and consulting only the 
roots, for instance the words which designate the moon, sky, water, and earth, we decide 
on the absolute difference of two idioms from the simple want of resemblance in sounds." 
Humboldt's Personal Narrative, vol. iii. p. 251. 

I am gratified to find, since my return to England, and consequent perusal of the 
Congo publication, that my investigations of these languages have happened to be con- 
sonant with the instructions of Mr. IMarsden in his letter to Captain Tuckey, as appears 
from the following extract. " Where a longer residence admits of freer intercourse, and 
a means of acquiring a more perfect knowledge of the language, it will be desirable, 
besides attempting to fill up the larger vocabulary, that pains should be taken to examine 
its grammatical structure, and to ascertain, for instance, how the nominative and sub- 
junctive words in a sentence are placed with I'espect to the verb; how the adjective with 
regai"d to the substantive ; how plurals and degrees of comparison are formed ; whether 
there is any kind of inflexion or variation of syllables of the same word, according to its 
position in the sentence and connection with other words ; whether the pronouns personal 
vary according to the rank or sex of the person addressing or person addressed ; and 
whether tliey are incorporated with the verb ; and to observe any other peculiarities of 
idiom, that the language may present ; noting the degree of softness, hai-shness, indis- 



primeval simplicity, to which Mr. Home Tooke's system refers. I 
found, however, both the Accra and Fantee languages more com- 
plete than I expected in conjunctions, and seldom using verbs 
instead of them, Avhich I presumed they might do. Yet I have no 
doubt, their half dozen of conjunctions, if examined etymologically 
by a person thoroughly conversant in the languages, might be 
traced, and shewn to be the contracted imperatives of the most 
recurrent verbs, as Mr. Tooke has proved those of our own lan- 
guage to be. Neither the Accra or Fantee have conjunctions 
answering to each of ours ; the distinction between many is neither 
comprehensible or necessary to them. I will submit their conjunc- 
tions, Avith those investigated in the first volume of the Diversions 
of Purley. 

Onee - 

Sey - 






- and 

L unless 

r still 


r because 

1 since - 

f notwithstanding 

I though 

rotherwise - „ „ 
i _ Noollay 






tinctness, intonation, guttural sounds, and the prevalence or deficiency of any particular 
letters of the alphabet, as we should term them, such as R and F. The extent of country 
over which a language is understood to prevail should also be a subject of investigation ; 
and, by what others it is bounded on every side. Also, whether there may not be a 
correct language of communication between nations, whose proper languages are dis- 
tmct." I think the very frequent use of q is one distinguishing character of African 
languages .■ the r andy are very frequent, the latter especially ; the former as a hquid is 


There are no adverbs in either hinguage. There are but two in 
our own which may not be expressed by a verb or an adnoun, 
still and since ; and these they express by the conjunctions hut and 
because. " I intreated, but (still) he would not," " because (since) 
it is so," as the Latins frecjuently used prepositions for the Greek 
adverbs. Indeed since is expressible by a verb, being derived 
according to Mr. Tooke from the Saxon sithan, seeing that. They 
express the adverb much by the adjective many ; ago by a verb, " it 
passes ten years ;" almost by the verb it wants, " it wants to rain ;" 
and when by a noun, " the time I was there," coincident with 
Jones's derivation of ore.* Nooyewon, {because) in Accra, is lite- 
rally, "/b?- the sake of." Tnterah, the corresponding word in Fantee, 
" on the head of," {tirree is head) thus, they would say, " I do this 
on your head," or because you told me. Lest, which is considered 
by Mr. Home Tooke to be the past participle of the Saxon verb 
leyan, to dismiss, is be found either in the Accra or Fantee : 
in the former they would say, " Menkaw hauh ehbebdrdcU,' " do 
not go there, you fall down ;" and in the latter, " Kaiheah djai 
nee ohe'dbwayshee," " do not go there, and (or for) you fall down.'' 
The use of the noun for the adverb is frequent in Demosthenes, 
( " igi htcuLoq E%e<i/," " he justly deserves ") and can only be accounted 
for in a prose writer, Avho does not need poetical licenses, as an 
archaism, disused generally, through invention or refinement. The 
term adverb i? not a jlisl indication of the origin of that part of 
speech, for, although they are derived from verbs as well as nouns, 

frequently substituted for I, as I have illustrated in the Chapter on Geography. Their 
pronunciation of;: approximates to that of the aspro z of the Italians. I hope to have 
leisure and opportunity hereafter for paying this subject more attention. I have not yet 

had time to make sufficient progress in German to read Vater's Mithridatis, M'hich will 

. 'v.- ,. ;iu;:;;i; ;:— .■-■- '.' ■'' ''Vy'^'r 

no doubt assist my observations. . . i ■ ■ 

* From the Hebrew nnr, ote, time, has flowed It'., zvlien ; wliich r, -n, ov, being pre- 
fixed, becomes tots, ttote, ottot;." 


yet, in our own language, as well as in the Greek, following Mr. 
Home Tooke, the greater number are derived from nouns : and 
those (of which there are some in the Greek) which may be indif- 
ferently derived from a noun, or a verb, may be referred to the 
former; because, many of the adnouns from which adverbs are 
derived in the Greek, have been pointed out as disused ; and 
therefore the verbs from which adverbs are exclusively derived, 
are likely to be derived themselves from obsolete adnouns, which 
cannot be recalled; for it has been philosophically advanced, that 
originally there could have been but one sort of words, that is, 
nouns, or the names of the objects of our sensations and ideas.* 

I consider the absence of adverbs, participles, and prepositions, 
certainly the least indispensible parts of speech, and favouring 
copiousness rather than energy, to be a j)roof of the almost genuine, 
or primeval simplicity of the Accra and Fantee languages, which 
have not advanced or altered, even in the small degree of their arts 
or manners; for these have only been ameliorated by commercial 
intercourse with strangers, who not understanding their language 
could not have suggested improvements, and from whose languages, 
they being equally unintelligible, amendments could not have been 
copied. We find Portuguese nouns, and nouns only, adopted in 
the Fantee ; and that, of necessity, as Saxon nouns were adopted 
in the Welsh or Celtic, because they had no words to designate 
novelties they had never before seen or heard of; and, therefore, 
they called them as those did who introduced them. These primi- 
tive languages being, nevertheless, thoroughly adequate to oratory 

* " Every verb consists of a pronoun, expressing an agent, and of a noun, or the sub- 
stitute of a noun, expressing an object. Thus, oivoj and syco joined and abbreviated is 
oivooi ; and this term would be sufficient to express / drink wine, though originally it 
meant on\y ■wi7ie I ; association supplying to the speaker and the person addressed the 
intermediate notion ofdrinl-iiig.''' Jones. 


as well as the commoner purposes of speech, is a strong proof that 
language was revealed, as Johnson, Blair, Warburton, and others 
have maintained, and that it was not the fruit of human inven- 
tion or industry, as Lucretius, Horace, and most of the antients 

Neither the Accra or Fantee distinguish genders, the name of 
the person, or the context, is the onl}'^ explication; they have not 
even a third person feminine, but one pronoun serves for he, 
she, it. 

The Accra has a definite and indefinite article, but both are 
affixed to the noun, as " minna nooleh," I saw the man; " minna 
nooJcoo," I saw a man. The indefinite article " koo" is the con- 
traction of numeral one, " ekoo," so that I saw a man, is literally 
" I saw man one." An is simply another form of the numeral 
one, still used in North Britain under the form ane ; and in the 
French, the numeral and the article corresponding to one, are the 
same. The Fantee, like the Greek, has no indefinite article, or 
according to Mr. Harris's expression, on which Mr. Home Tooke 
is so pleasant, " supplies it by a negation of the definite," which 
is " noo," affixed, as " mehoon nimpanoo," I saw the man.* 

* The word caboceer {chief,) which I have used in the correspondence, history, and 
other parts of this work, as the only title familiar to Europeans, (being always substi- 
tuted, even by native interpreters for the vernacular,) was of course introduced by the 
Portuguese, and consequently unknown in the interior. It is applied to a chief who has 
the charge or government of a town, (croom.) Such however are indiscriminately called 
ohen or king, in Fantee. Throughout Ashantee the monarch only is called ohcnnie or 
Icing, and the chiefs who have the care or government of the towns of his dominions, 
safihen. Safie or saphivooa, means Tcey, and the last syllable of the compound, hen, is 
evidently an abbreviation of ohennie. Safie, a charm, is without doubt identical in a 
figurative sense with safee, Tiey ; and should, on consideration, be spelt as such, and not 
saphie as I have generally written it hitherto. A Moor is called Crambo by the Negroes 
of the interior, which bears the same interpretation as Pongheme, a Spaniard, in the 
Tamanack, i. e. a man clothed. 



In the Accra, the plural is formed by inflection, epenthesis, 
paragoge, and apocope : these changes are almost peculiar in every 
noun ; the more frequent inflections are, ai, ay, and ee. 

Singular. Plural. 

A woman - - yeo - - yeay. 

A box - - adikka - adikkai. 

A stone - - teh - - tai. 

Ground - - shepong - shepongee. 

A hyaena - krang - krangee. 

A father - tchay - tchayme. 

A liar - - amalialo - amallaloi. 

A gun - - toon - - tween. 

A vessel - lelen - ledgene. 

A man - - noon - nhal. 

A house - tchoon - tchue. 

In the Fantee the plural number is distinguished by the prefix 
en, though generally, if they can, (in a glance whilst speaking) dis- 
cover the number of objects, they use a numeral with the noun 
singular ; or, if they cannot be so precise in the instant, they sub- 
stitute mam/ to mark an indefinite number. The Chinese also, are 
said to drop their plural adjunct " tnin," when there is another 
word of plurality attached to the noun. 

Neither language has prepositions, and of course peraphrasis is 
generally resorted to : conjunctions are sometimes substituted, as 
and for with ; occasionally verbs, as " the King to give his captain," 
for to his captain ; and, sometimes, they are presumed from the tone 
or the context. Mr. Home Tooke, who values prepositions very 
much, has traced all but five, of our own language, to nouns and 
verbs ; and of these five, three have since been traced to nouns 
and a numeral ; so that out and off, only, are unaccounted for. 
Jones, in his Greek Grammar, writes, " the roots of prepositions 


are nouns and verbs," and, accordingly, he derives utto from the 
Hebrew, ab, a stem, 'rrtpi from the Arabic j^e^-a, eminence, uTrep from 
the Hebrew aber, sky, or the Persian ober, a cloud : the insepar- 
able prepositions had been traced to nouns and verbs long before. 
Degrees of comparison are not expressed by adjectives or 
adverbs, in either language: but, for he is richer than" he, the 
Accras would say, " eh phay leh ne ; " the Fantees, " azo tchen 
acke," he passes him (in) things : neither language has an adjective 
answering to rich or wealthy, but " jie," and " adee," in both, 
corsespond exactly in meaning and use with the res of the Latins : 
the superlative would be expressed by " he passes all." The antient 
idiom of comparison, antecedent to the general use of inflections or 
adverbs, was probably similar, judging from the following, and 
many other sentences in the Greek, " Ux^' laurov [^riSsvcc sTTiT-^Setov 
^ystTo, he thought no body fitter than himself;" " mXelovo? Jo|?jj -zzrapa 
Mua-r,v i^iuTxi, Heb. xiii. he was counted of more glory, or more 
glorious than Moses." Here Tnupx, so frequently expressing com- 
parison, being derived from the verb Trspocu, to pass, is identical with 
the Accra and Fantee expression, 

I observed before that the Accra and Fantee have no adjective 
answering to rich, they are also deficient in many others, which 
they supply by a second substantive in the same manner. This 
idiom is found in the Greek, " To o-Wjtta tijj Tccn-eivucreug ^[a.uv, our 
humiliated body, the body of our humiliation ;" Aipea-etg ctTnuXeixi. 
destructive heresies, &c. &c." and it is said to be both a Hebrew 
and Celtic idiom ; primeval languages, and the latter, I presume, as 
rude as those we are investigating. 

In the Accra, the personal pronouns are 

I - - me 

thou - boh 

he, she, it Iheh 


tve - - whah 
you - nnheay 

they - - amay 
Me is generally reduplicate before verbs, as " me me yay," I eat. 
Boh before verbs generally suffers aphaeresis as " oh yay," thou 
eatest, but sometimes not, as " hoh fai," thou doest : this is also 
the case with Iheh as " heh yay, Iheh fai." Me is added, as ?net 
in Latin, to make these pronouns compound. In Fantee the per-» 
sonal pronouns are 

I - - me 

thou - awaw 

he, she, it narra 

we - yarra 

you - awoo 

they - warra ; 
the latter is used as a possessive pronoun also ; woodde is affixed 
to make them compound ; they are irregularly contracted before 
verbs. Considering these barbarous languages of primitive sim- 
plicity, and recollecting the original and philosophical deduction 
of pronouns from verbs, by the Greek professor of Glasgow, as gyw 
or iyuv (which is the more ancient) from XB<yuv, ipse from bttu, I par- 
ticularly enquired for verbs resembling their pronouns ; but, after 
a long and diligent recollection, neither of my authorities could 
furnish me with any to the point. It is curious to observe, that the 
me represents the pronoun I, in both these rude languages,* as it 
does, though not in the nominative case, in most other primi- 
tive languages, and in the modern ones derived from them : it 
would seem to be the natural and involuntary expression for that 

There is only an active voice in the Accra or Fantee; the pas- 

* It is also found in the Empoonga, and other African languages, 
z z 


sive is expressed by a circumlocution, as he loves, or they love me, 
for 1 am loved, &c.* It appears erroneous to consider the infinitive 
mood as the root of the verb, when it has a separable or distinguish- 
ing termination, and mo7ig is as distinctly the verbalizing adjunct 
in the Accra language, as ere or are in the Latin, iiv in Greek, or 
an in the Anglo-Saxon. If we consider the imperative as the 
divested fundamental form of the verb, it is still difficult in these 
languages to get at the root, for the use of the infinitive for the im- 
perative, occasional in the Greek, is, in the Accra, so general, that 
for some time I thought it unexceptionable, and that it had not the 
two moods. 

The Accra has the neuter verb to he in the present, perfect, and 
future tenses, but in the perfect, it is irregular. 

I am I have been I shall be 
meyeh metay mahy eh 

The Fantee only has it in the present, " oh yea, he is." It is re- 
markable that even the linguists of our forts, who speak English 
fluently, never understand or use our neuter verb to be, but sub- 
stitute live for it, and that, whether they speak of animate or 
inanimate things ; a servant would say, " your keys live in your 

The imperative mood has a present tense complete in each 

They express the potential mood by adding auxiliary verbs, such 
as our can, may, &c., have been shewn to be derived from. 

The termination of the infinitive in the Accra is generally niong, 

* " The distinction of active and passive is not essential to verbs. In the infancy of 
language, it was in all probability not known ; in Hebrew, the difference but imperfectly 
exists, and in the early periods of it, possibly did not exist at all. In Arabic, tlie only 
distinction which obtains, arises from the vowel points, a late invention compared with the 
antiquity of that language. And in our own tongue the names of active and passive would 
have remained unknown, if they had not been learnt in Latin." Jones. 


which is rejected in conjugating. In the Fantee it is not dis- 
tinguished from the first person present, or root. The use of the 
infinitive mood, even in Accra, is very circumscribed, fior it is not 
found even in the most natural case when two verbs come together, 
as I want to eat, for whicii they say, " ineton meyay," I want I 
eat. The infinitive is generally used for the imperative in the 
Accra, but, otherwise, it only occurs in an idiom almost peculiar 
to that language, for instance, for are you walking now, they say, 
" iVeomong oh neo neh," 
" To walk are you walking now." 
For I am straightening it, 

" Jadjumong mejadjio leh." 
" To straighten I am straightening it." 
Verbs are invariably used thus, interrogatively, and, generally, in 
replies. I said almost peculiar, because I think this pleonasm is 
identified in the Greek idiom, " Ou%< f^evov a-oi ef^eve. Remaining, did 
it not remain to thee." 

The Accra has the present, imperfect, perfect, and future tenses : 
the imperfect and future being distinguished by the prefixes blek 
and ah, the one before, the other after the pronoun. 

" me yayne. bleh me yayne. me yay. m'ahye." 
I eat it. I was eating it. I eat. I will eat. 
But the imperfect tense is never used, unless a sentence precedes 
it, as 

" Bennay heh ba bleh me yay.^' 
" When he came I was eating." 
Otherwise, they use the perfect for the imperfect, never replying 
to a question even, in the latter. The perfect is only distinguished 
from the present by being pronounced short. These explicative 
particles, bleh and ah, would, no doubt, be found to be remnants 
of verbs of appropriate signification, as the ai of the French future 


is derived from avoir, were any j)hilologist sufficiently acquainted 
with the languages to investigate them. Ne, signifying it or thing, 
is adjoined to many verbs, frequently in the present tense only, 
like the explicative particle en conjugated with " alley." 

The Fantee has a present, perfect, and pluperfect : as " me 
dedee,'' I eat, " me adee," I have eaten, " me waya dedee," I had 
eat. It has no future, yet the time is marked precisely, by adding 
soon, to-morrow. Sec. to the present. 

Neither language has participles ; for, I see him coming, the 
Accras w^ould say, according to their idiom, 
" Minna eh ba'lheh." 
" I see his coming." 
Ba being a noun, with the definite article Iheh affixed. The Fantees 
would say, 

" Mehoon deh orraba." 
" I see that he comes." 
Many verbs in the Accra language are conjugated like reflec- 
tives, though they are not so in their nature, as 
" Me nakoo me fai Iheh 

I not I did it, for I did not do it. 
In the Accra, ko, the contraction of nakoo, (not,) is added to 
verbs as a negative, as " meyayko," I did not eat ; yet, in some 
instances, they have distinct verbs to express the negative of the 
action, as " mahttay," I will go, " meyang," I will not go. 

The Fantee prefixes ne'en, not, as " me dedee," I eat, " me ne'en 
dedee," I do not eat; and they have also, apparently, distinct 
negative verbs, as " ?/je becko," I go, " me'nkoko" I do not go. 

The Accra resembles the Greek in the nice distinctions of some 
of its verbs and nouns. 

Gnaghmong - - To salute in the morning. 
Cotaghmong - To roll up. 


Balbaghtoomong - - To draw towards 

Tehtemong - - - To gather up 

Kakow - - - The tooth ache ('wa/M/ong' a tooth ) 

Kodjomong _ - » To talk a palaver 

Song - _ _ _ To work as asmith"! neechoomong 

Ghnamong _ - - - mechanic J to Avork 

Ninnamong - _ _ To separate weeds from earth 

The Accra and Fantee interjections are generally parts of sen- 
tences, as, Mr. Home Tooke has shewn most of our own to be : 
" minnaiDiako," what do I see now, " me a whool" I die, " mMja!" 
oh my father, equally responsive to grief, joy, or surprise ; and 
used as involuntarily, and as frequently as the two syllables boh, 
hah, which answer to our oh, and ah, and which, of course, 
cannot be called words. An Ashantee striking his foot asainst 
a stone, or any thing in his way, exclaims " the thing is mad." 

I was surprised to find little, or no inversion in the Accra or 
Fantee prose*; the substantive precedes the adjective, but there 
is scarcely any other trace of it: yet, it is one of their poetical 
licenses, as may be instanced in the following line of a Fantee 

" Abirrikirri croom ogah odum." 
Foreign town fire put in, 
for " the foreign town is set on fire." In addition to this inversion, 
so many peculiar additives, (generally vowels,) and inflexions are 
allowed, as well as the figures Synseresis, Diuresis, Metathesis, 

* " He (the savage) would not express himself according to our Englisli order of con- 
struction, Give me fruit, but according to the Latin order. Fruit give me, Fructum da 
mihi, for this plain reason, that his attention was wholly directed towards fruit, the 
desired object. This was the exciting idea; the object which moved him to speak, and 
of course would be the first named. Such an an-angement is precisely putting into 
words the gesture which nature taught the savage to make, before he was acquainted 


and Anastrophe, in their poetry, and in their poetry only, (making 
it unintelligible even to those who can converse fluently with them) 
that both languages may be said to have a Prosody. From the 
following song, I imagined the Fantees (for the Accra's are said 
to possess none but fetish hymns in their own language) to have 
some idea of rhyme, considering the inversion of the first line as 
forced, and expressly accommodated to the metre, 

Abirrikirri croom ogah odum, 

Ocoontinkii bonoo fum, 
Cooui agwun, 
but I have not met with any other instance. 

The Ashantees generally use much and vehement gesture, and 
speak in recitative: their action is exuberant, but graceful ; and 
from the infancy of the language,* nouns and verbs are constantly 

with words; and therefore it may be depended upon as oertmn, that he would fall most 
readily into this arrangement. - - - - - 

We might therefore conclude, a priori, that this would be the order in which things 
were most commonly arranged at the beginning of language, and accordingly we find, 
in fact, that in this order words are arranged in most of the antient tongues ; as in the 
Greek and the Latin ; and it is also said, in the Russian, the Sclavonic, the Gaelic, 
and several of the American tongues." Blair. 

The arrano-ement of words in the Chayma is such as is found in every language of 
both continents, which has preserved a certain air of youth. The object is placed before 
the verb the verb before the personal pronoun. The object on which the attention 
should be principally fixed, precedes all the modifications of that object 

The American would say; " liberty complete love we;" instead of we love complete 
liberty ; " Thee with happy am I" — instead of 1 am happy with thee. Humboldt's Per- 
sonal Narrative, vol. 3, p. 261. 

* " In the infancy of language, while words were yet scanty, the most natural way, 
whereby a writer or speaker might give an additional force to his discourse, was to repeat 
such terras as he wished to render emphatic. The more ancient any language is, the 
more numerous appear the traces of such repetitions ; and next to the Hebrew, they 


repeated, for force, and distinction, as one one, for, one by one, 
or, each ; one tokoo one tokoo, for, one tokoo a-piece. They 
frequently are obliged to vary the tone, in pronouncing a word 
which has more than one meaning, as the Chinese do. They 
have no expression short of you are a liar, and the king was sur- 
prised, when I told him we made a great difference between a 
mistake and a lie ; he said the truth was not spoken in either case, 
and, therefore, it was the same thing ; they did not consider the 
motive but only the fact. 

Like the American languages, those of this part of Africa, are 
full of figures, hyperbolical and picturesque.* One of the kings 
of the interior, whose territories the Ashantees had long talked of 
invading, sent forty pots of palm oil to Coomassie, with the mes- 
sage, that, " he feared they could not find their way, so he sent 
the oil to light them." 'J'he Accras instead of good night, say 
" woo'dii d'tchcrrimong," sleep till the lighting of the world : one of 
their imprecations against their enemies, is, " may their hiding place 
be our flute," that is, " our plaything:" when they speak of a man 
imposing on them, they say, " he turned the backs of our heads 
into our mouths." Having occasion, whilst at Coomassie, to pro- 
test against the conduct of an individual, the king replied, through 
Adoosee, " The horse comes from the bush, and is a fool, but 
the man who rides him knows sense, and by and by makes him 
do what he wishes; you, by yourself, made the horse, who was a 

form a remarkable feature in the Greek tongue. This juaw j^uoi, I desire desire, blended 
into one word, become /xi/iaai, and mean, I greatly desire. /Saw ^acu, I walk walk, |3(- 
(6«a), I stride, &c. &c. &c. See Jones. 

* " i he messenger concluded this insulting notification by presenting the king with a 
pair of iron sandals, at the same time adding, that until such time as Daisy had worn 
out these sandals in his flight, he should never be secure from the arrows of Bambarra." 
Park's 1st Mission. 


fool, do better the other day, therefore, three of you ought to 
teach a man, who is not born a fool, and does not come from the 
bush, to do what you know to be right by and by, though I see 
he does wrong now." Other instances will appear in their songs. 
I shall transfer the imperfect Vocabularies which I formed, and 
the incidental observations, to the Appendix ; as they may not be 
indulged with so much attention by the generality of readers, as 
the investigation of the structure. 

MUSIC. 361 



1 HE wild music of these people is scarcely to be brought within 
the regular rules of harmony,* yet their airs have a sweetness and 
animation beyond any barbarous compositions I ever heard. Few 
of their instruments possess much power, but the combination of 
several frequently produces a surprising effect. The flute is made 
of a long hollow reed, and has not more than three holes; the tone 
is low at all times, and when they play in concert they graduate 
them with such nicety as to produce the common chords. Several 
instances of thirds occur, especially in one of the annexed airs, 
played as a funeral dirge ; nor is this extraordinary considering it 
is the most natural interval ; the addition of fifths, at the same 
time, is rare. The natives declare they can converse by means of 
their flutes, and an old resident at Accra has assured me he has 
heard these dialogues, and that every sentence was explained to him. 
On the Sanko (see Drawing No. 5, and Specimen in the Mu- 
seum) they display the variety of their musical talents, and the 
Ashantees are allowed to surpass all others. It consists of a 
narrow box, the open top of which is covered with aUigator, 
or antelope skin ; a bridge is raised on this, over which eight 

* " A few melodies in national music have been found incapable of harmony ; such as 
the two first bars of the second part of the Irish tune called The Fair Hair'd Cliild." 
Dr. Crotch. 

A a 


strings are conducted to the end of a long stick, fastened to 
the fore part of the box, and thickl}^ notched, and they raise or 
depress the strings into these notches as occasion requires. The 
upper string assimilates with the tenor C of the piano, and the 
lower with the octave above: sometimes they are tuned in Diatonic 
succession, but too frequently the intermediate strings are drawn 
up at random, producing flats and sharps in every Chromatic 
variety, though they are not skilful enough to take advantage of 
it. I frequently urged this by trying to convince them they were 
not playing the same tune I had heard the day before, but the 
answer was invariably, " I pull the same string, it must be the 
same tune." The strings are made from the runners of a tree 
called Enta, abounding in the forests. All airs on this instrument 
are played very quick, and it is barely possible to make even an 
experienced player lessen the time, which quick as it is, is kept in 
a surprising manner, especially as every tune is loaded with orna- 
ment. They have a method of stopping the strings with the finger, 
so as to produce a very soft and pleasing effect, like the Meyer 
touch of the harp. 

The horns form their loudest sounds, and are made of elephant's 
tusks, they are generally ver}'^ large, and, being graduated like the 
flutes, their flourishes have a martial and grand effect. It has 
been mentioned in the Military Customs of the Ashantees, that 
peculiar sentences are immediately recognised by the soldiers, 
and people, in the distinct flourishes of the horns of the various 
chiefs : the words of some of these sentences are almost expressible 
by the notes of the horns ; the following, uttered by the horns of a 
captain named Gettoa, occurs to me as an instance 
" O Sai tintintoo, ma yfiayui pa pa." 
O Sai great king ! I laud thee every where, or exceedingly. 

The Bentwa (see Drawing No. 6.) is a stick bent in the form of 

MUSIC. 363 

a bow, and across it, is fastened a very thin piece of split cane, 
which is held between the lips at one end, and struck with a small 
stick ; whilst at the other it is occasionally stopped, or rather 
buffed, by a thick one ; on this they play only Hvely airs, and it 
owes its various sounds to the lips. 

The Mosees, Mallowas, Bournous, and natives from the more 
remote parts of the interior, play on a rude violin : the body is a 
calabash, the top is covered with deer skin, and two large holes 
are cut in it for the sound to escape ; the strings, or rather string, 
is composed of cow's hair, and broad like that of the bow with 
which they play, which resembles the bow of a violin. Their 
grimace equals that of an Italian Buffo : they generally accompany 
themselves with the voice, and increase the humour by a strong 
nasal sound. 

The Oompoochwa is a box, one end of which is left open ; two 
flat bridges are fastened across the top, and five pieces of thin 
curved stick, scraped very smooth, are attached to them, and 
(their ends being raised,) are struck with some force by the thumb. 
I can compare it to nothing but the Staccado nearly deprived of 
its tone. 

The Ashantees have an instrument like a Bagpipe, but the 
drone is scarcely to be heard. 

The rest of the instruments can hardly be called musical, and 
consist of drums, castanets, gong-gongs, flat sticks, rattles, and 
even old brass pans. 

The Drums (see Drawing No. 7.) are hollow'd trunks of trees, 
frequently carved with much nicety, mostly open at one end, and 
of many sizes : those with heads of common skin (that is of any 
other than Leopard skin) are beaten with sticks in the form of a 
crotchet rest ; the largest are borne on the head of a man, and 
struck by one or more followers ; the smaller are slung round the 


neck, or stand on the ground ; in the latter case they are mostly 
played with the inside of the fingers, at which the natives are very 
expert : amongst these drums are some with heads of leopard skin, 
(looking like vellum,) only sounded by two fingers, which are 
scraped along, as the middle finger is on the tamborine, but pro- 
d cing a much louder noise. The gong-gongs are made of hollow 
pieces of iron, and struck with the same metal. The Castanets are 
also of iron. The Rattles are hollow gourds, the stalks being left as 
handles, and contain shells or pebbles, and are frequently covered 
with a net work of beads; the grimaces with which these are 
played make them much more entertaining to sight than hearing. 

I was fortunate enough to find a rare instance of a native able 
to play the radical notes of each tune ; he is the best player in the 
country, and I was enabled to collect the airs now offered : with 
some of the oldest date I have also selected a few of the latest 
compositions. Their graces are so numerous, some extempore, 
some transmitted from father to son, that the constant repetition 
only can distinguish the commencement of the air: sometimes 
between each beginning they introduce a few chords, sometimes 
they leave out a bar, sometimes they only return to the middle, so 
entirely is it left to the fancy of the performer. The observation 
made on the time of the Sanko may be extended to almost every 
other instrument, but it is always perfect, and the children avIU 
move their heads and limbs, whilst on their mother's backs, in 
exact unison with the tune which is playing: the contrasts of piano 
and forte are very well managed. 

The singing is aUnost all recitative, and this is the only part of 
music in which the women partake ; they join in the chorusses, 
and at the funeral of a female sing the dirge itself; but the frenzy 
of the moment renders it such a mixture of yells and screeches, 
that it bids defiance to all notation. The songs of the Canoe men 

N? 1. 

The oldest Asii antfk and Warsaw Air. 







1 — 





























J— — 
















• i 







T^^ i 





N? 2. 

A very ok! Asmamtee Aik. 

Aganka oshoom noofa Oboibee oshoom iioofa Asanka oshoom iif)ofa 
Orphan crit-s at night _ _ _ cries at niKl'S Orphan crio at night 

j? m J r^ \n rj-r i J^ ^J^ lh ^ 

wi'kirrie wikirrte oimiyow v-tkime wekirree wekirrre oimiyov 

sad thing sad thing Im sorry sad thing sad thing sad tiling Im sorry 

^iii ii 


When thi' air is repeated thfse chords are used as a 
prelude and the HJnote of the 1^'bar doubled. 

N? 3. 


N? 4. 

Warsaw Air, 

N? 6. 



rni^ ^i i \ i u \ [ ^ \ ^ ^\jn^ \ j ^^3 


i jr^jjj i j^i j^^nf^^T^^ 

N? 7. 

Oiioompjh yali|jj)i oiiompah j'ahpah onoompah yahpah 

(M..kts) Pir son do bud _________ 

si< _ ta sic _ _ ca onoompah 

UOl<! ^old (makes) per - _ soi 

do bad 

o _ nooinpali yalrpab 

"W 9- 

oiiooni]>ah yahpah 

-• ^ • « * 

A _ kim sicca o_ noompah jahpih. 

A _ kim i;<)1d (rn.!ki-si ptTson do bad 

Mor)f;R> Fam EE AiK, 

d jrm n^^ ,^ ! \ ^^ .71 ^ 7 ^ 1 ^ J7l ^73,? 

N? 9. 
Presto (^ C 

MoDERis Fantee Air, 

di'ir^-n j i ^j^p^^ rjTT^ tH j rjxP-#^ 

^-. "^-i .^o ^y-> 

OT7: i.;TTJ|.TO^ TT3 i ;rnj|j;7^. j^^ 



1 — p^ 


— 1 Ej 1 n 


















%J ^ 

m m 

• 4 

A Fantke Dirge. 



An Accra fetish Hymn. 

.-^^ -rrj 

m ti r 

gnorw'oorra ;ifi _ na;i' _ pwaif 

Afi . ■■ 

all' - _ pwaee 





n ^ i.rn _r5 

j^norwoorra afii_ _ naie- - pw 

gnorwoorra morhei- fjnorwoorra 

({iioivioorra jjnorwoorra morbif j^iiorwoorra 

N? IS. 


Kenmo _ vjy iioobloii jdomcxai K{iin»o\ ay noobloii atlomcvai 



~* • ^ -jf. • *■ 

dorrnvai eniioljloii Bootoh me po mi' bloh a_dai\_vo ~ I 

FaMEE AiK. — OompoochHa 



/■^ n~n n ^ \ rp^ 

4 ^ ^1?^ ^ I LCj ^ "^^ 

N? 17. 

Famtee Air 


^' ^-^&i :m 



U-n 'j^^mj-^\u^ 

NP 18. 

V ivace 


§1 J ■ rr, ; nj j ■ .^ ; .r: j i j ■ jtj ,71 1 


^ i ^ 



J J J W 


Mai I.OWA Air. 

Ara;„'.t;„ jj'j Jif r l '^lfif ri-^ l pi l 


MosEE Air. 


Anai:"„o j;;{ .rr] m n i r- ^ ^"J j-j r 

MUSIC. 365 

are peculiar to themselves, and very much resemble the chants used 
in cathedrals, but as they are all made for the moment, I have not 
been able to retain any of them. 

To have attempted any thing like arrangement, beyond what the 
annexed airs naturally possess, would have altered them, and de- 
stroyed the intention of making them known in their original 
character. I have not even dared to insert a flat or a sharp. 

No. 1. is the oldest air in the whole collection, and common 
both to Ashantees and Warsaws; I could trace it through four 
generations, but the answer made to my enquiries will give the 
best idea of its antiquity ; " it was made when the country was 
made." The key appears to be E minor. 

The old and simple air No. 2, is almost spoiled from the quick 
method of playing it, but when slow it has a melancholy rarely 
found in African music, and it is one of the very few in which the 
Avords are adapted to the tune. I think it is decidedly in the key 
of C major. The noun aganka, an orphan, is from the verb agan 
to leave. Oboibee is a bird that sings only at night, for which I 
know no other name than the Ashantee. The Warsaw air, No. 3, 
also in C major, was composed in consequence of a contest between 
the two principal caboceers of that country, Intiffa and Attobra ; 
one extremely thin and the other very fat ; Allobra ran away, and 
is derided by Jntiffa in the following satirical words : 
Asoom coocooroocoo oniiiny agwanny. 
Asoom is a dolphin, which, as a beardless creature, is an epithet of 
the strongest contempt. The literal translation is, 

'i'he big dolphin runs away from the small man. 

No. 5, which I should conjeeture to begin in E minor, and to 
end in D minor, was occasioned by an English vessel bringing 
the report of a battle, in which the French were defeated and their 
town burned. The words are allegorical. 


Abirrikirri croom ogah odum ; 

French town fire put in ; 

Ocoontinkii bonoo funm ; 
Great fighting man, wolf take you away ; 

Cooroompun coom agwun. 

Cooroompun kills all goats. 
Abirrikirri applies indiscriminately to all nations beyond the sea, 
as Dunko does to all nations far in the interior. Cooroompun is 
a very large insect of the genus mantis (soothsayer) frequently met 
with here, and the natives believe that it kills the sheep and goats 
by fjiscination, standing with its eyes fixed on those of the object, 
and swinging its head and body from side to side without moving 
its feet, until the animal falls in fits and dies.* Agwun is a noun 
of multitude, comprehending all the goat kind. 

A long tale accompanies No. 6. An Ashantee having been 
surprised in an intrigue with another man's wife, becomes the slave 
of the King, and is obliged to follow the army in a campaign 
against the celebrated Attah, the Akim caboceer mentioned in the 
history. The Ashantee army having retired, this man either 
deserted or could not join his division, and after concealing him- 
self some time in the forest, was taken by a party of Attah's, whom 
he addresses in the following words : 

Eqqwee odin ahi, 

Panther bush here (belongs to) 

* The power of fascination by the eyes, is believed and dreaded in those parts of 
Africa as mortal, whether exercised by the fetish priests against men, or by tlie cooroom- 
pun against animals. The idea prevailed in Pliny's time, but it was ascribed to the voice. 
" In libro quodam Pliiiii naturalis historise legi esse quasdam in terra Africa famihas 
horainum vote atque lingua effascinantium. Qui si impensiiis forte laudaverint pulchras 
arbores, segetes laetiores, infantes amoeniores, egregios equos, pecudes pastu, atque cultu 
optimas, emoriantur repente haec omnia." A cooroompun will be found amongst the 
specimens for the British Museum. 

MUSIC. 367 

Minawoo ! Minawoo ! 
I die ! I die ! 

Me'din adoo croora, 
Bush now my croom, 
Minawoo ! Minawoo ! 
I die! I die! 

Babisseache Minawoo ! Minawoo ! 
For woman's sake I die ! I die ! 

Attah m'incomie ! Attah m'incomie ! 
Attah don't kill me! Attah don't kill me! 
The man's life, it was added, was preserved when he urged that 
he understood how to make sandals. The key appears to be E 

No. 7, in G major, seems to convey the moral, that riches prompt 
mankind to wickedness, the word " makes" is understood. 

No. 9, became a common song in March last in praise of the 
present Governor in Chief; who, in consequence of the famine 
occasioned by the preceding invasion from the Ashantees, daily 
distributed corn to the starving multitude: the words are even 
more incoherent and figurative than the others, therefore I have 
not written them, but the meaning to be gathered is, " Poor woman 
and poor child got no gold to buy kanky ; good white man gives 
you corn." It will be observed that the air much resembles No. 11, 
wherefore I suspect it is an alteration, and not a composition; 
although the key seems to be G major, and it is impossible to 
attach any key to the latter. 

The dirge, No. 12, certainly in the key of C major, has been 
mentioned before, but here I must add, that in venturing the 
intervening and concluding bass chord, I merely attempt to de- 
scribe the castanets, gong-gongs, drums, &c. bursting in after the 
soft and mellow tones of the flutes ; as if the ear was not to retain 
a vibration of the' sweeter melody. 


No. 13, in D minor, is played by only two flutes, and is one of 
the softest airs I have met with. 

No. 14, is an Accra fetish hymn, sung by one man and one 
woman, or more, at Christmas : 

Afinaie pwee. 
The year's ends have met, 
Gnor woorra 
Somebody's child 
Take blessing. 
" Somebody's child," means the child of a person of consequence, 
reminding us of Hidalgos, " the son of somebody," so applied in 
Spanish. Its regularity is surprising, and its transition from G 
major to C major is very harmonious. 

No. 15, in G major, is a specimen of the Kerrapee or Kerrapay 
music, which I have made a point of preserving, as it appeared to 
me superior even to Ashantee. A young man acknowledges a 
crime he had attempted to conceal : 

Kenneovay nooblou adomevai, 
Oh pity! the palaver is spoiled, 
Noodooloo adomevai. 
It is found, it is spoiled; 
Ennoblou ; 
Think for me ; 
Dootoh me p6 me bloh. 
Elders, settle it for me, 
Adan vo, 
I am at a loss, 
The following is a translation of a long Ashantee song, with little 

MUSIC. 369 

or no air. The men sit together in a line on one side, with their 
sankos and other instruments ; and the women in a hne opposite 
to them. Individuals rise and advance, singing in turn.* 
1st Woman. My husband likes me too much, 
He is good to me, 
But I cannot hke him, 
So I must listen to my lover. 
1st Man. My wife does not please me, 
I tire of her now ; 

So I will please myself with another. 
Who is very handsome. 
2nd Woman. My lover tempts me with sweet words, 
But my husband always does me good. 
So I must like him well, 
And I must be true to him. 
2nd Man. Girl you pass my wife handsome. 
But I cannot call you wife ; 
A wife pleases her husband only. 
But when I leave you, you go to others. 

* I never heard this sung without its recalling Horace's beautiful little dialogue ode, 
(9. lib. 3) " Donee gratus eram tibi." 

3 B 



Materia Medica and Diseases. 

In i: report of the Materia Medica and Botany of Ashantee, was 
the only one which I was not required to furnish. It was afforded 
by Mr. Henry Tedhe, assistant surgeon, whose subsequent death 
has mingled a regret Avith the recollection of the Embassy, Avhich 
the recall of my own sufferings, and the family affliction it entailed 
on me, could never have exacted. The inteUigence reached me in 
England, to correct the pride of success by associating misfortune 
■with it ; for the recollection of Mr. Tedlie's social virtues, of his 
enterprise and ability, makes it a severe one to myself, and to the 
world. Mr. Tedlie suffered severely from intermitting dysentery 
during the Mission, but I had hoped it would have been eradicated 
after his return. He had previously attended the expedition to 
Candy, and expired at Cape Coast Castle in the 27th year of his 
age. Throughout the Mission he indulged the feehngs of the 
natives, in his professional capacity, with a patience few could 
have exerted ; whether labouring under sickness himself, or dis- 
turbed in the moments of a scanty rest ; he awed and conciliated 
the people by the importance of his cures, and thus contributed to 
the success of the enterprise. 

" During the earlier part of our residence at Coomassie, the 
season was tolerably favourable to the gathering of plants, but we 
were then allowed to go out but seldom, and never beyond the town. 


Latterly, when better impressions succeeded, and our walks were 
unrestrained by limits or attendants, the rains not only checked, 
but generally disappointed my researches, by presenting the subject 
flowerless, (or in an unfit state for preservation,) and consequently 
not admitting their classification, as is too evident in the following 
list of such plants as are used as medicines by the Ashantees. 

1. Cutturasuh. ['^Chrj/santhellum procumbens. Persoon. syn. %. p. 
471, Verhesina mutica Willd.) A small plant, a decoction of which 
is purgative, before boiling it should be bruised. -^ 

2. Adumba, (a species of Ficus.) The bark and fruit are pounded 
with Mallaguetta pepper and a small plant called awhintey whinting, 
boiled in fish soup : two doses in the third month of gestation are 
said to cause abortion. 

3. Koofoobah {Gloriosa superba. Linn.) is bruised with Malla- 
guetta pepper (lesser cardamom seeds) and applied to the ancle or 
foot when sprained. 

4. Tandoorue (^perhaps a Cupania or Trichilia.) The bark is 
pounded and boiled with Mallaguetta pepper ; used for pain in the 
belly, and acts as a purgative. 

5. Bissey. (Sterculia acuminata. Palis, de Beauvois, Flore d'Oware 
l.p. 41. tab. 24.) The fruit is constantly chewed by the Ashantees, 
especially on a journey ; it is said to prevent hunger and strengthen 
the stomach and bowels ; has a slight bitter aromatic astringent 
taste, and causes an increase of the saliva while chewed. 

6. Attueh. (Blighia sapida. Hort. Kew. ed. 2. vol. 3, p. 350. Akeesia 
africana Tussac Flor. des Antilles 66". ) A decoction of the bark is 
said to be anti-venereal. The fruit is eaten. 

7. Ricinus Communis Linn. Castor oil nut tree, 30 feet high 
here, and not a bush as on the coast : not used as medicine by the 

* I am indebted to Mr. Brown's knowledge for the names and references in the 



8. Apooder, {Tzco species of Leucas, of which one is hardly diffe- 
rent frojn L. Martinicemis Hort. Kew. ed. 2. vol. 3, p. 409, the other 
is perhaps new.) A mixture of the bruised leaves with lime juice 
is applied to inflammations. 

9. Hooghong. (A species of Urtica) is bruised, mixed with chalk, 
and drank by pregnant women to correct acidity in the stomach, 
heartburn, &c. 

10. Accocottocotorawah, [Heliotropium indicum. Linn.) The juice 
expressed from this plant is snuffed up the nostrils in cases of severe 
head-ach. They also inhale the smoke of it into the nose. 

11. Crowera {Acahjpha ciliata. JVi/ld. sp. pi.) is bruised with lesser 
cardamom seed, and rubbed on the chest and side when pained. 

12. Enminim (a species ofVitis.) A climbing plant. The juice 
expressed from the leaves is dropped into the ej'es when affected 
with opthalmia or pain. 

13. Secoco. {Leptanthus ?) A small marshy plant. Is pounded 
with lime juice and rubbed on the body to cure the crawcraws ; a 
severe and obstinate species of itch. ..>■ ■ i; ., 

14. Ammo. — The juice is applied to cuts and bruises.: fi a ,vlbci 

15. Petey {possibly a Piper.) The leaves are pounded, and applied 
as a plaister to inflammatory swellings and boils. 

16. Abromotome. — The bruised leaves are used to discuss boils. 

17. Yangkompro. (A syngenesious plant related to Cacalia.) The 
pounded leaves are applied to cuts and contusions. 

18. Oeduema. {Musanga cecropioides Br. See Tuckey's Congo, 
p. 453.) The hairy sheath or stipule of a large palmated leaved 
tree; it resembles a skin, is boiled in soup, and used as a powerful 

19. Semeney, {probably a species of Aneilema.) The leaves are 
pounded and applied as a plaister to favour the discharge of boils 
and collections of pus. 


20. Wpwwah (perhaps a Sterculia.) The inner bark of this tree 
is scraped fine and mixed with Mallaguetta pepper, and drank for 
colic and other pains in the belly. 

21. Anafranakoo. — The bruised leaves are apphed to discuss 
boils and other inflammatory swelling. 

22. Kattacai ben (£eeo sctmiwcma.) A decoction of the leaves is 
drank every morning by pregnant women when they experience 
any uneasiness in the abdomen. The bark of the tree powdered is 
rubbed on chronic swellings. 

23. Aserumhdrue {a species of Pipej- related to umbellatum.) The 
leaves are used in soup to allay swellings of the belly. 

24. Ocisseeree. — The bark of this tree is used to stop the purg- 
ing in dysentery and diarrhoea. 

25. Gingang. (Paidlinia africana Br. See Tuckey's Congo, p. 427-) 
The bark of this tree is used internally and externally, mixed with 
Mallaguetta pepper for pain in the side. 

26. Cudeyakoo. — A very small plant. The leaves and stalk 
pounded are applied to eruptions on the head., ,Ar :ffii?^t.iLire of it 
with lime juice is applied to the yaws. oiu so**';"^i') • '' ' 

oi 27. Affeuah {unknown) and Nuinnuerafuh (Hedysari species.) A 
mixture of the bruised leaves of these plants with Mallaguetta 
pepper, is rubbed on the body and limbs when swelled or pained : 
a decoction of them, with an addition of the plant Comfany (Alter- 
nanthercB, sp.) is used internally in the same cases. 

28. Adummah. (Paullinia africana. The same as No. 25.) A de- 
coction of the bark of this tree, reduced to powder with Mallaguetta 
pepper, drank once a day, stops the discharge of blood and cures 
the dysentery. 

29. Tointinney (probably a Menispermum.) Is chevved with 
Mallaguetta pepper as a cure for a cough. 

30. Apussey. {A leguminous plant, probably allied to Kobinia. ) 


The bark of this tree pounded with Mallaguetta pepper is ap- 
plied to tlie head in cases of head-ach. 

31. Thuquamah. — ^The bark is pounded and drank in Palm 
wine, with Mallaguetta pepper, for pain in the belly, 

32. Conkknoney, a dark purple coloured Toadstool, the size of a 
hazel nut, rubbed with Mallaguetta pepper and lime juice, it purges 
briskly. To stop the purging, a mess of boiled Guinea corn meal 
and lime juice should be eaten. 

33. Suetinney. — (Brillaiitaisia owariensis. Palis, de Beauvois Flor. 
d'Oware, 2. p. 68 tab. 100, Jig. 2.) A decoction of the leaves is 
drank for pain in the belly. 

34. Soominna, (Tetandria Monogynia,) is bruised with lime juice 
and used to abate cough. 

35. Thattha (Scoparia dulcis. Linn.) — The expressed juice of 
this plant is dropped into the ears when pained. 

36. Aquey (Melia Azedarach. Linn.^ A decoction of the leaves 
of this tree is used with Palm wine as a corroborant. 

37. Dammaram {Mtisscenda fulgens. nov. spec.) 

The diseases most common in the Ashantee Country are the 
Lues, Yaws, Itch, Ulcers, Scald-heads, and griping pains in the 
bowels. Other diseases are occasionally met with, I should sup- 
pose in the same proportion that they occur in civilized countries ; 
but I do not know to what cause to assign the prevalence and fre- 
quency of one of the most unsightly diseases that can occur in any 
country : it is an obstinate species of ulcer, or. Noli me tangere, 
which destroys the nose and upper lip ; it attacks women chiefly, 
although men are not exempt from it ; there are more than 100 
women in Coomassie who have lost the nose or upper lip from 
this cause alone : it commences with a small ulcer in the alae nasi, 
or upper lip, the size of a spUt pea, excavated, with the edges 


ragged and turned inwards, it proceeds by ulcerating under the 
skin ; the bottom of the ulcer is uneven, covered with a foul slough, 
of a very disagreeable smell, and the discharge is thin, watery, 
and very irritating : it seldom cicatrices before the alae nasi and 
lip are completely destroyed ; when it does cease, the skin is 
puckered and uneven, and has a very disagreeable appearance; 
the only remedy which the natives use, is an external application 
of bruised leaves ; they seem to let it take its course, without being 
very anxious about a cure. 

Framboesia, the Yaws, is a very frequent disease with the chil- 
dren of the poor and slaves: before the eruption takes place they 
are severely afflicted with pains in the joints, and along the course 
of the muscles of the superior and interior extremities; in young- 
persons, hard, round bony excrescences, the size of a walnut, 
form on each side of the nose under the eyes. The Natives either 
are not acquainted with a remedj' for this enlargement of the 
bones, or if they are, they do not put it in practice. I adminis- 
tered alterative doses of calomel and antimonial powder with 
success, as it stopped the enlargement of the bones and caused 
them to be absorbed, and relieved the pain in the arms and legs 
particularly; during the exhibition of the alterative pills, afoul 
ulcer on the head got well: the natives apply a mixture of the 
plant Cudey-akoo, with lime juice, to the eruption, but apparently 
with very little benefit. 

Psora, the itch, a very severe species of which, called craw 
craw, is a frequent disease, and is very contagious; it is most com- 
monly met with in children, few of the Dunko slaves are without 
it, from their pQor diet and extreme dirtiness; they do not seem to 
experience much uneasiness from it, as they seldom apply any 
remedy ; sometimes they use a rubefaciant, made of a plant called 
secoco, bruised and mixed with lime juice. 


Gonorrhoea is of rare occurrence, two cases came under my 
care, the patients had never used injections, they drank decoc- 
tions of leaves and bark, but could not tell me the plants they 
used ; one of the ingredients, was a small plant call Cutturasuh, of 
a purgative nature. The disease is allowed to take its course by 
the natives, as they are unacquainted with any method to stop it. 

Tinea Capitis, the scald head, is a common disease with the 
poorer sort of Ashantees and slaves, arising from their neglect of 
cleanliness ; the applications which they use to cure it have seldom 
the desired effect. They apply plaisters of pounded leaves and 
charcoal, but do not wash the head. In one case, where a boy 
was placed under my care, he got well in eight days, by having 
his head very well washed with a brush, soap, and warm water; 
then a strong infusion of tobacco, applied with a sponge, and 
when the head was dry, a composition of resinous and mercurial 
ointment was rubbed on it. 

Hydrocele occasionally occurs; they attempt to cure it by 
frictions of the castor oil nut, burnt and bruised with Mallaguetta 
pepper, but without any benefit. I drew off the Avater from one 
hydrocele, but, from our want of stimulants, could not perform 
any radical cure. Their applications to Inguinal hernia are 
equally ineffectual. They never attempt the reduction of umbi- 
lical hernia, although some are very large, and the disease very 

When a fracture of the leg or arm happens, the part is rubbed 
with a soft species of grass and palm oil, and the Hmb bound up 
with splints. " If God does not take the patient he recovers in 
four months, '^ as they say. 

I have not seen a single instance of fracture in the Ashantee 
country. Gun-shot wounds of the extremities, when the bone is 
fractured, are generally fatal, or, where a large blood vessel is 


wounded, as they are unacquainted with any method of stopping 
the haemorrage ; in fact they pay Uttle attention to their wounded 
men; if they are not able to travel, they are abandoned. One of 
the King's criers had his thigh dislocated at the hip joint with an 
anchylosis of the knee; the limb was considerably longer than the 
other, and the accident must have occurred a long time ago, as he 
walks very well. 

During the time we remained in Coomassie, and from our first 
entrance into the Ashantee country, 1 was every day applied to 
for advice and medicines by those who were afflicted with dis- 
eases, of which the number was great, and in the capital more 
especially, from its very unhealthy situation, being entirely sur- 
rounded by an extensive tract of swampy ground, and the natives 
consequently very subject to dysentery and fever. On first enter- 
ing the country I was applied to by numbers of patients, many of 
them miserable objects, from the effects of the venereal disease : to 
as many of those as applied, during our halt in a town, I gave 
boxes of pills and strict directions for their use, and told them if 
they came to Coomassie during my residence there, I would do 
every thing in my power to cure them. Many availed themselves 
of my offer, and attended me on my arrival. To those who had 
ulcers or wounds, 1 applied the proper dressings, and left with 
them lint, adhesive plaister, and ointment. Most of them as a 
mark of their gratitude, sent presents of fowls, fruit, palm oil, 
wine, &c. to me after I had arrived in the capital. One man in 
Assiminia, who was nearly in the last stage of existence from a 
complication of disorders, originating from lues venerea, after I 
had seen him, sent every week to Coomassie for medicines, and 
completely recovered. Another in Sarrasoo who had the worst 
looking ulcers of the inferior extremities, that I have ever seen, 

did the same, and with the same success, A great many caboceers 

3 c 


attended me every morning with their slaves and children affected 
with dropsy, crawcraws, yaws, fever, bowel complaints, &c. and 
expressed the most unbounded thanks for the medicine and 
advice they received. 

At the King's particular request, 1 attended his own brother, 
the heir apparent, who had oedematous feet : by the use of fric- 
tion, a roller, and an alterative course of calomel, and diuretics, 
he soon recovered. 

The King's uncle, heir to the crown after the brother, was 
severely tormented with stricture of the urethra ; he could only pass 
urine, drop by drop; three weeks passing the catheter, enabled 
him to make it in a full stream ; w^hen he immediately requested 
some powerfully stimulating medicine to correct im potency, which 
it was not in my power to grant. 

The captain whose office it is to drown any of the King's 
family who have offended, had an ulcer two inches long in the 
palate bone; when he drank, part of the fluid passed out of his 
nose, and his speech was very unintelligible; the sides of the open- 
ing were scarified, and the granulations touched every third or 
fourth day Avith lunar caustic until they united ; he got well in one 

The only unfortunate case I attended, was our guide Quamina 
Bwa; shortly after we arrived in Coomassie he was attacked 
with remittent fever; by the use of febrifuge medicines, the cold 
bath, bark, &c. he recovered, and was able to attend his usual 
duty of waiting on us, Avhen we visited the king; he went into 
the country, and I did not see him for six weeks; at the end of 
that time, he sent for me, and I found him labouring under a 
severe biUous dysentery, and liver complaint. I was unable to 
prevent the formation of matter in his liver; it formed a large 
swelling with distinct fluctuation, and as he hesitated to have it 


discharged by puneturing with a trochar, it burst internally, and 
he died. I had one case of cancer of the upper lip, although the 
disease is said rarely to occur in that part. This case had all the 
marks of a true cancer; I dressed it every day during the whole 
time I remained in Coomassie, but the effect flattered and dis- 
appointed me by turns. 

The most importunate man for medicine, especially of an in- 
vigorating kind, in the whole Ashantee country, was old Apokoo, 
the treasurer and chief favourite. He was afflicted with inguinal 
hernia: I wrote to Cape Coast for a truss, which I applied, and 
it gave him immediate relief and satisfaction. He would take the 
most nauseous drug with pleasure. I generally gave him bark 
and peppermint water, which he regularly either sent or came for 
every day, during the two last months of our residence, and 
earnestly requested me to leave plenty of medicine with Mr. Hutchi- 
son, the British resident there. Most of the chief men were very 
earnest in their solicitations for me to give them stimulating medi- 
cines. I always assured them that it was impossible, that the 
English never used any, and that nothing astonished me more 
than that they should ask for such things. Their answers were, 
" they knew that the English had good heads and knew every 
thing, and must know that too, but I did not wish to give them 
A List of the Diseases which I have seen in the Ashantee countrt/. 

Febris remittens - 




- many cases 




- many 

Dysenteria mucosa 


Gonorrhoea - 

- 2 

CoUca - - - 



- 3 




- 2 



Staphyloma - 

- 5 



Ectropiura - 

1 case 

Umbilical ( hernia) 


Broncho cele 

- many 



Cephalagia - 

- many 

Tinea capitis 


Odontalgia - 

- 10 

Hydrocele - 



- 8 



Framboesia - 

- many 




- many 



Hernia inguinal 

- 1 



Mr. Hutchison's Diary. 

i^EPTEMBER 26. After we left the palace this morning, Apokoo 
invited me home to take some refreshment. He entered into a 
long conversation concerning the slave trade: he heard, he said, 
that an English vessel had arrived at Cape Coast, and had brought 
out a letter from the King of England to the Governor-in-Chief, 
ordering a renewal of the slave trade, and asked me, if I had re- 
ceived any letter. I said I had not, but if such a thing had taken 
place, I thought I should have early accounts. He enquired what 
were the objections we had to " buy men ?" I told him what I 
conceived to be proper ; he laughed at our ideas, and enquired if 
the king of Dahomey had not sent a " book four moons ago to 
Cape Coast, inviting the English to trade again, in his kingdom." 
I replied there Avas a message sent, but I could not say exactly in 
what words, as I was at Dix Cove at the time. " England," he 
said, " was too fond of fighting, her soldiers were the same as 
dropping a stone in a pond, they go farther and farther:" at the 
same time he described an enlarging circle with his hand, and 
shook his finger and head significantly at me. He was anxious 
for me to write a " proper book" on the slave trade, many slaves, 
he told me, had revolted, and joining the Buntokoo standard were 
to fight against them ; there were too many slaves in the country, 
(an opinion I tacitly acquiesced in), and they wanted to get rid of 


some of them. There might be a deal of trouble from them; he 
alone had one slave, who had 1000 followers at arms, and he 
might trouble them as Cudjo Cooma did, who was a slave of his 
when he revolted, and whose adherents alone were 10,000, inde- 
pendent of runaways, &c. 

In the afternoon the King sent me a ceremonious message, with 
his compliments, saying he would be glad if I attended him in his 
customs, &c. when he should sit in public. I replied that I would 
be happy to do so, as it was the King's wish, except when 
human sacrifices were offered, but then it M^ould be contrary to my 
inclinations, my religion, and my instructions. 

Shortly after I was told the King was in the market-place drink- 
ing palm wine. I went for the first time and took my seat on his 
left. The King made me a present of a pot of wine, as did 
several of his chiefs. When he drank, the whole of the music 
played, while the executioners, holding their swords with their 
right hands, covered their noses with their left, whilst they sung 
his victories and titles. About half a dozen small boys stood be- 
hind his chair, and finished the whole with a fetish hymn. The 
King enquired how many servants I had, and several questions of 
the same kind. After sitting about half an hour the assembly 
broke up, the King rising first, which is the signal to retire. 

Since the mission departed I have not been annoyed by any 
boys calling after me. After seeing Messrs. Bowdich and Tedlie 
through the town, on their going away, as I returned home the 
crowds thanked me as I passed, for staying. I suppose they 
hardly imagined, Avhen it came to the last, that I Avould do so: 
indeed when I returned to my lodgings I found them solitary 
enough; and, in the night time, three men found their way into 
the house; one of my servants awakening, shouted out; I struck 
at one of them with my sword, but missed him : in the morning it 


was discovered that he had succeeded in stealing nearly half a sheep, 
a quantity of kankey belonging to the boys, and a table knife. I am 
not sanguine enough to imagine I shall be long allowed to take my 
walks unmolested ; when the novelty of my remaining alone passes 
away, they will return to their old insolencies. 

Monday 29- Paid Apokoo a visit, and dashed him a ra^or. 
Several people were there talking palavers, and wishing him to 
interest the King for them ; among others, an old captain com- 
plained heavily of Quamina Bwa, our guide, but since dead, who 
he said had stolen a slave from him and sold him during the Fantee 
war; he had unavailingly applied to the family, he therefore 
wished it to be brought before the Kino-. 

Apokoo complained of head-ach, and one of his women brought 
a decoction of herbs, which she poured into a hollow piece of wood 
Avith two tubes, these were inserted in the nostrils, and the liquor 
poured in, while the head was held back, and afterwards spit out 
by the mouth ; I have seen the same poured into the ear for a like 
complaint. He wished me to try a little of it ; I of course declined 
it. He called one of his daughter's, and wished me to consaw, or 
espouse her ; I told him she was too young ; he said that was 
nothing, as he would keep her for me : he added, the Ashantee 
custom was, if a great man's wife with child took another man's 
fancy, he consawed the child in the womb, and if born a girl, when 
she grew up she became his wife ; if a boy, it was his to serve and 
attend on him, and he took care of it. Four ounces of gold it 
generally cost to consaw a girl. I said he was a rich man ; " true," 
he replied, " but it sometimes costs eight or ten ounces, sometimes 
only two." Observing a bow and arrows standing in the room, I 
began to amuse myself with shooting them ; he told me these were 
only for play, but when they went to fight, they tipped them with 
iron, and put a deadly poison on it, which caused almost instant 


death ; the poison is made from vegetables boiled in a large pot, 
and the arrows steeped in it. He shewed me the marks of two arrow 
wounds Avhich he received in battle. He then began to consult his 
fetish, by a quantity of strings, with various ornaments on one end 
to denote their good or evil qualities ; these were mixed promis- 
cuously together, and taking them in his right hand, he put them 
behind his back, and drew out one with his left ; this was repeated 
about 20 times. A wicker basket was then brought on a small 
stool covered with a silk cloth, in it were two lumps like pin- 
cushions, made of eggs, palm oil, &c.: he then turned up the bottom 
of his stool, and making three holes in it with something like a 
cobler's awl, he drove in three pegs with a stone, muttering to 
himself all the time, and waving each string round his right ear; 
an egg was then brought in broken at one end, and placed alter- 
nately on the lumps in the basket, and crushed on the stool where 
the pegs were put in : this he did every morning before he went 
out, to keep him out of bad palavers through the day. 

Tuesday 30. This morning Apokoo invited me to take a share 
of his umbrella, and attend the King, who went to finish his ablu- 
tions. We walked along through an immense crowd ; the streets 
were lined with the chiefs and their respective suites. We went 
down to the place where the King washes ; a low platform was 
erected where the stools were laid on their sides. The linguists and 
officers of the household stood on one side holding gold rods and 
canes, the fetishmen formed a crescent to the north side. The King 
performed the ceremony of laving the water over himself, sprink- 
ling the various articles the same as on Saturday, and the proces- 
sion concluded as before. 

On walking back Apokoo wished to try on one of my gloves, 
and as usual put it on the wrong hand ; his gold castanets pinched 
him when the glove was on, which made him shout out rather 


lustily, and stop short, I called out " you stop the King \' " never 
mind," said he, and his attendants pulled to get the glove ofif. 
The King sent to know what occasioned the stoppage, Apokoo 
held up his hand compressed, exclaixning, " Gamphnee," (it hurts 
me,) and stopped till it was got off". 

In the afternoon I called on Odumata, who said he was angry 
that I had not called before. I told him I came to thank him for 
allowing a slave boy he has, to do any thing for me ; he said I 
might have him so as 1 fed him, I replied I would do so. He 
entered into conversation concerning the power of England over 
other nations, and the danger of going to sea ; he had lived three 
years at Apollonia when a young man, and had seen many Portu- 
guese, but did not like them, " as they were all wenches!" He 
seemed pleased that I did not like them either. He wished me to 
purchase a horse from him for eight ounces, I said I would give him 
four." " I must not want one, or I would not offer him so," was 
his reply. I said that I had no place to ride it in, the country 
being all bush, and the King did not like me to go very far ; he 
replied, they were soon going to fight, and, as I should go with 
them, it would be better for me to have a horse to ride than to 
walk. I answered, I should lay hold of some wild boar and gallop 
it; this observation struck him with astonishment, and stroking 
down his beard, he asked ray servant if he thought I could do so, 
who replied, if I took it in my head I certainly would. Odumata 
said the people would think the devil was come among them. This 
he told me is the last day of the year, according to their calcula- 
tion, but from what reason I do not know. In the Sarem countries, 
he told me, they work iron from the stone, and silver, gold, &c. into 
trinkets, better than in Ashantee. I enquired why they did not make 
iron here, as they have plenty of ore ; his reply was truly African ; 
*' why should they do so, when they had plenty of gold to buy it, 

3 D 


and could get it so near." I told him of England's resources from 
her own manufactories ; he said it was not good for white men to 
know so much; if black men knew those things they would all run 
to England, When I got home I sent him a present of a razor, he 
sent two messengers to thank me, such is their fashion ; and for 
even the smallest article they return thanks the next day. Odumata 
enquired why I did not get drunk sometimes, and come to see him 
then, I told him, were I to get drunk in Ashantee, I ought to have 
my sword broke over my head, that I had indeed got tipsey the 
evening before I came away, with my friends, and might perhaps 
do so when I returned, but not till then. He gave me some palm 
wine, and looked amazed at my swallowing only half a tumbler full, 
" he would drink three pots before he Avent to bed!" (about 15 

Wednesday, October 1. The King dictated a letter to the Gover- 
nor at Cape Coast, stating, that the King of Cape Coast had broken 
the law by insulting an Ashantee man, who swore, by the King of 
Ashantee's head, that if the Cape Coast King did not kill him, he 
must pay 110 periguins of gold to the King. This practice, though 
it savours of madness, is yet often resorted to for revenge, as it is 
almost sure to end in the ruin of the other party. The Cape Coast 
Kino- had threatened, that the Governor would put the Ashantee 
man in the slave hole till he died, which appeard to irritate the 
King very much. 

The King then enquired if I had any yams at home; I told him 
I had a few of his last present; he told me he would send more to 
the house for me, which he did, and gave me 5^ ackies gold ; then 
pressed me to take some gin and water; on his being told that it 
mustjbe very little, for I was afraid of an attack of spleen and liver, 
and eat little and walked much, he said that was proper. 

Thursday 2. Through this and the afternoon of yesterday I felt 


very feverish, not being able to get any sleep for the rats at night. 
I kept my room all day ; the King sent a pot of palm wine in the 
evening. Adoo Quamina called. 

Friday 3. Whilst writing letters, Apokoo sent his compliments 
and would be happy to see me ; I went, and he said he was sorry 
he had not seen me for some days. I told him I was sick the two 
former days, and to-day was writing to ray family how I liked 
Ashantee ; he hoped I would give the King a good name in Eng- 
land. I should tell truth. He enquired if I would like to see his 
croom (village.) I replied 3'es ! He was going there this evening, 
and if no palaver came, he would send his people for me in the 
morning, to carry me. He asked if I was not for one of his daugh- 
ters, that he might be called my father. He then enquired why I 
did not wear my hair tied, and Jet my beard grow; he recollected 
Colonel Torrane and Mr. White having tails at the siege of Anna- 
maboe,^ and they looked very handsome. He requested me to 
show him the skin of my arm, he gazed on it with seeming plea- 
sure, begged I would allow him to touch it ; on receiving permis- 
sion, he rubbed his hand over it, exclaiming " Popa Taffia," (very 
handsome) and repeated his invitation to go to the croom. I took 
my leave. 

As I was going home I met a man white- washed, carrying a 
vessel covered over with a white cloth : this I have been often told 
is Tando fetish, but can learn nothing more. Music and a great 
crowd went with it to Adoo Quamina's house, at the front of which 
\hcy put it down, and sacrificed a child of Cudjoo Cooma's, the 
Akim revolter, over it, as an annual sacrifice of the King's. 

Saturday 4. Apokoo sent his people for me in the morning, who 
took me to his croom, about three miles S. W. of Coomassie. The 
road was in good order, and newly cut on account of my going ; 
his slaves all turned out to see me, many of them never having seen 


a white man before. Apokoo came to the entrance of the croom, 
which is small, to meet me, and took me into the place where he 
lives himself; it is like all country houses here, a square lined with 
palm leaves and thatched with grass ; his own room, raised on the 
iioor, painted with red inchuma or ochre, and at one end of it, his 
couch raised on wood with plaited palm leaves, and covered with 
large cotton cushions. Near his head hung three strings of fetish, 
made of gold, red earth, horn, and bone, in the shape of thigh 
bones, horns, jaw bones, &c. &c. One side of the square was 
fitted up with a forge and bellows to work gold ; another served as 
a cooking place, and the fourth for his sons to sleep in. About 
1 1 o'clock he went to one of the side places to eat, that he might 
not trouble me in his room, as he said. Before he began, small 
pieces of yam were laid on his fetish ; a small table was then set 
before him, and clean water poured into a brass pan, Avith which 
he washed his right hand, and then eat with it: — they are careful 
not to touch victuals with their left hand. A large pot of 3'ams and 
another offish being boiled, he satisfied himself first ; the remainder 
was then divided into as many lots as there were persons to partake; 
when the door was opened, and about twenty sons and daughters, 
with their calabashes, received each their mess. He had given my 
servant two fowls, some fish and yams, and told him to make any 
thing I could eat; I told him to make a soup of the fowls. When I 
was eating, Apokoo said he thought I was ashamed, and requested 
I would let him put down the screen ; I told him I dared not eat 
much through the day, being afraid of sickness. He enquired if I 
wished to go to sleep, for his couch was at my service. I declined 
the offer, and he went to sleep himself. Shortly after, four of his 
\vives came from town with a mess for him ; he was awaked to 
know if they were to have admittance, as usual : he ordered thenn. 
to set down the meat and go away ; they pretended to do so, but 


sat down under one of the sheds, and began to annoy the slaves 
bttt their stifled laughter soon awoke Apokoo, who stretched out 
his neck, and seeing them, told them in a passion, it was because I 
was there that they wished to stop, and that they had better be off; 
they took the hint and made their retreat. He got up to shew me 
his gold ornaments, which weighed 146" bendas (<£1]68.) and made 
his people kindle the forge fire to melt some rock gold to make a 
fish ; but the mould not being perfect, it was spoiled. He enquired 
if ever I had been in a yam plantation ; on my replying in the nega- 
tive, we went to see one ; he asked if I would allow him to ride in 
my hammock, I gave him leave ; it was better than his basket, he 
said, except that he did not like his legs hanging down. He wished 
me to dig up a yam ; the people brought me a long pointed sticky 
which is forced into the earth to loosen the yam, afterwards the 
fibres are cut with a knife. After I had dug up ten, he hoped I 
would accept of them as a present; yams are set like potatoes in 
Europe, they are put in the ground about December, so that they 
are nine months growing to maturity. He said he should not go to 
Coomassie that night, as he had to decorate his drums with tigers 
skins, but that he would be in on Tuesday. If I wished to come 
out and see him before that time he would send people for me, and 
be glad. I said I should come out some other time, but not so 
soon. I set off for Coomassie about six o'clock, having spent a 
very agreeable day. 

About seven o'clock the King sent for me ; on my going, he 
would trouble me, he said, to read a book he had that day found 
in a man's possession. It proved to be a Danish note to the King 
for three ounces per month, dated August 1, 1811 ; it seemed as if 
a seal had been affixed to it, but the impression had disappeared, 
and it was very much worn. The King said he never knew of it ; 
that an Ashantee captain had received and kept it, but lie would 


enquire about it His majesty wished me to drink something, I 
declined it; he hoped I was not sick, I said no, but drinking made 
my head ach ; he hoped I would sleep sound, paid me many com- 
pliments that I cannot repeat; enquired of my servant if I was a 
good master, with other questions of the like nature. 

Saturday 11. The King sent for me, and on going to the palace 
I found them in full council talking palavers. Adoosee was order- 
ing a messenger to go to Quamina Bootaqua, to make him proceed 
to Cape Coast, and inform the Governor that Paynlree had sworn 
by the King and had broke his oath, Bootaqua having sent word 
to the King of it ; but they did not mention any thing to uie. After 
this, Adoosee informed me, that messengers have gone from Aman- 
foo, sent by Sam Brue, to complain that the Cape Coast people 
had come armed against him to kill him. After hearing a long 
statement of grievances, they told me I must write to the Governor 
about it ; I said I would, at the same time I assured the King that 
Sam Brue was a slave trader, and not to be tolerated at Cape Coast, 
his conduct was so infamous ; they then called on his messenger to 
know what reason Sam had to leave Cape Coast; he entered at 
great length into the grievances experienced by Brue from the 
Governor in Chief and officers, because he owed eight ounces of 
gold ; I was called in to reply, which 1 said I could not conde- 
scend to do, until I heard from the Governor in Chief, as they 
had sent messengers to complain to him. Adoosee charged four 
messengers with what they were to tell the Governor, making them 
take fetish and other formalities usual only on great occasions, 
thereby giving the affair an importance it did not merit. The King, 
on the breaking up of the council, said he would send for me 
shortly after, to write an account of the affair to the Governor; when 
I returned home, I did communicate the whole to the Governor, as 
the King's letters are so hurried. 


I heard nothing from the King all day, but at night a Fantee 
man called on me, who had been taken by the Ashantees in last 
year's war, and whom I had been trying to liberate by speaking 
in his behalf to the King, and concerning four ounces of gold that 
had been taken. The captain concerned in it, to get quit of the 
palaver, had urged one of his wives to swear the man had lain 
with her ; she accordingly made a formal complaint ; the man was 
put in irons in the bush and only released yesterday morning as 
they thought to catch the King when he had some palavers pending, 
which would make him angry ; they therefore brought it before 
the King yesterday morning, thinking he would order the man's 
head to be cut off; but he told the King that this palaver was 
brought against him because I had spoken for him ; the woman 
w'as called, who insisted the man had lain with her, the man de- 
nied it, and on being offered fetish he cheerfully took it, and swore 
by the King to the contrary. The woman Avould not do so, and 
the King ordered the irons to be taken from the man, and put on 
the woman, telling her, she had not looked at the man properly, as 
it must be some other person. 

Tuesday 14. This morning a man was beheaded at the door of 
the house where I live, by Aboidwee, the house master: it appears, 
the man in question was brother to a caboceer, and presump- 
tive heir to his property ; tired of Availing so long he made fetish 
incantations, and other ceremonies peculiar to them, to destroy his 
brother; this coming to the brother's ears, and also, that he had 
enjoyed one of his wives five times, he complained to the King and 
requested he would put the offender to death to save his own life; 
the King complied, and ordered Aboidwee to put the sentence in 

Wednesday 15. The Adai custom. I went as usual with flags, 
and first received the usual offering of rum, and ten ackies of gold 


instead of a sheep. I called on Baba, the chief of the Moors, in 
the afternoon, who said he would teach me Arabic if I would 
teach him English; I said I would; but I am afraid he is too old 
for progress. I called on Odumata in my wa}' back, who anno^'ed 
me as usual to drink palm wine, although it gives me a head ache. 
Akotoo, the King's brother, was there, who said he had only seen 
me four times since the mission went away, and wished me to call 
on him. The conversation turned on the King's going to war, 
and his anxiety for me to go and see how they killed their enemies, 
and he would give me gold to feed me. I was told by a Fantee 
man, that Sam Brue had procured 200 guns and a quantity of 
powder for the King, for slaves he had sold to the Spaniards now 
on the coast. 

Friday 17. Deputies from the Warsaw states arrived a few days 
ago, to settle the differences between them and the Ashantees. It 
is thought, a fine to the King and future tribute may compromise 
the matter. Odumata informed me, that the slave ship has 600 
slaves on board ; and that, through Sam Brue's exertions ; he 
confirmed the report of the guns and powder. 

Sunday 19- The heaviest rain, thunder, and hghtning I ever 
saw, and has continued for several days and nights. About 
7 o'clock A. M. the King's drums announced his going to the 
market-place, where all his chiefs went and were drenched with 
wet till 2 o'clock P. M. when the King sent for rum and palm 
wine and dismissed them drunk and dirty. On Monday the scene 
was continued till the slaves had got the house covered in. 

Tuesday 21. A gay the linguist returned from Assin, where he 
had been four months ; and brought with him a number of Fan- 
tees and their families, as slaves. During the eruption of the 
Fantees in 1816', many of them ran to the Assin country to try 
and elude the vigilance of the King, but he heard of it, and sent 


Agay to demand them, who, after a long negociation, succeeded. 
A council was held at Abrassoo on the Barramang road, and the 
slaves were sent to Barramang to build a new croom for the King. 

Sunday, November 2. The King has been busy for the last 
twelve days making fetish, &c. for the success of the war; the 
Moors going every morning to the palace for prayer and sacrifice : 
to day being Adai custom, I went as usual, and received ten 
ackies of gold and a flask of rum, the foremost in the assembly, 
which was numerous. 

Friday 7. A serious palaver has arisen between the King and 
Adoosee the chief linguist, he having taken a bribe from some 
person to misrepresent a palaver to the King ; this coming to the 
King's ear, he sent in a fury to Adoosee, who, on being charged 
with it, thought his life would be the forfeit, and sent an express 
to Apokoo to come and intercede for him ; Apokoo being at his 
croom, it has been several times talked before the King, but no 
settlement, has taken place. 

Several people have been making application to me to de- 
mand them of the King, as belonging to the forts, having been 
detained as slaves during the Fantee war, and when Winnebah fort 
was destroyed. They are commonly very old, and of the female 

Saturday 8. Adoosee has got his palaver settled by paying 
twenty ounces of gold, and six or eight sheep to the King; Adoo- 
see's friends alleged that he ought not to pay any thing, because 
when any palaver comes he settles it at once ; but if he is not 
there, they have to go to council, which in fact is true ; but not- 
withstanding his abilities, and that he takes his seat as usual, the 
King looks at him with a gloomy eye. The King has been busy 
making human sacrifices for the success of the war, at Bantama, 
Assafoo, and Aduma, in the evenings ; and the Moors make their 

3 E 


offerings of sheep in the palace in the mornings according to the 
moslem ritual. Though the zealous Christian may lament that the 
Gospel has not taken place of the fetish, yet the friends of huma- 
nity will rejoice that the King favours the Moors, as many Uves 
have been saved that would otherwise have been destroyed at the 
present crisis. To day a bullock was offered up in the chief 
market-place, previous to the entrance of the chiefs, caboceers, &c. 
into the town, to meet in council, and determine on the method of 
conducting the war : in the afternoon, Boitinne Quama, King of 
Dwabin, sent his compliments to me to announce his arrival. 
Shortly after, the various bands of music declared the arrival of 
the tributaries, &c. ; the King of Ashantee took his seat in the 
market-place, and received their compliments as they passed 
before him. About nine o'clock at night Boitinne, King of 
Dwabin paid me a private visit, and brought me a present of two 
curious Gennet cats. 

Sunday 9- At day break the firing of guns, music, &c. announced 
a custom for the husband of the King's sister (the second woman in 
the kingdom), he having died in the bush on Friday, about 7 o'clock; 
the King went to the market-place to make custom, and sacrificed 
two men ; several others were killed by various caboceers. In the 
evening Apokoo and the other captains who are to exhibit their 
gold, paraded the streets, firing musketry, &c. ; the crowd was 
great. At 8 o'clock, his majesty of Dwabin came with the mes- 
sengers he sent to Cape Coast to have a suit of clothes, he said two 
trunks were at his house and he brought a sword to shew me, 
which the Governor had sent. 

Friday 14. Before I got up, I Avas annoyed with a crowd of cap- 
tains who began to annoy me for liquor. I ordered them out and 
desired a boy to keep the door fast. I sent a dash of wine, rum, 
sugar, soap, butter, and perfumery to the king, Avho was highly 


pleased. To all the principal captains, a dash of rum, wine, and 
sugar, till I had nearly expended my stock : the whole day was a 
continual annoyance from visitors, troubling me for drink, but as I 
was resolved to give to those only who were worthy, many of them 
were disappointed. This week past Apokoo and several of the 
captains have been making an exhibition of their riches ; this is 
generally done once in hfe, by those who are in favour with the 
King, and think themselves free from palavers. It is done by 
making their gold into various articles of dress for show. Apokoo, 
who sent for me before his uproar began, shewed me his varieties, 
weighing upwards of 800 bendas of the finest gold ; among the 
articles, was a girdle two inches broad. Gold chains for the 
neck, arms, legs, &c. ornaments for the ancles of all descriptions, 
consisting of manacles, with keys, bells, chairs, and padlocks. 
For his numerous family of wives, children, and captains, were 
armlets and various ornaments. A superb war cap of eagle's 
feathers, fetishes, Moorish charms, «Scc. Moorish caps, silk dresses, 
purses, bags, &c. made of monkey skin. Fans, with ivory handles, 
made of tiger skin, and decorated with silk. New umbrellas made 
in fantastical shapes, gold swords and figures of animals, birds, 
beasts, and fishes of the same metal; his drums, and various instru- 
ments of music, were covered with tiger skin, with red belts for 
hanging them. Ivory arrows and bows, covered with silk and 
skins, and many other weapons of war or fancy, such as the mind 
in a like situation would devise. Apokoo was anxious that I 
should come and see him when out, but from the noise, I judged 
that they were too turbulent for me to venture without a chance 
of being insulted. 

Saturday 15. Again annoyed by the people wishing for drink. 
Apokoo called with his retinue to thank me; for the Governor had 
given his people a flask of Jamaica rum. He had got three days 


to play, as he called it, and was sorry that he had not seen me. 
I told him I had very seldom been out, except when there was no 
noise, as the people Avere so unruly in the evening. '-o 

Monday 17. In the afternoon Apokoo sent a message, saying 
he was come to the door of the house to play and sliew me his 
gold, hoping I would come out. I went and found a Moorish 
carpet spread, at one end of which I was seated under an umbrella, 
while Apokoo and his wives, children, and captains danced by turns 
before me. Some of his young wives were dressed with great taste, 
a rich silk cloth with a bag made of fine fur, slung over the 
shoulder, studded with gold ornaments : on the left shoulder they 
held a pistol, and in the right hand a silver bow and arrow. 
During the dance, if Apokoo was pleased with them he took the 
bow and hung it on some of the ornaments, when she retired from 
the dance; this was a strong mark of approbation, if I may judge 
from the applause that followed : to some he gave a little gold. 
Several times he took from their necks various ornaments which he 
placed on my knees and over my left shoulder ; this was the 
greatest mark of honour he could shew me; and his band played 
a tune in praise of England, and of our abilities in setthng diflfer- 
ences. Many of the captains sent him presents of gold and rum.' 
I gave him a large flask of wine, which he said pleased him more 
than all the others, as it would shew the people I thought him a 
good man. 

'J'hursday 20. The Moorish caboceer of Alphia called to da}', 
requesting I would allow him to bring his brother and nephew who 
had arrived, as they wished to see me : on receiving my permission 
he sent for them, and as they immediately made their appearance, 
they must have been waiting at the door. I shewed them a com- 
pass, sand-glass, quadrant, some phosphorus, and several other 
things; at the sight of each they bent their heads to the ground. 


exclaiming " Allahoo Akabir !" God is great. I gave the caboceer 
a wax candle, piece of a perfumed soap (which he was going to 
eat !) a flask of Jamaica rum, and some sugar ; tilings he had never 
seen before : he begged to be allowed to touch my hand, and con- 
tinued calhng out Ah ! bielaneWasieh! Ah Nasara! Ah white visier! 
Ah Christian. He said he had a sister whom he would make me a 
present of, if I would have her. The caboceer of Alphia is brother 
to the caboceer of Premehinie, east of Ashantee, in the Sarem 
region, and subject to Sai Tootoo ; it is 14 days journey to Alpliia, 
one day to Brookoom, where the head fetish of that country 
dwells, and one day more to Crumassia and Sodie, a range of high 

1 told him I would buy his horse if he would put a reasonable 
price on it, and would give him a note to get powder, rum, &c. at the 
Cape : he said the Ashantees brought rum to Sarem, but they boiled 
pepper in water and sold it to them ; he never tasted such good 
adrue (medicine) as mine. 

I have been learning Arabic this last month, principally from 
the Shereef Abraham, who comes from Boussa, where Mungo Park 
was drowned, and he, as he says, was an eye witness to it; his 
great sanctity made the King of Ashantee send for him to pray 
and make sacrifice for the success of the war. The other Moors 
here look on him with an evil eye, because he will not wear fetishes 
as they do, and be present at human sacrifice. This place now 
presents the singular spectacle of a Christian and Mahometan 
agreeing in two particulars, rejecting fetishes, and absenting them- 
selves from human sacrifices and other abominations: tiie rest of 
the people, of whatever country they may be, when the King's 
horns announce any thing of the kind, strive who will get there 
first to enjoy the agonies of the victims. The Shereef told me to- 
day, that the reason he came so seldom to see me, was, that the 


King had heard he was teaching me the Koran, but he wished him 
not to do so, he did not wish me to know how " to call on God ;" 
but, said Abraham, I shall teach you as much as I can, that when 
jou go to your own country you may give the Moors a good name, 
for I told the King you knew Arabic before you saw me, and we 
sometimes spake together in that language. He had a beautiful 
copy of the Koran which he intended to leave me, but the King 
had told him he must have it, that when any trouble came he might 
hold it up to God, and beg his mercy and pardon : but he would 
try and get a small one for me. 

Saturday 22. This morning a slave belonging to the house master 
swore by the King's head that he must kill him to day. A great 
uproar ensued, while they put him in irons, and they got out the 
family stools and sacrificed fowls and sheep, pouring the blood on 
them to propitiate the wrath of the King from the family. The 
King was then told of it, who said as that was his fetish day he 
could not kill a man that day, but to-morrow he would behead him. 

It appears he had connection with one of his brother's wives, 
who, hearing of it, cautioned him from doing so again, or else he 
would tell the King and make him kill him : he was again found 
with the woman, and his brother went to the King to complain. 
Hearing this, and fearing the torture, he swore by the King that 
he must shoot him with eight muskets. The King on being told 
this, said he would put such small shot into the muskets as only to 
wound him, and then he should torture him ; hereby fulfilling his 
own law, which he considers sacred. 

Sunday 23. About 12 o'clock sent for by the King, whom I 
found scolding his sister for disobedience in one of her slaves. 
After sitting some time talking on indifferent subjects, the King 
said he should go to council, about what he was going to say to 
me. Shortly after he sent one of his sons to say his father was 


going to eat and wash, if I would be kind enough to return home. 
I heard that messengers from Elmina had arrived the evening 
before, and expected to hear of some complaint of breaking the 
law, as they style it : although I could not reconcile it with an ob- 
servation I had made ; a pair of razors I had presented to the King 
were invariably sent to me to sharpen, as the King wished to shave 
with them, when any favourable affair was to be talked, and that 
morning they came as usual. 

I was again sent for, and the King announced in a formal manner 
his intention of going in person to make war on Adinkara, the 
King of Buntookoo, and wished me to announce it to the Governor. 
I therefore wrote a letter of the King's dictating, stating this to the 
Governor, and requesting him to give on trust 300 oz. kegs, pow- 
der, and 300 muskets, and sending to the Governor in Chief six 
periguins of gold, and to the Governor of Annamaboe four pen- 
guins, to purchase a cloth for him, the handsomest they could find, 
and inviting them to send him a dash and make the town's people 
do the same, for the prosperity of the war. His Majesty was very 
lavish in his compliments of the generosity of the English, and their 
great riches ; he then enquired if I was willing to go to fight, f 
replied certainly, if I could obtain the Governor's permission, I 
should like it very much : he thanked me very warmly. I heard, 
on my return to the house, that the Dutch General had sent as a 
present to the King 60 oz. kegs powder, and the Elmina people 40, 
which caused this stir. 

Monday 24. Sent for again to write the Governor word that the 
King sent down 30 men to be clothed as soldiers, if the Governor 
could spare clothes, one of them to be as captain and one a Ser- 
jeant, with a dag. His Majesty also Avished to have arrow root. 
Port wine, sugar, candles, and a few other things for the campaign. 
I was then told to write a letter to the Danish Governor in Chief 


to the same effect, and to ask him for payment of what was due on his 
note. I foresaw this would make an uproar ; and on the note being 
handed to me to know what was due on it, when I told the King 
that nothing was on it, he got into the greatest rage I have yet seen 
him in, with the captain who receives the pay. This man had been 
sent down to Accra about three months ago, to receive what pay 
was due, Mr. Bowdich writing to the Danish Governor in Chief to 
know, for the King's satisfaction, Avhat was sent. On his return, 
the latter stated that the King's note was paid up to the ensuing 
Christmas. There being a great deficiency between what was 
stated in the letter, and what the captain produced, he charged 
Mr. Bowdich with mis-stating what Avas in the letter ; Quashie 
Apaintree, the linguist, was sworn on the King's fetish to interpret 
proper; the Ashantee still insisted, and to clear himself, said the 
book was not paid to Christmas. The King and linguists remem- 
bered this, and when they heard that the note was actually paid to 
the end of the year, every one tried who would be loudest in their 
accusations against him. Apokoo, Avho is his chief, was loudest 
against him, he said he had used him disrespectfully, and never 
gave him any of the dashes he received ; besides he had given the 
lie to an English officer, and at the same time he cheated the Kins:; he 
therefore left him to the mercy of his Majesty. The King said he 
must return him all the gold back he had lent him ; and as for the 
fort at Accra, he might take the pay when he pleased. A hat, 
certainly' a bad one, Avas brought in, and the King asked me if I 
thought it Avorth the price charged for it. I replied I was not a 
judge, as such hats were not sent out for us ; but if I were, I must 
positively decline interfering in the King's affairs Avith his servants. 
By degrees the King worked himself to such a height of passion, 
that throwing his cloth around him, and hastily rising, he ordered 
the captain's arrest. The King's sons seized on him, and he stood 


appalled, as the silver cane fell from his hand. I once thought the 
King would have committed some extravagance, none of the chiefs 
daring to rise ; Agay at length arose, and in his energetic manner 
requested that his majesty would recollect I was present. The 
King ordered his sons to go with the captain to his house, and 
bring him all the gold they found ; he then withdrew, but I heard 
him storming in his apartments. Shortly after, Odumata's brother 
came to say, that the chiefs might thank me, as were it not for my 
sake, every one of them would have been turned out of the palace 
by the slaves. Agay, who was the only one who followed the 
King, came to apologise for the abrupt departure of his Majesty : 
he hoped I would not be offended, and requested I would go 
home and dine, as it was late, and the King would send for me 

Tuesday 25. The King sent for me to Avrite another letter to the 
Governor, saying he had sent down three pieces of rock gold as a 
pawn for powder ; they were the largest I have yet seen, one of 
them weighing about 20 ounces. I gave his Majesty a packet of 
letters to be forwarded to Cape Coast : he rallied me on the size of 
it, and said he supposed I wrote the Governor and Mr. Bowdich 
every palaver in town. 

To-day the stool of Alphia was declared in abeyance ; the son 
of the caboceer Premehinia having brought a complaint against 
the caboceer of Alphia, who is brother to the former ; his sable 
highness came on a beautiful Arabian, of a very small size ; at the 
sound of drums and horns he danced and went through various 

Friday 28. To-day the caboceer of Alphia was deposed, and his 
brother the caboceer of Premehinia had the stool attached to his 
other possessions. In the afternoon whilst I was out, the Moorish 
prince, with a large retinue, called to pay me a visit, I found one 

3 F 


of his attendants sitting at the door with a gold sword, who, on re- 
ceiving permission, Avent and told him I was come home ; shortly 
after he came, and expressed great wonder at all he saw. He 
said I had too many silver spoons, and modestly requested I 
would give him one or two ; his attendant who fanned him thought 
so toOj as he attempted to steal one, but one of the servants hap- 
pening to pass, he threw it under the table. I wished him to sell 
me his horse, but he said he was too great a man to walk home, 
and the ground hurt his feet. 

Sunday 30. The King paid me a long visit, he heard, he said, 
that my horse had died, and had come to see me least I should 
think he forgot me, but he had so much fetish to make, and so 
many palavers to settle, that he had little time. The conversation 
then turned on the travels of Englishmen, and the white men 
drowned in the Quolla (Niger.) I explained to his Majesty the 
objects of the expeditions sent from England to the interior of 
Africa, and expressed how anxious I was to get Mr. Park's books 
and papers for the King of England ; his Majesty promised to aid 
me in doing so, and before he went away, desired me to point out 
to him what I conceived the proper method. 

The King then began to talk about my living with him, and if I 
liked to do so ; he said I was like a king, and wished his people to 
treat me with respect, and every one run to see me when I went 
out, as they run to see him. I said that some of his people wished 
to accuse me of treason for putting buckles in my shoes at the 
Adai custom. The King said that none dared do so, but those 
whom he ordered, any other would have their heads cut off: but I 
Avas different, and he knew EngUshmen did what was proper. His 
majesty took his leave Avith many expressions of personal attention, 
which, Avhether they Avere sincere or not, Avere at least to be 
received Avith politeness. 


Monday, December ] . One of the King's nephews came to see 
me, but was terribly afraid to pass the man in irons who swore on 
the King, least he should swear that when the King killed him, he 
must also kill his nephew, which would cost a deal of gold ; for 
such is the sacredness of the law, that in that case the King must 
do it. I had a key of a door where 1 could privately let him out, 
without passing through the courts of the house, by which he gladly 
made his escape. This man has been no small annoyance, as no 
person of rank will venture to call on me, least they should be 
brought into trouble by his swearing on their heads. 

Tuesday 2. The King to-day made a present of iO periguins of 
gold to the Moors in town for their services, and they were to 
divide it themselves. This created no small altercation among 
them ; those belonging to the town wished to keep it all, and not 
give the Shereef Abraham any, who came from the banks of the 
Niger ; as the King had that morning told him he wished him to 
accompany him to the war, he told them it was of no consequence, 
as he should not accompany the King unless he was looked on with 
the same degree of rank as Baba, as, indeed, he was superior from 
his knowledge, and belonging to Mahomet's family. On this they 
gave him three periguins, the same that Baba had : all were then 
pleased with their portion except one, called Aboo, who only had 
10 ackies ; he consoled himself by making the usual exclamation, 
*' God is great ! he never dies, he never sleeps," and said he left 
the palaver in his hands. 

Thursday 4. Apokoo paid me a visit to thank me for some 
medicine I had given him, being sick after his great custom ; he 
enquired if I heard that Fantee messengers were come to this 
place, I said no, but I expected them soon to take the King's 
fetish, as he wished them to do so, previous to his going to war ; 
he then told me that the King heard there were some on the path, 


and could not think what their message was ; I told him they must 
either be those the Governor was sending up, or Fantees with the 
King's tribute ; on his going away, he requested I would let him 
out by the door 1 had the ke}^ of, as he also was afraid of the 
man in irons swearing on his life, and was glad he could avoid 
passing him. 

Friday 5. This was the coldest morning I have felt since I came 
to Africa, being scarcely able to take breakfast, I was so chilly ; the 
thermometer stood at 65°. 

I was desired to write a letter to General Daendels, telling him 
the King had lost his notes for the Dutch forts, and requesting 
him to give new ones to Akimpon. The King's father had con- 
quered the Akim chief, who held a note for Dutch Accra ; he also 
conquered the King of Adinkara, who had the Elmina note, both 
of Avhich were given up to him ; he would not take them both in 
one note as the General wished, but he must have one payable at 
Elmina and one at Accra. When the King weighed out the gold 
for his messengers expences, he weighed 10 ackies for me, which 
I hoped his Majesty would take back, as I did not wish for them, 
and requested he would not think I wished payment for writing a 
letter for him. My scruples were laughed at by them all, and the 
King said " that white men were very singular, as they gave gold 
or a good dash to any one who did any thing for them, yet they 
would not take any : he wished to do something like white men, 
and when any one did any thing for him he gave them something, 
and he wished me to take this to shew his good will." Odumata, 
who is the greediest man in Coomassie for gold, whispered, if I did 
not like it, I might send it to him when I got home. I did not 
exactly understand him, or I would have offered it to him then with 
pleasure, to expose his avarice. 

'J'he captain who was arrested last week for peculation on Danish 


Accra, appeared in his place to clay; he had promised Amanquatea 
and Quatchie Quophie, the two chief captains, a large present if 
they would settle the affair for him, which they did, and he received 
the letters to proceed to the fort as usual. 

Apokoo having told the King of the inconvenience arising to 
any chief coming to me, from the culprit in irons being in the way, 
he was removed to a private part of Apokoo's house, where he 
could annoy no one, till the Adai custom, when he is to be 
beheaded, as the affair cannot be settled without. 

Sunday 7. Several of the Moorish caboceers came to take leave, 
as they were going to-morrow to their own country previous to the 
war, and were to meet the King on the road when he went, and 
consequently would not see me again for some time ; on my enquir- 
ing how long the. King was to be absent, they replied, God had 
told them seven months would finish the war ; they enquired if I 
should like to see them at Cape Coast, as they should come and 
see me, to which I said I should. After drinking coffee, &c. they 
took a hurried leave, as one of the King's people came to tell me 
one of his Majesty's daughters was dead, and shortly after, constant 
discharges of musketry announced the custom. The King in the 
afternoon came to the market place close to the house, to make 
custom with his chiefs. I understood that human sacrifices were 
to be offered, and walked out to avoid the uproar. 

On my way I paid a visit to Baba, who was performing ablu- 
tion ; he said he was going to prayer, but would soon have done, 
I told him I would sit down till he had finished. Cow hides were 
spread in rows for the worshippers, in the front was a large hide 
for Baba. All having taken off their sandals and prostrated them- 
selves with their faces to the east (to Mecca,) the service began by 
one of them chaunting the usual call to prayer ; the chorus of 
Allahoo Akabei; ! (God is great) was well performed by the others. 


There was something solemn and affecting in it, contrasted with 
the heavy discharges of musketry and shouts of the populace in 
the distance, which proclaimed the bloody sacrifice was begun, 
while the vultures and crows wheeled in mazy circles expecting 
their usual share of the banquet, and the sun shot his last gleams 
through the heavy fogs that encircled the town. 

As I went home I passed the headless trunks of two female 
slaves, laying neglected and exposed in the market place, that had 
been sacrificed, one by the King and one by the deceased's family. 
The vultures were revelling undisturbed amidst the blood. 

I happened to-day to throw down a tumbler of wine and water 
with my foot, having placed it on the ground, while the Moorish 
Shereef was with me ; he bent his head to Mecca, pronouncing 
" God is great ! " and told me it was my good angel who had done 
so, for who n)ight tell but there was poison in the cup to destroy 
me? he said man had always two angels attending him, one on his 
right hand as his good angel, and one on his left as his evil one ; 
whatever good he did was prompted by the former, and whatever 
ill by the latter one. I have never found them without a reason 
for every thing, or a name, except to ^the mother of Moses, whom 
they say nobody knows on earth ; the Shereef gravely enquired if 
I knew the name of Aboobaker's father, I assured him I did not; 
he told me many of the Moors could not tell, but as he was of 
Mahomet's family he knew more things, and told me it was 

I heard from the Sarem Moors that they fight with bows and 
arrows steeped in deadly poison, the least scratch of which is 
instant death. They gather scorpions tails, snakes heads, and the 
poisonous parts of any reptile that affects man ; this, with several 
vegetable substances which they would not name, are put in a pot, 
and set over the fire at sun rise ; they boil it all day and must not eat 


or drink, but stir it about repeating incantations, and shaiiing a 
pair of iron castanets, without which, the charm would be incom- 
plete. T saw an old hag at this work on the Bantama road, who 
would not answer my question as to what she was doing, but made 
many wry faces, and squint looks, for me to be gone and not spoil 
her work, and while I stood, she stirred, and muttered, and clat- 
tered the castanets with greater fury. 

My attention being anxiously turned towards information con- 
cerning the Niger and its course, all enquiries end in making 
the Nile its continuation. An old Moor from Jenne told me, 
unasked, that while he was at Askanderee (Alexandria) twenty- 
six years ago he saw a fight at the mouth of the Nile between 
ships, and one of them was blown up in the air with a terrible ex- 
plosion. This must have been the battle fought by Lord Nelson, 
although there is a mistake in the date of seven years ; he surely 
could not invent such a story. He states also, that returning to 
Masser (Grand Cairo) the European armies advanced to that 
place; the first army took every thing they wanted and would not 
pay : but when the second European and Turkish army got pos- 
session of it, they paid for whatever they wanted. All the Moors 
were ordered to retire to one quarter of the city, and not allowed 
to mix with the soldiers ; this agrees with Sir Robert Wilson's ac- 
count of the Egyptian campaign. I shewed him a seal I have, of 
Pompey's pillar, which he said he knew ; he had travelled from 
Jenne to Masser on a joma (camel) and drew me a map of the 
QuoUa and Nile from its source to its emptying itself into the sea 
at Alexandria. There is one thing that disagrees with Mr. Park's 
account, they call the Niger Quolla at Jenne, Sansanding, &c. 
and describe the JoUiba as faUing into the Quolla to the east of 
Timbuctoo. When I told them of the conjectures that the great 


river of Africa emptied itself into a large lake, they laughed 
at such an idea, and reasoned so as to put wiser heads to the blush, 
" God," say they, " made all rivers to run to the sea, you say that 
small rivers go there: the Quolla is the largest river in the world, 
and why should it not go there also? Was it to lose itself in the 
lake, where could the waters go to V They describe the Quolla as 
about five miles in breadth, and having a very rocky channel, the 
banks on both sides very high and rugged; in many places, canoes 
often take a day to pass a short distance, from the dangerous whirlr 
pools, and sudden squalls: at other places, the stream runs with 
great rapidity. 

They think the Mediterranean sea to be circular, without mixing 
with the ocean ; seven rivers from Africa turn their course to it, 
but only two reach the shores, of which the Nile is one. The rush 
of the waters of the Nile, when they meet the sea is so great, that 
the waves are driven into the air with great force, and retire like 
waves against a rock. They call the Mediterranean sea Bahare 
Mall. The Red sea, say they, assumes various colours at different 
periods, from seven streams pouring their course into it, red, 
blue, yellow, &c. Hence they call it Majumaal Bahare, or the 
confluence of streams. They are very fond of mystical numbers, 
and often quote seven. The lake Caudie they call Bahare Nohoo, or 
the water of Noah, from the tradition that the deluge broke out 
from thence. They describe it as encompassed with rocks, within 
which is a bed of sand, and then the water. This we may allow 
to be a little fanciful, as I have seen a map of the earth drawn by 
Baba, where the world is supposed to be round, and encompassed 
with a rocky girdle, the sea is supposed to flow between this and 
the earth, which is placed in the centre. They are not singular in 
this idea ; as all rude nations form the same notions of the globe : 


but though we reject, with reason, their foolish notions of many 
things, it would he no great sign of wisdom to refuse every infor- 
mation from them. 

Man is a reasoning animal, and enquires into the nature of 
things in a rude, as well as in a civilised slate ; and if he cannot 
give a just, will at least give a plausible reason for many things. ' 

The Moors say " That the noise people hear, when they 
stop their ears with their hands, is the roHing of the waters of 
libation in paradise, where Mahomet purifies all those he saves 
from hell, before they enter into the state of the blessed. It is for 
this reason they perform ablution before they pray ; the fire burn- 
ing other parts of their bodies, while their face, hands, feet, &c. 
remained untouched, hence Mahomet when he looks for them, 
knows them from Jews, Christians, &c. They have also a sentence 
written on their foreheads, " Hooalie Jahanamoo naalaka raboo 
baskafaatee Mahomada roosoola lahee sallee allahoo alahe wasa- 

Inoculation for the small pox is practised in the Moorish 
countries ; they take the matter, and puncture the patient in 
seven places, both on the arms and legs. The sickness continues 
but a few days, and rarely any person dies of it. It is also done 
in Ashantee. Seven is their mystical number, 

Monday, December 8. To day the King killed a man on account 
of his daughter who died yesterday, and to be out of the way, I 
called on Odumata, whom I found well charged with palm wine: 
his usual discourse of the greatness of the King and the manner of 
the Ashantees fighting took up his time : he said that when white 
men wished to fight, they sent a book to the other party, telling 
them they would meet them on such a day, but the Ashantees 
took their enemies by surprise, which shortened their wars. I told 
him he had repeated the same story about fifty times in two months, 

3 G 


and wished to know if the EngHsh did so at Annamaboe, where 
fifteen white men killed thousands of Ashantees ; this put him 
on the fidget, as J knew it would, and he said that it was on 
him the English fired first, and he fought them without the King's 
leave, who was angry when he heard that they had returned the 
fire of the fort; I told him it was a fine excuse to cover their defeat. 
He enquired if I thought they could not have taken the fort ? I 
told him if they could have done it they would. He said, if the 
King says we must do any thing, we must do it. I asked him, 
if the King told them to pull down the moon, if they could do it? 
He then got up from his chair and began to manoeuvre how he 
and Apokoo were to have made a breach in Annamaboe fort, to 
the no small enjoyment of several of his wives, captains, and slaves, 
who were present ; they were to have burned the gates, and with 
axes to have cut through the walls. He said they had Dutch and 
Danish flags, which they had taken from forts ; why, I enquired, 
did they not show the English trophies ? They had none, he said : 
and the King had told them, that were he to kill white men from 
England, he might as well kill all the cocks in the kingdom ; the 
one told the hour, and when to rise in the morning ; the other 
brought them good things from England, and learned them sense; 
besides, if any of their slaves did ill, the}' told them they would 
sell them to the whites, which made them better. 1 told him black 
men had the eyes of a thief, the paws of a tiger, and the belly of 
a hog, for they were never satisfied ; he said I was right, for they 
■were now going to war, and would take whatever they could find ; 
he thought 30,000 Ashantees Avould be killed, but that was nothing. 
He then locked up his wives because I put evil in their heads, by 
saying that Englishmen allowed every one a husband. I then took 
my leave. 


Monday 15. Baba, the chief of the Moors, having told nie that 
a Moor was going to Jenne, I took the opportunity of writing a 
letter to two Europeans who reside there, and, I suppose, belonged 
to Mungo Park's expedition, seven soldiers being unaccounted 
for, who were in good health when they were separated from Mr. 
Park. There are also two white men at Timbuctoo, who have 
been there several years. The Moors are confident that the letter 
will reach them, which is much to be desired, as some informa- 
tion may be obtained of that celebrated traveller. Baba came, 
and the old Moor with him, to whom I delivered the letter; he 
received it from Baba with much ceremony, and to induce him to 
forward an answer, I promised him a suitable reward*. The whole 
of the Moors came in a body with drums, muskets, horns, and all 
the attendant ponip of chiefs; they had just taken leave of the 
King, and came to do the same to me. Having remained about 

* " Mr. Wm. Hutchison, British Resident at Coomassie, the capital of Ashantee, hear- 
ing there are two Europeans at Jenne, takes the opportunity of a Moor returning to 
that place, to write to them. It is earnestly requested, that some information will be 
sent to Cape Coast Castle, whether or not, those, to whom this is addressed, belonged 
to the expedition of Captain Mungo Park, or by what means they reached Jenne. As 
no certain accounts have reached England of the fate of that gentleman and his compa- 
nions, any particulars will be interesting; also, whether or not the Niger is the river 
known here by the name of QuoUa, Joliba, or any other appellation unknown in Europe. 
Also, its course, and the opinions among the natives as to its termination, with the 
names of any towns or countries it may run through. It is also reported that there are 
two white men at Timbuctoo : should it be possible to render any assistance to either, it 
will be done from Cape Coast Castle on accounts being received of the certainty of their 
situation ; and the means which may be found to make the Europeans on the Quolla re- 
visit their native country : in the mean time, any information will be anxiously ex- 
pected, as to the fate of their companions; and whether they have heard of an English 
expedition, lately arrived at the Niger. Two notices in EngUsh and Arabic accompany 
this, offering a reward for information. 

December 9th, 


half an hour, and drank some wine, they set out for their journey 
with noisy clamour. 

Sunday 21. Apokoo called and told me he was going to morrow, 
with the King, to the camp, on the Barramang path, to make 
fetish, and would return on Wednesday : he seemed to expect 
that I would say I would go also ; but as the King had not sent 
to me, I did not express any wish. A boy brought some milk 
covered up, and he lifted the lid to look what it was, some of it 
touched his fingers, and he sent for water, herbs, and different 
things to purify his fingers ; he said he would give me a present 
if I would give over drinking milk : I told him if he sent me an 
ounce of gold daily, I would not do it; he cursed the milk, and 
the boy for bringing it. Thus many of them are so particular, 
they will not stay where eggs are, another shuns a fowl, one hates 
beef, and many mutter a charm if they meet a pig. The Moorish 
Shereef discovered a piece of pork one day in the boy's room, and 
made such a noise, that I thought one had struck him, nor would 
he cease till I ordered it away. 

Monday 22. The King, and almost all the captains, set out 
early this morning, with great bustle for the camp, many sent their 
compliments previous to going. 

Wednesday 24. The King and all the people returned in the 
evening, and went to the upper market place; where the King 
seeing me at the door, ordered them to pass down the street to the 
palace, the chiefs all saluting as they passed. The King, who was 
the only one that did not walk, made his people halt, and held out 
his hand to me, which I took, and bade him welcome to his 
capital ; he enquired if I was well, and after he passed, he looked 
round with a smile and shook his finger at me : I suppose because 
I did not follow him to the camp. His Majesty afterwards sent 
his compliments, as did several of the chiefs. ''*' 


Thursday 25. This being Christinas day, I displayed the flag, 
and paid every attention to it that I possibly could ; many of the 
chiefs hearing of it, sent their compUments, expecting a present, 
but of course were disappointed. 

Friday 24. Baba called, and began an oration about Sam Brue, 
hinting that he should like if I could get Brue, the slave trader, back 
to Cape Coast. He was my good friend, I was his friend, the 
Governor was my friend, Brue was his friend, and a long genea- 
logy fit to puzzle a Scottish or Welch family herald. I told him 
no person must interfere in such affairs. He had that morning re- 
ceived from Brue, powder, guns, and cloth for slaves he had sent 
down ; he brought me a piece of the cloth to shew me, it was very 
coarse with large red figures on it. I told him when he washed it, 
he would need to take his staff and put on his sandals to hunt after 
the colours ; he told me he had found that out ; for he had Avashed 
a piece, and he could not tell what colour it was. He then began a 
dissertation on the good the slave trade did them, and what changes 
he had seen since he came here; he thought God intended to 
change the power of white men, and give it to the blacks and 
Moors. I told him he was going to make Mahomet a har, as the 
Alkoran told them that the whites were to have sovereign dominion 
to the end, because of Noah's sons' behaviour to him when drunk; 
and if God was incHned to hide his face from white men, because 
of any ill ihey did, I did not think he would transfer it to Africans 
for any good they had done ; he said I was right, and when they 
thought wrong the Christians could put them right. Seeing a 
Prayer Book on the table, he enquired if that was " Lingeel," the 
name they give the New Testament ; I replied it was the form of 
worshipping God in English Churches ; he wished me to read a 
little of it to him, as he had heard that white men prayed to God 
so — and muttered in a form, it must be allowed, too often resorted 


to by lazy clergymen. They conceive to worship God in any other 
way than chaunting or singing is absurd. 1 have had more than 
once to sing (if I may presume to call it so) from the psalms of 
David, and chaunt the responses of the service, to convince them 
that there is something more than mere muttering in prayer, were 
it properly performed, besides describing the organ used in churches 
to assist the harmony. They have often asked me about the high 
priest at Rome, and whether or not we had any thing shaped oiit 
that we called god. I told them the English abhorred all represen- 
tations of the Eternal, andthat nothing was adequate to represent 
him. They are very tenacious on this point, and as scrupulous as 
any Protestant may wish, conceiving it an inexcusable crime to 
have any thing of the kind. They have many times enquired if we 
offer any sacrifice to God. I told them that our Scriptures do not 
allow the sliedding of blood of any kind ; the last great expiation 
of the Christians being performed by Jesus when he died on the 
cross, in commemoration of which, the offering of bread and wine 
formed the sacrifice. Neither did we pour out libations* before 
drinking, because any thing poured forth before drinking, or 
victuals set apart before eating, is an offering to devils. 

The Shereef Abraham coming in with one or two more, I en- 
quired about Solomon's Al Genii, and whether or not they knew 
any thing of free masonry. I had questioned them several times 
before, and knew none of them were free masons ; they now told 
me that there was such a sect in Arabia, and conceived them to be 
magicians, as they controlled the spirits of air. They were much 
astonished to hear that I was one, and eagerly enquired if I knew 
about Solomon's seal, the building of the temple, and other matters, 
which universal belief endows free masons with, — matters, I told 

* I have observed some of the INIoors who have been a long time in Ashantee pour 
forth a little of any thing before drinking. It may be remarked, that all the worshippers 
of the fetish do this, and also set apart some of their victuals before they eat. 


them, 1 might not speak of. They told me they knew we kept 
some of our genii on a floating island in the sea ; if any ships came 
near it, the genii were instructed to laugh at them, and the island 
disappeared ; with other such stories. One of the boys told them 
I had a stuff (phosphorus) which they supposed gave me such 
power ; they wished to see it, and laughed at first at the idea of 
any thing in water producing fire, or that I could confine that ele- 
ment and dare to keep it in a trunk ; I put it to the proof, by 
burning a piece of cloth, paper, and mat, and told them if they 
were not satisfied they might have some on their skins, but they 
did not choose it, and called out in wonder, " Houa Kahina iakul 
naroo malekaneran," " he is a magician and eats fire, he is the King 
of fire;" be it remembered that this last appellation is peculiar to 
the devil. The Shereef after thinking some time, enquired if that 
stuff was not made from the bones of genii ? I told him bones were 
in the composition. He wished to know if we killed genii and 
took their bones, I told him blood was never shed in England but 
for great crimes ; true, he said, but none could see its do so. I told 
him there was an eye that never sleeps, at which he bent his head, 
pronouncing " God is great.'" The Moors then held a conversa- 
tion in Arabic, by which they settled that I must be in the secrets 
of Solomon, and the Shereef Abraham related one of the Arabian 
tales, by which Balkes or Bilkis, Queen of Sheba, is made out to 
be the child carried away by the dog in one of the stories of that 
work. Balkis, according to them, adored the sun, and Solomon 
made her turn and worship God ; he commanded the genii to 
transport her palace from her own country to Jerusalem, and the 
three palaces he built for her in Arabia Felix had gold mixed with 
the mortar with which they were formed. They Avished to know if 
I could move a house? I told them, such was the mystery attached 
to our concerns, that it was difficult to answer them ; any thing 


not concerned with masonry, I might answer; this, ihey said, was 
what the people in their country said. Abraham said he was sure 
the Arabian magicians made use of bones from genii to make fire 
and control ihem. It would be a curious circumstance to know 
that phosphorus, and inoculation, existed in Arabia in the days of 
its splendour, and continue now; as they are considered as two of 
the most eminent among modern European discoveries. After they 
were gone, I called on Odumata, whom I found all talk as usual. 
He said he knew I wished to take some of the King's sons to Cape 
Coast for education, but the captains had represented to his Ma- 
jesty, that they did not wish it. If the King wanted gold, and 
they had it, they would give it him ; and were always ready when 
he called them, to receive his foot on their necks, and swear to do 
whatever he wished them, or never to return. The reason he 
gave, was, that they were afraid of being discovered when they 
cheated the King, which they made no secret of avowing, and 
having their heads cut off. I told him he did not like a white man to 
live here then ; yes, he said, they all liked that; but he was suffi- 
cient to settle all palavers between the King and the English, 
without any of the King's people knowing English. He began to 
boast of the many wives and children he had, more than English- 
men. I told him there was a possibility of an Englishman know- 
ing his father; but no black man could tell his; they were all 
slaves, and rendered incapable of inheriting their father's property; 
none of his children need to thank him, he neither could give them 
any thing while alive, nor leave them any thing when dead, and 
many of them kept wives, while their slaves enjoyed them. He 
said I spoke very true, but that I could not show keys with 
him ; he produced two large bunches, and I offered him an ounce 
of gold if he would shew me a lock for each key ; he evaded this: 
I took them in my hand, and found many of them broken, and 


various articles of lead and iron to make the bunches large ; his 
people, and some chiefs that were with him, enjoyed his per- 
plexity, if I might judge from their chuckling. 

Several of the King's brother's slaves appeared in pursuit of two 
of their fellows, flogging them with whips ; one of the culprits 
bounding over every obstacle, threw himself at Odumata's feet, 
which saved him from their flogging ; the man who had charge of 
him appeared, and in a long and animated harangue, with many 
gestures, stated the trouble he had had from the runaway, and con- 
cluded by swearing, the man must be given up to him in the morn- 
ing to go and work. It is customary for slaves, when they fall 
under their master's displeasure, to take shelter in some other 
chief's house, who tries to get them excused. 

Saturday 27- The King sent for me, to give me letters which 
had arrived ; and on my opening them, two small packages of gold 
tumbled out. The King asked, if they were for me or him. I 
enquired if he expected gold from any one at Cape Coast, he said, 
no. I told him, it was unlikely gold would be sent to any one but 
me. The King, turning to his captains, said the Governor was a 
good man, sending me gold whenever I asked for it, and I eat a 
great deal of gold. I told him, I never wished a present of gold 
from any one; what 1 got was my pay, as Englishmen did not 
give gold to one another. He intended returning his messengers on 
Tuesday, as he said, two of them having come up in English 
uniforms, as the Governor was to fit out thirty at the King's request. 
His Majesty wished me to taste a bottle of tincture of rhubarb the 
Governor had sent him ; I did so, lest he should think there was 
something bad in it. I had then to taste some tincture of cinna- 
mon he had received some time ago ; I swallowed them with great 
distaste, as I had felt very unwell the preceding day, and thai 

3 H 


morning, and had taken medicine just before the King sent, nnd 
not eaten any breakfast. 

In the afternoon Apokoo called ; he had heard Adoo Bradie 
had been on board a ship, and that 400 flags were hoisted to receive 
him ;* that was the reason, he said, they did nor wish any of the 
King's people to learn to read and write, they became white men, 
and saw so many fine things, they never thought of returning to 
Ashantee. I told him if it was disagreeable, it would be given over. 
Every one was pleased, he said, to ihink any Ashantee great man 
was well used at Cape Coast ; but it turned their heads, not being 
accustomed to it. The King would give Adoo Bradie fetish when 
he came back, and if he told the King lies, the fetish would catch 
him, and where would be the good? The English would have all 
their trouble for nothing. 

His Majesty, some years ago, took one of Apokoo's daughters 
to wife ; she is now one of the finest women in Coomassie, and 
must have been a great beauty. It was discovered by the chief 
eunuch that she had intrigued with one of the attendants. It was 
told the King that one of his wives had proved false ; " let her die 
instantly," said he in a rage ; the slave whispered him " it is Apo- 
koo's child." He rose in silence, and went to the harem, and the 
culprit being sent for, the King turned his head awa}', while he 
folded his cloth around him, and lifting the curtain to let her pass, 
he exclaimed " go, you are free ! your father was my father,-f- he 
is my friend, and for his sake, I forget you ; when you find any 
man good enough for you, let me know and I will give him gold." 
Her father has not allowed her to marry again. 

* The signals happened to be drying on board H. M. S. Cherub, Captain Wills, then 
lying in the roads of Cape Coast. 

■f It will be remembered, that the present King carried an elephant's tail before 
Apokoo, initil he unexpectedly succeeded to the stool. — See page 295. 


When any public execution, or sacrifice, is to take place, the 
ivory horns of the King proclaim at the palace door, " wow ! wow ! 
wow !" " death! " death, death, death!" and, as they cut off their 
heads, the bands play a peculiar strain, till the operation is 

The greatest human sacrifice that has been made in Coomassie 
during my residence, took place on the eve of the Adai custom early 
in January. I had a mysterious intimation of it two days before, 
from a quarter not to be named. My servants being ordered out 
of the way, I was thus addressed, " Christian, take care and 
watch over your family; the angel of death has drawn his sword, 
and will strike on the neck of many Ashantees ; when the drum is 
struck, on Adai eve, it will be the death signal of many. Shun 
the King if you can, but fear not." When the time came to strike 
the drum, I was sitting thinking on the horrors of the approaching 
night, and was rather startled at a summons to attend the King. 
This is the manner he always takes to cut off any captain or 
person of rank ; they are sent for to talk a palaver, and the moment 
they enter, the slaves lay hold of them, and pinion them, and 
throw them down ; if they are thought desperate characters, a knife 
is thrust through their mouth to keep them from swearing the death 
of any other, when they are charged with their crime, real or 
supposed, and put to death or torture. 

Whilst I was with the King, the officers, whose duty it is to 
attend at sacrifices, and are in the confidence of the King, came 
in with their knives, &c. and a message was sent to one chief to 
say, that the King was going to his mother's house to talk a 
palaver, and shortly after his Majesty rose, and proceeded 
thither, ordering the attendants to conduct me out by another 

This sacrifice was in consequence of the King imagining, 


that if he washed the bones of his mother and sisters, who died 
while he was on the throne, it would propitiate the fetish, and 
make the war successful. Their bones, were therefore taken from 
their coffins, and bathed in rum and water with great ceremony ; 
after being wiped with silks, they were rolled in gold dust, and 
wrapped in strings of rock gold, aggry beads, and other things of the 
most costly nature. Those who had done any thing to displease 
the King, were then sent for in succession, and immolated as they 
entered, " that their blood might water the graves." The whole 
of the night, the King's executioners traversed the streets, and 
dragged every one they found to the palace, where they were put 
in irons : but (which is often the case) some one had disclosed the 
secret, and almost every one had fled, and the King was disap- 
pointed of most of his distinguished victims. Next morning being 
Adai custom, which generally brought an immense crowd to the 
city, every place was silent and forlorn ; nothing could be found 
in the market, and his Majesty proceeded to the morning sacrifice 
of sheep, &c. attended only by his confidents, and the members of 
his own family. When I appeared at the usual time, he seemed 
pleased at my confidence, and remarked that I observed how few 
captains were present. He appeared agitated and fatigued, and 
sat a very short time. 

As soon as it was dark, the human sacrifices were renewed, and, 
during the night, the bones of the royal deceased were removed to 
the sacred tomb at Banlama, to be deposited along with the re- 
mains of those who had sat on the throne. The procession was 
splendid, but not numerous, the chiefs and attendants being dressed 
in the war costume, with a musket, and preceded by torches ; the 
sacred stools, and all the ornaments used on great occasions, were 
carried with them ; the victims, with their hands tied behind them, 
and in chains, preceded the bones, whilst at intervals, the songs of 


death and victory proved their wish to begin the war. The pro- 
cession returned about three P. M. on Monday, when the King 
took his seat in the marketplace with his small band, and " death! 
death! death!" was echoed by his horns. He sat with a silver 
goblet of palm wine in his hand, and when they cut off any head, 
imitated a dancing motion in his chair ; a little before dark, he 
finished his terrors for that day, by retiring to the palace, and soon 
after, the chiefs came from their concealment, and paraded the 
streets, rejoicing that they had escaped death, although a few days 
might put them in the same fear. I had been attacked by a violent 
fit of ague in the morning, from having stood so long in the sun the 
day before while with the King, it being unusually hot. I dared 
not send out ray people to procure any thing, least they should be 
murdered, and in fact there was nothing in the market to be had : 
there was not even a drop of water in the house. The sacrifice 
was continued till the next Adai custom, seventeen days. 



Sketch of Gaboon, and its Interior. 

1 HE River Gabon, or Gaboon, as the English pronounce it, is 
placed by some, N. 30', E. 8° 42', by others, on the equator and 
E. 9° 23' : the former longitude is certainly the more correct; 
judging from three reckonings of the vessel in which I visited it; 
unfortunately, I had not the requisites for an observation. The 
former latitude also, is, doubtless, the correct one of Cape Clara ; 
for an observation, taken as we were beating in by Round Corner, 
gave 23' N. ; and another, taken about 35 miles up the river, 15' 
N. From Cape Clara (which is not ' very high land,') to Sandy 
point, being an oblique line, may be about 25 miles, but the di- 
rect width of the mouth of the river, cannot be more than 18. 
From 22 to 25 miles up the river, lay Parrot and Konig islands, 
called by the natives Embenee and Dambee; the former (on which 
ships have been hauled to careen) 1|: miles in circumference and 
uninhabited, the latter considerably larger, and having a village 
on the hill. The natives mentioned the ruins of a Portuguese fort 
there. Konig island is not more than a mile from Rodney's or 
Oweendo point, where there is a large bight; which, with the 
one opposite, within Eghirrighee point, makes the width of the 
river nearly thirty miles in this part. From these points it seems 
to form an inner basin, the greatest Avidth of which, just above 
Goombena creek, is about twelve miles, judging from shots ; for 


the work of the ship being heavy whilst in the river, and the crew 
suffering from the cUma.te, (the first mate and carpenter dying,) no 
assistance could be spared for a survey. There are several large 
creeks in the river, Goongway is the most so, and Goombena the 

These names, being, of themselves, as uninteresting as the list of 
bearings would be, I shall reserve both the one and the other, with 
the outline of the river adjusted to them, for the Portfolio of the 
African Association; and also two or three sketches of the different 
parts of the river, not worth publishing, but, possibly, useful for 
the introduction of more accurate observers.* 

* I believe no instructions for entering the River Gabon are in print, the follow- 
ing were compiled from the log-book of the Lord Mulgrave, which has been laden 
in the river the three successive years she has been chartered as a store-ship by the Afri- 
can Committee, and beat into it this time. When standing for the river, from the south- 
ward, it is best to give Round Corner a good birth, as a shoal or sand-bank runs off be- 
tween that and Sandy point, and also in case of being becalmed, as the ground is foul 
and bad for anchoring. A channel goes in by Sandy point, but it is rarely used but by 
small vessels. Leave Round Corner about three leagues, and stand over for Cape Clara 
until you have the river well open, then steer for a bluff point about two miles inside of 
the Cape, where you will find from eight to ten fathom water. You may stand in, till 
you are about two miles from the above point, and then steer up the river, keepmg the 
north shore aboard, and steering for the highest land you see, which lies above Quaw 
Ben''s town. In mid-channel, you will find nine fathoms, until you bring Sandy point on 
a line with Cape Clara bearing S. S. E. You are then in the narro.< est part of the 
channel, which is not more than two or three miles wide, and your greatest soundings 
will be six fathoms. When you are well inside these bearings you may haul off from the 
shore at your leisure, and steer for Parrot Island. When athwart of Quaw Ben's town, 
and about five miles off shore, you will find twelve and thirteen fathoms. In standing 
up from Quaw Ben's, give Prince Glass's town a good birth, as a shoal runs off to some 
distance, your soundings will be from seven to nine fathoms ; you may anchor on any 
part of the north side, without danger. Between Konig and Parrot Islands, is very good 
anchorage in seven fathoms, and a soft, muddy, bottom; thence to Abraham's town, you 
will have from seven to four fathoms at low water ; and small vessels may go a consider- 
able way up the river, for there are three fathoms at Naangoo or George-Town creek. 


About forty-five miles from the mouth, the river forms two arms. 
The one runs north eastwards, by a point called Ohlombompole 
by the natives of Gaboon, and Gongoloba by the Shekans or in- 
terior people ; the entrance is about four miles wide. The other, 
runs apparently S. S. E. by a point called Quawkaw, and Quanlie 
by the two nations, and is about two miles broad. It was an in- 
considerate observation of Mr. Maxwell's, " If the Niger has a 
sensible outlet, I have no doubt of its proving the Congo, knowing 
all the rivers between Cape Palmas and Cape Lopez to be inade- 
quate to the purpose." The Volta may be thought so, but the 
Lagos certainly cannot, nor the Danger, or Gaboon ; and, surely, 
the rivers del Rey, and Formoso are not ; which are thus no- 
ticed, within a few pages of Mr. Maxwell's observation, by the 
judicious Editor of Mr. Park's last mission, " The Rio del Rey 
and the Formoso, are stated to be of considerable size, being each 
of thern seven or eight miles broad at the mouth ; and the supposed 
Delta, estimated by the line of coast, is much larger than that of 
the Ganges : consequently, the two streams, if united, must form a 
river of prodigious magnitude." 

There being little prospect of the ship completing her cargo (red 
wood and ebon}') within two months, I determined to divert such a 
taedium under an insalubrious climate, by investigating and com- 
piling the interior geography, as far as I could from the reports of 
the slaves, and traders. I'he most enterprising of the latter, and 

about forty-five miles up the river. If you are turning into the river, when you are 
within the Cape, stand no further off than into five fathoms, for as you close the middle 
ground, the soundings are very irregular ; you may have five fathoms ; and, before the 
next cast, the ship may be ashore. The widest part of the channel, is not more than 
about 54- miles, until you are nearly athwart of Quaw Ben's town, when you may stand 
over to the south side, as you are then inside the bank. There is a very good watering- 
place at Rodney's point. Ships unacquainted, may anchor oflF the Cape and wait for the 
sea breeze, which generally sets in before noon. 


the greatest travellers in the interior, living on board the vessel 
during her loading, I conversed with them constantly, as they 
spoke good English ; and I went on shore twice, passing a night 
the latter time, to Naango or George's Town, two miles up the 
romantic creek of Abaaga, about forty-five miles from the mouth 
of the river. I found the Governor (so his title was interpreted) a 
very hospitable and intelligent native, and speaking good English. 
He had travelled much in the interior, when young, was still very 
inquisitive for particulars, and produced me a troop of slaves for 
questioning, which furnished a native of almost every country I 
could hear of. I saw two young negroes, the sons of native rulers, 
who spoke and wrote French fluently. The one had been sent to 
that country for education, and the other in his voyage to Eng- 
land for the same purpose, was taken and carried to France, and 
generously educated and maintained by the owner of the privateer.* 
Each remained in France upwards of eight years before they were 
sent back to Gaboon, and professed to be very anxious to return to 
it, depicting the native habits not only as uncongenial, but disgust- 
ing to them. The Congo hypothesis, the primary stimulus to my 
enquiries, making geographical particulars the most desirable, I will 
defer those on other subjects, and submit the compilation of seven 
weeks investigation and inquiry under the above advantageous cir- 

The native name of the country of Gaboon, is Empoongwa ; it 
dos not extend above the branching of the river, or more than 
forty miles in length ; and is about thirty in breadth, including the 
river, which they call Aroongo. We will pursue the north-eastern 
arm first. There is a sand-bank in the middle of the entrance, 

* I am sorry to say those whom their parents have been persuaded to entrust to English 
vessels for the same purpose, have invariably been sold as slaves, in violation of every 
assurance ; an infamy of which the French have never been guilty in a single instance. 

3 I 


and three small islands, Soombea, Ningahinga, and Ompoongee, 
are just beyond it, where the water becomes fresh. About two 
miles further, is a larger island called Cheendue, inhabited, and 
the women of which are constantly employed in fishing for white 
mullet, being abundant. They dress them with a kind of choco- 
late, which I shall notice presently. Several large trees grow out 
of the water, one, eminently high, is directly in the middle of the 
river; they are called Intinga, or the iron tree. The eastern banks 
of this arm are inhabited by the Sheekans, who, with all the na- 
tions of the interior, are called Boolas by the Gaboons, a term sy- 
nonymous with Dunko in Ashantee. Adjoining Sheekan are the 
Jomays, who speak a dialect of the same language. The Shee- 
kans bury their dead within the house, under their beds. The 
Gaboons prohibit these people from visiting the coast, lest they 
should deprive them of their profits, as the medium between the 
interior and shipping, whether for slaves or manufactures. 

The Sheekans, like their neighbours, only reckon from 1 to 5, 
conjoining these numerals afterwards, as Mr. Park has shewn the 
Feloops and the JalofFs to do. 





Three - 








Twenty - 




The source of the north-eastern arm is unknown, it probably 
flows from the River Danger, called by the natives Mobhnda, 
which flows very far from the interior; and, though not so wide, is 
considerably deeper than the Aroongo or Gabon. There is a creek 
passing Quaw Ben's town in the River Gabon, which runs inland, 


within a short distance of the Moohnda, so that traders proceeding 
so far by it, carry their canoes over the interval to that river. The 
Nokos, Apooks, and Komebays, inhabit the lower space between 
the Rivers Gaboon and Danger. 

Having pulled up the N. E. arm for two days and nights, they 
land, leaving the river about one mile broad; and after two jour- 
nies, (skirting Sheekan,) reach Samashialee, the capital of the 
country of Kay lee, (sometimes called Kalay,) and the residence of 
the King Ohmbay. Samashialee, is described as a considerable 
town, and Asako, as the second to it ; their houses are all of bam- 
boo. The Kaylees manufacture iron from the ore, which abounds 
every where in this part of Africa ; but they are very careful not 
to let the coast people see them do so, as knives, spears, mats, and 
bamboo cloth, are their articles of barter with them, for brass rods, 
cottons, and other European commodities. I procured some of 
the knives and spear heads, of their own iron. The bamboo-cloth 
has the appearance of coarse brown Holland. Their mats are 
very fine, and much varied in colors and patterns. It is remark- 
able, that the latter do not partake at all of their own wild cha- 
racter, but are of that chaste, simple outhne which would be 
called elegant by civilized nations. These people are cannibals, 
not only eating their prisoners but their dead, whose bodies are bid 
for directly the breath is out of them. A father has frequently 
been seen to eat his own child. Fowls abound in their country, 
but they never eat them, nor will they goats, which are equally 
numerous, whilst human flesh is to be had. Salt fetches an enor- 
mous price. The people of Gaboon would be afraid to venture 
amongst them, even as traders, but for their musquets, and a strong 
body of Sheekans, always engaged to accompany them. Their 
country is mountainous and woody. There are people inhabiting 
a mountain close to the north-eastward of Kalay, who are said to 


see best in the night time, Avhen the}' travel and work, sleeping 
most of the day, because the light hurts their eyes, which are re- 
markably brilliant. Ivory is plentiful. The Kaylee seems to be a 
dialect of the Sheekan. 

One - - - Woto 

Two - - - Ibba 

Three - - - Battach 

Four - - - Binnay 

Five - - - Bittan 

Ten - - - Dueoom 
Northward of Kaylee, two joumies, is Iinbekee, adjoining the 
Mobhnda or Danger. One moon distant, in the same direction, 
passing through the countries, Beesoo (three joumies from Imbee- 
kee) Aosa, and Hetan, are the larger kingdoms of Badayhee, 
and Oongoomo ; the King of the latter is Enjukayamoo, and the 
capital Mattadee, described as a very large town. The numerals 
assimilate to those of Kaylee. 

One - -"fltrf.e Wootta 

Two - - - Beeba 

Three - . - Bitiach 

Four - _ - Binnay 

Five _ - - Bitten 
Travelling (still northward,) through the small states of Oon- 
damee and Bolaykee, in six journies they reach the extensive 
countries of Pa'amway, and Shay bee, which adjoin each other; and 
on their northern frontier is Bayhee, through which kingdom the 
River Wola or Wole flows ; the largest river they had ever seen or 
heard of, and running eastward. My friend the Governor, always 
impressed on me, that this was the largest river in the world, and 
ran, to use his own words, " farther tl)an any one, except God, 
knows, farther than Indee; all the great rivers in this country come 
from Wole." The Mobhnda, he had always understood in the long 
course of his enquiries, to flow from it; but he could not speak so 


positively of that, as of the junction of the Ogooawai and the 
Wole, as he had himself been to a considerable distance up the 
Ogooawai, which, returning to Gaboon, we shall proceed to. All 
the nations on this route were said to be cannibals, the Paamwajs 
not so voraciously so as the others, because they cultivate a breed 
of large dogs for their eating ; this seems the favourite meat in 
most parts of Africa. 

Those who travel eastward, pull for a day and a half up the 
right hand or south-eastern arm of the Gaboon or Aroongo, 
which arm is formed by the junction of several small streams, 
about sixty miles from its confluence with the north-eastern arm. 
Landing about thirty-five miles up it, two and a half journies are 
occupied in travelling over an uninhabited country, described as 
savannah, and called Woongawoonga ; it is entirely open, and 
buffaloes are numerous. Here they reach the Ogooawai, a rapid 
river, frequently as wide, and, generally, considerably deeper 
than the Gaboon ; and which, as we shall presently see, runs to 
the Congo, of itself insignificant. One day up the Ogooawai, is 
the small kingdom of Adjoomba, consisting but of four towns. 
One journey beyond, on the Ogooawai, and north-eastward, is 
Gaelwa, a kingdom of more importance, its length three journies. 
The King's name is Roiela, and the capital, a considerable town, 
Inkanjee : Goondemsie is second to it. Adjoining Gaelwa is 
Eninga, where the river widens considerably ; this country is larger 
than Adjoomba, very populous, and composed of several small 
governments. The river winds very much ; frequently they save 
time by carrying their canoes over the peninsulas ; they are also 
opposed by impetuous currents. Hitherto the language is the 
same as the Empoongwa or Gaboon. Twenty journies from the 
frontier of Gaelwa and Eninga, through the small state of Okota, 
is the kingdom of Asheera ; and ten beyond it, that of Okandee, 


the greatest they know. The King's name is Adoomoo, the capital 
extensive, and kept particularly clean -. their law forbids any na- 
tive of Okandee to be sold as a slave. None of the nations on 
the Ogooawai are cannibals. On the eastern confines of Okandee 
this river is described to join or flow from the Wola. The countries 
between the Moohnda and Ogooawai, are called Sappalah, Koo- 
makaimalong, and Okaykay, and described as vast extents of 
savannah. Deeha was spoken of as a large country in the neigh- 
bourhood of the Wola. I could not make these interior natives, 
or the people of Gaboon, understand what I meant by a Moor ; 
there are none but pagan negroes throughout. The slaves recently 
arrived viewed me with affright ; they said none in their country 
would believe there were white men. 

I could hear of no great controlling kingdom, like Ashantee, in 
these parts of the interior, nor do I think any such exists eastward of 
Yarriba, or other than numerous small states, as far behind Dag- 
wumba and its neighbours in civilization, as they are behind Euro- 
peans. The name,* situation, magnitude, and course of the 

* Wola is probably the Empoongwa corruption of the original name Quolla or KuUa, 
for, presuming that name to be given to it in the Mallowa or Houssa country,* to denote 
its being a branch or arm of the great river, dividing into it and the Gambaroo after 
leaving the lake Dibbir, (Kulla being child in the Mallowa,) it doubtless retains the same 
name in the country known at Gaboon; not only because Mr. Brown first reported the 
river Kulla {Bohr Kulla) and the kingdom {Dar Kulla) to be situated thereabouts, but 
because from the following observation of Mr. Hutchison's, received since I wrote my 
geographical chapter, it appears, that the language of the kingdom which bears the name 
of the river, is at least a dialect of the Mallowa language. " I send you the numerals of 
Quolla lifFa, as given me by the servant boy I have got lately, who conies from that 
country, which is near the cannibals :" see Appendix, Language. 

* The Jenne Moors however called it Quolla, which inclined me at first to derive its 
name from Killi, the numeral one in tiie Bambarra, as if to denote it the first or greatest 
river ; as Yahndi, the name of the capital of Dagwumba, implies its pre-eminence ; 
Yahndi being one in the language of the country. 


AVola, leave little doubt of its being the Kulla or QuoUa ; though 
I am not clear that they said there was a country of the name of 
the river, nor did I recognize the name of any of the countries I 
had before heard of, as being in its neighbourhood. With those 
on the northern banks of this large river they did not profess to 
be acquainted, and those on the southern may be intermediate 
between the Moohnda and Ogooawai routes, which diverge from 
Empoongwa,the former northward, the latter north-eastward. Forty 
journies from the Eiupoongwa frontier to the Bahr Kulla agree 
very well with the distance. A strong argument, in addition to 
the above, for the Wola and the Quolla being the same river, (re- 
collecting my description of the Paamways, and all the nations on 
the line of the Moohnda, as cannibals,) is suggested by the re- 
perusal of the following remarks of Mr, Horneman, and Mr. Hut- 
chison, already quoted in page 202 : " The Yem Yems, canni- 
bals, are south of Kano, ten days," which agrees very well with 
the lowered course of the Niger, which I have been obliged to lay 
down. " It is to the King of QuallowlifFa that the country in 
which Canna, Dall, and Yum Yum, where cannibals are, is sub- 
ject," It is true, that the character only, and not the names of 
the nations visited from Empoongwa, can be identified with Mr. 
Hutchison's Canna, Dall, and Yum Yum ; but the Moorish pronun- 
ciation, or writing of negro names, especially those only known 
to them by report, is very incorrect and capricious. To Mr. Hor- 
neman, they were called Yem Yems ; to Mr. Hutchison, Yum 
Yums, and sometimes Jum Jums. The names Bapoonoo, Oko- 
bella, Banginniga, Oonbamba, and Asango, may possibly be iden- 
tified hereafter amongst the countries approximating to the Wola. 
We will return to Adjoomba, Avhere the Ogooawai divides itself; 
the smaller arm called Assazee runs to Cape Lopez, which is in 
the kingdom of Oroongoo ; the monarch, Ogoola, from his power 



surpassing every other in the neighbourhood of the coast, has ac- 
quired the name of Pass-all with the traders who speak English. 
Between Oroongoo and Adjoomba is the kingdom of Oongobai. 
The King's name is Pendanga, and the numerals are, 





















An intelligent native of this country had fled to Gaboon to avoid 

The larger arm of ihe Ogooawai, flowing south-eastward, as widfe 
as the Gaboon, through the country of Tanyan, (the western fron- 
tier of which is five journies from that of Adjoomba,) runs into the 
Congo, (which is comparatively small before the confluence,) about 
ten days pull from the mouth of that river. A very intelligent 
man who acts as interpreter or trade man to the vessels which fre- 
quent the river Gaboon, confirming this account of the slaves and 
traders, I enquired into the circumstances to which he owed his 
knowledge. He is the son of the principal trader in Gaboon, 
called Tom Lawson, who speaks English fluently. Eight years 
ago, this young man, Wondo, went from Gaboon to the Congo, in 
the Nimble, Everett master. After the vessel had traded some 
time, as high up in the river as she might safely venture, the cap- 
tain sent him and three or four other negroes in a boat with goods, 
to go up as much higher as they could. His account was, that they 


passed Evehelee and Cormee, when they came to a fall of water 
upwards of twenty feet high. A native, who preceded them in 
his canoe, directed them to enter a small channel to the east, which, 
by a considerable sweep, avoided it, but the natives, he persisted, 
both pulled their canoes up, and let them down this fall, by long 
fibrous roots twisted into cordage, and affixed to the large trees 
above ; frequently, however, the most expert were victims to their 
intrepidity, generally in the descent; their canoes were made pur- 
posely in the shape of a bow. I expressed my doubts, questioned 
him with seeming indifference, at many different times, on this 
subject, and requested others to do the same ; his account never 
varied. He was naturally very cautious in what he said, by no 
means given to the marvellous in i-ecounting his travels, but a cor- 
rector of that disposition in others. To the last moment he per- 
sisted in this report. Just beyond this fall is the confluence of the 
Ogooawai and the Congo, which takes place in Tanyan.* From 

* " The infonnation received lierc (at Mavoonda) of the upward course of the river, 
was more distinct than any we have yet had ; all the persons we spoke to agreeing tha after 
ten days in a canoe, we should come to a large sandy island, which makes two channels, 
one to the north west, and the other to the north east ; that in the latter there is a Jail, but 
tJiat canoes are easily got above it ; that twenty d:iys above the island, the river issues bv 
many small streams from a great marsh or lake of mud." Captain Tuckey's Narrative. 
In a map, " Regna Congo et Angola," in Dapper's Description de TAfrique, 1686, a 
large arm is laid down, about two hundred and fifty miles up the Zaire, running to or 
coming from the north-east. As this book is scarcely known, there being but one copy 
in England, it may be interesting to the reader to see a description of the Congo and 
its source, according to the geographical opinions, a century and a half ago, for IGSG is 
the date of the translation from the German. Refer first to my copy of a part of one of the 
many maps in Dapper's work, p. 211. Au midi de cette riviere (Niger) est le Zaire, ou la 
grande riviere de Congo qui prend sa source de trois lacs, au sentiment de Pigaser. Le 
premier se nomme Zambre d'oii procede le Nil, le second Zaire d'ou sortent les rivieres 
de Lelunde et de Coanze, et le troisieme est un lac form^ par le Nil. Mais le princijial 
est le Zambre qui est comme le centre d'oii les fleuves de nord le Nil, au levant Cuama 

3 K 


this point he described the latter as gradually dwindlingto its source, 
(not more than six days distant, by Encombe and Eveheea,) so that 
tlie Congo owed its magnitude and rapidity entirely to the Ogooa- 
wai.* He mentioned a chief named MangofF, to have been a 

et Coavo, au midi Zeila et Manice ou Manhessen, et au couchant la riviere de Zaire, 
qui par divers bras arrose toute la partie occidentale de I'Afrique, situe au dela de la 
ligne, les royaumes de Congo, d' Angola, de Monomatapa, de Matamam, de Bagama- 
diri et d'Agasymba jusqu'au cap de bonne-esperance ; pendant que leNil, Cuama, Coavo, 
ZeUa, et Manice traversent TAbyssinie et tous les pais qui sont entre la raer-Rouge et 
Cuama, L'embouchure de Zaire est a cinq degrez quarante minutes de latitude Meri- 
dionale. Elle a trois miUes de large et se decharge dans Tocean avec tant d'impetuosite, 
que I'impression qu'elle donne a la mai'ee, dont elle rend le cours ouest-nord-ouest et 
nord-ouest au nord se ressent en pleine mer, a douze miUes de la cote. Quand on a perdu 
la terre de vue, on decouvre une eau noire, de la verdure, des Cannes et des roseaux qui 
ressemblent k de petites iles, et que la violence de la maree entraine apres soi du haut des 
ecceuUs. De sorte qu'a moins d'un vent d'arriere il est fort difficile de resister au courant 
et d'aller jetter I'ancre dans la rade de Cabo Padron. On ne sauroit remonter ce fleuve 
plus de vint ou vint cinq lieues au-dessus de son embouchure, a cause des cascades qui 
sont au milieu de son lit et qui s'elancent du haut des rochers avec tant de bruit qu'on 
I'entend a deux ou trois lieues de la. Plusieurs ruisseaux se dechargent ou sortent de ce 
fleuve et arrosent le pais : ce qui est fort commode pour les marchands et les babitans 
qui peuvent aller commodement dun village a 1 'autre sur des canots. Les peuples qui 
demeurent le long de ces ruisseaux sont des gens de petite taille. 

* The following, which Baron Humboldt sketched before me, (and which is only laid 
down in Walker's Map of the World on the globular projection) is a more extraordinary 
concatenation of rivers; considering the opposite courses of the Orinoco and Amazon 
when connected by the Casiquaire, which is more curiously situated than the south 
eastern branch of the Ogooawai, flowing, through Tanyan, into the Zaire. 

(J^a^:m. JH 


principal man in the Congo, and he sung his boat chorus as a 
specimen of the language, " Malava napa, nialava niabootay, ma- 
bootaj." He said, MangofF lived at Barrima. He spoke of a 
place called Ohlobe, but I omitted to minute the particulars. 

The master of a Liverpool ship, laying in Gaboon river, having 
visited the Congo annually for many years, I availed myself of 
an opportunity of conversing with him also. He mentioned Boma 
as the principal place of trade, but he did not consider it more 
than forty miles up the river ; it was so called after a chief, whose 
son has now succeeded him. Binda, a secondary place of trade, 
he reckoned to be ninety miles from the entrance of the river, on 
the north side ; but there are so many arms or branches there, that 
it is very difficult to distinguish the Congo itself, which he had 
always understood to terminate soon afterwards.* The houses he 

* " Captain Tiickey could only leai-n that the paramount Sovereign was named Blindy 
N'Congo, and resided at a banza named Congo, which was six days journey, in the 
interior from the ' Tall Trees,' where, bj- the account of the negroes, the Portuguese 
had an establishment, and where there were soldiers and white women. This place is 
no doubt the St. Salvador of the Portuguese. The following is the description in Dapper: 
La province de Pembo est la plus considerable de tout le royaume dont ellc conticnt la ville 
capitale, et forme comme le centre. Cette ville porte le nom de banza chez les Ethiopiens, 
les Portugais la nomment presentement S. Salvador, et JMarmol Tappelloit Ambas Congo. 
Elle est presqueau milieu dela province, situee sur une rochc fort haute, a 76 lieues de 
France ou 150 milles de la mer, au sud-cst de la riviere de Zaire, et ombragee de 
Palmiers, de Tamarins, de Bacoves, de Colas, de Limoniers et d'Orangcrs. Le cotau 
sur lequel elle est batie est si haut, que de dessus son sommet on porte la vue aussi loin 
qu'elle se peut etendre, sans qu'aucune montagne i'arrete. II n'y a point de murailles 
autour de cette ville, si ce n'est d\m cote de devers le Midi, que le premier roi chretien 
donna aux Portugais pour les mettre a convert des insultes. II fit aussi fermer de mu- 
railles son palais et tovites les maisons royales qui sont aux environs, laissant une place 
vuide ou Ton batit ensuite un palais et un cimetiere. La cime de la montagne est occupe 
par des maisons baties fort pres I'une de Tautre : les personnes de qualite en posse- 
dent la plus grande partie, et sont des enceintes de batlmens qui ressemblent a une 


described as wretched, and transportable, so that a trader buying 
one for a trifle, could have it moved to any part of the banks he 
pleased. Sea horse teeth were to be bought plentifully, they buried 
them with their dead, dedicating them as the Ashantees do gold, 
and generally sticking one erect on the grave, as a sort of monu- 
ment. He spoke very ill of them from his own experience; they 
had frequently attempted to poison the water on board his vessel. 
A few months back they cut off a Portuguese vessel, destroyed the 
crew, and plundered her. I anxiously anticipate the perusal of 
Captain Tuckey's journal. 

Tom Lawson, who has as much, if not more influence than his 
brother the King, says he would provide an escort headed by his 
son Wondo, and guarantee the safety of any exploratory party to 
the river Ogooawai, and five days up it; that is as far as Okota. 
Two hundred pounds laid out in goods, I think, would defray the 

petite ville. Les habitations des personnes du commun sont rangees de file, en diverses 
rues, elles sont assez grandes, mais les murailles ne sont que de paille; excepte quelques 
unes que les Portugais ont faites, dont les murs sont de brique & le toil de cliaume. Le 
palais du roi est aussi grand qu'une ville ordinaire; il est ferme de quatre murailles, celle 
qui regarde sur le quartier des Portugais est de chaux & de pierre, les autres ne sont 
que de paille, mais travaillee fort proprement. Les murailles des sales & des chambres 
sont omees de tapisseries de paille natt^es avec beaucoup d'art. Dans I'enceinte inte- 
rieure du Palais, il y a des jardins & des vergers embellis de berceaux & de pavilions 
fort beaux pour le pais, quoiqu'au fond ce ne soit pas grande chose. II y a dix ou douze 
Eglises, la Cathedrale, sept chapelles dans la ville & trois Eglises dans le chateau du 
Prince. II y a aussi un couvent de Jesuites, ou trois ou quatre de ces Peres sent tous le 
jours le Catechisme au peuple, &i des ecoles ou Ton enseigne le Latin & le Portugais. II 
y a deux fontaines, Tune dans la rue de St. Jaques & I'autre dans une cour du Palais, qui 
fournissent abondance d'eau fraiche, sans qu'on se donne la peine de refaire les aqueducs 
ou de les entretenir. Oiitre cela il y a unbras de la riviere Lelunde, qu''on nomme Vese, 
qui sort au pie de la montagne, au Levant de la ville ; son eau est fort bonne, le peuple 
en va puiser, & elle sert a arroser & rendre fertiles les campagnes d'alentour. On y a 
des pourceaux & des chevres ; mais peu de moutons & boeufs ; on les renferme la nuit 
dans des pares qui sont dans la ville pres des maisons. 


expenses, and presents, en passant, handsomely, and there are 
many opportunities by which two officers might be sent from Cape 
Coast to Gaboon for the purpose, and by way of the islands, return 
to it. A man of war might convey them, and call for them, on her 

Kings are numerous in Gaboon, and scarcely comparable even 
with the petty caboceers of Fantee. The greatest trader, or the 
richest man of almost every small village assumes the title, and fre- 
quently suffers gross indignities from his subjects, from not having 
the power to punish them. The King of Naango seems of ac- 
knowledged superiority, and is comparatively respectable, both in 
means and power ; he is known to trading vessels by the name of 
King George. The brother succeeds before the son. The legis- 
lative and judicial power is vested in the Governor, controlled by 
the King, who may order the death of a man; but, if he assigns no 
good reason, the offensive party is generally allowed to retire else- 
where. All children share the property of the father in equal por- 
tions, except the eldest son, who has about half as much again as 
any other. If a man kills another, he has a public trial ; and, if 
he cannot justify the act, which it seems he may in many instances, 
his own death is inevitable. If he kills one of his wives, (his rank 
is designated by the number,) he pays a fine to her family, who, 
and not the husband, are involved in all her palavers. The ac- 
knowledged heir to a property may bring a palaver against his 
father, or whoever may be possessor of it, for killing a slave un- 
justly, or otherwise injuring the property, and oblige him to make 
good the injury. 

A man may not look at, or converse with his mother-in-law, on 
pain of a hea\y, perhaps a ruinous fine; this singular law is 
founded on the tradition of an incest. It is a common custom to 
lend their wives to one another ; if a man evades a promise of this 


kind, the Governor awards heavy damages to the plaintiff. If an 
applicant is refused, and is detected in intrigue, the whole of his 
property is forfeited to the husband of the woman, who, if it is 
not speedily delivered, may kill the man, and burn his house. I 
heard of no law so barbarous or disgusting, as this any where in 
the interior of the Gold Coast. They assured me they never made 
human sacrifices. 

A man of consequence never drinks before his inferiors, without 
hiding his face from them, believing that at this moment only, his 
enemies have the power of imposing a spell on his faculties, in 
spite of the guardiance of his fetish. When a man dies, the door 
of his house is kept shut seven days. The whiskers of the men, 
and the side locks both of them and the women, hang down in nar- 
row braids, sometimes below their shoulders, the ends commonly 
tipped with small beads, and the front locks are generally braided 
to project like horns. The women wear a number of thick brass 
rings (the trade brass rod twisted) round their legs. A woman of 
consequence has a succession of them from the ancle to the knee, 
Avhich announce her approach when walking, and jingle when she 
dances. The female slaves support even the heaviest burdens from a 
broad band or string around the temples. Like other negroes, differ- 
ent famihes have different fetish, some Mill not eat a cock, nor others 
a hen. I could not discover any distinct ideas of the creation, or of 
a future life. They believe implicitly in the superior fetish of indi- 
viduals from Sappalah and other countries in the interior, 

Tom Lawson's 'fetish man,' a native of Sappalah, has so tho- 
roughly persuaded his master, by his address and fortuitous cir- 
cumstances in war, that no bullet can injure him, strike him where 
it will, (either rebounding, or penetrating to be thrown from the 
stomach at pleasure) that this old man, who has lived almost the 
whole of his life in European vessels, always presses every stranger 


to become equally convinced by firing at him. His son bribed 
this man to endue him with the same fetish, and eagerly making 
trial of its virtue, received a musket ball, which fractured the small 
bone of his arm. The address of the fetish man accounted for this, 
to the entire satisfaction of every body, by declaring (being the 
most probable crime he could guess in the emergency) that it Avas 
at that instant revealed to him by the offended fetish, that this 
young man once had a stolen intercourse with his wife at an im- 
proper season ; it was immediately confessed as a truth, and they 
are as obstinate believers as ever. 

Naango consists of one street, wide, regular, and clean. The 
houses are very neatly constructed of bamboo, and afford a ground 
floor of spacious and lofty apartments. They sleep on bedsteads 
encircled with musquito curtains of bamboo cloth. The manners 
of the superiors are very pleasing and hospitable, and a European 
may reside amongst them, not only with safety, but with comfort 
and dignity. I do not think the old and new town contain 500 
inhabitants between them. From the sickness which prevailed on 
board the vessel, the climate must be very insalubrious. The 
density of the atmosphere from exhalation was even more oppres- 
sive than the heat, which was intense before the setting in of the 
sea-breeze, and at all times sensibly much greater than I had ex- 
perienced on the Gold Coast, or in the interior : there was no ther- 
mometer on board . The Empoongwa is the softest negro language 
I have ever heard, being characterized by the duplication of vowels, 
separately pronounced. Their numerals are; 

One - _ _ Hemoodee 

Two - - - Mban 

Three - - - Ntcharoo 

Four - - - Nahee 

Five - - _ Nchanee 


Six - - _ Orooba 

Seven - - _ Ragginnoomoo 
Eight . . - Ennanakee 
Nine _ _ - Enogobm 
Ten - _ - Hegoom 
They do not possess a single manufacture, depending for all their 
comforts and conveniences on the superior ingenuity of their in- 
land neighbours, and the supplies of shipping. They plant but 
handfuls of corn, and rear a few goats and fowls. Cotton grows 
spontaneously. They make a good black dye from the mangrove 
and ebony shavings. They reduce the red wood to a very soft 
powder, by breaking a soft species of stone, and sprinkhng the 
finest particles of it on a flat piece of red wood, which they rub vio- 
lently against another flat piece; the mixed powders are then thrown 
into water, and that of the wood floating on the surface is strained 
and dried. They rub children with this powder for cutaneous 

The African Ourang-outan (Pilhecus Troglodites) is found 
here, the one I saw was two feet and a half high, but said to be 
growing. I offered a fair price for it, considering they are not rare 
there, and would not give more when I heard of one being already 
in England. The native name is Inchego : it had the cry, visage, 
and action of a very old man, and was obedient to the voice of its 
master ; its agony on espying the panther on board was inconceiv- 
able.* There is a curious variety of monkeys. The favourite and 

* This panther or leopard, was sent to the Governor-in-Chief by the King of Ashan- 
tec, and was so perfectly tame as never to be tied up, but strolled at liberty through 
the apartments, plajnng with the servants and children. It was presented to the Duchess 
of York, and died at Exeter 'Change, a short time after it landed, of an inflammation on 
the lungs. The extraordinary playfulness and good humour of the animal, and the pre- 
fetrvation of its health and tameness during a four months voyage, (during the colder 


most extraordinary subject of our conversations on natural history, 
(which I introduce merely to excite enquiry) was the Ingena, com- 
pared with an Ourang-outan, but much exceeding it in size, being 
generally five feet high, and four across the shoulders ; its paw was 
said to be even more disproportionate than its breadth, and one 
blow of it to be fatal ; it is seen commonly by those who travel to 
Kaylee, lurking in the bush to destroy passengers, and feeding 
principally on the wild honey, which abounds. Their death is 
frequently accelerated by the silliness which characterizes most of 
their actions: observing men carry heavy burthens through the 
forest, they tear off the largest branches from the trees, and accu- 
mulating a weight (sometimes of elephants teeth,) disproportionate 
even to their superior strength, emulously hurry with it from one 
part of the woods to another, with little or no cessation, until the' 
fatigue, and the want of rest and nourishment, exhausts them. 
Amongst other of their actions, reported without variation by the 
men, women, and children of Empoongwa and Sheekan, is that of 
building a house in rude imitation of the natives, and sleeping out- 
side or on the roof of it; and also of carrying about their infant 
dead, closely pressed to them, until they drop away in putrefac- 
tion.* The larger birds in the creeks were uncommon, if not un- 
known. Pelicans abounded. 

part of which he banquetted sumptuously on dead parrots) made the loss very mor- 

* The description the natives give of this animal agrees extraordinarily with that of 
the Quoja Morrou in Dapper. 

Les Quojas Morrou, dont on a pai-le dans le royaume de Quoja, naissent dans le roy- 
aume d'Angola. Comme cet animal tient beaucoup de Thomme, bien des gens ont cru 
qu'il 6toit issu d'un homme & d'un singe, mais les Negres meme rejettent cette opinion. 
II y a trente ou quarante ans qu'on apporta en HoUande un de ses animaux, dont on fit 
present a son Altesse le Prince Frederic Henri. II ^toit de la grandeur d'un enfant de 
trois ans, mais il avoit bien le double (Tepais, e'tant (Tune taille carree, fort vigoureux & 

3 L 


Chamelions were plentifully caught, but none lived more than a 
month on board the vessel, whether fed with flies, or not at all. 
The changes of those I watched seemed confined to the shades 
between a very dark, dusky green, and a bright yellow ; when 
placed on any black substance they became the former, and when 
any thing light approached them, they changed to a bright green, 
Avhich hue, if the substance was yellow, was interspersed with the 
most brilliant spots of that colour. I could not discern that they 
ever acquired a tinge of blue or red ; Avhen at rest in their cage, 
their color was dark green, mottled with still darker spots. 

In my rambles about the environs of Naango, I formed some 
idea of the general face of vegetation in Empoongwa. Being 
the rainy season, of course it did not possess its usual beauty. 
The red wood trees abounded, with many which were new to me. 
The Mangroves clothed the banks of the creeks and river, even 
growing some yards from the banks in the water, and their lower 
branches frequently covered with oysters. The palm wine tree 
was plentiful. Like most parts of Western Africa, the woods were 
so covered beneath with shrubs and plants, that they seemed im- 

agile: car illevoit des choses Jbrt pesantes 4' les portoit d'nn lieu en un autre, Le de- 
vant de son corps etoit nud, mais le dos etoit couvert de poil noir. Sa face avoit quelque 
chose d'humain, mais son nez etoit plat & retrousse. Ses oreilles, son sein, et ses ma- 
melles, ses coudes ses mains, le bas de son ventre & ses parties naturelles, ses jambes & 
ses pieds resembloient parfaitement k ceux d'une femme, parce que c'etoit un animal fe- 
melle. II se tenoit debout c^' marchoit souvent tout droit ; il buvoitjbrt propremenf, por- 
tartt, d'une main le pot a la bouche et le soutenant de Tautre; il se couchoit de mime, met- 
toit sa tele sur un chevet, ajustoit la couverture sur son corps, S^ die voir ainsi etendu on 
Tauroit pris pour un Tiomme. Aussi les Negres rapportent-ils des choses prodigieuses de 
cet animal ; ils assurent qu'il force des femmes & des filles, ^ qiiil ose s'en prendre a des 
hommcs armez, Et selon toutes les apparences c'est la ce Satyre si celebre chez les 
Anciens, dent Pline & les poetes ont tant parle par oui-dire & sur des rapports iiicer- 


penetrable. Immense runners, twisting together, dropped from 
the branches like large cables, generally covered with parasites ; 
sometimes adhering to the parent stem, they became themselves a 
tree, and at others, shooting across to the branches of neighhouring 
trees, seemed to connect the forest in a general link. The climbing 
plants contributed to this entanglement, for, interlacing their ten- 
drils amongst the trees, they enwreathed them in the most beautiful 
flowers, or dropping in festoons, formed a splendid ilrapery to 
the sober green of the canopy : aniongst these the convolvolus cai- 
ricus was conspicuous, from its extreme variety, the flowers being 
not only of that beautiful lilac, so much esteemed in England, 
but of the brightest blue, dark brown, pale yellow, white, pink, 
buff with a purple eye, and all the shades which an opening 
flower presents from budding to decay.* I gathered a few speci- 
mens of the plants as I walked along, which may l)e acceptable to 
botanists. I can only lament that so many circumstances conspired 
to render my account of them imperfect; the rainy season, my 
slight knowledge of botany, and the absence of all instruments 
which might have enabled me to examine the very minute flowers 
which frequently presented themselves ; but I am convinced many 
new species might be discovered. I will submit a few which were 
remarkable for their different virtues, and of which drawings or 
specimens are preserved. 

The Cosa Cosa grew upon a tree about ten feet high, the flowers in 
clusters, but rarely two fully blown at the same moment, the corolla 
white, tube shaped, but cleft to the bottom, tinged at the top with 
crimson and.yellow; a slightly tinged glutinous petal was fixed within 

* " Les Botanistes remarquent meme tres fr^quemment ces accidens de couleurs dans 
les plantes venues en lieux agrestes. Je n'en citerai qu'un exemple entre mille. Sur 
les lives sauvages du Volga et du Samara, Pallas a trouve V Anemone patens charge 
de perianthes tantot bleus, tantot blancs, tantot jaunes." — Mirbel lere partie, p. 264. 


the corolla, and adhered firmly to it ; when separated, I found 
the two anthera fastened to it, without filaments, and between them 
laid the style, the stigma having a small hook at the back to fasten 
it between the two anthera. The juice is used for curing inflam- 
mations of the ev^es. 

The Enda'agoo (Ci/peras articulntus. LinnJ had the appearance 
of a grass, the bulbous root was used as a worm medicine. i: 

The Owallifa was not in blossom, the prickly leaf was applied 
to swellings when they wished to reduce them by bleeding ; flogging 
the part affected, as boys frequently do their chilblains with 

The Edjamba (a species of UrticaJ bears a multitude of minute 
green flowers, the leaves wear the appearance of nettles, and when 
laid on the skin produce blisters. ■ iow®h 

TheEninda Aboonee ( Leea saynhucina ) is an umbeUiferous plant, 
the infusion of which is said to correct nausea. 
V The Oonkoolankolee (Aneilema hracteolata. Br.) bears a very 
delicate lilac blossom, with only two petals, which fly back and 
expose the other parts of the flower ; the least breath of air will 
disturb them The natives wash their children with its infusion, if 
the}^ are backward in walking. 

The Econda Boomba {Bidens, probably a new species, but too 
imperfect to be determined) is anti-venereal, as an infusion ; the 
flower resembles the chamomile. 

The Shewawono bears a spike with leaves resembling those of 
Hedysarum. The decoction is said to cure rheumatism 

The tobacco grows spontaneously, but I do not consider this 
so strong a proof of its being indigenous to Africa, as that it 
grows in Inta. The Portuguese have probably introduced it into 

The natives here as Avell as elsewhere have a number of fetish 


•plants; the most remarkable seems the Ewellj welly, (the Aserumb- 
drue of Ashantee, a species of Piper related to Umbellatum) the 
■ broad leaf of which, when rubbed on a fetish man, is said to render 
him invisible. 

The Eroga, a favourite but violent medicine, is no doubt a fungus, 
for they describe it as growing on a tree called the Ocamboo, 
when decaying ; they burn it first, and take as much as w^ould lay on 
< a shilling. 

The medicine they most prize is the Neoondoo ; a small quantity 
was spared to me reluctantly. Four nuts grow in a pod on a very 
large tree of the hardest wood ; "it is purchased greedily, only 
growing on the frontier of Empoongwa, and is used successfully 
by those afflicted with gravel. 

In killing elephants they use two poisons, both of which are the 
milky juices of the stalks of plants. Inquaw indjoo (a plant 
belonging lo the natural order Aroidea, and referable to the Lin- 
'ri'ean genus Arum) bears a hard white berry in a spiral cluster. 
The Ygwan agwan berries are red, and in perfection at the time 
"that the fiowers are budding. These juices are rubbed on the 
muskets balls, spears, arrows, and knives, and the effect on the 
elephant is described as almost instantaneous. 

They make bird lime from a tree called Epoowa. 

Besides the pine apple, the common thread of Africa, they use 
that of two other plants, the Ezoonee (Triicmfitta elliptica, Nov. Sp.) 
and the Na'angoo, an Urtica, or genus nearly allied to it. The 
former bears a yellow flower, too minute for my inspection. The 
top of the latter is surmounted by five or six delicate flower stalks ; 
the blossoms were exceedingly minute, and of a lively green. 

The governor of the town brought me two or three very harsh 
rough leaves, which he said were from the plant Egoogoo (a species 
of Jicus) not then in blossom; they are used in planing wood. 


polishing and cleaning various articles of household furniture, and 
feel like emery paper. At the same time he gave me what they 
are very fond of chewing, a delicate little mimos;i, {AOrus preca- 
torius. Linn.) the taste of which resembles liquorice. 

A beautiful red pod, the blossom of which was out of season, 
contains small black seeds, in taste exactly resembling the car- 
damom. The natives of this place, and also of the interior, are 
very fond of them. In Booroom the plant is called Booroomma, 
and at Gaboon, Entoondo. 

. The Caoutchouc is to be met with here ; the natives describe it 
as the product of one tree only,* the olamboo ; their method of 
collecting it is curious. After the incision is made in the tree, 
whence it oozes like a glutinous milk, they spread it over their 
arms and breasts with a knife, (having first shaved themselves, that 
the hair of the skin may not be torn up when it is taken off,) in 
the form of a plaister. It is either rolled up in balls to play with, 
or stretched over the heads of drums ; they do not seem to apply 
it to any other use. 

They make their torches from the wood (odjoo) of which they 
form their canoes, the resinous parts are broken in small pieces, 
and tied closely in very long leaves ; the smaller end is fixed to an 

* " India rubber is obtained from the milky juice of different plants in hot countries. 
The chief of these are, the Jatropha elastica and Urceola elastica. The juice is applied 
in successive coatings on a mould of clay, and dried by the fire or in tlie sun, and when 
of a sufficient thickness the mould is crushed and the pieces shaken out." Nicholson. 

" It has been discovered that caoutchouc is not exclusively the produce of the Heven 
caoutchouc, but that it is furnished by several other plants. We know it to be obtained 
in large quantities from the Jatropha elastica of South America, and l"r. Roxburgh has 
given us a description of an Indian plant (Urceola elastica) which affords a juice that 
when thickened has all the properties of the caoutchouc. We moreover know that the 
milky exudations of the Jack tree (Artocarpus integriiblia) the Banyan tree (Ficus 
Indica) and also that of the Arasum tree (Ficus religiosa) possess nearly similar qualities." 
Ainslie's Materia Medica of Hindoostan. 


upright stick placed in the ground of the apartment ; they afford 
a brilHant hght, and the resin, when burning, emits a grateful 

The Odica, from which they make a kind of chocolate, is a very 
high and large tree, bearing an acuminate shining leaf. The nuts, 
which are white, are contained in a round pod with a bulb at the 
end, twice as large as a man's fist, green without, and yellow 
within ; the parts surrounding the nuts are squeezed into water, 
which they sweeten like honey. The kernels are strung and smoke 
dried, and then beat in water into large masses, having the appear- 
ance of coarse chocolate, but the flavour of a rank gross gravy. 
It might be more palatable otherwise prepared. 

The vegetable butter (which certainly belongs to the natural 
order Sapotece) brought to the Ashantee market, is here well known 
by the name of Onoongoo : it is a large tree, and the nuts are 
enclosed in a round red pod, containing from four to six: the 
flower is also red, from description. My servant, a native of 
Booroom, called the tree Kirrimkoon, and the butter Incoom ; the 
Ashantees call the latter Sarradee ; in Mallowa the tree is called 
Timkeea. The nut is first boiled, and the oil or butter afterwards 
expressed ; in Booroom and Mallowa it is skimmed from the sur- 
face. It tasted quite as good as fresh butter before any salt is 
added, and we relished the meat fried in it exceedingly. Being 
the rainy season I could neither get a sight of the flower or the pod 
of this or the odica, but 1 procured the nuts and produce of both. 
The curious may compare this butter with the specimen of the 
Ashantee grease. Before I understood them to be distinct trees, I 
concluded the odica and the butter both to be the produce oi the 
cacao-nut, but the butter answers closely to Mr. Park's description 
of the shea-tolu, though the tree did not resemble the American oak. 

The Kolla nut grows on one of those trees which are supposed 


to sow their own seed ; it is round, and the size of an Orleans plum, 
having a very hard shell, the kernel is white, and, after being ex- 
posed to the sun for a few days, becomes even sweeter than a 
filbert. The natives frequently soak them in salt water for a few 
weeks, and relish the rank flavour they then acquire. They form 
the principal food of the lower orders. I'hey have a round orange 
coloured fruit, called Incheema, the size varies from that of a small 
cocoa nut to a large one ; the capsule is very thick, and when cut 
yields a milky juice; a number of hard, dark brown seeds, sur- 
rounded by a pulp, are found within, the latter only is eaten, and 
when gathered fresh from the tree, is of a very delicious flavour, 
not unlike that of a green gage. If the fruit is suflered to fall 
from the tree, the bruise renders it unwholesome and unpalatable. 

Every dark night, Tom Lawson was sure to direct me to look in 
the direction of what some foolish Europeans had persuaded him 
must be a diamond mountain. It lays about three days eastward 
of Empoongwa in direct distance, but from the fear of the inlerven- 
ing people, he had been obliged to visit it by a circuitous route, 
which occupied seven days ; he lost the pieces he procured, in a 
skirmish on his return; they illuminated a great circumference. It 
is considered a powerful fetish, and described as a very high 
mountain. I must admit, that when there was no moon, a pale 
but distinct light was invariably reflected from a mountain in that 
quarter, and from no other. 

The red and yellow ochres brought to me, were dug in the 
neighbourhood of a savannah three journies south- eastward of 
Empoongwa, where they insisted there were large pits of strata, 
not only of red and yellow, but of other colours. They believe, 
that if a man attempts to carry otF different colours at the same 
time, he is paralyzed on the spot. Gold has never been found iu 
this part of Africa. 

Empoongwa Song. 

Empoomgwa Sono. 


S^ r LJ- u 


^ J ---II 


Notes sung by the white Negro from Imbeekee. 

i cor ^ ^j'^j' A': j/J J i : n:^ 



^J^uj^ - J .77] j J r ^T f r'r^ rr-T r ^ 

7!r^ ' [j; j'JP]J]73 JTJI.^-jpf P ff f j. ^ ,• f pfr ^ ^ 


The music of Empoongwa is, generally, very inferior lo thatlhave 
before noticed. The enchambee, their only peculiar instrument, re- 
sembles the mandolino, but has only five strings, made from the root 
of the palm tree ; the neck consists of five pieces of bamboo, to 
which the strings are fastened, and, slipping up and down, are 
easily, but not securely tuned; it is played with both hands; the 
tones are sweet, but have little power or variety. Long stories are 
recited to the enchambee in the moon-light evenings, in a sort of 
recitative ; a favourite one, is an account of the arts by which the 
Sun gained the ascendancy over the Moon, who were first made of 
coeval power by their common father. 

No. 1, (which, I imagine, commences in F major, and ends in G 
major) is an Empoongwa air played on the enchambee. I do not 
know if the inversion of words is common in their conversation as 
well as in their songs. A native envies a neighbour, named Enga- 
ella, who has ivory to barter with a vessel. 

Amorill injanja Engaella; impoongee m'adgillinjanja. 

A brass pan he has got Engaella ; ivory, I have got none. 

Here again we find me answers to the personal pronoun 1. 

iS^o. 2, in G major, is a song in which the men sing the air alone, 
and the women join in the chorus. It is an old one, and the sub- 
ject the first appearance of a white man. One verse will be quite 
enough to satisfy others and exculpate myself. At least half a dozen 
followed it. 

Ma bengwoo ma bengwa baia. 

A fine strange thing, A fine strange thing, my mother. 

Deboonga sai camberwoona nayennee. 

Like the leaf of the fat tree,* true I say, so it is. 

Sangwa moochoo, baia. 

1 make you look to-day, my mother, 

...It m i Mtrmn ■ * The vegetable butter. 
3 M 


Bai yamgwan boonoo. 
My mother fears this fetish man. 
My patience during a series of dull Empoongwa songs, was re- 
compensed by the introduction of a performer, as loathsome as his 
music was astonishing. It was a white negro from the interior 
country of Imbeekee ; his features betrayed his race, his hair was 
woolly, and of a sandy colour, with thick eye brows of the same; 
his eyes small, bright, and of a dark grey ; the light seemed to hurt 
them, and their constant quivering and rolling gave his counte- 
nance an air of insanity, which was confirmed by the actions of his 
head, and limbs, and the distortions of his mouth. His stature was 
middhng, and his limbs very small ; his skin was dreadfully dis- 
eased, and where it was free from sores bore the appearance of 
being thrown on, it hung about him so loose and so shrivelled ; his 
voice was hollow, and his laugh loud, interspersed with African 
howls. His harp was formed of wood, except that part emitting 
the sound, which was covered with goat skin, perforated at the 
bottom. The bow to Avhich the eight strings were fixed, was con- 
siderably curved, and there was no upright; the figure head, which 
was well carved, was placed at the top of the body, the strings 
were twisted round long pegs, which easily turned when they 
wanted tuning, and, being made of the fibrous roots of palm wine 
tree, were very tough and not apt to slip. The tone was full, har- 
monious, and deep. He sat on a low stool, and supporting his 
harp on his knee and shoulder, proceeded to tune it \vith great 
nicety; his hands seemed to wander amongst the strings until he 
gradually formed a running accompaniment (but Avith little va- 
riety) to his extraordinary vociferations. At times, one deep and 
hollow note burst forth and died away ; the sounds of the harp 
became brokea; presently he looked up, pursuing all the actions 


of a maniac, taking one hand from the strings, to wave it up and 
down, stretching forth one leg and drawing it up again as if con- 
vulsed, lowering the harp on to the other foot, and tossing it up 
and down. Whilst the one hand continued playing, he rung forth 
a peal which vibrated on the ear long after it had ceased ; he was 
silent; the running accompaniment served again as a prelude to a 
loud recitative, uttered with the greatest volubility, and ending 
Avithone word, with which he ascended and descended, far beyond 
the extent of his harp, with the most beautiful precision. Some- 
times he became more collected, and a mournful air succeeded the 
recitative, though without the least connection, and he would again 
burst out with the whole force of his powerful voice in the notes of 
the Hallelujah of Handel. To meet with this chorus in the wilds of 
Africa, and from such a being, had an effect I can scarcely de- 
scribe, and I was lost in astonishment at the coincidence. 'J here 
eould not be a stronger proof of the nature of Handel, or the 
powers of the negro. 

I naturally enquired if this man was in his senses, and the reply 
wa», that he was always rational but when he played, when he 
invariably used the same gestures, and evinced the same inco- 
herency. The accompanying notes were caught whilst he was 
singing; to do more than set them down in their respective lengths, 
was impossible, and every notation must be far inadequate. 

As regards the words, there was such a rhapsody of recitative, 
of mournful, impetuous, and exhilarated air, wandering through 
the life of man, throughout the animal and vegetable kingdom for 
its subjects, without period, without connection, so transient, abrupt, 
and allegorical, that the Governor of the town could translate a 
line but occasionally, and I was too much possessed by the music, 
and the alternate rapture and phrenzy of the perfomer, to minute 
the half which he communicated. I can only submit the frag- 


ments of a melancholy and a descriptive part. 
Burst of a man led to execution, 

Yawa yawa wo wo oh 

Yawa wai yawa 

What have I done? what have I done? ': 

Bewailing the loss of his mother, 

Yawa gooba shangawelladi yaisa 

Wo na boo, &c. 

My mother dies ; who'll cry for me now 

When I die? &c. 

Pahmbolee gwoongee yayoo, &c. 

Which path shall I seek my love? 

Hark! I know now, 

I hear her snap the dry sticks, 

To speak, to call to me. 
Jiggledy jiggledy, jiggledy, too too tee too, often invaded or 
broke off a mournful strain ; it was said to be an imitation of the 
note of a bird, described as the wood-pecker. 

Three Portuguese, one French, and two large Spanish ships, 
visited the river for slaves during our stay, and the master of a 
Liverpool vessel assured me that he had fallen in with 22 between 
Gaboon and the Congo. Their grand rendezvous is Mayumba. 
The Portuguese of St. Thomas's and Prince's islands send small 
schooner boats to Gaboon for slaves, which are kept after they are 
transported this short distance, until the coast is clear for shipping 
them to America. A third large Spanish ship, well armed, en- 
tered the river the night before we quitted it, and hurried our 
exit, for one of that character was committing piracy in the neigh- 
bouring rivers. Having suffered from falling into their hands 
before, I felicitated myself on the escape. We were afterwards 
chased and boarded by a Spanish armed schooner, with three 
hundred slaves on board ; they only desired provisions. 



Suggestions for future Missions to the Interior of Africa. 

A MISSION to Dagwumba is of the first importance. See Geo- 
graphy, p. 178. The commercial genius and opulence of its 
people, their disinclination and inaptitude to war, their superior 
civilization, and the numerous caravans which frequent this empo- 
rium, from the most remote parts of the interior, make a treaty of 
intercourse most desirable, both for commerce and science. But it 
is more imperiously desirable, or rather this enterprise becomes a 
duty, from the recollection, that, from this King's proverbial re- 
pute for sanctity, if he were persuaded by the deliberate remon- 
strance of a British Resident, at least to mitigate, if not ultimately 
to abolish human sacrifices, his example would naturally be fol- 
lowed by the several neighbouring monarchs who make him their 

Mr. Hutchison's courage, his love of enterprise, and his interest 
in intellectual pursuit, to say nothing of a feeling towards myself, 
which I cannot but be proud of, would, I am sure, lead him to an- 
ticipate my wishes and strengthen my hopes of success, by having 
him again as a companion; and his diary must have proved, 
though very imperfectly, compared with a personal acquaintance 
with him, how well he is quaUfied for an appointment, so impor- 


tant to tlie interests of commerce, science, and humanity, by his 
discretion, zeal, and benevolence.* 

A third officer (and a zealous and able successor to Mr. Tedlie 
has presented himself) should accompan}' this mission, to proceed 
under the King of Dagwumba's guarantee and recommendation, 
which is omnipotent to the Niger, to Wauwaw (on the banks of 
that river where Mr. Park was buried ; for no plea could be less 
suspicious, than the King of England's natural anxiety to send an 
officer to the Sultan of AVauwaw, to learn the particulars of Mr. 
Park's death, and to enquire for his papers, especially as a Moor- 
ish emissar\' passing through Yahndi, was instructed to do so, di- 
rectly we heard of the circumstance in Ashantee. The officer 
alluded to (who is a medical man, well acquainted with natural 
history, and an accurate draftsman) should be content with a sight 
of the Niger, and remain at Wauwaw collecting and observing, 
until an exchange of letters with Cape Coast, through the Resident 
at Yahndif ; when it would be seen how far it might be prudent, 
( having replaced him at Wauwaw) to allow him to proceed to 
Cassina, Houssa, or Timbuctoo ; that is, if the Sultan of Wauwaw 
would guarantee his safety, under the same promise of reward 
previously held out to the King of Dagwumba. 

No moment could ba more auspicious than the present for this 
enterprise to Dagwumba, since the King of Ashantee's absence 
and perplexity in the Gaman war bars his molestation or hindrance; 
though I have no expectation that he would offer either, were he 
at liberty, or aware of the occasion : see page 342. 

* This gentleman being already superseded by Mr. Dupuis (formerly Vice-consul at 
Mogadore, and now Consul at Coomassie) is of course at liberty to indulge his disposi- 
tion for enterprise. 

f The King of Dagwumba should be promised additional presents on the receipt 
at Cape Coast Castle of the first dispatch from tlie Niger. 


If the trade of Dagwumba be so extensive as was invaiii '/ly re- 
ported to us (and to Mr. Lucas at Mesurata on the Meditei liuiean) 
it might then become desirable to establish a British market up the 
Volta; but this is an after consideration. Geographical circum- 
stances are much more in favour of a mission to Dagwumba than 
they were in that to Ashantee, (besides, that there are no irritating 
political retrospects to be debated on arrival,) for the Volta or Adir- 
ree is navigable from the sea to within eight days march of Yahndi; 
(see page 176 ;) even if we do not calculate on the reported j unction 
of the river Laka, which would bring us close to Yahndi. 

The presents should all be ingenious novelties, rather than costly 
apparel, for they are not only more acceptable and more imposing, 
but, which is very important, much more portable ; and would 
require so few carriers, as to diminish the expense of conveyance 
as much as the expense of purchase. The negroes have more than 
anticipated our portable displays of splendour, from the pageantry 
and descriptions of the Moors ; and we have had the advantage 
of witnessing what kind of presents made the most auspicious im- 
pression on the King of Dagwumba's powerful neighbour, which 
were certainly all of the class of ingenious novelty. I should re- 
commend, therefore, a few pieces of tissue and rich silk, with gold 
thread interwoven, to shew that our manufactures can be accom- 
modated to their taste; see note page 331. 

Pieces of worked mushn. 

One piece of ditto, worked with gold thread. 

Scotch damask. 

Palampours, with gold and silver leaf. 

Manchester cottons, of rich pattern- 
Red, blue, and yellow broad cloth. 

Raw silk, of various colours ; see page 331. 


Of the foregoing, only small quantities as presents to the King 
and principal Moors, by way of samples of our manufactures. 

Two pair of richly cut glass decanters. 

A small silver bowl embossed. 

A handsome lamp. 

A military saddle and bridle, with pistols, &c. 

Two musical snuff boxes. 

A good bird organ. 

Two or three common violins, being the instrument of the country. 

Pandean pipes. 


Two bugles. 


An inferior gold repeater for the King. 

Two or three common silver watches. 

A telescope. 

Camera obscura. 

Magic lantern. 


Pocket compasses. 

Boxes of phosphorous matches. 

Arabic Bibles, and Arabic literature. 

Two or three landscapes, in sympathetic ink. 

A port-foho of engravings of English costume and public build- 
ings, with a set of the drawings of this work. 

A copying writing apparatus for the chief Moor. 

Wax, seals, pencils, Indian rubber. 

Two boxes of water colours. 

Drawing and writing paper, and vellum. 

Razors, scissors, knives. 


A handsome double barrelled gun. 

Two boxes of carpenters tools. 

A small turning lathe. 

A small plough. 

A made up turban of gold tissue, with a gilt circle for the head, 
set with false stones, for the chief Moor. 

A silk union flag. 

An air gun. 

Candles and perfumed soap. 

Bark, and other medicines. 

The officers of the mission should be provided with Troughton's 
pocket sextant, Dollond's 32 feet telescope, the new barometers, 
&c. &c. 

The Danes having deserted their fort (Adda) at the mouth of 
the Volta, their government, on being solicited, would surely not 
only not obstruct, but favour so important a scientific enterprise, 
and not compel us to reach the river over land, as we could do, by 
marching through Aquapiin and Quaoo. The man of war on the 
station might convey the mission to the mouth of the Volta, and 
one of her boats accompany the canoes (which should be brought 
from Cape Coast) a day or two up the river. 

It would be well to be prepared with several impressions of a' 
manifesto (in Arabic,) explanatory and impressive of the legitimate 
and benevolent views of the British government, as an introduc- 
tion to the King of Dagwumba, preparatory to our negociation, 
and also to serve the same purpose at Wauwaw, and to circulate 
through the interior. Numerous impressions of the certificates 
circulated in behalf of Major Peddie, should also be circulated, 
Mr. Ritchie's name being substituted, and the reward for an act 
of kindness acknowledged in a letter from that gentleman, being 
made payable (after an authority from Cape Coast) at either of the 

3 N 


British Residencies, Coomassie, Yahndi, or Dahomey ; for as there 
are many officers to spare at Cape Coast, the expressed wish of 
the latter monarch should be immediately gratified, and our inter- 
course renewed by a Residency. See note, p. 340. 

I think all the objects of the Dagwumba mission could be 
effected in four months ; when I should feel impatient to visit the 
river Gaboon, for the purpose of penetrating to the Ogooawai, and 
going as far up it as I might with prudence. See p. 436. The 
discovery of so large a river in this situation is very important. 

Arrangements could probably be made at Eninga or Okota 
( p429. ) for the guarantee of an after mission to Asheera : also for 
one from Gaboon to Kaylee ; and, which is most important, for 
the south-eastern navigation (from Adjoomba, p. 431) of the branch 
of the Ogooawai running through Tanyan into the Congo. 

But there is another enterprise which should not be forgotten, 
the navigation of the Lagos river to the highest point, (p. 224) and 
a visit to Kosie, (p. 225,) a Residency at which court would doubt- 
less lead to a similar establishment in the powerful and commercial 
kingdom of Yarriba. See p. 209. 

The Residents at the various courts, who, as I have impressed 
before, should be young men of acquirement, patience, and ad- 
dress, should receive occasional instructions from head quarters, 
directing their enquiries and observations to the geographical and 
scientific desiderata, more peculiarly belonging to or expected 
from their different neighbourhoods, which would be suggested 
from the closer study of these subjects by the individual at the 
head of a department of discovery at head quarters, and also by the 
scientific Societies in England according to their peculiar pursuits. 
The Residents should make quarterly reports, accompanied by 
specimens of natural history, to be digested into one annual report 
at head quarters, (with the various geographical improvements and 


discoveries, adjusted and embodied in one large chart) for for- 
wardance to England. 

All Residents and Conductors of Missions, should be provided 
with small copying apparatuses, so that they might forward their 
original dispatch, and one duplicate, to Cape Coast, by two diffe- 
rent opportunities, always retaining the other copy, in case of 
accident, or until the receipt were acknowledged. 

If it could be afforded, a medical officer should afterwards be 
added to the more important Residencies, to attach and relieve the 

Botanical and Mineralogical excursions, (taking sextants, tele- 
scopes, and barometers,) into Ahanta, Aowin, Warsaw, Akim, and 
Aquapim, small surveys, &c. &c. should be undertaken, ad interim, 
not only from the smallness of the expense and the great compara- 
tive benefit, (as we know nothing of these countries beyond their 
position,) but to qualify the younger officers (of congenial disposi- 
tion and acquirement,) for future missions and residencies. 

The young men soliciting appointments in England, should be 
required to make themselves acquainted with the grammar of the 
Arabic language, and practical astronomy, before they receive their 
commissions ; and one or two intelligent Moors from the interior, 
should be invited, by a pay, to settle at Cape Coast Castle, to per- 
fect these officers in writing and speaking the language. The 
Fantee language should also be cultivated, as it is a dialect of the 

The soldiers of the settlements should no lonser be enlisted from 
the mulattoes and Fanlees of the neighbourhood, making the 
present paltry force the more inefficient, from local and family 
attachments, inseparable from human nature, and preventing their 
acting cordially, if at all, on emergencies for the rescue of human 
victims, or the punishment of their relatives and townsmen, for 


insult, or contempt of the British legislation for the abolition of the 
slave trade, &c. The Negroes captured in the illicit Spanish and 
Portuguese slave ships, of whom there must be a number unem- 
ployed at Sierra Leone, would form the most desirable military 
force, even preferable to European, which has recently been 
adopted by the Dutch. These rescued Negroes would possess no 
attachment, beyond that which the considerate kindness and good 
conduct of their officers might induce ; the climate would be 
natural to them ; and they would prove valuable companions, if 
not intelligent guides, in future missions to the interior. There 
should at least be two hundred and fifty of these soldiers at head 
quarters, (one company being trained as artillery by European 
Serjeants) and fifty at each other settlement, if but two. 

The three missions, to Dagwumba,Wauwaw, and Ogooawai, would 
not cost above a thousand pounds, judiciously expended in Eng- 
land ; which is not so much as the annual expense of either of the 
six paltry out-forts (exclusive of the head quarters, and the vice 
presidency, which is but 9 miles from Cape Coast, and, since the 
abolition of the slave trade, an useless and absurd position ;) the 
mere existence of which, although it may excite astonishment, and 
reflect credit on the mercantile ingenuity and economy of the 
African Committee, is notoriously a disgraceful caricature on the 
British name. 

Three respectable estabhshments, one at Cape Coast Castle, one 
at Accra, (a rich and open country,) and one at Succondee, (if we 
could not purchase Axim, which commands the navigation of the 
Ancobra,) with an allowance of a thousand a year for a progress in 
the interior, (beneficial to commerce, science, and humanity,) would 
be productive of fame and honour, and probably of wealth, to our 


[ 463 


.Extract from Meredith's Account of the Gold Coast. 

Origin and History of the Ashantee War. 

J- HE Assin country lies at the rear of the Fan tee, and borders on the Ashantee country. 
It was divided into two states : the one governed by King Cheboo and Quacoe Apoutay; 
and the other by King Amoo. Apoutay, akhough not elevated to the dignity of King, 
held equal sway with Cheboo; but they were each subordinate to the King of Ashantee. 
A man of opulence died in Amoo's town ; and, as is customary on such occasions, gold 
and other valuable articles were deposited with the body in the grave. On this occasion,, 
one of Cheboo's people was present, and seeing what was done, watched an opportunity 
to rob the grave ; which he effected, and escaped with the treasure. Amoo his neigh- 
bour sought redress of Cheboo and Apoutay, but without success : he then laid the affair 
before the King of Ashantee ; who summoned all the parties before him, gave them an 
impartial hearing, and awarded in favour of Amoo. Quacoe Apoutay was detained as a 
hostage until restitution should be made : but he, in a short time, contrived to make his 
escape, and, when at liberty, refused to accede to the award made by the King of 
Ashantee. On this Amoo attacked the town in which Cheboo and Apoutay resided, and 
routed his opponents : after tliis, at the instigation of the King of Ashantee, the parties 
met to settle the dispute : but Quacoe Apoutay acting treacherously on the occasion, 
sent privately to Cheboo for an armed force to support him : and a battle was the con- 
sequence, which ended in the death of the man who had committed the theft, and the 
total defeat of Apoutay and his forces. At this crisis the King of Ashantee, willing to 
bring about a peace, again interfered. He sent two gold manillas, the one to Amoo, the 
other to his adversary, directing them to cease ail hostihties ; to which both parties 
agreed, and took the manillas. Amoo obeyed the King; but Quacoe Apoutay attacked 
Amoo, and drove him in his turn from his town. Amoo, indignant at the repeated 
deceptions of Apoutay, obtained succours, and overthrew his treacherous opponent. The 
King of Ashantee still anxious to reconcile his neighbours, and unwilling to draw liis 
sword, presented two gold swords and an axe to Amoo, and recommended him to conci- 

464 APPENDIX. No. I. 

liate Quacoe Apoutay, and terminate their quarrels. Amoo consented to obey the King, 
but in the mean time was again attacked by his implacable foe, and totally defeated, and 
lost in the contest the golden sword and hatchet. His opponent committed ravages 
wherever he came, killing messengers, and every man who fell into his hands, not sparing 
even the King of Ashantee's messengers ! A war with the King of A.shantee followed 
hereupon: Quacoe Apoutay and Cheboo dreading his vengeance, fled to the Fantee 
country : in conseqvience of which the King sent a message to Acoom, the caboceer or 
mayor of Assecoomah (a small state tributary to the King of Ashantee,) accompanied by 
a present of twenty ounces of gold ; stating the necessity of his pursuing his enemies to 
the Fantee country, but giving assurance of the King's pacific disposition towards the 
Fantees, and that his only object was to get into his possession Cheboo and Apoutay : 
the Fantees would not interfere, nor allow the Ashantee forces to come into their country. 
Upon this answer, Appey Dougah,* the King of Ashantee's general, collected, by com- 
mand of his master, a large force, and gave the enemy battle at Buinka in Fantee ; he 
displayed great gallantry, and defeated the two Kings, in conjunction with the Fantee 
forces that had joined them. Next day Cheboo and Apoutay having rallied their forces, 
and formed a junction with a fresh Fantee force, gave Appey Dougah battle; but were 
totally defeated, with the loss of many killed and made prisoners ; among the latter was 
Atia,-f- the caboceer of Abrah, the principal town of Fantee. A large sum was offered 
for his ransom, but refused ; and he was committed to the care of Acoom, the caboceer of 
Assecoomah, in whom the King had great confidence ; but this person betrayed his trust, 
and liberated the enemy. Quacoe Apoutay, baffled at all po'mts, sent to the King of 
Ashantee to accept his conditions, provided he would discharge his debts on his return 
home. To this proposal the King agi-eed, and, in token of his friendship, sent various 
presents to Cheboo and Apoutay; mIio, instead of receiving them with gratitude, 
beheaded the messengers This wicked and unprovoked act roused the indignation of the 
King of Ashantee, and he vowed eternal war against the aggressors. ^Xcoom (who had 
been forgiven by the King for his treachery in suffering Atia to escape,) being in posses- 
sion of a large quantity of provisions, was applied to by the Ring of Ashantee for a 
supply, which he with seeming cheerfulness granted : six times he delivered faitlifully 
those that were contracted for, but, the seventh time, he betrayed about one thousand 
men who had been sent for them, and sold them in Maixh or April, 1806". In con- 
sequence of this conduct Acoom became involved in the war : very shortly afterwards the 
King of Ashantee defeated him, and made rapid progress with his army towards the 

* This should be Appia Dunqua ; he was the elder brother of Appia Nanu, an account 
of v\ hose disgrace is in the Diary, 
f This should be Atta. 

APPENDIX. No. I. 465 

coast in search of Cheboo and Apoutay. The Fantees opposed his march, but were 
defeated in every onset; and the BrafFoes were nearly extirpated by the Ashantees in 
their march. The Annamaboes, instigated by the remaining Braffbes, were impudent 
enough to receive and protect Cheboo and Apoutay ; which proved fatal to them. At 
this period the Governor of Cape Coast Castle, being under some apprehension for the 
safety of the British settlements, was inclined to send a flag of truce with a message to 
the King of Ashantee, who was now (May, 1806) at Abrah, and only fifteen or twenty 
miles from the coast. The Annamaboes (who were consulted on the measure) objected 
to it, and the design was consequently suspended. The Governor was anxious to know 
upon what terms the King would consider the British, and wished to become a mediator; 
but the Annamaboes, who placed a vain dependence on their name and strength, fully 
expected that the King and his army would be conquered ; and that if not the whole, 
the greater part of the army would fall into their hands ; and hence were not disposed to 
pacific measures, nor would they permit the Governor's messenger to proceed inland. 
Shortly after this, a division of the Ashantee army made its appearance at Cormantine, 
and routing the inhabitants from the to^vn, completely destroyed it. The captain of this 
division contrived to get into the Dutch fort, and having pillaged it of a number of 
articles, took up his residence there. It was now time to become acquainted with the 
King's intentions ; and for that purpose the Governor of Annamaboe fort sent a messenger 
with a flag of truce to the commander of this division, intimating a wish to be acquainted 
with the King's motives for marching an army to the coast, and proposing himself as a 
mediator. This message, we may suppose, was conveyed to the King ; and on the 
following day three men were observed coming from Cormantine with a white flag dis 
played, and (Mr. White) the Governor, expected they were the bearers of some agree- 
able and satisfactory intelligence : in this however he was much disappointed ; for the 
commander of that division of the Ashantee army being in possession of fort Amsterdam, 
was elated with his success, particularly in getting to the sea side; (a circumstance which 
inspired him with such joy, that he went to the beach and dipped his sword three times 
in the sea, some of which he had conveyed to the King as a proof of his success :) — 
whether those circumstances stimulated him to try the disposition of the English chief, 
we know not ; but the message he sent, imported a degree of haughtiness by no means 
agreeable to Mr. White, and was to this effect : that when the Governor would send him 
twenty barrels of gunpowder, and one hundred muskets, he would be told what the King's 
designs were. To comply with this demand would be acknowledging too much submis- 
sion, and would doubtless give the King a very indifferent opinion of the British charac- 
ter. Mr. White behaved politely to the people, gave them some refreshment, and told 
them that he regretted that the King, or their master, did not appear inclined to come 
to an explanation, or to conciliate matters : that if the King would point out in what 

3 o' 

466 APPENDIX. No I. 

manner the Annamaboes had offended, he would use his authority to have satisfaction 
given : that until he was assured of their having transgressed, or having injured his 
Majesty, they were entitled to the protection of the fort, if they sought for it : and that, 
finally, if the King's army should come with any hostile intentions near the fort, it would 
be fired upon. 

After this two or three of the heav}^ guns were fired with shot, for the purpose of 
giving them an idea of the destructive power of artillery ; and they were preparing to 
depart, when private information was received, that tlie flag of truce would be violated in 
its return, and the men murdered. Whereupon Mr. White and Mr. Wilson (a gentle- 
man not in the service,) escorted them, and left them in safety within a short distance 
from their quarters. The Governor now anxiously looked for a definitive reply from the 
King, and every assiduity was used to place things in a defensive position ; and the 
towns-people having heretofore placed a firm reliance on their strength, became alarmed, 
and were solicitous to be assured of the Governor's protection. Mr. White informed 
them, that if the King of Ashantee intended to attack the town, he would give them all 
the assistance and protection in his power; at the same time advised thein of the most 
prudent measures to be employed for their safety and defence. He instructed them, in 
the first instance, to have strong parties on the look-out, and to guard every avenue lead- 
ing into the town ; and, on the first alarm, or approach of the enemv, to send the old 
men, women, and children to the fort, where they would be received ; and as many as 
the fort would not accommodate, to come close to the walls, where they would be under 
the protection of the guns. 

At this crisis Mr. White and the inhabitants of the town were ignorant as to the 
strength of the Ashantee forces, and had but an imperfect idea of the bravery and intre- 
pidity of the men wlio composed the King's army. It was supposed that the Ashantees 
partook of the dispositions of the natives on the coast, who in general cannot stand against 
a regular and determined fire, and often creep into some concealed hole, when cannon or 
musket shot are heard to whiz among them ; or, if the Ashantees were superior, it was 
little imagined that their courage, or ardour for conquest, would carry them to the very 
muzzles of the guns, and consequently expose them to inevitable destruction. 

About a week had elapsed, and no news from the King ; which was no favourable in- 
dication of pacific measures. The commander of the division at Cormantine, and who 
proved to be tlie King of Dinkara, sent forward a party to ascertain the strength of the 
town of Annamaboe, and succeeded in gaining possession of a village called Agah, 
situated upon a point of land about one mile eastward from Annamaboe ; whence every 
movement of the Annamaboes on that side could be observed. This was considered an 
annoyance, and on the 14th of June a strong body (indeed almost the whole of the town's 
people) marched out for the purpose of dislodging the Ashantees. The action was clearly 

APPENDIX. No. I. 467 

seen from the fort. The Annamaboes were received in the most gallant and spirited 
manner by nearly a tliird of their force, and for some time the contest was doubtful. The 
Ashantees fired with more regularity than could be expected, and their muskets were 
well directed; whereas the Fan tees kept up a confused fire without taking aim; they 
however succeeded, and the Ashantees retreated in excellent order, keeping possession of 
part of the vUlage which lay concealed in a valley, and where the Annamaboes did not 
think proper to proceed. The Annamaboes were either too confident of their strong posi- 
tion, or thought too insignificantly of their opponents, to attend to the advice given them 
by Mr. White ; for while they were amused by this small party, the King, with the main 
body, was vigilant in securing the different passes leading to the town, and was at this 
time only three miles to the rear of it. 

Early on the 15th those who were on the look-out observed the Ashantee army in 
motion : the alarm was given, and every man who was able to carry a musket, repaired 
to meet the enemy. As the town was situated at the rear of the fort, and extended some 
distance inland, no prospect of the contending parties could be obtained ; smoke was seen 
to arise ft-om different parts of the surrounding country, and heavy discharges of musketry 
were distinctly heard. Alarm and confusion now prevailed throughout the town, and the 
women, children, and old men, made the best of their way to the fort, the area of which 
they soon filled, after which the gates were closed. The voUej's of musketry were 
advancing very fast, and the Fantees were retreating in great disorder : one or two great 
guns were fired over the town with a view to impel terror on the assailants, but they were 
too much elated with hopes of conquest, and too resolute to be affrighted : about eleven 
o'clock the musket balls were heard to whistle in every part of the fort, and the Ashantees 
entered the town in every direction, pursuing the vanquished to the beach, where the 
slaughter was great. 

The Annamaboes conceived, that with the aid of their canoes and tlieir knowledge of 
swimming, they should be able to escape, but they were pursued too closely by the 
Ashantees, whose fury appeared to be insaliable ; men, women, and children were 
followed by indiscriminate destruction. During this work of carnage, the Governor was 
very active with his small garrison to repel the assailants ; a twenty-four pounder, that 
pointed along the beach to the westward, several times discharged grape-shot among 
them, whereby vast numbers must have fallen : a three-pounder likewise, which flanked 
the gate on the east side was frequently fired with grape, notwithstanding fresh parties 
came on much quicker than they could be rep2lled ; and at length they came under the 
walls for the purpose of carrying away the women who could not be received into the 
fort. About this period the Governor* was wounded in two places ; one ball struck his 

* Mr. White, who, after an absence of twenty seven years from his native country, 
expired a few hours after he landed in it. 

468 APPENDIX. No. I. 

mouth and carried away four of his teeth, another ball passed through his left arm ; and 
nearly at the same time an officer and two men were wounded, and one taan killed. 

Things assumed now a more serious and dangerous aspect than was apprehended, and 
gave the garrison a strong assurance of the disposition of the enemy, who, it was evident, 
intended to bend his utmost efforts against the fort. The Ashantees were confident that 
by gaining possession of it, a large booty would be obtained. However, the small number 
which composed the garrison of Annamaboe at this period, consisting of Governor White, 
Messieurs Meredith, Swanzy, Smith, and Baines ; also four free mulattoes and twenty 
men, including soldiers, artificers, and servants, were confident of the severity of their 
situation. The walls being high, and accurately flanked, and the gates sound and well 
barricadoed ; the Governor, from the nature of liis wounds, from great debiUty in con- 
sequence of much effusion of blood, being constrained to retire, and the command of the 
fort having devolved on the senior officer, who perceiving that the cannon in one quarter 
could not be used with effect, for the enemy fired with such precision as to cut off every 
man who was exposed at an embrasure, depended solely on the musket ; and another man 
having been killed about noon, and two more wounded :— the garrison was now reduced 
to the small number of eight, including officers, who could be depended upon, and the 
Ashantees were using every effort to force the western gate ; but were twice repulsed 
with no small loss. A thu'd time they attempted it, and endeavoured to apply fire to the 
gate ; but the man who brought the materials for that purpose, extinguished the fire by 
faUing a corpse upon it. In all their attempts they were defeated with musketry alone, 
and notwitlistanding that their efforts to gain an entrance into the foi-t proved ineffectud, 
the contest was continued till six o'clock. After this cessation, and before total darkness 
came on, the garrison used all possible energy in repairing injuries, and preparing for the 
defensive, in case of hostilities being renewed in the night. 

On the following day a scene replete with the horrors of war exhibited itself: — heaps 
of dead and wounded around the walls, and for a mile along the eastern shore, tossed 
about by a violent surf: — houses unroofed, and others on fire : — the sorrowful counten- 
ances of the old men, who sought refuge in the fort ; the mournful lamentations of the 
women, and the pitiable cries of the children, presented a picture of exquisite feeling and 
of the greatest distress ! Of the number the town contained, and ;\-hich we will calculate 
to have been at least fifteen thousand souls, we may suppose that two-thirds of that 
number perished. The fort afforded refuge to about two thousand of every description, 
and about two hundred escaped to a rock surrounded by the sea, and at pistol-shot from 
the beach, where they remained unmolested, and notwitstanding the vigilance of the 
Ashantees, we may suppose that two or three thousand effected their escape. Without 
going into further enquiry, we may venture to state that eight thousand Fantees were 
destroyed ; and although they were attacked by at least three times their number, yet if 

APPENDIX. No. I. 469 

they were actuated by one-third of the bravery of their opponents, they would have com- 
mitted some execution, and doubtless would have checked that intrepidity and ardour 
which were so pre-eminently conspicuous in their enemy. Their resistance was very 
feeble ; terror seized them at the commencement of the attack, and it impressed them so 
forcibly, that the sea formed but an indifferent barrier to their precipitate flight. 

When the fury of the Ashantees against the Fantees was a little diminished, they 
turned part of their force against the fort with great coolness and resolution, advancing 
with shouts expressive of their loyalty and courage, to the very muzzles of the guns. At 
the east side of the fort, two three pounders, which were well served, destroyed numbers 
of them witli every discharge of grape : but at the west side, the cannon which flanked 
the gate could not be rendered useful, in consequence of advantages the enemy possessed, 
and which were not to be found on the opposite (juarter, where the musket alone was to 
be dependended upon : and we have the authority of the gendeman who commanded 
(after Mr. White was wounded) of stating, that he and another officer (Mr. Swanzy) fired 
nearly three hundred rounds of ball-cartridge in keeping the gate clear, and protecting 
those who were under the walls. Mr. Swanzy was so injured with die recoil of his 
musket, that he could not use his right arm for some days without much pain, and the 
other officer (Mr. Meredith) was nearly in the same state. 

What loss the Ashantees sustained cannot be precisely laid down : the King, prior to 
his departure from Annamaboe, said, he lost three thousand men : but in that number 
he probably included those who were carried off" by disease. His men however suffered 
very severely ; for their approach was "made with such large bodies, that twenty, thirty, 
or perhaps more, fell with every discharge of grape-shot ; and the musket not only killed, 
but very often wounded at the same dme, so close were the enemy. 

At this period (the 1 6th of June,) the fort was in an awkward state,— clompletely 
blockaded on the land-side, and a very imperfect communication by sea, and only a few 
weeks provisions for the number it contained ; add to which, the effluvia from the dead 
bodies, which were approaching fast to a putrid state, excited very uneasy apprehensions. 
These circumstances demanded some extraordinary effort, wliich the garrison, from its 
weakness, could not attempt. Every person, from great exertion and constant exposure 
to a vertical sun on the 15th, and from sohcitude and want of rest, was much fatigued. 
Nevertheless things wore a more promising appearance ; whenever plunder was attempted, 
which now and then was the case, it met with resistance. There was not, however, any 
desire manifested by the Ashantees to renew hostilities, and every motion indicated a wish 
for peace. The garrison too was very desirous of such an event, but did not wish to be 
the first to yield, or to offer any terms without orders from the chief-governor. The 
King, from his late successes, had a high opinion of his power and the bravery of his 
army. On the other hand the small garrison, notwithstanding its reduced state, had no 


mean opinion of Itself, and wished to confirm in liis Majesty an idea of the superior skill 
of Europeans. 

The Governor at Cape Coast was apprised of the state of affairs at Annamaboe, and 
lost no time in sending assistance. Two ships were provided for the purpose, which 
sailed from tlie Cape on the morning of the Kith: but, from unavoidable circum- 
stances, the re-inforcement the ships brought could not be landed before four o'clock 
in the afiernoon. This re-inforcement consisted of twelve men and four officers ; and 
their arrival in the fort afforded much satisfaction. This party was landed under 
cover of the smoke of some heavy guns, and was not fired at; but the canoe, on 
returning, \\as fired upon and one man wounded. It was the Governor's order that 
a flag of truce should be sent to the King, to endeavour to bring about an amicable 
understanding. A white flag was accordingly lowered over the wall, accompanied 
with the national colours ; and when the emblem of peace was observed, it is impos- 
sible to express sufficiently the joy that diffused itself among the people : the multitude 
which crowded around the flags was inconceivably great, and it was with difficulty that 
the King's officers, who were Jinown by golden swords and axes, could clear the way 
leading to his quarters : the air resounded with acclamations in praise of their King, and 
expressive of their satisfaction at the prospects of peace. 

And here we cannot forbear remarking, that although the Ashantees are so remote 
from polished or civilized nations, they seem not to be unacquainted with the customs of 
a civilized people, as they are connected with tiie rules of war; for they paid every 
respect to the flag of truce : a few indeed of them were making towards the rock on which 
were a number of Fantees, but thej' well understood the signal of recall, when a musket 
or two were fii-ed over their heads. The flag of truce returned about seven o'clock, with 
three messengers from the King ; and they, in order to justify the King for his proceed- 
ings against the Fantees, entered into a long detail of the origin of the war, which we 
have been attempting to describe. The King was pleased that the flag of truce was sent, 
and expressed his satisfaction by giving the two soldiers who were the bearers of it a fat 
sheep. After a conference that continued beyond two hours, the messengers departed, 

A communication Was thus established with the King and his army ; but it was con- 
sidered prudent to keep the gates closed until a perfect understanding was effected. It 
appeared^ however, that this could not be done, without a meeting between the chief 
Governor and the King. To accomplish this Mr. Meredith tried to persuade the King 
to go to Cape Coast, but in this he was disappointed , lie however gained his Majesty's 
consent to send some of his confidential and chief men to wait upon the Governor, and to 
hear his sentiments. 

It will, we doubt not, be gratifying to the reader, if we here subjoin the correspondence 
between Mr. Meredith and Mr. Torrane, the Governor in Chief, on this occasion. 

APPENDIX. No I. 471 

Annamdboe Fort, June 17, 1807- 

Mr. White directs me to acknowledge the receipt of your letter to the Governor of 
Elmina. The state Mr. White is in, being much weakened with loss of blood and other 
causes, prevented him paying that attention to your letters which they demanded, and 
my duty was such, that I could not spare a moment to write you fully. I had a con- 
ference witli three of the King's messengers last night, and at this instant there are two 
men with his Majesty ; when they return, you shall be acquainted with the result. I 
have already mentioned to the King that Cheboo would be given up, and if it was agree- 
able for him to send his cane, and one or t,vo of his gold-headed swords, I would engage 
their security by going to Cape Coast with them. The message received from the King 
was of a favourable tendency ; and I trust he will perceive the expediency of putting an 
end to this sanguinary war. Be assured we are all so employed on various duties, it 
debars me more particularly of giving you a further detail of our proceedings. But I 
trust, by a messenger this evening, to relate fully every circumstance attending this very 
severe contest. '1 he party were landed in safety, viz. twelve privates, one corporal, with 
Messrs. Bold, Galloway, and Woolbert. Both ships will remain here until to-mont)w. 
I am well pleased with the attention and assistance afforded us by Captain Coley. 

I am, &c. 

Henry Meredith. 
Colonel Torrane, Governor in Chief, S;c. 8(c. Sic. 
Cape Coast Castle. 

Annamdboe Fort, June 17, 1807. 

I WROTE you this morning, acknowledging the receipt of your letters, and, agreeably to 
my intentions then, I take the liberty of stating more particularly the occurrences in this 
garrison on the 1.5th and subsequent to it. I beg leave to remind you, that we were pre- 
pared for any attack that might be made upon us, by any body of men unaccustomed to 
the shock of artillery ; and I believe Mr. White assured you of the confidence he placed 
in the officers and men under his command, and every soul was animated with a desire 
to do his duty. 

[Here follows a description of the battle as before related.] 

The re-inforcement you was pleased to send, got on shore without any opposition about 
four o'clock P. M.; ;md I assure you we were very glad to receive them, as, from the 
severe duty we had undergone the preceding day, we were much cut up by fatigue. 
About six p. M. the flag of truce, with a corporal and private from the detachment you 

472 APPENDIX. No. I. 

sent, were conveyed to the King ; and as they proceeded, they were wai-mly greeted by 
the Ashantees. The message the King returned was modest ; he said, it was not his inten- 
tion to commence hostilities with the fort, nor to distress any of the whites ; his enemies 
were the Assins and Fantees, and he now conceived his anger against them pretty well 
assuaged. This morning ( 1 7th) according to agreement, his messengers came, and said, 
that the King wished to see the same person that conveyed the flag of truce, that they 
might hear from his own lips what he had to deliver. Accordingly I sent them with 
Button, a man of quick understanding, to hear more particularly the sentiments of his 
Majesty. After remaining some time hearing the opinion of his counsellors they returned, 
and after some preliminary discourse, they informed me that the King had deputed six 
of his principal men, witii six deputed by the men of power in his train, to repair to Cape 
Coast to hear what you have to say, and to negotiate. In course of their communication 
the King deplored the number of lives that were lost in consequence of the fire from 
the fort. 

As the messengers mean to repair to Cape Coast, I will forbear relating every parti- 
cular. I he King seemed to say that he must have those who sought protection in the 
fort : this he only hinted at, and probably the same may be hinted to you ; but in giving 
them up, we ought to be assured of their being used kindly. I send a canoe with this, 
and have agreed with the messengers, that you will send canoes and a guard for their 
protection. Mr. White's travelling canoe is in g od order, therefore be pleased to send 
eleven canoe-men for her. 1 his canoe, with three more from the Cape, will, in my 
opinion, be fully sufficient to convey the whole twelve messengers with their guard. The 
number of persons here are reducing our provisions very fast, and if not removed soon, 
some of them willbe most likely starved, or will be the cause of some serious malady: 
the sooner we are rid of them the better. But if you can gain their protection, it will be 
a humane act. Mr. White, who I am happy to say is in a fair way, desires his respects. 

I am, &c. 

(Signed) Heney Meredith. 

Colonel Torrane, Governor in Chief, 
3)C 8fc. 8fc. 


Both your letters of yesterday's date I have received ; the latter has given me particular 
satisfaction, not only as it affords every prospect that this war will be terminated, but 
also as it removes great anxiety from my mind respecting the state of Mr. White's 
wounds. The assurances you now give me that he is in a fair way of recovery, are 
highly gratifying. I dispatch eleven canoe-men for Mr. White's canoe ; and I also send 
three other canoes. I trust the King will appoint persons of sufficient consequence to 

APPENDIX. No. I. 473 

negotiate with me : I liave an earnest wish to see the King : make this desire known to 
him; tell him I think it may essentially lead to the arrangement of affairs of much im- 
portance ; that I have greatly to deplore with him this war ; that although these events 
cannot always be guarded against, they may even ultimately bring future good conse- 
sequences ; and herein I think much depends on our meeting. Assure the King, that 
notwithstanding the steps I have taken to give protection to the Fantees, I have ever 
held him in the highest respect, from the many reports 1 have heard of him, and that, 
had I seen any messenger from him antecedent to his attack on Annamaboe, I am of 
opinion we should have avoided the blow in that quarter. The King I understand to be 
a man of strong mind : it will naturally suggest itself to him, that a meeting between us 
may be of vast importance to the country. Assure him I have too high a consideration 
for my own cliaracter, as well as his consequence, to suffer the smallest indignity to be 
offered to him ; that if he will come to the castle I shall be proud to shew him every 
honour, and that I will give every possible security for his personal safety. I have 
apartments ready for him, and officers shall be sent to attend him here. On receipt of 
this, send your accustomed messenger to the King, saying, that you have a letter from 
me, and that an officer will wait personally on him to explain the contents. This officer 
with this letter in his hand, you will send (say Mr. F. L. Swanzy) as early as you shall 
receive the King's reply. I know not whether you have a good flag for the occasion ; I 
therefore send one. Mr. F. L. Swanzy will have two flag-bearers, one with a white flag, 
the other carrying the union ; and he will be very particular in explaining every part of 
this letter, and do his utmost to persuade the King to visit the Cape. He may also add, 
that a ship can be procured, if he (the King) prefers coming that way, and that an officer 
of distinction shall be sent to accompany him. In a few words, Mr. F. L. Swanzy will 
do his utmost to persuade the King to visit the castle. An officer should come here, with 
the guard you send to protect the messengers. You must let me know of what conse- 
quence the messengers are, that I may treat them accordingly, and this it will be advisable 
to acquaint me of before their aiTival. 

I am, &c, 

(Signed) George Torbane. 

To Henry Meredith, Esq. 

Although these men proceeded to the Cape, it was found that nothing important could 
be transacted without an interview with the King, and for this purpose Colonel Torrane 
was obliged to go to Annamaboe, and a day was fixed for a conference. To give as 
favourable and as respectable an opinion as possible of the British, a number of articles 
as presents were sent to the King, and as many officers and soldiers as the service could 
afford, were assembled to attend the Governor on the day appointed ; but previous to 
those preparations, and a few days after the flag of truce was received by the King, 

3 p ■ 

474 APPENDIX. No. I. 

Cheboo (one of the men who was the cause of the war) was secured by the Governor at 
Cape Coast and sent to Annamaboe, to be delivered up to the King, in expectation that 
any further effusion of blood would be prevented, and that it would be the means of 
saving the Fantees from entire destruction. These benevolent purposes were not realized : 
the King had proceeded so far in the war, that he could not recede without displeasing 
those auxiliaries he had with him, and who expected a vast deal of plunder : and besides, 
Apoutay and Acoom were again in arms, and collecting all the Fantees they could to 
oppose the King's progress. On the day appointed for the interview, the Governor and 
his party were put in motion, and although the procession was not very numerous, it was 
arranged with taste, and made no despicable appearance. About twenty of the Company's 
artificers, habited in a neat manner, marched in front ; a guard of forty men, and a band 
of music followed them ; next walked the Governor, followed by ten officers, two and 
two, and some gentlemen traders (who were enticed from the Cape by curiosity), brought 
up the rear. When the pi-ocession had got a short distance it was met by a principal 
man, who was sent by the King to conduct the Governor, and to keep off the multitude, 
which was assembling in great numbers, some of whom had never seen a white man. 
Notwithstanding the authority of this person, and the exertions of his attendants, the 
curiosity of the people was so great that every avenue was crowded ; which, by prevent- 
ing the circulation of air, augmented the natural heat of the day, and tliis inconvenience 
was farther increased by the putrid smell from the dead bodies, and the vast swarm of 
flies. The Governor was obliged to visit each man of rank, before he could be received 
by the King ; a ceremony that could not be prudently denied, and which occupied some 
time : for those men had their several courts, and collectively had formed an extensive 
circle. Every one of them was seated under a huge umbrella, surrounded by attendants 
and guards, with young persons employed in fanning the air and dispersing the flies, 
which were numei-ous and troublesome. One of those men and his attendants excited 
some curiosity and attention : his dress and appearance were so different from those of 
the others, that it evidently proved he must have come from countries situated a consi- 
derable distance inland. He was a tall, athletic, and rather corpulent man, of a com- 
plexion resembling an Arab or an Egyptian. His dress was heavy, and by no means 
adapted to the climate. He wore a cap that came down below his ears, and being made 
of yellow cloth, it did not contribute to diminish his tawny complexion. He was a 
follower of the Mohammedan religion, possessed much gravity ; but was communicative, 
condescending, and agreeable. He had about him a great number of sentences from the 
Alkoran, which were carefully incased in gold and silver, and upon which he set a high 
value. He was a native of Kassina, a country that appears to be situated to the south 
of east from Tombuctou. He said he had been at Tunis and at Mecca ; had seen many 
white men and ships, and deseribed the method of travelling over the great desert. This 

APPENDIXf No. I. 475* 

person commanded a body of men who fought with arrows, as well as muskets : four of 
the arrows were found in the fort ; they were short and pointed with barbed iron. He 
had many persons in his train who were of the same colour, but varied a httle as to 
dress; they were all habited in the Turkish manner, but did not wear turbans. After 
the ceremony of visiting those persons was over, the Governor was conducted towards the 
King, who was surrounded by a number of attendants, whose appearance bore evident 
signs of riches and authority : chains, stools, axes, swords, flutes, message- canes, &c. 
were either of sohd gold, or richly adorned with that metal : those dazzling appearances, 
added to damask, tafFety, and other rich dresses, gave a splendour to the scene liighly 
interesting. When the Governor approached the King, and when an interchange of com- 
pliments had passed, the air resounded with the noise of musical instruments, such as 
drums, horns, and flutes. After "some conversation, during which much politeness was 
observed in the behaviour of the King, the Governor wished this ceremonial visit to be 
returned ; which was agreed to, and a convenient place was found to receive the King 
and his train. The Governor, his officers, and attendants, were formed in a half-circle, 
and seated under the shade of some trees, and a passage of sufficient breadth was formed 
by the soldiers for the King and his attendants to pass through. It was full two hours 
before his Majesty was announced, so numerous was his train. Each man of rank, as 
he advanced, paid the necessary compliments agreeably to the custom of his country, and 
then filed off. It was previously directed, that the King should be received with arms 
presented and the grenadiers march when passing the soldiers. This mai-k of distinction 
and respect appeared to give him much satisfaction : he halted to observe the orderly 
behaviour and uniform appearance of the soldiers ; and the martial air that was playing, 
seemed to produce the most agreeable sensations on his mind. The writer had an oppor- 
tunity of seeing this man. He was of the middle size, well formed, and perfectly black, 
with regular features and an open and pleasing countenance. His manner indicated 
understanding and was adorned with gracefulness ; and in all respects he exceeded the ex- 
pectations of every person. His dress was plain : it consisted of a piece of silk wrapt 
loosely about him ; a wreath of green silk ornamented his head : his sandals were neatly 
made, and curiously studded with gold. He was not distinguished by any gold orna- 
ments, as his attendants were. One man who was dressed in a grotesque manner, and 
who appeared to act the bufibon, was, literally, loaded with gold. 

As this was a visit of ceremony, no business of consequence was transacted. The King 
politely enquired after Mr. White, and expressed a hope that he would soon be well of 
his wounds. He said he would move from Annamaboe soon, as his army felt ill effects 
from the water, and from the dead bodies. After this visit, every confidence was placed 
in the King* and his army, and as the gates were now opened, a free admittance was 
allowed : various conferences of a favourable nature were carried on between both parties; 

476 APPENDIX. No. I. 

but peace ■with the Fantees was considered impracticable. Apoutay had escaped the 
King's vigilance ; and Acoom was at the head of a strong party, and marching towards 
Annamaboe to give the King battle. The King assured the Governor, that after he had 
subdued his enemies to leeward, he would return to Annamaboe for the purpose of 
making arrangements relative to the future irelfarc of the country, and the regulations of 

It was agreed, that those residing under British forts, provided they observed a neu- 
trality, should not be molested, and that every respect should be paid to the British flag^ 
The Governor likewise procured the release of those who sought refuge in the fort, 
although the King contested his right to tliem ; for this reason, that as he destroyed the 
town, he had a claim to every person and to every thing belonging to it. On report of 
Acoom being in arms and making preparations to attack the Ashantees, the King ordered 
his army to collect and march to meet him. Two days subsequent to the King's departure 
(3d July,) Acoom's party and the advanced guard of the Ashantee's met ; a battle was 
the consequence, which ended in the defeat of Acoom, who, with his party, would ha%"e 
been cut off, if a river, that was in their rear, had not favoured their flight ; the fordable 
parts of which were known to them, but not to the Ashantees. After this defeat, the 
King's enemies dared not shew themselves in the field in any force ; they however sup- 
ported a kind of predatory warfare, and were sometimes successful in cutting off small 
foraging parties. As the Ashantees proceeded to leeward, desolation accompanied them ; 
almost every town and village were laid in ruins ; but disease, which got among them at 
Annamaboe, and ^^hIch spread rapidly, carried off vast numbers. This luiexpected 
calamity altered the King's intentions : he could not return to Annamaboe without risk- 
ing the loss of his whole army ; prudence therefore directed him to face towards his 
kingdom, leaving at Accra a sufficient force to dispose of prisoners, and to convey them 
in safety to Ashantee. 

Cheboo and Apoutay, who appeared inseparable friends at the commencement of Uiis 
war, and throughout it, fled to Cape Coast with about five hundred followers, as soon as 
they perceived the Ashantees approaching towards Annamaboe, on the 15th of June. 
The Cape Coast people were willing to afford them protection and assistance, but when 
the Governor heard how things were at Annamaboe, he warned them of the danger, and 
advised them to be neutral. When an account arrived at Cape Coast of the desperate 
attack made on Annamaboe fort, the Governor came to the resolution of securing, if pos- 
sib e, both these men, and delivering them up to the King as the most probable means 
of not only putting an end to the war, but of securing the King's friendship. A party 
was accordingly selected for that purpose ; but Apoutay, after a warm contest, wherem 
some were killed on both sides, effected his escape. Cheboo was not so fortunate; he was 
secured and sent to the King, as we have already mentioned ; his followers too made a 

APPENDIX. No. I. 477 

precipitate flight, leaving behind them some bulky articles, among which were the whole 
of Cheboo's regalia, which were carefully lodged for the King ; and it had the effect on 
his disposition that was intended ; it gave a favourable opinion of the British, and assured 
him of the Governor's friendship, and at the same time it abated the desire he encouraged, 
to be revenged for the loss his army had sustained on the 15th. For he concerted a 
design to attempt the fort by storm, and Wednesday the l7th was the day appointed for 
this enterprise. The plan was not badly arranged, and was to be conducted in the follow- 
ing manner. Six thousand men were to be selected ; half of them destined not only to 
mount the walls, but to apply a quantity of gunpowder under them ; the explosion from 
•which was expected to shake the fort very much, and likewise to create such a confusion 
within as to cause the garrison to be off its guard ; the other half were to keep up a con- 
tintied firing. The plan was averted by the prudent policy of the Chief Governor, not 
only by his securing Cheboo, but by his alacrity in demanding a truce, whereby the King's 
resentment was cooled, and his inclinatjops diverted towards pacific measures. 




Translations of a Manuscript descriptive of Mr. Park's Death. 

Me. Salame's Translation. 

[The words iu italics, so distinguished at that Gentleman's 
request, rot being in the original.] 

A literal translation of a Declaration, written 
in a corrupted Arabic, from the town of 
Yaiid in the interior of Africa. 
In the name of God the Merciful and the 
This Declaration is issued from the town 
called (1) Yaud in the Country of Kossa (2). — 
We (the writer,) do witness the Jbllow'mg 
case; (statement.) We never saw, nor heard 
of the sea (River) called (4) Koodd ; but we 
sat to hear (understood) the voice (report) 
of some persons saying, " We saw a ship, 
equal to her we never saw before ; and the 
King of Yaud had sent plenty of every kind 1 

(1) Sir William Ouseley (who very obligingly 
communicated a hun ied translation from Crick- 
howel, although the original had been but two 
hours in his possession) read this Yaur or 

(2) Sir Wm. writes Husa or Haousa : the 
latter is occasionady the Moorish pronunciation, 
but Houssa is invariably the negro. I certainly 
never once heard that Houssa included Yawoo- 
rie, which has a distinct Sovereign, who is men- 
tioned in the MS. : Perhaps it may be accounted 
for, from Yawoorie being one of the seven 
kingdoms tributaiy to Houssa or Mallowa. 

(3) Mr. Jackson has preserved this apparent 
contradiction in his fidelity to the original, ac- 
cording to his reading. He considers, it may 
be reconciled by presuming that the writer only 
saw th? vessel pass Yawoorie, and did not wit- 

Mr. Jackson's Translation. 

[Of this Gentleman's considerate politeness in anticipdting my 
wishes by a spontaneous offer to translate this MS., I shall 
have occasion to repeat my acknowledgments in the Geo- 
graphical Appendix.] 

In the name of God the Merciful and 
This Narrative proceeds from the territory 
in Housa (2) called ( 1 ) Eeauree. We observed 
an extraordinary event or circurnstance (3,) hut 
we neither saiv nor heard of the River which is 
called (4) Kude, and as we were sitting, we 
heard the voice of children and ife saw a vessel 
the like to which in size we never saw before ; 
and, we saw the King of Eeauree send cattle 
and sheep, and a variety of vegetables in great 
abundance : and there were two men and one 

ness the ultimate catastrophe at Boussa, where 
lie imagines the river may first receive the 
name of Kude, as African rivers fi'equently 
have a different name in every cou itry throuo-h 
whicli they flow. This interpretation does not 
make the writer a mere reporter as in the other 
translation, but a witness of all that happened 
at Yawoorie, although not afterwards. I never 
understood the river to have any other nauie than 
Quorra or Quolla, from Slicgo to Foor, yet of 
this we ouglit not to feel positive. 

(4) It is very extraordinary that the name of 
the Quolla should always be written Kude, 
Koad, or Koada, and that Mr. Hutchison, who 
was learning Arabic of the Moors, in Ashantee, 
should be taught to write and pronounce as 
Quolla, the same Arabic word which every Eu- 
ropean proficient reads as above. I cannot help 



of food, with cows and sheep; There were 
two men, one woman, two male slaves and two 
maids in the ship; (5,) The two white men 
were derived from the race {secf) ot' Nassri ; 
(Christ or Cliristianity.) The King of Yaud 
asked them to come out to him ; (to land ((i) ; 
and they refiied coming out, (landing,) imd 
they went to the Kmgqfthe Country of (7) 
Bassa, who is greater than the King of Yaud; 
And while they wcr-e sitting in the ship and 
gaining a position (rounding) over the Cape of 
Koodd, and were in society with the people 
of the King of Bassa, the ship reached (struck) 
a-head of Mountain which took (destroyed) 
her away, (8) and the men and women of Bassa 
all together, with every kind of arms; (goods); 
And the ship coidd find no way to avoid the 
mountain ; And the man who was in the 
ship, killed his wife, and threw all his pro- 
perty into the Sea, (River), and then they 
threw themselves aZsofrom fear (9) : Afterwards 

thinking that, from bad writing, ignorance, or 
perhaps some occidental difference, the d is put 
for the i, *and that it should be Kule or Koala, 
especially as there appears to be a town called 
Kula on its banks, (see routes in Appendix) 
which comes very close to Kulla, Mr. Brown's 
river. The identity of the Quolla and Kulla, 
seems confirmed by Mr. Dup uis reading the 
name of the kingdom, as written by the JMoors, 
Koora, which seems as if they had written it 
for once, according to the negro pronunciation, 
(Quorra,) for as 1 have observed (p. 196) that 
the negroes always substitute r for the Moorish 
2 (a delect also characterising a dialect of the 
Coptic, the Chayma, the Tamanack, &c. &c., and 
common, as Baron Humboldt observes, to every 
zone) Koora becomes Koola, for the same rea- 
son which the Quorra of the negroes was always 

woman, and two slaves, and they tied or fas- 
tened them in the vessel. (.5) 

There were also in the vessel, two white men 
of the race called Christians (N'sarrah) and 
the Sultan of Eeauree called aloud to them to 
come out of the vessel (6,) but they would 


They proceeded to the country of Busa, 
which is greater than that of the Sultan of 
Eeauree, and as they were setting in the 
vessel, they hung or were stopped, by the 
Cape or Head Land of Kude(7.) 

And tlie people of the Sultan of Busa called 
to them, and poured their arms into the 
vessel, and the vessel reached the head-land 
or cliff, and became attached or fixed to the 
head of the mountain, and could not pass it. 
Then the men and women of Busa collected 
themselves hostilely together, with arms of all 
descriptions, when the vessel being unable to 
clear or pass the Cape, the man in the vessel 

l)ronounced Quolla by the Moors ; and Koola, it 
will be allowed, is very near to Mr. Brown's 

(5) Mr. Jackson writes Xi^k^W J ^J<yȣ j 
Uakkadanfeesfeena, i.e. and tied or bound them 
in the vessel or ship, " adding, that he is at a 
loss to imagine how it can have been converted 
into "two maids in the ship,"* Sir Wm., how- 
ever, in his hurried notice, rendered it ' female 

(G) " Invited (or entertained them) until 
they left him," Sir Wm. 

(7) Sir William, in his hurried perusal, read 
this, " and went on to the country of J5esa, and 
(the Sultan of) this country is greater than the 
Saltan of Yaour: there they settled or lialted, 
above Has (Cape) Koumcn. The jjeople be- 
longing to the Sultan of Besa saw the boat. 

* I recollect one, but only one instance of the 
negroes substituting d for the Moorish I, which 
was in Toppodo for Toppollo, a town of 

* Uckdan fi dssqfinat, means either " Two 
maids, or two female slaves, in the ship," and no 
otherwise. — A. S. 



they took one out of the water till the news 
reached the town of Kanji (10,) the country of 
the King of Wawi, and the King of Wawi 
heard of it, he buried him in liis earth, (grave), 
and the other we have notseen(Il); perhaps 
he is in the bottom of the water." — And God 
knows best. Authentic from the mouth of 
Sherif Abrahim. — Finis. 

and they went into the boat, and it reached the 
Mountain Cape, (or Headland,) and was there 

(9) " And the man who was* in the boat slew 
his woman (s\J,) and threw every article of 
his pro))eitv into the river, -and then cast them- 
selves into the river through fear. 

* Itranshite this in the singular, yet afterwards, 
thereseems a confusion with theplural." SirWm. 
This act, which appears very improbable, and 
which I nevt-r heard of in the oral accounts which 
I received whilst in Cooniassie, (Diary, p. 91) if 
it was CKUiniitted, must have been by Lieut. 
Martyn, recollecting the difference of his and 
Mr. Park's dispositions, and Amadi Fatouma's 
anecdote of thi- former wishing to kill him for 
preventing him from firing any more at the 
people of the King Gotoijege, I should observe 
here, that Auiadi Fatouma's Poul nation can be 

killed his wife (9) and threw the whole of her 
property into the river: they then threw 
themselves into the river, fear seizing them (the 
news of this occurrence was then conveyed to 
the Sultan V^'awee) until it reached by water 
the territory of Kanjee (10,) in tlie country of 
the Sultan AVawee, and we buried it (a male 
body) in its earth, and one of theui, we saw 
not at all in the water(l 1,) and God knows the 
truth of this report. From the mouth of the 
Shereef Ibrahim. — The end. 

no other than the Fillani, (p. 207) the Fullan 
of Ben Ali, for though it has been translated 
Poul, there is no p in thL' Arabic, and the Moors 
in Ashantee always wrote/ for the negro p, as 
fon for pon. As Col. Maxwell merely observes 
in his letter, that " lsa:ico's Arabic Journal was 
translated into English, by a ])erson resident in 
Senegal, who probably had but an oidinary or 
colloquial knowledge of Arabic, it is to be re- 
gretted that the original was not transmitted 
with it, as a more careful perusil of it by Sir 
William Ouseley or some Arabic scholar in 
England, would probably reconcile the two ac- 
counts, at least in the names of place-, it not in 
the cncumstances, more than they can be from 
the translation remitted. 

(10) See note; p. 202. 

(11) " And the other did not, -from the 
violence of the water."— Sir Wm. 

I have sent the original MS. to the African Association, the following is Mr. Jackson's 
transcript of it. 1 regret tliat Mr. Salame did not also furnish a transcript of this MS. 



^ji\ ii]\ *— J 

\ , Jl j,i ^.u^ 

cj' L^' jy. ^ 


^f^r- cJ 

Lj-j a^y ^»^*^' 

Oa.' , ^i^U^ j,a J jo JA^ ^^ jj, lysj L-j .vJj J\ U-i.« _5 ^.j^ 1^1 J 

APPENDIX. No. II. 481 

j^\ J^ ^l. ^jj ij\^\ JzH L^U\ J ^jJI J^^j jJt j^l jjj, j^_ ^ ,^^^l^ 
^ ^1 .dJtj »UJ1 ^ 4^ Ji! V ^ U^ ^\jj i,\j y^ Ajoj 'Jj]j ^JlkL jd. ^ 


[482 ] 




To Dwabin. 










To Quaoo. 

1. Assieinpong 

2. Thro" Amoom R. to 

3. Obogoo, 

Frontier Quaoo town. 

4. Adunipoiig, • the Go- 
vernment of the C. 
Coast Captain 

5. Assebanasoo 

6. Minidasoo, 
Famous for Palm Oil- 

7. Assoona 
S. ^A'antomo 

To Accra. 
1. Odossoo 
3. Kroofoofroom, 
Two hours from the lake. 

4. Obirribee, 

The 1st A kill! town 

5. Assinee 

6. Over Boosempra to 

7 . Meeasee 

8. Monasa 

9. Over the Aninnee, 
(rising in a hill called 
Quonishoo, 1 day to 
the W.) on a tree 

10. Ashoosoo 

1 1 . Aquapong 

12. Over Birrim toMeasa 

13. Asheeaqua 

14. Kookrantoom 

15. Aguicsso 

16. Marmpon and 

Visited by Issert, who 
calls it 24 milts fmin 
Clnistiansburg Castle. 

To Accra. 

1. Ashiedunipong 

2. Assaboo 

3. Assuennie 
,5. Antarranai 

6. Animoonoom 

7. Akropong 

9. Abirriwantoo 

10, Aradnteih 

11. Kookrantoom 
13. Aguiesso. 

To Elmina. 

l.Thro" the towns Aka- 
see, Kankawasee, Oda- 
soo, Adiabiii, Asakkra- 
ka, Adoonko, Aga- 
frompon, to Adoo- 

2.Fiasee, Bonechumay' 
Asanasoo, to Becquoi 

3. Inshuentem, (betiteen 
waters) Abimpingua, 
to Atobiasee 

4. Thro' Hoomassie, As- 
sekosoo, Edoomassie, 
Akoorkerry, Akoto- 
kee, Yankeren, to 
Abatea, the frontier 
town of Dankara 

5. Thro' Sewootcrasee, 
(,piit your head lower) 
Ali0];osoo, tlie fiontier 
Tufel town, to En- 
suaguesoo, (^wovian's 
town) the capital of 

6. Morobim 

7. Tliro' Akoontarrcra, 
(the 1st Wur>awtown) 
Aniodai, over B<ipo- 
quaw, (a high hill 
where there was for- 
merly a large croom, 
now deserted) & Apa- 
chamba, to Kairakoo 

8. Over Pra to Demamba 

9. Dadiasoo 

10. Asseecooma, Aban- 
nasoo, Abradi, Elmi- 
na, or, as the natives 
c?ill it, Addina. 

To Dankara. 

1. Dakoon 

2. Teriabooom, the fron- 
tifr town of Dankara 

3. Thro' Mosiasoo to En- 

4. Tliro' Ofoo, Araasoo, 
to Dankara. 

To Buntookoo. 

1 . Barree * or to Pas- 

2. Bearaasoo, 

or to Dooniantiffee 

3. Ensoota 

4. Quanta 

5. Across Tando, 
to Odomassee 

6. Suaterree 

7. Birrakoomee 
S. Yammee 

9. Kirribeeo 

10. Kitkiwerree 

11. Buntookoo 

* When OT aj^pcars betwee'' 
(wo n.iiues, it means that ea 
town is equally close to it - 
path, aud iadiliVrcntly visited. 



To Banda. 


2. Ofeesoo 

3. Abofoo 

4. Kinkawasoo 

5. Akomada 

6. Tandosoo 

7. Koontoosoo 

8. Takima 

9. Weakee 

10. Aousa 

12. Namaaa 

13. Coransoo 

14. Eimma 

15. Baada 

To Boopee. 

1. Esansoo, or Medima 

2. Through Ofim, which 
rises close to the E. to 

Biimsoo or 


3. Soodroo 

4. Takimentea, 
oi' Quamang 

5. Akomraadea, 
or Boomang 

6 Boisoo 

7. Ciiranza 

8. Boibin 

9. Koonquoontee 

10. Dawdaw 

11. Akrofroom 

12. Oboosmosoo 

13. Moboasoo 

14. On the path 

15. Over Adini 
16 Boopee 


To SaUagha. 

1. Marmpon 

2. Aphwaguiasee 

3 Gaminasee 
a fetish temple 

4. Akrofroom 

5. Intonnasoo 
(Cloth Town) 

6. Quanasee 

or Troabirree 
7- Agwoona 

8. Adoogau 

9. Over rivers and moun- 
tains to Aguirra, or 

10. Through Sennee to 

12. Atoboboo 
)3. Weasee 

14. Pannangha 

15. Yadjee 

16. Over Adirri 
to Sallagha 


To Source of Sennee. 
1. Aaramachasee 

2. Aboiman 

3. Yatirrim 

4. Oweeamasee 

5. Anyanasue 

6 Assekadooniasee 

To Odentee ferry. 

1. Kokoofoo 

2. Guia 

3. Weeiisee 

4. Bassa 

5. Tarrisoo 

6. Over Sennee, 
to ferry 

FromYahndi toDaboia 

1. Through Patinga 
to Duetuetn 

2. Tampeun 

3. Through Nantong 
to Konipoongo 

4. Through Boo 
to Dindinno 

5. Daboia 



Large Towns on the Route from Bcornoo to Oongoora. 





or Toppodo 


Potuskum, or Kuskum 





Adagia, Mallagee, and Katanga, lay between Oongoora, and Kassina. 
Towns adjoining, or laying close to the right and left of the above Route. 










The following transcripts of the most intelligible of the MSS. I brought, according to the dif- 
ferent readings, with the Negro pronunciation as it was familiar to me in Ashantee, will show 
how careless or incapable the Moors are of writing the names of Negro kingdoms accurately. 



according to the expression of the natives. The original MSS. will be sent to the African 
Association, to whom I had hoped to present the interesting itinerary of Shereef Brahlma 
from Dagwumba to Mecca, but this valuable MS. which it had cost me so much pains to 
procure, after being kept three months by one gentleman before he discovered that he 
had not tune to translate it, was lost or mislaid by anotlier in the course of doing so, and 
I have the mortification of being unable to submit any other than the mere skeleton of 
it. See Geography, p. 205. 


Course of the Niger or Quolla (hi) a Housso Moor.) 

Negro pronunciation. 

lur. <)a( 

;iiSon s reauing aim 


Gebowa . . 





Toro Jollabi 

Futa Jelua 


Foota Joolaba 

t_>^ CJji 

Fota Tora 

Futa Tura 

j^ ti,-y 

Foota Tooroo 


' Kassua 














Maly Faly 





Shag ru 




















G rimbala 




(G~r nearest sound to ?.) 






Timbuctoo . 







Jilab Karihua 

W ^i^ 

Jilleb Kareho 














* Mr. Dupuis renders the Arabic f g h agreeable to Richardson. Mr. Jackson has insisted 
on preferring g''r throughout. Mr. Dupuis, having sailed for Africa, has not Iiad the advanage 
of correcting the press for himself, but every care lias been taken. 

1 Sir W. Ouseley remarks, that the letter k is frequently softened into g. 



Negro pronunciation. 

Mr. Jackson's reading and 
Keb L^i 



Dupuis" reading 







Hooman (Dhooman) 

















Cadie,Caudee,and Chad 





Sliaree R. 

















e. two 




Slxuar Benassa 

Sheua benasser 


^ \>j^ 

Shewa ben Hassan 





Kalen or 










MS. No. I. 

Route from Boussa to Yarriba. 





Kroomie Yarriba 




Kurmi Yarabia 


^'■Ji ('J' 

A more familiar illustration of tlie difficulty or carelessness of the Moors in writing 
Negro names, is the following route to Sallagha, to which there are many paths, containing 
several Ashantee towns, -which I have laid down in the map. I rather think, however, 
the corrupt Arabic of the interior is not quite understood. 



Negro pronunciation. 



MS. No. II. 

Mr. Jackson's reading and transcript. 
Jemakashee ^^l*. 

Kheraasliee or Gliemashee , ^iU^ 

Kukerume or Kufcrume 



Ber kaleela (a narrow or close country) 
U badha Slita 

And afterwards Shta or an alluvial country J 
The people of Sudi in the territory of Shta 

Marmpon U badha Mamefm 

Aduarrie Kennie D'keen Adjar 

Aguira Ajuee or Ajree 

Antonasoo Anteenee 



^5 J*" 

Patooda (no P in Arabic) Ketdee 
Atoboo Atab 

Weasee Hooashee or Weeashu 

Perhaps meaning frontier of Booroom Bure 
Sallagha Salagr 

I shall submit more translations or transcripts of routes and charts in Arabic, adding 
the Negro pronunciation, as the situations of most of the places were not so clearly con- 
firmed as to enable me to insert them in my map, and consequently it is important to 
enable future travellers to refer to them ; such outlines being a great assistance in directs 
ing and checking enquiry (which they frequently originate) and investigation. The 
original MSS. will be sent to the African Association, in case a further examination may 
be desirable hereafter. 

MS. No. III. 
Course of the Niger or Quolla [by a Borjwo Moor.) 

Negro pronunciation. 

Mr. Jackson's reading 




Banbug r eladi eeakul J^l» ^^jJl j_*ij 

el Ham Abn Adam *jl ^A ^^l 
Banbug r, who eat the flesh of men. 

Firmagfa T-^j^ 

Mr. Dupuis' reading and 







1 1 




Negro pronunciation. 

Mr. Jackson's reading and 

Mr. Dupuis' reading 



Malay or Mallaia 

Jamu *a^ 

Mali J^ 

' Z ' 

J a moo 



Sliar^n-ni '- . *, 




Sansandy Jo. ..,..•»: 




J^ny U^ 




Masina i>t^ 
Tunbuktu i^:i.-X^ 



G rau jU 




Kulman 40^ 




Dtanberma fj'!^'^ 




Kabi k_-i 



Yawoorie or Yaoora 

Eauri J'jV. 




Nufy ^ 




Busaa ' L.j 




Raka li]J 




B'rn Bernu ^J 



Chadee L. 

(Tbe lake drawn, but the name 

not written.) 


Bag'rarm J/^V 
Kaferk or Kaferd i^jl^ or l_J^K 

Kaferda Kalferka 


Wadana (two rivers) ^^^jij 





Surnar y^ 
Siua \y^ 
Suis I/—'.}-' 



Katab c— >i>is 




Mek'duh _jjJU 




M'rtabas c^^rV* 




Mamudeeb i_-oOv*-« 




Teesuse o~>-'^' 
Jerub ^Jfr- 
Tidburse or or i^y_SJ 






■v'„ „ . . . Mr. Jackson's readine and 

^^Sro pronunciation. transcript. 

Gedda J'da \s»- 

Geddook J'duk fj'^'^ 

Limbarr' Linbabahr fc ry./-^ 

Tarrowm Term * J 

Massar M'nser ^«a:wo 

Sakunderree or Askan- Skender, a swamp or ^j^jxS^ Sakundria, Alexandria 
darie lake 

Route fro7n Timbuctoo to Ferjan (from the same MS.) 

Mr. D 


reading and 





















y not written, but position marked, and thus pronounced. 


Ferjan U^>^ Ferjan 

From Timbuctoo to Tunis (from the same Chart.) 



Ziggie Jak, Jik, or Juk 
Arowalla Arun or Arul 
Tarrabaleese Trahesea 





Mooquinassa M'kenas 




Hass Has 

Landoloos Lindalsu 
Toonis Tunis 

Near the Jea 



Other towns named on this route were 







Has sat 






MS. No. IV. 
Course of the Niger or Qiiolla (hy a Jennie Moor who had been to 


Negro pronunciation. 

Mr. Jackson's i 

•eading and 

Mr. E 


' reading 

































he draws thejolliba flowing 

from or into the Quolla 

by Timbuctoo.) 




































(Here he branches off a southern route to Yarriba with precisely 

the same names as 


MS. I. 

by the Houssa Moor. J 




>■ not written, but 

position marked, and thus pronounced. 

Sharee R, 

Chadee L. 






































Label) am 






^3^ ] 





APPENDIX. No. ill. 

Negro pronunciation. 

Mr. Jackson's reading and 


Dupuis' reading 



Deeluba VjV.'^ 




Tubas ij^.y 




Jekeesee ^...^Jsrf 




LituhorLiauh j-«*«l or-^isJ 




M'benuse jj->~^ 




Atekam (*^^ 



Missu yo^ 



Sueed Jk_j .^ 




Teeawa SjUi' 




Kateram »\ji^ 




D'helume i*)^*"'^ 




Heteeb c-->..;"i-^ 


C- .'.;"•.•>- 


Heneen ijir"^ 




Khejam (*W^ 




Tefawn eJ^**^' 






Bahar Mela 

(Bahar Melliah the salt sea 

) Bahar al Malah 

MS. No. IV. 

This was written by an old Moor, a native of the Mallowa country, but unfortunately 
just as he had finished (for I made them all write at the moment in my own apartment, 
however hurried, rather than allow them to go home and compose for me) and was begin- 
ning to explain what he had written, a summons from the King obliged me to quit him, 
and he left Coomassie before I could procure another visit from him. In the absence of 
all explanation, I can only conclude from some few names that are familiar to me, that it 
is a route from Berragoo over the Quolla, and then westward to Bergoo, known to Mr. 
Brown. I am only induced thus to preserve a transcript of this ms. from its fortunate 
co-incidence in several names with the valuable lost itinerary of my friend Brahima, as 
far as can be collected from a mere sketch of a translation, which was made in anticipation 
of the perfect one. I shall submit them collaterally, as they assist to elucidate each 
other, and agree very well in the relative positions of places, although the parties never 
saw each other, which is some satisfaction under the disappointment. 



Outline o/Brahima's Itinerary. 

MS. No. 


Mr. Dupuis" readi 

ng and 

Mr. Jackson's reading and 

Other readings, 

Bazao (Barao) 

w h 




















Yajoury {doubtlels Yawoorie) j,j=^ 

Tenbykukmaetunby c— .^ 









Keemba or Keerba 

[C^] c^ 



Kadarkoo R. 


Kedug'reh R. 



Doodirba R. 


Dted>erba R. 


Mhaka Kury (arrival at 


Aau Khashah 

Kury) ^j^ 1 


















UiXJU- Jabendu 




Mr. Dupuis' reading and 

Mr. Jackson's reading and 

Other readings. 










Nak or Naka 




Water of Wada 


Douga (probably Donga) 









Shal L. 


Koad or Koada 


Here the writer sign 

ified that he went back to Kateen, 

as appeared 

to the transcriber, 

but more probably Kassina^ 

and thence proceedtd to 



Sher R. 
Shadda L 






Makata (Mecca] 



Shem (Damascus) 
Jerusalem, &c. See. 


[ 493 ] 


Reptilia. (Rkptiles.) 
Gen. Monitor, Cuvier. 

Sp. 1. Pulcher, Leach. 
M. Supra niger albo pulcherrime zonatus et maculatus: zonis dorsalibus e macolis 

effectis, ventre albido nigro transversim vage lineato, cauda compressa carinata. 
This elegant species was found in Fantee. The whole upper parts of the body, 
the legs and tail, are black, most beautifully banded and spotted with white. The 
bands on the tail are alternately wide and narrow ; the wider bands are each much 
and abruptly dilated above into a kind of spot, whilst the narrow ones become 
gradually wider in the inverse direction. The legs are spotted above with 
white ; the under parts of them, as well as of the belly and throat, are also of the 
same colour with the spots. 
Qen. Chameleon, of authors, 
Sp, 1. Dilepis, Leach. 

Ch. Capite supra sub piano utrinque bicarinato : carinis antice conniventibus, occi- 

pite utrinque squama magna instructo, dorso subspinoso-carinatb. 
This species may readily be distinguished from all that have been hitherto disco- 
vered, by the two large scales, affixed one on each side to the back part of the 
head. These scale-like processes, are covered by the same scaly integuments 
which cover the head and body. 
Gen. AcoNTiAs, Cuvier. 
Sp. 1. Punctatus, Leach. 

A. Supra brunneo-fuscus obsolete purpurascens, squamis postice macula ventreque 

Gen. Macrosoma, Leach. 
' 1. Elegans, Leach. 
Coluber elegans, Shaw. 
Gen. Coluber, Cuvier. 
1. Bicolor, Leach. 

494 APPENDIX. No. IV. 

C. Supra badio-niger subtus albidus, squamis dorsalibus elongatis gradatim angus- 

tioribus ; apice obtusiusculis. 

2. Irroratus, Leach. 

C. Badio-fuscus, gula pallida, squamis pulcherriine albido irroratis ; dorsalibus 

subelongatis apice rotundatis. 

3. Irregularis, Leach. 

C. Azureo-vircscens, ventre albido, squamis simplicibus irregularibus : dorsalibus 
ovatis : lateralibus superioribus supeme truncatis ; inferis subhexagonis. 


The above three species of Coluber are decidedly new, as well as the Acontias ; the 
latter is more particularly interesting, since it encreases the species of a very 
limited genus. 


Gtn. Scorpio, of authors. 

Sp. 1. Afer, Fabr. 
Gen. Mygale, Latreille. 

The only specimen was too mutilated to enable me to make out its specific character. 

Of this class you found two species in Fantee ; a Scolopendra, and a gigantic Jtdus ; 
neither of which are in a suflBciently good state to enable me to make out whether 
they be described or not. 

Gen, Tefflus, Leach, new genus. 

Generic character. 

Caput. MandtbulcE aequales edentulae. Palpi labiales et maxillarcs extemi articulo 

ultimo elongato-securiformi. 

Thorax hexagonus antice et postice rectus. AI(E nullae. Elytra coalita abdomen 

tcgentia apicem versus utrinque sinuata. Tibial antic^e latere interiore apicem 

versus emarginatae calcare elevato instructs. Tarsi antici maris articulis duobus 

primis tenuiter dilatatis. 

Habitus et Antennae Carabi. 

Sp. 1. Meyerlei. 

Carabus Meyerlei, Fabr. Syst. Eleut. i. \&^.— Vcet. col. ii. tab. 39,/ 4.9. 

Gen. Odontomekds, Dahl. 

Sv. 1. Serratus. 

Buprestis serratus, Fabr. 


APPENDIX. No. IV. 496 

Gen. Cetonia, of authors. 
Sp. 1. Marginata, Fabr. 
Gen. Phyllotojia, Wm. MacLeay, MSS. 
Sp. I. Reflexa. 
IVIelolontha reflexa, Fabr. 
Gen. Helops, Fabr. 
Sp. 1. Marginatus, Olivier. 
Gen. Upis ? Fabr. 
Sp. 1. Cuprea. 
Tenebrio Cupreus, Fabr. 
Gen. Lamia, Fabr. 

Sp. 1. Tri-fasciata, Fabr. 

Fantee. This species is also found at Sierra Leone, and in the Back Settlements of 
the Cape of Good Hope. 
Gert. Petrognatha, Leach. 

Caput thorace paulo latins. Antennw (maris corpore duplo longiorea et ultra,) 
articulo secundo longiore flexuoso. Labruni lineare transversum nudum utrinque 
rotundatum. Mandibulce petrosae (maris interne apicem versus obtuse uniden- 
tatae,) infra et externa irregulariter carinatse. Palpi maxillares et labiales articulo 
ultimo basi subattenuato, apice externe oblique truncato-acuminato. 
Thorax transversus utrinque 1-spinosus. Elytra huraeris 1-spinosis, apiceque ad 
saturam spinoso-subproducto. 
.Sp. I. Gigas. 
Lamia Gigas, Fabr. 
Gen., Latreille. 
Sp. 1. Festlvum. 
Cerambyx festivus, Oliv. Fabr. 
Gen. Mantis. 

Sp. I. Super stitiosa, Fabr. 

496 APPENDIX. No. IV. 

This species, as well as its congtiKr^, i- ai: object of superstitious veneration amongst 
the natives of north-western Africa, Syria, and India. It agrees in all puii: s with 
the original specimen of Superstitiosa, so named by Fabricius in the Banksian 
Gen. Gkyllus, Fabr. 
Sp. 1. Sqiiarrosus, Fabr. 
Gen. Rkduvius, Fabr. 
Sp. 1. Barbicornis, Fabr. 

I Jiave j-eceived this species from the Cape of Good Hope. 
Gen. Canopcs, Rodhe. 
Sp. 1. Punctafus, Leach. 

Supra ohvaceo-ater impresso-punctulatus rubro punctatus, subtus ruber segmentis 
marginibus stigmatibus tibiis tarsisque nigris, capite rubro irrorato. 

[ 497 ] 


Mr. Tedlie's Account of the Thermometer. 












April 28 

6 74 

July 7 



2 80 



71 75 


6 75 

11 80 




12 78 



2 88i 
7 82^ 




3 80 


May 1 

8 77 

1 79 



8 76J 

1 91 




2J 81 


6 7(; 

12 89 




2 81 
6 72 


May 4. The 'Thermometer was broken last night 




2J 80 

at A^l);iraman. 


At Coomassie, from the "th June to the 14th, it 




varied from 80 to 85, between 12 and 2. 



3 77 


June 15 

1 82 




2 77 


10 7i) 




12 74 

6 72 



12 S2 




2 78 


9 79 

2 84 

7 73 


7i 73 

2J 73 
5 78 




H 79 
3 79 


10 78 

1 81 

2 J 82 




6 76 



8 74 

Si 82 

2f 76 



8 76 

12 82 

r 74 


7 74 


8:^ 74 

1 81 





2i 78 


Hi 76 

2 73 





12 75 

2i 78 


9 75 

1 76 

6i 75 


9 76 

12 76 

2 78 




2 78 


Sh 79 

3| 80 

7 73 



Sh 74. 

12 77 




2 78 


9.1 74 

2 77 


8 72 


9 77 

1 80 





2 74 

July 1 

9 76 

1 80 

8 72 


S 73 

12 78 




1 74 


9 78 

1 78 
6 75 




6 72 
2 75 


8 72 

12 74 

6 74 


8 72 

1 78 





3| 805 


6 71 

12 76 

8 71 





July 28 












Aug. 1 



























































68 1 



12 73 










Aug. 20 



3 77 



7| 73 





2 78 



8 73 



2 78 




12 73 



7 73 



2 78 






7 73 



2 77 






7 73 




2 73 






8 70 






3 73 




8 701 






2 78 




8 74 




2 79 



6 75 








2 78| 




8 73 








2 78 



6 76 





2| 77 



7 73 




2J 78- 






7 75 



2 76 


Sept. 1 




7 74 




2 78 



8 73 






3 76 




6 73 
8 71 



Slight showers 




12 74 


2 77 



S 73 



2 74 





12 77 



6 73 






8 7! 




2 72 






7 73 



2 75 






7 73 
2 80 




12 76 



Slight showers 

7 74 



2 SOi 



3 81 






7 77 



2 75 






8 73 















A. M. 

' M. 




Sept. n 



2 77 

Heavy rain. 

Sept. 10 

7 72 





10 72 



7 72 

12 78 






12 78 

3i 80i 



10 76 


7 n 







2 78 



3| 80 



7 71 



9 76 








7 72 




2| 79 

8 74 

6 76 


7 72 

2r 81 


8 75 

8 72 




3 80 


8 71 


7 75 

12| 71 



Mr. Hutchison's Account of the Thermometer, after the Departure of Mr. Tedlie. 


A. M. 


P. M. 



A. M. 


P. M. 


Sept. 23 

8 73 

2 SO 
8 75 

riiunder, with 

Oct. 3 


6 72 

6 80 

2 79 
6 74, 


6 72 



2 82 
8 75 


Fair, but clou- 


6 72 
6 72 

2 79 
8 75 
2 79 

Rain, [thunder. 
Much rain, 


6 7U 

6 74 

10 76 





6 71 

12 79 

2 73 
6 71 


2 75 

Violent tornado 


6 71 

2 79 

Sultry and 

8 71| 


6 78 


6 70 



2 80 


Cloudy 1 thun- 
Wind 3 der. 


6 73 

12 78 

2 7n 



4 77 

6 731 

Much rain. 

8 71 

Heavy rain. 


6 73 

Heavy fog. 


6 73 

10 75 



6 75 



6 7li 

2 76J 
2 801 

Fair, cloudy. 
Sultry, foggy. 


6 71 

2 81J 

6 74 


6 73 

6 78 



6 71j 

2 82 

12 78 



6 73 

2 80 


2 79 
6 77 

Rain, thunder. 

Oct. 1 

6 72J 
10 70 

7 ni 

2 82 

8 76 


6 7iJ 

2 78i 
6 74' 

Rain, foggy. 



6 70 

2 79 

8 78 




6 72| 

2 74 

lain, foggy. 


6 71 


6 73 

2 82 

Fair. | 


6 72i 




, No. ^ 















Oct. 16 




Nov. 3 





6 7SJ 




Rain, foggy. 







Rain, foggy. 


6 73 













Rain and thun- 











Rain, sultry. 


Much rain. 






Fair, thunder 


6 70^ 



Dense fogs. 
Foggy, with 






6 m 













6 73 

12 77 












6 72| 

12 80 





foggy* wilhthr. 












6 73 





12 80 











6 74| 

12 82 

















6 721 







Rain, thunder. 







6 72 












Thunder shrs. 







6 7 

















6 73 

















6 72J 
















Nov. 1 

6 72i 












6 73 















6 73 






Nov. 27 


6 73 








Dec. 1 


















































19 6 68 



2 82 

8 751 

2 81 

8 76 

6 78 

2 SO; 

8 74 

2 80 

8 74 

2 79 

8 74 

2 81 

8 77 

2 80i 

8 77 

2 78 

8 76 

2 80 

8 77 

2 78i 

8 76 

2 79 

8 76 

2 79 

8 75 

2 SOi 

6 74 

2 81 

8 73 

2 79^ 

8 77 

2 79 

8 76 

2 79 

8 76 

2 80| 

8 74 

2 80 

8 75 

6 71| 

2 79 

8 76 

Slight showers, 




2 79j'Foggy. 

Dec. 19 







6 64i 











6 72 
6 72 


8 74 

2 79 

8 76 

2 SO 

8 78 

2 81 

6 78 

2 83J 

8 80 

2 84 

4 82 

7 80 

2 81 

8 78 
2 81 
6 80 

2 82 

8 76 

2 82 

8 78 

2 80^ 

8 76i 

2 79 

8 76 

2 81 

8 78 

2 81 

8 78 

2 85 

8 76 










From sickness, the Thermometer was not at- 
tended to till the 10th, during the interval the 
weather was excessive cold, and the fogs very dense. 

2 74 

8 68 

6 62J 

2 76 
8 70J 

6 60 

2 77 
8 70 

6 6l| 

2 74^ 
S 68 

6 58 

2 74 
8 66 

6 60 

2 75J 
8 70* 

6 61| 

2 76 



Appendix, No. v. 












Jan. 16 

8 7il 

Jan, 25 



2 84 




2 76^ 

s 71" 




8 SO 
2 83i 




2 74 

8 7i 




8 67J 
2 84 




2 7d 

8 SOJ 

8 75 




2 84| 




2 7U. 
8 76' 




8 78 
2 85 




2 7J) 

S 80 

8 74 




2 85 




2 80 

8 7* 




8 80 

2 85 




2 82 
8 76 

Feb. 1 



8 SO 
2 84,i 




2 8^1 

8 74 




s 79 

2 86J 


C 503] 


1 WILL now submit the numerals of 31 nations, which, with the exception of three, the 
Fantee, the Accra, and the Bornoo, (and those but imperfectly,) have never been reported 
before. I will arrange them according to their geogi'aphical approximation, remarking 
any apparent affinity which occurs to me, in notes. I shall place the Inta first, because 
it is the most remote, inland, which can be assimilated to the Fantee, Ahanta, Aowin, 
and Amanahea ; and may, probably, from tiiat circumstance, be the root of these lan- 
guages; as it has been shewn, in the history, that the nations of the water side have been 
gradually pressed down, or have emigrated from the interior, and it is consequently to 
be expected that the etymology of the names of these countries are not to be found in 
the languages of the people who now inhabit them, but more probably in the languages 
of their southern neighbours. Thus, 
Inta is likely to be derived from the Booroom word infa, wafer, as it has been noticed 

as an alluvial country. 
Yngwa, a northern province of Dagwumba, from the Ashantee anggwa,Jat, rich, or the 

■Booroom, yngia, a wood. 
SoJco from Soko, one, in the Badaggry (below Dahomy) as YaJmdi the capital of Dag- 
wumba was so called from yahndo the numeral one, to indicate its pre-eminence. 
Assin from the Ashantee Assoon, an elephant. But this expectation is not further sup 
ported in the two or three other probable etymologies which occur to me, as Takima 
from the Ashantee takramma, tongue. Ahim (formerly the greatest trading country,) 
from the Booroom Akimmie, cloth ; Booroom from boora, full, in that language. 
It is curious how nearly the word for God in the Malemba, MToungoo, approaches 
the native name, Empoongwa, of the country Europeans call Gaboon. Wonga is fear in 
the Malemba, and Woonga-woonga is the name of an uninhabited savannah of three days 
extent, between Erapoongwa and Adjoomba. 

1. Inta. <2. Booroom. 3. Ashantee. 4. Aowin. 5. Amanahea. 








t Anyoe 





(«) The words for the numeral one assimilate in the specimens 1, 2j 3, 4, 5, 6, 7j 8^ 9 : 
againj but distinctly, in 14, 1'2, 15, 16 : also in 26, -Z5, 13 : in 21, 18, 20, 19 : in 27, 28, 29, 
(making apparently five roots), but they remain solitary in 1], 17, 22, 23, 24 30 and 31. 
The numeral one in 14 is not unlike the two in 8, 9, 2, 3, and t he one in 12, would, with 

































Eight (;0 


















6. Ahanta 

7. Fantee 

8. Affooloo 

9. Inkranf 

10. Adampe 







the prefix of y, be precisely the same as the two of 25. Excepting Kakee, one, the Inkran 
numerals seem to have been adopted as those of Adampe, for the convenience of trade and 
intercourse, but I will add a few words, to show that the languages are radically different : 









Teh ay. 








(6) The numeral tvio is the most general word, and may be assimilated in 2, 3, 8, 9, 4, 5, 
1, 6, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17. There is little difference between the numerals two and Jive in 
most of these, and^^uein 15 and 16, precisely answers to two in 1 and 2. 

(c) Three may be assimilated in 1, 2, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 12, 13, 14, 15, Ui, 17. In 12, 13, 14, 
16, it approaches to tlie Congo and Mozambique tatoo and atatoo. 

(d) I have observed that in most African languages there is less distinction in the words for 
four and five, than between any other of the numerals ; and that frequently the word for ^ve 
in one language, is identical with that for four in another, geographically remote. Four may 
be assimilated in 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, *, 8, 11, 6, 14, for the two latter deviate only in the substitu- 
tion of one liquid for another, which is as common in the languages of Africa as in those of 
America. The words for four in the above suite do not seem of a different root from those in 
12, 13, 14, 15, 16, and 21, from which it only varies in 20 by the prefix oi nabo. With the 
difference of a single letter, the same word for four is -found in the Yngwa (13) and the 
Empoongwa (31) which are 1000 miles distant. Four in Congo is w'na, inEmpoongwa, ufihee. 
Sanu, the Kaffer/owr, is approached in IS. 

(e) Five may be assimilated from 1 to 17, (11 excepted) one liquid being substituted for 
another in 14, an leer being prefixed in 13. It is remarkable too that we again identify this 
numeral in the Malemba, Embomma, and Empoongwa languages, by removing the prefixes t, 
to, and neh, from the words tanoo, toanoo, and nehanee. Below five, the numerals in the Inkran 
lose all identity with those of the languages with which it has been hitherto assimilated. 

(/) Six assimilates from 1 to 9, in 12 to 17 (14 excepted) in 20, 23, 24, in 17 and 22 ; but 
remains distinct in all the others. The Sanbal of Oongobai (30) approaches the Sambanoo of 
the Embomma. 

(g) Seven assimilates in 1 to 9 ; in 12, 13, 16, but in no others. 

(h) Eight assimilates in 2, 3, t3, 7 ; in 11 to 17, (14 e.xcepted) all of which, with 31, ap- 
proximate to E'nana, the word for eight in the Malemba. 

(i) Ten assimilates in 1, 2, 3, 7, 8, 12, in 4, 5, 6, in 17, 19, 25, 26, 29, in 13, 15, and in 
14, 20, 22, 23, 24. 

* This word approximates to ogha, ogiah, and egah, the words for fre in the Booroom, 
Ashantee, and Fantee : but all the other Adampe words I have ever heard, cannot be assimi- 
lated to those which denote the same objects in any other African language. 

t Inkran, an ant, is the native name of the country European^call Accra, which name was 
probably given by the Portuguese to their settlement there (the earliest they made according 
















































H. Kerrapay 

12. Dagwumba 

; 13. Yngwa 

14. Hio 

15. Mosee 





In nee 
























































16. KumsaUah 

\oo 17. Gaman 

18. Kong 

19. Fobee 

20. Callana 





























































21. Bamharra 

2-2. Garangi 

23. Mallowa. 

24. Kallaghee 

25. Bornoo 





























































26. Mdiha 



27- Sheekan 

28. Kaylee 

by Mr. Hutchison, bj Mr. Hutchison, 

























to the traditions of the natives) to commemorate the voyage of Hanno ; Accra being one of 
the five cities raised by him between the Soloe Promontory, or Cape Bojador, and the River 
Lixus or Ouro. 

3 T 






Sheekan. Kaylee. 





Bitta Bittan 





















Dueoom Dueoom 





29. Oongoomo 

30. Oongobai 

31. EmpoSngwa. 

See p. 439 for character. 































Eno go om 

The following is the skeleton of a Vocabulary/, of which the enlarged or perfect copy 
was blown out of the cabin-window, in a Sudden squall, (with some specimens of music), 
during my voyage home. 





Afternoon . . . . 

Again , 




Alone .. . . 
Another ... 
Arm . . . . 
Asleep . . 
Awake .. 


Bad .... 
Bead . . . . 



inumirree ...... 



nannuwomie .... 








issaboobwaw .. . . 













{n'chema Ma- 
lemba Inchema 
a fruit in Em- 

* Wiere there is no word in the Fantee column, it. is the same as the Ashantee. 
f I have before stated (Superstitions, p. 270.) tliat aggry is a generic name, probably exotic, 
of the derivation of which the Negroes are wholly ignorant. It is remarkable that the Boo- 

























Change . . . , , 











Daughter ... . 




ekkaydie .... 




frafoo . . 

mugga . . . 

woaroo . . . 



whahim. . . 
mekoto .. . 


atooron . . . 
makin . . . . 
wafoon . . . 
ebbah . . . . 


ettum . . . . 

oiwoo . . . . 


oroosoor . , 
witwa . . . . 


oiheesoom . 

mebaba , 








annoque , 


oiyo . . . . 

dibbim . . 


abooree . , 




moogga . . , 

oh who 
ateem . 


afoo .... 




{the same as 
chin, a frequent 

{ovetide quande 
/ mpanou. Ma- 
\ lemba. 

{the noun back 
with o & odia 

{for names of 
animals, see p. 

f menga. Mai. 

r differs little 
\from boil 

{coomba. Em. 
which is a com- 
mon female 
name in Fantee 

rooms call these beads sikka koonkoorie, and never use the common word for bead (aborooj) 
when they speak of them : this name imports their value (sikka being gold) and one would 
fancy something connected with their locality, Koonkoorie iDeing a range of hills seven days 
northward of Kong, (see p. 182) but I never could obtain the least explanation on this subject 
from the natives. 












Drown . . . . 
Drunk . . . . 


Eat ^ 


Empty . • . - 
Enough . . . . 


Eyebrow . . 






Feather . . . 


Fetch .... 





Finger . . . 



Flower . . . 




Forget . . . . 




nasheeasie j teetifoo , 






wawto . . . 
wassoo . . . 


kessua . , . . 


wunnie . . . 
wunnewee , 
wynim . . . 
akirh' . . . . 
anggwa . . . 
aggah . . , 
sooroo . . . 
takirrie . . . 


ekkoon . . 
orrokoo . . 
maoo .... 
insa .... 



nadjua . . . 
'.vannunsa . 
moorafie . 

wawboo . . 




ahooa . 

























Amoonie a proper 

noa. Mai. noi. Em. 

dea. Mai. 

r«eembede. Mai. 
< Kirradee,a river 

[ of Booroom. 
a town in Booroom 

boogoom. Mosee 

booba. Mai. 

* They distinguish different times of the day, thus 

Morning, or before 12. 


Mid-day, or 12. 




Afternoon, 4. 



Evening, 6. 



eybeen. , 




f This reminds me that I ought to have noticed, in the Superstitions of Ashantee, that they 
believe the devil to be a wandering evil spirit, occasionally entering into a human being, imme- 
diately to be destroyed for the safety of mankind. 














































owynee , . 



\per name. 




r Mensa, a pro- 
\ per name. 














Hold .... 


Horse , 


Hot . . . 

deeo, Dagvvumba. 

) gidda, Mallowa. 
"^ koopella, Mosee. 

l_capital of ditto. 



oquandummie . . . 















Kill . 













Lie (down) 
Lie (falsity) 







Many . 
Mat .. 
Mend . 

Moon . 


Mother . . ■ 
Mouth . • , 
Much . . . 
Nails . . . . 
Name . . . 
Neck .... 

Net .. 
New . 


Noise . 
Nose . . 
Oil . . . 
Old , . . 
Open , 
Pay .. 
Play .. 
Poor .. 


Nest animaboo 




u iddooffoo 




etwapo i 


oh« ar' , 



same as ' fool ' 

Fantee. Booroom. 

dadi sebooroo 

binin . 

peenarra . 
egwass . 
keraw . . . 
pam . . . 

mambissoo . 

wannoom , 

dooroo . . . 


fofoor . . . 

dabbi . 

deddie . . . . 
ewhin . . . . 
.enii^oo . . . . 
quodda . . . 


niinteka . • 
tchanikou . 
agoor' ... 

kakrabi . 

empa . . 


minna . 
e'nnoom . 


hayail . 

dinnekow . 











miiinee . . . 



^ tenga. Mosee 
i^ kaisa Mallo. 

as no ! 

r an inarticulate 
} noise with the 

[ lips closed 

f pagga, Kums. 
I boodasa. Dag. 
I nocn, Accra. 

nedda, Mosee. 

moottanee, M. 

moontau, Male. 

iwattacha, Ku. 
marraga. Dag. 
oiiota MaUowa. 
choDgoo, Mos. 

nneay, Accra. 


{anima, a bird. 
Annamaboo, a 
Fantee town.