i
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JOURNAL
OF THE
Re
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Federated Malay States Museums.
a
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7 ie
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_——_
VOL* IX, PART. f.
JANUARY, 1920.
Some Negrito Beliefs and Customs. Ivor H.N.
Evans
Further Notes on the Aboriginal Tribes of
Pahang. Ivor H.N. Evans .
Preliminary Report on the ‘exiiecdin of a 3
Rock-shelter in the Batu Kurau Parish,
Perak. Ivor H. N. Evans
Cave-dwellings in Pahang. Ivor H. N. Evans
Customs of the ee ee Ivor H.N.
vans
The Camphor Catieukin ar Johore and South-
ern Pahang. R. O. Winstedt a
Hindu Survivals in = Custom. EU
Winstedt ‘
Perak Birth Gatene R. 0. Winsiedi ae
Upper Perak Marriage Customs. R.0. Winstedt
Bective the — of a ae Re 0.
Winsted
bia gettok
meh es and Malaya: a eviols R.O. Winstedt
PAGE
PUBLISHED BY THE F.M.S. MUSEUMS AT KUALA LUMPUR AND
TAIPING, AND PRINTED AT THE BAPTIST MISSION PRESS,
CALCUTTA
enema
1920.
JOURNAL
OF SIME
Federated Malay States Museums.
bed
II.
VOL. TAy FARES,
JANUARY, 1920.
Some Negrito Beliefs and Customs. Jvor H.N.
Evans
Further Notes on the Aboriginal Tribes of
Pahang. - Ivor H. N. Eva
Preliminary Report on the Bs pios eh of a
Rock-shelter in the Batu Kurau Parish,
Perak. Ivor H. N. Evans 7
Cave-dwellings in Pahang. Ivor H. N. Evans
Customs of the ean gemtign ess Ivor H. N.
Evans
The Camphor bales we Johore sad South-
ern Pahang. R. O. Winstedt
. Hindu Survivals in cscad Custom. R.0.
Winstedt “
Perak Birth Customs. R. O. Winsiedt
Upper Perak Marriage Customs. R. O. Winstedt
Propitiating the soit of a District. R. 0.
Winstedt
Indo-China and islaya: a havin R.O. Winstedt
PAGE
PUBLISHED BY THE F.M.S. MUSEUMS AT KUALA LUMPUR AND
CALCUTTA.
1920.
AIPING, AND PRINTED AT THE BAPTIST MISSION PRESS,
Journ. F.M.S. Mus.—Vol. 1X. PEt,
|. He EVANS, PHOTO.
NEGRITO ‘' MEDICINE-HUT,’’ ULU SELAMA, PERAK.
I. SOME NEGRITO BELIEFS AND CUSTOMS.
By Ivor H. N. Evans, M.4.
The material contained in the present paper was ob-
tained in March 1918 at a Negrito settlement near the Damak
River in the Ulu Selama Parish of Perak, and from a few
Negritos living in the neighbourhood of Grik, Upper Perak.
With the former I stopped for ten days, pitching my tent close
to their camp. Among them were two men whom I had met
before, one at Kuala Kenering in Upper Perak, the other at
Tjok in the Selama District. The latter in particular was
extremely useful to me as, remembering that I had maintained.
friendly relations with himself and the other Ijok people, he
assured the tribesmen that I had no hostile intentions. This
was somewhat necessary as, though I had sent a local Malay,
who had considerable influence with the people, to tell them
that I was coming, and to make them a present of tobacco,
yet I found on my arrival that all the women, and a few of
the men, had taken to the jungle.
Tokeh, my Ijok acquaintance, told me that the Negritos
of the Selama Valley are called Kintak Bong or Menik Bong
by the other tribes. He himself, he said, was a Menik Kaien
(?.e. Krian Valley Negrito). The tribes of the Ulu Krian, of
Ulu Selama, of Lenggong, of Kuala Kenering, and of those
parts of Kedah nearest to Perak intermarry to a considerable
extent, though those of Lenggong and Kuala Kenering speak
a Northern Sakai, and the others so-called Negrito dialects.
Thus in the neighbourhood of Ijok, according to Tékeh, there
are Menik Gul (truly native), Menik Kaien, and Menik Lanoh!
(Lenggong and Kenering people), but at this place they are,
I understand, not only intermixed by marriage, but ees are
separate camps of each of the three divisions. The M
Kaien are also said to have a camp near the Ayer Shik a
tributary of the Plus(?), as well as some around the head-
waters of the Krian River, their native locality. Other tribes,
to whom Tokeh referred in the course of con versation, were
the Menik Yup, said to live in the neighbourhood of the
Kupang River in Kedah, the Trans-Perak River Negrito-
Sakai of the hills (Menik Chubak), the Menik Jehai—the
1 The ps Lanoh call themselves Semak (Semark) Bélim or Semak
um. he Pi
as I can niger out, aborigines only. Vide Journ. of the F.M.S. Museums,
vol. VI, p. 20
2 Journal of the F.M.S. Museums. [Vox. IX,
Jehehr of the Malays—at Tadoh, and the Menik Kensieu of
Baling and of the Mahang River neighbourhood in Kedah.
It is not worth while to give a lengthy description of the
Negritos’ camp near the Damak River as this essentially
resembled that of some Lenggong aborigines near Gelok,
which I have dealt with in a former paper. It may, however,
be noted en passant that the shelters were set in an oval and
that the married people, bachelors, and unmarried females—~
maidens, divorced women, or widows—occupied separate divi-
sions of them, the maidens being partly screened from the
public gaze by a slight screen of palm-leaves on the inner
side of their particular abode. As is usual among the Negri-
tos, each shelter contained a small platform close to which a
fire was kept burning all night in order to warm those sleep-
ing there. The work of thatching and building the shelters
is, I was informed, undertaken by the women alone.
The Negrito Gods.
Skeat tells us that Ta’ Pénn is the supreme deity of the
Negritos of Siong in Kedah, whom he states that Vaughan
Stevens disguises under the name of Tappern. Now though
I have been unable to obtain any confirmation of much of
Vaughan Stevens’s work, notably of his elaborate stories
about the patterns on the combs worn by Negrito women,
yet I have certainly found tbat there is some truth to be
found in his writings, and in no case has more evidence of this
come to hand than in the Ulu Selama Parish. Judging by
what Skeat says--I have not Vaughan Stevens’s original
papers in the Globus to refer to—he seems seldom to have given
the localities from which he obtained his information. This
makes it exceedingly difficult to judge of his accuracy, or
inaccuracy, but he did, at any rate, work in the Ulu Selama
region. 1 It will be found, I think, on comparing the material
in this, and some of the following ’ sections—largely obtained
from Tokeh, but also checked in part by questioning other
Negritos—w ith what Vaughan Stevens, as quoted by Skeat,*
wrote upon similar subjects, that it bears out his work to a
considerable extent. Among the Negritos of the Damak River
settlement I found that the principal god is called Tapern,
and on one occasion I heard him alluded to as Tak (Ta’)
Tapern. No doubt the difference between Ta’ Ponn and Tak
Tapern is merely due to the fact that the dialect spoken by the
Siong people differs from that of Ulu Selama. Tapern ap-
pears to be a kind of deified tribal ancestor, for, according
to Tékeh’s story, Tapern, his wife (Jalang), his younger
brother (Bajiaig), and Bajiaig’s wife, Jamoi, escaped from the
war between the Siamang and Mawas in which the Negritos
1 Vide Papers on Malay ag! ee The Aboriginal Tribes, p. 4.
2 Pagan Races, vol. II, pp. 202-225.
Ne
-
Bane
pe
1920. ] I. H. N. Evans: Negrito Beliefs. 3
got their frizzly heads through their hair being singed while
able to climb up to heaven because they had not had their
hair burnt; but the rest of the Negritos could not follow them.
Tapern mside a ladder up to heaven by shooting a series of
darts from his blowpipe into the air. The first of these stuck
into a black cloud, and the others ranged themselves in order
below, so as to form steps, up which he and his three com-
panions then climbed. Tapern is white and his father’s name
is Kukak, while his mother is named Yak Takel. Yak (grand-
mother) Lepeh is the mother of Jalang, and Jamoi’s mother
is called Yak Manoid. These three ‘‘Grandmothers”’ live
under the earth and guard the roots of the Batu Herem, the
stone which supports the heavens—I shall have occasion to
refer to this later on—and they can make the waters under
the earth rise and destroy any of the Negritos who give great
cause of offence to Tapern. ‘Tapern’s subjects, the beings of
the heavens, are called Chinoi, and he uses them as messen-
gers, while a personage named Jatik, who lives in the eastern
sky, acts as his body-servant, and two others, Chapor and
Chalog, as constables, who inform him if anyone on earth is
committing sins. When he is angry, Tapera commands the
stone which makes the thunder to roll over the four boards
which meet in the centre of the heavens, one of which extends
towards the east, one towards the west, and the other two
towards the north and south respectively.” Tapern’s house
stands at the angle where the southern and western boards
meet. As the stone rolls along the boards, making thunder
(kati), a cord, which is attached to it, winds and unwinds
itself, and this flashing cord is the lightning. The thunder
is heard to roll from one end of the heavens to the other as
the stone rolls over the planks. When a bad thunder-storm
comes on, and the Negritos are frightened, they draw blood
from the outer side of the right leg near the shin-bone and
throw it up towards the sky saying, ”Loim mahum pek kep-
ing!’ (i.e, “‘ Throw the blood aloft!’’).
This is as much as I learnt of Tapern and the other celes-
tials from Tokeh and the people of the Damak River settle-
ment, but I got a story from the Negritos of Grik which differs
in some important respects from the legend current among
the Ulu Selama tribe, for in it, among other peculiarities,
Tapern becomes the younger brother, instead of the elder.
The tale of the Grik aborigines, which T extracted from them
with a good deal of trouble, is as follows:—Kari® makes the
| Vide a legend in a former paper of mine on the Negritos of Ijok.
sete® of the F.M.S. Museums, vol. V, pp. 180 and 181.
of ie Ue pepe Stentltos. Vide Saakucké 2, p. 104
*
4 Journal of the F.M.S. Museums. [VoL. IX,
thunder. He has long hair all over his body like a Siamang-
monkey (Symphalangus syndactylus), but this is white, and
shines as if it had been oiled. The hair of his head is long like
a Malay woman’s, but white. Kari and his younger brother -
Tapern, who also has white hair covering his body, went
up to the sky. They were magicians (Halak), and before
they ascended there was no thunder. They came on foot up
the Perak River from its mouth on a fishing expedition. They
stopped at the place where Gunong (Mt.) Kendérong now
rod in the ground near the elder’s, but, before soit so, broke
off the top part, and wound the line round its s mp. Then
they both returned to a shelter that they had built some little
way down-stream to eat tubers. When they had eaten, they
looked towards the place where they had left their rods and
saw that two mountains (Gunong Kendérong and Gunong .
Kerunai) had arisen there; whereupon the younger brother
said, ‘‘ Our fishing-rods have become mountains!””: ; but his
elder brother told him not to speak about it. The next night
they made a circular medicine-hut and held a magical perform-
ance : then they disappeared into the sky. It was the elder
brother’s rod which became Gunong Kendérong (the taller of
the two mountains), and the younger brother’s which became
Gunong Kerunai. Kari and Tapern met their wives, Jamoi
and Jalang in the sky. Yak Manoid and Yak Takel! live
under the earth, and are the mothers of Jamoi and Jalang.
The Creation of the World.
According to Tokeh the earth was brought up from below
by Tahum (the dung-beetle) in the form of a kind of powder.’
This Kawap, the Bear, stamped down with his paws, for, if
he had not done so, the earth would have gone on rising till it
almost reached the sky.
The Sun, the Eclipse of the Moon, the Rainbow.
Tdkeh told me that the sun appeared in heaven in the
become the Crow and the latter the Hawk. ‘They lived ina
house, and vera! had ason who was called Tanong (Dragonfly).
e anong was flitting backwards and forwards
under the ‘nie: playing like a child, and as he did so, the
! Yak Takel is the mother of Tapern according to the Menik Kaien;
vide supra,
2 Just, I suppose, as dung-beetles bring up powdery earth at the
ponent day when they draw pieces of dung under the surface of the soil.
1920. ] I. H. N. Evans: Negrito Beliefs. 5
house was carried up into the air, and rose towards the sky.
Presently Tanong’s mother looked out of the door to see what
her son was doing, and becoming dizzy on seeing that the
house had risen far above the earth, she fell from the doorway,
screaming like a hawk, and, while in mid-air, became trans-
formed into a bird of that kind.
Soon the father also came to the door, and he too fell out,
and became a crow. ‘Tanong went up to the sky with the
house. ‘The house became the sun, and Tanong lives with
Tapern and looks after it. The following information is also
from Tokeh. The sun, when it sets, falls into a tunnel-like
cave which extends under the earth and passes out through the
far end of it each morning to appear again in the east. The
moon when it sets also goes into this cave.
The eclipse of the moon is caused by the sun (male) who
is jealous of the moon (female) because she has many children
(the stars). He, therefore, sends the Gahayup, a kind of large
butterfly or moth, to attack her. The butterfly comes from
the place where the sun goes down (met ketok menlis). The
lunar eclipse is thus called “butterfly swailow” (Gahayup
hilud'
The rainbow is a snake, Hwiak, which comes to drink.
The Stone which supports the Heavens.
The stone pillar which is thought to support the sky is
called the Batu Herem. 'Tokeh told me that this is to be seen
near Jinerih in Kedah, and from it to the edge of the world, in
whatever direction, the distances are the same. The Batu
Herem pierces the sky and supports it, and the portion which
projects above the sky is loose, and balanced on the lower part
at an angle. This loose part is above Tapern’s heaven, and
is in a dark region named Ligoi. Four cords run from the
top of it to the four quarters of the world, and the ends of
them, which are weighted with stones called: Tang-al, hang
below the surface of the earth. The two Tang-al at the ends
of the eastern and western _ are longer than those attached
to the northern and souther
The Abode of the Dead and their Journey to it.
The souls of the dead, which, according ‘to Tokeh, leave
their bodies through the big toes, go to the edge of the sea
where the sun goes down, but for seven days they are able to
return to their old homes. At the end of that time , those of
the good are escorted by Mampes to an island which is called
Beiet. They pass to this over a green switch-backed bridge,
‘he cab, “ties of Grik told me that a lunar eclipse (bu/an pud) is caused
by a fee attacking the moon. They said that on such an occasion they
call out “Bulan chib beh-ek|’’ which seems to mean, ‘‘ Moon go well!
6 Journal of the F.M.S. Museums. [Vou. IX,
named the Balam Bacham, which spans asea. Mampes, the
guardian of the Balam Bacham, is like a gigantic Negrito ; he
walks with great speed, and eats the burial offerings (penitok),
which are placed in the graves for the spirits of the dead to
carry with them on their last journey. When the souls of
Maptk-tree, where they meet those of people who have died
previously. They cannot wear the flowers of this tree until
they have had all the bones of their limbs broken by the
companions who have preceded them, and have had their eyes
turned back in thei: heads, so that the pupils face inwards.
When this has been done, they become real ghosts (kemoit)
and are entitled to pluck the flowers of the Maprk-tree, and to
eat its fruits; for it bears everything desirable, one branch
beautiful flowers, another rice, a third durians, a fourth rambu-
tan-fruits, and so on; furthermore at the base of its trunk are
numbers of breasts from which flow milk, and to these the
ghosts of little children set their lips.
The spirits of the wicked, however, are set apart in
another place, which is in sight of the abode of the good.
They call to the spirits in Belet to help them to reach the
Maprk-tree, but the latter take no notice.
ove account was given to me by Tokeh. I tried
to learn something from the Negritos of Grik with regard to
the abode of the dead, but they either have very few beliefs
concerning an existence after death, or would not tell me
about them, All the information that I could obtain was
that the souls of the dead went to the west, but whether
their state was happy, or the reverse, they said that they did
not know.
The Shaman.
The name for the Shaman among the Negritos of the Ulu
Selama region is halak, a term which is in general use also
among the Sakai. Tokeh said that there were no halaks in
the settlement near the Damak River, but a local Malay told
me subsequently that Tokeh was one himself. Whether what
the Malay said was true or not, I do not know, but Tokeh
got up a magical performance for me, in which he took no
active part, to show me how such things were conducted. A
little ‘ medicine-hut ”’ (panoh)* was built by planting the
petioles of a number of palm-leaves in a circle of holes which
had been previously made with a pointed stick. The panoh
was supported by a slight wooden prop, which was driven
into the earth so as to lean at the same angle as the walls ss
ae Belet a to lie rather in the west-north-west, or in the north-west,
rather than due west. C/., perme, etn cr ene Mohamedans.
Witt a Ve.y
-
nasal accent.
Me wh See Sob beads “FPR ee ee
1920.]} I. H. N. Evans: Negrito Beliefs. 7
the hut. The leaves were bound together not far below their
tops, and the support included with them. A small opening
was left at the base of the hut in one place, through which a
man could just pass into the interior. The performance took
place at night, and when the ‘‘ Halak’’ had ensconced himself
in the hut—which was only just big enough to hold him—a
number of other Negritos came and squatted round it.
Thereupon the occupant started a chant, each line of which
was taken up and repeated by the chorus outside. I noted
that the names of Tapern, Jalong, and Jamoi, were constantly
mentioned, as was also the Batu Herem. The chants, of
which there were a good many, were short, and between them
there was a silence of a minute or two, broken sometimes by
the hut being shaken from the inside, followed by a noise as
if the ‘‘Halak’’ was striking the palm-leaf walls with the flat
of hishand. ‘These signs indicated the presence of the Halak’s
spirit, though in this case, as Tokeh explained, it was only
acting for my benefit. On the next day I got him to give me
the names of some of the chants, these being as follows :—
|
1. ‘‘ WAI CHENTOL!
This means ‘‘ Open comb-flowers!’’ and refer to the
flowers affixed to Jalang’s hair-comb. Negrito women deco-
rate their bamboo combs with sweet-smelling herbs and flowers.
The allusion is, I understand, to these, and not to the patterns
engraved on the combs. (B otha pattern and a flower are
commonly termed bunga in Malay, in which language, of
course, I communicated with the Negritos).
2. ‘‘UMEH, UMEH BATU!”
This is said to mean, ‘‘ Clean, clean the stone!’”’ It is
addressed, I was told, to the stone spirit, the stone referred to
being the "Batu Herem. ;
3. ‘* WAI, HALAK, MAWAI!”’
** Open, Halak, opent” =
4. ‘*TENANG LOHR PUNYON HEREM!”’
I was told that this means, ‘‘ Come down to the tongue
of the Batu Herem!” The “ tongue ” of the Batu Herem
appears to be the end on which the detatched portion rests.
5. ‘* TENWUG KEJUH SELANGIN.’
“The (bead) string across (the chest of) the —
young bachelor.’’ A ¢enwug manik is a string of bea
across the breast, while kejuh seems to mean “‘a poale
male ” and selangin * beautiful.”
6. “ CHEM-LE-CHEM, SUDAK HEREM!”’
This was said to mean ‘‘ Stabbing and thrusting, sharp
Herem !’’ The Malay words used to translate chem-le-chem
were tikam menikam.,
8 Journal of the F.M.S. Museums. [ Vou. IX,
e far as I could gather, however, the words which are
chanted are varied according to the taste of the halak. There
were references in the chants that I heard to rolling up the
mats (leb gamfil) of Tapern, to the winding and unwinding of
the cord round the thunder-stone (menang sini jon, ‘‘ cor
wind pull (? )” ), to the place where the sun sets, to the
Chenoi, and to Jamoi. Tdkeh told me that office of halak
descends from father to son, the familiar spirit being, of
also inherited. Fireflies (kedlud) are, he said, the
fadiiioets of halaks (pengkah halak).
Dreams.
Dreams among the Kintak Bong and Menik Kaien are
believed to convey warnings of good or evil fortune to come.
For instance, a man who dreams of rubbing himself with oil
will not go out into the jungle on the next day, as, if he does
so, he thinks that he will be struck by a falling tree. A dieam
that a bérok-monkey is attacking the sleeper indicates that a
Malay will come to the camp and make trouble. To dream
of holding a winnowing-tray means that a soft-tortoise will be
caught on the next day, while to dream of finding a half
cocoanut-shell indicates that a tortoise, of the kind which the
Malays call kuva kura, will be captured. Should a man
dream of a tree falling towards the east, he will be taken by
a tiger if he goes to the jungle on the following day '; while
should he have a dream that he is distributing tobacco he
will shoot a monkey with his blow-pipe. If a married man
dreams that he is wearing a ring or bracelet of silver, his
wife will give birth toa male child; if a ring or bracelet of
suasa (an alloy of copper and go'd), 'a female ; but should he
dream that the bracelet or ring gets broken while he is wear-
ing it, the child will die.* To have an unlucky dream is called
pahad empak, this being equivalent to the Malay salah mimi.
Oaths.
The form of oath in use among the Negritos seems to
be very similar to that of some of the Sakai tribes, and of
certain Indonesians. A man who is swearing to the truth of
some statement will say, ‘‘ If I lie—
dok teiok makab yeh s :
, me
dok_ ki-ung machong yek/”
may rotten-branch a: i oe Lo
I cere stayed at home for a day while I was stopping near his camp,
because o: a dream igh kind.
2 oped of the Ulu Selama seem to have somewhat similar ideas
bout r and bracelets ; so these
oe may, very
1920. ] I. H. N. EvAns: Negrito Beliefs. 9
A Love-spell.
This is to be said over oil which contains chenduat-
flowers. ‘The oil is to be smeared on the body or clothes of
the woman whose affection it is desired to gain.
Léd lod btkot.
Jed lod &d &k.
Kélhek langod.
S’leman kentan.
Balok wag hilag.
Hertik kedong sayong.
Sog mohr takob.
Beb-tob teheu bim.
S’naian bleuk kom.
Chom pales suk.
I was unable to get any translation of this formula, and
as far as I could make out its language is vaisieeaiogs of the
following words, however, I got the meanings :
Bekot flower, : Takob hole es — ( ?)
Ed _ skin ( ? ) of stomach. Beb-tob knock ( ? ).
Ek stomach. Teheu wa
Kilhek flower of a certain kind. Bim me (? ).
Hertik tail. S’natan saiiee (Mal. ketika).
Kedong rat. Kom frog.
Sog hair. Balak ivory.
SHR iy} S’leman Solomon.
Mohr _ nose. Bleuk thigh.
The Bird-Soul and Birth Customs.
My evidence with regard to these subjects was gathered
from Tokeh. It appears that a certain kind of bird, which
is called Til-tol-tapah,* is thought to announce the impending
arrival of a child. us, if a T2l-tol-tapah is heard calling,
the Negritos immediately say that one of their women, or
the wife of some Malay, is about to become pregnant. A bird
of this species had been in the neighbourhood just before my
arrival, and the tribesmen were, therefore, waiting for the
fulfilment of its prophecy. Tokeh spoke of ‘the Til-tol-tapah—
which he said he had never seen, but only heard—as being
the bayang (Malay), or shadow, of ‘all the Negrito women, and
also referred to it as the semangat bidan (Malay) or midwife’ s
soul. Another bird the Chim-ot is also thought to convey
similar intimations by means of its cry.
1 Skeat also found that it was area to get the Negritos to virgo
their magic formulas into Malay, o be se es use of archaic phrases o
— Vide tre a Races, vol. II,
have not been able to idewtity this bird, but I sorts that it is
lt Tokeh told me that the Malays call it Kangkang kat up. Vaughan
Stevens says that the Til-til-tapa (sic) is the smaller gto He
calls the Chim-ot ‘* Chim-iut.”’ ‘‘ Pagan Races,” vol. II, p. 2
10 Journal of the F.M.S. Museums. [Vor. IX,
For ten days after giving birth, as I was told, a woman
must not step into water, nor may she eat salt, fish, or flesh.
The flesh of the bamboo-rat is especially tabued, as, if she
were to eat it, her child’s face would grow into a resemblance
of that of the rodent.
While Pregnant, too, a woman must not go out dariie
‘‘hot rain ’’ (z.e. ta in with sunshine), fetch water in the late
afternoon or evening, or go to the hills alone. If she breaks
the last siekdbation, she will meet a tiger and be devoured.
Henweh.
Henweh is a disastrous thunderstorm accompanied by
floods of rain, ee and possibly by welling up of water
from under the earth. Such sto orms, known among Sakai
tribes as terlatk or Pes, are sent as punishment if anybody
does any act which is particularly offensive to the gods, and
they involve the death of the offender and his relatives, and
the swallowing up of his home by the earth. The following
story which I got from Tokeh, illustrates these ideas very
well. It may be noted that such actions as copying the notes
of certain birds are—both among the Sakai and the Negritos—
thought to be particularly displeasing to the Powers Above.
Some Negrito children once copied the note of a Sagwong-
bird,! and there came thunder and lightning and a great
flood, and all the Negritos there were drowned, with the
exception of one halak, who managed to make his escape.
For this reason the Sagwong and the Chorh must not be
copied till the present day. Yak Lepeh, Yak Manoid and
Yak Takel made the waters rise from under the ea
Tokeh said that legendary sites of several old Negrito
encampments, which are said to have been overwhelmed in
this manner, are still pointed out in the neighbourhood of
Ijok. For fear of H enweh, it is also forbidden for a man an
a woman to have sexual intercourse in the camp—an act
which particularly enrages Tapern. They must retire to the
jungle for the purpose. As far as I could find out, no such
prohibition is found among the Negritos of Grik, though, for
the same reason, sexual intercourse is not indulged i in during
the daytime.
Tabued Days.
Among the Menik Kaien, Tokeh told me, the sixteenth
day of any month is tabu, and anyone who does work on it
will meet with some misfotune, such as being struck by a
falling tree, bitten by a snake, stung by a scorpion, or eaten
by a tier: Tabued days are called Hai*® biak membeh-ud,
1 Said to be the bird known to the Malays as Burong sa *hawan (Anthace.
malayanus).
oo ee Some of the Negritos
1920. ] I. H. N. Evans: Negrito Beliefs. II
“‘day not lucky.’’? An old man, Tokeh said, keeps count
of the days of the month up to the sixteenth. I believe that
this custom does not obtain among the Kintak Bong.
‘The Grik Negritos told me that at the season when the
jungle fruits are ripe rejoicings and feasting go on for one or
two nights, the Spirit of the Sun (Haniu M ad-yts) and the wood
spirits (Hantu Nthuk) being prayed to in songs, while the
fruit-trees are asked not to send sickness, nor to make the
people fall while climbing. After the rejoicings there is a
three days’ tabu-period, when work is not allowable.
Two Social Tabus.
Among the Menik Kaien and Kintak Bong it is tabu for
a man to speak to his mother-in-law, and among the former,
probably also among the latter, for him to mention his brother-
in-law by name.
The Giving of Names.
o most, if not all, of the Negrito tribes, the Menik
ates! che the Kintak Bong generally give their children
names from the species of trees, or from the rivers, near which
they were born. My friend Tokeh, for instance, was named
after a kind of bainboo, while another man, known among
the Negritos as Doin (a fan-palm ; Livistona cochinchinensis),
was for some reason called Tebu (sugar-cane) by the Malays.
The Herald of Small-pox.
At the time that I visited the Negritos of the Damak
valley, they were considerably troubled about an outbreak of
small-pox in a Malay village a few miles away, this disease
being, with good reason, very much dreaded by them, since
it has occasionally almost exterminated whole tribes. They
said that the advent of small-pox is announced by a an insect
called Imong—a kind of cicada, as far as I could find out—and
that they had heard its note before the outbreak in —
had occurred.
Some Customs and Prohibitions with regard to
Marriage.
It seems that, with the exception ofa feast, there isno mar-
riage ceremony among the Kintak Bong and the Menik Kaien.
I was told by Tékeh that a man’s relations generally search
for a wife for him, while engagements seem to be occasionally
entered into before the girl is of a ripe age; thus it was said
one of the men was betrothed to a girl in the settlement near
the Damak River, but that she would not be ready for
do not, or cannot, pronounce the letter 7. We thus — kart (Rareh) or katz,
darah (Malay) and ~— (Negrito pronunciation), etc.
12 Journal of the F.M.S. Museums. [Vor. IX,
marriage for about another tworice-seasons. Divorce seems to
be not unusual among the Kintak Bong, but, according to two
Grik Negritos, it is not common among their people. Exo-
gamy among the Menik Kaien and Kintak Bong seems to
be very usual, but rarer, if my informants are to believed,
among the Grik aborigines. I was able to gather very little
br sab nee about the prohibited degrees with regard to
triage among the Kintak Bong and Menik Kaien, but
Tokeh told me that a man might not marry the wife of his
deceased brother, and also that marriage between first cousins
was forbidden
Food-Tabus.
The Menik Kaien and Kintak Bong have a prejudice, it
can scarcely be said to amount to. a tabu, against certain
kinds of food, among them the flesh of buffaloes and fowls,
it is thus wrong to refer to a fish called betok as betok balok.
If anyone did so he, or she, would suffer from severe intes-
tinal disturbance.
Musical Performances,
Musical performances, in which the singing is accom-
panied with bamboo stampers, are frequently held by the
Kintak Bong. These are, I believe, at least partly performed
with a religious intention, since Tokeh said that the people
sang to the spirits of the banana and of gourd-plants. A
performance of the kind was organized for my benefit and
the following are the names of some of the songs which were
sung :—
Bah Tangot, The Rambutan-fruit song.
Bah Tepas, ‘The Tepas-fruit song.
Bah Changeh, The song of the Arang-para fruit.
Bah Sempak, The song of the wild Durian (Durian
buro
ong).
Bah Limus, The song of the Horse-mango.
Bah Kabang, The song of the Rambutan Kabang.
Bah Penig, The song of the Durian Kampong fruit
(the cultivated durian).
Burial Customs,
I obtained the following account of burial customs from
_— but as I did not see either a burial or a hs perhaps
too much reliance should be placed upon it
mages enpec is buried in a side-chamber dug in the right-
1920.] I, H. N. Evans: Negrito Beltefs. 13
hand! wall of the excavation. It lies on its right side with
the legs drawn up. ‘The orientation of the grave is such that
the head of the corpse points towards the north-west. A
woman’s grave is dug to a depth of her height from her feet
to her breasts ; that of a man toa depth of his measurement
from feet to eyebrows. Burial offerings (f&nitok)* of food
and tobacco are placed in the grave in front of the corpse’s
throat, and, if the body is that of a man, two little wooden
objects (telak),* decorated with patterns rudely drawn with
charcoal, are planted against the body; one of these, the
smaller of the two, the ¢elak dawitt, or left-hand telak, is, I
understand, always placed at the left of the body near the
shoulder ; the other, the larger, which is called telak dateng,
or right-hand telak, on the right of the body, and near that
part of it in which the disease from which the man died made
itself manifest. I was also told that three little pieces of
wood,’ striped with yellow and red, are sometimes set on the
top of the grave, one at the head, one at the foot, and one in
the middle. These, of which I obtained models, are shaped
very much like the tip-cats with which English schoolboys
sometimes play a game
A shelter is, it appears, built over a grave and into the
thatch of this are pushed four pieces of white wood each
about a foot long, by seven-eighths of an inch broad and an
eighth of an inch in depth.” They are roughly decorated
with charcoal, one side being marked with horizontal bars
and the other with rude cross-hatching: two of them are
placed at one end of the shelter, and two at the other. Their
purpose is to prevent the return of the souls of the dead to
their homes, though Tokeh told me that they were powerless
to restrain those of the wicked. Presumably, therefore, they
act as notices to the ghosts of the good, telling them that
they must not visit their surviving relatives.
When burying a corpse, the Kintak Bong and Menik
Kaien say :—
Chub-deh® kasing :
Go first :
Do not give rain
Yinket eg belt (Mal. rebut) ;
Do not give storms;
1 When the spectator is facing the foot of the grave.
2 Cf. the pénitak of Vaughan Stevens (Pagan Races, vol. II, pp.
as 8 FV obtalaad eae of these from Tokeh
4 Equivalent t erhore _igeeeezonee (batu nisan).
5 I obtain
6 The Malay equivalent of chub-deh was given as perge-lah.
1 Ujan is a Malay word.
oe Journal of the F.M.S. Museums, [VoL,. IX,
Vinket eg hilad '
Do not give lightning thunder.
e Grik Negritos told me that under similar circum-
ae they's aid :—
Chub kikuie;
Go st <
Ik nungyeup,
I afterwards.
With regard to two phrases, said to be used at burials,
which I got on a former occasion from the Negritos of Grik
and Temengoh,* there seems to be some doubt. Sapi, a Grik
Negrito who gave me one of them, had left the district: so I
could not question him again. His formula was “*‘ Du/ Du/
Yak/”’ which he said meant ‘‘ Go! Go! Hear!” Aman
whom I met at Grik in 1918, however, said that it should be
“Dut! dut! yak!” (“ Fill i in, Fill in (t.e. bury), Grand-
mother ’’) while a Jehehr phrase ° ‘*Bat! Dun! Dun! Dun!
Di-prak!”’ he said should be ‘‘ Bai/ Dut/ Dut! Dut!
Diprak!/”’ (“ Dig! Fillin! Leave!’’).
Among the Kintak Bong and the Menik Kaien, when a
death occurs in a camp, its inhabitants at once remove to
another site, since they are afraid that the soul of the dead
person may return, though sometimes, I understand, they
erect their new shelters not far from the old spot. They live
in fear of the spirit for seven days,® during which period it
is at liberty. At the end of that time Mampes, the guardian
= the Balam Bacham, is thought to come and take it away
as I stated above, eats the burial offerings (penitok) ‘
sich the ghosts carry with them, and inspects the
telak, which appear to act as credentials, that are buried
with the bodies of males. When a woman dies, the other
females in the camp are prohibited from wearing flowers and
singing performance (peningiotn) takes place. InthisMampes
is called upon to come and take away the soul of the dead
person.
Patterns on Combs and Dart-quivers.
Though I absolutely failed to find any evidence among
dart-quivers. With regard to these latter, Tokeh said that
Kilad = Malay
‘ t Journal of the Fe. aes cs Museums, iar VI, pp. 2
fy aN are also afraid of the hows erkin during the first
ounred.
1920.] I. H. N. Evans: Negrito Beliefs. 15
they assisted the hunters, for, if there were no patterns on
the quivers, the game would be frightened and run away, but
as they are decorated with patterns of rice, gourds teeth of
the Jotong (leaf-monkey), etc., the souls of the animals are not
afraid.
II. FURTHER NOTES ON THE ABORIGINAL
TRIBES OF PAHANG.
By Ivor H. N. Evans, M.A.
River: the last was passed on the Rompin and Endau
Rivers. At the former I spent my time in collecting articles
made by the Jakuns who live in that neighbourhood, and in
finding out what I could about their customs ; at the latter
I was occupied partly in working among the Malays, partly
among the Jakuns.
The Tekam River District.
In this area I spent a few days on a large aboriginal clear-
ing, which was situated not very far above Kuala Tekam, and
cluding an old acquaintance— ; another a settlement of Bera
Sakai-Jakun, or rather of Sea-Dyaks plus Bera Sakai-Jakun,
Bera tribe. The population of their settlement consisted
then of themselves, their wives, and a number of offspring—
one ot two of the latter being young men of from nineteen
to twenty-five years of age,—and a few Bera people of un-
mixed blood. The young half-breeds were extremely in-
telligent, and, with the exception of two who suffered from
kurap, of pleasing appearance. Two of the men had been
decorated by their father with Dyak tattooing, the patterns
being mostly of the variety called Bunga trong (brinjal
flowers). I was induced to visit the Tekam River by a story
1 Vol. V, pp. 192-219. Vide also vol. VII, pp. 113 and 114.
I. H. N. Evans: Tribes of Pahang. 17
that there were Pangan in the district, told me at Kuala
Krau by a Malay named Woh, who produced a very dark-
skinned youth as a sample of what he could show me. This
man had trading relations with the Kemaman aborigines.
The third group that I visited were living in the jungle on
the other side of the river. They were very primitive people,
natives of the Tekam Valley, who spoke a Sakai dialect, but
were mainly of Jakun type.
I was informed that there was another aboriginal camp
very much further up the Tekam River and the people of
this were claimed by the Tekam Sakai-Jakun as being their
friends and relations. It was to this up-stream settlement
that Siti, the dark-skinned youth, whom I had met at Kuala
Krau, belonged. Possibly there may an admixture of
Negrito blood among these people, but nothing of the kind is
observable among their down-stream friends.
I found that my Malay guide applied the term ‘‘ Pang-
an’”’ to any of the wilder tribes. The word which to his
mind denoted a Negrito was ‘‘ Batek,’’ the name used by, or
applied to, the true Negritos of the Cheka River.!
The Bera Tribe.
These notes on the customs and beliefs of the Bera people
were obtained from one of the young half-bloods mentioned
above. I made it clear to him that I did not want to
hear anything about Dyak usages; and he replied that he
could not tell me about them, if I did, as his father followed
the Bera people in all such matters. His evidence, as far as
I am able to check it against material obtained in other dis-
tricts, seems quite reliable.
According to the legends of the Bera Sakai-Jakun the
souls of the dead go to the underworld, which is governed ©
by two beings called Gayak, a male and a female. The
underworld is like that above, but the trees there bear fruit
in abundance all the year round.
A settlement appears, as a general rule, to be deserted
when a death occurs.
The ghosts of the newly dead are said to return to their
old homes and may be heard complaining if there is no rice
and water for them. If they are not exorcised, they will cause
sickness among their surviving relatives
The Bera people think, as do the Senoi, that storms in-
volving the destruction of villages and their inhabitants can
be brought about by breaking certain tabus. These disas-
trous and man-caused storms, known as ferlain (terlaik
among the Senoi), are thought to be brought on by imitating
(when heard) the notes of three species of birds, which I
' Journal of the F.M.S. Museums, vol. V, pp. 193-204.
18 Journal of the F.M.S. Museums. [Vo.. IX,
could not identify, the Ngat-ngok, the Terkul | and the Patutt ;
by burning lice in the fire; or teasing cats, dogs, or tame
monkeys. A female being named Gevr-ang-ah is said to watch
for infraction of these tabus and, on seeing someone commit
an offence against them, to inform her father, Itaz Malim,
who punishes the tabu-breakers by sending one of these
storms of rain, thunder, and lightning accompanied by a sub-
sidence of the ground, which swallows up their houses.
he punan beliefs, which I have referred to in several
previous numbers of this Journal as being found among
various aboriginal tribes, are also held by the Bera Sakai-
akun.
have never yet been able quite to make up my mind
whether the taking of the rice-soul, among the tribes which
perform that ceremony, is a truly indigenous custom, or
whether it has been borrowed from the Malays.
It must be remembered that the Negritos—the most
primitive inhabitants of the Peninsula—do not normally plant
rice, or carry on agricultural operations of any kind, and that
some of the less civilised Jakun or Sakai-Jakun | tribes of
Pahang plant only.root-crops (Caladium, etc.).
The question consequently arises whether the planting
of hili-rice by the true Sakai and by various mixed tribes is a
recent innovation
In this connection it is, perhaps, worthy of note that the
tendency generally seems to be for such rice as is planted to be
consumed quickly after harvest, and regard as somewhat of a
luxury, while the root-crops, and especially caladium, are re-
garded as the mainstay of life.
Possibly, however, rice-planting may have been adopted
from the civilised people who invaded the Peninsula from the
North long before the advent of the Malays. To quote Pagan
Races :—“ Mr. Bladgen has shown that there are several
non-Malay aboriginal names for rice in the Peninsula, and
this fact, coupled with the existence of varieties of the | grain
special to the aborigines, and with the generally aboriginal
character of the harvest-rites argues against such words being
borrowed from the civilised (Mohammedan) Malays.
atever may be the truth of the matter, the sities of
rice-soul is performed by some, though not all, of the aborigi-
nal tribes
My ‘ifordinnt told me that, — the Bera people, the
rice-souls, consisting of seven ears, are cut by the Poyang
(magician) of the tribe after general ade is finished. He
carries them to the house in his arms, as if they were children,
and walk slowly and carefully so as not to disturb them. On
arrival there, they are placed in a basket and covered with a
1 Possibly a Trogon. It is said to have red plumage.
I, p. 340.
oS pena range a vol. I
1920.] I. H. N. Evans: Tribes of Pahang. 19
mat. Noises must not be made in the house for three days
for fear of frightening: the rice-souls away, and, in order to
prevent their escaping, thorny stems of the brinjal-plant are
placed on the threshold of the house for three days. Rice is
left in the cooking-pots for their benefit, and the necks of the
pots are tied up with cord made from the bark of the /8rap-
tree ee Kunstlert).
oyang is supposed to call seven rice-souls from the
lower wid, one to take possession of each ear of rice.
At the time of the next sowing the rice-souls are pounded
to flour and sprinkled over the crop in the fields.
The following information is fragmentary, but is interest-
ing for purposes of comparison with evidence regarding be-
liefs and customs from other parts of the country.
At rice-sowing the fourth day from that on which the
operation is started is a rest-da
In making a new clearing the people work for three days
at cutting away the undergrowth, and then rest for a day for
the ‘‘knife-blade tabu’’ (pantang mot wet). Similarly after
three days spent in felling the large trees there is another rest-
day for the ‘‘adze-blade tabu’’ (pantang mot béliong).
_ Magical performances among the Bera people, are, I am
told, kept up until the fowls leave their perches in the early
morning.
The Bera people practise circumcision, and sometimes
call in a Malay to perform the operation.
The Kemaman Sakai-Jakun.
At the time of my visit these people were living in some
wretched little huts in the jungle close to their clearing. Some
of them had been persuaded by their Malay master to build
houses in the open, but they had mostly deserted these for
quarters in the shade, declaring that they could not bear the
heat of the sun. They told me that their clearing was not
held as common property, but that each man had his own
plot, which was marked off by posts. One man of the settle-
ment, the Pénghulu, was lying sick in a hut built on rather
tall poles. He was suffering from fever, though he had, I
believe, some other, and more serious, complaint. I was not
allowed to go up into the hut to examine him as he had been
undergoing treatment by the Poyang—my old acquaintance
from the Tekai River—and nobody who had been absent from
the séances was allowed to enter for seven days from the date
on which they had been held.
These had taken place ina wall-less hut close by, the
Poyang sitting on a mat while chanting his spells. A musical
accompaniment was played ona most primitive kind of stringed
! This, I imagine, is also intended to prevent the rice-soul escaping.
20 Journal of the F.M.S. Museums. [Vou. IX,
instrument, which I saw and photographed. This was a rect-
angular frame made from four small branches of trees, with
the ends of a couple projecting downwards to form feet. Amat
was enclosed in the frame and was held in position by being
slipped between rattan strings in pairs, which ran vertically,
and were attached to the framework at top and bottom. A
stick, for tightening the strings, was pushed between them at
the top and passed behind the uprights of the frame. To
play this instrument the performer squats facing the frame,
which is usually propped against a timber of the hut, and
pulls and releases the strings on the exposed face so as to
make a “‘ ticker-tack”’ noise on the ma
Though the people were not particularly communicative
with regard to their affairs, I was able to gather a few rather
interesting scraps of information with regard to their beliefs.
hey are very much afraid of thunderstorms, especially
if accompanied by high winds, for on such occasions they
think that the ghosts of the dead embark in boats and set
sail in the sky, travelling from the west towards the east.
The light gleaming on the varnish of their boats is seen on
earth as lightning.
The belief in disastrous and seo etusing storms,
caused by the infraction of tabus, is ee mong the
Kemaman people as among the Bera Sakai-Jaku
For fear of such storms it is forbidden to ‘ice lice in the
fire, or to dress up a monkey and laugh at it.
It is said that a village “‘above Jeram”’ on the Pahang
River was once swallowed up because a storm-tabu had been
broken, only a single post being left to mark its former site.
With regard to punan beliefs, I was told that, if food is
offered to anyone, but not wanted, the person to whom it was
offered must take a little and rub it between the thumb and
first finger of one hand, or on the inner side of the big toe.
Sometimes both thumbs and both big toes are treated in
this manner.
The Kemaman aborigines said that they did not practise
circumcision.
The Tekam Tribe.
These people, as I have mentioned above, were living in
the jungle on the south bank of the Tekam River. The ey had
a very small clearing, which was planted with Caladium, and
their tiny huts,' only slightly raised above the groun und, an
wretched in the extreme, were huddled together in a circle.
1 The walls of the huts were of tree-bark. The floors, or rather sleeping
oarsaeryt built up within the huts, did not in all cases cover the whole space
y the walls, a piece of bare ground being left angen the front of
which tie tatty fire was lighted, this a often kindled close against
1920. | 1. H. N. Evans. Tribes of Pahang. 21
One of theit womenkind was suckling a very beautiful little
leaf-monkey of the species which the Malays call chéneka.
This was perfectly at home with its foster-mother, and when
in need of nourishment went to her and pulled down her
sarong, which was girt up under the armpits, in order to get
at her breasts.
On my asking the people what was the name of their
tribe they replied, ‘‘ Orang Btrbahan’’ which means ‘‘ wood-
cutters.’’ They had in their houses two or three two-piece
wooden blowpipes which they would not sell. These they
told me were not made by themselves, but by the tribesmen
of the Merchong and Lepar Rivers. Their dialect, I was told,
is almost the same as that of the Kemaman people. They
do not move away from the vicinity of the Tekam.
They said that they deserted the bodies of the dead,
leaving them lying in the huts, since they were frightened of
their ghosts. They agree with the Kemaman people in not
practising circumcision.
I noticed that Siti, the boy from the Ulu Tekam, who
was living with the Kemaman tribe at the time of my visit, had
had his ears bored for ear-rings, but that none of the other
male aborigines that I met had undergone this operation. I
asked him the reason for this, and he replied that his mother
had had several male children before his birth, but that all of
them had died. She, therefore, said that should she have
another male child, she would pretend that it was a girl in
order that it might survive. So when he was horn his mother
had his ears pierced, as if he were a girl.
In connection with Siti, I heard of a case of attemp-
ted revenge due to jealousy, which is, I believe rather un-
usual among the aboriginal tribes of the Peninsula. A
Kemaman man and his wife had separated. After a
while news reached the husband that Siti was on rather too
familiar terms with the woman. He, therefore, armed him-
self with a spear and appeared on the scene to search for
Siti, but was restrained by Woh, who represented to him
that, as he had divorced his wife, he had no cause for com-
plaint, but that if he was still fond of her he had better take
her back again. This he did, but I noticed that if the hus-
band was away from home, Siti was constantly at the house.
The Krau River Tribe.
I had no opportunity of visiting any of the aboriginal
settlements on the Krau River, my intercourse with these
people being limited to conversations held with various
members of the tribe who came into Kuala Krau to buy rice,
salt fish, tobacco, etc., while I was staying there.
The Krau peo ople are a mixed tribe, sen speak a Sakai
dialect. They practise circumcision, and I was told that
eo Journal of the F.M.S. Museums. [Vou. IX,
Malay mudin are often called in to perform the operation.
Tattooing is known to them, and I saw one man who was
decorated with a large crescentic mark in the middle of the
forehead—the crescent being disposed with both horns
upwards —and a single line on each cheek-bone. This was
true tattooing. At Kuala Krau, too, I observed the only
instance of decoraticn by scarification that I have ever yet
seen among any of our aboriginal tribes. The youth in ques-
tion had two parallel scars follwing the line of each cheek-hone.
At first sight I thought that the marks, which were faint,
had been made by the temporary application of the juice of
some plant—not an uncommon practice among some tribes—
but on making an examination and questioning the boy and
his companions—older men than himself—I was told that they
were permanent and were made in the following way. The
juice of the Horse Mango (machang) tree is applied to the
skin wherever it is wished to leave marks This has a burn-
ing effect, and when the wound made by it has begun to heal
under the toughened gummy juice, the scab with the gum
adhering to it is stripped off, and a permanent scar results.
Both tattooing proper and scarification are termed naian.
I had little or no opportunity to go deeply into the ques-
tion of the Krau tribe’s customs or beliefs, and the only point
worth recording that I elicited was that the price paid to a
girl’s father for her hand in marriage was twenty old worn-
out spears, ‘“dua-puloh batang lémbing yang burok,’ as my
fifoemiacit told me in Malay
story of an spiach echt tribe, which is said to
dwell round the headwaters of the Krau, especially in the
neighbourhood of the Lompat River, is of considerable interest.
I believe that the Batek (Negritos) of the Ulu Cheka some-
times wander into this district—they told me that they did
themselves—but I obtained stories of a much wilder people
from Woh, my Malay friend, and also from two of the Krau
Valley aborigines. The wild people the latter call Cho-ben or
Jo-ben, and they are said to use fragments of stone or sharp-
ened stones as implements. Woh, indeed, told me that he
came upon one of their camps, which had heen deserted at
his approach, and found there pieces of stone with which they
had been cutting thatch (atap). One of the Krau aborigines
said that the Cho-ben used stones fixed in the ends of sticks!
to dig with, and that their knives were made of bamboo.
There is also a story that the Krau Sakai once captured a
woman of this wild tribe, who was surprised while climbing a
tree to obtain its fruit.?
1 I showed two stone rigs ar to the Krau men asking them —
they were, but they did no’ sy 00 18 them as being made by the Cho-
bast om that they were thunderbol
was told that she made her vais on the morning after her capture.
1920.} I. H. N. Evans: Tribes of Pahang. 23
Now I do not think that it would be wise to give too
much credence to these stories, since it is well known what
wonderful tales are told by both Malays and aborigines—
especially by the former—about far-off tribes, which generally
prove without foundation when the tribes in question are
visited; yet there are one or two points in them which are
worth consideration.
I am gradually coming to the conclusion that some, at
any rate, of the stone implements found in the Peninsula are
not of any great age, and it seems that there is just a possi-
bility that very remote tribes may still use them, or at any rate
use chips of stone, for various purposes. The fact that legends
of tribes still employing such implements have been previously
recorded by de Morgan and Hale tends to show that even if it
is not true that there are any tribes who are still practically iu
the stone age at the present day; yet there were at a date not
so remote but that stories with regard to their existence are
still current. I shall have occasion, however, to refer to the
matter again, when dealing with the results of the exploration
of caves at Gunong Sennyum and in the neighbourhood of
Pulau Tawar.
The Rompin Jakun.
While staying on the Rompin River I paid visits to two Ja-
kun settlements, one on the river-bank at a place called Barop,
above Pintas Limou, the other a little inland from the Malay
village of Gading. I collected a large number of ethnographi-
cal specimens from the Jakun, but with the exception of
blow-pipes, which I deal with in another section of this paper,
most of them were articles of Malay type and therefore not
particularly worthy of note.
The Jakun village near Gading was situated in a large
clearing planted with Caladium, while I also noticed some
pineapples and gourds growing there. Rice, I was told, was
not cultivated. The Jakun themselves were not a preposses-
sing set of people, many of them suffering from kurap and
elephantiasis. Their houses did not present any great peculi-
arities, being small huts, generally one-roomed, and well raised
from the ground.
The Jakun settlement at Barop had been made by rattan-
gatherers, working for a Chinaman, whose boat was moore
close by. It consisted of two huts; one—helonging to a
Merchong Jakun—built on extremely tall poles; the other
a wretched little hovel with the floor about a foot from the
ground.
The Merchong man was the only male in the settelement
at the time of my visit, the others being out in the jungle.
Parties of Jakun, however, frequently passed up and
down the river in boats; some going down-stream to sell
24 Journal of the F.M.S. Museums. [VoL. IX,
rattans, or in search of rice and salt, others returning home
from similar expeditions.
The magician (Poyang) among the Rompin Jakun uses
a switch of Palas leaves in calling his Familiar Spirit. Small
tambourines made out of half a coconut-shell covered over
with the skin of some kind of fish are beaten during the per-
formance of these magical rites.
I was told that the bodies of dead Poyangs are placed
on platforms and that their spirits go up to the sky, while
those of ordinary people, whose bodies are buried, go to the
underworld.
When a death occurs in a village, the houses and the
clearing in which they stand are said to be deserted for from
ten to fifteen days, the friends and relatives of the dead
person being afraid of the ghost. house in which a death
has taken place is usually not re-occupied.
One of the Jakun whom I met on the Rompin told me
that bodies of dead are buried lying on their backs with their
heads pointing to the east. If this is correct, it is rather
curious, as the Endau Jakun seem to bury their dead with
their heads pointing to the west, which is, I believe, a much
more usual position.
Circumcision, the Jakun said, was not practised by them.
The Endau Jakun.
I visited two aboriginal settlements in the Endau Dis-
trict, one being situated on a tributary of the Endau River,
the Anak Endau, which debouches into it on the Pahang side
not far from its mouth, the other close to Kuala Kumbar,
which is also on the Pahang side of the river and some dis-
tance above Pianggu village. The Jakun on the Anak Endau
were fairly clean, both on their persons and houses, while
those of Kuala Kumbar were horribly filthy, the decencies of
life, with regard to sanitary matters, being absolutely neglected.
The most interesting thing that I noticed in the Kuala Kum-
by means of birdlime—and were taming, numbers of green
paroquets (Palgornis longicauda). A few of these birds were
houses of the poorer-class Malays of this part of Pahang
I obtained the following details with regard to customs
and beliefs from one of the Anak Endau Jakun.
man on the birth of his first child (male or female)
becomes known as ‘‘ Father of So-and-so.” If his first-born
child dies he is called still ‘‘ Father of So-and-so,’’ provided
1920.] I. H. N. Evans: Tribes of Pahang. 25
that he has another child, the name of the second child being,
of course, substituted for that of the first: if, however, he
has no other, he is known as Mantai. If his wife and all his
children die, he is called Balu, and, on marrying again, this
style is still used until he has a child, when he again becomes
‘‘ Father of So-and-so.”’ Similarly a woman who is, or has
been, married, is known as Mak Anu (mother of So-and- SO),
M antai, or Balu. My informant was called Pak Dedup, ?.e.
Father of Dedup.
For seven days after a death nobody must beat drums,
trade, or try to collect debts. If a creditor tries to collect a
debt during this time, the debt is considered cancelled, and
‘if he asks for his money arrogantly he is fined, now-a-days,
I was told, twenty-five dollars, but formerly—one hundred
and eight plates.'
Cireumeision is, I was informed, not practised by the
Endau Jakun.?
During bad storms rubbish i is collected and burnt.
Ujan panas (‘‘ hot rain,” ¢.e, rain while the sun is shin-
ing) is much feared by the Endau Jakun.
Strangers must not visit a man who is being treated for
sickness by a Poyang and nothing made of iron may be
brought into his house, or, if it should be, it must not be taken
out again for three days ‘after the Poyang has removed the
tabu. The length of the tabu period is such as the Poyang
may decide, and, while it is in force, nobody must break a
gourd ora plate in the sick man’s house, tap or beat its thres-
hold. or ve ap in quarrelling.
n who are five months gone in pregnancy may not
kill aes oe any kind, and a husband, whose wife is in this
condition, may not kill anything from the time when his wife
gives birth until the child is seven days old. When a child
is born husband and wife are forbidden to eat the flesh of the
Rusa-deer and of two species of mouse-deer (f&%landok and
kanchil)—the husband till the child is seven days old, and
his wife as long as the child is “‘ small.” I was told that if me
woman were to eat deer’ s eek she would go mad, and r
wild like a deer.
The marriage ceremony among the Endau Jakun appears
to be slight and is said to be ratified by the man and woman
eating together from the same plate.
1 Judging from what I have seen of the Endau Jakun, such fines, if
inflicted, could not be paid. Possibly these amounts might be m entioned
as marks of displeasure, but I doubt if 1 es Ate have
The custom of fining so many ye? is pontsthe (Journ. Ind.
Arch., vol. I, p. 274) who states ong the Binut **Binuas”’ the fine
a murderer to b ape boee plates.
s that the ‘‘ Orang Benua”’ amon: havea he includes the
pe aa f the Endau a not practise circumcision, make ‘‘a single
— or Sit” Not knowing of iad statement at the ‘tie of my visit, I
not enquire into the matter further
26 Journal of the F.M.S. Museums. [VoL. IX,
The Poyang, as among other tribes, has a Familiar Spirit.
My informant gave me the following names of Familiars kept
by Poyangs whom he knew :—Bujang Bérawan (Youth Encir-
cled by Clouds): Bujang P&langi (Rainbow Youth), Raniai
Bunga (Chain of Flowers). Poyangs can get their Familiars
either by inheritance or by their coming to them in dreams.
I was told that the dead are buried lying face upwards
and with their heads pointing to the west. A corpse is pro-
tected by fixing seven stakes, which are afterwards covered
over with tree-bark, slantwise across the body and just above
it, the points of the stakes being driven into the wall of the
grave on the left side. Food is placed on the grave on the
day of burial, on the morning of the third day after, and
again on the morning of the seventh day.
A description of a Jakun grave-mound (with a sketch)
has been already given by Hervey, and is quoted by Skeat,!
but that which I got from the Jakun of the Anak Endau—
I did not see a grave—may perhaps be of interest. I was told
that a post about five feet high is set up at the foot of the
grave. This post has fourteen notches cut in it, seven run-
ning up one side, and seven down that opposite. ‘The post is
called the tangga stmangat (soul-ladder), and I was given to
understand that the seven ascending notches represent (?) the
surviving relations, while the descending notches represent,
or are for the use of, the dead man’s soul. Two posts called
nisan (grave-posts) diverging at an angle of about forty-five
degrees were, my informant said, set up close together on the
top of the grave. This account differs in some particulars
from that given by Hervey and from the details shown in his
sketch. He calls the notched posts—of which he shows two—
nisan, and the smaller posts, which according to my account
should be misan, he dubs tangga stmangat. Probably differ-
ence of locality may account for the discrepancies, though his
notched posts might without much difficulty be taken to be
conventional representations of double house-steps, while the
small uprights are placed just like Malay grave-posts (misan).
The three most important tribal officers among the
Endau Jakun i in order of rank are the Batin, the Méntéri and
the Ju’ kérah. ‘The Malay Penghulu of Pianggu said that on
the Endau the Jénang *—an officer found among some Jakun
tribes was always a Malay, who was invested by the Sultan
with authority over the aborigines.
| Pagan eet vol. II, pp. 114-115. The sketch is also reproduced.
was told rather an Interesting story with regard to Jénang Login,
the father of the iss esent Penghulu. When Logan—he is said to have come
vovaonel so Ane las > hess in child-bed. The child, a bake was mc ee
at the time of, rd Peserheed after, Logan’s arrival, ae was called Login
honour of the ev
1920.] I. H. N. Evans: Tribes of Pahang. 27
A curious complaint was made to the Penghulu of Piang-
gu, in my presence, by a Jakun man from the Anak Endau.
He stated that all the women of his settlement were frequent-
ly seized by a kind of madness—presumably some form of
hysteria—and that they ran off singing into the jungle,
each woman by herself, and stopped there for several days and
nights, finally returning almost naked, or with their clothes
all torn to shreds. He said that the first outbreak of this
kind occurred a few years ago, and that they were still fre-
quent, one usually taking place every two or three months.
They were started by one of the women, whereupon all the
others followed suit.
Blowpipes from the Tekam, Krau, and
ompin Districts.
The two-piece wooden blowpipes found in the hands of the
aborigines of East and South-East Pahang are particularly
interesting since, though a fair number of these weapons have
now been obtained for the Federated Malay States Museums,
there has not, up to the present, been any very definite infor-
- mation as to who are their makers. Specimens have been
obtained from Kuantan, the Tekai Valley, Kuala Pilah,
Negri Sembilan, and elsewhere, some of them having evidently
been traded far from their place of origin. I saw a blowpipe
of this type in the hands of the Bera people and another
among the ‘‘ Orang Berbahan,” and, on my questioning the
former as to where they were made, they replied that they
we1e manufactured by the tribe living on the Luit River' near
Lubok Paku.
Wooden blowpipes, too, were fairly common among the
Rompin Jakun, and I enquired of them also where these
weapons came from. They replied that they were made by
the wild tribe—the Orang Semlai *—which lives at some dis-
tance from the Rompin River and towards its source, occupy-
ing, I suppose, part at any rate of the country between the
Rompin and the oe I was, moreover, told by one man
that the Merchong ’ people manufactured “them as well.
think, therefore, that it is within this area that most, if not
all, of the wooden blowpipes are produced.
I only obtained one specimen on the Endau, and this had
been brought from elsewhere. Furthermore, the Endau Jakun
1 A tributary of the Soe J in its North ban
2 ** Orang Semlai” is a ae ee applied ws tribes who speak
Malay as their mother. ene ee those who speak Bg tng From
het | B pom learn of these — from fe Rompin men ieve them
to be a Sakai-speaking tri sr agen of mixed blood, probably with Proto-Malay
ai sare sepebe bade predomin i
erch ag reeks the sea on the East Coast between the
Filles pig the Rom
28 Journal of the F.M.S. Museums. [Vor. IX,
whom I met—those near the coast only—told me that they
did not make, or use, blowpipes.
From the Kemaman Jakun I bought a bamboo blowpipe
with a two-piece outer tube and a spherical mouthpiece made
of some kind of rubber, which is almost exactly similar to a
specimen—said to be Pangan—that I got from the portion of
the same tribe who were living near the Tekai in 1913, and
have described in a former number of this Journal.!
I purchased two bamboo blowpipes and a single quiver
from the Krau people. The former, which have conical
mouthpieces, differ little from those of the Selangor and Negri
Sembilan tribes, except that the outer tubes are made of two
pieces, a short length being added to the muzzle-end in each
case
he quiver has a flat-topped cover of rattan mama
this also being like some of the quiver-covers made
Selengor.
Vocabularies.
I give below vocabularies obtained from the various
tribes that I visited. Those from the Rompin and Endau
Rivers contain chiefly non-Malay words. On the former a.
somewhat full vocabulary was taken, but, as might be ex-
pected, the majority of words that I was given were ordinary
Malay.
On the Tekam River I was lucky enough to get what
appears to be a truly native numeral system extending to ten,
and by compounds, sometimes partly Malay, as far as ninety-
nine. No non-Malay numerals above seven* have, I believe,
hitherto been recorded in the Peninsula. It seems, therefore,
that we may now add eight (genting), nine (gentik), and ten
pounded from the non-Malay numerals, but no doubt of later
origin than the smaller numbers, we have mah-genor (20) ,’mpek-
genor (30), mpek-genor-mot (31), etc., while the last syllables
of mot-blas (11), mah-blas (12), etc. are seemingly of Malay
origin.
ENGLISH-MALAY. BERA TRIBE. ULu TEKAM KRAU TRIBE.
ay
RIBE.
7 Bees ory sean * “fe
Head (képala) koie koie koie.
Ear (télinga) *ntung untung entang.
Eye (mata) mk: mot mat.
Nose (hidong) muh muh M.®
Vol. V, Pp. 205- a
; With the ex a doubtful record ‘* Semang ”? (lunto
eight, /ang nine) ‘* Selangor Sakai” fhitire vod hotek nine) Pagan
(Nine).
Races, vol. Il, p. 191 (Right) and p . 669
3 M= Malay wor
1920. | I. H. N. Evans: Tribes of Pahang. 29
ENGLISH-MALAY. BERA TRIBE. ULu TEKAM KRAU TRIBE.
TRIBE
(Thi Basal }
tained from Siti).
Nostril (lubang liang muh lubang muh liang muh.
idong
Cheek (pipi) meng meng M.
Mouth (mulut) M. kenut M.
Lip (bibir) M. getuk kenut ?
Tongue (lidah) lepes lepes lentak.
Tooth (gigi) lemoin lemoin lemoin.
Chin (dagu) M. jengkok M.
Neck (leher) lengek lengek lengek.
Shoulder (bahu) bahok toptop bahok.
Arm (léngan) bling bling jenes.
Elbow (siku) M. M.
Hand (tangan) ti ti ing.
Thumb (ibu tangan) gaduk ti ’mboi ti ide ti.
Finger (jari) jarek M. jarek.
Finger-nail (kuku) ketongcheros telekok ti cherewes.
Thigh (paha) ? beluk be
Knee (lutut) kelatong kaltong koie karual.
Shin (tulang kéring) ji-arng tohor ji-arng jong ji-arng jong.
Foot (kaki) jon jong jong.
Heel (tumit) M. deldul kekul.
Sole (tapak kaki) tapak jong tapak jong tapak jong.
Toe (jari kaki) jarek jong jarijong jarek jong.
Breast (dada) dadak dening M.
Back (bélakang) chelorn chelon kerok.
Stomach (pérut) lepoit lepoit ?
Navel (pusat) M. paring ?
Blood (darah) maham maham ?
Bone (tulang) ji-arng ji-arng ?
Skin (kulit) M. ge-tuk ketuk.
Hair (rambut) shuk shuk sok.
Tree (pokok kayu) koie delong delong nihok,
Bough (dahan) roh roh
°.
Leaf (daun kayu) ean delong shalaidelong s lak Denes
kau bek
Fruit (buah kayu) li kerbuk cil
Bamboo (buloh) ding lieu ding.
Rattan (rotan) ' dreh dreh sek.
Thorn (duri) jeralah jilar reg
Rice Si babar M.
», (béras) M. ean
(nas pe hut M, ran.
Banana (pisang) tiuk tiuk tiuk.
Areca-nut (pinang) M M. M
Durian (durian) sempak sempak
Tampoi (témpui) M. chieu M.
30 Journal of the-F.M.S. Museums. [Vou. IX,
ENGLISH MaLay. BERA TRIBE. Utu TeKAmM Krav TRIBE.
TRIBE.
(This vocabulary ob-
tained from Siti).
Rambutan (ram- M. lengkiang gentek.
butan) [sireh)
Sireh-leaf (daun M. biak iak.
Terap-tree (pohon __choit temerau jehchar
kayu térap)
Forest (hutan) bri bri brik.
Yam (ubi kayu) ubik bakoi kieh-nihok.
» (kéledek) M. M. si
», (kéladi) lebor M lebor
Crow (gagak) M. kawoh er-ark
Egg (télor) kapoh kapoh penglung
Beak (paroh) M chikok
Ant (semut) M. petom les
Bee (lébah) ibuk lawei lewei
Fly (lalat) roie roie i
Cockroach (lipas) sebitik semertek _ sledek.
Spider (laba-laba) kelekup changbeung changbeung.
Mosquito (nyamok) semoi. agas kemut.
Elephant (gajah) M. - M
Gaur (séladang) M M M
Bear (béruang) M kemon M
Chevrotain (napoh, M.
pélandok)
Wild-pig (babi utan) jalor jalor rap.
Porcupine (landak) jikos jikos jekos.
Dog (anjing choh choh chuok
Tiger (harimau) podong kuep klak
Cat (kuching) M. ni-au
Civet-cat (musang) M. mesh M.
Bird (burong) chim chep chem.
Bamboo-rat (dékan) M, M. :
Rat (tikus) anik karieu M
Monkey (kéra) terau terau ?
(bérok) kok tadik dong.
Bat ‘(kélawar) kelantot rasal ?
Crocodile (buaya) kerbok kerbok bohayak.
Land tortoise (kura- yeoh, M. yeoh, chul M.
kura) ‘
ee water turtle M., pa-ash resim.
(baning, labi-labi)
Snake (ular) ec talun talun.
Frog (katak) jangok M.
Fish (ikan) tech ka kak.
Tail (ekor) pas hatek sentak.
Father (bapa) gaduk lemor ipak ibik.
Ip
Mother (ibu) gaduk kerdor ’mboi iduk.
1920. | I. H. N. Evans: Tribes of Pahang. 31
ENGLISH-MALAY. BERA TRIBE. ULU acang Krav TRIBE.
TRI
c Cnet one Siu).
waist (laki, kenluk kenluk kenah.
mi)
Wife. (bini) kempun kempun kasil.
Son (anak) kenon ehwok ehwok.
Sun (mata hari) M. mat tengi mat ketok.
Moon (bulan) ‘ M. M.
Star (bintang) M. M. M.
Cloud (awan) M. maling M.
Mountain (gunong) benom menom M.
Hill (bukit) chong menom M.
Daylight Hale hari) tengi tengi ketok.
Night (malam) petom plik sengat.
Thunder send pétir) § katei kareil.
Wind (angin tahor ong
Rain (hujan) oe gemah mik.
Storm (ribut) M. beruok beruok
Fire (api) os os
Water (ayer) dak jih-oh tom
Smoke (asap) jeluk guie M
One (satu) moie mote
Two (dua) M mah
Three (tiga) *mpek *mpek
Four (émpat) *hmpun hmpun
Five (lima) mesong mesong
Six (anam) M. temperuk
Seven (tujoh) M tempoh
Eight (lapan) M genting
Nine (sémbilan M gentik
Ten (sa-puloh) M mogenor
Stone (batu) M. temu temok.
Earth (tanah) ateh - hateh teh.
House (rumah) dol siah siek.
Roof (atap) M. palong pluong.
Chopper (parang) wai wai nyem.
Axe (kapak, béliong) M. ‘ 3
Knife feiswi) wai lanak wailanak nyem sing-
ket.
Cloth (kain) M. ton M.
Spear (lémbing) ee rare bulus.
Blowpipe (sumpitan) b blau
action aah (pangkal) coe blahan Gavan: seput bam ‘blau.
sumpita
Muzzle sais sumpi- sud blahan _koie seput_koie blau.
tan)
ae (tabong békas luk tek. M.
— cde M. koh-or koh-or.
32 Journal of the F.M.S. Museums. [Vo1. IX,
ENGLISH-MALAY. BERA TRIBE. ULU TEKAM KRAU TRIBE.
‘ si
RIBE.
(This vocabulary ob-
tained from Siti).
Poison (ipoh) cheh cheh cheh.
Sleep, to (tidor) jetek jetek tetiak.
Eat, to (makan) char n’chah chichak.
Drink, to(minum) = ji-oh ji-oh oh-toh.
Words which appear to be non-Malay, obsolete in the
Peninsular dialects, or present slight differences from ordinary
Malay from the Rompin and Endau Districts, and from the
Jakun of Matang Pasir, near Pekan, Those which are marked
with a star are all found among other tribes who speak
Jakun dialects, and are just such as might be expected from
the Rompin and Endau Districts.
ENGLISH-MALAY. ROMPIN. ENDAU. PEKAN.
Tiger ana holeh
Dog (an asu * asu.
Will-pig bi utan) bangkak
Wild-cat (kuching keruet
utan
Monkey (kéra) kiak
Owl (burong hantu) put
Ant (sémut) méret * meret
Civet-cat (musang) musong
Millipede (sépak gogok *
bulan)
Mosquito (nyamok) rengit * rengit
Red ant (kéréngga) kerenggak!
Terap tree (pohon- toren
kayu térap)
Yam (kéledek) s’tila
Thunder (guroh) tagah.
Blowpipe (sumpitan) malan * malan.
Mouthpiece (pangkal tebong malan
sumpitan)
Muzzle (mata sumpi- pohoit malan
an
Quiver (tabong békas temlahan
damak)
alvescords (tali tali temlahan
ng
Quiver-cover (tudong jongkup
ng)
Dart amok) damok
1 k sounded.
1920. ] I. H. N. Evans: Tribes of Pahang. 33
ENGLISH-MALAY. ROMPIN. . ENDAU. PEKAN.
Point of dart (mata wuyang (c/.
amak Malay ujong)
Butt of roe (pang- *habong (or
kal damak) pahabong)
damak *
Dart-holder (sarong pakan damok
damak)
Among the words which are not starred, the following
are worth noting as having, perhaps, connexion with Negrito
or Sakai dialects:—Bangkak (pig), cf. changgak (Northern
Sakai and Jakun); s’tila (yam), cf. tila, tilak, sila (Jakun,
Semang, and Northern Sakai).
III. PRELIMINARY REPORT ON THE EXPLORA-
ION OF A ROCK-SHELTER
IN THE BATU KURAU PARISH, PERAK.
By Tvor H. N. Evans, M.A.
In May of 1917 I visited Kampong Perak in the Batu
Kurau Parish (Perak) with a view to searching for traces of
ancient habitations in the rock-shelters or caves in the lime-
stone hill, Gunong Kurau, which lies close to the village. On
making an inspection of these, I found only one site which
yielded any results. Neither caves nor shelters were of types
which would be likely to prove very attractive as habitations.
The former were either dark or damp, the latter small or
insufficiently protected from sun and rain. Even the sole
site at which signs of former human occupation were found,
though it was probably the most convenient of all, was not
protected from the sun at midday, and would, perhaps, also
be swept by rain if the wind was from the east. The spot
was a long but rather narrow terrace at the base of some-
what overhanging limestone cliffs, while four or five feet
below the terrace flowed the Kurau River. At one end of it
was a small cave, sacred to the Malays, and called the Tiger’s
Ktramat (Kévamat ’Rimau). There had been set up several of
the long-stalked bamboo censers, which are called sangkak. At
the other end of the terrace, which was shaded by a large
tree was another small cave, not quite so large as that of the
Kétramat ’Rimau.
The remains left by the former occupants were found in
the middle and towards the Ktramat ’Rimau end of the
terrace. They were covered by a layer of yellowish sand
(probably deponited by the Kurau River when in flood) from
about six inches to a foot in depth, and formed a stratum
about two-and-half feet thick. Below this stratum yellow
sand was again encountered. In case there should be fur-
ther underlying remains, I examined the river-bank where
the terrace abutted on the stream, first trimming its face in
otder to obtain a clear section. This pag ecincieey proved
that there were no underlying deposits of inter had
trial pits sunk at the end of the terrace furthest sic ee Kéra-
mat’ Rimau, but only yellow sand was tong with. Possibly this
part may never have been used, or the layer containing
remains may have been eroded by the tiver. The date of the
deposits in the shelter at Gunong Kurau seems to be much
more recent than that of those discovered near Lenggong,
which have been described in a previous paper. Bones of the
various animals which provided food for the inhabitants were
[Vor. IX, 1920.] I. H. N. Evans: A Rock Shelter in Perak. 35
present in numbers, but were not so common as at Lenggong,
where the earth was full of splinters of bone. Most of the
bones had been broken to obtain the marrow
e so far been able to distinguish bones or teeth of
the pig-tailed macaque, crab-eating macaque, pig, bamboo-
rat, porcupine, and soft-turtle. Large numbers of shells were
found, nearly all of a species of Melania (kechor) which is
common in the Kurau River. All these had the topmost
whorls knocked off. There were also obtained several valves
of a species of cockle (Arca sp.?) one of which was burnt,
and six shells of marine gasteropods comprising the genera
Phasianella, Natica, Marginella and Cyprea. .Four of these
were bored for suspension, while the only Cyprea a ‘‘ money
cowrie”’ had its ventral surface ground away until it also could
be hung from a cord. A tooth of a bvok-monkey (?) had, as I
found in cleaning up the specimens, also been perforated in a
similar manner to the shells.
Pieces of pottery were common throughout, the majority
being of rough black or brown ware, but we also found a fair
number of fragments of Chinese porcelain, chiefly ‘‘ blue-and-
white’’ and ‘‘ crackle.’”’ These, when examined by an expert,
will, apart from other objects, be of some importance in ascer-
taining the date of the other specimens.
In addition we discovered a considerable number of iron
objects, namely four blades of the kind of knife which is known
to the Malays as pisau raut, two shoulderless adze-blades
of very primitive type, a chopper-blade of the variety which
the Malays call golok, and two rectangular pieces, one of which
is probably the lower part of an adze-blade.
Another find was an old East India Company’ s coin of the
kind which the Malays call duit ayam from the fact that a figure
of acock is depicted onitsface. This bore the Mohamedan date
1247 ; therefore, if we may judge by it, most of the other speci-
mens must be under ninety years old. There is just a possi-
bility that the coin, being small, may have fallen down un-
noticed from the surface, as it was picked up when loose earth
was being ‘‘changkoled’”’ out of the excavation, but I have
no reason to think that this was the case.
We now come to the most puzzling objects met with in
the course of 6ur excavations. These were two neolithic-type
stone implements, such as are often turned up by Malays
when working in their rice fields. One of them was found
by a coolie lying on the surface at the barren end of the ter-
race ; it is much weathered or water-worn and is partly coated
with stalagmitic matter. The other specimen was uncovered
at a depth of 8 inches from the surface and is fairly well pre-
served. What are we to make of these? The implement from
the surface may possibly be dismissed as having been brought
to the place at a date later than that of the deposits, but the
second specimen cannot be treated in this manner. We must
36 Journal of the F.M.S. Museums. [Vou IX, 1920.]
either suppose, therefore, that the frequenters of the shelter
brought it there as a curiosity or charm, having found it during
their wanderings; or that iron was rare among them (which
does not seem to have been the case from the number of iron
objects found), and that they were still re some stone tools.!
I incline towards the former suppositi
point of interest with regard ne some of the specimens
discovered was their excellent state of preservation. Fibres
were found at a depth of two feet which were recognised by
my coolies as being those of sugar-cane, while a small marine
shell contained the complete skin of a hermit-crab.
A large number of Melania shells, as well as many frag-
ments of bone and a few of pottery, which we found under a
large group of stalagtites depending from the rock above, were
beautifully petrified, being so evenly coated with layers of
lime as to still preserve all but the smallest features of their
external structure.
We did not come across any human bones, nor flakes,
cores or other signs of stone implements having been manufac-
tured on the site.
Malay tradition asserts that Semang inhabited the Batu
Kurau Parish until comparatively recent times, and there
is still a Semang tribe at Ijok, about seventeen miles from
Batu Kurau by road and bridle-path. The Semang seem to
have quitted the neighbourhood of Batu Kurau owing to
quarrels with the Malays, who were, at that time, just begin-
ning to open up this part of the country, and to form settle-
ments. One of my coolies, a man named Pandak Ismail, told
me that his great-great-grandfather, Moyang Bola, who was the
founder of Kampong Perak, had killed one or two of them on
account of their having stolen some property, and that, on
their leaving the district, he put a curse on any who should
return. For this reason the Semang were afraid to come
near Kampong Perak. Pandak’s story ise supported by
other Malays to whom I talked about the matter.
Seeing that the Semang of Lenggong still sometimes
use, or inhabit, rock-shelters, and taking into consideration
the apparently recent date of the objects which we obtained
at Gunong Kurau, it seems likely that these people were the
former occupants of the terrace which we explored.
There seems to be some slight reason for thinking that a bronze or
copper age may have succeeded that of stone in the Malay Peninsula, since
three small copper or bronze celts have obtained at different times and
are now in the collections of the Doierwied Malay States Museums
Iv. CAVE-DWELLINGS IN PAHANG.
By Ivor H. N, Evans, M.A.
In June and July IQI7 I visited two districts of Pahang
with a view to digging in the floors of certain caves in lime-
stone hills. My first set of excavations was carried out at
Gunong Sennyum near Kuala Krau; the second in caves near
the Benta-Kuantan Road, about thirteen miles from Jerantut,
and in the direction of Kuantan. These excavations and the
results obtained are dealt with below.. I have appended some
remarks with reference to objects obtained from cave-deposits
in other parts of the Peninsula, and the possibility of the cave-
dwellers having been Negritos.
Excavations at Gunong Sennyum,
Gunong Sennyum, a limestone hill 1,595 feet in height, is
most conveniently reached by taking boat from Kuala Krau—
whence it is visible—to a Malay village called Pengkalan
Gunong. From this place a track leads, chiefly through
jungle, to the foot of the hill, the distance being about four
miles.
On arrival at Gunong Sennyum, I made my camp ina
long and low cave at its base which afforded perfect protection
from rain, though open along the outer side. The floor of
this cave was almost entirely of naked rock, and so unsuitable
for digging operations. During the first two or three days of
our stay I made a few excavations in some small caves or
shelters at the base of the hill, but did not obtain any very
important results, though it was clear that one of these shel-
ters, near an almost stagnant stream which issued from a
cave, had been formerly used, since I found there a few frag-
ments of common blue-and- white Chinese porcelain—seemingly
modern—and a fair number of shells of M elania (sp. ?).
On the fourth day, however, I visited a large cave, the
Gua ’To‘ Long, situated immediately above that in which I was
living. There are only twqmethods of gaining access to it; one
from our camping place, by swarming up the pendent roots
of a large Ava-tree (Ficus sp.) which grows against the face
of the cliff; the other by means of a ladder, after a scramble
up a slope of earth, which is hidden from anyone in the lower
cave by a projecting corner of rock.
e Gua ’To‘ Long is alight cave of about the same length
as that below, but with a much higher roo
After reaching top of the ladder, it is “necessary to pass
through a small natural archway of rock before emerging
upon a platform, which slopes downwards. Stepping care-
38 Journal of the F.M.S. Museums. LyOi. LA,
fully across this a kind of entrance hall is encountered, par-
tially divided off from the rest of the cave by a couple of ‘large
stalactite pillars. Passing between these the main room of the
cave is entered, which would be open along the whole of its
outer side, were it not that it is partially shut in by pillars of
similar kind. It is between two of these that access is gained
to the cave by means of the Ava-tree roots. In about the
centre of the large compartment is the Kéramat (holy place)
*To’ Long from which the cave takes its name. This is made
to represent a Malay grave, having batu nisan (grave-stones)
and being boarded-in at the sides.
do not know if there is any story current as to the
personality of ’To‘ Long but all that I could find out about
the origin of the Kévamat was, that a man was said to have
come across a coffin (ktvanda) while digging in the floor of
the cave; whereupon the local Malays jumped = a conclu-
sion that a body buried far away from any villag
must be that of some holy person, and the scetorth enseed
the place sacred.
Unfortunately the Kéramat, being in a central position,
prevented my digging in a part o of the cave-floor which I
should much like to have opened u
Over the ‘‘grave’’ there hung a rattan cord, which was
tied to the end ofa stalactite above. ‘To this, cfferings of ban-
anas had, I believe, originally been attached, but several nests
of some species of weaver-bird (burong t@mpua)—one new and
containing two eggs—had been built on its lower end. The
large compartment of the cave terminated in a small passage,
which was light and partly open on its outer side.
n examination of the floor of the Gua ’To‘ Long, espe-
cially at a few places where water dripped down from the
points of stalactites, disclosed some shells of fresh-water mol-
lusks. Concluding from the presence of these that the cave
had been inhabited and that the contents of the shells had
been devoured by former cave-dwellers, I opened a portion
of the floor of ee ‘fentrance hall’’ some twenty feet long by
nine feet broad, and found that solid rock was encountered
at a depth of from three to four feet, underlying powdery
lime-impregnated soil, which contained many relics of the
former occupants of the cave.
Among the objects discovered were the teeth and bones
of mammals, portions of the carapaces of fresh-water turtles
and of tortoises ; three polished stone implements (two whole,
one a fragment) : many flakes of fine-grained stone; shells of
fresh-water mollusks; pieces of red pigment; grinding-stones
for this paint, which had deeply stained them; rough pottery ;
a few pieces of yellow and green glazed ware; and part of a
human skeleton.
From the fact that a large number of flakes occurred in
_ the deposits—as many as four or five were often found in each
1920.] I. H. N. Evans: Cave-dwellings in Pahang. 39
sieveful of earth—I do not think that there can be any doubt
that the people who lived in this cave understood the working
of stone by flaking. The stone implements might, of course,
have been either ancient objects picked up outside the caves
and taken home by the Troglodytes, or have been obtained
by barter from some other stab but I am inclined to think
that they were made on the s
The broken apres a Hy cutting end of a finely polished
sharpening it—on a stone, not long before it was discarded.
The second specimen, a small chisel-like implement, which also
shows striae, is merely a water-worn stone of convenient shape,
which has been ground above and below at one end so as to
produce a cutting edge. The third implement '—also small
and of chisel-like shape—is made from another water-worn
stone. It, however, appears to have been much used, and
exhibits no striae. Intype the second and third implements are
very similar, but the second is much the thicker of the two.
Besides these polished, or partly polished, implements
we discovered several pieces of hard-grained stone which showed
primary chipping. Three of these have a roughly pear-shaped
form, and, had-they not been found in association with articles
of polished stone, might almost have been taken for imple-
ments of a palaeolithic type. They are roughly chipped on
both faces, the chipping extending over almost the whole of
them. A fourth appears to have been chipped only around
the edges. A fifth is a water-worn pebble, also pear-shaped,
which has been trimmed at its border only (on both faces). A
sixth is a part of another pebble which has been dressed by
taking off two large flakes, the result being that the piece
remaining would seem not unsuitable for making into a fan-
shaped axe-head.
The flakes are mostly of fine-grained blackish stone.
Some of them, small and sharp, may have been used as knives;
others, which are rougher, were probably merely trimmings
from large pebbles which were —) — for some put-
— or other. Percussion bulbs well developed in
many specimens, but the stone, dient probably the best
material that the cave-dwellers could obtain, is not very suit-
able for working by chipping, and could not be re age to
give nearly such fine results as flint, obsidian, or
us now see what further conclusions we “ey draw
from the examination of these worked stones :
The deposits in the cave, as I have remarked above, were
of no great depth, and a layer of refuse with a maximum
depth of four feet might not take many years to accumulate
provided that the occupation of the site was continuous.
1 Length 8-8 cms., maximum breadth 2°5 cms,, maximum depth 21 cms.
40 . Journal of the F.M.S. Museums. [Vor. IX,
This, however, if the cave-dwellers were at all similar in their
habits to present aboriginals—whether Semang, Sakai, or Jakun
—does not seem likely, as even the tame tribes seldom stay
longer than a year or two in one place, while the wilder
Semang are nomadic. On the other hand, there were no
barien s/vata in the deposits, which, except where layers of
the ashes of fires were encountered, were of a similar nature,
from top to bottom. Barren layers, however, would, perhaps,
scarcely be expected, if the caves were used at fairly frequent
intervals,’ or at a certain season of the year ;* for the rotting
of the limestone, and its falling down as powdery deposit—the
caves were dry i in most places—must go on but slowly; and if
as much as six des of this deposit accumulated between
each visit of the cave-people, this would soon become full of
the refuse of their feasts and of other remains.
he flakes occurred throughout, but were mons at
from two he three feet, and rarest towards the bott
he ground-down stone implements were foand at the
following ce the broken, and one of the complete speci-
mens, at about two-and-a-half feet from the surface (the total
depth of the deposits being four feet), the other complete
towards the top or bottom. I suppose that for want of other
evidence we must consider these last as rejects in the course
of manufacture, which, had they been satisfactory, would have
been turned into polished axe-heads or chisels; but in two
cases their shapes do not seem to lend themselves particularly
well to the aforesaid purposes. Furthermore, it is curious
that the two small implements described above, which are only
polished at their cutting edges, do not show any signs of
chipping on their rougher parts. Rudely-dressed pear-shaped
implements might have been used as hammers for smashing
bones to extract the mafrow, but none of those found showed
any signs of bruising at their ends, which might, perhaps,
have been expected, had they been used for this purpose.
I have remarked above that I discovered several pieces
of iron-oxide ruddle and some stones which evidently had
been used for grinding it up for use as paint. The simplest
type of grinder, and the commonest, was a water-rounded
pebble of quartz; of these I brought away with me six speci-
mens. All are deeply stained with the pigment.
Three other grinding-stones are also water-worn pebbles,
but are of different shapes and material, and have evidently
. As the shelters at Lenggong i in Upper Perak are by the Negritos.
2 Vide infra my remarks on the inhabitation of the Kota Rawa and
other caves by the Sakai-jakun of the Tekam River.
1920.] I. H.N. Evans: Cave-dwellings in Pahang. 41
been used for—comparatively speaking—long periods, since
those parts of the stones which have been used for rubbing
down the pigment, are not only coloured by it, but have be-
come flattened and smoothed by wear. One of these grinders
is made of a fairly fine-grained black rock, similar to that of
the flakes. It is of a convenient shape for grasping in the
hand, and a part of its surface at one end is much worn, this
worn surface being coloured with iron-oxide. The second is a
somewhat spherical granite (?) pebble which has been partly
flattened tangentially by long use; the third, a pebble of fine-
grained stone with an oval section, is deeply stained with
tuddle, and has one face ground quite smooth.
Bones and teeth of animals devoured by the cave-dwell-
er
fairly numerous, and I have, so far, been able to identify
remains of pigs, deer, cattle (Bos gaurus), monkeys, soft-
turtles and tortoises. Nearly all the bones had been broken
to obtain the marrow, and many of the fragments, especially
those found in layers of ashes, were charred.
The molluscan remains comprise shells of a species of
M elania—some of them ang traces of burning—and valves
of a fresh-water mussel (Unio?). The Melania-shells were very
numerous, and large numbers were found in every sieveful of
earth taken.
We now come to the pottery ; most of this is rough brown-
ish ware—seemingly pieces of cooking pots—roughly cross-
hatched to forma lozenge pattern. The patterns, which in
all cases are of the same type, though they vary in size, appear
to have been Ss by pressing a cord against the pots
before the clay was dry; for, in most of the pieces, the
depressed lines ok the hatching show twist-marks, and, on
making experiment, I have been able to obtain exactly similar
results by pressing a tightly stretched string against a pat of
wet clay. The edges of some of the pots with this type of
decoration are further ornamented with perpendicular lines,
obviously made with a sharp tool.
There is reason for thinking that some of the rougher
pottery may have been made on the spot, since I found three
.worked lumps of clay, which appear to have been hardened
‘by fire. Two of these are small hillock or mound-shaped
pieces, and one of them still shows a finger-print. The third
is of irregular shape, but exhibits a couple of rough markings,
probably made with a wooden tool, or tools, while a piece has
been pinched out of one edge between the finger and thumb
of the right hand while its material was still soft; thus
leaving an indentation,
A few small pieces of smooth and well-shaped brown ware
were also met with, these being from the first two feet of soil.
The unglazed pottery comprises pieces of the rims, bases and
bodies of medium-sized vessels. Some of the shards are
42 Journal of the F.M.S. Museums. [Vor. IX,
blackened with smoke, and are evidently parts of cooking
pots.
The glazed ware, I think, we may fairly presume, was
not made by the cave-dwellers, but obtained from some people
in a higher state of civilization. One piece of this was dis-
covered at a depth of two feet in a small excavation which I
made towards the outer side of the cave in the “ main hall.”’
The other pieces, four in number, were obtained at depths of
about a foot to a foot-and-a-half. Out of the five, two are
fragments of fairly fine yellowish ware covered with a yellow-
ish-green glaze, two, bits of rather thick pottery on which
some slight patterns of meandering lines can still be traced.
Only traces of greeri glaze—much cracked, and in a very pow-
dery condition—are left on these two specimens. Where,
however, it can still be seen the patterns show up as being
darker than their ground, since they were made by engraving
the pot before the application of the semi-transparent glaze,
and thus, when the vessel was treated with it, they, in receiv-
ing more than the ground, became darker coloured. The
fifth piece of glazed ware has a yellow-green ground with some
brownish bands running through it horizontally.
One undoubted implement of bone was found in our larg-
est excavation, but to what use it was put, unless to scratch
the body or head, for which purpose bamboo pins are used at
the present day among some Sakai and Jakun tribes, I do not
know. It is made from a piece of a mammalian limb-bone
of medium size which has been split longitudinally, and
ground down (internally) at one end toa point. Two or three
other pointed fragments of bone were also encountered, but
it is possible that bones fractured in this manner were broken
to get at the marrow, and were not intentionally shaped,
though one of them rather gives the i impression that this had
been the case. None of the latter specimens show any signs
of grinding or polishin
Several pieces of black iron-ore (haematite?) were also
met with in our largest excavation. At first I thought that
they might have been used in conjunction with a quartz pebble
for obtaining fire, but, on making the experiment, I could not
obtain any sparks.
We now come to the associated human remains. These
comprise a skull almost complete, with the exception of the
jaws and other facial bones, and some pieces of limb-bones.
One small piece of the upper jaw and a few much worn-down
teeth were, however, found separately. The skull was resting
with its base upon the bed-rock at a depth of three feet from
the surface. Its condition, like that of the other human bones,
was extremely friable, and it broke into pieces when being
removed, but, by carefully preserving all the fragments I have
been able to make a fair restoration of it. I think it best,
however, not to attempt to deal at length with these remains
1920.] I. H.N. Evans: Cave-dwellings in Pahang. 43
until they can be examined by an expert in physical anthro-
pology, but to content myself with giving a few details as their
disposition in the soil, and any evidence that I can as to whe-
ther they are of the same age as, or newer than, the stratum
in which they were found.
A layer of ashes! of considerable extent was encountered
just above the skull, and the rest of the overlying deposits
showed no signs of having been disturbed. I think that from
this we may, perhaps, conclude that the remains are as old,
or older than, the layer of ashes, and that anything above this
layer accumulated subsequently.
very large part of the skeleton is missing, it would
not be wise to speculate as to the orientation of the body at
burial, if, indeed, it was buried.
In a small pit which we opened at the farend of the Gua
"To Long five fragments of a human skull were discovered at
a depth of about two feet from the surface. These were not
friable like the skull found in our large pit : the breakages of
the bone appear to be old, and all the pieces are stained with
ruddle.
Whether the caves in Gunong Sennyum are visited by
aboriginal tribes at the present day seems doubtful. One of
y Malay coolies, who came from Pengkalan Gunong, told
me that they were not. Yet, possibly, such natives may have
frequented the neighbourhood not so very long ago, for I no-
ticed that in one place the jungle close to the mountain was
old béukar (secondary growth), looking as if it had formerly
been cleared for planting rice or root-crops
alays in search of rattans sometimes occupy the long
cave in which I camped, and to them must, most probably,
be ascribed some of the charcoal drawings to be seen on its
walls, especially one of a boat under sail—a sort of schooner,
as far as I could make out.
There are, however, some rude drawings which seem more
likely to have been the work of aborigines, such as circles of
dots and very crude representations of human beings. A num-
ber of these are to be observed on the rocks near the water-
course which I have mentioned above.
The Kota Tongkat and other caves,
The cave which is known as Kota Tongkat is situated in
the limestone of a hill which lies about half a mile to the north
of the Benta-Kuantan Road, and thirteen miles from Jeran-
tut in the direction of Kuantan.
Mr. L. Wray had previously paid a visit to caves in this
neighbourhood?” and had found there signs of recent occupa-
1 It is perhaps worth noting that Mr. Wray found ashes overlying some
of the human remains in caves at Gunong
2 ** Journal of the F.M.S. Museums,” wok I, pp. 13-15.
44 Journal of the F.M.S. Museums. [Vou. IX,
tion, which comprised sleeping-platforms, hearths, bones, mol-
luscan shells, husks of Indian corn and shells of the k&payang
and other jungle fruits, etc. He surmised that the “modern
Sakai of Pahang ” were responsible for the remains. In this
connexion it is worth while to put on record the evidence of
some Sakai-Jakun, native to the Tekam Valley, whom I visited
after I had finished my digging work. ‘These people told
me that they visited the caves, and lived there for a while,
each year at the season when the kéfayang and other jungle
fruits were ripe.
ota Tongkat is a large tunnel-like cave running right
through the base of the limestone hill. It contains some beauti-
ful stalactites and stalactitic pillars, the latter giving it the
name of Tongkat (or Bértongkat), the word meaning a prop or
walking-stick (bértongkat, ‘‘ propped up”). For some reason
all the caves in this part of the country are known as Kota
(‘‘fort we
In the Kota Tongkat I lived and carried out most of the
excavations. I was much hindered in my work by my three
Malay coolies, who had been sent to me by the Penghulu of
Pulau Tawar. They had, I think, been turned out against
their wills, and, it being the Fasting Month at the time, they
made this an excuse for every kind of laziness that their in-
genuity could devise. My men at Gunong Sennyum, on the
_ other hand, served me excellently , though they too were work-
ing during the Bulan Puasa, and, with one exception, kept
the fast. The Pulau Tawar Malays possess, I believe, an un-
enviable reputation for being work-shy.
Though my men proved unsatisfactory, I thought it bet-
ter to keep them than to dismiss them and to obtain others—
probably equally lazy—which would have involved waste of
time.
Considering the small amount of ground that I was able
to explore I was, on the whole, fairly successful.
Excavations in the Kota Tongkat yielded pottery, a few
bones, flakes and molluscan shells similar to those found at
Gunong Sennyum, but nothing of special interest. As I was
not satisfied with these results, I attempted to find other sites
which would better repay us for our labour, and visited several
d
more caves and shelters in and about the base of the
door,’ after a scramble up a rocky gulley. The cave was
well suited for a dwelling, since it was dry, light, and airy and
could be easily defended against wild animals or human foes.
1920.] I. H. N. Evans: Cave-dwellings in Pahang. 45
Its roof was blackened by smoke and the floor was strewn
with the hard shells of k&payang fruits, which proved that the
place had been inhabited fairly recently. A further examina-
tion of the floor by scraping with our ‘‘ changkols’’ showed
that there were only a few inches of dusty deposit covering
the limestone rock. In this we found some bones, which
looked fairly new, fresh-water shells (Melania) and three small
fragments of black stone. I scarcely dare to call these last
bulbs of percussion—of having been struck off from larger
pieces by human agency, but it is worth noting that their mate-
rial was of the kind from which stone implements are frequently
made, and, that the pieces, being of non-local rock, must have
been brought to the spot.
In the small cave below the front entrance to the Kota
Rawa were the ashes of recent fires, and on digging a little
in these we found a few bones of small mammals, shells of
képayang fruits, and a worn-out iron chopper- (golok) blade.
After exploring the Kota Rawa we paid a visit to
another cave at the base of the hill, which is, I believe, called the
Kota Glap—our coolies were not very sure of the names of the
caves, since they were not particularly well acquainted with
the neighbourhood. The Sungai Batu, a small river, washes
the edge of, and in places partly invades, this cave, and it was
evident from the deposits of sand which we saw, that in times
of flood most of the cave-floor is submerged,
The Kota Glap—the name means ‘‘ the dark fort,”
though it is not particularly dark —had been recently occupied
by rattan-gatherers, whom my coolies said were Malays, strips
of cane, which littered the ground, bearing witness to the
nature of their employment. Some trial excavations made in
the floor of the cave yielded no objects of interest.
I could not find out from my men what was the name
of the hill, or rather hill-range, in which these caves were
situated. Mr. I. Wray in speaking of the neighbourhood
refers to “‘ the caves in a limestone hill called Kota Gélanggi,”’
but I was told that the Kota Gélanggi, the entrance to which
ameron in his paper “‘ Kota Glanggi’’ in ‘‘The
Todbaal of the Royal Asiatic Society, Straits Branch.’’!
X, pp. 153-160. Mr. Cameron mentions ee Agetten: by name, vzz.
sib Tongket, Kota Burong, Kota Glanggi and Kota Papan. The Kota
my return to Headquarters—is, he says, reached thro ugh a part of the Kota
Tongkat though ‘*no one unacquainted with the pet would ever guess
that there was a cave here.” It appears to be a dar
46 Journal of the F.M.S. Museums. [Vor. IX,
Not being satisfied with any of these sites for digging
purposes, I determined to make another inspection of Kota
Tongkat, and eventually pitched upon some rock-shelters at
the mouth of a small dark grotto close to the maincave, The
roof at the entrance of this cave was blackened by smoke,
and ashes on the floors of the shelters showed that they had
been used as dwellings at a fairly recent date.
Unfortunately excavation in these shelters, which yielded
the best results, were not begun until the last day of my stay,
and, as coolies for carrying baggage were difficult to obtain, I
did not think it wise to cancel my arrangements. One day’s
work with lazy diggers did not, of course, suffice to. excavate
a large part of the ground, but we obtained several interest-
ing specimens, The total depth of the deposits overlying
bedrock in the shelters was from three-and-a-half to four feet.
The first six inches from the surface consisted of recent ashes
of fires, containing a few fragments of bones. In the soil
underlying the ashes, we found numbers of pieces of rough pot-
tery, flakes, shells of mollusca (species of Melania and Unio (?)),
a few mammalian bones, the chela of a crab,! a stone which
had been used for polishing or sharpening; four small pieces
of polished stone, presumably parts of implements: and two
roughly-dressed stones, which I take to be partly manufactured
axe-heads.
Let us now consider the finds from the Kota Tongkat
and from these shelters in detail.
The
In the shelters, flakes were found from a depth of six inches
below the surface to the bottom of the deposit. In Kota
Tongkat itself they were present from close under the surface
to almost the bottom of the deposits.
I have not mentioned hitherto that in the Kota Tongkat
we found that the soil containing remains left by cave-
dwellers extended to a depth of three feet six inches, while
between this and the solid rock was a layer of large snail-shells
from about four to six inches in thickness. I cannot account
for the presence of these.
he pieces of polished stone are all of very fine-grained
rock, perhaps chert. Two of them are dark grey in colour,
one, which exhibits a bulb of percussion, being a thin flake
struck from the face of a polished stone by human agency.
other two pieces, one of which also shows a bulb, are pale
grey, the piece with the bulb being the lighter coloured of
the two. All four pieces are resistant to the corrosive action
! A marine species ?
1920.] I.H.N. Evans: Cave-dwellings in Pahang. 47
of hydrochloric acid. These objects were found at depths of
from two to two-and-a-half feet
the two dressed stones, which I have referred to
above, one, which shows marks ‘of ptimary flaking on either
side, appears to be of some fine-grained sedimentary rock of
a brownish colour; the material of the other, of which the
chipping is very rude, is a dark and rather coarse stone with
a crystalline structure.
The sharpening stone is of particular interest. It was
found:in another part of the same rock-shelter where we
obtained the pieces of polished stone, but at a depth of only
about a foot-and-a-ha
This object is 17 cms. in length, is four-sided, and tapers
to a point at one end. Its sides are channelled longitudinally
as if small chisels or gouge-like implements had been continu-
ally rubbed or sharpend on them. I am inclined to think
that this stone may have been used for grinding and polishing
small stone implements, similar to the two which we obtained
at Gunong Sennyum. Ido not know what the material of
the specimen is. Its colour is a light yellow-ochre, and its
grain very fine. I thought at first that it was a broken piece
of a stalactite, but I find that it resists the action of acid.
Three small notches have been cut in one of its edges near its
larger =
ssing now to the pottery, some of this is similar to
the res tentet ware from Gunong Sennyum, but there are
also fragments decorated with parallel lines, and a few
which have a smooth surface. The colours of the ware are
red, brown and black. No glazed: pottery was encountered,
and no ware of any sort at a greater depth than two feet.
One piece of ruddle was found in the rock-shelters. A
ebble, worn to a smooth surface at one end, appears to have
been used for rubbing down this pigment, but it is just
possible, from its shape, that acave-dweller might have begun
to make it into a small chisel-like implement, and finally
rejected it as unsuitable. As, however, slight traces of red
pigment are still observable on the stone, this does not seem
likely
Bones of any kind were rather rare in the Kota Tongkat
rock-shelters, those that we did find usually having been
broken into small pieces. A tooth of a b&rok-monkey (M acacus
nemestrinus), bored for suspension from a cord, was ered
within six inches of the surface in the layer of ashes.
The spiral fresh-water shells (Melania sp.), in most cases,
had had their topmost whorls broken away to facilitate the
extraction of their contents. ‘Those from the caves at Gunong
Se
It is as yet premature to be at all dogmatic with regard
to the age of objects which have been found in the caves and
rock-shelters of the Malay Peninsula; but a few observations
48 Journal of the F.M.S. Museums. [Vou. TX,
tending to establish the ages of deposits of different districts
in relation to one another, and to fix the age of those which
seem to be the earliest of them, may, perhaps, not be out of
lace. We have to consider then, objects from caves or shel-
ters from the following neighbourhoods: Gunong Cheroh, near
Ipoh in the Kinta District of Perak; Lenggong in Upper
Perak; Gunong Kurau, in the Larut District of Perak;
Gunong Sennyum in the Temerloh District of Pahang; and
Kota Tongkat in the Lipis District of the last named State.
The caves and shelters in Gunong Cheroh were explored by
Mr. L, Wray, the other localities by myself.
Except in the case of the deposits at Gunong Cheroh,
none of those which have so far been examined have exceeded
four-and-a-half feet in depth. A point that is of some import-
afice in estimating the age of relics from the caves is that all
the remains of animals which have been found up to the. pre-
sent appear to be those of extant species: presumably, there-
fore, the deposits are quite recent in the geological sense of
the word. The stories which are current that certain abo-
riginal tribes still use stone implements, incline me to believe
that they are comparatively recent in the more ordinary sense
of the word. From the presence of iron implements, Chinese
porcelain and an East India Company’s coin in the floor of
the rock-shelter at Batu Kurau, I do not think that there can
be much doubt that these deposits, not counting surface de-
posits at Gunong Sennyum and Kota Tongkat, are the most
modern of all, and, probably not more than seventy to a hun-
dred years old.
Having dealt with the objects from Batu Kurau, let us
now compare the articles from other localities and see if we
can show any reasons for thinking that any of them may be
contemporaneous, or that one is older than the others.
Ruddle, which I have never seen in use among present-
day aborigines,! was found in all the caves and shelters on
my list, with the exception of that at Gunong Kurau. The
same holds good of grinding-stones stained with this pigment.
Polished stone implements, or parts of them, were
found in all the localities with the exception of Lenggong.
1 They ger tert use the juices of plants, lime tm 1 ]
their bodies. Skeat (Pagan —— vol. II, p. 37), in speaking o sand es int
among the Semang, says that ¢ pigment cpeaned | from the wild ‘‘saf-
fron”’ or ‘‘turmeric ” is conve rok (by mixing with lime) into a sort of burnt
ished by Vau ughan-Stevens, for. as Skeat says (Ibid., P. 47): - Vaughan-Ste-
escribes it, somew: P red
earth ”—this i in reference to some ‘pigment used before anatto, * a modern
introdu ction,” _Haem atite is in use for
Oo
Py D, = 1 oe 1 ao
1920.] I. H. N. Evans: Cave-dwellings in Pahang. 49
[I do not pretend to be able to give a very satisfactory
explanation of the occurrence of stone implements at Gunong
Kurau in association with iron tools, unless the iron age
followed directly that of stone, so that stone and iron imple-
ments were in use at the same time.
Let us now consider stones found in the cave or shelter-
floors which show signs of having been roughly dressed to defi-
nite shapes by means of flaking. I cannot find any of these
among Mr. Wray’s collections from Gunong Cheroh—now in
the Perak Museum—but there are examples from the Lenggong,
Gunong Sennyum and Kota Tongkat, though none from
Gunong Kurau. Now with regard to objects of this kind from
the two localities in Pahang it is not particularly difficult to
imagine that they are uncompleted stone axe-heads which
were rejected during manufacture owing to the stone breaking
in an unsuitable manner, or for some other reason. The
dressed stones from Lenggong, however, seem to be of a more
primitive type, and it is not easy to see, if they are uncom-
pleted implements, into what ordinary style of neolithic-type
axe-head they were to be made.
Passing now to the pottery from Gunong Sennyum and
from Kota Tongkat: from both localities we have ware which
has been decorated by pressing a cord against its surface
before the clay hardened, and, on making a re-examination of
some of the fragments of rough pottery from Lenggong, I
find that they also show cross-hatching which has been pro-
duced by this method, the marks left by the twist of the cord
being plainly visible. Perak Malay women at the present
day, I am told by natives of that State, sometimes make
patterns on clay water-vessels by drawing a thread across
them while the material is still wet, and we have at least two
vessels in the Perak Museum which have been treated in this
manner. Drawing a thread over a wet clay, however, merely
leaves cuts with somewhat rounded edges, which do not show
the twist of thecord. To reproduce these a piece of cord must
be pressed against the surface of the vessel. I have not as
yet been able to obtain any evidence that pressure with a
cord is still employed by the Malays for marking fase but
this does not necessarily mean to say that it is no
If, as seems possible, the deposits from the eae
area are of earlier date than those from Gunong Sennyum and
Kota Tongkat, what are we to think of the former in relation
to those of Gunong Cheroh? In this locality the deposits
containing relics of the cave-dwellers reached in some places
a total depth of twelve feet, signs being present that they
had once been considerably dee eeper. for Mr. Wray says that |
the floor of the cave at the time of his visit was ‘‘ some six to
eight feet lower than it had been at a previous period, this
being clearly ‘‘ shown by masses of shell and bone conglomer-
ate sticking on to the back wall at that height above the
50 Journal of the F.M.S. Museums. [VoL. IX,
present level.’’ He found no pottery in the caves—‘“ except
on the surface, where there was some recent Malayan pottery ”’
—nor does he seem to have encountered any flakes. He does
not give very full details as to the depths at which all the objects
of interest were discovered, but he found a mealing-stone and
a muller at eighteen inches from the existing surface of the
cave-floor, and a second mealing-stone (in an adj>ining cave)
at a depth of two-and-a-half feet. He does not state very
definitely the depth at which the human remains were found,
but says that “‘some short way above them was a well defined
hearth, and over all had, at a previous time, been a bed of
about four feet of hard shell and bone stalagmite.”’! Pre-
sumably, therefore, they were discovered not far from the
surface of the cave-floor. urther excavations made by
Mr. Wray in the Gunong Cheek caves and described in the
J ournal of the Federated Malay States Museums? resulted
in the finding of a polished stone implement at a depth of two
feet below the surface. ‘Io hazard a guess, it seems possible
that the deeper layers of the cave floor at Gunong Cheroh
might be older than the Lenggong deposits, while those which
had been destroyed and those near the modern surface of the
floor, might well be newer, since a polished stone a
was found at a depth of two feet below the surface. It is,
however, quite possible that polished stone Geticuients may
yet be found in the Lenggong deposits, though, as far as I
can see at present, the probabilities are rather against such a
discovery.
Now who were the people who used the caves ane sock
shelters? Are they now extinct, or are their modern represen
tives the Negritos, the Sakai or the Jakun, or all three 3 ?
us examine the situations of the sites excavated with reference
to the present distribution of the pagan races of the Peninsula.
Taking first the shelter at Gunong Kurau—I have already
stated my reasons for considering the deposits in it reeent—it
is situated almost, if not quite, within the present range of
the Negrito tribe at Ijok, and the local Malays state that
there were Negritos living in the neighbourhood at the time
of the founding of Kampong Perak, which would seem to
have taken place not more than eighty years ago. The caves
in the neighbourhood of Lenggong are still frequently used
by the local tribe of Negritos, but at Gunong Cheroh near
nearest Negrito ‘ boundary.”* Still it is generally conceded
that the Negritos once had amore extensive distribution than
they have to-day.
Journal Anth. Inst. Sor XXVI, pp. 36-47.
x Sa Museums, vol. . PP. 13-15.
1920.] I. H. N. Evans: Cave-dwellings in Pahang. 5L
With regard to the sites which I excavated in the State
of Pahang, I have already remarked that the Kota Tongkat,
Kota Rawa and other caves are still occasionally used by the
Sakai-Jakun of the Tekam River, and some of the shelters
at Gunong Sennyum may, perhaps, sometimes be visited by
people of similar type. In both neighbourhoods, however,
we are again not very far from regions frequented by
Negritos. The nearest tribe, or part of a tribe, to Kota Tong-
kat is, apparently, that which frequents the neighbourhood of
Kuala Cheka ; but as I found two or three persons who ha
I think, some admixture of Negrito blood, living among with
aborigines on the Tekam River, I am inclined to believe that
there may possibly be a Negrito tribe not many miles away.
eems to me, then, possible that the relics in the caves,
with the exception, perhaps, of those near, or on the surface
of, the floors may have been left there by Negritos, though, if
this is so, the cave-dwellers must in some matters have been
ina more advanced state than any of the present aborigines,
since they appear to have been capable of working and polish-
ing stone, and even of making pottery. With this possibility
in view it is, perhaps, worth while to see whether the habits
and customs of the Mincopies of the Andaman Islands, who
are of the same race, throw any light on the problem. Man
in his papers on these people in The Journal of the Anthro-
pological Institute states that Mincopies exhume the remains
the dead, which, with the exception of the skulls, after
being cleansed in water, are broken up and strung as neck-
laces. The skulls of the dead are painted with koi-6b and
worn by their relatives. Koi-6b, an iron oxide pigment
mixed with grease, is also used for ornamenting the body.
This is interesting in view of the ruddle-stained pieces of skull
found in the a *To‘ Long, and of the pieces of paint which
were found by Mr. L. Wray in the caves near Ipoh, and by
myself in the sok. shelters at Lenggong, in the Gua ’To‘ Long
and at Kota Tongk
Other ee = interest mentioned by Man are the use
of flakes of stone by the Mincopies and—in relation especially
to human teeth from Lenggong, Gunong Cheroh, and Gunong
Sennywm-—the state of these people’s teeth. To quote from
his paper
. The; general excellence of the teeth strikes one as
remarkable, for not only are no precautions taken for their
preservation, but they are used roughly, small bones being
broken by them and food commonly eaten at almost boiling
_ point. The grinding surface of the molars is generally much
abraded : five or six tubercles are occasionally observed in
the posterior molars, but are not all marked with equal
distinctness ; in some cases, indeed, they are scarcely distin-
guishable. The crowns of ‘these teeth frequently present one
long and comparatively even surface, and the peculiarity is,
52 Journal of the F.M.S. Museums. [Vou. TX, 1920.]
of course, due to the _ceies above referred to, of grinding
hard substances with them
It is possible, of course, that further examination of the
human remains from Lenggong and Gunong Sennyum may
throw a considerable light on the race or races to which the
cave-dwellers belonged, and it is particularly to be regretted
that those found at Lenggong did not include a skull. We
have in the Perak Museum the skulls of three aborigines,?
comparable to those of the cave-people.
A point which appears to me to be striking with rape
to the skull from Gunong Sennyum, in comparison with ou
three skulls of present-day aborigines, is its length. Whether
this can be due to distortion caused by earth pressure, I leave
it for an expert in such matters to determine
might, however, a to find the sarah msg people who
constantly broke bones with them worn down in rg
ese cranta are, I believe, all those of adult
V. CUSTOMS OF THE CAMPHOR-HUNTERS.
By Ivor H. N. Evans, M.A.
While paying a visit to the Endau River in August of
this year (1917), I made a list of camphor tabu words (mostly
obtained from Malays) and elicited any further information
that I could with regard to the customs of camphor-hunters.
The present paper contains only that part of my work
which deals with customs and beliefs: the vocabulary is
printed on pages 60-80.
My informants, with the exception of a Jakun man
from whom I obtained a few words of Bahasa Kapor', were
Malays; one being a P&ughulu Kapor (leader of camphor-
hunters) ; the other a man who had been working in a sub-
ordinate capacity. Very little, if any, camphor seems to be
collected nowadays in the vicinity of the Endau River.
he followers of the Péughulu Kapor are known as his
““Sakai.”” He and his “Sakai’’ must use the Bahasa Kapor
while in the jungle, and, besides this, they have to obserye
tabus of various kinds, which are more numerous and im-
portant in the case of the Penghulu than in that of his
followers.
The Spirit of Camphor (Bisan)* is female and assumes
the form of a Cicada. She requires propitiation by the cam-
phor-seekers, or they will return empty-handed. A sacrifice ofa
white cock is made by the Pénghulu and his ‘‘ Sakai’’ just at
dusk on the first evening, after they have arrived at their
head-quarters and built their hut, after which they partake of
the fowl and of pulut (Oviza glutinosa) which is also offered to
the Bisan. The Pénghulu must eat in moderation of the a
and may not make a second ee from its remains, if there
are any. His “‘Sakai’’ are, however, not prohibited .
doing so, provided that what is left over is hidden from him
and that he has no knowledge of the matter.
Before the feast takes place, ‘‘ when the fowls go up to
their perches, and the Cicada (Bzsam) is heard,’’ the camphor-
seekers call out (béritriak) to the ‘Camphor Spirit as fol-
lows :—
Bisan, O Bisan/
Bisan_ ulu ayer, hiliy ayer
Ptngadap chindir, penthan chindir,
Koh mambong minta ’mbin kapor yang sa-pénoh ist.
Koh mambong minta ’mbin kapor Sieng-Péngtlat,
: Camphbor tabu language.
2 The term Bisan is not Mgromnea 3 to oe” aes of Camphor, it is
really a cotton wh meaning animated bein
54 Journal of the F.M.S. Museums. [Vou. TX,
Sieng-Kalu, ip i aa
Koh minta lau aa
Bih bulth bth, jonah itrang.
s invocation is chiefly in the Bahasa Kapor, though
it may be noted that the ordinary Malay word for ‘‘ water’
(ayer) is used instead of the Bahasa Kapor word stmpéloh.
It may be translated as follows :—
Bisans, O Bisans!
Bisans of the headwaters, Bisans of the lower reaches,
In front of the hut, behind the hut
We ask you to give us camphor (trees), with full con-
We ask you to give us camphor of Singapore,
Trengganu, and ES Pee ng.
We ask you to us,
Without fail, Guns morning.
After this the P&nghulu, who -has gone out of the hut,
throws into it some handfuls of rice in the husk, while his
“Sakai” remain quietly within
When the feast is finished the Pénghulu recites, partly on
camphor tabu language, an imaginary convers sation between
a Bisan (Camphor Spirit) and her mother, as follows :—
i Bes Ee Bed a Apa pichin dalam stmpé-
2. Mother, Vek lah. dayang, same) badak.’’
3- “© Aba sthab stluang lar
4. ** Titu, dayang, bérnama Sve bujang.’
5. ““M - ba ak ! Apa pichin méntkoh <A
6 Yaka, dayang, ’dupan Pénghulu Mu-
da.
7: we Amboi, lembut-nyc, mak, pinggang P&éng-
hulu Muda:
‘*Yak-lah, daya atk jamu Pénghulu
Muda nabne Perkuah fae
This may be translated :—
poe RRS
ae | ** Mother, aes ! What thing is that in
the wa
2. M. pied Bs 3 eee is a stluang badak.”
a. 2. ‘Why does the s#/uang fly?”
4. M. ‘* Because, maiden, of the stbarau bujang.”
5. B. *‘ Mother, Mother! What is that thing
that eats the trunks of the trees ?”’
6. M. ‘That, maiden, is the livelihood of the
Penghulu Muda.”’
oe oF **Good gracious, how pliant (thin), mo-
ther, is the waist of the Penghulu
uda!’’
1920. ] I. H. N. Evans: Camphor-Hunters. 55
8. M. *“Yes, maiden, you must feast the Pen-
ghulu Muda on &mping with sauce!’’
One or two points in this recitation call for an explana-
tion. Lines one, two, three, and four seem to be purpose-
less. The seluang badak is a kind of small fish and the
stbavau is a large sort which preys upon such small-fry.
Stbarau bujang (bachelor stbarau) is, perhaps, a distinct
variety or species. The fifth and the following lines, how-
are not without meaning. The Bisan asks what is cut-
ting into the tree-trunk and her mother replies that it is
the Penghulu Kapor’s axe (his livelihood). The Bisan see-
ing the slight haft of the axe, says to her mother, ‘‘ How
thin the Penghulu’s waist is! ” o this her mother replies,
“ Yes, you must feed him well with &ming (crushed rice) in
sauce (7.e. camphor). ’
After the feast certain verses are sung, this ceremony
being known as bérpiu. The Pénghulu Kapor, Dolah bin
Mapak, from whom I got a portion of my information, said
that he could not recite them for me as it was tabu for him
to do so. If he did, he would not get any camphor when he
went in search of it again. Furthermore he seemed to be
afraid that, if he broke the tabu, the Camphor Spirits might
afflict him with sickness or some other misfortune. My chief
informant, Dolah bin Udah, the former ‘‘ Sakai,’’ told me that
the Pénghulu ie chant the verses in the hut, and that if
he hears one of his ‘‘ Sakai’ singing them at any other time,
e fines him a hoppinekdite, an adze-blade and an adze-
haft. From him I obtained the ouly fragment of the bérpiu
verses that he could remember :—
Dari pauh' ka-permatang,
Singgah sesteacr a * kémudt.
Dari jauh sahaya
Déngar Bisan scree budi.
From the pauh-tree to the ridge,
Visit and fix x your rudder- board.
I come from a
Hearing that Bisa is generous of heart.
I have mentioned above that there are certain restric-
tions by which both the P&énghulu Kapor and his ‘‘ Sakai’’
are bound, but that they are more numerous in the case of
the Pénghulu than in that of his followers.
For the first three days of the search for camphor, none
of those employed in it must bathe, have intercourse with a
| Pauk is the name of a species of wild mango. The first and third
lines are ee one of the commonest of Malay Sasa
2 Or, I believe, géfang in the ah dialec
56 Journal of the F.M.S. Museums. [Vo.. IX,
woman, or put oilon their hair; moreover during the whole time
he is occupied in camphor-seeking, the Pénghulu Kapor, whe-
ther in the jungle, or at home in his village, must not tell a
lie, steal ‘‘ even a cent,’’ or have intercourse with a woman.
It is regarded as an offence if one of the ‘* Sakai ’”’ sleeps on
after the Pénghulu and his companions are astir, and he is
forced to drink a little of the Pénghulu’s urine, or some
water in which chillies have been pounded up.
The Pénghulu relies upon his dreams to afford him an
indication of whether the search will prove lucky or the
reverse, while should he, before starting on a camphotr-search,
consider his dreams unfavourable, he will! defer the expedition
till he is satisfied that it will have a lucky outcome.
According to a legend there were originally seven
Pénghulu Kapor, each of whom employed a different method
of ascertaining whether a tree contained camphor, and spoke
a slightly different Bahasa K apor. Nowadays all the Pénghulu
Kapor, I was told, test a tree by smelling a chip of its wood,
but it is said that differences in the tabu language of certain
Pénghulu are due to this seven-fold origin.
According to one account the seven P&nchulu who were
brothers, were named as: follows, Penghulu Chium, who tried
a tree by smelling it; Penghulu Sulor, who, I understand,
inspected the trees with a torch: Penghulu Buboh, who looked
or round lumps of camphor (buboh), exuding from a tree;
Penghulu Puar who looked for small slits in the bark (puar),
which contained camphor ; Penghulu Kepang, who cut notches
in the trees and smelt them; Penghulu Pandang, who kn
at sight whether a tree contained camphor, and the Penghulu
Bongsu, the youngest brother.
Another version has it that the seven were named
Penghulu Jangkar, Penghulu Batang, Penghulu Dahan,
Penghulu Ranting, Penghulu Daun, Penghulu Tunggul and
Penghulu Jala. Penghulu Jangkar tried a tree by smelling
its roots (jangkar in the tabu language) ; Penghulu Dahan the
branches; Penghulu Ranting the twigs, Penghulu Daun the
leaves, Penghulu Tunggul the base of the tree, while Penghulu
Jala caught the tree in a casting-net (jala) if it fell intoa
Tiver.
I give below a story about these seven men which was
told to me by Pénghulu Kapor, Dolah bin Mapak. ‘The first
list of the names is his.
1920. ] I. H. N. Evans: Camphor-Hunters. 57
The Legend of The Camphor Princess.
All these seven Penghulus once went to the jungle, and
six of them worked at camphor-getting ; but the seventh and
youngest, Penghulu Bongsu, did nothing but sleep in the
hut day and night. The six brothers came back, bringing
with them three or four katties of camphor each evening,
but the seventh did nothing.
When they had been in the jungle for about fourteen
days, the six brothers returned to their village, leaving the
seventh behind.
After they had gone home, Penghulu Bongsu, who had
set off by himself to fish, espied a princess bathing in the
stream at a place where it plunged down from a mountain.
He walked caretully so that she should not know of his
presence and caught her byher hair, which was seven cubits
(hasta) long, while she was bathing in the stream. ‘Then the
princess said to him, ‘‘ Do you wish to follow me?” Penghulu
Bongsu replied, ‘‘I wish to follow you; that is why I caught
you by the hair” ‘‘If you wish to follow me,” said the
princess, ‘‘ do not speak.’
Then the princess took him up into a camphor-tree—her
house.
Now after Penghulu Bongsu had been with her for seven
days the princess asked him why he looked so sad, and
Penghulu Bongsu replied that he was thinking of his wife
and children—ior he was married.
So the princess asked him to bring his carrying-basket.
She combed her hair over it, and, as she combed, the cam-
phor fell from her hair into it, until it was full.
Then the princess said to Penghulu Bongsu, ‘‘ When the
people of your village ask you where you have been, keep
silence,”’
After this she pointed out the way to the village,
and Penghulu Bongsu, leaving her in the jungle, returned
home carrying the camphor with him ; but when his brothers
asked him whence he had got it, he was silent.
to a promise that he had made to the princess. He stayed
with her for seven days, and at the end of that time persuaded
her to go back to his village with him.
When the princess arrived at the village she told Penghulu
Bongsu to build a house for her in which she could keep
herself shut up in safety. ‘‘ For,’’ said she, ‘‘if the Raja
hears about me, he will kill you and try to take me for him-
self, though I shall be able to fly away.”’
Now while the princess was living in the new house that
Penghulu Bongsu had built for her, and shortly after she had
given birth to a female child, the Raja called Penghulu Bongsu
58 Journal of the F.M.S. Museums. [Vou. IX, 1920. |
to his palace; but, before he started, the princess said to
him, ‘‘ Whatever the Raja orders you to do, do; unless he
tells you to sing the magical camphor chants (bérpiu) which
I have taught you.’’
Penghulu Bongsu presented himself before the Raja, and
the Raja ordered him to show him how he searched for cam-
phor, and to recite the magical chants that he sang.
Penghulu Bongsu at first refused, but on the Raja threat-
ening to kiil him, he began to sing the camphor-chants. He
had not sung more than three verses when his wife, leaving
the child in its swinging cradle, flew! out of the house, in
which she had shut herself up, through a small hole, and
perched on a coconut-tree to wait for him. -
On Penghulu Bongsu’s return, not finding his wife in the
house, but hearing the noise, ‘‘ Kok-kok-kok’’ which she
made in the tree, he took his child on his back, and followed
the sound made by the princess as she flew off into the jungle ;
after which he was never seen agaiti.
[While he was cutting his way through the undergrowth
in the jungle, he accidentally wounded his child above the
eyebrow with his chopping knife. And that is the reason
why, if anyone dreams of a child wounded in this way, he
will not get much camphor. ]
1 She became a Cicada.
VI. THE CAMPHOR LANGUAGE OF JOHORE AND
SOUTHERN PAHANG.
By R. O. WINSTEDT.
The following collection of words and phrases from the
Bahasa Kapor or Paing Kapor ‘‘ The Camphor Language” is
compiled from lists recorded by Logan (‘‘Journal of the Indian
Archipelago,’ Vol. I, p. 263), by Messrs. Lake and Kelsall
(‘J.R.A.S.,S.B. No. 26, pp. 39-56), by Mr. Maartenz of the
F.M.S. Forest Department from Endau in 1907 (hitherto unpub-
lished), by Mr. I. Evans of the F.M.S. Museums’ Department
from Endau in 1917 (unpublished), and by Mr. Sircom of
the F.M.S. Civil Service from Rompin in 1911 (unpublished).
Mr. Sircom’s list is particularly full and valuable. It was
collected from two informants, Lamang a Sakai Pénghulu of
Tanggong and from Kolak a Pénghulu Kapor of Tilan, both
places in the district of Rompin, Pahang. Kolak told Mr.
Sircom that the Paing Kapor he spoke was that of Johore,
whence his family originally came. Mr. Sircom observes, that
the pronunciation of Malay words is sometimes distorted—
e.g. dalam is pronounced dtlém, pényayap as pényeyip, péman-
jang as péménying, and so on. Mr. Evans found alamat pro-
nounced ehlamat and p&nghangat as pahangat. The names
of trees and plants are not tabu, and where tabu words are not
required Malay is employed.
There is nothing to add to the analysis of the language
in Skeat and Blagden’s “Pagan Races,’’ Vol. II, pp. 414-431.
Study of the comparative vocabulary in “ Pagan Races”
esoteric language is constructed, except in the case of words
and phrases obviously Malay. Chtngktrat beh peénetrip “The
elephant-without-gnawers, the tuskless elephant” is a very
artificial synonym for a rhinoceros, but it is intelligible. But
take kawat ‘‘ breast, old, iron pot, fathom ’’—here Blagden
remarks that several distinct words seem to have been run
together—kawat (Mal., Jav.) ‘‘ wire”; kawak (Jav.) “‘old”’;
added kawah (Mal.) ‘‘a cauldron.’’ Or take mambong, bisan,
bintoh—they seem to be used as we use words like ‘‘ thingamy-
bob.’? Clearly the deliberate manipulation of aboriginal
words is likely to defeat analysis. Again, the aboriginal
dialects differ a little with almost every tribe. And here we
have a purposely specialized vocabulary in a definite locality.
60 Journal of the F.M.S. Museums. [VoL. IX,
Finally, not all the aboriginal words of the Peninsula have
been collected as yet: Messrs. Evans and Sircom have
lately mara a quite new word génal, m&éngénal for ‘“ r0.”’
t is improbable that many more ‘‘ Camphor’’ words
will be collected but, as research extends, some of those
unidentified in this list may perhaps be explained.
I have distinguished :—
(A) Malay words ;
(B) Malay words mostly artificial, a few archaic or
pényiku from siku, pémbahu from bahu are
eines intentionally artificial variants from
mpler ordinary Malay forms) ;
(C) DescHipaee periphrases in Malay, « or in Malay and
S aboriginal word, a large class; an
(D) Words aboriginal, unidentified or uncertain ; refer-
ences being given to the comparative vocabulary
in ‘‘ Pagan Races
Readers may compare the Patani Sea Language recorded
by Annandale in “‘ Fasciculi Malayenses,’’ Part I, pp. 84-6.
In tabu vocabularies of Patani and Pahang Malay, as well
as in the “ = Language,’’ chewe is used for “ animal.”
E.—Evan: M.—Maartenz.
Ki: Recreate poe Kelsall. S.—Sircom.
L,.—Loga
A;
Ashamed atb (atep K.)
Boat lopek E., K., I,., M.
Bow, to mémbongkok §.
Camphor kapur Barus E.
Carry, bring, take *mbin E., K., M. (ambin Mal.)
Damage chachat K.
Dream chlamat E. are Ar.)
Bight lapan (lepen K.)
Fish than M.
Fly langau$
Foolish béngong S
Four &émpat M
Fruit buah K
Good, nice, convenient, nyamanS., nyamon K.
pr
a fc to singgah K.
bolur K., bulur S.
Tpalt (tree) upas K.
Join chanium S
Lamp, light suloh K.
1920.] R.O. Wrystept: The Camphor Language. 61
Many vamat §,
Old tua M.
Rattan akar M.
See jéngok B., K.,S., talek K.
Skin kulat M.
Strong, hard teap K
Thin dtngkek M. ; >.
Three tiga M.
Trap (of thorny flagella) ‘war K.
rue lurus K.
Wood-pecker bélatok M.
Young uda M
B.
Ordinary Malay Form.
Acid pémasam §., pénga- asam.
sam
a ne with ; pengtnal K. kénal,
o be
ae to pém buat
Ankle brtong Peugtring S. buku (tulang kéring).
As abu.
es
Axe, iron, mark K. pt inh ES Be beat, seen NE: chan-
chopper, knife S. M. ; - ptranchas-
pe nécap S.
Beak pényatok S. patok ‘‘ to peck.”
Before péngadap S. di-hadapan.
Bent pémusing S. pusing “to turn
: ound .”’
Bitter pémahit S. pahit.
Burn, to; light, to mé&lagat S. mélékat.
Chin (and beard S.) p&nyagu dagu.
Clear, bright pénérang térang. -
Clearing pémadang M., S. padang.
Climb, to tingkat E., K., cf. tingkat upper
ningkat M., S. storey.
Cough bélatok batok.
Cut, chop, to méranchas §. cf. ‘axe.’
Deep péndalam §. dalam.
Dry, drought pénytring S. kéring ‘dry.’
Dust péngabok E abok.
Elbow pényiku M.,S thu.
Fell, to mémanchas, méman- patil « axe,
til K., mémantir E.
Foot ara Us K., S. tapak ‘sole.’
Gaur padang, ladan
na “ plain,’ Wades
** gaur.’
Gain bérupas K. upah.
62 Journal of the F.M.S. Museums. [Voy. IX,
Ordinary Malay form.
Green péngijau S. ijau.
Grow mémantl K. ef. muntil ‘ plump.’
Head mubun S. ubun. head.
Headcloth that mubun S. == lit. bindine the
pénapak pénékan S. tapak ‘sole’; tékan
"6 press.’
Join, stick, to peltkat S. ltkat
Keep, shut, to pénaroh 8, taroh,
Kiss pénchium S. chium.
Know pénahu K., §. tahu.
Knuckle békong S. buku (jart).
Lengthen, to pémanjang K. {kat E. panjangkan.
Lift up, to lingkat M., ménying- cf. angkat, singkat.
méningkat Ss
Magpie-robin surat M. murat.
pémuntil S. a puting.
Porcupine pémandak M. landak.
Quick, (to shake) méégat K. ef. ligat, ‘ quick of
revolving tops.’
Rise, to ményingkat E. ef. ‘lift up, to.’
Rub, to kulut K. lulut, urut.
Sand-fly pénchadok K. ? The aoe biter.
Sew, to pényimat K. cf. séma
Scratch péngais S. kais.
Shoulder pémbahu M. bahu.
Sole ; to tread bénapak § tapak
Swallow, to péntlan § télan
Weigh, to ptnimbang S timbang
ing nyaya sayap
Yellow penguning Ss kuning.
C.
Literal meaning.
Adjutant-bird rangong 8. The long-legged
straddler.
All sa-pényengok §. At one glance.
Alive, age, wing, péniup E., K., S. Blowing.
breath, breathe,
ng.
lun
Ant _ pénchodok M. ee The digger.
Areca-nut buah a péngtlat Astringent.
phy
Arm parent
Around btpémusing K.
Axe satiny L., peémut- The per
poaetine pene
LM. piatiicer i The listener.
1920. ]
Back, to go
Bait
R. O. WINSTEDT :
The Camphor Language. 63
Literal meaning.
bérlipat 1,., M. To fold.
pengumpan pényelah The cheating bait.
S.
Bamboo penurun §., The drooper.
‘5 kayu mambong 8S. The hollow-wood.
Banana huah bérsikat $ The fruit in rows.
Bark, to mémbatok § To cough.
Beans buah akar K. Fruit of creepers.
Bear stlémah pényimpul S. ? sn pe one that
up.
Beard pénurun pémamah K. Drooper-of-the
chew
Bed tempat mérapal E. Cuddling place.
Bee bénth dahan §., Seeds on branches.
- péngurong d. M., Swarmers on bran-
ches
iy chewe d. \,. Inse ects on branches.
Belt se peed Belly-binder.
Betel-box RE.
Bite, chew, to Riri wee Ss ss a (of mice).
Blood ott M., S., pé-
n a s
a Ss. isture,
Body, ee trunk j ist a S., mam- Snicas
si S.
as ee shoul- penta | os M., S., Strengthener.
be p.2
der, tooth,
ttess of tree
oot
Bosom, breasts
‘
Brain
Breast, chest
Breathe, to v.,Alive
Brother
Brow
Buy, to
Care, to take
Casting-net
Cat
Civet
Centipede
Cheek
pintgap pénapak E. Strengthener of the
sole.
pénujur S. The jutter-out.
buah péngadap S. Fruits of the chest.
kapur puteh S., White lime (or cam-
ph
ist mumbun S. Co ntents of head.
sg oe he ames The front
kaum (Ar ae € elation.
bbl 4 penjauh Ss. The far-seer.
muning L To give yellow coin.
chélek K. :
pénibar K. The flung.
stlémah ee S. The kitchen tiger.
pénurun The cl wn.
simpai S e noose.
petngadap M. (1) The front.
pénampar S.
(2)? p&nampak: cf.
"face,
64 Journal of the F.M.S. Museums.
Chin
Chew v., Bite
Clouds
Claw
Coconut
Coat
Cook, to
Crab
Creese
Cry, to weep
Custom
Damar, resin
anger
Dark, shade
», » to-morrow
Debt
Deer
Dig, to
Doctor
Ear, sound
Far, of place, time a
Fast, a
Fat
pémamah §.
penyunghup K..,
ron
gko
puchok nee Ss.
buah pulau E., L.
buah kukur me
bényurop I,
[Vor. IX,
Literal meaning.
The chewer
sé- The coverer.
End of the swayer.
Fruit of the island.
Fruit for the scraper.
? — ab cadet dt
ree M. , ménghang- To hea
me
pbsivi eS.
ponciod
iia stngkat I,.
The nipper.
st¢mpéloh se digger in the
The « ei and sharp.
aor ome peningok se Pe the peep-
oc K.
soloh K.
lipat K
tongkat longsop, S
peénggtlap
[so
buah jauh bunyi K. Fruit of the far-
tongkat int S., E.
sa-tongkat S.
tongkat chélek S.
kuning K.
ite
ch.
? ‘coil’ or ‘ to return,’
D.39,p 594.
under.
D. 39; p. 574.
Yel low (coin).
sabaliuL,., s’balith K. ? si-béliau.
penchodok, pichodok To dig — a long
E.
térus pénengok S.
spa
The deeb iciiads
péntngar E., K., L., The hearer.
penyigong S.
uah §.
resets Ss:
pemuteh
The pusher.
Fruit.
To bear fruit.
one,
The white
peltkat gene E. The-lit-by-the-heat.
puchok K.,
ip, shoot.
SOT ¥., K., = The seer.
S. pinyengo
eng jauh S$.
stlabu
wo far-seer.
ering film.
hadap X. , pénghadap ae
pengampak S.
al
pénadah
pangkat ist K.
? The seer,
? Ar., beginning.
? Lifting of hands
in prayer.
The raiser of stuffing.
1920. ]
Father
Feathers
Fence
Finger
é +”
Fire
Firefl
Fish
Fish-trap
Flower
Hot
»» “wood
»» log (puntong)
.
R. O. WinstEDT: The Camphor Language. 65
Literal meaning.
ibu asal S. Original parent.
ince (bisan) K.,S. The droopers.
sasa Wattled.
mide: 5. ; The tapering.
péngolek S. ? The swayers.
pénghangat E., 1, , M., "The heater.
peléhat E. The heated.
pthangat E. ‘The heated by fire.
suloh penyengok S. ‘Torch of the eyes,
péngumpan E., K.,S. Taker of bait.
mamong b&hinyap S. The spiked (injap)
5
Fed
’ empty one
péngémbang M.,S.; The opener.
utek S. Pistil.
péngurong K , M. Swatmers.
bérsayap M. To wing.
péngabor S. The flingers or flung.
balik S. To turn back.
pénégap E., K. The strengthener,
penapak M., p.jauh§. The sole.
pédas K. The pungent.
si-lunchat M. The leaper.
péengtlat E., gttah
Ate = eae L.
The astringent ;
bitter of sap.
pénadah To-whom-hands-are-
raised.
pémuning K., L., The yellow.
penguning S
jauh pénéngar E. Far-sounder
pénurun — aiiien of the head.
ay Mex;
dau nl.
pengolk S., stlampai - “Finger.
o swing.
ot Nut.
prea Bi,
ombong M.
pémilit ttlombong E. Head-wrapper.
buah S. ruit.
mambong K. (cf. See ? The =
ambong ‘to bur
K.)
— Oa ge Sweet of bees.
dahan
sémptloh nit buntut erie : of ‘sting-
stmptloh péntkohS. Water for eating.
péngtring L,., M., The drier-up.
penjering
66 Journal of the F.M.S. Museums. [Vou. IX,
Literal meaning.
Hungry vengkai E., K. ? The shrivelled.
Ivory v. Tooth mats
Joint pelémbut S., pélatah S. The supple,
Knee pélipat S. The folder.
sturul M. ? st-turut ‘ the
ielder.’
Lake mambong dalam’ K, ‘The deep? void.
Lamp péhangat The heater
Leaky bémambong ? Having holes.
Left kidal S. — Left-handed.
Leg penégapS. p. pénjauh The oo streng-
Lightning v. Day — ee K. Oh dat of the sky.
chélek S.
Lip v. Tooth
— wearing bersangktlit s. Wearing =
a band
round =
. séngkelit
one
trunk
Loris lompat dahan M. Leaper on branches.
Lungs v. Alive pénérang S. The bright, clear.
_ Mad , Intoxicated.
Maize buah bérjambul E. The tufted fruit.
Malays kaum masin E. Sea relations.
Male kotol K., kaum kutul Cf. kontol ‘ whimble-
Ss. , sakai t ajul S. whamble, penis.’
Mat pengumbang p ng’- ‘The unfolder
mang K. (kémbang)
Medicine upas K., S. Poison.
Milk v. water st¢mptloh isi 8. Water from inside.
Mix bérkaum S. 2 ree haat and
Monkey, gibbon Jlompat dahan M.., aot on branches.
sy ¥ limbai dahan S. Swinger on branches.
Moon v. Day —— Re , tongkap ee
gélap K., L,, ¢.
Hoste S. peényeng-
ok tongkat gtlap
Mosquito ptnchodok péntkoh The one that digs
tM. and eats into flesh.
Mother-in-law ibu eoree Sock Mother on the male
side, old mother.
4 tbu’nak kawat S.
Moustache ~_* pémamah E., Droopers ‘of the
i yee pengtrip Es tee ‘of the
M. gnawers.
1920.] R.O. WinstEpt: The Camphor Language. 67
Mouth
Musket
Nail
of finger
3)
Name
Narrow
Night v. Day, moon
, last
3)
Nose
2)
Nostril
Oar
Paddle
Person, people
Pig
Pineapple
Poison
Poisonous
Pole
Prawn
Pretty
Python
uarrel
Rambutan v. Hair
Rat
Rattan
x»
Literal meaning.
— E.3 K.; Ls; Chewer, eater,
Ss.
péntkoh
jauh bases L.
pémentek K.
péngttong S.
stk K.
tngtlap S.
Far-sounder.
tongkat gtlap L,., E. . 39, P- 574-
ark.
gélap M.
gtlap tulus S.
tongkat langsom S.
sa-tongkat gtlap
Truly dark.
eo Belay the smeller.
M.,
sa ..
The breather
pénchium S. mam- —— of) the smell-
bong p.
stmpbioh buah pulau Goistire of the coco-
nut.
pérentah K.
kuning K,
chute pémaut E.;
Governance,
(Royal) yellow.
D. 5, p- 676.
9? 3
The paddler.
The puller.
kaum (Ar.) E., K., People, family.
M
sakat §.
kakt pandak L,.,
s¢mongkor ¥.,
MoS:
st-jambul K.
pémabok K.
pédas E.,S.
péntkan K.
pényé pit K.
Downrig.
akar E., K., M., (large) liana.
a. bagin
ga :
buah bénurun M.
ane
Followers, serfs.
- Short 1
, Lhe grouter,
The tufted.
Intoxication.
n
ht, sincere.
eatening,
The hairy fruit.
péngtrip K.,M.,S. The gnawer.
urat 1,., pénguratS The sinew.
The tightener,
The binder.
ee wines layar) péngikat bérsayap E. The winged binder.
(r. batu) péngikat choh-ut EK. The stone binder.
68
Journal of the F.M.S. Museums.
[VoL. IX,
Literal meaning.
Rattan (rotan tung- péngikat sa-mambong The solitary binder.
al
Read, to
Red v. Blood
Return
Rice (pulut)
5, (padi)
5, (ast)
Roar, to
Rotten
Scorpion
pe mamah 5
bérgtiah S.
berlipat E., L., S.
buah rumput mohut E. Sek.
, Grass ; fruit of grass.
buah rumputE., L.
M.,S., 0. r. putehS
kanji S.
bérmamah §.
mambong K.
bérlipat S.
sayap K.
eras BL Rey M.
ae K.
bérpémamah S.
pénabur K., S.
bérnyaman tulus
simpat K.
nyépit K.
» , peny
Sea v. Water, Foam s&mploh pémasin.
péngabor.
Seed penengok buah
Shallow ringkai S.
hore Réving K,
Shoulder pémikul S.
Silver, tin, dollar, p&muteh K.
white.
Sireh-leaf pémédas 1.., M., S.
Skirt sarong pumpun K
Skull pétntgap mubun S.
Sky geen, strung-
Sleep mirapa E., bE &
Small putek
Smoke poncsap pthangat M.
Snake
Snore minapa jauh bunyi
Soldiers Bans —— kaum
Spark ee: pthangat Me
Spear
Spine v. Back
pénahan M., S., pen-
han I,.
pénurus S,
ptntgap pénékan §S.
To chew, wag the
jaws.
Bloody.
To fold back.
Rice-gruel.
To — wag the
Wings.
, The salty.
Collected together.
To wag the mouth.
The fastener.
The nipper.
Salt water.
Foam water.
The eye of a fruit.
? withered up.
D
ry.
Carrier of loads.
The pungent.
The bundled skirt.
Bone of the head.
The cover
Cuddle.
Bud of fruit.
Smoke of fire.
Liana.
To cuddle with loud
noise.
Men hot (to fight).
Flowers of the heater
? The detainer.
The pillar (¢urus).
Bone of the back.
1920. ]
Spleen v. Blood
pring, a, well
Star v, Night
Day
Steamer
Sting
Sugar
Summit
Sun v. Day
Swear
Sword
Tail
Talk
Tame
Tear, a
Thatch
Thumb v. Hand
Thunder
Tiger
Tight
Tin v. Silver
Tobacco
Tooth, beak, ivory,
horn, rat.
oggn..:
Trousers
Umbrella, flower
Voice
Waist
Wash, bathe
Wasp
gumpal pingttah S.
R. O. WinstEDT: The Camphor Language. 69
Literal meaning.
A lump of blood.
ptnengok stmptloh K. Eye of water.
pénabur K., L.,
cf. (mata ayer).
The strewn.
itkrane' E. The strewn lights.
anak tongkat K,
lopek pthangai E.
pénajam buntut S.
Pec B.S Ts
puchok
tongkat chélek
pényengok tongkat
g E
tévang E.
btrkuning K.
manchong K
btrapat isi Ss.
Children of the sky.
The fire-boat.
The sharp of the tail.
The shhh er.
End, tip.
tongkat maa Ek The | prop of light.
I, o. 8
? Stake gold.
Beheading.
The down-drooper.
The brusher.
To wag the jaws.
Cuddling up to a
body.
ai apres pényengok Water “ot the eyes.
rwmnas K.
tbu péngolek, S., 1bu
The overarching.
; S.
jauh bunvi tongkat K. Far-sounder of the
st-limma l,.,
1 ae ee
péngurat S.
gésing S.
sky.
stlémah ‘The weak one’ st-
S. lémah.
The sinewy.
:
péngayal e L, M., The intoxicator.
(
péngayar E., eh
ee ay
poaicae isi S.
sarong bingkat. L. -
péngémbang E.
pényakap jauh S.
ptlipat lémbek S.
Rkhayal Art.).
, L., The gnawer.
tents.
With strong con-
Skirt with rim round
the top? witha
waist-band.
The opener.
The far-speaker.
The soft folder.
bérstmptloh L., M., To water one’s self.
tajam buntut E.,M.,S. Sharp of tail.
70 Journal of the F.M.S. Museums. [Vor. Ix,
Literal meaning.
Water, river stmptloh E., K., l,., Moisture (cf. p&loh).
A.
Wet v. wash berstmptioh S. =
Wild pénjauh §. Distant.
Wind v. Alive
Yam (Amorpho- péngaial, pengeatal S. The itchy.
phallus, kéladz).
(k&éledek) pémanis S. The sweet
st akar S. The liana’s contents.
(ubi gadong) ist mabok, kayu m. The intoxicator.
M., S:.
Yellow tmas E., Ky Gold. |
Young v. Pretty myaman tulus K., S. Nice and Pretty.
pax
Notr.—In aE left-hand column VM. = Malay ; J. = Jakun;
Sem. = Seman
Afraid, run, bun K., btélibun os A. 42) pr srt.
stray, lose. mblibun S., b&liur
n M.
ow
Afterwards, dbinkai K. B. 47, p. 511.
Ant, red qéndeka M. A. IOI-112, p. 515.
Ant, white mambong tanahM. ? *‘ Hole in the
ground.’
Anu vojol S., lupek S. A. 118, p. 515.
dentidaen as lapian A. 128, p. 515.
?M.Arm, finger, péngolek K.,S. F321, p; 603.
han , to (? =‘ The rolling.’
hold
Ask ise to — salol se A. 165-6, p. 519.
?>M. Aun aban
an §.
eg behind , pera ta K., pént- B. 6, p. 521
afterwards, kan 8.
rudder, wais st
1: Baggage, ani- pechem §S. B. 26, p-5at.
mal
goods pechem-pechem K. ae
Banana , Plan- buah suguh K., F. 284, p. 615.
b. jingki S.
— pé-e pumpun §.
Bark, to mélagat kon S. bérkt- B. 59, p. 525.
ang E.
Basket charok K, B. 67, p. 524.
?M. Bat, a bisan btrsayap E.,M., B. 72, 525
b. bungkus E..,
b. ‘chémeyim S.
1920.] R. O. WinsteDt: The Camphor Language. 71
?M.,
?M.
?M.
a fruit bisan bérsayap S., M. 46, p. 655.
r b. kon 8.
Bathe, to bérstmptloh mambong V. Water (C)
M.
Be, to méngringat B. 88, p. 525.
Bear, a péngapang M., kaum B. II0, a 526.
péngépang gi. chewe
pangpang L., chéng-
Berat E.
oe pechem srk S.
. Bear pénchemat
Beat, rick képang K., mae bérké- B. 121, p. 527.
stab, pang
ee bisan bergantong : ae ee crea-
- Beetle, coco-slt nétkoh mambong B. ames 520.
nut kayu N
Before mubun awal S. Taboo _ periphrasis
Malay.
Belly mambong I,., S., m. ,, 3
7Sit O.
Big, large baginK.,S., kort K. B., 205-6 212, p. 523.
wide, stout.
?M. Bird bisan K., S., b. bérsa- Taboo periphrasis.
yap B.,K.,M., 8.
Black meérsik F., bérkawat. B. 240, p, 535.
S.
? M. Blade tle jl
Blind lipanch K., lipach, B. 244, p. 535.
apata M.
(? M) pantus pényeng-
ok S.
Blow-pipe pralis * B. 263, p. 539.
?M. ,, , barrel mamung S. oe
?>M , muzzle Repantus mamung §.
2M. , quiver kayu m
?M. , dart pentead pias: § S.. i
iF ,», “butt habung S. B. 302, p. 540.
i; >», point pelatas S. as
ae , » Sheath pakan S.
ue beh siap S. va
Blunt beh nékoh S. ‘ Not eating.
?M. Boat lupet S. ? == lopek. B. 327, p.
549.
?M. Bold ptdas monies mér- ? Malay eee
ma-
7
sek S., bint
mung s.
M. Bough mambong dahan
asian split, chéliher K., aaa. S., B. 373, p. 544.
chelher
72
?M.
?M.
?M.
ts)
Journal of the F.M.S. Museums. [Vot. IX,
Breast péntkoh slek S. ? The little thing,
which is swal-
lowed.
. Bridge stvéndong — B. 393, p. 546 ? cf.
séndong.
Brittle pantus chéliher S. ?M.+J. :
Brother, elder —. ajul S., kaum Ks
lok S.
, younger rye kutul §&.,
bisan na’jok S.
%)
o chewe wak E.,S. ‘ The lowing animal.’
Butterfly bisan pényeyip (?pb-* ps flying crea-
apap) S. ure
Bullocks pengipas jauh S. a Tail, :
G. 49, p. 620.
Call, to bérklui S. ; C8 pase
Can ler
Care, to take Pi Pat mgokS. C. 26, p. 553.
Sap (songkok) ies 8 télombong-
Careless langg oe K. vs
Cat, civet mbkoh tumang M. T 133, p. 739.
wild tumang péngabu M. ie
Change brajul S. ae
m’ysek K, §. B. 240, p. 535.
ack
Chase v. Fol- mélagat bétroh S.,
bétroh awal S.
; ae span, kawat K. C. 89, p. 557.
fathom, i iron- ? eens periphra-
pot, thi igh
Child (boy, anak bisan k&choa M. S. a, p. 716.
girl)
Chopper wat §S. Sircom’s Jakun Voces.
Clean, to tontont Ss ., pantus C. 143, p. 560.
kolot
Clever snitch C. 161, p. 561.
Cloth pompoing K, cc 299, D. mee
Cloud pacham tatengel I,. . 16, p
> Taboo en aches
Coat _ptrésok E.
, ; ,C x 63
Cockroach bisan chémeyip S. }? ‘Wing fs pe cries
ure.’
Cold siap E., K., L., M., C 206, p. 564.
s. ist S.
Come, to; go, b’jok K. G. 43, p. 69.
ae *
me bérsalor S,
Command cheloten K. C. 56, p. 675,
1920.) R.O. WinstEpT: The Camphor Language. 73
M. Conduct pranchasan K.— ? * Line cut.’
Cooked, soft mo’ot S. S. 337, p- 719.
Cooking-place balan E.
“ar
?M. Copulate, to b&rkutol S., bérba- Cf. ‘Man.’
yong E.
Corner Prosok K. C. 246, p. 566.
Cough tékoh latop S. C. 250, p. 567.
?M. Count pénchuret S.
M & J. Crack na’chéleher §S. B. 373, p. 544.
Creature, bird, bisan K., S. W. 132, p. 76r.
wife, § wo-
man
Crocodile bagin E.,S., bakin M. L,. 119, p. 640.
M. Crow mambong sayap ‘The black- -winged
pengitam M thing.’
os. £0 bérpiah S. C. 281, p. 568.
Cup s’lek K. a se: p. 568.
Dance leek K. ;pes
M. i PR: péngolek S. v. Cat ‘Hand : ; Supra.
iM. bérmélor o wear jasmine.’
?M. Daughter anak tee M., S. V. * Creat ature
utul S.
M. Day to nekat chélean K. _D. 39, p. 574.
?M. Dead, a kill- pantus L., M., S. D. 39, Pp. 574,
ed, maimed
ee.
finished.
Deaf epee dle ae K. V. ‘Blind’ supra.
‘ beh pent J. & M
Deep. ningkat S° Litt up, to’
Deer (Rusa) chewe piu, ch. lapiuS. D. "68 (), p. 578.
», (Kijang) , lap §.,- ch. rr
tlek S., sungong I,.
», Mouse-_ chewe stlek S., pasing
pénimbok E.,
onjing E.
Diarrhoea mika s’péloh M. S. 187, p. 709.
Difficult gagur K. D. 106, p. 580.
rilus S$ ns
Diligent lasek K. “ II0, p. 580.
Dirty binyin S. 118, p. 581.
J. Dee minchor M., minchol = was . 583.
S., minchu I,.
iM; ninchor
- >, wild- minchor sing M., min- HH. go, p. 631
chol sing S.
74 Journal of the F.M.S. Museums. [Vor. IX,
? M. Dove bisan pénchurek.
Down reneh S., awal ptnt-
kan S.
,, stream bingkai sémptloh S. V. ‘ Afterwards.’
. a pénangat stmptloh S sit
? M. Drag mélagat tulus S., pe- V. * Quick’ subra.
ngolek mélagat S.
? M. Drink ménékoh Alay E. D. 165, p. 584.
+. ne j@oh S., jo’oh L
Durian buah nyinyar S. a 94, P 736
V. ‘ Tho
Early téngkalum K. M. 175, me ers
M. Earth mambong tanah M
M. Eat, peck. koh méntkoh E., E. 29, p. 580.
lekok; ntkoh S
Egg mémboh buah M FE. 34, p. 590.
2M. Egret bisan péntol S. oe
? M. Elephant ségéntil L., M., - sa-E. 51, p. 501.
géntir FE.
a bagin pétntgap, kori V. Big su be:
«ee Bone
Enough jengok, 7. pentkoh S. ? M.
? M. Enter ményblor. , Se Creeping.’
mpty beh jéngok S. Y. ‘En nough * and
beh apa pechem S. — supra.
M. Evening tongkat lom, t. nak Cf. ma
gélap.
Faded nyak mot S. ‘ce
?M. Fall, _ live lahor K. F. 21, p. 596.
at, loss
?M. Far awal S. ? © Beginning’ Ar.
Fart mélaput S. <a
Fat bagin S., b. ist S. B. 212; ps 533:
Father pa'bisan em: tbu V. ‘ Creature,’ ‘ Old.’
kaw
Fear gagil S.
Feather bénurun bisan jong-
: kar M.
Female kutul S., bisan S. F. 63, p. 600.
Fetch salor S. .
Fever ktbok M., bintoh S., es
bintoh ho-ho S.
Few slek S., pantus S. V. Fine tnfra.
Fight — pédas e bébinto K
Fine slek (putek) S. > F. Xo p-
“ Firefly bisan suloh S. ‘ The torch creature.’
?M. Fly chémeyip S. ? From sayap ‘Wing.’
eo Follow jok S., Vroh, bétroh G. 43, 48, p. 619.
]
72
1920.] R. O. WiystEpt: The Camphor Language. 75
ji Fotest, hil... sing K., L., M.; S., HB. 90, p. 631.
mountain, sieng E., seng S.
village
Foreskin chongkop ajul §., V. ‘skin’ infra.
pelanchas ajul S.
?M. Fowl jongkar E.,
,, Jungle jongkar sing M. V. For
M. Friend sakat S. : Roliower, ‘servant.’
M.+J. — (tam- auctor sing K ‘ Sweet of the forest.’
Fulfil, ‘matter, saior K. M. 71, p. 656.
trust, reach.
1 jéngok S., moit S. ee
Gambir anse = G. 5, p. 616.
Gather, to pu’ther G. 11, p. 616,
Ghost, oath —s’kok Z. kaum beh G, 20, p. 617.
; sthok S.
M. Giddy bingong péningol S.
Go, to bok, ‘bérjok E., - , G. 41, 43, P. 619-20.
betrohS., békalot
M. Goat chewe mek Sis Re The bleating crea-
&mbek E. ture.’
—?M. Gourd buah lulok.
Grandfather «bu mak kawat awal V. ‘Old; ‘Many.
S., kon pPénvengok
S
Grave chima orang pantus S. ang
Half, a sa—dokun §. S. 285, p. 716.
Hammer péngapan K. HH. 12; p: 626.
Hand, to pénganak. H. 18, p. 626.
inch,
Hang tniot K., rényut S. H. 25, p. 628.
Hatch kueh S. a
Hate, a bintoh K., L., S.
tired, evi
bad, ill,
venomous
swollen,
ise.
Hawk bisan et a Se = ees Cock-
b-lthei ach,’
He ajt ea S., kaum
ak mamung §.
Head — adaeig H. 52, p. 629.
?M. Hear, to pényepok H. 61, p. 630.
Heart mambong mits M, Ct. ‘uactenk: Hole.’
S. m. miri
wt L,.
Heavy béchont ce 8. bécho’- H. 68, p. 630.
ot S., K.
76 Journal of the F.M.S. Museums. [Vor. IX,
J. Here,come ktan K. T. 90, p. 735:
Hig awal §. Ct. Rare
Hill v. Forest as
Hit, meet, get, salor, bersalor, t&r-
now. salor
Hold, to bépenganak §S. >
?M. Hole, belly, mambong K.,S. i oe 2 £10,
rotten p. 632.
Hornbill kunmambong M. J.+M.
J. House,nest, chiniaS., chindir BR. H. 152, p. 635.
hut.
?M. Humped, stnadan S ? Cf. Mal. sadak.
sloping of
tree about
to
Hunt v.
Follow,
chase
Husband, iul B., K., M., S..M. 20, p. 652 and
male, penis Sti! a S. cf. Jav. kontol.
?M.I "ku sea et S, koh os
ma
bee ek kK. hae Lock. Ls! p. 725, and
I. 136, p. 639.
Itch v. Hate, mtntoh chungkop M., I. 46, p. 640.
skin chekos K.
Jakuns kaum —o Reg ees Ar. +].
Johore sieng-Jor EK
J. Keep bérhun K. K. 5, p. 641.
Kelantan sieng-Alu E. a
Kingfisher ge kawat M. es
}.--. Knee stnto’nt S. K. 43, p. 643.
?Sem. Knock to hues. K. 50, p. 643.
Know, fetch, salor S. ae
Lame binto Rtmunyis K. _ §S. 189, p. 710.
», humped chilos S.
Language pémeseng K S. 365; p.. 720, Ch.
bising Mal
Laugh mélahin K. L. 18, p. 645.
me gemer S. ra
Lazy ajul K., L. 31, p- 645.
» pingagit S.
Leaf mambong di-irvan M. =e
Leak eapbetcpe Ss. se
a nyak kueh ee
Lean di-perajul S.
J. Learn bétroh K. G. 48, p, 620.
Leave mélahor S., F. 21, p. 596.
dé pe’ ch S. =
1920.) R.O. WinstEpDT: The Camphor Language. vas |
Lemur, flying pényunam chémeyim L. 54, p. 647.
bisan bérsayap &.,
stlet ;
Less beh jéngok §., beh
Letter panchurek K. W. 149, p. 762.
Level hapas S. L. 62, p. 647.
Lid chongkop S. Dy 2945p. 7izi
Lick dé-pleng S. T. 164, p. 740.
Lie bantil S., mantir E. F. 50, P 600.
Lime aseh E.
Little slek $
Liver mérsek S. H. 65, p. 630.
Lizard, moni- bakin sing M. IL. 119, p. 649 & H.
tor. go, p. 631
Long awal $ CE “*far.”
Loose beh rapatS J.+M
Lose mélahor pantus S.,
telibuin S
Loris pényuna S. pes
Low beh p&minying 7 J.+M.
Maiden kaum stdukun (402; p. tee & S.
stlek baharu pea 285, p
, anak bisan S.
Maimed pantus. V.-* Dead.’
Man koto: K., S. Cf. ae kontol penis.
ajul S. F. 63, p. 600 & M
ne p. 652.
Many jengok S. M. 44, p. 654.
Married ' tyres K. W. 132, p. 761.
Matches nk. ? Eng. ‘ flint’ (E.).
Monkey (dér- pony kun S., p.
ok) hk péngipas.
», (REra) penta slek §., p.
ek S.
i ois penne jimongS. M. 175, a 66r.
Mosquit
ae shongiad E.
Much, rich kun, E., K.,L.,M. M. 46, p. 655.
spe swamp, letek K. , lepek., lepet S. 528, . 729.
rsh. S.
Nail, of finger kuku changkup, S. 234, p. 7E2.
chongkop S.
Near beh awal S. ‘ Not far’
Neck pérsoa M., N. 26, 30, pp. 667-8.
péngtsop S.'
New beh awal S.
News sadar K.
78
:
Journal of the F.M.S. Museums.
Not, no
Ox
ig swim, chuer K.
Palm, screw-
Pan (kualt)
Parroquet
Pardon
Pea-fowl
People
Pi
1g
Pigeon, green
Piss, to
Place
Pot, earthen
cooking
eter 3
Pudendum
muliebre
Quiver
Quiver cords
Rain
Rapid
Rat, bamboo
beh K., S.
beh S., awal S$.
tk S. :
nyonyok tsi §.
st
pa Neues gga
hébok is O. 15-18, p. 673.
sta ae" O. 30, p. 174.
peéma P. 92, p. 674:
‘phe gira M. ok
chewe boh E. se
P. 5, p, 676.
,, peningol V.* Head.’
sieng-péngtpang E.
bérsick S. <a
daun pémuteh sing M. H. go, p. 631.
pakan E.
bisan pénetek S. ;
késungkok K. P. 33; pe OF:
bisan stmpétloh kun 8. oe
b. bérjambul S.
kaum 8. Arabic Mal.
jokut. P. 80, p. 679.
chialat. P. 92-8, p. 680.
mélanchir S., mélahor oie
stmptloh ajul §.,
métlau stmptloh EK.
pérajul.
i x. be p. 684.
pakan K Or, p. 685.
hae os Sis bing: C. 89, P- 557-
chbabeca ibu E. ee
dtpeh P. 240, p. 686.
chaat “4 , pods S. S. 292,'p. 717-
mélaher kon S.
chtlikas S., jok S.
melagat bétroh S.
mambong tali M.
stmptloh mélau KE. R.8, 10 p. 689.
kumeh L,., pejur K
pejul S
Q. 5(b), P 687,
, pe jo
talar K., pingtrip Ki R. 30; p, 690, T. 173
p- 741.
péngtrip kon S., pén- M.+J.
chodok bagin S.
[Vo.. IX,
1920.] -R. O. WinstEp?T: The Camphor Language. 79
Raw beh mo’ot S. S. 337, p. 719.
Receive *mbin kekok K. R. 50, p 6
Reed (stlin- daun ntkoh S. ‘ The oe that cuts.’
sing)
Rhinoceros, chéngktrat W., M.,R. Ae p. 696. F. 121,
tapir. ségtntil beh pings p. 604.
rip
Ring ptlisok m, ‘pirsok S. R. 135, p. 698.
J. Road jok S. 7. bagin K. , p. 619.
M. Rub kulut K. R_ 1095, p. 70I.
Rust rojol K. R. 205, p. 701.
Saliva stmptloh pleng S&., eats
ayer lior penyileh
Ss.
J. Sell pieh I. S. 95, p- 705.
Shadow. tepe’t isi S. eas
? M. Sharp nékoh S., mélagat ‘ (Quick) biting.’
nthoh S. [nying S.
Short 6 awal S., b. pemé- ish
Silent bérajul S. L. 31, p. 645.
ing m pior K. S. 252, po ZkI
- Singapore Sieng-péngtlat E.
J. Skin, bark, chungkop K., chong- S. 234, p. 7Iz
scales kop 8S.
lip palin K. S. 263, p. 714
Slippery béstlet K. ae
low awal S.
Spider mambong kayu M. hades
Spit mélaoh sa-ptiotin M. §. 391, p. 722
Stand bérajul pénégak M. _ §, 31, p. 645.
Star tongkat slek S. V. ‘ Little.’
Steep sénadan S., sunai
Stone cho’ot S., choh-ut B.S. 466, p. 725
Stool, to mingkai-
J. Sugar-cane os S. S. 514, p. 728.
Tear, rend eiehes S., dékui S. B. 373, P. 544
Testicles buah ajul S., b. gantus V. ‘ Man
S.
Thorn nyinvar E., S. de 14 (b), P- 736.
Thumb tbu peng anak M. yi
Thunder pémintoh strongkop ‘ Ange a the
K.
Tiger toman K. “38 oo - 739.
Ts; Tieed kabo L,. 1.447, D. 749.
Together géme-gime S. s
J. Tongue len, pleng K., S., T. 164, p. 740.
pinj jéler
Touch salor pingolek S pé- V.‘ Arm,’
ngolek S.
80
2M.
Journal of the F.M.S. Museums.
Tortoise
Tree, butt of
dart.
Tree
Trengganu
Trousers
Turn
. Tusk
Two
Unlucky
Up
Upstream
Vagina
Village
Voice
Vomit
Walk
Waist
Wait
Wash
. Wax
Weak, soft
ll, a
Wood
Wound (split,
torn §.)
Year
[Vor. IX, 1920.]
tomang L,. T. 176, p. 742.
koh M. T. 203, p. 742.
strémpun S.
Sisagt kalu E.
pirso
br pia S., bérs’-
kar
ptntri ‘sbgtntil L,., C. 51, p. 591.
sis M. T. 274, p. 746.
johut EF. B. 8, p.. $2.
awai S., a. péninggi as
mubun stm péloh §S..,
péningol s.
kutul S., chinera W.. 132, p: 76r.
bisan S.
pimcneee V. hae p. 74
berkluch S. sone
mélawoh s’péloh len V. as :
M.
jok S., bétroh S. G. 43, 48, p. 620.
ptrésop pénekan §S. : ‘
térsalor $., di-ptrajul
Ss
holo S.
G. 143, p. 560.
pénchondok dahan M.
mo-ont K. S. 337, p. 719.
péngirip E., K., S. = Re - Uy
owar
dihonce K. péntol §., Me fe ite = 738.
pintul I,
matk, mahut S.
raum aie se
utul S.,
W. 54h ee,
sakat cere
nE
ue T. 211, p. 744.
Biches E. puth S. B. ane P- 544-
—— S.
juih M. I. 762, p. 762.
tongkat bagin. 7. aye.
VII. HINDU SURVIVALS IN MALAY CUSTOM.
By R. O. WINSTEDT.
There are twelve purificatory rites which cleanse a Brahman
from the taint of sin endhten from his parents. (Monier Williams’
“Hinduism,’’ 1911, pp. 59, 60; and E. Thurston’s ‘‘ Castes
and Tribes of Boaters India,” vol. I, seb Brahman.) They
are not always apie pried performed and often several are
performed together. Between these rites and the twelve main
incidents of a Malay boy’s life there is such close coincidence,
that it would appear we may detect in those incidents, as
elsewhere, survivals of Brahmanism underlying the Malay’ s
later faith. These survivals are corroborated by the many
Sanskrit words employed in the Malay ceremonies :— pancha-
érsada ‘a ceremonial bathing-place’; pancharona ‘ divers-
coloured of thread’, and so on
The twelve diss; are as follows :—
(I) The ritual of consummation spoken, unless the bride
is a child, on the last, i.e. the fourth or fifth day of the matriage
ceremonies. After the consummation of a Malay marriage
bride and groom are ceremonially bathed (mandi sampat Pk.;
mandt tolak bala) on or before the seventh day of the matriage
ceremonies, which thenconclude. Anyhow the consummation
ritual would naturally be merged and lost in the marriage
ceremonies.
(2) & (3) Two ceremonies performed together in the seventh
or ninth month, the first to ensure the birth of a male child and
the second the parting of the hair of the pregnant woman.
These correspond with the Malay ceremony of mélenggang perut.
(4) Touching the infant’s tongue thrice at ‘birth with
honey and ght, with recital of a verse from the Rig Veda
wishing the child long life and happiness. Arab and Indian
Moslems do this, omitting, of course, the verse from the Rig-
Veda. Moreover on the Malay infant’s forehead is painted
the caste-mark of the Hindu (Skeat’s ‘‘ Malay Magic,’’ p. 336).
(5) The whispering of a name into the child’s ear by the
parents on the tenth or twelfth day.
(6) Taking out the child in the fourth month to see the
sun. With this may be compared the Malay custom of
turun ka-tanah which is everywhere observed (c/. Snouck Hur-
gronje’ s ‘°The Achehnese,” vol. I, p. 389). In Kelantan a
— s child has to be taken down from house by tl
,»no more, no fewer. The child is carried through a line
os women holding lighted candles to a spot where seven gold
plates are placed. The first plate contains magic herbs; the
second unhusked rice (padz); the third husked rice (béras), the
§2 Journal of the F.M.S. Museums. [VoL. IX,
fourth rice-paste (t#pong tawar), the fifth yellow turmeric rice
(nast kunyit), the sixth earth from a grave and the seventh
sand from the sea. Into each of these plates the child’s
feet are pressed, before he is allowed to tread the earth
(pijak tanah), Then he is carried up a seven-tiered stand and
bathed. After the lustration, the stand is thrown, with the
spirits attaching to it, into the sea. Wilkinson has described
a Perak custom on introducing an infant to the water for the
first time (‘‘ Incidents of Malay Life,” pp. 4, 5). On return
from that ceremony the midwife puts the infant’s feet into
trays containing cakes and 50 cents in each tray: that
constitutes the Perak ceremony of pijak tanah, after which
the child is put into a swinging cot for the first time.
(7) Feeding the child with rice about the sixth
month. I know of no corresponding Malay ceremony.
(8) Tonsure of the hair except one lock in the third
‘year :—a practice observed by Malays. On this occasion the
Brahman clips the hair with seven strokes of the scissors:
the Malay cuts seven locks (Skeat, ‘‘Malay Magic,’
PP- 353-4)-
. (g) Investiture with the sacred cord, when the boy is
delivered to his guru or religious instructor with elaborate
ritual. The Malay also hands his son over to the Koran
teacher with considerable ceremony (Wilkinson, pp. 12-13).
(10) Cutting off the hair at puberty. This is done by
Malays with great ceremony before circumcision (#). pp. 17-18).
In Perak during the hair-cutting, a mimic battle with bundles
of rice is waged. Sometimes before circumcision the boys
light procession goes seven times round the house of the
chief where the LURES Io is to be performed; walls are
removed and the procession perambulates the house without
descending to the ground. Circumambulation is practised in
all Brahmanical ritual.
(11) Solemn return home on completion of religious
studies. This also is always observed by Malays (ib., p. 17),
often with details that are not Moslem. Indian Moslems also
hold a festival on these occasions.
(12) Marriage which is full of Brahmanical ritual.
In some parts of India, the boring of the ears alsois part
of the Brahmanical ritual. When a Malay girl has her ears
bored, the thread used is of divers colours (pancha warna),
having at the ends turmeric cut in the shape of a flower of
mace: two of these flowerets adorn the thread left in each ear.
It is true that Islam came to Malaya from India, but
long before the coming of Islam India had left an ineffaceable
influence on Malay life and thought.
I am indebted to Mr. T.S. Adams for accounts of the
Kelantan customs here described.
1920. ] R. O. WinstEDT: Malay Custom. 83
With this paper should be read my articles on “ Perak
Birth Customs” and “‘ Upper Perak Marriage Ceremonies”’ in
this Journal,
VIII. PERAK BIRTH CUSTOMS.
By R. O. WINSTEDT.
As soon asa Malay woman is with child, she and her hus-
band are compelled to observe certain (1) rules (pantang) to
elude vampires injurious to the mother, (2) rules to avoid any
harmful influence (kénan) on the child unborn, (3) rules to
expedite and make’ safe delivery. When the woman goes
abroad, she must carry a parang, or iron of some sort as a
talisman against evil spirits. If the husband stir out of
his compound after dark, he may not return direct but must
visit some other house first to put any chance vampire fol-
lowing him off the scent. In the event of an eclipse, the
woman must hide under the shelf in the kitchen, a wooden
spoon in her hand and the basket stand, in which the cook-
ing pot generally rests, upon her head—these a as weapons and
snares against evil spirits (cf. Clifford, ‘‘ Studies in Brown
Humanity,’’ pp. 48-50). In Malacca aud Singapore, she will
bathe under the house-ladder at this crisis, so that she may
not give birth to a parti-coloured child, half white, half
black. At all times, the husband of a pregnant woman must
be circumspect in taking life: if he wantonly fracture the leg of
a fowl, his child runs the risk of being born with a deformed
limb—though this taboo being very inconvenient, modern
husbands at any rate get over it by the fiction that, if the
deed is done with deliberation and forethought, there is no
startling of the child in the womb and so no fear of harm.
No one may enter at the front door and pass out at the back or
the contrary; there is only one exit from the womb, the
= ae of birth.’’ Guests may not remain only one night i in
e house. Neither husband nor wife may sit on the top of
ae house-ladder : such blocking of a passage entails protracted
delivery. “In selecting timber for the uprights of a Malay
house, care must be taken to reject any log which is indented
by the pressure of a parasitic creeper that may have wound
round it when it was a living tree; a log so marked, used in
building a house, will exercise unfavourable influence in child-
birth, protracting delivery” (Sir W lliam Maxwell, J.R.AS.,
8.B. XI, p 19), After the engagement (péngkéras, ménémpah,
bérkirim ipbrut of the midwife in the seventh month, the
husband may not have his hair cut till the birth has taken
place for fear the after-birth break ; and every Friday the wife
must bathe with cine and drink the water which drops off
the end of her hai
For in the sai month of pregnancy, there is sent to
[Vor. IX, 1920.] R. O. WinstEpr: Perak Birth Customs. 85
the midwife (b:dan) the present which Malay custom ordains
on every occasion of formal courtes
“* Betel-tray and betel caskets,
Made by craftsmen of Macas
Wrapped in gay and fringed sie
Streh-leaf on golden stalk,
Betel-nut that’s cleft in four,
Finest lime and scented watez,
Tobacco clinging to the stem :—
These the contents of the caskets.”
oney also may be sent, but is not compulsory, and any
other gifts, according to the sender’s fancy, suitable for the
festivities or useful in the midwife’s profession, the spices
proper for the occasion, saffron rice, a chicken, a gourd, a
damar torch. In Upper Perak the midwife is presented with a
cocoanut, a mat, three bags (kampit) of rice, and atorch (damar
poate ig Pai ; and the medicine-man (pawang or bomoh) with a
chupak of rice, 25 cents (wang sa-suku) or in the case of the rich
$ 5 (lima kéntri mas), Ifthe midwife is not engaged before-
ncaa: wrageks is termed bidan tarek and may charge double fees.
n Upper Perak a curious ceremony precedes the usual
cea in the seventh month of a first pregnancy. A palm-
blossom (mayang pinang mungkus) is wrapped up to represent a
baby, with a brooch (agok) on the bosom. ‘This doll is put on
a tray and hung adorned with flowers in a cradle, made of 3,
5 or 7 layers of cloth according tothe rank of the parents.
The Bidan and Pawang sprinkle rice-paste on doll and cradle ;
and the Bidan rocks the cradle, crooning Malay quatrains.
The doll is then handed by the Bidan tothe future father, his
wife and all the relatives in turn to nurse. Finally the doll is
put back into the cradle and left there till the next day, when
it is broken up and thrown into water
A ceremonial bathing (métlenggang pérut or mandi sulong)
takes place everywhere when a woman has gone seven months
with her first child, and is the occasion of house decoration
and feasting and of a religious chant (mau!ud) in praise of the
Prophets :—these all the ordinary accompaniments of cir-
cumcisions, marriages and funerals. During the maulud
husband and wife are put in the middle of the company for
the duration of three chants. The next morning, husband
and wife will be dressed in their best and taken in procession
down to the river. Incense is burnt and two rites observed
which are imperative on every momentous occasion of Malay
life, at birth, at the shaving of the child’s head, at circum-
cision, in sickness, on return from a long journey, at a chief’s
Fishel tines, at a warrior’s preparation for battle: three kinds
of rice (/ brich, béras kunyit, béras basah) and neutralizing rice-
paste (‘pong fawar) are sprinkled on water ready for use. To
sprinkle rice-paste is supposed to neutralize or sterilize all
86 Journal of the F.M.S. Museums. [Vor IX,
evil and envious influences that may molest a person on any
great occasion. The couple are bathed (mandi bangkar Perak),
a white cloth spread over their heads, cocoanut palms waved
seven times above them, and they are drenched with water
charmed to avert evil and procure well-being, as at the lustra-
tion practised after marriage. The cloth is removed and ap-
propriated by the midwife as her perquisite. A thread (bénang
pelulut di-pasang pada kédua-nya lalu di-alin) is passed round
the pair and a mirror lit by candles waved before their
faces, at which they must stare with direct glances to avoid
any chance of their child being squint-eyed ! Then the pro-
cession returns to the house, where the couple sit together
(bévsanding) as at a matriage. Shawls are spread on the
floor ; if the patient is a raja, seven shawls must be spread :
the pregnant woman lies on her back, so that the shawls are
under her waist: the midwife seizes the ends of the first
shawl and rocks her patient slowly as in a hammock, removes
it, seizes the ends of the next shawl and repeats the perform-
kerchief, like the female pawang in the btrhantu ceremony
described by Swettenham (“ Malay Sketches,’ XIV), A
rattan, round which cloth has been twisted, is slung for the
patient to cling to in her throes. If delivery is difficult, re-
course is had to the old magic, to bizarre charms, to ejacula-
tions of orthodox belief. A medicine-man will be called to lift
the end of the woman’s hair and blow down it: the husband
will be summoned to step to and fro across his wife’s body -
open (b¢/ah) the child’s mouth, which he does by giving the
child a ring smeared with siveh and cocoanut extract (santan)
to suck. The mother is put to roast (bérdiang). A gantang
of rice is poured into a tray, covered with clothes and the
1920.] R. O. WinsTEDT: Perak Birth Customs. 87
infant laid on it. When the navel falls off a poultice is put
on, mixed with pepper to make the child brave. A little
feast of sweetmeats is prepared for children. The infant is
removed from the tray. The rice whereon the infant lay is
measured and omens taken as to the child’s future. If the
measure is brimming, the child will be rich; if it is short,
poor. The balance of the rice is given to the chickens to
avert evil (tolak bala) After 40 days, the ‘ roasting’ of the
mother ceases. The midwife is paid in Upper Perak $2 or, if
the infant has been troubled by ghouls (pelak somgee $2}
and allowed to remove her earlier presents : in the e of
-any later child, the midwife’s fee in Upper Perak is "3 Le
These fees, of course, vary in different places and with differ-
ent times.
In Upper Perak names suggested by some local circum-
stance are given at birth, and girls, for example, are named
after a butterfly, fish and plants. Later the parents will con-
sult a L&bat to take the child’s horoscope and select a Muham-
madan name for the child according to the date of its birth.
The Muhammadan name selected may be used temporarily or
permanently. The first pagan name may still be used but
will be changed for another in the case of illness or mis-
fortune. In Patani there are many pagan names, Beh
Séluang, Udang, Panji, Sari and so on. In Kelantan five or
seven bananas are dubbed with persons’ names: they are
laid before the infant and he is given the name allotted to
the particular banana that he first grabs.
Though it is not connected with birth ceremonies, one
may note that in Perak and Selangor, if a boy exactly
resembles his father, it is usual to pierce (tindek) one of his
ears: otherwise father or son is likely to die. The resem-
blance of a to her father or of boy or girl to the mother is
of no import
There is a rite sutwasa observed by Indian Moslems,
when a woman arrives at the end of the seventh month of
pregnancy, though it is simpler and differs from the elaborate
Malay ceremonial; and Indian (and Arab) Moslems also get
an elder to open an infant’s mouth with honey, that he may
learn wisdom and understanding (Herklots’ ‘‘ Qanoon-e-
Islam ’’). But both these ceremonies are found in Brahmin-
ism. (Monier Williams’ ‘“Hinduism” (I9II), pP- 59, 60.}
An account of ‘‘ Birth Ceremonies in Perak” by Sir
William Maxwell appears in J.R.AS., S.B., ‘‘ Notes and
w
IX. UPPER PERAK MARRIAGE CEREMONIES.
By R. O. Wusstept.
Betrothal is arranged as elsewhere (Wilkinson’s “ Inci-
dents of Malay Life,’’ pp. 19-20; Skeat’s ‘‘ Malay Magic,”
pp. 364-368). The relatives of the suitor bring siveh in five
layers on a tray adorned with a paper tree: on another tray
are yellow rice, a comb, a cup of oil, a silk savong and a ring.
On arrival at the house yellow rice is strewn. After the
betrothal is concluded the suitor’s mother anoints and combs
the girl’s hair and gives her a present. The mahar or 1st
kahwin is $ Io or $ 12 (vial) and the marriage is postponed,
as is usual, for a rice-year (tahun padt) and takes place after
the harvest (Zépas ménuat). During the period of betrothal
the suitor’s relatives (warts) support the engaged girl. The
cost of the wedding (b%/anja hangus) i is shared by both fami-
lies. A favourite time for commencing the festivities, which
take placein the home of the bride, is Sunday evening (malam
Isnain). Parched (béteh) and yellow tice (béras kunyit),
neutralizing rice-paste (pong tawar), a censer, a threa
divers colours (bénang pancha wana) as long as twice the
length of a man from neck to heel and a tray are got ready.
On the tray is placed a ring encircled by the aforesaid thread.
A pawang ties a white thread with a ring on the groom’s neck;
lights a candle on a cup or tray ; burns incense invoking all
the local spirits (R&vamat ; charai Pat.=jémbalang) to be kind :
scatters yellow rice and sprinkles the groom with neutralizing
ride. Ared and a white flag (fanj7) are stuck on either side
of the house-door. The parched rice, rice-paste and censer
are carried to the top of the house-ladder and the pawang
goes down and offers betel and parched rice and rice-paste to
the malignant spirits who haunt the locality (hantu puaka).
The bride is bathed in the house. The groom is taken down
to the river. Three bamboo cressets (sangkak) are erected
and on them tied three candles, three quids of betel, three
cigarettes. Two large candles are stuck onthe ground. A
white flag with a candle fixed on its shaft is implanted hard by.
The centre-piece is a palm-blossom (mayang mungkus) fixed
t on a vertical frame of five lathes. Two quids of betel
(streh) are tied by a string and placed one each side of the
vertical palm-blossom, the centre of the string being hitched
one third of its height up the palm-blossom. Rice-paste is
sprinkled. Incense is burnt. The pawang sprinkles rice and
Tice-paste on the water where the groom will bathe, begging
[Vor.. IX, 1920.] R. O. WinstEpT: Marriage Ceremonies, 89
pardon from all the spirits of earth and water (shaitan,
jémbalang, puaka). The candles are lit; and incense is burnt
in the cressets. The palm-blossom is broken open, that its
moisture may be used for the bathing; limes and bédak are
mixed with the water. Then the bridegroom is bathed with
limes (bérgurin Pat.—bérlimau), facing gerne and hav-
ing water thrown into his mouth. The ite thread is re-
moved from his neck and he is dressed in deldine garments—
including a tasselled belt (g&éudit puncha bérumbai), a head-
kerchief with an aigrette (tajok ma’at) and a creese with a
bundle of stveh hitched to it. Commoners wear a belt of cloth
across the shoulders termed sayap sandang. Rajas and chiefs
will wear bracelets and armlets (g&/ang tipis mas ménchtkak
léngan baju), on each side of the neck crescent-shaped orna-
ments (like the dokoh), on the breast and on the back plaques
shaped like the bunga kundor. Then the procession on ele-
phants with painted foreheads and horses, if available, returns
with religious chanting and singing to the bride’s house,
where men are perhaps fencing in the courtyard. The proces-
sion is headed by men carrying flags, women bearing water
vessels, sirveh utensils and candles. On reaching the bride’s
house the groom steps down into a tray filled with water
wherein have been placed a stone, a ring, a shaving knife,
and a dollar. He is sprinkled with yellow rice and seated on
firing gunpowder. The next day bathing is again practised
and a procession forms again from the river. This revelry
may be continued 4 or 5 days at the wedding of a chief, or
2 or 3 in the case of a peasant.
For the last day (hari langsong) a round face es
building for incense (balai ptasapan) is made of bamboo or
kumbar: its posts being encircled by mats to keep in the smoke
of the incense. It is placed in the middle of the house.
Round it in a circle at the distance of the space between four
house-pillars people hold up a white cloth. Within the circle
of that cloth the bridegroom is taken in procession thrice each
goes. Then the bridegroom i is placed in the ba/ai and smcked
for a few minutes with incense. After that the bride is
brought out and led inside the circle of white cloth to undergo
the same ceremony.
The bride next goes to her room. The duenna (tukang
andam) guards the door. The pawang demands entrance for
the groom. The duenna demands payment, chukai wang sakati
to the left of he bride. The pawang lifts the groom’s left
hand and places it on the bride’s head. Next they feed one
go Journal of the F.M.S. Museums. [Vou. IX,
to these old ministrants. A /%bai reads prayers. After that
bride and groom are stripped of their finery and brought
outside.
A rice-mortar, which has been turned upside down, is
ready in charge of an old woman. She demands payment
for the use of it and receives a lump of pulutrice. Bride and
groom are led round it, thrice in each direction, and there-
after seated on a plank laid across the mortar. Bride and groom
are each lifted thrice before they are declared duly seated.
The pawang takes a bowl of water (batil bérsaksi), pours into
it alittle fresh cocoanut oil, and after throwing 5 grains of rice
on to the oil, lights a candle and drops wax on to the oil and
rice-grains. The pair are bathed in the water thus prepared to-
gether with water from mayang pinang and flowers of the cocoa-
nut. Seven times two matrons wave cocoanut fronds above
their heads. Bathing accomplished, divers-coloured string is
dropped round and over the heads of the pair three times while
they step forward : and then under their feet and upwards three
times while they step back. After the third time the string is
lowered as far as their chests and severed in two places over the
right rib of the groom and the left of the bride. The pieces
of string are measured: if the front piece is the longer, the
wife will obey her husband ; if the back piece is the longer,
the husband will be ruled by his wife; if both pieces are equal,
both will hold their own. That ceremony ended, bride and
groom don their finery and sit in state. There is an exercise
in Swedish drill, where the performer has to sink slowly down
into a sqatting posture, then straighten his knees and stand
erect, stretching his arms wide at the same time. Except
that they have not to extend their arms and that they are held
up by attendants, bride and groom have virtually to execute |
is exercise several times till they are seated simultaneously
as custom requires. After that, the floral pyramid of rice be-
fore them is broken and the embarrassed couple have to feed
one another with their fingers. A Jébai reads prayers.
At last curtains and mosquito-nets are lowered over them
and the happy pair retire. On the following day ceremonial
bathing (mandi bérhias) is again performed, and feasting is
renewed.
On or about the seventh day of a formal wedding, after
the hari langsong, there is another ceremonial bathing (mandi
sampat Pk., mandi tolak bala), such as has been described by
Skeat (“ Malay Magic,”’ p. 385, which may be a survival of
the Brahmanical impregnation ceremony); but often nowa-
days wedding celebrations are abbreviated to suit the means
and convenience of the parties.
At Lenggong in 1903 I saw a wedding containing most
1920, | R. O. WinsTEDT: Marriage Ceremonies. gt
of the details that occur in the Temengor wedding ceremony,
described above. But ignorance of the significance of the
details had affected the ritual. On the day after the hari lang-
song the bride and groom were made to crook little fingers
and bathe together. Bowls, ewers, jars and pitchers stood
filled with water: three or four young cocoanuts were sliced as
they are sliced for drinking purposes, A black iron-pot was
with cosmetics (b¢dak) and lime-water before the bathing began.
The white cloth was piled with cocoanut fronds and the water
poured down on the couple through the cloth. The milk of the
cocoanuts was emptied after the water. Then the ministrants
squirted water furiously over all present: The white cloth was
dropped and wound round the couple. Two matrons waved co-
coanut fronds seven times over their heads and then dropped the
fronds for bride and groom to step to and fro across them thrice,
before they were cast out of the house taking all ill-luck. A
censer of incense was passed round the couple and a cord of
parti-coloured threads passed round their necks. Of course, it
is natural enough in a Muhammadan country that the familiari-
ties involved in this lustration should be at the very end of the
marriage ceremonies. But there is no doubt that the Temengor
form has preserved the real order of ceremonies now devoid
of significance.
The code of Manu lays down that the most important
part of a Brahman’s wedding are the saptapadi or the leading
of the bride three times round the sacred fire—each time in
seven steps—the offering of burnt oblations by the bridegroom,
the binding together of the bride and groom by a cord passed
round their necks and the tying together of their dresses.
Again ** on the second or third day of Brahman marriage
ceremonies, sacrifices are performed in the morning and even-
ing and the nalagu ceremony. ‘The couple are seated on two
planks covered with mats and cloth, amidst a large number
of women assembled within the pandal. In front of them,
betel leaves, areca-nuts, fruits, flowers and turmeric paste are
placed on a tra ay. ‘The women sing songs they have learnt from
childhood. ‘Taking a little of the turmeric paste rendered red
by the addition of lime (chunam), the bride makes marks by
drawing lines on her feet. The ceremony closes with the
waving of water coloured red with turmeric and lime and the
distribution of betel-leaves and areca-nuts. The waving is done
by two women who sing appropriate songs.’’ (Thurston
The survival of Brahmanical custom, whether inherited
from Langkasuka or some old kingdom of the north ot infected
with Siamese Buddhist ceremonial, is clear. The procession
of bride and groom thrice round a "burning censer ; the offer-
ing of incense ; the parti-coloured cord round the bridal pair ;
the crooking of fingers together or instead the holding by both
92 Journal of the F.M.S. Museums. [Vo.. IX, 1920.]
of one handkerchief can all be traced back to the essential
features of a Brahman’s wedding. Only nowadays the mean-
ing of the ceremonies are forgotten, so that no one sees the
absurdity of relegating these ceremonies at convenience till
collapse and roll over helplessly, to the great admiration of
the feminine portion of the family circle.” (F.E. Penny’s ‘‘ On
the Coromandel Coast” (1908), p. 246.) The words might be
written of any Malay bride.
=
X. PROPITIATING THE SPIRITS OF A
DISTRICT (mé&njamu négéeri).
By R. O. WINSTEDT.
The account of this ceremony was taken down at
Temengor in Upper Perak.
When the rice in the fields is beginning to swell to grain,
the medicine-man (pawang) or village headman consults his
dependants as to the desirability of propitiating the spirits of
the district. If they agree, he collects subscriptions (méripat)
and orders everyone to bring a bushel of rice (bévas sa-chupak)
and two cocoanuts (ktlapa sa-talt) on the appointed day and
at the place chosen. The choice of day and place rests with
the medicine-man : generally he selects a Friday.
A pink buffalo is bought. It must not have a maimed
tail or torn ear or any blemish whatsoever. Its horns must
be in length the span of a man’s closed fist (sa-génggam
panjang).
On the Friday morning the whole country-side assembles,
Candles are lit. Incense is burnt, the medicine-man ae
an invocation, ‘‘Ho incense! I know your origin.
the brain of our Prophet came your smoke, the breath of his
spiritual life. Go tell the medicine-men of creeks and pools,
Pawang Muhammad, Pawang Zainal and our ancestor whose
tomb we revere, that Iam giving a feast of the meat of a pink
buffalo with horns the span of a man’s closed fist in length.’’
(“Hat kéményan! Aku tahu asal-mu jadi; pada ctak Muhammad
asap-mu jadi, nyawa ruhani-nya! Tolong mtnyampaikan ka-
pada To’Pawang Kuala, Pawang Kolam, Paw ang Muhammad,
Pawang Zainal dan To’ Nek yang kéramat aku héndak ménjamu
kérbau puteh sa génggam tandok.’’)
Next he invokes the spirits of earth and water to preserve
all from harm :— “ Allah’s peace be on ye, spirits and gnomes
of earth and water! Here I slaughter a pink buffalo, with
horns in length the span of a closed fist to invite the country-
side to festival. I trust in your aid to prevent all danger
and go » «© 4’s-salam alatkum, hai stgala datok, jin dan
jémbalang yang mémégang tanah ayer dt-sini! Ada-lah aku
ményémbéleh kérbau puteh, sa-génggam tandok int, héndak
ménjamu négéri. Harap-lah aku, supaya éngkau peliharakan
Biss sakalian mara dan bahaya stita chachat chéa-n
n the buffalo is slaughtered and its blood SSHEDE | ina
bamboo. The medicine-man removes and sets aside nose,
eyes, ears, mouth, hooves, legs and shoulders, tongue, tail,
heart ana pane of ‘the beast, after which the carcase is
Seven kinds of food are prepared :— gulai, réndang, baba.
94 Journal of the F.M.S. Museums. [Vox. IX,
pachak, stnggang (rébus) goring dan daging m&ntah._ Various
sweetmeats are added :— gewang ia-itu pulut di-tanak dan di-
chanat bérktping-keping, di-jémor, sudah ktring lalu di-goring;
perut ayam ia-itu ttpong di-gelek bulat-bulat lalu di-ator
sa-akan-akan jala-jala rupa-nya, télah kéring di-goring juga ;
buah mulong (undi-undi) puttri mandi ia-itu tépong di-gelek
bulat dan di-pichit ttngah-nya strta di-gaul déngan inti ia-itu
Rtlapa di-champor déngan gula ; ktktras; dodol chuchor ; nasi
manis; nast Jawt; pulut puteh; pulut kuning ; bubor ranchong
ra-itu tepong di-gelek panjang-panjang dan di-gunting di-masaki
déngan santan dan gula ; dadar ia-itu tépong tawar sahaja dt-
goring déngan minyak sa-akan-akan chuchor jua rupa-nya. In
addition there are prepared parched rice ; twice seven eggs, ie.
seven cooked and seven raw ; 25 cigarettes, whose wrappers must
be daun palas ; maize leaves; banana leaves; a nipah pen; 25
quids of betel, and seven vessels of water. (Bérteh; t&lor ayam
dua kali tujoh,ia-itu tujoh masak dan tujoh méntah; rokok téngah
ttga-puloh batang daun pémbalut-nya di-haruskan bélaka dari-
pada daun palas; daun jagong; daun pisang istimewa pula kalam
puchok nipah; sireh téngah tiga-puloh kapor ; ayer tujoh limas.)
Pawang superintends the construction of a seven-
tiered four-sided altar (gulang-gulang) made of kumbar stems ;
the lower step as high as the mouth of a person seated on the
ground ; the topmost tier as high as the medicine-man can con-
veniently reach, and roofed with kumbar stems. The whole
structure is 6 cubits square and the topmost tier 2 cubits.
Steps go up to the bottom tier on every side. A space is
cleared round the altar.
+
he pawang bathes with limes and dons fine clothes.
In the evening all the folk depart except the pawang and one
or two trusted helpers. The pawang circumambulates the
altar, burns incense and sits waving a white cloth and crying
out an invocation :—“ Allah’s peace be upon you, Chang ’Teh
Perak ’Teh ; assembly of ancients! I give notice to all who rule
the bays and reaches of this parish, that here I invite to a feast
the medicine-men of ponds and estuaries, the medicine-man
1920.] R.O. WinstED?T: Propitiating the Spirits. 95
Muhammad, the medicine-man Zainal. This feast I give to
protect our homes and rice-fields by swamp and hill from all
danger and tribulation, all sickness and suffering.’’ ‘‘ A’s-
salam alatkum, hat Chang Teh, Perak Teh, sidang wang purba
kala! Aku héndak mémbéri tahu yang mémégang télok rantau
di-sint: aku htndak ménjamu ’Tok Pawang Kuala déngan ’Tok
awang kolam, Pawang Muhammad dan Pawang Zainal.
Aku menjamu mémbért makan-mu ini; aku héndak mémbtla
kampong halaman dan béndang huma; minta jauhkan dari-
pada oe mara bahaya dan sakit péning.”’
e he cries Ohui, Ohut, Ohui; then retreats three
steps, ‘keels and repeats the cry four times ; after that he
goes home.
For seven days no one in the parish (mukim) may cause
leaf or branch to wither; no one may execrate anything; no
one may throw anything into the parish or drag anything out
of it; and no stranger may enter.
A series of similar ‘ceremonies by which the whole of the
Perak river valley was “‘cleansed’’ of evil sea négért) is des-
cribed by Sir William Maxwell in J.R.A.S., S.B., ‘‘ Notes and
Queries,”” No.3. Mr.C. O. Blagden has aca an account of
a propitiatory service seen by him in Malacca (J.R.A.S., S.B.
1896 ; quoted in Skeat’s ‘‘ Malay Magic,’’ pp. 230-235).
XI. INDO-CHINA AND MALAYA.
Indo-China and its Primitive People. By Caprarn HENRY
BAUDESSON. London: Hutchison and Co. n.d.
excellently translated is that instead of seeking more parallels
in Malayan regions the author often goes far afield to France
and Rome and Africa.
The Moi, who inhabit the uplands of Indo-China, are
called Karens by the Burmans, Kha by the Laotians, Stieng
or Puong by the Cambodians, and Moi or Man by the Annam-
ites. They have the physical characteristics of Indonesians
which are found purest in type in the Battaks, Dyaks and
Alfurs.
Their folk-tales bear out the physiological resemblance.
They tell of the existence of beings with monkey’s tails and
a razor-edged forearm ; the Malay tulang mawas. hey have
the same legend as the Malays relating that the tides are due
to the machinations of a gigantic crab. ‘The Moi tale of the
of the Mouse-deer and the Tortoise. The Moi tale of the
Rabbit, the Tiger and the Elephant (p. 217) is a replica of
the Malay Mousedeer tale (Skeat’s ‘‘ Fables and Folk-tales
from an Eastern Forest,’’ pp 45-47): the tale is of Hindu
origin and is found in the Sukasaptati.
Captain Baudesson compares the Moi love-songs with
the Malay pantun.
The Mois file the teeth of youths at puberty to points,
and they pierce the ears of girls. Both sexes smear their
Peninsular Malay. Ladies dye their finger-nails with vermil-
ion. Youths sleep in a special hut after puberty Betrothals
are prefaced by formal offerings of betel. The ‘avoidance’ by a
husband of his mother-in-law and by a wife of her father-in-
law is imperative as also for Malays. The Moi and Cham
woman, like her Malay sister, is ‘ roasted’ after child-birth. A
Moi child is not given a name for two years ; but the naming
is a matter of moment, decided by a medicine-man, who uses
(Vor. IX, 1920.] Indo-China and Malaya. 07
rice to consult the omens. If the child falls ill, the name of
the Moi and Cham child, like that of a Malay, is changed as
unlucky. Moi children’s hair is kept short except for a long
wisp. ‘Their games (p. 73) bear a close resemblance to Malay
children’s games. For the social system. The description *
a Moi village as an ‘ anarchical republic with a nominal chief ’
the formation of leagues of several villages with obligation on
their members to intermarry ; the communistic basis of their
proprietary system with the exception of individual ownership
of weapons, clothes and so on—all these find parallels among
the Malay races, and remind one of the social system of Negeri
Sembilan in the ‘Peninsula. Debt- slavery is common
Mois use traps and snares of types similar to those used
by Malays. ‘The Moi hunter, like the Malay, uses sympathetic
magic to secure his game: he will prick himself with his
arrow or imitate the contortions of a dying animal (p. 100). He
may not oo the flesh of hare or deer for fear of becoming
timorous ; a boar hunt if he eats fat and oil, the animal
will slip Pr his nets; when he hunts elephants, his
women may not cut hair or nails ot the elephants will break
through the stakes of the palissade ; and elephant-hunters
must use a special language. It isa ‘horrible catastrophe to
meet with certain Ghouls, whose method of progression, like
that of the Malay hantu bungkus, is a rolling motion like that
of a barrel. The genii of iron-mines are propitiated with
religious rites. Like her Malay sister, the Moi woman lets her
hair hang loose when she is sowing rice and clothes herself
lightly at harvest. Illicit love brings a bad harvest on the
sexual and proprietary. The word ‘ Tiger’ may not be uttered :
a euphemism takes its place. Flint stones are venerated and
trees (p. 129). Hair, nail-parings and so on are used by sorcer-
ers to cast a spell on their owner. Leaves of plants of the
genus Zingiberaceae are used in love-philters, to catch girls
and wild beasts. A Moi follows the footsteps of his enemy
and sticks a bamboo in oe tracks to cause disease. The
ritual of a Moi sorceress exorcising sickness (p. 154) corres-
ponds closely with that ae the Malay b&rhantu ceremony.
Divination by means of an egg is practised to discover a thief ;
and the ordeals of water and of boiling resin are in force.
Like the Dyaks, the Mois highly prize old earthenware
jars. They reckon time by cutting notches on the internode
‘of a bamboo, a practice from which it is surmised the Malay
word for-10 sa puloh=sa buloh is derived. Captain Baudesson
notes a close kinship between their art and that of ine abo-
es of the Malay ula.
we second es ae bobk on the Chams is slextet,
but fortunately we have a fairly large literature on this people
ef 130,000 souls. Formerly rulers of Champa, the Chams be-
long to the Malayo-Polynesian race. Islam is their religion,
98 Journal of the F.M.S. Museums. [Vor. IX,
though they have passed through stages of animism and Brah-
that of the Minangkabau Malays of NegeriSembilan. Family
is traced through the mother, and inheritance descends in the
female line. The woman selects her husband, and the chil-
dren remain her property in the case of divorce. Marriage is
concluded by confarreatio, betel however taking the place of
rice. There obtains also, as with Malays, marriage by cap-
ture or formal rape, where a girl’s parents have been obdurate.
Ata a eaaiied ceremony for girls, called Karoh (which Bau-
dess to have been derived from Isiam), the officiating
est: places salt on their lips, offers a cup of water and cuts
a piece of hair from the forehead of the chaste and from the
nape ofthe wanton At a Perak Malay marriage, the chastity
of a bride is inferred when the matron waxes seven long hairs
of the bride and clips them: if the ends of the hair fall
towards the bride or the stumps move, the girl is not a
maiden; if the contrary happen, she is virgin. Like the
Malays, the Chams have a saying that you may as well leave
an elephant among sugar-canes as a man alone with a girl.
Cham and Malay mothers smear their children’s faces with a
yellow cosmetic to appease malignant spirits.
The form of polite greeting is that observed by Malays.
“If a man meets a friend of superior station, a due and pro-
per sign of deference is to adjust his girdle or cross the cloth
which fulfils the functions of trousers. If he is carrying an
umbrella, he will hold it forward towards the person he thus
wishes to rien He will take the greatest care to avoid
swinging his arms.
The ais and taboos of searchers for eaglewood very
The searchers are bound to silence. Unavoidable speech is
metaphor ical, like that of gee Johore collector: an axe is ‘‘ the
wood-pecker ”’ ; fire ‘the r he women who remain be-
hind may not quarrel, fest their husbands be molested by
— - snakes.
e Chams have Padjao or prophetesses who become
an: they are thought to perform functions which
formerly devolved on royal priestesses. They are celibate,
chosen after probation, the choice depending on omens drawn
from the flame of candles. The novitiate ceremony after the
year’s probation must, like a Malay bérhantu, be attended by
the identical persons who were present at the novice’s Sitcom
a ion. he is assisted by a male ‘‘ Mendou On
the night of initiation she resorts to a ant-heap in the moon- .
lit forest, severs a cock from head to tail, and dancing naked
by incantations restores the fowl to life. Clifford. has des-
cribed a very similar Sakai ceremony.
The Chamis, like: the epi use c spist-boats, to waft
away evil from a village.
1920.)
t
Captain
comparative students of things Malayan.
Indo-China and Malaya.
tain Baudesson’s book 96 be in the hands of all
O. ‘Winsrepr.
: cy 4
OF THE
Federated Malay States Museums.
east ABE
VOL. EX, PART - 2
JULY, 1920.
PAGE
XII. A Pawang’s Instructions for Selecting
Doves and Turtle-Doves. Abdu’l-Majid bin y ;
Haji Zainu’d-din.. Se nee au 7 OE .
XIII. A Malay Bird Story. Abdu’l-Majid bin Haji
| an Zainu’d-din.. is os te
ss XK'YV. Election of a Tribal Chief in Negri Sembi- —
oe ee lan. R.O. Winstedt se! pe ees C
| XV. Family Relationships in Negri Sembilan. =
; R. O. Winstedt .. ne aye, ET
3 Copyright by Killing. R.0. Winstedt = -. 115
Rice Ceremonies in ope Perak. | RO.
Winstedt ra es
Rice Ceremonies: in n Negri Sem
ce
XII. A PAWANG’S INSTRUCTIONS FOR SELECT-
ING DOVES AND TURTLE-DOVES.
By Aspvu’L-Majip Bin Haji Zarmnu’p-pin.
toget
which has been carefully measured and incensed over burning
kéményan, with prayers for the Prophet (salawat) repeated
over it. The cage (with the bird and rice inside) should be
hung out for the night. Next morning the rice must be
thirty-three. Both these numbers are significant of good luck.
Thirty-six and thirty-eight are considered unlucky numbers,
but thirty-seven mark a bird that will be useful as a decoy.
The other numbers are neither very lucky nor unlucky.
The dove (itkukor) suitable for training for fighting
purposes or as a decoy should have :-—
(2) its body like a pigeon’s, i.e. roundish and strong in
lid ;
(5) the feathers of its wings long: if possible the ends
of the feathers should cross one another, as this
is believed to enable it to strike its adversaries
better and harder ;
(c) its head roundish ;
(d) its beak thick and short ;
(¢) the black line under its eyes (ch8/ak) small ;
(f) its eyes small, not projecting like those of a lizard :
(g) the small feathers all over its body short and
round ;
(2) one feather in its tail overlapping the others (daun
tindeh sa-hélat) ;
(?) its neck not too long or too small ;
(j) the feathers on its neck (bulu réntak) broad with
small speckles ;
102 Journal of the F,M.S. Museums. [Vor. IX,
(k) its eee and feet thick it reddish i in colour ; and
its claws short but bro
(1) a dividing line running iba the middle of its
breast ; or down the scales of its legs.
Below I append the Malay version of these instructions :—
Pétua Pawang.
Dari hal mémileh Mérbok Kétitiran dan Tékukor.
Ada pun pétua mémileh burong mérbok itu ia-itu
di-bilang sisek pada kaki-nya; dan ada-lah konon-nya sa-
korang-korang bilangan sisek itu tiga-puloh tiga banyak-nya,
dan sa- -lébeh-lébeh-nya émpat-puloh émpat. Maka kédua-dua
bilangan itu jarang térjumpa; me yang démikian jadi-lah
burong itu térlalu bértuah, ada-n
Ada pun bilangan sisek siteae yang chélaka itu ia-itu
tiga-puloh énam dan tiga-puloh délapan. Maka jika sisek-nya
itu tiga-puloh tujoh, jadi-lah burong itu b&rtuah pémikat,
ada-nya.
Dan jika bilangan-nya itu pada lain-lain dari-pada yang
télah di-sébutkan itu, maka burong-nya tiada-lah bérapa
bértuah, dan tiada chélaka, ada-nya.
2.. Ada pun pétua méngétahui dari hal chélaka atau
bértuah burong kétitiran itu ia-itu apa-bila di-béli akan dia,
héndak-lah di-sangkutkan di-dalam sangkar-nya bérsama-
sama déngan sa-chupak béras yang télah di-sukat baik-baik
dan di-asap déngan kéményan sérta di-bachakan sélawat atas
Nabi. Kémudian pada esok hari-nya di-sukat sa-mula béras
itu; jika di-dapati bérlébeh béras itu, maka itu-lah alamat
burong itu bértuah; tétapi jika korang béras itu, ia-lah tanda
chélaka —o oe ada-nya.
a pun pétua dari hal mémileh rie tékukor
yang he iets dan baik di-pérbuat dénak ia
(a) badan-nya héndak-lah sa-akan-akan pee ia-itu
bulat ;
(b) sayap- _nya panjang ; jikalau dapat, biar-lah bérsi-
= ng hujong sayap-nya itu, supaya kuat pukul-
(c) eee eee bulat ;
(d) paroh-nya kasar lagi pendek ;
(e) chélak di-mata-nya itu halus ;
(f) mata-nya kéchil ; jangan térbenchut ka-luar;
(g) bulu yang halus-halus pada mérata tuboh-nya itu
éndak-lah bontak-bontak ;
(h) biter ekor-nya héndak-lah tindeh daun sa-hélai
nama-nya, ia-itu sakalian bulu ekor-nya itu di-
tindeh oleh vod rn sahaja ;
(t) leher-nya jangan
(j) bulu réntak-nya Ba ‘hidek-lah lebar sérta halus-
halus rintek-nya ;
1920.] Axspvu’L-Majip: Instructions for Selecting Doves. 103
(R) kaki-nya héndak-lah merah rupa-nya, lagi kasar
m4 jari-nya pun kasar, sérta kuku-nya itu
éndak-lah pendek-pendek lagi lebar ;
(2) Te phere ada béralor di-bawah dada-nya atau
pun pada sisek kaki-nya.
Démikian-lah pétua-nya itu, ada-nya.
XIII. A MALAY BIRD STORY.
By Axppv’L-Majip Bin Hajr ZAINU’D-pIN.
reduced the fikau’s diet, whereas the pipit profited by it in
that he could get subsistence both from the padi and from
the worms and insects.
The ptkau soon came to know of his plight ; and to this
day if you happen to be in kampongs during the padt-harvest,
especially on moonlight nights, you can hear him crying in
plaintive tones to the sparrow to give him back his padi :—
“ pe-et, pe-et, pe-et, ba’ padi-ku.”’
XIV. ELECTION OF A TRIBAL CHIEF IN NEGRI
SEMBILAN.
By R. O. WINSTEDT.
Native treatises on Minangkabau adat, which are often
to be found in the hands of Negri Sembilan Malays, distinguish
six occasions for the election of a tribal chief, though changed
times and British protection have left only the first three
extant in the peninsula, if indeed the others ever existed.
I.—Voluntary Resignation of a Chief.
his is known in Minangkabau as hidup bérkéredlaan or
as hidup bérkhalifah—in Negri Sembilan only the first of these
phrases is in use. They are technical phrases for the resig-
nation of a tribal chief from age or illness ;—unless he resigns,
a chief can be removed only by a rapat ‘of the electors for
misconduct or old age. He calls the elders of his tribe and its
enfranchised members and tells them his case.
Lurah-lah dalam,
Bukit-lah tinggt ;
Lurah tidak térturunt,
Bukit tidak térdakt.
Nan jauh tidak térjalan,
Nan bérat tidak térpikul,
Nan ringan tidak térjinjing.
‘‘ The valleys have grown too deep for my going, the hills
too steep for my climbing and journeys too far for my feet;
burdens have become too heavy for my back and light tasks
for my fingers.” The exact meaning of bérktredlaan puzzles
those unused to adat phrase. Officers, who have not grasped
that high Quixotic principle of Minangkabau known as
kébulatan, “‘ unanimity,’’ are tempted sometimes by interested
parties to construe it, ‘‘ if a tribal chief resigns, he can appoint
whomsoever he likes as his successor.” This is fundamentally
wrong in custom. Ifa tribal chief is going away merely for
a limited period, say to make the pilgrimage to Mecca, and
pears to appoint a wakil, an attorney, to act during his
nee, ganti hidup bérk¥gtlaran as it is called, even then
that nominee, who is commonly the elder of the tribal chief’s
in tribal council sa-rapat déngan bésar strta warts ** in consulta-
tion with the minor headmen and enfranchised members of
106 Journal of the F.M.S. Museums. [Vox. Ix,
the tribe,” may indeed accept that candidate, may accept
very rarely and for peculiar reasons a candidate from the
same pérut as the outgoing chief, but they have the power to
designate any other candidate who has better claims of family
or intelligence:
Di-dalam bénar di-lalukan,
Di-luar bénar di-surutkan.
Should the outgoing chief refuse to accept their decision
the election is referred in Minangkabau to the collective chiefs
of tribes in the n&géri.
*Kok sa-muafakat, kita lalukan ;
"Kok bélum sa-muafakat,
Kusut kita perstlésaikan,
Kéroh kita jérnehkan.
If they find there is after all unanimity, they pass the
candidate ; if there is not, they adjust the tangled interests
and clear up turbid counsels. Against their decision, there
is no appeal. The procedure in Negri Sembilan is similar.
Sometimes a /émbaga will claim that he and his colleagues in
council alone can decide on a candidate. More often a
territorial chief, undang or pénghulu, will claim that he alone
can choose and reject. Both sides quote Minangkabau
scripture to their own purpose but the true procedure lies
mid-way. The decision in disputed elections rests with the
pénghulu or undang in council. The territorial chief is the
mouthpiece of his council, as witness the saying that deals
with his power of dismissing a tribal chief :—
Sah batal ka-pada lémbaga
Hidup mati ka-poda undang.
“‘ The finding rests with the council of tribal chiefs, but
the sentence is pronounced by the territorial chief.” If
council, that shows how the Minangkabau constitution failed
to solve the problem of the strong and assertive man.
Biassed arbitrary irregular decision on the part of a chief led
to deadlock or war. Safeguards, it is true, have been
invented with the process of time. The people of Muar have
often appealed against the decision of their pénghulu to the
undang Johol; and they have even appealed against the
tuling of the undaung to the Yamtuan. But such safeguards
do not exist now in Rembau or Jelebu. The creation of the
office of Yamtuan Muda in those two states show that the
need was felt. Those high offices have been abolished and
the British Government ‘‘ crowned” instead. ‘That govern-
ment, having an administrative machinery of its own, can
afford to leave the post of a tribal chief vacant for an indefi-
nite time, till the electorate is bulat, ‘‘ unanimous,” can in
fact punish the constitution with its own ridiculously
1920.] R.O. Winsteptr: Election of a Tribal Chief. 107
antiquated petard. If from the first there is no friction, if
the out-going chief and the electorate are perfectly unanimous,
bulat nan sa-golek, then the chosen candidate merely does
homage to the territorial chief and /&@mbagas, paying $14 to
the former and $7, in bygone days the price of a buffalo, to
the latter. It is lamentable that many offices are bought,
the prospective allowance from government even being
mortgaged in advance, and the adat fees in ay
representing the money that passes hands at an stectioh
Minangkabau custom has made the path of the ambitious and
unscrupulous hard but has not prevented them altogether.
The resignation of the out-going chief, the consultation of the
tribal elders, the reference to the f&nghulu in council, are all
occasions for junketting. The final homage and confirmation
is the greatest day.
Taboh akan di-héntak,
Kayu akan di-képing,
Jémor akan di-tumbok.
‘* The drum will be beaten and firewood split into billets
and the dried rice-grain pounded in the mortar.’ Publicity
is the final sanction of an elected chief.
IIl.—The Death of a Tribal Chief.
In Negri Sembilan as in Minangkabau this is known as
patah tumboh, hilang bérganti, “the broken grows afresh and
the lost is replaced. ” It is also known as pPatah tumboh
di-tanah térbalik, ‘‘ the -broken grows afresh at the upturned
clods ”’ of the dead chief’s grave, in allusion to the custom
after he has slaughtered a buffalo for the funeral.
The death and vacancy is announced to the tribe :—
Mati rimau tinggal di-hutan ;
Mati gajah tinggal gading-nya ;
ati rimau tinggal bélang-nya ;
Mati manusia tinggal pusaka-nya.
*« Broken a tree sprouts again, and what is lost has to be
replaced ; so too the holder of hereditary office.”
‘‘The following are the traditional lines,” wrote New-
bold, ‘‘ in which this custom has been handed down in Sungai
Ujong :—
Umor-nya pendek, donehas mye Panjang ;
Sudah sampai kthéndak Allah,
Héndak bérkubor di-tanah sae :
m
tanam -
Sa-hari bértumboh, sa-hari pelihara.”’
108 Journal of the F.M.S. Museums. [Vor.. IX,
**One day sees the burial of our lost chief and the
springing up and cherishing of his successor.
Mati bérkérapatan: at the death of a tribal chief, the
_ electors assemble, the elders, the lesser headmen, the full
membets of the tribe, both men and women. In the various
districts of Minangkabau procedure differed slightly ; in
Sumanik the successor had to be chosen before the body was
taken to the grave ; in Pagar Ruyong at the graveside; in
Padang Genting on the day of the death; elsewhere one
hundred days after the death. If the selected candidate
were absent from the négtri, his family gave some tanda, a
creese for example, and the feast was postponed till his
return. In Negri Sembilan, too, the election was supposed
to be settled before the burial; but if no decision could be
reached, then the elder of the dead chief’s own pé&rut acted
(mémangku) till the ménujoh hari, the funeral feast on the
seventh day after the death, or even till the dua kali tujoh
hari, the feast of the fourteenth day, by which time theoreti-
cally a candidate had to be elected. As a matter of fact,
fights at the graveside and indecent delay of the burial often
occurred. The procedure in the case of dispute was similar
to that for election on the resignation of a tribal chief. And
similar, too, is the procedure under the British protectorate :
if there is dispute, the election can be postponed indefinitely.
At last difficulties are surmounted ; ‘‘the intricate is disen-
—. the turbid cleared, the rain has ceased and the mist
disperse
Kusut bérstlésai ; ~
Kéroh bérjérneh,
Hujan sudah tédoh ;
Kabus sudah ttrang.
he newly-elected chief invites his people to a public
feast called tabor mélukut, the ‘‘sprinkling of the broken
grain’’ for all the denizens of the courtyard, the ‘‘ cocks that
lay not eggs, the hens that cackle and the chicks that chirp.”
He sprinkles the grain as a symbol of gathering them under
his wing and the bond of tribal unity is acknowledged in
old-world sentences.
Hati gajah sama di-lapah
Hati'kuman sama di-chichah.
‘* Together we skin the heart of the elephant; together
dip the heart of the louse.”
Chichir sama rugt,
Méndapat sama laba.
‘* What we drop is common loss; what we gain is com-
mon profit.”
1920.] R.O. WinstEpt: Election of a Tribal Chief. 109
IIlI.—Revival of Lapsed Office.
In Minangkabau this has several names: membangkit nan
térbénam, ‘‘raising the submerged,’’ m&ngémbang kain nan
lériipat, ‘‘ unfolding the folded cloth,” mémbangunkan andika
nan térlétak, ‘‘ raising a lapsed office,’’ mé&makat baju nan
térlétak, “ donning discarded robes.” If there is no eligible
candidate for office or if the eligible candidate is too youthful
or if the electors cannot agree, then election may be post-
poned :—pusaka itu di-sangkut, “the heritage is hung up.
Later, choice is made as in the case of hidup btrktredlaan.
IV.—The Splitting up of a Chieftainship.
This is known in Minangkabau as gadang m%nyimpang,
as sawah gadang di-bandar-bandar as baju sa-lat di-pakat
bérdua. If a tribe has spread and the area of its habitation
grown wide, then all the “‘ elders’’! of the tribe are summoned
and asked if the office of the tribe may be split up, one
chief to care for the folk down-stream and another for
those up-country. If they consent, gadang mé&nyimpang
bérktredlaan, then all the chiefs of the suku are called, a feast
is held and the new office created. If the title of the ‘original
officer is, say, Dato Jalak, that of the new will be a variation
of it like Dato Jalak Muda. There are so many tribal officers
in the Negri Sembilan Establishment List that this is likely
to be an obsolete practice. Such a split may happen also
owing to a disagreement in the tribe, when it is called gadang
meényimpang karna stliseh.
V.—Creation of a New Chieftainship.
This is called in sees eg mémpérbuat penghulu or
ménatkkan képala bandar. If there arises a new settlement of
free people from elsewhere, then a chief may be appointed
with a title derived from that of his original family or tribe.
He is given the gé/ar muda as in the last case.
VI,—Creation of a Chieftainship for a Freedman.
Pénghulu ménggunting sibar baju, “ the chief whose portion
is the edge clipped off his master’s coat’’ was in Minangkabau
the title of a freedman, who might be appointed by the elder
(mamak) of the family which had emancipated him, in consul-
_ reckoned among gédang nan bérbingkah tanah atau bésar nan
bérlengkong aur.* A sayin ;
: Buapa N.S. ; mamak, pénghulu nan tiap-tiap indok, Min
2 A MS. account explains— 4 da pun gédang nan bérbingkah tanah boleh
IIo Journal of the F.M.S. Museums. [Vow. IX, 1920.]
Sa-gtdang hamba hingga mérdtheka.
Sa-gédang mérdtheka hingga penghulu.
a slave can become a freedman; a freedman can
become a chief.” In Tanah Datar this creation was unkno
nor have I met any trace of it in the Negri Sembilan.
di-pélegarkan gtlar — itu nan a dan bésar bérlingkong aur tiada-lah
oviee ae he, gélay piésaka itu lesan nan lain, mélainkan turun-
tmurun juga ka-pada kamanakan-nya dan ka-pada feet tN inl These
descriptions ee unknown in N. Sembitacs:
bia tee See
XV. FAMILY RELATIONSHIPS IN NEGRI
SEMBILAN
By R. O. WINSTEDT.
Relationship by Mifiangkabau custom is reckoned only
on the distaff side, and in the Minangkabau colonies of the
Negri Sembilan the same system obtains. A mother is emeh,
bu or indok', her cae, anak; a grand-child, chucht * a
is minek, a Paced daha eo 5 onyang or moyang.
All women of those respective generations have the pangkat
of that generation to their descendants. Hence often
confusion. At the hearing of a claim to land three or four
women will declare they have the same mother or grand-
mother or Cae Bo aaa when witbipke of them mean
really to say “aunt” ** srand-au or ‘‘ great-grand-
eunt.”’ Only after enact will they rebecieeea to definite
terms of relationship. There are such terms. A maternal
aunt ® is&mak sanak ibu or indok sanak ibu; a maternal grand-
aunt, wan sanak ibw; great-grand-aunt, ninek sanak tbu.
Conversely, a nephew or niece on the mother’s side is sanak
2bu ; grand-nephew or grand-niece, sanak dato’; great-grand-
nephew or niece, sanak ninek® ; great-great-grand-nephew or
niece, sanak moyang? As the relationship becomes remote,
except oral tradition ; and descendants describe themselves
— as sa-ninek, sa-moyang, sanak jauh or sa-waris, that
1 Indok cba the N.S. is used only of the ‘‘ dam” of animals; in
it is used even of ‘‘the centre of a house,” indok ru mah. The Min. word
is mandeh oi onilek, in Agam mandai or andai, amat, ‘biat, in Panian ayat,
in og pga uat.
2 Min. distinguishes chuchu kandong lit. Bre tee of the womb”
from chuchu, ‘* grand-child”’ or ‘ grand-nephe (or niece}. N.S. uses the
latter for ‘* grand-child ”’ and sanak dato for ‘* pC Pp hew’”’ (or niece).
3 Min. tuo one): gaik, uchi—the word gaik survives in N.S, in
shinee tua gaik=very old. Min. uses tuo kandong, gaik kandong to distinguish
a “ grandmother ” from ‘* grand-aunts,”’ but*N.S. has lost this useful disti:
tion, — calls all wa
in. ninek, ninek moyang, andung.
5 Ninek moyang, poyang, Min. . Mandeh, M
7 —— tuo, b. gark, Min. * Badancanak
10 Padalconns ja auh: all descended from the same ancestress are i
aoe.
II2 Journal of the F.M.S. Museums. [Vou. IX
is, as co-inheritors from the same female ancestress. The
nearer relationships are very exact. The first-born in a
to paternal aunts and uncles. A paternal aunt younger than
one’s father and a maternal aunt younger than one’s mother
are both called indok ktchil*; a maternal uncle younger than
one’s mother or a paternal uncle younger than one’s father
are alike bapa kéchil.
Brothers and sisters are, as everywhere in the peninsula,
adek-béradek, saudara; also, a description peculiar to N.
e term sanak corresponds to the Minangkabau term
dansanak dusanak and describes a blood relation on the
Even when a woman’s children marry, still they will
reckon their parents-in-law only on the femaleside. Minantu
means “' son-in-law ’’ or ‘‘ daughter-in-law,’’ both being equally
recognized and valuable under the adat. But in Negri
Sembilan mintua means ‘“‘ mother-in-law,” and the phrase bapa
mintua,‘‘ father-in-law,” is a neologism, the position not being
included in the matriarchal conception of the family. For
f there are only three children the second is called Angah or Achik.
landeh kete, Min
ak, saudara samendeh, Min.
1
2
3 Dansan
+ Her husband is called tunadi, Min.
5 Badansenak mandeh, b ibu or biai.
6 Sanskrit.
1920. ] R. O. WinstEDT: Family Relationships. 113
aunts and uncles-in-law one has not the brothers and
sisters of one’s bride’s father, but those of her mother mintua
sanak tbu,
Minangkabau opps Snea no descent orselationship
through males, but i a term for the relationship of a
father and a father’ Ss ere 6 that of father’s children. It
calls them orang babako (Mal. bérbaka). This nomenclature
survives in the phrase saka baka used to express the origin of
a person on both sides; saka describing the maternal, and
baka the paternal side.
In Negri Sembilan the terms of relationship employed
by the endogamous Malays of the other peninsular states are
used to express relationship onthe paternal side. ‘The chil-
dren of a man’s sister! in Negri Sembilan are his anak buah,
a phrase descriptive of descendants in the male line elsewhere
but under the matriarchal constitution applied to a sister’s
children, because they alone are of the brother’s own tribe:
the children of a man’s brother, a tie of relationship that did
not concern the oid matriarchy, are his anak saudara his
nephews and nieces in our sense of the word but nothing to
him, seeing that they belong to their mother’s tribe, a different _
tribe altogether. A maternal aunt is émak sanak ibu :
a paternal émak saudara. A maternal grand-aunt is wan
sanak ibu; a maternal or paternal grandmother and paternal
grand-aunts are simply wan. No distinction is drawn between
uncles’ ;: and both one’s mother’s brothers and one’s father’s
brothers are bapa saudara or loosely bapa. Grandfathers*
and grand-uncles, paternal and maternal, are all to aki.
Cousins on the male side are (saudara) diri bapa, as dis-
tinguished from anak sanak tbu those on one’s mother’s side.
Kadim, an Arabic word, is used to denote close relationship
alike on the distaff and on the male side.
With his passion for family trees, the Minangkabau
Malay never omits to allude to any relationship established
by marriage. Jar is used of brother or sister-in-law on either
side, that is, equally of brothers and sisters of the wife and of
brothers and sisters of the husband: tpar kadim means a
wife’s or husband’s full brother or sister; ipar duai, a
husband’s or wife’s cousins; abang ipar means a brother-in-
law older than self; kakak itpar, a sister-in-law older than
self; and adek ipar, a sister or brother-in-law younger than
self. The relationship between two men who have married
sisters or two women who have married brothers’ is known
| Kamanakan enemas © other descendants in the female line are his
Kamanakan, or if remote his anak buah: he is their mamak.
; Mandeh. ’ Maternal uncle=mama.
4 Maternal grand-uncle=mamak tuo a mamak gatk, remoter
— ninek oe mamak moyang, mamak poy
5 The ieee of a man’s mother are his wite's andan; and his more
— female tions his samandan in Minangkab:
© Pamboyen. Wi
II4 Journal of the F.M.S. Museums. [Vot, IX, 1920.]
as biras: a man speaks of his biras, meaning the husband
of his wife’s sister, a woman of her biras meaning her
husband’s brother. The relationship established between
parents whose children have intermarried is besan. If I and
my wife are parents of one of the parties to a marriage and
my friend and his wife to the other, we are besan: the father
of the child who has married my child is my wife’s besan
jantan and the mother is my besan bétina, and conversely.
The relationship which exists between a husband and wife,
both of whom have had a child by a former matriage is besan
sa-bantal, if those children intermarry.
n all the states of the peninsula the niatriage of first
cousins is regarded with disfavour and is practised by hardly
any Malays except the rajas. In the Minangkabau colonies
the marriage of the children of sisters is of course prohibited
along with all forms of marriage within the tribe. But even
the children of brothers, though outside this ban, do not
intermarry in Negri Sembilan, the only reason alleged being,
that on the decease of a father the uncle becomes his niece’s
walt and on the decease of father and uncle the male cousin
becomes the wa/i—an objection not teally supported by the
shara‘.
XVI. COPYRIGHT BY KILLING.
R. O. WINSTEDT.
In Malay folk-tales reference is often made to a practice
of killing an artificer so that his work may remain unique
(e.g. a boat-builder in the Hikayat Anggun ’Che Tunggal,
Singapore, I9I4, p. 32 and a tooth-filer in Awang Sulong
Merah Muda, 2nd ed., Singapore, 1914, p. 59: in each of
which cases the fate befell the craftsman in Macassar). Is
this expensive securing of copyright by killing an Indonesian
custom? It seems unlikely. The Himyarite poet, Dhu Jadan,
mentions a famous castle, Ghumdan, whose architect, Sinni-
mar, was ‘‘ on the completion of his task slain by his employer
of his skill’? (Browne’s “ A Literary History of Persia,” vol. I,
p. 176). Was the tradition, like so much Malay tradition, of
imported origin ?
XVII. RICE CEREMONIES IN UPPER PERAK.
By R. O. WINSTEDT.
The following particulars were communicated ten years
ago by a Pawang of Kampong Temengor.
Sowing the Rice-Seed in the Nursery.
The seed is washed and cleansed with limes the evening
before and kept in the house for the night. Three lumps of
yellow sweet rice, neutralising rice-paste and parched yellow
rice and incense are prepared.
On the afternoon of the next day when the sun is half
padi akan bénch bagi aku. Harap-lah aku minta ptliharakan
dart-pada sakalian mara dan bahaya-nya.
‘Greetings be to thee, God’s prophet Solomon, king of
all the earth! I would sow seed rice. I pray thee cherish
it from all danger and hazard.’’
Thereafter he dibbles seven holes :—
* * *
*
* * *
These seven holes are fenced in a separate Square fence.
All other holes are dibbled outside the fence.
The Pawang takes a handful of seed-rice, and going to
the first hole cries :—
A’s-salam alaikum /
Hai Nabi Allah Sulaiman, raja sakalian bumi /
A’s-salam alaikum,
Hai jin tanah ! jémbalang bumi /
4’s-salam alaikum,
Hai bapa-ku langit /
A’s-salam alaikum
Hai ibu-ku bumi /
A’s-salam alaikum
Hai bapa kawal / ibu kawal!
Aku ’nak kirim anak-ku, anak Maharaja Chahaya,
pada ibu-nya ;
Aku suroh bérlayar ka-laut hitam, ka-laut hijau, ka-
laut biru dan ut ungu /
R. O. WINSTEDT: Rice Ceremonies. 117
Aku kirimkan énam bulan ;
Ketujoh ka-sambut natk.
Bukan aku ménurunkan beneh ;
Aku ménurunkan padi.
““Greetings be unto thee, God’s _prophet, a king
of all the earth! Greetings to ye, genies and gnom s of the
soil! Greetings to our father the Sky, and our sinthes the
Earth. Greetings to the guardian father, the guardian
mother! I would send my child Princess Splendid to her
mother. I would bid her sail to the sea that is black, the
sea that is green, the sea that is blue, the sea that is purple.
For six months I send her and in the ‘seventh- I will welcome
her back. It is not seed I plant: it is rice-grain.”
The Pawang puts seed into the seven holes, holding his
breath : when he releases his breath, it must be done gently
and he must face in another direction. After that the rest of
the folk plant out their seed over their nurseries.
Transplanting.
When the rice in the nursery is 44 days old, on a
Saturday evening (the Moslem first day of the week) the
Pawang or some skilled person starts the work of transplant-
ing into the field. No invocations are used. Seven bunches
are planted first along with a banana plant (pisang mas) and
three bémban stems. Round this spot a square fence is
erected.
Harvesting.
e necessary appurtenances are got ready :—m
coloured thread black, white, yellow and red leans ed
warna) sprays of Sygodium scandens (daun ribu-ribu) , sugar-
cane, bunga p&épanggil, ee: rice-paste fried in the
form of three omelettes. Then a Saturday or Friday
evening, the Pawang walks into ae middle of the rice-field,
chooses seven of the finest plants, and binds them with the
many-coloured thread, the sprays, the sugar-cane and the
flowers. Then he proceeds round the selected plants three
times, goes _
A’s-salam alatkum
Hat jémbalang abhir f Bes, awal / oidilane
sa-ratus s¢mbilan-pulo
Engkau undor simpang sa- pe: hh! [éngkau.
Kalau tngkau ta’ ményimpang sa-bélah, aku jacntck
rr Greetings be to ye, gnomes of latter days, ie of the
beginning, gnomes one hundred and ninety! Get e back
sto pee If ye turn not aside, I will curse ye.’’
Then follows a charm against molestation by genies and
fairies :—
118 Journal of the F.M.S. Museums. [Vor IX,
Hai Nang Tehong nama ibu/
Tehong-T eheng nama bapa-mu/
Nang Manyu nama anak-mu !
Si-chantek melek anak péri tujoh béradek /
Jangan tngkau usek balek padi btras aku!
Aku sumpah éngkau /
Engkau undor simpang sa-bélah /
** Nang Tehong i is the name of your dam; Tehong-Teheng
is the name of your sire; Nang Manyu, the name of your child.
Pretty little fairies, seven brothers and sisters! Molest not
my rice in ear, my rice in bin, or I will curse ye. Get ye back
and aside.
Then the Emcee are chened severally and particularly :—
J imbalars bukit } / Jémbalang gunong . /
Jémbalang padang! Jémbalang aku!
Engkau undor simpang sa-bélah /
Kalau engkau ta’ undor, ku-sumpah éngkau! -
“Ho gnomes of latter days! Gnomes of the beginning !
Gnomes one hundred and ninety! Gnomes under my feet
and subjection! Gnomes that creep into our baskets and
round the plant-stems! Gnomes of hill and mountain!
Gnomes of plain! Gnomes subject tome! Get ye back and
aside or I will curse ye.
All these invocations are recited while the Pawang walks
round the seven selected plants, awaiting evening (stnja kala).
When evening falls, he takes basket and reaping-knife, puts
the three omelettes of rice- paste at the bottom of the basket
and draws near to the rice-plant, saying :—
1. Hat stmangat, anak-ku, Maharaja Chahaya!
Aku kirim pada ibu awal %nam bulan, Rétujoh ku-
sambut natk :
Sampai ptrjanjian ku-sambut natk.
Ku-suroh bérlayar watts: pe ka-laut hijau, ka-
laut biru, ka-laut un
Ka-bénua Rum, hain "Kbling, ha-bénua China dan
ka-bénua
Aku ’nak ‘ane ka-atas anjong istana,
Ka-atas tilam pérhiasan pérmadani.
Aku oie chari indong péngasoh péngiring,
Chari raayat bala,
Io. TEnbegent, Bendahara, Kuchang, Laksamana ;
Meénchari kuda gajah, itek angsa, ktrbau kambing dan
wn:
biri-biri
Blrhiompuun timbun, gégak gtmpita.
1920. ] R. O. WINSTEDT: Rice Ceremontes. I19g
Mani ka-sini / Chukup sie tala /
Aku’nak panggil ’mu mari /
15. Hat stmangat, anak-ku, M ee Chahaya !
Mari-lah, énchek !/ Mari, tajok! Mari, sunting! Mart,
Aku ’nak sambui’ mu natk ka- So es istana,
Ka-atas tilam pérhiasan pérmadan
Hai s¢mangat anak-ku, Ma core righ, !
20. Mart-lah,’chek! ’Nak sambut.
: Jangan-lah kasehkan indong péngasoh-mu !
Hai sabun puteh ! sabun hitam! hig hijau! sabun
biru! saban ungu / sisir sa-btia
Chahaya jin shaitan stsir sa-bélah | ,
Chahaya yang sa-bénar chahaya anak-ku.”’
“‘My soul, my child, Princess Splendid! :
I sent you to your mother for six months, to receive
you growing tall in the seventh month.
The time is fulfilled, and I receive you.
I told you to sail to the sea which is black, the sea
which is green, the sea which is blue and the sea
which is purple,
To the land of Rome, to India, China and Siam.
Now I would welcome you up into a palace hall.
To a broidered mat and carpet.
I would summon nurses and follow
sec and soldiers and court dustathties for your
serv
I cole ‘assemble horses and elephants, ducks and
geese, buffaloes and goats and sheep with all their
din.
Come, for all is ready!
I would call you hither
My soul, my child, Prinsess Splendid
Come, my crown and my ater ae of my delight !
I welcome you up toa ae
To a broidered mat and c
My soul, my child, SS ecicand:
Come! a would welcome you!
Forget your nurses
White and black and green and blue and purple get ye
aside!
Brightness of genie and devil begone
The real brightness is the brightness of my child.”
After the recital of this invocation the soul of the rice
ete padi) will come in the form of a grasshopper or
insect with the sound of a breeze. If the rice-soul
ae to appear after sch invocation, lines 15-21 should be
repeated thrice, whereupon the rice- e-soul is sure to appear,
The Pawang holds his ‘ie closes his teeth, cuts the ears
120 Journal of the F.M.S. Museums. [Vou. IX,
of the seven plants and puts them in his basket. The stalks
whence the ears have been cut are smeared with clay ‘‘ as
medicine for their hurt from the knife’’ and hidden under
neighbour stalks as yet uncut. Before he leaves, the Pawan
faces the east and touching the maimed stalks cries :—
Hai Dang ’Pok! Dang Malini!
Bértompok dayang di-sint.
Dang ’Pok! » Dang Malini!
Tétap dayang di-sini /
Bérgtrak langit tujoh lapis,
Bergtérak anak-ku Maharaja Chahaya !
Ta’ bérgtrak langit tujoh lapis,
Ta’ bérgtvak anak-ku M aharaja Chahaya !
Bérgtrak bumi tujoh lapis,
Bérgtrak anak-ku M aharaja Chahaya /
Ta’ bérgtrak bumi tujoh lapis,
Ta’ bérgtrak anak-ku M aharaja Chahaya !
Tégoh saptrti batu kéras,
Saptrti bési tétap-lah,
Dari dunia datang ka-akhiva
i. sa-kalt déngan tuboh ‘tas ayah dan bonda-
Bbychtrai Allah heaps i nhammad,
Bérchérat mu déngan
Ta’ bérchtrai Allah ae Muhammad,
Ta’ bérchtrai ’mu déngan a
“Ho Dang ’Pok! Dang Malini!
Grow here in clumps!
Establish youiselves here.
If the seven tiers of the heavens are shaken,
Then only shall my child Princess Splendid be shaken ;
If the seven layers of earth be shaken,
Then only shall my child Princess Splendid be shaken.
Else shall she be established as rock, firm as iron,
From this world unto the world hereafter
Established in limbs and body with father and mother.
Only if the Prophet be age? from Allah,
Shall she be parted from me
Finally the Pawang kisses the rice-stalks at the place
where they are decorated with thread and sprays.
n an account collected at Batu Kurau, in the Larut
district of Perak, there are a few differences. The incantations
are in debased Arabic. The seven chosen plants, it is
explained, are not tied with the many-coloured thread and
sprays till after the padi spirit has appeared: and that spirit
comes in a whirl of breeze, but is thought to have taken
fomerly the shape of a girl, Ninek Kémang. Sprays and thread
are wound also about the edge of the basket which is to
receive the rice-soul ears, ae, inside the basket are put an
1920. |] R. O. WinstEptT: Rice Ceremonies. 121
egg, a quid of betel and a lump of benzoin. A ring
wax is slipped over the top of the reaping-knife (Répala iuai)
which is then fumigated and sprinkled with yellow rice
and rice-paste. The seven ears are wrapped in a white
cloth before being placed in the basket. Not till three days
after this formal taking of the seven ears that keep the
rice-soul may the actual harvesting be started.
The (st¢mangat padi) rice-soul before it descends to earth
is described as nur hayatu’llah and after being planted as nur
maniah.
These accounts should be compared with other accounts
recorded in Skeat’s “ Malay Magic.” One may note that,
while marriage ceremonies in Upper Perak differ considerably
from those in the south of the Peninsula, these rice cere-
monies are those practised everywhere.
The charms translated in this paper require little com-
ment. ‘The sea that is black, the sea that is green, the sea
- that is blue and the sea that is purple” symbolize the dark
earth of rice-fields cleared for sowing, the fields green with
the young rice-plants and changing tint till the crop is har-
vested.
XVITI. RICE CEREMONIES IN NEGRI SEMBILAN.
By R. O. WINSTEDT.
This account was collected in the Tampin district ten
years ago.
Planting out Seed.
Neutralizing rice-paste is used along with daun ati-ati,
gandarusa, daun ribu-ribu, daun si-dingin, daun si-puleh, aad
a lump of white clay.
The rice-paste and the five herbs are taken and the clay
is kneaded with water and put in a cup. Incense is burnt
and the bundles of herbs fumigated. ‘hen the tips of the herbs
are dipped in the clayey water, and that water is sprinkled
over the seed before it is sown, these words being recited :—
Tépong tawar/ tépong jati
Dapat mas bérkati-katt /
Aku ménépong tawar béras padi ;
Sudah bérisi, maka ménjadi.
“* Rice-paste without speck,
I’ll get gold by the peck,
I charm my rice husked and in ear ;
I’ll get full grain within the year.’’
The husbandman sows the seed with his left hand,
crying :—
A’s-salam alaikum,
Ibu-ka bumi ! bapa-ku ayer!
Aku ménépongkan anak-ku,
Si-dang sari, si-dang rupa sari /
Jangan lengah di-btlota orang /
Jangan lengah di-ménsiang orang !
Kur, stmangat! Mari-lah pulang !
Ini tangkal Langkesa/
Jangan éngkau ta’ tumboh.
Aku tahu asal mula tngkau jadi :
Uri témbuni kétuban asal mula éngkau jadi.
Peace be unto ye,
Father earth, mother water !
R. O. Winstept: Rice Ceremonies. 123
I charm a lovely maid,
A maid of fair countenance
The support and prop of the = S peace
Hurt not nor harm her fair spirit
Come! Thou and I are one ets and blood and
being !
When the fourth month is past, thou shalt return.
Linger not by men’s homesteads
Linger not in men’s courtyards !
Linger not at feast of harvesters,
Nor by the tall rushes that grow in the swamp.
Come, my soul! Come!
This is the charm of Langkesa.
Fail not to grow up;
F know whereof thou wast made;
Of after-birth thou wast created.”
Planting out the Rice-Plants.
This is the invocation :—
Hai Langkesa! Langkesi /
Din bérémpat, bérlima déngan kami /
Jangan di-rosak di-binasakan anak kami /
Jikalau di-rosak, bérubah sétia via kamt,
Di-makan btsi kawi- lah éngkau
Di-timpa daulat Pagar Ruyon
Di-timpa Kuran pet: puloh eat éngkau.
Kabulkan Allah
** Spirits of the field!
Ye are four; counting me we are five.
Hurt not nor harm my child.
Break faith and ye shall be stricken
By the iron that is sacred,
By the majesty of Pagar Ruyong,
By the thirty chapters of the Koran!
God fulfil my curse !’”’
This is the invocation used with the rice-paste :—
Tépong tawar / tépong jati/
Di-ittak dalam gantang dua tiga gantang
Ménanti béribu katt gantang yang datang.
Tépong tawar! tépong jate!
Tanah tambak tambun bérist
Buleh bagi kthéndak hati,
Dapat padi béribu kati.
Jangan sakit, jangan matt,
Kain putch tudong puteh -
Bérkat Nabi Allah Ibrahim,
Bérkat Dato’ ¢mpat pénjuru ‘alam,
Bérkat Muhammad Rasulu ’llah.
124 Journal of the F.M.S. Museums. [Vou. IX,
‘* Rice-paste without speck,
I measure you out by the peck ;
Two or three pecks now I pile,
Thousands more come in a while
Rice-paste without speck !
May my land yield me many a peck
Of rice that grows sans blight or speck
On ridges banked and fat with grain!
By grace of Allah’s Prophet Abraham
— ai of the Elders at the four corners of the
By. as of Muhammad Apostle of God.’’
The Harvest.
This is the invocation used to summon the rice-soul at
harvest. While uttering it, one waves a white cloth so
that the rice-soul shall not. fall on and crush one at her
coming :—
Hai si-dang muri! si-dang gtmbala! si-dang tatap /
si-dang yas
Yang di-atas bahagian aku;
Yang di-bawah bahagian éngkau
Jangan di-rosak di-binasakan bahagian aku ;
Jtkalau di-rosak di-binasakan bahagian aku,
E ngkau di-makan Koran tiga-puloh juz /
Itu-lah tanggongan tngkau
“Spirits that peep and mace
All that shows above the field is my portion
All that lies below is your BF ogy
Hurt not nor destroy my port
Else ye shall lia devoured by the thirty chapters of .
the Koran;
That shall be your doom.’
After that, pay one’s respects to earth and water.
Expelling Evil from the Fields.
On p. 249 of the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society,
Straits Branch, No. 77, 1917, I have described the ceremony
called b&érpuar ‘and referred also to Mr. Blagden’ $s account
quoted on Pp. 230 of Skeat’s “ Malay Magic.”
Below is an invocation used :—
Bismi ’llahi ’r-Rahmani-r-Rahimi /
Hat dato, pttala bumi, jin tanah !
Bérhala besi /
Anak (?) Wani, Bujang Wani /
Anak (?) Wavan, Bujang Bandan/
Meényiah tngkau, jin dan shaitan!
1920.] R. O. WINSTEDT : Rice Ceremonies. 125
pra Allah héndak lalu.
h Si- fog te / = -Jéranjing/
EAE c lah tngka
Anak harimau pata lalu.
Hai jin dan shattan !
Jémbalang, jémbali /
Jangan éngkau ka-mari ménémpoh larangan firman Allah
taala !
Jikalau tngkau mtntmpoh larangan firman Allah taala,
Dérhaka-lah étngkau ka-pada zat wajtbu’l-ujud.
Aku tahu asal tngkau jadi ;
Tanah Bukit Si-Guntang Mahameru asal mula tngkau
jadt ;
Andtrang akan raja éngkau ;
Anjamu akan bapa éngkau ;
Yang diam di-awang-awang Si-Lela Si-Manjamun nama
éngkau ;
Yang diam di-langit Si-Juak nama éngkau ;
Yang diam di-kayu ara Si-Tinjau nama éngkau ;
Yang diam di-ayer Si-Karakah nama éngkau ;
Yang diam di-jalan S1-Jéranjang nama éngkau,
Umanatu'llah kapada aku !
Rasulu’llah akan jungongan aku!
Kiraman Katibin akan sénjata-ku :
Jibrail, Mtkail, Israfil, Azratl prs saudara-ku !
Tujoh a kota bési tempat ku-diam
Ya Malik ...... turun bérpérang mémbliharak an dirt-ku ;
ame a doa si-panchar matahari pénundokkan Raja
(?) Malin
Sédang Raja Malin lagi tundok khidmat kapada a
Kunun rayat tanttra-nya jin dan shaitan iSndalae icbalk
tundok kapada aku.
Ah St-Kasim ! Si-Kunchai-Kunchai ! S1-Tongkat-Tongkat !
oe gigi énzkau yang déngki khvanat kapada
Téykunchi esthey jantong limpa éngkau yang bérniat jahat
kapada aku
Aku tahu asal fie jadt,
Si-Katimuna asal tngkau jadi,
Ah! éngkau bérsusah hati. engkau stsak /
Bachan: mémandang, mata éngkau péchah !/
Engkau niieradie ponggong énghau burok !/
Ninek yang — di-ttlok rantau tanah ayer sa-rantau ulu
sa-rantau hilt
Yang diam di- bukit bélukar rimba batas ceune guntong
Sa-kampong ulu, mata ayer, kayu btsar, batu bésa
Bawa-lah rayat tantbra engkau,
Bawa-lah anak pinak ’nckau
Kapada si-rendang yang “hésar ujong tanah
Di-bawah kaki bukit Kaf.
126 Journal of the F.M.S. Museums. [Vor. IX,
Jangan-lah aku di-rosak di-binasakan
Di-timpa daulat firman Allah taala ey
Ktrana aku strta Allah dan strta Muhammad Rasulu’llah
Stria anbia‘ Allah dan aulia Allah
Sérta malaikat yang Ae ase Empat
Jibrail Mikail Israfil, Azra
Aku strta Kuran Kea ok ae
Nabi Noh yang mémtgang bumi,
Nabi Elias yang mémégang kayu,
Nabi Khidzr yang mémégang batu,
Lukmanu’l-Hakim yang mémégang bés
Nabt Sulaiman yang mémé :aug Soules mae bérnyawa /
Aku mémohonkan bumi ayer, kayu batu
Témpat mémbuat négtri kampong laman rumah tangga.
Hai stgala yang bérnyawa
Jangan-lah kami di-rosak ai-binasakan /
Jtkalau di-rosak di-binasakan kam
Di-timpa daulat firman Allah jaate engkau
Dan bérkat mu‘jizah Muhammad Rasulu’llah dan anbia‘
Dan kéramat ségala anbia‘Allah
Dan kéramat stgala malaikat ig ag -puloh &mpat,
Jibrail, Mikail, Israfil, Azra
Ah ninek Karakah tua, Gace Kébayan Bandan ptlihara-
kan kami /
Jangan di-rosak di-binasakan kami !
Jikalau di-rosak di-binasakan kami,
Dérhaka-lah éngkau kapada Allah !
Jtkalau mata tngkau yang elah déngki,
Mate &ngkau di- -ptchahkan Allah !
Jikalau tangan kaki tngkau yang déngki khianat
Tangan kaki engkau di-patahkan Allah ;
tet i janiong limpa tngkau yang bérniat déngki
hia
Hati peak limpa engkau di-hanchorkan Muhammad,
Di-hanchorkan Baginda Rasulw’llah.
This invocation is probably corrupt in places, so far as
the names of spirits goes and is full of repetition: so my
translation is abbreviated.
“In the name of God the Merciful, the Compassionate!
Spirits of earth and soil !
Genies and devils! get ye hence!
Make way for the might of Allah !
Bow down, for as a tiger I pass by.
Genies and devils and gnomes
Trespass not where Allah hath forbidden ;
Else ye be traitors to Him who was from the beginning.
I know the origin whence ye sprang:
From the soil of Mount Mahameru ye were born,
1920. | R. O. WinstEp?: Rice Ceremonies. 127
Bearing different names according as ye haunt
Sky or heaven, fig, water or roa
I have Allah’s mandate:
His Prophet is my prop ;
The Recording Angels fight for me;
The four Archangels are my brethren ;
I live in a fort with seven walls of steel.
Descend angels and protect me
And cause my enemies to bow down.
Locked be the teeth and heart and liver
Of all who purpose evil against me.
I know the origin of ye spirits of evil;
Ye were sprung from the serpent Si- Katimuna.
May ye be afflicted and distressed ;
When ye gaze, may your eyes be blin
And may your going be shameful and seers ng,
Granddam! thou who dwellest in bay and reaches, up-
stream and down,
Dwellest on mountain and in forest and on mound,
In ravine and valley and spring and tree and rock!
Take thy soldiery, thy people, and thy children
To the shady tree at the land’s end
At the foot of Mount Kaf.
Keep me from harm and destruction
Or thou shalt be smitten by the majesty of God’s word.
For God and Muhammad and His saints and Prophets
And the ong forty and four and the four Archangels
Are with m
Noah, piasdian of earth,
Solomon, guardian of all living things
I crave earth, water, wood and stone
A place to build etnies and hamlets and a country.
Ho! all living creatur
We are all of one origin, al servants of God!
If ye harm or destro
Ye shall be smitten iy eh word of God,
The miraculous power of Muhammad,
The sanctity of His saints and prophets,
By the four and forty angels,
The sea archangels and the thirty chapters of the
Kora
eaunbe save me from harm!
If thy eye offend me, God shall blind thee ;
If thy hand molest me, God shall break it ;
If thy heart purpose evil towards me,
It shall be crushed by the de of God.
Finally comes a charm to open the doors of the seven
ayers of earth and the doors of the seven layers of heaven.
128 Journal of the F.M.S. Museums. [Vot,. IX, 1920.]
** Hat jin kafir! jin Islam!
Kita orang sa-asal, sama hamba Allah.
Tétapi tngkau jadi dari-pada chahaya api nuraka,
Aku jadi dari-pada chahaya nur Muhammad ;
Engkau anak jin Si-Katimuna,
Aku anak chuchu nabi Allah Adam :
Engkau ummat Nabi Sulaiman,
Aku ummai Nabi Muhammad.
Engkau pun hamba Allah,
Aku pun hamba Allah.
Jangan-lah éngkau ményakiti stgala ummat Muhammad /
Jtkalau Suakew sakiti dan éngkau binasakan ségala ummai
Muham
Duvhahe lab er kapada Allah
Dan kapada Rasulw’llah
Dan kapada stgala anbia Allah dan aulia Allah
Dan kapada malaikat yang re tot tempat,
Jibratl, Mikail, Israfil, Azra
Ah jin ‘dan shaitan, itmbalang ira /
Meényiah enghau dari sin
Kapada si-rendang aged aay ujong tanah
Di-bawah kaki Bukit
Jikalau tiada tngkau disbcah ka-sana,
Durhaka-lah tngkau kapada zat wajibw'l-ujud
Baitw’l-Mukaddis tanah térjali.
Maka hitam merah tanah ku-létak d1-gulang-gulang ;
Hantu tanah! | Jembalang tanah! jangan tngkau méne-
ulang-ulang.’
Genies infidel and Muslim !
You and I are one origin, both servants of God.
But ye are born of hell-fire
And I of the light of the Prophet :
Ye are children of Si-Katimuna the serpent,
I am descended from the Prophet Adam;
Ye are followers of the Prophet Solomon,
I am a follower of the Prophet Muhammad,
You and I are servants of God.
Plague not the followers of Mubeancsnd
Else ye will be traitors to
To His Prophet and the four archangels
And the angels forty and sai
Genies and devils and gnom
Get hence to the big leafy oa at the land’s end
At the foot of Mount Kaf,
eon: ye will be traitors to Him who was from the begin-
”
a
ing
To | God’s House at Jerusalemen, the primal land.
My altar is strewn with clods red and black:
_ Genies! gnomes! hence! and come ye not back.
XIX. MALAY CHARMS.
By R. O. WINSTEDT.
Part 1.—Love Charms.
Turning over an accumulation of MSS. on Malay history,
Malay customs,
a collection of charms, mostly from Perak and Province
Wellesley. I give the Malay versions with a translation.
(1) Bab hikmat ptrémpuan di-buat kundang. Sahaya
Abdul-Ghafar dapat dari-bada Tuan Haji Abdw’ Beata
permintaan- nya wang tiga ringgit, kain puteh lima hasta,
jarum bénang, asam garam, sireh pinang
Ambil pasir kaki-nya atau pase jambatan-nya atau
ka pintu-nya. Maka ambil pula baju hitam yaant
bulat bulan leher-nya; buboh pasir itu di-dalam-nya,
koyak kirt kanan, buat saptrti anak-anakan: lipat dua,
that déngan bénang tujoh warna. Maka putar stlaiu pagi
pttang, téngah hari, téngah malam. Atau stlalu sahaja
bacha doa ini tiga kali atau tujoh kali. Insha’ Allah
taala néschaya-lah datang ptrémpuan ttu ka-pada kita.
Ini-lah doa-nyva
Bismi ‘ahi’ r-Rahmant ’y-Rahim
Burong-ku (?) st-mara-mara espa di-gunong (?)
Chérkana kart,
Apa di-buat (si-anu) di-sana =a oie ?
Minyak-ku si-minyak perak stlas
Liar ménjadt jinak, bérkat esooa kundang si-palit
gt
Gila btvahi-lah mata hati jantong nafsu (si-anu) ka-
pada aku ;
Gila siang, gila malam.,
Gila pttang dini-hart ;
Datang ményérahkan diri-nya
Ktrana aku tahu asal (si-anu) jadi:
Wadi madzi mant manitkam,
Darah puteh dart pr dockins
Darah merah dart ibu-n
Itu-lah asal (st-anu) jas.
Kur stmangat (si-anu) /
Mart-lah datang panes aku
Ménytrahkan dir
Btrkat doa ne ilaha illa’ llah, Muhammad Rasulu-
"llah.”
A charm for c eg a girl’s ‘affections got by me
Abdul-Ghafar from “Haji Abdu’r-Rahman for three dollars,
130 Journal of the F.M.S. Museums. [Vo.. IX,
three yards of white cloth, cotton and thread, limes and salt,
betel-nut and sireh.
Take sand from her footprint or her foot-bridge or
from the front of her house-door. Take a black jacket
oval at the neck; put the sand in the jacket; tear it
right and left and make it up like a doll; fold it in two
and tie it with threads of seven colours. Turn the doll
round every morning and evening, at mid-da
My bird si-mara-mara is perched on Mount Cherkana-
kari
i.
What is my love doing yonder day after day ?
The magic oil I use shines silver and black !
The wild becomes tame by virtue of this charm that
sways my love to passion!
Madly in love be the liver and heart of her towards
me;
In love by day, in love by night ;
In love at eve, in love at dawn:
Let her come and give herself to me.
For I know whereof she was born,
The elements of the seed that made her,
White blood from her father’s side,
Red blood from her mother’s :
That is whereof she was born.
Come to me, soul of my beloved!
Come and give thyself to me,
By virtue of the invocation. ‘‘ There is no God but
Allah and Muhammad is His Apostle.”
(2) Sa-bagai lagi ini suatu kundang jua, Panah Rajuna
nama-nya.
Bila kita mahu tidor siang atau sénja bérmula bacha sa-
kali, t¢pok bantal tujoh kali, kata “‘ Kur smangat si-anu.”
Bacha sampai tiga kali; k8mudian balekkan bantal itu
bacha bagitu juga, buat bagitu juga lalu tidor di-atas-nya.
Buat-lah tiga kali suatu malam dan pagi-pagi dan téngah
hari dan pttang : insha ’llah taala, térlalu mustajab. Ini-
lah doa-nya ;—
Bismi ’llahi ’r-Rahmani ’r-Rahimi /
Hai sahabat-ku Panah Rajuna/!
Pérgi-lah tngkau,
Masok pada tangkai hati jantong hawa nafsu (si-anu),
Kunangkan rupa-ku dalam hati jantong (si-anu) itu.
Aku panahkan di-langit, langit runtoh :
1920.] R. O. WINSTEDT: Malay Charms. 131
Aku panahkan di-bumi, bumi mélayang :
Aku panahkan di-ayer, ayer térbang :
Aku panahkan di-laut, laut ktrin
Aku panahkan di- mata hati jantong (si-anu) itu, han-
chor luloh,
Hat, s¢mangat(si-anu) /
Mari-lah éngkau di-sint ka-pada aku !
Mari datang mtnytrahkan diri-mu !
Jtka (s¢- -anu) tudor, &ngkau jagakan ;
Bawa datang bérsama-sama méndapatkan aku
far amern ann ujud-ku pada nafsu (si anu)
siang m :
Jtka Rrbalek bumi déngan langit,
Boleh-lah (st-anu) bérchérai déngan aku ;
Bérchérai Allah déngan Muhammad,
Boleh-lah (st-anu) bérchérai déngan ig
Jika tiada térbalek bumt déngan langtt
Jtka tiada bérchérat Allah déngan M uhamm ad,
Insha’ llah taala bérkat - uhammad Rasulw lah
Dan bérkat Sang Rajun
Néschaya gila be rahi- lah (si-anu) ka-pada aku
-Datang ménytrahkan diri-nya ka-pada aku,
Bérkat doa, ‘‘ Lailaha illa ’llah, Muhammad Rasulu-
Llah.”’
This is another love-compelling charm, named after
Sang Rajuna.
Recite this charm once when retiring to sleep by day
or evening, patting one’s pillow os times and adding
**Come, soul of my beloved!’’ Recite the charm thrice
on every occasion : then turn over sa pillow, recite it
thrice more, tapping your pillow and adding the same
words as before. Use the charm thrice at night and
dawn and midday. Please God it will be most effica-
cious. This is the charm :—
Inthe name of God, the Merciful, the Compassionate !
Come my friend, arrow of Rajuna
Go pierce the ‘heart and liver, “the seat of the
passions of my beloved ;
Take fix my image in her heart and liver ;
If I shoot this dart at the sky, it shall fall ;
If I shoot it at earth, the earth shall vanish ;
If I shoot it at the water, the water shall fly away,
If I shoot it at the sea, the sea shall dry up
If I shoot it at the liver and heart 2 ‘my be-
loved, they shall dissolve.
Come to me, soul of my beloved!
Come give yourself to me!
If she.sleeps, awaken her, oh dart!
132 Journal of the F.M.S. Museums. [Vou. IX,
If she is awake, make her to come to me,
Bring her to look for me;
Fix my person in her heart by day and by night !
Only if earth and heaven are upset,
Can she be parted from me:
Only if God and His Prophet are parted,
Can she be parted from me:
If earth and heaven are not upset,
If God and His Prophet are not parted,
Then by the grace of God and His Prophet,
By the grace of Sang Rajuna,
Assuredly my beloved shall long after me,
Coming and giving herself to me,
By virtue of the invocation, ‘‘ There is no God
but Allah and Muhammad is His Apostle.’’
(3) Sa-bagai lags hikmat pérémpuan. Jika jauh sa-téngah
hart perjalanan pun, datang juga insha’llah. :
Ambil pasty kaki ptrémpuan itu, bungkuskan déngan
hain puteh lebar sa-jéngkal ttlunjok, &mpat btrstgi, ikat
déngan bénang tujoh warna; usap kéményan; bacha tiga
kali putar : tétapi sa-kali bacha sa-kali putar ; atau bacha
tiga kali, maka putar tujoh kali. M&mbuat-nya itu lima
kali sa-hart sa-maiam atau stlalu sahaja : térlalu baik.
(Hamba dapat dari Enche’ Kuning, orang Kélang :
minta-nya asam garam, duit tiga suku, kain puteh lima
hasta, jarum sa-batang). Ini-lah doa-nya :—
Bismi’lahi ’v-Rahmani’r-Rahimi !
Témiang buloh ptrindu di-buat tungku,
Buloh périndu, batu bérani tumboh di-tasek pauh Janggi
Bérputar-lah iman (si-anu) saperti pélayang ini,
Béraht ta’ boleh di-ubat lagi ;
Bagat di-layang mata hati jantong nyawa
Roh hémptdu badan sémangat (si-anu) juga.
Kur, s¢mangat (si-anu) /
Siang malam ménaroh rindu chinta gila kapada aku
sa-orang,
Ktrana aku tahu asal mula (si-anu) jadi :
Wadt madzi mani manikam
Darah puteh dari bapa-nya,
Darah merah dari ibu-nya :
Liu-lah asal mula (si-anu) jadi.
Hai (si-anu) gila btrahi-lah éngkau ka-pada aku,
Datang ménytrahkan divi-mu ka-pada aku!
Sidt péngajar guru-ku !
Bérkat doa, ‘‘ La ilaha illa’-llah, Muhammad Rasulw’-
llah.”’
>
Another charm, that please God shall bring a woman
even half a day’s journey to one.
1920.] R. O. WinsTEDT: Malay Charms. 133
Take sand from her footprint, wrap it in a square
of white cloth, the breadth of the span between thumb
and first finger ; tie in thread of seven colours ; fumigate
it with incense; recite the charm thrice, turning the
cloth round once at each recital; or recite it thrice,
turning the cloth round seven times. Do this continu-
ally or five times day and night.
(I got this from ’Enche Kuning, a Klang man; he |
asked for limes and salt, 3 swku in cash, five -vards of
white cloth, and a needle). This is the charm
In the name of God, the Merciful, the Ceci
ate!
My cooking-place is built of the magic bamboo that
excites to love
Of magic bamboo and of lodestone from the navel
of the sea.
May my beloved’s virtue be turned as I turn this
cloth !
May she fall in love beyond cure,
Her heart and liver and soul dizzy w mits love,
The soul of her, her body and spirit
Come to me, beloved !
Be mad with love for me only, by night and day!
For I know the origin whence you sprang, etc.
(4) Sa-bagaz lagi hikmat kundang.
Ambul satu limau; ambil pula lidi ktlapa ijau sa-potong,
chuchok képala limau itu térus-méntrus, biar lébeh kiri
kanan-nya panjang satu jari témpat méngeantong-nya atu.
Ada pun bénang pénggantong-nya itu bénang tujoh warna,.
Dan biar lébeh bénang itu dan ikat bénang sapérti itu juga,
_biar térgantong di-bawah, tempat ménytmbunyikan-nya itu.
Maka ambil pula tujoh lidi, tajamkan, kirt kanan-nya
ttkam ttrus pada perut limau itu, kira-kira lébeh sa-bélah
kirt kanan-nya dua jart gantong. Marifat ménikam itu
ménikam mata hati jantong nyawa roh hémpétdu. Buboh
bunga mtlor pada ujong lidi itu satu-satu. Ada pun mula
mémbuat-nya itu dart pétang hari thalatha; jika sampai
tiga hari, pada pttang jumaat. Tatkala kita ménikamkan
lidt, maartfatkan ménikamkan hati ptr¢mpuan itu. Bacha
doa tiga kalt atau tujoh kali; sa-kalt bacha sa-kali ayun,
usap kémtnyan. Buatlima kali sa-hart sa-malam. Mém-
buat-nya di-dalam suatu témpat tiada boleh orang masok
atau tidor baring.
Hikmat ini ktturunan dari Abdullah Hamid, tmsha'lah
lérlalu mustajab. Ini-lah doa-nya :—
Bismi'llahi ’r-Rahmani ’r-Rahimi !
_ Anak hélang sa-ekor lémpati hinggap ame tanjong !
Hati ptrut (si-anu) sudah ku-lamba:
134
Journal of the F.M.S. Museums. [Vor1,..2&,
Kandong Allah, kandong Muhammad,
Kandong baginda Rasulw’llah.
Hai Sidi ! oyporciogs age ka-pada (si-anu) itu,
Masok dalam a
Ujudkan rupa-ku
Di-dalam mata hati jantong nyawa roh hémpédu
badan
Sémangat ujud (si-anu) ;
iang malam gila bbrahi ka-pada aku.
Hai sidi mani manikam yang ada ka-pada a
Pérgi-lah tngkau ambil nyawa roh ode ‘badan
st¢mangat (si-anu) ttu,
eb coe di-sint btrsuka-ria pangku bélai ka-pada
Surah ‘ményémbah ménytrahkan diri-nya,
Saptrti Siti Zulaitkha déngan N ak opine
Kabul mustajab sa-rupa kundan
Bérkat doa, ** La tlaha tlla-llah, M aibabedéa Rasulu-
lah.’
Another love charm.
Take a lime, pierce it with the midrib of a fallen coco-
nut palm leaving one finger’s length sticking out on either
side whereby to hang the lime. Hang it up with thread
of seven colours, leaving the thread also hanging loose
an inch below the lime. Take seven sharpened midribs
and stick them into the lime leaving two fingers’ length
projecting. The sticking of the midrib into the lime
is to symbolize piercing the heart and liver and life
and soul and galt of the beloved. Put jasmine on the
ends of the — skewers. Do this first on Monday
This charm comes down from Abdullah Hamid, and
please God is very efficacious. This is the charm:—
“In the name of God, the Merciful, the Compassionate !
A young hawk perches drooping on the headland
awaiting prey
I have waved my beloved’s heart and affections to
come to me!
er spirit is confined in an enclosure
Prepared by God and Muhammad, His Apostle.
Ah Sidi ! come enter her affections
Fix my image in the heart and soul and spirit, her
gall and liver and body and person!
1920. ] R. O. WinstEDT: Malay Charms. 135
Let her be mad after me night and day!
May the sperm and seed that is mine be efficacious
To go and bring the life and soul and gall and body
of her
Here to play and sport in my lap,
To bow and give herself to me,
As Zulaikha gave herself to Joseph.
So may my charm work and avail
By grace of the invocation, “ There is no God but
Allah and Muhammad is His Apostle.
(5) Sa-bagat lagi hikmat kundang pertmpuan. Pada ma-
lam buat tiga kali, pada suatu waktu bacha tiga kalt ; jikalau
boleh, buat pagi-pagi dan téngah hari juga :—
Bism? llahi’r-Rahmani’r-Rahimi ! ~
Hat sahabat-ku, Jin Jewa s¢mbawarna,
Dan Jin Hawa méngérna,
Yang bérgélang t¢ mbaga,
Yang bérbaju bési /
Minta pérgi dato’ ka-pada si-anu,
Masok dalam pérut-nya,
Rosakkan mata hati jantong iman si-anu,
Chékekkan leher-nya,
Jangan di-béri makan,
Jangan di-bért minum :
Siang malam gila bérahi ka-pada aku ;
Suroh ményémbah ménytrahkan diri- “nya.
** Bismt *llaht’’—aku makan tuboh badan (si-anu) :
es t-Rahmani' —aku lan matahati jantong (si-
nu
ep Rahimi?’ "aku minum otak bénak darah roh
stmangat (si-anu).
Pérgi-lah tngkau cmbilhan al itu
Bawa datang ka-pada aku ;
Bérkat doa, “ La tlaha 2 "lah, Muhammad Rasul-
w’ llah.”’
Another charm to win a woman’s affections.
Recite it three times at night, thrice each time; and if
possible, at dawn and noon.
In ee name of God, the Merciful, the Compassion-
aie of golden life !
Genie of bright desire!
angles of brass and coat of steel!
Go enter the affections of my beloved,
ucing her eyes, her heart, her virtue!
Strangle her that she may neither eat nor drink,
Being madly in love with me by day and by night.
136 Journal of the F.M.S. Museums. (VOELTTXS,
Bid her bow and yield herself to me.
“In the name of God’? —I devour her body : :
“* The Merciful ’? —I eat her heart ;
“The Compassionate” —I drink her life’s blood
and her brains and her spirit
Come to me, my soul!
Go Genies twain and fetch her to me
By virtue of the invocation—* There is no God but
God and Muhammad is His Apostle.”
(6) Bab pémanis.
*' Tawarkan tiga kals pada minyak ktlapa : kita pakai.
Ini-lah doa-nya
Bisma llahi ’r- ees *y-Rahimi /
Minyak minyak séndiri,
Minyak minyak ktlapa mayang méngurai /
Allah Tuhan, yang méngasehani
Mtlimpahkan chahaya-nya bumi langit :
Aku pakai pada diri-ku chahaya Allah,
Chahaya Muhammad, chahaya baginda Rasulw lah,
Jadi chantek manis-lah rupa-ku, elok-nya gilang-
gumilan
Bukan santan dadeh yang lémak
Bukan gula yang manis,
Aku-lah yang ae manis di-mata hati jantong hawa
ségala manu
Térharok Delle haseh stgala manusia ka-pada aku
déngan kaseh yang amat sayan
Bérkat aku mémakai minyak stri ‘alam,
Bérkat doa, “ La tlaha illa ’llah, M uhammad Rasulu-
lah.’
A woman’s ch armfor beauty.
Recite it thrice over coconut oil, then use the oil.
This is the incantation
In the name of oat. the Merciful, the Compassion-
te!
ate !
This is essential oil, from a palm with tress-like
blossom.
God is Lord and es pities us and sheds His light
on earth and s
I wear on my eed the light God sheds,
The light of Muhammad, Apostle of God.
So am I sweet and lovely and shining,
Sweeter than curds and coconut-milk , [me
Sweeter than sugarin the eyes and. hearts z all
So that manip are distracted with love for me
By virtue of this oil, the pride of the world,
And by sani of the invocation, ‘‘ There i is no God
‘but God and Muhammad is his Apostle
1920. | R. O. WINSTEDT: Malay Charms, 137
(7) Bab perkaseh pénurun harta orang pada kita.
Maka kita ambil daun hémpédu béruang Panjang satu
jari téngah ; kita tawarkan tiga kali; k¢mudian tanamkan
di-bawah pintu orang itu, atau pintu thee, asal boleh
di-langkah-nya orang itu. Int-lah doa-nya
Bismv llahi’r-Rahmani’r-Rahimi /
Daun tnt panah Sang Rajuna :
Aku panahkan di-gunong, cuore bélah,
Aku panahkan di-bumi bums péchah;
Aku panahkan di-langit, langit roboh ;
Aku panahkan di-mata hati jantong (si-anu) atu,
Yang bakhil ménjadi murah-lah ka-pada aku,
Chinta gila mata hati jantong (si-anu)
Siang malam tiada boleh lupa,
Mélainkan ttringat-ingat,
Tiada boleh jému datang mémbtri wang
Stria harta bénda-nya ka-pada ot
Btrkat sakti panah Sang Rajun
Bérkat doa, ** La tlaha ila'llah, Vi uhammad Rasulw’-
A charm to win a man’s love and wealth.
Take a leaf of the Brucea sumatrana the length of a
finger and a half; recite this charm over it thrice and
then plant it beneath the door of the person you would
infatuate or beneath roe own door if he will step over
it. This is the incantation
In the name of God, the Be tare the Compassion-
ate!
This leaf is Sang Rajuna’s arrow.
If I shoot it at a mountain, the mountain will split;
If I shoot it at the earth, the earth will break ;
If I shoot it at the sky, the sky will fall ;
I shoot it at the heart and liver of him I would in-
fatuate,
And he who was a miser becomes generous,
Madly in love with me day and night,
Unable to forget me
perme in bestowing money and property upon
oe ete of the magic of Sang Rajuna’ Ss arrow,
And of the invocation, ‘‘ There is no God but God
and Muhammad is His Apostle.”
(8) Sa-bagai lagt hikmat pétrkaseh.
Suratkan ka-pada kértas, bungkus Wied hain tutup
muka orang laki-laki mati : k¢mudian tawarkan pula tiga
kali, tanam pada ptrlangkahan-nya orang itu ta-itu di-
_rumah-nya atau di-rumah kita. Ini-lah doa- mya : —
138 Journal of the F.M.S. Museums. [Vor,. IX,
Bismi *llahi’v-Rahmani ’r-Rahimi /
Gila Allah ka-pada Muhammad :
Gila Muhammad ka-pada Allah.
Bagat-mana Allah gila kaseh ka-pada Muhammad,
Bagttu-lah mata hati jantong hawa najsu (si-anu)
gua
Datang makan minum tidor
Dari peétang sampat pagi di-rumah aku,
Tiada boleh suka pada rumah yang lain.
Jika bérchtrai Allah déngan Muhammad
Dan bérgtrak mayat di-dalam kubor
Maka boleh-lah bérgérak mata hati jantong hawa
nafsu (st-ani),
Dari pétang sampai pagi di-rumah-nya.
Jika tiada bérchtrai Allah déngan Muhammad,
Dan tiada bérgtrak mayat di-dalam kubor,
Maka tiada-lah boleh btrgérak mata hati jantong hawa
nafsu (si-anu),
Suka makan minum tidor
- Dari pttang sampat pagi
Di-rumah aku,
Saptrti mayat ‘dalam kubor.
Déngan izin Allah, bérkat doa, “La ilaha illa’llah,
Muhammad Rasulw’ llah.’
Another love charm.
Write this incantation on paper and wrap it in cere.
ments that have covered the face of a male corpse;
sprinkle rice-paste over it thrice and bury it where the
person one would charm is bound to step.
In the name of God, the Merciful, the Compassion-
ate!
As God loveth Muhammad and Muhammad God
So let my lover’s heart lust after me,
So that he come and eat and drink and sleep
From evening unto dawn at my house,
Loathing all other resorts.
If God and Muhammad can SS per
And a corpse move in the gr
Then only shall the Heart oad deaice of my lover
Be moved to eat not or drink or sleep.
In my house from evening unto dawn.
If God and Muhammad cannot be parted
Or a corpse move in the grave
Then shall the heart and desire of my lover
moved not to refrain from his longing
To eat and drink and sleep from eve unto dawn
_ In my house, like a corpse in his grave.
By the will of God and by virtue of the invocation,
1920.] R. O. WinstEDtT: Malay Charms. 139
“*'There is no God but God and Muhammad is His
apostle.”’
(9) Bab hikmat pérémpuan. Mahu di-rtbus atau di-uap
pada api dalam kuali atau bélanga. :
Ambil pasty kaki-nya atau apa-apa ip Se fad vébus.
Tatkala mérébus atau ménguap, ini-lah doa-nya. Bacha
tiga kali atau tujoh kali, uap lima kali stg hari satu
malam atau stlalu. Dan lagi kata Mamu Abdu’l-Nasir,
jtkalau ada mémbuat hikmat yang di-rébus, boleh tawarkan
déngan doa int tiga kali: ini-lah doa-nya :-—
Bismt ’llahi ?r-Rahmani ’r-Rahimi !
Aku rébus int, akau uap int
déngan panah kudérat Allah,
Aku mtlakukan kthtndak Allah,
Aku méngambil int déngan maartfat Allah.
Aku panahkan di-gunong, gunong runtoh.
Aku panahkan ai-batu, batu bélah.
Aku panahkan di-bumi, bum ose da
Aku panahkan di-langit, langit jatoh
Aku panahkan di-mata hati jantong hawa nafsu st-
anu,
Si-anu hanchor luloh panas ashe! saptrti barang int:
Hilang-lah malu si-anu ka-pada a
Gila bérahi Hpi ménytrahkan divi. -nya,
Tiada boleh ka-mana-mana lagi,
Karna aku ed asal sada. (sz~ -anu) jadi,
Wadi madzt mani manikam,
Darah puteh dari bapa-nya,
Darah merah dart ibu-nya,
Itu-lah asal mula si-anu jadi.
Kur s¢mangat si-anu,
Mari datang ka-pada aku stkarang in
Bérkat doa, Ye La ilaha illa’llah, Muksnmae Rasulu-
lah,”
A charm to win a woman’s affections.
Boiling or steaming over pot or saucepan is essential.
Take sand from her foot-print or any possession of hers
and boil or steam it. While doing so, recite this incan-
tation three or seven times; steaming the sand con-
tinually or five times a day and a night. Mamu Abdu’l-
Nasir saith that in using the boiled sand, one should
recite this incantation thrice.
In the name of God, the Merciful, the Compassion-
ate!
I boil and steam this
To be a dart — pene gid God
Whose will I am bringing t
I take this with perfect st ee of God’s will,
140 _ Journal of the F.M.S, Museums. [Vor. IX,
If I shoot it at a mountain, the mountain falls ;
If I shoot it at rock, the rock splits ;
If I shoot it at the earth, the earth dissolves ;
If I shoot it at the sky, the sky falls;
I shoot it at the heart of my beloved
And she is broken with love and hot as this sand I
steam.
She loses shame and comes and gives herself to! me,
And nowhere else shall she go.
For I know whereof she was born,
The elements of the seed that made her,
White blood on her father’s side,
Red blood on her mother’s:
That is whereof she was born. |
Come to me my beloved! Come now!
By virtue ofthe invocation, ‘‘ There is no God but
God and Muhammad is His Apostle.”
(10) Sa-tagai lagi hikmat Si-Palit Gila. Bagitu juga
hal-nya. ;
Bismt ’ilaht ’’y-Rahmani ’v-Rahim !
Aku antokkan di-gunong, gunong runtoh !
Aku antokkan di-batu, batu bélah.
Aku antokkan di-mata hati jantong hawa nafsu si-anu,
Si-anu hanchor luloh panas stgala tuboh-nya,
Bagai antok ini, térantok chinta !
Ingat-iah si-anu pada aku siang malam,
Lupa-lah ia akan hal-nya s¢mua,
Gila btrahi ka-pada aku !
Jtha ta tidor, térkéjut-lah ménjaga ;
Jtka ia jaga, ménjadi bangun bérjalan,
Ménjadi hanyut-lah datang di-rumah aku.
Hilang takut hilang malu,
Sapérti orang mabok arak.
Bérkat bisa hikmat si-palit gila,
Btrkat bisa doa, ‘La itaha illa’llah, Muhammad
Rasulw’llah.”
_ A charm called ‘The touch of infatuation.’ It works
like the previous charm.
In the name of God, the Merciful, the Compassionate !
I strike a mountain and it falls;
I strike a rock and it splits asunder ;
If she sleeps, let her wake and watch;
If she watches, let her rise and come
ng willess to my house,
1920.] R. O. WinstEpt: Malay Charms. 141
Devoid of fear and shame as one drunk with wine,
By virtue of the power of this charm
And the invocation, ‘‘ There is no God but God and
Muhammad is His Apostle.’’
(11) Sa-bagai lagi hikmat perémpuan.
Ambil pasir atau tanah kaki ptrémpuan itu, atau tanah
jalan-nya atau tanah muka pintu-nya atau kéreta-nya
atau kuda-nya: minta baik-baik, tatkala méngambil-nya,
tawarkan tiga kali, buboh pada kuali atau bélanga, jtrang
bakar siang malam uap-uap ia-itu goreng tiada bérminyak.
tha kita mahu tolong orang kita dari-pada-nya, maka
mahu-lah kita tawarkan tiga kali buat tiga malam, btri
pada orang wtu suroh bakar sapérts itu juga: ini-lah doa-
nya ajar ka-pada orang itu tatkala ménguap itu, bérkata
Bérkat panah Si Rajuna
Gila-lah (si-anu) itu daiang.
Bila kita mémbakar itu, buboh bunga mélor barang iujoh
dtlapan kuntum: pttanz usap kéményan. Ini-lah doa di-
bacha, tatkala ménguap itu :—
Bismi ’lahi ’r-Rahmani ’r-Rahimi !
Bakar bakar pasir tanah !
Aku bakar mata hati jantong st-anu itu.
Bakar-ku panah Sang Rajuna..
Aku bakarkan di-gunong, gunong runtoh,
Aku bakarkan di-batu, batu bélah. [anu),
Aku bakarkan di-mata hati jantong hawa nafsu (si-
Kéna hanchor luioh panas stgala tuboh-nya
- Gila bérahi ka-pada aku,
Tidak boleh stnang diam ;
Sapérti pasir ini térbakar.
Bénchi-lah (si-anu) ka-pada ibu bapa,
Ka-pada saudara sahabat handai-nya ,
Jika ia tidor, mtnjadi jaga,
Jika ia jaga, mémbangun bérjalan
Datang kapada aku
Ménytrahkan diri-nya :
Hilang akal, hilang malu
Bérkat (si-anu) kéna bisa panah Sang Rajuna,
Bérkat doa, “‘ La ilaha illa’llah, Muhammad Rasulu-
*Mah.”’
Another charm to win a woman’s affections.
Take sand or earth from the woman’s foot-print or
_from the path or from the front of her door or from her
carriage wheels or her pony’s hoofs ;. put it in pot or
saucepan, and cook it day and night, frying it with
oil. If one prepares it fora third party, one should
neutralize it for three nights and then give it to him
_ to cook, teaching to recite this charm as it steams.
142 Journal of the F.M.S. Museums. [Vor. IX,
By virtue of Sang Rajuna’s arrow
May my beloved come to me distracted with love.
As one cooks the sand, place on it seven or eight
jasmine buds, and at night burn benzoin. This is the
charm to be recited, as the sand steams :—
In the name of God, the nei igi the Compassionate !
Burn, burn, sand and earth!
I burn the heart of my beloved
And my fire is the arrow of Sang Rajuna!
If I burnt a mountain, it would fall;
If I burnt rock, it would split asunder :
Iam burning the heart of my beloved
So that she is broken and hot with love,
That giveth her no rest night or dey
Burning ever as this sand bur
Let her cease to love oedaae ae friends !
If she sleeps, awaken
If she awakes, cause fer to rise and come
Vielding herself unto me;
Devoid of shame and discretion ! !
By virtue of the poison of Sang Rajuna’ s arrow,
By virtue of the invocation, “ There is no God but
God and Muhammad is His Apostle.”
(12) Sa-bagat lagi hikmat ptrémpuan.
Ambil pasir atau tanah jijak kaki-nya, buboh di-dalam
btlanga atau kuali: buboh api, uap-lah. Dan sa-lténgah
génggam lada hitam iumbok champor dan miang: rébong
barang —— } gbnggam juga, buboh api siang malam. Ini-
doa-nya
Bismi ‘ahi *y-Rahmani ’r-Rahimi !
Aku ménggoreng anak kaki (si-anu),
Aku ménggoreng mata hati jantong nyawa roh hémpé-
du badan (si-anu) ;
Déngan marifat Allah
M ata hati jantong nyawa roh eth
Miang, saptrti ktna miang rébon
Panas, sapetrti pte térgoreng ies
Tiada boleh m
Tiada boleh minum ;
Lupa-lah ia akan diri-nya stria tbu bapa-nya,
Sanak saudara-nya, sahabat handai-nya,
Chinta ingat pada aku sa-orang orate
Gila bérahi datang mtnytrahkan d
Bérkat doa, ‘‘ La ilaha illa’liah, M ee. Rasulu-
"lah. >) ‘
Another charm for women.
Take sand or earth from the woman’s foot-print, put
it in a0 or pan and steam it. Take also half a handful
1920. ] R. O. WinstEpt: Malay Charms. 143
of ground black pepper, and half a handful of itching
hair-like filaments of bamboo; steam them night and
day. This is the incantation :-—
In the name of God, the Merciful, the Compassion-
ate!
I fry the fictacriat the heart, liver, gall, life and
soul of my beloved,
With perfect knowledge of God’s will.
May they itch with love, as if touched with this
bamboo ;
Be hot with love as this sand is hot,
So that she desire not meat and drink,
hentia herself, her parents, her friends and
relation
Thinking male of her love for m
Coming infatuated and giving herself to me
By virtue of the invocation, ‘‘ There is no God but
God and Muhammad is His Apostle.”’
_ Dan lagi jikalau boleh, térlébeh batik di-tambah déngan
te
Bismi ’llaht ’v-Rahmani ’r-Rahimi /
Hat sahabat-ku pénghulu Iblis!
Hai ségala hantu shaitan
Yang suka méngachau orang !
Aku minta-minta-lah ka-pada dato’-dato’
Minta pérgt-lah
Masok ka-dalam pérut (si-anu) itu,
Gorengkan mata hati jantong-nya,
Saptrti pasir ini térgoreng ;
Gila bérahi ’kan aku:
Bawa datang
Suroh méenyembah ménytrahkan diri-nya,
Bérkat buat nasi dan uap-ua
Buboh dtkat dapor int,
Atau énche’-tnche’ ingat baik-batk !
And if possible, it is better to add the following :—
In the name of God, the Merciful, the Compassion-
ate! es
Friend of mine, ene ant all ye ghosts and devils
That love to trouble man!
I ask ye to go and onus “the body of my beloved,
Burning her heart as Se sand burns,
Fired with love for m
Bring her to yield banc to me!
By virtue of this rice and steam
Place her here by my hearth
Or else take ye heed!
144
Journal of the F.M.S. Museums. [Vor IX,
(13) Sa-bagai lagi.
Ambil pasir kaki pérémpuan yang di-kasehi itu, strta
tanah kubor jantan ptrémpuan, dan miang rébong: buboh
dalam btlanga buboh api, siang malam uap-uapkan. Ini-
lah doa-nya :—
Bismt ’llahi’r-Rahmani ’y-Rahimi !
Aku goreng pasir kaki (si-anu) itu ;
Bukan aku goreng pasir kaki (si-anu atu,
Aku ménggoreng mata hati jantong hawa nafsu (si-
anu) itu,
Siang malam saptrti pasir ini térgoreng.
“ Kun,” ka'a Allah,
“Fa yakun,” kata Muhammad Rasulu’llah.
Panas miang batang tuboh (si-anu) itu
Tiada boleh stnang diam barang Sa-saat,
Gila bérahi ka-pada aku.
“ Fa yakun”’ kata Jibrail.
Hai (st-anu) mari-lah datang ka-pada aku,
Meénytrahkan diri
Bérkat Jin Mukal dan Malik Mikail,
Bérkat hantu Shaitan Iblis,
Dan bérkat doa, “La ilaha illa’llah Muhammad
Rasulw’llah,”’
A similar charm.
Take sand from the foot-print of the woman loved,
and earth from the grave of aman and a woman and
itching hair-like filaments of bamboo; put them in a
cooking pot and steam night and day. ‘This is the in-
cantation :-—
In the name of God, the Merciful, the Compassion-
ate!
I fry sand from the foot-print of my beloved :
Nay! I fry her heart and liver
Night and day, as this sand is fried.
**Let it be’’ says God:
‘* And it is so,” says Muhammad His Apostle.
’ Let her body itch with desire
Giving her no rest from longing for me.
** And it is so,’’ says Jibrail.
Come and give yourself to me, my beloved,
By virtue of the genie Mukal and Malik Mikail
By virtue of ghosts, devils and Iblis,
And by virtue of the invocation, ‘‘ There is no God
but God and Muhammad is His Apostle.’’
?
(14) Int-lah doa pakaian ptrémpuan.
Tawarkan tiga kali pada ubat-ubat atau kunyit, minum,
atau pada sireh tiga kapor lalu makan.
1920. |] R,. O. WinstEDT ; Malay Charms. 145
(Minta-nya &mas téngah mayam, jarum, wang sa-tali)
Ini-lah doa-nya :—
Bismt ‘ahi *y-Rahmani ’y-Rahimi /
Rasa, rasa, rasa shurga Siti Fatimah:
Aku pakat pada diri-ku,
Méstra pada stgala ujud-ku ;
Rasa-ku masok dalam otak bénak
Tulang stndi urat (si- sake
Léhat pada iman stndiri-n
Pénoh limpah pada mata hati jantong hawa pnb ee
Tundok lath chinta kaseh (st-anu) ka-pada aku,
Siang malam tiada boleh suka pada ptrémpuan yang
lai
ain.
Jika bérchérai Allah déngan Muhammad,
Dan bérgtrak mayat di-dalam kubor,
Maka boleh-lah bérgtrak mata hati jantong hawa
nafsu (si-anu)
Suka pada ptrémpuan yang lain.
Jitka ttada bérchérai Allah déngan Mukammad,
Dan tiada bérgtrak mayat dt- dalam kubor
Maka tiada-lah boleh bérgtrak mata hati jantong
hawa nafsu (si-anu)
Pada pérémpuan yang lain,
Hanya-lah térbuka mata hati jantong hawa nafsu
(si-anu)
Suka pada aku sa-orang saree.
Tiada boleh ka-mana-mana la
Jodoh kékal dtkat aku sampai ilk
Sapétrti mayat déngan kubor
Bérkat doa, ‘‘ La ilaha illa’llah, Muhammad Rasulu-
"llah. 2)
This is an incantation to be used by a woman.
Recite it thrice over herbal drugs or saffron and
drink the drugs ; or recite it over quids of betel and eat
them
The owner of it asked for 4 a mayam of gold, a needle,
and I tali of money.
This is the incantation :—
In the name of God, the Merciful, the Compassion-
te !
Let me be clothed with the heavenly joys of Siti
Fatima
Let them spread through my body !
Let pleasure in them enter the brains and limbs and
bones and sinews of my lover,
Cleaving to him close as his religion,
Flooding his heart with passion,
Causing him to bow down and love me,
Caring for no other woman by night or day.
146 Journal of the F.M.S. Museums. [Vot. IX,
If Muhammad can be sundered from God
And a corpse move in the grave,
Only then shall my lover’s desire move to another.
For the desire of his heart shall be only for me;
Straying nowhither he shall be my mate unto death ,
Safe near me like a corpse in the grave.
By virtue of the invocation, ‘‘ There is no God but
od and Muhammad is His Apostle.’’
(15) Int-lah lagi doa pétmanggil. mee dt-bacha
- tiga kalt pada muka ayer, tatkala kita mandi :
Bismi ’llahi ’r-Rahmani ’y-Rahimi !
Chahaya Allah pada tuboh-ku !
Ménaikkan manikam Muhammad fo aka tuboh-ku ;
Méstra-lah hati (si-anu) ~ ka-pada ak
Sémbah sujud ka- -pada ak
Jangan sa-tara hati si-anu i sie
‘Alangkan gajah puteh di-sabérang laut
Lagi sujud mény&mbah ka-tapak kiri-ku !
Sah sidi péngajaran guru!
Sah sidi mustajab ka-pada a
Bérkat, “ Lailaha illa’llah i Aor Rasulu’llah.”’
This is another charm to call a lover. It should be
recited thrice over the surface of the water, before the
woman bathes.
In esr name of God, the Merciful, the Compassion-
Go s log and the light of the Prophet be on my
bod
Let the aan of my lover be iar up in me!
Let him kneel and bow befor !
Let him stand an equal heise me but subdued
by lov
Does foe even the white elephant from over the
s
a
Bow and do obeisance to the sole of my left foot ?
May the teaching of my Sarees i
Avail and bring to pass my des
By virtue of invocation, ‘‘ here j is no God but God
and Muhammad is His Apostle.’
(16) Sa-bagai lagi.
Mahu di-bacha di-hadapan lilin strta di-stbut nama
k&tkasch kita
Hong ie ! “Kun” kata Allah.
Tujoh darah srtnaeieid erst kubor
Kéna guna Si-Hambpar P.
Hai malaikat linpat lak Soobid /
Aku pinjam tngkau;
1920. ]
R. O. WinstEDT: Malay Charms. 147
Aku suroh éngkau peérgr ip rok sah -anu) itu,
Bawa kaseh sayang ka-pad
Jika ta tidor, éngkau eaalen:
Sudah ita jaga, tngkau dudokkan ;
Sudah dudok, éngkau dirikan !/
Sudah bérdini, tngkau réntok réntang,
Bawa kaseh sayang ka-pada aku.
Jikalau ia lupa nasi makan,
Lupa ka-pada aku ;
Jtkalau ia lupa whi minum,
Lupa ka-pada a
Jikalau ia lupa bain di-pinggang,
Lupa ka-pada ak
Jitkalau tiada Foba ar makan,
Tiada-lah ia lupa ka-pada aku ;
Jikalau tiada lupa kain di-pinggang,
Tiada-lah ia lupa ka-pada aku stang dan malam,
Malam dan siang tiada lupa ka-pada aku.
Jikalau (éngkau) mam susu ibu,
Tiada lupa ka-pada aku.
Déngan bérkat mémakai doa
© La tlaha tilla’llah Muhammad Rasulwllah!
Another love charm
It should be pecited before a candle, the lover’s name
being mentioned.
Om! ‘‘ Let it be,’’ says God.
Seven kinds of blood boil even in the
When they feel my charm that brings hot love.
Angels forty and fo
I borrow ye to go and fetch my lover’s spirit.
Bring him to love and long for me:
If he sleeps, awaken him
When he wakes, let him sit!
Till he forgets rice to eat, and water to drink,
Till he forgets the cloth that is about his waist.
If he forget not his rice
Or the cloth that is about his waist,
Then shall he not forget me night or day.
Ah lover ! if ever you fed at mother’s breast,
You shall not forget me
For I use the invoca ‘* There is no God but
God and siuien aa is s His prs i
(17) Ini-lah ilmu duyong, nama-nya.
Lambaikan sapu tangan sa-btlah matahari turun dan
pu
bacha tiga kali. Ini-lah doa-nya:—
148 Journal of the F.M.S. Museums. [Vor. IX,
Bismt ‘llahi ’v-Rahmani ” es -Rahimi !
Hai doa-ku ; doa duyong
Aku duyongkan, gunong lagi wedded
ku duyongkan, otak bénak (st- -anti) atu akan chayer ;
Bérkat aku mémakat doa duyong.
Lupa ’kan kain baju-nya (si-anu),
Baharu ia lupa ’kan aku;
Lupa ’kan sikat minyak
Baharu ia lupa’kan aku
Lupa ’kan tikar témpat tidor,
Baharu ta lupa ’kan aku ;
Lupa ’kan makan minum,
Baharu ta lupa ’kan aku ;
Lupa ia akan Allah dan bid uhammad,
Baharu ta lupa ’kan aku
Bérkat aku m&’makai doa du
Aku cag he otak réntégi empedu paru-paru (s1-
anu) akan er.
Barang dena Boal Allah!
Di-makbulkan Muhammad /
Di-makbulkan baginda Rasulu’ llah ;
Aku méngénakan doa duyong ha-pada (st-anu),
Sah sidi péngajaran Sila d.
Sidt mustajab ka-pada ak
Bérkat “La ilaha illa ‘lah Muhammad Rasulu’llah.’’
This is called the charm of the duyong :—
Wave a kerchief towards the setting sun and recite
thrice—
In the name of God, the Merciful, the Compassion-
ate!
Prayer of mine! Prayer of the duyong!
I use the duyong charm and mountains fall,
Timber chips, fire is quenched, water recedes,
And the brains of my beloved melt ;
By virtue of my charm.
Only if she forgets her jacket and skirt,
Will she forget me; ane
If she forgets her comb and her oil,
Her mat whereon she sleeps, mee food and drink,
If she forgets God and Muham
Only then will she forget me;
By virtue of the charm I use
I use it and her brains, enlf lungs melt.
God fulfil my prayer!
: Muhammad Apostle of God fulfil it!
I use my charm against my beloved. -
1920.] R. O. WINSTEDT: Malay Charms. 149
May the teaching of my master prevail,
Prevail and be efficacious,
By virtue of the invocation, “There is no God
but God and Muhammad is His Apostle.”
XX. ORIGINAL SETTLEMENT OF PAHANG.
A LEGEND COMMUNICATED By Haji Sam (OF MENANGKA-
BAU DESCENT) AT TEMAI.
By H. S. Srrcom,
The first settlement in Pahang by Malays was made at
Kuala Béra. To’ Béntara Kanan of Johor met a Sakai at
bamboo (buloh béiong). To’ Béntara Kanan fearing to take
the princess to Johor, lest the Sultan should snatch her from
him, wandered for three years in the jungle, and a child
was born to him in the jungle. He then went to Béra and
settled down and made a kampong and got three male
children. Of these the eldest settled at Bukit Sa-Gumpal, the
second at Témérloh, and the youngest at Jélai: from the To’
Béntara and his sons sprang all the Malay settlements in
Pahang.
To’ Béntara went from Kuala Béra to Pédah: at that
place was a large mahang tree which was felled by his orders
and in falling blocked the whole width of the Pahang river.
This tree formed a dividing line; some of To’ Béntara’s
descendants went upstream; they were the ancestors of To’
Raja Jélai: others went downstream; they were the ancestors
of To’ Raja Jélai: others went downstream and founded
other settlements. The stump of the felled mahang tree was
so large that a meab for forty people could be served on it at
one time (40 hidang).
The settlement of the lower reaches of the Pahang river
was begun in this wise :—
Two sisters came from Johor to seek their relatives at
Kuala Béra: one was detained by the Rayat (Sakai) at
Pahang Tua (Pahang was then thickly populated with Sakai) ;
the ether sister was caught by the Sakai at Témiang above
Galong, and from this event date the settlements on the
Kémap river (Luit).
From Luit later came To’ Basir the great-grandfather of
the present Pénghulu and founded the settlement of Témai,
the name of which is Sakai.
Al-marhum ’Che Koris, grandfather of the present Sul-
tan (Ahmad) was the founder of Pekan : he came from Johor.
The settlement of Pulau Manis is so named because once
- there was an island there covered with rumput manis.
The authority for this history was To’ Kasim, the grand-
father of "Che Lah the present Pénghulu of Témai.
It is perhaps needless to add that the evidence of the
[Vor. IX, 1920.] H.S. Srrcom: Settlement of Pahang. 151
Stjarah Mélayu alone proves that there was Malacca Malay
influence in Pahang as early as the 15th century. It would
appear that the present legend relates to the Minangkaban
settlement in Pahang, a portion of which formed one of the
old Négéri Sembilan.
XXI. SIAMESE TRACES IN PAHANG.
By H. §. Srrcom.
I. At Sabak on the Luit river are two circular pits cut
into a bank one on either side. Dimensions :—
Depth: about 8 feet, 4 feet of which are filled with water.
Diameter at water’s edge: about 9 feet.
Distance over bank between pits : about 15 feet.
ad ) 15° ioe
land J Bank \ land
t
These pits are said to be the places where Siamese
did their cooking (? or sugar boiling), the pits having been
hollowed out to receive cooking pots. The name of the
place—Sabak—given on account of these pits.
No other details are supplied; no traces of mineral
workings near. (Visited on 23-10-1911).
2. Some distance below Sabak is an area of several
acres of lalang, and in it a pit (circular) about 6 feet in
diameter, containing about 5 feet of water with an under-
ground adit to the Luit river. The place is called “ Padang
Périgi’’ and Siamese occupation is attributed to it. No
other signs of habitation. (Visited on 23-10-IQII).
- Forest Ranger C. A. Speldewinde reports having
visited a large clearing in the jungle on the middle waters
of the Bebar, which is known as ‘‘ Padang Siam.”
UHATY LIA’T
XXII. KERAMAT IN LOWER PAHANG.
By H. S. Sircom.
1. At Galong (Luit) is a well-known &ramat consist-
ing of two large irregular-shaped stones about 9 feet apart.
They are supposed to mark the tomb of some holy man
whose identity cannot be traced.
here.is a legend that people who lose their way in the
jungle near this ktramat always come to the tomb, where
they find ees ready cut to refresh them.
2 t S&ribut on the left bank of the Rompin a little
below nals Kratong is a mound ona hill; on the mound
are two stones about 16 feet apart ; near it is a smaller
mound with stones about a man’s height apart.
These are said to be the tombstones dak Nadsoelsy of a
Sayid, one of seven brothers (of whom the man buried at
Galong is one) and of a disciple of his.
e tombstones are said to have removed themselves
about 70 years ago from Kuala Aur, their original position ;
the reason given being that the Sayid did not like the distur-
bance created by the ——* and births among the increas-
ing population at Kuala Aur
3. At Témai (right bank of Pahang) is a tombstone (batu
Acheh) with carving ; it is said to have been inscri once
with the name of Sayid Bakar, but no trace of the inscription
now remains. Haji Sam says that this tomb is older than
the kampong of Témai.
JOURNAL
OF <fHE
VOL. IX, PART 3.
APRIL, 1921.
XXIII. A Grave and Megaliths in Negri Sembitea
with an Account of some Excavations.
Ivor H. N. Evans at
“XXIV. ‘Plans of the Negri Sembilan Grave and
ona with Notes. W. 4. Wallace
the Pengkalan Kempas Tomb-
oe Boden Kloss
“XXTI. A GRAVE AND MEGALITHS IN NEGRI
SEMBILAN WITH AN ACCOUNT OF
SOME EXCAVATIONS.
(Plates II—XI.)
By Ivor H. N. Evans.
Mr. W. A. Wallace of the Federated Malay States Surveys.
His plans and notes are published in this Journal and are
The chief remains at Kéramat Sungai Udang are a
Mohamedan tomb, an inscribed pillar and a group of carved
granite monoliths with a platform in front of them. ‘The
Mohamedan tomb is, in some ways, the less interesting of
the structures as it is possible to date it accurately ; the
granite monoliths the more interesting since their age is pro-
blematical.
The grave is an object of veneration both to Malays and
Chinese, and to a certain extent to Tamils. The Malays and
Chinese make and pay vows there ; the former holding feasts
(Réndurt), at which pulut kunyet' figures prominently, when-
1 Glutinous rice dyed with turmeric.
156 Journal of the F.M.S. Museums. [Vor. IX,
ever the Dato’ of the Keramat' has granted their requests;
the latter firing crackers, making offerings of fowls—sub-
sequently taken away for consumption at home—and of
spirituous liquors, of which the Mohamedan Dato’ surely
cannot approve, and being only restrained from offering pork
by the interdiction of the local Malays; furthermore they
defile the monument by burning candles, joss-sticks and
“‘ paper money ’’—the variety with which the Chinese placate
spirits and the ghosts of the departed—in every available
crack and crevice. The grave has been protected for many
years by a palm-leaf roof.
To return however to the granite monoliths: the main
group of these consists of three uprights? with three dressed
blocks of laterite*® placed on the ground in front of them.
The uprights have been given fanciful names by the Malays :
one, a long, tapering, sculptured flake of granite is said to be
the sword (Pédang) or Kéris of the Saint of the Kéramat, the
second his spoon (Sudu), and the third the rudder (K&mudt)
of the ship in which he arrived in the country. In addition
to these there is also a large turtle-back of granite * lying rather
to one side, and two smaller granite uprights (Nos. 103 & 104,
a
dressed. The Sudu was accidentally broken into two pieces
some years ago by a falling tree (Nos. 93 and ror in plan). I
was able however'to make a fairly good restoration of the
stone. The same cause, too, was probably responsible for
the fracture of a small granite monolith which originally
stood within the outermost course of stones surrounding the
grave. The base of this was discovered buried in its original
position,’ and the larger portion of the stone has now been
joined to it and erected as it originally stood.
The turtle-back (102), to which I have referred above,
was found lying, flat side up, as shown in the plan, but I
turned it over and had it placed as nearly as possible in the
position in which it had formerly been, to one side of, and
rather behind the Kémudi (94), as shown in a photograph
taken some year previous to my visit.
The blocks forming the platform in front of the three
main uprights are all of laterite, and number three, not four,
asin the plan The inaccuracy is due to the fact that one of
them (100) had been much broken, and looked, in the state
in which it was found, as if it was really two distinct blocks.
Mr. Wallace indicated, however, that he was not sure of the
number and form of the blocks of part of the platform by means
of dotted lines. The shapes of several of the stones comprising
! Spirit of the sacred place.
? Nos. 92, tor, & 93, 94, in Mr. Wallace’s plan No. 3, postea.
* Nos. 98, 99, 100 in plan.
* No. 102.
* Close to No. 144, also a granite monolith.
1g2I.] I. H. N. Evans: A Grave and Megaliths. 157
the group are, to say the least of it, remarkable and it seems
possible that the Kéris (92) may bea conventionalised Phallus,
while the Sudu (ror & 93) may, perhaps, be a representation
of the yout.
Of the platform blocks, two are rectangular (99 & 100),
one being almost square; the third block is a rough hexagon.
It is worthy of note that several of the granite monoliths
show notchings, ribbings, or crenulations at their edges, num-
bers 92 and 94 affording good examples of ribbing, while the
turtle-back (102) is crenulate at one edge.
The sculptured designs which stand out in somewhat
low relief on the Kémudi (94) and the P&dang (92) are
extremely interesting. Those on the former appear to be
chiefly zoomorphic grotesques. At the bottom of the designs
on the Kémudi can be distinguished an animal which appears
to be meant for a horse or pony, while just above it is
another zoomorph, seemingly a bird, the legs of which are
however prolonged, one passing downwards and_ bending
under the feet of the “horse’”’ to end finally in a club-shaped
appendage behind that animal’s tail, the other curving up-
wards to form a similar club-shaped object behind the
““bird’s”’ body. It seems not impossible that the bird may
be a crude representation of a peacock since the head bears
a projection which is, perhaps, the peacock’s crest, while the
club-shaped appendage behind it may be meant for its tail.
The discoidal object, too, in the centre of the stone is
extremely interesting as it may possibly show that the con-
structors of the monument were sun-worshippers or moon
worshippers. !
The rest of the designs in relief may be, as I am inclined
to think that they are, highly conventionalised plumes of
feathers, or possibly phyllomorphic grotesques :
have yet omitted to mention the very curious projec-
tion on the left of the stone ; this appears to be the conven-
tionalised head of an animal of some kind. The curly
barbule under the chin is a most peculiar feature of the
sculpture.
To pass now to the Pédang (92). There can,I think, be
no doubt at all that the lowest object represented on this is a
dragon. The body, tail, head, and recurved horns are all
distinctly marked, and the snout of the animal projects
between the ribbings at the edge of the stone.
The other sculptured objects on the stone are much more
problematical; that directly above the dragon is, I am pretty
sure, an animal grotesque of some kind: looked at in one
light it appears to be a buffalo’s head with ears, nose, eyes
and mouth fairly plainly defined; in another, part of it appears
| Mr. E. E. W. G. Schroder tells me that he considers that the stone
monuments of Nias are connected with moon-worship, not with sun-worship.
158 Journal of the F.M.S. Museums. [Vor. IX,
to represent a bird with outspread wings, recurved and
retracted legs, and a long tail bent somewhat to one side.!
Above this carving are representations of three discoidal
objects, set triangularly, the uppermost being a plain disc,
like that on the Kémudi, to which I have already referred.
above the uppermost disc comes a bowed dividing ridge in
relief, and above this again the word “ Allah” in Arabic charac-
ter, and standing out in relief. After this the stone tapers to
its curiously shaped head which can be well seen in the
illustration.
I have already put forward, with some diffidence, the
view that the Pédang may be a conventionalised phallus. If
this is so, I would suggest that the portion of the stone above
the inscription represents the glans, while the band, to which
I have just referred, may be meant to represent the scar left
by circumcision.* The whole group of stones, apart of course
from the inscription, is absolutely foreign in design and spirit
to the custom and teaching of Islam and there would appear
to be fairly good reasons for considering the granite monoliths
to be of older date than the Mohamedan grave and possibly
antecedent to the propagation of Islam in the Malay Penin-
sula. Only subsidiary stones to the granite monoliths are of
laterite while, in the case of the Mohamedan grave, laterite,
with the exception of four stones of Batu Acheh (a kind of
sandstone brought from Achin), is the only material of the
dressed blocks of which the structure is built. Furthermore
two small granite monoliths, obviously absolutely unconnect-
ed with the grave, stand within the quadrangle of the outer-
most wall of laterite blocks and two others just outside the
aforesaid wall near one corner. Moreover one piece of granite,
taken from the ‘‘older’’ remains, was discovered in the
foundations of the outer wall on its down-hill side; and an-
other, a discoidal granite flake, presumably dressed at the
edges, while excavating the wall between the central block
of the grave and the outer course or wall. I think, therefore,
that the probabilities are that the builders of the Mohamedan
ence—and left them, in so far as possible, undisturbed even
where they occurred on the site marked out for the tomb.
A few pieces of granite—perhaps mere waste stuff from the
1 Dr. Bosch, Director of the Antiquarian Survey of the Dutch East
Indies, to whom I have shown a photograph of the Pédang, thinks that this
culiar carving may be a degenerate representation of the head of the Kala
(a mythical animal) which is frequently found depicted on Javanese ruins o!
the Hindu period.
2 There is reason for thinking that a form of circumcision may have
been practised in the Peninsula before the advent of Mohamedanism,
8 No. 107 and another stone not shown in the pl
Ses ces ee
~
1921. ] I. H. N. Evans: A Grave and Megaliths. 159
construction of the granite monuments—were however used
in making the foundations of the tomb.
If the above assumptions are correct, we have still to
account for the name of God which is carved upon the P&dang.
It is extremely unlikely that the Arabic script or the Arabic
word for God arrived in the Peninsula prior to the propaga-
tion of Mohamedanism. I would suggest, therefore, that
the builders of the tomb, followers of the Prophet, made a
compromise between their Islamic dislike of pagan monu-
for pre-Mohamedan holy places, and that they carved the
word *‘ Allah’’ on the Pédang, in order to sanctify an infidel
spots, especially under large trees or near caves, which are
obviously the holy places of animism, and not of Islam ; but
which, to get round a difficulty, are sometimes said to be
Rtramat Jin—I presume Jin Islam, i.e. Mohamedan Jin?—
in order to bestow some slight appearance of orthodoxy upon
those who make or pay vows at them.
Similar instances of pagan sacred wells having been an-
nexed by the early Christians and credited to some saint are,
of course, well known in Europe.
What I have written above is one method of solving the
problem, and the arguments for the inscription having been
added toa pre-Mohamedan monument at a later date seem
to me to be strengthened by the occurrence of granite monu-
ments within the space occupied by the Mohamedan tomb.
Of other possible explanations there are two; one
these being that the granite monuments and the tomb are
contemporaneous*® and that the ornamentation of the former
1 Papers on Malay Subjects, Malay History, p.7. I certainly do not
think that the inscription on the perforated pillar (vide p.—infra) was ever
changed, as Wilkinson suggests, This pillar belongs to the Mohamedan
grave, and an orthodox Mohamedan inscription surely might well be
expected to be found upon it.
other point which may be mentioned here is that Wilkinson says that
‘‘it is believed that this pillar (which has u
ordeals) will tighten round the arm of any man who is rash enough to swear
falsely when in its power.”’ I was not told anything about false ere by
an
to insert
2 There are said to be both Jin Islam and Jin Kafir,i.ce. Moham
and heathen Jin.
$ This is the view taken by R. O. Winstedt (Journ. Straits Branch
oy. Asiat. - 1917, p. 173). He think le that parts of the
Saint’s tomb were constructed locally, and that other parts, like the ornate
so-called ‘* sword,” were brought from India, as we have seen was acommon
custom.’’ Itseems to me however, that it is much more likely that the
160 Journal of the F.M.S. Museums. [Vou. IX,
was produced when the people had been scarcely weaned at
all (by Mohamedan missionaries) from the most pagan
practices. In this case, of course, the word ‘‘ Allah’ would
have been carved by the makers of the granite monoliths,
and it must in fairness be said that an inspection of the
characters, which stand out in relief, does not, to my mind,
furnish any proof that it is not contemporaneous with the
designs on the stone.
In order to make it of later date than the carvings it is
necessary to imagine that the part of the stone now occupied
by the name of God formerly stood at a higher level than
the ribbings which fringe the edges of the stone, and that
this except for the lettering was subsequently cut away to
its present level. The explanation is not very satisfactory,
for, as I have mentioned above, the inscription shows no
signs of having been added afterwards.
The third possibility—also not very satisfying —is that
‘the granite monuments are older than the grave, but not
older than the introduction of the religion of Islam into the
Peninsula, and that the word “ Allah ’’ was carved upon the
stone, at ‘the same time as the other ornamentation, by a
people who, though nominally Mohamedans, were, in fact,
still pagan at heart.! The period, however, between the
conversion of the first Moslem king of Malacca and the reign
of Sultan Mansur Shah, in whose time the Mohamedan tomb
was erected, is not long. Sultan Mohamed Shah, the first
sovereign of "Malacca to accept Mohamedanism, ascended the
throne somewhat before the year A.D. 1403, and was recog-
nised by the Chinese Emperor in A.D. 1405. Sultan Mansur
Shah came to the throne about A.D. 1459.2 How long the
Malays in general, if they did so, had accepted Mohamedanism
before the conversion of Sultan Mansur Shah, it seems
impossible to sa
Of the other granite monuments yet undescribed, the
most remarkable are probably a large flat and almost circular
object (95) which is sometimes called the Saint’s Shield
(Périsat) and a small group of stones at the extreme edge of
the Kérvamat reserve, where it now abuts on a Chinese rubber
plantation. The Périsai is chiefly noteworthy for the geo-
metric designs in low relief on one surface. The top of the
stone is marked by a small somewhat stalk-like projection ;
below this comes a pattern which is common in Malay designs,
and the rest of the face of the stone is, as may be seen in the
** sword,”’ which 7 of granite containing _ crystals of feldspar, a type
of rock found in he Peninsula, was made locally. this sandstone of the
paler - ‘Acheh) is, I believe, not Fotis din ee
t account both for the name of God and the st on
the Scie appearing to be of the same date, and also for the -_
untelated granite stones withi e enclosure of the Mohamedan t
* Papers on Malay Subjects, Malay History, pp. 22 and 24.
1921. |] I.H. N. Evans: A Grave and Megaltths. 161
illustration, ornamented with the type of design already
alluded to.
The group of stones near the Chinese rubber plantation,
when found, was in a Yery ruinous condition. The most
important members of it are a long flake of granite, a squared
block of laterite and a round stone, also of laterite. The
granite flake had, as I was told by the local residents,
originally stood upright between the two laterite stones and,
when we discovered it, though fallen down one end was still
resting between them. It appears that this monument, also,
had been broken by a falling tree, but further damage had
been done subsequently by a Chinese washerman who had
broken off pieces from the upper end of the granite flake, and
used them for supports for his cauldron. The Malays told
me, with considerable glee, that the offender’s wife had died
not long afterwards, and that the washerman himself had
encountered other misfortunes—all of which they ascribed to
his sacrilegious act—and finally ran away. At the time of
my visit, however, a brother trades:namz had taken his place,
and was still using the old stand for his cauldron.
Having persuaded this man to move his pitch, we dis-
covered several pieces of the granite monolith on the old site
of his operations, but, unfortunately, several of them had
become friable and lost their original edges owing to the
constant heating which they had undergone. Nevetheless
we were lucky enough to find the top ot the monolith and
to be able to establish a join with the major portion.
Partly below the squared laterite block, already men-
tioned, is another seemingly undressed slab of the same
material, the two blocks thus forming a couple of steps.
The spherical laterite stone has a curious somewhat
horseshoe-shaped object sculptured on it in relief; the convex
side of the granite upright, too, appears to have had a similar
design depicted upon it, but it is much weathered. These
two objects are particularly interesting in view of the possible
phallic origin of the Pédang. It is possible, moreover, that,
judging by its shape, the granite upright of this small group
may also be meant for a rude representation of phallus.
Of the yet undescribed granite objects there remain only
a few to be dealt with. ‘Three of these are loose and have
no certain location, but I found them lying in front of the
Mohamedan grave. What any of them represent it is extreme-
ly difficult to say, though they have all three been shaped,
and in the case of two a little carving has been added, on
one in the shape of some notchings and a slight design of
patterns, on the other notchings only. These details are well
shown in the illustration (Pl. IX).
I have already referred to a small granite monolith, which
had been broken, but of which we found the base while ex-
cavating the walk round the grave, which is bounded by the
162 Journal of the F.M.S. Museums. [Vor. IX,
outermost row of stones.! This, like several of the other
stones, is crenulate at the edges and has, furthermore, a
couple of small spur-like projections, one on either side. In
addition to this, and standing near it, is a somewhat larger
monolith (44), also with crenulate edges and having some
slight scrollings on one side, these being in connection with
the crenulations. The two monuments appear to have been
left undisturbed by the builders of the Mohamedan tomb.
Outside the course of stones which bounds the grave are
a few other, mostly rather unimportant, dressed, or dressed
and carved, granite stones. Only one of these, a plain and
short dressed post of stone (107), is shown on the plan, but
there is also a small, somewhat shield-shaped upright adjacent
to, it, and abut in front of stone 75. Outside the outer
course of the tomb, too, and just outside block 77 we found
a curiously carved stone, which looks almost as if it may be
a conventional representation of a turtle.
turn now to the excavation which I made, and the
restorations that I attempted in connection with the granite
monoliths
The most important piece of work was the treatment of
the group of stones comprising the P&dang (or Keris), the
Sudu, the Kémudi and other elements. I have already re-
marked that all the monuments stand in a sort of little valley
or depression between two ridges. The large group of granite
monoliths, being nearer to the middle line of the valley than
the Mohamedan tomb, is on swampy ground, while the tomb
is kept dry by the fact that it rests partly on the foot of the
The clearing of the ground took several days, and some
difficulty was encountered in dealing with a patch of asam
kélubt (Zalacca conferta) the thorns of which caused the coolies
much annoyance by constantly getting into their hands and
feet, while a large banyan-tree, the roots of which had split
Pédang and had even penetrated the centre of the Mohame-
dan tomb, also gave us considerable trouble.
Having cleared the ground, I found a small and almost
choked watercourse running along the bottom of the little
valley, so I had a temporary ditch which we afterwards
! Page, 7
1g2I.] I. H. N. Evans: A Grave and Megaliths. 163
replaced by a properly graded larger one, put in along this
line to carry off some of the water. When this had been done
I had two tributary ditches driven from near the side of the
tomb to the main ditch, so as to enclose the Pédang and the
other large monoliths of ‘the group between them. Next, the
ground having become sufficiently dry, the soil surrounding
the monoliths was excavated, so as to leave them standing on
only a smallisland. The material thus removed consisted of
about a foot of humus followed by rather more than the same
amount of white sand, under which again was a more or less
peaty stratum, about five or six inches deep, which contained
twigs, leaves and branches of trees. This peaty layer was in
turn succeeded by a dark greyish clay.
en overhead tackle had been got into position for
lifting the monoliths, so that they might be placed on a
cement raft, I decided to do the work bit by bit and to deal
with the lower part of the Sudu! first. Having secured it
firmly, ready for hoisting, I had the surrounding soil cleared.
away and found that its lower end wassunk in the ground
to a depth of two feet only. The base of the Pédang proved
to be ai less deeply embedded as it only reached a depth
of 14 foo
As a two monoliths were the most deeply set in the
ground, if any, we may take them into consideration when
determining the horizon of the land surface at the time when
these monuments wee erected. I have remarked that the
present accumulation of humus with the white sand amounts
to a little over two feet while the bases of none of the monu-
' ments reach a greater depth than this. I am inclined to think
that the top of the white sand was probably the surface of the
soil at the time when the megaliths were set up unless some
intervening layers were denuded in the period, if any,
between the construction of the megalithic group and the
deposition of the present humus.
The view that the layer of sand, or the top of it, was the
ancient land surface is supported by the fact that it contains
numerous small fragments of charcoal, and in it were found
the only objects of interest that we discovered while making
our excavation around the group of monoliths.
These comprised four small button-shaped objects of blue
glass—one of them opaque, the other three transparent—a
piece of greenish-grey céladon-ware, slightly ribbed on its
convex or outer side, which looks as if it had been a part of
a cup’; anda lid, somewhat like that of a small teapot, of
which the decoration is in under-glaze painting in a dark
| The top - it will be remembered, had been broken off. There were
see two portions (Nos. 93 & 101
Ss grey ware, according to Sir Hercules Read, who has inspected
some oi the ——* of pottery, may, perhaps, have been made at Sawan-
khalok in Siam
164 . Journal of the F.M.S. Museums. [Vor. IX,
blackish-blue on a white surface. The designs are a set of
six alternating sepals around the small knob at top of the lid
and a sort of debased key-pattern near the edge. This piece
of pottery is obviously Chinese. Another interesting specimen
which was found is a little oval black stone of a similar
nature to that which was formerly used for making stone
implements. This is convex above, probably partly naturally
rounded by river-action, but has been artificially flattened by
rubbing below. I would suggest that this was used either as
sharpening-stone for small metal tools, or as a touch-stone.
Before I deal in detail with the re-erection of the mono-
liths and the measures taken to preserve them, or make any
observations connected with their signification and, if possible,
former use, I may as well refer here to the other objects found
during our excavations, except those which can be definitely
connected with the Mohamedan tomb.
One or two objects were discovered when making the
ditch down the centre of the valley ; they comprise some
In a tributary to the main ditch which was dug in order
to drain some of the marshy land towards the southern end
of the Kéramat reserve we came across a few other interesting
objects, a small silver coin,’ two small pieces of a céladon
bowl, the lower part of a small blue-and-white dish, and por-
tions of two blue-and-white cups or small bowls. All this
pottery was obviously Chinese, the blue and white ware and
probably the céladon as well, being of the Ming period. The
céladon-ware is remarkable for its beauty. The glaze isa
translucent apple-green and is crackled, while the body of
the vessel has been decorated with incised foliate designs be-
fore the application of the glaze.*
I have yet omitted to mention that while making excava-
tions near the small group of monoliths at the edge of the
Chinese rubber plantation we encountered the end of another
st, and a piece of greyish-green crackled céladon was
discovered built into the foundations for the washerman’s
copper. To proceed now to the description of the reconstruc-
tional work done :—
The group of stones containing the Kémudi, the Pédang
This is very much rubbed, and though remains of an inscription can
be seen, it will probably be impossible to identify it.
2 Sir Hercules Read believes that this green céladon-ware is of the early
Ming period (14th or 15th century),
1g2I.] I. H. N. Evans >A Grave and Megaliths. 165
_and the Sudu was placed ona concrete raft. Few changes
were made in the position of the stones: the K&mudi was
raised from its recumbent position and set so as to stand at
right angles to the line formed by the P&édang and the Sudu,
this being, as far as it is possible to tell, as it stood originally:
while the tirtle. back (102), which was “foun d lying flat side
uppermost, was turned over and placed in position somewhat
behind the Kémudi. These, with the exception of planting
perpendicularly the P&édang which was leaning at an angle
and a slight straightening up of stones 92 and 104, were the
only changes made.
Excavation of the site revealed four large undressed blocks
of laterite underlying the largest stone of the platform, that
in front of the Pédang, and smaller blocks under stones 99 an
These were replaced as found. Furthermore pieces of
laterite, seetningly placed there with a view to keeping the large
perpendicular megaliths in position, were found behind the
bases of the P&édang, the Sudu and the Kémudi.!
With regard to the small group of stones near the boun-
dary of the Chinese rubber plantation, these objects were
placed on a concrete platform. ‘The granite flake, which had
fallen over, was set up perpendicularly, and such pieces of its
upper end as we could fit re-joined to it. Luckily the top of
the flake was found near the washerman’s cauldron, and a join
secured, though some portions of the stone were not discovered,
this necessitating a somewhat free use of cement, so as to
_ secure the monument against damage in the future.
In addition to the stones already described, three outlying
blocks of granite (Nos. 3, 4 and 5 on the plan of the reserve)
were discovered by sounding the ground with an iron rod, and
also a small heap of material, laterite and granite pieces (9).
The three blocks just referred to were natural boulders of
granite while the heap of stones contained a piece of granite
which had apparently been a part of some monument, since
some carving in relief—though it was not possible to identify
the object depicted—could be discerned on it.
To turn now to the Mohamedan tomb. This consists of
an outer course of squared stones surrounding an inner struc-
ture built of much larger blocks of the same material.* At
one end, between the outer wall or course and the inner
block, is a squared pillar of sandstone (Batu Acheh) which
has a hole through it and bears on its four faces four inscrip-
tions, two in Arabic character, two in some script which has
not yet been identified. The two inscriptions in the unknown
1 Several of these pieces of — were attig -™ we positions a few
years ago to support the larger ston Boden
Mention may here be made of ‘ curious rae pire ny consisting of
two ate of laterite, which projects from the outer course of stones on the
side facing the Sudyw. The larger sn ne of this platform (96) rests on a
eyiintivicel pillow-stone of the same material.
166 Journal of the F.M.S. Museums. [Vor. IX,
; language are shorter than those in the Arabic lettering and fill.
the spaces, one on either side, above the two openings of the
hole.
The Arabic inscriptions, except for an orthodox Mohame-
dan invocation at the beginning of each, are in part difficult
to read; but it appears to ‘be clear from those parts of
is that of one Sheikh Ahmad! who died in A.H. 872 (A.D.
1467/8) in the time of Sultan Mansur Shah of Malacca? (A.D.
1459-A.D.- 1475). Malacca was taken by the Portuguese
under Albuquerque in A.D. r5rz, in the reign of Sultan
Mahmud Shah, and between Sultan Mansur Shah and Sultan
Mahmud Shah came Alaedin Riayat Shah I.
I have already referred to the inner part of the tomb.
This as will be seen on referring to the plan consists of an
outer and an inner‘enclosure, both of them rectangular, and
both constructed of very large and heavy blocks of laterite.
The inner chamber is the grave proper, and at its foot there
At the head of the grave there is a laterite block (No. 3)
the top of which has been rounded to resemble the Batu Acheh
capstone referred to above. This stone also bears a circle on
its outer, and another on its inner, surface, these correspond-
ing in position to those on the capstone. Neither of them now
a renin. Sunn inirnmrcenncermnrn serge a sha ea en ie
1 ** Makam Sheikh Ahmad” (the tomb of Sheikh Ahmad).
2 Pada zaman Sultan Shah Mansur” (in the time of Sultan Mansur
Shah). My thanks are due to Mr. J. P. Moquette of the Batavian Society’s
Museum for making out a large part.
’R O. Wi i
" 3 ieee
4 Presumably this is an inscribed stone to which Wilkinson refers in his
Malay History. He says, ‘‘ Near this pillar (i.e. the perforated stone) is
re : tame
can imly seen,’’ but as far as I have been able to make out the inscrip-
tion seems to be undoubtedly in the Arabic character.
1g2I.] I. H. N. Evans: A Grave and Megaliths. 167
portions, a vertical band of the same size running from the
centre of the top edge of the stone to join the horizontal band
but not being continued below it.
I will now describe the reconstructional work done and
refer to certain interesting objects which were found in the
course of the excavations :—
The grave is built at the foot of a small hill, one of its
longer sides lying towards the swampy ground which I have
mentioned previously. The first step taken was to clear away
the earth round the outer edging of stones. On this being
done it was found that the edge of the structure consisted of
two courses of squared laterite blocks, one superimposed on
the other, the blocks of the lower layer being the largest. On
the side directly below the hill and at the two ends of the
structure this outer wall was reinforced by a row of laterite
boulders placed exteriorly against the lower course of stones
and against the earth which supported it. This feature was
very much more marked on the side facing the swamp. Here
the lower course of stones and the earth below it had been
banked up with very large boulders’ thus :—
Earth level
Boulders
As far as I could ascertain, a part of the foot of the hill
seems to have been cut away by the people who built the
grave and a piece of made ground added on the down side to
thabene method of using boulders to retain the earth of banks or to
reinforce the foundations of walls is in common use throughout Java komt
The stones are, however, exposed and not covered with soil as in the instan
mentioned here. C. Boden Kloss.
168 Journal of the F.M S . Museums. [Vor. IX,
the small platform thus created, the whole space being just
large enough to receive the tomb.
When the foundations of the tomb, if they may so be
called, had been exposed and the earth on the inner side of
the wall cleared away, the squared stones and also the
undressed boulders were taken up and relaid, being firmly
bound together with cement and, in the ease of the squared
blocks, placed on a concrete foundation. ‘The next step was
to deal with the inner and outer walls of the tomb proper, and
here some opposition might have been encountered on the
part of the local Malays who were working as coolies for me,
but a k&nduri (feast) before starting work smoothed the way ;
and the only stipulations made by the local Imam (priest),
who was employed as my headman, were that the headstone
of the grave should not be moved and that the earth in the
central compartment, where presumably Sheikh Ahmad’s body
lies,! should be disturbed as little as possible when moving
the large blocks of stone at the sides. These large stones,
both of the inner and outer wall of the central part of the
tomb, were lifted and placed on a concrete foundation six
inches in thickness.
The spaces between the inner and outer walls of the cen-
tral block were filled with earth as, of course, was also the
central chamber. Some subsidence of the contents of the
latter had caused the inner row of blocks to cant inwards,
especially when they were in contact with the heavy uprights
lower wall, but not on the inner. They were thus set up
perpendicularly in this position on a thick block of cement
which took the place of the earth removed.
the central block we came upon three interesting objects.
One of these was a blue-and-white porcelain, crackled Ming
1 Any remains must, long ago, have been destroyed by termites. The
whole structure was riddled with their nests at the time of my visit.
5
192I.] I. H. N. Evans: A Grave and Megaliths. 169
dynasty bowl with floral ornamentation. This was discovered
just underneath the laterite block (18) which lies between the
two uprights, Nos. 7 and 8. It was embedded right-side-up
and, besides earth, contained a number of little water-worn
quartz pebbles ; but whether these were placed there inten-
tionally or not I am not quite certain, as similar stones
occurred in the surrounding soil though not in such numbers
as in the earth in the bowl. This piece of porcelain must have
been whole; but got broken when the stone above it was
shifted. It had evidently been placed in position and was
not merely a piece of crockery which had been thrown away.
The second object discovered was the greater part, in pieces,
of a low and rather pot-bellied Chinese vessel with a wide
mouth. This is not of porcelain; but of a fine grained
yellowish clay. It is covered with a thin and flaky ivory-like
glaze and has some underglaze patterns in rather dark blue.
These designs are typicaily Chinese.
The third object was discovered at the head of the tomb
between stones 27 and 3.' This is a curiously carved piece of
sandstone some 35 cm. in length. It was placed against the
headstone (3) and on the top of a small squared block of
laterite. It is difficult to say with certainty what the carved
stone is meant to represent; but I am inclined to think that
it is a winged phallus, a most sow paeaaens object to place in
the tomb of a Mohamedan holy -m
The discovery of this peculiar Hone much astonished the
Malays who were working for me, and they were inclined to
treat it with considerable reverence, so much so that when I,
after some difficulty, pursuaded them to try to move it and
one man had done so without result owing to its being firmly
cemented to the headstone with that peculiar hardened earth
which is found in nests of the termite, they announced that
it “didn’t want to move,” and that they dared not make
further attempt. Thus I had to do this, to their minds
dangerous piece of work, myself. When I had moved the
stone I found that there was a hole in the block of laterite
on which it rested: this I probed and found that it extended
downwards for about a foot, but what its purpose can have
been I do not know. I was prevented from fully excavating
and temporarily removing this stone by the superstitious fears
of the Malays.
There seem to be some slight traces of mounds and -
ditches on the land enclosed in the reserve, and the lines of
these, as far as they could be made out, may be traced in
Mr. Wallace’s smaller scale plan.
In addition to the remains already described, there is a
curious grave with a laterite gravestone on a hill on the other
1 The stone aay * in the plan is a loose block, evidently taken from
elsewhere quite recent]
170 Journal of the F.M.S. Museums. [VoL. IX,
side of the road from the Mohamedan tomb and the granite
monoliths (number 12 in the small-scale plan). The grave is
is not that of a Mohamedan tomb.! Whether it is of the same
age as the granite monoliths is problematical, but, as can be
seen from the annexed rough sketches, it presents features
bly stones of this type are derived from
the leaf of the Ficus religiosa, the shape of the leaf being
very clearly defined in the case of certain backstones of
Hindu sculptures from Java (vide plate XI_)3
A very small, loose, gravestone of somewhat similar type
was found lying on the side of the hill which is directly above
Sheik Ahmad’s tomb. I removed this and placed it under
cover of the roof over the ktvamat.
Betore bringing this paper to a close it may, perhaps, be
worth while to try and see if any comparisons can be made
between the granite megaliths at Linggi and megalithic monu-
ments occurring in neighbouring countries, or in those whose
peoples have blood or other connections with the present or
former inhabitants of the Malay Peninsula,
Megalithic monuments are found in Indonesia, as well in
by the Khasis, the Nagas, the Mikirs, the Ho-Mundas and
ments for the following purposes :—_
(a) As seats for the spirits of the departed.
() To commemorate a parent or relation.
(c) To mark the position of tanks, the water of which is
supposed to cleanse the ashes and bones of those
who die unnatural deaths. 4
(d) As seats for weary travellers (flat stones).
Groups of stones of class b consist usually of 3,5, 7 or 9
uprights with flat table-stones in front, the uprights being
called male and the recumbent female stones.
In Nias standing stones are set up for the spirits of
! This grave is, however, regarded as kévamat ty the Malays, though
offerings are seldom made at it now. It is said that formerly, when Sheikh
a
asis, By P. R. T. Gordon, 1914.
(b) The History of Upper Assam. By L. W. Shakespear, 1914.
Se
Nite il
ee
1g2!.| I. H. N. Evans: A Grave and Megaliths. 17E
ancestors to lean against and table-stones are placed for them
use as seats, though megaliths are erected for other pur-
poses as well. s Some, but by no means all, of the Nias
megaliths have a phallic significance.®
In British North Borneo, according to my own expe-
rience, the Dusuns sometimes place rows of stones outside
villages, these being thought to act as a protection against
disease ; and similar guardian stones are also found among the
Tinguians of the Philippine Islands.
Megalithic monuments occur, too, in many other islands
of the Indian Archipelago, and an account of them, in those
parts of Indonesia where he thinks that no cultural influences
associated with Brahmanism, Buddhism or Islam have pene-
trated, is to be found in W. F. Perry’s Megalithic Culture of
I miomesia.
author considers that certain belief and customs are
Es Ne aobe connected with the immigrants who introduced the
megalithic culture into N.E. India and Indonesia. Among
these are several which are still found among the Malays or
among the wild tribes of the Peninsula, such as a belief that
stone implements are thunderbolts,* prohibitions against
eating the flesh of certain animals, ° and ideas that certain
on the Peninsula I know of instances of these ‘‘ punish-
ment” beliefs among the Malays of Central Pahang, the
Negritos of Perak, and the Sakai of South Perak. I tabulate
the offences and the punishments which follow them below;
more detailed ands eee can be gathered from previous
numbers of this Jou
Nationality. Pe of Offence. Punishment,
Malays. Dressing up and Thunderstorms and
laughing ata cat village swallowed by
and dog. earth.
Sakai. (a) eee ingle leeches Thunderstorms caus-
the cook-house ing, most probably, the
fire. death of the offender.
Among the nanere
1 Nias. By E E. W. =~ Serine 1918.
- Phalli are carved on t
e is an illustr. rae making offering to some
small guardian stones in Customs of the a World, \ Vol. ITI, p. 668.
+ Generally current among the
children are protibited, or will not eat the flesh of
certain animals. bless of the mousedeer and of the Bérok and _
monkeys is commonly regarded as prohibited: ‘The the w
variety of the buffalo is regarded as pantang (tabu) by 8 some Malays.
172 Journal of the F.M.S. Museums. [Von. IX,
Nationality. Nature of Offence. Punishment.
(5) Putting malau (stick- Sakai it is related that
: lac) into the fire. the house of an offender
(c) Teasing a monkey, tabus was struck by
or dressing it up like lightning and swallowed
aman and laughing by the earth, hot
at its antics. springs arising on its
: site. His daughters
(Z2) Roasting an egg in were killed by a dragon,
the fire. and this animal and the
daughters’ leaf dresses—
(ec) Laughing at snakes the girls were probably
or other animals. eaten—have become
stones. This is the only
) Imitating the notes of case of petrifaction for
certain birds or the breaking a tabu that I
noise made by the have come across in the
cicada. . Malay States.
(i
~~
Negritos. (a) Copying the notes of, Thunderstorms, light-
or killing, certain ning and floods, involv-
kinds of birds. ing the deaths of the
(6) Sexual intercourse offenders.
within the camp.
There still remains to be discussed the object for which
the granite monoliths were erected. It is interesting to note
that the Mikirs set up standing stones and place flat slabs in
front of them; for the Pédang, the Sudu, and the Kémudi,
each have a slab placed on the ground in this position, while
these large uprights are also three in number, as among the
Mikirs, or, if we also take into account the two smaller stones
(103 and 104), five, also a Mikir number. Excavation at the
main group of monoliths produced no proof that they marked
the site of a grave or graves; in fact rather the reverse, for
the ground under the table-stones seemed never to have been
disturbed previously. I am inclined therefore to think that
the probabilities are in favour of the Linggi monoliths being
either memorial stones (possibly for the use of the spirits of
the departed) or guardian stones ;—if they should be contem-
poraneous with the tomb, memorial stones. This, however,
would denote a great confusion of beliefs, Mohamedan and
an.
_ One other point is perhaps worth mentioning; and that
is with regard to the blocks of stone which are placed under
the flat slabs in front of the main group of monoliths. These
may, of course, be merely for the purpose of preventing the
slabs above from sinking into the ground, but it must be
1921.] I, H. N. Evans: A Grave and Megaliths. 173
remembered that the Khasis build small dolmens, and similar
structures are found in Sumba.' The following is a description
of a small but typical Khasi table-stone: “In front of the
line of menhirs is a large flat table-stone resting on stone
supports, the top of the uppermost plane being some 2 or 2}
feet from the ground ; this flat stone is sometimes as much as
a foot or more thick. 78 From this description it looks very
much as if the flat stones in front of the Linggi uprights
(menhirs) might be rather degenerate relations of the Khasi
table-stones. In this connection it is particularly worthy of
remark that four undressed boulders of laterite were found
under the largest slab, i.e. that in front of the satan
| Vide Hate o 6 “) Sees Monuments of Indonesia, p. 15.
2 The Khasis, p. 1
Journ. F.M.S. Mus,—Vol. IX. PI. 1.
TOMB WITH INSCRIBED PILLAR IN BACKGROUND BEFORE RESTORATION.
Journ. F.M.S. Mus.—Vol. IX. Pil
—
a_i) hu yablin hd
ight ar
1. H. N, EVANS, PHOTO.
THE MOHAMEDAN TOMB AFTER RESTORATION.
Journ. F.M.S. Mus.—Vol. IX. Plely.
C, BODEN KLOSS, PHOTO,
MONOLITHS AND PLATFORM BEFORE RESTORATION.
(KEMUDI TO LEFT, PEDANG AT CENTRE, SUDU TO RIGHT.)
Journ, F.M.S, Mus.—Vol. IX. PEN;
H. C. ROBINSON, PHOTO.
“THE SWORD OF THE SAINT.”
(PEDANG or KERIS: No. 92.)
Journ. F.M.S. Mus.—Vol. IX. PEI.
1, H. N. EVANS, PHOTO.
“THE SHIELD OF “THE: SAINT,”
(PERISAI: No. 95.)
Pl. VII.
Journ. F.M.S. Mus.—Vol. IX.
H. N, EVANS, PHOTO.
THE KEMUDI or RUDDER: No. 94.
Journ. F.M.S. Mus.—Vol. IX. PiVIN,
1. H. N. EVANS, PHOTO.
THE MAIN GROUP OF GRANITE MONOLITHS AT
PENGKALAN KEMPAS AFTER RESTORATION,
Journ. F.M.S. Mus.— Vol. IX.
C. BODEN KLOSS, PHOTO,
CARVED SHIELD-LIKE STONES.
Nos, 106, 8, 9.)
Journ, F.M.S. Mus.— Vol. LX. FLA:
I. H. N. EVANS, PHOTO.
SMALL GRANITE UPRIGHT AND LATERITE BLOCKS AFTER
RESTORATION (Nos. 130-3).
Journ. F.M.S. Mus.—Vol. IX. \ Pl. XI.
Small gravestone
Found at Kéramat S. Udang.
on hill above Sheik Ahmad’s tomb
See.
Rough sketch of
laterite gravestone from Kéramat
S. Udang. Linggi, Negri Sembilan
Tombstone of the Hindu period Java
Tombstone of the Tombstone of the
Hindu period Java Hindu period Java
oe
The back of a Statue of the Hindu period Java
{ Sketches not to Scale )
Heliozincographed at the C.S.O. K. L. F. M. S. Reg. No 232 ‘20, 405.
XXIV. PLANS OF THE NEGRI SEMBILAN GRAVE
AND MEGALITHS WITH NOTES (PLANS 1z-5).
By W. A. WaLLAcE, SURVEY DEPARTMENT, F.M.S.
REMARKS RE THE STONES AND THEIR MEASUREMENTS.
D=Cut or dressed.
k= _ gn she in natural shape.
C
L=So-ca valled ee Really aconglomerate of coarse quartz, sand
d stones cement See ether with a clay ead probably from decomposed
felspar from granite. his L, is probably from quartzite = sahppe Seep gai schists,
shales or _ llites, sc is Pei ily m6. with oxide of iron. may be a
conglomerate formed in swamp. Orit may be (as some think) sy oo. oe
soft stone said to se dg ¢ out soft sa then hardened in the sea. I, has
whe t on a compass
=Contains paaeaa, or designs or inscriptions in relief.
= engraved.
9 3) »”> dh
In inches.
pomy Length Width Depth Description.
I See notes. D,P,
Z ” ”» L,D,C,
4 ds >? L,D,C,
4 ” 4? L,D,
5 3 #3 1, UG;
6 me + L,,0,C,
f § x9 ” L,D,
8 38°0 20°0 L,D,
9 380 18°8 1,,D,
Io 33°0 18°5 L,D,
II 35°0 20°9 L,D, °
12 32°0 Ig‘0 L,D,
13 34°5 23.0 18'0 L,D,
I 34°0 19°3 cmt
15 34°5 19"0 LD,
16 36° 19°3 Ss
17 34°0 19°4 AD, *
18 35°0 21°3 L,D,
1g 310 18°7 L,D,
20 33/0 17'5 L,D,
21 27°0 ale
me 19°0 5 Ne 9
23 138 gh
24 44°2 L,D,
25 33°0 19°5 L,D,
26 42°0 13°0 L,D,
176 Journal of the F.M.S. Museums. [Vor IX
= Length Width Depth Description.
a aes pes nD:
28 42°5 50 LD,
29 33'0 20°5 at
a5 re pr hie to
31 30°0 14°3 ef el
32 22°0 LD,
33 35°5 16-7 LD,
34 42'5 20°0 20°0 _ LD,
35 310 I4’0 L,D,
30 32°0 13°0 LD,
7 19°0 nt a
38 26'0 I4’0 M8
39 22'5 1570 L,D,
40 i7°0 12°0 7°0 L,D,
4t 19°5 10°O L,D,
42 22°0 I1'0 L,D,
43 20°5 1G of L,D,
44 20°5 I2'0 L,D,
45 Tg°0 a> 0 emt
46 17°5 T3'5 L,D,
47 18°5 13°0 Sets
48 i? s IZ°5 1D,
49 I9°3 AS L,D,
50 ig'0 12°5 L,D,
51 17'5 EEO L,D,
52 17°0 10°5 L,D,
53 17°5 I1'5 ae
54 is I4’0 L,D,
55 18°3 I4°0 L,D,
56 I5 II‘0 L,D,
57 25'8 10°3 LD,
58 23°5 7°8 L,D,
59 17°0 g°0 ae
60 19'5 90 LD.
61 24°0 9°3 L,D,
62 18'0 IIo L,D,
63 19°5 13°5 ager
64 19°0 12°5 L,D,
65 15°5 115 L,D,
66 26 i3°0 |S 3 Ni
67 17°5 130 LD,
69 20°0 I2°0 ogee
70 13°5 1370 L,D,
aI Pra 1370 LD,
72 170 i270 LD,
73 170 I2°0 L,D,
1921.] W. A. WALLACE: Negri Sembilan grave. 177
aes Length Width Depth Description.
74 16°5 Ilo L,D,
75 17°0 II‘o Aj;
76 14°0 9°5 L,D,
77 20°5 12°5 L,D,
78 19°3 Ir'5 L,D,
79 19 3 II'5 L,D,
80 21°0 12°3 L,D,
81 18'0 II’5 i eg OF
82 19°5 125 L,D,
83 20°5 13°8 LU;
84 19'8 Ilo 1,,D,
85 18'0 Lis L,D,
86 19°3 II‘o L,D,
87 19°3 II'0 LD,
88 19°5 Ir‘0 L,D,
89 19°5 11'8 LD,
go 20°0 12°8 sa
gI 21°5 ie are) L,D;
92 See notes GP.
93 29°5 10°0 G,
94 See notes GP;
G5 ? 2? GP.
96 36°0 30°0 5 Os 8
97 15'0 12°0 LD,
98 ; Much decomposed could not L,D,
99 : L,D,
100 et ay ae 41°9 12°0 i,
Tor See notes G,D,
102 62°0 37°0 GD,
103 See notes G,
To4 ay 23 G,
T05 Said to be old stone cannon ball
106 33.0 22°0 GP,
107 See notes G,D,
108 At ground 32°0 Level G,
109 . } ‘; G,
IIo 22°0 14°0 L,D,
Ill 25°5 II’5 10°0 L,D,
I12 120 I1r‘o L,D,
113 22°5 12°5 L,D,
14 230 16°8 L,D,
115 177 15°5 L,D,
116 18-0 Ilo L,D,
117 200 Ilo L,D,C,
118 21-0 10°5 L,D,
119 18-0 80 L,D,
Stone No. (1)
Journal of the F.M.S, Museums. [Vou. EX,
Length Width Depth Description.
195 12°0 iD,
21'0 14'0 Be 8
22°0 130 desk;
22°5 I4°0 L,D,
I5'0 I2°0 L,D,
20°5 I4'0 LD,
21°0 12°0 L,D,
o LD,
See notes and plans. L,D,
9) L,D,
3) L,D,
és BI L,D
) G,
»” R.L,
29 RL,
, R,L,
R,L,
> R,L,
x hed L,D,
18°0 9°5 L,D,
16°0 9°5 L,D,
1g 9°5 aD,
12'9 5 i),
See notes GF
FSO re) i:
16°0 9°0 $4),
18"0 90 L,D,
16°0 9°0 La.
16°0 LD.
16'0 I0°0 LD,
14'0 10°0 £33
150 To'0 A oF
a
-
Stands on end planted in upright position,
looks at first glance as if made of concrete of
colour she grain similar to that of a sand-concrete
floor of the rough (not paps kind. Scraped
with a knife it comes off in y powder, like a
pure Portland cement, or a imposing ime
stone. It is hard and well preserved. For size
please see plan No. .
The inscriptions on 3 .B,C and D are very clear,
are in eons of from y'5 to } inch. The surface
of
is sto
found sloped to the South with a zenith distance
1921.] W.A. Watiace; Negri Sembilan grave. 179
Stone No. (2)
Stone No (3)
Stones Nos. (4)
& (5)
Stones Nos. (6)
& (7)
Stones Nos. (8
to (12) & (14)
to (17)
of 7°8. ‘The hole passes right through the stone
and appears to have been bored from the North
side to the centre and from the South side to the
centre and the two holes miss by about } inch.
If the stone had been a casting one would expect
the hole made by one straight bar of wood placed
in the mould. Note ornamentation at base of
East side. This pattern is also in relief.
Vide plan 4. Rock, vide list of stones. The
ornamentations and inscriptions are incised (are
not in relief). I was informed years ago that it
was said the inscription inside circle E gave a
day,a month and ayear. But I cannot say if
this be so. Stone 2 rests on top of stone 8.
Vide plan 4. Rock, vide list of stones. This
stone is similar to stone 2. Use sketch of stone
2 but CD = North side and DF=West side. Then
measurements of stone 3 are CD=2' 11,” LM=
68," ABses 9," NO=10},” DF=1’ 8,” GH=
o’ 11,” and diameter of E=8}4,” Ornamentations
incised, inscriptions, if any, not clear.
Vide plan 4. Rock, vide list of stones. Stones
(4) and (5) are similar. These two stones as found
leaned about 45° tothe West. Had a West zenith
distance of about 45°. Obviously these stones
were originally vertical with their bases level and
resting on the horizontal plane formed by the
upper surfaces of stones 29, 25, 19, and 34. The
West side touched the East sides of stones I0, IT
edges of 4 and 5 have obviously sunk. They are
of a much better quality of rock than the others
f the same material.
Vide plan 4. Rock, vide list of stones. Rock of
better quality. These two stones are similar but
s
(squares) LM are engraved lines parallel to edges
of stone and about 2 inches in from edge. The
bases of these stones rested in same horizontal
ane as tones 4 an
found leaned 45° towards the East. For same
reasons as stated for stones 4 and 5.
) Are rectangular and form a level rectangular
platform. M.S.L. height of upper surface of
stone (9) = 13°62’ feet and of stone (17) M.S.L.=
13°81’ feet. Sothis platform has a mean M.S.L.
i feet. Measurements of this
feet and appears to be of earth. Stone 17 appears
to have been ornamented with incised rectangular
lines, and may have an inscription.
180 Journal oj the F.M.S. Museums. [Vou. IX,
Stones Nos. (13) Are rectangular and rest on the same horizontal
& (18) plane as did stones 4, 5,6and 7. Stone (13) leans
to the West. Stone(18) leans to the East, for the
same reasons as before stated. (Because one edge
was resting on rock and the opposite edge on
earth only
Stones Nos. (19) Are rectangular and form a level rectangular
to (38) tf
13°31
height of this platfrom=13°4’ feet. The measure-
ments of this platform are West side 16°82,’ East
side 16°98’, North and12°35’, South _end 22°30.
to (92); & (113) form. M.S.L. ‘ines of upper surface of stone
o (127) (113) = 12° 14’, of stone (44) = 12°16’ ee
1214,’ of stone (76)=11°60’. So m an M.S.L.
height of this plattiorm =12' 03°; and its measure -
ments are West side 33°04’, East side = =32'85’,
North end= 25° 17’, South eug 24" 93". So mean
height = 32°95’, mean width=
Stones Nos. (39) Are rectangular. Their pee being at the
(40), (111), 12’ -level. The space between this outside
(1r2), & (140) rectangle and the next inner rectangle was
to (143) & (145) found filled with earth to the 12’ level.
2
to (15
Stone No. (96) Has its upper surface at the 12’ lev
Stone No. (110) Is rectangular. It was found after ae
upper surface at about the 11 feet lev
Stones Nos. (42) Are rectangular. They rest with their lower
& (45) surfaces resting on top surfaces of stones 126,
d 124, and 117 and 116 respectively.
Stones Nos. Are also r rectangular and were only discovered
(114) to 127) after excavating. They appear to have sunk.
Stone No. (128) Is rectangular and is at a ae level. The
ower surface of 127 rests on to
Stone No. (41) _ Isrectangular. Its upper pe Ph is i the same
level as upper surface of 28 and 27, etc.
Stone No. (144) Is of granite, it was planted baie in the
das . and has some patterns or ornamentations
in r
Stone No. (129) Has been dressed or cut but is much decom-
Stone No. (153) (Not shown on plans.) Was a sphere of about
one foot diameter and had a straight hole on one
inch diameter cited through its centre from
surface to surfa It was ofa rock that looked
very much like the rock described as ‘'I,”’ .but
seemed more granulated. In 1910 stone 153 was
hye te rubbe
on stone 12 until stone 153 is ‘now only about 4 its
1921.] W. A. WaLLace: Negri Sembilan grave. 181
Stone No. (92)
Stone (93)
Stone (94)
Stone (95)
IgIo size and is misshapen and the North top
of stone 12 has been practically rubbed aw
On night of 7th August, I9I9, a coauderstle
amount of rubbing of these stones was do
or magnetite) AG 20°75 OF: substance which
dissolved into a dark cocoa cated clay and
washed off easily with wa
oe plan 5). Isof canes and stands planted
the ae ag It had exposed 7’ 3” ofits length
aie ’ 9” wide half way up. Cross section
at grote level, vide plan 3. Its East surface is
a :
towards the East. A plumbob was hung from
the point A (the highest point of stone 92: vide
plan 5). and dropped on the centre of stone No.
100, vide measu spain: on sketch plan No. 5.
M.S.L. height of point A=16°’9, so AB=6 feet.
Please note bearin ngs from B to the two edges of
stone 92 (at the 10°’g level).
Is of granite. _It stands ge in the ground
Stone (93-101) looks like shedding from an onion
granite boulder
Is of granite. Also seems to be from an onion
granite boulder. It was found as shown on plan
3 with its flat side up and its convex side down.
It seems as if it had fallen and that it originally
stood on end with its East end planted in the
ground. It is ornamented with well cut patterns
etc. in relief, on its flat surface. Length of stone
94=7' 2,” width 3 feet.
Vide plan 5. Isa granite slab. It was found
standing planted in the ground. It leaned about
40° towards the North. I think it is not . its
original position, and also that originally it
upright. ‘This question could be better decided
when the remainder of the stone has been seen.
/HEI=86°, /EIH=48°, /IHE=46°, |ONM=
86}° = /NMO=45$°, [MON = 483, , [FEL = SOF’,
[KL] =40}°, /LJK= 47". The angles on the
182 Journal of the F.M.S. Museums. [Voru; LX,
stone however appear to a8 . be very accurate
as regards right angles The discrepancy
hens ng caused by the fact ae ‘the surface although
regular is slightly curved and does not form a true
plane. Two cotton threads stretched along lines
HE and EI had to be raised about 3 inches out
‘from Ein order to be drawn taut when touching I
n ~-; The angle of intersection of these two
threads gave 90° exactly (on a 6-inch protractor
divided ms half degrees). Iam of opinion that this
face up and that above it strings were stretched
giving a more or less perfectly regular and rectan-
gular pattern and that the pattern cut on th
stoue is a vertical projection of the pattern in
string. Orsay at midday followed shadows
of the string as projected on the ston
Stone No. (97) | Rectangular and similar to 78, 79, e
Stones Nos. (8) All of L. and were rectangular, ie form a
(99) & (100) platfrom or table under stone 92. Stones 98 and
there appears to evidence of an old road (say
about 15 feet wide) from (vide plan No. 1) near the
well marked 8 to the rocks at 14 0n plan. And
the indications follow the same grade from end =
end. Also vide contour plans there appears t
have been an embankment (around the main neck
one of stones) which has mostly disappeared.
e of my survey, sa 8th, rgrg.
Stone No. (101) see note re stone (92): ror is of granite and
appears to be the upper half of (93
Stone No. (102) A granite segment, probably ‘on boulder of
onion granite. Its upper —_ (when found) is
slightly concave. Its lower surface convex.
Thickest at centre, say 9” to Pe and about 2”
thick at edges See plan 3 for position (as found)
and shape It is eee gels long by 37 inches
wide. It has been t dressed on all edges.
sca this stone Sues rested on top of
Stoues Nos. (1 “oy "Cle nee ——- planted in the ground
and (104) (about 2 feet e d).
Storie No er : rough hee of stone about 1 foot diameter.
to be an old stone cannon ball.
Stone No. (106) et in relief, is of granite. Found lying on
surface, vide plan
r. Evans tells me that after excavating stone 98 was found to be
Soest or octagonal,
1921. |] W. A. WalLAcE: Negri Sembilan grave. — 183
Stone No. (107) eae or cut anes stands planted in ground
abou
t 1 foot expos
Stones Nos. Granite slabs ia segments) found oe
(108) & (109) planted in the ground, exposed about 2 fee
Stones Nos. Of dressed L. Vide plans r and 5. “Take
(130) to (132) measurements by scale from plan 5. Stones 130
and 132 solid cylinders, Stone 131 rectangular.
Stone No. (133). A splinter of granite (partly ornamented in
relief) found lying on surface probably originally
stood between stones 131 and 132
Stones Nos. Were found as shown on plan r. They are
(134) (135) all of L. Only surfaces had been exposed at time
(136) (137) of survey but ey appeared to be isolated uncut
stones in the r ough.
Stone No. (138) Of dressed or cut L, is smaller but otherwise
similar to stone 139. Vide plans Nos. 1 and 4.
Stone No. (139) Of dressed or ess Ll. Vide plan 1 for position,
plan 4 for desi
| Mr. Wallace remarks and shoves in his plans that the apex
of stone 92 (the Pédang or Sword) is exactly above the middle of
the — stone lying at its bas
s condition is purely accidental though Mr. Wallace did
not sae it: the Pédang was in danger oi falling some years ago
and was roughly straightened and propped by a member of the
Museums Department.
wever, had the eins positions of the two stones
ven, how
- not been accidental there would no more reason probably for
trying to read a meaning in thes than there is now they are
known to be fortiiteue. —C. Boden Kloss.]|
PLAN NO. 1
J OF
KRAMAT PENGKALAN KEMPAS
Scale 2 Chains to an Inch
oem
Contours at 1 ft: intervals .
WAX
FB, 8459 | V7
)))
=<
<
=
nl
ay
oy,
—
ig OS
al
—
——__
epee mee
te eet
ies
os
ean
ag Oe
=
~~
at
- Pics,
en,
Np
eas aE
is
cid oeme monge
———__ > ~
7 —_~
Loe noi
————
on at
8 ve
i) | Water H
‘ 12
Surveyor: Me leit Wallace 6;
Heliozgincographed at
the Central Survey Office. Kuala Lumpur.
. M.S. Reg. No. 252 ‘20, 405.
SAH veOSUN< Ke
@wON x>oce
ePO< KOUN
>omOxXNEN
Op>O<Bx <
REFERENCE
See
Lks
” Mean 18-4 Lks
” Z.appears to have sunk
Mean 20-3 Lks
" } Mean 208
At centre of top Southern edge
At highest point of the Stone or weapon
Mean 21. 32 07
4 ”
00 om 112 §4 20
00
engths
38:14 Lks 7.96
37-77 } Mean 37-9!
50-06
». | Mean 49-91
;, } Mean 25-61
—_— ee
die Distances Between Lines
C= 973 Lks a
9-46 Lks} Mean 9-60
DCs 1265 «
Pe ee } Mean 12:15
Heliozincographed at the Central Survey Office. Kuala Lumpur. F. M. 8s. Reg. No. 232 ‘20, 405.
108
PSR Ameyae
140
z
pencad 145
14] =
uaaiae sini
142 144 60
nate aad
ao 143 152 Ey
biietad 148 59
Ro nae a
81
58
82
57
83
REY :
36
84
ree 55
85
bat tina 54
POFTTAT ITA
* 53
HARES
87 524
ee
88
Ss i
89
—
90
34
ae
35
Pian No. 3 | 36 37 38
Position of stones as found
On 6% August 1919
Scale 4 ft. to an Inch
Surveyor: Wibdle: Mallece rg 5
Heliozincographed at the Central Survey Office. Kuala Lumpur. F. M.S. Reg. No. 232 “20, 485.
Stone No. 1
Plan No. 4
cee ee
Stone No. 2
AB=1' 2}
cp ara
DF =1' 5%
Ng GH» if
. Diameter of E 10",
Inscription ities’ “
Inscription in E and from K to K
South Side East Side
10-11 = —44
7- § eee
6- 8 10
we es 5- 6=—15
=— —_— SS —— = ee Sa Se ee 3 4 pepe, Taal
East Side North Side West Side ' South Side 1-33 1"
Scale 2 ft=1 inch ‘ af a hias Pee
Scale xr - : a __s
= ye AB= 1-104
1- 64° B 1s 1-6
1-942 AC= 1-10
‘Stones No. 6 & 7 1- 94+ DE+1-10
1-104= DFs*1-n
D eo oe 3- 64-DG-3-64
Stone 6 Stone 7
i— 7 =H B= 1— 6 ; :
1+ st. South Side
F E K\G G
Cc ‘ope
South Side West Side
O;Y R K
x
= ieee —24=xz
=RS
=BG=1—10 +
Not ed
Estimated Scale 4 Lks. to one Inch
Stone No, 92
Stone 93
Bs
—"H
7 OO
Stone 1
>
Stone 103 5 eige
Portions in relief shewn
Plan No. 5
aE, 0-1"
00
_
Scale 4 Lks.- 1 inch
A
|
|
|
|
—
North Side
———e—— eee
Surface incised 7
aeeedeeees -.
4*
Stone 95
Surface of stone-.-... ee...
PG rere
Surface incised 7
we
D X =about 7:0
Measurements in inches
HJ =40
K N=240 CG*int
1P =269 Y=29'3
H Q=30'1 BYDUA = 85'5
IR=
1s=70
Heliozincographed at the Central Survey Office, Kuala Lumpur. F. M.S, Reg. No. 232 ‘20, 405.
XXV. NOTES ON THE PENGKALAN KEMPAS
TOMBSTONE.
By C. BopEN KLoss.
(Plates XII—XV.)
At the south end of Sheikh Ahmad’s grave at Pengkalan
Kempas in Negri Sembilan (near the bank of the Linggi River
and close to the boundary of Malacca) stands his tombstone.
This is a quadrilateral pillar pierced near its centre by
a hole running from side to side and bearing between its top
and the perforation an inscription on each face.
The east and west sides, which are devoid of perforation
(pls. XIV and XV), show in Arabic-Malay the same legend:
one version clean-cut and apparently the work of a good
craftsman, but an illiterate man—the other the cana of
a stone-cutter both illiterate and poor,
The north and south sides through which the perforation
passes (pls. XII and XIII) bear legends in an unidentified
script ; but each is prefaced by the same invocation in Arabic-
Malay as on the other sides. In this case, however, the
records are not in duplicate though they agree with the
others in that one, the ern, is somewhat inferior in
workmanship. All the legends appear to have been cut at
the same period.
This stone has several times been referred to in print ay
R. J. Wilkinson,' by R. O. Winstedt?; and by I
Evans? and W. A. Wallace. §
Wilkinson has nothing to say about the inscriptions.
Winstedt states :—‘‘ The Indian lettering has never been de-
ciphered ; but the Malay inscription in Arabic lettering, evi-
dently done locally and by an amateur carver, records that it
marks the grave of one Shaikh Ahmad Makhtar Ramali ib ni
Marfu Talani and was erected in A.H. 872 (corresponding to
1467 A.D.) ‘in the reign of Sultan Shah Mansur.’ It is
possible that parts of the Shaikh’s tomb were Spaces
locally and-that other parts like the highly ornate ‘Swor
were brought from India, as we have seen was a common
custom.’
Winstedt has bescowid the manuscript disso. of Dain
1 Twentieth Century og ganas of British Malaya, 1908, p. 77, with
“ene (p. - 79) = hess southern
; 2 Journ ts Branch Repal Asiat. Soc., No. 77, 1917, p- 173.
: ai
* Cf. Evans and Wallace, antea, plates and plans.
186 Journal of the F.M.S. Museums. [VoL. IX,
Abdul Hamid formerly Malay Assistant, F.M.S. Museums,
which is no longer acceptable in entirety.
Recently I forwarded photographs of all the faces to Heer
J. P. Moquette of Batavia (the well-known authority on
Malay tombstones and coins) who wrote regarding them :—‘“‘ I
send a transcript of the Arabic-Malay inscription but I regret
that I have been unable to decipher the whole. My version,
therefore, is not decisive, for so far as regards the words
underlined and the words omitted I have no opinion at all.
‘It is impossible, to me, to read ‘ Makhtar Ramali ibni
Marfu Talani’ as given by Mr. Winstedt.
‘Both Arabic-Malay inscriptions are the same, only
the words are not always on the same lines. My transcrip-
tion follows the east face (pl. XIV). On the other (pl. XV)
there is .,le 5 for eps} and l& for slLé. On pl. XIV after
Mansur is a word ,.a~© not found on pl. XV, and incom-
prehensible to me.
‘* Reading is difficult through lack of diacritical marks
which, too, are misplaced when present: and as for the
names mere guess work.
“For the second name I have written Majnun but one
may read ~yss-e, Mahbub, also; and possibly many other
names unknown to me. Makhtar is impossible.
“Of all the words of my transcription not tates
I am sure: of some of the characters I have no opin
** The other micah abe I do not understand: he detints
ing is old Javanese.’
[More recently an Arab pundit of Singapore to whom the
photographs and Mr. Moquette’s transliteration were submit-
ted through Dr. Winstedt reads bog ‘ai “ place’’ in line 2,
accepts w’lkhairi in line 3 and wllahu. Amin/ Amin in line
10; and reads the name as Shaikh Ahmad Mahbub Tebrai
( ob) bin Bondi ( sy ) Biazar (jhly) and ax in
line 9 as nasarah “ may God aid him.’’]
i ey) wey aul ee
Bismi’ lahvr-Rahmani’r-Rahimi
daly Led] jlo lar
I
2
7 lg: 8 fossa. deni aman oe,
3
3
WL Bhairi sone Shaibh Ahmad Majnun
! This is the general opinion : but big idle in the Javanese scripts have
_ never been able to decipher it.—C. B. K
1g2t.] C. B. Kross: Pengkalan Kempas Tombstone. 187
Mallaray bin...
ee <<
. pada hijvah salla’
3 Pars) piv 5 axle Ai
Allahu‘ alathi wa sallam, délapan
Ay? day) pail)
vatus tujoh puloh.
(hl, ops; ot bt ~
dua tahun pada zaman-nya Sultan
pala [2] aie ald y
Shah Mansur [ ? | nasarah—
wt) gel abil
10. ulahu. Amin! Amin.
SPS HPMIYYAAAAD 4
and
The translation will be (slightly altering Heer Moquette’s
phrasing) :—
In the name of God the coors the Compassionate !
This mansion of peace is a plac
of goodness, the grave of Shaikh Ahmad
?
I
<
3
4 ?
ee * in the A. H.—may prayer
6. and the peace of God be upon him »—eight
7. hundred and seventy
8. two years, in the time of Sultan
9. Shah ee God aid him
To. Amen! en!
I was struck a couple of years ago by the superficial
similarity between some of the undeciphered characters and
several in modern Siamese and I sent a photograph of the
north face Is XII) to our Consul-General in Bangkok, Mr.
ee ° ges M
Mr. fie ots me :—‘‘I have managed to obtain expert
opinion on that very interesting inscription which you sug-
gested might be old Siamese. As a result of my enquiries I
enclose copies of letters from Professor Coedes of the Siamese
Royal Library and from Mr. F. H. Giles who is familiar with
Siamese, Laos, Burmese, Shan, Karen and other tongues.
“The consensus of opinion is that the inscription shows
old Javanese influence. It is not Siamese though several of
the letters are clearly recognisable to any person familiar —
with the present sctipt...........
ofessor Coedes wrote :—‘“‘I cannot decipher the in-
scription, All I can say is that it is mot Siamese. The
chard: are rather similar to those . the old Kawi alpha-
188 Journal of the F.M.S. Museums. [Vor. IX
bet. If y hypothesis is right the inscription was most .
probably sede by immigrants from Java or Sumatra......
I am able to recognise most of the characters, but I have not
sufficient knowledge of the dialect to give you any more sub-
stantial information
Mr. Giles wrote :—* The characters resemble the old
Javanese. But it must be remembered that all —s further
Indian alphabets come from a similar stock—South :
‘T have sent the photograph to Chao Lak Pheivett of
Muang Bassac on the Mekong, and these are the letters he
deciphers and considers the same as Lao (Eastern)’’:—
az. ee - PY U eee
x; + AW. 9 a
4 A oA Me PP «
5. Hoo Bh ees ee N ty
Oo eo ee eS y 1
eo Me ee
8. .
zr. .
large
2. ee oe
aspirate large
a; ee Ge Pe ae S
large
ree a. ee eee
aspirate large
5. fe at
large aspirate
6. DN YT bs ee
large
7, ce SE ee ees Mas 8
8.
| This, of course, is the reason why one can see resemblances between
a letters of the present inscription and letters in stone inscriptions ita
South Annam and agains (Cham) through Borneo and th
ie Peninsula to Java.—C. B
Ig21.] C. B. Kross: Pengkalan Kempas Tombstone. 189
This is the first time this connection has been suggested.
Several characters in other epigraphs of the Malay
Peninsula seem to bear a resemblance to some of the letters
on the Pengkalan Kempas stone:— such are some in the
insertptions found in Northern Province Wellesley by Colonel
Low, inscriptions found at Kedah by Colonel Low® and the
Takuapa inscription.
It may be noted that the characters of the Pengkalan
Kempas pillar are _ptoduced by cutting away the surface of
those (I believe) of Indo-China and the Malaysian islands are
on the other hand all incised.®
own opinion, which I hazard though r realise its lack
inscriptions was made by his own people, the other by Malays
ongst whom he died: and that for an explanation of the
undeciphered oo we shall probably have to look back
to Southern Indi
Possibly, nearer at — similar remains may be found
in sg eae in North Sum
e notes are is merely to “start the hare’”’ and
heute: the plates which it is hoped may meet the eye of
some one capable of deciphering the inscriptions. The grave
and the adjacent monoliths, re-discovered not long ago, are
among the most interesting of the few antiquities of the
Malay States and it is believed that a full _knowledge of the
ee may shed further light on their origin.
rn. Asiat. Soc. Bengal: XVII, iiss. Pp. 63, 64, 71; pl. 4 hh si
in Traber’ s Oriental Miscellany : Essays relating to indo-China, I, 1886,
pp. re pe 231 an ate.
, XVIII, 1849, pp. 247-9, pl. X: re-printed tom. cit. pp. 232-4
and as
8 Bulleti 8 Commission Archeol as aed de 1l’Indo-Chine, II, 1910,
PP- 147-154, x (See also other volumes of this publication which
should be com by all interested in the niles remains of the Malay
Penin anes
- As also the word ‘* Allah’ on the neighbouring monolith (antea pl. V. a
® See, — an inscription in relief figured in Raffles’ ‘‘ History
Java,” edn. 1
IX.
Mus.— Vol.
S
Journ. F.M.
BODEN KLOSS, PHOTO.
Cc.
» NORTH SIDE.
z=.
KEMPAS TOMBSTO
PENGKALEN
Journ. F.M.S. Mus.—Vol. IX. Pl. XIII.
C. BODEN KLOSS, PHOTO.
PENGKALEN KEMPAS TOMBSTO!
E SOUTH SIDE.
Journ. F.M.S. Mus.—Vol. IX. PIEXTV.
C. BODEN KLOSS, PHOTO,
PENGKALEN KEMPAS TOMBSTONE, EAST SIDE.
Journ. F.M.S. Mus.—Vol. IX. Pl. XV.
Cc. BODEN KLOSS, PHOTO.
PENGKALEN KEMPAS TOMBSTONE, WEST SIDE.
rs JOURNAL
OF THE
VOL. IX, PART 4.
Boece 1922.
the Ancient Str
"Peak. I. H. N. Evans
‘On a Find of Stone Teles at Tan-—
jong Malim. I.H.N. es
The Petes ae at Kuala
beling. ©
ON. Evans.
JOURNAL
OF THE
Federated Malay States Museums.
VOL. IX.
JANUARY, 1920, to DECEMBER, 1922.
PRINTED FOR THE #F.M.S. MUSEUMS
BY
THE BAPTIST MISSION PRESS,
(een
1922.
—
XXIV.
XXV.
CONTENTS—VOL, 4X.
PART I.—JANUARY, 1920. pice
Some Negrito Beliefs and Customs. J/.H.N. Evans ie I
Further Notes on the Aboriginal Tribes of Sais:
I H.N. Evans 16
imeetentt Report on ies Heciertion of a eek sheltez
e Batu Kurau Parish, Perak. J.H.N. Evans .. 34
Se ile in Pahang. J. H.N. Evans. .. BOE,
Customs of the Camphor-hunters. J. H. N. Evans ve SF
The Camphor ne eae of ee and Southern —
R. O. Winstedt 59
Hindu Survivals in Malay ehatie R.O Winstedt Et |
Perak Birth Customs. R.O. Winstedt en Oh
Upper Perak Marriage Customs. R. O. Winstedt owe ee
Propitiating the Spirits of a District. R.O. Winstedi .. 93
Indo-China and Malaya: a Review. R.O.Winstedt - .. 96
PART II.—JULY, 1920.
A Pawang’s Instructions for Selecting Doves and Turtle-
Doves. <Abdu’l-Majid bin Haji Zainu’d-din IoI
A Malay Bird Story. Abdu'l-Majid bin Haji Zainu’d- die 104
as o a Tribal Chief in Bee Sembilan. R. O.
Win
Family eee in Need Geiabilan. R. 0. Winstedt IIL
Copyright by Killing. R.O. Winstedt IES
Rice Ceremonies in Upper Perak. R.O. W inttedé r16
Rice Ceremonies in Negri Sembilan. R.O Winstedt .. 122
Malay Charms. R.O. Winstedt .. et |
Original Settlement of Pahang. dH. S. Socom Ae 5
Siamese Traces in Pahang. H.S.Sircom .. 32 552
Keramat in Lower Pahang. H.S.Sircom .. ae 558
PART III.—APRIL, 1921.
A ret tai —— in — gto Seip an Account
cavations. I. H. N. Eva 155
nag af ie fees Sembilan Grave aa Megaliths, with
Not W. A. Wal.
Notes on ; the Pengealan Kempas Tomoneu. oo Boden
Klos
XXVI.
XXVIII.
XXVIII.
XXIX
a:
II-XI.
XII-XV.
avi.
XVII.
NVIII, XIX.
xX.
LIST OF PLATES.
PART IV.—DECEMBER, 1922.
PAGE
Further Notes on Sica Beliefs and Customs.
I. A. N. Evans 191
On an Examination of Souk Negrito ‘Coinbs eon
era tm sé Evans ce S23
The ates Fire-Piston. I. H. N. Pan are sy |
Malay Charms. R. O. Winsted a me 2
Ethnological Miscellanea. J. H. N. Evans 245
On Saha Ancient Structures on Kedah Peak. J.H. N.
= a Find Dice eed Implements at. Tanjong Malim.
Sats Potting Industry at iaada Tembeting. Ae «8 N.
Some te Beliefs. Wan Fale hing ‘
A Rock-Shelter at Gunong Pondok. JI. H. N. Evens
Ethnographica! Miscellanea. I. H. N. Evans o
LIST OF PLATES.—VOL. IX.
PART I.
Negrito ‘‘ Medicine-hut,’’ Ulu Selama, Perak.
PART III.
Megaliths at Pengkalan Kempas, Negri Sembilan.
-Pengkalan Kempas Tombstone.
PART IV.
Objects connected with Burial, étc.
Model of the Batu Herem.
Negrito Combs from Perak.
Malay Fire-Pistons.
XXVI. FURTHER NOTES ON NEGRITO BELIEFS
AND CUSTOMS.
By Ivor H. N. Evans, M.A.
(Plates XVI & XVII).
This paper is the result of ten days’ work among the
Negritos of the Ulu Selama Parish of Perak, whom I
visited for the second time in April, 1921. I have given
an account of my first visit in a former number of this
Journal (Vol. 1X, Part I, pp. 1-15) and what I record here
should be read in ‘conjunction with what I wrote previously.
With this end in view, I have kept the same sectional
Sone a as” in the other paper. The Ulu Selama
most of these being, at the time of writing, in Kedah,
while the remainder—nineteen in all—are living at Lubok
Tapah, a Malay village about three miles distant from
Kuala Bayor.
e headman of the Kintak Bong at Lubok Tapah,
known to the Malays as Jarom (needle), but to his own
people as Mémpélam (mango) was my chief informant, but
a very useful chorus of Negritos was usually present
when I was taking my notes, and the members of it did
not hesitate to interrupt him when he inde mistakes.
n my former visit Tokeh,’ a Menik Kaien, from whom I
got most of my information, gave me a li st of some of
the Negrito groups and their places of residence. With
much of this information Jarom agreed, but in some
eases he said that Tékeh was incorrect. He agreed that
the Menik Lanoh lived at Lenggong, Sumpitan and Kuala
Kenering,” the Menik Gul® at Ijok, Selama Sub-District, the
Menik Jehai at Tadoh, Kelantan, and the Menik Kensieu at
Baling and Siong, Kedah, but he said that Tokeh’s statement
with about the Menik Kaien was incorrect with regard to the
1 Still alive. Now at Ijok, Selama Sub-District. He has been with
me in Taiping for three days since this paper was written. Certain
fresh information is embodied in the foot-notes, with his name an
ae ee appen
se places st in Upper Perak.
q Recording to Mémpélam, ‘Meni Gul is the name given to the Ijok
people by the Menik Kaien. The Kintak Bong name for them is Bianok.
Tokeh (1921) says that the origiual home rsd the Menik Gul was around
Titi Ijok, on the road from Taiping to Selam
192 Journal of the F.M.S. Museums. PVOL. 1%,
extent — situation of their territory. The Menik Kaien,
used to range from the neighbourhood of Batu
Kurau - ge and though their name, Kaien, is the same
as the Negrito name of the Krian River, they never had any
connection with this stream.!
The Menik Kaien are now reduced, according to
his brother. The former has a Lanoh wife and one child
by her. ‘Tdkeh’s story of there being Menik Kaien on
the Ayer Sauk and in the Ulu Krian needs further investiga-
tion. The Ijok Negritos, the Menik Gul, appear to have
been much reduced by a former epidemic of apart
them left.3
Mémpélam supplemented the tribal names given to me
by Tokeh, to some extent. He told me that the Grik#
Negritos were called Menik Semnam, and those of Bélukar
Semang, in Kedah, Menik Hangat. In the neighbourhood of
the Kupang River in Kedah he said there were Kintak® as
well as some Kensieu. The Kintak may, perhaps, be equi-
valent to the Menik Yup, mentioned by my Menik Kaien in-
y ecleggohs Mémpélam said that he did not know of any such
group. Other tribal names mention ed by him were the
Mengos, said to live near Lanih? in Kelantan, the Menik
Tiong also in that State. He oe referred to several Perak
Semang-Sakai hill groups, one of which at any rate, is probab-
ly apochryphal: these were the Menik Lalik (Ulu Temengor
hills), Menik Chubak® (Ulu Piah), the Pleh, and the Batak."
1 His statement is now co a by Tokeh ise: He must have
been mistaken in what he told me befor.
: pél
2 Information from Tokeh (1921) says that there are
y r Perak, but th ve been assimilated to
the Lanoh and speak their dialect. There are eight Menik Kaie
3 Journal of the S. Museums, Vol. V, : ssts. Robinson
ssa Kloss state in er on the ‘‘Semang Paya of Ijok’’ that the
oup is ‘‘ rapidly Sf gg nie extinction.” Mémpélam has seen the plates
of aoe titos appended to their paper, and, out of nine persons recognisea—
"ei once—he has identified six as being Lanoh
rr as Kintak Bong, and o man, no ead, a Menik Kaien
none as Menik Gul (=Sem aya=Bianok), can e
o + o bly eleven, individuals were photographed. Tékeh
‘3 t T possi -
(1921) says that there is only one Menik Gul, a i left. She lives
i and has married a Chinese convert to Mohamedanism,
by whom she has three children
+ In Upper Perak.
5 These are not the same as the Kintak Eone Ulu Selama Negritos.
6 A group may have mo mon os one name ame given to itself by it-
self, and one or more given it by other ee Vide supra Bianok
and Menik Gul (foot-note). Tokeh now (1921) denies having mentioned any
group called Menik + 2 He says that he knows Yup as a woman’s name,
Es noe t find Lanih on the map, but thereis a Lanah River not far
8 Chubak means a hill.
9 The Batak of Sumatra are charged with being cannibals. Probably
contused stories about them have been transferred to some existent, or
ibe.
1422.] I. H. N. Evans: Negrito Beliefs and Customs. 193
The last are said to dwell around the head-waters of the Plus.
They are cannibals and dwell in burrows in the ground.
Neighbouring tribes, according to Mémpélam, make offerings
to them by pushing live babies down their burrows.
I think that it may be as well to point out here that, in
doing pioneer work among the Negritos, it is nearly impossible
to avoid making a few mistakes, even when information is
carefully checked.
At Lubok Tapah, and at the Damak River, in 1918, I
was lucky to meet two exceptionally intelligent men, Mém-
pélam and Tokeh, and, had it not heen for them, the result
of my work would probably have been very meagre, since
the majority of the Negritos are, I think, neither very well in-
formed with regard to the traditions of their people, nor cap-
able of communicating what knowledge they have.
It is generally necessary to extract information about any
one subject piecemeal, for the Negritos easily become tired
with mental efforts, and, when in this condition, are worse
than useless, as they will then say the first thing that comes
into their heads.
A good deal of difficulty is met with in taking down words
correctly. The first part of many words is often given loudly
and clearly, but the voice trails off towards word-ends and
this leads to the recorder being uncertain about last syllables.
nother source of trouble is that, when a Negrito is
asked bo tenclake a word into Malay, he will, sometimes, not
give the meaning of the word itself, but that of some other
word which he connects with it in his mind
The Negrito Gods.
I have written a good deal with regard to the Negrito
gods in my former paper. With reference to Tapern, the
chief of them, there appears to be a possibility that Skeat was
right in dividing his name into Ta‘ (Tak, grandfather) Pern, !
and that my (1918) informant was wrong in speaking of
Tak Tapern, but as, on the present occasion, Mémpélam only
told me that Tapern was equivalent to grandfather Pern after
I had told him what Skeat had said, I am still uncertain
about the matter and, therefore, retain my old spelling.
Tapern, as pronounced by the Kintak Bong, certainly sounds
like one wor
The evidence that I obtained about some of the deified Ne-
grito ancestors from Mémpélam differs in some — from
As a matter of fact Skeat gives Ta‘ Pénn, which may very likely be
correct for the Siong people, from whom he got his" coereneag on, but
not so for the Kintak i Vaughan Stevens has ‘Tappern”’ which i
region
Tok h (1921) confirms what he said before. He cota me that Tapern is
one eee and that it is not correct to speak of Tak, Tape
194 Journal of the F.M.S. Museums. [Vor IX,
that of Tokeh, especially in the matter of the relationships
between the males and the females. After a somewhat live-
ly discussion with the ‘‘ chorus’’ he produced the following
scheme of relationships. As discussion was necessary, it must
be taken that the Negritos are not very certain about the
matter themselves. The Kintak Bong ‘claim that, though
the other tribes reverence these beings, they are their ances-
tors. Here is the relationship scheme :—
Tang-ong and Yak Manoid are husband and wife.’ Their
children are Tapern and Jalang. Tak Tinjeg and Yak Lepeh
are husband and wife. Their children are Bajiaig and Jamoi.
Jamoi is the wife of Tapern. Jalang is the wife of Bajiaig.
Tokeh’s account makes Jalang the wife of Tapern, and Jamoi
the wife of Bajiaig, Bajiaig being Tapern’s younger brother,
while Yak Lepeh isthe mother of Jalang, and Yak Manoid
is the mother of Jamoi. Kukak is the father of Tapern,
while his mother is Yak Takel. Possibly the truth is that
both stories are correct, for Tokeh was a Menik Kaien, and
may be following Menik Kaien tradition. !
According to the Kintak Bong there is also another Yak
(grandmother). Her name is Yak Kalcheng: she is, I believe,
the grandmother of Tapern,* and it was she who made the
four boards in the heavens, over which the thunder-stone rolls
at Tapern’s command. Yak Kalcheng was carried up to the
because she was very old
and could not walk.* Tang-ong, the father of Tapern, did
not go to mete with the other ancestors, but remained below
upon the e
I five arate in my previous paper of the three grand-
mothers who live under the earth. The Kintak Bong con-
firmed what had been told me previously by Tokeh, but sub-
stituted the name of Yak Kalcheng for that of Yak Takel.
It is these grandmothers who make the waters rise from under
the earth, causing Henweh, and Tanong (the dragonfly) carries
the message from Tapern to Yak Manoid when people have
committed some impious act and incurred this punishment.
In this connection Mémpélam supplemented my information
with regard to the blood-offering made by Negritos when a
bad storm arises, stating that before the blood is thrown
upward, as described in my former paper, a little is poured
downwards to the earth for the benefit of the “‘ grandmothers, ’
the person who makes the offerings saying, “‘ Un Yak Kalcheng,
Yak Manotd, tembun ajer nteng chuchok Chapor, Chalog CISIOE
| Toke ~ (1921) confirms the —— of the younger generation of
nese Bei ings (Tapern, Bajiag, ang and Dowty as given previously,
but sa sper those of the elder F group are uncertain
as
int was not made
3 This word —— be s it a above, and not Tahum, asin my former
paper, q.v. ‘reation of the World.’
+ Could not atk presumably, up the ladder of blow-pipe darts which
Tapern made
1922.] I. H. N. Evans: Negvito Beliefs and Customs. 195
nteng Tapern pi-weg kaii pek-kid' beteu!’’ ‘This is, I think,
fairly correctly translated as follows: ‘‘ Yak Kalcheng, Yak
Manoid, come up and give advice to the ears of your grand-
children Chapor and Chalog éo relate to the ears of Tapern that
he should make go back the thunder to the roots' of the
waters.”’
In my former paper I have referred to the Chinoi, whom
Tapern uses as messengers. From Mémpélam I gota good
deal of fresh information with regard to these beings. They
are both male and female, and have many occupations. The
female Chinoi use different words from those of the ordinary
them chingchong. ‘This is the same as that which the Kintak
Bong call awih ehyim (akar jintrok of the Malays). Among
the beings who come to the shaman during a séance are many
Chinoi, including, as will be seen from the lines chanted by
bridge over which the dead pass to Belet, the Barau-bird
Chinoi, the Argus pheasant Chiuoi. Inthe songs, too, are men-
tioned a male Chinoi, Menlus, who plays the Jew’s-harp to
Yak Kalcheng, the Screw-palm Chinoi, Langyau (a male
Chinoi who lives near Ligoi), the Tepus-plant Chinoi, the Chinoi
who lives near the Tang-al of the Batu Herem, and others.
Mémpélam gave me some interesting details with regard
to the Mat Chinoi. He said that a large snake—the Mat
Chinoi—lives on the road to Tapern’s house on a piece of care-
fully smoothed ground. The snake is two fathoms long and
ten cubits in circumference. This snake makes long, many-
layered mats for Tapern. Some, ornamented with beautiful
patterns, it hangs over a cross-beam, and it is under the shelter
of these that it lives. Inside the snake are twenty or thirty
female Chinoi of great beauty and also beautiful combs, head-
dresses, etc.
N there is a male Chinoi called Halak Gihmai*® who
lives on the back of the snake, and looks after the clothes
and ornaments which are stored inside it. If a male Chinoi
asks to go into the snake, Halak Gihmal tells him to make
trial of the mats first. There are seven of these mats, hang-
ing over a beam above the snake, and these are always open-
ing andclosing. When the male Chinoi tries to pass along the
passage under them, they close on him, so that, unless he
runs very quickly, he gets caught. If he manages to get
through the mats safely he is told to enter a tobacco-box * of
which the lid opens and closes rapidly. If he is lucky enough
Literally ‘‘ anus,”’ ‘* bottom.”” Pagan Races, p. 515, Ais Tokek
says that kid yihuk means the bottom of a tree, including the roots.
Vide «* Musical Performances, *
Shaman.
+ The kind which Malays call ch#lépa. This is generally watch-shaped.
1
(1921)
2
196 Journal of the F.M.S. Museums. [Vou. IX,
to niake a safe entrance and escape—he leaves by another
way—he is allowed to choose one of the female Chinoi who
live in the snake for himself.
The Stone which supports the Heavens.
I have mentioned previously that the top part of this
stone is said to be loose, and balanced on the lower portion at
an angle. ‘This loose piece of the Batu Herem is called Lam-
bong.! Yak Kalcheng, Yak Manoid and Yak Lepeh guard
the roots of the Batu Herem beneath the earth.
e Chinoi are said to play in the dark region called Ligoz
which surrounds the Lambong.
The Rainbow: Rain.
n my former paper the name of the rainbow snake,
or rather snakes, for there are two of them, was incorrectly
spelt Hwiak instead of Huyak.
Rain, according to the Kintak Bong, i is caused by a stone
flower called Jampun which grows inthesky. There is water
in the flower, and, when it turns downwards, the water falls
from it asrain: whenit turns upwards the weather is dry.
Chinoi, Liren, guards the flower
The abode of the Dead and their Journey to it.
I have mentioned in my previous paper the bridge
over which the souls of the dead pass to Belet. The name of
this bridge should be corrected, it is Balan Bacham, not
Balam Bacham. Bacham is, my informant told me, a fern
which the Malays call paku ular (Blechnum orientale).* This
plant grows at the further end of the bridge and with it the
ghosts wreathe their heads before entering Belet.
A female Chinoi, called Chinoi Sagar, lives at the Belet
end of the bridge, and wreathes her head with the Bacham
plant. When the sun rises the bridge lies true, but when it
falls, the end of the bridge on which the Chinoi Sagar lives is
raised.
Burial Customs.
According to my Kintak Bong informant, Mémpélam, the
ghosts of the newly dead, before they undertake the journey
to Belet, are sometimes heard near the new camp to which the
survivors have moved. They say, ‘‘ Yah, Yah, Yah,’’ and
‘© Yebok, Yebok, Yebok.’’ When they say, ‘“‘ Yah, Yah,
Yah,’’ they mean that they are going away, and when they
say, “‘ Yebok, Yebok, Yebok,’’ they want water.
Tokeh tells ae (1921) that Tapern -_ Bajiaig goevery morning to see
the Chino pe an d fight above the Lam bong.
Wilkinson’s Dictionary, ‘‘ paku.
“fT ee ee ee
1922.] I. H. N. Evans: Negrito Beliefs and Customs. 197
The description of the position of the corpse in the grave,
which I obtained in 1918, seems quite correct. Mémpélam
told me that the head points to Belet, that is about north-
west,’ with the face looking towards the setting sun. The
body lies on its right side with the knees drawn up.
No articles of iron must be placed on, or in, graves or a
tiger will come and eat the bodies. Iron is credited with
smelling musty * and thus attracting tigers. Brass pots, too,
must not be put with the corpse for the same reason. Food
is placed in the grave near the head of the dead person.
The only correction that appears to be necessary in what
I wrote in my previous paper under the present heading is
that tangkel datim should be read instead of telak dateng and
tangkel dawit for telak dawit.
With regard to the three little wooden objects placed on
graves, which I described as being like tip-cats, the Kintak
Bong told me that these are tiger talisman’s (tangkel teiok),
which keep these animals away from graves.
Four small pieces of wood, which I also mentioned as
being placed in the under side of the thatch of the site
as warnings to the spirit not to return to its hom
according to the Kintak Bong, called ¢angkel kemoit, "phase
talismans.
ae bullroarer, of ee I obtained a specimen at
Lubok Tapah, is used as a toy by Kintak Bong children,
but Mémpélam told me that is ie ghosts’ Jew’s-harp.*®
The Shaman,
I have set down a good deal of intormation about the
shaman (halak) in my former paper, and I cannot add here
m
of the chants which are sung in the medicine-hut (panoh)
by the principal performer, and repeated by those outside.
{ have previously given the titles of a few of those.
t Lubok Tapah, through the good offices of the head-
man of the Kintak Bong, I induced a halak named Piseng,*
to give a magical performance. The panoh was built by
women one afternoon, and the séance took place the same
night. Mémpélam, the headman, sat beside me the whole
time and gave me the words of the songs as they were
sung, and I immediately took them down to the best of my
ability. With Mémpélam, Piseng and other Negritos, I
afterwards corrected what I had written and obtained
Malay translations from them of the different fragments.
1 Vide foot-note to page 6 of my previous paper.
2 oo hanyir.
3 The oo the Malay—Jew’s-harp is made of bamboo or
— ena "The alay name for the instrument is pr ggong.
seers n Malay.
£98 Journal of the F.M.S. Museums. [Vou. IX,
they are not unusually incorrect. Still I have taken a
considerable amount of trouble to insure accuracy and I
think that any mistakes that remain are, probably, not
serious.
During a séance the /:a/ak is possessed by many spirits.
nearly’ all Chinoi, these speak through him in the snatches
of songs which he sings. I have indicated in each case the
regard to the actual performance. The singing of the women
and children, who squatted outside the panoh, and took up
the chants given out by the halak, was both musicai and
sweet. The antics of the halak while hidden from sight with-
in the panoh are worth alluding to. Sounds of grunting,
whistling, growling, shouting, singing, chest-beating, and slap-
ping with the hands on the walling, proceeded from the inside
before the halak began his chants under the inspiration of the
Chinoi.
The following are the songs together with attempted
word-for-word and free translations :—
Junkeh, ’Rem, tabeR® laweh! yek gantong
Head Herem, salutations head! I hang
(a cross- chebelhat.
beam) moment.
Sakan gantong dadak ’Rem.
Big hang breast Herem.
Salutations to your head! I will hang yet a moment on
the cross-timber of the Batu Herem. Swollen I hang on the
breast of the Herem.
The word sakan is said to be peculiar to the Chinoi
language. (It is a female Chinoi who is speaking.
Yam bedlat keping Tapern ;
I go ove Tapern ;
agat pengweurng Yak Tanggoi.
Giddy (?) house (hut) grand-mother Rambutan.
! His face shines (Tokeh, 1921),
Tabek is a Malay term of salutation. In the sense of “I ask your
pardon,” it is frequently used when some one is about to d action which
may be considered rude. The Chinoi asks for pardon for hanging above the
pr of its father, the halak. The head is, of course, the most sacred part of
e body.
eC ee ee ee
1y22.] I. H. N. Evans: Negrito Beliefs and Customs. 199
ahar menulang keh, menulang '
Where head-dress my, head-dress
bekau ?
flowers ?
‘*T go above Tapern’ s (house); giddy at the house of
Yak Tanggoi. Where is my head-dress of flowers?’’ Itisa
female Chinoi who is speaking. Yam is said to be a Chinoi
word.
Ta kuie,* eh! vyek, yek gantong
Salutations head father! : ee hang
sa’ bentai ®
a moment.
‘‘Salutations to your head, father! I, I shall hang yet a
moment.’’ It is a male Chinoi who is speaking.
Eh, tongkah dat * keling-tek.
Father, come up from under-earth.
‘‘Father, I ask your leave to come up from under the
earth.’’ It is a male Chinoi who is speaking.
Tagok, liwon langkah litol chenth yek,
Oldman, wander(?) step bachelor affairs I
The sense is, I believe, ‘‘ I, an old man, wish to go in search
of my affairs.’’ It is the tiger-spirit of the halak who is
speaking.
Lohmon piyudau® maloh menulang.
What (?) ae on ae where (7) head-dress ?
erform
** How shall we a a Ones performance, if I have no
head-dress?” Itisa female Chinoi who is speaking.
Lel, keh gantong lamun A’rem.
Spinning, I hang end Herem.
‘** Spinning, I hang from the end of the Herem.’’ It is afemale
Chinoi who is speaking.
‘Ch. the Malay bulang ulu, ‘‘ the head cloth of a raja,’ ae ‘(to
enwrap.
2 Kuie is the ordinary word for —o oS is probably Chinoi language.
* The Negrito form of the Malay
+ The Negrito form of the kaicy te deri, The letter r is a shibboleth
to oy Baca Bong.
ivalent to the aa word bérsewang, ‘‘to hold a spiritualistic
once “antnipamied by singing
200 Journal of the F.M.S. Museums. [Vor. IX,
Tulis galun,' lel, keh gantong lamun
Plaiting girdle, spinning, I hang ~ end
H’rem. Halak, lelot, tabek laweh !
Herem. Halak, throwup, salutations head!
** Plaiting a girdle, spinning, I hang at the end of the Herem.
Salutations to your head! Halak, I am throwing up my
head-dress !”” Tt i is a female Chinoi who is speaking.
Pa wer-chet tabek laweh, eh, yek
Open (2) Come ae (2), salutations head, father, I
gantong.
hang.
** When it diego I come down. Salutations to your head!
father, I hang!’’ It is Sa male Chinoi who is speaking. The
reference to ‘‘ opening ’’ is, I believe, to a hole in the end of
the Batu Herem which opens and shuts.
Lel, lel bayang-baju pantai
Spinning, spinning sunset glow shore
Sengak.
Sengak River.
‘* Spinning, Oe aeons in the sunset glow on the shore of the
naa. eg Rive the tiger spirit of the Aalak which is
speaking
Eh, ch, lungkan balan chiben.
Father, father, climb bridge _— rising sun.
‘* Father, father, I have climbed the bridge of the rising sun,’
Itisa Chemam, a spirit of the ‘‘ middle air,” who is ae
The sun appears to pass along a bridge after coming out of
the passage under the earth.
Bedlad bésangit on-on On-on,
o(?
Open (?) door (?) come-out come-out.
I am very uncertain about the whole of the nee line.
I find that, in another place, Mémpélam gave me ‘ or
the meaning of bedlad; here however he ceacsinced it as
1 does remarks with reference to galun, ‘iar p. 204 and also the form
Kalun e pa,
2 Toke (1921) would translate pau ‘‘noise like clapping” wer
“‘ turning, ” chet ** arrive
1922.] i. H. N. Evans: Negrito Beliejs and Customs. 201
‘ open.’’ The meanings given for the other words are also
suspect. A possible free trans'ation is, ‘‘ I go from the door,
and come out, come out.’’’ It is a Chemam who is speaking.
Bitul yek kelel, lel, lel /
Go straight I spin, spin, spin !
Yek bitul, ver kelel, lel, lel /
I go straight, I spin, spin, spin!
“TI go straight, Ispin, spin, spin! I go straight, I spin, spin,
spin!’’ It is the tiger spirit of the halak which is speaking.
Lohmon pideh, guruk,* baleh Chinoi.
Wh call, interpreter, maiden Chinoi
‘*Why do you call me, a maiden Chinoi, O interpreter ?”
It is a female Chinoi who is speaking. e females use
words not found in the everyday language of the Kintak
Bong Negritos, and the males sometimes copy them.
Miwoh mutau, yek, baleh.
Laugh loudly hill-top i; virgin.
*‘T,a virgin, laugh loudly on the hill- -tops.’ 8 It is the Chinoi
Kawang (Argus Pheasant Chinoi) who is speaking. She is
female.
Baleh, lareh tupar lindong.
Virgin, moon fly fluttering.
“Ta virgin, fly fluttering by moonlight.”* The same Chinoi
is speaking. Lareh is the Chinoi word for “moon.”
Deh, Deh, Deh.
This has no meaning according to Mémpélam. Said by one
of the Jaman, were-tigers, who live with the Yak (grand-
os at the base of the Batu Herem. There are many
Jaman. ‘This one, I was informed, is sitting at the ‘‘ Rice
Stone’ > near ae Balu Herem towards where the sun falls.
Ambot, Amboi, ayah kami !
On Oh, father ours !
This line isin Malay. It is a Jaman who is speaking.
Okeh (1921) says soe ‘ should read, ‘‘ Bedlad (go) res (buzzing)
un- “ m (that Mord un-un (that that).’’ ‘‘I go appt.
Malay word guru (?) ‘* teacher.’
3 Token (1921) however, would toatl ge mutau as ‘* moving the head
up = dow:
$ Tokeh (1921) gives larch ** owl,” tépar (sic) ‘‘ branch,”’ Jindong ‘* hide.’
There isa — word lindong which has the same me aning.
202 Journal of the F.M.S. Museums. [Vor IX,
Malok' menulang yek P
at
Where head-dress mine ?
This either means ‘‘ With what shall I bind my head ?’’ or
‘‘ Where is my head-dress ?’’ —I think the latter is aad
correct. It is a female Chinoi who is speaking.
Dordoi wat haiyah> eh toie. Tabek laweh
Sit open bertam, father mine. Salutations head,
arah menulang /
pass head-dress !
““T sit opening bertam-palms, O father mine. Salutations
to your head, on my head-dress passing you!’’ It is a male, a
Bertam-palm Chinoi who is speaking. He asks his father
(the halak) to pardon him for throwing his head-dress in
front of him.
M mse menulang, guruk P Babeh
Wher
What head-dress, plas ae ? Newly-married
apern Mags
Tapern go reatid
*“Where is my head- dress, interpreter? I, newly-married,
go round Tapern.’”’ It is a male Chinoi who is speaking,
Jinung . reng chenerkem un, ch, loie!
Carve slit comb that, father mine!
‘“‘ Carve and slit a comb for me, O father mine!’’ It is a male
Chinoi who is speaking.
Pau v-chet kejuh barau.*
From inside (?) come nies (?) young male barau.
The sense of the line is, ‘‘ From inside comes down a young
male barau.” It is a Barau-bird Chinoi which is speaking
Bum Chinoi Tapern magiseh. Yeh chub
We Chinoi Tapern go round I
pek keping.
above.
“ \ Cf. Pagan Races, Vol. II, p. 755, ‘* What ”’ (Mal. apa): malo, Sak.
er
2 “Tokeh edu Roce: not — h Mémpélam’ s translations of dordo
and hayah. that the latter is the of musical instrament
which the Malays pe 4 fteerely he tak. I would get no translation of the
ormer.
3 Vide foot-note supra
+ The Barau isthe Yellow Crowned Bulbul (Tvachycomus ochreocepha-
lus).
1922.] I. H. N. Evans: Negrito Beliefs and Customs. 203
“We Chinoi go round Jeti I go above.’’ It is a male
Chinoi who is speaking
Lohmon pideh, guruk, baleh, kijing,
What call, interpreter, virgin, hear,
Chelchem bulin Chelchem terjun papan
Chelchem back to Chelehem plunge down plank
taseg ?
lake ?
‘* Why do you call me, a virgin, going from Chelchem and back
to Chelchem to plunge down to earth ?’’ It is a male Chinoi
who is speaking. Chelchem, Mémpélam told me, is a place
below Tapern’s house which opens and shuts.
Sa’ bidang yek tulis gampul Yak
One sheet I plait mat Grandmother
Jalang, yek deng.
Jalang, T see.
‘JT will plait a mat for Yak Jalang, I see (i.e. in a little
while).’” It is a male Chinoi who is speaking.
Un, u deh, bidang,' kadeng deh /
There, there it, sheet, it!
‘* There, there it is, the mat, see it !’’ A male Chinoi is speaking.
Bedlat menulang, tabek laweh, kadeng deh!
Going head-dress, salutations head, s it !
Chinot mak sinlin.
Chinoi will replace.
‘* My head-dress is going past you, salutations to your head,
see it! This Chinoi, your slave, will replace it.” A female
Chinoi is speaking.
Ha menulang keh; yah baleh ?
Where’ head-dress mine; your maiden?
“* Where is my head-dress, the peor es of your maiden ?
It is a female Chinoi who is spea
Eh, rampus | angat * sunting * Chinoi
Father, take remembrance hair ornaments Chinoi
palah nilam.
shoots indigo
1 A Malay numeral coefficient, sa’bidang tikar ; one mat,
2 Malay words. :
204 Journal of the F.M.S. Museums. [Vou. TX,
“O father, do not forget hair ornaments for the Chinoi,
shoots of the indigo-plant.’’ A male Chinoi is speaking.
Kalun yek, babeh, penangkan
Waist-cord I, married woman, shoulder-cloth
gthmal.
weapons.
‘*T, a married woman, wear a waist-cord, shoulder-cloth and
weapons.’’ A female Chinoi is speaking
Ibeh jenoring galun.
Turn(?) enter rattan loop.
“Turn and enter the rattan loop.’’ Galun, I was told
means rattan, but the ordinary Negrito word for this is awzh.
Probably the truth is that galun is equivalent to the Malay
word gélong, a rattan loop. Reading galun as equivalent
to gélong makes good sense, as it is a rattan skipping- rope!
to which reference is here made.
O1 minyun, yam — bulang menulang
I(?), shaking I wreathe head-dress
up and down,
bacham.
ferns.
‘*T, shaking the bridge up and down, I wreathe my head
with a head-dress offerns.’’ It is the Chinoi Sagar, a female,
who is speaking. She lives, as I have related above, at the
far end of the Balan Bacham. She says that while making
the bridge of the dead, the Balan Bacham, spring up and
down, she wreathes her head with the Bacham-plants which
grow near it
Yek, yek ensol, yek tenbon sigalak® galong.*
i I ashamed, —_ every cross-beam.
1 The Ne cotton seem to te fond of at ae igs ee persons turning
the rope, and one jumping, and I saw them thus amusing themselves on
ipping is n ore amon Malay school-children,
sions. Skipping is now
but those Malays that I have consulted, so far, consider that it is a recen ly
ce ak : : :
introd : Ww hether it is native to the Negritos, but
they are of course in close contact with the Malays and would copy anything
which pleased a Re yap to skipping in chants connected with
religion looks, however, rather as if the pastime was native.
Tokeh (1921) eave that there is a nibeh manau.a skipping-rope of rotan
ssaahereg eager the my Bacham.
—_
all, every.
npc sae, a poms. a roller.
192z.] I. H. N. Evans: Negrito Beliefs and Customs. 205
‘*T, Iam ashamed as I leap on every cross-beam.’’ It isa
Chinoi Ai who is speaking. The Az is the species of leaf
monkey which is called Presbytes neglecta keatit
Un, un, ch keh, sa’ bidang, un,
That, that, father mine, one sheet, that,
ch ote, sa’ bidang /
father mine, one sheet !
‘‘ That, that one sheet is for you, my father ; that one sheet,
my father !’? It is the Chinoi Tikar, the Mat Chinoi, who is
speaking. Some details about the ‘mat-weaving snake will
be found in a previous section.
At the end of the performance, when the Halak was
supposed to be again becoming Renee's of his surroundings,
he said, “‘ Betud amed' penet? dikeh,’’ “ very long is my
tiredness.’
The Bird-Soul.
Ihave alluded to the Tzl-tol-tapah, the bird which an-
nounces a coming birth, in my former paper. While at Lubok
Tapah I heard a bird of this species calling on several
occasions, but did not see it. The Negrito name for the
bird is much more suitable than that of the Malays (kangkang
katup)—both names are onomatopoeic. The notes are
repeated a great number of times. The Negritos stated that
the bird was large * and dark coloured with white specklings
‘* like a bead necklace’’ on the breast.
The Chimiot (Chim-oi of my previous paper) has now
been identified by Mémpélam from the bird collection in the
Perak Museum as the Vellow-crested Sultan Tit (Melanochlora
oo Mémpélam said that he thought this was the
sa. s the Sagwong a bird whose note, according to Tokeh,
it is aie to imitate, owing to fear of Henweh.*
A Social Tabu.
A woman may not address, or passin front of, her father-
in-law ; she may not speak to him, and her sh adow must
not fall on him. One day, when I was giving some tobacco
to the Negritos, I called one of the women, Semeh, to come
into my tent and take her share. She replied that she could
not, as her father-in-law was sitting inside, and, in order
to reach me, she would have to pass in front of him. The
father-in-law then got up and changed his position in the
1 Equivalent to the Malay word ere
2 Equivalent to the Malay word pin
3 Tokeh (19 a8 however, says that rs has seen it, and that it s quite
—_ ee ze of a sparro Ww.
de Jo Snir 7 the F.M.S. Museums, Vol. IX, p. to. Tokeh, however.
oe fis identified the Sagwong as the Black and Yellow Broad-bill.
200 Journal of the F.M.S. Museums. [Vou. EX,
tent, so that the woman could approach me without breaking
the tabu
A man may not speak to his mother-in-law.
The Giving of Names.
There is nothing to add to what I wrote in my former
paper under this heading, except some further examples of
Negrito names. Among the Kintak Bong, besides Mémpélam
and Piseng whose names I have robs explained, there
were the following individuals :-
Pai, a female, born at the Tapah River. Pai means
“ irrigation ditch,’’ according to Mémpélam.
Sidim ,* born near the Sidim River in Kedah.
Semeh,a female, born near a kemangi-shrub (semeh).
Kising, a male, born near a kising-plant.’
Customs and Prohibitions with regard to Marriage.
The Kintak Bong told me that they have no marriage
ceremony, not even a feast, as Tokeh previously stated was
the case.' There is said to be a small payment made to the
bride’s relations, from $2 to $10. A man who is a suitor for
a girl’s hand usually speaks to the girl’s father or elder
brother. In the event of there being nobody in the camp
whom a bachelor can marry, he goes in search of a wife
either to another camp of his own people, if there is one, or
to that of another tribe. Tokeh said that marriage between
first cousins is prohibited, this may, perhaps, be so among
the Menik Kaien, but the statement needs qualifying as faz
as the Kintak Bong are concerned. The rule is that first
cousins may marry, provided that the man is the son of an
elder brother or sister; if he is not, they may not marry.
Musical Performances.
While I was at Lubok Tapah, the Negritos, at my
request, gave a musical performance. The singing was
accompanied by a pair of bamboo stampers, struck on a log
of wood by one of the women, and by two pairs of ‘ cast-
anets,’’ pieces of wood or bamboo—such as the Malays call
chérachap —which were beaten, one piece against another, by
two of the youths. Singing is called peningloin.
As in the case of performance given by the halak, I took
down the somewhat fragmentary songs on the spot, being
aided in this by Mémpélam, and attempted translations of
them afterwards :—
en pt
: Sex not obtained.
Probably some species of — ginger. I was told that it is much like
a euuseieuk: but has a strong smel
19z2.]| I. H. N. Evans: Negrito Beliefs and Customs. 207
Eh, inyun charah nampak
Father, . shake up and down _ sun-rise se
berenching.
fiery.
‘“* Father, I Paheke up and down where the sunrise is seen all
fiery.” It is a Sunrise Chinoi who is supposed to be speaking.
Minyun, yak yah, keh,
Shaking up and down, grandmother mine, 2
keh minyun.
I shake up and down.
Senujak henial ! .
Throw up to above !
“I shake it up and down, grandmother mine, I, your servant,
shake it up and down. Throw it upwards!’’ I am not sure
that this translation is correct. Mémpélam told me that it
was a male Chinoi, named Menlus, who was speaking. He
plays the Jew’s-harp to Yak Kalcheng. In the present
instance, I understood, he is supposed to be hanging from the
end of Yak Kalcheng’s fan, fanning her by springing up and
down.
ek keh, -.. minyun lel
Grandmother mine, shake up and down spin
gantong.
hang.
‘Grandmother mine, I shake up and down and spin as I
hang.’’ The same Chinoi is supposed to be speaking.
Yek, Puyau, menang cherengbung belang
fo Basket: go (?) plunge down ()
batu dadak charah kedah Tanggot.
“stone «breast sunrise girl Tanggoi.
‘‘T, Basket, go, plunge down and stick to the stone at the
breast (2) of sunrise, at the house of Tanggoi’s girl.’’ It is
the Chinoi Puyau, the Basket Chinoi, who is supposed to
be speaking. Ehyim is the name of the child of Tanggoi to
whom reference is made. She lives near where the sun rises,
and plaits herself a nest.
Jerjun jeurn (2) klawong. Le,
Carry on your hands kenuwak. Spinning,
lel, yerjun
spinning, carry on your hands
208 Journal of the F.M.S. Museums. [VoLix.,
klawang. Asal kebeurk klawong.
kenuwak. Origin fruits henuwak.
“Carry on your hands the kenuwak fruit. Spinning, spin-
ning, carry on your hands the kenuwak. Origin of fruits is
the kenuwak.’’ I did not ascertain the name of the Chinoi
who is supposed to be speaking.
Minyun, menawu tapag,
Shake up and down, bending down _ leaf pinnae,
ngabag.
chant magical chants.
‘‘ Shaking up and down, bending down the leaf pinnae of the
palm, I chant magical chants.’’ It is the Chinoi Buyok, the
Pandanus,! or Screw-palm, Chinoi, who is supposed to be
speaking. Ngabag is said to be a Chinoi word.
A, gantong jon perungss,- eh,
Father, suspend — spin turn, father,
gantong.
suspend.
‘* Father, suspend, spin and turn (the comb), father, suspend
it!’ It is the Chinoi Buyok who is supposed to be speaking.
Sibeh*® menang bedlad keping galong
Attach thread go above cross-bar
lel (bridge)
spin
jutkat keping chanang* yoh belang *
bring down above plate mine near
Langyau,
Langyau.
No satisfactory translation of the above was obtained, but it
may mean something like this :—
““T, Langyau attaching the thread, go above the bridge
and spinning bring it down(?) above my plate.” It is the
Chinoi Langyau, a male Chinoi, who lives near Ligoi, who is
speaking. Chanang is said to be Chinoi talk.
Yamun deng un, os deng, kasau
I @) see there, I see, rafter
! The species of Pinions which the sedans call scp
2 The Malay word sangkut, ‘‘to attach” was given as rl equivalent
of stbeh.
: C.f., perhaps, the Malay word chénang, a kind of gon
Malays, in speaking, often use the word dehkat ( eae instead of
aeete (to).
1922 ] I H.N. Evans: Negrito Beliefs and Customs. 209
Tapern. Luntem un yek chek menang belang
Tapern. Jam there I come thread near
batu.
stone.
A satisfactory translation of this was not obtained. ‘The
general sense, according to Mémpélam, is, “‘ I want to fix the
thread to the stone.” An attempted literal translation is,
Ytk chétol béraleh chintol lubag péneesel:
I thrust place bud Jlebak around
in round ornaments
kélingrong'! Tapern.
mortar Tapern
“J will thrust in and place round bud ornaments of the
Lebak-plant around the mortar of Tapern.’’ It is the
Chinoi Behwak, the Tepus-plant Chinoi, a female who is
supposed to be speaking. She makes wreaths.
Ledsaid bayang charah ketel balan nukau
Scarlet spirit? sunrise go bridge house
mak bulang.
want head-dress.
‘€ Scarlet appears the spirit of sunrise and goes to the bridge
where there is a house, in search of a head-dress.” It is the
Chinoi Galong, the Bridge Chinoi, a female, who is supposed
to be speaking.
Eh, tantig klawong penlohr® —
Father, bring klawong pierce fruit
“Father bring klawong fruits and pierce them (as onan ss
It is a male Chinoi, called the Chinoi Taneh, who is supposed
to be speaking.
Weung* ramen, dedeh weung.
Winnow body, sieve, winnow.
‘“* I move my body like a winnowing-tray, I sift, I winnow !”’
It is a female Chinoi, a Flower Chinoi, who is supposed to be
speaking.
1 Acc piording to Tokeh (1921) pat ela Sem is the ground onder 1 a ction.
as in a Malay dwelling w which is raised © —
2
+ According to Mémpélam, the Mala ay wa Nan of Ps joa is tampi.
5 The Malay equivalent of the word is ay.
210 Journal of the F.M.S. Museums. [Vor.. IX,
Eh, minyun balan chibeh
Father, I shake up and down bridge sunrise
juth* kaleh.
bird lifting wings.
‘I shake up and down on the bridge of sunrise ; 3 mimicking
the song of a bird, lifting up its wings.’’ It is a female
Chinoi, a Chinoi Tang-al, “who is speaking. She lives near
the Tang-al of the Batu Herem.
Various Beliefs and Customs.
If a hut is to be built in the jungle, a fire is first lighted
on the spot chosen. If the smoke from this drifts about
without rising, another site must be selected, as, if this is
not done, a tiger will raid the occupants of the hut, or they
will fall ill with fever.
If the hornbill, which the Negritos call Kawan malik*®
is heard at night, it is said that a tiger is coming. The same
belief also attaches to the Kuwangkwcit* when its note is
heard after dark.
If a squirrel in a tree falls from it near rar rea rae
bench of a shelter, it is a sign that some one will
Malays (Hemik), blood, jungle leeches and ena private
parts of a man or woman may not be mentioned when fish
are being caught by means of ¢uba*-poison. These words
are enlak, tabu. Women who are expectant may not accom-
pany the fishing party. If these tabus are broken, the poison
will have no effect upon the fish.
Folk-Stories.
Yak KAMPEH AND PIAGOK.
Yak* Kampeh lived with her son, Piagok, in the Selama
District.
Yak Kampeh dreamt one night that she had got a son
named Kebeurk Yihuk.’? The next morning she went out to
look for food, and came across a fruit hanging from a tree.
She told her son, Piagok, to climb and take the fruit. So
Piagok climbed the tree and threw the fruit down into his
mother’s cloth, which she held to receive it. A sound of
| The ‘ee equivalent is suwara.
2 Said to be a Chinoi word for ‘‘ bir
: This is the Burong mati : — = i Malays (Annorhinus galeritus).
+A tg nasiiiend (Tokeh, 1921).
ts elliptica, a meyers Of which the sap is poured into pools in the
tiver in ‘stupify ¢ e fish.
randmother.
means ‘‘ tree fruit.”’
1922.] J. H. N. Evans: Negrito Beliefs and Customs. 211
crying was heard from the cloth, and the fruit opened, and
a child was in
Another night Piagok dreamt that he met a woman.
So on the next morning he set out and really met her. She
told Piagok that she wanted armlets (of rattan), Jew’s-
harps and combs. Piagok went home and made the combs ;
and on the next day he told his mother to go to the woman’s
camp, and at night he went there himself and slept with Yak
Tanggoi'—for that was the woman’s name.
e next morning, he went with Homoit, Tanggoi’ s
younger brother, to hunt with his blow-pipe, and, when it was
night, they went home. Homoit was carried tied on Piagok’s
back, above his back-basket, because his waist was only as
big as my index finger, and he could not walk: on returning
to the hut, his sister released him,
On the day after Piagok went by himself through the
jungle to Perak (i.e. the Perak River Valley) for five days,
and then came back. On his return, he went away again,
on the next morning, and shot a pig with his bow. He re-
turned and that night he had an unlucky dream. ‘The next
morning he and Yak Tanggoi exchanged leaves of the
Changlun,* agreeing that if their leaves withered they also
Then Piagok went on a journey, and he found when he
looked at his (Yak Tanggoi’s) leaf, that it had shrivelled.
Now after Piagok’s departure, Yak Tanggoi had gone
to bathe with five other women. The five women pushed
her down into the bathing-well ~ drowned her, because
they wanted Piagok for themselve
Piagok returned and found his wile dead, and wrapped
her body in a mat. Then he got an iron pan and heated
water. Next he called the five women and said to them,
“‘If you like my body, come and sit here!’’ They came
and sat down near him; whereupon he took the hot water
and poured it over them, killing them all. Then there came
Henweh* and the house turned to stone, but Piagok carried
Yak Tanggoi’s body up to the sky.
w there was a cousin of Piagok who lived in Perak.
His name was To‘ Taseg and his wife was called Yak Hnileh.
To’ Taseg being a halak (magician) knew about Piagok, and
came with his wife OA gia but his younger cousin (Pia-
ne ae gone to the s
. Leases pate: ‘that Piagok’s house had become a
ae "yet ied himself into a Chinoi, and entered it,
his wife going in first, because he stopped to burn incense.
{ Grandmother Rambut
: A plant which the Mal ma call salun,
3 Water welling up from under on round. A disaster caused by
inptodn act. os as here, is sometimes accompanied by ac aes
of the Stender s house
212 Journal of the F.M.S. Museums. [Vor. TX ,
Yak Tanggoi came to life in the sky, and when a halak
performs in a panoh (‘‘medicine-hut”’ ) Piagok, Yak Tanggoi,
Taseg and Yak Hnileh come to him. They have become
Chinoi.
TAK CHEMEMPES,
Tak Chemempes one day turned himself into a rhino-
ceros. A companion of his, who had gone to cut attaps in
the jungle, saw him eating the leaves of a tree and went
home, got his bow, returned, and shot at him, but Tak
Chemempes caught the arrow under his ‘‘armpit” (front
leg). Then he pretended to be dead, as if he had been
killed by the arrow.
he man who had shot at him went back to call his
friends to come and cut up the rhinoceros that he had shot.
They all went to the place and made themselves shelters
near the ‘‘dead” rhinoceros. Five children started playing
near the rhinoceros while their mothers were building the
shelters, and the rhinoceros said to them, ‘‘ Have you all
come here ?’’ and the children answered, ‘‘ All of us.’? The
children went to their fathers and said, ‘‘ The rhinoceros
asked us if we had all moved here.” ‘The fathers said,
“© Don’t speak minchah.’’!
Then all the people came together to cut up the rhino-
ceros, and the rhinoceros got up, became a man, and killed
them all, except one man who was only lamed. Then Tak
Chemempes said, ‘‘ Is there any one left ?’’ and the wounded
Now the people to whom he had sold the working-knives
were shifting their camp. They came to the place where
Tak Chemempes had become a palm-cabbage, and first one,
and then another, climbed the tree to cut out the cabbage,
but all were unsuccessful, until a man cut it through with a
small knife,* and pushed it down, when it rolled into the
river and became a soft-shelled turtle.
All the people tried to catch the turtle, but it cut their
hands. At last the man who had cut down the palm cab-
bage went down into the river, caught the turtle, and
brought it ashore, when it immediately dug itself into the
ground and became an elephant’s-head tuber. So they dug
T.e. words which will cause a stomach trouble when the flesh is eaten
Minchah is more or less equivalent to the Malay word mising, ‘‘ bad diarr
hoea. ”
2 The Negrito name for the Langkap-palm.
3 Not one that he had bought from Tak Chemempes.
1922.) I. H. N, Evans: Negrito Beltefs and Customs, 213
it up and, preparing a fire, roasted it; and fifteen of the
people died of stomach trouble through eating it, and fifteen
remained alive.
Then Tak Chemempes became a foalang-tree with two or
three hundred bees’ nests in it. ‘The fifteen people who were
left alive came across the foalang and made shelters there, so
as to take the bees’ nests. They made a ladder! up the tree
so as to reach the nests, and, at night, a man went up carry-
ing a torch*® and a bailer made of the flowering spathe of a
Bayas-palm, When he got to the nests, the bees became a
man, who cut the climber’s throat, and, catching the blood
in the bailer, let it down to the people below , Saying, “ There’s
lots of honey : the bailer won’t hold it all!’’
Then he called another man up to help him, and cut his
throat too. So he called another, and another, and so on,
until eight had been killed. At last the cocks crew, and it
was daylight, and Tak Chemempes vanished. But the seven
persons who were left saw their dead companions lying under
the tree,
Next Tak Chemem pes became a crocodile and laid eggs on
the shore of a river. A man who had been digging tubers
came to the river to wash his hands, and, seeing the eggs,
took them home, cooked and ate them m. ‘When night came
the crocodile followed the man to the camp to which the eggs
had been taken. All the people there were asleep, except
one man and his wife. These two heard the crocodile com-
ing, and called the men who had eaten the eggs, but could
not wake them; sothey ran away. Then the crocodile came
and ate up all the sleepers.
After this Tak Chemempes became a lizard* in a tree
share by telling the people that he had come from a far-away
place. At last a girl followed him, and Tak Chemempes
returned to his own shape and carried her off from there.
Then he journeyed until he found some people fishing
and tried to persuade them to go totheir huts to eat their fish.
But the people told him how a certain man, named Tak Taihi,
oppressed them by taking their fish, and said that, if he could
overcome their oppressor, they would collect fish for him. So
1 The kind of ladder which the Malays call — ore bambons paced
end to end with notches cut in them for foot-rests o peg
ing steps, fitted into the notches, Wooden pegs, colle pert are also com-
monly driven into toalang trunks o form a ladder when Malays climb for
on
? For lighting his way and for smoking out the bees.
3 Like the article used for bailing boats. It hasacross-bar, The honey
is let jen in the bailer
The species kno own to the Malays as lekeek (Gecko stentor). It live
in Noles | in trees ee aaa has a loud and pais t cry, which is generally heard sa
the early morning and towards evenin
214 © Journal of the F.M.S. Museums. [Vor,. IX,
Tak Chemempes prepared rattan bindings |! large enough to go
round his knees and elbows. Soon came the man who had
taken the fish and asked what the bindings were for, and Tak
Chemempes replied that they were medicine for pains in his
elbows and knees. Tak Taihi asked for them, saying that
he also had pains. Tak Chemempes gave them to him, show-
ing him how to put them on with connecting pieces of wood
between the elbows and knees. Then, when he was firmly
trussed, Tak Chemempes beat him to death, and when the
people came back from fishing they heaped together their
fish for him
Next Tak Chemdnnisés bored a hole in a tree buttress.
making it sufficiently large for his = to pass through easily.
This hole he stopped with mud, that it would not be
noticed. When he had finished, hie eatiea his companions to
try if they could kick a hole in a tree buttress, and they said
bo they would give him all their fish if he was able to do
is companions tried to kick a hole in a buttress, but
cant not. Then Tak Chemempes kicked the buttress in the
place which he had prepared, and his foot passed through
it easily. So his companions brought him their fish.
ter about another two or there days his companions
stole the girl whom he had brought with him. Tak Chemem-
pes went in search of her, but could not find her: so he
returned. He slept for a night, and the next day he dis-
covered the thieves, but not the girl. He said to them, “ I
you want to become like Tam, go and get some bamboos.”
So they went and got what he told them to fetch, and Tak
Chemempes dried the bamboos for two nights over the fire.
Then he made knives from the bamboos, and said, ‘‘If you
want to become Mohamedans (?.¢. be circumcised ¥ go and sit
above the waterfall. So they went and sat above the water-
fall. Tak Chemempes went to their wives and said, “ If I am
attacked by an evil spirit? when I circumcise your husbands,
ere * medicine to blow over me ,””* —and he gave them some
tios.* So he went to circumcise their husbands. First he
called one man, cut off all his genitals, and kicked him down
into the river below, then another and so on, till all thirty of
them were dead. Then he went back, and the wives asked
him when their husbands were coming home, and he replied,
“ Perhaps to-day or to-morrow.” That night he pretended
to have an epileptic fit, ® and all the women came together to
blow the medicine over him. Then he beat them all to death.
| Of the kind agg doy Malays call stmpaz,
2 In Malay ‘‘ kén ;
3 The Malay ita “Blowing medicine from the mouth, often siveh-
ae on to the affected nart, is a method of treatment frequently resorted
y _ practitioners.
unyet térus in Malay, a kind of tumeric, Curcuma aromatica (?).
a 5 In oes ** become pig mad,” epileptic fits are ascribed to possession
¥ a spiri
192z.] I. H. N. Evans: Negrito Beliefs and Customs. 215
On the next day he started on a journey, and, when a
strong wind arose, he heard a sound of loud whistling. He
found that the noise was made by two trees, the stems of
which crossed one another, and were pushed together by the
wind. Tak Chemempes climbed up into the trees and put
his hand between them in order to take whatever it was that
made the whistling, but his hand was caught between the
trunks and there he was held until he died.
MAMPES.
Mampes and his wife went from Selama to Perak, and
lived there a month. On his return, Mampes found that all
his companions had been eaten by tigers : now there were two
of these animals
He told his wife to climb a jérai-tree. Then he went to
the huts where the people had died, and there he found two
tigers. The tigers wanted to fight with him, but he stopped
them, saying, “‘ Wait a little, and then we will fight. I want
to take a thorn out of my foot.’”’ He took out the thorn, and
then, standing up, called the male tiger to fight. Thev
fought, and Mampes killed the tiger with an arrow. Then he
called the female and she, also, was killed in the same way.
So Mampes said, ‘‘ Ah, when 1 was away you came and killed
my mother and my relations, but now you have had to fight
with me!” He returned to his wife and called to her to come
down. Then he told her how their friends had been killed,
and she wept when she heard of it
After this Mampes went to his father’s camp, which was
in another place, and told him how his mother and his com-
panions had been eaten by tigers. He lived there for about
three months. One day he told two of his companions to
make a swing, and, when it was made, he sat in it and swung.
Now there were two women/whose husband—they were
tended to be dumb. Now this ‘‘ dumb’’ man, Tak Nin, '!
was really also Mampes, se he had made a double of himself,
but of different appearanc
These three, Tak Nin ape his two wives, Yak Lunggyait
and Penantun, both of whom were halak, went to the jungle,
Tak Nin taking with him a bow.
They came across a bear up a tree in the jungle and Yak
Lunggyait took the bow, placed one end on the ground, strung
it, and gave it to Tak Nin, motioning himtoshoot. The bear
was struck and crouched the ground, and Yak Lunggyait
said, ‘‘ Nin deurk kawap ’ *Run!’’ said Nin to his two
wives. Then the bear ae
1 Tak Nin's footprints, I am told, can still be seen at Ayer Tuna
ina Kedah.
** Nin, run from the bear!’
216 Journal of the F.M.S. Museums. [VoL. TX,
They went back and stopped for two nights at their hut.
After this they started out again, and met an elephant, and
Tak Nin went by himself and shot at the elephant with his
bow, wounding him. The elephant ran away, and, when he
had run for about two miles,! fell down dead. So Tak Nin
went home with his two wives and told his companions about
the dead elephant. Next day about twenty of them started
off for the place where the elephant was lying. When they
arrived, Tak Nin cut open the elephant’s head and took the
tusks. Then they went home.
Now there was a younger brother-in-law *~ of Tak Nin’s.
This man was a halak, his name was Pas, * and he was the
ancestor of the Muntjac, for all animals were once men. Tak
Nin told him to speak to his (Tak Nin’s) mother-in-law, * and
ask her what he should do with the ivory. So Pas ran off to
Tak Nin’s mother-in-law’s and arrived at night, when, on com-
ing to the entrance of the camp, he stepped on two people
who were sleeping there. These two moved toa sleeping
bench, which broke under their weight and they were wounded
in their backs by the supports of the bench.
Then Pas went straight to his mother’s hut, and said,
‘* My elder brother has killed an elephant,’’ telling her to go
the next day. The mother-in-law told the father-in-law, and
on the following day, he and Pas went to Tak Nin’s hut.
The father-in-law took the tusks home with him and
kept them for ten days, until a thief, named Keh, came at
night and stole them. On the next morning the father-in-law,
Tak Kemis, went after the thief and met him on the path.
Then Keh put down the tusks and ran away up some rocks,
complaining. Tak Kemis shot him with his bow, and he
died. This Keh ° was the ancestor of the goat-antelopes.
Tak Kemis went home with the ivory, but one night
another thief climbed up upon the shelf,* while five others
watched near Tak Kemis’s head. The five took the ivory
and ran away, while the sixth jumped down from the shelf,
spilling the salt into the fire in doing so. Now the five got
away safely, but the sixth, Chigchag, broke his thigh between
two logs. Tak Kemis found him on the next day and
killed him.
Malay ‘* dua batu,” two stones, i.e. two miles. The Negritos have
learnt pa speak of miles from the Malays.
2 Adik ipay in Malay, i.e. a brother-in-law who was yourger than Tak
= The name means ‘‘ kijang” (Muntaicus muntjac).
+ Tak Nin would be prohibited by Negrito custom from speaking to
her himsel
5 His ‘sdiinain Pye goat-antelopes (serows). The name Keh,
lieve, means serow that Keh tried to escape to the rocks. nies nee
commonly lives on aioe limestone cliffs, such as are to be found in
many parts of the Peninsula
6 Malay para. Probably va ivory was kept on a shelf above the hearth.
The Negritcs do not, however, build sufficient complicated dwellings to
have a pava. License must “ae oan to the story-teller.
*
1922.) I. H. N. Evans: Negrito Beliefs and Customs. 217
WILD Pics.
The wild pigs were once Malays who =a to change
themselves into pigs and go off into the jun
There were once two Kintak Bong men, Dike The
eldest was stupid, but the younger was a halak. They went
to the jungle and came across some pigs, and the elder bro-
ther shot at one of them with an arrow ' and hitit. Then the
‘““pigs ’’ ran away to their houses and became men again, and
the man who had been hit complained of the pain to his wife.
Now the younger brother went to the village and saw
the sickman. The elder brother followed him and called out
im the village, ‘‘ This is where my arrow is,” but his younger
brother told him not to say anything. "Then the “ pigs”
came and fought with them. ‘he elder brother went home,
but the younger remained behind and treated the sick man
till he was well
‘hen the younger brother went home and said to this
elder brother, ‘‘Do not go to the village to-morrow, if you
do, the ‘‘ pigs”’ will fight, and you will die.’” The elder bro-
ther paid no attention to what the younger said, and went to
the village and asked for rice? They gave him rice, and
attacked him while he was eating it, and killed him
His younger brothe;x did not know about this. The next
morning he went to the village and found his elder brother’s
body lying there. He went and moved the body, and found
that his brother was dead. Then he took the tail of a grass-
lizard and thrust it into his elder brother’s nostrils. Where-
upon his brother sneezed, and came to life again. ‘hen they
went home.
hen they got home, they stepped there for two days,
and then the elder brother went fishing and caught some fish.
He went back to his hut, and, when he arrived, his wife
cooked rice for him. After he had eaten, and it had become
went back, and remained at his hut for fifteen days. On the
sixteenth day he again went in search of his elder brother,
and found him at a water spirits’*camp. Then the younger
! It is often said, with truth, that the bow is the original Negrito
Negrito-Sakai, who can easily obtain the long noded bamboe (B. Wray?)
which is the best for making the inner arr Pgs N oe have, however,
evolved their own type of dart-qu ~
In these folk-stories it is, I think, —o-y plaseadiar net that Bee bow isthe
—— stig i — ere are constant references to it as against only
to the blow-pi
Bong are at the present day, hangers-on at Malay
lages. They continually sig for rice, — whee avoid — work nog pay-
ment for it when receiv moit teheu
218 Journal of the F.M.S. Museums. [VoL. 1X,
brother slept there for the night, and saw that the people of
the hut were of a different race from human beings.
On the next day he tried to persuade his elder brother
to come home, but he refused. So the elder brother stopped
there, while the younger returned.
A Menik Kaien Legedn,
ToLtp py M&Mp#HLAM, HEADMAN OF THE KINTAK BONG.
There was once a man, a /alak, who had a son who was
also a falak. ‘The son had a wife. One day the son went
out to shoot with his blow pipe. His wife took a bakong-
fruit and roasted it in the fire, intending to give it to her
child, who was crying for food. The bakong! fruit exploded:
—now to burn a bakong-fruit in the fire is tabu, and, if any-
one does so, a tiger will come and eat the offender when the
fruit explodes. On the fruit exploding, the father-in-law be-
came startled, began to oe and turned into a tiger and*
ate up his daughter-in-law
jhen the son came “hot me, he saw what is father had
done, and the two fought together. The son was beaten,
because the father became very tall during the fight, and
though he, too, became very tall, he could not attain such a
height as his father. Then the father said to the son that
he (the son) could not fight with him (the father) any more,
and that the hut should become a cave in a hill. So
the hut became a cave, and is still to be seen near Batu
Kurau. ®
Now AES: ‘bes father of Tapern came to the cave
and the two men,* now called Heneng Ai,® emerged from the
cave up to their ‘shoulders. Then T ang-ong asked what had
happened and the father told him how he and his son had
fought, and asked him to tell the Menik Kaien that they
were to keep the sixteenth day of the month—the day on
which they had fought—as tabu, whenever they went near
the hill.
(The Menik Kaien according to Mémpélam, claim Batu
Kurau as being in their territory. Only the Menik Kaien
dialect may be talked by Negritos when going near the hill.)
! Probably Susiwm erence gota
2 Magicians among the Negritos and se are frequently credited
— a power of turning themselves into
am inclined to think that this ane may be the Sgro in
Gun sig Kurau which the Malays call Keramat Rimau, 7.e. the r’s holy
place. I carried out excavations at this site in 1917; vide te ox,
ot this Journal, Tokeh (192 ne tories says that Mémpelam is wrong and
— ~ Lepne is in the Ulu Sel
er and son.
; inne Aiis also the Negrito name of the cave. It means ‘‘ the hole
of the — The particular species of leaf-monkey is Presbytes
neglecta keatit
1922.} I. H. N. Evans: Negrito Beliefs and Customs. 210
Note on the Identification of Negrito Words.
As a large number of Negrito words occur in both my
papers on the Ulu Selama Parish, I have made an attempt
to identify them in the comparative vocabulary at the end
of volume II of Pagan Races. A large proportion of
these—given in the list below, together with reference let-
ters and numbers—has been thus traced to identical, nearly
alliel, or probably related, forms, but a considerable number
have not been thus identified ; of these most are to be found
in = songs of the falak or in ‘those of the ‘* singing perform-
” There is thus a possibility that some of them are
wonde which are not in every-day use, since the Chinoi—who
are said to use special words—speak through the halak,
while, in the “singing performance,’’ Chinoi were also sup-
posed to be speaking, though, in this instance, I take it,
there was no suggestion of possession by them.
Ag-ag, crow. C 277.
Ai, monkey (Presbytes neglecta keatit). M 140.
Awih, climbing plant. Q.
Bai, dig. D 107.
Balak, ivory. H 126.
Baleh, virgin. G 28, ae W 131.
F 185
Bum, we (=Malay kawan, companion). R 36. (Lataik
bum : votan kawan).
Lacie Chelchem. c.f. perhaps, Relyeng, inside. I
in. stab. C 296 (cheg).
Chibeh, sunrise. D 33 (chéwé).
Chintol, bud. B446. Meaning given as ‘‘ comb flower ”’
in my first paper.
Dadak, breast. B 380.
W 8r.
Heneng, hole. H 107.
220
Journal of the F.M.S. Museums. [Vor.. IX,
Hertik, tail. T's.
Atlud, swallow, to. S 526.
Huyak, rainbow snake. R 16. Skeat has my original,
spelling ‘‘ Hwiak.’’
Ibeh, turn c.f. bit, habit. ‘T 250.
Jagat, giddy. c.f. ja-kui. H 46.
awap, bear. B 10
Kawong, Argus pheasant. A I2
Kebeurk, fruit (—=Malay biji a numeral coefficient applied
to round objects on as fruit): F 283.
Kedlud, firefly. W 12
Kedong, rat. R 33.
Kelingtek, earth, from under. E 12 (tek).
G 18,
Kilad, lightning. 3 oe:
Klang, hawk. E 4
Kuwangkwett, bird, species of. B 222.
Lel, spin (turn). T 267, T 251
agiseh, goround. T 257.
Makab, seize. C48. Wrongly given as “eat’’ in my
.
Menilis (blis), go hea, D 33, F iz.
Met ke'ok, sun. 53.
Minchah, ‘stomach trouble. S 468.
Mohr, nose. 8.
Neabag, seo singing performance, to holda. S ar.
Nieng, ear. E6
Penel, tired. 149.
enig, ig Cultivated. D 188,
Pideh, c
roehitag nats P
Puyau, basket. c.f. os yu, pandanus, P 27.
Sagwong, bird, species of. B 225.
Sempak, durian, wild. D 189.
a: os
Takob, tuber. Y 2. Given as hole (of nose) (?) in my
Tanggot, rambutan. R 22.
Tapag, palm leaflets. R 178.
1922.] I. H. N. Evans: Negrito Belie/s and Customs. 221
Teiok, tiger. T 130.
Tekoh., afterwards. <A 46.
em un, come up, climb. C 116.
Til- tol-tapah, a bird. D 181. It is not the Argus
pheasant as stated by Vaughan Stevens.
Un, that, there. T 51.
Wai, open. O 44.
Y ak, gov ones G 86.
Yek,
Yam, " < I.
a
ak
hal)
pies
ics
:
Sues
Journ. F.M.S. Mus,—Vol. IX, Pl. XVI.
OBJECTS CONNECTED WITH BURIAL, ETC
1-4. Langkel — ‘* ghost talismans.’’ Models made by Tokeh. 7-9. Tangkel teiok. Tiger charms placed on graves. Models made by
£, Tanghel dater Ditto. Tokeh.
6, I¢ inghel pg Ditto. 10. Tov bullroarer.
Journ. F.M.S. Mus.—Vol. XI PL XVII
MODEL OF THE BATU HEREM, the Stone which supports the Heavens.
Made by Tokeh.
The stem of the Batu Herem.
The Lambong.
The cords.
The Tang
3.
4.
XXVIT. ON AN EXAMINATION OF SOME
NEGRITO COMBS FROM PERAK
By Ivor H. N. Evans, M.A.
(Plates XVIII & XIX.)
The commonest types of comb that I have collected from
the Kintak Bong of the Ula Selama Parish of Perak are the
six and the eight-pattern varieties. In both of these the kinds
- of patterns, their arrangement * with regard to one another,
and their comparative sizes, are all regulated by tradition.
Let us take first of all a six-pattern comb, such as fig. A
in the illustration. The pattern of the first panel stands by
itself, not being reproduced elsewhere on thecomb. Pattern
2; however, recurs again in panel 6, and pattern 3, in panel
5. The fourth pattern—different from any of the others—is
always much larger than the rest. Now it is in accordance
with traditions that only a few kinds of patterns are allow-
able in panel 7, and the same is true for the similar panels 2,
and 6, 3 and 5, as well as for panel 4
In the ordinary type of aight patie pe eight-panel)
comb the arrangement is similar, except that two extra
panels, containing the same patterns as rae 2 and 6 of the
six-pattern comb (2 and 8 in the eight-pattern comb) are in-
serted, one on either side of the largest panel—panel 4ina
six-pattern comb. We may, therefore, since it is understood
that an eight-pattern comb is exactly the same as a six-
pattern, except for the addition of the two extra panels, as
remarked, leave this type and proceed to the detailed
examination of the patterns which are to be found on six-
panel combs.
The whole comb is called kenait, the panels papan,* and
the boundary lines between the patterns enem. In panel 4,
according to my Kintak Bong informant, the following pat-
terns are allowable: ‘‘ crossin ¢ jackfruit shoots ’’’ (tenwug
nangka), ‘‘ cucumber flowers,” e thighs of the Monitor-lizard”’
(bleuk patiu), ‘‘ young moon ” (wong ® kichek), ‘‘ breast of the
red-breasted hill tortoise ’”’ (sob sweh) and hilik yawin (bracken
leaves), Probably the commonest of these is tenwug nangka.
In panels 2 and 6 the commonest pattern is hebeurk padi
(padi grains) though tapag salag (leaflets of the Salak*) is
sometimes found, as also ‘‘ gourd seeds,” a pattern very similar
to * padi grains ” but in which the diamonds, which are often
! Vide Pagan Races, Vol. II, p. ae c Feta A.
‘ woes word w hich means “op
means ‘‘
3 Won,
. The ‘Sulah-patinn, Zalacca edulis.
224 Journal of the F.M.S. Museums. [VoL. IX,
shorter and broader, have a dot in the centre of each. Leaf-
monkey’s teeth (yus at) is the almost invariable pattern in
panels 3 and 5, while panel 7 may have pisuas chinbeg (torn-
open cabbage of the Bertam-palm!), gel talung (millipedes’
waists), and sudak taduk (spikes of the Bayas-plam ? ) or sudak
manau (spikes of the Rotan Manau*), A study of combs
collected in the Ulu Selama Parish and now in the Perak
Museum—-ten specimens—gives the following results :—
Nos. I, 2, 3. Typical eight-panel combs.
Nos. 4, 5,6, 7. Typical six-panel combs.
No. 8. Typical six-panel comb except that panel 2 has
the pattern which is called ‘‘ cucumber seeds,’”’ while
panel 6 has the ordinary ‘‘ padi grains.’”” These two
divisions, therefore, do not ‘‘ balance’’ one another.
No. ro. Aneight-panelcomb. Non-typical. Evidently
the production of a prentice hand. Three panels
blank, and patterns, which are merely rudely engraved,
not of the usual type.
A very noticeable feature of Negrito decorative art as
applied to bamboo is that, whereas the Sakai merely scratches
the skin of the bamboo to make patterns, afterwards colour-
ing the scratches slightly with some brownish or blackish sub-
stance, the Negrito, to obtain more outstanding effects, often
removes parts of the light yellow skin of the bamboo and
colours the underlying portions a rich brown. Some patterns
produced in this way are to be found on nearly every bamboo
article made by the Perak Negritos, and though many de-
signs are merely made by scratching the skin of the bamboo,
those in which the skin has been removed give Negrito bam-
boo articles a very distinctive appearance. When this pro-
cess is employed the yellow skin of the bamboo may either
form a pattern which stands out against a dark brown back-
ground, or may provide a light background which shows up a
dark pattern. A good example of the former type of orna-
mentation is the pattern called ‘‘ padi grains:”’ in this the
yellow diamond-shaped grains are in strong contrast with the
brown background. In the ‘‘ monkey teeth” pattern, on the
other hand, the brown pattern (teeth) contrasts with a yellow
background.
An examination of Negrito combs from other parts of
North Perak—the places from which we have examples are
Ijok (Selama Sub-District) and Lenggong and Grik in Upper
Perak—would seem to show that the rules stated above are
more or less observed in these places also, for, though there are
examples which do not conform to type, it is to be noticed
| Eugeissona tristis. 2 Oncosperma horrida.
* A kind of rattan palm.
1922.] I, H. N. Evans: Examination of Negrito Combs. 225
other personal ornaments and mothers still say to their girl
children when they are inclined to consider themselves good-
looking, and be conceited in consequence, ‘‘ You need not
think that you are as beautiful as Yak Tanggoi.’’
I have found absolutely no evidence that engraved
combs are regarded as talismans by the Negritos of Perak,
though the patterns on the dart-quivers are thought to make
the game tame, so that it may easily be shot by the hunters
with their blow-pipes. Tdkeh told me, in 1921, that the
Negritos decorated their quivers with such patterns as they
dreamt would prevent game becoming frightened.
Patterns in the Illustrations.
(a) Torn-open cabbage of the Bertam-palm (pisuas
chinbeg).
(b) Padi grains (kebeurk padt).
(c) Teeth of the lotong-monkey (yus ai).
(d) Crossing shoots of the jackfruit (tenwug nangka).
(e) Leaflets of the Salak-palm (tapag salag).
(f} Thighs of the Monitor-lizard (bleuA patiu).
(g) Millipedes’ waists (gel talung).
(h) Cucumber flowers.
(i) Bertam pattern.
(i) Gourd seeds.
(k) Birds’ wings.
With regard to these patterns, it will be noted that there
is a great similarity between piswas chinbeg (a) and the design
which I have called ‘‘ Bertam pattern.” Pisuas chinbeg,
according to my. informant, means ‘‘ torn-open cabbage of the
Bertam-palm,”’ while the Malay name obtained for it was
bunga bértam,® bunga meaning either “ flower’’ or ‘‘ pat-
tern.’’*
With reference to g, the name given—“ millipedes’
waists ’’ (gel talung)—is rather doubtful.
The patterns f (bleuk patiu) in comb C and those (d)
termed fenwug nangka in combs A and B, are almost identical,
though in comb A there are four dots placed in the centre of
the diamond formed by the crossing elements of the pattern.
Names obtained in Malay only.
! Obtained in 1921.
? Yak Tanggoi means ‘‘ Grandmother Rambutan.”
3 From a Negrito of Grik, from whom the comb was bought.
+ Compare these two patterns with that which I have queried.
226 Journal of the F.M.S. Museums. [Vou. IX, 1922. ]
I believe that the elongated diamonds of comb A are less
typical of tenwug nangka than the form found in comb B.
It may be remarked here that the F.M.S. Museums
possess no examples of Negrito combs from the Eastern
States of the Peninsula, except two, in Taiping, from the
Batek of the Cheka River, Pahang. These two specimens
are. however, not at all typical of Negrito art.
Journ. F.M.S. Mus.—Vol. IX. Pl. XVIII.
A. B. Cc.
TYPICAL SIX-PATTERN COMB. TYPICAL EIGHT-PATTERN COMB. ; TYPICAL SIX-PATTERN COMB.
Selama Sub-District, Perak, Selama Sub-District, Perak. Selama Sub-District, Perak.
Journ. F.M.S. Mus.—Vol. IX. PL RS
D. : &.
SIX-PATTERN COMB. SIX-PATTERN COMB.
Selama Sub-District, Perak. Grik, Upper Perak,
XXVITI. THE MALAY FIRE-PISTON.
By Ivor H. N. Evans.
(Plate XX.)
In the collection of Anthropological Essays Presented to
Edward Burnett Tylor in Honour of his 75th Birthday is to
be found a very full and interesting eres on the fire-piston
by Henry Balfour. He has demonstrated that this curious
implement is known and put to practical use in the Shan
States and Pegu, among the Khas and Mois, in the Malay
Peninsula, in Western Sumatra, in Java (among the Sunda-
nese and in the Kediri Residency), in Bali, Lombok, Sum-
bawa, Flores, parts of Borneo, and also in Mindanao and
Luzon. In Europe the fire- -piston seems first to have been
produced in the year 1802.
The present paper is written with the object of describ-
ing certain specimens in the Perak Museum, Taiping, to
which Balfour referred, but of which he had no description. '
There are seven specimens in the Perak Museum, and the
three of these have been added to the collections by myself
since his paper appeared.
he materials used in the construction of our fire-pis-
tons are buffalo-horn, wood and tin. The cylinders of the
implements are all of horn or tin, the pistons sometimes of
wood. I have seen the fire-piston in use on several occa-
sions among the ‘‘ Patani’’ Malays, who have flocked into
the north of Perak from Siamese Malaya during the last
hundred years or so, and, provided that the instrument is in
good condition and the tinder dry, can obtain fire with it
myself in at least two out of three attempts made. A most
important part of the instrument is the binding of rag, near
the distal end of the piston, which acts as a washer, and
prevents the escape of air. This must be so adjusted that it
allows the piston to pass smoothly down the cylinder when
the piston head is given a sharp blow with the palm of
the hand, and must not be so tight that there is difficulty in
withdrawing the piston fairly quickly, nor so loose that air
can escape from within. In museum specimens this binding,
which is treated with beeswax in order to facilitate its passage,
is generally out of order
In making fire a little piece of tinder is pushed into the
baie fairly closely packed— to prevent it ee out—but a
! Page 30 of his paper.
228 Journal of the F.M.S. Museums. [Vou. IX,
portion which projects beyond the piston end being left
rather loose in order that it may be easily kindled by the
spark. When the piston is ready, its distal end is inserted
in the cylinder: the cylinder is then grasped firmly in the
left hand, and the piston driven home by a sharp blow on
its proximal end, extracted smartly, and the tinder is found
to be alight. A little experience of the instrument is neces-
sary to get the best results, especially with regard to the
withdrawal of the piston. This must be done quickly, but
not roughly, or the spark wiil be extinguished. The follow-
ing are descriptions of our specimens :—
(i) Apt ooe (gobek apt) with tin cylinder and wooden
pis ather clumsily made. J,ength of cy-
finde? 8°6 cms. ; length of piston Io.Iems. From
k.
Larut, Per:
(ii) ) Fire-piston A ai = ee cylinder and piston both
f buff orn ength of cylinder 7°6 cms. ;
length - piston ee ems. Made at sah sod
Upper Perak, in 1917 for I. fio N. Evans by a
alay craftsman named Ismail.
(iii) Well-made fire-piston (gobek aps) with tin cylinder
and n piston. Length of cylinder 9°5
ens eaigeh of piston r0°5 cms. Collected by
me ig: ray at Pulau Tiga, Lower Perak. Mu-
number 2135/06
(iv) Fire. ‘sydiigé (gobek api) with horn cylinder and
woo iston. An old specimen. Length of
cylinder 7°6 cms.; length of piston 89 cms.
Collected at Lenggong, Upper Perak, by I. H. N.
Evans. Museum number 7/1
(v) Fire-piston (gobek api) with both cylinder and pis-
uffalo horn. A small pouch for tinder is
attached by a cord to the lower end of the cylin-
der. Length of cylinder 8°8 cms. ; length of pis-
. Lower Perak.
(vi) Small fire-piston (cylinder and piston both of buffa-
lo horn) with spatula and tinder-box attached
it. The tinder-box, which is made from a
nut of some kind, and has a wooden stopper, is
tied by a string to the base of the cylinder,
while the spatula, a French nail with the point
beaten out, is also attached to the same part of
the instrument. The piston and the cylinder are
connected by a cord. Length of cylinder 48
ems.; length of piston 5°5 cms. ‘‘ Patani.’’
Collected by G. F. Bozzolo.
(vii) seo “cay (gobek api) with cylinder of buffalo
and piston of wood. The specimen is re-
lagicsbihe for an upturned spike proceeding from
its base. This, when the instrument is held
1922.| Ivor H. N. Evans: The Malay Fire-Pistons. 229
ready for use, comes up behind the fingers of the
ae hand. The top of the piston has a small
in it, probably for containing tinder.
ae of cylinder 8°4 cms.; length of piston
8-4 cms. Collected at Kampong Perak, Batu
Kurau, Perak, by I. H. N. Evans in 1918.
Museum number 61/18.
ie
eS
roe ie
= ke Cis
SENSI
Journ. F.M.S. Mus.—Vol. IX. Pl. XX.
FIRE-PISTONS FROM THE MALAY PENINSULA.
elie
ae
ie
XXIX. MALAY CHARMS.
By R. O. WINSTEDT.
Part II.-—Miscellaneous.
(1) Bab mémanggil roh,
Hai wadi madzi, mani, manikam /
Aku peat ie énekan kéluar
Dari-pada lambong kirt Adam.
Hai roh si-anu:
Kéluar-lah éngkau datang ka-pada aku /
Mari ku-taroh di-bawah jantong halt yang puteh /
Jikalau tngkau tiada kéluar,
Durhaka-lah éngkau dari-pada Allah /
Durhaka-lah tngkau dari-pada Muhammad !
Bérkat, ‘‘La ilaha illa ’lah, Muhammad Rasulw’
h 2?
Aku ’nak katup hati vang duka ;
Aku ’nak buka hati yang kaseh,
Kaseh tundok ka-pada aku!
Ho elements of the seed of man!
I know the origin whence ye sprang !
From the left side of Adam
Soul of my beloved !
Come forth and come to me!
Let me place thee beneath a heart
That loves thee truly,
If thou comest not,
Then art thou traitor to God!
Then art thou traitor to Muhammad !
By virtue of the invocation, “ There is no God but
Allah and Muhammad is His Prophet
I would close the gates of thy heart to sirbow!
I would open the gates of thy heart to love,
Love that bows down to me!
(2) preety lagi.
u nikahkan orang _ (st-anu)
Dingan orang miata a
J ikalan éngkau tiada rg Na aku,
Péchah mata tngkau !
Sah sidt péngajaran g sane ae /
Barkat, ‘* La tlaha,
A similar charm
I would wed the image in the pupil of my mistress”
eye.
232 Journal of the F.M.S. Museums. [Vou. TX,
With the image in the pupil of my own!
If thou lookest not upon me,
May thy eyeballs burst !
May the teaching of my master prevail
By virtue of the charm, “‘ There is no God,” etc.
(3) Sa-bagai lagi.
Hat anak ayam !
Endui-éndui /
Mari kau-bam ttlaga aku!
Aku dudok bagai bintang chahaya /
Aku bérjalan, éngkau ssciteriepec —— aku!
Ong strt manis/ (?) Tang kudi' ma
Mants sakalian mémandang aku!
Chick, my pet!
Come drink at this well of mine!
I sit waiting like a shining star.
When I walk, behold my splendour !
Om! may all men behold my sweet grace.
(4) Bab pémanis.
Hat ayer st-réndam kacha !
Aku ’nak basoh bintang bérchahaya /
Chahaya Allah, — Muhammad, chahaya bagin-
da Rasulu’ lah !
Aku ’nak chahaya kérana muka aku,
Sapérti bulan Aros pene empat- -bélas
Mémandang muka
Tundok kaseh ka- adie pe
Jangan sa-tara manusia dua kaki,
Gajah &mpat kaki sa-btrang laut
Chari tundok ka-pada aku!
Beérkat doa, ‘* La ilaha,’’ etc.
A charm for beauty
Water clear as glass
I'd bathe in the Slee of a sta
The brightness of God, the brightness of Muham-
mad, Apostle of God!
I ask for brightness for my countenance,
The brightness of the full moon of the fourteenth
day
For all that look upon me.
Let not only men that walk on legs twain!
Let the four-footed elephant from over the sea
Come and bow down for love of me,
By virtue of the invocation, “There is no God,”
etc.
es (Ch. Skeat’s Posamed Magic,” p. 632, note 2: I have discovered no
‘ ory explanation.)
1922.] R. O. WinstEDT: Malay Charms.
(5) An erotic charm.
U ang chang !
Si-dang bést /
Anak harimau si- tandang malam /
Ménjadikan bési siang dan malam /
Kahar aku kahar wllah !
Kahar aku insha 'llah!
Ah kahar aku !
(6) Another.
Um chang chang !
Ayer lior pun bési /
Bulu ruma pun bési /
Haz bési Khtrsani !
Hai bést térjalli /
233
(7) A charm to call the soul back :—it lives in the belly !
Hai anak-ku/
Nang Stri Tani! alam!
Bérusong mari ka-pada aku /
Btrdokong btrkilek mart ka-pada aku /
Di-matahari natk ,
Di-matahari jatoh,
Mari ka-pada aku!
Di-hulu, di-hilir
Mari ka-pada aku /
Di-laut di-darat
Man ka-pada aku!
Marni s¢mangat ayah !
Mari ka-pada ayah !/
Mari burong ie /
Mari ka-pada ay
Jangan-jangan mu- *u-Rchil hati!
Jangan geet mu-kéchil rasa /
Hat ma
Aku rahi asal téngkau,
Fa yakun / Fa yakun !
My child!
Come I provide a litter for thee!
Come I carry thee in my arms, under my arm!
Where the sun sets,
Where the sun rises,
Come unto me!
=
1 Cf. Skeat, op. cit., p. 892, line 8. I have not discienes the mean-
ing of this line.
234 Journal of the F.M.S. Museums. [Vor. IX,
Upstream and down, by sea and land
Come unto
Come my soul to thy sire!
Come my birdling to thy sire!
Be not hurt in heart or feelings.
Unsubstantial spirit
I know thy origin!
Spirit I toss and throw!
Spirit I hurl and throw!
So be it! So be it! Om!
{8) A charm to restore to health.
Puleh Allah! Puleh Muhammad !
Puleh baginda Rasulu ’ lah!
Bukan aku é¢mpunya puleh /
Allah émpunya puleh /
Bukan aku émpunya puieh !
Nabi Muhammad émpunya puleh /
Bukan aku émpunya puleh !
Pawang Tua tmpunya puleh
Bukan aku émpunya puleh /
Pawang Muda tmpunya puleh /
Bukan aku €mpunya puleh /
Hakimu ’l-hukama estes puleh {
Puleh Bote. puleh di-t
Puleh di- -daging, puleh di. hull
Om! puleh! Ah! puleh
It is God restores to health,
It is Muhammad, His Apostle,
It is not I.
It is an ancient magician,
It is a young magician,
It is not I.
It is not I
But the preeminent among physicians.
Restored to health are brains and bones,
Restored to health are flesh and skin!
Om!
(9) Hat si-Kuman Mahadewi /
Rtlang kaki siku tangan
ies éngkan di-awan {basang-basang + di-ktyang-
Ake ilek tbrus tujoh petala Langit /
Aku tilek ttrus tujoh petala bumi /
Turun-lah éngkau di-manjapada!
Turwn-lah buangkan géroh daca malang /
Bukan aku yang mémbuangka
+Semak sidi, semak kateteh, taal balongt
Allah yang mémbuangkan.
Bukan aku mélépaskan /
1922. ]
R. O. Winstept: Malay Charms. 235
tSemak sidit mblépaskan dari-pada tuboh badan
orang vang sakit int,
Beérkat doa, “ La ilaha,” etc
e only a romanized version of this charm and the
I
words indicated by ¢ are corrupt or at least unintelligible.
The general meaning is clear.)
(Io)
Great virgin goddess Mahadewi !
Wearing anklets, armlets and bracelets!
Thou who sittest in the clouds of heaven !
I see clean through the seven layers of the sky!
I see clean through the seven layers of the earth !
Do thou descend to this wor
Descend and dispel evil luck and disaster !
It is not I but Allah
Who dispels sickness from the body of this person
By virtue of the invocation, ‘‘ There is no God but
Allah,”’ etc.
+ Untaja pati cha uda udi
yoh ayang sayang sangeara
Batak Awang! Batak Awing/ +
Aba gtlap gélémat hujan ?
Salah musim ribut ? Salah kutika ?
Sang Baning Naning mértekkan tidor dari awetan.
Térgunchang shurga! térbuka pintu lawang /
+ Sang Kaki, Sang Gantang, Sang Sifat, +
Bapa Ratu, ibn Sunt!
Bukan aku mélépaskan bala pustaka /
Sangt Kaki, Sang+ Gantang+ mb#lépaskan bala
pustaka /
Bukan aku mélépaskan bela pustaka !
Sang} Kaki + Bétara Guru mélépaskan bala pustaka.
Bukan aku mtlépaskan bala pustaka /
Dewa kéyangan métlépaskan bala pustaka /
Bukan aku mélépaskan bala pustaka /
Dewa kttujoh mélépaskan baia pustaka /
Bukan aku mtle¢paskan bala pustaka /
Dewa ktsakti mélépaskan bala pustaka !/
Hai anak Betara Kala! chichit bota Singa Gana /
Turun mélépaskan bala pustaka /
Turun méltpaskan pérbuatan jin!
Turun mélépaskan pérbuatan manusia /
Hai anak Bétara Kala! chichit bota Singa Gana/
Turun ka-dunia ménjadikan jin dan shatian dua-
bélas bangsa
Mélépaskan bala pustaka chélaka malang. /
Mélépaskan ka-pada tahun int,
Méltpaskan ka-pada sek int,
Mélépaskan ka-pada hari
ee ka-pada ca ‘tangga dan stgala anak
am !
236
Journal of the F.M.S. Museums. [Vor. IX,
Métlépaskan déngan aku /
Hai si-ogok-ogok ! peek /
Parang Bisnu di-mu aa
Jin nan mégang tanah ayer /
Jin nan mémangku bumi!
sage SE tngkau ka-pada témpat tngkau
Di-pusat tasek ttbing runtoh,
Di-sana-lah témpat tngkau /
Jikalau datang dari-pada gunong, pulang ka-gunong /
Dari bukit, pulang ka-bukit /
Dari pudang. pulang ka- -padang . /
Dari rimba, pulang ka-rimba !
Jangan éngkau masok tapak guru aku /
Jikalau éngkau masok tapak guru aku
Aku sumpah tngkau déngan perkataan Nabi Allah
Sulaiman!
Aku sumpah éngkau déngan perkataan, ‘La ilaha
illa lah, Muhammad ae "llah.”’
Nyah ! pindah- -lah éngka
Déngan bérkat doa Nabi Allah Sulaiman,
“ Allahu hak!’
A charm to"Dispel ill-luck.
(The first three lines are unintelligible and the names
of some of the deities doubtful I omit them in transla-
tion.)
What is this darkness and rain ?
Heaven is shaken and its gates open
It is not I that get rid of the evils of back magic,
It is Betara Guru; it is the gods of heav
It is Og seven gods, the gods with capermatari
Son of ook Kala, grandson of Ganesha
Descend and dispel ‘the evils of black magic,
The evil wrought by genies and mortals
owes to earth and create twelve races of genie
an il!
ue the evils of black magic, all hazard and ill-
luck !
Dispel them this year, this month, this day!
Dispel them from the homes of all the sons of
Dispel them along with me!
The sword of Vishnu is before my face.
King of genies, Genie Sun and genie Sen!
Genies in whose keeping is earth and water!
Genies in whose laps is the world!
Return ye to your place, the broken rock at the
navel of the seas!
1922.] R. O. Winstept: Malay Charms. 237
There is your place.
Genies of the mountains, return to the mountains!
Genies of the hills, return to the hills!
Genies of the plains, return to the plains !
Genies of the forest, return to the Sones
Enter not the line drawn by my teacher!
If ye enter, I will curse ye with the words of the
Prophet Solomon ; :
I will curse ye with the creed, ‘‘ There is no God
but Allah and Muhammad is ‘his Prophet.’
Get ye hence in virtue of the words of the Prophet
Solomon.
(11) Péngert gajah jantan
Bismi ’llahi r-Rahmani-y-Rahimz /
Sinar ménchérang akan muka-ku !
Bintang timor akan mata-ku!
Gajah janian akan badan-ku!
Harimau buas akan sandar-ku !
Buaya ganas kédudokan-ku !/
Bérkat aku mémakai pengtri gajah jantan.
Sah sidi péngajaran guru!
Sah sidt mustajab ka- 2. aku !
Bérkat, ‘‘ La alaha,”’
charm to frighten and capture a male elephant. It
should be recited three mornings at sunrise, the reciter stand-
ing on one leg.
In the name of God, the Merciful, the Compassion-
My countenance is the 2 ae = breaking day!
My eyes are the star of daw
My body i is as that of a ae couse
My prop is a fierce tiger !
My seat is a ravening crocodile!
By virtue of the use of this charm!
May the teaching of my master oe
Prevail and be efficacious unto m
By virtue of the words, ‘‘ There is Pas _ 7 etc,
(12) ae stliseh ma
2’ Llahd’ r-Rahmanicr Rain !
Hat Fiabalion vang btrnya
Ménytlisehkan éngkau di. iri dan di-kanan-ku /
Aku si-vaja nyawa héndak lalu!
Allah pun lalu dan Muhammad pun lalu ;
Aku pun lalu.
A charm to avoid danger.
oe rt name of God, ‘the Merciful, the Compassion-
e!
Ho ‘at ye living things
238
Journal of the F.M.S. Museums. [Vou. IX,
Get ye right and left out of my path!
I the prince of life would pass.
Allah passes by, Muhammad passes by,
I pass by.
(13) Hat lubok bahar! péndekar ‘alam !/
Aku kata kivt, kiri-lah éngkau !
Aku kata kanan, kanan-lah engkau!
Ho guns and cannons!
If I say left, let your shots pass to the left!
If I say right, let your shots pass to the right !
(14) rabies aku jijak atas bumi !
pijak di-atas baiu ktpala sakalian yang
sinh tee
Aku pakai chucha Jibrail /
Aku pakai chucha Mikail !
Aku pakai chucha Israfil !
Aku pakai chucha Azrail /
Aku pakati chucha baginda Ali!
Aku pakai chucha dzatu “llah /
A charm to weaken a rival in fight.
It is not on the earth that I tread!
I tread on the heads of all living things !
I use a charm to bow down a rival,
The charm of the Four Archangels,
The charm of Ali,
A charm derived from Allah.
(15) Bismi ’llahi-r-Rahmant-r-Rahimt /
Hai harimau! Aku tahu asal éngkau /
Katak puru &mak tngkau, harimau /
Di-padang Sham ktjadian éngkau, harimau /
A charm against tigers, to be recited thrice
n the name of God, the Merciful, the Compassion-
ate !
Ho tiger! I know your origin.
Your mother, tiger, was a toa
On the plains of Syria you were es
(16) Haz kul hu songsang /
Songsang langit, songsang bumi /
Jin pulang ka-jin :
Shaitan pulang ka-shaitan !
Pérbuatan orang pulang Eee orang /
Hai jin Rtramat ! jin késaktt !
Di-pusat tasek pauh janget — tebing runtoh,
Di-sana-lah témpat éngkau !
Jangan énekau masok avak guru — /
7 ikalau eéngkau masok tapak guru ak
Ku-sumpah engkau déngan kata, * is ‘ilaha ila’ Uah
Muhammad “"Rasulu *Llah.’’
1922. ] R. O. Winstept: Malay Charms. 239
Om! tawar! Sakalian ku-tawar !
Yahu Sulaiman innahu, ‘ Bis ni lah’ !
Ho I borrow the words of the Koran
To turn earth and heaven upside down!
Genies and devils return to your kind!
Evil wrought by mortals return to them!
Genies of supernatural power !
Your home is at the navel of the sea!
By the tree on the broken rock !
Enter not the lines drawn by my teacher !
Else will I curse ye with the words, “ There is no
God but Allah and Muhammad is His Apostle.’’
Om! I neutralize all evil!
Oh! Solomon in the name of God.
(17) Bismi’ llahi-r-Rahmani-r-Rahimi /
at jin tbni jan! anak sidang Firaun
Engkau ku-chucha ka- -pada asal mula mu jadi /
A ku tahu asal-mu ménjadi
Dari-pada lidah api nuraka asal mula m&njadi /
Lzazul nama pénghulu mu
Asal mula tngkau jadi dari- -pada dzuriat shaitan /
Asalaku jadi dari- Sit wadi madzt mani mantkam /
Ujud-ku ujudu’ llah
Stfat-ku sifatu ’ ian?
Kata-ku kata Allah /
Jangan éngkau mélalui kata-ku /
Jangan engkau méngtloh-ngtloh !
Jangan tngkau durhaka ka-pada aku !
Engkau di-kutoki Allah !
- Jangan tngkan mélalui kata-ku /
Engkau di-binasakan Allah
Jangan éngkan melalui sumpah-ku !
Jikalan éngkau mélalui sumpah-ku,
Engkau di-murkai Allah!
Aku.lah yang bérnama se Muhammad !
Bérkat doa, ‘* La —
Charm to overcome a
In the name of God ‘the Merciful, the Compassion-
Genie descended from Jann! son of Pharoah!
I overcome thee by knowledge of =, origin,
Thy origin from a tongue of hell-fire
Izazul is the name of thy chief.
Thou were born from the children of devils.
I was born from see
Of the substance and form of God.
My words are God’s words.
Sigh not nor disobey my words!
Commit not treachery towards me!
240 Journal of the F.M.S. Museums. VoL. IX
Else thou shalt be cursed of God.
If thou disobeyest my words,
Thou shalt be destroyed of God.
If thou disobeyest my curse,
Thou shalt suffer the wrath of God.
I am he that is called the bezoar-stone of the Pro-
phet
By virtue of the invocation, ‘ There is no God,”’
(18) Bismillah’ r-Rahmani-r-Rahimi !
Hat t&pong tawar ! opens . t/
Tépong asal mula ménja
Bérkat tawar chintamant ‘tase Allah
Sédang mémagut tiada bis
Stdang mbtlilit tiada a
Tulang ménjadi urat, uvat tawar,
Akan pénawar sakalian yang bisa!
Akan pénawar sakalian hantu shaitan !
Tawar sa-ratus s¢tmbilan puloh !
Tawar sa-ribu s¢mbilan-puloh !
Tawar Allah! tawar Muhammad: ! tawar Baginda
Rasulu ‘lah /
arm to be recited at all ceremonies where neutral-
izing rice-paste is use
In ree name of God, the Merciful, the Compassion-
Ho i primal rice-paste !
By virtue of the wish-snake beloved of God
Bites have no venom,
Coiling embraces no ‘Power to kill ;
Bones become sinew
To charm away all venom
To charm away all ghosts a othe !
Charms one hundred and nin
Charms one thousand and nin ety |
Charms from God and Muhammad His Apostle!
(19) Hat re tawar ! tépong ine /
Tépong asal mula ménjadi /
stihtted din hadzrat-u ’llah
Turun dari €mbun sa-titek !
Aku tahu asal mula ménjadi
Dari-pada ayer, aver maa’ l-hayat.
Bukan aku yang ménawar !
Rasulu llah yang ménawar !
Bukan aku yang ményimpan tawar !
Jibrail, Isvafil, Azrail yang or tawar !
Tawar Allah sakalian Rud bahadi !
Tawar jémalang puak
_ Tawar sakalian haniu te pada jajahan int !
1922. ]
R. O. WinstEpt: Malay Charms. 241
Om tawar ! maha tawar !
Nur Muhammad mtmbawa tawar,
Tawar dari-pada kaabatu’ llah,
Tawar déngan btrkat Muhammad Rasulu’ liah /
Bérkat chahaya nur Allah gilang-gémilang,
Tawar déngan btrkat dzat Muhammad,
Bérkat baginda Rasulu ’llah !
Tawar déngan kata, “ La ilaha illa’llah,’’
Stah-lah sakalian bala sttéru hantu shaitan /
Aku laung déngan kata, ‘“ ya hu ya man hua’ llahw’
l-hak.”’
Primal rice-paste cool and cleansing,
That came down from Allah’s presence,
From a drop of dew descended !
From the water whence eternal
Life comes—that your source of being!
*T is not I who’d cleanse and charm!
*T is the Apostle of God.
‘T is not I who keep your magic qualities,
It is the four Archangels.
I use God’s charm against all spirits,
Spirits that haunt persons and earth and places,
(20)
Against all ghosts and devils in this region.
Om! great is your virtue! [cleanse,
The brightness of the Prophet brings to charm to
A charm that came from the sacred place at Mekka,
A charm that works by the grace of Muhammad !
That works by the grace of the shining brightness
of Allah!
That works by virtue of the Prophet’s person !
By virtue of the creed, “ There is no God but Allah.’’
Hence all evils, all foes, all ghosts and devils
For I say unto, ‘‘ Thee who art the true God.”
Bismt’ llahi-r-Rahmani-r-Rahimi !
u-mulat déngan nama Allah.
Bukan déngan kuasa aku /
Déngan kuasa Allah !
Bukan déngan kthéndak aku /
Déngan kthéndak Allah !
ngkau pun sa-orang hamba Allah !
Aku pun sa-orang hamba Allah!
Masing-masing ménchart réztki kita /
Jangan-lah kita bérsakit-sakit hati /
Jtha barang kthéndak-mu,
Pérgi-lah éngkau méngadap ka-hadzrat Allah taala!
Aku-lah ménanggong amanat Allah taaia,
Bérkat, “‘ La ilah,’’ ete.
(A charm on opening ground.) [ate !
In th
n the name of God the Mercifui, the Compassion-
242 Journal oj the F.M.S. Museums. {[Von. TX,
I begin with the name of Allah.
It is not my power or my will that is fulfilled ;
It is the power and will of Allah!
You and I are Allah’s servants,
Each seeking his daily bread !
Let us not be offended one with the other !
If there is any desire of your heart,
Go into the presence of God most high.
T carry out the will of God, :
By virtue of the creed, “‘ There i is no God,”’ etc.
(21) gies Heat Mr tee v-Rahim
aikum! Hat jin ais ees ‘alam!
oe aiien si taala minta tanah in
Jika engkar mémbtri pun, datang pai ake /
Jika bénar pun, datang-lah pada aku !
Jikalau éngkau tiada datang ka-pada aku,
Engkau di-hanchorkan Allah!
Aku-lah raja insan !
Bérkat, ‘‘ La ilahah,’’
{An address to the ces on cutting soil for rice-
fields or homestead.)
In the name of God, the Merciful, the Compassion-
ate!
Greetings unto you, genie of the earth, shaker of
the world!
I have God’s mandate to ask for this soil!
Whether you grant my prayer or refuse,
Come unto me or be oo of God.
I am prince of mortal
By virtue of the wares © There is no God,’’ etc.
(22) Hat chintamani, bayang Allah !
Kaseh ka-aku ! Tundok ka-aku !
Aku taroh di-dalam + awan sarilan + !
Yang kéchil ménjadi bésar /
Yang tua mtnjadi muda /
Yang miskin ct et anya /
A fa’ alak ! Allah !
Bérkat aku Pr doa chintamant
Réztkhi tiada bérputusan
Gajah puteh sa-btrang ee
Datang hantar rézthi ‘ha-pada aku,
Tujoh kali sa-hari,
Tujoh kali sa-malam.
Pinang sa-bij1 ku-makan,
Télor sa-bijt ku-kulum
Bayang ini bayang Allah !
Bayang int bayang Muhammad !
Bayang ini di-kaseh Allah !
Detngan bérkat, ‘‘ La ilaha,’’ etc
1922.] R. O. WinsTtEDT: Malay Charms. 243
(A charm for drought or famine.)
Wish-snake, shadow of Allah!
Love and bow down to me.
The small grows se the old young, the poor rich !
By thy doing, O Goc
In virtue of my use ” this charm
Food cannot fail :
The white elephant from over the sea
Comes and brings me foo
Seven times a day, seven times a ects
I eat a betel-nut: I suck an eg
This shadow is the dinduw at God and of His
Prophet
This shadow is loved of God,
In virtue of the creed, ‘‘ There is no God,’
(23) Hai! aku tahu asal éngkau /
Jin janong, di-daun bakau tiga lat,
Sa-lai ka-udara jadi jin hijau,
_ Sa-lai di-pintu vimba jadi jin hitam,
Sa-lat di-laut jadi jin pute
Hai jin di-tanjong ! pulang tnekau ka-tanjong !/
Hai jin di-ttlok ! pulang tngkau ka-télok !
Hai jin di-béting! pulang éngkau ka-beting /
Hat jin di-harus! pulang tngkau ka-harus /
Hai jin di-sungai! pulang éngkau nee !
Hat jin, jémalang ! undor-lah éngkau
Jangan éngkau usek permainan kar
Kérana kami héndak méndirikan ota vaayat Nabi
Allah Sulaiman.
Bukan aku yang méndirikan/
Pawang tua yang méndirikan !
Bukan aku yang mtndirtkan !
Pawang muda yang méndirikan /
Déngan bérkat, ‘‘ La tlaha,” etc.
(Recited by pawang trapping birds, fishing and so on.)
I know the source of you, genies!
From three mangrove leaves ye were sprung.
One soared to earth and became the green genie!
One fell at gate of the forest and became the
black genie !
One fell in the sea and became the white genie !
Genies of the foreland get ye home to ae foreland !
Genies of the bays, and of the banks!
Genies of the currents and of the rivers !
et ye home, each to your place
Genies and gnomes! retreat,
Molest not this sport of m mine : 4
For I build a bower for the people of the Prophet
244 Journal of the F.M Si! Museums. [Vor. XI, 1922.]
Nay ! itis not I who build it,
But an old magician, a young magician.
In virtue of the words, ‘‘ There is no God,’’ etc.
(24) A’s-salam alatkum
Hat + Phra sangsang }, ‘i a lee /
+ Siu-siu t+ raja di-kulit bum
Raja di-langit, raja di- pei: 4
Aku tahu asal éngkau.
Tatkala péchah tttuban,
Darah sa-titek jatoh ka-bumi
Meénjadtkan jin tanah, jémalang bumi
Aku panggil éngkau datang déngan stgtra
Kérana déngan titah Nabi Allah Sulaiman.
Mari-lah tngkau déngan ségtra
Mari ambil ptrjamuan éngkau
Kérana aku minta tolong éngkau,
Boleh éngkau datang déngan ségtra.
Jikalau étngkau ta’ datang,
Aku mii tngkau déngan titah Nabi Allah Sulai-
(At opening a ma’ yong shed.)
Greeting be unto :
+ Phra Sangsang T prince of the earth !
7 Siu-siu + prince of the crust of ge earth,
Prince of the sky, prince of the air!
I know the source whence you sprang
When birth was beginning,
A drop cf blood fell to earth
Creating genies of the “pee gnomes of the soil.
I call you to come with s
‘Because the Prophet Solera commands ye.
Come with speed! Come take my offering!
Come with speed! For I ask your help.
If you come not, I will curse you by command of
éhe Prophet Solomon.
(25) Hat mbakau tékoneng-koneng !
Mari aku tanam di-atas pongsu
Kulit ménjadi tulang,
Tulang gg batu,
jadi kébal a
Déngan kata, “ La ilaha,”’
(A charm for RS Sea One puts the tobacco in
one’s mouth.)
Ho tobacco (?)
I plant you on an anthill.
Skin becomes bone, bone stone,
I become invulnerable, resilient,
By virtue of the words, ‘‘ There is no God,”’ ete.
XXX. ETHNOLOGICAL MISCELLANEA.
By Ivor H. N. Evans, M.A.
(A) Notes ON MALAY BELIEFS AND CUSTOMS.
(i) Sheet lightning is called kilat gajah (elephant light-
ning), as it is thought that when it is seen, elephants are
journeying through the distant jungle. (Malays of Batu
Kurau Perak, and also those of Pekan, Pahan
(ii) If hornets build a nest on a house, it is a sign that
the occupants are about to leave it (Malays ‘of Batu Kurau,
Perak).
(iii) A riddle from Pekan :—
Ia, ia, tttapi bukan ia, tlapi ia mati kérana ia,
The answer to this is an artificial spinning-bait (kachaz)
which is often made in the shape of a fish, the material
generally being mother-of-pearl. A rough translation of the
riddle is :-—‘‘ It’s it, but not it, but they die because of it.”’
(i.e. It’s a fish, but not a fish, but they die because of it}.
(iv) A vain charm. —This is recited by children of
Pekan, Pahang, when a storm appears to be approaching,
the object being to drive away the threatening rain. Very
probably the formula may have once been used by grown-ups
in all seriousness.
Sana ktpala béruang ; stint képala itek .
Sana bahagi tuang ; sini jangan sa’ titek.
There the head of a bear; here the head of a duck.
Let it pour there; but don’t let’s have a drop here.
(v) The people of Matang Pasir, Linggi, whom they go
to gather cockles (s:put kérang) will not go ashore from their
boats at Kuala Linggi, on their way home, as they say that,
when they do so the Kuala Linggi Malays always tell them in
fun that some one has died, and, in consequence of this, all
their cockles die and become unsaleable. (From a Malay of
Matang Pasir, Linggi, Negri Sembilan. )
(vi) The custom of burning evil-smelling rubbish of a parti-
cular kind in order to drive away spirits is very common
among the Malays. Raja Mutlak of Kuala Langat, Selangor
tells me that the substances burnt are deserted birds’ nests,
rubbish from cross-roads, cobwebs and rubbish greater from
the floors of deserted houses. These should be burn
old wooden gan‘ang measure which has been banded dove
for several cee aeecenes (gantang ptsaka). The various kinds
of rubbish used are called rabun, but rabun also means dim-
eyed or short aahted: the idea seems to be that the magical
246 Journal of the F.M.S. Museums. [Vo.. LX,
objects which are burnt prevent the spirits from seeing their
prey clearly. Different kinds of rabun are used for different
purposes.
(vii) The Linggi Malays when making vows at the
Kéramat Sungei Udang, a holy place which is much resorted
to, have a peculiar method of divining whether their requests
will be granted. A man takes a small stick and measures off
a span on it with the thumb and the middle finger of the
right hand. The span length he cuts off, and, having done
so, holds it in the smoke of the incense which he burns while
making his vow. He then re-measures the stick, and, if it
appears to be more than a span long he believes that his
petition will be favourably heard.
(viii) A butterfly entering a house denotes the forthcom-
ing arrival of a visitor. (From a Malay of Parit Buntar,
(B) AwaNnc DurRAHMAN.
(A Malay folk-tale.)
(I took down the following little story—very quaint
when told in Malay, but most difficult to translate into
English—from Pandak Leman of Kampong Perak, in the
Batu Kurau mwukim of Larut, in December, 1917, I have
tried to follow the Malay as closely as possible, and to
preserve the jerky method of narration, which is intended to
represent the flight of Awang Durahman’s thoughts.)
Awang Durahman was sitting one day in a tumble-down
hut in the rice-fields, while his mother was weeding among
the young crop. He took two cents from his mother’s sive/-
wallet, and, as he held them in his hand, he said to himself,
“ With this money I’ll buy two eggs, one a male, the other
a female. After a time what a lot of fowls there’ll be—thou-
sands! These fowls too many! Ifso, sell these fowls. Buy
ducks, Make a big pond; place for ducks to play. Ducks
alsomany. ‘ Pak’' up-stream, ‘ Pak’ down-stream! ‘Whose
ducks arethese?’ ‘The ducksof Awang Durahmau!’ Ducks
eat people’s paddy. Sell the ducks; buy goats. Many goats
go and eat people’s crops. Very much trouble! ‘Whose
goats are these?’ ‘The goats of Awang Durahman!’ Sell
goats; buy oxen. Oxen not a few. ‘Boh’? up-stream,
‘Boh’ down-stream! ‘ Whose oxen are these?’ ‘The oxen
Durahman!’ Sell buffaloes; buy elephants. Elephants
‘Ruh’ * up-stream, ‘ Ruh’ down-stream! Get into people’s
} The quacking of the ducks.
other.
. ? The lowing of the o
3 His m :
xen.
+ The noise made by the elepliants.
1922.]| Ivor H. N. Evans: Ethnological Miscellanea 247
villages. ‘Whose elephants are these?’ ‘ The elephants of
Awang Durahman!’ Young male elephant with tusks just
enclosing its trunk.
I tell mother to load it with dollars and bring it to the
Raja’s house, asking the hand of his daughter. Raja gives
it. Raja builds a house for the marriage. When I have
married, I sit in the balet.* Play chess. Princess comes,
‘Come my lord and eat rice.’ I don’t want to. I give
checkmate.* She comes again. She wears anklets, chérong
chéring.* ‘Come my lord and eat rice.’ " don’ t want a
I give checkmate. She catches my hand. Digs me in
ribs. Dig her in the ribs.* Chokok, chokok, chokok, hake,
chokok, chokok !”’
And as Awang Durahman dug himself in the ribs, first on
one side, and then on the other, wriggling the while, the
posts of the hut gave way, and he came to the ground cut-
ting his legs on atree-stump. ‘* What’s the matter with you,
A i Durahman?’”’ said his mother ‘ The Raja’s daugh-
dug me in the ribs,” answered Awang Durahman.
. Where’ s the Raja’s daughter ?’’ asked his mother. ‘‘ Oh,
I was only thinking about her!’’ replied Awang Durahman.
(C) Some NoTES ON ABORIGINES OF NEGRI SEMBILAN.
While engaged in making excavations at the stone
monuments at Pengkalan Kempas in Negri Sembilan, I met
some of the aboriginal inhabitants of the neighbourhood—
seemingly Besisi—and paid their settlement a couple of visits.
The following disconnected notes and short vocabulary are
the results of my acquaintance with them. These people
are, on the surface, now very much civilised, wearing Malay-
fashion clothing, and no longer ordinarily making use of
the blowpipe, of which I did not see a specimen among
them.
Their village of four or five huts was situated on the
I could not discover that they have any tribal name,
and, in asking a question as to what nationality a man be-
longs, whether wee or Sakai, they simply say, ‘Is he a
Malay or one o
The tribal eS appear to be the Batin, the Jenang,
the eine and the Penghulu Balai.
was told that other portions of the tribe are at
Matang Pasir (Linggi), Labu, and at Telok Kemang, in the
| Gading apit bélalet. 2 Audience hall.
: Sa ahya sah sahaja. + ) The sound of the anklets.
5 Sahya mat sahaja. ¢ Chuchok pinggang.
248 Journai of the F.M.S. Museums. [Vou. IX,
disdewbouthood of Port Dickson. The last division is under
another Batin, the Batin recognised by the Sungai Dérahka
people living at Batang Labu.
he few details that I = obtain about their beliefs
and customs are given below:
The punan beliefs, to eich I have alluded in several
former papers on the aborigines, are found among them,
anybody who has encountered misfortune through neglecting
to satisfy some craving is said to have kéna sampok.
The rice-soul (semangat bek) is cut by an old woman be-
fore reaping begins. It consists of seven ears, which are
taken to the house, wrapped in a cloth, and tied to one of
the central posts. The semangat is taken early i in the morn-
ing, and immediately after this reaping is begun, and is con-
tinued for three days, but the fourth day is taba (pantang
teturk bek), and no work must be done on it.
The rice of the semangat bek is sown before the rest of the
seed padi.
The circular leaf hut, according to an informant of mine,
is not used by the Poyang (shaman). He is said to hold
shoots of the palas and of the bertam palms in his hands while
holding a séance Meg The Poyang’s familiar is termed
his kenon, t.e. ch
There seems e be little, if any, ae eae ceremony, and
divorce takes place at the wish of either part
or forty-four days before the birth oF a child an ex-
pectant mother must do no heavy work.
Circumcision and incision seem not to be practise
In men-—probably also in women—the six front teeth in
the top jaw, the two pairs of incisors and the canines, are
partly filled down. The teeth in the bottom jaw are left un-
touched.
The men whom I questioned professed agnosticism to
me with regard to an existence after death, but, as food is
placed on graves, I am inclined to think that they must
have some ideas of the soul’s survival after death.
With regard to the graves, which were mostly marked by
wooden posts in the Malay manner, I noticed that the orien-
tation of some of them appeared ‘to be different from that
of others, and, on questioning one of the inhabitants of the
settlement, who was with me, he said that it was customary
for the graves of the two sexes to be disposed differently.
An examination of the grave-mounds seemed to show that
the men’s graves were Pr so that the bodies lay with their
heads towards the east, and, according to my informant,
with their faces looking towards the north, while the orien-
tation of the women’s graves, and the disposal of the bodies,
was such that the heads pointed to the west with faces to-
wards the north.
Bouses are deserted and burnt when a death occurs, and
1922.] Ivor H. N. Evans: Ethnological Miscellanea.
Vocabulary.
ENGLISH-MALAY
Adze (béliong)
eats’ LA a
Ant (sémut)
Axe Rabat)
Back (bélakang)
Bathe, to (mandi)
Bear (béruang)
Blowpipe oe
Body (bad
Boy (anak ac
Cat (kuching)
Centipede (lipan)
Child (anak)
Civet-cat (musang)
Cloud (awan)
Cockroach (lipas)
Cold (séj uk)
Cook rice, to (bertanak)
mak)
Earth (tanah)
Eat, to (makan)
Elephant (gajah)
Father (bapa)
Fowl Hg
Leap, to (lompat)
Lightning (kilat)
SAKAI-JAKUN,
chehchar.
merat
ekuin.
us.
ka.
wai.
jong.
kenon kedol,
tuk.
klemayang.
249
I saw the remains of one which had been treated in this man-
ner.
250
Journal of the F.M.S. Museums.
ENGLISH-MALAY
Liver (hati)
Mosquito (nyamok)
Mother (mak)
Mountain (gunong)
Mouse-deer (pélandok)
Neck, back of (t@éngkok)
Nose (hidong)
Pig (babi}
Poison for darts (ipoh)
Quiver for darts (tabong
mak)
Rat (tikus)
Rhinocerous
sumbu)
Sandfly (agas)
Sit, to (dudok)
Skin (kulit)
Sleep (tidor)
Smoke (asap)
Squirrel (tupai)
Stomach (pérut)
Sun (mata hari)
Three (tiga)
Throat (leher)
Thunder (guroh)
Tiger (harimau)
Tooth (gigi)
‘Tortoise (baning)
Turtle, soft (lélabi)
Two (dua)
Wood (kayu}
(badak
PVo1.. 1X, 1922.)
SAKAI-J AKUN.
XXXI. ON THE ANCIENT STRUCTURES ON
KEDAH PEAK
By Ivor H. N. Evans, M.A.
It has been known for a good number of years that
ancient remains exist on Kedah Peak. ‘They were first dis-
covered by Mr. F. W. Irby, Perak Trigonometrical Survey,
in 1894, through his coolies accidentally setting fire to the
peaty deposit which then covered the whole of the mountain
top. On the fire burning out, a platform about sixteen feet
square was disclosed, this being edged with two courses of
dressed granite blocks. A hole, with a diameter of about
two-and-a-half feet and a depth of two feet, was found in
centre of the platform. The space surrounding this “ well’’
and within the granite-edged square, was, if I understand
Messrs. Irby’s and Lefroy’s reports! correctly, filled with
bricks of roughly dressed laterite.
In addition to the above-mentioned platform (marked A
in Mr. Irby’s plan) he found traces of nine small “ hearths ”’
on the southern and precipitous edge of the summit, and
those of another platform or “‘ large hearth,’’ with a hole (C)
not far from it, at the south-western end of the mountain top.
Furthermore, he and Mr. Lefroy were able to trace the remains
of a rubble wall running from the south-western end of the
summit in a north-easterly direction for 160 or 170 feet, finally
disappearing under the unburnt remainder of the peat.
Roughly N.W. of the platform (A), ie another hole was
encountered which is marked B on their plan.
On June 16th, 1921, Se ee Mr. W. M. Gordon
Tem nolary Assistant, F.M.S. Museums, I started excavation
work on the mountain
A dicluainaty inspection of the summit unfortunately
remains discovered by Mr. Irby, using the stones and bricks
so obtained in making foundations for the iron legs of the
beacon. This act of vandalism was quite unnecessar
there is plenty of the local quartz-sandstone to be obtained
with a little trouble.
Nearly the whole of the mountain top appearing to be
almost bare rock, I decided to deal with the western end, the
only part which looked at all promising, for it was here only
that the peaty deposit remained intact, since it had not been
burnt at the time of Mr, Irby’s visit.
1 Journal of the F.M.S, Museums, Vol. 1, pp. 76-81.
252 Journal of the F.M.S. Museums. [Vor IX,
Starting work from the edge of the hole (B) which was
found by Mr. Irby, the coolies cleared away the peat and
earth to a depth of from two to two-and-a-half feet. It
then became evident that what had appeared to be a hole
with slightly elevated edges, was a depression in the top of a
truncated cone, which had been constructed of rubbly bricks.
The cone was faced with blocks of dressed granite, with
bricks interspersed in places, on the side nearest to the plat-
le (Ad) discovered by Mr. Irby. Furthermore
this sheathing was continued as a rough pavement to the
edge of the remains of Mr. Irby’s platform. The rest of the
cone was without sheathing. Rough measurements of the
cone are as follows: depth, after excavation to bedrock, just-
over one metre ; diameter four metres (civca). The pavement
had a maximum breadth of four metres.
Excavation of the depression at the apex of the cone
resulted in the discovery of only one object of interest. This
was a ring-stone of granite. It was encountered at a depth
dressed granite blocks. Its exterior diameter is roughly
23 cms., while that of the hole is 12°5 cms., the breadth of
the edge in ben Be one eae being roughly 5°5 cms , and the
depth about Io c
Some Bane ket remains, seemingly of former vegetation, were
encountered in a little bay on the north-western side of the
pavement, close to Mr. Irby’s platform. These remains
extended also under the pavement, as was proved by digging
away a little earth. The probability is, therefore, that the
vegetation of the hilltop was burnt off before the pavement
was laid.
Charcoal was fairly common in the soil around the cone
and pavement, but was not present in ae quantities.
Some was also met with in the hollow in the c
The platform found by Mr. Irby, as feneree above,
a small amount of humus was scraped away, and also a
fragment of the pavement itseli—composed of bricks and
granite blocks, not of laterite—as well as three of the granite
edging stones, still in position. Excavation of the hole in
the centre yie ielded nothing of interest, as a large boulder,
possibly merely an outcrop of the local ‘rock was encountered
almost immediately, and, as to have removed this, if possible,
would have note ed further destruction, I decided not to
attempt to dos
When sca! parts of the remains had been explored, I
turned my attention to the northern edge of the mountain-
top in the vicinity, for here also the peaty deposit had not
been burnt. On stripping this away we came across rubbly
bricks embedded in earth, forming a rough platform anda
1922.] Ivor H. N. Evans: Séructures on Kedah Peak. 253
slight glacis on the slope of the hill, and, in clearing the
loose rubble, we found three fragments of stone rings, similar
to that described above. The platform abutted on the
remains at A, discovered by Mr. Irby, as well as on the
pavement and cone unearthed by myself. The glacis may
have disappeared. The remains may have been plundered
to form the foundation for the beacon, but it is more prob-
able that they were destroyed when the present path to
the top of the mountain was constructed.
With regard to the row of nine so-called fire-places, men-
tioned as running along the precipitous southern edge of the
mountain top, very slight traces can now be seen. Mr.
Lefroy speaks of finding ‘‘ indications of nine small hearths,
about four feet square,’’ but I was only able to trace some of
these and, even then, the identifications were in most cases
doubtful , with the exception of the two near the cone (B), as
the soil of the summit had been swept away almost to bed-
roc
On exploring the extreme south-western end of the sum-
mit, a hole, apparently the same as that shown in Mr. Irby’s
plan (C), was discovered. This appeared to me to be a com-
paratively recently-dug well. Three dressed blocks of granite
were found near it on the surface, but these may have been
moved to their present position at a recent date. Digging in
the hole, which was carried down to bedrock, produced
nothing, neither is it lined with brick as are those in the cone
and the pavement. Indications of the large hearth marked
on Mr. Irby’s plan as lying near C are still to be seen, but
nothing of interest was found there.
But little restoration work could be attempted, but the
stone and brick sheathing of the cone and the pavement were
treated with cement, the cracks between the stone and bricks
being filled in with this material, partly in order to preserve
the remains against weathering, partly in order to discourage
future plunderers. Furthermore as many of the dressed
edge of the foundations of the square platform which was
discovered by Mr. Irby, the rest of the space between this
and the hole (A) being filled in with pieces of brick, so as to
form a rough reconstruction of the pavement. No cement
was used here. Mr. Irby has put it on record that the
granite edging of the pavement consisted of two courses, but
we were not able to collect a sufficient number of stones to
carry out the restoration according to his description.
A striking fact about the materials used in the con-
struction of the remains on Kedah Peak in their miscellaneous,
and often fragmentary, nature. The granite blocks vary
254 Journal of the F.M.S. Museums. [VoL. IX,
considerably in size and some of them are chamfered at one
any special use had been made of them. I am inclined to
think, therefore, that from the indiscriminate use of the
materials and their somewhat fragmentary nature they were
very likely obtained from some pre-existent building and
were transported to the mountain top to be used a second
time.
Other points which have still to be dealt with are the
purpose of the buildings and their age. It is much to be
regretted that our excavations did not throw more light upon
these two problems. It is obvious that such a mass of
material would not have transported with so much trouble
to the top of a high mountain unless for some reason which
was, at any rate, sufficiently cogent to those who were
responsible for undertaking the work.
A suggestion has been made by Mr. Lefroy that the top
of the mountain might possibly have been used as a sort of
lighthouse, ‘signal fires being kept burning to guide mariners,
sailing from Sumatra at night,” but, as he says immediately
after this, “it is improbable materials such as cut granite
and bricks would have been carried 4,000 feet up a mountain
side to form a base for a signal fire when there was any
quantity of sandstone, much easier to work, ready to hand.”
For myself, I feel certain that the reason for these
structures must be sought in religion. In many religions
there is a tendency to consider the tops of high mountains as
sacred, and sacred mountains are recognised both in Buddhism
and Hinduism. Now, though there is a possibility that
Mohamedans (Malays after their conversion to Mohame-
1922.] Ivor H. N. Evans; Structures on Kedah Peak. 255
danism) may have been responsible for the remains on Kedah
Peak, yet there is no reason for ascribing them to a date
after the advent of Mohamedanism, in fact rather the reverse,
since the present Malay inhabitants of the country knew
nothing of them until their discovery by Mr. Irby, though,
when once discovered, they weré not backward in inventing
stories to account for them
Now providing that the people who built on Kedah Peak
were the same as those who were responsible for the cutting
of the granite slabs and the making of the bricks, they must
have reached a stage in civilization considerably higher than
that the present-day Malays. The probability is that, judg-
ing by other remains which have been found in the country,
they were by religion either Hindus or Buddhists, or both, for
both Hinduism and Buddhism were, at one time, co-existent
and co-operative in Java, and even in India, as they are at
the present day in Bali, and to a small extent in Siam, where,
though the people are more Buddhist than anything else,
Brahmin priests are still employed in certain State cere-
monies
Unfortunately the objects found during excavation throw
but little light on the date of the Kedah Peak remains.
With the exception of some fragments of Chinese ee
ail parts of a single plate, no pottery of any was
encountered, nor were any objects of bronze, iron, or S othat
metal. J am, furthermore, very doubtful whether the pieces
of Chinese porcelain, blue-and-white ware, which I ascribe
to a late period of the Ming dynasty, are contemporaneous
with the stone and brick remains. One fragment of the
plate was found directly under the peaty deposit and the
others at no great depth, chiefly near Mr. Irby’s platform (A).
The pieces may very possibly have worked down through
the peat to the position in which they were found. Plates of
the type and period are still in use among Malays in out-of-
the-way parts of the country and specimens of this and of
older wares are often brought to the towns by hawkers of
curiosities, who have purchased them in the Malay Peninsula
or Sumatra.
An inspection of other ancient remains which may
be discovered in Kedah is the most likely to lead to further
knowledge about those on Kedah Peak, and, luckily, I
have had an opportunity of visiting one other site. On
my return from the Peak to Sungai Patani Mr. J. J. P. Davies
of that place told me that an ancient stone statue and some
brickwork had been found on Sungai Batu Estate, very
kindly offering to drive us over the next day to see these
objects of interest. Naturally I accepted his kind offer.
On arriving at the estate we were shown a mound, consisting
chiefly of laterite, whose present measurements are about
thirty-nine by fifty-seven bok Its height was difficult to
256 Journal of the F.M.S. Museums. [Vou. IX, 1922.]
judge owing to the fact that termites had constructed a big
nest on the site. The mound was, I understand, originally
more or less round in outline, but had been partly dug away
to obtain laterite, and a square trench had also been cut
round it. At the base of the mound, where it has been in-
tersected by the ditch three or four courses of stones, rounded
by river action, can be observed. ‘These are firmly bedded
in hard laterite. A few scattered bricks are to be seen in
the earth above these, and a specimen which I obtained is of
very similar type to some of those from Kedah Peak. _I was
informed that nothing of interest was found when the mound
was prospected for laterite.
a
banks of a small river, the Sungai Bujang. It is obviously
of Hindu origin, and probably represents, according to M.
J B
the left hand side, where two arms are visible, one is raised
hangs beside the body.
Probably the mound is the remains of a small shrine
from which the figure came. I am inclined to think that the
people who were responsible for the structures on Kedah
Peak were contemporaneous with those who placed the Hindu
they plundered buildings of the Hindu period of their stone-
work and bricks.
at the remains on Kedah Peak are must still remain
problematical, but I think it possible that the conical struc-
ture may have been a dagoba, the ting-stone, perhaps, crown-
ing its summit. The hole (A) which Mr. Irby discovered in
the pavement presents a problem which I cannot attempt to
solve. It appears to have been too shallow to have made a
satisfactory well.
Journ. F.M.S. Mus. Pl. XX].
—Vol. IX
ANCIENT REMAINS ON KEDAH
(1) Sheathing of Cone oe the trae: x after treatment with cement).
(2) The Cone and Pavement. A near v
(3) Attempted i crakipictions of Mr. Irby’ s Platform. The Cone is seen behind.
Journ. F.M.S. Mus.—VWol. IX. PL AX.
(1) Granite Ring, two Types of Bricks and Chamfered Granite Slab (2) Hindu Figure from Sungai Batu Estate, Kedah.
from Kedah Peak
Pl. XXII.
Journ. F.M.S. Mus.—Vol. IX.
Wh
AN
6
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Mr. Irby’s plan of the top of the Kedah Peak with new discoveries marked
in red.
D Pavement; E Cone; F Glacis.
XXXII. ON A FIND OF STONE IMPLEMENTS AT
TANJONG MALIM.
By Ivor H. N. Evans, M.A.
The find of stone implements described in this paper is
chiefly interesting in that the specimens discovered appear
to have been either part of a hoard, or to have formed a
portion of the stock-in-trade of an ancient factory.
The credit for the first discovery belongs to Captain
F. W. Howl of the Federated Malay States Railways who
picked up a single specimen on a piece of “‘ made’’ ground
which lies between the Kuala Iumpur and Court Roads at
Tanjong Malim. The soil of this is said to have come from
the site of the new Malay Teachers’ College.
Information with regard to this find was sent to me by
the Hon’ble Mr. W. G. Maxwell, C.M.G., and, as business
took me to Kuala Lumpur within a few ‘days ‘of receipt of
the news, I, accompanied by Mr. W. M. Gordon, Temporary
Assistant, F.M. S. Museums, paid a visit to Rahiong Malim
on the way.
On meeting Captain Howl, he showed us a portion of
another implement which he had picked up since his first
discovery—the original specimen was not in his possession at
the time. We then walked to the spot where the finds had
been made, but a somewhat extensive search proved fruit-
less, except for the discovery of a fragment of rough pottery,
seemingly ancient, which may, or may not, be contempo- |
raneous with the stone implements. On extending our range,
however, to near the corner where the Court Road meets
followed almost immediately by that of two others (Nos. 2
and 3) by Messrs. Howl and oe inge On a further search,
conducted a little later in the day, I picked up two more
implements (Nos. 4 and 5) which were ne only about three
inches apart
On October 20th, 1921, about a month after my first
search, I again visited Tanjong Malim with a view to further
exploration of the site. On this occasion I succeeded in
finding a portion of an implement (No, 6) and a small water-
J
mentioned. occurred within a radius of about eighteen feet.
No other boulders were encountered on the ‘‘ made ’”’ ground
and it seems probable, from the close association of this
258 Journal of the F.M.S. Museums. [Vou. IX,'1922.]
object with the stone implements, that it may have been
used as a grinding or sharpening stone. ‘This supposition is
strengthened by the fact that its concave surface, especially
towards the centre, is much smoother than its other parts.
The implements from Tanjong Malim present no very
special points of interest and are all of types commonly
found in the Peninsula. The interest of the find lies, as
remarked above, in the association of a number of specimens.
I have heard stories of the discovery of hoards of stone
implements before, one from a Malay of Lenggong in Upper
Perak, one of a Malay in Pahang who told Mr. T. R.
Hubback that he had come across a heap of stone circlets,
and produced two as evidence, saying that he had taken four
from the hoard, but that two had been lost.
t was extremely unfortunate that the contractor and
his coolies, who were responsible for the removal of the soil
from its original site, and its deposition in its present
position, had left ‘fanjong Malim before my first visit, as I
was thus unable to question them as to whether they had
picked up any implements or other objects of interest and
whence they had excavated the earth. Several persons
living in the neighbourhood asserted, however, that the soil
had been removed from the neighbourhood of the Malay
Training College, the construction of which had then been
almost completed.
Journ. F.M.S. Mus.—Vol. IX. Pl. XXIV.
STONE IMPLEMENTS FROM TANJONG MALIM.
XXXII. THE POTTING INDUSTRY AT KUALA
TEMBELING.
By Ivor H. N. Evans, M.A.
At Kuala Tembeling in Pahang a considerable potting
industry is still carried on, this being one of the few stations
in the Peninsula where Malays are engaged in making
pottery. :
An account of a similar industry on the Perak River has
already been given by LL. Wray (J.R.A.I., Vol. XXXII,
P. 24 et segq) and this may be read for putposes of compar-
ison,
The clay used by the Kuala Tembeling potters—
women—is, when unbaked, of a yellow colour, and,
according to my informant is obtained from between layers
of stone (di-gali di chtlah batu) at a place called Pasir Durian.
After excavation, it is pressed into reticulate, conical carry-
ing-baskets (ambong) and conveyed, chiefly by boat, to the
b
potters’ houses. Arrived there; it is soaked in water and
worked into a homogeneous mass, any impurities, such as
stones or roots, being removed while it is undergoing this
treatment. It is then ready for use.
No true potters’ wheel is found among the Malays of
the Peninsula, but a primitive substitute is made by the
Tembeling people by rotating by hand a round winnowing-
tray, or a flat sieve, on the above-mentioned wooden slab.
iece of coarse matting is placed in the tray and on this
sufficient clay to form a pot.
sieve, meanwhile, being rotated ‘‘ against the clock’’ with
the left. The only aid used was a piece of wet rag which
was chiefly employed in throwing the lip of the vessel.
On reaching this stage it was necessary to stop to allow
the clay to harden somewhat, before removing the vessel
from the tray in order to give it the rounded bottom which
is general in vessels of this type. The remainder of the
demonstration, therefore, was postponed till the next day,
when I again visited the house. The clay of the vessel had
by this time become a good deal drier, but, as the potter,
explained, was not yet really sufficiently hard. However, as
260 Journal of the F.M.S. Museums. [Vor,. IX,
I could not pay her another visit, she said that she would do
her best.
On resuming work, the pot was carefully removed from
the tray, placed upside down on the potter’s knee, and its
base beaten into shape externally with a wooden implement
(péncpak} used like a bat, but shaped like a Malay working-
knife.
vessel but the inside, particularly at the bottom, still
remained in a rough state. In the finishing of the interior
a rough circlet of brass was the chief implement used. This
was like a flattened bracelet and fairly sharp at the edges.
The implement, which is called péngukut, was grasped firmly
with the right hand so that about half of it projected beyond
the knuckles, and, with the edge of this projecting portion
the superfluous clay on the inside of the vessel was rapidly
scraped away, the action being similar to that used in
scraping out the contents of a gourd. When sufficient clay
had been removed, the interior of the vessel was moistened
with water with the hand and finished off with the polishing-
stone.
The vessel was then set aside to dry, until ready for
firing. The length of the time before firing takes place
appears, on average, to be about a week, but a good deal
depends on the state of the weather. Pots are kept under
cover while drying.
While in the neighbourhood of Kuala Tembeling, i had
no opportunity of seeing pottery fired, but I understand that
the vessels are heaped up, one on top of another, in a pile
and are then protected by a four-sided structure built up of
pieces ol wood placed across and across. Around this a
stack of wood is heaped up, and the whole pile ignited. The
colour of the pottery after firing changes from yellow to red
ochre
‘The chief types of vessel made are the open cooking-
bowl (b/anga), which sometimes has a cover, the water-gourd
(labu tanah), the large cooking-pot (p&rick) and the wide-
1922. | Ivor H. N. Evans: Potting Industry. 261
mouthed water-vessels called #vénang and buah dtlima, the
latter being also sometimes termed bangkin
The water gourd is manufactured in two pieces, top and
lower portion, the parts being carefully joined when the clay
has dried a little.
The pértok calls for little attention. It is unornamented.
The térénang and the buah délima are decorated with
patterns made with small stamps of bamboo or wood. The
téy€nang is a storage vessel for drinking water. A small
pottery plate is often used to cover its mouth and on this
tests a half-cocoanut-shaped bowl, which is used as a drink-
ing cup. The buah dtlima fulfils the same purpose as the
lérvénang, and also frequently has the small cup and plate as
well as a saucer placed below it, but whereas the trénang
is a rather pot-bellied vessel with only a slight rim at its
base, the buah dtlima is taller, not nearly so broad, and has
a well-developed foot. The name buah dtlima means
“pomegranate fruit,’ and the vessel certainly has a shape
approaching that of the fruit. As is well known, and has
been pointed out by L. Wray, several types of Malay
little adaptation, used for the same purposes as the cla
utensils. Thus the clay, or silver, drinking bowl is derived
from the half cocoanut-shell, still commonly put to this use ;
the clay water-bottles from two species of gourd and the
larger types of water-vessel probably from the cocoanut-shell
water-pot, still commonly used. The pomegranate, however,
cannot have been turned to any such used,
XXXIV. SOME MALAY BELIEFS.
By IncHE WAN LELA, Penghulu Lipis, Pahang.
(Transiated by Ivor H,N. Evans.)
The following notes are Wan Lela’s own composition. I, with the
general a subjects about whee he might write. Wan Lela tells me that
he. personally, does not believe a great deal of what he has set down; he
merely records current, or old-time, beliefs s.]
About Stone Implements.
Now the Malays say that thunder-bolts (i.e. stone im-
es iene originate in the earth of the mounds made by
“ white ant.” In the first place the thunder-bolts arise in
the ety of ‘white ant” mounds, being made by Rayak-
kayak, that is a form of “ white ant,” and these kayak-kayak,
make them in rows and arrange them in layers, and, after a
long time, the earth (of which they are made) becomes
hard. Then, after the period of their concealment is fin-
ished when lightning comes, the mounds break, and these
stones become like bullets and strike trees, houses and ani-
mals wherever they may be; and sometimes they strike
human beings as we
Malays also say that the reason why different i
are struck by (di-panah, ‘“ struck as by an arrow ’’) thunder-
bolts or thunder (sic) is because devils and fiends are shelter-
ing in the place; so that is the reason for it
When thunder-bolts are found by Malays, they have
kinds of small knives, or kéris or other blades; and another
use is to put them into the pot which holds the water for
an small children, since they say that, when they put
one into the water, the child’s body will be strong and
moreover will not be much approached by diseases.
Thunder-bolts, such as are black, are also used by gold-
smiths, as touch stones, to try whether the carat of ‘gold is
good or not. When they rub the gold on the stone, a little
sticks to it, and then they brush it over with acid to see if it
is silver or brass, yina can certainly be told.
[There two points of iuterest in this account which are worthy of a
sah concern g them, ‘die belief that stone warner — in nests of
the termite and tha t they are deposited in layers. I am inclined to think
chat hee is 2 suka tratum of fact aoderigile ‘these cai: _though the
Malays have argi lied wrongly from ‘he premises. Firstly, it is not at ail
unlikely that stone implements, which are common in some ocalities, are
frequently brought to the surface on, or in, the nests of the termite, just as
fragments of ancient pottery, — coins and stone implements are in
gland by burrowing rabbits ; y, we have two well authenticated
instances of hoards of stone papieeents having been found in the Peninsula,
264 Journal of the F.M.S. Museums. [Vor IX,
and probably they are not very uncommon. Very likely the implements of
a h are sometim nged in rows” (bévkotak-kotak) and ‘in
layers’’ (bérlapis lapis) like the cells in a termites’ nest, so, if a hoard was
found in such a nest, the above-mentioned beliefs would easily arise.—
ees Ge el
Some Pahang Beliefs.
Now these are some of the old time tabus of the Malays
of the interior of Pahang :—
Supposing that anyone, on coming down from his house
to go anywhere, trips over some object, they say the meaning
is that whatever he wants to do will be delayed ; it will not
be very successful.
Again supposing that we encounter a snake crossing
in front of us while on a journey, whether we are travelling
on foot or by boat: if the snake comes from the left and
goes towards the right, they call this ‘‘ the h&rds plucked
out of its sheath,’’ and the meaning of its going in this
way is that the result of whatever we wish to do will be
good and will be attained quickly. Supposing, however,
the snake comes from the right and goes to the left, they
call this “‘ the Révis going into the sheath,” and its meaning
is that we shall be rather late in attaining our object in
whatever we undertake.
Another belief is that if we are going either up-stream
or down-stream, in a ptrahu, and a monitor-lizard crosses
in front of us, it is a most ‘‘mischancy ”’ animal and brings
bad luck to the Malays, so, when we meet with one, we
immediately curse it and spit at it.
ain if we are going up-stream or down-stream (in
a boat) or walking and see a jungle fowl flying in front of us.
that means, they say, that we shall hear of a death some-
where or other.
There is also a superstition that if we are walking
or going up-stream or down-stream, and a gud-gud bird
(Centropus sinensis) crosses our path, wherever it may be,
it is, so the old people say, very ill-omened and unlucky,
and it will not be of any use to search for any kind of
“‘ daily bread” (r&ztki), so we spit at it and curse it.
Now the gud-gud, too, if it calls at night near a village
or house, say the Malays, signifies that somebody in the
village will die, because the bird’ has foreseen it, and that,
too, becomes a great cause of anger to people, so they say.
Also if the owl called “ Grandmother Winnower ”’ (the
‘* Tear-the Shrowd’’ ! owl) makes a noise near a house
in a village at night, that also is considered very unlucky,
and, so they say, somebody in the village will die.
And if the burong tidor (githina tiphia) calls near
So-called owing to the noises which it makes respectively with the
wings and the mouth.—I. H. N. E.]
1922. | Wan LELA. Some Malay Beliefs. 265
a house, that also is a great cause for anger to some Malays,
because. the bird, it seems, telis the people to
Now the bird which was most praised by the Malays of
former times was the murai (“ Straits’ robin’’), for when it
called anywhere near a house, and was recognised, the
people asked it for news, saying, ‘‘ What news do you bring,
ady ?” and if their child, relation, or mother or father
had gone far away, and they had no news, they asked the
bird, saying, ‘‘ If so-and-so is coming back or so-and-so will
arrive, fly away quietly.” And sometimes the bird imme-
diately flew away or it kept quite, and the information thus
given was on occasions true; but sometimes the bird would
not be quiet, but went on calling: then they said to it
“ Don’t lie to us: if you lie, you shall be eaten by snake or
a civet-cat.”” So Malays did not like to catch or kill murat,
aud, if they got one anywhere of old, they combed it nicely
with oil and then loosed it, saying, ‘ Go lady; fly away
safely.
XXXV. A ROCK-SHELTER AT GUNONG PONDOK,
By Ivor H. N. Evans, M.A.
(Plates XXV—XXVI]).
The objects described in this paper were obtained from
a rock-shelter in Gunong Pondok, the magnificent limestone-
marble hill which is seen from the railway at Padang Rengas
station and while the train is ascending the southern side of
Bukit Berapit Pass. Excavation of the site was carried out
by Mr. W. M. Gordon (Temporary Assistant, F.M.S. Museums)
in the latter part of 1gar.
The shelter in questioz, the Gua Kerbau (butfaloes’
cave) lies at the base of the hill and not far to the right of
the quarry, as it is approached from the railway station.
The ground slopes away from the shelter, which is about 150
feet in length with an overhang of rock of some 15’ to 25’,
and a short distance below becomes marshy and, in wet wea-
ther, flooded. I visited the excavations on three occasions
and thus, apart from the specimens collected, know something
of them from my own observations. Two large pits were
dug and, in the first of these, excavations were stopped owing
to bed-rock being encountered at a depth of fourteen feet: in
the second excavation a depth of ten feet had been reached
when digging was abandoned.
mains due to human occupation were common
throughout the deposits, which were generally of powdery
light-brown earth containing a good deal of lime. There
seemed to be no strata referable to different cultures and, in
the main, objects found near the surface were paralleled by
those from the middle and lower parts of the pits.
Many bones and teeth of animals were unearthed—
remnants of the cave-dwellers feasts—and these all appear
to be those of extant species. Among them I have been
able to identify teeth or bones of the following : elephant
(teeth), se fae (teeth), deer (fragments of antlers), pig
(tusk and teeth and soft-shelle (pieces of carapace, etc.).
The subject of "these remains will, however, probably be
dealt with in a separate paper. Nearly all ‘the bones are
much broken, as I have observed in the case of similar relics
from other Peninsular rock-shelters and caves. The frac-
tures were probably made in order to extract the marrow. A
proportion of the bones are blackened by fire.
Shells of a species of Melania and of a fresh-water
mussel (Unio sp.) were common throughout the deposits and
a considerable number of marine shells were also encountered,
the most remarkable being some belonging to a species of
268 Journal of the F.M.S. Museums. [Vor,. IX,
Voluta, probably Voluta indica, while cockles (Arca sp.) claws
and others were also present.
A number of pieces of iron-oxide ruddle were unearthed
at varying depths, these pieces in several cases showing very
distinct signs of having been ground down against a stone
or other hard surface.
A quantity of round grinding-stones and several grind-
ing-slabs, probably for use with the former were also discov-
owing to the constant use of the grinding-stones upon
them. On two stones hollows are to be seen on both sides.
The excavations yielded a new type of pounding-stcne
-—for such I take it to be. These stones, which are fairly
numerous at all depths, are of various sizes and of different
kinds of rock. They are water-worn pebbles naturally
and index finger when grasped in the hand. The majority
of the specimens show bruising at the edges, and I am
inclined to believe that they were largely used for breaking
the bones of animals killed in the chase previous to extraction
of the marrow. The sides of some of the smoother stones
are coloured with ruddle towards their ends, showing that
they were used as grinding-stones for rubbing up this pigment
(probably with water) as well.
small neolithic-culture stone axe-head was found
in the first excavation at a depth of from eight to nine feet.
This implement, though unmistakable, is extremely rough—
a piece of black stone roughly chipped to shape and ground,
on either surface, towards the cutting edge only.
Flakes and roughly dressed pieces of the same black
stone as that of the above-mentioned stone axe-head were
common and, judging by the finding of a single polished
implement must be ascribed to a neolithic culture. The
wooden stamp. ;
Smoother pottery, approximating more or less to that
1922.] Evans: Rock-Shelter at Gunong Pondok 269
still in use among the Malays was also discovered at all
depths. Seemingly—from a scrutiny of the pieces found,
many of which are fragments of rims—the vessels were
mostly pipkins and water-pots.
ragments of porcelain, nearly all belonging to the
celadon and crackle classes, in grey-white, apple green and a
ten feet. Some of the pieces obtained at a depth of
about six feet have patterns incised in the paste which are
filled with glaze. Presumably, unless from Sawankhalok in
Siam, the celadon and other ware is of Chinese origin.
Some fragments of brown, glazed earthenware were also
met with in the first six feet of earth excavated.
Iron objects were found between six and ten feet and
also between ten and fourteen feet. At the lesser depth
were discovered the blade of a small working-knife, exactly
similar to that which present-day Malays use for dressing
strips of rattan cane and call pisau raut, and the tang
of another knife-blade of the same kind. Of the specimen
from below ten feet it is not possible to speak with certainty
as it is much corroded by rust, but it also appears to
be a part of a knife-blade of some kind, but of a variety
larger than the pisau raut.
No bronze or brass implements or utensils were met
with, but, at a depth of seven feet in the first excavation, a
‘cash ’’ of Chinese type was discovered. Father Cardon of
Taiping has kindly, indentified this for me as an Annamite
coin issued by ar rebel chief named Nguyen Yan-hue (1786—
1791). A figure of an indentical specimen can be found
in the Journal of the Asiatic Society, North China Branch,
Vol. XVII, Annam and tts Minor Currency, p. 192, fig. 193,
and a description of the coin on p. 127 of the same volume.
bones, comprising in some cases consider-
able parts of skeletons, nearly all much broken, were un-
earthed at various depths. The jaws are, however, in some
cases nearly complete and some restoration of some of
the skulls should also be possible. Very noticeable points are
that the teeth are remarkably strong and without sign
of caries, while in almost all cases both front sand back teeth
are much worn down. Filing might have accounted for this
in regard to the canines and incisors, but this treatment can
scarcely have been applied to the premolars and molars,
the tubercles of which are worn away. These peculiarities
have also been noted in the case of human teeth from other
Peninsular rock-shelters and caves,
It is hoped that these human remains, and those
viously collected from other sites. will shortly be submitted to
a specialist in physical anthropology and that the results of
the examination of them will be published in this Journal.
Before bringing these notes to a conclusion, it may
270 Journal of the F.M.S. Museums. [Vo1w. IX, 1922.]
not be out of place to attempt some comparison between the
objects found at Gunong Pondok and those obtained from
other caves and shelters, to note any points of outstanding
interest with regard to them and also to attempt to date
them approximately. None of the locally-made objects
from Gunong Pondok with the exception of the indented
pounding-stones which I have described above, are of
types new to us.
Sea shells have already been recorded from a rock-shel-
ter at Batu Kurau and at Ipoh, though shells of Voluta had
not been encountered previously.
Ruddle was present in two caves in Pahang (at Gunong
Sennyum and near Jerantut), at Lenggong (Perak) and
probably at Gunong Cheroh neat Ipoh—judging by the
staining of certain grinding-stones, while these articles and
grinding-slabs have been recorded previously from Gunong
Cheroh and Lenggong, flakes from the two above mentioned
sites in Pahang, and from Lenggong, dressed (chipped) stones
from Lenggong and from the Pahang caves, polished stone
implements from Gunong Cheroh, the Pahang caves and
Batu Kurau and cord-marked pottery from Pahang and
Lenggong. I have also noted previously the association
of iron implements with those of polished stone in the
case of the Batu Kurau shelter.
The association of iron and stone implements would
incline one to believe that the deposits are comparatively
recent, while the finding of a coin at a depth of seven
teet places all remains above this level as being not older
than the date of this piece of money (between 1786 and
1791. A.D.).
The fragments of Chinese porcelain are also important
witnesses with regard to age, for, though ancient pottery,
such asis still in use among the Malays, does not indicate
that objects found in association with it are of the same
period, it does at any rate show that such objects cannot be
ot greater age. Now I am fairly certain that none of the
porcelain from Gunong Pondok is earlier than the Sung
dynasty (960-1259 A.D.) and probably not earlier than the
Ming dynasty (1368-1643 A.D.). If this is so, none of the
objects associated with it cau be older than the earliest of
these dates.
4
Journ. F.M.S. Mus.—Vol. IX. PI. XXV.
POUNDING STONES WITH GRIP-DEPRESSIONS.
unong Pondok, Perak.
Two of the stones, numbers 2 and 3 in the bottom row, are quartz pebbles.
Journ. F.M.S. Mus.—Vol. IX. Pl. XXVI.
5 6 : 7 8
OBJECTS FROM GUNONG PONDOK, PERAK.
(1-5) Roughly chipped implement
(6) Grinding stone. A quartz ihe stained with ruddle towards either
end.
(7) A sie of ruddle with pronacpts as and sai. edges. It has
ously been ground down against a hard surfac
(8) scans type axe-head ; mane Re Secchi cas at distal end.
Journ, F.M.S, Mus.—Vol. IX. Pl. XXVII.
GRINDING-STONE AND SLAB.
Gunong Pondok, Perak.
XXXVI. ETHNOGRAPHICAL MISCELLANEA
By Ivor H. N. Evans, M.A.
Some Aboriginal Customs and Beliefs from Pahang.
The following information was obtained in October,
Ig21, from a Kérau River Sakai-Jakun, who was then
living just below Jeram Ampai on the Tembeling River,
Pahang.
The Kérau River people—speakers of a Sakai dialect —
came, according to tradition from Johore. The head of the
tribe is the Batin. There was formerly only one officer of
this rank ; now there are two.
For offences against tribal morals or custom fines were,
or are, levied in spears or plates. The fine for murder was
sixty-six spears, while incest in the worst degree, between, for
hice father and daughter, is said to have been pu unish-
able by a fine of one hundred and sixty spears. Other minor
fines gets stealing crops, one spear and one plate;
unfaithfulness on a woman’s part, two plates and six spears.
Probably, judging by the abatements given below, payment
in full of the largest fines was never enforced.
Plates and spears also form a part of the bride-price.
Thus the nominal payment by a suitor to a father for the
hand of a virgin daughter is sixty spears, but actually only
from three to six are paid, the number varying according to
the quality of the weapons. The bride-price for a widow is
less, the nominal number of spears being fifteen with two
china plates. Only one spear and the two plates are paid.
When a man divorces a woman he gives her one spear
and one plate, while, if the woman asks for a divorce, she
must pay back her bride-price.
Plates and spears appear to have a sort of currency
value
For three days after a death, seven little fires, contained
in cocoarut-shell are kindled at the grave each night, and
another seven, in similar receptacles, are placed on the dead
man’s mat within the house.
If a cat walks over a body which is awaiting burial, it
is thought that the dead person will arise, kill the inhabi-
tants of the house, and will then return to the burial mat
and again become a corpse. It is also said that the dead, if
et alae before burial, will arise and tear the living to
ik dead person before burial, and for three nights after,
is a Remoit ; after this a bes. A bes has the appearance of
272 Journal of the F.M.S. Museums. [Vot.. IX, 1922.]
a living person. Thunder (kareh) is said to be the anger of
hes,
The rainbow is a path for disease. If people are on a
journey when a rainbow appears, they stop and build a small
hut
All males are circumcised at, or before, the age of
the same manner as among the Malays, is not so radical.
The women do not undergo any corresponding rite,
The Orang Laut of Singapore.
While recently in Singapore (1921), I paid a short visit
to the village of Teluk Saga, which is situated off the shore
of Pulau Brani, and opposite ‘lanjong Pagar Docks. ‘The
settlement consists of pile-dwellings standing in shallow
water and its inhabitants are said to be descendants of the
Orange Laut, or Sea Gypsies, who were almost the only
inhabitants of Singapore Island at the time of its occupation
by Raffles.
My boatman, who himself belonged to the village,
introduced me to the oldest inhabitant, one Amil bin Onil,
an aged, but still fairly vigorous, man who told me that he
was already selling corals to visitors to Singapore when there
was ‘‘a one-legged Governor ’’ there (Governor Cavanagh
1861-1867). As he was only a boy at the time, let us say
present Government offices when Raffles opened the new
settlement, and that they migrated from there to Teluk Saga
in Raffles’ time. The head of the tribe at that date was
, among his people.
They have, of course, long been converts to Islam.
The information derived from Amil is largely borne out
by evidence. to be found in One Hundred Years of Singapore
(Vol. I, pp. 342 and 343),