A model mayor. Early life, congressional career, and triumphant municipal administration of Hon. Fernando Wood, mayor of the city of New York: presenting his public speeches and messages, and the principles on which his government is founded

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HON. MAYOR WOOD.

m

A MODEL MAYOE.

EARLY LIFE,

AND

TRIUMPHANT MUNICIPAL ADMINISTRATION

HON. FERNANDO WOOD.

MAYOR OF THE CITY OF NE\Y YORK:

PRESENTING- HIS PUBLIC SPEECHES AND MESSAGES, AND
THE PRINCIPLES ON WHICH HIS GOVERNMENT
., IS FOUNDED.

BY A CITIZEN OF NEW YORH^

NEW YORK:
AMERICAN FAffiLY PUBLICATION ESTABLISmiENT,

128 Nassau Street.
1855.

44-

Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1855,
BY E. HUTCHINSON;
La tlKi Clerk's Ofiice of the District Court for the Sonthe'Ti T>i^sitrict
of New York/

CONTENTS.

PAGfi

Introductory Remarks ------- 7

Biographical Sketch of Mayor Wood - - . - - 10

New York Governed 13

Mr. Wood's Election as Mayor of New York - - 15

Inauguration of Mayor Wood 17

First Message 1*

Charge to the Police 22

No Policeman allowed to Enter a Public House or

House of III Fame, except on Official Business - 24
Abuses of Hackmen, Complaint Book, &c. - - - 24
Second Message of Mayor Wood - - - - 25

Form of Municipal Government 51

Mayor Wood's Letter to Franklin Pierce, President
OF the United States, in respect to the Importa-
tion OF Foreign Paupers and Felons - - - 58
Letter and Directions of Mayor Wood to the Police

OF New York 59

Our Mayor Abroad ------- 62

Manifesto from Mayor Wood in Eeference to the Maine

Liquor Law 62

Speech of Mayor Wood in Congress, on the Fiscal
Bank of the United States, Delivered August 3,

." 1841 - - QQ

Speech of Mayor Wood in Congress on the Operation

OF the Tariff Laws, Delivered Feb. 9, 1842 - - 83
Speech of Mayor Wood in Congress on the Navy

Appropriation Bill, Delivered May 20, 1842 - - 94
Report of Mayor Wood in Congress on Naval Af-
fairs, January 10, 1843 - 108

Letter Addressed to Henry J. Raymond, on the Police
Bill before the Legislature of the State of New
York -...-- 124

INTRODUCTOEY EEMAKKS.

In this age of moral obtuseness, political cor-
ruption, and servile, cringing timidity of officials
before vice and crime, it is cheering to know that
there is occasionally one who, independently and
fearlessly, wields the sceptre of power which is
placed in his hands, and, with full determination
to conquer, grapples with every form of iniquity,
making law, order and virtue triumphant. It
is espe'cially gratifying, in a great city like this,
where lawlessness, immorality, bloodshed and mur-
der have been almost unimpeded, to see a magis-
trate rise above the selfish desire to aggrandize
himself, and scorn to pander to the corrupt desires
of his constituents. The manner in which the
lowest dregs of society in New York, composed m
part of the scum of Europe's prisons and alms-
houses, have outraged all decency and good order,
not only in the foulest dens of infamy and amid
the darkness of midnight, but in our fashionable
streets and in open daylight, calls for an outburst
of indignation from every moral and religious man.
It calls for more ; it demands action— at the polls,
by petition, and especially by sustaining those m
authority who dare to face the terrific storm which
threatens to overwhelm them at every step they
take in wrenching the dagger from the hand of the
assassin, in rescuing female virtue from the grasp
of the debauchee, and in endeavoring to disperse
the dark and threatening clouds of moral contami-
nation which almost entirely hide from our view
the hght of morality and reUgion. The loose man-

Tm INTRODUCTOHY REMARKS.

ner in whicli the laws have been administered in
this city for several years past is notorious ; aye,
the utter want of principle in many of our highest
officers and their contemptible endeavors to ag-
grandize and enrich themselves at the expense of
good citizens, have made us a reproach not only to
this whole nation, but to European cities. It is a
humbling fact that the tea-room and whisky-bottle
have influenced many of our highest officers, far
more than a desire to fearlessly and fliithfully per-
form their duty, and endeavor to be in reality as
they should be, a terror to evil doers.

Some of our chief magistrates have commend-
ably endeavored to reform and renovate the city,
and have succeeded to some extent for a short time ;
but have seemed finally to be overwhelmed by
the immense tide of opposition and corruption
with which they were surrounded, and to have
given up in despair. We are fully aware that a
man must have almost superhuman inflexibility,
fearlessness, and perseverance, to stem the tide ;
but it CAN BE DONE. True it may be at the risk of
slander and even life ; but it can be done. The
laws are good, and only need a few modifications.
Let them be executed. No matter what the con-
sequences are. Let opposers resist ; let the envious
growl and defame ; let the dens of licentiousness
gnash their teeth; let the assassin prowl along
our pathway, endeavoring to silence us in death ;
and let the wail of revenge against us ascend from
the cells of our penitentiaries and prisons ; but let
us do our duty in the fear of God, and all will be
well. He whose eye cannot look upon iniquity
with allowance, will bless us as magistrates, as indi-
viduals, and as a city.

INTRODUCTORY REMARKS. ix

We are liappy to say that the subject of the fol-
lowing sketch has commenced his administration
with a full determination, at all hazards, to carry
out the principles stated above ; and thus far he
has been wonderfully successful — so much so, that
his fearlessness and uncompromising determination
to put down every obstruction to good order and
morality, has called forth a universal outburst of
approbation from the press ; and even those who
were once his enemies have become his friends, and
heartily co-operate with him.

The following pages contain a brief sketch of
the life of Hon. Fernando Wood, and especially a
view of his public character and administration in
this city.

As he has been known to express his unwilling-
ness to contribute anything with a view of herald-
ing his own fame, we wish it understood that he is
in no way responsible for the publication of this
volume. We therefore present a briefer sketch of
our worthy Mayor than we hoped to do — the ma-
terials for which we have gathered from the New
York Quarterly, public documents, and other reli-
able sources.

We present these facts not from any desire to
flatter the subject of the sketch, who, like all other
mortals, has his failings, but to hold up his admin-
istration of public justice as highly worthy to be
imitated by those who occupy stations of public
trust, and to call forth the sympathy and co-ope-
ration of all orderly citizens — and especially of the
moral and religious in this community.

New York, May, 1855.

BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH OF MAYOR WOOD.

The subject of this sketch was born in Philadelphia, Pa., June
14th, 1812, where* he resided six years, when his father removed
to New York city. The father of Mr. "Wood was a very worthy
man, and had an extensive influence among the mercantile com-
munity, of which he was a member. He was educated under the
superintendence of James Shea, late instructor of grammar in Co-
lumbia College, and afterwards received such training as admirably
fitted him for mercantile pursuits. At a suitable age he engaged
in business, in which he was abundantly successful, as he retired
with a competence for life, after having labored as a merchant only
about sixteen years. This remarkable success is to be attributed
to his systematic business habits, unconquerable energy, and indom-
itable perseverance in all commercial arrangements.

In 1840, Mr. Wood was elected a member of Congress, which
office he honorably filled during one term of three sessions. His
able speeches in the House of Representatives are presented below.
In 1850 he was nominated for Mayor of New York, but was de-
feated by A. C. Kingsland. In 1854 he was nominated again,
and elected in November, to fill the chau- he now occupies. He
was, however^ strenuously opposed by interested and prejudiced par-
ties, and it was only by the number of candidates, dividmg the op-
posers of Mayor Wood, that his election was secured. The friends
of temperance, morality and religion, perhaps without foundation,
entertained strong fears that he would not pursue such a course as
they desired ; but the reverse has proved true. He has far ex-
ceeded what they would have expected from the candidate of their
own choice.

Mayor wood, seems to be settled in his convictions of duty in ref-
erence to his present course of action. He has long been convmc-
ed of the defects in our municipal regulations, and of the notori-

BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH. XI

ous laxness in the execution of the laws. We are informed that,
some years since, when he was proposed as a candidate for the
Presidency of the United States, he remarked that he had rather
be Mayor of the city of New York. JVIi*. Wood is not an enthu-
siastic partizan, although he really belongs to a party. We be-
lieve that he is actuated, in' his energetic administration, purely
from a sense of duty and from a strong desire for a reform in our
municipal government. His executive qualifications are of the
highest order, and we are confident that he will continue to receive
laurels of applause in the discharge of his onerous duties. He is
determined to execute the laws, as we have intimated in our intro-
ductory remarks ; and even the Prohibitory Liquor Law will sure-
ly be put in force to the extent of his energy and power, as far as
the decisions of his legal advisors will allow, though all the Rum-
mies of New York should appear in battle array against him. A
writer m the " New York Quarterly" has so clearly and forcibly
presented the points in Mayor Wood's administration, that we
cannot do better than to present the article nearly entire.*

A view of the manner m which Mayor Wood conducts the busi-
ness of his office, as well as his habits of life, may not be uninterest-
ing to the reader. A person unacquainted with the various transac-
tions which come under his personal supervision and direction, has
no idea of the amount of labor daily executed by him. We doubt
whether any public functionary ever performed so much arduous
work. Little if any of his time is devoted to his own private in-
terests. He rises before daybreak, usually taking his morning
meal by candle-light — after which he passes his time in his private
office at his residence, answering communications, preparing letters,
messages, &c., and marking out the- duties to be performed by the
attaches of his office. At 9 o'clock he proceeds to the City Hall,
where he is engaged until 2J o'clock, in more multifarious and
intricate duties than was ever perfoimed by any Mayor during the
same period.

* The New York Quarterly is an able Jonrnal, published by James G. Eeed,
348 Broadway (Appletou's Building), and edited by Mr. Remington, a well-
known writer.

Xn BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH.

Besides the municipal questions of great interest which are con-
tinually arising, the magisterial duties have greatly increased.
Nor does the Mayor confine himself to these alone : he has made
it his province to relieve parties who have been defrauded, where
no criminal law could afford them aid, and where the slow process
of civil remedy in the courts would consume a very long time.
Many thousands of dollars have thus been restored to parties who
otherwise could have obtained no redress.

To give some idea of the immense amount of business transacted
by him, and the various labors connected therewith, we mention
the following offices which are held by him, and whose meetings
he regularly attends and takes part in their deliberations. He is
President of the Board of Supervisors, President of the Sinking
Fund Commissioners, President of the Police Commissioners, Presi-
dent of the Leake & Watts' Orphan Asylum, ex officio member
of Commissioners of Emigration, President of the Board of Trustees
of the Sailor's Snug Harbor, President of the Board of Health
Commissionei-s, ex officio Director of the New York Juvenile Asy-
lum, ex officio member of the Board of Trustees of the Astor
Library, and ex officio Trustee of the Eastern Dispensary.

Much of Mayor Wood's time is occupied at "his residence, in his
private office. There his messages, letters, and various other ofifi.
cial duties, are transacted; and it is really surprising how one
man can, in so short a space of time, accomplish such almost Her-
culean tasks. Tlie salary attached to the office is indeed trifling,
verv many of our judicial and executive officers receiving a much
larger compensation. This, however, is not a matter of the slight,
est moment with Mayor Wood, his whole ambition being bent
upon giving to the city of Ne\f York a better form of government,
and upon setting an example to other cities in the Union, of what
can be accomplished for the people, by energy, perseverance, and
an honest discharge of public duty.

PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION

OP

HON. FERNANDO WOOD.

NEW YORK GOVERNED.

We cordially congratulate our fellow-citizens of the commercial
metropolis upon the vast benefit which has come upon our city. It
is proved by actual experiment that New York can be governed.
The old axiom — Where there's a will there's a way — holds good
as to the mayoralty ; and henceforth all men will bear it in mind
that, when a mayor fails to meet the responsibilities of his station,
it is only for want of will — not of power. The success of this
experiment is full of more and wider hopes for our country than
are obvious to superficial consideration. It is not easily realized,
if at all, by eve;i the most far-seeing, how much of the vital energy
of our Republic is centred in New York. Its pulsations are like
a great heart, and when healthy, it cleanses all, restores all, vitali-
zes all, and sends out streams of hfe to the remotest fibre of the
body politic. There is not a city in the land which has not felt its
police authority invigorated and its sense of security increased, by
learning that New York is governed ; and New York itself feels
as if a heavy and murky cloud, which overhung its prospects, and
already began to paralyze its energies, had begun to be lifted up,
on this practical solution of the momentous problem — which before
liad become so doul^tful — whether it is possible to maintain a vigor-
ous and thorough and impartial administration of the laws, as laws,

14 LIFE AND PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION OF

throughout the city. Millions of dollars of available capital, pour-
ed in upon us, could not have done so much for the enduring pros-
perity of the city, as has been done by the honored Chief Magis-
trate, by whose energy that fearful doubt is removed ; and both the
vu-tuous and the vicious have been made to know assuredly that
government here is a stern and immovable reahty. The friends
of free government in all parts of the world, and its enemies too,
may be taught by this example, once for all, that the capacity of
man for self-government will stand the trial, even in the most
heterogeneous population that ever was compacted together as a
city in a civilized country. We desire to state this case fully and
comprehensively, in the faint hope that the lessons which it teaches
so forcibly will now at length be allowed to stand as settled prin-
ciples, so that it shall never more be deemed fanatical or revolution-
ary to refer to these truths as axioms that need not be perpetually
argued over again as often as they are referred to. The rebuke so
quietly administered by a venerable judge, to a young lawyer who
was haranguing at great length — '' It is safe to take it for grant-
ed that the Court knows something of law" — ought to apply to
politicians and legislators — at least in this country. Let the man
be hooted dowm who assumes to teach politics, and yet does not
know that the people can govern themselves.

The great want of New York has been a city government.
That want is still unsupphed. We are governed, but it is by
Mayor Wood, whose extraordinary wisdom and energy have
enabled him to impart a working power to several different branches
of the executive administration, by the simple force of his own
will. The experiment is invaluable, as a ground of encouragement
for future efforts — the resulting present benefits are beyond com-
putation ; but we are sure that all intelligent citizens will concur
with us in 'the opinion that all these vast interests ought to have a
better guarantee for iho, future than the capacity of a smgle citizen,,
who holds his office only for two year. And we feel, too, that
it is the duty of the people, and of the Legislature, to relieve him
from as many as possible of the obstacles and dead weights which
he now has to contend with in carrying out his wise and faithful

HON. FERNANDO WOOD. ' ' 15

purposes. Let us not only le governed by Mayor Wood, while he
retains the will and power, but let us also have a government which
we can rely upon, to carry out the people's will, and protect the
people's mterests, when Mayor Wood shall no longer occupy the
Praetorian chair. But our first duty is to set forth, in a httle
more detail, what Mayor Wood has actually done for the city
during the first quarter of his administration.

MR. WOOD'S ELECTION.

The city election, by which Mayor Wood was elevated to office,
was conducted in a manner quite peculiar. The Reform Commit-
tee, a large body of our most respectable citizens, and elected with-
out reference to party, for the very purpose of bringing forward
more responsible and trustworthy men for our municipal offices,
proposed to have the suffrages of all the friends of order united
upon a nominee of their own — naming first Mr. Nicholas Dean,
and on his declining, under the plea of age and inability to endure
the burden, Mr. Wilson G. Hunt. The Democratic friends of the
national administration nominated Mr. Fernando Wood, a candi-
date the most distasteful that could have been selected, in the view
of multitudes of citizens. The Whig party deemed it more impor-
tant to keep up their organization than to elect a Reform mayor,
and nominated Mr. J. J. Herrick. At a late period, the new and
secret association, called Know Nothings, nominated Mr. J. W.
Barker, who also had the nomination of a portion of the Tempe-
rance people.

In the canvass, which was not active or enthusiastic, the friends
of all the others professed to be particularly fearful of the success
of Mr. Wood, and each party urged the claims of its candidate as
the one who was the most likely of all others to defeat Wood.
There is no doubt that hundreds of citizens voted as they did, for
one of the other candidates — ^not from any preference for him, and
perhaps against their own individual choice — under the belief that
by voting for Hunt, or Herrick, or Barker, instead of their first
preference, they should be more likely to keep the office from
Wood. The result of this quadrangular struggle was an aggregate

16 LIFE AND PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION OF

of 49,643 votes, when the aggregate of votes for Governor amount-
ed to 60,36t ; showing that no less than 10,724 citizens, about 18
per cent, of the whole, who actually went to the polls and voted,
took no part in the election of Mayor of the city. Those who
voted were : For Wood, 20,003 ; for Barker, 18,54t ; for Hunt,
15,39t ; and for Herrick, 5,696. Wood over Barker, 1,456.
Majority against Wood, 29,640. Proportion of Wood's vote to
the whole, 40 per cent. The Democratic votes for Governor in
the city were 31,545 ; 26,180 for Seymour, and 4,165 for Bron-
son. Wood's fell short 11,542, or 38 per cent. The presidential
vote in 1852 was 34,226 for Pierce, and 23,115 for Scott. Wood
below Pierce, 14,223, or 41 per cent. The position of parties in
the two Boards of the City Council are as i^ollows : — ■

Aldermen, Democrats, t ; Whigs and Reform, 15 — majority, 8.
Common Council, Democrats, 26 ; Whigs and Reform, 34-^ma-
jority against the Democrats, 8.

In the State Legislature, they stand : Senate, 23 Whigs to 10
Democrats ; Assembly, Democrats, 42 ; Whigs, etc., 85. Majority
against Democrats, 43.

We have stated the case in all these various aspects, not for any
partisan or other unworthy purpose, but because we judged it im-
portant to show, as fully as we could, the exact circumstances
under which Mr. Wood undertook the office of the mayoralty,
with all the odds that were against him. Let it be added, that
his predecessors for several years have been gradually growing
more and more disheartened with the difficulties they had to en-
counter, from the unskillful machinery of our city government, and
the progress of political demoralization, until the last one had vir-
tually given up in despair^ and contented himself with the most
perfunctory performance of the ordinary routine of duty, apparently"
without an effort to restore a healthy administration of affairs.
Add to this, that the great body of those who most desired a reform
of the city government expected nothing from him, had opposed him
in the newspapers, and voted against him at the polls, and regarded
his election as a great calamity, under which the only consolation
was in the hope that now things would sooner come to the worst,

HON. FERNANDO WOOD. It

and thus at length be ready to mend. We cannot well conceive
a more unpropitious introduction into a high and responsible office ;
nor one affording so little to encourage a single-handed attempt
at a general reform. Such was the aspect of things on the morn-
ing of the new year.

INAUGURATION^ OF MAYOR WOOD.
At twelve o'clock, noon, the new mayor took the oath of office,
and entered upon the discharge of the same, by communicating to
the two Boards of the Common Council an inaugural address, the
publication of which, in the papers of the following morning, fah'ly
electrified the city, and diffused a thrill of congratulation through-
out the whole community. It was so firm and authoritative in its
tone, so clear and discriminating in its statements, so bold and
uncompromising in its positions, that the very reading of it gave
assurance of a new era in our municipal history. It was evidently
the product of a mind which knew what to say, and which would
not fail to do as it said.

FIRST MESSAGE OF MAYOR WOOD.

To the Honorable the Common Council of the City of New York :

Gentlemen : In assuming the duties of Chief Magistrate of this great
city, I am conscious of its responsibilities and requirements. I shall en-
deavor to supply my want of experience and knowledge by an entire
devotion to the public interests, and hope, by a faithful discharge of my
official trusts, to meet the approbation anfl receive the support of your
Honorable Body and ray fellow-citizens.

The preaeat is not an auspicious time to commence a new administra-
tion ; it is beyond the ability of any man, exercising the duties of this
office under the city charter, to give this people, that government which
appears to be so generally expected, and which is certainly so much
required.

However we may differ as to the cause, there can be no doubt of a
pervading dissatisfaction with the municipal affairs of this city ; that
this feeling exists, and that there are sufficient grounds for it, all must
admit ; whether it arises from defects in the fundamental laws, or from
improper local legislation, or from mal-administration upon the part of

2

18 UFE AND PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION OP

those intrusted with the executive duties, are questions upon which there
is diversity of opinion ; in my judgement ail of these are the causes.

The amended charter of 1830 was preferable to the present system.
Admitting that it required modification, the subsequent amendments
have but increased the difficulties.

The allegation that it was inadequate to the increased size and wants
of the city, was, in my opinion, entirely without foundation.

The Constitution of the United States is as applicable to the present
greatness of the Republic as it was to the Federal Union at the time of
its adoption. Had amendments been made to it at the instance of every
party or statesman who deemed it insufficient, we should have fallen to
the same condition as a nation that this city has as a corporation.

The mistake in disturbing the charter of 1830 was not only in the
alterations efiPected, but also in the introduction of an uneasy spirit in
the people, who, by the continual application to the state legislation,
have been taught to look to foreign remedies for domestic abuses.

Thus have we transferred to Albany much that could have been bet-
ter cared for among ourselves — forgetting the old republican maxim,
that no power should be delegated which can be exercised by the people
themselves. This principle should never be forgotten. It was faithfully
adhered to by the framers of the national Constitution. In all countries
and in all ages, the utmost caution has been observed in granting to
representatives the right of even ordinary legislation.

We should not present the first instance in which a people voluntarily
surrenders the power to form the organic laws, yielding that highest of
all prerogatives to men who owe us no responsibility, are not chosen by
our suffrages, who are foreign to our interests, do not understand our
wants, and who, consequently, s^e liable to become the tools of designing
men, having selfish or corrupt objects of their own to obtain.

Amendments to the charter of 1830 have, one after another, been
adopted at Albany, until now we are administering the government by
portions of six diflerent charters, which create nine executive depart-
ments, having undefined, doubtful, and conflicting powers, with heads
elected by the people, each assuming to be sovereign and independent
of the others, of the Mayor, or of any other authority ; and beyond the
reach of any, except that of impeachment by the Common Council,
which never has been, and probably never will be exercised.

This irresponsibility has been productive of carelessness in expendi-
ture, and negligence in the execution of the ordinances.

HON, FERNANDO WOOD. 19

Thug, in the attempts to remedy defects by foreign aid, which could
have been accomplished at home, we have fastened upon ourselves a
complicated, many-headed, ill-shaped, and uncontrollable monster, which
has not, in my opinion, developed its worst characteristics.

So far as my duties are defined, I feel some embarrassment. Even
co-ordinate powers with the several executive departments are denied
me in some quarters ; and the fact that my predecessors, under the new
charters, have not attempted their exercise, is relied upon as sustaining
this position.

Without desiring to question the wisdom of those who have preceded
me in this office, I must be permitted to, construe my powers and duties
as I understand them. Eestricted as the prerogatives of the Mayor have
been, by almost every legislative act appertaining to the government of
this city, for several years, still there is sufficient left to instill more
energy into the administration than now exists, and to hold at least a
supervisory check over the whole city government.

It is true, that though ostensibly head of the Police Department, he is
not so practically, in the essential elements of autliority — that of controll-
ing the retention or removal of his own subordinates. The Chief of
Police holds his place independent of the Mayor, that officer having been
appointed during "good behaviour," by the late Mayor and# Board of
Commissioners, under the law of 1853, which they construed to give
that authority. He cannot, solus, appoint or remove the humblest sub-
ordinate in the service, nor take the rules and regulations for its gover-
nance. Of these requisites of power, so necessary to make an efficient
police corps, he is by law deprived. Discipline can only be obtained
and maintained by the firm hand of unrestricted power ; besides, it is
wrong in principle, to make any public officer responsible for the acts
of subordinates, who are jDlaced beyond his individual power to remove.
These are some of the evils arising from the frequent application to
state legislation for this city. Instead of a simple form of government,
easily understood, the power of its officers so well defined that there
could be no conflict or misunderstanding, we have one full of the objec-
tions referred to.

It is not my purpose, at this time, to indicate a substitute, though I
cannot omit to add my belief, that the most perfect form of government
was that adopted by the framers of the Federal Constitution, Its clear
and simple provisions are equally applicable to municipal corporations,
or to a nation of a hundred millions. The Mayor should be to the city
what the President is to the general government. There should be cor-

20 . LIFE AND PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION OF

responding executive departments, with lieads selected by the May6r^'
(subject to the confirmation of the Board of Aldermen) who should have
entire control, and be, himself, responsible to the people. The Mayor
and Heads of Departments should meet in council, and have a general
uniformity of action and co-operation with each other, in carrying out
the laws and preserving the general interests of the city. Over the
whole should govern the Chief Magistrate ; he should have the one-man
power, which history teaches is the least dangerous, and the most posi-
tive for good.

Certainly we have suffered more from legislative assumptions, or
misconduct of subordinates in authority, than-from the tyranny or cor-
ruption of a chief ruler.

Precedent shows there is safety in the latter, not only in the exercise
of authority for the public weal, but as a barrier against the wrong
doings of the former. The stronger the head, the more healthy the body ;
but if strength is taken away by diverting it to a multitude of heads,
the whole becomes enervated, and unable to discharge its functions.

Concentration, with ample power, insures efficiency, because it creates
one high, responsible authority. Decentralization is subversive of all
good executive government.

This want of concentration has been the prime cause of the immense
load of taxation which we now bear. To compare the relative taxation
per individual under the charter of 1830, and that now existi^ig, will
prove this assertion.

In 1843, the amount raised by tax for the support of the city govern-
ment, was one million seven hundred and forty-seven thousand five
hundred and sixteen dollars and fifty-nine cents ; whereas, in 1853, it
was five millions sixty-seven thousand two hundred and seventy-five
dollars and sixty-nine cents ; and this year it is nearly six millions — a
startling increase. Need you be told that this addition of two hundred
and fifty per centum is the result of either corruption or wasteful
extravagance— the natural consequence of irresponsibility ?

And here let me diverge, to remark that, to tolerate profligate outlays
of the public money, whilst nearly one tenth of our whole population
are in want of the necessaries of life, is as shocking to humanity as it is
injustice to a large and valuable class of our suffering fellow-citizens.

Surely we are admonished that, if this rate of taxation be continued,
more of it should be devoted to the relief of the poor, whose industry
bears most of its burdens, and who are now stiging into our ears their
cries of distress. Labor was never so depressed as now. Employment

HON. FERNANDO WOOD. 21

.is almost entirely cut off. aud if procured, its remuneration is totally
inadequate, owing to the high price of articles of subsistence. The
prices of labor and of food bear no relative equality.

In ordinary times of general prosperity, capital possesses advantages
over labor.

Capital can always protect itself, and it is only at periods of inflation,
when capital is directed to speculation in the products of labor, that the
operative is appreciated, and his industry rewarded by competent com-
pensation.

But now, when capital either timidly retreats through fear to the
bank-vaults, or is diverted to the oppression for gain of those who
are employed, their condition is sad enough. Does it not behoove us, not
only individually but in our corporated capacity, to throw ourselves
boldly forward to his relief?

This is the time to remember the poor !

Do we not owe industry everything? It is its products that has
built up this great city.

Do not let us be ungrateful as well as inhuman. Do not let it be
said that labor, which produces everything, gets nothing, and dies of
hunger in our midst, whilst capital, which produces nothing, gets every-
thing and pampers luxury and plenty.

It is our duty to take and administer this government under the
charters and laws as we find them, until a change is effected for the
better. Valuable improvements can now be made, notwithstanding
these objections to the system. All the evils of which the people com-
plain are not chargeable to wrong legislation. If the Common Council
will be more cautious in the passage of ordinances, especially those
involving disbursements of money, holding fast to the purse-strings, as
against the harpies, who for many years have hovered around its cham-
bers— and if the executive bureau will co-operate with me in the rigid
enforcement of the laws, and particularly in restraining expense and
exacting a faithful performance of every contract — we may do much
towards removing the present discontent.

Most assuredly the people pay enough for the better administration of
their public affairs ; and it has never appeared to me that they were un-
reasonable in their requirements.

They ask public order— the suppresp-'^n of crime and vice — clean
streets — the removal of nuisances and abolition of abuses — a restriction
of taxation to the absolute wants of an economically administered gov-

22 LIFE AND PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION OF

ernment, and a prompt execution of the laws and ordinances. Let us
endeavor to meet their expectations.

For myself, I desire to announce here, upon the threshold, that, as I
understand and comprehend my duties and prerogatives, they leave me
no alternative, without dishonor, but to assume a general control over
the whole city government, so far as protecting its municipal interests
may demand it. I shall not hesitate to exercise even doubtful powei-s,
when the honor or the interest of the public is abused.

The public good ^till be sufficient warrant to insure my action. Under
this law I shall proceed, not doubting your concurrence and the support
of the people for whom the responsibility is assumed.

I have purposely omitted, in this communication, the usual recom-
mendations and references to the affairs of the city. There are many
prominent topics to which I will allude in another communication, to
be made as soon as your body is organized and ready for business. I
shall then make recommendations, which, if carried out, will reform
many abuses, reduce the expenditure, and increase the revenue, without
increased taxation. In the mean time, the usual annual reports will
be made from the several departments, to which I ask your special
attention.

With a hearty desire that, in our separate spheres, we may conduct
the affairs of the city so as to merit a continuance of its greatness, and
with confidence in the ability and devotion to the popular will which
influences the several members of your honorable body, I commend its
deliberations to the protection of that All-wise Providence, which will,
no doubt, so conduct its councils as to insure the prosperity and well-
being of the whole community. FERNANDO WOOD.

Janu^ky 1st, 1855.

CHARGE TO THE POLICE.
On the same day, he issued a circular to the captains of police,
in the style of a determined chief magistrate, who did not entertain
the thought that his will could be disregarded or his commands
disobeyed ; " You wiU see that every requirement is complied with,
and that the results be reported every day to the chief at his oQicc,
in your usual morning return. I will also take this occasion to
ask of you the most rigid adherence to the rules and regulations
governing the Department, and to express the hope that disciplhie

HON. FERNANDO WOOD. 23

will be observed, without relaxation, in your district. Discipline
can only be maintained by a regard to the smallest requirements ;
it requires compliance with every order, however trivial or appa-
rently unimportant — it recognizes no right in a subordinate to judge
the practicability or propriety of and direction issued by a superior
officer." SuAi an order, by its very tone and force, at once infused
life into that department, and brought the police into the feeling
of responsibility, of serviceableness, of the possession of power, and
of conscious self-respect. From the appearance of a set of lazy,
listless, disorganized hangers-on, they put on the appearance of an
organized and disciplined body of men, who felt that they were in
the service of the pubUc, and that under their protection the citizens
were bound to rest in safety and peace.

With this order was issued a code of strict instructions to each
member of the police, appealing to his ambition to retrieve the
lost character of the police, by a course of conduct worthy of the
position of trust and honor which he enjoyed. "You have now,"
said he, "a determined chief officer, who will not be indifferent to
a single dereliction of duty upon the part of those for whose con-
duct he is resjponsiUe to the community." " I cannot look over the
whole city to see that all is right ; but you can for me. I rely
upon you. You are to be the eyes through w^hich the theatre of
my duties is to be observed, and the messengers to convey to me,
through your officers, faithful and truthful reports." These
instructions related to the daily reports, which each man is to make
when on duty, in regard to every breach of the city ordinances ;
every omission to report being punishable as an act of disobedience.
Particularly they were to report every street uncleaned, every
unlicensed house for the sale of liquors, every public-house open on
the Sabbath, every house of prostitution or for gambling, every
street not lighted, every street or side-walk encumbered, every
excavation or nuisance, and every dereliction of duty by an officer
of the city. They were to disperse all noisy gatherings on the
Sabbath, to protect strangers and emigrants from extortion, to
remove beggars from the streets, and see to the prompt removal
of snow and ice ; to arrest any who created riot, or were drunk or

24 LIFE AND PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION OF

disorderly in the street, any cart-man or coachman who obstructed
the crossings, any servant throwing offal or ashes into the street,
etc. The closing of the public-houses on the Sabbath required
renewed and express orders, and was rendered more difficult by
the persistence of the large hotels in keeping up their sales at the
bar. Whereupon the Mayor addressed a courteou* note to the
keepers of hotels, asking their co-operation, as good citizens, in the
reform he was endeavoring to carry out, and assuring them that
he should make no distinctions, but meant to enforce the law to
the utmost against every place where liquor was sold unlawfully
on the Sabbath. He also put forth an order to the police to re-
port every other place- of business, particularly daguerreotype
rooms and clothing stores open on Sunday, and declared his deter-
mination '' to make this city as distinguished for the orderly and
peaceful character of its streets on the Sabbath, as it has hereto-
fore been on that day for everything that was objectionable and
shocking to the moral sense of the people."

NO POLICEMAN ALLOWED TO ENTER A PUBLIC HOUSE, OR A HOUSE OF
ILL FAME, UNLESS ON OFFICIAL BUSINESS.

An important step was taken towards the elevation of the
police personally, by an order peremptorily forbidding them to
enter a public-house or brothel, except when summoned, or for the
prevention of crime. A host of al^uses were suppressed, and
temptations removed from the policemen, by another order, prohib-
itmg all settlements by them with persons arrested, and requiring
them in every case to appear and make oath to the charge on
which the arrest is made.

ABUSES OF HACKMEN, COMPLAINT BOOK, &C.

By another order, he at once annihilated the intolerable
hackmen's abuse, which has heretofore made all travelers dread
the perils of an arrival in New York by steamboat. He also
adopted a simple expedient, which it is strange no one had ever
tried before, of opening a complaint-book in his office, to which
every citizen might have access, and where he w^as at liberty to

HON. r|:RNANDO WOOD. 25

enter his complaint against any officer or other person for a breach
of the laws, or for any other grievance which the municipal author-
ities ought to remove. These complaints are not only open to
public inspection, but are found to furnish an interesting paragraph
of city items for the newspapers, besides obtaining the prompt
attention of the Mayor. The number of drinking-houses open on
Sunday was soon reduced from 2,3,00 to about 20, and the arrests
for crimes and offenses on the Sabbath fell from 150 to 30. Al-
though it was impossible to remove all abuses in an instant, more
has already been done than any man but Mayor Wood would have
believed possible, and we do not believe there ever was so great a
change effected in the moral and social and material condition of
half a million of people in six weeks, as he accomphshed in the
first half of the first quarter of his first year's mayoralty. And
the cordial approval he has received from all quarters, ought to
assure him that he is ingratiating himself with the hearts and
memories of all, as a great public benefactor. He has also firmly
and iJiersistently refused all the favors and privileges which indi-
viduals or companies are ready to offer to public men, such as free
tickets, free rides, free subscriptions to books and periodicals, and
everything that has the look of a gift from any quarter, or on
any account. " A gift blindeth the eyes," says Solomon ; and
Mr. Wood's example is to be greately commefded.

SECOND MESSAGE.
On the 11th of January, the Mayor transmitted to the Common
Council his general message, representing the condition of affairs,
with his recommendations of such measures as he judged needful.
The permanent debt of the city, redeemable from the sinking fund,
is $13,960,856 ; which is reduced by the inking fund, and other
assets, to $8,779,441 ; and to this debt should be added the fund-
ed loans redeemable from the taxes, making the total indebt-
edness $9,933,441, the interest of which is all provided for by the
revenues of the suiking fund. The amounts which have been

26 LIFE AND PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION OF

raised ly taxation have increased, iq» eleven years, from $1,988,818,
in 1844, to the enormous sum of $5,918,593, to be raised in
1855 — an increase of 200 per cent. The taxes for this year are
very nearly three times as much as in 1844 — a fearful tale ; and
yet the amount could well be borne, if money's worth ^7ere real-
ized for the expenditure. The Mayor does not hesitate to affirm
" that it is the undue, unnecessary, extraordmary outlays, without
sufficient equivalent, that have swollen our taxes to their present
enormous amount."

He then proceeds to point out some of the various ways in which
the expenditure can be reduced, and peculation and other fraud
and waste prevented. He would simplify the administration of
business pertaining to the streets, which at present " is under the
direction of six of the departments, besides several outside Com-
missioners, Inspectors, Surveyors, Appraisers, and other temporary
selected agents." A large share of these latter duties he would
throw upon the police, and others he would dispense ^vith. " There
is no question that the several duties of the policemen are entirely
too light." And tlieu he would " consolidate all the business per-
taining to streets into one department." The message is as fol-
lows : —

To the Honorable tJiB Common Council of the city of New York:

Gentlemen : — In my communication to your Honorable Body, on
the first instant, I purposely ommitted many recommendations, and
subjects of interest, and promised that as soon as you were organized,
and ready for business, they would be made. /-'

It is the duty of the Mayor to communicate to the Common Council,
at least once in each year, a statement of the affairs of the city. In
pursuance of this duty, and of the promise made by me, I submit this
communication.

The several annual rl^orts from the executive departments have been
several days before you, and no doubt thoroughly examined. In taking
a survey of the affairs of the city, the first object to present, is the con-
dition of the finances. A statement with reference to it is herewith
furnished.

HON. FERNANDO WOOD. 2T

Permanent city debt, redeemable from the Sinking Fund, January
1st, 1855.

5 per cent. Water Stock, redeemable 1858 $3,000,000

5 " " " 1860 2,500,000

5 "• " " 1870 3,000,000

6 " « " 1875 255,600

5 " " ' « 1880 2,147,000

5 & 6 '' Croton Water Stock, " 1890 1,000,000

7 " Water Loan, " 1857 990,488

5 " Public Building Stock, " 1856 515,000

5 " Building Loan Stock

No. 3, " 1870 75,000

5 " Do. " 4, " 1873 75,000

5 '^ " Fire Indemnity Stock, " 1868 402,768

$13,960,856
Corporation stocks and bonds held by the Commissioners
of the Sinking Fund, on account of redemption of the

city debt |4,252,289

Additional assets (bonds and mortgages) held

by the Commissioners on said account .... 911,886
Balance in bank, Jan. 1, 1855 17,240 5.181,415

Actual am't of permanent debt, Jan. 1, 1855, say $8,779,441

which is a reduction, as compared with the amount of

debt, January 2, 1854, of $460,246.
Funded debt redeemable from taxation, and payable (with

the exception of Public Education Stock,) in annual

instalments of $50,000, January 1st, 1855.
6 per cent.- Btiilding loan stock, No. 2, redeemable in 1855

* and 1856 $100,000

6 " Public Building Stock, No. 3, redeemable in

1857 and 1864 400,000

5 " Stock for Docks and Slips, redeemable in

1867 and 1876 •• 500,000

5 " Public Education Stock, redeemable in 1873 . . 154,000

Total am't of funded debt, Jan. 1, 1855 $1,154,000

which is an increase, as compared with the amount of debt, January 2,
1854, of $204,000.

The revenues of the Sinking Fand, for the payment of interest on the

28 LIFE AND PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION OF

city debt, are fully adequate for the payment of interest on the above
stocks. The balance to this account, January 1, 1855, being ^60,000,
invested temporarily in revenue bonds of the city Corporation, and cash
in bank $317,106 11 — thus rendering it unnecessary to raise any amount
for " interest on city debts" by taxation. ^

In connection with this statement, another is presented, of the amounts
which have been raised, by taxation, from 1844 to 1854, inclusive :

1844 $1,988,818 56

1845 2,096,19118

1846 2,520,146 71

1847 2,581,776 30

1848 ^ . . . 2,715,510 25

1849 3,005,762 5^,

1850 3,230,085 02

1851 2,924,455 94

1852 3,380,511 05

1853 5,067,275 69

1854 4,845,386 07 *"

And to be raised in 1855 5,918,593 25

By this it will appear that the expenditures have gradually and
steadily increased, though it is well known that the character of our
government has deteriorated.

The people of this city cannot realize that the actual cost of conduct-
ing their municipal affairs amounts to the sum annually expended. They
do not believe that all of the money appropriated is devoted to public
wants. In my opinion, an examination of the subject, and close scrutiny
of the various items composing the accounts of the disbursing officers,
will show that it is the undue, unnecessary, extraordinary 'ftutlays, with-
out sufficient equivalent, that have swollen our taxes to their prePnt
enormous amount.

It behooves us, as guardians of the public interests, to look to the
subject. If it is longer permitted, we are particeps criminis, whether the
money is spent under our own eyes or not. Besides greater caution in
appropriations, we are called upon to exercise more vigilance over, and
demand severer accountability from those who spend the money. The
smallest items of expenditure should be guarded as sacredly as if
amounting to hundreds of thousands. The principle which will permit
a disbursing officer to divert the value of one dollar, in money or pro-

HON. i'ERNANDO WOOD. 29

perty, to his own or liis friend's purpose, will, iu time, render him a
defaulter or a peculator.

The treasury can be relieved in many ways ; several present sources
of expenditure can be abolished entirely, and large sums be brought
into the treasury, Avhich now go to the pockets of individuals.

THE STREETS.

The street openings and subsequent heavy outlays for that purpose in
regulating, grading, paving, sewering, repairing, &c., are one of the
heaviest burdens we bear. It is no answer to reply that much of it is
returned to the treasury by assessments upon the property benefited ;
it is of little importance to the party who pays, whether the money is
procured from him under pretext of adding to the value of his real
estate, or whether under the plea of supporting the government.

We have no right to make distinction : — It is our duty to protect the
private property of the people, as well as their public treasury. As
now conducted, the public business appertaining to streets is under the
direction of six of the departments, besides several outside Commissioners,
Inspectors, Surveyors, Appraisers, and other temporary selected agents.
The law officer superintends the selection of Commissioners of Estimates
and Assessments to open, examines titles to property effected, and coun-
sels the legal proceedings necessary in opening, widening, and altering
streets.

The Street Department advertises for proposals to open, makes con-^
tracts therefor, and through its bureau makes and collects assessments ;
it also has charge of the opening, regulating and paving. The Croton
Aqueduct Department atteiids to the sewerage and laying Croton water
pipes.

The Repairs and Supplies has control of repairing, relaying pave^
meuts, curb and gutter, &c»

The Streets and Lamps place lamp-posts, and superintends the light-
ing and cleaning.

The City Inspector's Department attends to the removing of nuisances,
carrying off dead horses, and other animals, and has general charge of
everything relating to the streets, which affect their sanitary condition.
Each has numerous subordinates with light duties, but large compensa-
tion. Commissioners are appointed for each job, even to "declare' a
street opened but for one block, anc\ though it may remain closed for
a quarter of a century afterwards. Many of these persons, really and
ia iact, in person perform no actual duties, and are compensated in pro-

so LIFE AND PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION OF

portion to the delays produced and money expencjed. These places are
often given as the reward for other than official service, which is not of
much value to the city ; some of this class may be called " professional
street openers," whose time is devoted to the procuration of jobs of this
kind, and hj getting resolutions through the Common Council to " open"
when there is no necessity for it ; they are strong in partizan influence.

The law which gives to a majority of the property holders, to be
effected by an improvement when unnecessary, the power to prevent, is
inoperative before them ; several instances have been recently brought
to my attention, in which their influence over the Common Council has
suppressed the voice of two thirds of the parties in interest who had
remonstrated against their further proceedings. If pressed, they obtain
delay in the Common Council, until all they can make out of the job is
procured, when they magnanimously withdraw their opposition, and the
city must foot the bill, and their " estimate and assessments" amount to
nothing. Some of these persons have several streets on hand at the
same time, and make large sums of money. It is but proper to add,
that sometimes there are commissioners who are not comprehended
within this description of them as a class.

Another class, more useless though not so expensive, is the inspectors
appointed to superintend the grading, regulating and cleaning of streets,
building of sewers, docks, piers, &c. Some of these j^eople seldom see
the work for which they are appointed inspector, and if they do, they
know nothing of it, or do not wish to know, provided the contractor is
a clever fellow, and does '• what is right."

These departments frequently come in conflict with each other ; it
sometimes happens that they are nearly all engaged at the same time,
upon some part of the same street. It often occurs, that soon after the
paving is completed, it is taken up to lay down a sewer, Croton water
or gas pipes. Each department being independent and sometimes
inimical to the other, no concert exists ; but every one, upon its own
notions, proceeds to do what it deems best, without thinking or caring
of expense or public convenience.

It is no exaggeration to say, that sometimes twenty officials, belonging
to different departments, are engaged in doing at the same time that
which could be accomplished by one man, if acting for himself, in one-
twentieth the time and at one-twentieth the cost.

Each department is its own master and acts upon its own volition,
without consent or consultation, and not unfrequently strives to thwart

HON. FERNANDO WOOD. 81

the plans of eacb other, and produce confusion. Every person having
the control of private business or interest, can see, without further com-
ment, the reason why so large a sum is expended upon our streets.

The business-care, concentration, uniformity and regularity so essen-
tial to the success of any enterprise, is entirely wanting.

A general cutting-up and distribution of authority, creating irrespon-
sibility and negligence, is productive of profligacy in expenditure and
inefficiency in the performance of work. This abuse must be reformed.
It has become too serious to be permitted longer.

The little time which has been left me for investigation, consistent
with other duties, has satisfied me that the whole business should be
entirely under the control of one department, and at least one of the
existing departments could be abolished entirely. There should be a
Street Department, having sole jurisdiction over the whole subject ;
some part of the duty could be advantageously given to other depart-
ments, without detriment or additional expense.

There should be a permanent Board of Commissioners, instead of
three for each job as now, which should have the power to appoint per-
manent surveyors for the whole city, instead of one for each work as
now. It should be made the duty of the lav\^ officer of the Corporation to
give his services, without additional compensation, directly or indirectly ;
and if receiving fees, the amount should be paid into the treasury.

There should be one or two permanent inspectors for the whole city,
provided any is required, which I doubt, instead of one for each job, as
now. The duties now performed by the Bureau of Assessments should
be done by the present Board of Tax Commissioners, without additional
compensation, who have not only sufficient leisure, but the surveys, maps
and the assessed values of every improved and unimproved lot in the
city within their own office, by which to facilitate the duty. The collec-
tion of assessments should be made by the Keceiver of Taxes.

Tiiat branch of the service coming under the head of repairs should
be sover-^ scrutinized, and every dollar accounted for under the most
stringent rules of accountability, and nothing should be expended except
upon previous appropriation, with specific reference to the object for
which the money was intended. The inconvenience and delays which
would attend previous appropriations upon detailed estimates, for even
small sums, could be of little consideration as compared with the princi-
ple of unauthorised expenditures with the official profligacy which too
often follows in its train.

82 LIFE A^^D PUBLIC ADmNlST'EATION Of

TAXABLE PROPERTY.

Another matter of much importance is the feasibility of enlarging the
basis upon which to levy tax. The board of Tax Commissioners, organ-
ized a few years since, has added much to the taxable basis of real and
personal estate. There is yet room for increase.

Notwithstanding the vigilance of these officers and the assessois, a
very large amount of personal property escapes, and an undue propor-
tion is consequently put upon, real estate. A distinction is thus created
entirely unjust to real property, calculated not only to affect its value,
but to retard the growth of the city. There is no solid reason why dis-
tinction should be made in the kind of value, whether real or personal,
upon which we levy taxes. So long as the principle of taxation is upon
property, all proj^erty should bear alike. ^

Besides the large amount of personal estate that escapes in con-
sequence of the inability to discover it, there are immense amounts be-
longing to , foreign manufacturers and traders, in the hands of agents
resident here, who refuse to recognize our authority to collect. A very
large sum thus gets clear.

This foreign property receives all the protection which the city
government affords, in common with that of our own people, which pays
the expense.

These foreign owners not only enjoy equal privileges with native
citizens, but, in not paying taxes upon their property, possess an ex-
emption which enables them to compete with American labor, and
affording them undue advantages.

People who pay taxes, cannot sell merchandise as low as those who
pay none. Means should be taken during the present session of the
legislature to procure the passage of a law, making the property of for-'
eign manufacturers and others liable to taxation.

ABOLITION OF FEES.

As a further means of revenue, I recommend an application to the
legislature for a law which will bring into the treasury the large sums
now received by the Register, County Clerk, Counsel to the Corpo^
ratioHj Corporation Attorney, and other county ofBcers, who receive
fees as their own perquisites.

In some instances these sums are said to amount to from twenty to
thirty thousand, dollars per annum to one person. Whilst it is right
that every public officer should be sufficiently compensated, yet there can

HON. FERNANDO WOOD.

be no good reason for permitting a few to amass large fortunes, whilst
other officials, who perform more labor and more responsible duties, are
paid one-fifth the sum, and the whole community is burdened with taxes.
Give liberal salaries, but let all fees go to the treasury.

INTEREST TO BE CHARGED.

A further relief may be found in requiring interest on deposits with
the City Ti^easurer, and collecting and disbursing officers generally. The
equity, practicability and importance of this measure is so apparent, that
it surprises me it has not sooner been adopted. A very large revenue
could be thus derived. There was to the credit of the city in the hands
of the Treasurer, on the 28th of November, 1854, over one million of
dollars ; the 1st of December, 1854, over one and a half millions — from
which was drawn on these dates about a half a million, leaving about
two millions to the credit of the city. Additional large sums have since
been drawn — leaving, however, on the first of January instant, a balance,
remaining to the credit of the city of one million two hundred and
eight-three thousand four hundred and seventy-four dollars, for which
the city receives no allowance of interest whatever.

It is proper to add, that it frequently occurs that the City Chamber-
lain is in advance to the city, and that during the last year he advanced
fifty to sixty thousand dollars, on claims on the treasury, for which war-
rants could not be given- — thus offering facilities to individuals having
claims, who otherwise Tfould be obliged to wait the slow process of
legislation, to be paid their just dues. Notwithstanding, however, this
accom.moda+ing disposition upon the part of this officer, I can see no
reason for conducting the financial affairs of the city upon any other
principle than that which governs the commercial intercourse of in-
dividuals.

I am satisfied that the nearer we approximate the laws of trade, the
better will public business be conducted, and the interests of the treasury
protected.

The city is obliged to pay interest when using the funds of individuals,
and it should receive inrerest from individuals who have the use of its
money.

Last year the Comptroller borrowed, upon Revenue Bonds, three
millions six hundred and ninety-three thousand dollars, nearly the whole
of which was borrowed at the rate of seven per centum, and for which
we are still paying interest, notwithstanding the large amount now
lying to the credit of the city in bank. How long could an individual

3

34 LIFE AND PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION OP

or a banking institution retain its credit or its capital, that conducted
its affairs upon so ruinous a principle ? The state of New York dis-
covered the value of its own revenues when lying in banlv-vaults, as
early as 1826 ; it then adopted the policy of requiring interest upon its
canal funds, which has been followed since, without deviation. My last
advices from the Capitol, state that two millions and a half of dollars
have been already received from that source, for interest exclusively, on
the deposits of this fund with the banks ; and it is well known that some
of the heads of the city collecting and disbursing bureau, have been in
the practice of receiving interest from various city banks, on the public
money in their hands, which has gone into their own pockets as private
perquisites.

In recommending a revenue from this source, I beg to be understood
that no step should be taken in effecting it, which would in the least
jeopard the security of the money. Security is the first consideration.

A prudent business man never hazards his principal in efforts to ac-
cumulate interest ; but if safety and profit can be combined — and in my
judgment it can be — we should be largely the gainers ; and to that ex-
tent taxation would be lessened.

ESTIMATES AND APPROPEIATIONS.

Another object of importance, by which large sums now extracted
from the treasury could be saved, is the necessity of adopting some mode
by which all disbursing officers shall be prevented from the expenditure
of money, or creation of obligations to pay, for which the city is liable
without previous appropriation, and a balance unexpended to meet it.

Many abuses have grown up under the present loose manner of ex-
pending money.

It is useless to ask the departments for estimates upon which to base
the appropriation, if they are disregarded afterwards. So long as the
Common Council pass resolutions incurring expense, and the depart-
ments execute them, frequently by using funds appropriated for other
purposes ; so long will our taxes continue to increase, and the enormous
annual deficiencies, now so common, continue to startle us at the end of
the year.

Means should be taken to stop this altogether ; the head of a depart-
ment should not be allowed to exceed his own estimates, or the appro-
priation made ; he and his bonds should be made responsible to tlie
city, for any liability thus incurred

HON. FERNANDO WOOD. Tih

Disbursing officers must be confined within the spirit, as well as the
letter of the charter, which provides that no money shall be drawn from
the city treasury, except the same shall have been previously appropri
ated to the purpose for which it is drawn.

An honest version of this provision makes it applicable to the
creation of an obligation, to be liquidated out of subsequent appro-
priation, as it is to that directly referred to.

SUSPENDED SALES FOR TAXES AND ASSESSMENTS.

You should also take measures to collect above seven hundred- and
fifty thousand dollars from the suspended sales for taxes and assessments,
which can be obtained upon the necessary legislative action empowering
the Comptroller to proceed. The sum is sufiBciently large to demand
your immediate attention.

CONTRACTS.

The present mode of making contracts is defective. Notwithstanding
the improvement of late years, in exacting more publicity, in opening
bids, and in guarding against favoritism in granting contracts, yet it is
supposed much wrong still exists. There is no doubt that frauds are
still perpetrated in this branch of the public service. Bids are frequent-
ly put in in the name of fictitious persons, ranging from a high to a low
estimate — speculators standing ready to take advantage of any embar-
f-assment to the department, owing to the non-appearance of the false
bidder, and to get the contract at the highest possible limits. Again it
is the practice to put in estimates, not with the expectation of making
and performing a contract, but to be bought off by some more respon-
sible party, who has been under-bid. Yarious other ways, the details
of which are known only to the initiated, are in vogue, by which to de-
fraud the treasury. If the head of a department acts in collusion with
these outsiders, it is next to impossible to prevent frauds under 4he
present system.

One of the best safeguards may bg found in more general publicity,
in offering to receive proposals. The expense of advertising is of no
importance, as compared with the benefit to be derived from it.

The object of offering public proposals to make contracts, is to invite
competition and prevent the high prices which monopoly produces ; it is
defeated if the advertisement is published in obscure papers, unknown to
and unread by the mass of the people.

Too much publicity cannot be given to the offering of contracts ; the

,^'6^ L&g MD public ADMINrSTRAT]:oi^ 07

expense of general advertising will be more than made up by tli6
mcreased bidding, and consequent reduced prices.

CITY RAILROADS AND OMNIBUSSES.

i also recommend tha taxation of city railroad cars. It appears to-
flie that these companies should pay at least ohe hundred dollars license
upon each car, besides keeping the streets and avenues through which
their tracks are laid in complete repair, and always clean.

The city government receives no equivalent for the privileges these
roads possess, which are not very valuable. So far as rail-travel in this
city can affect them=, the present roads may be said to have a mouop(fly.
A recent state law secures their grants, and in effect precludes oppo-
sition or annoyance ; they occupy, to the exclusion of all other citizens,
the centre of our best business avenues.

Exclusive privileges are always to be deprecated, but when granted,
the city should in return receive an ample pecuniary equivalent. A
revenue of $40,000 could be procured from this source, besides the sav-
ing of the very heavy cost of repairing and cleaning the thoroughfares.

The omnibusses should also keep in repair and clean the streets
through which they pass, or pay into the treasury a sufficient sum for'
>that purpose.

These vehicles do more injury to the pavements than all the rest of
the travel together, and the city in return receives no pecuniary aid
from them, for that purpose, whatever. The existing lines of omnibusses
are well secured in their privilege, having, by the law of 1854, made it so
difficult to procure licenses for competing lines, that they now ettjoy
almost a monopoly. How far the out-town railroad lines, entei'ing the"
city, are subject to municipal regulations, I am not at this time enabled
to advise ; my opinion however is, that there is nothing in their charters
entitling them to exception from any tax which you may deem a fair
equivalent for the right of way they now possess.

If, upon consultation wilh the Counsel of the Corporation, there be
no legal obstacle, I make tlie same ^recommendation as to a car tax, and
the cleaning and repairs of the avenues and streets through which they
pa2s, as made with reference to the city railroads.

EMIGRANTS.

It is well known that for many years extoi-tions and oppressions of
the most inhuman character have been practised upon the emigrants^
coming to this port. i

HON. FEKNANDO WOOD. "31

There appears to be a series of organized classes of persons, all con-
nected, and acting from a common impulse of plunder, who take, and
&eep possession of their victims as long as a sixpence is left to rob them
of. These vampii-es form a cordon, stretching from Sandy Hook to the
lakes — and to the far West

They act in concert, with a well-formed understanding, and spend
large sums to protect themselves from detection and punishment. Com-
mon humanity, as well as the honor and prosperity of this city and state,
call for more stringent laws and regulations governing our whole emigrant
system. I regret that this, already too lengthy communication, prevents
more extended comments upon this branch of the subject, consistent
with others demanding attention. ,

Much inconvenience to the shipping interest is caused by the present
mode of landing emigrant passengers.

As now conducted it is a serious evil, not only to the passengers, but
•also to the vessels from which they land, and to other vessels with which
they materially interfere. This is also an evil calling for some action
at your hands — as now conducted it is productive, of great hardship to
the emigrant and injury to others.

Now a ship arrives from sea with her decks crowded with hundreds
of men, women and children, and hauls outside and alongside another
vessel at her berth, discharging or taking in cargo, which may be com-
.posed of fine goods in valuable packages.

As soon as the emigrant ship nears the wliarf, she is boarded by an
,army of runners, cartmen and others, having business with, and too
•often design upon her passengers, and the .passengers are dragged over
the vessel discharging, to the shore ; her cargo, which may be on deck,
•or upon the dock, is not only materially injured, the packages soiled,
broken or stolen, but an embargo is laid upon all work for the time
being. Thus a serious injury is inflicted. This evil has grown to be
intolerable. The remedy is very simple. One or two piers should be
set aside, away from the pressure of shipping, and exclusively devoted
to the landing of emigrant passengers. They should be inclosed, and
only persons properly clothed with authority, and of good character, be
.permitted within the inclosure. The police could be stationed there to
protect and direct the emigrants, and, as the boarding-houses and for-
warding officers would, of course, locate in the vicinity, the emigrants
would be benefited, as well as the present injury to other shipping entirely
^removed. These suggestions are important, and I hope will be acted on.

38 LIFE AND PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION OF

It has long been the practice of many governments on the contment
of Europe, to get rid of convicts and paupers by sending them to this
country, and most generally to this port. The increase of crime here,
can be traced to this cause rather than to a defect in the criminal laws,
or their administration. An examination of the criminal and pauper
records, shows conclusively, that it is but a small proportion of these
unfortunates who are natives of this country. One of the very heaviest
burdens we bear is the support of these people, even when consider-
ing the direct cost ; but when estimating the evil influences upon
society, and the contaminating effect upon all who come within the
range of their depraved minds, it becomes a matter exceedingly serious,
and demanding immediate and complete eradication. I know no subject
of more importance ; certainly we have the power to protect this city
against the' landing of so vile an addition to our population ; the health,
as well as the life and property of the people for whom you legislate,
requires some action at your hands. I am confident the general gov-
ernment win listen to any representations from you, relating to it, and
interpose its national authority in our behalf. On the 2d instant I maife
this grievance the subject of an oSicial communication to the President
of the United States, a copy of which is annexed, marked A.

The constantly increasing expenses of the Alms-house Department,
and the want of control of the Corporation over them, should not escape
your notice. I am satisfied that, whatever may be thougiit as to the
exercise of proper economy upon the part of the Governors of the Alms-
house, there can be no doubt that one cause of the present large outlay
required, is the maintenance of persons who should be a charge upon
the fund under the exclusive control of the Emigrant Commissioners.
It is evident, that the object in creating this Board was to have full
control over the w^hole subject, and to bear the entire costs of the sup-
port of these unfortunate people — at least, until they have; been five
years in this country. In practice, this appears not to be its operation.
At least a portion of the inmates of the institutions under the control
of the Alms-house Gk)vernors, who are supported by the city, are properly
chargeable to the Emigrant Commission. In my opinion the whole
subject requires revision. An entire alteration of the present system is
absolutely demanded. As it is now, the tax payers of this city have not
only to support the poor of the city, and a portion of that belonging to
the surrounding country, which find their way here, but also a very
large portion of the paupers of every nation in Europe.

HON. FERXANDO WOOD, 39

The absolute cost of supporting our own poor would be a trifle too
small to be worthy of comment ; but when required to perform the duty
. for so many other communities, its burden has become of too great a
magnitude to be submitted to longer. The Board of Emigrant Com-
missioners was created in 1847, to protect and provide for the emigrants
arriving at this port ; a fund is provided for this purpose. It is a state
institution,' mostly under the control of officers appointed by the Gover-
nor and Senate, and in all respects independent of our municipal action.
Its existence is a recognition of the position that the persons called emi-
grants should, in no respect, be a tax upon this country. As now con-
ducted, it is a grievous tax. We support the emigrant criminal sentenced
to Blackwell's Island, and other city penal institutions. A large number
of policemen are detailed especially for their protection, for which our
treasmy pays. The Mayor's office and no inconsiderable portion of his
time are occupied in hearing and determining cases involving the rights
and property of emigrants, to say nothing of that branch of his duties
relating to the proper licensing and regulating of emigrant boarding-
houses and runners. In my opinion the city should be relieved altogether
from these duties and expenses. So far as the state assumes to take
charge of these people, she should carry ont the work entire ; we should
be relieved from it.

POLICE.

This department of the city government is placed more directly under
the personal supervision of the Mayor than others ; and, in assuming its
direction, with the restricted power as to appointment and removal,
which, after all, constitute the great elements of control, I feel much
responsibility and concern ; its present condition and discipline is sus-
ceptible of improvement.

There is an apparent want of energy and efficiency, which must arise
from either defect in the system or want of nerve and vigilance in those
who direct it. It shall be my aim to remedy these omissions. I shall
require the strictest accountability from the men, and also from the sev-
eral officers — who shall, in all cases, be made responsible for the conduct
of the subordinates under their command.

It was thought that making the police hold office during good be-
havior, would remove it entirely from political influences. It may
have had such an effect, to a degree ; but whilst the power to appoint,
suspend and remove is political and elective, it will be expecting too

40 LIFE AND PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION OF

much of liumau nature to suppose that political influence can be exclud-
ed altogether.

A perfect police system must be founded upon freedom from all influ-
ences except those produced by merit, arising from a faithful and effi-
cient discharge of duty.

When the generals of an army are periodically subjected to change,
and in some measure by the votes and influences of the army itself, it
will be almost impossible to remove the partisan elements which, at every
election, are necessarily aroused into activity.

The whole Police Board was elected at the late election, two of the
late board (the Recorder and City Judge) being candidates for re-elec-
tion ; and policemen would have been more or less than man, if they could
have remained indifferent spectators of the result.

I am confident the judiciary is not the proper authority for determin-
ing police matters ; nor are its members qualified, either by habits of
life or train of reflection, to make good Commissioners. The bench and
the service would each be benefited by a separation. My colleagues ou
the present Police Boaird fully concur in these opinions.

It shall be my aim to impress all connected with the police, that
official merit, and not partisan influence, is what is expected of them ;
and, so far as my power extends, it shall be exercised for the entire eradi-
cation of politics from the department.

On the first of January instant, I issued new orders, a copy of which
is annexed [marked B] , and to which I call your attention as develop-
ing the principles upon which I shall administer the department. In
connection with this subject, it may be proper for me to add, that there
has been opened in the Mayor's office, under my direction, a book for
recording complaints against the police,, as well as for violations of the
ordinances and laws, where charges will be entertained, and acted upon
by me in person.

The police are required for several purposes other than the protection
of the public interests of the city, for which it should not be obliged to
pay.

There is one squad of the reserve corps detailed for the duty of
boarding vessels from foreign ports, with emigrant passengers, and other
service rendered, before referred to, which should be paid from the fund
of the Emigrant Commissioners. Many other policemen are stationed
at the several railroad depots and ferries, and at places of public amuse-
ment, by request of the proprietors, and for the protection of their pri-
vate interests, and not for public purposes. This expense should be

HON. FERNANDO WOCD. 41

borue by tbe parties requiring their services. In London, where the
police system is said to be better than our own, such is the practice ;
and the General Government has adopted the same course with reference
to the salaries of its custom-house officers, when acting for private con-
venience or safety. About thirty thousand dollars would be thus saved.

The expense of the police force has attracted attention, and it has
been properly suggested that it can be used for many public purposes
for which the city now pays heavily.

In considering the cost of the police, it should not be forgotten that
it is almost entirely made up of salaries. This department disburses
little money for any other purpose. It makes no contracts and procures (^
no supplies*; and is confined to the disbursements of such sums, for
compensation to the officers and men, as has been fixed by the Common
Council. Be it more or less, no officer connected with it is in any way
responsible. It is true, that much duty, now performed by subordinates
under other departments, can be performed by the police, without im-
pairing its efficiency. My direction has already been given to the
patrolmen to act as street inspectors, and to report, through their officers,
to me every instance when the contractor fails to clean the streets within
his district. They have also been required to report all excavations
made under the sidewalks or streets, by builders or others — the object of
which is to supply information to the Commissioner of Streets, by which
he can collect the legal claii!is of the city for appropriating to private
use any portion of the streets.

If my recommendation of consolidating all business appertaining to
streets into one department, is carried out, many collateral branches can
be put under the Police Department, without any detriment to it what-
ever.

There is no question that the several, duties of policemen are entirely
too light, in view of the necessity of materially lessening the number of
public officers.

It is for you to legislate upon this recommendation, and you will find
me ready to enforce its practical operation.

SPRING CHARTER ELECTION.

I cannot omit expressing my conviction that much benefit could be
derived to the city, by separating the election for charter officers from
that for state or national officers.

As now conducted, our local interests are almost entirely lost sight of
in the conflict on state or national issues. As the lesser is always ab-
sorbed by the greater, so is the apparently smaller affairs of our city

42 LIFE AND PUBLIC ADMINISTL'ATION OF

governroent lost sight of in the contest on candidates for higher offices.
The magnitude of our municipal interests calls for the closest scrutiny
into the qualifications of persons to take charge of them ; no other con-
siderations than those connected directly with local questions should be
included in the canvass for city rulers. The evils of frequent elections
are of little importance, as compared with the danger of the selection of
improper men. In the struggle for a governor or a president, persons
entirely disqualified will sometimes slide unobserved into a local place of
trust and power.

The election law, which places the candidates for county officers on
the same ballot with candidates for state officers, increases the evil. At
the late election there were twelve names on the same ballot ; in the
haste and excitement of election day, it is very difficult for even the most
intelligent voter to select the. names for whom he desires to vote, when
found upon the same ticket ; but where the duty is imposed upon the
illiterate or ignorant, it is seldom exercised, especially if there be a cun-
ningly-devised ballot, not permitting erasure or substitution.

CENTRAL PARK.

The Commissioners appointed to open the Central Park, are progress-
ing with the work. Since the organization of the Board, it has collected
and examined evidence of title to the lands to be taken for the park ; in
causing the necessary surveys, maps of block§ and profiles of grades to
be made in personal view of the lands to be taken, and in procuring such
information in regard thereto, as may serve to guide to a just valuation
of the same ; also in determining the area of assessment for special
benefit, and procuring maps of the same, and in procuring evidence of
the value of the improvements on the land to be taken ; and are now
engaged in the valuation of the lands themselves. It will be remember-
ed that this park is to be bounded south by Fifty-ninth street, north by
One hundred and sixth street, east by the Fifth avenue, and west by the
Eighth avenue ; and will comprehend an area of seven hundred and
seventy-six acres, say, 776

From which deduct State Arsenal, 14

Croton Eeservoir, 38

Proposed " 112

Streets and Avenues, . . . 190
Belonging to the city, , . . 34-388

Leaving to^be paid for — acres 388

HON. FERNANDO WOOD. ' 43

Which, by estimating at sixteen lots per acre, makes six thousand
two hundred and eight lots to be paid for by the city, and by assess-
ments upon contiguous property. The important question of the
valuation of these lots has not as yet been positively fixed by the com-
missioners. The subject is now before them, and I advise all who are
interested to appear at their office. Another question of much public
interest, in connection with this matter, is the territorial limit to which
the commissioners shall extend their assessments upon property of in-
dividuals, and what proportion of the whole cost shall be made a tax
upon the city.

These questions are entirely under the control of the commissioners.
I am informed, unofficially, that the disposition of the Board is to
extend the area of assessment three blocks east and west, and a greater
distance north and south ; and to make two thirds of the whole cost
payable by the city. If this be the determination, it can be easily ascer-
tained about what sum the park will cost. Estimating the average value
of the land at five hundred dollars per lot — a liberal estimate — the
whole cost would be three millions one hundred and four thousand dol-
lars ; deduct one third to be paid by individuals whose property is sup-
posed to be benefited, it will leave two mllions sixty-nine thousand dol-
lars to be paid for by the city — a smaller sum than was anticipated at
the time of passing the act. The commissioners expect to close their
duties early in the ensuing summer. There can be no doubt as to the ue-
cefeity of some such park, conveniently located on this island. In my
opinion, future generations, who are to pay this expense, would have
good reasons for reflecting upon the present generation, if we permitted
the entire island to be taken possession of by the population, without
some spot like this, devoted to rural beauty, healthful recreation, and
pure atmosphere.

NEW PUBLIC BUILDINGS.

It is to be regretted that we are still without sonfe definite action in
this matter. It is a year since the old Alms-hiOnse buildings, which for
several years were used for the purposes of a court-house, were destroy-
ed by fire, and no conclusion has yet been arrived at with reference to
the erection of a substitute. This should be one of the first measures to
receive attention.

The present City Hall and its appendages are insufficient. The accu-
mulation of public business of all kinds has rendered it imperative upon
this city, regardless of expense,. to make provision for it without delay.

44 'i LIFE AND PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION Ov

Many plans for a new City Hall have been proposed, rone of which
have been examined by me, and of which I am not competent to judge,
had they been. I will suggest, however, that, inasmuch as the day can-
not be far distant when that portion of the city lying south of Grand
street will entu^ely be occupied by wholesale business, to the exclusion of
resident population, and that, as a City Hall, to contain the courts and
offices for the transaction of municipal business should be in the vicinity
of the numerical centre of population — whether it is politic to expend
large sums of money in permanent improvements in the Park, as now
located. We have no guarantee that the next generation may not de-
mand their removal to a more convenient position. There can be no
doubt that public offices, to which all classes, without distinction, are
drawn, should be equally accessible to the whole population.

Xor can I recommend the adoption of a proposition recently made in
the Common Council, by which the legislature is to appoint commission-
ers to superintend the erection of a new City Hall. The folly of trans-
ferring further legislation for this city to Albany, except to get a char-
ter that will return to it a form of government commensurate to its
wants, is so apparent, that I hope it will not be indulged in again. One
legislative act after another has been adopted at Albany, until we are
almost without any government whatever. There is now in preparation
a proposition for the legislature to appoint six commissioners, w^ith
po^r to name every officer under the City Government, which, if it be-
comes a law, will give the extinguishing blow to what little power is left
.to the people of this city over their own municipal affairs.

PUBLIC SCHOOL EXPENSES.

Complaints are made of the largely increasing expenses for public
school education, and the want of power of the city government over
the disbursements of the Board of Education.

My attention has been called to this subject, and though there is, no
doubt, room for improvement as it regards the economy evinced in the
erection and fitting up of school-houses, yet the benefits derived from
the system are of too great a magnitude to be jeoparded by illiberality
in defraying its cost.

I have no doubt that it is the general approval of our public schools,
as now conducted, that induces the people to submit to the present
onerous taxation. The o-reat improvements in the mode of culture
adopted, and the evident w.iva atage of the public schools over the private

1

SON. i'ERNANDO WOOD* 45

schools of this city, have made them the general academies of tuition for
the children of nearly the whole population. The cost to us in taxation
is not one-fifth the usual expense for an ordinary pay school education.
Indeed there are few real estate owners, with families, who cannot get
their whole tax returned by sending their children to the public school,
tvith the advantage of a better and more thorough education, and a dis-
cipline and moral training far more perfect than our fashionable " acade-
mies for young gentlemen" can pretend to.

Therefore, while discountenancing exti'avagance in any public depart-
ment, yet having full confidence in the gentlemen who have charge of
the public education of this city, and deeply appreciating the system, I
cannot recommend any step towards interfering with the management of
it, so long as it continues to improve the efficiency and public benefit^
and holds, as it does now, the position of our brightest ornament, with
the prospect of being the fruitful source from whence we are to derive
yet higher honor and more brilliant results.

REVISION" OF THE ORDIXANCES.

I cannot too earnestly impress upon you the necessity of a revision
and a collecting of the ordinances into one or more volumes, and a
codification of the laws applicable to this city. It would be almost
incredible to a stranger to be told that there is no collection of the laws
by which this city is governed. ♦

A collection of ordinances has not been published since 1845, and of
th^but few copies rema,in ; since 184.5 material amendments have been
mork to the charter j and numerous resolutions and ordinances have been
adopted, which are now to . be found only by a voyage of discovery
in the office of the Clerk of the^board of Aldermen, with the chance
being very much against success, even with the guide of the accom-
modating offi(^ers who have charge of that office. The memory of per-
sons who have for many years been connected with the Common
Council is the only index in existence.

The mere statement of the fact, will, I am confident, procure action.

THE DOCKS.

The dock accommodations for the shipping of the city, is another
subject which should receive notice. You need not be informed that at
present they are totally inadequate, both in extent and quality, 'j'hcre
is no commercial city in the world, of the magnitude of New York, so

I

46 LIFE AND PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION' OE*

deficieut ; substantial stone or iron docks and piers should be constract*
ed, which would not only be durable, but in the result far more eco-
nomical than those now in use.

A funded debt could be created for the payment of the cost, leaving
to posterity, who are to be the recipients of the advantages derived
from the construction, the liquidation of the obligation. The present, as
well as the future accomodations for the shipping, which constitute so
great an element in our prosperity, demand some action at your hands
on this subject.

NON-PAYilEKT OF CONTRACTORS AND OTHERS.

Much distress has recently been caused by persons having demands
against the city, owing to the non-payment of salaries, and for supplies
furnished and contracts p^erformed. Great injury has resulted to many
individuals of small means from this cause. At any time, disappoint-
ments of this kind bear oppressively, but at a period of great monetary
stringency, like the present, it is a hardship exceediugiy onerous and
should not agaiu -occur. Besides the wrong done to the party having
a just claim, in omitting 'to meet the demand, the injury to the treasury
is not insignificant. We need not be told that a poor paymaster has to
pay higher prices than he who meets his engagements promptly.

It is not unreasonable to expect that the city creditors will provide
thcijpelves against the loss arising from the difficulty in getting their
dues, by chargir.g sufficiently to cover the loss arising from these delays.
Without recommontling any relaxation in adherence to the laws and or^
finances governing the disbursement of money, I cannot omit to ex^ss
the hope that you will take immediate means to prevent a recurrence of
so great an evil to the creditors of the city, and preserve its faith and
credit from dishonor.

RELIEF TO BROADWAY.

Another relief to the citizens could be found in the adoption of some
mode to prevent the large colkction of omnibuses in Broadway below
the Park. In my opinion this evil should not be longer permitted.

If the stages, now permitted to go to the South Ferry, were limited to
one half the present number, the vrhole difficulty would be remedied. The
many lines entering Broadway below the Park, not only obstruct the
passage of each other, but , frequently cutoff entirely the passage of
smaller vehicles. Foot passengers are excluded almost entirely from the
cross-walks.

HON. FERNANDO WOOD. 41

This evil is increasing, though the police, at an expense to the city, is
kept on duty to prevent disorder, and to aid passengers in crossing.

The present laws deprive the Mayor of power over the omnibuses, so
far as controlling their routes or their number, but I recorftmend that
an ordinance be passed preventing any one line sending more than one
stage in ten minutes, below the Park, in Broadway. The little incon-
venience which this res'triction would cause to persons having business
below the Park would be of no consideration compared to the present
difficulties.

I also recommend that the Russ pavement in Broadway be grooved.
Though this beautiful and durable pavement is an ornament as well as
advantage to the city, yet its smoothness renders it dangerous to horses.
Its solidity retains moisture, which, when freezing, presents a surface of
ice, rendering its use extremely dangerous.

CATTLE DRIVING.

The practice of driving cattle through the streets of the city is
another evil calling for prompt action. It is an abuse w^hich our* citizens
have submitted to too long. In my opinion this Common Council will
deserve the severest censure, if, like its predecessors, it timidly skulks
from its duty in ridding us of this dangerous nuisance^ Not only is the
health of the w^hole population jeoparded by the unwdiolesome odors
arising from the collection of these animals, but it not unfrequently
occurs that life, limb, and property are destroyed by it.

DIRTY STREETS.

In April, 1854, contracts were entered into for the cleaning of streets
and avenues of the city. The specifications of these contracts are
stringent, and there would be no cause of complaint if the contractors
performed them. They provide that every thoroughfare shall be thor-
oughly and properly cleaned and swept, and all the dirt, manure, ashes,
garbage, rubbish and sweeping, of every kind, removed twice a week ;
and in Broadway and the leading avenues, t^ree times a week. If these
conditions were complied with, there could be no grounds of complaint.
I regret to say they have not been complied with, and though it is sta-
ted that, in consequence of the low rates at which the contracts are
taken, compliance is impossible without heavy loss, yet, in my opinion,
there is no other resource than to demand a rigid fulfillment. If con-
tracts are to be thrown up, or only half performed, at the will of con-
tractors, because not profitable, the bargain is all on one side. Under

48 Life aicb public aDMinistratio>^ of

this ruling, the city is to sufiPer in any event. So far as the law gives
me power, I shall require a strict compliance with the existing contracts
to clean the streets ; and that I may know which of the contractors are
derelict, thfe police have been ordered to make the condition of the
streets, in their several beats, the subject of observation, and to report
every day the result.

I am not prepared to make any recommendations with reference to
the Executive Departments not alluded to herein. I shall communicate
to you, from time to time, such matters relating to them as call for your

action.

FERNANDO WOOD.

Mayor Wood proposes to increase the revenue by obtaining
from the Legislature the power of taxing the personal property in
the city, belonging to non-residents : by requiring all fees to be
paid into the city treasury : by exacting interest — as is done by
the State — upon tha deposits of the. Treasurer in the banks.
Some officers of the city are known to receive such interest for thei?
own use. About $150,000 can be realized by collections from the
suspended sales of property for taxes and assessments, A doul^tful
expedient, in our*vieAV, is his proposal to tax omnibuses and rail-
road-cars, because it is so difficult to calculate the injurious effect
of burdens upon locomotion and transportation. In fact, no taxa-
tion is so certain to be both equitable and safe as that which is
laid directly upon property. All obstructions of lawful and pro-
ductive industry are detrime"ntal. He thinks the city is subjected
to very large expenses on account of emigrants, which the State
ought to pay through its Board of Emigration.

He points out "the necessity of adopting some mode by which
all disbursing officers shall be prevented ft'om the expenditure of
money, or cnation of oUigatinns to pay, for which this city is liable,
without previous appropriation.*' Numerous abuses have arisen
here. " It is useless to ask the departments for estimates on which
to base the appropriation, if they are di^^regarded afterwards. So
long as the Common Council pass resolutions incurring expense —
and the departments execute them frequently by using funds ap-
propriated for other purposes — so long .will our taxes continue to

HON. FERNANDO WOOD, 49

increase, and the erroneous annual deficiencies, now so common,
continue to startle ns from year to year." Doubtless, the master-
evil of the whole system is indistinctly alluded to here — the con-
tinued interference of the Boards and their committees with the
executive business of the city. We shall speak of this again.

The Mayor then treats of the city contracts, emigrants, the
police, elections in the spring, the Central Park, new City Hall, pub-
lic school expenses, revision and codification of the city ordinances,
the docks, non-payment of contractors, relief to Broadway, cattle-
driving, and dirty streets.

We may say of these messages that they present comprehensive
and statesmanlike views, are based upon sound principles, and
evince the most profound and anxious thought, and an honest
desire to promote the welfare of the city, and a firm purpose on
the part of the Mayor of doing his own duty, at whatever cost to
himself, and whoever else may do or neglect theirs. So far as
these suggestions pertain to the province of the Common Council,
if they were addressed to a body of honorable, upright, and patriotic
men, we should expect vast benefits from seeing them put in
practice. Whether any such expectations will be realized from
the action of the present Boards, we shall be better able to tell a
few months hence. But we are compelled to confess that their
progress and method in the public business thus far, do not inspire
us with very sanguine hopes in that quarter. Let us wait for still
the best.

We do, indeed, find that the Mayor has so far secm'cd the co-
operation of the Board of Aldermen, that they have passed an
order authorizing him to examine the books and accounts of any
yerson holding office, under the municipal government, v/henever, in
his judgment, the public interests require such examination. His
energetic and successful movements have also arrested the atten-
tion of the Legislature at Albany, which teems with projects of
alterations, and amendments, and substitutes, destmed to aid or to
stop him, to cripple or to strengthen his efforts, to neutralize or to
perpetuate the benefits he is bringmg upon the community. But
in the city itself, we fear that the success of his endeavors is likely

4

50 LIFE AND PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION OF

to be confined almost entirely to one department — that of police.
The amendments in the other branches of the municipal adminis-
tration appear to be, for the most part, transient, doubtful, or illu-
sory. The reason is plain : those departments are independent
of the -Mayor's control. He neither appoints, nor has power to
remove, the incumbents of any one of the " nine Executive Depart-
ments, having undefined, doubtful, and conflicting powers, with
heads elected by the people ; each assuming to be sovereign and
independent of the others, of the Mayor, or of any other author-
ity." By securing, as we presume he has done, the cordial co-op-
eration of the City Judge and the Recorder, v/ho, together with
himself, constitute the appointing power and adjudicating tribunal
of the police, he will be able to maintain a degree of control over
that one branch. On the others he may safely experiment, to
learn the degree of force there may be in ''moral suasion" to stem
the tide of misgoverument and corruption. But we do not antici-
pate that he will produce a concert of action of the difterent
departments which manage the business of the streets, or bring
about so wonderful an event as to have the streets actually swept
at stated intervals, and swept clean, or settle the conflicts of juris-
diction between the Ten Governors of the Aims-House and the
Common Council, or interpose even a shght check upon the waste-
ful and irresponsible expenditures of those bodies respectively.
The Board of Governors ecently invited the Legislature to visit
in a body the several public institutions of the city, and appro-
priated sundry thousands of dollars of the funds placed at
their disposal for the poor, to be expended in costly entertain-
ments on the occasion, with ample store of wines and liquors,
which produced disgraceful intoxication to a melancholy extent
among their guests. It is a great thing to have our city gov-
erned, even to the extent in which Mayor Wood governs, and
will govern it, through the pohce that he has under his control ;
and for the time — we hope a long tune — that he may continue to
adorn the office he holds. But "New York governed" is one
thing — a municipal government for IS^ew York is quite another
thing, and is still a desideratum to be supplied. We want a

HON. , t'ERNANDO WOOO, ^l

|)?oper frame of government that will be in force when Mr, Wood
is no longer Mayor. We should want it for the objects which
he cannot reach, were his mayoralty immortal, as its fame is sure
to be.

FOM OF MUNICIPAL GOVER^IIENT.
What is a proper frame of government for the city of j^ew
York ? We cordially approve and earnestly recommend most of the
general views presented by the Mayor in his Inaugural Message.
^he absurdities of the present nine-headed machine cannot be
made more striking by any additional remarks of ours, ^o society
or body of men could ever do business ar be guided or governed
under such an incongruous organization. Still less can a great city
be made safe, or healthy, or peaceful, with its government divided
into nine independent departments, all irresponsible and all espe-
cially resolved not to yield one to another. We cannot attach as
much importance as Mr. Wood and many others have done, to the
proposal of separating our municipal elections from those of the
State and the Nation, by appointing them to be held in the spring.
It looks very well in theory, to separate our city government from
the dictation of great parties, and from the turmoil and confusion
of a presidential campaign. But the idea is a fallacious one, and
cannot be realized in practice. Twenty years ago or more, we had
the charter altered so as to hold om* city elections in the spring ;
and the friends of good order flattered themselves with the hope of
a peaceful and harmonious effort to elect city officers without distinc-
tion of party, for their worth and fidelity, and their ability to pro-
mote the public good. But, shortly before the election, there
arose a great national question at Washington, (that of the re-
charter of the Bank of the United States,) on which it was said
to be of paramount importance that the commercial metropolis of
the country should be heard. And so the two great parties nomi-
nated their several tickets with almost exclusive reference to their
ability to command votes of certain classes for their party ; and,
in the issue, many of the most meritorious candidates were ruled
out, and those who were elected came into office under a pressure

52 tlFE AND PUBLIC ADMINISTRATIOlN Oi*

of partisan obligation, so that nothing at all was gamed to the eit jr
by the spring election, and by general consent it was soon assimi-*
lated to the general election.

In this country, it is impossible to separate public affairs from
politics. The foundation-principle of our institutions is self-govern-
ment by the people • and that makes up our polities. In this
country government is politics ; and the attempt to separate them
will not only fail, but will always lead to evils. We must take it
as it is, and not war against the inevitable. The people will have
politics, and will mingle all their public business with politics ; and
there is no remedy but to enlighten the people and give them good
politics. The whole body is one, and it is absurd to think of
making one of its members healthy while the whole head is sick
and the heart faint. The evils which we suffer from wicked politics
is the penalty we pay for the folly and selfishness and neglect of
duty by which we allowed politics to be wicked. And if we may
only have a proper frame of government for the city, by which the
will of the people can be faithfully carried out for the public good
in regard to local interests, it will be a powerful aid toward correct-
ing whatever abuses exist in regard to the affairs of the State and
^Nation. Yet, if others deem it important to make another experi-
ment of holding our city elections in the spring, we shall not object
strenuously ; but rather hope that the benefits may be realized,
which are so well set forth in the Mayor's letter to Mr. Blatch-
ford. We will quote a paragraph for future reference :

" The conclusion is inevitable, that other interests than our own influ-
ence if not control the selection of our own rulers when elected at the
general election. If, under these circumstances, honest and capable men
hM];>pen to be designated for us, we are indebted for it more to accident,
or the interposition of Divine Providence in our favor, than to the fore-
thought and discriminating action of the voters themselves. No ; let
there be a separation, irrevocable and entire ; let there be but one issue^
when local officers are to be chosen, and that referring to the welfare
and prosperity of New York, If, differing upon national or State
questions, we can unite without embarrassment or obstruction upon men-
fitted for charter offices, without reference to their party affinities op

HON. FERNANDO WOOD. 53

associations, the considerations will be not wbethev they arc in favor of
or against any outside issues involving matters of national import, but
whether in favor of an economical government for this city, and opposed
to vices, immoralities, corruptions, and bad government."

The two main points to reform, which we regard as absolutely
Indispensable, are expressed by the phrase Unity and Responsi-
bility. Our nine independent executive governments must be
brought into one, and that one made fully responsible to the peo-
ple. Unless this is done, nothing v/ill be gained by change ; and
it would be better that the legislature should leave the charter
unaltered, and let us get along as we can under the goveriiment
of Mayor Wood for the present, until further experience, study,
comparison of views, and public discussion shall have prepared the
way for a real reform, based upon sound principles, and calculated
for permanence by its conformity to the genius of our American
mstitutions.

To bring our executive government to a proper unity, there
^ust be one head, which must be the source of power to all sub-
)rdinates, and have the control of all. In order to this, the Mayor
should have the appointment of all the other executive officers of
the city, subject to the confirmation of the Board of Aldermen in
regard to the heads of bureau, and the absolute power of removal
of them all. A sufficient responsibility is secured by restoring an-
nual elections, so that, after wielding this }X)wer two years, the
Mayor would return to the ranks of of his fellow-citizens, either to
receive their approval by re-election, or to come himself under the
government to which he had given character. And, in connection
with this, there must be a complete severance of the Common
Council fi'om the executive administration. Neither Board, nor
both together, nor any committee of either, should ha\'e any execu-
tive function, or any power to interfere, to help or hinder, direct or
control, command or forbid, in regard to any executive business.
Nothmg sliort of this will put a period to the pernicious struggles
and jealousies of the Common Council against the Mayor. Let
the Common Council pass ordinances for the city, and raise money

54 LIFE AND PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION OF

by taxation, and make specific appropriations for all necessary pur-
poses, and impeach delinquent officers ; and let the Mayor see that
the laws are executed and the money properly applied, and have
the power to compel all subordinate officers to do their duty, or to
discharge them ; and we shall then know exactly where to look for
whatever is required to be done, and where to lay the blame of
every failure. Then Xew York will have a government.

It will be seen tliat this differs in some essential points from the
" Amended Charter of 1830," to which Mr. Wood's inaugural refers
as the model government. That charter did not give the Mayor
the requisite powders of appointment and removal, and did not
withdraw from the Common Council and the Board of Aldermen
and Assistants then' power of intermeddling with executive duties.
It was itself the first step in the wrong direction ; and the subse-
quent alterations have been progressive stages in the false system
of policy which was then begun, of attempting to govern a city
by checks and balances, and distribution of powers, when the
great necessity is for concentration of power, so as to secure unity,
responsibility^ and an energy which is absolutely resistless and cer-
tain to do whatever it attempts. The plan we have proposed will
be at once effective and safe ; for the city will never intrust such
powers to any man who is not known to possess both the ability and
integrity to exercise them for the public good. In choosing a man
to be a cypher or a sinecure, they might be less watchful of. his
quality ; but in choosing a Mayor to exercise such functions as these,
it is absurd to suppose they would be imposed upon by any system
of political chicanery to intrust the power to unworthy hands.

This change would simplify the government of the city, and would
thus do more than all the contrivances of the last twenty-five years
have been able to do to destroy the opportunity and the tempta-
tion for fraud and plunder. Every citizen could then understand
the machmery and would feel his own individual power. The
remedy for negligence and abuses would be obvious, easy, and
certain. Complaints of grievances would be sure to go to the
power which can redress them. By having one controlling head,
the perpetual disagreements of the different bureaus would be ter-

HON. FERNANDO WOOD. 55

miaated, and each would become the helper of the other, because
each would then be a part of the one administration. It could no
longer be said, as Mayor Wood has said in his inaugural, that
" we are admmistering the government by portions of six different
charters, which create nine executive departments, having undefined,
doubtful, and conflicting powers, with heads elected by the people,
each assuming to be sovereign and independent of the others, of
the Mayor, or of any other authority.'' Can the idea be formed
of a more absurd system of government? Of course, "this irre-
sponsibility has been productive of carelessness m expenditure and
negligence in the execution of ordinances" — the two great evils
under which we suffer.

The plan we propose would remedy just these evils, and that
is precisely what we need. The Mayor, having thus the control
of the several executive departments, would necessarily select for
these of&ces men in whom he himself could place confidence, both
as to their intelligence and energy, and he would thus surround
himself with a number of capable and faithful men, on whose advice
and co-operation he could safely lean, as a virtual cabmet council,
and thus there would be a perfect co-operation in executing the
laws and preserving the general interests of the city.

We are satisfied, tco, that this plan will be most acceptable to
the people, if it can only be presented to them as it is. The plan
itself confides in the people as to their capacity for self-government.
It gives them the power of selecting their own magistrates, and of
watching them most perfectly, and of calling them to account most
speedily. All other schemes remove power from the people, and
tie up the hands of the people from controlling the administration
of their affairs, and thus preclude them from holding their agents
to a direct and effective accountability.

The people only want a good government. As the Mayor has
well expressed it, " They ask public order, the suppression of crime
and vice, clean streets, the removal of nuisances, and abolition of
abuses, a restriction of taxation to the absolute wants of an eco-
nomically administered government, and a prompt execution of the
laws and ordinances." What apology can be given by the Legis-

56 LIFE AND PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION OF

lature or the Common Council for refasing- to grant these reasonar
ble demands ? They ask this, and for this they are perfectly
wiUing to pay, let the cost be what it will. They paid five mil-
lions of dollars last year as the expense of a government which did
not bring them one of these benefits. They expect to pay six
millions this year and every year, if they can have money's worth
for their dollars — a good government, clean streets, quiet nights,
a healthy atmosphere, the assurance of justice, a consciousness of
the reign of law.

Unless these changes are made, and year by year until they are
made, the expenses of the city government will continue to increase,
and its effectiveness to diminish. The taxes for 1856 will proba-
bly be seven millions. The love of public plunder is not satiated
by success, but grows by what it feeds on. The ingenuity of official
fraud and peculation is not exhausted, but can devise new tricks,
if legislative tinkering should succeed in stopping the rat-holes
already known and .open. We protest against all further tinkering
of the charter by such hands as have handled it since 1830. We
have tried suflBciently all the experiments of political science and
political quackery, and none of them have afforded relief. Ever
since the amended charter of 1830, we have been altering and
amending, and matters have all the while grown worse. Relief
has been sought in the wrong direction, by the diffusion rather
than the concentration of power, by adding more control where we
wanted more efficiency, by multiplying checks and stays when we
wanted more decision and activity, by removing power and respon-
sibility further from the people, when the true method was to bring
responsibility more directly to the people as the source of power.

We have had enough of legislative interference with executive
business, by committees of Aldermen and committees of Councilmen.
We have had enough of boards of appointment and removal ;
enough of boards of control and administration. They are screens
from responsiljility, and hiding-places for favoritism, corruption, and
peculation. Whatever appearance of energy and independence
they may wear at then' first institution, they inevitably lose their
force in a little time, through the division of responsibility, and

HON. FERNANDO WOOD. 51

the difficulty of harmonizing so many diverse views and interests,
and degenerate into mere manufactories of forms and repositories
of red tape. Who requires an argument to convince him that all
the departments would be as thoroughly roused as the police, if
they all held their offices in the same way, by the will of Mayor
Wood?

The " Reform Committee" has done good, but it has failed of
accomplishmg the needful reform, because it did not go to the root
of the evil. Having its attention directed almost exclusively to
the monstrous corruptions which have grown up, they have essayed
to dry up these streams, without going to the fountain-head. The
waste of money is not the chief evil, but the lack of government,
the filthy streets inviting pestilence, the rowdyism and violence
rendering life itself insecure, the obstruction of the wharves and
streets hindering the very commerce by which the city lives. It
is folly to intrust the management of the reform to the Common
Council ; they do not represent the city on this subject, and are
not likely to favor the reduction of their prerogatives, which will
at the same time shut off their opportunities of speculation and per-
sonal aggrandizement.

It is the people's business, and we desire to see it taken hold of
by the people, in primary assembhes. There ought to be no delay.
If it can be well done, 'twere better done quickly. The loss to
the city by the lack of a good government is immense — it is im-
measurable, and will soon be overwhelming. The insecurity of
life and property, the enormous expense without advantage, will
drive commerce to other ports, unless we can have a reform ; and
New York, with all its advantages, may become a mere monument
of past prosperity, and a monitor to the world of the evils of mis-
government. Already, we see the city of London alarmed at the
diversion of its trade, through the expenses with which it is
burdened, and the want of security which it encounters there.*

* " London, instead of being now chosen, as a matter of course, as the common
centre towards which commercial vessels proceeding to England from all quarters
of the world are to be directed, has to sustain a sharp struggle whh the outports.
The port of London has already lost the cotton imports — those of wool are gradu-

58 LIFE AND PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION OF

It is time for ^ew York to be on the alert, and demand of tho
present Legislature a reformed charter, which will strike at the
root of all these evils, and secure to us a government, first of all
efficient and faithful, next economical as well as liberal, and last
of all as secure as the imperfection of human institutions permits,
against favoritism and fraudulent administration.

But we are free to say that we want no more tinkering, no
more Boards, as screens from responsibility. We want a gov-
ernment. And we had rather things would remain as they
now are, than that they should be tampered with by quackery.
We had rather continue to be governed by Mayor Wood, and
would hope that he may be continued in office until we obtain a
government, so that the people can govern themselves.

MAYOR WOOD'S LETTER TO PRESIDENT PIERCE IN RESPECT TO THE

importation of foreign paupers and felons.

Mayor's Office,
New York, January 2, 1855.
His Excellency Franklin Pierce,

President of the United States.
Dear Sir : — There can be no doubt that, for many years, this port
has been a sort of penal colony for felons and paupers, by the local au-
thorities of several of the continental European nations. The desperate
character of a portion of the people arriving here from those countries,
together with the increase of crime and misery among that class of our
population, with other facts before us, prove, conclusively, that such is
the case.

It is unnecessary to refer to the gross wrong thus perpetrated upon

ally following — and that of silk seems destined to take the same course. Bristol,
once the second port in the empire, but which lost its position by imposing heavy
dock charges, has seen its error, and is again entering into competition with Lon-
don. Liverpool and Glasgow now absorb a large portion of the trade once monop-
olized by the metropolitan port. Southampton has been designated the future
port of London ; and when the wonderful capabilities of the harbor are taken into
consideration, and due attention paid to the fact that the railway running into
the docks places that town within two hours of London, it will be conceded that
there is very good reason for the designation." — London Daily News, Feb. 1, 1855.

HON, FERNANDO WOOD. 59

this city. It requires from me no allusion to the jeopardy of our
lives and property from this cause. Men who, by a long career of crime
and destitution have learned to recognize no laws, either civil or natural,
cannot fail to produce feelings of terror at their approach.

The inherent right of every community to protect itself from dangers
arising from such emigration, cannot be questioned. New York has
submitted to it long enough. The disease and pauperism arriving here
almost daily from abroad, is of itself a sufficient evil ; but when to it is
added crime, we must be permitted to remonstrate. We ask the inter-
ference of the general government ; as it is its duty to protect us from
foreign aggression, with ball and cannon, so it is its duty to protect us
against an enemy more insidious and destructive, though coming in
another form.

I call your attention to this subject, hoping it will receive from you
that action which its very great importance to the whole country
demands. I am very truly yours, &c.,

FERNANDO WOOD, 3Iay(rr.

LETTERS AND DIRECTIONS OF MAYOR WOOD TO THE POLICE OF
NEW YORK.

Mayor's Office, '(

New York, January 1, 1855. j"

Sir : — I inclose to you, through the Cliief of Police, certain instruc-
tions to the men under your command, to which I ask your attention.

You will see that every requirement is complied with, and that the
results be reported every day to the Chief at his office, in your usual
morning return. I will also take this occasion to ask of you the most
rigid adherence to the rules and regulations governing the Department,
and to express the hope that discipline will be observed, without relaxa-
tion, in your district. Discipline can only be maintained by a regard to
the smallest requirements of your service ; it requires compliance with
every order, however trivial or apparently unimportant — it recognizes no
right in a subordinate to judge the practicability or propriety of any
direction issued by a superior officer. You must be responsible for
every dereliction of duty by the force under your command, for it rarely
occurs that an efficient and faithful captain does not make efficient and
faithful men. You will see that in your Station-houses the apartments
are always cleanly, that your books are correctly and regularly kept,

60 LIFE AND PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION OF

and that no games are played for money, or profanity permitted ; that
religion and politics b^ entirely excluded from discussion ; that loud
talking and quarrelling be prevented, and that order, decorum and atten-
tion to public duties be strictly required.

Yery respectfully, FERNANDO WOOD, 3Iayor.
To Capt.

of District.

Mayor's Office, [

New York, January 1, 1855. j

Sir : — I have this day assumed the office of the Police Department
of this city, and shall expect and require adherence to its rules and regu-
lations. In your hands is placed the care of the property and lives, as
well as the order," peace, and outward moral deportment of the whole
community.

Though you cannot extirpate vice, you can do much to suppi'ess it.
Yigilance and an honest discharge of your duties, will not only enable
the people to pay more for your protection by reducing the expense
which crime produces, but add to the respectability of your position
and to the security, of its continuance. There is now dissatisfaction in
the public mind with the apparent inefficiency of the police. There
should be no cause for it ! Let there be none ! Your duties are light ;
the pay not illiberal ; your social standing good ; and the term, for which
appointed, renders you independent of the contingencies to which the
operative and other laboring classes are subjected. You hold positions
of trust and honor to which the pride and ambition of any man need
not be ashamed to aspire.

It is made my duty to see the laws faithfully executed ; you are to be
my aids in effecting this. I cannot look over the whole city to see that
all is right ; but you can for me. I rely upon you. You are to be the
eyes through which the theatre of my duties is to be observed, and the
messengers to convey to me, through your officers, faithful and truthful
reports.

In addition to the rules and regulations now in force in the Depart-
ment, and the several directions therein, you are requested to take note
of and comply with the following :

It is hereby made your duty to report every day, when on duty, to
your commanding officer, the following information ; aid an omission

Son. feukaxdo wood. 61

to do so, and to conform to every requirement of this circular, will be
deemed disobedience, and punished as such.

To report every street uucleaned, in your patrol.

Every unlicensed public house for the sale of liquor.

Every public house kept open on the Sabbath.

Every house of prostitution.

Every gambling house.

Every street not lighted at the proper hour.

Every street or side-walk encumbered, and the party or parties ofiend-
ing.

Every excavation made under the side-walks or streets, by builders, or
others.

Every nuisance, and the party offending.

Every supposed dereliction by any ofScer of the Corporation.

Every violation of the city ordinances.

You are further directed to disperse all gatherings of men or boys at
the corners of the streets or other public places, on the Sabbath, where
disorder is produced.

To enforce the closing of public houses on the Sabl^ath day.

To protect the stranger or emigrant from extortion or imposition.

To remove from the streets all beggars, and direct them to the several
public and private institutions created for their relief.

To see that the ordinances for the removal of snow and ice from the
side-v^alks and gutter be promptly complied with.

You are further directed to arrest for creating riot or breaches of the
peace.

For being intoxicated and disorderly in the street.

For injuring private or public property.

For stopping the free passage of the cross-walks by cartmen, coach-
men, or others.

For throwing oflPal, garbage, vegetables, and rubbish in the streets.

For offenses of any kind against the laws.

Your faithful compliance with these directions are requested. Let no
consideration induce you to omit one of them.

You have now a determined chief officer, who will not be indifferent
to a single dereliction of duty upon the part of those for wliose conduct
he is responsible to the community,

Yery respectfully,

FERNANDO WOOD, 3Ia,m\

62 LIFE AND PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION OF

QUE MAYOR ABROAD.

The press of other cities bestows the most enthusiastic commend--
ations upon Mayor Wood for the energy and success with which
he is reforming long-neglected abuses in New York. The whole
country Y\'ill be benefitted by the influence of Mayor Wood's ex-
ample. Among the many laudatory articles in the journals of
other places we select the following brief one from the New Bed-
ford Mercury : —

That Mayor Agaix. — Will any one believe that he can walk the
streets of New York city after nightfall, and witness the same order
and decency as in the streets of Berlin and Vienna ? That is now the
case. It is the old story of Hercules and the Augean stable over again.
The Mayor has found out the river which will run through the city
streets, and wash away all the filth. Honor to Hercules Wood ! He
goes into the stympbalic dens of the birds of the night, and they fall be-
fore him ; he meets the , hydra of Sunday tippling, and down on the
hundred heads comes his club with a unanimous thwack. He hears, if
not of the Nemean lion at least of a " tiger," which is an equally uncom-
fortable animal, and goes out to meet him — Tiger roars, but runs. He
is going out to light the great giant of respectability, called Antceus,
son of the Earth, who never touches its ground-rents without renewed
strength. He will lift the giant upon high (in the clear air of news-
papers), and squeeze it till it leaves ojff renting its houses to gamblers
and brothel-keepers. What will Hercules do next ? Whatever there is
for his hand to do, let us be assured. W® Shall all have enough work, if
we follow his lead.

MAiNIFESTO FROM MAYOR '-^'OOD

IN REFERENCE TO THE MAINE LIQUOR LAW.
Mayor Wood has issued the following manifesto, announcing
the principles by which he will be guided in enforcing the new
Liquor Law, so far as the duty of enforcing it may devolve on
Mm. The principles enunciated by the Mayor will meet with the
approval of all law-abidmg citizens. Whatever opinion of the
law citizens may hold, there can be but one opinion as to the

HON. FERNANDO WOOD. 63

Mayor's obligations to enforce all laws, not as he would have
them, but as they exist.

TO THE PEOPLE OF NEW YORK.

Mayor's Office, )

New York, April 16, 1855, [

The Legislature of this State having passed an act entitled " An Act
for the Suppression of Intemperance, Pauperism and Crime," known as
the Prohibitory Law, and as my position with reference to its enforce-
ment in this city, so far as that duty may devolve upon my office, should
be declared at an early day — to leave no doubt as to its character, I
hereby present for public consideration the principles which control my
conduct as a public officer, alike applicable to matters of great or small
import.

That the people govern — not in their primary capacity, but through
representatives freely and fairly chosen — is the theory of American gov-
ernment. The people are the source of political power. They make
the laws ; and the great safeguard of American liberty is general compli-
ance. As the statutes thus created for the better protection of life and
property and the pursuit of happiness, are but the reflection of the pop-
ular will for the time being, so are they binding upon the body politic —
the minority as well as the majority — who are alike parties to the com-
pact, the obligations of which it is dishonorable to disregard. And
though these elements of self-government present the distinguishing fea-
tures between our own and the governments of Europe, still our success
has been owing more to acquiescence in the will of the majority than
in the character of the government itself. Other republics have failed,
even when formed upon our forms and constitution, only because of the
resistance of the vanquished contestants for rule by rebellion against the
laws and the executive power appointed to enforce them. "We under-
stand republicanism differently, and hence have no such struggles. The
generally pervading common school educational system — the rigid prin-
ciple of obedience instilled into the child by the parent, and into the
scholar by the teacher — the enlarged human progress, leading onward to
the expansion of the heart and intellect — all founded upon an enlight-
ened, unprescriptive religious sentiment — furnish the platform upon
which American liberty stands, and from which no calamity, save forci-
ble resistance to the laws, can ever remove it.

It is not contended that minorities have not grievances, and that their

Gi LIFE AND PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION OF

grievances must remain unredressed. Their rights are fully protected*
The same fundamental law that binds minorities to submit, points out
clearl}^ the road to relief against an illegal or improper exercise of au-
thority upon the part of the majority. Even whenever fanaticism rules
the hour and covers the country with its baneful influence, to the ex-
clusion of reason and justice, public opinion vrill soon correct the error
and restore the calm sense of mature conservative judgm.ent. What if
the law-maker proves recreant and betrays the constituent he has chosen
to represent? The wrong inflicted is not irremediable, though it may
be a proper chastisement for a negligent or corrupt use of the franchise.
Time repairs all the errors of legislation. Its evils and wrongs, however
gi-eat, invariably recoil before public opinion and the decisions of the
courts. Redress and relief can thus always be obtained. The legal
tribunals and the ballot-box are never approached in vain for the main--
tenance of a good, or the overthrow of a bad cause. These are the only
constitutional resorts — all others are treason and rebellion.

Another marked characteristic of the American people is the univer-
sal submission to the government forms restricting the powers and duties
of the three components of government, viz : the legislative, the judical,
and the ex;ecutive. The fii'st can only make the laws, the second can
only expound them, and the third has no discretion but to see them
faithfully executed. It is my province to act as agent for the people in
one of these departments. I am an executive officer. I aid in the ex-
ecution of the laws, and have sworn to do so " to the best of my ability."
With no part or responsibility in their creation, so far as State legislation
is concerned, I have no option but compliance as an instrument for their
enforcement, and to require a compliance in others, as far as I have the
ability. It is my duty to exact obedience, and yours to obey. The
officer of the law is not accountable for the making of the law ; he is
bound to execute it pursuant to his oath of office though the respon-
sibility of the people, as the source of all political power, cannot be so
easily denied. As Mayor, I have endeavored to fulfil this duty.
Though sometimes painful, yet it has been performed diligently and im-
partially. I hope to continue without relaxation. The act relating to
the prohibition of the liquor traffic and consumption is now a law,
holding the same position as any other law, and until decided invalid by
the courts, or amended or repealed by the Legislature, should command
the same obedience. So far as its execution depends upon me, I have
no discretion but to exercise all my power to enforce it. It is unnecessary

HON. FERNANDO WOOD. 65

for me to express an opiuiou in regard to legislation of this character,
or of this law ; not only because that opinion has been heretofore given,
but because, whatever it may be, I cannot without dishonor shrink
from a faithful discharge of the trust confided, whatever shall be the
personal consequences to myself. I now call upon the friends of law and
order to aid in the performance of this obligation, and in sustaining the
laws- -a principle upon which rests the corner stone of all our national
prosperity and greatness.

Deeming my course with reference to this subject of interest to those
whose occupations are to be affected, and especially to those whose
licenses will expire with the year ending the first of May ensuing, I
have felt it incumbent upon me to indicate it frankly. I have availed
myself of the first moment, after the ajournmeut of the Legislature, when
all expectations of repeal or modifications were hopeless, to thus make
public my position, without having had time to examine it, or to receive
counsel as to my duties under it, and without knowing whether I am
called upoii or have power as Mayor to take any part in its execution.
I shall inform myself on these points without delay, and announce my
conclusion to the public with the same candor that prompts this com-
munication.

FERNANDO WOOD.

We close this work by presenting Mayor Wood's Report and
Speeches in Congress, to which we have already alluded. We
should be glad to examine the great national subjects which he
has so ably discussed, but have only room to present the speeches
as they are.

66 UFE AND PDBLIC ADMINISTftATION OP

SPEECH OF MAYOR WOOD IN CONGRESS,

ON THE

FISCAL BANK OP THE UNITED STATES,
Delivered August 3d, 1841.

Mr. Wood rose and said : Although not a talking man, either by
profession or inclination, yet the importance of the question, and the
recent signal expression of opinion from his constituents, demanded that
he should be heard. He congratulated himself that he had obtained the
floor at this early stage of the debate, and would not detain the commit-
tee by an exordium, but proceed directly in the discussion.

But, before entering upon the main question, he felt called upon to
allude to one point in the argument of the gentleman (Mr. Sergeant)
from Pennsylvania, who opened the debate yesterday in an ingenious
speech upon the constitutionality of a bank. He would not discuss the
legal points with that gentleman ; but he would say that that gentle-
man's remarks appeared to him as better fitted for the bar and a jury
than for the House ; and he would also add that it appeared rather as a
speech made to remove from the Executive certain constitutional scruples
he was supposed to entertain as to the powers of the Government to
create a bank, than to convince Congress or the people. But with this
he had nothing to do ; it was the allusion made to the sentiments of a
gentleman now minister to Russia (Mr. Cambreleng) to which he par-
ticularly referred. The gentleman, in the course of his remarks, alluded
to a resolution reported to this House by Mr. Cambreleng from the
Committee of Ways and Means in 1837 — " that it was inexpedient to
charter a national bank ;" and drew from it the inference that that gen-
tleman, the Committee of "Ways and Means, and the House which passed
the resolution, had no doubt as to the constitutionality of a national
bank.

I protest (said Mr. W.) against this induction. It is not justified by
the fact. It is not a J3gical inference. The" speeches of my distinguish-
ed friend stand recorded against a bank, upon the ground of want of
power under the constitution, as weU as inexpediency. The gentleman
from Pennyslvania was a member when these speeches were made ; and
it was unfortunate their character had escaped his recollection. Besides,

HON. FERNANDO WOOD. 6^

Was this not so, lie (Mr. C.) may have been acting under instruction
from his committee, against bis own vote. But, even if that was not
the fact, he (Mr. W.) contended that the proposition of the inexpedi-
ency of a measure was not an admission of its legality. But, sir, (said
Mr. W.,) I will not dwell here. My object is answered in thus briefly
placing the opinion of an absent gentleman in its true light, and prevent-
ing what I conceive to be an unwarranted, and, I must add, uninten-
tional stigma, falling upon the political character of one of the favor-
ite sons of the Empire State.

The bill before the committee is, in common parlance, a bill to create
n, national bank as a fiscal agent of the Government — a proposition
which presupposes the repeal of the law of July, 1840, for the safekeep-
ing and disbursement of the public money, known as the independent
treasury. Though the question of this repeal was not now directly be-
fore the committee, yet, understanding it to be the determination of the
administration majority to move the " previous question" immediately
upon that repeal, without allowing the minority an hour for discussion,
he would take this opportunity of protesting against such tyranny and
against the repeal.

A proposition to strike from the statute-book a law so important in
iti5 bearings, and created for purposes of such deep interest, should be
accompanied hj reasons more cogent than any we have yet heard.
Proof should be adduced that it had failed to perform what its friends
promised for it ; that it had been mischievous in its effects, or impracti-
cable in its operations. They are not produced ; nor can it be said any
argument based upon its action, worthy of serious notice, has been
brought against it. It is safe, then, to hazard the opinion that no fault
can be found with it in practice, although it had such strenuous oppo-
Dents in theory. It has worked well, answering thus far (save probably>
in a few minor details) the objects of its creation. If we revert to the
oft-repeated prophecies of the whig party, of the devastation which the
'ndependent treasury was to spread with magic speed throughout the
land, and now compare them with what has been our condition since its
adoption, and with what is at this time our true condition, the falsity of
the prophecies will be apparent. If the state of the times is used as an
argument against it, it is its triumphant vindication, when compared
with those which preceded it. We were told it was pregnant with la-
mentable consequences ; that it would destroy commerce and confidence ;
-"•educe wages to ten cents per diem, the profits of agriculture to almost

gg: LIFE AND PUBUC ADMINISTEATIOiV Of

nothing ; — ia short, that all interests were to be annihilated. Has thir^'
been so ? Have any of these evils overtaken the people ? I opine not.
Without producing statistics, as I here could, to show, by irrefutable
data, that prosperity — true, not false prosperity — has existed with ali
classes ; — modified, it is true, but yet has exisited since July, 1840. the
period at which this bill became a law — I will content myself by referring
alone to the mercantile portion of my constituency, boldly making the
assertion that they have less cause of complaint this year than for either
of the three previous. It is true, unfortunate bankrupts, borne to the
earth by indebtedness, have not l>cen relieved, nor can any law having for
its object the custody of the public money relieve them ; nor has it re-
produced the days of adventurous hazard, bringing back to the specula-
tor dreams of glory. These its tendency has been to check, not facili-
tate. But mercantile New York, in her true business character — divest-
ed of, and divided from political prejudices-^-those freed from former
embarrassments, aud content with the profits of a safe, legitimate trade —
eomes not to your halls for legislative relief, or the repsal af this law j
short credits and small profits seldom trouble you with lamentations ;
they have no cause for lamentations — they do not understand what i&
meant by " a war upon the currency." You cannot make the merchants,
who follow these simple rules, believe they are ruiued and prostrate bank-
rupts, although they may be deluded into a support of your administra-
tion. In discussing this point, it is necessary, Mr. Chairman, to discrim-
inate between business merchants and political merchants ; for there is
much necessity of such discrimination, when the advocates of the repeal
and the establishment of a bank so strenuously urge their views upon
the ground that they are demanded by the commercial interests of the
country. Sir, I am proud of the intelligence, iDTobity, and standing of
this cla^ss of my constituency ; but. at the same time, it is my duty to
say (and it is said with regret) that a large pdrtio'tt of it have allowed-
themselves to become the tools and instruments of designing politicians ^
been drawn into the arena as partisan gladiators, lending the potential
influence of their business titles to further schemes of adventurers ; allow-
ing their interests, and consequently the vast interests depending upon
them, to be almost prostrated by a mistaken enthusiasm, engendered by
imaginary wrongs. They have been put into requisition upon this occa-
sion ; but I must be allowed to say, they arrogate powers not belonging"
to themselves ; they cannot, in justice, speak for the commercial class oC
New York, but more properly for the political part of tha^t class,-

■HON. FERNANDO WOOD. 69

I repeat, that our trading community — the safe, sound, and rational
portioQ of it, freed from these prejudices — make no complaint. The
existing troubles they attribute to past errors. In short, no argument
can be adduced in favor of the repeal of the indepeudent treasury,
based upon the action or effect of the bill. The state of the times since
its adoption, as compared with the three preceding years, is upon its
Bide — evidence of son:e weight, and should, in this discussion, be pro-
perly placed to its credit

But I apprehend gentlemen do not urge the repeal for the reason that
it has as yet betrayed any mischievous tendencies. We are told time
sufficient has not yet elapsed, but the evil wfll he developed notwithstand-
ing. Is it not wise, then, to await that time, and thus be furnished with
reasons for the people ? Hasty legislation, either in the enactment of
laws or their repeal, is objectionable, and often pregnant with lamenta-
ble consequences. To guard against it, the framers of the constitution
devised many ways. It was a point upon which they debated long and
solemnly. To repeal this law at a time when it is indisputable, no argu-
ment can be produced against its operation — that it fm^nishes in practice
none of the objections urged against it in theory — but merely because its
enemies have obtained a momentary ascendency in our councils, is one of
the very acts of hasty legislation so much dreaded by the founders of
the Government ; as, also, is it one of those self-destroying evils depicted
by the opponents of republican institutions, as always connected with
popular representative goverimieuts.

Much good was promised for it by its friends ^ much bad prognosti-
cated by the opposition. The time necessary to prove who wei'e in the
right, and give it a fair trial upon its merits, has not elapsed. But if
you force a decision, demanding a verdict now, the issue must be made
■np, upon its action, effect and influence ; upon wliich ground we are ready
to meet you, sanguine of a certain triumph.

But v»-e are told the people have decided against it. Have they, for-
sooth ? I respectfully ask, in what way ? at what time ? I am referred
to the late Presidential election, but deny that that election had any
reference to the independent treasury bill. The issue then, if there was
any, (and if there was, for my life I could not discover it,) was.ol" another
kind — made up of different material than anything having a bearing
apon any question of national interest, much less the <j[uestion of~in what
way the public revenue should be collected and disbursed. When was
the subject discussed before the people 2 Whei-e was a denunciiition

to LIFE AXD PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION OF

of tbe odious sub-treasury made the war-cry for the onslaught, as in
1838 ? Nowhere ! Or, if so, in isolated instances by itinerant whig
orators, who, having learned their lessons in 1838, like other starlings
having the faculty of repetition instead of invention, doled forth their
lamentations in the old repeated strains of " sub-treasury ! sub-treasury ! I
odious sub-ti-easury ! ! !"

Was it made the issue by that illustrious convention of office-seekers
who nominated the successful candidate at Harrisburg ? It was not=
That august body of patriots, after contemplating their act, sneaked to
their homes, not daring to make an av6wal of sentiments. Or was it
made the topic of discussion by the candidate himself (supposed, of
course, to embody the principles of his party) in his various addresses to
the people? It was not That respectable old gentleman, as far as I
know, never descanted upon the subject ; or, if so, by the most indirect
allusion. Suffice it to say, there was no issue made at that election,
involving the repeal of this law ; and gentlemen know it. That battle
had been fought in 1838. The election for the 26th Congress turned
almost entirely upon it. Mr. Yan Buren proposed it in his first mes-
sage in September, 1837, and it at once became the watchword of the
democratic party, as it did the exclusive point of attack, of the federal
party. The bank patriots left our ranks, in which there was no more
prospect of plunder, suddenly dropping the reins which they had held
with an iron grasp ; thus causing dissension and confusion, producing
the overwhelming though transient defeats of the fall of that year. The
following spring State elections, contested upon the same ground, show-
ed a slight re-action ; but the canvass for the 26th Congress, in the fal!
and following summer, fought upon the broad platform of Jeffi?rsonian
democracy — the divorce of bank and state against a national bank —
sub-treasiuy, or no sub-treasury — between the unpurified and unterrified
democracy upon one side, and an unholy alliaiice of old federalists and
bank-rag aristocracy upon the other ; — an election, it may be said, held
with express reference to tlys point of Mr. Yan Buren's policy — resiflted
in a glorious triumph, by returning a majority in its favor, although the
city of New York was defrauded, by pipe-laying, out of her representa-
tives. Here was the issue — the only one ever made involving this ques-
tion ; and it is a vain subterfuge to transfer it to the late election, be-
cause you were fortunate enough to secure — no matter how — a majority
of numbers against it.

As one knowing something of commerce and the influences affeeting

HON. FERNANDO WOOD. tl

it, and beiug somewhat conversant w^itli the views of that interest, and
representing, in part, the most important commercial district in the
Union, I regret this motion, apart from all political considerations ; I
regret the subject is even agitated. The debate upon it is deleterious.
If it is true (as so often contended by the opponents of the late and
previous administrations) that this ever tinkering with the currency —
this eternal legislation upon the public finances — has a fatal influence
upon trade and commerce, why do the same gentlemen now follow the course
they so eloquently denounced then ? — violate a principle so soon after es-
tablishing it ? The first session of the late Congress, as was thought, dis-
posed of this matter. We had had a seven year's war between two power-
ful parties, contending with unexampled energy which should settle it
according to its policy ; until at last, by the passage of this bill, the
question was set at rest — the public money was placed in a situation
where politicians and speculators could not reach it — where it could no
longer be used as investments for political defense or attack. The
people, not party hacks, rejoiced at its final disposition ; they felt that
they were to remain for a season freed from the surges of this ocean ;
to have rest, peace, and security ; the question was considered settled.
Those who were suflferers through this conflict (and I know none who
were not) would leave it where it is. Eeasonable men, of all classes,
rejoiced privately, if not publicly, at its conclusion. They fel#relieved
from the glorious uncertainty of a deranged currency. They now know
upon what to depend ; it was finished — disposed of; and although not
according to the preference of some, yet it was disposed of ; and prayed
it might so remain. I tell you, sir, a majority of your party do not go
with you in this repeal, when in its stead you seek to rear an institution
like this proposed. The larger and more intelligent part of our merchants :
a class who have contributed in various ways to place you in power, and
who, according to panic makers, were to become its immediate victims —
do not ask you for its repeal, if they are to have a bank in its place.
The merchants throughout the country wish you to let them alone — to
let the currency alone. Instead of calling extra sessions of Congress to
cater for their especial benefit, they would rather Congress take a recess
of ifive years, and give them relief by non-interference. You taught them
that legislation upon the currency was prejudicial ; they will ask you to
practise upon, in majority, the doctrines so ably expounded in minority.
They do not require the political theorists who aspire to the honor of
constructing a system of finance, based upon some visionary abstraction

72 LIFE AND PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION OF

of their own, to practise castle-building at their expense ; nor do they
ask the adherents of whig candidates for the Presidency to prove their
fealty l)y the constitution of a party engine — good for Presidential aspi-
rants, but destructive to trade and commerce.

If the sub-treasury contains errors of detail, amend and alter, regulate,
but not destroy. An error of detail is not an error of principle. Give
our system the same chance of developing itself that we have given a
bank, and if it prove to possess any of its fatal influence, I pledge myself
the democratic party will go with you for i,ts repeal. We never sought
to wrest from the United States Bank its charter, even after its corrui>
tion had become manifest. In fact, at a time when it was notoriously
subsidizing the press and squandering its money in a war upon General
Jackson's administration, we never attempted the annulling of its charter.
It had for years previous to its expiration proved unsafe as a public
depository, unsound as a bank of emission, and a deranger instead of a
regulator of the exchanges ; yet we never dreamed, in the plenitude of
our power, of laying hands upon it. I contend that the charter of that
bank was violated, and yet General Jackson never proposed its demoli-
tion. It was at one time spoken of, in the political circles opposed to
it ; but the friends of the institution cried for quarter, and quarter was
given. And so with our nine hundred State banks, which have been for
years pnnying upon the vitals of the people, putting at defiance all law,
human and divine. We have not sought their destruction, nor do we
now ; their friends admit there are errors in their system, but ask*us to
regulate,* not destroy them. We make no admissions of errors in our
system ; but if there are errors of detail, regulate, but not destroy. For
forty yeare this Government has tried a national bank as its fiscal
agent : what has been our financial condition for these forty years ? We
have been periodically visited by panics, revulsions, and distresses, infla-
tions and reactions, astounding exposed of defalcations and forgeries, agri-
cultural killing low prices, and mechanical and operative killing high
prices — a see-saw between inflation and depression, aptly represented by
Daddy Lambert times and Calvin Edson times. But, sir, have any of
these delectable bank followers visited us since the adoption of our plan ?
They have not. I shall be answered, it has not been in existence long-
enough. Yery w^ell :. it is admitted. Give it a trial of ten years — one
quarter the period you have had for yours ; and if it harasses and beg-
gars the people in the same manner, we will give it up, and strike our
colors.

HON. FERNANDO WOOD. 73

The truth is, no argument based upon common sense can be adduced
against the independent treasury. There are two motives actuating its
opponents : the one, malice — the other, to rear in its place a political
institution, which will enable them to comply with certain promises
made previous to the late election. There is a class of the whig party
not provided for by the distribution of the spoils ; the wheel does not
revolve fast enough for them ; and another, who look for payment in a
less laborious manner, by moneyed facilities. There is an interest also
across the water, too powerful to be denied, and to whom, if report speaks
true, the dominant party is somewhat indebted. But if these exist only
in the imagination, I repeat, malice — deep unrelenting malice — has
much to do with this repeal ; a motive the more unmanly and contempti-
ble, as it is veiled under pretexts of what the public good requires. By
deception was the power obtained to do this deed, and by deception is
the deed perpetrated. As the pirate decoys the merchantman under a
friendly flag until the sides of the victim are scaled and the deck is in his
possession — so did the whig leaders decoy the people, until, having them
fast bound and powerless, as far as their action here is concerned, they
unfurl the red banner, bring forth the bloody instruments of torture,
exhibit the portentous engine yclept a bank, and prepare the manacles
and chains. But, thank God, here the simile fails ; for, unjike the vic-
tims of the corsair, they shall be freed from this subjugation, and deal a
just retribution upon the actors in this treachery — ay, sir, reaching the
pirate captain himself, whether enveloped in robes of senatorial dignity
(Mr. Clay) or doffed in the brown habit of a puritan secretary, (Mr.
Webster.) These dazzlingly-bedecked chieftains wear but the people's
livery. Is it not enough that you should have purchased popular sup-
port by allying yourself to popular passions ; but must you now exer-
cise your ill-gotten power, without dignity and without respect, by indulg-
ing this spirit of pitiful vindictiveness ? But what can be expected of
an administration coming into existence as it did, and controlled by the
men it is — men whose object was to obtain office, and. until they are
stripped of this power, standing forth as naked of Government patron-
age as they are naked of principle ? There is no rest for an abused and
deluded people.

Sir, I have not the ability or disposition to go into an elaborate defense
of the sul>treasury, if any were required. It was the principal topic of dis-
cussion in every legislative body in the country, from the moment of its pro-
position to its passage. The ablest talent battled for it and against it ; the

7 4 LIFE AND PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION OF

public press teemed with it ; scarcely a child but is conversant with the
arguments upon either side. I will'not spend the people's money, or weary
the patience of the committee, by repeating them. The mandate has gone
forth — " it must be repealed." It may be said, with propriety, that any
discussion in the premises, or any opposition, here or elsewhere, is folly —
madness. It must be repealed. A tdistinguished Senator has said it ;
and, like Mandarins under a special edict of the Celestial Emperor, it is the
duty of the majority of this House to " tremble and obey." Bat as it is
not pretended we are to be left at sea without a rudder, a substitute is pro-
posed ; or, rather, would it not be more correct to say several substitutes ?
all, however, in the language of the oflBcial gazzette, '' central or fiscal
agents." The time has arrived when the lead-horses of this motley group,
now in the possession of the Government, can, as they think with safety,
take their course, without fear of the consequences. It is not now with
the Kentucky Senator, as it was when pressed upon by the democratic
Senator of New Tork, previous to the closing of the last Congress.
Then, he replied to a question as to the substitute, '• that sufficient for
the day was the evil thereof." " He had then nothing but the sub-
treasury to handle, and that was sufficient for him." It was too soon to
play trumps. He (Mr. Clay) was not ready. A premature disclosure
may have effected certain congressional elections, not at that time holden.
Of course, at that time he had nothing but the sub-treasury to handle ;
it was entirely too soon to make further " disclosures for the public eye."
But now, secresy was no longer necessary ; the elections have been held ;
a federal majority is secured; the administration is thrust into the
breach ; the hand is shown ; the card is played ; and the whig trump is
to " incorporate the subscribers to the Fiscal Bank of the United States."
Sir, if the people of this country decided in the'late election against the
sub-treasury, (which I deny.) did they decide in favor of a national bank ?
They did not. That issue was never made ; the question was never
raised ; nor are they now in favor of such an institution. I am aware
efforts are being made to foist upon Congress the interested action of a
handful of brokers, bankers and speculators, as the popular voice. But the
mantle of deception is too flimsy. Gentlemen refer me to what they are
pleased to term the mammoth petition from New York, presented to the
Senate a few weeks since. Sir, they may terra it the mammoth petition,
but I christen it the bastard petition ; ay, sir, the illegitimate offspring
of illegitimate parents. Sir, it purports to have been signed by some
fifteen or twenty thousand petitioners ; whereas, if my information be

HON. FERNANDO WOOD. .!>

correct, it did pot contain eleven thousand ; and four thousand of them
were purchased by hired loafers at the corners of streets, at four dollars
per hundred. Thus will the mammoth, which took three persons to
bring to the capitol, lose more than half of its rotundity, and all of any-
thing formidable in its appearance. I have alluded to the three persons
who assumed the responsibility of acting as its guards and escorts ; 1
should have said committee, for they were dignified by such official cog-
nomen by their wire-pullers in Wall street. And who were the members
of this committee ? The same gentlemen who went " cap in hand" to
Mr. Biddle, in March, 1837, begging him to save New York from anni-
hilation; and who, in October, 1839, advocated a suspension of specie-
payments by our banks — fit instruments to be the tenders of such a
petition. There has also been presented a memorial from the Chamber
of Commerce of New York, praying for a similar favor. I have a word
to say as to this memorial. Unsophisticated -gentlemen, unacquainted
with the way in which cliques contrive to manufacture public sentiment,
would not think it possible that a memorial coming from such a source
could be any other than a representation of the opinion of commercial
men ; but, sir, in this instance it is not so. Our Chamber of Commerce
is an association of about two hundred gentlemen : there were but fifty-
six present, when a resolution was passed to memorialize Congress for a
bank : thirty-six voted in favor, and twenty against it. Under this
resolution, a committee of five was appointed to draw a memorial — and
were they merchants ? No, sir, there was but one merchant upon that
committee. This is not an empty assertion, without authority ; but is
the fact, as I will convince the House, by producing their names and
occupation. The first-named gentleman was James G. King, senior
partner of the house of Prime, Ward, & King, an old-established Wall
street banJcing-house, largely connected with British capitalists and Brit-
ish interests — a banker, (or, in common parlance, a broker,) and not a
merchant. I intend no disrespect when I characterize him as a broker.
This word, in its original and true definition, has nothing disreputable
in it ; its present taint has arisin from the fleecing propensities of the
modern order of that profession. Among them are many honorable ex-
ceptions, and I believe him (Mr. K.) to be one ; but he is not a mer-
chant, and, consequently, is not the proper person to speak through the
Chamber of Commerce what, the mercantile interests of New York re-
quire. The next is Mr. James Brown, of the house of Brown, Brothers
& Co., another banking establishment, largely connected with capital-

76 LIFE AND PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION OF

ists across the Atlantic, and, as I believe, a partner in a similar firm in
Liverpool or Loudon. As a representative of the commercial classes, he
is in the same category with the former gentleman. I intend no disre-
spect. Well, sir, the third is Mr. James Depeyster Ogdeu — not a ban-
ker, it is true, but a cotton operator — or, in other words, a cotton specu-
lator. This gentleman (whom I understand to be a very worthy man)
is the author of several labored treatises in favor of a bank, and is the
reputed author of the memorial. He is not a merchant, and cannot
speak for the merchants of New York. The fourth is Mr. John R.
Hurd, president of an insurance company, who is also a gentleman of
respectability, but not a merchant ; nor can he with propriety speak for
the merchants of New York. The fifth, and last, is Mr. William H.
Aspinwall, a bona fide merchant, practically and theoretically, and one
of the most enlightened and prosperous of the class. He was the only
merchant upon the committee. In connection with this point, I will add,
that at the time this cheat was in preparation — this merchants' petition
being drawn up by brokers and speculators for the Congressional
market — there were conspicuous British bankers in Wall street,
anxious observers, if not co-laborers in the movement. Among them
might be named Mr. Bates, partner of the celebrated house of Baring,
Brothers & Co. ; Mr. Cryder, of the equally celebrated house of Mor-
rison, Cryder & Co ; ]Mr. Palmer, jr., son of Horsley Palmer, now (or
late) Governor of the Bank of England. Nor, Mr. Chairman, were
these " allies" seen alone in Wall street ; their visits were extended to
the Capitol ; and since the commencement of the debate upon this bill
in the other House, they have been in the lobbies, attentive and appa-
rently interested listeners. I make no comment : comment is unnecessary.
I state facts — undeniable facts ; and it is with feelings akin to humilia-
tion and shame that I stand up here and state them.

Sir, the voice from the city of New York in favor of the national
bank is from Wall street and its purlieus ; from the brokers, bankers,
speculators, and their dependants, and not from the solvent and prudent
merchants, or the small traders and mechanics. The merchants of New
York, in the aggregate, without reference to party, are opposed to any
bank you can create, under any name, with any checks of any character.
But, sir, I repeat : suppose the people have decided against the sub-
treasury, (which I deny ;) and suppose they decide in favor of a national
bank, (which I deny ;) and suppose the people are now in favor of
it, (which I deny ;) — will it perform what its friends in Congress promise

fioif. ferKaxdo wood. 71

for it ? It will not. We are told, among other benefits to be conferred
by its creation, a uniform currency will be established, and exchanges
will be regulated. Gentlemen often revert to the late bank as proof of
this assertion. I will take them on that issue, and leave out of the ques-
tion, as they unfairly do, the Pennsylvania Bank of the United States.

It is an error, an unpardonable error, in either practical men or states-
men, to say that the late United States Bank produced steadiness of cur-
rency, or regular exchanges. In the first commencement, it so inflated
the money-market that a revulsion soon followed, which swept off the
merchants of the day by thousands. The father of the humble individ-
ual who addresses you {said Mr. W.) was one of the unfortunate victims.
This revulsion nearly prostrated the bank ; but, by breaking everything
else, it saved itself. Its safety was secured by its management falling
into the hands of Mr. Cheves, who took the reins, and saved it from,
bankruptcy and ruin. An able and impartial writer, who avows him-
self in favor of a bank, says, in speaking of the close of Mr. Cheves's
administration : ,

" The bank then passed into other hands, and from that thne to 183G there
were no causes developed which threatened a o-eneral suspension of the PtiUe
institutions ; but there were various important minor crises which were all more
or less aggravated by the action of the Bank of the United States ; and with the
causes in operation from 1830 to 1S3G, (indei)endent of those arisingfrom the war
between the Government and the bank,) hod its charter been renewed, it uould
ineviiahly have failed. These causes are well known : they were chiefly in a series
of years of high prices for cotton, of introduction of foreign credit and cajtital
into the foreign trade of the country, the gradual increase of loans to the Stales,
and the stopi'nng of pa3-ments on account of the national debt. The operation of
these causes brought in a gradual and continual accession of capital, and enlarged
the basis of credit and confidence in that degree that engafemente were inbniiely
multiplied and business expanded, and togethel- with the immense increase of
Government deposits in the bank, make it all but certain that, under its tlien
management and great and increasing circulation and exten.-^ion, it would have
been the first to fail and carry the country with it ; and we believe the time is
.not far distant when this will be considered beyond question. It behooves us.
therefore, if we are to have another bank, to have it so i-estricted and constructed
as to place it out of the power of enterprise or Cupidity to endanger its safety,
and to lessen the mischief which always accompanies the action of such laige
bodies in times of difficulty."

Again : another able writer on finance gives a statement which can-
not be controverted. I challenge contradiction here or elsewhere.

The fact that, for a few years during the existence of the United States Bank,
the exchanges were uniform, proves nothing but that a combination of extraor-
dinary events tended to produce a greJiter ^<upply of credit than could for son^o
years be absorded in the regular comse of business. The.^e were create d ] i;rily
by the yearlv pavments of ^10,000,000 on account of the national debt, which
went tlirousr'h the United States Bank as the fi.-^cal agent, and the creation of a
large amount of State debts that formed the basis of bills. From tlie creation
of the United States Bank in 1817, up to 1823, the exchanges were in as bud a
condition as they are at this moment. The banks of the south and southwest

n

LIFE AND PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION OF

did not pay specie, and the United States Bank bad no power over them.
1820, large issues of State stocks commenced; as follows :

State stocks issued from 1821 to 1830.

Ijl

Issue commenced-1820

South Carolina

$1,560,000

1823

Pennsylvania -

7,980,000

J 823

Virginia

1,499,000

1823

Alabama

100,000

1824

New York

8,490,781

1824

Louisiana

1,800,000

1825

Ohio

4,400,000

Total,

25,835,781

In this we find that nearly every section of the Union had large credits to draw
against, created by stock sales. In these stocks were invested a large amount
of the money paid cmt through the United States Bank to the pubUc" creditors.
This was an important element in regulating the exchanges ; and as during that
period the movements of the bank were confined to regular business only, there
was but little speculation abroad ; and these credits were all to be absorbed in
t-egular business. A sufficiency of bills was thus created that effectually pre-
vented any extraordinary rise in rates. Let ns now see the movements of the
bdnk during the whole existence, as follows :

Bank of the United States from its organization up to January, ]841.

Year.

Jan., 1817
1818
1819
182G
1821
1822
L823
1824
1825
1826
1827
1828
1829
1830
1831
1832
1833
1834
1835
' 1836
1837
1838
1839
1840
1841

AprU, 1841

Loans. I Stocks held.

I

Specie. Circulation. Deposits.

^3.485.l95j$4.829,234i

41,181,7501
35.78(;,263|
31.401,158
30.905.199'

9,475.932
7,391,823|
7,192,980,

9.155.8551

28,0Gl,169il3.318,951}
30J36,432|ll.018,552|
33.432,e84il0,S74>^14
31 ,812,01 7 118.422,027
33,424,621 Il8.303,501
30.938,836 1 17,764.359
33.682,905 17,624,859
39.219.602 16,099,0991 6,098,138

n.724,109
2,515.949
2,666,696
3,392,755
7.643,140
4,761,299
4,424,874
5,813,694
6,746,952
3.960,158
6,457,161
6.170,045

40.663,805 11.610.290
44,022.057! 8,674,681
66.293.707! 2,200

61.695,913;
54.911.461 i
51,S08,739|
59,232.445^
57,393,709!
45,258,57114,862,108
41,618,637 17,957,497
36,839,593 16,316,419
20.942,508 10,822,717
19,349,079,10,913,240

7,608,076

10,808,040

7.038.023

8.951.847

10,031,257i

15.708,369

3.417,988

2,638,449

3,770,8421

4,153,607'

1,469.674'

2,569,705

756,454

$1,911,200

8.339,448;

6.563,750j

3.589.481!

4,567,053

5,578,782

4,361.058

4,647,071

6,068,394

9.474,987

8.549.409

9,855,67

11.901,656

12.924,145

16,251,267

21,355,724

17,518,217

19,208.379

17,339,797

23.075,422

11,477,968

6,768,067

5,982,621

6,695,861

7,157,517

3,294,576

$11,233,021

12.279,207

5,792,809

6,568,794

7.984,985

8.075.152

7,622.340

13,701,936

12,033,364

11.214.640

14,320,186

14,497,330

17,461,918

16,045,782

17,297,041

22,761,434

20,347,749

10,828,550

11,756,905

5,061,456

2,332,409

2,616.713

6,779,394

3,328,521

2,970,069

1,462,239

HON, FERNANDO WOOD. t9

We fiad here that, from 1819 to the election of General Jackson in 1828, the
dij=counts of the bank varied but little, and never ran so high as its capital. In
1828 it increased its Joans $6,000,000, and in each successive year up to 1832,
there was a large mcrease of loans and a decrease in stocks. For a period of
five years there is no return made of stock, but in that time large loans were
made on stocks. In March, 1835, these loans were $4,797,936 ; and in March,
1836, they were $20,000,000. In March, 1835, the loans by the exchange com-
mittee commenced, and ran from $6,000,000 to $8,000,000 in two years. In all
this period speculation ran very high. The State loans created from 1830 to 1835
were as follows :

State stock created from 1830 to 1835.

Mississippi $2,000,000

Tennessee 500,000

Illinois 600.000

Virginia 686,000

Maine i 554,976

New York ...... 2,204,979

Louisiana $7,335,000

Alabama 2,200,000

Indiana 1,890,000

Ohio 1,701.000

Maryland 4,210,311

Peunsylvauia 16,130,003

Total $40,012,769

United States Bank bills were paid out on those stocks to a great extent, and
they thereby got an immense circulation, which ranged near $23,000,000 in 1836.
The credits created thereby went far to support the exchanges. In 1832 the
immense fund that had yearly been thrown off by the payments on the public debt
ceased by an extinguishment. In 1833 the deposits were removed, and the bank
proceeded to curtail the loans on mercantile paper ; and as it did so, employed
its funds on stock loans. Hence the discounts in 1835 had decreased $15,000,000,
and the stock loans, according to the late committee report, were $20,000,000,
v/hile the specie had accumulated to $15,000,000. In 1838, according to the
table, there was a further reduction of $14,000,000 in discounts, and an increase
of $15,000,000 in the stock account. In the following year the same feature was
apparent. The whole contraction of loans from 1833 to the present time is $49,-
000,000, which of coursa was good. The remaining $19,000,000 is the refuse ;
and when we take into consideration the circumstances of it.s creation, it maybe
put down as worthless. The late report states that " very little of it is mercan-
tile paper." The details of these bilLs v.'ould be very interesting.

Prom 1835 to 1833 the creation of State stock amounted to $103,423,808,
almost all the States participating. Under the inflation of the bank, the ficti-
tious busioess had become so great as to absorb all the bills based upon these cred-
its. The banks stopped, their paper became depreciated, and the exchanges
fell into confusion.

Although the bank called In Its loans on regular paper after 1833, it reloaned
the money on stocks. The officers speculated with it in all kinds of ways, and
when, in 1636, the charter was to be pai'l for, the bank was obliged to borrow
$5,000,000 in London, and 12,500,000 francs in France. The creation of stock
gave to each section an excess of credit on the financial centre of the Union,
that of itself regulated exchanges, and woiild have done so in the hands of private
dealers, without a national bank; and exchanges would have worked as regularly
as they do throughout Europe without any bank.

Now, sir, let us hear no more of the beneficent operation of the old
bank. It is dead, but its disasterous consequences still live.

We need not a Government bank to regulate exchanges ; they are re-
gulated by the immutable laws of nature — by supply and demand.

80 LIFE AND PUBLIC ADMIKISTHATION OF

Artificial remedies for cnrreucy disorders are like artificial stimulants to
the prostrate animal — the resuscitation, to be permanent and healthful^
must be produced by the inherent vigor of the system, which depends
upon the inherent vitality of itself. What is exchange ? It is simply
the transfer of property or its representative. If banks confine their
business to the legitimate objects of their creation — making loans upon
short bona-fide business paper, and no other— exchanges cannot be de-
ranged, because then the notes discount^ represent commodity ; capital
is loaned, and not credit — which, as all writers on commercial banking
agree, is the only thing a bank should loan. We require nothing to reg-
ulate exchanges, if our nine hundred banks do their duty ; but if they
will only in part perform it — one portion of the country suspending^
and the other paying specie — the exchanges will become disturbed, and
human ingenuity cannot devise a national bank to remedy the difficulty.
But, sir, granting that every merit you claim for a national bank was
well founded, and that it would perform allt he beneficent action prom-
ised, it cannot be put into successful operation, nor can it ever obtain
public confidence. The people of our country have had a surfeit of
their banking system. Of all the evils of corrupt legislation, the crea^
tion of banks, whether State or national, has been the worst. I think
the assertion can be established, that nearly, if not all the periodical
derangement in our monetary affairs has had its origin in it. Banks
appear to be the instruments selected by man to subvert God's blessings.
Look abroad upon the face of our beautiful country ; see its expanse of
empire, stretching almost from the rising to the setting of the sun ; its
climate of every variety — the soft zephyrs of the south, and stern frigid-
ity of the north ; its soil sending forth spontaneously, almost without
the force of man's labor, the richest products of earth's bosom ; its
bounteous supply of rivers for navigation, and watering streams for til-'
lage ; its mighty oak, for the construction of the world's commerce, and
the skill and energy for its speedy monoply. And were these not given —
had God not lavished upon us these gifts — look at the governmental
fabric bequeathed to us by •' the sires of whom we are the degenerate
posterity,!" See its adaptation to our physical and mental being ; its
invisible operation upon our cohesion and fraternity. Again : see the
resources of our strong arms, native intellects, and indomitable enter-
prise, raising us aloft in all the attributes of gifted man ; but, alas ! turn-
ed upon ourselves, the weapons of our own destruction — the engines by
which we perpetrate a suicide upon our own prosperity. It is ourselves,

HON. FERNANDO WOOD. 81

then, and not God, who produce, by the creation of credit, and not capi-
tal, the evils of which we complain. The munificent Bestower of all
blessings has allotted to our portion of his domain, fair verdure, con-
genial climate, and individual adaptation of character ; but by our own
hands have we fallen victims to the abuse of what was intended as bless-
ings, sacrificed by legislation, destroyed by turning our back upon the
benevolence of God, looking to banks and not industry.

Sir, do yon know what banks have cost the people ? 1 will show
you.

In a report made to this House by the Committee of Ways and
Means in 1830. it was estimated that, previous to 1817, the Government
lost by loans made to it in depreciated currency, and

paid in specie . . $33,000,000

The late Secretary of the Treasury, in a report to
the Senate, tells us that, since then, the Government

has lost - - - 15,492,000

That the people have lost directly by bank failures - 108,885,721
Losses by suspensions of specie payments by banks,
and consequent depreciation on their notes - - - - 95,000,000

Losses by destruction of bank-notes by accidents - - 7,121,332

Losses by counterfeit bank-notes, beyond losses by

coin ------- __.. 4,444,444

Losses by fluctuations in bank currency affecting
prices, extravagance in living, sacrifices of property, and
by only a part of the other incidents to the banking
system, not computed above, at least 150,000,000

413,943,49'

But, sir, we do not stop here. This is an enormous aggregate, but
this is not all. The losses by fictitious banks and their notes — opera-
tions of mere swindling — are very considerable ; and they are justly
chargeable to our system of paper currency. Besides, there are frauds,
robberies, and defalcations, connected with the banks, which might be
properly set down under this head ; but these are not easy to compute.

The amount paid by the country to the banks, during the last ten
years, for the use of their agency and their notes, after deducting six
per cent, interest for the use of bank capital and the reasonable expen-
ses of managing the banks, is computed at $94,000,000

Being an annual sum of 9,400,000

6

82 LIFE AXD PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION OF

Of the aggregate losses sustained by the commuuity since 1789, Mr.
Woodbury computes that there must have happened within the last ten
years an amount of - - i^200,000,000

Which is at the annual rate of 20,000,000

Is not this a frightful exhibit of what banks have cost the people ?
But it is not all. Where is the gatherer of' statistics who will attempt
to compute the losses sustained by men who, seduced from the small
earnings of an honest avocation, have been ensnared into the temptation
of a bank discount ? What master hand shall delineate the wreck of
morals and loss of character, to say nothing of domestic happiness, pro-
duced thereby ? Who will furnish us a record of the defalcations, for-
geries, dishonest self-appropriations, with which our press is almost daily
teeming ? Sir, these are evils of the system. The wisdom of this, or any
other country, never created banks, as such, without these concomitants.
These evils appear to be a necessary consequence — a certain result. Is
it not strange, then, we find in this House advocates for a bank as an
agent of the Government — as a keeper of the public finances — men
willing to strike from existence a law with which they have not, and
cannot, justly find fault ; and place in its stead one, the result of which
all experience proves is pregnant with the worst of evils — the very im-
personation of national disaster ?

But, sir, in conclusion, let me say. Go on — ^pass this bill — charter your
bank — fasten this iniquity upon the country ; the mighty shout of repeal
has gone forth from my lion-hearted constituency. Ay ! repeal ! repeal ! !
repeal ! ! ! From that ground from whence first floated to the winds the
bright banner ojf " Divorce of Bank and State' — borne aloft by the stout
arms and honest hearts of the down-trodden but indignant masses — now
is heard, trumpet-tougued, the voice of repeal. New York has spoken —
she never speaks in vain. I echo her voice in these halls. It is the
proudest moment of my life that I have been the first in this debate to
ring into the ears of great men's satellites — " Bind the chains of this
bank upon us, and the Democracy will rend them asunder by a speedy
repeal of its charter." .

HON. FERNANDO WOOD. 8^

SPEECH OF MAYOR WOOD IN CONGRESS,

ON THE

OPERATION OF THE TARIFF LAWS.
Delivered Feb. 9, 1842.

Mr. Saltcnstall, from the Committee on Manufactures, reported the
following resolution : —

Resolved, That the Committee on Manufactures be authorized to send for wit-
nesses aud take testimony on the subject of the present tariflf laws, their opera-
tion upon the interests of the country, and the alterations which those interests
fequu-e :

Which being under consideration,

Mr. Wood rose, and addressed the House, in substance as follows :
Mr. Speaker : I am in favor of all information which it is possi-
ble to gather upon this important question, and desire, as earnestly as
any gentleman, that every legal and just means be taken to procure it.
I am willing to go far, very far, to obtain light, for none more than my-
self believes it is required. Of all questions affecting individual and
Government interests, directly or indirectly, that is paramount ; therefore
light should be had, that we may legislate knowingly and understand-
ingly. This House, of all the world, requires it. The discussion of the
revenue bill of last session and motion of reference of the tariff portion
of the President's message this session, have convinced me we have too
little of the requisite knowledge. We are lamentably ignorant of the
practical operation of our import system, or in what respect it needs modi-
fication or alteration. The country is in want of light. The manufactur-
ing districts should have the light of reason and experience, to show
them the fallacy of submitting their interests to the control aud jurisdiction
of demagogues. And from whence must it come ? From practical men ;
of all classes, professions and occupations. The dreamy theorist of the
old world, or one-sided, interested advocates of this, cannot, if they
would, impart it to us. It must be drawn from a philosophic study and
comparison of facts, and not from inventive political economists. We
must go into an investigation as expansive and deep as will be the bear-
ing of our decision upon the interests of the people and prosperity of
the Government. All men must give us the result of their experience.
In disposing of a question which involves every interest — the ramifica-

84- tlFE AXD PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION Of

tious of which extend to every mau, woman and child in thu nation—
which is inseparably connected with and controls the public Treasury, a
precise and positive knowledge is unquestionably indispensable.

There must be no surmises; no guessing, no speculation. FactS;
indisputable and beyond impeachment, must be the basis of our action,
I would examine the meFchant. I would ask him how and in what
manner a high tariff affects commerce : whether a tariff sufficiently high
for protection is not inconsistent with a tariff for revenue ; whether
tarifis should be discriminating or an unvarying ad valorem ; how the
English warehousing system, and the proposed home valuation, would be
adapted to this country, and what rate of duties would best prevent
smuggling and other invasions of the revenue laws, and the other numer-
ous inquiries of detail. I would ask the agriculturist under which system,
high or low duties, the native products of the soil would find the most
advantageous market ; Avhether he was willing to pay an additional tax
upon implements of husbandry, not to raise revenue by which to meet
necessary national disbursements, but add to the already large profits of
manufacturers ; and whether a restrictive duty on foreign importations
would not in time cut off much of the foreign demand for his own pro-
ductions? The manufacturer should be consulted. I would ask him
whether, without protection, under low duties, with a business ensuring
a fair remuneration, his inteil'est would be subserved by encouraging the
competition and rivalry of speculating adventurers ; if in those countries
of Europe w'here the restrictive policy had been thrown off, the manufac-
turers had not surely flourished in proportion to advantages of material
and labor ; and if American manufacturers cannot subsist and flourish
without the aid of Government, by what right does it demand a tax upon
the whole industrial as well as non-producing population for its particular
benefit. I would ask whether he was ready to admit that, with our free
institutions, superior industry, ingenuity, and advantages of home-raised
raw material, we could not compete with European monarchies. And I
would now appeal to the consumer of ail classes and occupations — to the
backwoodsman of the Far AVest, and the. sturdy operative of the At-
lantic cities.

Of the hardy pioneer, whose capital is as much in the axe as the
sinews which deal the blows, I would learn how he is affected ! Whether
he is willing the instruments with which he levels the mignty oak of the
forest, and the weapons with which he drives its original owners from
their coverts, may be taxed to build up and cherish Eastern monopolizing,

HON. FERNANDO WOOD. 8$

'iiianufacturing coi'porations. Sir, in part, I have the lienor to repre-
sent a large manufacturing district ; for I contend that he who planes a
board, or makes a shoe, or constructs any work of art or mechanism
from pre]3ared or raw material is as much a manufacturer as the denizens
of your New England associations, and should be as much consulted.
To the manufacturers, br, in another word, the mechanics of the city of
Xew York, I would apply — I would a.sk them whether they desire that
the doctrine of protection be put into practical operation, and that the
fostering care of Government be exerted for their particular benefit, to
the detriment of every other class, and destruction of our present means
of raising revenue ? Wliether they are willing to carry out the princi-
ples of the Home League, by paying thirty dollars for a coat whicli
previously had cost but twenty-five ? I know them too well to do them
the injustice not to anticipate their answer. TJiey require no protectioiL
but the reward of honest industry. They come not to your halls for fos-
tering care. If there is a favor they would ask or accept at your hands,
it is non-interference — to let them alone — to cease your officious inter-
meddling, and, least of all, keep away the protection of a high tariff,
wliich they look upon as

' Such protection as vultures give to Iambs —
Covering and devouring them."

They will turn to you and say, " Gentlemen, last session you squandered
the public treasure upon bankrupt, profligate States, giviag away, in a
corrupt bargain, that which cost our father's blood and treasure, and
now come to us with the conciliatory notes of kindness, with a base bribe
to buy our favor. We will none of it. Wc question ihaX the policy of
high duties is benfeficial to us ; but we know, if it were so, that it is iniqui-
tous, anti-Democratic, and uuequaL We have principles dearer to us
than pecuniary advantage. We would not have you destroy the har-
mony of the glorious and beautiful Union, or do aught to impair the
fabric of our political existence, to put in our pockets the wealth of the
Indies. We are no dollar and cent patriots ; they may be found in your
marble palaces, but not in our obscure workshops. It is true we pro-
duce everything and get nothing, and you produce nothing and get every-
thing ; yet your injustice to us shall not compel us to be unjust to oth-
ers." This would be their' answer, as it would, if I mistake not, the
answer of the same class throughout the Union.

Su", I am in favor of gettiug, in this manner, the facts upon which to
base our action, but object to the medium through which it is pro-

86 LIFE AXD PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION OF

* ,

posed by this resolution to procure them. I am not willing to trust the
Committee on Manufactures, as now organized, with the power of making
those inquiries ; better have no investigation, and depend upon the lights
of our own experience, than be fatally misled. In searching for facts,
let us beware of false facts. If we desire to enter the haven safely, let
us take pilots whose interest or enmity will not drive us upon the beach.
I cannot give my vote to entrust this responsible and important duty to
the Committee on Manufactures.

It is no small part of our legislative rights that this resolution asks
shall be given them. Under an ingenious construction of the Constitu-
tion, power can be found in it to do almost anything, in the name of the
House of Kepresentatives of the United States ; it can command the
attendance of witnesses, whether for real or pretended examination, and
institute an inquisitorial scrutiny into accounts and papers. In many
ways it can, if it will, encroach upon the rights and property of citizens.
Kor is this all. Admitting no individual rights were violated ; I ask if^
it is, as now composed, two-thirds of its members having prejudged,
representing constituents loudly clamorous for protection ; I ask, is it the
proper committee to undertake this inquiry? It is truly and emphati-
cally a committee for protection. Let us look into the districts of a
majority of the members. The honorable chairman (Mr? Saltonstall)
has, in the two counties which he is set down in the Congressional Direc-
tory as representing, 19,567 persons engaged in manfactures and trades.

[Here Mr. Saltonstall inquired of Mr. Wood what portion of them
were engaged in mechanics, and what portion in trading. He said his
district w^as commercial, agricultural, and navigating, and that he pre-
mised the gentlemfin from New York (Mr. W.) was mistaken in his
district.]

Mr. Speaker, for the counties composing the gentleman's district, I
quote from the Congressional Directory, furnished to this House by its
officers, and for the statistics from the sixth census, recently taken. I
presume the authority is good — it has never before been questioned. The
next member is the gentleman from Rhode Island, Mr. [Tillixghast]
In the county of his residence, (Providence,) I find there are 14,302 per-
sons engaged in manufactures and trades, although its whole industrial
population, including all employments and professions, is but 24,645.
The gentleman and one colleague represent the whole State, in- which
there are but five counties. So in truth he is the representative of, it is
safe to estimate, in all, at least double that number. The next on the

HON. FERNANDO WOOD. 8t

committee is the gentleman from New Jersey, [Mr. Randolph.] . Him-
self and five colleagues are elected by general ticket. He has no district.
The whole State had 27,004 engaged in manufactures and trades, which,
- giving him one-sixth, make him the representative of over 4,500.

We come now, sir, to the distinguished advocate of high protection
and Abolition, the gentleman of Vermont, (Mr. Slade.) He is set down
as representing Rutland and Addison counties, which have, together,
2,232 of the same class. The fifth is my colleague from Rensselaer
county, (Mr. Hunt,) who has 4,787 in his district. The sixth is the gen-
tleman from Pennsylvania, (Mr. Henry,) who represents 2,G12. There
are but nine members on the committee. The branches of industry and
principal business of the constituency of six of them, are here shown.
They are gentlemen elected to this House by manufacturing districts,
for the avowed purpose of procuring from Congress a high tariff for
protection. They are fully committed to the advocacy of such a law.
Had they not been, their seats would now have other occupants. They
could not have been elected holding opinions adverse to the opinions of
their people. Those opinions have been repeatedly expressed, accom-
panied by uncompromising demands of protection. I repeat, therefore,
this is a committee of protection — for an ultra high tariff.

Now, sir, is this the proper medium through which to collect the
necessary information to guide us to a fair, equal and wise disposition
of the tariff question ? It is not ! A large majority of its members
would go into the investigation, with interests and prejudices misleading
their judgments and controlling their decisions. Local preferences
would be consulted. The political power which created and can destroy,
would have the preponderance. That comprehensive view of this wide-
spread country, with its diversified and delicate interests, could not be
taken. All classes and occupations would not alike be called upon for
evidence ; nor would the evidence collected receive dispassionate consider-
ation. A report would be made to us and go forth to the country, with
all the authority of a Congressional document, with false inductions from
doubtful facts. Is the House prepared to give this power to the men
who ask it ? — to place in the custody of the representatives of one class
the vital interest of all other classes. Will the people support us in it
if we do ? I think not. The gentleman from Rhode Island (Mr. Tilling-
hast) tells us the power is safely entrusted, for we give it to honorable
men. It may be so. I question no man's honor ; but has the honorable
gentleman forgotten that the most beautiful object in nature will appear

88 LIFE AND PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION OF

hideous if seen through a jaundiced yision? How often have men's
passions made the brightest truth seem to them the foulest falsehood ?
"Who does not remember the error, misery, and bloodshed, which have
been perpetrated in the world by counsels that had prejudged ? Or is
the judicature of the holy inquisition forgotten, whose victims passed
through the form and ceremonies of trial, before judges, who, out of their
own evidences, adjudged the innocent to torture ? But, that the applica-
tion be more direct, who would willingly submit a cause at common law
to the decision of a jury of opponents ? or what member of this House
would like his general veracity tested by the testimony of personal
enemies ?

The case is plain. The Committee on Manufactures are one-sided
and partial. We must have an unbiassed investigation or none. We
want light, not darkness ; and, sir, it is not the evil which may be
inflicted now, the erroneous opinions that may spring up in an honest
community at this time, or the improper turn to be given to present
legislation, that excites all my fears. I look to posterity. It is our
duty to the " generations which come after us," not to hang out false
lights. Legislators are wedded to precedents and the quotations of au-
thorities. Hand not down to our children the record of their fathers
prostituting everything to mammon. This report would become a por-
tion of our parliamentary history, and go to the world and after ages as
a statement of facts with warranted inference. It will gain force by
time. Hereafter, when years may have obliterated the data by which to
expose its fallacies, it will become, if not an absolute law, certainly a
powerful weapon with which to perpetuate the evil now effected. These
are important considerations.

But, Mr. Speaker, suppose the objections here urged against the
present character of the committee cease to operate by changing its
members. Let us imagine it freed from the charges I bring — in all
things irreproachable and unimpeachable, without prejudice, interest, or
passion. Is there time at this cession to perform the work ? There is
not. Witnesses are to be summoned from beyond the White Mountains
in the East — from the Texian border in the South — the frozen regions
of the North, and the forests and priaries of the West — American citi-
zens, alike interested in our impost system of taxation, are to be drawn
from their homes, separated by more than a thousand leagues. Innumer-
able questions of detail, as well as general principles, are to be asked
■ptactical merchants from different seaports. An almost incredible

HON. FERNANDO WOOD. 89

amouut of commercial intelligence is necessary to commence the basis of
the proposed structure, and it can only come from the enlightened of
those who have learned by experience. This is a wide field of investi-
gation, demanding careful and exact inquiry. The manufacturers have
much to impart ; they have honest differences upon cardinal points, which
should be entertained and reconciled; their several classes are to be
consulted. The agriculturists would have mighty claims upon our atten-
tion : this noble art is cultivated in our country by near*four million
inhabitants, whose rapidly increasing prosjDcrity begins to look for out-
lets in foreign markets. Of all the avocations of man, tilling the soil
is most legitimate, and in accordance with his nature. It should be
guaranteed the full earnings of his labor, and the imposition of indirect
taxes be freed from unequal exactions.

Is it possible to thoroughly perform this duty in the most extended
time allowable at this session? How long do the majority intend to
keep us at the Capitol ? Keference was made yesterday to the report of
Mr. Hume to the British house of Commons. It is argued that that
report had been the work of far less time than was necessary in our
instance. I am glad the advocates of this resolution have alluded to
that precedent. If they are so chained to the examples of British legis-
lation, I wish them more judgment in then* selections. For myself, I
repudiate the policy of drawing upon English habits and English customs,
whether social or political. I desire that some of these days we nlay
become less dependent and menial. I know it is said, by the friends of
Britain upon this side of the Atlantic — and she has many — that our
interests are inseparable. I deny it. The true interest of America is
to sever all connection with the worn-out and rotten monarchies of
Europe — to be as independent in her pecuniary relations as she is glori-
ously independent in her political relations. As she rests upon no nation
on earth to assist her in maintaining and carrying out the undying truths
of Democracy, so should she rest on no nation on earth in assisting
her in the simple walks of Kepublican legislation. We have the examples
set us by the able and patriotic sires of their country. Our own few
Congressional archives will furnish guides enough for the full delibera-
tion of laws adapted to freemen. When we go back again to bondage,
I will not complain of gentlemen who seek to adopt the rules of b(»ndsmen
to the abeyance of freed men. But Mr. Hume's report has been referred
to. I accept the issue. What are the particulars of its history ? On
the 6th of May, 1840, by a resolution of the House of Commons, a select

90 . LIFE AND PUBLIC ADMIXISTEATION OF

committee was appointed, on motion of Mr. Hume, " to inquire into the
several duties levied on imports into the United Kingdom, and how far
those duties are for protection to similar articles, the product of manu-
facture of this (Great Britain) country, or of the British possessions
abroad, or whether the duties are for the purposes of revenue alone ; and
to report the minutes of evidence taken, to the House." Upon this com-
mittee were nine of the most prominent and able members of the Com-
mons, at the head of which was Mr. Hume, the author of the proposition.
I have no data of the day upon which it entered upon its duties, but
suppose, as the session had far advanced, it commenced immediately.
Twenty-nine witnesses were examined, each of whom was a resident of
Loudon; not a man was summond from beyond the precincts of the
capitol. Those who gave testimony were at the door ; but few practical
men underwent exammation, and in no instance was the investigation
lengthy or full. Notwithstanding these favorable circumstances to a
short and speedy termination, the sittiags were continued until the 6th
of August, precisely three mouths from the day of commencement. Nor
were the committee satisfied they had accomplished the objects of their
creation. We have the recorded minutes to show they were not. Ai
the last meeting, when the report was formally decided upon, Sir
C Doug'lass, a member, offered the following amendment : " To strike om
all after the first word of the report, and insert : ' the evidence, although
partial and limited, is of so various and valuable a character, that your
committee do not feel they should be justified in expressing any opinion
founded on the expressions it is calculated to create. Your committee
consider that further information ought to = be afforded, before they can
make any recommendation as the result of their labors, and consequently
they do not hesitate to suggest the reappointment of a committee, early
in the ne^^t session, to continue the investigation of this important sub-
ject.' " And in the report, as finally adopted and presented to the House,
I find an admission that, " owing to the period of the session at which
the inquiry was begun, the committee have not been able to embrace
all the several branches which come within the scope of their instruc-
tions." If gentlemen can find encouragement here to vote a similar
proposition under auspices as far adverse to the procuration of reliable
results as can well be, then their confidence in miracles is much greater
than my- own. Mr. Hume's committee set three months, in which it
examined twenty-nine witnesses, every man of whom was within an
hour's call, and finally made an admitted ex parte report, without having

HON. FERNANDO WOOD. 91

touched " several branches which come within the scope of their instruc-
tions." Now, sir, how long would it take our Committee on Manufac-
tures, whose witnesses must be called from far-distant sections of our
empire, and whose inquiries must embrace the feelings) views and predi-
lections of people as opposite in sentiment as they are distant in geo-
graphical position ? If the London investigation took three months,
how long ought ours, pro rata 7 Further argument upon this point
would be an insult to your understandings. It is obvious there is not
time to carry out this scheme properly, were it possible to do so with
such a committee, and make a report for action at this session of Con-
gress. Dog days would be upon us before these gentlemen's gathered
light would throw its rays upon this benighted body, and it would be
really August when their august dignities were prepared to render an
account of their stev/ardship.

Mr. Speaker, my friend from Tennessee (Mr. Brown) who addressed us
yesterday, informed the House that the committee (of which he is a worthy
member, and to his credit let me add, is opposed to this imprudent request,)
have been already receiving volunteer information. They have been
anticipating our action by opening the doors of their comm.ittee-room
to the swarms of hungry applicants for favor who invest this city. I
know not by what authority this is done. But with authority or not,
it cannot influence my opinions. If it is volunteer testimony they require,
I doubt not it will be supplied. Every mail from the East is loaded with
circulars and letters from parties having dollars and 'cents at stake.
Where direct advantage follows the enactment of laws, there is no lack
of disinterested patriotism to volunteer assistance. The doctrine of free
trade is called an abstraction ; if so, he gives no prospects of practical
personal gain, and, therefore, has few energetic, spirited advocates, who
will travel hundreds of miles to the Capitol, to enforce upon law-makers
its truths. ' The volunteer assistance procured by the committee will
come from the disinterested patriotism of thoee who desire the prohibition,
by high duties, of the commodity which they themselves manufacture.

One other objection. This investigation, if instituted, should be by
joint commission of both Houses. We are joint in action ! — dependent
upon each other in the final passages of laws. The information is as
necessary for the Senate as ourselves. It is not my purpose to detain
the House longer with arguments against this resolution. I have already
said more than was my intention at rising, but less than I believe the
subject demands, I have attempted to show . (with what success the

92 LIFE AND PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION OF

House will decide) that au impartial and an instructive report, really
useful as a guide to our legislation, cannot follow the deliberations and
searchings of this committee — that it is one-sided, and has prejudged
the case upon which it desires to act the umpire — that there is not
time, were it without these objections.

Mr. Speaker, if I were to follow the example of some learned gentlemen,
members of this House, I would now proceed and discuss the merits of
the tariff question. But believing such deviation from " order" is '• better
iu the breach than the observance," I shall withhold. At the proper
time, when the great question is legitimately before us, I hope to be
allowed to give my views. Then I shall attempt its discussion in every
one of its multiplicity of phases. In advance, I beg leave to give notice
that w^hen a bill is reported, I shall, to the extent of my ability, impress
upon the House the following points : —

1st. Special laws, granting exclusive privileges, or cncouragment to particular
classes or professions, are unequal, and consequently unjust, and in violation of
the genius of our institutions, and of the Constitution. A protective tariff is of
this class.

2d. Protective duties are high duties hxid upon foreign products, whether man-
ufactured or raw, to prevent their importation at prices less than the same pro-
ducts of our own country, and must, to be effectual, be mostly prohibitory. Xow,
as the impost system of taxation was originally adopted to raise revenue to de-
fray national expenditures, and as a high tariff is an abolition of revenue, some
other mode of taxation must be devised. What shall that mode be ?

3d. But if a tariff for protection was consistent with a tariff for revenue, and
both would follow the same regulation of imposts, yet would it be suicidal to
commerce. For if it is true that decreased importations, by the operation of an
increased duty, will pay the same revenue, yet commerce suffers ; additionally
from the fact, that the excluded nations would seek out other buyers, and of
course other markets for purchase.

4th. A hiirh duty is a tax upon the consumer to the amount of duty paid upon
the foreign article,, and whi!st,it increases the price of the home-made article to
that of the foreign, yet in the former instance (the home-made) the increased
price goes into the pockets of manufacturers, and not into the Treasury ; there-
fore, if the object of protection was fully attained, of excluding the competition
of foreign commodity, and supplying its place solely with home-made, the seven-
teen millions of consumers would be extra taxed, over and above the necessary
expenses of Government, for the benefit of the less than eight hundred thousand
engaged in manufactures and trades.

5th Protection is injurious to manufactures. It restricts its market to home
consumption, for other nations will retaliate the pohcy of exclusion, and if they
do not, the enhanced price of our manufactures would prevent their competing

HON, FERNANDO WOOD, 93

with other countries ; and would raise a vigorous, speculating competition at
home, which would destroy the present progressive prosperity by inducing to
enter the business, men without principle or fortune.

6th. Commerce is the greatest protection to manufactures, and high duties are
destructive of commerce. For high duties discourage importations, induce
other nations to turn to manufacturing, which before were content to purchase
by exchange of raw materials ; encourage smugghng and other evasions "of the
revenue laws ; cause similar restrictions upon our productions of the soil, and
onerous port charges and vexatious maritime regulations,

7th. The protective policy is hostile to the prosperity and good condition of
the laboring manufacturer. It is an extended commerce, which co-equally ex-
tends the field of labor, a free, untrammelled interchange of commodity with the
whole universe, and the entire absence of all legislative interference or bounties,
that labor will find its best reward, and industry its best protection.

8th. The spirit of the age is tending toward free trade. The nations of
Europe have recently become anxious inquirers into its political and social ad-
vantages. The general assimlation of customs regulation, the mutual depend-
ence of an unfettered intercourse, the beautiful and harmonious working of a
system beyond the control of ambition or avarice, would in time bind mankind
in bonds of "amity, good will, and peace," driving war and famine forever from
the world.

Note. — After Mr. Wood had concluded, Mf. Wilhams of North Carolina (Whig)
moved the resolution do lie upon the table ; which motion, on the next morning,
was put and carried, by 108 to 79.

94 LIFE AND PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION OP'

SPEECH OF MAYOR WOOD m CONGRESS,

ON THE

NAVY APPROPRIATION BILL.
Delivered May 20, 1842.

The House being in Committee of the Whole on the state of the UnioU)
and having under consideration the bill making appropriations for the
naval service for the year 1842 —

Mr. Wood rose and addressed it, in substance, as follows :

Mr. Chairman : The committee will remember that, on yesterday, the
House resolved, on motion of the honorable chairman of the Committee
of Ways and Means, to take this bill out of committee, and close debate
thereon, on Monday next at 1 o'clock. The committee will also remem-
ber that, though it has been befbre us longer than a week, and though
it contains twenty-nine sections, and proposes an appropriation of nearly
eight millions of dollars, we have not as yet closed the debate upon the
first section. In pursuance of the resolution adopted by the House, but
two days remain to discuss the twenty-eight sections not approached.
I submit it to gentlemen, whether it is possible to do justice to the ex-
amination which these numerous details, not yet reached, require, within
so ^hort a period. For myself, I cannot vote understaudingly upon them,
with the little information now before me. Without reasons more cogent
than any thus far oifered, my vote shall be found recorded in the nega-
tive. I have listened attentively to the chairman of the Committee on
Naval Affairs, (Mr. Wise,) and to the gentleman from Massachusetts,
(Mr. Cushing.) who appe*s as first lord of the admiralty ; and I respect-
fully deny that either, with all his ability and ingenuity, has adduced
arguments suiSciently exculpatory of the largeness and extravagance of
this appropriation.

Declamation and oratorical flourishes about the glories of the American
navy cannot induce me to give support to a profligate expenditure of
the public money. I desire reliable facts; figures, and official statements —
something tangible, addressed to reason, and not the fancy. Since the
establishment of this Government, there never existed a greater necessity
for close investigation and care in voting away revenue, than the present ,■

HON"* FERNANDO WOOD. 95

yet we see bouorable members ready to vote, without discussion or ex-
amination, every dollar asked of them. The haste with which it is sought
to close this debate, and in a moment part with an amount which, under
preceding administrations, constituted one-thu'd of the whole annual
expenditure, is evidence in behalf of this remark*

Have gentlemen reflected upon the responsibility they assume in yield-
ing assent to a demand so unwarranted ? Have they looked into the
enormous executive requisitions upon our table, and made comparisons
with those from the same source under the late much-vilified regime ?
I opine not. What do facts tell us ? The Secretary of the Navy has,
in his annual report, estimated that the necessary outlays of his depart-
ment for the year 1842 will be —

For the naval service - - $8,213,287 23

" marine service -- 502,292 60

8,715.571) 83
To this add the unexpended balance remaining to

the credit of the department - 2,965,594 96

11,681.174 79
Congress have already voted for an iron steamer * 500,000 00

Various bills reported from the Committee on
Naval Affairs, estimated 500,000 00

12,681,174 79
To which may be added the home squadron appro-
priation of last session --*----- 789,000 00

$13,470,174 79

Now, how does this amount bear comparison with the sums estimated
for, and appropriated by, the Democratic party when in power ? I will
take the four years of Mr. Yan Buren's administration. The official
reports made to Congress show the following sums as estimates and
appropriations :

Estimates. Appropriations.

1837, ' - - 15,513,721 00 - - $5,679,021 00

1838, - - - 5,185,124 91 - - - 4,135,270 00

1839, - - - 4,776,125 64 - - - 4,776.125 64

1840, - - ^ 4,647,820 00 * - - 5,762,120 00

Total, 20,122,791 55 20,352,536 64

96 LIFE AND PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION OF

Here it will be seen that the highest estimate for either of the four
years was in 1837 — the year in which the explormg expedition was fitted
out, at an expense of about 8500,000 ; and, notwithstanding that charge,
it amounted to but $5,513,721— being $3,201,858 83 less than the esti-
estimate for the present year. But, if this large diflerence exists
in the estimates, how much larger will be the difference in the actual
appropriations, if the committee and the House pass the bill now pre-
sented ! The largest appropriation made for any one year of the last
administration was in 1840, and amounted to but $5,762,120 ; whereas
I have shown that, with the-bills already passed, the bill before us, the
estimate of the Secretary, and the unexpended balance, there will have
been appropriated, this year, $13,470,174 79 — an excess of $7,708,-
054 79, and thirteen^twentieths of- the Yan Buren four years.

The amount demanded is equal to the whole sum expended for both
army and navy in any one of the last five years. I cannot vote for it.
I cannot give my support, humble and inefficient as it may be, to this
rapid progress towards the accumulation of a public debt, from which
it will be impossible to recover. T cannot give my support to the rear-
ing, in this home of simple republicanism, a powerful and sjalendid navy,
witii all its paraphernalia of pomp and tyranny. I could not return to
an honest and truly Democratic constituency, after having aided in a
system of profligate squandering; especially when the deficit is to be
drawn principally from the earnings of their industry. Hereafter, should
it become my province to denounce (as it will be the duty of every good
citizen) the enormous expenditures of the patriots now in power, I cannot
give them the privilege of pointing to my vote as having aided in the act.

Sir, if the condition of our foreign relations bore a threatening aspect,
and danger of collision was anticipated from any quarter, no man sooner
than myself would prepare and do battle for defense. The unanimoms
voice of my people would be heard first in behalf of invigorating the
maritime army. The only sentiment which could raise in my breast, if
tlie position of pending negotiations were such as to leave '•' a hinge to
hang a doubt upon," as to the speedy and amicable arrangement of all
questions at issue, would be to arm, and "to arms" — " millions for defense,
but not one cent for tribute."

But it is not contended that war is probable. Xo gentleman has
advocated this bill upon that ground. The honorable Secretary has
not proposed the increase predicated upon the slightest fears of difficulty
with England. Nothing has been said in this debate, giving color to

HON. FERNANDO WOOD, 97

the idea that an increase of the navy is necessary in anticipation of any
Buch event. It appears to be generally conceded that this is to be exclu-
sively a permanent peace establishment. Nor are there causes for appre-
hension of war. Great Britain will not attempt the subjugation of
the American prowess. It has nQver been her policy to declare hostili-
ties against the brave, the powerful, and the just, when diplomacy or
corruption of honor by gold could reach the negotiating officer and
obtain her object. So long as Daniel Webster wields the Department of
State, and holds within his grasp the thoughts and the will of the pliant
Executive, so long will the peace of this country be maintained, if with
England is the only contention. Her policy will seek other means of
preserving peace and obtaining her desires than by the cannon and the
sword. Experience has taught her that here are to be found, not imbecile
Chinamen — not enervated ludiamen — not tyrant-ridden Europeans — but
men in the full growth of intellectual and physical manhood ; who, when
in embryo and comparatively powerless, stood up in two contests, un-
shrinkingly and successfully against her overgrown might. She knows
we were refractory in childhood, and have never repented the contu-
macy : on the contrary, when what she conceived to be Wholesome chas-
tisement has been attempted, we have turned upon the parental assailant
with other than filial mercy. For this we have not been forgiven ; nor
do we ask forgiveness. It is true, we are a sprout from her trunk ; but
we have grown a. rival tree : we claim with her a common origin ; but,
thank God, we are not linked to a common fate : we will perpetuate her
language, and all that is ennobling in her virtues and glorious in her in-
stitutions : but trample under our feet her threats, defy her prowess,
repudiate her vices, and, if bloody strife ensues, sink into oblivion the
last foothold of her trans- Atlantic power.

Mr. Chairman, now is the time to enlarge the navy ? The wheels of
Government but yesterday stood still, and the machinery of the Execu-
tive was stopped, for the want of a small pittance wherewithal to pro-
ceed. A permanent debt, heretofore unknown to the present generation,
has been, within a twelvemonth, fastened upon us by the party in office.
But yesterday, the public faith was hawked up and down Wall and
Chestnut streets, an humble suppliant to British Capitalists for favor.
Pecuniary dishonor — the first since the establishment of an American
mint — has been permitted to, visit and rest upon our escutcheon. Out
of money, out of credit, embarrassed and financially disgraced — is this
the chosen opportunity to appropriate the millions asked ? The vicious

1

98 LIFE AND PUBLIC ADinNISTRATION OF

banking system having spread its evils through the land, our industry is
borne dovrn by oppressions which paralyze every sinew of production.
The gi-eat bubble of extended credit-system, created and upheld as it was
by the credit party, has exploded over our heads with terrible devasta-
tion ; making a wreck of fortune, character, and life, and sinking the
iron deep into the bosom of the wife and mother. With the yeomanry
and trading population, " chaos is come again" — man looks upon his fel-
low as a foe. Self-preservation and interest are now the predominant
springs of action. The biting want of maintenance has driven the mind
to expedients for a sustenance, as it has taught a lesson in economy
which force, that unyielding tutor, has driven him to practise. Men
have realized want. It is no longer an unpleasant day-dream reverie,
arising upon the vision in crossing the path of the tattered mendicant ;
but has become a painful reality, from which there is no escape by pass-
•ng on. Eetrenchment and reform is now the domestic economy of the
American people ; and be assured, sir, the time is not far off when it
will be the irpolitical economy. The time is not far off— for it is now !
The people of this country 7iotv demand, through their Representatives,
% reduction of the public expenses. They call upon that party, and
\hose men, some of whom have the full control of the executive branch,
and others of the legislative • branch, to carry out in practice a general
system of contraction. They ask it at your hands. They say, '•' We will
not revert to the oft-repeated promises and solemn pledges with which
you made the air of 1840 vocal ; nor will we tell you of the professions
for our own prosperity, which, without stint and without bounds, were
lavished upon our credulous ears. Let them pass. It is true, the
odious sub-treasury times were the heydays of thrift, compared with
the present gloom which our " generous confidence" has given us.
But of this, no matter. Our own folly has produced much of our
own distress ; but to the Government we look, not to put money in our
pockets — not to enact laws by which idleness may get rich and labor be
defrauded — not to lend its aid in the re-establishment of a cormorant
monopoly, which, like the locusts of Eygpt, will overshadow the land
with its pestilential progeny : we look to it to contract its power, to
reduce its expenses, and to cleanse its abuses. These are of the thousand
reforms so loudly promised us ; and having given you the power — the
full and absolute control of the law-making power — we call upon you
for action, speedy and efficient action. It is no answer to say you have
fallen out among yourselves ; that, in the struggle for the mastery of the

aoN. FERNANDO WOOD. ^"0

??poiIs, tlie Executive has been separated from the Legislature ; that,
without harmonious action for both, nothing can be accomplished ; and
that your President is a traitor, or that your ex-legislative leader is a
dictator. Of your criminations and recriminations we know nothing.
By your joint and combined advice and proffers, we drove the late incum-
bents from power, placing ycru joint and combined in their stead; and,
in your joint, combined, as well as individual character, we hold you
responsible." This, sir, already is the language of the people. How is
it met ? In what have their expectations been realized, and your pledges
redeemed ? Where has been furnished the evidence of the so violently
denounced Florida war corruptions ? Where are the proofs of the Exe^
cutive malpractices ? Where the slightest testimony of a single profli^
gate expenditure ? And whK) are the thieves and peculators in high
places, which, so soon after getting the reins, you intended to identify ?
Give us the record ; produce the data. It cannot be done. These vile
charges, like the viler inventors, have xsunk into silent insignificance.
The brains which conceived them, and the tongue which gave them
utterance— though still following tJbeir Wonted avocation of abuse by
calumniating each other — have not the hardihood to reiterate, or the
slightest proof to adduce in substantiation of a single slander. That
part of Whig promises cannot be performed. Not so as to the retrench-^
ment of expenses. There is no impediment to a full compliance in this
particular. Coming into office with at least forty majority in this
House, and nine in the other^ — with the President and heads of the
departments — no obstacle presented itself. Why has it not been done ?
Why has it not been proposed ? You have the power, and there exists
the necessity. The expenditures are too great ; they are far beyond
the simplicity compatible with the Eepublic, and very far beyond what
is compatible with the present means of defraying.

Retrenchment is the order of the day in private life-; why shouM it
not be the practice of those who are honored with stations in public
life ? You have held power over a twelvemonth, during which Congress
has been in session nine months ; and no retrenchments worthy the name
proposed or adopted. It is true the honorable gentleman from Virginia,
[Mr. Gilmer,] to whom much praise is due, early jn last session moved
a committee for some such purpose ; but no measures have yet been of*
fered, save what relates to our own franking privilege and mileage,
which, although commendable reforms, are minor, indeed, compared with
the overshadowing cost of this Government, I desire good faith upon

100 LIFE ANi) PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION OF

this part of Whig promises. Why are not efforts made for a compile
ance ? The treasury is empty — the credit of the country prostrate ; and
yet nothing is said of a reduction of outlays. The last Democratic
Congress voted you five millions to commence with ; at the extra session
you voted an additional twelve millions, as a permanent loan ; and at
this session another five millions — making, in all, twenty-two millions in
less than a year ; and yet pennyless and bankrupt, and a daily crying
give ! give ! give ! Why, instead of the lamentations of the chairman
of the Committee of Ways and Means over the lack of funds to replen-
ish our exhausted treasury, have we not substantial bills of retrenchment
and reform, which will lop off the causes of our distress? The people
do so. It is not their practice, when involved in embarrassments, with
burdens greater than their income, to borrow, borrow, borrow. They
retrench — that is the first principle of their domestic economy ; and I
mistake them if they will not exact similar economy of their public ser-
vants. A¥hat would be thought of that man, in private life, who, a
creditless debtor, kept up a splendid establishment, without apparently
knowing he could not afford it ? But who would pronounce him honesty
if sane, if such a one made voluntary bequests of one-tenth of his whole
income ? You have done this : while an avowed bankrupt — with expen-
ditures greater than receipts — you gave away the proceeds of the public
lands, averaging three millions annually. This is only the suicidal policy
of knaves. Surely " he whom the gods wish to destro}^ they first make
mad." Sir, the expenses of this Government are as far beyond what,
under a proper system, would be necessary, as they are beyond our abilty
to support. This fact was fully established by the twenty-sixth Con-
gress. That Congress, though repudiated by the people, who thought
best to substitute a hard cider Congress, was satisfied of this fact. Its
acts prove this remark. It made great progress in the work of reform,
commencing in the right way and in the right quarter. It reduced the
emoluments of the collectors of our large seaport cities to an amount
within the bounds of reason ; but yet leaving them far beyond, in my
opinion, a sufficient recompense. The collector of New York, who, un-
der the old law, considered himself poorly paid if his salary and perqui-
sites netted less than -twenty thousand dollars, was limited to six. The
postmaster at New York, whose yearly income had grown from five to
over twenty thousand, was reduced and limited to five thousand dollars.
The district attorney and marshal also came within the pruning-hook.
Here was serious retrenchment. Hundreds of thousands of dolloi-s an-

HON. FERNANDO WOOD. 101

nually were thus brouglit iuto the coffers of the nation, which had previ-
ously been the pay of public officers.

Thus has the example been given you by the Democratic Congress
which you have so much animadverted upon. Why not follow in its
footsteps ? Why not go and continue this work ? jSToue can question
the policy — nay, justice to the tax-payers. It must be done, sooner or
later, or national degradation will surround us. A Democratic Congress
commenced it in good faith, which its successors promised should be con-
tinued and perfected. And it was but commenced !

Sir, I have taken some trouble to look into the yearly cost of carrying
on this Government for the last twenty years ; and am convinced that,
estimating it at present at twenty-five millions, there is room for striking
off at least one-fifth, leaving it at twenty millions. Indeed, Senators,
whose long experience in public life and whose ability to judge of these
matters qualify them thereto, have asserted that sixteen or seventeen
millions would be sufficient. I would take the estimate of twenty mil-
lions, which my examination assures me will leave every department in
full vigor.

To do so, I would propose reductions in the following branches of
the public service, which a close examination of the whole subject has
convinced me can be done without detriment :
From the mileage of members of Congress :

Length of the sessions, one quarter.

Contingent expenses of Congress.

Expenses of the Judiciary department

Salaries of the President and heads of the departments.

Expense of intercourse with foreign nations.

Home expense of State department

Expense of Treasury department.

Expense of collecting revenue, and light-house department.

Expense of General Land Office,

Expense of coining department.

Expense of the War and connecting offices.

Expense of the Department of War, including a reduction of the
military establishment, &c.

Expense of the Navy, including a general supervision of yards,
purchases, abolition of Xavy Board, &c.

Expense of Post Office department, including restriction of the
franking privilege.

102 LIFE AND PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION OP

I would thus relieve the Treasury of millions, and not cripple a sineTr
of defense, or impair the full efficiency of a single office. Nor is this
all. I would bring in several hundreds of thousands of dollars annually,
which would find their way into the pockets of the office-holders. I
would bring into the Treasury all fees and emoluments received by the
following officers, over and above a fair recompense for their services :

Consuls abroad.

Deputy postmasters.

Marshals and attorneys.

Eevenue-colleetors.

Pursers.

Navy-agents.

Commissary General Purchases.

Military store-keepers.

Now, Mr. Chirman, holding these views, can my vote be expected for
this bill ? I have shown by figures, which do not lie, that it is extrava-
gant, unnecessary, and far beyond any appropriation for corresponding
purposes made for the late Administration, when there was as much
necessity. I have shown that not only is the sum proposed exorbitantly
large, but that th-e Treasury is bankrupt, the tax-payere poverty-stricken,
and the spirit of the people in favor of " retrenchment and reform." I
have shown the already enormous useless expenditures, by pointing
directly to them.

But, sir, let us look a little further. Suppose the objections thus far
urged were without existence. Let us imagine that the Treasury is full,
and without indebtedness ; that the people are prosperous, and willing
to bear additional burdens ; that extension, expansion, and prodigality
characterized the age, and there were no existing evils of this character ; —
would it be consonant with propriety and ccarect legislation to pass this
bill ? I think not. It is not intended by the fathers of the Republic
that upon their plain and unostentatious foundation should be built a
gorgeous and powerful nation. They did not establish this pclitical
community for conrjuest or plunder. It was no part of their design that
posterity should rear, upon the corner-stone laid by their hands, a splen-
did edifice of naval or military glory. Their policy was essentially
peaceful. Meek and humble in spirit, they banded themselves for pro-
tection, and for protection alone. The Union was a confe"deracy for
mutual defense and preservation, and not to form a league, the consoli-

HON. FERNANDO WOOD. 103

dated strength of which could reduce nations, impart glorj, or make too
strong the arm of the Executive. Simple and republican themselves,
they sought to establish a Government thoroughly imbued with their
own faith — one assuming no power not necessary, exerting no authority
not required, antagonist to no principle of popular rights. Would a
naval armament numbering its hundreds of ships and millions of tonnage,
employing its thousand commanders, disbursing its millions on millions
annually, and extending to an almost unlimited degree the already over-
grown privileges of the President, who, by virtue of the Constitution,
is " commander-in-chief of the army and navy of the United States," be
consistent with simple republicanism ? It would not. But pass this bill
as now before us, and the first step is taken ; the first stride towards con-
solidation, Executive mastery, and an incubus of debt, is taken — irrevo-
cably taken.

Another objection : Ships, after construction, must be supported ;
officers, men, supplies, and stores, must be furnished. The end is not
with the cost of building. The keel is but laid for a continuous and
never-ending expenditure. They must be kept afloat. If unemployed,
they rot at the depots, and the whole is lost. The error once committed
of saddling the country, in a time of peace and embarrassment, with a
large floating naval world, you must go on appropriating annually a
proportionably large amount to keep it sea-worthy and from falling fo
decay. It is a permanent expenditure now presented to us. The aggi-e-
gate of this bill, enormous as it is, will be less onerous than what will be
necessary to preserve it from ruin. And, when once made, there can be
no receding. As with State appropriations for internal improvement,
you must go on ad infinitum., or all will be lost.

Again : I find no provision in it, or in the several bills for the reor-
ganization of the Navy Department reported by the committee on Naval
ASairs, to remedy the evils of the present manner of procuring supplies.
The door for corruption, which long practice, from the foundation of the
navy to the present moment has opened, has not been closed. I would
remedy this objection, before voting so large an amount. Under long-
established usage, the navy agents are authorized to make open purchases,
without contract, without agreement or supervision. A large portion
of the material, and many heavy articles of stores used at the yards, as
well as nearly the whole outfits of ships preparatory to sailing, are
procured in this manner. These officers have permission to disburse
hundreds of thousands annually, without check as to prices or quality.

104 LIFE AND PUBLIC ADMLJISTRATION OF

They buy of whom they please, and at such prices as they please. I am
not prepared to say that, of my own knowledge, there are malpractices ;
but I do say, that if none have been, it was not for want of opportunity :
we may thank the integrity of the officer, and not the strictness of the
laws.

Before placing at the disposal of the Secretary the millions compre-
hended in this bill, I would supervise the laws regulating purchases. I
would not, in these days of want and peculation, place in the power of
any agent the opportunity of profiting ten and twenty per cent, by his
disbursements. Every article should be supplied by contract. It should
be the duty of the Secretary, or of the Board of Navy Commissioners,
or the agent, to advertise for estimates in the public prints ; thus giving
to every citizen an equal opportunity to benefit by this immense patron-
age ; and incurring no loss to the Government from bad quality, high
prices, and collusion between the officer and the factor, or merchant. But,
Mr. Chairman, there is another consideration which, though not relating
directly to either of the points thus far urged, is a subject for serious re-
flection, and is equally applicable to every money-bill presented to the
House. Is this the proper stage of the session to discuss and act upon
bills to appropriate money ? Is it wise policy to make these large be-
quests at this time, within a few weeks of the expiration of the sliding
scale of the compromise act, without any adequate provision to insure
revenue ; and, in fact, without a law to carry into effect the only exist-
ing law which can give us a dollar ? The leaders of the Whig party in
this House (the very men who are urging on these cormorant bestow-
ments from an empty treasury) tell us that a high tariff is necessary for
revenue ; and that, without a new law to take the place of the com-
promise law, and without a general supervision of the whole subject,
there will not be revenue enough to meet one-half the public expendi-
tures.

We are told that, to keep the wheels of Government in motion, it will
be necessary to lay additional duties upon imports, and to settle upon a
permanent basis this greatest of all questions. I ask whether, under the
avowed condition of our collecting laws, it is wisdom \o pass this, or
any bill for similar purposes, before some action is taken on the revenue
bill ? Can it be the correct policy of Congress to go on appropriating,
appropriating, appropriating, with empty coffers, an admitted want of
laws to bring in and secure the usual fiscal income, and with a proba-
bility of a heavy falling off of imports, under any rate of duties ? Cer-

HON. FERNANDO 170 OD. 105

taiuly Dot. "Were there no other objections this alone ought to pre-
vent action at this stage of the session, or until the other and more im-
portant business is disposed of. And is it not strange we find here men
advocating measures so contradictory ; telling us, in one moment, that
we must pass a high tariff, to preserve the nation from bankruptcy ; and
in the next, proposing the most extravagant outlays ? Is it not singular
consistency, to use the mildest phrase ? If it is true, as alleged by the
high-tariff party, that.it will be impossible to carry on*the Government,
under the lowest reduction of expenditure, without a material advance
on the present rate of duties, why is it that, before action is had on the
tariff question, so much anxiety is evinced to enlarge our appropriations ?
Why are the gentlemen in such hot ha^te to make these heavy requisi-
tions upon the public coffers ?

Sir, I think the astute eye of prophesy is not necessary to divine the
reason. I do not believe that any but a Talleyrand or a Metternich
can unravel this seeming secret. In my humble conception of the rul-
ing motives of men, the " why and the wherefore" is to be found in the
same reason which made them bequeath to the States the public domain,
without consideration and without cause. It was, to drive us by neces-
sity to a high tariff, to fill up the vacuum thus made in our finances ; to
force us, by appeals to national honor to preserve the national credit, to
go with them in their unhallowed designs upon the rights and liberties
of the people ; to give away our anticipated receipts, that means may
be taken, through the operation of an increased tariff, to favor particu-
lar interests at the cost of the tax-payer. It is for tliis we have syste-
matic expansion, instead of the systematic contraction the times demand.
Besides the tendency of Whig principles to inflation, as evidenced in
every instance where they have obtained the power — besides their love
for debt and detestation of liquidation — besides their contempt for every-
thing locofocoish, as is the pay-up system, there are now at work other
motives and other inducements. The expenses must be increased, be-
cause there must be a deficit between revenue and disbursements. Hav-
ing embarrassed and exhausted the finances, it is supposed the j eople
will rise en masse in favor of devising a remedy, which they are prepared
with in a high tariff, and thus accomplish, by a trick, that which they
dare not ask for as a principle.

I mistake very much if this is not the object hidden under the bill be-
fore us. In fact, the veil of public necessity, with which it is sought to
hide the scheme, is too flimsy to deceive the most unsuspecting. No

106 LIFE AND PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION OF

party could drive so recklessly on, after the many protestations of reform,
without some such intention.

Mr. Cliairman, we are told that an increase of the ua^-y is advantage-
ous to commerce, and that every member representing a commercial dis-
trict is expected to support this bill. It has been said, by gentlemen who
have advocated it, that the principal employment of our naval marine is
to protect the commercial marine. The interests of the Eepresentatives
from the Atlantic cities have been appealed to, to come forward in be-
half of what they are told is the vitality of commerce. Sir, I am not.
old, but yet too old to be caught by pretexts so weak. Could arguments
like these (which, at best, are addressed to our interest, the most selfish
of all legislative influences) afi'e(^ my vote, I should be incapable of per-
forming the trust confided in me. I am yet to learn that in any quarter
of the globe the ximerican shipping has suffered for the Y^•ant of Govern-
ment protection. No cases have come to my knowledge where our flag
has been insulted, or onr property destroyed or taken from us, because of
a restricted navy, . There have been isolated instances of encroachments,
but none that could have been obviated had every ship of war been a
fleet. England and France, with the most extended navies in the world,
have occasionally met obstacles to their trade. But the stars and stripes
are a passport upon every sea to the hull and spar which bear them.
Our bright bunting floats unmolested over the wide expanse of the
ocean, for there are none so daring as to do it injury. Under its broad
folds, legitimate trade is secure and respected.

And were we liable to frequent losses for the want of the proposed
increase, I am far i'rom being satisfied that, of the two evils — the passage
of this bill, and the chances of occasional injury without it — the latter
is not the least. Can it be advantageous to the city of New York to
adopt a policy which drives us into a restrictive tariif ? If, by large
drafts upon the Treasury, the necessity of additional duties is forced up-
on us, commerce will undergo a diminution, because your mcreased duties
will decrease importations. The foreign trade cannot thrive if legisla-
tive impediments are thrown in the way of its free action. It is not
reasonable that, where an exorbitant toll is demanded for ingress, that
ingress will not diminish. It is a well-established axiom, that the im-
position of higher duties upon imports immediately and seriously aSects
the commercial trade ; hence the rallying-cry of a party not many years
since in this country, of "free trade and sailors' rights." Therefore,
admitting that an accession of a ship-of-war is required to protect our flag.

HON. FERNANDO WOOD. 101

it would be suicidal to protect it at a cost so gi-eat : better arm our
merchantmen at private expense, for self-protection, than lay them up
in ordinary, without employment. •Gentlemen had better use other
arguments militating less against them. It is not wisdom in Congress
to attempt to give protection to any branch of trade, when such protec-
tion is only to be obtained by the inflicting of harm. In this instance
the injmy would be twofold : first, to the interests intended to be the
recipients of favor, second, to all other interests which are taxed for its
support.

There are other arguments which press themselves upon my notice ;
but I fear the patience of the committee is already exhausted. I could
go on elaborating the objections which are continually arising before me,
but the allotted time for cutting off the debate, and the many other gen-
tlemen who are anxious to be heard, warn me not to tresspass much
farther. It is a grave topic, and admits of a wide range of discussion.
At any time, in any condition of the Treasury, a bill to appropriate
money involves important considerations. To vote money, is to expend
the proceeds of taxation ; which is to part Avith that portion of the
capital or results of industry which is bestowed upon the Government
for its necessary disbursements. If the people are interested in the
amount of taxation levied upon them, to a corresponding extent are
they interested in its disposition.

If the amount expended is drawn from the tax-payer, we are but his
agents to appropriate his money for the maintenance of law and order.
It is equally criminal to make lavish or impolitic use of it. I conceive
that we would be as guilty of dereliction of good faith by complying
with exorbitant behests from the executive departments, as if we put our
own hands into the Treasury to fill our own pockets. -By the Constitu-
tion, we are more the guardians of popular contributions than of the
popular liberties. We are made the peculiar conservators of the money-
power. It behooves us, therefore, to scan closely all requisitions. En-
dowed as are the members of this House with the high privilege of re-
presenting the great body of American freemen, it behooves us, 141 the
plenitude of power, not to forget the poor tax-payer at home.

In conclusion, Mr. Chairman, I beg leave to say that it is with regret
that an imperative sense of duty has compelled me to address the com-
mittee on this subject. It is with no little fear my position has been
assumed. The almost overshadowing popularity of the navy, and its
adaptation for American defence, connected with the recollection of the

108 ' LIFE AND PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION OF

glorious victories which crowned its success in the last war, made me
feel I have been treading- on dangerous ground. Had my inclinations
alone been consulted, my voice w^ould not have been heard ; but convic-
tions, matured from deliberate reflection,. have prompted my tongue, and
it has spoken. I regret to be thus seemingly placed in opposition to it ;
but, at the sanle time, beg to be understood that it is to the unprece-
dented increase at this time I object — not to the service. I object to
this extravagant proposition, believing it to be impolitic, unnecessary,
anti-republican, and premature. I am willing to vote the usual annual '
sum, and will go to the highest of either of Mr. Van Bruen's years ; but
cannot give support to the bill as^ now before us, without material re-
duction.

REPORT OF MAYOR WOOD IN CONGRESS,

ON

NAYAL AFFAIRS.

January 10, 1843.

The Committee ou Naval Affairs,4o which was referred a report of the Secretary
of the Navy, with accompanying documents, relating to dry and floating docks
and the Brooklyn navy yard, called for by a resolution of the House of the
19th December, beg leave to report :

That they have given the subject the consideration which ifs import-
ance demands. Dry docks attracted the attention of the Government
at an early period. The Navy Department was established in April,
1798, and the following December the Secretary officially expressed
his strong conviction of their necessity. February 25th, 1799, a law
passed both Houses of Congress, and received the sanction of the Presi-
dent, authorizing the construction of two docks, and appropriating
$50,000 for that purpose. December 15th, 1802, the President, (JeflFer-
son,) in his message at the opening of Congress, strenuously urged the
construction of docks, and in March, 1813, $100,000 was appropriated
for a dock yard for repairing ships of war. These appropriations were
not expended, owing, as is supposed, to the inadequacy of the sums voted.

HON, FERNANDO WOOD, 109

In 1814, the Secretary, in a communication to tlie chairman of the
Naval Committee of the Senate, again urges the building of dry docks.
In 1824, the Kavy Commissioners made similar recommendations. In
1825, the Secretary, in a report to the Senate, enters fully into the
advantages of dry docks, showing conclusively, that no navy yard should
be without one, or its substitute : and, in 1826, in a communication to
the House of Representatives, he says " that docks have become abso-
lutely necessary for the prompt and speedy use of the vessels belonging
to the navy."

Every administration, since the creation of the navy, has given its
sanction, either by the approval of laws or official recommendation, to
the erection of docks and other necessary facilities for repairs. As yet
but two dry docks have been buitt : the one at Charlestowi], the other
at Norfolk. Either of these points is eminently entitled to it. The
sites are excellent, and other advantages great. Previous to the com-
mencement of these docks. New York was considered as the first posi-
tion to be selected. The first survey made of ^the several points upon
the Atlantic coast, which offered inducements for the establishing of
navy and dock yards, placed that harbor among the most favorable.
The report of the survey- made to the Deparemcnt in 1818, states that,
" next to Boston, it is tde most suitable place for such an establishment,
and one worthy of the attention of the Government as a naval depot."

But opinions have varied as to the advantages of different sites within
the waters of the harbor. Since the location of the yard, repeated at-
tempts have been made to effect a change. The Secretary has, more
than once within the last ten years, contemplated its removal to supposed
more advantageous positions. To procure a better site for a dry dock
has been among the motives given for desiring another situation. In
May, 1835, Loammi Baldwin, Esq., was appointed by the Secretary "to
make the necessary soundings and examination, and to ascertain whether
any more advantageous site for a navy yard and dock presented itself
within the harbor of New York." June 3, 1836, the House adopted a
resolution calling for information, &c. ; in reply to which, the report of
Colonel Baldwin was presented. February 23, 1837, the subject was
again brought before the House by a resoultion requiring " examinations
to be made of the various positions not heretofore examined Avithin the
waters of New York and vicinity, which are adapted to the establish-
ment and constrution of dry docks," &c. In pursuance of this resolution,
Professor Reuwich, of New York, was appointed to make the e.^aniina-

110 LIFE AND PUBLIC ADinNISTRAtiON OP

tion. His report, made in December, 1837, was against the Brookl3?TA
navy yard, and in favor of Constable's point, opposite New York, on the
New Jersey shore. March, 1838, the result of an unoflficial survey, by
Messrs. Swift and McNeill, civil engineers, in favor of Barn Island,
was presented to the House. It gave great preference to that over any
other site. In the same month a communication wbs laid before Con-
gress from the navy Commissioners, in which the relative merits of
Brooklyn, Constable's point, and Barn Island, are fully discussed. A
decided preference is given to Brooklyn* The next and latest, and, it
may be added, the most satisfactory examination, has been recently made
at the instance of the present Secretary, who appointed Captains Con-
ner and Shubrickj and Moncure Eobinson, Esq., as a commission for
that purpose. Much care and labor wtis bestowed by these gentlemen
in the discharge of the duty. Their report confirmed what had pre-
viously been declared by Colonel Baldwin, that a more advantageous site
than the present one was not to be found within the waters of New York
harbor. Near ten years' agitation and investigation leave the matter
precisely where it was found. The original selection was a proper one<
It does appear that an attentive perusal of the reports which have so
often been made would have long since precluded the supposition that a
change was necessary. It is now, however, permautly settled. No
further doubt need exist as to the permanency of the present j)Osition.
It would be little less than folly or madness to adopt another. That the
uncertain disposition of this question has operated against the erection
of a dock in Brooklyn cannot be disputed.

The citizens of New York and Brooklyn have frequently manifested
their wishes in favor of some provision by the Government for the repair
and coppering of ships of war. They have held public meetings and
memorialized Congress, believing there was cause for complaint. It has
been thought by them as little less than miraculous, that a naval station
of its importance should remain neglected ; that a Government almost
exclusively mercantile, whose defences and warfare were principally
maritime, should have left its commercial emporium, for nearly a half
century after the establishment of its navy, without a work so indispen-
sable. Her tradesmen and mechanics have conceived themselves deprived
of a portion of the public patronage and labor, which is due alike to
all. The concentration of national employment at one or two favored
points was looked upon as hostile to their interests, and not in keeping
with the true interests of the country.

HON. FERNANDO WOOD, 111

It was deemed a grievance. ^ It may be said, these are not points for
the consideration of the committee ; that the opinion and wishes of the
immediate citizens of New York and Brooklyn arc entitled to no greater
weight than a corresponding number at any other part of the Union ;
that the construction of public works is paid for out of the National
Treasury, and for which the whole people appropriate, and of the pro-
priety of which the whole people are judges. But the people Of New
Tork and Brooklyn, without doubting the soundness of these posi-
tions in their general application, conceive their case an exception.
Their reply is, that when any portion of the people, conscious of great
advantages, believe that, in the distribution of patronage, a discrimina-
tion is made against them, they have a right to be heard, and it is a fit
subject for the deliberation of Congress ; that there is cause of com-
plaint, not only of an individual wrong, but a national evil ; for a divi-
sion of public employment " improves and augments our mechanics and
artificers ; gives bread to a portion of the laboring classes ; induces the
the improvement of our cities and navigable waters ; contributes to a
more efficient and general defence of the places ; renders aur citizens
more patriotic and contented with their Government, and, by the addi-
tional interest which it gives them, more willing to defend it." Nor
must it be forgotten that the navigating and ship owning interest of
New York have a deep stake in the adequacy of the naval marine to
protect the commercial marine. The harbor, filled with shattered and
disabled ships of war, without means of repau', would ofier but slight
resistance to hostile fleets upon our coast. Innumerable cases will sug-
gest themselves, in which serious consequences may ensue, and the loss
of public and private property be beyond the expense of many dry
docks.

As a naval station, New York has peculiar fitness, beside the extent
of her comnierce. Her harbor is spacious and well fortified ; her chan-
nels suSiciently deep and unobstructed ; her position central and com-
manding ; and her advantages for the supply of materials and skilfull
workmen unsurpassed, if equalled, in any other port. No local obstacle
prevents ; and a longer continuance of the absence of some provision
for the repair of ships of war would be as hazardous and detrimental
to the property of the Government as it is unjust to her commercial
interest.

The largeness of a sum sufficient to build a dry dock there has attract-
ed attention. To vote it at this time has elicited opposition. It can-

112 LIFE AND PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION OF

not be denied that the exhausted condition of the Treasury presents a
serious in- pediment. But there are occasions when the outlay of money
will conduce to the advantage of the Government, even in a pecuniary
sense. In any state of the Treasury, it is wise to erect works necessary
to preserve existing works. It will not be asserted that it is impolitic,
even under our present embarrassments, to vote such an expenditure.
The present would seem an instance of this kind. It has been repre-
sented that two ships of the line, the Washington and Franklin, now
lying at the Brooklyn station, not moveable without heavy repairs and
exepense, will require docking very soon, to save them from abandonment.
The latter is a noble ship, which, by razeeing, could be made one of the
finest frigates in the service. It would certainly be unwise to leave
them in their present situation, fast falling to decay, without an effort
to save them from a total loss. It can be done only by docking. The
frigate Hudson, also lying there, has already been sacrificed. A survey
was held upon her in November, 1841, and she was condemned as un-
worthy of repairs. The Washington and Franklin, if much longer
neglected, will most assuredly be placad on the same list.

Much interest has recently been shown by the public in floating dry
docks. It is contended that, in many respects, they -possess advantages
over the excavated docks, besides the difference in cost and comparat i vely
very short time required in building ; the latter of these considerations
is ^essential, wiJth reference to saving the ships in Brooklyn. Fears are
enteTtained that they would be lost before the expiration of the six or
eight years required in building an excavated dock. Many gentlemen
of intelligence, whose opinions are entitled to confident reliance, give
the strongest assurance of their belief in the utility, safety, and superior
advantages of floating dry docks, and have recommended the speedy
construction of one at Brodklyu, to raise and repair the Washington- and
Franklin.

It can bs readily conceived that a proposition to construct a dock of
this kind will be received v/ith alarm by those who have not given them
careful investigation. It v.-ill be looked upon by many as an experiment,
and fraught with danger. The idea will present itself, that an attempt
is to be made to raise from their element our ships of war, each weighing
thousands of tons, by the frail and uncertain aid of a wooden machine,
slightly and insecurely constructed. Unsteadhiess, instability, and Nvant
of durability, will at once appear insuperable objections. Upon attain-
ment of knowledge of the principles and practical operation of the

HON, FEilNAXDO WOOD. 113

approved dock, it is confidently asserted, all such fears must vauish.
As in all inventions, when first presented, prejudice is to be combated
and beaten down before acquiescence in their utility or practicability
can be obtained — there are men who, though ietelligent and honest,
appear to be opposed to everything which did not come upon the stage
before themselves, to whom innovations are as revolting as an attempt
to change the Government or revolutionize the social system. As
applicable to improvements in the navy, this hostility has been para-
mount. Inventions of the first merit, promising economy of time and
money, and the addition to existing usages of warfare of great facilities,
have frequently been rejected. No branch of the public service more
requires the application of the production of intellect, and in none is
such obstinate resistance manifest. The world is following progress
in its onward march to the amelioration of the condition and advance-
ment of mankind ; the arts and sciences are being exerted for the
simplification of mysteries which for centuries have slept in night,
and the discoveries of philosophy are spreading their beneficent in-
fluences over every movement of man. The governmental policy of
the powerful of Euroqean nations has been forced into an opposite cur
rent to that in which it ran for ages ; international law is no longer
expounded by the cannon and the sword ; the military tactics of Charles
XII. and of Napoleon, each in their day so formidable and perfect, have
been bettered by improvement ; and even the every-day utensils of hus-
bandry and mechanical tools for the present time would not be recognised
by the original inventors. Mind, in this myriad of diversified applications,
has, with superhuman effort, given birth to a new world, comparative!}^
regenerated and disenthralled from the bigotry and prejudices of the old
world. The navy alone has apparently resisted change. She has nearly
stood still amidst the surrounding advancement. The vast improvements
which commercial enterprise has bestowed upon the merchant marine
have been avoided and decried by those who have had charge of the na-
val marine. It should not be. The efiiciency of the nation's right arm
deserves the benefits of the genius and skill of the world ; not only is it
entitled to all meritorious improvements of our own country, but to
those of any other people.

The present head of the Department has evinced a desire to adopt an
opposite course. Credit is due to him for a disposition to pursue another
policy than tliose who doubt the merit of everything new, and adhere
tenaciously to everything old. He evidently desires to keep pace with

114 LIFE AND PUBLIC ADMINISTEATION OF

the spirit of the age. Several experiments have abeady been made, to
the adaptation of science to useful ends. The recent discoveries of Pro-
fessor Johnson in detecting the Impurities of copper, thus enabling the
Government, as well as individuals, to detect impositions which, it is
reasonable to suppose, have cost many millions, are beyond estimate in
importance. Other experiments have been made, which will prove highly
beneficial to the service.

Floating dry docks have been heretofore but imperfectly understood.
The generally received opinion, that nothing but an old-fashioned exca-
vated or walled dry dock could safely perform the duty of docking and
undocking ships of the larger class, has prevented that attention to
them to which they are so justly entitled. Practical gentlemen have too
often taken it for granted " that they would not answer," refusing a fair
dispassionate, practical test. To this spirit, so prevalent in our naval
service, is chargeable the tenacity with which old ideas and old customs
are rigidly followed.

It is not contended that the principle of docking ships by means of a
floating vessel is entirely new. The general leading feature has been in
use many years ; but it is believed that there have been recently added
to it such guards, checks, securities, facilities, and advantages, as to ren-
der it, in every necessary particular, capable of docking and undocking
the largest vessel of war. In some respects, advantages over the exca-
vated dock are claimed for it by those who understand the principles of
each. These advantages will be enumerated and explained, and it is
thought satisfactorily, to every casual observer.

Among the papers from the Secretary, referred to the committee, is
the report of a commission appointed in October last, to repair to New
York, to examine and witness the performance of the floating dry docks
there, and investigate such plans as should be submitted. The gentle-
men composing it were Capt. Beverly Kennon, United States navy. Col.
Samuel Humphreys, United States chief naval constructor, and Walter
E. Johnson, Esq., professor of mechanics and natural philosophy. It
cannot be disputed that it would have been difficult, if possible, to have
formed a court of investigation with more capacity and sounder judg-
ment. The scientific and practical information necessary to ensure safe
conclusions was here happily blended. Nothing can be hazarded in
yielding to the opinions of this report. The required knowledge, and
that patient investigation which is indispensable in procuring a proper
understanding of a subject so intricate and intimately connected with,

EON. FERNANDO WOOD. 115

^nd depending upon, scientific principles, were laboriously bestowed.
The report is full and conclusive. Seven different plans of floating docks
were presented, though only two were exhibited in practice, which received
minute examination, being subjected to the nicest calculation. Their
comparative advantages and disadvantages went through the ordeal
of severe scrutiny ; and though it was thought but one would answer for
the naval service, the other was pronounced meritorious. They were
the balance floating dry dock of Mr. John S. Gilbert, and the sectional
floating dry dock of Mr. S. D. Dakin.

The operation of docking and undocking the largest class of mer-
chant ships was performed in the presence of the commission — a full
and detailed account of which is given in the report. The comparative
advantages are fully shown. A preference is given to the balance dock,
in the most decided language. Insuperable objections against the other
are enumerated, one of which (viz. : that much greater depth of water
than can be found at the Brooklyn yard will be required for its action)
is enough to put it out of the question, as far as that station is concerned.
The balance dock is free from this difficulty, owing to its construction
upon an entirely different principle^ In it, the ship intended to be
docked is admitted, as in an excavated dock, between the sides ; whereas
with the former, the whole dock must rest under the ship, and conse^-
quently, drawing not only the draught of the vessel, but also of the
dock. As, for instance, if a ship draws twenty-five feet water, and the
dock twenty feet, it will require forty-five feet water to dock her in.
The assertion that floating dry docks have advantages over the exca-
vated dry dock is fully made out by the balance dock.
The objections to excavated docks are —

1st. Want of light and room. They are constructed extremely nar-
row, having but space enough for the vessel. The narrow construction
arises from the necessity of lessening the pressure of water on the gates
and under-side of the bottom, which being computed by the area of the
bottom, will be found immense. This pressure of water is frequently the
cause of accident, and always of unpleasant consequences. Commodore
Stewart, in a communication made to Mr. Paynter, member of the
Naval Committee in 1838, writes that, " owing to this constant pressure
of water upon the gates, they are always leaking, and the water spring-
ing into the dock, and the bottom is kept overflowed and wet, which
requires almost constant pumping for the purpose of draining it off."
It is to obviate this difficulty, by lessening the pressure, that they ai^

lid LIFE AND Public administrai'iox of

built as narrow as the admission of the vessel will aliow. Hence it k
tliat not sufficient light is thrown upon the hull. In clouded days, arti--
ficial light must he introduced, to enable the workmen to perform their
work. It follows, that the quantity as well as the quality of the work
is not as it would be if done under the bright rays of the sun, or if not
restricted from the usual light by high walls. A diminution in quantity
and deterioration in quality must ensue. It may well be a question
whether the enormous expense attending the repairing of vessels of war
has not, in part, been contributed to by this want of light in dry docks;
it is well ascertained that, with artificial light, the caulking of seams and
coppering cannot be as well performed as with the natural light of day.

Another evil, arising from the same cause, is the difficulty in getting
long pieces of timber into the dock, and preparing them for being placed
upon the keel or bottom.

The balance floating dock is without these objections. There is no
necessity for narrow construction or high sides. The pressure of water
is upon all its parts. To give room to workmen, it is made double the
width and much longer than the largest ship to ha enclosed in it — thus
at once securing light, room, air, and effective power.

2d. The health of the workmen. The extreme dampness of an exca--
vated dock is detrimental and sometimes fatal to those engaged in them.
The mechanics are crowded together eleven hours daily, in wet and cold,
and a humid atmosphere. Diseases of a peculiar and serious character
are frequently the result. Floating dry docks are without this evil. In
them the labor is preformed on a dry floor, with good light, and sufficient
ventilation.

3d. The labor in docking a vessel upon the excavated dock is in-
creased as the size and weight of the vessel docked is decreased. Greater
power is necessary to dock the smallest sloop of war than the largest
ship of the line ; which is not the case with the balance dock. AVith the
latter, the reverse is the fact. The smaller the vessel, the less the re-
quired labor and power, and vice versa.

4th. Tliere is less safety in the excavated docks. The gates, being of
wood, are liable to decay, and to be forced open by the pressure against
tlicni, wi.ich is increased by the necessity of constructing them high, to
keep oul extraordinary tides. , The alternate exposure to wet and dry
increases the chances of accident, by decreasing the strength of the
wood of wh'ch they are made. In 1838, the gates of a dock in France
gave way, thereby drowning and killing fifteen persons. Similar acci-

^ HON. FERNANDO WOOD. lit

deiits. destroying, in one instance, eighty persons, are said to have occur-
red in England.

The balance dock is without this objection. As has been seen, there
is no extraordinary pressure upon any part, and what there may be is
equal upon all its parts. The strain which, in the excavated dock, is
brought to bear upon the gates, is borne by it upon the sides and ends,
thus operating as a preventive to accidents, and not inviting them.

5th. The time required to build. It is estimated that from six to
eight years will be required to build an excavated dock, and but as many
months for a balance dock. Upon this point, the report of the commis-
sion properly remarks : '•' If the Government were at war, and had, in
the harbor of New York, several disabled vessels which could not make
their Avay to Norfolk or Charlestown, and the question was the most
speedy method of getting docked, it would doubtless render this consid-
eration important, indei^endeut of the loss of interest or cost between
the commencement or completion of a walled (excavated) dock."

6th. It is stationary. The balance dock could be removed from one
position to another, whenever convenience or safety required. The ad-
vantage of this quality is too obvious to need comment.

7th. Difference in original cost. The estimates for an excavated dock
{at Brooklyn) are from .^900,000 to #1,300.000.

Mr. Gilbert, the inventor and constructor of the balance dock, offers
to contract with the Government to build a dock on the plan, 240 feet
long, 85 feet wide, and 33 feet high, (large enough and with power enough
to raise the ship-of-the-line Pennsylvania,) for $250,000 ; if built inside
of an iron tank, as high as the load line, $260,000 ;. and if all of iron, or
such parts as would be necessary, but little variation from that sum. Of
^course the price would vary according to the size and material of whiqh
it was built. Take $1,100,000 (a medium sum between the estimates
for an excavated dock) as about the cost, and it will be seen that there
will be $850,000 difference in cost of building. The interest on the
<30st of the excavated docl>; would be $66,000 dollars per annum, when
calculated at 6 per cent, and would, in four years, amount to $264,000 —
a greater sura than is required to construct a balance dock. Thus it is
seen one of them could be built every four years for the interest of the
«ost of the excavated dock. It would not take many years to place a
dock at every southern port where they are so much wanted, by the
iipporpriation of merely the interest of. constructing one dry dock on
the old plan. Another consideration, too important to be overlooked,

118 LIFE AND PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION OF

is, that there would be much greater distribution and quantity of laboi!
given to mechanics.

These are the prominent advantages of the balance dock over the exca
vated dock. In sevei^al material points, they are worthy of further dis
cussion and amplification than can be given in this report.

We will now proceed to notice the common supposed objections t(
floating dry docks.

1. They are constructed of perishable materials, and are subject U
decay and accident.

If built in a galvanized wrought-iron tank, as prepared by the com
mission, this objection and its consequences are at once dissipated. Its
durability would be secured ; nor would it require repair — having, in that
particular, an advantage over the excavated dock. The gates of the
latter, being of necessity built of wood, and, as has been stated, alter-
nately exposed to wet and dry, their liability to decay is increased.
Frequent examinations are required ; and, when repaired, it is in some
eases necessary to build a coffer dam, at a heavy expense. No accident
to the hull of the balance dock can effect its stability, or its retention
of upright position — the space between the outer and inner walls beings
divided into small cells. If it were possible to perforate it, the water
would flow over the whole platform, thereby preserving a perfe€t level.

2. A vessel of the first class would be unsafe if for any length of time
in a floating dock.

The fact that the floating dry docks of New York have sustained the
largest merchant ships as long as it could be probable would ever be re-
quired in the navy, is a sufficient reply to this objection. No accident
from this cause^ nor,, indeed, any other, has happened. It is no reply to
say that the danger is increased with the size of the vessel docked. A
floating dock which will lift and sustain one thousand tons will lift and
sustain four thousand tons, provided it is constructed large enough to
admit the vessel, and all its parts are increased in strength in proportion
to its increase of size. Its width is always nearly double that of the
largest ship intended to be docked ; consequently, the effective power
and strength is superior to that which is required to safely sustain any
ship which it is spacious enough to hold. If made of iron, all doubts
upon this point must certainly vanish.

In reply to a letter addressed, to Professor Johnson, since the report of
the commissioners, asking whether, in his opinion, the naked hull of a
ship-of-the-line (having reference to those now at New York) could be

HON, FERNANDO WOOD. 119

• •

safely lifted and sustained in a floating dock, he says : " In reply to the
specific question which you propound, I would say that, if built in a
substantial and workmanlike manner, I see no reason to doubt that a
dock on that (Gilberfs) plan could safely lift and sustain the naked hull
of a ship-of-the-line." He evidently alludes to a wooden dock. If
built of iron, there could be but little, if any, difference between it and
the excavated dock, as to accident and strength.

3. The unsteady position and chances of straining or hogging the
ship whilst in dock.

This objection, however true of floating dry docks generafly, cannot
lie against |he balance dry dock- It is guarded against fully. There is
a perfect adaptation of the line of keel blocks to the line of the keel of
the vessel, which gives it an unyielding and firm support. It has a coun-
terpoise to the weight of the ship, which is distributed over the whole
platform.

The large area of water covered by the length, width, and weight of
the dock keep the whole in an immovable position. The one now in
the Hudson river, at New York, lying in the most exposed part of the
harbor, where severe northwestern winds prevail three months in the
year, has never met with hinderance or accident to either dock or vessel.

If the advantages claimed for the balance dry dock rested upon no
other basis than theory, or its operation by a model, it would be temer-
ity to recommend one for the Government. The value of a vessel of
war, or, indeed, the cost of the dock, would be too great to intrust to
the hazard of an experiment. However urgent may be the necessity,
New York had better remain without a dock than to adopt one which,
if failing, loss of property so great would ensue. It could not aid the
cause of progress and improvement to adopt any plan of dock as a sub-
stitute, or even auxiliary to a dry dock, which would not entirely an-
swer the purpose. An experiment is not made in constructing a balance
dock. It is already in successful operation -at New York for 1,500 tons,
and at Amsterdam for 4,000 tons.

The Dutch East India Company paid 12,000 guilders for simply the
model and drawings from which (so simple are its principles) it was con-
structed. At the latest intelligence, this dock was efiBciently performing
its duty, and no accident had occured. Its lifting power, being 4,000
tons, is nearly 1,000 greater than the ship-of-the-line Pennsylvania, and
more than the Secretary tells us will be required, owing to the intention
of the Department to dismantle before docking.

120 LIFE AND PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION OP

The Austrian Government has also made application to Mr. Gilbert,
Baron Ghega, chief engineer of Austria, in behalf of his Government,
after examining all the means in use in raising vessels in Europe and
America, gave the preference to this plan, and made official report to
that effect.

After mature deliberation, and a review of the many considerations to
be weighed in arriviag at correct conclusions, the committee recommend
that the existing appropriation of one hundred thousand dollars, voted
at the last session towards the building at Brooklyn of a dry dock, or-
floating dock, according to the discretion of the Secretary, be applied
to the construction of a balance floating dry dock, and rei:^rt a joint
resolution to that effect.

SECOXD PROCLAMATION ON THE NEW LIQUOE LAW.

After the preceding pages were stereotyped, the followiDg im-
portant proclamation in reference to the new Liquor Law, was is-
sued by Mayor Wood, to the citizens of New York : —

Mayor's office. New York, )
April 27, 1855. [

My late communication to the people of this city respecting the Pro-
hibitory Liquor Law, recently passed by the Legislature, closed as fol-
lows : —

" I have availed myself of the first moment of the Legislature, when
,,£itll expectations of repeal, or modification, were hopeless. To thus make
public my position, without having had time to examine it, or to receive
counsel as to my duties under it, and without knowing whether I am
called upon, or have power, as Mayor, to take any part in its Execution,
I shall inform myself on these points without delay, and announce my
conclusion to the public with the same candor that prompts this com-
munication."

The opinions of my legal advisers are before the public, and their con-
clusions need but brief reiteration at my hands. In my capacity as
Mayor, the Corporation Council is by the Charter constituted my guide ;
in my functions as Magistrate, the District Attorney becomes my co-op-
erator. These gentlemen sustain the same relations to me as are held by
Attorney Generals to the President, or the Governor. To act contrary

HON. FERNANDO WOOD. 121

to their direction, until it is superseded by absolute judicial declaration,
would be an illegal assumption, for doubtful powers are thus made cer-
tain. I have no discretion to take any other line of conduct, without
doing what could be properly charged as an illegal assumption of power
unauthorized by law. Therefore, while standing ever ready to execute
all laws faithfully and diligently, to the extfent of the means placed at
my command, I am, like other Executive officers, confined within the
boundaries prescribed by the legal advisers of my office ; to act contrary
would be to violate the law, or what I am obliged to consider the law,
until decided to be otherwise by the courts.

The replymade by Mr. Hall, the District Attorney, is dated three
days succeeding the publication of my views ; that of Mr. Dillon is da-
ted the following day. My inquiry to Mr. Hall was confined to what
would be the law governing the sale of liquor in this city after the ex-
piration of existing licenses (May 1st) until July 4th, when the penalties
of prohibition will go into effect, and as to the laws governing Sunday
selling during the same period. He replied that the old license system
is superseded by the new, with its own appropriate penalties ; that the
old penalties were not only specific to the old system, but are inap-
plicable to the new system, as well because jDcnalties cannot be extend-
ed by implication as because the new system had its own specific pen-
alties ; that by an oversight of the Legislature, the new penalties are
superseded until that part of the act creating them becomes operative ;
that from May first, when existing licenses expire, until July 4th, no ob-
stacle exists to the free sale of liquor in this city, and that it can be
sold the same as any other commodity ; and that for Sunday selling
there is no penalty save the old civil penalty of two dollars and fifty
cents for a whole day's traffic, and which is to be prosecuted and col-
lected in a civil action by the Corporation Attorney.

The inquiries to Mr. Dillon were more general, applying to the whole
scope of the Prohibitory section.

In reply, he says, that the Mayor is not empowered to hear and deter-
mine the charges, and punish offenses, arising under any part of its pro-
visions. That the Mayor is not authorized to perform any other duty
under the act, than to require policemen to perform the duties enjoined
upon them, but that, in his direction to the police, he must caution them
against any infraction of that section of the law which declares it shall
not apply to liquors, the right to sell which in this State is given by any
law or treaty of the United States, and which are exempt from seizure,

122 LIFE AND PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION OF

for the selling of which there is no penalty, and that policemen will not
be warranted in seizing such liquors, or the vessels in which they are
contained. The Council more particulai'ly describes these liquors as
being all those which are permitted to be imported by act of Congress, viz.
— which pay duty ; thus comprehending all that are imported. He also
thinks that the Mayor has been appropriately advised by the District
Attorney on other branches of the law before referred to.

And now an experiment is to be tried in this city, whether, in the ab-
sence of legal compulsory authority, there is sufficient moral force in the
community to prevent unlimited indulgence in intoxicating drinks.
Under these opinions of the law officers, the coercive principle re-
cently adopted by the Legistature being in effect almost entirely nulli-
fied, shall we by general license and unbridled indulgence prove that co-
ercion is necessary ? Shall we thus admit the force of the prohibitory
argument by showing our inability of 'self-restraint, our incompetency
for social self-government ? If so disqualified, we are totally unfit for
the blessing of political self-government.

It is unnecessary to descant upon the evils of intemperance. Its re-
sults are too indelibly stamped upon the condition of a very large por-
tion of this community, to require any allusion from me. Any man who
walks abroad, or who visits the garrets and cellars of this metropolis,
filled with indigence, wretchedness and disease, or who takes a glance
into our prisons, hospitals or Alms House, will be more or less than man
if he does not turn away with a painful and humiliating consciousness of
the crime, misery, and degradation to which alcohol reduces all who
yield to its temptation. Nor is it here alone where the sad results are
exhibited. The same developments aro often found among the opulent,
the educated, and the refined, and can we be surprised that, as the phi-
lanthropist surveys this dreadful, but not over-colored picture, he should
resort to remedies as violent as the evil sought to be removed appears
extreme and destructive ?

I apprehend all will agree with me in the existence of this great in-
jury to society in our midst, and let us so restrain ourselves by moral
force alone, that penal enactments may be unnecessary to enforce its
prohibition. The best coercion is voluntary determination. The human
will should have force enough to counteract the social evils of this kind
of over-ndulgence. When the mental has become subservient to the
animal propensities, all distinctions from the brute are removed, and man
is debased indeed.

HON. FERNANDO WOOD. 123

And especially with reference to the Sabbath, let us imnite these princi-
ples, with a reverence for a day hallowed and blest by divine institutions
throughout the civilized world. Do not again place that day in jeop-
ardy ! It ha^ been my constant effort to give New York quiet, peace-
ful Sabbaths, consistent with the calmness and devotion which char-
acterize a time dedicated to such sacred objects. The closing of the
liquor shops, and it may be said almost total abstinence, has been ob-
tained. A disposition has been manifested to comply with my wishes
and with the law, in this matter, highly creditable to those engaged in
the trade, and which in no small degree has served to allay much hos-
tility to the traffic generally, besides raising the moral position of the
trade itself.

Though I look into the future with some fear in view of my present
restricted legal power over this subject, still there shall be no change in
my efforts to maintain intact the present cessation of liquor selling and
other employments on that day ; and in this the liquor dealers them-
selves should continue to co-operate; It is their duty as well as their
interest to comply. Even those who defend the occupation as an ab-
stract, inherent right to deal in any article of merchandize, cannot but
admit that none but the evil-minded, who are not creditable members of
any profession or society, can maintain a position so antagonistiq to
public sentiment and morals. I look upon liquor selling upon the Sab-
bath day as a degrading occupation, from which any man, as he values
his reputation, should fly as from a contagion.

Let me urge, therefore, upon all, to show that the citizens of New-
York have within their own breasts a higher law, which governs their
appetites without penal punishments, and that having tasted the sweets
of the quiet Sabbath — of one day's rest and repose from the toils, strifes,
and wickedness of the weekly contests incident to city life — we will not
again relax into what is little better than bestial indulgence, on- a day
devoted, throughout the Christian world, to the worship of the " only
true and ever-living God."

FEENANDO WOOD.

124

LIFE AND PUBLIC ADIIIXISTRATION OF

LETTER ADDRESSED TO HENRY J. RAYMOND,

ON THE

POLICE BILL BEFORE THE LEGISLATUEE OF TP STATE OF
i\EW YORK,

EXPRESSING AN OPINION ADVERSE TO ITS PASSAGE.

Mayor's Office, New-York, March 5, 1855.
To the Lieut. Governor of the State of Xew-York :

Dear Sra : In the first message submitted by me to the Common Conncil of this City, I
animadverted upon the continual application of interested parties to the Legislature for
the passage of laws affecting our public interests.

In your position, and with your experience in either branch of the Legislature, it is im-
possible that this practice has not attracted your notice, and, of course, received your
condemnation. Believing you will appreciate the motive.s which govern me, in offering
views upon matters of legislation, when this City is interested, I take the liberty of ex-
pressing hostility to the bill now before the Assembly for the alteration of our police
system, which is one of a series of measures now proposed, having their origin in per-
sonal interest rather than public advantage. It would be derelict in me, if, from any
cause, I permitted this proposition to succeed, without raising a warning voice against it.

Having assumed the oiBce of Mayor with a determination to discharge its duties with
a single eye to the public interests, it is impossible for me to remain indifferent to a pro-
position which, if passed, will striiie the death-blow to all my efforts, however feeble, to
remove the shocking evils which have grown out of past misgovernment. Though op-
posed to granting special acts for the benefit of individuals or classes, I am willing to yield
almost everything before giving up the only safeguard we possess for the preservation of
the peace and the property and the lives of our people. Give up all, but give us the po-
lice. The police, as now organized under its present system, is efficient. As a whole, it
not only seconds my efforts, but it has been the main instrument by which nearlj^ every
reform projected by me has been carried through. The closing of the liquor shops on
the Sabbath has been principally produced by the vigilance of the police in obedience to
my orders. To fully comprehend the results of this triumph over one of the greatest
sources of vice ami crime in this city, it is only necessary to refer to the number of ar-
rests on the Sabbath in 18-54 as compared with the arrests on the same day thus far
in 1855.

The following tabular statement, from official records, is reliable :

ARRESTS ox SUNDAYS, 1854.

Jan. 1 206 Apr. 2 76 , July

Feb.

Mar.

Jan.

1

206

8

63

15

83

22

85

29

70

5

131

12

131

19^

112

26*

77

5

97

12

140

19

100

26

116

7

5S

14

65

May

112
71
124
133
141
136
136
121
160
139
130
141

9

« 16
" 23
" 30
Aug. 6
" 13
" 20
" 27
3
10
17
24

Sept.

Oct.

ARRESTS ON SUNDAYS, 1S55.

Jan.

162
180
143
13-2
117
164
149
184
138
168
112
126
146

38 I Feb.

1

95

8

127

15

123

92

120

29

118

5

105

12

56

19

133

26

no

3

71

10

87

17

103

24

78

31

112

18

60

25

47

HOX. FERNANDO WOOD. 125

By this It will appear that in the first eight Sabbaths of 1854 the ai-rests were 878 aa
against 338 for the same period in 1855. To appreciate this, under my administration, the
iticreased vigilance and activity of the Police must be considered. If, with the lux disci-
pline existing in January and February, 1854, there were arrested on the Sundays in
those months 878 offenders, what would there have been under the new reguhitions ami
more stringent administration now existing ? But if from any supposed cause other
reasons can be found than the closing of the public houses, for so great a difference be-
tween the two years, refer to the eight Sundays immediately preceding the commence-
ment of my term, and it will be seen that the arrests were 855 in November and Decem-
ber 1854, and only, as before stated, 338 for the two following months— January and Feb-
ruary, 1855. Comment on these figures is unnecessary. The obvious deductions are,
that the abolition of liquoi'-selling on Sunday, together with the present improved condi-
tion of the Police, are productive of morality and destructive of disorder, vice and crime ;
abd these results have been mainly effected through the extreme devotiou of the Police
to my orders, and this devotion to my orders is the consequence of its present discipline,
produced by the unrestricted power I now hold over it.

Other similiar reforms have been effected in the same manner, the consequence of the
same cause ; but this is suflBcient to show conclusively that the police, as now organized
and controlled, is rapidly improving, and will soon become second to no similar corps in
the world, which is not directly under military rule. This improvement has been accom-
plished under the present system, which, though not perfect, is far preferable to that
now before the Legislature.

That bill proposes that there shall be elected by the people four Commissioners of Police,
■who, with the Mayor, ex officio, shall constitute a Board to sit daily in a room to be pro-
vided by the Common Council, and, of course, at an hour when the Mayor cannot be
present, and who shall, through a President to be selected by themselves, from their
own number, have full and unrestricted cqntrol over the whole department, even to the issu-
ing of orders, notices, &c., to the police.

The Commissioners are to be elected by the people. It will not do to assume that the
members of the Legislature are ignorant of the mode of conducting our primary elections
in this city, by dwelling upon the objections to this way of making Commissioners who are
to be clothed with the important power of appointing, trying, punishing and removing
policemen, in whose hands are placed the custody of the peace, order, property and
lives of nearly three-quarters of a million of inhabitants. There Are some propositions
BO evident, that no argument or statements are required to elucidate them : that a po-
lice system founded upon this principle, deriving its appointment from this source, will
he destructive to every semblance of what constitutes police, is one of these. But ad-
mitting the elective principle without objection, the withdrawal of power from the
Mayor, contemplated by the bill, consot be defended.

The scattering of authority among Fire Couimissioners, is of itself bad enough, inas-
much as it destroys that unity of executive authority, without which no good govern-
ment can exist in this city, with its present hybrid population ; but to take from the
chiff magistrate, whose duty it is made to see the laws executed and who is responsible
to the people, control over the police, is, if poss ble, yet worse.

It is true the bill contains one section that the Mayor shall be " Head of the Police De-
partment," but this is a contemptible falsehood, unworthy of a place in any statute.
To declare that any ofi&cer shall be the head of a department, when deprived by another
section of everything that constitutes authority over it, is as absurd in theory as it is in-
sulting to tlie common sense of the people, who it thus seeks to deceive into a behef of
Its possible practicability.

So far, I have made myself useful in the office of Mayor. Mj success in removing

126 LIFE AND PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION OF HON. F. WOOD.

many evils, and in the introduction of reforms of great benefit has exceeded my expec-
tations.

I desire to go en unmolested and unrestricted in the use of the weapons by which
crime has been punished, vice prevented, and municipal abuses abolished. When these are
taken from me, my usefulness is destroyed. Without tools, no mnchanic can construct,
and without a police, no magistrate can perform his duty.

Pass this bill, and the liquor shops will soon "be again opened on Sunday, and aU the
other evils which have so long affected us, and from which we are now happil}'^ being re-
Ueved, will soon be restored, and render this great and beautiful city a disgrace to the
American name.

When this comes, the people must find some other occupant for the Mayoralty chair.
I shall cease to hold it when deprived of the means to carry out the reforms which' I
have begun, and, so far, have been successful in accompUshing.

My personal allusions herein have been forced upon me, in a fair discussion of the
subject, and not in any desire of 'self-glorification, or with any assumption or egotism.

I ask your co-operation in defeating a measure .so pregnant with evil to this community,
in whose welfare and prosperity you have so long taken an active and influential part.
I am, very truly, yours,

FERNANDO WOOD, Mayor.

We have in our possession many other documents, inchiding the
Mayor's yeto of the Central Park — letters to U. S. Consuls in
Europe — to the Police in respect to the Suppression of Intempe-
rance on the Sabbath and other subjects — a flattering communica-
tion which he has received, requesting him to be a candidate for
■ the Presidency of the United States, and his letter declining the
honor — and other important papers, which we reluctantly omit, as
they would swell the volume far beyond what we anticipated as
a book intended for wide circulation.